CONTENTS.

= BS

No. I.

(Published 11th July, 1867.)

The Initial Coinage of Bengal.—By Epwarp Tuomas, Hsq.,...

Notes on the Jumma Masjid of Htawah.—By C. Horne, Esq,

OPS eee ahaa alate se scirue ta aio« eininiaslaietieu's Gale vuidide'ssind

Translation of an Inscription copied in the temple of Nakhon

Vat, or the City of Monasteries, near the capital of ancient

KMambodia._by Dm. A. BASTIAN, ...ccccscpeaccasccccessseecass

Menage EMUCIING CHIE) sie vesesss sce eini ee sictccedecvssivescocsetocsnsvers

No. II.

(Published 1st November, 1867.)

Notes on Sirajuddauléh and the town of Murshidaébad, taken

from a Persian Manuscript of the Térikh-i-Manetri.—

yale DOCHMANNE! DSO MAN als tc esices coangnoamtaness

Notes on Buddhist Remains near Mynpoorie-—By C. Horns,

Msp OVID 5 concn ase cesse cee Gee baad rete en ae lenpincntins

Notes on the Carvings on the Buddhist Rail-posts at Buddha

Gayé.—By C. Hornn, Esq., B.C. S., Bey

The Pegu Pagoda.—By Capt. H. A. Dalene! ee Gorn

missioner of Rangoon, .........

The Antiquities of Bagerhat. a Pate eon iByelen.

Depnty Magistrate and Deputy Collector of Maunbhoom,

On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets in Roman Charac-

ter.— By F. S. Growss, Hisq., M. A. Oxon., B.C. 5S.,......

Page

105

107

109

136

iv Contents.

Nosett:

(Published 1st May, 1868.)

On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani.—No. 2, By

Jee bEAwns. Hisqe asC. Smeeeeeeee aces sg Vad cdesaren sec eee

Remarks on some ancient Hindu Ruins in the Garhwal

Bhatur.—By Lieutenant Ayrton Puutay, Assistant Sur-

veyor) Great in onomietritcalns unyeyaesemansse ress eeeenee

Notes on ancient Remains in the Mainpuri District.—By

Cc Horne, Wsgey, 1b 30 iS sai eseees cat cceneeeo icaeeras hae

Literary Intelligence,........ccesse0+eee ademas sin caee senna tire see eee

LIST OF PLATES.

Yi Bengali Coinse,s.0,.45.8- delhi snsoracee eee mioateslee ses eee he daietict

eile Bengal Comms, 1. sacs sci neeicn eee, cotcepe eaeeece Seer

- IIL. Plan and Detail Drawings of Jenteal Masjid, Htawah, ...

/IV. Carvings on Buddhist Rail-posts,........ PA Seon asc5500000

yiVa Do.. do. do. Coeeeens whe eee

hes Do. do. do. GO. ce eitgoh ae coer eRe

VI. Views of Karimganj and Thakuraé mounds,......

WIT. Anpunt Carvings ci... «teu te den cccectceeeenir as ee eee eee

WILT. Nomairas@arvings, 605.82 .c ccc em coe ese te ee eee ee aes

XS Miunlatin Carvines.\ \eeescceeceen ences seceecee chee eeerree cela

“XX. Karauli Carvings, ..... See eer oh eee en a eaian eae Fada DApadoo

Page

145

JOURNAL

OF THE

Seo lA TG. SOC. LET Y:.

———

Part IL—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

Tos

The Initial Coinage of Bengal—By Eovwarp Tuomas, Esq.

[ Received December 5th, 1866. Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asia-

tic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. ii. p. I. N. S.]

Towards the end of August, 1863, an unusually large hoard of

coins, numbering in yall no less than 13,500 pieces of silver, was

found in the Protected State of Kooch Behar, in Northern Bengal,

the contents of which were consigned, in the ordinary payment

of revenue, to the Imperial Treasury in Calcutta. Advantage was

wisely sought to be taken of the possible archeological interest

of such a discovery, in selections directed to be made from the

general bulk to enrich the medal cabinets of the local Mint and the

Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The task of selection, and

with it of inevitably final rejection, was entrusted to Babu Rajendra

Lal Mitra—an experienced scholar in many branches of Sanskrit litera-

ture, and who, inthe absence of more practised Numismatists, cou-

rageously encountered the novel study and impromptu exposition of

Semitic Paleography as practically developed in his own native land

six centuries ago. The Babu, after having assidwously completed his

selections for the Government,* was considerate enough to devote

himself to renewed and more critical examinations of this mass of

coined metal, with a view to secure for Colonel C. S. Guthrie (late of

the Bengal Engineers), any examples of importance that might have

escaped his earlier investigations. The result has been that more

than a thousand additional specimens have been rescued from the

* J. A. S. Bengal, 1864, p. 480,

2 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. No, a,

Presidency Mint crucibles, and now contribute the leading materials

for the subjoined monograph.

An autumnal fall of a river bank, not far removed from the tradi-

tional capital of Kunteswar Radja, a king of mark in provincial

annals,* disclosed to modern eyes the hidden treasure of some credu-

lous mortal who, in olden time, entrusted his wealth to the keeping of

an alluvial soil, carefully stored and secured in brass vessels specially

constructed for the purpose, but destined to contribute undesignedly

to an alien inheritance, and a disentombment at a period much pos-

terior to that contemplated by its depositor. This accumulation, so

singular in its numerical amount, is not the less remarkable in the

details of its component elements—whether as regards the, so to. say,

newness and sharpness of outline of the majority of the pieces them-

selves, the peculiarly local character of the whole collection, or its

extremely limited range in point of time. It may be said to embrace

compactly the records of ten kings, ten mint cities, and to represent

107 years of the annals of the country. The date of its inhumation

may be fixed, almost with precision, towards the end of the eighth

century A. H., or the fourteenth century a.p. A very limited pro-

portion of the entire aggregation was contributed by external curren-

cies, and the imperial metropolis of Dehli alone intervenes to disturb

the purely indigenous issues, and that merely to the extent of Jess

than 150 out of the 13,500 otherwise unmixed produce of Bengal

Mints.t

The exclusively home characteristics of the great majority of the

collection are enlivened by the occasional intrusion of mementoes of

* Col. J. C. Haughton, to whom we are mainly indebted for the knowledge of this

trouvaille, has been so obliging as to furnish me with some interesting details

of the site of discovery and illustrations of the neighbouring localities.

Col. Haughton writes :— The place where the coin was found is about three

miles S. W. of Deenhatta, not far from the Temple of Kunteswaree (or Komit-

Eswaree) on the banks of the river Dhurla. Near to this temple is a place

called Gosain Moraee, a short distance from which are the ruins of Kuntesur

Raja’s capital, called Kunteswaree-Pat, consisting of a mound of considerable

extent, which has been surrounded with several ditches and walls, which are

again protected at the distance of a mile or two by enormous mounds of nearly

00 feet high. The brass vessels, in which the treasure was deposited, were

ordinary brass lotahs, to which the top or lip had not been fixed, but in lieu

thereof the vessels were covered by canister tops, secured by an iron spike

passing from side to side.”

+ I wish to explain the reservations I make in thus stating this total below

that given in Rajendra Lal’s list of 150 coins of seven Dehli kings (J. A. S. B.,

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 3

imperial re-assertions, and numismatic contributions from other inde-

pendent sources aid in the casual illustration of the varying political

conditions of the province, and of the relations maintained from time

to time between the too-independent governors of a distant principali-

ty and their liege suzerains at Dehli.

Muhammadan writers have incidentally preserved a-record of the

fact, that on the first entry of their armies into Bengal, they found an

exclusive cowrve or shell currency, assisted possibly by bullion in the

larger payments, but associated with no coined money of any descrip-

tion ;* a heritage of primitive barter, indeed, which survived undis-

September, 1864, p. 481). In-the first place, I greatly mistrust the reading of

the sixth king’s tithe. Muhammad bin Tughlak was called Fukhrud-din Jtinah

in his youth ‘only ; ; on his first mission to the Dakhin in 721 a.u., the higher

title of Ulugh Khdém was conferred upon him by his father, but from the date

of his accession to the throne of Hindustan, he contented himself with the use

of his simple name and patronymic; no longer the “ glory of the faith,” he

was the far more humble (yay J OAT atoll or the conventional

ald, aww cs 3 sal= =| (Zia-i-Barni., Calcutta edit., p. 196), both of which

were so persistently copied by the independent Bengal Sultans. Certainly no

such title as wrod a occurs on any of the specimens of the Kooch Bahdr

collection, that the Babu has selected for Col. Guthrie, with the exception of

those bearing the names of Fakr-ud-din Mubarak Shah.

The second question of the altogether improbable intrusion of coins of

Muhammad Adil Shah (“new type”) [ must meet in amore direct way, by

assigning the supposed examples of his money to the potentate from whose mints

they really came, that is, [khttdr-ud-din Gudzi SHiu (No. 7, infra), giving a

difference in the age of the two kings, as far as their epochs affect the probable

‘date of the concealment of this trouwvaille, of more than two centuries (753 a.n.

against 960 A.H.).¢ The Babu has himself discovered his early error of making,

Shams-ud-din Firtiz, one of the Dehlt Pathans (as reported in the local news-

papers), and transferred him, in the printed proceedings in the Asiatic Society

of Bengal, to an anomalous position at the end of the Bengal Pathans (p. 483),

while omitting to deduct him from the total number of ‘ “eight Dehli Pathans,”’

which reckoning has been allowed to-stand at p.480. Inthe matter of date,

we are not informed why this king should be assigned to a.p. 1491, instead of to

the trne 1320 a.p. which history claims for him,

* Minhaj-ul-Seraj, who was resident in Lakhnauti in 4H. 641, writes

enol yy Ute Cert? BaF ody whys 88 SaS 2 BS Ole

Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 149, Calcutta printed edition (1864). Ibn Batutah gives

an account of the collection of the: cowrie shells in:'the Maldive Islands, from

whence they were exported to Bengal in exchange for rice ; the. gradational

quantities and values are detailed as follows. Slavo = 100 cowries. J (s— 700:

@ The title of Mohammed bin Toghlak on the specimens in the Society’s

cabinet is 4) Ussw (9 oalse! | and the coin which was first taken for that

of Adil Shah has on it Ikhtiar uddin Ghazi Shah,—Hp.

4 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. Keies,

turbed in many of the out-lying districts up to the early part of the

present century. The consistent adherence of the people to this simple

medium of exchange, goes far to explain an enigma recently adverted

to* in my paper on the identity of Krananda as to the general ab-

sence of all specimens of money of high antiquity within certain limits

northward of the seaboard, and may serve to reconcile the anomaly of

conterminous nationalities appearing in such different degrees of

advancement when tried by similar isolated tests of local habitudes.

For the rest, the arms of Islam clearly brought with them into

Bengal what modern civilization deems a fiscal necessity—a scheme

of national coinage; and the present enquiry is concerned to determine

when and in what form the conquerors applied the theory and prac-

tice they themselves as yet but imperfectly realized.

When Muhammad bin Sam had so far consolidated his early suc-

cesses in India, into a design of permanent occupancy, leaving a

viceroy and generalissimo in Dehli, in the person of Kutb-ud-din

Ajibek, while his own court was still held at Ghazni, the scattered

subordinate commanders each sought to extend the frontiers of the

faith beyond the limits already acquired ; in pursuance of this accepted

mission, Muhammad Bakhtiar Khilji, Sipahsdlar in Oude, in a. #. 599,

pushed his forces southward, and expelled, with but little effort, the

ancient Hindu dynasty of Nuddeah, superseding that city as the

capital, and transferring the future metropolis of Bengal to the prox-

imate site of Lakhnauti, where he ruled undisturbed by higher

authority, till his own career was prematurely cut short in a. H. 602,

fs 9

eS =12,000. 54J—=100,000, four busts were estimated as worth one gold

dinar ; but the rate of exchange varied considerably, so that occasionally a

dindr would purchase as many as twelve busts, or twelve lakhs of cowries!

(French edit., iv., p. 121. Lee’s Translation, p. 178.) Sir Henry Elliot men-

tions that “ in India, in 1740, a rupee exchanged for 2,400 cowries; in 1756,

for 2,560 cowries; and (1845) as many as 6,500 could be obtained for a rupee.”

—Glossary of Indian Terms, p. 373. They were estimated in the currency

scheme of 1833 at 6,400 per rupee.—Prinsep’s U. T., p. 2. Major Rennell,

who was in Silhet in 1767-8, speaking of the cowrie money, remarks: “I

found no other currency of any kind in the country ; and upon an occasion,

when an increase in the revenue of the province was enforced, several boat loads

(not less than 50 tons each) were collected and sent down the Burrampooter to

Dacca.” As late as 1801 the revenues of the British district of Silhet “were

collected in cowries, which was also the general medium of all pecuniary trans-

actions, and a considerable expense was then incurred by Government in effect-

ing their conversion into bullion.”’—Hamilton’s Hindostan, London, 1820, i.

p- 195, * JR. A.S., vol.i, N.S., p. 473-4,

1867.] The Imitial Coinage of Bengal. 5

Considering the then existing time-honoured system of valuations by

shells,—which would certainly not invite a hasty issue of coin,—

Muhammad Bakhtiar’s acknowledged subordination to Kutb-ud-din,

who, so far as can be seen, uttered no money in his own name, it may

fairly be inferred that ifa single piece was produced, it formed a

part only of an occasional, or special, Medallic mintage constituting a

sort of numismatic Fatah-naémah, or assertion and declaration of

conquest and supremacy alone, and designedly avoiding any needless

interference with the fixed trade by adventitious monetary complica-

tions, which so unprogressive a race as the Hindus would naturally

be slow to appreciate.

Similar motives may be taken to have prevailed in the north, where

the least possible change was made in the established currency of the

country, extending, indeed, toa mere substitution of names in the

vernacular character on the coin, which was allowed to retain the

typical ‘‘ Bull and Horseman” device of Prithvi Raja and his prede-

cessors. The pieces themselves, designated from their place of mint-

age Dehli-walas,* were composed of a mixture of silver and copper in

intentionally graduated proportions, but of the one fixed weight of

thirty-two ratis, or the measure of the old Purdna of silver of Manu’s

day. Progressive modifications were effected in the types and legends

of these coins, but no systematic reconstruction of the circulating

media took place until the reign of Altamsh ; who, however, left the

existing currencies undisturbed, as the basis for the introduction of the

larger and more valuable and exclusively silver &49) popularly known

in after times as the Zankah,f a standard which may also be supposed

* The name is written cf} ws in Kutb-ud-din Aibek’s inscription on

the mosque at Dehli. (Prinsep’s Essays, i. 327). The Taj-ul-Madsir and

other native authorities give the word as J Jorloy, Hasan Nizami, the author

of the former work, mentions that Kubachah, ruler of Sind, sent his son with an

offering of 100 laks of Dehli-wals to Altamsh, andno less than 500 1aks of the

same description of coin were eventually found in Kubachah’s treasury, many of

which were probably struck in hig own mints. (See Ariana Antiqua, pl. xx.,

fiz.19; J.A.S.B., iv., pl. 37, figs. 28,29, 47; and Prinsep’s Essays, i., pl. xxvi.,

figs. 28, 29, 4/7.)

* Erskine derives this name from the Chagatai Turki word, tang, ‘‘ white.’”

* (History of India under Baber. London, 1854, vol. i. p. 546). Vullers gives a

tenuis, suff. x). Ibn Batutah carefully preserves the orthography as ats,

i pane Le é

different and clearly preferable derivation in &&33 (fort. ex. cS sg, CE

8. Sq and oR.

6 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

to have followed traditional weights in the contents assigned to it, as

the 96 rati-piece modern ideas would identify with the Zolah : or it

may possibly have been originated as a new 100 rati coin, a decimal

innovation on the primitive Hindu reckoning by fours, a point which

remains to be determined by the correct ascertainment of the normal

weight of the rati, which is still a debated question. My own results,

obtained from comparative Numismatic data of various ages, point to

1.75 grains,* while General Cunningham adheres to the higher

figures of 1.8229 grains.

* J. A. S. Bengal, 1865, p. 25, and Numismatic Chronicle. Vol iv., N. 8. p.

131, March, 1864.

+ General Cunningham’s deductions are founded on the following estimates :

—‘“T have been collecting materials for the same subject [Indian Weights] for

nearly tweuty years, and I have made many curious discoveries. Isee that Mr.

Thomas quotes Sir William Jones as fixing the weight of the Krishnala, or

Rati seed, at 1,3, grain ; Di Iam satisfied that thisis a simple misprint of

Jones’s manuscript for 1 #2 or 1°833 grain, which is as nearly as possible the

average weight of coape te of seats nea Ihave tested. The great unit of

“raed beavvell ara modern times is the taka of not less than 145 grains, of which six

make the chha-tdka, or chhatak, equal to 870 grains, or nearly two ounces; and

100 make the sataka, or ser, the derivation being sat-tdka, or 160 tdékas. For

convenience I have taken, in all my calculations, the rati seed at 1°8229 grain.

Then 80 ratis or 145°832 was the weight of the famgha of copper, and also ‘of the

golden swvarna, which multiplied by six gives 874.99 grains, or exactly two

ounces for the itpiuiie tdka or chhatak,’—J. A. S. Bengal, 1865, page 46.

Mr. N.S. Maskelyne, of the Mineral Department, = Seah Museum, who, some

timeago, entered into anelaborate series of comparisons of Oriental weights, with

a view to determine the identity of one of our most celebrated Indian diamonds,

has been so obliging as to draw up for me the following memorandum, exhibiting

the bearing of an entirely independent set of data upon the question under review,

the true weight of the Indian Rati. The yalue of this contribution in itself,

and the difficulty of doing g justice to it in an abstract, must plead my excuse for

printing it in extenso in this place :—

I shall confine my answer to your question about the rati to the estimate of it,

as derived from the Mishkal. The other channel of enquiry, that namely of

Hindoo metrology and numismatics, is too complicated, and so far as I have

been able to follow it, too unsatisfactory in its results, to justify my urging any

areuments derived from it, Indeed, the oscillations in the currencies, and our

knowing so few very fine coins of reigns before Shir Shah, of critical value, make

this branch of the subject almost wnapproachable to one who is not an Oriental

scholar. I would premise, however, that I do not believe very accurate results

are to be obtained solely from the weights of coins, except in the few cases where,

asin the coins of Akbar, or of Abd- el-Malek ben Mer wan, we have some literary

statements about them. Nor can you get any result from weighing carob beans

to determine the carat, or abrus seeds to determine the vati, I weighed, long

ago, hundreds of ratis, that Dr. Daubeny lent me, with an average of 1.694

troy grains. Sir William Jones found, I believe, one of 1.318, and Professor

Wilson, I think, another value again. They vary according to the soil and climate

they are grown in, and the time and atmosphere they have been kept in.

My investigation of the rati originated in a desire to determine whether the

diamond, now the Queen’s, was the same that Baber records as having been

given to Humayun at the taking of Agra, after the battle of Paniput, and which

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. i

However, these silver coins of Altamsh, let their primary static

ideal have been based upon.a duplication of the dirhams of Ghazni,

had once belonged to Ala-ed-din (Khilji). Ialso was led to suppose that the

diamond Tavernier saw at the Court of Aurungzebe was the same, and that he

had confounded it with one that Meer Jumla gave to Shah Jehan, and that had

been recently found at Golconda, 1 would here observe that Tavernier’s weights

can be very little trusted ; I can give you my reasons for this assertion, if you

wish for them,

Baber, in his memoirs, says the weight of Humayin’s diamond was about 8

mishkals, In his description of India, he gives the following ratios of the

weights in use there :—

8-ratis == 1 mashah,

SOR ra Ate = 1 Tang (Tank).

40 ,, = a = = = 1 mishkal.

OG. = 12 ss = = = 1 Tola.

Jewels and precious stones being estimated by the tang, Furthermore he states ~

14 tolas=1 sir, 40 sirs = 1 man etc. Thus, then, the 8 mishkals would be

320 ratis.

Tavernier says the diamond he saw weighed 3193 ratis, The Koh-i-Nir, in

1851 (and, I believe, in Baber’s day also), weighed 589.5 grains troy. The

theory that it was Ala-ed din’s diamond, would demand—

a mishkal (8) weight of 73.7 grains.

a tola (83) 176.85 _,,

a tank (10) af Be} GB) op

amasha (40) WA.745 5,

a rati (320 of 8 to ue masha) I 8425 ,,

—— (240 of 6 Fe ) ES 55

Now, as to the mishkal—the Mahommadan writers speak of it as not having

altered from the days of the Prophet. Doubtless, it has been a pretty perma-

nent weight, and very likely, in Makrizi’s time, was but slightly various in

different ‘places. At present, the following table represents the different mishkals,

so far as I have been able to ascertain them.

The gold and silver mishkal of Bassorah = 13 dirham scrasobosed © SU - antag.

The ,, » mussal or mishkal of Gamroon Ae 75 antistoails

= 100 mahmoudias = 5136 grains) .. 6 eg SSDS © oe

The gold and silver miscal of Mocha = 24 carats = Urbs vakya

(of 480 grains, nearly) . Joe fedteosneucs) == ie eg

That of Bushire = 73, of a maund of 53784 SARE) bocca gncobpdds | Ole Yep

The metical of Aleppo and ee eee ete oe wleiae eden sche seroe sakes is »

pivaew Ole WGOOUG s.co66ce soc = oO.

In Persian, the demi mishkél = 5535 oe the Jbaveanein, of f Chessay i

(of 8871 grains) ......... eine S785 4

The taurid batman and mishkAl = half ‘the above _ a Sian

The mishkal corresponding to the (4) dirham used for cold and

silver, in Persia . ie ei nic Onmes

The aspen corresponding 7 a mishka, Wirssio, ‘says. nail dN eaeestey 2) O6

Mhe modern debased mishkAl of Bokhara .......cs0c0e ce sssceeveeveeees ==7'h

Baber, in speaking of the mishkal, may either mean his own Bokharav mishkal,

or, aS Seems more probable, the current mishkalas existing at that time in India,

in short, the “Indian or Syrian mishkil”’ of the Mahommadan writers—which

was the Greek mishkal + 2 kirats. The modern debased mishkal of Bokhara

we may leave out of our comparisons. Itis surely a degraded weight in a

country that has under gone an eclipse.

The old “Greek Dinar” is of course the Byzant, or solidus aureus—the

denarius of Byzantium. It was nominally coined 72 to the Roman lb. The

Byzantian Roman Ib. in the British Museum weighs 4995 grains, so the solidus

8 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

or, a8 is more probable, elaborated out of the elements of ancient

was nomminally coined at 69.4 grains. It really issued from the mint ata

maximum weight of 68 (a very few of the most finely preserved coins reaching

this amount). Now taking Makrizi’s statement that the mishkal was 24 kirats,

and that of the Ayin-i-Akberi that the Greek mishkal was 2 kirats less than this ;

we find the weight of the mishkél=68+-§3=74.18 grains troy. Again, Mak-

rizi mentions that Abdel-malek-ben-Merwah coined dinars and dirhams in the

ratios of 213 kirats: 15 kirats. Now this Caliph’s gold coins in the British Mu-

seum (in a very fine state of preservation), weigh 66.5 grains, and his silver, also

well preserved, 44.5. Taking the former as coined at 67, we have the ratio :

Dinar: Dirham = 213; 15=67: 46.2,

Which latter gives a probable weight for the dirham as originally coined. (In

Makrizi’s time the ratio was dinar: dirham = 10: 7= 21.75: 15.22 ; or supposing

the gold coin unchanged at 67, the silver dirham would become 46.88). Then,

as the ratio of the dinar (or gold mishkal) to the mishkal weight = 212 : 24, we

have for the mishkal weight a value of 73.93 grains.

These two values, thus severally adduced from different data—viz., 74.18 and

73.93—sufliciently nearly accord to justify, I think, our striking the balance

between them, and declaring of the ancient mishkaél—(“ the Syrian or Indian

mishkal’’) to have been very nearly 74 grains, Hence the kirats would be 3.133

grains, troy. The modern carat varies from 3.15; the modern Indian carat to

3.28, the old French carat (made this probably to be an aliquot part of the old

French ounce). The English carat =3.168; the Hamburgh= 3.176, and the

Portuguese = 3.171.

The above value of the mishkal accords extremely well with my theory about

the diamond.

That the “ Greek Dinar” of Makrizi was the Sassanian gold is not at all

likely, although the silver dirham was, no doubt, originally derived from the

Sassanian drachma. Of the few gold pieces of Sassanian coinage, the one in the

Museum, of Ardashir I., weighs now 65.5, and could not have been coined at

less than 66.5 grains—which would give a mishkal of 72,04. But under the

Sassanidee, the gold coinage was quite exceptional, and was not large enough to

have formed the basis of the monetary system of the Caliphs, which was

professedly founded on Greek coins, cwrrent.

As to the Bokharan mishkal of Baber’s time, how are we to arrive at it?

You—and if you can’t, who can P—are able to make little firm ground out of the

weights of Sassanian, or Ghasnavid coims—nor will the coins of the Ayubite,

Mamluke and Mamluke Bahrite Caliphs (of which I have weighed scores),

give any much more reliable units on which to base the history of the progress

of change in the mishkal. The limits of its variation in modern times seem

to have lain between 74.5 and 72 troy grains ; I believe 74 as a near as possible its

true original weight, the weight of the Syrian and of the Indian mishkaél, This

would give the rati on the goldsmith’s standard of 8 to the masha, and 49 to the

mishkal, as 1.85 grains, and the limits of this rati would be 1.862 and 1.80.

The value of the jeweller’s rati (6 to the mashi) would be for the 74 grain

mishkél 2.47 grains, and its limits would be 2.483 and 2.40.

That Baber’s and Humaytin’s now worn and dilapidated coins of 71 and 71.5

grains were mishkals, is not improbable; but they certainly were not coined at

less than 74 grains,

Without entering into the Indian numismatical question, I may remind you of

Tuglak’s coin of 174 grains (one in the British Museum = 172.25), probably

coined at 175 or 176; a fair weight of issue for a coin nominally of some 177 or

178 grains. These coins, I believe, you consider to represent the tola, A tola

of 177.6 would accord on the ratios of Baber’s table with a mishkal of 74 erains,

Iam strongly tempted to enter further into this question of the ponderary

systems of India, but I am warned by your own able papers of the difficulties

in the path of one who deals only in translations and in the weight of coins.

24th Noy., 1865.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 9

Indian Metrology—may be quoted in their surviving integrity of

weight and design, as having furnished the prototypes of a long line

of sequent Dehli mintages, and thus contributing the manifest intro-

ductory model of all Bengal coinages.*

The artistic merits of the produce of the southern mints, though

Superior in the early copies to the crude introductory issues of Al-

tamsh, seldom compete with the contemporary design or execution of

the Dehli die-cutters, and soon merge into their own provincialisms,

which are progressively exaggerated in the repetition, until, at last,

what with the imperfection of the model, the progressive conventiona-

* There three are varieties of Altamsh’s silver coinage, all showing more or

less the imperfection of the training of the Indian artists in the reproduction of

the official alphabet of their conquerors. The designs of these pieces were clear-

ly taken from the old Ghaznf model of Muhammad bin Sim’s Dirhams and

Dinars, and the indeterminate form of the device itself would seem to indicate

that they mark the initial effort of the new Muhammadan silver currency which

so soon fixed itself into one unvarying type, and retained its crude and unim-

proved lettering for upwards of a century, till Muhammad bin Tughlak inaueu-

rated his reign by the issue of those choice specimens of the Moneyer’s art

which stand without compeers in the Dehli series.

No. 1, Silver. Size, vii.; weight, 162.5. Supposed to have been struck on

the receipt of the recognition of the Khalif of Baghdad in 626 a. B,

Obverse: square area, with double lines, within a circle,

Legend, by Jy) Ons”? &lJy aS} \J

Reverse: Square area, with double lines, within a circle.

Legend, C0 gad] pho] porto ad] eloy| gE ce

No. 2, Silver. Size, viii ; weight, 168.5. Date, 630 a. H.

Obverse : Square area, with double lines,

Legend, (ysod| 9 Lod} Cpe whe YI! Wb Laat

Reverse: Circular area, ,

Legend, ,asimmed| al yas) one” aly MI &S; 4y

Margin, &S| [d2 ew syd

Mr. Bayley notices the occasional change of the name of the piece to the

generic &uJ| as well as the ignorant substitution of Al] ol partued| for

the Khalif’s true title. J. A. S. B., 1862, p. 207. Col. Guthrie’s com (Typa

No. 2) discloses a similar error. :

Legend, (.).0 ge) ow) parked! alol! ses us?

Margin, Ke BO® Wy?

No. 3, Silver. Size, vili.; weight, 163.5 er.

Obverse, as No. 2, but the square area is enclosed in a circle.

Reverse : Square area enclosed within a circle, identical with the obverse

design.

10 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

lism of the designers, and the ignorance and crude mechanical imita-

tion of the engravers, their legends become mere semblances of intelli-

gible writing, and, as the plates will show, like Persian shikastah,

easy to read when one can divine what is intended, but for anything

like precision in obscure and nearly obliterated margins, a very un-

trustworthy basis for the search after exact results,

The different mints each followed its own traditions, and the school

of art stood generally at a higher level.in the eastern section of the

kingdom, especially when Sonérgaon was held by its own independent

rulers. The lowest scale of die execution, exemplified in the present

series, was reserved for the capital of the united provinces under the

kingship of Sikandar (No. 23 infra). The numismatic innovations

of Muhammad bin Tughlak, were felt and copied in the south, espe-

cially in the reproduction of the titular legends, but his own coins

struck at the “ city’—he would not call it capital—of Lakhnauti,

evince the haste and carelessness of a temporary sojourn, and still

worse, the hand of a local artist, all which short-comings may be

forgiven to a monarch who in his own imperial metropolis had raised

the standard of the beauties of Arabic writing, as applied to coin

legends, to a position it had never before attained, and which later

improved appliances have seldom succeeded in equalling.

The Bengal Sulténs, mere imitators at first, were original in their

later developments of coin illumination, and the issues of the fully

independent kings exhibit a commendable variety of patterns in the

die devices, damaged and restricted, however, in the general effect by

the pervading coarseness and imperfection of the forms of the letters,

Then, again, the tenor of the inscriptions is usually of mdependent

conception, especially in the refusal to adopt the ever recurring

kalimah, and in the suggestive mutations of titles assigned to the

lieutenants of the prophet on earth, whose names they did not care to

learn. So also was their elaboration of the titular adjuncts of the

four Imams uninfluenced by northern formula; many of which con-

ventionalisms survived for centuries, till Shir Shah, in the chances of

conquest, incorporated them into the coinage of Hindustan, during the

exile of the temporarily vanquished Humaytin.

The standard of the Bengal coinage was necessarily, like the pieces

themselves, a mere imitation of imperial mint quantities, and the

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 11

early issues will be seen to follow closely upon the proper amount

in weight contemplated in the Dehli prototypes; but one of the curious

results the Kooch Behar collective find determines is, that though the

first kings on the list clearly put forth money of full measure, their

pieces were, in most cases, subjected toa well understood Indian

process of boring-out, or reduction to the exact weight to which we

must suppose subsequent kings lowered the legal standard of their

money, so that, although some of the silver pieces of Kai Katis and

Firtiz have escaped the debaser’s eye, and preserve the completeness of

their original issue denomination, the great majority of the older

coins have been brought down to the subsequent local standard of

166 grains, at which figure, in troy grains, the bulk of the hoard

ranges ; or, in more marked terms, 166 grains is the precise weight of

the majority of the very latest and best preserved specimens, which

must have been consigned to their recent place of concealment when

very fresh from mints but little removed from the residence of the

accumulator of the treasure, and be held to represent coin which

could scarcely have changed hands.

The intrinsic value of the money of these sovereigns follows next in

the order of the enquiry. This department of fiscal administration

might naturally have been expected to have been subject to but limited

check or control, when regulated by the uncertain processes of

Oriental metallurgy; but, in practice, it will be seen that some of the

-native Mint-masters were able to secure a very high standard of

purity, and, what is more remarkable, to maintain a singularly uniform

scale in the rate of alloy. In the case of the imperial coins subjected

to assay in Calcutta, specimens spreading over, and in so far, represen-

ting a sequent eighty years of the issues of the northern metropolis,

vary only to the extent of six grains in the thousand, or 0.6 per cent.

As the Dehli coinage proves superior, in point of weight, to the sou-

thern standard, so also does it retain a higher degree of purity; the

990 and 996 of silver to the test total of 1,000 grains, sinks, in the earliest

examples of the Bengal mintages, to 989, from which figures it expe-

riences a temporary rise, in possibly exceptional cases, under Bahadur

Shah, who may be supposed to have brought down, with his reinstitu-

ted honours and the coined treasure so lavishly bestowed upon him by

Muhammad bin Tughlak, on his restoration to the government of

12 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

Sonargaon, certain implied responsibilities for the equity and fulness

of his currencies ; while in the subsequent irregularly descending scale,

Azam Shéah’s officials arrived at the most unblushing effort of debase-

ment, in the reduction of silver to 962 grains. Among other unex-

pected items for which the aid of modern science may be credited, is

the support which the intrinsic contents of the erroneously-classed coins

of Adil Shah under native interpretation, lend to the correctness of

the revised attribution of the pieces themselves suggested by the criti-

cal terms of their own legends, in the manifest identity of their assay

touch with the associate coins of the lower empire of India.

Colonel Guthrie has furnished me with the following data, concern-

ing the assay of the various coins composing the Kooch Bahar

hoard :—‘ When the Bengal Asiatic Society made their selection of

coins from the trove, they set apart four of each description for the

Mint, two being for special assay, two for the Mint collection. The

result of the assay was as follows (1,000 represents absolute purity) :”

DEHLI COINS, BENGAL COINS.

1. Balban (4. H. 664) ... 990 and 996 1. Shams-ud-din Firuz............ 989

2, Kai Kobad (4.H, 685) 990 and 996 2. Bahadur Shah ...... 988 and 993

3. Ghids-ud-din Tughlak (a. H. 720) 3. Mubarak Shah .................. 987

990. 4, Ilias Shah (1st type) 989; (2nd)

4, Adil Shah [7.e. Ghazi Shah of 982°; (8rd) 988.

Bengal, a.H. 751] 989. 5. Sikandar Shah (return lost).

6. Azam Shah (1st type) 981; (2nd)

989; (8rd) 962; (4th) - 977;

(5th) 985.

A question that has frequently puzzled both Oriental and European

commentators on the history of India, has been the intrinsic value of

the current coin at the various epochs referred to, so that the most

exact numerical specifications conveyed but a vague notion of the

sterling sum contemplated in the recital by any given author. Numis-

matists have been for long past in a position to assert that the Dehli

Tankah contained absolutely 173 grains, which would presuppose a

theoretical issue weight of 174 or 175 grains, and a touch of nearly

pure silver; but assuming this specific coin to have ‘been a white or

real “'Tankah of Silver” (53 685) a doubt necessarily remained as to

what was to be understood by the alternative black Tankah (sly 480),

Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, in his Tabakat-i-Akbari, seems to assign the

introduction of these black Tankahs to Muhammad bin Tughlak, who

notoriously depreciated the currency to a large extent, before he re-

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 13

sorted to the extreme measure of a forced currency, though it may be

doubted whether any such depreciation would have been thought of,

even if there had been time to effect the conversion, at the very com-

mencement of his reign, to which period Nizam-ud-din attributes the

issue of these pieces, in the apparent desire of explaining the bare

possibility of the possession of such numerical amounts as are stated to

have been squandered in largesses by the newly-enthroned monarch.

However, the real debasement of the coin need not have extended much

beyond the point indicated by the superficial aspect of his own Bengal

mintages, and Azam Shah’s coins of the same locality probably exceed

that accusatory measure of debasement ; while, on the other hand,

Muhammad bin Tughlak, on reverting to specie currencies, after his

futile trial of copper tokens, seems to have aimed at a restoration of

the ancient purity of metal in his metropolitan issues, as I can quote

a coin of his produced by the Dehli Mint in a. uw. 734, which has

every outward appearance of the component elements of unalloyed

silver, and equally retains the fair average weight of 168 grains.*

All these evidences would seem to imply that the Bengal ratio of

purity was intentionally lower, and that a very slight addition to the

recognised alloy would bring the local issues fairly within the cate-

gory of black Tankahs. Such a supposition of the inferiority of the

coinages of the southern kingdom appears to be curiously illustrated

by Baber’s mentioning that, in A. H. 932, a portion of the revenues of

the district of Tirhit, a sort of border-land of his kingdom, which did

not extend over Bengal, was payable in Tankah Nukrah, and the

larger remainder in Zankah Siah,; an exceptional association of cur-

* This coin is similar, but not identical in its legends with the gold piece,

No, 84, of 7386 4. H., p. 50 Pathan Sultans. The following are the inscriptions ;

Obverse— Lye | eel 9 Pied | a ly

Reverse— aie Coes” Ee ee i

Margin— dulyzius 9 els 9 ® I Kiwoe dbo] yf oy

+ Baber has left an interesting account of the revenues of his newly-acquired

kingdom in India, as estimated after the battle of Panipat, in a. H. 932, to the

effect that “the countries from Bhira to Bahar which are now under my domi-

nion yield a revenue of 52 krores”’ of Tankahs. Inthe detail of the returns

from different provinces, Tirhtit is noticed as Tribute (Khidmatana) of the

Virhiiti Rajah 250,000 tankah nikrah, and 2,750,000 tankah siah. William

Erskine, History of India under Baber and Humayun, London, 1854, vol,i., p.

540. See also Leyden’s Memoirs of Baber, London, 1826, p. 334.

14 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

rencies in a given locality, which can scarcely be explained in a more

simple and reasonable manner than by assuming the lower description

of the conventional estimate piece to have been concurrent with a

better description of the same coin, constituting the prevailing and

authorized revenue standard of the northern portions of the conquer-

ing Moghul’s Indian dominions. :

Another important element of all currency questions is the relative

rate of exchange of the precious metals inter se. And this isa diyi-

sion of the enquiry of peculiar significance at the present moment,

when Her Majesty’s Government are under pressure by the European

interest to introduce gold as a legal tender at a fixed and permanent

rate, or, in effect, to supersede the existing silver standard, the single

and incontestable measure of value, in which all modern obligations

have been contracted, and a metal, whose present market price is, in

all human probability, less liable to be affected by over production

than that of gold: the bullion value of which latter had already begun

to decline in the Bazars of India, simultaneously with the arrival of

the first fruits of Australian mining.

