CONTENTS.

=O Qe

No. I.

(Published 15th June, 1866.)

Outlines of a Plea for the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani.

—By J. Brames, Esq., C.8.,

A Translation of the Chapter on Ordeals, from the Vyavahara

Mayukha.—By Professor GrorcE Bins, Elphinstone

College, Bombay, sd

Rough Notes on some of the Antiquities i in the Gaya District.

By W. Peprs, Esq., an Ser eee Ee

Literary Intelligence, vee ses oe, Sop eae

No. II.

(Published 31st August, 1866.)

Descriptions of Ancient Remains of Buddhist Monasteries and

Temples, and of other buildings, recently discovered in

Benares, and its vicinity.—By the Rev. M. A. Suerrine,

feb. B, and Cuartes Horne, Hsq., C. S.,

Assyro- Pseudo-Sesostris, —By Hypsz CLARKE, "Eisq., “Member of

the German Oriental Society, of the Society of Northern

Antiquaries of Copenhagen, of the Academy of Anatolia,

of the Institution of Engineers of Vienna, Local Secretary

of the Anthropological Society,

Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir, especially those not

described by General A. Cunninenam in his Essay publish-

ed in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for

September, 1848.—By W. G. Cows, Hsq., M. A., Chaplain

on duty in Kashmir during the summer of 1865,

Remarks on Barbier de Meynar d’s edition of Ibn Khordédbeh

and on the Land-tax of the gan of the a re

Dr. A. Sprenesr, - vee

Literary Intelligence, ae oes “Er aa

No. III.

(Published 2nd November, 1866.)

A Notice of the Gaunaka Smriti—By Professor Grorcr

Bouster, Superintendent of Sanskrit Studies, Punah

College, bas oe ie

124

147

149

iv Index.

Notes on Atranji Khera or Pi-lo-shan-na of General Con-

NINGHAM, (vide Continuation of Report for 1862-63,

No. VIIL. page 15.)\—By C. Horns, Esq. C.S.,

Notes on some Buddhist Ruins at Doob Koond. — By Captain

W. R. Metvitts, in charge, Gwalior Survey, ...

Some Objections to ‘the Modern Style of Official Hindustani.—

By F. 8. Growsr, Esq , M. A. Oxon, B.C. S.,

Description of the Chandrarekhagarh near Sashtani, * Per-

gunnah Nyegur, Zillah Midnapore, —By W. J. Hunscuzt,

Esq., B. C.S%.,

Notes ona Tour in Manbhoom, in 1864-65. —By Lt.-Col. B. 7.

Datton, Comr. of Chota- -Nagpore,

Notes on a Copper plate Inscription from Sambhalpur —By

Ba’su RAsenprauata Mitra, ys Ape “te

Literary Intelligence, ae

No. IV.

(Published 6th July, 1867.)

Notes on the History and Topography of the Ancient Cities of

Delhi—By C. J. Camesetn, Hsq., C. E.,

Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. —_By Major

D. F. Newatt, 18, AS

A’ Vocabulary of Knelish, Balti and Kashmiri, compiled by

H. H. Gopwin Austen, Capt., H. M.’s 24th Regt. Assist.

Gt. Trigl. Survey,

Notes on Gupta eae from ie ‘and Behar, By Babu -

RaspnDRALALA Mrrra,. bt sean Ghee

Literary Intelligence, ua sat te i by

Page

165

168

172

181

186

195

lay

LIST OF PLATES.

Pillared portico at Nair, ee ai “5

Stone figure at Genjun,

Rough Section and Plan of the och temple,

Oomga temple,

Rough Plan of Tilia Nala Vihar Chaitya, nee

Buddhist Vihar in the Rajghat Fort,—ceiling, ...

View of Buddhist Vihar in the Rajghat Fort,

Buddhist Vihar in the eae Fort, —details of

Pillars, a8

Bhanyar "Temple, Colonnade...

Temple at Lidar,

Buddhist Chaitya (ceiling ake

Rough Plan of Atranji Khera,

Conch Temple, :

Roof of Pandrethan, : ae oo; ee

Temple in the lake at Manusbal, a ete

Figure of Sesostris at Ninfi, 5 :

Hindu Temple at Chandrarekhagarh,

Plan of the Masjid Kutb ul Islam,

Hlevation and details of ditto,

Map of the sites of the old cities of Delhi,

Facsimiles of Inscriptions on a stone pillar i in the

Behar Fort, gee “a ave “00

—————— EEO

JOURNAL

OF THE

eo. DOCTE TY.

Part IL—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

eet

No. I.—1866.

eee eee

Outlines of a Plea for the Arabic Element in Oficial Hindustant.— By

J. Beams, Lsq., C. S.

[Received 17th April, 1865. ]

It *s the fashion at present to lavish a good deal of abuse on the

language generally employed in our law courts in this country:

This unfortunate variety of human speech is condemned as_ barbar-

ous, a medley of heterogeneous elements, a pedantic, clumsy, unintelli-

sible jargon, and the rest. After seven years’ daily experience and

use of it, I venture to take up the cudgels in its behalf. I consider it

as the most progressive and civilized form of the great and widespread

“language of the horde.’”’ Not only is it compendious, eloquent, ex-

pressive and copious, but it is the only form in which the legitimate

development of the speech of the Gangetic tribes could show itself.

Those who condemn it, in a spirit of short-sighted pedantry and affec-

tation, must, if they are prepared to abide by the logical consequences

of their opinion, condemn also those languages of modern Hurope,

which, by virtue of following the same course as the Urdu, have suc-

ceeded in overstepping the narrow limits of their birth-places, and

becoming the common property of half the world. To gbject to the

free use in Hindustani of words derived from Arabic and Persian, is as

absurd as to object to the free use of Latin and Greek derivatives in

English. As a merchant, by skilful trading with borrowed capital,

oe The Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 1,

may become a millionaire, so English by readily borrowing and mak-

ing good use of its borrowed stores, has raised itself from an obscure

low German patois to the most extensively used medium of commu-

nication between distant countries.

I. The parallel between English with its Teutonic and Latinelements,

and Urdi with its Sanskrit and Semitic components, is no newly dis-

covered thing. It has been used again and again, with more or less

learning, to help us to deplore the iniquities of our omla and mukhtars.

The comparison, however, cuts both ways. It may perhaps help us

to find something to admire in the phraseology of a rubakdri or the

cunningly woven sentences of a pleading.

First then, of English. English is a dialect, as every one knows,

of Plate-Deutsch, allied to the Hoch-Deutsch, the tongue of Géethe

and Schiller, by the ties of a common descent from the early Gothic,

the sister of Sanskrit. It has been brought into contact with many

other forms of speech; some closely, others remotely, akin to it. Celtic

of Scotland and Wales; Scandinavian of Norway and Denmark ; Latin;

Norman French, a blending of the two last named; early French,

the Frankish struggling still against the Latin element; Latin again,

barbarized by monks and lawyers; French again, from the wars of

the Henries and Edwards ; Spanish, from the Elizabethan wars, bring-

ing with it a substratum of Moorish Arabic; French again, of Racine

and Moliere in the days of the degraded Stuart kings, from the court

of the “ Grand Monarque;”’ Dutch with William of “ glorious, pious

and immortal memory;” finally a sprinkling of Turkish, Persian and

Russian from our travellers, and many words from Latin which crept

in in a roundabout way from time to time through our neighbours the

French and Italians.

All these elements skilfully worked up, patiently pieced together,

carefully incorporated into the solid English groundwork, have com-

posed the bright, varied and harmonious mosaic of our modern mother-

tongue.

There were doubtless pedants and grumblers ready to find fault at

each stage of growth in English. The Saxon clod of the time of the

Conqueror objected to the terms ‘beef,’ ‘veal,’ ‘pork,’ ‘mutton,’

which were then supplanting his pure English ‘ox,’ ‘ calf,’ ‘pig’ and

1866.] The Arabic Element in Oficial Hindustani. 3

‘sheep.’ Chaucer's introduction of French words into his poems won

for him the ridicule of his contemporaries. But in spite of ridicule

and learned objectors, the language assimilated these foreign words

and profited by the process.

The German on the other hand has absorbed very little of the Latin

or other foreign elements.

Tt has endeavoured to meet the wants. of civilization and progress by

combinations. of indigenous words, rather than by borrowing. In

other words it has done what our purists wish the Hindustani to do,

The result is known to every one. Great as are the expressiveness

and power of composition of the German language, its usefulness as a

practical, working, every-day speech is far below that of English or

any other European language. We have only, for instance, to compare

a few German words with their English equivalents to see where lies

the flexibility, expression, and delicacy of sentiment.

“ Gefangenschaft”’ (literally ‘ catch-hold-ship’) would scarcely be felt

as an advantageous change for ‘custody.’ Use might reconcile us to

“ Begripship,” but ‘ custody’ means. more than mere holding fast.

Vergnuegsam (‘ For-enough-some’) is: but a barbarous substitute for

‘contented,’ which latter gives us the idea of being contained and se-

cure in certain limits;—while the former is a barren enunciation of

merely having enough. Not to mention the unpleasantly harsh colli-

sion of consonants.

Verurtheilung, sentence. Here the English word is far the more

manageable than the clumsy cireumlocution of “ fore-out-telling” or

* parting.”

Vervollkommen. ‘* To complete” is again better than ‘ To fore-

full-come.”’

Wiederaufleben, revival, ‘das wiederaufleben der Gelehrsamkeit

(the again-up-living of be-lore-some-hood) is rather a roundabout

substitute for the neat and concise English, ‘‘ the revival of learning.”

Wiederherstellungsmittel. Here is a nice morsel for throat and teeth.

It looks very alarming, but only means “‘a restorative,” and the

English word gives the meaning quite as fully as the monstrous Ger-

man compound, Wieder = re; herstellung = stor (stauz) ’s; mittel

= ative.

Zusammenberufen, to convoke.

4 The Arabic Element in Official Hiudustant. [No. 1,

Zuriickziehen, to retract, withdraw; ‘‘ withdraw” is formed from

our own Teutonic stores.

The fact is that in making compound words, the English has the

advantage of using the short and expressive Latin prefixes, pro, re,

con, per, in; whereas the German, rejecting these commodious

foreigners, has to fall back on the unwieldy natives; Wieder, zusam-

men, zuriick, wider, heraus, &c. The result is that its compounds are

of uncomfortable length, and are rather circumlocutions than direct

expressions of the idea involved.

Turning now to Hindustani for Teutonic, let us put Indian as ex-

pressing the class of languages from which the old Hindi Bhashas are

derived and for Latin or Romance let us put Semitic. Then the pro-

position I would maintain stands thus: The Hindustani language

meets the requirements of civilization better by borrowing freely from

Semitic sources than by forming words and compounds from Indian

sources,

To borrow a metaphor from Botany, the Semitic languages are en-

dogenous, the Indo-Germanic exogenous. The former grow by addi-

tions from within, the latter by accretions from without.

Accretions, it is evident, are limited solely by their power of adher-

ing to the original trunk. Or perhaps it would be better to say accre-

tions may be multiplied up to the sustaining limit of the parent stem.

Endogenous growth on the other hand is limited by the space it can

squeeze out for itself in the enciente of the older formations. With a

strong parent stem like German or Sanskrit, accretive compounds may

be formed almost without limit. Sanskrit thinks nothing of a twenty-

syllabled compound, and a word like ‘ herausbekommen’ is as nothing

to German organs. In Arabic, and Hebrew, on the contrary there is

the triliteral root, which may be made to evolve many dozens of new

words, but all within the limits of the three radical letters aided by a

handful of serviles. The result is that the Semitic languages can ex-

press more in a small compass than the Indo-Germanic can. A pre-

fixed alif or mim will often have as much power as ‘ con’ ‘ pro’ ‘ re?

or half a dozen Latin or Greek words strung together; thus from

nazara to see, the simple lengthening of a vowel gives us “ nazir,”

a word, the technical and ordinary meaning of which, cannot be ex-

pressed in any Indo-Germanic language without a compound. e. J.

1866.] The Arabic Element vn Official Hindustant. 5)

1. Sanskrit, Adhyaksha.

Upadrishtd.

Adhikdrt.

Avekshitd, all compounded with a preposition.

2. Greek, Epistatés.

3. Latin, Znspector.

4, German, Aufseher, Inspektor.

5. English, Overseer, Inspector.

Illustrations may be multiplied by any one who possesses a few dic-

tionaries. To be able to express ideas of a complex nature by short

and simple words is an undeniable advantage. When a language has

two or more sources from which it can draw, native sources giving it

only long cumbrous compounds, foreign ones giving it neat and conve-

nient uncompounded words, it is only natural that the latter should

be chosen. The Bengali, like the German, has chosen to trust to its

Indian resources; and the result is a collection of ‘ sesquipedalia

verba”’ of the most alarming description, and what is more to the pur-

pose in these practical days, it is yielding visibly to the more progres-

sive Hindustani.

On the score of convenience then I defend the present court lan-

guage. If we look at the historical question again, we find good rea-

son for the use of foreign words. Hindi is in its origin Sanskrit, with

a substratum of Turanian elements, the extent and exact direction of

whose influence has never been fully worked out. I believe it to be

much greater than is usually supposed. The language thus constitut-

ed, was brought into contact with fresh Turanian influences through

the Mogul invasions. In the same manner Persian, Pushtoo and

Arabic were brought to bear on it. The point of contact was western

Hindustan and the Punjab, but gradually the foreign influence pene-

trated the whole country. It must be remembered also, that along

with an influx of foreign languages came an entire change in the civil

and religious organization of the country. Whole provinces were

converted to a religion whose most sacred duties can be expressed only

in Arabic. Offices were created on the model of those in Cabul and

Persia. Systems were introduced which had long flourished in Central

Asia among the Mantchus and the Kirghis.

Hence a large importation of foreign words in religion, government,

6 The Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 1,

arms and art, which ended in the establishment of the Urdi or camp

language, a language destined advisedly for the palace, the court, the

camp, the market. Its father the Hindi, its mother the Arabic, it

borrows freely from both its parents.

Up to this point most men will agree with me that the free use of

Arabic and Persian is defensible both on the grounds of the origin of

the language as well as of convenience,

The two great accusations brought against the language, however,

are ; first, that the Arabic and Persian words are used in an incorrect,

garbled and distorted way, and secondly, that the language itself is

unintelligible to the mass of the people. I proceed to discuss these

objections a little more in detail.

II. First, then it is asserted that the use of Arabic and Persian

words in the way they are employed by native officials is mere pedan-

try ; that the words are used in wrong senses and often utterly mis-

applied, that participles are used as nouns, nouns as verbs and so on.

Now this may mean either that munshi Arabic is incorrect according

to the rules of grammar of the times of the Kuran; or that it is wrong

according to the usages of the modern colloquial and- written Arabic.—

I{ the former of these two theories is advanced, I meet it by a simple and

positive denial of its truth. A few examples may be taken as tests.

Ashkhdas. The Arabie shakhs, of which this is the legitimate and

regular plural, means, literally separation, or the distinguishing of one

thing from another; or more strictly, the act or condition of being

separate and distinct. Shakhs is therefore the exact equivalent of the

English word “individual,” a word which is good modern English

enough; and ashkhds, signifying the persons or individuals concerned

in a lawsuit, is therefore a more accurate word than the Hindi log ;

which really means, ‘‘ the world,” or the collected body of human

beings, and is quite out of place in designating a special class or num-

ber of people.

Mudda’i, from da’a, he called.

(Freytag—vocayit, advocavit, provocavit,) is the regularly formed

active participle of the 8th conjugation, and literally and exactly

means a claimant or prosecutor; ‘ Arrogans vel sili vindicans rem

contra aliquem ;” and is therefore a more expressive word than “badi,”

1866.] The Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. 7

which simply means a speaker ; or “ firiyadi’”’ which, besides being a

foreign word, means literally one who cries out, a weeper, lamenter ;

which a plaintiff often is not.

Muddw é ’alayhi, literally “the complained against him,” or “he

who is complained against ;” being the passive participle of mudda’z,

with the preposition and pronominal affix ’alayhi. Pratibadi, “ he who

speaks back again” is far less comprehensive.

Hasbwttafsili lzayli, ‘according to the specification below’ is

good and grammatical Arabic, and im its Persianized form ‘ hasb-c

tafsil zayl”’ gives a neat and convenient official formula for the

roundabout Hindi “jaisé ki nichhe likhd hud hai,” which cannot

be formed into a compound adjective or otherwise manipulated.

’ is the regular verbal noun of the seventh

Inkizd, ‘‘ completion,’

conjugation of the verb kazdya the original meaning of which, as I

have elsewhere shewn, is ‘‘ cutting off, finishing, defining, decreeing,”

the word is used frequently in pure Arabic in the same sense.

Bad inkizd-t mohlat, “after the expiry of the term,” is correct

enough, and almost incapable of being tersely expressed in Hindi

without recourse to some half obsolete word of Sanskrit origin.

Bi muktazé ; according to; in the phrase, “ bt muktazd rat ’addlat,”

* according to the opinion of the court,” the root kazdya in the eighth

conjugation, has the sense of deciding. The expression b¢ muktaza is

used in Arabic authors as the equivalent of “ secundum” ‘‘ad.” I

should be glad if some of our critics would express this phrase in

modern Hindi in terms equally neat, and as generally intelligible.

Inkishaf ; istiswab ; intizdm ; ikbdl ; are further instances of words

which may be found in Arabic and Persian classics in the same sense

as they bear in Hindustani. It is useless to multiply instances, were

I to give half of the words used correctly by our Munshis I should

have to write a volume, not an essay.

To turn next to words which are used by Hindustani writers in a

sense different from their classical usage, also words which are not

found at all in the classics; we find them tolerably numerous, and

they form in fact the chief stumbling-blocks to the purists. The word

“istimz4j”’ for instance is not found in good Arabic or in those Persian

authors who use Arabic words. The root ‘mazaja’ means he mixed,

and the noun ‘‘ miz4j’’ implies ‘ mixture’ and is used for that mixture

8 The Arabic Element in Official Hindustani, [No. 1,

of feelings and passions which constitutes the temperament of a human

bemg; in other words, his ‘disposition.’ Istimzdj is used by our

Hindustani writers to signify, “‘ wishing to know what the sentiments

of a person (mizaj) are on a certain point,” 7. ¢., asking for permission.

In other words, the noun mzzdj is taken as the root from which a sort

of denominative verb in the tenth conjugation is formed istamzdja, and

from this again a regular verbal noun zstvmzdj is formed. Now I ad-

mit that such a process is not found to exist in Arabic with regard to

this verb, but such a process is found with regard to other words ; and

we do not know enough of the state of the various dialects of Arabic

in the thirteenth century to be able to affirm that such a word may

not have been used in some of them; and that it may not have been

brought into India by some of the ‘mixed multitude,’ who accom-

panied the earlier Musalmén invaders. We have no right to suppose

that those writers who, three or four centuries ago, created the Urda

tongue, borrowed their Arabic solely from the classical dialect of the

Kuran. So far was the Kuran from being written in the ordinary

colloquial style, that we know Muhammad himself was in the habit of

pointing to it as one of his greatest miracles, and that the unapproach-

able purity of its diction is to the present day a subject of admiration

to all the faithful. The conversazione of Hariri again, from which so

many of our European scholars draw their ideas of Arabic, is a profess-

edly pedantic work, and it is never pretended that the ordinary Arab

of the period talked in such elaborate strains. We must seek for the

origin of many of our modern Indo-Axabie words in the language of

the lower class of which, to this day, we know next to nothing. That

the language of the towns even in Muhammad’s time had lost much of

its early purity is shewn, snter alia, by the customs of the townsmen

of sending their children into the desert to learn from the mouths of

the Badawin the unadulterated tongue. The prophet himself is said,

in this way, to have spent some years among the tribe of Saad a branch

of the Kuraysh.

Aiter the death of Muhammad the decay of the spoken language

was very rapid. One of the latest and best authorities on this sub-

ject says; ‘ Every language without a written literature tends to decay

more than to development by reason of foreign influences; and the

history of the Arabic exhibits an instance of decay remarkably rapid

1866. ] The Arabie Element in Official Hindustani. 9

and extraordinary in degree. An immediate consequence of the

foreign conquests achieved by the Arabs under Muhammad’s first four

successors, was an extensive corruption of their language: for the

nations that they subdued were naturally obliged to adopt, in a great

measure, the speech of the conquerors, a speech which few persons have

ever acquired in such a degree as to be secure from the commission

of frequent errors in grammar, without learning it from infancy.

These nations, therefore, and the Arabs dwelling among them, con-

curred in forming a simplified dialect, chiefly by neglecting to observe

those inflections and grammatical rules which constitute the greatest

difficulty of the classical Arabic.” (Lane’s Arabic Dictionary. Pre-

face ; p. vii. London, 1863.)

The inference I draw from the above semngrles | is, that we have no

right to compare the Arabic used in modern Hindustani with the

Arabic of classical writers, and to condemn it, if it does not agree with

theirs. Still less have we any right to compare it with the elaborate

Arabic of the grammarians. The Indo-Arabic of the present day is

the legitimate descendant of the Arabic brought into India by the

early conquerors, and we may safely give them credit for having spoken

their own language correctly, even though that language was not. pre-

cisely the same as that spoken by Muhammad and his tribesmen.

When Abu Bakr raised the standard of Islam and sent out the armies

of the faithful to the conquest of Syria, warriors from Yaman and

Hadramaut joined his troops. These must have spoken Himyaritic

dialects, differing widely from the dialects of Mecca and Medina.

Bar-Hebrous, in his Syriac ‘‘ History of the dynasties,” speaks of the

Arabs always as “ Tayoye,” or men of the tribe of Tai, whose dialect

differed considerably, not only in the use of words, but in grammatical

forms, from the literary standard of Arabic.

Moawuja’s army was composed almost entirely of Syrians; and the

Arab troops which conquered Persia were largely composed of the

same semi-foreign element. There is thus ample ground for supposing

that the form of Arabic which the conquering troops of El Islam

brought with them into Persia, and which so powerfully influenced

that language, was not the form which is reproduced in the Kuran

and in the classical works of western and central Arabia. Here again

10 The Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 1

I confine myself to hinting at a probable source of Indo-Arabic; to

follow up these suggestions thoroughly, would require an intimate

knowledge of all the forms of spoken Arabic, and would lead me too

far from the present enquiry. I trust, however, that I have shewn that

our Munshi Arabic should not be hastily judged by comparison with

an almost foreign standard.

Ili. The second assertion, that the court language is unintelligible

to the mass of the people, is partly true, partly false. The real fact is

that the court language, being the highest and most cultivated form

of Hindustani, is intelligible to the people exactly in proportion to

their education. To the highly educated native it is perfectly intelli-

gible ; to the illiterate rustic it is as Coptic or Chinese. Precisely the

same may be said of any language which can boast of a literature.

The literary style always will be, must be, in fact, from its very

nature, above the comprehension of the masses.

Put the Z%mes or the Saturday Review into the hands of a peasant,

and see how much he will understand of it. Never was there a more

absurd and unreasonable demand made of any cultivated tongue, than

that it should exhibit copiousness and expressiveness, and at the same

time not be above the understanding of the boor. The ideas of the

Indian rustic do not soar above the petty wants and homely occupa-

tions of his every-day life, except in a few instances. When they do,

he uses Persian or Arabic words to express them. His own Hindi

does not help him. A considerable number of simple Arabic and

Persian words enters into the vocabulary of the peasant, and they are

as familiar to him as they are to the educated pleader or official.

Some exist side by side with words of Sanskrit origin, and have a

special sub-shade of meaning attached to them. Others stand alone,

having no equivalent in the Hindi.

Oi the first class are such words as wakt, time in general ; and bela

or vela, a special time of the day; tarf and ur or dig ; makdén and

ghar ; rasta and sarak ; darwdza and dwar; kitda and khet ; dbad

karnd and jotna ; zamin and mattc ; ’aurat and randi; sarhad and

siwind ; and many others. Of the latter class, ma’lim, matlab, tabdil ;

ziydda, (jdsti), ziyddati, roshan, badma’dsh, strat, tajviz, zarur,

tamam, nihdyat, mal, mawdshi, (maweshi), tarah, waste, mudfik,

jabr, zabardast, zulm, zalim, gharib, parwarish, (parwastr), jawdb

1866. ] The Arabic Element in Ojicial Hindustani. 11

jangal, maiddn, durust, and a long list besides. Any one of these

words may be heard from the mouth of the most ignorant ryot in the

~most secluded parts of the country, as any one who has travelled

much in India knows. This large class of foreign words has almost,

if not entirely, displaced the corresponding Hindi terms. If any one

doubts this, let him read the following list, and judge for himself which

of the two he is most familiar with in the mouths of the people—these

Hindi words or their foreign equivalents :—

Foreign. Hindi,

ma lum. parkash.

matlab, parojan.

tabdil. pher.

ziyada, adhik (aur.)

roshan, pargat.

badma ash. gunda, lucha.

strat. rip.

tajviz. (no equivalent.)

zarur. uchit (more common in Ben-

gali than in Hindi.)

tamam. sara, sab,

nihayat. bahut.

mal. dhan.

mawiashi, gorda.

tarah. prakar, (Bengali.)

waste. liye. .

muéafik, sa (as an affix.)

jawab. uttar.

jangal. ban (very inadequate.)

maidén. badh.

&e. &e.

A few of these words express adequately the meaning of the corre-

sponding Persian word, but how many of them are known to educated

people? Ido not here speak of the English official, who may be

expected only to know the simple surface words which meet him in

his every day work; but I would ask any educated native how many

Hindi words he uses in his ordinary conversation with men of his own

and other classes,

12 The Arabic Element in Oficial Hindustani. [No. I,

As I am here only outlining a defence of my side of the question,

I will pass on to another argument. Hindi is not one language. It

is ten or fifteen or more different dialects. The following list, taken

from a work which relates the early efforts of the Serampore mission-

aries to introduce the Bible in his own tongue to the home of every

ryot, will shew how great the diversity is.

Dialect. Locality.

Brijbhiis’ha, Agra, Muttra.

Canojia, Cawnpore, Futtehgurh, Eta-

wah, Bareilly, Aligurh.

Koshala, Oadh.

Bhojptri, Benares, Ghazipoor, Arrah.

Hariani, Hariana, Hissar, Rohtak.

Bundelkhandi, Bundelkhund.

Boghela, Boghelkhund, (Central India.)

Hiarroti, Malwah.

Oojjainee, Ujayin.

Oodeypooree, Udayptr.

Marwari,

Jaypuri,

Marwar. | Rajputéna.

Jaypur. |

Bikanivi, Bikanir.

Bhattanirt, Bhattanir. |

Magara, Behar, Patna.

Tirhutiya or Tirhoot, Purneah.

Maithil, Bhaugulpoor, Monghyr.

Now, I would ask those who wish us to abjure Persian and Arabic

and draw from “ the well of Hindi undefiled,’ which of all these dia-

lects is to be considered as undefiled. If to the above dialects we add

Marathi, Guzaratti, Sindhi, Ooch, Punjabi, Dogra, Cashmeree, Par-

buttia, Moonugee, Palpa—all of which are more or less Hindi—the

difficulty of selecting our standard becomes almost insurmountable ;

for in these various forms of Hindi not only do the vocables differ,

but the very declensions and conjugations, the very root and fibre of

the language. Thus for the genitive case affix, we have kd, ke, ki,

Hindi: dd, de, di, didw, Punjabi: cha, che, chi, chya, Marathi: sa, se,

si &c. Sindhi, and so on, The verb hond to be, undergoes a wonderful

variety of inflections. Not to multiply instances, it may suffice to say

1866.] The Arabic Element in Oficial Hindustani. 13

that there is no such thing as a Hindi standard of speech which is at

ence intelligible to all classes, in all parts of Hindustan. For a com-

mon standard you are driven to the Urdu, which has selected and

embalmed the purest and most widely used forms of the old Hindi.

Just as in England, if we threw aside our classical English tongue

with all its foreign importations, we should find ourselves in a chaos of

Hampshire, Somerset, Yorkshire, Lowland Scotch and other jargons ;

so would it be in India. Who that has not lved among the

people understands the following words, common though they are in

the mouth of the Hampshire peasant ? to brize, to dount, fessey, to hov,

kittering, mokin, rumwards, skrow, stabble, tuly, wivvery, wosset, yape,

to yaw. Examples without number might be given by any one who

recollects the peasant-talk of his own county in England. No one in

his senses would recommend our generally adopting any of these

words, good old Celtic and Saxon though they be, and yet we are

asked in India to recommend and assist in a precisely similar process.

The fact is that the languages of modern times have all arisen from a

fusion of cognate dialects, just as most nations have been formed by

coalitions of kindred tribes. By throwing aside that which was pecu-

liar to themselves, and retaining all those words and inflections which

they possessed ‘in common, modern nations obtained a national basis

of speech on which to engraft words borrowed from foreign sources ;

nd thus were built up English, French, Italian, Spanish, Turkish,

and all the leading languages of our times. That the Gangetic tribes,

by a happy coincidence, have been able to follow the same course, and,

by fusing the rough Hindi dialects into one, to add thereto many ex-

pressive foreign words, is a circumstance which, far from being lament-

able or a sign of decay, entitles the language so formed, to rank among

progressive and civilized tongues. If the rudest of the peasantry

cannot understand the cultivated language of their educated compa-

triots, it is not therefore advisable to despoil the language of its legiti-

mate gains, to bring it down to the level of grihasths and gwalas.

Rather let the latter be educated till they do understand. The diffi-

culty which the peasant finds in understanding the Court language has

been immensely overrated, and is only due to his imperfect education.

The true remedy for the difficulty is not to be found in an insane

attempt to impoverish a fine and copious language, but in making it

more widely known to all classes in India.

14 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

A translation of the Chapter on Ordeals, from the Vydvahara Mayukha.

_—By Professor Guorce Bunter, Elphinstone College, Bombay.

[Received 2nd June, 1865.]

The following translation of the Mayukha’s chapter on Ordeals was

originally prepared by a Bombay Shastri at the request of my learned

friend, Mr. Wh. Stokes, and intended to be inserted in the reprint of

Mr. Borradaile’s translation of the Mayukha, which was being published

under his superintendence in Madras. When I looked over the Shas-

tri’s work, I found that it would be of no use, as his translation was

frequently unintelligible, and often decidedly wrong. I therefore retrans-

lated nearly the whole, with the assistance of Mr. Vinayak Laxman,

late Hindu Law Officer of the Bombay High Court. Circumstances

prevented the completion of the translation, before the printing of Mr.

Borradaile’s Mayukha was too far advanced to admit of its insertion. |

These circumstances will explain how it happened that my attention

was directed to a part of the Hindu Law, like the Ordeals, which hasa

purely antiquarian interest, and has become rather trite by the publica-

tion of two papers on it; one by Ali Ibrahim Khan, As. Res. L., p. 389,

the other by Prof. Stenzler, Journ. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. [X., as well as

by the appearance of a translation of the chapter on Ordeals from the

Mitakshara by Mr. W. Macnaghten, (Principles and Prec. of H.

Law, Madras, 1865.)

Here (begin) the ordeals :

They are used to decide matters which are left undecided by human

evidence. They are of two kinds (Ist) such, as decide (a case)

immediately, and (2nd) such, as decide it after the lapse of some time.

Amongst them Brihaspati describes those of the first kind Gn the

following verse) :

“The scales, fire, and water, poison, fifthly consecrated water; rice

grains are declared to be the sixth; hot masha (coins) the seventh ;

the eighth is the ploughshare, according to the (ancient sages) ; the lot

is recorded as the ninth.”

Yajnavalkya declares (II. 95) that the first five (of these nine

ordeals) (are to be used) in (cases involving) heavy accusations only.

1366.] On Ordeals. 15

“The scales, fire, water, poison and consecrated water are the

ordeals (used) here Gn lawsuits) for exculpation, if the plaintiff binds

himself to abide by the award (Gérshakastha means ready,) and to

suffer the punishment, which the defendant would suffer in case of

defeat.

Pitamaha (says) :

“ Let him (the judge) order the scales, etc. for those, against whom

the accusation is urged with great confidence ; rice grains and consecrated

water he should order in doubtful cases.”

Avashtambha (means) confidence.

According to this passage (of Pitaémaha) consecrated water may be

used when the plaintiff is full of confidence, (as well as when he is)

doubtiul.

In the KAlkapurana (we read) :

“In case of an accusation of adultery, of theft, of a connexion

with women (the intercourse with whom is) forbidden, or of a

Mahapataka or of high treason, let an ordeal take place.

“When there is conflicting evidence or (any other) dispute, or if a

blame is attached to the plaintiff, then shall the king order the ordeal

(to take place) after the plaintiff has declared himself ready to suffer

the punishment (of defeat). When there are many witnesses in an

action for adultery, let the defendant undergo the ordeal, in order to clear

himself without any additional punishment.’

Women, the connexion with whom is forbidden (agamydh) are others

than married women ; such as common prostitutes.

‘ Caste’ means ‘ in the case of an accusation.’

‘ Sdhasam’ means ‘a crime perpetrated by violence.’

‘ Girah (head) means ‘ punishment.’

The specification of the accusation by the words ‘for adultery,’ is

unnecessary, because this accusation has been already mentioned. Like-

Wise are the words ‘where there are many witnesses’ (unnecessary).

Therefore an ordeal may take place in every action, even if witnesses

be wanting. The indication of the object of the ordeal by the words

in order to clear himself,” is proper only, Gf the passage be to her)

in this (sense). And it is acommon saying, “ In actions for high trea-

son and accusations of an offence which causes loss of caste (the defen-

16 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

dant) shonld undergo an ordeal, even if the plaintiff be not ready to

undergo the punishment of defeat.”

Narada (says) :

Those who are suspected by kings, those who are accused by Dasyus,

and those who wish to clear themselves, shall undergo an ordeal, without

(any additional) punishment (Gn case of defeat).

The ordeal which decides a case after (the lapse of some) time, is

the oath.

Narada has declared the different kinds of this (the latter) :

“(Let (him swear) by truth, (or) let him touch (whilst swearing)

a vehicle, arms, a cow, grains, or gold, or the feet of the gods, or of his

father or mother; or (let him swear) by his pious gifts, and his good

works ; or let him touch the head of his child, of his wife or of a friend ;

or he may also—in case of any accusation,—drink consecrated water.”

The oaths are declared by Manu (to be resorted to) even on very

trifling occasions.

Though consecrated water decides a case only after the lapse of

some time, it has been enumerated in the first (division), because it

is used in great accusations (also).

Yajnavalkya (says) (II. 96) :

“ According to (their) pleasure either of the two may undergo (the

ordeal), and the other may take (upon himself) the punishment Gn

case of defeat).”

This alternative (lies) only at the pleasure of the plaintiff. If

he does not wish (to undergo the ordeal), (it falls) on the defendant,

Let nobody oblige the plaintiff to undergo the punishment.

“« The ordeal should be imposed upon the accused by those who know

(the rules respecting) the ordeal.”

These are the words of Katyayana in the Divyatattva,

Here (follow) the rules regarding the different kinds of ordeals

appropriate to (different) individuals.

Yajnavalkya says (II. 98):

“The scales (are appropriate) for women, children, old, blind, or lame

persons and Brahmans; fire or water, the seven grains of Yava or

poison, for a Cidra.”

(The scales are for every body) without reference to sex or caste

or age.

1866.] On Ordeals. 17

Béla (is a person) who is younger than 16 years, of whatever caste

he may be. (A person whois) older than 80 years (is called) vriddha

(old).

Here (in this passage it is meant) that the scales only are intended

fora Brahman (when the ordeal takes place) at the time generally

(appointed for the scales), of which (more) will be spoken (below),

But (when the ordeal takes place) at the time (which is fit for the

employment) of fire and the like, those (ordeals) are employed even

(ior a Brahman).”

Therefore Pitémaha (says) :

“ All castes can, according to the rule, be cleared by (taking) conse-

erated water. All the (ordeals) (can be employed in case) of every

one, except poison (in the case) of a Brahman.”

Tn the Kalikapurana (we read) :

A hot gold masha coin should always be given to a man of the

lowest caste.

Narada (says) :

“ Let (the judge) always examine eunuchs, men bereft of strength,

those whose mind is violently agitated, and these three, children,

old and sick people, by means of the scales. But neither poison

nor water, is prescribed for women ; by means-of the scales, consecrated

water, etc. let him enquire into the hidden truth about them. Those

who are in (bodily or mental) pain, shall not clear themselves by the

water (ordeal), nor those who suffer of a disease caused by gall or

poison. The (ordeal by) fire is not ordained for the leprous, the blind,

_ those who suffer of a disease of the nails, and the like. Children and

women should not be immerged (into water) by those who know the In-

stitutes of law, nor (should this be done) to sick, old or weak men. He

should (likewise) not immerge into water those who have no force, and

those who have been enfeebled by sickness. When they are immerged,

they always die; for little life (is left) in them. He shall not im-

merge them even if they have come (to court) on account (of an

accusation) of an offence perpetrated with violence. Nor shall he make

them take (into their hands) hot iron, nor shall he make them clear

themselves by (taking) poison.

Vishnu (says) :

“ (Let him not impose any of the abovementioned ordeals) upon those,

18 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

who suffer of a disease caused by the phlegmatic humor, or who are

(otherwise) sick, or women or asthmatic persons.”

Katyayana (says) : .

‘Let him not give the ordeal by fire to smiths, nor (that by) water to

those who (by their profession) have to work in water (as divers, etc.)

nor by any means poison to those who know the application of charms.

Let him not order a man, who is engaged on fulfilling a religious vow

or who has a disease of the mouth (to undergo the ordeal) of the rice

grains. ,

A man who is engaged on a vrata (vratin) (means) a man who

performs the milk-vow and the like.

Pitamaha (says) :

“ Consecrated water should not be given by wise (men) to those who

drink spirituous liquor, to adulterers, gamblers or atheists.”

Narada (says) :

“ He shall avoid to give consecrated water to a man, who has com-

mitted a great crime, or who does not obey the law, an ungrateful

(person), a eunuch, a despicable (person), an atheist, a man whose crimes

(faults) are (generally) known.

Katyayana (says) :

“ But the king should not order (the abovementioned ordeal) for

people, who ought not to be touched, for those of the lowest castes, for

slaves, barbarians, evil-doers ; nor for those born by pratilomya (whose

mother is of a higher caste than the father).

He should order for them, at the time, the ordeals which are known

(to be fit) for the (season).

Known (to be fit) for them are the scales, poison and the like (each

of which is fit for some proper season.)

Ii the person who has to undergo the ordeal is unable (to do so,)

the same (Katyayana) prescribes a substitute (to be chosen for him,)

in the Divyatattva.

“Tf there is no hindrance (for the person, who has to undergo the

ordeal) as far as regards place or time, then let him undergo it, as

it is proper. He can have it performed by another (person); that

is the rule in the contrary case.” Anyena, by another, harayet, he

may cause it to be taken, (means) he may have it performed by a sub-

stitute. Viparyaye (in the contrary case), (means) if the person who

1866.] On Ordeals. 19

has to undergo the ordeal is unable (to do so), let (then another

person) do what is appropriate.

In the contrary case, 2. e. when there is a certainty that the defend-

ant formerly did commit a great crime, such as the murder of his

father or other (near relations) ; or when at some other time (the de-

fendant) was suspected of some other matter, the same (Katydyana)

declares (that he should perform) the ordeal through a substitute.

“(In the case) of people who have killed their father, mother, a

Brahman, their spiritual teacher, an old man, a woman or a child, of

such as have committed a Mahapataka, and especially of atheists,

those who bear the sign (of another caste than that to which they

belong) of women, of those who are acquainted with the use of charms

and yoga (supernatural power acquired by meditation, etc.), or of those

who are born ina mixed caste, of those who live or cause others to

live in a course of vice ;—in the case of such shameful accusations, a

justice-loving king should by no means order (the accused to undergo) an

ordeal. The ordeal ought to be undergone by good people appointed

by these (the abovementioned sinners). Where there are no good

men, there they should be cleared by their own people (undergoing

the ordeal).’’ Svakaih (by their own people) (means) by relations.

Here (follow) (the rules regarding) the time (when the several

ordeals should take place).

Pitamaha (says) :

“ Caitra (March, April) Margacivas (December, January) and Vaica-

kha (April, May) are months generally (used for a// ordeals), and they

do not present obstacles to ordeals.”

The (ordeal by the) scales is ordained (to be employed) at any

season, (but) one should avoid it, if the wind blows.

The (ordeal by) fire is declared (to be good) in the dewy, cold and

rainy seasons, the (ordeal by) water in autumn and the hot season, that

by poison in winter and dewy season.

Poison (is recommended) to be taken in the cold and dewy seasons,

(but) other seasons also (at times) are included ; beacuse further on (the

passage) varshe caturyavamatra, etc. will be quoted-

Narada (says) :

“ Consecrated water may be given at any season (of the year), (and)

the scales (likewise) may (be employed) at any time.”

20 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

Pitamaha (says further) :

‘““ The ordeal by fire must take place in the morning, and in the morn-

ing the scales (must be employed). The (ordeal by) water ought to be

given in the middle of the day to those who wish (to learn) the real state

of truth. But the clearing by means of consecrated water is ordered

(to take place) during the first half of the day. But in the last quarter

of the night should the poison be given, being cold.

These ordeals should take place on a Sunday, thus say the Cishtas,

G. e. those Brahmans who have studied the Vedas and Vedangas and

thereby have become authorities in law).

Now (ollow the rules on) the place (where the ordeal ought to

take place).

Pitaémaha (says) :

“The scales must always be made to turn towards the east, unmove-

able, in a pure place, near to the flag, in the hall (of justice), or in the

gateway of the king’s (palace), or on a crossing.”

Narada (says) :

“(Let it be placed) in the hall or at the door of the king’s palace,

in a temple or on a crossing.”’

Katyayana (says) :

“Let him order those men who are accused of a Mahapataka,

to undergo the ordeal near the flag, those who (are accused to)

have committed high treason, at the door of the king’s (palace); those

who are born in pratilomya should undergo the ordeal on a crossing,

and wise men know that in other cases (the ordeal should take place) in

the midst of the hall (of justice).”’

Narada (says further) :

“Tf ordeals are not given at the proper time and place, or undergone

by people who claim to be exempted from them, they always cause in

lawsuits a false result ; of that there is no doubt.”

Now (follow) the rules which are common to all ordeals:

Pitémaha (says) :

Then let the judge, who is conversant with the religious law, invoke

the gods according to the following rule ; turning towards the east and

joining his hands, let him speak: ‘‘ Come, come, divine Dharma, ap-

proach this ordeal, together with the Lokapdélas (eight protectors of the

world) and the crowds of Vasus, Adityas and Maruts.” But if he

1866.] On Ordeals. 21

has brought Dharma to the scales, he should assign to the subordinate

gods their several places.

The same (Pitaémaha says further) :

** Having placed Indra in the eastern direction, and the lord of thedead

in the south, Varuna in the west, and Kuvera in the north, he should

divide the (other) Lokapdlas, etc., Agni in the intermediate points

of the horizon. Indra is yellow, Yama dark-blue, Varuna shines

like crystal, Kuvera like gold, Agni also (glitters) like gold, and

Nirriti is dark-blue, Vayu dark-brown, and let Ic&éna be red—thus he

~ shall meditate on them in their order. To the south of Indra a wise

man should place the Vasus. These eight Vasus are declared to be

Dhara, Dhruva and Soma, Apah (the waters), Anila (wind), Anala

(fre), Pratytsha (early morning), Prabhésa. Between the lord of gods

(indra) and Icana is the place of the Adityas. The names of these twelve

Adityas are declared to be Dhatri, Aryaman, Mitra, Varuna, Ica

and Bhaga; Indra, Vivasvat, and Pishan; and as the tenth Parjanya;

then Tvashtri, then last born, though not last (in power), Vishnu. But

the western side of Agni (between this god and Yama), they know to

be the place of the Rudras. The Rudras are recorded to be eleven (name-

ly), Virabhadra, Cambhu and the famous Giriga, Aja Ekapad, Ahi

Budhnya, and the unconquered Pinakin, and Bhuvanddhi¢vara, and

Kapali, Vitampati, Sthanu, and the illustrious Bhava. Between the

lord of the dead (Yama) and the Raxdsa (Nirriti) let him make the

place of the mothers. (They are) Brahmi, Maheevari, Kaumari, and

Vaishnavi, Varahi, Mahendri, and Camunda, accompanied by her Ganas.

They know (tell) that Ganega’s place is to the north of Nirriti (between

him and Varuna).

The place of the Maruts is declared (to be) on the northern side

of Varuna (between him and Vayu).

The seven Marutas are said (to be); Gaganasparcana, Vayu, Anila,

Maruta, Prana, Praneca, Yiva. A wise man should bring Durga to the

north of the scales: and they prescribe adoration to these deities,

(calling each) by his name. Having given to Dharma in the proper

order the (offerings), the first of which is the Arghya and the last of

which consists of ornaments (in flowers, etc.), he afterwards should give

to the subordinate gods the (offerings), beginning with the Arghya and

ending with the (presentation of) ornaments.

22 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

(And) he should offer the adoration which begins with the (obla-

tion of) perfumes and ends with the (oblation of the) food.

By (Brahmans) who have studied the Vedas a burnt-offering should

be presented in each of the four points of the horizon. Let him offer

at these offerings clarified butter, boiled rice Samidhs accompanying

the act with the recital of the Savitri, the Pranava (Omkara), and

the Svaha at the end.”

Havi’s (oblation) (means) Charu, boiled rice. The Hastern Mi-

mimsakas declare in the Divyatattva, that the clarified butter, the

boiled rice and the sacred fuel (Samidhah) are offered conjointly, just

as at the two Samnaya-ishtis, because the deities, (to whom they are

offered), are not opposed to each other.

That is wrong.

For (it is declared) in the Stitra of Acvalayana and the rest: ‘“ He

cuts off two portions of ajya, he places fuel once on the boiled rice, he

cuts off (portions) of the boiled rice twice from the middle and the

fore-part (of the heap), and he sprinkles the rice which he has cut off

(with ghee). Thisis the rule for cutting off.”

Sruva means, (here) fuel, because it has also this meaning.

(Besides) the conjoint oblation (of the various offerings) is im-

possible, because (in each case) a different instrument (for completing

the oblation) is prescribed (by the Stitra) hastasya.

But in the case of the two Samnaya ishtis the conjoint of oblation (of

the ghee, fuel and rice) is proper, because (there) only one instrument,

the juhit, is used.

The same (Pitamaha says) :

“The accused having written the (crime) of which he is accused, on

a scroll (of paper) together with the following Mantra, places that (scroll)

on his forehead.

And the Mantra (is the following),

“Sun and moon, wind and fire, heaven and earth, the waters, (man’s

own) heart, and Yama, day — night, the two twilights and Dharma

know man’s actions.”

Narada (says) :

‘Then the judge (who ought to be) a Brahman, who has studied

the Vedas and the Vedangas, who possesses fame and a good character,

who has extinguished (the passions of) his mind, who has forsaken

1866.] On Ordeals. 23

envy, who keeps his promises, pure, clever, rejoicing in the welfare of all

creatures, who has kept a fast (on the day of the ordeal) in wet clothes,

(who has bathed in his clothes), who has cleaned his teeth with water,

having worshipped all the gods according to the (prescribed) ONG phe

Yajnavalkya (says II. 97),

“(The judge) having called the accused who has bathed in his

garments and fasted from sunrise, shall cause him to undergo the

ordeals in the presence of the king and the Brahmans.”

Pitamaha also (says) :

** Ordeals always (should be ordered) to be performed by the accused

when he has fasted one or three days, who is pure, and dressed in a wet

garment.”

The same (author says) :

“ Surrounded by good men, the king should (order him to) perform

this clearing (through an ordeal) and should (order him to) gladden

the sacrificial priests, house-priests, and spiritual teachers by presents.

A king who orders the ordeal to be performed in this way, after having

enjoyed heart-gladdening pleasures, having obtained great fame, he

becomes fit to be (united with) Brahma.

Now follows the rule on the (ordeal) of the scales.

Pitamaha (says) :

“The king should order (his people) to construct a hall for the

seales, which (is) broad, high, resplendent, where a man will not be

defiled by dogs, Chandalas or crows, possessing an instrument for

(shutting) the doors, protected by watchmen, which contains (jars

with) water and the like, which is well furnished.”

Narada (says) :

“* Let him (the king) order (scales) to be made there, of any Khadira

wood, except Cukla Khadira, which must be free from clefts; Guklavarji-

ta (lit. except white) means except white Khadira wood.

“Ti there is no (Khadira) (it should be) made of Gimgapa, or (if

that be wanting) of Cala, which must be free from holes, or (it may be

mae of) iron-wood (arjuna), or Tinduki, or of Tiniga or red sandalwood.

Mahava gives the following reading (of the passage arjuna-—candana) :

The arjuna, Tilaka, Acoka, Tinica, (or red sandal tree) (should be used).

He should use such like woods for the scales.

Such like (evamvidhani) means (that he may use) also others, as

24 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

Udumbara-wood (Indian fig-tree) and the like; thus (says) Madana.

For this very reason,

Pitamaha (says) :

““ Having cut (any) tree, that is fit to be used at the sacrifice, pre-

ceding the action, as in the case of the sacrificial post, with Mantras

(prayers from the Veda), and having worshipped the guardians of the

world, wise men should make the scales. The Mantra are addressed

to Soma, and to Vanaspati during the cutting, and muttered only.

Preceding the action by a Mantra as in the case of the Ytpa (means

having muttered): ‘ O tree, protect him, ete.”

The two Mantras addressed to Soma and Vanaspati, are both spoken

during the cutting, because on account of the Mantras being muttered

their object isnot visible. (Which Mantras are called) saumyah, ad-

dressed to Soma, that is known. The Mantra addressed to Vanaspati is :

Vanaspate Qatavalcosvaroha, (R. V. III. 8.) The transferring of the

qualities of the Yupa to the scales (by the words) asya yfipavat i. e.

in the case of this as in the case of the Yipa, causes the repetition

of something established (before).

Pitamaha (says) :

“But the scales should be made (in length) four hastas, and the side-

posts as long, the space between (the scales and the posts) should be

one hasta and a half.”

Vyasa (says) :

“ But two hastas of each side-post (of the scales) are to be dug into

the ground.”

Pitamaha (says further) :

“The scale beam is to be made four-cornered, firm, and straight,

and hoops should industriously be placed in three places (middle and

the two ends).”

The same (goes on) :

Having fastened the two basins to the two ends (of the beam), let

him place kuga-gras, the tops of which are directed to the east, also on

the two basins.

Let him weigh those who undergo (the ordeal) on the western scale,

on the other (he shall place) clean clay, bricks or ashes, (but he shall)

avoid stones, potsherds, bones.

Narada (says) :

1866.] On Ordeals. 25

« Having firmly tied the scales (plates) to the two rings (at the

ends) of the scale-beam, let him place in the one scale the man, in the

other a stone. On the northern side scale let him place the man, on

the southern (side) the stone. (Or) let him fill the basin with bricks,

dust or clods of earth.”

The same (Narada) declares the manner of examining (the respective

weights of the man and stone) ;

“(Before the weighing) the examiners (should) always (make) the

seale-beam even by means of two mason’s plummets, and (people who

are) expert (in this business) should (always, when weighing,) pour

water on the scale-beam.”’

“That scale-beam on which the water does not flow, is what one

should know—to be even.”

Pitamaha (also) prescribes the two plummets (to be used) in order

(to produce) evenness :

“ At the two ends should he make two arches( torana), (which should

be) higher than the scale-beam by ten fingers, and a mason’s plummet

(should hang down irom each arch (torana) made of clay, tied (to the

arch) by a string, touching the corner of the scale-beam.”’

Pitamaha (further says) :

“ Having weighed the man first, he should make him descend from

the scale; but he should always adorn the scales with wimples and

banners ; then (a Brahman) who knows the Veda should bring the

gods near to it by this rule, with drums and horns, perfumes, wreaths

and ointments.”’

Narada (says) : ;

“Let him first honour the scales, with red sandalwood powder, per-

fumes and flower-wreaths, curds, cakes, unground (rice) and the like ;

then he should honour the learned (Brahmans).”

Yajiiavalkya (says): (II. 100 and 101):

“ People who are expert in weighing should make the accused ascend

the scale, (and) when they have placed Gn the other scale) a weight

equal to his (weight) and made a line on the scales, he should be

ordered to descend. (Before he ascends the scale for the second time,

the accused) should address the scales with this Mantra:

““* Thou, oh balance, hast been formerly constructed by the gods to

be the abode of truth, therefore, oh good (goddess), speak the truth

26 On Ordeals, [No. 1

(now), and free me from suspicion. If I have done wrong, mother,

make me descend ; if I am pure, let me ascend.’ ”

Narada (says) :

“‘ Having bound (the accused) by oaths, he (the judge) should again

make him ascend the scales in (a place) sheltered from wind and

rain, having tied to his forehead a scroll (on which the accusation

is written).”’

Samayaih parigrihya, having bound him by oaths. These (oaths) are

given (in detail) by Vishnu :

“The hells of the murderer of a Brahman, the worlds where the liars

go to, those are the worlds (destined) for him who practises fraud at

the time of weighing.”’

Narada declares the address (to the scales) at the time of ascending

it for the second time (to be the following) :

‘‘'Thou knowest the bad and good deeds of all creatures ; thou alone,

oh god, knowest, what men do not know ; this accused man is weighed

on thee, therefore deign to protect him who is under suspicion, accord~

ing to truth. By truth thou excellest gods, Asuras and men.

“Thou art truthful, O divine one, in discerning right and wrong.

Sun and moon, wind and fire, heaven and earth, the waters, the

heart and Yama, day and night, and the two (gods of) the twilight

and Dharma know the deeds of men.”

Pitamaha (says) :

“A Brahman of good character, who knows astronomy, should

examine the time (when the accused has ascended the scales for the

second time). Five Palas are the time allowed for the ordeal—that

should be known to (those who are) expert (in the matter). But the

kang should employ as examiners the best of Brahmans who (will)

announce the result as they see it, (who are) wise, pure not covetous.

All the witnesses (after the lapse of five Palas) announce to the king

(whether the accused) is guilty or not guilty.”

Vinadyah (means) Palas; because (it is written) in the Smriti, that

the time (required) in pronouncing ten long syllables is called a breath,

(Prana, and) six (such) breaths are one vinddika (Pala).

Narada (says) :

“Ti the man who is being weighed, rises, he shall doubtlessly be

guiltless ; if (the scales) remain even, or if it sinks, he shall be guilty.”

1866.] On Ordeals. OT

Vriddhth (lit. increase, means) rising. Hani (lit. abandonment

means) sinking.

Pitamaha (says) :

‘Tf (the scales remain) even, (the judge) should know that he is

a little guilty ; but a very guilty man sinks.”

The smallness (of the guilt is implied, if the accused has) committed

a crime once (or) without intention.

But when it is asserted in the (scroll of impeachment) which he

wears on his forehead, that the crime has been (either) committed only

once or without intent, and there is a conflict of evidence regarding

the crime only, then, if the ordeal has been instituted and evenness

(of the scales has been the result), it must be repeated, because in such

(a case) the fault cannot be a small one.

Therefore Brihaspati (says) :

** A man who (remains) level with that (counterweight) should be

weighed again ; a man who rises shall have won (his cause).”’

Katyayana names another reason for repeating (the ordeal) :

“‘ Tf the scale, or the beam, or the string should break, or if there

should be a doubt about the guiltlessness (of the accused), he (the

judge) should examine the man again.”

Vyasa (says) :

_“ Tithe scale, or the beam, or the two hooks, or the string or the

upper beam (which joins the two posts) break, the king should allow

(the accused) to try to clear (himself) a second time.”

But these (opinions of the lawyers) refer (to cases) where the

reason for the breakage is visible. But if no reason for the break is

apparent, he is certainly guilty.

For in another Smriti (we read) :

“Ti the scales, or the beam, or the two hooks, or the string, or the

upper beam, should break, then he shall declare (the accused) guilty.”

Kaza the basins of the scales.

Aza (axle, means) the upper beam (joining the two /eet or side

beams) which holds the scale beam.

The eastern (lawyers say) :

“ Only the weighing is repeated, not the whole ceremony with (all

its) parts (as prayers, etc.)”’

Madana (says) : :

Oe On Ordeals, [No. 1;

“Jn order to avoid defects, the proceedings with all their details

should be repeated, in the same manner (as before).”

Now follows the description of the proceeding.

The person who has to conduct the ordeal goes, on an auspicious day,

to one of the before-mentioned trees and cuts it, whilst reciting the

Mantra: ‘“‘ O plant, protect me.” Then he mutters (the verse), ‘‘ Somo-

dhenum” (R. V. I. 91-20)—Gautama is its Rishi, Soma the deity, the

metre is Trishtubh, and the manner of its recitation is Japa (muttering)

Somodhenum, ete—, and (the verse), “‘ Vanaspate (RV-_ IIT. 8, 11”) its

Rishi is Vicvamitra, the son of Gadhi, its deity Vanaspati, its metre

Trishtubh, the manner of reciting it is Japa, “‘ Vanaspati ¢atavaleah,

etc.”” Then he worships the guardians of the world, Indra and the rest,

each separately, and makes the scale-beam four hastas long, four fingers

thick, four-cornered in the middle, and at both ends four fingers thicker,

and in the middle fitted with a hook or ring which is turned upwards,

and at each end with a grapple or ring which is turned downwards.

Some (lawyers) say, that he then should make an altar, seven or

five hastas long and four fingers high. Then he shall there or in

another clean place dig into the earth, two hastas deep, two four-

cornered posts six hastas long, and surmounted by tops. Above

the earth will remain four hastas (of the posts), besides the top portion ;

the distance between those two posts should be two hastas or one

hasta and a half. Between the two tops he shall place a piece of the

wood which is fitted with a grapple (lit. crab), a rmg,a hook or the

like instrument turned downwards, for fastening the scale-beam to it.

From that (beam) hangs the scale-beam with its upper hook or ring

or the like, and two boards should be tied to the ends (of the beam),

each with three strings. Having dug into the earth a pair of posts,

(the one) to the south (the other) to the north, at a distance of two

hands (from each other), at the eastern end, of the scale-beam, he shall

place a joining-piece over them. This is the arch (torana) and that

should be ten fingers higher than the balance. He shall make an (arch)

of this kind also on the western side. of the scale-beam. In order to know

if the scales are even, he must make two mason’s plummets, of clay,

in the shape of balls, hanging down from the arches, tied to them

by strings, and touching the ends of the scale-beam. He shall spread on

the scales, Kuga-grass blades with their tops turned to the east. Then

1866.] On Ordeals. 29

the Pradvivaka, having fasted one (day), shall make the accused,

who has fasted one (day), or in case of heavy accusation, if he can

do it, three (days), and who has bathed in his garments, ascend the

western scale on a Sunday after sunrise, and having placed in the

eastern scale stones, bricks, clay, or the like, shall make (this weight)

equal (to that of the accused). ‘Truthful Brahmans and goldsmiths

shall make an enquiry into this (af the scale-beam stands even) by

throwing water (on it) and the like. Then (the Pradvivaka), having

made a line (in the scale) in order to know the place, where (the

accused) was sittmg at the time of being weighed (for the first

time), he shall make him to descend.

Then the accused, having named the place and the time (where and

when the ordeal takes place), and having vowed, ‘‘ In order to prove

my innocence, I will undergo this ordeal,” shall elect, by presenting

clothes and the like, besides the Pradvivaka four priests (to perform

the following sacrificial ceremonies).

The great doctors in Smriti lore say, that also the Svastivacana

should be performed. The Pradvivaka, standing with his hands joined,

shall bring Dharma to the scales (pronouncing the following prayer),

accompanied by the sound of musical instruments, “‘ Om, come, come,

divine Dharma, approach this ordeal together with the guardians of the

worlds, the Vasus, Adityas, and, the flocks of the Maruts.’”’ Afterwards

he shall bring the subordinate deities.

He uses for bringing Indra (near), “‘Omindramvigva” (R.V. I. 11-1,)

which verse (was seen by) Madhuchandas, (and has for its deity) Indra,

(and for its metre) Anushtubh. The application (of the verse remains)

everywhere the same. (Having muttered) ‘indramvicva, etc.”

(and having with these words) “‘ Indra come, mayest thou stand here,”’

brought Indra to the eastern (corner of the place), he should meditate

on the yellow colour. (He then speaks the verse) ‘“‘ Yaméya somam,”’

(R. V. X. 14-13) (of which) Yama (Gis the Rishi), Yama (the deity),

and Anushtubh (the metre). (Having muttered the verse) “ Yamaya

somam,” (and having by the prayer) ‘‘ Yama come hither, mayest thou

stand here,’ brought Yama to the southern (corner), he should medi-

tate on the dark-blue colour. (He then recites this verse) ‘‘ Tvamnah,”

(R. V. IV. 1, 4 of which) Vamadeva (is the Rishi), Varuna (the

deity), and Trishtubh (the metre). Having muttered “ Tvamnosgne

30 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

varunasya, ’ (and having with the prayer) ‘‘ Varuna come hither, mayest

thou stand here,’ brought Varuna to the western (corner), he should

meditate on the colour of crystal.

Having brought Kuvera with the prayer from the Yajurveda

“ Rajadhirajaya”’ (and with this prayer) ‘‘ Kuvera come hither, mayest

thou stand here,’”’ to the northern (corner), he should meditate on

the colour of gold. (He then recites the verse) “ Agnim,” (R. V.

VIII. 44, 3) (of which the) Rishi is Medhatithi, (the deity) Agni,

(the metre) Gayatri. Having muttered “Om agnim ditam” (and

having brought Agni (with the words) ‘‘ Agni come hither, mayest

thou stand here,” to the corner sacred to Agni (south-east), he should

meditate on the colour of gold. (He then recites the mantra), “‘ Moshu”’

(R. V. I. 38, 6), (of which the Rishi is) Ghora of the race of Kanva,

(the deity) Nirriti, (the metre) Gayatri. Having brought Nirriti (by

muttering) “‘ moshunah,”’ (and) ‘‘ Nirriti come hither, mayest thou stand

here,” (to the south-western corner), he should meditate on the dark-

blue (colour).

(He then recites this mantra) ‘“ Tavavayo” (R. V. VIIL. 26-21,) of

which the Rishi is) Vyacva, the deity Vayu, (and the metre) Gayatri.

Having brought Vayu (by muttering ‘“‘ Tavavayav,” etc. and, “ Vayu,

come, etc.’ as before (to the north-western corner), he should meditate

on the brown (smoke) colour. =

(He then recites), ‘‘tamicinam,” etc. (R. V. I. 89, 5) (whose Rishi

is) Gautama, (whose deity is) Ic4na, (whose metre is) Jagati. Having

brought Icana by muttering “ tamiciénam,” etc. (and) ‘“ Igana come,”’

etc. as before (to the north-eastern corner), he should meditate on the

red colour.

To the right of Indra he should bring (the eight Vasus (with this

verse): ‘‘ Imayatra vasavah” (R. V. VII. 39, 3), (whose Rishi is)

Vasishtha, the son of Mitra and Varuna, (whose deities are) the

Vasus, (whose metre is) Trishtubh. He should mutter “ imayatra,

etc.” (and the invocation) “‘ Vasavas come hither, stand here.”

The eight Vasus are declared to be; Dhara, Dhruva, Soma, Apah,

Anila, Anala, Pratyfisha, Prabhasa.

He places between Indra and Icéna the twelve Adityas (with this

Mantra); “tyamnu” (R. V. VIII. 561) (whose Rishi is) Sammada

Matsya, (whose deities are) the twelve Adityas, (whose metre is the)

Gayatri. (He should mutter) “ tyam nuxatriya, etc.”

1866.] On Ordeals. 31

Dhatri, Aryaman, Mitra, Varuna, Amga, Bhaga, Indra, Vivasvat,

Pishan, Parjanya as the tenth, next Tvashtri, then Vishnu last not

least, these are declared to be the twelve Adityas, by their names.

He brings to the western side of Agni the eleven Rudras (by this

verse) “‘drudrasah” (R. V. 5. 1.), (whose Rishi is) Gyavacva, (whose

deities are) the eleven Rudras, (whose metre is) Jagati. (He should

do so by muttering) ‘‘arudrasah” (and the prayer,) “ Rudras come

hither.” As the eleven Rudras are recorded Virabhadra, Gambhu

and the glorious Girica, Ahir-budhnya, Aja Ekapad, and the uncon-

quered Pinakin, Bhuvanadhigvana, and Kapalin, the lord of men,

Sthanu, Bhava, and Bhagavat. Between Yama and Nirriti he places

Brahman (masc.) (with this verse) “‘ Brahma yajnaéndm”’ (whose Rishi

is) Vamadeva, Gotama’s son, (whose deity is) Brahman (masc.), (whose

a Trishtubh. (He should do so by muttering) ‘‘ Brahmayajné-

am” (and this invocation, ‘“‘ Brahman come) hither.” (And he

brings tothe same place) the mothers (with this verse) ‘ Gaurirmi-

maya,’ (R. V.I. 164, 41) (whose Rishi is) Dirghatamas, (whose deity

is) Uma, (and whose metre is) Jagati. (He should do so by mutter-

ing) “ gaurirmimaya,” (andthe invocation)’’ O mothers, come hither,

stand here.”

The seven mothers are Brahmi, and Mahecvari, Kaumari, Vaish-

navi, Varahi, Indrani, Camundé. To the north of Nirriti he places

Ganeca (with this mantra), ‘ Gandnamtva” (R. V. II. 23, 1), (whose

Rishi is) Gritsamada, (whose deity-is) Ganidhipati (the lord of hosts),

and the (metre) Jagati. (He should do so by muttering) “ Gana-

namtva” (and the invocation “‘ O Ganapati, come) ‘hither, etc. etc.”

To the north of Varuna (he places) the Maruts (with this mantra),

““Marut yasya”’ (R. V. I. 86, 1), Gvhose Rishi is) Rahugana, (deity)

the Maruts, (metre) Gayatri. (He should do so by muttering) ‘‘ Marut

yasya’”’ (and the invocation, ‘‘ Maruts, come) hither,” ete.

The Maruts are declared to be seven, viz., Gaganasparcana, Vayu,

Anila, Maruta, Prana, Pranega, Jiva.

At the north side of the scales (he places) Durga (with this mantra)

“ jatavedase,”’ (R. V. 1. 99, 1, (whose Rishi is) Kacyapa, (deity) Durga,

(metre) Trishtubh. (He should do so by muttering) “ jatavedase”’

(and the invocation ‘‘ Durga, come) hither,” etc. «

When thus he has placed these deities, he should worship them

32 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

(saying) “I give the Arghya to Dharma, adoration.” Having in this

manner and the like, at every new gift, repeating these words, given to

Dharma the Arghya, water for the feet, water for rinsing the mouth,

the honey-mixture, water for rinsing, a bath, clothes, a Brahmanical

cord, water for rinsing the mouth, and finally ornaments, such as a

crown, bracelets, and having presented the gifts beginning with the

arghya and ending with the ornaments (as above) to Indra and the

rest, (pronouncing) their respective names preceded by the word Om,

and standing in the dative case (Om indraya arghyam prakalpayami-

namah, etc.) according to the fit time for giving the gift, and having

(then) presented to Dharma perfumes, flowers, frankincense, lamps

and eatables, such as curds, cakes, unground rice, he shall also present

perfumes, etc., to Indra and the other gods in the manner before

described. And the perfumes, flowers, etc. must, when Dharma is

worshipped at the ordeal of the scales, be coloured red: to Indra

and the other (gods) they may be offered in the state in which they are

obtained. The judge shall perform the ceremony which ends with

this (act just described).

Then the burnt-offerings are to be offered by four priests, after

common fires have been kindled in the direction of the four points of

the horizon,

Then having pronounced the Gayatri together with the word Om,

(and) again Om followed by the word svaha, they shall offer of each

of (these, viz.) clarified butter, boiled rice and firewood, one hundred _

and eight oblations to Savitri. ‘Then the accused shall write the

matter he is accused of, on a scroll and the prayer “‘ Sun and moon,

wind and fire, heaven and earth, the waters, the heart and Yama,

day and night, and the two twilights and Dharma know the acts of

man.’ Then he (the judge) should correct (the writing) and place

the scroll on the accused’s forehead ; and these ceremonies which begin -

with the placing of the gods and end with placing of the scroll on

(the defendant’s) head, are common to all ordeals.

Then the Pradvivika shall address the scales with this prayer: -

“Thou, O scale, art created by Brahman in order to examine the

evil-minded. Because (thy name contains) the letter dh, thou art

Dharma.* Because through that letter, thou causest constantly to be

known (to men) a bad man, therefore thou art called dhata. Thou

1866.] On Ordeals. 33

knowest the good and evil deeds of all creatures. Thou alone knowest

everything which men know not. This accused wishes to be cleared,

therefore deign to save him, according to justice, from the suspicion

(cast upon him).” Then the accused addresses the scales in the follow-

ing manner) :

“Thou, O scale, art the abode of truth, having been made (so)

formerly by the gods. Therefore, O good one, speak the truth and

free me from suspicion. Ii, O mother, I am a sinner, then make me

descend ; if I am innocent, let me rise upwards.

