cH oS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

SS67X

NH LE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM

Volume 56 ~~ Band

July 1971 Julie

Part 6 Deel

ASPECTS OF THE ECONOMIC LIFE

OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO

BUSHMAN GROUPS

By

H. P. STEYN

Cape Town Kaapstad

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ASPECTS OF THE ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME

NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS

By

H. P. STEYN

South African Museum, Cape Town*

(With plates 5-19, 6 figures and 2 maps)

[MS. accepted 7 Fanuary 1971]

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction . : p : ‘ . : d 2770)

Orthography . 4 : : : : : 277.0

Settlements and dais life

The village : 3 : 6 ; ; : e279

Daily activities . : : : : 5 : 6 eheia)

Fire . , : ; : j a 282

Preparation and eating of food : : 6 ; a Rae}

Meals ‘ F : : : : : é . 286

Skin-working . : : : 3 2 237

Skin bags for purposes of sein : : : ; . 288

Dress and ornament

Men’s clothing . : : ; : 5 ‘ 6 | AXON

Women’s clothing : f : ; : ; 208

Children’s clothing . ‘ : : : : 292

Ornament 3 : : : ; : é 293

Subsistence

Hunting

Animal resources and their utilization . : : 294.

Hunting equipment

Bows . : é : : g : E27)

Arrows : : : : ° ; a 209

Quivers ; : 3 { : ; 300

Springhare-hooks . 5 : : : Sor

Clubs . : : ; : : : ig O2

Spears . j é : : ; : 5 OR

Rope snares . : ‘ 2 : ; 303

Metal traps . F 5 : : 5 || BYO)R}

Influence of metal ED - : : : . 306

Practices ensuring hunting success 6 : sO,

Butchering, transporting and sharing meat : 2) 308

Gathering of plant foods

Plant resources. 3 : : : ; e309

Equipment

Skin cloaks F ; ; ; : E 5 Bei

Carrying nets 4 : ; : : : nS TAT

Digging sticks . : . : ; i a) iu

Skin bags . ‘ : ; : ; : >. Big

Quest for water

Water storage . 313

Water scarcity and its peacine on food-getting anit

(HE 6 5 : 5 BG

Primary and cesar ueskiniee: areas 5 oi Bie

Trading at stores : F : : ‘ , ; BA ABN

* Present address: University of Zululand, Kwa-Dlangezwa, Natal.

273

Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 56 (6), 1971: 275-322, 15 pls, 6 figs. 2 maps.

276 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Economic interaction between Nharo and Bantu

Trapping agreements ‘ : d : 5) BiG)

Ownership and inheritance of property : : ‘ 320

Summary : ‘ : 5 ‘ : : 5° BRI

Acknowledgements . : : ; y . : 5 Gai

References : : : : : . : : 41) GOP

INTRODUCTION

The Nharo Bushmen, the subject of this paper, number an estimated

2 500-3 000 and are distributed over an area of more than 38 500 square kilo-

metres (15 000 square miles) (Map 1) stretching from the eastern farms of the

Gobabis district (South West Africa) to east of Ghanzi (Botswana) and from

north of Dekar southwards to Lone ‘Tree Pan and westwards to Kuli in the

south-west (Map 2).

Map t. Shaded area indicates position of Nharo.

The Nharo are in contact with various other Bushman groups. In the

northern and north-western areas, which include the Ghanzi and Kanaxas

farms, they are in contact with the #au-//ei; in the south-east and south-west

at centres like Okwa, Takatswane and Kuli they meet the /k6; while at Lone

Tree, Takatswane, Okwa, Hanahai and on the Ghanzi farms they are also in

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIG NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 277

contact with the G/wi. On the eastern Ghanzi farms intensive contact occurs

with various groups, including G//ana, Tsao, Tsere and others. Contact away

from the farms is rather sporadic and usually takes place during spring and early

summer when veld groups are forced to the waterholes by a lack of water-

bearing plants and other veldkos (plant foods).

On the whole, the Nharo is by Kalahari standards an advancedly accul-

turated Bushman group. This can largely be attributed to two factors, namely

the establishment of farms on or near areas earlier occupied by Nharo, and the

Bantu settlements at the permanent waterholes in the area.

SOUTH WEST AFRICA

Epukiro Reserve

Peay Hse3eteastatitt2s3

SAUTE

Vamenta ssh AT eStaE

raat Se retgaststett

ed aa seesthitaes

3 ig 1H

#8-Takatswa ne

Lone Tree®

Aminuis

Reserve Kilometres

The approximate distribution of the

Nharo.

Farming areas:-

(1) Ghanzi farms.

(2) Kanaxas farms.

(3) Eastern Gobabis district.

Map. 2. Distribution of Nharo in relation to farming areas.

The farms represent the more intensive influence and today there are three

farming areas which directly influence the Nharo. These are the Ghanzi block,

the Kanaxas block and the farms of the eastern Gobabis district (Map 2). The

278 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

pattern of transition resulting from this contact shows three broad categories

among the Nharo:

(1) Those living largely permanently on the farms.

(2) ‘Those who live in the veld if conditions permit, who periodically associate

with Bantu at the waterholes during times of scarcity.

(3) Those not permanently associated with the Bushmen in either of these

categories, who may squat on the farms, visiting relatives and friends

and go hunting in the veld seasonally.

There are among the Nharo no full-time hunters and gatherers left. This

paper describes the economic life of Nharo living seasonally near Kalkfontein,

Hanahai and Kuli in the Ghanzi district of Botswana. Although the material

presented here was gathered at all three of these centres, the major source of

information was supplied by a community study of a Kalkfontein band.

Due to its customary use in the description of Bushman group structure,

the term ‘band’ has been retained. For purposes of this paper it simply means a

group of Nharo living together. ‘Bands’ are rather fluid units that regularly

break up during times of scarcity, with their members (or at least some) regroup-

ing during better seasons. ‘Though usually having a kinship basis, the factor of

friendship also plays an important role in bringing people together. Due to

intermarriage some Nharo bands even have /k6 members (though Nharo-

speaking), while a Nharo family was found included in a G/wi band on the

basis of friendship alone. Nharo bands also lack central authorities, and though

bands have areas in the veld which they consider to be their hunting territories,

boundaries are non-existent, as is territorial defence. /K6 Bushmen were often

found living in areas where the author had found Nharo on previous visits. The

Nharo described these /k6 as ‘friends’ and said that they did not mind their

presence in the area, provided that the /k6 hunted towards another side and

did not build their village near them. In such cases they often visit each other.

These Bushmen hunt and gather seasonally, coming from the veld during

times when water-bearing plant foods are scarce, to live in economic association

with Bantu (mainly with Kgalagadi but also with Herero and Tswana) at the

waterholes until the next rainy season permits them to return to the veld.

This study has what can be termed a ‘technological approach’. In the

author’s opinion material objects, however, are dead things if not viewed against

the background of their function in a specific society. This paper, therefore, is

an attempt to present an account of the way in which material possessions are

used, and their function in the economic life of these Bushmen.

Two important points should be noted in connection with Nharo tech-

nology. Firstly, the lack of specialization must be mentioned. Though some

Bushmen are better craftsmen than others, each man or woman is responsible

for the manufacture of his or her own household utensils and subsistence

equipment. The men, however, manufacture the majority of objects. Secondly,

the multi-purpose utilization of material objects should be noted. A skin cloak,

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 279

for instance, is not only used as a garment but also as a collecting bag, as a

blanket and as a carrier in transporting wood and thatching grass. Due to the

same principle, a digging stick is not only used for digging, but also as a club,

as a haft for blades used in woodworking, and can even be used as a ‘donkey’

by children who ride them in their games. As single items of equipment are

used for several purposes it cuts down on the quantity of material holdings. The

wider the use of items of equipment, the less they have to carry. ‘The practice

of borrowing freely and lending among members of a band further contributes

to their mobility.

ORTHOGRAPHY

The Nharo language has 4 clicks, symbolized as follows: the dental (/),

the lateral (//), the alveolar-palatal (/) and the alveolar (¥#).

In Nharo, gender is denoted by noun-suffixes, being -ba (masculine)

and -sa or -sha (feminine) in the singular. In this paper the plural suffix -dzi

is also sometimes used.

The symbol (~) above vowels denotes that they are nasalized, e.g. hékxusha

(wooden mortar). A short pause is represented by the symbol (-), as in g/o-hiba

(springhare-hook), n//o-/wasa (small quiver), etc.

SETTLEMENTS AND DAILY LIFE IN THE VILLAGE

THE VILLAGE

The layout of the Nharo village (//aisha)* is in accordance with the typical

Bushman pattern of grass huts or wind-breaks clustered closely together.

The general choice of a site depends on various factors, the most important

being the presence of game and veldkos in the area. In the selected locality the

placement of huts depends on such factors as the availability of firewood,

thatching grass, shady trees and the presence of ticks.

Huts are usually not built under trees in which a certain tree parasite

(Loranthaceae) is found, as it is believed to cause illness.

The village consists of several shelters built by the women, each woman

being responsible for the building of a hut for her family. To ease the task of the

women, who also might have to collect veldkos at the same time, men some-

times assist in cutting branches and collecting thatching grass. There is no

fixed pattern of village layout. Normally, however, kinsmen like brothers live

near to each other, while old people, often living alone, build their huts slightly

away from the others. The Nharo hut (n/u-sa) is usually a crude structure made

of branches which are planted in a semicircle with the ends 25-30 cm into the

ground. The top ends are woven together and smaller branches added thus

forming a dome-shaped framework with a large opening. To strengthen the

structure, branches are sometimes bound together with thong, bark strips or

pieces of rag. The structure is then thatched with grass. If grass is gathered only

* Also called n/u-dzi; lit.— ‘huts’.

280 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

gradually because of scarcity, the structure is sometimes temporarily covered

with sleeping-skins or blankets. When rain or a cold wind comes from a specific

direction, the opening of the hut is changed by using material on the down-wind

side of the hut to close the opening facing the wind.

The size of the huts varies in accordance with the number of occupants.

The average hut-diameter is about 2 m and the height about 1-5 m. Old people

living alone have much smaller huts. Huts usually face towards the east, thus

enabling the Bushmen to utilize the early morning sun during the winter and

to obtain shade in the heat of the midday and afternoon.

Nharo living in a more permanent association with Bantu build more

permanent huts having a smaller opening, sometimes with a door. Nomadic

groups, on the other hand, sometimes do not build huts at all during their

temporary stay near the water, but simply camp under the trees. A few branches

are sometimes dragged under the tree and arranged in a rough semicircular

structure which is thatched with grass, thus forming a low windbreak without

any overhead protection. This type of shelter is not normally made during

the rainy season or midwinter with its cold nights, but usually only when the

Bushmen know that their stay will not be long enough to justify the building

of huts.

Although a hut symbolizes the accommodation of a family or person,

it is not necessarily the place where a person spends most of his time. The hut

is primarily a sleeping-place and a shelter and not so much a living-place.

Most activities are performed under the trees or in front of the hut next to the

fire, rather than inside the hut.

The hut is also the storage place for most of the material holdings of its

occupants. Digging sticks, bows, quivers and spears are usually tucked into the

thatch, while skin bags are hooked on to branches which form the roof of the hut.

Water containers like tins and ostrich eggshells, and other domestic equipment

such as iron pots, tins, mugs, axes, ash-scrapers, whetstones, mortars and pestles,

etc., are placed on the ground against the walls of the hut.

Huts are usually occupied by a man, his wife and their young children.

When children reach an age of 8-10 years they leave the hut of their parents

to sleep in their own smaller huts, built by their mother near that of their

parents. In accordance with the incest prohibition brothers and sisters have

separate huts. The younger children live with their parents. It should be

mentioned here that among the Nharo, children reaching an age of 8-10 years

often go and live with certain relatives for some time. This stay should preferably

be with one of the grandparents, if they do not live too far. Otherwise they will

stay with their father’s elder brother or with their mother’s elder sister. In such

cases regular visits take place between parents and children.

DAILY ACTIVITIES

The Bushmen rise early and at first light individuals can be seen blowing

the embers and building the fires. Gradually others join them and at sunrise

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 281

small circles of Bushmen huddle round different fires in the werft (settlement).

The men going on hunting and trapping activities usually do not leave the

werft before 9-10 a.m., and the first part of the morning is devoted to the

planning of the day’s activities, eating, talking, and repair and maintenance of

equipment. The game is therefore left undisturbed during the early part of the

morning, thus heightening the possibility of success in trapping.

The time spent on hunting and gathering per day depends largely on the

success of the day’s venture. The more successful the men are, in other words,

the larger the animal trapped, the later they will return. This is because the

larger antelopes (wildebeest, hartebeest, etc.) flee much further when trapped

than the smaller animals (steenbok, duiker, springbok, etc.) and the men there-

fore often only return at sunset. Although men are sometimes forced to sleep in

the veld for fear of losing a trap or the caught animal to predatory animals, it is

extremely rare. Women on the other hand return later if they are less success-

ful in gathering because they have to walk further. Normally, however, they

return in the early afternoon.

Hunting and gathering activities are regularly alternated with periods of

economic inactivity. As the periods of rest and activity among the various

members of the group do not necessarily coincide, the village is never com-

pletely deserted during the day.