If the contemplated authoritative revolution in the established cur-

rency had to be applied to a fully civilized people, there might be

less objection to this premature experiment; but to disturb the deal-

ings of an empire, peopled by races of extreme fixity of ideas, to give

advantages to the crafty few, to the detriment of the mass of the un-

lettered population, is scarcely justified by the exigencies of British

trade, and India’s well-wishers may fairly advance a mild protest

against hasty legislation, and claim for a subject and but little under-

stood Nationality, some consideration before the ruling power forces on

their unprepared minds the advanced commercial tenets of the cities of

London and Liverpool.

The ordinary rate of exchange of silver against gold in Marco Polo’s

time (1271-91 a. p.),* may be inferred to have been eight to one;

* The Province of Karatan. ‘‘ For money they employ the white porcelain

shell found in the sea, and these they also wear as ornaments about their necks.

Wighty of the shells are equal in value to a saggio of silver, or two Venetian

groats, and eight sagei of good silver to one of pure gold.” Chap, xxxix,

The Province of Karazan, ‘Gold is found in the rivers, both in small

particles and in lumps ; and there are also veins of it in the mountains. In

consequence of the large quantity obtained, they give a saggio of gold for six

saggi of silver. They likewise use the before-mentioned porcelain shells in

currency, which, however, are not found in this part of the world, but are

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 15

though exceptional cases are mentioned in localities within the reach of

Indian traders, where the ratios of six to one and five to one severally

obtained.

Ibn Batutah, in the middle of the fourteenth century, when

he was, so to say, resident and domesticated in India, reports the

relative values of the metals as eight to one.*

brought from India.”—Chap. xl.; also Pinkerton (London, 1811), vol. vii., 143,

The Province of Karpanpan. “The currency of this country is gold by

weight, and also the porcelain shells. An ounce of gold is exchanged for five

ounces of silver, and a saggio of gold for five saggi of silver; there being no

silver mines in this country, but much gold; and consequently the merchants

who import silver obtain a large profit.” Chap. xli.

The Kingdom of Mimn (Ava). “You then reach a spacious plain [at the

foot of the Yunnan range |, whereon, three days in every week, a number of

people assemble, many of whom come down from the neighbouring mountains,

bringing their gold to be exchanged for silver, which the merchants who repair

thither from distant countries carry with them for this purpose; and one

saggio of gold is given for five of silver.’ Chap. xliii. Travels of Marco Polo,

by W. Marsden, London, 1818 ; and Bohn’s Edition, 1854.

* ws jlayos dalay Ab, Crys 9 Soma [4.5] 5s! S? clas yd uly

7] “,

iv. 10, slyw FRU} p> sol lg PH2)d 9 wee Bailes 9% (22)) lyody

“ J’ai vu vendre le riz, dans les marchés de ce pays [ Bengale], sur le pied doe

vingt-cing rithl de Dihly pour un dinar d’argent: celui-ci vaut huit drachmes,

et leur drachme équivaut absolument 4 la drachme d'argent.” (iy, 210.)

The difficulty of arriving at any thoroughly satisfactory interpretation of

theocbscure Arabic text, as it now stands, may be frankly admitted, nor do I

seek to alter or amend the French translation, further than to offer a very

simple explanation of what probably the author really designed to convey in

the general tenor of the passage in question. It was a crude but established

custom among the early Muhammadan occupying conquerors of India, to issue

gold and silver coins of equal weights, indentical fabric, and analogous central

legends ; hence, whenever, as in the present instance, the word Dindr is used

‘in apposition with and contrast to the secondary term Dirham, the one primd

facie implies gold, the other silver; and there can be little doubt but that the

original design of the text was to specify that one gold piece of a given weicht

passed in situ for eight silver pieces in similar form and of slightly ereater

bulk. It is possible that the term Dinar may in process of time haye come to

stand for a conventional measure of value, like the “ pound sterling,” suscep-

tible by common consent of being liquidated in the due equivalent of silver:

but this concession need not affect the direct contrast between the Dindr and

Dirhams so obviously marked in the case in point,

Tbn Batutah, in an earlier part of his work (iii. 426), [Lee’s edition is imper-

fect at this portion, p. 149] gives us the comparative Delhi rate of exchance—

of which he had unpleasant personal experiences: he relates that he was

directed to be paid (55,000 +- 12,000 =) 67,000 pieces of some well understood

currency, neither the name or the metal of which is defined, but which may

legitimately be taken to have been “Silver Tankahs,”’ and in satisfaction of

this amount, deducting the established one-tenth for Dastir¢, which left a

reduced total of 60,300, he received 6,283 gold tankahs. Under this scale of

payment the gold must have borne a rate of exchange of one to 9.67 of silver

or very nearly one to 10, a proportion which might be supposed to clash with

the one to eight of the more southern kingdom, but the existing state of the

currencies of the two localities afford.a striking illustration of the consistency

16 The Initval Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

The Emperor Akbar’s minister, Abiél Fazl, has left an official

record of the value of gold in the second half of the sixteenth century,

at which period the price was on therise, so that the mints were

issuing gold coin in the relation of one to 9.4 of silver. But a re-

markable advance must have taken place about this time, as in the

second moiety of the seventeenth century, Tavernier* found gold

exchanging against fourteen times its weight of silver, from which

point it gradually advanced to one to fifteen, a rate it maintained

when the Hast India Company re-modelled the coinage in 1833.7

of the African observer’s appreciation of money values in either case, His

special patron, Muhammad bin Tughlak, Emperor of Dehli, had, from his first

elevation to the throne, evinced a tendency to tamper with the currency,

departing very early in his reign from the traditional equality of weights of

gold and silver coins; he re-modelled both forms and relative proportions,

introducing pieces of 200 grains of gold, styled on their surfaces dinars, and

silver coins of 140 grains, designated as adalis, in supersession of the ancient

equable tankahs, both of gold and silver, extant examples of which in either

metal come up to about 174 grains. More important for the present issue ig

the practical result, that, from the very commencement, Muhammad Tughlak’s

Silver money is invariably of a lower standard than that of his predecessors,

whether this refers to the early continuation of the full silver tankah, or to his

own newly devised 140 grain piece, a mere reproduction of the time-honoured

local weight, which the Aryan races found current in the land some twenty-

five centuries before this Moslem revival; but in either case, this payment to

Ibn Batutah seems to have been made after the Sultan had organised and

abandoned that imaginary phase of perfection in the royal art of depreciating

the circulating media, by the entire supercession of the precious metals, and

following the ideal of a paper currency, the substitution of a copper simula-

crum of each and every piece in the order of its degree from the Déndr to the

lowest coin in the realm, the values being authoritatively designated on the

surface of each. This forced currency held its own, more or less successfully,

from 730 to 733, when it came to its simple and self-developed end. Taking

the probable date of this payment as 742-3 a. H. (Ibn B. vi., p. 4, and vol. iii., p.

xxii.), it may be assumed that the 174 (or 175) grain old gold tankah, which

had heretofore stood at the equitable exchange of one to eight tankah’s of good

silver, came necessarily, in the depreciation of the new silver coins, to be

worth ten or more of the later issues. Pathan Sultans, p. 53).

* « All the gold and silver which is brought into the territories of the Great

Mogul is refined to the highest perfection before it be coined into money.”’—

Tavernier, London Hdition, 1677, p. 2. ‘The roupie of gold weighs two

drams and a half, and eleven grains, and is valued in the country at 14

roupies of silver.’—Page 2. ‘“ But to return to our roupies of gold, you must

take notice that they are not so current among the merchants. For one of

them is not worth above fourteen roupies.’ ‘The traveller then goes on to

relate his doleful personal experiences, of how, when he elected to be paid for

his goods in gold,“ the king’s uncle ” forced him to receive the gold rupee at

the rate of fourteen and a half silver rupees, whereby he lost no less than 3428

rupees on the transaction. Sir James Stewart, writing in 1772, also estimates

the conyentional proporiionate value of silver to gold, as fourteen to one—

The Principles of Money applied to the present state of the Coin of Bengal.”

Calcutta, 1772.

+ Prinsep’s Useful Tables, pp. 5, 72, 79.

1867. The Initial Coinage of Bengal. Ti

Afterwards, with prospering times, the metal ran up occasionally to

fabulous premiums, to fall again ignominiously when Californian and

Australian discoveries made it common in the land.

I revert for the moment to a more formal recapitulation of the

computations, which serve to establish the ratios of gold and silver in

Akbar’s time.

Abil Fazl’s figured returns give the following results :—

First.—Chugal, weight in gold Tolah 3, Masha 0, Rati 51=30

Rs. of 113 Mashas each: 549.84: : 172.530 (5175.0) : 1: : 9.4118.

Second.— Attabi, gold, weight 7. 1, m. 2, x. 43=12 Rs.: 218.90

>: 172.5 & 12 (070.0): 1: : 9.4563.

Third.—Iahi, or Lal Jalali, also Muianni, gold, weight m. 12, x.

0 Rs 1383:28 45 1725 & 10 (1725:0) 3.1: 3 94118.

3 A.—The larger piece, the Sihansah, in value 100 Lal Jalalis,

gives an identical return. Weight in gold, t. 101, m. 9, Rn. 7 =

1000 Rs. ; 18328: : : 172,500 A72°5 x 100 & 10): 1: : 9-4118.

Fourth.—Adl.-Gutkah, or Muhar, also called Mahrabi, gold, weight

1} Mashas=9 Rs. : 165: : 17259 (1552'5): 1: : 940909.

4 A.—The higher proportions specified under the piece of 100

round Muhars, produce a similar result. Weight in gold, r. 91, m.

bo Ushse Voo00)): 155250; (72a &K 100 <9). 1 = 19°40.

These sums are based upon the ordinary Tolah of 180 gr., Masha

of 15, and Rati of 1875 grs. The question of corresponding values

in the English scale need not affect the accuracy of comparisons

founded upon the conventional measure by which both metals were

estimated.

I have given more prominence to the above calculations, and even

tested anew my earlier returns by the independent totals afforded

by the larger sums now inserted, because the obvious result of gold

being to silver as one to 9:4, has been called in question by an official

of the Calcutta Mint (a Dr. Shekleton), who, however, while unable

either to correct my data, or to produce any possible evidence against

- my conclusions, ventures to affirm, that “9-4 to one is a relative

value of gold to silver, which never could really have existed.”’*

Nevertheless, here is a series of comparative weights and values,

furnished by the highest authority of the day, and each and all pro-

* Jour. As, Soc. Bengal, 1864, p. 517.

18 The Initial Comnage of Bengal. — - [Xo 4,

duce returns absolutely identical up to the first place of decimals.

My original estimates were sketched and published at Dehli, in 1851,

where I had access to the best MSS., to the most comprehensive

range of antiquarian relics, and at command the most intelligent oral

testimony in the land. When reprinting Prinsep’s “‘ Useful Tables”

(London, 1858), I had occasion to quote these calculations, and was

able to fortify them, had it been needed, by the precisely analogous

results obtained by Colonel W. Anderson, who had tried Abul Fazl’s

figures, from a different point of view, and for altogether independent

purposes.* But if there were the faintest reason for doubting so

moderate rate as one to 9:4, the whole discussion might be set at rest

by Abii Fazl’s own statement as translated into English in 1785

when, in concluding a very elaborate review of the profit and loss of

refining gold, for the purpose of coinage, he concludes, and the process

“leaves a remainder of about one-half a tolah of gold, the value of

which is four rupees.” It may be as well that I should add, that

some of my totals differ from those to be found in Gladwin’s transla-

tion of the original Persian text.{ I do not recapitulate the several

divergencies, but it is necessary to prove the justice of one, at least,

of my emendations. Gladwin’s MSS. gave the rupee at 114 mdshas,

(i. p. 84). The more carefully collated Dehli texts showed the real

weight to be 11:5 mdshas, a static fact of some importance, which is

curiously susceptible of proof from Gladwin’s own data: at page 46

of his Calcutta edition, a sum is given of the refining charges and

profits, as understood by the mints of those days, wherein 989 tolas,

9 mashas of impure silver is stated to be reduced by 14 7.9 mw. IR.

in refining, and a further 4 r. 10 m. 3 R. in manipulation, leaving

11641 mdshas of silver (989. 9. 0. — 14. 9. 1. — 4.10. 3. =

11641) which is officially announced as ordinarily coined into 1012

rupees, (1012 & 115=11638) giving, as nearly as may be, the

essential 114 mashas, which the translated text should have preserved

in its earlier passages.

Richard Hawkins, who was at Agra in a. p. 1609-11, during the

reion of Jahangir, has left a notice of certain accumulated treasures

of that prince which he was permitted to behold, and amongst the

rest he specifies, “In primis, of Seraffins Ecberi, which be ten rupias

* U. T., Vol. ii, p. 32. + Gladwin, i, 44, {t 4to., Calcutta, 1783.

1867. ] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 19

apiece ;”’ to this passage is added in a marginal note, that, “a tole is

a rupia challany [current] of silver, and ten of these toles are of the

value of one of gold.”* This evidence might at first sight seem to

militate against the conclusion arrived at from the official returns

above summarized, but the value of gold was clearly on the rise, and

one of the aims of Akbar’s legislation on metallic exchanges, which

had necessarily been disturbed by progressive modifications in the

relative values of the precious metals, was manifestly to secure an

authoritative even reckoning by tens and hundreds. The old round

muhar, (No. 4 of the above list) represented the inconvenient sum of

nine rupees, or 860 ddms ; by raising the weight of the piece to the

higher total given under No. 3, the gold ilahé was made equivalent

to ten rupees, or in fiscal reckoning to 400 dams. Similarly, in the

case of the silver coin, the old rupee passed for 39 ddms, in the

new currency a value of 40 ddms was secured, not by an increase of

weight, but by the declared and doubtlessly achieved higher standard

of the metal employed, aided by the advantage that contemporary

mintages so readily secured in India.

The subdivisions of the standard silver Tankah, as well as the

relative exchange ratios of silver and copper in their subordinate

denominations, claim a passing notice. Though Bengal proper pro-

bably remained satisfied with its lower currency of cowries, supple-

mented by the occasional intervention of copper, for some time after

the introduction of gold and silver money, yet as the earliest copper

coins of that kingdom must have been based upon and, in the first

instance, supplied by Dehli mintages, the Imperial practice comes

properly within the range of the local division of the general enquiry.

It has been seen that Minhaj-ul-Sir4j, in comparing the circulating

media of Hindustan and Bengal, speaks of the currency of the former

as composed of Chitals, a name which is seemingly used by himself

and succeeding authors in the generic sense for money, as if these

pieces continued to constitute the popular standard both in theory

and practice, notwithstanding the introduction of the more imposing

tankahs of gold and silver. Up to this time it has not been possible

satisfactorily to demonstrate the actual value of the coin in question;

in some cages indirect evidence would seem to bring its intrinsic

worth down to a very low point, while at times the money calcula-

* Purchas’ Travels, folio, 1625-26, i. 217.

20 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 3,

tions for large sums, in which its name alone is used, appear to invest

it with a metrical position far beyond the subordinate exchanges of

mere bazar trafic.

In the details of the ‘ prices-current” in the reign of Alé-ud-din

Muhammad, as well as in the relation of certain monetary re-adjust-

ments made by Firtiz Shah IIT., the name ofthe Chital is constantly

associated in the definition of comparative values with another sub-

division entitled the Kaui, which may now be pronounced with some

certainty to have been the 4; of the original Zankuh, of 175 grains,

and 1, of the new silver coin of 140 grains, introduced by Muhammad

bin Tughlak. The temporary forced currency of this Sultan neces-

sitated in itself the positive announcement of the names and autho-

ritative equivalents of each representative piece, and this abnormal

practice contributes many items towards the elucidation of the quan-

titative constitution of the real currency of the day, which these

copper tokens were designed to replace. In illustration of this point,

LT insert a woodcut and description of a brass coin, which was put

forth to pass for the value of the silver piece of 140 grains, to whose

official weight it is seemingly suggestively approximated.

Brass; weight, 132 ors.; a. aw. 731; Common:

Obverse.— y!gcda-} BOSS Shay BY) oils sl? Esse) Dod 20,

lt) oo=” Struck (lit. sealed), a tankah of fifty

kAnis in the reign of the servant, hopeful (of mercy);

— Muhammad Taghlak.

Reverse.—Area, etel O29 wlbl.nd| elel uy weary! “He who

obeys the king, truly he obeys God.”* :

Margin, Jy ee SA2H 53 Jim ghiedss sf w=? yd. At the

capital Daulat-abad, year? 731.

In addition to this 50 kdni-piece may be quoted extant specimens

of this Sultan’s forced issues, bearing the definitive names

bof “ hastkdni’ (8 kéyis). ‘‘ Shash-kani.” (6 kanis) and

) Do-kdni (2 kanis.) An obverse of the latter is given in the

‘margin. The reverse has the unadorned name of (B35 O4=”,

* In other examples of the forced currency, he exhorts his subjects in more

urgent terms to submit to the Almighty, as represented in the person of the

ruling monarch, and to adopt, in effect, the bad money he covers with texts from:

the Kurén—the ‘“‘ Obey God and obey the Prophet and those in authority

among you,” and “ Sovereignty is not conferred upon every man,” but ‘* some’

are placed over “ others’ —were unneeded on his coinage of pare metal,

a367.| © The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 21

Next in order, may be quoted historical evidence of Firiz Shah’s

fiscal re-organizations, in the course of which mention is made of

pre-existing pieces of 48, 25, 24, 12, 10, 8, and 6 kanis, the lowest

denomination called by that name; afterwards the narrative goes on

to explain that, in addition to the ordinary Chital piece already in

use, FirGz Shah originated, for the benefit of the poorer classes of his

subjects, subdivisional $ Chital and + Chital pieces.

As the spoken languages of the Peninsula enables ns to restore the

true meaning to the misinterpreted Sanskrit karsha,* so the Dravidian

tongues readily explain the term kdni, which finds no place in Aryan

vocabularies, but which was incorporated into the vernaculars of

Hindustan, during the southward migrations of the Scythic tribes.

In Telugu, kant means 4, or one quarter of a sixteenth’ (Brown).

In Canarese ,'; (Reeve), and in Tamil 3, (Winslow). Wilson’s

Glossary gives “ Kani, corruptly, Cawney. Tel. Tam. Karn. 3, or

sometimes ;y.’’}

The term dni, in addition to its preferable meaning of ;),, was, as

we see, also used for the fraction #1, but its application in the former

sense to the ruling integer in the present instance, seems to be con-

clusively settled by the relative proportions assigned to the modified

tankah of Muhammad bin Tughlak, when compared with the normal

weight of the earlier coin ( 64:: 175: 50:: 186°718).

The method in which the subdivisional currency was arranged,

consisted, as has already been stated, of an admixture of the two

metals, silver and copper, in intentionally varying proportions in

pieces of identical weight, shape and device ; so that the traders in

each case had to judge by the eye and hand of the intrinsic value of

the coin presented to them. To Huropean notions this system would

imply endless doubt and uncertainty, but under the practised vision

and delicate perceptive powers of touch, with which the natives of

India are endowed, but little difficulty seems to have been experi-

enced; and I myself can testify to the accuracy of the verdicts pro-

nounced by the experienced men of Delhi, whose instinctive estimates

were tested repeatedly by absolute assay. I published many oi these

* Num. Chron. iv. 58; J. A. S. B. xxxiii, 266.

+ There is a com called a “ Do-gani or Doodee,’

Almanacks.

” still quoted in the Madras

The Initial Coinage of Bengal.

[No. 3,

results, some years ago, in the Numismatic Chronicle,* where the

curious in these matters may trace many of the gradational pieces

of the kdnis above enumerated.

As some further experiments in

reference to the intrinsic values of these coins were made, at my in-

stance, in the Calcutta Mint, I subjoin a table of the authoritative

results, which sufficiently confirms the previous less exhaustive assays

by the native process.

LIST OF DEHLI COINS,

Composed of Silver and Copper in varying proportions, forwarded for

examination by Edward Thomas, Esq., C. S., 10th June, 1853.

Reference to Numbers No. of

of Coins in Coins in

** Pathan Sultans,” Parcel.

Mubarak Shah. No. 66.

Muhammad bin Tughlak.

Sikandar Bahlol. No. 163.

No. 91.

BREE eee eee

Pee ee ee

Hee eee

(

See ee

* Vol. xv, 1852, p. 121, et seq.

Weight

Grains.

53.22

55.15

143.438

142.163

142.936

138.913

140.058

141.500 *

140.800

127.600

143.100

142 500

143.250

141.150

139.900

144.500

141.500

140 200

142.500

135.500

132.250

140.750

140.000

138.500

141.000

140.500

138 250

133.250

139.750

125.000

135.250

137.250

137.500

Dwts. Fine

Silver per

Ib. in each.

5.375

13.300

1,900

2.025

1,925

1.615

2.200

1.5625

2.6000

3.0125

4.650

5.624

15.5

160

16.0

17.5

15.0

12:0

15.0

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 23

The Institutes of Manu have preserved a record, reproduced in the

subjoined table, of the various weights in use, some centuries before

Christ,* and among other things explain, that the values of gold

and copper were calculated by a different metric scheme, to that

applied to silver. A larger number of Ratis went to the Masha in

the former, and the progression of numbers commenced with a five

(5 X 16), while the silver estimates were founded on the simple arith-

metic of fours (2 & 16), which constituted so special a characteristic

of India’s home civilization. Stili, the two sets of tables, starting

from independent bases, were very early assimilated and adapted to

each other in the advancing totals, so that the 320 ratis constituting

the satamdna of the quarternary multiplication, is created in the

third line by the use of a ten, and the quasi exotic scheme corrects

its independent elements by multiplylng by jfowr, and produces a

similar total in the contents of the Pala or Nishka, The second lines

of the tables are severally filled in with the aggregate numbers, 32

and 80, and as the duplication of the former, or 64, has been seen to

* Manu. viii. 131.—“Those names of copper, silver, and gold (weights)

which are commonly used among men for the purpose of worldly business,

I will now comprehensively explain. 132.—The very small mote which may be

discerned in a sunbeam passing through a lattice is the first of quantities,

and men call it a trasarenw. 133.—Hicht of those trasarenus are supposed

equal in weight to one minute poppy-seed (liksha), three of those seeds

are equal to one black mustard-seed (rajasarshapa), and three of these last to a

white mustard-seed (gawra-sarshapa). 134.—Six white mustard-seeds ar equal

to a middle-sized barley-corn (yava), three such barley-corns to one krshnala

[raktika], five krshnalas of gold are one mdsha, and sixteen such mdshas one

suvernad, 135,—Four suwvarnas make a pala, ten palas a dharana, but two

krshnalas weighed together are considered as one silver mashaka. 136.—

Sixteen of those mashakas are a silver dharana or purdna, but a copper kdrsha

is known to be a pana or karshapana. 1387.—Ten dharanas of silver are known

by the name of a satamdna, and the weight of four suvarnas has also the appella-

tion of a nishka.” These statements may be tabulated thus as the

ANCIENT INDIAN SYSTEM OF WEIGHTS.

SILVER.

Zyratis = 1 masha

32, ALG ee 1 clearest,

or purana,

320 ,, = 1650 , = 0 , 1 satamdna.

GOLD.

5 ratis = 1 masha.

0m ee — Ok ne 1 guvarna.

( 1 pala, or

LR rd aed ad # oe Tay.) ey

POM —— 640) 8 40 a = 10 ,, = 1 dharana

- COPPER.

80 ratis = 1 karshapana.

24 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 3,

do duty in the case, the probability of the use of the 160 naturally

suggests itself in connexion with the theoretical organization of the

copper coinage.

In proceeding to test the relations of the minor and subordinate

currencies, the cardinal point to be determined is, the exchangeable

value of copper as against silver. It has been affirmed by Cole-

brooke,* that the ratio stood in Manu’s time at 64 to 1: accepting

the correctness of this estimate, which has, I believe, remained un-

challenged, and supposing the rate to have remained practically but

little affected up to the Muhammadan conquest, the 175 grains oi

silver of Altamsh’s new coinage would be equivalent in metallic

value to 11,200 grains of copper. The ancient copper kdrshdpana

is recognised and defined as 80 ratis in weight, so that under

the above conditions, and calculating the rati at 1.75 grains, each

karshépana was equal to 140 grains, and eighty of these, under the

same calculations, give a return of 11,200 grains, Without at present

advancing any more definite proposition, or quoting dubious coincidences

it may be as_ well to test these preliminary results by the Numismatic

data Firiz Shah’s Mints have left as an heritage behind him. Among

the incidents quoted regarding that monarch’s monetary innovations

he is stated to have introduced, for the first time, half and quarter

Chitals. On the occasion of a very elaborate revision of my mono-

graph on the Pathan Sultans of Dehli, while residing under the very

shadow of so many of their memorial edifices, T acquired and described,

among others, two specimens of the money of this king, which seemed

to be closely identifiable with his Utopian productions of new and

infinitesimal subdivisions of the leading copper coinage, in his express-

ed desire of securing for the poorest of the poor, the fractional change

they might be entitled to in the most limited purchases. These

coins responded singularly in their mutual proportions, and contri-

buted in the form of once current money, definitive weights in copper

amounting severally to 34.5 and 17.8 grains, from which a very low

estimate was deduced of 34.8 and 17.4, as a normal official standard.

* As. Res. v. 95.

+ Shams-i-Siraj, in his work entitled the Térikh-i-Firiz Shahi, gives the

following incidents regarding Firaz Shah’s coinages :—

2d shbjgad lle cml Ble Gib 0 Bmw at oles cyt

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 25

If the 34.8 grain of the first of these be multiplied by 160, it will

give a return of 5568.0 grains, and accepting

this trial piece, conditionally, as Firtiz’s novel

half-Chital,* it will be seen to furnish a general w

total of 11136 grains for the copper equivalent of % Chital of Firéz.

the 175 grains of silver contained in the old Tankah, and confirms the

range of the Chital at 69.6 grains, or only .4 short of the full contents

tradition would assign it, as the unchanged half kdrshdpana of primitive

rind y j= Kimo 9 FyRd 9 &SAS 5) ka lm yy! Ody ex undis?

9 26 899 AMsa;I90 5 2S slap g Smt yg BhSY 4» comm sug dif

cebal eioaet slays ye Uke Cl 404 dd, Wide

G> pda ally Shwe Yo yo wy Ola eS 9 peo Gold igs

csree 3G at Gt wlypdd wll 81 oaydS ILS sy

wt wo sb (Sty by isa ee Jo Slee jl gy ais od

He st ie Are Za . i - ei

olo% 3 Br tl w! C5)lO53ly wry) | slow og= Hy ws

SI md 569 rth we OS Nb losligy wh! DSi 355 gle

caJlQuo exhtive 9 GY wee S525 Ey Os of SL doy bm eS

HE ES dgey9 WlO,d Sldjy a9 wlblw odS Uipb cla Gel

5 Zo Q 0 a 0 o 8 . - s

3dg9S ASN 31 dS Ura Suits 780 9 Dbs95 “XI Ip! &S daa os

The original and unique MS., from which the above passage is extracted, isin

the possession of the Nawab Zia-ud-din of Lohari, in the Dehli territory.

* T once supposed these two coins to be whole and half Chitals, instead of the

half and quarter pieces now adopted.

+ It may be as well to state distinctly that the most complete affirmation of

the numismatic existence of a Chital of a given weight and value, supported even

by all anterior written testimony, in no wise detracts from the subsequent and

independent use of the name for the purposes of account, a confusion which per-

chance may have arisen from the traditional permanency of the term itself, which

in either case might eventually have been used to represent higher or lower

values than that which originally belonged to it. Zia-i-Barni at one moment

seems to employ the term as a fractional fiftieth of the Tankah, while in other

parts of the same or similar documents he quotes a total of “sixty Chitals,’

and in his statement of progressive advances of price, mentions the rise from

twenty Chitals to halfa Tankah. Ferishtah following, with but vague know-

ledge, declares that fifty Chitals constituted the Tankah ; while Abil Fazl, who

had real information on these matters as understood in his own day, asserts

that the dém was divided ‘‘in account” into twenty-five Chitals, (See Suppte

Pathan Sultans, p. 31; N.C. xv. 156; Ferishtah, p. 299; Gladwin A. A,, te? D-

36.) Then again there seems to have been some direct association between

Chitals and Kdnis, as General Cunningham has published a coin which he ag

yet has only partially deciphered, bearing the word bie on the one side, and

os [co] on the other. J. A. 8. B., 1862, p. 425,

26 The Initial Cotnaye of Bengal. [No. 1,

ages.f To pass to the opposite extreme for a test of the copper ex-

change rate, it is found that when Shir Shah reorganised the northern

coinage of Hindustan, by the lights of his southern experience, and

swept away all dubious combinations of metals, reducing the copper

standard to its severe chemical element; his Mint statistics show

that the 178 grains of silver, constituting his revised Tankah, ex-

changed against 40 ddéms, or double chitals of copper, of an ascertained

quadrupled weight of 323.5 grains each, producing in all a total of

12,940 grains of the latter metal, as the equivalent of 178 grains of

silver, or in the ratio of 72.69 to 1; though, even in the altered

weights and modified proportions, still retaining inherent traces of the

old scheme of fours, inthe half dém of 80, and the quarter dém of 160

to the new “ Rupee.”

It remains to discover upon what principles the new silver coinage of

Altamsh was based. ‘That copper was the ruling standard by which

the relative values of the more precious metals were determined, there

ean scarcely be a doubt. The estimate by Panas of the ancient Law-

giver, the constant reckoning by Chitals of the early Muhammadan

intruders, down to the revenue assessments of Akbar, all of which

were calculated in copper coin, sufficiently establish the permanency

of the local custom, and the intrinsic contents of Altamsh’s Sikkak

or &22) of 174 or 175 grains, must primarily have been regulated by

the silver equivalent of a given number of Chitals. Had the old silver

Purdna been still in vogue, the new coin might have been supposed

to have been based upon their weights and values; three of which

Puranas would have answered to an approximate total of 96 ratis;

but although the. weight of the old coin had been preserved in the

more modern Dehli-walas, the metallic value of the current pieces had

been so reduced, that from 16 to 24 would probably have been re-

quired to meet the exchange against the original silver Zankah ; on

the other hand, although the number of 96 ratis does not occur in the

ancient tables, the combmation of the mconvenient number of three

Puranas into one piece, is by no means opposed to Vedic ideas; and

there can be no question but that the traditional 96 ratis, of whatever

origination, is constant in the modern tolah ; but, as I have said before,

the question whether the new coin was designed to constitute an even

one hundred rati-piece, which, in process of time, by wear or inten-

”

1867.] The Initial, Coinage of Bengal. 27

tional lowering of standard weights, came to settle down to the 96 rati

tolah, remains to be proved by the determination of the decimals in

troy-grains, which ought to be assigned to the normal raz.

I now proceed to notice the historical bearings of the coins of the

Bengal series.

Any general revision of a special subject, coincident with the dis-

covery of an unusually large amount of new illustrative materials, owes

a first tribute to previous commentators—whose range of identifica-

tion may chance to have been circumscribed by more limited archxo-

logical data, the application of which may equally have been narrowed

by the inaccessibility of written history, heretofore confined, as in the

. present instance, to original Oriental MSS., or the partial transcripts

.and translations incidentally made known to the Huropean world.

At the head of the list of modern contributors must be placed, in

point of time, M. Reinaud, who, so long ago as 1823, deciphered and

described several types of the Bengal Mintages, commencing with

those of Ilias Shah (No. viii. of this series).* Closely following

appeared Marsden’s elaborate work, which, among other novelties,

displayed a well-sustained sequence of Bengal coins, with correspond-

ing engravings, stvll unequalled, though in point of antiquity pro-

ducing nothing earlier than the issues of the same Ilias Shah, who

had inaugurated the newly-asserted independence of the southern

monarchy, with such a wealth of coinages.+ Next in order must be

cited a paper, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, by Mr.

Luaidlay, which added materially to the numismatic records of the

local sovereigns, though still remaining deficient in the development

of memorials of the more purely introductory history of the king-

dom.{ I myself, in the course ef the publication of the Imperial

Coins of the Pathan Sultans of Dehli,§ had occasion to notice twe

pieces of Bahddur Shah, one of which proved of considerable interest,

and likewise coins of both Shams-ud-din Firdz, and Mubarak Shah,

whose defective marginal legends, however, defeated any conclusive

assignment to their original producers,

* Journal Asiatique, Paris, vol. iii., p. 272.

+ Numismata Orientalia, London, 1825, pp. 561-585.

t+ Vol. xv. (1846), p.323.

§ Wertheimer, London, 1847, pp. 37, 42,82, and Supplement printed at Delhi

in 1851, p. 15. See also Numismatic Chronicle, vol, ix., pp. 176, 181; vol. x,,

p. 153; and yol, xv. p. 124.

28 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1

The chronicles of a subordinate and, in those days, but little ac-

cessible country were too often neglected by the national historians

at the Court of Dehli, even if their means of information as to the

course of local events had not necessarily been more or less imperfect.

Tio striking exceptions to the ordinary rule fortuitously occur, at

conjunctions specially bearing upon the present enquiry, in the

narratives of Minh4j-ul-Siraj, Juzjéni, and the ‘“‘ Travels of Ibn Batu-

tah,” the former of whom accompanied Tughan Khan to Lakhnauti,

in a. u. 640,* where he resided for about two years. ‘The Arab from

Tangiers,t on his way round to China, as ambassador on the part

of Muhammad bin Tughlak, found himself in Hastern Bengal at

the inconvenient moment when TFakhr-ud-din Mubarak was in a_

state of undisguised revolt against the emperor, to whom they jointly ,

owed allegiance; but this did not interfere with his practical spirit of

enquiry, or his placing on record a most graphic description of the

existing civilization and politics of the kingdom, and further compiling

a singularly fresh and independent account (derived clearly from

viva voce statements) of the immediately preceding dynastic

changes to which the province had been subjected. So that,

in effect, Ibn Batutah, with his merely incidental observations, has

done more for the elucidation of the obscurities of the indigenous

* The Tabakat-i-Nasiri of Abi Umar Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-din, Juzjant,

has been printed and published in the Persian series of the Bibhotheca Indica,

under the auspices of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Calcutta, 1864, pp. 453.)

The chapters on Indian and Central Asian affairs, “with which the author was

more or less personally conversant, have alone been reproduced, The usual

Oriental commencement with the history of the world, the rise of Muham-

madanism, etc., beimg mere compilations from secondary sources, have been very

properly excluded from this edition. A full notice of the original work will be

found in Mr. Morley’s Catalogue of the MSS. of the R. A. S., »5 p- 17 (London,

1854). Several other,works ae native historians, bearing upon the subject of this

paper, have also been made accessible to the public i ina | printed form in the same

collection, among which may be noted the Tarikh-i-Firiiz Shahi (the third king of

the name in the Dehli list), by Zia-i-Barni (Calcutta, 1862, pp. 602), and the

Muntakhab-ul-Tawartkh of Abd ul Kadir, Buddimi (Calcutta, 1865, pp. 407).

The editors have unadvisedly, I think, omitted the ear ly portions of the original

relating to India, and commence the publication with the accession of Akbar.

An outline of the entire contents of the work will be found in Sir H. Hlhot’s

Historians of India (Calcutta, 1849, p. 305).

+ An English version of Ibn Batutah’s Travels (taken from an abridged text),

by Dr. 8. Lee, was published in the series of the Oriental Translation “Fund in

1329 (1 vol., ‘Ato , London). A new and very complete edition of his entire

Arabic Text, with a French Translation, chiefly the work of the late M. C.

Defrémery, has been issued within the last few year by the Société Asiatique of

Paris (4 vols. 8vo., Paris, 1858-1858).

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 29

history of the period represented by the earlier coins of the Kooch

Bahér hoard, than all the native authors combined, to whose writings

we at present have access.

The merits of these authors may or may not appear upon the surface

in the subsequent pages, as it is only in doubtful or difficult cases that

their aid may chance to be invoked, but for the obscure series of the

first Governors of Bengal, the one stands alone ; and for the space of

time intervening between the provincial obscuration of Nasir-ud-din

Mahmud, the unambitious son of Balban, to the revival of public in-

terest in Bengal, consequent upon the subjection and capture of a

rebel Vassal by Ghids-ud-din Tughlak Shah, the chance traveller

describes more effectively the political mutations and varying mo-

.narchical successions than the professed historiographers treating ex-

clusively of the annals of their own land.

The following list of Local Governors has been compiled, the early

portion from the precise statements of Minhaj-ul-Siraj, the latter part

from the casual notices of Bengal, to be found in Zia-i-Barni, who

professed to continue the history of India from the latest date reached

by the former author, or from a.. 658 to 753, being a period of 95

years, covering the reigns of eleven kings. The last-named work was

finally completed in a.u. 758.

The arrangement of the names and dates of accession of the chiefs

will be found to depart occasionally from the details given by Stew-

art,* in his excellent History of Bengal, but I have designedly sought

to draw my materials independently from the original authorities,

whom he was perhaps in a less favourable position for consulting than

the student of the present day.

* The History of Bengal, by Charles Stewart, London, 1813. to,

30 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

GOVERNORS OF BENGAL.

ACCES-

SION. NAMES OF GOVERNORS, REMARKS,

A.H.

Me iS gg ee? | Firsts Muhammadan conqueror of

C00 ea ve e Bengal, under Kutb-ud-din of Dehli.

wy! boda? os dS] 55 Succeeds to the local government

2 after the death of Muhammad

us Bakhtiar.

605 3. wld 70, eho exo} SAS |Nominated to the government by

a jg | Kutb-ud-din, on whose decease in

fer)

oF A.H. 607, he assumes independ-

ence,*

608 4, Wert exo 1 clans Commandant at Deokdt, establishes

galas wlble ) us his power and assumes royal honors.

= He submits to Altamsh in 4.H. 622,

( eno || but almost immediately commences

an active revolt, whichis put an

end to in his capture by Nasir-ud-

din Mahmud, the eldest son of Al-

ps J ( tamsh, in A.H. 624,

c op 89e” Etovl oY |Nasir-ud-din had been appointed by

624 oe i 5 a his father Governor of Oudh, in

Urmet! Witins A.H. 623, from whence he ad-

vanced against Hisam ud-din in

_624, and recovered the kingdom of

Bengal, where he remained as subs

king till his death early in 626

7 6 isle wx sdlc |After temporary disturbances in the

: ee province, Altamsh, having restored

order in 4.H. 627, designated Ala-

ud din Jani to the charge of Ben-

gal.