Then the Pradvivika makes the accused, to whose forehead the

scroll has been tied, reascend the scales in (exactly the same) place,

and sitting Gn the same manner) as (at the first weighing), and remain

there (on the scale) for the space of five Palas. In that time (the

accused’s) innocence or guilt must be examined and announced by

holy Brahmins to the king and to the members of the court. Then

he descends and gladdens the Pradvivaka, the Brahmans and the priests

(who have officiated) by rewards. Then, having dismissed the gods

(with these verses) “‘ Brahmanaspati arise” (Rigveda I. 40, 1) and “‘ go

ye crowds of gods,” etc., he gives everything (the presents offered to

the gods) to the judge.

Now (follow) the rules for (the ordeal by) fire.

Pitémaha (says): .

** T will declare the rules (for the ordeal) by fire, as they are ordained

by the institutes of law. Let him order to be drawn eight circles, and

also in the eastern (direction) a ninth. The first circle is declared to

be sacred to Agni, and the second to Varuna, the thirdto Vayu, the

fourth to Yama, but the fifth to Indra, the sixth to Kuvera, the seventh

_ to Soma, the eighth to Savitri, and the ninth to all the gods: thus

know those, who know the Vedas.”

But Madana has declared: “‘ They know that the eighth is sacred

to all the gods, but that which is the ninth (drawn in the eastern

direction) (should be) great and sacred to the earth; they should be

smeared with cow-dung and sprinkled with water.”

The same declares the size of the circles.

“ (Measured by) thirty-two fingers should be the distance that sepa-

rates circle from circle. The space occupied by the eight circles should

be 256 fingers.” :

34 Cn Ordeals. [No. 1,

Mandalat, ‘‘ from circle” (means) from the beginning of the circle.

The space occupied by a circle and the intervals between it and the

next, should be thirty-two fingers; that is the meaning (of the pas-

sage).

Amongst these the circle occupies (a space of) sixteen fingers, and

the interval between two circles as much, because Yajnavalkya says ;

“it ought to be known, that (each) circle occupies sixteen fingers, and

the interval (between two) as much.”

Ti the foot-print of the person who is to be cleared (by the

ordeal) (occupies) more than sixteen fingers, then the distance be-

tween the two circles should be made less than sixteen fingers. Ifthe

(foot-print) of the person who is to be cleared (by the ordeal)

(occupies) less than sixteen fingers, then another circle, just as broad

as his foot-print, ought to be drawn inside the circle occupying sixteen

fingers.

But if Narada has written (these words), ‘‘thus two hundred, ex-

ceeded by forty (should be the measure), if (one) measures the

space by fingers,” that is to be understood (of the first eight circles),

leaving out the portion of ground between the eighth and ninth circle,

because it is not necessary for the accused to step through that.

Ti the reading of the Kalpataru is; “the ground prepared is thus

said to be (two hundred) and twenty-four (fingers),”’ the number of the

fingers must be added up, leaving out the first circle, where the accused

stands (and takes the fire on his hands),

“ Blades of Kuca-grass ought to be placed in every Sle according

to the injunction of the institutes of law, and the accused should place

his foot on these; that is the rule.”

In the Mitaxara and in the Madanaratna (we read) :

“He should offer in the fire one hundred and eight oblations of

clarified butter, in order to propitiate (it)

And Vijnanegvara (says), that this burnt-offering should be offered

with the prayer, “To Agni, the purifier, Svaha.”

Narada (says) :

‘“A man who is by caste a smith, or expert in working with fire,

or otherwise acquainted with the proceeding, should heat the iron in

the fire—a ball of iron (heated till it pecoey) of the colour of fire,

throwing sparks, well prepared.”

1866.] On Ordeals. 35

Pitaimaha (says) :

“ Having made a ball of iron, without corners, (perfectly) smooth,

equal to eight fingers (in circumference) and to fifty palas (in weight),

he should heat it in the fire.”

In the Kalika Purana (we read) :

“The king should give to the accused an iron (ball), weighing fifty

palas, twelve fingers in circumference, consisting (as it were) of fire only,

(heated by) blowing (with bellows).”’

_ But Cankha and Likhita declare that the ball must weigh sixteen

palas, (in the passage) beginning thus :

“ But having taken, into his joined hands, a fire- coloured ball sixteen

palas in weight, enveloped in seven Agvattha-leaves.’’ And this (ball

weighing sixteen palas) is for a weak man.

The ball should be heated three times, because Narada says: ‘ this

(ball) being heated for the third time.”

There (at this ordeal) after the ball has been heated for the first

time), it is thrown into water ; when it has been heated (for the second

time), it is (again) thrown into water; and whilst it is again being

heated the Pradvivaka should perform (the ceremonies), beginning

with the bringing near of the gods, and ending with the placing of

the scroll on the forehead (of the accused). .

Then (at this stage of the proceedings) Pitamaha mentions a pecu-

liarity in the worship of the fire:

“Then the king should order the fire to be worshipped with red

sandy ointment and perfumes, and also with red flowers,”

Harita (says) :

“ He (the accused) should then place himself, facing the east, with

outstretched fingers, in wet garments, clean, having tied to his forehead

_ the scroll.”

The words “ the accused” must be understood.

Pitdmaha (says) :

“ He shall place himself in the first circle, facing the east, with his

joined hands (stretched towards the) east, being pure.”

Narada (says) :

_ *“Inall wounds or contusions (which he may happen to have) in

his hand, let him make (marks in the shape of) swan’s feet ; and he

should look at them again (after the ordeal) (and he should make)

peers:

36 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

the hands variegated by dots (with a coloured substance).”’

Yajnavalkya (says) :

“ Having marked his hands, by crushing Gin them) some rice, he

should place (Gn them) seven Acvattha-leaves and tie them as often

with a string.”

(The word) tavat, “‘ often,” qualifies the action.

Vijnanecvara means to say therefore “ he should tie it seven times.”

Madana (on the other side) says :

““ Tavatsutram, ‘so much string’ means a collection of strings by so

much, therefore he should tie (the leaves) once with seven strings

taken together.”

Pitémaha (says) :

“ Let him place in his hands seven Pippala-leaves, unground rice,

flowers, curds, and tie them there with a string.”

The verses with which the Prédvivaka addresses, on this occasion,

the fire contained in the ball, will be declared in the Prayoga.

Yajnavalkya (says) :

“< Thou, O Agni, goest into the interior of every creature, O purifier,

O sage, speak the truth in regard to my good and bad deeds, like a

witness.’ He shall place into both the hands of the accused, who has

thus spoken, a fire-coloured, smooth iron ball, fiity palas in weight.”

Pitamaha (says) :

‘Then the king, who is intent upon exercising justice, or a (man)

ordered (to do so), shall place it (the ball) with pincers in his hands,”

Narada (says) :

“ Waving taken it (the ball) into his hands, being ordered (to do so)

by the Pradvivaka, (and) standing in one (of the circles) he shall

walk over seven others, walking straightforward.”

Pitamaha (says) :

‘He (the accused) should not walk quickly but steadily and slowly,

he should not overstep (any) circle, nor should he place his foot into

the intervals, and having reached the eighth circle, he shall throw it

(the ball) down into the ninth, (if he is) a wise man.”

But the ball must be thrown down into the ninth circle, which is

covered by Kuca-grass.

For thus the Kalika Purana (says) :

And he should walk (through) seven” circles, each sixteen fingers —

1866.] On Ordeals. 87

by measure, and (over) as much (distance) in the intervals. Having

walked (this distance), he shall throw (it) down on fresh Kuca-grass

(which is strewn in the ninth circle).”

Pitamaha (says) :

“ Then he should place in his (the accused’s) hands, rice with its

husk, or barley (yava). But if he rubs them to pieces without hesita-

tion and shows no change (then in his hands) at the end of the day, he

shall declare him to be innocent.”’

Katyayana (says) :

“Ti the accused stumbles, or is burnt anywhere else (than in his

hands), the gods do not consider that burn (as a proof of guilt) ; he

shall allow him (to perform the ordeal once) more.”

Yajnavalkya (says) :

“Tf the ball falls from his hands, or a doubt (arises whether it has

been done properly), he should take it (the ball) again.”’

Now (follows) the manner of proceeding.

After the place has been purified in the morning, the nine circles

should be drawn in the evening. Having made the first amongst these

sixteen fingers broad, he divides a space of thirty-two fingers (just)

before (the first circle) in two parts. The second part (of these) he

makes of the size of the (accused’s) foot, the rest becomes the interval.

And haying finished in this manner, beginning from the third and end-

ing with the eighth circle, and having before (the last) left a space

- of sixteen fingers in breadth, he makes a ninth circle of an un-

defined size. And thus the space (occupied) by the eight circles

and (eight) intervals together, is two hundred and fifty-six (fingers).

Hight grains of (yava) barley measured across their thickest part,

or three rice grains in their husks measured from top to end, are

declared to be equal to a finger.

A span (vitasti) contains twelve fingers. A hasta ‘ell’ (or ‘ cubit,’

from elbow to top of fingers) is (equal to} two spans. A Danda, ‘ yard’

is (equal to) four ells. Two thousand yards make one Kroca, and four

Krocas make one Yojana. i

The span and the other (measures) will be used (in passages occur-

ring) below. i

-Then the judge, after having worshipped, in their order, the gods

presiding over the nine cirdles, of which the western is the first, viz.

38 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

Agni, Varuna, Vayu, Yama, Indra, Kuvera, Soma, Savitri, and all the

gods, (and) having kindled a common fire in a place that lies to the south

of the space occupied by the circles, offers one hundred and eight

oblations of butter, (saying): ‘‘ To Agni the purifier, svaha!” (This

is done) in order to propitiate (Agni).

Then having placed into that fire a round, smooth, iron ball, with-

out corners, eight fingers in circumference and weighing fifty palas,

he performs, whilst it is being heated, the ceremonies described in

the rules for the ordeal by the scales, beginning with the bringing near

of Dharma and ending with the burnt-offering ; (and) when it is being

heated for the third time, the Pradvivaka should address Agni, who

dwells in the iron ball, with the following verse :

“Thou, O Agni, art the four Vedas, thou art called at the sacrifices,

thou art the mouth of all gods, thou art the mouth of all speakers of

divine knowledge, thou livestin the bellies of the creatures, therefore thou

knowest (their) guilt and innocence. Because thou purifiest from sin,

therefore thou art called the purifier. To the guilty show (thy power),

O purifier, shine with brilliancy.

“ But be propitious to those who are of innocent mind, O thou who

eatest the oblations.

“Thou, O Agni, walkest in the interior of all creatures as a witness.

Thou, O god, knowest what men do not know. This man, who is

accused, wishes to be cleared, therefore deign to save him from

suspicion, according to truth.”

In order to clean the iron, having thrown the heated iron-ball into

water, it should be again heated and again thrown into the water,

and then again heated,—it is the third heating.

The judge, after having taken up the well-heated, fire-coloured

iron-ball, which has been thus addressed, with a pair of pincers,

and holding it before the person, who undergoes the ordeal, who

has fasted, bathed, is in his wet garment, wears the scroll on his

forehead, and stands in the western circle, he places it into his

hands.

The latter (before taking it) addresses it with the following (verse) :

“ Thou, O fire, dwellest in all creatures, O purifier, speak thou the

truth in regard to my guilt or innocence, O sage !”

The “ preparation of the hands’ consists, in crushing rice in them

_ 1866.] On Ordeals. 39

and joining them, in marking the black and red spots, the wounds and

weals in them and the like with lack-juice and the like, in placing in

them seven equal Acvattha-leaves, or (on failure of them) seven Arka

leaves, or seven Gami-leaves or seven Dirva-leaves, rice grains, 7. e. rice-

grains wetted with whey and flour, and in tying up (the whole) seven

times with seven white threads. Then the person who undergoes the

ordeal, should walk through the circles, beginning with the second and

ending with the eighth, and having thus made seven steps, throw the -

iron-ball, which he holds in his joined hands, into the ninth circle.

Then he should again crush rice (in his hands), and if his hands are

not burnt he is innocent. *

Now follows (the rule for the ordeal by) water.

Pitamaha (says) :

“ Now I willdeclarethe rule (for the ordeal) by water, the eternal law.

A wise (judge) should order to be made a place (purified by the

application of cow-dung), then he should devoutly worship arrows with

lamps and incense, and a bow made of bamboo, with auspicious flowers

and incense, and afterwards perform the ordeal.”

The construction is; ‘he should worship the arrows with lamps

and flowers.”

The worship must take place in the (purified) space.

Narada describes the size of the bow:

“The strong bow ought to be understood to be one hundred and

seven fingers long, (the bow of) middling (strength) one hundred and

six, and the weak bow one hundred and five; this is the rule regard-

ing the bow. But let a wise (judge) shoot three arrows with the

bow of middling (strength), having made a target at the distance of

one hundred and fifty hastas.

Saptacatam (lit. seven hundred) means one hundred and seven fingers

long. Im the same manner must be interpreted the expressions shat-

catam (six and hundred), pancacatam (five and hundred).

Katyayana (says) :

* And he should make the arrows (used) at the ordeal without iron

tops, only consisting of a piece of bamboo; but the bow-man should

shoot strongly.”

Narada (says) :

“But going to a place full of water, he should make an arch, as

40 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

high as the ear of the accused, on even and pure ground. He should

first worship Varuna with perfumes and fragrant garlands, with

honey, milk, clarified butter, etc., being of collected mind. A Bra-

hman, Xatriya or Vaicya, who is neither a friend nor a foe (of the

accused), should be placed in the water where it reaches up to his navel,

(and he must be) a man strong like a post.”

Pitaémaha (says) :

“ First the king should place in the water a man, (strong) like a post,

and then having ordered the person who undergoes (the ordeal) to go

into the water, facing the east, he should then bring near (by invoca-

tion) the gods, and address the water.”’

The gods, i. e. Dharma and the rest (see above ).

That he should perform the (ceremonies), beginning with the bring-

ing near of the gods and ending with the placing of the scroll (on the

accused’s forehead), this and the like (and) the verses addressed (to

the water) must be looked for in the (description) of the manner of

proceeding.

Vyasa (says) :

“<¢ By truth protect, O Varuna,’ having conjured the water (thus),

and taking hold of the thighs of the man who stands up to his navel

in the water, he (the accused) should enter the water.”

Xam weans water; abhigdpya (it. having conjured) means having

addressed.

Brihaspati (says) :

“When he has made the (accused) man enter the water he should

discharge three arrows.” |

Pitémaha (says) :

“ The bow-man should be a Kshatriya or a Brahman, who follows his

(a Kshatriya’s) occupation, (who is) not hard hearted, of subdued pas-

sions, dressed and pure.”

Katydyana (says) :

When (the arrows) have been discharged, the submerging ought to-

take place, and at the same time the starting (to fetch the arrows.)

The meaning of the word samakdlika “ at the same time,” is that

(it is to take place) at the same time as the submersion.

Narada and Pitémaha (say) :

“ A young, swift man should g6 according to his utmost power from

1866.] On Ordeals. 41

the place of shooting to where the middle arrow (lies). Another man

of the same qualities, having received the middle arrow, should quickly

go back to the place, whence the (first) man came. But if the

arrow-bearer, arriving, sees him not, and (he is) in the water, then he

shall declare him to be cleared, otherwise he shall be guilty, though

he may show only one limb, or if he has gone to another place from

that where he entered before. ‘ One limb’ means the ear.

And Katydyana (says) :

“Oi whom he does only see the (top of the) head, and neither the

ears, nor the nose, at his entering in the water, him also he should

declare to be innocent.”

Pit&maha (says) :

“The (place where) the arrow falls is to be used (as the starting

point for the second runner), and not a (place to which the arrow may

have glided).”

_ Narada (says) :

“Those two runners who are the swiftest among fifty, should be

appointed there (at the ordeal) in order to bring the arrow.”

Now (follows) the manner of proceeding.

The place of (the ordeal by) water (is described as follows).

A river, the ocean, a lake, a natural water-course, a pool or a tank

and the like (places) containing quiet water, should be used. One

should avoid a small or unclean (place), and one that is full of grass,

reed, waves, mire, alligators, leeches, fish and the like, one which is

quick-flowing and the like. There, in water which reaches up to the

navel, a pillar for (fulfilling) the law should be made from a tree whose

wood can be used at the sacrifice. Near this, on the western bank an

arch, reaching up to the ear of the accused, should be made,

A bamboo bow of one hundred and six fingers length, and three

arrows made of bamboo, without iron tops, should be placed near this,

A target is to be placed on cleared ground, one hundred and fifty

ells from the arch. Then after having worshipped the bow and the

arrows with white sandal-wood and garlands, having brought Varuna

(by invocation) to the water and worshipped him, and having com-

pleted the above described (ceremony), which begins with conveying

of Dharma to the bank of the water and ends with the burnt-offering,

42 On Ordeals. [ No. 1,

and having tied the scroll with the accusation to the forehead of the

accused, the judge should address the water as follows:

“QO water, thou art the breath of living creatures, thou wast first

produced at the creation, and thou hast been declared to be a means

of purifying things and living beings, therefore show thy (power) in

discerning between guilt and innocence.”

The person who is to be cleared also should address (the water) :

“Through truth protect me, Varuna.” Then the accused should

approach a very strong man, who supports himself by the pillar of

the law, who has his face turned to the east and stands in the water

up to his navel. Then a Kshatriya or a Brahmana, who follows his

(the Kshatriya’s) occupation, should vigorously shoot the three arrows

without iron tops towards the target.

Then, whilst one swift man has taken up the middle arrow, and,

having left the place where it rolled to (on the earth), placed himself

on the spot where it fell, another swift (man) must stand at the foot

of the arch whence the arrow was discharged.

And the swift (one) must be the swiftest amongst fifty runners.

Then, when the judge, who stands at the foot of the arch, has

clapped his hands three times, the accused must submerge himself and

the swift man, who stands near the arch, must begin to run very

quickly. And the submersion has to take place by catching the

thighs of the (man) who supports himself on the pillar of the law.

Then when he (the first runner) has arrived at the place where the

middle arrow fell, the man who stands there and took up the arrow

runs very quickly towards the arch. If he finds the accused sub-

merged, then he is innocent. He is also innocent, if the top of the head

only is visible ; (but) not Gnnocent), if his ear or any other member

is visible, or he has moved from where he had dived to any other

place.

Now follows the rule for (the ordeal by) poison.

In (regard to) this, Narada (says) :

“ A Brahman (the judge) with collected mind, turning his face to-

wards the north or east, having fasted, should give the poison, before

gods and Brahmans, after having worshipped Mahecvara with incense, »

food and Mantras, (to the accused) who stands before the Brahmans

facing the south.”

1866.] On Ordeals. 43

The same declares the quantity of the poison.

“Tn the rainy season the measure is recorded to be four barley

grains, in the hot season five, in the cold season seven, in autumn

even less than that.”

Less (means) three barley grains.

The cold season indicates also the dewy season, because these two

(words Hemanta and Cicira) are always used as a compound.

But the spring is fit (for this ordeal) because it is common to all

ordeals.

Vijnaneevara declares that the measure (of the poison) is also then

seven barley-grains.

The poison should be given (mixed) with thirty times as much

ghee. Because Katydyana says, “ but the poison should be given to

men inthe forenoon in a cool place, mixed with thirty times as

much ghee, well pounded.”

Yajnavalkya (II. 110) has declared the address to the poison: “ O

poison, thou art Brahman’s son, firm in the duty of (making known

the) truth, save me, according to truth, from this accusation ; become

ambrosia to me.”

Narada (says) :

** Sitting down in the shade, he must be watched the rest of the day,

without taking food. Manu says, that if he overcome the force of the

poison, he is innocent.”

In case of excess of the measure of the poison the same ordains

another interval of time:

Tf he remains healthy for 500 Palas (about 500 seconds), then he

is innocent and may take medicine.

And the symptoms of (the working of) the poison (have been de-

scribed) in the Vishatantra.

“ The first attack of the poison causes the erection of the hair (on

the body), (then follow) sweat and dryness of the mouth, after that

arise (frequent) changes of colour, and trembling of the body. Then

the fifth attack causes the immobility of the eyes, loss of speech

and hiccoughing. The sixth, hard breathing and loss of conscious-

ness, and the seventh, the death of the person. There (at this ordeal)

he (the accused) should take the poison, after it has been placed

before Mahadeva, by the judge, who has fasted.”

44 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

Now (follows) the rule for (the ordeal by means of) water taken

from the batli of a god.

Pit&amaha (says) :

“ He (the judge) should make (the accused) drink the water (from

the bath) of that god whom (the accused) worships especially, but if

he worships (all) the gods equally, he should make him drink (the

water from the bath) of Aditya. Thieves and people who live by

the sword, he should order to drink (the water from the bath) of

Durga; but he should not make a Brahman drink the water from the

(bath) of Aditya.”

Brihaspati (says) :

“ The (bathing water of the god) whom the accused worships exclu-

sively, is his (the gods) weapon; having sprinkled the god he

should make the accused drink three handfuls of the water.”

Narada: “‘ Having called the accused and placed him in the circle

(drawn at the beginning of the ceremony) ,facing the sun, he should make

him who has bathed according to the beforementioned rule, is dressed

in his wet garments, and is pure, drink three handfuls of the water.”

Narada :

“ Having worshipped that god (who is especially addressed at the

ordeal), and sprinkled him with water, and told (the accused) the

greatness of the) sin (in case he lies), he should make him drink

three handfuls (of the water).”

There (at this ordeal) the judge, having fasted (from sunrise)

and worshipped the god in the forenoon, and having taken (the god’s)

bath, and performed (the ceremonies) beginning with the bringing

near of the gods and ending with the placing of the scroll on the fore-

head of the accused, should address the water with the Mantra

prescribed at the ‘ordeal by water.’ Likewise should the accused

address the water with the formerly-mentioned (Mantra), and then

drink afterwards.

Brihaspati (says) :

“ Te who does not suffer any misfortune in regard to children, wives

or property within a week or a fortnight, shall doubtlessly be (consi-

dered) innocent.” .

Now (follows) the rule (for the ordeal by) rice grains.

In regard to this Pitémaha (says) :

1866.] On Ordeals. 45

“1 will declare the rules for the (ordeal by) rice grains, as it is

deseribed by its particular characteristics; but the maxim is, that

the ordeal by rice grains should be allowed in case of theft only, not

otherwise.”

He should order grains of Gali, not of any other (kind of rice), to

be made white. Unsullied (by impurities) he should expose them in

an earthen vessel to the sun, and should keep them mixed with water

from the bath (of the god) for one night, and should perform the

ceremonies beginning with the bringing near of the gods according to

the rule during the night.”

Katyayana also (says) :

“* At the eating of rice grains mixed with the water of the god’s bath,

he (the accused) shall be considered clean, if he spits them out clean

(not mixed with blood, etc.) ; he (who does) otherwise Gs) guilty, and

should be punished.”

Pitaémaha (says) :

“ He should declare that man guilty, who is seen to bleed, whose jaw

or palate is torn, or whose body trembles.”

Now (follows) the rule for (the ordeal) by hot m&sha—graing (made

of metal).

Pitamaha (says) :

“JT will declare the rule for (the ordeal by) hot mashas (which is)

good for (the judge) clearing (men). He should have made an iron or

copper vessel of sixteen fingers (in circumference) and four fingers deep,

or an earthen round (vessel). He should have it filled with clarified

butter and oil (to the weight of) twenty palas. Then he should

place into it, (when it is) well-heated, a golden masha—grain.

(The accused) should take out the hot masha, with the thumb and

Cirst) finger. If he does not move the ends of the fingers, or no

blister comes, he whose fingers are not hurt is (considered) innocent

according to the law.”

The same describes another mode (of undergoing this ordeal). Being

pure, he (the judge) should order clarified butter prepared from cow’s

(milk) to be heated in a golden, silver, copper, iron or earthen (vessel),

and he should throw a beautiful golden, silver, copper or iron coin,

which has once been washed with water, into the (liquid). When it

is full of small and great gyrating waves and cannot be touched with

46 On Ordeals. [INopas

the nails, then he should examine it on a wet leaf, whether it makes

loudly the sound Chwru, and then he should address it once with this

Mantra :

“ Thou, O ghee, art the best means of holiness, and ambrosia at the

sacrifice ; O purifier, burn thou the bad man, be cool like snow to the

innocent.”’

Then he should make (the accused), who must come, after having

bathed, in wet clothes, without having eaten or drunk, take that coin

which lies in the ghee. The examiners (Brahmans appointed thereto

as in the ordeal by the scales) should examine his first finger. If there

are no blisters, he is innocent, otherwise guilty.” ;

Now follows the rule for (the ordeal by) the ploughshare.

Brihaspati (says) : ;

“The ploughshare must be made of iron, twelve palas in weight.

Hight fingers be its length and four its breadth. A thief should once

lick strongly that with his tongue, when it is heated to the colour of

fire. If he is not burned, he shall be innocent, otherwise he is guilty.”

Now (follows) the rule for the (ordeal by) lot.

Pitémaha (says) :

“ Now I will declare the examination of murderers, persons who raise

(unjust) claims, and of persons who refuse to perform a penance for a

crime of which they are accused, by means of (lots bearing the

figures of) Dharma and Adharma. He should cause to be made (one

lot) of silver, bearing the figure of Dharma; and one of lead, bearing

the figure of Adharma; or he should draw on (two) pieces of the

inner bark of the birch-tree Dharma and Adharma in white and

black. Having sprinkled (the two lots) with the five products of the

cow, he should worship (them) by presenting sandal-ointment and

flower-wreaths. But to (Dharma) white-flowers (should be presented),

and black flowers to Adharma. Having performed this and smeared

(the images with cowdung), he should place the two (lots) in two

heaps (of cowdung). The two heaps must be made round, of cowdung

or (clean) earth, and must be placed in a new earthen jar, without

being marked. In a clean place, smeared (with cowdung) in the

presence of (the images of) the gods and of Brahmans, he should

then bring near the gods and the guardians of the points of the

horizon, as formerly (described), But before bringing Dharma near,

1866. ] On Ordeals. 47

he should write the Pratijnapatra, (a paper declaring the resolution

of the accused to perform the ordeal and the crime of which he ig

accused.) Then the accused (saying,) “if If I am free from guilt, may

(the lot of Dharma) fall into may hand,” should take one (of the heaps)

without hesitating. i he has taken “the lot of Dharma” he shall

be cleared, but if he has taken the lot of Adharma, he loses his cause.

Thus has been declared in short the examination of by the two (lots

symbolising) innocence and guilt.”

Brihaspati (says) :

“Figures of Dharma and Adharma must be drawn on two leaves

Gm) white and black. Having addressed (Dharma and Adharma) with

the verses which convey life to them and others, and with the

Sama-melodies beginning with the Gayatri, he should worship them

with perfumes and white and black flowers. Having sprinkled them

with the five products of the cow and placed them into two heaps of

earth, and made (the heaps) equal in size without marks, he should

place them ina jar. Then (the accused) should take one heap out of

the jar without hesitation. If he has taken “the lot of Dharma” he

shall be considered free from guilt, and is to be honoured by the

persons conducting the ordeal.

Now (follows) the manner of proceeding.

Having drawn a white figure of Dharma and a black figure of

Adharma on two leaves, and having given life to the image of Dharma

by this (mantra): ‘ Am, hrim, kré6m, ham, yam, ram, lam, vam, cam,

sham, sam, ham; I (am) he (Brahma); may breath come here (to this

image) and remain long and happily, Svaha ;” he (sings) the Simans

beginning with the Gayatri-saman if he knows the Samans.

(Then) he again pronounces this Mantra (Am, etc.) (and, substitut-

ing for the word Dharma’s breath, etc.), ‘“‘ Dharma’s soul is here.”

(Afterwards) he pronounces the same once more, substituting for the

words ‘‘ Dharma’s breath,”’ etc., “ Come hither, Oh mind, Oh eyes, Oh

ear, Oh nose, O breath, (come hither) all ye organs of Dharma, remain

here, Svaha!” Having thus given a soul to the image of Dharma, and

having uttered the Gayatri-siman, if he knows the Sdman-melodies,

if not, the Gayatri-verse preceded by Vyahritis and the syllable Om,

he performs the ceremony of bringing near (the gods) and the rest.

Having honoured the (images of) Dharma and Adharma in their order

48 On Ordeals. [No. 1,

with white and black flowers, and having taken the five products of

the cow, (pronouncing) the syllable Om, and sprinkling (the images)»

he lays each of the images, Dharma together with white flowers and

Adharma together with black flowers, into a heap of earth and places

(these two heaps) in a new jar. The judge then performs the ceremonies

beginning with the bringig near of Dharma and ending with the

burnt-offering, prepares a Pratijnapatra on which also the Mantras

are written, and ties this leaf to the forehead of the accused. The

accused saying, “If I am pure of guilt, may (the image of ) Dharma

come into my hand,” takes one of the two (heaps) in the jar. If he

has taken the image of Dharma, he is to be considered innocent. After-

wards he should give a present (to the Brahmans).

Now (follow) the oaths.

Manu : ‘“ Let the judge make a priest to swear by his veracity ; a sol-

dier by his horse, or elephant, and his weapons; a merchant by his kine,

grains and gold; a mechanic or servile man by (imprecating on his

own head if he speak falsely) all possible crimes.”

Brihaspati (says) : i

“Tn small causes oaths by (the aecused’s) veracity, vehicles, arms,

kine, grain, or gold, by the feet of the gods or Brahmans, by the

(accused’s) sons’ or wives’ heads are prescribed, but in accusations of

crimes attended with violence the other ordeals are declared to be the

means of proving (the accused’s) innocence.”

Yajnavalkya (says) :

“He shall be considered innocent, without doubt, to whom within

a fortnight (after his taking the oath) no dreadful misfortune, caused

either by the king or the gods, happens.”

Dreadiy] (ghora) means great, because a small (misfortune) is

unavoidable for men ; thus (it is written) in the Mitaxara.

Katyayana also (says) :

“ He, to whom within a fortnight no dreadful misfortune from the

king or from gods happens, is to be considered cleared by the oath.”

Vydsana means apat, misfortune. Ghora (dreadful) means exceedingly

painful, because small (misfortunes) are incidental to all creatures

possessing a body.

Again Katyayana (says) :

“ But now, if a misfortune coming from god happens to the accused

1866. ] On Ordeals. - 49

within a fortnight, he (the judge) should anxiously make him pay the

property (disputed) and also a fine,—if (the misfortune) befalls him

alone, and not all the people (at the same time). Sickness, a confla-

gration (of accused’s house, etc.), the death of relations, heavy fever,

eruptions, and deep-seated pains in the bones, disease of the eyes or of

the throat, madness, disease of the head, and the breaking of an arm, are

the diseases which befall men, (coming) from god.” Misfortunes coming

from the gods (are) such as the death of relations. By the (words) .

“di it befalls) him alone,” epidemics, such as cholera (mari), are

excluded. As in this (passage) by the (word), ‘ his” the before-men-

tioned accused is referred to, sickness and the like are a sign of a

false (oath), only (if they befall) the accused, and not (af they happen)

to his sons or other (relations). And such (illness) ought, as before

mentioned, to be grave, not trifling. With reference to this (last

point) Vacaspatimicra (gives us) the meaning (of the passages ) :

“Uncommon sickness (which befalls) the accused is a sign of a false

(oath). Therefore if is also declared that the death, not the sickness,

of relations (is.a sign. of the accused’s perjury).”

Rough Notes on some of the Antiquities in the Gaya District. ~

By W. Purrn, Esq.

[Received 20th November, 1865. }

About 11 miles from Gaya, on the Patna road, there is a small

village and bazar called Newree ; on the right of the road there is a small

temple on a mound with one or two large pepul trees round it. There

are several figures lying about, and there is a slab on the pucka

terrace of the temple, representing a prince on. horseback with attend-

ants, one holding an umbrella or chatta over him ; others are carrying

yarious articles ; one has two vessels.slung on a pole, much in the same

way as pilgrims now carry the Ganges water; another has a pig on his -

shoulders, as far as I can make out ; it would seem to represent some

notable person performing a pilgrimage, (see Photograph, 9 a.*) and may

have been executed to commemorate the pilgrimage of some prince.

The villagers state that this slab has only been in its present place but

a short time, and that it was found in a village about a mile to the

* The photographs alluded to in this paper may be seen in the Asiatic

Society's Library.— lps.

50 Antiquities of the Gayd District. [No. 1,

east, but it most likely came from the Burabur hills, which are only 6

miles from here.

The little temple or “ Muth” is about 100 years old, and is said to

have been built by a Mussalman Zemindar, a singular instance of toler-

ation, if true.

Bela.—A wile further on is the village of Bela; there is a dak bun-

galow here, and it is the point where the main road is left by visitors

going to the Burabur hills.

To the north of the village are extensive mounds of brick rubbish,

several large tanks and the ruins of several temples (judging by the

number of Lingams) dedicated to Mahadeo; they lie to the east of

the large mound, through and over which the main road hes. To the

south of this there is a modern temple dedicated to Kalee, built by the

Tikaree family, in the Adytum of which there are a number of figures,

principally in fragments : there are several of a Buddhist character.

Palee.—Ahout two miles further on at a village called Palee, there

isa large tank, now nearly filled up, to the norsh of which there are

several life-sized figures standing on the road side, but of no interest,

and of the kind so very common in this district.

Nair.—About four miles further on is a village called Nair; to the

east of the village through which the road runs, is the ruin of a tem-

ple, with the pillared portico still standing ; (see Photographs Nos. 10

and 11, Plate I.) The pillars are of granite in one block; the temple

itseli would seem to. have been of brick, but is now only marked by

a mound of brick rubbish: its internal chamber is still standing, and

now contains a lingam.

There are several statues lying about, mostly in a mutilated condi-

tion, but none of them are of much interest. There are several large

tanks in the neighbourhood, both to the east and west of the road,

with several lingams in situ.

Aeturning to Bela and leaving the Patna road there, after going

about six miles to the east, is the isolated peak called Kowa Dhol, but

as this has been so fully described both by Major Kittoe and Col. Cun-

ningham, I need only deseribe the photographs from this and adjacent

localities.

No. 12. View of Kowa Dhol from the east, showing the site of the

ancient village on the right,

XXXV

—

OUPTAL

—

& Codliutte,

rove: School at

tadentk 6.

"1 1/5

y Krust Har

Store br

Drawn on.

1866.] Antiquities of the Gayd District, 51

No. 13. The Gigantic Boodh mentioned in Col. Cunningham’s

report.

No. 14.. A view of the Great Gurha caves, showing the entrances to

the Lomas Rishi to the right and the Ladama cave to the left, and the

huge block of granite, out of which they have been chiselled at the

expense of so much labour: the crack or flaw in the rock which arrest-

ed the work in the Lomas Rishi is also seen to extend to the outside,

No. 15. A new view of the entrance to the Lomas Rishi cave,

showing the frieze of elephants, the drawing of which will bear com-

parison with that of the best artists of the present day.

No. 16 isa view of the Nagarjun hill, with door-way and ascent

to the Gopi cave.

No. 17 is a view of a huge boulder supported by others, forming

a natural cavity or grotto which had been built up into a small cham-

ber or cell; the only part of the work now remaining is the mass of

. brick rubbish on the top, which has been kept in its place by the roots

of the plants growing out of it. It is immediately alongside of the

Vapiya caves, a view of which I did not obtain.

Proceeding on to Durawuth—

No. 18 is a view of the Dandoker Tal from the north-west, showing

the little temple on the bank of the Tal and the hills in the background.

Nos. 19 and 20 are views of the twelve-armed figure mentioned by Col.

Cunningham; I have only met with one other example of this figure.

There are several figures and sculptures of interest in this neigh-

bourhood ; one is a seated figure of Boodh, surrounded by a seven-

headed snake; it is called Nagjee by the natives. I also found

several slabs with quaint representations of the worship of the

solid temples or chaityas, see Photograph No. 21.* These came

originally from the small hill to the south of the tank. These little

hills have been covered by little buildings, the character of which I

have not been able to make out; I counted some 15 or 16 on one little

hill ; they were mostly built on the highest peaks and also crowned

every projecting spur; all that remains of them now are small plat-

forms of rough stones and mounds of brick. What their outward forms

were, cannot now be guessed, nor for what purpose they were built ; but

most probably they were cells for the abode of recluses. I have met

* The base of pedestal of a figure of Buddha, has the creed in Kutila characters.

52 Antiquities in the Gaya Distreet. [ No. 1,

with these little buildings in several localities, and will refer te them

again in noticing those I found in better preservation at Cheon.

Genjun.—-Referring to the map,* you will see that there is a viilage

called Genjun, about 6 miles distant, west of the Patna road, in a direct

line with Durawuth. There are very extensive mounds at this village,

and several large and interesting figures, one of which is represented

in No. 22. It is well executed and, with the exception of the fracture,

in good preservation the figures surrounding the Boodk are represent-

ations of events in the life of Sakya Singha, with the Nirvan at the

top. The figure is called Byro by the Brahmans of the village. The

pedestals of several large figures as well as the lintel of a sculptured

Buddhist doorway have inscriptions, but they are defaced, from the

villagers having used them as whet-stones. I was informed that these

figures were exhumed when the mounds were dug into for the erection

of asmall mud fort which adjoins these mounds: no doubt these

mounds are the sites of large buildings, and their excavation would

bring to light may other interesting figures.

To the north-east also a number of figures have been collected in a

small brick enclosure, but they seem to be of more modern date; a

figure of Gunesh is the principal one.

Kispa. About two miles to the south-west is a village called

Kispa, where there are some very fine life-sized figures; one in

the middle of the village to the east is a fine standing figure of

Boodh, in capital preservation, with an inscription; near it are

slabs and pillars of granite shewing that a temple had existed at

this spot ; the whole village stands on high ground formed of brick

rubbish. To the south of the village are extensive mounds, and to

the north of this there is an old mud fort. On the west side of the

ditch surrounding the fort there is a twelve-armed figure, the same as

the one at Durawuth, and has evidently been found when digging the

fort ditch. Close by these mounds, to the south, is a small temple dedi-

cated to Tara Devi, and a number of figures are collected in and

around it; the temple itself is of the common kind seen in every

village. Tara Devi is a standing figure of a Buddhist character, but it

was so covered by drapery, that I could not make it out. A little to the

north of this temple, and on the opposite side of a ditch cut as a water-

* Preserved in the Asiatic Society's Library. Ups,

Stosent (rovt: School of Art Cndewllo

Drawn on Store by Kristy Hor, Das

STONE FiGU he VAT ecm Nee ie

ith: by H. Niven S.G.0.Caleutta May 1866.

1866.] Antiquities in the Gayd District. 53

course by the villagers, is a very singular figure, and the only one of

the kind I have hitherto met with : see Photograph No. 224 (Plate IT.)

It represents two figures, life-sized, one seated on the shoulders of the

other. From the ornaments and style it is evidently Buddhist, but I

am completely at a loss as to itsmeaning. To the north of the village,

there is another little temple in a mangoe grove, with a number of

figures, more or less mutilated, collected around it. I noticed a nicely

sculptured Lingam of a square form, and the only specimen of the kind

I have met with.

Kutangee—About five miles west of this place is a village called

Kutangee. There is in it a large mud fort of some pretensions, and

numerous mounds of brick rubbish, some figures in fragments, but

none of any interest.

IMnjheawan.—About a koss further north, there is another large mud

fort at the village of Mujheawan, and nearly every village about this

have mounds and small mud forts, but I saw no figures of importance

or interest.

Kyal.—About eight miles west of Mujheawan, there are large tanks

and mounds, but no other features of importance.

Deokund.—South of Kyal on the borders of an extensive tract of

land covered with shrub jungle is a place called Deokoond, which seems

to have possessed a Buddhist temple or monastery. There is a fair held

here in the month of Fagoon, when great numbers of people assemble

to bathe in the tank or koond. On a former visit, I observed a num-

ber of broken Buddhist figures and miniature stupas collected under

the trees : these have since been covered with a coating of mud. The

temple itself is in the centre of a mass of brick rubbish, through which

aroad has been cut to give access to the interior chamber which is

now occupied by a Lingam. A rude sort of dome has been erected

immediately over the central chamber. See Photograph No. 23.

No. 24 is the gateway of a fortified serai in the old village of

Daoodnuggur, so named from Daood Khan the founder, who died

some 200 years ago.

Konch—On the road between Daoodnuggur and Gayé, about 16

miles from the latter, is the village of Konch ; [have already noticed the

temple at this place, but the following notes may not be unacceptable.

The present village consists of two parts, the bazar on both sides of

54 Antiquities in the Gayd District. [No. 1,

the road, and the village proper, which is about 100 yards to the north

of the road. Between the two villages there are several extensive

mounds of brick rubbish, and a number of scattered Buddhist figures.

On the right there is an old mud fort, and it would seem that in digging

the mud for its erection, the larger figures were found; the principal

one is life-size, highly finished, but wanting the head; see No. 25. This

is placed upright ona level with the path. Higher up on the mound to

the west are the Buddhist figures with inscriptions shown in Photograph

No. 26. To the south are two figures (see Photograph No. 27) of the

form I have already referred to, as being the most general all over this

district, and which are named according to the fancy of the Purohit, who,

provided with a few of these figures only differing in the execution, has

the range of the whole of the Hindoo Pantheon, and names them at his

own discretion, or according to the wishes or wants of the community.

Passing through the village proper, you come to the temple men-

tioned by Buchanan, and of which a drawing is given in the first volume

of Martin’s India. Photograph No. 28 (Plate XII) is a view of the

front of the building from the east with the opening above the entrance,

leading into the upper chamber. Photograph No. 29 is a view from the

southwest. The accompanying ground plan (Plate IIT) will* give

the reader some idea of its structure, and the section will show the

superstructure with the arched lower chamber, and the interior recess

over the entrance which resembles that in the Boodh Gaya temple.

Nothing but mud has been used to cement the bricks, but the latter have

been so well prepared that they fit together most accurately. There

would seem to have been a coating of plaster on the outside, but this

has nearly entirely disappeared. A porch had been added with an

arched roof, but it has fallen in, the only arch in the original building

is that of the lower chamber which is painted.

In the centre of the lower chamber there is now a lingam, and in

the porch there are a number of figures. Photograph No. 30 is a slab

let into the wall with a representation of the avatars. Photograph No.

31 are other figures in the same enclosure. Photograph No. 32 is a

nearer view of the entrance and opening above the doorway.

Immediately outside, there are a number of granite pillars, and from

their number and situation, they seem to have formed an enclosure

round the temple, J

Journal As: Soc: XXXV, p.I

TEMPLE OF

Drawn on stone

KONCH FROM A,PHOTOGRAPH BY J.H. PEPPE ESQ RE

at the Govt: School of Art Calcutta hy Kristohurry Dass. Student.

LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, SURVEYOR GENERALS OFFICE CALCUTTA MARCH 1866.

Plate. XVII.

F TEMPER AT oe

TION

PLAN OF TEMPLE AT KOCH

Lith by H. Niven $.G.0.Calontia May 18GE

ai Feet

1866.] Antiquities in the Gaya District. 55

In a corner of the village near the temple, there are a great number

of lingams collected, of all sizes, many with 3 and 4 sculptured faces,

To the east of the temple there is asmall tank; on the banks there are

several sumadhs or tombs, of the form which is so common at Boodh

Gaya.

Palee.—F our miles nearer Gay4 is another village called Palee, which

seems to have had several temples ; one at least was Buddhist, and of

the same form as the one at Nair and at Poonawa. Judging by the few

pillars still standing (see Photograph No. 33, ) a great number of pillars

have been removed. When I last visited the place, quarrying for

bricks was being actively carried on. Several large lingams had been

dug out of the mass of rubbish, and also a bull of the usual form, so

that the temple, which was most likely originally Buddhist, had subse-

quently been converted into a Hindoo one. A few paces to the west

close to the road there is a large lmgam in situ, with a peepul tree

growing in the interstices : see Photograph No. 34. Close by is the lintel

of a Buddhist temple door, and the side posts are a little distance apart

under a peepul tree : see Photograph No. 35. For some distance round

there are traces of temples, but those described seem to bave heen the

only ones of any size.

Almost directly south from Konch is a large village called Kabur,

and adjoining it is a rather large fort marked Mudun in the maps, but

T could find no local name for it. From the extensive mounds in every

direction, and the appearance and size of the fort, it is of much earlier

date than the generality of the mud forts so common in this district,

Tt is attributed to the Kole Rajahs by the natives, and this is the case

with everything which is earlier than the advent of the Mussulmans.

I was disappointed in not finding any figures or inscriptions in the

neighbourhood. There are one or two pillars of black chlorite which

must have belonged to some old Hindoo Temple, but the natives in-

formed me they had been collected for the building of a mosque by

some former inhabitant of the village. There is a granite stone, itself

originally a part of a pillar, inserted in a large well, but which has

_ proved to be the dedication of the well by some obscure individual : see

Photograph No. 36.

About 6 miles to the south-west is a large village and bazar called

Chirkawan ; it is the principal place in the Pergunnah of that name. It

56 Antiquities in the Gayd District. [No. 1,

is built on the site of an ancient village, and there is an old mud fort

adjoming. <A large tank to the south-east of the village has a stone

pillar in the centre, but with no inscription; it is one block of granite

rudely sculptured, and is now only about 10 feet above ground. Another

pillar of the same kind occurs at a village called Belar, with extensive

mounds about 5 or 6 miles to the south. Two miles to the south,

there is a cluster of small detached hills at the foot; almost easterly

there is a village called Cheon (pronounced Cheo). To the east of this

village, on a small eminence, there is a ruined temple still partly

standing: see Photographs Nos. 37 and 38: the first shows the appearance

of the temple from the south, and the second gives a nearer view of

the doorway. The temple is built of squared granite blocks, with little

cement or iron bands, and is evidently of the same age as those at

Oomga. There isa lingam in the interior, but no other figures, and

there are only a few figures about. I failed in finding any inscriptions.

Some little distance to the north, near the hill, there are several

large figures all more or less mutilated, and a great number of squared

granite blocks, from which it would seem that another temple existed

here; and the base of the hill on the west, north and east, is covered

with brick rubbish in mounds of more or less distinct shapes. The hill

runs down into a low spur on the west side, and every available spur

and ridge had been covered with buildings. Some of the mounds to the

south are both large and high, so that there is little doubt that this.

must have been the site of a considerable settlement in former days;

and that it was a Buddhist community, may be inferred from the pre-

valence of figures of a Buddhist character.

To the west is another little hill called Puchar, which is also cover-

ed with the remains of little buildings; and on the south side,

half way up, there is a small cave temple with the doorway and passage

still standing: see Photographs Nos. 39 and 40. The doorway is

supported on pillars with the usual bracket capitals, and the roof of the

passage is made with slabs of the same granite. The cave is only some

ten by twelve feet, of an irregular form, as it is a natural cavity between

the huge boulders, with some addition in the shape of a few bricks to

close up the interstices ; one of these communicates with other cayities

in the hill, as a strong current of air was found to be passing into the

interior, so much so that a light was extinguished, but as the opening

1866.] Antiquities in the Gayd District. 57

was so narrow, there could have been no cave beyond, else it would

have been widened. The roof is a boulder supported oy others at each

side.

There are several fragments of images, but only two are perfect ; one

is a seated figure of Boodh about 3 feet high, but it is partly imbedded

in the accumulation of rubbish on the floor; it has the same canopy

of a seyen-headed snake which I observed at Durawut, where it is

called Nagjee; here it is called Langa-beer! The other figure is a

female, one which, Babu Rajendralala Mitra says, represents Mayadevi,

Mother of Boodh.

Outside, there is asmall platform, in front of the entrance, of undress-

ed stones, and a series of rude steps leads up from the foot of the hill.

I may mention that there is a story current amongst the natives here,

that a party of strangers arrived at this place, ostensibly as a marriage

procession, that they encamped at the foot of the hill, and that in the

night time they dug up a quantity of treasure which had been buried

at the foot of a large detached boulder: the hole which they had dug

was pointed out. They say that they were Coles or people from the

South, and it was explained that these people were formerly in pos-

session of this part of the country, and this was how they came to

know that there was treasure buried here.

About a mile to the north there is another little hill which was

originally crowned with a temple, judging by the number of squared

granite blocks which lay strewn about, and by the stones made use of

in erecting a Durga over the tomb of some Mussulman Saint.

To the south of Cheon, at the distance of a mile, there is another

cluster of hills ; the nearest village is called Deokillee; the easternmost

pinnacle of the hill is crowned by a mass of brick rubbish. In the centre

of this mound, facing the east, the internal chamber is intact, but the

entrance was nearly blocked up. By dint of squeezing, however, a

native managed to get inside, but there was no figure; the little

chamber was only some 10 by 12 feet long, but the rubbish filled

it to within two feet of the roof, so that it is possible there may

be some figures buried in the rubbish. To the north on the same space

of the hill is a small cavity amongst the boulders which had been

built up and thus formed a small chamber, and in front there is a

natural basin in the rock which had been added to, and thus formed a

58 Antiquities in the Gayd District. [No. 1,

small tank or reservoir. Lower down on the north side there are two

more of these cavities; in both cases the doorway is formed of granite

pillars with bracket capitals,—the entrances are blocked up with

rubbish. There are several others on this side of the hill, and on the

connecting spur between this hill and the next, there is a small temple

or altar, with a roof of granite slabs supported by 6 granite pillars

with bracket capitals; there seems to have been a superstructure of

brick, but very little of this now remains; there are no figures or in-

scriptions from which the age may be deduced, but it is probable that

they were Buddhist, for the style is exactly the same as at Cheon in

which Buddist figures are found, and it is most likely that all

these hills, and also those at Durawut, were the abode of numerous

Buddhist ascetics, and Fa-Hian states that the hills at Raggae contain-

ed several hundred grottos inhabitated by devotees.

Some distance to the south-west there is another cluster of hills, and

near a village called Chain there are several very large mounds cover-

ing several acres, and great numbers of granite blocks are lying about

in every direction, but there are no figures or inscriptions, and it is

quite impossible to guess at the age or description of the buildings

which must have existed here. At the mouth of a small valley, partly

where it runs into the plain, a dam had been erected for the water.

About four miles west from this is a large village, called War. There

are extensive mounds to the south of the village, and there is a mud

fort with a pucka citadel in rather good preservation; the wall is of

brick, loop-holed all round ; a range of rooms runs round the enclosure;

and underneath there is another range of rooms evidently mtended as

store rooms and as a refuge for the families of the garrison during an

attaclk.

About five miles to the south-east is a small village called Mudun-

pur, on the Grand Trunk Road, and near it, about a mile anda half

to the west, on a spur of the hill is Oomga temple, which has already

been described by Major Kittoe in the 16th Vol. of the Asiatic Society’s

Journal. Photograph No. 41 (Plate IV.) will give some idea of its:

appearance from the south, and of the rock on which it is built; the

temple faces the east. See Photograph No. 42, which shows its front.:

Higher up and on the same hill is another temple, but now in ruins:

see Photograph No, 48, Scattered all over this hill and the adjoining

Journal As: Soc: XXXV.

Calenite .

Scheel oF

Fovi

wri Dias Staden

Leta 1,

"ANT OF Stare

CREO: Pele is

QOOMGA

Niven $.G. 0, Calewtla May 1866

Lith: by H

1866.] Antiquities in the Gaya District. 59

one, are a great number of little temples and altars, all of them built

of dressed granite, and a great profusion of figures, principally of

Gunesh and lingams, of every conceivable shape and size. here is:an

entire absence of Buddhist figures, which shows that these erections

are ofa more recent date. From the translation of the long inscription

given by Major Kittoe, it would appear that the temple was erected

A. D. 1439. The Bamboos, which he bewails as having all died off,

have sprung up again, and are as vigorous as ever.

Deo is distant about 10 miles from this. To the south-west the

temple has a very strong resemblance to the Oomga one: see Photo-

graph No. 44. It is of much the same size, and in capital preservation.

The village of Poonawa, visited by Col. Cunningham, is about 14

miles from Gaya to the eastward, on the Nowaderle road. Photograp,

No. 45 is a view of the pillared temple from the north-east. There isa

strong resemblance between this temple and the one at Nair. The

door is a very finely sculptured one (see Photograph No. 46), and is

almost a facsimile of the one at Palee: see Photograph No. 35.

At Koorkihar there are a great number of figures; the principal one

is a Boodh with representations of events in the life of Sakya Singha

round the margin (see Photograph No. 47), but it is much inferior to

the same figure at Genjun, (see No. 22.) No. 48 is a group of figures

outside the little temple to the north of the village. |

The remaining photographs are from Rotasghur in Shahabad. No,

49 is a distant view of the palace from the east side of the ravine.

No. 50 is the elephant gate or principal entrance to the palace from the

court-yard.

No. 52 is a view of the Mausoleum over the tomb of the chamberlain

of one of the former Governors.

No. 51 is a view of the interior of the Palace.

Gayd, 9th November, 1865.

60 Interary Intelligence.

Laterary Intelligence.

Mr. E. B. Cowell has sent to press the Yoga Aphorisms of Patan-

jali, with the commentary generally ascribed to Vyasa. The work,

we understand, is to appear under the auspices of the Sanskrit Text

Society. ;

Major Henry Dixon, H. M.’s 22nd Reg. M. N. L., has just published

a large quarto volume containing Photographs of 113 Canarese and

10 Sanskrit inscriptions. They are from the districts of Chittledroog,

Davenghiri, Hurrihur, Ballagamee, Taldagundee, Sooroob, Annant-

pur, Shemogah, Taicul, and Beygoor-in the Mysore Territory, and

contain records which will prove of great interest to the historian of

the Indian peninsula. The Canarese inscriptions are taken mostly

from Sati stones of the Saiva period, and a number of them have the

figures of Siva and his attendants carved on the top. The Sanserit

ones are title deeds of grants of land made by the former princes of -

Mysore, Canara and the Carnatic. We hope some enterprising

scholar in Madras will, by translating these records, render them

accessible to European scholars, and Major Dixon will meet with

sufficient encouragement from the Government of Madras and the

public to rescue from the ravages of time other documents of the kind

of which there are a great number in Mysore.

The following is an extract from a letter from Dr. R. Rost of

London.

“ T mean to take an early opportunity of drawing attention to some

rare Sanscrit MSS. in our possession, which are in Grantham characters,

and have never been looked into. Amongst them are the Rik,

White Yajur, Sama and Atharva Vedas; Kumarila, Miménsdtantra-

vartika, the Sinkhya Saptati with commentary (2.copies), the Maytkha-

maliké on the Sastradipiké, Mananam (Vedanta), and Bharata’s

Natya S’astra. Of the last mentioned work, there are several copies

in the Brown collection at Madras; but all of them being, like our

copy, in Dravidian characters, they are sealed books to the intending

editor, Mr. Hall. We have altogether nearly 200 Sanscrit MSS. in

the Grantham character. J wish Mr. C. P. Brown had deposited his

large collection of Sanscrit MSS. (above 2800) in London; in Madras

no one cares for them.”

JOURNAL

PPeATiC SOCIETY.

—o—

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, Ge.

ee ee

No. IJ.—1866.

ene

Description of Ancient Remains of Buddhist Monasteries and Temples,

and of other buildings, recently discovered in Benares and its vici-

nity —By the Rev. M. A. Suurnine, L. L. B., and Cuarres Horne,

Esq., C. 8.

[Received 20th November, 1865. |

In a former paper on the Buddhist Remains found at Bakarya

Kund, Benares, which we had the pleasure of communicating to the

Asiatic Society last year, it was shown how that at this spot extensive

traces still exist of ancient edifices, for the most part of the Gupta

period, consisting of remains of several Buddhist temples and of one

vihar or monastery. It is our purpose in the present paper, to give

the results of further investigations into the antiquities of this city.

Fully satisfied, as we believe most persons are, that Benares is a

city of extreme antiquity, we have endeavoured to ascertain to what

portions this epithet will apply. And by the term ‘ old’ we mean not

a few hundred years merely, although a city six or seven hundred

years old is generally regarded as an ancient city. But we must re-

member that Benares lays claim to an antiquity of several thousands

of years, and undoubtedly it is referred to in various ancient Hindu

and Buddhist writings. Consequently, we are not satisfied with dis-

covering in it edifices erected half a dozen centuries ago, any more

than we should feel satisfied with discovering edifices of a similar date

in Jerusalem, or Damascus, or Rome. The terms ‘ ancient’ and ‘ old’

62 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

as used in this paper, will therefore not be applied to buildings erected

500 or even 800 years ago, but to those of a previous period.

That wonderful mass of lofty houses separated by narrow lanes and

packed together in such wild disorder, appearmg in fact like one

immense structure of gigantic proportions, which extends along the

banks of the Ganges for more than two miles, and has a circumference

of at least six, although built for the most part of solid stone, and

presenting largely the aspect of hoary age, has no right to the epithet

of ‘ancient.’ Some of the buildings of which it is composed, have been

standing fully five hundred years, yet there are very few indeed which

have not been erected since the commencement of the Mohammedan

period in India. But speaking generally, this, together with a part

of the northern boundary of Benares, is the oldest portion of the

present city, while that large extent of buildings lying south and

west beyond it, and occupying four or five times its area, is chiefly

of recent date.

The question which we have attempted to investigate, is, what

is there in Benares more ancient than, say, the epocli of Mahniid

ot Gazui, who invaded India in the year of our Lord 1001? Are

there any remains of the preceding Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist

periods? And is there any remnant whatever of the first Hindu

period before the rise of Buddhism in the sixth century B. C., or

even before it became paramount in the reign of Asoka, B. C. 250 ?

When, after diligent search and careful scrutiny, we endeavoured to

find proofs of the existence of Benares during these earlier periods,

we soon ascertained that they were scanty, and with a few exceptions

unimposing. The debris of ancient Benares may be traced in the

multitude of carved stones, portions of capitals, shafts, bases, friezes,

architraves, and so forth—-inserted into modern buildings in the nor-

thern and north-western quarters of the city. These fragments exhibit

a great diversity of style, from the severely simple to the exceedinely

ornate, and are in themselves a sufficient proof of the former exist-

ence of buildings, of styles of architecture corresponding to themselves,

yet differing in many important respects from. the styles of modern

Hindu and Mohammedan structures, and coinciding with those of

ancient temples and monasteries of the Gupta and pre-Gupta periods,

the ruins of which are still existing in various parts of India. Were

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 63

these the only remains found in Benares, they could not fail to

awaken much curious interest in the mind of the antiquarian ; and he

would naturally carry on-a process of induction in regard to them,

and would say to himself, ‘here are the stones, but where are the

buildings? What was their form? What their age?’ And with the

help of the ruins of other places, he would be able to answer most of

these questions satisfactorily, and would, to a large extent, describe

the buildings, to which the stones at one time belonged, and would

determine the epoch of their erection. Our belief is, that the most

ancient ruin yet discovered in India, exhibits nothing older than some

of these Benares stones, now embedded in modern walls and parapets,

and scattered about in divers holes and corners of the city.

The fact that such old fragments are found in Benares, united with

the cirenmstance that such an exceedingly small number of structural

remains of any pretensions to high antiquity are traceable in it, goes

far to prove that the city has been not once, but several times, de-

stroyed, until, except in rare instances, and these chiefly consisting

of foundations and basement mouldings, not one stone of the ancient

city has been left upon another, and the foundations of its temples

and its palaces have been torn up, so that their places are no larger

known. Moreover, there is no manner of doubt, that the site of

Benares has considerably shifted, and that at one time it came quite

up to the banks of the river Burna, which flows into the Ganges on

its northern boundary, and from which it is now distant nearly half

a mile, and stretched beyond the opposite bank, until perhaps it

coalesced with the ancient city which, ii we may believe the Ceylon

historians, encompassed Sarnath in the age when Sakya Muni arrived

there to “‘ turn the wheel of the Law,” or previous to it. If this be

true, the Hindu pilgrim who performs his wearisome journey of

perhaps many hundreds of miles, with the object of reaching holy

Kashi, and dying in the city of his fathers, is labouring under a prodi-

gious delusion, for the city which he visits, has been chiefly erected

under Mohammedan rule, and on a spot for the most part different

from that which his fathers trod; and the fanes in which he worships,

are not the spacious temples which his ancestors built, but either the

pinched and contracted cage-like structures, which Mohammedan em-

perors just permitted their idol-loving subjects to erect, or modern

jmitations of the same,

64 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

We shall now proceed to describe such ruins and remains of ancient

edifices, whether Hindu or Buddhist, which we have discovered in

Benares or in its immediate suburbs.

Buddhist Vihdr—WNo. T.

The remains of this vihaér are in the interior of the fort at Raj

Ghaut, in the outskirts of the city on its northern boundary. There

is a small tongue of high land, about fifty feet above the plain below,

extending to the junction of the Ganges and the Burna, which, in the

mutiny, was strongly fortified, and has been styled ever since, the

Raj Ghaut Fort. There is a tradition amongst the natives, that this

spot was selected, ages ago, for a similar object by the famous Rajah

Bandar. It is probable that formerly the whole of this elevated tract

was inhabited, and that the Rajah governing the city had his chief

residence there. It is the natural key not only of modern Benares,

but also of the country for several miles around; and a well-equipped

foree in possession of it would, with difficulty, be approached and

dispossessed. The Government has lately abandoned this grand

strategical position on the ground of its alleged unhealthiness.

A short distance to the right of the main road leading into the

Fort, may be seen the remains of the vihar, which I will now describe,

and which, next to the Buddhist temple at Bakarya Kund, are the

most, complete, and certainly are the most beautiful, of any ancient

remains yet discovered in Benares. They consist of two cloisters in

a continuous line, each being sustained by a quadruple colonnade, but |

differing both in height and in length. The smaller cloister is 66

feet long, and the larger 84 feet, and therefore the entire facade is

exactly 150 in length, whilst the breadth of both is uniform, and is

25 feet. There are 8 columns in each row in the one room, or 32 in

all; and in the other, there are 10 in each row, or 40 in all; so that

the number of stone pillars standing in the entire building is 72.

Those in the smaller cloister are barely 9 feet high, and are all square

and of a uniform pattern, a slight difference only being traceable in

the capitals, which are of the old cruciform shape. There is not

much ornamentation on these pillars, but the chess-board and serrated

patterns are abundantly carved upon the architraves. The pillars in

the larger cloister, including the capital and base, are 10 feet in

PLATE VIE

Say)

~ JOURNAL AS: SOC: XXXV. PT

BUDDHIST VIHAR —RAd GHAUT FORT.

\ : wy = UL

Cpe ss eebrpags

SJ SI

SST ST STS]

y Ordinary type/ 7.2kawe

Peat af Scroll on pillars Certres of Scrolls

Nes 5 a ees 1 Bateniw Kurd. Ray pha’.

|. SA ANI | :

Kom et et

== Lower chotster basercere

| hay- ghar Mouldavy Peay g heat

a Basencent sroudldireg

= 2 2 28 se 4

oe me ie mh ie eae eee he

42 @S SB oe bee ee eB

o - St eS oe +9 SB ei

YU 10'by |

Fortier of 4 |

Pitar,rnot to Scale’

8 Scrolls crt the shift Section

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 65

height, but the architraves above the capitals are of the same height

as those in the smaller cloister, namely one foot. These pillars differ

greatly both in shape and ornamentation from those just described.

Some of them are covered with profuse carving cut deeply into the

stone, which in many instances is so sharp and well-defined as to give

the appearance of having been recently executed. The lotus plant—

pod, leaf, blossom and stem—forms a conspicuous object in many of

the designs, all of which are striking, but some are exquisitely chaste

and elegant. The chakwa or Brahmani duck is represented in various

attitudes on the noble scroll-work extending along the square

sides of several shafts from the base to the capital. These scroll bas-

reliefs equal the carvings on the Sanchi pillars in richness, whilst the

designs are much more free in their conception. There were formerly

human figures, probably of a grotesque form, carved upon some of

the pillars, as traces of them are still distinctly discernible, but these

were defaced and almost obliterated by the Mohammedans, on taking

possession of the edifice and appropriating it to their own uses. The

pillars are regularly arranged with regard to the Singhasan, and the

finest pillars are in the centre of the cloister, in the direction of its

depth ; and above them, near the inner wall, the stone ceiling in two

divisions of the roof is singularly carved, and, strange to say, is of

the kind described by Fergusson as Jain architecture. One of them

is Alhambric in character, while the other is covered with lotus

blossoms carved in relief.

There is not the smallest doubt that these cloisters have been much

altered from their original condition, and that principally by the

Mahommedans who transformed them into a mosque, in which service

they were employed even as late as the mutiny in 1857, and were

regarded with peculiar sanctity by this people. On closely examining

the columns, architraves and cielings, it is plain that not only has

there been a good deal of shifting of places, but new pillars carved

in recent times have been added to the old, and some of the old have

been cut up for repairs, and their separated portions have been

scattered amongst several pillars and joined on to them. The inner

massive stone wall running along the entire length of the building,

is evidently unconnected with the original structure, as also is the

present stone floor which is a foot and upwards higher than the old,

66 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

A trench having been dug on the east side, it was discovered that

the bases of many of the columns were embedded deep below the

modern stone pavement, while in the front of the smaller cloister, at a

depth of about a foot, the outer moulding of the ancient floor could

be traced continuously from one end to the other. Notwithstanding

all these extensive alterations which the building has undergone

from time to time at the hands of different masters, we cannot but

think that many of the columns are standing on their proper sites,

and that the edifice, although greatly changed, is still in its main

features a Buddhist structure. The cloisters were transformed into

their present condition as a mosque some 80 years ago, and the

modern pavement was then put down.

There is reason to believe that a third cloister, corresponding to the

smaller, formerly existed at the southern extremity of the larger

cloister ; and this supposition is greatly strengthened by the circum-

stance of a Singhdsan or throne of Buddha, already referred to, being

still standing by the wall in the centre of the latter, but altered

from its original form, having been used by Mohammedan Mullahs as

a rostrum or pulpit. The vihér, when complete, was in all likelihood

a square, each side being at least the length of these three cloisters,

and the chief Buddha was exactly opposite the centre of the square.

What other buildings were formerly here, in addition to those now

visible, can of course only be conjectured. It is probable that on

three sides were cloisters, and on the fourth, namely that to the east,

was a row of temples, the largest containing the principal figure of

Buddha. That other buildings were once here, is certain from the

various sculptured stones found near by. We observed seven pillars,

sixteen isolated capitals, and four large carved stones used for archi-

traves, some of which support a recently erected structure attached

to the smaller cloister. ,

The venerable ruins described above, present a very remarkable

appearance. In the year of the mutiny, barracks for European troops

haying been erected in their neighbourhood, they were converted into a

vast cook-room or kitchen. Fires were lit inside on the stone floor

from one extremity to the other, and consequently the roof, walls,

and columns, were charred by the heat and blackened by the soot,

so that now the interior of this grand edifice is most dismal and

PLATE .XV.

SOG: XXKV. Ps.

JOURNAL AS:

CHAITYA

BUDDHIST

FORT.

FO RAJ-GHAUT

NW. G

BLO C#

ALT VA CEILING-

2 fee iolinen.

Scale

ts 9 a hw ma —

PILLAR.

Z feet to

Linch.

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 67

forbidding. Mr. Horne spent a few rupees in cleaning the building,

and in removing, as an experiment, the encrusted soot from some of

the carvings. Fortunately the Mohammedans or the British Govern-

ment authorities, we know not which, in their care for these beautiful

works of art, have embedded them in mortar from base to capital,

so that many of them might be restored. The removal of the en-

crustations, however, will have to be accomplished with the greatest

care, or else the surface stone, rendered friable by the heat to which

it has been subjected, will come away with the superimposed mortar,

thereby destroying the delicate edge of the carvings. We trust the

Government will not grudge a few hundred rupees for the thorough

cleaning of this fine specimen of Buddhist architecture. The inner

stone wall and the modern pavement should also be removed.

Besides these remains, there were, until quite recently, hundreds of

stones lying about in the fort, bearing traces of great antiquity. In

the mutiny, many of these were collected, and were made use of for

the foundations of temporary barracks which were then erected.

These stones may have once belonged to the vihar just described,

when it existed in its integrity, but may also have been portions of

other contemporaneous buildings situated in its vicinity.

During the mutiny, Mr. Tresham, by Government order, blew up

some ancient buildings standing near the vihar, and there are yet

the foundations of one, which defied all attempts at its destruction.

Mr. Horne also remembers a chaitya which was removed to afford

space for barracks.

Buddhist Chaitya No. I.