The typical daily activities of Bushmen in the village can be described as

follows: The early morning is spent socially round the fire with others. Gradually

these gatherings start to break up as people busy themselves with tasks of a

personal nature. Men may scrape and cure skins, repair metal traps and trap

discs, sharpen scrapers or spears, cut digging sticks, repair skin bags and cloaks

with an awl and sinew, play musical instruments, roll fibre into a rope to be

used for making snares, scratch thorns from the soles of their feet, sleep in the

shade or lie talking idly. If tobacco is available, talking and smoking are

synonymous, the pipe being passed round the circle, including women and

the older children.

Various types of metal pipes are in use. Often found among Bushmen who

have been in contact with farm Bushmen is the type made from a length of the

standard 1-90 cm (# inch) and 2:54 cm (1 inch) water pipe, 10-18 cm in length

(Plate 5). Another type is made by cutting off the heads of both a medium

and a heavy calibre cartridge case and pressing the two cases into each other,

thus having a thinner tube with a wider bowl. Also common are pipes made

from discarded food tins (Plate 6). A length of wood is cut in a conical shape

and a piece of tin folded tightly around it. Where the two edges meet they are

folded and securely riveted. The wood is then simply pulled out. Metal pipes

are usually decorated with lines and triangular designs filed round the bowl

rim. Although some bone pipes (preferably made from the thigh-bone of a

springbok) are still in use, they are not commonly found. As all the pipes used

by the Nharo have wide stems, a small plug of bird’s nest material is placed in

the mouthpiece, thus acting as a filter and preventing the tobacco from falling

282 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

out. After smoking, the bowl of the pipe is stuck into the sand to prevent further

smouldering, thus saving tobacco.

Women not going out on collecting trips may keep themselves busy making

ostrich eggshell beads, repairing their possessions, decorating skin bags and

clothes with beads or doing their toilet. While lying on the ground talking they

also look for insects in their skin garments, etc. For the greater part of the day,

however, they must give attention to food preparation, and the pounding of

mortars can be heard all day. The principal task for women during the late

afternoon is the gathering of firewood for the night.

Children staying in the village pass the day with games and tree climbing,

build miniature huts with little fires in front, roast birds the boys have killed

and swing themselves on a thong fastened to the branch of a tree. They may also

pound melon seeds or meat for themselves, imitate the dances and clapping of

the adults and sleep in the shade when they are tired. They often join their

parents round the fire, listening to their conversation.

At sunset the huts are swept by the women, using branches or bushes. The

sleeping-skins are then taken from the trees where they are stacked during the

day and spread out in the huts. As a rule the Bushmen go to sleep early if they

do not have something specific to do such as dancing or entertaining visitors,

or if meat was brought into the village during the afternoon, or they have some

delicacy, such as coffee, to be cooked. A minimum of bedding is used. Grass

mattresses are used by way of exception. As a rule only a special sleeping-skin—

often made of goat, springbok or duiker skin—with the hair left on it, is used to

sleep upon. These skins are spread on the sandy floor of the hut but with the

hairy side upwards. If it is cold the Bushmen cover themselves with the skin

cloak (gwasha) and old blankets; the latter are in great demand and are obtained

by buying and bartering. Besides this the small fire, kindled in the entrance of

the hut and kept burning during cold nights, aids considerably in warming the

hut. Dogs therefore often sleep next to their masters near the fire. The Bushmen

sleep with their feet towards the fire. There are, however, no fixed rules con-

cerning the sleeping positions of members of the family in relation to each other.

A woman can sleep on either side of her husband, while the children can sleep

on any side. Normally though, boys would sleep on the father’s side and girls on

the mother’s side. If there is a baby, the man and his wife are supposed to sleep

away from each other on opposite sides of the hut, as sexual intercourse is

prohibited until the baby can walk. A man also has to sleep away from his wife

during her menstruation but this rule does not apply to the children, who are

allowed to sleep near their mother.

FIRE

Fires are made in front of huts, about a metre from the entrance. This

prevents the hut from catching fire and leaves enough space for people to

gather in a circle around the fire. During cold nights a small fire is kindled in

the entrance of the hut. Even when large quantities of dry wood are available

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 283

fires are kept relatively small, allowing people to sit in small closed circles

around the fire. Fires are the central points for social intercourse and, save for

the hottest part of the day, Bushmen can be found squatting around fires, cook-

ing, talking and smoking.

The gathering of wood: is the task of women, though men often assist.

Women usually carry wood with the aid of skin cloaks which are folded around

the wood.

Nowadays fires are usually kindled with tinder-boxes which are bought at

the shop or traded. A piece of fungus is powdered and put into the tinder-box

as it starts smouldering rapidly when sparks, resulting from a piece of metal

being hit with a flint, are directed into it. The smouldering bit of fungus is then

scratched out, put under soft grass and blown to kindle the fire. Cheap ciga-

rette-lighters are also in circulation among the Nharo, while matches are in

big demand.

Though it has fallen largely into disuse because of the ease of starting a fire

with the aids mentioned above, the method of fire-drilling is still practised. The

end of a length of hard wood is put in a shallow hole in a length of softer wood

which is kept flat on the ground with a foot. The hard stick is then twirled with

the hands. A second man often assists in this to speed up the process. The

friction causes the forming of smouldering powder which is put under soft

grass and blown.

After the first fires in a new werft are kindled others are started by taking

a burning stick from an existing fire. Bushmen leaving the werft on hunting

trips cover embers with ash to keep them smouldering. On their return the

embers are fanned with small bundles of bustard feathers tied together with a

thong. When putting wood on fires, care is taken not to burn the burrs formed

by a tree parasite (Loranthaceae) found on certain acacia trees. The burning

of this wood, called //a-/udisa, is taboo* and the Nharo believe that the burning

of this wood would result in large sores on the body of the guilty person and

might even cause his death.

PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD

If meat is available and has been shared, the Bushmen immediately start

to prepare it. Large pieces of meat are cut into strips and hung in trees to dry.

Except dried meat (biltong) which is eaten raw, all meat is cooked or baked.

Meat is cooked in pots or metal containers which are traded from the

Bantu or bought at the shop. Meat may be cooked with water or with pieces

of tsamma melon which gives off water when cooked. More often, though, meat

is baked under hot ashes next to the fire as this does not dry out the meat. When

* This probably has a connection with a similar taboo among the neighbouring Kgalagadi.

The Kgalagadi, however, believe that the burning of the wood may be a possible cause of strife

and quarrelling. Should it be known that someone has violated this restriction and a fight in

which someone was injured followed, the culprit would be liable to a fine imposed by the kgotla.

284 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

the strips of meat are cooked, they are removed and the ashes and sand beaten

off them with a stick. A digging stick is often used for this purpose.

Though the Bushmen prefer salted meat, they rarely have salt.

As very little goes to waste, even the heads of most animals are also baked

and eaten. Strips of skin of the larger antelopes, usually wildebeest and gemsbok,

are sometimes roasted and stored for later use. A case has been observed where

pieces of gemsbok skin, which were discarded at the site of the butchering, were

collected three days later because subsequent hunting and trapping proved to

be unsuccessful. The meat of some of the smaller animals is baked in special

ways. Porcupines for instance, are covered with grass which is burnt to singe

the hair. (The quills are removed immediately after the animal is killed.) After

this the porcupine is baked whole in the hot ashes of a large fire which is made

in a shallow trench to one side of the huts. Jackals are baked in a similar way,

but as their skins have been removed, they are wrapped in grass which is tied

round them with Sansevieria leaves to prevent the much sought-after fat from

burning or becoming covered with sand. As porcupines have tough skins they

do not undergo this treatment.

As a rule all animals are skinned and cut open and their intestines removed.

An exception to this rule is made when the young of duiker or steenbok are

cooked. These animals are cooked whole. They are not skinned, nor are the

intestines removed, as young kids live on milk only and the contents of their

intestines are not considered by the Nharo to be undesirable. Both the rumen

of the larger animals and the blood, which is stored in the rumen, are cooked

in pots or tins. These delicacies are the due of older people, as are the heads of

animals which are baked. Fat is much sought after, and animals known for their

fatness (especially eland and ostrich) are particular favourites. Tortoises are

killed with a knife and baked on their backs in the hot ashes.

Plant foods are predominantly eaten cooked. About two-thirds of the plant

foods utilized by the Nharo are roasted before being eaten. The most important

plant food, the tsamma melon, is eaten both raw and cooked. Whether to be

eaten cooked or raw, the seeds are removed and roasted in hot ashes. After-

wards the seeds and ashes are scraped away from the fire with an ash-scraper

(ht-zho), which is an oar-shaped implement shaped from hard wood by the men.

Ash-scrapers vary in length from about 30 to 80 cm and have flat surfaces at

one end of 5—10 cm wide and 1—1°5 cm thick. They are also used to cover other

plant foods with hot ashes and in roasting meat strips.

The roasted melon seeds are scooped up together with ashes and sand and

then sieved out through a grass sieve (/xarruba). Sieves are made from thick

stems of grass woven together with thin two-ply string rolled from the fibre of

Sansevierta leaves (Fig. 1).

Grass sieves are made for the exclusive purpose of sifting out melon seeds,

a fact which illustrates the importance of seeds as a foodstuff. Melon seeds, how-

ever, are hard and still have to undergo further preparation by pounding

(Plate 7). This is done in a wooden mortar (hékxusha) which is used to process

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 285

food types which are hard and inedible in their natural form, such as seeds,

hard strips of dried meat and pieces of roasted skin. Mortars are made by the

men from hard wood. The required length is cut off and roughly shaped with

an axe. It is then hollowed out with a flat metal chisel which is tied to a length

of wood with thong or fibre cord. Digging sticks are often used as hafts.

ai GL BOON

SY —

y tan Wr

@) @) @

Fig. 1. Sketch showing how grass stems are woven together in manufacture of grass sieves.

Mortars are from 25 to 30 cm high, with a diameter which varies from

15 to 20 cm. At the brim the walls are from 6 to 9 mm thick, becoming thicker

towards the base. The base is usually from 6 to ro cm thick. To prevent the

base from being pounded out, it is reinforced by fitting a flat round stone into

a cavity in the centre of the base. Sometimes these flat stones are used to block

the hole when the base has already been partly pounded out. Cracks in the

walls of the mortar are repaired with stoppings of wool from birds’ nests or

even tar obtained at dam installations. To strengthen the walls a strip of skin

is sometimes put around the mortar, covering half to two-thirds of the total

height. The skin is fitted when wet and shrinks tightly around the mortar. To

facilitate the transport of mortars, one or two holes are made about 2 cm below

the brim, through which a leather thong is tied. As mortars are cumbersome

to carry, one often finds only two or three in circulation in a werft, freely used

by all.

The pestle (//amtsha) is made from hard wood and is 50-75 cm long and

about 5 cm in diameter.

The pounding of seeds is the task of the women, but in their absence men

and children sometimes pound small quantities for themselves. When the seeds

are broken fine enough, they are scooped from the mortar with the hands and

eaten. Pounded seeds are often added to the pot with cooked melon flesh.

The roots of plants are not cooked in pots, but eaten raw or roasted in hot

ashes. Berries are eaten raw, while certain leaves, e.g. /aba (Cucurbitaceae

family), are pounded to a pulp and eaten directly from the pestle.

During periods when the Bushmen live near Bantu settlements their diet

often consists largely of a single foodstuff, namely melons grown by the Bantu

286 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

from whom they obtain them by their services or begging. These melons are

prepared in the same way as the wild tsamma melons, but as they are bigger,

the Bushmen can dry strips for later use.

MEALS

There are no specific meal-times. If meat or plant foods are available,

everyone is free to prepare food for himself at any time. In practice, therefore,

one can at nearly all times of the day find somebody busy preparing food, and

the pounding of pestles in mortars can be heard throughout the day.

When food is cooked in a pot, the quantity is usually sufficient for several

people. Cooking in a pot, therefore, implies a ‘social’ meal (in contrast with the

roasting of a meat strip or a root) and members of the family and others gather

around the specific fire awaiting sharing. Though sometimes eaten directly

from the pot or tin, cooked food is usually dished into metal dishes and allowed

to cool. Before use these dishes are cleaned with small bundles of grass.

Metal spoons and forks which, like all other metal utensils, are obtained

from Bantu, at the shop and at the farms, are used throughout. In rare cases

small tortoise-shell ladles were observed in use.

The dish containing the food is placed in the centre of the circle of Bushmen

and each one helps himself. If there are not enough spoons they take turns.

People eating together usually gather closely around the fire. Their posi-

tion, however, is influenced by certain restrictions. A man is not allowed to sit

next to his mother-in-law as to him she is in an avoidance category.* He must sit

at least 14-2 m away from her, preferably on the other side of the fire. He is not

allowed in her hut, may not touch her when handing her meat or any food and

can address her only through a mediator, usually his wife or father-in-law. He

may also not sit near his mother. A man may, however, sit next to his father-in-

law or his father ‘because they are both men’, but he must show the necessary

respect. Rules of avoidance between a man and his sisters are equally strict,

and they must also sit at least 14-2 m from each other. The same rules apply

for a woman with regard to her parents-in-law and brothers. Furthermore no

man is allowed to sit on the spot where a menstruating woman has just sat.