7 last eno | Ldsw |Nominated to Bengal on the dismissal

: 2s aa den of Ald-ud-din Jani (date not given),

ed ley Dies in 631 a.n.

* Minhéj-ul-Siraj, who treats of the history of his own and immediately pre-

ceding times, introduces the reiens of the more powerful sovereigns with a full

list ae the Court notabilities, forming a sort of Almanach de Gotha of Muham-

madan India. These lists embrace the various branches of the Royal Family,

Ministers, Judges, and Governors of Provinces. The following names of the

ble’ or military administrators of Bengal, which appear in the official returns,

: or confirm the imperfect data obtained from the casual

notices of local history to be met with in the general narrative of the events of

the Empire at large. There is this discrimination, however, to be made that

these imperial nominations were often merely titular, while the effective ex-

ecutive was in other and independent hands:

Under Altamsh, 4.H. 607-633.

des? cpos! yladdy Ello (3 hg Ello

may serve to check

Boly yoly

Under Nasir-ud-din Mahmid, a.n, 644-664.

cali) Eo glelab Geb e2ott 55 pai Slot

* ggteS) 9 839) EbLo had wld sed pa SK cle

by59 sia SNe osi'> he v's 2 exo} Jie pa) Ehhed}

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 31

GOVERNORS OF BENGAL—continued.

ACCES-.

SION NAMES OF GOVERNORS. REMARKS,

A. H.

631 8. wih Yeh eyoliys | Pledges his allegiance to Rizfyh on

Ie her elevation in A. H. 634; continues

ue in the Government till 642 A. H.,

when he surrenders the kingdom to

No. 9. (Minhaj-ul-Siraj, the his-

torian, was at his court at this

i i latter period.

642 | 9. whys wld 5+ expo | od Obtains possession of Lakhnanti on

10. hj 52 wo! asst

Bees

TL. ype ayo! dle

Gila Elle

657 | 12. Met ote wis

656

657 | 13. w'& wrt Godt 2b

usr? =

659 14 ( wis wile ous” )

| “oft

676? 15. Jott wo raze

681 | 16. exrpeb ofS 18

S90”?

the 5th Zul Kaad, a. H. 642—dies

in 644.

Dates uncertain. First appointed

during the reign of Nasir-ud-din

Mahmitid of Dehli. He seems to

have been a powerful ruler and a

daring commander, and finally met

his death in his retreat from an

over-venturesome expedition into

Kamrip. He had previously as-

sumed independence under the title

of wo vlblw, ,

Appointed in a, H. 656. ( wlre@lis

subsequently in temporary posses-

sion).

Recognised, on receipt of his tribu-

tary presents at head-quarters, in

the early part of A. H. 657.

Obtains a momentary advantage over

No. 12 in his absence from his

Capital ; eventually taken prisoner

and superseded by No. 12.

Son of No. 12.* On the accession of

Balban in A. H. 664, he forwards

elephants and tribute to Dehh.

Appointed by Balban.+ He after-

wards asserts his imdependence,

and assumes the title of

na200

exo Cni2/0 wiblw,

Balban sends armies against him

without success, and at last pro-

ceeds in person to Bengal. Finally,

Toghral is surprised and killed.

Second son of Balban, installed with

royal honors.

% 7j4-i-Barni in one place, page 53, calls him w'& wey dls 2)! ssl eS) 9

and again, at page 66, cc dias wi 3

+ Zid-i-Barni, pp. 82-92.

lyg! Syl cy slew)! oo”?

32 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

As I have such frequent occasion to quote the names of the Kings

of the Imperial Dynasty of Dehli, I annex for facility of reference a

full list of these Sovereigns.

LIST OF THE PATHAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN.

(DEHLI).

DATE OF

GEISER | NOD NAMES OF SULTANS.

A.H.

589 1 Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam (lst Dynasty.)

602 2 Kutb-ud-din Aibek.

607 3 Arém Shah. _

607 4; Shams-ud-din Altamsh.

633 5 Rukn-ud-din Firiz Shah I,

634: 6 Sultan Riziah.

637 Uf Muiz-ud-din Bahram Shah.

639 8 Alé-ud-din Masavid Shah.

644, 9 Nasir-ud-din Mahmud.

664 10 Ghids-ud-din Balban.

685 11 Muiz-ud-din Kaikubad.

€88 12 | Jalél-ud-din Firiz Shah ID., Khiljt (2nd Dynasty).

695 13 Rukn-nd-din Ibrahim.

695 14, Alé-ud-din Muhammad Shah.

715 15 Shahab-ud-din Umar.

716 16 Kutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah FE.

7920 17 Nasir-ud-din Khusrt.

720 18 Ghids-ud-din Tughlak Shah (8rd Dynasty).

795 19 Muhammad bin Tughlak. ae

952 20 Firiz Shah IIL, bin Salar Rajab.

790 21 Tughlak Shah II.

791 22 Abtibakr Shah.

793 23 Muhammad Shéh bin Firtz Shah.

795 24, Sikandar Shah,

795 25 Mahmiid Shah bin Muhammad Shah (Timir, 800).

797 26 Nusrat Shah, Interreguum, Mahmiid restored, 802.

815 27 Daulat Khan Lodi,

817 28 Khizr Khan Syud (4th Dynasty).

824 29 Mnuiz-ud-din-Mubarak Shah IT,

839 30 Muhammad Shah bin Farid Shah,

849 31 ?Adlam Shah.

854 32 Bahlél Lédi (5th Dynasty).

894 33 Sikandar bin Bahlol.

923 84 Ibraéhim bin Sikandar (Baber, 930 a.H.)

937 35 Muhammad Humaytn, Moghul.

946 36 Farid-ud-din Shir Shah, Afghan.

952 37 Isl4m Shah.

960 38 Muhammad ’Addil Shah.

961 39 Ibrahim Str.

962 40 Sikandar Shah (Humaytin, 962 a.H.)

The unenlivened Chronicles of the Local Governors of Bengal enter

upon a more interesting phase, in the nomination of Nasir-ud-din

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 33

Mahinid, the son of the Emperor Balban, who subsequently came

to prefer the easy dignity of Viceroy, in the more even climate of the

south, in derogation of his birth-right’s higher honours, and the

attendant dangers of Imperialism at Dehli. One of the most touch-

ing chapters of Indian history is contributed by the incidents of this

monarch’s meeting with his own arrogant son, Muiz-ud-din Kaiku-

bad, who had succeeded to the superior dignities abjured by the

father.* They then met as nominal Vassal and Suzerain, but little

unequal in power, and each occupying independent and preparedly

hostile camps, on the ordinary route between their respective capitals.

Oriental etiquette, and more reasonable distrust, for a time delayed

the interview, in which, at last, nature was destined to re-assert its

laws, and to reconcile even conflicting royal interests, by subduing,

for the moment, the coarse vices of the son in the presence of the

tempered virtues of the father. Repeated amicable conferences, how-

ever, merely resulted in each returning on his way, with but little

change in the relative political position of either; and the compara-

tively obscure repose of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud rémained undisturbed,

while other successors filled his son’s throne at Dehli. The more

immediate question bearing upon the attribution of the earliest coins

in the Kooch Bahar treasure, is exactly how long did Nasir-ud-din

continue to live and reign. Zi4-i-Barni,t and those who follow his

ill-digested history, affirm that he retained his provincial kingship

till 699 a.m., when he divested himself of all symbols of royalty in

the mere dread of the confessedly overwhelming power of Ala-ud-

din Muhammad Shah, to be, however, reinstated by that Sultan ;

and, finally, it is asserted that Nasir-ud-din was still in existence,

and once again reinvested with the full insignia of a king, by Tughlak

Shah, in a.n. 724.

Ibn Batutah, a higher authority in proximity of time, and obvi-

ously more intimate with the purely indigenous history, states that

Nasir-ud-din, on his ruturn from his interview with his son, reigned

some years («A») ,{ an expression which is scarcely compatible with

* 738-i-Barni, p. 142 ; Ibn Batutah, ili., p. 178; Lee’s Translation, p. 117;

ANd Epd%enJ iw! Ly3 of isa Khusrii, Dehlivé.

y Printed edition, p. 451; Budauni MS. ; Ferishtah (Briggs, i. p. 408);

{ French edition, iii., p. 179, and xiii, Dr. Lee’s eythien « two years,” p. 118,

ig an error.

34 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

the idea of a nearly continuous rule of ‘“ forty-three solar years,’ and

a decease in a.H. 725, as adopted by Stewart :* a prolongation of

administrative functions indeed altogether inconsistent with the direct

evidence of the dates on the money of Kai Kaus, or the parallel proof

of Shams-ud-din’s exercise of the functions of sovereignty in 702

A.H., associated as they are with the uncontested historical and nu-

mismatic demonstration of the succession of one grandson, Shahab-ud-

din, whose ejection from his inherited section of the kingdom by his

more powerful brother, Bahadur, formed so prominent a ground for

imperial interference in the affairs of Bengal. There facts are each and

all too well ascertained to leave any doubt that the authors who make

Nasir-ud-din’s reign extend to 725 must be in error; the source of the

mistake seems as simple as it is obvious, the mere omission of the son’s

name as preceding that of the father, in Persian MS. writing, or simple

ignorance of the order of local successions, would account for the whole

difficulty. And, asis obvious, Ibn Batutah’s own personal knowledge,

and possibly correct autograph version, reproduced independently in

other lands, have not’saved later transcripts of his work from analo-

gous imperfections.f

But there are other and more direct internal evidences in the texts

of the Indian authors, of confusion and imperfect knowledge in the

relation of the incidents attendant upon the re-settlement of Bengal

by Ald-ud-din a.H. 699, where it is stated that ‘‘a chief, named

Bahadur Khan,” was at this time appointed to ‘‘ the eastern districts

of Bengal,” { with the object of dividing the province, and thus

rendering its rulers “‘ more subservient to the Court of Dehli.” It is

highly improbable, had Nasir-ud-din been living at the epoch in ques-

tion, that a grandson of his should have been selected for such a

charge to the supercession of his own father, Shams-ud-din, or in

priority to the son of that father, Shahab-ud-din, who was the elder

or perhaps better-born brother of Bahadur, each of whom, Ibn Batutah

* Stewart’s Bengal, p. 80.

+ Ex. gr., Bahadur is made the son of Nasir-ud-din, at p. 179, vol. iii., instead

of the grandson, which the text at p. 210, vol. iii., and p. 213, vol. iv., affirms him

to have been. Lee’s MS. authorities again, in omitting the intermediate name of

Nasir-ud-din, skip a generation, and ante-date Shams-ud-din (firiz) in consti-

tuting him a son of Ghids-ud-din Balban (p. 128).

{ Ferishtah, Briggs, i., p. 406; Stewart, p. 79.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 85

certifies, in turn succeeded to royal honours in the old capital of

Bengal.

Having completed this simple outline of the historical data, I now

proceed to describe the coins in their due order; first on the list in

priority of time is a piece which I can only doubtfully assign to

Bengal, and whose individual appropriation, moreover, must remain

to a certain extent inconclusive. The coin itself will be seen to bear

the hereditary name of the first Moslem Conqueror of India, Mahmid

of Ghazni, and the oft-revived title of the founder of the dynasty,

Néasir-ud-din Subuktagin, a conjunction of royal designation already

seen to have been applied to a succession of Pathan princes, whose

intitulation followed antecedent conventionalisms.

Nédsir-ud-din. Mahmid Shah.

No. 1.

Silver. Size, viii. Weight, 163.1 grs. Unique, British Museum.

Osv. Rev.

ebedl wlbld

lod age oe

erty Wot _yob =

pol ab portend |

alJ who st

oe” Reel} ay!

Margin, illegible.

The incidental details of the legends restrict the assignment of this

piece to one of ¢wo individuals, the eldest or the youngest son of

Altamsh, the latter of whom was authoritatively designated by the

like name and title on the decease of his brother, in 626 a.u.* The

*K Ue | wat, pol Sly &eilin ope” eH] ol edie! wlblis

Tabakat Nasiri, p. 181; SOAs] y 9S Uses? 536° Bar) Pa) way p. 201.

36 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

citation of the formula, ‘‘ during the reign of (the Khalif) Al Mos-

tansir billah,” on the reverse, limits the final period of the issue of

the coin, not exactly to the 5th month of the year a.m. 640, when

that Pontiff died, but with clear precision to a.u. 641, when the

knowledge of his death was officially declared by the substitution of a

new name in the Mintages of the capital of Hindustén.*

This younger son was destined eventually to succeed to the throne

of his father at Dehli, in 644 a.n., after the intervening reigns of

Rukn-ud-din Firiz Shah, Riziah, Muiz-ud-din Bahrém Shah, and

Alé-ud-din Masatid Shah, in all, however, extending only over a

space of eleven years, posterior to the death of Altamsh. The second

Mahmitd, must, under these conditions, have been but of tender years,

and though, at this conjuncture, promoted to the titular honours of

an elder brother, not in any position to exercise authority in his own

person, and less likely to have had medallic tribute paid to him by his

father, should such have been the origin of the exceptional specimen

under review. To the first-born Nasir-ud-din Mahmtd, no such

objections apply; he was very early invested by his sire with the

administration of the important government of Hansi, and in 623

A.u., advanced to the higher charge of the dependencies of Oudh, from

which gwase frontier, he was called upon to proceed against Hisém-

ud-din Avaz, (No. 4 in the list of Governors, swpra), who had already

achieved a very complete independence in the province of Bengal.

Here, his arms were fortuitously, but not the less effectually, success-

ful, so that he had honours thrust upon him even to the Red Um-

brella, and its attendant dignities,t whatever the exact measure of

these may have been. Under such triumphant coincidences, it is

possible that the universal favourite, the still loyal heir-apparent,

may have placed his own name on the coinage, without designed

offence, especially as at this time Moslem Mints were only beginning

to adapt themselves to their early naturalization on Indian soil, and

when the conqueror’s camps carried with them the simple machinery,

and equally ready adepts, for converting bullion plunder on the instant

into the official money of a general, or his liege sovereign. Altamsh’s

* Pathan Sultans of Dehli, coin No, 38, p. 22.

+ His title is usually limited by Minh4j-ul-Siraj to ello pp. 177, 181, 201;

but on one occasion wlblw crops out incidentally in the Court list where, in

his place among the sons of the Emperor Altamsh, he is so designated, p. 178.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 37

own circulating media were only in process of crude development at

this period, and had scarcely risen superior to the purely Hindu cur-

rencies it had served the purpose of his predecessors to leave virtually

intact: his own strange Z%irké name,* and that of many of his suc-

cessors, continued to figure in the Ndgaré letters of the subject races

on the surfaces of the mixed silver and copper coins of indigenous

origin, at times commemorative of imperfectly achieved conquests,

and the limited ascendancy implied in the retention of the joint names

of the conqueror and the momentarily subject monarch ;+ while the

Sultaén’s own trial-pieces, in silver, were indeterminate in their design

and legends, as well as utterly barbarous in their graphic execution.

Had the coin under review followed the usual phraseology and

paleography of the Imperial Nasir-ud-din Mahmid’s Mint legends,

it might have been imagined that an ancient and obsolete reverse

had been, by hazard, associated with a new obverse. But the obverse

inscription in the present instance differs from the latter Dehli no-

menclature in the addition of the word Shdh after the name of IMah-

miud,} and contrasts as singularly in the forms of the letters, and the

* This name I have, as a general rule, retained in the form accepted as the

conventional English orthography—Altamsh. The correct rendering of the

original is still an open question, but the more trustworthy authors reproduce the

designation as eek], a transcription supported in a measure by the repetition

of the third letter in the Kufic dies, and made authoritative, in as far as local

pronunciation is concerned, by the Hindi correlative version of fefafatafa

(Pathan Sultans, Coin No. 14), The inscription on the Kurs MinAr, at Dehli,

has Le oilit which accords with the Arabic numismatic rendering on the

reverses of the Hindi Coins now cited.

See also Taj-ul-Madsir, Alitimish: Wasdf, Alitmish, and at times ral

Badauni, Adltitimish.

_ Elliot’s Historians of India, p. 111.

+ See coins of Chahir deva,

Obverse. Bull. Legend: wzaract at wadicatefa |

Reverse, Horseman. Legend: ¥\ qlee eq i

— Pathan Sultans, No. 15; Ariana Antiqua, pl. xix. 16. 31,34; Prinsep’s Essays,

i, 333, pl. xxvi. 31; Minhaj-ul-Siraj, pp. 215, 240; Tod’s Rajasthan, i. 461 ;

and J. A. S, Bengal, 1865, p. 126.

{ So, in written history, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, the Emperor, is called byhis own

special biographer, wlauat} oy oe” cg lao} yo pero wlal.

(pp. 9, 177, 178, 201, ete.) which isin contrast to the nominal adjunct so constant

with his predecessors, Firiz Shah, Bahram Shah, Masaid Shah. On one occasion

only does the additional Shah appear in a substituted list of Altamsh’a Court

(p. 178), where the text gives—1. Sultan Nasir-ud-din * * 2. Sultan Nasir-

ud-din Mahmud; and at the end, after the name of Rukn-ud-din Firuz Shah,

comes “ Nasir-ud-din Mahmud Shah.” les as

38 The Intial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

insertion of the short vowels with the more deferred issues, as it, on

the other hand, closely identifies itself in these marked peculiarities

with the initial dies of Altamsh and the closely sequent coinages of

Riziah, two of which latter are now known to be the produce of the

Lakhnauti Mint.

RIZIAH.

The earliest coins that can be definitely attributed to a Bengal

mint, are those of the celebrated Queen Regnant of Muhammadan

India—Riziah, the daughter of Altamsh. The ministers at her

father’s court were scandalized at the preference it was proposed to

extend to a daughter, in supercession of the claims of adult male heirs

to the throne; but the Sultan justified his selection, alike on account

of the demerits of his sons, and the gifts and acquirements of his

daughter, who had been brought up under the unusual advantages of

freedom from the seclusion enjoined for females by the more severe

custom of ordinary Moslem households, aided by the advantages in-

cident to the exalted position occupied by her mother as the leading

and independently-domiciled wife. After the brief reign of Rukn-ud-

din Firtiz, extending over less than seven months—who freely ex-

emplified by his misconduct his father’s prophetic reproach—Riziah

succeeded in establishing her supremacy in the city of Dehli (4. u.

734), and Eastern eyes witnessed the singular spectacle of an unveiled

and diademed Queen—the first in India—directing the hosts of Islam,

under the canopy of the immemorial regal seat on an elephant,

Riziah’s early inauguration was attended with no inconsiderable dan-

ger and difficulty, arising from the organised military resources of the

various governors of provinces, who hesitated in conceding their

allegiance. Eventually, however, to use the expression of Minhaj-

ul-Siraj, quiet was established throughout the empire, and Riziah’s

Br)

sway was acknowledged from “ Daibal to Lakhnauti.” In a.n. 737,

the Empress proceeded in person to quell an outbreak on the part of

Ikhtidr-ud-din Alttniah, Governor of Tiberhind; but was taken

captive in the engagement that ensued, and, possibly with scant cere-

mony, introduced into the harem of the conqueror, who shortly

afterwards advanced upon Dehli in the hope of recovering the so-

vereignty, to which he had thus acquired an adventitious claim; but

BENG Av eao. (Shes

Gj WM

Sf |

)

( Cyla\

i A\ 1g)

AC)

2 ee

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 39

his army was in turn defeated, and himself and Riziah met their

deaths near Kaithal in the month of Rabi-al-Awal, a.a. 738. *

The contemporary biographer in his official lists styles this queen

wo] Kd) wll), a title which she affects on the ordinary copper

coins,f but on the silver money she adopts the designation of 4J>

eo |

Jalélat-ud-din. Riiziah.

Corn No. 2.

Laknauti, au. ?

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168 grs. Plate L, figure 1.

Type, Obverse, the whole surface is occupied by the legend.

Reverse, circuler area, enclosing a double-lined square.

Narrow margin.

Osy. Rev.

peed wlblaJ}

ex!) Lol) Sia 5

“pl po dbomwad |

wlalad| Goel} ey &SLe

(yt? go]

Ertdges! rol 5,940

Reverse Margin, * * dw ips KARI (ao * *

(See also a similar coin from the Laknauti Mint, Plate 1, fig.

27, page 19. Coins of the Pathan Sultans of Hindustan.

* Tabakat Nasiri, pp. 183, 185, 251. See also Ibn Batutah, iii. pp. 167, 168.

+ Pathan Sultans, Nos. 28, 29.

{ It would seem from the orthography adopted in this earliest record of the

name of Laknaute ( esti ) that the original Semitic transcription was designed

to follow the classical derivation of Lakshmanavaté (SAMUI), which was

soon, however, adapted to the more colloquial Luchhman (Wee ) by the addi-

tion of an h after the k, as cS ; in which form it appears under the first local

Sultans (coin No. 3, etc.). Minhéj -ul-Sir4j relates its elevation to the rank of the

capital in supercession of Nuddeah by Muhammad Bakhtiar in the following terms:

chy > bata sp oS bile |yedleo wf slits? oss? eye

wale SbeIty curl sia BS gRSgO gg na! BE

Printed edit. p. 151. The same author, at p. 162, gives a full account of the

remarkable size, progress, and general topography of the city as existing in 641

A.H. on the occasion of his own visit.

It is difficult to say when the name of the city was changed to Gawr, a denomi-

nation which is never made use of by the older authorities, Abul Fazl says,

40 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

I.—RUKN-UD-DIN KAT KAU’S.

The full and satisfactory identification of the king who ruled under

the designation of Kats has yet to be accomplished. Rajendralila

Mitra has suggested a notion that Nasir-ud-din Mahmdd, the son of

Balban, so often mentioned in this article, sought, as local ruler of

Bengal, “to continue his allegiance to his grandson Kaimurs [momen-

tarily king of Dehli], even after his deposition, and possibly after his

death,’’* by retaining his name on the public money. I should be

disposed to seek a less complicated explanation of the numismatic

evidences. Kai Kats’ date, tested by the examples of his mintages in

the Kooch Bahar hoard, is limited, in range of time, to five years

(691-695 a.n.);+ a latitude might be taken beyond the ascertained

units, which are somewhat indeterminate in their tracings, and have

equally suffered from abrasion, on the exposed margins of the coins,

but the ninety and the szx hundred can scarcely be contested. If we

examine the political state of India at this period, we find that Hin-

dustan was abnormally quiet under the feeble rule of Jalal-ud-din

Firtz (687-696 a.n.): Alé-ud-din’s conquests in the Dakhin could

have but little affected Bengal, so that any changes that may have

taken place in the latter kingdom were probably due to succes-

sional or revolutionary causes arising within its own limits. We can

scarcely build up a theory of an access of vigour and assumption of

“ Formerly it was called Lucknouty, and sometimes Gour” (A.A. ii p. 11) ; while

Budauni gives a ridiculous version of the origin of the designation as being

derived from (oyy6. He writes ee) le¥ 9 cleo jhss? ope” ,

eleIils 3 dS CpslOO 9 Bilgd g dale diate Ufyty Ly lOF

do eb aS 4S d5%,9 ee) ty ely. The obvious imperfection

of the critical philology of the derivation, however, debars its reception, as does

the caustic alternative of 3 155 =“ grave,” which the often deserted site, under the

speedy action of water and a semi-tropical vegetation, may have deservedly earn-

ed for it. But it is quite legitimate to infer that as Fite was the ancient name

for central Bengal (Wilson, Glossary, sub voce; Albirin(, quoted J. R. A. 8.i.,

N. S.; p. 471), and so intimately associated with the tribal divisions of the

indigenous Brahmans, that the designation originated in the popular appli-

cation of the name of the country to its own metropolis, and that the town

continued to be called Gawrin vernacular speech in spite of the new names

80 frequently bestowed upon it by its alien lords,

% Jour. As. Soc. Beng., 1864, p 508.

a Rajendra Lala says, “the units one and three are perfectly clear.” Col.

Guthrie’s three coms are imperfect in the word for the unit. I observe traces of

a Jour on two specimens ; and I read, with some certainty, 695 on another,

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 41

independence by Nasir-ud-din himself; nor is it probable that, in such

a case, he would have changed both his title and his name. Besides,

the array of title on the coins in the triple succession of Sultdns is

altogether inconsistent with his actual origin. Though he was the

son of one emperor of Dehli, and the father of another, he could

searcely ignore the rise of the former from a state of slavery, or

conceal the fact that Balban himself never pretended to have been the

offspring of a king. The two alternatives remain, of either supposing

that Nasir-ud-din died before 691 a.H., a question discussed elsewhere,

or to conclude that his son Rukn-ud-din Kai Kats temporarily as-

“sumed kingship during the lifetime of his father,* and that his

limited reign and local obscurity saved his memory from the com-

meats of history. I fully endorse Rajendra Lial’s suggestion that Kai

Kats would have been likely to be selected as a name for one of a

family who took so many of their designations from Persian heroic

ages, and the elaborate intitulation adopted by that prince, on his

coins, of the “‘son and grandson of a Sultan,” favours such an identi-

fication.t It will be seen that, although the cpening terms of his

obverse legends follow the conventional and unvarying mint phraseo-

* The following is the genealogical tree, according to Ibn Batutah. See vol.

iii., pp. 174-5, 179, 210, 462; vol. iv., p. 212.

wry

oe” ene | _yob ogi] gla

| E

| |

gladas 2 ees

WE slbs soley Gwotesls Exod pol Eno) | olgd

+ The name of the son of Kai Kobéd, who was elevated to the throne of Dehli

on the death of his father, is variously given by Oriental writers as Shams-ud-din

Se p95 and, wo » 95a - Budéuni and the Mirat-ul-Alm (MS.) give Kai Kaus,

but the majority of authors prefer the Kaiomurs. Zia-i-Barni does not state the

name of the boy, but mentions a son of Altamsh, in the previous generation, ag

haying been called Kaiomwrs (printed ed. p, 126). ;

42 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

logy in the useof wlhlJ), the (reigning) Sultan, yet after his own

proper name he styles himself merely wlblw, and seemingly desired

to strengthen his position by the insertion of the regal titles of his

father and grandfather ; though there is so far room for questioning

this supposition in the fact that the father had fallen short of supreme

power, and was only doubtfully authorized to call himself Sultan,

while in strictness the Imperial Balban should have been designated

the Sultdén (past regnant) ; but on the other hand, Nasir-ud-din had

been so long virtually a king in the south, that the complimentary

use of the term was quite within heraldic licence; and it is to be

remarked, that a similar omission of the supreme prefix occurs in

Nasir-ud-din Mahmid Shdh’s coin (No. 1), which, if correctly attri-

buted, would prove the legitimacy* of the optional use of one or the

other form.

These are avowedly mere speculations ; but when it is considered

how much attention was paid in India, in those days, to every vary-

ing shade and degree of honorary rank, how much importance was

attached to even the colours of official umbrellas,; and other, to us,

minor observances, it cannot but be felt that these subordinate indica-

tions may chance to prove of material aid in illustrating doubtful

interpretations.

Kai Kaus.

No. 3.

Lakhnauti, a.u. “691, 693,” and 694-695.

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168 ers. Very rare. Plate I. fig. 2.

Type, as in the previous coins.

* The Bengal Mints, after the initial uncertainty, soon settle themselves down

to follow the established Dehli models. In the latter, it will be seen, great care

was taken by all those sovereigns who could boast of a Royal descent, to define

the fact upon their coins. Bahram Shah, Masatid Shah, Nasir-ud-din Mahmid

bin Slee ood Toran ae Firaz ail entitle themselves wlbland| Gy Bal-

ban, Kai Kubad, Jalal-ud-din Firdz, and the great Al4-ud-din Muhammad Shah

have to be content with their own self-achieved wlblJ I

Fo ogsw 9 sling Us) ucts sige deg Minhdj-ul-Sirdj, p, 263;

wasly gave sheng yl bes} ditto, p. 181, aA.H. 625.

“+ Babu Rajendralala Mitra notices four coi is ki i

£ é coins of this kine with the dates 691

ansiOse | Journ. Mc qe 1864, p. 579. He was disposed to read the

mint as Sunargaon. ol. Guthrie’s three specimens, t ‘ar disti ‘g

of the name of Lakhnauti, i Oe | na ee

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 43

Osy. Sie

pbc wylalond

LoS}

a! ety Wott Sy °

Q I prosioned|

wll ular _,2bJ}

(pdho ged! 3-01

wible wt ulbler wy!

Margin, &: lekwy Gyrewdy Cyod Shae csi) wrydst LAU1b2 Cyd

IE.—SHAMS-UD-DI'N FI’RUZ.

Whatever may have been the actual date of Nasir-ud-dim’s decease

or political obscuration, we tread upon more firm ground in the con-

joint testimony of the coins and the historical reminiscences of [bn

Batutah, in the assurance that his son, Shams-ud-din Firiz, was in

full possession of power in Western Bengal at the time of Muhammad

bin Tughlak’s abortive revolt against his own father, in 722-3 a.H.*

The African traveller incidentally mentions that to the court of this

southern monarch fled the nobles who had engaged in the contem-

plated treason, which originated in the camp of the army of the

Dakhin, of which the imperial heir was commander. Professedly

written history is altogether at fault in establishing the existence

or illustrating the reign of this sovereign; and even Ibn Batutaht

* As this passage presents no particular difficulty, beyond the difference of the

texts from which Hnglish and French translators have drawn their inspiration, I

merely annex the rendering given in the amended Paris edition, vol. iii., p. 210.

= Les- autres émirs s’enfuirent prés du Sultan Chems eddin, fils dwsultan NAcir-

eddin, fils du sultan Ghiydth eddin Balaban, et se fixérent 4 sa cour... Les émirs

fugitifs séjournérent prés du sultan Chems eddin. Dans: la suite, celui-ci

mourut, léguant le tréne 4 son fils Chihab eddin.. Ce prince succéda 4 son pére;

mais son frére cadet, Ghiyath eddin Behadotr Bourah (ce dernier mot signifie,

dans la langue indienne le noir), le vanquit, sempara du royaume, et tua son

frere Kothlot. Khan, ainsi que la plupart de ses autres fréres. Deux de ceux-ci,

le sultan Chihab eddin, et Nasir eddin, s’enfuirent prés de Toghlok, qui se mit

en marche avec eux, afin de combattre le fratricide. Illaissa dans son royaume

son fils Mohammed en qualité de vice-roi, et s’avanga em hate vers:le pays de

Lacnaouty. Il s’en rendit maitre, fit prisonnier soe sultan Ghiyath eddin Beha-

dour et reprit avee ce captifle chemin de sa eapitale.’ See also Lee’s Translation,

p. 128.

+ Ibn Batutah in the following extract tells us so much about the real history

of Bengal at, and previous to his own visit, that I quote the Arabic text in

extenso ; I feel it is the more necessary to reproduce the original versiom on this

occasion, as Dr. Lee’s translation is altogether deficient in any reference to the

passage, which was clearly wanting in the MSS. at his disposal.

A # 85% Cl Guo 527 wlbltgay Ue! wible 55

Willy SS yabelly sT BRI] leopards sl kl od Game Usd ylblee

44 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

does little more than place upon record the affiliation, elevation, and

decease of Shams-ud-din, whose own coins alone furnish the addition-

al item of his regal name of Firdz; and in their marginal records

edd} ls lbt et Enott_yeld wel ods} 332 aL,

Lai, AIG sagdd (loos Cll) Guo) 520 sols ee sO)! 5s ony

al Sy3 Ally GUS USh05, pyoandi sli! Lea cowry ell

ex Ged SU clos see) ol Gl le ells Ml cS! oles sod,J

goat aalc le wl Gl Gill Gee sit QJ? iy Oe)

ert SE wlblJIb Guo Glee _paituols 392 y90le? Eye elas

the Wy) dee? ab} sabi PS Lysol yy? ygaler SEty syed Glad

BO cle cology alis gia alias atc Sis Ello sywlds wl cle

SIRS pty lt Cle [glo Che clybuly Sra aliad at feo olla

Ny! CP co oF Mel} wl cot = cl) late si SU] dla

el wile fgls lB (te Gary diy KUM} wold, SIL Akiwl,

By Ba) at) 9 BM od gle Qualt 2? SU Uaplly tis)

oe «53 sv usle yl hs lst lgas hal ct old wole Jal,

Vol. iv. p. 212, Paris edition. 443 43,2

TRANSLATION.

C’est le Sultan Fakhr eddin, surnommé Fakreh, qui est un souverain dis-

tingué, aimant les étrangers, surtout les fakirs et les sonfis, La royauté de ce

pays a appartenu au Sultan Nassir eddin, fils du Sultan Ghiydth ed din Balban,

et dont le fils, Mo’izz eddin, fut investi de lasouveraineté 4 Dihly. Nassir eddin

se mit en marche pour combaittre ce fils; ils se rencontrérent sur les bords du

fleuve, et leur entrevue fut appelée la rencontre des deux astres heureux. Nous

avons déji raconté cela, et comment Nassir eddin abandonna l’empire a son fils

et retourna dans le Bengale. I] y séjourna jusqu’a sa mort, et eut pour succes-

seur son (autre) fils, Chams eddin, qui, aprés son trépas, fut lui-méme remplacé

par son fils, Chihdb eddin, lequel fut vaineu par son frére, Ghiyath eddin

Béhadour Botir. Chihdb eddin demanda du secours au Sultan Ghiydth eddin

Toghlok, qui lui en accorda, et fit prisonnier Béhadour Botr. Celui-ci fut

ensuite reléché par le fils de Toghlok, Mohammed, aprés son avénement, 4 con-

dition de partager avec lui la royauté du Bengale; mais il se révolta contre lui,

et Mohammad Ini fit la guerre jusqu’é ce qu'il le tuat. Ilnomma alors gouver-

neur de ce pays un de ses beaux-fréres, que les troupes massacrérent. *Aly Chah,

qui se trouvait alors dans le pays de Lacnaouty, s’ empara de la royauté du

Bengale. Quand Fakhr eddin vit que la puissance royale était sortie de la

famille du Sultan Nassir eddin, dont il était un des affranchis (ou clients), il se

révolta & Sodcéwan et dans le Bengale, et se déclara indépendant. Une violente

inimitié survint entre lui et’ Aly Chih. Lorsqu’arrivaient le temps de Vhiver et la

saison des pluies, Fakhr eddin faisait une incursion sur le pays de Lacnaouty, au

moyen du fleuve, sur leqnel il était puissant. Mais quand revenaient les jours ou

il ne tombe pas de pluie,’ Aly Chah fondait sur le Bengale par la voie de terre, &

cause de la puissance qu'il avait sur celle-ci.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 45

establish the fact of his possession of Lukhnauti during the period

embraced between the years 702-722, and (at some moment) of

his ownership the Eastern Province of Bengal represented by the mint

of Sonérgaon. A subordinate incident is developed in the legends

of the coins, that he felt himself sufficiently firm in his own power to

discard the supererogatory adjuncts of descent or relationship, and

relied upon the simple affirmation of his own position as bland,

Shams-ud-din. Firtz Shah.

No. 4.

Lakhnauti, a.a. 702,* 715, (Col. Bush), 720, 722.

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168.4 grs. Very rare. Plate L, fig. 3.

Type as above.

Osv. Rey.

i mae!

Ep |g lrodt Cyead

prazion—ell

eee Peel yl

| wilh}

Margin, [ &zlerso ] 9 weyths dine iS Code? AOQA2 Cys

No. 5.

Sonérgaon, A.H. ?

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168 gers. Unique.

Type as above.

Ill —SHAHAB-UD-DYN. BUGHRAH SHAH.

Neither history, incidental biography, nor numismatic remains

avail to do more than prove the elevation, as they seem to indicate

the brief and uneventful rule, of Shahab-ud-din, the son of Shams-ud-

din Firiz, and grandson of the once recognised heir-apparent of

Balban.

* See also Path4an Sultans of Hindustan, p. 37, coin dated 702 a.H. This

coin was published by me in 1848. I then read the date as 7024.H. I wagsnot

at the time unversed in the decipherment of Arabic numbers, and probably from

the very difficulty of placing the piece itself, 1 may the more rely upon the accue

racy of my original interpretation, I mention this fact, as I am at present un-

able to refer to the coin itself.

46 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. I,

The singularly limited number of the coins of this prince, confined

—if Calcutta selections be not at fault*—to three examples amid

the 13,500 accumulated specimens of the currencies of other kings

of the land over which he temporarily held sway, sufficiently mark

his status in the general list of the potentates of the century in which

he lived. No date or place of mintage is preserved on his extant

money, and the single additional item supplied by their aid is his

personal or proper name, which appears on their surfaces as 8022;

a crude outline which might suggest a doubt as to the conclusiveness

of the transcription of 8,#, now confidently adopted as expressing an

optional rendering of the grandfather’s title of wld!,4; a name

which was even further distorted from the Ttrki original by the

conversion of the medial y r into the vernacular cerebral § or 5 = d.

For the rest, the pieces themselves, under the mechanical test, in

their make, the forms of their letters, and the tenor of their legends,

evidently follow closely upon Shams-ud-din’s mintages, and as clearly

precede the money of the same locality, issued by Ghias-ud-din

Bahédur Shéh who in 724 4. 1. drove this, his own brother, Shahab-

ud-din to take refuge with Ghids-ud-din Tughlak Shah. Bahadur’s

career has yet to be told in connexion with his own coins; but to

dispose of Shahab-ud-din,} as far as the exercise of his Mint preroga-

tives are concerned, he seems to have been lost to fame, from the

* The name of this king does not appear in any of Rajendralal’s lists.

+ The ancient name of w IS |, grb of Bokhara notoriety in 350 A. H.

(Frehn Recensio Numorum Muhammadanorum, pp. 139, 593, 578), was sub-

jected to strange mutations on Indian soil. My authority for the substitution of

the final § in place of the vowel } is derived from Ibn Batutah, who uniformly

writes the word with an g (iii. 231, 5, 293.) Ferishtah (text, p, 131) has | Qs,

whence Stewart’s Bagora (p. 74). Dow gave the name as Kera, and Briges as

Kurra (i. pp. 265, 270, etc.).