A few hundred yards due north from the old gateway leading into

the Raj Ghaut Fort is a mound of circumscribed extent, now used

as a Mohammedan burial-ground, on the summit of which are the

remains of an old Buddhist chaitya or temple. They consist simply

of four pillars, richly carved with scroll-work, sustaining an ancient

roof, At the corners of the shafts is the ordinary ornamentation

resembling a chain of lotus seed-pods. The capitals are cruciform

and the bases are square with embellished faces. The ceiling is very

beautifully sculptured, and is composed of slabs over-lapping one

another, with the centre stone crowning the whole, according to the

68 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2;

primitive mode of Indian roof-building. This latter stone exhibits

the out-spread petals of a lotus blossom, while eight out of the twelve

triangular spaces formed by the intersection of the slabs, are freely

carved with the scroll-pattern. A few sculptured stones lie about the

mound; amongst them is an erect figure of Buddha with garland

and armlet, much mutilated. There are also three stone beams or

architraves bearing the chess-board and spear-head patterns. In the

small terrace likewise on which the chaitya stands, are inserted four

carved stones, taken doubtless from some ancient building formerly in

the neighbourbood. The occurrence of three or four plain cloister

pillars of the usual form, adapted by the Mussulmans as head-stones

for graves, together with the carved architraves already alluded to,

wouldjseem to indicate that a small cloister for monastic purposes

must originally have stood upon this mound, which was then terraced,

the stones of which have been by degrees removed both for building

Mohammedan graves, and also for repairs in the Fort. «+

Small Mosque in the Budaon Mahala.

Tn the Budaon Mahalla near the Raj Ghaut Fort, a short distance

south of the high road, there is a small mosque in an enclosure, made

up to a great extent of ancient remains. The building seems to have

been curtailed from its original dimensions, leaving a ruined portiom

still standing gn its southern side. The entire structure contains

seventeen stone pillars, eight of which exhibit ornamental carvings

and probably belonged to a Buddhist chaitya. There are also eight

capitals inserted in the walls without shafts and bases, and in addition

there are fragments of other capitals in various places. None of these

old remains are in situ. They were brought, most probably, from

some temple in the neighbourhood, perhaps indeed from the mound

occupied by the ruins of the Buddhist Chaitya No. L, which is not

far off.

Ancient Mound or Ridge running from the Burna, near its confluence,

into the Adampura Mahalla,

This very remarkable ridge extends for a long distance, and com-

mences at the river Burna when at its flood. In the dry season

therefore there is a stretch of low land lying between its extremity

JOURNAL AS: SOC: XXXY. PI PLATEVIZ

TE. Black 8 Co Lithrs Calculta

Ttegraphed ty W Grant Esgre

VIEW OF BUDDHIST VIHAR—RAJ GHAUT FORT.

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 69

in that direction and the bed of the stream itself. The ridge is

manifestly an artificial work, and was originally intended either as a

wall to the ancient city, or as a rampart thrown up against it and the

neighbouring fort of Raj Ghant. The latter supposition was that

held by Mr. James Prinsep, who imagined that it was cast up by

the Mohammedans in their attack upon Benares, and was specially

directed against the fort. This supposition may be true, although

it is difficult to perceive how it could have been of much service

either in an attack on the fort or on the city, especially in a period

when artillery was not in use. Had it reached as far as the river

Ganges, we could understand how, by severing the fort from the city,

it might have been a source of damage to both, but the south-western

extremity is not near the Ganges by a third of a mile or perhaps

more. We are inclined to think, however, that this extremity was

once connected with that river, but at a time far more ancient than

the Mohammedan conquest of India. On the whole, it appears not

anlikely that this long embankment was the old boundary of the city

in the early periods of its history, which was possibly employed for

offensive purposes by the Mohammedans on the extension of the city

to the south and south-west, and the consequent abandonment of

this means oi defence by the inhabitants. The embankment may

have been originally carried on to the Ganges in a straight line with

its present direction; or, making a short circuit, may have entered

it by Tilia Nala, on the banks of which are the remains of a Buddhist

temple, which will be hereafter described. In this cage, a portion of

it must have been thrown down and swept away to make room for

the growth of the city, and there is good ground for supposing that

the city extended in a narrow band on the banks of the Ganges,

about as far as the Man-mandil observatory, even before the Christian

era. Should this idea be correct, it would follow that the most

ancient site of the city of Benares was situated within the limits of

this wall, stretching across from the Burna to the Ganges, cutting off

a tongue of land as far as the confluence of the two rivers, and

including the high land of the Raj Ghaut Fort, which was, in all

probability, once well populated. The city must have been then of

small extent, as compared with its existing dimensions, unless, as we

70 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

believe, and as it is almost indisputably certain, it crossed over to the

right bank of the Burna.

That both sides of the river Burna were in former days better

inhabited than at present, is somewhat corroborated by an examin-

aticn of the ground on both sides. Brick debris is scattered about

among the fields on the right bank of this stream, and old coins and

broken stone images are occasionally found by the people, or are

dug up by the plough; while on the other, or Benares side, not only

are old remains found in the fort, but also below it on the lowland

already referred to, blocks of stone, some of which are carved and

exhibit ancient mason marks engraved upon them, are still to be seen-

Moreover, it is stated in the Ceylon Annals that formerly the city

surrounding Sarnath, (about three miles from the right bank of the

Burna,) coalesced with or was a part of Benares, which, if true, must

have been at a period of remote antiquity. Indeed, the allusion in

these records is to an epoch long anterior to that of the historical

Buddha or Sakya Muni, and therefore prior to the sixth century

before Christ. This account must of course be received with much

caution, and not as absolutely authentic history. At the same time,

it is manifest that there was a tradition amongst the Buddhists of

India, conveyed thence by their missionaries to Ceylon, that in

remote ages the city of Benares extended to Sarnath.

In visiting this ridge or embankment, it will be observed that the

high road leading to Raj Ghaut cuts right through it, the earth of

the cutting being used to raise the road above the level of the country.

It is well to remark too that where the road passes under the fort

to the ghaut, the soil has been cut away to make room for it, so that

formerly we may suppose that instead of a steep and almost preci-

pitous wall which the elevated land to the east of the road now

exhibits, the mound of the fort in this direction diminished in a

gradual slope, terminating perhaps not far from Tilia Nala.

The ridge is in one part formed of three terraces, the uppermost

being perhaps thirty feet above the land, upon which elevated spot

is the tomb of Mira Sahib. In the mutiny a large portion of the

mound opposite the Fort was cut away for strategical reasons, although

what is left is sufficient to prove of great service to an enemy

attacking the fort.

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 71

On the south side of the ridge, in sight of Mira Sahib’s tomb, is

an Imambara, a modern edifice, built altogether of new materials ;

and a few paces distant from it are two small structures, one in front

oi the other, which, although of recent erection, are partly composed

of old materials. Each building possesses four ancient pillars of the

Buddhist type, and lying about in various places are four pillars more,

- five kulsees, two architraves, and seven bases, one of the latter being

richly carved. All these are the spoils of some ancient temple or

monastery.

Remains of Buddhist Chaitya, No. IT., and Buddhist Monastery,

No. I1., at Tila Nala and Magdum Sahab.

We have chosen to unite these remains, and to speak of them under

one head, because, although separated and standing in different

Mahallas, yet they are near enough together to give rise to the sup-

position, that they may have been at one time connected. There is

no question in our minds that at least one monastery stood in this

neighbourhood, which is very rich in old carved fragments of stone

scattered about amongst the walls and foundations of dwelling-houses

and in divers other-places. Perhaps it may be questioned whether

the ruins at Tilia Nala, now forming part of a deserted mosque, were

originally a portion of a monastery or a portion of a temple, but our

own opinion is in favour of the latter ; yet even though this conjecture

were true, it would still be probable that the temple was within the

precincts of a large monastery and was considered to be a portion of it.

-The remains at Tilia Nalé are immediately above the Nala on the

high ground of its left bank, a very short distance only from the

point where it runs into the Ganges, and close to the main street

under which the stream flows, The ruins not only overhang the

brook, but there is no doubt that at one time they must have extend-

ed nearly, if not entirely, across its present bed. They consist of

seventeen massive square columns in three rows, namely four double

columns in the front row, four single ones in the second, and five in

the third or innermost row. Between the third and fourth pillars of

the last row is the Singhasan of Buddha, an immense slab of stone,

nine feet three inches in length and five and a half in breadth, retreat-

ing beyond the boundary wall behind, into which all the pillars of

72 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

this row are inserted. There can be no dispute that the Singhasan

was in the centre of the building, that is to say, that as there are

three pillars to the right of it, there were as many to the left, in

each of the three rows, the front row being of double pillars through-

out. Re-constructing the edifice as it originally stood, therefore,

there were one row of six double pillars, and two rows of six single

pillars, or twenty-four pillars in all. Each capital is ornamented with

the bell pendant, of which the Buddhists were so passionately fond,

and which was after them much used by the Brahmins. ‘The double

columns are surmounted by one huge capital, five feet and a half in

breadth, each of which possesses a long arm for the eaves stone. Over

the two inner rows are two domes, one of which is above the

Singhasan, and is more ornamented than the other. There must have

been originally a third dome to the left of the central dome, corre-

sponding to that on the right. Outside the building there is a fine

basement moulding which doubtless belonged to the primitive struc-

ture. Estimating the building as it once stood, it was fully fifty-four

feet in length and about twenty-four in breadth. The Mussulmans

may have altered it considerably in transforming it into a mosque,

but we apprehend that not a little of the old temple still remains.

Some of the large stones have fallen into the Nala or upon its banks, and

others have not unlikely been made use of in the repairs of the

bridge, and of its adjoining stone wall, so that we believe it would

not be a difficult task to find nearly all the missing pillars and capitals.

The Maqdum Sahib is a square enclosure in the Gulzar Mahalla

near to Tilia Nél4é, used by the Mohammedans as a cemetery. On

its northern and western sides are cloistered pillars, partially in situ,

with portions of ancient stone eaves overhanging their capitals,

presenting on their upper surface imitations of wood-carving. There

are twenty-five pillars on the western side, and twenty-eight, or, if all

could be seen, probably thirty-two, on the northern side. Several of

the pillars are carved ; while some of the capitals are ornamented, and

some are double. There may be seen also handsomely carved stone

brackets for the support of the eaves above alluded to. The eastern

wall bounding the enclosure is evidently composed, to some extent,

of cut stones of an ancient date. The entire court is one hundred feet

long from east to west, and sixty feet broad from north to south.

“sven NSS SOEy COCK, eo PLATE VI

ROUGH PLAN

TILIA NALA VIHAR CHAITYA

Scale 12 feet =1 inch.

BAT SIO tice ae hops Ae >

STAHDING

Enetoseng-well 31? thick with 9 inches of each pillar bic tte tt

Quiside measurements. 54-.35°.0. by 24. Belweenw shafts of colurns Bf?

Double colurmms— capitals with/ long arn for eaves store 8. 6" in one/

Preece; Suge of all shafis 15 inches SGUMTE

PORTION OF GAPITAL

SCROLL GN CAPITAL. LONG ARM @F DGURLE CAPITAL.

Total 9"

SECTION OF BASEMENT MOULDING.

CO ENG oii tn oe an eS

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 73

Sire or Buppuist Vinar—No. III.

Ldt Bhairo.

At the junction of the old Ghazeepore road with the Raj Ghaut

road, to the north of the latter, and about a short mile from the fort,

is a large square tank, on the left bank of which, as on a terrace,

stands the /d or pillar, which gives the name to the spot. It is pro-

bably not more than three or four feet high inside, and is covered

with copper sheeting. We endeavoured to prevail on the faqir resid-

ing here to permit us to lift up the copper cap, by removing the plaister

which connects it with the flooring below, in order to gain a view of

the stone pillar which it now conceals; but so great is the reputed

sanctity of this object, that our united efforts were entirely fruitless,

and had we persisted in them, a disturbance might have been occasion-

ed. The original stone column, of which the concealed pillar is

doubtless a small fragment, was about forty feet high, and, it is re-

ported, was covered with ancient carvings, which were most probably

inscriptions. This was thrown down by the Mahommedans during a

terrible conflict with the Hindu population in the early part of the

present century, when Mr. Bird was magistrate of the city. The

natives say, that the pillar was thrown into the Ganges, but as that

stream is half a mile off or more, this must have been done piecemeal.

Tn all likelihood it was destroyed by fire, the action of which on

sandstone soon causes it to crumble to pieces. As there is strong

reason for believing that this was one of Asoka’s pillars, it would be

exceedingly interesting to inspect the remaining fragment, which we

may fairly suppose to belong to the original column, and in that case

to possess a portion of an inscription sufficient to verify its connexion

with Asoka, or with the Guptas, or with the monarchs of any other

era by whom the column was erected.

It is important in our present investigations to know that the

pillar once stood in the midst of a temple, that is, in its courtyard,

which temple was destroyed by Aurungzebe, and on its site a mosque

was erected, the courtyard of which enclosed the pillar. On examin-

ing the terrace where the Lat stands, it is exceedingly manifest that

the upper portion has been thrown up in modern times, and that the

ancient level of the ground was some six or eight feet lower than

74 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

what it now is, and indeed was even with the soil of the Mahomme-

dan cemetery close by, in the midst of which are a few Buddhist

remains in the shape of pillars and architraves made up into a

Mahommedan sepulchre. What this so-called temple was, admits of

very little question, inasmuch as the boundary walls of the terrace.

and of the neighbouring cemetery and garden exhibit a considerable

variety of isolated carved remains, sufficient to afford abundant attes-

tation to the supposition that formerly a large Buddhist structure,

most probably a monastery with a temple connected with it, stood on

this site, covering the whole extent of the ground elevated above the

tank on its northern side. Some of the carvings are in excellent pre-

servation, and are worthy of being removed to the archeological

collection in the Government college grounds in Benares. There are

several pillars embedded in the brickwork, and algo a stone seven feet

in length and one and a half in depth, which is deserving of special

remark, as on its face are projected four magnificent bosses, each ten

inches in diameter, with a projection of two inches from the surface

of the stone. These bosses must have formed part of the decoration

over the main entrance to the monastery.

Below the upper terrace on which the Lat stands, is, as already

observed, a Mohammedan cemetery with a Rauza or tomb in the

middle. This building rests upon sixteen pillars, each being eight

feet two inches in height, and the architraves between their capitals

being one foot two inches in thickness. In addition, there are five

pillars in the verandah to the south. Some of the pillars are orna-

mented with scroll-work and the lotus plant, while their four corners

are deeply cut with representations of the lotus seed-pod. One pillar

has eight sides in its lowest division and sixteen in its upper, and has

also a band of four grinning faces connected together, and under them

a row of beaded garlands. ‘The pillar is crowned with a round stone

projecting two inches, on the face of which is a curious assemblage

of thirty-two grotesque faces all round the edge of the stone, with

beaded garlands and tassels depending, issuing from their mouths.

It should be mentioned, that if our conjecture, that the upper ter-

race has been only recently thrown up, be correct, then on the suppo-

sition that the fragmentary pillar on its summit is part of the original

pillar which in ancient times stood here, it would follow that the

JOURNAL AS: SOU: XXXV. PI. PLATE

BUDDHIST VIHAR-RAJ GHAUT FORT.

CEILING:

ESaes esas

¢ CGI 2

71 BRN] essa BE

Scale/ 28 to Linck

SECTION OF CEILING.

Aa rihanna cin acliaiea aia

Scale) 26 le Vinch) =

SECTION OF ROQF SLAB.

shewtrg sihe or ramertaliow.

1866.] : Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 75

length of the existing fragment is equal to the depth of the terrace

above the foundations of the neighbouring cemetery, in addition to

its present elevation above the terrace, and to the extent of insertion

of its lower extremity in the primitive but now subjacent soil. In

this case, it would be not less than from fourteen to sixteen feet in

length.

Buppuist Cuarrya—No. III.

Battis Khambha.

About a third of a mile to the east of the Bakarya Kund Remains,

is a beautiful little structure called by the natives Battis Khambha or

thirty-two pillars. It is a very picturesque object as seen from the

Raj Ghat road, from which it is some four hundred yards distant. It

consists of a dome sustained by twenty-four square pillars, standing

in pairs at intervals all round. Formerly each corner had four pillars,

thus increasing the present number by eight, and then, of course, the

entire number was thirty-two; but two from each corner have been

removed, leaving the spaces occupied by them empty. All the upper

part of the building is Mohammedan, while all the lower part is

indisputably Buddhist in its style of architecture. On the western

side is an abutment for the Singhasan of Buddha, similar to that

which exists in the Chaitya at Bakarya Kund, and indeed, so far as

our knowledge extends, in all bond fide Buddhist temples. The

pillars stand upon a platform raised above the ground, and in the

interior of the building is a Mohammedan tomb.

It is remarkable that there should be so many ancient remains lying

almost in a straight line from Bakarya Kund to the Raj Ghat fort,

yet most of the remains hitherto referred to, lie in this line. We

have no doubt that formerly a large number of Buddhist buildings

existed between these two extremes, and that the foundations of some

of them might be discovered, if a keen search were instituted, in addi-

tion to the more prominent remains already brought to notice. It

seems evident therefore that there was a road here during the Bud-

dhist period, not far removed from the track of the present one.

This road was at right angles to another proceeding from Bakarya

Kund in the direction of Sarnath, which still exists. Search might

be made along this road for the foundations of ancient buildings and

76 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

for Buddhist relics, as there can be no doubt that constant commu-

nication was kept up by the monks of Sarnath with Bakarya Kund,

in both which places there were vast monastic edifices and numerous

temples.

Near this Chaitya and between it and Bakarya Kund is a small

building standing by the road side, in which are several pillars of the

most ancient type inserted into the containing walls. They have been

very probably brought from Bakarya Kund. The building has an

unpretending appearance, and is kept whitewashed by the Moham-

medans, its proprietors.

Buppuist Vinar—No. IV.

Arhai Kangura Mosque.

It is not our purpose thoroughly to describe this handsome struc-

ture, which is one of the finest mosques in the whole city, and is

situated in the Mahalla bearing its own name. Its magnificent and

lofty dome, as well as various parts of the mosque itself, unquestion-

ably exhibit a Mohammedan style of architecture, but we have no

hesitation in saying that by far the greater portion of the building,

and certainly five-sixths of its materials, belong to an epoch far more

distant than the Mahommedan invasion. The numerous square

columns with their cruciform capitals, and also the screens between

some of them in the upper story, are of Buddhist workmanship; but

we are inclined to think that both Buddhists and Hindus have made

use of the same materials in different eras, and that in fact the mosque

is a mixture of three styles, namely Buddhist, Hindu, and Moham-

medan. The first edifice was, we believe, a monastery, with (most

probably) one or more temples attached ; but it is hard to say whether

any portion of the original building exists in situ, and we have not

sufficiently examined it to be able to pronounce a decided opinion on

the point. Our conviction, however, is that certain leading character-

istics of the first structure were perpetuated by the Hindus in that

which they raised on the departure, or rather expulsion, of the Bud-

dhists from Benares. It is not easy to determine accurately what

this Hindu building was, but perhaps it is more likely to have been

a math or a sort of monastery or religious house for Hindu ascetics,

such as exist in the land at the present day, than a temple. In the

1866.] - Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 77

rooi of the second story of the mosque a slab was discovered bearing

a long Sanscrit inscription, towards the end of which is the date 1248,

which, regarded as Sambat, is equivalent to A. D. 1190. The inscrip-

tion itself is of no particular importance, except that it abounds with

references to the Hindu religion, showing that it belonged to a build-

ing erected by a Hindu, and therefore subsequent to the Buddhist

period. It alludes also to certain tanks, temples, and maths, erected

and embellished in and about Benares, which of course were all in

honour of Hinduism. It is not unlikely indeed that these structures

were erected and this inscription was written with somewhat of a

religio-political object, to testify to the triumph which Hinduism had

then recently gained over Buddhism; for there is good ground for |

believing that the buildings at Sarnath were not burnt, and the monks

were not expelled therefrom, till about the twelfth century of our era.

We have obtained a copy of the inscription in Sanscrit, with a trans-

lation into Hindi, through the kindness of Babu Shio Parshad, Joint

Inspector of Schools, whose intelligence, enterprise, and extensive

Imowledge place him in the front rank of native gentlemen in these

provinces.

We would direct especial attention to the small side door or postern

with its massive wall, to the right of the building, which has a great

appearance of originality, and also to two noble capitals of gigantic

dimensions, lying in the court-yard in front of the mosque and turned

into small cisterns. They are the largest carved capitals we have

found anywhere.

Hinpv Tempe of Kirt. Bisuusuwar.

Alamgirt Mosque.

Near the temple of Briddhkal, one of the very few Hindu temples

of the earlier Mohammedan period still standing in Benares not

appropriated by the Mussalmans, and a few paces from the well-

known shrine of Rattaneshwar, is a mosque spoken of in the neigh-

bourhood as the Alamgiri Masjid, which was erected during the reign

of Aurungzebe or Alamgir, and was designated after that emperor.

Upon it may be read the following inscription in Arabic :-—

, plat) opel bs Sha y Jys

CSE? [HV Kine

rs ‘

78 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

The translation of which is, ‘Turn your face towards the sacred

mosque. 1077 Higira,” or A. D. 1659.

The mosque is built, tradition states, from the materials of the Hindu

temple of Kirt Bisheshwar, and has three rows of lofty stone pillars,

eight in each row; but the pillars at both extremities are not single,

but three-fold. The capitals are large and massive, and are cruciform

in shape. In the centre of each shaft, upon all the four sides, is the

boss ornamentation, each boss being fully a foot in diameter. The

pillars have a double base, a false and a true, the one consisting of the

lower end of the shaft, the other, the true base, of a separate stone.

Both are covered with carvings. Some of the architraves also bear

upon them the boss pattern; but it is possible that these were

formerly shafts of pillars. The inner wall of the mosque is likewise

of stone. Viewed from behind, many of the blocks display various

mason marks inscribed upon them.

From an examination of the marks or symbols, and of the archi-

tecture represented by the remains now briefly described, there is no

reason for supposing that the temple which once stood here, and

which was levelled to the ground by Aurungzebe, was of great

antiquity. The style of architecture has a Buddhist basis, yet is not

purely Buddhist, and the symbols are not necessarily Buddhist at all.

We should be inclined to fix the date of the Hindu temple at some

five or six centuries ago. It must have been a place of great sanctity,

as many Hindus still visit the spot on pilgrimage, and instead of an

image (which we suppose the Mohammedans would not allow them

to put up) worship the spout of a fountain rising up in the centre of

a small tank in the court-yard of the mosque. It is not improbable

that the tank is the site of the old temple; but if the temple was a

large one, as is likely, it must have occupied not only a considerable

portion of the present courtyard but also some ground in addition

on either side. A few persons perform their devotions in the tank

daily, but the grand festival is at the Shio rdt mela, for one day in

March, when crowds throng reverently around the sacred spout, and

present 7t (or perhaps regarding it as a god, they would say him, or

her,) with abundant offerings, all of which, down to the last rupee,

are received by the Mullah of the mosque, who thinks, we suppose,

that if he winks at the idolatry, which in fact he cannot put down,

he may as well be paid handsomely for it,

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 79

Attached to the mosque is a corridor, built a few years later, on

the inner wall of which is the following inscription :—

ok , sells ylB us? 2 wendy 6 wld dd} Assy.

Peay mee = 9b en eke ca cal oy) eliict a

low Cand SlQila sly * usito &U}) 53 wl gratiool

O32 r=) b Je ee iis Oe &5 9 elie

ors” 1274 Bive

In noticing the remains of the Kirt. Bisheshwar temple, we are

aware that they do not come under the designation of “old” or

“ancient,”’ as applied to other remains described in this paper, and

yet, as they are not without interest, we have given them a place in it.

Buppuist CuarryA—No. LV.

Chaukhambha Mosque.

The long Chaukhambha street in the city of Benares, in or about

which most of the great bankers have their houses of business, takes

its name from four low massive pillars of modern erection, standing

in the lowermost story of a lofty building, the weight of which they

entirely sustain, situated towards its north-eastern extremity. There

is a narrow court running out of this street, which terminates in a

small enclosure, on the further side of which is a mosque. The

entire enclosure has a very remarkable appearance, and, for the

archzologist, is a place of considerable interest. The entrance is. by a

doorway let into a huge breastwork or wall formed of blocks of stone,

which is twenty feet long, thirteen feet high, and four feet thick,

and is constructed for the most part systematically, as is evident

from the ornamentation on one stone answering to that on the stone

contiguous to it. Over the doorway is an inscription in Arabic.

But with the exception of this doorway and the castellated appear-

ance crowning the wall, there is nothing Mohammedan in its archi-

tecture. .

The mosque and corridor adjoining it are supported by twenty-four

pillars, of which six are double. The capitals are of the simple

cruciform pattern, and their outer limbs are decorated with the dwarf

bell ornamentation. To the south of this building is a staircase

80 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

leading up to the roof, built of heavy stones; and along the south side

of the enclosure, for the space of about twenty-five feet, is a low

stone wall six feet in height, and, attached to it, a peculiar ledge three

feet from the ground. It is known that a similar wall exists on the

north side also, but hidden from view.

In our judgment most of the pillars are in situ, and originally

formed part of a Buddhist structure, but whether of a temple or of a

monastery, it is difficult to say. Our opinions are divided on the

subject, and the former has been assigned to the building by way of

a heading to this chapter. The wall with the projecting bench is

very curious. The latter may have been used by the priests or

monks for reclining upon.

Bupputst Vrudr—No. V.

Aurungzebe’s Mosque near Bisheshwar Temple.

The mosque built by the emperor Aurungzebe on the foundations

of what is commonly regarded, though erroneously, as the old or

original Bisheshwar temple, is of interest not for its own sake—for

notwithstanding its lofty appearance, it is a a structure without any

striking beauty in its own right—but for the sake of the ancient

buildings with which it is associated, and with the materials of which

it has been largely constructed. The courtyard consists of a terrace

raised some five feet above the level of the temple quadrangle, in the

centre of which it is situated, and occupying a large portion of the area.

On walking round the quadrangle and examining the retaining wall

of the terrace, one’s attention is arrested by peculiar openings or

niches in the wall, in which architraves, and capitals, and parts of

pillars on which they rest, are visible, but in some places the openings

are filled with earth almost up to the level of the capitals. Proceed-

ing from west to east, the ground gradually declines, until, after

descending four steps and arriving opposite a large stone bull or Nandi,

the opening in the terrace becomes clear, and a cloister, such as

surrounds a Buddhist vihar, comes into view, and reveals the character

of the entire series. It consists of a small chamber sustained by

genuine Buddhist pillars, severely simple in their type, and without

doubt of great antiquity. Formerly a succession of such cloisters

encompassed not less than three sides of the existing terrace, which

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Tenvples. 81

must consequently date from the same epoch. It would be desirable,

if the consent of the Mohammedans could be obtained, to remove the

external wall by which these cloisters have become almost completely

hidden, in order to ascertain what is their extent and @@ndition.

This series of cloisters formed the lowermost story of a large

Buddhist monastery, which once enclosed the entire space occupied

by the terrace, and rose to the height of probably two or three stories

above it. On the southern side stood the chief chaitya or temple,

which, on the suppression of Buddhism, passed into the hands of the

advocates of another religion, who transformed it according to their

own tastes. The mosque on this side is altogether composed of the .

remains of an ancient temple of large dimensions, and of very

elaborate workmanship. The high pillars, moreover, on its northern

face have been abstracted from the same spacious building. These

remains are partly Hindu, and it is unquestionable that the edifice

which was destroyed in order to make way for the mosque, was an

old temple of Bisheshwar. An excellent ground plan of this temple,

prepared from a minute examination of the existing remains, was

drawn by Mr. James Prinsep, and published by him in his “ Views

of Benares.” These remains, however, are only partially Hindu.

Some portions, judging from the elaborate ornamentation of certain

details which it was the custom of the Buddhist architects to leave

plain, seem to be of Jain origin, and to have been appropriated by

the builders of the Hindu temple. If this supposition be correct,

the mosque with its terrace exhibits a singular architectural ano-

maly, and presents us with no less than four styles, namely Bud-

dhist, Jain, Hindu and Mohammedan. Indeed it would not be

wrong to add a fifth style, for the square terrace pillars with their

cruciform capitals are so simple in structure, that, compared with the

highly carved and decorated pillars of medieval and later Buddhist

history, they belong to another style, which may be called early

Buddhist or Hindu, according to which of these two ancient religious

communities is supposed to have invented it. It is not our object to

discuss the interesting and also important topic, who were the first

Indian sculptors and builders of permanent works, yet it is one which

must one day, when materials have been sufficiently accumulated,

which they have not been at present, be thoroughly investigated,

82 Deserption of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

When this is settled, the antiquity and origin of these terrace pillars

will be settled likewise.

Buppuist Vinsr—No. VI.

Ad-Bisheshwar Temple and neighbouring Mosque.

Ad-Bisheshwar is the name of a lofty temple situated a short

distance from Aurungzebe’s mosque just referred to, and in sight of

it, and is held to be, by some persons, the original or most ancient

temple of this deity. The derivation of its name only bears out

this supposition, for the temple itself, from the pinnacle to the base,

has nothing really ancient about it. On the eastern side of the

enclosure the ground takes a sudden rise of eighteen feet, forming a

terrace manifestly of artificial construction. On this side there is a

retaining wall of stone masonry, which is wanting on the southern

side of the terrace, where there is only an earthen bank. The other

two sides of the terrace are covered with buildings, which prevent

the exact ascertainment of its boundary in these directions. On that

flank which is contiguous to the Ad-Bisheshwar enclosures, stands a

mosque erected some eighty years ago or less, but not finished then,

for want of money. It was built of stones found on the spot, with

new Chunar slabs added. The terrace existed before with the but-

tress, and is evidently of ancient construction.

The building is in two divisions, each of which is 234 feet in

length, connected together by a massive wall 53 feet thick, composed

of large blocks of stone. This wall projects considerably beyond the

building into the courtyard to the east, and has the appearance of a

huge buttress; but what its object is, seeing that the mosque, which

is entirely of stone, is amply sustained by its columns and walls, and

requires no such additional support, it is hard to say. Possibly the

buttress is pierced with a staircase, leading formerly to an upper story

which the buttress supported, and the Mohammedan architects, not

caring to remove the massive prop, have retained it in the mosque.

They appear, moreover, to have confined themselves chiefly to mate-

rials lying upon the spot, as in three places carved pillars, similar to

those sustaining the centre aisle, have been adopted as architraves.

There are fourteen columns in the interior of the mosque, which are

peculiarly but not extensively carved, and are crowned with ora-

1866.] Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 83

mented capitals. The western wall is strengthened externally by

three rounded buttresses, which are of the Pathan dynasty, like those

found at Jaunpore, and were built at the same time. They did not

exist in the Buddhist period, and were added as much for ornament

as strength. All the mosques about old Delhi have them.

There is no doubt in our minds that the Ad-Bisheshwar temple

stood on this site, and was destroyed by the Mohammedans, who, as

usual, transferred its stones to their own mosque. The neighbouring

temple bearing this name, the Hindus built, with the kind permission

of their friends, the Mohammedans, of course, for the purpose of

perpetuating the worship and the honour of their old idol, Ad-Bish-

eshwar. Yet, while allowing that the edifice standing on the site of

the present mosque when the Mohammedans took possession of it,

was the temple of Ad-Bisheshwar, we are nevertheless equally certain

that the primitive building was of a Buddhist character. We were

inclined at one time to imagine that, from its proximity to the

Buddhist Vihar No. V., it must have been a part of that monastery,

but two reasons have led us to abandon that idea. One is, that a

separate terrace of extensive dimensions was appropriated to this

structure, whatever it was, and that between this terrace and that of

No. V., the ground is depressed corresponding to the depression of all

the neighbouring soil ; and the second is, that the style of architecture

of the ancient buildings upon or around the two terraces, differs

exceedingly. We are led to conjecture, therefore, that the original

structure was a Buddhist monastery, but later in date by several

hundred years than the first monastery erected on the terrace No. V.

Tt was of course a quadrangle, encompassing the four sides of the

terrace. Nothing remains of it except the massive transverse wall

with the buttress, and the lower portion of the retaining wall. The

mosque has been erected perhaps on the site of the principal cloister

of the monastery, its second division occupying the position of a

smaller cloister. The amount of stone material expended on the

present comparatively small building is preposterously great, and in

itself is a proof that an edifice of much larger dimensions formerly

stood here.

84 Description of Ancient Remains of [No. 2,

Stone Prvvar.

Sond-ka-Talao.

Before closing this paper, we would direct attention to a stone

pillar standing in the midst of a tank between the city of Benares

and the Buddhist remains at Sarnath. The tank is called Soné-ka-

Talao, or the Golden Tank, and is situated on the opposite side of

the river Burna, near the road which branches off from the high road

leading to Ghazeepore, and almost close to the point of its junction

with several other roads. ‘The road is a portion of the Panch-kosi

or sacred boundary of Benares. Proceeding along it for somewhat

less than a mile, you arrive at the tank, which is to the right of it,

and is approached by a strong and well built ghaut, on which are

several Buddhist figures, brought most probably from Sarnath. It

is three hundred yards in length, and one hundred and forty in

breadth. In the midst of it is a round pillar, eighteen feet high and

upwards of nine in circumference, composed of great blocks of stone

cut in quadrants and put together without cement or mortar. There

is no inscription on the pillar, and no mason marks, so that we have

been totally unable to assign any date, even approximately, to its

erection. Its base is always, we believe, surrounded by water; yet it

would be worth while to ascertain whether any inscription exists

below. We probed it to its foundations, but found no face for an in-

scription. Itis likely that both the pillar has somewhat sunk, and that

formerly the tank was less choked with mud than it is now. In

appearance therefore the pillar was once higher than at the present

time. It was probably surmounted formerly by a lion or some other

figure, and on close examination bears marks of extreme old age.

Besides allusions to a few other ancient structures, we have in

this paper traced out remains, more or less abundant, of six

Buddhist vihérs or monasteries and four Buddhist chaityas or tem-

ples, still existing in Benares, and have pointed out the sites

on which they stood or are still standing. Add to these the

remains at Bakarya Kund already described in a former paper, and

we have the remains of seven monasteries and at the least seven

chaityas. The monasteries are doubtless a portion of the thirty

monasteries and upwards which Hwan Thsang, the Chinese traveller

1866.} Buddhist Monasteries and Temples. 85

of the seventh century, said existed in Benares in his day. In con-

elusion, we may remark that we are much inclined to believe that

many of the ancient Buddhist monasteries; and of the temples also,

were on a line of road leading from Bakarya Kund to Raj Ghaut

Fort in one direction ; on a second line, at right angles to this, running

from Bakarya Kund to Sarnath ; and on a third, proceeding from the

site of Aurungzebe’s mosque and joining one or both the others, possi-

bly, at Bakarya Kund, and that hereabouts most of other remains of

such buildings, if found at all, will be discovered.

Note by the Rev. M. A. Sherring.

Since the above was written, I have visited and examined the

country lying on the banks of the Ganges to the north. of the river

Burma. To my utter astonishment, though I must confess, not con-

trary to my anticipation, I found brick and stone debris scattered

over the fields for, as far as I could conjecture, five miles or there-

abouts. In many places the rubbish lies thick upon the ground, chok-

ing up the soil, and to a large extent the deposit can be traced con-

tinuously. Here and there small bits of sculptured stone are visible,

and occasionally, where the broken bricks and stones are in very great

abundance, they have been collected into ridges or small mounds.

This is especially manifest at the termination of the deposit at a spot

called Patharaké Siwéu, where, in ancient times, doubtless stood a

large fort, of which the foundations may even now be partially traced.

Although the fields beyond this point seem to be clear of rubbish, yet

further on, at Muskabad, at the distance of a mile, it recommences and

becomes as thick as in any other place. Perhaps this latter was the

site of an outlying town.

But what are we to say of these remains? They lie immediately

on the great river’s bank, and never retreat from it more than three

quarters of a mile. It is, I think, very evident that all the way from

the mouth of the Burna this bank has been, with the lapse of cen-

turies, considerably cut away. Indeed, I believe, that as much as a

quarter of a mile may have gone into the river. In all probability

therefore the space covered by debris was much broader than it is at

present. There can be no question, however, that here a great city

once stood. I have no hesitation in expressing my belief that in the

6 Description of Ancient Buddhist Remazns. [No. 2,

(oa)

entire absence of any bond fide Hindu remains in the present city of

Benares, dating from even the Buddhist period, not to speak of the

pre-Buddhist epoch, when we know from historical records that

Benares was in existence, the ancient city of the pre-Buddhist and

early Buddhist eras must have occupied this site. Beyond the north-

ern extremity of the remains of the ancient city is a series of mounds

also covered with debris, tending in a north-westerly direction, where

formerly forts or towns existed. I think it not unlikely that in a far

distant age the connexion of the ancient city of Benares with Sarnath

was along the course of these mounds. Sarnathis spoken of im the

Ceylon records as though it may have been a city of itself; and there

is no doubt that it is referred to in ancient documents as a part of

Benares. Now, modern Benares is at least one-third of a mile to the

south of the Burna, whereas Sarnath is out in the country about three

miles to the north of that stream. If we suppose, however, that

Benares, in its most ancient period, was mainly on the north side of

the Burna likewise, and if such supposition is corroborated by exten-

sive remains of ancient buildings in the shape of brick and stone

debris stretching over several miles of country, as already shown, and

terminating in mounds lying in the direction of Sarnath, the proof

approaches to demonstration that in that early epoch a union, more or

less intimate, existed between Sarnath and Benares, as stated by histo-

rical records. JT had no opportunity to examine thoroughly the coun-

try lying between these remains and Sarnath, but I feel satisfied that

at some point in these remains a line of debris would be found con-

necting the two spots, with only a few breaks in its course, the debris

indicating the former existence of solid buildings and being the

broken remains of the same. This point must not be searched for at

the southern extremity of the ancient city, but at the northern extre-

mity ; and perhaps the line of junction may be the line of the mounds

just now referred to; but of this Tam not able to speak positively.

If these observations respecting the site of the early city be correct,

it would follow that the derivation of the word Benares, as the city

lying between the Burna and the Assi, is utterly absurd, as applied to

the most ancient city. That it is a correct derivation of the word, as

denoting the city of modern times even as far back as the Gupta

dynasty, and perhaps somewhat further, I have not the gmallest

1866.] Assyo-Pseudo-Sesostris. 87

doubt. But Bandr-assi has nothing whatever to do with ancient

Benares, and as applied to it would be a ludicrous misnomer. It

seems, indeed, probable that the Buddhists were the first people to

occupy to any extent the southern side of the Burna, and such a

notion is remarkably substantiated by the existence of various Bud-

dhist remains there, as described in this paper; but none of them, so

far I know, date from earlier than the Gupta period. The Panch-

kosi road or sacred boundary of modern Benares, nearly fifty miles in

extent, and regarded by many natives as of immense antiquity, is no

older than the city which it encompasses, and must also be assigned

to a comparatively recent date. Many pleasant and perhaps hallowed

associations connected with Benares, as it now stands, will in the

minds of multitudes be in danger of being snapped asunder, when

they discover that the Benares of to-day was not the Benares which

their forefathers knew.

Assyro-Pseudo-Sesostris.—By Hypr Cuarne, Esq. Member of the Ger-

man Oriental Society, of the Society of Northern Antiquaries of

Copenhagen, of the Academy of Anatolia, of the Institution of

Engineers of Vienna, Local Secretary of the Anthropological Society.

[Received 13th July, 1865. Read 2nd August, 1865. ]

As the monument near Ninfi (the ancient Nympheum), and

twenty miles from Smyrna, has of late years become asubject of some

controversy, I have been very desirous of getting it photographed,

and at length this has been effected (Plate XXI.) by the zeal and

ability of Mr. Alexander Svoboda, an artist doubtless remembered

by many members of the Society for his paintings of Indian scenes,

and his having first photographed the caves of Hlephanta and the

monument of Ctesiphon, as he has latterly those of Ephesus.

Herodotus, in his second book, as is well known, speaks of the foreign

wars and expeditions of Sesostris, and says that he erected various

monuments of his victories, of which Herodotus had seen one in Syria,

and there were two others in Ionia, one on the road from Sardis to

Smyrna, and the other on the road from Ephesus to Phoewa, and that

88 Assyro-Pseudo-Sesostris. [No. 2,

the figures, four cubits and a spathamus high, held a bow in one hand

and a lance in the other.

The words of Herodotus are :-—

“The pillars which Sesostris erected in the conquered countries,

have for the most part disappeared, but in the part of Syria called

Palestine, I myself saw them still standing, with the writing above-

mentioned, and the emblem distinctly visible. In Ionia also, there

are two representations of this prince engraved upon rocks, one on the

road from Ephesus to Phocea, the other between Sardis and Smyrna.

In each case the figure is that of a man, four cubits and a span high,

with a spear in his right hand and a bow in his left, the rest of his

costume being likewise half Egyptian, half Ethiopian. There is an

inscription across the breast from shoulder to shoulder, in the sacred

character of Egypt, which says, ‘‘ With my own shoulders I conquered

this land.” The conqueror does not tell who he is, or whence he

comes, though elsewhere Sesostris records these facts. Hence it has

been imagined by some of those who have seen these forms, that they

are figures of Memnon, but such, as I think go, err very widely from

the truth.”

Diodorus Siculus repeats the like, and says there was an inscription

in hieroglyphics on the monument, of which he gives the trans-

lation.

As the monument near Ninfi agrees with the description of Hero-

dotus, it is generally believed to be Egyptian, to bear a hieroglyphic

inscription, and to be the Sesostris. As will be seen, there are traces of

characters on the right hand corner, though what, cannot be made out.

They are exceedingly unlike any hieroglyphic inscription, which will

carry the meaning of Diodorus, and the rock is too soft for the minute

characters of the hieroglyphic ever to have been carved upon it. It

would not bear eyen the ring of the cartouche.

Who first doubted its Egyptian character, we have not the means

here of knowing, but at any rate the geographers Kiepert and Carl

Ritter have done so, and in their works the monument is figured as

“* Pseudo-Sesostris,”’ and is placed with the Assyrian class.

Unaware of this, some years ago, I visited the monument and

arrived at the same conclusions, and I have since endeavoured to

obtain the opinions of competent authorities in Europe. ‘his corre-

Journal Ag

From a Phot

Journal As: Sov: Vol XXXV. PI

Drawn,on Stone at the Gov® School of Art, Calcutta by Kamakha Churn Ghose, Student

FIGURE OF SESOSTRIS AT NINPI

OTH: BY HONAVEN SURVEYOR GENERALS OFFICE CALCUTTA AUGUST, 1866

From a Photo: by A Sooboda

1866. ] Ass yro-Pseudo-Sesostris. 89

spondence made me more urgent to get it correctly reproduced, and it

is satisfactory that at length it can be examined by all interested in

the subject, instead of the very few who could reach Ninfi.

It is reasonably to be doubted whether Herodotus ever saw this

monument, because he has not described it with absolute accuracy.

The monument is quite off the road or any high road, and is a very

unlikely place for a public monument of Sesostris. It is on a friable

rock, and it is a miracle it has been preserved so many centuries. It

was perhaps attached to the country palace of some king or satrap,

or it may commemorate a battle fought in the glen. It does not bear

the appearance of having been an object of adoration.

Tts class is not distinctly Assyrian, for it wants the sharp touch

of those workmen, and it must always have been of rude appearance.

Tt is allied to the Assyrian, and is the production of some people of

Assyrian character.

The question arises, whether this monument and the neighbouring

Niobe, and the other rock-cut pictures, are the works of settled inhabi-

tants, or of an invading or conquering race. The latter seems to be

the preferable hypothesis, because in this district, even in the time of

Herodotus, there cannot have been more than three, and:there are few

scattered over the country. Those in this district most probably

belonged to some petty kingdom.

With regard to their epoch, they are certainly as old as the Heyp-

tian cities in their neighbourhood. ‘These cities there form a close

group, Smyrna, Tantalus, Sipylus and Nympheum, attesting at one

time a population of large and strong cities and a relative civilization.

‘These cities, as well from identity of remains with those in the

South of Europe, as well from the identity of names with those of the

Therian nations, as well as from the fact of their population having

endured beyond the Hellenic invasion, I place as anterior to that

epoch, and as Iberian in character. This subject I have treated at

length in a detailed memoir read before the Academy of Anatolia, the

EHthnological Society, and the British Association.

The rock-cut monuments must, to some extent, have preceded the

Iberian occupation, or may have been the result of an invasion during

that period, proceeding from Cilicia and the south east, that is, from

the Semitic district.

90 A ssyro- Pseudo-Sesostris. [No. 2,

AAs yet the elements for the determination of these pre-historical

questions are very few. They are indeed hardly known, and we are

not yet in a situation to judge of the ethnology, the monuments, or

the mythology either of an earlier or a later age.

There are two elements in particular that exercised a great influence

over this region, that have not been adequately studied, the Iberian

and the Caucaso-Tibetan. The remarkable discovery of Mr. B. H-

Hodgson, communicated to your Society, of a connection between the

tribes of the Caucasus and those of the Himalaya and its valleys,

opens up new views as to the history of Central and Western Asia,

and will in time afford one of the keys for unlocking their secrets, not

less valuable perhaps than those applied to hieroglyphics or cuneiform.

I was led by a like train of investigations with Mr. Hodgson to the

like results, and I am glad to find that what I have done, has been in

confirmation of such an authority. I lately communicated a paper on

this subject to the Asiatic Society of London, with the hope of

inviting other inquiries,

It is perhaps by means of the Caucaso-Tibetan, that we shall

obtain a knowledge of the early history of Ivanistan, of the influences

which have affected so peculiarly the early Indo-Europeans, the

Armenians, the Ossetes and the Koords, of the third arrow-headed,

and the Lycian.

It is here we shall perhaps find another element in the determin-

ation of mythology, though so far as the mythology of these regions is

concerned, and particularly its local character, Iberian sources must be

searched. It is there we must seek for the explanation of much of

the mythology, and not in Sanskrit sources, however plausible such

explanations may appear.

The Hellenes found a mythology ready made for them in the

Iberian countries, in which they settled, and they adopted Iberian

terms. To a certain extent, they brought with them Indo-Huropean

dogmas, and here Sanskrit philology will help us; but the local

colony is Iberian, This western country of Asia Minor was, in fact,

the seat of mythology and the land of the gods, before the Hellenes

appeared. In some cases an Indo-Huropean legend may have been

attached to a local site, but the Hellenes borrowed more than they gave,

The Sesostris I propose to designate Assyro-Pseudo-Sesostris,

#866.) Notes on some of the temples of Kashmir. 91

Notes on some of the temples of Kashmir, especially those not de-

scribed by General A. Cunninauam, in his Essay published in the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for September, 1848.—

By W. G. Cow, MW. A., Chaplain on duty in Kashmir, during

the summer of 1865.

[Received 1st December, 1865. |

In these notes I have followed as nearly as possible the wording of

General Cunningham, in his description of the different temples,

which he visited in Kashmir.

The temples of Bhaniyar, Waugat, Manusbal, Narayan Thal,

Futtehghur, Dyamun, and Lidar do not seem to have been described

before. What I have said about those of Pandrethan, the Takht,

Pathan, Avantiswami, and Marttand, is meant to be supplementary

to General Cunningham’s accounts of those temples.

BHANIYAR.

The buildings at Bhaniyar consist of a lofty central edifice, standing

in a large quadrangle, surrounded by a colonnade of fluted pillars

with intervening trefoil-headed recesses.* The ground plan of the

temple is a square of 26% feet with pilasters at the corners, 4 feet in

thickness. The interior is a square of 1334 feet, and the walls are

therefore 64 feet thick, which proportion may be considered a strong

proof, according to General Cunningham’s} theory, of the antiquity

of the building.

The roof was pyramidal, and the total height of the temple,

estimated at twice its breadth, would be 53 feet. The lowest stones

of the pyramid remain in some places, and their external slope is

parallel to that of the sides of the pediments over the doorways. The

only entrance to the temple is gained by a broad and lofty flight of

steps to the N. N. W. On each of the other sides there is a porch

containing a closed doorway.

These porches are just the same as that of the entrance, each being

162 feet wide, with a projection of one foot in advance of the corner

pilasters.

* See Photograph, No. I.* + See Cunningham, p. 249, para. 6.

* The photographs referred to in this paper are by Messrs, Sheppard and Bourne of Simlah —Ep,

92 Notes on some of the temples of Kashmir. [No. &

The doorways are surmounted by trefoiled arches, 25 feet high ;

and the latter are covered by pyramidal pediments, resting on in-

dependent pilasters. Within the large trefoiled arches, there are

smaller pyramidal pediments, of which the tympanum is occupied

with the trefoiled decoration, like that at Bhaumajo,* resting on the

architrave covering the pilasters of the doorway.

The pilasters at the corners of the building sustain the entablature,

and give a look of strength and solidity to the walls, which was

absolutely required for the vast and massive roof.

In the interior the walls are plain, except that (as at Narayan

Thalt) a sort of string-course"projects all round, about 122 feet from

the floor. It is about a foot high, flat above, and rounded below.

Over the string-course and resting on it, there is, on each side, a

semicircular headed recess, about 3 feet high, 2 feet wide, and I feet

deep. Only the one at the back of the building, that is, towards the

S. S. E., is pierced for a window, the opening being rectangular, and

about 2 feet high by 1 foot in width. The roof is hollowed out

into a hemispherical dome, of which the centre is decorated with an

expanded lotus flower, as in the Payach} temple. The spandrels of

the dome are too much injured to show any trace of figures, if any

ever existed; but the dome looks as if it were a modern restoration,

and the whole is overlaid with thick whitewash, concealing the

material of which it is constructed. There were, however, no figures

in any other part of the building, except the tympanum of each

smaller pediment over the architraves of the doorways; and there the

remains of heads (for such I took one of them to be) are now so much

worn away, that it is impossible to say exactly what they represented.

The colonnade had no such ornaments.§ (Plate XX.)

The basement of the temple is very fine. It is divided into two

portions, each having the same style of moulding as that of the

Bhaumajo|| basement; but they differ from it in being further pro-

jected beyond the face of the wall.

The lower portion is 47 feet square and 5% feet high; and the

upper portion 34% feet square and 6 feet high, with a projection of 4

feet. Each division of the basement has a massive filleted torus as

* See Cunningham, plate X.

+ See below. § See photograph, No. II.

t See Cunningham, plate XI, || See Cunningham, plate VIII.

+1866.) . Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 93

the crowning member, with a straight fillet above and below. Under

this is a dado, or plain straight face, which is a little higher than the

torus itself. Beneath the dado, is a quirked ovolo of bold projection

surmounted by a straight fillet, and under this is the plinth, of which

(as at Bhaumajo) the lower stone projects beyond the upper one. As

at Payach too, there is a stone drain or water-spout, open at the top,

for carrying off the water used for the service of the temple. It

emerges from the building on the W. 8. W. side, and projects slightly

beyond the upper basement; the termination of the drain or spout

being made to represent the open mouth of a large snake or some

other animal.

The temple is approached by a flight of twelve steps,* the lower

six being 11 feet in width, and the upper six 10 feet, enclosed between

sloping walls one foot in thickness. Besides the sloping walls, the

lower 6 steps are further supported by flanking walls} (as at Avantis-

wara,) nearly 6 feet high and 3,3, feet thick.

The temple is enclosed by a pillared quadrangle (Plate IX.) measur-

ing inside 145 feet by 119 5, feet, the longer sides being to the W.S. W.

and E. N. E., containing 54 fluted columns. In the middle of the longer

sides of the colonnade, and of that in rear of the temple, there is a

pair of large fluted pillars, 12 feet in height and 15 inches in diameter,

and 10 feet apart, advanced beyond the line of the peristyle a little

more than the corresponding pillars at Marttand. On all these columns

the transverse architraves, connecting them with the walls of the

peristyle, are still standing. The central porticoes, to which these

large pillars belong, are not gateways, but lead only to small chambered

recesses, similar to, but a little deeper than, those between the other

pairs of pillars. There is, however, one flank entrance to the

quadrangle, viz., between the third pair of pillars on the HN. Ht. side,

to the south of the central porch. This has always been, as it is now,

closed with a wooden door.

The quadrangle itself originally contained 48 round fluted pillars

(of which all but three are still in their places) and six square parallel

pillars (disposed in the corners, and on each flank of the gateway) ;

which, together with the six pillars of the central porches and the

two of the gateway, made up 56 in all. None of the pillars now

* See Photograph, No. I. + See Photograph, No. I.

94 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

standing seem to have been injured otherwise than by the wear of

time and the elements; but from these causes, many of them have

now lost all trace of fluting. Lach pillar of the peristyle is 10 feet

in height and 13 inches in diameter, with an intercolumniation of 72

feet. Immediately behind each pillar there is a square pilaster $

engaged, of the same height as, and with mouldings similar to those

of, the square corner pillars. The pilasters are 94 inches distant from

the pillars. Between every pair of pillars there is a chambered recess

7, feet by 4 feet, with a trefoil-headed arch covered by a pedi-

ment, (which pediment) is supported on small pilasters, or rather

upon hali* engaged pillars, as at Avantiswami. The general style of

the pillars is similar to that of the Marttand colonnade; but it is

impossible to say whether the pedimental pilasters of the intervening

recesses were ornamented or not. The trefoiled heads of the recesses

are joined to the side mouldings of the openings by short horizontal

returns; (as at Avantiswami). Hach pillar is connected with its

pilaster and with the main wall by a transverse stone beam, which,

being broader at top than at bottom, bears the appearance of an upper

capital to the pillar.f “‘ The greatest and most characteristic distine-

tion,’ therefore, as General Cunningham says, ‘“‘ between the Arian

and Classic orders, lies in the disposition of the architrave. In the

latter it lies immediately over the line of pillars, whilst in the former

it is placed over the transverse beams.’ Nearly all of this entablature

still exists, but the building has been so much injured by the weather,

that its character can only be conjectured. It seems to have been

much the same as the upper part of that given in No. 2, plate VIII. of

General Cunningham’s Essay. The upper part of the roof of the

quadrangle has entirely disappeared, but there can be little doubt that

it was triangular in section.

The outer walls of the quadrangle are ornamented by fine deep

horizontal bands,§ the intervals being occupied by rectangular figures

18 inches high, 13 inches wide, and 4-7, feet apart, the whole being

surmounted by an entablature of the same design as that of the

peristyle. The base of the wall is buried deep in accumulated earth

* See Cunningham, plate XVIII.

+ See Cunningham, plate XVIII, and ante Plate IX. p. 92.

+ See Photograph, (of Marttand colonnade), No. XXIV.

§ See Photograph, No. Iif

— ie.

ft Keittnha ct

‘

1866.] Notes on some of the Tenples of Kashmir, 95

and rubbish; but to the 8. W. of the gateway, and on a level with

the bottom of the fluted torus which crowns its basement, is part of a

similar torus,* or string-course, projecting from, and running hori-

zontally along, the face of the wall. This torus no doubt ran along

the exterior face of the whole quadrangle, and is probably still in good

preservation below the ground. Jastly, the front wall is ornamented

at each extremity with a trefoil-headed} recess covered by a pediment,

the latter resting on half engaged pillars, which are flanked by square

pilasters 4 (one-eighth) engaged, in every way like those of the

interior. The quadrangle has had two large wells in the W. S. W.

and E. N. E. corners, probably to supply water for flooding the

enclosure ; and half way between the steps of the gateway inside and

the steps of the temple there is a square structure of stone, cut away

in the centre as if to receive the end of a prop to a raised pathway,

such as that suggested by General Cunningham as the probable con-

nection between the gateway and the temple at Marttand. The object

of erecting temples in the midst of water appears to him to have been

“to place them more immediately under the protection of the Nagas,

or human-bodied and snake-tailed gods, who were zealously worshipped

for ages throughout Kashmir.”

The entrance or gateway§ stands in the middle of the N. N. W.

side of the quadrangle, and is 254 feet in width, nearly that of the

temple itself. Outwardly the gateway somewhat resembles the

temple, in the disposition of its parts and in the decorations of its

pediments and pilasters. It is open to the N.N. W. and 8. 5S. E.,

and is divided into two distinct portions by a cross wall 3? feet thick,

with a doorway in the centre closed by a wooden door. These inner

and outer porticoes of the doorway are each 164 feet wide and 64 feet

deep. Their side walls are decorated each with a miniature temple

having a square-headed doorway, surmounted by a pyramidal pedi-

ment representing a double roof. The tympanum of each compartment

of these roofs is occupied with the trefoiled decoration, common to

the Kashmirian buildings, resting on the architrave, as in the door-

Way pediments of the temple itself. The pediment of the gateway,

* See Photograph, No. III.

+ See Cunningham, p. 270, para. 25 and Photograph, No. IIT.

fT See Cunningham, page 273, para, 31, and page 287, para. 8,

§ See Photopraph, No, III,

96 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

outside and in, is supported on half engaged fluted pillars, 164, feet

high, and 14 inches in diameter. As at Bhaumajo, the base of the

tympanum” is reduced to two short returns of the horizontal mouldings

of the pediment, each of which serves as a sort of upper abacus to the

pedimental pilasters. The doorway pilasters, supporting the archi-

trave (21 feet high, and broken through as usual in the temples of

Kashmir), are as high as the base of the main pilaster capitals, and

41 feet higher than those of the quadrangle. Besides the doorway

pilasters, there are two fluted columns of the same height Gncluding

a sort of second capital) and 18% inches in diameter, one on each side

of the entrance, 72 feet apart, supporting the architrave. The second

capital corresponds to the transverse beam of the peristyle connecting

the pillar with its pilaster; but here it is detached on all sides. It

is cruciform,f and so projects on each side of the capital proper.

These columns are distant from the square doorway pilasters respec-

tively about one diameter. The roof of the gateway, like that of

the temple, has perished; but it was evidently pyramidal, for the

corners of the base of the great pediments (outside and in) remain,

and their angles are equal to those at the base of the doorway

pediments.

The basement of the gateway is approached on either side by a

flight of six stepst 7% feet wide, supported by flank walls 7# feet in

length, and terminating in upright stones,§ each separated by an

interval from the main wall, and ornamented with a standing figure,

said by the pundits to represent a servant of Siva.

The material of which the buildings are constructed, is a pale,

coarse granite, of which there seems to be no quarry within reach on

the left bank of the Jhelum. This circumstance is remarkable,

considering the enormous size and weight of some of the stones

employed. Mr. Drew, a geologist in the service of H. H. the

Maharajah, thinks that the blocks of granite must have been carried

down some of the valleys on the opposite side into the river bed,

whence they were brought for the construction of the temple. Mortar

has been used in all parts of the buildings. Opposite the gateway,

# See Photograph, No. III.

See Photograph, No. III. and Cunningham, pp. 269-70, para. 24,

See Photograph, No. IIT.

See Photograph, No, LI,

Cnet =

1866. | Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 97

across the road, there is a large cistern, (like that attached to the

central temple of the second group of buildings beyond Wangat*), cut

out of a single block of granite. It is 6,4 feet long, 5 feet wide, and

2= ieet high. There is another cistern} of the same kind, but of smaller

dimensions, close by.

The Hindoos residing on the spot say that the temple was built by

one Bonadutt (hence the name Boonyar), whose brother built or

began a temple at Venapoora beyond Sopur. The situation is very

fine, in a deodar forest on the left bank of the Jhelum, which roars

below as it descends in foaming cataracts. Immediately behind, the

pine-clad hills rise precipitously to a great height. About one-third

up, there is a strange formation of rock, resembling a human figure,

which is said by the pundits to be the petrefaction of an evil spirit,

who formerly devoured men and women passing that way. A very

holy fakir, they say, fixed the man-eater for ever where the figure is

now seen.

After carefully examining every part of the Bhaniyar buildings, I

am inclined to think that they are older than the quadrangle at

Marttand{, and of about the same age as the temples beyond Wangat.

They probably owe their escape from the hand of the destroyer to

their secluded situation, which is quite off all the old thoroughfares

leading from the Punjab to Kashmir, about three miles lower down

the Jhelum than Nowshera, on its left bank.

I found no trace of an inscription on any of the buildings.

TempLes at Lipar.

About half a mile beyond Ladoo, and two miles to the left of the

road leading from Pampur to Awantipore, there are two temples, one

surrounded by water, (Plate XIV.) and a smaller one, close by, a little

higher up the hill side.

The ground plan of the former is a square of 24 feet, with corner

pilasters 34 feet thick and 6 inches projected. There is only one

doorway, to the W. 8. W. Its head is semicircular, with a pyramidal

pediment slightly projected and divided into two portions, of which

_the upper one is plain, and the other is occupied by a semicircular

* See below, p. 106. + See Photograph, No, III,

t See Cunningham, p. 263, para. 10,

ox)

8 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir, [No. 2,

ornament. The apex of the pediment reaches to the top of the cornice,

which runs round the top of the walls on the outside. The roof is

entirely gone.

The interior is a circle, the diameter of which diminishes from the

ground upwards. Four feet from the floor it is 17,4 feet. There

is a cornice 20 inches high, 9,5 feet above the floor. Its mouldings

are the same as those of the lowest course of the cefling of the small

temple,* viz. three fillets, like those of the Payach dome,; but that

the edge of the middle one is round instead of square.

The diameter of the circle formed by the projecting edge of the

cornice is 15 feet. The thickness of the wall at the doorway is 32

feet. The wall on the inside shows signs of fire having been used,

perhaps to destroy the roof, which may have been of wood. The top

of the doorway inside is formed by the underside of the course from

which the cornice of the interior is projected.

There is a drain on the south side, as at Payach, for carrying off

the water used in the services of the temple. The height of the

wall outside from the top of the cornice is 104 feet. The corner

pilasters stand on a basement 2,°; feet high, and are 64 inches pro-

jected beyond the face of the wall (See Plate XIV.) This basement is

carried all round the building, except where it is broken by the door-

way; the bottom of the basement being on a level with that of the

doorway. ;

The uppermost course of the basement is nearly flush with the

corner pilasters, but the next two courses project 53 inches beyond

the uppermost one.

The basement of the temple stands on a platform 48 feet square,

faced with stone walls, forming a sort of lower basement, as at

Bhaniyar.t

The whole stands in the middle of a tank of very clear water?

which issues from two springs in the N. EH. corner. The tank is

now 3 feet deep, but I could not ascertain whether there was a stone

bottom below the accumulated mud. The tank has been a square of

about 70 feet, with stone walls supporting the bank, now 2 feet above

* See below, p. 100.

+ See Cunningham, Plate XI. and page 258, para, 10,

{ See Photograph, No, L. and ante, p. 92,

alc

olor Ari

Scha

demt Govi:

to Hari Das Stu

Kris

TEMPLE AT LIDAR (IN WATER

one

Gn st

BurneyE sq C.S.

byRT

LITH: BY H.NIVEN SURVEYOR GENERALS OFFICE CALCUTTAJULY 1866

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 99

the water line, but much injured. Round the tank there are the

foundations of walls,* which seem to have formed a square of 100 feet,

There is an ancient looking lingam 44 feet high, 14 feet in diameter,

with 8 flat faces, of dark limestone, standing in the water near the

springs which supply the tank. It probably once stood in the centre

of the temple, like that at the Takht.

The round head of the doorway outside has a sort of keystone

(Plate XIV.), being a projection from the lower face of a stone of the

course next above, as in the entrance to the temple at Marttand,+

and other Kashmirian arches.

The smaller of the Lidar temples stands a little above and behind

(2. e. to the north of) the first. Its ground plan is a square of 10+ feet.

It has only one doorway, viz., to the west. All the walls have corner

pilasters 15 inches thick.

The doorway has a square top covered by a pediment, which rests

upon the jambs of the door, the tympanum being occupied by the

trefoiled ornament. The trefoil contains a niche which once held

a figure. This pediment is covered by another, having a trefoiled

tympanum. The trefoiled arch rests, as usual, upon small pilasters

on each side of the door, but the pediment is supported upon bold

square pillars, which are attached to the building by walls of less

breadth and 8 inches long. The temple in front isa plain copy of

that at Pandrethan,{ or perhaps the original from which 7 was taken.

The capitals of the corner pilasters are ornamented with two animals

(i think Bulls) standing back to back; and those of the square

pillars, supporting the principal pediment, are decorated with a bold

flowered ornament. The roof of the building is pyramidal, but its

outer facing of stone has disappeared. The walls are 2,5 feet thick.

The basement is buried. The interior forms a square of 6 feet, the

walls being 7 feet high and plain.

The ceiling is formed of 9 blocks, four of which rest over the

angles of the walls. The same process is again repeated with an

upper course of four stones, by which the opening is still further

narrowed to a square of 2,5 feet ; and lastly, the opening is closed by

* See Cunningham, p. 288, para. 11,

+ See Photograph, No. XXIII.

~ See Photograph, No. V.

100 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No: 2;

a single stone without ornament. The edges of the lowest course have

a plain moulding of three straight edged fillets,

(Vide woodcuts) and the upper course a similar

a one, except that the central fillet is rounded.

S To the east and west of the temple are rec-

tangular foundations, of the same width as, and

continuous with, that of the temple itself; but

there is no trace of surrounding walls. There

are, however, numberless hewn stones lying about

in all directions. From the position of the

building, the ground being high on three sidess

it may once have stood in water, like the other temple. The pedestal

of a lingam remains in the centre of the interior.

Braumago.*

At Bhaumajo (pronounced Bhoomzoo by the natives) there are

two temples, besides that described by General Cunningham. The

larger of the two has been appropriated by the Mahomedans for

a tomb, and disguised as much as possible; so much so, indeed,

that when first I visited the cave temple, I did not think it worth

while examining this other close by, on account of its new and

plastered appearance. It is, however, in a very perfect state of preser-

vation, but its details cannot, at present, be seen on account of the

thick plaster with which the building is in most parts overlaid. The

pyramidal roof is probably uninjured, but it is buried in a mound

of earth surmounting the square Mahomedan roof, which now disguises

the nature of the building. With some difficulty, I obtained admission

to the interior, which I found to be a square of 8 feet. The ceiling

is like that of the smaller temple at Lidar.t There is a door on the

north side, but the other walls are covered with plaster, rendering it

impossible to see whether they once had. doors or not. The third

temple, however, on the west of the tomb, has only one door, viz.,

to the north.

The exterior is a square of 16} feet, with corner pilasters 2 feet

13 inches thick. There are porches with high trefoiled arches on

* See Cunningham, page 251, and the Bishop’s letter to the Asiatic Society,

1865.

+ See ante, p. 99.

1866. ] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 101

all the sides. I could not find out how far the porches project beyond

the walls, owing to the plaster; but the one on the river side (where

the door is) projects 3 feet beyond the small pilasters which support

the doorway pediment.

The intervening spaces between the sides of the porches and the

corner pilasters are filled in with mortar..

The small pediment of the doorway within the trefoiled arch is

like that of the cave temple,* but is supported on independent

pilasters of its own. The porches are 11 feet one inch wide.

To the west of the temple above described, also on the bank of

' the river, are the remains of a smaller temple of the same kind. Its

interior is a square of 7 feet, with a roof like that of the smaller

temple at Lidar.; Below the roof is a cornice of three square edged

fillets, like those of both courses of the ceiling.

The building has, I think, had no corner pilasters. It has porches

on all four sides, 5inches projected. The only opening is on the north

side: the other porches containing closed doorways, which, like the

porch pediments, are an exact copy of those of the cave temple.{

The exterior of the roof has been destroyed.

TEMPLES NEAR WANGAT.

About 3 miles above Wangat, on the right bank of the river

Kanknai, are two groups of temples of all sizes, more or less in

a state of ruin.

The first group, viz., that nearest to Wangat, consists of six tem-

ples,§ with a gateway and an enclosing wall. (See woodcut, p. 102.)

The ground plan of the principal building is a square of 25 feet, with

pilasters at the corners 33 feet in thickness, and having a projection

of two inches beyond the temple walls. There are four porches 143

feet wide, with a projection of 23 feet beyond the corner pilasters. On

two sides they contain closed doorways, the recesses of which (like

those at Pathan||) once held nga, whose pedestals are still in their

places.

The porches were all surmounted by pediments of high pitch, covering

trefoiled arches, which rest on $ engaged square pilasters. Over each

* See Cunningham, plate X. + See ante, page Som See Cunningham, plate X.

§ See Cunningham, p. 273, para. 31. || See Cunningham, p. 283, para. 1.

References.

A. Massive wall forming facing to hill. | J. (On top). Steep mountain side co-

B.B. Foundation of original wall of vered with jungle.

enclosure. J.J. (On sides). Dense jungle.

C. Gateway. K. Temple to west.

D. Base of lingam. L. Temple to east.

E. Road to second group. N. Road to Wangat.

H. ‘Teniple to west. R.R.R. Kanknai river.

doorway, within the large trefoil arch, is a pyramidal pediment, of which

the tympanum is occupied with the trefoil ornament, resting on the

architraye which covers the pilasters of the doorways. The base of the

great pediment of the porches is ona level with that of the capital of the

corner pilasters, but the upper portions of these pediments have

disappeared. There were two entrances, to the H. N. H. and W. S.