Ash-heaps are usually made 2 or 3 m aslant from the entrance or next to

the hut. Sometimes various households have a collective ash-heap if their huts

are close to each other. Other refuse like bones, tortoise-shells, melon rinds,

nutshells, etc., is also dumped on these heaps. When large quantities of ttamma

melons have been consumed the rinds are discarded behind the huts to prevent

the whole werft being littered. In reality though, these efforts are not very

successful as the rinds and other refuse are often carried back into the werft by

the children who use them as toys. Apart from this, the dogs carry bones,

discarded pieces of skin, etc., into the werft, with the result that the village area

is often strewn with refuse. While defecation is nearly always done quite

* The Nharo classify all kin in either an avoidance or a playing (‘joking’) category.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 287

far from the village, urinating often takes place right next to the huts. This

practice is not considered by the Nharo to be particularly unhygienic.

SKIN-WORKING

Skin-working is done exclusively by men. Women in turn do the beadwork

decoration on the completed garments and bags. The skins of the steenbok,

duiker, springbok, hartebeest and gemsbok are the ones most often used for this

purpose.

After one of these animals has been killed, the skin is pegged out (hairy

side down) near the village. A large number of holes is cut along the edge of the

skin and wooden pegs are used to stretch it open as far as possible. The sharpened

pegs are kept in a special bag (g/umasa) which often contains more than a

hundred. Bits of fat and meat are removed from the wet surface of the skin,

Because of the heat, the smaller skins dry out within a day, but are usually left

for two or three days.

Various factors determine what happens to the skin after this. If the animal

was caught with a trap belonging to a Kgalagadi (discussed later), the Bushmen

may feel obliged to give it to the Kgalagadi. The skin will then simply be rolled

and put into a tree or next to the hut. This also happens if the garment or bag

to be made is not particularly urgently needed or if the possibility exists that

the band will be returning to the waterholes within the near future. Normally

skin-working is done during periods of relative leisure after successful hunting

activities.

First the hair is removed with the aid of metal scrapers made from lengths

of metal obtained from the Bantu and on the farms, which are mounted in a

length of wood or in the hollow end of a gemsbok horn. Sometimes these

scrapers are long enough to permit use without mounting. While scraping, the

blade is occasionally sharpened on a whetstone. The hair on skins to be used

as sleeping-skins is not removed. The skin is then buried under wet sand to

soften it. As wet sand is usually not available, a large water-bearing bulb

(gésha) is pressed between the feet and scraped with the edge of a sharpened

stick. The water in these scrapings is pressed out on the skin. The skin is then

softened between the hands. With the larger skins some of the other men usually

join in, each softening a small area at a time. Various fats are used to make

softening easier. The marrow from duiker and steenbok bones is often used and

also the fat of the wildebeest which is more readily available, as this animal is

often killed. This fat is stored in the tip of a horn, a cattle horn being preferred

as it is thick and does not curve sharply. The horns are fitted with leather straps

and are hung up in trees or in the huts. Recently the Bushmen also started using

used engine oil, obtained from pump-operators at the boreholes. However, this

is seldom used. Afterwards the soft skins are sometimes dyed with sap obtained

from the bark of a root called g//azdi, which gives them a reddish colour.

The scraping and softening of skins are activities that give opportunity for

conversation and ‘active leisure’. Not only do other men lend a helping hand,

288 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

but a gathering of onlookers joining in the conversation can usually be found

lying or sitting near the scene.

When the skin is soft it is cut in the required shape and sewn by the men,

who use sinew thread. The holes are pierced with awls which are made from

a length of sharpened wire burnt into a wooden handle, or a piece of wire which

is riveted in a cartridge case and kept firmly in position with a stopping of wool

from a bird’s nest.

Skin garments and bags, which in the course of time get dirty, are some-

times cleaned by rubbing them with a piece of coarse sandstone or the knee-

cap of a large buck like the hartebeest. Holes in bags are repaired with patches

of skin and sinew-thread.

A soft stone (n//oaba) is powdered between grinding stones, mixed with fat

and the mixture rubbed on the skin bags to give them a brown colour.

SKIN BAGS FOR PURPOSES OF STORING

A variety of skin bags is in daily use among veld-Nharo, and also to a

considerable extent among farm Bushmen. According to size they can be

classified into two broad divisions, i.e. medium and larger bags (g4obesa) and

small bags (g4obe— /wasa) (Fig. 2). Bags made for a specific purpose have

special names, thus the tobacco pouch is called g4omsa, while the bag in which

pegs are kept is known as g/umasa.

Skin bags are made by the men from duiker or steenbok skin, from which

the hair has been removed. The men do all the preparation of the skins them-

selves, and also do the sewing. Women, however, are responsible for the decora-

tion with beads.

The size of medium and larger bags varies from 20 cm wide x 15 cm high

to 40 cm X 45 cm. Tobacco pouches are usually small and often do not exceed

a width of 8 cm and a height of 15 cm. The larger bags are used for storing

possessions in the hut and are also important for carrying equipment during

migration. The medium-sized bags are used for food collecting, while adults

usually have a special bag in which things used daily are carried.

The top end of the bag is sometimes left completely open, but can also be

sewn to leave a smaller round aperture in the centre (Fig. 2d). The medium-

sized and larger bags usually have a carrying strap made from a two-ply cord

of leather. Small bags, like the pouch for tobacco or a tinder box, often lack

straps as they are carried in the larger ones. Bags are usually decorated with

beads or leather tassels. Patterns of beadwork are sewn on to the bags with

sinew by the women, who nowadays use mostly commercial beads. As the shop

beads are scarce, the patterns (triangular or square) are usually small. The

leather tassels are sewn on the edges and in the centre of the bottom of the bag.

They number from one to four and ostrich eggshell beads are sometimes strung

on them. When a bag gets torn it is repaired with a skin patch and sinew.

The bag with personal possessions is nearly always hanging from the

shoulder of its owner, and is in such constant use that it can almost be regarded

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 289

cms.

Fig. 2. Some types of skin bags used by the Nharo.

(a) and (b) GAobe- /wasa.

(c) and (d) GAobesa.

as part of the clothing. To illustrate the variety and quantity of personal belong-

ings which can be accumulated and kept in such a bag, the contents of one are

given here:

6 cartridge cases I tortoise-shell toilet box

1 tortoise-shell ladle 15 metal scrapers

I piece of motor-tyre tube I wooden poison mortar

1 small metal lock I string of commercial beads

1 tinder box 1 bottle with fat and ochre

3, metal spoons 1 metal fork

290 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

1 metal comb 1 short chain

3 belt buckles r metal bolt

1 whetstone I piece of plastic

1 old cigarette-lighter 2 ball-bearings

1 piece of leather 2 nuts

3 cocoons 1 cork stopper

I piece of sandstone 2 empty steenbok horns

1 leather purse I tip of a cattle horn

4 marrow bones (steenbok) 1 steenbok horn with medicine

2 blades 1 young eland’s horn with medicine

3 lengths of wood (off a broken neck- 1 empty goat horn

lace)

6 polish tins (I empty, 2 with medicines, various pieces of sinew, wire, medi-

2 with an ochre and fat mixture, cinal wood and rope

1 with a blade anda piece of cloth 3 pieces of fungus (found on trees)

to repair clothes) 1 piece of black mamba skin

bits of charcoal

It must be noted that possessions of this kind are not often carried in the

personal bag, but are usually stored in the hut in a large skin bag. The medium-

sized bag which is in daily use more often contains only the owner’s smoking

materials, knife, metal blades, poison mortar, rope snare and some raw materials

like sinew, gum, etc.

These personal bags are sometimes shared between husband and wife,

as was the case of the bag whose contents are listed above.

These items are not collected at random, but each is kept with the idea of

future utilization, either by the owner himself or for trade. To name but a few:

the cartridge cases will be used for making pipes; the piece of sandstone to

clean skins; the marrow from the steenbok bones will be used in softening skins;

the fungus will be used in the tinder-box as it smoulders easily; from the tip of

the cattle horn a pipe stem could be made while the mamba skin is thought to

be effective when rubbed into the wounds after a snake bite.

DREss AND ORNAMENT

Their advanced stage of contact is, as can be expected, noticeably reflected

in the clothing of the Nharo. Shirts, trousers, jerseys, dresses and shoes are

commonly worn by Nharo living permanently on farms, a fact which bears

direct relationship to their payment in cash and kind. Although Nharo who

are in contact with Bantu sometimes acquire old clothes by rendering service

or by barter, their accumulation of clothing is much slower. Nevertheless, the

stage has already been reached where most adult Bushmen in contact with

Bantu own one or more non-traditional pieces of clothing. A variety of com-

binations between old and new is thus often worn. However, the continued use

of traditional skin clothes is not due solely to the inability of the Bushmen to

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 2901

buy shop clothes. Personal taste and the greater comfort of the skin clothing, which

also can be made by themselves, are factors which have acted as a conservative

influence. In addition, skin clothing is cooler during the summer and more

functional in the veld as it does not tear as easily and is less noisy than shop

clothes. For these reasons skin clothes are preferred during summer and during

periods of veld life, whilst shop clothes are worn in colder weather and during

periods of contact with the Bantu. The adoption of new values by some Nharo

regarding clothing should also be taken into account. Men wearing the tradi-

tional loin-cloth are mocked by some women because of their ‘nakedness’.

Besides this, there is a general striving among veld groups to wear shop clothes

during periods of association with the Bantu. Thus the same shirts or jerseys

worn by boys in the veld because of the cold, are often worn by their fathers

during their stay at the waterholes.

MEN’S CLOTHING

Men are responsible for the manufacture of their own clothes, as all skin

working is done by them.

The principal garment for men is the loin-cloth (g/azba). It is a three-

pointed piece of steenbok skin of which the two shorter points are fastened

around the waist while the third is drawn through between the legs and folded

around the ‘belt’ formed by the two other points.

During the cold weather a skin cloak (gwasha) made from hartebeest or

gemsbok skin is draped over the shoulders and knotted at the chest.

Skin sandals (n//abd), made from the skin of an eland, gemsbok or wilde-

beest, are still sometimes worn by the Nharo but have to some extent been

replaced by shoes.

Men and adolescent boys also often wear skin caps (/abadzi) made from

the skin of a jackal, bat-eared fox or aardwolf.

Nharo men wear few ornaments. Those who do, usually only have a little

metal chain around the neck or a length of wire or chain around the wrist.

Some women decorate their husband’s skin loin-cloth with small patterns of

beadwork stitched to it with sinew. Normally men do not use cosmetics at all.

WOMEN’S CLOTHING

Women wear an apron (g/aisha) made from steenbok or duiker skin, which

is fastened round the waist. A second apron, usually smaller, is often worn

beneath. Both of these may be decorated, the larger one extensively. Decoration

is done by sewing ostrich eggshell beads on to the edge of the apron, while

small patterns of colourful shop beads are sewn on the front. Tassels of ostrich

eggshell beads are fastened to the ‘belt’. A larger piece of skin is worn at the

back. As this garment is sat upon, it is left undecorated.

Unlike the men, who wear the skin cloak (gwasha) by way of ecentian!

women wear it every day, not only as a garment, but also as an important aid

in their food collecting activities.

2902 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Women usually go barefoot. Pieces of colourful cloth, acquired through

bartering and service, which are tied around the head by some women, serve

as the only head-dress.

To simplify description we can also include among women’s garments the

babies’ carrying sling called tya7i—a word adopted from Kgalagadi (Fig. 3).

It is made from the skin of a steenbok, duiker or young hartebeest which is cut

in such a way that it has a broad middle part with four long points. Two of

these are knotted permanently, thus making a hole through which the right

. P 7

iN Abe a nla

Fig. 3. Babies’ carrying sling.

arm is put. Of the other two points one is passed under the left arm and the

other over the right shoulder and then knotted in front of the chest. Babies are

usually carried behind the left shoulder or under the left arm.

As with the men, the skin bag (g#obesa) for personal possessions forms part

of the daily dress.

CHILDREN’S CLOTHING

Babies usually go naked until they are about a year old when boys get a

small leather apron which is fastened around the waist with a thong. Girls

wear a similar apron, sometimes with tassels to which beads are later attached.

Nowadays young children often wear a piece of cloth instead, also fastened

round the waist. When the boys reach the age of 4 or 5 they start wearing a

skin loin-cloth, while the girls start to wear a skin cloak and a larger apron which

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 293

is sometimes made entirely of ostrich eggshell beads fastened round the waist

with a leather strip.

ORNAMENT

Nharo women make quite extensive use of ornaments. The most wide-

spread ornaments are ostrich eggshell beads which are made by the women.

Fragments of eggshell are bored through the centre with a drill made from a

length of flattened wire, often mounted into a length of wood. The edges are

then roughly rounded off by rotating the beads individually on the edge of a

flat stone and chipping off the edges by hitting them with a short iron rod or a

wildebeest horn. The beads are then strung on a sinew and rounded smoothly

by pressing part of the length of the string on a piece of wood (a pestle is often

used), and drawing a piece of grooved sandstone over it (Plate 8). To prevent

the beads from turning around and becoming rounded unevenly, little bits of

fibre (obtained from a bulbous plant called 4am) are put between beads when

they are strung.