{ Those who delight in interesting coincidences might see, in this name of

Shahab-ud-din, a most tempting opportunity for associating him with a really

important record by the Indigénes themselves, inscribed on a stone slab in the

fort of Chunar, setting forth their victory over a “ Malik’ Shahab-ud-din,.

quoted as acting under Muhammad bin Tughlak, in Samvat 1390 (a. H. 734) ;

but I confess I do not myself encourage the identification. Chunar is certainly

not out of the range of access from Bengal; but other men of mark may have

filled this command, and the name of the fortress itself is never heard of in:

reference to the affairs of the kingdom of Lakhnauti, in those early days, though

the main road of communication between the two capitals of the north and the

south took its course through Budaun or Kanauj and Jaunpore. The inscription:

is otherwise well worthy of further examination, inas far as it concerns the

history of imperial influence upon proximate localities ; and as such I transcribe

1867. ] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. AT

date when he was absorbed with an associate fugitive brother (Nasir-

ud-din) under the «gis of the Emperor of Dehli.

Shahdb-ud-din. Bughrah Shah.

No. 6.

Mint, ?

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168.5 gers. Two coins only, Col,

Guthrie. Plate L., fig. 4. ;

both the text and Dr. Mills’ translation of the brief passages which may chance

to illustrate the general subject.

Verse 5:

Belssiaiie SUIGITaA saa |

= ~ nas ~ S 2 P °

Gist falfeasaltat afcuig Haars: |

“ By Muuamman, lord of the hostile Yavanas SHAHAs-uD-Din and the rest,

though an enemy, was Sarrdsa, the treasure of benignity, employed as prime

minister.”

Verse 11:

WaT (edo HiZalE ¥. aT GUS aaHT-

WITH asTesStau aa I

* Samvat 1390, in the month of Bhadra, fifth day of the waning moon, on

- Thursday, was the kingdom set free from MALIK SHAHAB-UD-DiN, acting under

the protecting favour of Sarrava Deva aforesaid.”

—See Journal As. Soc. Bengal, vol. v., 1836, p. 341).

A subordinate but still more open inquiry also suggests itself in connexion with

the mention of Shahab-ud-din in 734 4. #., as to whether, amid the strange con-

fusion of names and titles, the “ Kadr Khan,” who is noticed by Ferishtah under

the original designation of Malik Bidar Khilji, may not, perchance, have been the

identical Shahab-ud-din Bughrah, reinstated as simple governor in Lakhnauti, as

his brother Bahadur was restored to power in Sonargaon. I am aware that this is

treacherous ground to venture upon; but such a supposition is not without other

incidental support, especially in Ibn Batutah’s passage (original, iii. 214, quoted

at p 48), where Kadr Khan is spoken of as if he had been in effect the last scion

of the family of Nasir-ud-din Mahmtd Bughrah,

The original passages in Ferishtah are as follows (i. p. 237) :—

enol -ob gla ws> Soy wlbs wld jos ly a= loss Ehbe »

w! Ss 5] & 5, wiyd Gi. P. 244). sly ls id ¢ test RY s) pen cs?

3d WIS lye? cod 31 8 GOAT nol] 5? Elle 1) 9f a5 Wd 05

See also Briggs’ Translation, i. pp. 412, 423.

The Tarikh Mubarak Shahi has the name in manifest mistranscription as Bandar.

il Syig) cled} 4 of Wd od ss yok; elle y

A difficulty necessarily suggests itself in regard to the tribe of Khilji, but the

use of the name in its non-ethnic sense might readily be explained by the old

subordination of the Bengal family to the Khilji dynasty of Firtz, or the

Specially Kilji serial succession of the earlier governors of Bengal.

48 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

Type as usual.

Osy. Rev.

e— bed (of lb e! oSI

ems Wot ehe pained

gla yolks vere) —thege/l 7301

wlble oy! w'iblJ

Margin, (remainder illegible) —Siddoys

IV.—_ BAHADUR SHAH.

The single point in the biography of Bahddur Shéh, which remains

at all obscure, is the date of his first attaining power. Ibn Batutah

records with sufficient distinctness, that he conquered and set aside

his regnant brother Shahab-ud-din, sometime prior to Ghids-ud-din

Tughlak’s reassertion of the ancient suzerainty of Dehli over the

lightly-held allegiance of Bengal, and his eventual carrying away

captive the offending Bahadur, who was, however, soon to be released,

and restored with added honours,* by Muhammad bin Tughlak,

almost immediately on his own accession. Indian home-authors, who

so rarely refer to the affairs of the Gangetic delta, give vague intima-

tions of the first appointment of Bahadur to Hastern Bengal by ’Ala-

ud-din Muhammad in a. u. 799,+ assigning to him an inconceivable

interval of placid repose until a. u. 717, when he is stated to have

broken out into the turbulent self-assertion for which he was after-

wards so celebrated.

The two statements are certainly at variance, but Ibn Batutah’s

is the most readily reconcilable with probabilities, and the demands

of the up to this time legible dates on the coins which Bahadur put

into circulation in Bengal. I might have some doubt as to the

conclusiveness of the reading of the date 710 on his money in the

Kooch Bahér trouvaille, but I have none as to the clear expression

of au. 711 and 712, though the singular break occurring between

712 (or 714) and 720 suggests a suspicion of an originally imperfect

OS é="| OS OS) 89! Ses ty Poa) thee joe wala ws *

Tabakat-i-Akbari. fy 9! elas yd lake yg? cs ipe HH a2

See also Zi-i-Barni, printed edit. p. 461.

}~ Stewart, p. 75. Ferishtah (Briggs) i, 406,

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 49

die-rendering of the »%> = 10 for uy © = 20 ;* which would bring

the corrected range of Bahdédur’s dates to 720-724; but even these

figures leave something to be reconciled in reference to their asso-

eiate place of mintage, for in 720-722, his father, Shams-ud din

Hirtiz, was clearly in possession of the already commemorated “ Lakh-

naute ;” but such an anomaly might be explained by the supposition

that Bahadur, in the earlier days, used the name of Lakhnauti as a

geographical expression for a portion of the dominions ordinarily

administered from that capital. Undoubtedly the first appearance of

the contrasted designation of the Hastern capital ‘‘ Sonargaon”’ occurs on

a coin of his father; but even this sign of discrimination of urban

issues would not be altogether opposed to a continuance by Bahadur

of the loose usage of Camp Mints, of naming the metropolis as the

general term for the division at large, or inconsistent with the

subsidiary legitimate employment of the designation of the province

on a coinage effected anywhere within its own boundaries,—either

of which simple causes may have prevailed, and been utilized with

a new motive, if any covert ulterior meaning might be designed, as

implying that Bahadur himself: had special successional or other

claims to the metropolitan districts.

Tughlak Shah’s intervention in the affairs of Bengal seems to have

originated im an appeal on the part of the ejected Shahab-ud-din

against the usurpation of his brother Bahadur. The result of the

Imperial expedition to the South was the defeat, capture, and

transport to Dehli of Bahadur Shah; but among the first acts of the

new Sultan, Muhammad bin Tughlak, was the release and re-installa-

tion of the offender, showing clearly that he was something more

than an ordinary local governor, transferable at will, and that possibly

the interests of the father and son, in their newly-established dynastic

rank, and the confessed insubordination of the latter, were indepen-

dently advocated by the opposing members of the royal line of

Bengal, whose family tree could show so much more ancient a series

of regal successions than their parvenu Suzerains, whose elevation

dated scarce five years back. One of the most interesting illustrations

* Among more critical Arabic scholars than the Bengal Mint Masters ever

affected to be, this poimt would have been easily determined by the insertion

or omission of the conjunction 9 vaw, which, as a rule, is required to couple the

units aud the twenties, but is not used with the wits and tens.

50 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

of the present series is contributed by coin No. 9, in the legends of

which Bahdédur acknowledges the supremacy of Muhammad bin

Tughlak over Eastern Bengal during a.u. 628.* The subjection

seems, however, to have been of brief duration, as sometime in or

after the year a.u. 750 Bahadur appears to have reverted to an

independent coinage, in a new capital called after his own title

Ghiaspir (coin No. 8), and in a.a. 733 Muhammad bin Tughlak is

found issuing his own coin in Bengal, and Bahadur, defeated and put

to death, contributed an example to insurgent governors in his own

skin, which was stuffed and paraded through the provinces of the

empire.

tv. Bahadur Shah.

No. 7.

Lakhnauti, a. a. 710?, 711, 712, 7-3, 7-4, break, 720, 721, 722.

Silver. Size, vii. to viii. Weight, ordinarily, 166 grs.; one

example is as high as 167.5 grs. Rare.

Osy. Rev.

pbs di yloled} lod

BLE roles belt 9st

Margin, kylezrwg oa] Kino sige ray) yess? KEV SD yd

* Tbn Batutah gives the following additional particulars of Bahadur’s rein-

stallation:—“ H [Muhammad bin Tughlak] lui fit de nombreux cadeaux en

argent, chevaux, éléphants, et le renvoya dans son royaume. Il expédia avee

lui le fils de son frére, Ibréhim Khan; il eouvint avec Behadour Botrah quwils

posséderaient le dit royaume par égales moitiés; que leurs noms figureraient

ensemble sur les monnaies ; que la priére serait faite en leur nom commun, et

gue Ghiyath eddin enverrait son fils Mohammed dit Berbath (Ll _y?), comme

dtage prés du souverain de ’Inde, Ghiydth eddin partit, et observa toutes les

promesses qu'il avait faites; seulement il n’envoya pas son fils, comme il avait

été stipulé. Jl prétendit que ce dernier s’y était refusé, et, dans son discours,

31 blessa les convenances. Le souverain de l’Inde fit marcher au secours du

fils de son frére, Ibrahim Khan, des troupes dont le commandant était Doldji

altatiry ((. apd c=’ 5) Elles combattirent Ghiydth eddin et le tuérent ; elles

Ie dépouillérent de sa peau, qu’on rembourra de paille, et qu’on promena ensuite

dans les provinces,’ —Vol, iii. p. 316,

+ The dates 7-3, 7-4, may perchance be obliterated records of 723 and 724.

I have placed them among the lower figures, but I have no sanction for

retaining them in that position.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 51

No. 8.

Second Mint, Ghidsptir. Date, 730.

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 166 and 164.5 ers. Very rare. Two

coins. Col. Guthrie. Plate I., fig. 5.

Margin, # Grd di yale dyad KS0 «

tv. Bahadur Shah,

as Vassal wnder Muhammad bin Tughlak.

No. 9.

Sonairgaon, a.u. 728.

Silver. Weight, 140 grs. Unique. Dehli Archeological Society,

Obverse, sl roles bet gf Givi g Lisl Lhe obra wilbhidy

ELST Eyl ylbbend

Margin, Kleene y wre Gs Kae pS oo § yao? BXont} KOH

Muhammad bin Tughlak Shah, Emperor of Hindustan,

(in his own name) after the re-conquest of Bengal.

No. 10.

Lakhnauti, a.u. 733.

Silver. Small coins. Size, v. to v4. Weight of well-preserved

coins, 168.5 grs. Five specimens, Col. Guthrie. Plate L., fig. 6.

Opy. Rev.

oy) gt!

es o—sl_ so) & Uy att ¥

SUP) Unies “ & -—_=”

lS Gls (3 doe? &_U} yao)

ae,

Reverse, Margin, ;

Kilexivv tld 9 et) Bio sth gS oo LARS Kod wy

Tf the place of mintage of these imperial coins had been illegible,

T should almost have been prepared, on the strength of the pecu-

liavity of the forms of the letters, to have assigned their execution

to a Bengal artist. The original model for the type of coinage may

be seen in fig. 90, page 54, Pathan Sultans. The late Mr. G. Free-

ling, of the Bengal C.S., has left on record his acquisition of a gold

piece of the same design (from the Dehli Mint) dated a.m. 725.

52 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

V.—FAKHR-UD-DIN. MUBARAK SHAG.

On the departure of Muhammad bin Tughlak from Bengal, Tatar

Khan, honorarily entitled Bahram Khan, an adopted son of Ghids-

ud-din Tughlak, seems to have been left in charge of the provinces

included in the government of Sonaérgaon, while the Lakhnauti

division of the kingdom of Bengal was entrusted to Kadr Khan.

On the death of Bahram Khan,* which is stated to have taken place

in 739—but may probably have to be antedated to 737—Fakhr-ud-

din Mubarak, his Si/dhddr, took possession of the government, and

proclaimed his independence. He was in the first instance defeated

by the troops sent against him from Lakhnauti, but finally succeeded

in maintaining his authority, and, as the coins prove, in retaining his

hold on Sondrgaon and its dependencies throughout the nine years,

from 741 to 750 a.u., comparatively undisturbed. The history of

the period is confused, and the dates given by the native authors

prove of little value;; but the coins establish the fact that in 751

another ruler, designated Ikhtidr-ud-din Ghazi Shah, presided over

the Mints of Hastern Bengal.

y. Fakhr-ud-din. Mubarak Shah.

No. 11.

Sonérgaon, A.H. 737,—T41, 742, 743, 744, 745, 746, 747, 748, 749,

750.

Silver. Size, vi. to viz. Weight, 166.0 ors. Unique,

Rlatenle, tien i

Osy. Rev.

bei} @l—blJ}

: ie

wits (od! = — +1, ,_—-eb

Las lao ,2b,J 5

ae el Ww Be sel

Onl

. Margin,

* Nizim-ud-din Ahmad says, Mubarak killed Bahrém Khan ; while Abul Fazl

affirms that Mubarak put Kadr Khén to death.—Ayin-i-Akbari, ii. 21,

y Ferishtah, Briggs, i. pp. 412-413; iv. 828. Stewart, pp. 80-83.

1867. ] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 53

The above specimen is unique in date, and varies in the opening

legend of the reverse from the less rare coins of later years, which

commence with Kalas | pao

VI.—’ALA-UD-DIN. ’ALT SHAH.

7Ali Shah, whom Muhammadan writers, by a strange jumble, have

endowed with the surname of his adversary Mubarak, and ordinarily

refer to as ‘’Ali Mubarak,’+ assumed kingship on the death of

Kadr Khin, Muhammad Tughlak’s representative at Lakhnauti,

entitling himself ’Alaé-ud-din. The more important incidents of his

reion are confined to his hostilities with his rival, Fakhr-ud-din

Mubarak of Sondrgaon, who possessed advantages in his maritime

resources, while the rivers remained navigable for large vessels during

the rainy season, but which were more than counterbalanced by Ali

Shah’s power on land, which availed him for the greater part of the

year, and which finally enabled him to establish his undisputed rule

in the Western provinces.

His coins exhibit dates ranging from 742 to 746 a.n., and bear

the impress of the new mint of the metropolis, Firizabad, an evidence

of a change in the royal residence, which clearly implies something

more than a mere removal to a new site proximate to the old Lakh-

nauti, whose name is henceforth lost sight of, and may be taken to

indicate a strategetic transfer of the court to the safer and less exposed

locality of the future capital, Pandua.t ’Ali Shah is stated to have

been assassinated by his foster brother, Haji Ilias.§

"Alé-ud-din. ’Ali Shah.

No. 12.

Firtizabad, 742, 744, 745, 746.

Silver. Size, vit. Weight, 166.7 grs. Rare. Plate I. fig. 8,

Type as usual.

* See also an engraving of his coin (dated 750) Pathan Sultans, fig, 151 and

age 82.

: : Budauni MS. Ferishtah, iv. 329. Stewart, p. 82. Ayin-i-Akbari, ii. 21.

{ Stewart, speaking of Firtiz’s advance against Ilids, says, “the Emperor

advanced to a place now called Feroseporeabad, where he pitched his camp

and commenced the operations of the siege of Pundua,”’ p.84. Thereisa Mahal

Firizpur in Sircor Tandah, noticed in the Ayin-i-Akbari, ii. p, 2. See also

the note from Shams-i-Siraj, quoted below (p. 61), under the notice of Ilias

Shah’s reign.

§ Stewart, p. 83,

54 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. . [No. 1,

Osv. Rev.

peasy) wibly lest] yoiSus

eH}, iol} sdlc (ep

glisle eb. lyst OD Eta] cries

welandt CX ga}! p00}

Margin,

VIL—IKHTIAR-UD-DIN. GHAZI SHAH.

At the period of this king’s accession to the sovereignty of Sonar-

gaon in a. H. 750 or 751, we lose the aid of our most trustworthy

recorder of the annals of Bengal during his own time. The conclu-

sion of Ibn Batutah’s narrative leaves Fakhr-ud-din Mubarak still

in power, while the native authorities are clearly at fault in their

arrangement of dates and events, and altogether silent as to any

change in the succession in Hastern Bengal, except in their allusions

to the more than problematical capture of Fakhr-ud-din and his

execution by ’Ali Mubérak in 743 a.u., with the final accession of

lias ‘* one year and five months afterwards.”’”*

The numismatic testimony would seem to show that Mubarak

was succeeded by his own son, as the Ul Sultdn bin Ul Sultén may

be taken to imply. The immediately consecutive dates, and the

absolute identity of the fabric of the coins, as well as the retention

of the style of Right-hand of the Khalifat on the reverse, alike.

connect the two princes; while the cessation of the issues of Ghazi

Shah simultaneously with the acquisition of Sondrgaon by Ilias,

in 4.H, 753, would seem to point to the gradual spread of the power

of the latter, which is stated to have been at its zenith just before

Firdz IIL. assailed him in his newly consolidated monarchy in 754.

* Stewart, p. 83.

+ Shams-i-Sir4j, speaking on hearsay, affirms that Shams-ud-din Ilias captured

and slew Fakhr-ud-din after Firaz III.’s first expedition into Bengal,

and that the main object of the latter’s second invasion of that province

was for the purpose of reasserting the rights of Zafar Khan, the son-in-law

of Fakhr-ud-din (who had fled for protection to Dehli), to the kingdom of

Eastern Bengal. It is asserted that although Firiz succeeded in obtaining

this concession from Sikandar, who, in the interval, had succeeded to his

father’s throne, Zafar Khan himself was wise enough to decline the dangerous

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 55

Thhtidr-ud-din. Ghazi Shah.

No. 13.

Sonargaon, a.H. 751-753.

Silver. Size, vi. Weight, 166 grs. Very rare indeed. Three

coins, Col. Guthrie. Plate I. fig. 9.

Osy. Rev.

Saale) spied

iy Lot isy nin as

; y

alas jle tbs { >! sul a"

.pdKv0 ot

Margin,

Kylyrsao 9. cyte 9 coo! Kia 9S joe Jia $a? ESS] XRD wy

VIL—SHAMS-UD-DIN. ILIAS SHAH.

The modern application of old coins divides itself into two branches

—the suggestive development of obscure tradition, and the enlarge-<

ment and critical revision of accepted history. The transition point

between these archxological functions, in the present series, declares

itself in the accession of Ilias Shah, the first recognised and effectively

independent Moslem Sultan of Bengal, the annals of whose reign

have been so often imperfectly reproduced in prefatory introductions

to the relation of the magnificent future his successors were destined

to achieve as holders of the interests and the commercial prosperity

of the Delta of the Ganges, to whose heritage, indeed, England

owes its effective ownership of the continent of India at the present

day.

proximity to so powerful a rival monarch, and to return inthe suite of tho

Sultén. The Bengali troops, under Zafar Khan, subsequently distinguished them-

selves in an opposite quarter of India, near Tattah, and their commander was

eventually left in charge of Guzrat.—Shams-i-Siraj, book ii, cap. 9, ete.—

See also Journal Archeological Society of Dehli (Major Lewis's abstract

translation), 1849, p. 15.

The Tarikh-i-Mub4rak Shahi (dedicated to Mubarak II.), the concluding:

date of which is 838 4.H., also declares that Haji Ilias killed Fakhr-ud-din in

741 aH. This last date is a manifest error; as is also, probably, the omission,

by both authors, of the words son of before the name of Fakhr-ud-din,

56 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. ile

The compiler of the English version of the early history of

Bengal* adopts the conclusion that Haji Ilias first obtained power

on the assassination of “ ’Ali Mubarak” in 745-6, but the previous

rectification of the independent personality and status of the two

individuals thus singularly absorbed into one, will prepare the reader

for the corrections involved, though not, perhaps, for the apparent

anomalies the coins disclose. Medallic testimony would seem to

indicate a long waging of hostile interests between the real ’Ali

Shah and Haji Ilias, before the latter attained his final local

triumph ; for although Ilias is seen to have coined money in Firtiz4bad

in 740 a.m., the chance seems to have been denied him in 741;

and in 742 his adversary, ’Alf Shah, isfound in full possession

of the mint in question. The Kooch Bahar hoard reveals no coin of

either party dated 743, but in 744 the two again compete for owner-

ship, which Ali Shah for the time being continues through 745 into

746, when the annual series is taken up and carried on successively

for an uninterrupted twelve years by his more favoured opponent. It

is needless to speculate on the varying course of these individual

triumphs; suffice it to say, that the increasing power of the ruler of

Pandua, in 754, excited the Emperor Firdéz III, to proceed against

him in all the pomp and following of an Oriental suzerain, resulting

only in the confession of weakness, conveniently attributed to

the periodical flooding of the country+—which effectively laid

* Stewart, p. 83.

+ Stewart felt a difficulty about the right position of Alddlah; the real point

of attack, and a place of considerable importance in the local history of Bengal.

The following is Zia-i-Barni’s description of the place, taken from the concluding

ae of his history on the occasion of Firtiz Shaéh’s (III.) invasion of Bengal

in 754 A.H.:—

awe! ot ralf wsyb Sly 8 Sy dh3 Sey 5p Ano] (g®atqvd eb KOSI

POC BI cor fg dss jy dys exes? KJOS] who Cao kia e290 Ld yb 9

P, 588, printed edit. 942 WaS} ,o 422 9 w} L Jy

Rennell gives another Akdallah north of Dacca. ‘‘ Map of Hindoostan,”

In the following passage Shams-i-Siraj desires to make it appear that Firiz

III. gave his own name to the city of Pandua; but, as we have seen that the

designation was applied to the new capital either in 740 or 742—that is, long

before Firtiz became king of Dehli, it will be preferable to conclude that the

name was originally bestowed in honour of the Shams-ud-din Firtiz of Bengal, of

the present series. The quotation is otherwise of value, as it establishes, beyond

a doubt, the true position of the new metropolis :—

BLA So rh? eye ply abd plo YT yo Ody BOS2 ro ( shed 59549 )

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 57

the foundation of the ultimate independence of Bengal. A monarchy

which was destined so to grow in power and material wealth as to be

competent, indirectly, in the person of Shir Shah, to recover for the

old Muhammadan interest the cherished capitals of the north, and to

eject from Hindustan the Moghuls who too hastily boasted of an easily-

achieved conquest of the country “ from Bhira to Bahar.”

Shams-ud-din. Ilias Shah.

No. 14,

Firdzibad, a. uw. 740, 744, 746, 747, 748, 749, 750, 751, 754, 755,

756, 757, 758.

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, selected specimens, 168.0 gzs.; ordinary

weights, 166.0 grs.

Type No. 1. The old Dehli pattern.

Obverse, Square area.

Reverse, Square area, within a circle,

Osv. Rev.

sj 'e)1 abet f

psi diKvo

nl, Last Cae =

cst eb ol

cy lalend| gla

Margin,

Kylyrrw 9 (phmese 9 @! Kiao oll jy ya? Mad} os? KK wnt | Ka 2S) i mpd

Type No.1. Variety A. Silver. Size, vil. Weight, 166 grs,

Obverse, Lettered surface.

Reverse, Small circle, area.

No. 15.

Firtizébad, a. . 758.

Type No. 2, Broad coin. Size, ix. Weight of the best and selected

specimens, 166.0 grs. only.

Obverse, Plain lettered surface. —

Reverse, Circular area, with narrow margin.

oa \ kes Gries

edie) prot

Ly S05] std 5x8 wlble eye Mole olf Sor? sed oly oioif,a

92 OT (hence) # # @ @ olf byt? b 949 re 5 oS 8 92 objT

By diy Gyo SUT 39529 9 AlOS) Spe

From the original M§, in the possession of Zia ud-din Khan of Lohari.

58 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

Legends, both obverse and reverse as in No. 1 type.

Marginal legend,

Ksleraw 9 Wine 9 isles Shwe obits yas Bast ESS] BP 2 we yd

The Kooch Bahar trove must have been rich in this type of coin,

and of the particular year a. H. 758, as out of 109 specimens in Col.

Guthrie’s collection, there is no single example of any other date.

No. 16.

Sonérgaon, a. u. 753, 754, 755, 756, 757, 758.

Type No. 8. Size, vii. Present weight, 166 grs. after the obvious

reduction by boring out. Plate II., fig. 10.

Obverse, Square area.

Reverse, Circular area, with broad margin,

Osy. Rev.

Joles} ye land|

ely Liat Cpeod ws Wy aise

We ve Als

rll) RBS} 5st RYE esos

label) sl teed! wel

Margin,

Kylenane urhenbd 9 cyod Shur gif linn fila Fda? ul! 332 Gynd

TX.—SIKANDAR BIN ILIAS.

This king—the second only in the still incomplete assertion of

local independence of allegiance to the throne of Dehli—exhibits in

the material wealth of his national coinage the striking progress

incident to comparative freedom and identity of home interests, which

may be achieved, almost on the instant, by the denizens of a commer-

cial centre so favoured by nature as the Delta of the Ganges.

Tried by such a test, few statistical returns could present more

effectively the contrast disclosed in the Kooch Bahar treasure between

the accumulated produce of the Bengal Mints, representing a century

and a quarter’s limited activity, attended with all the advantages

of a diffused circulation, but under a subordinate government, as

compared with the overwhelming array of coins bearing the impress

of asingle unfettered monarch, whose money was, in effect, new

from the dies. To numismatists the enhanced proportion will be

BENGAL COINS

W. West, sc.

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 59

more significantly shown by a reference to the additional number

of Mint-cities, the singular variety of new types produced, and above

all, by the sustained series and corroborating repetitions of annual

dates. It is under the latter aspect alone that I have now to com-

ment on the history of a reign already sufficiently told in other pages.

Sikandar Shah placidly sueceeded his father towards the end of 759

A.u., and the coins of the period sufficiently support the date of such

a transfer of power, in the final year 758 recorded on the issues of the

father, though proof of the accession of the son is less marked, as

the seeming anomaly obtained—under the conjoint efforts of father

and son to achieve release from thraldom to a distant suzerain—of a

concession to the son of much independent power, and, coincidently,

the right to coin money in his own name, whether in his own camps

or in his father’s royal cities. Though some of the earlier designed

coins give evidence of due humility in titular phraseology, the same

simplicity is adhered to, in continuous mintages, long after the

removal of any possible impediments or restrictions to the adoption

of comparatively exalted titles; though in the more independent

governmental mintages of 758 a.u. (No. 21) the peed lala} is affect-

ed even during the life-time of the father, and, after his own accession,

higher assumptions, and a more definite approach towards personal

hierarchical honors, are discovered in the metropolitan issues of 766-

780 (No. 22), while special service against the infidels seems to be

implied in the novel intitulation of &U} jac¥!_,elY) “ The conqueror of

the enemies of God,” on the Firdzabid money of 769 a.n. (No. 23).

But the most interesting details furnished by Sikandar’s coins are

those which illustrate the geographical distribution of the chief seats

of government. Unlike the Northern Moslems, who, in the difficulty

of moving the Eastern hosts—conventionally deemed essential to an

Imperial progress—over the imperfect highways of Hindustan, con-

fined themselves ordinarily to one fixed metropolis, the kings of

Bengal enjoyed facilities of river communication almost unprecedented ;

their various capitals, situated within easy distance of one another,

were at all times accessible by water,—a differently constructed

State barge secured at any season free approach to the seaboard

cities of the Great Ganges or the towns on the narrow channels of

the western streams. These frequent regal visitations are incidentally

60 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1

recorded on the coinage of the day, by the insertion of the prefix

of es,2=> to the name of the selected residence, which term colloquial-

ly marked the presence of royalty within the limits of the favoured

fiscal division. ;

Sikandar’s mint cities were five in number—No. 2, Firdzdbdd ; 3,

Satgaon ; and 4, Shahr Nau, in Western Bengal; with 5, Sondrgaon ;

and 6, Muazamdbad, in the Eastern division of the province.

2. The first-named mint, in addition to the preferential Hazrat,*

is styled variously Baldat and dws sya | Sols “ fortified city,” a speci-

fication which probably refers to the separate though closely proxi-

mate citadel of Akddlah, so celebrated in the military annals of the

time (coin No. 26).

Fe)

53. Satgaon is distinguished by the prefix of Koye (Atrium) a term

which, in India, came to be conventionally used for a tract or geogra-

phical division of country,+ a sense which would well accord with its

application to Satgaon, as the third circle of government of Bengal

proper.t In the subsequent reign of Aazam the mint specification

is more directly brought into association with the town itself in the

777

seemingly more definite localization involved in the word &25§

4, Shahr Naw, I suppose to have been the intitulation of the new

city founded near the site of the old Lakhnauti:|| it is variously

denominated as the simple ’Arsat or 3y+x+J| Ke >> (populous, richly

7Oe

*% Byam “ Preesentia, Majestas ; urbs, in qua est regis sedes.”

T or) buoys in Persian, means “surface of the earth,” Sir Henry Elliot

remarks, “The words used before Akbar’s time to represent tracts of country

larger than a Pergunnah were (9 , &bA : fro 5 yuo ; Lay, and e(b3|

— Glossary of Indian Terms, sub voc ‘ Circar.”

{ Zia-i-Barni, in introducing his narrative of Tughlak Shah’s expedition to

Bengal (A. H. 724), speaks of that province as consisting of the three divisions

« Lakhnauti, Sunargaon, and Satgaon” (p. 450, printed edit.).

The Ayin-i-Akbari, in the xvi. cent. A. D. thus refers to Satgaon, “ There are

two emporiums a mile distant from each other; one called Satgaon, and the

other Hoogly with its dependencies; both of which are in the possession of

the Europeans.”—Gladwin, ii. p. 15. See also Rennell, p. 57. Stewart's

Bengal, pp. 186, 240, 248, 330.

§ From was “ amputavit :’ hence &xas “oppidum, vel potior, preecipua

pars oppidorum.”

|| The decipherment of the name of this mint (as Col. Yule reminds me)

determines for medizyval geography the contested site of Nicoldé Conti’s

Cernove. The Venetian traveller in the Hast in the early part of the fifteenth

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 61

cultivated).* This progressively less appropriate name may be sup-

posed to have merged into the official Jannatdbid, which follows in

_ Mint sequence.

5. Sandrgaon, as a rule, retains its ancient discriminative designa-

tion of Jia 3,a=, a title which it eventually had to cede to its rival

Muazamabad.

6. Muazamabad. There is no definite authority for the determi-

nation of the site of this city, which, however, seems to have been

founded by Sikandar about 758-759 a. u., when his own coins record

that he himself assumed the title of pbeed |, without trenching upon

the superlative peed { usually reserved for the reigning monarch.

I conclude that there was a gradual migration from the ancient Sonar-

gaon to the new city, which grew in importance from the govern-

mental centre implied in the obipbeoesls) (No. 19) of 760 a. m., to

the oblbeo, bert} sol, “the great city of Muazamabad” (No. 18) of

about 780 a. u., till, on the disappearance of the name of Sonargaon

century is recorded to have said that ‘‘ he entered the month of the river Ganges,

and, sailing up it, at the end of fifteen days he came to a large and wealthy

city called Cernove ....... On both banks of the stream there are most charming

villas and plantations and gardens. ...... Having departed hence, he sailed up

the river Ganges for the space of three months, leaying behind him four

very famous cities, and landed at an extremely powerful city called Maarazia .

300hee haying spent thirteen days ‘on an expedition to some mountains to the

eastward, in search of carbuncles’.. he , returned to the city of Cernove,

and thence proceeded to Buffetania.’””—The travels of Nicol6 Conti, Hakluyt

Society, London, pp. 10, 11.

See also Purchas, vol. v. p. 508; and Murray’s Travels in Asia, ii. 11.

There are also many interesting details regarding the geography of Bengal,

and a very full and lucid summary of the history of the period, to be found in

“Da Asia de Jodo de Barros” (Lisbon, 1777, vol. iy. [viii.], p. 465 et seq.), At

the period of the treaty of Alfonso de Mello with, “ El Rey Mamud de Bengala’”’

(the king whom Shir Shah eventually overcame) the name of Shahr Nau had

merged into the old provincial designation of Gawr, which is described as “a

principal Cidade deste Reino he chamada Gowro, situada nas correntes do Gan-

ge, e dizem ter de comprido tres leguas, das nossas, e duzentos mil vizinhos,”

(p. 458). Satigam makes a prominent figure on the map, and Sornagam ig

located on a large island within the Delta, the main stream dividing it from

Daca, which is placed on the opposite or left bank of the estuary.

More modern accounts of the old city may be found in Purchas, i. 579 ;

Churchill, viii. 54; also Rennell, Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan, London,

1788, p. 55; Stewart, p. 44, and ina special work entitled ““ The Ruins of

Gour,” illustrated with maps, plans, and engravings of the numerous Muham-

madan edifices extant in 1817, by H. Creighton, 4to,, London, Black, Parbury

and Allen. See also Hlliot’s Glossary of Indian Terms, sub voce, Gour Brahmin.

* The adjective (derived from es Coluit) will admit of other meanings, and

if understood as applying to a town, might signify “ well built,” locally Pukka.

62 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [Nomt:

from the marginal records of the general currency, the new metropolis

appropriates to itself the immemorial Jia ’,2= of Hastern Bengal

(No. 32 A.)

With a view to keep these brief geographical notices under one

heading, I advert for the moment to No, 7, Ghiaspur, of which locality

I have been able to discover no trace ; and likewise anticipate the due

order of the examination of Adzem Shah’s mint cities in referring to

the sole remaining name of Jannatdbdad, an epithet which is erroneous-

ly stated to have been given by HumAytin to the re-edified Lakhnauti,*

but which is here seen to have been in use a century and a half be-

fore the Moghuls made their way into Bengal.

The single item remaining to be mentioned in regard to Aazam’s

mints is the substitution of the word 423 in lieu of 3.4} as the prefix

to Firtizabad (No. 385), in parallel progress towards centralization with

the Mint phraseology adopted in the case of Satgaon.

Sikandar Shah bin Ilias Shah.

IOs: IL

Firazabad, a. nw. 750, 751, 752, 753, 754, 758, 759, 760.

Type No. 1. Ordinary simple obverse, with reverse circular are

a and margin.

Osv. Rev.

Bley jo\ae oats)

BLE Coll cyl aro 69

wlblas worst

Margin,

Eslezsw 9 pytmed 9 IU aie ht 5, yh? gol} 69 ahund} KES dd Wye

* Ayin-i-Akbari, ii. p. 11; Stewart’s Bengal, 124, Bengal itself was called

we ; :

ol} die, “The Paradise of Regions.” Ibn Batutah, iv. p. 210, says the

Persians called Bengal & 23 oo é3 49)» “ce qui signifie,” en arabe, “un enfer

rempli de biens.” Marsden, Num. Orient. p. 578, gives a coin of ’Al4-ud-din

Husain Shah, of a. u. 917, purporting to have been struck at “ Jannatabad.”

T wy “regio ;” also “oppidum.” The plurals are said to vary, in correspond-

2 29

ence with the independent meanings, as yd and wlio

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 63

No. 18.

Sondérgaon, a. u. 756, 757, 759, 760, 763.

Type No. 2. Theusual lettered obverse with circular area and

margin reverse.

Osy. Rev.

us? oalee|

wee J | Usa ECHOES ries

Celt Gott sl aiken, yl geols ay

wlelnJ} gla hese)

Margin,

No. 19.

Muazamabad, a. u. 760, 761, 763, 764. Plate II. fig. 12.

Variety A.

Margin,

Bilg Rime g cytioe 9 Coda! Siw oli! pase revel RSJ] YD yd

No. 20.

Firdizabad, a. u. 764.

Variety B.

No. 21.

Sonargaon, a. Hu. 758, 759.

Type No. 3. As usual.

Osv, Rev.

pose! wlblut} tied

BL sing ineeee

hel Lol aly

38 Colt wit

wlll} wrezell

Margin, as usual.

No, 22.

_ Hirizabad, a.n. 765, 766, 770, 771, 772, 773, 776, 779, 780.

Type No. 4. Coarse coins, badly formed letters. Odverse, simple

lettered surface. Reverse, circular area.

64 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [Nora

Osy. Rev.

lo A

(P yI b2l5 crit?

a pees 370 Gy al

pode oats) aie

l J ry (ee ate

Cte! cil Be Sede ally old

wlblad| sla

Margin, &leraw 9 cprese Shoo ob) 3939 rpc! Shad] gids

No.. 23.

Firtizabad, a. nu. 769.

Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 166 grs. Very rare. Plate II. fig. 11,

Type No. 5. Similar design to type 1.

Osv. Ray.

ole) 431 BA

Bld dive BL) Gyro

oe! ylblJ| last

wlblJ| al) focy

Margin,

& *® 9 Uthw y Gud dive OUI soya? BSL) (25 SSS} R295] Sx mys

No. 24.

Satgaon, a.u. 780, 781, 782, 783, 784, 788. Plate IT. fig. 13.

Type No. 6. Obverse, a quadrated scalloped shield, with open

bosses on the margin containing the names of the “ four friends,” the

intermediate spaces being filled in partially with the king’s titles.

feverse, hexagonal star-shaped lozenge, with exterior marginal

legend.*

* The pattern legend of this mint-die seems to have been taken from oral

data, as it is engraved as 4lJ) acl _,al2J) instead of the more critical 4U| Jos}

él) ,al8J)The increased facilities of intercourse by sea probably aided ‘thecol-

loquial knowledge of Arabic in the estuaries of Bengal ; while the learned of Dehli

had to rely more upon books and occasional teachers. Ibn Batutah tells us, that

Muhammad bin Tughlak, though pretending to speak Arabic, did not distinguish

pe in the act, while Haj¢ [lias must himself have performed the pilgrimage

o Mecca,

1867. ] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 65

Oxy. Rey.

(Sei

hl pol él; bQLR

gd wlll roe)

of Bio pyaivogelt

a &a dle

Obverse Margin,

sls olen yee Msi! a cals yl ole piled ele!