W. respectively. The former has the remains of short flanking walls

(afterwards added, it would seem) projecting 2% feet beyond the

porch. They do- not appear to have risen higher than the base of

the capitals of the porch pilasters. he roof is still standing, and is

pyramidal, but its outer facing of stone has fallen, forced out, probably,

by the expansion of the roots of a tall fir and other trees, which grew

out of the pyramid. The interior, which has been much injured by

fire, is a square of 17 feet, the walls below the cornice being 13% feet

high, and plain; but the roof forms a hemispherical dome, 17 feet

in diameter, of which the centre has been decorated by a large

expanded lotus flower. The cornice is one foot high, with a moulding

of three bands; the upper two projecting each beyond the one below it.

sang

1866. ] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 103

The stones of the interior of the dome diminish in size, from about

i} feet long and 6 inches wide in the lower courses, to squares of about

sfx inches near the centre. The foundation of the dome is formed of

large blocks of stone, about 2 feet high, decorated with three straight

edged fillets as at Payach,* the two upper ones bread and projecting

each beyond that immediately below it, and the lowest narrowest.

The spandrels of the dome are plain and horizontal.

Within a few yards of the principal temple, to the north, there are

the remains, more or less ruined, of five small temples, three to the

east (Li), and two to the west (H and K). All but one of them are

built on the same general plan as the temple already described, but

have only one door each. The two to the west have their doors to

the east and south respectively. The doorway of the latter (1) is

like that of the temple A of the second group, described below. The

other three sides of H are decorated each with a miniature double-

roofed temple, but without an enclosing porch like those of A. It has a

water-spout on the north-west side. The other temple on the west (K)

has been a copy of the principal building, without the second doorway.

Of the other three small temples, that corresponding in position

to the one nearest the central building on the west, has its door to

the south east, and is built on the same plan as H. So has the next

one to it (almost touching it) on its north-east side. Its walls have

been plain on three sides, and there is a waterspout on the west. The

third of these temples, almost touching the first (on its north side), has

four doorways; that on the east being larger than the others, with

Cf think) a flight of steps to the east.

(L). It has a stone water-spout

projecting on the N. W. W. side.

In the interior the walls are plain.

The ceiling (as in the Pandrethan

temple, Plate XVIII.) is formed

of 9 blocks, four of which rest over

the angles of the walls and reduce

the opening to a square, The same

process is again repeated with an

apper course of four stones, by which the opening is still further nar-

* See Cunningham, p. 258, para. 10. + See Cunningham, p. 288, para. 10,

104 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir, [No. 2,

rowed to a square of 21 feet ; and lastly this opening is covered by a

single stone, decorated with a large expanded lotus surrounded by a nar-

row square moulding, whose angles bisect the sides of the upper opett-

ing of the ceiling. All the angles are occupied by a flowered ornament

of three leaves, something like that of the upper part of the tympa-

num in the niche of the upper roof at Payach.*

The gateway, about 221 feet wide, is to the N. N. E. of the

principal temple, almost in the N. EH. corner of the enclosing wall,

and about 30 feet from the nearest of the smaller temples. It was

divided into two chambers, and had two columns on each front; one

on either side of the entrance and supporting the architrave, as in

the Bhaniyar gateway.f The surrounding wall formed on two sides

a facing and support to the platform, on which the temples stand.

On one of these sides, viz. that to the east, the wall is over 20 feet

high in some places, and is built of small thin dark-coloured stone

without mortar. On another side, viz. that on which the gateway is,

and the furthest from the river, only the foundation remains; but

14 feet beyond it there is a second wall, very massive, built of rough

blocks of stone, and forming a facing to the hill. It has evidently

been erected at a later date, to protect the temples and the gateway

from a landslip (probably), which threatened to bury them all in its

descent towards the river.

There is built up in this wall a fragment of the pediment of one of

the smaller temples. At the §. W. corner of the enclosure there is

the base of an enormous lingam, 5% feet in diameter.

From the N. E. corner of the first group of temples there was a

road-way flanked with large stones, leading down to the second group,

afew hundred yards distant. Half way down, a little to the right

of the road, are the ruins of a small solitary temple, but so much

injured that it is impossible to make out the original form of the

building. Close to it is a block of granite (measuring 10 feet in

length, 16 inches in height, and 26 inches in thickness) which seems

to have formed part of the facing wall of a resting-place just above it,

where the base of a small column is still in its place, at one corner of

a rectangular platform. A little further down the road, on the same

side, is another rectangular platform, which seems to have been the

* See Cunningham, plate No. XII.

+ See onte, p. 96, and Photograph, No. III.

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 105

basement of a bara durree, or some such structure, 100 feet long and

67 feet wide. It must have had a broad open verandah all round.

The bases of the pillars on one of the longer sides (viz. that to the

east), eight in number, are all but one still in their places. The

pillars were fluted and two feet in diameter, with an intercolumniation

of nearly 121 feet. Numerous fragments of them are lying about in

all directions.

The uppermost course of the basement stones (on which the pillars

stood) are 15 inches high, and project about 5 inches over those of the

second course (which is almost entirely buried in the ground). In the

centre of the platform there are the remains of what appear to have been

the walls of an apartment.

About 20 yards tothe N. E. of the platform there are the ruins of the

enclosing wall of the second group of temples eleven in number, (see

woodcut below), with the remains of a gateway in the centre, about

22,7 feet wide, similar to that belonging to the first group.* Like

Yi Yi i,

yy YY

Y Yyyy

YY MMMM

References.

A.to G. Temples. K. Small temple on hill side.

H. Cistern. R.R.R. Kanknai river.

I. Road to first group of temples. S. Spring.

J.J.J. Jungle. T. Tank.

the latter, it was divided into two chambers, and had flanking

pillars to the front and rear, like those at Bhaniyar.; Their

; * See ante, p. 104, + See Photograph, No. III.

106 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

bases on the river side are still in their places. Immediately

inside the gateway, to the left, are the ruins of a small temple A, like

those of the first group. Its only entrance, a trefoiled arch covered

by a pediment resting on independent pilasters, looks to the N. H.

z. e. in the direction of the central building. Over the doorway

pediment, and resting on square pilasters, is another trefoiled arch,

occupying the tympanum of the porch pediment. The square pilasters

project 15 inches, and are attached to the building by short walls, as

at Pandrethan.* The other three walls are ornamented with similar

porches, projecting about 6 inches, and containing each the front of a

miniature temple with two roofs. The recesses once heldlinga.t The

interior is blocked up with the debris of the roof.

Between A and the principal temple, and a little to the north of

them, are the ruins of another temple (B), of which the basement

alone remains, amid a heap of huge stones, earth, and jungle. The

ground plan of this building was a square of about 18 feet with corner

pilasters 2? feet thick, and four porches projecting about 14 inches

beyond the pilasters.

Close to the central and principal temple, at its N. W. corner, is a

huge cistern (like those at Bhaniyar}), cut out of a single block of

granite, 15 feet long, 74 feet wide, and 3 feet high, with a projecting

spout on the W. S. W., one of the shorter sides.

The central building here is much more injured than that of the

former group, and is buried half way up the porches on two sides.

It appears, however, to have been very much like the corresponding

temple of the first group, but it had only one entrance, viz. towards

the W. 8. W. facing the gateway.

The interior is a square of 17 feet. The lowest course of the dome,

consisting of 8 stones, each 22 inches high, has not the mouldings

which the other dome has in this place, but seems to have had one

narrow plain moulding at the edge, and above it there is a concave

course, about 18 inches high, with a moulding resembling the frieze

of entablature No. 2, (of Marttand), given by General Cunningham

on plate VIII accompanying his Essay. The entrance has the remains

of projecting walls§, like those of the large temple in the first group,

* See Cunningham, plate XXI. + See Cunningham, p. 283, and plate No. XX.

{ See ante, p. 97. § See ante, p. 102.

1866.] Notes on some of the Tenvples of Kashmir. 107

The corner pilasters of this temple are 4 feet thick, the ground plan

being a square of 25 feet, as in the other case. A few yards to the

S. S. E. of the central temple is a small one (C), seven feet square,

with one round-headed doorway 8% feet wide, having mouldings the

same as those of G, and looking in the same direction as that of

the principal building. On the other three sides, there are similar

porches with closed square headed doorways. The basement (of

which part only is above the ground) seems to have been like that of

Bhaumajo.* The entablaturegover the doorways, beneath the base

oi the pyramidal pediment, like the entablature over the corners of

the building (on each side of the pediment) is decorated like frieze

No. 2, of the Marttand entablature, shewn by General Cunningham.

The porches project 44 inches. The interior is a square of 42 feet.

The roof is constructed of horizontal courses, like these of L. (Wood-

eut on p. 102.) The uppermost stone is decorated with an ex-

panded lotus flower. The two lower courses are ornamented each with a

moulding of three square-edged fillets, like those of the Payack dome.+

To the N. N. E. and 8. 8. W. of this small temple are the ruins of

two others. That in the former direction (D), a mere heap of ruins,

had its only entrance on the same side as that of the central temple.

The other (#) is a heap of huge stones, scarcely one of which is in

its original place. Hight feet behind the 8. 8. W. temple is a fourth

small one (F), with a square headed doorway which has plain

perpendicular and horizontal mouldings. There are similar doorways

on the other sides, but only that on the N. N. W. has an opening.

The interior is a square of 53 feet. The roof has been formed of

horizontal courses, of which the lowest alone remains, forming a

square opening of about 4 feet. The walls are 20 inches thick.

There has been another small temple to the S. S. W. of that last

described, but it is now only a heap of stones; and on its N. W. side

I think there are the foundations of one, if not two, more temples.

To the N. N. E. of the central building are the ruins of a very elegant

temple (G), the interior of which formed a square of about 9

feet. The walls were plain, with a cornice of 3 horizontal bands,

the centre one having a rounded edge. The walls are 2,4 feet thick,

* See Cunningham, plate No. X. + See Cunningham, plate No, XI,

108 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

The only entrance is to the 8. S. W. The head of the doorway is

round, and has a few parallel and perfectly plain mouldings, which are

joined to the similar mouldings of the sides by short horizontal returns.

To the N. E. of the last, and a few feet only distant, are the ruins of

another small temple, the ground plan of which was a square of 64 feet.

The wall enclosing all of these buildings, has been plain and very

massive. Many of the stones are still in their places on the N. N. W.

side, some of them being 7 feet long, 22 inches high, and 22 inches

thick. The wall measures 161 feet sy 118 feet, the longer sides

being towards the river and the hill respectively. On the former

side the wall forms a support to the platform on which the temples

stand; and on the latter, a facing to the hill side, which has either

been cut away to form the quadrangle, or has subsequently come

down in a landslip, threatening to bury all the buildings in its descent

towards the river. Wherever the lower part of the wall remains and

is visible on the outside (as it is near the gateway), there is a string

course, like that at Bhaniyar.*

Immediately beyond the enclosing wall, at its N. N. W. corner, is

a tank (T) of most delicious water, very cold and clear. The bottom of

the tank is considerably above the level of the quadrangle, which

might therefore have been kept flooded from the tank. The water

issues from the hill on the N. W. W. side of the tank, through the

stones of the wall, and was probably the cause of this site being

selected for all these buildings. Not only the temples, but the

neighbourhood is now forsaken by all human beings, and there is not

a resident Hindu for many miles. But the spring (8) still runs on the

same as ever, affording another instance of the temporary nature of

man’s greatest devices compared with that of things not human.

To the west of the tank, and the north of the second group of

temples, on the hill side, and almost buried in the ground, are the

ruins of a small solitary temple. The roof is broken into two portions

(like that of the Payach temple+), of which the upper one, a pyramid

formed of a single stone 2% feet square, is still in its place.

The situation of the two groups of buildings is very wild and

secluded, but not grand like that of the Bhaniyar temple.

* See ante, p. 94, and Photograph, No. III,

+ See Cunningham, plate No, XII.

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 109

They are on the right bank of the Kanknai river, about 3 miles

above Wangat, and not on the Brahimsur stream, where the latter

place is incorrectly marked in the trigonometrical survey map. The

Kanknai is nearer to the temples than the Jhelum is to that of

Bhaniyar, and is quite as noisy as the latter river, but its dimensions

are much less. The mountains on both sides of the stream above the

temples rise to a great height and are very steep. They are covered

with forests of pine and fir; and, not far distant to the N. N. E.,

the head of the valley is closed by a bare, dark green hill, with the

snow still remaining in its clefts on the 27th of July. The temples

are built of a coarse, pale granite, like that used at Bhaniyar, and

mortar is found in most of the buildings. There are tall firs growing

out of the rooi of the principal temple of each group, and many of

the smaller temples have been much injured by other trees forcing

their way through the walls.

The best way to the temples from Srinagar is by Gundurbul,

Kuchnungul, and Wangat.

Dyamun, BETWEEN NowsHERA anp Urt.

On the left bank of the Jhelum, between Nowshera and Uri, and

about 34 miles from the latter place, are the ruins of a fine temple and

gateway, similar to those of Bhaniyar.* There has been also a sur-

rounding quadrangle, but very little of it remains.

The ground plan of the temple is a square of 25 feet, with corner

pilasters 23 feet thick and six inches projected beyond the walls of

the building. The porches, of which three contain closed doorways,

are each 16 feet wide, with a projection of 1} feet. The doorways

have square heads with plain straight mouldings, and are surmounted

by pediments containing the trefoil ornament. The pediments are

supported on half engaged fluted pillars. The only entrance, viz. to

the W. N. W., is approached by a flight of steps like that of

Bhaniyar.+

The interior is a square of 12 feet, but is nearly filled up with the

debris of the pyramidal roof. The interior walls had a cornice of

three plain mouldings, like those of one of the larger temples at

Wangat.t Part of the pyramidal roof is still standing. It has been

* See ante, p. 91, and Photographs, Nos. I. (J. 101. and XIII.

+ See Photograph, No, I. { See ante, p. 102.

110 Netes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

very massive, but hollow. The basement of the temple is like that

of Bhaniyar,* but a good deal of it is concealed by earth and jungle.

The steps of the temple are about 19} feet from those of the

gateway, but the latter are covered with earth and fragments of stone.

The exterior face of the surrounding wall has been ornamented

like that at Bhaniyar,+ and there were two recesses in the corners of

the front wall, like those at Marttand and Bhaniyar. The colonnade

of the interior has entirely disappeared, if any ever existed. 1 found

no fragments of small columns, like those of the Bhaniyar peristyle ;

but the quadrangle is so filled up with earth, fragments of stone,

trees and jungle, that whole pillars may be concealed from view.

I think there was a peristyle; because behind the temple I found

part of a basement, like that on which the columns of the peristyle

stand at Bhaniyar.}

The gateway is built on the same plan as that at Bhaniyar,§ and

is 234 feet wide. It is divided into two compartments, each 17 feet

by 53 feet. The short side walls of each compartment are decorated

with two trefoil headed niches, one above the other, with pyramidal

pediments. The upper part of the gateway has disappeared, but

fragments of the four large fluted columns which supported the

architrave, are lying about in the neighbourhood, and also the capital

of one of these columns, elaborately carved with small figures and

flowered ornaments, Nearly the whole of the outer wall of the

quadrangle is still standing, but its character is concealed, in most

parts, by the earth which on three sides is up to the top of the wall.

The whole of the ruins are so buried in jungle that I passed along

the road, on my way to Kashmir, without noticing them at all. The

material is black stone (I think limestone), streaked with veins of

white marble.

The situation is wild, like that of the Bhaniyar temple, the hill

rising to a great height immediately behind the ruin,

Manus Bat.

At the S. E. corner of the lake of Manus Bal, there is a small

temple, of which the roof only was above the water on the 9th of

* See Photograph, No. I. { See Photograph, No, II.

+ See Photograph, No. III, § See Photograph, No, III.

LES:

py tT

Pye

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COU ay Fie

ONSET NET

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Loe

Abe

N LAKE AT

W, SU

MONUSBAL

SURVEYOR GENUS OFFICE CALCUTTAJULY, 1266

pasigieabhe

Plate XIX.

eat

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Calcutta.

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. . 111

August. (Plate XIX.) In the winter, I was told, the building

stands on dry ground. At other seasons the whole is sometimes below

the surface of the lake.

The reof is very like that of the Payach temple,* being broken into

two distinct portions by an ornamental band ; each portion being

formed of asingle stone. The upper stone is 5 feet square at its

base, and is plain on all sides. The ornamental bandy is like that of

Payach, divided into spaces alternately projecting and retiring. The

latter are equare and eccupied by the lotus; but the projecting ends

are carved into upright mouldings, slightly rounded at top and

bottom, and surmounted by a straight and horizontal band. The

north, south, and east sides ef the lower portion of the roof are

plain. The top seems to have been crowned by a melon-like

ornament, of which the base only remains.

The temple appears to be a square of about 6 feet, and has only

one doorway, to the west, covered by a pyramidal pediment, which

is divided into two portions by a horizontal return of the side

mouldings, as in the case of the Marttand colonnade.{ The upper

portion is eccupied by the head and shoulders of a figure helding a

sort of staff im the left hand, and with something, which I couldnot make

out, under the left arm. (See Plate XIX.) In the niche (like those at

Payach§) formed by the trefoil over the doorway, there is a sitting

figure, holding a sort of club in the left hand. The angles of the lower

portion of the doorway pediment, below the horizontal moulding and

above the trefoil, are occupied each with a naked figure leaning against

the head of the trefoil, and holding up over the arch a sort of waving

scari, which is passed on through their other hands.

LANKA.

On Lanka island there are the ruins of a very fine temple. Its

‘ground plan appears to have been a square of 344 feet, with a sort of

antechamber to the 8. EH, E., which is 11 feet wide, including the

walls. The latter are 2, feet thick. This antechamber projects

53 feet beyond the walls of the Naos. The exterior walls of the

temple are ornamented with two rows of deep niches with cinq-foiled.

* See Cunningham, plate No. XII. t See Cunningham, plate No. XVI,

+ See Cunningham, plate No. XII. § See Cunningham, plate No, XII,

’

112 "Notes on some of the Temples of Kashnur. [No. 2,

heads, flanked by half engaged fluted columns. The wall on each

side of the antechamber has three of these niches in each row, 4. e.

12 niches in all.

There are many small pillars lying about, almost uninjured, and

more fragments of similar pillars. The columns measure 8 feet 64

inches, including base and capital, the latter being like that of the

small pillars of the Marttand* peristyle, but with beading between

the egg-shaped ornaments. The capital of these pillars is 143 inches

in height. They have 6 flutes, and their diameter is 165 inches.

The exterior face of the walls of the antechamber have only one of the

niches in each row.

The doorway is tothe 8 8S. E., but I did not feel sure that there

had not been doors on the other sides also.

On the 8S. S. E. side of the island there is a flight of steps with

flanking walls; and close by, in the water, a large

lingam. There are heaps of hewn stone on all sides

| Sas, Of the island at the water’s edge, including frag-

ments of square headed doorways, pyramidal pedi-

IG ttn ments, &c., and I think the island must all have

sa been surrounded by a quadrangular wall, with a

peristyle and recesses on the interior, as at Mart-

| 16 2in tand.

Near the steps are the remains of a cistern like

the smaller onet at Bhaniyar. The building stands

on a basement, of which a woodcut is given in the

margin,

Narayan THAt.

This temple stands in a small tankt on the right hand side of the

road, going from Baramula to Mozufferabad, and about 25 miles to

the 8. W. of the former place. It is situated in a hollow at the foot of

the hills, and is buried in trees; and it may, therefore, easily escape

the notice of travellers who are not looking out for it. The temple

is a square of 13} feet, with plain walls. There is only one doorway

3,%, feet high, and 3 feet wide, on the east gide, its top being formed

* See Cunningham, plate No. XV, and plate No. VII, fig. 6,

+ See ante, p. 97. { See photograph, No. XVII,

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. — 113

by the ends of two stones, whose lower corners are rounded off,

forming an arch one foot high. The walls are formed of eight courses,

of which two are below the surface of the water.

The roof of the temple is alow pyramid, also formed of eight

courses, of which the lowest projects a few inches beyond the face of

the walls. The second course from the top of the roof is formed of

one stone, 43 feet square at the bottom, and 14 feet high. Over it

are three small stones, forming the uppermost course, of which the

centre is pierced with a hole, 6 inches in diameter, apparently made

to receive the end of a finial that is wanted to complete the pyramid.

The interior is a square of 7+ feet, and is 9,5, feet high. The floor

was in July more than a foot below the surface of the water. The

inside walls are formed of horizontal courses, each consisting of four

stones only, one on each side of the building. The course over the

doorway is slightly projected and rounded, forming a sort of string

course along the walls. Above it are eight courses; the sides of the

building diminishing in length as they near the top, and the slope of

the walls being straight,

The uppermost course of the interior walls, forming a small square

opening, is crowned by a single flat stone.

There are a great many stones lying about the hae but I could

not find the foundation of an enclosing wall,* and, owing to the rushes

and other weeds which abound in the water, I could not ascertain

whether the bottom of the tank had been flagged or not. I did not

find any part of the pedestal of a lingam in the temple.

The tank is fed by a running stream, which comes from a spring

in the side of the hill immediately behind.

Some of the stones of the temple walls are 9} feet long and 13

inches high.

Fourreneuur, Kasumi.

Aiter crossing the hill at the end of the valley, about two miles

from Baramula, on the way to Nowshera, a short distance off the

road, to the leit, towards Gul-murg, there are the ruins of a grand

temple, in a village callgd (since Runjeet Sing’s conquest of the

country) Futtehghur. Runjeet had a fort built round the temple,

* See Cunningham, p. 288, para. 11.

114 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

using the stone of its pyramidal roof, and probably of its enclosing

quadrangle, for the construction of his walls of defence. The ground

plan of the temple is a square of 462 feet. There were four porches,

each 274 feet wide, with a projection 8, feet beyond the temple walls.

The only door was on the W.N. W. side, the other three porches con-

taining closed doorways, like those at Bhaniyar.* The doorways had

pyramidal pediments, the tympanum being occupied by the trefoil

ornament, and were supported on half engaged fluted columns, with

capitals decorated with the egg-shaped ornament. The doorway

pediments were surmounted by those of the porches, with noble trefoiled

arches occupying the tympanum; the principal pediments being sup-

ported on fine square pilasters, and the arches resting, as usual, on

half engaged square pillars of their own. The corner pilasters are 74

feet thick, and 4} inches projected. The capitals of the square pilasters,

like the entablature of the exterior walls, were ornamented with small

trefoil-headed niches, containing naked human figures standing ; and

over them was a row of lotus flowers in small square panels. The

interior measures 29 feet across, and seems to have been octagonal,

the four principal sides measuring each 184 feet, and the other four

each 9 feet ; but the whole building is buried in earth and the debris

of the roof nearly up to the top of the doorways, and it is consequently

not possible to take all the measurements accurately. Some of the

stones (black limestone ?) are very large, measuring 10,%, feet in length

3% feet in height, and 34 feet in thickness. From the exterior face

of the porch to the back of the recess formed by the closed doorway is

83 feet.

TEWAN.

About a mile to the left of the road beyond Bimbaga, at a village called

Tewan, near the foot of the hills, there are the ruins of a temple built

after the plan of the principal temples beyond Wangat, but of smaller

dimensions. It has only one door, viz. to the south; but there are por-

ches, similar to that on the south, on the other three sides, containing

closed door-ways. The roof is entirely gone, and the walls look as if

they would very soon topple over. Thegbasement is buried. The

* See photograph, No. I.

+ See Cunningham, plate VIII. fig. 6,

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 115

interior is a square of about 11 feet. The temple seems to have stood

in a tank, and to have had an enclosing wall. Immediately behind

is the steep hill side, covered with fine spreading cedars.

Tempues at PatHan SUGANDHESWARA.*

The inner chamber of this, the smaller of the two Pathan temples,

is, as Cunningham says, ‘‘ quite plain,” except that in the west wall

there are four small niches in a line, 54 feet from the floor, two with

trefoiled heads and two square-headed. To the right of the gateway

ruins there is a fragment of a fluted column, one foot in diameter, like

those of the Avantiswami peristyle, and, a little further to the front,

a fragment of a larger fluted column (having 20 flutes) 12 feet in diameter.

Down each flute there is a flat band, one inch

— wide, slightly projected. Near the latter frag-

Eo ment there are pieces of two trefoil-headed

Se arches, and the capitals (with parts of the

shafts) of two of the colonnade pilasters.

There is also, on the same spot, the base (22

22m inches square) of a small column, cut on three

sides only.

SanKARA GAURESWARA.

Nearly opposite this, the larger of the two Pathan temples, on the

left hand side of the road in a bagh of cherry trees, there is a fragment

of a small fluted column (having 16 flutes), one foot in diameter,

similar to that of the Pampur peristyle. The fragment measures about

3 feet in length, and is standing up out of the ground, marking the

site of a Mahomedan grave. And ina field to the east of the temple, there

is another fragment of the same or a similar pillar. In the village of

Pathan, I found the base of a small column like that described near

Sugandheswara, and another of a larger column. In and about the

village, there are numberless huge stones, squared and otherwise carved,

which probably belonged to the enclosure of one or both of the temples.

To the east of the entrance porck of the larger temple, at 90 feet

distance, there is the foundation of a wall of squared stones, and I

thought I could trace the foundation of a gateway.

* See Cunningham, page 281. + See Cunningham, page 283.

116 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

Koni.

At Kohil, between Awantipore and Payach, there is a miniature

temple, cut out of one stone,

standing near a Mahomedan

tomb, within an enclosing

wall of recent construction.

(See woodcut.) The interior

of the temple is a cube of

15 inches, with the centre

of the roof hollowed out into

a dome; and the walls are

5 inches thick.

The exterior walls are 2

feet long without corner

Dee 2D OED pilasters, and there is only

one entrance. On three sides there are closed doorways, with pe-

diments like that of the entrance. The apex of the doorway pedi-

ment is on a level with the top of the lower division of the roof, as

at Payach,* and projects 5 inches beyond the roof at the same level.

As at Payach, also, the pediment is unbroken, and contains the trefoil

ornament. The doorway pilasters project one inch beyond the face of

the wall. The basement of the temple, and the upper division of the

roof are missing.

At the same place there are the bases of 3 small columns, whose

diameter has been 8 inches. Of their bases, the plinth is 7 inches high

and 11} inches wide. The upper member also is square, and somewhat

like that of the Marttand peristyle columns,} 3 inches high.

DrusaaMa.

Between Ramoo and Shapuyon, a few yards from the road, on high

ground, near Drubgama, is a miniature temple, like that at Kohil, cut

out of a single block of stone 2 feet 84 inches square, and 4 feet 54

inches high.

It has one door’ to the south, with a horse shoe-shaped arch, covered

by a pyramidal pediment, broken into two portions by a return of the

* Sce Cunningham, plate XII.

4 Ibid, plate XV.

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. i

side mouldings. The upper portion.is occupied by a small trefoil

ornament, and the lower one contains a small round ornament, resting

on the base, thus :

The width of the porch on the south side is 2 feet. On the north

side there is a recess like those of the Pathan temples,* with a cing-

foiled head, covered by a pyramidal pediment broken into two portions

of which the lower one is occupied by a flowered ornament. A larger

pediment supported on half engaged pillars surmounts the former one.

The east and west walls have porches very slightly projected, with

pyramidal pediments resting on the jambs of square-headed deorways.

The tympanum of the pediment is occupied by a large trefoil ornament.

The roof of the temple has been formed of twe stones, of which the

upper one has disappeared, as is the case in the Kohil model.

The temple seems to have stood in a very small tank faced with

stone walls. I could not find any trace of a basement. In front of

the temple there are stones which I took for the foundation of a small

rectangular building.

PANDRETHAN.T

The floor of this temple on the 7th of August was 3,5, feet below the

surface of the water, and above it there were 511 feet of wall. The

opening on the south} (differing from those on the ether three sides)

appears to have been made subsequently. Its sides are not splayed

like those of the other doorways, and seem not to have been regularly

cut, but rudely broken away. In fact, one stone on the west side of

* See Cunningham, p. 283, para, 1,

+ Idem, page 283.

{ Idem, p. 287, para, 9,

118 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

the opening is not flush with the rest, but projects a couple of inches

or so beyond the general level of the face of the wall. I think there

had been originally a closed doorway outside on the south, like those

at Bhaniyar* and that the interior of the wall on that side was originally

built up and plain.

General Cunningham’s drawing ofthe ceiling of the temple is not quite

complete. From the accompanying very accurate sketch made by Mr,

R. T. Burney of the Civil Service, (Plate XVIII.), it will be seen that

the angles of the square in which the beaded circle is, are occupied by

naked human figures, as well as the angles of the other squares. These

innermost figures have both arms ‘outstretched, like those at Payachy

seeming to hold up the circle. They have drapery about their shoulders,

resembling light scarfs. The brackets supporting the cornice were

once ornamented, and show marks of great violence having been used

to destroy the carving. Hach appears to have represented a human

head; for on several of them there still remains on both sides what looks

like plaited hair. The pediment pilasters project 5 inches beyond

those supporting the trefoiled arches. The corner pilasters of the

building are 1 foot 104 inches thick. I found what I took for mortar

in all parts of the building.

Marrrann.{

The middle chamber of the centre edifice is 14 feet by 63 feet ;

and the innermost one, the naos of the Greeks, is 18 feet by 133 feet,

having the remains of a cornice, about 18 inches high, in the 8. H. corner.

I could find no trace of trefoil-headed panels or any other ornament on

the outer walls of the quadrangle.

The large pillars at the extremities of the wall (in which the

gateway is) outside, have, I think, supported the pediments of cells

like those in the front wall at Bhaniyar.§

The leading feature of the entablature of the middle chamber is

the cingfoiled headed arch, resting upon small half engaged hexagonal

pillars. See woodcut on next page.

* See onte, p. 92.

+ Cunningham, plate No. XII.

{ Ibid, page 258.

§ Ibid, p. 270, para. 25, and Photograph, No. XXIII.

Ame V RD

scp ln tt Ne

As: Soc: XXXV. P. i

| weal ' aes Plate XVIII.

Journal

Drawn by RT. Burney Esq?! C.S.— ee ‘ SOE

On stone by Kamakha Churn Ghose, Student Govt: Schoolof Art Calcutta.

ROOK OF PANDRETHAN TEMPLE

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 119

The soffits of the arch, leading from the arddhamandapa or porch,

to the antarala or mid-temples, is highly decorated. (See Cunningham,

plate XVI. and woodcut overleaf.)

T sKHT-I-SULIMAN.*

With all deference to General Cunningham, I should call the ground

plan of this temple a squaret of 142 feet, with projections on each side.

The diameter of the interior of the temple is 154. The thickness of

the wall on each side of the door is 5% feet, and the doorway is projected

2 feet.

Only one side of the enclosing wall is perfect ; and it contains 14

rectangular recesses. The wall on another side 1s partly standing, and

seems to have contained 13 recesses. These walls each measure 22

feet in length on the inside. The outside of the wall is quite plain.t

* Cunningham, page 247.

+ Ibid, p. 270, para. 25, and Photograph, No, XX1.

{ Ibid, p. 2650, para. 18.

120 Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. [No. 2,

The basement of the wall is 2;5 feet thick, projecting on the inside one

foot beyond the wall itself. The height of the basement is 10 inches.

(Soffits of entrance arch of Temple. Marttand.)

The sloping walls, flanking the steps Jeading from the entrance, are

2% feet thick. The surrounding walls and the entrance are in much

better preservation than the temple itself. The entrance has a round

top (like those of the arched recesses in the rectangular panels*), whereas

the doorway of the temple is narrow and pointed. or these and other

reasons, [ believe the surrounding wall and the steps to be much more

recent in date than the temple.

* See Cunningham, p. 250, para. 8.

;

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples of Kashmir. 121

T was assisted in taking the above measurement by W. Elmslie, Esq.,

M. D.

To the north of the temple, a few feet distant, there is a small

rectangular building. Its interior is 11 feet by 10% feet, and the

walls are 25% feet thick. The

Vitin tin

ohin 221m roof is formed of large plain

Stin slabs, supported on four hori-

sin 4in. zontal stone beams, 15 inches

5 wide, and 64 inches high.

Hach of these beams is formed

of two stones. These beams

fhe again rest, in the centre, on

another stone beam (formed of

2 pieces) 10% feet long, 11

inches high and 16 inches wide,

and supported on two stone pillars (of 8 flat faces each) without

bases. Including the capitals, the pillars are 4 feet 103 inches high

and 23 inches thick. (See woodcut.) The capitals are not alike.

There is one entrance to the east, as in the temple close by. It is

round headed, with plain mouldings parallel to the sides and top.

The walls outside and inside are plain. The exterior of the roof is

gone.

AVANTISWAMI.*

Though the Dewan at Srinagar readily consented to my opening

up the ruins of Avantiswami, I experienced great difficulty in

obtaining bildars and coolies for the work. For some weeks I could

not get any at all, and most of the work was done by very old men

and children.

I excavated the whole of the peristyle on the south side of the

quadrangle and the part of it between the S. W. corner and the

gateway. At first I hoped that the displacement of the entablature

over the colonnade was only local; but, on continuing the excavation,

* See General Cunningham’s Essay, p. 276, and the Bishop’s letter to the

Asiatic Society, 1865.

1866.] Notes on some of the Temples at Kashmir. 123

T found that the whole of the entablature on the south side had been

thrown down before the silting up of the quadrangle. Notwith-

standing this circumstance, the pedimental pilasters of the recesses

have scarcely been injured at all. This is specially remarkable in the

case of one pair of pilasters, which are ornamented with figures

representing Siva or some other divinity. The woodcuts on page 122,

from a drawing by Mr. H. Wilson of the Civil Service, give a very

faithful representation of four of these pilasters.

Kounamou, We.

At Kunamoh and Kroo, beyond Pampur, to the left of the Islama-

bad road, there have been temples in the middle of small tanks, which

(latter) stillremain. At Tapur also, between Pathan and Baramula,

there are the foundations, if not the entire basements, of two fine

temples; and near Woossun, on the right bank of the Sind, there

are likewise extensive ruins of similar buildings.

About one mile from Baramula, on the left bank of the Jhelum, are

the foundations of a wall 90 yards square, enclosing a small tope.

This is probably the ancient Jayendra Vihar. Near the wall there

are the foundations of a large village or city. Stones of all shapes

are strewn over the ground to the extent of some acres. In one place

there is a heap of huge blocks, which are evidently the debris of a

temple long ago overturned. ‘There is also a small mound resembling

a Buddhist tope, also covered with loose stones. Near its top isa

very large lingam. A few hundred yards from this mound, in an

orchard, there is another and larger lingam, measuring 17 feet in

circumference near the base, and 9 feet in height.

124 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

Remarks on Barbier de Meynard’s edition of Llbn Khordddbeh and on

the Land-tax of the empire of the Khalyfs—By Dr. A. SPRENGER.

[Received 23rd February, 1866. |

Le livre des routes et des provinces d’ Ibn Khordddbeh, texte arabe

publié, traduit, et annoté par C. Barbier de Meynard. Paris, 1865.

Monsieur Barbier de Meynard is known to us as the author of the

Dictionnaire Géographique de la Perse, and as the editor and translator

of the Travels of Ibn Batuta and of the Golden Meadows (or more

correctly, as Gildemeister explains this book title, “the gold washings)

of Mastdy. ‘To these important publications he has lately added that

of Ibn Khordadbeh, and at present he is engaged with Moqaddasy.

As soon as he has completed this work, we may say that he has done

more for oriental geography, than all Arabists past and liying together.

Barbier de Meynard has visited the Hast, and he is an ’Alamdyda and

a man of vast erudition, His way of working differs essentially from

that of his confréres of the old rotten school. He gives us good texts

and close yet elegant translations, and does not waste his time in

puerile notes, replete with philological subtleties and nonsensical ex-

planations, in which men whose ideas do not extend beyond the

narrow limits of the school, delight so much.

The most ancient MS. of the geography of Ibn Khordadbeh is that

of Oxford, which has hitherto been considered as unique. To the

zeal of Monsieur Barbier de Meynard and to his knowledge of the

East we owe the discovery of another copy, which was found at Con-

stantinople. Notwithstanding this important discovery, it was an

extremely difficult task to establish a good text of Ibn Khordadbeh,

I do not maintain Barbier de Meynard has succeeded in every in-

stance to fix the correct reading, but I assert, without fear of contra-

diction, that no Orientalist could have done more for amending the

. text than he, for no man has a better knowledge of Hastern geography,

The editor suffered under one great disadvantage: he could not con-

sult the MS. of Oxford, whilst the work went through the press, and

the transcript which he made use of was not taken by himself. The

Oxonians are as jealous of their literary treasures as an eastern prince

of the hundreds of ladies in his harem, and as they have no particular

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 125

predelection for Eastern lore (they have in fact better things to do),

they derive about as much advantage from them. I copied the

Oxford MS. for my own use, and in some instances I prefer my own

reading. Baron de Slane published in the “ Journal Asiatique” an

account of Qodéma’s work on the Kharéj, a book which I shall fre-

quently quote in this paper. I might probably have avoided many

mistakes arising from the incorrectness of my extracts from Qodéma,

if I had had the good fortune to consult the Baron’s remarks, but

unfortunately I do not possess the Journal.

Ibn Khordadbeh wrote about A. H. 250 (A. D. 864.) His geography

is small, and fills only 127 pages octavo, but it is of immense importance,

inasmuch as it consists almost exclusively of official documents, and

contains the caravan and dawk stations of the whole empire of the

Khalyfs, and the amount of revenue of every district. I have inserted

his itineraries in my “ Post-und Reiserouten des Orients,” and some of

them will be taken from that compilation and embodied, as Mr. Hyde

Clark writes to me, in Murray’s Guide for the East. I therefore give

here a short account of the revenue of the Khalyfs, extracted from

Ibn Khordadbeh.

I must premise a few remarks on the weights and measures of the

Arabs, making use of the researches which I made on the weights in

my Leben und Lehre des Mohammad, Vol. III. p. 141, and in an essay

on the Wegmasse und Gradmessung der Aegypter, Griechen und

Araber, which is not yet published.

The standard of the Musulman weights is the Aureus of Constan-

tine: 72 Aurei = 1 Roman pound = 5256 English grains Troy accord-

ing to Gibbon, = 6165 grains de Paris according to Béckh. The

Aureus, considered as the unit of weight, is called Mithqal, and may be

taken = 4.6 Grammes or somewhat more. This weight of pure gold

is according to the present value of the precious metals = 15.97

Francs. The Musulman Dirham is in weight = 5% Mithqal, and if

consisting of pure silver, its value is = 72 Centimes. 1 Baghdadian

rofl pound (the one mentioned in law-books) = 1284 Dirhams =

90 Mithqdéls = 11 Roman pounds = 409.536 Grammes = 1.1 pound

Troy (nearly).

AH other Musulman weiglits we must reduce, if possible, to the

Mithgél (= Dynér = Auyeus); for there existed various systems :

126 Meynard’s Ibn Khordadbeh, TNo. 2,

the grain and the weights, calculated by the number of grains which

they contain, had, in some parts of the empire, and at one time, &

greater or lesser value than in other parts and at other periods.

There is a grain of which 72 make a Mithgal, there is a grain (8)4*4)

of which 100 make a Mithqal, one of which 96 make a Mithqal, one

of which 684 make a Mithgal, and one of which 60 make a Mithqal,

but this grain is called Habba and not Shayra. The fact seems to

be that the Persians, and after them the Mohommedans, found that

the Roman Aure? are more equal in weight than any other coin, and

for this reason they used it as standard, calculating the value of their

own weight by Aurei. In some cases, slight alterations in the value

of their own weights seem to have been made in order to adapt them

better to this foreign standard. The apothecaries’ weight, as we learn

from Avicenna, was Greek, but not without some alteration,

According to the Dictionary of Techn. Terms, p. 176, there existed

in the early ages of the Islam the same system as was in later times

preserved at Samarqand. It may be expressed as follows :

Mithqal. Daneq. Tassij. Habba. Grain (Shayra.)

1 6 24 48 96

1 4 8 16

1 2 a3

I 2

Another system or Ganja we find in the Qamis under Makkik, ié

may be expressed as follows :

Mithqal. Dirhem. Déneg. Qyrat. Lassi. Habba

(grain.)

1 Es 84 17 342 684

1 6 12 24 48

1 2 4 8

1 2 4

1 2

This system is in the Qamés continued beyond the Mithqdl, as

follows ;

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordédbeh. 127

Makkuk. Kaylaja. Mana. Ro’l Ounce. Istar. Mithgal.

(pound.)

2 epee ee IN 135. 225-1019

ly Bt 45 75 3374

i 2 a4 46 180

1 12 20 90

i 12 73

In this table three systems of weight are brought together : the

Roman.monetary, the Greek apothecary, and the Persian heavy

weights. I ought to observe that the grain of 8,424 in Herat was,

even in later times, so small, that 100 such grains were required to

make up a Mithqal. In some places 3 Habba made a Tassiij,

I now insert an abstract of the calculations of ’Alyy Hasany, who

wrote at Murshidabdd in A. H. 1164, transcribed from his autograph.

1 grain of barley = 2 grains of riye = 4 grains of mustard.

1 Masha = 8 Raty = 36 grains of barley = 72 grains of riye.

1 Tola = 12 Mashas = 96 Raties = 9 Dirhams of the law-books

= 6,3, Mithgals.

A Paysa (copper coin) of ’Alamgyr has exactly the weight of one

Tola, but the Paysa of Bengal, current in 1164, weighs 10} Raties.

1 Sér of ’Alamgyr = 60 Tolas.

1 Man of ’Alamgyr = 40 Sérs.

1 Bengal Rupee = 10 Mashas and 2 Raties.

1 Delhi Rupee = 10 Mashas.

1 Ashrafy = § Mashas and 6 Raties.

1 Qyrét = 35 of a Mithqal of the traditions = 37 grains of

barley = 2 Raty and 3 grain.

1 Daneq = + Dirhem = 8 grains = 1 Raty and 3} grains

1 Dirhem = 6 Daneq = 48 grains = i, Mithq4l = 102 Raties.

1 Mithg4l = 684 grains = 20 Qyrét = 13 Dirhams= 14 Raties

and 13, grains.

1 Rofl of Irég = 130 Dirhems = 91 Mithqils = 6240 grains =

2 Rotl of Madyna = 13802 Raties.

1 Rofl of Makka = 2 Traqy Rotls = 182 Mithgals = 260 Dir-

hems = 12480 grains = 2773} Ratics.

128 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

1 Modd = 2923 Dirhems = 204? Mithqals = 14040 grains =

2+ Traqy or Baghdadian Rofls = 14 Rofl of Madyna = 3120 Raties.

According to some, one Modd = 257+ Dirhems.

1 Ca =4 Modd = 1170 Dirhems = 819 Mithqéls = 56108

grains = 12480 Raties.

1 Korr = 1200 Irigy Rotls = 5334 Modd = 13833 Ga’ ==

156000 Dirhems = 109201 Mithqals = 7488000 grains = 207012

Sérs.

1 Wisq = 60 Ca’.

The values of Arabic weights reduced to Indian weights in this

table, is certainly wrong. It is incomprehensible, how a man in his

senses could believe that one Paysa is as heavy as 63, Dynars or 9

Dirhems. This error seems to arise from the supposition that an

Indian grain is exactly equal to the largest Arabic grain, of which 684

are sufficient to make a Mithqél, and 49371 one Roman pound. Some

other data of this table are probably equally incorrect, yet it contains

some information which may be useful.

The value of cubic measures for grain is expressed by the Arabs in

the weight of the quantity of barley which they contain. At this

moment I have no book in which they are explained, and I must refer

to dictionaries. Their explanations unfortunately do not square,

because the Qa’ and the Mana have different values in different

authors. According to Abii Hanyfa 1 Ca’ of Barley = 8 Rofls; ac-

cording to Shafi’y = 54 Rofl; according to the Shy’ites = 9 Roéls;

and according to Kolyug = 1170 Dirhams = 9, Rofls. On the

Mand Meninsky says: apud Arabes Hispanos duas libras, apud Asiatas

260 Drachmas appendebat. Mana egyptiaca, pondus sedecim uncia-

rum ; mana greca, pondus 20 unciarum; mand alexandrina pondus 30

unciarum. (Casiri Bib. ar-hisp.)

The measures of importance for our present purpose are the Qafyz,

the Korr and the Jaryb.

1 Qafyz = 8 Makkuk (which is not the name of a weight, but of

a cubic measure). Consequently 1 Qafyz = 8100 Mithgdls = 90

Rotls. According to Golius, 1 Qafyz — 12 (a’s; or if we take the

Ca’, with Abé Hanyfa, to 8 Rotls = 96 Rolls.

We find in the Qamis also the following explanation of the

Qafyz, Obl Cosh) ow Oe se g Sera le 99 9 Cmts Ody y Sy ah

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 129

“1 Makkik = 4 Wayba; and 1 Wayba = 22 or 24 Modds, that is

to say Modds of the prophet.” And under Modd he says: “ Accord-

ing to the people of "Iraq, the Modd is equal to two Rodéls, and accord-

ing to the people of Hijaz to 14 Rofl; ” and lower down he states

the value of the Modd of the prophet at one-fourth of a Ga’. Now if

we take the Ga’, with Abt’ Hanyfa, at 8 Roéls, the Modd has as in

‘Traq 2 Rofls, and if we take the Ga’, with Shafiy, at 54 Ro/ls, the Modd

holds as in Hijaz 54: 4 = 14 Roéls; and I therefore suspect that in

one place two Roéls, in another place 14 Roéls, were called Modd of

the prophet. If we take the Modd at two Rotls, we have for the

value of the Qafyz 24 x 2 = 24 Rolls.” It isimpossible to reconcile

this statement with the preceding one.

There are in the Qamits two other definitions of the Makktk,

eight of which make one Qafyz. According to the one, a Makktk

weighs from six to eight ounces, that is to say, halfa Rodl or %

Roéls. It is impossible that this be the value of the Makktk in

question. According to the other statement, 1 Makkuk = 1} Ga’ or

12 Roils, if we give to the (a the value of 8 Roils.

From a passage of Qodama, it appears that any small measure of

corn was called Makkik-bushel, and that the Makkik was dit-

ferent in different countries. In the definition of the value of the

Qafyz, I think the large Makkuik is meant, and I therefore assume 1

Qafyz = 96 Rodls or Arabian pounds.

The Korr. At this moment I have no access to the Arabic text

of the Qamus, but to judge from the Persian translation and from

the extracts found in Golius and Freytag, it seems that the Qimts

contradicts itself. Freytag, without stating the authority, says, 1 Korr

== 12 Wasq (camel-loads) and every Wasq = 60 (0a. ‘The value

of the Wasq or Camel load depends upon the value of the Ga’; it

may therefore be 320 or 480 or 540 Ro/ls. A camel may carry

rather more than two hundred weights on either side, and I therefore

take 480 to be nearest to truth. A Korr would therefore be equal to

5760 Roéls.

According to the Persian translation of the Qamis, 1 Korr = 6

ass-loads, and one ass-load = 60 Qafyz. Now a donkey carries

about half as much as a camel or less, but according to the above

statement, 6 ass-loads are = 12 camel-loads, Moreover 60 Qatyz

130 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

weigh 5760 Rodéls, a burden which no beast is able to carry. It is

therefore clear that one Korr contains 60 Qafyz or 12 camel loads

of 480 Rodls each. Another statement of the Qamus says, 1 Korr

= 40 Irdabb. The Korr is an "Iraqian (Babylonian), and the Irdabb

an Egyptian measure. One Irdabb = 24 Ga’ or 6 Wayba. Ii the

Wayba is taken at 24 Modd, and the Modd at 14 Rodls, these two

valuations agree ; for 24 K 8 = 24 6x 1k = 192 Rotls =1

Irdabb. Consequently the weight of a Korr = 7680 Roils. We

must bear in mind that this is a reduction of the largest Traqian

measure of grain to Egyptian measure, and it is very likely that the

value of the Irdabb is stated in Egyptian Roéls, the weight of which

I do not know; we can therefore make no use of this definition of

the Korr. Golius gives the value of the Korr, on the authority of the

Destir alloghat, at 7100 Rotls. This approaches to the result which

we have just found; the question is only, what kind of Roél is meant,

and by what means did the author arrive at this result.

The Jaryb is defined in the Qamis as follows: 1 Jaryb = 4

Qafyz; 1 Qafyz = 8 Makkik; 1 Makkik = 8. Kaylaja; and 1

Kaylaja = 12 Mana. We see that this statement is a continuation

of the one given above in a tabular form; and it seems to be an

abstract of a systematical comparison of ’Iraqian weights and mea-

sures; and we therefore keep to it. Consequently 15 Jaryb = 1

Korr. I now continue the above table taken from the Qamus.

Korr, Jaryb. Qafyz. Makkik.

1 15 60 480

1 4 aad

1 8

Consequently one Korr is equal in weight to 486080 Mithgdls or

6750 Roman pounds. I ought to observe that Abi Yusuf mentions

a Jaryb of 7 Qafyz, and that he as well as Ibn Sad say that a man

may live on a Jaryb of grain one month. I should think that fifty

or sixty Roman pounds would be sufficient for the support of a man ;

and as the Jaryb of 7 Qafyz contains 7874 Roman pounds, I am

at a loss, how to explain this statement.

The linear measures of the Arabs are probably not essentially

different from those of the Greeks, 1 Haschimite or Royal cubit =

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 131

2 Greek feet = 32 Arabic inches = 273.32 lignes de Paris. The

Arabs have besides a cubit of 24 inches (the ow led), and one (the

black cubit) of 27 inches; the proportion of the former to the Haschi-

mite cubit is as 3: 4.

Regarding the square measures I am in the dark. According to

an extract from the Akhwaénaleafa, inserted by Dieterici in the Zeitsch.

d. D.M.G., 1 Jaryb of 10 Qafyz = 8600 MHaschimite square

cubits. I suspect that there must have existed a Jaryb of + of this

value or = 6300 Haschimite square cubits = 22700 Q Pieds de

Paris. This is, however, a question which ought to be further inves-

tigated by those who have better sources.

The history of the finances of the Hast, as handed down by the

Arabs, begins with the Stis4nians, but the two accounts which we

have of their revenue, are extremely difficult to be reconciled with each

other. Ibn Khordadbeh, p. 42, says: EL wr Sty?! cer t= oS»

AN weds y lave cal} Gii7 dart ahlo Gyo Fpbs wlet Kin (9 aiSlo

wren] Smad g GU) Sle are aE wip 3 wey lado HI

Jiao Lil} A) dilgiw aiSly0 Hla cals os CA) Ul!

Qodama, in my incorrect extracts from the corrupted text, says:

9 Slo yo Kyte led din (69 Kloet] Sal past jay cope wl lay

99 salah yalee 9 alg—t sey Alec) new 9 3,55 be 582 od wll leit

a cyte we Brew bo olf 9 Sad Cll wif soa wl Grol} lect

GBr7l Ho? wt JB0 AN Eppes 9 HU) Si lgagen wor aryl (sot!

phe capa] Kilda

There is no doubt that both accounts refer to the same fact, yet

there is only one figure “‘ 600 millions of Dirhams” in both identical.

This figure appears to me to express the amount of revenue in Musul-

man Dirhams. Ten Musulman Dirhams are in weight equal to 7

Mithq4ls, consequently 600 millions Dirhams = 420 millions Mithqils

or 5,833,3534 Roman pounds. The first figure of Ibn Khordadbeh is

consequently to be read 420 millions instead of 24 millions. At the

time of Qodéma15 Dirhams (silver) had the value of one Dynar or

Mithqél (of gold); consequently gold was only 9 times more valuable

than silver. It seems, however, that gold had at times a higher rate,

and that a pound of gold was equal in value to 10 pounds of silver.

420 Mithgals of silver were therefore equal to 42 Mithq4ls or Dynars

of gold in value, I consequently propose to read in Qodama 42 mil-

132 Meynard’s Ibn Khordadbeh. [No. 2,

lions instead of 720,000, Dynars. The only difficulty is caused by the

figure of Ibn Khordadbeh, 795 millions Mithqéls (of silver). It is clear

that the author wants to say, that after the eighteenth year of Perwyz

the revenue increased, and as 795 is a higher sum than 600, I take that

this is the highest figure to which the revenue rose during his reign.

After these observations I change the figures, and translate the passage

of Ibn Khordadbeh as follows: ‘The Kheraj of the whole kingdom

which was gathered for the Chosroes Parwyz in the year 18 of his

reign amounts to 420 millions Mithqéls (of silver, read 8) dil.) 51

AJ} I} wy pdic 9 U!). This makes, reduced to the weight of Musul-

man Dirhems, 600 millions of Dirhems. Subsequently the revenue of

his kingdom rose to 795 Mithqals.”’

The passage of Qodama I translate: “It is asserted that Chosroes

Parwyz counted in the year 18 of his reign the revenue (for 44>

read &=4) of his kingdom. He possessed all the provinces which I

have enumerated, the Sawdd and the other districts, with the excep-

tion of the western part of the Musulman empire; for the frontier of

his kingdom was Hyt, and the country west of it belonged to the

Greeks. He found that the revenue amounted to 42 millions Mith-

qals (of gold), this makes 600 millions of Musulman Dirhams (of

silver ).”’

The Musulman Dirham was not known to the Persians, they count-

ed the revenue, as it seems, in Dirhams which had exactly the weight

of a Mithqal or of an aureus of Constantine of which 72 made a

Roman pound, and for this reason, in the original account which was

used both by Ibn Khordadbeh and Qoddma, the sum was stated in

Mithqals. The money was weighed, and of course, if it contained alloy,

deduction was made. We are therefore able to calculate the income

with great accuracy, it is equal to 172,800,000 Rupees in value. If

we reduce it to English money, we must bear in mind that the pro-

portion of the value of gold to that of silver was not the same as in

our days. In the Greek empire, it was fixed by law as 142 : 1, and

gold was the standard. In the Persian empire, the proportion was

probably as 10 : 1, and I am inclined to believe that in the document

which Qodéma and Ibn Kordadbeh used, the amount of the revenue

was stated both in gold and in silver. I have already observed that

at Qodama’s time the proportion was 9$: 1, and I have shown (das

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordédbeh. 133

Leben des Moh., Vol. 3, p. 136) that in Mahommedan law, it is as 82

> 1 and even as 7: 1.

In Persia silver was the standard, in the Byzantian empire gold.

The Musulmans made no change : in the provinces which had belong-

ed to the kingdom of the Sasanians, silver remained the standard, and

in Syria, Egypt and other provinces which they took from the Greeks,

gold continued as the standard. In Makka and Madyna, silver became

the standard as early as Omar I., but in southern Arabia the revenue

was calculated by Dyndrs (Aurei.) The ereat difference of the value

which gold had at Constantinople under Constantine, and which it

had in the Sasanian and later in the Arabic empire, throws an unex-

pected light upon the relative prosperity of the two countries. The

fact requires no comment for those who know the elements of Political

Heonomy.

Ibn Khordadbeh begins his geography with a description of the

Sawad—Babylonia. Immediately after the Musulmans had conquered

that country, Omar I. sent Othman b. Honayf to survey it for the

sake of assessment. It appears that he measured the cultivated land

of every district, and also for the sake of control the whole country

en bloc. He found that it is from Hadytha in the north to ’Abbadan

in the south 125 farsangs long, and from Holwén in the east to

’*Odzoyb in the west 85 farsangs wide. ‘The whole surface of culti-

vated and waste land (ysls » ls) amounts therefore to 10625 a far-

sangs or 136607143 Jaryb. Ibn Khordadbeh (MS. of Oxford) and

Qodama calculate the surface in round figures at 136 millions of

Jaryb.

Under the Sasaénian king, Qobad b. Fyréz, the revenue of the Sawad

amounted to 150 millions Mithqdls (of silver or Persian Dirhams) —=

more than 2 millions Roman pounds of silver -= more than 214

millions of Musulman Dirhams. After the Musulman conquest,

-?Qmar I. derived a revenue of 120 millions Dirhams from it. This

sum is named by Ibn Khordddbeh and Qoddma. Ibn Sad includes

the revenue of Jebel and mentions a higher sum, but-as two figures

are wanting in his text, we cannot make out what he means, his words

are Uia5, pao (ST) Styl ly (2) 31g] CAI) yy pte g U2] Lat) KILo

I shall speak on the assessment of Omar lower down. Here I wilk

only observe that the 120 millions are made up by the land-tax and:

134 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

capitation. The latter may have amounted to 7 millions: the male

population of full age consisted of 500,000 souls, and the poorer classes

had to pay 12, the middling classes 24, and the rich 48 Dirhams;

supposing one in a thousand paid the highest, and one in a hundred

the middling rate of capitation, this tax yielded 7,000,000 Dirhems

and the land tax 113,000,000 Dirhems.

We see that the total income which ’Omar I. derived from the land

of the Sawad is little more than half of that which it yielded under

Qobad. It is not unlikely that ’Omar assessed it somewhat lighter,

but the main cause of the diminution of revenue was the decay of the

country. Babylonia has some resemblance with Holland, and the

Sunderbunds, being the Deltaof the Euphratesand Tigris; andit appears

that great efforts have been made in former times to drain it and to

protect it from inundation by dykes, and in measure as they were neg-

lected, the land was converted into swamps. We find paludes in the

map of Ptolemy, but they seem to have been of no great extent.

The Tigris carries much silt, which is partly deposited in its bed,

where it slackens its course, and consequently in the progress of time

the bed became higher and threatened to inundate the country. To

prevent this calamity, it was dammed in below Bacra, and the course

was regulated : it was made straight, so that the water might carry off

the deposit. During the reign of Qobad (probably after the time at

which he derived so high a revenue from the Sawad) the dyke was

broken through below Kaskar, and the neighbouring country was

inundated, but the government took no notice. Anushyrwan had the

dykes restored and much of the land was recovered. In the year 6

of the Hijra (A. D. 628) both the Euphrates and the Tigris swoll

amazingly, and destroyed many of the dykes. King Parwyz showed

great energy, and it is asserted that in one day no less than 40 gaps

were filled up; yet though he granted great sums from the public

treasury for the repairs, he was unable to remedy the evil. <A few

years later, the Arabs waged war against the Persians. The dykes

were in consequence completely neglected, and the swamps gained in

extent. The Musulmans, after they had conquered the country, seem

not to have paid any attention to the matter, and the Dihqans—heads

of districts—were unable to repair the dykes. Mo’awiya I. sent his

client “Abd Allah b, Darraj to Babylonia as collector, and he seems

1866. Meynard’s lbn Khordddbeh. 135

to have been the first Mahommedan who recovered some land. Much

greater efforts were made by the Nabathean Hassan, who was collector

under the reigns of Walyd and Hischém b. Abd al-Malik, and cut two

eanals to carry off the water. In A. H. 75, Hajjaj was appointed

governor of Babylonia. He represented to Walyd II., that the drain-

age of the country would cost three millions of Dirhams. The Khalyf

thought he could spend the money more pleasantly on eunuchs and

singers, and refused to grant solarge a sum. Moslima b. ’Abd al-

Malik, a relation of the Khalyf, propesed to him to drain part of the

swamps, under the condition that he should draw the revenue of the

recovered land. ‘The Khalyf accepted the offer, and Moslima cut the

two canals called Saylaya, and raised dykes. He succeeded in recover-

ing a great extent of land, and the peasantry flocked to him to culti-

vate it. His family continued to derive the revenue from it up to the

time of the overthrow of the Gmayide Dynasty. The ’Abbaside

Khalyf granted it to one of his relations, Dawud b. ’Alyy b. “Abd

Allah b. Abbas. His heirs remained for some time in possession of it,

but eventually it was considered as one of the crown-lands ra lad}

failel

In A. H. 75 Hajjéj was appointed governor of Babyionia, and he

ruled 20 years over that country. Ibn Khordadbeh says of the finan-

cial condition of the country during his sway: ‘‘ The revenue gathered

by Hajjaj did not amount to more than 18 millions Dirhams, and there

was consequently a diminution of one hundred (and two) millions. This

was owing to his burning down villages, and to his oppression. More-

over he was obliged to give advances to the cultivators to the amount

of two millions, so that only 16 millions reached the public treasury.”

it seems that the peasantry fled, for under the just Omar II. who

ruled in A.H. 99, the revenue of the Sawdd suddenly rose to 124

raillions.

It is a very unexpected fact that at the time of Ibn Khordadbeh

not only the limits, but also the names of the districts were in the

official language precisely the same which had been in use among the

Sasaénians, nay some of them seem to be even more ancient than the

S4sénians ; for we neither find a district called Baghdad, nor one called

Madayin (Ctesiphon). The province in which these two cities lie, is

called Shdd-Hormuz and the district Kalwadza, from an ancient town

half way between Baghdad and Madayin.

136 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

The Sawad is divided into 12 Kur, provinces, and originally it con-

tained 60 Tasasy], districts, but at the time of Ibn Khordaédbeh only

forty-eight. The whole province of Holwan, containing five districts,

was added to Jebel. We have seen that [bn Sad includes in refer-

ence to the time of Omar I. the revenue of Jebel in that of the

Sawad. He probably means that of Holwan only, which at the time

of Omar and of the Omayyids may have belonged to the Sawad.

The province of the Tigris, containing 4 districts, was given to the

Government of Bacra; and it is very likely that the crops which it had

to supply to the State, were destined for the support of the troops

stationed there. This, however, can only apply to the time of the

’Abbasides, for in former days they received their supply from Mah-

Bacra in Persia, which under the Abbasides was placed under another

Government. One whole district had become a swamp and disappear-

ed altogether. Two districts (one of them is lower Behqobad) had

been converted into crown lands after the system of Khordsén. In

this manner, the Sawad was shortened by 12 districts and reduced to for-

ty-eight.

I insert here a detailed account of the revenue of the Sawéd, according

to Qodama, and also (distinguished by asterisks) one according to Ibn

Khordadbeh. Ina very few instances I deviate from Barbier de Mey-

nard’s text, and follow my own copy of the MS. of Oxford. Qodéma

says of his account, it contains the income as it stands at present. I

take the mean since the year 184, this being the first year of which

documents are found in the public offices at Baghdad ; for the earlier re-

cords were destroyed by fire during the disturbances which took place

in 183 under Amyn, known under the name of Ibn Zobayda.

Western side of the Sawdd watered No. of No. of

by the Tigris and Euphrates. Villages. Barns. Wheat. Barley. Dirhams.

Anbar and Nahr-Ma’rif, — —118,000(?)6,400 4,000,000

* Anbar (alone), ... . & 250 2,300 1,400 150,000

Qotrobbol, ... vee ge ee — 2,000 1,000 3,000,000

ADItto 1,2 ae . 10 220 2,000 1,000 300 (sic!)

Maskan, oa dao) pete — 8,000 1,000 150,000

*Ditto, ... 6 105 3,000 1,000 300,000

Badiryya, ... saa ig thence — 3,500 1,000 1,000,000

1866. ] Meynard’s lon Rhordédbeh.

No. of. No. of

Villages. Barns. Wheat.

*Badtryya, Oe a. m4

Nahr-Shyr, —

*Ditto, 10

Rumayan, -—

*Ditto, 10

Kithé, os

*Ditto, 9

Darqyt, _

*Ditto, s

Jubara, —

*Ditto, 10

The ‘dice: ee Sabie —

Brito; .C: 12

Babel and Rien ya, —

SSPHCEO, ... Se Bee ING,

Upper-Falija, oot =

*Ditto, 15

Lower-Falija, —

* Ditto, 6

The two Canals, —

*Ditto, 3

’Ayn-Tamr, —

* Ditto, 3

Jenna and Bedat, —

* Ditto, 8

Stra and Bursices —

* Ditto, 10

Banyama and King’s Canal,... —

SPrito) ... 22 toh

Upper and lower Bis, sel ieee a=

*Tithes of lands belonging to the

church or charities and from

lands called Sanyn situated in

various districts, Peed beets So

Forat-Badaqla, ... oo

420

3,500

1,700

3,300

3,000

2,000

1,590

1,700

1,400

3,000

2,000

Barley.

Dirhams.

1,000 1,000,000

1,700

150,000

1,700 5,000(sic)

3,300

3,050

2.000

2,000

150,000

350,000

200,000

6,000 1,500,000

6,000

7,200

5,000

5, 500

2,500

150,000

250,000

350,000

70,000

280,000

45,000

51,000

150,000

250,000

100,000

112,000

250,000

150,000

250,000

62,000

138 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

No. of No. of

Villages. Barns. Wheat. Barley. Dirhams.

Forat-Badaqla, wae «10° 271) «2,000 25007 90 Rias

Nilhayn, ... woe oo — 1,000 1,500 140,000

*Ditto, Bos Sal Mere ter 34 1,000 1,500 140,000

Rumistén and Hormuzjerd, .... — — 500 500 20,000

*Ditto, see yeahs einen ams — 500 500 10,000

Nwster <4 ae rs — 2,200 2,000 300,09)

*Ditto, oh wee eee) OL AGS 250 D000 ES

Tghar of Yaqtyn, ... oo — 2,200 2,000 204,800

*Ditto, sa — — — — 200,840

At the junction of the ti two rivers.

The provinces of Kesker : it is said

the revenue formerly amounted

to 90000 Dirhams, ... — — 30,000 20,000 270,000

*Kesker and canal of Gillah, Rig:

qat and Reyan, the Kheraj and

all other taxes yield,... ... — — 38,000 20,000 70,000,000

_ (and rice)

Nahr Cilla, a oo — 1,000 3,121 59,000

Eastern side of the one

Buzurg-Sabur,... — — 2,500 2,200 300,000

*Ditto, 9 260 2,500 2,200 300,000

The two Radan, 1s ee — ~©=—o —. 4,800 4,800 120,000

*Ditto, ~... ae .. 19 862 4,800 1,800 120,000

Canal of Bug, ... -- — 200 1,000 100,000

* Ditto, _ — 200 1,000 100,000

Kalwaédza and Canal of Bae —_ — 1,600 1,500 830,000

*Ditto, 3 34 1,600 1,500. 830,000

Jadzer, old town eauced) Ppcolh — — 1,000 1,500 240,000

“Ditto, no 9 116 1,000. 1,400 250,000

Galilé and Halil, _ — 1,000 1,000. 100,000

* Ditto, 5 76. 1,020 1,000 100,000

Desyn, — — 1,900 1,300 40,000

* Ditto, ois . A 230 700: 1300 R 405000

Deskere, PH oie) veel — 1,800 1,400 60,000

PM tbO, 104 Ban .. ~ 1 4A4(?),..1,000 | 1,000Riex0;000

* Barley and rice.

1866.] _ Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh, 139

No. of No. aj?

Villages. Barns. Wheat. Barley. Dirhams.

Berdz alrid, ... ere 2 000 5,100 9 120000

*Ditto, ... Sy .. 6 26(?) 3,000 2,000 120,000

Bandanjayn, — 600 500 35,000

*Ditto, eh 54 600 500 100,000

mine ceree Nakrawan, ... ... 21 380 . — —= =

Upper Nahrawan, ... eo — 1,700 1,800 58,000

*Ditto, ade ey SES — 2,700 1,800 350,000

Middle Nahrawan, SN — 1,000 500 100,000

SLEO, -.. Hes ve — 1,000 500 100,000

Lower Nahrawan, Seep eee — 1,000 1,200 150,000

Baduraéyaé and Baksaya, a — 4,700 5,000 33,000

*Ditto ditto, ... ccaumeee eat) — 4,700 5,000 830,000

Rustuqbad, we Bie ye — 1,000 1,400 246,000

Silsyl and Mahrid, See ae i — 2,000 1,500 150,000

The Ktira (provinces) of the Tigris

yielded in A.H. 260 (266?), — — 9,000 4,000 480,000

Land-tax of the Kura (provinces)

of the Tigris, — —- — — 8,500,000

In reference to the Techie of en mentioned in the preceding

list, Qodéma says, no mention was made of it in the days of the

Persians, nor was there such an Ighar existing in their times,

Yaqfyn had claims on the government, and he received as payment

lands in various districts, subsequently they lapsed to the government,

and they were called Ighar of Yaqfyn. The canal of Cilla was dug

by order of Mahdiy in the districts of Wasit, and thereby a good deal

of waste land was reclaimed. The produce (of the Ighar and of the

reclaimed land) was destined for prayers and defraying other expenses

in the two holy places (Makka and Madyna). It is said the arrange-

ment was made that two-fifths of the crops were to be given up by the

cultivators for this purpose. This settlement was to last fifty years,

after the lapse of which a new settlement was to be made.

