Wx^ih iEua^um of Natural l|iotorg

LmRARV

(Eliiragti

Jffront

JOURNAL

OF TUE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL. LXIX.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.).

(Nos. I AND II. — 1900.)

EDITED BY THE

ONORARY

j^HlLOLOGlCAL

jSECRETARY.

“It will flourish, if naturalists, cheinists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of

science in different parts of Asia, ^\iil ^cppiqiit jtii(^ir observations to writing, and send

them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. ^ If, (11 , languish, if such communications shall

be long intermitted ; and it will die away, if^they^ shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm Jones.

2 0 V' b

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1901.

• i*-'

...i

CONTENTS.

OF THE

JOURNAL OP THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VoL. LXIX, Past I.— 1900.

No. 1, (issued 15th August, 1900).

Page.

Jangnamah of FarruTdisiyar and Jahnnddr ^aJi, a Hindi poem hy

Cridhar {Murlldhar) Brahman, of P rag. — By William Irvine,

late of the Bengal Civil Service ... ... ... I

A New Copper-plate Inscription of Laksmanasena. — By Babu Akshay

Kumar Maitra, B.L. ... ... ... ... 61

The Manahali Copper-plate Inscription of Madanapaladeva. — By

Babu N. N. Yasu ... ... ... ... 66

On the identification of Kusinara, Vaisali and other places mentioned

hy the Chinese pilgrims. — By W. Hoey, Esq., Litt.D., I.C.S.

(With an edition of a new Copper-plate Inscription of

JayMityadeva II. — By Dr. T. Bloch) ... ... 74

No. 2, (issued 28th February, 1901).

An Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper and Birch-bark — By

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, Ph.D., C.I.E. ... ... 93

A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs. — By The Rev. H. Francke,

Moravian Missionary, Leh, Communicated by the Philological

Secretary ... ... ... ... ... 135

A primer of the Asur dukmd, a dialect of the Kolarian language. — By

The Rev. Ferd. Hahn, German Evangelical Lutheran Missio7i,

Chotd Nagpur, Communicated by Dr. Grierson, C.I.E. ... 149

An Inscription of the time of Kapilendra Beva of Orissa, from

Gdpmdthapura, Bisti-ict Cuttack. (With an Appendix on the

last Hindu Kings of Orissa). — By Babu Mon Mohan

Chakravarti, M.A., B.L., M.R.A.S. ... ... 173

An Inscription of the time of Nayapdla Beva, from the Krsna~

dvdrikd Temple at Gayd. — By Babu Mon Mohan Chakravarti,

M.A., B.L., M.R.A.S. ... ... ... ... 190

Index to Journal, Vol. LXIX, Part I. ... ... ... 196

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2016'

r-/’

https://archive.org/details/journalasiatic691_1901

Under orders of the Council the following system of transli-

teration will be adopted for the future in all publications of the Society.

Authors of papers for the Journal, Pt. I, are particularly requested to

adhere to it in their contributions.

A.

FOR THE DEYAHAGAPJ ALPHABET, AND FOR ALL

ALPHABETS RELATED TO IT.

^ a, d,

3 e, ^ e,

: h

In the above the virdma has been omitted for the sake of clearness.

In Modern Vernaculars only; ^ may be represented by r, and ^

by rli,

Avagraha is to be represented by an apostrophe, thus ^ sf«I so ’joi,

Visarga is represented by h, Jihvdmullya by h, and Upadhinanlya by h,

Anusvdra is represented by m, thus WW sammrga, and anuncisika by the

sign "* over the letter nasalized, thus ^ d, % and so on. The ucldtta

accent is represented by the sign ' and the sran7a by Thus, ^fl?:

aynih, janita, 1? leva, Jeanya. The anuddtta accent may be

represented by Thus, ^ te dvardhanta.

B. FOR PERSIAN (INCLUDING ARABIC WORDS IN

PERSIAN) AND HINDUSTANI.

(The system is not applicable to Arabic ivlien pronounced as in Arabic-

spealeing countries) : —

Consonants.

Vowels.

Sounds only found in

Hindustani.

LSi

f

o

4^

bh

ph

th

t

til

ch

Vowels.

ai

jl an

Consonants. Sounds only found in

Hindustani.

(♦ m

eJ n

U when representing anundsika in Deva

Nagari, by on the preceding vowel

j w (or rarely v)

A h

y

Hamzah f (where necessary) ’

The J of the article in Arabic words should be assimilated

before the solar letters ; and the vowel u which often precedes the article

and absorbs its vowel should remain attached to the word to which it

belongs. Thus — Jb5| Iqbalu-d-daulah.

Tanwin may be rendered by w-e. g., ittijdqan, Alif-i maqsurah should

be rendered by a.

Final S need not be written in Persian and Hindustani words,

but should be written in Arabic words.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e,

No. I.—19GO.

Jangnamali of FarriiTchsiyar and Jahdnddr ^ah, a Hindi poem by Qrulhar

{Murlidhar) Brahman, of Frag.— By William Iryine, late of the

Bengal Civil Service.

[Eead April, 1899.]

The following long poem of 1630 lines, on the above subject, was

lately traced for me by Maulvi ‘Abclu-l-‘aziz of Bhitri, through a native

of the same place now resident in Benares, Babu Radha Kisn Das.

It was found in the library of the late Babu Haris Cand of Mahallah

Caukhambah in the city of Benares. For this gentleman see Ho. 581

of Grierson’s “ Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan,” (1889).

After four months’ efforts permission to make a copy was obtained

through the influence of C. L. M. Bales, Esq., C.S., District and Sessions

Judge, to whom I am much indebted. A Hindi copy was made for

me by the Judge’s Registration Muharrir in his leisure hours, and one

in the Persian character by M. ‘Abdu-l-‘aziz.

The work is so long as to debar its reproduction in full, nor is it

throughout of equal interest. While he is expatiating at more or less

length on the heroic virtues of the nobles and officers who have gathered

round Farru^siyar’s standard, the poet allows his narrative to stand

still ; and as a consequence, in spite of the copious vocabulary at his

command, he repeats himself considerably, and the epithets soon begin

to recur with “ damnable iteration.” I therefore propose to submit to

J. I. 1

2 W. Irvine — Jangnamali of Farruldisiyar and Jahandar ShnJi. [ISro. 1,

the Society no more than extracts (680 lines in all) giving the narra-

tive, and including at least one specimen of eacli kind of verse. For

the rest I append an alphabetical index of the persons, tribes and

places introduced.

There are a few, though not many, unhistorical statements. For

instance, (lines 31, 32.) ‘Abdullfih Sian is made out to have been at

Patnah when he was really at Allahabad ; in lines 39-42 Mir Jumlali’s

asserted opposition to Jahandar Shah is pure myth ; and the dates in

lines 883-886 are hopelessly wrong. On the other hand, some of the

details as to localities add to our previous knowledge, and the copious

use of actual names shows, to my mind, that the author either was

present in the army or wrote immediately afterwards.

In several instances the introduction of tribal names is not only

ingenious but effective. Here is one example :

1. 1133. Rajput sohde. sdje de, Hddd, Oaur, Somhamsz

Caunihdn, Camdemle, Bais, Ragliele, Gahanvdr an Raglitibams'i

Kacliwdha, Sidamld, Haihayabamst, Sirnete, Parihdramsl,

Gamdharb Sinih Raja snjyo, dal, Bumdelo, Siirajbamsl.

The kinds of verse used are thirteen in number and are as follows,

stated in their order of frequency. Kabit, lines 1109-1248, 1465-1576,

1579-1630 (304 lines), Bilds Gliand, {2\F), Pdddnhul Chand

171-376 (206), Gita Gliand, 695-894 (200), Hdri Gita OAuncZ, 1309-1464

(156) Madhubhar Gliand, 423-548 (126), Poliard, 1-20, 39-70, 389-422,

637-656 (108), Hari Gita, 71-170 (100), Bhujang Praydt Chand,

549-636, (88), Bird Gliand, 1249-1308 (60), Ardliih 07ia«{7, 657-694

(38), Tomar Gliand, 21-38 (18) Cliappai Gliand, 377-388, (12), total

1630 lines. As there seems some irregularity or oversight in the

numbering of the stanzas, I have substituted an enumeration by lines.

On the evidence of the work now brought forward, two emenda-

tions may be suggested in the work by Mr. Grierson above referred to.

First, the entries IsTo. 156 (Murlidhar) and iMo. 157 (pridliar) on p. 65

may be united into one of piidhar alias Murlidhar. Secondly, the

date assigned to him, 1683 A.D., may be made at least thirty years

later, for the present work, at the very earliest, belongs to 1713 A.D.

In the pursuit of meanings, sometimes hard to catch, I have

treated the poet’s spelling with scant respect, making aspirated and

unaspirafed, dental and cerebral letters, Z’s and r’s, freely interchange-

able. I have, in fact, chosen “ whatever suits the line.”

1900.] W. Iivine — Jangnamali of FarruJchsiycir and Jahdnddr Shah, >3

Since I began this paper, I have received a second poem by the

same poet, a sort of supplement or continuation of the Jang-ndmah. It

is on 133 folios, and at a rough computation reaches 3560 lines in

length. As it is made up of nothing but laudatory stanzas on various

nobles, I shall content myself witli stating the headings into which it

is divided : —

Total verses 871

After looking through this portentous production, one feels appalled

at the enormous facility with which Hindi verse can be written.

I

5 ir^rut i

^ I

Iran % nnftK n

rarf i

wif? suT ii

10

4 'W.

15

20

25

30

35

Irvine — Jangnamali of Farrukhsiyar and Jahandar ^dJi. [No.

^^5at ^isiir ?§T»r i

<s^ 5iT?r Kxft 5TT5: li

f^’T ^ ?ti^ tfs^t I

ffl% 5tI5 11

^r vtft ^jji ?fjT I

SiTcTXS t% ^IcfcT ^t'S sfjT II

f«T ifw fg^T f fe5i ii3:is: i

t5x:ht5t TifTs II

<TiH?: ^ I

^ IX^T cfJJI

cT^ ?wgT

fttJit ^Tt^iTs:

Hilt ft?;

’XiKflTS

^ ^5f ?;t^ sit?:

?T¥ SfJX 1»T

«f?; tsV cfgg

infr %

?!Ta<i ^^51

^ifsi am

fa>a aaw aftfa axam

sa wfV aft xc^vua

a®a> ^aiTf Tam

^ai a H ?!?an?;

?ia fara^ ^aai gam

Kaai f ?iaai ara

atf?; Kift aiiaa aia ii

.1900.] W. IvViuQ- jangnmnaJi of Farrukhsiyar and Jahdndar SJ. ah. 5

I

40 ^ I

?il rrn^^ i

anfr f^'JxCt f%^ex xx^ xxcx g

xx^ ntx; ^fxx5ix ft?: I'X’^ xa^x?:

xcn ?;xw ^x*x ^n> hxjx ^%^xk

45 ^ixfsi ^5i ^j^iinsT?;

■qtw *X3XXX> HTX^g t ^^iffir |(Hk ||

V"W xflT gffl^X ft?; SXf msx JXsft XX5I

t xx*n?- 5 ^35^f?i?x?; ?W5X

lfsi% ^Px § «?x?:?zx

60 ft^t f ^%X ^i K’l^t f?X JX5Tf jg II

XC5(XSXX«I W'f’tw? Xfit 5?x ?i *i ^ ^x*x

XJ!X ^%5xtl ^5X

fxxn fixqx qxf?; %jx ?rt fqixx wPift 's?;ixx’x

^% wf?; x^si fq^xft ?;q nxft % gxxqixq n

55 . w^qiTX’r fqrait 51% qi?;?xx5x q^ft ^xxc

aq tq qi qqxxc

qt ^qx?x PB?: qPc q qqi^> g fnft; qxt qxt

tqx 1 ^Tsiqi qq qxfq qxT ^qa% qxq ii

^Px qixj f%iq qxfq qxft q^ft pxn qrqx?:

60 qit: qsft qq qft qq qq q qqqxq

q iq qgift qi^t qi qqx flc c^qi?;

qxsqt pxqxg^ qi qxtPi xif^ qrq qqqit g

Bxqxft’ fqqx^ft qt ftq qqtqxq

Pxifq qqq> qx^x qqq qq qqq qpf fqxqqxq

6 W. Irvine — Jmgnamali of FarruMsiyar and Jalidndar Shah, [No. 1,

%5T 11

Tit '^T^T

^TtT ^T ^

(5I> ^T ft^cT ^\^

70 ^R5T I)

^fT’flrT I

icf gfi sRtf '?n

fflsiBiT: f^?iT ^

TEf ^ '^i 3cl % f^ijft

*iR f^^?:T3c JTfr ^i;9it T^^ n

76 «?ft ^ ^ "gw =5^

-r^jn^ ■?*{ wei n#t

fig »iiKftf <at >?rT5iff ^ ^fl

5iTJn «nf Jistie ?f^5c €t ^af^im n

Ti^R fffcr «Tf cl ^ ^51 ^ni#f

80 JlKft fl^Kfl JT% WpR «^ffe ft?

fl|5r SIT? «Tt ^3X5 ^f^sf ^?5I '

f? xxiK g?x^ x)?i^ xx?K*r ff a xn?;5x xira'ff ii

X X X X X X

99 ar ^1?:% % ^x^i^Rtf ft ^ft aift ft ft

100 ftxKxgfl ^ft at 3^ airx^ fY

f KfcT ^?;Pr xa ft TO ft X3X5IT ffft

^ ?xa ft«x faxrrr ft ftft ii

ar ft?: ft fk % a% a?:^x?;%

fix? sxk xjxa exft ^xk fsi?:w ^?xx?:%

1900.]

105

110

115

120

125

130

W. Irvine — Jangncimah of FarruJcImyar and Jahandar ^ah. 7

^ wtft cftft »5rt5tPr nut

’gwtnTgn »isrr^ II

sfti =9® ^t?: n n?: i€t nx«r%

ft# ^T«T nt€l; =4ir ^^fnis: %

wnixift ^Rfsr nrs: %

JXiiTfe Wfe nra ^r< ^51 f=xni II

^t§ f%n xft: ^t3) nrs: ^it nn nt:

Os

^t^n st % ft*n xrtt

% ^JT ^n n*r nin:R-

Tn 5i innt nTf mn f%f# % ■gt n

sfir f fir nsrsRfsr gsn ^5f t^x;T

fsiPf xnn Tf xHtfl nuf § ^rt; %

5i€l % wxemn xjif^ ?it ^x;t

^ 3uat ^ri#cT l^?;i n

H^5 ^T3t f^nt

nit srmt: it?n% ?it f fVnt

ifn^ f«x;Tf ff nt €t ^^rr gut ftrat

uiw nfs iftf ^ ^iar #3fit « f^xit n

5 ni 3E[q ^ Jt'fttn JTtfg 'wt

f?tnd niii'ff cRj; ^eT?;f5r -rt

uin: tt y %% srun ^if%

«t fti?:Tift ni ^ ft^ wife Tt n

?:*[ncr Tf f nw nKuft nn; jtus: ut

^5i5it?: if tTx:^tK % ^t^n nf^utrse ^

9tT% tsuRf^tn; ^t q^ex sFfxs: ■?t

[ Line wanting in original ] n

X

>4

X

X

X

X

B W". Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrulchsiyar and JaJidndar ^dh. [No. 1,

139 ftsf ^ m

140 fsife stTf*! arr «Rt ^xfr

^15 uf ^nsr T^3T n

xnaxc ^x;st cf^i fft-

?x>i sfji jfit mcT stlsr si’rr

146 nrwx€¥ ^xflx®r ^

^ f<?ifc sS'JT ^t ^ ^ II

X X X X X X

159 ^5t ^1% xtssfi 5at 5TTs: %

160 ®&5T 1^ XTTxe %

^ s»

'— fHIllft ^ 5pt ^?TT tlifrnSE: %

F?:?t Hfe ^?;si n^t wfr % fc^^rs: % n

^xh?:tw 1 stmsiTf wt

f?;^ K^fct 5X1%

165 lira ^f?T s^JtTx: TT^^f 5ta m'f

^5RTf?: ^11 TO x;xT xat ii

ci^ sf ?f aife fg^r ^ cT'rg^

gi% ^^oT fan ntt fn^i ^i5t

^n ■^ifl nft f?;?r nrwi aant?: nxt ji%

170 fni5c xTtiftn nT ^xifst % ■ng?ijr =nfnt ^fna: ii

iTT^f ^ I

rfsi fnn^iT?; nn

to|- giTfr flnin ni« an

frrfani fafam sia nmt?; an

fant ^ngai nin nfnr ^n

1900.]

175

180

347

350

355

360

W. IvVw'iQ^ Janrjnamah of FarrukJlsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. 9

at ^

R^iii n^it innsft sftt »

«5C ^asiT ^5T «Tf^

f ii^nsft

pR^ Pb?: ^w>

tsikPi sf If

fBTf g ^ ^

X X X. X

'flu ifli; «|ifti; nf^ff

55u:^i 5|ff f fH

^^siV t ff^inf

ifl?R Jfi’ff

s!fi:iraT Iff ?iTC>

nfsf ^ ^ sfintt

^OT*ft % ff^T%^

ffw 5^ qzrfsr

• uPw; WT’tw?’

mtgr

^Pr ITT ir#t ci5f

vft fcra^t ^

^ «f«i ’ERntcf i

fftW?' f|f%T ^TOf

^ ^ Tt ^Il^fTfC fWEf

SJTf’fW? pf ^5^ BT5I^

J, I. 8

10 W. Irvine — Janqnamali of FarruTdisiyaT and Jalianddr Shah. [No. 1,

KTJT

365

^5T3T ^fJlfw TO

%

PT31T^

^TTT

KT5^ar

370 ftTT5T^

X^^ ^3T ftffT

375 ^')3T iTTl^ ?TT=ft

^

W^ I

^x^f^^x xiT^^ ww wiwr

^^x wf< ^JX^JX^ JT^ JT^3

^^X

330 WT^T^T^T^I f*mT5T^^

H^cT %% fKfx( W =^1T

Tffe II

S3 S» ,► • Nf s»

^^Pifr ^Tf^ ^^^ ’zrfnrfV

Tr€txi sfft iftf^ ^Tpr ^Tifajff

385 sffTpf xn^ 7T5T ^f5T %f^ firft ^z

^’^ %fW %% %3T cTi:

rifefT ^ %ff TO Jl'G xir^

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnarnah of Farrukhsiyar and Jalidndar Shah. 11

I

SftT «fst ^ <T^T«r

39 .) 3H ii

^Ts:

SEUstfl «f5( X^5I % giK II

sTpiT g^asiT wt«t

'33ft: 3<ft 3313 9

3y5 3iift 3%t: fist ®r€t ftf3>

3rre: 5) ft^WKW ii

«33 3T ^ l^IlfsRTft 3JfX

€t 5?nftRft; ?f JT#t ta3< 3TTs: ii

3131^ 3^ f3ftjft 3ft?

diOO «?t3T^ 3?33 33 33T 3333 Wt? ||

9tTf3Wff fisft f33if3 f^3T3

ft313ft ^3 %ft- 3333 3t ^3313 9

tg 3if3 g?3ft 33ft 3T3 1 3l%3 ^t?

3Tft g3T3 3?-i f33: 3H3 ^?T^? ||

406 f33EIT f33 3i?3'3 3t 3333T1 f3i?3T3

333 33T3ft 3t 33 3T3 333T3 ||

f333 313T ftl^t 3(TS; ^ft|- ?T3

3Tft T3Tft ?T3 33 ft*3 3ft 3^ 33X3 ||

3I3t 3X33? 3X3 ^ f3^t 3nf3 ?ftl3X3

410 =1^ '?3lft 3333 3’ut 3X3 33X3 3X3 ||

1J?3 W^xt f 3?t[? f35^ 3N3 ^t?

ft3 «XfT %?X f33> 33t ^ 33 3^? |

3f33 3tf3'§X3X3 3ft tJ?3 f3^^ 3t3

3!3ft3 ^?X ft3> 3 323 f3%'g3l3 II

12 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Favrukhsiyar and Jahm^ [No. 1,

415 ^

*iCt firW II

^ ftOr % ft^

rit ft"? fa?f nft 5R3 ^ II

Wf%5IT«it pR^t RnTHROT

420 f%cr firsT i

^ f ^ ifra

w ^TJT *re f p f II

I

«5t firer

425 facT faigsTW ^ «f5^

ft« gsrofif ^ kPi II

X >< X X

?j5nT iprm ^ i

549 gf «T% fl^wa

550 «% ’jsa^ 5w €t Tj?;

gR ir ftift 3Rf

%smTa> am aVi ii

mzi ?gr« ^ aifm *na

a?;i a«a^ fm »fre

556 mtaa¥ mw ^

*w> flTg,^ % ?r^ mbc ^-

mrs mim ai#

aant; gm# a^

ait a^ ^ #T areai€t

1900.] W. Irvine: — Jangmmahof Farrukhsiyar and Jahanddr ^ah. 13

560 JlKoft II

SI

51% CITS ^

!fi?ci> l^5t II

G\ Cv

565 si% ^51 VISIT'S ^1% f Ctt

58^ 5f=g^^T5i

^ % SRTST *rlt^

8 55^t ®iTS II

670 ^T^ H8 sft ^

sTf^rt' sfhn

?i% ?ri5i sRci II

ftt 85 5^

fs|5^ il ^

575 ^ ^ 85 5T%

JT5T% II

^ 8f5^ ^ ^5

%»r sarsi 5^ tw %%

^ 5ift< 5^ 8515

580 f5R% % $1 *n% ftrof II

5^ ^>f5 % H5n ^

^ %^5 sift' 58 ^T5X1- i

% T|^ 31V II

585 8 55!irfti5i; % sTt^ 85

SI

f^^ ^T%

14 W. Irviae — Jangnaniah of Farrukhsnjar and Jahandar Shah* [No. 1,

II

f S m ^jTx.

^ cs

590 3^

VJ V3 N»

TO wT^r wl

niT> HTTf5 ^ II

fw '^>3 ^ ^ “gift;

f>J% ^irft 5Ttq>

595 . 1^51 ^ ft?; cn €t

qiT =|;k ^ ^ f ||

gcr^t % Jiq$5

ATT flk=qT

5isft qiK ^

600 q€t «TJT «lJzft W 51R> II

?WR 5T t*T

sr qtw ?TJt

C\

srat f^JnC^

fq<#»)Tfn ^i5i€t iT^ II

605 =iit^ T X Tt qr

KXJxtxxx ^ w»?T ^ f m

^ qifx^ *nffl fnqxTxft

NJ

Slit ^ sinftPr siTjft II

^ ^gxxxft JT^Pr iT^

% fifxn

xxx5t ^xqi wi€t

>ixE wfe tiT^ n

lK>t qi^%

610

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruTchsiyar and Jahnnddr ^dh. 15

615

w ^*r 5Rt^ n

C\

^ ^TfJT ^Tt

wH i^:T ^ vtifr

620 T\w\ II

C\

Cs

^ iTife w ^^m

0\

tfT^Tsr vnft «T?^ II

625

'gre ^T

rN Tit^t 15: 15T

mil %S 5R^ wts fSfT II

51^ 'gre ^T'gR =gft

C\

630 III- ^%35 5irK^^

3i| ^ '^t?; '^tTT 3(ft%

XfT *Tt^ % hIs II

^jfK^ Tiftz ^^tPt wt

''N

635 fRf ^jft

ftli5?t ^ ITTjfl II

^ I

’CifV f^r« ^51 Hfn^l WTif

^>JT sjrft 55x5 livt- ^^x*r II

16 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhsiyar and Jcih&ndar Shah. [No, 1,

?:narm ^ ms swts

640 9iTf«i?o% w w»ns*r wts n

ssrt ^ ^ siiT

m ’fs SET ^ '€( s«r sJt »

m si% ^T«T

^aiffSTT m m tls II

S» s»

645 flVft’t % ’E sW SEi^lfl =3IR;ts

fsisfar % «> s% 3?sts II

^5|ftn 1 Ji^ TOS

■ in*! ^s f % tnf«i jists ii

?T^t IcTT S’!! wr^ iwt?i

650 5tJIT?: ^cTSSIT^ II

iris's 9irtI¥s ■#>

3TU «ETS% t^sfst II

s#

€t*l> f fH m 5TT5: II

655 WvS\ ^ cft^ siJTR't ^

^ cft^r cnftr «

^ I

^ft ^i'^5T?ni‘ 5t

fr«r trsJT 'siti' ^

^3 hhtet ^

660 sftftim ^Rinsf $ II

cr# ^sicT

TT fill ft^

5R1 €l ScHTJJT ^

^jflE ^i^nJT II

1900.]

665

670

675

680

685

690

W. \v\mQ—Jangnamah of FarruMisiyar and Jaliandar Shah. 17

^ II

V*

^t■f% 1 ^Nt?:

gstips?; ^t cTTt

sifi II

^ \»

sifK

fsR^t ^i

lti’^55; m TT? II

f5jft; snf^ «if*i^

faji^ ^jft?;

TTfm^ %

51^^ II

1«T

?i*rT

%JTT ^Wjft »^il

?iT5t «% II

■»j?’r 3iT%€t

?I3I ■^5j St^T^Ct

nfr g^Tg %

5iff ft?ii:Tg ^ 11

Wc ^JtK

51^ ^TTK wfr ^

cTfi ft?;

SJ

' ffi?T Ti?;^ fk ?Rt II

J» I* 3

18 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruTclLsiyar and Jahanddr Shah. [No. 1,

f^*r ^T«r m

C\

^T*r 31 «

C\

[Only two lines to this verse in the original.]

’flm I

695 fqift: jfk ft?: '3ti ^?;sm3r

5rtji^ cir?;

^ cT3R5C’5^ *ti af i n

w ^

700 Oa^ctHfa ^ra n#ttr ?ii#t ?i>t

fflPa Klft n%ft ^ Wiq faW afi>

ga 3Rt xu;aT*r ait ii

?;a jfNft iTJl^K aiai ^is; §

ftiJit araiaa % asjfk ?:'r> f^a'ai? ^

705 aiTaa aiw nnfn ^ ar%K% saf w? ^

5RT.l^^ q*5TT cftJT sft^fcT ^ ||

1 KJT

ftOr ^JT 5ft

TT^cTT 1 cl# ^tf^ #71 sft

710 f^5T j:% ci^ft^ #tt 5ft 11

^fir TT^^Tsr wt^^i

^^TTT TTJT ifsT lf*T VT

x^x ^i% sremsT % ii

715 5R^W#t

^fK

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farr iiMisiyar and Jahanddr Shah 19

^ f siCt n KTf ^

% Jtftr ’nfe II

720 K% Ik ^ ftnrt

3jff ^fe*r sRist

[ Pourth line wanting in original. ] n

Kfft wt iijfe %

^i i?i ^ wfe %

725 fTT r?»T K^wi ^

>?K '1'^ jft?: 5»ft^T silt ^sifw % II

TN I? wt»lft flftKT ^

^ftWT ^ '^Tf *lfK ^fK 5ff Kfsi

^rat Tj^TOfr ^

730 nnl f^itKT? ftmft »^9i %t li

«fT l*ra ^iflsr ^;^3j wJtfl wft

aT nfsiftlf^ J^5i ^ 'iflt

cf^ after anCt ^

^aj flft 5iT^ erci^K ?k fta si^t li

735 ^ fgf^ai 5RTTT «sr Clfs ^ rift art

s»

TTt airam fatfr ai^ KTpr ^ g^iT aat

rift i5*raifiT gf« cira nw^ aft ait

''< s»

Kirr arat jik wfe ii

rsi^ fK« arot aiar aftsrlt ^saei ^ras;^ 5TK %

740 nT rum WpR ftiaft ftrit wV^KT «KKTK %

C\

frJK % eiaft»r ^aftK f%ait ^ aig ^rraiK % ,

»H ^ ST ^it W^^ftr wf*t ^31 rft ^TK % II

lt% n siai snsiai ^ler ^ rji^ift ^r?t

20 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMsiyar and Jahandar ^dh, [No. 1,

746 5Rfi; ftiur fern ^ ii

SETI5 S«T ^ flf II

5Ei^ ^ =g5i> cfsi

l^TcI ^5(f TOJJtt

5B? cT^ gf^ci ^51 ci^ r^^RJIT

C\ C\

750 stf^ ^=gn '^i'¥ »nS# ?;5r wftr fsfict strut ii

»ftT: TTS’qcT ^

f^TTcT siTsr *1 ms % ^ts

&T TT?r ^5R SiSTfS'^f

fisfs girr ^ 3mft si^ Jf tY i

755 %?: wf^^T^sT ?ff stsi^ 5>t

asmft % ^si % €t HTjfn wt

?;5r mft mcTW'f ^ mfr^n^er

ifticiTsr ’^TTcf «> f^ftr w^r: ^t^ li

«r§- SfTI T13^t fiTf^ % TIS% *fjftST

760 Is ^tl fnf^i ms ^Ts

1551 eft^ tOr Imsmf STSifS 5T5f*T5T ST

S5iinT TTS'^S ^TS^ S'ii STSI TTf T ^ II

It^rrs ^ut msr fsiR> ^fsiT:

515 5fV ^ JTt^> ^fft sf*r Ttfsf^ ftf^IT;

765 5>tr t?It TTf*i5i 3ff¥ ftm f^ift sst 5r 5j5t

ssIlT rnfti 3it TTT »nfs Tifs n

fijft: ^*T pRis % ftnjt: ^n\T

SS5\t “st ^ 515 TTfS TXfsW ^ITS^

515 5IT^ ttN ir«TS ^5^ ^T^T

770 S51ST5 ®STt 53TJT5> 5TT^ RSI^ «T5$ II

1900.] W. Irvioc — Jangnamali of Farriikhdyar and Jahandar 21

w t: *?!■

^rNcf «k

51^ ^ nt ^5; *tt

SJ ^

3BTf«I«RT ^t<T »rt II

775 SRTJT %

ut ^ife f^cT KTsflcT ’??;Tn %

^ci Ti'^ fsi^nsr ^fecT tf?;n ^TJi %

8t^ ^R ^ITJIRITIt % II

ftsi ww ^ ^ ciKicf %

780 5Ct?«T ikPt ^R JR ftf^Rtia %

HSJrtcT f%j; IJJ, jftg % HSJjft 3cRTcI %

w wfii^t R Kier % i

gcRR ^ig^f f%IR^ JJC JT5f ^TKTS:%

^^R 3tT3C^

786 a# ffl% faa^: ^r%

aiff ^ ^fa axcT aRf aaitl n

aft*

e>s

jca Tiift; na\JT aff aa aRf if% ai^ft* =?■¥

fai*na faai hit ^ft* tY

790 ^JiY sfJT % jcaaft aunaa arfR fY ii

C\

aiaifa at art faa aff inftr araiaat

TSKa’a ai faa faaa atfa ana aiaax

ar aa|- aY awama^at aa ar* arx; anaax

?a ax»* %Y aig% ^a aY ar^xaax n

a^% J;w «Y ataR faat

faft; ax^a 'aa^f ftx^Y aaaaa jYf? aax faaY

aia aj^ aiaat at ffl^Y ^a aisa ana % faaY

795

22 W.

800

805

810

815

820

Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. [No« 1,

5t sr II

ferei w«rt ^ hsi?;jst ^ ^sn?;

?st 9l^5t jijisr v«si w «t

^XJ xmx[ wf ^jx II

s»

f^fa %fjr ifSTJe^

?KaK f % sin€t?f sftd ^15^

Tw »fm sas gairsff

ar laa a*f ^it Itt: f^a wrs^ ii

5Rwt ai aaiaT 'sa att? a>T

ai^ sft aaa k aaiw sfw an'rasn?' an

aiasaTai aiwftnR: ait afw ^ ^anf an

?;a at?!t ana^f aai fltaft ^ air an ii

Hfaa a^ifN a>ft afft: ’ifr aia^ ar?: aiat

aar< Htat ^aaiK «aa% aat

aas^^ra ntwfa f m w??r sufr % wtat aat

aia €ta> aoTaan?- ast %a Ta;aat ii

aT nta: gfnaiT ait aresj la a^ aft

^ aaiaa ^ faat aaata afla anfta €t

aifaanfa flK cai anfa ^rwi aafla ^

an: ar^at Tra aRaat aft fta: aft ii

aa: aia;^^ fta: taa a^ta: ait ^flt aiat

airat ari’fla ^a a'atai aiTpa aa> aat

aiaiaiK ft« aaaaiatai agt ^a gaat

«ata fla; aft ait aata ?ift ^ Tat ii

aa sfw ft*ft anfr ancai at ft ftiat %

fnffaft JtTtta ai atTSt a aaft fatata; %

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farriikhsiyar a-<id Jahandar ^nli. 2:>

825 ft’s: ^3T am?; %

Jifr ^pc?wt ai 55111?: % 11

am?: at aaiaf? mrawT am? at

fafaat a?m? at a#t mam? fta tmt? at

a? ana aa '?m? aa a?m? aaaaat? at

SJ

830 Ta?TT fr?^a m fttat aam? It? mat? at 11

arf? ^ ^a am? aft aaat? af mt anat

aa faaa afat at ^ait aa aaa axaaa? a?

faa ax? ax? atax? at fafa aaa ata t?x at

a; afa axfa m? aa a me axe a?xat 11

835 ait? atae at? aa?e aaa aa aa aifqmt

^ aft? ait ataaa ar??xfa aaea afamt

?aaxa ax5 faaxa a aaa maaxa 1 x^famt

^ aa a? ara afaaa g?a a?fa afamt ll

mt? axaa ^? aa^? mtt '??ax at

840 ^ mt? cflaa €t aair axa >t?a ?ax at

^ mt? axe afaa gat ita fafa at aax at

sw mt? jftax axa a^aPr ?xfa (aa a?ax at 11

5s mt? aa aa ma a$ aa aa aPt mta aaaat

Ita tfti arf a m? at Pie eee exa ^mt mat

845 aPi at? mxae f a ase amx Its fa#aat

faa?x? ax? aaxaft a^exe eft Ita; aat n

^ fta a^at? aa? m?a mxae#f (mat

ng ?xa ae'g afa ma aaf? mxfa at f?at

mm ?? afma mxat mxr agax aft faat

s»

850 axaxa m?f at? at sfa mx(m aft fma a?faat 11

mf? ftmt gagax fef? atalt a?ax? at

24 W. Ir\4ne — JangnamnJi of FarniMsiyar and Jahmidar ^ah. [No. 1,

mw ^ ’TK WT®f9i:iT

ag ?;tfif KxFHfr crft iitk vrf ii

855 in; ir^st cit«r

^51 iifftr ■gifr^ WK fcilf Kift 3T?J5:I

sig Hift »xt?: f^f^f «^Tsr

^fcT tJT '^U 3Tf 5TT ^51 iTf % ||

5i^ ^Tpr sfti; ?iJTir ^nun ?t«j>

800 ^Rx ^xx: tixt: ^hxk iif«r ^ isf% ^ wix ^«q>

K^nxi^x xff ^xiixxsr ^fsfcx %g fxxg«x %

8i5i a^H ^ ^f*x ft'a % axfi? % 5[xifi’ ii

wxflx wrsisixrT sti^ix n

ax xt^x ftTi 5 ^xa axtxt lax fxiax'axt

805 fta xifxcxx fnais axeax ax^ txx ax'r

aiaxt x^aft % axax axt ii

aw aax sal x^aft xxa if xxtx fxxt xit axY

af% axxf %aax aia ^fx ^taafr axV

ai% a ax>3) xnxi^ aax aaxf? xxaxt

870 T'a faxa^ xsxxs i % fcaxt xxaxt: axxt li

axfiat ax^i: aa axfx axfxfa txfa a ax^

xrfl&x xixaxa afaxi axaxa xxtii axxaxa xxa aift

agx:a afxff axa a'^t xxa naa ^

a^ax vxaxxxa axfa afa aaa^ax afx?a at ii

aaxx at *13 axa axa f*raxa aa xa % at

aa ^XT aaax atsr aaxx axx? ax a^t

a;f axfa xxfa a^t aat afa ^x af%a atxat

fafx atx 'ftaW a^x axfx txx axt saa’at »

875

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMk-siyar and Jahandar Shah. 25

880 fgcT ^ ^ T|5^ ^sr gV

^ ft?: ■?•?:?? til 3Tf ^jftrfn

w?: *ft?: gt ?i^fi:t: ^ ?rf n

?f^cr 1 ?itt I jt crfr

gg «1 tfcrgx Hit gttw

885 qT?r«Tlft Hit ^Tt?; qxq:ft ^t1

tix €t gxxcfx gft gx|q tti ^ft ^x'ft it

faci xil?: «> qrfjx qt?: t qqqxfr t?; q?;qt fqrft

tq ^ qxq?: tTt gV ffift tft tqrx fqfl

qw ft?; q?gt?: tqq qft?: xftft Kffft

890 t5?:q sfq ^jtjx ?«x gj?x fqft qf?% ftft ||

qr? ft?: tfxj 3xx?> ?rf1 tH?at ^ ^ft e#t

f^ft qlk tt qi tx^t: fcift qft?: sxV f#t

qift f«f«t f«n?: ?sgtf: ?:ttxq gt xx#t

qiftr g?: ?fqxx f ^ qrqex S-?i ?ft qqic(x t#t ii

I

895 Kf?T stxft qft % qqt

fgqqigiqf qxft^

qtcx?: flw ft?: t???:T'#t

qxit qxTt qn^i fgqx'ft

Iq g? ?:q ^x^i fgqxft 5ex?ix#t ^ tg?:Tft gqrqi gl

900 % ?nft ff g gff ^ gft gx?:^^ tifr qxf^ g?:l

qxir x;1^ fit qq qfOc ?Tq Jf ?xf?: gqf t’g gt

qjq^t giq Iqq % ^ qf^qn gfttt fq qt 11

ftqntxqt qfift qxl^xxfft

J. 1. 4

26 W. IvYxnQ—Javgnamali of Farrnkhsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. [No.jl,

905 ’tft

1 Tift

ftfft Till *i’ft nfl ^^ft Tl^t

^ W ^cl W ?TTI^t

Tilt TlZ^tlt ^'V'f fl

910 Tff ^i ^iiT Iti: TTfn? ^T |ji9i «

>< X X X X X

^if^fj I

1109 ft»licr 3iW nsR H^^il ^51 ift Tfjlil Tif?

^'f ^fTir fiTi % tn^Ti 5Tt Ti^ %

s^i^in ?5ig iiffft: 1^ ?;%

^Hcnsr ^TJi g^in ftK ftfsi 1 TB% II

X X X X X X

1249 ci^ *151 lets 4

T^5t ^

1 ^f%^fri9i T?t

^■^ 1^ Ik Tug;'! ^i ii

X X X X

1309 3TU

1310 5T7nt ^?T

SJ

TitHi; TTU: 5HR «T wf3^ ITK ^K5f

fif «iT% f ^51 Ti'f ^ Is^ II

1900.} W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruTdisiyaf and Jahandar Shah, 27

^ x^sifsr ^31 ^ T*r *f>

Eff^ W15T 5fra

1815 ?if% »iV

w?; f% facT aaafa %a ii

3RST ET3 ^

s#

•af '33T 5JT?: anr am 3^

a?: aK aa?:a aN^t awr litar ^>an m ^

VJ

1820 a% aTCT ^ar ft^iPr a>T ia:€i: aa ^la €t 11

wfe aa> ^\a>K <at fwgan?: aft fafai

aiaiart ft fla: anff?: ajaa aiaaa: a<a: aa ai^

aa a>aa aiiii aifr am ataa^ a^

afa =3§ am am am afata aa asai i^at 11

1825 a# #ta aa aa aia aa aa 1 aa aa a^T a^

aa fqata ^iar#f axaa ^15 »?%

am atm ^ la at a\t aa atma ^aii't

fsif^ amat axPf ga ^a la ^a la aat% 11

Ta ^a ^ % faa a ata fta flaf M

1830 a ataaax% afatar ai% ’fxfat aa aa_a¥ fixt

aj#a atafax fttatiaxa a’fxa axaa ftia fta

maxma fax maw mfa wfa art ftt 11

cs Cs

X X X X X X

1433 sRat ta taa aT^t f ^laxat aa aaaxar %

\»

^f5T RiT?:cT ^ %

1435 cr^ ^ %

^ ^ % II

'O sj \»

aa fta fta faai fat ag aiat a^ as fat

aft !St ax^ ax’? ax’? ^axxa- axfa axft ga fat

28 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruJchsiyar and JahandUr Shah. [No. 1,

ft?: Jtft Nt

IMO <!■? ^eri? ^ w? II

X X X X X X

1453 ^ ^5T ?ft n5f ?^sr wre fl'rt nCt

w?: ???: ng ^ ?rCt

1455 fsr?: fsRif ^ fft fft ffrfc ?tt g^a?: 5ft aift

nre nre ?t^re ?n?: «»5Ta if% ?ta^ a«Ct 11

wa vzr ft? ?w w? i^si

ft^T?ci Ji?5t jt% cr?aif? «€t

«? ft? ftf^’T ai? j[>it tf?3 a a^i wfr

1460 ?rft aa li'iTa sia aft ll

0\

na wa at axs: ^ais: a>f? a?af? ait

C\

fat a?a ftfa ax? was aw x? at w?ax ait

afc a^ atsa at aft awf aa afw at at

aff at? aa aa nxa at aa aaxa axf at at n

1465

I

aaaa awx nV ?>a ?ta aft aaa ax%a a?a aia

^?a ft a? %

ff a faf? af? wa a ww ft ata aft afta aa a a

atat aa at aff a

fta? aaa xfa la at a?a ax?t aa ^a ftaa a?

axt ai% af %

at?ft aftaft axa aaaxa ^ ft axfa acft ft?

axaxft %

X

X

X

X

X

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMk^iyar and Jahdnddr §hdli. 29

1533 wf?

tncTW^tt^r w

^sicT gf® ’tI: Kt

%cw 51 %cr w

®RWVfil 51^ ®i^

^Tsw in ?Rcr «

ATT mw nit ninn#f nti;^ iRt

nni ntisit 3^3 ^ b

X X X X X X

1545 nimt i?f®niftiri: ^ nnut i?tt

«ttn< nif»nstTii §

nfi: f nt?: nt gfi: nm nrt^nit

Kw <T5n w %

Wft qK Ttniift 15 sff fj)^ 5R>

fnni linii: fr nnif ^

ItK ^nt ^n?$5f ^T!iit inr itsm

^ *v ^

nfirr ^ nr b

X X X X X X

1599 ^xft wnnm®’ nifer naKir ^ ^ nfn

- mft ^ nn»l#f ?;net %

1600 nit ninnrft nirnuft nint %n nrn nftnt i

nw %

^tinc 1X5(51 nT5m(?^5t sift mnw? nritnr^iri: ir^

st^i: 5tnn %

fe(5(% nn«5r tnit ninei 5iii5( ^ Inn sinxr i(T5t

^5t 5(n5( % I

30 W. — Jangnamah of Fanuldisiyar and Jahanddr iShdh. [No, 1,

^w; w^starr w»s«e^5t ^rt ?n<ff CPi

% f*T?irsrt %

1606 ^Tis^ 1M ft*f ^

<jrawTfr %

^ timbre’ iJraHTfV fitt cfif ^

mawP? % II

to 00 1 ^ *ra

Ov, fr

#0 tf ^ ’tt^O «0.

ijW ttfc t §T^-RT< OsiPr ?0 0«n O

i : ^ #0 wf ^

O^K H«Rr mnwisr

> f O® fW sO

1610 gi^ gf« 'irgr'f O ^iPiO

tW 0»t sift II

n gsf mO ^3)

w*itO « *r ^Tpft %

gs^ gsiT Own wsr

^ gsif OPf ftft sisr qstiO %

»wiT «tO srargOw ^wre'

qr<r?tT? hk snO %

1614 sm«rf?r «t ij;?; ^ ^?r Ofr

Ow ^ ^ «WT STTiTWt % «

X X X X X X

1900.J W. lvMme—JLingmmah r>f Farnihhsiy\\r and Jahandctr Shah. _81

Translation.

[Lines 1-^, Invocation.] -

5 fridhar a Murlidbar, twice-born, lives in Pfa^, ‘ '

By telling this pleasing tale of kings be increases affection ;

FarruMisiyar the king is young, strong, eloquent,' '

And the giver of gold to all the nobles. '

A trader’s letter came, suddenly arose desii’e; - '

10 Having vomited, Bahadur ^ah went to heaven.

Hearing the news, forthwith the generous Farrukhsiyar

Decided to raise a force and make a rapid march,

He sent for his BaMkihdi A‘zam Khan, and gave or’der : —

“ Now let troops be raised, as many as can be got.’^

' 15 Then, after ten days or so, came the trustworthy news,

Zu’lfiqar and the nobles had alLgone over to Muh'zzu-d-dln,

Zu’lfiqar Khan lead astray all the army, using deceit,

Otherwise who could overcome in battle one so powerful.

Mu‘izzu-d-din raised the umbrella, ordered the public prayer

perversely,

20 Set out for Dihli, wroto and sent out rescripts -to the four

quarters.

Tomar Chand (2X-38). ;

When this news came _

Then the wise Farrukhsiyar ' ^ .

Called for all the nobles, .

Conferred gifts on all the heroes.

To all he gave thn order —

“Now get together an army.”

After this order, the next morning,

He raised the umbi’ella, sat on the throne, '

All the king’s friends . '

Then began to enlist soldiers.

‘Abdullah Khan made ready, .

He fell into a great rage, ' ‘ ~ ^ '

The king’s order issued,: - . - . ' ,

He reached Allahabad. T V . .

Of as well as 5a? A;dr, ' / V ^ ....

Of all he took full possession, ‘

The heroic head of the vanguard ‘ .

Set up his armed posts. - V .

25

30

35

32 W. Irvine — JangnamaJi of FamMsiyar and Jahdnddr ^ah. [No. 1,

Dohara (39-70).