Reverse Mar ein,

Bulg rine 9 Gale 9 dal Bhi gilKiw Ko, ist 5S. red{ BSmJ} xdo wy

S oes

Shahr Nau, a.u. 781, 782, 783, 784, 785, 786 Plate II. fig, 14.

Type No. 7. Obverse, a he octagon, with four circlets -in the

margin containing the names of the four friends of the Prophet, the

rest of the exergue being filled in with the king’s own titles.

Reverse, a diamond-shaped area with the crossed lines prolonged

to the edge of the piece; the lines are slightly scalloped outwards

to form an ornamental field.

Osy. Rev.

yla cola! orl st erakoged! pvc} pols &MS)

wlblend| desis old

Obverse Margin,

oases) weap BSE) Sgt ls oleae yee Sigel

Reverse Margin,

Eilerine 9 cytiled 9 ceil! Shur 9) gph Boye 68 BT bagl) Sal) OO Cyd

The name of the mint is imperfectly expressed on even the best

specimens, and great latitude has been permitted in the omission or

insertion of entire words in the reverse marginal legend,

Variety A. differs merely in the pattern of the reverse area, which

is ornamented with double instead of single scallops.

No. 26.

Birtizdbad, a. H. 780, 781, 782, 783, 784, 785, 786, 787, 788, 789,

720, TOL, Oe.

Type No. 8. Obverse, circular area, with a board margin divided

66 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

by circlets enclosing the names of the four friends of the Prophet,

the intermediate spaces being filled in with their titles.

Reverse, octagonal rose scalloped lozenge, with narrow margin.

Obverse,

wleledt x8 Colalt cyt sls ydiSo ool} 541 wey) oasis Bip

Margin,

plod she peal wlede Bhale ysl sae pbc! Spit

Reverse,

Margin,

Gila rreo 9 cples EBV Shiga? Kao Sols is 85 yl seed KSomd | HSL mye

No. 27.

Satgaon, a. H. 780.

Variety A. Reverse Margin,

etc. Sw seeret| do, 6 ace BS) Lrg} Smt { $00 Wogd

No. 28.

Muazamabad (the great city), a.H.?

Variety B. Mint, ols! pbs0 pbeed| Sols

No. 29.

Shahr Nau, a. u. 781.

Variety ©. Mint, wiles 9 dat Sine oi ye Fyyerel! dope

No. 30.

Col. Guthrie has a gold piece of type No. 8, size vii. and a half,

weighing 158 grains. The coin is inferior in execution to the ordinary

silver money. ‘The letters are badly formed, and the marginal legend

is altogether obliterated.t

No. 31.

Firazabad, a. u. 781, 782, 783, 784, 785, 786, 787.

Type No. 9. Obverse, circular area, with a broad margin, broken

* M. Reinaud interpreted the word as W,©, Defensor (Journal Asiatique, 1823,

p. 272), in which he is followed by Marsde® (ji. p.567). Sayud Ahmad again, in

his transcript of ’Ala-ud-din’s Inscription of 710 A. H., reproduces the title as

wala i) Nove 55 , Which, in effect, carries a nearly identical meaning

(Asar-ul-sunadid, p. 58).

+ The only other Bengal gold coins I am at present able to refer to are a well-

preserved piece of Jdldl-ud dév Fatah Shah bin Mahmud (dated a. H. 890), now

in the possession of Colonel Guthrie, weighing 161.4 grains, and a coin in the B.M,

assigned to ’Ala-ud-din Husain (a. &, 905-927) which weighs 159.5 grains,

1867. ] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 67

by small shields containing the names of the four companions of the

Prophet ; the intermediate spaces are filled in with titles which

occasionally pertain to the king, but at times exclusively belong to

the Imams.*

Heverse, hexagonal field ; narrow margin.

Osy. Rev.

Hani op hed

dala yl : .

é EpdogeJ Lael probs alt

cola} Cyt gld yoiSro

wlbdund{ gd SOE pig

Soo SS

Obverse Margin,

(aslo) weaytt oss ( wlede ) Got! (see ) @Bedl (Q&xi) plod

fieverse Margin,

Sylaasne crttled 9 Lane Bie ol jg p39 soy “ BS laced] Sod} ¥2 Cyd

X.—A’AZAM SHAH.

The accession of Ghids-ud-din Aazam Shah was disgraced by rebellion

against his own father and coincident open war, in the course of which

Sikandar fell in a general action between his own and his son’s troops.

Native historians are more than ordinarily obscure in the narration of

these incidents, and the dates relied upon are singularly untrust-

worthy, when brought to the test of numismatic facts. Aazam’s initial

revolt is admitted to have gained force chiefly in Eastern Bengal, where

his coinage substantially proves his administrative supremacy, whether

as nominally subordinate or covertly resistant to paternal authority,

dating from 772 A. H.,—an increase of power seems to be associated

with the mint record of a hold over Satgaon in 790 a. H., and a real

or pretended occupancy of a portion of the territory of Pandua in

791, though the final eclipse of the royal titles of the father is delayed

till 792 a. H+

% es oJ) in many instances is replaced by &isled Letty, while posed | follows

the name of Whyis ,

+ Stewart supposes that Sikandar met his death in 769 a. (p. 89); and an

eyen more patent error places the decease of A’azam in 775 a. H. (p. 93). The

Tabakat-i-Akbari, which devotes a special section to the history of Bengal, implies

an amiable and undisturbed succession in this instance,

68 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

Ghids-ud-din Aazam Shah, bin Sikandar Shah.

No. 82.

Muazamabad, a. u. 772, 775, 776.

Silver. Size, viiit. Weight, 166 grs. Plate II. fig. 16.

di.

Type No. 1. Obverse, square area occupying nearly the whole

surface of the coin, as in the old Dehli pattern.

Reverse, scalloped lozenge, forming an eight-pointed but contracted

star.

Oxy. Rev.

we yt ose O3ge|

9 calcd) el

eof 9 Loot) ele

OS wtebasd!

xls peel bed gal nee

ope 70

es oa

Obverse Margin: On the upper edge, »Ss3!; on the left, ,-°; in

consecutive reading at the foot, wise; and on the right, (te

Reverse Margin, ' i

Eslpeioo 9 yitine 9 led bac dllgbao Fol. ed Sylaed] SKaS]) do

Variety A. In one instance Jie ws as! supplies the place of

Sol “ :

There is a doubt about the reading of the word «4S “ being humble ;”

the war “ Oculus” of Marsden would certainly be preferable in point

of sense, but the forms of the letters of the word scarcely justify such a

rendering, unless we admit of an unusual degree of even Bengali im-

perfection in the fashioning these dies.

On two examples of this mintage zn silver, the marginal legend bears

the words j40J) 332 in clearly cut letters; but I imagine this seem-

ing anomaly to have arisen from a fortuitous use of the dies for gold

coins, which, in device, were identical with those employed for the

silver money.

No. 33.

Jannatabad, a. u. 790.

Variety A. Similar obverse with circular reverse.

Mint. 9 ats Khao oly de

1867. ] ‘The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 69

Rev. Osv.

No. 34.

Type No. 2. There is a subordinate class of coins, following the

devices of Type No.1 (in size vii. and upwards), struck from less

expanded dies, and generally of very inferior execution in the outlin-

ing of the letters. These are also from the mint of Muazamabad, and

are dated in bungled and almost illegible words 52 silety Kilezsw 9200,

US Les 9 d=), U3 43 ,—which may be designed to stand for 770 odd,

778, 780, and 781 respectively.

No. 35.

Firdzabad, a. u. 791, 792, 793, 794, 795, 796, 797, 798, 799.

Type No. 3. Size, vill. to vilit. Weight, 166 gers. Plate II. fig. 15,

Obverse, scalloped diamond field ; broad margin.

Reverse, circular area,

Oxsv. Rev.

lot} dle piel pols

pebot r) Cnty econ W5F Urea

sling Bs} Ertela l9

fled &Sl0 A

Obverse Margin, wees! Ces] ox Gy 04,04) peed wylbadend|

Reverse Margin,

The Reverse marginal records vary in the prefix to the name of the

mint from the Kasbah above given, 8,4= (59 and &%)leJ) 5,a= eS?

being occasionally used.

No. 36.

Satgdon, a. u. 795, 798.

Variety A.

70 The Initial Coinage of Bengal. [No. 1,

No. 37.

Satgdon, a. H. 790, 795, 796.

Type No. 4. Obverse, area, a square, with a looped semicircle at

each of the sides, forming a kind of amalgamation of the margin with

the central device.

Reverse, area, a four-pointed star-shaped lozenge ; the outside spaces

being filled in with the marginal legend.

Osv. Rev.

93!

erent] OSU Orgel 9 pawl! _ol

7 6 4S ook. Ne Jt

f eae! ebedt 3! , uae oss

wy ebnd | gle Ergo! al

cap Ao

Reverse Margin,

Bal g2bus z ephsend Khaw gilSinw Knd yo Se x ESvod | dd w sy?

No. 88.

Type No. 5. Size, v. Weight, 166 grains.

Obverse, lettered surface.

Reverse, circular area; narrow margin.

Ov. Rey.

tind) Ghee

aU} out

belt ott odio z

slings}

Margin? @ oa] diw ghlebeo

The singular orthography adopted in the rendering of the term

Abdallah, and the substitution of an initial | al¢f in lieu of the gram-

matical ¢ ain, affords another instance of the ignorance of the local

mint officials, and their tendency to reproduce the approximate sounds

of words, without regard to the true powers of the letters employed.

A vacant space in the final setting up of this article invites me to

extend it so far as to notice a limited series of coins which have hitherto

1867.] The Initial Coinage of Bengal. i

been erroneously associated with the mintages of Bengal proper,—I

allude to the money of Taj-ud-din Firtiz, whose date has, in like

manner, been misapprehended by Marsden (p. 575), and by Mr.

Laidlay, who follows his interpretation (J. A. 8. B. xv. p. 330). The

subjoined examples will show that the supposed date of 897 a. m. should

be 807; and the consecutive numbers on the different coins now cited

establish the fact that the potentate whose name they bear reigned at

least from 804 to 823, having a capital entitled Hdjéabad, which may with

sufficient reason be identified with the Hajipur of modern nomenclature.

The introductory piece A. seems to have been issued by T4j-ud-din’s

predecessor, and their several mintages alike depart from the ordinary

style of Bengal coinages in the phraseology and finished execution of

the Arabic legends, as well as in the weights of their currencies, which

approximate closely to the full Dehli standard, in contrast to the re-

duced southern range of 166 grains.

A. Silver. Size, vii$. Weight, 165 grs. Unique. A. H. 797.

Osv. Rev.

aie | dab) costo!

reel 9! eee yt

certs") wlio lll) Ae Ae

—_— ——__. _____..

vov

B. Silver. Size from vif to viiif. Weight, 168 grs., the full and

sustained weight of several specimens,

Osv. ' Rev.

ylbles luo aa

w lox z) BYES) jay wooly

sy nf SBD) Le

erect Ogle Bort] waded} gla

_prbed | gt

Sore

Obverse, lettered surface.

Reverse, square area, with imperfect marginal records, usually con-

sisting of cl kalo was? ©» with the figured dates at the foot, rang-

72 The Initial Comage of Bengal. [No =i;

ing onwards from 804 to 807 [Marsden], $10, 813, 814, 818, 819, 820,

822, and 828 a. H.

These coins are chiefly from the collection of the late Sir R. Jenkins,

but have now passed into Colonel Guthrie’s possession.

Among other rare and unpublished coins, having more or less con-

nexion with the progress of events in Bengal, I may call attention to

the subjoined piece of Shir Shah (C.), which seems to mark his final

triumph over Humayiin in 946 a. n. and his own assumption of imperial

honours in Hindustén. .The gold coin (D.) is of interest, as exhibiting

the model from whence Akbar derived one of his types of money, which

Oriental authors would have us believe were altogether of his special

origination, even as they attribute so many of Shir Shah’s other ad-

mirable fiscal and revenue organizations to his Moghul successor. In

coin K. we follow the spread of Shir Shah’s power northwards to the

ancient capital of the Pathans, and the piece F. illustrates the reten-

tion of the family sway over the other extreme of the old dominion.

C. Silver. Size, vit. Weight, 163 grs. A. H.946. Well executed

Western characters.

Obverse, wot! lod} O59 eye yl OILY ge J lal} wlelnt|

Reverse, 9129 dlblaw » dhe &Ut oA wylblas gla pads 52h.) yt

D. Gold. Square coin. Weight, 1685 grs. Unique. (R. J.

Brassey, Esq.).

Obverse, the Kalimah.

Reverse, bk 6] AA wlblec BLS ade

At the foot, 4#X< ATS.

H. Silver. Size, vii. Weight, 168 grs. Dehli. A. H. 948.

Obverse, Square area. - SU) Jon) dos” alli My at} Y

Margin, the names and titles of the four Imams.

Reverse, Square area, Slo aViold glO 8 olbld| q4ea

At the foot, @aici are

Margin, Gi®9 yes? oyd e 8

F. Silver. Size, viii. Weight, ? Satgaon, a. u. 951 (from the col-

lection of the late G. H. Freeling, Bengal C. 8.)

Circular area, 9 80 aU) WA wlll slid jad cyl gld odlaet

BiL% 5 v0} oshs} 5 lblio

Margin,

9a] 9 Sins ye al ZVaia ATS yBed| oat enol Las} Jala

"Hv 06L ‘Teas WeZzey "yess eee ‘pequyeuue sp Te) ‘ON qUryy HCV ogZ ‘qeys impryeg ON “andseiti) of} ‘ON qUIyL

Hg = ot as = =— | sey o62 | 664°" T6L Bae Be re eeeeenee TUTTS UIEZBY “X

P9L——092,| OL" 9G, | 984""—TSL ! FeZ"OSL | BEL" OSL ee gets ceeeetTeTTg, IBPURITG “XI

aa SS sch" ce eeee ec) eos tee tee tee QoL OL OO ooo ooo epaoG 59500000919 (40 (S| SUIT *TTIA

Ae Ree ee ec), veerecees TcZ too ove pee bee ooo eee ooo peo Og) OO) 200800 000000 Tey wey) TIA

Bengal.

m5 = eve pee pee eee bee eee pee OTL SPL, OO) dee DO +00 008000000 008 qeys Iv. "TA

S 09299 ThA "LE Se aes Sts cae a eee eo ee SOPOT ILEIDGS) ENIGMA AL “eS

= _ — 000 000 000 000" = D00 p00 000 ’ 009 000 fsa 000000 G0 (fjasuny) yo ybay, wg poUuumnynyy

"s SoZ “yor bny, w9q

OS — — PoWUHYNTL LapuUy "AL toe ooo ee eee ore ooo goe CoLOGL STL OL +00 000000 qeys Inpeyegd “AL

3 — —— OO eee eee ooe bee ene eee eae ooo Do pee ooo ooo 00008 UI p-po qeyeys "TIL

= — — "worssassod Ur 900999 separ Set asst tae See Fah OOOO Ly (iscge CDs POSSUM Y Saal

) or

ES ee ae cee eee pee pee ove eee cee poo eoe pee ce69°" 2090004 7(5%a) °av ict 000 ccc vee vee SNC Tey *T

—

—=—

pyqyuezenyy | “wor S.vuog meN Tey {| “wowsyeg “PEqPAnATT “WyMeUTLTT

‘9 ‘g a7 8 % amt

= ‘SENIW IVONAG

TA Notes on the Jumma Masjid. [No. 1

Notes on the Jumma Masjid of Etawah.—By C. Hornn, Esq.

[Received 5th April, 1866. |

Proceeding south from Humeganj at Etawah through the cutting

leading to the Jumna, one observes on one’s right hand (. e. east),

crowning an isolated mound, an old mosque. By those accustomed

to the originally converted mosques of an early period, and as seen

at Jaunpur and Benares, this may be at once recognized to have been

altered from an ancient Hindu or a Buddhist structure by the process

so well described by Fergusson in his Handbook of Architecture

p. 81, vol. 1.—The style of the screen before the dome is the same

as that at Jaunpur,* whilst the round buttresses at the back, and

the coeval ornamentation, fix the period of its conversion.

On enquiring from some of the more intelligent, I found the age

of the temple to be popularly reported to be coeval with that of

Etawah city. Thus %6)=5x6x 1x 400 x 1= 413 which

being deducted from 1282 Hijra (new expiring) leaves 809, which

deducted from 1866 A. D. leaves 997 A. D. which may very pro-

bably represent the real date of the Hindu erection.

As is often the case, there may have been a former temple, but

the material, blgck kunkur, does not shew age well; whilst the granite-

pillars have been altered and partially carved at different periods.

Mr. Hume of Etawah tells me he is about to publish a complete

description of it with engravings; I therefore submit these notes

merely as the means of drawing attention to the building, which, taken

in connection with other ancient remains, is worthy of a visit.

The main portion of the building is of black kunkur; although

there are fragments of blue granite boulders in the walls, and portions

of at least 10 granite columns of varying lengths. The average

length of them is 5-6 with a thickness of 8 inches; but one at the

gate, where it is used as an architrave, exceeds 7 feet. There are also

plain pillars of red and light coloured sandstone.

T could not, in my short visit, ascertain whence the granite columns

had been brought. They have, many of them, been cut in half, so that

they now stand about 8’-3" in height ; whilst one from which the carving

* Atallah, Jamma Masjid and other mosques.

JOURNAL AS: SOC-XXXV PL.

JUMMA MUSJID Ee ele

ETAWAH

e= on.

= TR perme a caer

ia) | ey Xe) 4 fea) =

a 4 Bee el) | a a) a

See hl = | Se te | pea |

ar J rt

PLAN

Scale one inch = 40 feet

DETAIL DRAWINGS

HEIGHT 5

Om Kunkur blocks built

into wall ab back of dome

to granite columns more or lesa ornumented tn the same: style

Vf |

LAMY EN

NOTE Save!

springs of shaft

of pillar at the

gate.

"CAPITAL AT GATE.

f K __|l

ROUGH ELEVATION OF THE SCREEN

not to scale

——— a

1867.] Notes on the Jumma Masjid. 75

has been chiselled is used as an architrave in a rude chapel. Others

are doubtless plaistered over in the walls.

The screen is 47 feet in height and a little less in width. The

general depth of the building, of which a plan to scale is appended,

(vide Plate III.) is 20 feet interiorly, the centre portion, on which the

Mussulman dome is built, being a few feet more. The block of granite,

perhaps 5 feet by 14, let into the front of the screen—and figured by

me—is very curious. It is undoubtedly of great antiquity, and bears

the usual Buddhist character of ornamentation as found in this neigh-

bourhood. It at once attracts attention by being altogether out of place.

Only one of the ‘‘ Kangura” or pinnacles remains in the building,

but they doubtless extended across to the screen, the small portions

of wall where the plaister has fallen, shew the well known scroll

denticulated pattern.

Over the south chapel, right across the centre, has been constructed

an arched chamber, 20 feet by 20, and perhaps 18 feet high. The roof

of this has been moulded with pieces of nodular kunkur set in lime,

which alone appears to keep it together. The effect is most singular ;

facing as it does to the Hast, it would seem that originally there had

been a cloister, the four rude chapels consisting of 16 pillars each, with

a larger chapel in the centre for the image. As, however, the whole

was rebuilt by the Mussulmans some 430 to 450 years since, the only

archeologcial interest which attaches to the spot is, that it was un-

doubtedly once a Buddhist site.

In the court-yard, now enclosed by a mean brick wall, is a small

chaitya, 9 feet square, covering a Mussulman tomb, where four plain

pillars support a flat roof with eave-stones of red sandstone projecting

2 feet on each side. The stones composing this evidently came from

Agra from the same quarries* which furnished the Raja’s Secundra

gardens. I have drawn one of the capitals which is of the old pattern,

somewhat altered.

On the read between Etawah and Mynpoorie, several villages built

on high ‘“ kheras” or mounds attracted my notice. I hope to explore

them and send you the results, if any there be.

* Tautpur Village, Sahender Pergunnah, Agra Zillah.

DLL LLPLLILPII II IIL II I PSII,

76 Translation of an Inscription ‘Nov,

Translation of an Inscription copied in the temple of Nakhon Vat

or the City of Monasteries, near the capital of ancient Kambodia.

—By Dr. A. Bastian.

[Received 16th January, 1867.]

The magnificent monuments of Kambodia give testimony of a by-

gone civilisation, whose origin remains shrouded in mystery. Their

history will be read by the stone-sculptures which cover the walls

and portray the nations anciently inhabiting the country, their

costumes, manners and customs. There is, besides, scattered over the

ruins, a not inconsiderable number of inscriptions to be found,

which are written in an antiquated kind of Pali character, and, when

deciphered, may assist to obtain the right clue. The following

inscription is a more modern one in Kambodian letters, and was

copied inside the great temple at Nakhon Vat.

Sapphamasadu: Glory to the holy ones. In the year, which

counts 1623 in the era, the year of the dragon, the third month, on

.a Thursday, in concordance with the Gatha, which are written in

Pali, in the metrum of Phrohma-Kit, on the Phra-Phuttha Rub (the

statue of Buddha,) I humbly offer up flowers to Bhagayat, who sits in

meditation to observe the precepts (Sila), in the reflecting posture and

undisturbed by the attacks of man (Mara or Satan), on the handsome

seat of the Lotus (Phuttang). I offer up to the Pharabat (the holy

footstep) of highest excellence. I bend down and raise hands in

supplication at the feet of the Lord. I worship in my mind the three

jewels (Ratana-trai), laying down flowers and areca on the throne-seat

(banlang), which, elegantly ornamented by sculptures, is overhung in

fourteen folds with the Baldachin of four kinds of clothes, beautiful

all over in perfection, and the whole shining in brilliant splendour,

as a cover of Phra-Photisat (the holy Bodhisatwa), who sits motionless

in the posture of continual meditation. I present offerings to Sakhya-

Muni, the Lord of glory, who hag preached the true law for guiding

all beings on the heavenly road. JI do homage under the holy

footstep. I worship and adore, raising the hands in supplication before

the Lords of religion, the five Buddhas, the three gems: in humble

piety Linvoke them, devoutly I pray. I offer myself in holy love,

never forgetting. I fix my mind, the whole of my mind and soul, on

1867.] copied in the temple of Nakhon Vat. 77

the Phra-Chedi (the holy Chaitya or Pagoda) Chulamani* (the

precious diadem of hair) in Traidungsa (Daodungsa or the heaven of

setting stars), encircled by the shephada (Devada), whom I reveren-

tially bear on my head. I offer up and bow down before (the figure

of) Phra-Patima in his golden abode, the Lord of the three praises,

the refuge of all beings. I present offerings to the Phra-Phuttha

Rub in the Phra-Sathub (Dagoba) of the Phra-Chedi (Pagoda), the

Prasat (palace) of the Vihan (monastery). I present myself in

offerings of humble service,—I present myself wholly and entirely.

Having done worshipping, having finished the offerings, I pray to

become perfect in wisdom, to know all kinds of sciences without error

and mistake, after having been born in the next existence for seven

years, When I shall have accomplished all knowledge of letters,

I pray that I may become well versed in the Trai-Pidok, that I may

be able to answer every one’s questions, to solve all riddles proposed,

that I may know the Trai-Phet (three Vedas) and the Sinlaprasta

(the magic of the stones). May I be blessed to meet Pra Sijahn

(Sri-Ariya or Arimathiya, the future Buddha) in the next existence.

May I be surrounded by numberless attendants ; if 11,110 follow, it

will be enough. May I be so shiningly beautiful, as to move all

hearts, like those women, who having taken holy orders, shall be

‘reborn relucent of radiant beauty, in recompense for their pious deeds,

and by virtue thereof. May I become great and mighty, of such

power, that even Phra-Phrohm (Brahma) could never put any

obstacles In my way. And when the circle of transmigrations leads

me to be reborn again in a new existence, I pray, that 1 may become

Buddha, and attain the holy law, pervading all existence,—that I may

become equal to the perfected ones in the world.

Now in regard to these people here, who are called respectively

Ming, Behn, Sok by their surnames, they desire to become handsome

and delicate in figure, of such a shape, as it makes women beloved.

This prayer I put in, on behalf of the aforesaid persons of the village

Tabungkram. And two of them, Ming and Behn, have still another

‘wish in their heart, namely : to become rich in honours and dignities,

beautiful like painted pictures. May they, on leaving the present

existence, which is an imperfect and unsatisfactory one to them, may

* Built by Indra over Gautama’s hair, which he cut off with his sword,

78 Translation of an Inscription [Now t

they hereafter be reborn as brothers, and may the sinful consequences

which have separated them, be exhausted, so that they will remain

together and united always, and that ultimate death shall take them

away simultaneously at one and the same day with their wives.

May there be no grief, no sorrow then, as now oppresses them, now

in the present existence, when the bones of mother and child are

buried under a Phra-Chedi, which is erected above them, as a meri-

torious work. May mother and child remain united in the next

existence.

And furthermore, there is a person here, called Im, who has restored

a venerable Phra (idol), which had fallen in ruins, and lay there all

cut to pieces. It had broken its neck; its hands and feet were lost.

He built it up anew, he mended it, he made it handsome and pretty.

It was covered with gold, it was surrounded by other Phra, 137 in

number. All these figures, great and small, were clothed in a twofold

set of garments; they had their praises written upon them. And

after that, meritorious works were performed in the Phra-Chedi,

which also had been rebuilt and embellished. Tor five ordinations

the expenses were paid, and a Phra of gold was placed in remembrance.

A great deal of money has been expended, the monks have been

loaded with presents, a Vihan and a preaching-hall have been

adorned, a prigst was helped on in his consecrations, a slave was

liberated, and all the other works of merits cannot be counted : they

are too numerous. How often alms have been given is beyond

recollection ; times innumerable presents were brought to the priests,

And these priests, after having received their presents, have vouchsafed

pardon for all faults committed, have promised indemnity from all

misfortunes. I pray to the Lord, that happiness may be in store for

me, and that in the coming existence I may enjoy my blissful state,

without being pestered by people who are envious of it. May I go

through the future existences, free of calamities, full of wisdom and

knowledge. May no sickness befall me. May I happily live, joined

to my wife and my children, and attain a high and serene age, not

knowing mishaps. May the evil consequences of former sins not

reach me, may I never be oppressed by poverty. May I remain

liberated from hell for ever. May my thoughts, now small and narrow,

expand in the next existence, that I may understand the precepts

1867. ] copied in the temple of Nakhon Vut. 0)

(sila) well and thoroughly, that I may never break them, nor commit

trespasses. May wisdom be with me always. May I never be in want

of relations; nay, may I be blessed with many of them. May I possess

plenty of servants. May no slanders pollute me. May I never doa

stupid thing. May I speak kindly and softly to every one I chance

to meet. May I be preserved from dealings with fools. May I never

be born poor and indigent, but only inrich and noble families, May I

well understand my business. May my memory be a good one.

May nothing frightful happen to me. May nobody hate me. May

the punishments, awaiting for sinful deeds of former vices, not hurt

me. In speaking to nobles and monks, may my words be right and

proper. Should animals be killed unknowingly, may I be pardoned.

May there be an end of grief and sorrow. May I depart life,

surrounded by my friends, not abandoned and alone. May the sins

{ might have committed in the present existence, not call for retribu-

tion in the next one. May I never be tempted to treat great men

and learned teachers in an insolent and impudent manner. I beg

pardon for all errors I might be guilty against the holy priesthood,

Phra-Phuttha, Phra-Thamr (Dhamma), I beg pardon for all my

faults. I beg pardon for any breach of the precepts. I beg pardon

for rudeness and roughness of mind. I beg pardon, if ever I have

fostered revenge. I beg pardon for lies I have spoken. May I be

prosperous in every existence, and always meet with people of rank

and dignity. Ibeg pardon for all errors, committed in words or in

acts. May I be secured against evil and misfortunes in my next

existences. May there be no terror, no fear and trembling. May

never aristocratic tyrants bully me. May I never be threatened by

enemies in any of the existences to come. May I not suffer

complaints in the next existence, neither baldness nor elephantiasis.

May no sores or ulcers disfigure my body. May I not be ugly. I beg

pardon, if I have allowed to be tempted by bad inclinations. May

evil never come upon me, neither now nor in future. May I always

enjoy handsome women. May nothing bad cross my way. When

this existence shall be finished, may there never be any more sorrow,

may I roll in undisturbed bliss. May the sinful consequences of former

deeds, may the torments threatening therefrom, be delayed and put

off, May Lbe re-born handsome and fine. May I never be imprisoned,

80 Translation of an inseription [No. 1,

never be bound nor fettered. As it is said in the verses of Phromakut

‘Hao kha ti di,” and in the Pali, raising my hands, I pray for

wisdom. I, a person, to whom they have given the name Xai, I

pray, that all evils of old and of the past may be finished, that I may

be renewed to preach the words of the Lord in the next existence, to

lead all beings on the road to Niphan. May I enjoy blessedness

countless numbers of years in the existences to come, and then,

performing works of merit with virtuous mind, may I attain to Phra-

Sian-Metray (Arimathia). May I be pervaded by benevolence all

over, may I showa charitable disposition continually, till the beating

of the heart shall cease. As long as blood and eyes remain, may I

accomplish good works, May IL always be of a joyful mind, resembling

Phra-Vixa-Thon* (Chea-tor) and always give alms to the Pret

(Pretas), feeding them with blood and flesh. May the Shephada

Kowand keep account of all the alms I give. May Phrohm likewise

see them and be attentive to keep account. May I receive plenty of

joy and felicity, in recompense for these alms. May it please one of

the Shephadas to throw down a heavenly sword, because I ardently

wish to cut my flesh and skin, to give it in alms piecemeal, to feed

the Pret, that they may be satiated and get enough of it. May

Phra-Phakava (Bhagavat) and Phra Thamr also know about all these

virtuous deeds. May I become like Phra Siahn. I present flowers to

Bhagavat and worship in offering them. May I know thoroughly all

rules and precepts, like the Upaxa (the ordainer of novices). May

IT become guide to the beings, my contemporaries; may I be a leader

to them in the Lord’s religion, during my future existence. The

present existence is an imperfect one, my frailties cause me to deviate

from the road of truth; I pray for greater perfection in the next

existence ; I pray for wisdom, so as to penetrate all things, so as to

surpass all other men; I pray for wisdom sufficient to solve all

difficulties, for wisdom, equal to that of Neakkhasen (Nagasena or

Nagarjuna), who with ease and without hesitation explained the

questions and riddles put to him by Krom-Malin (Milinda). May

the good works of former existences help me on to be re-born in a

lucky state. May the Shephada come to my assistance and favour me.

May I become benevolent, good-natured and liberal, free of avarice,

* Alchymists adore him, as the possessor of the magic stone, consisting of

solid mercury, which is supposed to conyert base metals into gold,

1867.] copied in the temple of Nakhon Vat. Sl

may I feel disposed to give alms, to do virtuous and meritorious

works incessantly. And furthermore I pray particularly to possess

that special wisdom vouchsafed to Taminsheah when still in the

state of man, that wisdom which enabled him to solve all the

problems invented by Nonthea-Sack in Nirupai, when, overcome by

the prince of meritorious glory, he was made his slave and inspired

by fear, and followed him as his servant. Thus he became the prince

Apangtirat ; and then a prince called on the Lord Viroxar, who at com-

mand received the name of Manang-Taek, because he used coarse and

repulsive words, and did not know to speak properly by reason of his

having beeu a garrulous and talkative fellow in one of his former

existences. May I obtain a virtuous mind like Phra-Demiah (Temi),*

who: patiently bore all the trials his father put him to. I pray to

obtain wisdom equal to that of Phra-Kala when born as Mahosot,

whose wisdom, surpassing the wisdom of everybody else, being

equalled by none, overcame Phra-Chulani. May I give alms, rich

alms and freely, in the same spirit as Phra-Mund, as Phra Vetsandon

and his lady (Nang) Matsi who faithfully followed him, equal to

Nang Nontha, being born of the same mothers, children of the same

parents in the course of different existences. And with great beauty

were they gifted, and boundless knowledge was their share, till they

entered heaven, in which I also pray to be received. Separated from

my beloved ones in this sad existence, I hopefully wish to remain

united to them, when reborn in my next existence, whether as animal

or asman. May I always be surrounded by truthful friends. May

I always possess my children and relations. May I always see before

me those.good women, Nang Pus and Nang Behn, and then these

men here, Sues and Pho and Im and Png. I wish in my prayers to

be endowed with mighty power and authority, to be learned in magic

arts, well versed in them like unto Phra Isor, who called back to

* The Buddhists distinguish the lesser existences, 550 in number, from the

greater ones, of which they count 50. The former contain the framework of

those fables, which in various compilations have travelled far and wide through

western nations. Of the greater existences, in which the Bodhisatwa has taken

human form, the ten of the Thosse-Xat are especially venerated and the most

holy one is the last Tataka, that of Phra Vetsandon, as immediately preceding

the incarnation of the Buddha, These ten existences begin with the history

of Temi, a pious child, who, when still in the cradle, imposed on himself

ascetic penances.

82 Translation of an Inscription [No. 1,

life Nang Phakavadi, reviving her (by the ceremony of Xub).* May

my fame spread about in eminent renown like that of Phra Noray

(Naréyana or Vishnu), who, coming down from heaven (ravan), was -

born in the state of man as Phra-Ram (Rama) and subjected the

Sack (Rakshasa) of Langké, walking through the air like Phra Tsun

in Kailésa. And then I wish to become a king and to get crowned,

and to have nine handsome ladies as queens on my side, and to reign

one hundred thousand years. And furthermore I pray for great

strength and for beauty like that possessed by Phra Chan (Chandra or

the moon) in times of old. May I possess prowess and a valiant heart,

like Phra-Ram, the celestial one. I pray for wisdom to understand

the Sinlaprasat, to know the whole of the military arts and warlike

exercises like the exalted Phra-Ram, to be expert like him in

archery. When this existence will be finished, may I be re-born the

gon of a king. May I ascend to heaven like Phra Ketsamalea,> May

I be favoured by Phra-Ta (Tadra). May he give orders to Phra-

Phutsakam (Visvakarma) to build for me also a royal residence of

unparalleled splendour on the edges of the forest. May my voice be a

melodious one like that of the bird Karavek. May my wisdom

expand. May I know all things and everything. May I become rich

in silver and gold, in gems and precious stones. May I have abundance

in clothes, in carpets, in pillows and dresses. May my retinue be

formed by handsome ladies, graceful in figure and soft and delicate of

colour, with legs of the shape of the Talaket flower. May I understand

the whole sense of the Trai-Pidock.t May I, always revelling in favour-

able breezes, in the twinkling of the eye, hit the right to be safe.

May I never lose my knowledge, should even my body shuddering

tremble in fear. May my friends be one hundred one thousand in

* The magic art of Xub, which revives by sprinkling with enchanted

water, is taught in the high academy of Takkasila (Taxasila) ; and it is an

always recurring trait in the Indo-chinese romances, that young princes or the

sons of wealthy Sethi travel to that famous city, to pass there some years as

students. Another, but more dangerous method; in which fire takes the place

of water, is known to the Rasi or Rischi, the hermits of the forest. The last

king of Nokhon Tom, whom they offered to cure of leprosy, lost his life during

the process.

+ Phra-Ketsamalea (the head crowned with garlands) is the reputed founder

of the splendid temple of Nakhon Vat. The legend makes him to-be a son of

Indra, and relates that his heavenly father sent Visacarma, the architect of the

gods, to build on earth a palace after the model of that in which the angels

pass their joyful lives,

{ The Buddhistic Scriptures are contained in the three parts of the Pitaka,

the avlolave lag ean the Vinaya and the Sutra,

18 67.] copied in the temple of Nakhon Vat. 83

number. MayI remain undisturbed in unceasing bliss. May youths,

male and female, of handsome appearance, attend on me, 100,000 in

number, singing melodiously in sweet voices. May I possess wealth

in elephants, horses, buffaloes and oxen of the best kind, elegant

carriages and swift boats, to use them in going abroad. I would

be pleased if each of my followers carried a glittering sword, and,

when they close up in procession, they should solemnly walk like

Putpala, Thus it is becoming. May I be favoured with magnificent

palaces, nine of them, all covered with gold. Let them have high

towering spires* rising above, glittering with jewels; let them be

surrounded by colonnades, winding in three circles ; let them be

engraved everywhere with sculptures. On each gate have placed the

Dragon king (Phaya Nokh),—place him on each step of the stairs to

guard them. ‘There must be adjoined three dwelling-houses, hand-

somely and finely got up. The roof must ascend in three terraces,

above each other, and all embellished with splendid ornaments. The

round houses also may shine in splendid ornaments. A stable for

elephants has to be built, nice and clean. Let there be halls on both

sides of the lake, one at the right, the other one at the left, and have

them decorated with garlands of the Champa-flowers, exhaling a

sweet perfume, like the scented powder of Kracheh, That is all,

Literary IntEeLiicence.

Professor J. G. Biithler of the Elphinstone College, Bombay, and R.

West, Esq. C. 8. Acting Judge of Canara, have just brought out the

First Book of “a Digest of Hindu Law,” from the replies of the Qastris

in the several courts of the Bombay Presidency. The volume before

us contains a large mass of responsa prudentum ina variety of practical

cases regarding the Hindu Law of inheritance as current in Bombay.

It has been published under the auspices of the Bombay Government, and

will prove a useful book of reference to lawyers. In the Introduction

the editors have given an interesting account of the ancient Smritis.

' The Government of Bombay has sanctioned the publication of an

edition of the Apastamba Dharma Stitra with the Tika of Hara

Datta. The work will be carried through the press under the

editorship of Dr. G. Buhler.

* The description of the wished for palace is taken from the example of that

one in which the inscription was hung up, viz. the temple of Nakhon Vat.

84 Literary Intelligence.

A new translation of the Sakuntala of Kalidasa, by Professor Foucaux

of the French Academy, has just been published in Paris. The work

has been got up in imitation of Professor Williams’s excellent edition

of the same work, and is intended to popularise among French readers

that master-piece of the Indian Drama.