Ighdr ()! ) is correctly explained by Barbier de Meynard,

dict. geogr. de la Perse, p. 65, ‘Il s’ applique & une ville ou & une

propriété qui, moyennant une certaine somme stipulée une fois pour

toutes, et payée chaque année directement au soulthan, est exemptée

de la visite et du contrdle des percepteurs du fisc.” Qodama defines it

140 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

in the same mannerr da! leldos wt Gro kx! Coesd wl 9% esi

Lo} Kremt 8 so72 leals cs Boy Yr & eles ol bee are 9 Seri uy

laa Yt Gyo Kae 3! Sled ass vas

“ Iehar (protection against danger) means, that a landed tenure is

exempt from the visits of the collectors and from what is connected

with them (rapacity and oppression), in consequence of an order of

the head of the State which fixes a certain annual quit-rent to be

paid either into the public treasury, or into the treasury for the support

of a military cantonment.” The principal advantage of an Ighar

consisted in being free from those harpies, the Omlas.

The provinces of the Tigris which form the last and largest item,

may be those which were ceded to the Bacra government, and they

seem to answer to those enumerated by Barbier de Meynard, p. 133,

under Nos. V. and VI.

Some of the figures in the preceding table, taken from the very

incorrect copy of Qodama, are certainly erroneous, and may be corrected

by comparing them with those of Ibn Khordadbeh. It must, however,

be borne in mind that the data reported by the two authors are not in

all instances the same. At the time of Ibn Khordadbeh, for instance,

the whole of the revenue of the Tigris provinces seems to have been

levied in cash, at the time of Qodama partly in cash and partly in

kind. For us the sum total alone is of some interest, and this is given

by Qodama, who says, Sic) oye Ras] woe! Capes lyon) l8syl EU 3,

ws prs AsTOAS? Bry wea SF Vive t srt) Wyo 9 9S tI VEes

psa 5 khind) wy wy Roll eed) lm 92 4 yaw I] Lloosls wdlsi ye

Peat nae slsos Weds y phe med id ro cheldyy wrartiawe 9% 9 Uy erties

e253 xpos) KS x0 Wild 9 (eatrav sae B94 os Wes ere” 9 0

Rained) yr2 csh® Erste! Er? Eyts bo os ¢ 123) eee? Ps Khan] 6

pro tiiitay tes

“The revenue of the Sawad, exclusive the poor rates of Bacra,

consists of 117,600 Korrs of wheat, 99,721 Korrs of barley, and

8,095,800 Dirhams of silver. The grain at the mean market price,

that is to say at the rate of two Korrs, one of wheat and one of bar-

ley at 60 Dynars, taking one Dynar at the present rate of exchange

equal to 15 Dirhams, is worth 100,361,850 Dirhams. Adding this sum

to the cash payments, there results a total of 108,457,650 Dirhams.

The poor rates of Bagra amount annually to six million Dirhams, the

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 141

average revenue is therefore (some words unintelligible) 114,457,650

Dirhams.”’

These data enable us to calculate the price of grain at the time of

Qodama. We convert the 100,361,850 Dirhams into Dynars, by

dividing the number by 15, and we obtain 6,690,790 Dynars. With

this money we purchase all the barley, and as many Korrs of wheat

as there are Korrs of barley. Qur expenditure amounts to 99,721

60 = 5,983,260 Dynars to spend and 17,879 Korrs of wheat to buy.

if we divide the former number by the latter, we find that the Korr

of wheat costs 192 (7. e. 39 Dynars and 10 Kirats), and consequently

the Korr of barley 203 Dynars. The result cannot be far from the

truth ; for at the time of Mohammad wheat was at Madyna twice as dear

as barley (comp. my Leben des Moh., Vol. 3, p. 140), and consequently,

if one Korr of wheat and one Korr of barley together cost 60 Dynatrs,

the price of wheat ought to be 40 and that of barley 20 Dynars.

But there remains much too great a cost in the division than that

Qodaéma should have neglected it. I therefore propose to read 117,691

Korrs of wheat instead of 117,600. If we adopt this reading, a Korr of

wheat cost 39 Dynars and 74 Kirats (20 Kiréts = 1 Dyné4r) and a

Korr of barley 20 Dyndrs 124 Kirats. A pound of bread (English

weight) may have cost about 3 farthings.

In Qodama occurs the following passage regarding the assessment of

"Omar I. asi oy whys ar whe) rset ol ¢ hws oe) pooled Sls

Js ushé +93 oy > wh} BS] Goss 9 Kone Soo y9 dlp es esas

SEMI Mul itl 9 pot JU Lares » IyA0d sled} delay yoley pole Crdym

ur's=' PAS 192 ool ort ste? S's cs ytd toe pt! So wly

Qasim b. Sallam asserts that Omar, the son of Khattab, sent

"Othman b. Honayf of Madyna, and that this Othman measured the

Sawéd, and found that it contained 36 (sic) millions Jarybs, and he

imposed upon every Jaryb of land, cultivated or fallow, provided it

could be irrigated, a tax of one Qafyz and one Dirham. Qéasin

says, I have heard that this Qafyz was a cubic measure then in use in

the Sawad, and that it was called Shabirqany. Yahya b. Adam says

it is identical with the Makhttim of Hajjaj.

This account differs from that of other authors, who record that

Omar I. assessed the Sawad as follows :—

142 Meynard’s Ibn Khordadbeh. [No. 2,

Hvery Jary bof Barleyn: <c/ .cicssc ssecsbor . 2 Dirhams.

” ” ” Wheat, se asigeiscias (secure 4 ss

> »» 9, Vineyards and orchards, 6 si

5) > | a Dateplantations, .233/.0. ae) y

The assessnient. of Omar was according to a tradition of Jabir by

himself called Tasq 4 Freytag considers this term cognate with

the expression of the Arabic Christians Z'aqs (~®b, and it is perhaps

also related with gist. No doubt itis derived from the same Greek

word from which our tax comes. I believe, but am not sure, it was

a permanent settlement, though owing to the disposition of the rulers

and to circumstances, changes have taken place. The term éasq is

applicable only to taxes levied from conquered land.

It is pretty certain that the land-tax amounted to about one-

half of the value of the produce. Qodama speaks of the tithes, and

then he continues @459 wlewlat| Gramm pole rridy boils Symbal lef y

ay SUS isle ots KQliGl) MS Lve Se bo erm ce Le eine S| ew’

oe wy er, Kuo Sf Caen (yo dS) Le! ce oll Sica} sin

The taxes on conquered land have been fixed in Ley Ipine Laid}

accordance to the annual produce (of several years) ; consequently

the tax of a district has been fixed agreeably to justice. In proof

thereof we may mention that in case it be necessary to convert tasq-

land into tithe-land, one-fifth of the original tasq of the district is

taken, because 7 i see («, in the original Wo! means in this case

the value of the produce.)

I believe we may safely infer from this passage that in the assess-

ment of conquered lands, the same rules prevailed as in fixing the

amount of tithe, with the only difference that one-half instead of one-

tenth was levied. ‘The general rule was that land which was watered

without the expense of labour, paid the whole tithe.

If labour was expended, one-half of the tithe or more was taken..

Thus, if land was watered twice by a canal running through it, or if it

was three times irigated by means of a bucket by which water is

raised from a canal, the tithe amounted not to ten, but to seven per

cent., viz. 4 per cent. for the canal and 3 per cent. for the bucket.

The ’Abbasides changed the system of revenue in the Sawad.

Qodéma says: Ab& ’Obayd Allah Mo’4wiyya b. ’Abd Allah, the

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 143

secretary (Katib) of the Khalyf Mahdiy reported on the inconve-

niences which arose, if the tasq-payers were obliged to pay a fixed

sum of money, or to supply a certain quantity of grain, and he proposed

that the taxes should be calculated (annually) by the Jaryb, as there

was no telling whether the prices would sink or rise* In the one

case the cultivator, in the other the government were in the disadvan-

tage. The best thing, he thought, would be to introduce the same

rule which the prophet adopted with regard to Khanghar : he left to

the inhabitants the land under the condition that they were to give up

to him one-half of the produce (as much the cultivators ought to

give up from irrigated land) ; but if the labour of irrigation was very

hard, they ought to give up only one-fourth ; and if it was less hard,

one-third. The choice was to be left to the farmers to give up as

much straw* to government as was due to it (v. e. $ or for 4 accord-

ing to circumstances), or to sell it and pay the tax according to the

market price of grain. In fixing the amount of revenue on vineyards,

trees of every description, vegetables and every kind of produce,

agreeably to the dictates of justice, the nett price which would be

realized by the sale was to be calculated, taking into consideration

what distance the land was from the market or harbour, and how

great the expense and loss of time would be for bringing it there.

After all these deductions one-half was to be charged as revenue.

This system of revenue, which was eventually introduced, and by

which the above detailed statements of Ibn Khordédbeh and Qodama

are to be explained, is called Moqdsima, a term which is used up to

this day in India very nearly in the same signification as it was used

at the time of our author: “ partition of the actual crop between the

cultivator and the State, either in kind or in value.”

Certain it is that one-half of the produce was taken from the

cultivators by the ’Abbasides; but it is not certain whether; ’Omar

made so high a settlement as to deprive the farmers of the value of

one-half, and whether the above passage of Qodéma is applicable to

the time previous to the. Abbaside dynasty. But we may safely

assume that even at the time of Omar I. the revenue amounted to

two-fifths. Now if a Jaryb of wheat paid 4 Dirhams to Government,

the value of the whole produce of a Jaryb could not be more than

* Tn the original gy)

144 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

10 Dirhams. This does not square either with the prices of grain in

those days, nor with the size of the Jaryb which I have found. There

must be something’ wrong in my calculations, and § therefore would

call the attention of men in India, who take an interest im such

matters, to the subject. ‘'Fhey have means of ascertaining facts con-

nected with revenue and agriculture, which are wanting in Hurope.

I now insert a statement of the revenue of the other provinces of

the empire of the Khalyfs, according to Qodéma.* He usually gives

the numbers and names of the districts into which every province

was divided for the sake of administration, and states the totals of the

revenue. As the MS. is very incorrect, I omit the names of districts

and confine myself to the provinces :

Dirhams.

BMT WAZAY vesicle seiesteinsisia. ab bea slaebials amuctn das oeaicetatetle seek 18,000,000

INATIBS Cov icawsele ciettcesc cece ce csnuieusts cuaac cs tre secmree een OM OOIER

WWermann.. Giaccone soso a viaceis seas sumer aitcn coe « 6,000,000

Mekran, the Moqatea amounted, ...............008 1,000,000

AspAan sw sect se. cnoecteacrorecdmeetadececeis: . 10,500,000

Sijistan, the Trtite 1 revenue, seordine to agree-

ment,amounted to, 2+ s..csvecser ae eans cisco) LLOOO008

60,500,000.

Khoraséa. If Iunderstand right, thisimmense

province was leased to Abd Allah b. Zéhir, that

is to say, he received the whole revenue, defray-

ed the expenses of administration, and kept the

surplus after having sent the tax to the treasury

of the Khalyf in cash including the value of a cer-

tain number of horses and slavesfurnished tohim, 38,000,006

Moh-Kuta,@.:¢. Daymawaniier,..00-20-sscceaonaceee 1,000,000

Méhb-Bacra;.7. e, Nohawands ser../c0. e's sere eiinetsceoes 800,000

Bama dans: oic see oo teoenceinn MNS eso 0 at st races 1,700,000

Masitb7an, iiss onssronpe resorts bos a beers orenehvon 1,100,000

Mahrjan-Qazaq, ...... Pangan peeehinetnldrelemependuters 1,200,000

Qomm and Ooshan,,,.ccssecg cee vavescreeer anaes 3,000,000

* Which may be compared with that of Ibn Khordédbeh,

1866.] Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. 145

Azerbyjan, Ardebyl, Marand, Gc., .......sseeeee 4,500,000

LTV a ARRRRRY RR, ie ge Penne aera ce saageeaa vies 20,000,000

Wiroaya yaks MA GENS 20 Fats oisescciacoiecwoveesesaeccses 2,628,000

= SHES Eke SRE SSBB ReneepeconenornncHtioneaer 1,105,000

aKa, | socnners So seeeneeee 1 2, 000,000

Taberistén and ‘Amol j in ie HL 234, rien .o+0+«200,163,070 (2)

Tikryt, Sonn and Bawézij (on the Tigris), ...... 700,000

Mosil pays into the treasury of the Khalyf, ... 2,750,000

But the revenue of Mosul amounts to,............. 6,800,000

Jazyra Ibn ’Omar (close by ae Beialislasie’s ec 4,635,000

3377) aaa ao chee Seon LOO.OO0

Tardin in eee ‘ae Mogate’ a cine to, 100,000

Armenia, the Intifa’ revenue amounts to, ...... 400,000

Diyar Momiur (northern Mesopotadha), ......... 6,000,000

Taryq Forat (west bank of Euphrates), ......... 2,700,000

17,935,000

Dynars.

Milenyo and Oinnesryn,s.iiiiesseciaes viens veoesc iss 360,000

MAg NIC Mer eed A. SAO CIEE «bat teasers Sones oaaet es . 118,000

Damascus, ........ pisces. b tieis este cls Poteet tate 110,000

PROC UME cep Re. Secs OFS saci’. ia) een aaae oiisie wat e's 195,000

Egypt and the coast of the Mediterranean as

RADE ASUERRECP RA 5 Neacrn ck tae C dN Lice otvalivee soe 2,500,000

Haramayn, 2. e. Northern Arabia, ..........0.6- » 100,000

pourerm Arabia (Yaman); 20. .0.iicssnsdesseeves 600,000

EY ANCE AM MER PAREN 2G inc, auc sie dnl sae cleaie debs ood ves 510,000

GOES Wee eee che gcd ve snucenedesecseaseateeses 300,000

The author concludes : ‘‘ These are the provinces, as we have enumer-

ated them, and this is the amount of revenue which they yield. We

stated the average; sometimes it is in some places larger, sometimes

less. We pay no attention to these fluctuations, they are due to the

want of good administration. The reader will find that the whole

revenue which we have enumerated amounts to about 4,920,000 Dy-

nars, which make, at the present rate of exchange, the Dynar at 15

Dirhams, 73,800,000 Dirhams.”

146 Meynard’s Ibn Khordddbeh. [No. 2,

This sum represents 68,347 Roman pounds of gold, and does not

amount to much more than two millions sterling, but thisis only the

revenue of the western provinces where the Dynar was the currency.

It is true, if we cast up the above items, we obtain a sum which falls

short by 127,000 Dynars of the sum stated by Qodama. This, how-

ever, is evidently owing to an omission or a mistake in the text.

Ti we omit in the item Tabaristan, the two hundred millions as

being evidently too large, the revenue of the eastern provinces includ-

ing the Sawad amounts to 223,487,320 Dirhams, or 2,171,404. Roman

pounds of pure silver, or about 162 millions of francs. The income

of the whole empire, as it was at the time of Qodama, did not there-

fore amount quite to 84 million pounds sterling. But we must

recollect that a great proportion of it was the nett income, after all

expenses of administration had been defrayed, and may be considered

as the civil list of the Khalyf.

The study of the finances of the glorious Khalyfs would be edifying

for discontented Musulmans in India. The Khalyfs, like Indian princes,

squandered away the money in debauchery, ground down the people

to the dust, surrounded themselves with Tartar mercenaries, who soon

became a pretorian guard, full of insolence and insubordination. These

deposed or put to death the Khalyf at pleasure, and. no longer content

with putting on the screw as tightly as possible, they plundered the

provinces; and now those countries are so completely depopulated,

that many a district, which at the time of Qodama yielded a revenue

of more than a million of Dirhams, cannot pay as many cowries.

There is much good in the Islam and in the Musulmans, but

they have a great deal to learn, before they will be able to administer

their own affairs.

PLL LISD PSPS LPS SPL PADIS

1866.] Literary Intelligence. 147

LIteERARY INTELLIGENCE.

The learned Professor Mahes’achandra Nyayaratna, of the Calcutta

Sanskrit College, has just brought out a new edition of the Kavya

Prakds'a, a treatise on Sanskrit Rhetoric by Mammata Bhatta. It is

illustrated by a number of explanatory notes by the editor, and has

an excellent introductory essay. The last is a new feature in a

Sanskrit book edited by a modern Pundit. It gives a summary of the

principal works on Rhetoric in Sanskrit, their ages and characteristics,

the relation which the work of Mammata Bhatta bears to them, the

number of manuscripts used in printing it, its contents and age, and a

variety of other interesting literary and critical notices.

The Professors of the Benares Sanskrit College have started a

monthly journal devoted to Sanskrit Literature. It is named Tur

Ponpit, and is intended to serve as a vehicle for the “ publication

of rare Sanskrit works which appear worthy of careful editing here-

alter ; to offer a field for the discussion of controverted points in old

Indian Philosophy, Philology, History and Literature; to commu-

nicate ideas between the Arian scholars of the Hast and the West ;

between the Pundits of Benares and Calcutta and the Sanskritists of

the Universities of Europe.” The first three numbers, already

published, contain, among other articles, two cantos of the second half

of the Kumara Sambhava, short notices of topics on Indian Astronomy

and Logic, anda reprint of the late Dr. Ballantyne’s essay on the -

Nyaya.

Pundit Rangachari Swami, of Brindaébun, has published, for gra-

tuitous distribution, a Sanskrit pamphlet entitled Durjana-kari-pan-

chdanana. Its object is to prove the authenticity of the present form

of Vaishnava worship, and to refute the opinion of the court pundits

of Jaipur, who maintain that there is no ordinance in the shasters to

justify the worship of Govindaji, the great idol of that place, and

accordingly recommend that it should be cast out of its temple. The

author, in his little book, displays consummate polemical powers, and

a thorough knowledge of the literature of the Vaishnavas.

een

DIRECTION TO BINDERS. |

Plates VII. and IX. to accompany Part I. No. II.

eC IN As Li

OF THE

Poterr iG SOGhET Y,

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ec.

eee

No, IlI.—1866.

A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. By Professor Guonce BunueEr,

Superintendent of Sanskrit Studies, Punah College.

[ Received 26th Sept., 1865. |

There is a passage in the introduction to Shadgurucishya’s com-

mentary on the Sarvanukramani,* which professes to give an account

of the life and works of the ancient sage and writer on the Rig Veda,

Caunaka. It is stated there that Katyayana, who compiled the Sar-

vanukramani, or ‘“‘ general index to the Rig Veda” from the separate

indexes made by Gaunaka, knew and studied ten works ascribed to

this author. The last, in the list given there, is “the Smarta” or

work on matters relating to traditional laws on ceremonies. In the

Manavadharmagastra (III. 16) Gaunaka is also mentioned as a writer

on law, and in modern works, such as the Dattakamimémsa, Dattaka-

chandrika, Nirnayasindhu, Samskarakaustubha, Vyavaharamaytkha,

we find a number of clokas attributed to this:Rishi. A considerable

portion of these verses treats of the law of adoption, and this circum-

stance induced me, when my attention lately was directed to the

Hindu law, to make a search for the Qaunaka-smriti. By the

recovery of this work I hoped to be enabled to decide a rather difficult

question regarding the unconditional right of Hindu widows to adopt

a son, which arises out of a reading, given by one of the modern

law-books. Besides, as I believed with Professor Stenzler,} that the

Caunaka-smriti treated exclusively of adoption, I expected to gain

* M. Miller, Hist. Sk. Lit. p. 2337. + See Weber Ind. Stud. Vol, I. p.

150 A notice of the Gaunaka Smrite. [No. 3,

fuller information regarding this difficult and interesting chapter of

the Hindu law. My endeavours were successful, and I obtained two

books, the one of which is known amongst our castris as the Brihat—

or great—the other as the Laghu—or small, Gaunaka-smriti. The

larger of these two works, which contains about 2,500 clokas, is,

however, in my MS. called the Qaunakiya-karika, or ‘“‘ memorial

verses of Qaunaka.’”’ The smaller, which consists of about 300 ¢lokas,

is called Yajnéngadharmagdstram, “or the Dharmacastra connected

with the sacrifice.” *

The former of the two, the Caunakiyé-karika, proves to be the

work, which Nanda Pandita the author of the Dattakamimamsa, and

other writers on adoption, quote, and it appears, that not the whole of

it refers to adoption, but only a small part, which has been given in

the Maytkha and in the Samskérakaustubha in its entirety. Though

my hope to obtain fresh information regarding the law of adoption

has therefore proved to be vain, I nevertheless venture to publish

this notice of the work, as it assists to decide the question alluded to

before, and as from a historical point of view some interest attaches

to every work that bears the name of Qaunaka. My copy is a tran-

script of a MS. written in the end of the last century (Caka, 1711,

A. D. 1790), and, by no means free from faults. But it will enable

me to give an idea of the nature of the work.

The MS. opens with three verses which cannot belong to Caunaka,

but seems to have been added by some later hand.

They run as follows :—

Jayanti jagadétmaénas tamah samxaya bhasharah

Raménuja padavapta bhishandh purushottaméh

Crutismriti-jalapirnam ¢astra-kallola-samkulam

Vishnubhakti-mah4-potam vandeham caunakaérnavam

Tatsatram caunako drishtva svayam harsha samanvitah

Vy4pathayatsvaham ¢gishyam tam namamydevalayanam.

1. ‘ Those best of men conquer, who are the souls of the world,

the suns for the destruction of darkness, who are adorned (by the

faith taught) by the feet of Ramanuja.

2. I worship Gaunaka, who is comparable to an ocean, whose

* In my copy the beginning is wanting. The book treats of sacrificial rites

and seems to be of no importance for the Hindu law.

1866.]

A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. . 151

waters are the Cruti (Vedas) and Smritis, whose waves are the Ins-

titutes of science, and which is traversed by the great ship of the

faith in Vishnu.

3. I bow to Acvaléyana, his pupil, whom Caunaka himself

taught joyfully, after having seen that great sacrifice (in the Nimisha

forest.)”

After this exordium, which evidently has been composed by a

follower of Raéménuja, begins the work itself. It consists of :—

b> bo Dw HH pop wow WY DND KH KE eB eB eB BH BH eS eH eH

SOHAAMKP WHE SOMA AP ww PS ©

CO 1 > on He go BO

Paribhashas.

Sthalipakavidhi.

Matrapurishotsargavidhi.

Sandhyopasanavidhi.

Kamyayjapavidhi.

Dhandarjanavidhi.

Snénavidhi.

Brahmayajnavidhi,

Devaptjavidhi.

Vaicgvadevavidhi.

Kautukabandhanavidhi.

Ankurarpanavidhi.

Rituc¢antividhi.

Garbhélambhanavidhi.

Pumsavaninavalobhane,

Simantonnayanavidhi.

Yatakarmavidhi.

Némakaranavidhi.

Nishkramanavidhi.

Annapraganavidhi.

Caulakarmavidhi.

Upanayanavidhi.

Bhikshavidhi.

Anupravacaniyavidhi.

Medhajananavidhi.

Upakarmavidhi.

Utsarjanavidhi.

Mahavratavidhi.

Upanishadvratayidhi.

A notice of the Gaunaka Smritt. [No. 3,

Godanavidhi.

Samavartanavidhi.

Kanyabhyantaravidhi.

Vivahalakshanavidhi.

Vadhtgrihagamanavidhi.

Madhuparkavidhi.

Kanyédanavidhi.

Vivahavidhi.

Grihapravecaniyavidhi.

Stambhabalividhi.

Abdapratishthavidhi.

Udyanapratishthavidhi.

Agcvatthasthapanavidhi.

Gramapratishthavidhi.

Atipatrahomavidhi.

Punahsamdhanavidhi.

Nastikyddivisrishtagnih punah samdhanam.

Dyibharyagnisamsaryavidhi.

Arkavivaha.

Putrakaémeshti.

Putraparigrahavidhi.

Samaropanavidhi.

Parvanasthalipaka.

Prati sthalipakavidhi.

Cravanakarmavidhi.

Sarpabalih.

Agyvayujikarmavidhi.

Agrayanavidhi.

Abhishekavidhi.

Grahanabhishekavidhi.

Samkrantabhishekavidhi,

Rajabhishekavidhi.

Pattaébhishekavidhi.

Apamrityuhomah.

Ayushyahomavidhi,

Brihaspatiganti.

Adityacanti.

1866.]

I -T -I -T <1

eS)

A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. Lbs

Adbhutaganti.

Svapnotpatavidhi.

Vidyudagnividhi,

Valmikacanti.

Gojaganti.

Gojavagacanti.

Acvatarécanti.

Yaxmacanti.

Saxvarogacanti,

Krityag¢anti.

Catruganti.

Abhicaraganti.

Jivacraddha.

Garbhinyudakasthadi samskéravidhi,

Miulacanti.

Acleshacanti.

Vaidhriti vyatipata samkrantividhi.

Grahanastitividhi.

Abdapirtividhi.

Yatisamskéravidhi.

Ahitégnerdecéntaramaranavidhi,

Brahmacarimaranavidhi.

Sarpasamskéravidhi.

Abhytidayacraddhavidhi,

Kamyadicraddha.

Pindapitriyajnavidhi.

Parvanacraddhavidhi.

Saptamf{craddha.

Ashtamicraddha.

Anvashtakicraddha,

Naxatrahomacanti.

Narayanabali.

From this summary it will appear, that the work is more extensive

than a Grihyasttra. It contains more matter than the latter class of

works usually do, especially the cantis or “ propitiatory rites” are

peculiar to it.

Besides, its descriptions of the various ceremonies are

fuller and more detailed than those in the Sutras. They resemble

154 A notice of the QCaunaka Smriti. [No. 3,

most those of the modern Prayogas or ‘‘ Manuals.” On the

other hand the work is not like a Dharmastitra or Dharmashastra, as

it gives less the duties of a Hindu than a description of the various

rites to be performed by him.

The first question which now obtrudes itself, is, whether this curi-

ous work is really a composition of the ancient sage Q@aunaka or a

production of later times. The fact, that so very frequently a new

topic is introduced with the words “I, Qaunaka, will declare”

(Caunakoham pravaxyami) and similar phrases, would seem to furnish

proof that the Karika is the original work of Gaunaka.

Besides there is some circumstantial evidence which makes in

favour of this opinion. Firstly, nearly all the Mantras quoted are

taken from the Rig Veda and show that the author was a follower of

this Veda. As it is well known that Caunaka belonged to the

Bahyricas, this fact is of some importance. Secondly, many passages

of the Kariké agree almost literally with the Sutras of Aevala-

yana, and these two works agree very closely in regard to some

ceremonies which are unknown to the other Vedic schools. As,

according to tradition, A¢gvalayana was a pupil and follower of Qau-

naka, these points also speak for the authenticity of the Karika.

The rules regarding the Garbhélambhana and the Anavalabhana,

two ceremonies to which are to be performed soon after marriage,

furnish an instance of the close resemblance of the two works. Acya-

layana says Grihyasttra I. 13.1. upanishad; garbhalambhanam pum-

savanam anavalabhanam ca. I. 13.2: yad? nadhtyat.

1. In the Upanishad are (prescribed) the Garbhalambhana, Pum-

savana, and Anavalabhana.

2. If he does not study it ......... (he shall perform the following

rite).

Caunaka gives the following rules on this subject :—

Garbhalambhah pumsavanam garbhasydnavalobhanam. Iti kar-

matravyamidam yajnopanishadéritam.

Tamadhitavatah karma trayam tathaiva sugrahah.

Anadhita va tas tvesha pra yogotra nibadhyate.

“The Garbhalambha, the Pumsavana and the Garbhanavalobhana,

these three ceremonies are enjoined in the Yajnopanishad. These

three ceremonies, which are easily understood, (ought to be performed)

1866.] A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. 155

by him who has studied that (Upanishad). But for him who has

not studied it, the following rite isordained.” The similarity of these

passages has so much more weight, as Acvalayana and Qaunaka are

the only writers on Grihya ceremonies known, who mention the two

ceremonies. Another case in which the Kariké and the Grihyacttra

fully agree is the order of the forms of marriage. In Acvaldyana’s

enumeration the Paicdca form stands last but one, and the Raxasa

form last. The Karika gives the same order, whilst Manu, Yajnaval-

kya and Vishnu make the Paicéca form follow the Raxasa. It

would be easy to multiply these instances of resemblance between the

two works.

But though the work announces itself as proceeding from Caunaka,

and though there is apparently some circumstantial evidence sup-

porting this claim, there are also some points which make it highly

improbable that Gaunaka is its immediate author.

Firstly, the Karika advocates the Vaishnava faith. Vishnu is re-

“god of gods,” the worship of the

peatedly called the devadeva, the

Tulasi plant is frequently enjoined, and peculiar rites and symbols

of the Vishnuites, such as the naraca, the padmaxa and tulas{mani,

the cakramudra are occasionally mentioned. Though the worship of

Vishnu may possibly be very old in India, nevertheless it is hardly pro-

bable that the adoration of the Tulasi should be derived from the

times of Qaunaka, who certainly lived before Panini. Anandagiri,

the disciple of Gankaracarya, is, as far as I know, the first writer who

testifies, that in his times divine honours were paid to this plant.

This circumstance prevents me from considering Gaunaka as the

immediate author of the Kariké. But as the work so ostentatiously

uses the name of Caunaka, and certainly teaches on the whole the

ritual of the Rig Veda, and moreover shows in many points a close

affinity with the Acvalayanasattras, I am inclined to consider it asa

redaction of the old Qaunaka-smriti by a Vaishnava. Some other

points confirm this opinion.

Firstly, the title Gaunakiyékarika itself suggests the idea of a

verified redaction of an older work. The word Karika is used to

designate “‘ memorial verses,’’ such as the verses attached to Panini’s

grammar, and a class of works on scientific subjects composed in the

Anushtubh metre. Thus we have a Samkhyakarika, Mandikopanishat-

156 A notice of the Gaunaka Smrite. [No. 3,

karika, an Acvalayanagrihya-karika, Gankhayana-karika. But the

Samkhya karika is confessedly later than the Samkhyasiitras, the A¢va-

laydéna-karika is said to be composed by Kumiarilabhatta, the Man-

dukopanishad-karika of course claims not the authority of the Upanis-

had itself.

It is therefore to be expected that the Qaunakiya-karika likewise

is merely based on a Caunaka-smriti.

The second circumstance, which is in favour of our theory, is that

sectarians in general, and the Vaishnavas in particular, have also

in other cases both worked up older Smritis into new forms and

interpolated them with additions of their own, and even composed some

new ones under eld names. J hope soon to give this question a fuller

consideration, and content myself with mentioning here two cases,

The one is that of the Vishnu-smriti, which seems to be a Vaishnava

redaction of an older Stitra, and the second that of the Brihaddharita-

smriti, which is a modern. work, teaching exclusively the Vaishnava

rites and doctrines.

It is of course impossible to say which parts of the Karika

are new, and which old. But, in favour of the older work, we

can at least make a tolerably safe conjecture. I have remarked already

that the Karika does not resemble exactly either a Dharmasiitra or a

Grihyasttra. We find also a number of quotations from Gaunaka in

the Mitakshara, Madanaparijata, and Paraécara-médhava, which evi-

dently are taken from his Grihyastitra, but to which nothing in the

Karika responds. The fact is, that our Kériké most probably is a

versification of a number of Parigishtas belonging to the Qaunaka-

grihyasttra. Several collections of Paricishtas treating of Grihya

ceremonies are in existence. One of them belongs to the Sama Veda,

and includes a mahdnémnivratavidhi, a upanishadavratavidhi, a

snénavidhi etc. Another such collection is tacked to the Baudhayana

grihyasttras. It closely resembles that contained in the Qaunakiya

kérika. It begins, just as this, with Paribhashés and contains more

than a hundred divisions, which treat of nearly the same sub-

jects, as Qaunaka’s work, 7. e. Samskara, Canti and @raddha. The

language is mostly prose, only a few divisions are in verse. Hach

part begins with the words “ athaéto ...... vidhimvyékhyésyémah.

‘ Now then we shall explain the rule for ,.,,..,” and generally ends

1866. ] A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. 157

with “ Athaha bhagavén baudhayanah, thus says the venerable Bau-

dhayana,” ora similar phrase. Amongst other interesting matters

we find in it also the ‘rule of adoption’ quoted by Nandapandita in

the Dattakamimamsa. I shall give it below, and it will serve to show

how great the resemblance is between the two works. What purpose

these Parigishtas served, and whether they belong to the same authors

as the corresponding Siitras, are questions which are open to dis-

cussion. But the circumstance that Baudhayana’s ‘ vidhis,’ as well

as those belonging to the Sama veda, are chiefly in prose, strengthens

the supposition that the Gaunakiya karika has been remodelled and

verified by some later writer. It is not at all improbable that this

Vaishnava author, and the follower of Ramanuja who composed the

introductory verses, are the same person, and that the work in its

present shape is not older than the thirteenth or fourteenth century ;

for the Mitéksharé and its immediate predecessor never quote this

work. Inthe chapter on adoption it is not mentioned at all, and

Vigvegvara as well as Vijnanegvara elsewhere quote a Gaunaka in

prose. On the other hand Devandabhatta and Nandapandita, who are

both Southerners and countrymen of Ramanuja, quote it.

I now proceed to give the text and translation of the Putrasam-

grahavidhi, according to my MS. compared with the Dattakamimamsa

of Nandapandita, the Dattakacandrika, the Vyavahara-maytkha and

the Samskarakaustubha. There appear to have existed two redac-

tions, one followed by the Dattakamimamsa and the Dattakacandrika,

the other by the MS. and the other books mentioned. I cannot believe

that this circumstance is accidental, especially as it repeats itself in

the use of the Baudhayana-paricishta, where the Samskarakaustubha

and my MS. are likewise opposed to the Dattakamimaémsa and Dattaka-

candriké. Devandabhatta and Nandapandita are both Southerners,

and the authors of the Mayfkha and of the Samskdrakaustubha, as

well as the possessors of the originals from which my copies are taken,

are all Maharashtradeshastha Brahmans, it would therefore seem that

both in the case of the Caunaka-karika and that of the Baudhayana,

there existed, two redactions, a Maharashtra and a Southern.

I give here the text of the former, as it is the shorter one, and the

additions of the latter in the notes,

158 A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. [No. 3,

1. Caunakoham pravaxyémi putrasamgrahamuttamam.

Aputro mritaputro va* putrértham samuposhya ca.f

Vasasi kundale dattva ushnisham{ cénguliyakam.

Acaryam dharmasamyuktam vaishnavam vedaparagan.

3. Barhih kucamayam caiva pélacam cedhmameva ca.

Etanydhrityas bandhimeca jiatinahiya yatnatah.||

4. Bandhinannena samptijya] bréhmanameca viceshatah.

Agnyadhanadi* yat tantram kritvajyotpavanantakam.f

5. Datuh samaxam gatva tu putram dehiti yacayet.}

Dane samartho datasmai ye§ yajne neti pancabhih.

6. Devasya tveti mantrena hastabhyd4m parigrihya ca.

Angadangetyricam japtva caghraya|| cicumurdhani.

7. Vastradibhiralamkritya putrachaydvaham4 sutam.

Nrityagitaicca vadyaicca svasticabdaicca samyutam.*

* Datt. mim. page 1, line 6, Calcutta édition, bandhyo mritaprajo vapiti path-

antaram. But ibid. page 32, line 1, this reading is attributed to Vriddhaganta-

ma. The sense remains the same, only the use of the word bandhya is re-

markable.

Samsk. kaust. fol. 47, page 1, line 3, Bombay lith.ed.1: bandhyé mritaputra:

vapi; 7. e. “a woman who is barren or whose children have died.” This read-

ing, if correct, would authorise women. to adopt without having obtained the

permission of their husbands or relations. But it is wrong, because in y. 13

and 14, the adopting person is spoken of in the masculine, and because Vedic

rite cannot be destined in the first instance for women. Perhaps the reading

was intentionally altered from that given in the Datt. mim.

+ S’aun. kar. svakulasya ca “and for the sake of his family,” gives no good

sense.

{ S’aun. kar. “coshnisham.’”’ It seems to be a correction in order to avoid

the hiatus which, however, is of common occurrence in the Anushtubh of the

Dharmagastras. S’amsk. kaust. “chattram, an umbrella,’ for dattva. The

whole then depends on ahritya.

Datt. mim and Datt. chand. add after this one half cloka: madhuparkena

sampUjya rajanam ca dyijén cucin, i.e. “ having honoured the king (or lord of

the village) and pure[Brahmans with the Madhuparka,” according to the Datt.

chandr. p. 63, |. 7 Calcutta edition, the verse also occurs in the Vriddhagauta~

masmriti. If inserted here, it disturbs the construction.

§ Etanahritya. Datt. mim., Datt. chand, and Vyav. May. The neuter is the

form required by the grammar.

|| Sattamah, Vyav. May.

§| Annena sambhajya; Datt. mim, Datt. chand. Vyay. May.

* Anvadhanadi yat; Vyav. May.

Agnyadhinikam tatra Datt. mim. Datt. chand. Anvadhana means a kind-

ling of the fire preceded by a statement of the objects of the eeremony

(samkalpa).

+ Otpavanadikam S’aun., kér., Vyav. May. Datt. mim.

t Vacayet; S’aun. kar.

§ Datasau ; S’aun. kar., détasmi Vyav. May.

|| Aghraya; Datt. mim. Datt. chand.

‘| Chatrachayagatam; Samsk. Kaust., 7. e. walking under the umbrella.

* Samyutah ; Samsk. Kaust.

1866.] A notice of the Caunaka Smritt. 159

Grihamadhye* tamadaya carum hutva vidhanatah.

Yastva hridetyricacaiva tubhyam agra ricaikayé.+

9. Somo dadadityetabhih pratyricam pancabhistatha.

Svishtakridadihomam ca kritvaj cesham samapayet.

10. Brahmanéném sapindeshu kartavyah putrasamgrahah.

Tadalabhesapindeshu§ anyatra tu na karayet.

11. Xatriydénam svajatau va gurugotre samepi va.||

Vaicyanam vaicyajateshuf] cidranam ¢udrajatishu.

12. Sarveshém caiva varnénam jatishveva na canyatah.

Dauhitram bhagineyam va cidranam capi dapayet.*

13. Naikaputrena kartavyam putradanam kadécana.

Bahuputrena kartavyam putradénam prayatnatah.

i4. Daxindm gurave dadyad-yathacgaktit dvijottamah.

Nripot rashtrardhamevapi§ vaicyo vittagatatrayam.||

15. Cudrah sarvasvamevapi agaktagced yathabalam.

Iti caunakakarikayam putraparigrahavidhih.

1. I, Gaunaka, will declare the most excellent (rule) for adopting

ason. A person who has no son, or whose son has died, should fast

(on the day preceding the ceremony) for the sake of a son.

2. (He then should) place (in readiness{]) two garments (upper

* Adhyetamadh4ya; Datt. mim., Datt. chanda—grihametyedhmaméddiya,

i, e. haying returned home and placed fuel on the fire; S’aun. kar.

+ Yatydéhridetyricenaiva. Datt. mim. yastvahritetyricacaiva. Datt. chand,

yastvabridetidvabhyam tu. Samsh. Kaust.

~ Hutva; Vyav. May.—cesham ca kritvaé homam samapayet. Samsk. Kaust.

§ Asapindo va, Vyav. May. Datt. mim.

|| Gurugotrasamopi va; Vyay. May. gurugotrasamepi va. Samsk. Kaust.

§| S‘adrajatishu S’aun. karika and Vyay. May. against the metre.

* Caryadi; S’aun. kar. The reading in itself is senseless; but seems to

point back to capi d4ypayet. The reading given in the text is made up from

this and the Samsk. Kaust. “S’adranamapi dapayet.” The readings of the

other works differ very much from ours :—

§ gidrasy4,

t cidraistu,

Pi ca diyate Vyav. May.

Kriyate sutah Datt. mim. Datt. chand.

After this verse, Datt. mim. page 19, line 12, insert half a S’loka: brahma-

nadi traye nasti bh4cine—yah sutah kvacit, 7. e. amongst the three castes

beginning with the Brahman, a sister’s son is nowhere adopted. The half verse

is quite superdiuous. .

+ Dattva. S’an. kér., Vyav. May.

{ Nripa; Datt. mim.

§ Evdtha; Datt. mim. Datt. chand.

|| Ratnagatadvayam ; Samsk. Kaust.

‘| Borradaile translates according to the prayoga given in the Maydkha:

haying given two pieces of cloth,.,...,.,,...t0 a priest..,,,, But the verb da does

Dauhitro bhagineyacca

160 A notice of the Gaunaka Smyti. [No. 3,

and lower) a pair of earrings, a turban and a finger-ring, procure

a virtuous priest of the Vaishnava faith, who has studied the Vedas

to their end,

3. A layer of Kuga grass* (to place the Ajyasthali upon) and fuel

of Palaca wood, and pressingly invite his Bandhu (cognates) and his

Sapinda relations (gentiles).

4. Having (next) honoured his relations by (placing) food (before

them) and especially the Brahmans, he should perform the ceremonies

beginning with the kindling of the sacred fire, and ending with the

purification of the liquid butter.

5. He (then) should go to the person who is going to give away

(the boy) and order (the Acdrya) to ask him, saying: “ Give the

child.”

6. The person who gives (the child to be adopted, then says): I

have authority to give (him the boy, and recites) the five (versest

beginning with:) ‘‘ Who by the sacrifice.”

7. (The adopter) should (then) receive the (boy) (drawing him

into his legs) with his hands (reciting) the Mantra: “ In the creation

of Savitri, &c.” and mutter the verse: “ From the several limbs, &.”

and touch with his nose the child’s head.§ q

8. He (then) should adorn the child which (mow) resembles a son

of the receiver’s body, with the dresses and other (ornaments men-

tioned before).

9 Afterwards (he should) go to his (own) house accompanied by

the (boy) with dancing, songs, and sounds of music and blessings,

not take the accusative of the thing given and of the person. The latter

ought to stand in the dative, genitive, or locative, Besides, as I am informed,

it is not the custom to give such presents to the Acharya at the beginning of

the ceremony. The above translation is confirmed by the corresponding pas-

sage of Baudhayana. I take the literal meaning of dattva here to be “ tyiyam

kritva.”

'* Borradaile: “a bunch of sixty-four stems entirely of Kuga grass.” Iam

informed, that so much Kuga grass is usually taken as cam be held by joing

the tip of the fore-finger to the tip of the thumb.

+ A blade of Kuca grass (paritram) is placed lengthwise into the Ajyasthdli,

and moved first horizontally and then upwards in order to take away insects,

&c., that may have fallen into the ghee. This operation is repeated three

times. (Oral information.)

{ Rig. Veda. ix. 62, 1—5.

§ Achra is usually wrongly translated by ‘kissing.’ Regarding the correct

meaning of the term and the origin of the custom, see my notice in Benfey’s

Orient und Occident,

1866.] A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. 161

and offer a burnt offering (of dressed rice) according to the rule,

(reciting the verses, “‘ I who within my heart, &.” and ‘ To thee

at first, &e.,” and the five (verses), ‘‘Soma gave her, &.,” (present-

ing an oblation*) with every verse. Having then performed the

Srishtakrid, and the other offerings, he should finish the remainder

(of the ceremony,) 2. e. Acirvada, dakshinadana, &e.

10. Brahmans should adopt amongst their Sapinda relations, and

if (a Sapinda) be not obtainable, amongst those (Brahmans) who are

not Sapindas; but amongst others (persons of a different gotra) it

should never be done.

11. Xatriyas (must adopt) (members of) their own family, or in

a family, which has a spiritual teacher of the same (Brahminical)

Goira; Vaicyas amongst Vaicyas, and Gadras amongst Cudras.

12. And (persons) of all castes amongst their classes only, not

otherwise, Amongst Cudras he (the king) may (allow?) also a

daughter’s or a sister’s son to be adopted.

13. No person, who has only one son, ought ever to give (him to be

adopted) ; but a person possessing many sons ought anxiously to do so.

14. A Brahman ought to give a fee to the (officiating) priest ac-

cording to his ability, a king even a half (of the income) of his king-

dom, and a Vaicya three hundred pieces (of money).

15. A Cudra even all his property, or if he be poor, according to

his ability.

Here ends in the Gaunaka karika the rule for the adoption of

a son.

In order to afford a comparison with Gaunaka’s text, and on account

of the interest which attaches to all the old authorities, I append

the text and translation of Baudhayana. The text is based on my

MS. of Baudhayana’s work on Grihya ceremonies, where it forms

the Adhyaya of the second Pracna, corresponding with the Datta-

kamimamsa, the Dattakachandrika and the Samskarakaustubha.

1. Putraparigrahavidhim} vyaékhyasyamah.

2. Conitacukrasambhavo miétripitrinimittakas tasya pradanapa-

rityégavikrayeshu matapitarau prabhavatah.{

* Yastva, R. V. verse 4, 10.—Tubhyamagra, R. V. x. 85, 38.—Somadadad,

R. V. x. 85, 41—45.

+ Putrapratigraho Samk. Kaust. f. 47, page 2, line 3, Bombay lth, ed,

t S’onite S. K.

162 A notice of the Caunaka Smrit. [No. 3,

3. Na tvekam putram dadyat pratigrihniyadva sa hi samtanaya

purvesham.

4. Na tu stri putram dadyat pratigrihniyad vanyatranujnanad

bhartuh.

5. Pratigrihishyannupakalpayate dve vasasi dve kundale angu-

liyakam cacéryam* vedaparagam kucamayam barhih parnamayamidh-

mamiti. .

6. Atha bandhinéhiya}+ madhye rajani cévedya parishadi vagara-

madhye brahmandnannena parivishyat punyaham svastyriddhimiti

vacayitva.

7. Atha deva yajanollekhana§ prabhritya pranitabhyah datuh

samaxam gatva putram me dehiti bhixeta.||

8. Dadami titara dha.*

9. Tam parigrihndtit dharmaya tva grihndmi samtatyai tvd grih-

namiti.

10. Athainam vastrakundalabhyam anguliyakena caélamkritya

paridhanaprabhrityagaimukhat} kritva pakvannam§ juihoti.

11. Yastva hrida kivina manyamana iti puronuvakyamanucya

rivikté|| yasmai tvam sukrite jataveda iti yajyaya jihoti.

12. Atha vyahritir hutva svishtakritprabhriti siddhamédhenu-

vara pradanat. .

13. Daxinam dadatyete eva vasasi ete eva kundale etatcdngu-

liyakam.

14. Yadyevam kritvaurasahY putra utpadyate turiyabhagesha*

bhavati ti smaha baudhayanah.

1. “ We shall declare the rule for the adoption of a son.

* Anenutiyaka 4charyam. Datt. mim.

+ Niveganamadhye Datt. mim.—nivecanasya madhye Datt. cand.

{ Bréhmanaydgalambenopavigya, sitting down according to the order of the

Brahmans.

§ Devayajaménollekha. 8. K.

|| Bhixet. Datt. mim. and Datt. cand.

€ Dadanito.

* Kha left out by 8. K.

+ Atoham parigrihn4ami §. K. tam parierihniteti Datt. mim. Datt. cand.

reads parigrihnami in every case for grihnami.

{ Agnimukhan §. K. agnimukham Datt. mim.—Datt. cand.

§ Paktva Datt. mim.—tyaktva Datt. cand.

|| Aniidya, Datt. mim. and Datt. cand.

€ Evamtvaurasah. Datt. mim. Datt. cand.

* Turiyabhage prabhavatiti. 8. K. turfyabh4gesam bhavatiti. Datt. mém,

and Datt. cand,

1866. ] A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. 163

2. “(A son) is produced from the seed of the male and the blood

of the female. His mother and his father are the cause of his exis-

tence. His mother and his father have (therefore) the right to give

him away, to abandon or to sell him.

3. ‘ But nobody should give or receive an only son. For he is

(wanted) to continue the line of his ancestors.

4. ‘Buta woman should neither give nor receive a son without

the permission of her husband.

5. “(A man) who is about to adopt a son, procures two garments,

two earrings, and a finger-ring, a priest who has studied the Vedas to

their end, a layer of Kuca grass, and fuel of Palaca-wood. Thus (is

the rule).

6. “ Then, having invited his relations to his (dwelling) and in-

formed the king (of his intention to adopt), and having, in the assem-

bly or in his dwelling, served the Gnvited) Brahmans with food, he

should cause them to pronounce the benedictions: ‘“‘ (May) the day

(be) auspicious! Hail (to thee)! Prosperity (to thee).”*

7. ‘‘ Then having performed the ceremonies, beginning with draw-

ing the lines on the altar, and ending with the placing of the water

vessels, he should go to the giver (of the child) and ask him (saying) :

Give me (thy) son!

8. “ The other answers: I give him.

9. “He receives him (the child with these words) : I take thee for

the fulfilment of (my) religious duties; I take thee to continue the

line (of my ancestors).

10. “Then he adorns him with the (above mentioned) two gar-

ments, the two earrings and the finger-ring, and having performed the

ceremonies beginning with the placing of the (pieces of wood called)

paridhis, (fences around the altar) and ending with the Agnimukha,}

he offers boiled rice into the fire.

11. ‘“ Having recited the Puronuvakya :{ ‘ Who thinking of thee

* All the verbs down to ‘ he should ask’ stand in the text, in the absolutive.

I make a division after vacayitva, as the first part of the preparatory ceremo-

nies before the Homa closes with the punyA4bavacanam. ‘The formula of this

rite is the following: The performer says, Sirs, wish (me) an auspicious day !

Brahman: Om, may the day be auspicious, etc.

+7 am not certain about the meaning of this word. But it may possibly

indicate the oblation to Agni, which are offered to the eyes of this god, 7. ¢. in

the north-eastern and south-eastern corners of the altar.

~ Taitt. Veda. i. 4, 46. The yastvayajya is found in the same kinda.

164 A notice of the Gaunaka Smriti. [No. 3,

with a discerning mind,’ &e., he offers an oblation with the Yajya :

‘To whom the performer of good deeds,’ &e.

12. ‘“ Then having offered the (oblations accompanied by the reci-

tations of the) Vyahritis, he finishes the ceremonies, beginning with

the oblation to Agni svishtakrit, down to the presentation of a cow

and presents (to the officiating priest).

13. “He presents (to him)as sacrificial fee, those two pieces of cloth,

those two earrings, and that finger-ring (with which he had before

adorned the child).

14. “Tf after the performance of these rites a (legitimate) son is

born (to the adopter) (then the adoptive son) receives a fourth of

(the son’s) share. Thus says Baudhayana.”

It now remains for me to return to the question, how far the

recovery of the Qaunaka kérika affects the law of adoption. This

chapter of the Hindu law isin a worse state than any other, chiefly be-

cause there is not, as in the case of Inheritance, Divisions, &c., for each

school of lawyers one paramount authority, which lays down its funda-

mental rules and its principles. The Dattakamimaimsa of Nanda Pan-

dita, it is true, enjoys a certain esteem all over India, but, in the

Bombay Presidency at least, not to such an extent, that it would

overrule the conflicting opinions of all other writers. On the contrary,

besides this work, the Bombay Pandits always consult and frequently

follow four other works, the Vyavahara-maytikha, the Nirnayasindhu,

the Samskarakaustubha, and the Dharmasindhu.

On account of this state of things, the Hindu lawyer will be called

upon to examine the principles on which the conflicting opinions rest

much oftener in this part of the law, than anywhere else. It is there-

fore also most important to possess the ancient original works in their

integrity from which the modern writers profess to draw their opinions,

and to know their history and critical condition.

One of the points in the law of adoption, on which views directly

opposed to each other are advocated by writers of eminence, is the

question whether a Hindu widow has the power to make an adoption.

Nanda Pandita distinctly denies her right to do so under any cireum-

stances whatever. Nilakantha, the author of the Maytikha, permit

it, provided the widow has obtained the permission to do so from her

husband before his death, or can procure the sanction of her rela-

1866.] Notes on Atranji Khera. 165

tions and guardians after his death. The Nirnayasindhu, the Sams-

karakaustubha, and the Dharmasindhu declare that a widow may

adopt without the permission of her relations.

The advocates of the latter opinion give, as one of their principal

arguments, the second half of the first verse of the Qaunakasmriti,

where they read: ‘ Vandhya mritu putra vapi.’ ‘A woman, who is

childless or whose sons have died (may adopt).’ If this reading were

correct, a widow would certainly have the right to adopt, as she

pleases. But I have already pointed out in the note appended to

the text, that it is wrong, and perhaps a clumsy forgery of the advo-

cates of the widows’ rights.

This example will suffice to show, how the recovery of the original

Smritis may be turned to some use for some practical purpose in the

discussion of points of the Hindu law, important even if their impor-

tance for the reconstruction of its history be left out of sight.

Notes on Atranji Khera or Pi-lo-shan-na of General CunnincHam

(vide Continuation of Report for 1862-63, No. VITE. page 15.)—By

~*~ ©. Horne, Hsg., C. 8.

[Received 5th January, 1866. ]

This morning Dr. Tyler kindly drove me, by a country road via

Rah and Sirnow villages, some ten miles to the village of Achulpow,

nearly north of Htah, crossing, when within a mile of the said village,

a ravine styled the Kalee Nuddee. Just beyond this village, of which

it forms a part, rises the huge Khera or Mound, which, I was informed,

contains in its area 500* statute beegahs of land. The height varies

from 40 to 50 feet, and it forms a very imposing object, and is cover-

ed with scattered broken. bricks and fragments of pottery of great

thickness, being likewise garnished with a few bushes and two or three

peepul trees.

The circuit, as by the measurements of the Moonshee deputed by

General Cunningham, is as follows :-—Length at base 3,250 feet with

a breadth of 2,550 it. The general form is rectangular, although it is

* Hqual to 1983 acres.

166 Netes on Atranji Khera. [No. 3,

not quite regular; and there are two openings, evidently artificial,

called “ gates” by the natives. These are at their base about 75

feet in width, and they had buildings on either side. One of these

is on the east side near to the north-east corner, and the other on the

west side near to the south-west corner. There is also a modern

eart-track running through the midst in a kind of hollow.

The surface of the Khera undulates much, making a series of

miniature downs. ‘This effect has been caused chiefly by the agency

of water; but there were doubtless elevations and depressions in the

original city, the site for which was finely chosen. Around the

whole is cultivation, and at a little distance in the east flows the Kalee

Nuddee river, so that the view from the top is very striking and

beautiful ; masses of mango trees in the distance fringed in front with

many thousands of palm trees, with a carpet of green winter crop at

their feet, stretching to the shining expanse of the bounded water of

the Kalee Nuddee in the foreground, form a picture which led my

companion to remark upon it, and would captivate the eye of the most

apathetic of observers.

At the south-eastern corner, distant a few hundred yards, is an out-

work—a mound on which had once stood extensive buildings,

now being excavated to their very foundations for the bricks they

contain. These bricks measure 14” « 82” & 2” only, are not very

well burnt, and do not carry the appearance of great antiquity. None

of them bore any inscription stamped on them ; although some seemed

to have been moulded thus: as though they had formed

part of some ornamental moulding, and I was told

of others bearing marks ——————= like this ;

evidently those of the finger on the moist clay—which HY \

Ihave often found in other places, and the meaning

of which Ido not know. On this mound, irregularly placed, are three

lingams which appear very recent. They are of sandstone and may

have been cut from columns. I measured one of them 1 foot 6 inches in

height, and about 2 feet in diameter, whilst within a small recent

enclosure were two more: one of which was placed in the

middle in a pavement of stucco, without any Yoni; and the other

leaning against the back wall—a slab in relief and perhaps 5 feet in

height.

)

Small Mound Ne

JOURNAL AS: SOC: XXXV. PT. PLATE. XVI.

ROUGH PLAN

ATRANII KHERA

PI-~LO-SHUN-NA.

near Etah NWP.

App lth CPO

Ropu rec 3

a le

ra wg

Ga agen JSC ate

\ Srl aes ee

ee a

a 7 °

ie Mine ‘ Ne

ZA eee)

. LOI Ir

& Le tree

A chalpoor Village

ead

[mar j

Frepared cr the spot, by

C Horne C. Ss.

Dec? 71865

| 0 Birch #20? Lithere:

Notes on Atranji Khera. 167

I give in the margin a rough sketch of the last

mentioned, and may remark that none of them

appeared to have been much worshipped—if

at all.

Also leaning against the wall was the figure of

a four armed figure of Durga, in reliefon a slab,

treading on a prostrate form. This was of no

antiquity.

After ascending the mound at the south-east

corner and proceeding perhaps two or three

hundred yards, we came upon a small eminence, by no means the

highest point of the Khera, where foundations have been excavated.

These foundations appear to have been circular and to have had for

diameter about 54 feet, an ample base for the support of a tower of

100 feet, as described by the Chinese travellers.

Proceeding still farther north and keeping at a distance of about

100 yards from the eastern face, we came to another mound in

which the excavated trenches shew a building to have once stood.

The thickness of the foundation walls would indicate a building of

some elevation.

This eastern face runs nearly parallel to the Kalee Nuddee, and

proceeding in the same direction, we came to the “ gate” before

alluded to.

On the other side of this, the mound is higher, and is now covered

with scrub jungle of Korunda and Bair, inhabited only by black

partridges, hares, plovers, and large grey owls.

This is used as grazing ground by the villagers; and it is here, in

and after the rains, that the herd boys find the old silver Hindu

coins, six of which were given to me by the Zemindar of Achulpoor,

Kullian Sing Thakoor, a most obliging guide, whose son takes an

intelligent interest in the Khera.

These coins were all of the same type, viz. the nail-headed character,

the marks here indicated being often found on a

| a | On this part of the mound undoubtedly stood the

principal buildings ; although I could not trace even

a single foundation.

168 Notes on Atranji Khera. [No. 3,

To the north was visible, at a short distance, another outwork

which had originally borne a building, but the mound was much

lower and smaller than that at the south-eastern corner. Continuing

round the mound, [came at another place to foundations of no note,

and saw to the west three smaller mounds, in which no traces of

buildings, save broken bricks, probably thrown on them from the fields,

remained.

I also came to the other gate, after crossing the cart-track shewn

in the plan. The circuit, which I did not measure, might have been

about two miles.

The fact that this mound has served as a huge brick kiln to the

surrounding country, lying within a radius of eight miles, for the past

7 or 800 years, readily accounts for the absence of all other traces of

buildings, and it was with the greatest difficulty I was able to find

an entire brick to measure, and I much fear that no good would result

from any excavation made in this spot. Block kunkur must have

been used instead of stone, and all the remains of this have been

utilized by succeeding generations for lime and road-making, so that

not a trace now remains.

Etah, December, 1865.

— LOD OOO

Notes on some Buddhist Ruins at Doob Koond.—By Captain W. R.

Mrtvittz, in charge, Gwalior Survey.

[Received 31st January, 1866. ]

I discovered the other day some totally new Buddhist ruins and an in-

scription, two copies of which are sent in a tin case with this note.* [I

have also taken five photographs of the sculpture in different parts of

the temple, but I shall be unable to print off copies until my return to

recess quarters in April. This temple is situated in the dense forest

on the left bank of the Koonoo river, one of the southern tributaries

of the Chumbul. I first passed through these jungles in the cold

weather of 1863, and I always, from the first, had an idea that these

* The inscription will be published hereafter. Hp,

1866.] Buddhist Ruins at Doob Koond. 169

jungles had formerly been much better inhabited than now, but

though I have always been looking out for some remains of old

buildings, these are the first of any importance I have come across.

This temple is situated about three miles almost due north of the

village of Buryon in the Keruhl Tehsil, at the place where the Purney

river (which up to there runs along the surface of the ground) first

begins to form what is called a Kho, or a narrow valley with perpen-

dicular sides. The place is called Doob Koond. The origin of the

name, according to the native tradition, is mentioned in the enclosed

Memo. The temple is situated in the middle of a fortified enclosure

situated on a peninsula, the neck of which is defended by a fortified

wall (as shewn above), and all around it there is a mass of ruined

houses and the remains of several smaller temples, in which, however,

I was unable to find any inscription. The centre temple, which seems

to haye been the most important, and in which the inscription was

found, seems to have been a square about 100 feet each side,

with an open court in the centre surrounded by cells, each of

which seems to have been devoted to the worship of some particular

divinity. There is only one entrance, on the eastern side, and that

side has only seven cells, while the three others have 8 each, making

a total of 31. There is a covered verandah running all round outside

the cells. The following sketch will give a rough idea;

170 Buddhist Ruins at Doob Koond. [No. 3,

1 aN aE i CELLS

[TT EP}

ReSesa Cisseaeesi a a

HA 2

2 | by] E aos

:- a

2 2 c Pa

A. Inscription cells.

B. 3 large statues.

The carving that remains, especially inside the cells, though much

injured, is most beautiful. Hach of the cells seems to have had a sort of

arched canopy carved with elephants, &c. and supported by two

figures, one on each side. Below this canopy is a sort of pedestal, on

which, I conclude, stood the image of the Deity to whom the cell

was dedicated. The elephants are beautifully carved, and their atti-

tudes very natural, and not at all stiff. Just on your left, as you enter,

are three large statues of male figures, quite naked and standing.

The largest is in the centre. They each have a sort of canopy over

their heads, and on the glory round the head of the principal figure

you can still see marks of paint. Many of the figures inside also

seem to have been painted. The three large figures inside are buried

in debris up to their waist. The temple is built of large blocks and

slabs of sandstone, which are not, I think, cemented. The roof to each

of the cells is formed in the following way: on the first four slabs

placed square, smaller blocks are laid across the corners, and on the

1866.] Buddhist Ruins at Doob Koond. 1A

top of these four smaller slabs forming a smaller square, which is

covered with a single square slab. The inscription is at the southern

side of the temple; it is an oblong slab, and the letters have been very

carefully sculptured on it, and seem to have been filled with a sort of

enamel. It has a projecting stone over it, intended, I suppose, to pro-

tect it from the weather ; it is between two of the cells under the

covered verandah.

On each side of the peninsula on which the temple is situated,

there are two deep pools or koonds which never dry up, and which, I

fancy, led to this place being selected for a village.

Outside the enclosure and a little higher up the river, on the river

bank, there is another temple which looks modern,but which has a figure

in it evidently taken from the old temple. Inside the enclosure there ~

are the remains of several other temples, but [ could find nothing in

them but broken images. Being busily occupied with my survey

duties, I had very little time to explore, but I dare say that careful

investigation would bring something more to light. The only way I

had of taking off the inscription was with blue chalk, but as this was

not as distinct as I wished, Baboo Joala Pershad, one of my native

surveyors, was kind enough to copy the inscription for me, and I

enclose a memo. he made about the temple at my request. I was

unable to photograph the inscription on account of the want of light

and the smallness of my lens. I hope that the inscription may

throw some light on the date of these interesting ruins.

Tt is a curious fact that these ruins were unknown to any of the

natives, except the sheriahs or half savages that inhabit this jungle.

Camp Gwattor Territory, wd AGRA,

January 25th, 1866.

—

Memorandum about the Doob Koond Temple, by Joaua Persuap.

The inscription, as far as I can read it, states that in the year 741

of the Christian era, this temple was situated in the village of

Mahabux, and that it was dedicated to the gods—Nemji, Sri Budya,

and Chinamusta,

In 688, Umr Sing and Beja Sing, gooroos, came by the order of

Muharaja Chundruk in the reign of Behram Sing.

In the reign of Behram Sing, Pandoo and Gubraj, two brothers,

172 Modern Style of official Hindustani. [No. 3,

repaired the temple and instituted the worship of Chunder Perboo,

and made two baolies, one on each side, the one on the north was

called Umr Sing Baoli, and the one on the south Beija Sing Baoli.

The old sheriahs have a legend that Behram Sing and the two

brothers came to see the temple when it was finished, and all the

images burst out laughing. Berham Sing then ordered lime to be

put on their faces.*

All the legends about this place seem to show that formerly it was

a very celebrated temple and a great place for pilgrimage. They

state that (at adate unknown) many years ago a rajat from the west

came with an army to this temple, carried off the gold and silver

images, broke up the other sculptures, and threw a large portion of

them into the koond, and ever since the place has been deserted and

called Doob Koond.

eee

Some objections to the Modern Style of official Hindustani—By F. 8.

Growse, M. A. Oxon. B. C. S.

[Received 23rd July, 1866. ]

As the pages of the “ Asiatic” have admitted an elaborate defence of

the modern fashionable style of Urdu composition, I trust that a brief

statement of some of the arguments on the opposite side of the

question, will find equal toleration.

The Urdu champion has undoubtedly made the best of his case,

but he appears to have misapprehended the object of the Hindi

party, and therefore many of his arguments are directed against an

imaginary opponent. With the possible exception of a few visionary

enthusiasts, [ am not aware that any one in the present day is

prepared to advocate a return to Hindi pure and simple. Such a

thing would be practically impossible, on account of the number of

foreign words which have won for themselves a secure, position in

popular speech. I consider this to be really the valid reason, and

attach no weight whatever to the alleged varieties of dialect ; for I

feel convinced that the language of the Prem Sagar, in which not the

slightest taint of an alien element has been allowed, would be more

* I fancy this refers to the paint on the images that still exists,

+ Probably a Mussulman rival,

1866.] Objections to the modern style of official Hindustani. 173

generally understood throughout the length and breadth of India,

than any equally polished specimen of Urdu. This statement, indeed,

may be called a mere zpse diait, but its truth is susceptible of a very

easy test. However, as I have already said, Hindi so absolutely pure

and undefiled, finds few advocates; and there can be no doubt that

the Baital Pachisi, where a judicious mixture of Persian terms has

been admitted, would be much more easily and widely intelligible

than the Prem Sagar.

The only foundation for the belief that Hindi is an arbitrary name

for a group of vulgar dialects, which have little in common and could

not be reduced to one standard, is the practice of the early Missionaries,

each of whom set about compiling a dictionary for the district in

which he happened to be placed. But if we compare these local

glossaries together, we shall find that a very large proportion of the

words occur equally in all. To test this statement, I take down a

Panjabi dictionary which I have at hand, and open it at random: the

first word at the top of the page is palzt, filthy, which is Sanskrit, and

the last word par-ndni, a maternal great grandmother, which is good

Hindi ; of the other forty-six words in the same page there are only nine

which are at all peculiar, though there are several divergencies from the

recognized mode of orthography. And the varieties, so far as I can

judge, appear to be of two. kinds: Ist, the most common of all natural

objects are known by several designations, of which one will be most

popular in this district, another in that ; while the other names will

yemain in the back ground, perfectly well understood, though less

frequently on the tongue. As an example of what I mean: a tree

in Bengal proper is generally called gdchh,in the N. W. Provinces

per, and in the Hills briksh ; but a native in any part of the Bengal

presidency who did not know the meaning of per would be a

phenomenon. 2nd, Agricultural implements, or rather the component

parts of such implements, with the domestic articles of daily use, are

known in different quarters of India by very different names. . But

for the most part these things, being suggested by the peculiar wants

and habits of the district, have no foreign name whatever, and in

superfine Urdu can only be expressed by a periphrasis. Local

differences of these two kinds do not, in my opinion, at all impair the

integrity of the language. But unfortunately a good Hindi dictionary

174 Objections to the modern style of oficial Hindustani. [No. 3,

is up to the present day a complete desideratum ; nothing of the kind

has ever been attempted; and I should be delighted to see some

Pandit come forward, with sufficient zeal, patriotism and learning, to

vndertake such a task; a dictionary, I mean, which would comprise

all the words used by Tulsi Dés in the Ramayana, by Chand the

Bard of the last Hindu kings, by Bihari Das the author of the Satsaiya,

and the other classical Hindi poets. I am convinced that such a work

would not only be of the greatest interest to a philologist, but would

incontestably prove that Hindi is an independent language, elaborated

by a series of able writers and guided by a definite standard, which

from time to time has varied in degree, but never in character.

Having so far cleared the ground, I will proceed to defend the

position taken up by those who protest against the continuance of the

present Kachahri boli, and still more against its recognition as the

literary language of the country. In the first place, it is a recent inno-

vation, which had positively no existence whatever fifty or sixty years.

ago. Mr. Beames incidentally speaks of Urdu writers three or four cen-

turies back, but I must confess that I have never heard of them. The

Mahommedans subdued the country, but never succeeded in destroying

the language of the conquered people, nor does it appear that they made

the attempt. As late as Akbar’s reign and for many years subse-

quently, the popular dialect of both classes was the same; and if a

Musalmén took in hand to write on any subject of general interest,

especially if his taste led him to adopt a poetic form, his composition

was couched in Hindi. Several of the poems in the Sabha Bilas may

be mentioned as specimens, in which the only Persian word that

occurs isthe name of the writer. If a more ambitious historical

narrative were attempted, he discarded the vernacular altogether, and

wrote in classical Persian, precisely in the same way as European

scholars, till a very recent date, wrote all their more important works

in Latin. Arabic too, was continued as the language of the law-courts,

as Norman-French in England, simply as a matter of convenience to

conform to the phraseology of the original codes; and this eventually

was modified into Persian with the retention of a large proportion of

Arabic words and phrases. Of course, as time passed on, many foreign

words were incorporated into the popular dialect; even in the

Ramayana of Tulsi Das we find at least two, yawdb and bakshish, and,

1866.] Odjectzons to the modern style of oficial Hindustani. 175

as I cannot speak positively with regard to so voluminous a poem,

there may probably be a few others. But it appears to have been

considered bad taste rather than otherwise in a professedly vernacular

composition, to intreduce many words of Persian or Arabic origin.