Strings of eggshell beads are worn around the neck, waist, wrists and some-

times round the chest, although commercial beads are nowadays preferred for

necklaces and armbands. Pieces of aromatic wood and roots are sometimes

strung with the beads. Necklets made solely from aromatic roots (/xédzi) are

very exceptional. Equally rare are the necklets of lengths of soft wood (hiba)

which are strung on a thong. Besides being decorative, these are also put to

medicinal use, as a person with a headache will scrape the wood and inhale the

powder. Thus it seems to be worn more for curing purposes than for prevention.

One type of necklet is made from lengths of wood called //-um, which are worn

with a small leather bag containing powder from the same type of wood. The

powder is eaten, and is much sought after, as it is believed to be fattening.

The women usually leave their hair undecorated. Only one woman was

met who wore a triangular pattern of commercial beads tied to her hair, a

method of ornamentation commonly found among more northern Bushmen.

The ears are pierced and decorated with little strings of shop beads or metal

rings.

Strings of coloured beads are often worn under the knee and around the

ankles, while anklets of wire are very popular.

Besides these ornaments Nharo women also use certain cosmetics. Foremost

among these is the aromatic powder (tsh@a) which is made from roots and

carried in a small tortoise shell (damba).'The shells are cleaned out and the hind-leg

apertures filled with a pulp obtained by pounding the roots of a Grewia flava tree

or with beeswax. A piece of soft skin from jackal or bat-eared fox or a piece of

cloth prevents the powder from spilling and is used as a powder puff. A tortoise

shell is not only a receptacle but an ornament in itself, as it is often decorated

with beads sewn on to a piece of leather which is tied to the shell and is worn

on a thong around the neck or fastened to the apron (Plate 9).

If fat is available the women rub it on their bodies. Smaller quantities are

294 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

mixed with powdered red ochre obtainable at the shop and the mixture is rubbed

on the forehead, the bridge of the nose and the cheekbones by means of a finger.

Young girls sometimes paint their eyebrows with a mixture of fat and powdered

charcoal. (It can also be mentioned here that during a girl’s puberty ceremony

she is decorated with a mixture of fat and powdered morama nuts (Bauhinia

esculenta). The mixture is applied on the cheekbones and round the eyes.)

While both sexes are scarified for purposes other than decoration, it is only

the women who are incised for ornament. Girls are tattooed on the forehead,

between the eyes and on the cheekbones as well as on the thighs—often while

they are still very young. The cuts are made by the older women using a metal

blade (//owba). Charcoal is then rubbed into the cuts.

Similar cuts are also made for medicinal and magical purposes. Those

made in case of illness are made on the location of the ailment. Instead of

charcoal, a mixture of roots and fat is rubbed into these cuts. Mention should

also be made of the cuts which are made vertically on the forehead between the

eyes of boys undergoing initiation. These cuts, which should preferably be made

by the initiate’s paternal grandfather, function to ‘open’ the eyes of the boy,

enabling him to see Hisheba.* The blood which flows from the cuts belong to

Hisheba, as it is his ceremony that the initiate attends. (Cuts for luck in hunting

and trapping have been discussed elsewhere.)

Both sexes cut their hair regularly with scissors or blades. A popular style

is the ‘enlarging’ of the forehead by cutting off the hair and trimming hair in

the neck, especially that of the boys. Men do not shave their beards.

Water is normally not used for washing. In the veld it is usually unavailable

anyway. Both sexes however ‘wash’ and oil their bodies, usually arms, neck and

legs, by wetting pounded melon seeds in their mouths and rubbing the pulp on

their bodies.

SUBSISTENCE

HUNTING

ANIMAL RESOURCES AND THEIR UTILIZATION

The animals which are of primary importance to the Nharo can be grouped

as follows:

I. MAMMALS

(a) Large antelopes:

eland

kudu

wildebeest

hartebeest

gemsbok

* Hisheba is a mystical figure closely connected with the boys’ initiation ceremonies. It is only

visible during initiation dances and some Nharo describe it as having a vague resemblance

to a man, but having an eye behind the head, hoof-like feet, and being of the same size as a

light truck. Others, however thought Hisheba had two eyes behind the head and was of the

Same size as a man.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 295

Of these antelopes the wildebeest, hartebeest and gemsbok are the most

often killed, not only because they occur in fairly large herds but also because

wildebeest and hartebeest are easily trapped in game trails while gemsbok are

easily cornered and killed with the aid of dogs.

Although eland is the favourite among the antelopes, it is rarely killed,

as it is uncommon in the areas north of the Okwa. Eland are said to be common

towards the south, but in view of their successful trapping in their usual hunting

areas the Nharo do not regard it as profitable to hunt so far away. Kudu are

also extremely rarely killed, as they migrate through the area in small herds

and cannot be trapped with an iron trap.

(6) Small antelopes:

springbok

duiker

steenbok

These animals are found throughout the area, though springbok herds prefer

the vicinity of pans or omurambas. All three species are of primary importance

to the Bushmen. The springbok can be trapped with relative ease, as herds

tend to frequent certain areas and salt-licks, while the duiker and steenbok are

the principal quarries of the rope snare. As these buck do not readily migrate,

some Nharo groups rely heavily on them as a source of meat after other game

have migrated during late winter and early summer.

(c) Miscellaneous :

leopard springhare

cheetah hare

wild cat ground squirrel

warthog jackal

antbear bat-eared fox

porcupine spotted genet

In terms of dietary value the porcupine, hare and springhare are most

important among these, and most often trapped. Although their meat may be

eaten, certain animals like the leopard, cheetah, spotted genet and wild cat are

principally trapped for their skins.

The consumption of meat is subject to various restrictions depending on

such factors as the type, age and part of the animal, and the sex and age of the

person. These can be classed as follows:

1. Only adult men are allowed to eat the leopard. This, however, is not a

fixed rule but a majority opinion, as a group of Nharo in the east held the

opinion that anyone could eat the leopard. The cheetah can be eaten by

everyone. ;

2. The young of both the larger and smaller antelopes can only be eaten by

the older people (male and female) including those who have either a

beard or greying hair. This restriction applies to all young buck without

296

ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

horns. It is thought by the Nharo that a person who violates this rule will

become very thirsty.

Young children should not eat kidneys, the rectum and the part of the

liver to which the gall-bladder is attached. Violation of this rule is not seen

as very serious and will not have the same consequence as a violation of the

previously mentioned restriction.

Babies may not eat the heart of any animal.

Genitals, e.g. the udder of a female buck, are eaten only by old men and

women.

During the period of seclusion which forms part of the initiation rites for

boys and girls, meat is totally tabooed except that of the gemsbok which

may be eaten by boys.

Meat of the gemsbok, steenbok and wild cat cannot be eaten by young men

during the period in which they are taught to perform curing dances and

how to go into a trance. Should a person violate this rule, it is believed

that his stomach will distend and it may even cause his death.

Thus it can be seen that restrictions are mosly based on the age of indivi-

duals; differentiation on the basis of sex applies only in the case of leopard meat.

The following animals are not eaten at all and are never hunted:

lion

brown hyena

baboon

spotted hyena

wild dog

aardwolf

vulture

leguaan

The meat of these species is considered utterly undesirable by the Nharo,

who often mock their southerly neighbours, the /k6, by referring to them as

lion and hyena eaters.

Il.

BIRDS

Birds do not play an important role as a source of meat and can be seen

more as a supplementary than a primary source. There are four species on

which hunting is concentrated:

ostrich

bustard

korhaan

guineafowl

Because of its size, its much sought-after fat and its common occurrence,

the ostrich is the most extensively hunted among these. Korhaan and guinea-

fowl are usually snared by the boys.

Only ostrich eggs were seen to be eaten.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 207

III. REPTILES

A difference of opinion was found among Nharo regarding the eating of

snakes. A group in the east regarded species like the puff-adder as edible because

of its ‘fatness’. In contrast other Nharo groups thought snakes had a bad smell

and therefore did not eat them at all.

Tortoises, which are usually of small size, are regarded as a delicacy. They

are collected by anyone who finds them, and taken home in the collecting bag

or quiver bag.

Iv. AMPHIBIANS

Frogs were said to be eaten. They are found at the pans after good rains,

but because of bad rainy seasons none were observed.

V. INSECTS

Termites were the only insects seen to be eaten. Large numbers start flying

after rain has fallen. During the night they are attracted by fire, where the

Bushmen catch and roast them. They are also eaten raw.

HUNTING EQUIPMENT

The hunting activities of the Bushmen under discussion centre to a large

extent on the use of metal traps obtained from the neighbouring Kgalagadi

through trapping agreements. However, although this has affected the use of

the bow and poisoned arrows as the primary hunting tools, it has not in general

seriously affected the manufacture and possession of the traditional hunting

equipment. Hunting is done by men and boys only.

Those who do not have metal traps rely mostly on rope snares for small game

or hunt gemsbok with dogs. Younger men sometimes run down certain antelopes

like wildebeest, gemsbok, hartebeest and especially the eland, which are then

killed with spears. The Nharo say that by running at a constant pace and

frightening the animals every time they catch up with them, the antelopes are

soon exhausted.

Lions are sometimes driven from their kill and the meat taken.

The hunting equipment consists of the following:

bows

poisoned arrows

quivers and quiver bags

spears

rope snares

springhare-hooks

clubs

metal traps

Bows

The stave of a bow (de-sha) which is about 1-1 m in length, is made from

kxomba-wood (Grewia flava) and cut to be thicker at the median section (about

2098 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

2 cm in diameter) and tapering towards the ends. To strengthen the grip it is

bound with the neck-sinews of a wildebeest or gemsbok.

The bow-string (//ababa) is rolled from the back sinews of a large antelope

(usually hartebeest, gemsbok or wildebeest). The strands of sinew are moistened

and rolled into a string on the thigh. To facilitate the bending of the bow-stave,

the two ends of the stave are not cut to the same thickness. The string is slipped

over the thinner end first, then coiled around the other end and fastened with a

(a) (b)

Fig. 4. Method of knotting the bow-string.

(a) Top end. (6) Lower end.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 299

special knot (Fig. 4). A piece of thick leather, tied to the bow-stave with sinew,

prevents the string from slipping when it is tightened.

Both the bow-stave and the string are regularly rubbed with fat to prevent

them from drying out.

Arrows

The arrow (kxauba) is one of the most complex artefacts made by the

Nharo. It consists of four parts: a head, link-shaft (sleeve), fore-shaft and shaft,

and is made with considerable care to ensure a reasonably accurate flight.

HEAD (kxauba)

The head is nowadays made from wire; bone heads having fallen into

complete disuse as fencing on the farms and South West African border has

made wire readily available. The head is made from a single piece of wire, with

the tip heated, beaten flat with a hard stone or piece of iron, and then sharpened

on a whetstone or with a file; thus forming a triangular tip, the average being

between 1-2 and 2-6 cm long and between 0-6 and 1-5 cm in width with a tang

7-11 cm long. Though the triangular tip is more commonly found, some indivi-

duals prefer to file the base of the triangle into barbs.

The tang is an important part of the arrow, as the poison is applied to it.

To ensure that the poison clings, the tang is bound with sinew before application

of poison. This sinew binding is often thinly covered with gum to prevent it

unwinding.

LINK-SHAFT (#omsha)

The link-shaft, which joins the metal head to the fore-shaft is made from a

section of hard, hollow grass about 2-5—5 cm long. To strengthen the joint, gum

is put inside the link-shaft, and the full length of the outside is bound with sinew.

FORE-SHAFT (g//abasha)

A hard type of wood is used throughout for making fore-shafts. Although

the Bushmen say that they formerly also made them from bone (the long bones

of large antelopes being used), none was found, possibly because this involves

more work than a wooden fore-shaft. Generally it would appear that arrows are

being manufactured with less care than previously, due to their diminishing

role in hunting.

The fore-shaft, usually spindle-shaped, is from 2 to 6 cm long with one

end linked to the head by means of the link-shaft. The rear end fits into the

hollow fore-end of the shaft. This is not a fixed joint, and when an animal has

been hit, the loose joint permits the shaft to be shaken off undamaged, while

the poisoned point remains in the animal.

SHAFT (aba)

Two types of shaft are used, one being made from reed and the other from

lengths of kaffir-corn stems obtained from neighbouring Bantu. The shaft is

usually between 35 and 48 cm long. The front end is hollowed out by means of

an awl or a length of wire to receive the fore-shaft while a U- or V-shaped notch

300 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

is cut at the butt for the bow-string. When reed is used, the notch is cut just

above one of the segments in the reed, while in the case of the softer kaffir-corn

stems, the butt is hollowed out and a piece of hard wood inserted, into which

a notch is cut. To straighten the shafts, they are heated over the fire and bent.

In isolated cases grooved stones (/wadzi) were found being used for this purpose.

The stone is heated in the fire and the part of the shaft which has to be straigh-

tened is put into the groove to heat. It is then bent by hand. Both ends of the

shaft are bound with sinew to prevent splitting, while at the butt the binding

also serves as a grip and keeps the wooden butt-piece in position. Arrows used

by the Nharo are never feathered.