The publication of the Taittiriya Sahhité of the Black Yajur

Veda has once again been brought to a stop. Dr. Roer, who first

undertook this work, left India on account of ill-health after publish-

ing only five fasciculi. On his return to this country, press of

official duties prevented his resuming the task, and it was therefore

made over to Mr. EH. B. Cowell. That gentleman succeeded in

the course of three years to publish fourteen hundred pages, when

ill health obliged him to retire from India. Pandita Raémanarayana

Vidyaratna, who succeeded him and brought out the first fasci-

culus of the 3rd volume, died in May last, after a protracted

illness of six months. He was a Sanskrit scholar of a high

order, and was earnestly devoted to the ancient literature of his

country. He published several Bengali books, and edited, for the

Bibliotheca Indica, the Vedanta Stitras with the Commentary of

Sankara, and the Srauta Stura of Aswaldyana.

We have to record the death of another Sanskrit scholar of great

eminence ; PanditaPremachandra Tarkavagica died at Benares on the

14th of April last. He was Professor of Rhetoric in the Sanskrit College

of Calcutta for over thirty years, and was esteemed as the most pro-

found scholar of his time. He was the only Bengali Pandita who had

made the Prakrita language a subject of critical study. Among his

works may be noticed the commentary on the great epic of Kaviraja,

the Rdghava pandaviya, every verse of which had to be explained so ag

to form oncea history of the race of Raghu and once that of the Pan-

davas. His commentaries on the first half of the Nacshada Charita, and

those on the Sakuntald, the Uttarardma Charita, the Anarghardghava,

the Chatupushpdnjah, the Mukunda-muktdvali, the Saptasati-sdra,

and the 8th chapter of the Kumdrasambhava are well known. For

the Bibliotheca Indica he edited the Kavyddarca of Cri Dandin with

an original commentary. He has left unpublished a Sanskrit Dictionary,

and four Cantos of a poetical life of Sdliv’hana, from whom dates the

Caka era of India.

NOTICE.

Plates referring to this number are unavoidably delayed and will

be issued with No. III. of the Journal.

JOURNAL

OF THE

BaplATIC SOCIETY.

——

Part L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

eee

No. II.—1867.

NN,

Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of’ Murshidabid, taken from

a Persian Manuscript of the Tdavtkh 1 Mancirt.— By UW. Buocumann,

Hisg., U0. A.

[Received 21st December, 1866. ]

About two months ago, a copy of the above work was forwarded to

me for examination by the Philological Committee of our Society.

The book had only lately been handed over to the Rev. James Long

by the Nawab Nazir Sayyidi Daréb ’Ali Khan Bahadur of Murshidabad,

for transmission to the Asiatic Society in London. The author is

a Shi’ah of the name of Sayyid ’Alt, a friend of the Nawab Nazir, and

evidently a man of erudition, He seems also to have received some

support and encouragement from Major G. Hall Macgrigor, C. B.,

political agent at Murshidabad in 1842.

The book is dedicated to the Nawab Sayyid Manetr “Ali Khan

Bahadur Nucrat Jang with the following remark :

” Cs

O53 GEM sly Smt 9 Wot dod Ud 31 aS sae? hoe oly

ey wles cs) D 553 Sane! wis worst kia) g edlendI &ile wherlie

: ; 2 G : : a

Oly cy Boyt OBS US y <5 UWforroed; 5! orders oars g,3

# ye x * S97 yo J3 CO ph yo AS

. . ” 12) a .

# NS My Col Seiler 95 he yw day wsle ile

” gD . ° Di 70 C “ oo ® pore * °

eae ae WS wl 9 * arte! Bold 9 deded | dale 8? S22] 5 yan) 4d yaad wl

86 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. [No. 2,

“ Although this contemptible gift resembles the present of the ant

that brought the leg of a locust to Sulaiman (blessings be upon him !),

or the drop of water which a cloud carried towards the ocean of

’Oméin—yet insignificant people in their heart’s anguish have hoped,

and hope still, that it will find a place of acceptance with those who

shed their lustre over sceptre and crown.

It’s but a locust’s leg which I can bring,

O act like Sulaiman, most noble king !

My only object and my highest aim

Is that this gift may your acceptance claim.

T have given to this book the title of Tdarikh ¢ Mangiré.”

The book itself is a compilation made from Farishtah, the Siyar i

Mutaakharin, the Riydsz ussalaétin, &c., but it contains also some

original matter obtained from the inhabitants of Murshidabad. I have

extracted the greater part, at least the more important items, of that

which is new, and have added some extracts regarding the celebration

of the Muharram in Murshidabad and a short description of the raft

of Khiszr.

As the author has used Vansittart’s memoirs for the events after

the death of Siraéjuddaulah, it would be useless to give extracts. Nor

are the other chapters of the book of much interest. The author

commences with Noah and the kings of the descendants of Ham,

from whom the Hindoos originated, and then gives a short account

of the kings of Delhi. A short geographical sketch of Bengal,

Bahar and Orissa follows, as also a chronicle of Murshidabad. After

mentioning the Hindoo princes who reigned in Bengal, he gives

a brief history of the Governors and Nawabs of Bengal up to

Siréjuddaulah. The last chapters contain a list of the Nawab Nazims

from Mir Muhammad Ja far to the present time, and of their children

and servants; a description of their palace and the houses which

they built, and of those which are now in ruins from want of

repairs; and also some notes regarding their genealogy which is

traced to Husain—subjects of interest for the Nawabs only.

Those who feel a particular interest in the following extracts,

may compare them with Orme’s History of the Military Transac-

tions of the British, Vol. II, p. 139, Mill’s British India (8rd edit.)

Vol. III, p. 160, and Thornton’s British India, Vol. I, p. 218.

1867.] Notes on Strajuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. 87

In the beginning of 1757, Colonel Clive wrote a letter to Siraj-

uddaulah complaining of the Nawaéb’s duplicity in still favouring

the French, intimating at the same time his design of attacking

Chandernagore. On the 10th March, Sirdjuddaulah sent an answer,

stating that he was sorry to hear complaints. Without alluding

to Clive’s intention of attacking Chandernagore, he advised him

to do whatever he thought best. The author says:

odes a5 Lylombend 8 Ly Byles? wiles syao ys oom” IT US »

bee eile 6® woolly S31 9 oS yale Kivaig yy SEA a1)

coh Gals ais a5j20 ye SeySl yw aS SU sy Siv0 dyad Crs:

es J 559 940 ype Keys KAS ws! seit Seas nad dy) wcle* 3 Gls

“95 O00 &xas GB wtjlea 5) 3 OKT I) Bi crorses p95 dy WHYS » oe

PRE GOLO IO Cl Las y Jai xyy0) gg eme 8) pups CASIO wire! ays

RSV 9 e5la0 sh wi cyeted Ly? why! oyas 3 ose) ee: mo yy 6

WD OD # O90) 5” poate g ies 8403 Of crea ae tS! dy)

Loss loa pe, celeb ee) arly we 5) eae ge oe, S hors

v 9 oe Bogens opal pe awd 3] es Yo le Fae ve ies OAL S

oo SolKst_ yaw Jd Sy Opty {pat ty als as SF bMS wl 3 Est “

Bly WEugXia yo ayo set Glo} OT oly, =) JOE css! 5! &S

gist! wly~si 3 sh sh gaits phmvo BT Nes? cyt! aie # 95! sod)

q imo 3 po chest 3 tin 92 dsend pao ay ea ior 5S crtely 3

BLBIOS yd eo mies 3 Sh3 os Cpl gua eiib Suse i955! Shy

wily J5*5! ie ee rere) is fe Se FT 5h wails Wend Loaly a}, S oy

Jay 3 Kays yyy agile sSwoi oe 2" 8 whey wike cies

yo & 1) cells “sae 9 - nf ee LT Oo Ki) , wi ‘byl

cls g's ew ye MoT oS Sek XS we WIS 992 y15U halal

wi ilae ove 3) Fes Ly Soyo ys! Were Oy 75 9) 9 pees lad 9 ero

sly? BoyF Uncle af ds 3! CSAS Boge! rela as esi eee Lethe pad

Poy # geo, 3 O94 KOS} oli Bd Pog wes Jd 9 wyghy9 38 5 yd) o3

* glue 53 cre! 9 oy) Jes os Kage! | erty lab Se cue ae ee

88 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshidabdd. [No. 2,

wh! oz &S as 5 sol 9 er ORT Boog 5 ike maw wt)! Bly) neo

pslleiws daly yo gf Ome jy dip O89 & op) Bond Cor ES

Dal. G12 xy 5 SIS 1) god SF OS phe # OSI Oy! 529T LIB; !90 92

Lif pw 85 Voile sh ostsls gle IE OSS 5 YlerellS Wye ads}

Oe abyou gle est ejile oa ohTo,o) 99! Co ridges pphdve Y So

wi! Bos Os hall ais rb 5I BEG 83 yo pdivo oF lay 3! Gees

“5 wlale wile Bs aes mm JS My yS Neen wp re

3 Bawol 5g, wots g Dmg Sts 2» wets 9 9d

“Col. Clive, taking this as a permission to attack the French,

moved his land-army to Chandernagore, while Admiral Watson

sailed with his ships to the same place. Col. Clive shewed great energy.

But as the French Governor saw that the complete subjugation of

the place would depend upon the operations of the navy, he caused

a number of ships to be sunk in the river, with the view of impeding

the progress of the Admiral, leaving a small passage only unobstructed.

With the exception of a few French officers, no one knew that

such a passage existed. But as the star of the English was in

the ascendant, and the unavailing fortunes of the French were

beginning to set, the complicated knot unravelled itself in the hands

of the English. But if Fortune had not favoured the English, not

even exertions such as had never been witnessed as yet in India,

would have enabled Col. Clive to take possession of Chander-

nagore. A French officer, of the name of Terraneau, who knew the

secret of the passage left in the river, was for some reasons dissatisfied

with M. Renault, the then Governor of Chandernagore. Forgetting

the obligations under which he lay to his own nation, he went to

Col. Clive and informed him of the existence of the passage.

Col. Clive and Admiral Watson were thus* enabled to bring the

ships safely before Chandernagore, and took it after a bombardment

of nine days.

* This would materially alter the eulogium of the following passage taken

from Sir John Malcolm’s Life of Clive, Vol. I, p. 192, “ Few naval engagements

have excited more admiration, and even at the present time, when the river is

80 much better known, the success with which the largest vessels of this fleet

were navigated to Chandernagore, and laid alongside the batteries of that

settlement, is a subject of wonder.”

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. 89

“The French factory in Qésimbazar was, immediately after, taken

and plundered.

“Mr. Terraneau, who in consequence of this treachery became

infamous and ‘blackfaced,’ received from the English a large sum

as a reward for his ingratitude. He sent a part of the money home

to his old and infirm father, who however returned it, when he heard

the disgraceful behaviour of his son. Mr. Terraneau felt much

mortified at this. Shame ‘seized the hem of his garment,’ he shut

himself up; after a few days his body was found hanging, at the gate

of his house, suspended by means of a towel. It was plain that he

had committed suicide,

“The French being driven away from Chandernagore, took refuge

in Murshidabad. Monsieur Las,* their leader, became an attendant

at the Court of the Nawab, for whom he fitted out a detachment

known by the name of Telinga. To this the English objected,

declaring that according to his agreement, the Nawab was to consider

their enemies as his.”

A long correspondence ensued, as the Nawab maintained, that

there was no breach of faith in employing a few fugitives as attendants.

At last some of the enemies of M. Las gained the day, and the

Nawab advised him to go to ’Azimabad and hold himself ready

there, should he want him. M. las objected to this, trying to

convince the Nawab, that after his departure certain false courtiers

would call in the English; but in vain. The Nawab again promised

to call him in case of need, hoping that he would be ready to come

at his call. M. Las considering a future meeting impossible, went

at last of his own free will to ’Azimabad. ‘‘ Col. Clive was thus

successful in this affair also.”

It was at this time, says the author, that Col. Clive urged

the Nawab, to permit the English to build a Fort and to establish

a mint, projects which they had desired to carry out for the last

sixty years. Without recording a formal permission, he states, that

the present Fort William was commenced by Clive in the course

of the same year (1757), and that 20 millions of rupees were

expended in its construction. The author says—

* In all Hnelish histories of India known to me, his name is misspelt Mr,

Law. ‘The transliteration of Monsieur, tts Moosheer, is characteristic.

90 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. [No. 2,

vey 3 ot IS nw S59 l= as ae B93 peek Lys cals As, 5

SSD sl pd Crvends ee yA!» ooo! eur LARD y sla'? O22 y 5% Ss

ain] 03 KS doe) _y So) oli balks wel owls S439) 3975 98 SYS ge cet

% wo! oa os” (=*: wyEa gQh® cr Les _S1 ote oad orl

“ Clive built Fort William in such a manner that, according to the

opinion of the English, it would be impossible to take it, even if

the whole of Hindtstén united should fight against it.” MRegarding

the mint, he says—

222 9 aye Shy Bin GEST _peais) em cylineg did 5,9 Ober] oe a 9

wryt 9} Ybuwsgaid BES oe Sao cyl AS # O8 39; Md g sla! 15

lait 53 lS 5 « See oly S! 5! S ole IS 5s wT Coys jI dude ut

Kas cslesypc ho dbbly Ky pS ld ILS yds Wry ais ales rae a

so lb pay at aldol Bu Yay esdy CUA obi Looked a

ests 9 Smo os! stab pile sld BS UT rallies # My} Grsyy-0

« ole cola veg did

“The first English coin was struck on the 19th August, 1757.

Although the coins were struck in the name of the Emperor of Hind#-

stan, a new method of preparing them, by means of a mould, reminded

people of the English. It may be that the coins were at first struck

without a mould, according to the custom of the land,* but a change took

place in the course of time. Now they have struck coins with the

likeness of their own King, William IV. But coins continued long

to be issued at their mint in the name of Shah ’Alam, the Indian

Emperor ‘ without hand and foot.’ ”

The events before and after the battle of Plassey are described

as follows :

A few letters written by Sir4juddaulah to M. Bussy, in the Dekhan,

had been intercepted by the English, and Siréjuddaulah was openly

accused of breach of faith. ‘The wrath of the Nawab at the

crooked dealings and slow but steady advance of these foreigners

increased daily.” Mr. Watts, the English resident at Murshidabad,

was threatened. The Nawab went so far, as to tear up before him

* V, Ain i Akbar, the 8th Ain.

1867.] Notes on Sirajuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. 91

a letter, which Col. Clive had written to him. Soon after, however,

from fear of his false courtiers and want of confidence in his own

army, he tried to pacify Mr. Watts by a khil’at, and wrote an excuse

to Clive. But the Colonel had already determined to commence hosti-

lities, and readily joined a conspiracy headed by Mir Muhammad

Jafar to dethrone Siraéjuddaulah. According to the author, the

conspiracy was planned by Mir Muhammad Ja’far, Amin Chand

Raura* and Khwajah Vazier, but according to the Siyar ul Mutaa-

kharin by Mir Muhammad Ja’far, Rajah Dilabh Ram and Jagat

Séth, who had each their representatives in Calcutta, Amin Chand

being merely Ja’far’s vakeel. Khéthi Begum, a daughter of Mahabat

Jang likewise assisted Mir Muhammad Ja’far. Clive treated with

the conspirators through Mr. Watts.

The author then gives a description of Clive’s double-dealings with

Amin Chand, as given in all histories of Bengal.

Harly in June 1757 Clive left Calcutta, reached on the 17th the

small town of Katwa, south of Plassey, and took possession of the

fort of that place. But neither did Mir Muhammad Jafar join him,

as he expected, nor did Clive receive even a line from the conspirators.

Doubtful what to do, he wrote to the Council at Calcutta, who

advised him to return. -But Clive preferred to march on. On the

21st June, 4 o’clock Pp. m. he left Katwa, crossed the Hooghly and

pitched his tents, on the morning of the 23rd, in the fields of Plassey.

The Nawab’s army was now in sight. Mir Muhammad Ja’far still

remained silent. A cannonade commenced. The English attacked

the tents of Sirajuddaulah, but were vigorously opposed by Mir

Madan,f one of the Nawab’s faithful amirs. About 12 o’clock Mir

Madan was struck by a cannon ball and carried to Sirdjuddaulah’s

tent, where he died. The fighting was however continued, Jarnélit

Mohun Lal having taken Mir Madan’s place. But nothing decisive

was done. Afraid of a conspiracy, Siréjuddaulah sent for Ja’far, who

had not taken any part in the fight. Aiter the most earnest solici-

tations on the part of the Nawab, Ja’far promised to fight the next

* Generally called Omichund.

“+ Called Moodeem Khan in Thornton, Vol. I. p. 240 and Moodeen Khan at

p. 242.

{ Jarnéli (7. e. general) was a name given to him,

92 Notes on Sérdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdéd. {No. 2,

day, on condition that Mohun Lal should be at once ordered to with-

draw from the fight. Sirajuddaulah agreed, and Mohun Lal returned

to his tents. But no sooner did the troops see that their general had

left the field, than they became hopeless and began to flee. Before

evening the army of the Nawab had dispersed. ‘“ This is the battle,

in which India was lost for the Islam.” Before the battle commenced,

Amin Chand appears to have informed Clive, that there would be

a show of resistance merely. Hence, when Clive saw the determined

fighting under Mir Madan and Mohun Lal, he was annoyed and

accused Amin Chand of treachery, but had to accept the excuse, that

neither Mir Madan nor Mchun Lal belonged to the conspiracy.

Siréjuddaulah seeing his army dispersed, mounted a swift camel Sp

and after travelling the whole night, accompanied by 2000 horsemen,

reached Murshidaébad at 8 o’clock a. m. the next morning (24th

June, 1757). He called his chief officers, but all refused to come,

even his father-in-law. The state of things being altered, he did not

think it advisable to remain in Murshidabad. Having placed a few

faithful servants on carriages, he collected as much gold and as many

jewels as he could, and left Murshidabad at 3 o’clock a. m. At

Bhagwang6la he took boats and sailed up the river towards Raéjmahal,

where he was to meet M. Las. The meeting was, however, not to

take place, for M. Las had been delayed through a want of pune-

tuality on the part of his native servants, ‘‘a misfortune frequently

experienced in Hindustan.”

Us cl) yo 804 Sly) Lo ain 8545 wy Keo 31 Aga} cle we Perey

wld: dikt}o gee carted 8 ood os 9 JRE obs) cow =f oswy

JOsee cor? BG oh., oy KS} olst wosile, rts Say sow] Oe Sans jody

HE )0 MI y0J} elyws Ly CFh99 Ertl eles jl « Selyd wile} a wey!

3 Glass aiales pla ty 9! arts AL) 9 Sdailey gait Sr! oe

Preare 5! &49 51 b ayo} cl # Aly Joo Bis yt9 Kas ot H Qo BOAT

he “ @ ; ¢t rhe y

BSS) pales at BIg (62) (est ee MI al

Ue old pall alee ne lye «alo nd UE cb pile! le ws

ail ® 825l9 ys}! Og 804m) Ayo) Bia ess 30 ws” nS oa” ae

LWl2! od Lb fy 9! SOAw KJodJi ele elas soe Dike had Iy53

1867.] Notes on Strdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. 93

ow w e o

lS pools doce”? 5100 Keays ees AY Bt ya wl, Som 9 OS é= Ms 3k ays sis 8

3! Be whi! Gtuty BIRD Els &F Wlogpe get? ly Uo! qi 9 @ oT 52

1 )

Seb e®. oI ais,§ ae 3! od k=" 4S oa dF o> 5! glows Ae oii use!

sb fades ais, Sy oy % Oras? &) coo UI eas 8)l97 Pes) as od

on a we , Ram Sac” Diem Sin WE os Je ole U3 re Wyt? x Oi yy9T

3a,5 oaivo yb, A Ki5 sil= bi] Sal So Sa ly sf KOA as yo el

en. ae wl alos! we oy Sn z dy 75 3! is wills o> cs 'B3y 5 9

= 9 oe Kio aaa 42) oe aS xt a Fas fat af

a sae il eyly dedemso wih JF aly ees ies se we

= Ba55 U4 O80 ot ls y Was us? Sade ol 9 * ong Koo} ql oy

needs ee 9 ARGS ib. oxy, iil do 12% wl « oto ol y972

&KS OS} hs §d9d 2 1) gf Cored yr? Sx! cles es # Sali ples ys

sbTos,0o &als 3 Sy Wyte! ay EUS Jo c; yf Ox Donets ae pled ys

shige O82 9 4 ONEle Wyo Sia culo Fre yy ew lyy Gb of

ie ~ @ 5 °

ba** yy Soy91 Be 5) al oJ el abe doly 4 ule usle soe Vy y40

policls~ eel Bi 4 Oy lwo Sls? ROR sok & 9 BSC iey w'> 3 Zosns

Ovo Els 9 bine fiw Ji glo AT yg 3! SES 5 yo4 slo) Le 9 lw ey

2k Ow els oG2a 4

“When Siréjuddaulah had reached Raéjmahal, he left the ship, as

his wife and children were starving. With the view of procuring food,

he entered the hut of a faqeer and asked him for assistance. It

happened that Siraéjuddaulah had inflicted some time ago a punish-

ment upon this very dervish on account of some crime, and had

besides disgraced him by having given the order to shave off his

beard and mustachios. The dervish hated him still, and having

recognized the Nawab by his manners, feigned compassion and tried

to soothe him. After making preparations to cook some khichari

(1) This should be sola, The writer wished, however, to have a rhyme

for gle. The meaning of ral in Hind., is adulation, hnumiliation,.—The

phrase é| 55 Wyte in the next sentence is ee Persian either,

94 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbad. [No. 2,

for him, the dervish ran to the Governor of Rajmahal and gave

information. In the mean time Mir Muhammad Qésim Khan, a

relation of Mir Muhammad Ja’far, had arrived in search of Sirajud-

daulah, and having obtained the desired information, seized with the

aid of his men the boats of the fugitive and captured Sirajuddaulah

with his companions. -All the jewels and the money fell into his

hands. Thus was Siréjuddaulah in the power of men, to whom,

a week ago, he might have refused admission. He conjured them to

take all he had, but to spare his life and let him escape. But im vain.

On his arrival as a prisoner in Murshidabad, Miran, known as Sadiq

"Ali Khan, the son of Mir Muhammad Ja’far, gave orders, that he

should be brought before him, and confined him in a dark and narrow

room of the palace. Miran desired his companions to kill him, but no

one came forward to do the black deed. At last a man was found of the

name of Muhammadi Bég, who had been under obligations to Mahabat

Jang, the Nawab’s grandfather, and had married a woman, whom

either the grandmother or the mother of Siréjuddaulah had brought

up. In consequence of this marriage he held an honorable position.

When this man came to Sirajuddaulah’s room, the wretched prisoner

made all sorts of excuses, and reminded him of the obligations under

which he lay. But the cruel wretch, the second Yazid, would not

listen, struck him with the sword and killed him.”

“‘ By Miran’s order the body was thrown on an elephant and carried

about openly throughout the whole town, but was afterwards buried

in the grave of Mahabat Jang in Khushbagh, west of the palace of

Murshidabad, near the river. Some time afterwards Mahdi Ali Khan,

Siréjuddaulah’s younger brother, was captured and tortured to death.

He lies buried by the side of his brother.

“ Siréjuddaulah had reigned for one year and four months, and was

killed in the end of the month of Shawwal 1170 A. H.”

Regarding the installation of Mir Ja’far the author says—

6 w : are : .

oye) wlSdlo Qea o4=”,10 |; Sdsyy5 pyO8 9 Ro oils sis

Ow sh fos, z°) USle rpe Sly) dad ly ad lol ole aa pD oe aoe

md 9 diwldg jbo Whe yg Gee ine Ss a Bd50) Qe fy

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshidabdd. 95

“24 . aw

seul wl 93 endl elle 9 OES owls, Shen it S495 kam des”? 10

. w . ope Sar ”

O2) # OL pw Qeades” phys Smst5 yf 9 yl 9 UE Ai wlet,.0 on

Zc 4 e ® . § S 2 os) 3 ° .

wr SI 3 Bio cedar g BulS ABS Galen pe dem? 529 O95 ULI!

83) ou Lee 43 y ails, aD) wads si 55 ‘otie we WY »- w! 920 Oke Aly 9

awe 9 Er SASL p95 5 5! ae) CS KAI9) 9 a oD Cat #03; G

hem oon” p40 ity aS O93 (2} pao Ux yy X19 &ry wal eS) &S Shawl

alte ois JI l='T, erly (52S 9| (sti y BIE oe BAS SS}

9 w ; Q ne ite

OAky WIS pol Urls # dy SF pans eel CS dg ia ely 9 Kus

nad Cana 3] dz} KIl0} Wha OF EpbS Gy ie eb BS] pm Dawwdd «wold 5]

dy a9 blsolevo ew)! Sle 8S 5! OZ) ay Bye ab aidsly ae lyale KA 9)

wed 9 pS Od aise? y WAST 035 b449) EU Fee rms 9 3955 WS:

# Faz) Bye a9S solo wy Gao yy S349) EY Ai dose

“ After the victory Col. Clive met with Mir Muhammad

Jafar. They congratulated each other and went together to Mur-

shidabad. On their arrival at the palace, the nobles of the city and

the Government: officials were called to a darbar. Col. Clive took

Mir Ja’far’s hand and led him to the Masnad. At the same time

salutes were fired to indicate the transfer of the stbahs of Bengal,

Bahar, and Orissa, to Mir Ja’far. After the darbar, the new Nawab,

Col. Clive with a few Englishmen, the Diwin Ram Chand; and

Nab Kishn, the Colonel’s munshi, inspected the treasury, where

asum.of more than 20 millions of rupees, in silver and gold, was

found.

“Tt is also well known that besides this treasury there existed

another in the Harem, which fact Mir Muhammad Ja’far concealed

from Col. Clive, at the instigation of the diwén. and Clive’s munshi,

‘The value of the gold- and silver articles and of the jewels found

there was not less than 80-millions of rupees. The whole was divided

among Mir Ja’far, Rém- Chand, Amir Bég and Nab Kishn. This

transaction is indeed very probable, as Ram. Chand left a fortune of

12% millions of rupees at his death, ten years later; whilst Nab

Kishn could afford to pay 900,000 rupees on the occasion of the death

96 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbad, [WNo. 2,

of his mother. Yet both men were in receipt of only 60 rupees per

month at the time of the division.”

Then follows an account of the money paid to the Company and

the troops, as also of the “ consideration” paid to the civil authorities

and to Col. Clive. The author gives also the agreement made

between the English and Mir Muhammad Ja’far, which he confesses

to have taken from the memoirs of Nawdb Shams uddaulah, Anglice

Mr. Vansittart. The agreement* is the same as given in “ The

Treatises, Engagements, Sunnuds. Calcutta 1862, Vol. I, p. 11.”

Notes on Murshidabdd, ce.

The description given of the town of Murshidabad contains nothing

new or interesting. The short history which the author gives,

may be found in the Ardish i Mahfil (ed. Lees, p. 114) and in

Thornton’s Gazetteer of India. But the following extracts are perhaps

of interest, |

we sat ria om celaty jl wl Boo’ srhelel pies dais) 5

wailpvo wits soy usbe Coot [hy $959 Kia ed wld deat oot wy

gq HAE Whe Wlelmo ly aye» Salo ales lsat s Lijial 6F Sig

ay gf. 2 edd Sle eed) 9S iyi Sy) oly # dilly Udy ayia,

BRjd02 aprag? 85 AVL ple! wlye jog # HOSE whleee Wl! Oe 5 olf

# Day! Sof ot HWS SIE sits Sy SIE 51 20,5 78> Ut) pol O53 ay!

. Gg G 5 w ~ . e

HOA ad wl yked 9 Sm] cuyles Eyl “Letgd cleo erbddicchy oale

A s

* Articles 6 and 7 mention compensations payable to Hindoos and “Muham-

madans.’ The “ Treatises, Engagements, Sunnuds, Calcutta 1862” has instead the

reading “ Gentoosand Musulmans.” It appears that the English in India at the

time of Sirajuddaulah, used the terms “ Moors and Gentoos for Muhammadans

and Hindus.” Hven Orme uses these terms, although he objects to them, on

the score of their incorrectuess, recommending Musulmans for Moors. Gentone

is Portuguese and the same as Gentiles, heathens. Perhaps it may be of interest

to mention here a few other differences in usage, Thus the word Siibah was

employed for Sibahdar. The word Himalaya was unknown and Indian Caucasus

used instead of it. Peon had the meaning of irregular infantry. Murshidabad

was spelt and pronounced Muxadavad (the vulgar still pronounce it Mukshidabad

or Muksidabad) ; we find also Orixa for Orissa, Morattoes for Mahrattas

Piton for Pathan, phirmaund for firmén, Schah for Shah, Jehanguir foe

Jehangir, Industdn for Hindustan, Helebds for Ilahbds, now called Allahahad,

&c, &c. Ido not know, whether the word Muxadayad is a corrupti :

Makhetigdbad, the old name of Murshidabad. eae

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshidabad. 07

dy Sg eo will 48 wils 6 Gy Lib mdly whlte Lay b la 52

Wy obs oy yo ons” ©: csly? wee Cie 9 ete Bode 9 Ave wh) KY

sil» 5,8) cghts pled 3! aa div cure Ws 4&9) yw wile v2 enlis

al ies wy # div yd Ldy2s erty) AS Newco csteele 9 Gots 9 Kah

a wits a oll 8 9 3972” Cs sl wLy5 9 33) 3 ws oye? 0

lao 8S x5 y esta) wl! lays ee wils yo wles wee 9 Yled y

wy! KAML 5 @ Bg mns awd yd wholes sia) Ce nh3> coly? 39335”

ele ls b> 9 Odo wll, = et ar Jo aS oshy!l cs! es Sly Jd 410 ww lKo

$3 40 AS lyse 9 olell g lndt coll eae sh yo x alaye (oe

3 bi,sls wIls Je ples} rate pie € ads] + qsore! ae shy)

slits ya 9 # dy WS 5879 HUF; ens Kaze 9 A 9 pinto

39.9 Sys CH alh pag whl Eee &F Gh! sty23 99 99 Gisies Glos

see Nelo) ‘ a ec Mie tes

(ye? (Coe s) ly 9 peed dono 9 O41 8 5 ees Bd 9 (Lrg gis

i , “

C90 “ght Wow 9 8d8 Gwe la ydve GI LI yo GAS 9 oped rE Uda

# wel S43 Why oye) Cols?

*‘ Among the old buildings was the Imaémbarah built by Sirajud-

daulah, the grandson of ’Ali Vardi Khan, It had been built with

care and reverence, Muhammadan workmen alone having been employed

in the work, and Hindoos excluded. The Nawab laid the first brick

with his own hand and put lime over it, after which the workmen

commenced, In the midst of the Imambarah, a piece of ground,

called Madinah, was dug, to the depth of a man, which was filled

with holy earth 7. e. earth from Karbala. The author of the Riydsz

% An adjective of 8,23 Thus of 8 3yg> 10,00 &Cs the adjectives are written

5 ¢> duo yrs Vullers (Pers. Dict. I. p. 605) spells § 5 yg without a hamzah,

as he does not understand the words of the Bahar i ae

+ The word is 9 yes) and the (, is the Woo» csly. Johnson gives a word

forse) nomidt which Vullers ake p. 1352 of “his Dictionary. There is,

however, no such word. A similar mistake is the word , sso given by

Vullers, p. 1183. He says the ¢¢ is suffix, but itis the wosy gsi as in

(ert and use! wo? and css j

} The dictionaries give oe LOS ad,

98 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbad. [No. 2,

ussalétin and others have written encomiums on the beauty of

this building. On all four sides were rooms. On the east were

vestibules lying within other vestibules facing towards the west,

with a pulpit, and a place set aside for an assembly room [wherein

the elegies on Husain are read]. There were similar vestibules facing

towards the east in the western part of the building, in which were

nearly a hundred flags and the sacred coffins made of silver, gold, glass

and wood. During the Muharram the Qorén was here chaunted

day and night, and at fixed times during the other months. North

and south of the building were vestibules of the same kind containing

out-offices for the iluminations &c., where hundreds of workmen kept

themselves in readiness [during the Muharram] to illuminate the

place. The verandahs of the second story contained screens of mica,

behind which the lamps hung. On the screens themselves were

pictures of men and animals and flowers which looked wonderful

when illuminated. All kinds of chandeliers, in large numbers, were

in the vestibules, as also diwargirs, lalahs and mardangis.* The

whole building was illuminated. In the northern and southern

vestibules were two representations of the Burdaq [the horse on which

the prophet ascended to heaven], each with a human face and a

peacock’s tail. The length of the tails reached to the roof of the

house. Well polished shields and china or silver plates. were fitted

into the feathers of the.tail, to represent the round spots in the

feathers of a peacock. Polished swords, Karaulis [a kind of short

swords] and daggers were placed round these shields wonderfully

arranged, and hundreds of wax candles gave the whole a striking

appearance.”

This old Imémbarah was burnt to the ground in 1253_A. H. during

a grand display of fireworks, ‘‘in the twinkling of an eye.” A new

one was built up, according to the plan of the former and at a cost

of six lakhs of rupees, by the Nawéb Mangur ’Ali. Its date (1264

A. H1.) was expressed by the letters of the words Jl, &udy) (the grove

of Karbala). Whilst the edifice was building, the workmen received

* Our Hindustani Dictionaries do not give these words. Diwarefr or

Diwalgir is a lamp resembling our carriage lamps, three sides being made of

glass, one of metal. Lalah (pr. tulip) is a lamp with one or more round shades,

Mardangi is the Hindustani word for 9ur Argand lamps..

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbad. 99

their food in addition to their wages, and also, when the building was

finished, a present of a double shawl and a handkerchief. ‘“ At that

time you could see shawls in every lane of Murshidabad.”

Regarding the Muharram festivities ie author says :—

(518852 9 arto Zl corte Ws md dvo a W221 gh Tor v0 ee 22

@ OSL wo yler wr}! G tls ES Sind lS s Ad # o]oyo wolrs el ly

Baly) ce BIS 3 Lyf 43,5 gost? wel coly wiSo Sy rol qlise 5

pose ware Paw) # ALK gy lla! dSwol )T ad ad 99 9 Urry) ele Ew 9

Lag? wd BayS ca55 9 BOiI,S day) 9 Ao Ohy Sno 9d hog wile

Ky yo Box] CAGE 44 al 5) cpt Sao 99 awe] Roy Silyo_ 5 9% dyfoaxe

Riksc oye) & Ca 83523 Cave] ere level wale St, # Odyds us? coylolye

| r weit wane} yg d2v0 male 5 5 * dinbeine » de oe wl bs3, os) Saee &S

8S Gy 9 Sahdy io no Col DA 9 Lr ytd g ee pads pee see OK v0 op

eee ct dls 0 55 # OSL oly! Se orc

ul, pel elaaiyes 309 # ‘lke wt Gy ® Gyal wleaye

Wlyadsbsg eee whydddo) 9 baa © 59> BYE 5S Srno| ost) is? &

“ees ap dte whe S25!9 9

“As in Murshidabéd the Shi’ahs are, by the blessing of God, the

reigning sect, the mourning for Husain and the making of ta’ziahs

form a most important part of the divine worship. No house is

destitute of this spiritual blessing. Ifa man is poor, he will put

a few lamps ina separate part of his hut, called the place of vows,

and put up some flags. At a fixed time the women and children

of the house chaunt a few couplets of elegies and mourning hymns,

Say a prayer and then perform the Shéwan [7. e. they weep for

Husain and beat their heads and breasts].

“‘ Tf a man is of the middle class, he joins with two or three of his

neighbours. They perform the ta’ziah in common. If a man is well

to do, the mourning ceremonies are performed on a grander scale, and

a few “reciters” are appointed. Very rich people go still further

and distribute sweetmeats, sherbat, coffee berries and roasted coriander-

seeds, So in every quarter of the town, Night and day people are

100 = Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. {No 2,

engaged in these works of charity. At the “thresholds” of the

Nazim and his relations, there is something more. They have among

their attendants reciters of elegies, describers of the grave of Husain,

couplet singers, Khutbah readers and historians.”

The imémbiarah presents a grand spectacle during the Muharram.

Food is daily distributed to the believers. In the evening there are

fireworks and illuminations. On one day the Nawab also comes. After

alighting from his palki at the southern gate, he is conducted inside,

and takes his seat on a black carpet, over which a white embroidered

coverlet is spread; for a black carpet is used on this particular

occasion instead of a bolster. Hlegies are again recited, after which

sherbat and spices are handed round. Thousands of people are

admitted, but only such as come with either a turban or a pagri.*

Gor Gee |g obltp stele 65 el6v Old ayo Guy le »

Roe) soy ! es usa 75 FX Gree oF Skt 5 sls ele! 38 B95 S355 9

bib) alfis Say> 30 ly 843 50 dle UST Sy .a 85 LAE cSy ae Oidmas

1X 9 By 9! aa wlySsy 9 Syst? 1) ean Sly # gto Comes yo

my 99 y2 9 Oi 45K.00 ws ba! g prae yo cea OF} 9 # Oigd 0 Sh d

usiwe wee SS O50 205 5 fe ly nA (iy WIS O82 Kinwe_ys

%) $ oie ee wl Sa J=* 50 5 Pa ore “sy ME oS = wij! cel

jabs Sse Soild wb ied = jy 89 8g 34 0 pote bis

we 6S ae ands ay & Ody 0 BMl9& dl) 9 Wloersed ple Slay!

O3)/ X40 54 wlaz 5 9 velba 5! edb) aals pels yee + Goyr dovls pide

whales US 5 Clas} als cs*9) 9 GrabT # Oy! us” ws §5L Lol 399

Kb y0 yi0j5H0 L pyre 9 x OSL (oo GY Chay ale) sky whl Sy 5

ab, wilF 554 ele! pido guns . 2,3 us” Hy yas ripe.) 99;9 was lye

3080 re Gob 9 ye) fy pbb ly ObT co Hy whkys od 0

Ud Enalis® 4 Gyo lore wl} ty cri 9 @ duly? (6% apeeye

* Tn the original Lives ly Suoles

+ So according to the MS. But the author means the Hindustani csothe

Imay remark here that the Arabic _,s,[the name of the 12th imam] is

pronounced csoehye all overBengal,especially in proper nouns as (Gd0 pile &e.

