CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vout. LXV, Parr I. ror 1896.

_ Pace.

No. 1, (issued May I4th, 1896).

On Irregular Causai Verbs in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.—By

G. A. Grierson, C.I.H., Pu.D. ‘o

On a Copper-plate grant of Vievarupa, one of the Sena Kings of

Bengal. (With Plates I and II.).—By Nacinpranatua Vasu

Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal.—By NaGiNDRANATHA

* Vaso a

The Jesuit Mieeicns to the aporon Ansan —By E. D. Mecaneuiy

C.S. a notes recorded by The late General R. Maclagan,

No. 2, (issued September 3rd, 1896.)

The Origin of the Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet.— By NaGENDRA-

NATHA VASU ...

The Later Mughals (1707- 1808). —By aaertar iteaaae, Bengal

Civil Service (Retired) .

Supplement to Thomas's aiereelae of Dp Pathan Kir ings of Dene,

No. VI.—By Cuas. J. Ropcers, Honorary Numismatist to the

Government of India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic

Society of London, etc., (With Plates III and IV.)

Rare Mughul Coins— By Cuas. J. Ropgers, me Numismatist

etc. (With Plate V.) a3

Rare Kashmir Coins.—By Cuas. J. iPower, Honorary | Namnesneateat

etc. (With Plate VI.) .

Coins of Nimroz.—By Ouas. a Donen, Peaties iteemateet

etc. (With Plate VIL.) .. nee

114

iv Contents.

Pace.

No. 3, (issued February 17th, 1897).

Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II, of Orissa, dated 1217

Cuka.— By Nacinpranarua Vasu. (With Plates VIII—

XVII. eae abc to eee

On two Unrecorded Seulpturces in the Haste Cave, Khanaupee —

By ALEXANDER H. Cappy 272

A Tibetan Guide-book to the lost Sites of Buddha’ s Birth and Deatie

—By lL. A. Wavpett, M.B., LL.D. 275

On the Kagmirit Vowel System. i) G. Ne ‘Ciomametia C. 1H, Le S. 280

No. 4, (issued April 13th, 1897).

A list a eee Verbs.— By G. A. Gritrson, C.LE., 1.0.8. ... 306

Index .. ae 390 dss oe

hee

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part IL—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ce,

No. I.—1896.

On Irregular Causal Verbs in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.— By

G. A. Grizrson, C.LE., Pu.D.

[Read March, 1896].

In the Modern Vernaculars of Western and Central India, certain

causal verbs insert ad, anv, an J, or an 1, before or after the causal

sufix. As an example I may quote the Hindi causal verb di-l-ana,

‘to cause to give, derived from dénd, ‘ to give.’

The following is a brief summary of the distribution of these, so-

called, irregular forms.

NORTH-WESTERN FAMILY.

Sindhi. In verbs ending in 1, or th, and certain others, e.g.,

/ sikh ‘to learn,’ r is inserted after the causal @. H.g., ,/ ddi, ‘ give,’

causal, ,/ ddid-r; ./ sikh, ‘learn,’ causal 4/ sikha-r. Jf a root ends in

@, r is inserted before the causal a.

Kagmiri. Many verbs insert an before the causal Gv; e.g. ,/ pak-

an-Gv from 4/ pak, ‘go.’ Monosyllabic roots in k, m, 1 and sg, insert r

before the causal dv, thus ,/bal-r-dv, ‘heal,’ from ,/bal, ‘ be convalescent.’

Western Pavjabi. Several verbs insert an J before the causal av

e.g., / sikh-l-dv, ‘teach, ,/ pi-l-av, ‘cause to drink,’ from 4/ pi,

‘drink.’ Sometimes the 7 is inserted in the middle of the root as an

infix,e.g., from / samh ‘sleep,’ caus. / samlah, from ,/ bah, ‘sit,’

caus. / balhav.

Sade.

2 G. A. Grierson— On Irregular Causal Verbs [No. ],

CENTRAL FAMILY.

Wesr Centrat Group.

Eastern Panjabi. Here in many verbs the causal suffix du is changed

to lau or @l. H.g., / sikkh, causal, 4/ sikkha-l or Jf sikkh-l-Gu (also

spelt sikkh-a-1 sikkh-l-@u).

Gujarati. When the root contains any vowel except a or a, the

causal suffix becomes d@-d;e.g., ./ bés, ‘set,’ causal, bes-d-d. If sucha

root ends with a vowel or h, the causal suffix is vd-d, e.g., / lé, ‘take,’

causal, le-va-d.

Rajputanz. Certain monosyllabic roots, ending in a vowel take

y-Gv as the causal suffix; e.g., ,/ dé, ‘give,’ causal ,/ di-r-av.

Hindi. Monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel change the causal suffix

to la; e.g., »/ dé, causal 4/ di-l-a@. Soalso / sikh, causal 4/ stkh-l-G

or 4/ sikh-G-l (dial.) (Old Braj ,/ sikh-a-r).

These irregular forms do not occur in the Northern Group, nor in

the Hastern Family (including Marathi).

The origin of these forms has hitherto been considered obscure.

Beames (Cp. Gr., ii, 81) says that they start ‘I know not whence, but

- probably from a method in use in early Aryan speech, which has only

been preserved by the classical language in a few instances.’ He then

suggests that it is not impossible, and indeed it is highly probable,

that the forms are connected by an interchange between the two semi-

vowels 1 and v. Hoernle (Gd. Gr., 320) says, ‘the origin of these

strange forms is very obscure.’ He rejects Beames’ hypothesis, but

gives none of his own, beyond pointing out that certain Prakrit causals

insert the letter d.

Before proceeding to suggest an explanation, I must add another

parallel form which has not been noticed by writers in this connexion.

In the Marwari dialect of Rajputani, certain verbs insert an 7 before

7j, the suffix which forms the passive. Thus the passive of lénd ‘to

take’ is li-r-7jnd, and of dénd ‘ to give’ di-r-77nd.

In Sanskrit, many verbs add consonants (usually nasals) to their

roots to form the present stem. This, mdeed, is not peculiar to

Sanskrit, but occurs throughout all Aryan languages. In Sanskrit,

however, some of these consonantal root suffixes or infixes are formally

recognized by grammarians, and are then called class suffixes (na, n@

and nu), and serve as the basis of arrangement of the verbal conju-

gation. Examples are, (suffixes) kri-nd-ti, ‘he buys,’ sv-nd-tc, ‘he

squeezes out,’ (infix) yu-na-k-tt, ‘he joins.’ When na is suffixed, the

verb is not considered to belong to any special class, but is conjugated

in the Ist or 6th class, thus vé-na-ti (Cl. 1), ‘he is anxious,’ pa-na-té

1896. ] in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, 3

(Cl. I), ‘he bargains,’ mr-na-te (Cl. VI), ‘he kills.’! Frequently this

nasal suffix gives a causal meaning; e.g., from / mr ‘die,’ we have

marati (Vedic), ‘he dies,’ but mr-na-ti or mr-na-ti, ‘he kills.’

Sometimes the suffix takes the form ana. Thus from the root krp,

‘have pity,’ we have for causal, krp-nya-ti or krp-@p-aya-tr, ‘he is weak,’

and krp-ana-té, ‘he is a suppliant.’ Again 4/ 7s, 7s-a-té, ‘he escapes,’

ds-ya-ti or is-na-ti ‘he impels,’ is-ana-ya-té, ‘he excites.’ So also, we

have another group of verbs which take anya. H.g., krp-anya-ti, ‘he

is a suppliant;’ 7zs-anya-ti, ‘he excites;’ twr-a-ti or tur-anya-ti, ‘he

hastens ;’ bhur-a-ti or bhur-anya-ti, ‘he is active;’ di-dhés-ti, ‘he

sounds,’ dhis-anya-t (pres. part.) ‘desirous to praise;’ rés-a-ti or rig-

anya-tt, ‘he injures,’ ruv-a-ti (Ved.) or ruv-anya-tt ‘he utters a harsh

noise ;’ hvay-a-ti or huv-anya-ti, ‘he cries out.’ Most of these (espe-

cially those with ana and anya) are recognized by native grammarians

as denominative verbs. But, as Brugmann (l. c.) says, all these

nasalised verbs are denominatives; kri-nd-ti, su-nd-ti and yu-na-k-to,

are as much denominatives as vé-na-ti (from vé-na, ‘anxious’) or

krp-ana-té (from kpp-ana, pitiable). Thatis to say, in Sanskrit, verbal

roots can take as suffixes (especially in the case of Denominatives and

Causals) certain suffixes which are generally used to form nouns, before

adding the personal terminations. The suffixes hitherto examined in

regard to this, are na, nd, ana, anya and nu. These are all well-known

nominal suffixes.

If these nominal suffixes are added in Sanskrit, it need not surprise

us to find others similarly used in the old Vulgar Aryan speech of which

we have survivals in the Prakrits. For instance, there is the Prakrit

pleonastic suffix ala, alla, alla or ulla (H.-c., 1, 164, 165, 166, 173;

iv, 429, 430). This can be added to a noun without changing its sense,

and, by parity of reason, can also be added to a verbal root. Two

instances of the use of this suffix attached to verbs occur in Sanskrit.

The 4/ pa ‘protect, has two forms of conjugation, viz., pa-ti and

pa-l-aya-ti, “he protects.’ The latter form is said, by European writers,

to be a denominative derived from pdla, ‘a protector;’ but that, if

the truth, is only half the truth. It is just as much a denominative

as vé-na-tt, and no more. So also the ,/ lz or Ja,* ‘to adhere,’ has for

its causal 4/ la-p-aya-tt, li-n-aya-ti or la-l-aya-tit. Here there is no ques-

tion of the verb being denominative, It is a pure causal formation.

Other pleonastic suffixes added in Prakrit to nouns are da (H.-c,,

iv, 429, 430), and ka (H.-c., ii, 164; iv, 429, 430). There is no reason

1 Brugmann, Grundriss, ii, 972, 973, 979, 986, 1089. These references are made

once for all, and will not be repeated.

2 I quote from Benfey’s Grammar, Second Hdition, p. 41, The Siddh. Kaumndi,

ii, p. 193; Pa, 7, 3, 39, gives 4/ la. The point is immaterial.

+ G. A. Grierson—On Irregular Causal Verbs [No. 1,

why these should not be added to verbal roots, as we have seen to be

the case with na and lu.!

A remarkable instance of this has survived in the Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars. There is an Aryan root der, ‘run,’ which appears in

Sanskrit as drd-ti, ‘he runs.’ To this root, pleonastic suffixes have

been added even in Sanskrit times, so that we also find the forms

dr-ava-ti and dr-ama-ti, he runs,’ and even with more than one

sufix dr-ava-s-ya-ti, ‘he attends upon a person.’ This root appears

under the following forms in the modern Indian languages :—

Kacmiri, dért, ‘he will run.’

Western Panjabi, druké, ‘ he runs.’

Sindhi, déré or doké.

Panjabi, dauré.

Gujarati, dédé.

Rajputani, dodé.

Hindi, dauré, dhauwré.

Central Pahari, not noted.

Naipali, duguré.

Baiswari, déré. -

Bihari, daug4, dhaugé, dhauré.

Marathi, daudé.

Bengali, dauré.

Assamese, not noted.

Oriya, dauré.

Here we have the following groups :—

(1) druk, dak, daug, dhaug,*

(2) ddr, dor, daur, dod, dhaur,* daud,

(3) dugur.

The first, or k, group shows that the root has taken the suffix ka,

and druké, &c., must be referred back to a low Sanskrit * dr-ava-ka-ti.

1 It must not be supposed that the nm and J forms are the only cases of Sanskrit

‘roots with nominal suffixes.

As Brugmann (ii. 1020 and ff.) shows, there are many parallel instances. H. ¢.,

/ bhas (bha-sa-ti) ‘shine’ is really a denominative, based on the 4/ bha (bha-tt),

with the nominal suffix sa. So also many other rootsins. Again stems in cch

(e. g., gacchati, ‘he goes’) are old denominatives, with the nominal termination ska

(prakritized to cch) added. Thus gacchati is for ga-ska-ti. Again many roots in ¢

are denominatives formed from nouns in ta. Thus from 4/ ci (ci-nod-ti, ‘he sets in

order,’ also a denominative form), we have the past participle ci-ta, and also the

root ci-t (cé-ta-ti, ‘he understands);’ so also from 4/ yam, we have the present

ya-ccha-ti (i. e., ya-ska-ti), or (Vedic) yam-a-ti, ‘he supports,’ the past participle

ya-ta, and the denominative verb ya-t (ya-ta-té, ‘ he connects’).

4 The dh in this form is due to confusion with another root, dhav having the

same meaning.

1896. | in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 5

H.-c., iv, 398, especially authorises the retention of the r in druk in the

Western Paijab, where Apabhramga was spoken; and in iv, 396 allows

the k to be retained, or changed to g,! instead of the elision which we

should expect in Prakrit.

The second or d group, shows that the root took the suffix da, so that

dauré, &c., must be referred to a low Sanskrit *dr-ava-da-ti. Finally,

the Naipali form dugur, is an instance of both suffixes, which (H.-c., iv,

430) may be used together in the same word. Duguré, represents a low

Sanskrit form * dr-ava-ka-da-tt.

Other instances of these pleonastic suffixes occur in Prakrit, in

forming causals. Thus we have? bhamadéi (beside the regular bhama-

- ver) causal of 4/ bhram ‘roam’ (H.-c., iii, 151; iv, 30, 161), tamddai,

‘he causes to roam’ (H.-c., iv, 30), dharnsdidai, ‘ he looses’ (H.-c., iv, 91).

We also find them in the case of other modern vernacular verbs, as

wellas ,/daur, though the lessons obtained from them are not so complete.

Thus modern / thahal or thahar, ‘wait’ (Skr. ,/stha@), ./ langar,

‘limp’ (Skr. / lang), »/ ghapat ‘spring upon’ (Skr. ,/ jhamp), and

many others in which a pleonastic J, 7, d, or even ¢ has been added

(Cf. Hoernle, Gd. Gr., 178).

The above remarks make the origin of these irregular causal suffixes,

and also of the irregular Rajputani (Marwari) Passive in r-7j, clear.

These suffixes are specially common in Sanskrit in the case of Denomi-

native verbs, and, the close connexion between Causals, Denominatives,

and Passives need not be insisted upon. The pleonastic character of

the suffixes is shown by their use in the I. A. V’s. They are most com-

monly added to monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel, i.e., the roots

which are weakest in form, and require the strengthening given of a

consonant. In other cases, their use is almost optional. H.g., H. has

/ sikh-Gas well as 4/stkh-l-d, ,/ dikh-G, ‘cause to see,’ as well as

dikh-l-G, and so on. Finally their apparently capricious use, sometimes

preceding, and sometimes following the true causal suffix, is strongly

characteristic of their pleonastic character.

As regards the derivation of each of these modern suffixes, I con-

“nect the J with the Pr. lla. The Kacgmiri ana, may be the Skr. anya

(used for forming denominatives), or it may be derived from the Pr.

lla. The d and r forms, are naturally to be referred to the Pr. da, from

which, moreover, it is possible that the J forms are also derived.

1 Cf. Skr. dag (da-ga-ti), gamané.

@ Also quoted by Hoernle, Gd, Gr., 321.

6 N. N. Vasu — Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. [No. 1,

On a Copperplate-qrant of Vicva-ripa, one of the Séna Kings

of Bengal.—By NacinpranatHa Vasu.

(With Plates I and IT.)

[Read December, 1895. ]

In the village Madanapada, Post Office Pinjari, Parganah Kotali-

pada of the Faridpur district, a peasant whilst digging his field found a

copper-plate and made it over to the land-holder, who kept it in his

house. This plate was made over to me by Pandita Laksmicandra-

samkhyatirtha, in 1892, and I noticed the contents of this inscription and

published a facsmile of the whole plate in the Vigvakésa.! But this is

the first time that I publish the whole text.

The plate measures 125 inches in length, and 10 inches in breadth,

with a thickness of 3th ofan inch. It has a curvature at the top,

bearing a ten-handed image of Sadagiva, similar to that in the grant

first brought to notice in the Society’s Journal by J. Prinsep in 1838

(Vol. VII, Part. I, p. 42).?

The size of the letters is about 1’. The characters may be des-

eribed as Bengali of the 12th or 15th century A.D., and they resemble

closely the characters of the Déopada Inscription of Vijaya-séna.

The only letters deserving of notice are @,k, t, dh, n, bh, r, s, and h

which have a much more modern look than those of the Déopada

inscription.

It contains 60 lines on both sides. The language of the grant is

Sanskrit: Except the opening words Om namo narayanaya, the inscrip-

tion is in verse as far as line 31. From there to the end, the formal

part of it is in prose, with the introduction of some of the usual bene-

dictory and imprecatory verses in lines 54 to 59.

As regards orthography, the only points calling for remark, are,

that 6 is throughout denoted by the sign for v. Besides it may be noted

that. the letter 7, which before another consonant is denoted by the

1 See Vicvakésa Vol. IV., Art. Kécava-séna-déva.

2 See also Prinsep’s Useful Tables, Ed. Thomas, p. 272, note 1.

1896.] . N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-riipa. 7

superscript sign, is written on the line in the conjuncts rgq, run, rnn,

rpp, rvv, mm, @.g., in durggam line 23, vargga, line 27, nirnnikta, line 8,

raniyamita, line 9; and that the sign of the avagraha is employed thrice,

to indicate the elision of the vowel a, e.g., vandé ’ravinda, line 1.

The inscription opens with an invocation of the God Narayana, of

the Sun, and of the Moon. It then relates that :—

From this famous lineage (of the Moon) sprung Sudha-kirana-

Cekhara (the moon-crested Civa), in the shape of Vijaya-séna, the

touch of the nails of whose feet made kings cheerful (L. 8). From him was

born a very powertul king named Ballala-séna. In battlefields, torrents

of blood used to flow from the bodies of his enemies (L. 11). From him

sprang a son named Laksmana-séna, who possessed extraordinary

prowess, and whose charities obtained renown like those of the

Kalpa-druma (. 13). During his reign sacrificial posts were erected to

celebrate victories achieved by the king on the coasts of the southern

sea, where exist the images of Musaladhara (Balarama) and Gadapant

(Jagannatha), also in Vicvégvara-ksétra (Benares ), at the confluence of the

Asi, the Varana, and the Gayga, and also at the T'rivéni (near Allahabad),

where the lotus-born (Brahma) performed the sacrificial ceremony (L. 19).

His wife Citala-dévi (?) earned the ¢ri-varga, 1.e., virtue, wealth, and all

objects of desire (L. 21). As Cakti-dhara (Kartikéya) was born from

Caci-cékhara (Viva) and Girija (Durga), so was born from the king, and

his queen, the crest-jewel of the rival kings, Vigvariipa-séna-déva

(L. 22).

The inscription then records :—

In the victorious camp pitched at the village of Phaleu (L. 31),

Gaudécvara Vicvariipa-séna-déva, the most devout worshipper of

Mahéevara, the Lord.of the Acva-pati, Gaja-pati and Nara-pati, meditat-

ed on the feet of the illustrious Laksmana-séna-déva (L. 35), in the

presence of all the Rajas, Rajanyas (lL. 38), queens, and all the officers

of thé Court (L. 40), declares that in Vanga, included in the kingdom

of Paundra-vardhana, within the limits of Vikrama-pura (L. 42), bounded

on the east by the village-boundary of Athapaga, on the south by the

village of Varayipada (L. 43), on the west by the village of Uftcakatthi,

(. 44), and on the north by the village-boundary of Virakatthi, and

situated in the village of Pifjakagthi (L. 43), certain lands are presented

by this copper-plate grant, with the hope of the future reward known as

Bhimi-dana mentioned in the Civa-purana, to the Cruti-pathaka (reader

of the Védas), the illustrious Vi¢variipa-déva-carman! of the Vatsa-gotra,

of the Bhargava, Cyavana, Apnuvata, Aurva, and Jamadagnya pravara,

1 He was a brother of I¢vara-déva-garman the donee of the other grant by

same king, dated érd year.

8 N. N. Vasu-—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. [No. 1,

a great-grandson of Paracara-déva-carman, grandson of Garbhé¢vara-

déva-carman and son of Vanamali-déva-carman, in a proper manner and

im accordance with the rules in force, stamped with the mark of

Sadagiva in the month of Bhadra of the 14th year (L. 38-51), effected

by the illustrious Kopivisnu, the chief officer for peace and war in

Gauda. (Engraved) on the Ist Acvina of the year 14 (L. 60).

Of the places mentioned in this inscription Pinjakasthi, the village

granted by it, is evidently identical with Pinjari, a postal village in

the Parganah Kotalipada, near the village of Madanapada, where

the grant was found.

The other important point for notice, is the distinctive titles of the

four Séna kings mentioned in this inscription, and which have, I think,

hitherto escaped the attention of the antiquarians; thus :—Maharaja

Vijaya-séna-déva was styled as Vrsabha-cankara-gaudécvara, his son

Maharaja JBallala-séna-déva as Nihcanka-cankara-gaudé¢vara, his

son Maharaja Laksmana-séna-déva as Madana-Cankara-gaudégvara

(L. 35), and his son Maharaja Vi¢vartipa-séna-déva as Vrsabhanka-

cankara-gaudecvara.

The contents of the grant published by Prinsep as that of

Kécava-séna, agree closely with those of the grant under review, with

a slight exception. The place where the name of the pseudo Kécava-

séna occurs in the grant, is in such a state as to show that, originally there

was some other name, in the place of which, that of Kécava-séna had been

putin. This circumstance led Prinsep to believe that at the time of the

copper-plate being engraved, Kégava-séna’s elder brother Madhava-séna

suddenly expired, hente his name was erased for that of his brother’s.

But in the face of the copper-plate grant under review, Prinsep’s

inference can scarcely hold good. The reading, moreover, of Prinsep

is not correct. The 10th verse of his published reading gives :—

waald waa fegaytuaaaAat |

farenafafaraattaaaag Siferaet zu: |

(J. A. 8. B., Vol. VIL, Pt. 1, p. 44).

The correct reading of it according to the facsimile published by

him, of the original grant of the drd year, and as shewn in the newly

discovered grant of the 14th year (9th verse), is as follows :—

wawg WIAA feyasTTSAaT |

frenafafamrsaticcnaq Ateaeut =: |

It is evident from the above Cloka that both the plates have the

name Vicva-rupa. In the 10th verse of Prinsep’s facsimile and in the

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vieva-riipa. 9

9th of the copper-plate grant under review the name Vicvaripa is

perfectly legible and in large characters, but in other places in the

former as well as in similar places in the latter (line 22 and 38) the

name appears in small characters. Prinsep’s fac-simile not having

been in clear print, the above name in small characters does not appear

very legible, whereas these small characters in the lines noted in the

present copper-plate give the name most clearly. Whuat Prinsep calls

marks of erasures, are not so, I think, because where they appeared to

him to be such, in the very same places occur the small characters.

I regard these in both the grants as Royal sign-manuals.

a1. | Sf Fat ATTTAUTS

qresefqreqaqiarqaayate-

mlaittagyataag Asda |

varataeate-

De Oe. atfaau aaa

qaraagaan farazae |i (1)

aeenfentaat aaa faanfaqaiaay

qaagaataa-

ie 3. ALAS TAS AU |

Sigafeananl ufafaar feanfart: aaa

TSAI VHMATRTM TAAL

L. 4. | WHAT | [2]

Tawq fatanntasindt calacaraat-

famatiwdedifaagare wyat aft |

aaray-

Bo... 5. faa-efannaaeaaaiga-

mee fatazarqgaaatal Acwaew: | [3]

waraceyraqa aefa as eq:

oc, 6. qa

gufawatant faraea caveat |

aéfqreniatomfcanltaa: ares

zunegatafaeaa fae-

Me i

10.

11.

12.

13.

14,

N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-rupa.

fat faaaam |

MARTE M Ul aTHAG Aiefeatt-

arti saaatifa auufenitty aqq a

aq |

fafaaraafaatts acagqaaa Sfeai

TATA ZATS aat altaan Bata |

xafateta-

altace fanfaaa eas za-

gtd qerata yaafeat wreat se UST |

saint faatet ae fea-

HTT TAMA

Zuaitaataraata fenfata artes: |

Baquygranasaaaratey-

qusqt-

WHI aHAAl MISHA SA: |

Teal ateraite wttaaatceragarai eat:

aaaitey-

aactefarantaiy atefsra: |

Satta 7 Aaa atarat qabqctarade

qa, Aas: wenfataety

UtRSTTTTT! |

ataiest he + frat: ufcaceiciterterga-

Sa aMUe MARAT ATAA: l

yaa fuses fiafaasataytayat

AUS AAMT THALES TAITAUTLS: |

ere aufaanfaatts-

15.

TTUARTAyA

aaratte fatuqmecaeat qe Fees aa: 9

Qo ~

Tet THUS Bfautant ausy afaa-

[No. 1,

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

(9)

1896.]

16.

17.

18.

19,

20.

21.

22.

23.

N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-riupa.

qa aa garteiat quMAT we Tae |

wawg eS. feqauduaraaaat

feaqratatagtaat-

faxwaq stfereutar: |

aq WATS We Wace: A AARC Ta RUITIGt

a faqae ta Sqursit

fasafa aa waraatzartS

aaa ease fata

aa frac wrcfaae-

UT AATTS ee |

aag fru TaERAAT Ts

ate raat ae FACIE

3 waar Wares

ai fata ufasorfacaaeur: watat faret-

tai ow fata qeqatadiad sarag |

a@iacta aifearts face ae: aaal AST

[10]

[11]

[12]

tral Stars! 2fa? aees afeat arafaamfaar y [13]

carat ufTtT-

cafarafaa aa wise |

Aifsreuereafaueguraggeata: |

SRA RA aR

TearaW-

amu famy dhofasqae cfm |

4¢ Aefaey Ate afd Sat ofa aa

Ferree

[14]

1, Iam very doubtful about this word: metre requires NASM or WAT!

%. Read aay |

3. Read WUQW |

12.

24,

25. -

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

o2.

N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-rapa..

feeufanufratalagiaas |)

RUUASAAAN as RARGveeutattaqa

tata ufsatnatfa a ufz-

way TATA Il

waateuatasutata srafaarnset

farata waatafaetigrnaatens: |

fanatefa famargtaastaaratast-

faritfeafaege: THTATATSTAT |

uur ufuatfaat ofaaaitea-

TaqT Tat:

S UMATTGITATRTARAT ZU? |

wqiaata a eta aaa Va AAAS |

areata at Fa zetaa-

HATA |

WUgMrasreieaaE AHeATTi

qari: ufe faexa: Westaff: |

aratqaaa-

aafad fae <iarat

aut He: Wufsaatawa: Reta |

DantaaamUgeys: wtaaat-

aaa-

ASTRA AM AIR AA AGMA aay: |

fateat efet aetanaat aaufasrza:

git F-

Reverse,

FAM fama sae: RAST |)

[No. 1,

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[16]

[20]

Ee UY UeQurar aaa aaa aA Ga-

wa vast WASNT Tle wa eAIaATa-

Wee MATH HATA VAAL

1896.]

ot.

30.

o4,

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

AQ.

41,

42.

43.

N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. 13

faupUpuNlesesna area amie

que uasrau fans tatu facasaty-

ufaaaquanas fanaa Te faa

FAIS IMAM MASALA ay-

LULA Z ATTA LAS EAE LTTE

Teas aqUa asa eT

qayutamaatary tartare tau faarqanaatanta-

wrenrataa ae ay fauaqanaaaa-

AMF ACU AAAF IS LULA FLU TANS AITART

ASIA ABRTATAHISUET-

HeasAaqerwuaasautettastas: | aAITATATTA-

CIARA SAU AHL AT Aaa aA -

SMU eaas A AAS alffanfenaeaata-

dpatuaalectiat eas eata-

fearifaateaieam fancier hacer faa

uaetayis TRTsutetastfan swura-

TAU VZASMAAT APU AM Aas TAS

arated ataata aatteata fafeaneq aaa a-

OT Ulerer BRET ay RATE Wet Seu

Tage dat ead aeaivetatax at-

a ufaa vatasiom ata sat dteasiag satan

<a ageinater: usta weatETt

44, *aafaqrraritataramtieaal afar {sR

afe: at fe yoo aut aeutagaat aeraaTe..5.

45, erat aafsaquataadtem seutanufontistara-

Dia: Saye: Hale farm: aTaTagaan fea aS

46. ferret wuittafeaag: fa’aratwafustaraatse

faaquaitaatacrs-

1, Read MAEl % Read MAM! 3. Obscure. 4. Obscure.

5b. Read agreantaa | 8. Obscure. 7, Read ar | 8. Obscure.

53.

54.

55.

56,

N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vigva-ripa. [No. 1

SUAATAAT AMAA AMT TIA AAT aT

FTACHITATR] WU Aa: THA -

MAMA AM ITAA FATA sT AATATTATT

Taattara: Wats aes AIA

FAM GIT MAMA TAasawaAT:

UAT THAI WMT A IIT ATA:

Haseena a fantsa sifeqeqearaa

area fafaagaey saetwagqzeal q-

afaa bead wqemtlarelaaateat ate

aa yeniseifs: | waaqetarate-

qa wears ¢Ro agafy: aa eau atta

cfaufafecuTed acaHIaH-

aq Wat UREA UTSttae | Hater WIT BATg-

wfaa: ata | sreeafa faaxt aaa-

fa faaTaet: |

afastenqge ata: @ aatat fafa |

ufa a: ofazeifa oy afa yasefa |

sat .

at wuaratat fad quatast |

astagga ent ciafa: aaartetar |

qe Te A wfaww

a AST We Il

afzasaratta aa fasta afae: |

AAR Wana Aaa ACH Fa |

az-

Ui ULSTi AT ATSLA THALTA |

a faa afadiat fuefa: ae wad I

fa qarcaataaat-

1, Read 3a |

1896. ] N. N. Vasu—Copperplate-grant of Vicva-riipa.

L. 58. at fsanqfawaquaifaag |

aaufAcyeredy GEl ate yaw: weataat faster: 4

afaa-

L. 59. waatfamnfaarerareguet at |

sauna WeaTetatantSs |

SAAS peek

L. 60 aincata | staemauancats |

slaqaeuta a ¢38 sibgafes 2 1

16 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal.— By Nacinpra-NATHA VAsv.

(Read January, 1896).

The history of the Séna kings occupies an important and prominent

position in that of Bengal. Considerable research has, from time to

time, been made by Hindu and: foreign scholars to discover materials

from which to construct a genuine history of this dynasty, and though

much light has been thrown on the subject by the discovery and

decipherment of inscriptions much yet remains to be done.

My uew materials are a hitherto unpublished inscription, which I

have discovered at Madanapida in Faridpur, some old works on brah-

manic genealogy of considerable historical value, and some ancient

manuscripts. These materials will serve to correct the chronology and

dynastic links of these rulers as set forth by previous inquirers; a

summary of which, for easy reference, is here given.

A. James Prinsep stands first in this field of inquiry. He

gives, as the result of his researches, the following list of Séna kings

in chronological order :—

A.D.

1063. Vijaya-séna (Sukha-séna).

1066. Ballala-séna.

1116. Laksmana-séna.

1123. Madhava-séna.

1133. Kécava-séna.

1151. Sada-séna or Sura-séna.

1154. Naujéb or Narayana.

1200. Laksmanya (the last.) !

B. Dr. Rajendralala Mitra, after further inquiries, supports

Mr. Prinsep. He had certain inscriptions of Vijaya-séna, Laksmana-

sena, Keécava-séna and Acoka of Gaya before him, and gave the

1 See J. A. S. B., 1838, pt. I, p. 41; and Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities (Ed.

Thomas), Vol. II, p. 272.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 17

following succession of kings in Hastern and littoral Bengal with in-

itial years of their reigns. !

In Hastern and littoral Bengal :—

A.D.

986. I. Vira-séna.

1006. iJ. Samanta-séna.

1026. Il. Hemanta-séna. |

Yn the whole of Bengal :—

1046. IV. Vijaya alias Sukha-s6na.

1056. V. Ballala-sena.

1106. VI. Laksmana-séna.

4136. VII. Madhava-séna.

1138. VII. Kécava-séna.

1142. IX. Agéka-séna.

In Vikramapur.

Ballala-séna.

Su-séna.

Sura-séna, &e.

C. Sir Alexander Cunningham on the authority of the inscrip-

tions of Deopada, Tarpanadighi, Bakargaiij and of the Ain-i-Akbari

gives a fresh list. #

A.D.

650. Vira-séna, from whom descended

975. Samanta-séna.

1000. Hémanta-séna.

1025. Vijaya-séna or Sukha-séna.

1050. Ballala-séna.

1076. laksmana-séna.

1106. Madhava-séna.

1108. Kécava-séna.

1118. Laksmanéya (reigned 80 years.—Tabaqit-i-Nasir?).

1198. Conquest of Bengal by Bakhtiar Khalji.2

Sir Alexander makes also the following remarks with reference to

certain princes of this dynasty :—

‘Now just as we have seen in the case of Gd-pala, the progenitor of

the Pala Rajas, who is also called by the synonymous names of Bhi-pala

1 See J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXIV. pt. I, p. 128, XLVII. pt. I, p. 396; and

Mitra’s Indo-Aryans, Vol. II. p. 262.

- 2 Rep. Arch. Sur. XV. p. 158. Ina note on the subject he writes: ‘As A.D.

1107 was the first year after the expiry of Laksmana’s reign, his death must have

taken place in A.D. 1106.’

Ae ieee)

18 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

and Loka-pala, so I believe that Vira-séna may have been also known as

Sura-séna. This prince I would identify with king Sura-séna, who married

the princess Bhoga-dévi, the sister of Atncu-varma Raja of Népala, who was

the contemporary of Hiuen Tsiang, and of whom Pandit Bhagawan-lal

Indraji has published inscriptions, dated in A.D. 645 and 651. In No. 14

of these Nepal records, the son of Sura and Bhoaga-dévi is named Bhoga-

varma, while in another record (No. 15) he is said to be the son of the great

Aditya-séna, the illustrious Lord of Magadha. Hence it seems probable that

the later Séna Rajas of Bengal were the direct descendants of Aditya-séna-~

déva, the great king of Magadha,’

Dr. Rajéndralala Mitra again comes out with the observation

that ‘ Vira-Séna’ mentioned in the inscription of Vijaya-séna, the

founder of the Séna Dynasty, was no other than Adictira, who brought

five Brahmanas and five Kayasthas from Kanauj.’ !

D. Dr. Hoernle, in his Review of the Séna Kings of Bengal,

says :—

‘It was Vijaya-séna, who, after defeating the king of the Pala

Dynasty of Gauda, became the first king of Bengal, and his predeces-

sors, Samanta and Hémanta, were rulers of some territories in Paundra-

vardhana, at a time when Narayana-pala reigned in Bengal, between the

years A.D. 1006 and 1026.’

He says further that ‘ Vijaya-séna’s other name was Adicira’ ? and

adds :—

“It was probably the successor of the latter (Narayaua-pala), who was

supplanted in the Bengal kingdom by Vijaya-séna (or Sukha-séna), the first

Bengal king (though the fourth in descent) ‘of the Séna family, whose date is

about A.D. 1030."8

E. In a Bengali work, 4the author Babu Mahima-candra Mazim-

dar gives his view of the subject thus: ‘The Am-i-Akbari gives the

commencement of the reign of Ballala-séna in 1066 A.D., and Mr.

Prinsep accepts this; but in respect of the ancient rulers of Ganda, the

Ain cannot be relied upon as an authority. The writer (presumably

Dr. Rajéndralala Mitra) of an article in the Rahasya Sandarbha, believ-~

ing the year of this event to be Caka 1019, supports his statement by a

citation from the Samaya-prakaca, which, however, as a matter of fact

indicates the year as Caka 1091.’.... Assuming A.D. 1066 as the

correct year of Ballala-séna’s accession to the throne and A.D. 1203 as

the year in which his son lost it, the difference would be 137 years—a

1 See Mitra’s Indo-Aryans, Vol. II. p. 241.

4 Centenary- Review of the Researches of the Society, 1784-1883, pp. 209-10.

3 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIV. p. 165.

4 ats ST@U (Brahmans in Gauda). pp. 90 and ff.

1896. N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 19

5 gy g

period which the writer of the above article considers too long for the

reign of only two successive kings; he therefore makes Laksmana-séna

as the great grandson of Ballala-séna, the same who was defeated by

Bakhtiar Khilji. He further adds :—‘ Let us suppose that Ballala wrote

the Dana-sigara in Caka 1091 (A.D. 1169), and died two or three

years later, when Laksmana, an elderly person, ascended the throne

which he lost after a reign of 25 or 30 years in J203 A.D. This

according to Minhaju-d-din happened on the king’s attaining his 80th

year. If it be true it indicates no doubt old age; but there is no

certainty aboutit..... The two copper-plate grants by Laksmana-

séna—one to I¢vara-candra-déva-carma and the other to Krsna-dhara-

déva-carmma—bear respectively the dates 3rd Bhadra, year 7, and

10th Magha, year 2. These years are believed to be those of the

Laksmana era, An era may commence from the date of the birth

of a prince, from that of his appointment as an heir-apparent, from

that of the actual commencement of his reign, or from that of any im-

portant event. The Lakgmana era, it is evident from the copper-

plates did not commence from the time of his birth, but dates either

from his inauguration as the prince elect, or from his accession to the

throne of Gauda.’ !

F. Inan able article on the era of Laksmana-séna* Mr. Beveridge

says :-—

‘The last Hindu king of Bengal mentioned in the Abi-l-fazl’s list (Ain,

p- 4138, Bibliotheca Indica edition) is Raja Nojah, who ruled three years.

This is the Raja Noe or Najah of Gladwin, for he has both spellings, and

the Rajah Bhoja of Lassen. Abu-l-fazl says that when Raja Noja died the

kingdom passed to Laksmana who ruled at Nadia and was expelled by

Bakhtiar Khilji (Ain, p. 414). In my humble opinion this Laksmauna is

the Lachman-séna of the Akbar-nama and the prince who gave his name

to the Laksman era.

G. Dr. Kielhorn in his article on the Deo-para Inscription of

Vijaya-séna in Hpigraphia Indica, Vol. I. (1692), thus writes on the

subject :—

‘According to Dr. Rajéndralala Mitra. (Notices of Sanskrit MSS.

Vol. I, p. 151) Ballala-séna in the Dana-sagara calls himself the son of

Vijaya-sena and grandsonof Hémanta-séna, and according to the same

authority, the Dana-sagara was composed in A. D. 1097. The statement

T am unable to verify......... Vijaya-sena is eulogised as having defeated and

imprisoned besides others, the Kings Nanya and Vira (page 306). Nanya

we find again (as was first. pointed out to me by Dr. Burgess) in Nanya-

Late aTqye pp. 90-96.

2 J. A. 9. Be, Vol. LVII. Pt.I, p. 5.

20 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

déva, the founder of the Karnataka Dynasty of Népal, who is placed in

Qaka 1019=A.D. 1097, close enough to the time when our inscription was

composed to suggest the idea that he may possibly be the very king here spoken

of’ (p. 313). ‘ Laksmana-séna was the founder of an era which undoubtedly,

dates from the beginning of his reign, and which as I have tried to show

elsewhere commenced in A. D. 1119’ (pages 306-7). 1

After giving this resumé of the opinions of all the writers on the

subject, I now proceed to show on what grounds I have been obliged

to differ from them on many important points.

I. Ina manuscript copy of the Dana-saigara obtained by me from

Assam, I find Ballala-séna thus speaking of himself :—

Sau: uubyugsae: wae sahara

aga: quuaciateal FaTsatsals |

aeg farsa: sears ate

fefa fafefa ward ay ateeaaaa |i

Sa AMVZATAATAAAT: HALE: Wat \

PIM AAat sats Jutfaatamaqe: |

Like Hémanta (the cold season) which is fatal to the growth of

lotuses, Hémanta-séna the destroyer of his enemies, who was celebrated

for his natural qualities and whose greatness was highly spoken of by

his kinsmen, was born.

After him Vijaya-séna flourished in Varéndra, whose eminence

amongst the heroes was praised far in all directions .........

After him the king Ballala-séna, the head of the kings, a king from

his birth, and clad in all good qualities, was born, like an untimely

cloud towards those who were suffering from the keen heat (distress)

of penury.

Il. The old karika by Hari-micra-ghataka obtained by me from

the Ghatakas of Edilpur, states as follows :—

TENtstrara Wel alata Fs |

Saat Tat AMSAT AA: |

faq afaaeraty faorrafaat sat |

Hag at wUtst Bea faquisaa: |

afaaa azrid asus fasituars 4

1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. KIX.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. 2Y

araIgeua: wg fagt sraaataar |

ABUIALEALH AATALAT AIAAT I

facia aafafa a stax qurfatsr |

aif a a yatta Saat Misa |

eta uy Sarenat: cra aa Walfaat: |

~ ES

Hast Faget w Stentz F |

Agua Jala Tat wratia wy a!

Tay ITE TATA AIHA: I

SN x S aN N

wuts: ufrat Sa ata Ta: |

e ~ SS

HSM IATS ATUL AAT SA |

x x x x x x

Q ~ ~

quuiaufaasa: ufacuy me 7 Ue aa:

EN x

UAH TIT Beq WEN: SleqyTATTAa |

yaaa-faaawiefars wetaa: Blzat

ONG) EN EN ° ~ 7 9

Ua ae afa: aeq Tad a SlasMga

Selaiebe OSA ii ant fa aM aus ee ca

‘fannie fe aaqrat cist fanaaeat: |

qua Aaa cua ute cua 4

atau aa Gal Waals aE FI

Law Taal Wea aa TATA! |

AQIATAA LTA APU SyHSTM: |

AHISAMTAMT AAFILTA TAA

WMafad aa: we aTeae: ofan |

aoa: HUat Tet Wists frets sg |

afaqraaales Taw Waa: |

a Wasted of fase Bld AeT Ua |

Maharaja Adi-cira was ruler of the five Ganudas. The king of

Kaci (Benares) was his rival. The great veneration in which Adi-ciira

was held and his various acts of charity made even the king of Kagi

to blush. Adi-ciira, however, was anxious on one account. He had not

22 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

got a Sagnika! Brahmana in his court, and he made up his mind to

bring some from elsewhere. Accordingly, he brought from Kolaica

five Brahmanas full of wisdom and devotion to God, viz., Ksitiga, Méedha-

tithi, Vita-raga, Sudha-nidhi, and Saubhari. They came to Gauda with

their families. The king, after testing their merits, gave them each

one of five villages, viz., Kamathi, Brahmapuri, Harikéta, Kankagra-

ma, and Batagrama to live in. The Brahmanas, whom Adi-cira and

his descendants thus honoured by grants of villages and presents of

money, were descended from respectable families, and the kings who

succeeded them accorded similar honour to their progeny.

After Adi-ciira, his descendants occupied the throne of Gauda for

some time. By Divine favour Déva-pala became a powerful ruler.

He was wise, conscientious, meek, humble and pure. He always paid

a special regard to the religious observances ordained in his Dynasty.

** * * * * * * Ballala-séua, the son of Vijaya-séna, always

endeavoured to support the Brahmanas. He honoured the Brahmanas

with the superior rank of Kaulinya—a rank, the equal of which is

rarely to be met with in this world. Formerly in the Kali-yuga,

Ballala-séna had made several copper-plate grants to Brahmanas.

* * * * * * Taksmana-séna, the son of Ballala-séna reaped

disrepute consequent on the fear entertained by him, because of his

having been born at an inauspicious moment. His son Kégava left the

kingdom of Gauda; the fear of the Yavanas having compelled him to

fight with them. At this time the Brahmanas were not able to reside

there any longer.

III. In the Karika (account of kulina families) by Edi-migra, it is

stated :—

are ufaafefiaitafara: satageiraa:

aapaste fafusfasfaaa: atargem: aa |

amIeaeteqauta: Tae WelEATy

araTata fafas wy ane Tat ze} atsa: 4

ae ufc faut aa wauszeqraaay a: |

ayauuteaa fern wiaaaReaat |

There is a province in the west named Kanya-kubja (kananj). In it

is a blessed place named Kolaica, the residence of pious Brahmanas.

Maharaja Adi-cira brought from that place five Brahmanas and gave

them five villages for their residence.

1 Sagnika, lit. possessing or maintaining fire. Sagnika Brahmana means a

priest who maintains a sacred fire, one who sacrifices according to Vedic rules.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 23

After along time Ballala-séna became the ruler of Gauda. He

brought Brahmanas to his court in order to honour them with presents.

IV. On page 220 of the said Dana-sagara it is written: —

aa damufcaaataitesfamets cae fanaa

aqacastamena fea —

fafeu-aafraa-stagetaa at yar

wfaaqemtad waRay eTraaat Chaar |

cfaurar: wefaat A Wat ettTATATATE |

AAMT AULAIFLTM TTT TZ Il

aeqaatqatunqadsere shad Wah

aaa vata feaqretey q |

For the purpose of fixing the year of the composition of the Dana-

sagara, it is necessary to describe the Samvatsara and other periods of

times.

The Dana-sigara has been composed by the blessed Ballala-séna,

the crown of all emperors.

When 1091 years expired from the Caka-raja the Ravi-yuga-bhagana

was thus :—

Years of the Satya-yuga 1,728,000

ae » TLréta-yuga 1,296,000

» Dvapara-yuga 864,000

At the above Galb-peat the Ravi-bhagana year of the Kali-yuga

was 4270. Adding these four numbers we get 38,92,270. Dividing this

Ravi-yuga-bhagana by 5, there is no remainder or it is zero. This must

be regarded as the commencement of the period of the composition of

the work, At this time Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idvatsara, Anuvatsara

and Udavatsara—these five sorts of years had all equally expired.

V. Besides the above, the copper-plate grant of Maharaja Vicva-

ripa-séna-déva, lately discovered, sets forth the following facts :—

aqua aefa as eq: aa

gutacaiteat farsa sare |

BaquyqIawAsaga-Taracysqe-

WHeManMAlPacaZAIaat VW I

+ + + + + + + +

‘24 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

CHT Ua AMAL ZARA: l

wel waned yfaufant wusy afd

qa aa gata GUAM TE: Thfwa:

TAIT RIAYAT feqayaumagaat

frara-fafaurs-atfacnaq Sifeaeut zu: |

In that pure and extensive Lunar Dynasty, the Lord Cagi-cékhara

(Moon-crested Civa) himself was born under the name of Vijaya-séna.

* * * * The son of the said Vijaya-séna was Ballala-séna, the sight

of whose weapons in the battlefield drove away from his enemies the pride

of their valour. From him sprang Laksmana-séna, a Kalpa-druma in the

world. The renowned Vi¢va-ripa who occupied the foremost place

among the kings of his time sprang from Laksmana-séna. The principal

aim of his life was to subject the wives of his enemies to widowhood.

VI. In another place of the same karika of Edi-micra, it is

related :—

au a Amat wUta:

Safiuna: fravreadtas Tat Ta: |

at val wufawelecaa aaaaaa aifaat

aqgig ¥ aw a ywaasAR Ufaeitaa: |

quis a a aad tcafd fatyq va_rae

ated Ue det fuera: wat aETTaaT =U |

alten farqerguitefara: HATE RT IT Fa:

Fatairata frotat wh acrente F |

a sat gaufaed Tafa TaSTATTZAIg

ustanaiarrcatas fay veTaTETz |

Kécava accompanied by all the soldiers, the Brahmanas established

by his grandfather, and others went to him (the king). The famous

king received them with great honour, and provided him (Kégava) and

his followers with means for their maintenance. Once in the way of

conversation, he asked Kécava what was the Kulina-system of Brahmanas

established by the grandfather, the pious Ballala-séna, and why,

whence, where, and by what enterprise, he created the Brahmanas

(new). Hearing this Kégava ordered his family-bard Edi-migra, who

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. 20

was a bralbmana by caste and conversant with all the Castras and the

religious rites for Brahmanas, to answer the questions of the king.

From the authorities quoted above we cull the fellowing :—

1. That Vijaya-séna, the son of Hémauta-séna, dwelt, after his

father, in Varéndra-bhami as its king.

2-3. That Adi-cira brought from Koliiica five Biundiase that

he lived long before Maharaja Ballala-séna, the son of Vijaya, flourished;

that after the reign of the Dynasty of Adi-cira, Déva-pala of the Pala

Dynasty reigned in Gauda; the Séna kings flourished long after him ;

that Ballala-séna made several copper-plate grants; that Laksmana-séna

fell into disrepute owing to the time of his birth having been in-

auspicious ; that Kégava-séna was the son of Laksmana-séna and that the

fear of the Yavanas compelled him to run away, relinquishing his father’s

kingdom.

4, That Ballala-séna lived in Caka 109], z.¢., A. D. 1169.

5. That a powerful king, named Vicva-ripa-séna, was the son of

Laksmana-séna, the son of Ballala-séna and that the copper-plate grant

was made in the 14th year of his reign.

6. That Kécava-séna (after the capture of Gauda) lived under the

protection of a king.

Taking into consideration the facts now brought to light, Ido not

see how we cau accept the statement made by Sir Alexander Cunning-

ham, as to the Séna kings of Bengal having descended’from Aditya-séna

of the Gupta Dynasty of the Magadha kings; or that made by Dr.

Rajéndralala Mitra and others as to Vira-séna or Vijaya-séna being

identical with Adi-cira.

The date of Ballala’s coronation 1066 A. D., as given by Prinsep and

Dr. Mitra is not borne out by the Ain-i-Akbari, which they quote as their

authority, while the Akbar-nama, as first pointed out by Mr. Beveridge,

gives the initial date of the Laksmana era as 1119. Dr. Kielhorn

has supported this statement. But they believe that the Laksmana era

commenced from the year of his coronation. The statement is not borne

out by the facts now brought to light. Although the Laksmana era com-

menced from the year 1119 A. D., it was not the year in which he was

installed. I have already shown that in (aka 1091, z7.e. 1169 A. D.

Maharaja Ballala-séna-déva composed his work Dana-sagara, and even

in that year he gave himself out as king of Ganda. Ballala, having been

on the throne at that time, it follows that Laksmana could not have beer

the ruler of Gauda at the same time. Between the years 1119 and 1169

there elapsed a period of 50 years, and it is mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari

that Ballala-séna ruled Bengal for that period. If any reliance cau be

‘placed on this statement it must be admitted that 1119 A.D. was the

Joi 4

26 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

year of Ballala-séna’s coronation. Now it may be contended that Laks-

mana-séna was installed as Prince-elect and for that reason the era

commenced from that time. But even this cannot be taken as correct.

Hindu kings, generally speaking, nominate their sons as Prince elect at

the close of their career, and numerous instances in support of this

statement can be cited from works of antiquity.

Keeping this in view, it must be accepted that Ballala-séna was

50 or 60 years old when he began to reign in the year 1119 A.D., and

in that case, at the time he wrote his Dana-sigara, he was 100 or 110

years old. But we have not heard of any king of Bengal having lived

to such an old age. It is therefore evident that at the time of Ballala-

séna’s coronation, Laksmana-séna was not nominated as Prince Elect.

There is a tradition extant that at the time when Ballala-séna set

out on his expedition to conquer Mithila, news of his death spread abroad ;

and that at that time Laksmana-séna was born, and was immediately in-

stalled on the throne. It is probable that the Muhammadan historian

Minhaj’s wonderful story was based on this tradition. Be that as it

may, the tradition leads us to the inference that, soon after ascending the

throne, Ballala-séna left his kingdom to conquer Mithila, and that after

achieving success he received news of the birth of a son.! This news

pleased him so much that in his newly conquered kingdom he maugu-

rated a new era, which he named the Laksmana Era. This era is still

extant among the pandits of Mithila; but there is nothing to show that

it was introduced into Bengal.

Ballala-sena ascended the throne in the year 1119 A.D., so that

there can be no doubt that he reigned to a very old age. Moreover, the

social reforms effected by him, and the order of kulinism, which he

instituted, must have taken a considerable portion of his life; and this

also is a proof of his long reign.

Lakgmana-séna, the son of Ballala-séna, was very popular with his

subjects. He was a learned man and took great delight in honouring

the Pandits of his time. Poems composed by him are found in the

Sadukti-karnamrta, Carngadhara-paddhati, Padyavali and other an-

thologies. Hven Maulana Minhaju-d-din has thus written of Laksmana-

séna—‘ Little or much, never did any tyranny proceed from his hand.’

1 Wales AS GTA TTT TAT TAT |

fates aeararat sare saereeater Il

aeiat famagt wat sraaradt |

BITITa PA UG lee Vo]

2 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasii, po 505.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. 27

According to the Ain-i-Akbari! Laksmana reigned only seven

years; but this cannot be accepted as correct. Again, according to

Minhaj, ‘He reigned for a period of eighty years.’ On this

Mr. Beveridge writes : —

‘If then Laksmana began to reign in 1119 A.D., and reigned eighty

years, this would bring the termination of his Government to 1199 A.D.,

which is a tolerably close approximation to the dates of the capture of

Nadiya, given by Major Raverty and Sir Alexander Cunningham. If we

take Mr. Blochmann’s date for that event, viz., 1198 or 1199, there is an

almost coincidence between Abu-l-fazl’s date of 1119, for the commencement

of Lakgsmana-séna’s reign, and the statement inthe Tabaqat of Minhaju-d-din

that Laksmana reigned eighty years.’

I have shown above that Mithila was conquered by Ballala-séna,

and that in order to signalise the birth of Lakgsmana a new era was

inaugurated in that kingdom. I have also stated that Ballala-séna was

living in the year 1169. Taking these facts into consideration, neither

a reign of 7 years mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari nor one of 80 years,

put forward by Minhaj can be attributed to Laksmana-séna. After

Ballala-séna Lakgsmana-séna reigned from 1170 to 1198, 7.e., 27 or 28

years in all. It is very likely that Abia-l-fazl by mistake put

down 7 in place of 27. It is probable that Minhaj while travelling

from Delhi on his way to Lakhnauti, through Mithila, heard that

Bengal was conquered in the 80th L.S. and jumped to the conclusion

that Laksmana must have reigned for 80 years.

Minhaj relates :—

‘When he (Mahammad-i-Bakhtiar) subdued Bihar, his fame had reach-

ed the hearing of Rai-Laksmaniah, and the different parts of his dominion

likewise. A number of astrologers, wise men and counsellors of his king-

dom presented themselves before the Rai and represented, saying: ‘In our

books of the ancient Brahmans, they have foretold that this country will

fall into the hands of the Turks and the time of its fulfilment has drawn

near. The Turks have subjugated Bihar, and next year they will surely

come into this country. It is expedient for us that the Rai should consent

so that he, along with the whole people should be removed from the country

in order that we may be saved from the molestation of the Turks’ $

‘When they became assured of these peculiarities, most of the Brahmans and

inhabitants of that place left, and retired into the province of Sankanat,

the citiesand towns of Bang, and towards Kamrud; but to begin to

abandon his country was not agreeable to Rai Laksmaniah.’4

It appears from a statement made by Minhaj that before Muham-

mad-i-Bakhtiar attacked Nadiya, several Pandits and other residents

(=>)

587.

1 Jarrett, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II. p. 146. 3 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p.

2J. A. 8. B. 1888, Pt. I. p. 3. 4 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p.

28 N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. [WNo. },

relying on the prophecy, left the capital and went to Jagannatha (Puri),

Hast Bengal, and Kamariipa (Assam).

Aba-l-fazl has made mention of Laksmana-séna’s son Madhava-séna

having reigned after him for a period of 10 years. Madhava-séna

does not appear to have ruled Bengal after Lakgmana. It is likely

that during the reign of Laksmana-séna, he was either nominated as

Prince Elect or that he ruled the kingdom as regent. In the Sakti-

karnamrita by Cridhara-dasa, son of lLaksmana-séna’s favourite

Mahasamanta Batu-dasa, some of Madhava-séna’s poetical writings

have been inserted. I am inclined to believe that, following the

example of the Panditas and others, Madhava-séna also left Bengal

and went ona pilgrimage to Kédara-natha. This is borne out by the

facts given below.

Ata place near the city of Almora in Kumaun, within the Himalaya

regions, there is a temple dedicated to Yogécvara. ‘This temple contains

a copper-plate grant of Madhava-séna, Moreover, inside the Balé¢vara

temple, in the Kédara tracts, there is a copper-plate grant dated 1145

Caka (A. D. 1223), im which the words ‘ Vangaja-Brahmana’ appear.

The name of Rudra-carma, Bhatta-narayana’s descendant, is also

inscribed in it. !

It can be inferred from the above that Pandits belonging to

Bhatta-narayana’s family accompanied Madhava-séna when he left Ben-

gal on pilgrimage.

A careful perusal of Minhaj’s account of the invasion of Bengal

by the Turks, quoted above, would lead to show that prior to the event,

the officers of the kingdom had made a conspiracy, and that the Musal-

mans bribed the Pandits of the Court to help them in forwarding their

cause. Had this not been the case, the Pandits of the Court would

not have mentioned to the king a prophecy, which did not exist in the

castras, and advised him to leave the kingdom. But the king showed his

manliness by not following the advice of the Pandits. He was never-

theless forced to relinquish it under the following circumstances : —

When taking his dinner, he suddenly heard of his palace having

been attacked. He came to know also that, prior to this, his principal

Counsellors had left the Court. It might have occurred to him also that

the attack by the Turks was the result of a plot made by those officers.

Driven to desperation, he knew not what to do at such a juncture. Left

by the Counsellors and without any means of defence, what could an old

monarch like him do? He could think of no other alternative than

to quit the palace by a back-door. It has been stated by some that he

went either to Orissa or to Hast Bengal, and established a kingdom

1 H. Atkinson, Kumaun, p. 516.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 29

there. But the old broken-hearted and depressed king appears to have

gone to Jagannatha on pilgrimage. During my travels in Orissa in the

year 1893, I was informed by the inhabitants of Kua-pala in the

District of Katak, that Laksmana-séna had resided at that place and

that he had built a temple there.

In the extract given above from the Ghataka-karika by. Hari-migra

it is plainly stated that the fear of a Musalman attack forced

Kégava-séna, the son of Laksmana-séna to leave Gauda, and in Edi-

micgra’s account, it is mentioned that Kécava-séna lived under the

protection of a Raja. It may be inferred from this, that Kégava-

séna ruled Gauda as regent or governor, when Laksmana was too old

to rule, and that on hearing of an attack by the Musalmans he fled

towards Vikramapura. Sixty years after the invasion of Nadiya,

Minhaj wrote thus:—‘ His (Laksmana’s) descendants up to this time

are rulers in the country of Bayga.’! From this we can draw the

inference, that even at that time Banga (Hast Bengal of the present

times) was not conquered by the Muhammadans. It is therefore

probable that after leaving Gauda, Kegava-séna took the protection

of some other Séna king.

The accounts of the Ghataka-karika do not however state plainly

who this king was. Iam of opinion that he was no other than Vicva-

rupa-déva, who is mentioned in the newly-discovered copper-plate grant.

The historical portion of the facsimile of the copper-plate published by

Mr. Prinsep in the name of Kécava-séna agrees exactly with the newly-

discovered plate. The Pandit who deciphered it made a mistake in

taking Kécava-séna for Vieva-ripa. It is much to be regretted that

Dr. Rajéndralala, Sir Alex. Cunningham, and other antiquarians en-

dorsed Mr. Prinsep’s statement, so that the mistake made by him remains

uncorrected. From what has been stated above, it is evident that the

copper-plate discovered by Mr. Prinsep, bearing the year 3 Samvat, and,

that lately discovered by me, bearing the year 14 Samvat, were granted

by Vicgva-rupa.?*

The copper-plate grant of Vicgva-ripa referred to above gives the

name of Ballala-séna, the son of Vijaya-séna, that of his son Laksmana-

séna, and that of his son Vi¢va-riipa; but the name of Madhava-séna or

Kécava-séna does not appear init. It follows from this that Kécava-

séna, after Laksmana-séna’s departure to Orissa, did not rule. And who

can say that the Musalmans did not pursue Kécava-séna up to Vikrama-

pura? It is likely that, at that time, Vicgva-rapa protected Hast Bengal

from the attack of the Musalmaus.

1 Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Na@siri, p. 558.

2 Vide the facsimile of Vigva-ripa’s copper-plate grant of 14 Samyat, and the

article on that subject. Ante pp. 6 and ff.

30 N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. | No. 1,

Minhaj writes :—

‘The parts around about the State of Lakhanawati, such as Jaj-nagar,

the countries of Bang, Kamrid, and Tirhut...... the whole of that territory

named Gauda.’ In another place he says, ‘The territory of Lakhanawati

has two wings on either side of the river Gang. The western side they call

Ral (Radha), and the city of Lakhanor lies on that side, and the eastern

side they call Barind (Varéndra)’ 1

From the account given by Minhaj, it appears that at the period

under notice, Mithila, Utkala, Radha, Varéndra, Banga,and Kama-riipa

were included in the kingdom of Gauda. The Séna kings of Bengal

ruled over these territories, and for this reason the rulers were called

Lords of Gauda (ateqx). Even after the conquest of Bihar and

of Laksmanavati (Varéndra) by Muhammad-i-Bakhtiar, the other terri-

tories comprised in Gauda were ruled by the Séna kings.

Minhaj writes :—

‘When the latter (i.e, Muhammad-i-Bakhtiar) led his troops towards

the mountains of Kamriad and Tirhut, he had despatched Muhammad-i-

shéran and his brother with a portion of his forces towards Lakhanor and

Jaj-nagar’. He states in another place —‘Ali-i-Mardan proceeded to Diw-

kot and assumed the Government, and brought the whole of the country of

Laksmanawatt under his sway.’ ®

And prior to writing this, he had stated thatit was this ‘Ali-i-

Mardan who in the year 602 Hijra, (1205 A.D.,) killed Muhammad-i-

Bakhtyar. Some time after this he went to Ghazni accompanied by

Sultan Kutbu-d-din Aibak. After remaining thereas prisoner for some

time he.came back to Sultan. Kutbu-d-din Aibak in Hindistan, and the

latter made over tohim the territory of Lakhanawati. It is evident

from the above that the whole of Lakhanawati, comprising Radha and

Varéndra came into the possession of ‘Ali-i-Mardan at least 4 or 5 years

after the murder of Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, 7, e., A.D. 1209—1210.

Minhaj states that Muhammad Shéran had gone to conquer

Lakhanor, 7. e., Radha and Jaj-nagar, the northern portion of Utkala;

but up to 1209-1210 the Mussalmans did not succeed in conquering the

whole of Lakhanawati It appears from this that Muhammad-i-Shéran

was defeated by Vigva-ripa. After defeating the Musalmans Vicva-riupa

assumed the name of ‘ Garga-yavandnvaya-pralaya-kala-rudra (The

terrible destroyer of the Yavana Dynasties, who sprang from Garga),

and as at that time a portion of Utkala was under the sway of the kings

of Bengal, they held the titles of Agva-pati, Gaja-pati, Nara-pati

Raja-trayadhipati, &c.

1 Raverty’s Tabaqdat-i-Nasir7, p. 485 and 588.

2 Raverty, Tabaqdat-i-Nagir2, p. 578.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. 31

From what has been stated above it may be inferred that in his old

age Laksmana-séna made Madhava-séna the Governor of Radha or

Nava-dvipa, and Kecava-séna that of Gauda (probably Varéndra). And

in this manner Vicya-riipa obtained the sovereignty of Hast Bengal.

If the statement made by Edi-micra is to be taken as correct, we can

infer from it that Kécava-séna, after repairing to Hast Bengal took

shelter under Vicva-ripa, who I believe, formally ascended the throne

in A. D. 1200-1201.

In Caka 1019, z.e., A. D., 1097, Nanya-déva of the Karnataka dy-

nasty ruledin Népal. Dr. Kielhorn has shown that Vijaya-séna defeated

this king, and I accept the Doctor’s statement as most probable. I have

already shown that his (Vijaya-séna’s) son Ballala-séna was installed in

the year A.D. 1119. Such being the case, Vijaya-séna must have

ruled Bengal for (at least) 24 or 25 years. After him Ballala-séna

ruled 50 yéars, and his son Laksmana-séna 27 or 28 years.

Abia-l-fazl has made mention of one Sada-séna! who ruled after

Kécava-séna fora period of 18 years. I think that this Sada-séna

probably ruled after Vicva-ripa. Itis not improbable that like the

other rulers of Bengal, Vigva-ripa also lived to anold age and reigned

for many years. Abiu-l-fazl further says that after Sada-séna Nauja?

ruled Bengal. Harimigra has also made mention of a powerful king

named Danauji-madhava. There is not the least shadow of doubt

that Abu-l-fazl read Nauja in place of Danauja. In the work named

Tarikh-i-Firtz-shahi, this Danauja-madhava, is described as Dannuja

Raya. Dr. Wise has thus written of Danuja Raya:—‘ This is pro-

bably the same person as Danuja-madhava, who is believed to have

been a grandson of Ballala-séna.’ This Danauja-madhava was not the

grand-son, but the great-crandson of Ballala-séna, In speaking of

Kécava, Hari-micra thus writes :—

UIScHad UA SAMA |

SATTATES: TAU STATA: |

Va SAAT FSI AAAT ATSIAT ALT: |

AAYUaAaAl sttaataget gar |

sag uUTeaia: fata aaa |

aaa FATIH Hed BULTSaT: |) ***

Ua Va ASTANA: VAT AIT q |

tree Statsat: wet SATS IRTGTAT: |

1 Jarrett, Ain-i-Akbarz, Vol. II. p. 146.

2 Do. Do. #

BJ. A. §. B., 1874, Pt. I. p. 88.

”

32. N. N. Vasu—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

After this sprang Danauja-madhava from the Séna dynasty. All

kings of his time made obeisance to him. Several Brahmanas, sprung

from 22 families, and adorned with many good qualities, came to his

court, and with the view of out-stripping his grand-father, Danauja-

madhava established them in his kingdom, giving them wealth and the

title of Kaulinya...... They were all established already at the Court of

Laksmana-séna.

I have not been able to ascertain from the genealogies of ancient

families whose son Danauja-madhava was. ‘he Karika of Hari-mic¢ra

plainly shows that Kécava-séna was not his father, Iam incliued to

conjecture that Danauja-madhava of the Séna family was the son of

Sada-séua.

According to Edi-micra, Hari-migra, Dhruvananda, Mahéevara and

other genealogists, as also the old account of Kulacaryas of Edilpur,

itwas Danauja-madhava who reorganised Kulinism among the Brah-

manas and Vaygaja Kayasthas. Some of these Karikas give the name

of Danauja-madhava-déva slightly altered, such as Danuja-~madhava-

déva, Danuja-mardana-déva. But whether he was called Nauja, Danuja

Raya, Danauja-madhava, Danuja-mardana or Danuja-madhava, there

is no doubt that they all refer to the same individual.!

According to some of the Karikas of Kdilpur, this Danauja-madhava

or Danuja-mardana issued orders about Kulinism from Candra-dvipa,

and again the Ghatakas of Vikrama-pura say that the proclamation was

made from Vikrama-pura. Moreover there is a tradition extant that a

person named Danuja-mardana, after leaving Vikrama-pura went to

Candra-dvipa and there established a kingdom with the help of his

spiritual guide. Dr. Wise has thus written of this dynasty :—

‘It is not improbable that the founder of this family is the same person

as the Rai of Sunarga0, by name Danuj Rai,? who met the Emperor

Balban on his march against Sultan Mughisu-d-din in the year 1280. It

is not likely that the Muhammadan usurper would have allowed a Hindu to

remain in independence at his capital Sunargao. If the principality of

Candra-dvipa extended to the River Meghna, the agreement made with the

Emperor that he would guard against the escape of Tughril to the west

becomes intelligible.’

‘The chief event, however, of his reign was the organisation of the

Vaygaja Kayasthas. He appointed certain Brahmans, whose descendants

still reside at Edilpur (‘Adilpur), to be Ghatakas or Kulacaryas of the

Kayasthas, and he directed that all marriages should be arranged by

them, and that they should be responsible that the Kulina Kayasthas only

jntermarried with families of equal rank. He also appointed a Svarna-

1 See Vicva-kosa, article ‘ Kulina.’

2 Elliot's Muhammadan Historians of India, Vol. III. p. 116.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 33

matya, or master of the ceremonies, who fixed the precedence of cach

member of the Sabha or assembly, and who pointed out the proper seat

each individual was to occupy at thefeast given by the Raja. These

officers still exist and the holders of them are much respected by all

Kayasthas.! , j

It seems evident from the above that Laksmana-séna’s grand-son,

Dananja Rai or Danauji-midhava of Vikrama-pura, having been greatly

annoyed by the Musalmans, went to Candra-dvipa and established a

kmgdom there. From the Karikiés of the Ghatakas of Candra-dvipa,

it would appear that after Danauja-midhava, his descendants Rama-

vallabha-déva-riya, Krsna-vallabha-déva-raya, Hari-vallabha-déva-raya

and Jaya-déva-raya ruled Candra-dvipa one after another.2 The last of

the Séna kings of Candra-dvipa (Jaya-déva) had no male issue. The

oldest of the karikas of the Ghatakas of Candra-dvipa thus says :—

ATMA BA ULAR: |

a Alas: Hal ATeat ASAT |

axa aust 2aamaqga: |

Rams Ia a fe aa: wqeaATa: |

UAT VTA SHAT I

Paramananda the wise was Bala-bhadra’s son, and the valiant

Jaya-déva was the grand-father of Paramananda on the mother’s side.

Jaya-déva belonged to the Déva-family and was the king of Candra-

dvipa. On his demise, Paramananda, as heir to the throne, ruled the

kingdom.

A question may here arise that if Jaya-déva and his predecessors

belonged to the Séna family, how is it that in the books of the Ghatakas

of Candra-dvipa they are spoken of as having sprung from the Déva-

family ?? But the question is easy to answer. Im all the inscriptions

discovered from the time of Vijaya-séna to that of Vicva-ripa, the

title ‘déva’ is attached to the names of all the Séna kings, and this

accounts for the statement made by the Ghatakas.

In all the karikis of the Ghatakas of Edilpur, it is mentioned,

that Paramananda-raya, the first king of the Vasu family of Candra-

dvipa, son of Bala-bhadra-vasu, a first-class Kulina of Dehurghati, was

Raja Jaya-déva’s daughter’s son. All these show conclusively that the

1J. A. 8. B., 1874, Pt. 1, p. 206-7.

2Dr. Wise gives a similar Table, except that he omits the name of Hari-

vallabha-déva. J. A. &. B., 1874, Pt. 1, p. 207.

3 Déva means here divine or illustrious.

ete

34 N. N. Vasu-—Chronology of the Séna Kings of Bengal. [No. 1,

kingdom of Candra-dvipa came to be ruled by the descendants of the

daughter of Jaya-déva.!

Abi-l-fazl thus writes of Candra-dvipa, 7. e., Sarkar of Bakla :—‘ In the

29th year of the Divine era, a terrible inundation occurred at 3 o'clock in

the afternoon, which swept over the whole Sarkar. The Raja held an

entertainment at the time. Heat once embarked on board a boat, while his

son, Paramananda-raya with some others climbed to the top of a temple and

a merchant took refuge ona high loft. For four hours and a halfthe sea

raged amid thunder and a hurricane of wind. Houses and boats were

engulfed, but no damage occurred to the temple or loft.’2

It would appear from Abu-l-fazl’s statement that Paramananda’s

father also was a king of Candra-dvipa, and that Paramananda escaped

from the flood that took placein the 29th year of Akbar’s reign,

i.e. 1685 A.D. There isno doubt as to the deluge having occurred

in the year quoted above ; but according to the account of the Kulacarya-

karikas of Candra-dvipa, Jagadananda-raya was theruler at that time

and the life of his son Kandarpa-narayana was saved on the occasion.®

Especially, in the year after the occurrence of the deluge referred

to, we, 1586 A.D., Ralph Fitch, who came to this country, saw

Kandarpa-narayana, the grandson of Paramananda on the throne.*

Under such circumstances, more reliance should be placed on the

genealogy of the royal dynasty of Candra-dvipa than on what has been

mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbar?7. According to the rules of inheritance,

Paramananda was heir to Jaya-déva and not his father Bala-bhadra.

It is probable that at the time of Jaya-déva’s death, Paramananda was too

young to take up the reins of government, and that in consequence his

father directed the affairs of the state on his behalf.

According to the Tibetan author, Taranatha, the close of the Séna

dynasty must have taken place in A. D. 1300. In my opinion, in that

year the Séna kings were only driven from Sunar-gio by the Muham-

madans. We see Danuja-raya of Sunargao helping Balban even in A.D.

1280. Under such circumstances it is more probable that 20 years from

1 J. A. S. B., 1874, Pt. I, p. 207.

2 Jarrett’s Atn-i-Akbar?, Vol. II, p. 123.

In the karika written by Dhruvananda-micra, Court-Poet of Raja Préma-

narayana of Candra-dvipa, it is stated :—

AMA Heal: BISHVAT: |

THY SYR GRA F SNA: |

Aaas GUAM ASST AA KAT |

Wl A Bat Aaa TT I

areaiqagaat sweraealasi: |

* Hackluyt’s Voyages, Vol. II, p. 257; and J. A. 8. B., 1874. Pt.1, p. 207.

1896.) N.N. Vasu— Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. 30

that occurrence, Danuja-raya, being driven from Vikrama-pura or

Suvarna-grama, founded the kingdom of Candra-dvipa.

In page 473 of his account of Bengal, Tieffenthaler adds that after

Raja Nodja (Danauja) there reigned seven Hindu princes whose names

are not known and who ruled for 106 years. But I have already pointed

out from the genealogy of the kings of Candra-dvipa that after Nodja

or Dananja four of his descendants ruled one after another, and the son

of the last king’s daughter inherited the kingdom. In all likelihood

this change took place between the years 1440 and 1460 A.D. After

seven members of the Vasu family had ruled Candra-dvipa, the kingdom

passed into the hands of the Mitra family, the sister’s son of the last

king having ascended the throne. At present the descendants of that

dynasty are living at Madhava-pacga.! A genealogical table of the

kings of the Séna dynasty and of those of the Vasu and Mitra families

that sprung from it, is given below :—

Hémanta-séna.

Vijaya-séna-déva, (circa 1097 A. D.)

Ballala-sena-deva, (1119 A. D.)

Beebe aeriatiads (1170 A. D.)

( eee ee

| (at Vikrama-pura)

Madhava-séna. Kécava-séna. Vigva-riipa-séna-déva Sada-séna. (?)

(Circa 1200-1235 ? )

eas, AG

Dananja-madhava-déva (1280 A. D.)

[ Founder of Candra-dvipa |

(At Candra-dvipa.)

Rama-vallabha-déva-raya.

Krsna-vallabha-déva-raya.

Hari-vallabha-déva-raya.

Jaya-déva-raya,

[ Who had a daughter married to

Bala-bhadra, of Vasu family, his son]

Paramananda-raya.

1 For a full account of the Candra-dvipa-raja-vamea, see Vigvarkosa, Vol. V

article ‘Candra-dvipa,’ and Babu Braja-sundara Mitra’s History of the Candra-dvipa-

Raja-family.

36 -N.N. Vasu— Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. {WNo. 1,

- Paramananda-raya.

Jagadananda-raya.

Kandarpa-narayana-raya (1586 A.D.)

Rama-candra-raya.

Kirti-narayana Vasudéva-narayana-raya.

Préma-narayana-raya. Daughter (married to

; Mitra family.)

ap iky |

Udaya-narayana. Raja-narayana.

Civa-narayana.

Jaya-narayana.

Nrsimha-narayana.

Virasimha-narayan (adopted),

Dévéndra-narayana (adopted).

Son (stall living).

Before we conclude this subject, we must clear up one point with

regard to the Séna kings having belonged to the Vaidya caste. There is

a tradition extant that Ballala-séna of Vikrama-pura was a Vaidya.

This tradition has sprung from the fact of there having been a Vaidya

king of the same name. Gdopala-bhatta in his work, ‘ Ballala-carita’

thus speaks of him :—

FqAMaatsa ARASH: |

aaa Halas aeIaafea BA |

masta @ ARIAT Fi |

FAUAIA FatHaacranwangy |

aay efaa ae ufafialaatea |

This shows that in 1300 Caka, .e., 1378 A.D., Gopala-bhatta, teacher

of king Ballala-séna of the Vaidya family, wrote by order of the king a

book catled Ballala-carita.” It is well known that Ballala-séna, son of

Vijaya-séna, lived about 250 years previous to this, and that in the year

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Chronology of the Sena Kings of Bengal. BY)

1378 almost the whole of Bengal came under the Musalman rule, It is

also stated in the ‘ Ballala-carita,’ that Ballala of the Vaidya family,

fought against a Musalman Faqir named Baba Adam.!

This shows conclusively that Ballala of the Séna family of Ganda

was a Kayastha or a Ksatriya of the Lunar Dynasty, and that Ballala

of Vikrama-pura, who lived long after him, was a Vaidya. The latter,

probably, was a Zamindar of note, who at the time of dismemberment

of the Kingdom of Bengal rose to some eminence.

POSTSCRIPT.

After I had finished the above article, I obtained from an old

Ghataka of Faridpur, a Vameavali of the kings of Candra-dvipa. This

Vameavali in a verse clearly describes Jaya-déva the 5th king of Candra-

dvipa, as descended from the Séna dynasty. The Cloka runs thus :—

AQ AlaaE: Hat AAeat API |

WHat AUT Sai wAg_ga: |

From the above, there. can be no doubt of Danauja and his des-

cendants being descended from the Séna dynasty. Moreover I have

heard from the old Ghataka, that Danauji and his successors styled.

themselves Rayas of Candra-dvipa.

1 Cunningham, Rep, Arch. Sur, Vol. XV, p. 135: J. A. S.B., Vol. LVIII,

Pt. I, pp. 18-19.

J ee OS

38 | K. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar.—By EL. D. Maclagan, C.S.,

from notes recorded by the late GennRaL R. Mactacay, R.E.

[Read April 1896. |

Almost all the historians of the reign of Akbar have discussed in

some form or other his religious views, and in histories written by

Europeans attention has naturally been paid to the attitude which he

assumed towards Christianity, as put before him by the Jesuit Mis-

sionaries at his Court. The records of these Jesuit Missions are not,

however, very easy of access, and few of the published histories do more

than refer in the briefest terms to the remarkable incidents which

these records set forth and the interesting picture of the times which

they present to us. In order to supply this defect it was the inten-

tion of the late General Maclagan R.E., to prepare a sketch of the

religious views of the Emperor Akbar, which should have special re-

ference to the history of his attitude towards Christianity, and the

present writer has come into possession of the notes and references

which General Maclagan from time to time recorded with this object

in view. It is unfortunately impossible to prepare from these notes any

complete sketch of the nature originally contemplated, but it may be

of some interest to reproduce in one place the substance of the chief

original authorities on the subject of the Jesuit Missions at Akbar’s

Court, and the scope of the present paper is limited to this.

What the general histories tell us is shortly as follows. That

from about A.D. 1580, till his death, or at any rate till the year 1596,

the Emperor Akbar held the most unorthodox opinions, culminating for

a time in the promulgation of a form of natural religion entitled

the Tauhid-i-llahi or Divine Monotheism, in which the worship of the

Sun and of the Hmperor himself formed a prominent part. That

during this period he assumed a tolerant attitude towards all religions

and made constant enquiries into the tenets and customs of the Hindis,

Parsis and Christians; and that at his invitation three separate special

missions were equipped and despatched to his Court by the Jesuit

authorities at Goa. The first of these missions was sent in 1080, under

1896.|. E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 39

the guidance of Father Rodolfi Aquaviva who remained at the Court

of the Mogul for three years. The second, under Father Edward

Leoton, arrived in 1591 and after a short stay was somewhat hastily

withdrawn. The third, under Father Jerome Xavier, a nephew of St.

Francis, persevered in its labours from the date of its commencement in

‘the year 1595 to a time considerably later than the death of the Emperor.

It is of these three missions that the present paper treats. A

narrative of all the three missions is to be found in Hugh Murray’s

‘Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia,’ Edinburgh ,

1820, vol. IT., 82-96, but the narrative is brief and is disfigured by

some unfortunate misprints of dates. So again in the Rev. James

Houeh’s ‘ History of Christianity in India,’ London, 1839, vol. IT., 260-

287, there is a history of the missions to Akbar, which is taken almost

entirely (mistakes and all) from the History of the Mughal Empire

issued in 1708 by the Jesuit Catrou: Catrou’s work was compiled

from the Portuguese manuscript of Signor Manuchi, a Venetian who

was physician to the Mughal Court in Aurangzeb’s time, and Manuchi pro-

fessed to base his history on Persian records in the Mughal capital, but

his translator, Catrou, confesses to having added to the original history,

and the account of the Jesuit missions in Catrou’s work is obviously

taken from European sources.!. Even in the ‘Kaiser Akbar’ (1880) of

Prince Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein (Count von Noer), where an

admirable account, based on Du Jarric’s history of these missions will

be found, there is a certain want of completeness owing to the fact that

the writer had not apparently seen the last volume of Du Jarric’s work

which treats of the missions after the year 1600.2 It is advisable, there-

fore, to leave our modern authorities and to go back as far as we can

to the original records of these missions.

Notices by native historians.—Before, however, examining the

Jesuit records attention may be paid to the passing allusions made by

native historians to the Christian proclivities of Akbar and the doings

of the priests at his Court.® We are fortunate in finding among.

1 See also ‘The Portuguese in Northern India,’ Calc. Rev. v. 279-284, (1848).

2 See Kaiser Akbar, I., 440. A short notice of Akbar’s connection with

Christianity will be found in Bohlen’s ‘Alte Indien,’ 1830, vol. I., 104-105.

Attention may also be directed to Dr. Ireland’s romance called ‘ Golden Bullets,’

Edinb., 1890, in which the Jesuits at Akbar’s Court play a large role: and to

the sketch of the missions in Max Mullbauer’s Geschichte per katholischen Missionen

in Ostindien, 1852, pp. 133-149.

_ 8 The quotations made below are all collected from translations and English

works and cannot claim to be exhaustive. Reference may be also made to Asad

Beg’s amusing account of the introduction of tobacco in Akbar’s Court, and the

Jesuit Father’s support of the tobacco smokers (Elliot, VI., 167).

40 K. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

contemporary writers two historians who had exceptional opportu-

nities for knowing the facts of which they wrote and who treated those

facts from two entirely different points of view. On the one hand, we

have ‘Abdu-l-qidir Badauni, the trenchant champion of orthodoxy at

Akbar’s Court, whose Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh carries the history of

Akbar down to the year 1595. On the other hand there is Akbar’s.

abettor and favourite minister, Abi-l-fazl, the author of the Akbar-

nama which contains a history of the same period down to the year

1601.

Badauni’s work first notices the introduction of Christian influence

in treating of the year 1575, and according to that author the ra-

tionalizing tendencies of Akbar’s Counsellors Abii-l-fazl, Abi-l-fath,

etc., were due partly to the fact that ‘there came’ (presumably about

that time) ‘a great number of Portuguese from whom they picked up

doctrines justifiable by reasoning,’ !

The practise of Christian ritual followed soon after, for Badaduni

tells us* that ‘the ringing of bells as in use with the Christians, and

the showing of the figure of the cross, and the cunabula [kanabalan]

which is their time of mirth, and other childish playthings of theirs

were daily in practice.’ The words Kujfr shai’ shud, or ‘ Heresy became

common,’ express the Tarikh’ (A. H. 985. A. D. 1577-8).

The first Missionary at Akbar’s Court arrived in March, 1576, but

the first organized mission was in 1580, and it is to this that Badauni

refers in the following passage. In the course of his explanation of the

reasons which led the Emperor to renounce Islam, he writes? :—

‘Learned monks also came from Europe, who go by the name of Padre.

They have an infallible head, called Papa. He may change any religious

ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his

authority. These monks brought the Gospel and mentioned to the Emperor

their proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of

the Christian religion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus,

ordered Prince Murad to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of

1 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II. 211 (not 281, as printed in Blochmann) quoted in Bloch-

mann’s Ain-i-Akbari I. 163. The fact is noted in treating of the year 1575, and if the

Portuguese mentioned in the text came that year, they were probably private indivi-

duals (artizans, &c), for there seems to be no record of a regular embassy between

that of 1572-3 (Elliot, Hist. Ind. VI, 42) and that of 1578 noticed below. From

Lowe’s translation, however, there seems no need to fix the arrival of the Portuguese

in any particular year. 5

2 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II. 301 (304) quoted in Blochm. Ain I. 493. See also Blochm.

Ain I. 618 and Progs. Beng. As. Soc., May 1870, p. 146.

3 Bad (Bib. Ind) IJ, from Blochm, Azn I. 182.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. 41

auspiciousness, and charged Abit-l-fazl to translate the Gospel. Instead

of the usual Bismillahi-r-rakhmani-r-rahim | the following lines were used.

Ai nam-i-tu Jesus 6 Kiristo,

[O Thou, whose names are Jesus and Christ],

which means: ‘O Thou, whose name is gracious and blessed!’ and Shaikh

Faizi added another half, in order to complete the verse

Subhanaka la siwaka Ya hu.

[We praise Thee; there is no one besides Thee, O Ged. ]

These accursed monks applied the description of cursed Satan, and of

his qualities, to Muhammad, the best of all prophets—God’s blessings rest

on him and his whole house !—a thing which even devils would not do.’

In a different place* Badauni describes the introduction of an organ,

but not apparently in connection with Christian worship. In another

passage, * however, there is a somewhat obscure allusion to the Emperor’s

Christian proclivities. At a discussion carried on in Akbar’s pre-

sence Haji Ibrahim asked Mirza Muflis ‘How is Mésdé declined? and

what is the root of the word?’ to which no satisfactory answer

was given: whereupon the Emperor asked the Qazi’s son Shukr, ‘ Why

do you not join in the discussion ?’ to which Shukr replied: ‘If

Haji Ibrahim were to ask how to decline ‘Js@ (Jesus), what answer

should I give?’ And His Majesty, we are told, very much applauded

this speech.

In describing the events of the end of the year A.H. 989 (17th

Feb. 1580—5th Feb, 1581) the same historian says* :—

‘ At this time his Majesty sent Shaikh Jamal Bakhtiyar to bring Shaikh

Qutbu-d-diné of Jalésar who, though a wicked man, pretended to be

‘attracted by God.’ When Qutbu-d-din came the Emperor brought him

to a conference with some Christian priests, and rationalists, and some

other great authorities of the age. After a discussion the Shaikh ex-

claimed: ‘Let us make a great fire, and in the presence of His Majesty I

shall pass through it. And if any one else gets safely through, he proves

by it the truth of his religion.’ The fire was made, the Shaikh pulled one

of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him: ‘Come on, in the

name of God.’ But none of the priests had the courage to go.

i The formula used by school children before beginning to read from their

books. The words Ai xdm, etc., are given above in the form adopted by Professor

Blochmann from the version of the story given inthe Dabistén: the edition of

Badauni used by Blochmann has ai nami wai zhazho Kiristd. Cf p. 51 below.

2 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) IL. 269.

3 ditto II. 187.

4 Bad. (Bib. Ind.) II, 299. Quoted by Blochm dfn I. 191.

5 In recounting his version of the story Fr. de Sousa (Oriente Conquistada

1710 II. 170) gives the name as Mola Xequeria (Malla Zakaria).

J.1 6

AQ E. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. 1,

‘Soon after this the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bhakkar, together

with other faqirs, as His Majesty was jealous of his triumph.’

We shall note later on the Jesuit version of this episode, Mean-

time let us see how Abi-l-fazl describes it! :-—

“One night the Ibadat-khana was brightened by the presence of Padre

Radalf? who for intelligence and wisdom was unrivalled among Christian

doctors. Several carping and bigotted men attacked him and thus afforded

an opportunity for the display of the calm judgment and justice of the

assembly. These men brought forward the old received assertions and

did not attempt to arrive at truth by reasoning. Their statements were

torn to pieces and they were nearly put to shame: and then they began

to attack the contradictions in the Gospel, but they could not prove their

assertions. With perfect calmness and earnest conviction of the truth, the

Padre replied to their arguments, and then he went on to say: ‘ If these

men have such an opinion of our Book, and if they believe the Quran to be

the true word of God, then let a furnace be lighted, and let me with the

Gospel in my hand, and the ‘wlama@ with their holy book in their hands, walk

into that testing place of truth, and the right will be manifest.’ The

black-hearted and mean-spirited disputants shrank from the proposal, and

answered only with angry words.’

In narrating the events of the 35th year of the reign (A. D.

1590-1) Abi-|-fazl says® :—

‘At this time Padre Farmalitin*® arrived at the Imperial Court from

Goa and was received with much distinction. He was a man of much learn-

ing and eloquence. A few intelligent young men were placed under him

for instruction, so that provision might be made for securing translation

of Greek books and for extending knowledge. With him came a number of

Europeans and Armenians who brought silks of China and goods of other

countries, which were deemed worthy of His Majesty’s inspection.’

The same historian informs us of the arrival of a large caravan from

Goa, containing several learned men known as Padres, on the ]9th

Ardibihisht 1903 [28th April, 1595].5 In another passage he states® that

1 Akbarnama (Bib. Ind.) IU]. 254. Elliot Hist. Ind. V1. 60, cf. p. 51 below.

2 This is Prof. Blochmann’s reading (Ain I. 168): the MSS. have Radif, Rawig

and Raunaq. Although the passage occurs in the description of the events of the

28rd year of the reign (1578-9), the reference is almost certainly, to Padre Rodolfi

Aqnaviva who arrived at Fathpur Sikri in Neb. 1580.

3 Akbarnama (Bib. Ind.) I1L. 577. Elliot Hist. Ind. VI. 85.

4 Or Farabatun. Perhaps some corruption of ‘Duarte Leoton’ or possibly

‘Grimaleon’ sc. Leo Grimon (see p. 60 below). Beveridge in an interesting article

on Jerome Xavier in this Journal suggests ‘Fra Hmmanuele’ sc. Pinheiro, but

Pinheiro was not a‘ Fra’ nor did he go till 1595. J. A. S. B. 1888, p. 34.

5 Akb. (Bib. Ind.) IIT. 669. Beveridge in J. A. S. B. 1885 p. 34. Xavier arrived

at Lahore on 5th May, 1595.

8 See Rehatsek in Cale. Rev, Jan 1886, p. 3.

S90], ED: Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. 43

malevolent persons had spread the rumour of the Emperor's hatred

to Islam and of his having become a Brahman, but they were refuted

and put to shame by certain Christian philosophers in a public disputa-

tion held for that purpose. But he ascribes no permanent influence

to these Christian philosophers, for ina further passage! he writes :—

‘The Emperor conversed for some time onthe religious information

he had obtained from Christian priests, but it appeared after a short while

that their arguments had made no great impression on his mind so that

he troubled himself ne more with contemplations about asceticism, the

allurements of poverty and the despicableness of a worldly life.’

So far Badauni and Abu-l-fazl, In the Dabistan which was written

about sixty years after Akbar’s death, we find a curious account?

(how far exact we cannot tell) of a discussion which took place before

Akbar between a ‘Nazarene’ and a Muhammadan, and of another

between a ‘Nazarene’ and a Jew. These appear® to be based on

Xavier’s dialogues in the Ama-i-Hagg-numa, which will be noticed

further on, and are not worth reproducing here.

Jesuit authorities.—Turning now to the Jesuit accounts of the

missions, it will be convenient to note shortly the chief published

origines available :—

lL. The Annuxze Litere or Annual Reports of the doings of the

Society throughout the world, which were circulated to the various

Jesuit centres, pay little or no attention to Upper India. Ont of the

reports available in the British Museum, wiz., those for 1582-3, 1586-7,

1592—5, 1597-8 and 1600—5, these for 1582 and 1597 alone contain in-

formation regarding the Mughal Missions.

2. Practically our only authority for the second mission consists

of two letters with enclosures from the Provincial at Goa, which were

published in Italian by the Jesuit father Spitili at Rome, in 1592. A

Latin translation of his work was published at Antwerp in 1593 and

called: ‘ Brevis et compendiosa narratio missionum quarundam orientis

et occidentis excerpta ex quibusdam litteris a P. P..... datis anno 1590

et 1591.’ A French translation followed at Lyons-in 1594.

3. A valuable authority is John Baptist Peruschi, a Jesuit who ia

1597 published at Brescia, a little book called ‘ Informatione del Regno

e stato del gran Ré di Mogor.’ French translations appeared at

Besancon and Paris in 1597 and 1598 respectively : and the book was

also translated in 1598 into German and Latin at Maintz. The Latin

1 Akb. (Luckn. litho. ed.) III. 208, taken from Rehatsek, Cale. Rev. Jan. 1886,

p.3.

2 Shea and Troyer’s Translation, ILI. 65-9.

5 See Dr. Lee’s prefacé to Martyns, ‘Controversial Tracts,’ p. 87.

44, EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. (No. 1,

translation which is the version most easily available is entitled

‘ Historica Relatio de potentissimi Regis Mogor, a magno Tamerlane ori-

undi vita moribus et summa in Christianam Religionem. propensione....

excerpta ex variis epistolis inde acceptis anno 1582, 91 et 95.’ The

letters of 1595 are quoted in full and an extract is given from another

which may bear the date of 1582 though the date is more probably

1580: but there is no trace of the letter of 1591 unless it is in the

account of the Mughal Empire which professes to be based on letters of

1582 and 1592 (? 1591). Peruschi devotes only two lines to the second

Mission of 1590-1, but his history of the first Mission of 1580—83

remains the basis of all subsequent accounts of that Mission.

4. In 1601 two letters written by the mission at Lahor in

1598-9 were published by a Jesuit called John Oranus at Liége, in a col-

lection of papers entitled: ‘Japonica, Sinensia, Mogorana, hoc est, de

rebus apud eas gentes a Patribus Societatis Jesu anno 1598 et 99 gestis.

A P. [oanne Orano in Latinam linguam versa.’

5. Another version of the same two letters was published in i601

at Maintz in a book called: ‘ Recentissima de amplissimo Regno Chinae,

item de statu rei Christianae apud magnum Regem Magor.’

6. <A letter of 1599 from the Provincial Father Pimenta at Goa,

was published at Maintz in 1601, under the title : ‘ Nova Relatio Historica

de Rebus in India Orientali a patribus Societatis Jesu anno 1598 et

99 gestis.’ In the same year another Latin copy was issued at Milan,

and an Italian version was published by Zannetti in Rome. French

versions appeared at Antwerp and Lyons in 1601 and 1602 respectively.

7. The report submitted by the Provincial from Goa in 1600 was

published by Zannetti at Rome in 1602, another version in Italian appear-

ing at Venice in the same year. A Latin version was published at

Maintz in 1602 under the heading ‘Exemplum epistolae P. Nicholai

Pimentae pzovinciae orientalis Indiae visitatoris...... de statu rei Chris-

tianae in India Orientali,’ and another Latin version issued at Constance

in 1603 under the title ‘ De felici statu et progressu rei Christianae in

India Orientali epistola R. P. Nicolai Pimentae.’ A German translation

had appeared at Constance in 1602 and a Portuguese copy at Lisbon in

the same year. A French translation was published at Paris in 1603 by

‘L. S. D. C’ under the heading ‘ Les miracles merveilleux advenus aux

Indes Orientales.’

8. <A reprint of a number of Jesuit reports was published in 1605

at Antwerp by the Scotch Jesuit controversialist, John Hay of Dalgetty,

under the title ‘De Rebus Japonicis, Indicis et Peruanis epistolae

recentiores...in unum librum coacervatae’. This book includes the whole

of Peruschi’s work (No. 3 above), Pimenta’s letters of 1599 and 16090,

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 45

(Nos. 6 and 7 above) and Oranus’ version of the Lahor letters of 1598-9

(see No. 4 above). There is no original matter in this book but it con-

tains a number of first hand authorities in a convenient form.

9, A German work published at Augsburg in 1611 under the title

‘Drei Neue Relationes, etc.’ contains an account, compiled from Hay’s

book, of the general condition of the Mughal Kinedom, &c., and a trans-

lation of a letter of 1607 giviug particulars of Akbar’s death.

10. In 1601 Father Luis de Guzman, 8. J., Rector of the College

of Toledo, wrote in Spanish, a ‘Historia de las Missiones que han hecho

los religiosos de la compafiia de Jesus para predicar el sancto Evangelio

en la India Oriental, y en Jos Reynos de la China y Japon.’ The

authorities for the history are not given, and the story stops at the year

1599 : this is our first general history of the Missions.

11. Father Fernam Guerreiro, 8. J., of Almodonar, published at

Lisbon a ‘Relacam annal das cousas que fezeram os padres da Com-

panhia de Jesus’ for each of the three periods 1600-1, 1602-3 and 1604-7.

Of the first there is a Spanish translation in the British Museum

published at Valladolid in 1604 by Father Antonio Colago, S. J. Of

the second, issued at Lisbon in 1605, there is a copy in All Souls Col-

lege Library at Oxford. Of the third I have geen no copy. These

Relations are ‘tirada dos cartas dos mesmos padres’ and they are first

rate authorities. !

12. A most useful work is the History sani ied at Bordeaux in

1608 by Father Pierre du Jarric of Toulouse under the title ‘ Histoire

des choses plus memorables advenues tant ez Indes Orientales que autres

pays de la descouverte des Portugais, en |’ establissement et progrez

de la foy Chrestienne et Catholique, et principalement de ce que les

Religieux de la Compagnie de Jésus y ont faict et enduré pour la

mesme fin, Depuis qu’ ils sont entrez jusques 4 l’an 1600. Le tout

recueilly des lettres et autres Histoires qui en ont esté escrits cy devant,

et mis en ordre par le P. Pierre du Jarric Tolosain de la mesme

compagnie?’ This work, a copy of which was published in 1611 at

Arras, has two parts, and a third part including the period 1600-1610

was published in 1614. A ‘Nouvelle Histoire’ by ‘R. P. D. I” was

also published at Arras in 1628, but appears to contain nothing new:

1 See De Backer ‘Bibliothéque des H’crivains de la compagnie de Jesus’ série

1e, p. 366. In von Noer’s ‘ Kaiser Akbar,’ II. 309, reference is made to a Portuguese

work by Guerreiro, published in 1611, and to an account there given of am argument

between the Emperor and a padre. In von Noer’s book, published after the author’s

death, this padre is represented as Guerreiro himself, but this is no doubt an

oversight.

4 This is the work quoted in this paper. The Mughal Missions are described in

vol. II, 429-493 and vol III 27-97.

4.6 KE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. Ly

and a Latin Translation under the title ‘Rerum Indicarum Thesaurus ’”

was published at Cologne in 1615. In his ‘ Preface au lecteur Chrestien ’

Du Jarric gives his authorities: he tells us that he began by translat-

ing Guzman (No. 10, above) and finding omissions and difficulties

wrote to him, but got no answer; Guzman having died about this time:

he also wrote to Guerreiro (No. 11, above) at Lisbon, who had written

some books in Portuguese on things which had happened since 1599,

and received from him an obliging reply and some books, among which

were notes on Guzman’s history, by P. Albert Laertius, an Italian, who

was Provincial in India at the time of Du Jarric’s writing; as well as

the letters which were arriving from India, up to the year 1606.

13. The Abbate Clemente J’osz published at Rome in 1669 a ‘ Dell’

Indie Orientale Descrittione Geografica et Historica,’ on pp. 94-6 of vol.

I, of which the history of Christianity under Akbar is given. This

history is based-on Du Jarric, and is too short to be of value.

14. In 1667 had been published at Rome a book by Father Daniel

Bartoli, S. J., called ‘Dell Istoria della compagnia di Giesu d’ Asia...

Parte Prima—Hditione Terza, accresciuta della Missione al Mogor e

della Vita e morte del P. Ridolfo Aquaviva.’ The ‘accretion,’ which

is at pp. 605-663, is practically a life of Aqnaviva. A reprint of this

part of the book was published in 1714 by Salvioni at Rome, under the

heading, ‘ Missione al gran Mogor del Padre Ridolfo Aquaviva;’ a work

which has the merit of being well-printed and of having at the begin-

ning a long list of authorities on the life of Aquaviva.

15, In 1739, the Protestant professor Louis de Diew published at

Leyden a translation of, and notes on, Jerome Xavier's Persian history

of Christ, '! under the title ‘Historia Christi persice conscripta simulque

multis modis contaminata;’ also the same author’s history of S. Peter,

under the title ‘ Historia S. Petri sed contaminata.’ In his preface to

the former history De Dieu refers to Hay’s version of the Provincial’s

Jetter of 1595, and in an Appendix quotes in full Oranus’ version of the

two letters from Lahor of 1598-99. It is on De Dieu’s reprint of these

that Mr. Beveridge’s article in J. A. S. B. 1888, 1. 33, is based.

16. In 1710, a Jesuit father, Francisco De Sousa published in

Portuguese, at Lisbon an account of the Missions which were carried on

in the Province of Goa between 1564 and 1585. His book is called

‘Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo pelos padres da companhia de Jesus

da Provincia de Goa,’ and pages 146-172 of the second volume deal with

the first Mission to Akbar. In the preface to his second volume he

gives as his authorities (a) a MS. history by Father Sebastiano Gon-

calves, Professor at Goa in 1593; (b) Bartoli’s work, No. 14 above ;

1 A further notice of this work will be found at the end of the present paper.

1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jesawit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 47

Secretaria de Goa.’

17.’ In the general Jesuit histories the fullest account of these

Missions appears to be that given by Jouvency, on pp. 449-460 of

Part V of Orlandini’s “ Historia Sociatatis Jesu,” published at Rome in

1710, but there is nothing in this account which is not derived from the

authorities quoted above.

In addition to the above printed authorities there are several

MS. letters in the British Museum Marsden Collection, No. 9854.1!

There is also a Portuguese or Spanish manuscript (dated Goa, 26 Nov.,

1582) by an anonymous missionary, which was seen by Prince Frederick

of Schleswig Holstein (Count von Noer), and was said by him to con-

tain an admirable account of the condition of things at Akbar’s Court,

and to have been evidently used by Du Jarric: it is not clear where this

manuscript now is.?

Tue First Mission, 1580-83.

Of the first Mission, the best and shortest account is Peruschi’s, but

further details are supplied by Guzman, who is mainly copied by Du

Jarric: Bartoli who writes later and more diffusely can only be accepted

with caution as a supplement to the above.

From these authorities it would appear that Akbavr’s attention was

first attracted towards Christianity by his hearing of the arrival of two

Jesuits in Bengal in 1576: but he also received information regarding

the Christian faith from an influential Portuguese subordinate of his

own, called Peter Tavares, who is described as being in military charge

of a port in Bengal.* These circumstances induced him to summon from

Bengal a priest called Julian Perreira,“ who arrived at Fathpur Sikri in

l The British Museum MSS. quoted in this paper have mainly been deciphered

and translated for me by other hands, and I believe the translations to be substantially

correct. There must be a certain number of other MS. letters of the period extant,

which were written from Agra or Lahore or Goa: these are probably in Continental

libraries.

2 See Markham’s Introduction to Limburg Brouwer’s ‘ Akbar’ 1879. p. xxvi, and

Noer Kaiser Akbar 1.489. Quotations are made from this MS. in Noer IJ. 11-12, 77-8,

81-2, and 97-8 regarding the Gujarat and Kabul campaigns. The document which

is possibly by Monserrat would perhaps throw light on the chronological difficulty

referred to on p. 53 below.

3 Beveridge (J. A. 8S. B., 1888, p. 34) suggests that Tavares may be the same as

the Partab Bar of the Akbarndma (Elliot, Hist. Ind. VI. 59), Manrique (Ininerario,

p. 13-14) gives an account of Tavares. See also Murray’s Hist. Acct. Il. 99.

4 So called by Peruschi and by De Sousa (Or. Cong. II. 148); Bartoli gives the

name as Hgidio Anes Perreira. Du Jarric (II. 438) says he was unable to discover the

name of the priest. He was apparently not a Jesuit.

48 HE. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

March, 1578. This priest occupied himself largely in exposing the

errors of Muhammadanism (which Akbar had not as yet publicly re-

nounced) and the Emperor was greatly interested and satisfied with

what he taught him. Weare told, that when the chief Mulla, ‘the

Sultan of Mecca’! defended his faith, the Emperor rose up and said ‘ May

God help me! May God help me!’ as though he were not content with

the Mulla’s defence: and it is recorded that many fruitless discussions

between the priest and the Mullas were held in his presence. He went

so far, however, as to ask the priest to teach him Portuguese, so that he

might the better understand the doctrines of Christianity. The first

thing he was taught was to pronounce the name of Jesus, and he took

great pleasure in repeating the word many times.

About this period, during the year 1578, a Portuguese Embassy

under Antony Cabral* arrived at the Court, and Akbar made enquiries

from the members of the embassy regarding the Christian faith. Father

Perreira, moreover, informed him of the Jesuit missionaries in the College

of St. Paul at Goa and said that His Majesty would gain much by hear-

ing what they could tell him of the Christian religion, for they were

men of more learning than himself. On this Akbar despatched an

ambassador to the Fathers’ at Goa and accredited him with the following

firman:—

(Forman de Zeladin Mahamet Hquebar.)

Venerable Fathers of the order of St. Paul. Know this that in good

friendship to you I have sent to you Abdulla my ambassador and Dominic

Peres* his interpreter to ask you to send me two Fathers well versed in

letters who shall bring with them the principal books of your faith and the

Gospels: as I have a great desire to know your faith and its perfection and

pray you exceedingly that you fail not to send them with these same ambas-

sadors. For I would have you know that the Fathers who shall come here

shall be received of me with all honour and I shall take singular pleasure in

seeing them. After I have been well informed of your faith and its perfec-

tion, as I wish, they may if they desire return when it seems good to them:

and I shall send them back with much honour and courtesy. Let them not be

afraid to come for I shall take them under my own protection.®

1 No doubt this was Sultan Khwaja ‘Abdul ‘Azim, who had been Mir Hajj, and

returned from Makka in 1578. See Blochmann, An I. 423.

2 Antony Cabral had negotiated a treaty at Daman in 1572. (Danvers’ Port. in

India, 11. 4). Danvers’ book does not however mention any Embassy in 1578.

3 Du Jarric II 440. Similar letters appear to have been sent to the Viceroy and

Archbishop also (Annuae Lit. 1582).

4 Or Pires. Said by Bartoli (p. 9, Missione) to have been an Armenian Chris-

tian. He married a native wife in 1582 (see p. 57 below) and accompanied the third

mission (p. 64 below).