At the beginning of the present century the proportion of foreign and

native words had come to be about equal, in works composed by

Mahommedan writers in a popular style. A new principle then came

into operation, which checked the natural progress of development,

and threatens to rob India of all it has hitherto acquired in the way

of literature. The change to which I allude was the abolition of

Persian as the language of the law-courts. Till that time official and

popular language had been content to remain apart; now they were

to coalesce. We all know what has been the result of this well-inten-

tioned order: the amla had written nothing but Persian all their

lives, and in fact could not trust themselves to write anything else ;

they acquiesced in the Government demand so far as to introduce the

Hiudustani inflexions into their pleadings, but the phraseology was

preserved intact. This is the fortuitous origin of that wonderful

jargon, which is now not satisfied with ruling the law-courts, but

requires to be acknowledged as the standard of good taste throughout

the whole of Hindustan; which has retained the verbosity of Persian,

while sacrificing the elegance and simplicity of its grammatical con-

struction, and has introduced the complex inversions of Hindi syntax,

while discarding the terseness and vigour of its terminology. By all

means let the language of the country be Urdu, that is to say the

Urdu of thirty or forty years ago, having for its basis Hindi with a free

admixture of all foreign words, for that is the form into which it had

spontaneously developed, and eclecticism may be tolerated or even

admired, while syncretism in art must be synonymous with failure.

2. Not to dwell further on its artificial origin, this Urdu dialect

can never advance to the dignity of an independent language; and

yet certainly India is too considerable a country to acquiesce quietly

in the position of being, for literary purposes, merely a province of

Persia. The great ambition of every Munshi now-a-days is to

eliminate from his composition every Hindi word, no matter how far-

fetched its Persian substitute may be. With regard to other languages

he is not so particular, and will introduce English phrases with great

176 Objections to the modern style of official Hindustani. [No. 3,

gusto, often with a singularly ludicrous effect. He only studies to

conceal his Indian origin; yet, do what he can, he cannot get rid of

those troublesome inflectional terminations and auxiliary verbs, and,

after all his misapplied labour, the pedantic sentences, which nothing

can induce him to call anything but Persian, remain hopelessly and

unalterably Hindusténi. He has probably succeeded in making it

unintelligible Hindustani, but still Hindustani it is and must remain,

and no native of Iran could pronounce it to be more than some very

provincial type of true Persian. Such a position appears to me highly

undignified ; while, on the other hand, if the Hindi basis were frankly

recognized and worked upon, the result would be a genuine national

inheritance. I will here give a few of the most common Hindi words

which are banished from the Kachahris, and place opposite to them

their fashionable substitutes.

Hindi. Foreign.

Beta or lanka scl aes Pisar or walad.

BAP Matec seceasscestua DeIBEE Walid.

Chandijnc pela. icimokone Nukra.

DMs patie tity OE baits re Raughan.

Ghivor ghrit, i. 6Sr2 cc. Raughan-e-zard.

GPhiti wn eecuntctee eee ... Gandum.

Génw,..... Bans: chs noses Mauza.

Bribaspatiyeewutyncemelctews-ciae Juma-rat.

ATDOT ep eke kese Ak cle aseeete Sirika.

Byédh, ..... Bee deos totes atictn seiels Izdiwéj.

Ba keriy ib iasteee cece haloes ans dows ¢y OSpand:

Irenadien, see. Werke ashe atien.s <8 Dad o sitad.

SuNAE,: Mieace ds meremneete topes: Zargar.

WIGS) sine Geet eue seer eae: . Chah.

Nada, ses Sess SUsaeae eneisteiete Akhir-i-kar.

Kachha).tensccces-aee aot) Us Dal.

Adar oa ls cactus nid dee icieek meets ’Alahida.

The last word alag is of good Sanskrit descent, but I am sure nine-

enths of the Munshis look upon it as merely a vulgar corruption of

’aldhidd, in the same way as nagich is of nazdik. So far as the above

list goes, and it might be indefinitely extended, all the words in the

Hindi column appear to me, some from one reason, some from another,

1866.] Objections to the modern style of oficial Hindustani. 177

to be decidedly preferable to their foreign substitutes. The only

reason for displacing them is the insane desire of inventing a language

for India with every Indian element eliminated. This principle is

carried to such an extent, that if a foreign substitute cannot readily

be found, the native word is dressed up in foreign fashion; thus for

chachera, a perfectly regular derivative, we are presented with the

mongrel malformation, chachd-zéd. And even one step beyond this :

adead set is made against the unfortunate letter j, which, as the

Hindi representative of z, is considered decidedly vulgar, and occasion-

ally banished even from Persian words, where till the present day no

z had ever been known to intrude. Thus we have /auzddri for

Jaujddri. When this is the case, it is no wonder that the z should be

exclusively adopted in those instances of not very unfrequent occurrence,

where there is some authority for its alternative use. Thus we have

janu, periectly good Sanskrit, and zdnu, equally good Persian, for a

knee; or to take a word of every day occurrence, zd¢t is no doubt

unimpeachable Persian, but jaéz is the original Sanskrit, and therefore

the proper form for retention in the language of India. Yet I feel

sure that an ordinary munshi would shudder to say jdt ; though it

stands to reason that, as caste prevails solely amongst Hindus, the

popular word to denote it must be of home origin. dt again is

a word which stands by itself, without association or connection ;

while jdt at once refers us for its explanation to the cognate forms, jan,

janm, jannd, &e.

3. The adoption of this Persian dialect as the language of the

country involves the necessary abandonment of the Nagari character.

With reference to its original purpose the Nagari alphabet is the most

scientific that human ingenuity has ever elaborated, but it is utterly

inadequate for the representation either of Arabic or Persian. On

the other hand the Persian character, as ordinarily written, is almost

equally destructive of Hindi phraseology ; and it is interesting to

watch the gradual inroads which it is making on vernacular speech.

The court munshis, who, as arule, have never read a page of any

Hindi book, pronounce every word according to its Persian orthogra-

phy, which in many cases is a very imperfect representative of the

original Hindi form; and as they are considered the depositaries of

learning, their example is imitated, the mistake is perpetuated, and

178 Objections to the modern style of official Hindustam, [No. 3,

gradually penetrates through every class of society. For example, all

Hindi words ending in an unaccented vowel which would be clearly

marked in Nagari, lose their termination in Persian writing, where all

the vowels, final or medial, are more or less obscured. Thus, pati, so

frequent in proper names, as Nirpati, Dhanpati, Brihashpati, is

abbreviated into pat. Again, the Sanskrit v or w is generally

corrupted by the defect of the Persian alphabet into o ; thus we have

deo, Baldeo, deota for deva, Baldeva, devatd. Hence too arises the

uncouth word Dooar rendered familiar by the disturbances in Bhutan,

which, if correctly spelt, is only the common Hindi dwér. As for the

short vowel w, it admits an alternative error, being either dropped

altogether, or written with the long wao. The Sanskrit compound

consonants again cannot be clearly indicated, and in consequence we

get the corruption kariya for kriyd in the common phrase for funeral

rites, kriya karm. It is highly desirable that some scheme should be

started which would enable the two systems of writing to exercise a

mutual check npon each other; the Nagari completing the deficiencies

of the Persian, and the Persian acting as a short-hand auxiliary of the

Nagari. And there would be no practical difficulty in such an

arrangement, if only it were once clearly recognized that the vernacular

is a composite language, in its essential structure Hindi, but in its

component elements Hindi and Persian in equal proportion. The

division of the vernacular into Hindi and Urdu was a most unfortunate

invention of the munshis of the College of Fort William at the

beginning of the present century, and has never been generally

recognized by the natives. I do not think that any one, who had not

been specially brought under English training, would dream.of calling

his native tongue Urdu; and, as I have before stated, Hindus and

Musalmans alike, till very recent times, used one dialect for popular

composition, though the Hindu, from early association and perhaps also

from the nature of his subject, which would often be mythological,

would naturally, though not inevitably nor uniformly, use more

Sanskrit words, and the Musalman, from the nature of his religion,

more Persian words. It is now high time that these fanciful distinc-

tions should be again merged into one, and the language of the

country, according to universal analogy, be known by the name of

Hindustani. I cannot see any good to be gained by the retention of

1866.] Objections to the modern style of official Hindustani. 179

the word Urdu, which certainly does not err on the side of self-lauda-

tion, being literally bazar lingo, and therefore, on its own shewing,

unworthy to be brought into competition with Négari, the refined

and urbane.

Ii the language were once settled upon a composite basis, it could

be expressed equally well by Persian or Nagari; and here I would

make a suggestion, which I scarcely hope to see ever carried out,

though I am convinced that it is perfectly practicable. I would

reserve the Persian character for epistolary purposes, and records of

transient interest ; while I would have all permanent records and all

Government printing in Nagari. It is notorious that any proper

name, to which the clue has been lost, can never be deciphered with

absolute certainty from a Persian document; and therefore such a

style of writing is most inappropriate for the preservation of a record

of rights; at the same time it is preeminently a running hand, and

its great praise is its flowing elegance which it is impossible to

imitate in print. On the other hand, Nagari, though slowly written,

is clear and precise; and I believe all who have had any practical

experience on the point will admit, that it is better adapted even than

the Roman character for printing purposes, because the type is more

durable. It may be urged against this suggestion that it would

involve the necessity of all officials being able to read and write both

Persian and Nagari, whereas now as a rule they are familiar only with

the former. This is true, but then the language employed would be

their own mother tongue, for the acquisition of which no special

training would be required. :

4. And this brings me naturally to my fourth point; which is,

that the present kachhari boli is inconvenient, because it is foreign to

all and unintelligible to many. And on a point of this kind, we, being

ourselves foreigners, must not trust to preconceived notions: the

deliberate judgment of one educated native is sufficient to upset all

our theories. Some few days ago I came across a brief History of

India, compiled by Babu Siva Praséd and published by order of the

local Government, called the Timira-nasak (which by the way I may

remark is, so faras I am competent to judge, a model of what the

Indian vernacular should be, being elegant without pedantry and

homely without vulgarity); in his preface the Author distinctly

180 Objections to the modern style of official Hindustani. [No. 3,

deplores the fact that the language of the courts is not the language

of the country. Similar statements may be found passim in the

newspapers written and edited by English speaking natives. And it

is by no means uncommon to find really well educated Hindus, who

will readily admit that they most imperfectly understand and would

be quite unable to write the dialect of the kachahrz munshis. And as

a further proof, the official translations of laws and circulars in this

pseudo-vernacular are absolutely unintelligible, till they have been

interpreted by some one who can compare them with the original

English. No doubt there are several current law phrases, for which,

as Mr. Beames says, it would now be difficult to find the Hindi

equivalents, and I have no objection to their retention; I think, however,

their number is not so great as is generally supposed, and should not be

unnecessarily increased. For instance, markim-t-bdla or mazkur 1-sadr

is the accepted phrase for aforesaid, but it would be incorrect to allege

that there was no Hindi equivalent for it, since upar ukta, though

now somewhat unfamiliar, is equally elegant and correct. I think too

that Mr. Beames is scarcely fair in some points of his comparison

between Hindi and Persian; mdlwm and matlab are generally repre-

sented by sometense of the verbs jgannd and chahnd; tajwiz in

colloquial language is accurately expressed by soch and bichdr, either

separately or together, and judicially by nirnay ; zardr is supplied by

chidhiye ; mawdshi by pohe. And Iam certainly surprised to see him

rank jangal amongst the foreign words, whereas it is in fact Sanskrit,

Nor should IJ translate shakhs by log, but by jan, which, so far as my

experience goes, is universally used by natives when talking amongst

themselves, and is perfectly good Sanskrit, though the munshis, for

some reason or other, have taken a dislike to it, probably because it

begins with the letter 7.

5. The Urdu of the period is not only unintelligble, but it perpe-

tuates and confirms ignorance. It is so completely an alien form of

speech, that in the case of those whom Government compels to employ

it, the whole time available for education is spent in acquiring it;

and the consequence is, that, as a rule, these Urdu speakers are, in

matters of general information, the most ignorant class in the commu-

nity. In every other case the acquisition of a new language opens a

new door of knowledge; but this artificial dialect has neither history

1866.] Oljections to the modern style of oficial Hindustani. 181

nor literature, unless we choose to class under the latter head the

laws and circulars of the Government, which, it must be confessed, are

rather dull reading for the masses.

In every way then I conclude that the encouragement of the style

in which our munshis delight, is most strongly to be deprecated. It

is a style of artificial and unnatural origin ; it is incapable of develop-

ment into an independent national language, ; it robs the Hindus of

their most glorious literary inheritance ; it is practically inconvenient,

being unfamiliar even to the educated classes, unless they have been

specially trained in it; and it perpetuates ignorance by blotting out

the records of earlier civilization, and, having no literature of its own,

offers none in its place. The law has at all times and in all countries

been somewhat pedantic in its utterances, and if it is inevitable, let it

remain so; but surely it is an unheard-of thing that legal phraseology

should be constituted the type of polite literature.

Description of the Chandrarekhdgurh near Sashtanee, Pergunnah

Nyegur, Zillah Midnapore.—By W. J. Hurscurn, Hsg., B. C.S.

[Received 2nd April, 1866. |

This very remarkable fort lies in the least known part of the district

of Midnapore, in the south-west corner of it. Icame upon it acci-

dentally while returning from a tour into Morbhunj.

Tt lies near the boundary of the district in the midst of what, twenty

years ago, was uninterrupted jungle, but what is now fast breaking

up into cultivation. It is a nearly square patch of thick tangled

182 Description of the Chandrarekhagurh. [No. 3,

jungle lying pretty nearly north and south. Its longest line is east

and west. It measures 1,050 yards in this direction, and from north to

south 780 yards; so that the circumference is just two miles. It is built

with unusual precision and completeness, differing in this from all the

other forts I have seen in this district. A perfectly straight ditch on each

side witha high bund inside ; it has been almost filled up on the northern

side and somewhat less so on the western, by the drainage of the country,

which at this spot flows 8. 8. EH. The western end of the ditch on

the south side has been affected in the same way, the drain-

age turning southwards round the corner; the northern end of the

eastern ditch has not suffered so, because the drainage sets away from

that corner, and the ditch is not continuous round the corner. At this

place, therefore, the eastern ditch is seen in perfection, and a very

surprising work it is. Itis cut through

a i solid rock, except the upper two or three

val

ieee feet,

with the chisel. The rock is the com-

and the sides are carefully sloped

mon Midnapore laterite, not a hard stone to cut, and not a very good

one to wear. It is liable to frequent clefts, and is seldom continuous

in very large blocks. Consequently the sides of the ditch have fallen

in a good deal, but there is ample to shew that when first finished,

this ditch was a thoroughly workmanlike production. The goil was

removed at the lips of it, and the rock carried up by two or three

layers of stone. It is carried all down the eastern face, and turns

the corner with almost modern precision, and continues along the

southern face till it is silted up at the western end. From the charac-

ter of the whole fort I am satisfied that, if cleared, the ditch would be

found equally perfect all round; on those two faces it is scarcely

filled up at all, though overhung with jungle and difficult to get along

in consequence.

The bund on this eastern face is about 12 feet high and 50 broad.

Within it is another equally fine and well-preserved ditch cut in the

same way through the solid rock. This ditch does not go round the

other three sides, nor can I say certainly that it goes all up the

eastern side, but the natives say it does,and I went along some 100

yards of it, till it got so bearish-looking that the villagers would not

go further with me.

, | ee

1866. ] Description of the Chandrarekhagurh. 183

About 15 yards within the edge of the second ditch rises the wall

of the Fort which, as far as I could follow it, is continuous the whole

way round. It was built of excellently chiselled stones of ordinary

size, about four or five feet thick, andabout 15 feet high, though

there is not that height standing anywhere that I saw; 12 or 13 feet

I measured. The care bestowed on this wall is most unusual. There

is no attempt at extravagant massiness, but what was done was done

thoroughly well. At diiferent places are projecting bastions, simple

square rooms of 20 feet each way, standing out from the line. They

are quite square and clean at the angles. The villagers said there

were two such on each side. I think there was also one at each corner.

The wall is very much in ruins now, but there is plenty left to shew

what a handsome thing it must have been. On the south side isa

huge tower in ruins, but that is the work of the Trigonometrical Survey,

I believe. It is quite out of character with the rest, certainly, by its

very size.

The interior of the Fort presents nothing whatever to suggest habi-

tation, except the one extraordinary building in the centre. In its

simplicity, neatness and thoroughness, it harmonizes exactly with the

exterior defences. I give a plan of it in the margin. It has but three

rooms, of the size shewn in the plan. The

walls are of the same nicely cut laterite,

, about 3 feet thick, and11 feet high from

- the true ground level to the top of the

4° cornicing. It is not in very good preser-

vation above the 8th foot from the ground,

but so far almost perfect. The cornicing is

of the same simple character as the whole Fort, (of the shape shewn in

the woodcut on page 184) and runs all round the whole of the three

rooms. The upper half of the cornice is like the lower, reversed, but

at regular intervals there are little square bosses as at the basement

of the wall, which is ornamented in the same simple style, thus :—

184 Description of the Chandrarekhagurh. [No. 3,

II])

™

These simple rectangular mouldings were the only ornaments or

carvings I could detect on a very careful search throughout the whole

fort. There is not a curved line in any stone in the whole work.

The wall certainly ran up to the height which I have shewn in the

sketch of the cornice. I cannot find any stone higher than that, and

from the fact that three of the few stones left of that tier have a ledge in

them (as shewn in the margin) on the inner

side of the wall, I suppose that the timbers

of the roof rested on this tier. The curious

part about the building is, that there is not,

and never was, any door whatever. I ex-

amined the walls everywhere, and by the

lines of the stones it is quite clear that it

was deliberately intended that there should

be no entrance into these rooms, whatever

there might have been to the roof. The

want of debris shews that there was no

upper story. Nor is there any commu-

nication whatever between the three rooms. An entrance has been

forced of course, since the place became a ruin, but the position of

‘he stoncs at the place ig still at this present moment such as to shew

XXI,

‘

PLATE

ta)

JOURNAL As! Soc V

OL: XXXV. PT

HINDU TEMPLE OF SAHASRA LINGA AT CHUNDRA REKHA GURH.

PLATE XX1I,

1866. ] Description of the Chandrarekhagurh. 185

that it zs a forced entrance. There is not a vestige of anything that

could have been a stone staircase. The interior of these three rooms is

filled in a good deal with rubbish, shewing, I fancy, that there was a

roof on them once.

The villagers all say that it has been a puzzle to them for genera-

tions why the Rajah Chandraketu, to whom the building of the fort

was assigned, should have built his house so. They said, truly enough,

that any force that could take the fort, would soon find its way into

the house.

Rajah Chandraketu lived, say the rustics, in the Satya Yug, and

was a favoured contemporary of Rama, who on his march to Lanké

stopped here, and found the Raja engaged in pious worship, morning,

noon and night. Before he touched food, he used to perform poojah

to one thousand Sivas (Lings). Rama halted at a place called Tapoban,

now of considerable local celebritY as a spot for worship, and ina

dream authorized Chandraketu to build a mandir to Siva and place

in it a Ling having a thousand Murts—that by worshipping it he

might, as a special privilege, obtain all the merit of one thousand acts

of worship. I went to visit the Sahasra Ling, or rather I had gone

there before, and had noticed that it was encircled with ten rows

of marks like a continuous m mmmm. The old Burwei of the

village told me, and I found, there were exactly 1,000 of these

strokes, and on enquiry I was told the story of Chandraketu. The

temple is old certainly, but my belief is that neither the fort nor the

temple are more than two or three hundred years old. Perhaps the

accompanying sketch of the mandir (vide plate X XI.) may determine

the age of that building at least. It is split by roots and is in a very

tottering state altogether. Several of the stones have come down from

their places.

Of the family or history of Chandraketu not another word could

be learnt. Nothing but the fort and the house have survived him, and

judging by them, he must have been a man of simple habits and of

rare singleness cf purpose and tenacity. Why he should have de-

fended the eastern side of his fort at such double expense I do not

know. But it was a costly undertaking.

There is no mention of the fort in Bayley’s MS, Notes of the

Zillah.

186 Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. [No. 3,

Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom in 1864-65.—By Lieutenant-Colonel

EK. T. Datton, Commissioner of Chota-Nagpore.

[ Received 16th October, 1865. |

Tn the district of Maunbhoom, we find two distinct types of archi-

tectural remains. Those that appear most ancient, and are said by

the people to be so, are ascribed, traditionally and no doubt correctly,

to a race called variously Serap, Serab, Serak, Srawaka, who were

probably the earliest Aryan colonists in this part of India; as even

the Bhumij, who of the existing population claim to be the oldest

settlers and whose ancestors had not the skill to construct such monu-

ments, declare that the first settlers of their race found these ruins in

the forests that they cleared. We have the same tradition of early

settlements of the Srawuks in the eastern parts of Smghbhoom, which

were broken up by the warlike Hos or Lurka Coles. The Srawuks

appear to have colonized along the banks of rivers, and we find their

temple ruins on the banks of the Damodur, the Cossai and other

streams. The Cossai is rich in architectural remains. Within a few

miles of the station of Poorulia and near that river, are the ruins of an

old settlement called Palma. This I have not seen, but Lieutenant

R. C. Money has favoured me with a brief account of it. The principal

temple is on a mound covered with stone and brick, the debris of

buildings, through which many fine old pepul trees have pierced, and

under their spreading branches the gods of the fallen temple have

found shelter. In different places are sculptures of perfectly nude

male figures, standing on pedestals and under canopies, with Hgyptian

looking head dresses, the arms hanging down straight by the sides,

the hands turned in and touching the body near the knees. One of

these images is larger than life. It is broken away from the slab on

which it was cut, and the head, separated from the body, lies near. At

the feet of each idol are two smaller figures with chowries in their

hands, looking up at the principal figure, and on the pediment of each

is an animal, differmg. I have now seen several of these figures, and

there can, I think, be no doubt that they are images of the ‘“ Tirthan-

caras” of the Jains, who are always thus figured naked or ‘ sky-clad,’

each with its representative animal or symbol. Lieutenant Money

1866.] Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. 187

also observed a stone pillar set up perpendicularly, standing 12 feet

high by 14 feet square, with corners chamferred, making it an octagon ;

and near this four more of the Tirthancaras are found. All about this

temple mound are other mounds of cut stone and bricks, shewing that

there must have been here, at a remote period, a numerous people

far more advanced in civilization than the Bhoomi and Baori tribes

who succeeded them. At the village of Churra near Poorulia, there

are two yery old stone temples called ‘ Deols’ or ‘ Dewalas.’ The only

tradition regarding them is, that they and some large tanks in the

vicinity. were constructed by the Serawaks here called Seraks. They

are built with roughly cut stone, without cement, on the stone carpen-

try principle. There were originally seven of these Deols. Five

have fallen, and the fragments have been used in building houses in

the village. The most perfect of the two that remain, is a tower

terminating in a dome of horizontal courses of stone about 30 feet

high, with a circular finial like a huge cog-wheel, and the remains of

flag-roofed colonnades on both sides. The slabs forming the roof are

ereat blocks of granite from 5 to 9 feet in length, 2 to 24 in breadth

and 1 foot thick. There is no carving about these temples, and no

object of worship now in the shrines, but on some of the stones that

are scattered about, tracings of the nude “ Tirthancaras” are visible.

There is another of these temples at Telkoopi on the Damodur; and

there is there an image still worshipped by the people in the neigh-

bourhood, which they call Birrup. This image I have not seen, but

it is probably intended for the 24th ‘“ Tirthancara,” ‘ Vira’ or Maha-

bira, the last Jina.

Some four miles south of the town of Jaipore on the right bank of

the Cossai river, near the village of Boram, are three very imposing

looking brick temples rising amidst heaps of debris of other ruins,

roughly cut and uncut stones and bricks. Besides the mounds, on which

these temples stand, there are other mounds all composed of similar

debris and traces of enclosures, shewing this to have been at one time

a very important place. The most southern of the three temples is the

largest. The tower rises from a base of 26 feet square. The chamber

occupies only 9 feet square of this, and after about 9 feet of upright wall

is pyramidal in form, the bricks in rows of first three, then two, and

near the top one, gradually approaching, till the four sides meet. The

188 Noles on a Tour in Maunbhoom. [No. 3,

remainder of the tower is solid brick work throughout. Its height is

about 60 feet, but the upper portion of it has fallen, and it is impossible

to say how it was finished off. The bricks of which these temples are

composed, some of them eighteen inches by twelve, and only two inches

thick, look as if they were machine-made, so sharp are the edges, so

smooth their surface, and so perfect their shape. They are very carefully

laid throughout the mass of massonry, so closely fitting that it would

be difficult to insert at the junction the blade of a knife. The,

entrance to all the temples faces the rising sun. The objects of

worship, whatever they were, have disappeared from the fanes, but in

the southern temple there is a stone gutter through the wall, termina-

ting ina well-carved gargoyle for carrying off the water used in the

ablution of the idol. The bricks used for ornamental friezes and

cornices appear to have been carefully moulded for the purpose before

they were burned; and the design, executed entirely of bricks thus

moulded and put together, is, though very elaborate, wonderfully

perfect and elegant as a whole; but in some places stucco has been

added, and further ornamentation or more delicate tracery attempted

in the stucco on the brick foundation, and this tracery, where it

remains, is in wonderful preservation. The entrance to the temple is

wide and lofty and arched like the interior, that is by the projection,

till they meet, of bricks horizontally laid, Door , their appears on

sign of. The fane must have been open to the world. The only

animals I could discern in the ornamentation were geese, introduced

in the scrolls: the goose is a Boodhist emblem.

The other temples are of similar design, but smaller size. In

front of them I observed several pillars of stone, but I found no archi-

traves, and the pillars are hardly long enough to have been the support

of a covered porch in front of the fane. These three temples are all

of the same type, and are no doubt correctly ascribed by the people to

the ‘‘ Srawaks” or Jains. I found indeed no Jain images on the spot,

but about a mile to the south, the remains of a Hindoo temple in a

grove was pointed out to me, and all the images from all the temples

in the neighbourhood have been there collected. The grove temple

was dedicated to Siva, but amongst the images were several nude

figures like those already described, that were in all probability the

‘ Jinas’ of the brick temple.

1866.] Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. 189

Near the brick temples I found, amongst a heap of ruins, a square

stone crypt in which was a four-armed female figure finely carved in

the style of the sculptures of Dulmi, to be presently described. This

was worshipped by the women of the place under the name of ‘ Soshti.’

In the grove there was a similar figure, and the other images of Hindoo

gods found there, appeared to be of the same period. Another mound

was pointed out to me about half a mile from the grove as a collection

of ruins, but I did not go to it.

The temples of the Maunbhoom District described in a letter from

Lieutenant Beavan, published in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society

for April last, are no doubt of the same Jain type. The colossal

sculpture, described as worshipped by the villagers under the name of

Bhiram, may be another image of the 24th Jina, “‘ Vira ;’’ at all events

it is a “ Tirthancara”’ not a Hindoo image. _

- From the notice of “ Vira” in the [Xth Vol. of the Asiatic Researches,

article Jains, by Profr. Wilson, it appears that he flourished 500 or

600 years before Christ, and after he had adopted an ascetic life he is

represented as traversing the country occupied by the “ Vayra Bhoomz”

and the Suddhi Bhoomi, who abused and beat him and shot at him

with arrows and baited him with dogs; but he tranquilly went on his

course, paying no heed to these annoyances. Now Maunbhoom is to

this day the land of the Bhoomi, or Bhumij. They are a branch of

the Moondah race, and were long the terror of the adjoining districts

of Bengal. These were no doubt the “ Vajra’’ the terrible “ Bhoomi.”

The other portion of the population, who are not “ Bhoomi,” are

called “Sudh” throughout Chota-Nagpore. It is not improbable that

the shrines have been describing, mark the course taken in his travels

by the great saint “ Vira,” and were erected to his honour by the

people whom his preaching had converted ; but all these temples are

in sight of Mount Samaye or Samat, that is the sacred hill from which

250 years before the days of Vira, the Jina Parswa or Parswanath is

said to have obtained ‘ nirbdna’ or ultimate repose from the cares of

a separate existence ; and it may be that colonies of Jains had settled

on the rivers in the jungle mehals before the appearance of Vira, and

that Vira preached to men who had already been inaugurated into the

mysteries of the Jain faith. The tradition of the Bhoomij and their

kindred tribe, the Ho or Lurka Coles of Singbhoom, that the Srawakas

190 Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. [No. 3,

occupied this country first, shews that the Jains are a very ancient

sect. Their antiquity has been doubted in consequence of the modern

appearance of their known temples, but those I have been describing

as existing in Maunbhoom, are doubtless of great antiquity. In the

regions that I have shewn were at one time a great seat of this sect,

some colonies still remain. In 1863 I halted at a place called Jumpra,

12 miles from Poorulea, and was visited by some villagers who struck

me as having a very respectable and intelligent appearance. They

ealled themselves Sarawaks, and they prided themselves on the fact

that under our Government not one of their community had ever been

convicted of a heinous crime. They are represented as having great

scruples against taking life. They must not eat till they have seen

the sun, and they venerate Parswanath. There are several colonies

of the same people in Chota-Nagpore proper, but they have not been

there for more than seven generations, and they all say they originally

came from Pachete. Contrasted with the Moondah or Cole race, they

are distinguished by their fairer complexions, regular features and

a peculiarity of wearing the hair in a knob rather high on the

back of the head. They are enterprising, and generally manage to

combine trade with agricultural pursuits, doing business both as farmers

and money-lenders. The train of ‘‘ Mahabira” is represented as con-

sisting of “ Sadhs,”’ Sfamanas and others, and lastly of ‘ Srawaks,’ the

laity and the most numerous class of all. The whole of the Jains are

’ clerical and lay, and as their

divided into ‘‘ Yatis’” and ‘ Srawakas,’

gochas or family divisions include Agurwals, and Oswals, and Parswanath

or Mount Samneya is revered by a numerous body of the wealthiest

people in India. From Central India, thousands of these classes annu-

ally visit the hill, and their reverence for it is so great, that a pilgrim

to the shrines must attend to no call of nature whilst his feet are on

the mountain.

I must now turn to the antiquities of the Brahminical type which

tradition ascribes, why I know not, to Vikramadit. The zemindar of

one of the Maunbhoom jungle mehals, commonly called the Rajah of

Patkome, claims to be a lineal deseendant of some Vikramadit, and

every third rajah of the line takes that name. The name of the

present rajah is Sutrogonadyt, his father was Vikramadit, and hig

grandson will bear the same name, the son’s name is Udayadit. It

1866.] Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. 191

is on the estate of the gentleman claiming such ancient lineage and

noble ancestry that we find, on the banks of the Sobanrika river, near

its confluence with the Kurkari, the remains of the ancient city of

Dulmi. I was in hopes I should here find family annals that would

have given some account of the ruins, but the rajah has none, and

appears to have no reverence for the place. This makes one sceptical

of his royal descent, and the probability is, that he is nothing more

than a Hinduized Bhoomij. He calls himself a Kshetriya—an honour

to which all the Jungle Mehal chiefs aspire, declaring either that they

conquered the country from the ‘ Dasyas,’ or were elected by them, or

were miraculously produced amongst them. In regard to subjugation,

the difficulty is, that their ancestor must, in each case, have done it

single handed, as the chief is the only representative of the force used ;

but this difficulty the rajah of Patkome gets over by declaring that

his race were specially created to rule, the Dasyas to be ruled.

The antiquities of Dulmi comprise the remains of an old fort,

several large tanks, and the ruins of numerous temples dedicated to

the worship of Siva and Parbutee, to the adoration of the Linga and

other objects of Brahminical idolatry. Crossing to the left bank of

the river, the first object that strikes you, is a colossal figure of Gunesh

amidst a confused heap of cut stones. The poor fellow has tumbled

off his pedestal and lost his legs in the fall. Ii he had had fair

proportions, he would have stood 12 feet high, as his body measures

ix feet ; but with such ridiculously short and thick legs as were assign-

ed to him, he only stood 9 feet. His place was that of Janitor, and

the heaps of stones near him, the remains of the river gate of the old

city; and you can trace from it the remains of masonry walls that

must have embraced a considerable area. A little hill overlooking

the river near this place is covered with cut and carved stones, and

occupying the place of honour in the foundation of what appears to

have been the principal temples just here, is a Linga, 18 inches in

diameter, protruding a foot and a half from the ‘ Argah’ in which it is

embedded. The Argah is circular and three feet in diameter. Ina

brick temple, near this shrine of Siva, there is a stand for an idol, but

the idol, which it is said was an image of Vishnoo, has been removed.

There were formerly, I am told, a great variety of sculptures at this

place, but they are now scattered all over the country. The brick

192 Notes on a Tour tx Maunbhoom. [No. 3,

temple is probably of more modern date than the stone buildings, as it

is partly arched on the radiating principle. Near the river are two

mounds formed of the debris of two or more fine temples. The altar

piece of one was a ten-armed figure of Doorgah slaymg the monster

Mahisasoor. There are two groups of this subject, one greatly mutila-

ted, the other in good preservation, the arms and weapons all perfect

and sharp cut. There are here two elaborately carved door pieces of

the entrance to the shrine. The ornamentation, cut in a very hard

stone, is as sharp and clear as if it had but recently been turned out of

the sculptor’s hands. It is like the wooden carving of a picture frame,

so minute and neat are the borders and scrolls. Near the other temple

I found a large altar group representing, I believe, Kamadeva and

his wife. They are represented seated lovingly side by side, and are

in a good state of preservation.

Amongst the detached blocks were two figures having in alto-

relievo the ‘‘ Machowa’’ and “ Cuchowa’’ Avatars of Vishnoo. The

whole series of incarnations doubtless formed the chief external orna-

mentation of one of the temples. On a former occasion of visiting

these ruins, I noticed here an image of Vishnoo 7n propria persona, with

well-formed features, a highly decorated conical cap, jewelled, extensive

ear-ornaments and a mannikin in his left hand; this image I did not

observe on the last occasion. Not far from the temples is a stone image

of a life-sized bull, Siva’s Bull, which appears to have wandered from

the shrine into the fields to graze. We next came to an extensive

tank surrounded by a moat and ditch, but between the moat and the

tank, there is a considerable space all round which was probably the

site of houses, making this an entrenched tank square. In the centre

of the tank there is a singular structure of stone, two small columns

supporting a triple umbrella, from which the tank is called the

“ Ohatta pooker.’ This indicates that the tank was dedicated to

Indra, the king of heaven, as the trident on a post in most tanks

shows that the blessing of Siva has been invoked on the work.

In the village of Dulmi we have a collection of sculptures that

have been removed from the ruins, There is a group of Vishnoo

and Lakshmi, a single figure of Vishnoo, a smaller bull, and vari-

ous other images. An uncle of the Rajah, a venerable looking old

man, lives at Dulmi, but, strange to say, he could give me no in-

1866. ] Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. 193

formation about the antiquities of the place. The people, though to

this day worshipping Kalee and offering sacrifices to a clay image of

her in a shed, utterly disregard the ancient shrines, and care not for

the desecration or deportation of the idol. It is the same with similar

remains of Brahminical worship all over the country. We see that it

was established in places that are now the haunts of wild beasts or the

abode of a race that know nothing of such worship, and we see by the

destruction of the temples and mutilation of the images that equal zeal

was displayed in uprooting, as in establishing, it. The destructive

agency is generally supposed to have been put in action by the Maho-

medan power, but I do not understand, if this were so, how it is that

some tradition regarding the destruction is not retained. We may

associate some of these temples with the hermits, rishis or sages of the

ancient days of Aryan progress ;—attempts made to establish religious

colonies amongst the yet unsubdued aborigines. It would appear that

even in the days of the Ramayun the aborigines of this part of the

country were called Kols. In the Ramayun they are alluded to as

fierce savages in a conversation between Seeta and her mother-in-law,

wherein the latter enumerates the various difficulties Seeta would have

to encounter if she accompanied Ram in his progress south.*. ‘ The

Ramayun,’ says Lassen, ‘ contains the narrative of the first attempts of

“the Aryans to extend themselves to the south by conquest, but it

‘ presupposes the peaceable extension of the Brahminical missions ih the

‘same direction as having taken place still earlier. Ram, when he

‘ arrives at the south of the Vindya range, finds there the sage Agastya

‘by whom the southern regions had been rendered safe and accessible.

‘The Rakshasas, who are represented as disturbing the sacrifices and

< devouring the priests, signify here, as often elsewhere, merely the

‘savage tribes which placed themselves in hostile opposition to the

‘ Brahminical institutions.”’; The Ramayun depicts the Dasyas as

infesting the hermitages or settlements of the Aryans, as obstructing

their sacred rites, as enemies of the Brahmins, &c. It is true we do not

hear that in these early days the worship of Siva had been established,

but the Hindoos of the Pooranic times were not less zealous in prosely-

tizing, and may have followed the same system of pushing forward

* From Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, Part II. page 425,

+ From the same, page 435,

194 Notes on a Tour in Maunbhoom. [No. 3,

religious settlements amongst the unsubdued Dasyas. This would

account for the Brahminical ruins, mostly dedicated to the worship of

Siva, scattered about the wild regions of this Province, some in pictur-

esque secluded spots that a hermit would delight in, others in connec-

tion with fortified cities, all now deserted. We may conceive that

these colonies, gradually assuming a more aggressive policy, were, after

severe struggles, finally extirpated by the progenitors of the Kols,

Bhoomi and Moondah of the present day; that the aborigines thus

maintained their independence and their autonomy, but that from a

feeling of lingering admiration for the superior intelligence, higher

civilization and God-like beauty of the unsuccessful invaders, they

retained some amongst them as their guides and instructors, and it may

be, in some instances, from the remnant thus retained, elected their

chief. We might thus account for the Aryan features and Brahminical

predilections of some of the chiefs whom we find ruling an alien people

without any evidence that they had by conquest attained that position.

The District of Maunbhoom is entirely composed of the estates

formerly known as Jungle Mehals. The great proportion of the

agricultural population are of the Bhoomi tribe who, as they speak

the same language, have the same ceremonies, feasts and customs as

the Moondahs of Chota-Nagpore and also intermarry with them, are,

without doubt, of the same origin. Though in many places partially

Hindooized, they retain the great festivals of their race, when both

sexes join in the feast andthe dance. The chiefs, who, as I have stated,

all aspire to be Kshetriyas, have each his tradition regarding his

accession to power. ‘These are generally fables devised by the Brah-

mins, and they may thank me for having given them a-method of

claiming an Aryan descent without having recourse to them.

The Rajah of Pachete is lord of half the district, and several petty

rajahs with whom separate settlements were made, formerly acknow-

ledged him as Suzerain. These petty rajahs and others, called

Jagheerdars, claim to be the descendants of the chiefs of the confederacy

who made the first Rajah of Pachete. ‘The fable framed for this

family is that a noble lady of the Kshetriya race, on her way from

Daranugger to Juggernath, was delivered of a male child under a hill

near Jhaldah, which, it appears, she incontinently abandoned and pro-

ceeded on her way. The child was found by the people protected by,

1866.] Note on a Copper plate Inscription from Sambhalpur. 195

and deriving nourishment from, a cow. It was taken care of and

eventually made Rajah of Sikurbhoom or Pachete, and the present

Rajah is, [ think, the 52nd in descent from this foundling.

A rock near the town of Pachete is pointed as the identical cow

that nourished the Prince, and whenever a Rajah of Pachete dies, it

drops a stone which rolls down the hill. A regular establishment is

maintained for the worship of this cow.

Note on a Copper plate Inscription from Sambhalpur.—

By Babu RAsunprsvara Mirra.

[Received 7th December, 1864. ]

The subjoined is the translation of a copper plate inscription lately

presented to the Society by Lieut. G. Bowie of the Police Corps. It

records the gift of a village named Chullandaraka in the district of

Tundaraka to certain learned Brahmans of the Kausika gotra. The

mame of the donor was Sri Mahdsudevaraja. Who he was is not

mentioned, nor is any regal title assigned to him, but the epithets

used, show that he was a king or chief of some consequence. The

patent alludes to a place named Sarabhapura, which the donor had

conquered. It was probably the ancient name of Sambhalpur. Origi-

nally the document was inscribed on three tablets of copper, of which

the last is not now forthcoming. Of the remaining plates, each of

which measures 62” & 32” inches, the first is inscribed on one, and the

second on both sides. Thecharacters used are of the Narbadda type

of the 7 century, very similar to that of the Seoni plates noticed by

Prinsep (ante Vol. V. p. 726) but a few of the letters are peculiar, the

most abberrant being the kh, n, vn, t, bh andl. The vowel mark for o

in mo is curiously given with an e on top and a w at foot. The loss

of the date, which probably had been given in the third plate, and the

absence of the donor’s genealogy, deprives the record of all historical

interest.

Translation of a Tamra Sdsana from Sambhalpur.

Greeting! Sri Mahdsudevaraja, whose two feet are bathed by the

ocean of light shed from the topmost jewels on the crowns of valiant

196 Note on a Copper plate Inscription from Sambhalpur. [No. 3,

chiefs coming from Sarabhapura,—who has caused the parted hair of

the wives of his enemies to be dishevelled,—who is the bestower of

wealth, land and kine,—who is a staunch follower of Vishnu (Bhaga-

vata),—and who devoutly reflects on the feet of his parents,—to the

householders of Chullandaraka which is situated in (the district of)

Tundaraka, thus addresseth, ‘‘ Be it known unto ye, that this village,

which is to secure celestial pleasures for me, has been, for the period

of the duration of that earth, whose impenetrable darkness is dispelled

by the light of the sun, the moon and the stars, along with all its mines

and resources, unencumbered by lawsuits and aboriginal claims,* and

free of all taxation, for the promotion of the virtue of my parents and

myself, as well as of the estate and of the royal race, with our consent,

by water and this copper-plate patent, dedicated to Trisaha Sravidya

Bhashkara Swami, Prabhakara Swami, Barbbari Swami, Bodha

Swami, Datta Swami, Vishnu Swami, Phalgu Swami, Swamikirti

Swami, and Safkara Swami, all of the Kausika gotra. Knowing

this, may you remain obedient to their orders, and, rendering them a

due share of the produce, live in happiness and prosperity.” For

future kings is this advice given. Those who know ancient religion

best, declare that the maintenance of gifts (made by others) is more

virtuous than beneficence. Hence the inclination of future generations

can alone protect this land presented to Bréhmans of pure lineage

and high Vedic knowledge. Therefore this gift should be preserved by

you. These verses of Vyasa are here appropriate ; “‘ gold was the first

born of Agni, Vaishnavas the son of Surya’”’—

First plate.

(2) afanraqufentasaan gg yeratosats

(2) Sarquravrequat feafenfetaatecaegag

(2) AAMAS: -UcaAIAAAT Alathus vITqMAMslA SITS

(2) ats: GwianMlGEBesn ofasifaqe hare

(u) averuafa fafeaae at gure ora: faanufaacaga

(¢) ufasraat aaafanfuaicifcasfaeagiziayalt a

* The original] is doubtful. The word used is, avadabhataprdvedyw ;—a “ not?”

vdda “ lawsuit” bhata “ barbarian” or “ aborigines” and prdvedyaw “ claims.”

+ The Upadhmaéniye is in the original, put on the top of the following letter,

1866.] Literary Intelligence. 197

Second plate, first side.

(a) azafasd aragua ae tieentaacacues Tat

(2) aaacfrafsia: CISA STRUIAFa: ICHCR GCS CEL!

(3) mftaea Saye htaataSaestaureaceita

(2) satIacetfarafiefaticafaruafatamatia

(a) agefrataattiafarrc atta attaretarfae

(2) St yarenfaeqates: ¢ @ WaaaquaaaATat Ba

Second plate, second side.

Q) afatat war aafwadaamquaan: ge ofvaaa

(3) afraas ‘afanaqetata afefesagurras 7

(3) <I aH atateatua: sacha ui aa festa ata

(2) FeRT AAA qui Ha wayat afata are agafz

(y) carat afaeqareataaat MAMAS BAAS E-

(2) fa BALIa yaa Taw yews CAVA

Literary INTELLIGENCE.

Kavi Harichand Kunje of Bombay has lately brought out an

edition of the Saikshepa Sankarajaya of Madhava Acharya with a

commentary by Dhanapati Siri, entitled ‘‘ The Dimdima.” The text

is in verse and contains, in 16 cantos, a poetical account of the life of

Sankara Acharya. The first canto gives an introduction; the 2nd, an

account of the birth of Safkara; the 3rd, a conversation of the gods

with S‘iva in which the latter promises to appear in flesh as Safikara; the

Ath, a description of the boyhood of Sankara; the 5th, his assumption

of asceticism or Sannydsa ; the 6th, the extent of his learning ; the 7th,

an account of the Vedanta Dargana; the 8th and the 9th, the polemics of

Sankara with Mandana Misra and his wife Saraswati; the 10th narrates

a story about the life of Saikara entering the dead body of a king in

order to enjoy the society of his wife ; the 11th contains the substance of

his disputations with Ugra Bhairava ; the 12th, an account of his taking

Hastamalaka and others as hisdisciples; the 13th, his teaching of the Ve-

* Probably a misincision for aT.

+ ala vecte.

198 Tuterary Intelligence.

danta system of philosophy; the 14th, his conversation with Padmapada,

on pilgrimage ; the 15th, his disputations with all the great scholars of

India ; and the 16th, his last illness, his travels in Kashmir, Badari-

kdsrama, Kedara and elsewhere, his disputations and teachings there,

and his final departure from the earth. Although it does not give so good

an account of the different sects prevalent in India during the time of

Sankara and of their dogmas, as the prose work of Anantanandagiri

now being printed in the new series of the Bibliotheca Indica, it was

largely used by the late Professor Wilson in compiling his ‘‘ Religious

Sects of the Hindus.”” The work is tolerably well printed, but, like

most works issued from the native press, it 1s not edited.

- Parasuréma Purka of the same city has published a short treatise

by Ananda Swami, entitled S’diva Sudhdkara. It is a manual on the

worship of S’iva. A similar manual on the worship of Vishnu and

named Ndrdyana Sara Sangraha, has been published by one Shatari

Dasa, a Gour Brahman of Bombay. Both are lithographed in the puthi

form and comprise 50 and 82 folia respectively.

Professor Weber of Berlin has sent to press an essay on the Bhagavatz

Sutra of the Jains, in the introduction to which he has given an

elaborate dissertation on the Magadhi of that curious work.

The following is an extract from a letter, dated 13th September,

1865, from Professor Holmboe of Christiania, containing notices of

two interesting papers published by him in the Saerskilt Aftrykt af

Vid. Selskab Forhandlinger for 1864.

“On yellow and red earth in ancient barrows. J’y ai démontré,

que dans des tertres sépulcrales de Scandinavie on a trouvé quel-

quefois des quantités de terre jaune ou rouge, partie dans des vases,

partie hors d’eux. J’y ai comparé la trouvaille de minium (sin-

dur) dans quelques topes de |’ Afghanistan; et hazardé la con-

jecture, qu’ on a voulu honorer les défunts par l’insertion de la

couleur, jaune ou rouge—les couleurs solennelles des religieux Boud-

dhistes ; comme aussi le samghati de Bouddha selon la légende etait

rouge.

2. Sur une suite d’anciens poids trouvés dans un tombeau on

voit, que dans une partie de Norvége, comme en Suéde on subdivisait

VOrtug en huit parties (Peningar), justement comme en Inde on

subdivisait le Kurrho ou Tola (égal 4 V Ortug de Scandinavie) en

huit parties,”

JOURNAL

OF THE

meee Pe SOCKET Y.

eens

Part L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, é&c.

eee

No. IV.—1866.

PIPPI PPP

Notes on the History and Topography of the Ancient Cities of Delhi.

By C. J. Campsers, Hsq., C. HE.

Received 11th August, 1866,

Save a brief notice in Fergusson’s Hand-Book of Architecture, the

only reliable information that we possess regarding the ancient cities

of Delhi, is to be found in the valuable contributions of Colonel Lewis,

Mr. Cope, and General Cunningham to the Journal of the Asiatic

Society.

My object in writing down the following notes has been, to supple-

ment their descriptions by such additional information as I have been

able to collect during a residence of more than six years in Delhi, in

which I have been favoured with more than ordinary opportunities for

studying the subject. I shall commence with the Musjid Kutb-ul-

Islam which, from its age and from the circumstances connected with

its construction, is by far the most interesting building in Delhi.

In describing it, General Cunningham has fallen into a slight error ;

he attributes the whole of the additions, save only the Aldi Durwaza,

to Shamsh-u-din Altamsh; whereas we know from history, that that

monarch only constructed a small portion of them, the grand extension

towards the east having been erected by Ala-u-din in the beginning of

the 14th century.

The portions built by these kings, as also the original work of

Kutb-ud-din Hibeg, can still be distinctly traced, and I shall now proceed

200 Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. [No. 4,

to describe them in detail: first premising that there are certain portions

which have been disarranged, or have otherwise suffered, during the

restorations effected at various times; and the evidence of which must

therefore be received with caution. These are: first, the colonnade

and back wall between a and 6b (see Plate XXII.) which, with a strange

want of discrimination, were reconstructed* by Major R. Smith from

materials which had orginally formed portion of the colonnade at H ;—

secondly, the windows in Kutb-ud-din’s work, few of which escaped

re-arrangement at the same time,—and, thirdly, the central grand Arch

where Captain Wickham has inserted an impost for which the adjoin-

ing one afforded no warrant.

Let us commence with the pillars in the colonnades. In Kutb-ud-

din’s work} these are of red and yellow sandstone, as are also the

lintels and domed roofs over them: they differ in height, in thickness,

in the number of parts of which they are composed, and in the or-

namentation with which they are covered, whilst the spaces between

each pillar differ throughout varying between 5} feet, 84 feet, and

every imaginable intermediate number; thus proving that they are

the remains of older buildings worked up into a new design.

In the colonnades at EH, F, and H, (Altamsh’s work,) the pillarst are

of granite neatly carved :—they also are of different lengths, and the

spaces between vary like the last, ranging between 52 and 8 feet.

They are much weathered and discoloured, which marks their anti-

quity, the whole proving that they too are old materials worked up

again, but that they are not from the same source as those in Kutb-ud-

din’s work. In the colonnade at F, G, the pillars§ are also of granite,

but clean and sharp as though fresh from the mason’s chisel: they

are plainly carved, are uniform in size, and are spaced at an equal

distance apart of 8} feet.|| This shews that they were made expressly

for the work in which they now stand.

* Major Smith in his report admits that he re-arranged this colonnade, and

the most superficial examination will serve to shew that the pillars belonged

to Altamsh’s work.

This is confirmed by the statement of one Siwa Ram (now deceased) who,

as head mason of Government works at Delhi for nearly forty years, had much

to do with these restorations ; and who assured me that this was the case.

“+ See figs. 1 to 4, plate XXIII.

{ See fig. 8, plate XXIII.

§ See fig, 9, plate XXIII.

|| Some are 82 feet only.

1866.] Notes on the Topography dc. of Delhi. 201

Next as regards the enclosure walls. At B, the original angle of

Kutb-ud-din’s mosque is plainly discernible, and there is’so great a

difference in the style and quality of the masonry, that we can easily

see that the north wing is a later addition.

It is also evident that this latter is of the same date as the wall

between E and F, a comparison of which with the wall between F

and G, shews the following marked differences. In the first the

stones are discoloured and weathered,—the remains of some older

building—and a plain string course runs along the wall just below the

springing level of the window arches :—in the second, the stones are

clean, sharp and grey, evidently cut new for the work, and the string

course is omitted: the junction of the two styles at F is clearly dis-

tinguishable. But the difference of style is most distinctly marked

in the windows; those in H, F, are covered with lintels resting on

corbels, a false horizontal arch being recessed on the outer face: those

in F, G, have regular arches, with true voussoirs, running through the

whole thickness of the wall.

Sketch of Windows in LE, F.

Elevation. Section.

202 Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. [No. 4,

Sketch of Windows in F, G.

The absence of voussoirs proves that the former dates from the

early part of the 13th century ; whilst the date of the latter is deter-

mined by the red sandstone gratings fixed in the windows, which

are identical in style with those in the Alai Durwaza; into the walls

of which at F, G, they have been carefully bonded from the very first,

the whole forming one work, the date of which is fixed by the in-

scriptions on the gateway.

Lastly, the great arches are quite different in style,* the piers in

the central portion are square on plan, they have no niches in them,

and the jambs are left uncut; the arches have no imposty and are

slightly ogee in the head; and the ornamentation is simple, mono-

tonous, and decidedly Hindu in character.

The side arches are on a lower level than the central ones; the

piers have arched niches; and their jambs are cut into octagons and

ballusters: the arch springs from a cap to one of these latter, which

does duty as an impost, and it is pointed in the head and not ogee,

whilst the ornament is later in date and more elaborate. (Fig. 6 and 7.)

All these peculiarities are repeated in Altamsh’s tomb, and we are

thus enabled to fix the date of its construction. It must have been

erected by the same builders and at the same time as the north and

south wings of the mosque, 7. e. in the king’s own lifetime, and not

* See Fig. 5, plate XXIII.

+ As Lhave said before, the impost to the centremost is'an addition of

Captain Wickham’s. Itshould be removed,

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1866.] Notes on the Topography &c. of Dethi. 203

during the reigns of his two immediate successors, as has been sur-_

mised by some writers, who forget how short and troubled was the rule

both of Rukn-ud-din Firuz and of his sister Razia Begum.

We are thus still able to trace the work of each of the three builders of

the great mosque. The original building of Kutb-ud-din is shaded with

detached lines on the annexed plan (Plate XXII.) : it was an oblong en-

closure, 1423 feet by 1084 feet inside dimensions, with the famous iron

pillar towards its west end ; behind which, and immediately in front of

the western colonnade, towered five gigantic arches. These were a mere

mask, carrying no roof, that of the chamber behind being at the same

level as the other portions of the colonnade; as may be seen from the

few remains of it which still exist. Shamsh-ud-din Altamsh, some

years later, added the north and south wings (shaded with dots on

plan), thus converting it into a triple mosque.

These wings were similar in design to the central portion; a mask

of three large arches in front of a pillared chamber, with a colonnade

enclosing an open space 353 feet broad, but only 200 feet deep, the

eastern wall having run along the lined, d,d. Not a trace- of this

is now to be seen; but the back columns at H. shew gigns of haying

been formerly built into it, and this, with other features, tends to

prove that these pillars are standing “in situ.”

Tn A. D. 1310, Alaudin commenced his grand extension (shaded with

long lines on plan) which, if completed, would have made the inner

enclosure 355 feet broad and 372 feet deep. He built the superb

Alai Durwaza as a grand entrance from the city side; and to the north,

near his palace in Siri, began a second and greater minar. General

Cunningham is of opinion that this latter was stopped in 1312;

this was probably the case, and it may with safety be surmised that,

like the minar, the mosque was never completed.

Before quitting the subject, the difference of style between Ala-ud-

din’s work and that of Kutb-ud-din and Altamsh requires a slight

notice. We know from Ferishta, that the former monarch had a large

body of skilled artificers attached to his household, for whom he found

constant employment ; and these must have been well trained in the

principles of Saracenic architecture and construction ; for there is no

very noticeable difference between their work and that of contem-

porary builders in other Mahommedan countries. But with the two

204 Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. [No. 4,

‘ first Pathan kings it was different ; and there is a strange mingling of

Saracenie design with Hindu construction, that is not a little curious.

Thus, the idea of the Kutb Minar is borrowed from those still stand-

ing on the plain of Ghazni:—the great arches were of Mahommedan

design, and so too was the square massive tomb of Altamsh. The

details of the ornamentation are also more decidedly Saracenic than is

generally supposed; thus the curious battlements over the second

and third doorways in the minar are almost exact copies of those in

the mosque of Kalaon at Cairo, (built A. D. 1284), whilst the honey-

comb work under the balconies of the same structure, differs in no

perceptible degree from that in the Alhambra at Granada. But, side

by side with much that is purely Saracenic, we find many details

that are indisputably Hindu in character, as, for instance, the bell and

chaplet ornament; the wheel roses; the lozenge inside an oblong

pannel; and the scroll tracery on Kutb-ud-din’s arches; whilst the

arches are all horizontal and of purely Hindu construction.

The explanation of this phenomenon is a simple one :—the early

Mahommedan settlers were rude soldiers, too much occupied with

hard fighting gto settle down into artizans; their leaders might find

leisure to plan and design, but for the actual execution of their

projects they were compelled to depend upon the conquered people,

who, in carrying out their orders, introduced many of those details

with which the practice of centuries had familiarised them.

Kurs Minar.

General Cunningham has written so fully and carefully on the

subject of the Mahommedan origin of this column, that a few brief

notes are all that need be added here. That Kutb-ud-din designed and

commenced it, is generally considered to be proved by the occurrence

in the lower story of Mahammad Ghori’s name, (shewing that it

was begun in his lifetime, and therefore in that of Kutb-ud-din) ;

and also from its bearing the name of this latter monarch. Its

position with regard to Kutb-ud-din and Altamsh’s work, may be

adduced in favour of this view.

It stands symmetrically enough as regards the former, opposite to

and just outside the south-east corner, but with the colonnades of

Altamsh it fits in altogether awry, standing just 11 feet outside the

1866.] Notes on the Topography &e. of Delhi. 205

south one, and about 8 feet znside the east one. Had Altamsh designed

it, he would surely have placed it more symmetrically. As it now

stands, it is evident that the position of his colonnades was regulated

by some considerations* which we cannot now determine, and that the

Minar, which was already in existence, had to fit in with them as

best it might.

As regards the age of the various portions as they now stand, the

most superficial examination will shew that the three lower stories,

whilst they are identical in style and construction with the work of

Altamsh, differ-completely in both particulars from the two uppermost

ones. In the former, except the outer casing which is of sandstone

(no marble being used anywhere), the walls are of cut granite; so

too are the central pillar and the steps, which latter are not plain

lintel blocks, but are carried upon corbels projecting from the walls.

All the doorways and openings have Hindu horizontal arches; the

sandstone is old and discoloured, and the ornamentation dates from

Altamsh and Kutb-ud-din’s time. In the two upper stories all is

changed; the walls, steps and central pillar are of bright red sand-

stone, white marble being introduced into the outer face, the steps

haye no corbels, the arches have true voussoirs, and the ornamentation ig

identical with what we find prevalent in the latter half of the 14th

century. We are thus warranted in assuming that these two stories

were newly designed and built by Firuz Shah in A. D. 1368.

General Cunningham agrees as far as the fifth story is concerned,

but thinks the fourth is original, as the mscription over the doorway

dates from the reign of Altamsh. But this doorway is exactly similar

to the one above; it is built of similar stone, is of a similar shape,

and, like it, has true voussoirs; it is clear therefore that the old

tablet of Altamsh has been simply re-built into the new work of

Firuz Shah.

As regards the work executed in A. D. 1503, by Sikandar Shah

Lodi, I can find no traces of it; and presume therefore that it con-

sisted of bond fide repairs, such as those undertaken by the British

Government forty years ago.

* Probably owing to the nature of the site, which falls rapidly to the south-

east from about the point marked H on the plan.

206 Notes on the Topography &e. of Delhi. [No. 4,

LALKOoTE.

General Cunningham has endeavoured to identify the grey granite

walls of the large citadel that lies around the Kutb mosque and minar

with the Lalkote, or “‘ Red fort,” constructed by Anang Pal in A. D.

1060. Now, as he himself admits, no Mahommedan writer alludes to

any citadel* of that name, either when describing the capture of the

city, or on any other subsequent occasion. On the contrary, Zia

Barni speaks of the final assault as being made through the Ghazni

gate of Rai Pithora’s fort, which we know to have been a distinct

place from Lalkote; and the possession of which evidently implied

the capture of the whole city. Had Lalkote been astrong citadel, as

Cunningham supposes, a subsequent attack upon it would doubtless

have been necessary, in order to secure quiet possession of the place,

and this second assault would have been recorded in history,

We know that the palace in which Rai Pithora resided, when the

city was captured, stood upon the site of the Kutb-ul Islam mosque,

to make room for which it was removed. I am decidedly of opinion

that this was the building known among the Hindus as Lalkote, and

that only on this supposition can the total disappearance of the name

from history be explained. The work of Anang Pal would thus be

but a small one, containing probably the one temple built by that

monarch and the famous Iron Lath; and it would derive its name,

like the all Mahal and Ruby Palaces of a later date, from the red

sandstone of which it was built, and which was afterwards worked up

into the great arches, the Kutb Minar, and the tomb of Altamsh.

’

SIRI AND THE sITE OF ALA-U-DIN’S ENTRENCHMENT.

IT now pass to the consideration of General Cunningham’s arguments

in favour of identifying Siri and the site of Ala-u-din’s entrenchment

with the ruined city of Shahpoor, and his rejection of the theory,

upheld by Lewis, Cope and Burgess, that the first of these was merely

the name of the citadel around the Kutb.

Neither Ferishta nor any other writer makes mention of Shahpoor.

As regards the origin of the other three places, we learn: first, that

*The prohibition against beating kettle drums in Lalkote mentioned by

General Cunningham is merely a regulation of the palace in which Kutb-ud-din

took up his first abode.

1866.] Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. 207

Ala-u-din built a fort, or city, called Siri: secondly, that he rebuilt

the walls of the ancient citadel of Delhi; and, thirdly, that he built

a palace* on the spot where he intrenched himself during the Mogul

invasion of A. D. 1303.

There is much that is plausible in General Cunningham’s arguments,

but a little consideration reveals their weakness, which, indeed,

appears at times on the very surface, as, for instance, where he admits

(page Ixix.) that the present walls of the Kutb citadel were rebuilt by

Ala-u-din, altheugh he has already described them as the work of

Anang Pal:—and again, at page Ixviii., where he confounds the

palace built on the site of Ala-u-din’s entrenchment with the famous

Kasr Hazér Situn; forgetting that this latter was commenced by

Nasir-u-din Mahmud, and completed by Ghaias-u-din Balban at least

fifty years before the Mogul invasion.f

Let us first endeavour to ascertain, from their style and charac-

teristics, the age of the present ruins of Shahpoor and of the Kutb

citadel. The walls of the latter are very strong and massive; the

curtain is flanked by towers placed at short intervals; the ditch is

deep and broad ; the main gates are judiciously set in the re-entrant

angles of the bastions; strong outworks are thrown up at the weak

points of the defences ;—all this marks a late date, when the science

of fortification was well matured and thoroughly understood. This

view is confirmed by the existence of an arch with true voussoirs in a

barbican at the north-west angle, the shape of which is exactly

similar to those generally used by Ala-u-din. It forms an integral

portion of the wall in which it occurs, and has evidently been there

from the first ; whilst the style of the masonry, and the manner in

which it is bonded in with the main wall, shew distinctly that the

barbican is of the same date as the rest of the walls, and we have

thus proof positive that these, as they now stand, are the work of

Ala-u-din and not of Anang Pal.

At Shahpoor then are the remains of a palace and city wall of no

great size or strength. ‘The style of these, as shewn in the shape of the

arches, walls and domes, is that of the end of the fourteenth or begin-

*Be it observed that this is always spoken of as a palace, and not as

a city or fort.

+In the Ayin Akhberi a palace of this name is said to have been built by

Mahommed Togluck, but I believe this to be a mistake,

208° Notes on the Topography de. of Delhi. [No. 4,

ning of the fifteenth century; and no earlier date can with safety be:

assigned to them. This confirms the traditional report which assigns’

their construction to the Sultan Bhailol Lodi, who ascended the’

throne A. D. 1450, and whose remains are interred close by; and we:

are warranted in asserting that Shahpoor was not in existence until

150 years: after the Mogul invasion, and thus General Cunningham’s

identification of it with Ala-u-din’s palace and entrenchment of A. D.

1303 falls at once to the ground.

Let us next enquire, what remains still exist of*that monarch’s

numerous buildings. Of these there are two distinct groups, and two-

only : first, the walls of the Kutb citadel, and the mosque, minar and

palace within it; and, secondly, the mosque near Nizam-u-din Aulia’s

tomb, with the palace adjoining it, the remains of which are now

known as the “ Lall Mahal.’’* The first of these palaces cannot possibly-

be the site of Ala-u-din’s entrenchment, for we know that this was

on the open plain beyond the suburbs of Delhi. In order to ascertain

whether the last fulfils any better the requirement of the case, let us

examine carefully the history of Turghai Khan’s invasion. :

We are told that the Mogul Chief was induced to invade India by

learning of the absence from the capital of two large armies which, as’

events shew, constituted the whole strength of Ala-u-din’s forces. One

of these, under the king himself, was besieging Chittore : the other, with’

which was the bulk of the Cavalry, was absent in Bengal ; hearing of

the Mogul invasion, the king hastily returned with the former, and pro-

ceeded to entrench himself, until succour could arrive from Bengal and!

the other provinces.

These succours could only reach him from the Doab, across the

river Jumna; for to the north lay the Mogul army: to the west

and south-west were the Mewaties, then, as always, a turbulent and

disloyal race; to the south lay the dense jungle and forest through

which, 200 years later, Shir Shah cut the great imperial road

between Delhi and Agra. It thus became a matter of vital import, that

Ala-u-din should hold in strength the principal crossing of the’

river. Owing to the range of Hills which lies to the east of the

city, this crossing can only have been at one of two points; either

through the gap at Togluckabad, or somewhere near Ghaiaspoor. The

* For a description of this, see Note A.

1866.] Notes on the Topography &c. of Dethi. 209

first of these must even then have been a swamp, and.20 years later

was converted into a lake by Toghluck Shah; the presumption is

therefore in favour of the latter site; and this presumption is

strengthened by the fact of the suburbs having grown in this direc-

tion, (they would naturally creep along the principal road leading

from the city :) whilst the old lines of road across the river seem to

have led towards this part of its course. I conclude therefore that

Ala-u-din would naturally entrench himself at this point, covering

not only the fords of the Jumna, but also the towns and _ palaces of

Ghaiaspoor and Kilukheree; whilst he would throw a strong body

of troops into the old walled city and its citadel, so as to render them

safe against a sudden attack.

Ti such were his position, we can understand the otherwise un-

accountable apathy of the Moguls who, for two months, lay encamped.

opposite to his entrenchment without ventering to attack it, or ta

besiege the city. Had they attempted either course, they would have

exposed themselves to an attack in the rear; and so they could effect,

nothing save a few marauding expeditions into the district about and

against the unwalled suburbs, until the approach of succour and

(as is conjectured) the sudden assassination of their leaders by the

emissaries of Nizam-u-din Aulia forced them to decamp. If Ala-

u-din had entrenched himself, as Cunningham supposes, at Shahpoor,

he would have been shut up as in a trap, cut off from all suecour and

unable to prevent the enemy from besieging both the city and his

own position; although he could easily have saved Jahanpanah

from being plundered by them; and as we learn from Ferishta that

he was not able to check ,their foray, we must presume that it was

because his position was some distance away :—in fact at Ghaiaspoor.

I conclude therefore that in the Lall Mahal we have the remains of

the palace built to commemorate the repulse* of the Moguls in

AD..1303:

Let us now endeayour to ascertain to what place the name of

Siri must be assigned. We must bear in mind that Shahpoor wag

* May this not be the reason why Nizam-ud-din Aulia lies buried close to

this palace? The flight of the Moguls was universally ascribed to the exercise

of his supernatural powers, and what more likely than that the buried him

here as being the scene of his supposed victory ?

210 Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. [No. 4,

probably not built until the middle of the fifteenth century; that the

walls of the Kutb citadel were rebuilt by Ala-u-din; and that there

are no remains whatsoever of any other citadel or strong fort built by

him.

The most prominent references in history to the fort of Siri are

those connected with the troublous times which preceded and followed

the invasion of Timur. In them it is always spoken of as a place of

great strength, as the citadel of Delhi in fact. Thus Mallu-Khan*

by its possession kept in awe the conflicting parties of Mahmud

Togluck and Nasrat Shah ;—twicet it withstood successfully all the

forces that Khizr Khan could bring against it ; and it was only taken by

him after a third siege which lasted for four months : whilst thirty years

later it was again besieged for three months without success. These

facts, it need hardly be said, point rather to the Kutb citadel than to

Shahpoor; for the former is a work of great natural and artificial

strength; whereas the latter is a weak place, which had for defences

a slight wall without any ditch, and which was commanded by the

Brij Mandil and other lofty buildings in the adjacent Jahanpanah.