Then Mir Jumlali, a noble, clever, deep, strong of arm,

40 Fougbt Mu‘izzu-d-din’s army, grasping the sword.

Arranged all the suhahs, walked circumspectly,

And reported all the facts to the king, where, when, and how.

Thus Mir Jnmlah, the hero, reported in a long letter —

“ They have made Sayyid Raji !^an governor of Prag,

45 “ He has started, his avant-garde is Sayyid ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar,

“ Behind comes a great army led by Prince Tzzu-d-din.”

"When all these details from Mir Jumlah, the hero, arrived

Before the king, shelter of the world, the powerful Farrukh-

siyar, -

Hearing them and looking at the nobles, with fitting anger,

50 Spoke Husain ‘Ali lOian, the fighter of Kiira, strong as an

elephant, —

“ By this the fortunes of the king of kings are not one

moment threatened,

“ To meet him ‘Abdullah I^an singly would be enough,

“ Let grace be shown him quickly, send him a. written com-

mand,

“ That wretched army will he rend, will overcome it in battle

array.”

55 When the rescript that the king of kings had written arrived,

Sayyid ‘Abdullah !^an took it, carried out the usages of

respect.

He placed the order on his head, with his drums remembered

his Lord,

He raised tents towards A lam Oand and blocked the road.

Then he stood fast, making Prag his fixed place,

60 Sent on his brothers to battle, under them all the leaders,

Thus joined Saifu-d-din ‘Ali Khan, brave, heroic, liberal,

Najmu-d-din ‘Ali Khan, the fierce, started sword in hand,

Sirajii-d-din ‘Ali !^an, too, joined, the brave and strong;

There also came Raja Ratn Cand, the wise, armed with

sword,

65 Mir Muhsan Khan also joined and brave Anwar Khan,

Then joined Samandar Eban and Yadgar Beg, the fighter,

Mirza Wall Bahram Beg, mounted, grasping his bow,

(He whose father is Barqandaz Khan, a title he too obtained),

Darwe^ ‘Ali Khan joined, the Sayyid marked for victory,

70 There came many brave leaders, severe and proud of nature.

1900.] W. Iryine — Jangnamali of Farriikhsiyar and Jahanddr ^dh. 33

Harigifc (71-170).

This side halted at Alam Cand, that side encamped at Kohun,

On both sides when daj broke both lords of battle beat their

drums,

As these mounted, those advanced, full of zeal both seized

their reins.

The whole army was in agitation, and the court beloved of the

sun ;

75 When the armies came in sight, they both cocked their guns,

Muskets, swivel-guns, elephant-pieces sounded loud as thunder,

Then lightening gleamed and glistened as the swords left their

scabbards,

It began like heavy rain of sorts, in the melee blood ran in

streams,

Urged on with unceasing cries, the brave warriors galloped,

both armies rushed,

80 Seizing their swords, jumping and springing, they delivered

blows.

One moment down, then up again, and the next moment on

without flinching,

For six hours, in confusion, the heroes braved the clouds and

streams of war.

[The. Sayyids fight on (83-98) till Siraju-d-din ‘All Khan is

killed].

99 Having made firm his heart, the Barhah boy,

100 Sayyid Siraju-d-din ‘Ali Kian, received his martyr’s crown.

Joyous from the Huri’s hand he drank the full cup of love.

He did his duty loyally, bestowed lustre on the illustrious

army.

Thus noise arose on every side, all the leaders rushed.

Advancing they threw down buckler, cast off head-pieces, tore

their shirts of mail,

105 Quitted breast-plate, broke their scabbards, laid hand on

dagger,

Lances glittered everywhere, the sword blows fell many and

thick.

Meanwhile men ran from all sides, surrounded the whole army,

There arrow, spear, rocket, bullet, reddened body after body.

Swords shone and glittered, daggers wounded with a “ kar-

kar,”

110 Tossed to and fro the crowd struggled, the chiefs of the army

stood fast.

J. I. 5

34 W. Irvine — Jangnainah of Farrukhsiyar and Jahandar Shall, [N"o. 1,

Many lay on the ground writhing, many wandered wounded,

Many were like to faint from fear, and died without being

struck.

The leader, ‘ Abdu-l-ghaffar’s, body was covered with wounds.

In the battle-field he knew not where nor how to hold his

footing.

115 Then the army made off, the scamps rob the money bags.

He whose foot had no shoes was exalted on horseback ;

Rushed the famous one, shouting the king’s name, threatens

with thumps.

Wherever he goes the hero bears the decree of victory.

When Mirza Manzur told all the story to Qutbu-l-mulk,

120 The drums beat wdth long throbs, delight blossomed in his

breast,

Hearing of Siraju-d-din ‘Ali lean’s fate, he fell into a rr^ge.

His eyes stared, he twisted his moustache, his teeth bit his lips.

Then spoke ‘Abdullali Khan, “ Now Avill I fight a great fight,

“ To cut to pieces the Avhole western army I draw my dagger,

125 “As many leaders as are come, their souls shall paj^ the

penalty,

“None shall be let go till I am revenged for Siraju-d-din ‘ AH

Khan ;

“ In a battle-field like Kurukhet, I will raise a contest of

swords,

“By strength of arm when I and my kindred have been

AYOunded unto death,

“ Then may I be stjded a faithfr.1 folloAver of Farrukhsiyar.”

[Line 130 is wanting. (Lines 131-138) The Sayyid’s brothers

return to Allah.abM ; they and their commanders are com-

mended and rewarded.]

139 Next day Qutbu-l-Mulk called for Sahib Rae, and said,

140 “ Write to the king of kings the news, telling the whole story ;

“ Yfrite to brother Husain ‘AH Khan, instructing him of all,

“ Wherever he is, let him hurry here, gathering a sufficient

army.”

Sahib Rae, the Mathur, heard and wrote there and then a

letter,

Told of the battle array, all things as they happened — how,

Avhere, and Avhen,

145 The repulse of the Avestern force, the advance of the nobles ;

Again he wrote to Husain ‘AH Khan the whole story.

[The contents of the letter are then given (lines 146-158).]

J1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Favrukhsiyar and JalicTndar Shah- 35

159 This Immble letter was sent off and reached Patnah,

160 First Husain ‘Ali Khan took the letter and was pleased,

Head of Siraju-d-din ‘All !^an’s fate and sorrowed,

When his anger had decreased, he read out the petition to the

king.

Thus spoke the noble of nobles to the king of kings : —

“ When angry, none can stop me ; my grief burns for my young

brother,

165 “ Give me orders, I make forced marches, I am ardent to fight,

“ By calling “ hish-hish ” I will turn Tzzu-d-din back.”

Then the king gave orders — “ Please wait a day or two,

“ Let some smart, loyal noble be sent off ahead,

“ What good is rage at ‘Izzu-d-din now, better take counsel,

170 “ Then let us start with perfect army against Mu‘izzu-d-din.”

Padaukul Chand (171-376).

Next day when morn appeared

Then the king held privy audience.

Group by group stood all the nobles.

Murtaza Khan took the lead.

175 Sayyid Murtaza Khan advanced,

The king of kings addressed him, —

“ See to getting ready an army,

“ You be the first to start to the west.”

Instantly obeying, the hero went.

180 Sayyid Murtaza Khan took an army,

Set out by forced marches,

Made Bahadurpur his fixed camp.

Again His Majesty gave an order,

A‘zam IGian was despatched.

[Here follow (185-228) the names of many men who joined.

Darbars were held daily. Ashraf lOian arrives and is made

Khan Dauran, 229-236. Ibrahim Husain was sent towards

Bhagalpur, 243, 244. Ghairat Qan was left iu charge of

Pataah, 251, 252. The following couplet, 257, 258, is worth

quoting for the quaint inversion in the second line : —

Sajyo Husen Alie Khan, bal,

Mahabir, Umrau-amu'-al.

He took command of the vanguard. We come next to Far-

rukhsiyar’s march from Patnah.]

347 All the nobles and chiefs got ready,

The order was given to Arslan I^an, —

36 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMksiyar and Jahandar ^ah, [No. 1,

“ Take out the advanced tents,

350 “ Count the forced marches exactly.”

Arslan Khan obeyed the order,

Mounting took his army with drums beating,

He took out the advanced tents,

Marched five kos and encamped.

355 Next morning the king of kings started.

The throng of elephants roared.

The royal march was beaten loudly.

Then played the music of His Majesty,

The big drums shook with mutterings and growlings,

360 Men shouted “Victory ! Victory ” !

The trumpets brayed “ ho-hu-ho,”

The king of kings’ good omens appeared,

The hautboys sounded bappy augury,

Rama and the sages joined the throng.

365 “ Clash, clash,” clanged the cymbals.

Jingling bells began their “ tinkle, tinkle,”

The elephant-riders displayed their standards,

In front ran men shouting “ Victory ” !

Everywhere incomparable brightness reigns,

370 The splendour is as that of Indra’s heaven.

Fringes hang over their faces.

Guardians of stars and umbrellas,

Sunscreens waving in their hands.

Hearts full of joy shout for the Faith,

375 Yak-tails, sundar, the fish-dignity,

Give evidence of happy augury.

Chappai Chand (377-388).

Farrukhsiyar, powerful, king of kings, led his army.

Many armour-clad elephants trumpeted and roared repeatedly.

The lordly drums resound and thunder, filling all the air,

380 Lances glitter, pennants flutter, as also the ensigns.

Soldiers wherever you turned, uproar everywhere.

It was very dark from mist, the sun hidden, the sky covered.

No strong man failed to arise, the weak ones gathered up

strength.

Many rulers came from afar to conquer kingdoms,

385 Many were lords of elephants, many sought that rank.

Many swordsmen stood, holding proudly sword and sabre,

Now from every hut and corner throngs of men confusedly

jostled,

1900,] W. Irvine — Jangnamali of Farriikhsiyar and Jalidnddr Shah. 37

To join Farrukhsiyar, king of kings, whose good fortune called

aloud.

Doha (389-422).

Meanwhile the king of kings marched in extreme rage,

390 Made forced marches, halted at several places.

By hurried stages he reached Khajuran,

A‘zam !^an rejoined and beheld the face of his lord.

At Bahadurpur they found Sayyid Murtaza Khan ;

Crossing to Banaras they observed the then hastened on,

395 Came through Baser!, encamped in Jhimsi,

The valiant followed, the faithless vanished.

Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan did homage,

With him made obeisance all his followers ;

Elephants, horses, litters, swords, shields, weapons,

400 Robes, jewelled aigrettes, and high rank

The king of kings gave with the title of Qutbu-l-Mulk,

Gave promotion and all things pertaining to rank.

He made a temporary bridge, crossed to the west of Prag,

There halted four days, then rushed again onward.

405 Then came Farzand Khan, world-renowned swordsman,

Strong Salabat Khan came and Saif Khan, the valorous.

Acting ever a leader’s part Chabila Ram appeared.

As his welcome he was made Raja and Car-hazari.

Kext joined ‘All Asghar lOian, who came to Hathlgram,

410 Received the rank of Car-hazarl and the name of Khan

Zaman.

Passing east of Kumwarpur and to the west of Binduki

The king encamped between them j there was tumult in both

armies.

Leaving Fathabad on the west and on the east Binduki village,

‘Izzn-d-din placed his tents and encamped his army,

415 Fenced himself and dug a ditch, made a fort round his army,

Collected countless carts, made of them a bulwark to his force.

The two strong armies lay three Icos apart.

Kept the battle-field in the midst, the mad elephants trampled

it into mud.

The prince was sent in advance by the ruler, the king of kings ;

420 When the king’s army arrived, they had forthwith desire.

‘Abdullah !^an, quick in battle, the champion Husain ‘Ali

Khan,

In front of the battle-pillar went the upholder of the Axis.

38 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMisiyar and Jahandar Shah. [No. 1,

Madlnibliar Chand (423-548).

423 Then joined ‘Abdullah Khan

Also Husain ‘All Khan.

425 ‘Inajat Khan, too, joined.

And Slmja'at ‘All Khan, the fierce.

[Then follows (427-548) a long list of chiefs and nobles, each

with some epithet.]

Bhujangprayat Chand (549-636).

549 On both sides were ranged the raging tuskers,

550 Clothed in armour, row upon row.

The mace-bearers surrounded them, their heads were

lacerated.

The dusky ones screamed, the loud bells rang.

Their bodies like lowering clouds, great beyond measuring.

Bearing iron armour, covered with fringed housings.

555 Thousands of armour-clad horses came clattering,

It seemed like the sun’s chariots gathered together.

Eagerly, with playful gait, went the spirited ones,

Streams of Turki, Tazi, Iraqi horses.

They steadied each other, foot close by foot,

560 Arabs, and western ones, sportive Qandaharis.

They leapt like acrobats, their forelocks plaited.

Flanks, backs, loins, eyelids, free of fault.

Cream-coloured, bright bays and chestnuts.

Handsome shapes making a flower-garden.

565 Like the splendour of borders, blue and green.

Dark bays, with the five lucky marks, and light duns.

Great in girth, small-eared, full of youth,

Their hoofs large, their chests broad.

Eestless-eyed, their heads good-tempered,

570 Hoofs and coat shining, compact, ready for fatigue ;

Warrior allies came from all quarters.

All the iron-clad heroes joined, boiling over with rage.

Everywhere proud governors jostled each other,

A crowd enough to pulverize the enemy,

575 Wherever you look the army is full of kings and heroes.

Many strutting about discharge their guns.

All the valorous, heroic, active, loyal.

Came with harness rattling, mount with shouts.

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarniJchsniar and Jahandar Shnh. 39

Issue from tlie armj, and sliouting urge tlieii.’ steeds ;

680 How relate the twirling of their spears !

Behold on the other side, rare and undaunted,

Advances raging the ruler of Dihli’s son ;

On two sides stand the enemies like flower-beds,

On two sides the armies stand looking.

585 With king Fnrrukhsiyar are the governors of provinces,

A wondrous crowd of allies jostled everywhere.

Loudly resounded enlivening music,

Everywhere spears thick as gathering clouds.

As the field-pieces fired a great dust arose,

590 There arose from tlie smoke great clouds and darkness.

Flashes of light came where the rockets flew,

It was as if the great vault of heaven had burst.

They threw their missiles, doing harm every time,

Armed men and gunners fii’ed many cannon,

595 The heroes of both armies advanced,

They dispelled and trode into dust the enemy’s array.

Verily that army’s conceit deserted it.

Taking the chief batteries they crowded in,

‘Izzu-d-diu’s men began to quit the walls,

600 Turned and fled on beholding those wrathful men.

They abandoned horses, carriages, gold, elephants.

No one collected aught of his belongings,

Some left their horses, threw down their weapons.

Some fled, taking the road in front of them.

605 Some moaned “ha, ha,” some fell at the men’s feet.

They w^ent creeping and crawling, as best they could,

They ran out and fled, those miserable wretches.

Many stood calling aloud the names of God.

Many mighty men abated their pride,

610 Valorously abandoned all they had.

Leaving all they fled, forgot their strutting gait,

Their star had set, their wits had fled :

Everybody, servants, learned men, wrdting maids

Calling “ Lord ! bestow on us some helper ” !

615 [Garo dhawaro jhanki jhibai surosai,]

All piled on Mu‘izzu-d-din fitting curses.

Some seized on money-bags with great glee,

Everywhere the camp plunderers ran with torches.

Lighted the thatches and the mighty tents ;

620 Great fear spread, the smoke made a darkness.

40 W. Irvine — Jangnamali of FarruMszyar and Jalidnddr Bhdh. [No. 1,

Here from tlie liot flames red light broke forth,

Elsewhere tlie heroes of the bazar stole the money bags,

There the bambu knots split with a spluttering sound.

Crashing and snapping, the heavy thatches crackled.

625 They plundered saffron, wine, spirits, dried dates.

They took all the bags of walnuts and musk.

At places pearls were burnt into powder and dust,

Eveiy where squatted plunders tying huge bundles.

Pickles, powders, and cironji nuts were burnt,

630 Elsewhere jujube fruit, tubers, and fever-nuts.

They burnt or took clothes and turbans of gold brocade,

There lay about many bundles, women were robbed.

The jeweller’s bags were carried off.

The jewellers dispersed, their bundles lay scattered,

635 Crow’ds of traders cried, “ Alas ! we are undone,”

Numerous lovely women fled, their faces veiled.

Hohara (637-656).

Know then that thus fled ‘Izzu-d-din and all his men.

Listen to ^ridhar, the poet, as he tells the whole story.

Imtiyaz Khan reported, bringing a good gift for his lord,

640 “ My Lord ! may this victory be of good fortune to the king

of kings !

“ They sent Khan Hauran as chief, one fit for any enterprize,

“ Nam^eri Khan, his son, was sent with the vanguard to

ba.ttle.

“ ‘Abdu-s-samad lOian, Raje Khan, the noble,

“Lutfullah lOian, Sadiq, Dildiler Khan, the brave,

645 “ Such were the nobles trusted by Mu‘izzu-d-din,

“ Against your Majesty’s good fortune they could not stand

in battle ;

“ From ‘Izzu-d-din’s harshness all went wrong,

“ They came to eat^aw, they threw away hand and foot,

“ Elephants, horses, camels, ox-carriages large and small, litters,

650 “ Cannon, kettle-drums, swivel-pieces, camel-guns, elephant-

guns,

“ Gold coins, jewels uncounted, in heaps strewn everywhere,

“ The vacant enclosure stands, surrounded by bags.”

There stood Mumtaz IDian; His Majesty called him near,

The king of kings gave order — “ Go you now and see,

655 ‘‘ Take the war elephants, trumpets, cannon and drums,

“ All the rest of the plunder leave with whoever took it.”

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhnyar and Jahanddr ^dh, 41

Ardhik Chand (657-694).

The king of kings having gained a victory,

His heart was filled with supreme delight ;

In the morning he sat in audience,

660 All spoke words of reverence.

Then sounded the royal music loudly,

It sent forth its loud, shrill cries,

They summoned dancing women,

The nobles came to make obeisance.

665 Many jewels shone,

White, blue, and crystal,

They offered gifts of many sorts.

They all stood group by group.

Qutbu-l-mulk made his petition,

670 Asked for two nobles to be called.

Then Muzaffar I^an was presented,

The Lord of the World conferred favours.

Gave the title of the very utmost degree,

“ Khan Jab an ” with “ Bahadur! ” ;

675 Rahmat !^an, bravest of the brave, attended.

And received the title of Mutahawwar Khan.

Then the king bestowed gifts.

Rewarded all the nobles.

Gave elephants, fierce in battle,

680 ‘Iraqi horses with saddles.

Auspicious robes of honour glistened,

Made the assembly a golden garden.

Turban ornaments glittered, plumes flattered.

Lovely jewelled bands and trappings,

685 Jewelled swords were displayed.

The whole army was covered with jewels ;

On that spot they made four halts,

All the army took repose.

Then began again the long marches ;

690 Where stands the town of ^ah Madar, '

There the lord of the army arrived,

Apd worshipped the wonder-working saint,

Some ten days they halted there.

Many gifts were given in the audience hall.

J. I. 6

42 W- Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhsiyar and JaMnddr ^ah. [No. 1,

Gita Chand (695-894).

695 Again Mir Jnmlah, the hero, forwarded thence a report,

The runner with paper in hand came to the darbar door,

Mumtaz Qan took the writing, delivered it to the king,

Taqarrnb Khan took it, and forthwith read out the contents.

The clever agent of the Wazir, Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan.

700 The Kayatli, Siroman Das Rae, lord of Saudi town,

Frequenting the audiences of Mu‘izzu-d-dm he learnt the truth.

He wrote to Qutbu-l-mulk all the news of importance.

“ Here Mu‘izzu-d-din, pnffed-up, maddest of the mad, goes on

drinking,

“ All the musicians are made nobles, they do what their heart

desires,

705 “ At every moment in their mind arises joy for some brother,

“ Who has got fish-dignity, flag, hand, yak-tail, and kettle-

drums.

“ They load with wine, their bullets are opium pills,

“Long and short drums are their cannon, long horns replace

muskets,

“ Instead of a gun-match they fill cups, they conquer floods of

hhang,

710 “ Night and day are thus noised abroad their plans for war and

battle-field.

“ All the lily-eyed, pain-quelling beauties are collected,

“ The cleverest dancers wave in the hall their dusky locks,

“ Passion kindles by their songs, he hears sweet poet’s rhymes,

“ He beholds attentively the dances of the pretty juggler boys.

715 “ Here a group of drunken players, there the overtures of loose

women,

“ Here dance joyous eunuchs, moving with great quickness,

“ There boys run about, making the darhdr a sodomites’ resort,

“ This is Mu‘izzu-d-din’s madness, he attends to nothing else.

“ Power is usurped by Kokaltash Khan and Zu’lfiqar Khan.

720 “ Both attend the darhdr, there is great enmity between them,

“ As a sick man shuts his eyes and gulps down bitter juice

reluctantly,

[Line wanting in original.]

“ Brave Ghaziu-d-din Khan and Muhammad Amin Khan have

been gained,

“ ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, Qamru-d-din Khan, Zakariya Khan,

have come over,

725 “ Then Rahim Khan and all the Turanis have been got at.

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farmkhsiyar and Jahanddr Shah. 48

“ They have made Mir Jumlali referee, will join and fight for

him.

“ One day Mn‘izzn-d-din sat, streams of wine were flowing,

“ Full of happiness to his heart’s desire, he gave new orders for

each day ;

“ In the midst of this came the news, — ‘FarrulA Shah is at

Kannauj,

730 “ ‘ And Tzzu-d-din has fled, taking with him all his army.’

“ Hearing of ‘Izzu-d-din’s flight, that all his army had fled,

“ The whole drunken gathering was forthwith immersed in

sorrow,

“ Then began their mouths to burn as if poisoned, the songs

sounded like curses,

“ Their drunken joy subsided, thought and fear and anger

awoke.

735 “It is too much to write all the story, nothing received atten-

tion,

“ Perturbed, the musicians made ‘rain,’ the queen went into a

swoon,

“ Drums of sorts were dropped, they forgot their cymbals and

rn ttles,

“ Drunkenness vanished, the wine-cups dropped, the tunes

stopped, they cried and groaned.

“ Mu‘izzu-d-din was exceeding wroth, time after time he talked

wildly, —

740 “ ‘ This affair has mis-carried because I made a child into a

leader,

“ ‘ Furthermore, power was granted to a group of injudicious

nobles,

“ ‘ My mind conceived not wise plans, the defeat is through my

own error.

“ ‘ Khwajah Husain knows naught of war, nor the intricacies

of affairs ;

“ Where did Lutfullah lOiau ever fight, he of Panipat, the

True One ?

745 “ ‘ With them went many others, none of whom could give

advice,

“ ‘ Among them who was skilled to overcome the Sayyid in

battle array ?

“ ‘ Now I start with my followers, say, who will stand fast,

and how ?

“ ‘Hearing of my approach the whole army will fall to pieces,

44* W. Irvine — Jangndmah of FarruTchaiyar and Jahdnd&r Shah. [No. 1,

“ ‘ All the dew, every drop of it, is dissipated by the risen sun ;

760 “ ‘ I will not spare one rebel ; who wdll there be to appear in

the field ?

“ ‘ Now to-morrow I will run and arrive with all my followers,

“ ‘ Not one will be let go alive, I have thrown down the door

of audience,

“ ‘ Like a tiger I will devour their flesh, I will divide them

into little bits,

“ ‘ Then rooting up Barah brick by brick, I will throw it into

the water.

765 “ ‘ By my strong arm I obtained superiority over the Princes,

“ ‘ By strength of sword, by strength of war I became lord of

Hind,

“ ‘ Defeating three Kings in battle, I took the sovereignty,

“ ‘ He claims the throne and to seize Dihli by stratagem.’

“ This order was sent, when the runaway reached Agrah,

760 “ ‘ Stand fast there all together, seize all the fords and ferries,

“ ‘ Quickly erect three strong bridges below Balambhpur,

“ ‘ I come by forced marches, collect supplies for a campaign.’

“ He sent for his BaJchshi and said ; — ‘ Make ready the horsemen,

“ ‘ Count out to all a two months’ advance, give them supplies,

765 “ ‘ Send off the quarter-master-general, then see to every place,

“ ‘ Make such plans that you may start in good order this night.’

“ Next orders issued to send for all the nobles near at hand,

“ He enforced on them the order, they must move that very

night ;

“ As morn arose the whole army must gather in splendour,

770 “ Must hurry on to Agrah and occupy Itawah,

“As soon as the order went forth, at once arose confusion and

shouts in the city,

“ The nobles armed, the horsemen made ready, at dawn the

kettle-drums sounded ;

“When he himself mounted, thick clouds gathered, great

dread arose ;

“ It was an ill omen, all said — ‘ Alas ! Kali is angry ’ !

775 “ On the right a kite called, in front to the left a crow croaked,

“ And a cow’s throat was cut, cats spat, and wrangled,

“ The standard caught, the staff broke, a very bad omen,

“When Mu‘izzu«d-din started, evil omens succeeded each other.

“ In daylight an owl screeched amidst the camp, and foxes

called,

780 “ Here a dog howls like a burani^ there a pack of iackals yells,

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. 45

“ Groups of vultures whirl over their heads, this is very un-

lucky ;

“ The soldiers in their dreams thought they fled all the night.

“ With their heads all full of portents and evil omens,

“ They speedily reached Agrah, halted at Samugarh ;

785 “ There came ‘Izzu-d-din and all the runaways,

“ As to the hardships of the battle they invented many fables.

“Angrily spoke Mu‘izzu-d-din ; — ‘I will now pay out the

Sayyids,

“ ‘ When I have overcome the enemy, then I shall triumph over

theBarhah,

“ ‘ All the trouble is their doing, rancour appeared in their hearts,

790 “‘I will fight them in every way and try conclusions with them.

“ ‘ Sadat Qan, acting out of spite, obeys his kinsman’s word,

“ ‘ Farzand !^an, his son, galloped in front of all the army,

“ ‘ The man called Samsamu-d-daulah, his sword I will splinter ;

“ ‘ In battle-field against me who will now venture to stand ?

795 “ ‘ At first Chabile Ram attended Tzzu-d-din’s court,

“ ‘ Then went off to the other side, the wretch, and deceived me,

“ ‘ Also ‘All Asghar Khan came, then marched away to the

others,

“ ‘ Thought lightly of Mu‘izzu-d-din. Behold their hearts ’ !

“ Saying this he paraded his army, there were five lakhs of

horsemen,

800 “ When naming lakhs, two lords of elephants count as many

thousands,

“ Then he discharged his cannon, the sky was hidden by

smoke,

“ Earth’s axis yielded, Meru was rent, such was the strength

of this army.”

Thus wrote Siroman Das Rae, ordered it to be carried

quickly thither ;

The letter-carrier reached the audience-hall of Qutbu-l-mulk,

805 The contents were read aloud clearly by Sahib Ram, Mathur ;

Hearing it his eyes reddened, his mind was overcast with rage.

Laughing spoke ‘Abdullah i^an, “ That king is very ag-

gressive,

“ If I now get the auspicious order of the king of kings,

“ Farru^siyar’s good fortune and God’s grace being insepar-

able,

810 “ This very day I rush to battle and break the strength of

Mu‘izzu-d-din’s arm.”

46 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrukhsiyar and Jahandar Shah. [No. 1,

On liGraring the news he made a resolve, he went the rounds,

His retinue having been made ready, the Sayyid rode forth.

Joyous, with hand on moustache, he went to see the king.

Reported everything, made glad the heart of the king of

kings.

816 What Mir Jumlah wrote in his report to the Sayyid Wazir,

Both were of like contents, the degradation of lord and

noble ;

The eyes of the World Lord were filled with heroism, the

steadfast in battle,

His sword trailing at his side, the hero’s hand played on his

moustache till it bristled.

When the lord of all the Barhahs, the hero, Sayyid and

Wazir, had told his tale,

820 Came Muhammad !^an, Bangash, and joined with new

equipments.

Twenty thousand mail-clad horse came, looking like a cloud.

All heroes and strong, all hard of heart and hand.

Then king Farrukh gave him orders: “I have decided to

march,

“ Muhammad Khan ! parade your men and march at once,

826 “To go with you brave fighting nobles and all things are ready,

“ Arslan i^an has got out the advance tents, and starts to

the front this very day.”

The retinue was made ready, at dawn the king of kings

mounted.

Then came Muhammad !^an, verified twenty thousand horse.

He was made a panj-hazarz, all his officers became mansahddrs,

830 They joined the vanguard, the hero hurried to the front.

March by march they hurried on, quickly came to Agrah,

Both strong armies drank Jamna’s waters below Balambhpur,

They met face to face on opposite banks, both armies pitched

their tents.

These wished to cross and attack, those on that side held all

paths and passages.

836 On both sides the drums resounded, all the waters were

moved and trembled.

On both sides flags fluttered, the pennants blazed to the stars.

The royal tents, lustrous as the cars of the gods, hid out the

heavens.

Throughout both armies were thousands of brisk movements,

the horses stamped their hoofs.

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMsiyar and Jahandar ^dh. 47

On both sides handsome tents, like suns and peacocks, delight

the eye,

840 On both sides cannon are fired, keeping up their thunder.

On both sides all kinds of crash and thump set up all sorts of

sounds.

On both sides, night and day, the bullets and rockets fall like

rain- drops.

Both sides are full of spirit, with eager desire for the contest,

Both desired to cross and try tbeir fortune, one constantly

harassed the other ;

845 As they draw near, the armies of the two Dilhi lords leap and

bound,

Tlie waves of the great river were restless, the waters grieved

for both.

At this time the hero, Sayyid and Wazir, reported as soon as

he came,

“My lord! Incarnation of Deity! they have come to tell us of

firm ground,

“ Not far to the west of Agrah, the Jamna has been forded,

850 “ It can be forded right across.” Hearing, the king’s heart

rejoiced.

They made up a story, spread rumours that Mu‘izzu-d-din had

crossed.

This was noised on all sides, the strong, bold army made ready.

Sending some men to face the enemy, the king of kings stood

ready.

In the night rushed the Sayyid, then shivering and shaking

crossed over.

855 The army standing in the enemy’s face to bar the way was

recalled.

It marched some four kos, and for three or four hours halted,

When the morning dawned, both parties mounted, with music

playing,

In great haste the Lord of sword and bow came to the Jamna

crossing.

When the strong, valiant army arrived, the lucky time was

fixed,

860 It was a swift stream, very powerful, full of tricks, hundreds

of twists and turns.

The heaven-seated court fixed a bridge on the ocean.

First they found firm ground through the water, then they

crossed the stream.

48 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMk^iynr and Jahmidar Shah. [No. 1,

In this way the king of kings crossed the Jamna without

hindrance,

Then next day at dawn, a Jcos or two east of Sikrandah,

865 In that place, near the river, the hungry army pitched its

tents ;

Learning their approach, confusion fell on Mu‘izzu-d-din’s

army.

Hearing this news, Mu‘izzu-d-din’s mind was filled with rage.

He talked idly, “ Friends, behold ! now I rush and take him

alive,

“Not one rebel shall escape, drawing I seize every one,

870 “ I will torture those who have had the effrontery to join him.”

8o saying he rolled his eyes, drew his dagger from its sheath,

Flourishing his sword, trembling with rancour, twisting his

moustaches, full of rage.

Sheathing every limb in armour, he mounted a war elephant.

The deep drums rumbled, in fear and trembling the fixed-pole

turned on its axis.

875 Five lakhs of fighters followed, filled with eagerness for battle.

All clad in hauberk and breast-plate, themselves hard as steel

through and through,

Thus the heroes passed the night, then marched forward south

of A grab,

Then as morn broke, they hastened to their camp at Sikandrah.

The field of battle lay between, the two armies were some two

kos apart,

880 These on the east side, and on the further side from the east

in splendour

Both heroes shouted with joy, along with tlieir nobles,

Then at dawn moved to slay their enemy, like the waves of

Jamna.

Wednesday, the full moon of Pus, Sambat seventeen sixty-

nine.

In the year eleven hundred and thirty-three, the fourteenth

of Muharram month,

885 And of the imperial month Azar the twenty-third, (Jridhar

avers.

The lucky hour for battle was fixed, the Lord of the World

approved it.

Then next day for six hours Krishen sent rain in torrents.

When the clouds dispersed, the Sun Lord joyfully struck up

his drums.

1900.] W, Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrv.khdtjar and Jahdnddr ^ah. 49

The arroy followed the hero and noble, the Sayyid Wazir, as

he did this,

890 Entirely filled with the joy of battle, he made the first ven-

ture into the battle-field.

Then the heroes mounted and stood, all the horsemen followed

and stood,

Whei^ever troops were needed, thither they were despatched,

All the groups advanced, the king’s camp was filled like a river,

The sun hastened, the tortoise trembled, the snake-king lost

his strength.

Bilas Chand (895-999).

895 Receiving the king’s orders with shouts,

Qutbu-l-mulk rode to the right.

Followed by the steel-clad heroes.

Death-dealing and death-receiving warriors.

The Sayyid was followed by all the death-dealing warriors,

full of efforts,

900 On the king’s order they drew their swords, shouted, “ Strike,

Strike,” roared hoarsely,

Throwing down their reins, full of courage they galloped

their horses into the battle,

The big drums of ‘Abdullah Khan, the Sayyid, boomed deep

and loud to the south.

Dilazak, Lodi, Lohani,

Panni, Tarin, Sur, Sarwani,

905 Daudzai, i^we^gi, Gabi,

Mahmand, Bittani, Pabi,

Bittani, Pabi, Matti, Gabi, holding their Arab horses.

Clad in breastplate and shirt of mail, full of heart, joint in

death or victory.

Youthful, bold Pathans, iron-covered, renders of mountains,

in crowds,

910 Thus with ‘Abdullah IQian advanced the hero Muhammad

Khan, the Banga^.

[ Lines 911-999 deal with episodes in the battle, introducing

in each stanza the name of some chief. About twenty-eight

men are mentioned, the only verse of special note is one

(951-958) bringing in some tribal names :

Gutranl, Tarin, Tirdhi,

Sarwani, Mattani, Enwdlii,

Nassur, Gilji, Kdsah, Kdlcar,

J. I. 7

so W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMlsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. [No. 1,

Aral), Sur, Nidnji, Ndgar,

In front the Bhandr, Kdsi, Agar, Fani, TIjdgar, Boshdnl,

Mahmand, Bittani, Jeplia-rmanni (?), Gliahi, Lodi, Lohdni,

BaTditiydri, Bolielali, Yusuf 'khaill, Bildzdh, and Sarivdni,

These formed the brave array of Zainu-d-dtn Khan, the Bdudzdl,

Then the metre changes to Dohard ( 1000-8), and two more

names occur, those of the Nagar leaders. Again from lines

1009-1248 we change to Kavitta, the verses being of the

same character, the heroes of them being chiefly Chabila

Ram, Samsaran-d-danlah IHian Danran, Sadat I^an and

Amir Khan with their relations and followers. One verse

wdll suffice as a specimen :

1109 Delighted, the Pure Master bestowed instantly the whole

earth’s vTealth,

1110 By describing a gi^er of gold to the needy and wretched you

name his full titles,

The big drums of continuous charity beat at his door loud and

deep.

Of Mumtaz Khan, the strong, the hero, thus speaks, pridhar

the Poet.

[From J113 to 1248 there are stanzas devoted each to the

praise sof one man, his relations or followers. The poet

exerts himself to give each some special praise but neces-

sarily falls into a good deal of repetition. The metre then

changes. ]

Hira Chand (1249-1308).

1249 Then MuTzzu-d-din waxed wroth,

Put on all sides active troops.

In the vanguard Kokaltash Khan,

Strong, alert, heroic, used to victory.

[ In a similar manner the names of various nobles are intro-

duced into the next fourteen verses (1253-1308).]

Harigita Chand (1309-1464).

1 309 On both sides the armies were ready, shouting the fighters stood,

1310 Tlien beat the kettle-drums on the elephants, the haughty

north -pole trembled,

A mist spread, white as milk, the sun’s brightness was hid,

Meru tottered and stooped, its sides moved, its very being

Avas threatened.

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarrnJchsiyar and Jahdnddr Sh^h. 51

On botli sides the splendid armies were emulous in the battle-

waves,

Elephant-pieces, cannon, rockets, often kindled, thundered

inexpressibly,

1315 Fire-locks raised dust and darkness, both sides fired all their

field-pieces.

Next spoke uncounted matchlocks, then the faithful fell in

heaps,

The field-pieces went off “ kar, kar, kara, kar,” striking with a

sharp blow.

On all sides the drum-beats rolled, smoke and dust floated,

with great heat,

Many rockets sped like lightning, the bullets struck like hail,

1320 No one’s garb could be seen, whether the fighter was of your

side or the other.

Then the veil of mist lifted, to both sides it was like the dawn.

The valiant nobles and heroes shouted, they took their bows in

their hands.

They galloped onwards, their reins moved like stormy waves,

Loud cries arose, “ Strike, Strike, Strike,” a darkness covered

the field.

1325 Their arrows flew “ tar-tar,” rockets hissed “ sar-sar,” bullets

whistled “ bhar-bhar,”

With foot advanced, onward and onward went many excellent

heroes and lords.

The valiant with reddened faces, full of joy, the cowards all

pallid and trembling,

Just as seeing a beggar the generous look happy, the miser,

uneasy and displeased.

On both sides, in both armies, brave fought with brave most

bravely,

1330 The scamps were driven off by the valiant forcibly, hero fought

wdth hero.

Swords whirled, scimitars were grasped, the heroes cut heads

open,

With a flash came a wound ; how many fell smarting !

[Lines 1332-1432, these describe the doughty deeds of each

leader, one by one, but do not advance the story.]

1433 Death giving and taking, the field-pieces and elephant-guns

roared and sounded.

There was a tempest of matchlocks, the strong rockets twisted

about,

52 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farruldisiyar and JaJiandar Shah. [No. 1,

1435 There arrows, eager, bewildering, brought to many the hoped-

for mercy of Paradise,

The sky-chariot of the sun reached its setting, the time was

clouded.

Then hero struggled with hero, with angry looks brave strove

with brave.

Cries arose, “ Strike, Strike, Strike,” shouting they fell in

heaps.

The loyal, comely Arabs, the comely heroes, stood fast,

1410 Where there is meeting and assembly how could they turn

away their faces.

[Lines 1441-1452 are devoted to a recital of the names of

fightevs.]

1453 Everywhere the armies, full of zeal, caused much slaughter.

Weapons, heavy, two-edged, numerous, fell like torrents of

rain,

1455 Chain-mail, vizor, helm were beaten soft, the plates of the

fish-scales fell off,

Calling “ Strike, Strike,” hearing “ Stand fast, friend, stand

fast,” they made effort.

Growling and dark like lowering clouds the proud army moved

in circles.

Great drums roared and rattled, drawn swords glanced and

glittered.

With a swish fell the arrows, bullet upon bullet came like hail

at that time,

1460 A mire of brains collecfed, when the Sayyid drew his sword.

He stands full of anger, tossing his head, causing many

wounds, holding his ground.

Heads are lost, ears drop, bodies were collected in mounds,

Blood began to fiow in rivers, the stream began to flow on,

The flesh-rending arrows carried destruction wherever they fell.

Kavita Chand (1465-1576).

1465 WhenAvaves expand day by day, how can the poet keep count,

’tis the Avork of the mad-like fighters.

To the edge of the snowy hills he drives the invader, who can

come that he overcomes not at will,

The well-named leader, the loved lord of prowess, the great

chief and peerless.

Of the famous king, Lord Shatrusal, great, brave, liberal, he

tells the lustre.

1900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamalt of Farrukhsiyctr and Jahandar Shah. 53

[1469-1532, Cliattarsal, Muslih Khan and some others are

introduced. We draw near to the end of the battle.]

King Farrukhsiyar and Jahandar ^ah both fought for the

throne in front of A grab,

The conqueror beats his drums, the defeated fled, the warriors

forgetting all turned their bridle-reins,

Resolutely, verily diverting rivers, did A‘zam Khan, strong

and loyal, nphold the cause of his king.

As in the Mahabharat the weak king was chased away by

Bilim, strong of arm, at Kurukhet.

[Lines 1537-1544 give the praises of A‘zam Khan.]

To see Farrukhsiyar, the conqueror, full of delight at Mu‘izzu-

d-din’s defeat,

Beating drums, turning his reins, came Chabila Ram

[Mari par dal bar khayo juth jogini ko karat badai siwa saii-

kar hilakh hai]

One hero many thousands has slain in one moment, countino*

them one.

[Lines 1549-1576 relate various phases of the fighting, and

introduce the names of many leaders. A doha, 1577-78 is

of the same nature.]

Kavita (1579-1632).

[Lines 1579-1598 are mere catalogues of names.]

1599 A festival of joy and gladness heightened the delight of all,

the colour of things had brightened,

1600 Thy reign adds lustre to sovereignty, the fruit of fortune and

felicity ;

The happily-named king of kings, Farrukhsiyar, the man of

the lucky star,

In his day the throne was adorned, when he sat on the throne,

the good fortune of that throne was enhanced.

Shaking the south, conquering west and east, this unparalleled

man has come with strong hand.

The fortunate king of kings, Farrukhsiyar. has brought the

seven isles within the realm of Hind,

1605 Daily he increases, also the Faith, he has extended his sove-

reignty over faith and the world.

When a king is adorned with sovereignty, he should thus

obtain it.

His horsemen herded them like a flock of sheep, the army

rent, he robbed the nest of A‘azzu-d-din,

1533

1535

1545

54 W. lTyiv.Q—Jangndmali of FarruMsiyar and Jahdnddr Shah. [No. 1,

Eushed from the east, scared away like starliDgs the army of

the pretender, Mn‘izzu-d-din,

The fortunate king of kings, FarruMisiyar, defender of the

two faiths ;

1610 From realm to realm ran the news of victory, the haughty

feared, the humble were enraptured.

Some pod, some pea free from weevil, some one not the slave

of a harlot,

Handsome, graceful, brave, excellent, young, a man beyond

compare.

Fortunate, a second King Akbar, has FarruMisiyar obtained

sovereignty.

He wield^ sovereign strength, to see him is delight, wearing

the garland of victory.

[The remaining lines are devoted to Najmu-d-din ‘All lOian.

Sayyid Anwar IDian, Sarbuland Khan, and Mir Mu^rif,

ending with line 1630.]

Notes,

Line 18, the allusion is to ‘Azirau-sh-shan, Farrukhsiyar’s father.

— 1. 145, adain for dmad, (Persian) “ coming, approach,” — 1. 394. This

is the ^Id of the 1st Shawwal, 1124 H.=31st Oct., 1712. According to

Kamwar Khan, the prince observed the ^Id on the right bank of the

Granges, opposite Benares, and crossed the river on the 2nd ShawwM.

Farrul^siyar was at Jhusl on the 13th (12th November, 1712) — 11.

411, 413, Kumwarpur and Binduki are both named by Kamwar Khan ;

FaLhabad is probably a name for Kajwah — 1. 422. The “battle-

pillar” is possibly an allusion to the ran-hhamhh, a wooden post said to

have stood in the midst of the Kurukhet at Thanesar— 1. 6J5, I have

failed to make anything of this line — — -1. 706, “ hand ” s^panjah, the

figure of an open hand, one of the honorary distinctions granted by the

Emperors — 1. 744, Sdmcliuhai^ “ the true one,” a Hindi equivalent

of the epithet ^adiq, borne by Lutfullah Khan, in token of his

descent from one of the twelve Imams, Ja‘faru-s-sadiq. — 1. 780, Suranl,

a long horn, to the sound of which a dog’s howling may well be likened.

11. 883-*85. Not only do these dates seem wrong, but they are

hopelessly irreconcilable with each other. If we take the day of the

week, Wednesday, as correct, then the battle was fought on the 11th

January, 1713, N.S., which by the usual computation agrees with the

13th ZuT-Hijjah 1124 H., the date given by the historians. The 14th

Mu^arram (1125) was a Thursday or Friday, not a Wednesday. As for

1900.] W. Irvine — JangnamaJi of FarruJdisiyar and Jahandar Shah. 65

the fetisd (33) of the text, this may be a clerical error for felsa (23) ;

but the latter year (1123 H.) is equally impossible, for Bahadur Shah

did not die till the 21st Muharram, 1 124 H., more than a year afterwards.

Then the Samhat year 1769 began, according to Cunningham’s tables,

on the 28th March, 1712, and Piis puranmasi, being the 280th day,

comes out as the 1st January, 1713 (3rd Zu’l-Hijjah 1124 H.), or ten

days too early. Nor does the poet’s Mahomedau date, 14th Muharram,

agree, as will be seen, with this Samhat date. So with the Ilahi era.

Azar being the 9th month, and the year beginning on the 20th March,

the 23rd of that month is the 270th day of the year, equivalent to the

15th December, 1712, agreeing neither with the Hijra nor Sambat date.

I make out the synchronism, to be, 13th Zu’l-Hijjah 1121 H. = 22nd Day

of the Ilahi era= S. 1769, Magh badi 10th = llth January, 1713.* lOiafi

Elan, II, 721, has 13th Zu’l-Hijjah — 19th Day. — 11.905, 906, I am not

sure whether Gahl is a tribal name, or a mere epithet used to fill out

the line. The Pabbi are a sub-division of the Afridis, see “ Dictionary

of the Pathan Tribes,” Calcutta, 1899.“!. 1547, 1 can make nothing out

of this line.

INDEX. (Persons.)

A.

‘Abchi-l-gliafEra- (Sayyid), 4.5, 113, 1259,

1432.

‘Abdallah ^an (also Qntbu-l-mnlk and

Sayyad Wazir), 31, 52, 56, 119, 123,

134, 139, 397, 401, 421, 423, 669, 699,

702, 804, 807, 815, 819, 847, 854, 889,

896, 902, 910, 918, 926, 934, 1261,

1421, 1428, 1411, 1452, 1579, 1-583.

