CONTENTS.

OD Ou

No. I.

(Published 28th August, 1868.)

Contributions to Persian Lexicography—by H. Blochmann,

Esq., M. A., Assistant Professor, Calcutta Madrasah,......

Description of a Hindu Temple converted into a Mosque at

Gaganesvar, zillah Midnapur—by W. Herschel, Hsq.,

PUM ess sercbae sara sl sia actuisuar nse wastes elie a stascieine soadoosen

No. II.

(Published 28th November, 1868.)

On the History of the Burmah Race—by Col. Sir A. me

K. C. 8. L, C. B., Bengal Staff Corps, s

The Poems of Chand ieee F. 8. Growse, Te M. ae

Wixae Ss sie cle Waco wanica ac ono Mammemne ce Sot det nateile aalbiarsut

Authors of Armenian Grammars, from the earliest stages of

Armenian literature up to the present day—by J. Avdall,

IBISGene MARR Oe ice veces ccnticiucss leastarnecuoun desse rs Sabo aclgains

Page

119

135 (3!

j —_

)

JOURNAL

CF THE

PStATIC SOCIETY.

——

Pant 1L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

PLDI IL LILI IOS LL PD PDD

No. 1.—1868.

PLP PSL LILI SAS

Contributions to Persian Lexicography.— By H. Buocumayy, sq. M. A.,

Assistant Professor, Calcutta Madrasah.

[Received 11th April, 1868.]

One of the greatest lexicographical undertakings which so eminently

distinguish our present time, is Lane’s Arabic Dictionary. The Arabic

student who hitherto had at nearly every step to supply or correct

his meagre vocabularies, finds in it all he can desire. The learned

natives of India who had looked upon Firiizabadi as insurpassable, are

astonished to hear of a Madd i Qamis. England may indeed be

proud of a work which marks an epoch in the history of Arabic

learning in Europe.

We trust that the standard which Lane’s Dictionary has created,

will soon be followed by a compiler of a Persian Dictionary. There

exists no reliable Persian Dictionary. Nothing worth the name has

been done for Persian lexicography since the days of Castelli and

Meninski. This is a matter of surprise, as there are most excellent

sources from whicha good Persian dictionary could be compiled.

The deficiency of all existing dictionaries lies in this, that the compilers,

one and all, have used secondary or tertiary sources, instead of having

recourse, as Lane did, to original and carefully selected native works.

The sources for compiling a reliable Persian dictionary are the

lexicographical works written by Jndiwns. In India, as in Turan,

2 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

Persian has been a subject of study and the medium of education.

The value of the Indian dictionaries is fully acknowledged by the

Persians themselves. Surtri’s Majma’ulfurs is indeed the only dic-

tionary written by a Persian, which a compiler will have to consult ;

and even this book is half Indian. The number of Irani lexicographists

is small. The better dictionaries written before A. D. 1400 are

mostly of Turanian origin. The very first Persian dictionary was

written at Soghd. With 1400 the period of the Indian dictionaries

commences. Hach is an improvement upon the preceding; in each

we find the number of words and quotations steadily increasing, till

we see them culminating in the Farhangi Jahangiri, which brought

the old Turani and Irani dictionaries into oblivion. The practical voca-

bulary, entitled Burhan i Qati’, which has been acknowledged to be the

el wl ord eel

closes the first period, the period of gathering, A. D. 1400 to 1652.

With Rashidi commences the second epoch of the Indian dictionaries,

the period of criticism. The two dictionaries of this period, though

not yet used by European compilers, must be the basis of a critical

dictionary of the Persianlanguage. ashidi’s Farhang—let compilers

like obedient murids follow this murshid !—is a critical work on all

Indian dictionaries up to the Farhang i Jahangiri, whilst the Sir@

ullughdt by Khén Arai is the indispensable Vade Mecum for those

who use the Burhan. The Siraj is at the same time the last dictionary

of note for the classical Persian. Towards the end of the past century

at last, when sufficient time had elapsed since the death of Kalim, the

last poet of the silver age of Persian literature, there appeared the

Muctalahat ushshu’ara and the stupendous Bahar i’Ajam, two works

written by Hindoos on the Isti’mél 1 Mutaakhkharin or usage of

the writers alter Jami, the last, though not the least, of the classics.

The dictionaries of the present age, with the exception of the Ghias

ullughat, deserve no notice. The Shamsullughdt compiled under the

direction of a gentleman whose family is known in Calcutta for

their liberality, and the Haft Qulzwm of Lucknow are too full of typo-

graphical errors, to render their use desirable.

We may notice that nearly every province of India can point toa

lexicographist. Bengal is represented by the quaint Warhang i

Tbréhimi; Bahar by the Kashf; the Dekkhan by the Burhan; the

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 3

North-West by the Adat, “primum in Indis,” the Muayyid and the

Siraj ; Sirhind by the Madar; the Punjab by the Farhang i Jahangiri

and the Muctalahat ushshu’ara; Sind by Rashidi. Again, four diction-

aries are dedicated to princes, and one bears Akbar’s stamp.

When we compare the lexicography of the Arabs with that of the

Persians, we find some remarkable differences. The Arabs have left

us not only more, but they have also shewn a greater interest than

the Persians for their ancient literature. Their dictionaries delight in

quotations from the ancients. Persian dictionaries on the other hand

abound in ancient words, for which there are no proofs, and for which

it is now-a-days impossible to find proofs. This absence of proofs has

caused varieties of spellings and meanings which are most perplexing.

Many words are hopelessly doubtful. To distinguish such words in

some way or other, is the first duty of a future compiler.

Another difference is this that in Persian dictionaries the language

of the prose is not represented. All quotations ave verses. Con-

structions of verbs with different prepositions are rarely, if ever, to be

met with; phrases are never entered, unless they be poetical meta-

phors. Native lexicographists having thus neglected the Persian

prose, modern compilers have still a field left for independent

research.

II.

The sources which are absolutely required for the compilation of a

veliable dictionary of the Persian language, are the following ten—

ee Ad. {Laas} Sof, written A. D. 1419.

Bee oh. Eval yh, written after A. D. 1428 and before

1445,

Mu. S28) 50, written A. D. 1519.

Ma. Ucl2/) Jo, written A. D. 1593.

FS. eee bias, written A. D. 1608.

S| ee=*, second edition, written A. D, 1629.

so OT Oo oe 0

™

ber}

css CF

R. csoes, B29, written A. D. 1653.

Sir. * ola girw, written A, D. 1735.

Bh, pe ake, written between A. D. 1739 @1768.

10. Gh. wbUiekse written A. D. 1826.

T subjoin here a list of abbreviations referring to other lexicogra-

phical works, &c., mentioned below.

4 Contributions to Persian Lexjcography. [No. 1,

B. eb wl», written A. D. 1652.

F. coy S52,5, written A. D. 1742.

SHL. wl meio, printed A. D. 1806.

HK. cy 222, printed A. D. 1822.

V. Vullers’ Lexicon Persico-Latinum, Bonn 1855.

A.A. ce! wT, by the author in the Bibliotheca Indica.

The Burhan ought not to be used by future compilers except as 4

guide for the arrangement of the words.

The sources used by the authors of the ten works which I consider

absolutely necessary for the compilation of a reliable dictionary of the

Persian language, are mostly forgotten. Many of them perhaps

no longer exist; others are only to be found in the libraries of Hurope.

The abbreviations in the following alphabetical list of the sources of

the ten shew by whom they were used.

1. pg dias (ads)! 531 Kia,9, FJ., Sur.

2. M2! yd cole pqroiet| g4] Ki2,3, Ad. FU, Sur.

esrexbt] Cgomod)| ppabe (yt

3. st2lps! i259, FJ. This appears to be another

dictionary than No. 28.

4. Waa) Sof Kid,9, Sh., Mu., Ma., FJ., Sur. Vide

below.

5. Ceygalas AU) ose glin) Zia,9, FJ.

6. (5) 3S} Kid ,9, FJ. Vide 10.

7. ebls wa, 2,9 Sir, Bh., Gh.

8. a she Kio,s, Gh, Vide below.

9. wivad Glas] Kast Kiss

ists! Btls, : FJ., Sur.

Soe” Cros] slyd gr ogee”, Sur., and Ma. who mentions i¢

AS Eye Lio IS |. The Ma. calls

it (gy dS Bylamd| dx}. hence

it may be the same as No. 6.

11. le cj bppbrowld eclai2,5, FJ. Sur.who found in someMSS,

coy? instead of cojle>,

12, carta Sas, Sur, KR. B., Sir, Gh. Vide

below.

13. S102 Ele, Gh. Vide below.

1868.]

Contributions to Persian Lexicography.

Nees o

w| bs as Bix by,

uth > Kid 99,

Ma2I| yoiwys Bias,

ye] ley Kia,s,

(ey Ody Sid 59,

debe! Liss oles Uy Sl; Bays

ep d2 dabad Stokes ,

csilolve Kia ,9,

eek aly,

csiteslae ir yn Kids,

pated ort Alb ort phe) ext (goa Kia?

aro} oe) ae Lams 9 Jt Ss wT»

36.

5 sols Gerold Loren 9,

caylas 13 IU wl old UUs

Kips Shy wl) ulee as,

cstloael | colons? usvoles or;

BIG (cyto oan! Kelis Kit,3

il cle ex ll,

pale Baljzae Kies,

eae

(5 >ybes pie! | OLE aS S199,

e ld don” eye Kid,9,

gsai¥| yin asses Keo 5| cls”,

hee Kid 93,

psvole 519,59,

pstlle SA0 5.5,

Fe Bk bs

ale Ad ,9,

FJ., Sur.

FJ.

PJ.

Ad., Mu., FJ.

FJ.

Ad., FJ.

Sir., Bh., Gh. Vide below.

Sh., Mu., Ma. who men-

tions it as EpywoRbio WAS 51,

FJ.,Sur. My MSS. ofthe

Ma. have ae Doened |

Gh. Vide below.

Be Gih:

FJ,

Sur.

Mu., Ma., FJ., Sur. Vide

below.

FJ.

EJ. This is the Kashf-

ullughat ; vide below.

FJ.

RJ.

FJ. Perhaps also Ma.,

who quotes a dictionary

called in my MSS.

isthe Kid, 3,

FJ.

42.

62.

5 ceprelShad |

Contributions to Persian Lexicography.

a Kas ihe Kin 8,

ela) Eke,

AW) slhc Cashes wll 9d?

(sty) 9 sly: d5|y3 Gid,8,

* tb eels Kia y?,

wan Uns) &ais Kio 5,

wlakad| &is Ki28,

ela} 5 lbs Kio ,9,

&S eek L2wo—d (os aU! obs Kio,

Ko 9 os alas es,

{peatnd old Ki 9,

UL ols wd Kia,3,

Kl soe ela Ki2 55,

Ca Cay] Eee”,

usll> ele} a=”,

SHlye op Lawliga| wEW) coe,

ues? (Ox dos” Kit,

ely &S uso BLaegd8d (yd On? Kio 58

aye Lashed Ody Eygod| als

yaks” es b55,

Ltn BLD Lj yho ox! pd tle! Lyte Kid,

hel

[yrded| lata Lia, 5,

a ue,

(oO ye sfogd] UI geo Ki2,5,

cnn cease sl Bi Ls gv0 Kio ,s

oly ye *)

Maas og “90 io ,3,

[No.

Ma., FJ.

Vide below.

Gh.

Ad., FJ.

KJ.

Mu., Ma., FJ.

Ma., FJ.

Gh. Vide below.

Sur.

Ad., Sh., Mu., Ma., FU.,

Sur.

FJ.

Vide below. R., B.,

Gh.

Vide below.

Gh.

FJ.

Sir.,

FJ., Sur.

FJ.

FJ., Sur. who calls it

1 pve bans to distin-

guish it from No. 28.

Bh., Gh. Vide below.

ras} 2 Slee slaw Kio 9

wo" 6S > me

FJ., Sur.

FJ. This is the Madar ;

vide below.

FJ.

Ad., Sh., FJ.

Sir.

Ma, FJ., Sur.

below.

Ma.,

Vide

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 7

64. 3 daly 9S] duty 52,5, Sh., Mu., Ma., FJ.

65. wbwal} lai Kia,5, Ma, FS., Gh.

The last work is written by Muhammed Badruddin, better known

as Abtt Nacr i Farahi, of Farah, a town in Sijistan. The book

which has often been printed in India, is an ancient vocabulary in

rhyme, and is used in nearly every school in India. There exist

several commentaries to it, by es) dy po Gy os” who lived at

the time of Akbar, @ilo Gy) days, and cagy ebb,

The above list of Persian Dictionaries does not give the names of

the oy Kis,5 and the [adJ) wltUa Sia,s two dictionaries

often quoted by the Madar; but I suspect they are mentioned above

under a different name.

Tif.

After having specified the sources of the ten most valuable diction-

aries, I add a few notes on several ofthem. The notes are necessarily

short, as the subject matter of a dictionary is almost entirely indepen-

dent of the character and mind of the compiler. I trust, however, that

the remarks will be of some value, as they are the result of six years’

lexicographical studies. With the exception of Surtri’s Majma’ulfurs

the notes refer to Indian works.

1. Madd) Ff.

This Dictionary is compiled by o+=* jos wld (2/8 of Delhi. The

author adds to his name the words Jl ylooy G greed. The dictionary

was written in A. H. 822, or A. D. 1419, more than twenty years

after the sack of Delhi by Taimur. The book is rather a vocabulary

than a dictionary; the first part contains Persian words, and the

second Persian phrases. The words are arranged according to the

first, second, and last letters. No examples are given. For ancient

Persian words, especially for such for which there are no proofs, the

Adat is of some importance. Otherwise the value of the book is

rather historical. MSS. are rare,

9. gst sly! Koolis iS,

The name of the author is sil? cls? pa*te!; hence his dictionary

is sometimes called (.+4%/y3| Ki2,5. He was a disciple of the famous

saint Sharafuddin Ahmad of Munair, a town in Bahar, to whose honor

the compiler called his work Sharafidmah. He says in the preface

(metre Mutagdrib)— :

=) Contributions to Persian Leaicography. [No. 1,

a pale ~

awl coho deal Kolss Camel (53 yd 5 gta 5S Ly we

“The Sharafnaémah of Ahmad i Munyari is a dress of honor, filled

“with the pearls of the Dari-Persian.” Hence the dictionary is best

known under the name of Sharafndmah « Ibrahiméi. It must not be

confounded with the Farhang i Mirza Ibrahim, a later dictionary

used by the authors of the FJ. and Sur. ey

The birthplace of Ibrahim is unknown. It is however clear that

he was an Indian ; for like the Adat he gives many Hindee equivalents,

and mentions Indian pronunciations of Persian words. He lived some

time in Persia, and: has thus been able to add words and meanings

which he heard from natives. He names several times a Shaikh Wahidi

of Shiraz, andan Amir Shibébuddin Hakim, of Kirmaén, whose remarks

he enters. Thus

gsiloss ese wo wld a0! jt wel Balas ill 5 esl £JLy eee

The dictionary must have been written during the time of Barbak,

who reigned in Bengal from A. D. 1428 to 1445, as it ends with the

following verses (metre Ramal)—

4 K200 lJ

Crmd 9 oly he Nic Siinsen® 9! wots jd aemdy gly pile gle BSI Ly PES gs

amid y olelle gla SH GL yQbeS 54 ab 2 9 rns = wb} ayo ledly

The work consists of a short treatise on Persian and Turkish

terminations, a large number of Persian words and phrases, interspersed

with a few Arabic nouns and infinitives, and a collection of Chagatai

words. The latter are given separately at the end of each jfag¢l of

Persian words, which arrangement has been followed in the next

dictionary and the Madar.

In using the dictionary we have to look to the first, last, and second

letters of the words. Hxamples of verses are frequent. The MS. of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 1332,—by no means a good one—has an

appendix containing the Turkish numerals, and a list of Persian metres.

As a peculiarity of this dictionary, we have to mention that the com-~

piler, though an Indian, follows in the arrangement of the words the

rule of Uio and Jis. From the time of the introduction of the Arabic

characters up to the time of the poet Jami, the last of the classics, the

Trani Persian writers used the letter J{s dzal for Jls dal, after a long

A, 1, 1 (Om a5), a8 S94 for oy bud ; and 2. alter every consonant, cs,

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 9

9, ! excepted, provided that consonant has a vowel, 7. ¢., after the

S,=i aes orm, as digths, 9533, dad; but never after diphthongs, as

in 8440; nor after consonants with the jazm (uySbw A=” W3,> ),

as in Ma, o,5, &e. This interchange between Js and Ulo was never

extended to Arabic words. Beside the Sharafnamah, Suriri’s Majma’-

ulfurs is .he only dictionary in which the rule has been adhered to in

the arrangement of the words.

The dictionary itself deserves the attention of future compilers, as

it has not been sufficiently used. The author is very exact; in his

explanations he pays particular attention to legendary names, especially

those of the Shahnamah, and to plants and their medical properties.

MSS. are rare.

3, Laal) ay4<

This dictionary was compiled A. H. 925, or A. D. 1519, by Shaikh

Muhammad ibni Shaikh Lad ( SY) of Delhi. His object was to

complete the Sharafnamah through the addition of words and phrases

from the Qunyat uttalibin. Hence his dictionary is more voluminous.

Every facl is tripartite; first come the Arabic, then the Persian, and

lastly the Turkish words. The appendix to the dictionary contains

the Arabic, Persian and Turkish numerals, and a small Persian

grammar. Hxamples of verses occur but rarely.

The arrangement is the same as in the Sharafnamah. Nothing is

known of the author himself. From a remark in the preface we know

that he had two children. The reigning king receives no praise; nor

was Ibrahim Lodhi a fit subject for an encomium.

MSS. of this dictionary are numerous.

Ay, ele) was

This dictionary was compiled by ’Abdurrahim ibn i Ahmad Str of

Bahar. It contains the words of the Sharafnémah and the Muayyid,

and many Arabic werds from the Gurah. The MSS. are numerous.

There exists also a rare lithographed edition of 1264 pp. 4to., which

appeared at Calcutta several decads ago. The following extract is

taken from the preface—

“Should any one doubt the correctness of a Persian word in my

“ Dictionary, let him look into the Sharafnamah, the dictionary of my

10 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

“revered teacher Shaikh Muhammad Lad—May God have mercy on

“him !—the Dasttir, the Dictionary by Qazi Nacir uddin Gunbudazi,

“the Qunyat uttalibin, the Dictionary by Fakhr-i-Qawwés, the Dic-

“tionary by Ali Bég Be, the Dictionary by Amir Shihabuddin of

“ Kirmaén, the Qdéfiyah-i-Kish, the Lisén ushshu’ard, the Ictilah

‘“‘ushshu’ara, the Jami’ uccandyi’, and the Dictionary by Shaikh

“Muhammad Khaghri ( cey#% ).”

The date of the compilation is not known; the work must have,

however, been completed about the middle of the sixteenth century,

as the author knew Shaikh Muhammad Lad, the compiler of the

Muayyid (A. D. 1519). He also alludes to the Shaikh under 4420 G1.

This dictionary gives no examples. The Kashf is of importance for

those who cannot procure copies of the Sharafnamah and the Muayyid.

rye Jolsy) ja

This valuable work which has been very little used, was compiled

by Maulana Shaikh JTléhdad i Faiszi, son of Asad ul’ulama ’Ali Shér of

Sirhind. The year of the compilation, A. H. 1001, or A. D. 1593, is

given in the words els (449, the tarikh of the book. As the words

are only arranged according to the first and last letters, it is some-

what troublesome to use the book. The Arabic words stand in each

facl before the Persian. The Turkish words are given after the Persian

words. The Arabic words and the examples are more numerous than

in the preceding works. There are a great number of verses marked

25 “ad by the compiler.

The author makes occasionally ertical attempts, and mentions

Indian pronunciations of several Persian words.

The following extracts from this dictionary will shew that the com-

piler was a poet. His Masnawi entitled Ndz 6 Niyiz must not be

confounded with a Masnawi of the same title by Baqi (No. 1240

Asiatic Society Bengal).

% Dae (assy st” ares, a peas % ple o aa poe

3 bys", s ee 0 of bas &S 05) OM gd wlalro oad We * Be

8997 5h 5 5 Epzito ES yo 58) Gel Eyl

The metre of the compiler’s Masnawi is the same as of the Shirin

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. Y LL

Khusran, Jase okyeola0o uliclao, ag will appear from the following

quotation*

oy oes lw,3 hoy pare aS oe rs ar 0 (ia whe? Bae

Be tas

lass oy wet? j42 9? bS wlere ee ELD OS cle! Jeo

MSS. of this dictionary are as common as those of the Mu. There

exist, however, bad copies, where in the e4W} eo) Wes under

Nand 531, the compiler is confounded with Faiszi, the great Indian

poet. In good MSS. we find—

# dyes? lhl wy Sy6 cbs Un25 Xf od sh A225} 531

Bad MSS. read—

3 male éS éals él} Kes) BSL dy Joly SY 9 .28 Od of OS wht

and give also verses of the poet Faiszi marked 4%JyeJ. The reference

to ’Allami is quite impossible, as he outlived his brother Faiszi. The

confusion, I dare say, is to be ascribed to ignorant copyists who

were mislead by the takhallue Fazszé. The compiler clearly gives the

name of his father, ’Ali Shér, of Sirhind, whilst the father of the poet

is Shaikh Mubarik of Nagér. It is also evident from the preface that

the compiler was a piows Muhammadan, which the poet Faiszi was

certainly not.

It is noticeable that the book does not contain a single reference to

Akbar. p

The four MSS. at hand have a Khatimah containing grammatical

rules. One has the following remark— ,

BLE jabsldt lle oF 9 whad zle c= ely edly yo? LS

de fies © oly? el a we ephee eds wr wart Oe? oO: jf coils wks

—- baw 9 9 HIS, af alt

at which place the writing is so %dyoJ, that it cannot be read,

I 8 15

* Vide also Vullers’ Persian Dictionary, II. p. 518b. In the article wleiwo

correct sh) URS ole to wal) KS Gale, the author of the pre-

ceding dictionary; and for the verse of Mulla Salik of Yazd, which in Vullers

has no metre, read (metre Ramal)

[JOS etlearc & lye &=! buoy) oe wlio ys Por 5 5 Kass dS

12 Contributions to Persian Leaicography. [No. 1,

Gs Oe a

The first edition of Surtri’s Majma’ulfurs appeared in A. H. 1008,

nine years before the next dictionary. As thirty years later, A. H.

1038, a second edition appeared, we shall first notice the Farhang 1

Jahaneiri.

al coshilye Si 55

The title of the dictionary is a misnomer, and ought to be Farhang

i Akbart. The compiler is Nawwab ’Aszad uddaulah Mir Jaméluddin

Husain i Anji. He is mentioned in the Ain i Akbari, p. 226,

as one of Akbar’s courtiers, holding the office of a cs oved, or

commander of nine hundred, a position not necessarily military,

for which he received a monthly salary of Rs. 7100. He appears

to have been a favourite of the emperor, as in 1604 he was sent to

Bijaptr to bring the daughter of ’Adil Shah to Agra, where she was

married to Prince Danial.

From the preface of the dictionary it appears that the labours of the

compiler extended over thirty years. A. H. 1000, or thirteen years

after the commencement of the compilation, when Akbar was at

Srinagar, Mir Jaméluddin received the order to complete his dic-

tionary. Not only did Akbar grant sums for the purchase of manu-

scripts, but he even called learned men from Peria to assist Mir Jamalud-

din in the compilation. The historian Badaont! indeed tells us that many

a word was investigated in Akbar’s majlis 1 khac, the emperor himself

evincing that taste for the study of words which Muhammadans so

eminently possess. Forty-four dictionaries of those specified above, nine

others of which neither the title nor the author’s name were known,

commentaries, works on science, Zand and Pazand books, the whole

Persian literature, yielded the words for this work. The most ancient

dictionaries, of which nothing but the title seems now-a-days to exist,

were in Mir Jamaluddin’s hands. Among them were—the dictionary of

Abt Hafg of Soghd, who according to some made the first Persian

verse ;* that of Asadi, Firdausi’s teacher; the vocabulary of Hakim

Qatran, the quaint poet; &c. Akbar unfortunately died A. H. 1014,

or A. D. 1605, before the dictionary was completed; and when at

* Vide the author’s edition of the Persian Metres by Saifi, p. y.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 13

last, three years later in A. H. 1017, it made its appearance, the

compiler thought fit to call it in honor of Akbar’s successor Marhdng

tdahangiré. The micré (Hazaj i musaddas)

ELE Wott yy) Br 2}

is the tarikh of the completion of the work.

The preface of the dictionary is followed by an Introduction contain-

ing twelve chapters—

On the boundaries of the land Cwyls.

On the Persian language.

On the letters of the Alphabet, and the rule of Sls and ts.

On the arrangement of the words in the Farhang i Jahangiri.

On the 038 gaid adopted by the compiler.*

On the interchange of letters.

On pronominal affixes.

On certain words, as yo, &, 158, 1, 5°.

OI Se I= Ce eae

On terminations, as ¢J, ov0, use, c&, &e,

10. On the use of the letters %, 9, w, S, Gs, I, &e., as far as

they are used for inflections.

11. On the spelling of certain words, chiefly compounds.

12. On the Ucly ore,

The dictionary itself contains only single Persian words and such

Persian compounds as have no iszafat. The Ahdtimah is divided into

five chapters or doors—

1. Figurative expressions.

2. Compounds with or without the Iszafat, of which either one

or both words are Arabic.

3. Words which contain any of the sik Gs,o, viz., U, lo

BLS Ub, (uae, GU.

4. Zand and Pazand words.

» Lo,

5. Certain rare words, chiefly proper names of towns, persons, &e.

- Among the words, a few terms are found of the dialect of Shiraz,

to which town the compiler appears to have belonged. The Zand

* Hastern lexicographists describe the spelling of words, to avoid mistakes.

Thus the ra is called Sox 90 cst’, the —, with onr dot; and as it can now no

longer be mistaken, the letter is called OARv0 muqayyad fettered. Hence da3

means the system of descriptive spelling,

14 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. - [No. 1,

and Pazand words form a peculiar feature. They are interesting

-both for the Zand scholar and the historian of Akbar’s reign. The

principles of toleration which no king before Akbar had dared openly

to confess, had even laid hold of the philologic mind of the king’s

subjects, and for the first time did the words of the worshippers

of “the fire which Muhammad extinguished,” find a place in a

dictionary, the compiler of which was moreover a Sayyid of the

purest blood. Merely to flatter Akbar who, though a Sufi in his heart,

was a Parsee by his rites, could not have been the compiler’s sole

object. Curiosity had caused some of Akbar’s courtiers to learn

Sanscrit, and the same curiosity taught a philologist to look upon the

words of another sect of infidels as things worth knowing and

registering. This is proved by the spontaneous remark made by

the compiler under )$T—

aibdyy Ea yo 65 1p whyosle jh corte pte wit wily F aha 289

BAS 9 LS) 150 Wye g Godly Ueog! 2D lS if conse 45 poty oy!

aS and sav os [Swoo| oj JI (y2 9d 9 S54 crs? ww las f=: cles

eb Eyal ROAR 3965 LI ees 5 # pielore wars? gly wiles Gust

SF wy £13 Age gl 9 el gs rtd; wT sty 3) sae 25 oils g O35 5!

# 2] Oi ,S2° dbyQw0 sa6 Cty 22 oF Oswe yd 6F OBI Lydd Qgetyo

“‘T knew an old Persian, a Zoroastrian, who possessed some parts of

“the Zandavesta. As I have a passion for collecting Persian words,

“and asno book enjoysa greater authority for Persian than the

“ Zandavesta, I often met him for the purpose of investigating some

“words; and indeed most of the Zand words which the Khatimah of

‘““my dictionary contains, have been extracted by this Zoroastrian from

“the Zendavesta. Whenever he came across the word js in reading

“to me from his holy book, he pronounced it ddur, not ddzar, &e.

In another place of his dictionary the compiler mentions a Zoro-

astrian of the name of Ardshér. Perhaps it is the same. Akbar had

expressly sent for him from Kirman, as will be seen from the

following extract—

wrslay od exta yo 8 Eouye®j) SA Ul crt # 8 @ & ples?

cs 2m 9 Od Svmnd |S (00 03970 we Iya! 9 Als oe toy! 2 RAYS) Lels

3 By ha 8 rly? I Leal pe eylat Gast ae was” sthe®T ays

|| og) Sy 903 Gak=? ESEYS) aan wlosS

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 15

The editor of the Burhan gives likewise the Zand words ; but, as far

as I know, he is the only Muhammadan lexicographer who has thought

it worth while to copy them.

The order of the words in the dictionary is at first sight bewildering.

They are arranged according to the second letter. Thus the first Gb

contains all words whose second letter is alz/; the second bab those

whose second letter is ~ bé,and soon. Within each bab, the words are

again alphabetically arranged. For example, j1S1,, wo,5, Kids will

stand in the same bab, the ly ob; but jfosl,~ will stand before, and

Wo,5 after, the word Kia,3, because Cw sin and & gdf stand in the

alphabet respectively before and after the /é.

MSS. of the Farhang are numerous. A good MS. may be obtained

for 40 to 50 Rupees. Our Society possesses two very good ones;

No. 611, marked with the muhr of Tippti Sultan, is very correct.

The worth of the dictionary is so generally recognized, that not only

the general term ‘‘ Zhe Farhang” is used instead of Farhang « Jahdn-

girt, but that the sources from which it was compiled have nearly all

sunk into oblivion. For the pre-classical and classical times of the Per-

sian literature, it is the completest dictionary and the richest mine of

quotations. The Burhan is the Farhang without examples. Hven the

Turkish- Persian dictionary which Vullers has used, is chiefly based

upon the Farhang, whilst the dictionaries of Rashidi and Khan Arzié

are intended to correct its mistakes.

Mistakes in a dictionary are, on the whole, of less consequence, than

mistakes in works on science; for supposing one of the words be

wrong, no one would find it used by authors. Mistakes in meanings are

more serious; and in this regard, it is well that the Farhang has been

examined, partly by Surtri, but thoroughly by Rashidi and Khan

Arzu. On the other hand, it was unfortunate that the Burhan, which

through the printed editions of Capt. Roebuck and Vullers’ Lexicon

Persico-Latinum, has become best known in Europe, appeared before

the critical labours of Rashidi and Khan Arai, so that every mistake

of the Farhang has been over and over again printed, or improved

upon. The chief fault of the Farhang is this, that he too hastily

abstracts particular meanings from the verses which he quotes. Hence

the danger to which compilers are exposed that use the Farhang with-

out giving his examples, as Burhan and Vullers have done,

16 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. No. 1

raphy }

8. oe will

(2nd edition.)

The name of the author is Muhammad Qasim ibn i H4ji Muhammad

of Kashén in Yrén. Surdri is his takhallue. The author is also

known as a poet and a commentator; his Arabic commentary on

Sa’di’s Gulistan deserves attention. The first edition of the dictionary

which appeared in A. H. 1008, or A. D. 1600, is based upon sixteen

dictionaries, including the Adat, the Sharafnamah, and the Muayyid,

but is considerably smaller than the second edition which appeared

thirty years later in 1038. Those who make use of Surtri must

carefully ascertain, whether they have before themselves the first or the

second edition, as MSS. of both exist. This seems to have been

overlooked by the Burhan. Though a very careful compiler and

professing to have used Surtri, Burhin does net give all words and

meanings that are in the second edition of the Majma’ulfurs.

The MSS. of the second edition contain two prefaces. The second

preface which commences with the verse (Hazaj i musaddas)

cot GU Att a9 Cay Gudll we? ols

“May the Majma’ulfurs of Surtri be indispensable to critical

compilers,” is very short, and stands in the MSS. which I have seen,

before the original preface. Surtri’s second edition was caused by

the appearance of the Farhang i Jahangiri, a copy of which, as late as

in 1038, was brought to Surtri from Hindistan. From it, as also

from two other dictionaries, Surtri has largely extracted. From the

respectful manner in which he speaks of the Farhang, we might

conclude that he lay under certain obligations to its author. He

must have known him; else he would not call him

gprblwe lai] Crgtha 9 Colas w lo ryt 9 SS oh GLU cleo oly

#5) ote C2! lee 3b SL5 cule y wolse ol! abo}

—titles fit for a king.

He passes im silence over the blunders of the Farhang; and if on

two or three places he dares openly to differ in the meaning of a word,

he modestly says—

awd) pats 5 gllA cohav cyt! OF Owe paso Raed Ett _pblS? y

or words to this effect, although he would not so easily let off other

authors.

1868.} Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 17

Future compilers of Persian dictionaries will do well carefully to

compare each word given in the Farhang with the same in Surtri,

and remember that whenever Surtiri has left out a meaning or a

whole word given by the Farhang, there is, to use Rashidi’s language,

a Jeol gle,

Surtiri seems to have been acquainted with Turkish, as he mentions

among his sources two dictionaries written in that language. The

quotations are very numerous. As Suri is an Iranian, his spellings

and pronunciations differ occasionally from the Ttrani Persian of

the preceding Indian lexicographists. His adherence to the dts

and Jj rule has been mentioned. Instead of a final WS kdf, he

often has a G& gdf ; thus he writes XK! ashg a tear, Key sirishy a

drop, instead of €L| ashk, &e. Instead of ~e! asp he writes | ash.

His arrangement of the words is inconvenient, as it is the same as in

the Madar.

Surtiri appears to have died in Hindistaén during the reign of Shah-

jahan, as will be seen from the following extract from the khatimah

of the valuable work Mir-dt ul "Alam; vide Morley’s Catalogue of

Historical MSS., p. 52 :—

< Sa 5] Os} @ 00T digs SUT nro, OE 99 l&el Eoyayes

Sie Kia 98) aS np eee a wasly wlyy shy ye Soug 55 Fu rene Kd 980

a OM « awl gl & Ss} wld .05) syle Sat

BBS oe Gg Cold 9 pthy — BL AF Gyo Kibywe i! Odverlt

“ Suriri of Icfahan came to Hindtstén during the reign of Shah-

“‘jahan. Soon after he left for Mecca, but died on the road. The

‘* Majma’ulfurs, so famous under the name of Parhang-i-Suritrt, is

“written by him. The following verse is taken from his poems

(metre Hazaj) :*—

* Tcfahdn is a mistake for Kdshin. The verse is a fine example of the

poetical figure called cel] alge thém uttandsub; vide Garcin de Tassy’s

La Rhétorique des Nations Musulmanes, p. 101. Poets compare their tears to

orphans, because both are uncared for and alone. Orphans grow up to be

thieves and murderers (cos); hence Yatém means also the same as

rahzan. But tears also are usta or $a5I Tg, and flow from the eyes

(o)dSx0 oy 5! ), whilst robbers are daring and wnmindful of their lives,

(23) 35.0 Dg yew 3 ust Ody}os Dg yer | 953. )

18 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

“Wear my tear; for it is a wicked orphan, a tyrant, a reckless one.”

MSS. of Surtiri’s dictionary are scarce ; the excellent MS. preserved

in the Fort William College Library was bought at the high price of

Rs. 100.

The title Cwyienes” means (wy wt ena eee”. The first

edition was dedicated to Sultan Abul Muzaffar “Abbas Bahadur Khan,

king of Persia.

2: usils wlll) es

This dictionary was compiled at Delhi in A. H. 1053, or A. D.

1643, by Ni’matullah al Husaini of Shiraz. His takhallue is (bes

wacli. In his preface he praises Nawwab Makramat Khan, a vizier

of Shahjahan, to whom the word (lS refers. The author has not

specified his sources; but on examination it will be found that the

dictionary is almost the same as the second edition of Suriri, some-

what shortened, with a few meanings from the Farhang i Jahangiri.

The introduction contais a small Persian grammar likewise copied from

the Farhang. The book is a fine example of wholesale plagiarism, and

“is therefore deservedly but little known. MSS. are very rare; the

MS. of our Society, No. 804, is very fair.

The arrangement of the words is the same as in Surtiri. Vullers’

F’. occasionally quotes this dictionary, as under (sles.

10. bul,

This Dictionary is well known. The first edition was printed in

1818 at Calcutta by Captain Roebuck, and the third and last, with a

few corrections, in 1834 by Hakim ’Abdul Majid. The name of the

compiler is Muhammad Husain of Tabriz; Burhan is his takhallue.

He completed the dictionary in A. D. 1652, or A. H. 1063, as

indicated by the tarikh @bls wla,y eb CUS, and dedicated it to a

contemporary of Shahjahan, Sultan "Abdullah Qutbshéh of the Dek-

khan, where for atime he must have lived. Hence he prefers Dekhan

synonyms; thus under _,3*l5 he says :—

1 OBL gaily 65 OSy97 0 3 Codie es W939 jt ty OT

where the FJ. has—oz{,s oigyS sais cl IT 4 Codi Us who 3]

Burhan’s object was to compile a practical vocabulary without giving

examples. In adopting the order of words as followed in our

dictionaries, he arranged them more conveniently than any preceding

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 19

lexicographer had done. Nearly all ‘subsequent dictionaries follow

Burhan’s arrangement. His sources were the I'J., the first edition of

Sur., the Surmah i Sulaimani and the Cihdh uladwiyah. MSS.

of the last two are not obtainable here; but they cannot be

very valuable, as the Burhan contains nothing which is not in the

Farhang or Surdri. Burhan is a careful compiler; only a few words

that are given in the Farhang, appear to have been omitted. Asan

example I may mention &4*} pakhtah cotton, which the Farhang gives

ob sy crite Jy1l. If Burhan had omitted the useless meanings

of the Farhang, his compilation would be more useful than it is.

The printed editions of Capt. Roebuck and Hakim ’Abdul Majid are

accompanied by appendices of words not given in the Burhan.

These appendices which are known under the name of wls,s wade

Mulhagat + Burhin, are not written by Burhan, nor are they found in

numerous MSS. of the dictionary; but were made under the direction

of Capt. Roebuck from the works of several lexicographers of the

18th and even of the beginning of the-19th century. They are

untrustworthy and full of the most glaring blunders. Vullers has

embodied them ; but we trust that no lexicographer after him will use

them. Whatever good they contain, will be found in the original

dictionaries written after Burhan.