In fact the history of this period can only be made intelligible on the

supposition that the Siri held by Mallu Khan was the Kutb citadel;

that Mahmud Togluck held the old city of Rai Pithora and Jahan-

panah; whilst Firuzabad was occupied by Nasrat Shah; and we have

then no reason to callin question the truth of Ferishta’s statement

regarding the meeting of Mallu Khan and Nasrat Shah at the grave of

Khawaj Kutb-u-din Bakhtiar Kaki, a statement which completely

identifies Siri with the Kutb citadel, within which the tomb of this

famous saint may be seen to this very day.

General Ounningham endeavours to dispose of this very direct

piece of evidence, by asserting that Ferishta knew nothing of the

topography of Delhi; and he suggests that he was probably mistaken,

and that the meeting in question took place at the tomb of another

saint; one Shaikh Nasir-u-din Mahammad (better known as Roshun

Chiragh Delhi) “ which is just outside the south-east corner of Shah-

poor.” Now unfortunately for this emendation, this latter tomb is

situated within the walls of Jahanpanah and was in the possession of

Mahmud Togluck. It could not possibly therefore be the place where

% A. D. 1894—1396, 7 A. D. 1411—1414,

1866.] Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. 211

his two enemies met publicly to swear a solemn league against him.

As for Ferishta’s knowledge of Delhi, a glance at his preface, and at the

life prefixed to Briggs’s translation of his history, will suffice to shew

that the first portion of his great work (with which alone we are

concerned at present) was composed before he had ever seen the city:

He commenced to write in A. D. 1596, finishing the whole work in

A. D. 1609 : and, if he ever visited Delhi at all, it must have been

- in A. D. 1606, when proceeding on his embassy to Jahangir’s camp at

Lahore. But as his history was compiled from no less than fifty-five

chronicles, the writers of many of which lived in Delhi and were eye-

witnesses of what they wrote about, it is in point of fact their

topography, and not his, that we have to do with, and we may accept

it as thoroughly reliable in a simple matter like the one under dis-

cussion. I see no reason to doubt therefore that Siri was the name

of the Kutb citadel :—and judging from the date of its appearance in

history, I think we may fairly assume that the name was first given

it by Ala-u-din when he rebuilt and strengthened it in A. D. 1304.

Tnow come to General Cunningham’s* quotation from the Ayin

Akhberi, to the effect that “Shir Shah destroyed the city of Ala-u-

din which was called Siri, and founded another :” to which Syud Ahmad

has added, on whose authority is not stated, that the materials of

the former were used in the construction of the latter city. Now

without for one moment impugning the accuracy of the General’s

translation and subsequent deductions, I must call attention to the

notorious discrepancies which exist in the various copies of the Ayin

Akhberi. In the oney+ now lying before me, not a word is said about

the destruction of Siri ; on the contrary it is Firuzabad{ and its palaces

which are said to have been demolished by Shir Shah. This isa

much more probable statement than the one in General Cunningham’s

copy, and borrows strength from an argument adduced by him against

the likelihood of Shir Shah’s bringing his building material all the way

from the Kutb citadel, when Shahpoor was only three and a half miles

away. Now as Firuzabad lay still nearer, occupying indeed a portion of

* Page Ixyiii.

+A handsome quarto belonging to the “ Delhi Society” (vernacular) and

presented to that body by Colonel G. W. Hamilton, Commissioner of Delhi,

whose fine collection of Persian MSS. is well known,

[See extract at the end: note B,

212 Notes on the Topography dc. of Delhi. [No. 4,

the site of the new city, it is evident that it would be a much more

convenient quarry, and we can understand why Shir Shah pulled it

down for the sake of the materials in it. In point of fact, Shir Shah

was areckless destroyer, and scrupled not to remove any building which

could afford him material for his works; thus in the Araish-i-mahfil

we read that he demolished the Koshuk Sabz, or Green Palace, which

was situated in the old city, and Nur-ul-Haq also records other

demolitions.

There remains one argument which, in appearance at least, tells

against the identification of Siri with the Kutb citadel. Sharif-u-

din, the historian of Timur, relates how that conqueror sacked equally

the three cities of Delhi; viz., Siri, Jahanpanah and old Delhi; the first

of which lay to the north-east; the last to the south-west and

the second between the two. Now we know, both from history and

from the evidence of the ruins themselves, that there were then

three groups of cities in existence ; the first comprising the Kutb citadel,

old Delhi and Jahanpanah ; the second, Ghaiaspoor, Kilukheree, and

the new city around them; and the third, Firuzabad and its three palaces.

The two first were apparently connected by walled gardens, country

houses and enclosures; the two latter were separated by an open

plain, that of Firuzabad, which was the scene of Timur’s battle with

Mahmud Togluck. That the Delhi plundered by the Moguls com-

prised the two first of these groups is evident from the fact recorded

that, on quitting the hapless city, Timur marched three miles to Firuza-

bad: which is the exact distance between it and Ghaiaspoor ; and we

are therefore forced to the conclusion that the Siri here spoken of is

the new city around the latter place. : :

Now what authority had Sharif-u-din for giving it this name? He

was, as every one knows, a Persian born at Yezd and residing in Shiraz,

where in A. D. 1424 (7. e. twenty-six years after Timur’s invasion) he

wrote his history. This he compiled from the elaborated reports, or

annals, prepared by Timuy’s secretaries under his own eye; and from

them of course he derived his knowledge of the topography of Delhi,

which it does not appear that he ever visited, and at the siege of

which he was not present. We have therefore simply to enquire

what special opportunities Timur and his secretaries had, during their

stay of one month in the place, for prosecuting enquiries as to the

1866.] Notes on the Topography dc. of Delhi. 213

names and localities of the various portions of a large and straggling

city like Delhi. Turning to Ferishta, we find that Timur crossed the

Jumna on the 13th January A. D. 1398, and on the 15th fought and

conquered Mahmud Togluck. On the 24th, when the first outbreak

in the city took place, we learn that, ‘‘ according to his custom after

a success, he was busy in camp celebrating a grand festival,’’—the

nature of which was such, that for five days they could not convey to

him any intelligence of the outbreak, and it is to be presumed that

this scene of debauchery had been going on for some days. On the

29th he was sufficiently recovered to enter the city and take part in

the carnage, which lasted for fifteen days more, when he marched out

to Firuzabad and so home to Samarcand. Amid such a scene of

constant riot, murder and debauchery, it is absurd to suppose that the

principal actors in it could settle down quietly to topograph the city ;

and any statements made by them, which are unsupported by

other evidence, or which are opposed to the assertions of better

informed writers, must be received with extreme caution. It is true

that Khondemir, in his Habibu-s-siyar, refers to Siri as one of the

three cities of Delhi plundered by Timur; but this writer also was a

foreigner, and passed the first forty-eight years of his life under the

rule of Timur’s descendants, residing for the greater portion of the

time at Herat, where he wrote his history,* the facts for which he

must of course have derived from Mogul and not from Indian sources.

His statements therefore are mere echoes of those in Sharif-u-din, and

with them must stand or fall; We are thus I conceive, fairly war-

ranted in assuming that Timur and his secretaries were in error. We

know that the city around Ghaiaspoor never had any specific name;

what more likely then that, finding here a mosque, palace and ‘other

buildings of Ala-u-din, and being told that that monarch built

a city or fort called Siri, they confounded the two, and misapplied

the name of the Kutb citadel to the ae on the banks of the

Jumna ?

me Begun A. D. 1520.

+1t is true that Khondemir came to India in A. D. 1528 and, whilst with

Baber in Bengal, is said to have revised his work (see Hlliott’s Historians of

India, page 123,) but it is doubtful whether he had then seen Delhi and, if he

had, his visit must have been a hurried one.

214 Notes on the Topography &c. of Delhi. [No. 4,

This exhausts all the evidence at present available on the subject,

and a calm consideration of it forces us to the conclusion that the

Kutb citadel zs the fort of Siri;—that Shahpoor is a modern place of

no importance; that Lalkote has long since been swept off the face

of the earth; and that the Lall Mahal marks the site of Ala-u-din’s

entrenchment in A. D. 13808.

THE VARIOUS CITIES OF DELHI.

I shall conclude with a few brief notes on the rise and duration of

each of the ancient cities, shewing which of them were contempora-

neous ; and we shall thus get a clear idea of what that very indefinite

word Dxetut meant at various epochs in its history.

The Delhi of the Hindus and early Pathan Kings (A. D. 1060 to

1250) comprised only the walled city, now known as Rai Pithora’s,

and its citadel: which latter, when rebuilt by Ala-u-din, received the

name of Siri.

A.D. 1250 to 1321.—By the end of the 13th century a large

suburb had grown up outside the walls, stretching along the road to

Ghaiaspoor and Kilukheree, near which the great main road to the

east and south-east crossed the river Jumna. At these two places,

country palaces had been erected by Ghaias-u-din Balban, Kaikobad,

and Jalal-u-din ; around which a new city was gradually springing

up.

A. D. 1321 to 1354.—During the reigns of the two first kings

of the house of Togluck, the city of Togluckabad and the fort of

Mahommadabad (or Adilabad) were erected ; and the suburbs above

referred to were enclosed with a wall, receiving the name of Jahan-

panah. Togluckabad was never a populous place, and seems to have

been quickly abandoned. The insane removal of its inhabitants to

Daulatabad would have much to do with this; but the finishing blow

was probably given in A. D. 1354, when Firuz Shah removed the

seat of government to his new city of Firuzabad, which he had just

completed.

A. D. 1354 to 1398.—Delhi was now at the zenith of its great-

ness and contained larger population and more wealth than at any

other period of its history; but the invasion of Timur was a death-

blow to its prosperity and it sank rapidly from this time.

MAP

SHEWING tHe SITES oF tHe VARIOUS

CITIES of DELHI.

~ KILUKHE

us 70

SHAHPOOR |

@Probable site of Indrapastha (N° 7)_

The site of N°/1 Mobartkahaw, cannot

TION) be determined, 1t wis ur the bank

onihe River, probubly near bhisrabud.

Surv: Gener Office, Cale Dee L866.

1866.] Notes on the Topography &c. of Dethi. 215.

A. D. 1398 to 1450.—Both the old city and Firuzabad gradually .

declined; whilst the new city around Ghaiaspoor increased in size

and importance; and in the neighbourhood of this latter the Syud

kings took up their abode, building the forts of Khizrabad and

Mubarikabad.

A. D. 1450 to 1530.—The old city had a slight gleam of prosperity

under Bhailol Lodi, who built the palace and fort of Shahpoor ; but

his successor removed the seat of government to Agra, which thence-

forward shared with Delhi the honour of being the capital of India.

A. D, 1530 to 1638.—The next addition was made by Humaiun

who commenced to build the fort now known as the Purana Killa ;

a work which was completed by his conqueror Shir Shah Sur.

This monarch, as already described, destroyed much of Firuzabad

and of the other cities about, and commenced walling in acity of his

own; a work which the shortness of his reign prevented him from

finishing. From this time until the accession of Shah Jahan the

capital was rarely fixed at Delhi: but, though much shrunk in

size, it still remained a flourishing place. Old Delhi was quite

deserted; Jahanpanah and Shahpoor were still inhabited, but very

sparsely. Firuzabad was inruins; and the bulk of the population

resided in Shir Shah’s city and in the adjacent Ghaiaspoor, which

had now become a mere suburb. The palace was inside the citadel

of Din Panah (Purana Killa); whilst, three miles away, was the fort of

Selim Gurh, used only asa state prison; at the foot of which lay

the ancient Hindu village and temple of Nigumbode.

A. D. 1638 to 1707.—The last change had now come, and in 1638

—1648 Shah Jahan founded the palace and city of Shahjahanabad ;

from which time the city and population gradually shrank to their

present dimensions. We learn from Bernier that, in the beginning

of the 18th century, the only portions inhabited were the present

city ; along chain of buildings near the Lahore gate, the extensive

remains of Shir Shah’s city, and three or four smaller suburbs. He

describes the whole as being 41 miles long; which is, as nearly as

possible, the distance between the present suburb of Kishengunge,

outside the Lahore gate, and the large gateway built by Biudzin

Khan opposite to the Purana Killa, measuring along what was

then the line of communication through the bazaars,

216

Notes on the Topography &c. of Dethi. [No. 4,

. A.D. 1707 to 1803.—The abandonment oi Shir Shah’s city was

gradual ;—the troublous times of the eighteenth century forced the

defenceless inhabitants to take shelter within the walls of Shahjaha-

nabad ; and, when the British forces under Lord Lake took possession

of that city in 1803, all beyond its limits had fallen into ruin

and decay.

Chronological Table of the various Cities and Forts of Delhi.

sale

<2)

Indraprashtra.—Founded about the 15th century B. C.

Old Delhi.—Founded B. C. 57. Rebuilt by Anang-

pal I. A. D. 736. Walled in by Rai Pithora about

A. D. 1180.

Kuib Citadel—Built by Anangpal IL A. D. 1060.

Rebuilt by Ala-u-din, A. D. 1804 and renamed by

him Siri.

Ghaiaspoor.—A palace and fort built here by Ghaias-

u-din Balban A. D. 1266—1286. Other buildings

added by Ala-u-din, A. D. 1295—1316. Was added

to at various times and became known in the 15th

century as the “ new city.”

Kilukheree.—A palace was built here by M6iz-u-din

Kaikobad, A. D. 1286—1288. Another was con-

structed by Jalal-u-din A. D. 1288—1295, at which

time the place was much enlarged.

Togluckabad.—Built by Ghaias-u-din Togluck Shah,

A Dr 1322)

Mahammadabad.—Known also as Adilabad, built by ~

Mahammad Togluck, A. D. 1325.

Jahanpandh.—Walled in by Mahammad Togluck Shah,

A. D. 1825—1851. ;

Firuzabad.— Built by Firuz Shah Togluck, A. D.

1354.

Khizrabad.—Built by Syud Khizr Khan, A. D. 1414—.

1425.

Mobarikabad.—Built by Syud Mobarik Shah, A. D.

1435.

Shahpoor.—Built by Sultan Bhailol Lodi, A. D. 1450—

88.

Purana Killa.—Built by Humaiun, A. D. 1530—1540.

Delhi Shir Shah.—Founded by Shir Shah Sur, A. D.

1540 —1545.

Selimgurh.—Built by Selim Shah Sur, A. D. 1546.

Shahjahanabad.—¥ounded by Shah Jahan, A. D. 1648.

Palace commenced, A. D. 1638.

Notrt.—The side brackets shew what cities were contemporaneous

with each other.

DELHI ar tHe COMMENCEMENT

oe rae IAT CERTURY.

SHEWING THE POSITION oF THE -

MOGUL ARMY avo ALA-U-DINS.

ENTRENCHMENT A.D. /303.

UNWALLED

SUBURBS

Surv: Genl’é Offices, Gal. Dei: 1866.

1866. ] Notes on the Topography dc. of Delhi. 217

Note A.

The existing temains of the Lall Mahal comprise a small domed

chamber, a large double storied pavilion, and a few remains of the

original enclosure wall built into work of a later date.

In the lower or basement story of the main building, there are

several arches of the shape always employed by Ala-u-din, and which

can be easily identified as his work. The upper story is composed

almost wholly of red sandstone, (whence the name of ‘ Lall Mahal,”)

and is supported on pillars, so as to form an open hall. It has the

appearance of a number of small pavilions, covered with stepped and

sloping roofs, grouped around a central dome, which is, in section,

a true oval pointed at the apex. This is a shape commonly employed

at the commencement of the 14th century.

Small pavilions like the above reappear as a common feature in the

architecture of the 16th century, and are much used by Akhbar in his

various buildmgs; but an examination of these later ones shews that

Plan looking up. they are always* domed under the sloping

roof, whereas those in the Lall Mahal are

ceiled with large flat stones in the Jaina

style, like those in the colonnades of the

Kutb-ul-Islam Musjid. This arrangement,

so far as Mahommedan architecture is con-

cerned, is peculiar to the work of Kutb-u-

din Hibeg, Altamsh, and Ala-u-din.

The style of the ornamentation, of the battlements, and of the

mouldings so strongly resembles that in the “ Alai Darwaza”’ at the

Kutb that there can be no reasonable doubt as to the two buildings

having been designed and built at the same period; and we have thus

ample warrant for describing the Lall Mahal as the work of Ala-

u-din.

*In Delhi at least; I have never had an opportunity of examining those

at Shahdeara or Futtehpore Sikri,

218 Notes on the Topography dc. of Delhi. [No. 4,

Nore B. :

Extract from the “ Ayin Akhberv” of Abul Faal.

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1866.] Notes on Pilyrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 219

Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. By Major

D. F. Newatt, R. A.

[Received from the Punjab Auxiliary Branch of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

31st July, 1866. |

The tendency of the Hindu inhabitant of Cashmere, to localize in

his own small, though lovely valley the fabled incidents of his religion,

common to all lands where the Brahminical faith prevails, is, I believe,

generally known. In putting on record, therefore, a few notes on the

pilgrimages of Cashmere, I may be, perhaps merely on a small scale,

assigning to local spots the fables which more properly belong to the

entire Hindu Pantheon, and have their localities elsewhere in Hin-

dustan.

I proceed, however, to what I find in my notes ag No. 1 of the

pilgrimages annually undertaken by native Hindus of Cashmere,

and which is known as that of “ Amr-nauth” (Lord of Immortality) ;

_and before proceeding to detail the steps of the pilgrimage, a few

words of description of this far-famed locality may be interesting: I

- say far-famed, because the full moon of August annually has pilgrims

from all parts of India, as well as Cashmere, assembled in honour of

its tutelary Lord.

The gypsum cave of Amr-eeshur or Amr-nauth (Lord of Immor-

tality), sacred to Mahadeo, is situated in the rugged chain which

separates Cashmere from Thibet. Its elevation above the sea cannot

be less than 15,000 or 16,000 feet, and even during summer its

approach is invested with the snows of winter. Wild fantastic peaks

and desolate steppes surround the spot, and the grand old glaciers of

Sooroo and Wardwun tower in the far horizon.

Hindus perform a yearly pilgrimage to this shrine, and to a devotee

from the city of Srinuggur there are no less than twenty-two places of

Snaén where religious ablution must be observed, before he can approach

the holy adytum, or sacred caye of Amr-nauth. Legends or absurd

fables are attached to these spots, and the following is a brief record

of some of them.

The Hindus of Cashmere, followers chiefly of Siva the “ Destroyer,”

and Ophists, believing moreover their own small valley to contain

within its limits the germ or type of the whole Hindu Pantheon ;

220 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. [No. 4,

must needs stumble at every step upon some stock or stone communi-

eative of fabled adventures of their deities; adventures as puerile

and fantastic as can be well conceived, containing few elements

wise, historic or sublime, not redeemed from utter absurdity by the

glory of poetic imagery, nor, like the myths of the Greeks and other

ancient nations, by the vigour of a profound cosmogony.

Fatuous ecstacy impressed on their features, the wretched idolaters,

male and female, may be seen, stark naked, abjectly grovelling in the

snow and dragging their bodies over the “Jlingum” or “ phallic

emblem,” which in the form of a stalactyte issues from the frozen

fount of the “ Lord of Immortality.”

I could draw attention, however, to these various places of Snan

or religious ablution, at the various steps of Hindu pilgrimages, as

presenting in some instances objects of archeological interest. Thus

one may pass many times along a road without observing any object

worthy of attention, until guided thereto by the pilgrim; when,

turning a few paces into the jungle at the road-side, some stone or.

symbol or other object of passing interest to the antiquarian may often

be discovered. I beg to note this point as worthy the attention of

the members of our Society. I would mention also at this point that

in Cashmere, (where the Mahommedan faith has prevailed for about

five centuries) it is no unusual thing to see both Hindus and

Mussulmans worshipping at the same holy place. This may be

attributed, on the one hand, to the Mahommedan in some degree still

clinging to the superstitions of his ancient Hindu ancestors ; and on

the other, 7. e. in the inverse case of a Hindu worshipping at a Moslem

shrine, to the fact that the fragments of many overturned or ruined

Hindu temples have been used in building the Mahommedan mosque

or zearut. I could instance examples of both these cases. With

these remarks I proceed to the actual detail of the pilgrimage to

Amr-nauth as detailed in the Shastr on the subject, and as par-

tially verified by myself as to the localities of the various stages.

Proceeding from the city of Srinuggur on the seventh day before

the full moon of August, the pilgrim proceeds up the river Jhelum (or

Vitasté) and arrives at the first place of Snan or religious ablution,

called “ Shriya,” the whole or collected waters of the valley previous

to its desiccation by the Muni Kashiapa. I am not aware of any

1866.] Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 221

symbol or remnant of antiquity at this step, which is literally a

“bathing-place” on the river near the island above the city.

(2.) The pilgrim next arrives at ‘ Pandrethon,” where the foot-

step of Suttee, the wife (or active principle) of the Destroyer appears

to her enamoured lord in his pursuit of the flying fair. The temple

at this place is well known, and has been described by far abler pens

than mine. I may, however, briefly mention that it was built about

A. D. 913—921, in the reign of king Partha, and escaped destruction

when the ancient capital was burnt. It was subsequently, perhaps,

used as a Mahommedan tomb, and so again escaped destruction at the

hands of the fanatic zealots Shahabooddeen Sikunder Biutshikan and

ethers. It stands in the centre of a tank 125 feet square, is 22 feet

in size, is dedicated to Siva, and is not a Boodhist temple as stated

by some.

(8.) The next forward step on the pilgrimage is ‘‘ Padinapore,”

city of Lukshmi (dweller in the Lotus flower, (padam.) There are

here a few ruins, a high phallic column, and I believe others, but I

forget their exact nature, and my notes are silent on the point.

(4.) Jubroroo, (Love of Youth) sacred to Sheo and Mahadevi: a

lingum or phallic emblem is, I think, the symbol at this step.

(5.) Awentipore. The city of king Ven or Awenti, who acquired

the power of walking on the water from his zeal in the worship of

Siva. In his time the great flood occurred which overwhelmed the

cities of the valley, so the powers attributed to him in the Shastr

may perhaps have proved useful. There are some rather extensive

ruins at this place well worth a visit. |

(6.) Hurriepore. The city of Ganesh, the elephant-headed—

yellow.

(7.) Wagahamoo. House of Wag (spirit of the air, aider of the

Immortals) from whose weedy fountain cornelians are said to be

ejected—a pool or spring.

(8.) Husti-ki-nar-keoun-Nargum. ‘“ The breathing of the ears and

mouth of the elephant” (Génesh.) The fable on this head is too

absurd and puerile to be noticed, and is one of those which led to

my general remarks on the subject at the head of this paper. In

fact, I may say generally that in the Shastr detailing this pilgrimage,

fables of intense absurdity are attached to nearly all these places,

229 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. _ [No. 4,

many of them expressive of the blandishments, or amatory phases, of

the pursuit of Mahadevi or Suttee by the creative symbol of her con-

sort the Destroyer, a disgusting and fantastic myth too indecent to be

more than remotely alluded to.

(9.) Chakredhar. The abode of the Quott-thrower, an agnomen

of Vishnoo. -

(10.) Deokie-zan. Wife of Hurrichundra Raja.

C11.) Wuezzeeshur. A name of Mahadeo signifying the con-

queror.

(12.) Hurrichundra Raj. The palace of king Hurrichundra.

(13.) Tejwarrah—the abode of Mahadeo.

These four last are portions of the once famous city of old Rajbarrie

(or Bijvihara) whose temples, including one hundred phallic columns,

were overthrown by the Moslem zealot Shahaboodeen.

At Hurrieeshur, a ghat on the river on the upper side of the

modern town, are grouped some very remarkable fragments well

worthy of minute observation. The word signifies ‘‘ Father or Giver

of all.”

(14.) Soorte Goophar. “ Caves of the sun.’ At this place it is

fabled that Mahadevi was pursued by the Demon Baméasoor (enemy

of the whirlwind.) She thereupon prayed to Siva for power to

destroy the demon, who was accordingly annihilated by fire, and his

name hence changed to Busmaswar (the enemy burnt by fire). This

cave is not the celebrated cave of the sun at Martund, I think, but

one on the hill-side on the right bank of the river Liddur (or Sum-

booderi,) but I have not visited it.

(15.) Sweewr-gaom. The trunk of the elephant (Ganesh) is here

supposed to be visible beneath the waters of the Liddur or Sum-

booderi (swallower of waters.) This river joins the Jhelum at Bij-

vibara.

(16.) Buddraroo. The place of embraces.

(17.) Sullur. The place of generation.

(18.) Ganéshbél. River of Ganesh. The pilgrim bathes at

Bruggaterut, the shrine of “ Brug,” a devotee.

(19.) Neela Gunga. Mahadeo here applied the “soorma” to his

eyes which gave the blue colour to the Gunga, a river which is fabled

to have flowed from his head.

1866.] Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 223

(20.) Tandshur. “ The fixed abode,” because here Mahadeo became

stationary. This place is a camping ground near the Séshnag lake,

a fine sheet of water which is passed by the pilgrims on their way to

the next and last step of the pilgrimage, but which does not become

invested with an eminently sacred character until their return from

the cave of Anerreth.

(21.) Panch Taringint. The five rivers proceeding from the

head of Siva. At this beautiful spot the pilgrims encamp and pass

the last night of the pilgrimage previous to their ascent to the holy

caves.

(22.) Commencing the ascent in the early morning, the pilgrims

pass by the holy rocks of Amreeshur (giver of immortality,) whence

issues the philtre of immortality proceeding from the crested head of

Mahadeo, the drink or ichor of the immortals.

Here the devotees may be seen rolling on the ground amid the

snow and ice, ecstacy depicted on the face at the idea of divine affla-

tus. Retiring from the caverns, they return to Panch Taringini, and

then again pass the night, preparatory to their return journey down

the valley to the Seshnag Lake, where they finally bathe. The pil-

erimage is then complete, and the pilgrims disperse to their respective

homes. It is fabled that amidst the rugged peaks surrounding this

Lake lived Watasnar, a spirit of the air, who, having chased away the

host of heaven, thus established a tyranny until slain by Mahadeo,

who after this adventure is fabled to have ‘‘ rested on the bosom of

Séshnag ;” Séshnag being represented as a huge serpent with 100

heads. A picture of this touching spectacle is in my possession, and

a curious production it is, and suggestive of the ‘ ophistic’ nature

of the worship of the Hindoos of Cashmere.

* * * * *

I have the details of 11 other pilgrimages to various parts of Cash-

mere, varying in length; that to the sacred lake of Gungabul under

the Hur-mookh peak is the next longest, although several of the

minor pilgrimages involve a graver issue to the devotee. Space will

not permit me, in this paper, to do more than note the salient points

of a few of these.

(1.) The pilgrimage of Hur moktur Gunga (or Gungabul) above

alluded to, in the Lar pergunnah, is to be found in the Gunga Maha-

224 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. [No. 4,

tim Shastr. There are 14 places of sndn or religious bathing in this

pilgrimage ; the last being the holy lake of Gungabul in which the

Hindoos cast the ashes of their deceased relatives. The time for this

pilgrimage is midsummer.

The return from this brings us to the highly interesting ruins of

Razdan or Razdoing; the only important temple of Cashmere not

noticed by Cunningham, a detailed description of which I may per-

haps be able to afford in a future paper.

2.) The pilgrimage of Martund in which are seven places of snan.

(3.) Pilgrimage of Vetusta Khoond the source of the river Jhelum

or Vetusta, in which are ten places of snan.

(4.) Pilgrimage to Suhoojun Teerut the burning ground—three

places of snan.

(5.) Pilgrimage to Kupdl Muchdém (the escape of the head from

sin), undertaken by criminals for the release of sin.

(6.) Pilgrimage to Sheeva-Devt.

(7.) Pilgrimage to Kunhyie Matdar,—four places of snan.

(8.) Pilgrimage to Zecposh Kur in the Bongil pergunnah,—two

places of snan.

(9.) A second pilgrimage to the Vetusta Khoond,—eight places of

snan.

(10.) A fabulous pilgrimage or progress of Raja Bhagéerut, the

tutelary genius or deity of the river Vetusta or Jheelum,—ten places

of sndn, and this closes the catalogue of my notes on this subject.

No. 2.

The pilgrimage of Hur-mooktur Gunga (or Gungabul), in the Lar

Pergunnah, as detailed in the Gunga Mahatim Shastr.

As stated above, there are 14 places of “snén” or religious

bathing to be observed in this pilgrimage; viz. 10 previous, and

4 subsequent, to the pious act of casting the ashes of deceased

relatives into the holy lake, in whose mournful waters lie the ashes

of generations of Hindoos.

The writer of this paper will not easily forget the impression, the

view of the cold still waters of this desolate lake produced on him,

viewed as they were about sunset one autumnal evening, a snow storm

1866.] Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 225

beginning to set in off the lofty granite peaks of Hurmookh, its guar-

dian mountain, whose dark shadow fell across the mournful waters of

the lake.

However not to occupy time, I proceed to the detail of the stages

of the pilgrimage, as detailed in the Shastr mentioned at the head

of this paper.

Four days before midsummer, the pilgrim, having collected the

ashes of his relatives deceased during the year, sets out from the city

and proceeds to the first step of the pilgrimage, namely, ‘“ Vecha

Khoond,”’ the pool.of the creator, or Brahma, who at this place is

stated to have created ‘‘ Vishnoo,” the preserver, the 2nd person of

the Hindoo Triad. This is an interesting pond surrounded by willows

and other foliage, about a mile from the shores of the Dhull lake on

the road towards Lar.

(2.) Having passed through the sedgy marshes which border the

Hakrit-bul or lake of weeds, the pilgrim approaches the second

step, Gundoor-nugger, city of the Gandoors or angels. There are

here some ruins of what must formerly have been an extensive city.

They are mere fragments; but it is probable that objects of interest

might be discovered here amidst the marshes and weedy flats formed

by the Sind river, which is lost amidst the creeks and sedges of the

Hakr-sir lake in the close vicinity, could the means and leisure be

obtained for the search.

(3.) The next step is Mahirji-qaon, the residence of Mahadevi

who there forbad her consort to approach: this is implied in the

word— Ma (do not) zih (come).

(4.) Numoor,—the bathing-place. A pretty village in the Sind

valley near the river. There are a few mines, tanks, &. ‘

(5.) Karrung-ka-Nuddie,—a residence of Vishnoo; Karrung be-

ing a name of Vishnoo signifying ‘‘ granter of prayer.”

(6.) Ramaradun. Place of prayers, being the forest where Raja

Bhageerut established himself for prayer to Siva.

(7.) Mahulish Merg,—“ the meadows of the buffalo,” so called

because Suttee is here fabled to have roamed about, luke a buffalo

feeding, whilst in search of Mahadeo, her consort.

(8.) Humsddar,— the gates of King. Huns” (the swift one), a

name of Raja Bhagéram, who is stated to have here cleft the pass with

226 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. (No. 4,

an arrow. On the road we pass several small lakes, amongst them those

called Braéhmisir and Ashiféroo.

(9.) Nundi-kettur. The abode of Nandi the attendant bull of

Siva. This is a very interesting lake, also close under the peak of

Hurmookh, and divided only by a narrow ridge from Gungabul.

(10.) Gungabul or Hurmookhtur Gunga (Hur-Siva—Mookh head

Gunga river,)—the river or water proceeding from the head of Siva.

In this solitary mountain Jake, the Hindoos, as before mentioned,

cast the ashes of their deceased relatives; which after incremation are

collected and here conveyed once during the year, at midsummer.

Having reached this utmost point of the pilgrimage and performed

the proper rites (which I cannot, however, narrate, having visited the

spot in the late autumn of 1852, long after the time of the pilgrimage,)

the pilgrim commences his return by a different route; and after a

long and fatiguing march, quits the higher range of hills and descends

to the Nara Nag (11) or Lake Getara which may be considered the

11th place of snan of this pilgrimage, which is not yet completed.

On the banks of this pool (for it is little more) the pilgrims leave

their grass hill shoes (phoolas) and hill sticks ; many of which I ob-

served lying about. This pool is closely adjacent to some very re-

markable ruins—those of Razdoing, which I propose to make the -

subject of a separate paper. A Sonne, or mysterious afflatus, is sup-

posed to proceed from these ruins, a particular portion of which is

especially held sacred by the pilgrims who salaam there before leaving

the spot. Narais a name of Wussisht Bhugwan, (son of Brahma,)

who is stated to have here worshipped Siva.

(12.) Wangitt,—Wan being a name of Surroosuttie, consort of

Bralfma, signifying “the Talkers.”

(13.) Woosun. The place of all the shrines as implied by the

name. There are several small temples 1 the vicinity of these two

last-named stages,

(14.) And last. The pilgrim has now re-entered the Sind valley

and proceeds down it on his return journey, repassing successively

(without however the necessity of ablution) Nos. 5, 4, 3 and 2 of the

pilgrimage, until he comes again to No. 1, viz. Vecha Khoond, where

he finally bathes, and the pilgrimage is complete.

I would indicate Gandoornugger No. 2 of the pilgrimage as a pro-

1866.] Notes on Prlgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 227

mising locality for excavation, and the rnins of Razddr or Razdoing,

the only group of temples not noticed by Cunningham (to whom,

however, I long ago communicated their measurements and descrip-

tion,) deserve a far more searching investigation than the very cursory

one I was able to carry out during the short visit I paid them in Sep-

tember 1852.

I now proceed to give outlines of the remaining pilgrimages of

which I possess notes.

No. 3.

The pilgrimage of Wartwnd I find as No. 3 of those in my journal.

Martund properly so-called, and not “ Muttun” or ‘‘ Matan’’ as fre-

quently written, leads the pilgrim from Srinuggur up the river and

over much the same ground as that to Amernauth, although the places

of sndn are different. These are as follows :—

(1.) Deokie Yar,—Sacred to Deokie, wife of Rajah Hurrichund.

(2.) Doomia Shrim,—The abode of a devotee named Doomia.

(8.) Anant Ndg, which is one of the pools or tanks at Islamabad,

Anant being a name of Vishnoo. These tanks, filled as they are with

fish of the carp tribe (ciprinide), have frequently been described by

travellers, and need no mention.

(4.) Gutim Ndég,—pool of Gotima, a devotee. I toler this is

also one of the tanks or springs at Islamabad, and the description of

No. 3 may perhaps apply to this.

(5.) Charkabul, so-called from “ chark,” the fissure or spring head

of the stream fabled to have issued from the cleft in the sun as de-

scribed in the following :

(6.) Martwnd—(Mart, the fissure—Und open). Mahadeo is fabled

to have possessed three eyes,—the “‘ Sun,” the ‘“ Moon,” and the

“‘ Subterranean Fire.” He threw down the eye forming the Sun on

Martund, which being broken, from it flowed the pool and stream of

Martund.

This well-known spot has been too often described to require fur-

ther notice here.

(7.) The pilgrim returns by Anant Nag, the No. 3 of this pilgrim-

age, where he bathes, and the pilgrimage is complete.

No. 4.

I now proceed to detail the pilgrimage of Vetusta Khoond (Virnag)

928 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Cowntry of Cashmere. (No. 4,

the source of the river Jhelum. Again the pilgrim, departing from

Srinuggur, proceeds up the river over nearly the same ground as the

foregoing, and passes the following places of holy ablution :—

1. Sooneyar. The place of the moon,

2. Gunputyar, The place of Ganesh.

3. Mullyar. Sacred to Brahma; Mull being a name of Brahma,

4. Shriya. “The whole.” See No. 1 of the pilgrimage to Amer-

nauth.

5. Bejbeharie (or Bej-leshur) “ giver of aid,” built by Hurrichundra

Raja, has already been described. In the details of this pilgrimage

an absurd story is narrated of Mahadeo in reference to a certain de-

votee’s wife (the lady’s name is discreetly suppressed), in whose house

the hundred Lingums or phallic columns of Bejbiharie are stated to

have been constructed.

6. Waupoosh, a part of old Bejbeharie.

7. Hur Ndg,—Sacred to Mahadeo; Hur being a name of that

deity.

8. Virndy. Sacred to Mahadeo, giver of orders. This beautiful

fountain, the reservoir of the spring head of the Jhelum, has been

often described, and is too well known to need notice here. The cir-

cumjacent buildings are Mahomedan, but from the Hindoo legends

attached to the locality, they are held sacred by men of both creeds.

The same remark applies to Anant Nag (Islamabad), Bala Pam

Rishi, Keer Bownie, and numerous other localities in Cashmere.

(9.) Vetusta Khoond,—the actual spring head or fountain of the

river Jhelum. ‘The name Vetusta signifies » “span,” the imaginary

width of the stream at its source.

(10.) Return via Baramoola to Kootee Teerut the 10th, and last

step of this pilgrimage, (signifying a crore or the junction of a million

teeruts), bathe, and the pilgrimage is complete.

No. 5.

The pilgrimage of Suhogjun Teerut or the burning ground.

1. Mahadamuttie.

2. Luhoojun (spontaneous fire from the earth), of which the fol-

lowing is the fable-—The gods being here assembled for prayer to

Mahadeo, were interrupted by the demons (Rakhshusas), whereupon

Mahadeo raised fire from the earth in order to destroy them. ‘To the

1866.] Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 229

present day the earth there is combustible; and at times grows hot

enough to cook rice. When this is known, the Brahmins from all

parts of Cashmere flock there.

(8.) Returm by Mahadamuttie again, bathe there, and the pil-

grimage is complete.

No. 6.

The next I find is that of the pilgrimage of Kupdl Micham, which

has already been alluded to as involving a grave issue to the Hindu

undertaking it. The following is the description given in the Shastr.

Siva (Mahadeo) had slain the wife of a demon (Rakhshus), and

was pursued by the sin (or nemesis) of the act. By the advice of the

“sun” or luminous emanation of Mahadeo, who is stated to have

dwelt at Shupeyon, he formed a “ Nag” or fountain for the purifi-

cation of sin. This pilgrimage is accordingly resorted to by great

eriminals. ‘‘ Even the slayer of a hundred Brahmins may be cleansed

from his sin by the performance of ablutions in the Kupdl Mucham

Nag,” “Lake of the escape of the head from sin.” The time of

this pilgrimage is midsummer.

No. 7.

A pilgrimage to Shewa Dew in the Bring Pergunnah for retired

devotees only. The Nag or Lake is sacred to Siva, but I find nothing

further noted in regard to this pilgrimage, nor do I know its* exact

locality. I believe, however, it is near Shahabad, towards the

Meribul pass.

No. 8.

T now proceed to No. 8, or the pilgrimage of Kunie Mdatdr, which

leads the pilgrim down the river to Baramoola (more properly Wara

Mool, Wara being a name of Vishnoo, the preserver, signifying the

“Hog,” who is fabled to have at this place rooted up the earth of

the valley from beneath the water of the primeval lake, in fashion of

a hog, with his tusks.) This of course bears reference to the Hindu

fable of the original desiccation or draining of the valley by the

Muni Kashyapa, in which he is stated to have been assisted by

Vishnoo.

(2.) Papaharun Nag,—‘ The pool of the putting away of sin.” The

2nd step of this pilgrimage is fabled to have been formed by Mahadeo

230 Notes on Pelgrimages in the Country of Cashmere.. [No. 4,

at the request of Vishnoo, in order that his disciples might escape the

destructive vengeance of the former deity.

(3.) Kinchijie Mdtér,—“ The rock of the mother” sacred to

Mahadevi. Siva, whilst here engaged in self-meditation, was disturbed

by a demon whose destruction followed.

(4.) Return, perform snén again at Baramoola, and the pilgrimage

is complete.

No. 9.

The pilgrimage of Yripoosh-kur in the Bongil pergunnah, a spring

of water so called as being the supposed place of meeting of Brahma,

Vishnoo, and Mahadeo, the Hindu Triad, being literally the meeting

of the three. The Shastr, interpreted by a Brahmin worshipper

of Siva or Mahadeo, says, ‘‘ Here pray to Mahadeo!’’? I may as

well, perhaps, take this opportunity of saying that the details of all

these pilgrimages were obtained through a Brahmin of this sect, a

wretched old man, whose sympathies may have led him to exaggerate

the importance of the localities and pilgrimages sacred to the De-

structive Principle, the object of his peculiar veneration, at the

expense of the remaining personages of the Hindu triad.—However,

to proceed to the next step of this pilgrimage. (2.) “‘ Karg”’ the eater.

Here “ Grid,” the bird-like steed of Vishnoo, was seized by a serpent

god who began to eat him. Here snén must be performed. The

pilgrim must remain three days in prayer to Vishnoo the preserver,

and the pilgrimage is complete.

No. 10.

A second pilgrimage to the Vetusta Khoond (see No. 4,) is as

follows.

(1.) Kanibul—Kani being a name of Siva.

(2.) The Zeerut at the juncture of the Vetusta and Sumbooderi’

or Rhiddur.

3.) Deokie Lar, (4.) Bejbeharie. (5.) Sungum. (6.) Shriya.

(7.) Mullyar. (8.) Gunputyar. (9.) Soomyar. (10.) Baramoola.

I find this noted as above, but it appears to be a sequel or return.

pilgrimage from Vetusta Khoond or Virnag, via Wanpoo Hurnag,

and thence to the points noted: Mamnbul being at the bridge of

Islamabad.

1866.] Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. 231

No. 11.

I now come to the last pilgrimage of which I have noted the details,

and which may perhaps be almost more properly called a fabulous

account of theriver Vetusta, as I am not aware that it is at any time

undertaken by the Hindus of Cashmere, and as I rather think that

some of the places named are under the waters of that river. I

extract exactly as I find it in my notes.

** Fabulous account of the origin of the river Jhelum or Vetusta.”’

*“Mahadeo being here engaged in self-contemplation, Raja Bhagé-

“rat arrived, and prayed for a Nag or spring in which to bathe and be

*‘ cleansed from his sins. A stream then issued from the head of the

“ destroyer which, on arriving at Wampoo, was swallowed by a certain

“‘ demon, rejoicing in the name of Kalneemie Assur. A second spring

““was in like manner swallowed by the thirsty demon. Whereupon

“ Raja Bhagérut descended from his place of prayer at Vetusta Khoond,

“and engaged the demon, whom, after a brisk encounter (described

“in the graphic language of the Sanskrit ring (sic in MS.) he is

“ stated to have “injured, but was unable to destroy or drive away.”

““(Kalneemie Assur had probably graduated in the Vedic art of self-

defence!) In fact it seems a polite way of stating that the Raja

sot the worst of it, as the demon is stated to have “ given chase,”

‘and to have come up as far as Hurnag (Virnag) in pursuit. At this,

“however, the wrath of the destroyer was aroused. He encountered

“the demon, and slew him, got his “head in chancery” and finally

“grassed” him.* Ihave in my possession a picture of this event

“where Mahadeo is represented as literally ‘ sztting” on his face!

“Lion (or Mahadeo) then commanded the spring to follow Bhagirat

* Raja, who, descending the valley, passed successively.”

1. Kanibul. 2. Sumbooderi Tirat.

3. Deokieyar. 4. Bejbeharie. 5. Sungum.

6. Shriya. 7. Mullyar. 8. Gunputyar.

“9. Soomyar. 10. Baramoola, the residence of Raja Bhagérit,

“and where the pilgrimage terminates.” Thus far my notes! These

places represent the course of the river, and seem nearly identical

* Tam unable to translate with sufficient unction the various phases of

this grand passage of arms (or wrestling match) between the two champions ;

aud I hope the Society will pardon the terms employed as equivalents,

232 Notes on Pilgrimages in the Country of Cashmere. [No. 4,

with those detailed in No. 10, pilgrimage, but as they are noted as

separate, I so transcribe them. I may mention that the notes from

which the above pilgrimages have been taken were made fourteen years

ago, and in a few instances may contain inaccuracies, as my almost

total ignorance of Sanskrit may have led me to misunderstand in

some few instances the translator, who read to me in Persian his own

versions of the Brahminical fables. For myself I confess to an utter

distaste for this especial branch of research. The Hindu religion, as

interpreted by its wretched representatives of the present day in

Cashmere, seems a base alloy, and a corrupt and paltry veneering

over the fables (themselves absurd enough) of the later Vedas..

The original grand and pure moral code of Ménu seems quite lost

sight of ;—priestcraft and abject superstition have of course stepped in

and vitiated fables already sufficiently gross and material in their

symbolical Vedantism; whilst the petty ceremonial customs and

observances of modern Hinduism can only excite ridicule and disgust

in the mind of the student. JI have long desisted from the uninviting

pursuit, and it is with much distaste that I have now transcribed,

from notes and data long since collected, these few details, which,

however, I was unwilling should altogether be lost, as they may tend

to guide abler scholars to deeper research than I was ever able to

make; and possibly in some of the localities alluded to, inscriptions,

or other fragments of interest to the Society might be found. Apo-

logizing for the fragmentary character of this paper, I will now bring

it to a close, as the subject has been, as far as I am concerned, ex-

hausted.

BO eeeEOeEOeOeeOe ese =

1866.] A Vocabulary of English, Balti and Kashmiri. 233

A Vocabulary of English, Balti and Kashmiri, compiled by H. H.

Gopwin Austen, Capt. H. M., 24th Regt. Topl. Assist. Gt. Trigl,

Survey.

[Received 14th July, 1866. ]

This Vocabulary of Kashmiri and Balti words was compiled from

time to time in leasure hours of rainy days, while surveying in those

countries. If does not profess to be strictly correct, being taken from

SO Many sources, in so many parts, and from, generally speaking, the

common people. Several of the words may possibly be only common

to a single district or valley, which is frequently the case, especially in

those least frequented, or where the people are a mixed -race, as in

the Kishengunge, Wurdwan and the upper part of Dras valley.

In the Balti words, those having the first, second or third letters

marked with dots under them or a line, as ish zsh, such syllables are

slightly sounded before the word of which the full sound follows

after, which is a peculiarity of the Tibetan dialects,—as also the

letter TZ and TS.

Parts of the Body.

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Kistwiri, &c.

Ankle. Git. Kami Git. git.

Arm. Nur. Prukhpa. baon.

Armpit. NRE Zara ee pe try vont aten ct kuchali.

Beard. Dhor. Smukra. Hi.

Belly. Yud. Thoah. eed.

Body. abe GE UUEYS. iby ot zieu.

Blood. Kuth Gr rakhs.) Krik. rath.

Bone. Udidj. Riaspa, H.

Bowels. Andium. r. Guah. H.

Brain. Wis. Khitpah. mézo,

Breast. Witch. chu chu. H.

Do. of a woman. Bub. H.

Calf of leg. (SHIGA es | pini.

Cheek. Gill. Mungul. kakri and gul.

Chin. Hongeing. Kosko. chin si.

Corpse. Mid. H.

Buttock. Sukudj. sooo gtltsindo.

234 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. [No. 3,

English. Kashmiri, Balt. Kistwari, &c.

Rar. Kin. ishna. H.

Elbow. Kunwit. Purdks, krimoks. kindori.

Kye. Oitch. Mikh. atch.

pall: Taal i ace) Ss es

», brow. Boomb. Sminma. brahmoo.

a obs: Oitcher wal. Mikh shok. purh.

sc asad: tor. Mikh Phuk. niali.

Face. Bhiut. Okdong. lel,

Finger. Ongegee. Ziga. H.

ss ilattle. Kis. Tibichung. kunéti ungoli.

Thumb. Niet. Techo. noth.

Flesh. Marz. Shé (short). mas.

Foot. Khore. Kingma. khor.

Forehead. Déker. Spulbah (tail—) kapal.

| Gonchero.

Hair. Mus. Gospo (Locks—)

Snts kore.

also Wal (bal) kesh.

in Hind.

Hand. Ather. Lukpa qayay sa.

Head. Killa. Go. roth.

Heel. Kour. dth Stingma. _ thtr-rhi.

Knee. Kot. Bikhmo. khuttha.

zanoo.

Knuckle. Mirm. Gut, the condyle anguli ka bat.

of any bone.

Leg. Zing. Lik. Ee

Lip. W tbh. Kilptkh. oth.

Liver. ‘Kreu marz. Chinma. H.

Mane wl FRc pte aenre Huing. shunknar.

Marrow. WB: oo) oS aa nutes dindh,

Moustaches. Gontse. Stimdul. ‘ap

Mouth. Aos. Kikore. asl.

Nail. Nim. Zermins. noth.

Navel. Pian. (a2 7 een ee ene bontu.

Neck, Hote. Zgema-zingma, tanth.

1866.]

English.

Nose.

Nostril.

Palm of hand.

Penis posterior.

Rib.

Spittle, saliva.

Shoulder,

Side.

Skin.

Sinew.

Breath.

Skull.

Sole of foot.

Sweat.

Thigh.

Throat.

Toe.

Tongue.

Tooth.

Urine.

Vein.

Waist.

Womb.

Wrist.

Kashmiri,

Nust. |

Nuk were.

Mins Athé,

Momur.

Kad.

Thok.

Pheuk.

hul kain.

erored

eeereo

Tul Poot.

Gimer Arakh,

Zang.

Niet.

Ziau.

Dand.

Miitter.

Riz.

Trek,

Hotz.

Lip (2nd time.) With.

Back of hand.

Temple,

Heart.

Lungs.

Small of back.

English.

Bread.

Butter.

Arsenic.

Assafcetida.

Sea 000

soseee

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

Balti.

Sntmaziul.

235

Remarks, Kishtwari, &e

shong. ntshkuli,

Luk tul.

eerecon

Thi.

Spt mah, rostud. H.

Sthémah.

Bukhspa.

Spicu.

Kan thil.

Khmiul choo.

Stergong.

Kami thécho.

Ché.

Tso.

Tsa.

Skeétpa.

Lukpipramo.

Kiulpikh.

Luk pir dong.

Sna mik.

tloah.

Lering.

Sketpah.

Hatasies, Drinkasies,

Kashmiri.

Jsoat.

Thein,

Balti.

Kiba.

Karpo marh,

stong tong,

niali.

sir ?

taloo.

tulwai.

pursa.

tussl.

pair ke noth,

zib.

HH.

choti.

sir.

mudz.

bint.

phurni.

Kishtwari,

Ais

nuni,

gunka,

236 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. [No. 4,

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Remarks, Kishtwari, &c.

Aderuk, Ginger. Ee

Cheese. Tsamun. Pruse. H.

Cocoanut. Kiupwr.

Durba.

Butter milk, Guiris. is fr. Go a cow

and Rus, juice.

Dinea. Dainwul. Oosu. H.

Eggs. Tool. Biepjhun. tool and H.

Fat. Churb. Tsil. meuz.

Fish. Gade. Nya. H. [thus.

Flour. Ort. Bukhphe(wheat) thris phé (grain)

Ghi. Ghiau. Marh. H.

Gour, Gore. Same. H.

Gum-arabic. RoW hee e fas ea ue eitmeeer ec Kurmachi.

Honey. Marnch. Z. Biangtsi. marchi.

Meat. Nate. Sha. mas. Punjabi.

Milk. Doad. Omah. Hi.

Longue (cloves). Rong. Avra. H.

Rice. Tomul. Bris H.

Salt. Nin. Pyyou. loon.

Sugar. Mishere, H. Kurrah H.

Tea. Chaie. cha. Hi.

Water. Ab P. choo. Kashmir.H.

Pepper (black). Kyvtin Maritz. Sneerma (kachitl) H.

Do. (red). Wuzldo. or waugun Sneerma. pipli

waritz. H.

Huldi. Jider. Yung. H.

Elachi Aler. Hler. H.

Zira. Zieur. Thule. H.

Saffron. Kong. Kir kim. H.

Sulphur. Den, Mazi. ELA:

Waneear), Dy eee : same as Hind. H.

BMMCOM OU 8 hoe pawn Chili mar. Hi.

Mace (dal hint"), fs. same. H.

EY CTCL PE matiliaes «Laem neta 5 aphine. aphoo

Peisonas Wea Ne cs Tak. Hi.

1866.]

English.

Kashmiri.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. 23

Balti.

(3)

Remarks, Kishtwari, &c,

Parts or A Hovuss, rts Furniture, &o. &o.

Basin.

Ghusal-khana.

Beam.

Bed.

Bell.

Bellows.

Blanket.

Bolster.

Cage,

Cradle.

Curtain.

Door.

Fan, Punka

Hinge.

House.

Jug.

Key.

Kniie..

bP]

Ladle.

Lamp, chirag.

wick,

clasp.

Lock.

Mat.

Spoon.

Paper.

Pestle & mortar.

Mortar.

Pestle for rice.

Mortar do.

Pestle worked

with the feet.

Pillar.

Plate.

Gunpowder.

Ligtn.

Seran kit

Konib.

Charpai.

Riinyé

Tsader.

Shondgon.

pingura.

munzul

purda

Bar

Wawtiz

Kieal.

Lirh, Nuns.

Nore.

Koonj.

Shrak.

oP)

Tsongh.

Sorth.

Kaluph.

Wiiggoo.

Kakid.

Kauj-

Kajwtt

Mohul

Kiunj.

Inder mohul.

Thim.

Ban. -

Shoré.

~ pich.

Bod chonch.

Karyul..

oe ere

pholoo.

none,

sameas Hind. kit. kat,

Zingul, Tripshil. H.

S. Bupa.

Karh.

is: Nis.

same as Hind.

Z. ZO.

Bianyep.

0200000

Linik.

Gri.

Zerbu

Skongba.

Tzimah.

Wigga.

Phrawitin.

Shok shok.

Tsmun.

dumni.

shirana.

phtngira.

doar. H.

none, «

mossul,

ookalt.

junder mogssul.

kauth,

RP:

238

English.

Quilt.

Roof.

Room.

Weighing-scales.

Sealing-wax,.

Sieve.

Ditto for chuck-

ing up grain.

Spoon.

Spout.

Stairs, Ladder.

Tray.

Veranda.

Wall.

Water jar.

Fork.

Window.

Well.

Baker.

Barber.

Blacksmith.

Boatman.

Carpenter.

Cowherd.

Fisherman.

Goldsmith.

Groom, syce.

Husbandman.

Labourer, cooley.

Merchant.

Milkman.

Milk woman.

Kashmiri. Balti.

Lehaf. likto.

eb es | :

Trikr Trikri.

ae’ VORGp ayeray 2 Cees

Pairam. Dundul.

Ship. phailo.

Whonch..gyigerae Gaulle Lane

INGEE IVF ic arin |: he eee

EDGES Re aN eee

PUN S ae ale Whe ia ctacta

Dalan. ae

DOS.” ei aec ne. ge eens -

Note. Bajho.

weiss - Kutse.

Dore | Fes ee ee

ordre.’ gee Tesco e ee

TRADES.

Kaseder: the fem. eases

is termed as in

Hind. kanderi.

Nawid. Takur.

kar. Garba.

Hanz. m. huznif-

Chan. shingkun.

Goor, Gopanroch.

iad laze Beh aly oa suet -

Sonur. serghr.

Chur badar. chirpon.

maztr. khtirpah.

Sodaghr. t Songpa.

Gour.

Gour Bai \ sar

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

(

[No. 4,

Remarks, Kishtwari, éc.

12.

Trukri.

chudi.

shiri.

pusara.

kanth.

none.

trakn P.

none.

Tel, (eg 12

Ghora ka tailia.

IBD eg le

15h,

none in Kishtwar

we. low

and disgraceful

tosell or weigh

out milk.

1866.]

Married man.

Married woman.

Orphan.

Widow.

Widower.

Woman.

», unmarried,

Bridegroom.

Bride,

Camel.

Ass,

none.

Vatim.

Mond.

Zenana.

eorcoo

khivr.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

239

Remarks, Kishtwart, ce.

chtra-phungi.

bedh,

gtiddi.

sochi. ~

Kunmug.

H. mashki,

aboti. .

kowara.

Bhi,(Pri maug) miitha.

do.

kiri.

none,

13h

_ English. Kashmirt. Balti.

Oil-maker. Til wain.

Meter. Wate. watidy f. cess

Painter. same as Hind.

Physician. boeuue Do.

Potter. kyal. Zimkir.

Shepherd. Pahil. Lukzi.

Shoemaker. Mich. th Limkin.

Tailor. Suitz. Heeltim.

jikardo.

Washerman. Dob. Chik chtk kin, H.

Gosneaktin.

eee) acer Chitpah,

SUA ES SRS 3 Gear eoterrgre Hasari.

ALES Ge i eS & Sea eene Mon.

MANKIND.

Bachelor. JS) C0) mer}: Satie tse att ety. 22)

Boy. netchit.

Child. shard. Sct

Dwarf. Tsot. Chit.

Gurl: Koor. Bhiimo.

Infant. Mausmahitn. Tstintse.

Man. Maneo. Mee.

Maid. Unhurish koor.

same as Hind. shonda.

Todtse.

Dokpo.

Phoriung.

Bistring.

Phoriang.

Bokhpo.*

Bokhmo,

ANIMALS.

Snango.

Bormboo.

Rand.

none.

marai and lara,

Lari.

khota.

240 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. _ [No. 4,

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Remarks, Kishtwari, &e.

Mule. kuchil. H.

Baboon or edi : :

ey ; pag ecu ae iL

Bat. Rat kreel, t Senbiu. cham chirik.

Bear. Harpet. Drengmo. | oc

Buffalo. Mansh. Mahi. H.

Bull. Dund. H.

Cat. Bréref, Brore. m. Billa. bilari.

Cow. Gau. Balang—Bhang

(iskar.) H.

Deer (barking).

Dog. Hun. khi H. shina.

Elephant. Host. Thlang pocko. H.

Fox. H.

Goat. Tsawulm. m. Tsa- Rah, (young) r- tseli.

witch f. eu,

Hare. H.

Pig. Saur. H.

Horse. Gur. s Tah. H.

Rat. Guggor. Bitia. mosha.

Sheep. Hond, kat. m. Forong (mas.) H.

Gobe. f- La, (fem.)

Otter. gho,

Marmot. Phia. H.

Cali. boo. Boo.

Ibex, kheyl. skieu.

Brups.

Crane.

Crow. Kaw. Bérakh. H.

Chikor. Pret bd eeepc : chukkra,

Dove. bien Gig itd

Duck. Buttuck. same as in Hin-

dustani. H.

Eagle. saans biendokh. gidz.

Hawk.

Heron.

1866.]

English.

Kite.

Minah.

Moorgha.

Monrehi \ fowl.

Owl.

Paddy-bird.

Parrot.

Partridge.

Pigeon.

Quail.

Snipe.

Red Teal,

Sparrow.

Chikor.

Magpie.

Ant.

Bee, swarm.

Bug.

Butterfly.

Caterpillar.

Centipede.

Karwig.

Firefly.

Flea.

Fly.

Frog.

Grasshopper.

Hornet.

Leech.

Lizard.

Mosquitoe.

Scorpion.

Snake.

Silk-worm.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

Kashmiri, Balti.

Gant.

CEMA r aa anne 0! qe!) Sica :

Kokir. Beapo

Kokr.

Rat mogul. Tsunbiu.

PIGS SCE ale

Kotr. Phirgon

Batur.

Harowitch.

Kanter (7) disatife ( eveuns

Strukpah.

Kiushitip.

Insects anp Reprines— &o.

Reh.

Mashovirers:- 97) a ae.

eamlve pints ae ae

Zuting. BoOreb

Pish.

mutch.

Did.

eosseo

Titer.

Predicrar mamas: Ov 2 puke

Moitch.

Bich.

Surf gonda—ginis,

Potkiom.

241

Remarks, Kishtwart, é&c,

131,

shia.

altim.

bibli.

gun,

tsur.

papri.

liri.

shéutwal.

bourh.

Dioli.

prishi.

mandoo.

tit:

jok.

Hiluli.

242 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

Linglish.

3, chrysalis.

sy) auoth.

» eggs of.

Spider.

Tadpole.

Tick.

Worm.

Bumble-bee.

Snail.

Apricot.

Apple.

Almond.

Grape.

Aniseed.

Bran.

Balti.

Kashnurt.

Potguti or guch.

Pomper.

Biole, lit. seed

Dis >

Zuller garh.

Watil Gad.

Chichiri.

kiom.

Bimber.

kaingao.

FRUITS AND GRAIN.

Chili.

Kishi

tserer. ©

Tsoont.

Badum.

Ditch.

Kush. Base

Cherry (white.) Glas.

Do.(blackheart.) Otchi.

Barley.

Greengage.

Hazel nut.

Indian corn.

Limes.

Linseed.

Melon (water.)

Mulberry.

Pear,

Plumb.

Peach.

Poppy seed.

Quince.

Rice.

Do. (husked.)

Do. (hboiled.)

Washke. nus

Hire.

Vivien.

Miukoi.

ecccee

overeat Pe i etexeleeie:

Plendayuais.) Wo Wi ay ses

Tat. ose

Ting.

Ash otche.

Tst. oseeee

Bim. 5 aoa

Bim.

Dhan.

Dorn.) 62 (> Aaah ene

Bhatiir (buttoo). 5037

dakh.

[No. 4,

Remarks, Kishtwart, &e.

. 7

Kandi & shodh

oormuinieor,

Kuki,

Hi.

ali tung,

rinia

1866.]

English. Kashmiri.

Do. (chaff of.) Toh.

Walnut. Dine.

Water Lily.

Hg Lotus. i Pom Posh.

Eatable seeds

GE ditto. } Pom lokr.

Root of ditto. Nudr.

Wheat. kimikh.

23 pyramidal i Tromber

shaped grain. ;

Singara nut. Gayr.

LESS. A SU aan a laliaarae e

thetseed of do, + || esses

the pod of do. s6eco0

tecen (dye.) 6 esac

a purple pum- i

Slorany Gulisi(t a9 5555 r

Melon (sweet.) kirbooz.

Strawberry. ingeroche.

Morelle, a kind

oftoad-stool. kundgdtch.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

243

Naturat Opsects, PHENOMENA.

G LARU TT EO) A eens es

Bank of a river. Bhiut.

Bog. Numbul.

Brook. Khol, Ara,

Cave. Gop.

Cliff. Chumb.

Comet. Lét dhar tarook.

Dale or valley. Nai.

Forest. Wan

Fissure in ice. Hoi.

Glacier. Ginj, Tilkutr.

Baltt. Remarks, Kishtwort, &c.

S000 Shod.,

stargah. achole.

S0g00t none.

dooo08 none.

kro. Ee

300000 Dran

500036 none

pokstrun. Krao

strunma. Ee

isganboo.

tsuit. H.

Gangpoondar.

ooddce oorwali.

Chisna.

r Yamtso (tsun- gud

tsé) little.

ocos00 gal.

Ue delete mutti Kurwali.

skarmah-zhuk-

ring, (behind

long.)

Bae nali.

Bow. Hind, H.

sezg’'ah.

Ganse-Gang. sorh.,

244 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

English.

Hill, mountain. Bal

Kashmiri.

Island.

Lake.

Moon.

Do. new.

Pass.

Spring.

Star.

Sun.

Stone.

Tree

Wind.

Wood.

Quicksand.

Air

Water fall.

Rain.

Cloud.

Dawn.

Dew.

Eclipse.

Fire.

Flame.

Fog.

Frost.

Hail.

Ice.

Taghtning.

Rain.

dhaim.

Sur.

Zin.

tsiinder.

Gul.

Nag.

tarook.

Aktab, Doh.

Koin.

Kil.

Wao-push.

Zieune.

Wan.

pausader.

nai (in Wurdwan).

Oboor.

Laué.

Granmiut.

Tingl-nar.

Reh.

soor dog.

Doat.

Yukh.

Woozmul.

Rood.

[No. 4,

Balti. Remarks Kishtwort, &c.

Rhi, peak high,

dong-tonmur.

rhi, Peak low.

tok.

Tso H.

T. Sok. H

La-Luggo. gulli.

chi mikh. nag.

skurmah. H.

doh kool, rising. Dise.

doh loos-nima,

setting.

r doah. gorh

stele niet bith

Klung. bath

shing. tsoria.

Bia tsup.

isleetsts chonkar.

Chipiar.

thl Tong. city.

Minpah (nun H.

mah.)

mteds rot biani gya

an0056 treli.

Ras. H

meh. 3y H

Baugnho. kukr.

Zerburuse, Zer-

buroze. hushn.

Ganse. sorh.

Trut, that that

strikes—Bruk tsurk.

Numker (out

falls). rodh,

1866.] .

English.

Rainbow.

Rainy season.

Smoke.

Snow.

Thunder.

Avalanche.

Ashes.

Water.

River.

Heavens.

Earth (quake).

Valley.

Chaugau.

a mat roof.

Arch.

Boat.

Brick.

Do. kiln.

Bridge.

Custom-house.

Ferry.

Fort (Bastion.)

Ghaut.

Granary

»» Of bees,

House.

Tool.

Lime kiln.

Mine.

Embankment.

A necessary.

Road.

Shop.

Village.

A Vocabulary of English, Dalit, and Kashmiree.

Kashmiri.

Ram Ram Bhin.

soor,

eeoree

nau-Diunga.

seer.

kudl.

guzurwan jagati.

kurnau.

killee.

yarbul.

koot.

maush gin.

Lurhi, ntns.

Cop.

245

Balti. Remarks, Kishtwari, &c.

Tser. Ram Dhun.

Tutpah. Dhim.

Kah. shin and Him.

Bosut. gulkutha.

Rit. Himan.

nana bool.

choo, & HH.

~»

r Yamtso. H.

khnum. ambur.

Tseh—tsa-gul.

Loombah Brok.

Shagrun.

Eclat none.

Bahtz—naiyo. none.

bakboo. H.

Maa awur

Zamba H.

Lampa H.

ish H.

khurh Piu. H.

ema H.

Deense

sonna0 gun.

nang. H

scoued putti

same as Deu,

cave.

fr. Bal-Saus.—

lam qa Bath.

sneer hutti P.

jong. H.

246 = A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. No. 4,

English. Kashmiri. Baltt. Remarks, Kishtwart, éc.

Wall. Dos. angun.

Flagstaff. Alum.

Rope Bridge. zampa. chig zung. kherh.

Coors.

Black. krahtn. Napo. EL

Bue. = TR eels saunpo. ie

Brown. Toos. khodrtng. H.

Sichtybrown. pebadami, ee mid o! isaccn H.

Green. Zunger. tse rung. H.

Red. Wual. Mapo. H.

White. Chut. Karpo. H.

Merats, We.

ironman chiks. Hi.

Brass. Sartal. Bremarus. H.

Gold: “sad “Yin ser. H.

Silvers (ah eRe ree ccts khmul. H.

epper nw ykecces zangz. H.

Bismutit., oy AR schae Tsullé.

Bronze.

ln peer cape Sm aye citer ‘ none.

Lead, nneor moordo. yarsoo,

VEGETABLES We.

Root. Moule es 4 ht a ete eetes Zil.

Leaf. : 2c en Sa es er H.

Fruit. Raewut. aii eo maerest H.

Bark. SABC 3! vibdulnelapenbeD shiker.

Blossom. OSU cs iatbee ye Nh han) eect H.

Beans.

Brinjal,

Cabbage, rum, “agen ocr kurm.

Chillies. murvitch wangtim, = ,,.... pipli.

Cucomber, 9 > = ane Fine ; 600000 H.

Fern.

Garlic.

Gourd, kasheri alér.

1866.]

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

English. Kashmirz. Balti.

Sli, i nee

Mushroom. Hendor.

Mustard. Tilgogul-Stinzer, = caasee

Onion. perau. Tsong

Peas. kurrer.

Radish. Miuji. eae

Tomata. Oor wangtn.

Turnip. Gogagi.

Kuddoo. Alér.

Baugun. WWrariccins SMG ee

DIsEAsEs.

Abscess or Boil. Phepher. mendok.

Ague. S60 durboo.

Cholera. tupaile. chis.

Cough. tzas. coughz.

Dysentery. Duster. chis.

Fever. Zal. tap.

CPUC Gao a aa ES a5

Hiccough. Hikh. oph.

isaiiyes 7 less skaumet.

Ttch, itching. kushun. kuoh.

Leprosy. Soci shipiri.

Freckles. Wigenied ce 2 aia

ibemmatism.< 9 aw ekte kling.

Small Pox. Shitul,

Be G@nemarkvouitul ok. Of.) cose

Vomiting. kai. Sun ma net.

Er oe a Sane

Bieri eS a makha

Feasts, dc.

after 90 days.

Nao roj.

till 90 days.

r Bier hin kin.

the next 90 days. assit.

ee |...

mezau.

247

Remarks, Kishtwari, &c.

none.

shtria.

tukm.

buthé.

phimi.

sheeth.

daki see voml.

khung.

tao.

rogh.

hiki.

tsul.

kashan.

jogun.

dak.

mushwu.

is at it highest about this

a Ist Augt. River Indus

time.

248

English.

Adze.

Anvil.

Axe.

Basket.

Comb.

File.

Saw.

Harrow.

Hoe.

Hone.

Knife.

Ladder.

Loom.

Mould.

Needle.

Oil Press.

Pincers,

Plough.

Razor.

Scissors.

Scabbard.

Drauti.

Spade.

Thimble.

Umbrella.

Wedge.

Yoke.

Oar.

Rope.

Flute.

Sickle. k

Kashmiri.

Balti. Remarks, Kishtwari, éc.

Toots, ImpLements, &c.

Tor.