Each man makes his own arrows. Few Nharo own more than 4 or 5 com-

plete arrows, and a man may particularly favour one or two of them because

of their accuracy.

POISON AND ITS APPLICATION

Arrows are poisoned with the contents of the larvae of a certain beetle

(Chrysomelidae). The larvae are called g/aiyane. Poison is sometimes applied

straight from the larvae on to the arrow. The larvae are kept in their cocoons

until needed, and the top of the cocoon is then broken off with a finger. The

larvae are then put into the palm of the hand and softened by kneading and

rolling them with the fore-finger. Single larvae are then taken, their heads are

nipped off and the contents applied to the tang of the arrow-head. Each man

applies poison to his own arrows. Often, however, one also finds among Nharo

small wooden mortars in which poison is kept (Plate 10). These mortars

(//xurudzc) are cut from hard wood by the men. They usually have a conical

shape with a flat base and are from 6 to 9 cm long with a top end diameter of

4-5 cm. They are not decorated. The contents of larvae are squeezed into these

mortars and harden when becoming dry. The opening is securely plugged with

wool from a bird’s nest or a piece of rag, or otherwise the mortar is capped with

skin. When needed, the poison in the mortar is powdered and mixed with spit.

This is then applied with a thin stick. Afterwards the poison is hardened by

holding the arrow-heads in the heat of a fire.

Quivers

The quiver (n//osa) is made from the bark of a root of one of the Acacia species.

The root is dug out and the required length cut off. The average length is

50-60 cm, with a diameter of 5—7 cm.

The bark has then to be removed from the inside root, and this is done by

heating the root in hot ashes after which the inside can be knocked out because

of the faster expansion of the bark. The bottom end of the bark tube is after-

wards capped with skin. The scrotum or the skin covering the knee cap of the

gemsbok is preferred, but that of the kudu, hartebeest or wildebeest is also

sometimes used. The skin is put on while wet and shrinks firmly round the base

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 301

of the bark sleeve where it dries. As the bark quiver has a tendency to crack,

strips of neck-sinews of a large antelope are sometimes bound round it.

To keep the arrows securely in place, a soft bird’s nest or nowadays a

piece of rag is used as a plug. In some cases a skin cap, fitting over the top of

the quiver, is used instead.

Besides the bark quiver, another type of quiver came into use more recently

when farmers started to use hard plastic water pipes. Discarded lengths of pipe

about 5 cm in diameter have reached the veld Bushmen through bartering.

These lengths of pipe are cut to the same length as the bark quiver, and also

capped with a piece of skin over the base.

As quivers are usually carried in a hunting bag, they do not have carrying

straps. However, some individuals who do not have the hunting-bag use a

leather carrying strap which enables the quiver to be slung over the shoulder.

Sometimes fibre-cord or even a bird snare is used for the same purpose.

Besides arrows, a few unworked lengths of reed for shafts, a gumstick,

lengths of grass and bits of wire as well as a stick used to apply poison, fire-

drilling sticks and a sucking reed may be found in the quiver. Some men carry

some of these items—usually lengths of wire, spare sinew, spare arrow-heads

and a gumstick—in a small replica of the quiver. The small quiver (n//o-/wasa)

is 20-25 cm long, and is made in the same way as the n//osa. The small quiver

is either kept in the personal skin bag or carried in the hunting-bag.

The hunting-bag (g4omasa) is made from the complete skin of a steenbok

which is folded lengthwise and sewn.

Two carrying straps are formed by tying together the skin of the front and

rear legs. The end of the skin which covered the neck is closed by sewing another

piece of skin on to it to form the bottom end of the bag. A wide aperture in the

hindquarters gives a sizeable mouth to the bag, as not only the bow, but also

the quiver and spear will be carried in it, as well as small animals like spring-

hares, tortoises, etc. and plant foods.

A small leather sheath, tied to the bag with a leather thong, supports the

spearhead should the spear be carried with the bag.

Springhare-hooks (g/0-hiba)

The ends of various lengths of flexible wood are cut slantwise and the

inclined planes are then pressed together and securely tied with sinew to make

a flexible rod 4-5 m in length. To ensure that the tip bends easily, it is usually

thinner than the handle-end, and to it a length of thick wire bent into a barb is

tied with sinew (Fig. 5). The tip of the barb is sharpened beforehand and bent

to such an angle that when tied to the rod, the tip is 3—5 cm from it.

The hook is poked down into the burrows, and when movement is felt it is

jerked to hook the barb into the animal. One person then holds the rod, while

another digs vertically above the animal and eventually kills it with a club or

digging stick.

302 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

S

il

WHIUNM NII

it

i

UE

POUND

HTT

we

a”,

Fig. 5. Springhare-hook (g/o-hiba), showing method of attaching the wire barb.

Cape hares are not hunted in the same way as springhares because they

run from a burrow as soon as the rod touches them, and are subsequently

clubbed or run down by dogs. Springhare hunting, thus, is a joint effort, and is

frequently practised by boys, often more for reasons of education and ‘doing

together’, than out of economic necessity.

Clubs

Clubs are widely used among the Nharo. A length of hard wood with a

knob at one end is selected for this purpose. Usually the knobs are small and

the whole club rather roughly finished. If a person does not own a club, a

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 303

digging stick (n/uzsa) often serves the same purpose.

Clubs are used extensively by trappers to finish off smaller animals, a task

often performed by boys in the hunting party. Boys who do not have their own

clubs use those of their fathers or (in the case of small animals like birds and

springhares) any piece of wood picked up in the vicinity may be used.

The young of duiker and steenbok are also killed with a club while sleeping

or hiding. On rare occasions clubs are thrown at birds or running hares.

Spears

Nharo spears (//xawdzz) are rather fragile looking and are usually not very

well finished. Nevertheless they serve their primary purpose—the finishing off

of trapped and snared animals—well enough.

The spearheads, consisting of a flat leaf-shaped blade with a tang which is

often more than half the total length of the head, have an overall length of

25-55 cm. They are made from lengths of metal obtained at the farms or from

the Bantu. The blade, which is heated in the coals, is beaten to a width which

varies from 2 to 3 cm. The edges of the blade are sharpened, but the tang is left

unworked, showing the original diameter of the metal used. The tip of the tang

which fits into the shaft is sometimes beaten square to prevent it from turning.

The tang is then heated and burnt into the thicker end of the shaft, which

is made from a hard wood. To prevent the wood from splitting and to keep the

tang securely in place this joint is bound for 8 to 15 cm with a binding of neck-

sinew from any large antelope. Shafts usually have a diameter of 2-24 cm and

a length which varies from 1 to 1-2 m. The butt is sharpened to form a point so

that the shaft can also be used for digging.

A second type of spear is less commonly made. With these spears the tang

of the spearhead is not burnt into the shaft but simply tied to the side of the

shaft with the neck-sinews of a large antelope. As they are apparently not as

strong as the spears with the inserted tang, they are only used to kill porcupine

and other small game.

Rope snares

Rope snares (g/uidzi) are used extensively by the Nharo to catch small

game and birds. The rope is rolled from the fibre obtained by scraping off the

outer layer from the leaves of a Sansevierta sp. (g/ut).

The leaves are laid on a flat piece of wood and the sharpened edge of a

gemsbok horn, held in position with the foot, is pressed on top. The leaves are

then pulled against the edge of the horn, thus stripping off the soft exterior.

The still damp fibre is then rolled on the thigh into strings (Plate 11) which

may vary in thickness in accordance with the size of animal which the hunters

want to trap. To prevent fraying they are knotted at both ends. These strings

are then rolled into the final rope, three being used for antelope and ostrich

snares, and two in the case of bird snares.

304. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

The small piece of thin rope which triggers the snare is not rolled into the

main rope, but is afterwards bound to it.

The finished snares vary in size from 3 to 3:5 m for small game snares and

from 1-2 to 1°5 m for bird snares. The two main types of snare thus differ in both

size and purpose, and therefore methods of setting snares are in accordance with

the nature and habits of the animals to be trapped.

SNARES FOR SMALL GAME

The use of this type of snare is concentrated on catching duiker and steen-

bok, although a hare or even jackal may occasionally be caught.

Snares are set in game paths, usually one frequented by a particular

animal. A hole some 10 cm deep and 20 cm wide is dug in the path. Right next

to the hole a thin stick (trigger hook) is then hit into the ground at an angle

inclined away from the hole, until only the head shows.

A flexible branch is cut and planted firmly in the ground, about a metre

from the hole. If a suitable small tree grows next to the path it is used instead,

as it rules out the possibility of the planted branch becoming unrooted.

A noose with a sliding knot is then made at one end of the rope, while the

other end is wound around the branch and tied to it. The noose end of the rope

is then pulled and the branch is bent down until the slip rope with the toggle

reaches the toggle hook.

A length of wood (the trigger stick) is put over the hole with one end next

to the head of the toggle hook, and the toggle is wound half a turn round the

toggle hook and hooked behind it and the head of the trigger.

The trigger stick is then covered with grass and the noose around it is

thinly covered with sand. To ensure that the animal will follow the path, a few

branches are put on both sides of the path. One or two thin, dry branches are

sometimes pressed into the sand next to the snare in such a way that they cover

the path at an angle forcing the animal to lift its feet. As the Bushmen know the

length of the steps of the duiker or steenbok, these thin sticks are put at a

distance from the snare which will increase the possibility of the buck stepping

on the trigger stick.

When this happens, the toggle becomes unhooked and the branch, which

is under tension, shoots up and jerks the noose tight. When a thick branch or

small tree is used, the tension is often so great that the animal is pulled off the

ground when the toggle is released.

BIRD SNARES

The setting of snares for birds differs from the method used for buck

snares, though the thicker buck snare is used for the larger birds like the ostrich

and bustard.

The trigger stick and hole are not used in this case, and the noose is kept

open by sticks (Plate 12). Instead of hooking the one end of the toggle behind a

trigger stick, it is kept in position by bait. For ostriches a piece of melon or bone

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 305

is used (Plate 13), while the Nharo living in the sandy areas also use pieces of

calcrete or any light-coloured stones available.

The thinner snare (g/ui-/waba) is used for catching smaller birds like the

korhaan. For these birds the snares are baited with a piece of melon or gum.

When the nest of a korhaan is found the snare is set over the nest, the eggs are

moved slightly, and the toggle is hooked under an egg. When the bird moves

the egg back into position, it is caught round the neck (Plate 14).

Snares are regularly checked, and trapped animals killed with the club.

As birds are caught by the neck, they often suffocate.

Metal traps

The use of metal traps in their hunting activities represents an innovation

of considerable importance to the Nharo. The traps, available at shops at

R6.00 to R10.00 each, are bought by Kgalagadi and lent to Bushmen on a

basis of repayment discussed later.

Traps are used to catch a wide variety of game, including porcupine,

steenbok, duiker, springbok, hartebeest, wildebeest and gemsbok. Jackals are

often caught by chance in traps set for antelopes, but more deliberate efforts are

made to trap leopards and cheetahs, if they are present in the area, as good

payment can be expected from the owner of the trap who, in turn, will sell the

skin at the shop. The larger traps are favoured and more commonly bought, as

they can trap the larger antelopes, thus giving a higher return.

The success of the traps can largely be attributed to the Bushmen’s know-

ledge of game and the veld. Traps for antelopes are set at least 4—5 km from

the village so as not to disturb the animals. Those for burrowing animals are

sometimes quite near the village. After careful observation, traps are set in

holes dug in game paths, usually where they fork, and also at salt-licks and

communal dung mounds. Usually a digging stick is used for digging and the

sand thrown over the shoulder to prevent disturbance of the area around the

trap. A flat wooden disc is used to keep the two jaws apart. (The metal tongue

of the trap is nearly always removed as the wooden disc gives a larger surface.)

The edges of these discs are filed round to ensure rapid slipping when the trap

is stepped on. If, on the other hand, the disc slips too easily, the edges are licked

with the tongue and pressed into sand to roughen them.

The trap is then thinly covered with dry sand (Plate 15). Wet sand or clods

prevent dry sand from flowing into the hole under the wooden disc. The teeth

of the trap are not sharpened, nor are they poisoned.

When a trap is set for the larger antelopes, the chain which is attached to

it is not weighted as this might hook during the animal’s flight and the animal

might free itself. For smaller antelopes like the springbok, a length of iron is

sometimes fastened at the end of the chain, as this damages the hind legs when

the animal runs, thus slowing it down.

Smaller antelopes usually do not run far, and are killed with clubs. This

is usually done by the boys in the hunting party as part of their education

306 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

(Plate 16). Larger antelopes like the gemsbok, hartebeest or wildebeest run

much further when trapped, but being unable to keep up with the herd, they

eventually part from the others and are tracked down and cornered with the

aid of dogs and killed with spears.

Burrowing animals, especially the porcupine, are easily trapped by setting

the trap in one of the entrances to the burrow and blocking all the others with

heavy sticks and sand. For porcupines the traps are securely anchored to a

wooden peg, thus preventing the trapped animal from going deep into the

burrow. As the Bushmen respect the quills, the animal is killed with a spear

before being pulled from the burrow.

Influence of metal traps on the pattern of hunting

With the successful integration of the metal trap into their hunting equip-

ment, some Nharo groups have centred nearly their whole system of meat-get-

ting on this instrument, which has proved to be highly effective when used

in combination with the field-lore of the Bushmen.