Burhan’s dictionary has produced in India a good deal of critical

discussion. During this decade, a book was printed in Delhi, written

by Asad ullah Khan, known also under the name of Mirz4 Naushah

and, as a poet, under the takhalluc of Gls. The author is the best

Persian writer which India now-a-days possesses. We have from his

pen a collection of letters, called Gif - Sa, a Diwan, a historical book

on Indian kings, entitled 3 ye ye, and also a book written in pre-

classical Persian on the Indian mutiny of 1857, entitled ,stwo.

The name of the book in which he attacks Burhan, has the title

wl, eLls. It has seriously damaged his reputation as a critical

scholar. Throughout the book he is abusive, and even obscene.

Burhan whom he styles (.¢5o or cs] op” Gyst, is throughout repre-

sented as an independent lexicographer, although Burhan in his preface

distinctly says ely &) ews! wat Gly ail» wl aola .sk2, Hence

most of Ghalib’s attacks are easily refuted by turning up the Farhang

or Suriri, But his book is also full of wilful misstatements, whilst

20 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

some of his etymologies are even from a native point of view unscholar-

like. He has been well taken to task by Agh4 Ahmad ’Ali, of Dacea,

one of the Persian teachers of the Calcutta Madrasah. His reply is en-

titled wls,3 350 Muayyid 1 Burhdn, and was printed two years ago at

Calcutta. The writer shews a spirit of critical enquiry and scientific

truthfulness, which is but rarely met with in native writers. Some of his

articles, as Gast)Us1, ST, Q&T, &e., are well worth reading. An index

has lately been added by the author. Future lexicographers will do

well to obtain a copy of this book.

From a perusal of this reply, it appears that of the four hundred

words which Ghalib. attacked, about thirty are Burhan’s own

blunders, and sixty others must be called doubtful words, because

they are given in the Farhang and Surtri without proof. Se-

veral other mistakes have been discovered by the author of the

Siraj (vide below); but on the whole, the number of mistakes

made by Burhan himself is so small, as not to endanger his re-

putation of a careful compiler. A few were also corrected by Capt.

Roebuck in the foot notes of his printed edition. Ghalib’s rejoinder

which appeared in 1867 under the title 333833, is a mistake. He

tries in vain to shift the ground by discussing extraneous matter, and

thinks to defeat his opponent by giving on the last page of his books

the seals and facsimiles of several amfluential men, even Nawabs, living

at present at Delhi, who, he says, agree with his statements. The

Agha’s second rejoinder, entitled Shamshér < téztar, is in the press.

MSS. of the Burhan are numerous, There exists also a Turkish

translation of it.

11. Cpdacty Bia ,3

This is the first erttical dictionary. It stands unsurpassed. The

name of the author is Mulla ’Abdurrashid of Tattah ( digi ) in Sind.

Other lexicographers, especially the writer of the Bahar i ’Ajam, call

him &U} dea) os. He completed his dictionary in A. D. 1653, or

A H. 1064, as shewn by the tarikh (metre Ramal)

Ure csonh Sits ob yd Cosy jt sy ull ens

The author is well known as the compiler of the Muntakhab, the

most popular Arabic dictionary in India, which in 1635 he had

dedicated to Shahjahan. When the Persian Dictionary appeared, the

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. . 21

king was the prisoner of his perfidious son dAwrangzib, for whom

Rashidi has no words of praise ; for at that time Aurangzib had not

acquired that odour of sanctity which pious Muhammadans acknow-

ledge by a SU} Seay, a S coleo never bestowed upon any of the

preceding Moguls.

There exists also arare Risdlah written by ’Abdurrashid, entitled

whye0 Wl, He was certainly one of the best scholars Hindtstén has

produced. His Persian dictionary, though less known, cannot be too

highly valued ; it is so full of original research, that no Persian scholar

ought to be without a Rashidi. As a compiler ’Abdurrashid is most

careful ; he rarely copies doubtful words from other dictionaries without

removing the doubt ; and when he is unable to do so, he plainly states

that he does not know the word, or adds a Gwe} old ole pats or a

real &U},. Nor does he hastily condemn. If he has reason to condemn,

his proofs are convincing. He does not abuse the preceding lexicogra-

phers ; and when he does call the authors of the Farhang and Surtvi

Uslé ghéfil, we expect from the nature of the case a stronger epithet.

The arrangement of the words is the same as in the Burhan,

although it does not appear, as if he had known that book. He chose

that arrangement, because from experience he was satisfied that it

was the best. ‘The figurative phrases are given at the end of each

facl. TRashidi has not specified his sources. Nor was this necessary,

as his sole object was to correct the Farhang and Surtwi, which he

acknowledges to be the best dictionaries existing. Occasionally he

quotes a book written by, or entitled, ..jtelw. Its author is not

known to me, but his remarks are so shrewd, that lexicographers

would do well to secure a SAémani. The book must have been written

after Surtxi’s second edition. From some of his remarks it appears

that Rashidi was acquainted with Roman Catholic ceremonies. This

may be traced to the fact that his birthplace was for some time in

the hands of the Portuguese.

The following passage taken from Rashidi’s preface defines the

object of the dictionary and gives at the same time an idea of its

usefulness—.

9h wd)! 9 ie9 Ja| we yitvo 3 U3 deo 9 39723 9 = La pke0

ws> aS oy5S us” o> sh} Gldel| sites” | yg 23] OAS Gy! Ad > | das

22 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

Ueksic bol oy (Kio, wis ele glist Kadi (69 yo 9 cele Kiss

SST Jol sy 5 pst? eid Hj! GUsat sisal bo Oe — yx} 53 oy!

yy Seo wy le atl? ot! xy,F GUI wld Ja yo a3 90 oT wl40

eis ole! exer)» BY ere pos # dull Y §3Sio jledty delat

wy eles wlrsyy ust? woled ess EST ogae 2d518 5S oly 6S silo

wl pda! OST ley Cem Guy) & Nxazeid anid y odlsyS cys

ars Sivo SHS F_ 555 la Oba Kio] O52 Ky d2L0 wld» $O3|/ 55 wylean 2h

2 ss (635 SI ty cary oy By ews 650 oly whls

SOs} ile po SI) 9 cen)? 9 35 colt ty waa 3 Et 9 oy ly pars

wil cglyme # eS Casha jog cool pier Coy SS" J0 wel 9

2223 9 SOF bree yg 2 od ezle0 wylel why yy 6F Cw} ble 5 gp 03

wha slL—atal 45 Sym wT dito 4 ty 9 ly whic s Py GIS wlio woled

aS &_i98 51 8 wid D8 (eg saw) yy whe, OIE S 94 BLS} gly ao

be” Cot} 99 9% 9 ogi Gls aes BS Gdeekyoy BOT l= 5 cum} pdy0

Ldeehyoy aT lay diy9S 533 CAS EF sai) 8395 eghkad SS Kis * eg ol

cr wale PRO 99 yt Se owl depo Coly 9 CojsU GY Fossa LS

595 8595 Bs See) cophl> Kia ,s 39 SI] hass® EeWokg csty® Bdy5 rae

Este &S sia Cory 58) 9 9l dlepe sty col? 5 coil Gls ia 8a97

pees Sel 3h 95 cehtedsor SLT la 4 ably GIO Wlypbae 6F Coo} Leoddga

By} AS SELF 5 Siler C4039 19 9 OF Onl CHL Gey sly Gry’ OE

Lxs ae S53) SIT lag eens! xlo (hres (9 4 W592 Col) g SoE* 51} panKs

KSQS rs? os usize W595 9 W553) K— ea 8) 72 Jd 9 rma ps usls Sya—0

anol Liga cl 9 & 25 Jem! ushte (ee ars 3 Dic Js! 2 of

123

t+ Krag) disso Oe OM! gS 395 Ovo &S Wane! baad wy Qa ois’ 3

os* 3 wr 3 cowl? cols bbso SR) dss» BS} gos! gd Lis y wo ave

ae 5) ral usite! cee) Led pred 9 _gansd ) os 8 osts on wT a) shes

Pai G* ls uslts aL Udo 9 aS Ws 9 dls eal (site? ee us! » les Cr 3

iS. aKil o 9 Law| Lams 19 ew bmn) 3 enti Lvxt YX Aro ester

° Bias es SD) a Cody y) 24

os? S954 ata? 45 OH xe cle iD) Kal wae ens Grd 9

aye alakcr ASG JS rf cu? S95 By) dt yl By dhavo Siays wb)! pst 9

‘“’Abdurrashid of Tattah, the son of “Abdulghafar, of the descendants

of Husain, originally of Madinah, who is known for his shortcomings

1868.] : Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 23

and sins, and who has sipped a hand full from the intellectual fountain

of the poets of Persia, states as follows—

I have examined the Farhang i Jahangiri and Surtri, and consider

them the best dictionaries existing. But they also contain much

that is wrong in matter and principle.

1. Both authors have enlarged their dictionaries by quoting as

proofs, useless verses, and repeating them on several places.

2. They are not sufficiently painstaking in ascertaining the correct

form of words, their vowels and meanings.

3. They enter occasionally Arabic words, and omit to state that

the words are not Persian.

4. Both often enter the same words on different places, but wrongly

spelt, or even mistake them for separate words. Thus words occur

spelt with av léandaw pé; withaw téandaw nin; with a&

kdf and aS gf ; with ah shin and a cy sin; witha} 2é and a 4 2hé

anda 7é. Such mistakes are especially frequent in Surtri, though

less in the Farhang.

Besides there are actual blunders, as shall be shewn below. And

curiously enough, both compilers confound words commencing with a

SJ kdf and a J lém, with a » wdw and a y ré, and other letters

which it is almost impossible to mistake. As an example I may

mention the word SUS gurdz, which has in Surtri the following

meanings—l, a certain disease. This is a mistake for the Ar. 5155

kuzdz. 2, a kind of vessel, also called 63 tang. This is a mistake

for the Ar. jl,5 kurdz. The Farhang again enters }l»5 kawdz, with a

wdw instead of a ré. 38, a stick to urge on cattle. This is a mistake

for 3155 guwaz. Or, the Farhang gives a word wls95 2érfin [or

according to some MSS. zérfdn], the moon. This is a mistake for the

Arab. wl8,3) zibirqdén. Again, both the Farhang and Suriri give

ws béfand 455 kif; but the former is wrong; or g» and Se

squinting, the latter being wrong. Similar mistakes are— 4sa53

nowjabah and S53 taujabah, a torrent; Gesely pdghdsh and Ghyeh

naghosh, a dive ; == nakhjad and os bakhjad, dross; y= hasar

and yo masar, ice; eos haidakh and ¢o43 baidakh, a swilt horse ;

aig» pahndnah and “bo mdhninah, a monkey; &e., as shall be

seen below. Such mistakes are more numerous in Surdri than in

the Farhang.

24. Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

IT have generally collected the various forms of spelling under that

word which, according to the proofs quoted, appeared to be the correct

form. Whenever a word appears to be doubtful, it is certainly of

no use to pass over it. Let people only look up carefully.”

Rashidi’s dictionary is accompanied by an excellent Introduction

which forms the basis of the Persian Grammar by ’Abdul-Wasi’ of

Hansah, a book which is read in most Indian schools. The first part

of the preface which contains the usual praises to God and Muhammad,

is written in ancient Persian, and is one of the finest prefaces known

to me. There appears to be no &l& to the dictionary, although

Rashidi says in the preface—

RM pee) Ma 9 kooro Sls yp) | Ue sive ls wil»

At least the four MSS. which I have seen, do not give it, but end

abruptly with the last word $449 yéléqg. The Khétimnah is several

times alluded to in the Dictionary ; thus under L{ aba sowp (or ibd

according to Sh., Mu., Ma., FJ.) he says*—

* dla GS Kodld yo lab clens a> 3

MSS. of this dictionary are rare; the MS. of our Society (No. 76.)

is in a bad condition, although with the exception of the preface, it is

pretty carefully copied.

*é There are some curious blunders connected with this word on the first

and fourth pages of Vullers’ Dictionary. Vullers has on p. 1.—

LT jus, jusculum. This form with the madd is in no other Dictionary beside

F., and may therefore be struck out. 2) potio, potus. Not to be found in any

Persian Dictionary, 8) part. admirandi mirum. This is a blunder for Lj aya.

And on p. 4.—

SS oohT (patres fauces constringentes) met, gaudium et voluptas; 2)

aerumna ( we ) mundi; 3) gaudium de inimico mortuo, B.

First, this word is not inB., but in the Appendix of B., and therefore doubtful.

Secondly, the Persian Dictionaries spell the word (olf without a madd, colt

4béi,and derive it from abd soup. Ad. and Ma. give also Sich and

Boia’ 9l5 col! : hence jusculwm fauces contringens, and met. the surfeiting

joys of this world.

Thirdly, the meaning aerumna ( ee ) mundi is the blunder of some inatten-

tive copyist for lass ia nam % dunyd, the joys of this world.

Fourthly, the preceding word in Vullers, casks cg lbT aba 7 ?alawt, is a blun-

der for dba1 “ulwt,

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Leaxtcography. 25

12. eplal Elm

13. weslan ele

Both dictionaries are written by Siréjuddin Ali Khan, poetically

styled 93)f.Arzd, of Akbaraébad. He is the best commentator whom

India has produced. His commentaries to Nizdmi’s Sikandarnémah,

the Qacidahs of Khaqani and ’Urfi, and his or to the Gulistan,

entitled widS LULA, are of great value. The Siraj is his largest

work and has gained him the titles of erin) lw and Gpsssove Ka,0,

It contains the Persian words of the old poets (G4or%ho ), and many

quotations not given in the preceding dictionaries. The words which

belong to the ery Keo lgrivo! form the ey}oo ely, or as it is often

ealled, the second part of the Sira7.

The chief importance of the Siraj lies in this, that it isa commentary

on the Burhén and Rashidi. Rashidi is occasionally, though not

always convincingly, checked, when he doubts the correctness of a

quotation, whilst the critical remarks on the Burhan are so numerous,

that the Burhan should never have been printed without the notes

of the Siraj. There are also a few words which Rashidi, notwith-

standing his great carefulness, has overlooked and for the criticism of

which the Siraj is the more valuable. I take as an example the word

plivos!. Burhan has—

puns ustdm, elias! dstam and Wliws! dstdn.

1. The harness of a horse.

2. A man whom you can trust,

3. The threshold of a house.

Vullers gives the same on p. 142a. of the first volume of his

Lexicon. The FJ. gives likewise the three meanings with examples,

but he has not the form wis! dstdn. Nor isit in Surtiri and Rashid ;

who besides have only the first two meanings. We see therefore

a Jo gla in the form wli.»s! and the third meaning. The example

which the FJ. quotes for the meaning a threshold is taken from Nacir

Khusrau (metre Muszari’)

pacgls ys a2 a90 aS ply sf BE rmsd obit sd ole pail

“ Tf a man owes his very carpet and his threshold, his house is the

emptiest in the whole world.” -

We see at once that this verse proves nothing ; for the first meaning

26 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. | No. 1,

the harness of a horse suits far better. Iam ata loss to see why

Rashidi has omitted to make a remark on the third meaning.

Surtiri, as [ said above, passes a silence over meanings which he thinks

wrong or unsupported. The $114) has—

erty he nt Shy age y Saks AIL (53159 9 Sot ghys oUbecy!

wlast s9.9 # wl L8QS0 cline! # Git! 9 OsJ2.0 pum 9s nS s

a Cw “> wi) 9 Gale 4 dodo coy estes ylivegy whet wlisesl

cohen ei was wl $8 ,AAzv0 WS yo Oo 95 aS 50 a 5595 ald erthenT 9

wyleS ga) ald Qe] ITs BOAyA ylbwegt 1) pluog! Alb 4 sot sory

Totes eeoloedes} FS" Gwloale js adh ble yy ble de Soy

Thus we see that Burhan’s form wi.» dstdn is to be struck out as

unsupported, and that the meaning a threshold, as given in the FJ.,

is not proved.

The author of the Siraj says in his preface as follows :—

“As far as the correctness of meanings and the explanation of

difficult passages are concerned, no dictionary comes up to the Farhang

i Rashidi, whilst the Burhan has certainly the merit of being the

completest vocabulary existing. But in both dictionaries there are

erroneous statements; especially so in the Burhan, which is full of

wrong meanings and spellings, as shall be seen below. ‘To correct

them is the only object of this dictionary. Hence I have not repeated

the examples which are given in the FJ., Sur. and R.

“ Whilst I was writing this dictionary, I obtained a MS. copy of a

work written by a Persian savant whose name is Majduddin ’ All,

poetically styled Qust. His book, although it is not known, contains

many critical gems; and I have thought best to add them to my own

remarks. Beside this MS. copy, I have used the FJ., Sur., R., Mu.,

B., the Farhang i Minisi, the Kashf, some commentaries on the

Gulistan, the Masnawi i Maulawi, &c. My friend Sayyid Muhammad

Masih Khan expressed the tdrikh of the compilation of this book by

calling it

WIA be wos} clr osiol

which will be found to give A. H. 1147, [or A. D. 1734-5]. I have

followed the order of the words as adopted by B. and R., because it

is by far the best system of arrangement.’’*

* IT cannot give the Persian text, as the copy of the Siraj in my hands is too

faulty.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lesxicography. 27

MSS. of the Siraj are very rare. Ihave only seen one, which Major

Lees kindly placed into my hands. It belongs to the Fort William

College Library, but is a bad copy. The Siraj is rather voluminous,

as it contains the words of the Burhan with lengthy remarks attached

to each.

The Chirdgh « Hidayat is a much smaller work. It has been

several times printed. A very handy edition of the Ghids, easily

obtainable in any part of India, contains the Chiragh in the margin.

Khan Arzi’s Diwan is much esteemed ; Bh. often quotes his verses.

Of his other works which compilers ought to read, I may mention the

Tanbth ul ghdfilin, a critical work on the poems of ox5y= Hazin of

Icfahén, who died at Benares during the last century. Hazin, though

a great poet and a man of learning, is not always exact in his

metaphors, and borrows from other poets more than native critics by

way of “eke allow. Khan Arati in his attack tries to shew that

Hazin is (ool, Byles, and (sv. Many of his objections

‘(wley,s5) are, however, not tenable, and Ték Chand, Mirz4 Qatil

and Warastah take frequently occasion to justify Hazin. One of

Khan Arzi’s nephews also, Mir Muhsin ’Ali, wrote a critic on the

Tanbih. Again, a very fair rejoinder, entitled Uss Js5, appeared in

1862 at Cawnpore (169 pp.), written by Maulawi Im4m Bakhsh,

poetically styled (i440 Cahbai. As most remarks refer to Persian style

and idiom, compilers and grammarians will do well to procure copies,

Two rhetorical works written by Khan Arzu are entitled—

HY 399 der éabe and isles By) dee Ard gvo

were lithographed at Allahabad in 1830 and 1841,

The following extract is taken from the Miftdh ut Tawdrikh,* p.

338—

enol! 2s cad Foye Goll Yl party yoy Gila jf of Geos

cole jt i Ow yO costes Caybat,S Loge des”: ies) yo bo Ww yb Ns oye”?

roa oes”? cei les itst ES psrld sly whlorerc Alas jd 9 O39 35330

kT ol srts 55 ovo Soyo 18 grote coptatt,s ep odd 3 anns? ae

* Lucknow 1864, 406 pp. 4to, The author of this book is (lu ass lb

[Mr. Thomas William Bell (?)], a clever Persian writer and poet, Some

of his tarikhs are excellent, The tdrikh on p. 371 does not refer to the Ma-

drasah, but to the former Fort William College at Calcutta,

28 Contributions to Persian Leaxicography. [No. 1,

phe Semet! l='Iys 5 HT gle Omy 9S U gh S59 Wee 2 VAly Sxclbinny

gy sFosm * wroF do &) 9 nate 5 vo Zs 4 y* Biwe Pee ee) ye

say pshday Ls 9315 WA Epmr O45” of Solel yd lit O22 O% bay sile

* ws * ai 9S UP S%) 3 Sve As pies 470 A ws l=}, ys)

3) oy h C= st Sy 3 eh I gol veces Jc colt gle

25) ay Tuite IS of 2% ile les oS dager 551

According to this extract, Khan Arzt died in January 1756.

Siréjuddin’s commentaries are very rare. In his Sharh to the

Sikandarnémah, we find occasional references to the abovementioned

Majd ’Ali.

14. The works of Munshi Ték Chand.*

1. ps? ole.

2. Gays lye

3. eoygyd JLby}

A, yoload! yal

There exist lithographed editions of these four lexicographical

works; the last three are somewhat rare.

1. The Bahari ’Ajam is one of the grandest dictionaries ever

written by one man. ‘There exist seven editions of it revised by

the author. The first appeared in A. D. 1752; the Delhi lithograph-

ed edition of 1853 is taken from the author’s last MS., which he

completed in 1782, or thirty years after the first edition. The MS.

preserved in the Fort William College Library, Calcutta, appears to

be one of the first issues. Though not so complete as the last, it is a

good MS. and preferable to the Delhi lithographed edition, which

unfortunately is so full of typographical errors, as to be almost useless,

Future compilers of Persian dictionaries ought to be very careful

in using the Delhi edition, especially if they extract examples.

The chief object of the Bahdri’Ajam is toexplain the Jste’mal 7

mutaakhkharin. Most examples are therefore taken from the poets after

the time of Jami, although quotations and phrases from the older

poets are by no means inconsiderable. ‘The work is so well known

that it is unnecessary to say more about it.

The name of the author is Ode Sh isthe ; some call him Oh> SEN

* Munshi is a title given in Upper India tp Hindoos acquainted with Persian

and Arabic.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 29

&l) or dd 6 Col. He was by caste a Khetri. His poetical

name is yk. He lived at Delhi. From a note at the end of the

second volume of the Delhi edition, it appears that he was nearly

deprived by one of his pupils of his well merited fame as the author

of the seventh revised edition. Ték Chand must have died shortly after

1782, because he was prevented by old age from commencing the

eighth revised edition.

In the preface the author states that for the first edition he only

used the Tanbihulghafilin by Siraj ushshu’ara (Sirajuddin, the

author of the Sirajullughat), and a small treatise written by Mir

Muhammad Afzal, poetically styled Sabit wl, For the following

editions Ték Chand used the Muctalahat ushshu’ara, the Risdlah i

Mukhlici i Kashi, and another book whose title and author were

unknown: The first of these three works Ték Chand embodied almost

entirely ; hence it is so little known.

2. The Jawdhir ulhurif and the Lbtdl 1 Szurtirat were written by

Ték Chand during the compilation of the Bahari ’Ajam.

The Jawahir ulhurtf contains two chapters :

1. 9,20 Go, why 9

2, Bye 9 dhe Ss,= way yo

The former part is the completest treatise on the interchange of

letters. It forms an excellent basis for the etymological part of a

Persian grammar, and is an indispensable Vade mecum for the compiler,

as it is of the greatest assistance to him in the numerous spellings of

certain words. The second chapter treats of the syntax of the Persian

prepositions and particles. Numerous examples are given. The

lithographed edition which appeared A. H. 1267 at Cawnpore, is

taken from a wnique MS. in the handwriting of the author. It is on

the whole well printed.

3. The Lbtdl « Szwrivrat is the best, if not the only, work on the

Tacarrufat + Farst, or the modifications which both Arabic and Persian

words have undergone in Persia during the last ten centuries. In

plan the book coincides with our popular and interesting works on the

study of words, such as by Trench, Richardson, &e. The term ey 990

comes nearest to our “a poetical license,” and the object of Ték Chand’s

book is to shew that in good Persian poetry, there is no license, but

that every peculiar expression is either based upon sufficient authority,

30 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

or is wrong. Hence the title “ [btdl ¢ Szwrtirat” or the frustrating of

that which a bad Persian poet would call a 5% w)»,6, although in

reality it is 4.234 5=° or want of poetical genius.

A lithographed edition appeared at Delhi in A. H. 1268, 78 pp.,

small 8vo. It is rare.

4. The Nawddir ul macddir is a complete collection of the Macdars

of the Persian language. The quotations are numerous, especially

those from the older poets. The book is therefore most valuable for

the compiler. The lithographed edition which appeared in A. H.

1272 at Delhi, 120 pp, large 8vo., is taken from a MS. in Ték Chand’s

handwriting. The book is very fairly got up.

The arrangement of the words in Ték Chand’s lexicographical works

is the same asin Rashidi and Burhan.

15, Jad) este thee

The title of the work contains the tarikh of its commencement by

the author, A. H. 1180, or A. D. 1767. Like Ték Chand he

is a Hindoo, and was born at Lahore. His poetical name is S&twyly

Warastah, independent ; his real name, according to other books, is

be (ei55 Sly. From his preface it appears as if Wérastah had lived

for a long time in Tran, where he thoroughly studied the wlysl=*

enya lie, His dictionary was completed in 1782 aiter fifteen years,

Jabour, although a MS. copy of at least a part of it came into the

hands of the author of the Bahar i’Ajam, who has largely extracted

from it. There are, however, several phrases which Ték Chand has

omitted. Though Warastah’s dictionary is much smaller than the

Bahar, because the quotations are not so numerous, it has the merit of

being entirely an orzginal work.

There exists a very handy copy of the Muctalahat, lithographed in

A. H. 1280 at Lucknow, 404 pp., Royal 8vo. It contains in the

margin an extract of the Bahar i ’Ajam, whose words are given

without the quotations.

16. lel] eles

The name of the compiler is Maulawi Muhammad Ghiasuddin of

Rampur, east of Delhi. After fourteen years’ labour he finished the

work in A. H. 1242, or A. D. 1826. The dictionary contains “ all

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 31

necessary Arabic, Persian and Turkish words,” especially those

which occur in such Persian authors as are read in schools. The

dictionary is therefore a very useful book; it is infact “ The Student's

Dictionary.” Hence also its general use among the natives of India.

Embodied with the dictionary are several small treatises, as on

il23, (.Rw—v, Leare , the various eras (vide sls), on geogra-

phy (vide ees 2), and also grammatical notes (vide 4, & ), a

description of Hindustan, &. The work is accompanied be several

astronomical and geometrical designs, and a few maps, which shew

that the compiler was not unacquainted with western science. A

large number of scientific terms are also explained.

No Persian dictionary ought to be in future compiled without the

words of the practical Ghias ; but compilers will do well to remember

that Ghiasuddin is not a native of Persia. Of all Indian dictionaries

it contains the largest amount of those peculiarities which belong to

the Ist’mal 7 Hind. Hence for the pronunciation of words the

Ghids is not always the best authority, Hven among the meanings

of the words, Ghids enters occasionally an Indian meaning, taking it

for Persian. In some cases, from a comparison of several dictionaries,

his attention is forcibly drawn to the Indian usage of words, as will

appear from the following extract :—

Whe wlan ls KS Sat Aas oc wylas ily Seth 9 worsted WdAd

psy awe! Sgdlo sal 523 wosees 9 Woah pble jf Oi Sy get 52)

r site! Wored BS Canog. Ad ake cits) dx2 oo) & Worsted ushtes

gre! O22,” piel 9 Sl We Wore ee use wy aS, gaol ows

3 wor Urey 9 WO4*) ty csr vey 30 Wee 5 1a 8 ele SI

i cop kia 5” oy'90 38 CES] EVS Xd] WOAH I 9 Woe wins 53

“The word wose* means to smell, and belongs to those Arabic

roots which the Persians have adopted and altered according to the

genius of their language, as Woie?, Wotb, &e., because the word is

derived from the Arabic a to smell. After writing this, I found on

examination that not we has the sense of fo smell, but wore

with the nim, and that the form with the mém iswrong. ‘Thus in the

Siraj. But wor, as an original Persian word, means to be frightened,

to be perpleaed, to be afraid, as mentioned in the Farhang i Jahangiri

and the Muayyid,”

(Se)

32 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

There exist two lithographed editions of the Ghids, one together

with the Chiragh i Hidayat, and another printed in 1847, by one Mir

Hasan, from a MS. corrected by the compiler.

7) etl evasal

The name of the compiler is Abdullatif ibn i Abdullah Kabir.

His object was to write a special dictionary for the Masnawi of

Maulavi Rim. Hence he says—

spite Kao ls &ra® Liat , Sad yf days wlat 53 ein crnof Sid yi rts

# (5720 CoyJyn

He has also written a commentary to the Masnawi, entitled Latdif

ul Ma’nawé, of which our Society possesses a very good MS. (No. 846,

220 leaves, small 8vo.), bearing the muhr of ’Abdulwahhab Khan

Bahadur Nueratjang.

The compiler lived during the reign of Shahjahan ; but the FJ. is

the latest dictionary consulted by him.

The Catalogue of our Persian MSS. calls him Gujrdéé.

TV:

T subjoin a few notes on the Jsti’mdl 1 Hind. Those who wish to

study this important subject, ought to make themselves acquainted

with the writings of Mirza Qatfl, entitled (sloJ 5, yo yo and

balaall i; and a treatise by Anwar ’Alt ‘on the spelling of Persian

words, entitled Risélah ¢ Imlé 1 Farst. These works have been litho-

graphed and are easily obtainable.

The change in spelling, form, meaning and construction, which an

Arabie word, apparently without any reason, undergoes in Persian,

or which an Arabic or a Persian word undergoes in Hindustani, is

called 3,25 tagarruf. The tacarrufat of Persian words are included

in the cy wy Jlarin| isti’mdl i furs, the usage peculiar to the Persians,

and the tacarrufat of the Hindustani language, and of the Persian

written in India, in the o4 Ulyatw! dsti’mdl i hind. A knowledge

of the latter is of great importance, not only for those who read

Persian books written or printed in India, but also for every

Hindustani scholar; for although the Isti’mal i Hind is looked upon

with suspicion by learned natives, we have to bear in mind that its

peculiarities are generally adopted and therefore correct. So at least

for the Hindustani, according to the proverb ere 9 es els bls,

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 33

In its relation to Persian the Isti’mal 1 Hind will of course in most

eases appear as something faulty ; for the peculiarities may no longer

be a natural form of development, or a pls ble but the result of

ignorance, a pla el ss ble. Nevertheless the Isti’mal i Hind is visible

in every Persian book written by Indians, from the works of their

excellent historians down to a common dinner invitation ( 4elisslys )

of the daily life. Even the works of a writer like Abulfaszl, “the

great Munshi,” shew traces of it. Hence the truth of Mons. Garcin de

Tassy’s remark that every Persian scholar ought to be acquainted

with Hindustani. If this be true for the Persian scholar, it is much

more true for the compiler of a Persian: dictionary; for a good

dictionary ought to be based upon a thorough knowledge of the lan-

guage in all its forms of development, and must be a history of the

language as well as a vocabulary.

But if we only understand by Jstz’mal ¢ Hind the influence of the

Hindi and Hindustani upon the Persian, we would almost identify

the term with “the usage of the Persian writers since the establish-

ment of the Mogul dynasty.” This would be wrong ; for the Isti’mal

i Hind includes peculiarities which once belonged to the Persian, as

spoken in Persia, but which the modern [rani, in the course of its

progress, has entirely discarded. In early times Persian had become

the court language of Turan, and from Turan it was carried to India

by the waves of the Tiirénian immigrants and invaders. Hence on

the whole the Persian of India is Turanian. As Latin in the Middle

Ages, so was the Persian in Turan, and subsequently in India,

the language of the learned. The works of the pre-classical and

classical periods were studied and imitated, and peculiarities have

thus been preserved which have long since disappeared in the Trani

Persian. The difference between the pre-classical and the modern

Persian is, of course, not so great, as between Latin and any of the

Romanic languages, because the pre-classical Persian had already

attained that logical simplicity to which our modern Huropean lan-

guages happily tend; and though representing the growth of the

Persian language during nine centuries, it is scarcely greater than the

difference between the Hnglish of Fletcher and Beaumont and the

English of our century. ‘The Persian language has been compared to

a bare tree, stripped of all its leaves, 'This stripping process, however,

34 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

is going on in every spoken language, and shews that the copious and

beautiful forms of languages like Sanscrit, Gothic, Greek, and many

modern savage languages, are as many illogical incumbrances. The

sequences of events and the order of things which the imitative

genius of the modern languages expresses by the order of the

words, are expressed in the ancient languages by the annexation of

words and particles rather than by a logical order of the words, as if

the speaker was afraid that the hearer could only understand those

ideas for which there was an audible equivalent. Whilst many are

apt to look upon stripping off the leaves as a matter of regret, I would

consider it as a step towards delivering the human mind from the

fetters of form. Perhaps I tread upon contestable ground. But a fact

remains; it is this, that of all nations whose languages are preserved

to us, the Persians are the first Arians that pitched the tent of speech

on the elevated tableland of logical thought.

Simplified then as the Persian language is, further change in termi-

nations being impossible, the growth, as in modern English, is only

visible in the pronunciation, the spelling and the meanings of words.

For the study of this development a comparison of the works of the

older writers with those of the modern, is essential; and as the

Persian written and studied in India has hitherto been imitating the

pre-classical and classical Persian of the early invaders, the importance

of the Isti’mél i Hind is easily recognised.

The following peculiarities are said by native writers to be common

to the Persian of Turan and India.

a. Many words end in the Turanian Persian in CS (kaf), whilst the

Trénian has a S (gaf); as aS a kind of partridge, in Tir. GS;

Kimo mishg musk, in Tir, Swe mushk ; S| a tear, in Tir, Slay ;

Kee a drop, in Tir, Elie, Similarly, Hy a doctor, Ky jeal-

ousy, Kid, &e., in Tur. with a final kaf.

6. Also in the beginning of certain words; as walS, in Tar.

WslsS (as every Muhammadan in India pronounces) ; 3345 coriander

seed, in Tir. 53445,

This difference between the Turanian -S and the Yranian SS becomes

very apparent in Dictionaries arranged according to the first and last

letters. Thus in Surdri 4) stands in the Qsyl4 GW eo ci] Les,

whilst in the Madar in the c6i5 Gly eo i) Les,

1868.] Contributions to Persian Leaicography. 35

e. The Tiranian has preserved a clear distinction between the 91,

and 4, when Js-=* (6, & and 39,20 (i, 1). The modern Iranian has

only 39,2 forms (i, i). The words which have a majhul letter must

be learned from the Dictionaries; Indian Persian grammars specify

the cases, when the ending (¢ is pronounced 43,24,

d. ‘The Turanian has in all cases preserved the & © ws. The

Trénian has given it up in some, especially after an alif. Thus

forms like pro, eed, 8 wT, kT 5, &e., are pronounced in Irén

mundam, rundam, tingah, hartinchi, but in India still mdindam, rdndan,

&e.

e. The Ttranian never adopted the interchange of ddl (0) and

dzdl (9).

f. Certain words are peculiar to the Tirdnians. Hxamples—co

he for the Iranian 91; )53 som for_y~s; 90 side for Gyb 5 5% husband,

for 25; 8&3 dawn for ~ve; 86 evening for es; cs)! for oh 5 ys

brother-in-law for_y|,% 529%; 8G or GY sister-in-law for W} oly) ;

polo brother for yl; wes Ces mother-in-law for 5 yoo 5 ymc

Sather-in-law for W935 89d ~% for Vijay; Woy and EAI to

search for cpm; SU 1) 3 to throw thearrow for urS{ost

1) 35 ephe Lo sit for Epdmind ; eydwld to rise for wdwlds); jah (cf.

by LL ) yesterday for jy; CT Wo yly to swell (water) for

ST Ud Bal}; 39) WOH ly Lo pass away (day) for 3s) EOS» Wassurgs

to die; Wosily for Wr~+) ylyo; WotmS to sleep for UI41y> 5 WAS), the

same as Wo, e.9., ayy eHl,3 I am thy sacrifice; VS oxy for

WF of; YORE for VIF; wWosle 1. the same as Wold to put;

2. the same as udS/3S to leave behind, e. g., plasesbe Glib ph ijae LT

have left the thing on the shelf, where le is a Tiranian form for

Sosle ; or, dol WSR Cyl leave this house ( 215% ); 8. the same as

WS!d oils to divorce; 4. the same as wolf , wos to leave be-

hind; &e.

Although several of those words do occur in Jrénian authors, yet

we generally find them used in peculiar places, as in rhyme, where

it was difficult to avoid them; or in order to prevent repetitions, We.

The following peculiarities appear to be limited to the Persian

spoken and written in India.

a. Words have peculiar meanings. Examples—%5J, the same as

si satisfied ; 83)9% yd leavings ; 225 yo absence for warsé ; JA misl @

36 Contributions to Persian Leaicography. [No. 1

set, the same as 88); &<la a (madeup) coat ; ypaJ4la, the same as (US

or ySl= a sweeper; Sy) baraf, often pronounced barf, ice (for

snow) ; sle|y vide Vull. Dict.; 434 a flattering title applied to

cooks, tailors, &e.; costo hemp for BY; sesh afternoon ; yeU for

MaY 5 Cogele despairing ; yy sl= a closet, for Cg)372; 27V9 Kabul

and Persia* ; &Jl& the royal exchequer ; [4 and -S,3 tark the catch-

word at the bottom of the page of a manuscript; jl, vide Vull.

Dict. ; ,5t>, vide Vull., also board given to a poor student who is to

teach children in return; 49 1. a province, 2. the same as [s&s

an officer in charge of a province; &/lwy, the same as j!o&/lwy, an officer

commanding a troop; cg)1, vide Vull.; 8135 81,4 without reason.

6b. The word 45 is pronounced /é, not kz. This seems to be the

old form £, still preserved in S&lf. The Iszdfat is pronounced é,

not z, and é in cases of words ending in 3; e.g, Gy &i& khanah é man.