Yérun.

mukkwuz.

Stew.

Twa.

Tsére.

Phote and puthdtr. kari.

kingain,for women. ktingo, for men.

Pharowar.

Littler.

Shrak.

Hare.

Dhor.

kalib.

Sttz stin.

Lilwein tsok.

Shirtinj.

hulbain.

khore.

mekraz, dukore.

kati.

Drought.

Liwtn.

nyit.

Tapdan.

nal.

arah.

Tawit.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashiniree.

dah.

gunderi.

pull.

kuddi.

kulboot.

sunhau.

kolu.

utser.

Go brokti gri, lit. chore.

head shaving

knife,

Dugar.

shtip.

Zorbah.

Tsen shtip.

Nien tztine.

Thikpa.

piathling.

dukhri.

Dranti.

Bungori.

chutri.

putti.

jun.

none.

Raz.

bensri.

1866.]

English. Kashmirt.

Hammer. Dokker.

Wintand steel: = isso

2 LDR eee

Bellows. spahes

CE LL eee

spoon used by

sonars.

aii OF skins. -. sesces

Meee SCISGOTS |) ki. .0e

used by sonars.

Drill (Balti). scoot

Khilta, a basket scone

earied on back.

Miexropes Of dG. = oases

LL) 21

Rake. seeece

A thrashing spot khal.

for the bul-

locks to walk

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. * 249

Balti. Remarks, Kishtwari, &c.

hathora,

ranka.

Tukchoong.

chimuk.

Tsulbah. angar.

Zwtpah.

Liskonsh.

Ziikhse.

Angutze.

Tsoras girri.

chirong. khara.

thukpah. gayx kutcha.,

Sunah. H.

Brashing.

kieule. khul.

round.

Pheipole in the = ns seen kieule shing.

centre of.

ee SC... Horhdo. eae

APPAREL, ORNAMENTS, We.

Bracelet. kor, kingtn.

ee wn Nuting, Pen Taki

Sar NS oe aoe Gonmo. i.

SLOG sh oe Lukshoop. H

meolcereuict: lathe dudj. .- saver 5 ER

Ring. Warj. surtip. H.

Churi (smail Binger. odt H

bracelet.)

The long Kash- Phérun.

” mir coat, both

men’s and

women’s,

250 * A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. No. 4,

English.

The long sleeves

to the women’s

coats.

Embroidered cap.

The red head-

band worn by

the women.

A stone with in-

scription worn

round the neck

for grief on

the departure

of a friend.

The chain orna-

ment from the

centre of fore-

head to the

ears.

Earring.

Ladak shoes.

Ornament worn

on the should-

ers by the

Brokpah wo-

men.

Broach.

January.

February.

March.

April.

May.

June.

July.

August.

September.

Kashmiri. Balti. Remarks, Kishtwart, de.

koraba.

Orukh chin.

kasaba.

Hill, dale.

Damin,

Uaaee's Mushuk, ptibboo.

imanks Mellong.

naug chiingo.

Tue Monrus.

sue Matum.

1866.] A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. 251

English. Kashmiri. Baltt, Remarks, Kishtwari, ée

October.

November.

December.

Days or THE WEEK.

Sunday. Atwar. Adi. Ayth.

Monday. Sonderwar. Tsundral. Asunder,.

Tuesday. Baunwar. angaru. Manguli.

Wednesday. Bodwar. Bodi. Bodi.

Thursday. Breswar. Bresput. Brébut.

Friday. Juma. Shigirt. Shiker.

Saturday. Butwar. Shinshér. Stncher.

Drvistons or Time.

English. Kashnuirz, Kishtwart. Baltv.

Afternoon.

Day. Doh. Di. Chik-Zak.

Daybreak. buraotera, Nimasher (sunrise.)

To-day. adj. az. Dring .°1"5"

To-morrow. pugga. kale. Haské giukpa.

Day after morrow. koilket. treusé. Snitng.

SoA oY ecg LL LY sehen atses.

Yesterday. yown. hid.

Day before yester- autera. hoterm.

day.

Evening. koftin. bialé. Sham.

Midday. pishun. H. pishine.

Midnight. adhi rat. adhratha, Stinpet.

Moment. jal Same as Hind.

Morning. Subhtn. otera. Gitikspa, giokhpat.

Night. rat. H. same as Hind. tstin.

Week. ath-di, ab Dhum.

Year. weri, buri. Lokhor.

16 days. putch.

10 o’clock a. M. Muea thuse.

Month. H. Za.

3rd day in ad- tsoté.

- vance.

252

English.

Abuse.

Account.

Act.

Affair.

Animal.

Ball.

Beak, bill.

Bit.

Border.

Breakfast.

Bridle.

Bundle.

Burden.

Suying & selling.

Change.

Coffin.

Cost-price.

Ear of corn.

Kernel.

Pod.

Seed.

Sheaf.

A well for grain.

Point.

Thorn.

Wood.

Marriage.

Thief.

Wages.

Depth.

Dinner.

Dust.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

Kashmiri. Balti.

Miscettanrous Nouns.

Leker. kh Mun mo.

hisab. Same as Hind.

kar.

Jandwar. Beil song.

Giile. polo.

Tonth. ktmchit.

Strip.

kinare. tangna.

Nihére, koj.

Laktim. Gothir.

Guth ther. Biaskia.

Bore. kar.

Hyin to kinnin.

Soink.

Sabood. chirgos.

Mol. Tsim.

kunuk kihal.

Goji. r. Tsoo.

Hembé. H.

Biole.

Loize.

Gios, pi, zan.

the large, chib,

[No. 4,

Kishtwari, Remarks, dc.

sitsi. léker,

Bt at el

kundét.

kutawar.

bichka.

biaje.

Sila.

of walnut, Magri ;

of apricut, gali. -

Shimi.

the small, kisha.

300 deets.

pieut Tsonse.

konde. kanto.

Ziewin. tsori.

Niétr. Hi.

Tsoor. H.

Manjib. chimain.

Sone. gath.

khytin. H.

Litz. gutta.

Tsook.

Tsing, shing.

Bakstin. -

kierkin.

Niakhta.

Khomboo. _

Gon phini zan.

1, Dum 1, dum,

1866.] A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. 253

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Kishtwari, Remarks, &e.

Dung made up Loor. Not made into shlung.

into cakes for balls.

burning.

Edge of sword. Dar. EE Kussers.

Back of do. H. Tukspar.

Excrement. Gis. H. -

Filth. Mul. ele

Garland. Mal. H. turmah.

Height. Tuzzer. kurwali. tonmoh,

Hem. Pujirtn. gera, tulli,

Lie. Apas. H. ZONS.

Life. Zi. H. strok,

Light. Gash. prugra. sang.

Name. Nas. Jal ming.

Necklace. hutephit. The long kind, phulloo,

treminian.

Neighbour. Humsai. gowandi. Hind.

Lodger, a lier Wangij. buswala,

in a house.

Noise. Krék. H. Skut.

Plank. Pitchi. pukher.

Purse, or small

bag. Sozheure, basni.

Large bag. Gotz. H.

Rust. Khai. ET: khyar.

Scent (bad). Phak. H. Sri.

Shade Shinl. tun Dowar. junphuk,

Shell (bivalve). Kaw shup.

Snail. garéli.

Snuff. Nast. H. Naswars (Hind.).

Song. Giouwan. H. (thlieu.) by women, heure

wunenstn. Kash,

Span, Pau. grit. chibjhie kruksum,

Square. Ssokanjul.

Stick. Lour. dhési.

Summit, tén toll. H.

Tail. Lote. lénhun, zhin doh,

254

English.

Thread.

Double.

Torch of pine

wood.

Width.

Yolk of an egg.

Luncheon.

Saddle.

Stirrup.

Whip.

Martingale.

Galél.

Bow..

Arrow.

Grave.

Tree.

Bokine.

Rose.

Walnut.

Poplar.

Apricot.

Birch.

Pinus longifolia.

Horse chesnut.

Elm.

Willow.

Plane.

Pear.

Apple.

Mulberry.

Almond.

Cherry (white

hard.)

Pomegranate.

Vine.

‘A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

Kashmiri.

Pau.

Dow.

Lisha.

Khol, ktdjéra.

Zin, Korgieu.

[No. 4,

Namus or Tress, &.

Kal & Kidge.

Drék.

Dhinkil.

Pristh kil.

Tsér kil.

Boorjé kal.

Khyer.

Wun dhin.

Bren.

Wheer.

Booin.

Tang kul and

nak kil,

Tsoont kidge.

Tal kil.

Badtim kul.

Glass kul.

Dharn kul.

Dutchiranth.

Balti. Kishtwari, Remarks, déc.

Daga. skut puh.

Bute da daga.

Liushi

billi. phulchtn.

Nuldia. marpo, lit. yellow.

590200 fri zn.

Kati H izgah.

H. Epchin.

Korara Thar.

s0000¢ Blantuk.

H. Liaug gong.

H. Dhaon Zhi

13k Dah.

900006 Muzer.

meudok H.

600606 H

1866.] A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. 255

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Kishtwari, Remarks,d&e.

MisceLLannous ADJECTIVES.

23734 i ree Kure.

Aged, Pirone. H. Sningmah,

Alone. Kinezun. lak

Angry. Tsak. nosh. Kaunse.

Bad. yetch. kutcha. shishik.,

Best. Saré kote jan. _roli.

Big. Bod. H. Chogo.

Bitter. Tieut. ambul.

Black. Krihtn. H.

Blind. one. H. ‘* Kone,” blind of

one eye, gserbah,

Blue. meul. ale

Blunt. monde. moger

Cheap. Log. H. Hintse.

Clean. Jai, H. same as Hind.

kirpo,

Cold. tirn. H.

Crazy. matumut.

Cross.

Dark. Airogiito. andero.

Deaf. Zor. zerro. Ghit.

Dear. Drog. H. Inotpo.

Dear. Fort. nayr.

Deep. SMC a ia NET eae sees Ghilong.

Dirty. milin. H. Trima,

Dizzy. Gietr. géra,

Dry. Hok. A BCboe H.

Dumb. Kot. abeoue hitter.

Hasy. SLT AP a cae aaa ean nee H.

Empty. ROM Oe cae dclase binghi,

Every. Brest yi fi wiataies H.

Deh. 9) Ce ore Ey.

Few. VATS Orr H

Fine (likeflour.) Zaiwtl, tates P.

Firm. ie aig reece Ps

Fit.

256 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree. [No. 4,

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Kishtwart, Remarks,cke,

lateiay oe: "RARER : “ Pudri” in hills

near Kishtwa.

Good. DEN-Warle | |) se. Loevece rola.

Hard. Durhs Gage ee eaecees 12

Heavy. Gob. Cho. H.

High. Jodh. Thuinmo.

Lame. Longue. es tonta,

Last. Poth. 5) SUR seas putta.

MGR He ee, Po ee vss EMME Voor tidha.

Lazy. Shits...) 95s Mie eases hul, hak.

Lean. Dairy) ie MRR recat H.

Least. Saré kot lokut.

Leit. hows) eu GRR eee H.

Light. Gash.

Light(in weight.) Lit. Yamo. lok,

Long. Zieut. ringmo. H.

Loose. Dia Wie Sei cess H.

Low. Kumih tode. lit. little high. ur.

Many. Butta. + | Beavers. 3 Ey.

Moist. Odersal os «eee! aderi.

Near. Nizeek. né more. iP.

New. INO! QAR) co Re a : H. nawé P.

Next.

Old. PULA. = | MEM acres." Hi.

Pave. Shitz, When water is_nirbel.

very pure.

nitlolusha;

Rapid, quick. Tikan. 200

Raw. PATINA oF AEN 8s H.

Red. AVY ici als Pecks. a, 3 ote H.

cnt (hand)\eeDutchen, sede oo... Hi.

Right. OZ) | US eS ca H.

Same. ATAU cee oe ose ae I.

Short. MS ot wits tt ieee H.

Slow. Mit Si ee) ae A loké,

Sly. Pe en wh, Nero “ Hi.

Small, Lokit, Tsintse. 18h

1866.]

English.

Sour.

Stiff.

Stagnant.

Sweet.

Tall.

Steep.

Near.

Thick.

Thin.

Warm.

Weary.

Wet.

White.

Wise.

Handsome.

Ugly.

Broad.

Enough (bus.)

Far.

With.

They.

To me.

Hot like pepper.

A Vocabulary of English, Baltc, and Kashmiree, 257

Kashmiri. Balti. Kishtwari, Remarks, &c,

ISO ts 'alea's Jal

Dts io) 2 ose EP,

Heunir.

Mieut, modur, aie eae H.

Zieul.

Skcoos aig pl aeeen ns ‘ kurwali,

SROSEO nemore.

NTU Aes Miia ev) ee cian thoola.

Thow, zaical.

Gauemey i 1 aR sees 2 Tutta P.

Loos. Kit. hulpak.

COSI oo a AMER: Fer Puma ES aderi.

Chobe es) ait seis’. Chiter P.

Dean ek. ten ROR tes H. Siaua.

atie Gisha rola.

sccoce Shishik. astingo.

soccee phulpo.

Apiaoe Tstt. H.

eicicainis taring. H.

sawasne chak. H

sence i like in Persian.

deere eyna.

Seiies.a Tay

muuz bing.

ge sees na muru, skil.» H.

ceobd tok tu. purh,

Goma..

Re cciess Gomba. ordi.

ba. nga. aon.

cocere . kiang. tui.

Sear : lo. uh,

Seco Hanay ated te mags eta aon.

coveee yang. tu,

menusé, Kong, éong. uh.

-onoee sicisis Tutta,

258 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiree.

English. Kashmiri. Balti. Kishtwari, Remarks,éc.

Who. kous.

Mine. miown.

Up hill ascent. kisstin.

Down hill de- wiisstin.

scent.

Mine, of me. — maini-maino.

Yours, of you. tuni.

To me. mi.

From me. aonda.

VERBS.

English. Kashmiri. Balti.

Come. Infin. wulsé ong.

Go. gutz. tsong.

Bring. au. khiong.

Take away. heth gitz. kerh.

Take hold. nutheu. ching.

Give. diss. min.

Getaway. UbGeere : loksa song.

Speak. dépeo zerh.

Put. thao yok (hard).

Make. a biose.

WVARO ey eh) aS os ches trut.

Sew. AbOdC trip.

tziin set. leg gia.

ines iol aie scare tong.

NumERALs.

English. Balti. Kashmirt. Ladaki.

a) chick. ak.

2 nis. zi.

3 jsum, tré.

4 pijhi. tsore.

5 ghna, panse. ABboon Ina.

6 = jrak. she.

7 abdhin. sat.

8 ab ghiet. ought.

9 1 goo. nau,

1866.]

English.

S20

100

1060

1st.

2nd,

3rd.

4th.

Father.

Mother.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmire.

Kashmiri.

chu.

chaschick.

chinus.

chiksim.

chigyie.

chiga.

chirik.

chakdin.

chughiet.

churgoo.

nishoo.

nishoo chick.

nishoo nis.

nishoo T'sum.

&e.

ossee0

o8ece0

oc esca

ocsse0

nishoo nis.

ghabcha.

nishoo tsum.

abdum choo.

nichoo jhi.

x goop chu.

abgya.

stonchick.

gopa.

gopi shal.

skilpa.

jhupa.

Atah.

Aoigo.

Balt.

dah.

kah.

bah.

‘tréwah.

tsodah.

pandah.

shorah.

satdah.

ardah.

kanwuh.

wih.

ak wah.

zu towuk.

tro wuh.

tso wuh.,

poon tse.

shé wuh.

sata wuh.

ato wuh,

kino tru.

tru.

tso wuh.

pausa.

sheéth.

hath.

Sas.

godmieuk.

do yum.

tré yum.

tsu yum,

RELATIONSHIP.

Bab-maul.

mauj.

259

Remarks, Kishtwart, &c.

Bab.

Mali.

260 A

English.

Brother.

Sister.

Grandfather.

Grandmother.

Great grand-

father.

Great grand-

mother.

Uncle, father’s

Aunt, side.

Uncle, I mother’sMomo.

Aunt, side.

Cousin, father’s

side.

Cousin, mother’s

side.

Brother-in-law.

Sister-in-law.

Daughter.

Son.

Hindustani,

Adim.

Awyrat.

Lurka.

Lurki.

Ghorah.

Bukerie.

Gudda.

Bungala.

Pahar.

Kishtee.

Pani.

Ag.

Burfi.

Tunda.

Guim.

Kashmiri. Balto.

Ming mo. Boy.

String mo. Bhényé.

Apo. Bod bab.

Api. nain.

Nespo. :

Assi.

Atah tsiinsté. _pitr.

Ango tsinst®. pope.

mama.

Nene, mos

English.

man.

woman,

boy.

gil.

horse.

goat.

donkey.

ditto.

mountain.

boat.

water-

fire.

snow.

cold.

hot.

Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri.

[No. 4,

Kishtwari, Remarks, &c.

Hi:

Purdada.

Masi H,

Kuri,

Mutter.

Kashmiri,

mauneo.

zenanah,.

netchu.

koor.

goorh.

tsawitch,

kher.

lerh, nuno.

koh.

nao.

tresh.

tongue.

sheen,

tur.

gurm.

1366.]

Hindustani.

Hawa.

Menth.

Durwaza.

Khana.

Mukkun.

Dud.

Lukerie.

Gosht.

Sir.

Ankh,

Nakh.

Mou.

Jebh.

Dant.

Hath.

Gulla.

Honth.

Bal.

Murghi.

Undea.

Miseri.

Ata.

Choul,

Bhat.

Lussi.

Guncher.

Burton.

Chit.

Derkhut.

Bhains.

Poule.

Rasta.

Puttur.

Toro.

Samuk.

English.

wind.

rain.

door.

food.

butter.

milk.

wood.

meat.

head.

eye.

nose.

mouth.

tongue.

tooth.

hand.

rice.

rice, boiled.

butter milk.

name of a fruit growing

on the Burhan hill.

dishes.

rool,

tree.

buffaloe.

bridge.

road.

stones on a road.

break.

snail.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri,

Kashmir.

was, push,

rood.

birh.

kytn.

thein.

doud.

dtzun.

marz.

kulla.

outch,

nust.

bhut

zean.

daud.

hathé.

hoth.

wooth.

must.

kokr,

tool.

mishere,

ought.

tomul.

buttoo.

gurus.

ban.

wuggoo.

kul and kadge.

marsh.

kuddle.

wath,

kyém.

vamun.

kaingao,

261

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri.

262 [No. 4,

Hindustan. English. Kashmiri.

Tokri. basket. puthur.

Phil. flower. posh.

Atcha. good. jan wari.

Karab. bad. weh.

Mota. fat. orqut.

Putla. thin, thin zaiwul.

Kutta. — sour. tsak.

Chota. small. lokut.

Burra. large. boddur.

Ghaira. deep sun.

Wteralchirak. 9 (hyiy sees wusstn, kussun.

Lal. red. wuzl.

Kala. black. kzoohum.

Sufed. white chuth.

Subz. green subz.

Nila. blue niewl.

Tang. narrow. tzoom.

Upur. above. nure.

Nechi. below. bhim.

Names or Trezs.

Chir. Khyer.

Horse Chesnut. Wun dhun.

Um. Bren.

Strawberry. ingeroche.

ba chusus laiyun.

ba sa qutzo.

ba sa chus.

kous sa chus-

wulza ! tikdus.

kyasa kom ché?

tzor rupelya wusme.

menus é chemina.

meown pyala anso.

anso! tikan,

antisa ?

hum marté hyn,

hum jaté hyn.

hum hy.

kon hy ?

juldi ou !

kya kam hy?

chahor rupeya uda do,

hum ko nahin hy.

humara pyala

lao! juldi.

laya hy ?

lao.

= °

1866.] <A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri. 263

cha dissa tikau.

Hitso.

Thrésh chéso.

myoun kat bozen.

kya suza.

wuizo.

. dupsa.

bé diesah.

eu dissah,

bé ne sa chuna.

Pani menh barasta.

barasa.

barasenge.

marna.

marta.

mara.

marenge.

maro.

jana.

jata.

gya.

jaenga.

jao.

bolo.

bolta.

bola.

bolénga.

rukho.

rukhta.

rukha,

rukhéngi,

barasna Im.

cha do juldi.

1é lo.

Pani peeo.

humara bat sunno.

whas faule.

utao.

bolo.

aur do.

idher do.

aur nahin hy.

rood walan.

———

», walen.

» pugga walén.

yen Wall

loyun.

am loynum.,

pussa laye.

layus.

(ee ee

giissun.

gao.

pugsa gutza.

gutz.

wanus.

Wwanan.

wonum,

wunnus.

thas.

tawun.

thawum,

thanwa.

eo co co & Od)

Go bo

isu)

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri.

Hindustani.

. Kit na beehta seb?

. Ab tum kahan se ata hy ?

. Hum Kashmere se ata hy.

. Us killa men kya hy ?

. Ab kahan jate ho?

. Kurra raho, seb dekhlo.

. Yih sub krab hogya.

. Hum denge rupee 100.

. Tumara nam kya hy?

. Idher ou.

. Wahan jao.

2. Wahan do.

3. Humko bosa do.

. Under lao juldi gaong se.

. Hum léaungen.

. Is gaongmen, gosht milta hy.

7. Kitna dam hy ?

8. Tum hy burra jut wallah.

. Hum itna dam nahin dengén.

20. Kuffer mut jao.

. Dhoop bahoot gurm hy.

2. Hum bolta thoré.

. Ab hum sikta hyn.

. Ag jalao, cha banao.

ES %e

5. Kitna dur hy Srinugger ?

. Kishti kyncho juldi.

. Isturf kuch shikar ?

8. Purdah utaio.

. Wuh pind kya nam hy ?

. Yih pergunnah kya nam hy?

Us pind men kitna ghar hy ?

. Dereow ke par.

. Rusta atcha hy ki nahin ?

Us pahar tuluk rusta chunga

hy?

. Us se lé lo lui.

[No. 4,

Kashmiri.

Kutz kan auzu isoout ?

Whin zu kate pet ak?

Ba Kashere peta 4s.

That Viltatus audur kyachu?

Whim kotzu gutzuk ?

Wuddeni roj tsoont hao.

Yhim sara yeteh qyee.

Bah demai rupee hath.

Cheun naow kya chu ?

Yuree wul.

Hoar gutz. Pronounced after Yoar.

Hoar wullo.

Moein dunzé,

Tool an, tikan gamen.

Bah aney.

Yet gamus munz marz ché mélen.

Kot or kota mol chi?

Tzu chulx bod assas zor.

Ba eut mol demai née,

Kuffur ma gutz.

Tap jutta gurum chu.

Ba chus koshere bolen bumanni.

Whim ba koshere hes chir chus.

Nar zaloo chaé karo.

Kota chu dur bod sher ?

Nas pukno tikan.

Yet kin kya shikar ?

Purdah tulso.

Wuth gamus kya chu na?

Yet pergunnus kya chu na?

Wuth gamus kutz muns che ?

Dereon apar.

Wuth che jan ki nah?

Kohus tul wath cha jan ?

Um, is nishe he tsader.

1866.]

36.

37.

. Us ko do 3 pice.

. Wuh admi aur nahin milenga.

Hum kul nishan ko jaengén.

Tum kul gya nishan ko.

. Stand is jugah per rukho.

. Sidha nahin hy.

. Zara is taruf, zara us taruf,

. Ab atcha ho gya.

. Us turuf jas dekho ke nishan

nuzr ata ke nahin.

. Is dereon men bahut pani hy,

kahan us par lungégen.

. Kitna chaul baki hy ?

. Annah ko kitna déta,

. Isa juth muth mut kaho.

. “ Jemal me” ath seer tomol

mila.

. Wuh sirf 8 sir mila.

. Wuh admi kyun rota hy?

2. Kissé shuks ne uské lui lé gya.

. Yih lukerie bigi nay julta.

. Yih lukerie sukhi julta.

5. Is ghar khub btna hia.

. Das burus hua.

sadak ko gya, aur wahan mar

dala tha.

. Hum log Kashmir se aya

12 din.

. Deres lung jata hum log ko.

. Kanah pukka hy, ki nahin ?

. Khana kahega,

. Burtun lejao.

. Humara pyala lé yya.

. Hum wahan jaengén.

. Tum atcha hy.

A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri. 265

Ba gutzo pugga nishames pet.

Zu yo gya nishames pet.

Hum is di tré pice.

Humus mauneo méleu né be.

Yeth jae pet mau stand.

Seud chu né.

Yeth kun béhun yé porkun be hun.

Whin go jan.

Hutut gutz wutch nishan chenuze-

rey 1 kin nay.

Yeth dereowus muns setta 4b chus

kut kin terow Apor.

Kota chu bé tomul ?

Kut di kaumes.

Yeutn apas mapas mé wun.

Jemal nur ath seer tomul meulis,

Fakut mélis tré dir.

Ho mauneo kya zt wuddan ?

Kumtain shuks umsams nee yé

tsadur.

Zun che odor duzan chu neu.

Ye zeun ché huk duzan.

Yeth ghrus zubr ché lodmut.

Dah whéeri gyi.

. Wazier zerawur hukm dya, tub Wazier j hukm dit mok tun adgo

sadak ad zunuk tata marut.

Asigyi Kashiri am tin go zu ryut

bah doh.

Asi luge ak doh apoe tiirienus.

Khyun ronui ki, né nay ?

Khyun khémau.

Bau neh.

My oun pyala nyun.

Ba gisi hore.

Zu chuk ware.

266 A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmiri. — [No. 4,

66. Wah do zenani wahan biti hy Gim zt zenani che biyet kim

kon hy. che ?

67. Tum kyun nay hukm mante? Zakon chuk hukm manau ?

68. Tum jate ? Za gusuk ?

69. Hum jate. Ma gusé.

70. Aur kya chaye ? Bé kya gutzi?

71. Aur bolo. Bé iwun.

72. Humare hath gurm hy ? Nugoem hathé gurm ché ?

73. Agr tum awaj kurté, log sunen-Agr zu krék tuluk, log bozen;

ge; chup kuro. sup kr.

74. Lung koun awenge ? Stit kusettim ?

75. Do manji nao lejao. Zu nauj ni suit.

76. Utero kiste ko. Wussti nawé,

77. Tum nahin awenge. Za ik né.

78. Burkha pahnénge. Burkha aiman.

79. Idher hy phunsi. Qethé nus chim oeppor.

80. Ané jané dur. Ewin gustin lig dtr.

81. Bohat kujli ato. Sutter kishun iwin.

82. Beech jao. Munj pukku.

83. Barah pichi hy. Bah shé pititta.

84. Dekho, wuh aurat kysa chulta.Witchu zinan kit pet pukkan.

85. Ghr per rukhunge. Lwu pet thauwun.

86. Kitna roj wahan rewhenge? Kotzen dohen rojen thate ?

13 seer = 1 munnut.

2 .munnuts = 1 panzoo.

2 panzoos —— leitrack:

16 trucks = 1 kurwah,

NUMERALS.

1 ak. 10 dah.

2 zu. 11 kah.

3 tre. 12 bah.

4 tzor. 13 trouwah,

5 panch. 14 tzadah.

6 shéh. 15 pandah.

7 sat. 16 shewrah.

8 aughe. _ 17 suddah.

9 nau, 18 ardah.

1866.] <A Vocabulary of English, Balti, and Kashmirie. 267

19 kunoo. 29 kuntvre.

20 wuh. 30 treu.

21 akwuh. ~ 40 satagi.

22 zutuowuh. 50 panica.

23 trewuh. 60 sheth.

24 tzowub. 70 satdu.

25 panchzu. 80 athdie.

26 shewuh. 90 naudie.

27 satawuh. 100 hath.

28 atawuh. 1000 sas.

aad

Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar.—

By Babu Rasenpravsus Mirra.

Some time ago Major General A. Cunningham placed at my disposal,

for translation, the transcript of a Sanskrit inscription from Aphsar,

in the Behar district. It had been made over to him by the late

Major Markham Kittoe, who had brought away the original “to re-

examine and to restore it as much as possible, before having it fixed

ona pedestal near the Varaéha in Aphsar,”* but who, owing to ill-

health and subsequent departure from India, could do neither. The

original is no longer forthcoming. When General Cunningham

enquired for it during his antiquarian tour in 1861-62, the people of

Aphsar “ were unanimous in stating that Major Kittoe had removed

it to Nowada for the purpose of copying it ;” but no trace of it could

be met with either at that place or Gya or Benares. The nature of

the characters with which it was inscribed is not known, and, judging

from the state of the transcript, it was not perfect, there being several

lacune in the middle ; but what remains of it in the transcript may be

relied upon as authentic, having been prepared by Major Kittoe himself,

whose thorough knowledge of Indian paleography is well known. The

document has no date, but it is nevertheless of interest, as it sup-

plies a list of Gupta sovereigns of Behar, hitherto unknown to an-

tiquarians.

The first of this line of kings was Krishna Gupta. Nothing is

said of where and when he reigned; but he is described as a man

* Ante Vol, XXXII. p, xxxviil.

268 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. (No. 4,

of noble lineage, great learning, and uncommon firmness of purpose.

He was succeeded in his dominion successively by his son Hashka

Gupta and grandson Jivita Gupta, both of whom, in the hyperbo-

lical language of the poet, were mighty heroes. The son of Jivita

was Kumara Gupta, who waged war against one Canta Varma, and of

whom the only thing notable is, that he “entered into a fire of dried

dung as ina sea.”’ The panegyrist does not explain whether this was

done as an act of religious suicide, or merely as a penance, a part of

the rite called Panchatapé. Hisson Daémodara fought with the Western

Hunas at a place called Maushari, but evidently only to be killed, for the

poet euphuistically notices his fainting on the occasion, and subsequently

reviving under the touch of heavenly nymphs. Where this Maushari

was situated, [ cannot make out; nor can I ascertain the locale of a

river or sea named Lauhitya, on the bank or shore of which hermits sang

in praise of the king’s son Mahdsena Gupta. The last, after reigning for

some years, left his kingdom to his son Madhava Gupta. A gap in the

inscription here leaves it doubtful whether Hashka Gupta, the name

which follows, is that of the son of Madhava or of a mere successor ; and

some others in a lower part of the record have rendered a great portion

of the praises bestowed on Aditya Sena, the son of Hashka, quite un-

intelligible. What remains is of the usual unmeaning type, “‘ unrival-

ed heroism,” “universal dominion” and the like, which probably

existed nowhere but in the fertile imagination of the poet. Aditya

was a follower of Vishnu, and the document records the dedication,

by him, of a temple to the idol of his adorations. It notices also

that his mother Mahadevi built a monastery for the accommodation

of pious hermits, and his wife Kona Devi, with a keener eye to general

utility than was owned by her lord and mother-in-law, had a large

tank excavated for the use of the public. The engraver of the docu-

ment was Sukshma Siva.

The names of the several princes of the dynasty may be tabulat-

ed thus :—

I. Kgishna Gupta.

II. Washka Gupta, son of I.

Til. Jivita Gupta, son of II.

IV. Kumara Gupta, son of IIL.

V. Déamodara Gupta, son of IV.

1866.] Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar,. 269°

VI: Mahasena Gupta, son-of V.

VII. Madhava Gupta, son of VI.

* * * * (2)

VUI. Hashka Gupta, IT. son of —?

IX. Aditya Sena, son of VIII.

In the entire absence of data, it is impossible at present’ to deter-

mine the era of these princes, or the position they occupied in

the history of ancient Magadha. There is nothing but the identity

oi the family name to justify the supposition that they were

connected with the Guptas of the Bhitari Lat, but it is worthy

of note that. the latter; whose names are made familiar to us

by coins and inscriptions found in Ghazipur, Allahabad and

Sanchi, did at one time extend their sway to Behar. The docu-

ments which enable me to make this- assertion; are remarkable ; they

were found inseribed on a sandstone pillar lying in the Behar fort,

and first brought to notice by Mr. H. L. Ravenshaw, in 1839. Mr.

H. Torrens, then editor of this Journal, in publishing a translation of

one of them, said, ‘“‘ I have now the pleasure of laying before the readers

of the Journal a rendering of one of these (Behar) inscriptions as de-

cyphered by Pundit Kamala Kanta Vidy4lafikéra, and Babu Heram-

banath. They succeeded in giving this interpretation.after a great

expense of time and labour. The characters are of a. class not

hitherto met with, and I coniess I cannot submit this first attempt to

interpret them, without considerable diffidence. The inscription is un-

fortunately destitute of both name and date, and does not, moreover,

afford any clue by which the period of its record can. be traced.”

According to the rendering published, the document contained a number

of moral maxims, beginning with, “ Be patient when angry. Perform

religious sacrifices as prescribed. Be liberal in religious performances,”

&c., &c. The whole of this reading was, however, throughout imaginary,

and the deductions made from it are, consequently, utterly worthless.

Major C. Hollings noticed the inscriptions in 1860, and got a Pandit at

Patna to decypher them for him. But his endeavours proyed even less

useful than the first. The worthy Pandit, in an elaborate translation,

made out that the documents recorded the spot where king Jarasandha

buried some fabulous amount of treasure which would be guarded by a

dragon, until a European would come to bring it to light, The attempt

270 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. (No. 4,

at imposition was so transparent in this instance, that it could not

possibly be mistaken. Major Hollings, therefore, got a baked clay

impression of the inscriptions prepared and sent to the Asiatic Society,

in 1861. This at once showed that they were records of the Gupta

sovereigns of Behar, and had nothing to do with moral maxims, or

hidden treasure. An ink impression of the inscriptions was subse-

quently communicated to me by the Hon’ble Justice Sambhunath

Pandit. But it contained nothing that was not decypherable on the clay

facsimile, and did not help me to add much to the tentative reading

which I had already prepared. The accompanying plate is a reduced

facsimile of the clay impression, and every letter on it has been carefully

eompared with those on the ink tracing. <A copy of this plate was

placed by me at the disposal of General Cunningham, and he had an

opportunity of comparing it with the original during his Archeological

Tour in 1861-62. The following is an extract from his report on the

subject.

“One mile due east from the Darg4, and about a hundred yards inside

the northern gate of the old fort of Bihar, there lies.a sandstone

pillar which bears two separate inscriptions of the Gupta dynasty.

Unfortunately the surface of the stone has peeled off considerably, so

that both of the inscriptions are incomplete. The upper inscription,

which is of Kumara Gupta, has lost both ends of every line, being

probably about one-third of the whole. The lower inscription has

lost only the left upper corner, and some unknown amount at the

bottom, where the pillar is broken off. But as the remaining portion

of the upper part is letter for letter the same as the opening of the

Bhitari pillar inscription, nearly the whole of the missing part of the

left upper corner can be restored at once. This record belongs to

Skanda Gupta, the son and successor of Kumara Gupta.”

In the plate the upper inscription is numbered 1 and the lower one 2.

The former extends to 13 lines and bears the name of Kumara Gupta

whose eulogium it is perhaps intended to be. I say “‘ perhaps”’ deliber-

ately, for a large portion at the beginning of every line being lost, and it

being impossible to give a connected translation, I cannot be certain

that the record did not contain same other name which has now been

lost. In the fourth line the word Kavya or “funeral cake’’ may refer

to Kumara Gupta whose name oceurs in the 3rd line, and the record

Jl KXV

(RF aaa

nepydrer yr gupray hod

ungtaar sys) +aCoVg % BzBOHY, 24%;

1a And v5 as

ee) Sey EhIe ily moa,

49K UC Dia SOU ot gif 7 b ynery

au a

ia FFpsaby2 2 =a ae

aaoadoyaye faa Sea

pagodas Joe | a an

ANPE HARON SIAC yaar ETE

LHI Spe MEU 7 84 nd

sige San LEN TE

M4 dy

a ea sg

digs Sages eee

oe potas poh f

: Reduced to4 by a Pontagraph from a Clay iunprossion prepared by Major Hollings

1866.] Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar, 271

may consequently belong to Skanda Gupta, but in the absence

oi connecting words such a supposition cannot be justifiable. The

document is most probably in verse, and the word Chandra in the first

line suggests the idea that the Kumara Gupta of the record was the son

of Chandra Gupta II. of the Kuhan Pillar. The figure for the year

in the last line is perfectly clear, and is indicated, as usual in

Gupta records, by three parallel lines, but the letters before and after

it are very doubtful, and no reliance can be placed on the date. The

letter preceding the 3 may be a 60, and some of the letters after

the letter for S’aka may be figures, but I am not certain of their

value. As Kumara was the sixth in a direct line from S’ri

Gupta, the founder of the Gupta dynasty, it is certain that the date,

whether 3 or 63, cannot be of the Gupta era, for according to the

Udayagiri and the Sdnchi inscriptions Chandra Gupta IL. lived

from 82 to 93 of that era. It must therefore be either of the reigning

sovereign, or of some now unknown era other than that used in the

Allahabad column inscription.

The second inscription iseven more imperfect than the first, and

has no date; but there is no doubt of its being an edict of the Gupta

who recorded the Bhitari inscription, or of one of his descendants.

General Cunningham imagines it to be a counterpart of the Bhitari

record, and says that the portion extant “is letter for letter the same

as the opening of the Bhitari pillar inscription.” Such, however, is

not the case. It is true, the first line has an epithet which occurs in

the first line of the Bhitari inscription, and lines 3 to 12 are made

up of words whose counterparts are seen in that record. It may

also be admitted that Kumara Devi, the wife of Chandra Gupta. I,

is named in the 5th line, and the word Gupta occurs in the 10th, which

leave no doubt as to the race of the sovereign who recorded the docu-

ment. But asno specific name is legible, and the words common to the

two records are mostly adjectives expressive of royal qualities which

are generally attributed to all Hindu sovereigns, their evidence cannot

be accepted as conclusive as to the identity of the two records,

Were it otherwise, still it would be of no use, for we have positive

proof to shew that they are not identical. The second line of the Behar

record has a word which does not occur in the first two lines of the

Bhitari inscription, and the matter fromthe 18th line to the end,

272 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. [No. 4,

if my reading be correct, is new. In the 18th line there is mention

made of Bhatta Guhila Swamin, whose name does not occur in the

Bhitari column. The conclusion therefore that I come to is, that the

two documents were put up by the some race and very likely by the

same king, but on different occasions, and to record different occurences,

There is nothing in the record to justify the positive opinion of General

Cunningham that it belongs to Skanda Gupta, son of Kumara Gupta.

Translation of an Inseription fronv Aphsar.

There lived S‘ri Krishna Gupta, a king, whose army was crowded by

a thousand tuskers, who was served by men of great learning, whose

lineage was noble, and who was firm and ascendant as the mountain

peak. His arms, which had overcome the ardour of numberless

rivals, were even as those of the lion; for thereby he had pounded:

the bulging skulls of hosts of maddened elephants of his inveterate:

enemies.

2. Even as rose the moon from the ocean: so from. him: descended a:

son, S’ri Hashka Gupta Deva, possessed of many digits, (arts,)* spot-

less and free from (the) clouds (of ignorance).

3. He was the holder of the hard-stretched bow which cared not

for the fit time of death (for his enemies). He could pour showers

of dreadful arrows, and was looked upon with tearful eyes by those

who had been deprived of their homes, their wealth and their masters.

His glorious success in fierce warfare was as. it were recorded in his

breast in the form of innumerable scars, as prominently and as in-

delibly as the perforations of insects in the knots (of trees).

4. Hisson was §’ri Jivita Gupta, the crowning jewel of kings,

who was like the moon in the forest of water lilies represented by the

faces of the wives of his murdered opponents.

5. The dreadful fever of his glory forsook not his adversaries,

whether they sought shelter in the sea-shore washed by the waves

of the water where dwell the pearl shells, and strewn over with

stems of plantain trees cast around by the trunks of elephants which

roam amidst lofty palms; or on the mountain top cooled by the

water flowing from eternal snow.

6. This superhuman act of his—the leap from the shore of the

* The word in the original is kald, which means both an art as well as the

digits of the moon, hence applicable both to man and the moon,

een ee sot

1866.] Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. 273

sea where dwells all wealth, to the top of the Himalaya,—in chase of

his enemies, is seen by mankind with wonder even to this day; it is

like that of the son of Pavana (Hanumana who spanned the Gulf

of Manaar by a single leap).

7. That king gave birth to a son, even as did Hara to the rider

of the peacock.* Forward in battle and of renowned strength, this son

was named Kumara Gupta.

8. He, with a view to obtain Lakshmi, assuming the form of

Mount Mandara, churned the milky ocean produced by the forces of

the moon-like King Santa Varma,;—an ocean over which was spread a

moving mass of waves (his soldiers) comparable to a line of plantain

trees put in motion by a passing wind, and in it were whirlpools formed

of rising clouds of dust (raised by the soldiers), while the furious and

mighty elephants (of his army) represented sunken rocks.

9. He was firm in truth and valour, and was engaged in the perfor-

mance of ceremonies for the relief of the needy; he worshipped with

the flower of truth. He entered into a fire of dried dung as in a sea.}

10. Of that king S’ri Daémodara Gupta was the son. Even as

Damodara§ killed the Daityas ; so did he destroy his opponents.

11. While gloriously dispersing, at the battle of Maushari, the

roaring line of elephants of the fierce army of the western Hunas,

he fainted, and selected the nymphs of heaven (as his own, saying)

they are ‘‘mine,” and the pleasant touch of their lotus-like hands re-

vived him.

12. That kinggave away in marriage numberless Brahmin daughters

of youth and beauty, bedecked with ornaments, and adorned with

hundreds of necklaces.

13. S’ri Mahésena Gupta was his most valiant son. In all chi-

valric assemblies, he obtained the credit for noble heroism.

14. Hermits and their wives, lying on the cool shady banks of the

* Kartikeya, alias Kumara, god of war.

+ The moon rose from the ocean when it was churned by the gods with a

view to extract ambrosia from it. Mount Mandara, the backbone of the earth,

was on the occasion used as the churning stick.

{It is not certain whether the author wishes to imply that the king burnt

himself to death, or merely performed the penance called Panchatapa.

§ Yasod4 the mother of Krishna, once kept him tied to a churn with a rope

round his waist to restrain him from stealing butter; hence the epithet Ddéma,

“a rope” and “ udara” “belly” or “ waist.” The exploits of Krishna with the

Daityas sent by Kaiisa, king of Mathurd, to kill him, are well-known,

274 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar aud Behar. [No. 4,

Lauhitya, with open beaming eyes, sang in praise of his wide-spread-

ing fame,—that fame which was inscribed by the praises of his victory

over Sri Varma, and which to this day is adorned by garlands of well

blown wild jessamins and water-liles, as with a necklace of moons.

15. Of him was born S’ri Madhava Gupta, the highest essence of

valour, even as Madhava was born of Kamadeva. His two feet rested

on the greatest heroes.

16. In war he was the foremost among the praiseworthy, and,

as the receptacle of goodness and bestower of all he acquired, he

was the greatest among the great. He was the family abode of wealth

(Lakshmi), truthfulness (Satva), and learning (Saraswati), and the

steadfast bridge of virtue. There was none above him to respect, for he,

the meritorious, moved foremost among the meritorious on the earth.

17. Like Madhava (Krishna) he bore the sign of the thunderbolt on

hispalm,* and carried a bow made of horn; while the sabre by his side

was forthe destruction of his enemies, and the good of his friends. The

jewel Nandaka......

(About a dozen letters at the end of the line and over three-fourths

of the next line are missing. Three lines then follow naming a

Hashka Deva and his son Aditya Sena, Next, there are eleven

lines, so full of lacunz that no connected meaning can be made out of

them: then the concluding line of a s’loka): his son, who owned the

illimitable earth for his dominion, and was a protector of mankind.

In battle the two arms of the king shone resplendent, having ripped

open the orbs of maddened royal elephants; the halo of his fame

was lustrous with the glory of his numerous conquered foes; his feet

rested on the heads of innumerable kings; the fire of his majesty was

vast ; fortunate was he, and in warfare pure and of renowned action.+

By that king, who in his attempt to make his noble and most

wonderful Glory, which was as white as the light of the autumnal

moon, and wide spreading as the earth, dwell with his Fortune,} had so

irritated her that she, from a feeling of rivalry, went to live for ever

* An emblem of royalty according to Indian Palmistry.

7 The word idam at the beginning of this sloka is not construable.

{ In Sanskrit the words glory, Kirté, and fortune, Laksmt, arein the feminine

gender. The poet represents them as the two wives of the king, and then by

a pretty conceit makes them quarrel from a feeling of rivalry and separate,

Fortune, to live with her lord, and Glory, to go to the farthest limits of the earth,

1866.] Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar, 275

beyond the bounds of the ocean, was this best of temples caused to be

erected for Vishnu.

His mother Stimati Mahddevi caused a Matha or monastery to be

built, and dedicated it, beautiful as a heavenly mansion, to the

use of the virtuous. By the Queen S’ri Kona Devi, the beloved wife

oi the king, a beautiful tank was caused to be excavated. Its water,

pure and lustrous, as if it were the picture of the white sea shell or

the moon, was drunk by men and hermits—and in its flowing waves

sported the jumping alligator and the dancing tim/ fish.

As long as the crescent shall adorn the forehead of Siva, as long

as Sti shall dwell in the heart of Vishnu, as long as Saraswati shal].

abide in the mouth of Brahma, * * * * as long as the earth shall rest

on the head of the lord of serpents,* as long as the lightning shall

dwell in the womb of clouds, even so long shall king Aditya Sena shed

around this spotless glory of his.

The thoroughly virtuous, and intelligentt Sukshma Siva Gaura

engraved this eulogium in large} and artistic letters.

Transcript of the Aphsar Inscription.

amlgmarenencar frgrecratea:

wantac waar tafcica Hearst ea

SAC AAS TAA CUTS THUS: eat

SOLVES TAGAAAT STAT wiesifaaa Qu

VHS HA agctea MatatacagUwUusy sa I

aerseaegar aa ears <a te

at Srarreeararae eat wares

a ealtwemaatafay faa difae: WAWga tl

Srcrwrarsarai fafaataa wy argaitasarat

FARA NGAIH safauafgqsarges il 8 |

AsitsaaaTA factgstate: Hage |

at enacifarclgaatacasartietcae: 12 il

HATA Ta: qareiafacren wa Tetaa-

ARR MATIGAT TAMAS wareta !

sSrreraenregarc ian cae waste wer figat

ass Fa qara FT AVA FATITIT: | Yl

sentra g ae eUa ease |

* Alluding to the Paurdnic legend of the earth resting on the head of a

thousand-headed snake. ag fe

+ Or beautiful, faare. at afc recte.

276 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. [No. 4,

warty HIST Se Ha TIAA Il g I

TeTanimaisy Goat agaaatate |

BaATIesH VT Sal Vt a fefaarea aaTIA || Ol

URI CASA TANS aaa earaitaara:

SIRS Sea faaITASATATAT TRS:

Wa: SwiTIa aaa fala: eargrare fay

salsaatreg: aufe faufuar aaUa 4 aq = lt

WAIVAHAT Bi TAWA |

SaMdts HOGA AY: aquyisia: lel

ETHER AAATTTS wget \

aa RTECS zal 33 Sal Tea Xo

Sl Bray: ufafaygds Way

qwagei faazaqearcmrare

waiea Beau CTH ia

aauihurRgesiaga: Wr XQ

TUAS AN YA AAT HICa Alaa T aaa

gfcwifaaara, a Wa Wa TTSATASTCTUTA ll LR tl

HASAAT AM AAA ATA Sai |

wa dicaniey wey AT BTCaiTaTa Ul LR

Fama saa a asta ara Te qs-

jeranta faqagegacimngerartTa '

weae q2ey TITAS HATTA

rarareataqarsateae mate am TAA tl V8 tl

aqzarfea | Se ERE: VAeugT CISA: |

Fanaa aIeAUe <a famaanca: |i Qu, i

hel afgcaaqai ufc TW BlqlaqTayUa:

Sarre faruraas laqaeara yaa ata

wamlaaataat FoES Wael aqie:

Tal alfa @ WaT AUATT CT GU THU ll Cl

a7 gitar auqeaerearta wy aa-

aMeeEt Gala GETt Teale: |

gta fatazat 5:

** BTCA Baqi FWASTAT: i sata *** a fafareat afeat-

feu | eer aaeqqtiwg sara atc Aheqea fasretawet wate

Bare ate feraitca Cagagarea: |

qeauineAee: | BWrewia cfr awry: famtageratusve ate

+e * qaaaCaa aT BE I SaMA AAT Gt sfa Bat ai

faut) artvateqt qufaa

* A letter wanting to complete the measure,

1866.] Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar, 277

SHIT VA || Wel SeMRIa waqelearag wsrareraag ay aua-

Bawa ata ated =e Here several lines missing.

BAAS APAMALII_VITLATGMAATM TIT! «|«6—wWagqta-

frasagetaerte

SX ama Ue wicereMle! | waeaat qe qarq-

aaaivar i! afcerera g ** * faq: amafcqaasivegictariate-

Wasa nasa frases Tavares | aa AANA

OK Ok qaaeifaaagadtasa SHqra ll Beit AMIS ARNT AA

walaeacElsan aGTAHCaMatsqacasiat F@RIATAe | INT

asa SA CUEATT IATA amata 9 wacfwarafsuareranity-

Zul! wae nifeetaesqel TBAT ASal SMITAT STAT

saat AMRet Feat Arar TUCTCARTTAT Baya US St

eae waaind fafras facut Ha aiftaal aaa aeat A-

BAAICAT as? | aaa: Qa SM YFCSASSGA: II wR Aaa-

FATT AIHA CATA T | TAM PTT ICH faMTaa haat | XT-

wretfararage Sars Wala HAs fyaNTaa aca: Marweai

Be Il aaSaaet ery facts fhufsaafe! sare wacaal aa

eaUsTTT I afsaiaqqeee aTaealtritaest-

aaa uaerateaaat aul eafuaat aea* yufetaqeract |

WT TU AAT qaaifaay Saat |

Tentative Reading of the Behar Inscription, No. 1

QQ) =efa wy +aTasa+eal(?)TATaE:

(2) wiiaaafeeida a: wre: afag

(a) Bare aetaaaa Qaleye

(8) wag faq fe cane: aceaa fa

(a) Saceataaaa aen Hana:

(4) —¥ Srewarqctreasara faazw

(oc) Saat FAAHCIAAIAGNyAaTIaT

(<) wgenaafand anafarafaas

(¢) sasuafaatatas caae+

(Qc) qsarRIaag aH agente:

(92) mnaS aemfanfadaace: AT:

(a2) Ga: eaqaaared aad wag as

(.2) RIDES Gard 2 aaqalaay

* @ recte.

278 Notes on Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar and Behar. [No. 4,

Tentative Reading of the Behar Pillar Inscription, No. 2.

QQ) + ufvatasfacaa

(2) +aNeaW Hara:

(a) waaqaat eu:

(¢) RUWAw AeIerst

(4) +eat qaTeaqqaaw

(¢) +aaufeadtat aueai

(<) + APIS UI U: VISTA

(¢) + TS: cauTerqgra:

(2) aor wa

(QQ) + +: Wea AT

(92) + + + BIRS AIHITANG

Q3) ++ 4 fafaaiads

(92) A+ + + sufeagqarerara

Qu) fearafeaufcatica

Qe) aefeanifaatiaaraae

(Qs) qaaretaaifecutareiasiifaa:

(Q(x) aware fantfaatia aa foaada

Qe) — ag afevarfaat agifat

(ac) Wq STAAT AIT AT ALATA

Literary INTELLIGENCE.

The first edition of the Institutes of Manu, with the Comment of

Kullika, was brought out by the Serampore Missionaries nearly forty

years ago. But as it was printed in the Nagari characters, the natives

of Bengal could make no use of it, and a Bengali edition was brought

out, in the puthi form, by Babu Bhabéni-charana Bandya, in the year

1832, A.D. Both these have been out of print for some time, and

Professor Bharatachandra Ciromani has done a service to the public

1866.] Literary Intelligence. 279

by publishing a new edition of the work, together with a Bengali

translation. It will be welcome to a large class of readers. It has been

very carefully printed, but, as usual with native publications, it has

not been edited.

Pandita Lalamohana Bhattacharjya has published a new edition of

the Dhatupatha or collection of Sanskrit Roots by Vopadeva, together

with a commentary. The work is of use as a guide to persons en-

gaged in the study of the Sanskrit Grammar called the Mugdhabodha,

and will, we believe, be used as a class-book in the Sanskrit College

of Calcutta.

Babu Prasanna Kumar Tagore, C. S. I., has of late published several

Sanskrit works for gratuitous distribution. The last is a treatise,

by a Pandita of Nuddea, on Civil Procedure according to Hindu law.

Ti is entitled Védivivdda-Bhanjana, and contains a number of extracts

from the old Smritis on the course which a case should follow, from

its institution to the final decree, inthe court of a Hindu Raja. The

chapter on the law of evidence is particularly interesting, The work

is printed in the Bengali character, and has a Bengali translation

attached to it.

“]

pee siaar.ove ie i;

INDEX TO PART I.

Page

Achulpow, on the Kallee Nudee, visit to, sce Be EGG

AcvALA YANA, many passages of the Caunaka Karika agree

with the sutras of, fee state cera tiibte's Sion wee Mick

Adampur Mahalld, ancient mounds in 1 the, 505 cele 68

Adi Bishweshwara, description of, 390 Bene da 83

Adilabad, FORE OL | > o2% sais oée Bet ick ape

Apiryas, names of the twelve, Als ccblene's 31

ADITYA Serna, au “ihe p60 Se Aa:

Adoption, Gaunaka’ s Law of, Ne soe (08 apy LOH

Adultery and theft, ordeals in cases of, caf 60. Ua 15

Ain-i- -Akbary, extract from the, a 205 beeen PAlite}

Alai Durwaza built by Ala Udin, fe BS OAV

Aus’ Udin, description of the site of the entrenchment of, seer 200

Auta’ Upin’s extensive improvements of the Kutb Ul Islam,... 203

ALTAMSH’s tomb, peculiarities in, Site ie eailrone 202

Atyy Hasany’s account of weights, one ee et ar

Amarnath, pilgrimage to,. cee Ne 1G)

Awanpa Swa’ Mi, author of S’aiva sudhakara, coe Spon LESS)

Aphsar and Behar Inscriptions, Notes on, ... an hy OAT

Arabic Element in Official Hindustani, a Plea for the, Bogen lite)

Arabic used in the language of law-courts of India, see ee ee

Arhéi Kangura mosque, description of the, “i as 76

A‘soxa’s pillars, Lat Bhairo one of, se 73

Aureus of Constantinople, Standard of Musulman weights, Beebe ls,

AURANGZEBE destroyed the temple where Lat Bhairo ‘Stood, we 5)

AURANGZEBE S mosque near Bishweshwara temple, 80

Austen, Capt. H. H. G., Vocabulary of English, Balti and

Kashmiri, an AC OSs

Avantiswami temple, description of the, ae noe Revie elas

Avantiswémi, pillars at, ... see aa S68 “80 94

Bala and Vriddha, defined, Apo ock oat 17

Battis Khambha, description Ole fie 75

Beames, J. , Esq. ., Outlines of a Plea for the Arabic Element

in Official Hindustani, e a ss die 1

Bela, ruins near, ee as Ga Be aie 50

Vill : Index.

Benares, absurdity of deriving the word from Burna and Assi,

antiquity of,

— certain Annals of, re ae

— extent of the city of, : ae

Bhagavati sutra of the Jains, Dr. Weber's Essay on, age

Bhaniyar temple, description ‘of the, a ieee

Bhaumajo temple, description of the, su

Brua’rt Das, author of the Satsaiya, nn tu

Bona Dura, founder of the Boonyar temple,

Bondr rasa, founder of Rajghaut fort, ay sis

Budaon Mahalld, small mosque in the, 250

Buddhist Chaityas, at ganja hate ues

origin of Lat Bhairo and Baitis Khambhé,

V ihe, Rajehat,

and cloisters altered by Mahomedans, :

Btuter, Professor G., Translation of the rare! on Ordeals

from the Vyavahara Mayukha,

Notice of the Gaunalka Smriti,

Burabur Hills, figures removed to Newree from the,

Burna, the boundar y of Benares,

Caiva stidhdkar of Ananda Swami,

Camppett, C. J. Topography of the ancient cities of Delhi,

=——

Canja, a sy stem of Musulman weights, as ane

Ca’ wa V ARMA’, é bse Bbc see

Caunaka Smr iti, Contenté of the, Boe wate 151,

—_—_— ——_——. (antis peculiar ‘to the, B66 cee eee

——__— more extensive than a Grihyasutra,

Laghu and Brihat,

SES Genuineness of the first three verses of the,

doubted,... :

Caunaka Kérika written by a Vaishnava, “a cbc so

Chaityas at Rajghat, description of the Buddhist, eee

Cuanp, the bard of the last Hindu King of Delhi,...

Cuanprak, sent Umr Sing and Beja Sing to the Doob Koond

temple, ... 56 oo:

CHANDRA RAJA’, founder of the Chandra ‘Garh, : ae

Chandrarekha Garh, measurements of the, ‘iors bcc

CHavcer, ridiculed for French words, eg

Choukhambhé mosque, description of the, viele Be

Chullandaraka, gilt of the village of, aa enc

Churra, Devalayas at, me Bir

Crarke, Esq. H. E., On Assyro- Pseudo- Sesostris,... ni

Cloisters of Buddhist Vihars altered by the Mahomedans,

Court-language of the Bengal Presidency unintelligible because

it is highly cultivated, ae sae soc

heterogeneous origin of the, Ae BPE Ac

Cow1e, Rev. G. W., On the Temples of Kashmir,... wee

Index.

Coins, silver Hindu, found at the Atranji Khera,

Cossaz, banks of the, colonized by the Srawaks,

Court-language, convenience of the,

Cubic measure, ‘Qatyz,

Darton, Lieut.-Col. EK. T., ‘Tour in Maunbhoom,

Démopara fought with the Hunas,

Dattaka Mimansa quotes clokas irom Caunaka,

Delhi at the time of Timur,

, chronology of the different. cities of, iy seis

, Various cities of, ee bo 214 et

Deokund, ruins near,

Dhulmi, ‘antiquities of. :

Droports SIcULUs, account of Sesostris by,

Doob koond, repaired by Pandu and his brothers,

Drubgama tem ple, description of the, ve

Durjankari-panchanana of Rangachari Swami,

Dyamun, description of temples at, ...

Egyptian measure, the Irdabb, a

English language, foreig n elements in the,

Eunuchs, ‘how to be jude ed,

Fire; ordeals by,

Fir uadbéd, city of,

Futtehg gurh, description of the temple at, see Boe

Garbhélambhana, rules of, given in the Gaunaka Smyiti and

the Rig Veda Grihya sutra,

Gayd, antiquities of,...

Genjun, ruins near,

Geography of Ibn Khordabeh,

Growsez F. S., Esq., Objections to the modern sty ‘le of official

Hindustani, a ale

Gulzar Mahaila, Maqdum sahib in the,

Gupras, probable connexion of the, w ith Lat Bhairo,

of Aphsar,

— of Bhitari ruled in Behar,

Hariri and Muhammad, lang uages of,

Hasuxa Guerra,

Hellenes observed Iberian Mythology,

Heropotts’s account of the expedition of Sesostris,

Herscuet, W. J., Esq., Chandra-rekha-garh,..

Himyaritic dialects spoken by troops of Yaman, te

Hindi current in Akbar’s Court,

— and foreign words a

— different kinds of,

Hindustani benefited more ay Semitic than ‘by Indian ele-

ments, ... plore 2b soe “90¢ éo0

, official, i ig

Hepason: s notice of the affinity between the Caucasian and the

Himalayan Valleys, sod

205 eco

x Index.

Horne, C., Esq., Atranji Khera or Pilushanna, 2 ee

Buddhist remains in Benares, ... ac

Isy Barurd’s travels, translation of, on (ae ae

Inn KuorpDABEH, MSs. of, ae ae

Inscription, copper- plate, from Sambalpur, ‘translation Oye

— on Alamgir’s Masjid, es we

Inscriptions, Major Dixon’s Sanserit and Canarese, BUCH cot

——— from Aphsar, 300 500 308 tbe

atebehor Mo. ais sc SEA ic

Tahanpanah, Citadel of, sie Stic 550 BH

Jain origin of the Bishweshwar ae eae dat Aa

JIVITA Gupra, ae sa bod. bbe

Qopama’s account of the Sawad revenue, 12 uss

Karika, the original work of Gaunaka, ase wart gee

Kasuyapa, the - Ocean”’ desiccated by, ... o0e ooe

KAryAyana, works of Gaunaka known to, .., rE bic

Kausika Gotra, Brahmans of the, S50 apse eee

Kavya Prakas’a of Mahesa Chandra, sh Se hic

Kirta Bisheshwar temple and Alamgiri mosque, Bak ahs

Kispa, ruins near, aa Sb S00 Sony don

Kohil, temple at, 556 cut 300 ves

Konch, ruins near, Find iets vee JOO, |, O08

Kona Devr, bee ride 506 ane e950

KrisHna Gupta, aah es se Rees

Kouma’ra Gupta, che 0 500 ieee

Kunamoh, temples at, a00 S00 400 whe

Kutb Minar, description of, 000 said

Kutb Minar ascribed to Anange Pal, ae Poe G0

Kutb ul Islam, description of, . 506 oon Foe

Lalkote, de sscription Dish voce “900 ee USA Ly God

Lall Mahal, remains of, cee

Language of the Arabs ‘corrupted by Mahomedan conquest, ater

Lanka, description of temple on the island of, Reet IIL

Lat Bhairo Buddhist Vihar, at Boe doc. on

= Mahomedan Cemetry, i bn aie

Lidar, temples at, sie Niners

Lingam, measurement of the, at Atranji Kheta, Sah io

Lomasa R ishi, cave Of, «2 es nie SOME On

Mapuava Gupta, ... Ao ae 500 Bric

Maha Devi, __.... Bt en Steeleye

Mana Supep rasa’s grant of land, bP ae aon

Mauna Sena Gupta, ; ae 500 ie eee

Manava Dharmas’Astra notices Caunaka, a Se ori

Manasbal, description oi the temples of,. aren TG)

Magdum Sah vb, remains of Buddhist chaitya at, ba i907

Martand, description of the middle chamber in, ... aes

————_ pillars at, compared with those of Bhaumajo, She

Maruts, names of the seven, ... st ia bee

et seq.

Index. x1

Page

Matris, names of the seven, ... ae ae miele 31

Masha, ordeals by hot, ... He “is a Aha, 45

Maushari, site of, not "determined, PE a tito)

Metvriie, Capt. W. R., Buddhist ruins of Doob Khund, 0 GS

Mrra Sanes’s tomb near Tilia Nala, be cet tee 71

Mithgal weights, ... is Bod wists i eo

Mogaddasy, ‘editor of, sue : aes ih Sa ae

Months suited for ordeals in general, cee : I

Nagari characters abandoned on the adoption of Persian dialect, 177

Nair, ruins near, ee fs 50

Naratw Suaq, description of the temple of, ee tars Faia tnt OLE

Newall, Major D. F., Pilgrimages in Kashmir, Bike octal aaa

Newree, figures near the village Of, aoe ope tae 49

Nigumbode, temple. of; . .-. : se emer epee s (yal LI,

Nirnaya-sindhu alludes to Caunaka,. i fee ee dG

Nowa, Sri Buddha and Chinamusta, temples dedicated LOM ae 1k

Oaths may be administered to both parties in an ordeal, ... 16

Offerings, burnt, in ordeals, wae Ra wuninn 33

Omar I. sent Othman to survey Babylonia, sae 598 en ESS

Oomga temple, description of the, ... 58

Ordeals, papers on, by Ali Tbrahim Khan, Professor Stenzler

and Mr. Macnaghten, ; e 560 14

to be applied where human evidence fails, 500 008 14

immediate and mediate, ... oe a00 14

invocation common to all, nae 000 aU oe

Pacheta, Raja of, : Bist son Peta: iu io)!

Pailinapore, pilgrimage of, “ce oe a0 Baa PPA

Palee, ruins near, Ado" 068 50

Pandit, (the) a monthly journal started at Benares, S300) aa

Pandrethan, description of, ... 50C ae Pep ae a Li

pilgrimage to, 000 BRR ad Ay

Lidar temple copy of that at, a c6r 99

Panjabi Dictionary examined, Sn 208 Pim ab And Gis"

Pathdn Sugandhecqwara, description of ys at, . Pea

Payach and Lidar drains compared,.. 000 Pe A080 98

Peprs, W. Esq. Antiquities of Gya, M3 a 49

Persian, the effects of the abolition of, in law- courts, see ares yan alee

Ploughshare, ordeals by, Lp vee ae ese 4T

Poison, ordeals by, a ocr 60 ans 660 45

Premsagir, the language of, ze BED, stp coe 73

- PRinsep’s ground plan of the Bisheshar temple, 500 “on 81

Putra Sangraha vidhi, text and translation of the, ioe 2 taoe ON

Ra’JENDRALA’LA Mirra, Babu, Shambhalpur Inscription, ... 195

—— Gupta Inscriptions from Aphsar

and Behar, ... ae a6 Foot on Ge

Rajghat fort, "key of Benares, Wee ae mae 64

Ramayana’ 8 ‘account of the Kols, 550 xe 193 et seq.

Ranea’cua’ rt Swa’f, author of Durjana Kari Panchdnana,.. 147

xii Index.

Rig Veda, Mantras quoted in the Gaunaka Karika from the, .

Ritter doubted the Eg gyptian character of the monument ‘of

Sesostris, a: ben 2 sate one

Rudras, name of the eleven, ad Sig bic ote

Sabhabilésa, the only Persian word in the, is the name of

the writer, 33 56 oe on cheaters

Sambhalpur and Sarabhapura, identity of, = ee

Sanaka taldo, stone pillars at, - . ialethy aoe

SANKARA GacrEswara, description of temple at, wae at

Sankshepa Sankara Jay a, edition of, : wich? gee

Sanscrit, Greek, German, "Latin, and English words compared, .

Sanscrit. manuscripts of the Royal Asiatic Society, Preise

= bangs Salk conquered by Maha Sudeva raja, _—_... ase

Sarap, Serab, Serak, or Srawak, earliest Aryan colonists, ...

Sarnath encompassed by Benares, ... 56 ae

Sarvantikramani, an account of the writers of the Rig Veda

aunaka, ee ee 3 oiraeeaslen

2 oes king Jobad, revenue of the Sawid under him, wets

Sawad, revenue of the, according to Qodama, safe

Sah ordeals by, suited to women, _ _... Sint “ists

— ordeals of, directions for, ... a 23

Seasons for special ordeals, ... 400 ee cae

Semitic language, endogenous character of the, sia sia

SEsosTRIs, images of, oe oe ee

monument of, near Ninf, ies lovee

Shahjehanabad, city of, oa 006 so cee

Shahpur, fort of, eee oe tee BOG | 000

Shahpur ruins, age of the, determined, ... SiG ie

Suerrive, Rev. J., Buddhist remains at Benares, ace aes

Silver standard in OTRAS Fale 580 BOO ies

Sane, description of, 500 ; seis Wiebe

Son, an only, not to be given away ¢ or r adopted, se one

Sprencer, Dr. A., Ibn Khordabeb and land-tax of the

Khalyis, mie she igen

Square measure of the Arabs not much known, =. atc

Srawaka settlements broken up by Hos and Lurka Coles, wd

Suxsuma Siva, ... sis De poe

Takt-i- -Sulimani, description of, ae ae nae

Tapoban, Rama, ‘halted at, Aa as siete ne

Tewan, description of a temple at, 06 aa oe

Timira Nasaka of Babu Siva Prasad, ae waa

Trendaraka, Sarabhapuyra in the district of, Ven ie

Torst Dasa, _... + “0 ee

Tuneuar Knan’s invasion “discussed, yee doa aieee

Urdu authors, age of the, AED Ar oe ie

Urdu compared with languages of modern Europe, vue Lae

Urdu and Hindi, distinction between, not recognised, An

Vadivivadabhanjana, edition of, ;.. ia BAA ap an

Page

154

et seq.

Index, XiiL

Page

Vapya caves, boulders close by, ss rice fs Say es 51

Vigrama Ditya, the raja of Pat Kote claims descent from, ... 190

VIsHNU, Avatars of, 560 vies (aap eietamelcles

Vyavahara mayukha permits a widow to adopt. a son, ape we (3:

--—————. authorities quoted in the, ... 15 et seq.

Wangat, description of the temples at, ... wee NO weret sede

Water, ordeals by, abo eee ae Bg

Weights and measures of the Arabs, remarks on, 125 et seq.

Weights, grain, of different kinds, among the Mussulmans, i eS

Widow, the right of a Hindu, to adopt a son,. ty sheet al 1010,

Ya’INAVALKYA’s vyavastha for heavy accusations, 40 as 14

Yoga Aphorisms, Mr. Cowell’s edition of the,.., Gevuuiene 60