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbéd. 101

9 # dijloys (20 wagls jl y di Guy fy Satyy Lj15% wleSay aS oie yo

ills hs 9 Ea us? B54 bol 30 ly 9 wh arz—ss 3 pls pita es

z) Sig 8h) plials Bib aB) eae 9 os? “is cttel 3 Bb yo Bolas 3 Sid, z) ls

98 read lee S)yln0 pe Sl pli be SH] 9 ere 20 no Laas 533 yo

DylOroy3 1) cil aple whist weeds 3 das yee pH aS a ee

By 5 90 479 Klel2s gh nee 9 | eae sydd 4S é SS lel g

sols gt) dislad yda 5 # Oly AO om] B59 S)l40 “Sals 3) wh5l rad ly

Bd) l=) Hd 9 DsL0 ,, 200 as (que B83 0 9 O15” B43 pats ao pts lye

GB thoy 9 x origlos3, <0 warn BRIO spy gd! Cay SOs gS beeles sled

Dd ged us? G42 pdy® Ld 515.2 é § ibe) 30 39) Wd # MT Is oS se Kus

Saath we LNyy 9 oppo pbmdd AT no 9 1,229 Lop 3} aleb clad»

aed &S eal jokes wi she while er 5 Lb cae te dh, 5

% rr jyho cts” glo .% eo. sais 29 KS lwo | LT Celis, ecm

“¢ Hlegiac verses are also sung in Bonu by singers called Bhathiydl.

They sit in the Imambarah and round about the building,

arranged in

troops of 15 or 20. One of them who can read, has in his hand an

elegy written in Bengali characters. He reads out a verse, which

the others repeat with him in chorus. At the end of each verse they

exclaim Hy! strike their chests with both hands and then the thighs,

Some strike also the ground with their feet at the same moment,

the sound of which motion produces a most saddening effect.

‘For the harem of the Begums likewise some reciters are appointed

and the chaunting continues here also to the 10th day of the Muhar-

ram. Couplets are sung and flags carried about in procession.

“On the 6th day of the Muharram, 7. ¢. the 7th night [as the

Muhammadans like the Jews commence the day at 6 o’clock Pp. m.],

the Méhndi of Haszrat Qasim* (blessings be upon him!) is brought

from the Nizam’s palace and carried in procession to the imambarah

* The day before a marriage a plate full of méhndi or hena is carried in

procession from the house of the bride to the house of the bridegroom who

stains his hands with it. The carrying about of this red dye is called in

Hind. mehndi uthdnd and in Persian hindband?, The Shrahs perform this

_ ceremony during the Muharram also, in remembrance of Qasim, who the day

after his marriage [%. e. when the méhndi procession had been performed] was

slain at Karbala with hig father Husain,

102 Notes on Srrdjuddaulah and the town of Murstiddbad. [No. 2

with great pomp and illuminations. A body of infantry and cavalry

march in procession before the méhndi, the Nawab and attendants

follow, and elegies are chaunted.

“ On the 7th day the Imémbarah is turned into a harem and the

Begums attend. They put fetters on the Nawab, according to custom,

and a chain round his neck. Hundreds of women, high and low,

receive presents on this occasion, as the Begums distribute thousands

of rupees, in order to fulfil certain vows.

“‘ On the 8th day the flags are carried from the palace. The Nawab

accompanies them, barefooted and walking slowly, with pensive mien

and great dignity, whilst tears unceasingly flow from his august eye.

“On the 10th day, called ’Ashtr4, before sunrise, the flags and

the coffins are carried to Amaniganj, a place about 2 kés from the

palace, where the coffins are buried. The Nawab again walks bare-

footed in the procession, and, having arrived at the burial-place,

orders elegies to be chaunted. The prayer appointed for this day is

then read. About noon the Nawab returns to his palace. The others

do not return before the evening. The gathering of the people in

Améaniganj is very great; for all kinds of food are distributed there

to the poor and the inhabitants in general. Besides there is in

Améaniganj a place resembling Kerbala, laid out, from pious motives,

by the Nawab Nazir Sayyidi Darab “Ali. A meeting is held there on

the Ynd Thursday of every month.

‘“¢ As the relatives of a dead person prepare a dinner 40 days after

his death, a large public dinner is also prepared in the Imémbarah, 40

days after the end of the Muharram festivities, 7. e. on the 20th day

of the month of Qafar.”

I may remark that the above ceremonies are purely Shi’ah. EHdu-

eated Sunnis abhor them, but low Sunnis take a part both in the

Shi’ah, and also in Hindoo festivities, all over India. The Shi’ahs in

Calcutta have a house near Manicktollah, where they celebrate the

10th day of the Muharram by carrying flags about. Elegies are also

sung and the shéwanis performed. The house, which is called

Karbala, is let during the year, but the tenants have to leave it

during the Muharram.

I take this opportunity to correct aprevalent error, which even

many of our lexicographers have made, viz. that the ta’ziahs are

1867.] Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshidabad. 108

carried about in remembrance of the death of Hagan and Husain.

But it is in commemoration of the death in battle of Husain and his

family only. Hasan had died a year before Husain of poison, Nor

do the Shi’ahs exclaim in their lamentations ‘‘ Hasan Husain!” but

“ Husain, Husain!” or ‘‘ yé Husain! merely.

As a custom peculiar to Murshidabaéd, the author mentions a grand.

annual display of fireworks and a feast given by the Nawab on the

last Thursday of the month of Bhadén, to which the English gentry

of Berhampore are generally invited.

A large raft of 100 cubits square is made of plantain trees and

bamboos and tovered with mud. Inthe midst of the raft a small

fortress is built, to the walls of which all kinds of fireworks are

attached. At the order of the Nawab, the raft is launched (bhasand)

and steered to the other side of the river, when the fireworks are let

off. The whole is done to the honour and glory of Haszrat Khwajah

Khiszr, (may blessings be upon him),

Smaller rafts (hind. béra) are put on the tanks by Muhammadang

of the lower classes all over Bengal on every Thursday during the

month of Bhadon. The simplest ones consist of joined pieces of

bamboos or plantain trees, with a few sweetmeats and a small lamp

placed on them, ‘They are made in order to discharge vows.

I do not know the origin of this custom, nor the area over which

it extends. It is in all probability of Hindoo origin. But it reminds

me of an attribute of Khiszr as the guide of wanderers, who loose

their way in the darkness of the night. Indeed one must have seen

the darkness of a night in Bengal during the month of Bhadén, to

know what darkness really is,

Notes on the style of the book,

The writer succeeds in expressing his ideas clearly ; awkward

sentences occur seldom.

The style of the book is Hindustani-Persian, 7. e. Persian words

arranged according to the genius of the Hindustani language, The

general failings of all Indian writers in Persian, from Abulfaszl down-

wards, appear also here. A preference is given to long periods with

participial constructions corresponding to Hindustani forms as, 55

104 Notes on Sirdjuddaulah and the town of Murshiddbdd. [No. 2,

5S &e. The apodosis (15>) is generally introduced by words like

LsP2O Cydyt, Why yB), HS ous9 we., which corresponds to Hindustani

correlative adverbs as “=> and os) s> and 5 &e. Many phrases are

purely Hindustani, e. g. ald wWoyor bled 65 rise! Cyt 9 Cet ly

“the building is remarkable, so that it has aconnection with seeing,”’

“‘ you must see the building to comprehend its beauty,” or as one would

say in Hindustani (®ligs, d34le 0 AeSiy you must see it, in order to

judge. Wipd 3l3 for the Persian wo,S j4i is the Hindustani 4253 jl),

The phrase WA8o73 Cgdghy for udm) Ko is Hindustani for bigs) cgagixe,

The phrase (be (gale 3,6 w)s~ is Hind. for GolerSs,20 wy, The

author uses also many Hindustani words quite nie Cf

WlpRdy pojya S&wo9) for Wy KAS yoo Ww WaKwo 9. I was astonished to find

the following monstrosity in a chapter on Murshidabad J 5420 5A) 9

ESOS 9 &F Coy Cp FFly) Gl hb 45 Wooler slo yo 65 8453 alow WL BU

SALMO Cb o93

“Tt was also the custom of the former Nawdbs to send in the

month of August for those government boats which were at Dacca.”

The most learned Persian scholar, unacquainted with Hindustani,

would not know what to make of the &F before (dS, Itis very

good Hindustani* and stands for =. (445 is Indian usage for

lgasisS, Hindustani authors also insist upon writing stsob for sl&oly,

as oly has an obscene meaning (V. Bahar i ’Ajam). 54! is a curious

Arabic plural of the Persian ws}, “ The phrase” 435,40 Colac} plun-

dered things” is a serious blunder. It looks as if the author had made

a participle of the noun ele mistaking the = for a radical,

The handwriting of the MS. is a bad Shikastah.

* ell ort) ere S505 OSES = yxe dago wale,

1867.] Notes on Buddhist Remains. 105

_ Notes on Buddhist Remains near Mynpoorie.—By C. Horne, Zsq.

Jee OL IS)

[Received, October 30th, 1866. ]

At a distance of from 10 to 25 miles to the south of Mynpoorie

extends of line of high Kheras, distant 3 or 4 miles apart.

On each of these, in ancient time, was some large building, but owing

to their general transformation, some hundred years since, at a time

of anarchy, into square mud forts, traces of these ancient buildings are

hard to find.

In my former notes relative to Kerouli, Maloun and Kénemganj,

I recorded evident traces of Buddhist buildings of probably the 38rd

or 4th century A. D., but in the mounds recently visited, I have not

been so successful.

Leaving Bijaniganj canal station, opposite to which isa village

perched on a high mound with its usual jheel around, created by the

excavation of earth to form the said mound which I could not visit,

I proceeded to Tukrow (canal station), nearly west for 64 miles.

Three miles from there, still going west, I arrived at Bhawanti, a

village similar to that just spoken of and probably worthy of a visit—

but the sun forbad my examining it, and I pushed on to Kurhat—

which is a mound of great extent, with a very large, jheel almost

enclosing it.

Here the fort arrangement had been carried out, as shewn in Fig. 1 ;

but I was fortunate in finding some very ancient solid brick blocks

cut into ornamental patterns with a tool. (Fig. 2.) This block

was burnt in one piece and was of very fine texture. :

Fig. 1. Vig. 2.

106 Buddhist Remains near Mynpoorie. [No, 2,

The next illustration was a finial

corner ornament. (Fig. 3.) The cutting

7” «was very sharply done, and I found

“fragments of many other such bricks.

10’ Fine kunkur blocks are rare here, and stone

is quite unknown, hence the use of brick.

There was, however, one small column shaft in

fine kunkur (Fig. 4) which shewed the trace of

a small building, probably early Hindoo.

There were also heaps of fragments of small

kinriaros or cherubs, such as are seen around

later statues of Buddha, as well as 2 pairs of

feet, with one or two round faces with very

large ear-rings, $0 that I think that this village

Fig. 4. |

TL” thick. would repay a careful search.

From Khurrah to Soj is only 2 or 3 miles. Soj is a mound of vast

extent with a very large square mud fort rising 40 feet on its crest,

and an immense jheel stretching away {from its base. Near the jheel

is an arrangement of old kunkur blocks 16’ * 10’—being 5 courses

4’—9" in height, with many blocks lying around, amongst which I

identified the centre block of a Jain ceiling as per fi. 5 in the margin.

2/8" This from its size would indicate a

pbuilding of small size; but kunkur is

a formation which does not readily

indicate age.

Lalso noticed, set up as a sacred post,

a kunkur ornament being a large

finial, the same as found at Ma-

loun. A portion of a statue of

Buddha, being from the waist to the

feet, also occurred, but I was much

disappointed at finding so little that

Fig. 5. was really ancient. :

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1867. Buddhist Carvings at Budh Gayd. 107

Saman is about 24 miles west of Soj, on a mound, with a jheel,

‘and is entirely built in the said mound. It is the residence of

Kullyan Sing, agent for the Rajah of Mynpoorie, and might repay

a visit.

Proceeding still further west, we came to Kishnf, on the metalled

road from Futtyghur to Htawah. Here was one large mound covered

with buildings in occupation, and so nearly inaccessible archexo-

Ioeically ; and a smaller mound from which I was told large square

bricks were excavated. I found here a heap of broken Hindoo

deities, but not a trace of Buddhist remains.

Near Kirhul I also saw a round mound from which they said

large bricks were taken, but neither at Kishni nor at Kurhal did I see

am ancient brick either lying about or built into any structure.

The oldest coins I could get were some copper ones of the Delhi

kings, but £ have no doubt but that Hindoo punch coins are some-

times found. This line of country is worth carefully exploring, and

as a road from Kurhal to Kishni is in course of construction, others

will find it an easier matter than I did.

Notes on the Carvings on the Buddhist Rail-posts at Budh Gayd.

By C. Horne, sg. C. 8.

In submitting to the Society the accompanying drawings of the

more remarkable of the carvings on the Buddhist rail-posts at Budh

Gaya, some from the court-yard of the mahant, but chiefly from the

little temple by the tower, I would beg to draw attention to some

of them—

Prats, No. IV. Furstly.—The boat scene, almost identical with

the one figured by Cunningham in the Bhilsa Topes.

Secondly.—The rest of the upper portion is of the same sheet, all

of them copies, doubtless of Buddhist rails, pillars, and buildings.

Here we find the round and pointed arch, but this argues nothing,

when we remember that there were imitations of wood work and of

thatch and bamboos asin the cave of the rock temples of Barabur

close by,

108 Buddhist Carvings at Budh Gayd. [No. 2,

Thirdly.—The central compartments are curious, but need little

remark. At first I took them for astronomical emblems as signs of

the zodiac, but I do not think they are.

Fourthly.—The lower ornament is nearly the same in all,

Memo.—Although drawn one over the other—it does not follow

that the identical three were upon one and the same rail-post.

Puiate No. V.—The figure shewn as No. 2, to the left, is rather

unusual. It wants all the refinement of Buddha, and does not, I think,

represent him.—There is another such figure let into the wall, as you

enter the lower room in the great tower on the right hand, inside the

doorway. The fifth sketch puzzled me. It is perhaps intended to

represent a good trick. To the extreme left is, what I believe to

be, the only remnant yet found in Benares of a Buddhist rail. It is

much defaced, and obliterated with dirt and ghee, and stands nearly

opposite to the door of the golden temple on the leit hand of the

street.

The demon face to the extreme left of the centre one much resem-

bles the Sarnath demon face; whilst the cornice is very bold, free,

and handsome. The single demon face inside the brick tower, left,

above the floor of the highest chamber, must have been built in, when

the tower was built, and I should not assign any great age to it.

The portion of the Singhasan or idol shrine drawn nearly to scale,

and which shews the holes into which were set the fastenings of the

metal covering, is very curious. It exactly corresponds in style to

the whole of the exterior plaistermg of the great tower, and in the

event of the arches having been declared to be coeval with the tower, -

T must amend my former opinion, and would hold that the tower was

rebuilt, interiorly arched, and wholly plaistered at or about 500 A. D.—

the date of Amara Sinha, when the original Buddhist railing included

both the Bo tree and the tower.

In conclusion, I may remark, that although my drawings are very

defective, yet the original carvings are very rude, and clearly betoken

their early execution.

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda. 109

The Pegu Pagoda.—By Capt. H. A. Brownz, Deputy Commissioner

of Rangoon.

[Received Noy. 28th, 1866. Read 5th Dec, 1866.]

Every ancient Pagoda in Burmah has its Thamaing or ‘sacred

chronicle,” giving an account of the relics or quasi-relics which it was

built to enshrine, the names of the kings, rulers or other distinguished

personages by whom it was erected or has since been repaired or

embellished, in short its history from its foundation down to a recent

time. The commencement of those chronicles is of a more or less

mythical character; the founding of each particular pagoda being

connected, if possible, by its historian with some event in the life of

Gaudama, who is fabled to have visited these regions after he became

a Buddha. Some gleams of real history may be detected even in the

mythical portions of the narratives, but later on the chronicles are

truthful contributions to the history of the period. To disunite some

of these from the obscurity of the Hpoongyee’s book-chests, and give

acompendious description of their contents, will not be an uninterest-

ing task, and the results may be useful to the author who will some

day write “‘ The History of Burmah,” as well as interesting to the

general reader. ;

One of the most ancient and famous among the Pagodas of Burmah

is the graceful structure known as the Shwé Hmawdaw @ Qe 99 Aone)

at the town called, by Europeans, Pegu, and by Burmans, Pago 0038

or Paigoo Oras, but formerly known as Hanthawadie 05000003,

which, since the decline of Thatoon D066) twelve centuries ago,

has been the capital of the Talaing nationality.

Hanthawadie is derived from the ‘“‘ Hantha’”’ (Goose or Brahminee

Duck), the national bird of the Talaings. Concerning the manner in

which this bird came to be selected by the Talaings as their emblem,

_* The name “ Pago” appears to be of Burmese not Talaing derivation. It ig

said to be a corruption of “ Paikho” ods or Beau-thief, from some old legend

connected with the place.

The name of the pagoda “ Hmawdaw” is a corr uption of the Talainge

Hpot-daw which is interpreted in Burmese as “ Bhoorabyan,” a “ winged” or

flying Bhoora.

110 The Pegu Pagoda. [No. 2,

the following fable is narrated. When Gaudama, in the eighth year

after he became a Buddha, was on a preaching tour in these parts, he

passed by the hill on which Hanthawadie was afterwards built, and

there seeing two ‘“ Hanthas,” which with joined wings paid him

obeisance, he foretold that 1116 years after his death, there would be

built on that spot a town which would become the capital of a race

of monarchs and an important city. As he foretold, so it came to

pass. Qn this site, which is just outside the eastern wall of the

present town, the original founders of the Talaing kingdom of Pegu,

Thamala and Wiemala, built the old city of Hanthawadie, about 573

A.D. The district, which took its name from the capital town,

contained at its most floursihing period 32 cities or townships, and

included the eastern half of the present district of Rangoon, with

parts of Toungoo and Shwegyeen. The following are the names of

the thirty-two cities.

1. Dengmai; 2. Zarayboon; 8. Hmawbyo; 4. Lagwonbyeng;

5. Akharaing; 6. Ma-oo; 7. Ramanago; 8. Ramawatie; 9. Hmaw-

bee; 10. Hlaing; 11. Hpoungleng; 12. MHtandawgyee; 13.

Deedwot; 14. Zeta; 15. Zoungdoo; 16. Hpa-aing ; 17. Merengzaya

18. Tagnabhoung; 19. Meng-raihla; 20. Kawlieya; 21. Zaingana-

ing.

The whole of these twenty-one townships are within the limits

of the present district of Rangoon, and the names may all, with the

exception of Nos. 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 18, 14,16, 18 and 19, be found in

the Map of Pegu. Those which are not now traceable among the

existing towns or divisions of the district, were situated as follows:

No. 1. Dengmai, on the bank of the Sittang river, south east from

Pegu. No. 2. Zarayboon, now known as Zwaiboon, in the same

neighbourhood. No. 3. Hmawbyo, doubtful. No. 6. Ma-oo, part

of Akharaing: No. 7. Ramanago, the present town of Rangoon.

No. 8. Ramawatie, the country round the present town of Rangoon.

No. 13, Deedwot, north of Pegu. No. 14, Zeta, north of Pegu.

No 16, Hpa-aing, on the bank of the Irrawady, opposite to Danoobyoo.

This division existed up to the annexation of Pegu, when the circle

of Hpa-aing was amalgamated with that of Tagay. No. 18, Tagna-

bhoung, between Hmawbee and Hlaing. No. 19, Mengrai-hla, next

N fs

to Tagnabhoung.

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda. ill

The following are the cities which lie within the limits of the

present district of Shwegyeen. No. 22, Koukmaw ; No. 23, Ban-myo;

No. 24, Doontsaran; No. 25, Kyeekya; No. 26, Tsittoung (Sit-

tang); No. 27, Atha; No. 28, Ywongzaleng; and the remainder

which are in the district of Toungoo, are—No. 29, Toonkhan, No. 30,

Rainwari, No. 31, Baingta, No. 32, Wenghpyaing.

Below is a table shewing the names of the kings by whom these

towns were founded and the dates assigned to the reigns of the kings.

Name of City. Name of King. Date of Reign.

1 rn ly iba aD

Koukmow. Thamala. 514 1152

Banmyo. Ditto.

Doontsaran. Ditto.

Kyeekya. Ditto.

Tsittoung. Wiemala. 526 1164

Dengmai. Ditto.

Zaray boon. Ditto.

Atha. Ditto.

Hmawbyo. Mahiemoora 550 1188

Aviendaraza.

Lagwonbyeng, Ditto.

Akharaing. Hientharaza 557 1195

Ma-oo. Ditto.

Ramanago. Poonnarickha. 697 1335

Ramawatie, Ditto.

Hmawbee. Ditto.

Hlaing. Ditto.

Hpounglene. Tietharaza 412 1350

Htandaweyee. Byeenya-oo. 731 1369

Deedwot Ditto.

Zeta Ditto.

Zoungdoo. Ditto.

Hpa-aing. Ditto.

Doonkhan. Ditto.

Rainwai. Ditto.

Merengzaya. Ditto.

Tagnabhoung. Ditto.

112 The Pequ Pagoda. [No. 2,

Mengraihla. Ditto.

Kawlieya. Razadhicrit. 743 1381

Baingta. Ditto.

Wenghpyaing. Queen Beenya daw San 850 1488

Shang tsaw-boo.

Gwon-zaleng. Dhammatsedee. 864 1502

Zainganaing. Thoo-sheng-taga Riwot pie 901 1539*

The dates in the above table are those given in the “ Thamaing”

of the Shwé Hmawdaw, but it is clear that in this particular, 7. e. as

regards dates, the chronicle is altogether wrong. The year 1116 of

the religious era, in which year Pegu is said to have been founded,

corresponds with the year 493 of king Thamoondarie’s Hra (573 A. D.)

but the chronicle gives the year 514 of the present secular era as the

date of this occurrence A. D. 1152. This makes a difference of 579

years in the date of Thamala’s reign.

The Shwe-Hmawdaw, like many other pagodas, is said to have been

built in order to enshrine two of Gaudama’s hairs. The legend

relates that in the sixth year after Gaudama had obtained omniscience

* There are five different eras known in Burmese Chronology. They are as

follows :—

1st.—The Kawza era which, after lasting 8650 years, was abolished by Bhodaw

Hentsana, grandfather of Gaudama, in B. C. 691.

2nd.—Bhodaw Hentsana’s era, which lasted 148 years only, until Gaudama’s

death, B. C. 543.

3rd.— King Ayatathat’s or the Religious era. This lasted 624 years, until

A. D.. 82.

Ath —King Thamoondarie’s era. In 82 A. D. Thamoondarie, king of Prome,

superseded the Religious era, as far as secular purposes were concerned, by his

own era which he established from the 622nd year of the Religious era, A. D.

80. This era lasted 562 years, until 643 A. D.

5th.—Pagantsaw Rahan’s or Pooppatsaw Rahan’s era. In 642 A. D. this

king of Peeu abolished the Prome era and established his own, making it

commence from the year 560 of the former era. This era has now reached its

1228th year. F

Another era, but little used, known as Gnyoung Manetara’s era, which lasted

798 years, was synchronous with a portion of the present era.

According to Burmese computation, therefore, the following number of years

have elapsed since the death of Gaudama:—

Aspanyloeny ss 1B, WEEWTS coocccc00cs0 cn gus on osan0Gcogsuvo9UdTENONBODE™ SodGoDnOGsO 622

Thoomoondarie’s Hra, ........sccceceees RN Majaiciats|sistatovelsleis leis sia tais ete SSL nS ST 560

Pooppatsaw Rahan’s Hra,,..........000 suenant

Total 2,409

Which fixes the date of that occurrence, viz. the death of Gaudama, in 543

1867. ] The Pegu Pagoda. 118

(about 582 B. C.) whilst he was tarrying in the Makkoola Hill near

the source of the Thalwon (Gwon-zaleng) river, he was visited by two

pilgrims from Zoungdoo* named Mahathala and Tsoolathala, the sons

of Pientaka, a wealthy merchant of that town. The brothers made

many offerings. Gaudama, being desirous of requiting them, and at

the same time of establishing his religion in their country, shook his

head, and presented to the brothers two hairs which adhered to his

hands, directing them to enshrine the same on the Thoodathana-

Myeng-theeta Hill which lay to the west of the Hanthawadie Hill.

The two brothers being ignorant of the locality of these hills, Gaudama

described them as surrounded by the sea, from which they had but

lately emerged, and promised that they should be pointed out by the

Nats and Brahmas. Gaudama then prophesied that in the 1116th year

of his religion, and the year 514 of the secular era, two brothers, named

Thamala and Wiemala, would found the city of Hanthawadie to the east

of the Thoodathana-Myeng-theeta Hill, and that his religion would

flourish there.

The two brothers, Mahathala and Tsoolathala, then took ship and

conveyed the sacred relics, enclosed in a casket provided for the

purpose by the Thagya king of their native town, where they were

received with great rejoicing, After holding high festival for seven

months and seven days, they proceeded to obey the instructions they

had received, by enshrining the relics on the Thoodathana Hill,

Guided by the miraculous power of the Nats and Brahmas, they speedily

arrived at the spot, and then they prayed that an omen might be given

if that was indeed the very place. In answer to their prayers, the

great earth shook. This not only supplied the desired information,

but called down a host of Nats and Brahmas from the upper regions

to take part in the enshrinement of the relics. By them the shrine

was thus prepared. At the bottom of a pit ten cubits square was

laid a slab of pearly white marble, set with diamonds. A similar slab,

set with emeralds, was prepared to cover the mouth of the pit. In

the centre of the bottom slab the Thagya king placed a golden

eradle, round which were ranged images of the chief disciples of

Gaudama, each holding a golden bouquet. -These disciples were

Thaicapootra, Mawgalan, Theeree Maha Maya, Theeree Thoodaw-

* A place which still exists upon the Pegu river, about 20 miles above Pegu,

114 The Pegu Pagoda, [No. 2,

dana, Gathawdara, Khema, Oopawon, Rahoola and Ananda. The

sacred relics were then conducted with great pomp from Zoungdoo

tothe Hill, the distance, two Yooyanas (24 miles), being travelled

in fourteen days. The casket:containing the hairs was then placed

on the cradle, and high festival was held around the shrine. Besides

the images of the chief disciples, those of the following persons

also were placed in the shine; Mahathala and Tsoolathala, the disciples

Anooroodha, Mahakathapa, Ooroowelakathapa, Oopalie-pagnya, Isa-

weggie, the king of the Brahmas and his four wives. The several

positions occupied by these images are all carefully described in the

legend. Countless offerings were then made, the Thagya king giving

ten billions of gold, each of his four queens forty thousand of silver,

Pientaka one thousand of gold, Mahathala and ‘Tsoolathala one

thousand and eighty of silver, and so on. The Thagya king then

placed certain Nats to guard the shrine, and a structure of stone and

brick, 50 cubits high and 250 cubits in circumference, was erected over

it. This took place in the year 119, Bhodaw Hentsana’a era, 572

B. C., on Saturday the Ist of the waxing of the month of Tagoo.

Then follows a list of the people dedicated by the Rulers of Zoungdoo,

Thamandaraya and his queen Thoobhattadewee, to the service of the

Shwe Hmawdaw, and the extent of the land which was declared to

belong to the shrine. The land was as follows,—to a distance of 100

“ Tas’’ (1,050 feet) to the east of the Pagoda, 100 ‘“ Tas” to the

north, 100 “ Tas” to the west, and 50 “ Tas” to the south. This

would comprise an area of about 310 acres.

Here ends the first chapter of the mythical portion of the legend,

from which no real information can be gleaned, except perhaps that

there was a town at Zoungdoo before Hanthawadie was founded.

We have not yet, however, got out of the mythical period. Our

chronicler next attempts to connect the Pagoda with the celebrated —

revival of religion which took place in the reign of the great Athawka

of Patalipoot inthe commencement of the 3rd century of the Christian :

era. The legend states that in the 218th year of the religious and

the 327th of the secular era* there was not a single worshipper

of Pagodas or relics in the country. Cities had declined from their

* Another mistake in chronology. There is no secular era known, the 827th

year of which corresponds with 218 of the religious era.

1867.] The Pequ Pagoda. 115

former greatness, and the-temples had fallen into ruins, when the

king of the great country of Patalipoot named Athawka Dhamma

Raja invited the Rahandas Mawgaliopootta, Fictha and Oobhara to

the third council, and under their guidance searched for sacred relics

wherever they were to be found. The Rahandas pointed out the

places where the holy hairs and other relics were reposing in the

country of Hanthawadie ; seven Tsedees were cleared of the trees and

weeds, with which they were overgrown, and were ornamented with

golden Htees by the piously disposed monarch. These Tsedees were

the Dagoon, the Kyaik-dewa, the Kyaik-thamwonhan, the Shwe

Hmawdaw, the Makaw, the Kyaik-Khouk and the Kyaik-tanoo. All

these, with the exception of the Shwe Dagoon (Rangoon), are in

the neighhourhood of the town of Pegu.

A number of persons were also devoted by king Athawka to be the

attendants or servitors of these Pagodas.

A complete list of them is given—ninety men were assigned to the

Shwe Hmawdaw and twenty-five to the Shwe Dagoon. Altogether five

hundred men were devoted to the seven Pagodas. Of these two

hundred were from the west of the Sittang river, and the remainder

were Mogoung Shens. Lands also were dedicated to the use of these

Pagodas.

The extent of the lands is carefully described in the legend. The

land which was assigned to the Shwe Hmawdaw was the same which

had been given before by king Thamandaraza of Zoungdoo. The lands

assigned to the Shwe Dagoon were more extensive. Their boundaries

are thus described. On the east the Thabyoo Khyoung, on the

north the Zoung-Khyoung, on the west the Myoung Mya Pagoda,

on the south the river.

King Athawka then returned to Patalipoot.* After the episode of

king Athawka, there is a hiatus of nearly 900 years in the chronicle,

and we arrive then at the historical period.

* The first introduction of Buddhism into India extra Gangem dates from

the time of Athawka. After the 8rd council had completed their labors and

reduced Buddhism to its present form by the compilation of the Beetagat or

scriptures, missionaries were deputed to all the neighbouring countries to

spread the knowledge of the faith. Two of them, Potera and Thawna, arrived

in the Talaine country of Thatoon, whence their religion spread over Burmah.

It is doubtful whether, at the time of their arrival, the Talaings had yet

occupied the country to the west of the Sittang River,

116 The Pegw Pagoda. [No. 2,

Tn the year 1116 of the religious and 514 of the 8rd era* the

Thagya king established the brothers Thamala and Wiemala as rulers

over the country of Hanthawadie. They found the Shwe Hmawdaw

still in existence. In 523 king Thamala, perceiving that the ‘ Htee”

(chatta or canopy) of the Pagoda was bent and inclining towards the

south-west, was filled with religious fear, and raised the Pagoda from

its original height of 50 to 54 cubits, crowned it with a new golden

Htee, and dedicated 25 families of Engdaret to its service.

In 526 Thamala died, and his brother Wiemala Koomma reigned

alone. He added 5 cubits to the height of Shwe Hmawdaw, making

it 59 cubits in all, gilded it, and gave it a new golden Htee. He also

erected nine others Tsedees, the names of which are given, and

dedicated five families of Tadaugyan to the perpetual service of the

Shwe Hmawdaw.

Wiemala reigned alone 17 years and died in 543. He was succeeded by

his nephew, Thamala’s son, named Athakoomma. He also was a pious

prince, and being desirous of surpassing the meritorious works performed

by his uncle, added 6 cubits more to the height of the Shwe Hmaw-

daw, and built seven other Tsedees, the names of which are given,

all of which he gilded, and crowned with golden Htees. After reign-

ing seven years, he died in 550.

He was succeeded by his son Ariendaraza or Arienda koomma.

Seven months after this prince came to the throne, he observed that

the Htee of the Shwe Hmawdaw was inclining towards the north-

west. On this he ordered his chief noble Thoorathiedie at once

to repair and embellish the holy structure. This was done, and seven

more cubits were added to the height of the Pagoda, making it 73

cubits high. Thoorathiedhia’s son erected another Pagoda, also 73

cubits high, to the north of the Shwe Hmawdaw, which Pagoda is

still known by the name of the “‘ Nobleman’s Son’s Pagoda.” Arien-

daraza, who was well versed in the laws of kings and replete with

the eighteen kinds of knowledge, was desirous of emulating the

| * By the 3rd era the writer means the 3rd era after Gaudama. 7. e. the present

one. As before remarked, there is no secular era of which the 514th year cor-

responds with the 1116th year of the religious era. As faras the chronicle shews,

therefore, it is doubtful whether Pegu was founded by Thamala and Wiemala

in 573, A. D. or in 1152, A. D. In the text, to avoid confusion, the dates only

of the secular era mentioned by the chronicler, will be given,

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda. 117

meritorious works of his predecessors, and therefore having associated

with himself his queen Kethanee and his chief noble and ministers,

erected the Pagoda called Kyaik-depazan, to the service of which

they dedicated Gua Tsaukha and seven families. The king also

dedicated forty-seven families to the service of the Shwe Hmaw-

daw.

Ariendaraza reigned seven years, and died in 557. His son Hientha-

raza or Mahiengtharaza succeeded him. During his reign a particular

storm occurred, which blew off the Htee of Shwe Hmawdaw, as well

as the upper portion of the Pagoda itself. All were seized with

fear. The king had the damages repaired and a new jewelled Htee

constructed. The Pagoda was raised three cubits more, making its

height 75 cubits. Four families of Htwonkalaing were dedicated to

the Pagoda, and the village of Htwonkalaing given to them for their

subsistence,

Hientharaza reigned 17 years, and died in 573. On his death there

was an interregnum of 17 days, during which time the chief

Hpoongyee managed the temporal affairs of the kingdom, until

Giendraza ascended the throne. The chronicle does not state what

relation this king bore to his predecessors. Three months after his

accession to the throne, he repaired the west face surrounding wall of

the Shwe Hmawdaw. ‘This king was wise and powerful, well versed

in the ten laws of kings, was possessed of the three kinds of strength,

knew the four stratagems, and was full of the four laws of charity.

He erected the Kyaikpadaing Pagoda, an elegant structure on the top

of an eminence about 8 miles south of Pegu. Concerning the erec-

tion of this Pagoda the chronicle relates that when the king was

making a progress through the country, he learnt from ancient records

that three holy hairs had been deposited by the Hermit Gandawadee

in the Thoowonna Hill, and a cairn of stones was placed over them,

Finding a heap of stones on the south-west extremity of this Hill, he

concluded that this must be the very spot where the three hairs had

been deposited, and accordingly he erected over it a Tsedee 87 cubits

high, gilded the structure, and crowned it with a-golden Htee. He

appointed nine families of Htwonmai to be its servitors, and dedicated

to it the land immediately around, within the following limits: on

the east 400 “Tas,” on the north 200 “ Tas,” on the west 300

118 The Pegqu. Pagoda. [No. 2,

“Tas,” on the south 400 ‘ Tas.” After this the king raised the

Shwe Hmawdaw 5 cubits more, making it 80 cubits high, and dedi-

cated to it three more famalies of Moonetkarie. The Pagodas, monas-

teries and other religious works erected by this monarch are innumer-

able, and all men are exhorted to follow his example.

In this style the chronicler goes on, giving a minute history of the

additions to the repairs and embellishments of the Shwe Hmawdaw

under each succeeding monarch, down to Badoon Meng, the Burman

king who built the city of Amarapoora, 1143 B. H.=1781 A. D.

He gives, likewise, a complete list of the other meritorious works,

building of Pagodas, monasteries, &c. by which the reigns of these

kings were distinguished.

As the recital of these works, however veracious it may be, is

somewhat tedious and uninteresting, except to a pious Boodhist, it will

be omitted in the present narrative. The names of the kings with the

dates of their accession will be given in a tabular form, and the more

remarkable events only, which are mentioned in the Thamaing, will

be noticed in the text.

The ninth monarch, Kawarieka, is said to have been a more powerful

monarch than his predecessors, and to have received on this account

tribute, which may be interpreted presents, from the kings of Siam,

Thatoon, Ceylon, China and Pagaw. ‘The same is related of his son

Pecutsalaraza. This king, Pecutsalaraza, established the Karanee

monastery, about two miles west of Pegu, where there is still a

“‘Thein” or Buddhist consistory built of masonry, some wooden

monasteries, and a small stone-henge, an interesting relic of the original

establishment. This consists of a number of granite pillars about

eight feet high, planted on the ground, and covered with inscriptions

in the square Pali character. Many of them, thick and massive as

they are, have been broken and thrown down, and the inscription

partially effaced. The copy of what remains, fills a small closely

written volume, the contents of which I have not yet been able to go

through. The 12th king, Anooramaraza, signalized his reign by

procuring a holy tooth-relic from Theeree-dhamma-thawka, the prince

of Thatoon. ‘This he enshrined in the Shwe Hmawdaw.

The 17th king, Tietha, is notorious in Talaing history as having

for a time abjured the Buddhist faith, and made great havoc among

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda, 119

its temples. The pious chronicler, however, says nothing about this,

but enumerates the good works which he performed after his recon-

version.

With this king, the chronicle states, ‘‘ the race of Hanthawadie kings

became extinct, and the king of Pagan appointed Akhamamwvon to rule

over Pegu. ‘Three months after his arrival at Pegu, this Viceroy

attempted to shake off the yoke of the Pagan king, anda general

named Narapadie was sent to subdue him. In this he succeeded, and

Akhamamwon was killed. Lekhaya was then appointed Governor of

Pegu, but was recalled three months after his arrival. Talabya was

appointed to succeed him. A month after his arrival in Pegu this

Governor also revolted, and sent to ask assistance from Warooree, the

powerful king of Martaban. Warooree came to assist him with an

army of 40,000 men. The Pagan king sent down a General named

Theehapade with an army of 50,000 men, 1,000 war boats, 1,000

elephants and 5,000 horses. A great battle was fought at Ma-oo

in which the Pagan army was worsted, and fled back to Pagan,

Talabya professed the utmost gratitude to his ally, but was secretly

jealous of, and laid a plan to destroy, him. He invited Warooree to

tarry for a few days at Pegu. Warooree’s army dispersed to seek their

subsistence in the neighbourhood, and Talabya was proceeding to carry

out his nefarious design, when Warooree became acquainted with the

danger of his position. Having prayed that the ten modes of punish-

ment might fall on the head of the violator of the ten laws of friend-

ship, Warooree mounted his elephant, and with 20 followers prepared

to meet Talabya. The two monarchs attacked each other on their

elephants. Warooree ran his spear throngh Talabya, who fell dead from

his seat. Thus Hanthawadie became a conquered province of Martaban,

and paid tribute to Warooree.*

* In the A. S. Journal No. 76, April, 1838, I find a copy of an inscription

on a bell found at Arakan (the translation by the way which is given in the

Journal is very incorrect) which inscription appears to relate to the story of

Warooree and Talabya, though their names are not mentioned. In this the

date of Warooree’s victory over the Pagan king is given as 1913 of the religious

era,—=1370 A. D.,i. e. 16 years later than the date given in the Shwe Hmawdaw

Thamaing. The translator in the Journal has cut off the first figure in the date,

adding “‘we suppose the 1 to be an accidental stroke,’ and has taken it to

mean 913 of the present era A. D. 1645, Which is a mistake. The inscription

states that this bell was cast in 984 of the present era A. D. 1622, long after

Warooree’s time. The bell was probably cast in Arakan, and not brought thi-

ther from Pegu.