The word slsly is pronounced slesb badshah, as oly pdd in Hind.

means erepitus ventris. Similarly do the Persians use the form 5%}

(a prick to urge on an elephant), in order to avoid the Hind. (|

which sounds, as Rashidi observes, like (wSwJ. Other Indian pronun-

ciations ar Ley palk and palak for pills an eyelid; wl fighin the

same as WL , for fughdn ; 8354 for 8335, already observed by Abul-

Faszl in the Ain i Akbari. Words of ne same class as 52°, e. &., sew

a mistake, =" a satire, (->9 a revelation, (2 exertion, have lost

the jazm and are pronounced "afo, hajo with the Ss.” 519, the

accent being on the penultima, but sa’f, waht with the accent on the

ultima. |

e. Peculiar formsare (sz/oas, Cpby5, Qs (the first and last occur

in Abulfaszl), for (51o43, csblagy » csy4, the ending zsh being properly

restricted to nouns derived from verbs ; 5 lS for Em acidity ;

pgheS (derived from C»S), for esos} humanity ; cpile, ces or

eae a groom, jor Utes ; a plural Kia| ajinnah ghosts ; Kiya sS a

pack of cards, for SaaS. ie for le~ vide Fall: ; heyy,

’

* Vullers has at least half a dozen blunders in his dictionary, all

arising from his ignorance of the meaning of this word. Thus under

Je~I, in his Corrigenda If, p, 1558, No. 2, in regione Kashmir Vg prac,

a blunder for Dy) 9 phen Kashmir and Persia ; also sub Wo SEALS KQnoe

I, p. 546; s. W)ySBy d= I, p. 578, &: Now-a-days in India, ag) meang

Ewrope, esp. England.

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. Th

sch ee, cisw (Abulfaszl), for cst2)d; ost 1540, ss <=” the ending

e not leading to an adyject. form in 8; blogs and Zt, a mongrel ;

Kyo Lune! for S9o Quel ; Mi for Yi; sy ob for &l| elas, a proper noun ;

dais fon ality ; aus for (ah ; te a wardrobe, for cee 5 Silay po

a fine, for eo il ey) for 53.) ey; Joi! oles and 3 ola for

destiicoks and tse Mi coole ; evlslo for cles; &9)9 for S90;

Wiss for ws, a shop; crailss for Exyl903 S94 for 414 a certain dish ;

dy for past! 5 cuties pure, for pre ; I for ed; wierd for

wlses &o for &; gaye for pe : cy for to>

d. In words beginning with 7, the Madd is often omitted ; as yla{

pickles, ,d| lining,* Gai! sleeve, 22] canvass, sole! ready, Lei!

a royal order, )'%| a distiller, for jloJ, piv], 22T, solo, AUT, OT.

e. After a long vowel we often find a vowel elided; as oy2y97

Gfrint for the Iranian dfartn, (934 maulwt for maulawt, cssol “| amddge

for dmddagl, _Sox%»3 pdshidgt for poshtdag?, &adla khaleah for khdlicah,

WS 29% GE HON Te

wot dzhdan* for dzhadan.

f. Two Sakins are avoided; as Odeo} arjamand for arjmand.

g. The Persian letters S, Gq ao) me used instead of the Arabic

S, or ; as in GES, SIG kS, Woks}, for cy hs Sts, &5 9S, WO3Ks] : cab

s, for ww} and ws; b*"for da halts for Kalasy : Sim S for wo

h. The Tashdid of many Arabic ae falls away, as Wl»! aid

for nawwdb an (Indian) Nawab ; 3)9, pl. wl)s, an atom.}

t. ‘The following pronu nent are very common, though gener-

ally prohibited in the Dictionaries—wl}% Ahizgdn autumn, for whys

khazan ; jlo diraéz§ for the Persian dardz long ; Basic shambah, and

even shumbah|| Saturday, for &4% shambih ; oly puldw, and even sJo3,

a well known dish of rice, meat and spices, for ol palaw. The modern

* Entered by Vullersas Persian. It is Indian.

* So in many Persian Dictionaries written by Indians.

{ There is a curious mistake in Vull. Dict. I, p. 378. Burhan, whom Vullers

copies, has wo! 300} bss e whys 3 &bQ) eshte) SONY ; but Vullers does

not observe that 662) and wtyd (the Indian printer of the eats left out the

Tashdid) are synonymous, reads eld, for the A. w5;5,and translates camities

m anteriore capitis !

§ Vull. also has dirdz, although Burhan gives clearly jl OSS ee) namdsz.

|| Vull. also has dnt? panjshambah I, 875. b., and &sAdoe sihshambah

II, p. 354, whilst in other places he has correctly shambth,

38 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. },

Persian and Turkish have 3 pili. Cedyyo durwesh,* for darwish

a beggar; 243 nimak salt, for namak; eS nimkin, adj., for

namakin; 155 gawdh a witness, for %lyS guwéh; 8,8 girah a knot,

for girth ; y993° mazdir wages, for 9950 muzdir; 55 kaghidz paper,

for dslf kaghadz.

k. A great number of Arabic words are universally wrong pro-

nounced in India; as 3 qil’ah a@ fort, for qal’ah; «ls

qaidmat the resurrection, for qiyamat ; &*43 gat’ah, for git’ah ; (wsy*

urs a bride, for ards ;_y=* hijr separation, for har; 5=° ’ijz weak-

ness, for ’ajz; ley rija hope, for raja ; Las fiza space, for fuzd ; Ley

raza contentment, for rizd ; w= jeb a pocket, for garb ; els ghais

for ghids help; wk» shahdb tor shihdb, a meteor; “mas ’acmat chas-

tity, for temat ; e559 mauqa’ for mawqv’ ; peo” Inausam @ season, for

mausim ; Ss khimah a tent, for khavmah ; wcle*® shuja’at bravery,

for shajd@at; ete himagat for hamdqat, folly, y9-23 gagir a fault, for

quetir ; 492° ’aqtibat for ’ugébat, punishment; eso hashmat

pomp, for hishmat ; “= jinnat paradise, for jannat.

Z. Peculiar spellings ; as eles}! for plas}! ; Say for )Ss3 5 53924 for

dgy3, Proper nouns are often written together, as (leij~= for

gsls wea. Similarly, Josale for A we lJ} sli r for

dled AU) ld wy]; jplediivc for Uleiswo consisting of ; wax "J for

pany ; ypc, sont, &=S*6, $o2235, for HPF, 6> <58, &e.

Reversely, Wels, usmyBolno, for lgild, Lgrogt Sole, Also, lwo for

de9?, eye happy for ¢y> khurram, oe for Gyo).

m. Barbarous forms; as apne, wh, 2, whe books for Gils;

Jia @y° for t=) Cus ye” mucharrab greasy ; pod} dL OS,

as we say the strait of Bab el Mandeb; om)? jfirisad, for 4,9

he sends; 3 gulf for J23 qufl, a lock ; ant for &2b3 5 Wodityd 543,

Hind, b233 jl, for wryS jlo.

The following terms, abbreviations, &c., are of frequent occurrence

in native Persian Dictionaries :—

1. US=I} ou} Asadulhukama, the poet Asadi of Tus, Firdausi’s

teacher.

* Adopted by some Indian Dicts., as the Ghias, on a mistaken etymology.

+ Thus algo in Persian MSS,

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lemicography. 39

ese Colyr® Shéwd ¢ Tust, Firdausi.

os aes Facth-i-Ganjawt, Nizimi of Ganjah.

pgled| GIS Khalldg ul Ma dni, the “ shaper” of meanings, Kamal

of Icfahan.

cSils* es or cat faded 8503, Sa’di.

sil Satyd, or wl yehet| JUS, or wld, Hafiz.

Sd3Le0| ells halém i asdtidzah (plural of ustddz), or . xeoRbeo eds,

or S53 Col ye els, the pre-classical and Ragaical poets.

In quoting a poet, the word “»]) rdst is often used, as Hw) Lesa

Hafiz says.

2. The Moeul emperors of Delhi are rarely mentioned by their

names, but by their lagabs.

se nroy? jirdaus makdnt, Zahiruddin Babar, 1526 to 1530.

eT ed= jannat astdnt, Naciruddin Hees 1530 to

1556. Jannat dshydni is also used.

eT ye Varsh dshydnt, Jaliluddin Muhammad Akbar, 1556

to 1605.

Sous jannat makdnt, Niruddin Muhammad Jahéngir,

* 1605 to 1627.

steers? firdaus dshydnt, Shihab udd-n Muhammad Shéh-

“jahén. He is also called 3 wly3 Gale céhib qiran i sani,

the second lord of conjunction, Taimtr, his ancestor, being

the first. 1627 to 1658.

pslSe oA khuld makdnt, Muhi uddin Muhammad Aurangzéb,

"1658 to 1707. Native historians prefer the name "Alamgtr.

J;,iv0 we khuld manzil, Qutbuddin Muhammad Mu’azzim

Shah ’Alam, also called Bahadur Shah, 1707 to 1712.

Regarding the form of these /aqabs I may mention, that there are

Te ; :

abstract nouns. Thus eed ese Ineans an occupying of the highest

heaven as a resting place. Like the abstract noun &dle ’allémah,

it then becomes a title, ‘‘ dwelling in heaven.” Similar terms are

es'Kopsy0 miryam makant, dwelling with the Virgin Mary, the name

of one of Akbar’s wives; (ees y9 niirchashmt my dear son; (264s

qiblahgaht my revered ue esto” majdzubt, pr. my attracted

one, my pupil. Native grammarians call this ¢¢ the pSive isk ydt

mutakallin, as if ..2\€633 were the same as Gyo Fabs qiblahgah i man

We may compare our DMy/ord and the A. sayyidé. When these words

40 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

are followed by a proper noun, they do not take the esle|, as _.2féhss

&s des” qiblahgdhi Muhammad Ghaus; but you may say wy e.2lfahs

qiblahgéhi i man. Similarly the word (S043 bandagr does not take

the Iszdfat, when followed by the name of a Wali or a Shaikh, whilst

other titles, as wpas, word, wlojtle, &e., take the Iszéfat.

3. wet lughat means, 1. a dictionary, the same as 42,5; 2, the

words of a dictionary are its wl ; hence you may say AU BeS or

wal) aes ; 8. langwage, as ce} «J, although in this sense the

word wl} is preferred; 4. a particular form of a word. You say

Liwos! 5] wo StS Kuo} ust is another form for avestd.

pits ’dlam, a class of words. You say, j4S} is jbssy plls 31, be-

longs to the ‘same class as rudbar, i. e., to the nowns ending in jb

bar.

OD|/g& Idee G3}, this requires a proof.

SOs Slope oN Wl (de G21, this meaning is supported by the

following verse.

Ody Ki2,5 0, O95 Cgos%) yo, the author of the Farhang says,

Rashidi says.

claw sama, and exl3 tasdémw’, verbal information regarding the

correctness of a word, obtained from the wh; U2| ahl-7-zabdn, the

Natives of Persia, or from an olt»{ uwstéd. The same meaning

has the pbrase Ssw9s3 Geek wh; Na} 51.

bat lahjah provincial pronunciation. You say

Kano] OLD kat! 2190 slp wolys Obs

dikdn is the Indian pronunciation of dukdn.

So urf or Gyles ta’druf, usage.

ass tachif, an error in spelling.

Lisy= tahrif, an error in the meaning of a word. ;

Lolis fa-ta-ammul or eels fo-gyham, reflect, be careful. pay

attention. Lexicographists often use this phrase after explaiing

a difficult verse.

ess tatabbu’ or pest tafahhug \exicographical criticism.

4, The following grammatical terms are noticeable—

cy cols or is)'8 gly, the same as Ugp=*ccks, =” 5/5.

89}, the same aS Ugd9; ©. 2, 895 ee? Odeay!, ‘ pronounce

Sexy! arjmand with a jazm above the ¢, and not azjamand,”

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. Al

The word jazm is never used in Persian Dictionaries, swhin being the

usual word.

_ Every alif in the beginning of a word is called 45+ ; hence in

spelling sli), you say 3} 24, baszamm-i-hamzah, not baszamm i

alif. And in spelling GUST, you would say 89} cgl3 5 AI] 5 8542 ee.

The sign is called 8442 US shakl-i-hamzah. This explains

the phraseology of Bh. under 3,¢> chihrat pink, where he says :—

I] BA peasy jd & Bald yy Sou) siti Syoe:

“The word g,¢s, when pronounced, has an alif and a ya-i-tahtani,

csl8>e=, but you must not write them.” The sign of the hamzah

above the 8 cannot be left out, as Vullers has done, p. 605a. Similar

words are Kind, &i4 of the same colour as the fukhtah-pigeon, 5,23,

&ow, The spellings sty, cghhend, cghopw are Indian, and not

considered good. This corrects several mistakes in Vullers’ Lexicon.

Regarding the shakl i hamzah in words as iste 63, dc., vide the

author’s Prosody of the Persians, p. 14.

In Lucknow and Delhi prints we often find a shakl-i-hamzah above

the silent 8, as [OX 5 Fou1gS for [419 34415. This pedantry is also

recommended by the grammarian ’Abdulwasi’ of Hinsah. Another

absurdity of modern MSS. and prints is the spelling Wb for 4S,

though Ghids approves of the former.

The letters of the alphabet may be treated as masculines or

feminines ; you may say &by8i0 oA, or Lydio wae. For &by2v0 ,15

ghair mangtitah, you may say 6622, or bs bénuqat.

The word 445 kindyah is followed by the prep. jl, in imitation of

the Arab. ws. You say :—

WI yel> Sy 9 yp Jo 5) AUS 63

“ The sorrowful heart of a poet is compared to the plaintive naz.”

VI.

Among the Dictionaries printed in Europe, I shall only mention

Johnson’s Dictionary and Vullers’ Lexicon Persico-Latinum Htymo-

logicum.

It is difficult to make a comparison between the two, as the objects

of the compilers are different. In point of usefulness, Johnson’s work is

the better of the two ;* it is eminently ‘ the translator’s dictionary.” It

* Vullers does not think much of Johnson. He classes him with Castelli,

Meninski, and Richardson, and says :—‘‘ Horum enim operum accurata compa-

42 Contributions to Persian Lesxicography. [No. 1,

does not pretend to be a critical dictionary, which Vullers does. Johnson

gives Arabic words, in which he is exceedingly exact, as he had good

sources; Vuliers has only a few. The Persian words of both Dic-

tionaries contain a great number of words and meanings that never

existed, and many wrong spellings, because both used the B. and the

Haft qulzum—works which compilers ought not to use. But the

number of mistakes is greater in Vullers, because he has used other

bad sources, as shall be shewn hereafter. On the other side Johnson

has given many meanings derived from the study of Persian writers,

in which point Vullers is sadly deficient. Again, for the Isti’m4l-i-

Mutaakhkharin, Vullers is better, as he has used, from the middle of

the letter ¢, the Bahar i ’Ajam.

For those who use Vullers’ Lexicon, the following remarks may be

of use :-—

The words marked in Vullers

C. (Castelli).

C. ex pers. vers. V. Test. (words taken by Castelli

from some version of the Old Testament).

C. ex G. Ido not know what this means.

F, (Farhang-i-Shw uri).*

M. ex F. (words which Meninski took from the

Farhang-i-Shuw wi).

and B. im app. (the appendix by Captain Roebuck) are

nearly all doubtiul.

As examples of words marked (., C. ex pers. vers. V.

Test., and C. ew G., I shall mention—8o2}, a blunder for 804! ;

S255 51g] and Co3lo!; S391, a blunder for Ny; wls!, a blunder for

OUT ; Spl; Slob, a blunder for Hol ; a1d)b ; Soy: S5L, a

mistake for a compound ending in 8); url ; Labs GaSb ; a=

a blunder for ee (which itself is doubtful) ; Ks) ,4) 5 &hS?, Worylgs?

Crd 5 dy? 5 Was; Wosy ; SSG); Sled, a blunder for Sled ; 91% ; or,

to take another letter of the alphabet,—woo2& ; eae 5S ; KSB

bas ; pyle ; &e. ‘

ratione cum primariis fontibus ipsis [B. and HK. ?] facta edoctus sum, permultas

in iis significationes esse allatas, quae in falsa et perversa interpretatione

exempli primarii nituntur indeque utpote falsas prorsus esse delendas.” De te

fabula narratur.

* T mean those words marked with the letter F., which Vullers did not find

in B., Bh., HK., SHL.

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 43

The MS. of the Purhang-i-Shw iri which Vullers used, must have been

the worst possible in existence. But I do not think that the Dictionary

itself is trustworthy. As I have seen no copy of this Turkish Dictionary,

I am merely guided by quotations in Vullers which mention the

sources from which F. extracted. As F. used the Sharafnamah, Far-

hang-i-Jahangiri, Surtri, the Majma’-i-Khani, his Dictionary ought to

be amodel. But F. has xo¢ made a proper use of his sources, and gives

hundreds of words from them, which are nowhere to be found in the

numerous and most excellent MSS. of FJ., Sur., Sh., &e., in my posses-

sion. Thus the references of F. in Vullers to the Farhang i Jahangiri

under sls, why, eo2, <M)J, are wrong; my MSS. of the FJ,

contain neither the last three words, nor the absurd meaning of the

‘first. So likewise F.’s references to Surtri’s Majma’ulfurs under

ds, 9551, % ghend, Khend, ahd, SEs, Kio yA9; Surtiri contains

nothing of the absurdities ascribed to him. F.’s references to the

Sharafndmah under Yds*34, JI i972, Slt? ; and to the Majma’-v-lughdt-

t-Khdnié under ws], ye54, Glee, are entirely fictitious Nor

did Burhan find the above words in his MSS. of the FJ. and Sur.

These are examples taken only from words beginning with © 6é and

~ pe.

At least one-half of the verses copied by Vullers from F. have

neither sense, nor metre; and it is a matter of surprise, how Vullers

could have entered them at all. Hxamples :—

Sylgpdot, locus munitus. F.; ¢. g., in hoe versu (oJ Ae

SLAM cae eyo Ze 1 BIS GS wed al bd 5

This is a blunder for 8)!p~403}, F. did not observe the curve of the

letter L» sim alter the ¢.¢ Bh. quotes (,2339 (metre hazaj)

Stow} cya 52 pl — 85 SS wed ent wd 5

el. Read in Daqiqi’s verse UGjoS O God /, for i!K& |o&; and for

the absurd verse of Shams-i-Fakhri read (metre hazaj)

orl Sooo Boles sly 7d 9 By LKf 38 Ua 53 Ky ors aki wre

“Thy enemy has fallen into a mire like a lame ass, laden and left

without help.”

* For oss Wins) jw , as given by Vullers, Sur. has correctly

Wl 9 Uno,

+ Similarly Vullers on p. vii. of his preface, in the fifth note &sa hibbuhu

for Stwoe hasbuhu !

44 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

uw. Vullers’ verse from the Shahnémah is given in Rashidi as

ollows :—

Kis! Oxf dst god Oty Sil ae 5 oto la &

oh et get ale Cot re ay) jay! pm Jt OS

Ge burinish. Vullers quotes from F. the following verse of Nizémi—

oS pated 5 ob Chay AF addy 55 1) Sdyoil aul Jy

and says :—‘‘in quo tamen falso et contra metrum legitur (py!

[birinish], quod e conjectwra in (Sy) [burrinish] mutavi.” But by this

conjecture, Vullers makes the second foot us220 maf’ilun — — —,

instead of uy9*9 fa’ilun w — —! My MSS. read correctly

OS pathed 5 wld Gy ON 9 GH) Sb ost oul Jo

ey, In the verse of Amir Khusrau read Ue» yo instead of Vullers’

U= 9s, and translate :— ‘‘ How may a weak man get rid of his frame of

clay; an elephant even is helpless when he sticks in the clay.” The

fourth meaning in Vullers is quite useless, as O42¢¢ly is an adjective,

and the same as the lis ,S of the fifth meaning.

Suis 3) perturbatio. For Vullers’ verse from the Shahnamah

read :—

ays Bylaks g Bly 9 9% cmd aay Bly ores |, oj! WT

Again, Vullers’ words 2) in hoc versu ejusdem poetae are wrong, as

the verse quoted belongs to jBBi95 Ones, but not to cea) crit, F,

having changed the order of the meanings given in the FJ. The ji/th

meaning is very likely wrong, as the MSS. read the second migra’

(metre muszari’)

“G. Vullers p. 408, a. For ‘ha verse of Shaikh Auhadi read Geeks

khafif)

2B oS tot styd 90 58 dle gt why O— my 5

where some of my MSS. of the Jém i Jam read jlyd Sao 35.

“He (the king) writes out at once a money order, when he (the

paymaster) pays him (the poet) out of the two loads of money ordered

by the king, only half a load.”

The verse quoted for the fifth meaning, is given in good MSS. of

Hafiz as follows (metre Mutagarib)—

” ried m9 w

wy db as 5) eoiSy opt Aly) Gile® ie

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 45

“Where art thou, singer, strike up a tune! By His unity, strike

up a tune!” Vide also Vullers’ Lex. I. p. 920 a., under Uso. But this

verse belongs to Vullers’ sivth meaning. Again, in the fifth meaning,

my MSS. give the second micra’ of Katibi’s Ruba’l as follows :—

ala GellS folro Gov ed yo el

K3,3. For the verses read-—

eeb 2) swt 98 HUIS 08 59) 9 5 GS

eS pos lol 24 wes of Ck y—2* 5b,

but there are a few verses intervening between the two. The two

causatives WOyG,3, and yoxS may safely be entered in our

Dictionaries.

>. For the first migra’ of Hakim Sozani’s verse read (metre

hazaj) :—

LT 6! St Jo 540 lye

“T do not want to eat the goznut, because, &e., where |pT ye}! is

old for wT 543 3!.”’ Old Persian poets often use |) after the prepositions

at? Dh isa ust) D3.

The words extracted by Vullers from F.—I mean again those

which arenot at the same time marked with B.—are very extraordinary.

Hxamples :— Sb and d&sf; 5) S41, a blunder of jfoS ; elit 5 eb

for 87}; jl2T; AST; Sot; otyT; WoT; sIT; oT; 80557; C957

for SIT; BigkoF for KsSily, Cas] for wT] ; SEF, a blunder for

B51 ; SLES, WoalST and wslsST; UT dial. Kharizmiae, the same as

wl& ; but it is Arabic; »T for JT; words]; 2507 dmdgh for 07

dmurgh ; SST dnuk, a blunder for ST Abuk : wlsT a blunder for 8 5) of, the

7é and hé having been drawn together ; eed the non plus ultra of a

Persian Infinitive ; 427; ©2:7 and 2YT; wht; Infinitives as wort VT

W357, Wosjx0J, and hundreds more, for wsJT, wrds0T, &e. F.’s

Infinitives, though perhaps correctly formed, have been invented by

grammarians 7m usu tronum, but they ought not to be given in a

Dictionary ; just as 5U ta vacca que semper mulgetur (Vull. p. 408),

sb si vivum facit omne (Vull. p. 495), &e., were invented tn usu

abc dariorum on the C for cow, D for dog principle !

As the above examples are at random taken from the first sixty-five

pages, Persian scholars may estimate the number of useless words and

blunders in Vullers’ Lexicon.

46 Contributions to Persian Lewicography. [No. 1,

Nor is Vullers happy in his etymologies. The reference to pisang

under Kims, p. 243, may be learned; but a date-palm is not a

plantain-tree. ($3,44, p. 249, does not come from patricius, but from

patriarch. Under 8)s4 bddrah hastiness, p. 162, Vullers compares

8) rah with 81) réh, mistaking 8,04 for a Persian word; but the word

is Arabic, and should be pronounced bddirah." (e%<? bakshi, p. 197, is

quoted as belonging to a lingua exotica, but itis Persian, and the same as

BOS (=? Under uty clover, p. 221, he says, deest in ceteris lemicis ;

it is in every Arabic Dictionary ; just as S553, oe 480, is In every

Turkish Vocabulary. The Sanscrit word under pent 3, p. 239, may

also be very learned, but it was useless, as the whole word is one of

the FJ.'s blunders.*

Another defect of Vullers’ Lexicon is this, that in case of words

having several forms, the meanings are often given under the wnusual

or doubtful form. Thus, in the case of Us£T and UseT, where Vullers

has put the meaning to J s°1, instead of to Use, for which alone the

Dictionaries give examples. Hxamples of such displaced meanings

are frequent.

The use which Vullers has made of the Bahari ’Ajam, cannot be

approved of. His extracts are most desultory. In hundreds of cases

he has given the least useful examples, whilst the number of words

which he has altogether omitted—on what principle, I do not know—

is very large. We have only to compare the articles Us jul, ste jalldd,

JI. ole cole, glo, gles, ee, Jl, +e, Wldndlor, phbaees,

cha jannab, jules, tlio, Shmdys ne ilies S> Kis, eye > 32)

Lbs, Obs, la LS Wriiye, Syats So, woe, Oks, Se as given

in Bh. and Vull. Bh.’s valuable notes to some of these words, his fine

articles headed Wilp, Simysnda Ue, Ube, &e., are entirely left out.

* Tt should be Ar. pie! bassdm, smiling ; iSbasrem (metre mujtass)—

plas wy) wt)! d)y3! $A ey &s rw Se? enk9y S305 5 oy &S wee

“The world which in the eyes of wise men is a book of laughter, is not

worth half a smile from the ever-laughing lip of the sweetheart’’—where

the FJ. reads pins bistém, inventing atthe same time the meaning a coral.

Besides it would not be Persian to say lab-i-bistdm, a coral lip; it should at

least be % dye Laas oJ, as you say Kiel > #0 oJ, Similar mistakes of FJ.,

adopted by B. and Vullers, are {,J{ wlwé, a star, for A. (93) anwd, pl. of 59)

NOU 5 (S5 jojam, for the Arabic prs hojam, &c.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. AT

In the verses and explanations quoted by Vullers from Bh. we find

the same want of understanding, as in the verses quoted by him

from F. Examples :—

o> jurm, p. 513. For 3h) les baht rdz read 3! yes bahdr az.

&e—, p. 517. Vullers has no idea of what Bh. means. He

reads WT (& sy yo dar taré 7 dn, and translates fructibus recentibus ; but

Bh. has wTc¢s3 yo dar tée dn, in the inside of which. Again by (ps2

sarpésh, Bh. means a lid, so that ($44 will be the cwp or plate, and

é&sa= the lid of it. Hence the nice verse of Tasir, which in Vullers

has neither sense nor metre (Ramal)—

t3 Coe) dy Cg dy Kiva lr &S (eeab JS 4 9 sr US és 5 dob

—where the two lips of the sweetheart are compared to a rose and a

rose bud, the latter resting like a lid upon the former, and the scent

of which is used by the zephyrs as provisions for their journey to

paradise. Vullers reads j!8 ddr for 5! 9 6 az.

&i8— pp. 519 and 520, c) paedicare. For ws,S pile yo read wa,S

ed}. In the verse read uy}! (AY dish azin, for E2ilLMsg pish azin.

Kin p. 533. Read AS for os) ; else the verse has no metre.

ghe p. 5384. Read uss) ru'unat silliness, for Vullers’ ess 3

za aunat. This verse is quoted by Bh. as a proof for the word

LSy slSia jangali i yakpa, an animal of a man’s shape, having only

one leg ; tt is proverbial for its stupidity. Hence Vullers has left out

the word, but given the verse.

a> p. 535, 3) coll. ces fluvius, et dicitur de aqua quam in

calamo narcissi servare solent, ut narcissus diutius in statu recenti

remanere possit. This isa sad blunder. Bh. has cwSp) 9> jaw-i-

nargis, a graim for the narcissus, not (S9> a river. The metre of

Mukhlig i Kashi’s verse (hazaj) shews that we have to read jaw, and

not yz. The grain is put into the cup of the flower to keep it from

shrinking.

The reference in the fifth meaning to the Sharafnémah is also

wrong.

Thus throughout his whole Dictionary.

The mistakes in Vullers arising from his being unacquainted with

Hindustani, deserve a short notice. Hxamples :—

csrt5l, p. 116, 2. ¢., ty T. First, the madd of sty T is wrong;

secondly, (sy! is a gold oy silver coin of the emperor Akbar.

48 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1

32S, p. 184, English, an Englishman. The Persians and Arabs

say (ptlSy inglis, the Hindustanis 54,1 angréz. We may compare

the modern la 5S girjd, a church, with the Portuguese zyreja, and the

Greek ekklesia.

Sy p. 140, nom. urbis cujusdam B. It is Oudh, the famous

Way or Bara.

ab, p. 155, a kind of wandering Muhammadan monk, R.

Vullers might have left out this error of Richardson’s. Similar

mistakes are G17, Wmsi5T, p. 29, for os azab and Wms ’azabistdn

(ay Shs? bakhtigdré, p. 194, for Cg 652 pulhtahkirt ; 5> A= p. 197,

for 5> (ioe bakhshi-c-juz, a deputy paymaster who serves under the

IS 6 ba? bakhsht-t- -kul, or paymaster- -general ; 03, p. 204, for

ig badsanj, a8 you say eres ihushsanj, graceful; cs 58 3 O5

badzrgart, p. 207, for CSySiy! barzgart, or css683y1 barzahgart ; ows,

p. 239, an Tendon spelling for, bho bastah ; Kis bashgir, p. 246, for

Sue peshgir ; Gas Belg). p-. 303, for gk: yéldg ; Sly and

2b, p. 323, for Sis and se Ail &e.

wlEs, p. 269, nom. magnae urbis et olim metropolis in Hindustan.

This absurdity is supplied by F.

élgs, p. 287; the extract from Richardson, with the exception of

the meaning, @ violin, is correct. The word is Hindee, but occurs very

often in Indian Historians. It is a purse of money kept at court for

paying alms, rewards, We.

en bilach, p. 279; this should be aos pulay.

iJ53 p. 884. This is the Hind. Ys pdld, a word often applied to

fruits.

344, p. 406. This is the Hind. term for pulea communis.

Je5, p. 465. 8) nom. arcis in Hindustan, B., nomine )%u}

zantambur celebris, F. This absurdity is, of course, supplied by F.

Tt should be jpg) rantanbhir, as correctly given by FJ., or Rintam-

bore.

ws fob, p. 475; Vull. does not understand the Hind. wl,3 thdn, a

piece of cloth of a fixed number of yards, G'erm. eine Webe.

_y<> p. 521, the same as ways, a squall.

sbfwlgs, p. 548. Vullers in his extract from Bh. writes twice

lysis shdyjahin, for ws*ls Shdhjahdn, the famous emperor of

India. I am afraid Vullers has not understood Bh.’s phrase

1 Obgghoe glTols qanaad tly obpch eae bet

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 49

“Tt is from obstinacy that the Persians call this town Jahandbad,

and not Shah-jahaénabéd.” The emperor Shahjahan was often ridiculed

by the Persians for assuming the title Shdh of the world. Kven the

then Sultan of Constantinople ( ¢3) ylfo)s4 ) made once in a letter a

satirical remark on the emperors imagniloquence, when his clever

court poet Kalim got him out of the difficulty by composing an ode,

in which the following verse occurs (metre muszari’)—

Wael oy p40 hers wlbs | doo rmndSe Ol ShSe) SO5 (59) whys 9 OSD

“The words 4 (6+ 50+ 4 = 59) and whe 845114

clear right to the title Shdhjahin.” For this clever verse Kalim

réceived from the 4g) his weight in gold, and his ode was sent to

Constantinople.

o> chappar, p. 560; this word is the Hind. ,3¢= chhappar.

Uisxs~ chétal. p. 607, This isa mistake often to be met with in

Persian books printed in Europe. The correct form is Aisa with a

E Jim. The word is spelé by Abulfaszl in the A.A., p. 27, 1. 4.

Nor is it a nwmus cwprinus, but an imaginary division of a ddm, one

silver Rupee (of Akbar) being equivalent to forty copper dams.

& Accountants have divided the dém into 25 jetdls.”’ A.A., 1. c.

esto, p. 918, a coin, the 8th of a gold muhur. Thus Vullers

from Johngon. It is the eighth part of a rupee, not of a gold muhur,

oy Toso, dud dlid, p. 923, 3) n. s. nom. magni oppidi in Hindustan

F. sine exemplo. This absurdity is likewise supplied by the praeclarwm

opus of KF. Whoever heard of a town Duddléd in India? It a blunder

for obfestss Daulatébad.

is, IL. p. 797; a reference to J3,5 was required. So likewise,

p. 920, under Js5, to WyeS; and under 8ys3, p. 479 b., 1. Q4., to (5943.

Vullers is also most unfortunate with his wlelé|. As the Iszdfat

of the Persians is very badly treated in the existing Persian grammars,

I trust I shall be excused for inserting here a few notes on the fakk&

frie wn. . . Zi °

a Iszifat ( be! .S9 ), or the omisszon of the Iszafat, reserving some of

Vullers’ mistakes for foot notes.

The Isz4fat is omitted

a, Alter qale, yh, gals, weed, Hib, els rp, od (not in

le) 9 9 9

prose), sls as—Jowale, JUS wale, y=? re an admiral, ladys v0

50 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

the Keeper of the wardrobe ; ae (gale a passionate hunter we” Gate,

od gale, oly Gale . pe wees a foe of science, [ees a foe of

decency ; @y5 cae the representative of God’s mercy on earth (a

flattering epithet for kings); Sen uty wali ni’mat, a benefactor ;

ME egly a viceroy ; similarly, piel one who acts for another ; 5 ie

sneee eS pat a beautiful boy, 315) ys, Seana ole xe Shéhjahan,

josssl a harbour-master (in poetry the 8 in 34s would have the nimfat-

hah) ; olj49032 ge an Indian sweetheart.

b. Atter_p, Cyd, wlvo, st, Wl; AS—Y Dy, Khod) yao, 255 0,

Jy oy, Bly 59, Keina yo, yigtd ud the space behind a wall, &> 95, yg,

loy>cd the day of judgment, ISS? leavings (indian usage) 5

&aLoleo; the same as igh and or 3 after Us| in ws sl, in the

Seine of the night, 59) sl, wFosiw, 3 Js! the first of the worship-

pers. The last.is poetical usage—

ee LF odin ss Js! KS eu cr] chy ye yo rw dh ev0 om

(Sa’di) “ What can be the secret of the fiyure of this idol (of Somnath,

which moved its hands), the fi: st worshipper of which I am ?—where

the metre (Mutaqarib) requires the omission of the Iszafat after Us}. Also

895.019 ddéman koh, the side of a mountain, for %s5us0la ddman i koh.*

c. In compounds often used (Shain) 35 ) as, WIS a pomegranate ;

wd47 water for the ceremonial ablution ; SS» sugarcane ; wat

a night attack ; ste sag-abi a seal, &e. ; ior sbU8, eT, Esl,

&e. Thus also 91 dbrd (pr. the lustre of the aes) hones beisy

ruzbizdr, the flourishing state of the market, flourishing circum-

stances.; Many of these words are even written in one word.

* The pretty little linen draper, the pretty little butcher boy. As our poets

speak of Jane of the mill, the fair dairy maid, &c., so do modern Persian poets

speak of pretty boys belonging to the ‘Trade.

+ Both words are wrongly marked in Vullers’ Dict. with the Iszafat. In

poetry, of course, they have the Nimfathah,

Similarly, IL. p. 759b., Lasley kar i giya, which be translates rex ; but LS vig,

or better LS yl¢,with the Iszdtat, means regnwm, the business (ls) of a laS (not LS)

or prince ; but Sylf, without the Iszdfat, (for ylfiotsS) means vex, and the

derived abstr. n ES. Wf regnum. Tt is plain that this abstr, noun could never

have been formed from Vullers’ LSily kar i giya rea.

Reversely, & 4 Dy oe sly, p. 163, must have the Iszdfat, badd i shwrtah, as correctly

given in Johnson. Vullers’ remark regarding the Iszifat, on p. vii. of his

preface, has no sense.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 51

The Kasrat-i-Isti’mdl explains also the omission of the Iszafat in

NAMES ; aS, GyAw> pile Ghulim Husain, for Ghuldm-i-Husain.

d. After Gy bin son; as, (Sa’df) es Ow Ey Sgt}! ELL) Atabal

Abubakr bin Sa’d i Zangi.

This is not absolutely necessary in prose. The Persians use even

the form G|, with the alif, when followed by the name of the father.

Hence it would not be wrong to say, (gS) deve Gy! S93! Abtibakr

ibn i Sa’d i Zangi. ;

e. Under the influence of an alif i wacl. This is poetical; a

> Ie, Ur? Ips, Sleile, 898 ode ly, Ulpdptel ; for s3 sly beside you,

geile, 5295 Gata cst the price of such a jewel, wpa plecely one who

reads (elegies on Husain) sitting at the foot of a banner (as used by

the Ski'ahs during the Muharram.)

f. After a hedden 8 (Gare ). This is poetical usage, and not

found in modern poets ; as, Joes rod, MIU &agS, Sled duole, yy) Kasra,

for Joie fred, jb day’.

g. Before o3! God ; as, ot eae) bandmizid ( uphyclae ), Ot lplaws

stpdsized, the praise of God. This is poetical usage.

h. After 45, as brwté&s tah bastt, for tah z bastt, the dust below a

mat; £245 tah jur’ah, the last of the cup.

i. Aiter the preposition (55 zitowards, as, 99 85) cs) wt dargah v tw

(Mir Mu’izz), towards thy throne, for 33 3&0 s- The word cs) does

not occur after Sa’di.

k. In cwxlolf kafar ni’mat, ungrateful ; xsIb2JU sdlis salisah, a

Christian (Niz).

l. After we JL; as, sos a » os) ee gseas ie: This occurs

sometimes in poetry for 3 wy man «i bandah, i your slave. The word

cs® does not occur after the time of Jami.

m. After nouns ending in alif or wiw. Thus, wsrbo 551s haléki

mal’in the accursed Halak, co95% Uae! Amtnd Harawi,* lor grb (gS 3a

and (637% cobs}, which would not be wrong.

VI.

IT conclude this paper with afew notes taken at random from

marginal remarks made by me to several Dictionaries at the time of

reading. Ifit be not presumptuous on my part, I would point out that

* The Alif at the end of proper nouns is modern rani usage. Thus Lasls

nw o s ’ ae AO

1323, Lele? Liile, for wails, (.2) we

52 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

notes such as the following in form of an index, ought to accompany

the Persian text of every book now-a-days printed ; for the compilation

ofa reliable Dictionary, based upon a knowledge of the Persian language,

must necessarily be the work of many.

web cultivated. You say a5 wishT ty 5% wz! he built this town.