‘Abdullah (Khwajah), 345, 469.

‘Abdu-r-rasul, 988.

‘Abdu-s-samad (‘All) Khan, 643, 724,

1258, 1285, 1431, 1445.

Afrasyab Khan, 311, 521, 1162, 1168.

Afzal (also A.shraf K.), Sadru-s-

Sadfir, 301, 1169, 1176.

Ahmad Khan, SarwanT, 1402.

Akbar (Emperor), 1613.

Akbar ‘All ^5n, 334, 480, 1054.

Akram (Mir), 218, 500.

‘Alamgir (Emperor), 1095.

‘All Asghar lOian ()^an Zaman), 149,

409, 410, 467, 797, 969, 1337, 1354.

‘All Naqi Khan, 253.

Aminu-d-din Khan, 459.

Amiru-l-Umara, see Husain ‘All Khan.

* [By Prof. Jacobi’s Tables, published in Epigraphia Indica, Yol. i, pp. 443 ff.,

\ Bamv at 1169, full-moon day of Pus fell on Wednesday, 11th January,

1713, N.S., as required. Mdgha vadi 10 corresponds to Sunday, 22nd January,

1713, N.S., according to tlie piirnimdnta scheme of lunar fortnights, or to Monday,

20th February, 1713, N.S., according to the amdnta scheme of lunar fortnights. —

Ed.]

56 W. IvYiwQ —Jangnamali of FarruJchnyar and Jahanddr ^dJi, [No. 1,

Amir Khan (Governor of Kabul), 303,

1093.

Amir Khan (son of A. K. Kabuli), 305,

497, 1100.

Anwar ^an (Sayyid), 65, 85, 335, 439,

531, 534, 928, 1177, 1184, 1192, 1425,

1150, 1619.

Arslan KhSn, 348, 351, 52-5, 826, 1211,

1216.

Asad ‘Ali Mn, 269, 433, 915.

Ashraf Khan, Sadru-s-Sadiir, see

Afzal Khan.

A^raf Khan, see Khan Dauran

(^wajah ‘Asim).

Ashraf or Sharaf (Mir), 267, 429, 968,

1334, 1349.

Atash ^an, 271, 434.

‘Aziz Khan (Mir), 195.

A'zam Khan (Mlid. IMali, son of Fidae

laan), 13, 184, 185, 192, 193, 392,

462, 464, 976, 982, 1255, 1277,

1281, 1372, 1374, 1405, 1409, 1413,

1414, 1430, 1442, 1535, 1538, 1543,

1558, 1564, 1567, 1572, 1576, 1585.

‘Azimu-sh-shan (Prince), 1246.

‘A‘azzu-d-din (Prince), 46, 147, 166, 169,

231,414,599,637,647, 730, 731, 785,

795, 1595, 1607.

B.

Bahadur Dil Khan, see Ilaicin Beg.

Bahadur ^an, 246.

Bahadur ^ah (Emperor), 10.

Bahram Beg, 67.

Bairam ^an, 339, 541, 1218.

Barqandaz ^an, 68, 81, 441, 927.

Beni Ram, Nagar, 1399.

Bhagauti Das (son of Chabila Ram),

1003.

Bhagwant Rae, Kayath (of Kakori,

diwan of Chabila Ram), 1397.

Bhim, 1536.

Bhopati Rae, 1629.

C.

Cliabila Ram, 148, 407, 457, 795, 992,

1013, 1018, 1279, 1374, 1385, 1389,

1546, 1551, 1553, 1589, 1597.

Chattarsal, see Shatrusal.

Cin Qilic ^an, see ^aziu-d-dln Khan.

^lidhar (Murlidhav), 5, 638, 885, 1108,

1112, 1127, 1376, 1411, 1507, 1559,

1576, 1620, 1627.

D.

Darbar ^fui, 331, 523, 1193, 1200.

Darvesh ‘Ali Khan (Sayyid), 69.

Darvesh Muhammad (Sayyid), 415.

Dtiud Kh:in Dopntte-baz, 297, 513, 1139,

1140.

Daya Bahadur, 1005.

Dilavvar ]^an, 201, 1055.

Dil Dilavvar Khan, 482.

Dil Daler Khan, 644, 1273, 1371.

Dost ‘AIT Khan, 284, 477, 1017, 1052.

P.

Faqirullah ^an (Mlrza), 154, 249, 535,

1220.

FarrulAsiyar (Prince), also Shahan-Shah,

Pad^ah, ^ah, Hazrat, and Sahib-i-

jahan, 7, 11, 22, 48, 129, 140, 163, 167,

172, 176, 183, 205, 233, 235, 239, 275,

355, 362, 377, 388, 389, 401, 585, 653,

654, 657, 672, 677, 697, 729, 809, 814,

823, 827, 850, 853, 863, 886, 1348,

1525, 1533, 1541, 1545, 1570, 1587,

1601, 1604, 1609, 1613.

Farzand ^an, 206, 405, 493, 498, 502,

(son of Sadat Khan). 792, 1071, 1076,

1078, 1527.

Fath ‘Ali ^an (Sayyid), 315, 431, 519,

962, 963, 968, 1339, 1356, 1360.

Fathullah I^an, 310, 518, 1217.

Fidae Khan, 975, 1484.

a.

Gandharb Singh (Rajah), Bundelah, 317,

529, 1129, 1136.

Ghairat Khan, 251.

^aziu-d-din ^an, 293, 511, 1137, 1144.

Ghaziu-d-din Khan (Cin Qilic Khnn)^

723, 1288, 1579.

Ghaziu-d-din Khan (Firuz Jang), 1287.

Ghulam ‘Ali Khan, see Zu’lfiqar Khan.

Ghulam Muhiu-d-din ^an, 191, 463,

983, 1405.

— Jangnamah of FarruMksiyar and Jahanddr ^ah. 57

1900.] W. Ivvine

Girdhar Lai, Bahadur, 1007, 1393, 1524,

1563.

Gulab Eae (Rao), son-in-law of Chabila

Ram, 1014, 1390, 1395.

H.

Halim Khan (Dilazak), 198, 501, 1122,

1128, 1531.

Hasan j^an, diwan of Prag, 447.

Hazrat, see Farrukhsivar.

Hizbar Kb&n, 338, 533, 1192.

Husaia ‘Ali Kban, also Amiru-l-mnara,

Sayyid, and Ba^shi, 50, 141, 146,

160, 163, 257, 273, 421, 424, 937, 950,

966, 1265, 1340, 1341, 1345, 1363,

1579, 1583.

Husain (Khwajah), 743.

I

Ibrahim Husain, 157, 243.

IftiWiar mn, 537, 1201.

Ij^tiyar Khan, 343.

Ilaicin Beg (Bahadur Dil Khan), 341,

342, 543, 544, 1203, 1204, 1208,

Imam (Sayyid), 1400.

Imtiyaz Khan, 327, 507, 639, 1113, 1120.

‘InSyat Khan (Shai^), 283, 476, 1045.

‘Inayatullah ]^an, 261, 425, 943.

‘Inayat Shah, 1584.

1‘timad Khan (Miyan Nihal), 1241, 1242,

J.

Jahandar Shah, see Mu‘izzu-d-din.

Jai Krisn Das (diwan of Najmu-d*din

‘Ali ^an), 1424, 1449.

Jalalu-d-din, see Akbar.

Jinbaz Mn, 152, 247, 455, 1219.

JaniKh5n, 1269, 1369, 1412, 1413, 1416.

Jan Nisar Khan, 1271, 1369,

K.

Khan Dauran (Khwajah ‘Asim, Ashraf

^an), also Samsamu-d-daulah, 229,

236, 277, 278, 280, 286, 472, 474, 483,

484, 485, 486, 487, 641, 793, 1029,

1031, 1033, 1037, 1052, 1062.

Khan Jahan, see Muzaffar Khan (Sayyid).

]^anahzad ^an, see Shaistah Khan.

J. I. 8

Khan Zaman, see ‘Ali Asghar Khan.

Khairu-d-din ‘Ali ]^an, 200, 481, 1055.

Kokaltash ^an, 719, 1251, 1430, 1441.

L.

Lutfullah Khan, Sadiq, 644, 744, 1272,

1370.

M.

Madar ^ah (saint), 690.

Mahdi ‘Ali Khan (Phandi A. K.), 87.

Mahyar (or Mahpar) Khan, 154.

Manzur (Mirza or Miyan) 119, 446, 932.

Muslih Khan (son of Pidae Khan), 1475,

14S0, 1484, 1488, 1489, 1493, 1499,

1504, 1507, 1509, 1514, 1517.

Mir Jumlah, 39, 43, 47, 215, 499, 695,

726, 815, 1291, 1301.

Mir ]^an, 306, 497.

Muhammad ^an, Bangash, 820, 824,

828, 910, 1422, 1442.

Muhammad Aman Beg, 202.

Mhd. Amin Khan, 723, 1283.

Mhd. ‘Askari (Miyan), 1566.

Mhd. Baqir, 985.

Mhd. Haiyat (Sayyid), 198, 265, 428, 970.

Mhd. Hasan, 188.

Mhd. Husain, 188.

Mhd. Imam, 985.

Mhd. Shakir (Mir), 1403.

Mhd. Shuja‘, 187.

Mhd. Wasi‘ Khan, 314, 522.

Mu‘izzu-d-din, also Jahandar Shah, 16

19, 40, 170, 230, 616, 645, 701, 703,

717, 727, 739, 778, 787, 798, 810, 851,

866, 867, 1015, 1020, 1243, 1248, 1249,

1521, 1525, 1531, 1533, 1538, 1541,

1545, 1554, 1557, 1561, 1569, 1587,

1595, 1608.

Muhsin Khan (Mir), 65, 84, 440, 928.

Mukaram (Mir), 217, 499.

MuMis ^an, 344, 538, 1202.

Muhtar ^an, 1274, 1369, 1391, 1392.

Mumtaz ^an, 323, 505, 508, 653, 697,

1102, 1108, 1112, 1121, 1127.

Murlidhar, see ^ridhar.

Mnrtaza Khan (Sayyid), 174, 175, 180,

393, 527, 1225.

58 W. Irvine — Jangnamah of FarruMisiyar and Jahanddr ^ah. [No. 1,

Mnshrif (Mir), 263, 268,427,967, 1333,

1349, 1353, 1629.

Mutahawwar Khan (Ralmiat Khan), 435,

436, 675, 676.

Muzaffar ‘Ali Khan, Turrah-baz (pro-

perly ?afar Khan), 153, 449, 450.

Muzaffar ‘Ali lOian (^an Jahan, Say-

yid), 333, 479, 671, 674, 926, 1053.

Muzaffar ^an (brother of lOian Dau-

riin, Samsamu-d-daulah), 279, 473,

1038.

N.

Najmu-d-dia ‘Ali Khan, 62, 88, 132,

1424, 1449, 1579, 1617.

Nausheri ]^an (son of Kokaltash Khan),

642, 1253, 1432, 1443.

Neknam ^an, 199.

Nihal (Miyan), see I‘timad Khan.

Nizanm-l-Mulk, see Ghaziu-d-din Khan

(Cin Qilic Khan).

Nurullah ^Sn, 281, 475.

P.

Padshah, see Farriikhsiyar.

Phandi ‘Ali Khan, see Mahdi A. K.

Pir Muhammad (Shai^), 1400.

Q

Qamaru-d-din ^an, 724, 1284.

Qasim Beg Khan (Mirza), 308, 1146.

Qutbu-l-mulk, see ‘Abdullah Khan.

R.

Rahman Khan, 725, 1289.

Rahmat Khan, see Mutahawwar Khan .

Rahmatullah (Shaikh), 221,

Rahmatullah (^wajah), 346, 470.

Raji Khan (Sayyid), 44, 643, 12.57, 1431,

1445.

Rashid ^an, 340, 542, 1217.

Rasukhivat Khan (Sayyid), 1375, 1407,

1410.

Ratan Cand (Raja), 64, 83, 437, 918,

1423, 1446.

Rustam Khan (Rustam Dil Khan), 295,

512, 1138.

S.

Sadat Khan, Mazandarani, 209, 287, 491,

^ 496, 504, 791, 1061, 1068, 1069, 1077,

1085, 1092.

Saff Shikan Mn, 319, 539, 961, 1339,

13.56, 1360.

Sahib Rae, Mathur, 139, 143, 805, 1451.

Saif Khan (third son of Sadat Khan).

208, 406, 495, 1087, 1092.

Saifu-d-din ‘Ali ^an, 61, 131.

Saifullah Khiin, 307, 432, 515, 969, 1145,

1152.

Salabat Khan (second son of Sadat

^an), 207, 406, 494, 1079, 1084.

Salih Khan, 187.

Samsamu-d-daulah, see ^an Dauran.

Samudar ^an, 66, 85, 44.3, 928, 1425,

1450.

Sangi Beg, 220.

Sarbuland j^an, 1624.

Sayyid Wazir, see ‘Abdullah Khan.

Shadi ]^an, 1422, 1443.

^ah Madar (saint), 690.

Shah or Shahanshah, see FarruMisiyar.

ShMstah ^an (Khanahzad ^an), 291,

292, 509, 510, 1155, 1156, 1160.

Sharaf, see Ashraf (Mir).

Shatrusal (Chattarsal), 1468, 1469.

^uja'atullah ^an (Mir), 262, 426, 944.

Shuja‘atullah, 219, 500.

Siraju-d-din ‘Ali ^an, 63, 89, 97, 100,

121, 126, 161.

Siromani Das Rae (Kayath,) 700, 803.

Subans (Rae), son of Bhagwant Rae,

1398.

Sultan Beg Khan. 309, 516, 1148.

Sultan Jahan (Sayyid), 1558.

Sultan Quli Khan, 197, 984, 1375, 1406,

1410.

T.

Taimur Khan, 226.

Taqarrub ^an, 299, 465, 698.

Tika Ram, 1233, 1240.

w.

Wall (Mirza), 67.

Wali Muhammad, 285, 478, 1046.

Was? ^an, 522 (Mhd. W. K., 314),

J900.] W. Irvine — Jangnamah of Farrulchsiyar and Jahandar Shah. 59

Y.

Yadgar Beg, 66, 86, 444>, 930, 1426.

Z.

Zabardast j^an, 1146.

?afar ]^an, see Muzaffar ^an, Turrah-

baz.

Zafar Jang Khan (Muslih Khan) 1508,

1618.

Zainu-d-din Khan. 151, 245, 453, 958,

1338, 1355, 1360.

Zakariya ^an, 724, 1286.

Zu’lfiqar j^an (Nusrat Jang), 16, 17,

719, 1342, 1361, 1364, 1625.

Zu’lfiqar Khan (Ghulam ‘Ali Khan), 321,

540, 959, 960, 1266, 1335.

INDEX. (Places and Tkibes.)

A.

Afghan (tribes), 1124, 1125, 1401.

Agar (tribe), 955.

Agrah, 759, 770, 784, 831, 849, 877.

Allahabad (Ilahabad), 34 (see also Frag).

Alam Cand (sarae), 58, 71.

Ang (country), 1592.

Arkhang (country), 1592.

Arab! (horses), 907 (swords), 1021, 1023.

Arab (tribe), 954.

Atak, 304.

B.

Baghelah (tribe), 1134.

Bahadurpur, 182, 393.

Bais (tribe), 1134.

Ba^tiyari (tribe), 957.

Balambhpur, 761, 932.

Banaras, 394.

Bung (country, i.e., Bengal), 1592.

Bangash (tribe), see Muhammad Khan.

Barhah (tribe), 788.

Basera, 395.

Bhagalpur, 244.

Binduki, 411, 413.

Bittani (tribe), 906, 907, 956.

Bundelah (tribe), 1136.

C.

Candelah (tribe), 1134.

Cauhan (tribe), 1134,

Ohabi (tribe), 956.

D.

Daudzai (tribe), 905, 958.

Dilazak (tribe), 903, 957, 1128, 1531.

Dilli, 20, 582, 758, 845, 1591.

F.

FatMbad, 413.

Firang (country), 1592.

G.

Gabi (tribe), 905, 907.

Gaharwar (tribe), 1134.

Gaur (tribe), 1133.

Ghilji (tribe), 953.

Gutrani (tribe), 951.

H.

Hada (tribe), 1133.

Haihaya-bamsi (tribe), 1135.

Hathigram, 409.

Hind (country), 756, 1586, 1604.

I.

Iran (country), 1094.

Itawah, 149, 170,

Iwahi or Emwahi (tribe), 952.

J.

Jamna (river), 832, 849, 858, 863, 882,

1473.

Jhusi, 395.

60 W, lv'^mQ-—Jangnama'h of FarruJchsigar and Jahanddr Shah. [No. 1,

K.

Kabul, 304, 1093, 1098, 1592.

Kacbwahab (tribe), 1135.

Kakar (tribe), 953.

Kakori, 1497.

paling (country), 1592.

Kannauj, 729.

Kasab (tribe), 953.

Kasi (tribe), 955.

Khajuran, 391.

Khweshgl (tribe), 905, 1055.

Kohun, 71.

Korab, 147.

Kumwarpur, 411.

Kurukhet, 127, 1536.-

L.

Lodi (tribe), 903, 956.

Lobani (tribe), 903, 956.

M.

Maghribi (sword), 1023.

Mabraand (tribe), 906, 956.

Mattani (tribe), 952.

Matti (tribe), 907.

Mazandaran (Persian province), 210,

222, 492, 1062, 1068, 1070, 1084.

N.

Nagar (tribe), 954.

Nasar (tribe), 953.

Niazi (tribe), 954.

P.

Pabi (tribe), 906, 907.

Panni (tribe), 904, 955.

Panipat, 744.

Paribar (tribe), 1135.

Patn5 (Pattan), 155, 159, 251.

Prag (Allahabad), 5, 34, 44, 59, 403, 447.

Ragbubamsi (tribe), 1134.

Rajput (tribes), 1132, 1133.

Robela (tribe), 957.

Rosbani (tribe), 955.

S.

Samugarb, 784.

Sarwani (tribe), 904, 952, 957, 1401 .

Sikandrab, 864, 878.

Sirnet (tribe), 1135.

Sombamsi (tribe), 1133.

Sulanki (tribe), 1135.

Sur (tribe,) 904, 954.

Surajbamsi (tribe), 1136.

T.

Tarin (tribe), 904, 951.

Tirabi (tribe), 951.

Turab (Tirah ?), 304.

Turani (tribe), 725.

U.

Ujagar (tribe), 955,

y.

Yusuf kbail (tribe), 957.

Z.

Zafarmani (tribe), 956,

R.

1900.] A. K. Maitra — Copper-plate Inscription of Lahsmanasena,

61

A Neiv Copper-plate Inscription of Laksmanasena. — By Babu Akshay

Kumar Maitra, B.L.

[Eead, June 1899.]

The copper- plate — bearing this Inscription, was discovered in the

month of Bhadra 1898, in the village of Annlia, near Ranaghat, in

the District of Nadia. It has been edited previously in my journal, the

Aitihasika Citra, by Pandit Rajanikanta Cakravartti of Maldah. I now

re-edit it from the original plate.

The plate measures 13j" by 12|" and bears on both sides a Sanskrit

Inscription in 56 lines partly in prose and partly in verse. The writing

is of the Bengali variety of the North-East Indian Alphabet of the

12th century and intimately agrees with the characters of the other

well-known documents of the Sena Dynasty. The spelling is on the

whole very correct, and no remarks as to orthography are called for.

The seal, bearing the image of a ten-armed deity, is attached to the top

of the plate.

The Inscription opens with the words Om I Namo Nardyanaya, and

an invocation to pambhu and the Moon, after which the well-known

genealogy of the Sena Kings from Hemanta to Laksmanasena is re-

corded in exactly the same words as in the Tarpan Dighi Plate, ^ but

with this exception only that instead of verse VIII of the Tarpan Dighi

Plate, three other verses are added (11. 18-24) in praise of the liberality

and bravety of Laksmanasena, which, however, do not mention a single

historical fact.

The object of the Inscription is to record a grant made by

Laksmanasenadeva, who is styled as Paramegvara-Paramavaisnava-

Paramahhattdraka-MaJidrdjadhirdja and who is described as meditating

over the feet of Mahdrdjddhirdja-gri-Valldlasena. The grant was made

1 Edited in this Journal, Vol, XLIV, for 1875, Part I, pp. 1-15, with two

facsimile Plates. Another copper-plate of Laksmanasena has been discovered last

year at Madhainagar, near Serajganj, in the Pabna District. It is, however, yet

nneditedv

62 A. K. Maitra — Copper-plate Inscription of Lahsmanasena. [No. 1,

by him while be was staying at bis camp in Vikramapura (11. 27 ff,), and

consisted of a portion of a field in Matbarandiya {Matharandiya-khanda-

ksetra ; 1. 38) wbicb is described as lying in Vyagliratati, a place or

district belonging to tbe hhukti of Paundravarddhana (11. 37 ff.). Tbis

piece of land was given to a Pandit, Baghudevagarmman by name, tbe

son of Devaddsadevagarmman and grandson of Carjkaradevagarmman, and

great-grandson of Vipraddsadevagarmman, wbo belonged to tbe Kaugika-

gotra^ and studied tbe Kdnva-gdkhd of tbe Yajurveda (11. 70

Tbe grant was made on tbe 9tb day of Bhadra, in tbe 3rd year of

Laksmanasena’s reign (1. 56). Tbis date taking tbe year 1119 A.D.,

tbe epoch of the Laksmanasena Era, as tbe beginning of bis reign, cor-

responds to A.D. 1121-22. Tbe Minister for piece and war, Ndrdyana-

datta^ acted as dutaka (11. 54-55).

Historically we gather no new information from tbis inscription.

I am unable to identify tbe exact position of tbe localities mentioned in

tbe grant.

1 now edit the Inscription from the original Plate : —

Obverse ;

(1. 1,) Om namo^Narayanaya II Vidyud‘=yatra mani-dyutih pbani-

pater= V va ( bba )lendur=indr-ay udham vari

(1. 2,) svargga-tara:ggini sita-giro-mala valak-avalih | dbyan-

abbyasa-samiran-opani-

(1. 3,) hitab 9reyo-:gkur-odbbutaye bbuyad=va^ sa bhav-artti-tapa-

bbidurab f ambhoh kapardd-amvu(mbu)dah ||

(1. 4,) Anando=mvu(mbu)-nidhau cakora-nikare dubkhaccbid=

atyantiki kalbare hata-mobata Rati-

(1. 5,) patav=eko=bam=ev=eti dbih | yasy=ami amrt-atmanab

samudayanty=a9u praka9aj=j agaty=A-

(1. 6,) trer=dbyana-parampara-parinatam jyotis=tav=astam=mude II

Sev^-avanamra-nrpa-koti-kiri-

(1. 7,) ta-rocir-amv(mb)-ullasat-pada-nakba-dyuti-vallaribhilj |

tejo-visa-jvara-muso dvisatam=a-

(1. 8, ) bbuvan bbumibbujah spbutam=ath=ausadhi-natba-vam9e II

A^-kaumara-vikasvarair=ddi9i di-

(1. 9,) 9i prasyandibbir=ddor-ya9ah-praleyai ripu-raja-vaktra-

nalina-mlanih samunmilayan ] He-

(1. 10,) MANTAH spbutam=eva Sena-janana^-ksetr-augba-puny-avali-

9Mi-9laghya-vipaka-pivara-gunas=te-

I Metre: pardulavikri(jlita ; and of the next verse. 8 Metre: Vasantatilaka.

3 Metre : ^^i^dulaYikridita. ^ The second na has been inserted later.

63

1900.] A. K. Maitra — Copper-plate Inscription of Lalcsmanasena.

(1. 11,) sam=ablincl=Tarh9ajah 11 Yadiyair’=ady=api pracita-bhuja-

tej as-saliacarair=ya 9obhih 9obb ante

(1. 12,) paridhi-parinaddlia iva di9ah | tatah kanci-lila-catura-catur-

ambhodhi-labari-parit-orvvi-

(1. 13,) bhartta=jani Yijayasenah sa vijayi |) Pratyuhah^ kali-

sampadam=:analaso vedaya naik-adhvagah

(1. 14,) saqgramah 9rita-jaggam-akrtir=abhud=VALLALASENAS=tatah 1

ya9=cetomayam=eva paury a- vij ay i

(1. 15,) da[t*]tv=ausadham tat-ksanad=aksina racayan=cakara

va9agah svasmin paresam 9riyah ll Sambbnkt-a-

(1, 16,) nya-dig-aggana-gana-gnn-abhoga-pralobbad=di9am=i9air=

arii9a-samarppanena gbatitas=tat-tat-prabbava-splm-

(1. 17,) taih I dor-usraa-ksapit-ari-saqgara-raso rajanya-dbarmm-

a9rayah 9rimal-LAKSMANAS ENA-bhupatir=a-

(1. 18,) tab sau3anya-sima=janill Aranayah praninaya yani mnnayo

yany=asmaran saihstiitany=a-

(1. 19,) caresu ca yani tani dadire danani dainya-drnba | hrinattve

ca tatba=py=anena niyamam ka-

(1. 20,) lesn sainkbyatatan=deyesv=artthinam=antarena ca phal-

a9ariisa-Yidhaii 9rnvata ll Samayam ^=api sa-

(1. 21,) muddhatam nnmas=tam tad-asi;mah-ansadbani=Tidva(dba)-

bliiiva yatra | bbavati para-pura-prave9a-siddhih kara-vi-

(1.22,) dhrte sakrd=eva yasya mulellYan^ samva(mba) ndhya

jagat-trayi-vitarane mittrair=Vva(Bba)lir=vvaritoyaihsa-

(1. 23,) qgamya na Gaiggaya ksanam=api svarggo=pi samsmaryyate I

tan=uccair=ati9ayi-9ali-vasndban=a-

(1. 24,) rama-raniy-antaran=viprebbyo=yani=adatta pafctana-ganan

bhumipatir=:vbbu (bbhu)yasa(9a)h || Sa kbalu 9ri-Yi-

(1. 25,) KRAMAPURA-samavasita-9rimaj-jaya-skandbavarat|Mabara3a-

dhiraja-9ri-YALLALASENA-

(1. 26, ) DEVA-pad-anudbyata-Parame9vara-Paramavaisnava-Pa[ra*]-

mabbattaraka-Mahara3adbira3’a-9rinia-

(1. 27,) 1-Laksmanasenadevah ku9ali sanmpagat-a9esa-ra3a-ra3*anya-

ka-rajni-ranaka-rajapu-

(1. 28,) tra-rajamatya-purobita-mabadbarmmadhyaksa-mabasan-

dbivigrabika-mab asenapati-

Reverse :

(1. 29,) mabanmdradbikrta-antaraggavr(br)haduparika-niahaksa-

patalika-mabapratibara-maba-

1 Metre : ^Ikbarini.

5 Metre : Pu9pitagr5.

2 Metre : (^ardulavikrldita ; and of the next two verses.

Metre : ^^I’dulavikridita,

64

A. K. Maitra — Gopper^plate Inscription of Laksmanasena. [No. 1,

(1. 30,) bliogika-maliapilupati-mahaganastha-daussadhika-caurod-

dharanika-naa-va (ba)la-ha-

(1. 31, ) sty-a9va-go-maliis-ajavik-adi-vyaprtaka-gaulmika-dandapa-

^ika-dandanayaka-visa-

(1. 32,) yapaty-Min i aiiyam9=ca sakala-raja-padopajivino s dhyaksa-

pracar-oktan=ih=aki-

(1. 33,) rttitani catta-bhatta-jatiyau janapadan I ksetrakaram9=ca

vra(bra)hmanan vra(bra)hmanottaran yatha-

(]. 34,) rham manayati vo(bo)dhayati samadicati ca I matam=astu

bhavatam I yatha 9ri-PAUNpEAVARDDHANA-blmkty-antah-

(1. 35,) pali-VYAGHRATATYAM | purvve a9vattha-vrksah sinia 1 daksine

jala-pilla sima l paQcime fa-

(1. 36,) ntigopi-9asanam simalufctare malamafica-vati sima | ittham

catuh-sim-avaccliinnam vrsabha-9a-

(1. 37,) ijkara-nalina-sakakimka-sapta-tnm9ad-unmaii-adhik-adh-

avap-anvita-nava-dron-ottara-bbu-pata-

(1. 38,) k-aik-atmakam samvatsarena kaparddaka-purana-9at-aik-

otpattikam MATHARANpiYi-KHANpA-KSETRAM sa-jba-

(1. 39,) ta-vitapam ^ sa-jala-stbalam sa-garlt-osaram sa-guvaka-

narikelam sabya-da9-aparadham parihrta-sarvva-

(1. 40,) pidam a-catta-J)hatta-prave9aiii a-kincit-pragrabyarh trna-

yuti-gocara-paryantam Yipradasadeva-

(1. 41,) gARMMANAH prapautfcraya pAijKARADEvApARMMANAH paiittraya

DEVADASADEVAgARMMANAH puttraya Kau-

(1. 42,) 9ika-sagotraya Vi9vainitra-Ya(Ba)ndliula-Kau9ika-prava-

raya Yajurvveda-Kanva-9akh-adhyayi-

(1.43,) ne Pandita-cri-RAGHUDEVAgARMMANE punye S bani vidbivad-

iidaka-purvvakam Bbagavantam 91’iman-Na-

{ 1. 44, ) rayana-bbattarakam=uddi9ya matapitror=atmaTia9=ca punya-

ya90 s bbivrddhaye*^ utsrjya a-

(1. 45,) candr-arkkam ksiti-sama-kalarii ^ yavat bbumi-ccbidra-

nyayena tamragasani-krfcya pradattam=asma-

(1. 46,) bbih I Tad=bl]avadbbib sarvvair=ev=anumantavyarii I Bbavi-

bbir=api nrpatibbir=apabarane nara-

(1. 47,) ka-pata-bbayat palane dbarmma-gauravat palaniyaml

Bhavanti c=atra dbarmm-amigarii-

(1,48,) sinah glokabi Bbumim^ yab pratigrbnati ya9=ca bbumirh

prayaccbati | nbbau^ tau punya-

1 This reading has been first pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn in Bpigraphia Indica,

Yol. Y, p. 185, note 1. ^ Head punya-yago-hhivrddhaye, without avagraha sign.

8 Read d-candr-arkTca-ksiti-sama-Mlam, Metre ; Anustnbh (gioka) ; and

of the next two verses. &,The letter has been added later.

1900,] A. K. Maitra — Oopper-plate Inscription of Lahsmanasena. 65

(1.49,) karmmanaii niyatam svargga-gamiriau II Sva-dattam para-

dattain=va yo hare la va-

(1.50,) .sundharto I sa visthayam krmir=bhritva pitrhhis=saha

pacyate || Asphotayanti

(1. 51, ) pitaro valgayanti pitamahah I bhiimi-data kule jatas=sa nas=

trata bhavi-

(1. 52,) syatilllti^ kamala-dal-amvu(mbii)-vindu-lolam priyam=

anucintya manusya-jivitam ca |

(1. 53,) sakalam=idam=udahrfcam ca vuddha(buddhva) na hi

purusait para-kirttayo vilo-

(1. 54,) pyahH primal *-Laksmanaseno NlRAYANADATTA-Sandhivigra-

hikara |

(1.55,) Raghudevacasane skrta dutarh bhu-mandali-va(ba)la-

bhit n

(1. 56,) Sam 3 Bhadra-dine 9 mahasam mii9riniS||

1 Metre ; Pnspitagra.

2 Metre : Arya.

8 Mahasam ni probably is an abbreviation for mahdsdmdhivigrahikena nihaddham.

The last two syllables perhaps are the king’s endorsement of the document.

J. I. 9

66

N. N. Vasu — Copper-plate Inscription of Madanapala. [No. 1

The Manahali Copper-plate Inscription of Madanapaladeva. —

By Babu N. N. Vasu.

[Read, March 1899.]

The subjoined edition of a new inscription of Madanapaladeva has

been prepared from a copper-plate kindly presented to this Society in

1899 by Mr. N. K. Bose, C.S., then Magistrate of Dinajpur. The plate

on which the inscription is engraved, was discovered in excavating a

tank in 1875 within a park of the village of Manahali,^ in District

Dinajpur, Bengal.

The Inscription consists of 5S lines of writing, engraved on the two

.sides of a single copper-plate, measuring 15f" by 16". At the top of

the plate the Seal is soldered on. It shows the usual emblem of the

Pala kings, viz., the Buddhistic wheel of Law with a deer kneeling on

each side, facing it. Below this we may still recognize the* king’s name :

Cri-Madanapalah, and on the top of the seal traces of small Stupa are still

visible. The writing belongs to the Bengali variety of the Nagari

Alphabet of about the 12th century ; as compared with the earlier

inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty, it shows a marked development to-

wards more modern forms. 1 ts execution is on the whole done fairly

well ; in one place, however, it has been impossible to make out exactly

the meaning of the letters ; unfortunately, this passage contains the

name of the village, granted by the king (11. 32-33). The avagraha sign

is frequently used in this inscription ; final letters are marked by the

sign of virdma, which, however, seems to have been left out by careless-

ness in some instances, where in order to avoid unnecessary correc-

tions in the subjoined transcript the letter has been put down as

final. In regard to orthography, I desire to draw attention to the

spelling ttajan, for tyajan in 1. 14 ; prattarthi, for pratyarthi in 1. 24 ; and

also punair, for puny air in 1. 16. Instances of this kind may be taken

as originating from a pronunciation of the compound letters tya and nya,

1 The “ Munholee ” of the Indian Atlas, sheet No, 119, 6 miles south of Peokot ;

Long. 88° 35' E. ; Lat. 25° 19' N.

67

1900.] N. N. Vasu — Cojpper-jplate Inscri]ption of Madanapala,

whicli almost closely resembled the modern Bengali pronunciation of

the same. The language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the

introductory benediction (in line 1) and the portion containing the

grant (lines 27-49), it is in verse. At the top of the inscription,

we find the letter ni engraved four times in one line ; this appears to be

the official endorsement of the document, ni probably being an abbrevia-

tion of the term nibaddham used in similar cases.

The Insceiption divides itself into : —

(а) a genealogical portion, in verse, giving the names of 19 princes

of the Pala family of Magadha, 17 of which appear to have been reigning

kings (11. 1-27) ;

(б) the portion containing the grant, in prose (11. 27-49) ;

(c) the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses; this portion

ends with the mention of the name of the person who acted as dutdka

and of the engraver ; it is in verse throughout (11. 49-58).

With reference to the Genealogy op the Pala kings as recorded

in this Inscriptions, I need merely point out that up to Vigrahapala III.

it almost verbally agrees with the corresponding passage in the

Amgachi Plate {Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 100). The only not-

able difference is that the verses beginning with yam svdminam rdja-

gunair=anunam (11. 13-14), and with dege prdci pracura-payasi (11. 19-21)

have been left out in this Inscription. I may also note that by the

reading of this Inscription it is now possible to correct the passage read

doubtfully as vigva-priye in 1. 15 of the Amgachi Plate and in 1. 20 of

the Dinajpur Plate of Mahipala (this Journal, Vol. LXI, 1892, Part I,

p. 83) ; the corresponding passage in the present Inscription (1. 13)

distinctly reads netra-priye, which appears to be the correct reading.

From Vigrahapala III., onwards, we then have the following succesion

of kings : —

(1) Mahipala II., son of Vigrahapala III., (1. 18);

(2) ^’uEAPALA, son of Vigrahapala III., and younger brother of

Mahipala II., (1. 20) ;

(3) Ramapala, another son of Vigrahapala III., and brother of

Mahipala II., and of f urapala (1. 21) ;

(4) Kumaeapala, son of RSmapala (1. 23) ;

(5) Gopala III., son of KumarapMa (1. 24) ;

(6) Madanapala, son of Ramapala and Madanadevi (1. 26).

The portion of the inscription giving the pedigree of these six

kings, appears to be corrupt in some passages, and is not entirely in-

telligible to me. As, however, no real historical facts are mentioned in

those verses, 1 trust that I will be excused in refraining myself from

giving a translation. I merely wish to point out here, that the names

68 N. N. Vasu — Oopper -'plate Inscription of Madanapdla, [No. 1,

of the first two kings, Mahipala II., and ^urapala, have been made

known to ns for the first time only very recently in a notice on the

Bdmacarita, a poetical biography of Ramapala, discovered by my learned

friend, Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, and pnblished in the

Proceedings of this Society, March 1900, p. 70 They are omitted in

the pedigree of Pala kings, occnrring in the Kamanli Plates of Vaidya-

deva of Pragjyotisa {Epigr. Indica, Vol. II, p. 350), from which record

we have been already acqnainted with the names of their two snccessors,

RamapMa and Knmarapala. Of -Madanapala, we possess a short dedi-

catory inscription, dated in his 1 9th year, while the name of Gropala III.,

his nephew and predecessor on the Pala throne, is entirely new to ns.

As to Madanapala’s time, I can only say that I believe him to have

lived in the first half of the I2th centnry A.D.

The grant made by him on the occasion of his qneen, the Patta-

mahadevi Citramatika, consisted of a village perhaps named Kasthagiri,

lying in the Kotivarsa-visaya, and belonging to the Panndravardhana-

bhnkti. It was given to a Brahman, Vate9varasvami9arman, son of

pannakasvamin, grandson of Pi ajapatisvamin, and great-grandson of

Vatsasvamin, an inhabitant of Campahitti, stndent of the Kantthnma

Qakba of the Saniaveda, fellow-stndent of Bhusana, and belonging to

the Kantsa Gotra and ^andilya-Asitadevala Pravara (11. 42-45). The

village was given to him as a dahsina, after having read the Maha-

bharata for the benefit of the Queen. The passage recording this fact,

is of peculiar interest; it reads (1. 45 ff.) : PattamaJiddevi-gri-Gitramati-

kayd Vedavydsa-prokta-prapdthita-Mahabhdrata-samutsarjjita-daksindtvena

BhagavantarnBuddha-hhattarakam-uddigya gasani-krtya pradatto S smdhhih.

The order confirming the grant was issued from the royal camp at

Ramavati, situated on the banks of the Ganges (1. 30). It was given

in the king’s 8th year, on the I5th lunar day of Caitra (11. 49 and 57).

The minister of peace and war, Bhimadeva, acted as dutaka (1.57).

The engraver’s name was Tathagatasara (1. 58). With the exception of

the Panndravardhana-bhukti and the Kotivarsa-visaya, the names of

the localities mentioned in tin's inscription are new to us ; I am unable

to identify any of them.

I now edit the Inscription from the original plate.

The Seal :

( 9ei-Madanapalah. )

The Plate. Obverse :

(1. I,) Om name Vu(Bu)ddhaya i| Svasti || Maitrim^ karunya-

ratna-pramudita-hrdayahpreyasiih sandadhanah samyak-

I Metre Sragdhara.

1900.]

N. N. Vasu — Copper Inscription of MadanapHla.

69

samvo (mbo ) dhi- vid ja-sarid-amala- j alah (la ) -ksali-

(1. 2,) t-ajnaiia-pagkah I jifcva yah kama-kari-prabhavam=abhibha-

vaih ca9vataih(tim) prapa 9aiifci(nfciih) sa yriman

lokanatho jayati Da9ava(ba)lo S nya9=ca Gopaladeva-

(1. 3, ) H II Laksmi i-jamna-niketanam sama karo vodhu[ih*] ksamah

ksmabhararii paksa-ccheda-bbayad=npasthitavatam=ek-

fi9rayo bhubbrtam I maryada-paripalan-aika-iii-

(1. 4,) ratah 9aury-alayo S smad=abhut dugdli-ambliodhi-vilasa-

Imsa-vasatih 9ri-DHARMMAPALO nrpahll Ramasy=eva

grhita-satya-tapasas=tasy=anurupo gunaih

(1. 5,) Saumitrer=iidapadi tulya-mahima VAKPALA-nam=anujah [l*]

yah 9riman naya-vikram-aika-vasatir-bhratuh sthitah

9asane 9unyah 9atru-patakinib}iir=a-

(1. 6, ) karod=ek-atpatro 2 di9ah || Tasmad^=Upendra-carifcair=jaga-

tim punanah putro va(ba)bhuva vijayi jAYAPlLA-nama I

dharmma-dvisam 9amayita yudhi Devapale yah pu-

(1. 7.) rvva-je blmvana-rajya-sukhany=anaisit 11 Qrimad^-ViGRAHA-

PALAS=tat-sunur=Ajata9afcrur=iva jatahl 9atru*vanita-

prasadhana-vilopi-vimal-asi-jala-dharah ||

(1. 8,) Dik-palaih^ ksiti-palanaya dadhatarh dehe vibhakfcan gunan

9iimantam janayam=va(ba)bhuva tanayam Narayanam

sa tabhum®! yah ksoni-patibhih si(9i)romani- ruca=

{1. 9,) 9list-agghri-pith-opalaih ny^y-opattam=alan-cakara caritaih

SYair=eva dharmm-asanam II Toy-a9ayair7=jjaladhi-inula-

gabhira-garvbhai(rbbhai)r=dev-alayai9=ca kula-bhu-

dhai-a-

(1. 10,) talya-kaksaih[| *]vikhyata-kirti(rfcti)r=abhavat=tanaya9=ca

tasya 9ri-RAJYAPALA iti madhyama-loka-palah # Tasma-

[t*]8=purvva-ksitidhran=nidhir=iva mahasam Rastra-

(1. 11,) KUT-anvay-e[n*]dos = To3SGASY=ottuqga-mauler=duhitari

tanayo Bhagyadevyam prasutah | 9riman G6palagevA9=

cirataram=avauer=eka-patnya iv=ai-

(1. 12,) ko bhartta=bhun=n-aika-ratna-dyuti-khacita-catuh-sindhu-

citr-aq9u(m9a)kayah || Tasmad^=va(ba)bhuva savitur=

vvasu-koti-vardhi kalena candra iva Yigrahapala-

(1. 13,) devah I netra-priyena vimalena kalamayena yen=oditena

A Metre ^ardulavikridita ; and of the next verse.

2 Read ekdtapatro. 3 Metre Vasanfcatilaka.

4 Metre Arya. ^ Metre ^Srdulavikridita.

Read prahhum with the Amgachi and Dinajpur plates.

1 Metre Vasantatilaka. ^ Metre Sragdhara. •* Metre V'asantatilaka.

0

N. N. Vasil — Copper-plate Inscription of Madanapala. [No. 1,

dalitobhuvanasyatapahli Hatabsakala-vipaksah saiggare

va(ba )liu-darpa(d2=a)nadhi-

(1. 14,) krta-viluptnm rajyam^asadja pitryam I iiihita-carana-padmo

bliubbrtarh murdhni tasrnad=abbavad=avanipalah 9i’i-

Mahipaladevah II TtajanS yo-

(1. 15,) s-asaij^am ^irasi krfca-padah ksitibhrtam vitanvaii sarvv-

a9ah prasabbani=uday-adrer=iva ravih | guna-gramya ^

snigdha-prakrfcir=anurag*ai-

(1. 16,) ka-vasatis=tato dhanyah pan[y*iair=ajani Nayapalo nara-

patih H Pitah ^ saj-jana-locanaih Smara-ripoh puja-nu-

raktah sada sarhgrame dba-

(1. 17,) valo=dhika-grahakrtaiii^ kalah kule vidvisarh | catiirvvarii-

ya-sama9rayah sita-ya9ah-puraiT=jagal=lambbayan tas-

ma-d=V IGRAHAPALADEYA-nr-

(1. 18,) patih punyair=jjaDanaTn=abbuMl Tan-'^nandana9=candana-

vari-bari-kirtti-prabb-anandita-vi9va-gitah | 9riman =

MahIpala iti dvitiyo

(1. 19,) dvij-e9a-maulih ^iva-vad=va(ba)bhuva H Tasya® = bbud=

anujo Mabendra-mabima kandah pratapa-9riyam=ekah

sabasa-saratbir=guna-na(ma)yab

(1.20,) 9ri-9uRAPALO nrpah [ I * ] yah svacba(ccba)nda-nisargga-

vibbrama-bhara[ii*] vivbhra(bibbhra)t sarvv-ayudba^

pragalbbyena manahsu vismaya-bhayam sadyas=tatana

dvisarh || E-

(1. 21, ) tasya^pi sahodaro narapatir=ddivya-pra3a-nirvbba(rbbba)ra-

ksobb-abuta-vidbuta-vasava-dbrtih 9ri-RAMAPALO S bha-

vat I 9asaty=eva

(1. 22, ) ciram jaganti janake yah 9ai9ave visphurat-tejobhih para-

cakra-cetasi camat-karam cakara stbiram II Tasmad

ajayata nij-a-

( 1. 23,) yata-va(ba)hii-virya-nispi(spi)ta-pivara-virodbi-ya9ah-

payodhih | medasvi-kirttir=araai'-endra-vadbu-kapola-

kai'ppura-patfcra-makari sa Ku-

1 Metre Malini.

2 The aksara da has been added later ; it looks rather like the avagraha sign.

3 Metre Qikharini. Eead Tyajan dosdsa^gam with the Amgachi plate.

Bead gun-dgrdmyah : the Amgachi plate here reads hata-dhvdntalh.

3 Metre ^ardulavikridita,

6 Eead caturo = dhikam ca Haritah with the Amgachi plate.

1 Metre Upajati,

8 Metre Qardulavikridita ; and of the next verse.

^ Eead sa-sarvv-dyudMn. Metre Vasantatilaka.

71

1900.] N. N. Vasu — Oopper-plate Inscription, of Madanapala.