5 Fr. DeSousa adds the date ‘ Decembre 1578.’

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 49

The embassy arrived at Goa in Sept. 1579 and an account of

its honourable reception will be found in Bartoli’s ‘ Missione al Gran

Mogor.’ The Viceroy we are told was averse to sending a mission, but

he handed the matter over for decision to a committee of Bishops, and

this committee decided on 10th November, 1579, in favour of the des-

patch of a mission.! The fathers selected for service on the. mission

were Rodolfi Aquaviva,* Antonio Monserrat, and Francis Henriquez.

[Of these, Henriquez was a Persian convert from Munammadanism

and the other two were both remarkable men. Monserrat had been

in the monastery of 8. Martha in Lisbon in 1569 when the great

plague devastated that city and had displayed great zeal and courage

in collecting and housing the waifs and orphans left destitute in the

streets. After his return from Akbar’s Court he was ordered to

Abyssinia and while goasting round Arabia was seized by Arabs and

imprisoned by them for six years, till ransomed in 1596. On his

return to Goa he was posted to Salsette to recover his health ‘ tanquam

in asylum quietis causa,’ but was overtaken by death in that station

in 1600. His comrade Rodolfi Aquaviva was an even more ardent

missionary. Born in 1550, the son of the Duke of Atri and nephew

of Claude, subsequently General of the Society, he had entered the

Society against the wishes of his parents: and in spite of his delicate

health entreated to be sent to bear testimony to his Saviour in the

East. He arrived at Goa in the same month as Akbar’s embassy

and at once applied to be sent to the Mughal Court. Though only

30 years of age he was given charge of the mission and we shall see

below with what zeal he conducted it and how by his pure and austere

life he endeared himself to the Emperor. He had scarcely returned to

Goa in 1583, when he was sent to Salsette and there on the 15th July

of the same year was killed by a native mob. |

The Mission started on December 13th 1579, accompanied by

Akbar’s ambassador and his interpreter. A detailed account of the

journey is given (from what source is not stated) on pp. 150-146 of

De Sousa’s ‘Oriente Conquistado’ vol. II. (cf Murray’s ‘ Discoveries in

Asia’ II. 83), from which the route appears to have been by Surat,

Uzen (Ujain), Serampur (Sarangpur), Surange (Sironj) and Narwar.?

1 DeSousa, Or. Cong. II 150.

2 Both his names are so spelt by himself in his MSS. letter of 27 September,

1582.

3 Wilford, in Asiatick Researches 1X. 212, quotes information recorded by ‘ Mon-

serrat when he was at Dilli at the Court of Acbar’ and adds: ‘In speaking

of the tombs and other monuments or events in India, Father Monserrat says with

much candour “‘T was told so in the country ” or “I was advised of it by respectable

persons but whether it be so or not I cannot further say.” ’

clea hs

He explains himself

50 E. D. Maclagan-— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

On the 18th Febrnary 1580, Aquaviva! reached Fathpur Sikri where he

was most hospitably received. As the members of the mission limited

themselves to the barest necessaries of life they refused to accept a

sum of money which was sent to them, and their life of self-denial

greatly impressed the Emperor. Three or four days later they presented

him with a copy of the Bible in four languages, bonnd handsomely in

seven volumes.* These the Emperor received with great reverence,

kissing each volume and lifting it to his head. He asked which volume

contained the Gospel and on being told took it up once more and kissed

it. He was then presented with a picture of Christ and another of the

Virgin—the latter being a copy of the S. Maria Maggiore at Rome,*—

which he also kissed reverently and gave to his sons to kiss. He sub-

sequently commanded his painters to copy the pictures of Christ and

of the Virgin which the Fathers had with them, and ordered the con-

struction of a reliquary of gold with the figures of Christ and of the

Virgin graven on either side. He also removed the Fathers from their

noisy house in the city and gave them accomodation in the palace, where

they built a small chapel. This chapel the Emperor visited with his

sons—known to the Jesuits as Shaikhji, Pahari and Dan*—and paid

every sort of respect to the place, even taking off his turban in deference

to Huropean custom. He also gave orders that his second son Sultan

Murad (Pahari) should be instructed im the Portuguese language and

good morals, an ungrateful task which fell to the lot of Father Monser-

in these terms with reference to thirteen figures in basso relievo upon the rocks

at Gwaliar, which he visited on bis way from Surat to Delhi and which were

supposed by Christians in India to represent our Saviour and his twelve dis-

ciples; one figure in the middle being a little higher than the rest: Monserrat says

they were so much defaced that no inference could be drawn from them except

there being thirteen in number (p. 164). The MS. of Monserrat here quoted

(which Wilford says was in his own possession see p. 230 %b.,) has it seems dis-

appeared ; if indeed it ever existed, for Wilford was an imaginative writer. cf. Notes

and Queries, Feb. 1870 p. 161.

1 Monserrat being ill, remained for a time at Narwar. There was a native

Christian community at Narwar in the time of Father Tieffenthaler S. J. circa

1759 A.D. See Proce. A. 8. B. 1872, p. 59.

2 This may have been the Complutensian Polyglott published at Alcala in

1514-7 in six volumes, or Montanus’ Polyglott published at Antwerp in 1569-73

in eight volumes. Both these were in four languages: Hebrew, Chaldean, Latin

and Greek. See also p. 69 below.

3 The black Byzantine Virgin in the Borghese Chapel of the Church of 8. Maria

Maggiore, said to have been painted by S. Luke.

4 Shaikhji or Shaikhi was Prince Salim, the future Emperor Jahangir, then

aged 11. Pahari was prince Murad, aged 10, so called from his being born among

the low hills of Fathpur. Dan was Danyal, then aged 9.

1896.] KE. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 5

rat ;! and it was during one of these lessons that the incident related

by Badauni (page 41 above) is said by the Fathers to have taken place.

The Jesuit version is that the Prince in writing Portuguese was taught

to begin with the words ‘In the name of God’ and that when the

Emperor heard this he at once ordered him to add the words ‘and ef

Jesus Christ, the true Prophet and’Son of Ged.’

The Emperor allowed the Fathers full liberty to preach and to make

conversions. When a Portuguese died at Court the Emperor allowed him

to be buried with all publicity, a large precession marching through

the town with crucifixes and lighted tapers. He also allowed the

Fathers to build a hospital out of the subscriptions collected from

Portuguese residents, and to conduct what would now be called a ‘ medical

mission’. In matters of difficulty he bade them consult Aba-l-fazl and

confide their troubles to him as they would to himself. Abi-l-fazl, we

are told, sought instruction from them regarding the faith, but the

Fathers doubted ‘whether he did so in order to embrace Christianity or

in order to please the Emperor and be able to give him information on

the subject as occasion offered.’ In any case the fathers received many

favours from him, as also from the Emperor’s physician. ?

Meantime there were constant disputes with the Muhammadans. We

have but to read the letter® sent by Aquaviva to the Rector at Goa in

September 1580 to see how unswerving, and even rancorous, was the

abhorrence felt towards Islam by that enthusiastic priest. ‘They call

Jesus a prophet,’ he writes, ‘they deny him the title of Son of God. I

know not such a Jesus. I cannot speak of Jesus save as God’s Son.

But when to soothe my spirit I say ‘ Jesus Christ the Sor of God,’ then

is my affliction multiplied, for one cries out ‘ Stafarla’ [Istaghfaru-llah |

an exclamation of disgust: another closes his eyes: one laughs, another

blasphemes.’ And so on. We can imagine Badauni’s attitude !—The

details of these public disputes have been in some measure preserved,

and we learn how Father Rodolfi attacked the morals of Muhammad,

the material pleasures of his paradise, the want of continuity between

the Hebrew scriptures and Muhammad’s revelation, and so forth. All

this was put forward with so much zeal that the Emperor had privately

to warn the Father to be more temperate, and there seems to have been

little enough of the calmness so praised by Abu-l-fazl in the passage

quoted at p. 42 above. As regards the ordeal by fire, however, (p. 41

above) the Jesuit version of the story is that the idea originated

with the Emperor himself and that the Christian Fathers had the good

! ‘Ventura’ in Noer II. 331 seems to be a mistake for ‘ Monserrat.’

2 We have no means apparently of identifying this physician.

3 Bartoli, Missione p. 197.

a2: E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No 1,

sense to refuse to submit to this form of test.1 They had imdeed

enough to suffer, though not enough for their leader. In his letters

to Rome Rodolfi writes that in spite of all their trials they had remain-

ed firm, ‘ Confessi sumus at non negavimus’ and that although abused,

called Kafirs, pelted with filth and hated by all, they connted it as

nought, remembering ‘ Nondum usque ad sanguem restitimus.’#

Regarding the Emperor’s attitude towards the contending faiths

we are given some interesting accounts. That he had no respect for

Islam was clear enough, but the question was how far he was prepared

to conform to Christianity. He himself stated perfectly candidly that

he found the doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation to be stumb-

ling blocks, and that, if he could accept these, he was ready to give

up his kingdom, if need be, to embrace Christianity. The Jesuit writ-

_ ings however maintain that there were three other obstacles in the way.

In the first place, Akbar was a bad listener and never heard an explana-

tion to the end, before starting a new subject. Secondly, he was quite

unable to give up the plurality of wives. And thirdly, he was seeking

a sign, like that of the fire ordeal, and no sign was given him. The

Fathers writing from Fathpur are said to have described Akbavr’s reli-

gious position as follows (hance in modum)* :—

‘The Emperor is not a Muhammadan, but is doubtful as to all forms of

faith and holds firmly that there is no divinely accredited form of faith,

because he finds in all something to offend his reason and intelligence.

Nevertheless he at times admits that no faith commends itself so much to

him as that of the Gospel, and that when aman goes so far as to believe

this to be the true faith and better than others, he is near to adopting it.

At the court some say he is a heathen and adores the sun. Others that he

is a Christian. Others that he intends to found a new sect. Among the

people also there are various opinions regarding the Emperor: some holding

him to be a Christian, others a heathen, others a Muhammadan. The more

intelligent however consider him to be neither Christian nor heathen nor

Muhammadan, and hold this to be truest. Or they think him to be a

Muhammadan who outwardly conforms to all religions in order to obtain

popularity.’

Whatever the precise phase of Akbar’s belief may have been at

this time, it is certain that these first signs of free-thinking on his part

1 Peruschi, p. 14: Bartoli, p. 65. A similar story is told of the reign of

Jahangir —see Bernier, II. 83 (Amst. Ed. 1723).

2 See the extracts from his letters from Fathpur to Everard Mercurianus

(then General of the Society) and to his uncle Claude; Bartoli, Missione pp. 87-88.

These extracts contain nothing of historical interest. y

3 Peruschi, p.12. (It is uncertain how far the quotation goes). The Jesuit

Catrou, writing a century later, gives further details, including imaginary conver-

sations between Akbar and the Fathers: these it seems unnecessary to quote here.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 53

were most distasteful to the Muhammadans, and a powerful court party,

including his mother and aunt (recently returned from pilgrimage to

Makka) and the whole influence of the zanana did its best to thwart his

supposed leanings towards Christianity.! It is to the odium occasion-

ed by these proclivities that the Jesuit authorities ascribe the rebellion

of the Pathans in Bengal and the revolt of the Emperor’s brother Mirza

Hakim at Kabul, which took place about this time :* and they state that

in consequence of these disturbances and in order to allay the suspicions

of the Muhammadans, the Emperor ceased to see the Padres and refused

them admittance to his presence. When the Emperor after defeating

his brother on the North-Western Frontier returned to his capital, they

asked Abi-l-fazl to ascertain whether he would see them, as otherwise

there was no use in their staying on: and it was only when thus point-

edly addressed, that Akbar renewed his intercourse with them.

But the Emperor’s attitude was no longer what it had been toward

the Fathers, and Monserrat found that the Princes also listened less

readily to Christian teaching than they did before the revolts. The

Fathers despaired of any result from the mission and Aquaviva repre-

_1 This is what the Jesuit records say and they make no mention, so ‘far as I

have been able to ascertain, of any Christian wife of Akbar’s. Mr. Fanthome in his

Reminiscences of Agra, 2nd edition, 1895, maintains stoutly the existence of a

Christian wife called Mary (apart from Mariamu-z-zamani); he says that the mis-

sion of 1580 erected their chapel in Mary’s Kothi at Fathpur (pp. 18 and 24) and

that the captives taken away by Aquaviva in 1583 were Mary’s slaves (p. 26), but

does not give his authorities. He says also that he-has seen a document of Shab

Alam’s declaring that the priests were granted a pension by the influence of the said

Mary (p.6). There is indeed a tradition that the Fathers were assisted by a Chris-

tian lady-doctor in Akbar’s zanana called Juliana, who married the exile John Philip

Bourbon (and who must not be confused with another Juliana who lived in Shah

Alam’s time). Fanthome (p. 16) mentions this tradition, and the Bishop and Vicar

Apostolic of Agra writing in 1832 to the traveller Dr. Wolff (see Wolff’s Researches

and Travels, 1835) also alluded to it, saying that the Jesuits first gained Akbar’s

favour ‘per impegno di una certa Signora Giuliana di Goa che come Dottoressa si

trovava nel seraglio del sudditto Imperatore.’ Colonel Kincaid in the Asiatic Quarter-

ly Review for January 1887, adds that Juliana was sister to Akbar’s Christian wife :

but she is not noticed by the Jesuit letters of Akbar’s reign though her husband

was, like Xavier, a Navarrois.

2 Cf Noer. II. 18.

3 This is Du Jarric’s account. Other authors make it appear that Monserrat

at least,if not Aquaviva also, accompanied the Emperor on his Kabul expedition

(Bartoli, Wissione p. 54. DeSousa, Or. Cong. 11 171. Wilford in As. Res. IX, 230; see

also p..63 below), but the various stories are not very clear or consistent on this

point. Akbar was away on the Kabul expedition for nearly the whole of 1581—

not apparently, 1582, as stated in Professor Dowson’s Note on p. 421, vol. VY, Elliot’s

Hist. Ind., and in Noer. I]. 74. But the chronology is a little confused.

oA. HK. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. LP

sented to the Emperor that, inasmuch as for reasons of state he was

unable to profess his acceptance of Christianity the mission would be

more profitably employed in some other sphere. Tle Emperor however

refused to let the Fathers go. They tlereupon made further efforts to

influence him towards Christianity, but it was felt that they were being

retained merely to gratify his pride and to satisfy his intermittent

thirst for information. It is possible also that the open adoption of the

‘Divine Monotheism’ which took place about this time brought more

clearly before the Fathers the hopelessness of their task. !

From this ‘point the mission began to break up. The native Henri-

quez had already withdrawn to Goa, either secretly as one authority

states, or with permission as stated by another. Then Monserrat had

left Fathpur for Agra so as to be rather with Prince Murad than with

the Emperor. Subsequently in April 1582, the Emperor sent an embassy

to Goa and permitted Monserrat to accompany it. The embassy was to

arrange among other things for a fresh mission of Christian priests to

Akbar’s court, and the letter which accompanied the embassy is to be

found in the first daftar of the Insha-i-Abw-l-fazl. In the Calcutta edition

of 1810 and in the Cawnpore lithographed edition of 1849-50, the letter

is addressed to ‘ Huropean scholars’ (Danayan-i-Farang ), but there are

other versions which read ‘ Ruler of the Europeans’ (Firman-riwa-i-

Farang)® and the later Kuropean authorities® represent the embassy as

an embassy of congratulation to Philip II, who had in 1581 become

King of Portugal as well as of Spain. In the course of the letter Akbar

déscribes his desire to learn the truth in religious matters * :—

‘Therefore,’ he says, ‘we associate at convenient seasons with learned

men of all religions and thus derive profit from their exquisite discourses

and exalted aspirations. Our language, however, being different from

yours, we hope that you will rejoice us by sending to these parts a man

able to represent to us those sublime objects of research in an intelligible

manner. It has been brought to our notice that the revealed books such

as the Pentateuch, the Gospels and the Psalms have been translated into

Arabic and Persian. Should these books which are profitable to all, whe-

ther translated or not, be procurable in your country, send them. Dated

in the month Rabi-ul-awwal in the year 990’ (March-April 1582).

1 See Catrou, English Hdition, 1826, p. 121, and Badauni quoted on p 201 vol. I.

Blochm. Ain.

2 Fraser, Nadir Shah (1742) 12. and appx. 40. Hough, Christianity un India, IT. 262.

3 Catrou, English Hdition, 1826, p. 124. Bartoli, Missione, p. 72: Hanway’s

Travels I1. 405. Bartoli mentions also the Pope and the General of the Society as the

intended recipients of the embassy.

4 The translation is that given by Mr. Rehatsek in the Indian Antiquary, April

1887, p. 137.

1896. | E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 55

The ambassador, we are told,! reached Goa too late in the season

to be embarked for Lisbon, and while waiting at Goa he contrived

excuses for postponing his departure to Kurope, until ultimately he found

it necessary to return from Goa to Akbar’s Court without achieving the

object of his embassy.

Meanwhile, even in the hour of failure Aquaviva did not himself

abandon hope. Here for instance, is an extract from a letter which he

wrote to his uncle, then General of the Order, at the very time that the

Embassy was leaving Fathpur.?

‘First,’ he writes, ‘the Emperor is ina more hopeful state than here-

tofore : he desires to know our faith and attends to it with greater diligence

than at first, showing much affection thereto though impediments also are

not lacking. And the love and familiarity with which he treats us leave

nothing to be desired. 2. We hope to see some fruit from the Emperor’s

second son, Pahari, a boy of 13 years of age, who is learning the Portuguese

language, and therewith the things relating to our faith, and who shows

himself well disposed thereto, and who is of great natural genius and has

good inclination. Father Monserrat was his teacher, and now Iam. 3. We

have discovered a new nation of heathen, called Bottan | Pathan] which is

beyond Lahor toward the river Indus, a nation very well inclined and

given to pious works.* They are white men and Muhammadans (Mori)

do not live among them, wherefore we hope that, if two earnest Fathers

are sent thither, a great harvest of other heathen may be reaped. 4. There

is here an old man,# the father of the Hmperor’s Secretary, in whom he

confides in matters of faith. He has left the world and is of great virtue

and given to much contemplation of divine things, whence he appears dis-

posed to receive the light of our faith. He is very friendly to us and listens

to our faith and we have already visited him several times at his house,

with much consolation. 5. Where we are is the true India, and this realm

is but a ladder which leads to the greater part of Asia; and now that the

Society has’ obtained a footing, and is so favoured by so great an Emperor

and by his sons, it seems not fitting to leave it before trying all possible

means to commence the conversion of the Continent of India: seeing that

all that has so far been done has been merely on the sea coast.’

1 Bartoli, Missione, p. 72.

2 Letter, dated April 1582. Bartoli, Misstone, p. 70.

3 De Sousa Or. Cong. II. 171, quotes another description of the Pathans which he

ascribes to Monserrat. It seems more faithful than that given above, for it states

among other things that the Pathans have such a fear of polluting the pure element

of water that they never apply it to their bodies. There seems in the books of the

period to be some confusion between Pathans and Bhiutamis, see e.g., Wheeler’s

Purchas, p. 14.

4 This is apparently none other than Shaikh Mubarak father of Abu-l-fazl. He

was then 79 years old and did not die till eleven years later in 1593 (Blochm, din,

p. 18).

56 EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

It appears that the Provincial at Goa obtained verbally from Mon-

serrat a less hopeful report, and again recalled Aquaviva, but again without

success. From March 1582, onwards therefore, Aquaviva was alone at

the Court. His zeal was thereby only increased. Attempts’were made

on his life but he refused to have a guard. He set himself to study

Persian so as to be able to converse freely with the Emperor. He

prayed long and earnestly for the success of his mission. He fasted

rigorously and shut himself up in his house, practising the most severe

austerities. The conduct of. the Emperor meantime’ caused him much

disappointment, and there seem alsoto have been other special troubles,

which led the Father to wish more and more for his recall. The follow-

ing letter,! written on the 27th September 1582, affords the only original

account of this stage of the mission which we possess. It is addressed

to Father Ruy Vincente, the Provincial at Goa, and runs as follows :—

‘You are already informed by other letters of mine that a learned man

called Mx? (whom Father Monserrat calls by another name), a self-sufficient

doctor, told me that he wished to become a Christian, and things went so far

that the Emperor hearing of it gave his permission. But from what I un,

derstand of him, it was not his intention to embrace Christianity here, but

if he did so it would be in a Christian country. He said that the Emperor

in these embroilments with Domingo Pires’ very imprudently betrays all

those who wish to be Christians, being by nature unable to keep anything

to himself, but that it might give edification if a man of such consideration

and follower of Muhammad should desire to embrace Christianity. It

seems to me much to be regretted that it was ever made public, as he dissim-

ulates and does not converse with me as formerly. I write nothing fur-

ther to Your Reverence concerning this man, for I doubt if he has any voca-

tion, and there are many things about him that do not please me. Time

will show what is to be expected of him.

‘A few days after the trouble with the Emperor because of Domingo

Pires, one of the principal chiefs came from Bengal, a very learned man, a

follower of the Safis, and knowing something of philosophy. The Emperor

sent for me and told me in secret to converse with him, as perhaps he might

become a Christian. The Emperor said I was the Father of whom he had

spoken, and bade us converse together, which we did. He showed himself

very conformable to our doctrine, as do all the Safis, but the most of them do

not believe in Christianity and are hypocrites, who only feign conversion.

‘The Emperor brings confusion into the Court by the many novelties

daily introduced: among other things, the giving praise to creatures as the

1 Marsd. MSS. Brit. Mus. 9854.

2 Sic in MS.

3 The interpreter to the mission, see p. 48 above. We do not know what em-

broilments are referred to, possibly they were connected with the marriage described

later on in this letter.

1896.] LE. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 57

Sun and Moon, and abstaining from meat from Saturday night and all

Sunday. I have certain information that many of the heathen out of super-

stition, because it is the day of the Sun and Moon, eat absolutely nothing. In

general it is forbidden to kill any meat in the market, and we are generally

unable to get any to eat on Sundays.

‘Two or three days after their Lent has commenced, a new Haster has been

introduced called ‘ Merjan,’! on which it is commanded that all the chiefs be

dressed out in State, and listen to music and dances. I enquired of the

Emperor’s astrologers, and they told me that it was a feast observed by the

ancient fire-worshipping kings of Persia. The Muhammadans were very

scandalized and would not imitate the observers of the feast, they cannot

understand whether they do these things because they like them or whether

they do them by way of experiment. In truth, I also cannot understand the

matter, for the Emperor converses with me familiarly, as he has done this

rainy season, always enquiring into the faith, and yet he seems confused

with other things, and confessed to me one day that he would be much sur-

prised if one could really discern the truth.?...... |

‘On Tuesday, the 24th of September, the Emperor came in the afternoon

to see the marriage of Domingo Pires in our chapel. We decorated the

chapel very well and painted two trophies in his honour, and Domingo Pires

ordered a Portuguese banquet to be prepared for him at our house. The

Emperor was delighted with everything and showed me much affection for

entertaining him to the best of my power. At the marriage I preached a

sermon to the couple; the woman did not understand me, and the Emperor

interpreted to her in her own language what I was saying in Persian. The

Emperor remained in our house till nearly eight o’clock at night. With

great pleasure he brought to the house all the principal chiefs of the Muham-

madans and the heathen. One of the heathen, a ruler in these lands, was

much amazed and made a jest of the chapel. Others, children of the Em-

peror, were present and dined at the house, as well as two of the principal

Muhammadan chiefs whom the Emperor sent for.

‘7 have nothing further to write to Your Reverence, excepting the follow-

ing things: Ist. If it seems to you that I am absolutely nothing here, let

Your Reverence seek a remedy, for the Emperor takes no notice of my asking

his leave, and for me to press the point only exasperates him. Your Reverence

knows I am indifferent, and my indifference is increased by my being in

doubt and not knowing the wish of God with regard to this mission. The

second matter is to ask Your Reverence to inform me what you think about

the church which the Emperor desires to have built. Up to the present no-

thing has been signified in your letters concerning it. Thethird is that Your

Reverence will have the charity to let me know how to proceed, for I fear that

the Emperor and some of his wish to make use of me to explain the law of

1 Mihrjan, the Persian feast of the autumnal equinox: the Muhammadan Lent,

the month of Ramzan, began in 1582 on the 19th September.

2 I omit a marginal addition which is too defaced in the original to admit of

the sense being ascertained. '

a alte:

58 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

Muhammad and to take what pleases them in Sacred Scripture to pervert to

other ends than the favour of our Faith, and I must take care that the

Emperor does not come out some day with a novelty. The fourth is to ask

a general permission of Your Reverence for every time that I can conve-

niently, with the Emperor’s permission, come and see you: and to know by

whom I should or should not send to you: for I have many things to com-

municate regarding this mission, which I have discovered since I learnt the

language and continue to discover daily: in which it is necessary to show

great prudence, discretion and consideration in managing the affairs of

this mission: and these perhaps will not be wanting if, when all things are

explained, Your Reverence will send your advice and orders; that with new

strength and spirit we may carry out the mission and not abandon this

depraved sect in spite of the many difficulties which we always meet

with.

‘And now I shall propose a means which has occurred to me. It is to

open a school at Goa, of Persian for the Muhammadans, and of Hindastanil

for the heathen, for all my children, heathen and Muhammadan, as this

seems to be the only available means, if it could be managed; especially

as the Emperor says publicly that he wishes all in his dominions to follow

what faith they please. And with thisI shall conclude, begging Your

Reverence’s blessing, ministrations and prayers, and those of all. This day

the 27th September, 1582.

‘As the Emperor writes? that Your Reverence will know from me why

he has not dismissed the neighbouring chiefs and enemies* from their

offices, I write to you what the Emperor tells me, viz., that he did not

dismiss them then because of the Faith, but he will find some other fault

with them as an excuse for their dismissal, and he is already preparing the

way to dismiss Calich [Qulij-khan]* as I myself have seen, but as yet I do

not know what he will do.

‘The day before yesterday news came of the capture of the ships of

the...... [a few words are here torn]. The Emperor has not yet spoken to me

of this, but as I am writing, the Emperor’s mother® has sent forme. Your

Reverence’s Christian servant, Rodolfi.’

1 J. e., the native language: not Urdi, cf. p. 72 below.

2 Referring apparently to a separate letter from the Emperor to the Provincial

or Viceroy.

3 s.c. those in the Deccan.

4 Qulij-khan had been Governor of Surat. So far from being dismissed, he

continued to receive promotion; Blochm. Azn i. 34, see also p. 86 below. ‘Calich’

may however mean ‘Calichan,’ regarding whom see Danver’s Port. in Ind II. 42-3.

5 The lady known as Mariam-makani (dwelling with the Virgin Mary). In.

describing Akbar’s well known devotion to his mother, Coryate (Observations, p. 600,

vol. i of Purchas) writes: ‘ He never denyed her anything but this, that she demanded

of him, that our Bible should be hanged about an Assess necke and breten about

the Town of Agra, for that the Portugals having taken a ship of theirs at sea, in

which was found the Alcoran amongst the Moores tyed it about the necke of a dogge

EL ———

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 59

The Provincial seems to have authorized Aquaviva to obtain from

the Emperor a temporary leave of absence, if he could not obtain per-

mission to depart altogether. The Emperor, who appears to have

entertained a real respect for him, was still loth to let him go, but at

last, in February 1583, he allowed him to proceed to Goa on the under-

standing that he should if possible return. The following is a transla-

tion of a Portuguese version of the firman addressed by Akbar to the

Father Provincial on this occasion! :—

‘God is great.

Firman of Jalalu-d-din also called Akbar, Padshah Ghazi. By the books

of the faith and their interpretation I know that there is nothing pertaining

to the Christian faith which remains obscure, but that it is a manifestation

of divine secrets. The Father Provincial, whom I greatly love, must know

that I have received the petition sent to me and look well upon it, and by it

our friendship is increased. And concerning the leave which you ask for

Father Rodolfi, I am delighted with the book of the faith of the Heavenly

Jesus, and desire to possess the truth, and as the said Father is very learned

and versed in the wisdom of the ancients, and as I love him much and see

that he is wise and learned in the faith, I wish to devote every hour to con-

versation with him. For these reasons I have sometimes refused the leave

which he asked for and which your Reverence also in your letter desired.

But now I give him leave to go: and as my intention is that our friendship

should increase from day to day it is meet that your Reverence should do

your part towards preserving it by sending Father Rodolfi back to me, with

several other Fathers, as soon as possible, for I wish the Fathers of your

Society to be with me, and I take great delight in them. I have told the

Father many things by word of mouth that he might repeat them to Your

Reverence, the which you will consider well.

Done in the moon of the month of February 1583.’

Aquaviva, we are told, was pressed to receive a parting present,

but the only gift he would accept was the permission to take with him

to Goa, a family of Russian slaves who had been for a long time in

the Emperor's household, with this parting gift from the great Mogul he

started for Goa, and arrived there in May 1583 looking, it was said, not

like a man from a court but like one who had come straight from the

penances of a novitiate. In September of the same year, as has already

been noticed, he was murdered at Salsette.

and beat the same dogge about the Town of Ormuz: but he denyed her request,

Saying that if it were ill in the Portugals to do so to the Alcoran, it became not a

King to requite ill with ill, for that the contempt of any religion was the contempt

of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent Booke.’

! See Brit. Mus. Marsd. MSS. 9854, fol. 5.

60 KE. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No.J,

Tur Szeconp Mrisston, 1590-91.!

We hear nothing further of Akbar’s relations towards the Chris-

tians till 1590, in which year, we are told, he began to show unmistake-

able signs of a distinct leaning towards Christianity. There being

then at his court a Greek sub-deacon named Leo Grimon,? returning

from, we know not where, to his native country, the Emperor took the

opportunity of sending him to Goa with letters for the Viceroy and for

the Father of the Society, asking for a further mission to his court.

Translations of the warrant of safe conduct given to Grimon and of the

letter which he took to the Fathers have been preserved and run as

follows? :—-

Parwéna of Akbar granted to Leo Grimon.

Order of His Highness Munammad, great King and Lord of. the

Fosliera,# to all the Captains, Viceroys, Governours, rulers and other officers

of my realm.

‘I would have you know that I have shown much honour and favour to.

Dom Leo Grimon, willing thereby that you should do likewise, inasmuch

as I hope to obtain by his means certain other learned Fathers from Goa, by

whom I trust to be restored from death unto life through their holy doctrine

even as their Master Jesus Christ, coming from Heaven to: Harth, raised

many from the dead and gave them life. On this occasion I am summoning

the most learned and virtuous of the Fathers, by whom I would be taught

many things concerning: the faith of the Christians and of the royal high-

way whereon they travel to God’s presence. Wherefore I order my officers:

aforesaid to bestow great honour and favour both on Dom Leo Grimon and

on the Fathers for whom I am sending, in all the towns of my realm through

which they shall pass, granting them an escort to. conduct them safely from

40own to, town, providing them with all that is necessary for themselves and

their beasts, and all else they need, at my charges: and you shall be res-.

ponsible for their safe arrival and shall take heed that they lose nothing

which they have with them. I order also my captain Khankhanar (mon

Capitaine Canchena)? to forward them safely tomy Captaim Raizza (?)8, who.

1 Our chief authorities for the mission are the Prowincial’s: letters of November:

4590 and November 1591, published by Spitilli, with their-enclosures. The accounts:

by Guzman and Du Jarric are little more than copies of these.

2 We hear of Grimon again, in 1602 when: he accompanied Benedict de Goes as:

far as Kabul, turning back there because ‘ unable to. stand! the fatigues:of the jour-

ney’ (Trigautius, in Yule’s: Cathay and the way thither, IL 558-7.)

3 Translated from Du Jarrie’s French version.

4 So Du Jarric. The Latin has Fostiera. Perhaps “Fasli era.’ is meant.

6 Mirza ‘ Abdu-r-rahim. Khan, son of Bairam Khan, and commander in Gujrat.

8. Pezhaps Rai Singh of Bikanir. Blochm. Ain I. 357. Iam unable to identify

Giabiblica. unless he be Raja ‘Ali Khan of Khandesh. (Blochm. Am 1. 32%.)

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 61

with the other Captains shall do likewise until they reach my court. I enjoin

also Giabiblica (?) the Captain of Cambay, to furnish whatsoever they need

in going or coming. I also forbid my customs officers to take anything from

the said Fathers, whose baggages they shall let pass without toll: and the

aforesaid shall pay heed to my commandment, troubling the said Fathers

neither in their persons nor in their property. If they make any complaint

you shall be severely punished, even to the danger of your heads. More-

over I desire that this my order be carried out in respect both of their

persons and of their goods, that they pass freely through my towns without

paying tax or toll and be well guarded on their road. They shall be con-

ducted from Cambay to Ahmadabad, and thence to Paian [Pattan] and

thence to Gelu [? Jalor] from Gelu to Guipar [?] and from Guipar to Bikanir

. whence they shall go to Bitasser [? Jalastr] from Bitasser to Multan, and

from Multan to Lahore where we reside. For this is the route by which I

would have the Fathers come. Whom I hope by God's aid to see shortly at

this Court when they shall be received by me and mine as their worth de-

serveth.’

Letter from Akbar to the Fathers of the Society at Goa.

‘In the name of God.

The exalted and invincible Akbar to those that are in God’s grace and

have tasted of His Holy Spirit, and to those that are obedient to the

Spirit of the Messiah and conduct men to God. I say to you, learned

Fathers, whose words are heeded as those of men retired fromthe world,

who have left the pomps and honour of earth: Fathers who walk by the

true way : | would have Your Reverences know that I have knowledge of

all the faiths of the world: both of various kinds of heathen and of the

Muhammadans, save only that of Jesus Christ which is the faith of God

and as such recognized and followed by many. Now in that I feel great

inclination to the friendship of the Fathers I desire that by them I may

be taught this faith. There has recently come to our Court and royal Palace

one Dom Leo Grimon, a person of great merit and good discourse, whom

T have questioned on sundry matters and who has answered well to the

satisfaction of myself and my doctors. He has assured me that there are

in India several Fathers of great prudence and learning, and if this be so

your Reverences will be able immediately on receiving my letter, to send

some of them to my Court with all confidence, so that in disputations with

my doctors I may compare their several learning and character, and see

the superiority of the Fathers over my doctors, whom we call Qazis, and

whom by this means they can teach the truth. If they will remain in my

Court, I shall build them such lodging that they may live as nobly as any

Father now in this country, and when they wish to leave, I shall let them

depart with all honour. You should therefore do as I ask, and the more

willingly because I beg of you the same, in this letter written at the com-

mencement of the moon of June.’

62 E. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

The following is the account of the receipt of this invitation, written

by the Provincial in his report of November 1590! :—

‘Tt is now nearly nine years since the Great Mogul Akbar summoned

to his Court some Fathers of the Society of Jesus, including Father Rodolfi

Aquaviva. The same Prince has now in this year, under God’s guiding,

again written to the Viceroy at Goa, asking for Fathers for his Court and

using the same arguments as before. The letter was brought by a Greek

sub-deacon of the name of Leo Grimon, who while returning to his country

happened to go aside to the Court of the Mughal and the Emperor hoping

thereby to attain his end added presents for the Viceroy and the College,

and some even for the Father Provincial. He desired besides to load the

sub-deacon with 5000 gold pieces for the poor of Goa, and when the latter

suggested that the Emperor had poor in his own kingdom on whom the

money could be spent, he answered that he would never waste money on

slaves of the devil. But when the sub-deacon drew attention to the risk

he would run in carrying this amount of money over so great a distance

of road, the Mogul ordered him to be given precious stones and other

articles of the value of 2000 gold pieces and the amount was distributed

to the poor at Goa, who were then much in want. He also sent to the

Viceroy at Cambay an order (of which a copy is enclosed)? to the affect

that the Fathers when passing through Cambay to his Court, shuuld be

treated courteously and furnished with a guard and rations. And from

what the sub-deacon tells us at Goa, it appears that this excellent Emperor

is most anxious to establish the fundamental truths of Christianity, and

has induced the Prince his son, and his chief general to hold the same views.

On the day of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin he held a festival,

setting forth in an elevated situation the picture of the Virgin which Father

Rodolfi and his companions had given him, and called on his relations and

courtiers to kiss the picture with due reverence. They had asked that

the Prince his son should do so and he consented with the greatest alacrity.

The Emperor turned all the mosques of the city where he lived into stables

for elephants or horses, on the pretence of preparation for war. Soon

however, he destroyed the Alcorans’ (which are the turrets from which

the priests call with loud voices on Muhammad), saying that if the mosques

could no longer be used for prayer there was no need for the turrets:

and this he did in his hatred for the Muhammadan sect and in his affection

for the Gospel. The sub-deacon also said that the name of Muhammad was

as hated at the Mughal’s Court as in Christendom, and that the Emperor had

restricted himself to one wife, turning out the rest and distributing them

among his courtiers. Moreover that he had passed a law that no Muham-

madan was to circumcise his son before the fifteenth year of his age, and

that the sons should be at liberty on attaining years of discretion to embrace

what religion they chose.

1 Spitilli, Brevis et compendiosa narratio.

2 See above.

8 An error for Manars. Other writers of the period make the same mistake.

1896.| HE. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 63

The magnificence and power of this Emperor are almost incredible. He

is the greatest and most powerful of the Kings of the Hast and the lord of

nine hundred miles of land whose dominion is bounded by the Indus and

Ganges and extends to Tartary, including many noble realms and rich cities.

Father Antony Monserrat states that when the Emperor took him on an

expedition which he at one time made! he had with him five thousand

fighting elephants exclusive of those used for baggage and that in the whole

Empire there are fifty thousand Elephants stationed for warlike proposes

at various centres.

Next year in November 1591 the Provincial reported as follows? :—

‘This embassy induced many not only of the Fathers, but also of the

students to apply to be sent on the mission and there were chosen for the

purpose two Fathers and a Companion who reached the Emperor’s Court in

15912 and were received with great kindness. Every kind of favour was

shown to them, a house was given to them in the palace itself, necessaries

were supplied, and a school was started in which the sons of nobles and the

Emperor’s own son and grandson were taught to read and write Portuguese.

But when the Fathers saw that the Emperor had not decided as they ex-

pected, to embrace the Christian faith, they proposed to return to Goa, but

were bidden by me not to do so. Father Edward Leioton* (who is one of

the Fathers that remained there) being expressly ordered not to return, but

to remain where he was. Father Christopher di Vega who returned with

Father Leioton’s consent was sent back by me as he wasa great favorite

with the Emperor, and was told not to come away except it were under an

oath that he would return. And since the hearts of Kings are in God’s hand

we have decided with much inward waiting and firm hope of God’s good-

ness to continue this mission. And now our priests are occupied, as above

noticed, in teaching the youths to read and write Portuguese and in other

such duties, awaiting a convenient opportunity for speaking more freely

with the Emperor on religious subjects; a matter hitherto rendered difficult

by the opposition of the generals who are with him and in whose absence

no audience is usually granted. And as the conversion of the Emperor to

the Catholic Faith is a matter of the greatest moment it is necessary to

proceed skilfully and gently in the niatter.’

To this letter is appended an ‘ Annotatio Romae facta *:—

Nota bene. When Christopher Vega had returned to Goa a Portu-

guese brought a letter to Milan which implied that the Fathers had left

the Mughal’s Court, but the above narration plainly shows that the writer

of the letter was in error.

1 Apparently when Monserrat accompanied Akbar to Lahore. See p. 54 above.

2 The two letters in Spitilli’s book are not divided. The point of division

selected above seems the most natural one. :

3 Akbar returned from Kashmir to Lahor in October 1590 and remained there

till he started for Kashmir again in the spring of 1592.

4 Hough calls him Leighton and he may have been an Englishman but we

seem to have no further particulars about him. In Latin he is called Leitanus.

64 HK. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. {No. 1,

It was not long however before the Fathers actually did come

back. The mission came somehow to an abrupt conclusion, but we

have no further details regarding the time of, or the reason for, its

sudden termination. !

Tue Tuirp Mission 1595-1605.

There was obviously some disappointment at Goa, if not in Rome

itself, at the break up of the Second Mission. It was still thought

that Akbar was on the point of embracing Christianity. ‘ Venerunt filii

usque ad partum,’ says the chronicler, ‘sed virtus non est parieudi.’

here was considerable joy therefore when a third embassy from Akbar

arrived in 1594,? bearing letters to the Viceroy which requested the

despatch of a further mission. The Provincial was urged to comply

and at once did-so. The selection of a priest to conduct the mission

was determined by lot and the lot fell on Jerome Xavier, a nephew of

the great St. Francis, and at that time head of the Professorial House

at Goa. With him were appointed Father Pinheiro and Brother

Benedict de Goes; and the party, taking with them the ornaments and

vessels necessary for church worship and accompanied by the Armenian

interpreter who had been with Aquaviva, embarked on their journey on

the 3rd December, 1594.

[There can be little doubt that the members of the party were

picked men. Jerome Xavier had entered the Society at Alcala twenty

six years previously and had spent most of his service in India, firstly

as Rector at Bassein, then at Cochin and finally at Goa. Without

possessing the enthusiastic asceticism of Aquaviva, he was an earnest

man of mature age who had spent most of his life in teaching and

who had enjoyed positions of trust. For twenty three years he was to

remain at the Mogul Court; sometimes in favour, sometimes in prison ;

working sometimes for the spiritual conversion of Emperors, at other

times for the material advancement of his compatriots: maintaining on

the whole a prominent and honoured position, but like most of those

who have striven with native courts, finding himself little more ad-

vanced at the end than at the beginning. At last in 1617, he returned

to Goa, and died there on the 17th June of that year, being at the

time Archbishop elect of Cranganore.

1 Possibly there was some difficulty about the mission accompanying Akbar

‘to Kashmir whither he went in the spring of 1592.

2 Karly in 1594 Akbar had issued a decree that if any of the infidels wished to

build a church or synagogue or idol temple or fire temple, none were to prevent

them. Bad. (Bib. Ind.), II, 392.

3 See Biographie Universelle sv. and De Backer’s Bibliothéque des écrivains

de la Compagnie de Jésus (Liége 1861) serie 7, sv.

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 65

Of one of his companions, Pinheiro, we know little beyond what

is shown in the letters quoted below. He seems to have been the first

of the Jesuits on these missions to turn his attention seriously to the

people rather than to the Court, and he was for many years pastor of

a considerable congregation in Lahor: but he also exercised a certain

amount of influence with the Emperor.

The remaining member of the party, Benedict of Goes, was per-

haps the most remarkable as he is certainly the best known of the three.

Born at the Azores in 1562, he had served as a soldier in Portuguese

India and had while in that position abandoned himself to a life of

dissipation. When not yet twenty six years of age he had suddenly

repented of his sins and had turned Jesuit. The mission to Lahor

was his first piece of notable service, but after eight years had passed

the accounts received of the country of Thibet induced his superiors to

send him on the adventurous journey with which his name is now chiefly

associated. On January 6th, 1603, he started from Agra disguised as

an Armenian and travelled by way of Kabul and Yarkand through

the heart of Thibet to Sao-chen on the confines of China, arriving there

in 1607 only to die.!]

The Father Provincial’s report of November 1595 with its enclosures.

Our first information regarding this mission is contained in a report?

of November, 1595, from the Provincial at Goa tothe General of the

Society at Rome, which encloses three letters of great interest.

The Mission had gone by sea to Daman and thence to Cambay, and

the first of the Provincial’s enclosures:is a letter despatched by Father

Pinheiro from Cambay. He tells of the eagerness of the people to attend

the services held by the Fathers, and describes among other curiosities

the hospitals for animals and the customs of the Jain sectaries whom

he calls ‘ Verteas.’? At Cambay the Mission met the Emperor’s second

son, Sultan Murad, formerly Monserrat’s pupil, who accorded to the

Fathers a brief but favourable audience in the citadel on the evening

before the Nativity, and shortly afterwards left the city for Surat. But

on New Year’s day when he was only a league from Cambay, he sent a

summons to the Fathers, which reached them at 3 a.m., while they were

celebrating the feast of the Circumcision. Completing the service they

hastened to the camp, where they found the Prince in full darbar and

were interrogated by him regarding the climate and customs of Portugal,

1 Yule’s Cathay and the way Thither II 549-596.

2 See Peruschi’s Historica Relatio, (p. 43 above).

3 sc.? Birtia. Their religion he says is contained in Gujarati books (libris,

litteris et notis Guzzarati) cf. p. 70 below.

de te 8)

66 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No 1,

the occupations of royalty in Europe, hunting, falconry, &c. Religion did

not interest the Prince, and the Father writes of him ‘Moscheis parum

addictus est, sed nec unquam vidit. Totus est in venando et spatiando,’

So far Pinheiro from Cambay. On November 6th 1595 the Pro-

vincial at Goa received two further letters reporting the arrival of the

Mission at Lahor, and these letters constitute the remaining enclosures

of his communication to the General at Rome.

The former of the two letters is from Jerome Xavier and is dated

from Lahor the 20th August 1595. It is addressed to the General of

the Society, and giving as it does a most interesting account of the re-

ception of the Mission by Akbar it may be quoted m fall :—

‘I wrote to Your Reverence,’ he says, ‘from Goa, describing how I was

despatched under the holy discipline of our Society tothe Court of the

Great Mogul, and with what heartfelt zeal we started on our journey. Al-

though this place is only three month’s distance from Goa we took five

months to reach it. Our route by land took us for nearly 230 leagues through

the Mogul’s territory. He received us publicly with great honour and kind-

ness, and whenever he sees us he maintains the same attitude towards us and

has us near him among the chief lords of his Court. Hitherto he has spoken

a little with us regarding the sum of the whole matter, but nothing regarding

the Faith. He often times admonishes us with great kindness to learn the

language so that he may speak to us without an interpreter on matters that

touch his salvation. He has at the same time had us informed through one

of his near friends whom he employs on matters of religion that if we knew —

Persian we should loose a great knot that now holds him bound. The king

declares himself to be well affected toward matters touching the Christian

faith. He has images of Our Lord Christ and of the blessed Virgin, which

are of the best kind of those which are brought from Europe, and he keeps

them with respect and reverence. He evinces the greatest pleasure in show-

ing them to others, holding them in his arms for a long time in spite of the

fatigue which their size entails. One day he came to our service and while

we recited the Litanies he remained like a Christian prince with his knees

bent and hands clasped. He spent no little time in observing carefully our

pictures and enquired regarding the mysteries which they portray, In the

month of August on the occasion of the Feast of the Assumption of the

Blessed Virgin he sent us his own pictures, although we had only hinted

in the most distant way that we should like to have them: moreover he

sent us very costly gold and silk cloths wherewith his own servants hand-

somely adorned our chapel, and he showed the greatest love and affection

for the Blessed Virgin, which in very truth he feels. I say the same with

respect to the Prince,! for he was seriously angry with our Muhammadan

guide for bringing with him no image of the Mother of God, and when

bidding another to make extensive purchases, he particularly ordered him

1 Salim, the future Emperor Jahangir.

1896.) E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 67

not to fail to bring with him a fine picture of Our Lord, and as a Portuguese

painter had come with us, he at once desired a copy to be painted: of a

picture of the Blessed Virgin which we had with us. So also when he came

with his Royal Father to our Chapel, and saw there the child Jesus and a

Crucifix, he immediately wished to have similar images made of ivory by

his own workmen. This prince is about 30 years old! and shows great

affection for us and easily obtains for us whatever we ask for from the

Emperor. On the first day on which we addressed him, he promised us all

that was necessary for the erection of a church and arranged with the

Emperor to mark out a site for its construction. When the rainy season

commenced, we ventured to remind him on the subject, and he reiterated his

promise, adding that he would arrange with his father te appoint men at

once to see to the business. The Emperor gave us leave to bring together

as many as might so wish to the Church of Christ. He has utterly cast out

Muhammad (Mahumetam prorsus exterminavit) and leans toward the

superstition of the Heathen, worshipping God andthe Sun. He proclaims him-

self to bea prophet and declares that he does miracles, curing the sick by the

water in which he washes his feet. Many women pay vows to him for the

recovery of sons that are sick or for the power to produce children: and if

successful they offer to him their votive gifts which, however small, are

accepted by him with the greatest pleasure. The heathen are in great

favour with him: se much so that it is wonderful that the Muhammadans

endure it so long. The Prince too scoffs at Muhammad. We are entirely

occupied now in learning the Persian language, and our progress leads us to

believe that by God’s grace we shall have mastered it within a year, and

then we shall be able to say that we are at Lahor, for hitherto we have

been, as it were, dumb statues, (et tunc dicere poterimus nos esse in Lahor:

hactenus enim sumus velut statue mute). May God im his mercy look not

on our sins but on the price with which He has redeemed the souls around

us, and may he give to our tongues such strength and eloquence as may

enable us to touch their hearts and reap for our labours the fruits which

your Reverence and our whole Society expects. Wherefore we desire ex-

ceedingly to commend ourselves to the holy blessing and ministration and

prayers of your Reverence. From the Court of Lahor, the 20th August

1595.

If your Reverence would send to the Emperor and the Prince a beauti-

ful and large picture of the Holy Virgin or of the Nativity, they would

receive the same with much attection and kindness. We would also that some

little pictures were sent to us for certain Christians who ask eagerly for

them.’

The second of the letters received at Goa from Lahor in November

1595 is from Father Pinheiro. It is dated ‘The Court of the Great

Mogul, 3rd. Sept. 1895,’ and is addressed ‘ad P. loannem Aluaretz Assis-

tentem’. The Father begins by describing the journey to Lahor, On

L Jahangir was born in August 1569. and was therefore in his 26th year,

68 EB. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

3rd. December 1594 the party had left Goa proceeding to Daman, and

thence to Cambay and Ahmadabad, and the Father repeats some of the

information given in his letter from Cambay above quoted. He adds

however a short sketch of the Jogis of Gujarat who he says, ‘are like our

monks’, and refers to the veneration in which the cow is held. He also

gives an interesting and enthusiastic description of the tomb of a certain

‘Cazis, magister cujusdam regis Guzzarati’, situated 13 leagues from

Ahmadabad, ‘opus inter Barbaros minime barbarum.’! On Mar. 19th.

1595 the party left Ahmadabad, reaching Pattan on the 24th which was

Haster Eve according to the Gregorian calendar. The Fathers had great

difficulty in persuading the Armenians in the caravan to celebrate Haster

on the following day, but ultimately they all agreed, ‘ex mero timore

quia redeundum illis erat per terram nostram vel quia cesserant

veritati,’ except one old man (excepto uno doctore vetulo pertinace)

who celebrated his own Haster by himself later on. The cities they

passed through were utterly ruined, and the people were heathen though

the chief buildings were mosques ; food ran short, the heat was intense,

the mirages were very irritating, and they were all glad when on May

5th 1595 they entered Lahor.?

There the Fathers were honourably received by the Emperor :—

‘He ordered, writes Pinheiro, ‘that we should lodge in a part of the

spacious palace which he himself inhabits, near to the river which passes at a

distance of fifteen spans. In size the river equals a lake. No one may

enter to us except Christians coming to Mass and such heathen and Muham-

madans as we may permit, for the guards bar the way to all others. On the

evening following our arrival the Emperor called us and showed us pictures

of our Saviour and the Blessed Virgin, and held them in his arms with as

much reverence as though he were one of our priests. When we saw the holy

pictures we knelt down, and seeing this the Emperor’s ten-year-old grand-

son,° the Prince’s son, also clasped his hands and bent his knees: whereon

the Emperor was delighted and said to the prince ‘ Look at your son.’ These

same pictures the Hmperor delivered to us at the Festival of the Blessed

Virgin to be deposited in our chapel. Then he showed us his books which

were many and good. Such as the Royal Bible, then other Bibles, Concord-

ances, four parts of the Summa of 8. Thomas, one work against the heathen

and another against the Jews and Saracens &., Soto, S. Antoninus, the Histo-

1 Apparently the tomb of Ganj Bakhsh, though the description does not quite

tally.

# The route followed from Pattan is not stated. The party had intended to go

by Sindh (that is apparently via Tatta and Multan), but the Governor was too

engaged in keeping the Ramzan to attend to them.

8 Khusrii was born in 1587-9: the exact date is not known (BI. Az. I, 310): he

would therefore not be more than 8 years old.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 69

ria Pontificum, the Chronica of 8S. Francis, Sylvester, Navarrus, and Caietanus

—these two in duplicate. Also the Laws of Portugal, the Commentaries

of Alfonso Albuquerque, the Constitutions of the Society, and the Exercitia,

and the ‘Ars’ of Father Alvarez and several other books.‘ He gave us as

many as we asked for, to wit all the above mentioned. Both Emperor and

Prince favoured us and treated us with much kindness: and I observed that

he paid to none of his own people as much attention as he paid to us, for

he desires us to sit in turn upon the cushion on which he and the Prince

alone are wont to sit. Itis his custom to go out to a certain dais which

projects into the Courtyard of the Palace, whither all the Governors and

a large number of others collect to meet him: and thither we also went

sometimes to see him. When he observed us he greeted us with great kind-

ness, bowing his head, and bade us come near and take a convenient seat: an

honour which he does not show even to the kings and princes that stand at

his side.’

Pinheiro goes on to describe the great gifts brought to Akbar,

and more particularly the manner in which he received, on the 28th

August 1595, the penitent Viceroy of Qandahar,? and the gifts he re-

ceived from him and from the Prince Sultan Murad, the Viceroy of

Bengal and others. He then continues :

‘The Emperor and the Prince have often times given us leave to build

our Church: but when we for certain reasons pretended we had forgotten

about it, lo! at the Festival of St. Mary at Nives,® the Emperor again said

‘Fathers, build a Church and make all Christians as many as of their own

free will desire to be Christians.’ But when we asked him for a written

expression of his will under his own hand, he replied that he himself

as a living document would meet the case. The Prince also often pro-

mised that he would supply all that was necessary for the building: a site

has been fixed which is extremely convenient and near the palace: and we

trust in God that the harvest will be plentiful. The Emperor has entirely

overturned (omnino evertit) the Muhammandan heresy and does not recognize

1 The Biblia Regia is perhaps the same as that presented by Aquaviva (p. 50

above.) S. Thomas is Aquinas. Soto is probably Domingo de Soto a scholastic

writer of the middle of the sixteenth century. S. Antoninus of Forciglione lived

1389— 1459. Sylvester may be the second Pope of that name, a considerable

writer on theology (d. 1003.) Navarrus is perhaps Father Juan Aspidueta, surnamed

Navarro, Jesuit Missionary in Brazil and a connection of the Kaviers (d 1555.)

Cardinal Cajetan (1470—1534) who cited Luther at Augsburg was a writer on

Aquinas and other subjects. The Commentaries are those of the great Albuquerque

published by his son in 1557. The Hxercitia Spiritualia are the Devotions issued by

Ignatius Loyola and the ‘ Ars’ appears from Du Jarric’s translation to have been a

Latin Grammar.

2 Vicerex Canaha frater consobrinus Satamas. Probably Muzaffar Husain,

Cousin of Shah ‘Abbas. (Blochm. Azn: I. 313). Satamas, sc. Shah ‘Abbas not Shah

Tahmasp. cf. Arber, English Garner III, 316.

3 August oth.

70 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

it as a true faith. In the city there is no mosque (moschea nulla est) and

no copy of the Quran, which is the Scripture of their own faith. The

mosques previously erected have been turned into stables and public grana-

ries,! and to shame the Muhammadans forty or fifty swine are brought

every Friday into the Emperor’s presence to fight with each other, and he

has their tushes bound with gold. The Emperor is the founder of a new

sect and wishes to obtain the name of a prophet. He has already some

followers, but only by bribing (sed auro corruptos). He worships God

andthe Sun. Heisa Heathen. He follows, however, the sect of the Verteas 2

who live together like monks in one body and undergo many penitential

observances. They eat nothing that has had life. Before they sit down

they clean the spot with cotton brushes, in case they should sit on and kill

some insect. These Verteas hold that the world has existed from all eternity :

though some of them deny this and hold that many worlds have existed in

the past. They have also other foolish and ridiculous tenets, with which I

need not trouble Your Reverence. We are working hard to learn the Persian

language: for the Emperor has desired us to become acquainted with it so

that he may treat with us alone concerning our Faith. We have opened a

school of letters which is attended by some sons of hereditary princes and

by three sons of a certain king who serves Akbar himself. Two of these

pupils wish to embrace Christianity and have recently asked to be allowed

to do so. Another is so affected that he seems to be one of our most pious

pupils, and asks to be admitted into orders. This latter on entering our

chapel knelt down before Our Lord Christ and casting his turban on the

ground said: ‘Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, remember me.’ May God

preserve him and fulfil hisholy desire. There are some catechumens and

some already become Christians, who though not in the first rank are yet

souls redeemed by the blood of Christ. A Muhammadan asked one of our

pupils one day, why he drank in spite of the day being an ordained fast day.

He answered: ‘Who ordained this fast?’ ‘Muhammad’ replied the other.

‘But who is Muhammad, said the young man, ‘save a false prophet

and an impostor?’ This he repeated in public at the festival of the

Assumption of the Blessed Virgin before a number of men who were seeking

after Christianity, and added that this was his glory. The Muhammadans

were astonished, and presently one said: ‘If you are a Christian, join

yourself to the Christians.’ But he returned to the chapel, and after receiv-

ing the holy water betook himself to prayer. I could recount much of this

nature, but I make an end for fear of wearying Your Reverence, whom I

earnestly beg to remember us and to send us some sacred relics for ourselves

and for these our little seedlings, and to obtain for us the blessing of Our

Father the General of the Society. For the rest, I commend myself again

and again to your holy ministrations’

1 This statement is supported by Badauni. See Noer. 1, 479.

2 See p. 65 above, and cf. Thevenot III., ch. 36.

8 From a subsequent letter of Xavier’s these would seem to have been the

sons of the ruler of Badakhshan. See pp. 78 and 80 of this paper.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 71

From the Annual Report of the Jesuit Missions for 1597,! we

learn that the new Church at Lahor was opened on the 7th September

of that year with great ceremony,* and that the Governor of the City

- attended in person. The Governor stayed for two hours conversing with

Pinheiro in the house, and to show his favour to the new religion released

a ‘ Chaldaean Christian’ who had been condemned to death for killing

a cow. About this time there was a great pestilence in the City and

many children abandoned by their parents were baptized. Among

those seized by the plague was a Milanese gunner (fuber aenorum

tormentorum ) who had travelled almost all over Europe and had

contracted many vices; before he died, however, he repented of his sins,

leaving his books? aud his money to the Church.

Letters from Lahor, 1598-9.

Meanwhile, the chroniclers tell us, Akbarhad gradually hardened

his heart, setting up for himself a religion of his own and declining

to accept that put before him by the Padres. To punish him God

brought upon him two great misfortunes. For firstly, his son Murad

received a severe check in his operations against the Deccan;* and

secondly, on Haster day 1597, as he sat on the terrace of his palace at

Lahor celebrating a feast of the sun, a fire came from heaven which

burnt up a large part of the palace, consuming a vast mass of valuable

carpets, jewellery, thrones and the like, and causing the molten gold

and silver to run down through the streets of the city ! That a fire did

occur in the palace about this time is a historical fact,5 and in order

to allow of the rebuilding necessitated by it. Akbar determined to pro-

ceed for the summer to Kashmir. With him went Xavier and Goes,

leaving Pinheiro tosee to the building of the new house and church

at Lahor. Our next letter is one addressed to the General of the

Society, which was despatched from Lahor by Jerome Xavier in 1598,

after his return from Kashmir. Thecontents of this letter have been

abstracted and published by Mr. H. Beveridge in an article on ‘ Father

Jerome Xavier,’ which appeared in the Society’s Jowrnal, as recently as

1 Annue Littere Soe. Jesu anni 1597. (Neapoli 1607) p. 570

2 The site of this. Church is, I believe, unknown. According to Bernier (Amst. Hd.

1728 I1. 80) it was destroyed by Shah Jahan. When Desideri passed through on his

way to Thibet in 1714, he found no clergy in the place at all (Lettres. Edifiantes et

Curieuses XV. 184)

3 These were apparently written by himself. They included some, ‘artis

fusoriae precepta artemque diersorum operum ad bellicos usus continentes: in quibus

erat et illud quibus artibus Mogort Diensem Armuzinamque areem tenderet.’

4 Defence of Ahmadnagar by Chand Bibi, 1595-6.

5 Hilliot, Hist. Ind. VI. 132.

72 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No.1,

1888, but it may be convenient to give here a somewhat fuller descrip-

tion of the purport of the letter. !

It begins with an account of the valley of Kashmir which Xavier.

and Benedict de Goes had visited with the Emperor in the previous

summer. It mentions the temperate climate, the wild ducks, the

fertility of the land, the number of streams and the vines growing

on the mulberry trees. One of the antiquities, which it is rather diffi-

cult to identify, is thus described: ‘Not far from the city is seen an

old Palace of exquisite workmanship, built in black stone, the columns

and porticos of which are composed of blocks exceeding the ordinary

measurement. It is commonly said that when the city followed heathen

rites (for the inhabitants embraced Muhammadanism three hundred

years ago) it used to reach to this place.’

Then follows an account of a great famine in the valley.2 The

mothers would put out their children on the streets to die and the

priests would then collect and baptize them. Sometimes the mothers

would themselves call in the priests to baptize their children at the

point of death, and when the priests were about to leave the valley, a

woman besought them to take charge of her child. The journey back

across the mountains was slow and full of difficulty, but at last on

November L3th [1597] they reached Lahor, exactly six. months after

they had left it. The Governor and people who had previously

threatened to stone them now received them with a certain amount of

cheerfulness. The Emperor and the Prince reached Lahor a few days

later: the latter having been mercifully preserved from the attack of a

lioness whom, during the journey, he had wounded in the chase.

The Father then returns to a more particular account of the pro-

gress of his mission :—

‘ At Christmas [1597] our brother Bendict de Goes prepared a manger

and cradle as exquisite as those of Goa itself, which heathens and

Muhammadans, as well as Christians, thronged to see. In the evening

masses were said with great ceremony, and a pastoral dialogue on the

subject of the Nativity was enacted by some youths in the Persian tongue,

with some Hindistani proverbs interspersed (adjunctis aliquot Industant

sententiis).2 This gave such satisfaction that one Muhammadan in the

I See Oranus ‘ Japoniea, Sinensia, Mogorana’ and the Maintz work referred to on

p- 44 above. Copies of the letter are also to be found in Hay and De Dieu.

2 The Empire generally had suffered from the failure of the rains of 1596

(Elliot, Hist. Ind. V1. 94). Xavier is said to have had fever for two months during

his stay in the valley, but his own letter does not mention this.

3 An earlier use of the word ‘ Hindustani’ than those given in Yule’s Hobson-

Jobson, s.v. The word is probably used, as it stillis in native parlance, to describe

the native as opposed to the Persian language: and does not connote the same

tongue as Urdu Cf. p. 58 above, and p. 96 below.

1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 73

audience said to another: ‘We call the Christians Kafirs—that is, a

people who know not God or His Prophet: but verily we are Kafirs our-

selves, when, though students of the seers and prophets, we lack, as you

hear, the knowledge of God and of things divine which the Christians

possess. Wherefore they were much refreshed and pleased at these pious

exercises and gladly described to their own people the things which they

had seen. So also did some of the Heathen. At the conclusion of the sacred

_ office the gates were opened to all: and such was the piety of the throng of

Heathen ard Muhammadans that on seeing the child Jesus lying in the

cradle they bowed themselves to the ground in worship. The exhibition

of some mysteries of the sacred scripture gave us an opportunity of preach-

ing on matters concerning our faith. Such was the crowd of spectators in

those days that the cradle was kept. open till the 8th day after Epiphany —

the fame of the spectacle spread through the town and brought even

outsiders to see the sight. And to crown all it pleased certain captains and

military leaders to inform the Emperor, thinking that the sight should be

seen even by the Emperor himself. Nevertheless the Heathen showed us

some greater signs of approbation than the Muhammadang, for they offered

vows to the Mother of God and presented such gifts as lay within the power

of each. One woman when asked why she had brought a gift replied that she

had asked ‘ Bibi Mariam,’—that is, the Lady Mary, for so they call the Blessed

Virgin—to grant her a son, and as she had obtained her prayer she lad

brought this gift in memory thereof as a token of thankfulness.

Nor is it the common people and lower classes alone, but also the

Princes themselves, that have recourse to Mary the Mother of Pity to ob-

tain some boon. One of the Princes having with a view to some supplica-

tion brought two candles, four palms in length and so thick as to be scarcely

grasped with two hands, closed his eyes like a man in prayer and medita-

tion, while he handed one of them to the Priest to be burnt and consumed

—as they themselves express it —to the honour of the Lord Jesus. With the

same ceremony he presented the other to be burnt to the worship and

glory of the Lady Mary. Then he gave 30 gold pieces in alms and we dis-

tributed these to the poorer Christians.

The love and affection felt by the Prince towards the Christian faith

leads him as occasion offers, to defend and protect it. So it happened that

when a Muhammadan said in his presence that the Fathers of the Society

ate swine’s flesh and he understood not what manner of life the Christians

followed, the Prince replied that that was no reason why he should think or

speak ill of them, in that they had the law of the Gospel, the prophets and

the sacred scripture, to which they conformed all their actions.

He professes publicly his devotion and reverence to the Lord Christ and

to the Lady Mary (I use the words which they employ) and for that reason

has in his bed-chamber painted likenesses of them both, which he one day

exhibited at his window to prove that this was so.

A Christian had presented him with a caryed image of our Saviour

on the cross with the two thieves hanging on either side, and when in the

Jo 10

74 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Hinperor Akbar. [No. 1,

presence of a number of persons he asked the full significance of the image

he gave me an opportunity of spending some good time in explaining the

sniterings and passion of Christ. I did the same on another occasion

in the midst of a crowd of men, taking as my text a Japanese dagger on

the head of which were a cross and some studs: the Prince meantime

listening attentively to me from a window.

One day as I visited him JI found him with two painters who were trac-

ing out by the application of colour some small pictures, one of which re-

presented the Angels appearing to the shepherds, and the other the Descent

from the Cross:! and when heasked what these meant and of whomthey were

likenesses, I renewed the discourses I had previously entered on before him

regarding the sacred passion of Our Lord Christ. I also disputed with his

teacher (magistro) regarding the mystery of the Holy Trinity and the In-

carnation of the Son of God for man’s salvation, and the Prince showed

himself satisfied with my replies. When he desired to know of me the way in

which Christians conduct their prayers, | spoke of the difficulty experienced

by those who pray to God with the arms outstretched and with the body held in

the form of across. Whenacompanion of the Prince heard this he asked where

the difficulty lay, and said he was able and willing to stand for an hour with

his arms outstretched in the required position. The Prince then told him to

try. He laughed and took up the position of the cross, but when after a little

time he was asked how he felt he acknowledged he wasa little weary, and again

after-a moderate interval he said he felt bodily pain and could not hold up his

tired arms any longer, and he manifested such signs of distress as to move

the Prince and the bystanders to laughter. The Prince then made two others

try it, but they soon became weary and their calls for pity excited the derision

of the onlookers. Thereafter the Prince having retired to a secret place

attempted the experiment himself and when little over quarter of an hour

had elapsed he brought himself to such a state of pain that he could scarcely

1 There are many other evidences of the interest felt by the Mughal sovereigns

in Christian Art besides the incidents recorded by the Jesuits: and it would be

interesting to put together the information available on the subject. Reference

may be made to the supposed ‘ Annunciation’ and ‘Fall’ at Fathpur Sikri: (see

Smith’s Mogul Areit. of Fattehpur Sikr7): the Virgin and St. Tenatius at Sikandra

(Manrique, Itim 1653. p 350. Catron, p. 135. ef Finch in Kerr VIII. 305): and the

pictures at Lahor of Clirist and the Virgin, the Flood and the Baptism in Jordan

(Purchas, Pilg, I. IV. 432. De. Laet, India Vera 1631, 59. Thevenot, III. ch. 36.

Finch in Kerr VIII. 296. della Valle, III. 12-94. Tosi, 1.97. Harris, I. 815.

Thornton’s Lahore, 53 and 122. M. Latif’s Lahore, 120. Herbert. 68, etc). Those who

saw Col. H. B. Hanna’s exhibition of native pictnresin London in May 1890, will

also recollect the ‘lemptation,’ the ‘ Adoration of the Magi’, the ‘ Madonna descend-

ing near a Hindu temple,’ and ‘the Emperor Jahangir sitt:ng in a palace on the walls

of which are a Madonna andan Ecce Homo.’ It is possible that the winged figures

of the period (e.g-, on the walls of the Lahor fort, on the gate of the Gola Seraiteee

Lahor, etc.) owe something to the influence of Christian art: though such figures

are not unknown in Persian and other Oriental paintings.

1896.]. EH. D. Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Aubar. 73

move his cramped and half-dead limbs, and acknowledging the severity of

the pain said he had endured it for as long a time as that for which Christ

our Lord is recorded to have hung upon the cross. Then he began to talk

at great length regarding the pains and bodily afflictions which Christians

of their own accord undergo and his words caused much sensation among

those that stood by. In confirmation of his account he spoke of Father

Ridolfo Aquaviva, whose intimate friend he had been, saying how one night

when sleeping near him he heard a sound as though he were moving in the

far end of his room. When the sound ceased he entered the Father’s room

and found there a whip so covered with blood that drops were falling-on the

floor. He asked him what the sound meant. The holy Father however,

tried to cover with a laugh what the flush on his face and the modesty of his

eyes plainly betrayed. The hearers were much meved by this account and

they put credence in the Prince’s words.

Another day we hada disputeregarding continence and chastity and those °

who preserve themselves pure and chaste according to the prescribed law of

Christ, whick same is the very point of the whole difficulty and of the cause

why the Muhammadans, sunk as they are in lust and incontinence are not

initiated in the mysteries of Christianity. he Prince affirmed that if the

Gospel permitted polygamy, many would accept it, in that its other teach-

ings are conformable to reason. Nor is it hard to understand he should find

such difficulty in preserving temperance, when it is remembered that

although not yet 36 years old he has twenty women as his lawful wives.

He was so anxious for things imported hither from Portugal and Indiat

and especially for the pictures of our Saviour and the Blessed Virgin, the

Queen of the Angels (to whose care he says he commends himself), that he

excites cur wonder. Hence it happened that once when some baggage

arrived at this Court from Cambay he had it taken over to his palace and

opening it tock out whatsoever he pleased, paying however a just price

to the owners. For the same reason on account of the great friendship

he has for us, and mindful of the old saying, ‘ Friends have all things in

common’ he takes whatsoever he chooses from the things which are sent

tous from Goa. He once? retained some pictures, one of which the Provin-

cial Father had intended for him, and when he pointed to one which was

represented as smiling, it struck me that that was the picture which the

Father wished to give him and I said that the Great Father® (for so they

call the Provincial) had sent it to His Highness. On hearing this he was

much delighted that his name was honoured even in Goa, and to show his

gratitude for the gift he presented us with two pieces of tapestry as

ornaments for the altar of the Lerd Jesus, and added afterwards a third

and yet more beautiful one.

Enough as regards the Prince. Now let us say something concerning

1 That is the peninsula of India: the north of India was known as ‘ Mogor.’

2 This incident is omitted in the Maintz version of the letter. The present

translation is taken from Oranus’ version.

2 No doubt ‘ Bara Padre.’

76 E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No.1,

the Emperor. It is not customary in the Hast to appear before royalty

empty-handed: accordingly when I had to lay before the Emperor the letter

delivered to me by the Father Provincial, I presented him on the Father’s

behalf with two exquisite pictures made in Japan: one of Christ Our

Lord and the other of the blessed Father Ignatius.1 These were much

admired: but the picture of the blessed Father Ignatius was especially

pleasing to the Emperor as it was new and he had never seen it before.

He enquired whom it represented and when I had explained this at some

length he asked me to write his life in Persian for the good of the

whole kingdom. Meantime the Prince came up and, seeing the picture,

begged that it might be given to him until he could get it copied by a pain-

ter. On another day, when I went to pay my respects to the Emperor, he

handed to me the letter I had brought from the Father Provincial and bade

me read it aloud; which I also did, first in Portuguese, then in Persian.

* When I had read the letter, the Emperor showed himself much pleased at

the Father having written that he was deeply obliged for the benefits and

favours conferred upon us, and at his having at Goa commended him to the

care of the Lord Jesus. I with great reverence raised my hat at the most

holy Name of Jesus, and before I could explain the honour I rendered to

the sacred name, he seized my hand and declared to his captains of

thousands and of hundreds that the Christians held in the highest regard

and reverence the holy Name of Jesus, and that this was the reason why

I had uncovered. Then turning to me he said: ‘Is it not so?’ and [I

answered that he had spoken truly. When I had finished the letter of the

Father Provincial, I read that of Father Monserrat, and the Emperor asked

me why this Father had, as he had heard from others, been captured and

detained by the Turks. I said that the Muhammadans (Mauros) and

Turks, were most hostile to Christians and treated them as ill as possible,

for opposing the law and sect of Muhammad, although they should love

and cherish them, being indeed loved greatly by them as brothers and men

eager for salvation who had pointed out the way of truth and were ready

to lay down their lives for the same: and that not many days had passed

since the blessed Father Abraham de Georgiis, the Maronite, had been killed

on his way to Prester John on account of his profession of the Christian

faith and had won the palm of martyrdom.® This speech of mine was aud-

ible in open court and there was no lack of hearers: but the Muhammadans

showed by their perturbed faces and angry eyes that they ill brooked to

hear the exaltation of the true God and the utter degradation of the crime-

stained Muhammad. Nor were they a little shocked to hear their cursed

Prophet so fearlessly accused and detested by us. One of them out of close

friendship for us warned me to treat of Christianity with caution and pru-

dence, as no Muhammadan there present ‘did not thirst for our blood,’ and

1 T.e., Loyola This picture or a copy seems to have been preserved for some

time in Akbar’s tomb at Sikandra. See Manachi-Catrou, p. 135.

2 See p. 49 above.

3 See Guzman, lL. 236.

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 77

I myself’ said he, ‘though a true and no false friend of yours, yet when-

soever I hear you speak against Muhammad, I so burn with wrath and in-

dignation that I frequently desire to stab you as you stand.’

‘The Emperor! is gifted with a wonderful memory, so that although he

can neither read nor write, he ‘knows whatever he has heard learned men

discoursing about, or whatever has been read to him. He sleeps little and

lightly, and spends a good part of the night in hearing history read to him.

Tf any stranger comes to Court, he at once sends for him and minutely in-

terrogates him as to what he has seen and by what road he hastravelled. At

about midnight he retires for half an hour for his devotions and then his

learned men assemble and dispute with one another. One night I chanced

upon them and found them discussing the point so new and incredible to

Muhammadans ‘Can God havea Son?’ The Emperor set his Chronologist?

to dispute with me and when I soon vanquished him, he ordered a more learn-

ed man to help the non-plussed one. On the fourth day of the moon? musical

instruments, in which he much delights, were brought in and also some

images and among them the likeness of the sun, which he worships every

day at dawn. But thinking that I might object that the sun was not God,

but only a created thing and the work of God, he ordered it to be removed

and straightway the idol vanished. There was then brought in the likeness

of our Saviour bound to a pillar, and this he placed on his head as a sign of

reverence and worship (a thing which he did not do to the image of the sun.)

He took a pleasure in hearing the narration of the conversion of St. Paul

and of Constantine the Great.

He told me that nearly twenty years ago he had thirty children shut up

before they could speak, and put guards over them so that the nurses might

not teach them their language. His object was to see what language they

would talk when they grew older, and he was resolved to follow the laws

and customs of the country whose language was that spoken by the children.

But his endeavours were a failure, for none of the children came to speak

distinctly, wherefore at this time he allowed no law but his own.4

After much vacillation and much obstruction from our opponents, he

gave us leave to build a Church at Cambay; the same favour could not be

obtained in the case of Sindh,5 on account of the vehement opposition

encountered.’

! The translation of this and the next para. is taken from that given by Mr.

Beveridge, J. A. S. B. 1888, p. 37.

& Perhaps, Mr. Beveridge suggests, Mir Fathu-llah of Shiraz: but Fathu-lah

had apparently died before this. Blochm., din I. 33n; Hlliot, Hist Ind. V. 469,

3 Ad quartum Lune. Mr. Beveridge thinks there is some mistake but the

Maintz version also uses the same expression.

4 Cf. Badauni, I]. 288. (Elliot, Hist. Ind. V. 533) and Dabistan (Shea’s transl.)

II. 90.

5 Mr. Beveridge thinks this probably means India proper. The original in

Oranus is ‘idem pro Sindo tentatwm,’ and in the Maintz version ‘idem tentatum

reat per Sindum.’ A Church was established some years later at Tatta.

78 K. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

Father Jerome goes on to mention the case of an Armenian Chris-

tian who wished to marry his deceased wife’s sister.! The Father had

refused to sanction the marriage, and the Armenian, having embraced

the Emperor’s new religion, enlisted the Emperor’s sympathy so far

as to induce him to call for the Fathers and expostulate with them.

They held stoutly to their refusal and ultimately the case was referred

to Prince Salim, who expressed his indignation at the Armenian’s

desertion of his original faith. The incident was looked on by the Fathers

as one of great importance, bringing them as it did into opposition to

the ‘ secta pestilens et perniciosa nove a lege instituta.’

The letter proceeds to record an occasion on which the Prince

asked if he could ‘see St. James, and the Father went so far as to say :

“Yes; if Your Highness will become a Christian and be baptized.’

On another occasion the Father was asked why more persons were

possessed by devils in Christendom than among Muhammadans, he did

not deny the fact, but explained it—to the amusement of his hearers—

by replying that the devil having the Muhammadans already in his

power could afford to neglect them! The Father adds in his letter

that a‘ young son® of the King of Badakhshan, who was eighteen years

of age and was to marry the Prince’s daughter, had informed him that

if the Prince embraced Christianity he would do the same.’

Xavier then goes on to describe the usages of the heathen. He

first describes the idol at Kangra (Nazar Coto)* and gives the story

that men who cut off their tongues and present them to the idol receive

them back whole. He then mentions certain metaphysical and cos-

mograplical theories of the Hindus and details at some length the

avatars of Vishnu. As regards the tenth avatar, he writes, some said

it was Akbar himself.

Then follow some narrations of persons baptized at the point of

death, and of others cured by receiving baptism or by having the

Gospel read to them, and the letter concludes with the account of the

opening for mission work in Cathay, which has already been published

in Sir Henry Yule’s ‘ Cathay and the way Thither,’ Vol II. p. 532.

So far Jerome Xavier. When Akbar left Lahore for Agra, which

he appears to have done towards the end of 1598,* he was accompanied

by Xavier and by Benedict de Goes, Pinheiro being left again in charge

1 So the Maintz version, which the context shows to be correct. Oranus hag

“neptem.’

2 Mirza Sultan. See Blochm., Aim 1.313. cf pp. 70 and 80 of this paper.

8 cf Jarrett, Ain II. 312. Purchas II. 1480.

4 Hlphinst., Hist. Ind. (ed. 1857) p. 457.

1896.]. E. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 79

of the church at Lahor. Our next letter! is one written by the last

named from Lahor, some time after Whitsuntide 1599,? and it isa

letter of which the counterpart might be found in almost any issue of

a modern Missionary Journal. It begins by stating that since Xavier

left for Agra, there had been 38 persons baptised by the mission in

Lahor: and it proceeds to describe two recent cases. One is of three

Hindus converted against the will of their relations, who were con-

ducted on Whitsunday in a procession through the city with palms in

their hands, and then having passed through a large and somewhat

noisy multitude to the Church, were therein baptized. The other case

relates to a Muhammadan girl of sixteen years of age, who on seeing

the others baptized insisted on being baptized herself and convinced

the priest that she was well instructed in the faith. She was accord-

ingly baptized under the name of ‘Grace,’ but her parents at once

turned her out of their house. .She was then addressed by a Muham-

madan who wished to marry her, but from him she fled and was put

by Pinheiro in charge of a married Christian. The Muhammadan

complained londly to the Governor of the city, who summoned Pinheiro

and then called for the girl;'at this the Muhammadan rejoiced as he

would now be able to kidnap her, but Pinheiro circumvented him and

brought the girl safely before the Governor, who finding her most

zealous in her profession of Christianity declined to interfere. Pinheiro

was greatly pleased at this triumph and the girl was shortly afterwards

married to a Christian.

The Father Provincial’s Report of December 1599.

The next accouut we have is the report sent to the General from

Goa by the Provincial, Father Pimenta, in December 1599.3 Only a

part of the report deals with the North of India and a good deal of this

is taken up with accounts thence received regarding Thibet. In describ-

ing that country the Provincial quotes from a letter which he says was

written by Xavier on the 26th July 1598. The account which he quotes

is somewhat fuller than that given in the letter which Xavier addressed

to the General in 1598 (see preceding page), but differs so little from it

that it was presumably written about the same time.

1 See Oranus ‘ Japonica, Sinensia, Mogorana’ and the Maintz version referred to

on p. 44 above. Copies of the letter are also to be found in Hage and De Dien.

@ The letter is published as having been written in 1598, but the Whitsuntide

feast of 1599 is mentioned in it.

3 The Latin date is ‘Oct. Kal. Jan. 1599’ and the real date seems from

the letter to be either St. Thomas’ Day (December 21st), or December 25th 1599. See

‘Nova Relatio’ [p. 44 above.] The Portuguese version of 1602 gives 26th November

as the date.

80 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

After quoting Xavier’s letter on the subject of Cathay, Father

Pimenta goes on to state that when Akbar left Lahor for Agra, Xavier

and Goes had accompanied him, leaving Pinheiro at Lahor. Akbar had

while at Agra, sent his son! with 50,000 men against the Deccan and

the country of Meliquius [Malik Ambar] in which lay Chaul, not more

than 210 miles from Goa. That son having died another? had been.

substituted for him. Meantime Xavier had again written from Agra

on Ist August 1599, regarding the country of Cathay, confirming his pre-

vious account.

Xavier's letter, which Pimenta then quotes, narrates also an inter-

view which he had with the Emperor. Xavier asked the Emperor if

three or four priests might be sent to Cathay and the Emperor replied

‘Rahat met Xoda,’> ‘id est benedictio Domini super vos, adding that he

was going to send an ambassador thither and that they had better go

with him. Xavier notices also the circumstance that three sons of the

king of Badakhshan, who was living in India, had been pupils of the

mission and that their brother was now ruling in that country. *

Pimenta also reports that Xavier had asked the Emperor’s leave

for the admission of further priests to minister to the congregations in

Lahor and Agra: that Akbar had granted a ‘Diploma’ or sanad accor-

dingly, and that this sanad also gave privileges to the church at Cambay.

The sanad had not been signed when Xavier wrote, but a copy was to

be sent to Goa as soon as it had been signed,

The following account of a conversation held with the Emperor on

the 16th July 1599, is then quoted from Xavier’s letter :—

Father Xavier said to the Emperor that with his permission he wished to

speak to him on a matter privately. The Emperor, having moved apart and

dismissed the bystanders, remained standing and asked him what he wanted.

Xavier, who for two years previously had received instructions to this effect,

began as follows: ‘Sire, we have received the following orders from our

Superior. ‘As it isnow more than four years since you began studying the

language, the Emperor can now doubtless understand you thoroughly, where-

fore now beseech you His Majesty that, having called us to him to acquaint

him with the Gospel, he should now see how he stands, so that I too may

! Sultan Murad died near Daulatabad, 22nd Urdibihisht 1599. (Elliot VI. 97.)

2 Sultan Daniyal. In 1609 his three sons were baptized by the Jesuits under

the names of Philippo, Carlo and Henrico, and in the same year another grandson

of Akbar’s was christened ‘Don Edoard.’ Herbert’s Travels (1688) p. 75. Accord-

ing to Roe they reverted to Islam on finding they could not get Portuguese women

as wives (M. Thevenot, Relations p. 78.)

3 Rahat az khuda or Rahmat-i-khuda ?P

4 See also Pinheiro’s letter of 3rd September 1595 (p. 70 above) and Xavier’s of

1598 (p. 78.) ;

-1896.] HE. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 81

know what order to give concerning you.’ ‘In truth,’ said Xavier, ‘it is very

irksome to us to stand idle. Wherefore, Sire, do you not listen to us as you

said you would listen: you that profess yourself a wise man and a searcher

after truth?’ ‘I admit,’ said the Emperor,’ ‘that I called you in order to hear

the truth, so that I might adopt whatever course appeared most consistent

with truth and reason, but now I go toward the Deccan and shall halt near

Goa, where I shall go to hear you at leisure.’ He continued the conversation for

some time, repeating the same language. ‘I called you,’ he said, ‘to speak to

you and listen to youin private. What? When the Muhammadans wererulers

would any one have dared to say that Christ was God? He would at once have

been put to death. Now he is safe.’ I agreed that this was so, and thanked the

Hmperor, saying that if he would listen to us some time it would be a great

benefit to him as well as a consolation to us. He promised to do so and

closed the interview.’ !

The Provincial then goes on to say that he proposed sending com-

panions to help and solace the Fathers. And he concludes this part of

his report with an account of some incidents which had taken place in

connection with the mission at Lahor :—

‘This year at Christmas the Fathers at Lahor prepared.a magnificent

representation of the manger in memory and honour of Our Saviour: to

which thronged so great a crowd of all ages and classes that for twenty

days continuously some three or four thousand persons might worship the

image of the Child Jesus. One of these, a nobleman, whose wife had borne

him ason atthe same day and hour as that on which Christ was born,

brought him to the Fathers, and allowed him to be baptized, himself and his

wife becoming catechumens. Not so blessed was the fate of another Muham-

madan mother, though that of her new born child was still more blessed.

Her child had been baptized with her consent and at her request, but she was

unable to bear the taunts of her relations and on the day before Ascension

Day she placed poison in its milk. The poor child after seventeen hours of

terrible torture bore testimony to Christ not in words but by death (Christum

non logquendo sed moriendo confessus), and expired before the altar, on the

feast of the Ascension, forty days after its birth and eighteen days after its

baptism. Father Manoel Pinheiro writes that after the child had surren-

dered its soul to Christ, its face still shone with so unwonted a grace that

the glory of its blessed soul which it had attained on rising to Christ

appeared to be reflected on its features below.’

The Father Provincial’s Report of 1st December 1600.

Our next original authority is the annual report ® written by

Father Pimenta, as Visitor, to the General of the Society on Ist

1 It has been suggested by Bohlen (Alte Indien, I. 105) that in] his refusal to

‘adopt Christian views Akbar was influenced by the report of the cruelties of the

Inguisition at Goa, and Prince Frederick of Schleswig Holstein (Noer. Kaiser Akbar,

I. 486) has repeated the suggestion, but € do not find anything in any of the

records to show that he had heard of the Inquisition.

@ “Hremplwm Hpistolae’ (Maintz.) see p. 44 above.

Bi fie UL

82 E. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Himperor Akbar. [No. 1,

December, 1600. The report begins with an account of a journey made

by Pimenta northwards from Goa. In January 1600 he put into

Chaul and there met nine young men who had been sent by Pinheiro

from Lahor by the Sindh route, Some of these were left at Bandora

‘to learn from the best masters to play on all kinds of instruments for

the new church at Lahor.’ A fifth became a Jesuit and what happened

to the rest is not stated. From these youths the Visitor learnt some

details not stated in Pinheiro’s letters. For instance how a young

Catechumen was defending the faith against certain adversaries and

how in the middle of the debate the leader of the BLES was by

an unseen hand felled to the ground !

At Daman, whither he afterwards proceeded, Pimenta received

from Xavier a letter and a copy of a book which he had written ‘ against

certain sects of the unbelievers, more especially that of the Muham-

madans,’ and had dedicated to the Emperor. It was called ‘ Lignum

Vite’! and was in Pimenta’s opinion a work of great erudition and

detail (pereruditum et prolixum). Father Xavier, who had learnt to

speak Persian with fluency and idiom, was at the time preparing in

conjunction with native scholars, a Persian translation of his work.

Goes had also written to the Provincial describing among other things

the fortifications of Burhanpur which Akbar was then besieging.?

The Emperor, it must be observed, had by this time reached the

seat of war in the Deccan and had brought Goes and Xavier south

with him, In order, therefore, to help poor Pinheiro at Lahor, who

was now ‘six hundred miles distant from Father Xavier at Burhanpur,’

the Visitor sent one Father Corsi,* with instructions to see Father

Xavier on the way and to obtain from him the necessary information

and guidanee. Father Corsi reached Cambay at the beginning of

March (1600); there he was shown the order* issued by Akbar for the

protection of the Fathers journeying to Agra, Lahor and Cathay, and

was treated by the Governor with great courtesy. After some delay

he left this city, but on the 12th May he wrote to say that he had with

1 Du Jarric, III. 27, gives it the name of Fons Vite, and says that Akbar was

introduced in it in the character of a philosopher seeking for truth. The book in

question was doubtless that which was ultimately called ‘Speculum Veritatis’ or

‘ Aina-i-Haqq-numda. See p. 111 below.

2 See Elliot, Hist. Ind. VI. 99. Akbar arrived at Burhanpur on 30th April 1599.

Noer, II. 480.

3 When Terry was in India sixteen years later, Corsi was about 50 years old.

He is described as a Florentine and ‘(if he were indeed what he seemed to be) a

man of a severe life and‘yet of a fair and affable disposition.’ Terry’s Voyage

(Ed. 1717) p. 422. @

4 See p. 80 above.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 83

great difficulty passed through the bands of brigands that infested the

roads, by way of Sambusar (Jambisir) and Broach. On the 4th June

1600 he reached the Mughal camp and on the 4th August he reported to

the Visitor that he hoped shortly to start for Lahor and meantime was

diligently studying the Persian language.

Events of 1600-1603.

We have no original letters available between the Ist December,

1600 and the 6th September, 1604, and our main authorities for this

period are Du Jarric’s History and the Relations of Guerreiro on which

that history is almost exclusively based. It will suffice here to give

a short resumé of the information supplied by Du Jarric.!

The personnel of the mission altered somewhat during these years.

Corsi whom we left at Burhanpur proceeded to Lahor probably before

the end of 1600. Inthe spring of 1602, Xavier returned with Akbar

to Agra, while Goes proceeded on a mission to Gea. Pinheiro joined

Xavier either at Agra or before his arrival there, and was at Agra in

the spring or in the hot weather of 1602, when Goes returned to that city

bringing with him a new missionary, Father Antony Machado.? Not

long after this, Pinheiro departed for Lahor and Goes seems to have

followed in October 1602. Early in 1603 Goes left Lahor for his adven-

- turous journey through Thibet,? and for the rest of that year, the mission

was carried on in Agra by Xavier and Machado, and in Lahor by

Pinheire and Corsi.

We are told that when the Emperor moved from Burhanpur and

laid siege to Asirgarh, His Majesty ordered Xavier to write to the

Portuguese for guns and ammunition, and that the Father refused on

the plea, that such action would be contrary to the Christian faith.

‘In my opinion,’ says the chronicler, ‘the real reason was that the

Emperor's enemies were in alliance with the Portuguese.’ Be that as

it may, the Emperor became extremely angry and bade the mis-

sionaries depart to Goa at once: but his anger soon blew over and they

remained on as before. When the fort was taken, Xavier was instru-

mental in saving the lives of some half-caste renegades among the

. prisoners and re-converting them to Christianity. Itis said, moreover,

that during this Deccan campaign some seventy persons were baptized,

including some who ‘departed incontinently to enjoy the glory of

1 Vol IiJ, 30-85.

2 Of Machado nothing further,seems to be known. He is buried in the old

cemetery at Agra, where he died in April 1635, and his name can still be deci-

phered on the tombstone. Fanthome, Reminiscences of Agra, 1895, p. 63.

- 8 See Yule’s Cathay and the Way Thither, 11. 53%,

84 BE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

heaven.’ Among the latter was a little female infant picked up from a

dung-heap and the incident at once suggested the quotation: ‘ De

stercore erigens pauperem ut collocet eum eum principibus.’ In the spring

of 160]1,! the Emperor returned to Agra and with him went Xavier.

While in the Deccan the Emperor despatched an embassy to Goa

on some purely political object, and allowed Goes to accompany this

embassy. They arrived at Goa in May 1601, bringing many costly

presents, but the most precious of the presents, says Du Jarric, was a

band of half-caste children who had been taken prisoners at Burhanpur

and who now, after some instruction, were baptized at Goa into the faith

of their fathers. While at Goa, Benedict de Goes received the orders

to start upon his Thibetan journey. At the same time a Jesuit Father,

Antony Machado, was appointed to take his place with Xavier, and the

two set forth, arriving at Agra (if we may judge from the description

of the heat) in the spring or early summer of 1602.

Meantime the Lahor Mission had, since Pinheiro’s letter of 1598,

experienced some vicissitudes of fortune. ,

At the first, things went on well. The Viceroy was in every way

favourable to the mission. Pinheiro succeeded in obtaining from him

the pardon of prisoners condemned to death. Fugitives from justice took

refuge in the church. The Father’s intervention was constantly soucht,

Even great feuds such as one that broke out between the Juge-mage

and the Emperor’s treasurer ( ? the Qazi and the Diwan) were com-

posed by his arbitration. When this Viceroy died and was succeeded by

his brother,? efforts were made to discredit the mission, but the only

result was that the maligners of the mission were imprisoned. About

this time, however, a determined effort was made by some bad characters

to rob the Fathers, and the detailed account of the attempted robbery,

as set forth in the pages of Du Jarric, gives usa curious insight into the

manners and habits of the mission. It will suffice here to note that an

outsider, having brought himself into the house as a possible convert,

put datura into the food, and when allthe household was stupified called

in his accomplices and broke open the Father’s store room, taking away

such money as there was and some relics which the Father prized more

than money. The thieves apparently were not discovered, but the

Viceroy and the Kotwal came in person to the Father to offer their

sympathy.

At Christmas in the year 1600, Pinheiro again appealed to the

I Elphinstone, Hist. Ind, Hd. 1857, p. 458.

% The two friendly Viceroys appear from Pinheiro’s letter of 1605 to have been

Xumaradin (Qamru-d-din) and Xenc&o (Zain Khan.) Zain Khan Koka was Viceroy

at Lahor just before Akbar’s return to Agra in 1602. (Blochm. Az I. 340.)

1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 85

eyes of the unbelievers by preparing a representation of the manger

and the Magi, with pictures of the Prophets and Persian copies of the

chief Old Testameut prophecies of the birth of Christ. A passion play

was also enacted in two scenes. In one appeared Adam crushed by sin,

whom Simeon consoles with hopes of a Messiah: to them enters a

Philosopher with whom Adam discusses the doctrine of the Incarnation.

In the other Mercy and Justice dispute regarding Adam’s sin: an

Angel then appears announcing Christ’s birth, and a Shepherd follows

with the same news. Similar scenes were prepared at Haster, and on

both occasions the Viceroy attended. Conversions were not as frequent

as had been hoped, but we are told that Pinheiro baptised on one occa-

sion 39 persons, on another 20, and on another 47. Details are given as

of several individual cases, including one of a young man of the holy

race of Xaques [ Shaikhs] and one of a Chacata [Chughatai] lady who

was of the blood royal. We learn incidentally moreover that the chapel

services were conducted in Persian: and that the Fathers occasionally

extended their ministrations to the villages in the neighbourhood. They

also converted several Armenians, and Pinheiro got hold of the books

and property of the Armenian ‘archbishop,’ who had died in trying to

reach India through Persia. We learn too that the Fathers were

accused of eating human flesh, of kidnapping children and of killing

young men to make drugs from: and when these accusations brought them

into trouble, they received the protection of the Nawab or ‘ Jugemage.’!

After Corsi’s arrival, sometime in 1601, Pinheiro took the opportu-

nity of travelling to the Hmperor’s head-quarters to confer with Xavier.

The two Fathers went immediately to pay their respects to the Emperor

taking with them a pen and ink sketch, on paper, of the Virgin Mary.

The Emperor received them well, but had the sketch taken away to his

private rooms at once. Thinking that he was displeased with the

nature of the offering, the Fathers went again next day, and presented

a picture of our Lady of Loretto on gilt metal (calaim doré)* which

the Emperor treated most reverently ‘goiqnant les mains fort belle-

ment. He explained at the same time that he had sent the sketch

away because it was unseemly that he should be sitting above on a

high throne while the Virgin was below: and when Pinheiro stooped to

1 In the course of a case described at some length by Du Jarric, the Nawab

says, ‘Thama Theogoda c’est a dire La Benediction de Diew soit sur cette femme.’ How

should the original words be restored ? [ ? Ghanimat-i-Khuda] In the same case

mention is made of certain Hindu judges called Cateris (Khatris) and of the

Coxi (?) ‘ qui est comme le Vicaire General dw Prelat souverain des Gentils.

2 *Tecalaim est wne espéece de metail, qui vient de la Chine, semblable & Vestain,

combien qwil ne le soit pas, ayant beaucowp de meslange de cwive: mais il est blanc et

on en faict dela monnaye en Inde: on le dore aussi come Vargent. Du Jarric, III. 36.

86 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No, 1,

kiss his feet, he laid his hand on his shoulder ‘ which he does not do

save to the great captains, and his special favourites.’ He enquired about

the manner in which the Emperor in Europe saluted the Pope,

and it was explained to him, that the Pope had a cross marked on his

foot, which showed that it was only in his character as Christ’s repre-

sentative that he had his feet kissed by the Emperor. The conversa-

tion turned then on the sign of the cross and a pupil of Pinheiro’s was

made to show how it was done. The Emperor asked Pinheiro if he had

done it properly, and was told that he had. He also enquired why

the sign of the cross was made on the forehead, mouth and chest, and a

fitting explanation was given him.

During the earlier part of 1602, Goes and Machado arrived at Agra

from Goa and Pinheiro went out several miles to greet them. Mean-

time news came from Corsi at Lahor that the previous Viceroy haying

died, his successor, a bigotted Muhammadan, who had as governor of

Gujrat, imbibed a hatred of the Portuguese,' had commenced ill-using

the Christians and endeavouring to make them renounce their faith.

The Fathers at Agra, therefore, presented themselves to the Emperor

(bringing with them this time pictures of the great Albuquerque and

of the Viceroy of Goa, Ayres de Saldagna) and made two requests.

First that Pinheiro might have leave to go back to Lahor, a request which

the Emperor granted much to their surprise, as Pinheiro was a favourite

with him. And secondly, that a written order might be given to

them under the Emperor’s seal, expressly permitting such of his subjects

as desired to embrace Christianity to do so without let or hindrance.

This also the Emperor agreed to, but then further difficulties began.

The eunuch who had charge of the drawing up of the firmdn hesitated

to include so sweeping an order and consulted the ‘ Maitre d’ hotel,’ but

this latter was a nephew of the Viceroy of Lahor and interposed every

possible delay : so that the Fathers in despair made use of a young cour-

tier, a favourite of the Emperor and a former pupil of Pinheiro’s, who

drew the Emperor’s attention to the matter and pushed it through in

spite of the further objections of Agiscoa® [ ‘Aziz Koka, | the Grand

Chamberlain, whose duty it was to seal the firmans and bring them to

the Emperor to sign. The Fathers were delighted at their success, and

1 Quly Khan who had served in Gujrat in 1578 and 1583 (cf p. 58 above) was

made Governour of the Panjab in (circa) 1009 AH=AD 1600-1; and is probably the

Viceroy here alluded to: see Blochm. Ain J. 34.

2 He is elsewhere described by the Jesuits as the Hmperor’s foster brother, and

they say that his son and daughter had married the Emperor’sdaughterandson WM?r2é

‘Aziz Koka, Kkhan-i-A‘zam, was Akbar’s foster brother: one of his daughters married

Prince Murad and another Prince Khusrau (Blochm. Ain I. 325): and he is undoubtedly

the person meant in the text.

1896.| E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 87

when Pinheiro ultimately went to take his leave of the Emperor, he was

treated with great kindness and presented with a horse for the journey.

Before Pinheiro left Agra, Xavier had laid before the Emperor a

book describing in Persian, the life, miracles and doctrine of Christ.!

With this the Emperor was so pleased that he frequently had it read

to him by ‘Aziz Koka, and ‘Aziz Koka himself asked the Fathers for a

second copy. The Emperor also asked that a similar work might be

' prepared to describe the lives of the apostles.

Considerable excitement was caused about this time by a copy of

the picture of the Madonna del Popolo at Rome,? which the Fathers

had with them. Although the picture had been in their possession for

two years they had not dared to show it in public for fear of the

Emperor taking a fancy to it. At Christmas time A. D. 1601, however,

they let it be seen in the Church and immediately great crowds pressed

to see it, including many Muhammadans. Among those who came were

the brother and nephew of the king of Xhandar (Khandesh),* a son

of the king of Qandahar® and other courtiers. The Emperor heard

of the picture and expressed a wish to come, but, as the Fathers’ house

(though in the city) was a good half league from the palace, he bade

the Fathers bring it to him. While Pinheiro was fetching the picture,

the Emperor presented Xavier with a rich kind of waterproof and des-

cended five steps from his throne to put it on his shoulders. When

the picture came, the Hmperor treated it with all possible respect, and

kept it for a day to show it to his zanana. After it had been returned,

the Emperor sent for it again as his mother who had not seen it

before had expressed a wish to see it. It was brought back, therefore,

and the Hmperor lifted it up himself and took it into the zanana and

stood by it, allowing none to come near. After it had been duly seen

1 The Dastan-i-Masih : completed in 1602 (see p. 110 below). In describing Akbar’s

character the Provincial at Goa in 1607 wrote as follows (see Dre: Neue Relationes):

‘When once he had listened to the Life of Christ written by Jerome Xavier in

Persian, he began to reverence highly the pictures of Christ and to speak more

respectfully of Christ himself, though several of the Muhammadans tried to

persuade him that Christ’s miracles were not due to any supernatural power, but to

Christ’s exceeding skill as a physician, dealing with natural methods.’

2 Which was apparently done. See p. 118 below.

3 The painting of the Virgin onthe high altar of the Church of S. Maria del

Popolo is one of those attributed to S. Luke. Forbes’ Rambles in Rome, p. 4.

4 Bahadur Khan who had been besieged at Asir and who was now a prisoner at

Gwaliar. Hlliot, VI. 146.

5 Muzaffar Khan had died in 1599-1600 and this probably refers to his eldest

son Bahram Khan (Blochm. Ain I. 314). Guerreiro (p. 52) adds that the king had

been driven out by ‘Abduxam [ Abdulla Khan] Rey de Husbec,’ apparently con-

fusing him with the king of Badakhshan.

88 E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. [No. 1,

inside, it was sent out by a eunuch to the Fathers, who then showed

it publicly to a large crowd of courtiers amid ‘marvellous silence.’

After it had been taken home, it was once more sent for by the Em-

peror to allow of his having it copied by lis own native painters aud

this time it remained several days in the palace. After this, the Fathers

would not let it out of their possession, except on two occasions. On one

of these it was sent to the house of ‘Aziz Koka with the result that this

powerful officer was thereby won over to the Jesuits’ side. On another

occasion it was sent to the King of Qandahar and returned with much

politeness and with offers of bakhshish, which the Fathers refused.

The Fathers meantime busied themselves in various good works.

They were able to rescue from slavery, a number of half-castes who

had been made prisoners in the war in the Deccan, and to baptize them

after instructing them in the faith. Some other cases of baptisms are

also narrated, In Lahor, Pinheiro baptized two sons of the king of

Persia’s ambassador, Manuchiher, a Georgian who had been in the

country six years, and was then returning to Persia. Healso found means

to get possession of a young Hungarian slave from Buda Pesth, who

was accompanying a Turkish embassy, and to send him to Goa.!_ More-

over when a Native Christian woman who had been kidnapped in her

youth and sold to a Greek who had afterwards married her, was

claimed by her parents, Pinheiro was able by showing the Emperor’s

jirman to obtain for her the right to remain with her husband.

Some time during the year 1602, Xavier was able to obtain the

release from durance of some 50 shipwrecked Portuguese who had been

seized by the Governor of Cambay and sent to the Court. During this

same year the relations between the Emperor and his son, Salim,

became very strained : and it is interesting to notice the care which the

Fathers took to stand well with both parties. Salim, we are told, wrote

to Xavier with his own hand, superscribing his letter with across. Xavier

took care to have the letter read in the Hmperor’s presence and to reply in

Portuguese. He had an agent with the Prince in the person of Giovanne

Filippo® through whom correspondence could pass. The substance of

this correspondence, as described by Du Jarric is of some interest and the

position adopted by the Prince towards Christianity about this time is

1 Cf. p. 98 below.

2 Cf. p. 90 below. Dnu Jarric, III. 79, implies that they arrived at Lahor and

that Xavier interceded for them there. It does not appear, however, that either

Akbar or Xavier had gone to Lahor this year.

5 If this be not the Italian mentioned on p. 91 below, it may possibly be John

Philip de Bourbon, the husband of Juliana mentioned in the note on p. 53 above: but

I have no information regarding de Bourbon beyond what is given in Col. Kineaid’s

article there referred to. ;

1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 89

somewhat striking, if the Jesuit authorities are to be believed. We are

assured that he wore a gold cross round his neck: that he said to his

captains that in time of danger he should call on none but Christ: that

he wrote to Goa asking for a separate mission of priests to be sent to his

Court: that he had a golden crucifix made for himself: that he had a

figure of Christ on the cross carved on a large emerald! and wore it on a

chain: and so forth. He also read from end to end the book written by

Xavier to which the Emperor had given the title ‘Mirror of Purity :’

and had given a large sum for the building in Agra of a church, which

should equal in size that which his father had allowed to be built at Lahor.

Father Jerome Xavier's letter from Agra, dated September 6, 1604.

Our next authority is a very long letter written by Xavier from Acra

on September 6, 1604. The original manuscript is preserved in the

British Museum (Marsd. MSS. 9854, foll. 7-19) and as the letter has

never before been published and has not apparently been utilized in

Du Jarric’s history, some fairly full quotations from it will perhaps be

pardoned.

The letter begins with a description of the religious life of the Fathers

and their congregation :—

‘Fathers Pinheiro and Fr. Corsi are in Lahor; and Father Ant.

Machado and myself are here in Agra. We are allin good health by the

goodness of God. We occupy ourselves as well as we can in the exercises

of the Society, keeping up the custom of daily meditation and examination

and that of the renewal of vows, &c. We endeavour to confirm our con-

verts in the faith they have adopted, and ina fitting way of life. To this

end, on Sundays and on ordinary feasts, there is always a sermon, and when

the Portuguese prisoners were here, there were two sermons, one for them

in Portuguese at the second mass, and one for the natives in their own

language. At the principal feasts, numbers of both men and women come to

confession and receive communion, which you will learn to your consolation

and to ours. At Christmas there was a fine procession as is customary every

year, which moves the Christians to great devotion. Many Muhammadans

and heathens who came hither, seeing it, returned praising the customs of

the Christians. This is a good opportunity to explain our religion to them,

and as their own has such a slight foundation it is easier to convince their

understanding than their will, their lives being so far from the strictness

and perfection of the Evangelical law and the happiness it brings to its

followers.