Also, 955 wWlobF Gsiyd eb2 lye wl he built this town and called it

after his name.

sish] abdftah, made of canvass. In Indian books mostly without

the AZadd. Indian Historians use the word as a noun, the same

as dbdft, canvass. The forms 4&7 dbdft and 6482] dbaftah appear to

be more in use than SL] dbdft and s43b7 dbdftah.

yee abjésh gravy. Also, dried raisins. (goe%S kishmish is a

smaller kind. y,2+° munaggais the best kind of dried raisins. 549°

mowéz is a general term, dried raisins.

C5) Leds col Adam 1 haft-hazirt. People say that the number of

inhabitants on earth at the death of Adam, had reached the number

of seven thousand.

Ws)3f. Vullers and several inferior Indian Dictionaries maintain that

azurdan is wrong, and azardan correct, as the word ws a contraction

for WT. But of dzurd occurs in rhyme with Sys, oye5, and

is analogous to Woy shumurdan, WS shumardan and Woe,

sya? and WHLA9, Vrs and Wylwo, we.

wdx0ol)J drdémtdan, transitive and intransitive. You say

do}las wlos wo To, or, pebs wt 1) os fo.

cx ds, a millstone, You say WS cpt yale to grind corn.

4.9f dséb, corporeal pain. yo dard, both corporeal and mental

pain.

vAjlf and w45;/T, to begin. The word is constructed with the

accusative, or with & r, j

Wolke] d/tdbédan, to become red like the sun. Infinitives in dan are

formed from Arabic and Persian nouns, Examples :-— Worth to require,

Wésees to understand, W425) to dance, wosdle (Niz.) to plunder,

Weashs to swallow down, wosssht to rise (sun), woals? to die (Twiranian

usage), woase to go to Mecca, wosyo~ to go to Madinah, wo2,45 and

Woy, Sb1* to visit the tombs of "Omar and Abibakr, ws43sb the same as

* Wor ws yd s3|- The form with the Alif occurs frequently in this

name Similarly ogysly bdyastd, for o2yt52! até yaztd, the famous saint of

~ Saban

1868. ] oCntributions to Persiani Lexcography. 53

WI Slob, WdsXo the same as Wo, Ko, wWosel>s the same as

Eid ol ele, wordy the same as Wx), wy the same as WdyS Hye,

We es the same as pS SLI) gant, Wos2a0e the same as Wo; Baw,

wee the same as wo% xbe. Khusrau (metre Hazaj)

coal az ere Sakae al ge poder poslsT Udy 5

worf, You say WoXT)s Gly 3] to get up, and WasysTo Clyd 51 to

rouse up. We might expect ws, bar-dmadan, but this is not

idiomatic. Nizdmi,— ld Aypd) oxTys wasoty. So also AA,,

peaol, tl: 3.

exsi9f. The compound ¢5%3] yo means fo fight and to make fight.

Vide A.A. p. 205,1.9. The nouns 8439] dwezah and Cf 29] dwézish

‘mean a fight, a battle. Also, a fight between annals.

5LT dydz, or 54) dydz, or +4! dyds, the name of a slave of Mabmid

of Ghazni. He is proverbial in the Hast for his faithfulness. The

form dydzis the usual form. There exists a Masnawi by Maulana

Zuidli of Khwansari, entitled Mahmid o Aydz. Huzni of Icfahan

(metre Ramal)

awed ght 9 OY ol Sido) Sly jt gns ama Ob) PENS Sees 5 SUIS

“Whether it be Ayéz or Mahmiéid, here (on the path of love) his

duty is slavish obedience; love ties with the same string the foot of

the slave and the freeman.”

“eran din, manner, method ; as, cgy45| WY] the manner of governing

adopted by Akbar. Also, one’s duties, official work; as, Uleig5 |

dS 9S 9! OT Godly) odly “Ti there be no kotwal, he (the

collector) will perform his duties. The plural LSas] means orders,

laws, the same as esa; as, (woke colesas] dinhd 1 mugaddas, the

orders of the king. Hence the dn (singular) i Akbari is divided

into several dins.

wiles) ctticéf. This word is constr. with Gs sjo and &, You

say Sdlo lel) dey2 he possessed piety.

6X3! atkah, ov &3) atgah, a foster father. The latter form of this

Chagatéi word is given in the Calcutta Chagatai Dictionary. As

6555 kékah and QUIS, kokultdsh, a foster brother, it often occurs as

atitle. Thus wksS| atgah khin, the name of Shamsuddin Muham-

mad, whose son, Khan i A’zam Mirza Kokah, was Akbar’s foster

brother.

5 ‘ bray 1 7 1 . Ay Dt aayle

eso ahkdmt, adj. In Indian writers the same as soe neydiné,

54 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

referring to Astronomy. Thus Wye) 234, the same as wbsiyl

tartkh + munajjimdn, the era of the astrologers.

oy! arshad, superlative of 64%), often used by Indian writers as an

epithet for a son.

<5) artak. The form —S3y9! éirtak also occurs in MSS. A quilted

horse-cloth. The word which is often used by Indian writers, is

explainedin the AA., p, 142, 1.19, asa opf&ssy Etsga.a piece of

chintz stuffed with cotton.

ae <3)| artak i kajim, or according to the Chagatai form,

oes S15)| artak-i-kejam, the quilt upon which the coat of mail of the

elephant is placed. AA., p. 124, 1.3.

qs! asp. The form q| asb is the Tranian form. It occurs in

the Bostan in rhyme with qamS kasb, whilst no Persian poet

would rhyme kasb with asp. The Yrénian Surtiri quotes also several

verses, where it is rhymed with W8S)5], which itself stands in the

eS} os e rae as, not ty.

The Indian Madar gives distinctly em Bcsl ls. Mirza Ibrahim in his

grammar has everywhere asb.

_yi—s| astar, a mule, Hind. =>, which word is also used by Indian

writers. Fir’awn was the first that bred mules. The belief in the

Kast is that the mule is not sterile, but dies in foaling. Hence a

mule is compared to a man who is liberal beyond his means. Khusrau

(metre Muszari’)

OS wlylo ws> BS jh Syde! yhoo! eer) Way SWS IY. 8) Sm 2 dls> 39>

“ Tf the liberality of a liberal man is unnatural, it is his death, just

as the female mule dies when she brings forth a foal.”* Observe also

that the metre requires the omission of the Tashdid in the word kurah.

In accordance with this idea, farmers are said to place a 4s over

the vulva of the mule, in order to prevent gestation, a practice to

which Khag4ni several times alludes. Thus in the Tuhfat ul ‘Iraqain,

in speaking of the sun, through whose agency all metals and precious

stones are called into existence, he says (inetre Hazaj)

oe oS de Key pled 259 95 513 DAS L

“ Through thee (O sun), the vulva of the mule is closed with a lock

* This corrects the reading in Vullers’ Dictionary, II. p. 826.

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 55

(or ring) of gold ; and through thee the neck of the ass has an orna-

ment of rubies.

wos} uftddan. The spelling wosl45| is an ancient plena scriptio,

which in woli3| has become the usual form, although wolb.s} is

pronounced. The older Indian Dictionaries, as the Sh., Mu., Ma,

mention the pronunciation aftadan as having then prevailed in India.

You say o43| &A3 9) Slay 54m Gy! it costs a rupee ; O5RA} H51)} 1 Epoj

old celts he takes care that the land does not fall off in cultivation ;

solks} G40} land no longer cultivated; (+9) E58 313} the state of

being waste land; o§3} “le jo 31) the secret becomes public ;

Sst Byer 9 OLAS ya Wh; et) 3K i 31 from childhood he made

verses and Jived in Iraq, A.A. p. 251.

gk! aghydr, plural of 4©. The word occurs used as singular, a

rival. Haydati of Gilan (metre Ramal)

rnd) Lact | po ait hy csitegg Og pes cg At p92 3

“TInconstant lovers are hostile to each other on account of the

inconstancy of their love; in true love no one has a rival.” Vide

cox bulhawas. Similarly, |o£| add, pl. of ’aduww, occurs used as a

singular. ’Umar i khayyém (Ruba’i)

ww fact ly wa & sol y=” Ou 9S awl) 9 oe 3 wllls es" “s”

easly BF fy 9S wed ayy? AU) 9 rmel Era 90° (ge AF phen Wee

“T drink wine, and opponents from the right and left cry out to me,

‘Don’t drink wine; it is the foe of faith.’ Since I have learned that

wine is the foe of faith, I must drink the red blood of the foe; for

this is lawful.” In the third migra’ we have to pronounce ’aduww,

and in the fourth ’adi.

ces! agdas. In Indian writers the same as royal. So also bie

mugaddas and wos qudst. yswos wt dzdt-i-qudst, the royal person.

ely) alzdm, ¢. WoyS, Wold, to make a thing ldzim or compulsory ; hence

to force, to overcome, to defeat inplay. Soalso, wos cS iho mulzim-

t-kasé shudan = wo oJls, ’Urii (metre Ramal)

coma aly cus! 959 yoga Foss eis ay! cote 9% Sasjly Wye

** When by way of play I defeat the literary writers (who hold the doc-

trine of the jauhar-i-fard, t.e., the atomic theory, which the hukama

do not), the jauhar i-fard (here = the mouth of the sweetheart) smiles,

and proves the divisibility, (because the lips im smiling divide)”

56 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [Not

xls! dlmds, a diamond. The idea is prevalent in the East that

diamond dust is a deadly poison. Faiszi, (metre Ramal)

AUK Jia ,2; DS ples Sy ges nnd S| peal hl yerace? og hse pug’

“Do not ask to know the ingredients of the antidote against love;

they mix diamond dust into a deadly poison.”’

wdlkys al umm 7 ghilan, in Persian generally wlax0 mughilan, the babil

tree, a kind of acacia, The pronunciation mughaildn, given by Burhan,

is unsupported ; the word occurs in rhyme with was filin elephants,

The ashes of mughilan wood are largely used in the Hast for refining

gold and silver, whilst the thorns of the tree have become proverbial ;

hence jig., the dangerous obstacles on the road of love. Cairafi of

Sawah (metre Hazaj-i-salim)

Lediee le Estes rae 9s elias R30 4,5 Pogo, KF 81) 5

“ The road towards the ka’bah (of love) is forbidden; else I would

gladly direct thither my feet, not caring for the wounds which the sole

of my foot would get from the acacia thorns of the road’”’—in allusion to

the law which prohibits Muhammadans from sleeping with their feet

stretched in the direction of Mecca, which would be disrespectful.

Judai of Tabriz (metre Munsarih)

gt Walato LA Ele (S95 00 og! erbolay poo rms! F425 Gy Cyn

“The beauty of the sweethearts is a ka’bah; love the desert

(through which the wanderer has to pass); the obstinacy of the

wretches (the 43), the watcher), the acacia thorns of the road.”

es imkdnt, adj., human, referring to man. God is dees] Gals

necessary; Manis d¢>s/lurS+~o mumhkin ulwujid, possible; idols are

d9>)|ei0 impossible. Hence sel colt gS human efforts.

wy! andartn, pr. in this, within this. This word is, however, often

used asa preposition, within = yo]. Observe that in this case it

cannot take the e4l2|, just as_ sls bindbar, or os273_& nazar barin, on

account of. Payaémi (metre Mujtass)

oy Eros bS &I yo Bivoes sls: jhe &S ral gy Ks < sly copes?

¢ pas . :

‘T am living in a world where my Ydsuf would be better in the

pit than in the bazar,”—where Yusuf = life, the pit = non-existence,

the baz4r = existence.

stl97 9 cei] anfust o dfdgi, referring to the spiritual (anfusi)

and to the visible world (alaqi). Hence mard-i-afust o dfdgt, a man

who looks upon life as something agreeable, but who at the

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 5T

same time strives to grasp the idea of Godhead. Such a man is

both 25 ta’allugi, attached to this world, and says? tajarvudi

(or &S+0)!3 wdrastah) independent of it. A.A. p. 49, Le

ssh Cg yhS| angushtari bdz’. The players sit in a circle and pass on

a ring. ” The person standing in the middle has to find the ring.

If he says to one g5 poch, empty, whilst that person has the ring, he

is 8,3 burdah, defeated, and must continue searching for the ring.

Vide Vullers’ IL., p. 802, s. iS kachah. Tashbihi of Kaéshan (metre

Haza))

eo ols gee ct Sambo hes Se gy wleeols vlke wil wo 90

“ Both worlds are empty and have nothing concealed in their hands ;

J have the ring (of true love); every thing else is empty.”

J. él. Indian writers use this word in the phrase oJo4 Uy) WLS pw

the rebels became again obedient. MSS. have often Ugly wal, pres.

part. of Ji wa-l.

we! éman. The fathah of the mim is the same as the fathah in

kafar, Hatam, &ec., for kafir, Halim, whilst the first syllable is a

common Imalah. Hence the word is a corruption of Gyo] din.

wal bakhtan, 1, to play; 2, to lose a game, opp. Woy! burdun

to wina game. Shikébi of I¢fahan (Ruba’!)

rmiicle oS RRL Wi Coot SmibdL iia HAS Where ogy)

FIST Coby? GUSTS 79 Seward thal ge Ue boy

“The world is a nard play, the winning of which is a loss; skilful

nard playing consists in being satisfied with a low throw. The

world resembles the two dice of the nard play—you take them into

your hands to throw them down again.” Payami (metre Ramal)

eAEL ots oF wor ya Byal jleday pare oilien jb oil 42,0

“Wate cheats in play and takes back what it lost; one cannot play

with a companion that practises such tricks.”

Observe that in the first example, the word ( nagsh means the

dots on the dice. The dice used in India are rarely cubical, but long,

because the four long sides only are used.

Sb bérgir, the same as we! asp, and sh bargl, a horse.

2. A slave, Hind. y= chélah, Mug. Bh. 3. pS Gyo

harf-t-bargir, an expletive particle. Zdstr (metre Muszari’)—

ews} 50 g9l3) aS 4 3, wya— Like an expletive particle, pleonastic

58 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. l,

4 "” . .

and merely repeated.” Compare ells 6253, which has the same meaning.

ybb bdzdér. This word is often used in the sense of a noisy place,

Hayati of Gilaén (metre Ramal)

werent Wa hy LEM aby Sy ge Sem Lyme ptt Semel GE Log

* This is love’s lane, but not a bazar; hush, you must not talk here.”

wslhsb bdzydft, stoppages, a fine. Synonyms are, wis tdwdn, loys

jurmdnah, exS* ye sarshikan, | y5 ghardmat, @23wasza’,and ely

bdzkhwdst. The last word is a general term and may also mean @ de-

mand for rendering a satisfactory account ; 2+w\lySjL 33) r6z-1-bazkhwast,

the day of reckoning; Vly jK po Cumslydjb bazkhwast-1-sarkar 7

wild that which is due to the state ; hence tares, Silos, ex} ,F, wy

signify a fine; you say gS j! WAS, ailoa; cdlyjb and e@4) mean

stoppages, deductions from salaries, &c. You say While dale dw

oy 3434 three months’ wages of the grooms are deducted ;

de B29 pol 5! & Lalo hon ee the fifth part of the monthly

allowance of the Amir is stopped; ols eéljb Cgalf sili ele

the collector makes a deduction according to the difference in weight

(of coins brought by the peasants). The meaning Sle 2sljl in

Vullers (from Richardson) is doubtful. Sharshikan is generally used

in the sense of military stoppages to which a whole squadron is

condemned. For example, A.A. p. 283, 1. 13 :—

OS LE Sop0) Sty wlOye 1 ord Ob 2 8 oye

“Tfatrooper be found to be without his horse, he (the faujdar)

gives him a new one, charging the price to his squad in equal propor-

tions.” , |

j1y3 burdngdr, the right wing, JUs$ gol the centre, Dyyo chii-

rangdar the left wing of an army. These are the usual spellings.

Other forms are le!) biréngaér, jl, burungér, as in the Chagatai

vocabulary published at Calcutta, and )l*! brangér (as in Zenker’s

vocabulary). For )!®ty5>, we also find jluys—, jvirangér, with a jim.

Vullers’ form jsts= juwdingdr, with a wdw, is not in my dictionaries.

Another Turkish word often used by Indian writers, is — ~>=charkhcht

an avantguard ; a foraging party. As the article in Vullers, p. 569,

has no sense, I transcribe part of the article in the Muct. and Bh.

gil Lab goo Bat oh ccbielle ra GSS

“The word charkhchi occurs in the book entitled ’Alam-ara, by

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lewicography. 59

Sikandar Bég, in the sense of fawj ¢ hardwal, an avantguard. Asr

(metre Hazaj)

piles Luo at pslee aptge HE yy SS, eulovojgy sowlyity 7 oI

“Tf on the day of battle thy voice is the avantguard, the opponent

is easily defeated by the Muslims.” From some commentary I have

copied the following passage—

9 csiare pl—reel Wa Cel? Bd foe SEI 1 Sm 9 ¢ cine Gee

N95 oF (5dhy

Hence a foraging party. As Vullers did not understand Bh., he

might have left out his etymology. The word is connected with the

T. S,> chirik and 24,= chirth, vide Vullers, I. p. 572.

The T. S54 bulk, a troop, is likewise of frequent occurrence ; only

the pl. is not bulékdn, as in Vullers, but esl buldkdt.

csbyoy burd o bdi, or colagay) burd o pai, or dp9ck bdio burd.

This word, which is often “used by Indian Historians, means betting

on fighting rams or other animals. The margins of MSS. generally

explain it by the Hind. ss)ls, which has the same meaning. I do

not know the meaning of csb baz. At the courts of the Mogul emperors

betting on animals was carried on to a great extent. Akbar had to

pass several limiting laws.

we, barhaman. In the poetry of Hindustan and the later poets

of Persia, the Brahmin is enamoured of the ere canam, in the same

way as the nightingale of the rose ; the atom (%)5) and the chamelion

(4,=) of the sun; the S44ls, or the 954, of the 9, sarw; and the

moth of the candle. The following verse is sufistic (metre Ramal)—

Oi Shales etsy 9 phe OVypAQIiy) crest Se Byte y Gal mirrdaka yy

“Tn reality there is no difference between the -lover and the object

loved—idle thinkers speak of the idol as distinct from the Brahmin.”

The verse requires the pronunciation barhaman, not brahman or

barahman.

cso%) bughdé, a kind of camel of high cost. So Shaksp. It would

be more correct to say dromedary. The Bactrian camel with two humps

(44590 dokuhant) is called in T. #2, s954, or, 9% bughwr. The latter

word is used by Indian historians, but is often confounded in the MSS.

with the Arab. _,3%2 ba’ér, Zenker’s Turkish vocabulary gives the plena

scriptio »s£32, but he translates w dromedary, instead of a Bactrian

camel,

60 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

cesels bulhawas. It is wrong to derive this word from the P.

prefix Us bul much, as some Indian grammarians and lexicographers

have done, whose opinion Vullers adopts. It is another spelling for

cvgetigt. This is also confirmed by the fact that but bulhawas occurs,

and not bulhds, whilst hés is a Persian tacarruf of the Arab. hawas.

Again, the few real Persian compounds with bul are all ancient.

The personel of Persian love poetry consists of the (gle, the Sy%x0,

the ols gdgid, the 33) ragib (or wes or (.£0 mudda’l) who watches

over the ma’shzq, and lastly, outsiders. Among the latter are those

who are 491) zahid abstemious, indifferent to love, and those who are

werd! bulhawas, who possess no (35, but C52 hawas. "Ishq is

SioJis 24 Latiuzzawdl constant ; hawas is transient, Jls5J Eire sari’

uzzawal, though passionate.

Uw bish more. This word is followed by 3!; yb we jC sx more

than a hundred times. But 5} may be left out, when (Av stands after

the numeral; as (#4 y4 we more than a hundred times. A hundred

times more would be yo y¥ oe cad bar i digar.

css pai. In pre-classical Persian we never find cs, C69), cox, and

Imperatives as (sL&aS, col, &e., without the (Ss: "During the classi-

cal period the ae is often thrown away. In modern Persian the

forms without the cs are the usual forms. Hence the modern adjective

Glaals pa-hisab subject to rendering an account, in the Indian phrase

Wr Selwoly fy nS, Similarly, taxes are the esble ek paranj i

saltanat. In compounds, when cs!y is not followed by a genitive, the

shortened form ¢,3 pai is often preferred ; oy G4 WIO2 LS,® not every

one cares for it; Woy jS _5#+,.3 to go straight at a thing, to understand

the essence of a thing; Ws,! o92% (.3 to strive to reach the

goal; but ways} ciyre? eyS cols, the same. cs occurs also

adverbially, under, the same as WkL jo, or wi? 5 dar taht; e. 9.,

Ommdg) Sy? > ald cols olga) c& the collector writes the name of

every Tahgildar below the name of the village.

ee) Ss pao gosht. What Vullers has copied from Richardson is

wrong. ‘I'he word means 4 flesh, and is the name of a regulation of

the emperor Akbar by which he wished to determine the fatness, or

otherwise, of an animal in proportion to the quantity of food given, vide

A.A. p. 168. sly is Hind.

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 61

&= 53 parchah, for &»yls. This form I have only seen in Indian

writers. The author of the Mir-at ul Alam uses it frequently.

8o,3 pardah means 1. a screen; 2. the place behind a screen;

hence GA3o,3 a woman of good family; 353 yo behind the

sereen; 3. the thin membranes in limes, pomegranates, W&c., vide

A.A. p. 80,1 6. As 56 so does also 39,3 take the meaning of

the king’s court ; hence, in Indian writers, os l)[8d53 the adorning of the

court, doing something for the pomp of the court. (gyoe%53 pardah

dart a tearing of the screen, the exposure of a secret ; aN p. 198, 20:

Wo3,3 parridan and paridan. To fly. Also, to evaporate (scents).

Similarly 99) dla 5) loys5 91 (sx its smell remains long in the clothes.

Scents, colours are 4s 33 dérpd, lasting, fast.

sacty pusht khdr, a hand made of ivory and fixed to a

stick. This instrument, which is very common in India, is used for

scratching (WoylX) one’s back. A larger kind of this instrument

is used as a war club, in which case the whole, or only the

hand, is made of iron; vide A A. p. 122,1. 1. The shape of the

hand is either fist-like, or half extended with the fingers bent.

cui lS is, of course, a back with khdrs or scratchers, hence a

hedgehog. Observe that in the Indo-Germanic languages the last

component of a compound expresses its genus, and the first its

particular properties.

Other compounds of pusht are KIS cating pusht tang, %. e., something

tight for the back; hence, a broad girth for fixing the saddle, A.A.

p. 148, 1. 3. The word is given in Vullers, on p. 364, but his spelling

ihe pushtank is wrong. (a? Scents pushtgarmi, support, assis-

tance. Sarmadi of Icfahan (metre Mujtass)

pute (guy Sm rgd) Essent bs ta ops? a wlres Esisdess 5

“What have I done to myself in the heat of transgression (Whes,

as py, Elo, ostls), eaaslee, 8S, love) ; with the help of God’s

mercy, what crimes have I committed !

xls palds, the coarse stuff used for making moneybags. The adj.

ews palasé means like palds ; but the adj. eredlly paldsin, made of

palis, as wyrwdly &maS, The same distinction holds for cst] and (assy ;

csdel6 and ude’, we,

62 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

By puyarah lattice work, framework, used for hedging in

flower beds, or as supports for creepers ( 8)ly bayaérah*). Pieces of

wood or bamboo are stuck into the ground, at proper intervals,

and cross-pieces are tied to them. The shape of the interstices may

be varied by differently arranging the sticks. In the kind called

ceyeem ja'fart, each interstice is a rhombus, the sticks being placed

obliquely, but parallel, into the ground; and so also the cross-sticks,

which incline, however, to the other side. In ues bs shatranji, the

pieces stand at right-angles to each other. More costly are the kinds

55 gird, where the interstices present the appearance of a square with

a circle inscribed in it ;_»» gs shash-sar hexagonal, 33}13o dumwdzdah-

sar twelve-sided. The ja’faré and shatranji may be sea yts ghar

waclé, not tied, where the sticks are not tied to each other with

strings ; the other kinds are (ghey wali, as strings are required.

In Vullers’ article (¢,8*>, p. 517, the third meaning is the same

as the fifth ; Shakspeare’s etymology from $326 is wrong.

wles péchin, 1. twisting; 2. twisted. The passive meaning seems

to be the usual meaning. Sanjar of Kashan (metre Rajaz)

is 32 OE Geyil yo5 2 wlett U5

“(T come from the monastery) with the cord tied round the waist,

and the gong under my arm.’’ Vide another example in Vull. I. p. 597,

11. Similarly bole shindsd knowing, and pass., known, as AU ;

but the passive meaning is rare; vide A.A. p. 284, 1. 7; Id3

pidzird, accepting, and accepted.

&siy 549 pir t pambah a scarecrow. Vullers’ meaning is unsup-

ported.

wls paimdnah. The paimdnah is larger than the co.

wl tabin, Inf. IT. of Gt ; vide Lane’s Ar. Dict. p. 9. ¢., a leading

on, the same as (S3y43 pavrawt. Indian Historians use this word as an

ism i fail, SOAS ogys, a leader, pl. wl ¢débindt leaders, officers ; vide

AGA’ yo: LOW iL, Wy ; p. 193, 1. 1. G&byxl tdbin bdshé a superior

commanding officer, p. 196, 1. 20. Thus also often in the Padishah-

namah.

* Vullers has s. % bas a reference to Ey botah ; but botah is not a creeper ;

it is a plant capable of standing without support.

1868.] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 63

214 térikh. Native lexicographists derive this word from ox

muarrakh, which is supposed to be corruption of the Pers. }9)s%l~

miahriz, or 39980 méh o riz, an era, calendar; Germ. Zeitrechnung.

Others derive it from the Arab. ¢1)! ardkh, the wild cow (gaw i wahshi),

an animal proverbial in the Hast for its stupidity. They then explain

tdrikh as meaning the removal of stupidity, hence rendering certain,

fixing anything.

The custom of fixing the taérikh of an event by a word, or sentence,

or a micra’, or a whole verse, is said to date from the sixth or seventh

century of the Hijrah. Before this, meaningless words were used

composed of the hurifi abjad. Thus in the case of Abi Sina, the

Nicab uccibydn (vide above, p. 7, No. 65) has the following verses—

Seapt eos jf Oo] ec do Laue sth aet Gel 2

do ke edt dy Bo) ds o> ola pie Ostas 38

* Aba ’Ali Sina was born in ex”, ” A.H. 3878, finished his studies in

Law, or 391, and died in 4%, or 427. Such tarikhs are no longer used.

The modern tarikhs are either tho mutlaq, or 4025 ta’miyah. The

former kind extends over a whole micra’ or verse, as 5! y4 Silpcm

S55 yas exe whe. The latter kind may be e)4 kharijé, in excess,

when something is to be subtracted, or (hte dékhilé, when something

is to be added. For example—(metre Mujtass)

ae tt C999 5 Sadho ouas wat

in which the words ls > S| uss give A. H. 1015; but as the maldik

subtract one alif, we get A. H. 1014. The ee WOXS I] or

WOsbS Kay» LUI, is explained by the authors of the Muet. and Bh. as

referring to a custom of lovers, dervishes, mowrners, &ec., to cut the

skin of the chest, the wound having the shape of an alif.

244 eb ndm 7 tdrtkhé, an additional name which parents give their

children, in order to remind them of the year in which they were

born—a very necessary thing in the Hast, where few people know

their correct age. Thus, if a Muhammadan be born A. H. 1255, he

may assume the name of (le ,¢b0 Mazhar’Ali, in addition to his own

name, as the value of the letters when added will be found to

be 1255.

_s tabar, an axe, a hatchet ; also a war axe. If the war axe has the

shape of a pointed wedge, like the bill of a bird, it is called Usist}

zdghnol, pr. a crow-beak. If the zaghnol has joined to it a common

64 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [ No. 1,

axe, the weapon is called Jsi¢1},35 tabar zéghnol. If the axe has an

anvil-like piece of iron attached, it is called bax > 35 tabar-takhmdg, from

the T. $4553 a hammer. Under J,is!} in Vullers, IL, p. 106, a.,

read ef secwris bellicae, for et sagittae bellicae, the Delhi edition of

Bh. having wrong 33), _y3) tir 7 sartéz, instead of tabar i sar-téz.

Jw5=) tahwil, to hand over, to give in charge ; hence y|ohs= tahwilddr

a cash keeper. Akbar had for his household a US lolyg=? tahwildar 7

kull, who gave advances to the various 5> obgx tahwildar 1 juz.

The latter furnished workmen, the people of the Harem, &c., with

money for which they took receipts. The tahwitlddr 7 kull stood under

the US £55 khizdncht i kull the Treasurer General. chs? tahwilt

deposited, handed over (money); hence a deposit. cig Us fil i

tahwili, a new elephant waiting to be handed over to the officer in

charge of a é2l= halqah, (elephants which have the same value). The

word ey? pl. y=, or wks gs? means also a deposit ; a “ transfer”

of money.

VII.

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 5.

In the name of the fourteenth dictionary read (ytw= /husain, for

pts husaint.

In 33., several MSS. read Coste, instead of pte.

Page 6.

The author of the forty-first dictionary is often mentioned in Indian

historians. He was, according to Badaoni, Qazi of Delhi.

In the title of the fifty-third dictionary translate :—‘‘ The Dictionary

of Muhammad ibni Hindiishah Munshi who wrote to the praise ( cbs)

of (the Amir) Ghids uddin Rashid.” It would be against the idiom

to translate: —‘‘ Who wrote under the name of Gh.” This would be

expressed by (goth) exo} Eke Clbs?. Observe the final cg in

qgose). The word —lb4 in Persian, is followed by an abstract nown ;

you say 29 jd Ges he got the title of Khan; Slo Glas! |i} 2

ead 5b he was honored by the title of Malik ushshu’aré. But

this is not the case with the participle LIS” mukhdtab, which is

followed by & and the title itself; you say o& wl? wLbls* he got

the title of Khan; o* [peand | hs able”, Ge. The word al expresses

often our alias; you say wld csldigle eb wlojuls Khanzaman, alias

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 65

°Ali Quli Khan. Native Persian scholars in reading these words, draw

the word ¢& to the preceding name, without the wld]; as, Khén-

zamaénnam ’aliqulikhan. But if the title be a word which cannot take

the form of the macdar, khitdb is constructed as mukhdtab ; e. 4.,

SiJjras lbs? o& 51,50, instead of (AgoJjoee, which would

be impossible. Thus also with the word vale ; you say, Arzt

takhallue, Sirajuddin Khan, wld.241 ele wale 9))1 . We should

invert the order, according to our idiom, and say, Sirdjuddin Khan,

poetically styled Arzi ; or, in the above example, ’Alé Quli Khan,

alias Khan zamdn. But when the Persians put the takhallug after the

real name, they use the e414} ; as pred yee "Umar i Khayyam, ’Umar,

poetically styled Khayyam.

The author of the ji/ty-eighth dictionary, Shamsuddin, poetically

styled Kakhr?, belongs to Icfahan.

After the szxtzeth dictionary add

psx bt] Codes! ypeto Says Ad. FJ., Sur. This is Firdausi’s

ustdd. The author of the second dictionary is the nephew of this

_Mangir. It is remarkable that FJ. quotes this ancient dictionary as

his authority for the forms Ay! and & , witha&,

Page 9.

Line 5 from below, read printed, for lithographed. This edition of

the Kashf, when obtainable, sells from fifteen to twenty rupees.

Page 11.

Line 5; in the second micra’, read <-d»94 budé, for 49) bid.

Page 12.

The author of the Farhang i Jahangir, Mir Jamaluddin Husain,

played a more important part during the reign of Jahangir. Accord-

ing to the Akbarnéamah of Abul Faszl, he entered Akbar’s service

during the twenty-fifth year of his reign, or about 1581. When Abul-

Faszl wrote the Ain, the Mir was a Hazari, or commander of one

thousand, not a nuhcadt, as the reading of the first note on p. 226 of

my Ain appears to be more correct than the reading of the text.

The excellent work, entitled t,oY| ple madsir wlwnard,* contains

the following biographical notice— ~

* Vide Morley’s Catalogue, p. 104. The MS. No. 77 of our Society, to judge

from the corrections, looks like an autograph. Besides it is almost free from

mistakes. It contains 574 leaves, The other MS, of our library, No, 181, is

much inferior.

66 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [Nosye.

es anf un! 3) jad wl yle plac] 3 bay | 9ax'| exo | JL 0

ogo” sls , 00 BOW ae shins psbgblye pale | cy! wye> wy? ee wo Jf pro lg

eno} ce, a0 nblwy, ue al we! cy le ysl6t 51 wt yl Ble yr 9

ey ory! (ogre uewlerk xle wle5 5) why» eye) CS het gs SU] aol

Jlea 40 * asl (yeess| =f eghlans ee wi~9s 9 ny Eset

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WHT me # SayT vlyera 2 hind Boyt let edit 59 pl da

sly jl Nal (oOo fn rOhes We os Jl» SdA—r) ys bat ye ew 5Jl,2

C5152 Sm! ca wa Ub diayS * on] > cols & Ls hee Jl» Ga,

gld_Jole O29 55 caihe stu &als cs lw »2T yo We #d9 Sdawy ware

@ apf yd Jlilo solpald aft) 958 ido 89 ape) Cotly> Coysilem

dN5t8 Kine yg sx0 abe sho wf Lily obhoigd jlo Uy we ilebT tye

order Bolytlbe Ly Guay? Sbolf Cart wile oly Shor TLS 2 sopee g

BI ag) BOebY ESTs 5) tgd CHOY Wl} Ent GAS ASSs3 @ dpay HSU 9S 5

; « OMhSS (al Sol sbi

rahas cp gta 3 cme ats ob Sad n0 90 pole wlblro gals Ly o>

3) gy olebles KKK At y9} 553 dls we 9 gy(Qs ror 570 9 colle

ps oom” 1} phe lhe &="j &F sly Csghws ciel: ps0 O25)9 us® $55]

Ow! el) hii p33 ota es 3 gt ® 9% Grade wlblo ogs Glaio

& alc flee &S (gos Kas Ep Okey gO? las) by Ki SS kines Os>

Ls3 Gyo a) 4S Sas AAR sho wh; pi bocia 2S! gy S08 5! alee

rd] flee 4 joyty ON Shay lf Eptya Ol golhens! dT 1,0] dod con Ge)

KA Ly 3) nay he 45i3 5 lo 35 Cole” Wr. v0 Js? soo] wstlaes &S rs

nS 6S CY yee we tS os e* lglg peel wld 9 ons Kalra y

wile? ria ly sho (BoD OtnKsv0 Lye 4S Of Oxo ol # Sly 52s eu) eS>

Oty ol, sylgw AF gis set phe peel Enya iE Ely = ASS 0 og

arogKex! ol}! Cyd wa gayd lola pros 2995 Gelyo1 LSpe yah! sldoly = ogiley

asl loi) Jeol! ode obs! pros Slo yo 9 % 955 ood les syo

oy gly Shay Cols Bape) CaylSpme sytlE™ yo ood 45 peor eS p10

(sa yeh 9 Set KiyS ColpigSlay y OUI s wo Reda Chad plas) ly We JUS so

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we Od (2S yj road Kxt9) 9152

B07] yp — as! l=); e Di] dS oo Jos Jie at ved iS, 2 y0 iow

By ORS yo cszinh Jal

* The following words are verbally taken from the Iqbalnamah, ed,

Bibl, Ind., p. 87.

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lewxicography. 67

Od & copSilka Kias dom yg diy heh T Gytlb wIloSs 40

wes Bley GES 50 Ga! % ray}! ote kee bud ops yh20 ylaws SS

Cred Bee) O23 ly eno Car! ps0 SILT sens 4 $39 53 5 Kitd ogo lwo wl yf

chee ES 30.9 a5 dy AE” SES ymio atari} one LIES &sxos 393

Ghat exo QFfom Cpey pod WIA (625.0 yo} pla pay wu dS yy

# BOM 9S dv0

“Mir Jamaéluddin Anju, of Anja, belongs to the Sayyids of Shiraz,

who trace their descent to Qasim arrasi ibn i Hasan ibn i Ibrahim i

Tabatiba i Husaini. Mir Shah Mahmud and Mir Shéh Abi Turab,

two later members of this renowned family, were appointed during the

reign of Shah Tahmasp i Cafawi, at the request of the Chief Justice of

Persia, Mir Shamsuddin i Asadullah of Shuster, the first as Shaikh-

ulislam of Persia, and the second as Qézi-lquzdt. Mir Jamaluddin is

one of their cousins. He went to the Dekhan, the Kings of which

had frequently intermarried with the Anjus.* Afterwards he entered

Akbar’s service, and, in the thirtieth year, was appointed a commander

of six hundred. In the fortieth year of Akbar’s reign, he was promoted

to the rank of a Hazéri. It is said that in the end of Akbar’s reign he

was a commander of three thousand. When in the forty-fifth year of

the emperor’s reign, the fort of Asir had been conquered, Adil Shah, king

of Bijaptir, wished to enter into a matrimonial alliance with Akbar,

and offered his daughter to Prince Danyal. To settle matters, Akbar

despatched the Mir to the Dekhan, who, in A. H. 1013, after making,

near Pattan, the necessary preparations for the marriage feast, handed

over the bride to Prince Danyal. After this he repaired to Agra,} in

order to lay the tribute and the presents before the emperor, the best

of all which up to that time had come from the Dekhan.”’

** As the Mir had always been a particular friend of Prince Salim

(Jahangir), he was promoted after the prince’s accession to the post

of a Chahér Hazari, and obtained the privilege of the naqqarah and

the flag. When Prince Khusrau (Salim’s son) rebelled, the Mir re-

ceived the order, to effect an understanding by offering Khusrau

* So also Firishtah,

+ If this is correct, it must have been after Abalfazl’s death,

~ Accompanied by the historian Firishtah.