(1.24,) marapalah 11 Pratta(tya)rfcfchi i-pramada-kadarnva(mba)-

ka-9irah-sindLira-lopa-krama-krida-patala-panir=esa sus-

uve GoPALAM=u(a)rvvi-bhujaTTi 1

(1. 25, ) dhatri-palana-jrmbhamana-mahima karpura-pamp-utkarair^

devah kirttim=a-yonija[ih*] vifcanute yah 9ai9ave kridi-

tamii Tad*^^=anu Madana-

(1. 26, ) DE Vi-nandana9=candra-gaurai9=carita-bhu vana-garvbha-

(rbbha)h prarh9abhih kirtfci-puraih | ksifcim=avarama-

tatas=tasyasapfc-avdhi (bdhi)-dammm=abhrta Madanapa-

(1. 27,) LO Ramapal-atmajanma | (il) Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-

pravarttamana-nanavidha-nauvataka-sampadita-setu-

va ( ba) ndha-nihita-9aila-

(1, 28,) 9ikhar[i*]ni-vibhraman=nirati9aya-ghanaghana-kari-ghata-

9yamayamana-vasara-]aksmi-samaravdha(bdha)-santata-

jalada-samaya-sandeha-

(1. 29,) d=udi(di)cin-aneka-narapati-prabhrtikrt-aprameya-haya-

vahinI-khara-khur-otkhata-dhiili-dhuga(sa)rita-dig-aiita-

ralat paramepvara-seva-

(1. 30,) samagat-a9esa-Jamvu(mbu)dvipa-blmpal-ananta-pada-

bhara-namad-avaneb 9ri-RlMAVATl-nagara-parisara-sa-

ni avasita-9nmaj - jay a-skandhava-

(1, 31,) rafc 1 Parama-saugato Maharajadhirajah^ 9ri-RlMAPALADEVA-

pad-aimdhyatah Parame9varah Paramabbattarako Maha-

rajadbira-

(1.32,) jah 9riman-MADANAPALADEVAH ku9ali W 9ri-PAUNpRA-

vARDDHANA-bhnktau KoTiVARSA-visaye Halavartta-

mandale [ Kasthagiri-samviTh9aty avMhikopetasa-

(1. 33,) kaivadarvvacattarattake]^ tr[ih^]9atikayam bbumaa sa-

mupagat-a9esa-raja-pnrusan raja-raja( ja)nyaka-raja-

putra-rajamafcya-mabasandhivi-

(1. 34,) grahika-mahaksapatalika-raahasamanta-mahasepa(na)pati-

mabapratibara-dauhsadhasadbanika-mahakumaramatya-

rajastbani-

(1. 35,) yoparika-cauroddharanika-dandika-dandapasi (9!) ka-9auni-

ka-ksetrapa-prantapala-kottapala-ajggaraksa-tad-ayukta-

viniyuktaka-

1 Metre ^/ardiilavikridita.

2 Metre Malini.

8 Read Mahdrdjddhirdja-gn’Bamapdladeva.

^ The reading of this passage remains very doubtful.

72 N. N. Y^f^w.—Oopiier-'plate Inscription of Madanapala. [No. 1,

Reverse :

(1. 36, ) ha,sty-asv(^v)-08tra-nan-va(ba)la-vyaprtaka-kicora-Yadava-

g’o-maliis-aj-avik-Mhyaksa-duta-presanika-gamagamika-

ati (bh i ) tvaramana- vi-

(1. 37,) sayapati-gramapati-tarika-9anlkika-gaulmika-Gauda-Mala-

va-Coda-Khasa-Huna-kulika-Karnnata-Lata-cata-bbata-

sevak-adi-

(1. 38,) n anyairi9-c=akirttitan raja-pad-opajivina[h'*']prativasino

vra(bra)hman-ofctaran maliattam-ottama-kutumvirh(mbi)-

purogama-candala-paryantan ya-

(1. 39,) tbarha[m*] manayati vo(bo)dhayati 8amadisa(9a)ti ca

viditam=astu bbavatadi ii yatb=opari-liksi(khi)to=yam I

gramah || sva-sima-trna-pluti-gocara-paryantah ||

(1. 40,) sa-talah s-odde9ah s-amva-madhukah sa-jala-sthalah sa-

gartt-09a(sa)rah sa-jbata-vitapah sa-dara-9apasarahi sa-

caiiroddharanikah parihrta-sarvva-

(1.4],) pidah a-cata-bhatta(ta)-prave9ah a-kincita-paragrahyah

[samasta*] -bbaga-bhoga-hirany-adi-pratyaya-sametah

ratua-traya-raja-sambhoga-varjjitah i

(1.42,) bhumi-ccbidra-nyayena a-candr-arka-ksiti-sama-kalaih ma- i,

tapitror=atmana9=ca punya-ya9o-bbivrddhaye [Kaatsa]-

sagotraya pandi- '

(1. 43,) ly-A9i(si)ta-Devala-pravaraya pandita-9ri-Bbusana-savra-

(bra)bmacarine Samaved-antarggata-Kauttlmma-9akh-

adhyayine Campabittiyaya j

(1. 44,) CAMPAHiTTi-vastavyaya VATSA9VA(svA)Mi-prapautrayaPRAJA- |

PATi9YA(svA)Mi-pautraya pAUNAKAgvA(svA)Mi-putraya |

pandita-bhattaputra-9ri-VATE9VARA9VA( sva)- ^

(1. 45,) M19ARMMANE Pattamahadevi-9ri-CiTRAMATiKAYA Vedavyasa- \

prokta-prapatbita-Mababbarata-sanmfcsarjjita-daksina-

tvena Bhagava- 4

(1. 46,) ntam Buddha-bbattarakam=uddi9ya 9asani-krtya pradatto^

smabhihi ato bbavadbhih sarvvair=ev-armmantavyaiii

bbavibbir=api pa(bbii)mipati-

(1. 47,) bbir=bbumer=:ddaDa-phala-gauravafc apabarane mabana-

narakaS-pto-bhayac=ca danam=idam=anumody-anu-

modya palauiyam prativasi-

(1. 48,) bbi9=ca ksetra-karair=a3na-9ravarLa-vidbeyi-bhuyah(ya)

yatba-kalarh samucita-bbaga-bboga-kara-birany-adi-

prafcyay-opanayah karya iti t|

1 Read sa-dag-aparMhah. 3 Read a-Jcmcit-pragrdhyah. S Read mahdnaraha-.

1900.] N, N. Vasu — Copper-plate Inscription of Madanapaladeva. 73

(1. 49,) SamvatS candra-gatya caitrakarmma-dine 15 [li*]Bhavanti

c=atra dharmm-anusa(9a)rhsiTiah ^lokahii Va(Ba)-

hubliir ^=vvasudha datta rajabhih

(1.50,) Sagar-adibhih [l*] yasya j^asya yada bhumis=tasya tasya

tada pbalam II Bhumim yahpratigrbnatiya9=cabbumiin

prayaccbati | ubbau tau punya-

(1. 51,) karmmanau niyatarii syargga-gaminau || Gam=ekaih

svarnnam=ekan=ca I bbumer=apy=arddbam=aggulaiii [|*]

baram narakam2=ayati | yavad=abuti(ta)-

(1. 52,) sariiplavaih n Sastim(stim)varsa-sahasrani svargge tistbati

bbumidah [|*] aksepta c=ainimanta ca tany=eva narake

vasetll Sva-dattari) pa-

(1.53,) ra-datta vaTn(dattaTn va) yo bareta vasundbaram[|*]sa

vistbayarix krmir=bbiifcva pitrbhi^ saba pacyate II

Aspbotayanti pitaro valgayanti pitama-

(1. 54,) bah| bbumidossmada(t)^kule jatab sa nas=trata bbavisya-

(sya)tiil Sarvvan^=etan bbavinah parfchivendrau bbuyo

bhuya[h*] prartbayaty=e-

(1. 55,) sa (sa) Ramah [i*] stoanyo=yain dbarmma-setiir=naranaTn

kale kale palaniyah kramena || Iti^ kamala-dal-amvu-

(mbu)-vindu-lolam 5>^iyam=a-

(1. 56,) nucintya manusya(sya)-jivitain ca[l*]sakalam=idam=

udabrfcan=ca vu(bu)ddbva na hi purusaih para-kirttayo

vilopyahll Krtah^ sakala-

(1. 57,) nitijno dbairya-stbairya-mabodadhih[|*]Sandbivigrabikah

9riman BhImadevo Stra dutakahll Rajye Madanapalasya

astaine

(1. 58,) parivaccha(tsa)re I tamrapattam=imam 9ilpi Tathagatasaro S

kbanat II _ ,

1 Metre Anuitnbh ; and of the next five verses.

8 Read haran — naraTcam.

3 Metre Qalini.

^ Metre Puspitagra. '

6 Metre Anustubh ; and of the next verse.

J.i. 10

74

W. 'Koej "-‘Identification of Kusinaray Vaisali, ^c. [No. 1,

On the identification of Kusinara, Vaisali and other 'places mentioned hy

the Chinese pilgrims. — By W. Hoet, Esq., Litt.D., I.O.S.

{With an edition of a new copper-plate Inscription of Jaydditijadeva II. —

By Dr. T. Bloch.)

[Read, May 1899.]

Tlie hitherto accepted identification of some places noticed by Fa

Hian and Hwen Thsang must be subjected to a very careful re-examina-

tion because the discovery of the Lumbini Garden has shown that

Kapilavasfcu lies in a direction quite different from that indicated by

General Cunningham aud his assistants of the Archaeological Depart-

ment, and I think it is incumbent on any one who has doubts and can

propose points for discussion which may assist in determining the

geographical position of ancient places of interest, to lay his views

before this Society. It is purely because I am anxious to reach the

truth that I venture upon this communication. My main object at

present is to show that Cherand and not Besarh is Vaisali and that

Kusinara is Sewan itself or near it, but it is as well to use this

opportunity to furnish notes regarding other places.

There is no doubt fhat the city referred to by Fa Hian as Ki-jou-i

and by Hwen Thsang as Kie-jo-kio-she-kwo is Kanauj,i and I shall take

this as my starting point. Proceeding from this the later pilgrim

visited, or seems to have visited, Na-po-ti-po-ku-lo, which has been

correctly identified with Newal, an ancient site a little north of Ban-

garmau in the Unao District. I visited this place in 1876-77 and

obtained Kusana coins and independently arrived at this identification.

Fa Hian on leaving Kanauj went in the same direction which Hwen

Thsang subsequently took and he reached a forest which he called

I In view of the frequent appearance of the name ‘ Lorik ’ in connection with

Buddhist places and the possible connection of a part of that hero’s legendary

history with Buddha, I here note that it is remarkable to find his father’s name

given as Burhkubbha, ‘ the old hunchback.’ Has this any connection with

‘ Kanyaknbja ’ ? The Ahirs who sing of Lorik are — Kanaujia Gwalas. Lorik is

clearly the younger (lahura) brother of Bauru, ‘ the dark one’ (Sanyala).

75

1900.] W. B.oey— ^Identification of Kusinara^ Vaisalf ^c.

A-li (var. Ho-lo, A-lo) and here he found traces of Buddha in the

usual form of memorial buildings. He and Hvven Thsang probably

visited the same place. Anyhow I have no doubt that Asi-vana is the

forest of A-li, and the present pargana of Asiwau probably represents

approximately the area of the forest of Fa Hian’s time. The people

have a local tradition that the town of Asiwan was founded by one

Asan, a name which will be seen to be of importance when I recur later

on to the route subsequently taken by Hwen Thsang.

On leaving the A-li Forest Fa Hian proceeded to the country of the

Sha-chi. He travelled direct, but Hwen Thsang on leaving Newal went

to other places before he reached Pi-so-kia, which is, I think, plainly

the capital o£ the Sha-chi. One is tempted to say that the Sha-chi

must be the Saketas (San sc.), the inhabitants of Saketa or Ayodhya,

and to restore Pi-so-kia as Vi-saka (not Vi9akha) so as to introduce a

common root to connect Sa-chi and Pi-so-kia as Chinese renderings of

Sanscrit names. The temptation is all the stronger because at the S.E.

of Ramkot, the ancient citadel of Ayodhya, we have the mani parbat ^

(Orajhar), which might be thought to be a stupa, and beside it there

are numerous ‘chilbil* (Sansc. civillilea) trees. The twigs of tlie

chilbil are largely used to serve the purpose of tooth brushes. All this

bears a plausible resemblance to what both pilgrims record as to the

place which they visited but doubt still remains. I have been unable

to find any trace of Deva-9arman at Ayodhya, but I do find that the

hermitage of this sage is still pointed out near the Varaha sangam, the

junction of the Sarju and Grogra rivers near Pasha, in the Gonda

District, where there is still a shrine to which Hindu pilgrims resort.

They attach sanctity to this locality because of the image of the Boar

here placed which is said to mark the scene of the Varaha Avatara.

I believe that Pasha will be found to be Pi-so-kia, the capital of the

kingdom or country of the Sha-chi.

Proceeding from this both pilgrims went on to fra vast! , which may

be held to be Set-mahet until something tangible be shown to upset

the identification. It is true that Kapilavastu is said to have lain S.E,

from fravasti or rather the pilgrims went S.E. from that city to visit

places on their way to Kapilavastu, whereas the direction of the sup^

posed site of Kanakamuni’s stupa is slightly N. of E. from Set-mahet,

but we find so many instances in which directions given by the pilgrims

do not tally with directions shown on modern maps, prepared on the

basis of careful surveys with modern instruments that we must not

argue too strenuously on the directions loosely recorded and often

I This spot, however, may really preserve the name of Mani-cuda, one of the

prehistoric kings of Ayodhya.

76 W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara^ Vaisali, ^c. [No. 1,

palpably misstated by the Chinese pilgrims, who travelled over a country

where impenetrable forest and dense jungle rendered an accurate

estimate of direction impossible, and where even the distances stated

cannot accurately correspond to those taken out by straight lines run

across the maps of to-day. Routes were devious 1,250 years ago, A

Chinese pilgrim may have left a city A by the S.E. gate and travelled

for a time S.E. and then have turned in the tortuous mazes of a jungle

northward and traversed what he called 12 yojanas before reaching

another city B. He would have recorded : ‘ Proceeding from this. place

A to the S.E., after travelling 12 yojanas, we reach B.* To-day it

may be that there is a direct road and we should say, ‘ Leaving A

and going E. along a metalled road for 60 miles we reach B.’ I note

this here simply to show that we have need to be very cautious in treat-

ing the directions and distances stated by the Chinese pilgrims as fixed

data in themselves sufficient to enable us to determine locations. The

descriptions of places and the names and objects which are said to have

existed in their days are much safer data for identification.

From fravasti the pilgrims proceeded to Kapilavastu. Of this

Centre of intense interest I need now say nothing. Government has

undertaken inquiries and I trust that the present examination of sites

north of Basti will lead to satisfactory identifications. Meanwhile I

have only to say that T recently obtained a copper-plate inscription

which will enable the Society to test the accuracy or probable correctness

of the results reported. An edition of this plate will be found in an

Appendix to this paper. It will suffice here to note the recorded facts.

The document is a deed of gift by King Jayaditya of certain land to a

Kayastha named Ke^ava. The area of the grant seems to have been

considerable. It consisted of the town land Kumarasandika including

the hamlets of Patrasanda, faqkusanda, Gaddhi, and Deuli, situated in

the Leddika subdivision of the Daddarandika district. The boundaries

are given : on the east the Rohininadi ; on the south the tilaka tree

(? forest) ; on the north the kumbhi tree (? forest) and on the west the

Hastilandakhya khata i.e.f the Ditch or moat known as that where the

elephant was thrown. The date of this inscription is Sam vat 921, or

864-5 A.D. Thus we have the name of the moat where Buddha cast

away the elephant still preserved about two centuries and a quarter

after Hwen Thsang’s visit. The great captain, as he is described in the

text, who brought the orders for the gift was Grahakunda, a name per-

haps of importance with reference to the Grah Kund near Tirbeni.

There is no other proper name which at present strikes me as relevant.

We do not hear of a ditch where an elephant was thrown anywhere

save in connection with Kapilavastu, but unfortunately I cannot yet

77

1900.] W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, ^c.

trace the villages or territorial divisions haraed in the plate, but inas-

much as they contained mines of salt and iron the tract referred to must

be near the bills. Is it not possible that Saina Maina (^ayana Mayana :

the dream couch), 5 miles S.W. of Butwal may be Kapilavastu ? I

think it may be near it at any rate, unless there were more than one

sculptured or painted representations of the dream of Maya which gave

to places their names.

I omit for the present the places between the Lumbini Garden and

Vaisali but shall return again to discuss them also.

I have long entertained grave doubts as to the identity of Besarh

and Vaisali. When Buddha left his home he visited Vaisali and he

also consulted the teachers mentioned as Arada Kalama and Uruvilva

Ka^yapa before he reached Gaya. The Ka9yapa here alluded to seems

to have resided at the place known as Urwal on the East bank of the

Son river, and as Uruvilva Ka9yapa is Ka9yapa of Uruvilva we may

conceive Arada Kalama to be Kalama of Arada and Arada to be the

modern Arrah. In that case, any one will see that Buddha would have

been guilty of making a foolish out- of-the-way detour if he went across

the Great Gandak to Besarh before going to Arrah, Urwal and Gaya.

If, when he fled from his home, he went down country via Kasia and

the Saran district, crossed the Ganges and proceeded to Arrah, then

crossed the Son and took Urwal on his way to Gaya, we have a probable

route and there is no ground for supposing that he did not take as direct

a course as reasonable. These considerations led me to believe that

Vaisali must be found in the Saran district, west of the Great Gandak

and north of the Ganges.

When Kama was proceeding from Ayodhya to Mithila with

Vi9varaitra, he passed through certain places until they reached the

banks of the Son, but this river they did not cross. They crossed the

Ganges and when they had landed on the other side they beheld the

city named Vi9ala, where they were entertained by the king Sumati.

Vi9vamitra narrated the legendary history of the kingdom over which

this king reigned. I need not quote it here, but I refer the curious to

the XLV and following sections of the Balakanda of Valmiki’s

Ramayana. There is much that is suggestive in connection with the

stories told by Hwen Thsang and I think that the reference by Valmiki

to pakra justifies the suggestion that Saran may possibly be pakra +

aranya the forest of p’akra or Indra,

We know that when Buddha left Magadha for the last time he

went towards Vaisali. The gate by whicli he left Pataliputra was

afterwards called the Gotama gate and the place where he erossed the

Ganges was called thereafter the Gotama Ferry. The Gotama Ghat is

78 W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, ^c. [Ko. 1,

still known east of Revilganj. We also have the story of Ananda’s

leaving Pataliputra for Vaisali and we read that when he reached the

Ganges he discovered that the people of Vaisali had come out to meet

him in the hope of obtaining his body as they knew he was about to

die and they wished to do it honour : but he was pursued by Ajata9a-

tru’s army which had been sent with the same object. He therefore

surrendered himself to death (entered samadhi) on an island in the

river and his body parted in two so that the rival claimants obtained

equal parts. This story is preserved for us in the name Cherand,

which is simply Chidra 4- a:gga ; the divided body.

It is very remarkable that there is a local tradition at Cherand

based on this story. It is this. There was a king at Cherand named

Moraddhuj (Mayuradhvaja) in the Dwapara Yuga who professed great

devotion to the gods. Krishna determined to put the king’s faith to

a test and came one day to his palace disguised as a mendicant and

asked for the right half of the king’s body for some sacrificial purpose.

He explained to the king that his wife and son must each hold one

end of a saw (ara) and saw him in two, but if he shed tears the gift

would not be acceptable. The king agreed and the operation com-

menced but presently he began to shed tears from his left eye. The

mendicant reminded the king that the professed gift was liable to

rejection but the latter explained that the left eye wept because the

right half of the body was alone being taken and the other left.

Krishna was so pleased with this devotion that he exercised his divine

power, stopped the operation, restored the body to its former state

and flung the saw away. It fell at Arrah in the Shahabad district,

giving its name to that place. This story is certainly the same in

origin as that told of Ananda. It is a Hindu version of facts under-

lying the Buddhist story.

The conclusion to which I come is that Vaisali did not lie on the

east but on the west of the present Great Gandak. I shall presently

fix it beyond doubt east of Chupra probably at Cherand itself. The

whole of the northern bank of the Ganges from Hajipur right up to

Manjhi (Mangchi in the Aln-i-Akbari) would repay careful and minute

examination.

I may here digress for a moment to make some notes as to Saran

Khass which I at first erroneously surmised to be Vaisali and visited

for that reason. Saran Khass lies about 16 miles due north of Manjhi,

and contains extensive ancient remains covered for the most part by

cultivated fields. There is an abrupt rise at Makhdum Shah’s Dargah,

a little south of Harpur, which continues for a couple of miles south

until it terminates somewhat more abruptly beyond Khwajah Fir’s

1900.] W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, ^c. 79

Mazar. On the east of this elevated site runs a stream known locally

by two names, Gandaki and Sarayu. This is well defined and may

have been a channel made in ancient days for water supply. West of

this and parallel to it the high ground extends for an average width

of not less than half a mile. As I passed from tlie northern end I

observed undulations with occasional very prominent heights and

noticed that cultivators have taken out numerous bricks while plough^

ing. On approaching the southern end I observed a pile near a mound

on which are the remains of a brick building. I learned that this pile

is the Ganj-i-^ahidan or Martyr’s Heap near the traditional Raja’s

kot. This indicates a desperate assault at some time on a Hindu strong-

hold. Further on I came to Khwajah Fir’s Mazar and found two

tombs in an open enclosure. In one corner there was a large black

stone about 4J ft. long on which I observed Hindu sculptures of the

Navagraha or nine planets. On the back of the slab there was a long

inscription in Tughra character of which I had not then the means of

taking a rubbing. It is much worn and could not be read at sight.

It is probably historically important.

A few miles west by north of Saran khass is a village called

Bhikaband on the map. I visited this spot also and find that there

is here a large banian tree which is said to cover about ten acres. In

the ground near there are brick I’emains and an old well lately re-

opened. Somewhat S, E. of this is an old temple and the attendant

Brahmans wrote the name for me : Bhikahan, which is clearly the

‘ Bhikshu’s Grove.’ About a mile west of this are two villages bearing

the name Kapia, which suggests the story of the service rendered to

Buddha by the monkey (kapi) as mentioned by the later Chinese

traveller.

I shall now proceed to resume my discussion as regards Vaisali

itself. There are some suggestions based on a study of the Maha-

parinibbana Sutta which I must note. When Buddha had crossed the

Ganges for the last time on his way to Vaisali he first visited Kotigama

and then Nadika, after which he arrived at the great city. There he

was entertained by the courtesan, Ambapali, at her mango grove out-

side the city. From Vaisali Buddha went on to Veluva where he was

seized with the illness which eventually terminated his life. This is

probably the modern Belwa, N.E. of Cherand. Hear it we meet with

such remarkable names as Sarnath Chak and Dharma Chak. Buddha

then seems to have turned again towards Vaisali for he went to the

Capala Caitya, which the text would lead us to believe to have been

near the city, if not in it. This name is probably either from Gapald

or cdpald (Sansc.), a loose woman, and thus alludes to the concubine

80

W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, Spc, [No. 1,

spoken of by the pilgrims; or from + aZaya (Sansc.), the ‘ bow-

place,’ where the bow was deposited. Anyhow there can be no

mistake as to the mound lying to the east of the town of Chupra,

palled Telpa. This is undoubtedly the Sanscrit talpa ‘ a tower,’ and

is that built for the mother of the thousand sons and the site of

Vaisali is therefore fixed. It is the modern Cherand and was spread

along the bank of the Ganges east and west of the present town.

The five rivers to the junction of which the Chinese Pilgrim Fa

Hian proceeded was the mouth of the Son. The five rivers are the

Jumna, Ganges, Rapti, Sarayu or Gogra, and the Son. Fa Hian

crossed at Paleza-Digha Ghat, and had only to go one yojana to

reach Pataliputra (Patna). The distance from Cherand to Paleza

Ghat is 18 J miles. This was four yojanas and gives a trifle over

miles to the yojana. According to Hwen Thsang the yojana consisted

of 4000 bow lengths, each 6 cubits. This means 8000 yards which

give us 4*54 miles to the yojana.

We learn from RockhilTs Life of the Buddha based on Tibetan

authorities that Buddha on finally leaving Vaisali visited a place called

Amra, which may be Amnaur (Amranagara), Jambugama, Bhandagama,

Hastigama, which may be the present Hathwa, and Bhoganagara.

After this he reached Pava.

I now come to speak of a place of which I have some personal

knowledge. T here is a village known as Papaur or Pappaur ( Pava -f pura

orPapa + pura) about three miles east of Sewan. I visited it some

years ago. Near the present homestead there are the remains of a more

ancient habitation from which I obtained some copper Indo-Bactrian

coins. It represents a place of great antiquity and must be the Pava

where the goldsmith Cunda lived. When Buddha came thus far he

went with his followers to the goldsmith’s grove and while there he

accepted an invitation to dine with the goldsmith to whose house he

went. There he was served with the suhara^ which aggravated the

symptoms developed at Veluva and gave his illness a fatal turn. This

led him to resolve to push on to Kusinara and he set out with Ananda

in that direction. He was then at least 80 years old and suffering

from dysentery. He could not have travelled far and we observe that

the Mahaparinibbana Sutta represents him as halting under a tree at

least once and reaching a river with difficulty. The salient points in con-

nection with his last brief journey are that he left Pava, halted under

a tree, moved on again to a stream called Kakuttha and having crossed

I This is not boar’s flesh, but SuJcara-Tcanda ‘ hog’s root,’ a bulbous root found

chiefly in mounds and jungles, which I have seen Hindus eat with avidity. It is a

%>halahar, permissible to eat on fast days.

1900.] W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, ^■e. HI

a river bearing a name suggestive of gold, he reached the people’s

park near Kusinara and lay down under some sal trees. Possibly he

had not come to Kusinara because he sent Ananda to bring the Mallas

to him. After his death there was an imposing ceremony to do honour

to his remains. He was laid out on a golden bier and is said to have

been kept for seven days : and it is said that he showed his feet from

out his winding sheet and he even raised himself and spoke. There was

difficulty in moving his remains until Ka^yapa came. Thus the spot

where his bier rested was one that must have borne a name associated

with it. That name is Sewan, the Sanscrit pavayana : a litter or bier.

There is something in names. It is remarkable that we have a particular

tree of great age at a mound near Sewan Railway Station. This is

known as Jagattra, the Protector or Deliverer of the world. One would

expect Hindus to venerate this spot but they do not. They consider it

ill-omened. The late Raja of Hathwa desired to enclose all this spot,

but the Pandits told him that the act would bring him bad luck. He

enclosed a large patch but left the tree outside the walls. He died soon

after. This Jagattra is looked upon as the oldest place about Sewan,

and its name and associations are significant. There is also a very high

mound not far off which has not been explored. I can have no doubt

that Kusinara lies somewhere close to Sewan if it be not Sewan itself.

The indefatigable Major Waddell has in the third number of the

Journal of this Society for 1896, published an abstract of a Tibetan

Guide Book to Buddhist sites in India. It is unfortunately a brief and

vague vade mecum for the traveller and is absolutely unreliable in some

of the directions which it gives, but it tells us that the Bala grove

where Buddha died is in the H.W. of the Kamalla or Baliya des, ‘ the

powerful country.’ I find that the tract of country eastward from the

D.iha river near Sewan and stretching north of the Manjhi and Cherand

tappas or parganas is called Ball. Sewan is in the N.W. of the Ball

country. This is probably the country of the ‘powerful’ people (bala)

and is possibly the same as malla (powerful, athletic). When Buddha

left Vaisali and visited various places before reaching Pava the places

are said to have been villages of the Licchavis and the Mallas.

Hwen Thsang tells us two Jataka stories in connection with the

country of Kusinara. The one is that of the pheasant which tried to

extinguish a forest fire by dipping in water, flying aloft, and shaking its

wings that the water might fall on the fire : but the bird’s efforts were

unavailing and at last fakra (Indra) put out the fire. This is not a

misplaced story in Sewan, the ^akra-aranya. The second story is that of

the deer which, when the forest was burning, helped animals across the

river and last of all saved a helpless hare, and itself perished. How,

J. I, 11

82

W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, ^c, [No. 1,

both stories mention a conflagration and a river. There is one word in

Sanscrit which expresses both conflagration and cremation. Ttis ‘ daha'

The river so named is the river of ‘ conflagration ’ and also the Qava-

daha, the cremation river of the Malla or Balia people.

The Doha takes its rise N.E. of Gopalgaoj and in its course forms

the sheet of water known as Sasa Mansa (^aga-mohsita ‘the rescued

hare ’) and then flows southward to Andur. Near this (at Faridpur) it

is joined by the Sondi River and thence its course is S.E. until it falls

into the Gogra east of Manjhi. The Sondi is said to be an offshoot

of another stream called Narayani but T cannot find this on the maps.

It comes down past Manjha Mutkar and Manjha Mallaon. I have said

that we must find the word for gold entering into the composition of a

river near Kusitiara. It is given in the Chinese as Hi-lian and Shi-

lai-na-fa-ti. The latter is obviously Suvarnavati, which, anyone

accustomed to note mutations from Sanscrit to Hindi will see, becomes

Sona-vati, or Sona-nadi, or Sondi or Sundi.

I have not been able to visit any places near Sewan except Pappaur,

but a gentleman who has taken considerable trouble to help me in my

researches tells me that there is a very extensive ancient mound covered

with trees, locally called a fort of the Cheroos, between Luhsi and

Kulinjura about 3 miles N. W. of Sewan. There are also remains of

great age on the west bank of the Daha in Gosopali opposite Salannapur.

This name suggests Sala-vana-pura, the city of the Sala forest. The

mention of the Sala here in any form is interesting. These places

should be examined.

There are also considerable remains and a large basalt image further

down the Daha at Hasanpur which should be looked to. From this

place I received an inscription on a brass plate not yet deciphered.

South-east of Kusinara and west of Vaisali lay the place where

Buddha parted from the Licchavis. This is probably Manjhi, the Mangchi

of the Ain-i-Akbari. It is the ‘Mang’ or ‘Manjha’, the middle line, the

parting, and lies on the west of the Daha or Sundi where it joins the

Ganges. The Sundi or Daha river was probably the western boundary

of the Vaisali kingdom, a narrow tract lying along the bank of the

Ganges.

I now return to the Lumbini Garden and ask what were the points

visited by the Chinese pilgrims between that place and Kusinara. It is

not yet settled what the Ramagama Kingdom was or where the town

called after Rama lay. I may mention that the very old town of

Kanapar near Dham is also called Ramnagar, but that is not necessarily

significant. I can, however, with knowledge point to a very ancient

mound called Ghagharra between Pipraich and Captainganj, which

83

1900.] W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali,

sliould be examined as a possible Stupa cum Vihara site. After the

Ramagama stupa, the pilgrims visited the place where Buddha per-

formed the three great acts of renunciation, where (1) he sent back

his horse, (2) he took off his crest-jewel and cut his hair, and (3) he put

on the Jcasaya robe of the ascetic. We know from the Lalita Vistara

and the Romantic Legend that the memorial stupas erected to mark the

place where these three acts were performed were close together. We

also know that on his flight from home the Prince came to the country

of the Mainas. Kasia lies on the Mainpur tappa, and I believe that the

Prince crossed the Chota Gandak in the morning after he left home, and

that a black stone image still lying under a tree opposite Hetimpur is

a remnant of some memorial there placed to mark the spot where he

crossed. The Prince then entered the country of the Mainas, as I have

shown above, and the remains at Mata Kunwar, at Ramabhar, and

inside the cane-brake in Kasia town, are what we have left of the memo-

rial buildings placed to commemorate the Great Renunciation. Kasia

is the place where the Prince received the hasaya garment or robe of

the mendicant.

The Charcoal stupa has yet to be found but I am in hopes that it

will be identifiable in the mound of Agarwa, N. E. of Taria Sujan which

I have not yet seen. The name itself being obviously derivable from

a^garika, charcoal or embers, is promising.

Having located Vaisali at Cherand, I may Rsk : ‘ What then is

Besarh?’ Fortunately that is easily explained. When H wen Thsang

speaks of the country Fo-li-shi, north east of Vaisali, he means Pa-la-sa

or Parasa,^ the country of the dak tree, a name which was given to at

least the trans-Ganges part of Magadha. He tells us an exaggerated

story about a monster fish in this country and a stupa commemorating

the conversion of 500 fishermen by Buddha. Besarh is the Sanskrit

word vasadJiya, the Gangetic porpoise, and the remains at Besarh are

those of the town or city of the Monster Fish.

The mere fact that an Asoka pillar may be found somewhere near

Besarh does not make it Vaisali : nor are we entitled to say that

Cherand is not Vaisali, because an Asoka pillar has not yet come to

sight there. It would be interesting to know why Asoka placed his

pillars in many places which he selected. I would suggest that he

selected Kesaria and Araraj as pillar sites because they probably re-

present the places where Buddha was believed to have been in former

lives respectively a Kesari or lion and the Arindama Raja.

Let me now return to Kanauj and take up Hwen Thsang’s route.

I assume that he visited Newal and we have to look for ’0-yu-t’o and

1 The country of the noa(rioi mentioned by Megasthenes.

84

W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, [No. 1,

’O-ye-mu-khi. The first thing to observe is that the Life of Hweii

Thsang shows that he travelled by boat on the Ganges. He must have

used a boat to cross from Kanauj on his way to Newal. He was

certainly on a boat when attacked by the river-dacoits while on his

way from ’0-yu-t’o to ’0-ye-mu-khi. No place that he mentions

between Newal and Prayaga can have been very far from the Ganges.

The Life differs from the Travels in important details. If we read

the latter alone it would seem that Hwen Thsang speaks as if he was

reckoning from Newal to ’0-yu-t’o, while the Life represents as a

starting point the Bhadra Vihara where the pilgrims had stayed for

three months at Kanauj. These apparently trivial variations are

important, because they affect the position of ’0-yu-t’o with reference

to the Ganges. Anyhow the distances are 600 li to ’0-yu-t’o, 300 li

to ’0-ye-mu-khi and thence 700 to Allahabad. The direction of the

intermediate length is described as East. The general direction of the

Ganges between Kanauj and Allahabad is S. E. There is a stretch of

the river roughly W. to E. between Baksar Ghat and Dalman. The

last named place is the spot where Dalabhya Rsi spent his life and

west of it a few miles is Chilanla, a name which recalls the Shi-lo-ta-lo

of the pilgrim. This is the traditional abode of the Rsi Cyavana,

restored to youth by the A9vins, A little farther west is Gagason,

venerated by Hindus as the agrama of Garga, a muni who left a host of

descendants ; and close to this again is Sinhaur, another place of great

antiquity. Taking the Singhar Tara crossing near Sinhaur crossing and

crossing south of the river we reach Tara Bhitaura or Bhati-ura, sup-

posed to be a dwelling place of descendants of Bhrgu, and proceeding

a few miles east we reach Asni, opposite Gagason. At Asni is the

shrine^ of the Alvins, the twin sons of Surya (the sun) who are re-

presented by two brass images with their hair coiled over their heads.

The myth runs that these deities were born from the nostrils of a mare.

May not ’0-ye-mu-khi be Agva-muhha, ‘the mare’s Head,’ and this

cluster of sacred places be the kingdom referred to by the pilgrim. The

story of the Rishi at Chilanla restored to youth by the A9vins may be

another form of the narrative of the conversion of Buddha Simha and of

the three pious Buddhists who made the bargain about reappearing

after death. Anyhow these places are connected and mark what may

have been regarded by Hwen Thsang as a kingdom with its capital on

the northern bank of the Ganges, that on which the majority of the

shrines lies.

1 A modern shrine built by the late Maharajah of Benares, but the place was

known as Asni long before. It may be that Asanga and his brother were remem-

bered here as “ The pair of brothers.”

85

1900.] yV. Hoey — Identification of Knsinara, Vaisali, ^c.

I have when wi‘iting about Asiwan referred to the significance of

the name Asan as tlie founder of that place. Might not this name be

the Asanga of the Chinese Traveller ? We meet with a similar eponym

in connection with Asoha, the chief town of Asoha pargana in Unao

district, where tlie people call the founder Asa Rikh. There are some

remains at tins place where Bactrian Coins have been found : and these

remains maybe Buddhist, but it would be rash to say as yet that Asoha

is ’0-yu-t’o.

I need not say anything as regards Prayaga which can be no other

spot than Allahabad.* From this undoubtedly fixed point Hwen

Thsang went to KosambI which has been identified with Kosam cum

Pabhosa on the northern bank of the Jumna. My learned friend Mr.

Vincent Smith, has lately written disputing the correctness of this

identification and I must admit that my. faith was at first shaken by

his arguments. I have a great respect for his acumen but I venture

to say that, after considering all that he has written, I cannot but hold

to the original identification. Mr. Smith has not himself visited

Kosam.

As Hwen Thsang travelled by boat on the Ganges it is highly

probable he moved by boat along the Jumna. In that case his first

direction would have been S.W. and on his left at any rate we would

have had forest as one can see who has traversed the Barah Talisil of

Allahabad District and the adjoining parts of Bandah District. The

journey by river would be long and tedious enough to account for the

great distance recorded, 500 li. When the traveller left Kosambi and

went north he passed through a dense foiest. This may possibly be

the present Atharban pargana. As we have the Antar-ved for the

Ganges-Jumna Doab, the name may really be correctly Antar-vana,

This point is worth examination. At any rate vana (forest) is beyond

doubt.

In Rockhill’s “ Life of the Buddha (page 74), where the account

of the conversion of the king of Kosambi ^ is given, we are told that at

that time the king of Vatsala had assembled his army with the inten-

tion of conquering the city of Kanakavati. West of Kosam about 16

miles on the southern bank of the Jumna where it is joined by that

Paisuni river, there are extensive ruins known as Kankotah or Kanak

Kot. I have seen them. I excavated a part some years ago and found

inscribed stone lintels. This is, I believe, the Kanakavati referred to,

and the position of the two capitals recalls the similar location of

Pataliputra and Vaisali.

i I see no reason to suppose that the Vatsa country is not the Kingdom of

Kosambi.

86

W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali, [No. 1,

There has not been much reliable result obtained yet by attempts

to identify the places between Benares and Pataliputra. We have to

find the kingdom of Chen-Chu, ‘ lord of battles.’ General Cunning-

ham’s endeavour to make Gliazipur the equivalent of Chen-Chu. is

strained and unfortunately, 1 fear, does not rest on any solid fact. The

form locally given of the ancient name is not, I understand, Garjapur

but Gaclhipur. The General might as well have said that ‘ Ghazi ’ is

equivalent to ‘ lord of battles.’ The name of the kingdom or, may it not

be, of its ruler, is translated into Chinese as Chen-Chu. Its capital

was on the banks of the Ganges. This is, unfortunately, not a certain

key to the place in modern times. A careful examination of local

traditions in connection with existing ruins and names may lead to

identifications.

I may illustrate the value of tradition by quoting a very curious

history handed down of a kingdom which may be that referred to by

the Traveller. There was a king somewhere who had a daughter

called Kanchavi for whom he could not get a husband. His pandits

told him that it was written in her destiny that she should marry a

man of low caste. He asked who this might be and they said he was a

certain servant in the king’s retinue who was a Pi^van. A Pi9van is

explained in the story as being a Cheru and the Cherus are said to be

represented now by the Dusadhs. The king resolved to send this

servant to the end of the earth. He therefore wrote a letter and call-

ing him up told him that Ramacandra had been born and that he

must take this letter, an invitatini to Kanchavi’s wedding and find

Ramacandra and hand him the letter. He warned him further that,

if he returned without delivering the letter, he would be sawn in two.

The servant set out and endured great privations and hardships,

wandering here and there from place to place, until he met a venerable

man in a jungle, who was in reality Ramacandra and who asked him

who he was and where he was going. The king’s messenger then told

him all about his mission and the letter which he carried. Rama-

candra informed him that he was a cela or follower of the person

sought and he would accept the letter for him. The messenger

delivered the invitation which Ramacandra read and said : ‘ Go

back, I have accepted the invitation. It is you who will marry

the girl.’ The Pi9van now turned homeward and as he was passing

through the Waina forest he heard a voice calling out ; ‘ Who

are you ? ’ but he could see no one. He heard the question repeated

again and again and at length replied : “ Who are you that I hear

calling while I see no one ? ” The answer came : “ I am a tree

that bears no fruit and I am sad because other trees have fruit while I

1900.] W. Hoey — Identification of Kusinara, Vaisali,

87

yield none. If you know any remedy for this, tell me.” The messenger

though a Dusadh had been a king in a former birth but because of his

misconduct he had been reborn as a Dusadh, and all his wealth and

greatness and evil deeds lay buried at the root of this tree, and pre-

vented the tree fulfilling its purpose as a fruit-bearer. Now, by his

interview wifh Ramacandra, he had obtained illumination and was

enabled to see his former life, and he at once knew that it was under

this tree that his wealth lay buried : so he told the tree to lean over

that he might take out what lay at its root. This the tree did and the

man took out his former wealth and recovered his greatness. He be-

came a Raja once more, employed a number of men and built a palace on

the spot. He enlisted an army and marched to marry the princess

Kanchavi. He encamped in her father’s country. The king thinking

of his daughter’s unmarried state came out and asked him to marry her

but, not desiring to seem anxious, he refused, saying that he did not

intend to marry for he preferred to spend his days in visiting places of

pilgrimage. When the king pressed him he married Kanchavi, who

subsequently recognised him by certain marks which he bore. When

he returned to his country he built four forts amd his descendants were

kings for four hundred years. The four forts lie in the Ballia District:

the first Waina is in the Wainaban where he had found his wealth under

the tree ; the second is Kopachit ; the third is Sikandarpur ;i and the

fourth was where Husenabad now is in the Banodih Tahsil.

At first sight this seems a very silly tale but the key to its value

lies in the word ‘ Pi^van,’ which is from the Sanscrit Pi9 ‘ yellow.’

There is no caste or race in India called Pi^van but the word refers

obviously to a yellow Race. This is the Mongolian or Chinese people,

Hwen Thsang tells us of the men from Tu-ko-Io beyond the snowy

mountains (obviously yellow people) who came and wandered in India

friendless and inhospitably treated, till they met a king who built for

them the monastery of the ‘ unpierced ears.’ It was an ornamented

building of small dimensions near a lake. The modern Waina in Ballia

has ancient remains and it lies to the south of the broad expanse of

water known as the Suraha Tal. A few miles S. E. is Ballia itself,

the Bhrgva9rama, the Kapile9vara and the Dharmaranya; and until

the last floods washed it away here too on the Ganges bank, I am

told, was a temple of the Sun-God, Surya-Narayana. The general con-

clusion is that the monastery of the unpierced ears will be found at

1 There are extensive ruins at Sikandarpur and close by we meet with Rabila-

pali, which reminds us of Rahula and the old Brahman. This place with reference

to Sewau as Kusinara fits in with the place visited by Hwen Thsang on his way to

Benares.

88

T. Bloch — Copper-plate Inscription of Jayadityadeva II. [No. 1,

Waina^ or iu its neighbourhood, and that it was at Ballia that Hwen

Thsang crossed tlie Ganges to go to Mo-ha-so-lo (Masar).

I regret the length of this communication but I have been anxious

for sometime past to contribute what I could to the researches now in

progress. I have endeavoured to avoid all appearance of dogmatic

assertions and remembered that it is extremely unsafe to argue about

places which I have not seen or which others have not fully explored.

If I can by suggestions, however crude, assist others in research, I am

satisfied.

APPENDIX.

An edition of a new copper-plate inscription of Jayadityadeva II. —

By Dr. T. Blooh.

This Inscription, which is edited here for the first time, has been

referred to in the preceding paper on page 76. Regarding its find-place,

etc., Dr. Hoey makes the following remarks : —

“I have found it very difficult to trace out the place where this

copper-plate, which the son of the Raja of Bansi made over to me, was

originally found. It came into the possession of the Bansi family

through Durbali Ram Tewari, a Pandit employed to look after a

Sanscrit library which the Bansi Rajas have kept up. A very old man

named Gauri Oharan Lnl of Kubabar tells me that a Brahman of

Gurmha brought in this copper-plate two years after the mutiny and

asked to have it read. So he sent it on through his brother, then

employed at Bansi, to the Pandit. U'he mode of discovery was this.

Some men were employed to dig kunkar at the North-East corner of

the large sheet of water covering over 30 acres at the village Gurmha.

It is a long strip of water extending within Rakhnakhor and Pachgawan.

The kunkar was to be supplied for some purpose by two Dakhani

Brahmans, who had taken a contract. The labourers, in the course of ex-

cavation, found two pots, one containing silver coins, the other gold coins

and this Copper-plate. Of course the coins have long since disappeared.

I have not been able to visit this place, but I shall now furnish some

notes regarding it, and other places of interest, in the same Tappa

BacTigawan, which lies North of Gorakhpur City. These notes are reli-

able, because they have been recorded by an English-speaking, well-

educated native Magistrate, who is a graduate, and has, in his enquiries,.-

acted under my instructions and provided me with photographs.

Gurlima is not a large village, but the lake is remai kable for a very

massive high mound of bricks at the East side, on top of which rises a

I Wainaban is clearly the Vinayaka-vana, the forest of discipline (Vinaya), a

parallel to the dharmaranya of the Hindus and Buddhists.

89

1900.] T. Blocli — Copper-plate Inscription of Jayddityndeva II.

huge pipal ti-ee Some sculptured remains have been found here, and

taken to the monastic cell of a gosliain who lives North of the lake.

Pachgawan, wliich is south-west of the lake, is a very old place, from

which people have recovered grindstones of antique pattern. I tliink

there must be something of importance in the word Gurmlia, because

the name Gurmhi occurs as that of tlie small tappa in which Sohgaura,

and Tikar, where I recovered the Indo-Pali Copper-plate, are situated.

Bharnhia lies we-st of Tighia near Peppeganj railway station. Here

there is a very ancient temple which has been restored, or repaired,

and in one wall of it there is a stone containing a Sanscrit inscription.