Our Christians keep Lent very well, with the full rigour of fasting and

abstinence from all milk food. We gave them leave to eat butter, but many

did not avail themselves of it. All through Lent nothing is conceded: even

1 See p. 91 below.

2 See p. 111 below. The work was not completed till 1609.

Deets, 2

90 E. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. (No. 1,

_ to those under age. We do not extend to them the usual dispensations

because it is well that being new Christians they should, from devotion,

imitate in something the austerity of the early Christians. There will be

no lack of opportunity hereafter for their availing themselves of the con-

cessions which will be made to them in the course of time. Also we have

regard to the Muhammadans, who hold our fasting in great contempt

seeing that we eat twice a day; and to those Christians who were formerly

Muhammadans it would seem as if they did not fast at all, so that ‘sieut

exhibuerunt in membra sua servire in iniquitate ad iniquitatem, having

observed the Muhammadan fast with such rigour ‘ita exhibuerant ila

servire justitie in sanctificationem. Every Friday evening in Lent, we have

a sermon to the Christians: at the end we show them the crucifix which is

placed, covered, on the* altar, after which the Litany is recited, and then

as many men as the Church can hold (for here in Agra it is very small)

take the discipline, while the Father recites the ‘ Miserere. When these

have finished others take their place, and so on till all have taken their

turn. They take the discipline across the back, according to our custom -

so do nearly all the Christians, old and new. When we have alarger Church

there will be recom to conduct these exercises with greater solemnity. The

offices for Holy Week are simply recited, but the other ceremonies are carried

out with all solemnity. The washing of the feet is performed fully with

great devotion and consolation. All go to confession during Lent; and on

Maunday Thursday and Hasterday more than forty persons of both sexes

who a few years ago were followers of Muhammad, received Holy Com-

munion. The mystery of the Supreme Sacrament is preached to them

individually and in general, and the privilege of approaching it is highly

prized whenever we give them leave. May God keep them and advance

them in perfection every day. Amen.’ ;

Many of the congregation were however sadly in want of tem-

poral aid. Some of the Portuguese captured at Asirgarh had imdeed’

been enlisted by Akbar as ahdis, ‘i.e., soldiers with two horses apiece,’

but there were many others who were entirely dependant on the

alms of the Fathers. The case of the fifty shipwrecked Portuguese

captives! gave the Fathers much trouble. They besought the inter-

cession of the Prince Salim, and even of ‘Aziz Koka (‘ whose son had

sent them here’), for the purpose of obtaining the Emperor’s permission

for the return of these captives to Goa; but Akbar insisted on the

payment of a large ransom. This the Fathers said was impossible and

at last the Emperor suddenly gave in. The Portuguese were greatly

delighted and came to make their salam, while Xavier thanked the

Emperor saying: ‘My Lord, you have liberated fifty captives and in so

doing have made fifty thousand Portuguese your servants.’ Shortly

afterwards Akbar made them shoot ata mark before him and ‘ those

who did so, hit the white at almost every shot.’ ‘That same afternoon

1 See p. 88 above.

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 91

he caused many guns to be brought before them and bade them pick

out the best for his chiefs. He received all of them that night, showing

them great familiarity and presented four of them with a gun apiece.’

At the beginning of December [ 1603] they started southwards and a

certain Armenian called Iskandar through whose villages they passed

supplied them with a few rupees each, which enabled them ultimately

to reach Goa, travelling by way of Ahmadabad and Cambay. Two of

them returned in the hope that Akbar would show them favour, but he

ignored them, recognizing ‘how worthless they must be to leave the

service of their king so lightly.’

Father Jerome, then, having tried unsuccessfully to get leave to go

to Lahor, turned his attention to some Armenians and others in his

neighbourhood. Ten leagues from Agra, an Armenian landholder re-

turning one night to his home ‘was beginning to drink when he was

surprized by death and rendered his soul to his Creator without so

much as time to cry “Jesus”:’ and the Father forthwith set out to

comfort his relations and to help in settling his affairs. On his way he

passed Fathpur Sikri where Prince Salim was then residing :—

‘Qn the way,’ he writes ‘there is a city which used to be the court of the

Emperor Akbar when Father Rodolfi was here, which is called Fatehpur :

we might say of it “here stood Troy,” for it is totally demolished; but afew

edifices made by the Emperor still stand firm. The Prince was there at

the time and I went to see him. He was much pleased at my visit and

entertained me very well, and when his second son,! who was with him,

took no notice of my salutation, he said to him. “Ho there! the Father is

saluting you,” and the young man then obeyed him.’

While with the Prince, Xavier was able to do a good turn for an

Italian servant? of his whose pay was in arrears, and also for the widow

of an Armenian goldsmith whose property had been seized. This

Armenian, like his compatriot above mentioned, had died from drink:

he had offered before the Prince to drink 5 or 6 goblets of spirits; and

instead of drinking, like the Prince, from small cups he insisted on

draining a large china bowl, with the result that he ‘died next day

without recovering consciousness. On his return Xavier again visited

the Prince and found him having copper made from peacocks’ tails in

his presence, such copper being an excellent antidote against poison!

The Father continues his account as follows :—

‘That same day the Prince showed me a crucifix carved on an emerald,*

very well wrought. He told me he had had it made to take with him. The

1 Sultan Parwiz then sixteen years old.

2 Perhaps the Filippo mentioned on p. 88 above. Xavier in the same letter

says that this Italian and his wife entertained him at Fathpur.

3 cf p. 89 above.

92 EH. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

emerald is about the size of one’s thumb and the crucifix is very well carved

upon it. (I had seen it in Agra, when it was made, a little while before he

left). It is a fine piece of work, encircled with gold, pierced with a hole by

which it can be hung on a gold chain. I remained two days longer,

and when I took my leave, the Prince gave me five hundred rupees for the

church. His seat was slightly raised and when I would have bent down to

touch his feet, he raised me in his arms as he might a beloved brother and

begged me to recommend him much tothe Lord Jesus. He then, pursued

his journey to Elahabac (Allahabad) from whence he came, refusing to return

by Agra where his father was, so as not to fall into the snare again.t

After he had been two or three months in Allahabad, he said to his ~

Italian servant abovementioned: ‘‘ Write to the Father that you see how

I carry about with me this image of the Lord Jesus” (which I take to be the

aforesaid crucifix). He also sent me another five hundred rupees for the

church? and said that he would order everything necessary to be given

to me.

The son of an Armenian Christian was in the Prince’s service and I

asked the favour here in Agra that he would make him his soldier with

three horses, and show him favour in future. The young man remained in

Agra some time on necessary business and then went to the Prince in

Allahabad, who asked him what faith he followed: he replied that he was a

Muhammadan and the Prince indignantly cast him off, refused te admit him

to his service and said he had a mind to cut out his tongue. The wretched

young man has been in disgrace for eight or ten months.

To show favour to some Portuguese who had arrived, the Prince asked

them if they would like some pork to eat, and they said they would. The

Prince ordered a pig to be fetched and when it was brought, he gave it

to a young Christian and bade him take it to his master, but the young man

was ashamed and let the pig eseape. At supper, the prince remembering

the pig, asked the young man’s master if he had received it, to which he

answered: ‘‘ No, my Lord, and I have neither seen nor heard anything of

it.” The Prinee thereupon sent for the young man and rated him soundly

as a disgrace to his religion, dismissed him from his service, took away

what he gaye him for his daily maintenance, and ordered that two or three

months’ arrear of pay owing to him should be forfeited.

These things show at least that he is not averse to our Holy Faith,’

When Father Jerome returned to Agra, he shortly found himself in

unwonted favour with the Emperor and was able to commence building

his new Church. The following is his account of the matter :—

“The Emperor has sent for me since, very often, once a week at least

when we have finished our prayers, to come and spend the night with him,

1 Salim’s previous visit to Agra is described in Noer, Kaiser Akbar II. 548.

2 Fanthome on p. 29 of his Reminiscences of Agra 1895, quotes a short jfirman

of Akbar’s prohibiting interference with the building of this Church: but he does

not say where the firmadn comes from.

8 A similar story is told by Coryate. Kerr’s Voyages and Travels, IX. 481.

1896.] E. D. Maclagan— Jeswit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 93

as he wishes to hear us speak and praises us highly for it. This is a favour

only granted to certain chiefs and others whom he wishes to honour. We

remain nearly all night in conversation with him, relating many things of

Christ Our Lord, and His Saints. Onone of these occasions I gave him a

book in Persian, containing sayings of some of our philosophers and many

curious things, which he had asked me for. He and his chiefs enjoy it very

much and it is in great request.l

When I returned from my visit to the Prince we commenced the

building of our church,? and the first stone was laid with great solemnity.

Many Muhammadans were present, and were greatly edified by the cere-

monies which Christians use on these occasions. These works are not so

expensive here as in other places, being made of bricks, lead, and a great

part of clay, which is made of a certain kind of earth. The chapel will be

well finished, though perfect workmanship may be wanting. It will soon

be finished, please God. It is badly needed as the Christians are very

crowded in our present small Chapel.’

There were, however, troubles in store and the Father now launches

out into a long account of a malicious slander circulated by a dis-

contented Portuguese to the effect that ‘we had killed so and so, and

so and so, that we were spies and traitors to the Emperor whose salt

we ate, that we stole whatever we could lay hands on, and other things

much worse: non erat malum in civitate which was not our doing,

especially mine.’ The little congregation and more particularly the

Armenian part of it began to look with suspicion on the Fathers: but

the most interesting phase of the business to us is the fact that ‘an

Kuglish heretic, here, also took part in the affair, stirring up the Portu-

guese to say many things and then repeating them to us and inciting

us to complain to the Hmperor.’? The Fathers were in great doubt as

1 Possibly the incomplete ‘Atna-i-Haqq-numa. See p. 111 below.

2 The new Church was apparently completed in Jahangir’s reign and a College

was added which was built ‘in litterae Z specimen’ (Botelho in Marsd. MSS. 98538,

Brit. Mus). The Church according to one story was pulled down to appease a

Muhammadan tumult and the Jesuits then built a less sumptuous one inside their

College (ib.) According to Tavernier, an Armenian friend of Shah Jahan’s who

lived near the Church objected to the bell ringing when he was ill, so Shah Jahan

had the bell removed and hung round the neck of his elephant: but as it was

somewhat heavy it was ultimately taken off and deposited with the Kotwal (Tav.

ed. 1676, II. 70). Bernier says the tower as well as the greater part of the Church

was pulled down by Shah Jahan (Amst. ed. 1728, II. 80). According to Fanthome

(Rem. of Agra, 1895, p. 30) the Church was added to in the Highteenth century by

Sumri and Filose and is substantially the same as the present Chapel. Col. Kincaid

in the Asiatic Quarterly for Jan. 1887 says, ‘the building now occupied by the

Catholic Mission Press is said to have been the first Christian Church [at Agra]

and according to family tradition was founded by the Lady Juliana.’ (cf. p. 53 above).

3 The English heretic was John Mildenall of whom Orme in his ‘ History of the

Establishment of the English Trade at Surat, p. 341, gives the following account :

94 E. D. Maclagan — Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

to the action which they should take. At first they were for laying the

matter before Akbar, but they failed to obtain access to him, having to

wait for hours while he disported himself in his Mahal. Then on re-

considering the matter they decided to do nothing: ‘but the aforesaid

Englishman seeing that he was losing this great opportunity of making

mischief, went about aggravating matters and insinuating that we

dared not appear before the Emperor, but the truth should be brought

to light.’ It seems however that the discontented Portuguese, having

-on the eve of the feast of St, John! sent a most intemperate letter-to

the Fathers, suddenly repented and next morning came and threw

‘himself at their feet beseeching them by the wounds of Jesus to pardon

his false calumnies. Whereupon the Fathers were again of half a mind

to tell the Emperor the whole story and—

‘Many incited us to do so especially the Englishman and his partners

who pretended great zeal for our honour, but God made it clear that

* Latebat anguis i herba,’ for if we had taken the matter before the Emperor

it would have bred some coldness and disaffection towards us among the

Portuguese even if they did not believe the slanders, or would at least have

thrown discredit on those who whether truly or falsely had said such

things of their priests. The Hnglishman and others had determined to

take this occasion of presenting a petition to the Emperor that he would

allow their people to come into his ports and give them what they asked for,

without having anything to do with the Portuguese, so that the whole

thing was a diabolical plot, and when we refused to appeal to the Emperor,

the Englishman was very disappointed at losing the opportunity, for he and

his partners, who were most forward in persuading and assisting us to

appeal to the Emperor, were now obliged to seek other means of furthering

their ends. Did not the mercy of the Lord appear in thisP Fecit hac tenta-

tione tantum proventum, discovering a thousand things against us and

“He was bred a merchant and was employed whilst the establishment of the

Company was under adjustment, to bear a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Mogul,

Achar, requesting the freedom of trade in his dominions. He left Aleppo in July

1600, but did not arrive at Agra until the year 1603, where he was much thwarted

by the friars ; but after a residence of three years obtained a phirmaund, Acbar

being dead, from Jehangire, with which he returned as he came through Persia, and

_was at Cashin in October 1606 ...... The rest of his story is very obscure. He

returned to Persia, if not before, in 1610, with some commission, in which two

Others, young men, were joined; whom it is said he poisoned in order to embezzle

the effects committed to their common charge, with which he repaired to Agra,

where he turned Roman Catholic, and died himself of poison, leaving all he

possessed to a Frenchman, whose daughter he intended to marry.’ Mildenall’s own

account of the business (which is too long to quote) will be found in his letter of

1606 at pp. 114—116 of Vol. 1. of Purchas’ Pilgrimes.

1 Jerome says: ‘1t was the eve of St. John and our children and the Christians

were jumping the fires.’ Beltam Fires—on June 28rd—at Agra!

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 95

the Christians, which they had tried to obtain in favour of the English.

One who was on their side now made known that he had been heavily

bribed to prepare matters with the Emperor, ! but after all this he turned

against them, broke the agreement he had made, and in our presence tore

up the paper each had secretly prepared. All this came of the previous

persecution which the Lord Jesus brought to such a happy issue....... The

Englishman tried by means of heavy bribes to obtain a firmdn from the

Emperor allowing his people to come into the ports, promising much profit,

and many tried to procure it for him, but ‘dominus dissipat concilia

princupum, and, as ‘cor regis in manu Domini, the Emperor would never

grant the request, though the Englishman persevered in asking it for two

years, and we trust in our Lord God that many more may elapse before he

obtains it. It is no small favour which our Lord does us in preventing a

thing so prejudicial to the State and our Faith.’

At the beginning of March [1604] there had arrived in Agra from

Lahor a ‘distinguished and learned Florentine Jo%0 Battista Vechiete’?

~ who had travelled ‘in many eastern lands, through Hgypt, Mesopotamia

and Persia,’ and who was much favoured by the Emperor. An interest-

ing account of his books is then given :—

‘He has much friendship for us, in proof of which he gave us a book

of the Holy Gospels in Arabic with the Latin at the foot, printed in the

Vatican, which we value very highly. He had also with him the Psalter of

David in Persian, which he obtained with great pains and at great cost

from a Jew who had it in Persian, but in Hebrew characters. It was

translated two hundred years ago by an eminent Jew of Persia. We gave

ourselves to the transcribing of these books with much delight. While the

Italian was here, he copied in Persian character the Books of Proverbs,

Canticles, Heclesiastes, Judith and Hsther, which he had in Persian, but in

Hebrew character, ® and gave them to us freshly copied into the Persian

tongue and character, but though the characters are new, the translation is

more than two hundred years old: he obtained them from some Jews in

Persia at a good price. We gave him the book of the four Gospels in

Persian, which he greatly desired, for he said that they had the Gospel of

St. Matthew in Persian at Rome, but would like very much to have the

other three. Last year we sent to Rome another book of the Gospels in

Persian, the translation of which is more than 300 years old. God grant

I According to Mildenall the Jesuits had not been behind hand for they ‘had

given to the two chiefest counsellors that the king had, at least five hundred pounds

_ sterling a piece that they should in no wise consent unto these demands of mine,’ i.e.

his demands for trading privileges for the English.

2 Heis probably one of the merchants referred to by Mildenall in his letter of

1606 from Qazwin in which he says: ‘I would have come myself when I wrote this

letter save that there were two Italian merchants in Agra that knew of all my

proceedings whom I doubted, as I had good cause lest they would do me some

harme.’

3 The regular custom among Persian Jews. See Ind. Antiq. XVII. 115.

96 E. D. Maclagan —Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [WNo. 1,

that it arrived safely. Weare now arranging the same Gospels in Persian

with the corresponding Latin at the foot, which God willing will be much

esteemed in Europe.’

Meantime Father Corsi came from Lahor to Agra for a two

months’ stay. ‘He has learnt Persian,’ says Xavier, ‘and commenced

Hindistani, the language of this country: and by his capacity and

desire to learn I think he will soon master Arabic as well.’

On one and the same day the whole party left Agra; Corsi and

Joao Battista to go to Lahor, Xavier and Machado to accompany the

Emperor towards Bengal. The Hmperor was in reality advancing

against his son Salim who lay at Allahabad and only turned back on

hearing of the mortal illness of his mother: but when Xavier wrote, the

object of the journey was kept in secrecy and Akbar had not as yet

left Agra more than a march or two behind him.

The Father concludes this part of his letter by reporting the con-

versions of the past year. ‘They had been few indeed,’ he says, for ‘the

Muhammadans are truly unfit to receive the Holy Gospel, and we are

certainly unfit instruments for the conversion of such hard hearts!’

Including Portuguese and others, there had been during the year eight

marriages and 25 baptisms. Then follow details regarding the baptism

of two native infants and the conversion of a woman who was employed

about the church.

Xavier then turns to describe the progress made at Lahor. The

Governor in those parts was ‘a great enemy of our faith,’ but though

he was ready to persecute the Christians he was favourably inclined

towards Pinheiro personally. The poorer Armenians in Lahor made

their livelihood by selling wine, ‘for which they often get into trouble

as the Viceroy holds their trade in detestation (though he drinks well

himself),’ and it was only when Pinheiro had persuaded these Arme-

nians to desist from this calling that they were safe from the persecu-

tion of the Viceroy. Owing to Akbar’s Firman the Christians might

practice their religion quite openly :—

‘The feasts of Christmas and Easter are kept at Lahor with great

solemnity, and the church being so large and beautiful, everything can be

well carried out. Jo&o Battista, the abovementioned Italian, was present

at one of these feasts and wept with joy to see these things done openly in a

land of Muhammadans. When he was with us in Agra he was overcome

with surprise at the sight of the funeral of an honourable Armenian, when

the Christians accompanied the funeral carrying lighted candles, the cross

uncovered borne before them, the children singing the Creed, and the

Fathers reciting prayers bringing up the rear.’

All the chiefs and principal persons of Lahor, we are told, were on

very good terms with the Fathers: ‘So are the Viceroy and the principal

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 97

magistrates who set many free at their request even though they be

Muhammadans or heathens, and often send them the Christians who

are brought before them to be dealt with as the Fathers think fit.’

Troubles however were not wanting. A nephew of Abdulla Khan

‘(who died lately), the king of those parts of Maronhar [ Mawaran-nahr }

and Samarcand, which used to be the realm of the great Tamerlane,’

was listening to a sermon in the Church, when one of his followers

‘rose up and brandished his scimitar above the head of the Father who

being deep in the sermon did not perceive it, but he was prevented by

his fellows from cutting the Father’s head off. The Fathers also

found themselves in a difficult position before the Viceroy, who ‘is very

zealous for his faith, and thinks himself learned beyond all past and

present, looking down even on Aristotle.’! Accordingly when the Fathers

supported their creed and ‘contradicted the doctrine of Muhammad,’ the

Viceroy would burst into a frenzy calling them vagabonds, &e. But he

knew at the same time that they had Akbar’s license to preach, and

when Father Corsi went to Agra he began to fear that an ill report

would be made of him and, having called for Pinheiro, said to him:

‘Father, I am a friend to you and to the Lord Jesus: no one knows

Him better than Ido. He had the spirit of God and neither prophet

nor angel could speak as he spoke.’ He failed however to gain the con-

fidence of the Fathers, as the following incident shows clearly enough :—

‘One day when the Father visited him he was preparing a drink com-

posed of sugarcandy and rosewater, as a refreshment in the great heat.

He drank of it himself and so did some of the chiefs, and he went on pre-

paring it and handing it round. He offered some to the Father among the

first, asking if he would drink some of it. The Father could not excuse him-

self seeing the honour done to him by giving him the preference before the

“Gazi” who is like the Bishop among us, and all the priests and learned men.

But remembering that a few days ago the Viceroy had threatened to cut off

his head, if he persisted in declaring the Divinity of Christ, and the hatred

which the Viceroy has for all Christians, he was almost afraid to taste it, but

in order to show no want of confidence and to meet his advances frankly he

said: “ Why should I not drink, when it is specially prepared by your

hands?” He made the sign of the cross over it openly and drank. But the

Father will not often trust himself to these honours, except where it is

necessary to accept them in testimony of our Faith.’

Some days after the Viceroy’s wife came to the Church, bringing

an offering to Our Lady, and making a vow for the amendment of her

son. This son we are told was ‘given to evil courses and abandoned zn

1 ‘Qulij Khan was a pious man and a staunch Sunni: he was much respected

for his learning. As a poet he isknown under the name of Ulfati: some of his verses

may be found in the concluding chapter of the Mirat-uValam.’ Blochm, Aim I, 34n.

Ale gin le

98 BE. D. Maclagan—Jesuwi/ Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

moribus. His mother’s advice has no effect on him, nor his father’s

punishments even when heavy and publicly adminstered.’!

Several gifts were made to the Church; among others ‘several

pieces of silver plate, 7.e., a beantiful thurible, a silver holy-water basin,

and a stick for the holy-water sprinkler, and silver cruets and plate

beautifully chased. ’

An Armenian merchant being nigh to death called in the Fathers

and confessed to them and ‘ begged with much feeling that the passion ©

of Jesus Christ should be read to him.’ ‘He was buried very different-

ly from other Armenians, to show how the Roman Church honours,

even after death, those who have been obedient to her in life.’

. We also hear again of the Hungarian :-—

‘A young man from the realm of the Emperor [in Europe] captive to

a Turk who made him prisoner in the late wars, came hither with his

master, who set him free, but even when at liberty his fear of being re-taken

was so great that he trembled at every step. The Fathers sent him to us at

Agra and we received him and placed him with Joao Battista Vechiete who

will take him back to his own land. This Hungarian knows the Christian

doctrine and prayers in Latin and is going on well.’ '

Then follow some accounts of baptisms: and the letter con-

cludes :-—

‘Few new Christians have been made this year at Lahor, because of the

fear they have of those who govern there. Some are being catechised. God

give them strength to accept the way of Salvation. We all pray your

Reverence and our beloved Fathers to assist us with your prayers and holy

ministrations, to which we greatly recommend ourselves. From Agra the

6th Sept. 1604. Jerome Xavier.’

Father Pinheiro’s letter from Lahor, dated 12th August 1605.

Two months before Akbar’s death Pinheiro addressed a letter to the

Provincial, Manoel da Veiga, which continues the history of the mission

at Lahor. The original of the letter is among the Marsden MSS.

No, 9854, in the British Museum, and though evidently utilized by Du

Jarric in his history, has not previously been published.

The letter is occupied almost entirely with an account of the ty-

rannies exercised by the Viceroy Qulij Khan, and his supporters and of

the retribution which ultimately overtook them. Qulij Khan, we are

told, besides being a persecutor of the Christians, whose name was ‘as

much feared in Hindustan, as were formerly those of Nero and Diocle-

tian, was a tyrant even to his own people and thought no more of

putting a man to death than of drinking a cup of water.

1 Regarding the evil deeds of Mirza Lahauri, son of Qulij Khan, see Blochm.

Ain I, 500.

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan—Jeswit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 99

‘Once when I was with him’, says Pinheiro, ‘some men were brought

in, a person of some importance among them, and thinking they were sent

by the Prince [Salim], whose enemy he openly shows himself, in less than

an hour, without further enquiry or confession from them he had them

hung,—and they were afterwards found to be quite innocent.

His sons! were doing their best to imitate him: ‘one of them

ordered a man who was going through the bazar occupied in his own

business to be hung, simply because he wished to see how it was done.’

At the same time Qulij’s enmity to the Prince Salim rendered him

indispensable to Akbar in those disturbed times :—

‘The Emperor does nothing in the whole kingdom but what is pleasing

to the Governor, having need of him to govern in these parts in case of a

war with his son, for he is the Prince’s open enemy and publicly declares to

the Emperor that he is his only faithful subject...... They looked on

Calichao as a second Emperor and feared him as a magician, and through

his arts the Emperor had been induced to put many chiefs to death, some of

whom I knew, among others our friend Xencaio (Zain Khan Koka)? the

prince’s father-in-law and the defender of our religion.’

We have already seen from Xavier’s letter how concerned the

Governor was at Corsi’s departure for Agra, which took place in

June 1604: and Pinheiro’s account shows with what difficulty Corsi

was able to get awaj.

‘The Nawab [Qulij Khan] was displeased when he heard of his depar-

ture because, after he had given him leave, he told me not to let him go and

sent me word tothe same effect by his son. But in obedience to the order

of Father Jerome Xavier and not to disappoint Father Corsi, I managed to

arrange matters and let him go, although the time seemed ill-chosen, for

many reasons, such as the dispute we had with the Nawab about the

Divinity of Christ which he denies.’

| The Governor’s opposition was however mainly instigated by the

Hindis, and their enmity is ascribed by Pinheiro to the pertinacity

with which he, Pinheiro, attacked their notorious immorality and to

the anxiety with which he attempted to dissuade them from the com-

1 This tallies with what Blochmann says of Mirza Lahauri (Azn I. 500): Chin

Qulij (of whom more below) seems to have been better. Pinheiro says that a married

daughter of Qulij Khan used to come to the Church, as well as a young daughter of

hers, and show great devotion. ‘Iwas surprised,’ he says, ‘that such a noble lady

should send her young daughter to the Church, for they are kept so retired by thé

custom of the country, that it is not possible to see them even in case of illness. But

by the goodness of the Lord Jesus, they all hold such a high opinion of the Fathers,

that they send their wives and daughters to the Church, assured that they are quite

safe’,

2 Zain Khan’s daughter was married to Salim. ‘ His death in 1602-3 was due,’

says Blochmann, ‘ partly to excessive drinking.’ Ain I. 340.

100 E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

mon crime of infanticide. The heathen accordingly took counsel

together against him as follows :—

‘As concerns the Nawab, it will be sufficient to accuse the Father every

day of grievous things which even if they are not believed will be enough

to throw discredit upon him. We can do this the more easily that his

friends the Nawabs Xamaradin [? Qamru-d-din] and Xencdo [Zain Khan]

are dead,! and the present Nawab Calichic&o is hostile to him, as he has

shown on many occasions because of the religion he preaches. So we shall

get the Father driven from Lahor and the church, which we hate, destroyed.’

For the time being Pinheiro was able to re-assure the Governor,

but shortly afterwards the Hindis, obtaining the aid of a young man

who was a favourite of the Governor’s,—

‘Gave him a rich present from the heathen who were the Father’s ene-

mies, together with a defamatory libel: the best things contained in it

were that the Father ate human flesh, fattened up young men and sent them

away to be sold in Portuguese lands, murdered people and had killed a

tailor’s wife not four days ago: that he was a great wizard and by his

spells made men renounce their religion and adopt an unknown one, and so

he had done to the son of a pandit,’ &c.

The Governor was still afraid to seize any Christians in the city

in case the matter should come to Akbar’s ears, but he determined

to seize any whom he could find in the Fort. A Portuguese was

thereupon arrested inside the Fort and after much beating was

induced to say the Kalma, ‘ their cursed Muhammadan creed,’ after

which he was kept under guard but well treated. Pinheiro at once

went to confront the Governor, but could not see him ‘as he was

occupied with a visitor of whom a great deal is made by some because

he is learned and a son of a great master among the former Kings of

Camarcaio [Samarqand], by others because he is the son-in-law of the

King of Maivenar (Mawaran-nahr) and Camarcao.’ When Pinheiro

gained admittance, he protested against the Governor’s conduct, but

Qulij Khan swore by Martes Alli (Murtiza ‘Ali), by the Prophet’s head

and his own, that no compulsion had been used to make the Portuguese

turn Muhammadan. Pinheiro had to go away in sorrow, but on his

way through the city saw the man being negligently guarded, where-

upon, he says, he ‘drew near with unutterable joy and taking the

lost sheep upon his shoulders bore him out of the city’ The Portuguese

having been sent off to Agra and his wife and children having been

put in safety, Pinheiro was able once more to confront the Governor

and submit to examination. ‘ When asked,’ he says, ‘what had become

of the man, I answered that he had not been to my house nor to his

1 See p. 84 above.

1896.] HE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Hmperor Akbar. 10¥

own, since he was taken prisoner.’ Whereupon ‘a dark cloud fell upon

the Nawab and his followers and no more was heard of the Portuguese

who had turned Musalman.’

A greater trouble took place in connection with certain houses

which Akbar had granted to the mission. These houses had belonged

to a Hindt called Pan [? Pannt Ram] who defaulted to the Emperor

to the extent of 3 lakhs and was dispossessed of his property: and the

Fathers used them asa shelter for married Christians. The Hindis

offered the Governor ‘2000 rupees beside other things of price’ for

these houses, and Pinheiro was forthwith ordered to vacate them with-

in five days, which he did, saying that ‘the law of Jesus Christ forbad

him to enter into strife for houses or lands.’ The Governor at first

ordered the Kotwal to give Pinheiro other houses in exchange for them,

but he subsequently revoked the order and the Hindis were triumphant,

thinking that the church also would now soon come into their hands.

Pinheiro meanwhile had written to Xavier about all the troubles at

Lahor and action was taken at Agra :—

‘IT informed Father Jerome Xavier more than once of what had happened,

but he did not think it proper to speak to the Emperor at that time, because

he was very sad, firstly because his mother who is over 90 is at the point

of death, secondly and chiefly because he is at variance with his son who

is making head against him, But although the Father did not wish to add

to his sorrow by these tidings, he spoke to him about the houses, which

had been taken from us, because our credit greatly depended on it, and if

they were returned to us it would be clear that the Hmperor favoured us

and considered us above the Governor. As soon as Father Francis Xavier

informed the Emperor of the matter, he ordered a letter to be written

to Calichc&o to return the houses to the Fathers. The letter was written by

the Emperor’s Wazir, and the following is a translation of it! :—

“ Beloved and fortunate chief, live and prosper under the protection of

God. After compliments. I would have your Excellency know that by order

of him whom all the world obeys, the houses of Pan were converted into a

Church and dwelling houses for the Fathers and their people. <A petition

reaches us showing that the Nawab has expelled the Fathers from the houses

where their servants were lodged. He whom all the world obeys commands

that as these houses were his property and given by him to the Fathers,

they and their people be forthwith reinstated in them, and Your Excellency

shall prevent any one from molesting or hindering them herein. These

words are written by order of the Emperor.”’

The letter was not as authoritative as a firmadn but came to much

the same thing, and Pinheiro was enabled by its help to regain the

1 A full translation with all the compliments will also be found in a separate

MS. in the Brit. Mus. Marsden MSS. 9854, in Pinheiro’s handwriting.

102 H. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

houses. But scarcely had he done so when the Governor issued orders,

depriving him again of their possession and Father Xavier had to be

applied to once more. This time a regular firmdn was obtained and

what was more the Prince himself was the ‘ porvanazi’ of it!: the

‘Governor had now no excuse for evasion and ordered the houses to be

given up ‘within an hour,’ thus bringing to an end an episode which had

been a cause of great vexation to the Fathers.

Meantime in other respects, things had been going ill enough. At

one time the Governor had threatened to exterminate the Christians

in Lahor and the community was in such fear that ‘some twenty three

Armenian merchants fled with haste escaping through different gates.’

Pinheiro adds: ‘as it seems they have no mind to be martyrs, may

God make them good confessors. I met three or four of them but they

would not be seen speaking to me as they did not wish to be known

as Christians—God help them.’ As regards himself he writes :—

‘I confess to Your Reverence that death was always before my eyes and

I prepared myself for it as well as I could: but the happy hour so desired

by me never arrived. The Lord did not deem me worthy of such high bliss:

may his infinite mercy put me in the power of some one who does not fear

the Emperor, for it was this that made the tyrant desist from the attempt

which he had such good wish to accomplish. Your Reverence should have

seen the surprise of the people as I came and went through the streets, one

saying to the other: “Does not the Governor intend to kill the Father ?

how comes it that he goes backwards and forwards with the same security

as before ?’’’

When one of the Governor’s sons protested with him for not killing

the Father, Qulij Khan drew him a little aside and said: ‘Leave the

forsaken wretch alone; no one who is a Musalman at heart will ever

embrace his religion,’ ‘continuing,’ says Pinheiro, ‘in a lower voice..

“He has the Emperor’s permission who is an unbelieving Cafar [ Kafir]

like himself.” ’

The Hindis, however, still agitated for repressive measures. In

order to secure their claims on the Church (which had not then been

yet safeguarded by the firman) they invited the Governour to a

banquet in an adjoining house and gave him a present of 9,000 rupees

‘7z.e., 9 horses,? several other things and 2,000 rupees in money.’ Pinheiro

felt safe enough about the church buildings, but he received warnings:

from the friendly Kotwal that there were designs on foot for seizing

the women and children of the Christian community and he took

1 Se. parwanchi. The porvanazi according to Pinheiro is ‘he who gives the

order for a firman.’

2 Qulij Khan was famous for his love of horses. Blochm., Azn I. 340.

1896.] E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 103

prompt steps for placing all these in a place of safety. He wished alsc

to conceal the Catechumens, but they indignantly refused, and con-

spicuously among them a certain Xeque [? Shaikh]! who had before

conversion practised as a sorcerer. At last the Governour actually

fixed a day for the arrest and forcible conversion of all the Christians

in Lahor. The day fixed was Thursday the 15th September [1604],

but (says Pinheiro)—

‘On the eve of the appointed day, the Governour’s son returned a fugitive

from the seat of war,2 having left his army defeated with the loss of 400

cavalry and a large number of infantry. On his arrival, his father set out

to his assistance ...... and the Christian army which was scattered and

hidden again gathered together, the sheep and lambs no longer fearing the

wolf.’

This was the end of the troubles caused by Qulij Khan at Lahor.

‘On his return from Bana [? Banni], the place where he had gone: to

make war, news came that the Prince [Salim] was marching on Lahor:’

the news apparently proved untrue, but the Governour was in great

perturbation and began to prepare for a siege: he was summoned several

times to Agra, but gave excuses: he even made as though he would

fly to Kabul, but shortly returned ; andat last went to the Emperor at

Agra, where ‘ Be suffered many mortifications in spite of a rich present

which he gave.’

While Qulij Khan was away, the government was carried on is his

son Chin Qulij, who although he had formerly incited his father to

oppress the Christians now showed himself in a very friendly light.

He went so far as to visit the Church and the Father eee the following

account of his visit :—

“When he had entered the beech and seen the statue of the Blessed

Virgin, he was quite changed and no longer seemed like a man full of worldly

pride, but like a humble Christian and treated us with great respect and

marks of affection. He was an hour and a half or two hours in the Church

1 It is not quite clear what Pinheiro means by a Xeque. He himself says: ‘a

Xeque must be one of three things: 7.e., a man mortified in all his passions, a

teacher such as the founder of a religion, or he must have written five books

bearing on history.” The definition seems to have a Hindu air about it and he

moreover implies in his letter that the Xeque above mentioned was brother to the

pandit convert who had fled to Agra: if so, Xeque can scarcely be Shaikh.

2 It is not clear what war this was: perhaps Ghazi Bee’s rebellion in Sindh

(Blochm., Aim I. 363), or more probably some frontier trouble with Raushanis or

others. If Bana mentioned just below be Bannu, this must have been a frontier

war.

3 Chin Qulij is described in the Madsiru-l-‘Umré as an educated and liberal

man, well versed in Government matters: Blochm., Ain I. 500.

104 E. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. J,

and at our house, where he saw our hooks and listened to some of the

Gospel Stories and things concerning our religion with patience and

attention. He ate some dried fruit with great familiarity, as if he were

our dear friend and not the son of Calichc&o, the greatest enemy of the

Faith of Christ. Your Reverence will understand that it was a great thing

for him to eat and drink in our house, because they think it a great sin to

eat with Christians, and consider him a Christian who eats the bread of

Christians from Christian hands...... He begged us so earnestly for a picture

of Christ that I was obliged to give it to him. He asked for another which

is in the Church, and I asked a noble who isa great friend of his to dissuade

him from pressing the point, and after he had done so he excused himself

to me with many compliments and friendly offers. He offered me a hundred

rupees and when I explained that the Fathers could not take money from any

one, he was overcome with surprise and related the fact to many.’ [Then

follows a relation of other cases in which Christians had caused surprise by

refusing to receive presents].

Then follows a quaint episode :—

‘I went to see him afterwards, and he received me with smiles and

affection. A rich present had been brought to him, amongst other things

two flasks of precious liquor which he held in either hand. JI said: ‘Sir,

here is’ our basket, in which we receive the Emperor’s alms. May we not

have your coin also?’ He put down what he held and took the basket.

The person who held his money said. ‘I will toss up, for the Father:’ but

he replied: ‘ No. I will do it myself.’ The first throw was not favourable,

and he tossed again and then returned the basket to me with pleasure to

the surprise of the by-standers. These little things are very important

here, though they may be laughed at elsewhere,’

Even the old Qulij Khan proved more tractable after this and

when a firman came from the Emperor ordering that 1,000 rupees should

be given to the Fathers, he went so far as to write on the firman ‘ Belal

carcar’ [P bilae katkut]: if this had not been done, says Pinheiro, the

Fathers would according to the usual custom have received only 333

rupees out of the 1,00v.

Before Qulij Khan returned, however, the Government was for a

time in the hands of Caidc&io [Said Khan] and Mirza ‘Abdu-r-rahim, as

Subadar and Diwan respectively, two offices that had been combined

under Qulij Khan. ‘Both,’ says Pinheiro, ‘received us with many

promises especially the Divao whom we know best.’ Of Mirza ‘Abdu-

r-rahim all that we know is apparently that he was nephew of Mirza

Haidar the author of the’ Tarikh-i-Rashidt.!_ The histories tell us more

of Said Khan, a Chaghatai noble who had just repressed the rebellion of

Ghazi Khan in Sindh.? It appears that Ghazi Khan who had made submis-

sion was then on his way to Akbavr’s court, for Pinheiro gives the follow-

1 Blochm,, Ain I. 464. @ Blochm., Azz I. 331.

1896.] E. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 105

ing account of a distinguished visit with which his chapel was then

favoured :—

‘The son of the Nawab Caidc&o, Mirza Cedula [Saidulla!] son in law of

Canazio [Khan ‘Azam Mirza ‘Aziz Koka], came and brought with him

Mirza Gazis [Ghazi] son of Mirza Jani who was king of Sind. They stayed

a long while examining the Church and in our house enquired much con-

cerning Jesus Christ and our religion with great modesty and submission

so that they seemed more like disciples of the Fathers than the great

princes that they are. They came with a regal retinue, and the people

knowing that they were coming to our house thronged the streets, doors,

roots and windows. The great crowd was a magnificent sight.’

To add to the Father’s satisfaction, a just retribution overtook the

chief of his Hindi opponents and he does not narrate their misfortunes

without a certain gleam of malicious pleasure. One of these was

arrested by Said Khan for some act of violence and was dragged to

prison through the city by the hair of his head: his houses were des-

troyed and he with difficulty made his escape from the town. Another

lost his son who being but a small child ‘was buried near the river

according to their custom, but the dogs dug him up and devoured him

leaving only his head.’ A third, the most violent persecutor of all,

who held a pargana worth over two lakhs of rupees, fled from the new

Diwan, but his son and brother were arrested and thrown into a narrow

prison where ‘they were obliged to pay the guards 20 or 30 rupees each

a day for food, and a rupee apiece for the slightest necessity of nature:

and moreover were beaten and ill-treated and called to account for three

lakhs of rupees.’ ‘Truly’ says Pinheiro, ‘the vengeance of God is

hidden...May God repay them for the trouble they have evens us by

converting them to our Holy Faith. Amen.’

As regards the results of the year Pinheiro has to confess that

‘the events above related closed the door to conversions during the

year, so that we have not any to relate.’ But at the close of his letter

he adds: ‘Two persons of importance, at least, have asked for baptism:

they are Persians, and beside being rich are of very good parts,’

and he proceeds to describe the somewhat strange arguments which in-

duced one of them to reject Muhammadanism for Christianity.

In conclusion the Father says: ‘I should be glad if your Reverence

could communicate this letter to Father Francisco Cabral,* who by

1 Blochm., Azn I. 363.

2 Francisco Cabral was for many years a Professor at Goa and went to Japan

in 1570, returning apparently soon after 1584. We do not know exactly what con-

nection he had with the Mughal Mission. He died in 1609 at Goa. See Nowvelle

Biographie Generale sv. Backer Hist. des Ecrivains Jeswites, serie ii. p. 92, and De

Sousa Or. Cong. II. 434.

J. 1 14

106 ~—s EE. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

his labour here may be called the founder of this mission, Your

Reverence’s unworthy son Manoel Pinheiro.’

% # # % % % %

On the 15th of October 1605, scarcely two months after the above

letter was written, Akbar died at Agra.

The Results of the Missions.

These missions are perhaps unique as an attempt on the part of a

large Society in Christendom to convert a single individual, and in so far

as they represented an attempt of this nature they were undoubtedly

failures. Whether Akbar died a Muhammadan or not is, perhaps, a

moot point,! but it is certain that he did not die a Christian. Sir

Thomas Roe and his chaplain Terry who were in India eleven years

later, are clear on this point. Sir Thomas writing from Ajmir on

30th October 1616,? says :—-

‘In this confusion they (the Muhammadans) continued until the time of

Akbar Shah, father of this king, without any noise of Christian profession,

who being a prince by nature just and good, inquisitive atter novelties,

curious of new opinions and that excelled in many virtues, especially in

piety and reverence towards his parents, called in three Jesuits from Goa

whose chief was Jerome Xavier, a Navarrois. After their arrival he heard

them reason and dispute with much content on his, and hope on their, part,

and caused Xavier to write a book in defence of his own profession against

both Moors and Gentiles, which finished he read over nightly, causing some

parts to be discussed, and finally granted them his letters patent to build,

to preach, teach, convert, and to use all their rites and ceremonies as freely

and amply as in Rome; bestowing on them means to erect their churches

and places of devotion. So that in some few cities they have gotten rather

Templum than Heclesiam. In this grant he gave grant to all sorts of

people to become Christian that would, even to his Court or own blood,

professing that it should be no cause of disfavour from him.

‘Here was a fair beginning to a forward spring of a lean and barren

harvest. Akbar Shah himself continued a Muhammedan, yet he began to

make a breach into the law, considering that as Muhammad was but a man,

a king as he was, and therefore reverenced, he thought he might prove as

good a prophet himself. This defection of the king spread not far, a certain

outward reverence detained him, and so he died in the formal profession of

his sect.’

So too Terry in his Voyage to Hast India (ed. 1777, p. 419) des-

cribes at some length the sort of arguments used by Xavier in the

disputations held before Akbar, ‘which’ says he, ‘that king heard

1 Price, Memoirs of Jahangir, p. 77. Blochm. Am I. 212.

% Purchas i. 586.

1896.] BH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 107

patiently several times during the space of one year and a half, but

at last he sent him away back again! to Goa honourably, with some

good gifts bestowed on him, telling him as Felix did Paul, after he had

so reasened before him, ‘that he would call for him again when he had

a convenieut time’ Acts xxiv. 25. Which time or season neither

of them ever found afterward.’*

The Jesuits themselves admit that they were unable to administer

the consolations of their religion to Akbar in his last moments. The

following is the narrative given by the Provincial in his report of 20th

December, 16078 :—

‘The Emperor having lived so that none could say to what religion he

belonged, God in his righteous judgment deprived him in his last hour

of the Christian faith, the which, however, he had formerly much praised

and favoured. As soon as our missionaries heard of his illness they went

to visit him, but finding him in apparent good health they did not find it

advisable then to speak to him of the life to come. When next day it was

rumoured in the city that the Emperer had been poisoned, they went

again, but were not admitted by the chamberlains although they announced

themselves the bearers of healing medicines... When the Emperor was in

his last agonies, the Muhammadans bade him think on Muhammad, where-

on he gave no sign save that he repeated often the name of God.’

And still more clearly is the nature cf Akbar’s end shown in a

manuscript repert* written by Father Antony Botelho, wko was Provin-

cial some years after Akbar’s death. In tlis report the Father narrates

a conversation which he held with the Idal Shahi Prince of Bijapur

und in which the prince had said to him: ‘Sachehe qui bara Batxa

Hacabar Christin muha qui nan?’ [Sac hai ki bara badshah Akbar

Kristan mua ki nahi? Is it true or not that the great Emperor Akbar

died a Christian?] To which the Father replied: ‘Sire, I would it

were so: but the Emperor while living failed to be converted, and at

the last died as he was born, a Muhammedan.’

Compared with the conversion of the Emperor the evangelization

1 This, as well as the term of a year and a half, is an error.

2 In the Introd. to Gentil’s Memoires, p. 22,n. we are told that Akbar promised

to embrace the religion selected for him by an intelligent monkey: three cards were

put in a bag: the monkey taking out that of Muhammadanism tore it up in a rage:

that of Hinduism it used in a still more ignoble way: while that of Christianity it

lifted reverently to its head. Akbar, however, demanded leave to have several

wives: ‘on le lui refuse, et it n’y pensa plus.’ The story of the monkey is ascribed

to Jahangir’s reign in Bry’s India Orientalis, which contains an amusiog picture of

the episode. Soalso by Roe (M. Thevenot Relations, p. 79).

' 3 Drei Neue. Relationes (Augsburg, 1611).

4 Brit, Mus. Marsd. MSS, 9853.

108 ~=E. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

of the common people! appears to have been held throughout as a

matter of somewhat secondary importance, and the extent of suecess

attending the Jesuit efforts in this direction can be pretty fairly judged

from the extracts given from their letters in this paper. The acme of

success was reached in the succeeding reign, when the churches of Agra

and Lahor increased in popularity and two new churches were started

at Delhi. With Shahjahan, however, a new era arose, the imperial

support was entirely withdrawn, the Lahor and Agra churches were

either destroyed or greatly impaired,* and by the time of Aurangzeb

there was but little left of the Christianity introduced by the Jesuits

in Northern India. In 1739 the Churches at Delhi were destroyed by

the soldiery of Nadir Shah in the great massacre of that year.

In estimating, however, the success or otherwise of these Jesuit

Missions, it must not be forgotten that they had to some extent a

political as well as a religious object in view. It will have been

already observed that even the saintly Rodolfi Aquaviva supplied the

authorities at Goa with political information and pushed the interests

of the Portuguese at the Mughal Court.* It is clear too, from the

various extracts quoted iu this paper, that the Fathers were at all times

supporters of Portuguese claims, and it is even possible (see Noer, I.

489) that the third mission was undertaken mainly on political grounds

and that the Jesuit superiors had from the beginning little belief in the

conversion of the Kmperor.

At any rate the fact that the Portuguese authorities looked on the

Jesuits at the Mughal Court in the light of useful political informants

is abundantly evident from the following passages which occur in letters

addressed by the King of Portugal to the Viceroy at Goa® :—

In a letter dated Lisbon the 28th January 1596, the king referring to a

letter from from the late Viceroy Martin d’ Albuquerque, writes: ‘He

also tells me [in his letter] that Akbar had written him some letters, and

1 The most useful work done by the Jesuits was probably their spiritual attend-

ance on Europeans and Hurasians in the Mughal Empire: but this was, of course,

apart from their purely missionary duties.

2 See notes on pp. 71 and 93, above.

3 Letters Hdifiantes et Curieuses IV. 260. The history of Christianity in Nor-

thern India during the two centuries following Akbar’s death has yet to be written;

it is full of curious vicissitudes and there are many episodes such as that of Dara

Shikoh and that of Juliana, which would give interest to such a history.

4% See p. 58, above.

5 See Mr. Rehatsek in Cale. Rev. January 1886. The letters are given in

Sénor da Cunha Ravara’s ‘ Archivo Portuguez Oriental,’ Fasc. 8: but as the third

fasciculus of this book is not in the British Museum the above quotations are made

from Mr. Rehatsek’s article.

1896.] H. D. Maclagan— Jesuit Missions’ to the Emperor Akbar. 109

among these one which he had sent by an Armenian Christian, who had.

given him suitable information about our power and prosperity: furthermore

that the said Akbar wanted some men of letters to be sent to him and com-

plained of the quick departure of the Jesuits despatched to him by Manoel de

Sousa Coutinho when he was Governor, and that he [Albuquerque] had

considered the matter with some prelates and monks, who were of opinion

that two learned monks should be sent, and that the Provincial of the

Society of Jesus forthwith offered his own ecclesiastics with the same

zeal for the service of God and for mine with which he had given the two

others, as well as a very learned layman, and I recommend you to thank

the said Provincial on my part, as well as for those of his order which he

has given to go to Ethiopia, and that you should favour these things and

keep me always informed about them,’

Similarly on 5th February, 1597 the king again writes: ‘He [Albuquer-

que] also tells me that he had a letter from Jeronimo Xavier, a friar of the

Society, written at the court of Akbar, in which he informs him that, after

enduring many hardships in a land-journey of five months, he had, with two

friars in his company, arrived at the court of the Mogol, who received them

with much pomp, and that he himself, as well as the prince with his captains,

expressed great admiration at the taking of the Morro [a fort opposite

Chaul which the Portuguese had conquered from the Deccan Moslems]! and

that he asked them to make haste to learn the Persian language because he

desired to speak to them without interpreters on the reasons which had

induced him to invite them to his Court. I recommend you to encourage

and to aid the friars of the Society to make progress in the mission for

which they have been sent, and to attain the good result expected there-

from.’

And again on 15th January 1598:—‘ You are also to give me an account

how the two friars of the Society are at the court of the Moghul, and

although they have hitherto not produced any fruit, their aid is necessary

in continuing to give us every information about the king as they now do.

This I approve of, for the reasons you adduce, and I have also other infor-

mation in conformity with them. It is chiefly to be taken into consideration

that the fruit, which has hitherto not shown itself, may appear whenever

-God pleaseth and when human hopes are perhaps the smallest. Accordingly

you are to make arrangements with the Provincial of the Society, in case

these friars should die or be necessarily recalled, for sending others so that

some may always be there as now.’

Writing in 1616, Sir Thomas Roe talks of Corsi as having been the

‘Resident’ of the king of Spain. (Melch. Thevenot, Relations p.78) and

Terry describes him as ‘ Agent for the Portugals’ (Purchas, IT. 1482).

How far the Jesuits proved politically useful to the Goa authorities

during Akbar’s reign’ we have no adequate means of judging. Their

1 Cf. Fariay Sousa, ‘The Portuguese in Asia’, translated by John Stevens, 1695,

III, 69.

110 E. D. Maclagan —Jesuct Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [No. 1,

energy in the promotion of Portuguese interests during the reign of

Jahangir is sufficiently manifested by the very free comments made on

their tactics by the Hnglish travellers of the period (See eg., Terry’s

Voyage Ed. 1777 p. 422, and Hawkins, on p. 34 Wheeler’s Harly

Travellers in India).

Ultimately the Jesuits failed in thisas in their other objects. They

failed to convert the Emperor. They failed to propagate Christianity

in Northern India. They failed to cireumvent the English. And yet

the episode, so full of failure, is not, I venture to think, without its

lessons and an interest of its own.

APPENDIX.

Note on the Persian works of Hather Jerome Xavier.

The opportunity may be taken here to describe shortly the Persian

works written by Jerome Xavier,! although most of these were written after

Akbar’s death.

(i) Miratu-l-Quds (the Mirror of Holiness) or Dastan-i-Masth. (Life of

Christ). The preface of this work commences with a curious conceit re-

garding the example of ‘ Akbar Badshah Idisha’, z.e., Abgarus King of Edessa,

who sent to make enquiries regarding Jesus and received a picture of

Christ’s likeness. So, too, under the orders of His Majesty, this work had

been’ written by Jerome Xavier, who having known the subject for 40 years

and having studied Persian for 7 or 8 years had ventured to undertake the

duty. The preface is dated Agra the 15th Urdibihisht 1602.

Then follows the book itself divided into four parts, viz. (1) the Nativity

and Infancy of Christ, (II) His Miracles and Teaching, (III) His Death and

Suffering and (IV) His Resurrection and Ascension. In Xavier’s account, the

Bible narratives are freely supplemented from the apocryphal gospels and

elsewhere: and the writer acknowledges in his preface and conclusion that

this is the case.

The book seems to have been first written. out in Portuguese. Ac-

cording to the concluding note, the translation into Persian was made

by ‘Abdu-s-sattar ibn Qasim# of Lahor conjointly with Xavier himself

1 See Mr. Rehatsek on p. 18 Calcutta Review, Jan. 1886: Dr. C. Rieu’s Catalogue

of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum: and Mr. Beveridge in J. A. S. B. 1888.

2 See the translation of the preface and the abstract of Part I given by Prof.

Blochmann in Proc. A. 8. B., May 1870, p. 140. Also the full, though very unsym-

pathetic, account of the work given by Mr. A. Rogers in his article on ‘ The Holy

Mirror or the gospel according to Father Jerome Xavier,’ in the Asiatic Quarterly

Review for July 1890. Also the same writer’s paper on ‘A Persian History of Christ

and St. Peter by Jerome Xavier, S. J.’ read before the Royal Asiatic Society on

March 10th 1896.

3 Du Croze, Hist. Chr. 521.

4 De Dien has ‘Abdu-s-sanarim Qasim’

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. iil

(ba’ittifaq-i-in banda) and the book was completed in A.D. 1602, the

47th year of theholy Reign. Of the Dastan Professor Blochmann

(Proc., A. S..B., May 1870 p. 146) says: ‘The Persian of J. Xavier’s work is

easy and flowing. There are very few passages, if any, that sound out-

landish.’ The British Museum possesses two MSS. of this work. One of

these (Add. 16878 foll 74 of the Yule Collection) is an imperfect Nasta‘liq,

copy written apparently in India in the 18th century: the other (Harl.

5455 fol. 215) is a complete copy in plain Nasta‘liq, written apparently in

India and dated Ramzan A. H. 1027 (A.D. 1618).

The work was edited with a translation and Latin notes at Leyden

in 1739 by the Professor Louis de Dieu, a Protestant, under the title

revo wlivfs Historia Christi Persice conscripta simulque multis modis conta-

minata a P. Hieronymo Xavier Soc. Jesu, Latine reddita et animadversioni-

bus notata a Ludovico de Dieu.” Mr. Beveridge remarks: De Dieu was a

man of worth and learning, and the Jesuit Alegambe admits that his trans-

lation of Xavier’s Persian is a good one, though he says he has added

heretical notes which ought tobe burnt. There is a notice of De Dieu in

Bayle’s Dictionary. He is very bitter in his remarks on Xavier and his

object in making the translation and publishing the work appears to have

been to show how the Jesuits adulterated the pure milk of the Word. But

still all must feel gratefulto him for having been the means of preserving a

knowledge of Xavier’s curious work.’ .

(ii) ‘ Dastan-i-San Pedro’ or Life of St. Peter. This work was also

edited by De Dieu in 1739 with a Latin Translation and notes: the running

title being ‘ Historia S. Petri sed contaminata. The work itself does not

mention its author, but there seems no doubt that it is Xavier’s. !

(iii) The Atna-i-Haqq Numa or Truth-reflective Mirror : completed in

1609. Dr. Rieu thus describes the British Museum MS. (Hrll. 5478) which

is written partly in Nasta‘liq, and partly in Shikasta-amez, and dated

Jumada I, the sixth year of the reign (probably that of Jahangir= A.H. 1019.

A.D. 1620) :— It is stated in the heading that the author Padre Geronimo

Xavier, a member of the Society of Jesus came from Goa to Lahore where

he was presented at Court, A.D. 1596.2 In the preface which follows, the

author states that he had enjoyed, twelve years previously, the privilege of

kissing the Imperial threshold, and that he now dedicated this work to

Jahangir as a slight return for past favours, and a humble offering on the

occasion of his accession. The work is written in the form of a dialogue3

between the Padre and a philosopher or free thinker (Hakim) whom he

purports to have met at Court, while in some parts, a Mulla intervenes as a

third interlocutor. It is divided into 5 books (Bab) sub-divided into Chap-

ters (Fasl), a full table of which is given at the end of the preface, foll.

145-18a. The five books are as follows: 1. Necessity of a divine law.

fol. 18a. 2. What Christianity teaches regarding God, and proofs of its

1 See Prof. Blochm., Proc. A. S. B., May 1870, p. 145.

2 Really 1595.

3 See above p. 82.

112 E. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. [N 0. i

being conformable to reason, fol. 73b. 3. Divinity of Jesus Christ our

Lord: fol. 208a (the end of this book and the beginning of the next are

missing). 4, Commandments of the Gospel and their contrast with those

of Muhammad; fol. 322a. The strength imparted by the Christian faith

and its superiority to other religions; fol. 4370.’ Of the style of this book

Dr. Lee writes! ‘It is very evident that the writer was a man of consider-

abie ability and energy, and that he has spared no pains to recommend his

religion to the Mahommedan or heathen reader: but that he has trusted

much more to his own ingenuity, than to the plain and unsophisticated

declarations of the Holy Scriptures. His style is, upon the whole correct,

though occasionally interspersed with Huropeanisms, but it never makes the

most distant approach to what may be termed elegance.’

An abridgement of the above was subsequently brought out by Xavier

under the title ‘ Muntakhab-i-Aina-i-Haqq-numa@ and a copy of this abridg-

ment is among the British Museum Manuscripts (Add. 23584). ‘In a long

preface addressed to Jahangir,’ says Dr. Rieu, ‘the author... mentions his

previous work entitled Aina-i-Haqgq-numa to which he had devoted so many

years, and says that finding the Emperor’s time taken up by the cases of

Government, he extracted its substance for his use, and condensed it in the

' present “selection.” This work, which is not, like the former, written in the

form of a dialogue, contains the following four Chapters (Fasl): 1. Know-

ledge of the nature of God; fol. 7b. 2. On Jesus our Lord; fol. 19a. 3.

Commandments of the Gospel; fol. 32b. 4. Divine Assistance; fol. 43a.’

This work found its way to Persia and there called forth the reply:

Misgqal-i-Safa dar tahliyah-t-Atna-i-Haqq-numa or ‘The Clean Polisher

for the brightening of the Tr uth-Reflecting Mirror:’ the author of which

Sayyid Ahmad B. Zain-ul-‘Abidin, says that in A. H. 1032 (A. D. 1622-3) he

had been shown by two Christian priests, Padre Juan and Padre Brio, a

copy of the Aina-i-Haqq-numa? written by the great Christian divine known

as Padre Mimilad (?). This again called forth two rejoinders: one by Father

Bonav. Malvalia in 1628,° and the other by a Franciscan, Philip Guadagnoli.4

This latter was published at Rome in 1631 under the title: ‘Apologia pro

Christiana religione quea R. P. Philippo Gadagnolo respondetur ad objec-

tiones Ahmad filii Zin Alabadin, Perse Aspahahensis, contentas in libro

incripto Politor speculi., and it is reported (see de Backer. Bibl. des

écrivains de la compagnie de Jésus, VII. 415) to have had the effect of con-

verting the said Sayyid Ahmad. !

A very full account of the Aina-i-Haqg-numa will be found in Dr. Lee’s

preface to Henry Martyn’s ‘Controversial Tracts on Christianity and

Mahommedanism. Cambridge 1824. In the same preface will be found an

1 Preface to H. Martyn’s Controversial Tracts p. XL.

2 The quotations show that the book seen was the Mantakhab. Rien, Bovsien

MSS. I. 28.

3 Not in the Brit. Mus.

4 See M. Thevenot Relation de divers Voyages. Discowrs sur les Mémoires de

Thos. Rhoé, p. 12.

1896.] EH. D. Maclagan—Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar. 113

account of Gadagnoli’s book and of a book by Sayyid Ahmad called

Qu} ail} Busy esd &UL,JI ety WIS, A book of divine rays in refutation

of Christian error,’ published! in A. D. 1631 in reply, to a work written by

a European priest: this book may be the same as the ‘Politor Speculi,’

but Rieu (Cat. I. 29) refers to it as an earlier work of the same author.

It will suffice to quote here the remarkable prayer contained in the

preface to the Atna-i-Hagq-numa:% ‘Pardon, O Lord, should I do what is

unpleasing in Thy sight by intruding myself into the things and properties

that belong to Thee. Men plunge into the deep ecean, there to fetch pearls

and other precious things. Therefore, O Sea of Perfections, suffer me to

sink deep into Thee and thence to enrich myself and my brethren, who are

Thy servants; and by describing Thy greatness and mercies, to help them

For, although I am unworthy to speak to Thee, Thou art worthy that all

should endeavour to praise Thee; since Thou art possessed of infinite good-

ness and beauty... ... O Lord my Ged, this will be fruitless, unless Thou

assist beth me and them with Thy infinite mercy. Give unto us, O Lord,

the key of the knowledge of Thee. Grant to our understandings the power

of understanding Thy greatness, that Thy majesty and grace may not be to

us an occasion of stumbling, and hence remain unblessed by Thy many

favours. Let not that come upon us what happens to the bat, which is

blinded by the light of the sun; and which in the midst of light remains in

darkness. Give us enlightened and far-discerning eyes, that we may believe

in that greatness of which Thou art, and which for our sakes Thou hast

revealed. And that by these words and actions we may so follow Thee, that

in paradise we may see Thy Godhead in the mirror of light, which in this

world, we can only contemplate by faith as in a glass [darkly]. Amen.’

_ The above are the best known of|Xavier’s works, but the following also

are noticed in catalogues, &c. :—

iv. ‘ Inwes of the Twelve Apostles of Jesus Christ, composed in Persian, by

P. Jeronimo Xavier of the C. of. J. at Agrah, at the court of the Emperor

Jahangir in the year 1609, 8vo.’ (Bibl. Marsdeniana, p. 305 cf. Uri. Bib. Bodl.

Cod. Cat., p. 270).

v. ‘Psalterio de David conforme a edicad vulgata traducido polo P.

Jeronmo Xavier da C. de J. na cidade de Agra, corte do gran Mogol

Jahanguir (Persian Translation of the Psalms of David.) 8vo.’ (Bibl. Marsd.,

p- 305).

vi.‘ The Guide of Kings composed in Persian, by P. Jeronimo Xavier of

the C. of J. and addressed to the Mogol Emperor Jahangir in the year 1609.

Sin fol, (Bibl. Marsd., p. 305).

vii. A History af the Martyrs. (De Backer Bibl. des H'criwains de la comp.

de Jésus, vii. 415).

1 Lee refers to a copy in Queen’s College Library at Cambridge.

® Cal. Rev. 1886, p. 9. Lee’s Preface to Martyw’s Controversial Tracts, p. vii.

dls Ty WS

114 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

The Origin of the Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet.— By

NaAGENDRANATHA VASU.

[Read April, 1896.]

A vehement discussion is going on amongst antiquarians and

Sanskrit scholars concerning the origin of the Nagari-alphabet. Dr.

Fitz-Edward Hall, the late Principal of the Benares Sanskrit College,

was the first to raise the question. With the view of ascertaining the

date of the Nagari-alphabet and the origin of its name, he has sent

letters to the best Indian Pandits and oriental scholars requesting them

to acquaint him with their individual views upon the points in question.

Having had the honour of being consulted by two of the gentle-

men addressed by him, I now venture to lay the following suggestions

before the Society, in the hope that they may give rise to further

inquiries.

I surmise that the following are the main points to be noticed

in order to gain an idea of the origin of the Nagari-alphabet :—

1. What is the cause of the name Nagara ?

2. Where did the name arise from ?

3d. Who gave the name, and have they any connection with the

alphabet ?

4, Date of its origin.

5. Development and progress of the Nagaraksara.

Some Indian Pandits derive the name from nagara (a city). The

letters received by Pandit Cambhucandra Vidyaratna from Pandit

Vamanacirya and others of Benares are to the same effect. The other

Pandits of Benares explain the word déva-nayara as ‘born in a divine

city.’ Others say that this alphabet was originally used in the dévaloka

and hence its name déva-nagara. In my humble opinion, the above

conjectures cannot be taken as accurate. For if the explanation of the

expression be such as “qat wq (born in a city)” the word @a<t may

mean any city,—and there can be no certainty as to what city is meant.

According to the rules of rhetoric, we are, when pointing to a particular

alphabetic designation required to mention the exact place or person it

-1896.] N. N. Vasu—WNadgaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 115

owes its origin to. But the upholders of the first theory like the

advocates of the second, have not done so. Consequently the conclusion

@at wa, (born in a city) and hence the name Ndgara falls to the ground.

In the well-known encyclopedic lexicon the ‘ Cabda-kalpa-druma,’

edited by the late Sir Raja Radhakanta Déva, and in the Vacaspatya, we

find the signification of the word Nagara to be ‘ aksara of the Nagara-

déca.’ But as no authority is adduced in support of it, the later dic-

tionaries have not followed this explanation.

Dr. Isaac Taylor states in his ‘ Alphabet,’ Vol. II, p. 349.

©The meaniug of the term Nagari has been much disputed. It has

been conjectured that it was originally the local alphabet of Benares

and has been explained as the city-alphabet from nagara, a city. Dr.

Burnell is inclined to believe that it was Naga-lipi or serpent-writing.

(Burnell, S. Indian Pal., p. 52). It was thus understood and translated

at the time when the ancient Tibetan version of the Lalita Vistara was

made. A third hypothesis explains it as the writing of the Nagara

Brahmans of Gujrat, and a fourth as that of the Shah kings, who

were called the nagas or snakes.’

He also adds—‘ The term Déva-naGgart, which would mean the divine

or sacred ndgari is not used by the natives of India, and seems to have

been invented by some ingenious Anglo-Indian about the end of the

last century. It has, however, established itself in works on Indian

Paleography, and may be conveniently retained to denote that parti-

cular type of the Nagari character employed in printed books for the

sacred Sanskrit literature, while the generic term Nagari may serve as

the designation of the whole class of Vernacular alphabets of which

the Déva-nagari is the literary type’. (p. 349).

From the facts and materials, I have been able to collect, I arrive

at the conclusion, that this alphabet was first devised by a class of men,

designated Nagara, and in a certain place also called Nagara: and this

is why the characters go under the name of Ndgaraksara or Né@gavri-

dipr.

116 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

About 750 years ago Pandita Césa Krsna! thus gives an account of

different languages in his Prakrta-candrika : —

aeeTal AUaAht Waa |

areal aah Ba asa ethaaTaat: | 7

ATA MSTTATAUATALATAL |

qUa-USIS-eTH-ATAS-HAAT: |

A y}

WSTS-S4-UISS-UN-AATVST: |

aqtag-ois-atate-ataa-atfas-aNaae: I

Bait watwls: waNeaafwar 1

anfimeuent setetferaeat |

‘Maharastri, Avanti, Gauraséni, Ardha-magadhi, Vahliki, Maga-

dhi; these six are original (Prakrt) languages and they originated from

Southern India. Bracanda, Lata, Vaidarbha, Upanagara, Nagara,

Varvara, Avantya, Pancala, Takka, Malava, Kaikaya, Gauda, Udra,

Daiva, Paccitya, Pandya, Kauntala, Saimhala, Kalinga, Pracya, Kar-

nata, Kaficya, Dravida, Gaurjara, Abhira, Madhya-dé¢iya, Vaidala:

these 27 are corrupt dialects and differ more or less from one another.’

It is clear from the above glokas that like the Maharastri, Caura-

séni, Magadhi, &c., which derived their names from the provinces or

their people, the corrupt forms of languages, viz., Nagara, Upanagara,

and Daiva, were current in some part of the country whose name they

bear.

The next point to consider is, from what place did the name

become current P

In India we find more than one tract of land having the name

Nagara. In Bengal we find Nagara which was formerly the capital

of Birbhtim. The famous port Nagara is in Tanjore. In Mysore an

extensive division goes by that name; in this division there are a

certain village and a talug of the name of Nagara. A remarkable town

named Nagara, and an ancient town called Nagarakota are situated on

the Bias in the district of Kangra, Panjab. Over and above, we find

Nagaravasti in Darbhanga, Nagaraparkar (town) in Sindh, and N agara-

1 Also known under the name of Krsna Pandita, sonof Nara-simha, sprung in

the Qésa-vamga. According to Dr. Bhandarkar the probable date of Rama-

candra nephew of (ésa-Krsna is about 1150 A.D. (R. G. Bhandarkar’s Report of the

Sauskrit MSS. 1883-84, p. 59).

@ Another reading ‘Azali S famuen ?

1896. ] N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 117

khas (a city) in the district of Basti. Moreover there is a number

of ancient villages called Nagaram found in the Deccan.

We are also in similar difficulty with regard to the name Nagara.

In North-Bengal, there are two rivers of that name :—one running

from Purniya to Dinajpur; another from Bagura to Rajshahi. In the

district of Dacca there is a village of that name. In Rajputana proper

there are some 9 or 10 places, all bearing the name Nagara, of which

three may be called towns. One of these three is in the state of Jai-

pur, another in Marwar, and the remaining one 10 miles south-west of

Ranthambhor. In the Santal Parganahs, there is a fortified village

called Nagara. Close to Chitor in Rajputana there is a very ancient

town called Nagari. By the punch-marked coin, discovered here and

its concomitants, Sir Alex. Cunningham has proved conclusively that

this town was established many centuries before the birth of Christ.

But he says that the ancient name of this locality was Tambravati-

nagari.

None of the above-mentioned places affords us any hint by which we

may ascertain the mother-country of the Nagari-alphabet.

There lives a powerful tribe named Nagara, in the mountainous

tract of Kabul in Afghanistan. Many days have not elapsed since these

Nagaras declared war against the British Government. A friend of

mine has jumped to the conclusion, that the Nagara-alphabet has been

named after this tribe. He is of opinion that as the Aryans have

gradually entered into India from Central Asia; so the alphabet of

this tribe somehow or other found its way into India. I cannot support

the theory of my friend. These Nagara-men, although they belong at

present to the religion of Islam, are all descended from the Rajputs ;

and they point to Rajputana, as their former residence. Under such

circumstances how can it be imagined that the Nagaraksara was im-

ported into India from the North of Kabul ?

Besides the above, there is another Nagara, an extensive division

in the district of Ahmadnagar in the Bombay Presidency. The area of

the tract is 619 sq. miles! Here there isa class of Brahmanas styled

Nagara. Ahmadnagar is also called Nagara, but only by the natives of

that place. They say that the tract was well-known as Nagar long before

the establishment of the present town in 1411 A.D, by Sultan Ahmad.

These Nagara Brahmanas generally look upon the Nagara-khanda of the

Skanda-purana as the authority regarding their origin. It is stated in

the Nagara-khanda that Nagara is another name for Hatakéevara on

the Sarasvati. The Nagara Brahmanas of the Nagara division assert

that the Hatakégvara of the Nagara-khanda is no other than the ancient

1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol, VII p. 608,

118 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the ‘Nagari-alphabet. [ No. 2,

Hatakecvara temple in Crigundi on the river Sarasvati in that division.!

Nagara or Ahmadnagar was within the boundary of the Hatakegvara-

ksétra. Most of the sacred places of pilgrimage ( @t¥) mentioned

in the Nagara-khanda, were in this Nagara division. Of these nearly

all have been ravaged by the Muhammadan invaders. Siddhé¢vara,

Naganatha, Hatake¢vara and a few others are the only surviving

shrines.

If we rely upon the veracity of these Nagara Brahmanas, we

must conclude that this spot is the ancient Nagara, as related in the

Nagara-khanda. But though the Pandas of the Hatakécvara of Cri-

gundi may endeavour to give fame to the spot by identifying it with

that of Nagara-khanda, it is certainly not the ancient Hatakécvara

mentioned in that work. The shrine of this Hatakécvara was erected

long after the establishment of the ancient Hatakécvara.

It is related in the Nagara-khanda that a Nagara Brahmana by name

Campa-carman, was excommunicated for accepting the gift of an indi-

vidual named Puspa. He, being renounced by his kith and kin, quitted

the city and began to dwell in a certain place on the right bank of the

Sarasvati. His descendants became known under the title of Vahya-

nagara. These Vahya-nagaras in imitation of the ancient Hataké¢vara

as described in the Nagara-khanda, planted the present Hatakégvara on

the right bank of the river Sarasvati at Crigundi. According to the

Nagara-khanda, Nagara is on the north side of the Sarasvati and

is within the boundaries of Hataké¢vara which extend 5 krogas or 10

miles. But our present Ahmadnagar is more than 10 miles from

Crigundi: moreover, the river Sarasvati does not flow close to it.

These facts prevent me from taking Ahmadnagar as the early dwelling-

place of the Nagara Brahmanas. Nor do we find any tradition to the

effect that Nagari-alphabet sprang from that place.

Origin of the Nagaras.

T learn from a note received from a friend that the Nagara Pandits

of Gujarat maintain that the Nagari-alphabet was originally invented

by their ancestors. Many Nagara Brahmanas still live in Gujarat.

They consider themselves superior to all other Brahmanas.*? The Hindi

1 List of Antiquarian Remains in Bombay Presidency, by J. Burgess, p. 107.

2 The Nagara-Brahmanas still recite the following Gloka to ascertain their

superiority over all other Brahmanas :—

ABI Wa: WAT YT AU VWITRsA |

fayiufae saat aal Sal fe aa: A

( aaa vse | wy )

bars.

1896. | N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 119

kings of Gujarat have shown their reverence towards these Nagara

Brahmanas from very ancient times. One cannot fail to notice the

hereditary employments of these Brahmanas as ministers, counsellors,

&e., at the highest and most important functionaries of the state.

These Brahmanas also allude to the authority of the Skanda-purana

for their origin. The Nagara-khanda thus speaks of the origin of

the Nagara Brahmanas :-—

Camatkara, the king of Anartta, was once afflicted with leprosy.

Being unable to get rid of the malady, he despaired of his life. One

day he came to the hermitage of Vigvamitra and stated his misfortune.

The ascetics of the hermitage were moved to pity by the lamentations

of the king and advised him to bathe in the Cankha-tirtha. Bathing

there he recovered from leprosy. Then he built close to that Cankha-

tirtha a city named Camatkara-pura, which extended for two miles.

Picturesque structures were there raised by his orders; and Kulina

Brahmanas, well-versed in the Védas, and other religious Brahmanas were

invited from distant quarters to inhabit the town. A few years after,

there was born amongst them the learned Citra-carman. Practising

penance he was able to propitiate Mahadéva, who to accomplish his

desire appeared in the form of Hatakegvara. People from different

parts took to frequenting the place to have a sight of the Hatakécvara-

linga. The Brahmanas of Camatkara-pura began to consider that,

intrinsically Citra-garman was in no way superior to them; but as

he had earned honour and respect of the public by instituting a

permanent object of glory, why should not they? Reflecting thus,

they all fell to practising austere penance. Mahadeva became pro-

pitiated and appeared before the Camatkara-pura Brahmanas, who

were then divided into 68 gdtras. Mahadéva said, ‘There are in alk

68 Caiva-ksétras (places of Viva). Dividing myself into 68 parts I

always reside in these places. Now to satisfy your object I will appear

here in 68 forms.’ Accordingly there were erected 68 shrines, and

each gdtra devoted itself to the worship of a separate form of Civa.

(Nagara-khanda, chs. 106 and 107.)

Once upon a time the king of Anartta became aware that a heavy

ealamity was brooding over his peaceful domimions owing to the wrath

of the presiding planet of his son then about to be born. He called

for all the great astrologers of the age, who all concurrently advised

him to observe expiatory rites through the medium of competent

Brahmanas. The king of Anartta had already established the Brah-

manas of the 68 gétras in Camatkara-pura, where he also had beautiful

edifices built for them. Now, instructed by the astrologers, he came in

person to Camatkara-pura, and solicited the Brahmanas to perform the

120 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

necessary religious rites for the welfare of his future son. Six-

teen Brahmanas were then employed to perform propitiatory and

sacrificial observances.

While these religious rites were being performed there went on,

in the capital of Anartta, great and solemn festivities in order to cele-

brate the birth of the prince. But in the midst of these entertainments

dark calamities began to make their appearance. Consequent upon the

evil influence of the star presiding over the prince’s fortune, the king’s

horses, elephants, chariots and even his dominions began to grow

thinner and thinner. At this the Brahmanas of Camatkara-pura be-

came highly exasperated. They observed, ‘We sixteen Brahmanas are

without the slightest departure from rules, performing the due sacrifices ;

and yet no good comes of it: let us therefore imprecate curses upon the

god of fire.’ At this juncture, Agni-déva (the Fire-god) appeared before

them and exclaimed: ‘Oh Brahmanas, do not imprecate curses upon me

under the influence of unjust wrath. Hach of your offerings is going

to ruin through the misdemeanour of Trijata, one among you who are

performing the sacrifices and other religious rites. For him, the sun

and the other heavenly bodies do not accept your offerings: and this

is why pestilence and mortality are day by day increasing in the king-

dom. Renew your sacrifice, banishing this vile Brahmana from your

company: then fortune and health shall smile upon the king, and

perdition shall await his enemies.’ Hearing the words of Agni, the

Brahmanas were very much ashamed, and said that it was impossible

for them to believe that Trijata was polluting their Homa prepara-

tions. Agni replied, ‘ Purify yourselves by bathing in the water of my

perspiration in the sacrificial-pit (Homa-kunda). Rest assured, that

your preparations have been corrupted by that man, on whose body

appear pustules when he emerges out of the water.’ In obedience to the

dictates of Agni, they, oneafter another, bathed in the sacrificial-pit :

but pustules were seen on the person of Trijata only. Over-whelmed

with shame, Trijata was then unable to uplift his down-cast head ;

agony and repentance overcame him and he determined to retire to

the jungle. Now in fact this Trijata was a great scholar, well ver-

sed in the Védas; and for the disgrace incurred upon him, his mother

was to be blamed. Becoming alive to his own wretched condition he

applied himself to practise austere penance in a secluded forest.

Highly delighted with the rigour and austerity of Trijata’s penance,

Mahadéva appeared before him. Trijata fell prostrate at his feet

and thus outpoured his heart :—‘Oh God of the gods, I have been,

by my mother’s fault, very much disgraced before the people of Camat-

kara-pura and the king of Anartta. Be thou so gracious to contrive

1896. ] N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 121

some means, by which I may rise pre-eminent amongst all the Brah-

manas.’ Mahadéva answered, ‘Wait for some time. Days are not

distant, when your desire will be fulfilled.’ Saying this the god

vanished.

Meanwhile a great disaster occurred in Camatkara-pura. On one

Naga-paticam? day, Kratha, son of Déva-raja of the Maudgalya gatra,

went together with some other Brahmanas to bathe in the Nagatirtha

and there taking Rudra-mala the son of the serpent-king, for a common

water-serpent, killed him with the stroke of a rod. At this many

venomous snakes, responding to their king’s order, crept into Camat-

kara-pura in overwhelming numbers. Owing to the terrible destruc-

tion caused by these poisonous snakes, all the men of Camatkara-pura

youne and old, began to flee away, leaving their houses and

articles behind them. Brahmanas in hundreds breathed their last,

being bitten by snakes. Some Brahmanas becoming exceedingly ap-

palled sought refuge in that forest where Trijata was engaged in

penance. Hearing of the story of their misfortune, Trijata encouraged

them, saying, ‘you have no occasion to fear.’ Hre long he again be-

came absorbed in meditation of Mahadéva. The god appeared and

said, ‘I am giving you an incantation (a mantra) the mere utterance of

which shall render even the most ferocious of the venomous snakes

void of poison.’ The mantra runs thus :—

we faafafa ota 4 aati @ aTaz |

aaa Paes TU TAlN

ATL ATT Ta y YANTHAT |

qa Meta ot ae vfawtat TU EEE |

BY Vala els AAT] PTA |

afaufa afaend aq alfafassag |

amatsty a at faut ae: aeams |

qe waa Beare faut aaa |

gifaat aINaesaty BaaAAA |

yateata stati ofa aaa aA Ij

(T1TTWI Yeo | 9S — eR)

*“O my good Brahmana, you are to proclaim in the city that the

word gara signifies poison, but by my favour there is no poison at pre-

sent. Any vile snakes that may dare to remain there after hearing

you utter ‘na garam na garam’ (1.e., there is no poison, no poison), may

dei LG

122 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

be killed at your pleasure. This famous place, which contributes to

your glory, will from this day be known to the world by the name of

Nagara. So also any other Nagara Brahmana, born of a pure famity,

will be able to restore to life any snake-bitten animal fallen into the

clutches of death by besprinkling its face with water, enchanted thrice

with the mantra called Nagara.’

Saying this the god disappeared. Trijata accompanied by those

Brahmanas came to Camatkara-pura. They ail conjointly began to ery

aloud nagaram, nagaram. By the effect of this Siddha-mantra, the

snakes of Camatkara-pura were rendered poisonless, and struggled to

make their escape, while thousands perished. Such are the vicissitudes

of fortune! That very Trijata, who was once overwhelmed by acute

mortification of mind, and shame and disgrace, now overflowed with

joy to find himself the object of public praise and honour. By his

influence the name of Camatkara-pura was changed to Nagara, and its

Brahmanas came to be known as Nagara. (Nagara-khanda chs.

106-108).

Thus, on the authority of the Nagara-khanda the former name of

Nagara was Camatkara-pura after the name of its founder Camatkara

king of Anartta. Hatakégvara is another name of this place. Accord-

ing to the Nagara-khanda, Hatakégvara-ksétra is situated at -the

south-west of Anartta-déca, and its boundary stretches 10 miles in

circumference, while the town itself extended for 2 miles.! It is bounded

on the east by Gaya-girsa, on the west by Visnu-pada, and on the north

and south by Gokarné¢vara.? Within the boundaries of this Hata-

L gfasaenna 20 qaasas

aay waited fas ezaa BOTs: |

agqarwad Gia Was Shara I

(AAT 81 ¥U® -- YR)

FAC HUOAAA Wl 4 ACUAT |

HRT BIRT ufcarga aaa: |

GAWA-MIAGI ARIMA AACA Il

(AMTGW YQ | FB -- FB)

2 GEMIMIATT Ws TGQUCIAAT: |

GAAS VAANGUZI Il

Tat ay wanes vara Vt: wea |

efamincnga matacdizat

SeaqwAy VIHaizgsaa: |

aqas Wad SIH VIMTAHATTTT |

qa: sezfa faseal ei aa ASIA |

SHALE AQlgy Tal Gla aaiaay ti

(ATATSW VF | 8 -- J)

1896.] N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 123

kécvara-ksétra are the shrines of Acalégvara, Gokarnécvara, Gaya-cirsa,

Markandéyé¢vara, Citrégvara, Dhundhumiaré¢vara, Yayatigvara, Anan-

décvara, Kapilécvara, Kalanécvara, Anarttécvara, Cidrakégvara, Aja-

paligvara, Banégvara, Laksmanécvara, Trijatégvara, Ambarévati,

Kédarécvara, Vrsabhanatha, Satyasandhé¢vara, Atégvara, Dharma-

rajecvara, Mistannadécvara, Citrangadécvara, Amarakécvara, Vaté¢vara,

Makaréevara, Kalégvara, Puspaditya, &c., as well as hundreds of

sacred places (tirthas), named Patala-Gaynga, Ganea-Yamuna, Praci

(z.e., eastern) Sarasvati, Naga-tirtha, Cankha-tirtha, Mrga-tirtha, Linga-

bhéedodbhava-tirtha, Rudra-vartta, Rama-hrada, Cakra-tirtha, Matr-

tirtha, Mudhara-tirtha, &c.

Elsewhere in the Nagara-khanda Mahadéva says :—‘ Naimisaranya,

Kedara-natha, Puskara, Bhimi-jangala, Varanasi, Kuruksétra, Prabhasa,

and Hatakégvara are the principal of the sacred-places. He who

in proper veneration bathes in these eight Tirthas, reaps the fruit of

bathing in all the Tirthas. Hven these eight sacred places have their

best, and Hatakégvara is that one. All the ¢irthas in the world are, by

my order, present in Hatakécvara. Therefore in the Kali-yuga persons

eager of salvation should betake themselves to the Hatakégvara-ksétra,

which is attended by all the T7rthas,” (Nagara-khanda, ch. 103.)

Mr. Wilson in his Indian castes says :—‘ The word Nagara is the

adjective form of Nagara,a city. It is applied to several (six) prin-

cipal castes of Brahmanas in Gujarat getting their designations

respectively from certain towns in the north-eastern portions of that

province.’!

It has been already remarked in harmony with the statement

of the Nagara-khanda, that Hatakégvara was named Nagara, subse-

quent to Trijata’s making the land snakeless. The Brahmanas who

were brought by him became known under the name of Nagara

from their inhabiting that city.*

The Nagara Brahmanas of Gujarat maintain that Anandapura (the

present Badanagara) was their original dwelling-place. This place is

in the district of Kadi in Gujarat, and forms a part of the state of the

Gaikwar of Baroda. Some antiquarians have alluded to Nagara-

Ananda-pura as the name of this place.? It seems to me that perhaps

the Nagara Brahmanas of Ananda-pura used the name of Bada-nagara

1 Wilson, Indian Castes, Vol. I1., p. 96.

2 It is stated in the Nagara-khanda, that Hatakécvara was, previous to the arrival

of Trijata, depopulated by the horrible destruction spread over the land by the

poisonous snakes. Trijata sgain populated it by Brahmanas of 84 gétras brought

from several other places. (Négara-khanda, ch. 108.)

3 Hpigraphia Indica, Vol. I. 295.

124. N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

for their native town, in order to distinguish it from the comparatively

new city, Nagara, which the excommunicated -Vahya-nagaras founded

and named in imitation of their mother-land.!

The famous shrine of Hatakéevara is still existing in Bada-nagara ;

and the Brahmanas of this locality still recite holy-texts (Canti-patha)

for the welfare of their king the Gaikwar. Hven now, thousands of

pilgrims resort to Hatakégvara from all parts of Western India. But

strangely enough, most of the inhabitants of Bengal have not even

heard its name.

The above-mentioned temples and tirthas as described in the

Nagara-khanda can even now be identified in Bada-nagara and its

environments of 10 miles. The local river Sarasvati is held, by the

natives, in the same veneration as the Ganges.

The Nagara Brahmanas maintain that there was a time, when

millions of pilgrims annually came to Hataké¢vara-ksétra from different

parts of India. The attendants of its Pandas travelled all over India

inducing people to visit this sacred place. Indeed many Nagara Brah-

manas are, even now, met with in various parts of the Deccan. These

Brahmanas still write all their sacred books in the Nagari characters.

Even far away in Dravida and Karnata, where all the other natives

use their provincial alphabets in writing, these Nagara-Brahmanas,

though they have, in the course of centuries, lost their mother-tongue

and adopted that of the surrounding people amongst whom they live,

still adhere to their own tribal Nagari character,

With respect to the Nagara Brahmanas at the outskirts of Vijaya-

nagara and Anaguidi, Mr. Huddlestone Stokes states :—‘They appear

originally to have come from the countries north-east of Nagara, and

to have settled here under the Anagundi and Vijayanagar kings. They

speak Kanarese only, but their books are in the Nagari and Balabadha?

character.’ ®

A careful perusal of what has been recorded above, leads one to

decide that the Brahmanas brought by Trijata came to be known by

the name of Nagara, their language and their alphabet by the

name of Nagara or Nagari from their residingin the city of Nagara.

That they have a peculiar connection with the Nagaraksara is well

! We see in the Nagara-khanda that the excommunicated Campa-carman and -

his companion set up the images of Nagarécvara and Nagaraditya on the right-

bank of the river Sarasvati (Nagara-khanda, ch. 155). So it is not improbable that

the Vahya-nagaras established here a town named Nagara.

2 Balabodha is a modern form of the Nagari. (See Burnell, S. I. Palxography,

p. 44.)

3 Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 280.

1896.] N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 125

exemplified by the alphabet, made use of by other Nagara Brahmanas

long inhabiting different countries.

Origin of the Nagari-alphabet.

Most of.our Indian Pandits hold that the origin of the Nagari-

alphabet date’ from the invention of the system of writing. Pandita

Gauri-cankara Hiracand of Udayapura, author of the Pracina-lipi-mala,

also asserts the same theory. Butin my humble opinion, this theory

is quite without any foundation.

The books which describe all the earliest lipis of India do not

speak anything at all of Nagari. In support of this, I quote here some

proofs.

In the early Buddhist work named the Lalita-vistara, it is

stated that when Vicvamitra Darakacarya came to teach Siddhartha the

art of writing, the prince previous to his inculcation, spoke of the

following 64 kinds of lipis!:—1 Brahmi, 2 Kharésti, 3 Puskarasari, 4

Anga, 5 Vanga, 6 Magadha, 7 Mangalya, 8 Manusya, 9 Anguliya, 10

Cakari, 11 Brahma-vall?, 12 Dravida, 13 Kinari, 14 Daksina, 15 Ugra, 16

Sankhya, 17 Anuléma, 18 Darada, 19 Khasya, 20 Cina, 21 Huna, 22

Madhyaksara-vistara, 23 Puspa, 24 Déva, 25 Naga, 26 Yaksa, 27 Gan-

dharva, 28 Kinnara, 29 Mahdraga, 30 Asura, 31 Garuda, 32 Mrga-cakra,

33 Cakra, 34 Vayumarut, 35 Bhauma-déva, 36 Antariksa-déva, 37 Uttara-

kuru-dvipa, 38 Apara-gauda, 89 Purva-vidéha, 40 Utksépa, 41 Niksépa, 42

Viksépa, 43 Praksépa, 44 Sagara, 45 Vajra, 46 Lékha-pratilékha, 47

Anudruta, 48 Castrdvarta, 49 Ganand-vartta, 50 Utksepd-vartta, 51

Niksépavartta, 52 Padalikhita, 53 Dviruttarapadasandhi, 04 Dacéttara-

padasandhi, 55 Adhyaharini, 56 Sarvaruta-samgrahant, 57 Vidyanuloma, 58

Vimierita, 59 Rsitapastapta, 60 Rocamanad, 61 Dharani-préksana, 68

Sarvausadhi-nisyanda, 63 Sarvasira-samgrahani, and 64 Sarvabhita-ruta-

grahani.}

1 gy diffu vwecezany fefaauaniaa feaaua gatas

Baa UTI a fagifaaarareaare | aaat dt sora feft a frafaafa |

ate BUSt Gat se-fety as-fett any-fety ave-felt wy-fety

aye fary watcfett aqaal-fefi sfas-fett fant -feti <fru-fetr

wi fafd dqrfett saeia-feti sivafett <xe-fafi ae-fafi sla-fatt

sufeft agracfaactefd gu-fefd ea-fefy ama-fefi aa fetid aa-feti

faqctefa agia-fafa sqcfefi aw-fefi waqa-fefd sm-feti ary

aefatd waes-fati euduesfetiguigeny fet suuteie-fett wa-

Taeetetigaas-fett faacfety faag-fefy sau-fefy sa<-fefi aq-fed

126 N. N. Vasu —Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

We learn from the 4th ayga called the Samavaya, one of the

earliest Jaina works that the character which originated from Brahmi,

daughter of Adijina Rsabhadéva, is called Brahmi. The following are

the names of 18 sorts of writing headed by Brahmi:—1 Bambhi, 2

Javaniliya, 3 Désa-triyad, 4 Kharotthiya, 5 Kharasariya, 6 Paharaiya, 7

Uccattariya, 8 Akkharaputthiya, 9 Bhogabayatta, 10 Beyanatiya, 11 Nira-

haiyd, 12 Anka, 13 Ganiya, 14 Gandhavea, 15 Adassa, 16 Mahésara, 17

Dami and 18 Bolidi-livi.!

The fourth Upayga, the Prajiapana Sttra of the Jainas gives the

following list of 18 sorts of characters:—1 Bambhi, 2 Jabanaliya, 3

Dasapiriya, 4 Kharotthi, 5 Pukkharasariya, 6 Bhégavaiya, 7 Paharaiya,

8 Antarakariya, 9 Akkharaputthiya, 10 Venaniya, 11 Ninahaiya, 12 Anka,

13 Ganita, 14 Gandhavea, 15 Ayassa, 16 Mahésari, 17 Damili and 18

Polinda.?

Some may advance the argument that amongst the lipis (cha-

racters) mentioned above, there is the mention of Dévalipi, Bhauma-

dévalipi and Antariksadévalipi; and one of these might be our Déva-

nagara, acd most probably Déva-lipi or Bhauma-déva-lipi has changed its

name for our present Déva-nagara or Nagara. But I think that it is

wide of the mark to infer that the Nagari-lipi is derived from Déva-lipi,

in so much as there is no clear mention of Nagara or Nagari.

aasrtaae-fatraega- fart Tialde-faty avaaa-fafaqqauaa-fete faa

qaa-fetu wefefeafety feanwesfa-fefi amewnesfa-fafqay-

<iftfc-fefi saeadaetl-feft faqdiarfett fafafia-fatrefrareat

yaaa saw-fay vatufyfaget aqadzedt wayaea TeUlarerail

sag waqutatetiat aaai-feft at afuafauta| (fea faat yo =)

1 gay uw feale soe-fae Guafaeia |... val cauifear steafeat

aaa aaa Getreal auf waagfam Wadena taufaar fau-

eeu dateta afuafefa waaiefa srewtefa wieacfafa eifafafa aifefe-

fata | (aaay wom ea )

The Jainas say that a!l their Angas were written in the time of Mahavira, and

after 164 years from his death (7.¢., in 363 B.C.), were collected in the Qrisangha of

Pataliputra.

2 awl wag feale yercefae-feae-freru wat arg aval aaUfear

eragrear aug gratia waa Wega vost wat

gia aufest fase sgiefa afuafeta waafefs waesets aed

zifaat Fife Ss araifear! (aqaut) |

The commentator Malayagiri writes — AQUA ASAaqHeley + PHST-

qIZaas: |

1896. ] N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 127

Tt has been stated about the commencement of this paper that

Césa-krsna, the writer of the Prakrta-candrika, has mentioned Nagara,

Upanagara, and Daiva among the 27 forms of corrupt languages.!

Most probably like these three languages three different forms of writing

were also current. The Daiva or Bhauma-déva-lipi mentioned in the

Lalita-vistara had probably some points of resemblance to the Daiva-

lipi or writing of the Déva-bhaga.

But I have not come across any proof to lead me to surmise that

Déva-lipi signifies Nagaraksara. Now in some countries Nagara may

mean Dévanagaraksara, but Dévakgara has nowhere any such import.

In Bengal it is humorously used to denote very bad and illegible writing.

Under such circumstances I cannot take Dévalipi or Bhauma-déva-lipi as

representing our present Nagari character.

It is now admitted that the Lalita-vistara was composed in the

2nd or 3rd century B.C. The fourth Upanga Prajiiapanasttra was

written by Cyamarya, the first Kalakacarya. On referring to the

Kharataragaccha Pattavali, we find.that Cyamarya lived 376 years after

Mahavira’s nirvana (B.C. 151). Consequently it must be admitted

that nearly 2000 years ago there was no lipi extant under the name of

Nagara or Nagari.

Then when did the name of Nagara first make its appearance ?

We find the first mention of Nagari-lipi in a Jaina religious book,

the Nandi-sttra.2 Jainacarya Laksmi-vallabha-gani thus speaks in his

Kalpastitra-kalpadruma-kalika :—

HY Bl waneat areietaueaa wereufarat efarat: |

aalaa Val Tut -2 safety 2 wafafa saafafy ¢ a-

aelfafs wsgifata ¢ matty oquntfati = ateifafa

« afadifafa yo Sadtfaty i aradifaiy 12 adifaty

aa aaatfaty 1s weelfafe (yu metfafa e¢ afaifar

fafy (o maaifate (os AlazaT |

The author then relates :— ?ufammieaq afy feqyagu—

q Tel 2 aisle steel @ HUTT yaa ¢ atest aeTal

cS MET & Weratat eo AM we feeat wR Fel wes

amet U8 wWarlat Vy urTiat e¢ Fat Yo araal vs Heratal

1 Hven the names of these three corrupt forms of languages have not been

found in works earlier than (ésa Krsna’s.

2 The South-Indian form of the Nagari character usually goes by the name of

Nandi-nagari,

128 N.N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

sareat fava: gaagmi afwaner <faat aaeaa qt

ufatata efstar |

The lipis mentioned in the Nandi-sttra are the following :—

1 Hamsa-lipi, 2 Bhita-lipi, 3 Yaksa-lipi, 4 Raksasi-lipi, 5 Uddi-lipi, 6

Yavani-lipi, 7 Turakki-lipi, 8 Kiri-lipt, 9 Dravidi-lipi, 10 Saindhavi-lipi,

11 Ma@lavi-lipi, 12 Nadi-lipi, 13 Nagari-lipi, 14 Parasi-lipi, 15 Lati-lipi, 16

Animitta-lipi, 17 Canakki-lipt and 18 Mauladévi.’

‘(Lipis vary in different countries ; the names of them are these) :—

1 Lati, 2 Caudi, 3 Dahali, 4 Kanadi, 5 Gajari, 6 Sorathi, 7 Marahathi, 8

Kaunkani, 9 Khurasani, 10 Magadhi, 11 Simhali, 12 Hadi, 13 Kiri, 14

Hammiri, 15 Paratir?, 16 Masi, 17 Malavi and 18 Mahayodhi.’

Jainacarya says that the Nandi-stitra was issued a few years

before the Kalpa-sitra. The Kalpa-sitra was published in Ananda-

pura (Badanagara) 980 years after the death (nirvana) of Mahavira

(453 A.D.) under the orders of the Valabhi king Dhruva-séna.

So we find that the first mention of Nagari-lipi is in the 4th

or 5th century A.D. As there is no mention of Nagari-lipi in any |

book of a date earlier than the 4th century, and as there is no certainty

of the time when this lpi first came into use, it is necessary to look

into all the ancient inscriptions, copper-plates, and manuscripts,

engraved or written in the Nagari, that have been discovered in differ-

ent parts of India. It therefore requires much investigation and time

to ascertain the gradual development of the Nagaraksara. I regret

that I have not had enough leisure to devote to this research, but 1 may

mention that I have recently learned that Dr. Buhler is going to

publish an elaborate work on the Development of the Nagari-alphabet ;

and hence for detailed information, I can commend my readers to his

learned article on that subject.

Of all the Nagari copper-plates, inscriptions, and manuscripts that

have been discovered up to date, the copper-plate of the Gurjara king

Dadda-praganta-raga, which has been found in Bagumra and which

bears the date of 415 Caka is the most ancient.! The whole of the

copper-plate is inscribed in the then-used Gujarati (cave-character)

except towards the close where there is the king’s sign manual in

Nagari :—

eeatsd aa Bifsaragqat AIMALAT |

From: the fact that only the royal signature is inscribed in the

Nagaraksgara, it is obvious that although other characters were current

in Gujarata about and before that time, the royal personages were then

1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII.

1896. ] N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 129

accustomed to write in the Nagaraksara. Subsequent: to the copper-

plate of the above-mentioned Dadda, the Nagaraksara is again observed

in the copper-plate of the Saurastra king Jainka-déva, dated 794 Sam-

vat (737 A.D.), which was discovered in the village of Dhiniki on

the sea-coast at the south-east of Dvarakapuri.! This copper-plate

was granted to one Ievara of the Mudgala gétra by Jainka-déva, at the

request of Bhatta Narayana,? the prime-minister. After this the Samana-

1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI1., p. 155 pl.

2 I have something to say about this Bhatta Narayana. Mr. Uméca Candra

Batabyala published in the Society’s Jowrnal a copper-plate of Dharmapala, together

with a facsimile. That plate too was granted to Narayana Bhattaraka, agreeably

to the request of Maha-samantadhipati Narayana Varman. Mr. Batabyal conjectures

that Narayana Bhattaraka is no other than the Bhatta Narayana who came from

_ Kanauj, and from whom have descended all the Qandilya-gdtra-Brahmanas of

Bengal. He writes:—‘Having come into Paundravardhana, Bhatta Narayana

found a patron, not in Adicira, as has been hitherto believed, but in one Narayana

Varman, who in‘the copper-plate grant is described as the Mahasamantadhipati of

Dharmapala.’ But my surmise is that Narayana Bhattaraka had no connection with

that Bhatta Narayana who came from Kanauj. The original copper-plate says :—

Hae Waal Aeraraiyafa-atacaTaaUT gaara at ayaa-

qwgea ayad fasion aaseituaataiuadgy guifvss Quel saad

alttd aa sfasiivawage* ara 9 aufauwawletguearsaite-

Tega TsiTUAfeant wa Tata <fearwaeaatary

<eig ea xfer |

“Tt is manifest from the above text that there was a temple in Cubhasthali, and

that Lata Brahmanas were employed to worship the idol. Narayana Bhattaraka

came to this country, and subsequently settled there, at the request of the Maha-

samantadhipati Narayana who granted him four large villages.’

Mr. Batabyala supposes that Lata was probably the name of Kanyakubja. But

from the proofs collected by me I am confirmed that Lata was never the name of

Kanyakubja. The middle, western, and southern parts of Gujarata were for a long

time called Lata, Saurastra, and Anartta respectively. It seems that Bhatta

Narayana who was the prime-minister of Jainka-déva king of Saurastra, was an

inhabitant of Lata-décga. It is probable that when a political revolution broke

out in his country, he then an old man, travelled over different parts, and then at

last came to those Lata Brahmanas in Paundra-vardhana. That he who was once, as

it were, the right hand of the Saurastra king secured high respect from the royal

officers of Paundravardhana, is not impossible. Mr. Batabyala writes that Bhatta

Narayana received a gift worth more than a lac of rupees. (Jowrnal of A. S. B., 1894,

Pt. I., p. 44). This great gift proves unquestionably a high respect for Narayana

Bhattaraka. It is obvious from the antiquities of India that the title of Bhattaraka

could only be secured by a king or a prince or by a person having similar honour and

position. There is no impossibility here that he who once practically ruled Gurjara

became famous in Gauda under the style of Bhattaraka. According to the

Seite ha

130 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

gada copper-plate grant of Danti-durga Khadgavaloka dated 675 Caka

comes to our notice! The arrangement of letters in this plate is very

interesting. The letters 7, @, gh, c, 2, dh, n, v and jw of this plate have

the appearance of the ancient Gujarati (cave) character, but all the

other letters exhibit a development of the Nagaraksara. Indeed the

circulation of Nagaraksara came to be wider owing to the efforts and

exertions of the subsequent Rastrakita kings of Gujarat.2 The gradual

development of the Nagaraksara is regularly observed in the following

copper-plates :—

Plate.

Names of the donor. | Dates. | Ref.

757 Caka. | Indian Antiquary, Vol.

XIV, p. 200.

» |Journal of the Bombay

Branch of the Royal Asia-

tic Society, Vol. XVIII.

1 | Rastrakita-king Dhruva II

2 | Indra Nitya-vargsa e-- | 836

3 | Govinda Suvarna-varsa...| 855 ,, | Indian Antiquary, Vol.

XII, p. 280.

4 | Krisna Akala-varsa ...| 862 ,, | Journal of the Bombay

Branch of the Royal Asia-

tic Society, Vol. XVIII.

» |Lndian Antiquary, Vol. XII,

p-. 266.

5 | Amodgha-varsa... ... | 894

The likeness of ¢, dh, n, € and some other letters of the copper-

plate of Dhruva II, although inscribed in the most ancient Nagaraksara,

can be traced to the Guptaksara; but clear manifestations of modern

Nagari are met with in the plates of Govinda Suvarna-varsa, Indra Nitya-

varsa and Amodgha-varsa. ‘The vowel-signs of the copper-plate of the

Dhiniki grant, Bhatta-Narayana was in Gujarata in the year 794 Samvat. Raja-

cékhara’s ‘ Prabandha-cintamani’ says that the Gauda-king Dharma was con-

tinually an implacable enemy of Amaraja, disciple of Jainacarya Bappa Bhatta.

Bappa Bhatta’s diksé (initiation) took place in 807 Samvat. About that time

or a little after, the Gauda-king Dharma (pala) came on the scene. Narayana

Bhattaraka in his old age came to Paundravardhana. Consequently it is proved

from the facts of that period, that Bhatta Narayana who came over from Lata-

déca and Dharmapala were contemporaries. We shall see afterwards that from

a very early time Gujarata had a connection with Gauda-déca.

1 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. II, p- 371;

and Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p. 110.

2 Descrepancy arises only in the case of the copper-plate of Rastrakita king

Karka-suvarna-varsa, dated 734 Caka, which is inscribed in the caye-alphabet of the

Deccan. (Indian Antiquary, 1883, p. 153.)

1896. ] N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 131

above-mentioned Dadda, Jainka, Dantidurga and Dhruva seem to be

derived from the ancient Gupta-lipi and clearly look like the Nazarak-

sara of the earliest stage: but dissimilarity has entered into the plates

of Govinda Suvarna-varsa and others. The vowel-signs (e.g., t, tt, t1)

as adopted in the plate of Suvarna-varsa and others are similar to those

of the Vangiya and the Maithila-lipi. From this it appears that the

vowel-signs which are used in the Vangiya and Maithila-lipi are

not of recent date, though they have no accordance with those in

the Gupta and Nagari-lipi, and that they must have existed at least in

the 6th or 7th century A.D. Nagari-lipi having such vowel-signs is

called Jaina-nadgari in Gujarat.

The full currency of the Nagari-lipi is seen to date from the 9th

or 10th century A.D. The forms which this lipi came to bear between

the 9th or 10th century A.D. are still the same. A very slight

difference which may here and there be seen is due to the characteristics ~

of the writer or of the engraver in the different localities.

It is clear from the Jaina-books as well as from the ancient inscrip-

tions stated above, that the Nagari-lipi was current during the 5th

century A.D. I have said that the Nagari-lipi originated from the

Nagara Brahmanas of Nagara-ananda-pura. These Nagara Brahmanas

are inhabitants of Gujarat, The most ancient Nagari-lipi, discovered

up to date, is from Gujarat ; and this fact strongly upholds my theory.