§ To sound the naqqarah, and to have a flag carried before oneself, was a

distinction only given to great amirs. The aurang, chatr, saiban and kaukabah

are reserved to kings. _ Vide AA, p. 49,

68 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [ Nosy

the kingdom, which Mirzé Muhammad Hakim (Akbar’s brother who

had held Kabul) had governed. The Prince unfortunately did not

agree. When he was subsequently made prisoner, and brought before

the emperor, Hasan Bég of Badakhshan, Khusrau’s principal agent,

impudently said to Jahangir, that it was not he alone who had favoured

Khusrau, but that all the amirs present were implicated; Mir Jamal-

uddin, the emperor’s ambassador, had only the day before asked him

(Hasan Bég), to promise him an appointment as Panjhazéri. The

Mir got pale and confused, when the Khan i A’zam* fearlessly advised

the emperor, not to listen to such absurdities; Hasan Beg knew very

well, that he would have to suffer death, and tried therefore to involve

others ; he himself (the Khan i A’zam) was the chief conspirator, and

ready as such to undergo any punishment.”

“This satisfied the emperor; he consoled the Mir, and appointed

him afterwards Governor of Bahar. In the eleventh year of Jahaéngir’s

reign (A. D. 1616), he received the title of ’Aszaduddaulah.; On

this occasion the Mir presented to the emperor a dagger, inlaid with

precious stones, the making of which he had himself superintended,

whilst at Bijaptr. At the top of the handle he had a yellow yaqut

fixed, perfectly pure, of the shape of half an egg, and had it surrounded

by yaquits, as approved of by Europeans, and old and clear emeralds, so

as to make it more conspicuous. The value was estimated at fifty

thousand rupees.” |

“After this he lived for some time at Baraitch, where he held lands

granted to him by the emperor. He repaired once more to the capital,

where he died of a natural death.”

“The Mir was a man distinguished for his talents. The Dictionary,

entitled Farhang 1 Jahdngiri, which is everywhere highly valued, and

referred to as the best authority, was compiled by him. The author

has indeed shewn a most admirable carefulnegs in his critical investiga-

tions, and the correctness of the vowels.”

“‘ Of his two sons, the elder, Mir Aminuddin had been with his father

in the Dekhan, and was married toa daughter of ’Abdurrahim, Akbar’s

Commander-in-Chief; he was promoted to a higher post, when, at an

early age, he died; the younger, Mir Husdmuddin Murtasza Khan,

has been mentioned before.”

* Vide AA. p. 223, No, 21.

y+ Vide Toozuk i Jahangiri, ed, by Sayyid Ahmad, Allyeurh, 1864, p. 175.

HsGe.| . Contributions to Persian Leaxicography. 69

The Tuzuk i Jahingirt gives the following additional particular :—-*

2 i 5 wylelve fxs 5f BO cha g pty yhaend Gee BgdJ] Mas p40

posers os ELA y Glee do 9 OO Waals aM ty! wT > O99 oy

223 5 S95] 0 9 oa BAS SA x yels ary x 3 O23 AI 9) sh eS glo, af

Rap pet ls!) 45,0 9 say] s0yjS eld] OSL S551 91 Eedyr le > s

we dyles Jl} egy 9 yer oboit Cgleos

* Mir ’Aszaduddaulah having now (A. D. 1621) become very old, and

bent from old age, he is no longer fit for employment in the household,

the army, or the administration of a jagir. I excuse him therefore of

all further trouble, and give hereby the order, to pay him out of my

treasury the monthly sum of four thousand rupees cash, payable at

Agra, Lahore, or any other place, where he likes to reside, so that he

may be happy and comfortable, always praying for the welfare of my

kingdom.”

The highest rank which the Mir attained, was a brevet Panj-hazari

(wld epee Zo) with an actual command (and salary) of a Sihhazar

0) paneadi. ili

Towards the end of his life, he seems to have revised his dictionary.

As late as 1628, he presented a copy of it at the eighteenth

anniversary of Jahangir’s accession. The writer of the latter part of

the Tuzuk says :—

3 » wl_2} Erem 9 KhAle csartt gd 9 BOAES li ode? Gs"

foeh (+) wl J.iv0 sis wr Wad # Koyg] Ogtidave Leos ustele jled}

The word = I have heard generally pronounced Anji, I think

Inju is the correct pronunciation, as = appears to be the same as

=I and =" , a word thoroughly investigated by Quatremére,

Histoire des Mongols, p. 180. From a remark in the Waceaf, it

appears that a part of Shiraz was called ro) eyjt. This seems to be

the meaning of the word 5 5| unjuyah, inthe first line of the extract

from the Maasir ulumara.

* Sayyid Ahmad’s edition, p. 327, med. Major Price’s translation of the

Tuzuk i Jahangiri mentions Mir Jaméluddin’ on several places; but the

imperfect MS. used by him, renders his translation useless. Major Price’s

MS., to judge from the translation, resembles the bad MS. of our Society,

No, 1339 Ccephilke wl2s}, de

+ Sayyid Ahmad’s T,i. J., p. 156, 1. 8.

{ Sayyid Ahmad’s T. i. J., p. 359, 1. 7.

70 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. | Nore

As it is then settled that Mir Jaméluddin is a Shir4zi,* we can

understand, why he has given so many words belonging to the dialect

of Shiraz, a few of which may be found in the B. and Vullers.

Page 22.

Line 21. For by read cols; and 1.2 from below, read ’Abd ul

Ghafir, for ’Abdul Ghafar.

Page 24.

Line 7 from below, read abai, for aba.

According to Tadzkirah by Sarkhush (last chapter), ’Abdurrashid

discovered that the following verse of the Qoran (Sur. iv. 62)—

eSie_ye| cstala Sproyt] tprabl 9 KL) Joab

contains the tarikh of Aurangzéb’s accession.

To page 27.

Sirajuddin in the preface to the ds Sabo gives a list of some of

the books written by him.—

le ind S c yd ylylad

2. &013 O50 oe 58d gS&

3 iste oiles om

5. yao dho wp lol dct Resp Nios al

ov. ye Qe Speer (er

wydtic (ae jladr ys

GB. Bae Go! GALE" yy GEE Gol ley

Res 9 K39 po OFf59 7d 1593 ylazv0

SB. 9 39m “Alles Cpe dy tye & Frey)

uss? So aS

9, 9 o9e=? y2'y2 9 gle y Som Uozide

us! the 5h

10.cersrbble Kelisle tra yo OT elle

TL, p25 5 25 eid yy ailed pre Cogito

prone csh5 a4” Sho

1 Sa Ete Seditive JF lero

13, syelerdlnive Slee yo Gre olay ys

14. ¢,J5% ues Hird yy LS Hels

* Mirza Nausha calls him (gose 4

1868. ] Contributions to Persian Lexicography. 71

15. 9 85153. 9 U29e Boy yy WE Co2y4]

Jb,

16. wbd » whl goslas |

To this long list, we have to add the works mentioned on pp. 25 to

27; the (plViec” majma’ wnnafdis, a tadzkirah of Persian poets,

alphabetically arranged according to the takhallue ;* and the EWS oly

nawddir v alfdz, a dictionary of those Hindi words whose equivalents

are rarely met with in Arabic and Persian.

Page 30.

Line 21, read fifteen years’ labour, for fifteen years, labour.

Page 32.

Line 4. Read 17, for 27.

Page 39.

Line 15. I do not know, whether Jannatastdni, or Jannatéshyani,

or both, be correct. In some historical books both terms are used pro-

miscue, in many dshydné, in others dsténé. In the MS. of the Maasir-

ulumara, mentioned in the note of p. 65, dshyant has every where been

carefully corrected to dstdné. Hven in Akbar’s laqab, I have found

dstént, for dshyant. ‘There is no doubt that dshydni conveys a better

meaning, than dstdénv. Line 5 from below, read of Akbar’s mother, for

of one of Akbar’s wives.

Line 3 from below, read teacher, for pupil. The pious are attracted

by God.

Page 37.

To the Indian pronunciations mentioned in 7., add—pEyricgjle

ghazi uddin, for ghdziddin; GAStylors Diddérbakhsh, for (HSyIdes

Dadarbakhsh ; bail, baghichah, for gatly bagchah. The Indian pro-

nunciation Gle*, for Gls, is said to be Chagatdi.

* The MS. of our Society, No. 129, goes only to the letter ~ hé; nor dol

know, whether Arzi completed the work. I may mention that this MS.,

to judge from a marginal remark which the binder has half cut away, is

written by Sayyid Ghulam ’Ali of Belgram, Arzt’s nephew. He was himself a

poet, and Arzu has mentioned him under his takhallug A’zdd.

From this book, it also appears that the Surmahi Sulaimané, the twenty -

fourth dictionary of p.5, was compiled by the poet (gdao| os, Tagi Auhadi

of Ic¢fahdn, the well-known author of a Tadzkirah. He came to India during

the reign of Jahangir (1605 to 1627), and must not be confounded with the

poet Taq?, of Shustar, one of Akbar’s nobles; vide A. A. p. 230, No. 352, The

concluding chapter of the Mir-at ul’ Alam gives a few of their verses.

72 Contributions to Persian Lexicography. [No. 1,

Page 44.

Line 2, read follows, for ollows.

Line 11, read UPN! burinsh, for Use y2 yurtnish.

Page 45.

Line 20, read 3,27 dbrah, for 4,2.

Page 50.

Line 19, remove the asterisk after the word koh.

Page 53.

Line 5, read (pj9 sdzish, for Gsyge sorish.

R&S" Inconclusion I may mention that this paper is an extract of

a larger work written by me, entitled ‘Contributions to Persian

Lexicography.” About six years ago, Major Lees asked me to compile

a Persian Dictionary. <A part of it has been completed. But as the

costs of the undertaking appeared too great, in proportion to the assis-

tance which the Government of India then granted, the work was not

proceeded with, though a specimen sheet had been issued.

Since then I have been comparing the Persian Dictionaries written

by natives, and correcting various lexicographical MSS. in my posses-

sion. I trust inashort time to have sufficient leisure, to see the whole

of my “ Contributions” through the press, though I should prefer the

compilation of a Persian Dictionary itself, if the Government or a

learned Society were inclined to defray the printing charges.

beiyeisie

1868.] Description of a Hindu Temple converted into a Mosque. 73

Description of a Hindu Temple converted into a Mosque at Gaga-

nes'var, Zild Medintpur.—By W. Hurscuzn, Hsq., B. C. S.

[Received 21st December, 1867. |

This is another fine specimen of the stone buildings to be found

in the South-western parts of Medinfpur. I visited it in 1866. The

plan of the building is an oblong enclosure. Outside, nothing is to be

seen but a flat wall, about 15 feet high, of clean cut massive laterite

stones, with no other ornament than a square beading of the same style

as that described for Chandrarekhé Garh at page 183 of the Journal.

(Vol. XXXV. pt.i.) The long side is about 312 feet, and the other 252

feet, outside. There is no opening anywhere in the wall except at the

one narrow solid gate-way, so that the place looks queer and forbid-

ding. Perhaps for this reason it is called a Garh by the people, and

possibly enough it was so used, when occasion required, as a defence

against Mahrattas. But the plan of the building is that of an ordinary

Mandir, in the centre of a large courtyard surrounded by a high solid

wall, on the inner side of which, the whole way round, is a row

of serais like cloisters, The wood cut below shews one such serai,

ff se ji

J Mit ll ll il Hh WA ae [OCALA

ane OCT ATCT AA am

He pee

From each of the squat square piers an arch (so to call it, though it

is only laminated as in the sketch) springs across the cloister to the

74 Description of a Hindoo temple converted into a Mosque. [No. 1,

outer wall; so that each serai is formed of three such doorways

as in the sketch, and the flat wall for the fourth side. The perspec-

tive view down the cloister in the inside, shewing some twenty of

these arches is very impressive, owing to the massiveness of the

work. Hach opening is about 10 feet high. A very few of the

ornamental pillars are rounded, and the (apparent but not real) key-

stone in each serai has a lotus with a pendant pistil. These are the

only curved lines in the building. All the rest is severely straight.

The South-western corner of the enclosure is a good deal ruined,

shewing the huge stones to have been held together in some parts

with iron clamps. At the Western side a white stone is let into the

wall, bearing a Uriya inscription, which I could not decipher or get

deciphered at the time, though it is legible enough where not defaced.

The villagers declare it was purposely defaced by a certain officer of

Government, who has, however, denied the charge on enquiry. The

week and month are legible, but unfortunately the year has been

defaced. The villagers can give no conception as to the date, which

must be inferred from the stones.

In the centre stood one of the ordinary tall many fluted Hindu

temples, consisting only of a spire over the Ling, and a small room in

front of it, The sketch given of the temple at Chandrarekhaé (Ante

Vol. XXXV. pt. I. p. 185,) would have suited this one also. The temple,

except the foundations, has been entirely destroyed by the ‘‘ Moghals”’

as the villagers call the Muhammedans here. It has gone to make the

platform of the Mosque which now stands at the Western end of the

oblong. Where the Ling used to stand, a well has been sunk by a

pious or treasure-seeking Brahmin, who gave out that the Ling had

retired there. He failed to recover it, and carved instead two com-

mon idols on two slabs of stone, which lie in one of the cloisters,

receiving very precarious worship from the people.

The Mosque itself is built of new small stones. There is nothing

noteworthy about it except the unusual smallness of the entrances,

generally so handsome in Muhammadan buildings. Though in the

form of a pointed arch, they are only cut out of the wall, as it were.

Inside, however, is a good specimen ofa true arch, crowning an almost

complete laminated arch. The sketch of it, given below, is perhaps

worth inspection. The little entrance at the end (as well as another

1868.] Description of a Hindu Temple converted into a Mosque. 75

SSS

— ZA :

lite =

HT MIAN

lt i

ul Hijiat 7 — if

) " i IAA IML

We tas HN

Vil Th

i NT

= = hi

= eee

like it) has, instead of seven or eight stones in arch, only one cut

like a key-stone. But as the entrance is cut through solid masonry

and is small, there was no need of any key-stone, and it has sunk down

for want of pressure on its sides. I note this, because it is difficult

to guess why the key-stone was put there at all, unless it was to give

the appearance of anarch. The domeis only a weak rubble and mortar

thing, which is falling in. There was once a village of 300 houses of

Muhammadans near Gaganes’var. Nothing is left of them but the

mounds of the village and this mosque, and some Persian words in

the Zemindéri vocabulary. The Zemindar has no records of them in

his papers. I do not suppose the original building is more than three

or four hundred years old. In the inscription it is called a ‘ bera,”

and its name among the villagers is “‘ the Karambera.”

Note by the Editor.—The inscription alluded to above is in the Uriya

language and character, but seven out of eight lines of it being defaced

- by the strokes of a hatchet or some other blunt iron instrument, the

76 Description of a Hindoo temple converted into a Mosque.

purport of it cannot be fully made out. The first line alone is legible ;

it begins by stating that, “in the invincible reign of the auspicious

hero and Mahfrdéja S’ri Pratapakapdles’vara Deva, on Wednesday the

22nd of Vaisakha, in the year — (?) the building of the enclosure of

Sri Gaganes’vara.”—(S’ri Vira S'r¢ Pratdpa-kapdlesvara Deva Maha-

rijankaru vijaya rije samasta anka S'ré ha mesa 22n. budhavare S’r4

Gaganes'vara Devanku veda gathana).—The name of the king in its

integrity does not occur in Prinsep’s Tables ; the first part Pratapa is

common enough, and was assumed by two of the Stiryavansi kings,

but neither of them had Kapales’vara (lord of skulls) for the second

part. That word, however, is a name of Mahadeva, and one of the

most common names of that divinity is Rudra, and if this circum-

stance would warrant the assumption of the two words being used

synonymously, the name would be that of the unfortunate

Pratéparudra, who reigned from 1508 to 1524, and left thirty-two

sons, allto be murdered by his minister Govinda Deo. The date of the

enclosure, according to this conjecture, would be the first quarter of

the sixteenth century.

R. M.

JOURNAL

OF THE

PolATIC SOCIETY.

———

Part L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

OO IIIs

No. I.—1868.

On the History of the Burma Race.—By Colonel Sin Artuur Prayers,

K. C. 8. L, C. B., Bengal Staff Corps.

[Received 25th July, 1868. |

In the thirty-second volume of the Journal of the Asiatic Society,

for the year 1864, the present writer, following the Maha-radza-

weng, traced the history of the Burma race from the earliest time,

down to the arrival of the two sons of the king of Taging at the

site of the present town of Prome. The national chronicles from that

time proceed with the history of the monarchy established at Tha-

re-khet-ta-ra to the east of Prome. It is proposed in the present

paper to condense into a brief narrative the principal events of that

monarchy, and of the succeeding dynasties of Burman kings, which

reigned at Pugan on the Irrawaddy river, about one hundred and

eighty miles above Prome. i

The elder of the sons of the king of Tagting, named Mahatham-

bawaé, was married to his cousin Bhedari, daughter of the hermit,

who lived in a cave or cell, near a small stream which runs into the

Irrawaddy river below the town of Prome. The king of the Pyt

tribe, named Tap-bii-l4, who with his people dwelt in the land around

Prome, had been exposed to attacks by tribes coming from Southern

Arakan. He had either been killed or taken prisoner. His queen

still ruled. But the Kan-ran tribe from Arakan attacked her also.

74 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

The Pyt repelled the attack. The Kan-ran fled and returned to, or .

then established themselves at, Than-dwai, (Sandoway), and in the

seven hill districts lying along the eastern side of the Arakan

mountain range in that neighbourhood. The queen of the Py then

established herself at the Thagga lake. After a time she resigned

the sovereignty of her people to Mahdthambawa. She was of the

true Sakya race, descended from Mu-di-tseit-ta, son of Kan Radzagyi,

who, as before related, had been made by his father king over the

tribes Pyi, Kanrén, and Thek or Sik. Mahathambawa4 made the

Pyti queen his second wife. This was in the year 60 of religion.

The Py queen gave birth to a daughter, and soon after died Maha-

thémbawé died in the year of religion 66, aged twenty-six years.

At the time of his death Queen Bhedari was pregnant with the son to

whom she afterwards gave birth, and through whom the royal race

was continued. He was called Dwot-ta-bing.

Mahathambawa was succeeded, by his brother Tst-la-tham-bawa.

Bhedari became his queen also. He reigned thirty-five years and

died in the year 101 of religion.

Dwot-ta-bing now became king. The time had come when the

predictions of Gaudama were to be fulfilled. The city of Tha-re-

khet-ta-ra was, with the help of the heavenly beings termed Nat,

built on an extensive plain, to the eastward of the present town of

Prome. This was in the year 101 of religion. This king had great

power and authority. He married two wives ; fust, his half sister

born to his father by the queen of the Pyt people, and named

Tsanda-de-wi; and second, Bhe-tsan-di, the daughter of the king of

the Na-gas or dragons. His reign is described as glorious, and he

built many pagodas. A cave and a well of water, are still shown by

the people of Prome, as those of the great and good king Dwot-ta-

bing. Heruled over many countries adjoining his native kingdom.

But he was guilty of one act of injustice which diminished his power

and shortened his days. A poor woman, who sold bread, bestowed

five pai of land on the Rahans of a monastery. The king, wishing

to. possess the land, confiscated it. His good fortune at once

abandoned him. His celestial weapons no longer had any power and

his glory declined. He then restored the land. But the evil result

of his sin could not beshaken off. His tributary kings withheld

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 75

their tribute. He went himself to demand it, throughout all Dzam-

bu-di-pa or the continent of India. But misfortune followed him.

The sea dragons were offended, and carried his ship to their own

regions. In other words his ship foundered at sea. This happened

alter a reign of seventy years when he was one hundred and five

years old. “ Reflecting,” observes the writer of the Maha-radza-

weng, “on the story of king Dwot-ta-bing, the lords of great

“‘ countries should remember, that it is not proper to take so much

“as a single fruit, ora single flower, of those things which pertain

““ to the three precious jewels.”’

Dwot-ta-bing was succeeded by his son Dwot-ta-rén in the year

171 of religion. He reigned twenty-two years.

No particular event is related of the succeeding kings until Thi-ri-

rit came to the throne in the year of religion 424. He had a deep

regard for religion, and the people during his reign were happy.

But with him the race of Dwot-ta-bing came to an end, and an-

other dynasty succeeded.

The story is thus told. A certain man of that country placed his

young son with a Rahan at a monastery, where he became a Thaé-ma-

ne or probationer for the higher degrees of the order. The Rahan

liked him and taught him the Bi-da-g4t and Be-deng. The Rahadn

had a cock who, when he crowed, seemed to say, ‘‘ Whoso. eats my

head will be king hereafter.” The Rahan, hearing this, called the

youth and told him to prepare the cock for food. The probationer

did so, but in the preparation the head accidentally touched the hinder

parts of the bird. Thinking this rendered it unclean for the Rahan,

he ate it himself. The Rahdn asked him where the head was, and

the probationer told him. The Rahan thought, ‘‘ Now we shall see

if the animal’s crowing comes true.” He had the young man edu-

cated in every branch of knowledge, and then entrusted to the care

of anobleman. At length he was introduced into the palace, and

the king retained him there. The king, having no son of his own,

adopted the young man, and created him crown-prince. LHventually

he succeeded to the throne, and reigned fifty-one years. This king

was called Nga-ta-ba, because the cock in crowing seemed to utter

those words; and also because he was of another lineage and not of

the existing royal race. No explanation is given in the history re-

76 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

garding the cause of this change of dynasty, nor is any hint given

as to the lineage of Nga-ta-ba.

He was succeeded by hisson. The descendants of this king are

represented as filling the throne until the year of religion 638. The

last king of this race was Thupignyé, who came to the throne in the

year of religion 627, or A. D. 84. Heis described as a good king,

and devoted to religion. Having a quarrel with the Kén-ran king,

whose territory lay in the southern part of the country now called

Arakan, he collected an army, and marched against him. The country

was subdued, and the king found there a golden image of Gaudama

eighty-eight cubits high. On account of this image he remained there

for three years. His nobles entreated him toreturn. He ordered a

great raft to be made in order to bring the golden image by sea

round the high cape called Na-ga-rit* to his own country. But his

nobles, thinking this could not be accomplished, consulted together to

evade the king’s order. They determined to melt down the large

golden image, but to appease the king’s anger, they made twenty-

eight smaller images which they presented to him, and kept the rest

of the gold for themselves. The king then returned to Tha-re-khet-

ta-ré. When the people of the country brought the gold of the holy

image into daily use, the seven excellent Nats who had presided over

the building of the city were offended, andthe whole country became

confused and distracted with robbery and violence. There was at

that time a saying abroad that a man named Nga-tsa-kan, (which

means in the Burmese language a corn-sieve) would destroy the

country. One day a sudden gust of wind carried away the corn-sieve of

a woman, who followed it crying aloud, “ My corn-sieve, my corn-

sieve.’ (Nga-tsa-kan, Nga-tsa-kan.) The people, much alarmed, sup-

posed that Nga-tsa-kan had really come. ' They separated into three

hostile divisions, and the king died at the same time after a reign of

eleven years.

The three divisions of the people were Pytii or Bytt, Kaém-ran or

Kén-ran, and-Mrén-mé. The last is the present national name for

* Na-cd-rit or Na-c4-nhit is the name of a well-known high bluff of land on

the coast of Burma, The word implies, the place where the Naga or sea dragon

sinks ships. It is here that the ship of king Dwot-ta-bing was borne to the

depths of the sea by dragons. The adjoining coast is, even in these days, the

scene of frequent wrecks. The native name is preserved in Cape Negrais, a

term which appears to have been handed down by the old Portuguese yoyagers.

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. Td

the whole people, which is first mentioned in the Maha-radzi-weng at

this time. The Pyt and Kan-ran peoples fought. The chiefs agreed

to settle their quarrel in a way already known in the history of their

race, that is, by the building of a pagoda. In this peaceable contest,

the Pyt tribe was victorious, and the Kan-ran people retired. The

Pyé tribe then fought among themselves. One portion then joined

with the Kya-barg tribe, supposed to have been settled on the west

of the Irrawaddy, near to what is now the country of the Yau tribe,

and also with a portion of the Thek tribe. One division established

themselves in the hilly district to the south-east of Prome called

Taung-neyo. After three years, they were there attacked by the

Talaings and crossed the Irrawaddy river to Padaung. Being attack-

ed there by the Kan-ran tribe, they went north to Men-don. After

this they moved to the east of the Irrawaddy, and settled under king

Tha-mtg-da-rit at Yun-hlwot-guen. A period of thirteen years had

been occupied in the migrations since the destruction of Tha-ré-khet-

ta-ra. King Tha-mug-da-rit is called a nephew of king Thupignya.

The country where he settled was afterwards. called Air-maéd-da-na

also T'am-pa-di-pa ; and the city Pouk-kén or Pu-gan. King Tha-

mug-da-rit established nineteen villages, on the land of which the

city was to be built.

The historian of the Maha-radz4-weng then narrates at great leneth

the ancient legends concerning the country of Pugan, so as to connect

the kings of the ancient royal race of Taging, on the upper hra-

waddy, with the kings of the great city which was now to arrive.

The scene opens as follows :—

* When the lord Gau-da-ma was still on the earth, he went about

“from country to country in Mits-tsi-mé-de-tha. Standing on the

“top of the Tan-kyi* hill, and looking he saw on the top of a pouk

“tree, which grew on a steep bank, a white heron and a black crow.

“In a fork of the tree, lay a great lizard having seven tongues.

“ At the footof the tree a frog crouched on the ground. Seeing

“these the lord smiled. His younger brother the lord Ananda

“asked respectiully, why he smiled. The lord replied, ‘ Beloved

* This is the name of a peak on the range of hills on the bank of the Ivra-

waddy river opposite to Pugan, The name Pugan or Pouk-gan is said to be

derived from the Pouk tree, (Butew frondosw.)

78 _ On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

“ ¢ Xnanda, after I shall have attained Neib-bén 651 years, then in

“ ‘this place a great country will arise. At thetop of a pouk tree,

‘¢ ¢ 4 white heron and a black crow perching, the meaning is, that in

‘““ “that country the performance of charitable and religious duties will

‘¢ abound ; and irreligious deeds will also abound. As to the lizard

‘“‘ ‘with seven tongues, the people of that country, without rice fields

‘or plantations, but supporting themselves by commerce, will use false

‘words, and truth will gradually decline. The meaning of the little

‘« «frog at the root of the tree is, that he who first establishes that

*« country, (king Tha-még-da-rit,) in his time great birds, great

“« ‘boars, great tigers, and flying monsters will be kings or leaders.

‘They will be destroyed by a powerful king.’ Such was the

divine prediction. The chief who struck down those enemies was

he who became king, and is known as Pyti Tsauti.”

The history of Pyi Tsauti, who afterwards became king of Pugan,

is then related. The reader’s attention is called to the emigration of

one of the Tha-ki princes of Kuip-pi-la-wot, named Da-z4 Radz4, and

his arrival on the Irrawaddy as before narrated in the early part of

the Maha-radzé-weng. This king built the city of upper Pugan, after

having married Na-ga-tshein of the ancient Tha-ki race. Though

their kingdom was overthrown by invaders, yet the line of kings

descended from them was not destroyed. In the seventeenth genera-

tion Tha-do Maha-radza of this race was king. His son was Maha-

thambawaé from whom descended the kings of Tha-re-khet-ta-ra as

has already been described. But he had another son from whom

descended Thado A-deits-tsa, who lived about the time that the city

of Tha-re-khet-ta-ra was destroyed. The country of Taégting was at

that time deeply disturbed, and A-deits-tsa, driven from his throne,

remained concealed near Ma-le, a place on the Irrawaddy about eighty

miles above Ava. He supported himself by cultivation. In his

garden was a well, in which dwelt a Na-g4 or dragon which was

worshipped by the country people. The queen of A-deits-tsa gave

birth to ason. He was named Tsau-ti. The Naga loved him s0,

that he and the Naga queen watched over the child. At seven years

of age he was placed under a hermit, who instructed him in litera-

ture, science, and religion. As the hermit predicted that he would

become a king, his name was changed to Meng-ti, and he was taught

1868. ] | On the History of the Burma Race. 79

kinely knowledge. When sixteen years of age, as the divine predic-

tion had to be accomplished, he asked leave from his father and

mother to go to Pugan, then lately established, and they gave him

permission. He went there and lived in the house of an old Pyu

man and his wife. They having no children, loved him as their own

son. Hence he was called Pyi-tsau-ti. At that time the country

was infested with great tigers, birds, and flying creatures, which

devoured the people. A monster bird required a young maiden to

be supplied to him daily, and on the seventh day, seven maidens.

The king of the country could not withstand these monsters. The

young prince, confident in his own strength, destroyed them all. King

Tha-mitig-da-rit, who for twelve years had been oppressed by these

creatures, was exceedingly rejoiced, and went to see the young man.

The lineage of the prince was then learned. The king gave him his

daughter in marriage and appointed him crown-prince.

The historian here enters on a long dissertation as to the line of

princes descended from the son, as if feeling that doubt might exist

as to the true descent of T'sau-ti, and therefore of the present royal

family of Burma. He recounts the stories given in former histories

of the birth of Tsau-ti from a she-dragon and the Nat of the sun.

The she dragon, it was said in these fabulous tales, produced an egg,

from which came forth Tsau-ti. ‘ But,” observes the historian ‘ this

“is impossible, for in such case the son would either have been a

““ Nat like his father, or a dragon like his mother ; whereas all agree

“that he wasa man. It is evident therefore that “the story has

‘arisen from his father’s name A-deits-tsa which means sun; and

“from the dragon queen having watched over him when he was an

“infant. But truly all kings from Ma-ha Thama-dé to Gau-da-ma,

“ were by descent of the race of the sun. And so it has continued

“to the present time.” Having settled this point of the prince’s

descent, the historian justifies his rejection of previous legends in the

following words: “ Wise men have said, an old tree if bad, although

“ old, must be cast aside. That such has happened before, is evident

“ from the history of Pugdnitself. For, during thirty generations of

“Iings in that city, the doctrines of the heretical A-ri sect were

believed in, until the time of that sagacious king A-nan-ra-hta to

“be hereafter described, who listening to the instruction of the great

80 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

“teacher Sheng A-ra-han, the erroneous doctrines of the A-ri sect

“‘ were renounced. Those A-ris, in order to propagate such doctrines

‘‘ as they pleased among the people, used to make a book according

“ to their desire, and put it in the hollow of a thakhwot tree, and

“ when the bark which grows rapidly, had closed over it, they would

“‘ pretend a dream, and persuade the king to go to search for a book

“in the tree, which being found, both king and people believed what

‘“‘ was false. So the story of a prince born from the egg of a dragon,

“whether old or not old, appeared to readers as if ancient and true,

“ but nevertheless must be rejected. What has now been advanced

“is more credible, and more in accordance with the ancient records of

“‘ Pugan ; thereiore it should be made permanent.”

This dissertation on the lineage of Pyti Tsauti, or Pyt Mengti, is

a fair specimen of explanations given in the history followed by the

present writer, for occasional deviations from previous stories in the

Burmese chronicles. The present version of the fable, is no doubt

more acceptable to the supposed descendants of Pyu Mengti, than the

legend of his birth from a dragon’s egg.

Pytt Mengti became crown-prince at sixteen years of age. King

Tha-mug-da-rit died after a reign of forty-five years. A hermit, for

some reason not explained, was raised tothe throne. He reigned for

fifteen years, and is called Kathé Kyting. Pyt Mengti then became

king in the year 89 of the last era established at Prome. His power

and glory were great. His dominion extended to the upper course

of the Irrawaddy. The Chinese having invaded the province of

Kau-tham-bi, which lies to the eastward of Bhaman, the king with

avast army repelled them. Near his capital, he built a pagoda where

he had killed the monster bird. He also built many other religious

buildings, and caused books of laws to be compiled for the benefit of

his people. He died after a reign of seventy-five years, aged one

hundred and ten.

In the history of the Pugin kingdom after the death of Py

Mengti, it is related that the city was much enlarged by his descend-

ant Theng-lay-gyung, and was called Thi-ri-pits-tsa-ya, probably

from the site of the palace having been changed. In the reign of the

next king Kyaung-dt-rit, who came to the throne in the year 931

of religion, (A. D. 388), itis related that the important event of the

* ae

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 81

introduction of the complete Buddhist scriptures, Bi-da-gat, into

Burma, occurred. This event has probably been materially antedated,

as indeed appears from what is stated subsequently in the his-

tory of the reign of A-nan-ra-hté more than six hundred years

later. But in the history it is related how at this time, the

entire Bi-da-gat was brought to Tha-htun, then the chief city of

the Talaing kingdom, by the great teacher Bud-da-gau-tha. The

story of this great teacher appears to have been taken from the

Mahawanso of Ceylon, for older Burmese accounts generally represent-

ed Bud-da-gau-tha as an inhabitant of Tha-htun. The event is thus

narrated. “ About this time it is recorded in the great Radza-weng,

that the celebrated teacher, the lord Bud-da-gau-tha, went from the

country of Fha-htun to Ceylon to bring the books of the Bi-da-gat.

Tn the new Radzd-weng, it is said that he crossed from Mits-tsi-ma-

de-tha ; but the case is really thus: For more than nine hundred

years aiter the establishment of religion,* the disciples of Yau-né-ka-

maha-dham-ma-rak-khi-ta, and of Thau-na and Ut-ta-ra, repeated by

heart the three great divisions of the Bi-da-gat. There were as yet

no letters in Dz4m-bu-di-pa. At that time a young Brahman was

living near the Baudi tree. He was learned in medicine and mathe-

matics. Wandering about in Dzam-bii-di-pa, disputing the doctrines

of others, he came to a monastery, and in the vicinity began to recite

in a soft voice. The great teacher Sheng Re-wa-té hearing, said:

‘This man is wise, it will be proper to discuss with him.’ He there-

fore called out, ‘ Who is there braying like an ass ?? The young man

replied, ‘ You understand then the braying of asses ?’ and then-to his

questions Sheng Rewata gave suitable replies. But the young

Brahman knew nothing of the divine law. He therefore became a

Rahan to study the three great books of the Bi-da-gét. From that

time, he became as celebrated ag a Phra, and was named Bud-da-gau-

tha. He wished to study commentaries on the Bi-da-gat. The

Sheng Ré-wa-ta, knowing this, said : ‘ In Dz4m-bu-di-pa there is only

the Pali, there is not the commentary ; teachers with various gilts of

mind are scarce ; but in Ceylon the commentaries are pure. The

* The assertion in the text must mean that until after the year 900 of

religion, there were no Scriptures in Burma or Suvanabhumi, that is, Tha-htun.

The term Dzam-bi-di-pa, which is generally applied to India only, is here

applied by a bold license to those two countries.

82 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

Pali divine revelations as repeated in the three great councils, were

carried to Ceylon by the lord Ma-hin-da. Going there where the

commentaries exist in the Singalese language, learn it and translate

them into Magada.’ Saying this, he sent him, as is written in the

book Tsti-la-weng.”

The history then gives in detail several versions of the story of the

sacred books being procured in Ceylon by Bud-da-gau-tha, and

brought to the Indo-Chinese nations. The great teacher is represent-

ed as the religious benefactor or missionary to the Burmese, Talaings,

Arakanese, Shans, Siamese and Cochin Chinese. But he was led to

Tha-htun by a miraculous direction at the last moment. The history

proceeds thus: ‘“ Lo! the lord Bud-da-gau-tha, after having obtained

permission from king Maha-na-ma, by presenting him with a white ele-

phant, brought away the book Wi-thi-di-mag, the three great divisions

of the Bidagat, and the commentaries. But when he was on his way

to Dzam-bu-di-pa, a Thagya came and warned him, saying, There is

no place in Mits-tsi-ma-de-tha where religion can be established ; the

places where it is to be firmly established are situated on the south-

east side of Mits-tsi-ma-de-tha ; they are nine hundred ytizanas in cir-

cumference ; they lie on the outskirts, and are known as Tha-re-

khet-ta-r4, The-ri-pits-tsa-ra, Ra-ma-ngya and other countries. Reli-

gion shall be established in them for full five thousand years. The

books should be conveyed thither. The great teacher accordingly

came to Tha-htun in the country of Ramangya, then called Thi-dam-

mé-wa-ti, and also Thu-wan-na-bhum-mi.”

The historian states that this event occurred in the year 946 of

religion, or A. D. 403. “ Thus,”’ he concludes, “ in order to set forth

distinctly the account of the arrival in the Burma country of the

scriptures, the root and foundation of religion, which had been omit-

ted, in the great and the middle Radza-weng, I have extracted the

narrative thereof from the religious books.”’

King Kyting-du-rit died after a reign of twenty-five years. No

particular event is recorded until the reign of Thaik-taing. He

changed the site of the city from Thi-ri-pits-tsa-y4 to Tha-ma-hti and

called it Tam-pa-wa-ti. The change of the position of the capital

city to the distance only of a few miles, is still a common practice

with Burmese kings. It is prompted sometimes by superstitious

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 83

motives, and sometimes by mere caprice. In the instances mentioned

of change of the capital Pu-gan, it is probable that the king’s palace

was rebuilt, and only a portion of the population required to remove.

In modern times when the capital was changed from Ama-ra-pii-ra

to Man-da-le, a distance of six miles, the whole population, numbering

one hundred thousand souls was forced to accompany the court to the

new capital.

From this time a considerable interval elapsed without any event

which can be mentioned as materially bearing on the national history.

Several usurpers are recorded as having gained the throne by artifice

or violence. The most remarkable of these was Thenga-ra-dzé,

called also Pup-pa Tsau Rahan. He is said to have been the teacher

to the queen of Htwon-khyit. On the death of that king, he married

the queen and seized the throne. Being a learned man, he reformed

the calendar. He ascended the throne in the year 535 of the era

established by A-de-tya king of Tha-re-khet-ta-ra. He reigned

twenty-seven years, and in the last year of his reign, which would

have been 562 of that era, he established a new one. Having a deep

respect for the ancient royal race, he declared prince Shwe-tn-thi the

son of his predecessor, heir to the throne. That prince married .