The temple is called Pitesar Nath. The proper form of the name

occurs in the inscription. There was another ancient building in ruins

oast of Bharuhia called Nakta Dei, which some Tharus overturned

about 60 years ago, when they came in a body and searched for treasure.

There are other places which might repay examination, for instance

Gangpar and Khatapai* near Bharuhia dnd Tighra. West of this there

is a series of almost continuous village sites : Bamghat, Pallia, Pachwara,

Dihwa and Ramwapur, in each of which there are ruins. They seem to

be a connected block, as though they were the site of one continuous

city.

In order, if possible, to discover what was the Vijayapura referred

to in the copper-plate, I made enquiries as to old sites in this neighbour-

hood, and I came to find that tliere are round about Gorakhpur the

following remains of ancient fortified posts, which it may be as well to

record. (1) Shergarh west of the Rapti and of Gorakhpur much cut

away by the river. (2) Ramgarh which gives its name to a large lake

east of Gorakhpur city. (3) Sumergarh north of Bhathat about 13'

miles north of Goi-akhpur. (4) Bheriagarh north-east of Gorakhpur city.

(5) Baitalgarh on some high ground near the road leading from

Gorakhpur to Pipraich. (6) Marwargarh near the shrine of Tarkulha

Devi two miles north-east of Mirzapur village. (7) Knwalgarh at

Kawaldah in the immediate north of Gorakhpur city. (8) Vomangarh

on the Rapti, west of Gorakhpur city. (9) Bijaigarh known as Kotiya,

standing in the big sheet of water west of the now ruined Mahesra

bridge south of Maniram railway station.

There is a tradition of two kingdoms Bijaipur and. Udaipur. A

line drawn from Padrauna westward to the Rapti would about indi-

cate the parting line. North of it lay Udaipur and south of it Bijai-

pur. I am not inclined to say that all the nine forts enumerated were

simultaneously existent as fortified posts of the Bijaipur kingdom.

Local traditions show that this could not have been so ; but the existence

of so many of these ancient strongholds, round about the junction of

J. I. 12

90

T. Blocli — Copper-plate Inscription of Jayadityadeva II. [No. 1,

the Rohini and Rapti rivers, shows that the position was recognized

from the earliest times as one of strategic advantage.”

The inscription is engraved on a single copper-plate measuring 12|"

by 12f." On the top there is an oval projection, upon which we find

the representation of full-blown lotus, the centre of which consists of a

raised disc bearing the image of some animal, perhaps a boar, with Crl-

Jayaditya-devah written below in raised characters. The writing con-

sists of 24 lines, covering only three quarter of one side of the plate. It

is fairly well executed and well preserved; however, the meaning of a

few passages remains doubtful. The characters belong to the northern

alphabet and are in every respect similar to those of the Gorakhpur

plate of the same king, belonging to this society, and edited by Prof.

Kielhorn in the Ind. Ant. Yol. XXI, 1892, p. 169 ft. Thus, in the con-

junct letter rya the r is written on the line in paryanta (11. 1 & 12), and

haryd (1. 19) ; and the anusvdra is placed after not above the aksara to

which it belongs in pravrttlndm (1. 5), and hhuhliujdm (1. 19). The

language is Sanskrit, and with the exception of four imprecatory and

benedictive verses in 11. 17-21, and a verse referring to the grantee, the

Kayastha Ke9ava in 11. 22-24, it is in prose.

The object of the Inscription was to record a grant made by king

Jayadityadeva IT. (1. 8), who was the son of DharmmMityadeva and

his wife CandrMevi (1.4) and the grandson of Jayadityadeva I. and

his wife Yogadevi (11. 3 & 4), all of whom belonged to the Malayaketu

family (1. 3) and received the titles paramabhattdraka-malidrdjadhirdja-

paramegvara. The document was issued from Vijayapura (1. 1). The

grant consisted in the village Kumarasandika, connected with the

palUkds : Patrasanda, papkusanda, GMdhi, and Deuli, which lay in

the Leddika visaya and the Daddarandika mandala (1. 8). It was given

to a Kayastha Ke^ava, son of a Kayastha Dhemuka, and grandson of a

Kayastha Rudra, in recognition of good services rendered by him to

the king (1. 13). Its boundaries are laid down in 1. 15; they were : in

the east the river Rohini ; in the south a tilaka tree ; in the west the

ditch called Hastilaiida ; in the north a kumhhl tree. The document

is signed by the minister (niahdmantri) Mahaka. The mahdsdmanta

Grahakuuda acted as dutaka. The inscription was written by the

Kayastha Yaladduka, Its date is given as Samvat 921 (11. 21-22).

The date doubtless must be referred to the Yikrama era. Of the

geographical names mentioned in this inscription, the river Rohini is

the only one that at present can be identified. As regards Yijayapura,

we learn from the Gorakhpur Inscription (Z.c. p. 170) that it was

situated on the slopes of the Himalaya (uttaragiri-katake) .

I now edit the inscription from the original plate : —

1900.] T. Bloch — Copper-plate Inscription of Jayadityadeva II.

Transcript.

1. 1, OiiiSvastil Qri-ViJAYAPDRAC=catur-udadhi-paryanta-niraritar-

akranta-kirfcti-santatinam=aTianta-nitanta-phal-aimmeya-

aravdha(bdha)-vividha-krtyanaiiji jagad-ndayaya grlii-

1. 2, ta-drdha-vratanam=ati-sarnrudba-rajarsi-patha-sarnpravart-

tayitrnarh samantad-grliita-purvva-niti-vyavaharanarh

prajanam-upakartfcavyam=ity=evaTn=adrta-inatih‘

1. 3, samastetikayo^MALATAKETUNAM^aiivaye li paramabliattaraka-

maharajadlnraja'parame9vara-9ri-jAYADiTYADEVAS=tat-pu-

ti‘as=tat-pad-aimdhyato mahadevyam rajni-

1. 4, 9ri-YoGADEVYAM samutpannah paramabbattaraka-mabaraja-

dhiraja-parame9vara-9ri-DHARMMADiTYADEVAS=tat-putras=

tat-pad-aimdhyato mahadevyaii), rajni-9ri-CA-

1. 5, NDRADEVYAM samutpaimas=sahajasya vidya-janitasya ca saih-

skarasy=adharo dbarmm-artha-kama-viruddbanam=indri-

ya-pravrttinam sanniroddha prayena vikram-aika-ras-a-

]. 6, bhipraya-v^a-bhidyamana-pracand-arati-mandalo naya-

vinaya-prasadhit-a9esa-bhu-mandalah sarvva-daiv-akhan-

dita-matii-Akbandala-tiilya-teja rajabhih

1. 7, 9iro-bbimhyaman-apratihata-9asaiiah 9asanariam pradata

paramaraahe9varo Mahe9varaiva sarvva-satva^-ksema~tat-

parah paraniabhattaraka-maharaja-

1. 8, dhii aj a-parame9 vara ^-914= Jayadityadevah ku9ali ll Daddaran-

piKA-raandale | LEppiKA-visay-antarvvartfci-KuMARASANpi-

KA-grame I Patrasandal ^ankusanda 1 Gaddbi | Deu-

1. 9, li-pallik-anvitei samupagat-a9esa-rajana(nya)ka-rajaputra-

rajasthaniya-purohit-amatya-mabasamanta-niahasandbi-

Yigrahika-maliapratihara-mahaksapatalika-mahadan.dana-

yaka-

1. 10, pahcaman.dapadhipafci-mauladandika-dandapa9ika-mabasa-

dhanika-cauroddbaran.ika-9aulkika-gaulniikan || anyap9

akirttitan=a-cata-bhata-vra(bra)hmari-ottara-3ana-

1. 11, padai39=ca® yatharbam=manayati pujayati vo(bo)dbayati

samajnapayati ca[il*] Viditam=astu bhavatam=ayam=iipari-

likhita-gramas=sa-jala-sthalas=s-amra-ra[adh*]ukah sa-

gartt-osaras=sa-

1. 12, loha-lavan-akara9=catas-sima-paryartas=sva-pallik-opetah

sam asta-r a j apraty ad ay a-samaveto bhumicchid r aka-ny ay en=

I Read-maimam. 2 I am unable to make out the meaning of this word.

5 Read sattva. ^ Originally written paramegvarah.

6 Read owyamf. * ’Rea.d padamg = ca.

T. 'Bloch — Coi'i'per-idate Inscription of Jay a dityadeva II. [No. 1,

].

].

1.

].

1.

. a-candr-arkka-ksifci-sama-kalina[rh*] javat=purvva-blnik-

ta-bliu-

13, jyamana-deYa-vi-a(bia)bmana-ksetra-kbandito=smabliir=ati-

seY-aradliitau(tai)9=Caravasaka-satka-kayastha-RuDEA-

pantraya kayasplia(stlia)-DHEMUKA-putraya Sijgglia,pad-

dhateb kayastha-

J4, KEgAYATA I 9asainena prasadi-krto matYa bliavadbbir=aim-

mantavyarh nivasibbig^c^ajna-graYaiia-vidlieyi-bhiiya

samucita-bhaga-bbog-adikaiii=asya samupanetaYyarh [h"^]

35, Tatra ca simano likbjante I purvYasyarh digi sima-nirDiia-

(rnna)ya-karini Roliini iiama nadi | daksinasyan=tii tilaka-

tarnr=aYatistbate I pagcimayam Ha-

16, stiland -akliyah kliatah j tath=otfarasyaiii kumbbi-vrksah |

evan=catasrsY=api diksu vibliakta-simakarh gramam=pra-

sadi-krtya tat=ksanam=eYa nrpati-

r=idam=avad]t I Va(Ba)!iul)hir^=vYasudha datta rajabhis=

Sagar-adibbih | yasya yasya ya la bbumis= tnsya tasya tada

pbalaiii I (||) SYa-dattarn para-dattam=Ya yo bareta

vasundbararn | sa Yistliayain krmir=bliutYa pitrbbis=salia

pacyaten Dattayah^^.paripalanaih bbaYati yad=deYa-dYi‘je-

bhyo bbuYa[s^]=tyagas=tatra na ko=pi praijga-

luabatih karyanu(nta)rain=bhubbujarh i| (0 n=aiv=:aiiyah para-

kir(ti-palana-guno Yyacasyate kevalabi idr9yah(9ya jkbalu

Ye(vai) sada Yanaiata[h*] stulya state (tas)=tya-

20, ginahll Iti^ kamala-dal-amYu(mbu)-vindu-lolarii priyam=

a[iiu'*]cintja maaasya-jivitan=ca[l*] sakalam=idam=udabr-

tan=ca YiidliYa(buddbYa) na bi purusaih para-

21, kirttayo vilopyab I ( ll) Jnatam=mabamantri-9ri-MAHAKENA

maliattara-9ri-Yappeka-sutena[l|^] Dtitako=tra mabasa-

manta-gri-GRAHAKUNDAH I (ll) Likliitan=c=aitan=Maba-

22, nadi-pntrena | Saiijghapura-kaynstlia-mabaksapatalika-gri-

VALADDUKEN^eti 11 SamYat 921[n*] Yena^ grama-turaiiga-

bema-surabhi-Yastr-adina tarppita vipra ye-

23, na ca devatalaya-misen=akari dbarmm-occayabi purnnaiii

punya-jalais=tadagam=akarod=yab ksira-sindb-uparaam

ten=edam nija-gasanam karanika-gri-KEgAVEN=arjjitam

24, 11

1. 17

1. 18

1.19,

1 Metre Anustubb ; and of the next verse.

2 Metre gjardulavikridita j I am unable to correct all the mistakes occurring in

this verse. ^ Metre Puspitagra. Metre ^^I’dulavikridita.

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapMcal Note on Palm-leaf ^ etc.

93

An Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper and Birch-harJc. — By

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, Ph.D., C.I.E.

[ Read May, 1898. ] '

In his admirable summary of Indian Palaeography which forms a

part of the Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Research, the late Professor

Biihler says (I translate from the German) that “ it cannot he doubted

but that the two large-leaved palms, the tddatdla (Borassus flabelH-

formis) and the tdditdli (Corypha umbraculifera, C. taliera) which

probably were originally indigenous in South-India, but have now

spread into the Panjab, are those the leaves of which were principally

employed” in India as writing-material (see § 37, C.). This state-

ment, which merely repeats a general, oft-repeated opinion, is not quite

accurate and therefore apt to mislead. It conveys the impression as if

the leaves of those two palms had been used contemporaneously -and

indifferently throughout India. This is not correct. In preparing the

introduction to my edition of the Bower Manuscript, I had occasion

to specially enquire into this point. In the result I found (1) that

up to a certain point of time, Corypha umbr. was the only palm, the

leaves of which were used throughout India, and (2) that the use of

the leaves of Borassus fl. commenced at a comparatively late period,

and was, and is still, limited to the South and East of India. In the

sequel I will try to show this. There are some minor inaccuracies

in the above-quoted statement, which the following explanation will also

set right.

The two Indian palms, which alone come into question in this

connection, are (1) the (true) Talipat palm, Coi'ypha umbraculifera,

also G. Taliera; and (2) the Palmyra palm or Tarigach, Borassus

flabellifer.^

1 In Bengal the Corypha umbr. is called Tedel, while the Borassus jl. is called

Tdl, and the proportion of the two palms is about 1 : 1000. The correct name of

the Borassus, as Dr. Praiu, the Superintendent of the Boyal Botanic Gardens in

Sibpur, informs me, is not flab elliformis, as usually given, hut fiabellifer, this being

the name given to the palm by Linnaeus who first determined it. There is every

J. I. 13

94

A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2

The former grows wild in Ceylon and on the Malabar coast, up to

about tlie 13tb Lat. ; thence it freely grows cultivated up the west coast

as far as the Concan (16th Lat.), and much less so as far as Bombay

(19th Lat.); it also grows (but very uncommonly) cultivated up the

whole of the East coast into Lower Bengal. It does not grow anywhere

in the central part, or the high-lands of Southern India.

The Borassus fl. does not grow wild anywhere in India, but only

cultivated, near villages. It grows throughout India, excepting only

the Panjab, Upper Sindh, and the northern-most portions of Rajpu-

tana and of the North-West Provinces. In fact, its northern limit is

(about) the 27th or 28th Lat.

The difference between these two palms is that whereas CorypTia

umhr. is indigenous to (Southern) India, Borassus fl. is an introduced

tree, having been brought in from Africa, where it grows wild and is

called Deleh. The above statements sum up the botanical information

of the present day, which has been verified afresh for the purpose of

the present paper by Ur. Prain, Superintendent of the Royal Botanic

Gardens in Sibpur, near Calcutta.^ For his assistance, most kindly

and readily given, in all mqutters touching the botany of these palms,

I wish here to express my sincere thanks.

The leaves of the two palms can be easily distinguished from one

another. Those of the Corypha umhr. are thinner and broader than those

of the Borassus fl. ; they also possess clearly marked cross-veins, in the

form of rills, while the Borassus leaves rather present a pitted or pock-

marked appearance. The width of the Borassus leaf never exceeds If,

and very rarely exceeds 1| inches. Among all the cases that I have

actually measured I have found the latter width only exceeded in three

cases. These are No. 40 in Table II which measures If inches, and

Nos. 20 and 42 in Table II, which measure inches ; all three being

Southern Indian manuscripts. The majority of the Borassus manu-

scripts are something less than If inches wide. A width of less than

one inch is very rare ; I have only met with it in two Southern Indian

manuscripts, viz., Nos. 18 and 37 in Table II, which measure only of

an inch.

The usual width of the Corypha leaf varies between If and 3

inches. Among the inscribed leaves examined by myself, I have not

reason to believe that C. Taliera and G. umbraculifera are identical. I understand

that Dr. Prain is preparing a monograph on the subject of these palms.

2 I should add, however, that, as I understand, more recent enquiries, made by

Dr. Prain seem to render it doubtful whether even the Corypha umhr. grows wild

ariy where in India or Ceylon. A very puz&ling question then arises as to the real

original home of that palm.

95

1900.] A, F. R. Hoevn\e--Fj'pigm^'hical Note on Falm-leaf, etc.

met with any wider than 2|- inches ; though a few manuscripts which

,I have not seen are said to exist of the width of 3 inches (see Table III,

No. 83). Manuscripts, under If inches wide are uncommon : instances

are Nos. 15, 48, 57, 64 and 67 in Table I, and Nos. 4 and 8 in Table II.

A width of less than If inches is very exceptional. I have only found

three cases, among all the manuscripts which I have measured ; viz., No. 12

in Table II which is If of an inch wide, and No. 55 in Table I and No. 5

in Table II, which are as low as If inches. The width, therefore, is an

almost absolute test ; any leaf, measuring If and upwards is certain to be

Corypha umbr., while any leaf measuring If or below, is almost certaiu

to be Borassus fl. With the width of about If inches, there may

occasionally be a doubt, but this will be removed by the application

, of the two additional tests of thickness and venation. In any case

where the actual leaf can be examined, the three tests in combination

are absolutely decisive. In almost all cases where the leaf itself can

not be examined, its width, if recorded, will be found decisive. Thus

in the case of Add. 1706 of the Cambridge MSS., probably of A. D. 1261

(Bendall, p. 199 and Table III, No. 57), the width of which is stated to

be If inches, I judged it to be a Corypha manuscript ; and this was

kindly verified for me by Professor Cowell by means of Corypha and

Borassus specimens which I transmitted to him.

I have been speaking hitherto of the leaf in its prepared state as ^

writing material. With regard to the natural leaf, which I had an op-

portunity of examining and measuring, with the kind assistance of Dr.

Prain, in the Sibpur Botanic Gardens, the case stands as follows : — Both

the Corypha and the Borassus palms, as is well-known, have plicate

leaves folding like a fan, consisting of a number of segments. Through

the middle of each segment, from end to end, runs a hard rib. The flabs

on both sides of the rib are tough and flexible ; and these yield the material

which is prepared for writing purposes. They taper off from their widest

point towards both ends; accordingly suitable strips are cut out from

the middle, of such various lengths as the size of the natural half-

segment will admit. These strips are prepared for writing, by boiling in

water or milk ; and finally, when wanted for writing a book, the required

number of strips are cut down to a uniform size. Uniformity, however,

was always more carefully attended to in point of length than in point

of breadth. In manuscripts, of an older date especially, leaves of a

much smaller breadth are occasionally mixed with others (forming the

majority) which are much wider. Thus in No. 35 of Table I and

Nos. I, 4, 9, 10, II of Table II the occurrence of narrower leaves is

indicated in brackets : they are occasionally found as narrow as I|

inches.

96 A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapTiical Note on F aim-leaf, etc. [Nc. 2,

The half-segment (that is a segment divided longitudinally along

the central rib) of a Borassus leaf, at the point of its greatest width,

may measure 2 inches, but it usually measures less. It tapers off

very rapidly towards both ends ; hence it is not possible to cut out

from it a piece of practically uniform width of more than \\ inches.

A strip of about 16 X If inches is the largest that can be obtained.

If a greater length is desired, consistent with uniform width, the latter

will be smaller. From the usual size of the natural segment, however,

only prepared strips of a smaller width than If inches can be obtained.

Occasionally the point of uniform width is neglected, and thus leaves

are obtained measuring in length up to 20 inches, with a maximum

width of If inches. Examples are IIos. 77 and 87 in Table I, the width

of which grows (as noted in the Table) from 1 or If inches at the ends

to If inches in the middle of the leaf. As a rule, however, a prepared

leaf, measuring a length of more than 16 inches, with a width of If

inches, is more likely to be a Corypha leaf.

The half-segment of a Corypha leaf, at its widest point, may

measure three inches. I measured one leaf of this great size in the

Sibpur Royal Botanic Gardens ; but it is not improbable that leaves of

this size may occur more commonly in Ceylon and Malahar, where

the tree grows wild. A Corypha segment is much longer than a

Borassus segment, and it tapers off far more gently, than the latter,

from its widest point to its ends. Hence it is possible to cut much

longer and wider strips from a Corypha segment. The largest manu-

scripts that I have measured are Hos. 30 and 34 in Table I, which

measure 32| x 2f and 33 x 2f inches respectively. The length, however,

may extend to 3 feet and more, and the width to 3 inches. The largest

manuscript of which I know is No. 2068 in the Notices of Sanskrit MSS.

It is said to measure 40x2 inches (see Table III, No. 138, and footnote

11). The next largest are Nos. 262 and 289 (in Professor Peterson’s

Report for 1884-86, pp. 109 and 142; see also Table III, No. 72). They

are said to measure 37f x2f and 37 x2f inches respectively. From the

particular half segment which I measured to be 3 inches wide^ strips

measuring about 2f x 22, or 2f x 25, or 2 X 30 inches might have been cut.

On the other hand, I have also measured narrow specimens of natural

Corypha segments which would only yield strips measuring 16 x If

inches or even less. Examples of manuscripts of this kind are Nos. 48,

57, 67 in Table I and Nos. 4, 5, 8, 12 in Table II. Of course when

strips of the great width of 3 inches were desired, one would usually

3 The complete natural segment, of course, measured 6 inches across. Simi-

larly the widest complete Borassus segment measures 4 inches across the widest

point.

97

]900.] A, F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

have had to be contented with but a short length. The only two

manuscripts of this great width that I know are No. J87 in Professor

Peterson’s Third Report for 1884—86 (p. 8), and No. 58 in his Fifth

Report for 1892—95 (p. 98, also Table 111, No. 83), both of which are

3 inches broad. The former of these is only 14| inches long. The

latter (dated 1369 A.D.) is said to be 32 inches long, but I suspect

that this is an error : its measures probably are 12 x 3 or 32 x 2.^

Corypha manuscripts of very great length, however, rarely possess an

uniform width. Their leaves are cut from a whole half-segment;

their maximum width is in the middle and it decreases towards both

ends. A good example is No. 30 in Table I, some of the leaves of

which slope from 2| to 1| inches. On the other hand, good examples

of great length combined with practically uniform width are Nos. 34

and 36 in Table I, the breadth of which Varies by no more than

J inch or even less. Sometimes the half-segments of Corypha leaves

were cut, across their breadth, into halves, and the strips for writing

were cut from these halves. In this case, of course, the maximum

width is at one end of the inscribed leaf, and gradually decreases

to the other end. Examples of this kind are Nos. 2, 28, 32 in Table I,

the leaves of which decrease from 2 to If, If to If and 2f to If

inches respectively.

I may add that there is a kind of Corypha palm, the Corypha elata,

which grows, probably cultivated, in Bengal and Bihar. But its leaves

are not suitable for the purpose of writing books, and have never been

so used. Its complete natural segments are much too narrow ; they

measure only about 1| inches, and allow only strips of f inch or less

to be cut from them.

Having premised this much, I may now proceed to state that I have

examined the actual or facsimile leaf of 130 manuscripts. They are

4 Another clear instance o£ an error is in the record of No. 86 (Fifth Eeport,

p. 136). This MS., dated 1241 A.D., is said to he of palm-leaf and to measure

16x4 inches. This width of 4 inches, for a palm-leaf MS., is an impossibility; it

would indicate a natural segment of the width of at least 8 inches !! Prof.

Bhandarkar, whom I consulted, writes to me : “ There nmst be some mistake about

the breadth of the leaves of No. 86. I have seen the MSS. in the Deccan College

and a good many at Patan, perhaps the same as those catalogued by Dr. Peterson,

but I do not remember having seen any leaves of that breadth. Dr. Peterson’s cata-

loguing work was done by clerks and agents, and it is not unlikely that it was not

done with the scrupulous care of the scientific scholar.” The measures would suit

a paper MS. ; and that possibly is the solution of the error. There is a similar error

in Bendall’s Catalogue of the Cambridge MSS. Here Add. 1633 is described as a

palm-leaf MS. of the extraordinary breadth of 5 inches. It is, however, a Paper

MS., as I am informed by Professor Cowell, who, at my request, very kindly inspected

the manuscript.

98 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf^ etc, [No. 2,

shown in the subjoined Tables I and II, with 87 and’43 Nos. respectively.

Table I contains manuscripts, of which the date is known, while

Table II contains manuscripts of conjectural dates. The lists are not

selected ones in any other sense than that I have included in it

none but such manuscripts as I have actually seen and examined

myself, and thus determined the palm to which their leaves belong.

Those manuscripts (27 out of 130) of which I have seen leaves

only in photographic facsimile are marked with an asterisk. The

manuscripts marked “ Kielhorn ” and “ Bhandarkar ” are preserved in

the Deccan College in Poona. The opportunity of inspecting them I

owe to the kindness of Mr. Giles, Director of Public Instruction in

Bombay, and Professor Abaji Kathavate of the Deccan College, who

transmitted specimen leaves to me. The numbers refer to the Reports

on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency for 1880-81

and 1887-91. The Tanjore manuscripts, which are referred to by their

numbers in Burnell’s Classified Catalogue, were transmitted to me by

Mr. Geo. T. Oliver, the Receiver and Manager of the Tanjore Palace

Estate; so were those, marked “ in private hands,” by Maulvi

Muhammad Abdullah, an officer of the Darbhangah Raj. To both these

gentlemen I wish here to express my sincere thanks. Nearly the whole

of the remainder of the list are manuscripts preserved in Calcutta in

the collections of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Government of

India. They are referred to as “ Mitra,” “ Ind. Govt.” and “ Notices.”

These, of course, I had no difficulty in inspecting. My friends, Maha-

mahopadhyaya Pandit Kara Prasad Shastri, and Muni Hans Vijay-ji,

the head of one of the Jain pakhas, were also kind enough to let me

see a few palm-leaf manuscripts in their possession. I may add that

the measurements of all the manuscripts in the two lists have been made

or verified by myself.

99

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapJdcal Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

Table

^ About No. 6 see Journal, As. 8oc. Beng., Vol. LXII (1893), p. 252. The MS.

has two dates; viz , N. S, 134 on the outside of the first written leaf, and N. S. 146

in the colophon, on the last leaf. These are probably the dates of beginning and

finishing the copy. There are similarly two dates on No. 50 ; viz., Laks. 374 and 9ak

1423. As to No. 72 I may note that under No. 2126 of the “Notices” two manu-

scripts are described. The Government manuscript is a Corypha MS., and is entered

here in Table I. The other manuscript, which I have not seen, is entered in

Table III, No. 128 ; and to judge from its measurements, it is a Borassus MS. The

date of the Government manuscript, however, is galcdhdah 1 16 | I with a lacuna

for the units and tens, which may mean 1600 as Dr. Mitra assumed ; but it may be

also a later date. The measurements of Nos. 26 and 41 have been kindly verified for

me by the Honorary Librarian of the Royal Asiatic Society. Some leaves of Nos 39

and 42 are much narrower, viz., 32xl|(l) and 15xlf (1;J) respectively. The

equation of the dates of the Laksmaniya Era has been made with 1105, the present

year 1898 being = 793 L. E., and the 1st year of that era running from the 15 Jan.,

1106, to the 15th January, 1107. No. 65 is dated ^^^ka 1555 and San 1041. The

latter date refers to the Fasli Era of Bengal, and is = 1633 A.D ; see Cunningham’s

Booh of Indian Eras, p. 82. “ Pal. Soc ” refers to the Publications of the London

Palaeographical Society. In the case of a few manuscripts, such as No. 17, 55, etc.,

the length is not given by me, because at the time I examined them, I forgot to

take a note of it.

100 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf ^ etc. [No. 2,

® This is a manuscript written by Agoka Candra and Dhane9vara Sadhu, and

corrected by Vardhamana Suri (apparently the author), Nemicandra Muni^vara,

and ParQvacandra Upadhyaya. The name of the work is Dharma Karandaka Sutra

Tika, and its author is Vardhamana Suri, a pupil of Abhayadeva Suri. Its date is

given in the following 9loka ; vilcramatd varsdndm gatesv=ekddagasv'=atUesu \

dvd’Saptatyd varsair = adhihesu krtd vikrtir = esd ii

No.

37

38

39

40

41*

42

43*

44*

45

46

47*

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

65

56*

57

58

59*

60

61

62

63

.. F. R. Hoerule — JBpigraphical Note on Palm-leaf ^ etc. 101

J. I. 14

102 A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapTiical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

All manuscripts in the foregoing Table (with the exception of Nos.

1-3) bear an actual date. The following Table II includes manuscripts

the approximate date of which can be fixed with some degree of

certainty. This has been done by myself, mainly on palaeographic

grounds, in all cases except those marked with the letter B. The date

103

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapJiical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

of tlie latter is tliat given to them by Dr. Burnell in his Classified

Catalogue of Tanjore Manuscripts.

Table II.

7. The inner leaves of this manuscript are old. The outer ones, at the beginning

and end, are larger (20| x 2|) and of a much more modern date (about 1700 A.D.),

I examined the leaves numbered 1,105 and 260.

104 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

In the following remarks my arguments will be based entirely on

the information furnished by Table I. The information of Table II

will be used only as subsidiary and corroborative evidence.

Further, for the present, my remarks will be limited entirely to the

conditions obtaining in Northern India, ^.e., broadly speaking North of

the 20th degree of latitude. The case of Southern India will be

considered later on.

The first point, very clearly brought out by Table I, is the exclu-

sive use of Corypha leaves throughout Northern India, up to the latter

part of the 17th century A.D. A very marked change begins with

1675 A.D. Before that date (with one exception, No. 60, which I shall

105

1900.} A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

presently refer to) all dated manuscripts are uniformly written on

Coryplia leaves. From 1675 A.D. the use of the Borassus leaf almost

entirely supersedes that of the Corypha leaf. Commencing with that

year there are 18 manuscripts examined by me. Two of these are

South-Indian which must be excluded. Of the remaining 16 manu-

scripts 12 are written on Borassus leaves, and only 4 on Corypha

leaves ; that is to say, 75 per cent, are Borassus manuscripts.

In order to appreciate the very effective character of the evidence

of Table I, let it be noted that, between the years 1000 and 1770, there

is a total of 77 decades, of which not less than 51 are represented in

the Table by one or more manuscripts. The 14th and 17th centuries

are the best represented, every decade appearing in the Table, except

those beginning with 1320, 1620 and 1650. The 15th century is the worst

represented, as the decades beginning with 1400, 1410, 1420, 1430, 1480

and 1490 are wanting. The effectiveness of the representation is corro-

borated by Table II, which, it may well be assumed, would have filled up

many gaps in the 12th, 13th and 14th centuries, if the exact dates of

the manuscripts listed in it were known. The effectiveness will be

found still more corroborated by the exact dates given in Table III.

With Tables I and III combined, there remain only 9 decades unre-

presented; viz., those beginning with 1040, 1100, 1140, 1150, 1430, 1480,

1650,1710, and 1740, and some of these probably are covered by Table II.

There are only two manuscripts dating before 1675 A.D., which

are written on Borassus leaves. These are Hos. 60 and 61, belonging

to 1587 and 1594 A.D. respectively. Ho. 61 is written wholly on

Borassus leaves ; while Ho. 60 is only so partially : the body of it

is written on Corypha leaves, while the end is on a Borassus leaf.

These are exceptional cases ; they only indicate, as I shall show further

on, that the use of Borassus leaves first began in a sporadic form in

Southern Bengal. But for Horthern India generally. Table I shows

that we may take the year 1675 A.D. as the epoch that marks the

change from the use of Corypha to that of Borassus.

Before proceeding further, it may be as well at once to meet an

objection that might suggest itself. It appears to be believed that

Borassus leaves are much less durable than Corypha leaves. This may

or may not be true : I have no special evidence on the subject. But

Dr. Burnell in his South-Indian Palaeography (2nd ed.), p. 41, says :

“ It is hopeless to look for old specimens, as palm-leaf MSS. perish

rapidly in the Tamil country, where they are mostly written on leaves

of the ‘ Borassus flabelliformis,’ far inferior to the Talipat leaves in

beauty and durability.” So also Mr. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, in

Colombo informs me that “ the Talipat leaf is preferred for the purpose

106 A. F. R. Hoernle — JEpigrapJiical Note on Palm-leaf j etc. [No. 2,

of book writing on account of its durability and polish. ” These ob-

servations may be true with regard to Southern India and Cejlon ;

they would probably also apply to Bengal and Orissa with their equally

damp climate ; but would hardly apply to tiie rest of Northern India

with its far drier climate. But be that as it may, I have drawn up

Table III for the purpose of showing how little probability there is that

all Borassus MSS., dating before 1675 A.D., may have perished on

account of their inferior durability, or that, by some unaccountable and

improbable chance, none of them may have fallen into my hands when

making up Table I.

Table III.

No. I

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

^9.

R. Hoernle — Epigrapliical Note on Pahn-leaf, etc.

107

No.

48

49

60

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

F. R. Hoernie — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

No.

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

100

101

102

103

.. F. R. Hoernle — BpigrapJiical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. 109

. I. 15

110 A. F. R. Hoerale — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf^ etc. [No. 2,

1900.] A. F, R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf ^ etc. 111

In Table III, I have included none but such palm-leaf MSS , of

which exact dates and measurements have been recorded. On the

other hand, I have included all manuscripts, satisfying those two condi-

tions, records of which were accessible to me : in fact, Table III, so

far as I know, practically includes all such palm-leaf MSS., of which

any record exists at all. I do not think it likely that any appreciable

number of dated and measured manuscripts have been omitted. Those

entered in Table III belong to the collections, noticed in BendaU’s

Catalogue of Cambridge MSS., Dr. Milra’s Notices of Sanskrit MSS.,

and Peterson’s and Kielhorn’s Reports on the Search for Sanskrit MSS.

in the Bombay Presidency.®

As I have not actually seen and examined any of the manuscripts

entered in Table III, the only test for determining their material are

their measurements, especially those of their width. Now there are

8 The description of this manuscript in the “ Notices ” is wrong. It is said

to be dated “ L. S, 431 = A. D. 1537,” but at the same time it is described as “ fresh ”

in appearance. The fact is, the date which is, in numeral words has been wrongly

read. Ambudhi means ‘‘ seven” ; and the date is Laks. 731 = A. D. 1836. Unfortu-

nately the manuscript is missing from the Calcutta collection ; I have not been

able to see it. I may here note that though in the older usage “ ocean ” signifies

“ four,” in the more modern and in the present usage it means “ seven.” The

^abda-kalpa-druma gives both meanings.

9 “ PetersonS” and “ Peterson^ ” in the References of Table III mean Professor

Peterson’s Third Report, 1884-86 (Extra Number in the Journal, Bombay Branch

of the Royal Asiatic Society), and his Fifth Report, 1892-95, respectively.

“ Kielhorn ” means Professor Kielhorn’s Report for 1880-81.

112 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note an Palm-leafy etc. [No. 2,

in the list of Table III, 127 manuscripts, dating before 1675 A.D.

Of these 127 manuscripts, 104 measure If inches or upwards in width.

All these must be written on Corypba leaves ; for I have already-

shown that no Borassus leaf admits of that width. Practically the

same remark applies to No. 36, which measures If inches. There remain

22 manuscripts, measuring less than If inches in width. Of these, 18

have a width of If inches.^® There is very little probability of any

of them being a Corypha manuscript : in fact, in the case of No. 67,

the fact that it is written on Corypha leaves has been verified for me by

Professor Cowell; and as to 6 others, viz.y Nos. 101, 110, 112, 122, 125

and 127, which are Bihar manuscripts, I shall show presently that in

Bihar none but Corypha leaves were used down to a far more recent

date than 1675 A.D. Of the remaining 4 manuscripts. No. 89, which is

If inches wide, cannot be Borassus, because of its length of 34f inches ;

nor are Nos. 5, 8 and 10, which are If and 1 inches wide respectively,

likely to be Borassus, on account of their great age : that exceptionally

Corypha manuscripts of such very small width are met with, I have

already shown (see Nos. 35 and 55 in Table I, and No. 5 in Table II).

It thus appears that (with the exception of one manuscript,

No. 118, presently to be referred to) all the manuscripts dating before

1675 A.D. are written on Corypha leaves, — a result which exactly

agrees with that obtained from Table I. It is a striking fact that no

dated and measured manuscript which can indubitably be proved to be

written on Borassus leaves has as yet come to light, dating from before

1675 A.D., or at least (to be quite exact, with a view to the two excep-

tional cases of No. 60 in Table I, and No. 118 in Table III), dating

from before the end of the 16th century. If Borassus manuscripts did

exist, it is more than strange that not one of them should have been

discovered : it is equally improbable that they — all and every one —

should have perished. The only reasonable conclusion, from the facts

presented, is that Borassus leaves were not used at all for book-

writing in Northern India before the end of the 16th century,

nor used generally before about 1676 A.D.

The exceptional case of No. 118 in Table III, dated 1618 A.D.,

is noteworthy. It stands, quite by itself among the surrounding Corypha

manuscripts. For the next Borassus MS. we have to go down to No. 128,

and the year 1678 A.D. It is also a South-Bengali manuscript. Its

case agrees in every way with that of No. 60 in Table I, which has

already been referred to. It must be added, however, that it is by no

means certain that No. 118 is really a Borassus manuscript. Judged by

10 These are Nos. 7, 9, 21, 25, 26, 30, 37, 41, 57, 82, 91, 93, 101, 110, 112, 122,

125, 127.

113

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

its measurements it might very well he a Corypha manuscript. But the

probability perhaps is the other way, and I have accordingly treated it so.

This leads me to the next point. Table I shows that the use of

Borassus leaves for book-writing was, and still is, limited to the Eastern

portion of Northern India, ^.e., to Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. In the

rest of Northern India (including Nepal, and “ Western India ” north

of Bombay), Borassus has never been used for that purpose : there

none but Corypha leaves were used at all ; but as I shall show further

on, the use of palm-leaves for book- writing died out there as early as

the middle of the 15th century on the west-coast, and in the interior

even some centuries earlier. At the time when the use of Borassus came

in in the eastern provinces of Northern India, viz., in the 17th century,

the use of paper had in its central and western provinces long super-

seded that of palm-leaves.

Even with regard to Eastern India, a striking difference shows

itself between the three provinces composing it. In Bengal the use of

the Borassus leaf makes its first appearance in a sporadic way, at the

end of the 16th century, and we find it fully established a century later,

from about 1675 A.D. On the contrary, in Bihar the exclusive use of

Corypha leaves continues down to the middle of the 18th century,

while in Orissa Corypha leaves appear to have never been used at all.

To illustrate these conclusions I have prepared the following three

Tables of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa palm-leaf manuscripts respectively.

Table TV. Bengal Palm-leaf MSS.

114 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf ^ etc. [ITo. 2,

It will be seen from Table lY, that np to 1587 A.D. Corypba

leaves were in exclusive use in Bengal. In that year the first trace of

the use of Borassus leaves makes its appearance. In 1594 there is the

It will be noticed that the length of this manuscript (40 inches) is out of

all proportion to that of all other Bengal manuscripts. I am, therefore, disposed

to suspect a misprint in its record in Notices,” No. 2068.

115

1900.] A. F. R. HoerDle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

first manuscript wholly written on Borassus leaves ; another follows in

1618 A.D. Then comes a long interval of 57 years, up to 1675 A.D.,

in which there is one Corypha manuscript, in 1629 A.D. But from

1675, when there are numerous manuscripts recorded at very short

intervals, the use of Borassus shows itself dominant. Among 18

manuscripts, between 1675 and 1815 A.D., there are 12 Borassus and

only 6 Corypha ones j that is f of the whole are Borassus manuscripts.

The oldest known Bengal palm-leaf manuscript is referable to the

year 1360 A.D. Another described in “Notices,” No. 1977, was thought

by the late Raja R. L, Mitra to be older, being supposed to be dated

in Luks. 102 = 1207 A.D. It is a Corypha MS., measuring 13J x 2^,

and is certainly very old, but its date, if any, is not decipherable, and

on palseographic grounds it is more likely to belong to the end of the

14th century.

Table V. Bihar Palm-leap MSS.

116 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf^ etc. [No. 2,

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrnpTiical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. 117

Among tlie 45 manuscripts listed in this Table, there are 35 which,

as their width shows, are undoubtedly written on Corypha leaves.

There are only eight MSS. (Nos. 9, 10, 19, 21, 31, 31, 37 and 40) which,

by their width of If inches, might be written on Borassus leaves.

But their age, as well as their isolated position among Corypha

manuscripts, renders it certain that they are also Corypha manuscripts.

Indeed, as a matter of fact. Nos. 9 and 37, which I have myself

inspected, are Corypha manuscripts. I may add that down to 1739 A.D.

(No. 44) I have not found, among all the Bihar MSS. that T have

examined and measured, a single manuscript written on Borassus

leaves. So far, therefore, as evidence, at present available, goes, it

points to the fact that, down to the middle of the 18bh century,

Corypha leaves were in exclusive use in Bihar for book- writing.

About that time, perhaps, the use of Borassus leaves may have been

introduced from Bengal ; for No. 45, of 1836 A.D., is evidently a

Borassus manuscript. Any how, in the present day, as I learn from

special enquiries made by me, both kinds of palm-leaf are in use in Bihar,

though, for book- writing at least, paper has nearly entirely Superseded

palm-leaf, so that it is very difficult now-a-days to obtain a quite modern

palm-leaf manuscript. In fact, in spite of persistent endeavours, I

have failed to obtain for personal inspection a single Bihar palm-leaf

manuscript of the 18th and 19th centuries. This remark, regarding the

supercession of palm-leaf by paper, also applies to Bengal, but not to

Orissa.

With regard to Orissa I am in a somewhat unsatisfactory position.

Palm-leaf manuscripts, written in Oriyn, are very uncommon in Calcutta,

and the majority of those one meets with are not dated. Moreover

the Jew manuscripts which bear some date are not dated in any era,

but merely in the regnal years of certain kings. I have been able to

examine the following seven manuscripts : —

Table VI.** Orissa Palm-leap MSS.

12 On the chronology of the kings of Orissa, see Prinsep’s Useful Tables, p. 267

(in Vol. II of his Indian Antiquities, ed, Thomas), also Hunter’s Orissa and

J. I. 16

118

A, F, R. Hoernle — EpiyrapMcal Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

I liave also examined seven other manuscripts whicli are undated.

Their width varied from 1 to inches, and their number of lines from

3 to 6. They were made of Borassus flab. Their general appearance

indicates them as being of the same period as the dated ones.

1 have not met with any Oriya palm-leaf manuscript of an earlier

date than the 24th year of Mukunda Deva, or A.D. 1683, though

No. 1 may go back to 1660. So far as this evidence goes, it shows

that Oriya palm-leaf manuscripts are not older than the second half

of the 17th century, and are invariably written on Borassus leaves.

The evidence, however, is not complete. It seems to be certain that

the Orija characters were not employed in Orissa before the 15th

century A.D. The earliest epigraphical record in Oriya characters

is an inscription, -dated 1436 A.D., of Kapile9vara Deva. The earlier

inscriptions of the 13th and 14th centuries are in a species of early

Bengali characters.*^ It is not impossible therefore, that manuscripts

may have been written in Oriya characters as early as the 15th century

A.D. Possibly among the undated manuscripts some may go back to

such an early date ; and it is also possible that dated manuscripts of

that early period may yet come to light. In the latter case it is pro-

bable that they will be found to be Borassus manuscripts ; for hitherto

not a single manuscript written in Oriya characters is known to

exist which is written on Corypha leaves. At present, however, there

is a gap of 200 or 250 years (about 1436-1660 A.D.) in the evidence.

On the whole, the probability is that the case of Orissa is much the

same as that of Hengal. If Corypha leaves were ever used in Orissa

at all, their use must have gone out of fashion, as it did in Bengal, in

the course of the 16th century. At present, the available evidence

elsewhere. The exact periods of the several reigns are only approximately known.

There were three Mukundas and two Divya Siihhas. The former reigned 17, 32,

and 19 years respectively ; accordingly it must be Mnkunda II who is referi’ed to in

Table VI, and who reigned, approximately, from 1660 to 1692 A.D. The two Divya

Simhas reigned 28 and 18 years respectively ; probably it is Divya Siihha I who

is here intended, and who reigned from 1692-1720 A.D. Ke9ari Deva (in Prinsep,

Bir Kishore Deo) reigned from 1743-1780 A.D. In the manuscripts the reigns of

these kings are quoted in a^Tcas. On the method of converting these a^^fcas into

regnal years, see Babu Mon Mohan Chakravarti’s explanation in Journal, A.8.B.

vol. LXII, (1893), p. 89. The number one and all numbers ending with zero

(except 10) or with 6 are omitted. Hence the 29th aylca of Mukunda is equal to his

24th year; i.e., 5 aylcas (1, 6, 16, 20, 26) are omitted; and so forth. The a-nlcas of

Table VI are : 38 (No. 4), 29 (Nos. 2, 3 and 7), 21 (No. 5), 12 (No. 6). No. 1 simply

refers to the reign of Mukunda.

18 See Journal, A.8.B. Vol. LX II (1893), p. 88, 89. Also ibidem, Vol. LXIV

(1895) and Vol, LX V (1896).

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. 119

is dead against the use of Corypha leaves in Orissa. Not a single

Corypha manuscript in Oriya cliaracters has as yet been discovered.

Let us uow turn to Western India. Here we have the caiefal

catalogues prepared by Professors Kielliom, i’eterson and Bhandarkar.

In his Report for 1880-81, Prof. Kielhorn describes 77 palm-leaf MSS.

from Patan. Prof. Peterson in his 3rd Report for 1885-86, describes

157 palm-leaf MSS. from Cambay (Nos. 181-338), and in his 6th Report

for 1892-95 he describes 93 palm-leaf MSS. from Patan. Measurements,

however, are only given of 69, J47 and 62 manuscripts respectively of

the three sets. The total of measured manuscripts accordingly is 278.

Among these there are ;

(1) MSS. measuring If inches and more, 230

(2) MSS. „ 1\ inches 38

(3) MSS, „ less than 1| 10

This statement includes both kinds of manuscripts, undated as well

as dated ones, and, therefore, supplements the information given in

Table HI.