But a question may arise here. Antiquarians have described the

innumerable inscriptions between the 3rd and 7th centuries A.D. dis-

covered in Gujarat, to be written in the cave-characters. Most of the an-

cient inscriptions and copper-plates, found in various parts of the

Deccan, are inscribed in such cave characters. Given these facts, what

led the Nagara Brahmanas to adopt a character different from that

which was current in their own country? A thorough scrutiny of

the cave-characters does not allow us to recognise them to be the

origin of Nagari-alphabet: on the contrary, the Nagari-alphabet must

be rather said to descend from the ancient form of Gupta-characters. It

seems therefore that the most ancient Nagari-lipi used in Gujarat, was

brought over by the Nagara Brahmanas, either from Gauda, or

Magadha or from some other country in Northern India to Gujarat.

The following is related in the Skanda-purana, Nagara-khanda ch. 108:

the eminent Trijata who had delivered Camatkara-pura from the snakes,

gave presents of wealth and jewels and established here in Nagara

those Brahmanas who had come with their wives and children to Hata-

kécvara from the furthest and the most Telos countries.!. From this it

1 fasnay yards Faq ZuNle saq |

aaiaagtea faiegr greta: IsTaa

132 N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [No. 2,

is manifest that some Brahmanas came from very distant parts to

inhabit Nagara.

T have said already that Ananda-pura is the ancient name of Nagara

or Badanagara. The name ‘ Ananda-pura’ is only seen in the copper-_

plates of the 4th, 5th and 6th centuries A.D. The Jaina-Kalpa-

sutra states that in response to the orders of the Valabhi king

Dhruva-séna, the Kalpa-stitra was read out before the public in

the city of Ananda-pura. The Chinese pilgrim Hinen Tsiang saw here

many Buddhist Sayngharamas as well as a good many Hindu temples.

The Hindu temples described by the Chinese pilgrim might have been

the temples of Hatakégvara and others which are described in the

Nagara-khanda. Now the question is, although about the 4th or 5th

century we find the mention of the Nagari-lipi in the Nandi-sttra, what

is the cause of the name Nagara not being mentioned in inscriptions or

‘copper-plates of that time, except in the Nagara-khanda? It seems

probable that during the rule of the Valabhi kings, none of the royal

officers who belonged to different religions or orders, recognised this new

name given by the Brahmanas. They all called it Ananda-pura.! Pro-

bably the locality came to be denominated Nagara during the reign of the

Rastrakiita and Caulukya kings who showed great respect and reverence

towards the Nagara Brahmanas.

I have already given the description i in the Nagara-khanda which

says that the Brahmana Trijata and his comrades destroyed the race of

snakes or drove them away, and thus delivered Hatakecvara-ksétra.

This I interpret as an allegory. Long before the Valabhi kings, the

snake-worshipper Naga or the Shah kings had been reigning in Gujarat.

Probably the Vaivas conquered Anartta after defeating. these Nagas, and

founded the Hataké¢vara-ksétra in order to establish the supremacy of the

Caiva faith. This happened towards the end of the 4th century A.D.

Afterwards many Caiva-Brahmanas gathered there from different coun-

tries and assumed the common name of Nagara. It is probable that some

of these immigrants who came from Magadha, Kanyakubja and Gauda,

brought to their new colony their old alphabet, which in a later period

became known as the Nagari-lipi. The long residence of these Nagara

Brahmanas in Nagara, is manifest from a work entitled the Sura-

a afaaiia Baal sreiaeqa a fear: |

aaaat Ga: Wis ayfay Vea |

met sfenragaigetca faa: |

@ (ATATSW Yor F:)

1 Tn the Nagara-khanda there is description of Anandécvara Mahadéva: most

probably this title of Mahadéva refers to the city of Ananda-pura,

1896. ] N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 133

thotsava by the famous poet Somé¢vara the family-priest of the king

of Gurjara. It relates :—‘ There is a place called Nagara where Brahma-

nas reside and which is rendered holy by the sacred fires kept by them

and the sacrificial rites they perform. The gods themselves seeing the

holiness of the place and the prosperity conferred upon it by Civa

live there, as it were, assuming the forms of Brahmanas. At that

place dwelt a family of the name of Guléca of the Vacistha gdtra. In

that holy family was born Sdla, who was created by Milaraja (the

founder of the Caulukya Dynasty of Patana) his family-priest.’! Sdmé-

evara writes afterwards that his ancestors were hereditary priests of

the Caulukyas of Gurjara, and that some also became priests of the

Rastrakuta kings.?

Milaraja reigned in the 10th century A.D. The description of

Soméevara proves that the Nagara-Brahmanas were inhabiting the land

long before the time of Milaraja, although the name Nagara came into

use in his time.

Many Hindu temples stood here in the time of the Chinese pil-

grim, about the beginning of the 7th century A.D. According to the

Nagara-khanda, the Nagara-Brahmanas founded all the temples and

shrines of Nagara or Camatkarapura.

I have already alluded to the clear mention of Nagari-lipi in the

Nandisiitra, which was composed in the 4th or 5th century A.D., and

have referred to the sign-manual of the Gurjara king Dadda-pracanta-

raga of that time for the first mtroduction of the Nagari-lipi. It is

singular indeed that most of the ancient copper-plates, inscribed in

1 ef smerecaaetst Ure fesrat aaahraTate |

aq 4 walta acifa ae Sarsfaae ate: aera il

agugaaity-wqeaate waa Aaae-

AAI TAA-VAT SFA SUF |

onfadangaasfeaaerg fer: l

Uma ST. aeqe-feqtatiat Qa Wis AST

Fuaparyata: sea: sasuifu: afuagiés |

a va dufafaersqat ge aeaiiiwar sfeE I

Tae Faaegess seq fesrqrac sae |

a: afin: dada aa fog feecmTa

A asittataysfaseusest SqITy FIA FT: |

(GATT WH BT)

a SUicaife-aenae-Uggqe-acsy erase Te |

wareTagayifysfa: warsaaa wofanafeaa wat a

134 N. N. Vasu— Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. [ No. 2,

Nagari and found in Gujarat, were granted to those Brahmanas who

came over to Gujarat from Kanyakubja, Pataliputra, Paundravardhana,

&c. The aforesaid Dadda-pracanta-raga’s copper-plate of 415 Caka

was given to Bhatta Govinda, son of Bhatta Mahidhara, an inhabitant

of Kanyakubja, Likewise the Rastrakita king Nityavarsa’s plate of

836 Caka, mentions Ténna, a village of Lata-déga, being granted to

Siddhapa Bhatta, son of Véllapa Bhatta of the Lakgsmana gotra, who came

from Pataliputra. Similarly the copper-plate grant of the Rastrakita

king Govinda Suvarna-varsa, dated 854 Caka, speaks of the gift of the

village of Loha to Kégava Diksita of the Kaugika gotra, an immigrant

from Paundravardhana. It is quite clear from the proofs given above,

that numbers of Brahmanas’ were from very ancient times immigrating

into Gujarat from Kanyakubja, Pataliputra, Paundravardhana, &c. In

this way the ancient form of the Nagari-lipi was brought over and

circulated in Gujarat.

Hundreds of panegyrics inscribed in stone in Badanagara, the

original dwelling-place of the Nagara-Brihmanas, declare the extra-

ordinary respect and reverence which the Gurjara kings paid towards

them. It is owing to the effort of these Rastrakita and Caulukya

kings of Gurjara, that the Nagari-lipi became current in many parts of

India. The copper-plate of Karka Suvarna-varsa king of Lata, dated

734 Caka, clearly states :—

aies-aguta-fasrae fiers

aquvae-femaaat a Te |

° Q

ate ys frscatsacaas

erat auraraty ceases yew 1?

Again the following is related in the copper-plate of Akalavarsa,

dated 862 Caka, about Gurjarégvara Krisnaraja, son of the Rastrakita

king Nrpatunga, the founder of Manyakhéta :—

aafsa Garutea-eemletge-naet

met faraaatage: arqa-faate: |

Seey-alay-TIs- Aa aasaTatae

aa: waaay: wise SlawMastrag |?

1 Indian Antiquary, 1883, p. 160.

2 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVIII.

p. 246.

1896. ] N. N. Vasu—Nagaras and the Nagari-alphabet. 135

We come to know from the above extracts that the Rastrakita

kings of Gurjara conquered Gauda, Vanga, Kalinga, Ganga, Magadha,

Malava, &c., in the 9th and 10th centuries! A.D.

So itis beyond doubt, that between the 9th and 10th centuries

A.D., during the reign of the Rastrakita kings of Gujarat, the

characters of their family-priests the Nagara-Brahmanas, spread over

the whole Aryavartta under the name of Nagari-lipi. Now, the same

characters which were once, by the efforts of the Rastrakita kings,

circulated all over the Aryavartta, have now, by the influence of printing

and the deep interest taken by western scholars, spread all over the

world.

1 The famous Rathor kings of Kanauj were of Rastrakita origin.

136 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

The Later Mughals (1707-1803).— By Wiiu1am Irvine, Bengal Civil

Service (Ietired).

[ Read May, 1896. ]

The narrative in the following extract,! referring to the year 1712,

commences on the morning after the death of the emperor Shah ‘Alam,

Bahadur Shah, which took place in his standing camp a few miles

north-east of Lahor.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Cuapter I1.—Tue InTerrecnum.

Section 1. Introductory.

‘Azimu-sh-shan stands on the defensive.

Defeat and death of ‘Azimu-sh-shan.

The Division of the spoil. -

Death of prince Jahan Shah.

Defeat and death of Rafi‘u-sh-shan.

Cuapter [I].—JanAnpAr SHAH.

Section 1. New appointments. ,

Note A, List of Nobles from Valentyn.

2. Executions and imprisonments.

Note B, List of Prisoners from Valentyn.

3. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, sketch of his career.

4. Death of prince Muhammad Karim.

5. The Court moves to Dihli—A‘zzu-d-din despatched to

Agrah.

6. Jahandar Shah’s life at Dihli.

7. Mhbd. Farrukhsiyar, his early history and arrival at Patnah

‘Azimabad.

8. Account of the Barhah Sayyads.

O ox B Oo po

1 This is a continuation of Mr. Irvine’s valuable papers on the history of the

later Mughal Empire. The last paper was on Guru Gobind Singh and Bandah, publish-

ed in Vol LXIII of the Journal Part I, for 1894, pp. 112 and ff. The present paper

will be issued in instalments. Hd.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 137

9. Husain ‘Ali Khan espouses Farrukhsiyar’s cause.

10. ‘Abdullah Khan gives in his adhesion to Farrukhsiyar.

11. Farrukhsiyar leaves Patnah and reaches Allahabad.

12. Prince A‘zzu-d-din’s advance to Kajwah, his defeat and

flight to Agrah.

13. Jahandar Shah leaves Dihli for Agrah.

14. Farrukhsiyar arrives at the Jamnah.

15. Sayyad ‘Abdullah Khan finds a ford and crosses the

Jamnah.

16. Jahandar Shah moves from Samigarh.

17.. The battle of Agrah, 13th Zi-l-hijjah 1124 H. (10th

January 1713).

18. Flight of Jahandar Shah to Dihli.

19. End of Jahandar Shah’s reign, Dates of his birth and

death, Length of Reign, Coins, Mint Towns, Title after

decease, Character, Wives, Children.

list of Authorities.

CHAPTER II.

The Interregnum.

1. Iyrropuctory.

By Bahadur Shah’s death on the 20th Muharram 1124 H. (27th

February, 1712) the whole camp was thrown into confusion. The

Emperor had barely breathed his last, before his sons were ranged

against each other in a contest for empire, an event which was far from

unexpected. In order to make the narrative of events quite clear, it is

necessary to go back a little and explain the position in which the four

brothers stood to each other. ‘Azimu-sh-shan, the second son, had been

far away from his father for the last ten years of his grandfather,

‘Alamgir’s, reign. In 1109 H. (1697-8) he was appointed governor of

Bengal, to which was added Bahar in the year 1114 H. (1702-3). He

did not see his father again until they met at Agrah in 1119 H. (1707)

just before the battle at Jajau and the defeat of A‘zam Shah. During

these ten or twelve years, Jahandar Shah, the eldest son, from his

inattention to public affairs, lost favour with his father and spent most

of his time in his separate government of Multan. In the earlier years

of Shah ‘Alam (Bahadur Shah’s) stay in the Kabul province, his third

son, Rafi‘u-sh-shan, was his principal adviser and favourite son. In

time he was supplanted in this position by the fourth son, Jahan Shah,

who retained his influence at his father’s accession and for some time

afterwards. The credit of Mun‘im Khan’s appointment as chief minis-

J. 1.18

138 W. Irvine—Later Mughuls (1707-1803). [No. 2,

ter is given to Jahan Shah. But about the time (December 1709) when

the emperor recrossed the Narbada on his return to Hindistan, all

influence seems to have been absorbed by the second son, ‘Azimu-sh-

shan. Jahan Shah had several long illnesses (4th-28th December, 1709,

30th July—5th October 1711), and ill-health may have contributed to

his gradual exclusion from public affairs. At any rate, ‘Azimu-sh-shan

continued in favour to the end of the reign. The great wealth that he

had accumulated, both during his stay in Bengal and after he had obtain-

ed the chief direction of affairs, and the preponderating influence that

he had exercised for a considerable period, while they raised his brothers

envy, pointed him out to all men as the destined victor in the coming

struggle. !

The conduct of the four brothers betokened that they were at

enmity; that there could be little hope of a peaceful solution. Their

dread of each other was shown in many ways, among others by an in- ~

cident related by Iradat Khan.* During the emperor’s last illness,

Jahandar Shah and ‘Azimu-sh-shan were seated near his bed. ‘Azimu-

sh-shan took up a jewelled dagger lying near the pillow and began to

toy with it, admiring the exquisite workmanship and the beauty of the

blade. As he drew it from the sheath, Jahandar Shah, overcome with

sudden terror, started up, and in his hurried retreat knocked off his

turban at the tent-door, forgot to put on his shoes (a sign of great

perturbation ),? and, when he got outside, fell over the tent-ropes. As

soon as his servants had picked him up, he mounted and rode off in all

haste to his own tents. On a previous occasion a violent outbreak had

been expected. On the 24th Rabi‘ I, 1123 H. (11th May 1711), the

day on which the Satlaj was crossed, Jahandar Shah and Jahan Shah

went over the bridge of boats first and took up a threatening position

upon the further bank. Messengers brought word that those two

princes and Rafi‘u-sh-shan had made a plot together to attack the

treasure carts of ‘Azimu-sh-shan as they were coming off the bridge. It

was only by the exercise of the strongest pressure that the emperor,

who was extremely angry, was able to avert an outbreak. Another

1 [jad, fol. 32 6; Jonathan Scott, II, part IV, 45.

2 J. Scott, 64. lt is also in Ijad, fols. 120 b, 121 a, who says it occurred on the

day but one before Bahadur Shah’s death.

3 For instance on an occasion of great emergency, one of ‘Ali Wirdi Khan’s

slippers could not be found and he refused to move till it was brought. A by-

stander said, ‘Is this a time to look for slippers ?’ ‘ No,’ replied the nawab, ‘ but

were I to go without them it would be said, ‘Ali Wirdi Khan was in such a hurry to

get away that he left his slippers behind him’ (Stewart, Bengal, 462, note). I

heard once a sharp Benares mukhtar apply this taunt most effectively to a bare

footed litigant at a local enquiry, to the huge delight of the bystanders.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 139

indication of the same strained relations between the four brothers may,

I think, be detected in a sudden attack made upon Jahan Shah on the

15th Za-l-hijjah 1123 H. (23rd January 1712) near the kettledrum stand,

as he was leaving the camp after an audience. A man with a drawn

sword rushed at his retinue, wounded a stick-bearer, and was him-

self cut to pieces. !

Jahandar Shah had no money and therefore no troops: his whole

foree consisted of seven hundred horsemen. Against ‘Azimu-sh-shan

he felt that, under such conditions, it was hopeless to attempt hostilities ;

and he would have been content with, nay would have thought himself

lucky in getting, one city only. He had made up his mind that on liis

father’s death he would make his escape to Multan, where he was well

known, and there make ready for an attempt to retrieve his fortunes.

All the leading men paid assiduous court to Azimu-sh-shan. Among

the rest Zu-l-fiqar Khan, Amiru-l-umara, the first bakhshi, made an offer

of his services through the means of Iradat Khan. One Shekh Qudrat-

ullah? wrote a note in reply, of a very curt and unceremonious kind, such

as a person of his rank should not have written to a mansabdar of 7,000,

saying that all the officers of the State were in attendance at the prince’s

court, there could be no question of any other place, and the Amiru-I-

umara ought to present himself there, when he would be fittingly

received. Zii-l-fiqar Khan, with tears in his.eyes, lamented over such

manuerless conduct, and quoted the saying ‘when Fortune turns

against any one, everything conspires against his success.’? He left

the imperial guard-room at once, collected his troops, and moved with

all his tents and effects to the camp of prince Jahandar Shah, the eldest

son. *

But Zu-l-fiqgar Khan had not been so imprudent as to leave his own

fate completely in the hands of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. For a long time he

had been negociating with the three princes opposed to ‘Azimu-sh-

shan, and had succeeded in bringing them to an agreement. The court

chroniclers noticed, as the outward sign of these intrigues, that on the

22th Zu-l-bijjah 1123 H. (2nd February, 1712) Rafi‘u-sh-shan and on the

Ist Muharram 1124 H. (8th February, 1712) Jahandar Shah visited the

quarters of Zu-l-fiqar Khan. As ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s power was held to be

overwhelming, it was considered wise by Ziu-l-fiqar Khan, acting for

Jahaudar Shah, tomake overtures for joint action to the two younger

1 Kamwar Khan, 70, 100.

2 A native of Allahabad. He was hung by Mir Jumlah early in Farrukhsiyav’s

reign.

8 Cu tirah shavvad mard ra rozgar, Hamah dn kunad kash nayadyad ba kar.

4 Warid, 60, 61; Yahya Khan, 117 b; J. Scott, 65; or text (my copy) 68.

- Key

140, W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No.2

brothers. Accordingly an agreement sworn on the Qur’dn was entered

into for the division of the empire into three parts. Jahaudar Shah, as

the eldest son, would be proclaimed Emperor of Hindistan, the Friday

prayer being recited everywhere in his name, and the coinage through-

out the country bearing his superscription. Rafi‘u-sh-shan was to take

Kabul, Kashmir, Multan, Tatthah and Bhakkar, and Jahan Shah, the

Dakhin from the Narbada to the island of Ceylon. Any cash or

plunder obtained by a victory over ‘Azimu-sh-shan was to be divided

among the three princes equally. The preposterous condition was also

included in the agreement that Zi-l-fiqar Khan should be the only razir,

remaining in person with Jahandar Shah at Dihli and exercising his

functions through deputies at the courts of the other two princes. A

more impracticable plan can hardly be conceived, and possibly it was

never seriously intended by Zu-l-fiqar Khan that it should be carried out.

Up to this time, owing to the notorious poverty of Jahandar Shah, ad-

venturers and soldiers had kept aloof from him, but when his cause was

espoused by Zi-l-fiqar Khan, they began to flock to his standard. !

We have already recounted? how prince Rafi‘u-sh-shan passed

under arms the greater part of the night of the 18th Muharram 1124 H.

(25th February 1712). Inthe morning the prince slept late, and was

not yet awake when Kamwar Khan arrived at his house. Assembled

there were the prince’s chief men, Afzal Khan, Fath-ullah Khan, ‘Ata-

ullah Khan, Jahangir Quli Khan and others, with their friends and

relations. Camel-riders, one after another, came in with reports of the

increasing severity of Bahadur Shah’s illness. About noon Rafi‘u-sh-

shan left the mansion of ‘Ali Mardan Khan, with his three sons- and

his family, and took shelter in a small tent put up for the occasion on

the river sands. Kamwar Khan was posted, with all the prince’s men,

at Katrah Shah Balawal® to keep watch during the night. Mumin

1 Kamwar Khan, 101, 102; Warid, 59, 60; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 45. Valentyn,

TY, 294, estimates the numbers of the contending forces as follows :—

Horse Foot

Jahandar Shah #00 000 we. 20,000 30,000

Rafi‘u-sh-shan 500 390 es. 8,000 8,000

Jahan Shah 360 206 eee 20,000 30,000

53,000 68,000

‘A7imu-sh-shan 500 aa 30,000 30,000

ee can give no record of the nambors slain in the subsequent fighting.

i.e. In the chapter on Bahadur Shah’s reign, which has not been yet published.

3 Shah Balawal, Qadiri, Lahori, died 28th Sha‘ban 1046 H. (4th Feb. 1637), aged

70 years. His tomb outside the Dilhi gate of Lahor was threatened by the Ravi in

1252 H. (1836-7), when the body was exhumed and re-buried at a little distance,

Khaznatu-l-asfiyah, I, 161. ;

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 141

Khan was despatched to the left, to the river bank, at the head of

prince Ibrahim’s troops, while Fath-ullah Khan, Mughal, went out to

the distance of a quarter of a késas an advanced guard. The rest

of the troops were drawn up to form a centre and two wings, and thus

the night was spent in anxious expectation of the next news.!

In the morning Rafi‘u-sh-shan learnt that his father had passed

away at the first watch of the night, and that the imperial camp had

fallen into the possession of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. A tumult had at once

arisen, and without delay, dark though it was, the chief nobles had

deserted their posts round the emperor’s quarters, and had hastened

to join one or other of the princes. A few men only, such as Islam

Khan, the mir-diash, Hamidu-d-din Khan, Darbar Khan and Khawas

Khan, remained at their posts and prevented the plunder of the women’s

apartments. Many men of lower station and all the traders, who had

their families in camp, started for the city, leading their women and

children by the hand. Most of their property was at once plundered

by the loose characters hanging about the army, who collected at the

Shalihmar garden, between the camp and the city, while the streets

and lanes of Lahdr were crowded with people who could find no house

in which to obtain shelter. The camps of the four princes were in an

uproar. The great nobles looked forward to inevitable death before

the sun had set, while the soldiers clamoured for their arrears. Every

sort of oppression was inflicted upon the paymasters; and whatever

could be laid hands upon was carried off. Son could not help father,

nor father, son; every one was wrapped up in thoughts for his own

safety. Among others ‘Inayat-ullah Khan, KAdnsaman or Lord Steward,

fled to Lahdr, and as soon as he had reached the city, made a pretext

of being ill of a cold and thus avoided presenting himself at any of the

four darbars,?

At early dawn spies brought in word that prince Muhammad Karim,

son of ‘Azimu-sh-shan, had started for the encampment of Mahabat Khan

and Khan Zaman, sons of the late Mun‘im Khan, Bahadur Shah’s wazir.

The real objects of this movement had not been discovered by theother side.

Naturally, it was supposed that ‘Azimu-sh-shan, having more treasure,

men, elephants and cannon then the other three princes put together,

and all the great nobles, with the exception of Zi-l-fiqar Khan, having

joined him, had taken the field at once, without allowing his opponents

time to collect more troops. Zu-l-fiqar Khan, as soon as he heard of this

movement on ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s part, revived the courage of his troops,

who wished to retreat, by quoting the proverb, ‘Never take off

1 Kamwar Khan, 104, 105.

@ Kamwar Khan, 105; Mhd, Qasim, Lahori, 48; Yahya Khan, fol. 117 a.

142 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

your stockings, till you see the ford.’! Then he rode off with a small

escort to Jahan Shah, who was near the tomb of Shah Mir,? and thence

to the position of prince Rafi‘u-sh-shan near the Ravi. ‘Azimu-sh-shan

had made overtures to Rafi‘u-sh-shan, who had at first held back from

taking one side or the other, then by the persuasion of Zi-l-fiqar Khan

had joined Jahandar Shah. But Zu-l-fiqar Khan was still a little suspi-

cious of him and therefore proposed that, as his force was small, he should

take up his position as the rearguard. To this Rafi‘u-sh-shan con-

sented, and as soon as he knew that Muhammad Karim had marched,

he drew up on the bank of the Ravi, at the head of 5,000 to 6,000

horsemen, about a bow-shot from his camp, and awaited the other side’s

approach. In like manner, Jahandar Shah, accompanied by Zu-l-fiqar

Khan, left his camp between the city and the Shalihmar gardens, where

he had been ever since arriving at Lahor; and Jahan Shah, mounting

a swift gray horse, issued from his quarters near the tomb of Miyan Mir

in readiness to give battle.®

One watch of the day had hardly passed when ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s

troops, after showing on a rising ground, disappeared from view. By

the reports of the spies it became clear that Muhammad Karim lad

come out, not to give battle, but to rescue the sons of Munim Khan

and some other nobles, who were escorted to ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s camp.

This movement was due to the fact that Rajah Gujar Mal and Jani

Khan had been sent by Zi-]-fiqar Khan to the tents of Mahabat Khan with

the hope of persuading him to act as mediator between ‘Azimu-sh-shau

and his three brothers, the object being to gain time. When ‘Azimu-

sh-shan heard of this visit, he, suspecting that the sons of Mun‘im Khan

meant to desert him, sent his son to re-assure them, at the same

time using the occasion to make a display of his own strength. The

spies had also ascertained that ‘Azimu-sh-shan intended to shun a battle

in the open, preferring to eutrench himself. The preparation of earthen

defences had been ordered and his purpose was to rely upon his artillery

and musket fire. This news was most re-assuring to the three princes,

they returned joyfully to their camps, and ordered the enlistment of

fresh troops. *

1 ‘Ab na didah, mézah az pa kashidan ci ma‘ni-darad.’

2 Shékh Muhammad Mir called Shah Mir’ or Miyan Mir, died at Lahor, 7th

Rabi‘ I, 1045 H. (21th Aug. 1635), and was buried in Hashimpur near that city, Beale,

2nd ed., 304, and Khazinatu-l-asfiyah, I, 154.

3 Kamwar Khan; 106; Nuru-d-din, Multani, 23.

4 Kamwar Khan, 106 ; Nuru-d-din, 20, 24. Khafi Khan, II, 686, says that ‘Azimu-

sh-shan moved his position and transferred his camp to the vicinity of Budanah

village, three or four kés from the city, where, having the Ravi in his rear, he dug

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 143

2. ‘AziMU-SH-SHAN STANDS ON THE DEFENSIVE.

We will now return to ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s camp. On the preceding

night, when Aminu-d-din, Sambhali, brought word that the emperor had

passed away, ‘Azimu-sh-shan first shed a few tears of sorrow at his father’s

death, then the drums were beaten in honour of a new sovereign’s ac-

cession, aud all the persons in attendance presented their congratula-

tions and offerings. The prince’s advisers at once said to him that as

Zua-l-fiqar Khan was an open enemy, not a moment should be lost in mak-

ing hima prisoner. Since he was at that time alone between the

imperial audience tent and the outer enclosure, they could easily cap-

ture him. Ni‘mat-ullah Khan and ‘Aqidat Khan, in particular, insist-

ed upon this order being given. From the first the prince made objec-

tions, for he feared that the imperial family would at once be plundered.

After all, what could Zu-l-figar Khan do? Reliance must be placed on

God’s help alone. The leading men then ceased to urge the matter

further, but said to each other, ‘'’he Lord help and preserve us! the

first words of invocation have been said wrong.’ ! On leaving the private

audience-hall, Ni‘mat-ullah Khan, disregarding the prince’s order,

rushed off with a strong force, but before he could reach the spot,

Zu-|-fiqar Khan had left and gone to his own quarters, where he renewed

his oaths to Jahaudar Shah and by misleading promises persuaded the

two younger princes to make common cause with their eldest brother. ?

The next three days were passed by Zu-l-fiqar Khanin negociating

with the princes, rallying troops to their standard, and bringing artillery

from the fort at Lahor. The former agreement between the princes

was renewed. Zi-l-fiqar Khan visited Rafi‘u-sh-shan and Jahan Shah,

and urged them both to carry out their enthronement and assume

regal honours and titles. When Zu-l-fiqar Khan paid his visit to prince

Rafi‘u-sh-shan, he used the most flattering words and placed his head

on the prince’s feet. The prince said to him, ‘ You place your head

on my feet, lay rather your hand on my head, for have I not become an

orphan ?’ and taking the hand of Za-l-fiqar Khan, pressed it. Zu-l-fiqar

Khan made some appropriate reply and then left for his own camp.*

a ditch round the other three sides. Faqir Sayyad Jamalu-d-din, in a letter of the

12th January 1893 (with which I was favoured by my old friend, Mr. A. H. Benton

of the Civil Service) says that there is now no Budanah viilage there, and suggesis

instead Uwan, some miles N. E. of the Shalimar garden.

1 Bism-illah-i-avval ghalat shud, [That is to say, the very first step taken is a

wrong one. Kd. |

2 Dasturu-l-insha, 16.

3 Kamwar Khan, 107; Nuru-d-din, 26. ‘There isa long letter, which I reject as

apocryphal, in a work professing to be the Inshde of Har Karan, son of MathuraDas,

144 W. Irvine — Luter Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

In two or three days’ time a large force of soldiers, some of long

service but most of them greedy mercenaries, had been collected, and

the artillery had been strengthened by the guns removed from the city

walls. Three of the very largest guus were’ removed from the fort,

each being dragged by two hundred and fifty oxen aided by five or six

elephants, and it was ten days before the distance to camp was covered,

One of these was sent to Rafi‘u-sh-shan and one to Jahan Shah. When

everything was ready, the three princes left their old positions and

encamped close to each other ina wide and open plain. ‘Azimu-sh-shan

all this time never left the shelter of his earthen entrenchments, but

contented himself with the daily discharge of a gun or two. On their

side, the three princes advanced daily at the rate of about one-eighth of

a kos, or one-third of a mile, encamping each evening on the ground

where they stood, and keeping an active look-out for fear of a night

attack. In these nightly halts many of the new troops left the army, and

it almost looked as if Jahandar Shah would be forced to retreat with-

out fighting. But Zi-l-fiqar Khan and ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan exerted

themselves to keep the men together. At length, early in the month of

Safar (1st Safar 1125 H.=9th March 1712), they pitched their camp not

far from the entrenchment of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. For another two or three

days, an artillery duel was maintained, and from time to time ‘Azimu-sh-

shan’s men made sallies and engaged the outposts of the attacking

army.!

On the other side, Mirza Shah Nawaz Khan, Safawi, urged prince

‘Azimu-sh-shan to take the field and give battle in the open. Daya Baha-

dur and others joined with him in his entreaties.? They believed that by

one sudden onset they could drive the whole of the enemy’s force away.

The only answer they could obtain was ‘ wait a little longer.’ After

that they could say no more. ‘Azimu-sh-shan relied on the extent of

his treasure ; he hadalso received pledges from Curaman, Jat, and the

Banjarah grain-carriers that his camp should not suffer from scarcity

of grain. In his opponents’ camp there was, as he thought, nothing

Multani, and said to have been compiled in Mhd. Shah’s reign (1131-1161 H.). In

it Jahandar Shah expostulates with ‘Azimu-sh-shan, and ends with the defiance,

Dam az mihr dah, ya ba kin zan payam, Kalam-am bar in khatam shud o us-salam.

‘ Breathe words of love, or send your challenge, My speech closes with this and so

farewell.’ According to the true Inshade Har Karan the letter, of which the above is

an imitation, was addressed in 1068 H. by Aurangzeb to Dara Shikoh.

1 Kamwar Khan, 107; Nuru-d-din, 28.

2 The Dastéru-l-inshd, 17, also names Aminu-d-din, Ni‘mat-ullah Khan, Nawab

‘Aziz Khan, Rajah Muhkam Singh Khatri, Rajah Raj Singh Bahadur, Baz Khan and

‘Umr Khan.

8 Andak bashid.

1896.] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). "145

but poverty, and their men must disperse or die from hunger. Moreover,

he had an exalted opinion of his own abilities and an equally low

one of his brothers’ capacities. Mu‘izzu-d-din had doubtless, shown

himself a good soldier in his grandfather’s and father’s time, but now

want of means rendered him quite helpless. As for Rafi‘u-sh-shan, he

had the heart of a courtesan, devoting all his energy to the adornment

of his person and the purchase of clothes and high-priced jewels, a

man to whom the verse applied :

Holding mirror and comb in hand,

Like a pretty woman, he adores his own curls.!

Then as for Jahan Shah, his conceit was such that he thought his very

name enough to put an enemy to flight. For all these reasons he

thought that the longer he delayed, the greater would be his advantage.

Nor was he at all liberal in the distribution of money to his soldiers,

his miserliness being proverbial. It wasa saying that the coldest

place to be found was ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s kitchen. Toevery report that

was made his only reply was the unchanging andak bashid, ‘ Wait a little

longer.’ When they saw this state of things, his followers were much

dejected and made sure that Heaven did not favour their cause.?

On the 6th Safar (14th March 1712) the three princes were close

to the entrenchment of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. On both sides, small groups

of men came out and fought. In the course of two days, batteries

for the guns were made ready through the exertions of ‘Abdu-s-samad

Khan, and by these batteries three sides of ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s position

were commanded. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan wished, if he could, to blow up

‘Azimu-sh-shan’s powder magazine. But Sulaiman Khan, Panni,? was

teo much on the alert. One night, however, the besiegers found the

sentinels asleep and entered the camp by climbing over one corner of

the earthen wall. In the darkness they encountered the outposts of

Shah Nawaz Khan, Safawi, and were forced to return with their purpose

unexecuted. *

The-next day (7th Safar 1124 H. = 15th March, 1712), the besieged

began a cannon fire, which they kept up continuously for some time.

Repeatedly Kokaltash Khan and Jani Khan, commanding on the side

of the investors, were forced to abandon their batteries and seek shelter

behind walls. But, from a battery on the north, ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan

1 A‘inah 6 shdnah giriftah ba dast, Can zan-i-ra‘nd, shudah gést-parast.

2 Nuru-d-din, 27; Dastaru-l-insh@, 17; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 47; Yahy§ Khan,

117 b.

8 Brother of Da‘id Khan, Panni, naib-subahdar of the Dakhin,

4 Nuru-d-din, 28.

eel 9

146 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

returned shot for shot. However, when the attack on two sides of the

entrenchment had been withdrawn, as above stated, Shah Nawaz Khan,

without asking the prince’s leave, came out at the head of 2,000 cavalry.

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan and Jani Khan opposed him. Just as those on

Jahandar Shah’s side were about to be defeated, Prince Jahan Shah

arrived with reinforcements, and forced the other side to take to flight.

The prmce himself received a slight wound on the arm, but Shah

Nawaz Khan, while retreating, received two sword cuts in the back

from Jani Khan and his horse’s tail was cutoff. Pursuing the fugitives,

Jahan Shah arrived at the walls.of the earth-work. Thereupon Sulai-

man Khan, Panni, and his tribesmen, from their position on the walls,

shot arrows and fired off rockets. In another direction, Daya Bahadur

offered a stout resistance and put many of Jahan Shah’s men to flight.

But Jahan Shah himself held his ground, nay continued to advance,

shouting to the fugitives ‘Are you men, if not, go home and put on

women’s apparel. At this juncture, Mukhtar Khan threw himself

bravely into the mélée at the head of his most trusted followers. When

he had fought his way close to Jahan Shah, he flung himself from his

horse, and according to the ancient practice of Hindustan, eontinued

the contest on foot, shooting his arrows and dealing blows about him

with his sword. It was near to sunset when he forced his opponents

to beat a retreat. Several men of note on ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s side, such |

as Raza Khan and Karim Khan, were slain. !

When after night-fall Jahan Shah reached his quarters, Zu-l-fiqar

Khan came in person on the part of Jahandar Shah to congratulate him

on the victory, and by his flattering speeches kept the prince in good

humour. He added that on the morrow it was his turn to take up the

fighting and display his zeal for the cause. Next he visited Kafi‘u-sh-

shan, and talked to himin the same strain and impressed him so

favourably, that he proposed to head the attack in person on the follow-

ing day. Thence Za-l-fiqar Khan went to the camp of Jahandar Shah

and laid before him other plans. At his suggestion, Jahandar Shah

sent a message in very friendly terms to prince Rafi‘u-sh-shan asking

him to give up his idea of heading an attack. Rafi‘u-sh-shan returned

his thanks but renewed his request, and very early in the morning (8th

Safar) moved out at the head of 5,000 well-mounted cavalry, and boldly

delivering his attack, forced a way to the foot of the entrenchment. The

besieged replied with artillery fire and rockets, but repeated charges of

Rafi‘u-sh-shan’s troops so demoralized many of them that they flung

musket and rocket down and fled for shelter behind the wall. Then the

men on Jahandar Shah’s side mounted the wall and shot down their

1 Nuru-d-din, 29, 80, 31.

1896. | W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 147

arrows on their foe within. They had almost succeeded in making their

way into the entrenchment, when Sulaiman Khan, Panni, followed by five

hundred Afghans and two hundred of Shah Nawaz Khan’s men, with

Gul Khan at their head, arrived to reinforce the half-defeated defenders.

Their arrows flew so thick and straight that the attacking party could

not stand up against them but withdrew again from the top of the

wall. Thereupon Sulaiman Khan followed in pursuit. |!

On issuing from the entrenchment, Sulaiman Khan advanced

against the centre of Rafi‘u-sh-shan’s division. The fighting became

general and both sides struggled bravely for victory. Zi-l-fiqar Khan,

at the head of 2,000 men belonging to Kékaltash Khan and Jani Khan,

speeded to reinforce his own side, and without distinguishing friend

from foe, ordered his bowmen to shoot off their arrows. If this help

had not arrived, a disaster would have occurred to Rafi‘u-sh-shan. The

men who had dispersed re-assembled and resumed the offensive. Seven

to eight thousand men, horse and foot, bore down on Sulaiman Khan

and encircled him. Sulaiman Khan withstood the flood undismayed,

and the fight waxed hot. In the thickest of the fray, an arrow hit Gul

han in the throat and killed him, after which his men fell into disorder.

Pressed back by repeated charges of Jahandar Shah’s troops, Sulaiman

Khan felt the day was lost, and turning his horse’s head, he retreated

into the entrenchment, where he resumed his fire from the shelter of the

wall. The sky grew black with smoke. Many on both sides were

killed or wounded. However, on Jahandar Shah’s side no one of any

note was injured, and when the sun had set, Rafi‘u-sh-shan and Zu-l-figar

han returned in safety to their quarters.?

After the first day’s fighting, m which ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan had

penetrated into the entrenchment, but retreated without effecting his

purpose, Shah Nawaz Khan hired several deft-handed Qalmaq slaves

and sent them to assassinate Jahandar Shah. NMvading the out-posts,

these men succeeded in penetrating at night as far as the tent occupied

by the prince. The eunuch on watch called out, ‘Who is there, what

do you want?’ Their only reply was to cut him down and attempt to

enter the tent. Buta groan came from the dying eunuch and his fall-

ing body shook the ropes and sides of the tent. This untimely noise

roused a Qalmaq woman servant of the harem, called Raeman, who was

possessed of considerable strength. She ran out to see what was the

matter. Observing the strangers she gave the alarm. The men re-

treated, pursued by Raeman, and one of them caught his foot in a tent-

vope and fell. Raeman slew him with a dagger and was herself wound-

ed slightly on the arm. Hearing the noise, sentinels ran from all

L Nuru-d-din, 33. % Nuru-d-din, 33, 36.

148 W. Irvine—Later Mughals (1707-1803). [ No. 2.

directions but the Qalmaqs mixed in the crowd and thus succeeded in

escaping. After Jahandar Shah had obtained quiet possession of the

throne, he conferred on Ra&eman the title of Rustam-i-Hind, a curious

choice, giving as it did an opening for the scoffer to say that in India

their only Rustam was a woman! !

On the third day of the fighting (8th Safar), the three princes

advanced together to the attack, beginning it with an artillery fire.

Zu-l-fiqar Khan took the direction of these operations. The cannon were

posted on the mounds? formed of the débris left from. brick-burning.

The besieged were much harassed by the fire and many leaders quitted

their posts and tried to escape. Finding the way closed by the besiegers

they could only return within the entrenchment. Rajah Pirthi Raj,

Bundélah,* by repeated attacks reduced the besieged to despair. Then

Sulaiman Khan, Panni, and Shah Nawaz Khan, with nearly 2,000 men

of their own race, appeared on the northern wall, but there ‘Abdu-s-

samad Khan barred their exit. In another direction, where Pirthj

Raj was closely threatening the entrenchment, Késri Singh, brother of

Muhkam Singh, Khatri, made a sally and engaged his opponent hand

to hand. Pirthi Raj was nearly overwhelmed, when Rafi‘u-sh-shan

detached to his aid Fath-ullah Khan and his Mughal horse. These men

charged with drawn swords. ‘Azimu-sh-shan then sent out Daya Ram,

Nagar,* to reinforce Késri Singh. While the contest was still undecided,

Jahaudar Shah arrived in person, and a rumour spreading that ‘Azimu-

sh-shan intended to flee, his commanders, Sulaiman Khan, Shah Nawaz

Khan, Késri Singh and Daya Ram, withdrew their men and returned

to seek their master. Jahandar Shah and his two brothers -proceeded

in triumph to their previous encampment. ®

3. Dureat AND Deatn or ‘AziMU-SH-SHAN.

After three days of indecisive fighting Zi-l-fiqar Khan bethought

himself of another device for weakening the enemy. On the night of

1 Nuru-d-din, 35, 36; Kamwar Khan, 108.

2 For those not familiar with the north of India it may be necessary to .explain

that these mounds, thirty or forty feet high, are to be found outside every brick-

built town.

3 A gon of R. Cattarsal, Bundélah.

4 Called generally Daya Bahadur, a title given him in Bahadur Shah’s 4th year

(1710-11), when he retarned to Court from the charge of Korah (Subah Allahabad),

where he was succeeded by his brother, Chabélah Ram (B. M. No 1690 fol. 156 a).

These men were styled Mahtah, a word which means ‘ head’ or ‘ chief,’ and is ordinari-

ly applied now to the richest or most important tenant in a village. The Nagars

are a sub-division of the Brahmin caste, and are chiefly found in Gujarat.

5 Noru-d-din, 37, 38.

1896.] " W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 149

Bahadur Shah’s death he had sent out troops in three directions in

order to prevent all escape by the ferries on the Ravi river, and had

sent flattering promises anda note in Jahandar Shah’s hand-writing

to Mahabat Khan and the other sons of Mun‘im Khan, the deceased

vazir. Many imperial commanders and soldiers were encamped in

great discomfort on the sandy ground in the dry bed of the river,

where they also suffered occasionally from cannon shot which fell

in that direction. It occurred to Zi-l-fiqgar Khan thatif his guards

at the ferries were withdrawn, all these men would be only too glad

to make their escape with their families. Accordingly this order was

earried out during the night between the 8th and the 9th Safar.

Many marched away to a place of safety, and many joined the standard

of Jahaudar Shah. The movement also extended itself to ‘Azimu-sh-

shan’s own adherents. Crowds of men during this night, on pretence of

placing their families out of danger, made their escape from the earth-

work. None of them were touched or hindered by the other side; all

were allowed to pursue their own way. Among the first who fled were

Mahabat Khan and Khan Zaman Khan, sons of Mun‘im Khan and

Hamidu-d-din Khan, Qil, ‘Alameiri, all of whom crossed the Ravi during

the hottest of the fighting. Sulaiman Khan, Panni, Shah Nawaz Khan,

Safawi, Daya Ram, Nagar, and Késri Singh remained faithful and passed

the night on the alert.!

When morning broke on the 9th Safar (17th March, 1712), the

three princes decided to bring the contest toa final issue. Zi-l-fiqar -

Khan took command of the centre by the side of Jahandar Shah ;

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan was put at the head of the vanguard; Kokaltash

Khan was on the right and Jani Khan on the left wing. Jahan Shah

supported the vanguard and Rafi‘u-sh-shan commanded the rear. In this

order they advanced towards the entrenchment of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. For

six hours both sides maintained an artillery-fire, and Jahandar Shah’s

guns after each volley were advanced slowly until they were close to the

earthen wall. Suddenly Késri Singh and his men charged the guns but

were repulsed by ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan. In the hand to hand encounter,

Késri Singh was shot and fell from his horse. His men were thrown

into confusion. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, seeing his chance, encouraged his

men with aloud voice, and in a short space their opponents were all put

to the edge of the sword, not one escaping alive. Following up their

advantage, ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan and his men rushed on towards the en-

trenchment. Pirthi Raj, leader of Jahan Shah’s vanguard, and ‘Abdu-s-

samad Khan entered the position together. Sulaiman Khan and his

1 Kamwar Khan, 108; Warid, 62; Mhd. Qasim, Lahdri, 49. B.M., 1690, fol. 158 8,

adds Sarfaraz Khan to the fugitives. They took refuge in the Lahor Masjid.

150 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [ No. 2,

fellow-Afghans met and opposed their onset. Once he succeeded in

forcing back the assailants. But ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan supported

Pirthi Raj vigorously. Shah Nawaz Khan, by ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s order,

now arrived with reinforcements commanded by some Afghan leaders,

such as Ma‘li Khan and his son, ‘Alwi Khan. Most of Sulaiman Khan’s

Afghans were killed. Shah Nawaz Khan was severely wounded

and withdrew, having seventeen arrows sticking in him,! while Sulai-

man Khan still stood firm, with a hundred of his own most trusty

followers, and fronted ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan and Pirthi Raj. The Turani

bowmen, noted for their skill, shot their arrows at Sulaiman Khan and

his men, and every arrow emptied a saddle. The Afghans treated it as

if they were being pelted with flowers, and still barred the way. When

only some thirty or forty horsemen were left, and all hope of reinforce-

ments had vanished, Sulaiman Khan, seeing that further effort was fruit-

less, collected his men and retreated. As soon as the way was thus

opened, ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan accompanied by Pirthi Raj pressed on-

wards. ?

In another part of the field Daya Ram, Nagar, attacked Jahan

Shah’s guns, hoping to pass through them and reach the centre of that

prince’s division. But Afzal Khan’s courageous resistance defeating

this manceuvre, Daya Ram drew rein and turned off towards Jahandar

Shah’s batteries. Here Daya Bahadur was shot down. His men then

dispersed in every direction and sought safety in flight. Those who

made off towards the Ravi were met and killed by Rafi‘u-sh-shan’s

troops, who protected the rear of Jahandar Shah’s division. *

At length, Jahandar Shah obtained an entrance to the entrenched

position of ‘Azimu-sh-shau. Zi-l-fiqar Khan’s and Jahan Shah’s troops

took possession of the walls, while Kokaltash Khan, at the head of 4,000

horsemen, was sent to the assistance of ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan inside the

entrenchment. As Jahandar Shah’s men began to gain the upper hand,

Muhammad Karim, eldest son of ‘Azimu-sh-shan, quitted his father

and crossing the river bid in the house of a poor cotton-carder or

weaver, where he was seized a few days afterwards, as will be related

hereafter.* Jahandar Shah’s army now advanced ina body against

1 Shah Nawaz Khan died of his wounds (Térikh-i-Muhammadi, 1124). See his

biography in Ma’ asiru-l-umara, III, 682. He was the last of the Safawi race who dis-

tinguished himself in India; he was in the sixth generation from Shah Ism‘ail,

Safawi, (1500-24). Seven women of the family had been married to princes of the

Mughal imperial house. For lives of Safawis in India, see Mwdasiru-l-wmara, II,

670; ILI, 296, 484, 477, 555, 556, 581, 583, 677, 692.

2 Kamwar Khan, 108; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 50; Yahya Khan, fol. 117 6.

3 Nuru-d-din, 43.

4 One account (Mhd. Qasim, 52) says that he had lost his way at the end of the

1896.] W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). «+151

Azimu-sh-shan. Sulaiman Khan tried all in vain to re-inspire his troops,

with confidence, Resolving to sell his own life dearly, he met Jahandar

Shah’s men with repeated discharges of arrows, until in a short time

final disaster fell on ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s partisans through the loss of the

prince, their leader. !

During this day ‘Azimu-sh-shan had preserved the same attitude

as hitherto of a helpless waiter on events. When Daya Bahadur and

Muhkam Singh entreated him to give orders to assume the offensive, no

other answer could they force from him except his eternal andak bashid,

‘Wait a little longer.’ They spoke their minds freely to him and went

against the enemy without waiting for his orders. We have seen above

how little advantage they reaped, in spite of all their exertions. Suffi-

cient reinforcements were not sent, and by the end of the day most of

the troops had vanished, having sought a refuge in Lahdér city. At last

out of the 60,000 to 70,000 men that he had at first under his com-

mand, ‘Azimu-sh-shan was left with 10,000 to 12,000 men only. Dur-

ing the night which preceded the last day’s fighting, the rest of the men —

deserted. The artillery fire continuing all night long, every man thought

of his own safety. Only a few determined to remain steadfast so long as

‘Azimu-sh-shan was still alive, and these passed the night in watching and

prayer. At early dawn the drum beat for them to take horse. But, when

the prince’s war elephant was brought up, it refused to allow him to

mount, and his attendants were forced to send for another. Round

him were grouped Ni‘mat-ullah Khan and ‘Aqidat Khan in palkis, for

they said they were wounded, Rajah Raj Singh of Kishngarh with about

1,000 men, and Aminu-d-din, Sambhali, with twelve relations or depend-

ents andtennewmen. Shortly afterwards Khwajah Muhammad A‘sim,?

pay-master of the Ahadis, with Ghulam Husain, an Afghan of Kasur near

Lahor, joined the party. In all there may have been two thousand men

round the prince. ?

It so happened that a high wind sprang up and the sand from the

Ravi banks rose in clouds. Hverything was blotted from view; all

first day’s fighting and wandered all night round his own camp without being able to

find it. At dawn one of his servants found him, changed his clothes, put him on a

horse and took him to a weaver’s house in the quarter of Talbagha, near the shrine of

Pir ‘Ali, Hajwiri. This saint died in 456 H. (1063-4) and was buried at Lahor—( Beale

246). The mausoleum is now known as Data Ganj-Bakhsh (S. Mhd. Latif,

History of the Panjab, 84).

1 Nuru-d-din, 44.

2 Afterwards Ashraf Khan, and subsequently Samsamu-d-daulah, Khan Dauran

Bahadur (d. 1151 H., February, 1739).

3 Dasturu-l-insha, 18.

152 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

that they could hear was the report of the cannon, all that they could

do was to shut their eyes to keep out the dust. Jahandar Shah’s army

could not see them, nor could they see any trace of him. Suddenly

some Mughals bore down on them and let fly their arrows, by which

some flesh wounds were caused. The Mughals did not recognize the

prince, and rode on to plunder the treasure and horses. Then a ball

from a small gun (rahkalah)! passed close over the prince’s elephant

and set fire to the cushions, so that the smoke hindered the view. The

prince threw the cushion down, and when asked, said that no harm

had been done. Aminu-d-din recommended him to mount his horse

and take flight either to Bengal, where he was well known, or to the

Dakhin, where Datid Khan, Panni, was favourable to him. In either

place,he could recruit his forces and renew the struggle. The prince

replied that Dara Shikoh and Muhammad Shnuja‘? had gained nothing

by flight, ending by quoting in Arabic the words ‘ With God’s help

the few shall overcome the many.’ Thus they might still win the day.

Aminu-d-din said he had only twenty-two followers left. The prince

asked for ten of them with which to make a charge on Mu‘izzu-d-din,

the other twelve could be led by Aminu-d-din against Jahan Shah.

This talk was just ended when Khwajah Mhd, A‘sim, the paymaster of

the Ahadi troops, came from his station, and out of friendship to Aminu-

d-din, called out, ‘I am off to Bengal, come with me.’ Aminu-d-din

refused to leave while the prince was still alive. Muhammad A‘sim

then went off towards Sultanpur, in the Jalandhar dudbah, and finally

made his way to prince Farrukhsiyar at Patnah. Rajah Raj Bahadur

escaped to his home country of Kishngarh. 3

In a little while a shot from one of the heavy guns struck the

trunk of the elephant on which prince ‘Azimu-shéshan was riding.

The elephant turned and fled towards the Ravi, the driver fell off, and

Jalal Khan, Lodi,* the attendant in the hind seat, clambered down by

the ropes and escaped. Such was the terror of the elephant that it

outstripped the dust itself had raised. Aminu-d-din and others galloped

in pursuit at the top of their horses’ speed, in the hope of barring

the elephant’s further flight. All was in vain; they were left far behind

1 Rahkalah, J. Shakespeare Dict., 1203, a small cannon, a swivel, a field-piece ;

also a cart.

2 Sons of the emperor Shahjahan, who contended for the succession with their

brother, ‘Aurangzeb ‘Alamgir.

3 Dastaru-l-insha, 18; and B. M. 1690, fol. 158 6; Kishngarh is in Rajputanah,

north-east of Ajmer.

4 He was a qarawul (buntsman) and qash-bégi (chief faleoner), Warid, 62. He

died at the end of Safar 1136 H.at Dibhi, Tar7kh-1-Mhdi.

1896. } W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 153

in the race. Suddenly theelephant disappeared over the high bank

overlooking the stream; when the pursuers reached the edge and

looked down, all they saw was the heaving mud and sand, from which

issued the most frightful roaring. The elephant and the prince had

been swallowed up by a quicksand. Aminu-d-din passed the night alone

under the shade of a tree, and in the morning sought refuge in the city

of Lahor.!

4. Tue Division oF THE SPOIL.

The three princes ordered the drums to beat for a victory, they

sent congratulations to each other, and returned to their quarters with

Joud rejoicings. The plunderers were meanwhile busy and, with the

exception of the treasure and the women’s tents, which were protected

by a girdle of cannon, the whole contents of that great camp were

carried off and hardly a trace of it was left. Such persons as escaped

from it were stopped and relieved of their belongings by the men

attached to Jahandar Shah’s artillery, whose camp was at the Shalihmar

garden. Horses and camels without number and much property fell into

these\men’s hands. Jahandar Shah’s troops speedily surrounded and took

possession of the carts laden with treasure, of the cannon, and of the

household of ‘Azimu-sh-shan. Thus the painfully collected wealth of

that prince, the fruit of years of meanness, became in a moment the prey

of his adversary.

The claims of ‘Azimu-sh-shan, whom judicious observers had

considered the destined successor to the throne, being thus finally

disposed of, the agents of the two younger princes attended Zi-l-fiqar

Khan for several days im succession with a request for a division of the

booty and the realm, according to the compact that had been entered

into. But Zi-l-fiqar Khan, his pride raised above all bounds by such a

victory over his most powerful opponent, had forgotten all his oaths

and promises. Furthermore, it was clear to everybody that just as

1 Dastiéru-l-insha, 20,—Kamwar Khan, 109, says that ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s corpse

was brought in, and speaks (138) of its being sent by Farrukhsiyar to Aurangabad

for burial ; Yahya Khan, 117, 6 also says it was found in the river and brought in;

but I prefer the account in Aminu-d-din’s letters, as given in the Dastéruw-t-inshd.

I believe these letters to be genuine, and they were evidently so considered by

Ghulam Husain Khan, who used them in writing his Sairw-l-mutdkharin, see Briggs,

29. Warid, 63, states that the elephant was brought in, but many believed that

*Azimu-sh-shan escaped alive, since his body had not been found. When Warid

wrote, nineteen years afterwards, the prince had never been heard of. Others asserted

that Rajah Raj Singh, styled Raj Bahadur, had carried off the corpse to his own

country, i.e., Kishngarh (Mhd. Qasim, 51).

% Kamwar Khan, 109, 110.

Jer 20

154 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

two swords cannot be got into one scabbard, there cannot be two kings

in one kingdom.! Each day witnessed the invention of new excuses. ?

His hope was that the two princes haying no money, their armies,

largely composed of mere mercenaries, would during this prolonged

delay disperse of themselves. One day he paid a visit to prince Rafi‘i-sh

shan and made to him the usual evasive promises. Another day he visited

Jahan Shah. Rustam Dil Khan, who had been released from prison

shortly before Bahadur Shah’s death, had from the first taken the side of

Jahan Shah. He and Mukhlis Khan, Harisi, now said to the prince

that this man (Zi-|-fiqgar Khan) was the root of all the troubles, if he

were disposed of, the rest would be easy. Jahan Shah refused his

consent, repeating the line, ‘When God the Beneficent is our friend,

what can our enemy do?’ Moreover, Zu-l-fiqgar Khan’s obsequious

manners in his presence led him to believe that the man was at heart

his friend. One of Jahan Shah’s chief men gave Zi-l-fiqar Khana

hint and he hastened his departure, asking as a pretext that an officer

might be sent with him to take over the prince’s share of the treasure

and military stores. The prince, only too delighted at the prospect,

gave him his dismissal at once. As he left he said to the two nobles

above-named, ‘ You have done your best for your master, but if he does

not accept, it is because fate so decrees and not through your fault.’

When he reached his quarters, he gave a flat denial to the officer who hadac-

companied him, and sent off both money and matériel to Jahandar Shah. *

During this interval Rafi‘u-sh-shan, through his conduct to Hakimu-

-l-Mulk, had cooled the zeal of any nobles who might have assisted

him. Hakimu-l-Mulk had received from hima promise of being his

chief minister, and was deep in his confidence. But by chance there fell

into the prince’s hands letters from the Hakim to Zi-l-fiqar Khan, giving

full details of all the prince’s intentions and plans. These letters had, it

seems, been passing daily. Hakimu-l-Mulk was sent for and so severely

treated that he was carried away to his quarters half dead. ®

5. DeratH or JAHAN SHAH.

At last no doubt remained of Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s intentions, and

further delay was obviously useless. The princes ordered the enlist-

1 Do shamshér dar yak ghilaf 6 do Padshah dar yak mulk budan muhal ast,

Yahya Khan, 117 6.

2 The Dutchmen, who take Jahandar Shah’s side throughout, put the blame

on prince Jahan Shah’s greediness, in claiming one-half instead of one-third of the

confiscated, property — Valentyn, IV, 293.

3 Dushman cah kunad, ct Mihrban bashad dést.

4 Kamwar Khan, 110; Khishhal Cand, 385 a-386 a; Yahya Khan, 117 0,

§ Yahya Khan, fol. 118 a. ;

1896.] ‘W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 155

ment of fresh troops, and a number of ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s fugitive troops

returned from Lahor city and were admitted into Jahan Shah’s service.

Some three thousand or four thousand experienced soldiers were thus

recruited. Jahandar Shah adopted similar measures, taking on many

of the fugitives at high rates of pay. Rafi‘u-sh-shan did the same. A

few days only had passed since these men had been ranged in battle

against their new employers; then for a time they had been unable to

find bread to eat and were trembling for their very lives. By one of

those transformations peculiar to such times, they were now restored to

prosperity as suddenly as they had been plunged into poverty. In eigh

days from the defeat and death of ‘Azimu-sh-shan all preparations had

been completed.

On the 18th Safar 1124 H. (26th March, 1712) Jahan Shah made

the first movement. He marched from his old position near Shah Mir’s

tomb and encamped near the village of Handi Gijar, where there was

an imperial hunting preserve. At once Jahandar Shah sent out his

advance guard under Kokaltash Khan and ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, now his

Mir-atash or general of artillery. The fighting was confined to the

artillery. Rustam Dil Khan, who had charge of the artillery for Jahan

Shah, placed two cannon ina commanding position and killed many

men, the fight being continued until the setting of the sun. Both

armies encamped on the ground they occupied, and under cover of

night many of the mercenaries absconded. The numbers on both sides

were thereby much diminished. During this night Jahan Shah’s powder

magazines were exploded. Raji Muhammad Khan, afterwards Jahandar

Shah’s Mir-atash, obtained the credit of this exploit. 3

The next day (19th Safar 1124 H, 27th March, 1712) * the fight was

renewed, and it continued till the sun had passed the meridian, when both

combatants prepared to rest and refresh themselves where they stood.

Owing to the hot wind and exhaustion, the fighting had been up to this

time far from vigorous. Jahan Shah now ordered a charge to be made by

Rustam Dil Khan, Jani Khan and Mukhlis Khan. They rushed for-

ward ‘asa hungry tiger out of ambush flings itself on a buffalo’s head.’

Rustam Dil Khan reached without hindrance Jahandar Shah’s vanguard

1 Kamwar Khan, 110; Nuru-d-din, 50.

2 Query Mandu Gujran on Indian Atlas, sheet No. 30, just north of Mian Mir

and the Railway line?

3 Kamwar Khan, 110; Nuru-d-din, 51; Mhd. Qasim, 54; Valentyn, IV, 298.

4 This is Kamwar Khan’s date, but the Dutch Envoy, then in Lahor, (Yalentyn,

IV, 294) says the 27th March was spent by Jahan Shah in a heavy cannonade and

the attack was delivered on the 28th. Mirza Muhammad, p. 131, who was also there,

gives the 20th Safar (28th March) as the date of the prince’s defeat.

156 W. Irvine —Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

which with little or no effort he drove before him, and pursuing the

fugitives, he soon reached their centre. Here A‘zzu-d-din, the eldest son

of Jahandar Shah, was made a prisoner. Nor far off was a small field-

tent, in which Jahandar Shah had passed the night with his concubine,

Lal Kunwar.! Surprised by this sudden attack, the prince came out

and mounted his elephant, while Lal Kunwar entereda litter and fled

for safety to the mansion of Dara Shikoh in the city of Lahér, a house

which had been recently assigned to her.?

Rustam Dil Khan, followed by Jani Khan and Mir Baqi, forced his

way to the elephant bearing Jahandar Shah, to whom he made use of

the most abusive language. The prince’s defenders Dilér Dil Khan

(Khwajah ‘Abdullah), his brother, Lutfu-l-lah Khan, Sadiq, and Rai

Strat Singh, Multani, with his relations, did what they could to protect

their master, but were driven away. Jahandar Shah, before his assail-

ants came too close, crouched down in the high-sided, iron-plated canopy

(‘imar2) so as to be completely hidden from view. The horsemen, suppos-

ing that the prince had quitted his elephant, turned off and attacked

his escort. The plausible talk of the prince’s elephant-driver mean-

while so deceived Rustam Dil Khan and Jani Khan that they too desist-

ed, and turned their attention elsewhere. By the time that they had

learned the truth and could return, the elephant-driver had driven his

elephant away toa place of safety. Then came disturbing reports of

the defeat and death of Jahan Shah. As soon as these were confirmed,

Rustam Dil Khan and Jani Khan felt perplexed, andin the hope of

securing for themselves an intercessor, they released their prisoner,

prince A‘zzu-d-din. All haste was then made to the place where Jahan

Shah had fallen a victim to Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s attack. By heroic exer-

tions Rustam Dil Khan and his companions rescued the prince’s elephant

from the hands of the enemy: but all was in vain, they recovered noth.

ing but a lifeless body. ‘he only course left to them was to seek safety

in flight.

Soon after ordering the charge by Rustam Dil Khan, Jahan Shah

1 Mhd Qasim, 55, calls her La@d Kunwar. She was a singing girl, who had

become Jahandar Shah’s favourite concubine. The Hadiqatu-l-Aqalim, 131, says

she was the daughter of Khasusiyat Khan, a descendant of Miyan Tan Sén, the

celebrated musician of Akbar’s time. (Blochmann, Azn. I, 612). There is the same

statement in Dasturu-l-inshé, 133, from which Shekh Allahyar probably copied.

There is a long poetical description of her charms in the fragmentary History, Bill,

Or. 8610, fol. 18 b, which ends thus:

Ba khibe La‘l Kunwar nam-i-u bid,

Shakkar-guftar, sim-andam-i-u bid.

& Warid, 65.

% Warid, 66; Kamwar Khan, 112; Mhd Qasim, Lahori, 54, 55.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 157

followed him in person at the head of his own troops. The movements

of so many men had created so much dust that it was impossible to

keep the right direction, nor could the one army know the exact

position of the other. The battle resolved itself into a number of

separate skirmishes, the men attacking any one that they found in front

of them, without regard to their own stipports or any attempt at com-

bined effort. Rustam Dil Khan’s charge had been so far successful

that Jahandar Shah’s troops were shaken, and most of them took to

flight and sought shelter wherever they could find it. One body of

matchlockmen succeeded in reaching a deserted village, and there

they hid themselves behind the ruined walls of the houses. In the

confusion, and blinded by the clouds of dust, the wings and centre

of Jahan Shah’s force quitted the direction in which their vanguard

had advanced, atid losing their way, arrived at the village within

which the matchlockmen were hiding. As Jahan Shah’s men came

into sight, the fugitives supposed that their retreat had been discovered,

and resolved on selling their lives dearly. Jahan Shah was amazed

by the sudden delivery of their fire, and his men hesitated. Embol-

dened by this first success, the matchlockmen renewed their fire and

continued their defence.!

When informed of the unexpected attack on Jahandar Shah, Zi-l-

fiqar Khan left his tents in great perturbation to search for his master.

On his way spies brought him word that a few matchlockmen had

engaged Jahan Shah, when separated from the main body of his army

and followed by no more than one thousand horsemen. Ziu-l-fiqar

Khan hastened to the spot thus indicated. His arrival encouraged

the matchlockmen to redouble their exertions. Jahan Shah, noticing

the slackness of his men, drove his elephant to the front. The musket-

fire now began to tell so severely that Jahan Shah’s side relaxed all

further effort, and most of them rode off. Hxcepting the few men

round his elephant, the prince was left alone. The other side now

assumed the offensive, and the prince’s son, Farkhanda Akhtar, who had

claimed command of the vanguard, was shot through the head at the

first discharge. A moment afterwards Jahan Shah followed his son

into the realms of Death. By one of those sudden reversals of fortune,

so frequent in Hastern story, just as Jahandar Shah was about to flee in

despair from the battle field, Zu-l-fiqar Khan appeared with his rival’s

head and laid it before him with his congratulations. . As Shékh Sa‘di,

Shirazi, says, ‘A man wept all night at the bedside of a sick friend ;

when morning came, he was dead and the friend was living.’ @

1 Warid, 67.

@ Shakhsé hamah shab bar sar-i-bimar garist: Cun roz shud, % ba-murd, bimar

ba-zist,

158 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

It is even said that so complete was the belief in Jahan Shah’s

victory that the news of his accession was spread far and wide by the

messengers of the Rajputana moneylenders, and in many places

the Khutbuh was read in his name. !

6. Dergeat and Deatn or Rari‘u-su-sHAn.

Until two hours after sunset on this day, Rafi‘u-sh-shan stood two

kos from the field of battle, with his army drawn up in readiness.

He had been advised to stand aloof and await the result of Jahan

Shah’s efforts. The astrologers had also told him that in the end,

the prize would fall to his lot. In this way his inaction is to be

accounted for. It was now necessary to find out how the day had gone. #

The patrols and scouts brought in conflicting reports ; the only thing

certain was that one or other of the two parties had gained the day,

At length, when about one-fourth of the night had passed, an elephant

without a driver appeared in the distance. When it had been cap-

tured, it was found that within the canopy was seated one of the

children of Jahan Shah with its nurse. Rafi‘u-sh-shan re-assured the

child by giving him some fruit, and from his lips the fate of the battle

was learnt. The prince then sent one of his eunuchs to Jahandar Shah

with a message to the effect that he (Rafi‘u-sh-shan) not having in any

way broken the compact, what were his brother’s intentions with res-

pect to him? On reaching the tent of Jahandar Shah, the eunuch

was told that the emperor, tired out by exertions extending over a

whole day and night, had retired to rest and could not be disturbed.

The messenger proceeded next to the quarters of Zi-l-fiqar Khan,

where he was met with the same excuse. He now took his way to

Kokaltash Khan, whom he found still awake, and to him he conveyed

his master’s message. Kokaltash Khan, styled indignantly by Kamwar

Khan a ‘senseless blockhead,’ called out ‘Perhaps you have come to

see Jahan Shah; there they are, the corpses of father and son; tell

Rafi‘ if he wants to fight, he will meet the same fate.’ The eunuch

returned and reported to his master what he had heard and seen. 3

At midnight Rafi‘u-sh-shan dismounted from his elephant and

called his chief men around him for acouncil of war. One officer argued

that as Jahandar Shah and his men were worn out, they ought to attack

1 Warid, 70; Ma’asiru-l-umara, 11, 98 ; Khafi Khan, II, 687 ; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori,

57.

2 Valentyn, IV, 293, says that, although Rafi‘u-sh-shan had received twenty-

five lakhs of rupees to remain neutral, he attacked Jahandar Shah’s rear, while

Jahan Shah went against his flank. Rafi‘u-sh-shan then kept up a cannonade al

through the night.

3 Kamwar Khan, 112, 113; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 58.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 159

him at once. Others objected to fighting in the dark. No clear conclu-

sion was arrived at. Anxious and disheartened, the prince again ascend-

ed his elephant and waited wearily for the dawn. When day broke on

the 20th Safar (28th March, 1712), orders were given to Jahangir Quli

Khan and Mu‘in Khan to advance with the artillery and begin the

action. As the sun appeared above the horizon, Fath-ullah Khan,

Mughal, who had received large sums from the prince, deserted his post

in the right wing and rode off to Jahandar Shah. Shamshér Khan,

Quréshi, of Hansi Hisar, Afzal Khan, and other of his relations and

dependents had been ordered out to reinforce him. On reaching the

field, they found he had gone over to the other side, and greeted them

with a volley from his swivel guns. They pulled up and took to their

bows and their matchlocks, with which they replied for about the space

of one hour. Shamshér Khan and some of his relations were killed,

Afzal Khan received two arrow wounds, and his son Mirza Nakki, two

sword cuts. #

The prince’s choicest troops, who had been sent to the front first,

haying deserted, the army of Jahandar Shah, under Zabardast Khan

(grandson of ‘Ali Mardan Khan), Shakir Khan, and Hafiz ‘Ali Khan,

advanced against the centre division under Rafi‘u-sh-shan’s personal

command. His troops, largely composed of new levies, turned and fled.

The few that stood fast resisted to the best of their power. Hatim

Khan and Kazim Khan, Najm Sani,® received severe wounds, of which

they finally died. ‘Abdu-r-rahim Khan was wounded, and Nir Khan,

Afghan, who had been placed in charge of the women, hastened to his

master’s aid and after a valorous defence was cut down. Antp Singh,

Narokah, and eleven of his relations were cut to pieces in front of the

prince’s elephant. Finally Rafi‘u-sh-shan, followed by ‘Abdu-l-latif,

his teacher, jumped from his elephant, and rushing sword in hand upon

the foe, met his death bravely fighting, being shot through the heart.

His army was entirely overthrown ; tents, mules, horses, camels, goods of

every kind were plundered. The prince’s body, accompanied by his

three sons and the litters of his wives, was carried off to Jahandar Shah.

For three days the latter allowed the bodies of his brothers and his

nephew to lie exposed on the sands, and on the fourth day only gave

orders for their interment. The three biers were despatched with that

of Bahadur Shah to Dibli for interment.

1 The 21st Safar in Mirza Muhammad, p. 135; Valentyn, 294, gives the 29th

March (=21st Safar); Yahya Khan, 118 a, has the 20th but gives the year 1128 H.

which should be 1124 4.

% Kamwar Khan, 113; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 60; Yahya Khan, 118 a.

3 i.e., a descendant of Mirza Yar Ahmad, surnamed Najm Sani, wazir of Isma‘il I,

Safawi, King cf Persia. He died in Ramazan 918 H. (November 1512), Beale, 290.

160 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No, 2,

CHAPTER III.

Jahandar Shah.

1. NEW APPOINTMENTS.

All his rivals having been removed, Jahandar Shah proceeded at

once to carry out his formal enthronement and’ proclamation as

sovereign of Hindustan, Tents were erected on the battle-field outside

Lahor, and on the 2ist Safar 1124 H. (29th March, 1712), the day

after the defeat of Rafi‘u-sh-shan, the usual ceremonies were observed.

Jahandar Shah was at the time fifty-two (lunar) years of age. His

titles were Abu-l-fath, Muhammad Mu‘izzu-d-din, Jahandar Shah.

The usual re-distribution of the great offices of the State followed

the coronation.2 Asad Khan remained, as during the reign of Bahadur

Shah, wakil-t-mutlag or Vice-gerent. His son, Zu-l-fiqar Khan, Nasrat

Jang, became chief minister, with the rank of 8,000 zat and a gift of a

large sum of money. ‘Ali Murad, Kokaltash Khan, who had been

long in Jahandar Shah’s service, was given the title of Khan Jahan, and

appointed to be first Bakhshi. The office of Diwan of the Tan, or assigned

land revenue, was conferred on Ikhlas Khan in addition to his former

office of Dardghah of the ‘Arzg Mukarrar ; while Sabha Cand, secretary to

Zu-1l-fiqgar Khan was made a Rajah and entrusted with the post of Diwan

of the public revenues or Kh@lisah-i-Sharifah. Hidayat-ullah Khan

(known as Wazarat Khan in the last year of Bahadur Shah) was created

Sa‘d-ullah Khan and made Khansaéman or Lord High Steward. Saiyad

Raji Muhammad Khan, a Gardézi of Manikpur, sibah Allahabad, who

had acquired great credit by blowing up Jahan Shah’s powder maga-

zines, became Mir-atash, or commander of artillery. Khwajah Husain,

who had married the sister of Kokaltash Khan’s wife, was made Khan

Daurin, and 2nd Bakhshi; while Muhammad Mah, Zafar Khan, brother

of the said Kokaltash Khan, became A‘zam Khan with the governorship of

Agrah. Lutfullah Khan, Sadiq, Panipati, who had been one of Jahan

Shah’s chief advisers, but early deserted him and obtained pardon by a

large bribe (said to have been thirty lakhs of rupees), was now made Diwan

to the new Hmperor’s eldest son, A‘zzu-d-din. ‘Inayat-ullah Khan,

Kashmiri, was sent off to the sibah of Kashmir, which he already held,

and Zabardast Khan (with the new title of ‘Ali Mardan Khan) was

appointed to Lahor.®

Note A.

I give here the new appointments as they appear in the Dutch

diary (Valentyn, LV, 295), after amending and modernizing the spelling

1 Nuru-d-din, 66. 2 See also Note A, at the end of this section.

8 Warid, 79; Mbd. Qasim, Lahéri, 63; Kamwar Khan, 117; and B, M., No. 1690.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 161

(a somewhat difficult task). I have added further information from

other sources, Of the men marked thus* there are excellent por-

traits in the Dutch work.

* 1, Asad Khan, Wakil (B. M. 1690, rank 15,000, Yahya Khan,

118 a, 12,000, no higher than 7,000 having been given before to any

noble. )

* 2. Ziu-l-figar Khan, Wazir (B. M. 1690, rank, 12,000, Yahya

Kh., 8,000).

* 3. Khan Jahan, Ist Bakhshi, 8,000, 8,000 horse (B. M. 1690,

9,000, Yahya K., 7,000).

* 4. Khan Dauran, Bahadur, 2nd ee 6,000, 5,000 horse

(Yahya Khan, 118 6, 5,000).

* 5. Murtaza Khan, Bahadur, 3rd Bakhsh7, 5,000, 5,000 horse.

* 6. Khwajah Husain Khan, 4th Bakhsh?, 4,000, 4,000 horse.

* 7. ‘Souraat’ Khan, Daroghah of {the Topkhanah, 4,000, 3,000,

horse. (This is Raza Quli, Shuja‘at Khan, see Yahya Khan, 118 6, ac-

cording to whom, 119 a, ‘ Raji ‘Ali Khan, Purbiyah, was made 7,000 and

Daroghah of the Ahsham (heavy or garrison?) artillery, for which he

had no qualifications.’)

* 8. Bahrahmand Khan, Master of the Horse, Ist Master of

Ceremonies (Mir Tozak ?), 4,000, 3,000 horse.

* 9. Sa‘dullah Khan ‘ Ma‘teked,’ Comptroller of Household (i.e.

Khansadmiin), 5,000, 4,000 horse. (This is Hidayat-ullah Khan, after-

wards Wazarat Khan, acting Wazir in the last year of Bahadur Shah.

He was the son of ‘Inayat-ullah Khan, Kashmiri, Mirza Muhammad,

170, also applies to him this epithet Mu‘tagad, given him by the Dutch).

* 10. Safar Khan, Daréghah-i-Fil-khanah, 4,000, 3,000 horse.

11. Hazrat Quli Khan, Daréghah-i-istabal, 4,000, 3,000 horse.

12. Ikhlas Khan, Public Petitioner or Intercessor (1.e., ‘Arg-7-

Makarrar), to whom all requests are addressed, 3,000, 2,000 horse.

13. Rajah Sabha Cand, Diwan, 3,000, 2,000 horse.

14, Jahandar Quli Khan, Daréghah-i-Khila‘t-khanah, 3,000, 2,000

horse.

15. Sarbarah Khan, Sheriff-General (Kétwal) 3,000, 2,000 horse

(plus Dardghah-i-Kacahri, vice Ihtimam Khan, B. M. 1690).

16. Naubat Khan, Daroghah-i-Nagar-khanah, 3,000, 2,000 horse.

17. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, Sadr, 3,000, 2,000 horse.

18. Shari‘yat Khan, Qaziu-l-quzat, 3,000, 2,000 horse.

19. Khadim Beg Khan, Diwén to Master of the Horse.

20. Jahan Whélo, Captain of the Europeans, 2,500, 500 horse.

* 9%. Mulla Muhammad ‘Ali, sarkhail (steward?) of the em-

peror’s mother.

Ji 21

162 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2

2, ExXecurions AND IMPRISONMENTS.

The troops of the deceased princes, on being refused further em-

ployment, dispersed in all directions, some thousands of them marching

eastwards to Bahar and Bengal under Mir Ishaq,! (son of Amir Khan

deceased), Khwajah Muzaffar, Khwajah Fakhru-d-din, Khwajah Lut-

fullah and others. But all of the defeated party were not so lucky as

to be thought beneath notice. Mahabat Khan, son of Mun‘im Khan,

the late Wazir, Hamidu-d-din Khan, ‘Alamgiri, Sarafraz Khan, Bahadur

Shahi, Rahman Yar Khan, [htimam Khan, Aminu-d-din Khan, Sam-

bhali, and some others, were sent to Dihli as prisoners and their pro-

perty confiscated. *

Some of the prisoners did not even escape with their lives. Rus-

tam Dil Khan, Mukhlis. Khan, and Jani Khan, who had been prominent

among the followers of Jahan Shah, were ordered out for execution.

Jani Khan was spared on the intercession of prince A‘zzu-d-din.

It seems that when that prince was a prisoner in the hands of the

above-named men, as already related, word came to them that Jahan

Shah was dead. Rustam Dil Khan exclaimed ‘What was fated to

be has happened; and what is to be will without fail come to pass!

Let us slay ‘Izzu-d-din and avenge the blood of Jahan Shah.’ Jani

Khan objected that such an act would be useless, and it would be

better for them to take steps for their own safety. Accordingly the

prince was released, and he now repaid the kindness then done to him.

On the other hand, Rustam Dil Khan’s offences were many. He had

urged Jahan Shah to seize and kill Zi-l-fiqar Khan; he had used

abusive language to Jahandar Shah in the battle field and made every

effort to take his life; worst of all, when retreating from the field, he had

overtaken Lal Kunwar, then fleeing for safety to Lahor, and had swept

her and her retinue roughly out of his path. If Zabardast Khan

had not come to her aid, there is no knowing to what indignities Lal

Kunwar might not have been exposed, for Rustam Dil Khan was about

to undo the tassel of pearls hanging from the sash (¢za@r-band) of her

trousers, when she was rescued from his hands.

What crime Mukhlis Khan had committed is not so clear. Some

say that he was an object of dislike to Kokaltash Khan, and it is

possible that Zu-l-fiqar Khan may have borne him a grudge for the

advice given to Jahan Khan to seize that noble. The traitor Lut-

fullah Khan Mughal, who deserted Rafi‘u-sh-shan in the battle field,

is also supposed to have persuaded Jahandar Shah that his brothers

1 Mir Ishaq is the man afterwards famous as Amir Khan, ‘Umdatu-l-mulk, assas-

sinated the 23rd Zu-l-hajj 1159 H. (5th January, 1747), Ma’dsiru-l-wmara, II, 839.

% See Note B, at the end of this section.

1896. ] W. Irvine —Later Mughals (1707-1803). 163

would never have resisted him, if it had not been for the urgency of

Rustam Dil Khan and Mukhlis Khan. The Dutch diary, which is

coloured by a desire to favour Jahandar Shah, accuses both men of

having entered the late emperor’s harem, where they plundered and

violated some of the women.!

Rustam Dil Khan bore out to the last his character for reckless

bravery. When he was brought before Zu-l-fiqar Khan, the Wazir smiled

and said to him; ‘In spite of all your cleverness, what dirt have you

not ended in eating!’ Rustam Dil Khan laughed and retorted: ‘You

and I ate the same dirt out of the same tray, it agreed with you and

not with me.’ Zu-l-fiqar Khan had no answer to give, but hung down

his head. As the executioner cut off one limb after another, Rustam

Dil Khan continued to comment freely on Jahandar Shah, Zi-l-figar

Khan and Kokaltash Khan, and even to the end he never flinched.

As soon as breath had left the body, his mangled limbs and the headless

trunk of Mukhligs Khan were hung to the wayside trees. The confis-

cated property of Rustam Dil Khan, said to have amounted in value

to twelve lakhs of Rupees, was granted to ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan. 2

Note B.

The following list of the prisoners sent to Dihli is given in Valentyn,

TV, 294. (1) Hamidu-d-din Khan, Bahadur, (2) Mahabat Khan, Baha-

dur, (3) Khan Zaman Khan, Bahadur, (4) Rahman Yar Khan, (5)

Ihtimam (Utman) Khan, (6) Rahim-ullah Khan, (7) Jamal-ullah

Khan, (8) Fath Maqsid Khan, (9) Fath Nusrat Khan, (10) Saif-ullah

Khan, (11) Sarafraz (Serafraan) Khan, (12) Baryab Khan, (13) Aga

Beg Khan, (14) Rae Késri Singh, (15) Rae Bhagwati, (16) ‘Soer’ (?)

Khan, (17) ‘Ata-ullah Khan, (18) Rae Fath Cand, (19) Manohar Khan,

(20) Asalat Khan, (21) Nasrat Khan, (22) Faqir-ullah Khan, (23)

1 Warid, 83; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 62; Yahya Khan, 118 b (asto Jani Khan); Seir

Mutagherin, 1, 33 ; Briggs, 42 ; Valentyn, IV, 294. Anon. Fragment B. M. Or. 3618,

‘fol. 16a. To those executed Khushhal Cand, 388 a, adds the name of Sazawar Khan,

daroghah of the Dagh and Tashihah. Rustam Dil Khan’s previous career has been

referred to in the chapter on Bahadur Shah. Jani Khan was Khwajah Darvésh, son

of Jani Khan, rank 5000; he was killed in the battle of Agrah, along with ‘Ali

Murad, Kokaltash Khan, on the 18th Zu-l-hajj 1124 (10th January, 1713). Mukhlis

Khan is described by Yahya Khan, 114 a, as Mut‘amad Khan, son of Qubad Khan,

Khuld-makani. i.e., of ‘Alamgir’s reign, and he says he received the title of Mukhlis

Khan after Jajau (1119 H. 1707). This seems a mistake, as the said Mut‘amad

Khan, (Rustam Bég) died in 1117 H., 1705. Mukhlis Khan (cousin of Mirza Muham-

mad, the historian) was really Mhd. Bég., son of Ahmad Bég, and nephew of Qabadah

Beg, Diyanat Khan (d. Ramazan 1083 H., Dec. 1672,) seo Tarikh-i-muhammadi,

year 1124 H.

# Warid, 85, 86 ; Nuru-d-din, 71, 72.

164 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

Mumin Khan, (24) ‘Achsem’ (A‘zam?) Khan, perhaps this is Tradat

Khan, Wazih, to whom ‘Azimu-sh-shan had given this title, (25) Saif

Khan, The following men were dismissed from office and their goods

confiscated: Jani Khan, ‘ Astni’ (?) Khan, Rae Bhéla Mall, Hakimn-

1-Mulk, Rade Rayan, Yasin Khan, ‘Mobesser’ Khan, ‘Abdu-r-rahman

Khan, Shér Afgan Khan.

8. ‘ABDU-S-SAMAD KHAN, SKETCH OF HIS CAREER.

The history of ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, who in the reign of Farrukh-

siyar assumed a more leading position, isa striking instance of the

vicissitudes to which such soldiers of fortune were subject. He was a

native of Samarqand, descended from the Naqshbandi saint ‘Abdullah

Ahrar,! and had served long in the Dakhin during ‘Alamgir’s reign

without attracting any great notice. In Bahadur Shah’s reign he came

more to the front and strengthened his position by forming a marriage

connection with the powerful Mughal family represented by Muhammad

Amin Khan, Cin. One day, towards the end of Bahadur Shah’s reign,

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan pressed his claims on prince ‘Azimu-sh-shan, who

was then all-powerful. The prince disliked the man and gaye an

evasive answer. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan lost his temper and used dis-

respectful language. Ona complaint to Bahadur Shah, ‘Abdu-s-samad

Khan was ejected from the imperial camp and ordered to start on a

pilgrimage to Mecca. Reduced to the one horse he himself rode, he

left the camp with his wife and family and halted at a little distance,

hoping to negotiate a loan to pay his travelling expenses. These efforts

had met with little success, when suddenly Bahadur Shah passed away

and the contest for the throne began. Zi-l-fiqgar Khan knew that ‘Abdu-

s-samad Khan was a brave soldier, and his recent quarrel with ‘Azimu-

sh-shan made him a still more fitting instrument for the coming strug-

gle. He was therefore sent for and given the rank of 7000 and placed

in command of Jahandar Shah’s vanguard. From this time his fortunes

were made. #

1 Khwajah Nasiru-d-din ‘Abdullah, son of Mahmud, son of Shahabu-d-din,

Ahbrar, a descendent of Khwajah Muhammad Baqi of Baghdad. At first he lived

in Shash (now Tashkand). His mother was a descendent of Shekh ‘Umr of

Baghistan, which is a village belonging to Tashkand. Shékh ‘Umr is descended in

the 16th generation from ‘Abdullah, son of ‘Umr, son of Alkhitab Khalifah Sani.

Ahrar left Tashkand for Samargand and Bukhara, and dying on the 29th Rabi‘

I, 895 H. (20th Feb. 1490), aged 89, was buried at Samargqand. Khazznatu-l-asfzyah,

I, 582-585, Beale, 5 (‘Abdullah) and 275, where he spells ‘Ubzdullah, and gives

the date as Rabi‘ II, 896 H. (Feb. 1491).

: Warid, 124 a,

1896. ] W. Irvine—Later Mughals (1707-1803). 165

4, DeatH or Prince MuHAMMAD Karim.

The hiding place of Muhammad Karim, eldest son of ‘Azimu-sh-

shan, was soon discovered. After a short time, his resources being

exhausted, he was forced to make over a valuable jewel to the poor

weaver in whose house he was hidden, with orders to pawn it and buy

food. The value of the jewel led to the man being questioned, and

in the end he disclosed the secret. The news reached Hidayat Késh,

a converted Hindu who was waqi‘ah-nigar-i-kull, or head of the central

news-office. This man made Muhammad Karim a prisoner and pro-

duced him before Jahandar Shah, by whom he was transferred to

Za-|-figar Khan. He was executed two days afterwards at that noble’s

quarters. They say that the wretched prince asked with tears for

a little bread and water, having been three days without food. No

attention was paid to his request. After his head had been severed

from his body, the corpse was buried at the mausoleum of the emperor

Jahangir, which is on the further or right bank of the Ravi. !

5. Tue Covurr moves To Dinti—Despaton or A‘zzU-D-DIN TO AGRAH.

The court now started from Lahor on its return to Dihli. Jahan-

dar Shah left the banks of the Ravi on the 25th Rabi‘ I, 1124 H.

(May Ist, 1712); he entered Dihli on the 18th Jamadi I, (June 22nd,

1712).2 During the march a rumour was heard that Farrukhsiyar,

the second son of the late ‘Azimu-sh-shan, had left Bengal and arrived

at Patnah with the intention of contesting the new emperor’s right

to the throne. Jahandar Shah treated the idea as ridiculous, saying

that any one of the faujdars would be sufficient to defeat such a feeble

foe. Still, as a precaution, the eldest prince, A‘zzu-d-din, was placed

at the head of some troops and sént to Agrah, there to watch the

course of events. A large sum of money, said to be nine krors of

rupees, was disbursed to him on the 15th Jumadi II (19th July 1712),

for this purpose. His force is estimated by Khafi Khan at 50,000 men.

As he was young and inexperienced, and had shown not only signs of

discontent at his father’s conduct, but also dislike of Lal Kunwar,

1 Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 52, 62; Warid, 63, 64; Kamwar Khan, 114; Khafi Khan,

II, 688. The Dutch account, Valentyn, IV, 294, here as elsewhere favourable to

Jahandar Shah, asserts that the young prince was at first pardoned, but soon after-

wards executed on the complaint of Kokaltash Khan ‘to whom he had addressed

foul language, and on account of his other debaucheries.’ Valentyn gives a

portrait of him.

# Valentyn, 297, says the march began on the 10th May, which corresponds

with the 4th Rabi‘, II. B.M. No. 1690 fol. 160a, states that they left Lahor city

on the 26th Rabi‘, I. Khafi Khan, II, 718, and B. M. 1690, fol. 160 a, say the

entry into Dihli took place on the 17th Jamadi I.

166 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

he was not trusted with the real command. He was placed under the

tutelage of two men (1) Khwajah Husain, Khan Dauran, brother-in-

law of Kokaltash Khan, ! and (2) Lutfullab Khan, Sadiq, the prince’s

own diwain. These appointments were made in opposition to the advice

of Zu-l-fiqgar Khan, Kokaltash Khan taking the whole responsibility.

Neither of the men had any experience of war, Khan Dauran had

never been in a battle, and as the event proved, no more incompetent

leaders could have been selected. As has been wisely said, Jahandar

Shah forgot the maxim, ‘ Place no man at the head of an army,

unless he has been in many a battle.’

It was while the court was at Sarae Daurahah, between Laker and

Sihrind, on its progress towards Dihli, that Mirza Rafi‘ , Sarbuland

Khan, brother-in-law of the late ‘Azimu-sh-shan, presented himself with

five or six thousand men. ‘Azimu-sh-shan had procured for him the

appointment of fawjdar at Karrah Manikpur in the Allahabad province,

But forgetting all his obligations, as soon as he heard the result of the

late struggle, instead of waiting to assist his patron’s son, Farrukh-

siyar, he collected all the revenue that he could, some ten to twelve

lakhs of rupees, and started for the camp of Jahandar Shah. There,

through the intervention of Ni‘mat Khan, a brother of Lal Kunwar,

and that of Khan Jahan, Kokaltash Khan, he received the governorship

of Ahmadabad Gujarat, without the wazir, Zi-|-fiqar Khan, having beea

consulted. ¢

6. JAHANDAR SHAH’S LIFE AT DrHti.

The next five months from July to December, until the emperor

marched from Dihli towards Agrah, were given up to dissipation. As

the proverb says ‘Mad already, he has now taken to eating hemp.’ 4

Dehli for a time fell under the dominion of the Lord of Misrule. Grand

illuminations took place three times in every month. In consequence

of the extensive illuminations, so much oil was used that it rose to be

half a str weight to the rupee; then, all the oil being expended,

they had recourse to clarified butter until it, too, ceased to be procurable.

Grain also grew very dear; not more than seven or eight sirs

weight being procurable for a rupee. One day some porters came

from the other side of the Jamnah with head loads of grain. Lal

1 The printed text of Khafi Khan, II, 697, calls him the Bau nabirah (grand-

son), of Kokaltash Khan, probably a misprint for & 4, yaznah, (brother-in-law.)

2 Sipah ra ma-kun pesh-ru juz kasé, Kih dar jangha budah bashad basé. Ma’asiru-

l-wmard, II, 93; Ijad,15; Mirza Mhd. 141; Khafi Khan, II, 697, 700, 712, 715;

Valentyn, IV, 299.

3 Khafi Khan, II, 715; jad, 49 a.

4 Diwanah bud ; bangé khwrad, Ma’asiru-l-umara, II, 98.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 167

Kunwar, who was looking out of the latticed window in the Saman

Burj (or bastion) of the palace, sent for one of these men and asked

him ‘What have you given for this grain?’ He replied ‘ Five or six

rupees.’ She exclaimed, ‘Praise be to God! things are still so

cheap! Please the Lord Most High, I will bring the rate to five or

six sirs for that amount of money.’ From this may be judged what

ideas prevailed in other State affairs. Another day Jahandar Shah

and Lal Kunwar were on the roof of the palace, watching what was

going on upon the river. A boat full of men crossed over. The

favourite said ‘I have never seen a boat-load of men go down.’ A hint

was enough. Boatmen were ordered out with a boat-load of passengers,

and the favourite’s wish to see the wretched drowning people strug-

gling in the water was at once gratified. !

During these months the fiddlers and drummers, who were Lal

Kunwar’s brothers and relations, swaggered through the streets, .com-

mitting every sort of outrage. al:Kunwar was dignified with the

title of Imtiyaz Mahal, Chosen of the Palace, and immense treasures, the

spoils from ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s and Jahan Shah’s camps, were made over

to her. Her whole family was ennobled, father, brothers, and brothers-

in-law. Her middle brother was the most oppressive of all to the

people. All the brothers were granted the nawbat, or the right to play.

music at stated intervals, and the use of kettle-drums when on the

march. Their titles were Ni‘mat Khan, Namdar Khan, and Khanahzad

Khan. Some of the finest confiscated mansions in the city were given

to them, and as Kamwar Khan says, ‘ the owl dwelt in the eagle’s nest,

and the crow took the place of the nightingale.’?

To this period belongs the story of Ni‘mat Khan Kalawant’s?®

‘appointment to the s#bah of Multan. The emperor signified his pleasure

to the wazir, but there was an unaccountable delay in the issue of the

usual patent. The nominee at length presented himself to Za-l-figar

Khan and made enquiry. The~wazir replied, with all gravity, that it

was a well-known rule of every public office to issue no patent without

a fee incash. As he wished to be obliging, he would not ask for cash,

but since he had need of them, would take instead one thousand

guitars.* The stupid fellow, not seeing the ironical nature of this reply,

1 Khishhal Cand, 390 6. As to the drowning, Kam Raj, Ibratnamah, 46 b, says

that Zu-l-figar Khan forbade it. The same story is told of Fazl ‘Ali Khan, ‘ail of

Ghazipur, Oldham, I, 93.

2 Kamwar Khan, 119; Yahya Khan, 119 a.

3 Kalawant—These are the male members of the professional singer class; the

women sing and dance, the men play the accompaniments.

4 Tanbur. a long-necked guitar, see figure on plate opposite p. 114 of @huncah-i-

Rag, (Naval Kishor Press, Lakhnau, 1863).

168 W. Irvine-— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

worked his hardest and in a week sent as many as two hundred guitars

to Zi-l-fiqar Khan. The wazir insisted upon delivery of the full num-

ber. Ni‘mat Khan complained to his Majesty of the excessive bribe

demanded from him. Jahandar Shah, when next he saw the wazir,

asked him the reason of collecting so many guitars. The answer was

that when musicians were sent to govern provinces, nobles must dis-

card their weapons and learn to play on the guitar. This remonstrance

induced Jahandar Shah to cancel the appointment. !

Among other wild freaks, an order was given to cut downall the

lofty trees from the palace to the hunting preserve called Jahan-numa.

Khushhal Cand, a rare instance of an Indian taking notice of the beauty

of natural objects, laments over the wanton destruction of the ‘ spreading

trees, with heads reaching the sky, the refuge and solace of the weary,

foot-sore, traveller, the abode of far-flying and sweet-singing birds.

Throughout Dihli and its environs it was for the trees like* the coming

of Judgment Day; and the trees on the two banks of the Faiz canal,

planted by Emperors of high emprize, ceasing to raise their heads to

Heaven, received wounds in the garment of their existence, and fell into

the dust of degradation and disgrace.’ #

Gifts were showered upon Lal Kunwar and her friends. It is said

that an annual allowance of two krors of rupees (about £ 2,000,000

sterling) was made for her household expenses, exclusive of clothes and

jewels. She was allowed to display the imperial umbrella and to march,

with drums beating, asif she had been the emperor in person, One

writer says the days of Nur Jahan Begam were revived for her; that

coins were issued in her name as they had been in that of Jahangir’s

favourite wife. Such coins of Lal Kunwar, if ever issued, have not

come down tous. Low persons, such as Zuharah, a woman who kept a’

vegetable stall, were promoted to high rank and received valuable jagirs.

There are many stories of the insolent conduct of these low-born favour-

ites. One day Cin Qilic Khan (afterwards Nizamu-l-Mulk), then living

at Dihli without employment, was passing in his palki through a

narrow street, when he was met by Zuharah on an elephant, followed by

along train of servants. The Khan’s small retinue was hustled out of

the way by the woman's followers, and as she passed she cried out, ‘Is

that the blind man’s son ?’® By the Khan’s orders his men pulled her

rudely from her elephant. Complaint was made to the emperor through

Lal Kunwar, and Zi-1l-fiqar Khan received orders to punish the Nawab.

1 Warid, 80; Khushhal Cand, 389 6. Valentyn, 299, places the event on the 25th

July (=19th Jamadi II) and his details differ slightly.

2 Khushhal Cand, 389 b.

3 His father, Ghaziu-d-din Khan, Firaz Jang, although in active military employ

was blind during the last twenty-three years of his life (Ma’dsiru-l-wmaré IT, 875).

1896.] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 169

Zu-l-fiqgar Khan, who had been previously spoken to by Cin Qilic K43n,

objected to the order as likely to cause wide-spread disaffection among

the nobles. The matter then dropped. !

Lal Kunwar herself was the cause of an estrangement between the

emperor and his aunt, Zinatu-n-nissa Bégam, daughter of ‘Alamgir. This

princess had refused to visit or acknowledge the new favourite, who in

her rage loaded the royal lady with the most opprobrious epithets.

At his mistress’ instigation the Emperor ceased to visit his aunt, and re-

fused her invitation to an entertainment, because Lal Kunwar had not

been asked to it. Again, as she did not like the Emperor’s two younger

sons, A‘zzu-d-Daulah and Mw izzu-d-Daulah, their father refused to see

them and sent them to prison. ®

Jahandar Shah and his concubine, in defiance of etiquette, often

visited the markets together, seated in a bullock carriage, making at the

shops such purchases as took their fancy. One night after a day spent

in debauchery and in visits to various gardens round the city, they en-

_tered the house of a spirit-seller, a friend of Lal Kunwar. There they

drank till they were intoxicated. On their leaving, the woman owning

the shop was rewarded with a sum of money and a grant of the revenue

of a village. During the journey home they both fell asleep, and, on

reaching the palace, Lal Kunwar was taken out by her women and carried

to her room. The driver of the rath,2 who had also shared in the

carouse, made no inspection of it and leftit atthe stable. The emperor’s

absence began to cause alarm to the officers of the palace. He was not

to be found in Lal Kunwar’s apartments, and on her direction the

rath was examined. There the Emperor was found fast asleep, nearly

two miles from the palace. Khishhal Cand quotes, as applying to

Jahandar Shah when he woke and knew not where he was, the lines :—

A drunk man is so happy that at the Resurrection he asks ‘Who am I,

who are you, and what place is this P ’#

Another instance of utter abandonment of decorum was the fact

that acting on the popular belief, Jahandar Shah bathed every Sunday

in company with Lal Kunwar, both naked as they were born, in the

tank at the shrine of Shekh Nasiru-d-din, Audhi, commonly called the

Ciragh-i-Dibli (or Lamp of Dihli), in the hope that his saintly interces-

sion might bless them with offspring. It is necessary for attaining this

! Tradat Khan in J. Scott, I, part IV, 81, and Sairu-l-mutakharin (Briggs, 48).

2 J. Scott II, part IV, 83; Yahya Khan, 119 a.

3 Rath, a four-wheeled carriage, with canopy, drawn by two oxen, and much

used in Upper India.

4 Mast an cundn khish ast kih géyad bar dar-i-hashar, ‘Man kistam, shumd

cah kasan-éd 0 mm cah ja-st 2”

en 22,

170 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

object to bathe at this place naked every Sunday for forty weeks.! We

are also told of what he did once on a visit to the shrine of Qutbu-d-din.

Near it is an eminence ending in a rock, with smooth, slippery face,

sloping down to the plain; and here the street boys of Dibli amused

themselves by climbing the rock and rolling over and over down the

polished surface to the ground. Seeing them at this game, Jahandar

Shah must needs dothe same! It should be remembered that he was

at this time, not a youth, but a man over fifty years of age. #

Nightly the low musicians gathered at the palace to drink in the

emperor’s company. When these men became drunk they would kick

and cuff Jahandar Shah and shout in a drunken way. Jahandar Shah,

in spite of his long experience of the world, and all the training he had

received from his grandfather and father, bore with these insults for

fear of offending Lal Kunwar.® As for things forbidden by the Law,

there was no longer any restraint; and the habits of the Court be-

coming known, all respect for, or fear of, the sovereign ceased. When

the emperor went abroad to hunt or for recreation, not a single noble

attended, nor was he followed by any armed force. +

Zu-l-figar Khan, the vazir, imitated his master’s example and

devolved his duties on a favourite Hindt subordinate, Sabha Cand, a

Khatri, lately made a Rajah, a man whose harshness and bad temper

were notorious. Zi-l-fiqgar Khan’s former liberality was changed into

niggardliness, he hindered men in their promotion instead of helping

them, and the falsity of his promises and assurances became a bye-

word. Partisans as well as opponents were dissatisfied with him.

Tn short, as the Hastern saying ruus, ‘As the king, so the vazir,’ or

as we English say, ‘ Like master, like man.’ °

To add to the other sources of weakness and disorder, a feud arose

1 Shékh Nasiru-d-din Mahmud, Andhi, Ciragh-i-Dihh, (a Cishti), grandson of

‘Abdu-l-latif, Yazdi. His father Yahya, a Hlusaini Sayyad, was born at Lahor.

The Shékh wag born in Audh, and died 18th Ramazan 757 H. (14th Sept. 1356).

though some say the 13th (9th Sept ) is correct. Another authority has 752 H.

(1351-2). The shrine lies about 7 miles south of new Dihli (Shahjahanabad),

Khazinatu-l-asfyzah, 1, 353.

2 Khishhal Cand, 390 a; Iradat Khanin J. Scott, II, part IV, 82, 83. Also

as to the bathing see Kamwar Khan, 120, and Kam Raj ‘Ibratnamah, 46 b. Muham-

mad Qasim, Aurangabadi, in Ahwdl-ul-khawaqin, fol. 46 b, has another version of

the Qutb story, where a rocking stone near the shrine is rocked.

3 This story is also in the Dutch diary, where it is assigned to the 17th July

1712, Valentyn, IV, 298.

4 Kamwar Khan, 120.

5 Wazir cunin, Shahryar cunén, Ma/asiru-l-Umara, IJ, 938; Iradat Khan

(J. Scott, II, part IV, 83).

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 171

between Zi-l-fiqgar Khan, the chief minister, and ‘Ali Murad, Khan Jahan,

Kokaltash Khan, foster-brother of the emperor and now Amiru-l-Umara,

or second minister. Kor forty years, ever since they were children to-

gether, Jahandar Shah had been promising ‘Ali Murad that when he

succeeded to the throne he, his foster-brother, should be his vazir.

Khan Jahan, and more especially his female relations, resented his

supersession by Zia-l-fiqgar Khan, although under the circumstances of

the case, such supersession was obviously unavoidable. In their jealousy

of each other, whatever was proposed by the one was opposed by the

other. Contrary to the vazir’s advice, Khan Daurin, Khan Jahan’s

brother-in-law, was sent incommand of the troops against Farrukhsiyar.

In the same way, Sarbuland Khan was presented through Khan Jahan

and appointed to a governorship, acts which lay solely within the com-

petence of the chief minister. It was while the central government at

Dibli was in this disorganized condition that a claimant to the throne

appeared in the person of Muhammad Farrukhsiyar, the second but

eldest surviving son of the late ‘Azimu-sh-shan, and to his story we

must now turn our attention. !

7. MusamMap FAarRRUKHSIYAR, HIS EARLY HISTORY, AND ARRIVAL AT

PatnaH ‘AzIMABAD.

Muhammad Farrukhsiyar, the second son of ‘Azimu-sh-shan, was

born at Aurangabad in the Dakhin, on the 19th Ramazan 1094 H.?

(ilth Sept. 1683); and was now in his thirty-first (lunar) year. In

his infancy he was sent to Dihli, but brought back to the Dakhin in

- 1105 H. (Sept. 1693—Augst. 1694), in his tenth year; and after three

years spent with his great-grandfather, ‘Alamgir, he accompanied his

father, ‘Azimu-sh-shan first to Agrah and thence to Bengal. In the

last year of his reign, ‘Alamgir recalled his grandson, ‘Azimu-sh-shan,

from Bengal, giving him orders to leave his eldest son, Muhammad Karim,

in charge of Bahar and his second son, Farrukhsiyar, in Bengal. The

young prince passed some years at Dhakkah (Dacca), then the capital

of the Bengal province; but in the reign of Bahadur Shah (1707-1712),

he moved to Murshidabad, where he occupied the palace in Lal

Bagh. He subsequently moved to Raj Mahal, higher up and on the

other side of the Ganges, ‘Azimu-sh-shan, anticipating a struggle for

the throne at an early date, called on Farrukhsiyar to return to court.

1 Yahya Khan, 119 a, says the news of Farrukhsiyar’s advance was received

in Shawwal (31st Octr.—28th Novr. 1712). Other accounts say ‘about the end |

of the rainy season,’ ¢. e. 1lst—15th October.

* For this date see the analysis of the conflicting evidence at the end of Far-

rukhsiyar’s reign.

172 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No 2,

Bengal had been made over to ‘Izzu-d-daulah, Khan ‘Alam (son of

Khan Jahan, Kokaltash, ‘Alamgiri). Farrukhsiyar was on the march

and not far from ‘Azimabad Patnah, when on the 7th Safar 1124 H.

(15th March 1712) he heard of Bahadur Shah’s death, and on the 13th

(21st March), without waiting for further information, he proclaimed

his father’s accession and caused coin to be stamped and the public

prayer or Khutbah to be read in his name. He decided to march no

further. Some say that astrologers, on whom he placed great reliance,

had prophesied his accession to the throne at Patnah and advised him

not to leave it until that happy event had occurred. On the 29th Safar

(6th April 1712) he heard of his father’s defeat and death. For a little

time the prince contemplated suicide, but his friends dissuaded him, some

counselling a retreat upon Bengal, others an advance into the Dakhin.