In general the trap has eased the tempo of hunting, as trap inspection can

be limited to a certain time of the day; it involves less effort than having to go

out searching for game and it has a much more constant rate of success.

An animal caught in a trap can be overtaken on the same day and it is

therefore not necessary to sleep out. As it is found on the same day, usually still

alive, the possibility of beasts of prey reaching it first is minimized.

In the field of material culture it has had a marked influence on the use of

certain artefacts. The bow and poisoned arrow, although still owned by nearly

all the men, has largely fallen into disuse during periods when traps are avail-

able. The spear and club normally used to deliver the coup de grdce, actually

come to more intensive utilization; not only because the trap, unlike poison,

does not kill, but also because of its higher rate of success.

The other basic hunting equipment, the rope snare and springhare-hook,

are not influenced to a notable extent, as they are used to catch small game and

birds, and thus do not compete with the metal trap, but are used as supplemen-

tary tools in the exploitation of the resources.

The use of traps has also influenced the pattern of collecting plant foods.

Due to the relative abundance of meat after successful trapping, collecting

activities are centred on tsamma melons as the primary source of water and as

a supplementary food. In other words, as a result of the relative abundance of

meat, the women are not forced to utilize the full range of available veldkos,

and the collection of other types of veldkos can under these circumstances be

seen as a matter of personal taste or chance collection, rather than an organized

purposeful effort.

Generally speaking, thus, the traps have also increased the percentage of

meat in the diet at the expense of vegetable foods. To give an indication of the

trapping success of a Nharo group (numbering 40) on the Okwa River, the

kills made over a period of 14 days can be quoted:

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 307

27 September—4. October 1967

Animal Number Approx. weight*

kg

Wildebeest I 200 (trapped)

Wild cat I 1-5 »

Porcupine 2 30 BY

Springhare 10 25 (hooked or trapped)

Ostrich I 135 (snared)

Tortoise I — (collected)

5-12 October 1967

Wildebeest 2 400 (trapped)

Gemsbok 4. 720 55

Springbok 2 45 Sp

Duiker I 15 a

Steenbok I II*5 uN

Porcupine I 15 ws

Hare I 93 Ws

1 600 kg

Admittedly, trapping is not always as successful as this, but these figures

illustrate the superior potential of the metal trap (when compared with tradi-

tional equipment) in making possible the rapid accumulation of a meat supply

which may vary from a substantial quantity to a great abundance.

PRACTICES ENSURING HUNTING SUCCESS

Practices of this nature are by no means elaborate, nor are they often

resorted to. The overall impression one gets is that very few Nharo, mostly

those without traps, still make use of magical practices in hunting.

A man who feels that his luck in hunting with the bow has left him usually

resorts to the practice of magical scarification. Cuts, usually 4 in number, are

made between his eyes, on the thumbs and on the wrists with the aid of a thin

metal blade or porcupine quill. A medicinal root is roasted, powdered, and

mixed with fat and this is then rubbed into the cuts. After this a piece of dried

meat (from the front leg of a steenbok) is powdered, also mixed with fat, and

rubbed into the same cuts by means of a thin length of steenbok bone.

Another mixture which serves the same purpose is sometimes resorted to.

Similar cuts are made, but powdered wildebeest and hartebeest meat is then

mixed with the roots and fat. This mixture is carried in a tin or a small horn.

There is no specific person who makes the cuts, and where possible a person does

it himself.

* Labuschagne, R. J. & Van der Merwe, N. J. Mammals of the Kruger and other national parks.

Maberly, C. T. A. The game animals of southern Africa.

308 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Both these mixtures are thought to ensure success in the hunting of the

larger antelopes, i.e. eland, gemsbok, wildebeest and hartebeest.

For success in snaring, cuts are made on the wrists, elbows, upper arm, on

the chest and on the temples, but not between the eyes. The same mixture of

powdered roots, fat and steenbok meat is also used to rub into these cuts.

A single case has been observed where a magical action was performed

after a trapped animal was eaten by scavengers before the trapper could reach

it. The sand with a track of the scavenger was taken on one hand and blown

away through a short piece of hollow wood. This satisfied the person that

scavengers (jackals, hyenas, etc.) would be kept away.

BUTCHERING, TRANSPORTING AND SHARING MEAT

Larger antelopes are skinned on the spot where they were killed. For this

pocket-knives obtained through bartering are used, while the breastbone is

cut with an axe, often hafted with a gemsbok horn, as it proved to be stronger

than wooden handles. When skinning, the Bushmen always try to get the

maximum size, therefore antelopes with desirable hides, i.e. hartebeest, kudu,

springbok, duiker, steenbok, etc., are often skinned right to the forehead

Wildebeest are usually cut up skin and all, as the skin is not used for skin work,

excepting skin sandals. These skin strips are roasted and eaten or stored for

use in times of scarcity.

At the slaughtering place pieces of meat are stacked on bushes or branches

cut for this purpose. ‘The gall-bladder and testicles are discarded and horns are

chopped off and left at the site if they are not needed. Apart from this, nothing

is left at the site. The contents of the rumen and reticulum are scraped out by

the boys and the empty ‘containers’ are then turned inside out. Blood that

collects in the chest cavity is scraped into it, together with the lungs which are

cut up in small pieces. The hole in the rumen is then pinned together with a

length of wood. The liver is often roasted and eaten on the spot.

Smaller animals, e.g. the steenbok, jackal and springhare, are taken to the

werft where they are slaughtered (Plate 17). Their hind legs are broken with

a club or digging stick to facilitate carrying, as the broken legs can then be

folded to form a carrying handle. The breaking of bones also facilitates the

processes of cutting up and cooking.

Pieces of meat of the larger buck are usually hooked to a stick carried on

the shoulder. When smaller quantities are carried the digging stick or spear is

often used for this purpose. Smaller animals are stuck in the quiver bag or a

sinew net. Sometimes they are simply slung over the shoulder or tied to a rope

snare and hooked on to a digging stick carried on the shoulder. Porcupines are

carried in a similar way after the quills have been removed.

As various persons usually have their traps in the same area, trapping tends

to be a group activity. Thus when one of the traps is successful the other mem-

bers of the party join in the tracking and carrying of meat. When Kgalagadi-

owned donkeys, which are often included in trapping agreements, are available

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 309

the boys are sent back to the werft to fetch them and follow the spoor to the

scene of the slaughtering. If a single person should kill a large animal in the

afternoon, he would return to the werft after cutting it up and putting the meat

in a tree. With the aid of others this meat would be fetched on the following

morning.

Meat sharing takes place after a large animal has been killed. A small

animal, only large enough to feed the successful hunter’s family, does not need

to be shared although visitors to his fire usually get a share of the cooked meat.

The obligation to share meat is a fundamental principle in operation in

the Nharo society. Not only does trapping as a joint effort give participants a

claim, but far more important are the ties of kinship, both consanguineous and

affinal, and friendship which exist among members of a group. No Bushman

would think of having a surplus of meat while other members of the group went

hungry, as this would be an extreme violation of the obligations he has because

of these ties of kinship and friendship. Friendship ties even lead them to share

readily with Kgalagadi.

There are certain prescribed ways of distribution of meat in the group,

and a large buck is normally shared as follows: a foreleg goes to the successful

hunter’s parents if they live with the group, while his brother gets a hind leg.

His parents-in-law get a hind leg and part of a foreleg. The heart, liver and

head go to the hunter’s grandparents. If they do not live in the group he keeps

these for himself. Normally he also keeps the spine. The meat is shared and

shared again among others in the group. It must be pointed out that these rules

of sharing are flexible and can be changed according to personal taste, the most

important consideration being that everyone gets a fair share, however small.

GATHERING OF PLANT FOODS

PLANT RESOURCES

Plant foods (veldkos) are of extreme importance to the Nharo. Not only

do plant foods form an important part of their diet, though their importance

as a foodstuff has been diminished by the success of the metal traps, but they

are the all-important source of water which makes living in the veld possible.

The gathering of plant foods is the task of the women who confine this

activity to the morning if sufficient quantities of plant food are to be found. If

not, they rest in the shade of trees at noon and in the early afternoon, always

returning to the village before sunset, as they never spend the night in the veld.

On their way home they collect firewood for the night.

Gathering is a group activity and small groups of women, accompanied

by young girls, go out to areas previously decided upon. Tsamma patches,

berry bushes and the locality of other food plants in the subsistence area are

well known, and should an unknown area be utilized, it is explored by setting

off in a different direction each day.

Men also collect melons, berries, etc. while hunting, but this is merely

incidental and to satisfy their immediate requirements. However, should they

310 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

find a patch of tsamma, as many as possible will be taken home in their quiver

bags or sinew nets.

The main types of plant foods eaten by the Nharo are as follows:

Nharo name

n jf aiane — the tsamma melon, Citrullus vulgaris

n|/am — root of plant of the family Cucurbitaceae

g/a — root of plant of the family Cucurbitaceae

faba — root of plant of the family Cucurbitaceae

Aarru — root of plant of the family Cucurbitaceae

tshu kxu — bulb (unidentified)

gid — fruit =

n| /uane — root %

| /auane — root R

gloro — bulb 8

/arre — root ay

[idiane — root ss

kxom — berry of Grewia flava

khaa — the ‘gemsbok cucumber’, Colocynthis naudinianus

nono — cucumber type

g//ant — fruit (unidentified)

[orro — leaves a

Jou — leaves A

nX~eHe — fruit »

lulu — berry a

/uyane — nut of Bauhinia esculenta

glam — root of Bauhinia esculenta

/aba — leaves of plant of the family Cucurbitaceae

g/oane — gum from various Acacia species. Gum touched by

baboons, however, may not be eaten.

Of these the ttamma melon is by far the most important. It is not only the

primary source of water but also a favourite food. If a good supply of meat is

available, the women will concentrate their collecting efforts largely on tsamma,

even though other food plants are readily available.

Should enough food plants be collected to last more than one day, the

women will spend the next day in the village. Periods of subsistence activity

are regularly alternated with days of relative inactivity spent in the village.

Gathering equipment includes the following:

skin cloaks

gathering nets

digging sticks

skin bags

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 311

EQUIPMENT

Skin Cloaks

A skin cloak (gwasha) is preferably made from hartebeest and gemsbok

skin, though goat skin is also used nowadays if available. The complete skin

is used and simply draped around the shoulders and knotted in front. Cloaks

are made by men and worn by both sexes.

Although classified as a garment, the skin cloak is an important piece of

equipment in the women’s food-collecting activities. To convert the cloak into

a large collecting ‘bag’, three points of the cloak are fastened in front of the

right shoulder thus forming the bag under the left arm, leaving the right arm

free to collect with. When collecting in cold weather some women wear another

smaller cloak to cover their backs.

While a skin bag (g4obesa) is used mostly for collecting berries and smaller

roots, the skin cloak is primarily used to collect tsamma melons and the larger

roots. As Bushmen in the Okwa region are completely dependent on the water

stored in these, it stresses the importance of the cloak-bag. Due to its capacity

it also enables the women to collect a sufficient quantity on one trip to last at

least a full day, as long distances must sometimes be covered in collecting.

Skin cloaks are also used for carrying firewood and thatching grass, when

they are folded around the wood or grass, and carried behind the back. The

cloak is also useful for transporting large quantities of dried meat strips from

the hunting area when the Bushmen are forced back to the waterholes by a

lack of tsamma.

Carrying nets

The carrying net (/uistba) is made by men from strings of sinew, usually

the back sinews of a gemsbok. These sinew strings are rolled into long ropes and

knotted into nets (Fig. 6).

The nets are used for carrying ostrich eggshells and bags with possessions and

dried meat when migrating. Nowadays, however, they are rarely found among

the Nharo, as the manufacture is time consuming and requires a large quantity

of sinew. In addition, the use of flour bags for carrying purposes and metal

water containers which can be carried on a strap, have made the knotted carry-

ing net less essential.

Digging sticks

The digging stick (n/uisa) is one of the primary tools used by the women in

their food-collecting activities. The sticks which are cut by the men from hard

wood (Grewia sp.) are about 1 m in length and 24-3 cm in diameter, with a

sharpened point at one end. To ensure maximum effectiveness, the point is

regularly sharpened with an axe or knife. Although primarily made and used

as an implement for digging out underground roots and bulbs, the digging

stick is a multi-purpose tool put to a wide range of uses. Thus its sharpened

312 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

ZR

SF

Fig. 6. Sketch showing technique used in knotting sinew nets.

point is often used to cut off the tops of tsamma melons. The melon is held

between the feet and the contents are then cut from the rind or worked into a

pulp. The digging stick is also used to beat off ashes from pieces of roasted meat

and to tenderize hard strips of dried meat. Sometimes a metal blade is fastened

to the sharpened point and the tool then used to hollow out wooden mortars.

Apart from this they are often used as ‘donkeys’ in children’s games.