The first-placed manuscripts, of course, as shown by their width,

must be Corypha ones ; so also; are in all probability, the 38 manuscripts

of the width of \\ inches. More doubtful might seem the case of those

ten which measure less than 1| inches. Among these there are 8

manuscripts which are said to measure only If, 1|, or If inches, and

two manuscripts which are said even to be only one inch wide.^^ Four

of these 10 manuscripts, being dated, will be found included in Table

III; viz., Nos. 10 ( 1" wide), 5 and 8 (If'Oi ^^d 89 (If"); and in

connection with that Table it has been shown what little probability

there is that any of these 10 manuscripts should be Borassus ones.

As a matter of fact (I may add here), I have found by ocular exami-

nation of Kielhorn’s No. 34 (or No. 35 in Table I) that among its leaves

there are some wliich are only If inches wide, but which still are

Corypha leaves : which circumstance shows that extreme narrowness of

the leaves need not preclude their being Corypha. It may, therefore, be

taken for certain that in Western India none but Corypha leaves

were ever used for book-writing.

We will now turn to the paper manuscripts. For Eastern India

(Bengal, Behar and Orissa) the “Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts” afford

a fair statistical text. I have classified all the dated paper MSS. which

are enumerated in volumes I to X, according to centuries, down to 1850,

in the subjoined Table VII, in which I have added similar information.

These are Peterson^ Nos, 7, 63 (both one inch), Peterson^ No. 13, Kielhorn

No. 40, PetersonS Nos. 50, 66 (all four, li") ; PetersonS Nos. 304, 305, 308 (all, U") ;

PetersonS No. 216 (If").

120 A. F. R. Hoernle — HJpigraphical Note on Falm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

for Wesfcei n India, gathered from the Reports of Professors Bhandarkar,

Kielhorn and Peterson.*^ For my present statistical purpose these

Reports, unfortunately, are not so well fitted as the “ Notices ; ” still

such as they are, their evidence distinctly tends in the same direction.

A considerable portion of the manuscripts described in the “ Notices ”

belong to the North-West Provinces and Oudh, which form the central

portion of Northern India. Accordingly the column for the “ Notices ”

is divided into East and Centre.

Table VII.

The general drift of this evidence is to show that from the end of

the 13th and the beginning of the 14th centuries paper began to

These are Bhandarkar’s Report for 1882-83 ; Kielhorn’s Report for 1880-81,

containing also a list of the collection in 1873-74 ; Peterson’s Second Report for

1882-83 (being an Extra Number of the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society for 1883) ; his Third Report for 1884-86 (being another Extra

Number for 1887) ; his Fifth Report, for 1892-95, and his Sixth Report, for 1895-98.

1900]. A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigmphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. 121

supersede palm-leaf as a material for writing books. The drop in the

number of j^alni-leaf manuscripts between the third and fourth periods

is very noticeable ; and from the fourth period onwards there is a

steady and marked rise in the number of paper manuscripts.

In Western India the supersession of palm-leaf was far more

thorough than in Eastern India. About the middle of the 15th

century, — so far as the evidence at present available goes, — the use of

palm-leaf entirely ceases in Western India. The three latest palm-

leaf manuscripts are dated, one in A.D. 1449 (Sam. 1505), and two in

A.D. 1400 (Sam. 1456) : see Kielhorn’s Report, p. v, and Peterson’s

Fifth Report, p. 51. During the same period (1400-1449) we have

41 paper manuscripts. The earliest paper manuscript is dated A.D,

1320 (Sam. 1376) : see Bhandarkar’s Report, p. 51. Then follow 14

paper manuscripts, dated between A.D. 1360 and 1395. This total

cessation of the use of palm-leaf at this period is nothing new : it has

already been pointed out by Professor Bhandarkar in his Report, pp.

51 and 52.

In Eastern India the use of palm-leaf continued more or less

by the side of paper. The Table shows a steady and marked rise

in the number of paper manuscripts, while the number of palm-leaf

manuscripts remains practically stationary, ending with a marked drop

in the last period. This, of course, really implies a steady decrease in

the use of palm-leaf, ending with a practically total cessation, in the

present day.^® In Orissa alone its use continuous to some extent. The

two latest recorded palm-leaf manuscripts (both not on Corypha, but

Borassus leaves) are dated A.D. 1815 (paka 1737 ; “ Notices,” No. 1607,

Table I, No. 87) and A.D. 1836 (Laks. 731, “ Notices,” No. 1764, Table

III, No. I4I). The earliest paper manuscript is dated A.D. 1354 (Sam.

1410), and is a Behar (Maithili) manuscript. No. 1999 in the “Notices.”

The oldest Bengal paper manuscript is dated A.D. 1404 (paka 1326),

being No. 2082 in the “ Notices.” These are two exceptional cases :

the real use of paper in Eastern India only commences about A.D.

1450, that is about one century later than in Western India.

But the earliest paper manuscript of all, examined by me, is one

in the Sanskrit College in Calcutta. It is No. 582 in Volume I of its

Library Catalogue, and is dated A.D. 1231 (Sam. 1288). *7 The oldest

16 Exceptionally, and for a very limited class of certain religious books, palm-

leaf is said to be still used in Bengal.

n The Calcutta Sanskrit College, in its Library Catalogue, professes to

possess extraordinarily old paper manuscripts. No. 553 in Vol. I is said to be

dated in 1017 A.D. or Sam. 1073; No. 371 in 1059 A.D. or Sam. 3115, No. 122

in Vol. II. in 1178 A.D. or Sam. 1234 ; No. 582 in Vol. I. in 1212 A.D. or Sam.

122 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

paper manuscript of all, mentioned in the “ Notices ” is No. 2043.

It is dated A.D. 1343 (Sam. 1399), and lias no string-hole, hut in its

place a small read disk, about f" diameter. These two earliest paper

manuscripts are shown in Table YII in the column for “ Notices,”

under the heading “ Centre.” They are both written in a distinctly

Western type of Nagari, and must have been written somewhere in the

North-West Provinces : they do not properly belong to Eastern India.

Under the heading “ Centre ” are entered paper manuscripts written

in Nagari (not in Bengali, neither in Maitliili) cliaracters. All these

properly belong to the North-West Provinces or Ondh, i.e., to the

Central part of Northern India. It may be noticed that no palm-leaf

manuscripts are recorded for this part of Northern India. This is a

noteworthy fact, to which reference will be made subsequently.

To sum up the result of ray enquiries into the use of palm-leaf

as writing material, it appears that —

(1) Originally none but leaves of the CorypJia iimhr. palm were

used throughout India. This state continued down to the I5th century.

(2) From the middle of the 15th century their use was discontinued

in Western India, no other kind of palm-leaf replacing them.

(3) From the beginning of the 17th century they ceased to be used

in Bengal and probably Orissa, the leaves of the Borassus fl. taking

their place.

(4) In Behar their exclusive use continued down to the middle of

the 18th century.

(5) The use of the Borassus flat . is comparatively modern, and it is,

and was, nowhere current in Northern India, outside Bengal and Orissa.

(6) Paper began to come into use, in the Centre of Northern

India, in Western India and in Eastern India about the middle respec-

tively of the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries.

(7) In the Centre and West it entirely superseded, in the 15th

century, the writing-material previously in use, that is, palm-leaf in the

West and perhaps birch-bark in the Centre. In the East it maintained

a finally successful rivalry until comparatively recent times.

1268 ; No. 529 in A.D. 1320 or Sam. 1376. I have examined all these manuscripts.

They are all written in Nagari, and are North-Western manuscripts (not Bengali).

No. 553 is as modern a manuscript as one can wish, and is dated Sam. 1873,

or A.D. 1817 ! No. 371 is dated Sam. 1715 or A.D. 1659. No. 122 is dated San

(i.e., Bengali year, not Samvat) 1234, equal to A.D. 1826. No. 582 is doubly dated

in Sam. 1288 (not 1268 as the Catalogue reads;, and (^aka 1152, which is A.D. 1231

{viz., 1288 — 57 and 1152-1-79) ; this is the only really old paper manuscript.

No. 529 is not dated at all, the compiler of the Catalogue having mistaken some

blurred Nagari aksaras for numeral figures.

1900.] A, F. R. Hoei'iile — Epigraphical Note 07i Palm-leaf, etc. 123

Tlie Gorypha umhraculifera being- a South-Indiau tree, it is clear

that its leaves, prepared to serve as writing material, mast have formed

an article of trade from very early times, and been carried as merchandise

over the whole of ISTorthern India. The customers of it, of course, were

almost wholly limited to the literary classes, who wrote and copied

books, i.e., to the learned in schools and monasteries, etc. Paper came in

with the Muhammadans, in the 11th century. It only very slowly and

gradually displaced the Corypha palm-leaf, the use of which had the

sanction of age and religion among the conservative Indian literates :

they looked witn distrust upon the product of the Mlecchas. The

paper-makers are still, as a rule, Muhammadans ; and there exists

no indigenous Sanskritic term for paper, the word universally used

being hdgaj or kdgad.^'^ With the 14th century, paper began to grow more

widely into favour, and the import trade of Corypha leaves propor-

tionately declined. With the beginning of the 17th century we find that

paper has displaced the Corypha leaves throughout hlorthern India

excepting Behar, and the trade with it had practically ceased. Palm-

leaves were still occasionally wanted ; and thus it came to pass ( so it

seems) that the people of Bengal and Orissa took to the use of the

Borassus fiahellifer which grew plentifully in their own country, because

they could no more readily obtain suitable Corypha leaves in sufficient

quantities. It is curious to observe that the literati of Behar were the

most conservative in the retention of the use of the Corypha leaves ;

for their latest Corypha MS. is dated A.D. 1739 (No. 44 in Table V).

It would seem that the use of the leaves of the Borassus palm was

introduced into Eastern India from the South. For its use in Southern

India can be traced to a much earlier period. As Table II shows, the

earliest recorded Borassus manuscript in Southern India may be

referred to about 1550 A.D., and since that time Borassus is generally,

though not exclusively, made use of, in Southern India, for book

writing, Corypha also being used occasionally. The case of Southern

India, however, I have not been able to thoroughly investigate. In

Ceylon the use of Corypha leaves appears to be still predominant;

in fact, for book writing, I am informed, it is still in exclusive use.

The cause or causes that led to the Borassus growing into favour, and

more or less displacing the time-honoured Corypha are obscure. It

IS This is a Hindu corruption of the Persian Mghaz which itself is a

corruption of the Chinese Tcog-dz, the name of their “ paper made of the bark of

the paper-mulberry tree.” When the Arabs, in the 8th century, learned paper-

making from the Chinese, they adopted the Chinese name for their own paper made

of linen rags. See Professor Fr. Hirth’s Indisclie Studien, p. 263, and Professor

Karabacek’s Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer.

124 A. F. R. 'S.oerwle—E'pigra'pliiml Note on Palm-leaf^ etc. [~No. 2,

would be interesting to know them, and they would be worth investiga-

tion. Perhaps it may be found that the Borassus palm was intioduced

into India only at a comparatively recent period, and being a more

useful tree than the Corypha, it was more frequently cultivated, and

more extensively employed. Of the Borassus palm almost everything

can be used : its fruits and buds are edible, its juice is made into liquor,

its leaves can be used for domestic and literary purposes, its trunks are

shaped into boats ; and so forth. Of the Corypha palm neither the

fruit is edible nor the juice potable. Being a far more useful tree, the

Borassus would naturally soon become a greater favorite even with

respect to such a matter as the leaves for writing purposes in whicli it

is perhaps hardly superior to the Corypha. But if is difficult to suppose

that the employment of the Borassus leaves as a material for writing

can be separated by any long interval from the introduction of the

Borassus palm into India. The tree could not well have existed long in

India without its useful properties being discovered. If the use of its

leaves for writing grew up in the 1 5th or 16th centuries, its introduction

can hardly be placed much earlier than tne I4th century.

There is a notice in Hiuen Tsiang’s Travels (Beal, vol. ii, p. 255) of

the existence of “ a forest of Tala trees ” near Konkanapura in South-

India. The exact site of that place is still ' a matter of dispute ( see

Indian Antiquary, XII, p. JI5, XXIII, p. 28) ; but it must be somewhere

in the Concan, which is the limit to which the Coryplia umbr. grows

freely in cultivation (though not wild). The pointed notice of the

“ forest of Tali pat palms ” is curious. It must have been a particular

feature of that place, and must have been shown to Hiuen Tsiang as

such. In the forest there was a Stupa ; and Hiuen Tsiang adds that

“ in all the countries of India the leaves of the Talipat palm are every-

where used for writing on.” Here we seem to have a clear instance of

a plantation of Corypha palms, on a large scale, for the purpose of

growing leaves for inland use or for export. Writing was mainly

carried on in Buddhist and other monasteries, and probably there were

Corypha plantations connected with most of the larger monastic

establishments in South India ; only the Konkanapura plantation would

seem to have been one on a particularlylarge scale.

There is a puzzling notice in Alberuni (Sachau, vol. i, p, I7I).

He says : “ The Hindus have in the South of their country a slender

tree like the date and cocoanut palms, bearing edible fruits, and leaves

of the length of one yard, and as broad as three fingers, one put beside

the other. They call these leaves tart, and write on them. They bind a

book of these leaves together by a cord on wluch they are arranged,

the cord going through all the leaves by a hole in the middle of each.”

3900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. 125

This description, with the exception of the remark about the edible

fruit, only fits the Corypha palm. At the time of Alberuni (973-

1043 A.D.) the Borassus palm, in all probability, did not exist in India.

In any case, at his time its leaves were not used anywhere in India for

writing books. He says the leaves measured one yard in length, and

three fingers in breadth : that gives us a leaf measuring 36 x 2| inches,

which, as I have shown, are nearly the maximum measurements of a

Corypha leaf, but impossible for a Borassus leaf.^^ He also says that

the leaves are called tarl. At the present day, the term tart is

Used to denote palm -wine or “ toddy,” which, of course, is made from

the juice of the Borassus palm. I am not aware that the term is used

anywhere for the prepared leaves of either the Corypha or the Borassus.

These are called Talpat or Talipat, and that term is applied to the

Corypha palm in South India, and has been adopted into the Botanical

terminology. In Alberuni’s use of the term tari for the leaves, there

appears to be some misunderstanding. But a greater diflQculty is his

remark about the edible fruits, as Alberuni is generally a careful

observer and reporter. Personally he can have had no acquaintance

with the tree, as neither the Corypha nor the Borassus grows in the

localities where he lived : he can only have reported what he was told.

But as the Borassus palm is out of the question, he must either have

made a slip, or the text of his work is handed down incorrectly. As

immediately before he had mentioned a point of resemblance to the

date and cocoanut palms, he probably now wanted to point out a point

of difference, that the Corypha palm bore no edible fruits ; he probably

meant to say “ a tree, slender like the date and cocoanut palms, but

bearing no edible fruits.”

Alberuni proceeds to say : “ In Central and Northern India people

use the bark of the tuz tree. It is called hJiurja. They take a piece

one yard long and as broad as the outstretched fingers of the hand,

or somewliat less (about 8 inches) and prepare it in various ways. They

oil and polish it so as to make it hard and smooth, and then they write

on it. Their letters, and whatever else they have to write, they write

on the bark of the tuz tree.” There can be no doubt that Alberuni is

describing the bark of Betula utilis. Where he lived, the tree was

probably a well-known object to him. The measurements of the strips

of bark given by him are borne out by the Kharbsthi birch-bark

19 In the quoted passage it seems as if Alberuni were speaking of the size

of the natural leaves of the palm. Obviously this is not correct ; for the size of

the segment of the natural leaf of either palm, whether Corypha or Borassus, is

much greater. Possibly the translation may be at fault. Anyhow, Alberuni is

speaking of the size of the prepared leaf.

J. 1. 17

]26

A. "B. R. Hoernle EpigrapMcal Note on Palm^eaf, etc. [No. 2,

IT

manuscript of which portions are preserved in Paris and St. Petersburg,

and which may be as old as the

^ 1st century A.D. The strips of

bark on which this manuscript

is written, ^measure about 8

inches (or 20 centimeter) in

width and one yard, more or

less, in length *0 (Woodcut, fig.

1). This seems to show that

anciently the strips of bark

were used in their full size,

perhaps in the form of rolls, like

Greek manuscripts of papyrus.

Or their length was cut up into

smaller pieces, of about 4 inches

each. Such is the Bakhshali

MS., which measures about 7

by 4 inches. The latter pro-

bably belongs to the 10th or

11th century, ^.e., about the

time when Alberuni lived ; and

orrwm

JE

Se/ClCc' t> 8

he may have been thinking of manuscripts of this kind, when he wrote

his observations. The writing was made to run parallel with the

narrow side of the original strip, as seen in tlie published plates of the

Paris and St. Petersburg MS. This custom was retained, even when the

strips were cut up into smaller pieces, as in the Bakhshali MS. (Woodcut,

fig. 2). The latter approaches, in its general form, the typical Indian

palm-leaf potlil. It consists of a large number of separate oblong

leaves, with the writing running parallel with the longer side of the

leaf ; only the oblong is not so decidedly elongated as in the palm-leaf,

and the string- holes are wanting. Still later, after Alberuni’s time,

the modern book form appears to have been introduced. The strips

of bark, cut into smaller pieces of about 12 inches, were folded in the

middle, making up a “ form ” of two leaves or four pages ; and the

writing was now made to run parallel with the narrow side of the page,

so that, if the form is unfolded into the original sheet or strip, the

20 The exact length is uncertain. M. Senart has measured one of the length

of 4 feet (or 1 m. 23), but states that the strips evidently vary in length. See

Journal Asiatique, 1898. See also Professor v. Oldenburg’s Eeport in the Transac-

tions of the Imperial Russian Academy, for 1897. Woodcut, fig. 3 shows the exact

measurements of a (^arada manuscript in my possession, about 250 years old.

127

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — EpigrapMcal Note on Palm-leaf j etc.

writing is seen to be in two columns and running parallel with the

longer side of the strip as shown in fig. 3 of the Woodcut.

A noteworthy point in Alberuni’s statement is that it seems to

assert that, in his time at least, the use of birch-bark was peculiar

to Central and Northern India, while palm-leaf was peculiar to Southern

India. At first sight this assertion does not seem to be borne out by

the evidence set out in the earlier part of this paper. Hiuen Tsiang

also states explicitly that in his time (7th century) palm-leaf was used

throughout India, and he travelled over the whole of India, and was

in touch with the literary classes of India. All depends on the exact

meaning of Alberuni’s terms. That Ke cannot have included in his

“Northern India” those portions which I have denoted Western and

Eastern India is clear from the fact shown by my evidence that all

the oldest manuscripts of those parts of Northern India, going

back practically to the time of Alberuni himself, are of palm-leaf.

There is no reason why birch-bark manuscripts should not have

survived as well as palm-leaf manuscripts in the libraries of Patan

and Cambay, and elsewhere, if any birch-bark manuscripts had existed

at all. That birch-bark manuscripts are quite capable of surviving

for so long a time is proved by the Bower MS. Alberuni’s “Northern

India” most be limited to the Panjab, Sindh, Rajputana and Kashmir,

and his “Central India” must mean the North-West Provinces and

Oudh, or what I have called the “Centre” of Northern India. In

fact, Alberuni’s terms are bounded by about the 24th Lat. and 85th

Long., and India below the 24th Lat. is what he designates “Southern

India.” Understood in this sense, his statement is probably quite

correct. It is true the evidence available on the point is very scanty.

The only three birch-bark manuscripts of any considerable age, which

are known to have survived are (1) the Paris and St. Petersburg MSS.,

(2) the Bower MS., and (3) the Bakhsliali MS. They all come originally

from that portion of India which Alberuni includes in his “ Northern

India ; ” and — so far — they show that birch-bark was used there for book-

writing. Nos. 1 and 2 are much older than Alberuni’s time. No. 1 dates

probably from the 1st or 2nd century A.D., the period of a still strong

Greek influence, and its apparently roll-like form may be due to that

influence. No. 2 dates from about 450 A.D., and is in the Indian Pofchi

form, oblong, like the corypha leaf, with a string-hole.^^ It belongs to a

period of a still strong Buddhist intercourse between what Alberuni

calls “ Southern India ” and Central Asia. This may account for its

distinctly Indian P5thi form. No. 3 probably dates from about the

21 The Bower MS. contains several distinct works, written on leaves of two

distinct sizes, II5 x 2^" and 9 x 2", but both imitating the Corypha leaf.

128 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

time of Alberani himself. Its form is peculiar. It resembles the

Indian Pothl, in consisting of separate leaves, not “ bound ” in a book,

but tied together in a bundle : but it differs from the Pothl in not having

any string-hole for the passage of the tying string. The string-hole vsras

probably omitted as being too risky for the material. It also differs

in its shape, being squarish (7 x4"), and not so distinctly oblong as the

common Indian Pothl, made with the long narrow palm-leaves. Now it

is noteworthy that the two oldest paper manuscripts known to us point to

their having been made in imitation of such a birch-bark prototype as the

Bakhshali MS, The oldest paper manuscript, dated 1231 A.D. (supra,

p. 121) has exactly the same squarish shape; it measures 6x4 inches.

The next oldest paper manuscript, dated A.D. 1343, is rather more oblong,

measuring I3| x>6 inches, but it has no string-hole. Both these manu-

scripts come from that part of India which Alberuni calls “ Central India

as above explained.” It seems permissible to conclude that when paper

came into use, its leaves were cut and treated in imitation of birch-bark

book-leaves in those parts of India where birch-bark was the common

writing material, and that it was cut and treated in imitation of palm-

leaf, wherever the latter material was used for book- writing. In this

connection it is worth noting that no old palm-leaf manuscripts are

known to come from Alberuni’s “ Northern and Central India,” though,

considering the scanty survival of birch-bark manuscripts, too great

importance may not be attached to this point.*^ Regarding this point

of survival, it may be noted that it applies equally to all kinds of

manuscripts, whether of paper or of birch-bark or of palm-leaf. This

circumstance shows that the cause of the non-survival is not to be

sought in the climatic conditions of Alberuni’s “ Northern and Central

India.” These need not have prevented a reasonable amount of

survival. The cause is probably rather to be sought in the political

and religious troubles which so frequently convulsed those portions of

India. During the Muhammadan conquest, for example, large destruc-

tions of Hindu literary works are reported to have taken place.

In this connection there is another interesting point to be noted.

The Bower MS., which is written on birch-bark and is certainly as

There are a few very old palm-leaf matmscripts, but they all come from

Western India ; at least there is no reason to assume any other place of origin for

them. They are enumerated in Table I, Nos. 1-5. No. 5 is dated by Mr. Bendall

in the Harsa era, and tbis might seem to suggest the “Centre ” of Northern India

as its place of origin. But, in the first place, the date may be, and as I believe is,

more probably, referable to the Gupta era, in which case the date of the manuscript

is A.D. 571-2. In tlie second place, considering the wide extension of the Harsa

empire, even a Harsa date is not incompatible with a Western Indian origin which

on general grounds is far more probable.

129

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

early as the middle of the 5th century, is fashioned exactly like the

typical Indian Corypha palm-leaf manuscript. It consists of separate

leaves, provided with a string-hole, and these leaves measure from 2 to

2| inches in width, which is the width of the Corypha leaf. But

further, all the oldest paper manuscripts from Kuchar imitate the

Indian Corypha leaf manuscripts, as may be seen from the specimens

of the Weber MSS. and the Macartney MSS. which I have published.

They all consist of separate, elongated oblong leaves, from 2| to 2|

inches wide, with a string-hole, and with the writing running parallel

with the longer side of the leaf. Everything points to the inscribed

Corypha leaf as the model, not even to a Borassus leaf. The Bower

MS. and those Weber and Macartney MSS. which are written in Indian

Gupta characters must have been written by native Indians migrated

to Kuchar, while the other Weber and Macartney MSS. written in the

Central Asian modification of the Indian Gupta were probably written

by native Kucharis.^^ Why should the people of Northern India and

of Central Asia have gone to the trouble of cutting up birch-bark and

paper into the shape of palm-leaves, when both kinds of material

more naturally lent themselves to other (square) forms, which for

writing purposes one would have thought to be obviously more con-

venient than the long narrow strips of palm-leaf ? What else could have

caused this, but the sanction of immemorial usage among the literary

classes of India, the learned and the “religious,” those who occupied

themselves with the composing and copying of books ; and with the

spread of Indian culture, through the Buddhist propaganda, its fashions

of writing went with it beyond the borders of India. At the same

time the circumstance that they imitated the oblong shape of the

palm-leaf rather than the squarish shape of the birch-bark leaf clearly

points to the conclusion that the writers of the manuscripts in question

either came from Western India, or, at least, were influenced by the

literary customs prevailing in that part of India — the part which is

included in Alberuni’s Southern India.^^

This suggests another thought. The Corypha palm is a South

Indian tree. Its leaves established that immemorial and so strongly

23 See my paper in the Journal, A.S.B., Vol. LXVI, pp. 257, 258.

This view is confirmed by the circumstance that the leaves of some of the

Weber and Macartney MSS. are numbered on their obverses. This, as the late

Professor Bfihler has pointed out (see Vienna Oriental Journal, Yol. YII, p. 261),

is a custom of Southern India. In Northern India the numbering is on the reverses.

We thus seem here to come across a curious indication regarding the particular

part of India from which the Buddhist propaganda proceeded to Eastern Tnrkistan.

We should have to look for it in South-western India.

130 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

persistent fasliion of shaping the writing material, even when it was

birch-bark or paper. The people who used those leaves and thus initiated

that fashion, must have been the first to learn and adopt the art of

writing in India. The late Professor Biihler, in his excellent paper “ On

the Origin of the Indian Brahmi Alphabet” {Indian Studies, No. Ill)

and in his Indian Palaeography (Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research,

Chap. I, § 4), has shown it to be most probable that the Indian Brahmi

script is derived from a Northern Semitic alphabet and he suggests that

it probably came by way of Mesopotamia and the Persian Gfulf. I

agree with Professor Biihler; only I believe the original of the Brahmi

script to have been, not the Phenician alphabet of the 8th or 9th century

B.C., but the Proto-Aramaean of the 7th or 6th century B.C. All the

trustworthy evidence, at present available, points to the conclusion that

the maritime commerce of India with the West cannot have commenced

before the 7th century B.C., and that it ran from the west coast of

India through the Persian Gulf to Mesopotamia. At that time, there

existed a flourishing land-trade between Mesopotamia and the further

West through the North of Arabia. The Indian sea- trade connected

with this land-trade. The latter had a script, common to all the

peoples that participitated in it, and it must have been this script with

which the Indian merchants and mariners became acquainted in the

7th and 6th centuries B.C. This script which may be called the Proto-

Aramaean, was a cursive development of the Phenician, and owed its

origin to the need of a popular short script by the side of the more

cumbrous cuneiform. Further all available evidence seems to show

that, though there probably existed a coasting-trade all along the west-

coast of India to Ceylon, the Indian sea-trade to Mesopotamia started

from the northern part of the west-coast, above Bombay, in the Gulf of

Cambay, where the two ancient ports of Bharoch and Supara, already

mentioned in the Jatakas, are situated. It is here, in the north-

western part of Southern India that the Brahmi script must have

originated, say, between 650 and 550 B.C. It was here that the

Proto- Aramaean script was introduced by the Indian mariners, and

elaborated into a new script by men belonging to the literary classes of

India for the benefit, primarily, of the mercantile classes. These men

would not have been slow to notice the advantage of the new importation,

and they would naturally alter and enlarge it, and generally adapt it to the

needs of their own language and literature. The details of this process

of adaptation have been very well worked out by Professor Biihler in

his papers above cited. But what I wish to point out is that the three

principles on which Professor Biihler shows the adaptation to have been

made are most easily accounted for, if we remember the nature of the

131

1900.J A. F. R- Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf^ etc,

writing material to which the Proto- Aramaean script had to be adapted.

Professor Biihler accounts for them by “ a certain pedantic formalism ” of

the Indians. But they are far more naturally accounted for by the fact

that the South Indians adopted the Corypha palm-leaf to write upon,

and took to the fashion of scratching tlieir letters on them. Why they

should have chosen palm-leaves and the method of scratching on them,

is another question which it would be interesting to explain. But any-

how, as a matter of fact, they did make their choice in that way. And

having done so, the principles above referred to followed almost as a

matter of course. Considering the venation of the palm-leaf (cross-

veins running at right angles with the length of the leaf), one could

only scratch letters with comfort on them, if they were made “of

vertical lines with appendages attached at the foot ” instead of the top,

and “ set up straight.” Considering the extreme narrowness of the

palm-leaf (about 2| inches at most), admitting only a very small number

of lines, the letters had to he “ made equal in height,” lest space was

wasted.

In connection with this another point comes in. The Semitic script

runs from the right to the left, while the Brahmi runs from the left to

the right. So far as I know, it has never been satisfactorily explained

what could have induced the Indians to introduce the change. The

houstrophedon method of writing which is supposed to account for the

same change of direction in Greece, will not serve as an explanation ; for

that method has never been observed in any Indian inscription, nor is it

ever noticed in Indian tradition. I should like to suggest the following

explanation. The original writing material of the Indians were very narrow

oblongs ; bamboo-slips or palm-leaves. On these they probably wrote (as

also the Chinese do) originally invertical lines, parallel with the longer

d 1 a a II 6 side, (ah in fig. I) and running, after

the Semitic fashion, from the right

(a) to the left (c?), every letter also

^ ^ facing left. With this method of

writing the earlier-written lines

would be hidden from view by the hand as it moved across the

surface of the writing-material. To avoid this inconvenience, a

half-turn was given to the latter, so as to bring its longer side

(ah) to the top (fig. II). The consequence was a complete

change in the direction of writing ; for now the letters on the

lines ran from the left (a) to the right (6), and the lines from

c 6 the top (a) to the bottom (d), parallel with the longer side (ah)

as shown in fig. II. This is precisely the way in which all

existing Indian pothls are written. By the half-turn, given to the

132 A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigra'pTiical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [No. 2,

material, all tlie letters written on it would also be placed on their sides,

and to obviate this inconvenience, they were again set up straight, but

now usually facing in the opposite direction. The original practice of

vertical writing may have had a cause similar to that above suggested

for the half-turn of the material : or it may have been due to the

inconvenience of frequent breaks of continuity in writing extremely

short horizontal lines (parallel to ad iti fig. I).

This paper was read to the Society in May 1898. Its publication

was delayed, in the hope that I might be able to add the results of an

enquiry into another source of evidence. But as my work on the

British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities will prevent this for

some time, it seems better to present the evidence as it stands at

present, especially as it is of such a direct and reliable character. The

other source I refer to is the occurrence of the names of the Corypha

and Borassus palms respectively in ancient Indian literature. When

the date of an ancient work is known, exactly or approximately, one

would suppose the occurrence in it of the name of the palms should

be a proof, first, of their existence in India at that time, and secondly,

of the use of their leaves as writing material. This seems a perfectly

sound assumption, but there are several pitfalls to be guarded against:

(1) is the date assigned to the work reliable ; (2) is the passage in which

the name occurs genuinely old, or possibly a later interpolation;

(3) is the application of the terms to the palms in question certain ?

I have not been able to spare time for the examination of this source

of evidence ; but I may just mention a few instructive cases to illustrate

its difficulties.

(1) Professor Kara Prasad Shastri has drawn my attention to a

passage in the Lalita Vistara (Bibliotheca Indica Ed., p. 526, 1. 12), in

which the fruit of the Borassus flabellifer is supposed to be referred to.

As the Lalita Vistara certainly existed as early as the 3rd century A.D.

(having been translated into Chinese in 308 A.D.), we should thus have

a testimony to a very early existence of the Borassus palm in India. The

passage runs as follows : tad-yath=dpi ndma Tdla-phalasya pahvasya sama-

nantaravrnta-cyutasya bandhari-dgrayak pita-nirbhdso bhavati , evam=

eva Bhagavato Gautamasya pariguddham muhha-mandalam, etc., i.e.,

“ Just as the exocarp of the ripe fruit of the Tala palm, when it drops

from its stalk, is of a brilliant yellow, even so is the face of the Blessed

Gautama perfectly pure.” On referring this passage to Dr. Prain, I

received the following reply: “My only objection as a botanist to the

identification of Tdla-phala with either the Tala or Tali palms, i.e., with

either the Borassus or the Corypha, is that the bandhan-dgraya (exocarp)

133

1900.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc.

of both is anything hut ‘ brilliant yellow.’ The fruit of Borassus is ‘ rusty

brown,’ that of Corypha ‘grey,’ when they have respectively dropped

from the stalk. Of course, there is a Palm, and that too one which is

undoubtedly a native of northern India, with fruits that when ripe do

most thoroughly deserve the description ‘ brilliant yellow.’ This is the

Kajur or wild date. The difficulty then, of course, is the name ; was

Tala ever commonly applied to what is now more generally known as

Kajitr ? I find that Dr. Watt has been informed (see his Dictionary

under Phoenix dactylifera, the Date, and Phoenix sylvestris, the wild

date, which is not really botanically separable from the cultivated tree)

that in Sind, where, by the Way, according to Mr. James and Mr.

Strachan Borassus is not grown, one of the names of Phoenix dactylifera

is tar to this day, and that in the Panjab the name Tdrl is still applied

to the juice (taken to make Toddy) of the wild date, Phoenix sylvestris.’’^

Tliis seems to me to speak for itself, and shows the necessity of caution

in dealing with botanical terms occurring in old Indian literature.

(2) In the Introduction to the Jataka book there occurs the fol-

lowing passage : puratthdhhimulcho nisiditvd ekntthitala-pahkappamdne

ekunapanhdsa pinde katvd sahham appodakam madhupdydsam parihhunji,

i.e. (as translated by Mr. Warren in his Buddhism in Translations,

p. 74) “ setting down with his face to the east, he made the whole of

the thick, sweet milkrice into forty-nine pellets of the size of the fruit

of the single-seeded palmyra-tree, and ate it.” The meaning, of course,

is tliat Buddha ate the milkrice in 49 mouthfuls. The passage occurs in

the story of the dish of milkrice which was given by Sujata to Buddha

shortly before his enlightenment. I referred this passage to Sir

George King who replied “ the fruit of Borassus is too big to be likened

to the ball which a native of India makes up when he eats rice. So I

presume Corypha must be the species of Tala meant. Its fruit is small,

globular, and not longer than a walnut. The fruit of the Palmyra is of

the size of a closed human fist or a cricket-ball.” Measured by it the

milkrice, and the “ mouthful ” would have been an enormous quantity.

By the way, the expression “ single-seeded ” is curious. The rule with

all palms is a single seed. The only Indian palm, which, as Sir George

King informs me, has occasionally two seeds in its fruit is the Garyota

urens, which is common enough in India and Ceylon. If the writer of

the Introduction to the Jataka book knew that the Caryota had some-

times two seeds, it would explain his applying the term“ single-seeded”

to the Corypha.

(3) There is a well-known passage in Arrian’s Indica (Ch. VII),

in which Megasthenes is qouted as saying: “ They (the Indians) eat the

inner bark {(pXoioG) of trees ; the trees are called in the speech of the

J. I. 18

134

A. F, R. Hoernle — Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc. [Ko. 2,

Indians tala, and there grows on them, just as on the tops {Kopv(pyj) of

the date palms something like halls of wool'' (olaTrcp ToAvTras).

It is commonly assumed that the tala tree is the Borassus, and that the

“ something ” means its fruit. But Megasthenes cannot have referred

to the fruit of the tree ; he clearly meant something, the nature of

which he did not know ; it was neither fruit nor flower, hut could only

he described hy its resemblance. Anyhow the whole description of the

tree fits neither the Borassus nor the Corypha palm. The only Indian

palm which agrees with some items of the description is the Garyota

urens. The pith of it yields sago ; and tufts of a kind of woolly stuff

grow at the points where the leaves join the stem (see Rule’s Friar

Jordanus, p. 17, Hackluyt Soc., 1862). These may have been intended

hy the “inner bark ” and the “ something” of Arrian. But neither the

tufts, nor the fruit of this palm — and, indeed, of any palm — grows on

its “ top,” and the reference to the date-palm remains unintelligible.

One thing is clear. The common assumption in all the dictionaries

(Sanskrit or Pali) and translations that tala always means the Borassus

or palmyra, and tall the Corypha, is quite unfounded. Tala is simply

the generic name of any palm, and the context must show which palm

is intended in any particular case. This is certainly the case with the

older Indian literature, whatever the modern usage may be.

With reference to page J24, I may now add that the earliest

evidence that I can find of the existence of the Borassus palm in India,

occurs in Friar Jordanus’ Mirahilia descripta, in 1328 A.D. He calls the

tree tdrl (or tall), and says that it “ gives all the year round a white

liquor pleasant to drink.” (See Yule’s Modson Johson, s.v. Toddy).

The reference to the “ toddy ” shows that the Borassus palm is meant.

1900.]

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs,

135

A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs. — By The Rey. H. Francke, Moravian

Missionary, Leh. Communicated by the Philological Secretary.

[Read June, 1899.]

The Ladakhi word for proverb is gtamdpe [pronounced stamspe']

which means ‘ word example.’ Stamspe is the general term for what

might be called quotations, the shepherd’s calender and the popular

moral code.

Ladakhi popular poetry has become famous for the frequent

application of the laws of ‘ parallelism.’ Many beautiful examples,

illustrative of this form of poetry, will be noticed in the proverbs.

In the following each proverb will be treated in this way —

(a) the Proverb in the orthography of Ladaki letter writing, (5)

pronunciation, (c) literal translation [does not claim to be

good English], {d) application, (e) grammatical and other

notes.

Concerning the orthography of (6) the following will suffice : The

vowels are the Italian vowels^, d rather like e. All accents given, refer

only to the stress. sh-=p^^ zh~ (^^ng — z;^^c=^:^^ — ts~z,

ths = ^. The unaspirated Tenuis holds the mean between English

tenuis and media. Single 7’ = Hindustani r. The r preceding a consonant

is like the German guttural r, following a consonant it is like the

English r, spoken quickly.

THE PROVERBS.

1- (a) j

(6) spid’ nyin ring’moa drang’ sumdang dro’ sum

mi’thse ring’moa skyid’ sum dang dug’ sum.

I They are long, when ending a syllable, short in all other cases.

136

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

[No. 2,

(c) On a spring day [there are] three colds and three warmths

In a lifetime [there are] three happy [hours] and three

unfortunate [hours].

{d) Misery and happiness are well balanced in man’s life.

(e) Spid nyin is a Compositum determma tivum formed from

spidha and nyima. Also drangsum, drosum, etc., must

be considered as Composita, which accounts for the

missing articles ; the termination la to be pronounced a.

2. (a)

(5) skyid’dug mi’la, dzer’pa shing’la.

(c) Fortune [comes] to man, [as] a knot to the tree.

(d) No man knows the cause of a knot in a tree, just so

unexpectedly misery and fortune come to certain

people.

(e) Skyiddug is Comp, copulativum.

3. (a)

(6) thigs’pa sag’na gya’thso gang’.

(c) If drops gather, [there is] a full ocean.

(d) Gang, though of verbal derivation, is often used without

an article to express the adjective “ full.”

4. (a)

(6) Ma’shroi nag’rang dang lug’khog zam’

slel dos’moche dang yag’khog zam’.

(c) With [at the time of] the nagrang festival at Mashro

[the heat] is as great as the body of a sheep.

With the dosmoche festival at Leh it is like the body of

a Yak.

(d) From the peasant’s calendar. Because the festival at

Leh is celebrated several weeks after that in Mashro,

it is warmer then.

(e) Maspro = great joy. Though in this proverb the

original pronunciation of Leh = 5ZeZ is retained, in

ordinary speech s and I are dropped; final I shows a

great inclination to disappear. Sheh, a village on the

Indus, was originally spelt shel — crystal, because crystals

are found in the surrounding hills. Oyapo is said

instead of gyalpo, etc. Siel is supposed to have been

1900.]

137

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

corrupted from lal, ruby, it having been the ruby in

the crown of the old Ladakhi kings. Bosmoche and

nagrang are both non-buddhist festivals. Although

the klu’s or water-snakes have nothing to do with

them, they are Bon festivals, but attended by many

buddhist priests and laymen. All evil spirits of the

winter are driven into a cake, which is burnt out-

side the village. In Leh the fetish is formed of

mdosmos, see Jaschke’s dictionary. In Mashro it is a

black one. According to a different derivation this

festival is called ‘ the black one ’ on account of the

black coat of Langdarma’s murderer whose deed is

praised then.

5. (a)

( b) spithiiggi rgu’stor dang lug’ khog zam’.

(c) At the time of the rgustor festival at Spithug [the heat]

is like a sheep.

(d) Often said instead of the former.

(e) The name of the village Spithug is said to have been

formerly dpethug, ‘ the arrived at likeness.” The

monastery of Spithug was built after the picture of a

famous monastery in Lhassa. Rgustor is a Comp,

determ, composed of nyergu — 29 and storma, offering.

The devils are urged to enter a large cake, offered to

them and the cake is burned outside the village. 29 is

the date of the festival.

6. (a)

(b) sa’la skya’re sngo’re mi’la skyid’re, dug’re.

(c) On the ground [it is] alternately grey and green, with

man [there is] one turn fortunate, one turn un-

fortunate.

(d) See 1 (d).

(e) In Ladakhi a single re has often the meaning of some,

for instanee lorela, in some years. Here re forms

Composita with skyabo, sngonpo, etc.

7. (a)

^ >o

( &) kha’ ran’gu khor’dus, ci’ gonbud’de, ci’ za dus’.

138

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverhs.

[No. 2,

(c) The time when the fly turns [flies] round the mouth, is

the time of taking off all clothing and eating every-

thing.

(d) A description of summer in the peasant’s calendar.

(e) About kha instead of khala see 1 (e). If an r follows a

muta, the muta is often dropped in Ladakhi, thus rang

is said instead of brang ; ci ‘ what ’ is used here in the

sense of whatever.

8. (a) |

( h) khar’zongi yachula Ita’lta,

chu’bii Idam’chu yang bud’.

(c) Whilst looking at the glacier water of the Kharzong pass

the gathered water of Chuhi (a village) is also lost.

(d) take what is nearest !

(e) refers to the system of irrigation. Notice the re-dupli-

cation of the verb, implying a durative sense = whilst.

9. (a)

(6) ra’ma thro’a go’a, lug’gi thro’ahe’a.

(c) In the company of goats [he says] goa, in the company

of sheep [he says] bea.

(d) Said of a man, who has no will of his own,

(e) Goa and bea imitate the voices of goats and sheep respec-

tively.

10. (a)

>0 NJ?

(6) spid’bad’dus’ ston’rdu’dus’.

(c) Spring is tlie time of working, autumn the time of

gathering.

(d) Do everything at the proper season.

(e) The two sentences consist each of a three-syllabled

Comjps. determ.

11. (a)

Ns >o NO

(6) spid’ baddusla mabad’na, ston’rdudusla gyod’dug.

(c) If you do not work in the spring working time, you will

repent in the autumn gathering time.

(e) Notice the change of s into r in ?'dw = gather.

1900.]

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

139

12. (a)

ND

Ns

(6) Ladag’skyi zhing’shmos dang nyam’po drug’ Idir’na,

do’sha gil’idla ston’fchog thob’dug.

(c) When at the time of ploughing in Ladakh the thunder

sounds, they receive a harvest in dosha [lower Ladak]

and Gilgit.

{d) Peasant’s calendar. Lower Ladak and Gilgit have an

earlier harvest than Leh.

(e) Ldirces is the Ladakhi for adirba. In this Proverb the

Genitive in kyi is pronounced in full. The ordinary

Ladaki Genitive has a simple i.

13. (a)

(5) yunring’na ja’ros Idong’bo chod’.

(c) After a long time a dead bird [which is blown by the

wind against the trunk of a tree] cuts the trunk.

{d) With perseverance great things can be done.

(e) Ldongbo — sdongbo.

14. (a)

NS

( 5) gang’lessi yang’mala Ita’lta.

spid’thuggi sor’gob yang bud’.

(c) Whilst looking at the good barley of Gangles (a village)

the rough straw of Spithug is lost.

(d) See 8 (d).

(e) About Italta, see 8 (e).

15. (a) g-<^c;-3q-g-?3q-ar5rci

(b) ja’thsang’ma ja’yulla song’

jangan’ ututu’tse shul’juglalus’.

(c) All birds have gone to birdland.

The bad [stupid] bird hoopoe has remained to the last.

(d) When a bad thing has been done by several, all who can,

disappear, the one who remains, is punished for all.

140

H. Fran eke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

[No. 2,

16. (a)

s^q|3^-|3^-qq]-|-3^3j-oi^-gr-^-s:qq [J

(6) yar’nyin log’ste man’ne drob’ mi bab’,

gun’yinlog’ste man’ne drang’ mi bab’.

(c) Unless the summer-day returns, beat will not come down.

Unless the winter-day returns, cold will not come down.

, (d) Everything will come at the proper season.

(e) Mannas, a gerund of man^io be not, used in the sense of

unless, besides, etc., yarnyin, gunnyin, see spidnyin in 1.

17. (a)

(b) thsanstod’la konchog’la so’va tab’rgos

thsanskyil’la nyid’log rgos.

thsan smad’la jig’stenni las’la sam’ba tang’ rgos.

(c) In the first part of the night you must pray to Grod.

In the middle of the night you must sleep.

In the last part of the night you must think of the work

of this world.

(e) For 5ora instead of solva, see 4 (e). In dgos, must, the d

is turned into r, rg is pronounced like ch in Loch, lake.

18. (a) ^q'S;-^=^fl-S:-ya^:T|q-q-liq]-qj-03^|

S.3

"O

(b) sha va ri’dags ri’na drul’va mig’gi gyan’,

sman thsar’mo shrang’na drul’va id’kyi gyan’.

(c) The deer Shava walking in the hills is the delight of the

eye, a fine girl walking in the street is the delight of

the heart.

(e) Notice the classical Participle in va in drulva. In proper

Ladakhi the ending khan would be used.