One rumour which reached Dihli was that Farrukhsiyar intended to

leave Bengal and take refuge in flight by way of the sea. In the end

his mother intervened and incited him to try the issue of a contest

in the field. !_ Thereupon, with such state as he could command, he

performed the ceremonies of enthronement in the bagh or garden known

as Afzal Khan’s, and proclaimed his succession to the empire, issuing

coin and causing the Khutbah to be read in his own name. 2

No rasher enterprize was ever entered upon. Farrukhsiyar had

been no favourite with his father and grandfather, and had been

without authority or wealth during their life-time. It was only with

reluctance that he had decided to obey his father’s order to come to

court. Hearrived at Patnah with no more than four hundred followers,

1 Tf he launched his boat on stormy waters it would, if God were gracious, reach

the bank in safety. -After all, what was life but a matter of a few days? Why

not run the risk P

2 Ijad, 14a; 39b, 40a, Stewart, History of Bengal, 382; Gladwin, Transactions,

94; Khafi Khan, II, 707, 768; Kamwar Khan, entry of 27th Rabi‘I, 1123 H.;

Warid, 136 b; Yahya Khan, 119a. I have heard of a curious Hindi poem on Far-

rukhsiyar’s advance from Patnah and victory over Jahandar Shah. It is by one

Sri Dhar (alias Murli Dhar), kabi, of Allahabad, and I hope hereafter to obtain a full

copy.

The fourth, fifth, and sixth couplets are :—

4, Cite calt mahajani, bhai ékaek cah,

Chandi dehen swar-lok ko gaé Bahadur Shah ;

5. Suni khabar ékbargs Farrukhsiyar udar,

Rakht phauj, éhalgarhin, caliyé yahai biear

6. Bakst A‘jam Khan ko kinho hukwm boldi,

Phawj rakhiyé jae ab, jétt rakhi ja.

A Persian chronogram for Farrukhsiyar’s accession is Shah Farrukhsiyar, kih

afsar-i- Aftab-i-sipihr-i-mamlakat ast, Guft Hatif kih sdl-i-saltanat-ash ‘ Aftab-i-

kamdal-t-saltanat ast (1124 H).

1896. ] W. Irvine—- Later Mughals (1707-1803). 173

and there pitched his camp near the garden of Ja‘far Khan at the

eastern extremity of the city.' At first, when he came forward to

claim the throne, none of the many nobles on whom ‘Azimu-sh-shan

had heaped so many favours would espouse his cause. Most of them

declared themselves on the side of Jahandar Shah. Murshid Quli Khan,

diwan of Bengal, refused to move; nor was this so much to be won-

dered at, for great jealousy had existed between him and ‘Azimu-sh-

shan from the first appointment of the latter to Bengal. An attempt

was made by Farrukhsiyar to supersede Murshid Quli Khan by the

despatch from Patnah of a new subahdar, Rashid Khan, whose fate

will be recounted when we come to the history of the provinces in

Farrukhstyar’s reign. #

We have already mentioned the defection of Sarbuland Khan. He

had risen to position through his connection by marriage with ‘Azimu-

sh-shan. On his falling under Bahadur Shah’s displeasure, ‘Azimu-sh-

shan gave him refuge and made over to him Sahéndah (in Bundél-

khand) and other parganahs of the prince’s jagir, as a means of support.

The understanding between them was that if any great crisis arose, he

should march at the head of three or four thousand men with a large

amount of treasure that had been confided to his care. Sarbuland

Khan acted in direct opposition to all his promises.* Another noble

who was under equal obligations to the late ‘Azimu-sh-shan was Khan

Jahan, Bahadur, (otherwise ‘Izzu-d-Daulah, Khan ‘Alam), son of

Khan Jahan, Kokaltash, ‘Alamgiri. 4 He was a man of the most insuf-

ferable pride, who made enemies wherever he went. In the early part

of Bahadur Shah’s reign he lived at Dihli without employment. When

that emperor was passing near Dihli on his return from the Dakhin,

1 Stewart’s “‘ caravan-serae,” Hist. Bengal, 384, is derived from the Seir Muta-

gharin, I, 48. But in the text of that work, Calcutta edition, 12, line 11, the

words are dar sard-pardah-ha manzil gazid, where sard-pardah means camp, or a

canvas enclosure round tents, and not a sarde, or inn.

2 Khafi Khan, II, 707, 708; Ijad, 47 b, 51 a; Stewart, 384; Gladwin, Transactions,

33. 97, 98.

3 His biography is in M-ul-u, III, 801. He was born c. 1085 H. (1674), and

died 1154 H. (19th Jan., 1742), T-i-Mhdi. In the Hadiqatu-l-aqalim, 131, we are

told that Shékh Allahyar, the author’s father, tried to persuade Sarbuland Khan that

gratitude required him to join Farrukhsiyar. The author mentions a village, Banz

or Tapi, in Korah, as the jagir of ‘Azimu-sh-shan, which was then in 8. B. K’s charge.

He had been sent as Naib to Bengal in the 2nd year of B. Shah. There he quarrelled

with Zia-ullah Khan (son of ‘Inayat-ullah Khan, Kashmiri), the diwdan, and was

recalled. Then in the 3rd year B.S. he was sent to the charge of Korah, where

‘Azimu-sh-shan had his ja@gir (B. M. Or. No. 1690).

# His biography is in M-ul-w, III, 949, under his former title of Sipahdar Khan.

His name was Mhd. Muhsin. B. c, 1064 H. (1653-4) d. 1130 H. (Oct. Noy. 1718).

174 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

Khan Jahan was sent for to Court. Neither the emperor nor the

princes were well disposed towards him. Wherever he turned, no

smile greeted him, no brow smoothed its wrinkles. The emperor refused

even to read his petitions, owing to the disrespectful language in which

they were couched. At length, ‘Azimu-sh-shan had pity on him, and

after some exertion, the swbah of Orissa was granted to him, with the

office of deputy under the prince in Bengal. ‘This man was received in

audience by Farrukhsiyar at the town of Sirajgarh, in sarkar Farrukh-

abad (or Munger) of s#bah Bahar.! All honour was done to him.

The prince’s chief man, Ahmad Bég (afterwards Ghaziu-d-din Khan

Ghalib Jang), was sent to escort him, a rich khila‘t was conferred on

him, his sons, and his chief companions. At the time of his leaving,

Khan Jahan made loud promises that he would help. But he took no

steps in that direction. Then one Muhammad Raza, who had been

Deputy-Governor in Orissa, before the appointment of Khan Jahan,

went off to Akbarnagar (Raj Mahal) to visit that noble on the pre-

tence of further negociation. In the end, on one pretext or another,

neither one nor the other appeared again. ‘Ali Asghar Khan,® son of

Kar Talab Khan, Ansari, who had been made faujdar of Itawah (stbah

Agrah), and Chabélah Ram, Nagar, then faujdar of Karrah Manikpur,

subah Allahabad,* showed no eagerness to take up the prince’s cause.

There remained only the two brothers, Hasan’ ‘Ali Khan (‘Abdullah

Khan) and Husain ‘Ali Khan, Sayyads of Barhah, who owed to ‘Azimu-

sh-shan the governments of Allahabad and Bahar, which they then

held. 6

8. Account oF THE BARHAH SAYYADS.

The Sayyads of Barhah claim to be descended from Abi-l-farah, of

Wasit in Mesopotamia. Several hundred years ago, at-a date which

cannot be fixed exactly, Abu-l-farah and his twelve sons came from

Wasit to India, settling at first in four villages near Patialah, in the

sarkar of Sahrind and stbah of Dihli. From these villages the four

1 Strajgarh, a mahal in sarkar Mungér (Ain, II, 155), on the right bank of the

Ganges 20 m. W. of Mungér (Thornton, 929).

2 At Dihli on the 27th September 1712 (26th Sha‘ban 1124 H.), it was reported

that Khan Jahan, Bahadur, and Murshid Quli Khan were marching to Patnah to

reinforce A‘zzu-d-din against Farrukhstyar, (Valentyn, IV, 801). This report was

quite unfounded.

3 See M-ul-u, I, 829-832, under his subsequent title of Khan Zaman B., born c.

1085 H. (1674-5), d. 4th Zi‘l-hajj, 1155 H. (29th Jan., 1743), 7-i-Mhdi.

4 For C. BR. see M-ul-u, II, 328. Dya. Bahadur was killed on ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s

side at Lahor in Safar 1124 H. (March 1712), see ante p. 150.

5 Tjad, 59 b, 60 a; Khafi Khan, II, 715.

1896.] W. Irvine— Later Mughuls (1707-1803). 175

branches, into which they are divided, derive their names.! Then cross-

ing the Jamnah, they formed a settlement on the eastern side of the

upper Duab, half way between Mirath and Saharanpur, in a sandy, un-

productive piece of country, possibly at that time very sparsely inhabit-

ed. The etymology of the name Barhah is disputed; perhaps it is

from the word barah (twelve), with some allusion to the number of their

villages. From the time of Akbar, the men of this clan of Sayyads

were famous as military leaders, and by their bravery had acquired a

traditional right to lead the vanguard of the Imperial troops. Until

the reign of Farrukhsiyar they seem to have been little distinguished

outside the profession of arms, and judging from what we know of their

descendants in the present age, they probably had little love of learn-

ing. Brave, proud, lavish, they always were ; and in our day, when their

swords have been perforce beaten into pruning hooks, they have

succumbed only too completely before the wily money-lender. In

Muzaffarnagar many is the story current of the ‘Sayyad Sahib’s’

reckless improvidence and ignorance of the commonest rule of business.

In the 18th century a Barhah k& ahmag, or Barhah blockhead, was a

common saying, and there was a rhyme to the effect that all the asses

there were Bahadurs, and all the Bahadurs, asses. ®

1 Chat-Banir is still a large town. Kundlé has a few huts, Tihanpur is a petty

hamlet, Jagnér uninhabited, (Alan Cadell, Proc. As., Soc. Bengal, 1871, p. 261). I

find Chat and Banur, two separate places in the N. H. of the Patialah territory, on

sheet No. 47 of the Indian Atlas, the former about 16 m. N. and the latter 12 m.

N.N.W. of Ambalah city.

2 There seems to be no town or village in the Sayyads’ country, or connected

with them, bearing the name of Barhah. Sir H. M. Elliot (Supp. Glossary, 110)

speaks of the town of Barhah as one plundered by Safdar Jang in 1748. On a

subject so peculiarly his own, it is dangerous to contest any of that writer’s state-

ments, but unless I am much mistaken, the place so plundered was really Marahran

(now in the Etah district), which lay in the course of Safdar Jang’s march from

Dihli to Farrukhabad, and also contains a well-known colony of Sayyads. Elphin-

stone (4th ed. p. 650) makes the same mistake. The Sairu-l-mutakharin, Calcutta

printed text, II, 32; has, however, Marahrah plainly enough. The error, no doubt,

began with Mustapha, Seir, III, 83, who reads “ Barr.”

3 Seir Mutagharin, III, 441, note 261;

Barha, nahin to, Barha :

Gadha bahadur, Bahadur gadha.

Blochmann, Azn, I, 390, 391, Robert J. Leeds, in N. W. Provinces Census Report

for 1865 (District Muzaffarnagar), Elliot, Supp. Gloss., 50. Blochmann’s hope (Az, I,

895, note,) of an exhaustive history of the Barhah Sayyads from the pen of one of the

¢lan is never likely to be gratified. Seven or eight years ago I suggested to one of

the Jansath family, a retired official of some rank, the need for such a work. Of

course, he said it should be begun at once, but to this day the only account they can

produce of their race is the feeble, incomplete, and inaccurate statement, the

Sayyadu-t-tawarikh, prepared in 1864 by Sayyad Roshan ‘Ali Khan, Miranpuri.

176 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

The two Sayyad brothers, who now come into such prominence,

were not the mere upstarts, men of yesterday, that it was too often the

fashion to make them out to be.1 Besides the prestige of Sayyad

lineage, of descent from the famous Barhah branch of that race, and the

personal renown acquired by their own valour, they were the sons of a

man who had held in ‘Alamgir’s reign first the sibahdari of Bijapir in

the Dakhin and then that of Ajmir, appointments given in that reign

either to princes of the blood or to the very foremost men in the State.

Their father, Sayyad ‘Abdu-llah Khan, known as Sayyad Miyan, had

risen in the service of Rihu-llah Khan, ‘Alamgir’s Mir Bakhshi, and

finally, on receiving an imperial mansab, attached himself to the eldest

prince Muhammad Mu‘azzam, Shah ‘Alam, (afterwards the emperor

Bahadur Shah).

Hasan ‘Ali Khan (afterwards ‘Abdullah Khan, Qutbu-Il-mulk) and

Husain ‘Ali Khan, two of the numerous sons of ‘Abdullah Khan, Sayyad

Miyan, were now men of about forty-six and forty-four years of age

respectively. About 1109 H. (1697-8) the elder brother was faujdar

of Sultanpur Nazarbar in Baglanah, s#bah Khandesh, after that, of

Sitni Hoéshangabad also in Khandesh, then again of Nazarbar coupled

with Thalez in sirkar Asir of the same sibah. Subsequently he obtain-

ed charge of Aurangabad. The younger brother Husain ‘Ali Khan,

who is admitted by every one to have been a man of much greater

energy and resolution than his elder brother, had in ‘Alamgir’s reign

held charge first of Rantambhér, in subah Ajmir, and then of Hindaun

Bianah, in stbah Agrah.

After prince Mu‘izzu-d-din, the eldest of Shah ‘Alam’s sons, had

been appointed in 1106 H. (1694-5) to the charge of of the Multan

province, Hasan ‘Ali Khan and his brother followed him there. In an

expedition against a refractory Biltc zamindar, the Sayyads were of

opinion that the honours of the day were theirs. Mu‘izzu-d-din thought

otherwise, and assigned them to his then favourite ‘Isa Khan, Ma‘in.

The Sayyads quitted the service in dudgeon and repaired to Lahr,

where they lived in comparative poverty, waiting for employment from

Mun‘im Khan, the Nazim of that place. $

1 For instance, see Khafi Khan’s remarks, IT, 730.

2 If, as Rieu, 783, suggests, two of the portraits in B. M. Add. 18,800 are those

of the Sayyad brothers, they were rather short men of a burly build, both with

rather large heads and prominent noses, that of H. A. K. being especially beak-like.

They have close-cropped beards, that of the elder brother quite white, the other’s.

still a little black at the corners of the mouth.

8 Ma‘asiru-l-wmra, III, 130; Khafi Khan, I, 456; Warid, 90,91. For Baglanath

see Ain, JI, 208 and M-ul-u, I, 414. Akbar (Am 1. c.) placed Nazarbar in

Sabah Malwa, It was transferred again to the Khandésh sitbah about 1609, Bom:

1896. ] W. Irvine—Later Mughals (1707-1803). 177

When ‘Alamgir died and Shah ‘Alam, Bahadur Shah, reached

Lahér on his march to Agrah to contest the throne, the Sayyads presented

themselves, and their services were gladly accepted. They were (Safar

1119 H. May 1707) promoted to the rank of 3,000 and 2,000 horse,

respectively, with a gift of kettledrums. In the battle of Jajau on the

18th Rabi‘ I. 1119 H. (18th June 1707), they served in the vanguard

and fought valiantly on foot, as was the Sayyad habit on an emergeucy.

A third brother, Niru-d-din ‘Ali Khan, was left dead on the field,

and Husain ‘Ali Khan was severely wounded. Though their rank was

raised in Za-l-qa‘dah 1119 H. (Feb. 1708) to 4,000, and the elder brother

received his father’s title of ‘Abdu-llah Khan, they were not treated

with such favour as their exceptional services seemed to deserve, either

by the new emperor or his vazir. !

The two Sayyads managed to quarrel with Khanazad Khan, the

yazir’s second son, and though the breach was healed by a visit to them

from the vazir in person, there is little doubt that this difference helped

to keep them out of employment. Husain ‘Ali Khan is also said to

have offended Mu‘izzu-d-din, Jahandar Shah. The morning after the

battle of Jajau, the prince visited their quarters to condole with them

on the death of their brother, Niru-d-din ‘Ali Khan, and in so doing

launched out into praises of their valour. Husain ‘Ali Khan met

these overtures in an aggressive manner, saying that what they had

done was nothing, many had done as much, their valour would be

known when their lord was deserted and alone, and the strength of

their right arm had seated him on the throne. Mu‘izzu-d-din was

vexed by this speech, and refrained from making any recommendation

to his father in their favour. Nay, he did his best to prevent their

obtaining lucrative employment, and we read of their being obliged to

rely upon the emperor’s bounty for their travelling expenses, which

were necessarily great, as they were kept in attendance on the court

while it was constantly on the march. ?

Gaz. xii, 458, where the name is given Nandurbar. Sultanpur is a town to the N. H.

of Nandurbar town, id 471. Thalez might stand for Thalner, an ancient town in

Khandésh, situated on the Tapti, 28m. N. H. of Dhulia, id, 473. Itis perhaps a

little too far west of Asir to be a quite satisfactory identiflcation. Siini and

Hoshaneabad are two well-known districts in the Central Provinces, C. P. Gaz. 206

and 468. As to Mu‘izzu-d-din’s dealings with the Biloc tribes, see Ma‘asir-i-‘alam-

gut, 432 (Year 1112 H.), id, 470, (Year 1114 H.), Khafi Khan, II, 462, 463, Khishhal

Cand, 392 a, Warid, pp. 86-88 (my copy, episodical account introduced in reign of

Mhd. Shah). Also Mu-l-u, I, 825, 826, under Khuda Yar Khan, Lethi.

1 Khafi Khan, II, 575, Kamwar Khan, 20; M-ul-U, I 321, II, 130.

2 Akhbardt or news-letters, dated 24th Zi-l-hajj 1119 H. (16th March 1768) ; Tod

MSS. in Royal Asiatic Society’s Library, Morley, cxxxiii ; Warid, 91.

Tis 23

178 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

In Sha‘ban 1120 H. (Oct. 1708) ‘Abdu-llah Khan had been named

to the subah of Ajmér, then in a disturbed state owing to the Rajput

rising, a condition of things with which Sayyad Shuja‘at Khan seemed

hardly capable of dealing. Sayyad ‘Abdu-llah Khan had barely more

than reached Dihli, in order to raise new troops and make other prepar-

ations, when the emperor, Bahadur Shah, changed his mind and

Shuja‘at Khan was received again into favour and maintained in his

Government. At length, by the favour of prince ‘Azimu-sh-shan,

Abdu-llah Khan on the 21st Zi-l-gqa‘dah 1122 H. (10th Jan. 1711) became

that prince’s deputy in the province of Allahabad. About two years

earlier (11th Muharram 1120 H., Ist April 1708), the same patron had

nominated the younger brother Husain ‘Ali Khan, to represent him in

another of his governments, that of Bahar, of which the capital was at

‘Azimabad Patnah.

9. Husain ‘ALI KHAN ESPOUSES FARRUKHSIYAR’S CAUSE.

When Farrukhsiyar first arrived at ‘Azimabad, Husain ‘Ali Khan

was away on an expedition, apparently the recapture of Ruhtas fort,

which about this time had been seized by one Muhammad Raza, Ra‘ayat

Khan. The Sayyad had felt annoyed on hearing that Farrukhsiyar

had issued eoin and eaused the Khutbah to be read in his father,

‘Azimu-sh-shah’s, name, without waiting to learn the result of the

impending struggle at Lahér. Thus on his return to his head-quarters

his first impulse was to decline altogether that prince’s overtures. In

truth, no attempt could well look more hopeless than that upon which

Farrukhsiyar wished to enter. The prince’s mother now hazarded a

private visit to the Sayyad’s mother, taking with her her little grand-

daughter.!_ Her arguments rested on the fact that the Sayyad’s posi-

tion was due to the kindness of the prince’s father. That father, two

brothers, and two uncles had been killed, and the prince’s own means

were insufficient for any enterprize. Let Husain ‘Ali Khan then

choose his own course, either let him aid Farrukhsiyar to recover his

rights and revenge his father’s death, or else let him place the prince

in chains and send him a prisoner to Jahandar Shah. Here the prince’s

mother and daughter bared their heads and wept aloud. Overcome

by their tears, the Sayyadah called her son within the harem. The

little girl fell bareheaded at his feet and implored his aid. His mother

told him that whatever was the result he would be a gainer: if defeated,

his name would stand recorded as a hero till Judgment Day ; if succes-

1 Probably this is the girl who, when she grew up, became Mhd. Shah’s consort

and at his death in 1161 H. (1748) showed considerable judgment and resolution

in securing the throne for her husband’s son, Ahmad Shah,

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 179

ful, the whole of Hindustan would be at their feet, and above them

none but the emperor. Finally she exclaimed, ‘If you adhere to

Jahandar Shah, you will have to answer before the Great Judge for

disavowing your mother’s claim upon you.’ At these words Husain

‘Ali Khan took up the women’s veils and replaced them on their heads

swearing a binding oath that he would espouse the prince’s cause. The

next night Farrukhsiyar presented himself at the Khan’s house, saying

that he had come either to be seized and sent to Jahandar Shah, or to

enter into an agreement for the recovery of the throne. The Sayyad

bound himself finally to fight on Farrukhsiyar’s behalf. He wrote at

once to his elder brother, ‘Abdu-llah Khan, at Allahabad, inviting him

to joi the same side, and Farrukhsiyar addressed a farman to him

making many promises, and authorising him to expend the Bengal

treasure, then at Allahabad, on the enlistment of troops, It is quite

clear that at this time, or soon afterwards, the two chief places in the

empire, those of chief minister and of first noble (Amiru-l-uwmara) were

formally promised to the two brothers as their reward in case of success.!

10. ‘AspuLLAH KHAN, ON BEING SUPERSEDED AT ALLAHABAD, GIVES

IN HIS ADHESION TO FARRUKHSIYAR.

At first ‘Abdu-llah Khan’s intention was to submit to Jahindar

Shah, the de facto emperor, to whom he sent letters professing his

loyalty and offering his services. Three months before the death of

Bahadur Shah, he had gone out towards Jaunpur to restore order. In

this he was not successful and the pay of his soldiers fell into arrears.

The men raised a disturbance, and ‘Abdu-llah Khan’s only anxiety was to ©

escape from them and take shelter within the fort of Allahabad.

He promised publicly that as soon as he reached the city, all the

collections then in the hands of his agents should be made over to the

troops. On the return march, word came of Bahadur Shah’s death.®

A few days before his arrival at Allahabad, Shuja‘u-d-din Khan,

son-in-law of Murshid Quli Khan, diwan of Bengal, had reached that

place with one kror of rupees (about £ 1,000,000),? the annual remit-

tance from that province to the imperial treasury. Hearing of the late

emperor's death, the envoy halted at Allahabad in some perplexity.

‘Abdu-llah Khan, at his second interview with Shuja‘u-d-din Khan,

1 Warid, 1366; Khafi Khan, II, 708, 710, 711. As to Ruhtas, see Kamwar

Khan, entry of 22nd Zi-l-hajj 1123 H. (30th Jan. 1712.)

2 Warid, 138 ., 139 a.

8 Khafi Khan, II, 715, puts the sum at 28 lakhs of rupees (£ 280,000). Shuja‘a-

d-daulah, Shuja‘a-d-din Mhd. Khan, died as Sabahdar of Bengal or the. 17th

Muharram 1152 H. (25th April, 1739), aged nearly 80 years (2-i-Mhdz).

180 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

impressed on him the danger of keeping such a large amount of treasure

in camp outside a turbulent city; it ought to be removed to a place of

safety within the fort, and when the succession was settled, it could be

made over to the prince who gained the day. Shuja‘u-d-din Khan yielded

to this specious advice, and “Abdu-llah Khan, as soon as he was master

of the coin, used it to pay the arrears of his soldiers. !

While ‘Abdu-llah Khan was still in expectation of a favourable

reply to his letter to Jahandar Shah, he was surprized to learn that his

government had been taken from him, and that the deputy of the new

governor was on his way to take possession. The province had been

granted to a Gardézi Sayyad of Manikpur, swbah Allahabad, one Raji

Muhammad Khan,? who had risen to notice in the recent fighting at

Lahor, and through the reputation thereby acquired had been appointed

Mir Atash, or general of artillery. The new*governor nominated as

his deputy his relation, one Sayyad ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar (a descendant of

Sayyad Sadr Jahan, Sadru-s-sadur, Pihanwi).°

‘Abdu-l-ghaffar obtained contingents from one or two zamindars

and collected altogether 6,000 to 7,000 men, When he drew near to

Karrah Manikpur, Abu-l-hasan Khan, a Sayyad of Bijapur, who was

‘Abdu-llah Khan’s bakhshi, advanced at the head of 3,000 men to

bar his progress. In the end of Jamadi II 1124 H, (29th=2nd August,

1712) they met at a little distance from Sarde Alam Cand,* and encamp-

ing four or five miles from each other, they passed some days in fruitless

negociations. Then ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar prepared his men and sent forward

his artillery. It so happened that the very same day Saifu-d-din ‘Ali

Khan, Siraju-d-din ‘Ali Khan, and Najmu-d-din ‘Ali Khan, younger

brothers of ‘Abdu-llah Khan, and Ratn Cand, his diwan or chief finan-

cial agent, arrived with a reinforcement of four hundred horsemen.

Although some of the Sayyads rode out to the front, ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar

1 Warid, 188 0, Khafi Khan, {I, 711.

2 Gardéz2, see Elliot, Supp. Gloss., 447 ; Gardéz is situated in the Bangashat, not

far from Kohat, A‘in, II, 407 note 2. Raji Mhd. Khan first entered the servic2 through

Mun‘im Khan, Khan Khanan. Kam Raj, [bratnamah, calls him Husamu-d-din, who

had been made Sayyad Raji Khan, Bahadur, Dilawar Jang. ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar is there

called his brother. s

3 Blochmann, A’ I, 208, 468. Pihani, a village near Qaunanj or Lakhnan ; -

Sadr Jahan was Akbar’s sadr in the 34th year (about 1589), He diedin 1020 H.

(1611-12) in Jahangir’s reign; he was said to be 120 years of age, Beale, 229.

M-ul-U, 111, 348. Pihani is now in the Hardoi district, Oudh Gaz, 111, 160.

4 Khafi Khan, II, 712, spells the name Abi-l-muhsin Khan, and says he was

originally from Najaf, the Holy. On the same page the month is Jamadi I instead of

If. Manikpur and Karrah are both on the Ganges, the former about 45 and the latter

about 39 m. N.-W. of Allahabad. Sarae Alam Cand is 20 m. N.-W. of the same place.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 181

could not be tempted into attacking them. At length, when the op-

posing forces were at the distance of a musket shot from each other,

‘Abdu-l-ghaffar discharged a volley from all his cannon and without an

instant’s delay ordered his horsemen to charge, Despite their well-

known bravery, the Barhah Sayyads gave way, many were killed and

wounded, the rest fled. Only the three Barhah brothers with Abu-l-

hasan Khan and Ratn Cand stood fast at the head of four hundred men.

Tn a short time many of ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar’s soldiers dispersed in search of

plunder, but he kept together enough of them to surround the Sayyads.

They now came to close quarters: when Siraju-d-din ‘Ali Khan with

many others was cut down and killed. A high wind blew up the dust and

it soon became impossible to distinguish officer from soldier, white from

black, friend from foe. Suddenly there arose cries that Sayyad ‘Abdu-l-

ghaffar was slain.! The Barhah Sayyad’s drums and trumpets striking up

a joyful march, the other side lost heart and turned for flight. In vain

‘Abdu-l-ghaffar shouted, ‘I am here! I am alive!’ No one listened,

and the day so nearly won was irremediably lost. ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar

withdrew his shattered force to Shahzidpur, one march to the rear.?

When it was too late, Jahandar Shah saw his error and endeavour-

ed to propitiate ‘Abdu-llah Khan. Promotion from 4,000 zat to 6,000

zat was offered, with confirmation in the government of Allahabad in

his own name. The fulsome heaping-up of titles in the letter address-

ed to ‘Abdu-llah Khan is some indication of Jahandar Shah’s conster-

nation at the turn affairs had taken. ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar was thrown over-

board, and the letter to him is couched in terms which might have

been addressed to a rebel, instead of to a man who had been trying to

carry out faithfully the orders that he had received. It was too late,

however, and in vain was this humiliating attitude assumed. ‘Abdu-llah

Khan, disgusted at the treatment he had received, had already thrown

in his lot with Farrukhsiyar.

11. FarRUKHSIYAR LEAVES PATNAH AND REACHES ALLAHABAD.

After Husain ‘Ali Khan had declared himself, there were other

important adhesions to Farrukhsiyar’s cause. From the first Ahmad

Bég, a man long attached to the family, had been particularly active

and useful in obtaining adherents; he was now made Ghaziu-d-din

1 It was really his brother who was killed (Siwanih-i-Khizv7, 24). Khizr Khan

was present.

@ Khafi Khan, II, 692, and 712, Khizr Khan, 24, Ma’dsiru-l-wmard, III, 182.

Shahzadpur is on the Ganges about 35 miles N.-W. of Allahabad.

) Khafi Khan, 11, 714. For the letters of Jahandar Shah see Inshaze Madhu Ram

(lithographed) pp. 85, 86. This compilation was put together in 1136 H. (1723-4).

182 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

Khan, Ghalib Jang, and as some say received a promise of the wazir-

ship.! One of the most notable of these accessions was that of Sidisht

Narayan, son of Dhir, a powerful zamindar of the Bhojpur country

in Shahabad.? The Ujainiyah clan to which he belonged had long

claimed practical independence and had never paid its revenue unless

upon compulsion. In the reign of ‘Alamgir, Rajah Ridar, descended in

the fifth generation from the first Ujainiyah rajah of Bhéjpur, had risen

to notoriety and was joined by most of the neighbouring zamindars. In

consequence of his rebellion against constituted authority he was

deposed, and the chiefship given to his brother, ancestor of the present

Jagdispur and Dumraon houses in that parganah. During ‘Alamgir’s

long absence in the Dakhin, the governors and faujdars left the

zamindars alone. Dhir, a distant cousin of the Rajah, descended in the

sixth generation from the same ancestor, used this opportunity, seized

many zamindaris, and maintained a force of about 14,000 horse and

30,000 foot. When prince ‘Azimu-sh-shan was governor at Patnah,

this zamindar attended hiscourt. A settlement had nearly been effected

when Dhir became alarmed and escaped. Rajah Dhir died of fever in

the year 1712. Sidisht Narayan, his second but eldest surviving son,

who had only recently succeeded, had already begun a dispute with

Husain ‘Ali Khan’s subordinates. To enforce his claims he had come

with a large armed force and was encamped at Hajipur, on the further

side of the Ganges from Patnah city. He talked of plundering the

country. Ahmad Bég was sent to him to induce him either to offer his

services or retire from the position he had taken up. Ahmad Bég’s

eloquence persuaded him to accept service, bringing with him 10,000

horse and 30,000 matchlockmen.

1 Yahya Khan, 119 6, and see biography in Mu-l-u. II, 869. A man was intro-

duced by him, whose name I read as Masl (or perhaps Fazl) Khan (Ijad, 41 6), who

was made A‘zam Khan and first Bakhsh?. But he was superseded by the Sayyads

and Khwajah A‘sim (Khan Dauran) almost as soon as appointed ; his appointment

as Bakhshi was taken away on the 15th Zu-l-qa‘dh (13th Dec., 1712) and I know

not what became of him.

2 I am able to identify this man and his family through a paper, for which

I am indebted to the courtesy of Rai Bahadur Jai Pargash Lal, C. I. E., d2wén to the

Maharajah of Dumraon, K. C. 1. H.: it was procured for me by the kind offices of

G. A. Grierson, Esq.,C. I. E. Dhir (b. 1655, d. 1712) held as his ancestral fief

Baranwa in parganah Piru, sirkar Shahabad (Piru town is about 32 m. S. E. of

Arrah). On the 11th April 1715 O. S. the English envoys on passing through Arwal

(a town about 40 m. S.-W. of Patnah, in Thanah Jahanabad of the Gaya district,

and close to the bank of the Stn) remark ‘this is the place where Sedisti naran has

a strong fort and good guard.’ Piru is about 20 m. W. of Arwal and on the other

side of the Son.

8 Tjad, 61 a., 63 b. ; Khafi Khan, II, 712.

1996.] —SW«.: Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). 183

Khwajah A‘sim, who had escaped in safety from the battle field at

Lahor on the day when prince ‘Azimu-sh-shan lost his life, now joined

Farrukhsiyar at Patnah after a short time spent at his home in Agrah.

He was at once received into the old position of favour which he had

held before he had been recalled from Bengal by ‘Azimu-sh-shan. He

received the title of Ashraf Khan, was made superintendent of the privy

Audience Chamber, and for a time held in addition the command of the

artillery. Saf Shikan Khan (Hasan Bég), Deputy Governor of Orissa, _

also threw in his lot with Farrukhsiyar, and Mir Mushrif, a Lakhnau

-Sayyad, joined with some four thousand horsemen belonging to his

own tribe. Another new adherent was Zainu-d-din Khan, son of Ghairat

Khan and grandson of Bahadur Khan, Daudzai, of Shahjahaupur in

Rohilkhand, followed by four thousand brother Pathans.2 Money was

the great want. Partial relief was afforded by the seizure en route of a

convoy of 25 or 30 lakhs of rupees, which had reached Patnah on its way

from Bengal to Dehli.2 Requisitions in kind were also imposed on the

traders in the city. The amount realized was two or three lakhs of

rupees. Some money, estimated at from half a lakh to five lakhs of

rupees, was obtained by the seizure of the Dutch company’s goods,

their factor at Patnah, Jacob van Hoorn, having died there in July

1712. Even stronger measures were resorted to. There was one Sirat

Singh, Khatri, the chief official of Nasir Khan, Deputy Governor of:

Kabul, who had accumulated great wealth. At this time having deter-

mined on sending his treasures to Dihli, he had hired fifty or sixty

bullock carriages and loaded them with all his property, giving out that

the carts were occupied by a party of his women and children with their

female servants. They were guarded by a hired force of five hundred

matchlockmen, and were halting for the night in a certain mansion.

1 For Bahadur Khan, Daidzai, the founder of Shahjahanpur, see Mu-l-w., I, 415.

He left seven sons, of whom only two, Dilawar Khan and ‘Aziz Khan, Chaghatai,

are there named. In T-i-Mhdi, year 1138 H., we have the genealogy stated thus :—

Darya Khan, d. 1040 H. (1630-1).

Bahadur Khan, d. 1059 H. (1649-50).

sical Khan.

can dua Khan, killed 1124 H. (1713).

Eileen Khan, killed 1138 H. (1725-6).

As to Zainu-d-din Khan, his mad doings and rough mode of forcing money out

of Fath Ma‘mur Khan’s widow at Shahabad (Oudh), see Akhba@r-i-Muhabbat, my copy,

274, That work says he joined Farrukhsiyar west of Allahabad.

# Khafi Khan, II, 715, states the sum that thus fell into Farrukhsiyar’s hands

as 75 lakhs.

184 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

During the night the guard was absent. The house was attacked, the

goods were plundered, and distributed among Farrukhsiyar’s soldiers. !

At length on the 17th Sha‘ban 1124 H.(18th September 1712),

Farrukhsiyar’s advance tents were sent off from Patnah. Four days

later he started himself at the head of 25,000 men. After a halt of six

days he reached Danapur on the 28th (29th September). On the 4th

Ramazan (4th October) he moved to Shérpur, thence to Matoli; on the

12th (12th October) Husain ‘Ali Khan arrived from Patnah, Next day

they reached the banks of the Sén, which was still much swollen by rain.

With the help of Sidisht Narayan and by the special exertions of Ahmad

Beg, Kokah, a boat bridge was thrown across, and on the 17th Ramazan

(17th October) they crossed to Sitara. Further stages were Khatoli

(20th), Stiri (21st), Mahadeo (22nd), Jaipur (28rd), the last two being

places in parganah Sahasram, then on the 24th Sahasram itself was

reached. Khurramabad was arrived at on the 25th, Mohani (26th), Salat

(27th), Sarae Said Raja (28th), Sarae Mughal (29th), and the Ganges

bank at Chotah Mirzapur, opposite Banaras, on the 30th Ramazan (30th

October). There was some talk of levying a contribution on the rich men

of that city, but through one Rae Kirpa Nath they were excused, on

condition of sending money aiter afew days. This forced loan, amounting

to one lukh of rupees, was received by the prince when he arrived at

‘Allahabad.

After one day’s rest the march was continued through Sarae Mohan,

Sarae Babu, Sarae Jagdis to Jhtsi. Sayyad ‘Abdu-lah Khan had pitched

a camp at Jhisi a week before, and had been there in person for two or

three days. On the 6th Shawwal (5th Nov. 1712) he arrived in the

imperial camp and was received in audience. Formal engagements

were entered into through Khwajah A‘gim, Ashraf Khan, by which the

post of wazir was accorded to ‘Abdu-llah Khan and that of Amiru-l-umara

to Husain ‘Ali Khan. Before leaving Jhisi a blessing on their arms

was besought at the shrine of the holy man, Shekh Taqi.*# On the

13th Shawwal (12th Nov. 1712) the whole army crossed the Ganges

by a bridge of boats and encamped between the old and the new city of

Allahabad, and next day moved a little farther on to Sipahdarganj.

Here we will leave Farrukhsiyar and turn to the movements of prince

A‘zzu-d-din. ®

1 jad, a, 66 6 ; Khafi Khan, II, 715 ; Valentyn, IV, 299.

2 Sayyad Sadru-l-hagq, surnamed Taqiu-d-din Muhammad, Abi-l-Akbar, son of

Sha‘banu-l-millat, was born at Jhisi in 720 H. (1320-1) and died there on the 7th

Zi-l-hajj 785 H. (31st January 13884).— Mamba‘u-l-ansab, B.M. Or. 2014, fols. 70-72.

3 Tjad, 66 a, 72, 78, 74,75; Khafi Khan, II, 711, 715., B. M. 1690, fol. 100 8,

says they reached Allahabad on the 10th Shawwal (9th Nov.). The distances as

measured on the Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 88, are Sarae Mohan, 84 m., Sarae Babu,

1896. ] W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). 185

12. Prince A‘zzU-D-DIN’S ADVANCE TO KaJWAH, HIS DEFEAT AND

FLIGHT TO AGRAH.

_ When Jahandar Shah heard of the defeat of ‘Abdu-l-ghaffar, the

defection of Abdu-llah Khan, and the march westwards of Farrukhsiyar,

he sent ureent orders to his son A‘zzu-d-din to move onwards from

Agrah, in the neighbourhood of which he had lingered. The prince

was not well pleased at his supercession in the supreme command, and

furthermore was far from friendly to his father’s favourite, Lal

Kunwar. These causes may have led him to conduct the enterprize in

the half-hearted way which was so soon to result in disaster. Nor

could much reliance be placed on the leaders of his troops, some of

whom were found, so early as the Ist Rajab (8rd August 1712) to be

in traitrous communication with the enemy. From intercepted letters

it was found that seven artiliery officers had offered to go over to

Farrukhsiyar followed by many other officers and twenty thousand men.

The ring-leaders were seized and thrown into prison; but disaffection

pervaded the entire army, their pay being much in arrear. This force,

numbering some 50,000 horsemen,! accompanied by powerful artillery,

now set out on the march towards Allahabad. On the day that they

reached the Itawah boundary, the faujdar of that place, the ‘Ali Asghar

Khan already referred to, appeared, and to gain time entered into nego-

ciations. The imperial leaders demanded from him the revenue of the

current year, which owing to the contested succession, had not heen

collected. They also called for the accounts of previous years. These

demands, which in A‘zzu-d-din’s own interests were very inopportune,

were evaded by the faujdar with excuses founded on the revenue rules

and by pleas about his accounts. This dispute continued from stage to

stage until on the 2nd Shawwal 1124 H. (Ist November 1712) they

arrived near Korah.?

At Korah they were met by Mahta Chabélah Ram, faujdar of Cak-

lah Karrah Manikpur, * and as already noted, a protégé of Farrukhsiyar’s

18 m., Sarae Jagdis, 183 m., Jhisi, 38 m., total 83 miles. Sipahdarganj was fpro-

bably so named after Sipahdar Khan (see ante p. 173, n. 4), who was governor of

Allahabad from the 37th to the 41st of ‘Alamgir, 1104 H-1108 H., 1692-1696,

M-ul-U., 111. 591. Possibly the Subahdarganj on plate 44 of Constable’s Hand Atlas

is a corruption of this name. It lies one mile west of the Khusri Bagh and just

south of the H. I. Railway. t

1 Yahya Khan, 120 a, asserts that A‘zzu-d-din’s force was really no larger than

One sent as an escort ' badraqah).

2 Khafi Khan, JI, 715 ; Ijad, 70 b ; Valentyn, IV, 299.

8 Or, as Ijad says, of Korah.

J. 1, 24

186 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). _ [No. 2,

house: Pressure was put upon Chabélah Ram, but he refused A‘zzu-d-

din’s overtures. He was tempted with an offer of a mansab of 3,000

Zat, 2,000 horse, the title of Rajah, robes of honour, a standard and

kettle-drums (the last three having been brought with the prince from

Dihli). After this offer was refused, they demanded all the treasure which

had come from Bengal and all the money in the Imperial chest. Chabélah

Ram prevaricated and ceased his visits. Much disconcerted at this

failure, A‘zzu-d-din continued his route. The faujdars followed with their

own troops, march by march, but pitched their camps two miles or more

from the main army. It was now quite obvious to the Prince’s advisers

that Chabélah Ram would seize the earliest opportunity to make his

escape. Accordingly, when they were at Kajwah, Lutfu-llah Khan

(then known as Sarfaraz Khan) was sent at the head of their best

troops with a request that Chabélah Ram would move his camp close

to theirs, or that, in compliance witha written order from Jahandar

Shah, then first produced, he should march into Audh, to which govern.

ment he was thereby appointed. Chabélah Ram accepted the second

alternative. Next day, giving out. that he wished to bathe in the

Ganges, and would thence continue his road to Audh, he moved to the

river bank at the Khamsarah ferry, some five miles from Kajwah | He

was still trying to find out the easiest road to Allahabad, when spies

brought word that Farrukhsiyar’s camp was not further off than two

or three marches, and the news was to him “ as a rain cloud to a thirsty

man ina desert.” At early dawn he made a forced march and soon

joined Farrukhsiyar. 1 Chabélah Ram and his nephew, Mahta Girdhar

Lal, were received with honour, their offerings accepted, and gifts

conferred on them. ‘Ali Asghar Khan, too, who had been watching for a

chance of escaping, joined Farrukhsiyar at Kunwarpur a few days after

Chabélah Ram, and shortly afterwards, on payment of five lakhs of

rupees, was made Khan Zaman.

Chabélnh Ram’s arrival was most opportune, and from the money

in his possession, he now began to advance fifteen thousand rupees a

day. Farrukhsiyar also borrowed from some merchants of Bengal and

Patnah, who joined the camp and travelled with it, the terms being

sawae, or a return of the principal and 25 per cent, plus promises of

titles and rank. The Prince’s troops had been in great distress on the

march. His leaders, nay he himself, only received every now and then

a little khicri (a poor man’s dish, made of pulse and spices), and the

day that they got this food was counted as a festival (‘Id). The common

soldiers lived on what they could pick up in the fields, such as green

1B. M. 1690, fol. 160 6, says he joined at Bindkah. According to Ijad, 80 a,

the carnp was there on the 24th Shawwal (23rd Noy. 1712).

1896. | W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 187

leaves (s@g), pumpkins (kaddu%) and the like. The horses got little or

no grass or grain. !

Towards the end of Shawwal (29th-28th November 1712), while

Farrukhsiyar was still at a distance of thirteen or fourteen kos,

A‘zau-d-din proceeded to throw up entrenchments at Kajwah. Being

the site of ‘Alamgir’s victory over Shuja‘ in January 1659, this place

was looked on as one of good omen. The ditch that they dug round

their position was some fifteen feet wide and ten feet deep, but without

water. The earth dug ont was thrown up in the inner side, forming a

protection of about the height ofa man. On this earthwork guns were

placed and one large mortar. The approaches were so defended, that

they believed it quite impossible for any enemy to reach those inside.

Their intention was to keep within cover, and if an attack were made,

to reply by artillery fire alone. ®

During this time Farrukhsiyarcontinued his advance from Allahabad.

His force is variously estimated : some putting it at 25,000 horse, some

at 50,000 horse and 70,000 foot. He reached Sarae Choli on the 19th

Shawwal (18th November 1712), was at Hathganw on the 20th,

Amrati on the 21st, Sarge Manda on the 22nd, Chéda Abinagar on

the 23rd, Kunwarpur on the 24th, and Roshanabad on the 25th.

Here he learnt that the enemy were entrenched at Kajwah, at a

distance of about five miles. Next day they advanced to ‘Aqilabad.

Here a new adherent appeared in the person of Muhammad Khan,

Bangash, at the head of 4,000 or 5,000 horsemen, chiefly Afghans.

For some years this man, a native of Mau on the Ganges, in Parganah

Shamsabad of the Agrah s#bah, had lived as a soldier of fortune in

Bundélkhand, hiring out himself and his men, first to one and then to

another of the large zamindars, between whom there raged interminable

quarrels about their lands and their boundaries. Muhammad Khan

changed sides as often as he thought it of advantage to himself. Lately

he had presented himself in prince A‘zzu-d-din’s camp, in the hope of

employment and reward. Disgusted with what he saw there, he felt it

more prudent to transfer his services, and now joined Farrukhsiyar.

He was presented through Sayyad ‘Abdu-llah Khan and taken into the

prince’s service. 3

1 Tjad, 71 a ; Khafi Khan, II, 716; Khushbal Cand, 3916; Yahya Khan 120 a.

The straits for money in which Farrukhsiyar was can be seen from his short private

notes to Chabélah Ram in Aj‘aibu-l-afak (B. M., Or. 1776) fol. 19 b, 29 b, etc.

2 Vjad, 77 a; Khafi Khan, II, 698, 716; Elphinstone, 530. k

j 8 Khafi Khhan, II. 715; Ijad, 776; Khushhal Cand, 392 a. Hathganw is about 19

m., Sarae Manda about 114m. east of Fathpur; Chéda Abunagar I identify (thanks

to my friend Mr. C. Rustomjee, c. s.) as a suburb of Fathpur itself. The'other plices

are not traced.

188 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

From Roshanabad, on the 25th Shawwal 1124 H. (24th November

1712), ‘Abdu-llah Khan and Husain ‘Ali Khan were sent on in advance

to reconnoitre. If they found a convenient point they were to deliver

an assault. The entrenchment was to be surrounded on all sides and a

heavy fire of artillery directed-on it. Farrukhsiyar was in favour of

an immediate attack, ‘Abdu-llah Khan counselled prudence while, as

yet, the respective strength of the two sides had not been tested. The

two Sayyads rode on, intending to take note of the position, until they

were close to the ditch. No sally was made; they were not even fired

upon; and they examined the position at leisure. During the night a

disposition of the attacking force was made under the orders of Sayyad

‘Abdu-llah Khan, Sayyad Husain ‘Ali Khan, Amir Khan, Fath ‘Ali

Khan and Bahadur Khan (Zainu-d-din). Their cannon were placed in

readiness behind the shelter of the mud walls in the neighbouring

villages. On the left of Farrukhsiyar’s army, positions were allotted to

Ashraf Khan (Khwajah A‘sim), Mahta Chabélah Ram, Afrasyab Khan,

and other leaders of the Wala Shahi (or household) troops. Four

hundred camels belonging to the other side were captured at the

outposts and brought in. !

On the 26th Shawwal (25th November 1712), Farrukhsiyar’s main

camp moved on half a mile to ‘Aqilabad. During the day the position

of A‘zzu-d-din was assailed by matchlock and rocket-fire, to which his

cannon replied. On the 27th another short move was made and

the same distant fight was maintained. Again on the 28th (27th Nov. )

there was a march to Bindki, and on this date one Haiya Khan, grand-

son of Hamid Khan, Quréshi, deserted from the other side, and was

rewarded with his great-grandfather’s title of Daad Khan. 4

During the 28th Shawwal the distant atttack was kept up and even

rendered more severe. Harly the next morning, the 29th, was fixed for

the final assault. But during the night between the 28th and the 29th

Shawwal (28th Nov. 1712), Khwajah Husain, Khan Dauran, and Lutfu-

llah Khan took counsel together, and to their timid minds no other

idea presented itself, except flight, That seemed to them the only way

out of the difficulty. The prince refused to move, and remonstrated in

these terms: ‘O Nawab! thou art like an uncle to me, and yet givest me

advice to flee! How strange this is; for I have never heard until now

that any one of Taimir’s House has fled without a battle. We are in

sight of the enemy: we ought not to retreat without a fight.’ Khan

Dauran, finding that his proposal was rejected, prepared forged letters,

bearing the seals of Imtiyaz Mahal (7.e., Lal Kunwar) and Kokaltash

1 jad, 78 b, 79 a; Khafi Khan, II, 699, 716.

% Ijad, 80 a. For Da,ud Khan Quréshi, see W.-ul-u. II, 32, and for Hamid Khan,

‘his son, id LI, 37.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 189

Khan, to the effect that the Emperor was dead, that they had kept the

body and allowed no one to know the truth; thus, if the prince came

quickly, he would secure the throne. This device had the desired effect.

A little after midnight, one or two caskets having been filled with

the most valuable jewels and some gold coins collected, A‘zzu-d-din,

his wife Sayyad Begam, daughter of Bédar Bakht, and her women,

were brought out and placed on elephants in covered canopies. A few

special adherents joined them. No baggage was taken with them ;

even the treasure chests were left behind.! With all the signs of

intense fright, they took their way back to Agrah, which they reached

in about a week. All their camp equipage and other wealth was left

behind to be plundered. When morning dawned, consternation fell upon

the abandoned soldiers, flight was their only thought, and many did not

even take time to saddle their horses or gather up the most necessary

articles. #

When word was brought to Farrukhsiyar’s camp, his men streamed

out like so many hungry hawks, to plunder and take possession. Men

who had not known how to provide for one day’s food, became suddenly

masters of great wealth.* The women’s clothes left behind were so

many, itis said, as to weary out those who were sent to count them.

Farrukhstyar’s camp was now moved close to Kajwah. A pursuit was

proposed, but countermanded by Farrukhsiyar. Of the property of the

fugitives each man was told to keep what he had been able to seize.

Eleven elephants were set aside to be afterwards given as presents.

During atwo days’ halt at Kajwah some more men of note from the

opposite side arrived to tender their submission, among them Sayyad

Muzaffar Khan, maternal uncle of ‘Abdu-llah Khan, Sayyad Hasan Khan

(son of Sayyad Husain Khan) and Sayyad Mustafa Husain (grandson

of Sayyad Qutb, Nagori). Lutfu-llah Khan also seems to have taken

advantage of the first opportunity to abandon A‘zzu-d-din and make his

peace with Farrukhsiyar. *

13. JanAnpir Sein weaves Dinti ror AGRAn.

On the night of the 4th Zu-l-qa‘dh (2nd December 1712) messengers

brought to Jahandar Shah at Dihli unwelcome news of A‘zzu-d-din’s

1 Kamwar Khan, 122, asserts that even the women were left behind.

2 Ijad, 80 6; Khafi Khin, II, 699, 717 ; Yahya Khan, 120, a, b.

3 This leads Kamwar Khan, 122, to burst forth into verse :—

T‘aliu-llah, zaht, qyum o dana !

Tawand-dih-i-har né-tawana !

‘ Behold of the omnipotent the wisdom and strength !

“Giver of power to all those who are powerless !’

4 Khafi Khan,!II, 699, 717; Kamwar Khan, 122 ; Khushhal Cand, 392 a. Muzaffar

Khan afterwards Sayyad Khan Jahan, Barhah, d. 1131 H. (1719).

190 W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. Z,

flight from Kajwah. It was at once decided to march from the capital

to meet the danger. Many thought it would be wiser to await the

enemy at Tughlagabad, eight miles south of Shahjahanabad, or New

Dihli. These views did not, however, prevail and a march to Agrah

was resolved upon. Strenuous efforts were made to put matters into

order and to collect an army. But during the preceding eleven months

everything had been allowed to fall into confusion, and during the whole

of this time the troops had not seen the sight of a com. An attempt

was now made to pay them, and to provide the necessary matériel and

equipage for a campaign. Most of the treasure, amassed in previous

reigns and stored within the fort at Dihli, had been expended in

frivolous festivities. As one writer complains, the money had been

spent in lamps and oil for a weekly illumination of the fort and river

banks. Meanwhile, the zamindars, taking advantage of the disputed

succession, had evaded the payment of revenue, and the officials,

uncertain of their future position, neglected to coerce them and made

many excuses.

Such small amount of money as there was in the treasury

was soon spent. Gold vessels collected in the palace from the time

of Akbar were next broken up and used, and such fragments of gold

and silver as could be found in any of the imperial workshops were

appropriated. Warid, the nistorian, saw the process with his own eyes.

All jewelled articles were next taken, and then the jewels themselves ;

after this, the clothes, carpets, and hangings were removed. As there

was still a deficiency, the ceilings of the palace rooms, which were plated

with gold, were broken up and distributed to the men. Nothing

else now remaining, the store-houses were thrown open and the goods

distributed in place of cash. A crowd assembled and no order was

maintained. The soldiers took what they liked and paid no heed to the

clerks. In a moment store-houses, full of goods which had been

preserved from the time of the Emperor Babar, were emptied. Nothing

was left. Still, in spite of all these efforts, the claims of many of the

men were unsatisfied, and they were told to wait until Agrah was

reached, when they would be paid from the treasure-house at that

place. ?

1 Khushhal Cand, 392 a, says that his father, Jiwan Ram, was then a clerk in

the Khanséman’s (Lord Steward’s) office. In one week jewels, worth three krors

and fifty lakhs of rupees, were distributed, among them a pot (matkah) of jasper

studded with jewels, said to have belonged to Bhim, brother of Rajah Judishtar

(Yudhisthira) and Arjun! It was 11 Shahjahani dira‘a (yards?) long and 7 dira‘a

wide! Although the dimensions are so precisely stated, I need hardly say that they

should be taken cum grano.

@ Tjad, 82 b, 83 a; Warid, 140 a; Khushhal Cand, 392 a.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). 191

One of the first measures necessary was to provide for the immediate

safety of Agrah. This was undertaken by Cin Qilic Khan, son of Ghaziu-

d-din Khan, and his Mughal troops. In the reign of Bahadur Shah this

noble had shown dissatisfaction with the treatment accorded him, and

finally had retired into private life at Dihli, In the struggle for the

succession he had intended to take ‘Azimu-sh-shan’s part, but withdrew

in time and was saved through Asad Khan’s and ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan’s

intercession. When danger from Farrukhsiyar threatened, be was too

important a man to be neglected, and Zu-l-figar Khan, in spite of their

old rivalry, found it expedient to make him an offer of employment.

He was sent to Agrah to join prince A‘zzu-d-din, who had then advanced

across the Jamnah beyond that place, but being a very cautious man, he

thought it wiser to delay any open declaration until affairs had further

developed. He therefore found excuses to linger at Agrah. The

Mughal leader next in importance to Cin Qilic Khan was his cousin,

Muhammad Amin Khan, Cin, who was now recalled from active service,

in which he had been engaged in sirka@r Sahrind against Bandah, the

leader of the Sikhs.!

At the end of a week arrangements had been completed. Asad

Khan, the wakil-i-mutlaq, was put in supreme charge of the city, Muham-

mad Yar Khan being made governor of the province and Ahlu-llah Khan

left in charge of the fortress containing the imprisoned members of the

royal house. The captivity of Hamidu-d-din Khan, ‘Alamgir-shahi, and

of Mahabat Khan, son of the late wazir, was made more strict ; they were

now locked up in the cells at the Tripoliyah (or triple gate) of the

fortress. _Other retainers of the emperor’s deceased brothers were sent

to prison. The commands in the army were thus distributed. To the

vanguard were posted Zu-l-fiqar Khan, Kokaltash Khan (Khan Jahan)

and Jani Khan, Jahin Shahi, with strong artillery and 40,000 horse-

men. Raji Muhammad Khan, general of artillery, had under his orders

one hundred cannon, large and small, besides swivel-guns (zambirak)

and camel-guns (Shkutarnadl). His orders were to accompany the

advanced tents. Islam Khan, Murtaza Khan, and A‘zam Khan guarded

the special artillery, detached to protect the centre, under command of

Raza Quli Khan. Muhammad Amin Khan and ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan

were on the right wing; Jan Nisar Khan and Mukhtar Khan on the

left wing. Round the emperor in the centre were posted Sa‘du-llah

Khan, Hafizu-llah Khan and Bahrahmand Khan. Faizu-llah Khan,

Mughal, was told off to guard the retinue of Lal Kunwar. °

1 Khafi Khan, II, 698, 716.

@ Khafi Khan, II, 718, adds the name of Sipahdar Khan.

Niru-d-din, 97; Kamwar Khan, 123; Khafi Khan, II, 718, For Zi-l-fiqir Khan

192 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

At the time appointed by the astrologers, near midnight of the 11th

Za-l-qa‘dh 1124 H. (9th December, 1712), Jahandar Shah mounted his

elephant and rode to his camp at Talab Kishn Das near Khizrabad,

seven miles south of the city. The superstitious were cast down from

the first by several accidents, which they treated as omens of coming

evil. As the elephant bearing the imperial kettle-drums passed

through the Dihli gate the ropes broke, the drums fell, and were dashed

to pieces ; and a few days before this sinister event, the imperial umbrella,

having caught on the branch of a tree, lost its fringe of pearls. In

addition, from the time that Jahandar Shah set out for Agrah, there

were continuous clouds and rain with cold wind night and day. The

cold was sointense that to the native of India to put his head outside

his tent was a hardship, his blood felt frozen in his veins, and his feet

were hard as if made of stone. The mist was so thick that the country

round could not be seen. It need hardly be added, at any rate those

acquainted with the country will know well, that these outward

circumstances produced the most depressing effect upon the troops. To

add to the other bad omens, came the accidental destruction by fire, in

spite of the rain and cloud, of some of the imperial tents. At Khizrabad

they learnt that prince A‘zzu-d-din had reached Agrah on the 6th of the

month (4th December, 1712). Farrukhsiyar was at the same time

reported to be at Itawah, though he was then really at Makhanpur. !

On the 15th Zu-l-qa‘dh (15th December, 1712) a move of six or

seven miles was made to Talpat. Here the puerile expedient was hit

upon of writing long appeals for aid to Rajah Ajit Singh, Rahtor, of

Jodhpur, and the other Rajput chieftains. There was no time left for

any such help; the issue must be decided, one way or the other, long

before any of the Rajputs could arrive upon the scene. On the 16th

the camp was pitched at Faridabad, about sixteen miles south of the

and Kokaltash Khan, see ante p. 160, Jani Khan, p. 163 note 1, Raji Mhd. Khan, p. 180

note 2, Murtaza Khan p. 161, No 5, A‘zam Khan (Mhd. Mah), p. 160, Raza Quli Khan,

p. 161, No. 7. Islam Khan was Mir Ahmad, grandson of Islam Khan, No. 1; he died

in 1144 H., 1731-2, aged 77, Mu-l-u, II, 741, T-1-Mhdi. year 1144 H. Jan Nisar Khan,

(Khwajah ‘Abdu-l-mukaram), d. Rabi‘ II 1131 H.(Feb. March 1719), aged about

eighty, T-i-Mhdi, and Mu-l-u., 1.5387. Mukhtar Khan (S. Mhd. formerly Iftikhar

Khan) received this, his father’s title, in 1119 H. (1708) when the latter was made

Khan ‘Alam (d. 1121 H.); his sister married Bédar Bakht, son of A‘zam Shah,

(see Mu-l-u, III, 655, for the father). M. K. died early in 1153 H. (1740),

T-i-Mhdt.

1 Naru-d-din, 98, 99; Khafi Khan, II, 700, 718. K. K. gives the date of starting

as the middle of Zu-] Qa‘dh, 25th Azar of the Ilahi era. Itawah is 73 m. south-

east of Agrah, Thornton, 305; Makhanpur, 34 m. north-west of Cawnpore, id.

642. F

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1703-1803), 193

city, and two days were allowed for the arrival of stragglers. Two days

were passed at Sikri. On the 2lst (19th December, 1712) the army

was at Palwal, and there the final muster was made. The force reported

was 100,000 men, horsemen, matchlockmen, and bowmen. Their tents

covered a circle of about eight miles in circumference.! By daily

marches Agrah was reached on -the Ist Zi-l-hajj (29th December,

1712), and their first encampment was at Bagh Dahrah, three miles

south of the city. Prince A‘zzu-d-din came out of the city and joined

his father. Curaman, the Jat, to whom many flattering promises

had been made, joined with a large number of men from his own tribe.

Efforts were now made to unearth the buried treasure in the fort of

Agrah. Many doorways were opened but nothing was found, and

there was no time toconduct an effective search. Some ingots of

copper were discovered, which had been lying there since Akbar began

to build the fort and had prepared these copper bricks for use in the

walls. These were now sold off in order to pay some of Jahandar Shah’s

men.?

On the 2nd Ziu-1-hajj (30th December, 1712) Jahandar Shah moved

to Samtgarh, a place close to the Jamnah, to the east of and about eight

miles from Agrah city. Probably it was chosen as having been the site

of ‘Alamgir’s victory of the 6th Ramazan 1068 H. (June, 1658), won

by him over his brother Dara Shukoh. At first sight, looking to his

superiority in numbers and in artillery, no one could have doubted of

Jahandar’s being victorious. But he was in the power of a mere bazar

woman, surrounded by men of low antecedents, and his army under the

command of officers, who with the exception of Zu-l-fiqar Khan, were

men of no experience or position. The fighting men from beyond the

Indus were disgusted with Jahandar Shah’s habits and many spoke

despairingly of his chance of winning the day. Farrukhsiyar’s success

was desired even in Jahandar Shah’s own ranks. The want of unity

among the leaders now began to produce its effects. Zu-l-lfiqar Khan was

1 Khafi Khan, II, 700, says Zu-l-fiqar Khan had more than 20,000; the total

was 80,000 horse, 100,000 foot. In another place, IJ, 718, he gives 70,000 to 80,000

horse and innumerable foot. Farrukhsiyar had not one-third of these numbers.

Faridabad to Sikri about 10 miles, Sikri to Palwal, 9 miles, Indian Atlas, sheet 49

South-East.

2 This tradition of copper bricks still survived in Agrah in 1768, see ‘Orme

Collections,’ Vol. 15, p. 4304, Mémoire des Jats, an anonymous essay in French,

written in that year. ‘Comme en effet il y’a encore une tradition assez bien établie

parmi les habitans d’Agra, qu’Akbar l’a voulu faire de cuivre rouge, et qu'il avait

deja fait faire une quantité de briques de ce métal.’ But this author believes the

idea is founded on a mistake, and that the copper ingots were made for transmutation

into gold by a fakir, in whose powers as alchemist Akbar believed.

Jeet. 25

194 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [ No. 2,

at daggers drawn with Koékaltash Khan (Khan Jahan) and his brother,

Muhammad Mah (A‘zam Khan). Again both of these rival parties

were jealous of the Mughal leaders, and fully resolved that they should

have as little chance as possible of distinguishing themselves. Indeed,

the Mughals were hardly believed in or trusted at all. They were

suspected, andas it turned out truly suspected, of intending some

treachery. Out of these jarring elements little agreement could be

looked for. The first plan, supported by Zi-l-fiqar Khan, was to cross

the river at once and occupy the other bank. This idea was given up,

from want of concord among the leaders, in spite of their having thrown

across a bridge of boats just opposite totheir camp. Kokaltash Khan

objected to their crossing on the ground that if they fought on the

further side, the enemy when defeated would be able to get clear away

and renew the struggle. All boats fora distance of eighty or ninety

miles were called in, and when Farrukhsiyar arrived, not a boat or a

boatman could be found on his side of the river.!

The only attempt at a forward movement was one undertaken to

drive away the advanced guard of Farrukhsiyar’s army. Reports were

brought in that Bahadur Khan (Zainu-d-din) Rohélah, and Muhammad

Khan, Bangash, with seven or eight thousand horsemen and some light

artillery, had reached the further bank of the Jamnah, intending to

effect a crossing. Raji Muhammad Khan was ordered out with his

guns to the other side of the river, to prevent them crossing. As soon

as Raji Muhammad Khan, accompanied by Islam Khan, reached the

river bank, Farrukhsiyar’s troops decamped. The guns were taken

across the water without difficulty. But on the further side the heavy

rain had turned the sandy bed into a quagmire, into which the feet of

men and animals sank up to the knee. The guns could not be placed

in position, the generals therefore left them and returned. Two days

had been wasted in this operation. The rain continued, the river began

to rise, and thus on Jahandar Shah’s side all fear of the enemy effecting

a crossing was dissipated. In this state of false security they continued,

and the festival of the sacrifice (10th Zi-l-hajj=7th December, 1712)

was celebrated at Samigarh. One writer, Yahya Khan, says that all

action was intentionally postponed until after the festival. ?

14. FARRUKHSIYAR ARRIVES AT THE JAMNAH.

From Kajwah, where we left him, Farrukhsiyar marched on the

3rd Zi-l-qa‘dh (1st December, 1712) to Qasbah Korah. Here he halted

1 Khafi Khan, II, 701, 718, 713; Elphinstone, 522.

2 Niru-d-din, Multani 100; Yahya Khan, He b. Samugarh is spelt Sumogay on

Indian Atlas, sheet 50,

1896.] W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) 195

for a day, forty horses from A‘zzu-d-din’s fugitive army were brought

in, and a visit was paid to the shrine of Shéekh Badi‘u-d-din. The next

marches were ‘Alamnagar (5th), Dohar (7th), Jophrah, (8th), Sapoli

(10th), Nadhaya (11th), and the town of Makhanpur on the 12th. On the

next day visits were paid to the shrine of Shah Madar, ! and gifts were

distributed there and at the tombs of other holy men. On the 15th

(13th December, 1712) they moved to Makrandnagar, where ‘Ali

Asghar Khan was created Khan Zaman and made a Bakhshi in place of

A‘zam Khan. The next three days were spent in reciting prayers at

the tombs of holy men at Rajgir and other places round Qannauj. On

the 19th they moved to Jalalabad thence to Sikandrah (20th), Rangpur

(21st), Amipur (22nd), Basantpur (23rd), Kalyaénpur (24th), Itawah

(25th), Fazilabad (27th), Kharsanah (28th), Sarie Murlidhar (29th),

Shukohabad (1st Zu-l-hajj), Firizabad (2nd), ‘Alinagar (4th), and

I‘timadpur (5th). This last named place is three miles from the left

bank of the Jamnah, and lies five miles north-east of Samigarh. 2

Here they learnt that Jahandar Shah had reached Samigarh and

had seized all boats up and down the river for a distance of eighty or

ninety miles. But nota signof his further advance could be detected,

nor did there seem any chance of their being able to cross the river

themselves in order to force on a decisive battle. Therefore, on the

night of the 5th Zu-l-hajj (2nd January 1713), it was resolved to send a

capable messenger to Jahandar Shah. This man was to point out to

him that they had come a journey of three months’ duration, he, one of

seven days only. Why then should he hold back and delay the final

battle 2? Let him cross at once and meet them in the field. An answer

was awaited until the following day. The envoy then returned and

reported that he had been taken before Jahandar Shah and had repeated

his message. The only answer received was ‘It is well! it is well!’®

When he passed the river they cried to him ‘ You see the bridge, you

see the bridge,’ but so far as he could find out, they neither meant to

cross over themselves nor allow their opponents to cross. *

On the 7th (4th January 1713) Farrukhsiyar moved his camp some

1 Makhanpur is 34 m. North-West of Cawnpore, Thornton, 342. Shékh

Badi‘u-din, known as Shah Madar, died 18th Jamadi I, 840 H. (29th November

1436) :—

Dar Makanpur hast marqad-i-z,

: Hind va shud hazar fakhr az %.

Khazinatu-l-asfiyah, 11, 310; Beale, 364, has 838 H. (26th December, 1434).

2 Ijad, 82d.

3 Khib ast, khub ast.

4 Tjad, 88 b.

196 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [No. 2,

six miles to Sarae Bégam.! Here welcome news was received of

treachery at work in Jahandar Shah’s army. ‘Ubaidu-llah, Shari‘yatn-lah

Khan (afterwards Mir Jumlah), who had been with ‘Azimu-sh-shan

at Lahdr, had intended to return to Bengal and rejoin his patron’s

- son as soon as possible. On his way down country he had been detained

at Agrah by the officials on the river bank and had not been allowed to

continue his journey. At this time, when Jahandar Shah arrived at

Agrah, Shari‘yatu-llah Khan, at the peril of his life, opened secret

negociations with the Mughal leaders, Cin Qilic Khan and Muhammad

Amin Khan, Cin, and by his persuasion these men agreed not to fight

when the day of battle betweén the two claimants to the throne should

arrive. *

15. Sayyap ‘ABpU-LLAH KHAN FINDS A FORD AND CROSSES THE

J AMNAH,

At this point things seemed to have come to a deadlock; Jahandar

Shah would not and Farrukhsiyar could not cross the Jamnah. Not

a boat could be found anywhere. After three days’ delay, the patience

of ‘Abdu-llah Khan was exhausted. Making over charge of the main

body to Husain ‘Ali Khan, he marched up the left bank in the hope

of finding a ford. When he had gone four or five miles, he came to

a place where he saw some villagers wading through very shallow

water. Forthwith (9th Zi-l-hajj 1124 H., 6th Jan. 1713) he crossed

with the five hundred horsemen then in his retinue. Messengers

were sent to Farrukhsiyar, and ‘Abdu-llah Khan’s men passed the lone

winter night shivering from the cold, while they held their bridle reins

in their hand and watched for the daylight to appear. The 10th (7th

January, 1713) was passed by Farrukhsiyar at Méwatpur, where he

sacrificed for the ‘7d. During the night of the ]1th, the prince crossed

the river on his elephant.* The rest of the army preceded or followed

1 Query, the Sarae Hazam of the Indian Atlas, Sheet 50, nine miles west of

I‘timadpur.

2 Tjad, 88b, 89a ; Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 157, 158; Khafi Khan, II, 700. 719. Lutfu-

Mah Khan, Sadiq, is said to have aided in seducing Jahandar Shah’s officers from

their allegiance, Khushhal Cand 392 b.

3 Iradat Khan (J Scott, II, pt. IV, 91) says the counter march was one of

twenty miles, and the place of crossing the ford of Gao Ghat, some miles above

Agrah, Khafi Khan II, 720, fixes it on the night of the llth (ie., the night

between the 10th and 11th) ; the water, he says, was up to a man’s chest, and the

place, near Sarae Roz Bahani, four kos from Agrah on the road to Dihli. The

Ahwalu-l-khawaqin 56a, also ealls it the ford of Roz Bahan.

4 Khafi Khan II, 720, says this crossing was 3 or 4 pas te, 9 to 12 hours after

that of ‘Abdullah Khan.

1896. | W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) 197

him; and although the night was dark, no lives were lost. Camp was

pitched at Sarae Roz Bahani ! nearAkbar’s tomb at Bihishtabad Sikan-

drah, five miles west of Agrah fort, with the front facing Agrah and the

year towards Dihli. For a time Husain ‘Ali Khan and Chabélah Ram,

Nagar, were left behind on the left bank of the river as a rearguard,

with the view of protecting the army from any sudden pursuit on the

part of Jahandar Shah. They, too, crossed the river twenty-four hours

after the rest of Farrukhsiyar’s army. The next day, the 12th Zua-l-hajj

(9th January 1713), the rain being less heavy and the mist less thick,

was spent in rest and in drying such articles, cannon, muskets, and

rockets, as had been wetted in fording the river. ?

16. JAHANDAR SHAH MOVES FROM SAamMUGARH.

No one in Jahandar Shah’s army had dreamt that Farrukhsiyar

would be able to cross the Jamnah so easily and expeditiously. The

news spread consternation through his camp and threw all his plans

into confusion. A retrograde movement was commenced, and although

the distance was not great, the whole day was spent on the march and

the emperor did not reach his tents until nightfall. During the next

two days, the 12th and 13th, Jahaudir Shah failed to take the initia-

tive. Zia-l-fiqar Khan thought that delay would induce many of

Farrukhsiyar’s soldiers to desert, for they were supposed to be enduring

great hardships in various ways.

17. Tue Barrie or AcRAH (13TH ZU-L-HAsS 1124 H.

10ra January, 1713).

Zi-1-fiqgar Khan chose a position resting, to the right or east, upon

the gardens and houses of Agrah, having to the left and the front, that

is, the west and north, cultivated fields, thorny scrub, and many broad,

deep ravines. To the south and rear the emperor’s camp was pitched.

1 Yahya Khan, 1200, places the camp near Sikandrah. Sarae Roz Bahani

(Kh. Kh. II, 720) was 4 kos or about 9 miles west of Agrah. There is a tomb ofa

saint of some repute, Shekh Roz Bihan, a little to the east of Shiraz town, E.G.

Browne, ‘ A year amongst the Persians,’ London, 1893, p. 274. Roz Bahan was the

son of Abi Nasar, lived to be 84 years of age, and died 696 H., Shirdz-na@mah, B.M.

Addl. 18,185 fol. 186 a. The Roz Bahani who built this Sarae may have been a

descendant or disciple of this saint. Roz Bahaniis not in Beale, although that

author lived at Agrah. A Yusuf Khan, Rdz-Bihéni, was Sibahdar of Haidarabad

in Bahadur Shah’s reign— Ma’ dsiru-l-wmard, I, 256. Again, id. III, 771, a corps of

Roz Bahanis was present in the battle against Prince Shuja‘ at Bélghatha near

Akbarnagar (Mungér ?).

@ Tjad, 90 ; Warid, 141 a; Khafi Khan, II, 720; Yahya Khan, 1208.

8 Tjad, 91 ; Warid, 141; Khafi Khan IJ, 719, 720; Naru-d-din, 101.

198 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [ No. 2,

His troops were disposed in the following order. As the heavy artillery

had been abandoned inthe Jamnah sands, the light artillery under

Raza Quli Khan was removed from the centre and sent to the front,

where the guns were drawn up in line and chained together. The

vanguard was divided by Zu-l-figar Khan into two parts of fifteen thou-

sand men each, one half under Kokaltash Khan (Khan Jahan) and the

other under Jani Khan. In support, there were ten thousand men

under Sabha Cand, ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan and Mohammad Amin Khan.

The first body was opposed to ‘Abdu-llah Khan, and the second to

Husain ‘Ali Khan, who was on the right of Farrukhsiyar. Raji

Muhammad Khan, the mir-atash, was sent off with seven elephants

to recover the heavy guns from the sand, and by great exertions he

was able to bring forty of them into action. !

By three o'clock in the afternoon of the 13th Zu-l-hajj or 19th Di

(10th January 1713) the rain stopped and the mist lifted; the con-

tending armies as the sun broke out were able to perceive each other’s

movements. ‘Abdu-llah Khan mounted his elephant and displayed his

war standard. Then he sent Chabélah Ram, Nagar, Khan Zaman

(‘Ali Asghar) and Muhammad Khan, at the head of 8,000 horse, to

meet Jani Khan, who was advancing in his direction. Kokaltash

Khan (Khan Jahan) who was on Jahandar Shah’s left, had been told

to attack Husain ‘Ali Khan, who was immediately in front of him.

But disobeying Zi-l-figar Khan’s orders, he turned his attack against

Farrukhsiyar’s centre. Meanwhile, in the expectation thatthe guns would

soon arrive, there was some hesitation on Jahandar Shah’s side in charg-

inghome. Husain ‘Ali Khan, provoked that the enemy had assumed the

initiative, lost patience and advancing into the field with Saf Shikan

1 Niaru-d-din, 102; Ijad, 91a. Jahandar Shah’s disposition is thus given by

Khafi Khan, I, 720, 721; Right—Kokaltash Khan, A‘zam Khan (M. Mah) Jani Khan ;

Left—Zi-l-figar Khan, ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan; Yaman (right) of Kokaltash Khan.—

Mhd Amin Khan, Cin Qilic Khan, Jan Nisar Khan ; Yaman (right) and Yasar (left)

of the Yaltamash—Raji Mhd Khan, Islam Khan, Murtaza Khan, Hafizu-llah Khan

and Raza QuliKhan. Farrukhsiyar’s order of battle is given thus by Kam Raj

Tbratnamah, 50 a; Vanguard (hard@wal) S. Fath ‘Ali Khan, Mir-atash, S. Husain ‘Ali

Khan, Saf Shikan Khan, Ghulam ‘Ali Khan; Iltamsh and left (jaranghar) S.

Hasan ‘Ali Khan (i.e., ‘Abdu-llah Kh.), S. Najmu-d-din ‘Ali Khan, S. Saifu-d-din ‘Ali

Khan, Muhammad Khan Bangash; (baranghar) Rajah Chabélah Ram, Girdhar

Bahadur, ‘Ali Asghar Khan; centre (qil), Farrukhsiyar, Ahmad Beg, Khwajah

A‘sim, Mhd. Muzaffar, Mir Ghyasu-d-din.

@ Khafi Khan, 721, says this force was sentagainst Kokaltash Khan. Iradat

Khan (J. Scott, IT, pt. IV, p. 93) appears to be referring to this movement when

he says ‘ After a cannonade, I saw two bodies from the enemy’s line charge ours

one witha red and the other with a green standard The former was the corps

of Rajah Chabélah Ram, and the latter, that of Sayyad Husain ‘Ali Khan,’

1896. | W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) 199

Khan (Hasan Bég) Mir Ashraf (of Lakhnan), Saifu-llah Khan, Fath

‘Ali Khan, commanding Farrukhsiyar’s artillery, Bahadur Khan

(Zainu-d-din), Rohélah, and others, delivered an attack on Kokaltash

Khan.! They soon came to close quarters, Jahandar Shah’s side

having the advantage. Seeing this result, ‘Abdu-llah Khan sent forward

reinforcements under Afrasyab Khan? and Imtiyaz Khan. Raza Quli

Khan, commanding Jahandar Shah’s light artillery, poured a fire on

them which did much damage, Husain ‘Ali Khan, feeling that the

crisis of the battle had come, dismounted from his elephant, as was

the custom on an emergency, and continued the fight on foot, sword in

hand, surrounded by his relations and tribesmen. At this juncture,

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan appeared in the Sayyad’s rear and his Turani

bowmen wounded Husain ‘Ali Khan so severely that he fell to the

ground and fainted. The Barhah Sayyads closed round him and de-

fended his body till they were cut down themselves. Bahadur Khan

(Zainu-d-din), Rohélah, was felled by a sword cut delivered by Muham-

mad Mah (A‘zam Khan), brother of Kokaltash Khan. Mir Ashraf

(brother of Mir Mushrif) and Sayyad Fath ‘Ali Khan ® flung themselves

on the Turanis and slew many before they were themselves slain. No

one on Jahandaér Shah’s side had anticipated that Kokaltash Khan

would fight so bravely, and asit turned out, he was the only one of

the chief generals who really exerted himself in his master’s cause. *

While the contest between Husain ‘Ali Khan and Kokaltash Khan

was proceeding, Chabélah Ram made a fierce charge on Jani Khan,

He was backed up by Khan Zaman (‘Ali Asghar) and Muhammad

Khan, Bangash, and both sides made play with their swords. Many a

head was severed, many a saddle emptied. It was late in the afternoon

1 Khafi Khan, 721, says this attack was against Zu-l-figar Khan.

@ Suhrab, known as Mirza Ajméri, entitled A. Kh, Bahadur, Rustam Jang,

son of Girshasp, died at Dihl on the night of the 25th Ramazan 1130 (21st August

1718), rank 5,000 (T-i-Mhdz). He had been Farrukhsiyar’s instructor in wrestling

and archery. An anecdote of his strength is given in Akhbdr-i-Muhabbat, 277.

His elder brother was the Rashid Khan (ante, p. 173) who had been sent in 1124 H.

to eject Ja‘far Khan (Murshid Quli Kh) from Bengal, vide Gladwin, Transactions,

96, et seq.

3 Sister’s son of 8. ‘Abdu-llah Khan, Khushhal Cand, 3926. On fol. 3966 there

is an incredible story that ‘Abdu-llah Khan, jealous of his nephew’s reputation, sent

a Huropean doctor to him at Agrah, where he was left behind wounded, with

instructions to kill him by poisoned ointments, and it was done accordingly.

4 Khafi Khan, II, 721; 722, Khushhal Cand, 398a. Shridhar Murlidhar also

gives us the date in the following lines :—

Sambat su satrah sai onhattari, Pus punyd Budh tahi, .

Sam s0 agyarah tétis-a, mahé Moharram chandahi,

Aru patsahi mah Ajur baési, Shridhar kahi

Saph jane ki saét sadhi, Saheb Jahan kini sahi.

200 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) [No. 2,

and the booming of Jahandar Shah’s big guns could now be heard.

Farrukhsiyar’s men seemed to lose heart ; many left the field and took

shelter in neighbouring villages. !

When Zi-l-fiqar Khan noticed that Kokaltash Khan had begun to

gain the upper hand, he directed Mukhtar Khan to lead a strong

reinforcement to their right, to the aid of Jani Khan, and gave orders

im person to the artillery to direct their fire against ‘Abdu-llah Khan.

The latter held his ground boldly against this artillery fire, his position

being on a mound slightly raised above the plain. But some of his

supporters, particularly the new levies, showed signs of giving way.

In spite of this ‘Abdu-llah Khan, surrounded by his Barhah Sayyads,

then not numbering more than two or three hundred, remained on the

mound where he had taken up his place. Availing himself of his

opportunity, Curaman, Jat,a practised plunderer, fell on the rear of

Jahandar Shah and captured many elephants and camels together with

the baggage loaded upon them; and one of his officers, Girdhar Singh,

tried to drive off the oxen, which were used to drag the heavy guns,

but was slain by Raji Muhammad Khan in the attempt. 2

Mukhtar Khan reached Jani Khan’s side at a critical moment. By

his aid, the ranks of Chabélah Ram were thrown into confusion and his

men were almost on the point of flight. Then Chabélah Ram and

Muhammad Khan, taking their lives in their hands, drove their ele-

phants alongside that ridden by Jani Khan, and succeeded in killing

him. On the death of their leader Jani Khan’s men fled, but Mukhtar

Khan with 4000 men continued the fight until he was severely wounded

and forced to withdraw. ®

At this stage of the battle Farrukhsiyar’s defeat seemed assured.

Reports had spread that Husain ‘Ali Khan was dead; while separated

from his standard elephant and from mostof his captains, ‘Abdu-llah

Khan had only a few men left around him; and in the centre, with

Farrukhsiyar himself, there were no more than six thousand men.

Even these men had no heart left in them and were only waiting for a

way of escape. On the other side was Zu-l-fiqar Khan with 25,000 fresh

troops, many noted leaders, and powerful artillery. But for some

reason, either that he despised the enemy or that he wished Kokaltash

Khan to be thoroughly defeated, he refrained from intervening in the

1 Nuru-d-din, 106.

2 Nuru-d-din, 106.

3 Nuru-d-din, 108. Khafi Khan, II, 702, says Mukhtar Khan was killed on the

spot, Kamwar Khan, 126, however, explains that he was killed by plunderers during

the retreat on Dihl. He was the son of Mukhtar Khan, Khan ‘Alam, Bahadur Shahi,

(d. Safar 1121 H. April 1709), Mu-l-u, III, 655, Kamwar Khan spells it Mukhtyar

Khan.

1896. | W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) 201

* fight. Although repeatedly asked for permission, he declined to give

the order to attack. At length, learning that Jani Khan was dead,

Zi-l-fiqar Khan despatched Cin Qilic Khan to support Kokaltash Khan,

with instructions, when free of that duty, to turn his attack against

Farrukhsiyar’s centre. Zu-l-fiqar Khan then made ready to deal himself

with ‘Abdu-llah Khan, who was still in his former position. Chabélah

Ram withdrew his men into ambush, while Muhammad Khan succeeded

in joining ‘Abdu-llah Khan. The scattered troops of Husain ‘Ali Khan

re-assembled round the elder Sayyad brother. Farrukhsiyar sent two

thousand men from the centre, which he commanded in person. In all

‘Abdu-llah Khan had now some four thousand men at his disposal. !

Leaving Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s division on his right, ‘Abdu-llah Khan

began to work round to the rear-guard of Jahandar Shah, at the moment

when K6kaltash Khan on his way to Farrukhsiyar’s centre, had been

met and stopped by Chabélah Ram. ‘Abdu-llah Khan, as soon as he

saw the prince’s danger, had detached Muhammad Khan, to protect their

centre. Raza Quli Khan, general of Jahandar Shah’s light artillery, had

just turned his guns on Farrukhsiyar, when Muhammad Khan came up

and by a hand to hand encounter silenced his fire, Raza Quli Khan

himself losing his life. Chabélah Ram, meanwhile, had defeated and

Inlled Kokaltash Khan, whereupon that noble’s men fell back upon

the main body of Jahandar Shah’s army, and threw his centre into

confusion. A‘zam Khan, (Mhd Mah), brother of Kokaltash Khan, who

had been severely wounded, succeeded in rejoining Jahandar Shah.

These events assisted ‘Abdu-llah Khan in making good his advance.

Accompanied now by Chabélah Ram, Muhammad Khan, and ‘Ali As-

ghar Khan, he came out behind the rear of Jahandaér Shah. The

movement was facilitated, or rather made possible, by the defection

of the Turanis under Oin Qilic Khan and Muhammad Amin Khan,

who according to the previous agreement, stood aloof and made no

effort to interfere. Atthe rear there was no preparation for defence.

‘Abdu-llah Khan, without a moment’s hesitation, marched straight upon

the elephants bearing. Jahandar Shah’s women. Islam Khan and

Murtaza Khan came out and did their best to stem the torrent. But

they were soon killed. 3

Zi-\-figar Khan, on seeing the enemy opposed to him move away

to one side, adopted the erroneous idea that they had abandoned the

field and were in full flight. He drew rein and countermanded his

1 Naru-d-din, 109, Khafi Khan, II, 702, 722, 723, Khishhal Cand, 393 a.

2 Niru-d-din, 110 Khafi Khan, II, 703,724. K. K. says, 724, that Raza Quli

Khan, after being wounded, escaped to Agrah and was there poisoned.

3 Niru-d-din, Multani, 110, 111.

J. 1. 26

202 W. Irvine—Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [No. 2,

attack. Many urged that as Husain ‘Ali Khan was dead (as was then

thought) and ‘Abdu-llah Khan had left the field, it would be easy to

decide the day by attacking Farrukhsiyar, who could have with him

no more than 3,000 or 4000 disheartened men, already more than half-

inclined to take to flight. Zi-l-fiqgar Khan objected that the field of

battle had been already vacated by the enemy, and that night was

coming on. He would cause the drums to beat for the victory and

encamp where they stood. The few of the enemy left were unable to

cross the river at night, flight was barred to them in every direction.

Why then trouble any further? In the morning they could take them

alive at their leisure. The drums were beaten, in forgetfulness of Zal’s

advice to Rustam, ‘No enemy can be counted despicable or powerless.’ +

‘Abdu-llah Khan heard Zi-l-fiqgar Khan’s drums beating. He was

perplexed by the sound and feared that some calamity had overtaken

Farrukhsiyar. Resolving to sell his life as dearly as possible, he charged

the enemy’s centre from its rear. Jahandar Shah was still engaged

in repelling this onset when his attention was diverted by new assail-

ants. Clouds of arrows had struck the elephants bearing his women

and the women singers; the uproar and confusion were increased by the

Jat plunderers, who fell at once on the baggage placed in charge of the

rear-guard. The men defending it were scattered and fled to the centre

division. This point became in its turn the object of ‘Abdu-llah Khan’s

attack, his force having swollen on the way to some 12,000 men. Jahan-

dar Shah’s elephant, on receiving several arrow wounds on its face,

got out of its driver’s control. The Emperor made an effort to reach

Zi-1-figar Khan, so that their united forces might turn and face the foe.

But the elephant was quite uncontrollable and rushed first in one

direction and then in another; any horseman or foot soldier that it saw

itrushed at and killed. The Emperor’s body-guard fled in all directions

to save their lives. Jahandar Shah was thus forced to descend from

his elephant and mount a horse. #

Hardly had the Emperor settled himself in the saddle, when Lal

Kunwar arrived in search of him. She forced him to come into her

haudah, and together they took the road to Akbarabad (Agrah). Night

was now rapidly approaching and his troops in despair abandoned the

field. Zi-l-fiqar Khan sent men to repel the enemy but the movement

was ineffectual; in the darkness many were slain by the Barhah

Sayyads, and some, among them Mukhtar Khan (son of Khan ‘Alam,

Bahadur Shahi) and Wazarat Khan (son of Mir Khan, the elder), were

1 Dani kih cah guft Zal ba Rustam-i-gurd, ‘ Dushman ra na-tawan hagir o becarah

shumurd.,

@ Nuru-d-din, 112, 118; Warid, 142 a.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) 203

killed by plunderers. The camp followers of Jahandar Shah’s army,

who had taken to flight, were trodden under foot by the retreating

elephants, of which there were over two hundred present.! When this

rout was reported to Zu-l-figar Khan, he made no attempt to retreat, but

stood where he was for at least three hours after night had fallen.

Although on Farrukhsiyar’s side they were beating their drums in

token of victory, no one, not even ‘Abdu-llah Khan, ventured to move

against Zu-l-fiqgar Khan. Meanwhile the latter had sent messengers,

to whom he had promised large rewards, to search for Jahandar Shah

and A‘zzu-d-din, and bring one or the other back to the battle-field.

If one of them could be found, he intended to make one final charge in

the hope of retieving the day. In spite of all efforts, no trace of either

father or son could be found. Uneasy at seeing Zi-l-fiqar Khan still

holding the field at the head of his troops, Farrukhsiyar sent him a

message asking the reason. If he claimed the crown for himself, his

persistence was understood. If on the other hand, he were only a sub-

ject, then one heir of the house of Taimur was as much entitled to his

allegiance as another. When A‘zam Shah was defeated, he had sub- -

mitted himself to Bahadur Shah; he was bound to adopt the same

course now, On this appeal, Zi-l-fiqar Khan withdrew slowly and in

good order towards Agrah. To all his enquiries for Jahandar Shah

the answer was that he must have gone to the city of Agrah. Zi-l-fiqar

Khan pushed on as fast as possible towards the city, in the hope of

finding the Emperor and returning with him to renew the contest. He

drew up at Shahganj near the city, where he remained until midnight,

then finding no trace of Jahandar Shah or his son, he marched off

accompanied by ‘Abdu-s- gamad Khan, Raji Muhammad Khan, Shakir

Khan and other leaders with their troops. His first march made at night

carried him to near Kakrol, he then changed his direction and made

for Dihli.*

Some of Ziu-l-fiqar Khan’s officers, notably ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan,

Ahrari, had advised him to attempt the seizure of Farrukhsiyar’s person,

an easy enterprize, and if inthe morning it were found that Jahandar

Shah and his son were slain, Farrukhsiyar’s gratitude could be assured by

placing him on the throne. Zu-l-fiqar Khan declined to entertain this

project. Others advised an immediate retreat on the Dakhin, where

the Nawab’s deputy, Daid Khan, possessed sufficient troops and

treasure to renew the struggle. This proposal seemed likely to be

accepted. But Sabha Cand interposed with the remark, ‘ Think of

1 Narn-d-din; 113; Khafi Khan, II, 703, 724; Kamwar Khan, 126.

@ Khafi Khan, II, 724; Yahya Khan, 121 a; Iradat Khan in J. Scott, II, pt. IV

94; B.M. No 1690, fol, 161 6. and Ahwalu-l-khawaqin, 57 6.

204 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) [No. 2,

your weak old father! Will you by your own act give him over to

be killed?’ The by-standers remarked to each other that it was an

omen of ill-fortune when, at sach a moment, a scribe’s opinion was

taken and that of soldiers neglected. 1

As the light of morning began to break ‘Abdu-llah Khan stopped

the pursuit of Jahandar Shah and returned to the position occupied by

Farrukhsiyar, bringing with him the imperial umbrella and the golden

throne called kancan samir, which had been abandoned in the flight. #

FLicgut oF JAHANDAR Shaw To Drati.

At the place where he had taken shelter, Jahandar Shah caused

his beard and moustache to be shaved off, and changed his clothes,

When the night was nearly spent he, Lal Kunwar, and Mhd. Mah

(A‘zam Khan) mounted a small, two-wheeled bullock-carriage (bahal),

covered by a canopy, such as women ridein, and started for Dibli. In

the morning, about nine o’clock, they reached a village five miles or so

west of Mathura. There they sent for food, and until it was found,

lay ® down on the bare earth for a short sleep. They were soon again

on their way, and munched as they went the dry bread for which they

had begged. Three hours after nightfall on the second night, they

reached a village near Sarae Hodal, and here they obtained a little

grass for their cattle. Day had hardly risen ere they were again on the

road. On the J6th Ziu-l-hajj H. (13th Jan. 1713), after dark, they

entered Talpat, a village thirteen miles from Dihli, which had been

granted in perpetuity (al taghmah) by Jahandar Shah to Muhammad

Mah, who had built there a house and mosque and planted a garden.

His servants were still in possession, and thus they were in comparative

safety. As they did not wish to enter Dihli in day-light, and they were

worn out by continuous travelling, they went to sleep. At dusk they

resumed their journey. Muhammad Mah advised his master to avoid

Dibli and continue his flight to Multan, where he had friends. Jahandar

Shah answered with idle talk. He still relied on Zia-1-fiqar Khan’s oaths

and insisted that he must once more see and speak to that nobleman.

They reached Dihli in the night of the 18th Zu-l-hajj (15th Jan, 1713),

Lal Kunwar went to her own house in charge of Muhammad Mah,

while Jahandar Shah, still covered with the dust from his journey,

repaired alone to the house of Asad Khan, Agafu-d-daulah.4

1 Warid, 143 b, 144 a; Uw asiru-l-wmara, II, 93.

@ Warid, 148 a,b.

3 Cashm garm kardan, to take a nap, lit. ‘to warm the eyes.’

4 Mirza Muhammad, 153, 154; Vjad, 108 6 to111 a; Khafi Khan, IJ, 725.

Mathura is 35 m. from Agrah, Thornton, 656 ; Sarae Hodal, Indian Atlas, Sheet No.

1896.] W. Irvine —Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) 205

Zu-l-figar Khan with ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan had arrived at Dihli on the

preceding day, the 17th (14th Jan. 1713), still at the head of a large

and well-equipped force. The people of the city made certain that

after an interview with his father, he would renew the struggle, erecting

batteries outside the city. Zi-l-fiqgar Khan proceeded to his father’s

house, but found him strongly opposed to further hostilities. He

argued that if with 100,000 men, and all the great nobles, they had

failed, they were not likely to succeed with disheartened troops. Nor

was there any money left with which to pay anyone. By collecting all

the rascals and low fellows from the bazars, they might prolong the

strugele for two or three days. But their efforts would be only like the

final splutter of an expiring candle.!

Jahandar Shah, immediately on reaching Dihli went, as we have

said, straight to the house of Asad Khan, in the hope of securing the

renewed co-operation of Zu-l-fiqar Khan. When his arrival, alone,

without a single attendant, was announced, Zi-l-fiqgar Khan directed

that he should not be admitted beyond the gate. Thé short delay was

devoted to consultation with his father. The wily old man, regardless

of the infamy of the act, saw that Jahandar Shah could be converted

into a ransom for themselves. Fortune had turned its face away from

the man, he had made himself odious by his acts and words. It were

best to make him a prisoner. They could then use this act as a means

for reconciliation with Farrukhsiyar. Asad Khan had long held the

highest office in the State, and five years before -had been very gently

treated by Bahadur Shah. As is not altogether unusual with the old,

he had come to believe that he was indispensable, that no government

could be carried on without him. He imagined that Farrukhsiyar,

surrounded as he was by new and comparatively untried advisers,

would only be too glad to secure the services of two such experienced

persons as himself and his son. If not employed at Court, Zu-l-fiqar

Khan was still sure to obtain the government of a province, or at

any rate, would be allowed to retain his rank and titles, #

Zu-|-figar Khan, whose judgment rarely erred, did not share his

father’s opinion. He wished to carry off Jahandar Shah to Multan,

or even to Kabul, and there collect an army; or he could take him to

the Dakhin, where Daid Khan with all his troops was at their sole

disposal. Nay, even if Jahandar Shah were abandoned to his fate,

why should he not hasten to the Dakhin himself, where without much

50, 32 m.N.W. of Mathura; Talpat, Elliot, Supp. Glossary, 340, 18 m.south of

Dihli, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 49 S. EH.

1 M. Mhd., 158; Warid, 145 a, 6,

@ M. Mhd, 154; Ijad, 110 a.

206 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) [No. 2,

exertion he could found an independent principality. Anything was

better than submission to Farrukhsiyar—who was there who knew

not of his enmity with the late ‘Azimu-sh-shan? Was not the alliance

of the three princes his work? Furthermore, was it right for them

to deliver to an enemy a man who had taken refuge at their house ?

His father replied that, when Bahadur Shah died, every noble took

one side or another, and they happened to join that of Jahandar Shah.

What crime had they thereby committed? Besides, if such a captive

were made over by them to Farrukhsiyar, what could he do but receive

them into favour. Doubtless it was opposed to the rules of friendship

to deliver up Jahandar Shah. But everybody detested him; if they

espoused his cause, not a soul would join them; and they would only

risk their own heads along with his. Let them rather seek in him an

instrument for saving their own lives and property. Zu-l-fiqar Khan

after some time yielded a reluctant consent. They sent out to Jahandar

Shah misleading messages of friendship, and on the pretence of his

taking repose, inveigled him into a small detached building, round which

they drew some tent-screens, and thus made him a prisoner. A joint

letter was then despatched by father and son to Farrukhsiyar, claiming

recognition for the signal service that they had just performed. !

Having thus decided on their course of action, Asad Khan thought

it advisable to eject Ahlu-llah Khan (Saifu-llah) from the fort, to the

charge of which he had been appointed when Jahandar Shah started

for Agrah. He was replaced by Muhammad Yar Khan, who had been

- Sibahdar of Dihliand commandant of the fort from the time of ‘Alamgir.

Information had reached the partisans of Farrukhsiyar that Jahandar

Shih was hiding in Asad Khan’s house. These men assembled and

demanded with threats that the fugitive should be delivered up. By

daybreak there was a large crowd, and it looked as if an insurrection

would break out. Then to appease the rioters, Jahandair Shah was sent

a prisoner to the fort, and at his earnest entreaty, Lal Kunwar was

allowed to join him. On seeing her, he is said to have exclaimed

joyfully, ‘ Let the past be forgotten, and inall things let us praise the

Lord!’ A few days afterwards, on the 23rd Zu’l-hajj, by ‘Abdu-llah

Khian’s orders, harshness was carried to the point of placing the fallen

Emperor’s feet in fetters. Already, on the 22nd Zi-l-hajj (19th January,

1713), before any of the victorious prince’s officers had appeared in

1M. Mbd, 155. Yahya Khan, 121 a, whohada personal grudge against the

Sayyad brothers, puts Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s objection on the ground that the Sayyads

were in power, and that they had no tenderness or good feeling for them (Asad

Khan and his son). Hecould not tell how they would act towards him and his

father.

1896. ] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) 207

Dihli, the Khutbah was read at the Jama‘ Masjid, or great mosque,

in the name of the new Emperor, Farrukhsiyavr. !

19. Enp or JAHANDAR SHAn’s REIGN.

Although Jahandar Shah lived a few days longer, and we shall

recount his actual death in the next chapter, still his reign being

ended, it will be convenient to interpose in this place the few details

about him which remain to be noted.

Dates of Birth and Death. His life was taken on the 16th Muharram

1125 H. (11th February, 1713). As he was born on the 10th Ramazan

1071 H. (10th May, 1661), his age at death was 53 (lunar) years, four

months, and six days.?

Length of Reign. His reign, counting from the 21st Safar 1124 H.,

the day on which he was crowned, tothe 16th Muharram 1125 H., the

day on which he died, lasted ten months and twenty-five days. (1125 y,

Q m. 16 d.—1124 y. 1] m. 21d.)

Coins. The verses on his coins were—

(1) Zad sikkah bar jar cin mihr sahib-i-qiran.

Jahandar Shah, padshah-t-gahan.

‘ Jahandar Shah, Emperor of the World, Lord of the Conjunctions,

struck sun-like money of gold,’

2. Dar afaq zad sikkah cun mihr o mah.

Abu-l-fath-i-ghazi, Jahandar Shah.

‘In the horizons struck money like sun and moon, Abi-l-fath, the

champion, Jahandar Shah.’ Inthe first line there is a variant, bar

(upon) appearing instead of can (like).

3. Zad sikkah dar mulk cin mehr o mah.

Shahan Shah 1 ghazi, Jahandar Shah.

1M. Mhd, 156; Warid, 1436; Kamwar Khan, 128; Ijad, 110 a. Mhd Qasim,

Aurangabadi, Ahwdlu-l-khawaqin, 58, has different details. According to him

Jahandar Shah put up at a way-side cook-shop, where he wrote a note, and by urgent

entreaty prevailed on the man to get it into Asafu-d-daulah’s hands, and if Fate were

propitious he would reward him with a mansab and money. One Muhsin, a servant of

Asafu-d-daulah’s, was a customer of the cook-shopman. This servant took the note

and gave it to his superior, the Nawab’s n@zir, and from him it passed to the Nawab.

On getting the note, Asafu-d-daulah sent men to seize Jahandar Shah.

2 Ma’asir-i-‘Alamgir?, 35 ; Kamwar Khan, entry of the 10th Ramazan 1121 H.,—

Khishhal Cand, 387 b, has by error 1072 H., instead of 1071 H. In Valentyn, IV,

opposite p. 304, is a portrait of ‘Mosoddien’ which I take to mean Mu‘izzu-d-din

Jahandar Shah, as the same spelling is used for him inthe letter-press, see page 304.

It shows a man seated on a stool or takht, two attendants behind, a noble in front,

and a suppliant. The face is of the Central Asian type, usually given to Babar;

narrow and with thin beard.

208 W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803. ) [No. 2,

‘Jahandar Shah, king of kings, the champion, struck money in

the realm like sun and moon.’ There is also the following variant of

the first line. Ba zad sikkah-i-nugrah cin mihr o mah, ‘Struck silver

money, like sun and moon.’ ! .

Mint Towns. In the three collections at the British Museum,

the India Museum, Calcutta, and the Panjab Museum, Lahor, I count

up twenty-eight coins of this sovereign. On three the place of coining

is absent or illegible. The rest belong to the following mints; Lahor

(1), Shahjahanabad (5), Akbarabad (5), Lakhnau (2), Patnah (2),

Cambay (1), Surat (3), Burhanpur (2), Aurangabad (4). I am very

much surprized at finding Patnah in the list,a place where he never

had any authority. The othernames represent fairly enough the local

limits of his brief authority.

Title after Death. His special title after his death was Khuld

Gramgah, ‘ Peaceful in Paradise.’ #

Character. His character has been perhapssufficiently disclosed in the

course of our story, and it hardly needs further elucidation. In his earlier

years, in the Dakhin and during his government of Multan, he seems to

have been a fairly active soldier. Itis said that, during the struggle for

the throne after ‘Alamgir’s death, the only thing that A‘zam Shah feared

was Mu‘izzu-d-din’s soldierly qualities. But Jahandar Shah’s acquisition

of the crown was more due to happy accidents than to his own exertions ;

and his conduct during his few months of power showed him to be quite

unfitted to hold rule over others, being unable, even according to the

somewhat lax Eastern standard, to govern himself. He was the first

sovereign of the house of Taimtr who proved himself absolutely un-

fitted to rule. The only good quality left to him, in popular estimation,

was his liking for and liberality to religious mendicants. In company

with Lal Kunwar, he visited them and ‘kissed their feet.’ He was

also fond of watching the fighting of elephants. He delighted in illu-

minations and fire-works, himself setting fire to the Lanka, the mimic

fortress of Ravan, the ravisher of Sita. The cause of his fall is likened

by Warid truly enough to the case of the exiled monarch, who attributed

his ruin to morning slumbering and midnight carousing?

Wives. —Jahandar Shah was married on the 5th Shaban 1087 H.

1B.M. “The Coins of the Mogul Emperors,” 175 and 571, C.J. Rodgers, J. A.

§. Bengal (1888), vol. LVII, 29, zd. “ Coins of the Mogul Emperors of India” (Lahor

Museum), 200; id. “Coins of the Indian Museum” (Calcutta), Pt. II, 52, 53; Hadz

qatu-l-aqalim, 1381; Miftahu-t-tawarikh, 299.

2 Blochmann, Azn, I, Genealogical Table at end, Miftdhu-t-tawarikh, 300.

3 Han! cah shud, ba-go, zawdl-i-mulk 0 jah-at-ra sabab ? :

Guft ‘Az khwab-ifdamsubh o shirdb-i-nim-shab,?

Warid, 140 6; Yahya Khan, 119 a.

1896.] W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) 209

(4th October, 1676) to the daughter of Mirzi Murad Kam, Mukarram

Khan, Safawi, and then, on the 18th Ramazan 1095 H. (30th August,

1684) to that lady’s niece, Sayyadu-n-nissa Bégam, daughter of Mirza

Rustam, son of Mukarram Khan. Another wife was Antp Baé, who

died at Dihli on the 25th Zu-l-qa‘dh 1147 BH, (17th April 1735). She

was the mother of ‘Azizu-d-din (‘Alamgir II). One wife, or rather

concubine, was the woman we have so often mentioned, Lal Kunwar,

a dancing girl, created Imtiyaz Mahal after Jahandar Shah’s accession. !

Children. The children of Jahandar Shah are shown in the fol-

lowing table :—

Mu‘izzu-d-din, Jahandar Shah.

oe (1) Tomar (2) eal ae (3) Rabi‘h bein (4)

Daughter (5).

Yahya Khan, 119a, calls the younger sons ‘Izzu-d-daulah and

Mu‘inu-d-daulah. .