Thenga Radzd’s daughter and succeeded his father-in-law.*

In the reign of Pyin-bya who ascended the throne in the year of

religion 1385, the site of the city, or rather probably of the palace,

was again changed to a position called more especially Pu-gén. This

* The existing Burmese era commences from this time. The Burmese year

begins when the sun is supposed to enter the first sign of the zodiac, now

about the 13th or 14th of April. The Burmese year 1230, commenced in

April 1868. It would therefore appear that the existing era commenced when

the sun entered the sign Aries, A. D. 639. The Burmese chronology has been

thus adjusted with the year of Gautama’s Neibban, called in the Mahd4-radza-

weng the year of religion, The first king of the dynasty, of Tha-re-khet-ta-ra,

named Ma-ha-thim-ba-wa is stated to have become king in the year 60 of

religion = 483 B.C. The number of years of the reigns of all the kines of

Tha-re-khet-ta-ra and of Pugan, from that time to the end of the reign of

Thenga Radza, as given in the history, and including an interregnum of

thirteen years, amount to 1120. This would therefore place the close of Thenga-

radza’s reign in the year 1180 of religion or 637 A.D. The Burmese ordinary

year contains only 354 days. Every third year there is an intercalary month

of thirty days. Butthe calendar is occasionally interfered with arbitrarily

by order of the king, to adjust the reckoning of time with some supposed

necessity, which depends upon superstitious prejudices. There is an apparent

difference of two years between the time at which the present era is said to

have been established, and that which is shown from the number of years or

date which corresponds with 1868 A. D. namely 1230.

$4 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2

probably is the locality now shown to travellers as the site of the

palace. The enclosure wall can still be traced by a line of earth

mixed with brick. The magnificent temples built some centuries

later, still exist entire, but of the palace, which no doubt was built of

wood, not a vestige remains. This king also built the city of Tung-

gweng to the south and called it Ra-ma-wa-ti.

After this the history frequently refers to the heretical lige |

which existed, of which the A-ri teachers were the priests, The false

worship which was practiced is strongly denounced, apparently to

enhance the merit of the revival of pure Buddhism under A-nan-ra-hta

about four hundred years later. But before that king appears, the his-

torian considers it necessary to make it clear, that he was of the true

royal race, an object carefully kept in view throughout the history

with reference to each king, from whom the present royal family

claim descent. It is recorded that the thirty-fourth king of Pugan,

named Tan-net was deposed by an obscure youth called Nga-khwé.

It is admitted that Nga-khwé was of obscure origin. He had been

sold as a slave ; but his descent is traced from a younger brother of

Thein-tsusan the twenty-sixth king of Pugdn. He entered the

service of king Tan-net as a groom. He soon rose in the king’s

favour and confidence. At length he acquired much influence, and

entered into a conspiracy against the king, whom he murdered. He

then seized the throne. He reigned nine years and was succeeded by

his son Thefn-kho. A curious story is told of this king having been

accidentally killed while hunting in the forest. The king, having

been separated from his followers, and being hungry, entered the

plantation of a hill man and plucked a cucumber. ‘The hill man, not

knowing the king, struck him with a spade, and killed him. The

story is thus continued: “ The groom of king Thein-kho having

come up and seeing the body of his master, asked the hill man, ‘ Why

have you struck him todeath ?? ‘ The hill man replied, ‘ Your master

plucked and ate my cucumbers, and shall I not strike him?’ The

groom said craftily, ‘ He who kills a king always becomes king him-

self.’ The hill man answered, ‘I don’t wish to be aking. This year

I am a king of cucumbers, which hang on the stalks in my plantation

like sucking puppies.’ The groom said, ‘ You shall have your eucum-

bers and enjoy also the pleasure of reigning as a king, The hap-

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 85

piness of a king is excellent and exalted. He has good food and fine

clothes. He has gold, silver, elephants, horses, buffaloes, cows, goats,

pigs, and rice in abundance.’ The hill man, being thus persuaded,

followed the groom. ‘The groom secretly led the hill man into the

palace, and told the whole story to the chief queen. She praised the

groom for his discretion. The queen also, lest the country should

become disturbed, gave out that the king was ill, and prevented all

coming in and going out of the palace. The hill man was instructed,

bathed, and perfumed. One of the queens of inferior rank being dis-

respectful to him, the stone image at the gate of the palace, rushed

in, and smote her to death. Seeing this all in the palace was fright-

ened, as if they were in danger of being eaten up. The chief queen

on the sixth day caused it to be proclaimed throughout the city, that

the next day the king would appear, and all ministers, nobles, and

officers were required to attend. arly next morning all went into

the palace. When the gate of the inner palace was opened, all joining

their hands bowed down their heads. But one of them insolently

said, ‘ Alas! this is not our master, our lady, the queen, has not con-

sulted us in this matter.’ Suddenly one of the stone images at the

gate of the palace, rushed in and smote him to death. Then all the

ministers, nobles, and officers, and the whole country feared as if they

were to be devoured. When the hiil man became king he was very

powerful. He took the title of Tsau Rahan. He made a delight-

ful garden at his former cucumber plantation, The image of a great

dragon was placed there. This image was worshipped; for

dragons being more powerful, and more excellent than men, great

benefit may be derived from the worship of them. Moreover, as there

were hollow temples in the countries of Tha-htun and Tha-re-khet-

ta-ra, the king, after consulting the false Ari teachers, built five hollow

temples. In each temple was placed an image, resembling neither

Nat nor Phra. To these morning and evening, food and spirits were

offered, and so they were propitiated and worshipped. At the time

when the omniscient and excellent Phra was still existing, the religi-

ous doctrine which was first established by Pun-na-hté in the Mram-

ma country ; in Tagung, in Thare-khet-ta-raé, in A-ri-mad-da-na and

in The-ri-pits-tsa-ra ; the true doctrines of religion were maintained

during the reigns of many successive kings. Afterwards when the city

86 . On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

of Tampawati was built, from the time of king Thaik-taing, the

strength of religion gradually declined ; for the books of the Bi-da-

gat being not yet, the king Tsau Rahaén and the whole country

believed the false doctrines of the great Ari teachers. The king

Tau Rahan indeed should have come to great destruction for killing

a king, while he was yet a hill man cultivating a plantation ; but on

accouut of the great merit acquired by the good works he had done

in former existences, he obtained the rank of a king. Thus, in the

divine law of the Phra, it is written, ‘ They who have acquired the

destiny which adheres to merit, succeed though they strive not; they

who have not acquired merit, fail though they strive much.’ There

are numerous examples of the truth of this. As for the king Tsau

Rahan, when the predestined successor, king Kytng Phyd arrived,

Tsau Rahan stood at the entrance of the palace and cried ‘ Who will

be king while L am here?’ But at that moment the merit of

his former good works was exhausted ; the stone image at the gate

of the palace pushed him so that he fell headlong and died.”

He was succeeded by Kwon-tshau-kying-phyt. As this king

was the father of A-nan-ra-hta, the great hero of the modern Burmese

people, his descent and early history are carefully narrated. It has

already been mentioned, that king Tannet was dethroned by a youth

named, Nga Khwé. Kwon-tshau-kyoung-phyti was said to be a son

of king Tannet, born after the death of his father. An usurper gener-

ally retained in his harem, the queens of his predecessor ; so to pre-

vent the suspicion of Kyoung-phyut being a son of Nga Khwé, it is

stated that the chief queen of Tannet being pregnant, refused to

remain in the palace after her husband's death, but fled secretly and

hid herself at a place called Kytng-phyt. In the Maha-radza-weng

the story is thus related: ‘“ When Nga Khwé killed king Tannet,

and took possession of the palace, the queen, who was pregnant, fear-

ing that she would be seized by Nga Khweé, escaped from the palace

and lived at a place called Kyting-phyt. This place was also called

the dragon’s road, or golden road which leads to the abode of dragons.

There king Kyting-phytt was born. When he was a child, he one

day went to play with the children of the place, and the children

reviled him by calling him a fatherless boy, on this he complained to

his mother. His mother replied, ‘ My dear son, your father was not

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 87

an ordinary man, he was king of this country. The present king

killed him and deprived him of the kingdom. You were then in the

womb, and JI, fearing that I would be taken possession of by him,

escaped and hid myself at this place, where you were born.’ Kyting-

phy on hearing this, made a vow, saying, ‘ May I succeed to the place

of my royal father.’ He then went to the city, and waited upon the

reigning king. The king bestowed upon him the right to gather betel

leaves* in the village or township of Let-htup. There the future

king quietly supported and comforted his mother. Daily when he

went out early on his occupation, his mother packed up for him his

daily food. He used to open this bundle and eat his food beneath a

tsting-gyan tree. Before eating any of his food, a handful of it was

daily laid at the root of the tree in honour of the guardian Nat. The

Nat thus pondered, ‘ This young man daily presents to me the first

portion of his meal, what will happen to him hereafter?’ He saw

that the young man before long would become aking. He therefore

appeared to Kwon-tshau and said, ‘ You have presented to me daily

the first portion of your food ; if you wish to be a great man, adhere

tothe worship of the Phra, and observe the five religious duties,

always tell the truth, and repeat the ten a-nu-tha-ti two thousand

times every day. Henceforth he habitually observed these instruc-

tions. Considering this event it is proper to remember that religion

was not altogether extinguished at Pugan. From that time the

Thagya and all the Nats who support religion, assisted Kwon Tshau,

and it began to be noised abroad that a Meng-ling, (embryo-king)

would appear at Pugan. As he was expected to appear upon a cer-

tain day, all the people went in a body on that day to the hill called

Tu-ywen-ding, to meet him. The Kwon-tshau resolved also to

collect the betel leaves early in the morning, and go to see the Meng-

ling. He therefore begged his mother to pack up his food earlier

than usual. His mother did accordingly. He took the packet and

went to Let-htup village before daylight, and having collected the

betel leaves quickly, he made his way to Pugan to see the Meng-

lang. A Thagy4, in the disguise of an old man riding on horseback,

came and said to the Kwon-tshau, ‘ Young man, I have business here,

* Hence the term Kwon-tshau, and Kytingphyu the place of his bir

bined in the name of this king, : mee a

88 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

will vou be pleased to take this horse to Pugaén?’ Kwon-tshan re-

plied, ‘ Grandfather, I am in a hurry to arrive there to see the Meng-

lung, therefore I shall not be able to take your horse with me.’ The

old man said ‘ Young man, would you not reach there sooner on horse:

back than by walking ? Take this jewelled crown and put it on your

head ; put these ruby rings on your fingers; hold the sword and

spear in your hands; if I should be long in coming, go on until you

come to the king’s plain.’ Then Kwon-tshau, after having put the

rings on his fingers, wearing the jewelled crown on his head, and

holding the Thi-la-wun-tha sword and the A-rein-da-ma spear in his

hands, all given by the Tha-gya, rode swiftly to see the Meng-ling

at Pugan. The nobles, the ministers and the people, on seeing the

Kwon-tshau come riding towards them, in the dress and jewels given

by the Tha-gya, in which he shone brightly as the rising sun, fell down

and prostrated themselves before him. Then Kwon-tshau thought

within himself ‘IT am the Meng-ling,’ and remembering what the

Nat of tsting-gydn tree had said, he rode at once to the palace. King

Tsau Rahan stood at the entrance, and said, ‘ Who will dare to entér

while [am here?’ But the stone image at the gate pushed him

down, and he fell headlong and died. ‘Tsau Rahan had married three

sisters. The eldest was raised to the rank of the southern queen.

The second was called the middle, and the third the northern queen.

At the time of king Tsau Rahan’s death, Kyi-ts6 who was afterwards

king, had-been for nine months in the womb of the southern queen.

Tsuk-ka-té, who also became king afterwards, had been then six

months in the womb of the middle queen. When Kwon-tshan_be-

came king, he took these queens as his own. Anan-ra-hta was

brought forth by the northern queen. When Kyi-tso and Tsuk-

ka-te were of age, they built a very fine monastery and invited

the king Kwon-tshau to join in consecrating it. Kwon-tshau,

without any suspicion of danger, went according to their invita-

tion. Then Kyi-tso and Tsuk-ka-te seized the king, and forced him

to become a Rahén. ‘They spread a report that the king, out of

regard to his future welfare had voluntarily taken the vows of a

Rahan. Thus king Kwon-tshau Kyting-phya after a reign of

twenty-two years was deposed in the eightieth year of his age.” It is

stated that he lived to the age of one hundred and fifteen years.

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 89

The prince Kye-tso then succeeded to the throne. He was passion-

ately fond of hunting. Once he came to a spot where a hunter was

hid in the forest, watching the drinking-place of a deer. The hunter,

seeing the jangal move, shot an arrow, which pierced the king, so that

he died.

He was succeeded by his brother Tsuk-ka-te. At this time the

dethroned king Kwutshan Kyungphya was in his monastery, and

his queen with her son A-nau-ra-hta-tsau supported him. Tsuk-ka-

te deeply insulted A-nau-ra-hta, who then begged from his father the

horse, regalia, and arms, formerly given to him by the Thagya.

Having received these, A-nau-ra-hta, raised an army, and attacked his

elder brother (cousin). They fought together singly; Tsuk-ka-te,

being thrust through with a spear, fled on horseback towards the

river, where he died. The place is to this day called Myin-ka-pa,

or “horse-swerving place.” The mother of A-nau-ra-hta, weeping

for her sister’s son, built pagodas in memory of his death and her own

mourning.

A-nau-ra-hta, after the death of his brother, (cousin), went to his

father at the monastery, and besought him to take the throne once

more. But Kyungphya refused on account of his great age, and

A-nau-ra-hta then took possession of the palace, and was consecrated

king. This, according to the history, was in the year 379 of the exist-

ing Burmese era, answering to 1017 A. D. But 372 appears to be

the correct date, derived from the Maha-Radza-Weng itself.

It is the glory of A-nau-ra-hta that he restored the ancient power

of the Burmese monarchy, and effected a thorough reformation of

religion and of morals among the priesthood. The events of his

reign are recorded with much minuteness. At first he was deeply

troubled in conscience from having killed his elder brother. But he

was comforted in a dream by the king of the Tha-gyas, who advised him

“to build pagodas, monasteries, and travellers’ rest-houses, and to

devote a portion of the merit of such good works to his elder brother :

besides that, wells, tanks, embankments, canals, and rice-field water

channels should be constructed for the good of the people, and the

merit be given to the elder brother.” The king obeyed these diree-

tions, and so expiated the sin of which he had been guilty.

A-nau-ra-hta, being desirous of renewing the connection of the

90 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

royal family of Burma with the kings of India, now sent a nobleman

to demand in marriage a daughter of the king of Wethali. This

kingdom is represented still flourishing as a Buddhist country. The

king of Wethali gave his daughter, who was brought through Arakan

across the mountains. But on the way the nobleman was faithless to

his charge; and on arrival at the capital city, he represented to the

king that the princess was only an adopted, and not a real, daughter of

the king of Wethali. A-nau-ra-htd, therefore, did not bring her into

the chief building of the palace, but placed her, first, in the western

house, and afterwards in the village of Pa-reim-ma, where she lived.

Nevertheless, she was pregnant by A-nau-ra-hta; and when her time

was near, an earthquake shook the whole land. The astrologers were

consulted, and they replied that he who would hereafter succeed to the

throne, was then in the womb of a woman towards the north. The

king, fearing evil consequences, had all the pregnant women towards

the north sought out and put to death. But the Indian princess was

concealed by the care and devotion of a young Naga, or dragon youth,

and her life was thus saved. The astrologers afterwards said the child

had been born. The king then caused six thousand sucking children

to be killed. But the Naga youth preserved the son of the Wethali

princess. After this the astrologers said the child had reached the

age of acowherd. ‘The king, caused five thousand boys of that age to

be killed, but the son of the princess remained undiscovered. His

mother then put him into a monastery, and he became a Rahén. The

astrologers informed the king that his destined successor had become

amonk. The king, anxious to discover him, by the advice of the

astrologers, invited all the Rahans to a feast. The astrologers said

that he might be discovered by a shining circle, the mark of a true

prince, inside his mouth. The king, therefore, himself gave water to

drink to each Rahan from a vessel with a long spout. By this device

he saw the shining circle in the mouth of the young man, son of the

Indian princess. Convinced by this mark that he was of pure royal

race, the king caused him to leave the monastery he had entered, and

acknowledged him as his own son. He then received the name of

Kyan-tsit-tha, or Kyan-yit-tha. Many fanciful etymologies for this

name are given in the history. The fist name, which is that most

generally given means “ the child with the true mark,” The second

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 91

is interpreted “the child that remained” after the others had been

killed. This son afterwards ascended the throne, and the remaining

kings of Pu-gan were descended from him.

The Maha-Radz4-Weng next proceeds with the subject of the re-

form of religion. The chapter which treats of this important event,

opens by describing the necessity which existed for reform, justifies

the movement, and gives a clear narrative of the means by which it

was effected. The chapter opens in the following words :—

“Tn the reign of king A-nau-ra-hta, Tsau the city was called

Pu-ga-ré-ma. All his predecessors had received the doctrines of the

thirty great A-ris, and their sixty thousand disciples, who lived at a

place called Tha-ma-hti, and were firm in the profession of a wrong

faith. These A-ri Rahans set aside the doctrines of Buddha, and

established their own. They made a scripture to suit their own

desire, and persuaded the people to follow it. The law they preached

was such as ‘ Whosoever shall commit murder, he is freed from his sin

by repeating a prayer or invocation ; whosoever shall kill his parents,

by repeating a prayer, he is freed from the punishment due to the five

greatest sins,’ and so on, teaching people falsehood and wrong, as if

they were truth and right. Moreover, when the sons and daughters

of the king, or of nobles, ministers, rich persons, or others, were about

to be married, the bride was always sent to those teachers on the nigt

before; this was called presentation of the virgin flower. In the

morning when she came out from them, she was married. - If a bride

was married without the virgin flower having been presented to the

teachers, heavy punishment had to be borne, for breaking a long

established custom. When king A-nau-ra-hta saw and heard of these

shameful doings, being filled with excellent virtue, and knowing that

the precepts of these teachers were false; being uneasy in mind, and

feeling great alarm, he began to long for the true law. At that time

the lord A-ra-han, called also Dham-ma-da-thi, arrived at Pu-gan

from the country of Tha-htun, called likewise Dham-ma-wa-ti. The

history of the lord A-ra-hén is as follows:—The holy Ra-han-das,

seeing that religion had not yet enlightened the countries of Thi-na-

pa-rénta and Tam-pa-di-pa, went to Tha-gya Meng, and prevailed on

him to persuade one who would be able to establish religion there to

do so. Tha-gyé Meng, having entreated one of the Nats in the Téa-

92 On the History of the Burma Race. [ No. 2;

wa-dein-tha-man-sitis, he consulted and was conceived in the womb

of a Brah-mani. When he was born, he was taken care of by a Ra-

han-da named Thi-la-bid-di. When he was of age he became a Ra-

han, and was taught the Bi-da-gat. On attaining the state of a

Ra-han-da, he was famous throughout Dzam-bi-di-pa, by the name of

A-ra-hin. Because religion was not yet established, this Rahan

came to the city of Pu-ga-ré-ma. On arriving, he stopped in a grove,

not very far from the border of the city. Tha-gyé Meng caused one

of the hunters of the country, who was out ranging the forest jor

game, to see the lord A-ra-hén. The hunter, seeing a man with a

grave and noble countenance, began to think ‘ this is an excellent and

no ordinary man. I will conduct him to the city, and present him to

the king.’ So the lord A-ra-haén gathered up the eight priestly

requisites, and followed him to the presence of the king.”’

At the interview which follows, the great teacher discourses elo-

quently on the doctrines, the moral teaching, and the perfections of

Buddha. A-nau-ra-hta at once is converted, and so sincerely well dis-

posed that “his heart became as the cleanest and softest cotton

dipped in the purest oil.’”’ His mind is filled and saturated by the all-

subduing grace of the doctrine. The lord A-ra-hén also gives to the

king a succinct narrative of the life of Gautama. He relates how

he died and went to Neib-ban; how the relics of his body were

taken by different kings; and long after were obtained by Thi-ri-

dham-ma Thau-ka. He adds that one being a tooth is worshipped in

Gan-da-la-rit, a country of China. That the complete scripture, Bi-da-

gat, has been brought from Ceylon to Tha-httn.

The king then declared his conversion to the doctrines of the

lord A-ra-hén, and the heretical doctrines of the A-ri teachers were

east aside. The whole of the people threw away their evil teaching,

and embraced the good law. The A-ri teachers and their sixty

thousand disciples were forced to become laymen. Many Ra-hans

came from Tha-htun, and the lord A-ra-hdn ordained as Ra-haéns and

Pin-zens, those of the country who sincerely embraced the true faith.

About this time it is related that two foreigners, brothers, natives

of India, arrived at Tha-htin, being floated ashore on a piece of wreck.

They are represented as magicians; but having offended the king of

Tha-httin, one of them was put to death by him. The other fled to

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 93

Pu-gén. There he married, and had two sons, named Shwe-byin-gyi

and Shwe-byin-nge. They were taken into the king’s service, and

became very useful to him. It appears that at this time communica-

tion between southern India and the coast of Pegu had become frequent.

By the preaching of the lord Ara-han, king A-nau-ra-hta learnt that,

in order to enjoy the full benefit of religion, it was requisite that the

great scriptures, the Bi-da-gat, should be obtained; and also a true

relic of the Phra. The whole of the Bi-da-gat was to be had at Tha-

httin, and even relics, which the kings had worshipped for many

generations. A-nau-ra-hta therefore sent to Ma-niu-ha, the king of

that country, a man of high rank and ability, to ask politely for a

complete copy of the Bi-da-gat. The king of Tha-httin answered

haughtily that he would give nothing. A-nau-ra-hta then was very

wroth ; and collecting a large army, advanced by land and water against

Tha-httin. There were four generals, of whom the king’s son Kyan-

tsit-tha was one. Notwithstanding his large army and his great

generals, the king was foiled in his attempt to take Tha-htun. His

astrologers informed him that the obstacles arose from the enchant-

ments of powerful magicians and evil spirits. The king, by means of

counter-enchantments and contrivances, devised by the Indian who

had fled to him from Tha-httin, overcame the enchantments, and the

city was then taken. King Ma-nt-ha, his whole family, and court,

were captured and brought before A-nau-ra-hté. There were found

the holy relics preserved in a jewelled casket, which had been

worshipped from ancient times by the kings. These and thirty com-

plete copies of the Bi-da-gat were brought to the king, laden upon

thirty-two white elephants. These all with painters, builders, and

artificers of every description, and the soldiers, were carried away to

Pu-gan. At the same time the Ra-hans, learned in the Bi-da-gat,

_ were respectfully invited to accompany the king. At Pu-ga-ra-ma

he allotted separate places to the soldiers and the various artificers to

live in. The holy relics were put into a shrine studded with rubies,

which was placed at the head of the royal couch. The books of the

Bi-da-gat were deposited in a building beneath a lofty spire, adorned

with jewels, where the Ra-hans studied them. King Ma-ni-ha was

placed with his followers at Myin-ka-ba.

After this A-nau-ra-hta, being a man of great piety, desired to

94 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

possess the holy tooth relic which was in the province of Can-da-la-rit

in China. He therefore marched with a vast army, accompanied by

Kyan-tsit tha and Shwe-by-in-gyi and Shwe-by-in-nge. The em-

peror of China shut himself up in his city, and not being aware of

the greatness of A-nau-ra-hta, took no notice of him. At length by

means of an artifice accomplished by Shwe-by-in-gye and Shwe-by-in-

nge, and by the boldness of Kyan-tsit-tha the emperor became alarmed.

The two sovereigns had a friendly meeting. The king, however, fail-

ed to procure the holy tooth relic. He brought away, however, an

emerald studded image, which had been sanctified by contact with the

holy relic; and in a divine communication from Tha-gy4 Meng, was

informed that he might have a forehead bone relic which king Dwot-

ta-bing had formerly brought to Tha-ye-khet-ta-ra from the country

of the Kam-rém. A-nau-ra-hté then returned, taking with him the

emerald image. While passing through Shan, a Chinese province of

Mau, he married Tsau-mwun-hla, the daughter of the prince of the

province. This marriage and the subsequent adventures of the prin-

cess, have been made the subject of one of the most popular dramas

in Burma.

After this the king went to Tha-re-khet-ta-ra, and pulled down the

pagoda in which king Dwot-ta-bing had enshrined the forehead

bone relic. In the histories of Arakan, it is said, he brought this relic

from that country ;* but that is not true. It had indeed originally

been brought from thence by king Dwot-ta-bing. A-nau-ra-hta,

fearing that the city of Tha-ré-khet-ta-ra might fall into the hands of

enemies, destroyed it. When he arrived at Pu-gan, he built the

Shwe-zi-gun pagoda for the holy relic to repose. But although

* In the history of Arakan which I have consulted, it is stated that A-nau-

ra-hta invaded that country to carry away a celebrated brazen image of Ganu-

da-ma, which was in the temple of Maha-mu-ni. He did not succeed in doing

so, The Arakanese history represents this first invasion as occurring in the

year 994 A. D., but records that the same king invaded Arakan twenty-four

years later, when the Arakanese king was killed. As A-nau-ra-hta, according

to Burmese history, did not succeed to the throne until the year 1017 A. D., or

1010 A. D., more correctly reckoned, the two statements cannot be reconciled,

But the date of A-nau-ra-hta’s succession varies in different copies of the Maha-

Radza-Weng. In the appendix to Crawfurd’s embassy to the Court of Ava,

that author gives a list of the kings of Burma from manuscripts procured by

him in the country. The accession to the throne of A-nau-ra-hta is stated to

bein 997 A. D. This agrees better with the dates in the Arakanese history.

Considering that the father of A-nau ra-hta was still alive when the son ascended

the throne, there may have been doubts as to the proper date.

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 95

heavenly voices proclaimed the king’s righteousness, yet the holy relic

ascended to the sky. By the advice of the lord Ara-han, the king

consoled himself by worshipping the jewelled basket in which the

holy relic had been carried. He then thought of the famous tooth

relic in Ceylon, and sent a ship with four discreet messengers to ask

the king of that country for it. A miraculous emanation from the

tooth was the reward of this pious zeal, and this was borne away with

great honour by the four messengers. The king proceeded to the

seaport to receive it, and brought it with a grand procession to

Pu-gan, where it was deposited in a suitable building at the gate of

the palace.* After this king Ma-nu-ha and his whole family were

degraded to the lowest depth of infamy, by being presented as pagoda

slaves to the Shwe-zi-gtiin pagoda. About this time Kyan-tsit-tha

deeply offended the king, and fled. The king despatched after him

some of his Indian swift-running footmen, but they could not take

him. Kyan-tsit-tha crossed the Irawadi river to the western bank

and took refuge at a monastery, where he remained concealed. The

king now made a progress through the western portion of his domi-

nions as far as Bengal. That his descendants might have a memorial

of his greatness, he set up stone images; and having built pagodas,

returned to his own city. As the reign of A-nau-ra-hta draws to a

close, the historian recapitulates the many pagodas and monasteries

which he had built; the tanks, canals, and water-dams he had

constructed ; the rice-land he had redeemed from jangal; his great

armies and the extent of his kingdom. But the protecting influence

of his good works was at length exhausted. In going to China he

had offended the guardian Nat of a tree, who then became his enemy.

As long as the influence of the king’s good works remained, the Nat

could do nothing against him. But that being now exhausted, the

Nat sought to take revenge. Changed into a wild buffalo, he met the

king near one of the gates of the city, and gored him to death. A-

nau-ra-hta reigned for forty-two years.

He was succeeded by Tsau-li, his son born of his chief queen.

The governor of Pegu, Nga-Ra-man-kan, rebelled. In the disturb-

* It is curious that a few years ago the present king of Burma deputed

messengers to Ceylon to procure it, where it was popularly stated the tooth

relic was deposited. They returned with a model of it, which has been placed

in a building within the palace yard,

96 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

ances which followed, Tsau-li was killed. Kyan-tsit-tha then defeat-

ed the rebel, and took the throne in the year 426 of the existing

Burmese era. He is also called Hti-hlaing-sheng.

On the accession of Kyan-tsit-tha to the throne, a not very intelli-

gible story is told of an intention to marry his daughter to the son of

the king of Pa-teik-ka-ra, a name here given to some part of Bengal.

The marriage was eventually disallowed, it is stated, by the advice of

the nobles, “lest the country should become kulé or foreign.” Not-

withstanding this the princess is represented as with child by the

kula prince, though doubt is afterwards thrown upon this fact, and

she gave birth to a son, who afterwards succeeded to the throne, under

the name of A-ling-tsi-tha. But the kula prince committed suicide,

and the princess was married to T'sau-gwon, the son of king Tsau-li.

So highly did Kyan-tsit-tha regard his grandson that, while he

was yet a child, he underwent the ceremony of bi-the-ka, or consecra-

tion as a king, and received the name of Thi-ri-dze-ya-thi-ra. Kyan-

tsit-tha either enlarged or completed, the Shwe-zi-gun pagoda built by

his father.

Once there came to Pu-gén eight Ra-han-das from the Gan-da-ma-

da-na mountain. They presented a model of the Nan-da-mit-la caye

which is in that mountain. And the king determined to build one

like it. Thiswas done, and it was called the Nan-da-Phra. The

king also built many pagodas at various places near the city. He

died after a reign of twenty-eight years.

His grandson now ascended the throne. Though he received a name

at the time of consecration from his grandfather, yet the title of

Altng-tsi-thi, referring to the great drum of the palace having at his

birth sounded without the agency of man, has been retained for him

in history. Soon after the commencement of his reign, he built the

Shwe-ki temple now to be seen at Pu-gan. This king travelled

throughout the whole extent of his dominions. He went into Arakan

and the adjoining country of Bengal, where he visited the stone images

set up by his great grandfather A-nau-ra-hta. It is said also that he

visited Ceylon. He regulated the weights and measures throughout

the kingdom. During the reign of Kyan-tsit-tha, the heir to the king

of Arakan had been expelled from his kingdom by a rebel. He came

and resided at Pu-gan and there a son was born to him named Let-ga-

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 97

meng-nan. Aliing-tsi-thti yielded to his entreaties and gave him an

army, said to consist of one hundred thousand Pytis, and one hundred

thousand Talaings. After one repulse the army was successful. The

usurper who occupied the throne of Arakan, Meng Ba-di, was slain, and

Let-ya-meng-nan was restored to the throne of his ancestors.* This

* In the history of Arakan this event is stated to have occurred in the year

465. The present Maha Ra-dza-Weng appears to consider the year 480 as the

eorrect time. A Burmese stone inscription which was discovered at Buddha

Gaya and of which a facsimile is given in the 20th volume of the Asiatic Re-

searches, confirms the fact related in the Arakanese and Burmese histories, of

the restoration of Let-yaé-meng-nan (called Pyt-ta-thein-meng) to his coun-

try by the king of Pu-gan. But there is a strange uncertainty as to the dates

recorded in the inscription. General Cunningham has some remarks on this

question in his Archzeological survey report, dated 3rd June, 1862. I have not

seen the facsimile taken by General Cunningham, my present remarks therefore

apply to that published in the 20th volume of the Researches. The two dates

in lines 11 and 12 of the inscription, have been read by Prinsep and Cunning-

ham as 667 and 668. Colonel Burney, who first translated the inscription,

agreed with the Burmese literati in reading them 467 and 468. The latter no

doubt were induced to do so, lest their national history should be impugned.

Regarding the second date, there can, I think, be no doubt. It must be read as

660, not as 668. It will be found that a 4, a 6, an 8, and algo a cipher, fortu-

nately occur elsewhere in the inscription. In the second line is a 4 rudely

engraved, but the same in form as the modern figure. The Burmese literati,

who gaye the copy of the inscription in the modern character, have omitted

the figure, and given the number four in writing. A 6 occurs in the eleventh

line of the original, meaning the sixth day of the week. In the translation

this has been rendered Friday. The figure 4 in the second line is utterly un-

like either of the figures in the second date, which I read as 660. The two

first figures are very like the undoubted 6 in the eleventh line. The last figure

is similar to the undoubted cipher in the eleventh line, being the record of the

10th day of the month. So much for the second date. In the first date there

has apparently been some error on the part of the engraver. The first figure

in that date is really a4 reversed. It has not the least resemblance to a 6.

The second figure is a rude 6, with an adjunct, large and clumsy, instead of the

small stroke added to the 6, which stands for Friday, so that it almost looks

like an additional figure between the 6 and 7. The last figure is undoubtedly 7.

I therefore read this date as 467. The first figure asit stands is nota 4.

Turn the paper upside down and itis 4. The engraver only could account for

this vagary. The question now is, how can the dates 467 and 660, thus placed

together in the inscription, be reconciled with the object for which the inscrip-

tion was written? The Burmese language, especially as it was written five or

six hundred years ago, is very elliptical, and it is frequently necessary to

guess at the meaning attempted to be conveyed. In the translation of the

inscription in the Researches, the idea is conveyed that the temple of Buddha

Gaya was rebuilt in 467 or say 667, and thatthe religious ceremonies, ap-

parently of consecration, followed in the next year. Certainly at first sight the

inscription appears to mean this, But it isnot necessarily so, And if the second

date is 660 and not 668, it cannot be so. I take the inscription then to jump

over long periods cf time. It first recounts how the temple had been built by

Asoka. It was destroyed and repaired more than once at long intervals of

time. Then came the latest work of the kind, and it was rebuilt under the

immediate assistance of the king of Arakan, Pya-ta-thein-meng, called algo

Let-ya-meng-nan. ‘This rebuilding occurred in the year, Burmese era, 467.

This quite corresponds with the date of Let-ya-meng-nan being restored to his

98 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

king built the temples still to be seen at Pu-gan called Shwe-ku,

and Tha-pinyo. He kept up intercourse with a king in the eastern

part of Bengal, called in the Burmese history, Pa-teik-ka-ré. He is

said to have married a daughter of this king. Aling-tsi-thi, when

he became old, was much troubled by the disobedience of his sons.

His oldest son Meng Sheng Tsau retired from the city, and settled

near where the city of A-ma-ra-pu-ra was afterwards built. There he

formed the lake called Aung-peng-lay. He wished his second son

Na-ra-thi to succeed him. The king was now a hundred and one years

old, and had reigned seventy-five years. This son, desirous of hasten-

ing his death, had him carried from the palace to the Shwe-ku temple,

where he was smothered under a heap of cloth.

Na-ra-thuii at’ once took possession of the palace. But his elder

brother marched rapidly towards the city. Na-ra-thii cunningly con-

cealed his intentions, and induced the chief, or bishop, of the Buddhist

monks, to send a message of peace and welcome to Meng Sheng Tsau.

The prince, being unsuspicious, came down the river with one boat

and a few attendants. He was met by his brother at the landing-

throne. (See History of Arakan, in Journal, Asiatic Society, Vol. XIII. p. 39).

The inscription appears mainly concerned in recounting the religious ceremonies

and worship offered to the temple On a special occasion. And this event

occurred in the year 660. In the latter year, we must conclude that the in-

scription was written. ‘This supposition appears to me to reconcile the incon-

sistency of the dates hitherto as read. The second date being undoubt-

edly 660, the first cannot be 667, as it (the first in the inscription) gives the

rebuilding of the temple for that year, and the consecration or other religious

ceremony would be subsequent to that. The difficulty is removed if we read

the first date as 467 for which it has been shown there are good reasons. Ifthe

inscription means that the worship offered in 660 was a sort of consecration of

the building, there is certainly no reason apparent why one hundred and

ninety-three years were allowed to elapse before this was done. But it may

be that there being a special and solomn worship in 660, a record was then

made regarding the offerings and the previous repeated building of the temple.

The inscription has been written by an Arakanese, and this might haye been

done by the king of Arakan in 660 (A. D. 1298) more probably than by the

king of Pu-gan, as the latter kingdom had at that time fallen into great coafu-

sion in consequence of the Chinese invasion. In the histories of Burma and

Arakan, dates have no doubt, in some instances, been tampered with. But

there is no reason to suppose that this has been done to the extent of nearly

two hundred years. The first time that Burma is mentioned by an Huropean

is, I believe, near the close of the 13th century by Marco Polo. The war made

by Kublai Khan on Burma is by him stated to have occurred in 1272. This

only differs by twelve years from the date given in the Burmese history. On

the whole as the first date in the inscription has only the last figures, 67,

clearly defined, and the second date is clearly 660, the above attempt at expla-

nation appears to be the most probable solution of the difficulty.

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 99

place, and escorted to the palace with honour. At once he was conse-

erated king, but that night was poisoned. Na-ra-thi then became

king without opposition. He pursued a course of crime and cruelty,

He put to death many of his father’s favourites. The whole of the

people, in the palace, the city, and the country, were alarmed and

distressed. He commenced building a magnificent temple called

Dha-ma-yan-gyl; but it was with difficulty that workmen could be

procured, for all fled from fear, and the work proceeded slowly.

This king, with his own hand, killed the daughter of the king of Pa-

teik-ka-ra (Bengal) who had remained after the death of his father.

This led to an extraordinary event. Her father, on hearing of the

murder of his daughter, disguised eight brave men as Brahmans, who

were sworn to execute their master’s revenge. They arrived at Pu-gan,

and were introduced into the palace under pretence of blessing the

king. There they killed him with a sword. After which they killed

each other or committed suicide, so that all eight died. This king is,

on account of the manner of his death, called “ Ku-la-ky4-meng,” that

is ‘‘the king killed or dethroned by foreigners.” It is stated that at

the time of his death, the temple Dha-ma-ydn-gyi was unfinished,

He was succeeded by his son Meng-ri-na-ra-thein-kha. He appoint-

ed his younger brother to the office of Hin-she-meng or “ lord of the

eastern house,” a title equivalent to that of crown-prince. This is the

first time the title is mentioned in the history. After some time, the

king, under pretence of a war having broken out on the northern

frontier, despatched his brother to that quarter in command of an army.

He then took possession of his brother’s wife. The crown-prince

found that there was no war, and when he discovered the wrong that

had been done him, he returned to the city and put his brother to

death. He then succeeded to the throne under the title of Na-ra-ba-

di-tsi-thu.