19. (a)

(b) Stag’na sho’res Mash’roi sho’rela threl’dug.

(c) The harelipped man of Stagna [a village] laughs at the

harelip of Mashro.

1900.]

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

141

(d) Everybody sees only his neighbour’s fault, not his own.

(e) Stagna — tigernosef on account of a hill of such shape. In

the Instrumental shores., the s is pronounced distinctly,

although in pure Ladakhi shores would be spoken

shorei.

20. (a) I

(6) chu’ithsod’la Ita’ste, nya’la bar’zum ma tang’.

(c) Do not grasp a fish, unless you know the depth of the

water.

(d) Do not accuse a man before the court, unless you know

how rich he is. (Refers to the former bad manage-

ment of justice in Ladakh).

(e) The ma = not, of the second sentence silently refers also to

the first.

21. (a) ^•^•q=T|-c5=r|I|

( b) sta’zhon go’chag, bong’zhon lag’chag.

(c) Horse-riding [may cause] head-breaking, donkey-riding

[may cause] hand-breaking.

(d) It is safest to remain low and humble.

(e) The two sentences consist each of a two-syllabled Comp.

det.

22. (a)

(b) sta’la shmig’pa gyab’ces thong’ste,

bon’gui ra’go ma skyang’.

(c) Seeing [them] shoeing a horse, you must not stretch the

donkey’s foot [for shoeing].

(d) Do not imitate high people and become a fool.

23. (a) I

(6) bu’lon med’na lag’midang’

thser’ka med’na star’gan nyos’

(c) If you have no debts, you may be security for another ;

and if you have no sorrow, buy an old horse !

(d) A rich and happy man may do some stupid thing.

J. I. 19

142

[^o. 2,

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

24. (a)

(6) a’ba shi’in sam’spirma

star’gan cig’la cila ma tsong’s.

(c) If you thought [knew], that father will die,

Why did you not sell him [before dying] for an old horse.

(d) Used derisively. You could not help your misfortune

just as you cannot sell your father.

(e) Samspin a contraction of bsamspa yin,

25. (a)

(6) zod’pa Ita’bui ge’va med

zhed’dang Ita’bui dig’pa med.

(c) There is no virtue like patience ;

There is no sin like hatred.

26. (a)

(6) La’ma rang’go ma thon’na

shin’poi yar’dren ci co’in.

(c) If the Lama’s own head does not come out [cleanly],

how will he manage (do) the drawing upwards of the

dead.

(d) Used for deriding the immoral life of the lamas.

(e) Thonces is verb neuter of htonces, to put out.

27. (a) 1

(h) shi’song shi’song zer’na

shin’mig ri’na Ite’n.

(c) If you say “ he is dead, he is dead,”

The eye of the dead will look out of the hill.

(d) Ladakhi superstition. It is not good to speak much of a

dead man, his eye might frighten the speaker.

1900.]

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

143

(e) For the n in shinmig or shinpo see also nyin derived

from nyima. Syllables ending in a vowel are inclined to

add a final n, see also mentog from metog and many

others.

28. (a) [

(&) rang’skyon phad’gang bor’te

mi’skyon rgye’gangla mathrel’.

(e) Putting aside the large bag \^phad~\ filled with your own

faults, do not mock at the little bag \_rgye'] of your

neighbour’s faults.

(e) Pang slcyonphad gang and misky on rgye gang a,ve Compos,

determ. Notice the change of s into r in rgye.

29. (a ) |

(6) rang’ dong ma thong’ ste

mi’dongla stad’mo.

(c) Not seeing your own [ugly] face, [you make] a scene

about your neighbour’s face

{d) See 28.

(e) Ltadmo derived from Itaces, to look at.

30. (a) I

NS

NS

(6) lag’shes guii’gyi yog’po in’

stam’shes gun’gyi spon’bo in.

(c) Who is clever with his hands, is servant of all, who is

clever in his speech, is master of all.

(e) The ending gyi is retained here. The proper Ladakhi

would be gunni. The silent y and d in gtam and dpon

ho become s,

31. (a)

(6) chag’poe gas’pola ma threl’.

(c) What is broken, must not laugh at what is cracked.

(d) See 28 and 29.

(e) Ghagpo and gaspo are substantives derived from verbs.

144i

[No. 2,

H. FranckO' — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

32. (a)

N9

(b) maslii’thse ring’dugna shran’ma shran’chang ster’rin.

(c) Iq the time I live, not die [before I shall die] I shall

give you a beer of peas.

(d) A threat. Before my death 1 shall find some opportunity

to give you a severe beating. The beer of peas is

said to be of a very bad taste.

(e) Mashithsering is a Compos, adverb, and copulat,

33. (o)

(b) ma’bu drabs’thun cha’na

thsalrgo thsod’ma chod’.

(c) If mother and daughter agree in their counsel, breakfast

may pass off well with vegetables [only].

(d) Much displeasure can be avoided by talking over a thing,

before doing it.

(e) Mabu is Compos, copulat. drabsthun comp, determin.

34. (a)

{h) sam’ba ngon’la matang’na

gyod’pa sting’na yong’dug.

(c) If you do not give thought first, repentance will come

afterwards.

35. ,(a) I

(6) bon’gui nam’chogla ser’lugna yangnatharbalugna,tsogs’in.

(c) It is all the same whether you pour gold in the ear of a

donkey or dust.

(d) Excuse of the lamas, when asked, why they do not

teach the people.

(e) In namchog as in many other words the silent letter of

the second syllable is pronounced with the first.

36. (a)

(b) ngan’ma rgag’gyab’na, sting’ma rgod’ ma shor’.

(c} When the man who walks first, stumbles, the man follow-

ing behind, must not laugh.

1900.]

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

145

(d) Do not laugh at another man’s misfortune, the same

might easily come to yon.

(e) The second sentence in full would be: stingmanas rgod

ma shor^ from the follower a laugh must nob flee.

37. (a)

(6) stag’nana khyi’yongdug zer’te

zha’bugna rdo’a khurte cha’rug.

(c) Saying there comes a dog out of Stagna [a village four

miles from Zhabug] they go carrying stones out of

Zhabug.

{d) Do not be afraid, there will be a helper.

fe) Zhabug = zhahub = i8b[\ing headlong into a bog; charug —

cha’adug ; the d of ’adug becomes an r after a stem

ending in a vowel.

38. (a)

NJ3 >0

(6) mi’ngan thsogs’ sebla cha’na

shing’ ngan ta’ku dang thug’.

(c) When a bad man goes into the middle of a forest, he

meets [finds] only with bad crooked wood.

(d) A bad man sees only bad things and persons about him.

(^) Taku is the Ladakhi for crooked, crippled, ill-shaped.

39. (a)

{b) mi’la skyid’ mithag’

ra’la thsil’ mi thag’.

(c) Man cannot bear good fortune, [just as] a goat cannot

bear [eat] grease.

(e) Thagces — thegpa.

40. (a)

(b) khyi’a sgal’dang be’daa shol,

(c) To the dog is a load, what the plough is to a musician.

(d) Certain people cannot be expected to do real work.

146

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

[No. 2,

(e) For a instead of la, see 1. Beda is supposed to have been

originally hedol, a travelling outcast man,

about the dropping of final I, see 4 (e) ; o and a often

change in verbal roots.

41. (a)

(&) sta’phang nyo’ngam, spon’boe kyon’nyon’gam.

(c) Do you suffer from being thrown off the horse or from

being scolded by your master.

(d) Ironical inquiry, when a person is not- in good spirits.

(e) There the classical ending am of the question is retained,

the Ladakhi has only a.

42. (a)

•\o >o

(h) thrug’ula spe’ra dang tsun’jungla ja’u.

(c) Speech [of adults] is to a child, what a jatt is to the

tsunjung [the lama apprentice].

(d) It is not good to speak of everything before children,

just as the tsunjung is not deemed worthy to receive

2b jau, [after having taken part in a religious ceremony].

(e) Spera is originally dpe sgra, for ra instead of sgra, see 7 e.

jau — 2b little tea, because everything used to be bought

with tea in Tibet, a Tibetan silverjau = 3| annas,

btsunjung = btsunchung, see Ladakhi Grammar, laws

of sound 6.

43. (a)

(6) kha’ta ko’wag zer’sa dang’ la’ma tro’wang zer’sala

hleb’dug.

(c) He arrives at the place where the crow says howag and

[then], where the lamas say trowang.

(d) Used derisively of a man, who has nothing to do and

spends his life in dullness.

(e) Zersa is Compos, determin. trowang imitates the sound of

the big drum.

44. (a) \

(6) bal’ti nying’canni nying’ kolkol’la

bod’ nying med’kyi nying stor’.

147

H. Fran eke — A collect ion of Ladakhi Proverbs.

(c) [Looking] at the tricks of the plucky Balti, the heart of

the timid Tibetan is lost.

(d) An explanation of the constant bad luck of the West-

Tibetans on the ground of the national character.

(e) Bkolbkol is a word which seems to occur only in this

connection.

(a)

(h) nyam’po dugs’pa la’maa khyod’.

(c) [When] living together, [we say] “ thou ” to a lama.

(d) Respect is lessened by closer acquaintance.

(e) Khyod is the common word for addressing inferiors or

comrades. A lama ought to be addressed with

nyerang ; dugspa = diigpar. The Supine is sometimes

used instead of the Gerund.

(a)

S3

(6) na’ma na’ma zer’ra ning’ mi’i yog’mo in’.

gyab’la yu’zhung tag’ga ning sem’pa gob’skor in’.

(c) [Although they] call her daughter-in-law, she is the

servant of men. On the back many turquoises are

fastened, but it is a deceit of the soul.

(d) Refers to the low position of the Ladakhi woman.

(e) Zerra and tagga are corrupted from zerhar and htagpar.

The supine used instead of the gyuzhung =

gyuchung = ^TaoA\. turquoises. See also buzhung for

buchung. All Ladakhi women wear their turquoises

on a strap of leather which is fastened on the head and

descends to the middle of the back. Semba — sems,

soul. sam&a = thought.

(b) Kha’ta ko’wag zer’pa, cung’ka mig’ thrul’.

(c) The crow has said kowag [in the] eye of the raven it is

mistaken.

(d) A man may say something very nice, [for instance kowagl

his enemy will find great faults in it.

(e) Zerpa is past participle ; cungka = sky nngka.

148

H. Francke — A collection of Ladakhi Proverbs.

[No. 2,

,48. (a)

(6) za’o kha’ta zos’, cung’ka kha’ marpo’.

(c) The [stolen] food was eaten by the crow [but the beak of

the raven is red.

id) Often the wrong person is caught instead of the guilty

one.

(e) Zos~hzas, zos is the only past tense in Ladakhi, which

changes the vowel.

49. (a)

(&) thsil’thong’ste kha’gas’.

(c) [When] seeing grease, the mouth cracks [open].

(d) When you see something nice you want to have it.

(e) Thsil — mutton grease, a very desirable thing in Ladakh.

50. (a) 1 1 1

(b) nor’med thsong’sala cha’na, nyo’dod.

(c) Who goes to the shop without money, likes foolishness.

(d) Do nothing unprepared, you. might be laughed at.

(e) Nyodod is Compos, determ. = u liker of foolishness.

61. (a)

(6) stod’na stod’na nga’ sang gyal’la stod’

smad’na smad’na, nga’ sang thus’pa sraad’.

(c) Who praises me, is a better man than I am.

Who despises me, is a worse man than I am.

(d) Said by a man who has heard that slander is going on

about him.

(e) For sang with the comparative, see Jaschke’s grammar ;

rgy alias und thvspas are Instrumentals, gyalla — a good

man.

1900.]

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur duhmti.

149

A Primer of the Asur dukmd, a dialect of the Kolarian language. — By The

Rev. Feed. Hahn, German Evangelical Lutheran Mission, Chotd

Nagpur. Communicated hy Dr, G-. A. Grierson, C.I.E.

[Read December, 1899.]

Introductory Remarks.

The Asnrs are a non-Aryan tribe of Chota Nagpur, who number

only about 2,500 souls. They chiefly inhabit the Districts of Ranchi

and Palamau and the Sarguja tributary state. Though small, the tribe

is divided into several sections, viz., the Agoria- the Brijia or Binjhia-

the Ldhara- the Kol- and the Paharia-Asurs. These sub-tribes are

again divided into totemistic sections, which are similar in name to

those found among other aborigines in Chota Nagpur ; as for example :

Bes’era = hawk ; lnd = eel; Barea = wild dog; H5ro = tortoise ; Bua =

jackal; Rote = frog, etc.^ The chief occupation of the Asurs is melting

iron and in the case of the L5hara- Asurs the making of rude iron

utensils and agricultural implements ; besides they till the jungle in

the most primitive manner. Their homes are made of wood. Bamboo

and grass only and chiefly met with at tlie foot or even at the slopes of

the hills which contain iron ore. When the land they have cultivated

is exhausted they change their homes and move to another place in the

forest.

As to religion the Asurs believe in a Creator and apparently

identify him with the sun, whom they call Sigboga ; no worship

however is rendered to him, since he is benevolent and does not require

any expiation. It is peculiar that they do not know of any evil spirits

except the manes of their ancestors, which alone are feared and to

whom sacrifices are made ; the latter exclusively consisting of fowls.

The sacrificial altar is the fire-hearth. The Asurs have no priests, the

I These totems do not appear to be taboo to the members of its Sept, the only-

trace of such a thing is to be found in the restriction of intermarriage within the

same totemistic Sept; but even here I was told by some men of the Bes’era

section, that they could not help intermarrying, since other sections were living too

far away from their homes.

J. 1. 20

150

F. Hahn — A P^'imer of the Asur duknia.

[No. 2,

liead of each family performs the required religious rites. ^ Every

departed parent becomes a spirit and everybody who dies an unnatural

death turns into a malignant one. After the death of a member of the

household the regular meals are placed in his name outside the home

near the door for eight days, after which the nearest relatives and

friends come for the funeral meal at which they partake freely of

“ jhari,” Rice-beer, which they brew themselves. The Asurs burn their

dead and put some rice oh the funeral pile for the journey of the

deceased beyond. They do not pick up any relics to keep or put by as

other aborigines do. If sickness or any calamity visits the house of

the Asur he is sure that some way or other a deceased parent has been

disturbed, who must be quieted in the manner described above. The

most peculiar feature, however, in the belief of the Asurs is the idea

that ancestors or the spirits of the dead are re-born in their children.

The marriage ceremony is very simple, no priestly functions are

required. Polygamy is permitted and so is the re-marriage of widows.

The price of a bride varies from three to five rupees. Child marriages

are unknown to the Asurs. Marriages within the totemistic section is

not entirely prohibited, otherwise the common restriction is observed : —

“ Chachera, mamera, phuphera, musera.” The Asurs do not tattoo and

ornaments are worn very sparingly. The Baby gets some anklets of

iron to protect him from the evil eye of some person outside the tribe ;

within there are no witches or persons with evil eye. The Asurs are a

stern race, have no musical instruments and seldom sing or dance.

Rice-beer is indulged in by both sexes, but only men smo ke. They are

not veiy particular about their food and eat almost everything, even

the flesh of the carcase of a cow.

1 have tried almost in vain to find out any traditions or legends

the Asurs might possess ; all I could gather is, that they have a rem-

nant of the Asur-legend so well known among the Mundaris and

IJraons.

There can be no doubt but that Asurs are the subject of this tradi-

tion, according to which they were destroyed by Siqbopa, who ruled

that their spirits should be worshipped. The meaning of this tradition

is apparently the following : —

The Asurs were the first settlers in the country, which is now

called Ch5ta Nagpur ; they were living then pretty much in the same

way as they do now, viz., chiefly by iron smelting and a little husban-

dr}^. It may be that a section of them had acquired some civilization

2 When they are found to practise demonworship, it is only in aid to the

deity of the village in the precincts of which they live. In these cases the haiga or

priest of the respective community (Korwa or Uraon) is making the sacrifice.

151

1900.] F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur duhma.

and that those remnants of copper mines, found in some localities of

Chota Hagpur owe their origin to this advanced section of the

Asurs. The Mundaris entered Chota Hagpur after them, coming

from the West, leaving the Korkus in the Ellichpur District and other

Kolarian tribes in other parts of the Central Provinces. Doubtless a

fierce struggle between the new comers and the original settlers

ensued, in which the Asurs, perhaps in a bloody battle were almost

annihilated, the surviving remnant being driven to the hills, where we

find them even now; however the spirits of the slain haunted the

victors who being horrified by the tremendous slaughter they had

committed among their enemies, for ever feared that these spirits

would take revenge and hence the deifying and worship and propitia-

tion of them by means of sacrifices on the part of the conquerors. The

Asurs have most probably adopted the language of the latter, the

Mundaris, retaining only part of their original “ dukma ” and making

such alterations in the pronunciation of the language of their con-

querors, as suited them best. By and bye they added also Dravidian

words to their vocabulary and still later on some Hindi words and thus

was made up the present Asur Du ma, of which on the following pages

a grammatical outline is given.

INDEX.

Chapter I : On transliteration.

Page.

152 F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukmdi.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

Chapter VI : Negatives, Compounds, Causals, etc.

32. Verbs with the negative ... ...

33. Examples of verbs combined with negatives

34. Agreement of the verb with its object

35. Compound verbs ...

36. Causal verbs

37. Defective ,,

38. The verb Aowofl = not to be

ih.

165

ib.

ib.

166

ib.

167

Chapter VII : Adverbs.

39. Adverbs of time ...

40. „ „ place and manner...

41. „ ,, affirmation and negation

42. Elliptical sentences ...

ib.

ib.

168

ib.

Chapter VIII: Numerals, Postpositions, Conjunct, and Interject.

43. Numerals (cardinals) ... ...

44. Ordinals

45. Postpositions ... ...

46. Conjunctions and interjections

Chapter IX : Asur, a Kolarian Dialect,

47. Similarity with Mundari

48. Differences „ „ ...

49. Dravidian words in the Asur dukma

50. Genuine Asur words ?

... ib.

... ib.

... 169

ib.

ib.

170

171

ib.

[No 2,

1900.]

153

F. Hahn — J Primer of the Asur duhma.

Chapter I. Transliteration.

1. Vowels.

Short a and long a like the final a in the word America and the a

in father, respectively : —

« short like the e in the English word glen ;

e long, as the a in rate ;

i and i as i, in bit and ee, in tree respectively ;

0 short like the o in short ;

d long as in both ;

. 0 a sound similar to the oa in broad ;

u short and long ii as in full and flute respectively ;

au dipthong like ou in house ;

ai resembling the i in light.

2. Hiatus and Consonants.

The check which often occurs after a vowel and especially when

two vowels stand together, is represented by an apostrophe (’). The

semivowels y and v are frequently employed in connection with short

vowels for the sake of euphony.

Little is to be said with regard to consonants, since they are the

same as in the Hindi alphabet, with which the reader is supposed to be

familiar; the guttural nasal n is represented by a ruled ^^ = ». The

nasal n in connection with the guttural g is represented by rj. The

palatial d and t are written d and t and the cerebral r = ?*, c is pro-

nounced like ch in church ch is its aspirated form.

Chapter IT. Nouns.

3. Gender and Number.

The Asur duhma does not distinguish between gender. Whenever

it is desired to distinguish sex, the Asur adds with regard to children,

kordt and kuri to hopon, respectively, thus kora hopon, means a male child,

and hurt hopon, a female child. For irrational beings he makes use of

the word sandi and epd ; e.g., kul = tiger, kul sawrf^ = male tiger; kul erjd

= tigress.

Asur has three numbers, the Singular, the Dual, and the Plural.

The formation of the latter two is quite easy; for the Dual simply adds

kip and the Plural ku ; thus : —

hor, a man ;

hor kip-, two men ;

hor ku, men ;

ipil, a star ;

ipil kip, two stars ;

ipil ku, stars ;

haddd, an ox ;

haddd kip, two oxen ;

hadda ku, oxen ;

dirt, a stone ;

dirt kip, two stones ;

diri ku, stones ;

154

F. Halin — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

4. Gases.

[No. 2,

The Nominative, Accusative and Dative have no case signs and are

therefore alike ; when however in the Dative direction is implied it

takes the sign of the Ablative case te. The sign of the genitive is a

and ra and that of the corresponding possessive ren and rent.

The Locative sign is re, the vocative is identical with the nomina-

tive and is preceded by the interjection oe ; therefore

Nominative

A ccusative

Vocative

Dative

Dative, II form

Ablative

Genit. a, ra.

Possess, reu, rent.

Loc. re.

are the same.

5. Case examples.

Nominative, Accusative, and Dative :

nia dirl Idana, this is a stone.

mina dirl agnime, bring that stone.

horhu vedkand, the men have come.

horku alope ruepe, don’t beat the men.

kul miad haddd hahlidide, the tiger has seized an ox.

Asur horku dt kdku kamed, the Asurs do not cultivate the

field, huku merhed kamed, they work iron.

Sadom idime, take away the horse.

sadom hir ovaieme, give grass to the horse.

Dative and Ablative :

Ju, hunt tB sendme ! Go up to him.

Jii, amd vatu te sendmB Go to your village.

ord> te ruar tandirj I am returning home.

Ablative and Instrumental :

Am okodte vejulend ? Where do you come from ?

Banai hanai hofku ra^et te gojoyand. Many people died from

starvation.

Hond vatu te irg vedlend. I came from that village.

minlete paisd rejeme ! Take away the money from him !

Genitive and Possessive :

iigd drd, my house ; aled ord, our house.

amd nyumu citand, what’s your name ?

hinird gendrd aguime, bring his cloth.

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dulcma.

155

sadom rd caulom, the tail of the horse.

siltam ra haver, a rope of cotton.

merlied rd Jcatu, a sword of iron.

ned disum ren rdjd, the king of this country.

ned ord rent horku, the men of this liouse.

hoyorj rent hofon, this is my younger uncle’s son. ,

Asur reni Baigd hunid, the Asurs have no priests, lit. of the

Asurs no priest is.

Locative :

ord re, in the house.

okodre ddhStand ? Whore (in what ) do you stay ?

mini re ddrl konod, he has no strength (in him).

Burn rd usul re, on the top of the hill.

ote latar re, underneath the earth.

6. Declination of the noun,

hopon, child.

Singular.

156

[No. 2,

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

Chapter III. Adjectives.

7. General remarks on adjectives.

Adjectives are subject to no change whatever, they are in reality

nouns and are therefore declinable.

him huggi hor zdana, he is a good man.

niht sadom hetkan idana, this horse is bad.

niht mandl sihil koned, this meal is not savoury.

Asur horku hudirj idaridku, the Asurs are a small people.

Ranchi re hand Gomkeku idandkii, at Ranchi there are many

Sahebs.

Usui burn, the high mountain.

Adjectives are formed from nouns by adding the past participle

ending of the verb, e.g., napd, health, napdkan, healthy. Verbal

adjectives are formed in the same way ; example : ruvd, to be beaten,

ruvdkan, beaten ; hum napdkan hor idand, he is a healthy man. Suku

ruvdkan madaiku Idandkii, they are beaten enemies.

8. Comparison of adjectives.

The degrees of comparison are expressed in the same manner, we

find in Hindi and the Kolarian languages, viz., the word compared

stands in the nominative and the word with which it is to be compared,

is placed in the Ablative case, thus : —

Ipd ord amd ord te haded, my house is larger than your’s.

Sadom te hdthi ddrid, the elephant is stronger than the horse.

Ipd sepot sanamku te usulai, my daughter is the tallest (taller

than all).

Chapter IV. Pronouns.

9. Personal pronouns.

Singular.

Dual.

Plural.

]. Ip, I.

2. am, thou.

alip, we two.

alap, I and you two.

ahan, you two.

akip, they two.

ale, we.

abu, we and you.

ape, you.

From the above it will be seen that in the Dual and the Plural

there are two forms of the second person, the first excluding and the

second including the speaker. On the other hand the third person is

wanting and thq demonstrative pronoun is used instead.

1900.]

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur duhma.

157

10. Declination of the first person singular.

158

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

[No. 2,

12. Demonstrative 'pronouns.

Proximate : hinl, this, he, she, it ; also mini.

remote : huni, that, be, she, it' also muni.

proximate ; nihl, nia, nea, mind, this, it.

They are used both for rational and irrational beings.

Proximate : hiku, niku, these ; hiki^, these two.

remote : huku, nuku, those ; hukirj, those two.

13. Declination of the demonstrative pronoun.

Gen. hinid, rd, rent

„ hunid, rd, rent

„ nihd, ned, nerd, nihereni

,, hikud, rd, reni

,, hukud, rd, reni

„ hikir/d, rd, rent

„ huki'Qd, rd, reni

Acc. and Hat. hinl te, etc.

Loc. hunl re

of him, his, her, of this ;

of him, his, her, of that ;

of this, of that ;

of these, of them, their;

of those, of them, their ;

of these two, their ;

of those two, their ;

to him, from him ;

in him.

14. Examples on the use of pronouns,

ipd aide vejume, come to me (ray place come) ;

amd drd okod re ? Where is thy house ?

hinid setd aguime, bring his dog ;

nihd sadom okoerd Idand ? To whom belongs this horse ?

nihi hor ovaime, give to this man ;

hunl Asur kunia, he is no Asur ;

mini dukmd kde tuand, he can’t speak the language ;

mind citan vatu ? Which village is this ?

1900.]

F, Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukmd,.

159

hikurd sadom nyeleme, look after their horse.

hukurd meromku kill hahlidiae, their goats were destroyed by

the tiger.

nukir) hor rent kuri horkirj okoci re, where are the wives of

those two men ?

15. Eelative pronouns.

There appear to be no relative pronouns. The Asnr simply relates

the facts as they occurred and does not care to combine them in any

way ; thus the sentence : The man died who came yesterday, he will

simply render by relating first that the man came and then that he

died : Hbr vedyand hum godyond, lit. man came, that died.

1 6. Interrogative pronouns.

These are okoe who, which, what ;

oko which, what ;

citan which, what ; also okin, how.

The declination is regular :

okoe rd, rent ; okoe tl ; okoe re ;

okoe vedlend, who came ?

Okoe te vejuyand, where did you come from ?

okoe nyelkedd, who saw it ?

am citan koeynnd, what do you want ?

These pronouns are used also of course as pronominal adjectives,

in which case they retain their form : okoe kurl vejuyand ? What

woman was coming ? Kuni oko ord re dohotand ? In which house is he

staying ? Okin sapipd ? How far will it be ?

When the question is put to somebody, whether he should like to do

such and such a thing, ci kd is generally added to the question ; e.g.,

Will you buy this ? Nid tilaiyd ci kd ? Is there water and fuel at your

village ? Amd vatu re da'd idand ci kd ? ci kd meaning “ or not.”

Where we however would use in a sentence “ or not ” it is expressed

in Asur by ci kond or kunid, e.g., Will you obey my order or not ?

Irjd dukmd sdriyd ci kond ? Do you know (can you speak) Hindi

or not ? Am Sadan dukmd ddrid ci kond ?

17. Indefinite pronouns.

For the indefinite pronouns “ anyone ” and “ anything ” the de-

monstrative pronouns okoe and oko are used, besides oko for “ any ” and

“ some ” ;

Ord re okoe idand ? Is there anybody at home ?

Okd held hejome, come at any time.

Okd okd held kul hejud, sometimes the tiger comes.

160

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

[No. 2,

“ Something ” and “ anything ” is also expressed by citan :

Amd citand Idand ? Have you anything ? {lit* of thee, thine

anything is) ?

18. List of names of relatives.

There is also in Asur the curious method of combining the pro-

nomen jpossessivum with the names of parents, children and relatives

in general. As the Asur duJcmd is rathei’ rich in these names, a list

of the principal is given below ; —

Chapter V. On the Verb.

19. On tense characteristics.

The Asm* duTcmd has strictly speaking only 4 tenses : the present,

the imperfect, the past or perfect, and the future.

The present tense active and neuter voice add tana or d to the root :

nyeltand, I am seeing ; druptand, I am sitting ; Idan-d (idand), I am

being ; and yand and tadd for the indefinite : botoyand, it is hot ; rahaij

yand, it is cold ; sentadd, I go ; jomtadd, I eat.

The imperfect of transitive verbs adds to the root Idid, Udid, Id;

that of intransitive verbs adds lend and yand : senlend, I was going ;

dnholend, I was remaining ; dukmdlidid, was speaking ; ovdldid, was

giving.

1900.]

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur duhma.

161

The perfect adds to the root the following tense characteristics ;

a, heda, hed, ledd, ya, yand, kan, hand: jomkedd^ I have eaten; vejukand,

I have come ; senyand^ have gone ; dukmdyand, have been called.

The future adds ed, eyd or yd and in some words nd : sened, I

shall go ; dukmdyd, shall speak ; rageyd, shall call ; rued, shall beat.

With regard to the future tense it must be observed, that the Asur

will never employ the present, as is done in English, when in reality the

future is meant ; for example “ Can you do this ? ” or “ Do you know

this ? ” must be rendered by using the future tense : ISTihi kameya ?

l!^’ihi tuana ? “ I go home this year. ” Nea mes re 5ra te senoaig, lit.

this year in house to I will go.

20. On participles.

The adverbial participle adds re to the root of the verb : nyile re

godyand, he died drinking, in the act of drinking.

In the present participle the stem is repeated and then te is added :

jomjomte, eating ; nyel nyel te, seeing.

The past perfect participle adds kan and te to the root : jomkante,

having eaten ; also len, e.g., senlen te jomed, having gone, I will eat ;

vejkante, having come.

The conjunctive participle adds ked te and te to the root of the verb :

jomked te after having eaten ; nyelte, after having seen.

21. On the infinitive and conditional.

The infinitive adds ta'd to the root of the verb : nyuta'd, to drink ;

drupta'd, to sit ; nyelta'd, to see ; jomta’d, to eat.

The conditional adds re together with the particle do which is

similar to the Hindi “ to,'* e.g., iyd sen redd beseyd, if I go, it will be

well; hunt vejd redd neleyd, if he had come, he would have seen;

irj ruredo, if I beat ; buge lekd te kdme re dd-amd paird yarned, if you

work well, you will receive money ; te also is used for the condi-

tional, e.g., amd tudete irj rageyd, if I knew thee, I would have called

thee lit. from knowing thee I shall call thee.

22. On the passive voice.

Little is to be said with regard to the passive voice. For the pre-

sent tense od or vd is added to the root : ruvdtand, I am beaten. In

the past tense it is ruvdyand, I was beaten ; and in the future vd or

god is simply added to the root instead of ed in the active and neuter

verb: rugod, I shall be beaten.

23. General remarks.

The noun of agency is formed by adding ae to the root, which

is repeated : jojomae, eater ; ruruae, beater. Nouns are formed from

F. Halin — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

162

[No. 2,

the verb by dropping the ending of the infinitive : duhmdta’a, to speak ;

duhma, speech; jojom, food, from jomta’a, to eat is an exception.

In conjugation the pronominal termination of the subject is added

to the inflectional ending of the verb, but this principle is not so uni-

versally applied in the Asur Dukma as for example in the Mundari

language.

24. Conjugation of the verb : ruta^a, to heat.

Present tense : I beat or I am beating.

Sing. 1. iy rutana or rutanaiy

2. am rictand, or rutanam

3. hunt rutana or rutande

Dual. 1. aliy tilt and or rutandliy

1-4-2. ahay rutana or rutandlay

2. dban rutana or rutandhan

3. ahiy rutana or rutandJciy

Plur. 1. ale rutana or rutandle

1-4-2. ahu rutand or rutandhu

2, ape rutand or rutandpe

3. huhu rutand or rutandku

25. Imperfect tense : I

iy rulidia or rulididiy

am rulidia or rulidiam

hum rulidia or rulidide

aliy rulidia or rulididliy

alay rulidia or ruUdildy

ahan rulidia or rulidiahan

ahiy rulidia or rulididhiy

ale rulidia or rulididle

ahu rulidia or rulididhu

ape rulidia or rulididpe

huhu rulidia or rulididhu

The imperfect may be formed also

ru dohokedaig, etc.

26. Perfect tense :

iy ruheda or ruheddiy

am ruheda or ruhedam

hunt ruheda or ruhedde

aliy ruheda or ruheddliy

alay ruheda or ruheddlay

ahan ruheda or ruheddhan

ahiy ruheda or ruheddhiy

Sing. 1.

2.

3.

Dual. 1.

1+2.

2.

3.

Plur. 1.

1 + 2.

2.

3.

Sing. 1.

2.

3.

Dual. 1.

1 + 2.

2.

3.

I am beating,

thou art beating,

he, she, it is beating,

we two are beating.

I and you two are beating,

you two are beating,

they two are beating,

we are beating,

we and you are beating,

you are beating,

they are beating.

heat or was heating.

I was beating,

thou wast beating,

he was beating,

we two were beating.

I and you two were beating,

you two were beating.

' they two were beating,

we were beating,

we and you were beating,

you were beating,

they were beating.

with the auxiliary dohotaua, ig

I have beaten.

I have beaten,

thou hast beaten,

he has beaten,

we two have beaten.

I and you two have beaten,

you two have beaten,

they two have beaten.

1900.]

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dulcmcl.

163

Plur. 1. ale rukeda or ruheddle

1+2. abu ruhedd or rukeddbu

2. ape rukeda or ruheddpe

3. huku rukeda or rukedaku

we have beaten,

we and you have beaten,

you have beaten,

they have beaten.

oing

27. Future tense : I shall beat.

I shall beat,

thou wilt beat,

he will beat,

we two shall beat,

we and you two shall beat,

you two will beat,

they two will beat,

we shall beat,

we and you shall beat,

you will beat,

they will beat.

The past future is formed with the help of the auxiliary cabta*d

1.

2.

3.

Dual. 1.

1 + 2.

2.

3.

Plur. 1.

1+2.

2.

3.

irj rueyd or rueydirj

am rueyd or rueydm

hunt rueyd or rueyde

alirj rueyd or rueydlirj

alarj rueyd or rueydlirj

aban rueyd or rueydban

akirj rueyd or rueydkiy

ale rueyd or rueydle

abu rueyd or rueyabu

ajpe rueyd or rueydpe

huku rueyd or rueydku

ig rucabe’aig, 1 shall or will have beaten.

28. Conjugation of the conditional.

irj ruvdtand or ruvdtandirj

am ruvdtand or ruvdtandm

hunt ruvdtand or ruvdtande

ale ruvdtand or ruvdtandlB

I am beaten,

thou art beaten,

he is beaten,

we are beaten, etc.

it; ruvayand or ruvdyandtrj

am ruvayand or ruvdyandm

alirj ruvdyand or ruvdyandliry

ale ruvdyand or ruvdyandle

huku ruvdyand or riidyandku

Past : I was beaten.

I was beaten,

thou wast beaten,

we two were beaten,

we were beaten,

they were beaten.

164

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

Future : T shall he beaten.

[No. 2,

i7j rugod or rugodiij

alirj rugod or riigodU^

ale riigod or rugodle

I shall be beaten,

we two shall be beaten,

we shall be beaten.

30. The potential.

For the potential mood led is added to the modified stem of the verb.

Sing.

ip ruehd or rdehdip

am ruehd or rilekdm

hum ruekd or ruekde

alip ruekd or ruekdlip

aban ruekd or ruekdban

akip ruekd or ruekdkip

ale ruekd or ruekdle

ape ruekd or ruekdpe

huku ruekd or ruekdku

The verb tuaind, “ knowing

potential; e.g.,

ip sened tuaind

ip kaip sened tuaind

Dual.

Plur.

I may beat,

thou mayst beat,

he may beat,

we two may beat,

you two may beat,

they two may beat,

we may beat,

you may beat,

they may beat.

is frequently nsed in the sense of

I will be able to go ;

I will be unable to go.

he cannot speak Asur.

Hum dukmd kde tuaind

It is used also as a permissive :

ip jib jom tuaind, I can, i.e., I am permitted to eat meat.

31. The Imperative.

The imperative is the same as in Mundari, with this difference that

for the sake of euphony the imperative endings me and pe and kd are

often preceded by the vowel e.

Chapter VII. Negatives, Compounds, Causals, etc.

32. Verbs with the negative.

There are in the Asur dukma three negatives which can be con-

nected with any verb, viz., kd, not ; alokd,

kdip ruedip or ip kd rueaip

kdm ruedm or am kd rueam

kde ruede or hunt kd ruede

may not and aid, do not.

I will not beat,

thou, will not beat,

he will not beat.

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur duhmti.

165

1900.]

Aldhai'Q rueairj or ruego

aldham ruSam or o'iiegd

aloha e ruede or riiegd

alom rueinB

aldpB ruepe

hd is often employed in the sense

lives; e.g., hd parild, not good, i.e.

negative prefix un.

of

, bad,

I may not beat,

thou mayst not beat,

he may not beat,

do not beat, (thou),

do not beat, (you).

“not” ill connection \vith adjec-

hd answers therefore our usual

83. Examples of verbs combined with negatives.

irj hdiij jomtdndirj

am hdm jomtandm

ape kdpe jomtandpe

irg hdip send

die hdle send

dpe kdpe send

alokdiy send

alokdku send

alom jomme

alokdhu jomed

alohde vejd

alom sendde

1 do not eat.

thou dost not eat.

you do not eat.

I will not go.

they will not go.

you will not go.

I may not go.

they may not go.

do not eat.

do not let them eat.

do not let him come,

do not let go.

34. Agreement of the verb loith its object.

The curious peculiarity of making the active verb to ae:ree with its

object, found in the Kolarian languages, is also met

example :

‘'6'

with in

Asur; for

huni kulkirjde

hunt kulkedmede

huni kulhedid

irgd alom ruirgme

huni alom ruieme

alirj ruhirj pe

huni kulkedkude

ovdirjme

ovdleme

duhmdetandiij

huni duhmdhutdnde

he sent me.

he sent thee,

he sent him.

do not beat me.

do not beat him.

beat them (two),

he sent them,

give me.

give us.

I am saying to him.

he says to them.

35. Compound verbs.

Compound verbs are frequently used in the Asurdukma; a noun

being followed by the verb dohoted, to be, to remain ; e.g. :

hdsu dohotand I am ill ; lit. I pain remain

huni hdsu duhotande he is ill.

d. 1. 22

166

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asnr duhna.

[No. 2,

i^ lidsu doholena or doholenaiy

am hSsu doholena or doholenam

ale hasu dolidkedaJe

hukii hastt dohokedaku

rarjet\ hunger : rarjel'yanaiy

raha'i], cold : rabarjtana

lolo, hot or heat, lalo tanaiij

irj raryet dolioeyai^

There are many verbs combined with

is conjugated regularly.

Sen ruaryanai-^

ape sen ruarpe

liuku dukma ruarkedaku

I was ill.

thou wast ill.

we were ill.

they were ill.

I was hungry, poor ; lit. 1

hunger was.

it is cold.

I feel hot.

I shall be hungry,

the word ruar, b^ck; which

I returned.

come ye back, return.

they replied, answered.

36. Causal verbs

are formed by the insertion of the particle ge between the root of the

verb and its termination ; example :

irj druptanaip I am sitting.

irj drupgetanai-g I make to sit.

nyueme, drink ! nyuyegeme make to drink !

jomme, eat ! jomgeme feed !

nireine, run ! niregeme cause to run !

Causals of course are formed also by different w^ords :

hukayeme, hide i intr. liorogeme, hide; trans. giHijeme, sleep;

intr. konyoneme, make to sleep ; raputed, to break ; intr.

rapute7ideme, break; trans. giyeme, cut; trans. mageme, make

to cut.

The completive is cahd : Hum jomcahdyana^ he has finished eating ;

huku rucahakedakuj they have ceased beating.

37. Defective verbs

“ tana ” is only used as inflectional ending in the verb of the present

tense, meaning “ to be ” “ idand ” to be, as a rule is likewise employed

only in the present tense sing, and plur. It is often employed where we

use the verb to have : amd adde paisd idana ? have you money ? lit. is

there money with you ?

ape cimin hor tdand how many men are you ?

a7nd hoponku zdaiid have you children ?

The verb used to make good for the want of the auxiliary verb to

be is dohota’d, to remain ; which is used also in the present tense.

1900.]

167

F. Haiin — A Primer of the Asur duhma.

irj Asur dohotanair) I am an Asur.

hdsu doholena I was ill.

iu ru dohoJcedd I was beating.

In fact it is with the help of doh6t(Ad that those tenses may be

made up in Asur which otherwise are wanting.

38. The verb : not to he.

The counterpart of Idand is konod and kond, not to be : ir/ Asur

hunid, I am not an Asur. Kunid, not to be present : Sdheh kunid, the

Saheb is not present. Kuned, will not be present. Amd haddd idand

ci konod, have you oxen or not ? Ord re okoe idand ci konod ? Is there

somebody at home or not ? Okoe kunid, there is nobody (man)

present. Irjd adde paisd kond, 1 have no money ; lit. with me there

is no pice.

Chapter VIII. Adverbs.

39. Adverbs of time.

iC8

[No. 2,

J'. ttalin — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

For single ota'i] ; for both hannar is used.

all.

sanam

1900.]

169

F. Habn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

45. Postposition 5.

o’e in addressing, oh ; ko is added in calling or shouting. Asur rd era

re atom bold hoy do not enter the house of the Asur. juy ju ju ! Go, be

off ! IcOy halloh !

Chapter X. The Asur dukma a Kolarian dialect.

47. Similarity with Mundari and Santhdll.

A glance at the preceding pages will convince the student of Kola-

rian languages that in the Asur Dukma we have to deal with a Kolarian

dialect pure and simple.

The declination of the noun and pronoun, the conjugation of the

verb, the dual number, the manner in which the verb is made to agree

with the object, the similarity of the pronouns and numerals as well as

of the postpositions and conjunctions, all these characterize the Asur

Dukma as a Kolarian Dialect.

Moreover if 1 were to prove this fact by a Vocabulary, I might

simply take out four-fifths of the MuQdari or Santhali vocabulary. Yet

170 F. HaLn — A Primej' of the Asur dukma. [No. 2,

there are differences between Asnr and other Kolarian languages, pecu-

liarities, wbich it will be worth while to notice.

48. Differences ivitli Mundarz.

Wherever a Mundari word begins with the consonant h, the Asur

has V ; e.g. :

Mundari ; Asur: re; come.

„ hatu, „ vatic village.

The Asur is fond of the y before vowels as against the Mundari :

Mundari nel ; Asnv nyel see.

„ nutum ; ,, nyumun name.

' ,, nam ; ,, yam to seek, find.

Other differences may be seen from the following words : —

to be that the auxiliary verbs are different from each other ; for whilst

the former has mena to be, the latter has idana ; and for the negative

1900.]

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asiir cluhmd.

171

“ not to be ” we find hanod and konod respectively, the latter being only

found in the Mundari patois spoken round about Hanchi. Whilst

Mundai’i has taikend for was or remained, the Asur has doMlend. Even

where words in Asur seem to be identical with the corresponding

Mundari words, there is this difference between them that the Asur

uses them in a more general sense, than the Munda does; e.g., rw is

in Mundari to play (beat) the drum, also to beat with a stick ; but

in Asur it means only to beat, strike ; sun, to play ; but in Asur it

means to rejoice.

49. Dravidian words in the Asur Diikmd.

There are doubtless words used in Asur which are Dravidian ;

however these may have been borrowed from the Oraons ; for example

baigd, priest is the Oradn naigd ; ede, to plant, is the KuruWi zd ; efd,

second, the Kurukh endtd ; belly the same as pota ; pa’ en, 'pahen

and hdn the emphatic affix are in both languages the same ; itjyd,

mother, are apparently of the same origin ; cohnd, kiss conhd, love, in

Kurukh ; orte re, once in Asur and ort one in Kurukh ; thauJcd, right ;

addEj place, also tule, with dtorj, single. Some of these are met with

also in Mundari and it may be a disputable question whether these

words are Dravidian or Kolarian ; e.g., adde, thaukd, con — cnnhd^ eyd.

5Q. Genuine Asur words.

There are many words in Asur which I am unable to derive either

from Mundari cr Kurukh words, for example :

172

F. Hahn — A Primer of the Asur dukma.

[No. 2,

1900.] M. M. Cliakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Beva.

173

An Inscription of the time of Kapilendra Beva of Orissa, from Gopinatha-

pura, District Cuttach. ( With an Appendix on the last Hindu

Kings of Orissa.)— By Babu Mon Mohan Chakravarti, M.A., B.L.,

M.R.A.S.

[Read April, 1899.]

This inscription comes from the village Gropinathapura in District

Cuttack, Orissa. The village is 13 miles N. E. of the town Kataka, and

stands on the Birupa brancli of the river Mahanadi. Its position

would be about 20° 31' Lat. and 86° 4' long. The inscription is on a

stone slab attached to the eastern gate of a middle sized temple of

Jagannatha. It commemorates the erection of tljat temple and of the

companion temple of.Gundica, where the cars used to be driven to at the

time of the great Ratha festival. Both the temples now lie dilapidated,

and the car-festival is no longer held.

The stone slab containing the inscription is about 3'3" x 2'6" x 6''.

I edit the inscription from two inked estampages not very well done.

The inscription is peculiar at least in one respect. The language is

Sanskrit, but the characters are Oriya. As yet this appears to be the

earliest known inscription of sucli a kind.

To begin with, the characters generally resemble the modern Oriya

letters. Small differences are observable in ca, ja, da, ta, dha, bha,

ra, la, ha, and ya, the differences being mainly in the terminal loop.

The letter ta is still in Kutila type. The vowel marks do not differ.

The conjunct consonants often differ, in sevei*al instances approaching

the modern Bengali conjuncts, such as those of g (in gka, gga), those

of y (in sya, dyaj, those of v (in dhva). The letters are fairly legible,

except in the middle and in some of the lower lines. They vaiy in size,

those in the first line being 1'' x in the last line and else-

where varying from x to xf". The lines do not run straight,

but in a slipshodly curved way.