(1) A‘zzu-d-din. The date of his birth is not recorded, but it must

have been before 1103 H. (1691-2), in which year he is mentioned. He

was married in 1118 H. (1706-7) to the daughter of Amir Khan

deceased, and again on the 24th Ramazan 1121 H. (23rd November,

1709) to a Sayyad Begam, daughter of Bédar Bakht, son of A‘zam

Shah. A‘zzu-d-din was blinded on the 6th Muharram 1126 H. (21st

January 1714), and died at Dihli on the 8th Za-l-hajj 1157 H. (12th

December, 1744). #

(2) ‘Izzu-d-din. This prince’s year of birth has not been traced,

but he, too, is mentioned in 1103 H. (1691-2). He died in confinement

at Dihli on the 8th Rabi‘ IT, 1151 H. (25th July, 1738). 8

(3) ‘Azizu-d-din. He was born at Multan in 1099 H. (1687-8),

his mother being Antp Bae. He succeeded to the throne in 1167 H.

(1754) under the title of ‘Alamgir the second, and he will be dealt with

when we reach the end of his reign. #

(4) Rabith Bégam. She was betrothed to Bedar Dil, son of Bédar

Bakht, on the 22nd Rabi‘ I, 1122 H. (20th May 1710), and died on

the 14th Rajab of the same year, (7th September, 1710). 5

(5) There must have been another daughter, since Jahandar

1 Maasir-i-Alamgir?, 152, 447; 348, Ma,asiru-l-Umara, III, 588, Tarzkh-i-Mhd,

year 1147 H.

; 2 Ma asir-i-‘Alamgi77, 345 ; Kamwar Khan, 59 ; Yahya Khan, 120} 3 Lartkh-i-Mhdi,

a 1157 ; Ghulam ‘Ali Khan, Muqaddamah, 65 a.

3 Mv asir-i-Alamgiri? 345 ; Tarikh-i-Mhdi, year 1151.

4 Mirat-i-Aftabuwma.

5 Kamwar Khan, 73.

J. 1.27

210 W. Irvine-— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [No. 2,

Shah had another son-in-law, Khwajah Mise, Sarbuland Khan, son

of Khwajah Ya‘qib, Surbuland Khan, Naqshbandi, Bukhari, who died

on the 4th Jamadi I, 1152 H. (8th July 1739) at Shahjahanabad, aged

nearly seventy. This man’s father died in 1096 H. (1684-5), J-7-

Mhdi.

List oF AUTHORITIES QUOTED OR REFERRED TO.

In addition to the works noted below, I have also quoted from

those entered against the following numbers in the list at p. 112 of

the Journal, Part 1, for 1894, Vol. LXIII, viz. Nos. 5, 8, 12, 14, 15,

16, 17, 18, 20, 28, 24, 26, 27, 29, 31. The Orme collections, which

I quote once, consist of some 20 folio volumes of extracts made by

Mr. Orme; they are now in the Record Department at the India Office.

PRINTED Books (Kuropean Languages).

1. Valentyn.— Oud en Nieuw Ost Indien. 5 vols. folio, Amsterdam and

Dordrecht, 1724.

2. Gladwin.— A Narrative of the Transactions in Bengal,—by Fran-

cis Gladwin, 8°, Calcutta, 1788.

3. Séir Mataqherin.— A Translation of the Séir Mutagharin, or View

of Modern Times,—by Notamanus (i.e., Haji Mustapha), 3

vols., 4°, Caleutta, 1789.

4, J. Scott.—Ferishta’s History of the Dekkan,—by Jonathan Scott,

2 vols, 4°, Shrewsbury, 1794.

5. Stewart.—The History of Bengal,—by Major C. Stewart, 4°, London

1813.

6. LHlphinstone.—The History of India,—by the Honble M. Elphin-

stone, 4th ed., 8°, London, 1857.

7. Supp. Gloss.—A Supplemental Glossary by H. M. Elliot, reprint,

8°, Roorkee, 1860.

8. RB. J. Leeds. —Census of the North-Western Provinces in 1865

(Report on Castes in Muzaffarnagar,—by Robert J. Leeds,

Asst. Collr.) Folio, Allahabad, 1865.

9. Oldham.— Historical and Statistical Memoir of the Ghazeepoor

District,—by Wilton Oldham, LL.D, folio, Allahabad, 1870.

10. OC. P. Gazetteer.—The Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India,

edited by C. Grant, 2nd ed., 8°, Nagpur, 1870.

11. Alan Cadell.— Proceedings A. 8. Bengal for 1871.

12. Blochmann.—The Ain-i-Akbari of Abu-l-fazl-i-‘Allami, translated

by H. Blochmann, M.A., Vol, I, 8°., Calcutta, 1873.

13. Oudh Gazetteer.— Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, published

by authority, 3 vols., 8°., Lucknow, 1877-8.

1896.] W. Irvine — Later Mughals (1707-1803.) 211

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

Riew.—Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the B. Museum,—

by Dr. Charles Rieu, 3 vols, 4°., London, 1879, ete.

Bom. Gaz.—Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XII (Khan-

desh), under Government orders, 8°., Bombay, 1880.

Beale.—An Oriental Biographical Dictionary,—by Thos. W. Beale,

edited by H. G. Keene, Ist ed., 4°., Calcutta, 1881, 2nd ed.,

8°., London, 1894.

B. M. Catalogue—Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the B.

Museum—the Moghul Emperors, by Stanley Lane-Poole, Hd.

R. 8S. Poole, 8°., London, 1892.

Constable's Hand Atlas of India, under the direction of J. G.

Bartholomew, 8°., Westminster 1893.

PRINTED AND LirHoGRAPHED Books (Persian and Urdi).

Inshae Madhi Ram—(Compiled 1186 H.), Litho. Faiz Cashmah

Press, n. d.

Siyaru-l-mutakharin—by Ghulam Husain Khan (finished Rama-

zan 1195 H.), Printed, 4°., Caleutta. 1248 H. (1832-3).

Ghuncah-i-rag—by Mardan ‘Ali Khan, Ra‘na, (Urdu) 8°., Litho.

Lakhnau, 1863.

Miftahu-t-tawarikh,—by T. W. Beale (composed 1849). See Elliot,

VIII, 441. Litho., folio, Lakhnau, 1876.

Hadiqatu-l-agélim,—by Shekh Murtaza Husain, Allahyar Sani,

Usmani, Bilgrami (composed about 1190 H.) see Hlliot, VIII,

80. Litho, 4°, Lakhnau 1879 [-I also possess a manuscript

copy}

Khazinatu-l-asfiyah,—by Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, LahGri (compos-

ed 1280 H, 1863-4) 2 vol. 8vo., Litho., Lakhnau, 1894.

Manuscripts (Persian and Urdi).

Shiraz-namah.— B.M., Addl., 8, 185.

Mamba‘u-l-ansab. — B.M. Oriental, 2014.

Akhbarat.—Of the second year of Bahadur Shah, 1119 H., Tod MSS.

in Royal Asiatic Society, Morley, p. 127, No. CXXXIII

[1 found these news-reports of B. Sh. in the collection, though

not catalogued |.

Tradat Khan,—A Tazkirah,or Memoir, by Iradat Khan, Wazih,

circa 1126 H., My copy—See Elliot, VII, 534. Translated by

J. Scott, Hist. of Dekhan, Vol. II, part IV, Separate paging-

1-94, “ Memoirs of Moghul Empire.”

Nivru-d-din.—Jahandar-nimah by Niru-d-din, son of Burhanu-

d-din Farugi, Balkhi, Multani, Dihlawi, composed hetween

212

dl.

dz.

30.

W. Irvine— Later Mughals (1707-1803.) [No. 2,

1127 and 1132 H. My copy is from an original belonging to

the Qazi family of Jaunpur, N. W. P.

Tjad.—Farrukhsiyar-namah by Mhd Ahsan, [jad, Samanawi, B. M.

Or. No. 25, circa 1131 H.

Kam Raj.—‘Ibrat-namah by Kam Raj, son of Nain Sukh, Sakséna

Kayath of Phapond (Ltawah district), Vol. I, India Office

Library No. 1534 circa 1151 H. [This first volume ends with

the reign of Farrukhsiyar. The second, which was to contain

that of Mhd Shah, is not in the India Office Library. The first

volume practically incorporates his A‘zamu-l-harb (B. M. Or.

1899, Elliot MSS.) Neither of these works is named in Elliot

and Dowson ].

Inshae Har Karan,—-by H. K., son of Mathura Das, Multani, c.

1131 H. My copy is of a few leaves from the first one of

seven bab, or chapters [The man professes to have been Bakhshi

to I‘tiqad Khan, Farrukhshahi. I look on it as spurious |.

Ajaibu-l-afaq,— A collection of letters from and to. Chabélah Ram,

Nagar, and his nephew Girdhar Bahadur, c. 1143 H. B.M. Or.

No. 1776 (Elliot MSS).

Ahwilu-l-khawagin—by Mhd. Qasim Aurangabadi, 1151 H., B. M.

Addl., 26, 244, Rieu, 276. [Not in Elliot].

Khishhal Cand.— Nadiru-z-zamani— By K. C., c. 1160 H., Elliot,

VIII, 70, Rieu, 128,894. B.M. Addl. 24,027, Or. 1654, Or. 1844,

Or. 3288 [Or. 1844 is the only MS. containing Mhd. Shah’s reign

(the most valuable part) and even it only gives fracments.

The one I qucte here, No. 3288 (Oriental) once owned by H. H.

Wilson, is a very good complete MS. until the reign of Mhd

Shah, thirty years of which are compressed into three or four

leaves, and what there is of this seems a fabrication. |

Mugaddamah-i-Shah ‘Alam-namah—by Ghulam ‘Ali Khan, B. M.

Addl. 24,028, Rieu, 282, composed after 1204 H. [not in

Eliot}.

Siwanih-i-Khizri—by Mhd ‘Umr, son of Khizr Khan (composed

at Patnah c. 1213-14 H.). My copy,

Mirat-1-aftab numa—by Shah Nawaz Khan, My copy. See Elliot,

VIII 332, ¢c. 1218-19.

Akhbar-i-Muhabbat—by Muhabbat Khan, son of Faiz ‘Ata Khan,

Daudzai, Shahjahanpuri. My copy. See Elliot, VIII, 376

composed 1220 H.

1896. | J. Rodgers— Pathan Kungs of Dehli. 213

Supplement to Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, No. VI.

By Cuas. J. Ropcers, Honorary Numismatist to the Government of

India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic Society of London, Sc.

(With Plates III & IV).

[Read May 1896. ]

I thought when I wrote the Fifth Supplement to Mr. Thomas’s

most excellent work, that I should not be able to add anything more

to it; but constant search and further acquaintance with coins—some

of which were gathered in bazaars, some sent me by friends to be read,

and some belonging to the Asiatic Society of Bengal—have shown me

that the subject is by no means exhausted. Adhering to my custom,

I drew everything new that presented itself to my notice. The result

has been the accompanying two plates. I have given the weight and

metal of each coin as usual. The capital letters appended to each coin

show who the owners were when I drew them. LL. M.=Lahore Museum;

C. J. R. myself; A. S. B.=The Asiatic Society of Bengal; K.=L. White

King, Hsq., F. 8. 4., late Deputy Commissioner of Peshawur ; A.= Miss

Allsop, of Malerkotlah ; B. = Geo. B. Bleazby, Esq., ‘““The Prairie,” Lahore ;

H.=R. Ellis, Esq., Oil Mills, N.-W. Railway, Lahore; B. M.=British

Museum, from me. I cannot help regretting that all the coms are not

in some Indian Museum, seeing that every coin is new to Numismatics,

so far as lamaware. Isee no help, however, for eois being obtained

by Indian Museums, since I am informed officially that in the new

arrangements for the revival of the Archeological Survey of India

no provision will be made for numismatics. This is a decision I deeply

reeret. I cannot thank the Asiatic Society of Bengal too much for

the kind manner in which my small attempts to elucidate the numis-

matics of India have been received. It remains for those who know

what coins can do towards throwing light on the history of India, to go

on with their studies and to publish results. I am sorry my health

compels me to go home for a season. I send my sixth Supplement to

Thomas, to the Society, just as lam making preparations to go home.

214 J. Rodgers— Pathan Kings of Dehli. [No. 2,

I make no apologies for lack of arrangement or for brevity. Some

time or other I hope to be able to arrange the coins I have described

in the six supplements. They should be arranged chronologically,

and also with respect to the numbers of the coins given in Thomas.

The coins drawn in the plates are as follows: —

(1) Sher Shah Sari la LINES

Vibes wlo}}

Tr.) 945 H.

(2) do. do. do.

qe = 94-H

(3) do. deed ys) dee (9

Soe 1 poll

gla =e

AVES wlblio 900000000

(4) do. ible age

Ble rd pet

sos a wy (Shérgarh) lst

In margin 78+ due Yo0 H.

(5) do. Ani alas see tadald tte

i tbl qr 943 H.

ino

Nos. 1 and 3 seem the only quarters of dams of Shér Shah |

known. Nos. 2 and 5 are the smallest copper coins of his I have seen,

weighing, as they do, but 18 and 22 grains respectively. No. 4 is quite

a new coin of Shér Shah, struck at Shérgarh in 950 H. It weighs only

33 grains, but each side is in a circle, and the obverse had a circle of

dots outside. No. 5 was struck in 943, and No. 1 in 945, which shows

that Shér Shah had assumed royalty long before he defeated Humayun.

(Go) yiprahim: Surig |e... (O82 6?)

pal ysl (St)

bled} ———.

oP 962 H.

This is the only half dam known, up to the present, ef Ibrahim

Suri, Only a few whole dams are known.

1896. ] J. Rodgers— Pathan Kings of Dehli. 215

(7) Aba Bakr Shah, In quatrefoil, Erdoget

Bb 5S) pt peel Gast

Margin

olble 3h jaa noe (ww) va 791 H.

This beautiful coin seems to be the only one known with the

king’s name in a quatrefoil. It is generally in a square or a circle, or

without any area at all.

(S) Mahmid Shah of Malwa = whl} abet sf

cre dlon =

ert s Lilt Me Bld d940°

This is quite a new type of Mahmid Shah. Duplicate in my own

cabinet, obtained in Mandt.

(9) Mahmid Shah of Malwa. wlblu} rbot 931

7 dle Jatt es

wt g Lit Bo ope?

Margin illegible.

This is also a new type of the same king. |

(10) ‘Alau-d-din Mas‘atid Shah. wlkl. Rude horseman.

Ogtenid

als

A new type of Mas‘aiid Shah’s, not in any Museum.

(11) Firédz Shah, son of Abi Bakr Shah —8l& jyys9 Wrreze)} prof

BES tod gail

olblee var 792, H.

This king is not mentioned in history. His name comes along with:

his father’s, just as his grandfather’s, Zafar, comes along with his father’s.

This Firéz Shah must not be confounded with Firdz Shah Zafar, the

father of Abi Bakr Shah. I formerly edited one of this king’s coins.

But I mis-read it. It reads exactly as this one does, and has the same

date, but the obverse is ina six-foil area. See No. 24, pl. IX, Vol. LV,

Pt. I, for 1886 of J. A. S. B.

(12) Muhammad Shah of Malwa. 2s o41=° Sattyto

Vibl.oJt sb bsl& Shadiabad.

Very few coins of this king are known. This seems the only one

known in copper. It resembles the coins of Hoshang Shah.

(43) Ibrahim Siri. In square area :-— In square area :—

r — — psslysl &&b0 aly ola

wlblre : &slblis 3

daw _Pboad} os} Bild cle} y

216 J. Rodgers— Pathan Kings of Dehli. [No. 2,

Margins: names of the yet 9

four companions of VF 962 H.

Muhammad. Ene

Margins :-—

(Banaras) ,yy'y || === || -== || pale

This is the only Rupee of Ibrahim Stri known. [I regret that I am

not at all satisfied with my imperfect readings of the legends. The

Hon’ble J. Gibbs edited a half-rupee which belonged to Sir Alex.

Cunningham, and was more imperfect than thisone. It is pretty certain

that the mint on the coin is Banaras. It is curious that the names of the

four companions should come in the margins of the obverse. They are

‘generally in the margins of the reverse.

(14) Muhammad Siri In square area :— In square area :—

ols dos” wlble The Kalimah and

&SL0 aU} old aie =: 963 -H.

Bye} (gle Silbles y

Margins: apparent-

Upper margin: lao} jlve ly the names of

Left 3 CHOY 5 the four companions,

rest illegible. and their attributes.

This is a new type of the rupees of the third Suri emperor.

(15) Abi Bakr Shah and las 5) os BLE $5 a9

Firdz Shah Zafar BLE 9 942 Gy? é tbl 2b

area

olbludt vat 791 H.

This coin seems to have been struck curiously. What I have given

as the reverse comes on the obverse of No. 23. The curious thing

about this is that the date comes along with a king’s name. It generally

comes on the reverse. It may be a coin struck by mistake. It may

have been coined purposely. Ht is at present unique. |

(16) ‘Alau-d-din of In scolloped square:— In scolloped square :—

Khwarizm.

Lio} dhe Cre)

above, and below, an above, and below, an

ornament. ornament.

A new type of this ruler’s coins. I think it belongs to Colonel

Sturt of the 2nd P. I., commanding at Kohat.

(17) Khusrau Shah. Jos Cy past

1896. ] J. Rodgers— Pathan Kings of Dehli. 217

This is a coin that has been long wanted to complete the types of

this king, Nasiru-d-din Khusrau Shah who reigned in TAY. 18)

Dehli. We know of several of his mohurs, one rupee, in the cabinets

of the Society, and several billon types, in the Lahore Museum. This

is one of the small types issued by most kings about that time. It was

obtained by me in Dehli and is now in the British Museum.

(18) Nasrat Shah. BLAS ets yal Slt sto

é lblJ} cshdo

A heavy copper coin of this king. Coins with this inscription are

generally half this weight. I have seen only one duplicate. I forget

where it is, and I likewise forget where mine has gone. I see I do

not possess it now. Thisis gross carelessness on my part.

(19) Nasiru-d-din Qarlugh. wlbled| Horseman to r.

el bey) above him

Cro} Lot} Gyre das”

to r. @t Tale

This is a curious coin and anew type. We know several types

of the coins of Nasiru-d-din Qarlugh. This one is very much like a

type of the coins of Nasiru-d-din Mahmud of Dehli. It varies, however,

in the way in which the obverse legend is written on the coins. And

it has Gy des” instead of d34=” over the horseman. I have this coin,

and I have seen two others. The B. M. has one given under the coins

of Nasiru-d-din Mahmud.

(20) Ghiyasu-d-din Balban. Jos woyas?

sls usi®s

This is the smallest copper eal of Balban known. Coins with

this inscription generally weigh about 26 grs. This is 10°3.

(21) Altamsh (?) Jos uso

I think it isa coin of Altamsh. Mr. King obtained it from me.

(22) Firoz Shah Zafar. ld 35 one Wthoged}

CNL ot casil

BLS 39 p29 vat 791 H.

This is a new type of the coins of this prince. We wanted this to

complete his set.

(23) do. BLE $y p38 ball

é lbh Wydicgest

eee Bera)

vat CHOU) aT

I have remarked on this coin before. It is curious the year coming

on the obverse, contrary to the custom of the Tughlaq coins.

Ae, Pre

218 J. Rodgers— Pathan Kings of Dehli. [No. 2,

(24) and (25) Altamsh. Bull seated to left. Reverse of both,

Above him :— fefafaa horseman, very rude.

These two coins I regard as having the Hindi legend of the reverse

of Thomas’ No. 44 over the bull: —Sri Sultan Lititimisi. Undoubtedly

‘“litutem ” is on the coin, and I cannot see anything else that it resembles.

(26) and (27) No king. These two coins have @} watwa over the bull.

This legend comes over the horseman of some coins of ‘Alau-

d-din Mas‘atid Shah, see Thomas’ No. 100, p. 122. Over the horseman

on these two coins is @} Fave: The deciphering of these coins took me

a long time and caused me much trouble.

(28) Mahmitd Shah of Malwa. 3) wlhlJ} cnt»

List} de A494 Bes 869 H.

This is the third new type of this king given in this paper. I

obtained it in Dehli. The Malwa coins have not yet been collected

carefully, although several extensive collections are known. From

what I have seen of them, they would pay for being collected and edited,

(29) Nasiru-d-din Mahmid Shah. wlblJ| Livy poli

pboy cots

This is a new type of the coins of this king. It shows that he

introduced this type which was used by Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, Jalalu-

d-din Firdz Shah, ‘Alau-d-din Muhammad Shah and Qutbu-d-din

Mubarak Shah and then fell into disusein Northern India, but was used

by some of the Muhammadan kings of M‘abar. I have never seen a

second coin of Nagiru-d-din like this. It belongs to my friend L. White

King, Esq.

(30) Shamsu-d-din Altamsh, pbs Mt ella dend pled des PP

pbselt wll} Wytbrged}

3 IsoJ} Errdy

This is the only rupee I know of, bearing the joint names of Altamsh

and his daughter Raziah. IJtisa coin perfectly unique. It shows us

that we need never be surprised at the results of continued research.

Things will turn up that nobody ever expected. It belongs to

L. White King, Esq.

(31) Ghiyagu-d-din Tughlagq I. wa Lan} _raaigst

(Posthumous.) Sages] armed} WELW} sla gle

Iso} Ghse Cojlat} diloyy aU sly

ak ouph span on ches 73- H,

1896. ] J. Rodgers—Puthan Kings of Dehli. 219

I have drawn one specimen of this coin before. This coin is ap-

parently of good silver and is nicely shaped. It is described by Thomas

in his footnote to pages 212 and 213 of his work. This specimen

belongs to Mr. Ellis of the N. W. Railway, Lahore.

I find I have finished describing the coins in the two plates. On

looking over my notebook I see I have a lot of coins I might have

given in a third plate. Had I secured all the coins of ‘Alau-d-din of

Khwarizm that I have seen of late, I could have given two plates of

his coins alone. I let them go, contrary to my usual custom. They

will, I hope, be secured by some one else and in course of time edited.

Just now should be a good time for collectors in India. The British

Museum is no longer purchasing oriental coins. The Indian Govern-

ment declines to assist Numismatics, and this means that funds will not

be allotted te Indian Museums, which are Government institutions, for

the purchase of coins. Consequently collectors have the market all to

themselves. Unfortunately caravans from Kabul are few and far

between. Amritsar merchants inform me that it pays them better to

deal with Bukhara vid Batoum, rather than by Kabul. Hence the

Kabuli traders who used to bring old coins with them to sell in Indian

bazars are now seldom seen. But in India itself, new coins are always

turning up, so that there is no fear that novelties will cease just yet.

Of course that portion of the history of India covered by Mr. Thomas’s

book is only a small one, not four hundred years, but it was a period

that produced innumerable coins, and hence to the numismatist it will

always bea time of great interest. It is a subject that has occupied my

leisure hours for many years. My first supplement was published in

1880, and of course for several years before that, I was engaged in the

study of ‘The Chronicles.’

IT cannot part with this branch of Numismatics without noticing

one point. Jt seems to have been imagined that I was antagonistic to

Mr. Thomas in publishing these supplements. Never was an idea so

groundless. Mr. Thomas honoured me with his friendship; and when

i was at home, I had the pleasure of an interview with him in which

he spoke very kindly of my work on the supplements, and especially

praised the drawings of the coins. In my remarks on his book, I have

always given to it its due praise. It is a book of which any one might

be proud. There is not a coin wrongly assigned, and I know of only

one mistake in the reading of a coin. It was the first book on the

subject and was not exhaustive. I have written six supplements to it,

and they are by no means exhaustive. This does not, however, in any

way lessen my esteem for the book or for its learned and most amiable

anther,

220

J. Rodgers— Rare Mughul Coins.

[No. 2,

Rare Mughul Coins —By Cuas. J. Ropeurs, Honorary Numismatist to the

Government of India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic Society of

London, Se.

(With Plate Vj.

[Read May 1896. ]

I thought, when I finished my “ Copper Mogul Coins” a short time

ago, that I had pretty well exhausted the subject; but I find it is not so.

The following coins have come under my notice, since I finished that paper.

(1)

(2)

(3) Silver

(4)

(6)

Slt w -

&i bs) St ye

aly tay - -

Sib) S | 9

Blobs UI ane gly elie.

wl 5

(BES

ite (1061 H.)

wt g

cso!

dine (1001 H.)

Jam

c= shad} sts} oly Canna

pans (Kabul, 1014 H.) mos

Als (Kabul)

op © eat to (Kalpi

mint)

eS (Gwaliar)

dials

( oye )

ooh

a (41 Tahi.)

St 5

sliQe

9 dad

2 Shwe

( ward )

Wrrhnww

dine (968 H.)

1896. ] J. Rodgers— Rare Mughul Ooins. 221

(7) ishds (Delhi) Hoe (eg

Us ym VV

es Bin (972 H.)

(8) ibm ales sbipSt (Akbarabad.)

asl cys

(9) PERESAN RS (St) #Uy

rsls eS

pW yd (Lucknow) ,3 di

Jone (1000 HL.)

(10) - = = gt sto Cwsls 3S} aU

So (Dogam) % 9 she (1001 H.)

Wye Khoo

urls

(11) 8Sn0 she

Jyh (Chitor) fed (1005 H.)

ye Bins

(12) Lrzl Jt 5% hy

ey too (1006 H.)

Eins

These coins call for a few remarks. The year on Nos. | and 2 ig

plainly one thousand and one. Some time ago I came across, in one

day, in the Amritsar bazar, two square rupees, both dated oa} J} One

of these is now in the British Museum, and one with my friend L. White

King. What the mint may be I cannot conceive. Is it a capital sb wleys ?

Coin (1) is the property of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

(2) belongs to Mr. Malabarwalla of Bombay.

(3) is a half rupee of Jahangir’s, struck at Kabul. It has on it

a new Persian couplet. It isthe property of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal.

(4) A new half dam of Akbar’s, Kabul mint; it belongs to Mr.

Ellis of Lahore.

(5) A new dam from the Kalpi mint, and is the property of the

same untiring collector. We have some earlier mintages from this mint.

We still want some of the Ilahi years of Akbar from this mint, which

was so active in his early years.

222 J. Rodgers — Rare Mughul Coins. [No. 2,

(6) Anew dim from the Gwaliar mint dated 968 H., and is the

property of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

(7) A half dam of the Dehli mint, also belonging to the same

Society. Itis the only half dam from the Dehli mint that I have yet

seen,

(8) is a coin belonging to Mr, Ellis, and probably struck by

Shahjahan at Agra or Akbarabad. Its style agrees with some of the

issues of Shahjahan I. I do not think it can be one of Shahjahan II

or Shahjahan III. It is at any rate unique.

(9) This dam and the three following were found by me at

Ludiana. Itisfrom the Lucknow mint. On its reverse it has 1000

in Persian words j}¢X, and in figures e+e. Ihave never seen a dam

similar to this. Over the date is 35} sU}. The _,45t is not on this coin,

but it comes on the following coin.

(10) is a Dogam dim of 1001 H. I have now another Dégam

dam of 999 with ,a%} &U) on it in full. We may regard this as an

ascription of praise or an exclamation of joy on Islam reaching its

thousandth year. It is a novelty on Akbar’s coins.

(11) a dam of Chitor, dated 1005 I.

(12) I think is a dam of Narnodl. Its date is undoubtedly

1006 H.

Besides these I have by me six other dams whose mints I have not

yet had time to decipher. And besides this I obtained a few weeks

ago a fulis of Farrukhsiyar struck at Kabul; anda few days ago a

nim tankah of Akbar’s from the same mint : also a (65% @2yo of Aurang-

zib’s from the Multan mint. And I have by me a small coin of Akbar’s

from the Dehli mint, in which the [ahi year is 2533 (52 35 in Persian

words. Truly the coinage of the Mughuls seems see I remem-

ber about a year ago a gentleman sending me some coins to read, and

some were from the mint osbfows” Cpsliiyts. These were coins of

Shah ‘Alam II. and the mint is Banaras-Muhammadabad. Were all

these novelties in one Museum, what a show they would make P_ It is

most annoying that they should be scattered all over the country in

private collections. If all we now know about the coinage of the

Mughuls were collected in one book, it would make a large and

sumptuous volume.

Just as I had finished this, Mr. Ellis sent me No. 13, a gold coin

weighing 5°6 grains. It has ‘ Fathptr’ on obverse, and name of coin

not legible on reverse, perhaps ‘ Shahi.’

1896. | C. J. Rodgers— Rare Kashmir Coins.

Rare Kashmir Coins.— By Cuas. J. Ropcers, Honorary Numismatist to

the Government of India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic Society

of London, Se.

(With Plate VI.)

[Read May, 1896. ]

It is now several years, since I published my “ Copper Coins of the

Maharajas and Sultans of Kashmir.” Since then I have seen many

thousands more of their coins. Further acquaintance with them has

not given me more exalted ideas of the art of the Kashmiris. They

certainly were the worst die-sinkers in the world. But die-sinkers are

only mechanics, and from mechanics oppressed as were those whose

homes were in Kashmir, much could not be expected. I have not

troubled myself much about getting Kashmir novelties. Those drawn

in the accompanying plate are almost the only new things I have seen

in seventeen years. They are as follows :—

AVY (876 H.)

(2) 8 ss (Sirinagar ) wl r= (4-Ilahi)

got

(3) be St w'bld haus (95) 7 H.

BLS edles| HHS Sys (Kashmir)

(4) aa we <4

(5) 4 (eq) i,

(6) edt i. (40th Tah.) 8 cay (Sirinagar )

J1d5"I ye

(7) 3l& yore weey)) 62S Gail not full

wledand f

224. C. J. Rodgers— Rare Kashmir Coins. [No. 2,

(8) sith yore creas} AS couxil fall.

(9) wlblad} do.

AV}E (874 ff.) Ave (874 H.)

(10) 88 Gyno ye

wlblLidS}

(11) eerie as,

oo 5 sine

ala ols qi (971 H., in words

ays and figures.)

ESvs

(12) 18 gi ax

(13) “=* wlbldt

wibhS} Wy

(14) oo” abe} my

ej Sila persinS (Kashmir

et Fae 994 H.)

These coins call for but few remarks. The letters under some

show their ownership when they were drawn. S.=Mrs. Stoker,

G.=General Gosset, o.p., K.=L. White King, Esq., F.s.4.; R.= Rodgers.

It will be seen that Nos. 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 and 13 are halves of such

coins as Nos. 3 and 11. Hach king seems to have had a style of his

own on these halves. These halves are seldom met with. There are

none of them in the British Museum Catalogue, but in the Lahore

Catalogue of my collection are several.

No. 3 is a copper coin of Islam Shah Siri. This is the second

one I have seen. He was never king in Kashmir, as I have shown in

my paper on the square silver coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. His

coins are evidence of the conspiracy against the then ruler of Kashmir,

Mirza Haidar Doghlat, the author of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi.

No. 4, is a coin of Yasaskara. In my paper on the “ Copper Coins

of the Maharajas of Kashmir” I gave a coin on which the name is spelt

Yaskara yt@<. Both coins are exceedingly rare.

No. 5 is, I am inclined to think, a coin of Gulhana. I obtained

1896.] C. J. Rodgers— Rare Kashmir Coins. 225

the coin of this man, given in General Sir A. Cunningham’s Medixval

Coins of India, and this also along with No. 4, for Mr. King.

The dates 874 and 876 indicate the dates of Haidar Shah and his

son Hasan Shah respectively. I have seen these dates so often on the

coins of these kings, that we must accept them as correct. I hada

lovely gold mohur of Hasan Shah son of Haidar Shah struck in Kash-

mir in 876 H. The silver coins, too, given in my paper, bear these two

dates. Idonot think that they would, unless these were the actual

dates when they were reigning.

No. 14 is a coin of Akbar’s dated 994 H., which must be about the

date of the final conquest of Kashmir by Akbar’s troops. I have seen

Akbar’s Kashmir coins struck as early as 965, and one dated 987 H.

These must be either complimentary coins, or else coins struck by factions

who were plotting against their rulers and desirous of obtaining Akbar

for their king.

I should like to see a complete collection of Kashmir coins in some

Indian Museum. They are not of much value, as I have shown else-

where, for the assistance they render in fixing the chronology, but they

are at any rate evidence of what was going on in Kashmir, and of its

condition and of the state of art. Of course visitors to Kashmir

purchase coins amongst other curiosities in the valley. Just lately I

have received from one of these purchasers a list of the names of the

kings of Kashmir whose coins he had obtained. There were twenty of

them, and not one was the name of a Kashmir Raja or Sultan. This

shows how visitors are cheated. Lately, however, I had sent to me from

the mint at Jammii over 6,000 coins to classify and value. They were

real things, and if I have time before I leave India, I may send the

Society an abstract of what I had then before me. It was a thorough

numismatic feast, and I have not yet quite recovered from it.

eee eee s<=seee seeee OOOe e

226 C. J. Rodgers— Coins of Nimroz. [No. 2,

Coins of Nimréz.—By Cuas. J. Ropcurs, Honorary Nuimismatist to the

rovernment of India, Honorary Member of the Numismatic Society of

London, §c.

(With Plate VII.)

[Read May 1896 ].

Nimréz is a country we most of us read of first, when we waded

through the pages of that book so well known to us all when we first

came to India, the jks gb. I do not think Mir Aman knew much of

Geography or History, though he may have written good Urdi. We

learn little from him about Nimrdz. The origin of the name is said to

be this, that when Solomon visited this part (and of course he did;

for the Takht-i-Sulaiman is named after him), he saw the whole

country west of Qandahar full of water. He ordered jinns and fairies

to fill it up, and they did so in half a day, 7.e, Nimrédz. Hence the

country is called Nimrdz. But perhaps it is so called from its being half

way between Sham (Syria, and evening, 7.e., sunset) and India, z.e.,

the mid-day country. Its capital was Zaranj,and we have early

Khalifa coins struck in that place. But the country was also called

Sijistan, and this name is found also on coins; for Nasr, the brother of

Mahmiad of Ghaznih, ruled and coined there. Zaranj and Sijistan dis-

appear from later coins, and in their stead appears the name Nimrdoz.

This country, travellers tell us, was formerly densely inhabited, as is

shown by the ruins of numerous cities still visible. There is no doubt

about coins having been struck there. Three are figured on Pl. XXXII,

of the second Appendix to the Catalogue of Oriental Coins, published by

the British Museum, wiz., 248e, 2480 and 248m. Two of these are

gold. In the text they are called coins of the Shirwan Shahs. Dr.

Codrington in his description of a hoard of coins found at Broach, in the

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society gives two

gold coins, Nos. 28 and 29, PI. III, but he frankly says, “I do not know

to whom to attribute them.” The mint is legible on them Soper. He

makes some small mistakes in reading the legends on them. He reads

1896. ] C. J. Rodgers—Coins of Nimréz. 227

the date correctly, and makes both the coins of the 8th century of the

Hijirah. Some years ago I came across some Nimroz coins of the Safavis

of Persia ; after that some coins of Nasr, brother of Mahmud, came into

my hands. These were all in silver. Shortly afterwards I came across

some copper Nimroz coins, and I purchased them from their owner who

hailed from Qandahar. Then some plated coins came from the same

city along with a gold coin, and I bought the lot. Some of these are

described in my Lahore Museum Catalogue. I sold the gold coin to, I think,

Mr. L. White King, along with some of the plated coins. The Safavi

coins are now dispersed, some being in the Lahore Museum and some in

the British Museum. Coins 12* and 15a in the Supplement to the

B. M. Catalogue of Persian coins, p. 265 and 256, were from me. It

will thus be seen that I have been interested in coins from the Nimrodz

mint for sometime. It will be remembered that in my paper on “‘ Some

coins from Qandahar”’ I gave some from this mint. Hence when the

coins of the Society were sent up to me to be catalogued, I at once saw

there were no less than 29 coins in silver and nine in copper from this

mint.

The coins in the accompanying plate are allfrom the Nimroz

mint,

(1) oe wr

10> Jy)

wot

(2) Jos ys

Joys

(3) In scolloped circular area :— In-square area :—

yd the Kalimah.

jue

AeA

In margin :—

BSLo ally... xld cfolel} ebb)

(4) In double circle :— In square are a:—

Sle} the Kalimah.

Lot} 52 pbs MI In segments, the names of the

vibles Gyo} 5 four companions.

ke OLS 45,04) In margin :—

Seecc ans Dares Gord

228 C. J. Rodgers — Coins of Nimréa. [No. 2, 1896.]

(5) In circular area :—

Slat

5S pbs YI Not given.

wo] 9 oe t

(6) Not given. In square area :—

the Kalimah,

In margin :—

see eeeees Baws sob 2 Sayeed Cyd

(7) Not given. In square area : —

the Kalimah.

Tn margin : —

(761 HL.) tulesioc uate coda! thn sod... Jape ope

(8) Shel Not given.

Gabe pes yt

NS Eno} 5

S908? US

(9) Not given, but In square, the Kalimah.

as on (8) (--3H.) C8 din... 3 Sy...

(10) do. As on (9), but margin :—

(76-H.) Gglazsve 9 Gpdin ig ...... Sores wys

There can be no doubt about the coins Nos. 1 and 4 to 10 being coins

of the same man. But I cannot find out whohe is. He would be reigning

just before the time of Taimir; but in the histories of Taimir I see no

mention of him. The name of the king on coin No. 3 is unfortunately

deleted. Coin No. 4 never had a king’s name on it. One of the gold

coins in the B. M. Catalogue Additions, Vol ii., is called Gydt, gs? Obs

wloS uy des”, This must be the son of dge5” Gy whos G2} 5 G='t Baa

So we have here three kings’ names and their country given. I cannot

find in my limited library any mention of any one of them. I have given

the coins. I leave the solution of the question as to who the men were

whostruck them to some one whois fortunate enough to possess a history,

dealing with this part of the world at the time when the coins were

struck. The coins at any rate show us how useful they can be in direct-

ing attention to kings and countries whose history is but little known.

NN LI ID I I

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. . 229

Copper-plate inscription of Nr canis déva IT of Orissa, dated 1217 Caka.—

By NAGENDRA-NATHA VASU.

(With Plates VIII—XVIII).

[Read May, 1896.]

With the view of exploring the antiquities of Orissa, I went there

in the winters of 1892, 1893 and 1894, and I succeeded in collecting a

number of copper-plates and facsimiles of several historical inscriptions

from places where very few scholars had turned their footsteps hitherto.

The facts elicited from these documents will go far to prove that

the history of Orissa as at present known must be reconstructed. I

intended to publish these ancient records systematically and in their

chronologicalorder, But lately the owners of the copper-plates repeated-

ly asked me to return them and consequently I am.compelled to publish

the present plate first of all.

_ The owner of the copper-plate now exhibited aint sought the

aid of many Panditas of Utkala to decipher it:—My friend, Babi

Arta-trana Micra, an inhabitant of Mauda,.informed me of it, and I

was enabled by his help fe obtain Hossoestan of the: ‘Wate: It 1s still

in my charge.

The history of fifa discovery of the plated Is as follows Wher the

Kéndrapada Canal of the Cuttack District was-being dug, a box made

of a peculiar stone locally called Vaula-malad, was-found in the village

of Kéndupatna situated in the Kéndrapada sub-division, 19. or 20 feet

under ground, and buried in a heap of broken stones.. It measured

about 3 feet square, with a height of about 2 feet. It contained three sets

of copper-plates, of seven each, so that in all there were 21 plates. The

initial plate of every set is blank on the outer side and. the- inscription

begins on the inner side, every other -plate-leaf,. except thé seventh

which is blank on both sides, is inscribed on both sides. The plates of

each set are strung together by a copper-ring. .At the joint of this

ring is a circular copper-piece representing the padmasana, or lotus-seat,

surmounted by the figure of an ox in an inclined posture, the circum-

J. 1. 30

230: N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II.‘ [No. 3,

ference exhibiting a Tri-cila,! an Ankuga,? a Damaru,’ a crescent and

the solar orb.

The plates are each 13} inches long, 82 inches broad and 2+ inch

thick. The circumference of the ring is 5} inches and its thickness $

inch. The circumference of the lotus-seat is 43 inches. The ox is 4

inches long and its height is 3} inches. The letters are ¢ inch in length

each. On the 11 sides of these plates there are 209 lines, and each line is

about 123 inches long. The holes made in these plates for stringing

them together are an inch in diameter. The four lines engraved on the

sides of these holes, are 10 inches long.

Not far from the spot where the box mentioned above was found

there is a large tank: and close to this tank is a newly built temple

dedicated to Laksmi-narayana. The box was placed in this temple.

Close to the heap of stones under which it was obtained, there were

three more heaps in a loose condition. From each of these was ob-

tained a copper vessel. On the discovery of these copper vessels, the

older inhabitants of the locality surmised that the three stone-heaps

were the ruins of three stone-built temples, and that one of these

temples contained the image of Laksmi-narayana. After the demoli-

tion of that temple, it is said that the image was kept underneath a tree.

After some time, a rich man of the place, built the present temple out of

the rnins of the old ones, and placed the image of Laksmi-narayana in it.

On the lotus-seat of the image are inscribed two lines. The shape of the

characters engraved on the copper-plates being exactly similar to that

of the lines under reference; it has been conjectured by some that, the

image of Liaksmi-narayana and the three old temples now in ruins have

some ‘connexion with the copper-plates. But so far as I have seen,

there is nothing in these plates to support the conjecture, — |

The present copper-plate is a grant of Narasimha-déva IL lane

of Utkala, dated Monday, 6th tithi of the bright half of the Simha

(4. e., Bhadra) month, in the Caka year Wis 19th September, 1295 A, D.,

in the 21st year of his reign. - _

._.. There, is, however, a complete agreement netgear the verses of

the- two copper-plates of Nrsimha-déva IV, (from Plate I—IV) 4 up to

aspifatet eet with the first 94 verses of the present grant, except line

23rd of Plate LV of the second grant by the above king marked B. Of

course, there are varie lectiones owing either to the carelessness bf the

engraver Or to wrong decipherment. , 3

L Trident of afaha-déva.

"2 An elephant goad. :

8 A musical instrument used by Maha-déva. ~~~

@See J. A. S. B. for 1895, Pt.-I., p..133-144. —

1896.j N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva If. 231

The character of this grant may be described’ as Bengali of the

Kutila type, of the 12th and 13th century A.D. The letters k, kh,-c, t, ps

y, 7, l,and v, in many respects, resemble the corresponding letters in

Vicva-ripa-séna’s copper-plate, and the letters a, a, @, g, J, d, t, th and m

are very similar to those of the modern eg character. The system

of writing medial vowel-forms (t, f) 1, .» 9.» % tt, tl) and com-

pound words, resembles the method adopted in the inscriptions of the

Séna kings and that now followed in writing Bengali.

As regards orthography, the only points calling for remark are,

that the (nasal) y and (dental) » are sometimes employed instead of

anusvara, as in vayca, (Pt. I, line 10), and in sansarpad (Pt. V. ob. line

4) ; and ¢ for s in the latter portion of the grant.

Of all the plates the reverse of the second is most particularly

deserving of notice. The arrangement of certain letters from the 1st

to the 18th line in this leaf is not similar to that in any other plate.

Every letter of this leaf forms a curve with its matra; whereas an

acute angle is formed by the contact of the matra with each letter

in the other plates. More especially the four letters th, n, p, mand h

of this portion perfectly agree with the Utkala characters of the 14th or

15th century. The letters of this portion, which bear no likeness to

the Bengali, Nagari or Maithili characters of that time, can be taken

as an early form of the Utkalaksara.

‘Here I quote the remarks of Mr. Beatnds on the or igin of the Oriya

characters :—

‘Whether the Oriyas received the art of writing from Bengal or

from Central India is a question still under dispute..., Assuming that they-

got their alphabet from Central, rather than from Northern India, the

reason of its being so round and curling bas now to be explained....The

Oriyas and all the populations living on the coasts of the Bay of Bengal

write on the Talapatra, or leaf of the fan-palm, or a palmyra (Borassus

flabelliformis)....On these leaves, when dried and cut into proper lengths,

they write with an iron style, or Lékhani, having a very fine sharp

point. Now, it is evident that if the long, straight, horizontal matra, or

top line of the Déva-nagari alphabet, were used, the style in forming it

would split the leaf, because, being a palm, it has a longitudinal fibre, going

from the stalk to the point..,.it may suffice to say in general terms, that

the Oriya characters show signs of having arisen from a form of the

Kutila character prevalent in Central India, and that its love of circular

forms, common to it and the neighbouring nations, is due to the habit

of writing on the Talapatra, Talipot, or palm-leaf, with an iron style.’!

1 Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India, Jntro.

p. 63 ff.

232 °N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déeva IT. [No. 3,

‘But inasmuch’ as a striking resemblance is found to exist in every

respect except the matra, between the Bengali and Maithili characters of

that period and most of the letters in the greater portion of this plate, it

may be conjectured that the early Utkala-lipi took its rise from the ancient

Bengali and Maithili character when the curve or circular matra was

added to it. As in the course of time, the Bengali characters of the

Séna kings assumed their modern aspect, so the ancient letters of this

plate have gradually developed into the present Oriya characters.

. ~The language is Sanskrit, prose and verse mixed. Like the other

grant of this king dated 1218 Caka, published by me in 1893! and

like the plate of Nrsimha-déva IV, published in the Society’s Journal

in 1895, the present inscription can be divided into 5 parts. Babi

Mandmoéhan Chakrabarti has discussed several points at length in his

article on the inscription of Nrsimha-déva IV: I shall not repeat Wee

he says. But the following points deserve some notice.

According to the grant of Nrsimha-déva 1V, Maharajas Anat

bhima-déva II and Bhanu-déva I held the reins of government for

30.and 17 years respectively. But both the grants of Nrsimha-déya II

fix the respective periods of their reign at 34 and 18 years. The grant

of Nrsimha: IV states that the name of Raja-raja’s wife was Guna or

Sadguna; but according to the plate under consideration, the name: is

Mankuna.

In addition to the above, the verses No. 84 and 86 should be

especially mentioned ; ee they have Sea the notice of Mano-

mohan Babu.

UG-avy-aaAt- SC OIELIL LES aaneete ea l

afeuemMAcaTgatiwaTgT ngtty Wat WqATHATA || LV. 84]

gad RH Aas AAT AT GaigqMAeMAT TET: |

Ug ee aE Eq AIA: TUM Fela TET |

[V. 86.]

‘The PD river coe blackened for a great ditsance by the

collyrium washed away by tears from the eyes of the weeping Yavanis

of Radha and Varéndra, and rendered waveless, as if by this astonish-

ing achievement, was now transformed, by that monarch into the

(black-watered) Yamuna.

1 See Vigvak6sa, Vol: V. (supplement to the word ‘ M8 ’).’ For convenience’

sake this grant will be marked A.

2 Mandmohan Babi reads Welatyaraay.

1896.] N, N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiiha-déva II. — 22

Shining day and night, making Meru over to the Brahmanas in

pious gifts, namely, the twlapurusa, (and consequently the gods being

deprived of their home), (King Nara-simha) built at Konakona (a place

of great renown) a temple for the Sun to live in with the other gods.’

From the above it is plain that king Nrsimha I conquered the

Muhammadan dominions of Radha and Varéndra. The contempora-

neous historian Minhaj i-Saraj thus writes :—

‘In this same year likewise (642 Hijra), the Rae of Jajnagar, in

order to avenge the plundering of Katasin, which had taken place the

preceding year, as has been already recorded, having turned his face

towards the Lakhanawati territory on Tuesday, the 13th of the month

of Shawwal 642 H. (i.e, 1244 A. D.), the army of infidels of Jaj-nagar,

consisting of elephants, and payiks (foot-mien) in great numbers, arrived

opposite Lakhanawati... Malik Tughril-i-Tughin Khan came out of

the city to confront them. The infidel host, on coming beyond the

frontier of Jaj-nagar territory, first took Lakhan-or; and Fakhru-l-mulk,

Karimu-d-din, Laghri, who was the feudatory of Lakhan-or, with a

body of Musalmans, they made martyrs of, and, after that, appeared

before the gate of Lakhanawati. The second day after that, swift

messengers arrived from above [the Do-abah and Awadh &c.] and

gave information respecting the army of Islim that it was near at

hand. Panic now took possession of the infidels and they’ es 71

He again relates :—

‘After he (Yiz-bak-i:Tughril han) _ went to that part, and

brought that country under his jurisdiction, hostility arose between

him fan the Rae of Jaj-nagar. The leader of the forces of Jaj-nagar

was a person, by name Saban- tar, the son-in-law of the Rae, who,

during the time of Malik ‘ Izzu- a: din, Tughril-i- Tughan- Khan, had

advanced to the bank of the river of Lakhanawati. In Malik Tughril

Khan-i-Yuz-Bak's time, judging from the past, he [the Jaj-nagar leader]

manifested great boldness, and fought, and was defeated. Again, an-

other time, Malik Tughril Khan-i-Yuz-Bak fought an engagement with

the Rae of Jaj-nagar, and again came out victorious.

‘On a third occasion, Malik Yuz-Bak sustained a slight reverse,

and a white elephant, than which there was no other more valuable in

that part, and which was ruttish, got out of his hands in the field of

battle, and fell into the hands of the infidels of Jaj-nagar.’ 2

The battles which according to Minhaj’s statement appear to have

been fought undertwo Muhammadan rulers, in reality took place successive-

ly in the time of the Utkala kings Ananga-bhima and his son Narasimha I.

1 Col. Eamwidia Titec as p. 740.

' & Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p. 762-3.

234 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déeva II. [No. 3,

The following is seen in the pena accn es 2 of Ananga-

bhima IT ; —

framfadtnaatenga aesant faa

famfamearaettata waeatem: Waar |

aad & ufesaa a aa Feraaraifae

fad fama aut ufemd qaaa-wealad: |

qRUifaa-aaay quer vaifaat faa:

fa cart saratigent ave aeaay |

‘The Vaikhanasas could not even by their most austere penance

comprehend the omnipresence and all-pervadingness of Visnu to the

extent to which the idea was realised by the Tumghana king, (2.e.

Tughril-i-Tughan Khan), when he began, apprehending Visnu here and

there, to look around through extreme fear, while fighting on the bank

of the Bhima, at the skirts of the Vindhya hills and on the sea-shores.

He alone fought against the Muhammadan king, and applying arrows

to his bow killed many skilful warriors. His heroism transcends des-

cription.’

According to the above inscription, it was Visnu, the minister of

Ananga-bhima II, who fought a furious battle against the Muhammadan

king, Tumghana by name. The ministers of the Hindu kings of Utkala

used to get the title of Santra; even now in some places in Orissa, the

eldest sons of the minister-families are enjoying that title. Under the

circumstances, it seems to me that it is Visnu-santra who has been

described by the Muhammadan historian by the name of Sabantar only.

Minhaj says that this Santra was a son-in-law of the Jaj-nagar or

Utkala king; but the Categvara Inscription? makes it clear that he was

a Brahmana by caste. It was not then customary for a Brahmana to

take a Ksatriya girl for his wife. Very likely Narasimha-déva I, son

of Ananga-bhima II, in company with Visnu, attacked Radha and

Varéndra, (7.e., the territory of Laksmanavati) at that time. It seems

that Minhaj, by mistake, has described the son to be the son-in-law.

Nrsimha-déva I, in his father’s life-time, fought many battles with the

Yavanas; and after he ascended the throne, attacked the Muhammadans

several times. The glory of his heroism has been narrated in the 84th

verse of the present plate. It was this Nrsimha-déva who erected the

Black Pagoda of Konaraka, famed far and wide as one of the wonders:

of the Hindi world. The 86th verse of the present plate proves that:

1 See Vigva-k6sa, Vol. VI, Art. ‘‘ Categvara.”

2I hope to be able to publish this important ereerohien in our Saisie

Journal.

1896.]. N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiiha-déva II. 235

prior to the time of Nrsimha I, Kénakona was the name of Konarak.

The place subsequently became famous under the name of Kénarka

or Kanarak after the sun-temple had been built there.

The places mentioned in the Copper-plate, exist up to this day,

under the same names with very slight variations. For instances—

Déra-visaya is now knownas Déra-vigi (on sheet 115 of the Indian Atlas

it is mentioned as Darabee, Lat. 20°30’—20°35’N. and Long. 86°18’45’"”—

86°30’E.) and Svayga-visaya as Sooang Lat. 20°16’ 21”N. and Long.

86°11’45"—86°13' 50”E. (on sheet 116 of the I. A.). The granted

village Edara is now known as Endara (Aindare of the Indian Atlas),

situated on the north of Talanga (Teelung of the Z. A.) Lat. 29°33’30”

and Long. 86°20’N. Khanda-sahi and Sunailo are situated at a dis-

tance of about 6 miles from Endara and one mile from the Kendupatna

lock. But they are now included in different pargannahs. It may be

worth mentioning that the village of Sunailo is very near to the place

where the Copper-plate was found.

The reading of the original and its translation are given below.

Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT of Orissa, dated 1217 Cuka.

Plate-leaf No. 1, reverse.

~Y ~

| ST AAT ATTA UTS il

waived | <a |! He Saif eras gq:

TST eT abeE-

be 2, erates |

fad ofafafiaa: sana: atetaereitga:

mat aqeelfay aacai at ae aaitfas: | (1]

L. 3. dtoeshfeata qereeaa: stedaait car

WaFAIeUME y VAaMthaaey

HCE ES SE I

ie 4. walWAsUteE A AaH lest |

zeit aeaate fe at aati | [2]

agqnitaatertgafa-

Be. 5. aafaayarga-

Saataaat vata aAaT ATT: l

a atemetacatatircaiteeren-

1 The bracketed portions are taken from A. @ Read of@ |

236 «=N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

) asta at

aay sts Pacannene wentuat fara |

ses aleualewaaaIT RISA gya-

al-

atarratiquiat fafacfaaee: weseatata: |

anquanawmctanage agit cart:

&- ; a ;

qafrnad sata fart <laaaterg: |

a ve ata saat Javea

MGR E-

q aq quarry at afar: |

ang wad fatteyat ahieurnt xa

a- |

wata Baaa afane fay fase z |

ras afaasryufaqaamTeant-

que Wad faat yal TSM fe |

Feuer saa fiantans agi-

<a OTWa-

TMetarasaifesufasainafaeea |

quite WATE | FUT

AT ATA TELA:

geaget vara: | faratea*a: | te'areerfar |

aaMaT: | Tata;z-

a: | aatfactaa: | aa:

aag: | vat WeETa | aat TAS | Ta: abe: |

qataee: aa: at-

1 Read qe | § Read ary |

2 Read gre: | 4,5 Read ow]

[No. 3,

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

1896.| N.N. Vasa—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 237

me 15, UF |. THIPATFS: | Ta:

teers | cat waa | aa: welfare | vat aaa:

aat fares: |

ey cat fa wears: | at TATA |

ae: Wie | aa ateEs | AMAT |

YARTRATET TH-

lineaa We atf]e: ofaz:

aATsaTya! Baa: |

aefaufacuiataaaat te:

aaaateta

ite. 18: RVIUFATFAI TST I (7]

RITSe: HALAL Tat VTi

Wat aa: acgey azawas |

RASA Sa-

1, 19. Huq GaGa

afea aa aufafaetiar as [8]

usta aefsearat IS RATE

e}-

L. 20. aeifsayatieacaaagetaten: |

fagreqratad yafaatrat aaeyai Fea

RIUSIET-

Plate-leaf II, obverse.

i: > 1. fata atfaateat (ata: aatteT | [9]

aratgiatamua fafaaa ants feuefea:

atta efi]

We 2, Rarattaticy oat atag: fara |

a: ATAU aratagE fay! aa

Tne ferararan-

1 Read ge |

She te Ol

238 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II.

ee)

10.

SenA FATAL EE |

quate afata fart aha ase Wa

mawity HTS fa

afa at wa aeerata |

aifaqiRRAeTgaastieatyat fax

AMAT Welase aat WHT

FIRES |

aaaeeMAATA AAWITAS EA? |

zafa wautatat aaa: wrataRaw: 4

Wiea-

afatsaatateneratat

aatfaaafcataneqaan: |

sraeatstu ataayaar[waret

al-

wieaaraet yfa waza |

a aaa: HaTaUatsty

a aseulantayary: |

at aq| ee |-

eye: Ulyar-

agmagntad 4az: |

RISA TA awe fearanaes wes

[sterat]

afeia rey yaa eaenfeat |

farctufaermugues: Hawa sI-

aitaeata Ut Ute sfearatateat sear |

afeat AFA Ae Wes

ata faatfaat: |

TSA AAEa Ast Alaa: |

a asast fea-

[No, 3,

[10]

(11)

[12]

[14]

[15]

[16]

1896. ] N. N. Vasu— Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT, 239

Ee 12. UHR aT

gaged Tatts |

SATAM RACAL:

afanraay-

18. aaal ara: | [17]

AMAAS AIS AAAI |

aMiaTaades seas g Ufeat | [18]

qaAwAT-

Per 1A: HYSIBTSAFT ALT |

aie watatee atarq Fast Ta | [19]

ual Te Teal aaHsAA

eed. aaq ulaaly

TTACSAAAUITAT: MASAF: TA |

agacate: ae frgwat Trey ATER

ie. 16: RU

agate: ae ufcata: fete ate Te | [20]

hat feamre[t terrane saa

lis, 17. zw atx.

cS CALC CAL wlafata faa aisisace |

aa et aug: way yaa g-

die 18. queat

afaagy ete asta aa za aetan sate) = =— (21

walta'e RL BWAasMtaHAA-

ie 19. Fate | |

aa waqe atte mo: sofas =a [22

ufaencmaats trary fra-

3fucaata-

Hee 20). _ feat waged |

fasax| wa |neteatiatyea-

TRAUMA SZISH TF? | [23]

1 Read weilta |

240 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva If. (No. 3,

Plate-leaf II, reverse.

L. 1. Fx ufeyansametgauatya-

aa: wee ufsarat Sat: wa wtxa: |

aalatetaur-

SPE Q. zat feqaateaeq atta

itera gata aeeUaTife fasta wa | [24]

mtataateqed altata a-

Ss cetaea eae”

aqqugatequatataazataTaastes |

aq val aueaanfatadt Sq Ta-

lin 4h Ta Ait 3

way uta achantaatayasigat saz | [25]

frraaamtaaare AGA: TTA

L 5. walfiguat wart walicareai

Algefraranstard tates a

vfaat: fatat cax-

fin? 6: AUT TARSAL: | [26]

met aw mA aafesas aatfer:

ta tara Lavan Zek-

: fa a alzat |

Trae Geatuae zafa: at aa ad wH-

aagsAIfAaAs TRY AFVE: |) [27]

L. & samttraud waitfafecel aantaaw fate-

arate wae yeaa xfa alofearenraya

fafaa: gxat-

12: aa: Va teaeslaataaal-

GagieTat fuewerq sia satetfaat | [28]

[a] aratfe-

i Read @q | * Read eaa | 3 Read @@ | 4 Read qyt

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiwha-déva IT. 241

10, qataa wate at as daa

ata fFExaAT GAVAT AAWS ATG Ha |

Be 1k agitautde faacstatsraetaat

fesrtty WaTSTGEY ATA TAA

ie Boe al aqHATe I [29 |

TEM aU alagaawsaaTAsta

grareraayeay-

im “13. wfaat AFIacwIAa:

metedfa sa aaTARTAATSaTATa-

wrerifuntamat cay-

a 1A, at TH ATAA! |) [30]

FaAueleteay afarzer far a at urfat

saataaasr sata: ay-

iy 5. waa aT az |

fatarfcars! aifaaaaere satus aT

feat at Haataa wfaue aHT AS-

i. 16. ae Il [31]

qatut safe alataantraraTg |

fesaaarg oatererg fauratarg aaa: | [32]

fa- z

L. 17. am afeatt antfacqasndicaga a

aFeququtaufaaag: aafarattet |

L. 18. =afae: vfaatufa: saattafaa eet aryat

cagarnft @avat TaTEATaAT | (33]

L. 19. wzradtats anafaaraate:

RAMapaanensey Te: |

auuamfaaaa amquta-

1s Read gvq |

242 -N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrstiha-déva If, [No. 3,

i. 20.

te at

IDR

1 Pee

GAs

i 6

ie 6

lp de

S-

attr: aeIFH ULTRA TA |

IFWET faqusyay

gufeueutantentan: |

Plate-leaf III, obverse.

. [Taare FATT]

a alae: Ral aaaarsty | |

TINS WEY seat waafefar |

qed whe

ase fas araTaateS |)

FeuMAaHIaaHTA THAT (Fz

aaa ete aaa |-

fa feuy [waa straqa] |

atest titra suacaaa Beata TAT

Staq araraaxt aa |-

gafe[< aazrae]aat |

auuaeata saHata aTat

AAW AT TRA GTaTHT |

ait faa |-

outa aeaifeat a

fauaet waa I

Teafatae frag feels [Ra

fa]-

Haare taate

aaa fyasfasaate

aqataanan| sg wtf +

als] 1

suefcagat aafaat ad Hatefea-

aagae q fafa wyuat|twar]

[34]

[35]

[36]

[38]

[39]

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nreimha-déva II, 243

L. 8. father afta fraser aiftastaadt-

amMasarigtauaat ura: Bateeerg | [40]

Wer

L 9% wiqa fecgaant sta Asa Ge-

aad saefa & a aeaaratta-

i. 10, RETA |

Ss g Qa

aa aa fexaamARtg ATTA TAA

aug afaa a[a|-

Hit. qa xe Tara: ofa | [41]

anmaet fafacfaace atalRarzet|-

fi. 12. mut

aes aaala aefy ware ahaesy ATE |

BIST AAT aay: az]

L. 18. fa[squat fae ja: qapatz-

wataearattaa [afa] (axa jateargerary y [42]

[aMes aatat|- :

Te YA. aw faestaaatet |

SUMAN HAMAS ala! | [43]

Rasigerd| atest Aat|

lng ae ~at-

awfext cfaqutgaursagat

arate uqauatata a-<czlai

aa quigaem al aa stat] | [44]

L. 16. agayftaafaaarat ofaat

zelaaatcaaafaaaare: |

a1eiq WIafaal AEA ATS

atta |-

We 17, ferrgcaegta TSS: | [45]

aia: aaata fafaaraqary:

seraag: (UXaeACTUAESr |

werga |-

244. N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva I. [No. 3,

i. 18. afafasauttaatat:

aa 2 @erenaaanaa |i [46]

Riaaa [cusafa faaaa-

asittaett: fa |-

L. 19. fautsaai: |

amlzeataaeetate- .

fasizaaa aaw Ta: || [47]

Tuife-[we fa |-seatefafeauraeraata-

L. 20. =

etewmtufafarnaifara: oteearrort: |

ayaleqgagafegaaifaca-

Plate-leaf III, reverse.

i oaks <a

RSAAYSR WUaawzai fasalqat craa: | [48]

aafa cage: ste aretfEata:

faqfeu-

Le OD: FATA GTSAISAMA: |

fal ft jafaaqactareaae et: Tatyt-

afy eumadieay wata-

‘Bh eo vat | [49]

He Henafaqgereratatgate cat

Wa WaAeR Vata IsUT BtaTeAT-

1 Di | fa: qarq |

ae qufadtes taste? athe ut

aa ufaaat sumac HaaATTE |

Ais, Ds far [50]

aay cacen fatzqa aa

Atag aetHaen fatuteie Ta |

faefaufauaat fa-

1 Read Wet | 2 Read fase |

1896.], N. N Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

qata 7a

sasatatanfafaaararea: |

staraay ware: atanorafaetatar: |

RUG Sy ASAE F |

ay wusighaasaq awa

ST ba

wel menfefafes Ba TT |

TAQ Maa rateta fasifaa aaa

ait

waa fanfaanfeaaafeaanas |

ate fetiqaayat-

uefa ATA Aa

daa fatata aanISTETU INTRA |

Wa-

uiemramferaaas: ya atite:

au qfayta yalse

<tagt Il

WMsigteAY B*uetatana: |

usa aft eater

aust Asta: |

fed aisafa sreaaafa mraaa age

FITMEMTILAISSH A-_

watHazat

art tata fasta qeas: otenefa aaat-

fesarat: sfaaiea rey ufea: BEq-

Ue wate |

are facurfa Safe waq atfaranifes:

@a teeaat gaafe SRST |

1 Read BRIA | 2 Read faa | 3 Omit fas

Vo tin) Be

245

[53]

[56]

246 N.N. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3,

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

q |

aagayy aaa WA ateat

aamafantaai a fe [fast ara: afaerad i

aut [at] ofa dafacufeeagmiaaaitaa

aa fecaaaayaeantaacd ata |

Use WIsa-

OR ICG CIRM PRUE PURI CatC ie

SRaq WeRaitaufeaseseentst

qaTaseata-

use fram:

afatua: ufefaarfesarate: |

valuta: ataaatnauage:

aur

aaa: vycerataagrita: |

dufutsadaisiret teearal tf ale

Plate-leaf IV, obverse.

HyaGatana ya Ty |

Soe oul wagzat fafeai

areata |-

a usaifa sufaaetaag: ft |

BUA TUR BARA ata

a |-

sUenrncufyanataaan fae |

ageeaaa aacyta aqag at aT |-

mas lemaa VM aAaaa agra |

TATU ACTA a[ fxaraz]

ay fexeutsy asitaetean aq II

aaaatta Stat fabiarcfaaaest |

[srrgatta]-

(57]

[58]

[60]

[61]

[62]

1896.]

- &

ie bave

Eo 8.

ie oO:

ir < 10.

i 19.

L, 13.

E 14.

L, 15.

N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II.

wet uleayt AaUTATT |

gioamatana: FATES at custtfafsra:

aarafaaeareafe-

TRULIA l

quMieaagiiasia tei at

arultamaa ugatem aaaeat

ata i

ataafieqata: wacateqat

fax[f Jaufaaaen ataatarmetee |

yaazafaqeea- Jae

Ufa frag

HAMMAN WALIATSUT |

TAMasttasauTE| we I- |

Getatatretfeateat

aya aftareaqaafrararencrargg ata

frei

U;WATAtE fafaxfada AUS ATTA

aaa feat qeazd- i

wWalalea afsare |

ateq maf mifaatcat aqaqaqarai

eeala-

frags saya: sass zy |

wa! ated wa Amuataa alates fat

mraraatant fa-

Pasa: Arey ale: wae |

aq athagaas| fa |fargarerera

AIA TaLy las: F arta |

ATAU Meeat Way HAATIT

Tata aeeas faenctaTt |

ait wel a aa a Ry

1 Read Wt 2 Read Matra |

247

[63]

[64]

[65]

[66]

[67]

[68]

248 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsinvha-déva II.

Ee P16.

18.

19:

20.

srafatet:

STMT ATA Ws AAT: I

rseracaeMEan F aqa-

. . ud

ofa usfsa yal esata yatwars |

AIQMRTAAT Ta Baga:

aTaT

agueatta afeat aw wd |

CCIE CE SIGE CL) Ua

SAT WCAKAa: |

faa |

aay aifagaracy

‘sare fefatay squatted: |

SIC ICs CIC COLES

areq Wieaufast ara: TREC SGT |

fatgqamaxqutgase: “aTat-

Plate-leaf IV, reverse.

faatateat

distafaaaae: € aaa geraty a u

aaait: attache faq fa-

Aa: Rey faa:

wiaTaittaarecta aaa fataat at ste |

aad wae

TAIN TANT AFAS

ara: Stargate: ata(al)wzataa |

ae |

qautafasuaagate

aralagAeG wae fae |

Sq: Garmyan: yey

[No. 3,

(69 ]

[70]

[71]

[72]

[73]

[74]

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimmha-déva II, 249

ie. 5. Te

UVAGSHTHT ATAZARTE | | [75]

aicaaettacenedt vafiestyat

TTR

a <6. WU SSAATTASTHATTTT |

AMAIA AA IRMA WAATAWAT

TeM-

be, 7. aquegantaTad Aste: HITT: | [76]

TaMMaaRA Sag: Wass

ie 8 fa-

fare: farsaraatgezas: sterfeatexar |

famuefeewadasat Fezu7-

i: 9. Aaa TT

TANTMAAGH AAT Aa AST VL Ul [77]

aatta-

ie 10. qaaaT: Ataaszaa

TARA TRAST TTA: |

aera

15s a fal fajequrge aura 7

aehianfarraredtetrate | [78]

Brn-

ie 12) aatezaaafastaaray-

Ararat w ufea: ufearfsarat |

L. 13. stivaavafen afaety-

Hasfatgcgn faced sau | ee [a]

AI Ula Sarai a )

L. 14. aaq:! Saat:

val BATA VAhSMTqTAt: wat | [80]

AARITLS BAS-

1 Read 24 |

250 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT.

L. 15.

16.

17.

iS:

19.

20.

at CaS ATSC |

AUTSUS: Wasa MALLS! |

agiawifaa-

faaufazar-

ufaataay TeeTAaTAA: |

qaHaaagat fates

actus’ wa a-

afaeetyad |

CRICRE ICRC OR ICC: (ocr

feaefrewufwawTtawig |

F AI qanraqat warayt

feetat safa ae Ueeea |

UbaeRaTal aaa

yea gufatratinrattarat: |

aferAAATUTZATATHT

agity qrHAqat

THUMM |

arate featet te ater:

fafarxcmarat: faq feaqert-

Plate-leaf V, obverse.

al |

wqTatewsead qagada

q Hag TaAAeaaaAt WETA |

qa TeRI-

1 Read f4¥1 2 Read fYe

8 Correct reading is aqaat according to A.

[No. 3,

[81]

[82]

[83]

[84]

[85]

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 251

i 2. wafer free Aa

: Ax TAG ASASTUTTA |

Qld Ee: ae Avatar AT-

Pa a ut-

Aa FCAAAM ACSA: | (86]

BEML VHA TAAULU AS Aaa aa aI

L. 4. taeaeataanty safseat quite |

ata: arquictae fuaUTA eae (S)a-

Hee 5, t ZAT

atta: arate: wise fafa arrarcradta? 4 [87]

acl frnfaateaca-

i 6. aatHAreateawad

Yar Waaqua atfaewaaaagy: |

auvanutan a- .

ieee atfarae Wares:

UT MAAIKUHAGM Taaareaiaat | [88]

leis tex Sart Bteafass AMES esa

atanaats aqet agagiages: |

L. 9. wateafacueqe acanfaqe-

saeat wcucfaattata- |

Ee) 10. AUIS: [89]

TAS IAAT AATTITATA ATA -

it, ET. waved fafaat frat frcetfeta: |

ula: aisutataaeate-

1 Read Ufa!

2 Read @lAaatataaa |

252 N.N. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 8,

i. a2. atataufasiza

arise afeat HeTAfsaAT ALAA | [90]

L. 18. wgafzafa faaxetat-

qaatfy qacayela: |

waataxty aTTtet

TqHeU R-

L. 14 fia: HLTA: | [91]

wa ua efacfaed cea aw ast

Ma aa efecfaact at 7

Ty, 15: fa faataas |

watgrivanmtad! uted aeatta

atasga aaatt

L. 16. fara: ararReTAAT ET |) (92}

aa faaw quai aeataata-

auutfatasa: fara eta |

L. 17. watutqaarmsaag-

aenqaateata freee | | [93]

Baa Te AAA TT -

1: 18. UTA

atatfaenfcartt Weta aR: WATALAL: |

(exaraifa <jara-

ty alg) UTR ATRUF AT

amt aafaatecnta fatuaqeafaaet <i | [94]

fataat

A; 220, qcaeleealasar-

qemgatatasta age |

SaTaTAA Hfaal ART Hata

td-

1 Read Ufew |

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiiha-déva IT, 253

Plate-leaf V, reverse.

i faareamatantaaaa | > (oul

MGMATaya Basalt |

a@laraaaeg Atg- |

Eo Zwart (96]

qa aquugia sefaraetatar |

iwdwagent eal atcn-

His 8. Stae | (97]

TUTFASILS TS ATTA TAT |

aia HUT sa Wa Alea RAAT

L. 4. a tl [98]

aa ed farting: art Wawra |

asians ertifs SAAT AAT | - [99]

L. 5. feeftetaaudt fierentutsa

utatacentetacarentfaaiteee |

L. 6. vafifalfajfacteeca atemetutsa:

TIUTAMULIa: HaNIT WaAtALlat-

Me 7 far | [100]

afar carafe ya: FATT:

IEE CEIGICEICUC UIE

ATEN ea-

ia 28. Hatataat ante |

fambhaaaasia Haas | (101)

qateat wafatasfa qeetat-

L. 9. wittaaaexit yfa ats we |

SRA yeTa eats

RETA

i .10. fa axataaatta a | [102]

aT UyumRATE (LUA ATAT-

ATeaaeyeaA-

J. 1, 30

204

N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiinha-déva IL.

II.

12,

13.

14.,,

15.

16.

17:

18,

19.

id °

BaALt VATA |

BeaqeqayansTs

STATA AAA AE

| Tea

aay fafarrentfarent faerie wa

aret ou faqa-

agqutear aifasrstza: |

Tata faa feacinagqetfesfaai yeusgai

Uaal-

aeafaata frzafeaaaa Fa |

qaseeuary fart sq Gata: ae

SS5G

RTAMARALATS: FATA: |

wralaAgsasta wT TaweTe Tarerat

fe-

aafaarra sat acataate: wes! fea |

afer GAM TRE MATS

[No. 3,

[103]

[104]

[105]

adeuygattureantetaactant faciara: | sttateare-

fastaasuta: quasar

fiuasfteart feesaqugi staat tga Tey

qraade’ farraay eal

Tets-

qeaa agiatuaanfagmaig waa

VHTTGCSTMA AAA ATA SITATT

Plate-leaf VI, obverse,

HO WWaTacrs Aaa

HUME fas HALAS UTS Hasse

afta

1 Read @za | 2 MACS T | 8 AIWITGAIT |

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inseription of Nrsimha-déva LI.

Ugiwlatfenmsea sufsqaaaatat

Usa UetsttacatqscreaaaA Ta-

Tawa SALA:

AMUAA SLA WISI Ae TAG-

TMT WMA e eee sfaUTaSe |

ufsaa: area

aalt tata wfsadisaiae fayfaret

Tata Fister Vat Ara wae AT

ata

Seagate aisaatntan eraafeow-

atfearrmg gat aarquaty wWet<

MIAH

featatararnfuang’ afore frre see

etia anarntun safacwetfeat ufefad |

qa STI-

Gfaaatett aatestaa aearty TATAT

ia | ufgaa: | wtamaauuefsata ews

aretaal

aRRfeoMtatt A wtetatea Toate |

efaqua: FUSS AT WISAIey

astute DASatA-

TWIST WIM Aah Vetta

saewmarntan zafaswatent wag Tea

Saarel-

255

amity me moe wafeatada aremfun eu afar

ateya agwetaa Al

aauifan aatfasate afeat wer fradtaa-

wewmamuansatan anate-

1 Read o@t | 8 Read °% |

256 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-deva If. [No. 3,

L. 12. qrarerermqy wages vaslaat Aa

Ufsaa: |) ARTE a TRE

L. 18. qeamarey Tettmay ae aesarafe

VarMlas | SALA: BATRA ATA

L. 14. waawaesaatiag | Fest oatewia

CY Jesaatsqchaquaare || Tr a-

L. 15. a Warner wew aeerAMtiars-arat-

fun anafeattad afeoqe farane Eicel|

Gwyn ete AT-

L. 16. atta duew afar ufefad | wd oA

fafa freane ugraattent ufefaa |) aara-

Qa AS TST

L. 17. afea armada oterq || * | Shea AGT

vefeegemret ufaara wats MIATA

TII-

L. 18. aanrerifattaregrearaad

mreattuataatgat aeaat || ° N ATT RTET

PEMCoIE] :

L. 19. afearsg i ol sa waearm’saat | efau

alsewTAY I(?)wata alae AE SStaTs

L. 20. waa Sfeqa TWA Sferatic | aAwufsesta

atqtan Heed Tettway ANI frTaat |

L. 21, fartat | ° | seteuregtametargare

FATE | ol TUCHUATNAR GRE ASTEATAT |} © I

Plate-leaf VI, reverse.

L. 1. aemnafagy aaafesa |

wat ufcuTents wUTTaRATER |

ALZUILATA YASTta UT-

1 Read o@t | ® RIT 3 Read o#|

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 257

Bey 2 faa |

eealefan TU WS ATAUTTAT |

SeUIL AA AAT TSE |

3 Hetataadi Be: etatq Batg-

Ea & Wat |

ATMACMAN Al FLA AGATE |

afasai afauat fet: ae waa |

: fatg sat SR ae

4, alexa fea: |

amauy fe aaa 4 ext saa |

Ta GUA a YACASAGS |

| SLACRATAT-

Date oy Bard! fa qaeraaaag |

marty water: mreattat aattafa: |

mata fe Ws wig wa: Waa we faa |

L. 6. eewat weartufaraer at

auiiaaaret ata atfaaar: |

% uwatea an uafae aaw-

=a Ta-

at faafartafate af i «1

At at St st St Tt ho

TRANSLATION,

Om! Adoration to Narayana !

Verse 1. May the lotus-like fect of Laksmi grant you prosperity :;

her feet, whose nails emitting hundreds of brilliant rays, shine like the

petals with filaments, and distinctly reflected on the nails of which her

lover (Krsna), bowing down to her for offence committed to her play-

fully, looks like a black-bee sitting upon a lotus,

2. When the ocean of milk was churned by the Dévas and

Daityas, the beautiful Rama sprang out of it, and although

Civa, Brahma, Indra and other gods of renown, present on that occa-

258 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3,

sion, looked longingly after her, she recognised the lotus-navelled Visnnu,

the delighter of the three worlds, as her husband: just as in a garden

of various blooming trees, the bhramara (black-bee) has recourse to the

mango-tree only.

3. From the lotus-like navel of Vignu sprang Brahma; from

Brahma, Atri; and from the eyes of Atri sprang the moon whose rays

illumined the universe. He, although equal to the sun, in his power

to devour the darkness potent enough to eat up the three worlds,

surpassed him in transparency, because darkness is seen through his

person in the shape of the black spot apparent on his surface.

4. He being a brother of Lakgmi gives delight to the universe ;

being a friend of nectar destroys the poison-like darkness; and as

a younger brother of the celestial tree Kalpa is enjoyed by all the

Dévas. But having all these blessed qualities combined in him, he

defeats each of them by unfolding his purity before the universe. He

reigns supreme.

5. Several kings were born in his dynasty. Their glories,

partially delineated in the puranas, did not stop there. Then they

became themes for several kavyas; and now, as if assuming living forms,

they are, travelling throughout the world, halting in the ears of the

hearers.

6. Where on the face of the earth is so many-tongued a person,

who can proclaim the great military exploits of every king of the

Lunar Dynasty? ‘The description of the glories acquired by the

prowess of one of the members of the family (Arjuna) has taken up

a Mahabharata. Therefore only the names of the kings of this dynasty

are here given in the order of precedence.

From Candra sprang Budha, from Budha Anala, from Anala

Purii-ravas, from Pururavas Vayu (Ayus), from Vayu Nahusa, from

Nahusa Yayati, from Yayati Turvasu, from Turvasu Gaygéya, from

Gaygéya Virdcana, from Virdcana Sa&imbedya, from Sambedya

Bhasvan, from Bhasvan Datta-séna, from Datta-séna Saumya, from

Saumya Acva-datta, from Agvadatia Sauranga, from Sauranga

Citrangada, from Citrangada Ciradhvaja, from Giradhvaja Dharmaisi,

from Dharmaisi Pariksit, from Pariksit Jaya-séna, from Jaya-séna

Vijaya-séna, from Vijaya-séna Vrsa-dhvaja, from Vrsa-dhvaja Pragal-

bha, from Pragalbha Gakti, and from (akti sprang Kolahala known as

Ananta-varman.

7. There was a famous city named Ganga-vadi. It was wealthy,

prosperous and fit to be the abode of gods. Ananta-varman became

its first king. He and his successors were known by the title of Riipa-

ganga.

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 259

8. Because the adversary kings, (while he was fighting) at the

head of the battle, raised a tumult (Kélahala) and (went to) the abodes

of the gods, his (capital) became equal to the abode of gods and was

named Kolaihala. In that city several kings reigned in succession.

9. When the eldest Narasimha is reigning what shall we do here—

we who delight in forcibly carrying away the goddess of prosperity by

conquering the world with our prowess. Let the creeper-like sword in

our hands exercise in the forest of the necks of our enemies. Let the

ereeper of our glory ascend to heaven.

10. Of the Lords of men, they with Kamarnava as their fifth,

while roaming over the world with the object of conquest were in some

places honoured by their enemies, in others, they had to destroy the

families hostile to them. In this they reached not only Kalinga but

along with it Udra also. (When they reached there) the Tortoise

Incarnation of Hari rose, as it were, from the sea to see them.

11. What more can be said in praise of these kings belonging to the

Ganga Dynasty than that, at the time when, in battle, they snatched away

by force all the lands belonging to the Kalingas, and the fortune long

enjoyed by others ; the divine tortoise, the three-eyed Civa at Gokarna

as well as on the Mahéndra, the sea, and the sun and the moon in the

sky, all bore witness to the occasion.

12. Among them, Kamarnava the ruler of the world was the

progenitor of a line of kings. His sons and grandsons were kings of

renowned arms.

13. From Kamarnava sprang Vajra-hasta as the thunder-

holder on earth, a renowned king throughout the world and devoted to

the teachings of the Gastras. He was a destroyer of his enemies and

provided all the means for supplying the wants of the needy ; and by his

pure way of living, he was like an ascetic of the first order.

14. The king of Tri-Kalinga was not only Vajra-hasta in name,

but in his deeds too he was like the Holder of the thunder-bolt. Except

Indra the Thunder-bolt-holder himself, who is there upon earth, who

ean resist the falling thunderbolt, 7. e., the attack of Vajra-hasta P

15. His fame, pure as the moon, spread through all the directions

of the horizon, and gladdened the whole world. The riders of the

elephants supporting the eight quarters of the world perceiving this,

painted the frontal globes of their elephants again and again with thick

pigment of vermilion,

16. As Parvati was of Pinakin (Maha-déva), so Nangama was his

beloved wife: By her, Vajra-hasta had a son named Raja-raja the

valorous king.

17. King Raja-raja was handsome like the moon. His glories

260 N. N. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT. [No. 3,

were as innumerable as the heads of Ananta. He lowered Kuvyéra by

his wealth and Indra by his prowess.

18. Like Laksmi of Narayana, and Rohini of Candra (the moon)

Raja-sundari was his first queen.

19. From R&aja-raja and Raja-sundari sprang Céda-ganga to

deprive the rulers of the earth of their means of strength; as

formerly the ‘thunder-bolt’ issued from Indra to lop off the wings of

the supporters of the earth (7.e. of mountains).

20. Surely Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, was his nurse, as

that Arya-boy sucked up from her all the milk-like learning even when

very young. Otherwise how was it possible that he should acquire such

keen insight into the Védas, such well versed knowledge in the Castras,

such wonderful poetical genius, and such superior ingenuity in the fine-

arts, and what not ?

21. Excepting the Dik-palas, he brought under his control, all

the kings of the earth; and the gems that adorned the heads of the

kings unfriendly to him shed radiance on his feet. This is not speaking

too much in praise of king Coda-gayga. For the full moon, thinking

that (the disc) his whole body, owing to its similarity with the white

umbrella of kings, would be carried away by king Coda-ganga, has,

through fear, ceased to expand his body.

22. Asan aged person takes the kara (hand) of a woman daly

married to him, he (the king) exacted kara (tribute) from all the land

between the Ganga (the Ganges) and the Godtama-ganea (Godavari)

disregarding the powerful warriors who looked on in amazement.

23. In duels, before the blood, flowing from the wounds inflicted

upon his body with the weapon in the antagonist’s hand reached

the ground, king Ganga with the sword held in his hand cut them

to pieces and made them lie prostrate upon the ground.

24. When the terrible flame of Gayga’s prowess burned the

capitals of the unfriendly monarchs, the smoke rising in clouds from

these cities ascended the heavens; and the dévas thinking that the

Khandava forest was again on fire got frightened for a moment. But

soon their fear was assuaged, when they came to know the real fact

from the enemies of Ganga, sent to heaven by the sharp edge of his

sword; and surely the dévas then began to praise his valour.

25. With elephants in fury appearing like masses of clouds, their

temporal juice flowing in torrents and rendering the battle-field inac-

cessible, the effulgence of the waving swords appearing like flashes of

lightning, and the clash of the nda@raca arm roaring like thunder, his

army was very similar to the appearance of the rainy season. Trildcana-

vibhu saying that no hero could venture to conquer Ganga, was bound

in agreements with him.

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IT, 261

26. Defeating the king of Utkala as if churning another sea, Gay-

gécvara obtained the moon of expanded fame, Lakgmi-like kingdom

(dharani), thousands of maddened elephants, tens of thousands of horses

and gems innumerable. What shall we say? Is this the excellence of

the ocean or the person who churns it ?

27, What person is there who is capable of erecting a temple fit for

the dwelling of that great Being pervading the whole universe, whose

feet are this world, whose navel is the firmament, whose ears are the

ten directions, whose eyes are the sun and the moon, and whose head is

the yonder heaven ? In consideration of this it seems that the kings who

preceded Coda-ganga did not take in hand the erection of a temple

to Purugdttama: but Gangéevara built it.

28. The sea of milk is the birth-place of Lakgsmi. Persons who

know the value of self-respect consider it derogatory to their honor to

live in the house of their father-in-law. It seems that taking this into

consideration, Laksmi-pati (Jagannatha) surely felt greatly mortified,

whilst dwelling there: but as soon as the temple was erected he left

his former abode and has been residing in it (the temple) with great

pleasure. Lakgmi too, leaving her father’s house, is living in that of

her husband with great delight.

29. Now, thou, O Kirmadhipa (king of the tortoises), run not thou

- away; thou, O Vyaléndra (king of the serpents), have patience; thou,

O Earth, be still; and, thou too, O Universe, be immoveable ; for the

lions brought enchained by Gayngée¢vara in his several hunting excur-

sions by their furious roar filling the whole universe with the echo may

terrify the Din-nigas to flight, which will make the world tremble,

which may also happen sometimes under the weight of his feet.

30. Hotly pursued by Gangégvara the king of the Mandara

first fled from his capital whose ramparts, walls, and wide gates had

been already destroyed by the forces of Kalinga and then again from

the battle-field on the banks of the Ganges, his body all the while

receiving wounds, and appearing like the body of Radhéya (Karna)

thickly pierced by the arrows of Partha (Arjuna) in battle.

31. Places even beyond the concave of the world were plastered

over with the nectar of hisfame. People who in their first distress came

to him for relief got heaps of gold from him equal to their expectation.

The capitals of his enemies were burnt by his prowess.

32. The valorous king, after making the Dik-palas on all sides

as his gate-keepers, enjoyed (ruled) the world for seventy years,

33. All the qualities of the queen Kastirika-m6dini were of

such a nature as to elicit the praise of the gods. It was owing to his

unparalleled devotion to the gods that Coda-ganga was blessed with

J. 1. 84

262 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3,

such a wife. A king, unless he is inspired by Visnu cannot prevail ; and

so the ruler of the earth was not different from Visnu born to save the

world, and Laksmi herself seeing Visnu born in the shape of Céda-

gaynga took birth in the form of Kasttrika-m6dini.

34. By her Coda-ganga had a son, named Kamarnava. He was

the only valorous king in the whole world and there was none charitable

like him, and his fame for glorious deeds done was spread throughout

the world. He with his fiery strength defeated the sun and with

spotless purity surpassed the moon.

35. Justly the prince Kamarnava was called Kumara (Karti-

kéya), for both of them were the sons of Gangéga (Civa and Coda-

gayga), both protected the Vibudhas (Dévas and Panditas), and both

were wielders of Cakti (spear and the regal power) capable of 7

ing arrogant enemies.

36. It is well-known that the sea swells at the sight of the moon:

but never the reverse. But it is strange that at the appearance of

Kamarnava (the sea of desire) the Kirti-candra (moon of fame)

began to increase.

37. Inthe Caka year measured by the Védas (4), the seasons (6),

the sky (0) and the moon (1), (2.e., 1064) when the sun was in the

sign of Sagittarius (Dhanu), when all the planets were exercising

auspicious influence, and the enemies had all been destroyed, the prince .

the illustrious Kamarnava, son to the great king Ganga, and the only

lord of the worlds was anointed king, at which all the universe rejoiced.

38. The story runs that the crescent-moon was born out of the sea

of milk. But from Kamarnava sprang both full-moon-like fame and sun-

like prowess. They too, like a couple, shone over the world, and em-

braced the adverse kings though they had no liking for them.

39. In the battle-field, the pearls issuing from the temples of the

enemies’ elephants broken by Kamarnava’s sword, and moistened with

blood gushing forth from the wounds, sparkled like stars in the morning

and evening sky.

40. In a quarrel between the sword and the prowess of Kamar-

nava, one saying ‘I have devoured the puissant armies of the enemies,’

the other contradicting, ‘No not so, I have eaten them;’ the king’s

pure fame would come as a mediator to settle their dispute and say

‘J shall tell you after consulting with the great,’ and would thus respect-

fully reach the ears of Brahma.

41. People speak excellently of another world having been created,

in former times, by Mahéga along with the Hiranya-garbha (golden

egg-born Brahma). But now their speech is stopped, because king

Kamarnava before the eyes of all the living beings made the world

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsisha-déva II, 263

eome into self-existence long before, (Hiranya-garbha) full of gold

(riches).

42. The earth is already burdened with the weight of the seven

seas, and trembling often calls for the help of Nagécvara (king of the

snakes) and Kurmécvara (king of the tortoises). But the Creator

(Dhata) again burdened her with another Sea of Desire (Kamarnava).

He too on his part, being unequalled in kindness, takes upon himself

the excess of the earth’s burden by often ascending the balance and

* weighing himself with gold.

- 43. King Kamarnava ruled his kingdom for ten years. During

his reign his kingdom was full of happy and well nourished people, and

was very attractive on account of several learned Panditas dwelling

there.

44, Maharaja Coda-ganga had another queen named Indira,

daughter of a king of the solar-dynasty. In beanty she was like the

moon-faced Indira (Laksmi) born herself, who is still regarded by

Brahma as the model of beauty.

45. Her beauty, character and deportment being delineated in

most laudable terms have set forth the daughter of the mountain

(Durga) as a simile. This was not blamable; and as in this world

Maharaja Coda-ganga was not different from Hara (Civa); he

married Indira proud of her supernatural beauty.

46. By her Cdda-ganga lad a son the illustrious Raghava. He

was king of kings and crushed the pride of the adverse rulers. All

the kings frightened at the news of his coronation trembled in their

hearts.

47, When the illustrious Raghava became king, all the other

rulers of the earth attained the ultimate object of their body by sham.

pooing his feet. But it. is strange that though rendered destitute of

their téjah (power and heat) they became mutras (t.e., feudatory kings

and the sun).

48. In ancient times Arjuna was held the typical example of one

who possessed hands strong and capable of striking down formidable

enemies in several ways; but now Raghava possessing hands playing

with the heads of the enemies like balls in the arena of the battle-

field, is looked upou by all the wielders of the bow as their only

model.

49. Was he a second Paracu-rama born in the world! Because

like Paracu-rama he too uprooted the lines of enemies, made all the

world obey his commands, devoted his hands to the donation of the

Kegiti (earth or landed properties), and, like Paragu-rama, he killed

impetuously his formidable thousand-handed enemy (Daca-catabihu).

264 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3,

50. Cutting asunder troops of mountain-like elephants in battle,

king Raghava’s sword drank in a moment the water-like blood, and

then having become loaded with white fame, like the moon adorned with

pleasing lustre, gloried victorious.

ol. Wherever kings were unfriendly to him king Raghava

with his overwhelming power was like the dava-dahanu (conflagration)

to their forts, like thunderbolts to the mountain-like kings, and like

the lion to the troops of maddened elephants of the enemies.

52. The king of the world the illustrious Raghava, who was the

crest-jewel of the sovereigns of the earth, ruled his kingdom unrestrained

for ten and five years. :

53. As Aditi was of Kacyapa, the illustrious Candra-lékha was

the favourite wife of the illustrious Céda-ganga, the king of the globe.

She was as a bulbous root to the creeper-like extension of the king’s

dynasty. Of her was born Raja-raja who defeated the sun by the

force of his splendour, aud filled all the sides of the horizon with the

fame of greatness derived from crushing kings.

54. When Raja-raja set out on his expedition to subjugate the

world, the force with which his troops struck the earth raised a

large quantity of dust which covered the firmament. The horses of

the sun thinking it reproachful to touch the earth used to uplift

themselves towards heaven and the celestial elephant began to strike

the earth with his tusks.

55. The son of Coda-ganga was of unrestrained valour. He

was famous under the name of king Raja-raja as he was the king of

the kings.

56. Having in his early youth taken upon himself the protection

of the world, what extraordinary things happened to him whose body

was like the Himalaya (O Ye honest hear!). The earth acted as his

seat, the heaven as his ensign, the mountain as his palace, the Dik-

palas as the representatives of his fame, and the verses in his praise

as his bards.

57. O illustrious Raja-raja, surely your fame gave pleasure to

the minds of those who could appreciate higher excellencies, and created

desires in the innocent minds of the needy. On the other hand, the

same fame on reaching the ears of the enemies mortified them like a

dart in their hearts. Nowhere are the followers of their free-will seen

to act uniformly.

58. The illustrious Raja-raja the king of the world was the

possessor of the Royal fortunes of the rulers of the earth, and his

thunderbolt-like hands were always busy in wielding his victorious

bow. He, after a reign of twenty-five years in this world, rose up from

1896.] NN. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. 265

his throne, shining like pure snow, his fame extending far and wide,

and Indra singing his glorious deeds.

59. After him‘his younger brother Aniyanka-bhima was installed

on the throne. This king was competent in work and a lover of good

poetry. He was pure in religion, free from any impurity of the Kali

age, and his eulogy surpassed those of his ancestors.

60. On the summit of the mountain of battle, endkiiiled with

warriors, echoing with the sound of conch-shells, filled with heaps of

pearls issuing from the gigantic elephants’ temples pierced with spears,

and burning with his excited fiery prowess, king Raja-raja reaching

the heads of his adverse kings robbed them of their royal fortune.

61. When churned, the sea of milk highly agitated by the com-

bined hands of the Dévas and Asuras produced only a half-moon which

adorned (the forehead of) Mahadéva alone; but in the battle-field the

single strength of thy arm produced from the rain-water-(dhara-jala)-

like sharpness (dhara) of thy sword such a mighty moon-like fame that

it embraced all the eight Dik-palas (protectors of the eight directions

of the earth.)

62. The dust rising at the time of his setting out on expeditions

filled the sky, and so soiled the body of the kings of oo (Aira-

vata).

63. This heroic prince SHEN un subjugating all his enemies

ruled the earth for ten years.

64. The valiant king Ananga-bhima was of unrestrained power,

and as the family abode of the goddess of Danda-niti (Administration

of Justice). His conduct was most elegant, being purified by truth-

fulness, right observances, and correct judgment, and the sole object of

his life was virtue. His other half was the pattu-mahist Baghalla-

dévi; in love, that knew no bounds, she was like the goddess Laksmi

herself.

65. Her son was the king Raja-raija, who equalled his father

in all his excellent good qualities, possessed superior valour, and assumed

the reins of government in his youth. His lotus-like feet were

coloured reddish by the effulgence radiating from the jewels on the

crests of the kings bowing down to him.

66. His marching war-horses impetuously striking the earth

raised such a cloud of dust that it completely obscured the bright rays

of the sun, and being spread far and wide by the incessant flappings

of the ears of the raging war-elephants, resembled the veils on the

faces of the eight Dik-gajas.

67. When, after subjugating all his enemies, the chief of the

princes, namely the illustrious king Raja-raja, ruled the whole earth

266 NN. Vasu—Oopper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva II. [No. 3,

girt by the seven seas, with superior political abilities, even Madhava

began to consider the king’s sword sharper than his own discus, Vidhi

acknowledged his cleverness in the matter of studying the Castras, and

nowhere was the word -Kali (quarrel) heard except to denote the

yuga.

68. His sea-like fame, having swollen greatly, inundated the

world. When small and twinkling stars appeared in the firmament, it

seemed that the foam springing up from the sea had spread over it.

69. This valorous king Raja-raja was like Karna in benevolence,

like Arjuna in power, and like Yudhisthira in truthfulness. -

70. King Raja-raja after enjoying his royal prosperity in this

world for ten and seven years went to heaven.

71. This king had a queen named Maykuna-dévi. She was

descended from the Calukya Dynasty, and in beauty was like the coast

of the sea of beauty.

72. Of her was born king Ananga-bhima of extraordinary

valour and great personal beauty. His eulogy shone forth on the walls

of the horizon washed with the waves of nectar-like fame.

73. The prowess of his arms having rooted out his enemies, the

tears from the eyes of their wives used to inundate the earth. It seems

that Visnu, who is always anxious to go into the sea of milk, seeing’

the tremendous waves, has twisted his neck in shame.

74. Who art thou? Iam Kali. Why dost thou look sorrowful ?

Who is there by narrating to whom my condition, I can cross this ocean

of sorrow? ‘Tell me,I am myself Hari. Dost thou notknowme? On

hearing his reply, Kali used to say, that if thou art thyself Narayana,

then hear what I say. In the Ganga dynasty, a king named Ananga-

bhima has taken his birth. He has almost dispossessed me of my-

rights. That king is the sole cause of my anguish.

75. The Original Being embracing his lotus-like tender heart

fragrant with perfume of great delight arising from deep meditation,

and sweetened by the honey of love to God, played the part of a black

bee.

76. His splendid sword serving as a harem-keeper for the protec-

tion of the goddess of Royal Fortune, likewise assuming the appearance

of arope for strangling adverse kings, and displaying many feats of

dancing in the arena of the battle-field was regarded as an unparalleled

beautiful dancer.

77. He by his great prowess earned a mighty fame. His libera-

lity was so great that even the liberal Ka@ma-dhénw and others were

surpassed by him. In fine, he was regarded as another Hiranya-

garbha: and on hearing this, the great Padma-yoni (Brahman) felt

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsiha-déva II. 267

ashamed, and as a result of this, the eyes in his four heads began to

move in vacancy.

78. He was endowed with the three-fold regal: powers and ob-

served the tula-purusa-dana.! The possession of the whole world did

not give him so much pleasure as he derived from granting several

pieces of land to pious Brahmanas.

79. Attracting the hearts of deer-eyed girls, and crushing those

of the enemies, the king, who was anxious that learned men should

know the meaning and construction of his name most appropriately

assumed the title of Ananga-bhima.

80. The king Anayga-bhima the beloved of his servants, after

ruling the earth by force of his mighty arm, for thirty-four years, went

to the abode of the gods.

81. From Aditi-like illustrious Kastira-dévi and the Kacyapa-

like king Ananga-bhima, was born on the earth the warrior Nara-

simha, (Visnu)-like Narasimha, the saviour of the world and the des-

troyer of the sinners, .

82. The king Nara-simha was always engaged in benevolent

deeds. Seeing his boundless charity, it was thought, as if Nara-simha

(Visnu) himself had been born in this world in order to wash with the

water of profuse charity, his hands formerly polluted by the blood of

the king of the Asuras (Hiranya-kagipu).

83. He was fanned from both sides with two white camaras, ;, and

a white umbrella was spread above his head. The room in which he

sat was built of white elephants’ tusks. The sight of it led a visitor

to believe that the Goddess Bhavani thinking him to be his own son

had taken him on her lap, and for this reason his feet are always rested

on the victorious lion-seat.

84. Nay, Ganga herself blackened for a great extent by the flood

of tears which washed away the collyrium from the eyes of the Yavanis

of Radha and Varéndra, and rendered waveless at his extraordinary

deeds, was (I think), for that time transformed by ots Brings into the

Yamuna.

85. The eight mountains and the eight Auer of the quarters

which bear the burden of the earth all lie upon his hand. So when he

weighs himself against gold in the Tulapurusa ceremony, where shall

the single golden mountain, Suméru, the abode of gods be P

86. Shining day and night, and making Meéru over to the

Brahmanas in pious gifts, namely, tulapwrusa, king Nara-simha built

at Kona-kona (a place of great renown) a temple for the sun to live

in with the other geds.

87. Whose fame pleasing to the sight after traversing the eight

1 Presents of gold, jewels, and other ornaments equal to a man’s weight.

268 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva 11. [No. 3,

sides of the earth and feeling hungry, consequent on the fatigue sustained

in the struggle, used to drink water from the Lavana (salt) and Iksu

(sugar-cane) seas. But this proving insufficient, she used to cross over

the Suré (wine) sea. Then partaking of the health-giving Sarpi

(clarified butter), tasting Dadhi (curd) and satisfied with Dugdha (milk)

(from the seas bearing these names), she appears washing her hands

and mouth in the various seas.

88. The king surpassed all in his strength of arms, and crushing

his enemies all over the earth, enjoyed the unsurpassed pleasure of his

kingdom for thirty-three years. He relinquished all attachment towards

earthly affairs (snéha), and just as a lamp when its oil (snéha) is

exhausted, is extinguished by the fall of a great fly, so death extinguish-

ed his flame of life.

89. By Sita-dévi the daughter of Mala-candra, the king had a

son the illustrious Bhanu-déva, like the Bhanu (the sun) himself,

who brought good days to the world. As the Bhanu (the sun) opens

the Padmas (lotuses), brings languor to (1.e., shuts) the Kairavas (water-

lilies), destroys the intense Vrtra (1.e., darkness), and places his feet

upon the summits of the para-dharani-bhrt, (1.e., principal mountains

namely: Udaya-giri and Asta-giri), so king Bhanu-déva diffused Padma

(wealth and prosperity), brought languor to the Kairavas (enemies)

destroyed the hostile Vrtras (enemies), and placed his feet upon the

heads of the para-dharani-bhrt (other kings).

90. For the welfare of his kingdom, he kept sixteen ministers

well versed in politics, capable of destroying enemies by feats of strategy,

of virtuous character, and of unfailing resolution. That illustrious and

fortunate king used to govern the empire with their advice.

91. He whose weapons although kept closed in his hands is

Nirbhara-data (i.e., capable of killing all the enemies or very much

bountiful), although trembling, is good in fighting capacity, and al-

though of fierce attitude, is Kysna-carira (7.e., of attractive appearance

like Krsna.)

92. Continually partaking of havis (clarified butter) in his inces-

sant sacrificial ceremonies, Hari, suffering from indigestion, sleeps a long

and profound sleep in the sea. Agni (the fire-god) vomiting smoke

had recourse to the salt-water (as a remedy for indigestion) in the form

of Vadava (sea-fire); and Civa though he safely drank the Kala-kita

(fatal poison) was attacked with Cula (7.e., acute internal spasm.)

93. What shall we say of him? he crippled very much the

fame of other kings for liberality. Having conquered their wealth, at

the advice of his ministers he gave away Kanakacala (the golden

mountain), Kamadhenu, and Kalpadruma to them.

1896.] N. N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsivwha-déva II. 269

94. The unrivalled kmg granted, with proper ceremonies, to good

Crétriya Brahmanas, one hundred pieces of land highly decorated with

large and beautiful edifices, shaded by ntimerous gardens of mango,

cocoa-nut, plantain and several other trees, after having the gifts

inscribed on copper-plates.

95. When King Bhanu-déva had reigned for eighteen years,

Dhata was perplexed with the question as to which of the four donors,

namely, the Cinta-mani, the celestial tree (Kalpa-druma), the Kama-

dhénu and the king Bhanu-déva was the best, and summoned the king

to appear before him for judgment.

96. As Lakgmi is of Narayana, Jakalla-dévi of the Calukya,

dynasty was the beloved wife of Bhanu-déva.

97. By her was borne the valorous and illustrious king Nrsimha,

destroyer of all his enemies and the saviour of the Ganga dynasty.

98. (He acquired fame) hike Arjuna in handling weapons of war,

Vrhaspati m Castrik knowledge, Karma in making presents, Bhima in

valour, and Kama-déva in beauty.

99. In obedience to his mother, he issued one hundred Casanas to

Brahmanas, and also other presents of great value.

100. When the most valiant and illustrious Nrsimha-déva as-

cended the throne, his feet dazzled (the beholder) with the light emitted

from the gems that adorned the crowns of other kings. All the adverse

kings, frightened, broken-hearted, and intent only on saving their lives,

betook themselves to mountains.

101. When he began to rule the world, the Kulacala, the Kirma-

raja, thé Naga-raja and the elephants of the quarters umburdened them-

selves of the load of the world and took rest; and the disorder of their

heads having disappeared, they reposed happily and blessed the

king. ‘

102. When the king sets out on elephants to battle, what hero is

there on earth who would bear the weight of fighting, when we see

that a single ereeper-like sword held in his rain-bow-hke hand spreads

terror on all sides ?

103. He was fierce by reason of bis sword, and, violently robbing

the hostile kings of their immense wealth equal to that of the Kalpa-

taru, presented them to Brahmanas, with his sproat-like hands which

were as ornaments of the earth, and shone beautifully wetted by the

water of charity.

104. He placed his lotus feet upon the heads of all the kings of

his time. What description can we give of the glory and. prowess of

the king? When the Dig-gajas, om hearing, from the lips of Kimnaras,

songs ef his fame, used to cease undulating their ears, the large black-

J. 1. 35

270 N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva I. [WNo. 3,

bees sitting comfortably, drank the ichor Sse from the heads of the

elephants. ;

105. Being resolute, his prowess never received any check. The

kula-parvatas, at the time of his sacrificial ceremony seemed like cooked

flesh placed on bars, and the four seas looked like caldrons. Hven the

sun, the giver of a thousand rays, becoming bewildered, was seen

wandering about in every direction.

(Pt. v. Rev. L. 16-19) Hail Fortune! In the Caka year 1217,

decorated with all the epithets such as the Lord of the fourteen worlds,

&c., the illustrious king Vira Nara-Simha-deva, in the twenty-first

year of his reign, on the sixth day of the bright fortnight of Simha (Leo),

Monday, in the city of Rémuna, at the merry time of a new conquest,

in order to grant 50: vatikas of land, out of the several pieces of land

set apart by Hali Prahlada Mudala for granting to pious Brahmanas,

(Pt. vi. Ob. L. 1-21) while on the banks of the Ganges at the time of a

lunar eclipse, to Kumara Mahapatra Bhima-déva Carman of the

Kacyapa gotra, Kagyapa, Apasara, and Naidhruva Pravaras, and a

reader of the Kanva-cakha of the Yajurvéeda, gave the two villaves;

namely: Hdaragrama within the boundaries of the Déra-Visaya, and

according to the Nala-measurement of (ri Karana Civa-dasa lying from

the (half danda ?) boundary line of the village Ma@l6-pura on the north

to the drinking-water-supplying reservoir of Talanga-grama, and from

the western bank of the pond of the village Sihasapura on the west to the’

embankment (Hida ?) on the boundary line of the village of Vibhiti-

pada on the west. Out of the 42 vatikas, 16 manas and 12: gunthas of

land contained within these boundaries deducting 8 vatikas and 9 manas

as already granted to gods and Brahmanas or comprising cow-grazing

fields, ponds, &c., the remainder 34 vatikas, 7 manas and 12. gunthas.