He is represented as a good king. He visited all parts of his king-

dom. He built, at Pu-gan, the temples called Gau-dau-pal-leng and

Tsti-la-ma-ni; and one, a Tha-ma-hti not far from the city, called

Dham-ma-ra-dzi-ka. This king had constant communication with

Ceylon. Four Rahans from Ceylon settled at Pu-gin and introduced

some new philosophical doctrines. The king is highly praised for his

piety and attention to the affairs of his country. He died after a

100 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

reign of thirty-seven years, and was succeeded by his son Dze-ya-thein-

kha, in the year 1204, A. D.

Dze-ya-thein-kha had a quiet reign. He was chiefly occupied with

religious buildings. He finished the Gau-dau-pal-leng temple com-

menced by his father, and built the Bau-di temple with some others,

which are now less known.

His son Kya-tswa called also Dham-ma-ra-dzi was pre-eminent in

learning. He gave his whole time to the study of religion and

philosophy, and left the affairs of the kingdom to his son U-za-né.

As a work of merit, he formed a lake by damming up a mountain-

stream, where all kinds of water-fowl enjoyed themselves, and which

also watered rice-lands. He was learned and pious, but the religious

zeal, and the art which, during two hundred years had existed, and

through which the noble temples still to be seen at Pu-gan, had been

built, now had passed away. This king only commenced a pagoda,

not now to be traced, which he did not live to complete. He died

from an accidental wound after a reign of sixteen years.

His son U-za-na succeeded, This king had been accustomed as a

young prince to hunt wild elephants in the forests of Pegu. He went

there again to follow this sport, and was killed by a wild elephant,

having reigned five years.

This king left two sons, Thi-ha-thii and Meng-khwé-khyé. The

former had been appointed heir to the throne, but a powerful noble

formed a conspiracy, and he was set aside. The younger son Meng-

khwe-khye then succeeded with the title of Na-ra-thi-ha-pa-te. There

was a rebellion in the province of Mut-ta-ma (Martaban) head-

ed by the Governor Nga-Shwe-lay; but it was suppressed. This

king lived in greater luxury than any of his predecessors. He com-

menced building a pagoda called Men-ga-la dze-di. But there was a

prophecy which said ‘‘ The pagoda is finished and the country ruined.” .

The king therefore paused and for six years did nothing to the pagoda.

But he afterwards thought this fear of consequences inconsistent with

piety, and discreditable to his fame as a king, he therefore finished the

pagoda in the year 636 or A. D. 1274. In the relic chamber were

deposited golden images of the disciples of Gau-da-ma; golden models

of the holy places; golden images of the fifty-one kings of Pu-gan,

the country. Holy relics were also deposited.

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 101

In the year 643, answering to A. D. 1281, the Talaings rebelled.

They killed the Governor of Martaban named A-leim-ma, and Wa-ri-

ru made himself king. The same year the Emperor of China sent am-

bassadors to demand gold and silver vessels as tribute, saying that

king A-nau-ra-hta had presented such tokens of homage. The

ambassadors were insolent in their conduct, and the king, against

the remonstrance of his ministers, had them put to death. The Hm-

peror of China now assembled an army to punish this outrage. The

king appointed two brothers named A-nan-da-pits-tsin and Kan-

da-pits-tsin to command his army. They marched to the city of

Nga-tshaung-gyan, which appears to have been near the Ba-mau or

Ta-ping river. This city they fortified, and then for three months

resisted the invaders at the passage of the Ba-mau river. But they

were overpowered by numbers, and forced to retreat. The Ta-ruk

army then crossed the river, and Nga-tshaung-gyan was destroyed.

The two generals then retreated and built two stockades on the east

side of the Marle hill. There a fierce battle was fought. But A-nau-

da-pits-tsin was killed, and the Ta-rik army being superior in num-

bers, the Burmese were again defeated. In the meantime Na-ra-thi-

ha-pa-te had abandoned the city of Pu-gan with his whole court, and

had gone down the river Irrawaddy to Bassein. The army arriving

at the city and finding no one, followed in the same direction. The

Ta-rik army pursued to the city, and then further south as far as

Ta-rik-mau, but the way being long and food scarce for a large army,

they returned. The flight of the king is stated to have occurred in

the year 1284, and he is called ‘‘ Ta-rék-pye-meng”’ or the king who

fled from the Ta-rik. After five months he sets out on his return up

the Irrawaddy. The historian records the excessive luxury in which

the king lived, even amidst the desolation of his country. He went

on until he reached Prome. There his son Thi-ha-thi was Governor.

This prince forced his father to swallow poison.

This king left several sons by different mothers. Three of them

U-za-nd, Kyau-tswé, and Thi-ha-thu now disputed the throne. Finally

Kyau-tswa, who was Governor of Dalla in Pegu, succeeded, and became

king in the year 648 or A. D. 1286. The Burmese empire had now

almost fallen to pieces. ‘The several nations who had formerly been

tributary are enumerated, and it is added they now became indepen-

i102 On the History of the Burma Race, [No. 2,

dent. It is well to enter these here to show the extent of territory

claimed, as having at one time formed part of the Empire of Pu-gan.

First come Ra-khaing and other countries and tribes to the westward.

Of the three Talaing divisions, Pegu was taken by the Governor with

the title of Ta-ra-bya; Martaban was taken by Wa-ri-ri. The

countries of Yo-da-ya, Ta-neng-tha-1i, Thouk-ka-te, Pi-tha-louk,

La-gwon-thi-ma-akyau-maing-tsan, Leng-zeng, lLa-waik, Ywon or

Zim-mé; Gin, Guen or Kyaing-htin, Lui or Kaing-rin, also on

the east of the Thén-lwing river Maing-mau, Tse-khweng, Ho-tha,

La-tha, Mo-na, Tsanda, Mo-wun, Kaing-ma, Maing-myn; all became

independent. The Tsaulon Shans on the west of the Thanlwing

river and of the three Talaing divisions the city of Bassein, still

remained to the Burmese country. At this time there were, in the

kingdom, three brothers who were great favourites with the king.

They were the sons of a Shan Chief who had fled from his country

while it was disturbed, and had settled at Myin-tsaing during the

reign of Na-ra-thi-ha-pa-te. Their names were A-then-kha-ra, Ra-

dza-then-gyan, and Thi-ho-thi, The eldest received the district of

Myin-tsaing, the second that of Nek-kha-ré, and the third that of

Peng-lay. They exercised great authority. The chief Queen, being

offended that she was never consulted by the king, entered into a

conspiracy with the three brothers to dethrone Kyau-tswa. They had

built a fine monastery at Myin-tsaing, and the Queen persuaded the

king to go to the consecration of it. When there the three brothers

seized him and forced him to become a monk. ‘This occurred in the

year 660, being A. D. 1298.

After this, the Queen returned to Pu-gan. The three brothers

guarded the late king at Myin-tsaing, and ruled like kings. At Pu-

gan, the eldest son of Kyau-tswé named Tsau-nhit was allowed to live

in the palace ; his younger brother Meng-sheng-tsau was made Governor

of the district of Tha-ret. In some histories it is said that Tsau-nhit

was merely permitted to live at Pu-gan, and that Thi-ha-tha the

youngest of the Shan brothers ruled there. These brothers were allied

to the royal family by the marriage of their sister to Prince Thi-ha-

thu, son of Na-ra-thi-ha-pa-te who had forced his father to take poison.

Their sister’s daughter by that Prince was now married to Meng-

sheng-tsau and they lived at the city of Tha-ret.

1868. On the History of the Burma Race. 103

The Pu-gan dynasty ends with the deposition of Kyau-tswa. The

three Shan brothers exercised what power remained to the kingdom.

Their authority was gradually consolidated, and about sixty years

later, the city of Ava was founded. There or in the immediate neigh-

bourhood, the capital of the Burmese monarchy has been established

up to the present time.

Observations.

It has been shown in a former paper, that after the conversion of

the rude Turanian tribes, dwelling in the country of the upper Trra-

waddy to Buddhism, they assumed the national name of Mran-ma. In

later times other cognate tribes have been absorbed in that nationality.

Probably the most remarkable instance of this assimilation, is that of

the Talaing or Mwun people, which, in about a century, has become

nearly lost in name and language, amidst the Mran-ma in their own

country of Pegu. In the early time of the Mraén-mé people, a

monarchy was established, having the capital city at Tagtng or old

Pu-gan. It was afterwards overthrown by an invasion of tribes who

came from the east or north-east. The conquered people or portions

of them, retired down the Irrawaddy, and established themselves in

the country near to the present town of Prome. There kindred tribes

already existed ; the Pytt or Byt being on the east bank of the river,

and the Kam-ran or Kan-rdn being in the hilly country to the west, and

in the southern part of the country now called Ra-khaing or Arakan.

A city was now built to the east of the present town of Prome, and

received the name of Tha-re-khet-ta-ra. The remains of this city still

exist, and the positions of the walls and gates are shown by the pea-

sants of the neighbourhood. Some ancient pagodas, built of stone, are

also to be seen. The city is now generally called Ra-the-myo, or

city of the hermit, from the legend of the hermit recorded in the

Maha-ra-dza-Weng. The name Tha-re-khét-ta-ra appears to be the

Burmese form of the Pali, Thi-ri-khet-ta-ra, the latter word being

the same as Kshatriya and referring to the supposed Indian descent

of the hermit and of Dwot-ta-bing the founder of the city. It

has already been shown in a former paper, that the Burmese royal

family, claim to be descended from the race to which Gau-da-ma

belonged, that is, the Sakya tribe included in the Kshatriya division

104 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

of the peoples in Gangetic India. The whole term then would

mean City of the noble Kshatriya. This city founded, according

to Burmese history, in the fifth century before Christ, continued

the seat of government of the Burmese monarchy for 537 years.

During this period we are not informed as to events in the upper

Irrawaddy, where it is probable the tribes coming from the eastward

continued to maintain themselves. The monarchy at Tha-re-khet-ta-

ra is represented as being transmitted in the same family with only

one break. This defect also is supposed to have been remedied in

after times by the appearance of a true descendant of the ancient royal

race. The dynasty established near Prome is represented, consistently

with Buddhist tenets, as being finally brought to an end, by the

mysterious but inevitable influence of an act of impiety. ‘The sin

which produced this result, was the act of devoting a portion of the

gold of a holy image to secular objects; and though the king was not

personally involved therein, yet he and his country were thereby

doomed to destruction. A legend relates how dark rumours of coming

wars and tumults, prevailed among the people; and from the general

dread and distrust which existed, a trifling occurrence was the imme-

diate occasion of a civil war. The several tribes which still existed

separately, though subject to one king, fought with each other. A

portion of the Pyd tribe retired to the north, and finally settled at the

place called new Pu-gan, on the east bank of the Irrawaddy river.

This is about one hundred and seventy miles north of Prome. Here

a new dynasty was established, which is held to be the true royal race

of Burma; while Prome appears at this time to have been subdued

and occupied for some time, by the Talaing people coming from the

south. But on this point the Burmese narrative is not clear. It

does not appear what extent of territory belonged to the monarchy of

Tha-re-khet-ta-ra. It is, however, probable that it did not extend on

the south farther than a ridge of hills called A-kauk-taung, about forty

miles below Prome. On the north, it may have reached to Mye-de, fifty

miles distant; while east and west it did not extend beyond the hills

which bound the valley oi the Irrawaddy. During the time this kingdom

lasted, it is probable that the tribes coming from the northeast, who

had overthrown the Buddhist kingdom established in the upper Ivra-

waddy, gradually mingled with the earlier inhabitants. After the

1868.] On the History of the Burma Race. 105

establishment of the monarchy at new Pu-gan, the upper country in

time became subject to that kingdom. The large influence which the

Py tribe had in the formation of that monarchy is evident from the

legend of the third king called Pyt-meng-ti, who, the historian is

anxious to show, was not a Pyti by race, but a descendant of the an-

cient kings of Taging. An interval of more than two hundred years

occurs before any event of consequence is recorded. The arrival of

the celebrated teacher Bud-da-gau-tha, bearing the Buddhist scriptures

from Ceylon, is an event which is justly regarded of the highest

importance to the Indo-Chinese nations. It may be accepted as an

historical fact that he came to Tha-htun, which is situated a few miles

north of Martaban, and which was then the capital city of one of the

Talaing states. In most histories of Burma, it is stated that he was

a native of Tha-htun, but this claim now seems to be abandoned.

The year given for his arrival, A. D. 403, has no doubt been fixed,

after consulting the Mahawanso of Ceylon, but still is scarcely consis-

tent with it, as he was in Ceylon during the reign of Maha Nama,

who began to reign in A. D. 410. The Burmese Maha-radz4-weng

assumes that the whole of the Buddhist scriptures were at this time

brought to Pu-gan. This is not credible. The intercourse between

the Burmese and Talaings at this time appears to have been but small,

and as has been seen, the history subsequently relates the arrival of

the scriptures, and the reform of religion, as being brought about in

the reign of A-nau-ra-hta, or about six hundred years afterwards. At

the beginning of the fifth century of the Christian era, it is probable

that Buddhism in Burma was in a very corrupt state. Originally

established in the country of the upper Irrawaddy by missionaries from

Gangetic India, the religion had been overwhelmed by the irruption

of tribes from the eastward; the Burmese people in the central Irra-

waddy country appear to have remained isolated for some centuries.

In the year 638, A. D., during the reign of Then-¢4 Ra-dza there is

evidence of intercourse with India, as a new era was then adopted,

which is in use to the present time. In the Maha-ra-dza-weng there

is a frequent confusion of dates. The writers have attempted to

reconcile dates on stone inscriptions recording the dedication of tem-

ples and monasteries with those derived from other sources. The

consequence is, that in many cases, it is evident that the dates for

106 On the History of the Burma Race. [No, 2,

some events have been made to fit into, what was supposed to be, an

absolute necessity. But on the whole, there appears to have been an

honesty of purpose, and a painstaking care in the writers of the Bur-

mese national history, which is highly creditable to them.

In Robinson’s history of Assam, we are informed, on the authority

of Pemberton, that the Shans, about the year 80 of the Christian era,

established the kingdom of Pong, of which Mo-gaung was the capital.

This city is on a feeder of the Irrawaddy, about eighty miles north

from Ba-mau. It was not until seven hundred years later, that they

extended their territory, eastward to the country around Ba-mau ;

and westward to Munniptir and Assam. In the latter country they

are called Ahom. It was the decline of this kingdom which enabled

A-nau-ra-hta to re-assert the rights of the Burmese people to the

territory of the upper Irrawaddy, in the eleventh century ; and it has

remained, with a few intervals, under the Burmese kings ever since.

In the early part of the eleventh century of the Christian era, the

great hero of the later Burmese history, A-nau-ra-hta ascended the

throne. That this king conquered Tha-htun and procured the Buddhist

scriptures from thence cannot be doubted. His reform of religion is

minutely and graphically described. He had intercourse with India

and China. He appears to have established and maintained the in-

fluence of his government in the upper Irrawaddy. In the reigns of

his immediate successors, and during a period of little more than one

hundred and fifty years, were built the magnificent temples which still

remain uninjured at Pu-gan. They show a grandeur of design seen

nowhere else from the Indus to the Cambodia river, and have rather

the appearance of gothic Cathedrals than of Buddhist temples. It is

remarkable that the most elaborate of these, in internal sculptured de-

coration, if not in general design, was the first erected. It is that

called A-nan-da, which was built by Kyan-tsit-tha supposed son of

A-nau-ra-hté, who ascended the throne in the year 1064, A. D.

Nearly the last of these great temples, called Dham-ma-yan-gyi, was

built by king Na-ra-thi amidst general discontent at his tyranny and

extortion, which were exercised apparently to provide funds for the

building. It was unfinished at his death, and from its present ap-

pearance was probably never completed. The intercourse which at

this period existed between Pu-gan and the countries of India and

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 107

Ceylon will no doubt account for the beautiful work in the architec-

tural details of these buildings. But the designs for them appear

not to have been derived from Indian examples, and the fervent

revival of Buddhism may, fora short period, have called forth a talent

which derived its existence from enthusiasm for religion. The close

connection of Burma with India at this period is, in other respects,

worthy of notice. King A-nau-ra-htaé is represented as having

married a daughter of the king of We-tha-li; the ancient kingdom

of We-tha-li situated to the north of Patna, could scarcely be in

existence at this time, and the statement may be taken to mean that

A-nati-ra-hta did marry the daughter of some Buddhist Raja. A

strange mystery is at first thrown over the paternity of Kyan-tsit-tha,

who was the son of this Indian princess; and still stranger is

the doubt as to the paternity of Kyan-tsit-tha’s grandson and successor

A-ling-tsi-thi. His mother was the daughter of Kyan-tsit-tha,

and it.seems to be implied in the history that his father was an Indian

prince, son of the king of Pa-teik-ka-ré. This prince came to

Pu-gén and committed suicide there, after which Kyau-tsit-tha’s

daughter was married to a son of Kyan-tsit-thé’s half-brother Tsau-li.

Tt is by no means clear what name is represented by Pa-teik-ka-ra.

The Burmese make sad havoc of all Indian names, except those

which they have received through the ancient Pali. The only name

which I can discover, as likely to have been meant, is Vikrampur,

which was near Dacca, and was for some time the capital of Eastern

Bengal, before the Mahomedan conquest, which commenced in 1203.

Up to the close of the eleventh century of the Christian era,

or even later, it is not improbable that the kings of Bengal were

still Buddhist; and unless this part of the Burmese history is pure

invention, that must have been the case. But perhaps the strangest

story, illustrating the connection at this time between the two

countries, is that told of the revenge taken by the king of Pa-teik-

ka-ra for the murder of his daughter by king Na-ra-thi. This

story can scarcely have been invented. It is not one tending to

exalt the glory of the royal race, an object very dear to Burmese

historians. The name given to this king also ‘ Kula-kyd4-meng,”

or the king killed by foreigners, is that by which he is now

commonly called. Another undoubted instance of the connection

108 On the History of the Burma Race. [No. 2,

of the kings of Burma with Bengal, is the rebuilding of the

temple at Buddha Gaya under the orders of A-ling-tsi-thi at

the beginning of the twelfth century.

In the reign of Na-ra-thi-ha-pa-te occurred the invasion, by the

Mogul or the Tartar army under the orders of the Emperor Kablai

Khan, which is mentioned in the travels of Marco Polo. As

far as I know, this is the first mention of Burma, at least in modern

times, by any Huropean author. It will be well therefore briefly to

compare his account of the invasion of the Moguls with what is

stated in the Burmese history. In the edition of the great traveller

by Hugh Murray, what relates to Burma is contained in chapters

49, 50, and 51. From the first of these, it appears that in the

year 1272, the great Khan sent an army of Tartars in the province

of Caraian or Karazan, which is understood to be northern Yunan,

The king of Mien or Burma, thinking he was going to be attacked,

assembled a large army, advanced to the city of Vociam, and took

post in a plain at the distance of three days’ journey. There a

great battle was fought, in which the Burmese were defeated.

Afterwards the ‘Tartar Khan conquered the country of Mien.

Chapter 50 describes the route from Caraian into Burma, which

may be either that leading down the Bamau river to the lrawaddy,

or that leading nearly direct south to Thein-ni. Both are followed

by caravans at the present day, and no doubt were formerly. But

the route taken by the army of invasion was that leading down to

Ba-mau. Chapter 51 refers to the capture of the city of Mien

or Pu-gén by the Tartar army. This, as related by Marco, may

either result from an immediate march on the capital, after the

battle described in Chapter 50, or may possibly refer in part to

the proceedings of a subsequent expedition.

I think it must be admitted that the Burmese account, as regards

the localities of the campaign, is more likely to be correct than

Marco’s, who wrote his narrative long after the transactions referred

to, and perhaps without even notes to assist his memory; considering

that his general correctness is marvellous. The city of Vociam is

generally understood to refer to Yung-chang, called by the Burmese

Wun-shen, which lies about a day and a half’s journey east of the

Salwin river. Now the Burmese would scarcely be so imprudent,

1868. | On the History of the Burma Race. 109

when they stood on the defensive, as to advance so far as that city

away from their resources. And their own account in the national

history is quite inconsistent with such a theory. In short, what

they relate, is just what a prudent general would do in similar

circumstances. That is the pass into Burma likely to be taken by

the enemy was, that formed by the course of the Ta-ping or Bamau

river through the mountains. The Burmese army defended that

pass, and had a fortified post called Nga-tshaung-gyan a little in

their rear. For three months they resisted the Tartar army, but

being overpowered by numbers, were forced to retreat, and abandon

the fortified post. They then took post at the Male hill, nearly

two hundred miles further south where they built two stockades.

Here a decisive battle was fought, in which the Burmese acknow-

ledge they were entirely defeated, andthe Ta-ruk army marched

on to the capital Pu-gan, about one hundred and fifty miles distant.

Now, from this narrative, it is evident that there was fighting in

the hilly country bordering on Vociam, but some six or seven

ordinary days’ journey from it; and that the great battle took place

at least some ten or twelve days’ journey farther still. How is this

to be reconciled with Marco Polo’s battle near the city of Vociam?

Tn the first place, Marco speaks of the kingdom of Vociam, and it

appears from the Burmese history, that after the war, the Chinese

added to their territory several of the frontier districts which

remained under the direct government of the Tartar governor of

Yung-chang. Sothat Marco appears to attribute to the kingdom

of Vociam a greater extent of territory to the west, than it possessed

before the war. And as he states, the Khan ‘‘added the lands

of Mien to his dominions,”’ he perhaps used the term kingdom

of Vociam, as extending down to the Irrawaddy river. But

Marco’s is a somewhat disjointed narrative, and in the 51st Chapter,

appears to raise up a subsequent expedition with the capture of

Pu-gén in the reign of Na-ra-thi-ha-pa-te. His words are as

follows :—‘‘ When the great Khan conquered that city, he desired

“all the players and buffoons, of whom there were a_ great

“number in his court, to go and achieve the conquest, offering

“them a captain and some warlike aid. The jesters willingly

“ undertook the affair, and setting out with the proffered assistance,

110 On the History of the Burma Race. [ No. 2,

“subdued this province of Mien.”? Now this story is quite incon-

sistent with what Marco tells usin the 49th Chapter of the hard

fought battle the Tartars had with the Burmese in the kingdom

of Vociam in the year 1272. That surely could not have led the

Khan to anticipate in future a feeble resistance from such a people.

Can this statement be explained from the Burmese history? I

think it may be. The Burmese virtually acknowledge that, after

the capture of their capital, the kingdom became dependant on the

Tartar Khan. The king called contemptuously ‘“ Ta-ruk-pye-ming,”

having been murdered, his son Kyau-tswa was deposed, and three

Shan chiefs governed the country from Myin-tsaing, a city about

thirty miles south of Ava, where the Shan brothers had established

themselves. This is represented as bemg the state of affairs in the

year 1298, (1291 by the revised dates), or fourteen years after the

capital had been taken by the Tartars. Then the deposed king

Kyau-tswa complained to the Khan, apparently acknowledging

himself to be a tributary king. A Tartar army came into Burma

to restore king Kyau-tswa. The Shan brothers made no resistance,

but conciliated the Tartar general with rich presents, and disposed

of Kyau-tswa’s claim by putting him to death. This plan was

adopted by the advice of “players and buffoons,’’ who possibly

may have come with the Tartar army. The Burmese history

states that the Shan brothers were advised to consult tumblers and

rope-dancers. The Burmese are very fond of consulting the fates,

by listening to undesigned warnings by children or persons of low

estate. In accordance with this idea, the tumblers and rope-dancers—

who may be accepted as equivalent to the players and buffoons of

Marco—were summoned to exhibit a performance. They sang a

song in which occurred the words:—“ There can be no dispute,

if there is no disputant.’’ This was accepted as a guide to action;

Kyau-tswa was killed, and his head delivered to the Tartar

general,—together with arguments in the shape of presents,— to

show that no disputant to the existing government remained.

The Tartar general then agreed to withdraw his army after having

employed it in the unexplained work of digging a canal, which

is shewn near Myin-tsaing to this day. The occasion for this second

appearance of a Ta-ruk or Tartar army is certainly consistent with

=on

1868. ] On the History of the Burma Race. 111

the whole narrative as given in the Burmese history, and it may be,

that the quaint story of the tumblers’ advice being followed in

an affair of such importance, gave rise to the distorted gossip which

Marco has repeated at second or third hand. It is evident that

Marco was not aware or had forgotten that a revolution had been

accomplished in Burma since Pu-gan had been taken in the first

instance; that the king had been deposed, and that consistently with

the traditions of the race, a new dynasty now gradually rising, had

abandoned the ancient capital, the fortune of which had passed

away, and had settled in another city, where the interview with

the general of the second Tartar invasion, took place. Hence the

“city of Mien,” of the first invasion is represented by Marco

as the “city of Mien” of the second also. In short, in chapter

51, events at Pu-gan and events at Myin-tsaing, which occurred

fourteen years apart, are mixed up together.

In regard to dates, Marco Polo represents the first war as occurring

in 1272. The Burmese represent the quarrel as arising in 1281 and

Pu-gan as being taken in 1284. The Burmese dates, as now given,

are not to be depended on within ten or twelve years, for there has

no doubt, been a general readjustment of dates throughout the

Maha-ra-dz4-weng. And I have found a positive error of seven

years from dates contained in their own history. The taking of

Pu-gién will therefore be correctly 1277. But I am satisfied that

for many years previous to 1281, there had been no quarrel with

the Ta-ruks or Chinese. There is no trace of such an event in

the Burmese history since the time of A-nau-ra-hta, about two

hundred and fifty years before. Had any dispute occurred with

China, especially during or about the year 1272, it would surely

have been mentioned in the Burmese annals. But about that time,

the king of Burma was occupied with the affairs of the southern

portion of his country. His predecessors, for some generations, had

been occupied more with the countries to the westward than with

those to the east. And this leads to a question which has caused

difficulty in the title which Marco has givento the king of Burma

—namely king of Mien and Bangalé. It is the latter word that

requires explanation, We have already seen, that there was an

undoubted connection of Burma with Bengal and other parts of

112 On the History of the Burma Race. [ No. 2,

India, commencing in more modern times, with the great revival

of Buddhism under A-nau-ra-hta in the early part of the eleventh

century of the Christian era. Marriages were contracted between

the royal family of Burma, and the family of some Raja, apparently

a Buddhist, in Bengal. The strange tale of the assassination of

king Nara-tha by Indians sent from Bengal, has been related.

From all these circumstances, and from the conquests attributed

to A-nau-ra-hté, it is very probable that after the conquest of

Bengal by the Mahomedans in the thirteenth century, the kings

of Burma would assume the title of kings of Bengal. It is

nowhere expressly stated in the Burmese history, but the course

of events renders this very probable. We know that this claim

to Bengal was asserted by the king of Burma in long after years.

In the journal of the Marquis of Hastings, under the date of

September 6th, 1818, is the following passage :—‘‘ The king of

“ Burma favoured us early this year with the obliging requisition

“that we should cede to him Moorshedabad and the provinces to the

“‘ east of it which, he deigned to say, were all natural dependencies of

“his throne.” And at the time of the disputes on the frontier of

Arakan in 1823-24, which led to the war of the two following years,

the governor of Arakan made a similar demand. We may, therefore,

reasonably conclude that at the close of the thirteenth century

of the Christian era, the kings of Pu-gén called themselves kings

of Burma and Bengala.

In order that the reader may havea distinct view of the several

dynasties of the Burmese monarchy as recorded in the Maha-ra-

dza-weng, I have drawn out a table of them from the earliest time.

The list of kings who are said to have reigned at Ta-ging and

upper Pu-gén, before the establishment of the kingdom of Tha-re-

khet-tara, I have not considered it necessary to give in detail. But

the name of each king, and the length of his reign, commencing

with Ma-ha-tham-ba-wa, in the year 483 B. C., has been carefully

copied from the Burmese history. In regard to dates, there are

given in the Mahé-radzé-weng various local eras. To avoid con-

fusion, these have been omitted, untilthe existing era commencing

with 639 A. D. is reached. The era of Gaudama’s death, commenc-

ing with 543 B. C. which is in use in Burma and all the adjoining

1868. | On the History of the Burma Race. 113

Buddhist countries, has been followed in arranging the chronology,

and the corresponding years B. C. and A. D. have occasionally been

inserted. I have found a difference of seven years between the reckon-

ing of the existing era in the Maha Radza Weng, and what is

deduced from adding up the number of years of each reign. Thus

A-nau-ra-hta is said to ascend the throne inthe Burmese year 379.

But I make out the year to be 3872—to A. D. 1010, and have

therefore so entered it in the list. This correction would make

the capture of Pu-gdén by the Tartar army, occur in the year 1277,

A. D., instead of 1284, A. D., as stated in the text.

ERRATUM.

In the paper on the history of the Burma race in note at page

27, Vol. XXII. it is stated that Buddhist missionaries probably first

went to Burma in the year 234 of religion, or twelve years before

Alexander crossed the Indus. There is an error in the last state-

ment. The year 234 of Gaudama’s death, corresponds with the

year 309, B. C. being seventeen years after Alexander had crossed

the Indus.

No. 1.—List of the kings of Burma as entered in the Mahé

Ridza Weng.

Names of kings. | Explanatory Remarks.

Abhi Radzé. |This king who came from Kap-pi-ta-wot, and his

thirty-two successors reigned at Tagting or

Thengaé-tha-rahta. No date is given for the

commencement of the dynasty. The last king

named Bhein-na-ka was driven from his country

by an invasion of tribes from the east. His

queen Na-ga-tshein settled at Ma-le above Ava.

Da-za Radza. |This king is represented as coming from Kap-pi-

la-wot to settle in the country of the Upper

Irrawaddy. He married the queen Na-ga-

tshein. They and their descendants reign at

Mauriza, Theng-dwe, Upper Pu gan, and Pin-

tsa-ta-ying. Seventeen kings of this race reign-

ed. ‘The last was Tha-do-Ma-ha Radza. It

was the two sons of this king who are repre-

sented as being set afloat on the Irrawaddy,

and» floating down to Prome, near to which

place, Tha-re-khet-ta-ra’s dynasty commenced to

reign, in the year 60 of the Buddhist religion,

or LB, C. £85.

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[No. 2,

On the History of the Burma Race.

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On the History of the Burma Race.

1868.]

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[No. 2,

On the History of the Burma Race.

118

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1868. ] The Poems of Chand Barday. 9

The Poems of Chand Barday.—By F. 8. Growsz, Hsq., M. A.

Oxon be Conc:

In the cold weather of 1867, I addressed a brief note to the Asiatic

Society, in course of which I suggested the desirability of taking

some steps towards the publication of the ancient Hindi poems

ascribed to Chand Barday. The matter was taken up by Mr. Long

and others, and an application made to Government for the loan of the

MS. preserved in the Agra College Library. The result was, that in last

June, I was formally requested by the Secretary to the Government

of the N. W. P. to examine the poem, and write a report upon its

value in an antiquarian or general point of view. The MS. was

duly forwarded to me through the Director of Public Instruction, and

[had made some slight progress in it when a misunderstanding occurred

(which has since been fully explained) in consequence of which I

abandoned the task, and returned the MS. But before doing so, I had

put myself in communication with Babu Siva Prasad, the well-known

Inspector of Schools, who was kind enough to borrow for me another

MS. from the Library of the Maharaja of Benares. I had imagined that

this would be useful for purposes of collation ; but on inspection found

it to be an entirely different poem, and bearing a different name, though

written professedly by the same author and treating of the same

events. The Agra poem, entitled Prithiraj ras, occupies 1598 folio

pages, and is divided into 68 cantos, corresponding apparently with

the MS. consulted by Col. Tod. It has all the dignity and propor-

tions of an Epic poem, commencing, with an elaborate introduction,

and proceeding through a succession of incidents to a grand catastro-

phe, viz. the capture of Delhi and the establishment of the Muham-

madan dynasty. The Benares poem, entitled the Prithiraj-rayasa,

occupies only 786 octavo pages, plunges at once in medias res,

terminates abruptly, and is altogether much less ornate in character.

Though it bears the same name as the MS. described in the

Proceedings of the Society for July last, it does not appear to

correspond with it in any other respect, judging at least from the

table of contents, and may be another part of the same work. As

copies of the poem are exceedingly scarce, and no two seem to agree,

120 : The Poems of Chand Barday. [No 2,

J think it desirable to place on record a brief notice of each. Accor-

dingly I propose to do so for the copy that I have examined by, Ist,

giving a summary of the contents; 2dly, attempting a translation of

one canto; and 3rdly, making a transcript of some verses of the

original text.

This plan of procedure will indicate the general scope of the work,

the interest of the narrative, and the character of the language; which

are the three points most to be considered. I should be glad to see

the same scheme pursued with all other copies that may be brought

to light.

The Benares MS. of the Prithiraj-rayasd is dated Sambat 1900. Itis

well written, but has received numerous marginal corrections, and stands

in need of many more, being full of clerical errors. It consists of two

books entitled I. Mahobe ka samay, and II. Kanauj k4 samay. I am

uncertain how the word samay is here to be translated ; the ordinary

meaning ¢ime does not seem very appropriate. Sir H. Elliot was

evidently in the same difficulty, as appears from a note of his which

I shall quote later. The second book has no subordinate sections ;

the first is dividedinto 88 cantos. I give the titles as they stand

in the original, thinking this the most satisfactory plan, since their

brevity makes them often obscure and capable of alternative interpre-

tations.

1. Raja Chandra-brahma utpatti.

. Manurpur Bhandav jagya.

Raja Parmal Alban sambodha.

. Mallakhan mantrain.

. Mantra subhat pratijna.

. Mallakhan juddh.

. Kanaujpur Alhan svapna.

Jaganayak Kanaujpur.

> OC I GD orn OD BDO

Jaman juddh Kabiljer.

. Alhan Gangaju darsan.

—

. Alhan Jay-chand milap.

12. Gajar juddh.

. Jaganak Alhan sambad.

pat

ive)

14. Alhan Jaychand sambad.

—

. Brahma barat Batesvi darsan.

1868.] The Poems of Chand Barday. 121

16. Bela bydh.

17. Alhan Kanaujte Mahobeko gaman.

18. Gandhau Alhan juddh tathé Mahilko Ghorinko dand karné.

19. Kalysur pija Alhan sapna.

20. Alha Mahobe nist Lakhan Talhan sahit.

21. Rup Brahma.

22. Prithiraj Parmal do kos antar apna mantrdin.

23. Paninko bida Kélinjarko karan.

24. Raja Parméal Kalinjar gaman.

25. Talhan vadha.

26. Lakhan Talhan vadha.

27. Alhan Arahma sambad.

28. Udal Sanjam Ray juddh.

29. Udal-kanh sangrém.

80. Udal vadha.

31. Raja Parmél srap.

32. Alha bardan.

33. Chanhan Chandel sena.

34, Jaganak Devapur gaman.

55. Brahmajit Kumar vadha.

36. Gorakhnath darsan.

37. Alha jogaérth Gorakhnath sang Kalinjar gaman.

88. Chand bhavishya varnana.

Sir H. Hlhot, in his Bibliographical Index, has a note apropos to

Rashid-u-din’s mention of Kajraha, which may be here quoted as

bearing on Cantos I and IL. “ Kajraha. Its real name is Kajraéi, on

the banks of the Ken, between the Chatterpur and Panna, said to have

been founded by the great parent of the Chandel race. The ruined

temples of Kajrai are of great antiquity and interest. They are

described in the Mahoba Sama, and there said to have been built by

Hamoti, upon the occasion of her having held a Banda jag, or

penitential sacrifice. She had committed a little faua pas with the

moon in human shape, and, as a self-imposed punishment for her

indiscretion, held a Banda jag, a part of which ceremony consists in

sculpturing indecent representations on the walls of temples, and

holding up ones own foibles to the disgust and ridicule of the world.

Hamoti was the daughter of Hemraj, spiritual adviser to Indraji,

122 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No. 2,

Gaharwar Raja of Benares.” It is strange to find a scholar like Sir

H. Elliot guilty of so many inaccuracies in one short paragraph: for

Sama read Samay, for Hamoti, Hemavati, for Banda, Bhandav, from

the root bhand, to divide, and for Indrajt, Indrajit. The legend of

Hemavati’s amour with the moon is related at full length in the first

canto of the Prithiraéj rayasa, which I now proceed to translate.

Here the river Ken, or Cane ag it stands in our barbarous maps,

appears in its original form as Karnavati, and the city of Kajrai is

called Kharjinpur or Khajjurpur.

Translation of Canto I of the Prithirdj-rdyasa (Benares MS.)

I reverence the gracious feet of Ganesh, Ganga and Gauri by whose

slightest favour, highest wisdom is attained. Getting unutterable

lore, I sing the glory of Raghupati; after Ganesh and Guirija, not

unmindful of the great bard Valmiki. Valmiki composed the Ramayana;

Vyasa uttered the Mahabharat ; their works are renowned throughout

the world; the Mahabharat has spread through the universe. Men

reckon the Mahabharat at 100,000 verses ; the poet Chand, in as many,

celebrates the fame of the Chauhans. The king, a second Duryodhan,

with his hundred knights inaugurating an era; in asecond Mahabharat

the poet Chand records his achievements. With the Tomar king were

‘four godlike sages, lights of the world, lights of the court, endued

with the sin-destroying splendours of Hari and Vyasa; four lights

born in the world, of pure and boundless wisdom, Vyasa the son of

Pardsar incarnate in four portions.