The orthography presents no great peculiarity. The halanta is

generally conjuncted with the initial consonant of the next word {cf.

Is. 6, 9 and 11) ; the guttural g is sometimes represented by anusvara

J. I. 23

174

M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Leva. [No. 2,

(samga, ramga 1. 8, hliamgl 1. 20), and sometimes by ij {nihgapkah^

papka, 1. 4) ; the palatal n is represented always by anus vara ''{camcala

1. 1, Kdmclhara 1. 17) ; the dental n is sometimes represented by

anusvara {vamdmam 1. 10) ; the avagraha is sometimes omitted

kdle(’)rpitd 1. 6, prasa7ind(f)stu 1. 30.

The inscription takes up thirty lines. The language is of the later

inflated style. Excepting the invocation and a short passage in line

29, it is entirely in verse, 27 stanzas of various metres. It was com-

posed by Jagali Kavi, and was inscribed by one Yakakhya. Many

verses show elegance and rhetorical skill.

According to the inscription, the temple of Jaganatha at Gopi-

nathapura was built under the orders of Gopinatha Mahapatra, the

minister of the king Kapilendra alias Kapilecvara Deva of Orissa.

The inscription mentions Gopinatha’s genealogy as follows : —

Laksmana Mahapatra, i

priest of the king

Kapilendra (1. Jl).

I 1

Elder son, Narayana, Younger son,

a minister of the Gopinatha Mahapatra, (1. 13)

same king (1, 12). of the Harita Kula (1. 20)

Jagali (1. 29),

born of Gopinatha.

The inscription mentions Kapilendra also as Kapileqvara (1. 17),

and describes him as belonging to the solar line (1. 5) with the title

Bhramaravara (1. 7). Kapilendra is said to have defeated and caused

terror in the hearts of the kings of Karnata, Kalavaraga, Malava,

Gauda and Dhilli (1. 7, cf. also lines 16 to 19). Gopinatha is described

as having assisted his master materially in the various conquests and

to have led an invasion into Malavendra’s territory, crossing many

hills (1. 19).

The inscription is undated, but its time can be approximately

ascertained. GOpinatha’s father and elder brother having previously

served the same King, Gopinatha must have taken service in the latter

part of the king’s reign. Then again the inroad to Malava in line 19,

verse 16, is apparently identifiable with the invasion of the Orissa

1 Laksmana Mahapatra, the donor’s father is mentioned in another Oriya

inscription as the ‘‘purohita’* or priest of Kapilecvara Deva ; c/. my article, Jourp.

As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LXII, 1893, pp. 91-2,

1900.] M. M. Chakra varti — Inscription of Kapilendra Deva. 175

king into Bidar. This invasion is timed by Ferishtah as 1461 A.D.^

After that some time must have elapsed before the new temple was

erected. Hence the date of the inscription might approximately be put

at 1465 A.D.

The temple contains the images of Jagannatha, Balarama and

Bhagavati Subhadra (1. 22, v. 19). It was endowed with gardens,

dancing girls, ornaments and servants, &c., (1. 24, v. 21). A Gundica

temple was also built in accompaniment (1. 26, v. 23).

Text.2

1. 1. Om namah Qri-Purusottamaya II

Maulau caih(n)cala-culini tilakini bhale mukhe hasini kanthe

manktika-malini malayajaih praty-aggam = alepini | hasta-

v(b)je navanitini caranayoh kri —

1. 2. -da-rasan = narttini jiyac = chai9ava-9obhini cid-amala Gopaqgan-

aliggini II [1]

Samsar-arnava-karna-dharam = api tarn bhakt-artha-samsari-

narri vande ^ri-PurusSttamam tanu-blirtaiii samkalpa-kalpa-

drumarh | vedant-artham = udahara —

1. 3. -nti khalu yam yen = akhilam bhasate hrste yatra hrniyate padara

= api svayarhbhuvani dehinam II [2]

Sadyah plyusa-pato manasi nayanayoh kama-cinta duranta

9anta kastam vinastam janir = a]ani sati lav(b)dha —

1. 4. -m = istam yathestarii l papa-kupara-paraih gatam = api pitaro

dhvasta-v(b)andh-anuv(b)andha (yena) = l5ki triloki-nilaya-

manir = ayam mla-9ail-avatamsah || [3]

Nih9agkah pa:gka-magn-akhila-dharani-ta —

1. 5. -l-5ddhara-bhu-dara-simhah svacchandam Mleccha-vrndarii prati

jagati Kaler = adya-bhage = pi Kalki I bhasvad-vamq-avat-

amsas = tri-jagad-adhipater = nila-cail-adhinabhasy = ade9ad =

Odra-deqe samaja —

1. 6. -ni Kapilendr-abhidhan5 narendrah II [4]

Sada-tulita-yat-tula-purusa-dana-kale = rpitan = triloka-vijaya-

rjitan = kanaka-parvatan = sarvatah I vinidram = animes anam

divisada9 = ciram raksitum mila —

1. 7. -nti kanak-acale vijayin5 = sya dana-bhramat || [5]

Karnat-ojjhasa-siihhah Kalavaraga-jayi Malava-dhvamsalila-

jamghalo Gauda-mardi Bhramaravara-nrp5 dhvasta-phill I-

ndra-garvah | samgrame dra —

1 Elphinstono’s History of India, Ed. 1874, Appendix, p. 755.

* From two ink impressions,

176 M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra t)eva. [No. 2,

it 8. -stum = enarii pratibhata-subhatah kevalan = te valante yesarii

sjan = uaka-nari-kuca-kala9a-tati-kuqkum-a]gk-[ a ]ribga-rarh-

gahn [6]

Yasy = occair = vaji-rajl-vikata-khuraput-odgbatita-ksauni-

prstha-pradurbbuta-prabbuta —

1. 9. -ksiti-kana-nikarair = laksyamane prayane I garjad-gambhira-

bheri-bhara-rava-vibhav-akarni-karna vivarna murcalah

ksauni-palah sapadi samabbavan = kauan-ante = py = anante il [7]

Cande ko —

1. JO. -danda-dande sakrd = api samare yasya samsakta-kande sarii-

vartte sariipravrtte gatavati vilayam vairi-jale karale I varh(n)-

dmam kraudiniiiam iiaynria-gbana'ghan-a(6)tsadyamanair =

amanair = durvarair = vari-varaih pratipada-mudito

1.11. -bhinna-mudrah samudrah n [8]

Tasy = apta-bamsah sa bi bamsa-vamca-ketoh purodha ma-

kbakrd-vatarhsah | vidvan = Mahapatra-kul-avatamsah 9rl-

Laksmano = bhut = prathita-pra9anisah || [9]

Mantri-9reni-9ir6m ani ( ni ) b sa (su) man asah s an tan a- cinta —

1. 12. -manih papa-vraja-vis-augba-garuda-manih sad-vrtta-raksa-

manihl padm-ollasa-vilasa-vasara-manih putro 5 sya Nara-

yanah satr-arambba-parayano S jani jana-tranaya Narayanab l|

»[ioi

Yasy = asid = anu —

1. 13. -jo rnatah ksiti-bbujam ^ri-Gopinatho Mahapatrah patra-jan-

arccan-aika-rasikah patrarii gunanam mabat ( cri-kantas =

tanayam krtantam araya9 = cintamaiiim margana rajanah

sura-mantrinam vidur = amum ka —

1. 14, -nta9-ca kantam rateh || [11]

Rajendrad = adbigamya soda9a vara-ccbattrani citrany = asau

durgesu prayatesu soda9a mites v = asid = aram nayakahl

va(ba)n-dikrtya ranesu s5da9a nrpandro(in9 = c=o?)pabarat =

svamine

1. 15. vai’se gaccbati soda9e svayam = abbun = mantr-indra ekah

punab II [12]

Manye purvam = apurvva-kirttir=asakrvid-dvij-abave partbivan

=karuny-akalila(to) nuta(n*) pa(pra)ti-bba(bbu) v6(vain)devo

S bbud = Bliargavah 1 v(b)andi-krtya nare — ■

1. 16. -ndra-mandalam=ayam yad(yo) = Ga(Go) pinatlia-cc]ialafc=sadyah

samprati mum (n) cat = iba vitaran svam svam pratistbam

punah II [13]

Krtva sarhyati Malav-endra-jayinam sen-adbinatham tu yam

Gaud-endrasya nitantam = Utkala-patha-prasthana-rodh-a —

1900.]

1. 17.

1. 18.

1. 19.

1. 20.

1. 21.

1. 22.

1. 23.

1. 24.

1. 25.

M. M. Chakra varti — Inscription of Kapilendra t)eva. 177

-rgalam I ^i^i-Khand-adri-payo-dhar-opari-karaih nirmaya Kam-

(N)ci-harah sanaudam Kapileqvaro viharate Karnata-raja-

9riya U [14]

Ceto-vrttir = iv = atmana^ suvimala l5ke = dhika kirttida sthir-

a9aya-rifci"Vad = guna-ma —

-ni-greni = va vistarinil sam(sa)nmarg-anugaia ca santatir = iva

prayena santapinam santap-onmathana krpavad = amuna khata

ca khat- avail || [15]

Garv-augham Gurjarendrah pariharati-taram = a9u Dhilli-

Narendrah sandram ta —

-ndram = avindafc = kunapa-gatim = agad = Gauda-bhumi-mah-

endrah | bhu-blirn-malarii karalaih pathi pathi militarii rarii-

(ha*)s= ollanghya sena-iiathe ^ri-Gopinathe paribhara(va)ti

ca tarn Malav-endrasya gu (?) tain (?) II [16 J

Prasada —

-m = etam nayan-abhiramam vyadhatta Haritakul-av(b)dhi-

candrah | asara-samsara-gabhira-paqka-nih9agka-niskranty-

avalamv(b)a-dandaihu [17]

Jiyat-prasada-cuda-mani-rama-ramanehpranta-samsakta-bhaih-

(q)gi bham(ij)ga-pragbbara-vi(bi)mv(b)a-sphuta —

-ghatita-vr(br) hat-man than! mandalikah I nttanaih nyasta-murt-

tih prathita-sad-amrta-praptik-aitho bhav-av(b)dherugrajo (?)-

daih(n)cad-urmmi pracaya-bhaya-bhuv5 = raantha-manthana-

dandah II [18]

Ramarii pn-Purusottaraarii Bhagavatim = asmin = Su —

-bhadram tatha ratn-alam(g)krti-raji-rajita-tanuih bhaktya

=yam = asthapayat | bhaty = esaih tritayarh navaih tri-jagati-

cintamaninaih tray am prasa (de*) ca samudgake vinihitam kirn

madhyame pistape II [19]

Sanvarnna-9ruti-pani-pa —

-da-hrdayo haima-prabha-mandale bhasvan-mandala-samnibhe

mani-lasat-tula-sar5j-asanah I so S yam hara-kirita-knndala-

dharah saihskara-dhari sada dhyeya(yah) svarna-may-akrtim

pathi drsor = nirmati Narayanah II [20]

Udyana —

-ni navani malya-vidhaye karturh tri-kal-arccanarh bhogan

svarga-purocitaii = upacitan rama9 = ca Rambh-opamah | nana-

ratna-vibliusanani bahu9o vasarhsi bhuyaihsy = asau prayaccliat

“paramesthine parijano da (?)

-ttena kirn svamine || [21]

Paksatvarh tvayi yaty-ayaih dvija-patih paks-5nnata9 = c = abha-

vat Karhs-are s sya samasta-vasanam-abhut = khyato ha me ca

1^8 M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Deva. [K’o. 2,

dr9ahl Drste S sminn = adhip-adhikara-yugale ktoe gatih sam-

prati = tj = akhyat = tarn Garudah

1. 26. krt-am(n)jalir = asau papha ( ? ) puro vartate || [22]

Yen = akari piasari-djuti-rajata-9atani Gundie-agaram = I96

yasmin = Kailasa-vasa-pranayam = adhigato = lianta de^e S py =

amusmin I yasya pragbhara-khanda-sthala-vikala-nabh5 —

1. 27. -mandal-ajasra-liindan-martta(ta)nda( nda)9 = ca pracanda-9rama-

9amana-patur = mmandape 5 bhud = akhandah || [23]

Svadhyay-abbyasa-gbosair= mukharita-gagane yajna-yup-avali-

bliir = bhiiyah sairi96bhamane dvija-vara-gabane 9obhane 9asane

S smi —

1. 28. -n| avairarh ca prapam(n)cain Naraka-ripnr = ayam KamapMah

Subhadra gram-ecasy = aparesam = api bhavatu sada maijgala

go-jalayaii [24]

Prablad-Oddbava-Parfchanain bhaktanam viraha-vyathain |

tyajito G5pinatbena pundarika-vilocanah || [25]

1. 29. Mimainsakasya nigam-anta-vicara-para-sarhcarino 5 sya kavi-

pandita-Gopinathafc l jatasya Jagali-kave raman-oktir = esa

hars-onnatim sumanasam sarasam tanotu || Q || [26]

^nbham = astu || Vakakhyena likhitam l

1. 30. ^li-Gopinathah prasaimo = stu siddhido bhakta-vatsalah | Guna-

ratn-akarah 9riraan = Kapilendra-brdi-sthifcah ||

Abstract of contents.

The inscription begins 'with a salutation to God Purusottama. Verses

1 to 3 invoke His blessings. By order of the God enthroned on the blue

hill (i.e., Jagannatha), the king named Kapilendra appeared in the Odra

kingdom as an ornament of the solar line (v. 4). His constant gifts at

the sacred places tempted even the gods to come down (v. 5). The king,

snrnanied Bhramaravara, conquered Karnata, Kalavaraga (Knlbarga),

Malava and Gauda, and destroyed the pride of the Delhi king (v. 6).

His march was indicated by the huge dust raised by the hoofs of

his high horses, and the loud sounds of his bugles frightened the other

kings and made them fly to forests (v. 7). The arrows of his bow

put to death his enemies, the tears of whose imprisoned ladies removed

the land-barrier of the sea (v. 8). He had a faithful priest named

Laksmana Mahapatra, an ornament of the Mahapatra Kula ( v. 9). Laks-

mana’s son was Narayana, the head of the ministers (v. 10). Karayana’s

younger brother was Gopinatha Mahapatra, who was favoured by the king,

and was in possession of the best qualities (v. 11). He got from the

king sixteen umbrellas, took sixteen forts, imprisoned in war sixteen

J79

1900.] M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendrn Veva.

chiefs, and after sixteen years became the chief minister (v. 12),

Methinks Para9urama in the guise of GSpinatha conquered anew the

circle of kings, hut unlike his previous act, replaced each king in his

territory (v. 13). Having made him the Cornmander-in-Cliief, him who

defeated the Malava king, and who stood as a bar to the inroad of the

Gauda king, the monarch Kapile^vara enjoyed the pri of Karnata,

levied taxes over the Khanda hill, and carried the Kahci cUy by force

(v. 14). He (Gopinatha) dug tanks by the side of roads, clear watered,

well-known, calm, wide and cool (v. 15). The Commander-in-Chief

Gopinatha having crossed the terrible mountains on the wa}^, and having

conquered the Malava king, the Gurjara king gave up his pride, the Delhi

king felt dejected, and the Gauda king turned mean like a 9a vara (v, 16).

The moon of the Harlta line (Gopinatha) erected this fine temple

as a staff for deliverance from the mires of this unsubstantial world

(v. 17). The temple is the highest with the solar mandala as its finials,

and serves as a staff for churning nectar (the meaning not clear through-

out) (v. 18). In this temple he placed Rama (Balarama), Purusottama

(Jagannatha), and Bhagavati Subhadra, fully ornamented (v. 19). The

Narayana was made as described in the dhydna (hymn) — then follows a

description of his ornaments (v. 20). For garlands new gardens, hliogas

fitfor heaven, maidens (charming) asRambha, many jewelled ornaments,

ample dresses, he gave to the deities — what more shall be said about the

servants given ? (v. 21). “ Oh Lord ! May this Garuda be your steed.”

On his (Gopinatha’s) saying this as if Garuda himself stood in front with

hands clasped and wings spread (meaning throughout not clear) (v. 22).

By him was raised a Gundica temple, bright and silver white, where

Mahadeva felt the delights of Kaila9a mountain, and on whose cloud-

dividing top the sun rested (v. 23). In this fasana resounding with

Vedic teachings, decked with numerous sacrificial posts and crowded

with high class Brahmins, may Jagannatha, Balarama and Subhadra

bring good to the village lord, the residents, (the village) cattle and (its)

water ! (v. 24). By consecrating this Visnu, Gopinatha removed pangs

of separation from the hearts of devotees like Prahlada, Uddhava and

Partha (i.e., Arjuna) (v. 25). May these charming verses of the

Mimamsaka Vaidantika poet Jagali, born of the poet and the learned

GSpinatha, increase the delight of the wise ! (v. 25). May it be good !

Written by Vakakhya. May Gopinatha (ie., Vishnu) beloved of

Laksmi, meditated by the King Kapilendra, fond of his devotees, ful-

filler of desires, and like sea in qualities, may He be gracious (unto us) I

(v. 27).

180

M. M. Inscription of Kapilendra Deva. [No. 2,

APPENDIX.

The last Hindu Kings of Orissa.

In tlie Gopinafcliapura Inscription tlie King Kapilendra Deva is

described as of tlie Solar line “ bhasvad-vam9-avatain9a(li*).’’ Very

little autherdic is known about these kings of Orissa. The time has

now come to throw light into this dark chapter, and to give some

account of them based on inscriptions supplemented at places by the

Madala Panji and other records.

A. SURYA YAMpA DYNASTY.

(5 Kings).

I, Kapilendra alias Kapile^vara Deva, Bhramaravara.

(1434-35 A.D.— 1469-70 A.D.)

Up to date the undermentioned authentic dates of this King — the

founder of the Solar line — have been found ^ : —

No. Dates. References.

1. 4th Aqka, Dhanu New moon, Left side Inscription No. 3 of the Jagan-

(0.) Sunday = 9th December, 1436 natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893,

A.D. pp. 92-3].

2. 4th Aqka, Kumbha (?) ^ubla The temple of Mukhaliqge9vara at Mukha-

(0.) 13, Monday = 18th February, liqgam. District Ganjam [Dr. Hultzsch’s

1437 A.D. Epigraphical Report for 1895-6, No. 141,

p. 14]. I am indebted to Dr. Hultzsch

for an ink impression of this old Oriya

inscription.

3. 4th Aqka, Mithuna Sa:gkranti Right side Inscription No. 2 of the Bhn-

(0.) Krsna 1, Tuesday = 29th May, vane^vara temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. EXIT, pp.

1437 A.D. 103-4].

4. 19th A^ka, Tula Krsna 2, Sun- Right side Inscription No. 1 of the Bhu-

(O.) day = 2nd November, 1449 vane^vara temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII,

A.D. p. 10-3].

N.B. — The <purnimdnta scheme has been used

here, instead of the usual amdnta scheme.

5. 19th Aqka, Mesa New moon, Right side Inscription No. 2 of the Jagan-

(0.) Sunday = 12th April, 1450 natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893,

A.D. p. 99].

6. 9aka 1373, Magha (^ukla 5, The ^ri-Kurraaih temple (near ^ibakola),

(S. & T.) Thursday, Jovian year Praja- 20th pillar, east and north face inscription

pati = 27th January, 1452 [Dr. Hultzsch’s Epigraphical Report for

A.D. 1895-6, p. 20, Nos. 317 and318j and my

Ms. transcript].

1 0, Signifies Oriya in language, S. Sanskrit, and T. Telugu,

1900.]

M. M. Oliakravarti — Tnscri]>tion of Kapilendra Dera.

181

No. Dates. Deferences.

7. 25th Aqka, Qaka 1^77, Bha- The Qri-Kurmam temple, 18th pillar, west

(T.) drapada^ (^akla 3, Saturday face inscription [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep.,

= 26th August, 1455 A.D. 1895-6, p. 20, No. 313; and ray Ms.].

8. ^aka 1377, Bhadrapada moon- Copper-plate inscription of the king Gana-

eclipse (?), the year Yuvan Deva of Konda-vidu [Dr. Hultzscli, Tnd.

(S.) = August (?), 1455 A.D. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 391].

9. 1461 A.D. ... Ferishta, 1. c. Elphinstone’s History of India,

Appendix, p. 755 ; and Sewell’s sketcli of

the dynasties of Southern India, p. 23.

10. 32nd (33rd) Agka, (^aka 1382, The Qri-Kurraaih temple, 18tli pillar, west

(T.) Jyestha Va5(?7), Monday, face inscription [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep.,

the year Vikrama = 12th May, 1895-6, p. 19, No. 284; and my Ms.].

1461 A.D.

11. 35th (37th) Aqka, Mesa Krsna 4, Left side Inscription No. 5 of the Jagan-

(O.) Wednesdays 25th April, 1464 natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, pp.

A.D. ^ 95-6].

12. Circa 1465 A.D. ... The present inscription of the G5pinatha-

(S.) pura temple.

13. 41st Aqka, Dhanu Qukla 7, Left side Inscription No. 4 of the Jagan-

(0.) Sundays 14th December, natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, pp.

1466 A.D. 93-4].

From the Aijka inscriptions, Knpile9vara’s accession 3^ear can be

ascertained as follows : —

4tb Agka or 3rd year

19th A:gka or 16th year

25th Agka or 21st year

33rd Agka or 27th year

37th Agka or 30th year

41st Aqka or 33rd year

= 1436-7 A.D.

= 1449-50 A.D.

= 1454-5 A.D.

= 1460-61 A.D.

= 1463-4 A.D.

= 1466-7 A.D.

The 2nd Aijka or 1st year =1434-5 A.D.

According to Agka calculations, the last Aqka of Ka})ile9vara and

the second Agka of his successor Purusottama should fall in the same

year. Hence Kapile9vara’s death took place in 1469-70 A.D.^

Narasimha Deva IV. of the Gagga dynasty was reigning in 1397

A.D. [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXIV, 1895, p. 133]. The thirty-seven years inter-

vening between this date and the accession of Kapile9vara Deva in 1434-5

1 A ccording to the Madala Panji or the Chronicles of the temple of Jagan-

natha, the king ascended the throne at Camp Krttivasa (Bhuvane9vara) on Wednes-

day, Kakara 2, 9u4; and died on the banks of the Krsna-Venya river (the

Kjsna) on Pausa Kf. 3, Tuesday. Neither of the dates comes out correct with tha

week day mentioned.

J. I. 24

182 M. M. Chakravai ti — Inscrijption of Kapilendra Leva. [No. 2,

A.D. are at present epigrapliically blank k If the Madala Panji is to be

believed, Kapilecvara succeeded a Blianu Deva, whose name (surname ?)

was, according to one version, Akata-Abata, and according to another,

Matta (drunk). Among the later Graqgas, the usual succession was a

Narasirhha JDeva followed by a Bhanu Deva and so on. The thirty-

seven years intervening will allow either of only one Bhanu Deva after

Narasimha Deva IV, or of one Bhann Deva followed by a Narasimlia

Deva, and then a second Blianu Deva. Looking to the rather short period,

and the average long reigns of the Eastern Gagga Kings, the first

supposition of only one Bhanu Deva appears more probable.

The accounts given in the Madala Panji show that Kapile9vara got

to the throne probably with the aid of the Bahmani king (Ahmad

Shah I.). The present inscription gives him an alias, Kapilendra, and a

title Bhramaravara. Ganadeva’s Copper-plate inscription speaks of his

capital being at Kataka on the bank of the river Mahanadi. He w”as

evidently a powerful King, and extended his dominion from the bank of

the Ganges on the north to that of the Krsna on the south. His whole

reign was spent in warring with the Hindu Kings of Vijayanagara, or with

the Mahomedan Kings of the Bahmani dynasty, or in suppressing inter-

nal revolts. The Madala Panji mentions that he had numerous sons,

among whom Purusottama Deva was one, but not the eldest.

II. PUEUS5TTAMA DeVA.

(1469-70 A.D.— 1496-97 A.D.)

The following give all the reliable dates as yet known of this king: —

No, Dates. References.

1. 2nd Aijlca, Mesa gu 12, Tlini-s. Left side Mo. 2 1 i„geriptions of the

(O.J dny = 12tli April, 1470 A.D. Right side No. 1 1

Jagannatha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII,

1893, pp. 91-2, 98.]

2. 3rd A]gka, ^Tika 1392, A9vija The ^Irl-Kurmaih temple, 49th pillar, north

(T.) ^uddha pratipad, Tuesday = face [Dr. Hultzsoh’s Epigraphical Report

25th September, 1470 A.D. for 1895-6, No. 365, p. 23].

3. 3rd Ajgka Marga^ira Kr. 13, Left side Inscription No. 1 of the Jagan-

(O.) Tuesday =28th November, natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, pp.

1470 A.D. 90-1].

4. ^aka 1393, year Khara, Caitra The Oi’i-Kiirmam temple, 49th pillar, west

(T.) Ya (? 5>i)3 Adivara (Sunday) and south faces [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep.,

= 31st March, 1471 A.D. 1895-6, No. 366, p. 23].

(if Va be Qii).

I There is an inscription of probably this King in the 9ri-Kurma,m temple (11th

pillar, east face) which purports to be dated in 1324 (IMca or 1402-3 A.D, (No. 299,

Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep. 1895-6, p. 20). But I have not got the week day and the

correct figures yet. Hence it is not taken into consideration.

1900.]

M. M. G\\ii\iV£LWixvi\.-— Inscription of Kapilendra Leva.

183

No. Dates. Keferenccs.

5. 1471 A.D. Ferishta, l.c., Elphinstone’s Hist, of Iiul.

(1889 ed.), Appendix p. 756; and Sewell’s

sketch of S. Indian dynasties, p. 23.

6. 7th (4th) Aqka, 1393, The Qri-Kurmam temple, 2nd pillar, north

(T.) Asarha 2, Thursday, the and west face [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep.,

Jovian year Khara = 20th 1895-6, p. 19, No. 274; and my Ms.].

June, 1472 A.D.

6. 7. 1477 A.D. Ferishta, l.c. Elphin., App. p. 756 ; and

Sewells’ sketch, p. 23.

8. 15th (17th) Agka, Mesa, Di 10 My reading of the Oriya Copper-plate grant

(0.) (11), >iew moon, Monday, to the Bala sore Bhunyas [Ind. Ant., Vol.

solar eclipse = 7th April, 1483 I, p. 355}. The original reading seems

A.D. to have been wrong, but Prof. Kielhorn

has arrived at the correct English equi-

valent in Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 108.

9. 19th Agka, Siihha Qu 8, Thurs- Right side Inscription No. 4 of the Jagan-

(0.) day = 18th April, 1485 A.D. natha temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893,

p. 100-1].

10. Qaka 1411, the Jovian year A Konda-Vidu Inscription [Sewell’s sketch

(T.) Kilaka = 1488-89 A.D. south, dyn., p. 48]. The ^aka year current

was apparently used.

11. 25th Aijka, Visa (Vrsa) Sa:g- ^ri-Kurmam temple, 1st pillar (of Nos. 272

(0.) kranti, ^u 8, Thursday = 27th and 273), not reported in Ep. Rep. for

May, 1490 A.D. 1895-6. I am indebted to Dr. Hultzsch’s

for two ink impressions of this inscription.

12. ^aka 1417, the Jovian year The ^ri-Kurmaih temple, 41st pillar, north

(T.) Raksasa, 32nd (? 33rd) Aqka, face inscription [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep.,

Karttika guddha 13, Manda- 1895-6, p. 202, No. 347],

vara (Saturday) =31st Octo--

ber, 1495 A.D,

With the help of the Aijka inscriptions the precise year of Puru-

sdttama Deva’s accession can be found out.

2nd Agka or 1st

3rd

4th

17th

19th

25 th

Agka or 2nd

Aijka or 3rd

Aijka or 14th

Agka or 16th

Aijka or 21st

year

year

year

year

year

year

32nd Aijka or 26th year

The Agka dates are

= 1469-70 A.D.

= 1470-71 A.D.

= 1471-2 A.D.

A.D.

A.D.

A.D.

A.D.

= 1482-3

, = 1484-5

= 1489-90

= 1494-5

Tlie l.st year was 1469-70 A.D.

From his successor’s Aqka dates, the time of Purusdttaraa’s death

can be deduced. It took place in J496-97 A.D.

On tlie death of Kapile9vara Deva, liis sons fought with one another

for the throne. Ultimately Purusottama secured it with the help of the

Bahmani king Muhammad Shah II. For this aid, he had to cede to the

i84 M, M. Chaki’avarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Deva. [No. 2,

Bahmani kin^ tlie southern-most districts of Kondapalli and Raja-

mahendri. Ferishtacallshim “Amber Rai” which is apparently a corrup-

tion of the title “Bhraraavavara Raya” — a title still given in Orissa to a

prince, not always the eldest one. Later on, the Orissa king appears to have

repented of the bargain, and to have attempted a conquest of the ceded

districts. This led to an expedition into Orissa in 1477 A.D. by the

Bahmani king Muhammad, which Ferishta reports as having been suc-

cessful. Anyhow these districts passed ultimately into the hands of

the Orissa king, as the Konda-Vidu inscription of 1488-9 A.D. shows.

The king also waged war with Vidyanagara (or as the Mahomedans

put it Vijayanagar). Caitanya-carit-amrta, the well-known biography

of the great Bengal Vaisnavite preacher, Caitanya, says that the King

Purus5ttama Deva conquered Vidyanagara, and thence brought a jewelled

simhasana (throne) which he presented to Jagannatha, and also the image

of Saksi-gopdla Avhich he kept in his capital at Kataka (Cait. car.

dmr., Madhya Khandn, 5th Pariccheda). The first Vidyanagara dynasty

was then tottering on its throne, and was shortly after replaced by the

second dynasty.

Tlie few details given in the Madala Panji are mainly taken up in

describing an expedition of this King into Kanci. If there be any truth

in it, then it is likely connected with the raid of the Bahmani king

Muhammad Shah If, who in 1477-8 A.D. made a dash towards Conjee-

veram, and returned with an immense booty. Purus5ttama Deva might

have joined the said king as an ally.

According to the Madala Panji this king erected the Bh5ga-

rnandapa (refectory hall) of Jagannatha temple in his 7th Agka (1473-4

A.D.) ; and in his 9th Aijka (1475-6 A.D.) he built the inner wall and

the cooking rooms of that temple.

in. Pratapa Rudra Deva,

(1496-97— P1539-40 A.D.)

The following dates of this King are known as yet : —

No. Dates. References.

1. 4th A]gka, Kakra Q/ii 10, Wed- Left side Inscription No. 6 of the Jagan-

(0.) nesday = 17th July, 1499 A.D. natha temple [J. A. S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893,

pp. 96-7].

2. 5th AiQka, Dhann 3 (?) Kr. (?), Left sideInscriptionNo.7 of the Jagannatha

(O.) Mondays? December, 1500 temple [J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893, p. 97].

A.D.

3. 1425, the Jovian year The ^ri-Kurmam temple, 41st pillar, north

(T.) Rudhirodgarin, Karttika face [Dr. Hultzsch’s Ep. Rep,, 1895-6,

^nddha Purnami, Friday = p. 22, No. 346],

1603 A.D,, (?) 3rd November.

185

iOOO.j M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Deva. ,

No. Dates.

4. 1509-10 A.D. (iVth Agka of

the Madala Panji).

5, 1610 A.D. (February and

March).

6. 1511 A.D., Ratha festival.

7. gaka 1436 = 1514-5 A.D.

8. 1515-6 A.D.

9. ? 1519-20 A.D.

10. 1522 A.D.

(32nd A:gka of Madala Pauji)

References.

Mahomedan historians, l.c. Hunter’s History

of Orissa, Vol. II, pp. 9-10, and App.

VIII, p. 193.

Caitanya-carit-dmrta, beginnin^f of the 7th

pariccheda, Madhyama Khanda ; Caitanya-

marjgala, Antya Khanda, 2nd and 3rd

Adhyaya.

Cait.-car.-dmr., Madhya Khanda, 14th

pariccheda; cf. Cait. may., Antya Khanda,

5th Adhyaya,

Two Inscriptions at Udayagiri [Sewell’s

sketch of the southern dynasties, p. 48,

note 4],

An Inscription in the Varadaraja-svaml

temple at Conjeveram [Chingleput Dis-

trict Manual, pp. 435-6, l.c., Sewell’s

sketch south, dyn., p. 119 and p. 48 note 4],

Cait.-car.-dmr., Antya Khanda, 9th paric-

cheda.

Ferishta, l.c., Elphinstone’s Hist. Ind.,

App., p. 760: Hunter’s Hist. Orissa, Vol.

II, App. VIII, p. 193.

Pratapa Rudra’s accession year falls in 1496-97, as calculated from

his only reliable Aijka date in the Jaj^annatlia temple. The time of

his death is uncertain. According to Madala Panji he was succeeded

first by his son Kalu-a Peva who reigned for a year and five months, and

then by another of his sons Kakharu-a Deva who ruled for only three

months. They were killed, one after the other, by their minister

Govinda Vidyadhara. The latter then usurped the throne, and

founded the small, dynasty known as the Bhoi. One inscription of

Govinda Deva is known in the temple of Jagannatha. It is dated 4th

Agka, Bicha ^iikla Trtiya, Tuesday, or 30th October, 1543 A.D. [J.A.S.B.,

Vol. LXII, 1893, pp. 101-2]. From this it is deducible that Govinda

Deva began to reign in 1541-42 A.D. So that if the Madala Panji’s

dates as regards Kakharu-a and KMu-a Devas be accepted, Pratapa Rud-

ra’s last year would fall in 1539-40 A.D. According to a tradition noticed

in the Jagannatha-carit-amrta, an Oriya biography of Jagannatha Dasa

— a disciple of Caitanya and the founder of the Atibam subsect of Vais-

navas in Orissa — Pratapa Rudra survived Caitanya. The latter died,

according to his biographies, in 1455 9^ka or 1533-4 A.D. So then

Pratapa Rudra might have been reigning at least in 1535 A.D., and

there is nothing improbable in his reigning up to 1539-40 A.D.

It was a stirring time. In the north in Bengal, Husain Shah had

been consolidating his kingdom ; in the south the Vidyanagara monarchy

186

M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra tleva. [No. 2,

was rising again Tinder Narasa of tke 2nd dynasty; and a few years

later Qutb Shall, general of the Bahmani king, founded the king-

dom of Golk5nda. Pratapa Rudra, after he l>ad been on the throne for

about 5 or 6 years, became engaged in a war with Narasa, Madala

Pahji says that he conquered the king ; but two Vidyanagara copper-

plates, one of Acyuta Raya and the other of Sada5iva Raya, speak of

Narasa conquering the Gajapati rulerd In 1509 A.D Ismail Ghazi

(named Surasthana in M. Pahji), a genei’al of the Bengal Nawab, made

a dash into Orissa, ravaged the country, sacked Puri town and destroyed

a. number of Hindu temples. Pratapa Rudra hurried from the south, and

the Maliomedan general retreated. He was closely pursued and defeated

on the bank of the Ganges (M. Pahji). The general took refuge in Fort

Mandaran (Subdivision Jehanabad, District Hooglily), and was besieged.

But one of the Raja’s high officeis, Govinda Vidyadhara, went over to

the enemy’s side ; and so the Raja had to raise the siege and to retire to

Orissa. This war and the destruction of the Hindu images have been

mentioned in several places in the Caitanya-marjgala alias Bhdgavataj

one of the eai liest biographies of Caitanya the Bengal preacher (com-

posed circa 1550-60 A.D.).^

It was also a period of considerable religious ferment. Vallabha-

carya had begun his religious preachings in the north ; and Caitanya

began his religious wanderings in Bengal, Orissa and elsewhere.

In February 1510 A.D., Caitanya came to Puri and stopped for two

months. At that time Pratapa Rudra had gone to the south,

nnd was fighting with Krsna Raya who had just then come to the

throne of Vidyanagara. Wandering in the south after a year Caitanya

came back to Puri. There at the time of the Ratha festival the king and

the preacher met ; and according to the biographies, Pratapa Rudra was

converted and became a devoted disciple.

Several of the king’s officers also became Caitanya’s disciples,

among whom the most prominent was Ramananda Raya, for some

time governor of Rajamahendri. It is related in Caitanya-carit-dmrta

(Antya Khanda, 9th Pariccheda) that Ramananda’s brother Gopinatha

Bayajena, who was the revenue officer in charge of Maljyatha Dandapata

(at present the eastern part of Midnapur District) fell in arrear of

a large revenue— two lakh Kalians of cowries, and was ordered by

the king to be put to death. He was however saved and reinstated by

the mediation of Caitanya’s disciples.

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 152 5 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 12, “ Viry-ddagram TurusJtam

Oajapati-nrpatim c = dpi jitvd tad-anydn. ”

2 Caitanya-maygala alias Bhdgavata, Antya Khanda, 2nd Adhyaya, pp. 772,

779-80 ; 4th Adhyaya, pp. 865, 866.

187

1900.] M. M. Chakravarfci — Inscription of Kapilendra Deva.

In another Vaisnavite work, Jayananda’s Caitanya-ma^gala^ it is

said that Pratapa Rudra consulted Oaitanya about invading Bengal.

The preacher dissuaded him, pointing out that the war would be

disastrous for Orissa [ l.c. the Bengali Magazine Cri-grl-Vismipriya

Patrihd, Karttik 1897, p. 477].

The latter part of Pratapa Rudra’s reign seems to have been spent

chiefly in the south. Krsna Raya, the greatest king of the Vidyana-

gara second dynasty, invaded the Gajapati territory in 1514-5 A.D.,

defeated Virabhadra son of Pratapa Rudra, took prisoner his uncle

Tirumalappa Raya, and conquered all the tract south of the Godavari.

The Vidyanagara generals also made incursions northwards up to Gan-

jam ; and finally Pratapa Rudra had to make a treaty and to give his

daughter in marriage to the victorious monarch.

In 1522 A.D. Pratapa Rudra waged a long and desultory war with

Qutb Shah of Golk5nda. According to the Madala Paiiji neither side

gained any decisive victory; but Ferishta says that the Hindu king

was defeated, and lost a part of his territory.

IV. Kalu-a Deva.

( ? 1539-40 A.D. — ? 1541-42 A.D. )

Pratapa Rudra left several sons, and an ambitious and powerful

minister, Govinda Yidyadhara. The eldest of the sons succeeded under

the title Kalu-a Deva. No inscription of this king is known. Accord-

ing to the Madala Panji be ruled for one year, five months and three

days. He was murdered by the minister. ,

V. Kakharu-a Deva. .

( ? 1541-42 A.D.)

Another son of Pratapa Rudra succeeded Kalu-a Deva under the

above title. After a brief and disturbed rule of three months, he, too,

was killed by the all-powerful minister. Govinda then had the remain-

ing sons of Pratapa Rudra murdered, and ascended the throne under

the title of Govinda Deva. He founded the small Bho-i (writer) dy-

nasty, which with Teligga Mukunda Haricandana ruled up to the final

Mahomedan conquest of Orissa in 1568 A.D.

B. BHO-I DYNASTY.

(4 Kings) :

' Govinda Deva.

(1541-42 A.D.— ? 1549 A.D.)

Only one inscription of this king is known : —

4th A ijka, Bicha ^ukla 3rd, Tuesday= Right side Inscription No. 5 of the

30th October, 1543 A.D. (Oriya). Jagannatha temple [J.A.S.B.,

1893, pp. 101-2].

The first year fell in 1541-42 A.D.

188 M. M. Cliakravarti — Inscription of Kapilendra Beva. fN^o. 2,

According to one version of the M. Panji he ruled seven years ;

according to another version 11 years and seven months. The shorter

period is accepted as being more probable. It is more consistent with tlie

reigning years whicli follow ; and as Govinda Vidyadhara was in high

service in 1509 A.D., he could not be expected to reign long after 1541

A.D, In his 7th Agka (1545-46 A. D.) he is said to have waged war

with the king of Golkonda. While encamping in the south, his sister’s

son Raghu Bliahja Chbtaraya revolted in Orissa. The king hurried

back, defeated the rebels who were being assisted by Bengal Maho-

medans, and drove them beyond the Ganges.

II. Caka Pratapa Deva.

' ( ? 1549 A.D.— ? 1557 A.D.)

This son of Govinda Deva succeeded. According to one version,

he ruled eight years ; according to another, twelve years and a half.

The shorter period has been accepted. He is represented as a bad

king, who oppressed the people.

III. Narasimha Rata Jena.

( ? 1557 A.D. )

According to Madala Panji he had just ascended the throne of his

father, when Mukunda Haricandana rebelled and murdered him. He

was on the throne for only one month and sixteen days.

IV. Raghurama Jena.

( ? 1557 A.D.— ? 1559-60 A.D.)

The brother of the above succeeded. Mukunda Haricandana

continued to revolt, defeated and imprisoned the king’s chief minister

Dane-i Vidyadhara, defeated and imprisoned Raghu Bhafija Chotaraya

who had invaded again from the Bengal side, and finally murdered the

kino- after a disturbed rule of one year, seven months and fourteen

days.

C. TELII^GA DYNASTY.

(one king).

Mukunda Deva, Haricandana.

(1559-60 A.D.— 1568 A.D.)

The last independent Hindu King of Orissa : —

The following may be ascribed to his reign : —

1. A.H. 968 = 1560 A.D. ... A silver coin of Jalal Shah, mint Jajpnr

[Thomas’ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings

of Delhi, p. 417].

1900.] M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of KapilBndra Deva. 189

2. A.H. 973 = 1564-65 A.D. ... Stewart’s History of Bengal, ed. 1847, pp,

95-6 ; Hunter’s History of Orissa, Vol. II,

p. 12.

3. A.H. 975 = 1568 A.D, (10th Hunter’s Hist. Orissa, Vol. II, page 10.

Aqka of the M. Panji). note 29, p. 31 ; Mr. Beames, J.A.S.B., Vol.

LII, p. 233 note.

Makunda De^a was a Telugu by birth. He got to the throne by a

successful revolt. The silver coin of Jalal Shah with the mint mark of

Jajpur shows that the Mahomedan king of Bengal assisted in 1560

A.D. Raghu Bhanja Chdtaraya in his invasion of Orissa, and the coin

was struck apparently when on the march to Kataka. Mukunda Deva

however defeated Raghn Bhanja, and imprisoned him. In 1564-65 A.D.

the Emperor Akbar sent an ambassador to Orissa, and entered into a

treaty with the king. The latter in return sent an ambassador to

Delhi. The treaty was intended as a check to the Bengal king Sulai-

man Karrarani. The latter, however, kept quiet, until he found Akbar

fully engaged in wars in the west. He then attacked the Orissa king

who had come to the banks of the Ganges. Mukunda Deva took refuge

in Fort Kotsama and defended himself therein. Then the Bengal king

detached a part of his force, and sent them round to Orissa through

Mayurabhanja and thence southwards by the Kasabasa river. This force

under Illahabad Kalapahara began to ravage Orissa, and defeated the

king’s deputy ; while one of the Oriya chiefs raised the standard of revolt.

Hearing this the Orissa king hurried south, fought with the rebels and

was killed. The rebel chief was in turn killed by the Mahomedans.

Raghu Bhanja Ch5taraya who was lying imprisoned, escaped and at-

tempted to take possession of the throne. After four months’ fight

with Kalapahara, he too was slain; and the Mahomedans took final

possession of Orissa. This conquest took place in 1568 A.D.

J. I. 25

190

M. M. Chakravarfci — hiscription of Nayapdila Diva.

[No. 2,

An Inscription of the time of Nayapala Deva, from the Rrsna-dvariJcH>

Temple at Gaya. — By Babu Monmohan Chakeavarti, M.A., B.L.,

M.B.A.S.

[Read April, 1899.]

This inscription is on a stone slab fixed in the right gateway of the

Krsna-dvarika temple in Graja town. The present temple with its

image of Kishenji was built 70 or 80 years ago by a Gayawal Brahmin,

Daraodar Lai Dhokri. But it has been evidently set up on an old site

on which had stood a temple containing images of gods Krsna and

Mahadeva. The inscription was first brought to public notice by

General Cunningham, and a facsimile was printed in the Archaeological

Survey Report of India, Vol. Ill, Plate XXXII. Dr. Rajendra Lai

Mittra tried to decipher it, but did not succeed, (see the Proceed-

ings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, August 1879), I edit the text

from two fairly good ink impressions taken by Babu Parame9vara

Dayal, Court of Wards’ Head Clerk, Gaya. I have had also the

advantage of consulting the original in cases of doubtful readings.

The writing consists of 18 lines and covers a space of 2' 4"x 1' 0".

The letters are well cut, and where entire are legible. But in many

lines the letters are more or less damaged, particularly in the 4th, and

7th to 14th lines. The large number of damaged letters has caused

much difihculty in decipherment. In size the letters are

The written characters are of the type known as Kutila. The Matras

(the top horizontal lines) are in full swing; the marks of medial vowels

e and 5 are pendent from the top lines as in modern Bengali and Oriya ;

and the conjunct consonants including those of g and n are carefully

engraved.^

The inscription is in Sanskrit, and excepting the invocation at the

beginning, is in verse throughout. The verses are twenty-one in number

and are in various metres. The orthography shows little peculiarity.

1 These peculiarities I have observed also ia another Gaya inscription of

the time of Nayapala Deva (Qn-Nayapdla-deva-nr>pate rdjya-griyam lihhratah

1. 14). This inscription of 15 lines does not appear to have been published yet.

191

1900.] M. M. Chakravarti — Inscription of Nayapdla Deva.

The conjunct consonants are correctly given; the nasals q and n are

generally properly used ; with 9, q is used and not anusvara (as varjce

for vamge in line 4, arjgu for amgu in line 16); in line 12 one lupta a has

been shown with a (yathdrthd i laykdrah).

The inscription is a yragasti (1. 17) describing the erection of a