Secondly :—The village of Sunaila within the boundaries of Svanga-

Visaya according to the Nala-measurement of the above-mentioned Giva-

dasa and lying from the boundary line of Bhima-narayana-pura on the

west, to the boundary of Khanda-sahi village on the east, and from the

half-boundary line (?) of the village Véda-pada& on the south, to the

boundary line of Ghoda-pala village on the north ; out of the 33 vatzkas,

13 manas, and 6 gunthas, deducting 10 vatikas and 12. mdanas as already

granted to gods, and Brahmanas or comprizing grazing fields, drinking

ponds, &c., again from the remainder 23 vatikas, 11 manas (?), and 6

gunthas, deducting 7 vatikas, 8 manas and 18 manas (gunthas ?) according

to the measurement of Candra-dasa Karana, and lying from the Vata

tree on the boundary of the village Ka-il6 on the west, to the Vata tree

at the middle of the field of village Sunailo on the north, to the Vata

(Ficus Indica) tree on the boundary line of the village of Véda-pada

1896.] N.N. Vasu—Copper-plate inscription of Nrsimha-déva IIT. 271

on the south; the remainder 15 vaftikas, 12 md@nas, and 13 gunthas.

These two villages together making up 50 vatikas of land free.of any

obligation, are granted by regular deed of conveyaiice including every

thing, land and water, with shades and marshes, &c., for as long as the

sun and the moon endure: In this granted portion of land named Ganga-

Narasimha-pura one vatika is granted to the Sévaita Allala-natha

arman of the Putimasa gotra, reader of the Cakala-Cakha of the

Revéda; half a vatika to the copper-maker (Tamra-kara) named Nadi.

As a part of this grant,—Nori Crésthi son of Purai ¢résthi, son of

Komati Manku Grésthika of Ucada village in the middle of the

South Jhaida-khanda; Dhittu Vélali, grandson of Maha-déva Vélali

a Tambiuli of the village of Kanta-padi-hatta; the Tamra-kara

named Amnai of Purusdttama-pura Usthali; and the Kamsa-kara

named Madai of Véda-pura Usthali.

(Plate vi. reverse, L. 1-6). In order'to reap the harvest (gain the

fruit) of my gift and of preserving it, O you future kings! obey this

my religion, as long as the moon and the stars endure. O Ye Kings,

suspect not it to be fruitless because granted by another; there is

greater virtue in preserving the grants of others than in making grants

-oneself. O Yudhi-sthira! the, principal of the intelligent, keep care-

fully the grants either by yourself or by others; for preserving gifts is

.far superior to granting them. Whoever forfeits lands granted either

by himself or by others becomes a worm ;in excrement, and there rots

- with his ancestors. Those who take away the land become black serpents

in the hollows of dried up trees in a forlorn and waterless wilder-

ness. He who robs a single cow, a single gold coin, or even half a nail

of land, remains. in hell until the final deluge. The religious acts

performed even by an enemy are respected by the high-minded ; because

the enemy only is their enemy, religion is enemy to none. Of the

future kings of this world whether born in the dynasty of my own

or in the dynasty of any other king, ‘whoever with mind unstained by

vice, maintains this my religious act, I bow before them with my

palms held side by side and raised to the forehead.

272 A. B. Caddy—Ananta Cave. . [No. 3,

On two Unrecarded Sculptures in the Ananta Cave, Khandagirt.—Ly

ALEXANDSR H. Cappy.

{ Read, February, 1896. |

During my visit to the eave-holding hills of Orissa, the sandstone

outcrop of Udayagiri ard Khandagiri, some twenty miles south of Cuttack,

I had an opportunity of making a eareful search through the yarious

eaves for objects of interest which might have escaped the scrutiny of

previous visitors, and I was surprised to find there were still Art and

Archeological treasures which had been unrevealed to Fergusson and

his emissaries, to Mr. Locke and his troop of students, to Dr. Rajen-

dralala Mitra and his men, and all the later visitors, official and other-

wise, who had been to these hills.

My own mission was to bring away casts of Acoka inscriptions

found among the eaves, the Aira Raja’s inscription in the Hathi

Gupha, and such dedicatory tablets in Acoka character as were to be

found in several of these caves, and which were mostly figured in Cun-

ningham’s Corpus Inseriptionum Indicarum. I was also eommissioned to

photograph whatever of allied interest came in my way.

It oeceurred to me as very curious that no success had attended

repeated visits to this cave in discovering the subjects represented on

two of the four tympana between the arches over the lintels of the three

doors and one window that opened into the inner sanctuary, seeing that

more than half of each tympanum was there. ‘T'hey were sculptured but

unintelligible. The grime of centuries and successive incrustations

from the cells of the steel-blue hornet had sufficiently obscured them to

make it hopeless for the casual observer to make anything of them.

It was now an easy matter to set workmen on the tympana to clear

out the resinised wax with bamboo scoops and presently the sculptured

surfaces were exposed. In the meantime I had devised a preparation

which would facilitate the photographing of this intensely blackened

stone. A ley of clay and soap, passed through a muslin and applied with

a flat brush, much as a painter applies the ‘drag,’ shows up a low relief

with great effect. I photographed the newly exposed sculpture after

using the preparation.

1896.} A. E: Oaddy—Ananta Cave. 273

The Ananta Cave temple had been explored with great care. Hvery

inch of it had been measured and recorded by men who looked upon it

as one of the most important caves in Orissa. Some effort, too, had been

more recently made by Fergusson, who had visited Orissa nearly half a

century ago, to discover the subject these tympana bore. At his request

the then Commissioner of Orissa sent Mr. Phillips specially to examine

this eave and report on these tympana—unsuccessfully evidently, for we

find Fergusson at last driven to surmise, writing thus in his and Dr.

Burgess’ book on the caves of India.

* From our knowledge of the sculpture of the Bharat tope we may

“safely predicate that in addition to the TREE and the image of SRI

“the remaining Tympana were filled, one with the representation of a

“ WHEEL, and the other of a DAGOBA. The last three being prac-

“ tically the three great objects of worship both here and at Sanchi.”

- Tam sorry my facts do not substantiate this surmise, The series

of sculptures on the semicircular tympana begins at the left with the

apotheosis of the four-tusked elephant, or Gaja-raja, followed by Sarya

in a quadriga, the worship of Cri, and the tree, thus :—

fi the fi tie s Wary Cr : —~

- Gaja-raja. 4 5 ai hi uadriga. sue Tree.

We haye here then for the first time the unique lotus- worship

offered to the lordliest of elephants. The four-tusked one occupies the

centre, huge but ungainly. The sculptor has set himself the task

of representing in low relief«every limb and feature of his great

bulk en face, The left-hand corner of the tympanum bears a sun

image and a well drawn female elephant, in profile, trailing a lone

lotus stalk, whose flower she is holding up to the Gaja-raja. A lotus on

the right of the elephant is held up similarly, but the female elephant is

wanting.

In the Museum on a medallion, now on the centre table in the long

southern gallery, there is a representation of a many-tusked elephant

Bodhisattva. Here a hunter sent by queen Culla Subhadra. (one

ef the two queens of the Chadanta elephant in her former life)

treacherously wounds the elephant king from a pit. Being discovered

by the six-tusked elephant, the hunter throws a yellow garment over

himself, but to no purpose. The magnanimous one spares him and

learns his mission,—to saw off his tusks and carry them to Culla

Subhadra. Being desired to proceed with his task, he does so with

difficulty, whereon the king of elephants takes the saw in his trunk,

completes the severance, and then dies.

274 A. E. Caddy—Ananta Cawe. [No. 3,

The Bharat medallion represents the six-tusked elephant near the

centre to the right of a banian tree, whence he has advanced to the

right margin. In this second figure is seen the arrow which has wounded

him in the navel, also the hunter plying his saw, but the portion of stone

which should have borne the tusk is chipped off. A female elephant

his queen Maha Subhadra, stands by him during the great crisis.

The birth story, which is admirably told in Dr. Anderson’s catalogue,

concludes with the narration of how queen Culla Subhadra died of

grief and misery for the cruel destruction of her former lord.

In the Orissan sculpture of the apotheosis of the elephant king

he is represented with four tusks only and both his wives are in atten-

dance.

The second tympanum figures Sirya in his quadriga. The ‘‘ seven

bay steeds’ or “‘ seven lucid mares” give place to the Western idea of

four horses drawing the Sun-chariot, whose front suggests the shield so

frequently used as a Buddhist symbol in these caves.

He stands in the centre of his chariot attended by his two wives,

Samjiia and Chaya. An umbrella covers him. To his right is figured

the Sun, and on his left we see the Moon in her first quarter. In the

corner is Rahu with his Thyrsus and Amrta Vase. The supporting figure

on the opposite side and the better portion of two horses are missing.

This subject occurs among the Bodh Gaya sculptures. It is figured

on one of the rail pillars now in the Mahant’s house ; and this gentle-

man kindly let me make a mould from it last January. I did not

then know there was a cast in the Museum already, the gift of Dr.

Mitra, from the same source.

Sirya here stands in a large chariot, the front of which resembles

the carapace of a tortoise. His attendant wives shoot ray-arrows from

the chariot. An umbrella covers him, while halo-like rays emanate from

his person. The quadriga here more closely resembles the Western

model. The composition does not admit of accessories as the semicircular

tympanum does.

Note.—This representation of Surya in a quadriga was also in vogue in Gandhara

and Udiana. A small group in the museum represents him thus; while two large

capitals of Indo-Corinthian Columns found by me in the Swat valley show the

remains of a very fine sculpture of Surya in his quadriga.

A. E. C.

1896. | L. A. Waddell—The Buddha’s Birth and Death. 275

A Tibetan Guide-book to the lost Sites of the Buddha’s Birth and Death.—

By L. A. Wavpett, M.B., LL.D.

[Read, August, 1896].

I am surprised that no one seems to have noticed that the Acgoka-

edict-pillar, which was found three years ago in the Nepalese tara by

a Nepalese officer on a shooting excursion, has an importance far beyond

that of its own mere inscription, interesting as that is, for it supplies a

clue to the hitherto undiscovered birth-place of Gakya Muni, which

after Bodh-Gay&a was perhaps the most celebrated Buddhist shrine,

and which at Hiuen Tsiang’s visit in the 7th century A.D., contained

magnificent structural remains including several inscribed Agoka-pillars

and a monastery with 3,000 monks; and its exploration must throw a

flood of light on the origin of the Cakya race and other problems of

those almost prehistoric times in which Buddhism had its first begin-

ings.

This pillar of Konakamana in the Nepalese tarat, appears still to be

fixed in its original position; and that most trustworthy topographer, ©

Hiuen Tsiang, records that the ‘city’ of Kapilavastu lay within seven

miles or so to the north-west of this very identical pillar.1 ka Hian

also states that that town lay one ydjana (about 7 miles) to the west of

the stupa of this pillar.?

This important indication which this new Acoka-pillar affords,

struck me at once on reading Professor Bihler’s translation of its in-

scription in the Academy of April 27th of 1895; butI find that the

full official report on the pillar contains no reference to the indications

which this pillar supplies us with in regard to the site of Kapilavastu

and its suburbs.

It is true that General Cunningham and one of his most incompe-

tent assistants, some years ago claimed to have discovered this long lost

city in the village of Bhuila in the Basti district of the N.-W. Provinces ;

but that this identification was altogether false, like the General’s identi-

fication of the not far distant Kasia as the site of the Buddha’s death, must

1 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II. 19. 2 id., I, xlix.

276 L. A. Waddell—The Beddha’s Birth and Death. [No. 3,

immediately be evident to anyone who takes the trouble to look into his

reports on the subject and to compare these with the accounts of Hiuen

Tsiang and Fa Hian, which are our chief guides on this question. Not

only are its position, topography, and surroundings quite out of keeping

with the recorded description, but no characteristic structural remains

were obtained on digging.

Now, however, we seem to have in this Nepalese pillar a guide to

carry us to the very spot.

This pillar of the shrine of the Buddha Konakamana lies in the

Nepalese ¢arai near the village of Nigliva, thirty-eight miles north-west of

Uska on the Bengal ‘and North-Western railway, in the north of the

Gorakhpur district of the N.-W. Provinces. The ruins of the town of

Kapilayastu ought therefore to be found within about 6 or 8 miles to the

north-west of this pillar, (30 lc to the S.-W. and thence 50 li to the N.)

The Lumbini garden should lie a little to the north; and about 5 miles

(3012) to the south-west should be found the old town of ‘ Napiki’ with

the relic-stupa of the Buddha Krakucchanda, which also has its inscribed

Agoka-pillar. ! ake

In this connection, I have found in the possession of a Tibetan

Lama, a guide-book to the Buddhist shrines of India which also

places Kapilavastu near the hills on the frontier of Nepal. This guide-

book is in MS., Tibetan, and its author has apparently not visited India

himself. It is compiled, he says, partly from the records of Hiuen

Tsiang and the Indian ‘ Gau-pan,’ and partly from hearsay narratives of

pilgrim monks. But its chief value lies in the fact that it gives the re-

latively modern names of towns and rivers en route. It has no date,

probably it is not more thana few centuries old. I here extract the

paragraphs bearivg upon the sites in question :—

“Going from that place (Banaras) not far to the north-west is

the country of Kosala, now called: ‘Tikga’ or ‘ Ayodhya,’ situated on

the bank of the riyer named ‘ Dhou-ha’ (? Dewa) or ‘Sarjapu.’

Here in this country was the great city of Cravasti, # containing the

palace of King Prasénajit, but now traces only remain of the fort,

which is called Koésala-puri. Inside the fort are traces of the stupa

built over the seat of the Guide (the Buddha) when he preached here, and

- also several other stupas founded by the faithful ones. On ‘either side

of the eastern gate of the city, isa long stone about fifteen fathoms. %

A little further off is a gilded brass* image of the Guide in a great

brick building, but I have not heard clearly whether it still exists.

To the south of the city about four or five hour’s walk there is the

i Beal id., I., 18. $ Qear "Dom.

aur

2 HQHYUs’ mNan-yod. & gSer-bzay.

1896. j L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. 277

Vihara of Jétavana where the past Buddhas preached. Near that

place is a well where the Buddha washed his hands and there is also a

dwelling where the revered Cariputra humbled the pride of the miracle-

worker Maudgalyaputra.

“Three or four hours journey to the north-west of Jétavana,

is a dwelling called ‘ the eye-seeing shrine’! where traces of the Guide

and of the revered disciples are said to remain up tillnow. To the

north-west of that place and north of Ayddhya is a great fort called

‘Kha-nou.’ In the eastern portion of the Jéta forest is a shrine where

the Buddha preached to the infidels, and several other shrines at each of

which king Acdka is said to have built a stupa.

“From here, eight or nine days journey to the east, stands the

city of Kapila, the birth-place of our Guide. It was called ‘ Kapila’

or ‘the tawny colored town;’* at present it is called ‘ Jaya-sipata ’

or ‘the dwelling of victory. One (to reach it) goes through a

country where there is a new city called ‘ Shi-kanta-pura’ on the bank

of the river Rohita which flows from the north-east to the south-west.

On the northern (or to the north of the) bank of the river Rohita are

the towns called ‘ Kachi-li-bin,’ and ‘ Bal-po-garh’ (which literally

means the Nepalese fort, but it may be intended for ‘ Balaul-garhi’ or

‘Pal-pa’ of the Nepal sub-Himalayas due north of Gorakhpur), and the

hill of the ‘Thag-po’ country.4 Not far from that hill is a small

city called ‘(r) Do-na-ko-ta’ (or ? Gilanakota),> from which after

two or three hours walk to the west, are the traces of Kapila city.

(2? now) called Kapila-di (? dih), which is described by Gau-pan and

in the travel-records of Thay-ziy (Hiuen T'siane) and in several sétras.

“In the middle of the city are traces of the palace of Cuddhodana,

with an image of the king. Near the palace is also an image of the

queen Mahamaya (? now) called Maha-yogini. Near that place is the

dwelling where the Guide was born, with his image. North-east of that

place is a stupa erected by Acdka where the king was given a name by

the Rsis. In each of the four gates of the city is an image of the ‘ Youth

Siddhartha,’ © with a picture of the miseries of birth, old age and sickness,

and of death, and of the (happiness of the) ascetic. In the north-west of

the city is a shrine where the Cakya (youths) were drowned” by

- ¢Viridhaka.’ The many hundred and thousands of the stupas of their

bones as described by Thay-zin were seen by some Acaryas. Outside the

southern gate of the city is a stupa erected at the spot where the Buddha

1 ABy HN EQ’ 4" Mig-mthon-bahi-gnas.

2 Ser-skya-i-gron. 4 Thag-po-ynl. 6 Don-grub.

8 rGyal-bahi-gnas. 5 »Do-na-ko-ta. 1 sNub,

J. 1. 36 .

278 L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. [No. 3,

when young disputed with the Cakya tribe. Near that stupa is the

‘ Elephant-pit,’ beside which are images of king Siddhartha, Yagodhara,

and prince Rahula, as described in the register. And lately the

traveller Lalagi has visited them, and seen feasts held there by the

people every eight days.

“Not far from the city, towards the south is a great temple with a

stone image of the Yaksa, ‘Increase’!, in a standing posture, this was

visited by some Acaryas.

“One morning’s walk to the south of that place is a well which is

now called ‘ Bhagavan-suvadi,’ in which it is said whoever batlhes is

freed from disease.

“ Half a day’s journey to the south of that place are the shrines of

the previous Buddhas Konakamana and Krakucchanda where they

were born, as described by Than-zin (Hien Tsiang).

“Again” from the above-mentioned Bhagavan-suvadi, haif a day’s

journey to the north-east is the ‘ Lambuna’ forest, not far from which is

the ‘ Acvo-tha’ tree which was held by the right hand of the Guide’s

mother when he was born.

“North-east of that place is a farm called ‘Sahapara’ by the

Nepalese, beyond which a little farther is a small country, thought to

be ‘ Kaputa.’ ”

“From that place, north-east is a thick-forest called ‘ Jahri-ban,’

beyond which after a httle more than one day’s march is Camalla-

desh ’ or ‘ Baliya-dé¢’” or ‘the powerful country.’ In the north-west

of this country is the river ‘ Jahrena’ on the bank of which is the Sal

forest under the shade of one of the trees of which the Guide died, in a

lying posture with his head directed towards the north, as described by

Than-zin (Hinen Tsiang).

“Not far east of this is the relic of the Guide which the Indians

call ‘ Krayata.’ Here is an extensive tract of ground of a yellewish-

earth where the faithful ones sometimes find pieces of relics about the

size of a small grain as described by the Indians.

“To the north of Kapila and ‘ The Intestine ’* country and near

Népal is the city of ‘Mu-kham-bu-ra’ where there is a fortress called

‘Mukhyi-drava,’ from which, I am told by Lakshinara Singh, (the

countries of ) Kapila and Magadha may be seen. .

“Further east is the country of ‘ Bhidhiya’ (=Bettiah), where in

the city of ‘ Janakapuri’ isa bow and arrow of king Rama. To the

east of the palace of the king of this country, after about three days

journey, we came to a road which leads to Népal or ‘ Nam-khu.’

1 Tibetan ’P’el.Skt, Vardhamana.

4 T. gYod-yul.

1896. ] L. A. Waddell—The Buddha's Birth and Death. 279

“Not far east from the country of Vaigali, is the country called

Tirhut which is the permanent residence of the King of Vaicali. To

the north of that country, but slightly south of Népal is the city of

‘ Mulkara,’ te the south-east of which is the ‘ Mourang’ (=Morang the

Nepalese fara to the North of Purneah) where abound elephants, pea-

cocks and the rudraksa!-trees. Hast of this isa great city called

‘Sahesa-ganj’ (Saifganj formerly a large town in Purneah District

founded by a Muhammadan governor named Saif) which is near to the

country of Sikhim.? East of that place (Saifganj) is the river Kaucika

(the Kusi), beyond which is Koch Behara (‘ Kuch Bihar’ ).”

I believe that Kusinagara, where the Buddha died may be ulti-

mately found to the North of Bettiah, and in the line of the Aczka-

pillars which lead hither from Patna (Pataliputra).

1 Hleocarpus janitrus, the warty seeds of which are used for Sivaist and Lamaist

resaries.

% *bRas-mo-ljoys, or ‘the country of rice.’

280 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-Systen. [No. 3,

On the Kaemirit Vowel-System.— By G. A. Grinrson, C.LE., LCS.

[Read November, 1896. ]

The only serious attempt to grapple with the intricacies of Ka¢miri

pronunciation is that contained in Major Leech’s grammar of the

language contained in pp. 397 and ff. of the J. A. S. B., Vol. XIII,

for 1844.

For its time Leech’s grammar was a wonderful production, but it

has the disadvantage of being entirely written in the Roman character,

without any definite system of transcription. He gives lists of words

classified according to their vowel sounds, and extending over eight

pages. These lists (and I have tested every word in them, in the mouth

of a Kacmiri Pandit) are in the main accurate, but it is generally

difficult and sometimes impossible to identify the words he writes, or to

reproduce them in either the Persian or the Nagari character.

Kagmiri is written both in the Persian and in the Carada alphabets.

The latter belongs to the family of which Dévanagari is the best

known member, and will be represented (for convenience sake) by

Dévanagari in this paper. The Persian characteris used by the Mu-

hammadans (who form about 93 per cent.), and the Carada (Dévanagari)

by the Hindis (who form, say, 6 per cent.) of the population. Carey

in his Serampur translation of the New Testament (1821) used the

Carada character, but since then Missionaries have used either the

Persian or the Roman character. The Persian character, with its

facile omission of vowel-marks is not suited for representing the intri-

cate vowel-system of Kag¢miri. And, indeed, to one whois not familiar

- with the pronunciation of the language from practical experience, it

would be impossible to gain merely a faint idea of the correct pronuncia-

tion of most Ka¢miri words, even from a fully vocalized Persian trans-

eription. This is forcibly illustrated by the late Dr. Burkhard’s Essays

on Kacmiri. He transliterated rigidly from the Persian character,

and hence, as a means for giving a practical colloquial acquaintance

with the language, his papers are of little value, though of great value

in other respects.

1896. ] G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. 281

The various systems of transliteration into the Roman character

with the help of diacritical marks added to the vowels, are based on the

Persian method of transcription, and have most of its faults. For ins-

tance Wade in his grammar represents three distinct a sounds viz., ii,

ai and @ by one signa. Another a sound, viz., a", he represents by o:

and at the same time uses the same sign to represent the 6 in cob, an alto-

gether different sound,

The Carada (Dévanagari) system of writing Kagmiri has the ad-

vantage of using fixed definite signs for fixed definite sounds. To those

accustomed to the simpler, if less perfect systems hitherto in vogue,

it, no doubt, looks clumsy, but, after considerable hesitation, I have

come to the conclusion that, whether for the purposes of science or for

the benefit of learners, the only satisfactory way of transcribing Ka¢miri

in the Roman character is to follow the Carad&a system with a few

minor modifications.

The Carada system is based upon actual facts of the lancuage.

Kaemiri differs from other Indian languages in using vowels at the end

of a word which are either silent or nearly so, but which modify the

pronunciation of the vowel of the preceding syllable. To an Hnelish-

man or Russian this is a commonplace of spelling. An Englishman

pronounces the a in the word mar, in a certain way. By adding an e,

he gets the word mure, in which the final e is silent, but modifies the

pronunciation of the preceding a. In Kagmiri these silent (or nearly

silent) vowels are called by Hindi Grammarians, madras, and there are

three of them, w2z., i-matra, u-matra, and %-matra which are represented

in the Carada character by the ordinary signs for 7, u, and @ respectively

with the sign for vir@ma appended. The mark’ is also placed over the

preceding vowel to show that itis modified. In the Roman character -

they are conveniently represented by a small *,” or #, above the line,

a dot being placed under the preceding vowel to indicate modification.

Examples are ate kart, they (mase.) were made; ae kar, he was made;

and aS kar®, she was made. Speaking very roughly, the first may be

said to be pronounced something like the English pronunciation of Kyrie

(in Kyrie eleison), the second something like core (Huglish mute e), and

the third something like kiir (German i). In the Persian character,

2 99

the first is written ys kar‘, the second yS kurv, and the third indifferently

no kar or 9S kir. Mr. Wade transcribes the first kar‘, the second kor,

and the third kar.

Of these md@tra@s it may be said that w and @ are asa rule abso-

lutely silent, while 7 is just heard,

282 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. [No. 3,

The history of these modified sounds is evident enough. It will

suffice to take u-mat7v@ as an example. The Skr. @a: krtah, done,

became in Apabhramea Prakrit af<y kariv, from which was derived

the old Kacmiri @& karu. By epenthesis, of which the Kacmiri is

extremely fond, this became pronounced @ gq kauwr whence we get the

modern pronunciation ‘core. The old spelling was, however, retained,

but the mark of wiréma was added to show that the final uw was

silent. So also afc kari, represents an Apabhramea *afte karii and

ae kar® represents an Apabhramea, *afest karid or att kart. It can

easily be shown that a-matra represents an older 7, not an older w.

Words in w#-mdatra are nearly all feminine forms of masculines in

w-mairad, a fact which explains the adoption of the long #% sign as a

substitute for the long 2.

Sometimes by the addition of suffixes these md@trd-vowels cease to

be at the end of a word. If the suffix consists of a single consonant,

they are then fully pronounced (still, however, modifying the preceding

vowel) and the sign of virama is omitted. In this case, #-md@tra@ takes

the sound of a short German %. Thus, if we add the suffix x, meaning

‘by him,’ to the above words, we get from afc kart, acer karin

(pronounced something like kyrin); from ae karv, ata karun

(pronounced something like korwn); and from RE kar®, REAL karun,

(pronounced something like kiiriin).1 If, however, the suffix consists of

a consonant and a vowel, or more, the mdtra@ vowels remain unpro-

nounced. Thus, take the suffix w*, by you. Adding this to are kar?

we get afc kar'wt, (pr. kyrw%); to ax kar", we get awa karéwt

(korw*); and to RE kar®, we get RET (kiivwt). Again, adding the suffix,

‘ tha-s, by thee I (was made), we get ARES. kar“thas (korthas), masc.

and REY kiirthas, fem.

The effect of these mute or mé@tra@ vowels upon pronunciation of

preceding vowels, forms the main subject of this paper.

Before dealing with them, it will be convenient to glance at

the Kacmiri consonantal system. This is, in the main, the same as

that which we meet in the Dévanagari Alphabets. It must be observed.

however, that Kacmiri, has no soft aspirates (gh, jh, dh, dh, and bh),

The letter jh becomes z. Thus from Apabhramca FAs, bugzhai, we have -

the Kacmiri af bdz:, he willhear. The other letters simply lose their

aspiration, e.g., Hindi ,/ ghér, surround, but Kacmiri gér, and so on.

Kagmiri has developed a new set of palatals, viz., ¥ Band &,

1 It must be clearly understood that these spellings do not do more than

approximately indicate the pronunciation of these words. The exact pronunciation

will be dealt with later on.

1896. ] G, A. Grierson-— On the Kaemiri Vowel-System. 283

pronounced (and transliterated) ts, tsh, and 2 respectively. The nasal

S| fia is pronounced fiyé, and is treated as if it was spelled =. With

Virama (1) it is pronounced “iy, and is treated as if it was ay ny”.

As regards transliteration ; ib seems to me that the only satisfactory

way, so far as this article is concerned, is to follow the Carada

spelling throughout. The matra-vowels should be represented by

a small letter above the line, and modified vowels should have a

dot under them to warn the reader that they are modified. How

they are modified is to be gathered from the particular mdatra

which follows, and from the following rules. The only exception

I make to this system of transcription is the representative of the

6-sound in cob, and the é-sound in ebb. These, in Carada are represented by

wa (or %) and ya respectively, following a consonant. Thus @@ (or

Gu) twahya (or tuhya) (pr. tohé). As this wa and ya do not convey to

the reader the sounds they represent, I transliterate them (when they

represent these sounds) by 6 and é respectively.

I now proceed to deal with the vowels in due order. The lists of

words given by Leech, in his paper above referred to, have been care-

fully read over with me by Pandit Mukund Ram of Sirinagar,! and every

word which we have been able to identify has been written down in

the Dévanagari character, and its pronunciation discussed, Many new

words, illustrating new rules, have also been added.

4 a is usually pronounced as the short a in America.

The following are examples.

wera calakh, a beating. qzq_vatakh, thou wilt roll up.

aaa wanakh, thou wilt say. yaa pakakh, thou wilt go.

w@2ezq khatakh, thou wilt conceal. <TR rachak, thou wilt protect.

wzeq phatakh, thou wiltbedrowned. AG ranakh, thou wilt cook.

waa _ganakh, thou wilt congeal. aaa khanakh, thou wilt dig.

ara manakh, thou wilt obey. wara@_ ménakh, thou wilt measure.

<q vatakh, thou wilt take. wae asakh, thou wilt laugh.

aqxvq barakh, thou wilt regret. esa dazakh, thou wilt be burnt.

sive _zarakh, thou wilt endure. aq sarakh, thou wilt experience.

g~a@ alakh, thou wilt be shaken. wea malakh, thou wilt rub.

aaa valakh, thou wilt throw over. Wee khalakh, thou wilt be opened.

a person. aa@ balakh, thou wilt recover.

aaa galakh, thou wilt melt. saa dalakh, thou wilt slip.

ava marakh, thou wilt die. AT gar“, a house.

™zyq tsatakh, thou wilt tear. Baa atsun, to enter.

ae al

aaa tsalakh, thou wilt flee. wala alyauv, he shook.

* I must express my obligations to Dr. Stein for obtaining for me so excellent

an assistant and teacher.

284. G. A. Grievson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. [No. 3;

In monosyllabic words ending in an aspirated consonant, a takes

nearly the sound of the @ in hat, thus m€@ krikh, a noise, but mer

krak*, noises. @B_kdth, a ram, gen. sg. He a kat* sand“. This diffe-

rence is not marked in writing. I shall represent it by @.

A final a is very lightly pronounced, and is therefore written above

the line, as in krak*, above. With regard to final ya, vide post (page 304).

This lightly pronounced ¢ also occurs between consonants: In such

cases, in the Carada character, the two consonants are compounded, and

the vowel neglected. We thus get seemingly impossible combinations,

such as the word €¥ or literatim ish, which cannot be possibly pronounced

as written. The word is really pronounced tseh, and means ‘thou.’ So

also in many other words, e.g., = (which I prefer to write Ya) pronounced

hint, he has swollen ; x (aa) din, he shook out; & (aq ) k2t, he was

wet; w (<a) r2¢, spite ; Tz (1s) gth", he ground: @xe dad%:%, the

edible part of a cucumber ; qqe babtr®, a flower; ames gat%, clever

(fem.) ; HAT phol2r,! a basket. The sound of this letter is very obscure

and closely resembles that of the obscure vowel in the English termination

ble, usually called the neutral vowel. It is liable to modification by

a following 7-, w-, or &-matra, but its sound is so short, that only an

acute ear can distinguish its various shades. Wade illustrates this @ as

well as the a modified by u-matra, by a@, a system which lends to end-

less confusion, unless some clue is given to the modifying vowel.

Tewara-kaula in his Kagmiri Dhatu-patha, also notes a modified a,

which is not followed by a matra-vowel. It is pronounced slightly

more labially thanan ordinary a: i.e., a tinge of o is given to it; and itis,

apparently, the short form of @ (6). It closely resembles the ordinary

sound of a in Hastern Bihari, which is not nearly so broad as the

corresponding sound in Bengali, but is still somewhat broader than the

usual a of Benares-Hindi, The difference between @ is however, so

very slight that it would pass unheeded by an ordinary ear. The

sound occurs in the following verbal roots (including their causals,

which I omit). It will be seen that with the exception of the root

gee prakhtt, which is hardly an exception, in every single instance the

ais followed by a compound consonant the last member of which is *.

1 Tewara-kaula spells all these with compound consonants. I prefer, deliber-

ately, to write them with virdma, and shall do so-in future. Mr. Hinton Knowles,

whose authority is undoubted, would transcribe these words hun, dunt, kutst (there

is a difference of opinion as to the correct form of the part of the root fis. I. K.

makes it kt), 7i¢ and guh#. This well illustrates the indefinite nature of the sound

which, in the Garada character, is represented by wirama, or absence of any vowel

whatever.

1896.]

G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System.

285

The examples moreover include every case of an a followed by such a

conjunct given in the Dhatupatha, and we are entitled to lay down the

rule, that when ais followed by a compound consonant, the last member

of which is r (or f), it is modified to g.

BKC adr, be moist.

Bex anzr, finish.

qx aber, cloud up.

ATE kanzr, be impoverished.

as ganz*r, count.

aa chak¢r, scatter.

eau chats*rav, make white.

Zu chwapr (pr.

spend.

ax tswakar (pr. almost tsuk@r),

make angry. [ defile.

wex tshyat¢r (pr. almost tshit@r),

gat tshyavr (pr.

put out (fire).

Hex tshwat’r (pr.

make short.

Sat dakher, depend upon.

aux tats’, make hot.

almost chup%r),

almost tshiv%r),

almost tshut2r),

aK tan¢r, make thin.

SaRIa trats*rav, cause to fear.

aaxla tras*rav, cause to fear.

(pr.

trug*rav), rake hard.

Usk thazr, make high.

equa dad*rav, make wasted.

Aaa drwag% av (pr. almost drug?-

BMRA trwagtrav, almost

rav), price highly.

aR dwabr (pr. almost dub2r), ‘a,

asia nan?rav, make naked.

2x4 ngtrav, cause to shake.

aT nwamy (pr. almost num4r),

cause to bow. --

J, 37

at nwaver (pr. almost nuv2r), make

excessive.

qait pajr, fell a. hem (in sewing).

qax pazr, decidé the truth.

4x pathr. (Mr. Knowles. would

write path®r), clean (fish).

daz prakt, be manifest.

GHC phas’r, entangle.

aKa bactrav, protect.

qex bad+r, cause to be great.

aqua badrav, bake bread.

aaaT banzr, divide.

tax baler, cure.

BAT byan*r (pr. almost binr),

make separate.

sax

Haa1a mats*vav, madden.

bram?r, mislead.

West mgnz*r, make imperfect.

|- -

Hx mas, cause to forget.

mex mwat’r, (pr. almost mut’),

make fat. —

FaTET mwander (pr. almost mund¢r),

make blunt.

ed mwadY (pr. almost mud*r),

be sweet.

LET ratsh*r, put in order.

Wat lyad’r (pr. almost lid), be

yellow.

qex wad, bury.

ast vygzy (pr. almost viz¢r), decide.

AX vyghr (pr. almost vir), se-

. parate.

286

wax vyathty (pr. almost with@r),

make fat.

RC vygd’r (pr. almost vidr), be

slack.

aux vygpy (pr. almest vip),

cause to pervade.

wax vyav'r (pr.

scatter.

almost, viv%r),

1 e

YsIX sai, make deep.

UaaT sanz, be ready.

;

six sygz*r (pr. almost siz¢r),

make straight.

Usa syanvav. (pr. almest -

siv“vav), tmaake. soft.

WRX syand*r (pr. almost sind*r)

become red.

G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System.

[No. 3,

eyxl4 swats*rdu( pr. almost suts*rav

appease.

wrax swambr (pr. almost swmb*r)

make level.

SZX hat*r, make thin.

eax hand?r, be cold.

EUq hwekh¢r (pr. almost hukher),

make dry.

SyUa hwats¢ray (pr. Atuege

huts¢rdv), cause. to become de-

cayed.

Sax hwab% (pr. almost hub?r),

conquer.

SAE hwamer (pr. almost hwmtr),

appease.

When the vowel a is modified by. iematra, it is pronounced nearly

as the @ in hat.

The 2-matra is also very lightly pronounced, both

in the same syllable as the @, with the d, as well as in its own syl-

lable. This has led to various methods of transcription. For instance,

some transcribe wfa by ais, and others by as‘. The true pronunciation

is something like ats’. I prefer to transcribe it by as‘, which follows

the native system. The 7- Oe is shown in its proper place, and a dot

(corresponding to the Carada ') ig placed under the. g to.show that it is

modified. The following are examples of a modified by i-matra.

sfa as‘, pronounced ais?, we. sift zart (zatrt), deaf (mase. pl.)

ate kar’, pr. katz, bracelets. uf khakh' (kha'kh'), name of caste

ufa pap’, pr. pa'p’, ripe (masc. pl.)

efx dar’ (da*r*), strong (masc. pl.)

wf Khari (khair), having a scald-

head (m. pl.)

afx tsar’ (tsatr*), many (mase. pl.)

(mase. pl.),

afs bad’ (ba‘d‘), great (mase. pl.),

aif gat' (ga%t*), thin, weak (mase. ph)

ata khat' (khatt‘),

(mase. pl.)

cupboards

When a is followed by u-mdira it takes a sound which it is easy to

describe, but which it is difficult to express in writing. I¢ is the short

sound corresponding to the long @ in the English word home. It may be

represented by 0, 7.¢., the short sound of 6. It has nothing to do with

the short 6 in the English word céb, which also, occurs in Kagmiri but

is represented differently (see pages 294 and 304). The u-mdira@ itself is

1896.]| G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. 287

hardly pronounced at all. Pandits say it can be heard, but when they

say they pronounce it, its sound altogether fails to reach my ear. That

is probably the fault of my ear, but it is not an exceptionally dull one.

All that I hear is.the final consonant immediately preceding the

w-matra, pronounced with exeeptional clearness. In English, we have

a habit of clipping our final consonants. Thus, in the English word

bad, the d is only half pronounced. If we added an u-mdatra in Kaemiri

we should to an Hnglish ear, only fully complete the pronunciation of

the final d, or in other words double it. I would therefore, represent

the pronunciation of such a Kaemiri word as bad", great, by bedd, in

which the doubled d means that the tongue must not only touch the

palate to get the sound of g, but must also be mostly drawn back, after

a perceptible interval, so as to complete the explosion,

The dot under the a corresponds to the ' of the Cirada character,

and warns thé reader that the a is modified by the following u-m@tra.

Wade transcribes this a modified by wu-matra, by o.

As he also

transcribes the 6 sound of cob, by the same sign, great confusion is

caused to the learner.

The following are examples of a modified by u-mdatra.

[Note that every word ending in u-ma@tra is masculine, and that

all nouns ending in u-matra belong to Wade s 2nd declension ].

a5 bad“, pronounced bodd; great

“cm. sg.)

ee khal* (Kholl), open, loose.

aq mar" (morr), a hut, a fowl-house.

ae dad* (dodd), burnt.

da bhai, (hott), a place of eén-

Geant a wall-cupboard.

we lad* (lodd), made.

Se khad* (khodd), pudendim inu-

liebre.

ay kal (koll), dumb.

sid phat (phott), drowned.

XE rat” (rott), taken.

Ha, mat (mott), mad.

aa, lat (lott), light, gentle (of

~ speaking.)

7g nal (noll), an entire cowrie.

ahd bal (boll), recovered in health.

at bart (borr), a hole in a wall,

for entrance.

Wz gart (gorr), made.

Wz thad (thodd), tall.

q S tsad“ (tsodd), a round basin

for milk.

az gad" (godd), a hole.

se tsat” (tsott), cut. f ment.

aq dal (doll), the skirt of a gar-

aa nar” (norr), sleeve.

eh tsar™ (tsorr); more.

aq gat” (gott), thin, weak.

aa chat” (chott), white.

When a is followed by @-ntatra it takes a sound closely corres-

ponding to'that of the German %@.

As in the case. of w-matra, pandits say

288 G. A. Grierson — On the Kacmiri Vowel-System. [No. 3,

that I can ict is the full pronunciation of the final consonant, which,

under the head of u-matra, I attempted to illustrate by doubling it.

The pronunciation of the word ae kar’, would therefore be illustrated

by kiirr. Wade represents the i sound by ¢, which as before explained,

gives rise to confusion. As explained before, I transliterate the Carad&

characters as they stand, the dot under the a, showing that it is modified

by the following @-md@tra, and corresponding to the Carada ¢

The following are examples of a modified by a following #-mdatra.

[Most words ending in @-mdatraé are feminine, and yee to the

third declension. There are, however, some masculines, e.g., art dan™,

(See which belong to the sass declension. |

ae kar® (pronounced hiirr) a beam, a wat® (wiitt), rolled up.

she was made by us.

Sie zar® (ziirr), a deaf woman.

qe bar® (biirr), a crack in wood.

ae nar® (nirr), the lower part of

the arm.

BE ar® (irr) well, strong.

48, bath (bitth), a hob.

as bad® (biidd), a great woman.

ae gur® (girr), a pitcher.

ae tshar® (tshiirr), empty, a bas

ket.

we khar® (khirr), a she ass.

qe war” (wirr), dried pease pud-

ding.

ze dar® (diirr), a strong woman. ve pat® (pitt), a small plank.

se tsat® (tsiitt), she was cut. dz khat® (khiitt), concealed (fem.)

sie zat® (ziitt) torn, tattered (fem. ) te phat® (phiitt), drowned.

rat® (riitt), she was taken. dg yad* (ytidd), bellies.

The following are examples of @, ahiee is pronounced as in Sans-

krit or Hindi.

ate kath, wood (masc.)

aTe_ katsh, glass, pottery (masc.)

ale kad. width (especially of a

viver) (masc.)

ale kad, a representative (masc. )

ate bad, a dancing boy (masc.)

we cad, a pillow (masc.)

wt< cad, centre of a shawl or

handkerchief (fem. )

ats mad, working of dough (fem.)

ata gal, shame (fem.) ata_ bag, a call to prayers (fem.)

zrq takh, name of acaste (masc.) ete dad, a bullock (masc.)

erq@ dakh, ashes (mase.) ate brad, a verandah (masc.)

am paph, a sin (masc.) aig mach, honey (masc.)

are takh, opening in a wall (masc. ) etaq dan, a cooking place (masc.) :

ame nad, a sound (mase, ) WT pran, an onion (mase, )

win_ldz, a stake (masc.) ala wan, a shop (masc.)

Sta

dag, a club (masc.) Ue

ran, a thigh (fem.)

1896.] G. A. Grierson—On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. 289

The letter @ is often modified to @, the sound of which may be

represented by the German 6. It is, however, a prolonged sound,

drawled out, so to speak, and there is a touch of the sound of 4 in the

English word hall in it, so that 6 is not a perfectly correct’ representa-

tion, though the nearest available. Another way of considering the

sound is to say that itis something between that of the ea of earl, and

the aw of awl. The sound is a very peculiar one, and can really only

be learned by the ear.

The following are examples of this letter, which is Sou amy

derived from a long a followed by an original ¢ or ry: E. g. Te ds is

oe ae from the Skr. asyam, through me

Uia pats, five. qq wakh, (w5kh) arvinglet (fem.)

wie, lakh, (pr. l6kh) astride (fem. ) SE ds, (6s) a mouth (masc. )

qig_wétsh, (pr. wétsh) deceiv- IT Gr, (r) akind of fruit (mase.)

us (fem.) Pl. SIX ar).

wig lgtsh, (pr. létsh) a eunuch RST kraj, (kro7) a potter’s wife,

(masc.) Nee Bntedend) 8 - (fem. of mie Kral).

When @ is followed by 2- -mitra or by u-matra it always becomes

modified tod. As usual the t-matra@ is very slightly heard both before

and after the succeeding consonant. The #-md@tra is, to my ears, not

audible, though the preceding consonant is somewhat more strongly

pronounced, which I represent by doubling it.

When @ is followed by u-mdatra it is pronounced 6, and is so written.

Thus take the verb ¥Iwa tsdrun, to sort, arrange. The root is SIt tsar.

The past tense masculine singular is formed by adding u-matra to the

root, and is therefore ST" tsdr*. The feminine singular past is however,

formed by adding @-maira, and ine original @ is therefore not changed

to 6, but is modified to dg, thus qT tsar*. Sothe masculine plural is

aIft tsar. The feminine plural, however, i is formed by adding y* which

does not modify the preceding @, and we have aTe tsary% (1.e., tsaré, see

page 304). So also the pees mTa kran-, a relation, has its nom. se. HTT

kron“, and its nom. pl. aif kran‘. Its dative plural is however, Waa

kranyan in which the original base %iT# kra@n- is retained, without modify-

ing the @ to @ or changing it to 0, because it is followed by ya, and

not by i-mdatra, u-matra, or a-matra. This point is important. It

explains many difficulties in Kacmiri declension and conjugation, and,

so far as-I know, attention has not previously been drawn to it. In

dictionaries, the nom. form aa kron” is given, but it would be better to.

give the-declensional base ATT kran-, which is the original word. Note,

however, that @ is the only vowel which is modified not only by 7-maiéra,

but even: by a fully pronounced 7 when following it. Thus the dat.

290 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. [No. 3,

sg. of kran- is altars kranis, not miffa kranis. This is not the case

with other vowels: e.g., the dat. sg. of W1@ poth- (feminine) is WIf| paths

(fully pronounced 7), not ¥fy puthi, while the nom. sg. (with i-matra)

is ufy path‘, with the 6 changed to @ (see page 302).

The following are examples of @ followed by 7-matra.

mute kran‘, pr. kréd‘nt, relations, arte byalt (bydlt), seeds (pl. of

(pl. of TH kron*). arg byol”).

aif dan‘ (déin‘ ), churn-sticks, (pl.

of eta don).

The following are examples of & followed by u-matra. As just

explained, they are really instances of @ being followed by u-matra, and

therefore changed to 6. They are all masculine nouns in 4-mdtra.

The nom. mase. plurals all end in t-m@tra preceded by @. Thus cydn,,

nom. plur. cyan‘. The pronunciation of the 6 is nearly like that of

Sanskrit and Hindi, but is slightly drawled till it approaches that of au

in cause, as befits its derivation from @ and wu.

ara myon" (for myan-“) pronounced mydnn, my (masc.)

irq cyon" (cyan-")

= pron” (prdn-“)

era don" (dan-")

FIT kror* (krar-).

sre bror* (brar-)

STE cor* (car-)

mala ron” (kran-“)

wre alt (gal)

aa tsGn“ (tsdn-“)

aie dyor™ (dyar-*)

Six tsdr” (tsar-v)

we pyor (pyar-")

area byol” (byal-“)

aia dyon” (dydan-")

cyonn, thine (masc.)

pronn, ancient (masc.)

donn, a churn-stick (masc.)

krorr, a scab

brorr, a cat (masc.)

corr, an idiot (masc.)

kronn, a relation.

coll, a kind of grain.

tsonn, he entered.

dyorr, rich (masc.)

tsorr, he was collected, four.

pyorr, dear (masc.)

byoll, a seed.

dyonn, a foundation.

~The following are examples @ followed by d-matra, (including the

letter 4 7, which is treated as if it was a ny®*).

SIS car® (pr. corr), an idiot (fem.

of 4TH cor).

are dyar® (dyérr), a rich woman

(fem. of dydr*) (rare).

ring brar® (brorr), acat (fem. of SIs adr® (orr), a shoe-maker’s awl

are bror®).

(pl. GTY ary, i.e., Gré). )

1896.]

ae kar® (kérr), a neck.

Ure pydr® (pyérr), dear, beloved

(fem. of WTR pydre). (fem.)

aS war® (worr), a small garden

We par® (pérr), (fem.)

me maj® (méjj), a mother.

: = gar (gérr), kernel of Singara

(fem. )

we lar®

she followed, (masc. Ww lors

he followed).

we prar® (prorr), she was, waited

for (fem. of ST prdr*, he was.

waited for). P

The vowel 7 is usually pronounced as an Sanskrit or Hindi.

following are examples :—

fax nish, near.

fea silt, the disease of consump-

tion (masc. )

faz phis, a child’s penis (fem.):

fea this, noise of a crack (masc.)

faq nis, take away from him.

faa nin, they will take away.

faa yis, come to him.

faq yin, they will come.

faq yikh, thou wilt come.

fea dis, give to him.

feq din, they will give.

faq vil, a short space of time

(fem. )

faq gil, a kind of bird (fem.)

fau_ ftsith, loss of use of limbs

(fem.)

When the vowel 7 commences. a word, it is pronounced yz :

G. A. Grievson— On the Kagmtrt Vowel-System.

\ sie

. SIS tsan

(lérr), a cucumber, ‘also,

291 .

AIS tsdr® (tsérr), she was collect-

ed (masce. 91® tsdr”).

uy, rdts™ (rétsts), nights (fem.)

art dan® (dénn), a pomegranate

(mase.) _

(tsdény), she entered

(masc. Ya isdn).

BIST myan ‘oncaie mine (fem.

of Rita myon").

<1 cyan (cyény), thine (fem. of

ay cyon").

St pram. (prény), ancient (fem.

of ata pron”).

The

faz bith, an assembly (fem.)

feu sith, a whisper (masc.)

fet chir, the stream of milk that

comes out, at one pull of the

udder (fem.)

fa jin, a demon (masc.)

feu hig, the driving away of fowls,

&c. (masc.)

fam mig, a splinter (fem. )

faa faa phis phis, whispering

(masce.)

fay kis, little finger (fem.)

free { pilun, to reach.

fare kil, a thrust (fem.)

fas cil, a stake (masc. )

faq sir, a secret.

faq zid, revenge, spite (masc.)

thus—

=< th, pronounced yih, this (nom.)

afaa imis, yimis, this (acc. )

<a ithat, yithat, gratis.

THT] imam, — yimam, a Musalman priest.

ZC ind*r, yind’r, a spinning-wheel.

afaafa imikani,

yimikant, thus,

292 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. [No. 3,

<a itshun, yttshun, to wish.

xe ipat®, yiptitt, the yoke of a plough.

When 7 is followed by 7-m@tra@ its pronunciation is not affected.

The 7-matra@ is pronounced only after the preceding consonant.

afa it (yit‘), here.

fefa liv’, they weve plastered by us.

fafe mil‘, reconciliations.

fafe kil‘, pegs.

fafa nin‘, about to be taken (mase. plur.)

fefS hin, the neighing of a horse (fem.)

When 7 is followed by w-mdtra, it is pronounced yu, and the final

consonant is fully pronounced, as usual. In such cases the zis often

written yu, andthe w-matra omitted : thus ;

faa mil" or BA myul, both pronounced myuil, reconciliation.

faa kit’ or Iq kyut, kyutt, on account of.

fae kil” or waa kyul, kyull, a peg.

faq liv or aq lyuy, lyuvv, he was plastered by us.

ahaq nécio or BRIA nécywo nécyuvv, a son.

In the case of three verbs, the different spellings, mean different

things ; thus

faa nin, to take, wa nyun, the act of taking, both pronounced nyunn.

fax din, to give, qa dyun, the act of giving, dyunn.

fas yin", to come, wa yyun, the act of coming, yyunn.

When 7 is followed by #-mdira, it is pronounced something like

yi, in which w% represents a short German wi. Thus

fea liv*, pronounced lyiivv, she was plastered by us.

fas phir® phyiirr, she was turned over by us.

Instances of this are rare.

The vowel 2 is pronounced as in Sanskrit and Hindi, thus,—

Riaz cin, snow (masc.)

When the vowel commences a word, it is pronounced y2; thus,

Tq iran, pronounced yiran, an anvil (fem.)

Suxq trun, yirun, to float. .

se id, yid, the Musalman festival.

ey its, yits®, so much (fem.)

When 2 is followed by u-matra it becomes yw, and is so written.

Thus the word ate nil“, blue, becomes, and is written, aha ny ul (za

nyul would be better). This accounts ioe numerous evel forms of

the Past Participle Masculine. .

-1896.] G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. .. 293

When 7 is followed by #-mdairad its pronunciation is not affected.

The final consonant is merely strengthened slightly by the a-mdaira,

The following are examples:

BE phir® (pr: phirr), she rambled.

SNe cir® (pr. cirr), we squeezed her.

WE cir® (pr. girr) we arranged her. |

Ne yir?, es yirr), we arranged her (fem.), used of the warp, in weay-

ing: the object must be fem.

Me nir® (pr. nirr), she came out.

ae gir® (pr. girr), we surrounded her.

ate vir® (pr. virr), a willow.

Sle 2ir* (pr. zirr), a poke in the ribs.

Ste hir® (pr. hirr), a head.

ae str® (pr. sirr), a brick.

The Vowel wis usually pronounced as in Sanskrit and Hindi. Thus

ya yun, to come.

74 nun, saltish.

qe kus, who P

yus, who.

Sq hum, they.

-gist_ kuz, a kind of sweet-meat (masc.)

“qu wuth, drizzling (masc.)

a sruth, a sip (masc.)

When the vowel u commences a word it 1s pegingminces. wu, and is

often written g. Thus

Sst udar or Fst wudar, both pronounced wudar, a plateau

(fem.)

Se uhor qs wuh wuh, twenty.

vat ular or Fat wular . wular, name of a

Sy ee eEe , pargana.

TAC unar or FAT wunar wunar, mist (fem.)

SHA uphun or Fea wuphun — wuphun, to fly.

sia uck* or qIH wuck* wugk*, oats, barley.

(fem.)

se wthor qe wuth wuth, a lip (m.)

JIq uthun or oF wuthun wuthun, to twist.

saaea uzamal or qAAG wuzamal wuzamal, lightning.

There is also a modified wu which is sounded like the 6 in cob, or

nearly so. ThisI represent by 6. It is very commonly written wa.

In both cases there is a slight w sound preceding the 6, and, moreover

when the vowel is initial the w is fully pronounced.

BJ thersish

294 G: A. Grierson—On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. [No. 3,

STS zul” or ae wozul", both pronounced wézull, red.

ds. od or He wsd ' wod, the crown of the

head (fem. )

SSt Odur or AZT wodur wodur, the belly.

vas Okhul or ada wokhul wokhul, a mortar.

wUz othun or - 4ue wothun wothun, to rise.

When the sound is medial, only wa is written not u: Thus,—

@= dod, milk (masc.) ‘qa bon, below.

we khod, a pit (masc.) wa wl, dregs of ghi (fem. ‘er

“aq tsdl, a fireplace (fem.) awe . wid, scalp (fem.)

wa mol, price (masc.) e7q 201, drowsiness (fem.) _

yes oth, piles (fem.) “qu tsdth, breaking wind (fem.)

za. dokh, pain (masc.) wa mbokh, a cut branch (masc.) |

ga chodkh, a wound (mase.) aa dds, wall (fem. )

qu nég, a daughter-in-law (fem.) we khéth, false, (used as a nomi-

waa khrokh, a snore (masc.) nal verb.)

qa son, gold (masc.), a co-wife wa ssén, to the four.

(fem.) wa khdn, elbow (fem.)

In most of these, a faint w-sound is. heard before the o, but it is

hardly necessary to represent it,and it need not be considered for prac-

tical purposes. If strict rigour of transliteration is required, then we

should write d°éd, kh*éd, &c. In some words, such as ddd it is more

distinct than others, but it depends partly on individual speakers, and

partly on whether the speaker is speaking carefully or not.

When w is followed by i-mdtra@ its sound is not changed, As aoe

the i is pronounced both before and after the consonant which precedes

it; thus,

aft gurt, pronounced guir‘, horses.

WT cur’, (¢utri), children (of either ay

aia muj*, (mu‘j*), a radish.

gia tuji, ; (tuéj‘), a little piece of reed or thin wood.

afa buth', (bu‘th*) faces (nom. pl.)

When the vowel u is followed by w-matra its pronunciation is very

slightly altered. The change is so slight that it is unnecessary, to

reproduce it in transliteration, but, in order to show the extreme nice-

ness of Kagmiri pronunciation I make the following attempt to teach

the reader how to pronounce these two sounds.

When in English we pronounce the oo in the word good, we pout

out the lips, and keep them pouted till we have pronounced the d.- In

1896.] G. A. Grierson—On the Kagmtrt Vowel-System. 295

Kacmiri this word would be written Te gud*, with u-matra, This u

Wwe may call «%, If, however, after pouting out the lips, we allow them

quickly to resume their original position before commencing to sound

the d of good, it will be noticed that a slightly different tone-colour

is given to the 00. Thissound we may callw!. In Kacmiri, an ordinary

wis pronounced as u!, but when followed by u-matra it is pronounced

as u*, the final consonant, as usual being also pronounced more fully

than in English. . We thus get the following examples

TH gur“, pronounced gu*rr, a horse (masc.)

BY sur, zutrr, a daughter’s son (masc.)

Wt ¢gur, cu8rr, a child (of either sex) (masc.)

Se hur’, abr, surplus (mase.) |

i tul, tu®l]l, we have lifted him.

ae kul, : -kudll, a tree (masc.)

wa gup", gu*pp a sieve (masc.) |

zm fuk, tu®kk, we have torn him with the teeth.

wT rut, rurtt, right (not wrong).

3st buz, bu®zz, we have parched him.

Fa_ wue", wu*zz, he bubbled up.

HA kun, ku?nn, sold.

aq tshun, tshu®nn, he put in.

ua tuk", ¢ tsu*kk, sour.

qe wre, wurrr, rice boiled dry (masc.) .

ae wult, wull, a small hole in a wall for ventilation or

= _ light (mase.)

=i dub“, du*bb, a sound (mase. )

aa thyup*, thyu*pp, a basket for fruit or animals (masc.)

a mus", murss, fatigue, a small turnip (masc.)

St phuhur, phuhutrr, burnt rice at the bottom of a pot.

When the vowel wu is followed by a-mdtra the pronunciation is

hardly affected at all. Merely the final consonant is strengthened :

Thus, ti

Te gur%, pronounced gurr, a mare,

Se enr®, err, daughter’s daughter.

gat buz*, buzz, we have parched her.

Fe mur’, murr, the width of sleeve or trousers at wrist or

ankle (fem.)

296 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System: — [No. 3,

The vowel @ is usually pronounced as in Sanskrit or Hindi, but in

some people’s mouths it almost becomes 6. Examples are

ae lath, plunder (masc:) (0) tad

gy bith, a demon (masc.) —

aa kun, a corner (masc.) °

SA rig, or Ua rog, a disease (Qremiaearbios fluctuating) ( mas¢.)

ee rid, rain (masc.) ©

TA nin, salt (masc.)

was_ sith, the puff of smoke from a pipe (masc.)

pk tsur, a thief (masc.)

q pit, onomatopceic sound of derision (masc.)

ae nyukh, he was carried away by them.

When @ commences a word it is pronounced, and seis written

wa: thus

GS ith, or qe with, both pronounced with, a camel (masce. )

These words are rare, and the above is the only example I know

commencing with an original 4@.

When @ is followed by i-matra, its pronunciation is not ‘affected,

but, the 7-matra@ is as usual pronounced both before and after the con-

sonant which precedes it. The following are examples.

af< puri, pronounced piir’, filled (masc. pl.)

aft tur, ta‘r', small metal saucers (mase. pl.)

aft gir’, gir’, cowherds (masc. pl.) ©

mfX kriir, - krair’, wells ( masc. pl.)

bass drir’, drirt, skins (masc. pl.) bi

afe bul, «bal, language (fem. sg.)

ufe lil’, luil', affectionately.

afe guli, gil’, kernels (masc. pl.)

efs dul, dul’, deserted, as an orphan (mase. pl. )

aife qult, jw, collected, as alms, in a cloth (fem. se.)

afta cult, tual, I have weighed them.

efa din’, dun‘, walnuts (masc. pl.)

ata tin’, tén' navels (mase. pl.)

When @ is followed by w-matra its pronunciation is practically

unchanged. Really the lips are moved as described under the head

of wu with u-matra. This shade of sound I may distinguish by calling

it a.

1896.} G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. 297

mi*rr.

Thus 4 mér is pronounced mir, and FX mir” is pronounced as

The following are examples.

Fu mur, pronounced mi*rr, we rubbed grain between the hands to

; 7 remove the husk (masc.)

JX cuir’, 'ci*rr, we haverinsed out, or squeezed out (mase.)

uq khir*, khidtrr, a razor (masc.)

Sq stir, _ sé*rr, finished (masc.)

Su hur’, ‘hi®rr, we have discharged a debt (masc.):

we pir, pir, filled (masc.)

Re cur, ¢@rr, we have arranged him (masc.)

seq tun, tu rr, a small metal saucer (masc.)

we grist”, gru*st, a cultivator (masc. )

AX gir’, gi*rr, a cowherd (masc.)

Ae mytth”, - myttth, sweet (masc.) .

az tsyiit*, tsyi*tt, a relish with food (masc.) .

aa nytl, nyull green, not ripe (masc. )

Ie gyul*, gywll, we ridiculed him (masc.)

aq nyu, nyurr, pasturage (masc.), near.

ye pytr, . pyi*rr, greasy (masc.)

ae lyukh*, lyu*kkh, we wrote him (masc.)

Re phrist”, phru*st, excellent (masc.)

ye zyuthy, - . gyi*tth, long, tall (masc.)

as byuth”, byu*tth, he sat (masc.)

Be mytl, myurll, we met him (masc.)

St tsyiin", tsyui®nn, we have guessed at (masc.)

ae tyur", >. tyd®rr, sheep (masc.)

RY krirt, krarr, a well (masc.)

cay ari, <i drittrr, skin ( mase. )

Tay gyur, -«—«gyté*rr, we have encompassed him (miase.)

aa vytig”, : vyu'gg, a trap door-(masc.)

as yun, 62 ers dyw*tth, we have seen him (masc.) |

wa hin", . ‘hit®nn, a dog (masc.)

ge mid", mit*dd, dead (masc.)

me gud", gu*dd, pudendum (masc.)

aa bua, - - bia®2z, we have heard (masc.)

298 — G. A. Grierson —On the Kagmirt Vowel-System: - [No.8

qa tun, tu*nn, navel (masc.)

Bq min, mié*nn, wall of a house (masce.)

Te pir", purr, a step (masc.)

a dun", - du*nn, a cotton cleaner (masc.)

BST ran", ri*nn, a husband (masce.)

Se ordids, ru’dd, remained (masc.)

we lise, pronounced Ji*ss, tired.

qq wun", wi?nn, we have woven.

wa lun, _- li®nn, we have reaped him.

Ne ‘ :

When % is followed by #-matra, its pronunciation is hardly affected :

thus .

we lar’, Brotpence’ larr, a stick (fem.)

we khir?, khirr, a heel (fem.)

TE gur®, gurr, a milk-maid (fem.)

ce dir*, dirr, a breeches’ string (fem.)

Ss 2 se e

Ie zur, euv"rr, a wooden candlestick (fem.)

RE kur’, kurr, a girl (fem.)

ze diir?, durr, an alley (fem.)

FE mir, mirr, a withe (fem.)

zt min, minn, wool of sheep (fem.)

Ta zun*, zunn, moon light (fem.)

There is also a very peculiar #, something like a long. German ii,:

pronounced through the teeth. It is represented in transliteration by

The following are examples of its use.

ae tar®, pronounced tzr, cold.

vas p utsih, twenty-five.

Hobe

Re kar*, pronounced kgr, cruel (fem.) (mase. HX kr.)

Te gud*, gudd, foolish (fem.) (mase. as gud".) :

aT kats*, kzts, how much P (fem. aor aee pl. ae kete?.)

wn ue ,

f f tsun, powdered.

om, thak*, thyk, attacked by the horns of any animal

(fem.) (masc. & eR thak).

i : a QAY

wfaa satin, by means of.

When the vowel r commences a word, it is pronounced rya, and the

mark * is placed over it to show modification. Thus wu, a season

1896.] G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. 299

pronounced ryath. Similarly a medial r is modified and is pronounced

rd, @.2., era. krhanyauv, he became black, pronounced kréhanyawy

With a-matra following, it is pronounced ri, as in ae krm®, pr. krim,

a tortoise (kirmak). The usual pronunciation of ris ru, as in wate.

krpyaun, he cut (with scissors), pr. krupyaun. .

The vowel é, is pronounced as in Sanskrit or Hindi: thus

aay gérun, to arrange. ‘GT = sér, a seer (masc.)

Ata gerun, to laugh at (also is 4 nér, go thou out, come thou

gelun). _ out.

St isér, delay, a yellow apricot %% phér, turn thou.

(fem.) sare aq mél, unite thou,

@< ber, a low wall or border (fem.) ®t dér, a heap.

Gea phél, acrime, a trick (masc.) Wa gén, verses (obsolete).

St her, a ladder ( fem.) aa tsén, take thou care.

aa mén, measure thou. Sis zéth, be thou long.

Sia 2én, earn thou. We méth, be thou sweet.

Wz tseéth, pound thou. Ha gékh, suspicion (masc.)

@u seth, a fit, epilepsy (fem.)

When the vowel é commences a word it is pronounced, and may

be written, yé@: thus

wa élor Fe . yél, pronounced yél, subjection (masc.)

wx OGror aT_so°ér, yér, wool (masc. )

VAT erun or AWA yerun, yerun, to sort (the warp.)

When @ is followed by i-, u-, or w&-matrad, it becomes 7, yw, ori

respectively, and is so written. This occurs principally in the formation

of the past tense of verbs. Thus, from the root Wt pher, ‘turn,’ we get

the masc. sg. past by adding u-matra. This gives us Lok phyure (for

* Gq pher--). The fem. sg. is formed by adding #-matra. Thus

ate phir® (for phér-*), The masc. pl. is formed by adding i-métra;

and we get Witt phir (for @f< pher-'). Finally the fem. pl. is formed

by adding y*, which does not affect the 2, and we get Ga phery* (phere,

see page 304). Again take feminine bases, The base ¥q sér-, a brick;

its nom. sg. is @he sir® (for sér-*), but its nom. pl. Bq sery* (s@ré). So

waq khet-, a field, nom. sg. wifa khiti (for khét-+), but nom. pl. @xy

Khety* (kheté). Again take the masculine base ¥# fsén- a wall, before

u-matra we have the nom. sg. TT tsyun”. Before i-matv@ we have

the nom. pl. atfa tsi‘, but the acc. sg.is 3fq tsénis, because the é is

not followed by any mdatra-vowel.

The vowel az is pronounced as in Sanskrit and Hindi. When at the

300 G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. ~ [No. 3,

end of a word, it is indifferently written ator ay. Thus “4 or aqz.

The following are examples. :

wt rupat, a rupee” (fem.) wel phulai, a blossom (fem.)

Yu yee Dy

Be surai, a goglet (fem.) =@q bonai, from below, not I.

wie kolai, a wife (fem.) qa bumai, even eyebrows (fem.)

Ze milai, absolutely, root and ®a ruwai, I shall plant for thee.

branch. ata wonai, | shall weave for thee.

ee f ES : ,

wa khdnai, elbows even (nigcay- Wat zwar, I shall live for thee.

arthé) (fem.) saa bdwai, I shall be for thee.

GIz subthai, very early in the aa walai, I shall fold for thee.

morning. ut suwat, I shall sew for thee.

Ea tshdpat, even silent (H. cup- & kai, vomiting. -

hi.)

When ai is at the commencement or in the middle of a word it

may optionally be pronounced as if it were the modified @ (=é). This

is easily explained when it is remembered that @ is derived from @+2.

The following are examples.

aith, eight, also SIs. ath (éth.)

wais, age, also aig wa@s (wés) (fem.)

gd.

y A)

qGy ay AY ay sly o|

a a a alae

mail, desire, also ae mal (ml) (masc.)

gail, name of place, also a1@ gal (gél) (masc.)

said, a saiyad, also aE sad (sdd) (masc.)

main, a frog (word seldom used) (masc.) _

zain, a wooden bucket, also ata zan (zn) (fem.)

aib, a defect, also Ta ab (6b) (masc.)

aE waid, name of caste, also az wad (wéd), masce.

@y_ parth, a road, also qe path (péth) or Ue panth (masc.)

ZH_ aig, enjoyment, also Sat ae (6¢) (masc.)

ax war, enmity, also art war (wor) (masc.)

Za sail, a stroll, also ue sal (s6l) (masc.)

ia rain, name of caste, also Ua ran (rén) (masc.)

#4u maith, a corpse, also HU math (moth) (masc.)

The vowel d is usually pronounced as in Sanskrit or Hindi. The

following are examples. en

‘

Wit khor, a foot (masc.) Wire poe, a flower (masc.)

wit< zor, force (masc.) ara bog, dearness(in price. )(masc.)

Wi<__ mor, a peacock (masc. ) <is_ roth, a kind of bread (masc.)

Gra pon, a frost-crack in hand or 4@T€ bor, burden (masc.)

foot, the anus (masc.) @<_ sr, a hog (masce.)

1896.]

aTT

tsor, four.

tol, weight (masc.)

lél, desire (masc.)

bal, fickleness (masc.)

We moth, a kind of grain(masc.)

coth, a bruise (fem.) (rare).

gos, 1 went.

pyos, I fell.

faa niyov, it was taken by us.

Wa prov, it was obtained by us,

In the following trisyllabic words the sound of @

G. A. Grierson— On the Kagmirt Vowel-System. 301

@ara_léchyov, it was written by us.

Wie khyds, it was eaten of him

by us.

la cyds, it was drunk of him

by us.

feata: livyav, it was plastered by

us. .

fara mityov, it has been recon-

ciled by us.

is broadened or

drawled tillitis nearly equivalent to the aw in cause, owing to the

~ in the next syllable.

WAT mozirt, (mozurr) a cripple.

Sex tsodur", (tsddurr) name of a

village.

ae khowur, (khowurr) left, not

right.

Tqe wowur", (wowurr) a weaver.

awa morukh, they have killed

him.

wa corukh, they have tightened

him.

aiwea wolukh, they have brought

down him.

Waa powukh, they have thrown

down him.

a@iqa_ bowukh, they have disclosed

their wishes.

Waa rdwukh, they have lost.

Waa sowukh, they have put to

sleep.

iq cowukh, they have given to

drink.

Mea sdrukh, they have collected.

Thse are all instances of an original @, changed to 6 by a following

u, and the pronunciation is hence the same as that described on

page 290.

When non-original dis followed by 2-matra it is pronounced like a (6).

It is also so written.

The real fact is, however, that this i-matra only

occurs in masc. plurals, in the singular of which the 6 was followed

by u-matra. Thus mile kron”, a relation, nom. pl. Ia kran‘. But this

6 in krén, itself is not sitet The base is MT# kran-, and owing to the

following u-mdira, the @in the nominative becomes, and is written 6.

See under a, page 289. To say that 6 followed by 7-matra becomes @, is

merely to repeat, less accurately, the statement that @ followed by

i-matra becomes d@. Further examples are therefore unnecessary. A

number can be made from the list given on page 290. For the same

reason, every 0 followed by w-matrd represents an original @, for examples

of which see page 290.

_ As regards 0 followed by %-matra, exactly the same remarks apply.

Every instance is really one of @, not 0, followed by «-matra.

J. 1. 39

302 G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmirt Vowel-System.. [No. 3,

‘Thus take the base aTt brar-, cat. Its masc. nom. is formed by

adding w-matra, and is therefore #1q bror". Its masc. pl. is formed by

adding i-ma@tra and is therefore aif brar. So also by adding #-matra,

to form the feminine, we have aS brar®, pronounced brérr, and so many

others. It is unnecessary to give further examples, as sufficient will be

found on page 290. i;

On the other hand, an original 6 followed ne any watra-vowel

becomes % Thus—>

Followed by 1-matra,

The base Wre- poth- (fem.), makes its Nom. Se. ufy pathi (for

poth") (pr. puithi), a book. But the Nom. Pl: is Wey pathy (pothé).

So also Dat. Se. tifa pa (pr. po'tht), in which the final 7 is fully-

pronounced.

Base are bdl-, Bess ; nom. sg. af bali (for bal-') (pr. built)

The 4/ atst b0z, hear, makes the Pl. Mase. of its Past tense af

bizi (for boz-*) (pr. baz), but Pl. Fem. qjsz boz*. The vowel @ is nota

matra-vowel.

/ <a voz, remain, Past tense, Pl. Masc. efe-radé (for 7dz-) (pr.

ru'd*).

Followed by u-mdaira

This only occurs in the case of verbs, e.g.

/ AH bGz, hear, Past tense, Sg. Mase. wb biz (for boz-") (pr. bizz)

af XSI; 702, remain’ 4,> = 3 = vid" (for rdz-")(pl. rudd)

a/ €ra don, card wool, SoS gs Sa din (for dén~*) (pr. dunn)

Followed by w-matra.

Base art kor—, a girl. Wom. se. it formed by adding u-matra) Fe kier®

' (for kar-7) ; but nom. pl. ara kary% (kore).

Base wit lar-, a stick. Nom. sg. ae liv® (for lor-*)

/ @s1_boz, hear, Past tense, Fem. sg. (formed by adding u-matra)

ax. buz® (for bdz-*) (pr. buzz).

/ Ta 762 remain, Past tense, Fem. sg., oi. ruz® (for roz-*), (pr.

vUz2Z).

/ ata don, card, Past tense, fem, sg. ul din® (for don-*), (pr.

dunn).

It will thus be seen, that G never appears followed by i-matra, or

by w#-matra; and that ae it appears followed by w-mdatra it i 1s not

‘original, but represents an original a.

1896.) G. A. Grierson—On the Kagmiri Vowel-System. . 303

The pronunciation of aw is the same as in Skr. and Hindi,

wla gauv, he went. Brg tk ee khyauv, we ate.

ata pyauv, he fell ata myauv, mew of a cat.

q cyauv, we drank.

And many other past tenses.

When the syllable ya follows a consonant, the y is as a rule fully

pronounced, as in the following examples. Elmslie, in his dictionary,

‘and Wade represent ya by é (short), but my pandit assures me that the

y in the following words is quite fully pronounced. Mr. Hinton

‘Knowles’ Musalman Munshi pronounces all these words with é& The

difference is probably one of religion: and, as 90 per cent. of Kagmiris

are Musalmans, it would be more generally correct to spell aid there

‘words with & As, however, this article is written with more special

reference to the Hindi grammar of I¢wara.Kaula, and the words are

written in the Nagari character. I write them as follows :—

we pydkh, thou wilt fall. a khyas, eat for him.

w= dyad, mother. By vydth, name of the river

Wa myas, a water-root. - Jhelum. |

=a cyas, drink for him. _ wee khydath, having eaten.

Sy cyath, thought. Dict ryakh, a fowl’s dung.

qa dyakh, angry. -@Fa chydkh, thou art (fem.)

se isyad, patience. wea khydkh, thou wilt eat.

“~—q isyal, squeezing, shampooing. aa dyal, skin, peel.

aa hyal, dirt used as manure. sy zyal, cream of tyre.

wx lyad, horse-dung. wa dyak*, forehead.

ga vyas, a woman’s confidante.

In the following, the ya is pronounced yu, owing to the influence

of the following u-matra.

az lyal*, proneunced lyull, a ceneel for cocking rice.

ag byann*, | byunn, separate.

ay pyal, pyull, a testicle.

ae dyal*, es dyull, a soft grass used for ee and matting

=e tsyal, tsyull, squeezed.

tyath", tyutth, bitter.

hyal*, hyull, a lake weed.

q e tshyat”, tshyutt, leavings.

ug pyan", pyunn, to fall, or the act of falling.

]

khyan*, khyunn, to eat, or the act of eating.

304 G. A. Grierson— On the Kaemiri Vowel-System. [No. 3,

2a zyan", pronounced zyunn, to be born, the act of being born.

SI cyan, cyunn, to drink, the act of drinking.

So,

a tsytn”, tsyunn, & pillar.

aa mytn™, myunn, measured.

When, however, ya is followed by 7 or y in the next syllable, it is

pronounced as a short é, (as in ebb), and as such I write it in translitera-

tion, So also a final ya (y%) is pronounced é&. In each case a very

faint y sound is audible before the é when the speaker speaks slowly.

Thus, it would be more absolutely accurate to represent wfaa by

Wélis, than by lélis, but the y may be omitted for practical purposes.

A final 5 fia is treated as if it was ny*, and is pronounced 7é or nyé.

The following are examples :—

wfag lélis, a vessel for cooking rice

(acc. sg.) (masc.)

wfe lél', do. nom. pl. Cf. lyal” in

the preceding list.

ata bénni, separate (masc. pl.)

ufea peélis, a testicle (acc. sg.)

(masc.)

ata pél’, do. nom. pl.

afte dél', pl. of dyal* (dyoll) in the

last list.

safe tsé7', squeezed (masc.pl.)

afte téth?, bitter (masc, pl.)

safe hél’, lake-weeds (mase. pl.)

gfe tshéti, leavings.

aq pace, tablets (fem. pl.)

Wieq pothé, books (fem. pl.)

ay karé, they (fem.) were made

by us.

ag tohé, you (obl. pl.)

So also ast byan*, pr. bényé, a sister.

When the ya in this case commences a word, it is pronounced yee

Thus afaa yémis, whom.

As regards wa.

I have already pointed out, under the head of

wu page 294, that it is often pronounced as 6 (short). This is how-

ever, complicated when u-matra follows, in which case wa is pronounced

like a before u-mdatra, the sound of which I transliterate by o.

It is

almost identical with the vowel in the Irish pronunciation of “ gun.”

Tf, however, the wa is followed by i-matra, the wa is pronounced d as

usual.

v4q gon", pronounced gonn, a stack (masc.)

l Ae

vata gon,

goin, stacks.

24 dob, dobb, a washerman (masc. )

fa dovi,

l s

ek woth,

afta woth,

dob’, washermen,

wotth, arisen (masc. sg.)

woth, arisen (masce. pl.)

1896. ] On the Kagmire Vewel-Sysiem. 305

zy hokh', hokkk, dry (masc. )

ay kéb+, kobb, a hunchback (masce.)

BY tshop", tshopp, silent.

eg hot, hott, spoiled (masc.)

eq lot, lott, light, not heavy (masc.)

ez hod, hodd, plain boiled rice (masc. )

aie tohi, totht, ye (nom. pl.)

wa phot, phott, a basket (masc.)

The fem. of ey tshdp" is ey tshop", and ig pronounced {shzpp,

and so for the others. :

J. 1. 40

306 G. A. Grierson-;A; List of Kagmirt Verbs. [No. 4;

A List of Kaigmiri Verbs—By Grorcn A. Grimrson, C. 1. H., 1. C.S.

[ Read December, 1896. ]

The following list of Kagmiri Verbs, is founded on the dhatu-patha

of Icvara-kaula’s Kacmiri Grammar, entitled the Kagmira-gabdamrta.

The verbs are quoted under their root forms. In the dhatu-patha they

are all given as ending in a or rather in %, and I have followed this in the

Déva-nagari list. In the transcription in the Roman character, I have

followed the usual custom of European scholars in dealing with modern

Indo-Aryan roots, and have omitted the final vowel.

There are two conjugations of Kagmiri verbs, which differ only in

the tenses formed from the Past Participle. The First Conjugation

consists of Active and Impersonal Verbs, and its terminations (in these

tenses) are formed by the addition of pronominal suffixes of the Instru-

mental Case. Examples are; (Transitive Verb); karu-n he made (him),

literally, he was-made-by-him; (Impersonal Verb) ; asu-n, he laughed,

lit. it-was-laughed-by-him. Impersonal Verbs only appear in the third

person masce. singular.

Active Verbs occur in all genders, numbers and persons. Thus

kar®-n, he made (her) (lit. she was-made-by-him); kari-n, he made

(them) (lit. they [masc.] were-made-by-him) ; karé-n he. made them

(fem.), (lit. they [fem.] were-made-by-him).

The Second Conjugation consists of Neuter Verbs, and its termina-

tions (in these tenses) are formed by the addition of pronominal suffixes

_ of the Nominative Case (which, however, are omitted in the third person

singular and plural, and in the first person plural). Thus paku-s, I

went, lit. gone-I. The verb agrees with the subject in gender and

number. Thus pact-s, I (fem.) went. In the accompanying list,

Active Verbs are marked (in the first column) with the letter q, 7.e.,

karmani prayoga, or passive construction. Impersonal Verbs are marked

Ul, 1.c., bhavé prayoga, or impersonal construction. Neuter Verbs are left

unmarked. This information is taken from the Kagmira-¢abdamria.

Three simple tenses are derived from the Past Participle; the Past,

the Aorist, and the Pluperfect. In the masculine, the characteristic

. 1896.] G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 307

letter of the Pastis w, of the Aorist is yau or yo, and of the Pluper-

fect ya.

The Past tense describes something which has happened lately,

e.g., karu-n, he has (just) made. It is formed directly from the Past

Participle.

Only a small number of verbs of the second conjugation possess

this tense. As arule, Neuter Verbs employ the Aorist to express the

idea conveyed, in the case of verbs of the first conjugation, by the Past

Tense.

The following verbs (according to the Kacmira-gabdamrta) are the

only ones of the second conjugation which have the Past proper.

Thak, pak, samakh, hokh, tag, lag, gong, k* ts, khots, pats, rots, vyats,

hots, gatsh (be proper), wépaz, daz, roz, phat, phut, rot, bod, wat, woth,

tshyann, sapan, wup, grap, pray, lay, way, khar, tar, phar, phér, mar, sor,

gal, tsal, dal, dol, phal, pholl, mél, bov, rav, dés, pos, mas, ros, as, khas,

phas, bas, las, lds, was, byah.

‘These verbs, which I shall in future “ Listed Verbs’ form a class

by themselves, and, in the treatment of the final consonant follow the

example of verbs of the first conjugation.

Before u-matra@ (1.e., in the fem. sg., Past), and before y (7.e., in the

fem. plur., Past, and in the Aorist and Pluperfect), in the case of verbs

of the first conjugation, and of the abovementioned listed Neuter Verbs,

certain final consonants of the past participle become palatalized: as

follows :— :

k, kh and g, become c, ch and 7, respectively.

Thus—

3 Mase. sg. Past. . 3: Fem.sg. Past. 3 Masc. Aorist.

thak”, he was weary thac® thacyov

lyukhun (/ lékh), he wrote lich*n léchyon

dagun, he pounded daj*n dajyon

t, th and d, become c, ch, and j respectively, but not before a-mdatra,

only before y.

Thus—

phat”, he was split phat® phacyov

math | ,/ mas| he was forgotten math® machyov

gandun, he bound gand®n gaijyon

t, th, d and 1 become fs, tsh, z, and 7 respectively, in both cases,

Thus—

katun, he spun kats*n katson

woth, he arose wotsh® wotshov

ladun, he built laz®n lazon

ranun, he cooked ran™n ranon

308 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs. [No. 4,

Verbs in J change it to 7.

Thus—

polun (./ pal), he protected paj?n pajyyon

These changes do not occur in the case of verbs of the second

conjugation which are not mentioned in the above list. Thus, from the

,/ zéth, be long, we have the Aorist zéthyauv, not zéchyauv.

Note that 4 is elided after ts, ish, z and #, ands. It is also —

in the case of the verbs pz, ‘ fall’ ( pyane not pi-y-awv), and gatsh, ‘go’

(gauv not gyauv).

K+ts, be wet, grdts, be splashed out, tsdts, be without employment,

tshéts, be empty, téz, be sharp, paz, be fit, rdts, be pleasant, vyats, be

eontained, braz, shine, bawaz, be pleasant, lyats, be weak, ¢rdts, be pure.

Thus, grdtsyov, not grotsdv, he was splashed out.

[It is also retained in the following verbs ending in s, dvas, dos,

tsas, tras, ras, 7s, lis, vis, wolas, wés and optionally in ee das, bas,

mus, and ss].

The vowel changes in these verbs are caused by the presence of

matra vowels in the final syllable of the masc. and fem. sg. and mase.

plural of the past. There are no vowel changes in the fem. plural, as

it never ends in a md@trd-vowel, or in the Aorist or Pluperfect. These

changes have been explained in my previous paper on Kacmiri pronun-

ciation.! They are given briefly in the following table, which applies to

all verbs of both conjugations.

1 Vide supra, pp. 280 and ff.

309

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemiri Verbs.

1896.]

essa

‘UWtZ,Ng ‘Ivey

"U0z0g ‘waz0g ‘ad ) ‘uzng n “Un 2g n ‘unzng m 04 ‘unzoq | °° 0

‘pouiny oq

saohuayd ‘auayd ‘day 2 «tty 1 Cunhiyd nh 04. ‘unaayd | *** 3

‘wig.ny) | pecueyo posuvya posuevyo ‘qoa

uohan) ‘#gon7 by "ad) ‘eajny -un ‘Un in} -unl ‘unjny -un | 04 ‘unjnp |” n

B (wang | pesueygo pesueqo pesuvyo| ‘qoaed

“uozng ‘uDzng =: “ad ) ‘wazng -un “Wn 2NQ -un ‘unzng “un |03 ‘unzng | °** n

ee 6

410

5 9zoaenbs

wohuno ‘u9trd e *watno 2 “Ub ld 2 ‘uninha nh oy ‘wnsno | *** 1

de ; (unanhy ‘teqse,d

-uohary ‘ughan B ‘wiry 2 ad) ‘unary |\(mhad)2| ‘unanhy nh 03 ‘unary | °° a

| (w2.n0U (un0ou TET

“uohanm “pup ad) ‘upapu| p jad) ‘uytpm) —® ‘unuoue 9. {03 napus | — p

‘W9t} ‘19 ‘uty

epeur oy epeml oy opel oy

(U2 4yDy : (unin y (un soy - eee ‘op

“wohany ‘u94Dy ‘ad) ‘uudy| o Id) ‘unlD4 D id) ‘wunioy D 03 ‘unupy | °** D

oe (ased ‘qd (qed (-qsed °3s

“OSCUL ) ‘OS “Wz ) “OSeUL)

6 ° A ul

Ul sy ® feud td Ul SY ‘eayeur-t Ul SV sano rey emia hs

miei) (2) e10jzaq 910J9q ea0zoq CESS | ere er

ph e10zoq ‘ |

saoong

eS F = ek

310 G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemirt Verbs, [No. 4, .

The Aorist, expresses past time indefinitely, with no reference to

proximity or distance, e.g., karyd-n, he made. In the second conjuga-

tion in most cases it is, however, used instead of the Past Tense, and

then the Pluperfect is used for the Aorist. It is formed in the masculine

singular by adding yaw or yd to the root of the verb, and then affixing

the pronominal suffixes. The termination is generally written at yau,

but is always pronounced @ yd. A Kagmiri Pandit makes no distinc-

tion in pronunciation between au and 6.

In those verbs which have a Past Tense, the base of the Fem. Plur.

Past, is the same as that of the Aorist. Thus pyk”, he went, Fem. pl.

pacya or pacé, Aorist pacydv.

The Pluperfect expresses remote time, and is formed in the mascu-

line by changing the yd of the Aorist to ya. Thus, karydn, he did

(a long time ago), he had done. It-is the tense of narrative. Thus

sakhariyav, (in telling a story), he went. Those Neuter Verbs of the

second conjugation, which use the Aorist for the Past Tense, also use

the Pluperfect in the Indefinite sense of the Aorist. If they end ina

consonant, they form a new Pluperfect by inserting 7 before the yd.

Thus zéthiyav, he had been long, but zéthyav, he was long (not zéchyav,

as the 4/ zéth is not one of the listed verbs). ) te

The above rules are those given in the Kagmira-gabdamrta. As

the Past Tenses form one of the chief difficulties of the Kagmiri Verb,

and, moreover, present irregularities which are not referred to in the

above abstract (especially those which occur in the formation of the

Past Participle), I have given in the fourth column of the accompany-

ing list, the third person singular masculine, of the Past and of the

Aorist of every verb mentioned. These have been carefully tested in

each instance by my Pandit, and. by myself, independently, with the

Cabdamrta, and may be, I believe, taken as correct according to the

teaching of itsauthor, Here and there my Pandit has given me a form

not sanctioned by the Cabdamrta. In any such case I have inserted it

in square brackets. es;

_ Dr. Elmslie’s Vocabulary contains about four-hundred verbs, while

this list contains about double that number. It may, therefore, be con-:

sidered a somewhat important contribution to Kagmiri lexicography,

I have compared Dr. Elmslie’s Vocabulary with this throughout.

I have found in it (after excluding a number of perfectly regular

causals) about a dozen verbs which were not in the Dhdatu-patha. Most

of these my Pandit condemns as Panjabi-and as not Kacmiri, but two.

or three have passed his test, and have been inserted between square

brackets. An asterisk is inserted in the fifth column in the case of each

verb occurring in the Vocabulary.

1896.] G. A. Grierson—A List of KGemiri Verbs. 311

The fifth column in the list contains the meaning of the roots in

English. These meanings are not translations of the Sanskrit mean-

ings given in the third column, but are based upon them. Hach mean-

ing inserted has the express sanction of my Pandit who is a Kagmiri

born and bred.

To conclude, the following are the full conjugational forms of the

three Past Tenses of the Kacmiri Verb, according to the Kagmira-

gabdamrta.

First Conjugation. Transitive and Impersonal Verbs.

= ae (uaate) Past Tense, I made.

He was made | She was made J aey HERG.) aay Cee)

ss a ; were made | were made

by me aeq karum aeq harm afcy karim aaa karém+

| ng ‘

by thee | @&¥W karuth REE, kar™th afce kavith aay karéth

by him HU karun RET kar" aifcat karin aaa karén

| ee . cS

by us RT kar He kart ate kart ay karé

(cee os !

by you | wea kar"we qea kar®we afta koriwt | waa karéw*

| Fi S = \ ee “6 i ~~ x J % Tae y

by them | awe kerukh | qe karvtkh - afc kavikh | aaa karékh

- (Brareyaaara ) Aorist, I made.

-He was-made | She was made Jhey,(mase,)|.Lhey (em, }

| were made | were made

faa SRE karyor a Lobe karyéyam ate karyem - RaTa karyeé-

J Hae karyaum Ae yam

fae wate ON ayaa karyéyath Hae karyeth and so on,

( ae karyauth y same as sin-

Rate kunyd aaa karyé een tue

: anyon ye yan - . ee:

by him | se ery RaTa karyéyan t karyen

ayia karyaun

nn Bros ~~ = iso =

Pa { wets karyov Cop karyeye aya kuryey

Ras karyauv

by you eile karyow* apa karyeyaw* aaa karyéw

COREE karyauw

by cee { mate karyokh ear karyeyakh aaa karyekh

mare karyaukh |

See

1 Pronounced haryem. % Pronounced aaa and so throughout.

312 G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs. [No. 4,

( quapeate ) Pluperfect, I had made.

They (fem.)

He had been She had _ | They (masc.) had

had been

made been made been made

made

by me aaa karyam aay kavéyem

same as in same as in

by thee | wqtw karyath | Aorist HUY kaveyeth Aorist

by him | aula karyan MtAq kareyen

by us mata karyav Cre) have yey

by you | wala karyaw* Raq karéyewt

by them wae karyakh | MCAIq karvéyékh

Second Conjugation. Neuter Verbs.

Neuter Verbs. Except in verbs specially listed above, the Past

does not occur. One of these listed verbs is Ya, pak, ‘go.’

( aaate ) Past, I went.

Masculine. Feminine.

l | Jd! pele gee

I went WHY pakus WIS pac*s

They wentest we pakukh | 9a pac*kh

| =

He went ay pak Vy pact

We went ofa pak* Wy pace}

You went ofa pakiw Qwyaq pacéw*

They went afar pak’ Ty pacé

1 Pronounced pacye.

1896. ]} G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 313

Aorist ( aratauaara) in the case of listed verbs. Past

( aaata ) in the case of non-listed verbs.

qa wuph, fly, is a non-listed verb.

Masculine. Feminine.

I flew qnie wuphyds qHaY wuphyeyas

Thou flewest | quite wuphydkh qHTe wuphyéyakh

He flew qn or qty wuphyov | qa wuphyey*

or wuphyauv

We flew qe wuphyey GRY wuphyey*

You flew qua. wuphyew* qa wuphyew*

They flew qn wuphyey Gay wuphyey

Pluperfect ( TUATHA ) in the case of listed verbs, and in the case

of non-listed verbs ending in vowels. Aorist (3lulqaqadata ) in the

case of non-listed verbs ending in consonants.

L flew.

Masculine. Feminine,

1} gale wuphyas qray wuphyeyas, &e., as

Singular ... 2| gqwTa wuphyakh in the Past.

3 | gRTa wuphydav

1! gaa wuphyay

Plural 2| gwmTa wuphyaw*

3 gra wuphyay

Pluperfect ( quyAare ) in the case of non-listed verbs only, which

_ end in consonants.

LT had flown.

Masculine. Feminine.

1 | gfwaTe waphiyas qraaaa wuphiyéyas

Singular ... 2 qtware. wuphiyakh qtaare wuphiyeyakh

3 | gfaare wuphiyav qtr wuphiyey*

1 | gfwara wuphiyay qtasa wuphiyey*

Plural Droste qtwara wuphiyaw* qtaaa wuphiyew*

3 arate. wuphiyay qrnaa awumhiyery®

J. 1. 41

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

314

*0F4TP

‘dn pnojo

*pjoyue ‘dn dvim

TIE ea EA

‘OWEP

“ystuy

“BUI y

“qSIOUL OYVULy

“¥SIOUL OG

*910A08

-zed ‘ssejzamod aq

“BOM OQ

"19}M9y.

“ONINVOJ, HSLTONG

unvhanwogn Jo {lel bib ‘00.6090 bBiy bk

Unvhoqd lel ible ‘unlngD ievbe

unvlisogn b\ebly ‘unsvgn bbls

anphipwn jp) ists

unoha

e ~ Ne. ‘¢ 5 = Ne

“Dl pZUD UN201,2U0 WEIDER

Dip joel > Eis 2 EE

0S oe Aa Ne

UnDhs pZUD belies Sunt~ZUo b2Bis

. e ee A

Uunvun jo | te Ba ‘UnuUd Jojoks

= |

unvhansepd le{tel> ke ‘unaolppD BEDS

anvohsppd ble ole

anphipp ‘\toB

anDnYys{D by mk

ans bib

‘LSIMOW ONV LSVq

‘SauaA HO LSIT

breil

I> bl 5) hm

veh) Sls

b irlan}s Bb

Teh

“ONINVG LIYASNVG

AD4qD bi> be

pq 2bla

ansnqn

‘soqv ‘bm biPbis ‘Bbiy |

PUD Yoo

. Ne

ADL yZUD bb Eis

A Ne

lpZUD LEts

be}.

BJS uw bib ‘uD bk

WbypD bbe

4opd »Si

po Ske

ys]D mb

37D bia

‘LOO

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirit Verbs. ' 315

1896.]

‘AreNqeoo A SSSA ‘Iq Ul punoy y

OHVIP

*puvy] UAO 9.900

qjtm dceyjoue poo}y

‘uosaed v@ qsurese

jem Ur o4eqtpem

OFT Px

‘dn deoy ‘x1my,

"0} paqoaap aq

‘eorgovad

“Inouoy

‘TSU y

*0}41p

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"eYRYS ‘eindesut oq

alley

“ULB9

unnhavsodn eit bits ‘wna9 dy BB > ble

unohuodv ie eblis ‘unwbdw bdhi

unvhspjD bela ‘UnleiD belle

unohaniepp Tetel> 2 lim “UNAOLypD BELA le

unvhsp pd SENT ‘unde pD Dale

UNDhLDzD leleiolis ‘UNnLZ2D benef

UNDUDYSID lelic 1s “UNnUubYs4D Leie's Ite

unnjoyD Je\rak, “unpbyn iba

unpsp je) phy ‘wnst Bia

unvhan.0p bite Bis ‘wnavnjo BL» Dh

= : 6 2 4

unohsop bipBis ‘unwijp ion

anphyp bp) teats

unvhandwo PCALY: ‘unnod.sn BBl hm

eee os &

uUnnzrD0 Joliet “UneLD teleste.

DIBBYh ba

DIB2) 1h)

B bbl} Dib}

bikib> mp

ebbdJ}h

Bb phe bI>i2b

Blit}b kim

EbIh

piss

avwody bi>hi ke

A0dD >»bits

toiD delle

ADLypD bale

dopb 2lke

4o2D piel

UDysiv emi

joyD Dale

SD Bip

001070 bl> RBs

AD/D >Ris

70 Be

and.wo bibs

PAYY) ib

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A Inst of Kagmiri Verbs.

316

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*qno Srp ‘yno SULA y wnvli (oy je) neve ‘wn poy Baw pb) bale}

‘70/8 POTALY A 0 anvh.ah bie y BRIS

“STA y unoysquh joj es ‘unysqah bas bibles

‘gooord 09 atquunzo anpfisoay bi tebl te I>Rb}

"2q [posn you anvhsy bi tela] 180 ATS bikibe

0341p unohapivan jolted bike ‘unaownay BED bi b

*10A00 unphwoav Hel teb) ‘unwban Hobbie B& m>biis ehile

“a1OYS OY} IBoU BOG Be:

8 Sutaq ‘4foye [Aty My unvhanjo JoeB ‘UnavyD BBAlie b ebb>Ijhile MPRA

"4B JYsiVtys ULE unvhavfiv Jeeta ‘unavhn kB p> biorekeh

‘YBNOL OVUL wnphianiy je\te ris ‘wnab.o eB >is > |>dh

‘o7 VI] TOU09 unnznuy Ye\he >be ‘wnpy.up eS) RID

“peq oy} toy eduvyo anvhunwo ‘bike bli fee

‘ONINVAJ HSITONG ‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq ‘ONINVO, LIMASNVG

704 bib

poy 2%

wh >

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svuoD Bbile&

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aniniy bi>b) Rs

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31F

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“OF,

‘quinp 0q

*eyVU ‘OPy

*0}71Dx

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"0991p

-*(-090 ‘saqyoya) yo

“0F4Tp

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(Moy

peyontd @ se) osuts

*s90I[S UI yn

‘Kreynqvoo A 8 OSM “IQ Ul punoy »

anvhapyny blab

unnsDy we) Bie ‘unsby ew

unl DY ba nw ‘unsby lek

anphjpy ib \ti\e

unvhavy lel “wnioy ebb

unoha

“DunUdy We\telebe ‘wnaguowpy LBL ebb

wnvhanupy eltebe “unadupy bBpw

unwojpdpy Bi Ph

uniodny beh

unphia

“Dili yZUDYH lee Ew “UNNO.LyZWOy LED Ew

._ + PE ee

UNDA peUDY bh Bip ‘UNL ZUDy Eth

eee Ges

UnNDZUDY ie) Be ‘UnZUDY 2 Bw

unohanqoy le|eb we ‘unwby09 bbe

Seen —

mblh

ebb?

? 2

bRsnib

pla weke

glehbyh

bee

AY 0% >Re

SDY Bie

Spy Ine

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DY >ib

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QUID bw\e

anjpdpy bieh»

jodvy 2h»

WbyZUD4 bb Ewe

bpZUDy »Ew

zuny Ee

40704 >bip

e © bf

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs.

318

‘qSTOUL Oq

‘(yataenb v “6:a)

0} dojs v gnd ‘oawys y.

SHOEI

TNE

‘ssopromod oq

"Azey (F19s

-9u0) ayer +727 Azey aq

‘a]qure.14

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-m00 oq ‘pofe-au0 oq

“[ERSEAGT he

“A[g01008 rezTId 03

“(SIA

‘Lume oq

‘ONINVG, HSIIONG

anwhuugy We)Ll re 3

wnofisvy We) Pie ‘wnsoy leslie

anvhagavy bl ebie

unvhunsy Beli ‘wnsoy emi

anphuphiny bl itelwe

unohhoy ej rete ‘wnhioy Joke\ We

anvlidwuny ‘bial te

anpfiwpy jp) tee

anvhyjny b\tel\e

unohoby We) lele ‘unjoy } Pll

unvhiyopy We\tele 117/007 Jel

anvhwsqny biebe

‘ESIYOY GNV LSVq

Bele

tie fo fe oh Ll Sn BS

bbe les

blab

elie tails}

rey NS

heb

B giti>h bbe {mie

Bites

MAB

hikizslb

ERRLE Sh}

‘PNINVO]L LIYASNVS

wupohy Bre

SDy4 Bile

04 dbl ie

04 }\Ne

phony >te\e

fy tele

dwpy hele

Ups jo).

Yyivy Bie

iby BI

yoDy wie

Lvsjoy » BI Ne

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319

‘qoM OYVUL

"99M OQ

“por oq

‘(uosaod v) pnewutooer

“sovyq em009q

*(SAOSSIOS T}IM) 9M y

“Urq? eq)

"9010 OQ

‘MOT}epUNOF OTT}

wody Uesoo], ‘yno {[nd

‘qno [nd

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

‘IOpUd} 9q y

[‘pexoeq young oq

‘Arsae oq

1896. ]

‘SSOL4SIP Ul Od »

eLrynqeood GSlswmypy ‘IT UI punoy »

unvhians} oy le\tebw ‘unads7 oy BBB

anvhs}r4 bikie ‘nioy bie

anvhjoy b\eal\e

unvhanyoy Hepeele ‘unadyoy bEwl'p

anvhuny ix bien

unvhd.ix ie {fa 8 undix baie

anvhjn1y B\teus ‘annhj.ig bib

~ \>

anvhiny biel

unohiny beinlk ‘ununy bee

unvhiyny BBB ‘wnyny jesiB

anvhyowny b\w

anvhqoy ie) fel

anvhdny Te\a's

anphiyjiny ‘bre

‘Len >We

~ {Bay JE pibale}

iba)

EPRI AB

Pa Ye

bite

bipauja

W034 ny b Bib

340y Bb

19% Bie

0104 bible

Upysy wale

dis bie

joly ois ‘ji aie

yny a6

qowny Bee

994 bie]

dny bie

yiny 2b

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A Inst of Kagmiri Verbs.

320

*[sostio, qsvd

ut pesn Ayuo ‘puods

sO.

uUnvhdnwbyy iol Pr “NO ,uDYYy bbb

“aS00] 04 annfyoyy bb) Gee.

"Ox 1[SIp anvhvoyy bie ‘niyy 2B

‘prey onpvorq » unohunyy doje ‘unumoyy bip

‘ATpeq yow unvhdnyy lela ‘undiyy bee

‘BIp » unvunyy bisa unubyy Lip

unoha

‘O741p “Diopiiiyy lel tel>srB ‘Unnodppubyy Bi yen

‘SOLVYS OFUL Opratp | unvhsppuoyy le eenb ‘UU puoyy bab

[B00 wnnhiooyy Iejkap ‘unjoyy bem

‘LOJ SWOT unvhisary le\ieeus ‘undnfhisy leferis

‘prey oq anvhyjany biteus

‘ayeul ‘op unvhav.y delle ius ‘unao.ty Ie Bius

1199 x UNDUpY Wlicle ‘unusy bb

‘ONINVGYY HSITONG “LSIMOY ANY LSVq

pinine)

while

bit piear

Reve lie

gh\ueey

‘ONINVGYY LIYASNVG

Only BB]

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404) 2B,

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doy be | it

woys we | w

AD! ppubyy biyap

{opudyy >nB

OY 2B

e¢ ¢€ bt

Jaiy TRus

yiowy Bus

apy pits | Ww

ny wie | &

321

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs.

1896.]

“(trey

‘Aypeteds o1om) yond

"IBOJ

"IBZ y.

*(saoqyvoz ‘atey) yourd

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*(9043 8 JO) MOT[OY eq

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h 3

annhiioyy piele

annsoyy bibIB ‘327 BB

= ON ~ So

unnzunyy Wi BB ‘unzunyy bES

ae NO :

unnhiinyy js\beB. ‘ungnyy ab

es <r an ~ KA

unosinyy We | be ‘ungnyy *De

unohany

~0Y19Yy Jel te\ EB ‘11007074074 BLA EP

anvhasvyyoyyx biRBB

unvhosrvyy le\taeB) “unysnfys Jol

unoliayy wit) wohys Tella

unohsoyy eel ‘Uuntoyy de%\ Br

unoiiyoyy ie ‘unyoyy be

[onosqoyy bie)

anny synyy bi we ‘[ 764%) Ba] A204 AB |

Paliebimis |ehp

bik1P> 1B}

{Biete >

>Ip

MAI > 1b

DolEb)

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A0]0Y4QYY bie B

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LY >1Be

yoy BB

spyy BB

J. 1, 42

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

322

‘tog AT

-198ve Yortves ‘A[0zB

“WOIJOOYV LOGQULOULAT »

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‘[Su0r4s oq ‘(sprnb

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“purq ‘Ot} »

‘-tedoid oq ‘05

“ONINVAT, HSITONAT

unvhunB Telelte ‘wniob belie

anvhjvbp.b b [diel

anvhjobnb pi talelie

anvhilob ikaw »j0b Be

anohwsv0b ‘bi ele

unvhiob bikie UnLOB jorrie

SS 1

unoha

-pip2tO6 lapel Be wnaoiszud6 BB Be

| = |

unvohs,zuob Pipe ie ‘unugzudb lew id ie

io ss | 2 \

anvhuvb bh bele

©)

unohilunh wit. unpuob leant

anvhob

6 mle It (ueRIWR) fanvb be

‘ISINOY GNV L8Vq

[& Dh ] B1bb

nar

ebRLBB

ret

& BbRIwR jpie

‘DNINVG LIXUSNVG

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AD.ty2U0b boi

lezuDb 2B

upb we}

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323

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896. ]

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2 ..

unoh.wab bible ‘uninhb jewke

anvhyob b\tabe

unvhavjynb le [epie ‘unanynb eBale

anvhjnunb bide

anvhunwnb b {bets ie

anohqob b\tebe

unvhidnB Yelinie ‘undn6 ieBit

unozunb bi Bie ‘unpunb YoSeie

: e : . A

unohap.n2zn6 je) telvigie ‘unno.voznb WB yisle

anphurb ‘ble ue

unvfiagb Weltere ‘unavib ieBre

unvhanyb We\remrw) ‘wnadjrb BEDI}

anohjnwohb ‘bike

unnzurb be Bey ‘unpunhb Je'ofer

unohifob We\rene ‘wo6 EB

“£aqvjnuqvood S,ol[sSWpy ‘Iq UL punoy y

Ih} bl

PARE

[eibtw rye] 2 Ue

{ bikib>BR )] BR

ele

Bb hbk p)Ahm

genie

Jeiaius

pins

ab die

yO6 Dive

ann bai

joinb erie

uvwunbB pete

996 bbe

dnb wie

punb role

apwo2nb diet

4b dhe

avhb bre

any pir)

jowohb pure

purb ele}

706° wile |

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

324

‘ouIYS

costuad

*PULIS »

*[OSsoA

e utr pinbiy oxBys»

"099tp

‘Suruter do}s ‘9389

"IBOLT ye

“19.A0 [10q ‘(sprnb

“11 Jo) guoqe yse[ds ,

*(oFVMB Ajysnosz0yy

SI 90 eiojoq) pe

-ueyea Ajueppus oq

‘QuOTIB]

‘[oxol] ‘Ave avy oq

ee oe

“ONINVGT\, HSITONG

anpliynuuno bi pee,

unvhavyno Bbielbb ‘un10j0) BLP b

wnos,b Jelrmie ‘wnysb jessie

anvlis}016 telat

unoha

-plpdbsb left ins ‘UNADb yd DAB eB Leitle

UNDA Lp SDLB ie einle ‘unde D006 ievinls

~ . . ~ &

unnz040 bl ick Sunzo.ub iets

anohyn.1b bh bbs

anohupaob bible

unmhwob Yeltelie “ununb edie

~ ar

[unjnib jet BIAKA) ‘anviijab pj

“EISIYOY GNV LEV

biki@bp>)1mieRelh

Bb ebBJ2 MAb

else

tLe b) 1 hee Bs

PPaIs}

bibe}

[& BIRAS] itlteb)

‘ONINVOTY LIYASNVG

YOU) whe

0700 Bibby

Yrb Ble

590.06 Exte

WD 4y5D.0B bIditlte

bpdDLb dinlts

[: 20.16 io

90.16 eh

0006 »b\ie

06 die

126 Be

‘LOOY

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs. 325,

1896.]