The digging stick is also often used by men in hunting. Springhares hooked

in their burrows are dug out with digging sticks, while men who set traps use

them to dig the holes in which the metal traps are placed. Trapped small game,

e.g. steenbok, springhare, etc., are clubbed with a digging stick if a club is not

available, and after such kills the meat is often hooked over the stick or fastened

to it by means of a rope snare and then carried over the shoulder.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 313

Skin bags

Bags (g#obedzz) used for the purpose of collecting are usually of a medium

size, 20-30 cm wide and 15-20 cm high. They are used in the collection of

berries, nuts and the smaller fruits and roots and carried over the shoulder on

a carrying strap.

THE QUEST FOR WATER

WATER STORAGE

The ostrich eggshell is still widely used among the Nharo for storing water-

A little hole is made on the top or side of the eggshell with the aid of a stone. A

small pointed stone is often carried along just for this purpose. The contents of

the egg are then shaken out to be fried. When water is available the eggshell

is filled and the hole stopped with a plug made from soft grass. Eggshells are

often decorated by men who use knives or metal blades to scratch designs which

are afterwards blackened by rubbing fat and charcoal over them, thus making

the engraved patterns stand out (Plate 18). These designs also function to

indicate ownership during periods of contact with other Bushmen, whether in

the veld or at the waterholes. This function, however, can be seen as of secondary

importance, as all members in a band know each other’s possessions.

With the increasing availability of plastic and especially metal containers,

the eggshell container is, however, losing its popularity. The fact that metal

containers (usually discarded one-gallon oil tins) are unbreakable, have a

larger capacity and are more easily carried when fitted with a carrying strap,

results in these containers being in great demand.

A third type of container, now seldom used, is that made from a spring-

hare’s skin. The hair is scraped off and the belly and leg slits sewn with sinew.

It is then blown up and left to dry. These containers are not very popular, as

they often leak and do not last long.

Rainwater which has collected in hollow trees is sucked up by means of a

sucking reed (4omba) made from various lengths of hollow grass bound together

with sinew.

WATER SCARCITY AND ITS BEARING ON FOOD-GETTING ACTIVITIES

The distinction made in this paper between ‘hunting’ and ‘gathering’ as

practised by the Nharo is based on the broad distinction between activities

aimed at the killing of certain mammals and birds on the one hand, and activi-

ties connected with the exploitation of plant foods* on the other.

As such, this distinction also hangs together with a difference in aim,

methods, technology and through the principle of division of labour, also with

the sex of those who practise these activities. Nevertheless, in spite of these

factors, the distinction between hunting and gathering remains in a sense largely

* The exploitation of certain non-vegetable foods could also perhaps more adequately be classi-

fied under gathering. Among these are snakes and tortoises which are collected by chance and

flying ants which are simply scooped up in tins, as they appear in large numbers.

314 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

academic, because in the reality of an existence in the veld they form a com-

bined effort in food-getting. This combination of the two processes is essential

for meat-getting, as gathering is a prerequisite for hunting. This has direct

relationship to the fact that the Nharo groups under discussion utilize veldkos

primarily as a source of water and not so much as a source of food. Except

for short periods during the rainy season when water may collect in the pans,

no surface water is available at all. The permanent waterholes in the

south-western Ghanzi district all support Bantu villages, and with the resultant

overgrazing, game is driven further away; thereby forcing the Bushmen to have

‘their hunting and collecting areas too far away to use these permanent water-

holes.

Thus the availability or non-availability of an adequate supply of water-

bearing plants, principally the tsamma melon (Citrullus vulgaris), is the all-

important factor which governs the subsistence of these Nharo. This is often also

the only source of water for their dogs and Kgalagadi-owned donkeys.

In accordance with this fact the peak of hunting and gathering activities

coincides with the period of maximum availability of water-bearing plants,

usually from February/March to August/September. This, of course, depends

on a good rainy season in the first place. The rainy season, from December to

March, is inconstant and rain is often patchy, unevenly spaced or too late to

make important water-bearing plants grow. The correlation between rain and

the availability of veldkos practically centres between two extremes: if sufficient

rain has fallen at the right time it results in an abundance of veldkos and pro-

vides a relatively easy subsistence for the Bushmen, while insufficient rain results

in a total failure or inadequate concentration of veldkos to guarantee an ade-

quate water and food supply to a group of Bushmen for a reasonable period of

time. “Reasonable period’ in this case should be seen against the fact that the

seasonally-frequented subsistence area of a Kalkfontein band is situated in a

waterless area 80-90 km from Kalkfontein. To go there and be forced back by

lack of water after a few days would be an extreme waste of energy considering

the reward involved. Therefore, if doubt should exist over the rain which has

fallen in the hunting area, two or three men are sent to investigate, further

movements depending on their findings. If the report is unfavourable, they

have no choice but to remain near the waterholes, getting food by rendering

service, begging melons from Bantu with whom friendship ties exist and by

small-scale local snaring of small buck and collecting of plant foods.

Although the rains in a particular season might not have been sufficient

or at the right period to provide for human existence in the veld, they might

have been enough to revive the grasses, especially on the patches burnt by the

Bushmen. This has a stabilizing effect on at least some of the game which other-

wise would have migrated. Therefore, although far less concentrated, there

remains in such a season in the subsistence area a game population which is

substantial if compared with the number of Bushmen who utilize this resource.

In other words, the situation arises where there are not enough water-bearing

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 315

plants to support a group of Bushmen, but at the same time conditions are not

so critical as to cause a large-scale migration or mortality among the animals.

Thus Bushmen forced to the waterholes (where food is not readily avail-

able) experience the dilemma of geographical separation of water and food.

This is a problem which they have to contend with annually from early spring

to midsummer, and is one of the main factors which force them into Bantu

association or, alternatively, to the farms where relatives may work or squat.

If the following rainy season proves to be a good one, the families and individuals

who have split up in this way will again unite into their seasonal band and will

go hunting and gathering in their traditional area. The annual subsistence

cycle can be illustrated by the following diagram:

Living in association

with Bantu or on farms

cS

Water-bearing

veldkos Rain

exhausted

Living in

the veld

PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SUBSISTENCE AREAS

During normal years, with an adequate supply of water-bearing plant

foods in the veld, the Kalkfontein Bushmen utilize food resources in an area

more than 80 km from the nearest water, which is at Kalkfontein. As they

invariably return to this area after good rains, living there for months until the

tsamma become too scarce or wither, this area can be termed their primary

subsistence area. However, as previously described, the utilization of resources

in this area is impossible during times of scarcity when the Bushmen have to

live at the water-holes.

To overcome this problem of separation between water and food, at least

partly, the Kalkfontein Nharo have found a way to utilize the game resources

while using water from the permanent waterholes.

As their primary subsistence area on the Okwa is too far to use this water,

they utilize secondary subsistence areas situated about 30 to 40 km from

Kalkfontein (Plate 19). These areas are the nearest to Kalkfontein which sup-

port fair concentrations of game.

316 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

As many metal traps as can be handled are borrowed from Kgalagadi, as

these periods of ‘crash-trapping’ are limited by the water position to a maximum

of 5-8 days. As much water as possible is carried, but due to the lack of water

containers and the limited carrying capacity of the people, this water supply

does not last longer than 3-4 days. If trapping is not successful during the first

days, the Bushmen try to stretch this period beyond the limits of their water

supply. As the secondary subsistence areas are within an easy day’s walk from

the waterholes, one or two of the men, accompanied by boys, walk back to

fetch a fresh supply of water. By leaving the camp in the morning they can

return before noon on the following day. The women also try to stretch the

period of trapping by collecting water-bearing roots, but as a secondary sub-

sistence area is only utilized during bad seasons when tsamma has failed, this

is not very successful and cannot be relied on exclusively as a source of water.

In essence thus, these trips are waterhole-based with the Bushmen relying

on the water supply that they carry from Kalkfontein and not on water-bearing

veldkos as in the case when the primary subsistence area is utilized. Due to the

success of trapping and the unwillingness of the Bushmen to fetch water more

than once or twice during such a period, these periods are limited to a maximum

of about 8 days.

The main object of these periods is to obtain meat and, if possible, the

accumulation of a surplus which is dried and taken back to the waterholes to

supplement their unstable diet during periods of Bantu association. This

surplus can be quite substantial as the following table of kills during a 5-day

period (27-31 July 1969) illustrates:

Animal Number Approximate weight in kg Method of killing

Gemsbok I 180 Cornered with dogs,

killed with spears

Springbok 4 go Metal traps

Ostrich 2 270 Rope snares

Jackal I 7 Metal traps

Steenbok I I1*5 -

Springhare 2 5 »

563°5 kg (1 232 Ib)

Even if the percentage of edible parts is estimated as low as 50% it still

leaves a supply of 282 kg (616 lb) to a group of Bushmen numbering only 15,

composed of g adults and 7 children. (During the same period only 13 kg

(29 lb) of plant foods was gathered). However, even these large quantities of

meat usually do not last more than a few days, as the Nharo do not make organ-

ized efforts to store food for future times of scarcity. At all times liberal use is

made of available food and at the waterholes the surplus meat is rapidly con-

sumed by the group, joined by relatives and friends, should it become known

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 317

that plenty of meat is available. Also Kgalagadi, with whom friendship ties may

exist, get a share of the meat.

Except when a large animal is killed or when the use of traps may yield

an abundant supply of meat, food is normally consumed on the same or follow-

ing day. With the exception of the short periods of hunting in the secondary

subsistence areas, the Bushmen will ease their hunting and gathering efforts

if a surplus exists.

The only foodstuff stored for long periods before being eaten is roasted

strips of skin of the larger antelopes like wildebeest and gemsbok. This is not a

particularly desired food as it is too hard and is therefore not eaten if other food

is available.

TRADING AT STORES

Although the value of Bushmen trade at the few shops in the area (Kalk-

fontein, Charles Hill, Nojane, etc.) is insignificant in terms of turnover, it is

nevertheless important to the Bushmen, as this is where they obtain luxuries by

bartering raw materials and artefacts.

Among the raw materials bought from Bushmen are porcupine quills

(48 cents per 454 g (Ib)) ostrich eggshells (10 cents each) wildebeest and

gemsbok tails (5-15 cents), ostrich feathers (30 cents per 454 g (Ib)), unworked

duiker skins (15 cents) and jackal skins (15-20 cents).

A few Bushmen manufacture things which are sold as curios at the shops.

For a bow and quiver set they receive about R1.00 while a string of leg rattles

sells for 20-25 cents. Apart from this, live animals (usually ostrich chicks) are

sometimes offered for sale next to the road.

Most of the money is usually immediately spent on luxuries like tobacco,

sugar, coffee, mealie-meal and salt. Depending on the amount of money

available, and individual and family needs, the rest will be spent on things like

beads, a pair of scissors, a pocket-knife or a dish or other metal container, etc.

ECONOMIC INTERACTION BETWEEN NHARO AND BANTU

Two broad categories of economic association between Nharo and Bantu

(mainly Kgalagadi) can be distinguished.

To the first category belong the relatively small number of Nharo who live

largely permanently near Bantu villages, and are associated with a specific

household for long periods, often stretching over years.

As the groups under discussion do not belong to this category, we limit

ourselves to the second, which consists of Bushmen who periodically live near

the waterholes and Bantu villages, returning to the veld as soon as conditions

permit. These Bushmen usually build their huts on the outskirts of the Bantu

settlements. They always live on that side of the settlement which is nearest

to their hunting area.

318 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Their seasonal stay at the waterholes usually starts during September when

water-bearing roots and wild melons become unavailable, and continues until

January/February or even longer, depending on the rain. But though water is

available at the waterholes, they are faced with a food problem. Game is

scarce near the waterholes due to overgrazing and the presence of people, while

veldkos is also scarce during spring and early summer. Even a measure like the

periods of utilization of secondary hunting areas by the Kalkfontein people

(previously discussed) gives only short-term relief as the surplus meat obtained

does not last long, with the result that they often turn to the Bantu for

food.

Those who are willing to work earn food by rendering service to the Bantu.

Men assist in herding and watering cattle and goats at the wells; further, they

cure skins and cut branches with which gardens are fenced, while the women

collect firewood, carry water and assist in the care and reaping of crops, etc.

Payment is nearly always in kind, and consists of a ration of either watermelon

or dried strips of melon, milk, beans and mealie-meal. To this a fill of tobacco

may be added. The quantity and nature of the payment naturally depend on

the nature of the service and the availability of the above-mentioned pro-

ducts.

Better payment is offered for work which involves responsibility. In a

specific case a Bushman came to a Kgalagadi, A, and offered his services. A

employed the Bushman at his cattle-post because he himself was employed

at a shop and unable to attend to his cattle properly. As A has a cash income

he pays the Bushman R2.50 per month and 5 cents worth of tobacco per week

is added. Remuneration of this type must however be seen as exceptional.

Some Bushmen do not regard the rendering of service as an acceptable

solution to the problem of food shortage, and rely on friendship ties with various

Bantu from whom they beg food. Though the Kgalagadi complain that the

Bushmen ask them for everything but want to do nothing, the requests of the

Bushmen are usually successful. But even though those who ask usually get

something, the Kgalagadi are not in a position to give anything but a small

ration (usually a few small watermelons), as their own supply is limited by the

uncertainty of crops.

No doubt the idea of reciprocity adds to the motivation behind this type

of aid to the Bushmen. Giving food to the Bushmen strengthens the possibility

of reaching a trapping agreement and makes their knowledge of medicines and

curing readily available.