With the foes of hares and deer (@. e. chitds) with the kings of the

feathered tribe (@. e. hawks) and innumerable dogs, Anangapéla set out

towards the north to hunt. On the bank of the mountain stream he

espied a dense forest, abode of the king of beasts; thither the

monarch turned. Spells, charms and prayers, even the chase itseli,

are forgotten: such a marvel met the king’s gaze in the forest. A

ram of vast strength, that would dash through a thousand armies,

was fighting with eight tigers, and scattered them all. <A hind,

conceiving strange fury in her breast, wildly butting the eight tigers

on the ground, rushed on to the attack and, leaving her young, tore up

the ground with her antlers. The king, astonished at the sight,

called for Vyasa: “How can aram fight a tiger? tell me, noblest of

Brahmans. A ram has but little might, yet now consider it well, he

1868. ] The Poems of Chand Barday. 123

has fought for a whole watch and come off victorious.” “ Standing

on Seshandga’s head the ram was strong; what are eight tigers? he

could vanquish a thousand. (Part of the next couplet is obscure. I

give it therefore in the original.)

winaia aa faa at atat ater Sa

agra fRake ae wa Bela aaa

High or low, on whomsoever rests the favour of the king of the

serpents, his power stands firm.” Anangapdla, having heard and

considered the words of Vyasa, sent and summoned 2000 workmen,

in his delight distributed rich presents, and, in an auspicious hour,

commenced building a palace, mindful of Vydsa’s words. The king

demanded 100 sers of iron and had it hammered well, then the smiths

were speedily summoned, who made a shaft five hands long. The

king took the shaft, well hammered as it was and five hands long, and

drove it in; three fingers breadth of the point passed into Seshandga’s

forehead. According to Vyasa’s instructions, the king had had it well

worked with the hammers, and had ordered a sharp point wherewith

to pierce Seshandga’s head like a deer ora fish. Said Vyasa: “O

king, the spike is in Seshandga’s head, now rule at ease with unpre-

cedented sway.” Said Vyasa; ‘There will be a plot, O Tomar

Raja, be prudent, and give an order that the shaft be not removed.”

“The advice is good ;” so saying he too went away home with Vyasa,

for the fair Hemavati had come to meet him. The great sage

Vyasa sings of the sacrificial preparations made by Janamenjaya:

how can fate be annulled, says the poet Chand. Ramchandra, lord of

the three worlds, was deceived by the golden deer: look again at

Bali and the dwarf: Fate is a word of power. Seshanaga called to his

younger brother Tachhak : “ Exert yourself to get this spike out of

my head. Hear, brother Tachhak, and attend; an iron spike has

been driven into my head, put in practice all the four stratagems of

war, and rid me of this spike, my brother.’ Tachhak was pleased

when he heard Seshandga’s wise and courteous speech: “the spike

must come out to-day, think well of it and exert yourself.”

How Tachhak took leave of Seshandga and disquised himself as a

Brahman.

“Assume the dress of a Brahman with soft and plausible words,

pretending that the events of yesterday are an-absurdity, go before the

124 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No. 2,

Tomar king.” Tachhak was glad when he heard the speech of the

serpent king, and taking a book in his hand, and binding his hair in

a knot, he assumed the guise of a Brahman. With a white dhoti, a

garland on his breast, and sandals on his feet, started the serpent,

repeating the four Vedas. With great composure repeating the Vedas,

fountain of all wisdom, putting the people on one side, he came to the

Tomar king. When Tachhak saw the Raja, raising his hands on high

and still repeating the Veda, he gave him his blessing ; and the Raja

being much gratified, saluted him lowly : “ Ask whatever gift thy soul

desires.” Then said the Brahman: “If I may ask what I will, I

have heard a wonderful story, concerning that, O king, will I ask.

Listen to me, wise monarch; what wonderful fancy has come into

your head ? come tell me plainly, and put an end to doubt.” ‘ Hear

then, O Brahman, in one word a marvellous story: a spike driven

into the ground has entered Seshandga’s head.” Said the Brahman,

“This cannot be true.” ‘‘ Hear, O Brahman, this is no doubt the

Kali Jug, but Vyasa cannot speak false, greatest of astrologers,

perfect in science.” ‘‘ The spike is no more in Seshandga’s head than

it is in mine:” the Brahman pulled out his stake and threw it down.

“Tf the spike is in Seshanéga’s forehead, then cut off my head.”

When the king heard this, he had the shaft pulled up: the king saw

blood flow, and at once drew his sword. Drawing the sword from its

sheath, the king became violently enraged, but looking round could

seeno one: Tachhak had vanished into the earth. The Tomar’s day

set with the shaking of the shaft ; blood welled up like a fountain, and

poured along the ground. Sun, moon and stars tottered; an awful

voice was heard. As Vyasa had predicted, Delhi met its fate. The

serpent king, and the hope of the Tomar dynasty, flew away : then

came Vyasa lamenting with loud voice: ‘‘O King, once favoured of

fortune, your word has been broken through craft.” The king stood

astounded. Then spoke Vyasa again: ‘‘ Hear, O king. Tachhak has

craftily accomplished Seshanaga’s deliverance, and has escaped. Jana-

menjaya at the time of sacrifice directed his intention against his

father’s enemies, and recited charms by which they came and threw

themselves into the fire. By the protection of the king of the gods,

there escaped to the heavenly city this crafty one, this Tachhak,

rescued by Indra and Brahma; being born of Kasyapa, as all the

1868.] The Poems of Chand Barday. 125

world knows, what greater power this serpent has, he inherits from

Brahma.” Then the Tomar Raja spoke and said: ‘‘ This I did not

know: now tell me what plan is best by which to remedy the evil

that has been done.’”’ Then the Raja, cursing his folly, deeply

grieving in heart, listened while Vydsa expounded to him the future.

How Vydsa expounded the future to the Tomar Raja.

“There shall be a tremendous war between the Chauhans and

Chandels; blood shall flow in torrents, flooding the whole earth.

Power will be exhausted in the conflict between the Chauhdng and

the Rahtors, then the sovereignty shall pass to the Muhammadans.”

The Tomar Raja, clasping his hands, said: “O excellent in wisdom,

seeing that my rule is over, tell me what shall befal in the

times to come after me.’’ “The Dwdépar age has passed; the Kali

Jug, as all know, has come upon the earth, and in the character of

Duryodhan, the Chauhan takes birth. The Chauhan shall war

with the Chandel, iron clashing against iron; earth loses a fraction of

the weight upon her head. With Prithirdj are a hundred heroes,

men of valour, giants incarnate; on the other side the gallant Chandel

princes: then Valla and Salla take birth.” ‘In what family shall

Salla and Valla be born ?” asked the Raja. Answered Vy4sa, the great

sage: “QO glory of the Tomar line, great and righteous king, the

prayer of earth was heard of old, when in the form of a cow, fair of

hue, with gleaming hoofs and budding horns, she came before

Brahma and cried: ‘In the Satya Jug Hari, with his discus, had

battle with and slew the great serpent Kali; in the Treta Jug, Rima

scattered the hosts of Kumbhakarna and Ravan; in the Dwapar Jug

was the war between the sons of Kuru and Pandu, when the son of

Jadu took a whole mountain off my head : now in this era of Kali

Jug remove a portion of my burden? O Brahma. ‘The times are very

evil; the ocean of existence is illimitable; hear, O Chaturadnan, and

consider; remove the burden from my head.’ As you desire the

incarnation of Valla and Salla, in the Bandphar line Alha and Udal

appear. Prithiraj the Chauhan marches upon Mahoba, and, breathing

fury, rages against the enemy. Siva dances in exultation, with

a garland on his breast; while witches fill their urns from fathomless

rivers of blood. Deep flow the streams of gore; the Chandels fight

gallantly ; no one turns his back; it is a conflict of heroes.”

126 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No. 2,

[ The passage that here follows is rather obscure, and I do not quite

see how some parts of it are to be rendered. Accordingly, as it

enters into my plan to give a specimen of the original text, I take

this for the purpose. It will be found at the end of the paper: I

resume the translation from the point where the transcript breaks off. ]

Then the Raja in astonishment enquired of the noble sage: “ How

can Chhatris spring from Brahmans? Tell me, O Brahman, the two

lines from the union of which these Chhatris were produced,” said

the great king Anangapdéla. Said Vydésa, when he heard the king’s

words, “ Conceive no amazement in your mind: as God ordains, so

events befall. Attend, O Tomar king, while I declare the Gahar-

war genealogy ; afterwards I will relate the origin of the Chandels.

The Gaharwérs were seated at Kashi; their name and descent hear

first, O king ; then I will pass on to the Chandels. Karuchandra was

the Gaharwar king of Kashi; under his sway all the people dwelt in

peace and content. A just man and righteous was king Chandra.

His son was Ransifh, beautiful as Kamadeva; the son of Ransiih

was prince Jagannath; he took fort Ratn by craft from the Asuras.

His son Ransiih, with great powers, assaulted and took Sumarant.

His son was the beneficent Surasiih, a monarch like Murari. Of

him was born king Indrajit, to whom Vindhya Devi manifested

herself. In this Raja’s court were many Brahmans, amongst them

the gracious Hemraj, to whom a daughter was born : who can describe

her? Born in the holy city of Kashi, she received the name of

Hemavati, most lovely, in form a chitrani, of most amiable disposition.

This charming Hemavati grew up in the reign of the Gaharwar king.

In the summer season, when the sun’s rays were at their hottest, the

moon rose upon her view. The moon came and manifested himself

to Hemavati; the maiden trembled with sudden cold and blushed

beneath his gaze. Bright shone the pendants in her ears and the

jewels in her hair; on her forehead a patch of sandal wood; on her

bosom a garland of flowers. The ear-rings glisten; the flowers are

pure white, bright is the gleam between her parted hair; lovely her

whole attire. As she loitered with her fair companions, the moon-

beams toyed with her person. She knew not the dalliance. But

deep was the curse which the damsel uttered. The moon stayed and

cried, “Fair maid, be comforted ; curse me not, for thy son shall be a

1868. ] The Poems of Chand Barday. 127

king; his sway shall be universal; no sickness shall touch his body.

Hundreds and thousands of kings shall acknowledge his power.

’ So saying, the king

Pause, lady, and consider ; attend to my words.’

of the stars was departing, but the damsel cried, ‘‘ Stay, tell me by

what means to remove the stain I have incurred.” Answered the

moon, ‘‘O lady, be not distressed.” Quick asa lightning flash she

grasped her lover by the hand.

An episode, The Rdjé asks Vydsa whether the damsel lived with

her lover or was separated from him, and at what time this dalliance

with the moon took place ; and Vydsa tells the king.

The rishi relates how many years the damsel stayed in company

with her lord, and at what season the meeting with the moon occurred.

After sixteen years, through the curse of Indra, the lady became a

widow. It was in the fiery month of Jeth, when it is pleasant to be

bathing all day long, that the moon to gratify his passion, came down

and embraced her; the whole night was spent in sweet dalliance, yet

such is the divine power, the maiden knew it not. As the ocean-born

was leaving, she ran and séized him by the hand: ‘‘ Is it thus you leave

me? mine has been the disgrace, be your’s the curse.”’ The Brah-

man’s daughter ran and seized the Brahman’s king (é. e., the moon)

crying “ Who is this that has come, making me thus criminal ?

Wretched that I am without a lord; in one day wedded and widowed.

The wild sea spreads wide before me; there will I plunge: who will

drag me again to the shore ? so the stain of sin shall be washed from

my body. Of what avail to avert the inevitable have been my ablutions

in Kartik and Magh? ‘Tell me quickly some remedy: I am not such

a one as the wife of Gautama.’’ Then spoke the starry lord, the

moon, lovely monarch of the night, and addressed the damsel: ‘ O

lady, thy son, noble in mind and body, shall be born a hero on the

bank of the Karnavati. Then proceed to Kharjimpur; there give

alms and offer sacrifices ; so a king shall reign at Mahoba, with many

horses, many cows, many warrior knights; with an army complete in

all four departments, crushing the hosts of his enemies, truly a great

king, whose sway shall be boundless. Then having acquired the

philosopher’s stone, transforming all things to pure gold, he shall

erect statues and temples and excavate a spacious lake. Then after

founding the fort of Kalinjar, he shall abandon the body, and attain

128 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No. 2,

heaven, leaving his body in Kalinjar, and by death acquiring nirvana.”

Said the damsel: “ But I have been ravished: my son shall be born

a king, but I shall be lost in hell. O cruel, treacherous lord of night,

T am sunk in an ocean of grief, speedily shall my curse fall upon thee:

speak, wretch that thou art.’”” Then said the ruler of night: “ What

was ordained has come to pass: fate cannot be annulled; this even

the gods admit. Sixteen sons shall be born to thee, great and

munificent kings; the Bhandav sacrifice shall be celebrated with

liberal gifts.”” Then the monarch of the stars instructed her: “ O lady,

obey my advice; quickly leave this city and go to Kalinjar. And in

Kalinjar tarry not many days, but remaining only a short time,

Then he bestowed on her a charm and

proceed to the Karnavati.’

comforted her, saying “ Whenever thou shalt recite this, then I will

be near thee. Brahma has declared that Hemavati’s son shall be the

greatest of Chhatriya kings ; his sway shall extend to the bounds of

the ocean.” So saying, the king of the stars vanished, while Hemavati

pondered the spell.

Leaving Kashi she came to Kalinjar, and there rested four months,

bathing in the sacred stream, and invoking all the gods on behalf of

her son. Then quitting Kalinjar, she came to a village, her fair body

glistening bright as the moon. Towards day-break, on Monday the

11th of the light fortnight of Baisékh, king Chandra-brahma was

born. Joyous strains of mystic purport sounded in the air, and the

happy gods from their chariots rained down flowers. The rivers

flowed milk; soft, cool and fragrant breathed the air, when Hemavati’s

son was born; the whole world heard of it. The best of omens

came to the daughter of Hemraj; her left side throbbed: then

appeared the lord of night. Brihaspati too arrived, midst the songs of

the Kinnars: Hemavati fell at his feet : her lord thus addressed her.

(The next four lines are obscure and I quote them in the original.)

art WHat Ga Wa ae Hafa aifs frex

AST VS ATI ACACAT feaa TSrqre

fagrarefa arqafte Sararct As

usta ga Feat SLT BTS GATE

The teacher of the gods wrote the horoscope, while the goddesses

sang gladsome strains: then the son of Angira read it aloud. The

divine orchestra played as he read; flowers rained upon the earth ; the

1868.] The Poens of Chand Barday. 129

apsaras danced for joy. ‘‘ A son has been born in the line of the moon,

who shall tread the path of the golden age; his: sway shall extend to

the ocean, great poets shall sing his fame. . Celebrating sacrifices,

lavishing gifts, earth shall find in him a sovereign lord: Chandra-

brahma has been born to the moon in the city of Khajinpur.”

When the sage had thus spoken, the gods all departed to their several

seats.

Every day Chandra-brahma grew in beauty, Kamadeva incarnate.

All the people of Khajinpur were astonished as they gazed upon his

face: ‘ This son of a widowed Brahman woman, has with ease slain

a tiger.” The boy was ten years old when he set for Kedar: there

he spied an enormous tiger and slew it. As the strong tiger-could

not be seized, the king victoriously encountered it: the glorious son

of the moon slew it with his sword twelve hands in length. The

resolute prince left the king of that district and arrived at Khajinpur,

where he related the encounter to Alhan. Queen Hemavati came

and took him to her bosom, and recited the spell; the lord of night

appeared. The moon kissed his son’s face, having called his chariot

near; then Chandra-brahma received from him the philosopher’s

stone. Mainaka danced for joy with her fair companions; glad

strains are heard. The happy Hemavati brings her due offerings of

flowers, fruit and water; all the gods unite to establish the throne-of

Chandra-brahma, With one accord exclaiming, ‘ Long live the king’ ;

and repeating potent spells, they called the noble prince and instructed

him in kingly polity, ‘Who can have enjoyment that associates

with a man who is hump-backed, or lame, or who has black teeth, or

who is a leper, or crooked, or deaf, or foolish, or very dull, or a sensual-

ist, or a false friend, meanest of all men? hear my advice, O: prince, let

not such persons come near thee, nor do thou go near them. This is

the purport of all the eighteen Puranas. Poets and sages and all the

world declare, the society of such men brings no good. (The two next

lines are obscure :)

Vaasa SaaLAIITsT Ta

FATA MRATATAH Satya y

Encourage ingenious poets, with them is excellent wisdom; with

them, O prince, converse ; keep also about thee knights and warriors.

Give not thy mind too much to the chase; shed dignity on thy royal

130 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No 2,

estate. Consider first virtue and the practices of religion; be not a

slave to the populace ; keep thine eyes ever wakeful and thoughtfully

observe many countries. Conceal thy emotions both of love and hate,

at the time acting a part. Whether affection or resentment have the

upper hand, remember that time tames not. Be strenuous to restrain self-

complacency, and speak reverently before the altar of battle.” Having

thus instructed him in kingly polity, the lord of wealth exclaimed :

Reign over thousands, and hundreds of thousands, discarding all doubt

and distrust. All lands exult, the heavenly choirs sing for joy at thy

glory, O Chandra-brahma, imperishable in the world.” Stayimg a

moment, the moon called to him his wife and son: “ Know ofa

surety, O lady, the words of Brahma cannot fail.” So spoke the

glorious lord of night. She rose and touching his feet, said, ‘‘O my

lord, hear this my vow, the name of Brahma shall never cease from

the family.” The son of ocean departed and calling the bounteous god

of wealth sent him with the stone. The lady gave it to her son,

telling him its virtues in full: there was singing amongst the gods in

the heavenly city when the story was told to Chandra-brahma.

According to the instructions, he took the stone and applied it; and

with the masses of gold thus produced proceeded to Kalinjar.

When king Chandra-brahma had reached seventeen years of age,

he bathed at Kalinjar and adored Nilkanth. There innumerable

Brahmans came crowding to visit the king: none understood the

mystery of his origin and body of purest gold. When he saw the

Brahmans, he sent for a hundred millions of gold pieces and bestowed

them himself a king upon the kings of earth; it is beyond me to tell

even the half of his munificence. With 30,000 heroes an invasion

was made; in little more than 12 hours he subdued both countries,

Sihura and Gahor, and with an immense train of horses, cows and

bulls returned to Kaélinjar. The Gaharwar fled im terror, deserting

Kashi: the godlike Chandra-brahma annexed every dominion.

“¢ Tell me, noble sage, what virtue there is in Kalinjar, that bathing

there gives access to the heavenly city ?”’ He answered: In the Satya

Jug called Mahatgiri, in the Treta Pingalday, in the Dwapar Swargrae

in the Kali Jug, it receives the name of Kalinjar. Religious pilgrim-

age may be made to many sacred places; the virtues of a million

are inherent in Mrigadhara. By beholding, touching and bathing iu

1868.] The Poems of Chand Barday. 131

that sacred stream, man is purified permanently from sin and error.

It possesses in a pre-eminent degree the virtue of many tiraths: he

who worships there with pure intent, performs a most meritorious

act.

As the king reclined upon his couch of kusa grass, the gods came

and blessed him: “‘ Build a fort upon my holy mountain, then reign

for twenty generations.’” When he heard the gracious words that

proceeded from the mouth of the gods, he set heart, tongue and body

to work at the foundation of the city. He hada fort built in four

courts, with a splendid gate to each, with frowning towers of vast

dimensions. Then he collected for the fort, stores of all eight metals,

with guns and men to look after them, and placed the stores in order,

hallowing the work with prayer. Then he cleared the ground from

blocks of stone and dressed it, and set up an enormous figure of a

lion; lastly gave alms in great profusion, for alms-giving brings with

it a blessing.

There still remain 14 stanzas to the end of the canto, but I think

it unnecessary to translate them, since they are nothing but an

enumeration of the grain, live-stock and other stores, including balls

and powder for the guns above mentioned, which were stowed away

in the fort. This mention of fire-arms is certainly curious: Sir H.

Elliot in his Bibliographical Index quotes from the Kanauj-khand

three passages of five or six lines each, in which the words dtish,

zambur and top occur, and says ‘‘it appears to me evident that the

passages where these are mentioned are spurious and interpolated, to

accommodate the poem to the knowledge of subsequent ages.’’ He

adds, however, that the verses in other respects have anything but a

modern ring, and the same may be said of the lines with which my

translation concludes.

Thad expected to find a large intermixture of Persian words in

these poems; since some scholars who condemn the pedantic use of

pure Hindi in modern composition, have defended their practice by

the example of Chand, the father of vernacular literature. However,

in the canto now translated, I have detected only eight foreign

words; viz. jahdan, the world; zdhir, manifest ; both occurring in

one line; sher, a lion; sahm, fear, ima doubtful passage: and baz,

a hawk; jurra, a hawk, kadd, size and Ahiydl, thought, all of which

132 The Poems of Chand Barday. [No. 2,

come close together at the end of the canto. Later on in the poem,

Persian words may be rather more frequent.

As for my translation, I have done my best to keep close to the

original ; but a poem, like the Prithiraj-rayasa, intended expressly for

recitation, and composed in a ballad metre with many words thrown

in more for sound than sense, scarcely admits of literal rendering.

The narrative too is occasionally very abrupt in its transitions,

briefly alluding to events which require to be known in detail before

the ambiguous allusions can be interpreted ; while the language is of

a most archaic type and the text exceedingly corrupt. The necessary

result of all these circumstances is, that my rendering of several

passages is little more than conjectural.

The few lines to which I have been unable to attach any definite

meaning, and which I have therefore reproduced in their original form,

are probably more or less corrupt. I hope some scholar will exercise

his ingenuity, and favour the Society with a translation both of them

and of the longer continuous passage with which I now conclude this

paper.

ez RATS HRY BSAA Z|

qaRata we Slr SAT CANT FI

<OeKt BH GF a ACUTE S|

waa sifass AIT ae Co

Te are fama We we ara St

ata ahs Gea a Heals aT ae

Taqacy wa Sire Sarat Sy e |

ufcaea AARTH GAT GC Ay SI

ca are ga wedy on are &

fatay wit fae aaa FE Wat SI

Sret WEI HUTS BI Brava Gfcag |

SES ol WITHS TH HTC Fay Ts I

aarea grat wear aa elas

WATT TA AC aya 73 are Wa Ura |

Taya irearitqate atecart fat STE |

ar aaa aifea Wet SACS HT ATE

aca fasrat ayant we dadea |

Wa va fat ce Sa at ae Sete |

1868.] The Poems of Chand Barday. 133

List of some of the more unusual words, Sanscrit, Prakrit and

Provincial, occurring in the canto translated.

Chhand, Prakrit, for sévaka, the young of any animal.

Uttamdng, Sanscrit compound, the head.

Sandha, a palace, S.

Chhanhant, for akshauhint, an army.

Viya, or biya, a particle of asseveration: see Varamchi’s Prakrita

Prakasa, ix. 3.

Badav, a Brahman, 8.

Pdanwari, sandals.

Nakkat, putting on one side? from nakk, a S. root, given in the

dictionaries without any authoritative reference for its meaning.

Aghdt, a crashing sound.

Tha for tum : thako for tumhard.

Bhd, for main, I.

Rauran, for tumhara.

Vatt, Prakrit, for vartd, original of modern bat, a word.

Puhumi, for prithivi, the earth.

Sat, for s’at, 100. Shodas, 16, S.

Pith-thal, for Prithi raj.

Go, the earth, S.

Kumudvant, epithet of the moon.

Gulak, an ear-ring.

Sukra-mds, the month Jeth, S.

Bamd, a woman, S.

Chhonip, a king.

Chhandna, for chhorna, to leave.

Madhav, the month Baisakh, 8.

Paydn, for pavan, wind.

Bhindapdl, a kind of spear, 8S.

Pdnwar, low, mean.

Ankdr, for ahamkdra, conceit.

Dwait, doubt, S.

Nah, for nath, a lord,

Bard, a bull.

Gury, for bury ? a bastion.

Jinddam, for jandrd ? a pitch-fork or rake.

S’rag, for asrij, sangins.

134 The Poems of Chand Barday [No. 2,

Note on the Chandel Rajds of Mahoba.

In the second canto of the poem the descent of Parmél the last

Chandel king of Mahoba is traced up to Hemayati through 20 genera-

tions, which was the number specified in the prophecy. The line

stands as follows: 1. Hemavati and the moon god; 2. Chandra-

brahma. He founds Kalinjar and Khajinpur with 85 temples and

101 lakes: marries Chandravali; settles at Mahoba; 8. Bar-brahma;

he builds Barigarh; 4. Par-brahma; 5. Rup-chandra-brahma; 6.

Braj-brahma; 7. Rip-bel-brahma 8. Man-brahma; 9. Jag-brahma ;

10. Gydn-brahma; 11. Sujan-brahma; 12. Jay-satyan-brahma; 13.

Jag-jat-brahma; 14. Kil-brahma; 15. Stiraj-brahma; 16. Janriip-

brahma; 17. Rahil-brahma. He invades Ceylon, founds Rasin,

marries Rajymati; 18. Madan-brahma; 19. Kirat-brahma; 20. Par-

mal. Being ashamed of his origin, he drops the affix Brahma and in

consequence loses his raj.

Mainpuri, October 17th, 1868.

Authors of Armenian Grammars, from the earliest stages of Arme-

nian literature up to the present day.—By Jowannes AvyDALL,

Oi, WE Al, Sh

[Received 30th July, 1868. ]

A brief sketch of the rise and progress of Armenian literature will,

it is hoped, not be deemed altogether uninteresting. Agathangelus

was the first who wrote a history. of the life and exploits of the

Armenian king Tiridates, towards. the close of the third century of

the Christian era. He was of Greek extraction, and well acquainted

with the Armenian language. Before that period, it cannot be said

that the Armenians had a literature of their own. Some popular and

rural songs were extant, commemorative of heroes and heroic achieve-

ments. At this period, there was no Armenian alphabet. Conse-

quently the Armenians used the Greek, Pelhevic and Syriac characters.

The Armenian alphabet was invented in the beginning of the fourth

century by the intelligence and efforts of St. Mesrop. Although

some odd and uncouth letters were in existence, bearing the name of

1868.] Authors of Armenian Grammars. 135

their inventor Daniel, they were altogether incomplete, and all the

vowels were wanting. The invention or perfection of the Arme-

mian alphabet was soon followed by the establishment of schools, the

formation of literary and scientific societies, the translation of the

holy scriptures into Armenian from the original Greek and Syriac,

and by the production of original works, such as history, biography,

grammar, theology, geography, &c. During these days the Armenians

generally used the grammar of Dionysius of Thrace, which was

originally written in Greek and translated into Armenian by David,

surnamed the invincible philosopher. The Armenian grammar has

only two numbers, singular and plural, but David attempted to

introduce into it the dual number, in imitation of the Greek. The

idiom of the Armenian language, however, did not admit of this

extraordinary innovation.

Subsequent to this, the grammar of Moses -R&pféez the gramma-

rian was prepared and introduced into all the Armenian schools,

which was, in the course of a short time, generally studied, and

became a popular class-book. Moses Khorenensis [Pafubu fuopkiwnf

is supposed by contemporary historians to be the author of this

grammar.

Gregorius Magistratus, who flourished in the eleventh century,

compiled another grammar from those that were already extant.

This was also introduced into the schools of that period.

Johannes of Hzinka, of the thirteenth century, wrote a new

grammar by the help of a dictionary compiled by Dr. Aristakes. In

this new work, the author has compiled and mentioned all that was

worthy of note and useful from the preceding grammars. Gregor

Tathevensis Suw{¢hugh of the thirteenth century, produced a commen-

tary on the grammar of Aristakes and his coadjutor George.

Jacob of Ghrim Sehop gphdkgh is the author of a grammar, in

which he has taken a great deal of pains in dilating upon punctuation

and accentuation. A grammar is also extant without date, supposed

to be a compilation by the (Jep4ewgz Deacon Johannes. In like

manner, another grammar is in existence, the authorship of which

is ascribed to Priest Cachattr. The foregoing are the authors of

Armenian grammars, who flourished n Armenia prior to the four-

136 Authors of Armenian Grammars. [No. 2,

teenth century. I shall now proceed to give a concise account of those

who followed them in the subsequent centuries.

Among Europeans, Franciscus Rivola of Milan, composed an

Armenian and Latin grammar, which was printed in 1624. Being

himself a foreigner, he seems to have taken a great deal of pains in

preparing his book, which is not, however, without errors.

Another grammar was compiled in Armenian and Latin by Clement

Galanus, which was printed in Rome in 1645, It is more compre-

hensive, and less abounds with inaccuracies than that of Rivola. A

treatise on Logic is also appended to this work.

Doctor Voscan ()ofut fupqzuuyfn published an abridgment of Arme-

nian grammar in Amsterdam in 1666.

An epitome of Armenian grammar, under the name of S’imon,

native of Julpha, was printed in Constantinople in 1725. Johannes

Jacob the Priest, surnamed joy Declension, wrote an Armenian

grammar in Latin, for the use of Huropean students, which was»

published in Rome in 1675. Cachatur Vertabed of Erzerum, published F

an Armenian grammar in Aligornia in 1696.

Johannes Vertabed of Julpha, compiled a short grammar,, accom-

panied by a treatise on Logic, which was printed in Amsterdam in 1711.

Johannes Joachim Schroder, a native of Holland, studied the

Armenian lauguage with unceasing application, and the greatest

avidity by bishop Thomas of Gokhten and his nephew Lucas. He

published an Armenian grammar with Latin exposition at Amsterdam

in 1711, under the title of (.padbu Lbgorf Q.urd “ THEsauRus

Lincuar ArMenecAE AntTiquan ET Hopimrnaz,” with a copious voca-

bulary and entertaining Dialogues in modern Armenian. Being an

excellent oriental scholar, he was competent to criticise the gram-

matical works of his predecessors, and to note their inaccuracies and

defects.

Jacobus Villotte, from the Society of Jesus, published in 1714 at

Rome, a Latin and Armenian Dictionary with an elementary grammar.

He was, for several years, a Jesuit Missionary among the Armenians.

The great bulk of his book is a proof of the vast amount of labour he

has bestowed on its preparation and completion.

Subsequently a more enlarged and improved grammar was published

by Mechithar, the founder of the Mechitharistic Society in Venice in

the year 1750.

1868.] Authors of Armenian Grammars. 137

Deacon Balthasar published an Armenian grammar at Constanti-

nople in 1736.

? During the close of the eighteenth century, when the cultivation of

Armenian literature was appreciated far and wide, not only among

the Armenians themselves, but also by~ several learned Huropean

orientalists, Father Michael Chamich’s grammar was published in the

year 1779, which was hailed with the greatest avidity and enthusiasm

by the Armenian literati as the most complete work ofits kind. It

was introduced into all the schools, superseding the use of all the

other grammars previously published.

In 1815 another grammar appeared, by Gabriel Avietick, member

of the Mechitharistic Society of Venice. Although its first part is

written in the modern or vernacular Armenian, the another has taken

a great deal of pains to throw more light on the ancient literature

of Armenia by a careful reference to rare manuscripts of antiquity,

which have been discovered, subsequent to the publication of Father

Chamich’s grammar.

Jacob Shahan Cirbied published his Armenian grammar in Paris

inthe year 1823, under the title, “‘ Grammaire de la lingue Arme-

nienne.”’ Its publication elicited a violent correspondence between

the author and his critics.

In 1826 Ter Arratoon Ter Mesrop published an Armenian gram-

mar in Constantinople nearly in imitation of Chamich, for the use of

Armenian schools of that city.

Father Paschal Aucher, of the Mechitharistic Society of Venice

published an Armenian and English grammar and vice versd, in Venice

in 1819 and 1832, by the assistance of Lord Byron and of John

Brand, Hsq., A. M. of the University of Cambridge, with copious

selections from the best Armenian authors in chronological order.

Doctor Michael Salanth, of the Armenian College of Moscow, published

in 1827, a comprehensive grammar in two volumes. The publication

of this work met with a most favorable reception from the Armenian

literati of Russia. The author, however, is severely critical on the

slight inaccuracies of Father Michael Chamich.

In 1847, appeared another grammar, short, simple, plain and easy,

from the pen of Mackertich Emin, Esq., formerly of Calcutta but

now Principal of the Imperial College of Oriental Languages in Moscow.

138 Authors of Armenian Grammars. [No. 2,

A brief Armenian and Latin grammar was published in Berlin

in 1841 by that eminent orientalist and accomplished Armenian

scholar, Jul. Henr. Petermann. It is accompanied with a copious

glossary, which does no small credit both to the head and heart of the

distinguished author. He is now in the Holy Land, as Prussian

Consul General. His efforts,in search of scriptural antiquities and

rare ancient Armenian manuscripés will, it is hoped, be crowned with

success.

In the year 1830, an Armenian grammar was published in Calcutta,

with notes and copious English glossary, by the author of the present

article, chiefly intended for youths educated in India.

In the year 1844, appeared the Polyglott grammar, in Arabic,

Persian, Turkish and Tartar languages, with copious critical and

philological notes, Par Le P. Minas Médici. It is highly prized by

orientalists and learned Societies of Hurope.

A full and comprehensive grammar was published in Venice in

1852, by Doctor Arsen Comitas Bagratuni, the oldest and most

eminent member of the Mechitharistic Society of Venice, abounding

in philosophical commentaries and philological observations. It is

more intended for the advanced student, than as a class-book for

schools. The author was deservedly distinguished for the profundity

of his erudition. He was one of the brightest luminaries that ever

shone in the horizon of Armenian literature. He died in the year 1866,

at the advanced age of 77 years, but his works will perpetuate his

name to prosperity among his countrymen.

Rev. A. Kurken, M. M., of the Mechitharistic Society of Venice

published in 1853, an English and Armenian grammar, with copious

examples from English authors. This work is considered very useful

for beginners. In conclusion, I also think it necessary to add, that

since the year 1840, up to the present day, a great variety of

elementary grammars have been published by the indefatigable

members of the Mechitharistic Societies of Venice and Vienna, in

Armenian and French, Armenian and German, Armenian and Latin,

Armenian and Italian, and Armenian and Russian languages, which

will greatly tend to facilitate the study of the Armenian language by

European scholars.

INDEX TO PART If.

—<=aiiea—

Abdul Wasi’ of Hénsah,

Abdurrashid of Tattah,

Abt Naer of Farah,

Adat ul fuzala,

Agha Ahmad ’Ali of Chic see

Akbavr’s Parsi tendencies, ...

Anan-ra-hta, king of Burma,

Anji (or Inju), ..

Ardsher of Kirmén, a Parsi priest,

Armenian Grammars, Authors of, ... 500

Arzt, the poet, ee

Avdall, Mr. J., on Armenian Grammars,

Ayaz, slave of Mahmud,

Azad, the poet, ...

Bahar i ’Ajam, oes neg

Baqai, the poet, ... Ane aiite Bae

Bhedari, ... S ae

Blochmann, Mr. H., on Dore eee

Burhan Qati’, g

Burma Race, History of the, ‘ A:

Chand Barday, Poems of, ack oe P00

Chandrarekha garh,

Chirégh i Hidayat,

Dzeyatheinkha, 2.0 ws

Faizi of Sirhind, _... a

Farhang i Jahangirf, —....

Farhang i Rashidi, ...

Farhang i Shut, Oe

Gaganesvar Temple contre into a Mosque,

Garcin de Tassy, pea ba0

v1 Index.

Page

Ghalib, the poet of Dihli, Ac 30% Ac e 19

Ghidsullughat, ... wah ere ee as oe 30

Govind Deo, Yes 76

Growse, Mr. F.S., on ane Paene of Chen eerie, SM ck

Hamzah, the sign, ... ee v3 ee

Herschel, Mr. W., on Gapaneent Temple a ee ee 73

Hindi words, list oft in Chand, ves eee ves) ae

Indian peculiarities of the Persian language,. ... oon hae 35

Interchange of Uis and Jia, 560 ie waa 8

Isti’mal i Hind, ee see ue at eater 32

Izéfat in Persian, ... oe ae, we vole 49

Jaméluddin Husain Anji... ee fats Pi 173) C0

Johnson’s Persian Dictionary, ... “ds a Bee Al

Kanaran, The Tribe of, ... Bac aes ss eee (ih

Karambera, The, ive bbe He ae wt 75

Kashfullughat, ... ee see Be Le oe 9

K won-tshau-kyting-phyt, ie ie ae ace 86

Kyatswa, or Dhammaradza, Ae Aa sett ae ea

Kye-tso,. ... a0 od aie beans fe

Lane’s Arabic Dieu is ts sony eee 1

Lataifullughat, aie 280 ao Vs a Baie 32

Let-ya-meng-nan restored, ee ie Bere et a

List of Persian Dictionaries, ... ans on ant 4

List of Persian words in Chand, ann) |). tid L000 natant

Madsir ul Umara, .... ue ee ace Me 65

Madar ul afazil, eae 50 castes lu

Maharadza Wane, The History of the ws sie th Gis

Mahathambawa,... 400 ae ape hee) Meee me

Majma’ ul furs, by Surtri, gus ees oe one Lovells

Majma’ ul lughat i Khani, sae 000 alah ofa 18

Majma’ unnafais, ie aes ay wee nes (i

Mengrinarathein kha, Nts See Aes Re 99

Miftahut Tawarikh, ... nets as BE Bee 27

Mir Jaméluddin Husain, ... bag ele” seamen

Mogul Emperors, their titles after desta Bab Md 39

Mogul invasion in Burma, ae ik 2h ORG

Index.

Mranmé, the national name, ... ae sce

Muayyid i Burhan,

Muayyid ul fuzala,

Muctalahat ushshu’aré, .., ae wee

Mules, ideas regarding them, in the Tey

Mulhagat i Burhan, : 556

Muntakhab, an Arabic Dicuensee

Names given to children, indicative of thes birth,

Narathu takes the palace of Pegu, Soe

Naz o Niyaz,

Nicab uccibyan,

Persian Dialect of Turan, ...

Persian Dialect of India,

Persian Lexicography, contributions to,

Persian words in Chand,

Phayre, Col. Sir A. on the History of hs puna ae,

Pong, Kingdom of, established,

Prataépakapdlesvara Deva,... Gee mer 606

Prataparudra, =

Price, Major, Tuzuk i Thonete

Prithiraj ras, ae cos

Pugan, Legends of,

Pyin bya, Reign of, oe

Pyn, The Tribe of, Bide ae

Pyn Tsanti, History of,

—————— lineage of,

Qisi, ;

Rahéndas from the Cont

Religion of the Burmese reformed,

Roebuck, Captain, : as

Sacred book, Story of ee sce neh

Samani,

Sanscrit eaied at he time sof Lie -

Sayyid Ahmad’s Tuzuk i Jahangiri,..,

Sayyid Ghulam ’Ali of Balgram,

Sharainémah i Ibrahimi, .., eae