(gaseq

@ WOAF OUI[[V} UVLO

‘“f-a) SSVUl @ WOIF [VF

feigag ss etl

‘OPI OFVUT

0741p

*104} BOS »

*1094808

‘701000

oq Aqryrumy

AOS ‘a10Foq a[quiny oq,

‘ootad & xy

"(y90]9)

SulIm do ozoonbsy

AIPIEP %

‘JULIP 0} OATS y

“ATAY9814 014

‘Arepngvoo, §,o1jstitty ‘aq ttt punog

anphuwnyd tp) tere

anvhanyo bith

unvha

“DilpSQOYI jepely be ‘UN ADL ySFDYO Elbe

unoha

Db pYDY9O ele be UWNAOLnYDYO Bl pbs

UNDALyYDYO lel ibe “Unley DYO lebibe

unvhionys w\tae “unyoy9 Be

annhwoyynno bi RBI b

unohiwns Jo| et ‘unumno 2 Bn

unvhapyna Je pele ‘wnaoyno YeB\we

E So

wnphiid We\re\ be ‘ynsnho iors

unoha ej

wnpfians je\telb, ‘wnago bBLb

“unnhs09o eli ‘Unw0d JeDlb |

bb ibble

eblee

bikipi|>

fut Bale tafe

¥S| mie}

glh

bib

ere2 Pb

UDYD lee

7049 BB

ADdS}0Y9 bi 2B

UWLyyDYD ble

Ap 4BYO dee

YDYO See

LOY 209 2 Ble

wno Bb

aynd ble

29 2 Be

w by

Qn9 bib

09 »)\ Be

es & b

[No. 4,

GAR Grierson—A List of Kagmirz Verbs.

326

*(9AT}OV) YSVAL

*po.1099808 aq

*pnoad oyvur

*pnoad aq

*pogidnys oq

‘aye ‘apyutids y

9B MOY ‘esn

‘19.dUv

UI 491008 OSOTOSIP

“THT “QJIS ‘UIB19S y

‘TB9[D ‘YS y

*[00}8 09 OS ‘oqenovAdy

‘euu1y ssed ‘1040

ssed 07 ULV JOT 41VM y

“ONINVAT, HSITON

unohanyoyd lee “unadyoyo Bes

anphynyoy0 bites

unoha

“Dlyityo W\elrybe) ‘unaot,2070 WBlrbey

anpliarys ‘p\tem)

unvhs ppuryo eieeew) ‘unsepunhyo jen belm

undhovyo jel) ‘unynhiyo Bim

unvfayys je\tele ‘unagys Bie

unohonya lela ‘unjoya aie

uUnvuUnys Jejiete ‘unuoyo ree

(yo I ‘unjpdyo lab

unvhiloyo lei hew “unjdyo be

unohapyo bike ‘unsDYd bop

unvfidnys je\ine ‘wndiyo leis

‘ISIUOY GNV LSVq

bAlieb| bie

PAT YET

->le

bale

Bb BAB pbb

& mh Ielehs

ithe by 11.8 ia ius

B pve pbWd

Pay

ISTEP ES.)

bb :lePibale

‘ONINVAYY LIISNVS

ADYOYD bw

109Y9 Bee

ADLy 10) bldbe}

any? bey

bepunyo pb}

4249 Seay

QDYo bie

WOYd bole

10Yo RDB

MOYO 2B

dpyo be

‘LOO’

U5)

rr OOOO ee eee_—_—e

327

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

7N9 5

*(Osnoy TAO

§,9WO UL) FIO 10 dATOS

‘spamol YqTAL qos ‘Leput

‘(esnoy MMO

§,9U0 UL) FAOAA IO aAdos

‘sstustp ‘dn oAis y

"99 LIT

‘(sqeys 049 Sur

-yeoq Aq) urers yseryy

o74Tp

*puods

*poonpot oq

097IP

*(9A1}08) donper

*AryNgvood SOysmpy ‘tq ur punoy y

unvhavsy bib ‘UniDsy bei

=<. _

unvhont ie} is ‘unit Jarre

unvhanl ieee ‘unui! lebis

unohiyoo! joi tere ‘unyyol lebie

. ~.v

unvhioya bible ‘uninyo be

unvhuayo bibs ‘wnunhya hole

unvhqugyo w\teB ‘unguoyo rae)

unoha

~p.lndoyo bebe ‘wnn0.t »doya bBIyhB

unvhs,doyo bi bbe ‘wnt,doyo bRhs

anvhuugys pitBs

unoha

“D4 pl QY9 e{el> ie ‘UNAO4 pUOYD eB\> le B

unvha puoyo ieleis & ‘unssWoyd Weish

]

705] 2b

snl die

tol die

Yyyol Bis

40Y0 2B

4279 2B

Quigys bee

WDplQY9 bl>bB

todloyo ¥he

wuUoyo BB

QL UOYo bIpisé

o¥oy0 XisB

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson —A List of Kaemiri Verbs.

328

‘ernpuo ‘req

TEOTIOO

"MILD ‘9VO y

"UL SUIT y

‘AT pNoy Woney

‘edvosa ‘Aume 08 y

‘Ads

"W19y

‘qIVq yseg ur pesn

AyUQ ‘(ueuI0M 8B Jo)

Tusqgeim AT preaut oq

‘O8BO.10UL

"O[RYS 0q y.

‘(eat}08) 07 pooy

fed ‘04 pusqye (Z)

OZIS UL esvetoop (T)

‘ONINVAT HSTTONGT

unvhlosy Je) Ret “O84 jet

unvh.nsy le\relby ‘wnlory bla

unvhdnst do [ni ‘undos} ke Alb,

UNnDUDs Ielielb, ‘Unw0s] jee

unvlisps5 be ‘unsDsz ai

anvhifos} bi heb, ‘1054 BE

UNDS4U0S4 PNAS “UNSFLO34 bBS

(ures) 2v057 EY

anvhinsy bi eb

anphiyjowns; p\tetb

anvhgun sy bbe

“LSIYOY GNV ISvqg

[ike [>] plie:mems

RBhA

Bhibh

B pith Ebnibdta

‘ONINVGTY LIYSSNVG

e «© bk

yjnwns] Seb

WO) be

"LOO

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemirt Verbs. 329

1896.]

[geo ARSENE Ako

SUVOUT JUOTOTFNSUTOARY,

‘plojanoy oxvur

“O}7TP

‘AISwe oyvut

‘amos oq ‘Arsue oq y.

“0991p

‘ISIS @ OUI

“AT

-JUI[OIA Sur104ue Lq

qany ‘£1}WOTOTA 103090

"M1008

OM0S YIIM 48 yooT

‘s0r0lod y

“A[pnoy ysney

‘ArvnqeooA 8,Ol[SWpy ‘Iq Ul punoy y

anohs7os4 bib

unoha

-1U,bosF Tete leit ‘unagunbos} wBisie&

unvha

Dip YOR} Tojkel> ee “wnaowvy 084 BED we

unphiros4 Yelbeiee “unnyost ienibb,

annhyox9 ‘BL bbe.

unoha

“Dy fF } lejtet> bela UNA0.1p W154 BBD |b

_»

Undid yUL57 | lel fis |b ‘UN WNRS] ledbe be

unohtlas5 | Je} beeien, ‘wn Oh5F I iefife,

een

unohoyas4 ielebie. “Uni OhSF leben

unohlunasy t do {LE fen ‘unbaohsy } jel

unohloyyohs, We) heprle, “unjoyyohisy iehple

ghiite

[eS {bh beh) te

“Inpho ab ] eRebe! Ab

MRE bRE AA

Helbel fe

Anup bos4 biwirk

Ln 959 bivibb.

tp 4OS7 Yb

si cs

bg Dhisq dble

bQvhsa Ske

qoyyvhsy Re

J. 1. 43

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

330

“yoros y unnhidysy epee “npors] ie Ste nite ti pays] Bie) we

‘9A LOOP wnvlloy sh Ieper ‘wndys) bie pRB 1057 Bee |[ w |

-£qdue 09, anphiny 3] Bibs beRiw>} 0 5} ie

*MOUUTAL unvhovy 34 bee ‘unjoys) we 2B DhebA joysj 22 | wb

eae \ eer

“SONS y UNDS y SF deeb. ‘UnYyss? ws hb Yoo}? BE | wb

<A eee

‘SIS ~@ Aq AOU] unoh 1was4 ie} fie ‘yununhsy beh 1-8 bee was? Be )

Yo Pie Peer 5

‘ropmod 04 punod y unohoasy Jefe ‘unjnhs4 ors pele 1257 2B |

"Y}TAA OSANLOD y g =e

-oyur [enxes oAvT unvhinsy bike ‘Wis Wed Be Pipi kel IN37 > |

: epee

“OSLOU YALTM PULA FBO unnnoN es ley ‘unjnsy Is ey [2einlel his] ee: ie ius} 2B | wb

. (“ules f e Ws ‘ = =

ut posn A[WO) jouuenb cee uphahans4 kee ‘Wn NS] bbb AR» . ans] bE | tb

‘04 pusq4B S

0} osned ‘asve.1o0p unvha

: OYVU | -YLpULo O.Lp UO Ne | Ble Pe bake ADlyWOS7 bIXRER | wb

03 osnvo ‘sSe] 9% Dy tlQ 5} e\tel te “YUNAD. Vy WhQS4 BBR Bb b> Wb| Veh hte | h olQs] BIDE

‘oao0q ‘eor01d y unvhquo sy Je jeep, “Unquiosy Jefe BRE Quiosj be | wb

“ONINVG] HSITONG “LSIUOW ANV LSVq ‘ONINVOT, LILUSNVS “LOO4Y

331

G. A. Grierson— A List of Kaemiri Verbs.

--1896.]

*q10YS8 OY VUL

‘qIOYS 0 x

*(q[nz Apgue1ed

-dv ysnoyy) <ydure oq

"099Tp

‘qomnb exyeut

"peyornb oq

‘g1[ds

eq ‘W10} aq ‘paroq Od »

“0991p

‘oandunr oyeu

‘aanduat eq

‘FST 0g

‘0}4Ip

' 'TPOIBAS y, |

“Are Ngeoo A SF O1jsSMTH ‘Iq Ut punow »

unblini 94st lee B ‘wntsioys] levee

anohijoys5 bibs

anvhs}0y 5] bik B ‘unyoys} mes

unoha

-piprbliys7 le [tel >ole ‘UNnA01, ab hy 54 BEL y ble

unvhienray sy lel tele ‘unagrohy si lene

anpnhaays} b {tele

- : Posen tA

annUUey Ss] Biesls ‘,wwihy sy Ble

“unoha

-D.ippbhy 4 le} tel elas ‘WNa0ly phy sy bBlyale

unis pjay 54 bikele Cunasho hye pale

annhioys bl bie

anvhuny sy by sh ‘bleep

wnolituoys| wie ‘unpidys, wen

~ #

wnoliny 5} lel bele ‘unpoys] wale

In) STE ie

ebhlsiil

bile

Mnf 0Y 5 Y2B

4043} 2B

ADinVohy sh i> ple

Ip ohys] » tle

anhys} bie

uunhys> Ble

WDdoidhy 34 biyale

loi bhysh dele

johys4 2ke

woYy S104 sh bale

punys? re

Poyst Sle

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

332

03 Apvoa ‘dn asco anohanzo2 te\ Rise M0202 PLobe

‘071p anohwobloz bikBbe Jobloz >be

“UIT Oq anohavblrz biksis} Wnblire » sie)

‘T10q 04 y ‘annie b\relis ‘an blis az iny

“Tang unvhifoz lel balie ‘wn707 bdlis 102 Bile

‘MOU y wnownz lellelia ‘ung? keblic Rl bbky uve wits

unpilng Je\ belie ‘wnboz eitlio Bes p) 5 602 ielis

anohzoz b\eais

“TBOC wnohuoz lees “wnubz vis aR Wz dis

‘[NFTOPEA Od,

bebl>IPbpaie 7 yoz wis

“IOYVM OFT] 93SEC} x

‘Lead unpvhdoz bi nis ‘undbz iefia: bhia dpz his

ADbyz dIS i

‘ored unohanlyz bikisis ‘unsDlyz bepicis DPPp

‘eyyoyo ‘anod y unoyunys} alee ‘ununy =] labo bs uUnys) ioe

unoha

‘Q40YS ORVUL | -D1o)0y 5} el tele2B ‘unaoinioys} WwBlees ODL} 0YS] bived

‘ONINVE]T LIUXSNVG ‘LOO

‘ONINVOPL HSIIONG ‘ISTUOY GNV LSVq

303

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“Krenqvood 8,Or[swma[y ‘Iq Ul punoy »

i uggs

"QATT 07 OSTIRO

"OSIOU

OM} UL O9Iq unnhovj bias ‘uny bi bbe

‘ored y unohilyz We) boise ‘unys2 bie

"1BOq UnDhiavipz loli be “UNADLy2 BBD Is

"0941p unvhaninaoz le\telyblia “1001p007 Bl >b\ ie

. soe ~

*Y}A0F SULIG UNDAd_Q0z Wel bMS ‘Unt,Anz je dele

“OULYS w anvhjoz ‘(lb is

- ° . On.

‘Tonbu0d » wnDuer tele le ‘wnwihz Joie Ke

“BUOT oq anohiyje | eis

unoha

‘0741p “Diy leltely alia ‘wnadiyi7 wBl> pis

pee set Ey ND

UN Dhl YjrZ ble pls ‘untayinhz wreaks

4 = e ¢ J .

y.snoo wnnsgz Ie\ Be ‘nsoz bebe

. ~ . ~ &

0491p unohaosvanz biel pis ‘Unno.ip~n2 WB\> bis

Songer sa @

"QAl] 0} OSTEO UnDhtpana Wipe ‘Untprnz pple

"OAT] anphans bee

lob Bale Bb Polk

Be Lelia

J =

mrbyee

Bib

moblplen

eels

40} Se

1% ie

AD1p2% byl

004,002 b\> bls

9002 > bits

402 wiis

uaz Iola

yjaz Bis

ADInY ie bly alia

bY iit 2BLs

S02 Bbe

- c&

ADA,ANZ b\>b Io

Ande »bIS

ang bin

ee & & & Ee

[ No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

334

‘posvoyd oq

(om

‘tomoy wv ‘saka) asojo

RIM N68)

SUVOTE JUOLOTFUSUT OAVY

"4UI B OXT[ O.10q

“saveddesip 03 osnvo

*OULULVY

‘UL SUITJOULOS ezoenbs

See ie

‘Q0UO.TOF

-jJIpur qjim Avme os

“1e0d 10 Ard pnoy e 41UL9

‘pesueyoxe oq

eleed

§euo pulyeq owmreq

‘ONINVGT HSTTONG

. anohyjo} bible

unnhans ee? ‘unan} BBE

anvhjo} te\teB

unohkon} belne ‘unynj Be

unnhanyoj ejtews ‘wnadyo7 bBwe

anvhquig} teste

unolida) Ie\rabe ‘undih} bf

anohyjaj ‘bl teh

~ = &

unohloj je | bale ‘unj0) wie

unvhily} lejbsle ‘unbo} ieee

: anvh)n} Bae

unvhdnj lejtne Sunda) fiz

“ISIUOW ANV LSVg

geRieD

pb bA

pi LbdJs

MblkdJhEI>h

‘ONINVGT, LIMISNVG

yjoj Bie

anj be

joi 28

TEN

Yny we

A030} bes

quinhj bebe

doh bbe

yivhj ete

10} Ble

70} R2

dvj he

“LOOY.

339

1896.]

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirit Verbs.

‘ATenqevooA S,o1swpy Iq UL punow, y

“yor BSB Yous

‘gzoddus v uodn uve]

‘079TP

‘uodn puodoep

‘QsIOU B YITM orp

fang

‘Aju. purys

0741p

*£inq

-do4s

"@ATO00p

“poateoap oq

‘OF4Ip

‘10309 A][qToT0F 07 esNeo

“ULL y

unphany yop wl ers ‘unanyyDp BPs >|. IR1>bsy>

unoha

“Dl Y Op betel bs ‘UNAOLyY YO kBD BS b

UNDA YYDP bikes ‘unsnyy Op bvba >>I hl is

Ee, bias ‘unydp we a plbp»sie

unohonys le lie'p ‘unynys 6S beebA

anohyiy) pl pb\e {pie}

unvsnyi

be ple 10 unvhisyy) wiieie ‘unsoy) bBSip b

unvhiony) lela ‘wnyor) bi keebA

anvhanyny} bipae bi ieB

unnhanboys Je eliee ‘unaoboy; wBliee blir.

annliboy) bleep eRe

UNDUDS pj} bejieke ‘unubsy}) hepe b

UNDSy)| BRE “WNss) Be bhle Le fe

| anvhynj blbbe bbik

Q0Y3DP BE &

ADL YYOP bDBS

ny yop 2S

Yop ws

s ©

ynyj »e

24) wele

SY} Ble

yoy} wie

L0yny} »»2

anbnyj bine

boyj we

UDSy} BRE

Spi B2

Yo) wa

EX Gewb ic

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

336

‘posnun oq

‘008 ‘SOOT y

*(Apoq oy Jo) 4u0q oq

"dooms y

“o}VIp

“(90¥) [Jory

“OATp

‘(Apoq 019 Jo) 4u0q oq

‘OVS oq

‘asueyoxe

“078

“I0A0 ssed y.

"TBOT y

“ONINVGT HSITON

anvhlop p\ bls

; wg RNS

nf2P BX

unohyoop bies ‘unyjinhp lebih

anvhsop bie S

unnhanp ie\teS ‘unanp BS

aunolia

-punjnp Jeptolems ‘wnaounjnp WBlwwS

unnlanjnp lelteaS ‘unadynp LBA

anvhqnp Palco

> anohyop bi be&

anohiap b\ tet»

unolilop je{ hols ‘unjop bbs

oe = : .° av

unohobp lejela ‘unjinp 2s

anvhlop bikes ‘nop ia

anohaop bike

‘ISIYOY GNV LSVq

‘ONINVA], LIYASNVG

1/0) Bis

Sap h&

sop B&

a) ON

anp bs

anun np blpRa

anjnp pa

qnp Ba

‘LOO’

337

"Aas

"SSO10 x,

‘(Aol a0

Jolls Usppus uto.z)

pulut g,oU0 oscURYd y

"YULIe AA

JO OYVS 049 A0F oyvy

UY} OF »

70] Oy

0341p

“UY O>euH

roared y

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

OFAID 4

‘404 oxeut

‘W5Ty oq

‘eTOp 94 07 Moy

uMOmy eq forqrssod oq

1896.]

“AIVTNGVOOA 8,O1[SUA] HE “Tq

Url punogy »

= S s, ®

unnh (04 lelkab “un o) bhp

annh.ng bike “ndD) bb

anph quip) piekep

hd} J ‘undo, |

unohdn} jejinp ‘unddiy bhp

anohwny bikeb

annhyny biep

wnnhansyuny bile p UNAM WO4 BB pic»

: a: a < e bt “e@

UND pwoy bites BUntoyo] welsp

wnohyop) elke ‘unyon, BEp

Unvdhavly 540) ble Bp “UNA0.Ly 5909 BEDE

UNL 5404 lel bp ‘Wil S4D) Dep

annhbhing bits

anphling bikep ‘604 ite

EIb

tell ial te

ant oes

BERIRD

DrwiBrb}

| B&

phip

Blip

SSO

bikipkep

10] BR

407 2B

70910) PEs

dn} bh

Un) joo

70) Bb

ADU} BIdIsR

Uo} DSB

yon) BB

Db 540] bD BR

bp S94 2Bp

bling Sb

62 le

IG ul oe Ge

J. 1. 44

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

338

‘ppoo oq

‘gjoy ‘dn gos,

*( 109400

ayy) Sar B puvdxe

‘porodwmey yoy oq

‘]IO FO o4SBy pVq BOABY

*094rp

‘joy ‘aodavys

A] 419.589 YOO]

‘OY pod oYVU “Qvot] y

‘du qos

(gow) roAo ssvd y

“Ajrasue yoroad

-o1 “Yum Aisue oq

"4SvOd

anvhwi) bikp

unohiing io\WeB ‘unjn) rays)

unohgquwoy deiierin Ungwuoy iebein

anvhpung tbe B

annhwo24 bl heh |p

= se ¢ ms se

UnvhaDlyZ24 Jelkel> Lele “1nagen@i4 BB o|p

me ~ ~ ew

unvh.in24 bl eis|e ‘UNdyZNh) week

anmliquuag tp\teate

unvhan} bielp ‘unao) Bly

= ~ fA

wnolifny jo \pele ‘1n707 owl

a ¢ >

unohony Bele “2.107 bolp

[unoh poy

bible | winhifn, bikelp “unpo; bale

unvhang bier ‘yunavy BBP

bbe bie

bhis

> bE) bap

bbR{ D2 |b

elawhkeay

any wD

Qulo7 kph»

pung cord oy

wnp049 hep

Wb) bids |p

bn] iO B

quivh, beh

07 blip

70) Bip

07 dle

po}? Sip

QD) bp

“ONINVAT HSITONGT

‘ESIUOY GNV LSVq

‘ONINVAT LIYNSNVS

‘LOOY

339

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs.

1996. ]

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anvhs40..9 p jente

unoha

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unvha

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annh.nynt] blk be

[semestonane

bielp] ‘anvfiyjor biely ‘[nying SB)

unvhan«nany Je|tel> bl “wna0.000) Bi >b\p

unnhiao, wikble ‘wn1007 iedblp

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unolhiloy je} be) ‘unig RD

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anvhzey ‘bie

anohibnwns ‘bilo B

bbl

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[No. 4,

G. A Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

340

‘PSTY oy Vu UNDA y2DY) ili UML ZZDY) basa fp) Me | EA Mp tDY4 2B i)

“£IVOM OF ‘beta ‘Bra ke DY) Nola

(os ‘Troq, pottodo ;

ue jo) pouopavy oq anph.so.t4 bles Ripla)lelwmby 0.0) dle

“paxvy oxvUL renevfy.tn5Q47 Wt Cunaoino4j7 BBO In} tb} 2 2} Wtp01) bine | w

*paey oq anvhso.14 b {pee bbaiep ie 5019 ME

‘oUIp | wnvhanqgwo.r4 Wite bee ‘unabqwo.4 bBpe b angwo.t? bbe | w

syorad unnhquow Tefen “Unquios} TeBe Pipl es quvo.4 bee Xb

‘geo ‘seoetd 07 4m9 unphonw9 rane ‘ung ne) WB Bb bP b> Sc yng eb | w

"08 491» unvhan4 bel ‘unaow) Ele tele Api bia | &

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‘IVO} annhisn.vg bab RR sp.l7 BE

‘OF 1P —unvhindny ieee ‘unundni, wee bh indnwy >A | we

-osoo ‘dn 19A00 unohdnw4y bime ‘undd..4 bh go>) a) hs dn. e tp

‘ISIUOW AONV LSVq ‘ONINVA LIUNSNVG ‘LOOM

“ONINVGY, HSTTON

341

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

*(s2oqjod

jo pasn ‘god v) ula40f y,

“gids

‘ders ‘yvaq

“49B0q

‘ATasTRE JJOsouo ostead y.

0491p

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‘Yory eyeur

. *ArvpNqeoo A 8,o1[su]y “Aq ut punoy »

= tay - 6X

unohiny) wirere ‘wniny) eta

aie ; :

unnhooy4 delleba “Wnyouy ie\Bke

unvhdiy} wiley “undnhy Bka

unnhoayy ble te ‘unybhyy Ble

anvhaoy4 bi felta

annh.woyyyy bi elalta

unvhany? ie\telte ‘wnaoy) BB\ te

unolhanys delete ‘unanyy Be

hiloyg unjby) ib

unohioy? e\ Rela “wn Dy} Bea

anvhwoy) birt

anvhiwoy) b\ Reta

anplipoyy bp) te te

unpha é

“DbpZOY 4 eftel> eta UNADM 2D 4. BB sa

tay

NY] die

7947 Soke

diy? bia}

yohyy Nee

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w0yyDyy dale

bbjwe p)s avy7 bla

any? ble

70Yy7 Re

ADY7 die

Woy) Bh

poy? 2a

WA pZOY 4 bi>leta

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

342

"qOoYor “1apPTSMOD

SEEM

“UNIT y

‘sooord UL 1¥94

“ApvVoys oF VUL

“Sururea doys (@) ‘10q,

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‘punois

ey} 0} UMOp ssoad

“tap1o ‘ARs y,

"BOA

eye ‘pojseM OUT

{TIN 04

‘punod ‘4voq x

“ONINVAY, HSITONG

unvhspwpp bi kisl> ‘UNL WOY brel>

UnnsDp B{BS 10 wndlisnp WLS ‘unsip LBS

- (1, ° =:

unohanp is\es ‘unanp BBS

5 GandnsB

unolilop w\kse “wnpbp bine

unolisvop wie» ‘wnivop bes

= N

anvhiwp bike

unohiuop biked ‘unwop bBe

unohangop bite b> ‘wnaiqup bBb>

unohdvp bind ‘undbp bib

unvhavsypbp elle ‘UNA0Lypbp ED SS

anuznp ble ‘npop Ss

unvlifop elas ‘unbop bite

bite

bbl

1 piel |te

Mdl2b}

bib

HAL bypbb yb} fete

:Le one fe} bP Up

bElesie

b bial |telitiis

>on a

kebiele

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“ONINVAT FIMASNVSG

343

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmivi Verbs.

1896. ]

‘0991p

-oqyvredes

O)B

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*099Tp

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ayy ur opty ‘Aang »

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‘qooHod ‘tepisuoo

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unvhane

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unohaoy Sump bi hEeb ‘unesySiunp weed

anvlisop pime ‘sop bB

unofifiop likes ‘unhop he

unvhaniqop le\lel>pB ‘UNAO.Ly9 OP BBIb be

unnlisnqop bikbe ‘wnlngop bbbe

unohaninpop wl tel>>® ‘unagwop op RBI >B

anvhwopop bkkee

unvhanunbop ielrelisie® ‘unaou,bop Blwire

wiphiavbop jel tere ‘unanbop bBiee

unvsqup Jel b>} ‘ungnhip De

wnohanp w\tel> ‘un2op wB\>

“unohwvp PiRi> ‘UnLOp BBl>

unola

-pis\ip WYeblEe ‘unagiyip wBQEL>

p)Bhabes

bbl

pAlb

gbsi

bene

eel jnie

n> e\ nie)

bP bis

tLe >I 11a

ADLnysuNp bi>eed

loYSunp eed

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hop ke

HORT XE) op bDBE

nq Op 2bB

apiopop bi»>B

A0pop »2B

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anbop bee

2p Bl

app bi

wop »1>

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7 Verbs,

agmir

G. A. Grierson—A List of K.

544

*poxeu oy vur

“QOULP »

“paxvy oq

ate] q

‘oATSTOd x9 ‘Tvep oyeUL

‘aatsuodxo “Ivap oq

“Avid

"qo1sod

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“SIp “QSnp quo oyLys y

UNE y.

09409 pAVd y

‘queqstp 4

Uunnhipuvu bike ‘UNlpUudU je fate

u or u

= = oa ~ &

UNDSIDU bb) bbe ‘UNSqDU job

anvhy jap ‘pie

UNDRADASyp wLelbS ‘wnaoisyp WBiK >

wnolia |

“Dininup WwhieirieS ‘wnadt,bnup WwBLrp{es

anvhibnup ‘bike

unohanwp belle’ ‘unynup WBS

unolifirp dette’. ‘unhisp RS

UNDAADUyD Iw) ele S ‘unadu,p PBS

p 1g

~ ~ &

UNDUyp Biss ‘unusp eS

anpoh.sop bik \>

-~ °¢ = fy

unnuop bilele ‘ununp ia

anvhinp bike

M>RhUO>d) 1b

ebibpiie

bbIbh}

eeRLe

“ONINVOTAT HSITONOT

“LSTUOY GNV LSVq

‘ONINVG]Y LIYMSNVG

bp lou dele

s]pU bbe

yi2ip Bs

ADIS,p bik >

wsybnup pivie®

bnap es

Yn wis

hop RS

WUyp beS

Upp BS

lop 2

uop whe

inp »B

“LOOY

349

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

‘oFFIp

*Lomsop

*ystjod ‘uveyo

“ourys

"BHO[JINAT OC

03 dos @ gnd

(SUrqtIM) 998.1041[GO y

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‘aACM ‘OxBYS 07 OSNVd

‘OQ UIO.TY y

‘poyxeu oxeur

eLIvpNQVooA 8, Sl[sSM[y “Iq UL punoy y

unvha

-YbpSDU delle) vine ‘UNAO.Ly IDI BBL inie

unohuod pu ‘bi Rinle ‘Unl,5DU 1K ia

S| |

unohanw dejtele “wnaow Be

anvhdbu |

pu buobe

anohyjbu ‘pielis

unvhanyou e\telale “unaoyou BELA

anphisow ‘b\Rele ‘[ xin Bb |

anohanu bleep

annhunu bike

unvhdou ej ‘undobu bh

anvhunw ‘b {leeks

unvhavin}Ou b{elrae ‘UNAOLy {DU BED 2s

anvohjou ‘bib

unolha

“i - Ne ¢ 3 - ~“

“Din Ou w\telebete “unngss you BB) pie

ebi|Bthale}

bibles

nei

b Jbibble bbalbine}a

pbRiBl

bene

{ehote

bale

ANLydDU bl>ipiie

bp dDU >inlis

anu piis

anynt bial

Snu Re

anu be

Qu0U wis

dou hp

UDU we

ADLyOW birale

jvu 2a

ADLypUnU birisis

J. 1. 40

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

346

*044tp

‘OATSSOOXO OX VU

ere

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‘anyq ewo0eq

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"MO]TTVMS

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‘sooord 0} 3vo.iq

*][VUs 9TL000q y.

“ORF

“ONINVE] HSITONG

a SSS

unoha

“Vl pLOU Te[tel > bbe ‘UNAOLyVOU EL» bbs

cal

UNDILpvOU lel pbbe ‘UNdZLOU je webe

wnoha

Duby Wu de}ol eile ‘UNADty WOW WEL» Pb»

Undhipwou isle ebe UNL; WOU jews

_ anol a) te \ te

unneonohu belie ibke ‘unzoaolhin bial phe

unosiohu blake ‘ungohu Bhs

unohitobliinfin w\hehe ‘unjobanhu eb Bhs

unoha

“Dili ‘eel vibes ‘UNAOL DY VU BE) wis)

unvhitny vu ro bie 12) ‘unsgynrhiu pd ibhe

anpliyiw bp) pple)

unohiow Bibb} ‘unhiu Joke

‘LSIUOW GNV LsvVg

Dbl eed te

fp ble

kebab >)a

eEeb}

bab Th

n>itle}

‘ONINVA CIUNSNVG

Wtp_0v0U bl} ble

Wp QOU > bbe

ADL WOU BI) Bhs

bp Wlou ditbe

72U Be

zomvhu loibke

qohu bbe

qobavliu WEke

QDlyY VU bl>Velo}

YU die}

Yiu wb}

ww Bb}

‘LOO’

347

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

‘ond} oq 07 MOYS

on.ay

9q 09 yno many “4Qy oq

"099Tp

‘(Sutmos ur) moy & {ay

“UROT B W4IM 4sn74

‘OZ1TL3 000

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"AreNGe00 A SOlSM[T ‘Iq Ul punoy, »

UNDA Lp zOd ‘bibith “undp Zod bbb

anvhzod ‘bi beh

unvhavnty bod ‘e{tel>ieh ‘wnaotolid BBD eh

unvhty lod ‘bikioh ‘uns, bid bbish

anvsjod bibh ‘nsiid Eh

unoupyond W)ieleh ‘wnuoyond jshe\%eh

-hanyoyond b}telbeh ‘unaojnyovd bB\pph

anohood bleh 14 Da Bh

unohanhiu Ye\relke ‘unaghw wB\ pe

unohia

“Dp Wou Jo} tee)» Fe | te ‘UNQOL, WOU beB\ >We

aa CASE NG

UNDhAp MoU ie | eel te ‘WNLzWUnW ohh

anohio.up bibs ‘Anup bis

unohanyoou | “UnnbyoaU WB»)

92 Me | tote yoo eBay

n> tka b} ep

Bb bIRbIIMOR ber wh

kelp [ete

Bikbjn2s

PBA

blbiPb

Into Eh

znd inh

ani lod bipish

ln lid deh

sjod Bh

unyovd wieBh

anjnyond pip eh

300 Neh

avhu bike

ADL, WOU bi>Fr lie

bp Wow >a

sau 2b

ADYIIU bBe

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

348

‘OZIUDODOT y

“4804

"pvod y

‘(sqoqtq) wang

‘(corp ‘spTBjou) ysBoat

‘mod1t

*puIM yBo1q

“0991p

‘soysy gue ‘avelo

-oyotd

-wi0o Ajjnyzsseoons eq

‘O0

meaucsTeQo)

*ondy 9G OF AMOS

“ONINVO TAL HSITONT

- ° e e - WA.

unnunzivd blisioh ‘unupeuod beistoh

unohanyyiod a) telah ‘wnaoyy.iod BBLEh

unvhiwod jalbeh ‘unwdd enh

SS \

- ¢ O = &

unvhhod Jo\ heh unhod Joh

anvhdod ‘b{oh

unvhifod e\beh ‘wnpdd Sh

unoha

-pipyjod bite 2h ‘UndoLpYyiod ‘BBL Ph

unvhspyjod bik2h ‘uniayjod “HRPh

anvfiyjod ‘pith

unvhayind W\elah ‘wnagind Blah

anolhind bj Beh

unvhantpzod ‘efile h “UNAOLpZDa BBLIEh

“ESTIYOY GNV LSVq

bEBAbA

Bikim)oh

beh

eh >) 1b)1 kk

wim>}h

ee phyB

b LIB DA

b bRitDIele 2p

upzvod wish

anyyod b\ih

od >h

find kh.

dod hh

pod >h

aDntnyjod bI>2h

doyidd »2 h

BilB py yind 2h

zie avjod bieh

{Bis jod 2h

bh ADlpz0d bbbith

‘ONINVG]N LIVUSNVG LOOUF

349

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaiemiri Verbs.

1896.]

"T19F ‘[[VF 0} OSNV y

‘q0040ad

‘OM ‘S.GUIUUT UB

IOF S80} “AVY O49 91} y

‘auto0eq ‘aq

‘TOIT YNO SULIq

"O00 y

(‘u100-dod) ureas ysvoa

‘drap

‘T{UFMOIIOS OFBUI

‘gosonbrjep ‘4,our

‘[HyJesn oq

‘Ajoqeatad oar

‘OFFIp

‘OZIUGOIOL y

“£TVNGVIOA 8§,OlSWTY ‘Aq Ul punoy, »

unohand betel ‘unaod Bib

unnlilind we\belh ‘wnjod Rb

unohwod wikih ‘unsod je>\h

anohiyzod ‘pl tain

unohzod de\keih ‘unzod eia[h

unohanyod Je feel unanynoad eB iblh

anohiunyod tp) te Ne lp

annhdsnd b\tmbh

unohsod rWay.1 unsod bYkh

anvhinjiod bi ebb ‘Tnyoyod 2h |

- ° . ~o

anvhznod ‘p\iswh ‘| 200d Pb]

- ¢ 75

unoh tod Je boh unjpod beh

unoynznid W\telak ‘unubzod Joe lols

unola

. ° ‘ -

-punzv0d je \teleleh “wnaguozwod bBlelsh

kbl@inh >| nbie'

elbp

fh>1P:2}

bbh

elhdI121UBb}

fb) 2.

elbb}

bbnlbs

BbiklbRhA

BI>RiP

and bib

qod Bib

Wd »ih

yqod falh

zd Iain

anyod bibih

wnynd je\blh

dspd tah

dvd teh

qojod 2®h

znj0d jah

q0d Bh

wunzvid wiak

anunzvod ‘bleish

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

350

‘Aroddrys ‘qjooms oq

*PULIS y

“IOAO [LOG

“GPO oq

“SUIYOOD TOF vay 4Y SI]

*£OATOD ‘DALITV OF OSNVO

‘4¥ OATIIe ‘aTqIssod oq

‘JO JUVSTU.GOD oq

‘yooqoard

‘qUOMLLT 07 osnvO

‘qUOULV]

TIPS

*0#4Ip

Zeherdy ce)

“SONINVE], HSITONG

anwhard bibl

wnohdrd leleehy ‘unynlid esi

anphsid b\ehy

anphiynsid b\eyRhy

unvhaad ‘bh ten ‘unabhad BB

unounpd biemhy ‘unwdpad beban)

anohprd beh}

annlipad bp) tata

unvhwogohd bien ‘unungohad bepln

unvhavinjad tel deh} “wnAdtyjrd BEL» eh)

unpfiord je\eby ‘unjinhd bala

anohd bia

unohavipsbd e}el> lh “Unao.tysod BED BD Ih

unvhipsod bei th ‘UnlgsDd wBBih

‘LSIUOW GNV ISVg

M>Aile}Ay i Jetelh

beh aiRh

He> tte bere LN Lh

his

{Bis

hikipsys

Doble

b2dJh

bbh

mR}

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iad >\b

yaa Bhy

sid Bh)

qodid mYRh}

anhd bm

unpid web)

pid Bhy

pohd >

Lnjohid »pia

WWyjid biyeh\

hd 2h)

ad hy

ADlyspa bDBlh

dps pd Bh

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301

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“qa OVUL

“drys.t0a

‘O}FID

‘(emo

Aue 0}) Joao oxVuUr »

“ROM Od

*9Z90US

‘(osanoe Jo) onz4 ouL00

‘sooord

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‘(sunok) reoq

*0741P

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4e Jona4suL pus oume[q

‘ATLTVOM 4VVAA

‘Are|nqevoo A 8,Al[Sw[y “Iq Ul puuog »

ae i SS

unvhiyyjind bik eh ‘untzyind k»oh

show) ~ ov

unoznd Bligh ‘wnznd Woh

unoha

-Dlbndnd eLtelyinb ‘UNaADLydnd Bloith

unvhs,ond ieieigh ‘und,ond jo»inh

anolijod ja \esR

unvlifuod witkR ‘wnpuod book

anvhund ‘Lbef ‘[nund ich]

unowosind blichh ‘unupsind lob f

unohanud J | ¢ purd 3

ad jelteblh ‘wnavur ieBlelh

wnoha

“Dbyy jad bejtel> Blh UNADM DY Rd BED 2b

x 5 S pe ~~

unohsny iid bh e2\h ‘uninyjinhd je» er

anohijrd (pba \b

bhEbjs BiRp

DE |e 1S

= ~w

JoYind 2h

znd ish

Wynd bi>ieh

pond deh

79d BR

puUod xR

und wR

unsind wah

aourd pie\h

Andey {1d bi» Dh

Loy hid »2\p

fd 2\p

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigemiri Verbs.

302

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*9Z1U.G000L

"qSOJTUvUT Og

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‘ssoiddo

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Hens SGI

"ULOP® y,

‘OpUXd y

“qUy Oy VUL

anohynenid bi Bio

unoha

-vuvz0id Je\eleiak ‘wnaounznid jeBi eink

~ Ho

unnyvznid wlisias ‘unudzned Jeleiok

annhiny bid Biba

. s . ay

annlisod b\talh ‘sed hh

unnhaniod je\terlh ‘unabuod BBD! bh.

anvhsod bihelh

anohyjod bith

unohnod keleh ‘unwvoad dh

anvhpad ‘b\toh

eS) ENS

unohiond ielteh ‘unund beh

unoha

= .» i ~

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‘ONINVAYY HSITONG

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bib

teh eTR Leh

geniele

messy S

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jozdid waiok |

anwoznid piielok

wozD.0d sink,

joyyoud 2Bk

Sod bih

aniod by\h

vod ih

yjod 2\h

vod 2h

pad Sb

ond yh

.’

ADLpYINd bix Dh

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303

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

"7UO[[O0XO oq

‘197M OFUT YUIS

‘(quejd v Jo) ynoads

(‘qneu) (poom fo) 41,ds

“SULMOYO

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TES

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‘posvord oq

‘OUI M PUB THETO oq y

*krejuqeooA 8,osul|y ‘Iq ul punoy y

anvhiqnyd b\ eth

anphanyd bieth ‘nibyd 2h

unyoyd bib

unnzuid bey unzunhad WEYR

unoy sid wieby ‘unysinhsd Sh

unnursd bysk} ‘uninhad lente

unnhavid je\tel ‘unao.id BBLs

anphwoud ‘bibl ‘[ntoud DL |

anohivnid bitalis

unvhovud de{alis ‘unjoud Pik

avhd bin

anvhhnud bikets ‘hoad bs

anvhuoud “bi bek

bbe

b hd) lito be)

“In| El -Bil ena le

hRw>)!Pp

n>é

quyd bY

joyd 2%

yoyd Yeh

*zuad By

ysqud By

urd Ib)

anid bis

wpad di

anid Dib

joid ei

sold BK

fnad kis

unid ws |

e« &© b& Kk

J. 1, 46

[No. 4,

304

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs,

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ut yoywo ‘elcueqyue

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‘ogamnbue ‘Sut

-Uvell 04} OFUT ombud

‘0 SSOT JO -

esned @ oq ‘UeTO4S oq

unnunyd Tele tth ‘unwoyd Ye faith

unvoiilpyd je\belte ‘unboyd bleh

anvhanynyd b\kah

unoha

-piospyd bel bith ‘UNnadlyspyd BD Plh

unvhsosdyd JelreBlt ‘unigspyd e>Bih

S | |

unvohs,sbyd iejebtn ‘unwgsbyd b2bh

annspyd BiB ‘asbyd Bh

anphifoyd ip\keta ‘nybyd Ba

wnphavy.ioyd do) te| eth “unaoyuoyd eB leth

anvh.uoyd bith ‘oy bh

> bl Sb

bbRISb

Bibielebithi® bi Usk

elshhttak

woyd te)

boyd ei th

woynyd » th

aplpspyd BIB Ith

ipsDyd 2Blth

ApsDyd Bh

svyd th

qoyd Bh

any.ioyd bp\\bth

unyd 2h

‘ONINVS TL HSTIONG

“LSIUOY GNV LSVq

“ONINVEYY LIAISNVS

‘LOOY

Ite

390

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896. ]

"LOI

"UdYOIG ody.

‘Josue ut yeods

*(aanq

qt oyvuL 07 YInOm

8} WIM) og @ Moy

“OF OY} 0 sdry 044 ory

OAT]

ey} qo sdiy 044 yor

‘punod 08 03 osnvo

‘19y30ue

0} [9SSeA 8u0 woz

aInod ‘zoueut 04 [vo

‘(sesud) aeao uanyy

‘Qa0.105

(40%) (poom) 41ds

“AIVTUQeVOO A 8,Sl[SU[ ‘Iq ul puno,y, y

unvhspinyad leleath ‘untainyd wee bE

anohanyd blh anya 2h BH

unohunynyd Tel elibth ‘unsoynyd Yoel Noth b1B1h| we

unvhonyd Tellath ‘unynyd eB bh SK >I bs

unvhisayd tihirem ‘undnfyd Jettin b

unvhisgyd e\Rebh ‘undihyd Tekh ba b>))1B lt

unvhanaryd jolie rth) ‘unadaryd bE th} DRlk

bbb

. = ©

unohuyd Ieiethy ‘uninfiyd jeekh | ->Jh Uelsniieiabhbh

‘Ajgo1008 oxeq |unvhansqohyd biebkh ‘unadszofiyd BBBPh b> 2Bhk

Lanvhsqyd b\fethy] anvsjryd b\bthy @> Mb}

unohianjppyd We\temik ‘wnatpoyd BEAU BEAB Iie

"y10Mm Aue rox 44 oq

anvhynydbyd ‘b{eth ith

seblaerLfeleue)

Lyinyd ver

inyd 2

my ny > Neth

nya wh

dayd Yah

dohyd yeRh

an.ivyd b>th}

“aya wih)

ansjvhyd bbkh

syd Bib}

avpoyd bR\th

qoydbyd Bihith

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

B56

‘ow “yo ur Lay

*“ATITSUV

yeods ‘[Mors ‘yreq

‘yy BeAq Jo ynO

eq ‘A[yUeTOTA YZvEAq

“UIB.19S

“raatnb

*pop.TOAUI 0q

‘ggaSo0a “40a ‘punod 08

425 yor p *

*[jeuus

:073°p

-fasue ATP Mut oq

‘(qoMoy @ Jo) puedxo,

"H{BO.1C

, ‘ ¢

unvfupbog jelelele uniobog jad\teb

t 1 Saaana |

unvhiong je\kab ‘wnybq Bb

‘unohrnanyd fella ‘unydinyd eth

unvhunhyd el elkh ‘unwohyd je»\Ph

anphioyd bifelth ‘T nunyd bh]

anvhuayd bibth ‘nhyd ehh

unvhonyd Te {lath ‘unynyd my

anohynyd PY

anvhsnyd yaaa)

anvhilloyd ‘p\ ieee nf}04d fs

unoha

-DApinyd Ietely eth UNADLyi nya BB ah

NINVAT HSTTONG

bei tba o>

meess

BRB

-hiLIBhPbRIPb DBR

DIK ike

bite; es

bq Leb

09 Sb

yp.oyd eth

wohyd >iPh

Loyd >t

ay th

ynyd Yotn

ynyd 2th

dnya akth

211940 BIR

< ~ &

ADtyinyd bi»yBh

“ISIUOY GNV LSVq

‘ONINVA, LIYASNVG

“‘LOOVy

357

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896. ]

‘gouesqe ut ourd ‘Ty »y

0791p

[4[deoyo [19s] ‘opratpy

"0d x

‘peorq oyeq

TONED

‘asvedo

“UI 4Va1d 9q 0} OSNvO

‘ystnsuryxo (40%)

‘jenb (yneu) ‘ody

‘q¥0I8 0q ‘09 y

‘om “Tro ut Ary ‘oats y

‘qooj0ad

‘advosoy

“ATeNGvoOA 8,S1[SWM]y ‘Iq Ul punoy »

unvhong blk ‘unig ebb

unoha

“Dl pZUBY ieLet Be ‘UNA0LpZUvg BEDE

. . Ne a - Ne

UNDA pZUBQ bikBp ‘UntgZUdg Le Eb

| l

annfiwng b\ ke.

unoha

“Diophq ete Se ‘unaotoptq ‘BlySp

unohanippdq be ap “WNADLyPDY BEDAb

unvhtppog Piha ‘WNL gpDQ bab

unvhanpog Jo} tel Sfp ‘unaopng eB) Sb

anvhpog b\ts

unnzng bin ‘unzvq Jeibb

unoha

“Dln00q allele ‘210001009 Bly bp

annhong 'p Jest

> ~)

bm hebitlb) ph

BRE

‘Leb bigb jie

Bep) le

b BAP Jtlbp

DE} >llkk

hlklppaler

09 db

WLyZUDQ bE

dpZU0g 2B

upg bb

AWDLypdg bib

Wlppvqg bab

lp pdq sab

appng bisb

prq Sb

*20@ isp

QWD4p90Q bly}

909 Be

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs.

358

anoha

‘OW}IP |-Dly ldq ‘betel ‘wna 0lnlbg BBL isle

‘O}4IP

‘0741p

DUN

‘WdyVISIU oq

QACIG OG

“mood oq

ESO es

"0741p

‘dino

‘QAT] ‘ZUOOS9[VATIOD Oy

*[[@yF 07 OSNVO

‘ONINVOY HSITONY

unoha

-p.ipbbq eerie) b ‘Und. 6 bg BBD ile

unvhsrlng bieislls ‘un. 609 bdisle

unvitnbog iol ele) ‘wn, bog bediel

annhuny304q ‘bh kB

anvh.nyod blbeb

2 anvhupsng b\ bsp

annsp] blab ‘S09 Bie

unvhay.ty)0q Jeltel> ie ‘UNA0Ly) DQ BBA

wndhisypDQ bie e ‘unt s10Q pp

annfiyng jp \teals

unvhany10q Je {tells ‘unaoy.vg bBleb

bisikb}

BABYS

Mh >We [etl > He

b els Rel> iis

bbth

“LSIYOY GNV LSVq

“DNINVGE YL MLOSNvg

Aly log bi piel

ADL bDQ blpitlb

4fbQ 21slb

tnbDQ ithe

UDYy{0Q BE\b

oyng »Ab

upsng BA’

sDQ Bb

ADLy]BQ bbe

4p)0Q 2B

70q Bb

ADyLog bbb

LOOT

309

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

Roe

“FITS y

"9[vqS oq

‘ageredes oq

*074TP

(0%) ogvaredes ‘uodo

"poytods aq

‘qUepTAd ‘IvEe[o eULO0Deq

‘ywods

“(pox

Ajjeusn) poaroyzord oq

"por 04

eyoAep ‘“suMOT}UEZUT

8,9U0 orepDep ‘Moys y

“soinb oq

‘{njzeMod oq

“karvypnqeoo A S,Sl[sU[y “Iq ul punog »

unvhyong Je lle ‘unyong eis

(ots) annfiyoa9 b\eb ‘nyjnlq bite

anvhiliag bike)

anohuuag bl fe he

unvha

“D4nv2q le\telpishe “wnaoin¥eq IeBl pists

undhsnWaq lle istes ‘UnleWag edicts

anvhunbrg biteleb}

anvsng bial ‘annhisngq bls ‘T S09 Bib]

unvhising We\ral ‘wnsoq lee

anvhzvnng bbe bl

wnphiang le\tels ‘wna0g Bib

anphongpg bleblb

Lanpfipy.g bbls) ‘anviipyg b\tels

Helele sie

eiRehA

Rhjbh

bbRIBM)

b b>b' ER) m>bb}

plep}

Mhib> M>tegb) hells ty} he

bikie

eehiees

yong ab

yohq Bke

fq bb}

uuvhq Bhs

D139 bi} tehe

4pUaq disks

Whig dirs

svg Bib

$09 bib

Z0MDq lob\b

ang bib

0909 »bLb

[ powg Dis] pq Blk

[No. 4,

G, A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

360

‘prorstury,

“pvolstur

*go[O.II0 UL punol O38

‘ourys

*£asue oq,

‘79.903 O49 WGI YOuUeTO

*(sparq jo) yxods ‘curs

"IBOY,

*00q

‘Lofue

‘MOIS ‘TIOG 0

BIC 29h

"YUIS “OATD

“(areas ) qored y

“ONINVE], HSIIONG

unvha

“Dl plB.lg bel bls UNA pUD.LQ ieBl pies

UNDA pUDLg bibs UNL UWDAQ levieis

anvhwn.g bi kels

anniizosq bets

-unvhovag Bpbals Sunyd.49 wiBls

unofilog Telhele ‘unjng eB

UNnDz0q bjisie ‘unzng Jelnp

wnphiysed ta\teb ‘unyoniq leks

unohiing Tejheb cunbng jeire

anvhaog blteke £009 “Bis

annhpng bbb

anohitoq b\ kobe «np0q Ske

- « 6 ¢ ~ GA

unveng bis “unzng bifb

mabye

ADL UDO bi>his

Lp Wag dbs

UW0LQ Weis

zn1g ists

90.19 Seis

109 Bib

209 nlp

yoaq Be

bnq ir

20q bre

png ab

p9q sks

2 &

znq io

‘ISIMOW GNV ISVq

“ONINVOETL LIGQOSNVS

361

G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“AIepNGvooA 8,Ol[SM[y ‘Iq Wi punoy »

0341p

“mip ‘yooy10du1 oxeUr

‘uoszed Arsuv uv wupeo

‘uanyo “4yeaq ‘punod y

“YST[OOF “peur oq»

‘urope ‘Uey} Uvelo

PUB ezFOs 09 TojVVM

UL soqj0[0 proux,

‘alos

-009 ‘UI[BO “JoAoT oY vUL

eo PE SD

bee

*[O0J B oq

"quote]

‘(Arse 9q 07 40wW)

"47904 OF YALA ToUso

unoha

5 . wo A ~ se |

“DipZUbu jolie Ewe ‘wnags,zunrU BBD Be

| |

a - Ne . ~ Ne

UnvhsgZUowU bik Be UNLgZUoUL Ep |

wunphanunu je | tele ‘unanunuU bBle

unDnYy STU Ie \ey ‘unysnU ofa

anvhynow bie

unohlunw bipep ‘unpuUubum Baw |

unvh.uoyjou bikie ‘UNLOY{OUL Yl 2b |

unolia

Dl SVD UL Te}tel> ble “UNAOLy S70 W 1eBln Be

unol Cwou bie ‘unbaiw Se

;

annliyja.g bites

UnDdYs7249 elie) “unysinfiag eer

unnlisd..q ie{iels ‘undb4g ietkts

b ADiyzUOU b> Be

- &e

lp ZUDul Eb

Jerphih |e ADUDW bee

beh YyzOUW ae

Dies | InUL De

sei eRe Sb) pivw BP

Bb bbb IP mb eh yin 2iph

dedi ies ADL SFDUL bI>b .

bbl banw Se

bbe ee yiaig Bis

sebenyh S99 Bis)

b 9049 Inks

J. 1. 47

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

362

me dete) fa)

eyvm ‘modn yuoyur oq

("40%) eyquan.to

"OFFI

"ya.0L0F 07 OSNvO

"JOGLOTy.

‘oodmvys ‘quay.

‘gjduaid 0 10g, % qna

‘yngygera ATpavaur oq

‘r0y4

-950} urlof ‘ezrun ‘erp

‘(quir] & yO) deojsv oq »

‘POMVYS oq »,

‘uinyo

~ NJ . ce

unozpul jo) tele ‘unzou joke)

unoh.uoyou biel» ‘Unsoynul Lab

anoha

-DbpS DU bely be naAddpSO Uw LB pal

UnvDhtpSBUW Jolin ‘UnspSHUL jd!

D jolie D baa

= 4 a

anohyouw » ‘SnyIoU 2h

yonw lias ‘you

= ~ #

unohlow » SUnjoW oR

ow eet “wn !

unvhavpsmwm ‘wnaop.sow BBD»

WMDsiLDW PILE

‘ b} Plee

anphow blebt ‘(oqran

‘unuput) ‘oip ‘npnu ( iebb bhlke ) Sh

anvhyowpw bUaBR

annhyoopunus bb) feeb

- & oO ~ fH

UNnDZUDW beh “UN PUDU bse

]

“ONINVOT HSITONG

‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq

b Pais Jblb> mp

n> ‘xine

nD 1b}

‘Leis hb) RAIDS

ep ale

Bieeb

‘ONINVGP LIYMSNVS

ZpU) bo)

MY DU 1B be

Wd pS DU blyhle

dpSOUL +h

Svw be

q0UW RB

Mp p.louU bi>b

sJu0w be

ADU >

qouUrnu RHE

YIVPUDUW Bro

PUD Yoke

‘LOOW

363

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896. ]

AKG OG

"MOA 8 039]dUI00

“OTD

‘asoposip ‘(40") uedo,

‘9A0GB PUBAAAO ULBMOL

“posvolad ody

‘OFTP

*aq1Un ‘xXIty

TIP Lx

‘SSofuod “QIuIpey

*peouy ‘(40u) opoututy

"OM ‘S[RJeT WeoTO

“BSOFMOO OF OSNVO

“AremqvooA 8,ol[suT” “Aq UL punog y

anphjowu b\ be

~ ~

unvhyonw Je | ‘unyonw Jax fs

unolia

-D.0SGnuUL bled bB ‘unaowsinw BB BB

unvhovsinw bie B “UnsosynU beB

AanvDsqzowW bl bbe ‘| JOU bee | 6 SGOUW bbe

anphypyout je \teYebe

unpha

“DUD 2 Ue Je | tel eo} “UNAOWOIVU bELPeRH)

unvhanjirw I Bb) ‘wnandjuw BER

[vu Je) tee Bo Li Bl b}

unoh.vou Teltele ‘wnvow Job le

&. LE

unown Jeliele ‘wud Welle

~ —~ #\

unohfpw bel bele “unpow josie

unoh Up ww ie} bale ‘wnlow jeloiy

unolia

“Diy WouUn ie{tel dil ‘unaglypu WBi> ele

¥lnlee

fh>b|

2SteRs

bbb Dik

WN) b>

JOU 2be

yoni, wi

ADLUSINW bib B

WOSINU 2B.B

57oUw bbe

104.91 Bebe

ADUDIIW bile B1)

AD]2UW be)

UL dle

wow jel

pow sie

Cow ole

AWD.bpUDul bidlelt

e & b& b& &

-Ajaodordut 4%90

[No. 4,

*[R048

‘SUIqy

~ jo ood we of990S

‘(o1t) punod

"JOOMS OYVUL »

“QOOMS OQ

1074Tp

“‘Surposead yo ywsneo

eos ‘poyyap “gunq oq

0991p

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaemiri Verbs.

*(Sarqroq Aq)

YOY oyVul “yey ox/Bur

“ONINVAT, HSITONG

364

UNDSNUW

2 eB 10 wnvhsnrw bab ‘unsniw jh

. - . -~ #0

wnohsnu Jota Suns jo

unnhanjow je\tebbs ‘unadjoue Bebe

~ e ~ &

UnDUNW AREA ‘Ununw joie fr

unoha

~DiinpQu We\tel>Sabe “Unao4npous bBI>S be

anvhippow bite bbe

unpha

“Diinptous W\telysnbe “1004, puow eB losnbe-

UNDAdppPuouw lel eenbe ‘unippuow je»snbe

anphpuow b\tsne

unnha

“DinjQu je\telyabe ‘wna0tojouw wEIyebe

UnDhinjou kikpbe ‘UWNtpjOW Jow»pee

aa l

“ISTUOY GNV LSVq -

Mh Hehe fe

inal

Th) Wb) feBe 2} D¥

Jee hel

bbe

behDRB

> tblen'B

gene’

‘o

Db) AR

‘ONINVEYY LIYISNVG

snw BB

sn be

00101 bebe

Uni wh

ODLypOW bi>Sbe

uppouw >be

ADL,puouw bl>snbe

ipptQu dbs

puow Snbe

WiyjQW bi» pbe

lpi de ba

‘LOOW

365

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

‘poumvo. oq,

*qOOUL »

O.INSVOU »

"JOOMS 04 x

‘ya ‘(om ‘sved) jjoys

‘TLIO

®@ 0% yoofqns oem

‘mV B 07 yoolqus oq

‘044TP

TEAS

“aATADOp

‘0941p

‘uodo

“AIe|UGRoOA §,Sl[SMIH ‘Iq UI punoy »

anvhsou bl ele

E Ake

annhilaw bl pe ‘nh mke

S |

ete F ~ av

unowaw je) iste ‘wnwn hue ieleke

anpliyjaus b\ Poe

unvhinu el ee ‘Unwie joke

unohansgnr Jo| tele Ye ‘unaounw Ble ke

~ ~ &.

unnhegnur jo |e Be ‘UnLgnW Joe Ee

unvhany sh

-UnuL Je [tel mele UNADIDYSIUNU J2B\> m2 ¥e

unos

-pysjunw belek ‘Und y Spun lop beP

[unohiynu

AB] ‘unnhsnu bie b ‘unyniu Josh fs

unpoha

-DLDsnuU je {tel bp B ‘unaowwsnu wBI> a

unohiosnw bl Reb UnWOSnU wep

Bhi

beRORB

& hb bial} |e

in) telah Bele

bb [i>] |wRieee

Our die

jou Be

ual Woh

Yyjau De

unus »¥e

apunu bie Ye

Lym eee

WDADYTIUNUW byes Pe

LOY sUnus dieeke

ynw aR

apuosnil bi > Pfs

Wosniw >» BB

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigmiri Verbs.

366

“ORY y unvhon.e doje» “UnjD.e bad bok jut 2» | w&

unolia

‘0991p ~DlpY SDL Jollet > “UNAM DY SFDL Bly e> bh WilyY3]DL biyey | ww

‘topao oyoTduroo ur ynd UND py SOL Te}feie> UNb py SFDL boe> bP ibkep bY SDM 22> Np

‘qooqord » unvhyoos wife» ‘unyobs By hiki>> yoo ®> | we

‘ofp ‘(-408) Inojoo » unoliluns Wit» ‘unbads iB» LE> bins > | &

“OULAGOM < is

IOF PVoly} ours » unohah bike ‘ununhh js» PIP Rds p wah »e | we

"QULOO y. 0 bik Hel ie ah bey

elie pave) (eyo) unohsoh bl bite ‘unwoh Je»\ be Palcoys§ oh dlp | we

‘opeadod anvlifinh Bb) ratte {Bite dpf bik

‘oyvIp | wnvhansyoh ie\el>be ‘Wnd0tyioh BED BR b ansnzoh bipbee v3

‘aTqe oq unvhsy Dl ielteDhe “Unlegoh bobk quer Lng Dh 2bk Me

“(moey Ur : :

pesn Ayuo) ured aveq wiohansoru jo\te rly “wnan..ou JeB> le RAIS |p av.ouw b>ie | tb

-oNINVEY, HSITON ‘LSIUOW GNV LSVq ‘ONINVAP, LIUYSNVG ‘LOO’

367

7 Verbs.

acmir

G. A. Grierson—A List of K

1896.]

‘porreyoard oq

“(-qox) guepd

‘[quourey] | JJeseu0

SuMIOpe UO FU94UL oq

*Aj01008 odvose

“0991p

‘OS0[ »

"GSOT OO

‘aorl Jo T[nF oq

ST eae ec

“0741p

“ATC.

9ACT MOYS ‘posvotd oq

"31000

“£rV[NGVOOA S,SI[SWT ‘Iq Ul punoy x

anvhsjou biel ‘ST ul bS

wnnhans belted ‘unan., LB»

. ‘ - i

unphars o\te>) unanha BBR

DZUIL Wiley) ‘wnadzu.w bBE>

unohavzurt lek >) g By

unoh

-wsDUDd de|tel>b)> ‘unaowpans j2B\>b\>

unvhuwvavs kelebI> ‘UndDADL iebbl>

anphans Bb \ tel £001 “BD

anvhsnw b\ie>

anvhiqup. b\ ibe»

unwha

“punzp. Ie\tole> ‘unaguozwo. Bel»

unohanzuns bee > “UNaAanZUDns BED

anvhzwon rad =)

- i ~ 6

UnDU OL Wehbe» “Wnwt bee

D>b|@e

Lehi

bbHIp>P

Bikinie

ein

b iel> JPlis

Yel

Ml byl

anzurs bE»)

anwnavs bl>bl>

L004 »bi>

wou bi»

spt B>

quot ke»

AnUOZUDL bil wi>

anzup. b>

gun. E>

UDL o>»

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmivi Verbs.

368

"OS

‘OTQBIIMS OQ

OMB] oq

3 “45

‘ated aoyus ‘q{IM oq

‘OPISUL GUTIq

‘0.0

*qn0 TIOA OG

"poos oq

“MOT[OF ATZUO}sIS10d

‘punote oy} cuOTe dep

“£IGUB 9q y.

‘poddoqs oq

“‘puvys ‘doqs » |

“ONINVOT, HSITONG

unvhavjn) W\teleb ‘wnaojn) Blas

annz0) jp\iebs

unvhtun) iit ‘unblny bekp |

filo Te\hem ‘By te

anohitp) Vrs ] eh

unoliyoo) Je\hab ‘wnryyb bb >

UNDSpl Je Lb> ‘uns, wD>

anphittns pita >

anohyps bike>

andhpys bite»

Unpfiany ot We\tele> ‘wnady rt lB»

anvhyoon blll > ‘nYine 22

[anvhjou bi Pe) >] ‘annhoou bbe l> “aims 22

AnDzZOU bli ‘npns ta

“ESIUOWY GNV LSVq

PNclsicacy

pete th

b ®EwIA Ieisth SB

Behe lebe te

joe

leben

lbh] balb

bei 2e

bre lien te |

{en

teBble

ety

“ONINVAT LIMMSNVS

anjp) bia»

20) >

bin) SR

6p) eR

YP] Be

Spt 'B>

Upt Td

Jol D>

Pot =>

ADYnt bie»

S04 bi>

70 2i>»

200 [o>

‘LOOW

369

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.1

ee a

‘oyIun ‘4vVAa

“19[N9 “oovyd ‘oqeqiuty,

‘os—ud yvom wv oavy

“OUO] OATT y

"40904010

‘qSBOIG SOO 09 9904 y

"YJIOM oq

‘SCIP y

905 Duy y

‘outs dn pura ‘proy

‘ester “pying “puos

; ‘Ouv]q

SOE

‘404 Ul osn

‘qq.0y

‘Are|NqeVooA SSlSMIT “Iq UL punog »

unoltn) je\beime ‘unboy roan

anphaoyn) a) te Bs

. ee aY

anny 370) BelJB1B ‘yjsr] Babs

unvhanyny bea ‘wnaiyn] LEaR

anphhvy bi keps ‘hd) ats

unvhwny Jol hep “wnw) BBB

unohqn) je\kem ‘wngdy Bea

By nie een

wnnzd) iia ‘unpdy) bop

unohinyn) ie} elpe ‘UN.4090) je%\ Jom

unohangny } ‘unanyo) |

7D] ley ‘unadyo) BB pd

unohappo) We\elad ‘wiaopo, jeBi ss

unohitn) le\bee “unpa bab

heBhB

-h}@b>d 1k? bits

PASTA STENTS

‘ebuecken

bBlh Bie

ine

Inte ta

Rls

b hee

“DIE tLe) bd wel ba

“inijeejeiarr inh Rb

pekyte

Plalpp

DIAKB

lay

“

bv) lel

UDYD) bap

SD] BR

0b]0], PRE

fn) be

ULD) Wp

q?] BR

pe) Be

41090) »tpRr

0070) bpp

appv) bis

pv] SR

a eee

ee .

Bay ie le ie) le

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

370

“AUST OC x

‘posvatd oq

“SPOTL x

-reqse{d

*MOT[OA O3BUT

“MOTI 0G

‘poronbuoo oq

“‘4.11p UI LO qsup ot}

UI yuogY svIp 10 qua

“VOM OY

"OPLIM y.

"ysipod ‘ssoy[oF “YONOF x

‘g0Ue4SIP

B OF MOIG} “OMFS x

annfijo) iets

anblisr) bey

unohagy Ww) tele ‘wnavl bE

wnphar) jelrem) ‘unanli) racy

anolhia

~pippoliy Bel Sa unnolppoh) wEI>Sw

anvhiopay bie Se

anvhpay B {tote

unvhanyy) witeaby ‘unady)2) BBtay

annsqoh) b\ tbe

unohyor wimpy ‘unyy nip bbe

unvhan) rays ‘wn.o7) ool

unnhhy) Jel feel Be ‘unfion Tee

bala

BhikiPBBs

bab

Soo

prwlela

lbh Bel)

fun) tb {Pj jebaiele anne

b bBb plblis

10] BER

$1] BR}

anhy be

ay) ey

aniypohy b>

tppoh) >See

poh) SB

anyiy) bad}

Soh] BB

Y42] BR}

0] 21

Av) bid

‘ONINVOY HSITONG

“LSINOY GNV LSVq

“ONINVS TAL LIMUSNVG

‘LOOYW

371

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kadgmiri Verbs.

1896.]

"0941p

‘qUOlOyNS oq

‘qUeloyep au000q

“£IBVOM 2q »

‘duary

TBS NG

"O} LIM

‘aMOp yoouy ‘Lo13s9p

‘SNOIISep 9q

‘repuntd y,

‘Kavpngeo0 A Sosa “Iq Ul punoy y

annliyn) rarewss

anvlifin] Bh tebe

anvh..o) Bite

annso} blpLa “nS2) NS

=e ~ av

UNDYO) kolbel Be ‘217100120) Jobe

anohyo) jp) |B

unvhiyre) well ‘unyy nip eb

SNS) 4

unvhany lee ‘Unn) wre

anvhqny jhe

unolion) Teja ‘unjn) edb

"[eus oyvur | wnvhavsoyn7 e}tel vied ‘UNA0byY 2) BED

"(ood

19949q 8 499 04 Lopzo

UL 4say 4e Surya wv

1[98 04 o8nzo.rt 0g ‘a"2)

Touoysno' e yyim Avtd wnohila) e\rebs ‘uno ToATES

ebhle

bee

b Pbihb) >| aeb}

PNT)

(ay

hen

Dw|EB

Bibi sshs

Yo) BB

fin) RB

40] 21 Bs

50] BLS

bb\e bys 19] BES

U0) oie

40) Sele

412] BR

~~)

LY) 2B

ADL YN) bid

19] BES

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kaigmiri Verbs.

372

*(TOUTOM

jo) snzoyo Ur SUIS

‘ ¢

Aes ‘yeods y.

“doo »

‘OFUTP x

‘qno prords

‘0491p

-£anq

‘dn guys ‘dn ploF x

“U94SLOUL

*(quoUIn.t4sUL

worsnul B JO) PUNLOS x

‘ein JOO]

‘Suruodia ABlop

unvhavunm joltebb ‘wnadwnm Bee

u =

~ . . ~ &

unpnuna be) teb “YUnUunmM j2»b

% \

wnpzpa Ie\iob ‘wipvar ebb

unoha

-pLnyjON Ie\teldab ‘unaouyjnm BB) >lab

il ee ; Bean a

unohiwy pon blab UNLDYJON bab

unvlhiavdy pba bjtedSe ‘UNA0LypdM BBI>Db

Smeg

— unvhep pdb b\kap ‘Uunuppbar jos

opdm jel eae ppba boap

- . ~

unvhopm j2\rab ‘unjin bab

wnohanznar bel teinp ‘unabzva Blab

a eS

UNDZOM jo\tob “UNZ0N job

~ e ° ~ &

unnunyyna 'o\ te Br b ‘UnUbY YON jw\2Beb

anvhiunyr) bike abs

“ONINVET HSITONG

‘ISIUOW GNV ISVq

do} tels Bou) | >

inblt

jo>l>

<— =

DBs

bee)

inde 518

bBb1b

bet) Lhe

pile} h

“ONINVGY, LIMMSNVG

ADUDM blab

: WOM op

pvn Sb

apnlwyinn biytab

L0YJDN deb

ADLppvn bhab

Lp pom 2b

70M 2b

avznN biab

20M jab

UpyyonN bb

WOY py) I ap

“LOO.

6 96 6 te Siew

373

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirt Verbs.

1896.]

(om ‘sorp) AVAe OATIP

“OATIIV y.

‘aqrun

“qvayo

sOTAED

*( a) ¢

Hg) Bg)

AeMe IALIp “yno prazads

‘pus0

“Sop ‘MOP 9100 y

“ULB

*MOS

‘J[9SeUO SSoap *19A00 y.

‘es00yo

"qims “TFL

90158 “480 0} 4 Ody

‘OJOAep

*AIVTNGVOO A H,OISUIA ‘Iq UI punoyT »

unvhunm recat ‘unwuon Bib

ks et ers

anvopa bi blb “170M Y\b

unolionn je|blb ‘unjom bel

unvsjon bl ele “wnsqinm mWNS

£ | E 5

unoha

“DIDYDN j\elylab “unaoumyon BB>1Ab

unvhinyon biplab ‘UNLOYON je Rb

Sak z a

anny som b ‘'nYI0N Bb

(54700 Phebe ‘nt/) !

. ~ aue ~ &

wnohsom je tab “Unsom jab

= |

unvhavm jo feb ‘“unadm Bp

. ¢ 6 ~ 4

unohilon je \kob ‘unjbn 2p

! Bs :

unoli.wom Bikb “unsom bbe

anohhnm ble b finn fb

~ 0 -~ #

unnzunm lol Bb ‘unpumar lezeb

ind Le bP> | baie

bhi

bhikB

bEb

“=

Ddleh lbh} hl Pb}

DADbR

behib

Jo) Ite

bbe eh

DIBA

wnm Bib

70M Bib

AD.OYDM b1>1ab

LOYDM »l&b

SDM Bb

Sum hb

QvM bb

10 Bb

ADM db

hom kb

Puna 22 b

6 6 6 &

[ No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

374

aunnha

- se - “Ne

“O}FTP |-loW2d Jol tel> tele “WNL y UA BB piste

‘oqeaedos

*099Tp

‘9Aoud

"(om ‘TOOA\)

gno osvo3? ‘azvredes

‘oyu yy ‘opeadod y

‘oploep ‘aaprsuoo

a Rees

‘(arer jo)

I[ey ‘pusosep 07 osnvo

@ Mod *(quotANASUL

yeoisnur &@) MOG y

‘(0s ‘sor ) ABMB CALIP

‘ONINVO HSIIONG

unvh.tpuaa biiste “2m pUad bvicle

unoha

-Dly2blia belle ‘UNADIyZ0hA WEI» Le ke

Unvdhinzoha Ei Riste ‘UndpZDha jowlele

S| 1

unouny sz oha bicep ‘unubysjoha pb de

anvhsjanr [fete ‘nsqvha Ws

S \

Saces jae eset.

unoh.uoszua bel Bb) wnwosjia b®\ bb)

anohjvbra pYeeb)

. ~ fh

unvhfom We\belp “wnjom web

unohhom betel b “wnhoar bib

unolisom Bi bib “Yndon js>\b

iS Lt

“ISIMOY GNV LSVq

DD 'BRabRs

owe| puis

m>bb

bap

PBB}

Bite}

Bb pih2j2 mpl

b. bib ib | ls Leith

‘ONINVAT LIMNSNVG

AD.1y AA bly keke

load 2 kote

Wl ZONA bi >teke

bpzoha iste

Unyszoiia Ioreke

s7oha bie

05720 dbp)

qoboa wir)

707 Rib

fin tele

wpm yilb

‘LOO?

375

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

0991p

‘0941p

"1094808

‘I9pIoO FO NO os

“079TP

opvaded 03 esnvo

‘epearod

"OLOAOL ‘BALOS y

‘QS00T OYVU

“yovys ‘asooy, 9q

oWIP

"yey O/BUL

"GUE Ody

*AIVINGVOOA S,OI[SW[W “Iq UI punogy »

unoha

-plprvbha Jetel>ble ‘ynaospabha BEB lpbte

: -

unvhspaaa B\eble ‘unsparbha able

unovhaga W\ rete ‘wnabha Bie

anvhivyoha bie Ble

unnha

-plpdvha io|tel hte ‘unnoLpdoha BB ithe

unvhspdoha bh ehte ‘untpAbha jad phe

anphdaa bi tale

uoha jo\ Bre ‘unpubhia ed

unpzuoha jolts *wnp tezele

unoha

-Dippohia Jetted > Sle ‘wnaotppoha BBS

anvhippaa bi te-ole

unvha

Dany jdha ie{tel> Ble ‘UndLyYyjohia bBl> ple

unvhsnYyjaa bie ete ‘undpyjoha bpble

anohyjad bp \teke

ERB

DD ble

2b |Dlajin)

Rae

aphspavha bl>pke

bpvoha ble

avha phe

L0jpha > Rte

AWlypdbha bl phie

tpdbha hie

dvha hile

pubha Yoke

ansopvha bIp Sle

lppbdlia »Ste

awDlyyiwha bly Pie

lnyjoha ple

yivha 2tp |

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson— A List of Kaigmiri Verbs.

376

“‘quanq oq

‘(Sop & Jo) xarVq

‘4Q 9p GB LOAODI.T

["Ao]]TByS oq

“O}FIp

‘uMop opisdn uin4

‘poyooro exe

*"payoo1o oq

‘aseo

“sip wor ured eyns

‘posvetd oq

(‘a1nof &

JO) opey ‘pouma oq »

“ONINVOY HSITONG

[annlisjna b\eB) ‘annsjna b\ eB

unohiiynm Ves ‘unblanm BEB

unolia

-Dlphnm Je tel pie B ‘Unaot,bnm BB lpi

anvhunbhom biketebe

unoha

-D.010Y900 Yel te > Babe ‘Unaowny 9000 ToL» Bebe

unohsoyyoa bl kB be ‘unwDYy yon je>Erbe

3 ]

unoha

-D.bp 40M je lteld eb ‘UNA0LpYNM WB» BB

anvhisnynn Te\reweB

anvhiyon p\ppbe

anolisra jp\ te by

anohunsoha bile

beh RED

bok

ABD) bnze

bbeelba

Db Ripa

idle

lebi{ue

BikI@bdibl>

Bee ERK

Bue}

“LSIYOWY GNV LSVd

‘ONINVAY, LIIISNVG

sin bB

banm $B

Aplphnm birieB

wobom siebe |

ADLDYHYON bi\>B be

ADYYON PE» be

AWDLnyNN birieB

LpYNN YB

YON Spb

sea Rel

uvsvha »Ple

*LOOY

377

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmirz Verbs.

1896.]

‘OYVMV OPIA OG

‘099Tp

“mv9TO Odi

‘dn puvysy

"OSTI

*9AOUL

‘Xoa4sep

0} osneo

AD»

‘(op ‘odor @) 45147 y

‘[qaoa yuopuedeput

ue se pesn you] doy

"por oq

‘(sutads &

WOT 1o9VM se) reed

-de ‘oyeMe opIm oq

008 »

“£re[NqGvooA 8,O1[SW[T ‘IQ Ul punog »

| anvhpna bi eB ‘[ ,pna $5]

unoha

-D1DYIOM doje) abe ‘unaowy70M bB\>tabe

= ¢ J ~

unnhwoyiom bel Rieke ‘uniby 70 Weitabe

anny s]0M bles ‘n/jom labs

annhypjom b\apbe

unviavpnm b\pisB ‘unacpnm bBisB

anvhipnm bites

unvhyonm \e\eB ‘wnyina PB

annhynzom jp\ tris be

BREE

\eirbR

ebb |>

anvunm bls pbh|Wip> i Bis ibpielis

- =~ 9

unohyonm \teB ‘unyonm ieeB

bak

pum 2B

ADLDYI0M bidabe |

ADYIOM diabe | w

YI0M lake

1019 Bp

appnm bisB |

pnm SB

yinm 2B | &

40M 2bke

quz0m Bisbe

znm inp

yonm ®B | wb

al aG 49

[No, 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

378

‘OFUT

TIF 991 * (Seygopo) |

uo qnd = ¢-(:0%p

‘puyprvs v) SsuLtys unnhinm RB ‘unin eB

i S

OATIIV anvhhinan bi mB

“surd

= a

-doas qnoygtIA wo Os | - anphwom. 6 ,UW0M bbe

98 qnoyyt gat | feb bee

‘oSvaroUut anvhisnqom biebke ‘[»stiqoa Abe | |

‘poystuy oq | unvhingon eliebke ‘Tunubqom ibe |

‘ORls ox Bul unvhisoydom }e| ethbe unwbydom iebthbe

‘(4{uo sparq Jo) AB x

rae es A GY

anozndon b\lohbe ‘npodom >be

= a

anvhdnm b\imB ‘dum php

"Ut0q oq y

‘OpPIsuL UNG |

"ory oq anvhiynunod bik) bbe

‘SON, peq oavy anphwna bbe

“UOIZVAVdES UE MOTOS | anvhanpnn biRSB

‘ONINVOT HSITONG “ESTUOY AUNV LSVq

hevihe\ b>) beh

anuhydnar bith

‘ONINVGY, LIUISNVG

ile

Sine

bh Dab

Meaeyss

fiajik

jvir IBRIAb)

Juma

B1RIWEA

blelelb>

ebitlteb}

inn »B

finn kB

cana Hbe

SDQOM Bpbe

40QGOM dbke

lvydom > Yh be

ydnm we

gpdom jahke

dum bE

JDUUOM PB be

UnM BB

LOpnm »BB

‘LOOY

379

G. A. Grierson— A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“A£rB[NQeVoOA 8,OI[SM]H "IQ UI punog »

SE EN

‘deeays

8,ou0 UL FB, Ped »

“OABOM »

"OSA y.

"(a1g JO)

peysincunxe you oq

“0991p

‘aedo

‘qonut 3q

POUL Mle

‘Tadue ULOIF es

“UL0d OY} Jo) pea oq

‘eorofea

‘m10pe

‘1OAO Ssvd.

anphjom BU Le

unvhson bikib ‘UuninM je» b

. ~ A

wnnwom je) tele “UnUnm jeeb

unohanynn bLeaB ‘unabynn BAB

anvhynn ras

unofiapansnan biebeB ‘wnaoinsnm 2BI>BB

| unvhsosnm bike “Uunuosnn boa

anplisom bebe

anohusnn bitin

annhiynsom b\ tia be

unnhsvjon b\ewbke ‘unsbjom kB Pte

unvhynjom Wie Ppe ‘unjijom Li Bee

unohilunjom wi bbe ‘unbaijom LeBbs

7900 Ble

10M %\b

uoMm je\b

aDynm bxB

yn aB

anvsnMm bI>BB

WDsnM >» BB

SOM Bbe

usnm Deb

1050" Bipke

spjom ARES

1070 RR ke

banjo 2B be

[No, 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

380

‘oand oq

‘doo]s 07 0.0 ‘UMOP OTT »

*0V4Tp

‘poTva.cuoo oq,

[‘teyjous Jo snoyvol oq

"oyvarq

*pjoo oq

*IB9q

*poyornb oq

‘xts fq Ajdry

-[Nu ‘XIS 0JUI OprIAtp

"4qnop

0991p

[eo OAVYS

“ONINVEY HSITONGY

anvhyppos BiB.

“ i «

anvh(wods BiB ‘ablios Be

anphiyjitd b\tekey

anvhyjs biter)

anvhiuyhrds b\ pelea)

unvhisnd je\teid, ‘undo5 Jefe

anohyoynds jp\eeaie

f . : ‘ woe SA

unvhsvs je\tair “unsos dealt

anvhwos bi kein

unvhanu,bos de[teiie in “Uunaou, bos bE

unpfioas Je\baia ‘unynhs joBhe

unvha

- ~

“Dipt0M je\tel>blb ‘unao1,aom BED bl b

eee SS

unvhspvom isl ble ‘UNd;~NnN b®pb

“LSIYOY GNV LSVq

Deb |PPik

‘ONINVEPL LIYHSNVS

YPpos ke

bloods Ste

YI0S Died

Yyis Bins

aDnuybrs5 blisiein) ]

Jd tale

q0y0d WAR

$o3 bie

wos BR

anu,bos bitin

195 Sein

anleaom bl>b\b

#p20M dbp

*LOOY

381

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

“0771p

*(‘o2p ‘[Jam @) doop ox7et

"099Tp

“(om ‘squnyd)

19jVM do ‘a,yutads

"TJ10F Jos 07 orvdo.ad

‘oind oq

‘OSIOU B YAIA YULIp

‘doom

‘dn poyeos oq ‘po

-4S0.0Ip oq ‘o7v10dBAd y

“IIVdod

OTTED

*‘[nyI4Nveq oxvuU

“TOFINO, OF »

“Aie[NqGeooA SSIS ‘Iq Ul punoy y

unoha

“DlpUds Jol ldieR ‘un a01,Uds PED isp

oe Da b ~~]

Unvh.tpUds bibiss ‘UNL, UDS od leh

ial fz |

unvhavuvbos deel ‘unaounbos eB \ tole

unvhavbos } ‘unabbos |

D S$ blere ‘unadbos LB ie

anvhsoyyns biRER

anphs}015 o\fe\ke

UNDSINAS eink ‘ungnad oP

unvhonas Be bakes ‘unybus BBE

< 5 Ie

anohdnus b {take ‘AD45 his

= P =

unovhisas bie ip uninhs jodRe

unoha

~pingns Toft l>p Pr ‘Unaolaqnd eB >bYR

unohisyqnd lel eb Ys ‘unspqnd JedpPE

annhqns b\kets

ate {alleia

ADL WOS bleh

. “e

4owis disp

apuvnbos blisth

avhvs bith

ADYYDS YEP

57005 Bike

nis bk

DUS Woke

dps he

425 218

AptpQns bly b¥s

Loqnd »bYE

qnd bYS

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

382

“aTedar y.

‘mosiod v goour ‘moos

eq ‘a[qIsTA oUl0deEq y

‘LoTqutosse ] ‘foAeT oq y

‘oWTp

MAES

‘ayo, du109 oq

“(Comp “qurey

ULNIT J[OSoUO OF OOD

Oe |

eg oenei|

“Lpvor oq

‘doop oq

‘eqnoasied y. |

“DNINVEYL HSTIONG

unvlilyqauns poncN 33 ‘wnpoquups bpp

- ; Ql

anvhyrvUns: p\RBEP 7/0 U0S BrP

]

annus biker

nvuvdns bi ‘wba Php

anvundns ubdos

wods BYiehb ‘n i

anozvdns bilehb ‘podvs >be

eG Rte aN

anvzvdns bUsbR ‘ 2vdos l2hB

unvhup puns Jel bleh ‘unJopuns je>\>2P

unoha

“DDD WS We\tel>eeP “UnaowmpUDns WEL sh |

undhvpuns jel bP “Uniipups job mod

S |

as & ro eee

Und pZuUds bik BR “UNndpZuds b»ER

SS 1 |

anohwos reac:

unvhanjps Jo {tel p Pe ‘unaojvs BB\PR

“LSIUOY GNV LSVq

}

beka

Seen

ee hlitis

Rib

DNINVATAL LIYMSNVG

10QUW0S Bibb

YS DUUS BePePe

WDS BR

uvdps whe

podvs >be

zodvs joke

LO pups lh

ADLVPWHS bi» soP

LDPUDS eR

lpZUDs 2B a

wos br

Anjos bipe

LOOM

383:

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896,]

‘qJos euL0D0q

*INO]OD pot B OF OSUBTD

“4Y.OrVtys

eq ‘[nyJsssoons 02 x

*(107VM

eS Be eg

paey & 8B) 9Jos oyvUr

“099tp

‘QU. O1Ba48 OFVUL |

‘daoys 03 yndy. :

‘qyonoaq ATTenpeasd

Oq “Peqoa][00 oq *[99F y.

"400

-1od oxeur ‘qstjduo0008

"MAOIG 9d |

‘eanpue ‘a1veq |

‘TOq UIE WET

“AreNGeVoo A: 8,ST[SWM[ “Iq Ul punog x

anvhuuas bia

anuhsppuas bite pele

anpfipas (p\ Pe ke

unoha

“DupWas le\relrice Suna01Uas BE zis

anpha

“D.i,2bhs jo\telsie® ‘unaol,zbis BBi piss

unvhapas bi Rise ‘unapzdhs Wor joe

unnohans bela ‘unaos JeB\P

undhis je\beit ‘wnos jh

& ib

uUnDzDsS jejiolp ‘unpos jeS\B

anvhwobps b\ kit

~y \~

wnolidps je\bee “uny ds bap

unvhavs bikb ‘un dps ys

bebieitlbib

zhi {bole

:\elobA|belSB}

ne ket

brits

©“ :

high lelieléleb eee LB

{ee

oie}

BAR

wuuohs BR

Lppubhs pS)

pohs de

QD.1pW9S bl dbo

we ‘

Wlyzblis biviale

dpzdhs disk

QDS kip

ps YIP

pps dlp

wnbps DleLB

yvos AR

10S »B

[No. 4,

G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

384

*(poysmsury

-xo oq) ‘posvodde oq anhjos bb) WB bee 108 DB»

"(op ‘ory 2) ee unnha we

ystnouryxe ‘esveddy |-n1pSFos ie[el> ‘UNA0Ly SFOS LERBB pane ADL S408 bD BE

unoha

‘0791p -Dipbo-ts e[teliee ‘unaosybous WB bh ADL bO4S biviee

"mo

-dvoyo ‘aorad avez xg | unviaviybos Jo kel biel ‘UN20L_608 eB dirb i) b| PB avinbos bi vie

‘0791p anvhibous bib b ous Wie

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G. A. Grierson—A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

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389

G. A. Grierson —A List of Kagmiri Verbs.

1896.]

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INDEX

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vou. LXV, Parr I, Nos. 1-4; 1896.

A atd-din, eldest son of Jahandar

Shah, 165.

‘Abdu-l-lah Khan Sayyid Miyan,

Barhah Sayyid, 176; 179 ff.

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, sketch of his

career, 164.

Abu Bakr Shah, coins of, 215, 216.

Aina-i-Haqq-nwmé, 111.

Akbar, his attention drawn towards

Christianity in 1576, 47.

, firman of —, sent to the Fathers

at Goa, 48.

————., presented by Jesuit Missionaries

with a Bible and Catholic pictures,

50.

——, his attitude towards Christian-

ity, 52.

——, sends an embassy to Goa in

April 1582, 54.

, grants jirman of leave for Padré

Rodolfi, 59. [60.

—, grants parwana to Leo Grimon,

—, letter of —, to the Fathers at

Goa, 61.

—, holds festival of Holy Assump-

tion, 62.

———, keeps Christian images which

he lends to the Jesuits at his court,

66, 68.

, his new religion, 70.

— —.,, expedition to the Deccan, 87 ff.

, writes to the Portuguese for

guns and ammunition, 83.

——-—, his death on 15th October 1605,

106 ff.

*Ala’u-d-din Khwarizm Shah, coins of,

216.

*Ala’u-d-din Mas‘ud Shah, coins of, 215,

Allalanathagarman, n. pr. of a Sévait,

mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 256,

271.

Amnai, n. pr. of a tamrakara, mentioned

in Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Anandapura, an ancient name of Nagara,

132,

Anangabhima I., younger brother of

Rajaraja II., mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 246, 265.

Anangabhima II., son of Rajaraja III.,

mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 248,

266.

Anantavarman, mentioned in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 237, 258.

Aniyaykabhima, see Anaygabhima I.

Aquaviva, Rodolfi, Jesuit Missionary,

sent to Akbar’s court, 39, 49.

attitude of—, to-

wards Islam, 51.

—-———_, letter by—, to the

Jesuit General, 55.

—_____—___—_., remains alone at

Akbar’s court, 56.

—___——_——-,, obtains temporary

leave from Akbar in 1588, 59.

———-, murdered in Salsette,

59.

Athapaga, n. pr. of a village mentioned

in Madanapada Plates, 7, 138.

‘A7imu-sh-shan, second son of Bahadur

Shah, 137 ff.

, ascends the throne after

Bahadur Shah’s death, 143 ff.

, his defeat and death,

148 ff.

‘Aziz Koka, grand chamberlain at

Akbar’s court, 86 ff.

Baxatiyar Khilji, conquest of Bengal

by, 27 ff.

Ballalaséna, mentioned in Madanapada

Plates, 7 ff.

——, became King in 1119 A.D.,

25 ff.

Barhah, Sayyids of, 174 ff.

-, etymology of the word, 175.

Bhanudéva, son of Narasimha I, men-

tioned in Kéndrapada plates, 251,

268.

392

Bhaumadévalipi, in Lalitayistara, mean-

ing of the word, 127.

Bhimadévacarman, n. pr.of a Brahmin

in Kéndrapada Plates, 254, 270.

Bhimanarayanapura, n. pr. of a place in

Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270.

Buddha, place of his birth and death,

as recorded in a Tibetan guide-book,

275 ff.

Capral, Antony, Portuguese embassy

under him, arrives at Akbar’s Court,

48.

Cabral, Father Francisco, 105.

Caddy, A. E., article by —, on two

unrecorded sculptures in the Ananta

Cave, Khandagiri, 272 ff.

Camatkarapura, another name for Na-

gara, 122.

Christian Art, at Akbar’s Court, 74; see

also Akbar.

Civapurana, quoted in Madanapada plates,

7, 13.

Codaganga, mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 239, 260.

Coins of Abu Bakr Shah, 215, 216.

—— _ ‘Ala’u-d-din Khwarizm Shah,

216.

‘Ala’u-d-din Mas‘id Shah, 215,

Firds Shah, 215, 216, 217.

Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, 217.

Ghiyasu-d-din Tughlaq I., 218.

Ibrahim Sari, 214, 215.

Jahandar Shah, 207 ff

—_4— Kashmir Meharajas and Snul-

tans, 288 ff.

Lal Kumwar, 168.

Mahmid Shah of Malwa, 215,

Mughal Emperors, 220 ff.

Muhammad Shah of Malwa,

215.

—— Muhammad Suri, 216.

Nasiru-d-din Khusrau Shah,

216.

Nasiru-d-din Mahmud; Shah,

218.

Nasirn-d-din Qarlugh, 217.

Nasrat Shah (Delhi), 217.

Nimroz, 226 ff.

Raziah Bégam, 218.

Shamsu-d-din Altamsh, 217,

218.

Shér Shah Shari, 214.

supplementary; to Thomas’s

Chronicles, 218 ff.

Corsi, Father, a Jesnit Missionary to

Akbar’s court, 82, 96.

Index.

iD) name of Prince Danyal, 50.

Danasagara, quotation from, referring to

history of Séna Kings of Bengal, 20,

Dastan-i-Masih, 87, 110.

Dastan-i-San Pedro, 111.

Danyal, Prince, 50.

Déra, n. pr. of a visayain Kéndrapada

Plates, 255, 270,

Dhittu-Vellali, n. pr.

in Kéndrapada

Plates, 256, 271.

| thirties of a place in Kén-

_ drapada Plates, 255, 270.

Hdu-micra, kdrika by, quoted, 22, 24.

Bicins in Kashmir, 72.

Farrukh-siyar, Muhammad, early history

of, 171 ff.

, leaves Patna for Allaha-

bad, 181 ff.

, arrives at the Jumnah,

194 ff.

Firdz Shah, coins of, 215, 216, 217.

Crarbhaevaradévacarman, n. pr. of a

Brahmin in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14,

Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, coins of, 217.

Ghiyasu-d-din Tughlagq I. coins of, 218.

Ghodapala, name of a village in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Goes, Benedict de, Jesuit Missionary to

Akbar’s court, 64.

——., accompanies Akbar to Kashmir,

Grierson, G. A., articles by, on

Irregular Causal Verbs in the Indo-

Aryan Vernaculars, | ff.

—, onthe Kagmiri Vowel Sys-

tem, 280 ff.

———---, on a List of Kagmiri Verbs,

306 ff.

Grimon, Leo, a Greek Sub-deacon, sent

by Akbar to Goa with letters for the

Viceroy and Fathers, 60 ff.

Guerreiro, Fernam, S. J., account by, of

Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 45 ff ;

83 ff.

Guzman, Louis de, S.J., account by, of

Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 40 ff..

lB lantanicnactnale, kariké by, quoted

20 ff.

Hiatakécvara Temple, in Grigundi, Ah-

madnagar, 117 if.

Index.

Hay, John, a Scotch Jesuit, account

by, of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court,

44.

Henriquez, Francis, a Persian convert,

sent to Akbar’s court, 49.

———, withdraws to Goa,

54.

Hindi daurnd@, derivation of, and of its

equivalents in other Vernaculars, 4 ff.

Hindustani, early use of the word to

denote the Vernacular, 58, 72, 96.

Husain ‘Ali Khan, a Barhah Sayyid, 176,

178 ff.

Wan Sarin coin 'or 214, 315:

Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, formation of

Causal Verbs in, 1 ff.

Irvine, W.., article by —, on the later

Mughals (1707-18038), 186 ff.

letandar Shah, eldest son of Bahadur

Shah, 137 ff.

———,, history of his reign, 160 ff.

Jahan Shah, 138 ff.

, death of, 154 ff.

Jarric, Pierre du, 8. J., account by —,

of Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s Court,

45ff., 83ff.

Jesuit Missions to Akbar’s court, 38 ff.

, first mission, 47 ff.

» second mission, 60 ff.

, third mission, 64 ff.

, their result, 106.

Jhadakhanda, mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 256, 271.

ni Vowel system of, 280 ff.

———, List of Verbs in, 306 ff.

Kaild, name of a village in Kéndrapada

Plates, 256, 270.

Kamarnava I., mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 238, 259.

Kamarnava II., son of Cédaganga by

KasturikamGdini, mentioned in Kén-

drapada Plates, 241, 262.

Kantapadihatta, name of a village iu

Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Kapilavastu, site of, 276 ff.

Kashmir, Xavier’s account of, 72.

, coins from, 223 ff.

Kégavaséna, ruled over Gauda, 31.

, lived under the protection

of a King, 25, 31.

Khandagiri, Ananta cave, sculptures in,

272 ff.

Khandasahi, name of a village, in Kén-

drapada Plates, 255, 270.

393.

Komati Manku, n. pr. of a Grésthin, in

Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Konarak, Black Pagoda at, erected by

Narasimha I., 234, 251, 267.

Kopivisnu, n. pr. of Sandhivigrahika of

Vigvarupaséna, in Madanapada Plates,

8, 15.

Kusinara, site of, 279.

1 Dratehanenntee, last Hindu king of Ben-

gal according to Muhammadan histori-

ans, 19, ff., 27 ff.

Laksmanaséna, mentioned in Madana-

pada Plates, 7 ff.

, origin of his Era, 25 ff.

, reigned from 1170-1198,

27.

Lalitavistara, passage on different kinds

of lipi quoted, 125.

Lal Kumwar, favourite wife of Jahandar

Shah, 166 ff.

Leoton, Edward, 8. J., Missionary to

Akbar’s court, 39, 63.

Machado, Antony, S. J., Missionary to

Akhar’s court, 83.

Maclagan, Gen. R., and E.D.,

article by —, on the Jesuit Missions

to Emperor Akbar, 88 ff.

Madai, n. pr. of a Kamsyakara, in

Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Madhavaséna, was Governor of Radha,

31.

Mahadéva Velali, n. pr. of a tambalika, in

Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Mahmud Shah of Malwa, coins of, 215

218.

Malopura, name of a place, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Mihryan, Persian feast of the Autumnal

equinox, celebrated at Akbar’s court,

57.

Mildenall, John, English ambassador to

Akbar’s court, 98 ff.

Mirdtu-l-quds, another name for Dastan-

a- Masih, q. v.

Mirza ‘Abdu-r-rahim, 104 ff.

Mirza Hakim, Akbar’s brother, origin of

his revolt, 53.

Monserrat, Antonio, Jesuit Missionary

to Akbar’s court, 49.

, instructs Prince

Murad, 50.

—

, leaves Fathpuir for

Agra, 54.

Mughal Emperors, history of later —,

from 1707 to 1808, 136 ff.

—-——., coins of 220 ff.

394

Muhammad Karim, eldest son of ‘Azimu-

sh-shan, death of, 165.

Muhammad Shah of Malwa, coins of,

215.

Muhammad Suri, coins of, 216.

Mun‘im Khan, Bahadur Shah’s Vazir,

187 ff.

Murad, Prince, later Sultan, Akbar’s son,

instructed by Jesuits, 40, 50.

, meets the third Jesuit Mission

to Akbar’s court at Cambay, 65.

Naa, n. pr. of a td@mrakéra in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 265, 271.

Nagara, name of various places or coun-

tries in India, 116.

Nagara, name of a tribe near Kabul,

dee

, mame of certain Brahming in

Ahmadnagar, Gujarat, 117.

Nagarakhanda, of Skandapurana, quota-

tion from, 119.

Nagari alphabet, origin of, 114 ff.

Nandisi#tra, quotation from, referring to

various kinds of lipi, 127.

Narasimha I., son of Anangabhima II.,

mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 250,

267.

Narasimha II. of Orissa, Kéndrapada

plates of, 229 ff.

Nasiru-d-din Khusrau Shah, coins of,

216. [218.

Nasiru-d-din Mahmud Shah, coins of

Nasiru-d-din Qarlugh, coins of, 217.

Nasrat Shah (Dehli), coins of, 217.

Nauja or Noja, name of Séna King of

Bengal according to Muhammadan

historians, 31 ff.

Nigliva Edict of Asoka, its bearing on

the identification of lost site of Kapi-

lavastu, 275 ff.

Nimréz, coins from, 226 ff.

Nori, n. pr. of Qrésthin, in Kéndrapada

Plates, 256, 271.

P adré Farmaliin, Persian name of

Jesuit Missionary to Akbar’s court, 42.

Padré Radalf, Persian for Rodolfi Aqua-

viva, 42.

Pahari, name of Prince Murad, 50.

Paracaradévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah-

man in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14.

Paundravardhana, name ofa bhukti in

Madanapada Plates, 7, 13.

Perreira, Julian, a priest, summoned by

Akbar to his court, 47 ff.

Peres. Dominic, interpreter to Akbar’s

first mission to Goa, 48, 56, 57.

Index.

Peruschi, John Baptist, 8S. J., account

by, of Jesuit Mission to Akbar’s court,

43 ff.

Phaigugrama, name of a village in Ma-

-danapada Plates, 7, 12.

Pimenta, Father, Provincial at Goa, his

reports, 79, 81.

Pinheiro, Father, Jesuit Missionary to

Akbar’s court, 64.

Pifijokasthi, name of a village in Mada-

napada Plates, 7, 8, 13.

Plague, in Agra (1597), 71.

Prajiapanasitra (4th Updanga of Jainas),

quotation from, on 18 sorts of livi,

126.

Prakrtacandrika, quotation from, on dif-

ferent Prakrit languages, 116.

Purai, n. pr. of a Qrésthin, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 256, 271.

Purus6ttamapura, name of a place, in

Kéndrapada Plates, 256, 271.

Qui Khan, Vicercy of Lahore, his

cruelties against Christians, 98 ff.

Riatitassh shan) third eeonliee ene

Shah, 137 ff.

———, defeat and death of,

158 ff.

Raghava, son of Codaganga by Indira,

mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 243,

263.

Rajaraja I., mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 239, 259.

Rajaraja II., son of Oddaganga by

Candralékha, mentioned in Kéndra-=

pada, Plates, 245, 264.

Rajaraja III., son of Anangabhima I.,

mentioned in Kéndrapada Plates, 247,

265.

Raziah Bégam, coin of, 218.

Remuna, name of a place, in Kéndrapada

Plates, 254, 278.

Rodgers, Chas. J., articles by, on

supplement to Thomas’s Chronicles of

the Pathan Kings of Delhi, No. VI,

213 ff.

coins, 220 ff.

» on rare. Mughal

» on rare Kashmir

coins, 223 ff.

——> > On coins from

Nimroz, 226 ff.

Roe, Sir Thomas, on Jesuit Missions to

Akbar, 106 ff.

Index.

See Bengal king, mentioned by

Muhammadan historians, 31.

Sahasapura, name of a place, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Sa‘id Khan, 104 ff.

Salim, Prince, 50 ff.

, his attitude towards Jesuits, 66 ff.

Samavayasiutra, (4th Anga of Jainas), quo-

tation from, on 18 kinds of livi, 126.

Sayyids of Barhah, account of, 174 ff.

Séna kings of Bengal, chronology of,

16 ff.

, not Vaidyas by caste, but Kaya-

sthas or Ksatriyas of the Lunar Race,

36 ff.

Shaikhji, name of Prince Salim, 50.

Shamsn-d-din Altamsh, coins of, 217,

218.

Shér Shah Siri, coins of, 214.

Sousa, Francisco de, account by, of Je-

suit Missions to Akbar’s court, 46.

Sunaila, name of a village in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Surathdtsava, quoted, 138.

Surya, represented among the sculptures

in the Ananta Cave (Orissa), in Gaya,

and in Gandhara, 274.

Svanga, name of a visaya, in Kéndrapada

Plates, 255, 270.

Talangagrama, name of a village, in

Kéndrapada Plates, 255, 270.

Tavares, Peter, Portuguese subordinate

in Akbar’s time, 47.

Tughril Khan, his wars with Jajnagar,

233 ff.

Ueaaa, name of a village, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 256, 271.

Uiicokatthi, name of village, in Madana-

pada Plates, 7, 13.

WVoajrahasta, mentioned in Kéndrapada

Plates, 238, 259.

Vanamialidévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah-

min, in Madanapada Plates, 8 14.

Vanga, mentioned in Madanapada

Plates, 7, 13.

Varayipada, name of a village, in Mada-

napada Plates, 7, 13.

395

Vasu, Nagéndranatha, articles by,

on a Copper-plate grant of Vigvaru-

pasénadéva, 6 ff.

» on the

chronology of the Séna Kings of Ben-

gal, 16 ff.

a) OTL the

origin of the Nagaras and the Nagari

alphabet, 114 ff.

On a

Copper-plate Inscription of Narasimha-

déva II. of Orissa, 229 ff.

Vechiete, Florentine Jo%o Battista, 95 ff,

Védiapada, name of a village, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Védapura, name of a place, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 256, 272.

Vega, Christopher di, Jesuit Missionary

to Akbar’s court, 638.

Vibhutipada, name of a place, in Kéndra-

pada Plates, 255, 270.

Vigvarupadévacarman, n. pr. of a Brah-

min, in Madanapada Plates, 8, 14.

Vicvarupasénadéva, king of Bengal,

Copper-plate of, from Madanapada,

6 ff.

, ruled in Hastern

Bengal, 31.

Vijayaséna, mentioned in Madanapada

Plates, 7 ff.

Virakatthi, name of a village, in Mada-

napada Plates, 7, 13.

Virgin Mary, picture of, presented to

Akbar, 50.

Vikramapura, name of a place, in Mada-

napada Plates, 7, 13.

W addell, L. A., article by, on a

Tibetan Guide-book to the lost sites

of Buddha’s birth and death, 275 ff.

er Jerome, S. J., sent to Akbar’s

court, 39, 64.

==, accompanies

Akbar to Kashmir, in 1597, 71.

, author of Azna-i-

Haqq-numa, and other Christian tracts

in Persian, 111 ff.

, compiles the

Dastén-i-Masih, q. v.

Aiv-l-figay Khan, 139 ft.

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