The Nharo’s ability to cure sick people is widely respected, and is used by

the Bushmen to their economic advantage. Groups of Bushmen are often

invited by Kgalagadi to cure someone by performing curing dances at the

Kgalagadi’s homestead. They are always remunerated with food. Those who

are known to be good dancers and who go into a trance easily may get an

additional small payment of money as they are thought to have more healing

power.

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 319

TRAPPING AGREEMENTS

Trapping agreements are an aspect of the economic interaction between

Nharo and Kgalagadi which have had a far-reaching influence on the economic

life of the Nharo, as it is through these that metal traps become available to the

Bushmen.

The recruiting of a trapper is the result of friendship ties strengthened by

aid from the Kgalagadi and contact over a long period. Friendship ties are,

however, not an absolute prerequisite, as the great skill and success of some

Bushmen in using traps are known by most trap-owning Kgalagadi in the

village, and these Bushmen may be approached by Kgalagadi whom they do

not know well.

Because of the advantages of the metal trap, a Bushman will usually accept

an offer of a trap, unless he has had previous unpleasant experiences with such

a person, or if he already has too many traps to handle.

Conditions of these agreements are based on the division of animals caught,

with the basic rule that all the meat belongs to the Bushmen, while half the

antelope skins (if more than one is caught) and all the skins of carnivores (lion,

leopard, cheetah, jackal, spotted genet, wild cat, etc.) belong to the owner of

the trap. Should the Bushmen return to the waterholes with a surplus of meat,

the owners of traps often receive small presents of meat, though the Bushmen are

under no obligation to share meat with them.

A special payment is made to the Bushmen for valuable carnivore skins.

Payment usually takes the form of a blanket and a quantity of mealie-meal.

Sometimes money may be offered instead. A Bushman, N, received R6.00 from

the owner of a trap when he brought him the skin of a leopard. Some time after

this the same Bushman, N, trapped a female leopard and also killed her cub.

The owner of the trap then gave the skin of the cub to N who sold it at the shop

for R8.o00.

Hunting dogs are sometimes lent to Bushmen who use them to hunt jackals

and small game. The same conditions of division which apply to game killed

with traps are in force in these cases. Donkeys are also often lent to Bushmen by

owners of traps to facilitate the transport of traps, skins and meat.

A few Nharo know how to shoot with a rifle, and due to their superior

fieldcraft they are sometimes asked to hunt for Kgalagadi who own rifles.

Rifles are not lent to Bushmen migrating to the veld for a long period. Rifle-

hunting is usually limited to single days and the Bushman returns the rifle in

the evening. An animal killed with a rifle is taken to the home of the owner of

the rifle who usually puts a donkey at the hunter’s disposal. ‘The hunter must

account for the cartidges he has used (he usually does not get more than two

or three) and is afterwards remunerated with a share of the meat.

Trapping and hunting agreements naturally also hold the possibility of

cheating and friction, and in practice one finds examples of this. A Bushman, T,

once gave the owner of a trap more than fifteen jackal skins which he had

trapped over a long period. T expected to get two or three of the skins which

320 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

could be sold at the shop for 20-25 cents each, but he received no payment.

T and another Bushman, N, then returned the Kgalagadi’s trap and refused

to trap for him again.

In another case a Kgalagadi lent his dog to a Bushman, D, who found that

the animal was a poor hunting-dog. He therefore took the dog back to its

owner who did not believe his story and accused D of stealing the skins of animals

the dog had killed. As punishment for the alleged crime the owner of the dog

(who is a pump operator) forbade the group of Bushmen to which D belongs

to use the water at the borehole, and threatened to shoot those who trespassed.

As the Bushmen did not know their rights with regard to the Government

borehole they obeyed the order. The Bushmen certainly are not always the

wronged party, but cheating on their part is difficult to detect, as the Kgalagadi

have no check on animals caught with their traps.

Viewed in perspective, however, cases of this nature are isolated as agree-

ments are stabilized by the mutual advantages they offer. While Bushmen

want traps because of their high rate of success in obtaining meat, the Kgalagadi

are equally eager to get as many game skins as possible. Apart from the fact

that some Kgalagadi still make skin garments, the highly rewarding game-skin

and kaross trade offers a cash income. Both parties are also careful not to become

known as violaters of agreements, as this will have the consequence that

Kgalagadi will not offer traps to such Bushmen, and Bushmen will not readily

trap for such Kgalagadi. Should a Bushman agree to trap for such a person he

would be mindful of the possibility of being cheated and keep more skins for

himself than is allowed by the agreement.

OwNnERSHIP AND INHERITANCE OF PROPERTY

People have individual ownership of tools and objects they themselves

have manufactured. Ownership also bears relationship to the economic roles of

people. Thus women are not only the owners of huts because they have built

them, but also own most of the things in the hut because they use them in

performing their domestic tasks or in their subsistence activities.

Among the individually owned possessions of men are included their

hunting equipment (bows, arrows, quivers, spears, hunting-bags, snares, etc.)

and other personal things like pipes, tobacco-pouches and tinder-boxes.

Men and women have their own skin bags and items of clothing and orna-

ment. Children also own their own clothing and usually have their own blankets.

There is, however, no strong concept of ownership and the Nharo do not

accumulate possessions. It is discouraged and sanctioned by society as a possible

cause of jealousy and trouble within the band. Because of their nomadism, the

quantity of possessions has to be limited as people must carry the things they

own. Instead of accumulation, therefore, they try to put the essential items of

equipment to the widest possible range of uses.

The system of playing (joking) relationships no doubt further weakens the

ECONOMIC LIFE OF SOME NOMADIC NHARO BUSHMAN GROUPS 321

concept of ownership, as it permits people to borrow (or sometimes even take)

the property of their playing (joking) partners without asking, and use it for

as long as they want to.

The borrowing of property from kin who are to the borrower in an avoid-

ance category* is not prohibited, but the owner’s permission must be asked

first.

For these reasons all Nharo groups known by the author live on basically

the same material level. They all own a sufficient quantity of the equipment

required to make a living in their environment and do not strive to own more

than others.

When a man dies, his possessions are taken by his father or brother, who

divides them among the sons of the deceased. The eldest son is supposed to get

more than the others. If the deceased did not have sons, his possessions are

shared among his brothers and other male relatives.

A deceased woman’s possessions are shared among her daughters, or

should she not have any, among her sisters and other female relatives. Clothes,

skin cloaks and blankets are never inherited as they are buried with their owner,

the deceased being wrapped up in blankets and cloaks.

SUMMARY

The present-day economic life of some Nharo Bushman groups of the

western parts of the central Kalahari is discussed. Special reference is made to

the use of tools and equipment, both traditional and non-traditional, by these

Bushmen in making a living in their harsh environment.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The material presented here forms part of an M.A. (Anthropology) thesis

on The Social Structure and Organization and Economic Life of the Nharo

Bushmen, presented to the University of Stellenbosch in February 1971. The

study is based on several months of fieldwork done between 1967 and 1970.

The author wants to express his thanks to Professors G. M. K. Schiiler and

C. Hanekom of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Stellen-

bosch for their guidance, and also to the University for the grant which partly

financed the fieldwork.

The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Government of Botswana

for permission to do research, and particularly wants to thank Mr. Simon

Gillett, former District Commissioner at Ghanzi, for his aid. Thanks are also

due to Mr. L. C. Sharp of Kalkfontein for his hospitality.

The author is indebted to the following persons associated with the South

African Museum, Cape Town: Miss E. M. Shaw and Mrs. A. C. Lawton read

* As already mentioned, the Nharo classify all kin in either an avoidance or a playing (joking)

category, each category being associated with certain patterns of behaviour.

322 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

the manuscript and made useful suggestions. Miss L. M. Phillip did some of the

illustrations and Mr. A. Byron and Mr. J. Kramer printed the photographs.

Mrs. P. Eedes and Mrs. R. Oberholzer kindly typed the manuscript. Special

thanks are due to Dr. T. H. Barry for his interest in, and support of fieldwork.

The financial assistance of the Human Sciences Research Council towards

the costs of this publication is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed or

conclusions reached are those of the author and are not to be regarded as a

reflection of the opinions and conclusions of the Human Sciences Research

Council.

REFERENCES

LaBuscHAGNE, R. J. & VAN DER MERwE, N. J. 1966. Mammals of the Kruger and other national

parks. 4th ed. Pretoria: National Parks Board.

Maser ty, C. T. A. 1967. The game animals of southern Africa. 2nd ed. London: Nelson.

Plate 5

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

ipe.

ing deeply on her metal p

Ww

Woman dra

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56 Plate 6

A Nharo smoking a pipe made from a discarded tin. The scarification on his back is clearly

visible.

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

tee Ye ti Ye

WEL

YOY jo Wy,

WY ty ij, Yj) YY

Yh

Uy,

yy

YW,

Vy J Zo

, a

Woman pounding seeds in a wooden mortar.

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56 Plate 8

An uncompleted string of eggshell beads shown with 2 pieces of grooved sandstone to smooth

the edges of the beads.

Plate 9

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

*S9XOQ }9]10} [[9YS-ast0jIO, J,

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

Plate 10

Examples of poison mortars (//xurudzi).

Plate 11

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

‘pamjorjnuvur suroq aieus odor y

WS

Plate 12

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

‘SpuIq IO} a1eus & Sur1as SAO

PAI OF I a

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56 Plate 13

7

ty Y

a — Yi

WY

Yj

Oj

y

Wie:

A rope snare baited with a piece of bone.

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56 Plate 14

Boy with snared korhaan.

Plate 15

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

‘deaj pejow e SUIIIAOD UL]Y

Plate 16

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 55

“S9] S}I UO Uaes oq UO UTeYD pue de. [EOL ay], ‘UIOY Yoqsures v puv sauo}s Bursn “YyoIIs0 podde.y

e sulyry shog

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56 Plate 17

A Nharo hunter and his dog follow a game trail on their way home after a successful hunt.

Plate 18

Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

h eggshells used as water containers.

1c

Engraved ostr

Ann. 8. Afr. Mus., Vol. 56

‘AIP 0} soot} Oy] UT Suvy sduys yay] ‘vote sous \sIsqns Arepuosas v UT o1e UOtUYsng 94} uayM pasn dures Aresodursy peatddy v& jo 11eg

INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS

Based on

CONFERENCE OF BIOLOGICAL EDITORS, COMMITTEE ON FORM AND STYLE. 1960.

Style manual for biological journals. Washington: American Institute of Biological Sciences.

MANUSCRIPT

To be typewritten, double spaced, with good margins, arranged in the following order:

(1) Heading, consisting of informative but brief title, name(s) of author(s), address(es) of

author(s), number of illustrations (plates, figures, enumerated maps and tables) in the article.

(2) Contents. (3) The main text, divided into principal divisions with major headings; sub-

headings to be used sparingly and enumeration of headings to be avoided. (4) Summary.

(5) Acknowledgements. (6) References, as below. (7) Key to lettering of figures. (8) Explana-

tion to plates.

ILLUSTRATIONS

To be reducible to 12 cm X 18 cm (19 cm including caption). A metric scale to appear with

all photographs.

REFERENCES

Harvard system (name and year) to be used: author’s name and year of publication given

in text; full references at the end of the article, arranged alphabetically by names, chronologi-

cally within each name, with suffixes a, b, etc. to the year for more than one paper by the same

author in that year.

For books give title in italics, edition, volume number, place of publication, publisher.

For journal articles give title of article, title of journal in italics (abbreviated according to

the World list of scientific periodicals. 4th ed. London: Butterworths, 1963), series in parentheses,

volume number, part number (only if independently paged) in parentheses, pagination.

Examples (note capitalization and punctuation)

Bu.toucH, W. S. 1960. Practical invertebrate anatomy. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan.

FiscHer, P.-H. 1948. Données sur la résistance et de le vitalité des mollusques. 7. Conch., Paris

88: 100-140.

FiscHER, P.-H., Duvat, M. & Rarry, A. 1933. Etudes sur les échanges respiratoires des littorines.

Archs Zool. exp. gén. 74: 627-634.

Koun, A. J. 1g60a. Ecological notes on Conus (Mollusca: Gastropoda) in the Trincomalee

region of Ceylon. Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (13) 2: 309-320.

Koun, A. J. 19605. Spawning behaviour, egg masses and larval development in Conus from the

Indian Ocean. Bull. Bingham oceanogr. Coll. 17 (4): 1-51.

Turez, J. 1910. Mollusca: B. Polyplacophora, Gastropoda marina, Bivalvia. In scHULTZE, L.

Zoologische und anthropologische Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise im westlichen und zentralen Stid-

Afrika. 4: 269-270. Jena: Fischer. Denkschr. med-naturw. Ges. Jena 163 269-270.

ZOOLOGICAL NOMENCLATURE

To be governed by the rulings of the latest International code of zoological nomenclature issued

by the International Trust for Zoological Nomenclature (particularly articles 22 and 51). The

Harvard system of reference to be used in the synonymy lists, with the full references incorporated

in the list at the end of the article, and not given in contracted form in the synonymy list.

Example

Scalaria coronata Lamarck, 1816: pl. 451, figs 5 a, 6; Liste: 11. Turton, 1932: 8o.

LALLA

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