120 The Pegu Pagoda. [No. 2,

Warooree was succeeded by Pagnya-Oo, who transferred the seat of

government from Martaban to Pegu. The chronicler has here again

been guilty of a chronological mistake. He states that Pagnya-Oo

reigned 16 years in Martaban and 19 in Pegu, altogether 35 years, and

yet he makes the date of his accession 731 and of his death 743 ; thus

allowing a period of 12 years only for his reign. This king appears

to have done more to extend his dominions than any of his predecessors

on the throne of Hanthawadie—vide the list of cities founded, already

given.

Pagnya-Oo was succeeded by his son Razadhicrit who was one of

the most powerful monarchs who ever reigned in Pegu; Arakan and

China are said to have paid him tribute, and the chronicle gives an

interesting account of his relations with Ceylon.

Pandooya,* the king of that island, sent him his danghter Thamoot-

tadewee, with a fleet of seven ships and a holy tooth-relic. This was

enshrined in the Shwe Hmawdaw.

King Razadhicrit reigned 40 years.

In the reign of Byeenya-rau-khaik, who flourished A. D. 1427

about, the Shwe Dagoon Pagoda of Rangoon is mentioned for the first

time in the historical period by the chronicler of the Shwe Hmawdaw.

It is said that having been damaged by a storm, the Pagoda was

% This name cannot be identified with any of the names of the kings of Ceylon

as given in Turnour’s Mahawanso. The only name atall like itis that of the

139th king, Pandita Prakrama, who flourished about 1319 A. D. In Turnour’s

Epitome, the following instances of communication between Burmah and Ceylon

are mentioned. A. D. 1071, Anurudha, king of Arakan, sent learned priests to

Ceylon. A. D. 1592, Wemala Dharm, king of Ceylon, brought learned priests

from Arakan. In 1153 A. D. the Ceylon king is said to have sent an expedition

to “Arramana’”’ to chastise the king of that country for having committed acts

of violence on Singhalese subjects, and having intercepted ships conveying some

princesses from Ceylon to the continent. In 1186 also a Pali letter was written

to the king of Arramana, soliciting him to send learned priests to Ceylon. Is

not this Arramana the same as Ramagnya, the Pali name of a portion of Pegu P

Tn Tennent’s Ceylon it is stated that when the Holy Tooth Relic of Ceylon was

seized by the Portuguese, in 1560, “thesovereign of Pegu, who had previously

« dispatched annual embassies to offer homage at its shrine, sent in anxious

& haste to redeem it by exchange of treasures and political services,’ an offer

which, through the influence of the priests, was declined. Again in 1566, the

king of Pegu having been told by the astronomers that he was to wed a Singhalese

princess, sent to demand her. The king unfortunately happened to have no

daughter, but the daughter of one*of his ministers was palmed off upon the

Pegu monarch as a princess, and at the same time a counterfeit tooth was sent

to Pegu as the genuine tooth-relic, which had in fact been destroyed by the

Portuguese.

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda. 121

repaired by king Byeenya-rau-khaik. This king reigned 30 years.*

His son and successor Byeenya-kharo is said to have been a very

just monarch, and several instances are given of the inflexibly strict

manner in which he administered justice. In A. D. 1388 a female

sovereign, queen Beengnya-daw or Byeengnya-daw Shengtsawboo

reigned in Pegu. She was 58 years old when she came to the throne.

After residing seven years in Hanthawadie, she left her son in charge

of that town, and removed her court to Dagoon (Rangoon). She built

a place to the south-west of the Shwe Tshaudaw (Shwe Dagoon), and

dedicated lands within the following limits to the service of the Pagoda.

On the east Kyaik-kanet, on the south Kyaik-kanoot, on the west

Kyaik-myoungmya, and on the north Kyaik-mo-rap.t+

The queen was succeeded by her son-in-law Dhamma-tsedee who

built another capital to the west of the original town of Hanthawadie.

This king received a present of 100,000 paving-stones from Ceylon.

With half of these he paved the court of the Shwe Dagoon, and used

the other half for a similar purpose at the Shwe Hmawdaw.

The twelfth king of the Martaban dynasty was conquered by the great

Toungnoo king Tabeng-shwe-htee, of whom the chronicler records

nothing, except that he kept the Shwe Hmawdaw in good order, and

performed other meritorious works.

He was succeeded by Thamaing-daw-rwot-kalie whose lineage is

not specified, but he was probably a descendant of the Martaban race

of kings. His reign is memorable, from his having been the last

monarch who added to the height of the Shwe Hmawdaw. Subsequent

monarchs repaired it and gave new Htees, but none of them added to

the building itself. Thamangdaw raised it six cubits, making its

height altogether 205 cubits=324 feet about. At this height it hag

remained ever since, being a few feet higher than the Shwe Dagoon of

Rangoon.

Thamangdaw was dethroned by another celebrated Toungnoo

monarch, known as T'sheng-hbyoo-mya-sheng (Lord of many white

elephants). This king removed his capital to Pegu, and built the

* In the A, S. Journal No. 5 of 1859, Col. A. P. Phayre, in his account of the

Shwe Dagoon Pagoda, states: “It was not until the reign af Ban-gya-rau, in

808, that anything was done to restore the Shwe Dagoon.” “ Ban-gya’” should

haye been written Bangya or Bangnya, pronounced “ Beenga.”

av ie is the Burmanized form of a Talaing word “kyat,’ meaning a

goda,

122 The Pegu Pagoda. [No. 2,

present walled city of Pegu, to the west of the former town of Hantha-

wadie, and nearer the river. The power of this king was great. Ceylon

paid him tribute and Siam sent princesses. He built the Maha-tsedee

Pagoda, a huge pile of brick and laterite, about two miles to the west

of Pegu, near the Karanee monastery. This, if completed, would have

rivalled the Shwe Hmawdaw in size, but it appears never to have been

finished, though the king dedicated 31 families from Twante in Dallah

to its service. ‘This is the first occasion on which the Dallah division

of the present Rangoon district, which lies to the west of the Rangoon

river, is mentioned by the chronicler.

This part of the country appears to have been colonised by an

independent race of Talaings, and not to have formed part of the

original country of Hanthawadie.

After the death of Nau-kya-bhooreng, in A. D.1624, a “‘ Koola Pathee

kappeetan’’ (literally a western foreigner Musalman captain) ruled

Pegu from Thanlyeng or Syriam. He, no doubt, was a Portuguese. The

chronicle states ‘‘ he was a heretic, and for 12 years searched for

“ Pagodas to destroy them. Religion perished in Ramangnya, and

‘“‘ ood works were no longer performed. The Htee and the Tshap-

“‘thwa-hpoo* of the Shwe Hmawdaw were pulled down and taken to

“Syriam. But the people of Hanthawadie, at the instigation of the

“‘ Rahans Telatseng and Engamoot, made a new Tshap-thwa-hpoo of

“150 viss of gold of the Pagoda.”

When the Ava king heard of the conduct of the Kappeetan, he

sent an army of 10,000 men under Meng-rai-kyaw-tswa against him ;

the Kappeetan fled, and was drowned when crossing the river to

Dallah. The Ava king, whose name is not given, then ruled in Han-

thawadie. He appears to have resided in Hanthawadie.

The fifth king of this dynasty, Meng-rai-kyaw-goung, dedicated

190 families of Pada in Syriam, who had rebelled against his authority,

to the service of the Shwe Hmawdaw, and assigned three villages for

their support.

The seventh king reigned in Ava, and made Hanthawadie over to a

governor Guatha Oung, who oppressed the people and was killed in a

rebellion. The next governor also was killed by a rebel named

* The spike above the Htee, so called from its resemblance to the flower of

the screw-pine.

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda. 123

Tsheng-kya-sheng of Tharet-oke, who set himself up as king with the

title of Boodha-kethee Tsheng-kya-sheng. In this king’s reign, it is

recorded the white foreigners appeared in Peeu.

This king is said to have removed to Laboon in Zimmay, and to

have been succeeded by Gui-khaing who was deposed by his minister

Kanaikhaing, who was anointed king with the title of Bya-maing-

dee-razadie-patie. This king’s son, Byeeaguyadalla, appears hardly to

have commenced his reign when the Talaings were finally subjugated

by the great Burman conquerer Aloung Bhoora—whose approach, the

chronicler says, was heralded by a violent storm and earthquake, by

which the upper part of the Shwe Hmawdaw wasthrown down. After

subduing the provinces of Dhaway (Tavoy), Byiet (Mergui), Taneng-

tharee (Tenasserim), Taraw Byat-bhic and Dwarawadee, Aloung

Bhoora died on the 13th increase of Nayoon 1122 (A. D. 1760) at the

village of Lawa-mye-byahma.

With the seventh king of this dynasty, Bhadoon-meng, who ascended

the throne A.D, 1771, the Thamaing of the Shwe Hmawdaw concludes.

The Bhadoon-meng built a new capital, Amarapura, and was anointed

in 1773, with the lengthy title of Theeree-pawara-wiezara-nanda-

rathtarie-bhawana-tietya-tiepatie-pandita-maha-Dhamma-razadhieraza.

In his reign the shwe Hmawdaw was repaired, and a new Htee made

under the supervision of the Governor of Hanthawadie. Here ends

the chronicle of the Shwe Hmawdaw.

Kings and Governors of Hanthawdie according to the Hmawdaw

Thamaing. |

Names, Dates of Accession.

B. E. AD?

i Thamala, .., bho .. O14 1152

2 Wiemala, or Wiemala Koomma,... 526 1164

3 Athakoomma, wate .. O43 1181

4 Ariendaraza or Mahiemoorarien-

Gataza io... 500 eee O00 1188

5 Hientharaza, Hi Macc OO 1195

6 Giendaraza, ... ee wees (OE 1212 “i

7 Mieggadiepa, ... Beet ides OSD 1224

8 Giezzawievararaza, ... oe OO 1239

9 Kawarieka, Pus week. fone Olt 1249

124 The Pegu Pagoda. [No. 2,

10 Peentsalaraza, 2 oe) O23 1261

11 Attatharaza, ee divisor OOO 1274

12 Anooramaraza, : set 100 1289

13. Mieggadiepagnay, a eon OOS 1301

14 Eggathamandaraza, ... ee fois 131

15 Oopalaraza, 500 oy fee eRORD 1323

16 Poonnarieka, Bae Hee AOO 1335

17 Tietharaza, nae Pee eae Le 1350

Governors appointed from Pagan.

1 Akhamamwon, aoe saad LG 1354

2 Narapadie, Lied Seana lane +5

3 Lekhaya, ... non enh: hae %

4 Talabya, Fu Big leit cote Wis 9

Lhe Martaban Dynasty.

1 Warooree, ... Boe Boe TAG: 1354

2 Pagnya-Oo, a Bb 5 coe all 1369

3 Razadhicrit,* Son en ee 1381

4 Dhammaraza or Pagnya-dhamma-

raza, Des: ae he) 1421

5 Byeenya-ran- jhe hoo oss he) 1427

6 Byeenya-kharo, 500 sco. eal 1459

7 Byeen-kyan-daw,. hai daeiahaleg OAL TL. 1485

8 ‘Tamawadaw or Tet. mwot- Hse ta-

mawdaw, ... 50 vo COU 1488

9 Beenyadaw or Beene ae Sheng-

tsaw-boo, aon Soaiewa SOU. 1488 a female so-

verelgn.

. 10 Dhammatsedee or 2 ce ea

HIGGS, aac 864 1502

11 etn Bye ran iirenee 878 1516

12 Atie-raw-raza or Taga-rwot-pie,... 901 1539

o Toungoo king.

1 Tabengshwe-htee... et AN 83 1561

* If Pagnya-Oo reigned 36 years, Razadhicrit’s accession will be 766 B. E,

or 1404 A .D.

1568

1580

1609

1624

1636

1651

1671

1693

1708

1737

1867.] The Pegu Pagoda.

Dynasty not specified.

1 Thamamgdaw-rwot kalie, Jao

2 Tsheng-hbyoo-mya-sheng, ... ... 942

3 Nan-kya-bhooreng, ... Jig k

4 A Koola Pathee Kappeetan, ... 986

Ava Dynasty.

1 <A king, name not given, ... ... 998

2 Meng-Rai-dieppa, ioe ... 10138

3 Thato-rmaha-dhamma-raza,... ... 1013

4 Nankya Engwa Bhooreng, ey) LOSS

5 Meng-iai-kyaw Goung, ... ... 1055

6 Engwa-Bhooreng, give ... LOTO

Governors appointed by Ava kings.

1 Gna-Tha-Oung, ne so L099

2 Meng-Rai-Oung,... De ai

Talaing kings.

1 Boodha-kethee-tsheng—kya-sheng, 1102

2 Gnakhaing, ... a sos HAMS)

3 Bya-maingdee-razadie-patie, ... 1108

4 Byeengnya Dalla, Neaubete, CLG

Burman Dgnasty.

1 Aloung Bhoora, ... sel Foie aD

2 His son’s name not given, seep UL,

3 Tsaleng-myo-tsa-meng, .-. 1125

4 Tshengoo-tsa, ... Bone em ad i Ifo:

5 Hpoung-ga-tsa, seri wes 1148

6 Bhadoon meng, ... Ai sith see) Lae

129

126 On the Antiquities of Bagerhdt. [No.-2,

On the Antiquities of Bdagerhdt.—By Babu Gourpvass Bysacx, Deputy

Magistrate and Deputy Collector, Manbhoom.

[Received 29th March, 1867, Read 1st May, 1867.]

The Delta of the Ganges offers few localities of interest to the an-

tiquarian. An alluvial plain, intersected by a number of mighty

and ever-shifting rivers, there is not a spot on it, which can arrest the

attention of the traveller by ever so poor a display of the remains of

human art of a former age; no hoary temple of the ancient Hindu

rajas,—no majestic palace buried under the dust and vegetation of

eenturies,—no baronial castle where the Aryan held revelry, when the

Moslem had not yet set his feet on this land,—rewards the search of the

inquirer. Nothing meets his eyes that proclaims of ancient civiliza-

tion, and well may he question if ever any scion of the solar or the

lunar race dwelt amid the people of Bengal. Even history does not

afford many names of places in lower Bengal of truly ancient times.

Sagar Island, it is true, was known some two thousand years ago, but

not as a royal city or a flourishing port, but only as the abode ofa

hermit. Nuddea was the capital of the Sena Rajas when Bakhtiar

Khiliji invaded this country, but the Bhagirathi has since so often

shifted her course, and so completely washed away every vestige of the

lofty halls and the proud battlements which owned the descendants of

Adis’tiva for their lords, that it is impossible now to determine its

exact locale. Of other places in the Delta, the history is equally un-

certain and unsatisfactory.

But if we know not enough and have no relic of ancient Hindu

cities in the Gangetic Delta, there are not wanting in it nooks and

corners which, without pretending to any time-honored antiquity,

may afford materials not altogether uninteresting. The little town of

Bagerhat is one of them ; and to a few remains of its former greatness

I wish to draw the attention of the readers of the Journal, in the

following pages.

The town of Bagerhat is situated on the bank of the Bhairab, a

sluggish stream, 50 miles, as the crow flies, to the south east of Jessore.

According to the Revenue Survey maps, the latitude of the place is

22° 40’ 10" N., longitude 89° 49’ 50” EK. When it was first founded,

it is impossible now to tell, but it was a place of some note more than

1867.] On the Antiquities of Bagerhat. 127

four hundred years ago; for I find that about that time one Khén

Jahan alias Khanja Ally, a chief of great piety and liberality, who was

‘rusticated from the court of Delhi, was sent to this place to hold the

post of a tehsildar. Many fine buildings and stately mosques were

erected under his auspices, and the place was in every respect greatly

improved. What was its name then, I cannot now ascertain ; the in-

scriptions that I have examined to find it out, being altogether silent

on the subject. Its present name is but of yesterday. It was given

to it long after its glories had passed away, and its history forgotten.

A deserted village on the outskirts of the Sunderbunds, its humble

mhabitants needed but the aid of a poor bi-weekly fair to supply their

wants; that fair was, and is still, held on a raised spot on the river-

bank where once. stood the pleasure ground of Khan Jahién. The

illiterate dealers and pedlars who frequented it to sell their goods

called it the ‘garden fair,’ Badger hat, and the name was adopted by

Government when, in May, 1863, it was made the head quarters of a

magisterial sub-division.

From the few traces still visible I believe the garden must have,

at one time, included an area of about 200 biggahs. On one

side of it there was, until recently, a dirty putrifying tank over-

grown with jungle, which in olden times must have been a plea-

sant sheet of water; and onthe other a mound, probably the debris

of what once was a summer house. Traces of metalled footpaths

are met with at different places, as also the remains of a high

road, 30 feet broad, made of well-burnt bricks placed on edge, which,

it is said, formerly extended from this place to Chittagong.

Three miles to the west of the garden, there is a large tank, over

a hundred biggahs square, noted for its sweet water and a number of

tame crocodiles. I had no opportunity to ascertain its size, but

‘judging from the impression its sight produced on me and from memory,

T believe it is fully as large. as the Pala Diggi near Murshidabad,

and nearly as large as the Mahipal Diggi in Dinagepur. Babu Guru

Churn Doss, Deputy Magistrate of Jangipur, in a letter published

in the Society’s Proceedings for October 1862, says that “it must be

in size equal to, if not larger than, that in the Dilkosh Baug of the

Raja of Burdwan.” But as the tank under notice has silted up and

its water has receded much from the original banks, it is not easy

128 On the Antiquities of Bagerhdt. [No. 2,

to ascertain its original size. In the height of the dry season in April

last the sheet of water measured 1,560 feet square. Its excavation is

popularly ascribed to Khanja Ally. It is said that that chief, being

very much troubled from want of good potable water, obtained

the sanction of the king of Gour, and caused this tank to be ex-

cavated ; and that when he found its water to be brackish, improved it

considerably by pouring in it a large quantity of mercury, which, it

is said, is a most efficacious antidote to brackishness. This story,

however, is not sufficiently romantic to please the simple people of

the district, and a sheet of sweet water in a place noted for its saline

soil being an uncommon wonder, another has been set in currency for

their edification. According to it, when the tank had been dug to a

great depth, the workmen came to a perfect temple, with its doors

closed from within, which no efforts of theirs could unlock. Mes-

sage was therefore sent to Khanja Ally, who, mounted on a swift horse,

approached the temple, and struck it with his wand. Anon flew open

the doors, and he beheld, within, a Fakir seated at his ease before a

lively fire, and smoking his hukka. Khanja Ally saluted him and

asked his blessing, to secure a tank full of good water. The Fakir

said that he had built the temple on the banks of the Bhairab as a

place of retirement, and had just roused himself from a protracted me-

ditation to collect food fora meal. He little thought that during his

state of abstraction so much earth had accumulated over his temple as

to admit of a deep tank being excavated. However since it was so, good

water would immediately be produced, but Khanja Ally should fly for

life, or the rising spring would drown him. Nor was the latter unpro-

vided for such a contingency. His horse was the swiftest on earth, and

it bore him through the water to dry land in a twinkling. This

story suggests the idea, that when the tank was excavated, traces of a

building were found in its bed; and considering the frequency with

which old bricks and broken pottery are met with in the Sunderbunds,

such an idea would be by no means unreasonable.

T have said above that the tank is noted for its tame crocodiles, and

well it may be, for nowhere else have I met with a more wonderful

instance of the influence which the human mind can exert over the

saurian. Upwards of twenty monsters, from 10 to 20 feet long, may

here be seen rising and sinking in the water with the docility of a child,

1867.] On the Antiquities of Bdgerhdt. 129

at the beck of a puny miserable-looking Fakir who could not resist a

rap from the tail of the smaflest of them. They are fed with live

fowls and kids, and they unhesitatingly come close by dry land to

receive them. Meat is offered to them on the palm of the hand,

which they quietly take away, without ever snapping at the hands

themselves. Little children play about on the bank without any

risk ; and men, women and children bathe in the tank without ever

having to repent of their temerity.

Some time ago a rumour was brought to the notice of Govern-

ment that infanticide was committed in this part of the Sunderbunds,

and I was directed to make an inquiry. But I found it was unfound-

ed; the fact appeared to be that the simple people of the district

believe that these crocodiles can bless young ladies to come into an

interesting condition, and their blessings are sure to bear fruit. Ac-

cordingly many young women repair to this place to bathe in the

sacred water of the tank, and implore the blessing of the saurian

monsters. They offer them fowls and kids; then paint a human

figure with red lead on a stone pillar in the neighbourhood, and, em-

bracing it, vow to give away to the crocodiles the first fruit of their

blessings. This vow is never broken, the firstborn is invariably

brought to the tank, and when, at the call of the Fakirs, the crocodiles

rise to the surface, the child is thrown on the water’s edge with words

implying a presentation. But it is taken up immediately after, and

borne home amid the rejoicings of the family. I could find no proof

to shew that any child had ever suffered from this exposure.

Parents whose children die early also often seek the blessings of

these crocodiles, by exposing their infants on the bank of the lake.

There is another source whence has arisen the notoriety of Bager-

hat as a place for infanticide. The Fakirs and Sanydsis who live

in the adjacent part of the Sunderbunds, have a high reputation for

supernatural powers in healing the sick; hence, whenever a child is

afflicted with any uncommon or mortal malady, or born with any

permanent infirmity, such as dumbness, deafness, or blindness, and

frequently when medicines have failed (and the pharmacopwia of

an ordinary native village, which embraces only a few simples, is

soon exhausted) the superhuman aid of those worthies is sought with

all the blind faith of veneration which characterises an ignorant and

130 On the Antiquities of Bdgerhat. [No. 2,

superstitious race. Parents from different parts of Jessore, Pubna,

Farridpur and Backerganj repair to this place, and occasionally

leave their children with the Fakirs, in the hope of their taking pity

on the sufferers, and curing their afflictions. This is generally a

temporary arrangement, and the little ones are taken home as soon

as they are cured, and often long before, if the hope of recovery be-

come faint or fail. Rarely one out of several sons is, in fulfilment

of a vow, dedicated to the service of religion, to be brought up amongst

the Fakirs; but never is a child abandoned in the tank, or in the

neighbouring jungle, with a view to destruction.

Close by and to the north of the tank there is a large tomb which

holds in its centre the mortal remains of Khén Jahan. It is built

of remarkably well-burnt bricks of a large size, and strengthened by

stone boulders in some of the piers. In style it differs little from simi-

lar structures in other parts of Bengal—a square of 45 feet, having

a central hall along the whole length, and connected with two side aisles

by open archways. The exterior has an arched doorway on each side,

the north being closed. The height is 47 feet to the top of the

dome, which is a well proportioned structure, somewhat pointed at

the top, and seated on acollar high enough to raise it above the line

of the cornice without itself being offensively prominent.

The plastering of the building has peeled off in many places, but

from what remains it is evident that the bnilder was perfectly familiar

with the art by which the masons of Delhi of that time gave a marble-

like smoothness and polish to chunam work. The steps round the grave

are inlaid with encaustic tiles of various colours, the richness of which

has withstood the wear and tear of four hundred years without any

serious damage. Some of the tiles are hexagons 4 inches across, while

others are squares of 63 inches each side. The substance of the latter

is a white stone ware, and the enamelling on it is of a character

which makes me suspect these tiles to have been imported from China.

The former are of red earth, and the glazing and designs on them are

of inferior execution. Their counterparts are commonly met with

in Pathan buildings in Gour and elsewhere. The art of making these

tiles has now been lost to the natives; the only remains of it are to

be met with among the potters of Murshidabad and Birbhim,

who apply a glazing of some consistency in blue, green and white,

1867.] On the Antiquities of Bdagerhat. 131

on the kalkis or tobacco-bowls of ordinary Mahomedan hukkas, as

also on a common musical instrument called the bayaf.

The grave of Khan Jahan is placed in the middle of the hall, and

is covered by a large slab of pure white Jeypur marble, raised on

three masonry steps inlaid with encaustic tiles, It was erected in the

year of Hijira 863 = A. D. 1458,—just 409 years ago. According to

popular belief, the tomb was built in the lifetime and at the expense

of the Khan, who departed this life on the night of Wednesday the

26th of Jilhijja z.e. about the end of March or the beginning of

April. The epitaph is in Arabic, inscribed in golden letters, and, like

most epitaphs, is brimful of nauseating praise (vide Appendix A),

but the Khan in popular estimation was not unworthy of it. In his

lifetime he was reckoned a saint, and to this day he is worshipped as

such by Hindus and Mahomedans alike. Flowers are strewn over

his grave every day by the attendant Fakirs, and pilgrims from

various parts of eastern Bengal come all round the year to offer to it

their salutations. On the full moon of Chaitra, supposed to be the

anniversary of the Khan’s death, a grand mela is held near the tomb,

when over ten thousand people assemble to commemorate his piety

and sanctity.

On the sides of the grave-stone, there are four different inscriptions,

copies of which I also annex (Appendixes B to EH). Three quotations

from the Koran are also given, but these I did not deem worth copying.

The only available article of interest in the building was an old curi-

ously-carved Koran-stand, which I brought away for deposit in the

museum of the Asiatic Society; as the stand was never used by

anybody, the sacrilegious hands I put on it, will, I fancy, cause no

inconvenience to the faithful.

In the side-aisles there are three or four graves, but without

inscriptions, and the attendants could give no reliable account of the

people whose bodies rest in them.

The tomb is situated in a large quadrangle surrounded by a masonry

wall. Within this enclosure there are several graves, but of no historical

or artistic importance. There is, however, a small cenotaph on the

north side which is worthy of a short notice. If is of modest size

and no architectural pretension; but it was built by a zealot, one

Mohammed Taer alias Pir Ally by name, whose religious fervour forced

132 On the Antiquities of Bagerhdt. [N 0. 2,

the conversion of many a Hindu to the Mahomedan faith. Himself a

renegade from the religion of his Hindu forefathers, he acquired a

high reputation for sanctity, and maintained it by a strict observance

of the ordinances of his adopted religion.

According to tradition he was sent for to Delhi, and for some reason

or other, there beheaded by order of the emperor. He is said to have

once heard from a Brahmin of high caste and great influence, one

Naranérayana Raya, that “smelling was half eating,” whereupon he

caused some cooked meat to be brought to his presence. The Brahman

by his side perceived the smell, and immediately covered his nose with

his cloth; but it was too late, the wily Mahomedan urged that by his

own shewing he had “ half eaten,” and must therefore cease to be of the

orthodox creed. He was accordingly outcasted, and his descendants to

this day are known as Piralis or Pir Ally Brahmans. Puerile as the

story is, it is worthy of note that all the Piralis of Bengal trace their

original seat to Jessore, and no Pirdli is to be met with in the eastern

or the northern districts. One of the ancestors of the present Tagore

family of Calcutta first associated with Narandréyana, and he and his

descendants have ever since been called Pirdlis. Such Kayasthas as

associated with these degraded and proscribed Brahmans, were sub-

jected to the same penalty, and are to this day known by the name of

the wicked Pir. Their number, however, is very limited, and they are

met with in no other district except in Jessore.

Three miles to the south-west of this tomb, there is a magnificent

mosque, commonly known by the name of Sdtguwmbaz, or the mosque

of 60 domes. It is an open arcaded structure, formed of massive walls

six feet thick, and having on the top 77 small domes supported on

sixty pillars. The ground plan is an oblong of 144 feet by 96,

divided into seven aisles by six rows of pillars. The foundation and

the domes are of brick; while of the pillars some are of brick, and

others of stone. Like all other Mahomedan mosques in India, the

Sdtgumbaz has its front to the east, thereby enabling the faithful to pray

with their faces towards the K’aba at Mecca. The number of archways

on this side is 11, of which the second and the tenth are closed with

masonry, the same arrangement obtains on the opposite wall, the

Mulla’s pulpit being placed by the side of the central archway. On the

north and the south fagades there are 14 arches, 7 on_each side, the

1867.] On the Antiquities of Bayerhdt. 133

height being 15 feet to the point of the arch. The building is flanked by

four massive towers which rise above the line of the domes. Two of them

enclose winding staircases ; that to the south-east being very dark and

steep, while the one on the north-east is well lighted and easy of ascent.

The people call the former Andhdr Mdnik and the latter Raushan

Manik. Altogether the building has a grand and imposing appearance,

and even in a more favoured locality than Bagerhaét would command

admiration, and be reckoned as an object worthy of notice. It was

evidenly intended for a jummah masjid or Friday mosque.

The only other object which has been associated with the memory

of Khanjé Ally and which demands a passing notice, is a physical

phenomenon of some interest. It is a dull roaring sound, as of the

booming of distant cannonade, which is said to be fired by aerial

hands in honour of Khanja Ally. At Bagerhat, those sounds are heard

at all times of the year ; particularly when the weather is calm and the

sky clear. It is most distinct during a lull after a storm or a heavy

shower of rain. At Burrisal they are equally prominent, and noticed

with great curiosity. Various theories have been hazarded to account

for the phenomenon. Mr. Pellew, the superintendent of survey at

Burrisal, in a letter to me, says—

“‘ What you allude to must be the ‘ Burrisal guns,’ which are heard

all over south Jessore and Backerganj, at least in the neighbourhood

of the Baleswar. They are distinctly heard at Burrisal. I have never

heard them myself west of Morellganj. My own idea is, that they are

perhaps the sound of heavy suri. My reasons for supposing this (of

course I am by no means certain) are as follows. The noise exactly re-

sembles the sound of surf as heard often by me at Pooree under certain

circumstances, viz. when, on account of a cessation of the south-west

monsoon, the swell rises to an unusual height before breaking, and

then breaks simultaneously for perhaps a length of three miles of coast.

I have often been woke from my sleep by the thunder of these waves,

when breaking in this manner. As regards the succession of 10 or 11

reports, we all know that waves generally break successively along a

beach, and at the distance the listener is from the sea these would

appear equally Joud.

“2nd. Reason. The further south I go, the louder the reports are,

and the more unequal in power (this I have not tested quite sufficiently),

134 On the Antiquities of Bdagerhdt. [No. 2,

“3rd. There is a story (to which you allude) of a Collector sending

down people in a boat to find out about its whereabouts, who heard

the noise always to their south, till they reached the Hurungotta, and

were compelled by the weather and sea to return.

“4th. The general belief in natives that they are not marriage

guns.

“Sth. The dissimilarity between the sound and that of marriage

guns, noticed by all who hear them.

“6th. The fact that sound would be conveyed very far by the south-

west monsoon along the surface of the large rivers of Backerganj.

They are generally heard in a lull after a squall, at least I think so,

just when the surf breaks most regularly and simultaneously. I am

sorry I have no more certainty to give you.”

The cause above assigned to the sounds by Mr. Pellew may be the

right one, but the reasons he has adduced, plausible as they are, do not

seem to be conclusive. It may fairly be argued that had the sound

been produced by the surf, they would have been noticed near the

seashore, wherever there is a low beach. Such, however, is not the

case. I haye nowhere read of such sounds in books, and never heard

them anywhere beyond the mouths of the Ganges.

At Balasore, which is only seven miles from the Bay, they are never

noticed. Mr. Pellew says that a sound similar to the “ marriage guns”

of Burrisal is heard at Pooree, which is occasioned by the breaking of

the swell on the beach, during a certain time; but it is not a constant

occurrence. During my stay for more than two months at Basdebpur,

a village five miles from the sea between Bhadrak and Soroh, I never

heard a report of the kind, though the surf rises and breaks on the

beach with equal or perhaps more violence, during all seasons. Even

at places near to Bagerhat, or in other parts of the Sunderbuns

equally distant from the shore of the bay, the noise is not audible;

and the only tract which enjoys the honour of these salutes is that

which extends from the eastern border, from the river Baleswar to

the foot of the Chittagong hills.

I had an opportunity of going down as far as “ Tiger’s Point,” and

I carefully watched the phenomenon, but I did not notice that the

sounds became louder and louder as my boat drifted down from

Morellganj to the mouth of the Huranghata. This would lead to the

1867.] On the Antiquities of Bdgerhdt. 135

inference that the swell of the sea was not the cause of the sounds,

and it is possible that they may be due to some subterranean or

volcanic agency, the nature of which we have not the means now to

ascertain. It is one, however, which is well worthy the attention of

scientific men.

APPENDICKS.

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136 On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. [No. 2,

On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets in the Roman Character.

—By F.S. Growsz, M. A. Oxon, B. C.S.

[Received 5th January, 1867. |

The question of transliteration has been so fully discussed at recent

meetings of this Society, that a paper which attempted to revive the

subject would probably meet with scant consideration. Iam also

myself of opinion that the theory has been discussed more than

enough, and only wish on the present occasion to state briefly a plain

matter of fact, and make a practical suggestion.

It is impossible for any one, however imbued with phonetic

prejudices, to deny that all European philologists and oriental

scholars have, by mutual consent, adopted a uniform system of re-

presenting Indian alphabets in Roman characters, which varies only

in some few and unimportant particulars. “As to the vowels, there is

at the present day no dispute at all; for that intensely insular

peculiarity of denoting the simple sounds of 2 and wu by the awkward

combinations of double e and double o is now quite obsolete in the

literary world. Ihave not seen any recent oriental work from the

French press, and therefore cannot tell whether their practice of

representing w by ow has been abandoned or not ; but this at all events

is a feature which is not likely to be imitated by English writers.

As to the consonants, there are some few, but very few, points which

are still left open: thus the palatal sibilant is generally denoted in

England by s with a stroke over or dot below it, while continental

scholars prefer the symbol] ¢; again the compound which English

scholars represent by ksh is on the continent represented occasionally

by «, more frequently by csch, which latter is not likely to find many

advocates out of Germany. Thus too in the Persian alphabet, the

Arabic kdf is sometimes denoted by g, but more usually by & with a

dot under it ; and the final consonant he is sometimes expressed by the

vowel @ alone, sometimes by ah. But it is really unnecessary for us to

regard these minor discrepancies, since they do not appear in what

may be called our natural authorities. For I suppose it will be ad-

mitted that Forbes’s is the standard dictionary for modern Hindu-

stani; while the last complete Sanskrit dictionary is Prof. Benfey’s,

published in London during the year 1866, and the greatest work

ever yet undertaken for the elucidation of that language is the

7 1867.] On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. 137

gigantic cyclopedia of Dr. Goldstiicker, which, if ever completed, will

most assuredly be universally accepted as the standard authority on

all points of Sanskrit learning. In these three works, by three different

authors, we find one uniform system of transliteration without a single

point of difference, except as regards one solitary letter, viz. the palatal

sibilant. This, Forbes, in accordance with modern pronunciation,

represents by sh, while Benfey denotes it by ¢ and Goldstiicker by s’.

It appears to me that since we have such authorities as these, our

course is plain ; for who is to establish rules of orthography, if lexico-

graphers are not? I therefore think that the recent discussions on

the subject by this Society are to be regretted,* since they had a

tendency to re-open a question which had virtually been long settled,

and, by ignoring an established fact, to throw a check in the way of

educational progress.

That many and serious inconveniences result from the want of

system that now prevails in India on this matter is undeniable, and a

remedy is daily becoming more urgently required. For many registers

of native names have now to be kept in Roman characters, and the

whole object of alphabetical arrangement is frustrated so long as it

remains uncertain whether amit is to be looked for under letter a or

letter wu, and whether a person spells his name as Devi-din or Dabi-deen.

And this difficulty is one entirely of our own creation; for although

in English, where the orthography of proper names is altogether

arbitrary, it is quite possible for a highly educated man, in writing

down a list of persons from dictation, to mis-spell every word, ina

catalogue of Hindu names there is no such danger. Every personal

appellation is also a literary term, with a definite meaning and

invariable form; and therefore any one, having a very moderate

acquaintance with Indian history and mythology, would be competent

to write a long list of names with unerring precision; and there is no

excuse for the carelessness which makes an array of the names and

titles of native gentlemen in the Government Gazette look like a roll-

call of South Sea savages. It will be found that almost all names

resolve themselves into one of the following categories: 1st, and most

common of all, the name of some popular hero or divinity standing

* The object of the discussions here referred to, was to determine whether

European technical terms should be translated or transliterated into the Indian

vernaculars.—HD,

138 On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. [No. 2,

simply by itself, as Lakshman, Baladeva; 2nd, a similar name with

the addition of some word denoting ‘disciple’ or ‘ by the favour of,’

as Bhagawan-dis, Ram-sahay, Hanumén-Prasad, Gauri-datt; 3rd,

some one of the thousand epithets appropriated to the leading charac-

ters of the Hindu Pantheon, as Niranjan, the unimpassioned ;

Chakrapani, the discus-holder; Bansi-dhar, the flute-player, 7. e.

Krishna; 4th, the name of some one of the appliances of ritual

worship, as Tulsi, Sdlagram, Vibhuti; 5th, some word expressing

beauty or other excellent quality, as Nawal, Sundar, Kirat ; 6th, some

heroic or honorific title as Randhir, ‘“ the staunch in fight,” correspon-

ding to the Homeric ‘“ meneptolemus;’’ Kharagjit, the conquering

swordsman ; Mahabali, the greatly valiant ; Anup, the incomparable ;

7th, the name of some precious material, as Hira, a diamond; Moti,

a pearl; Kanchan, gold; 8th and strangest of all, some affectionate

diminutive, as Nek Ram, a little Ram; Chhote Lal, a little dear,

Nanku, a darling. In the village patois, it is true, many of these

names ordinarily appear in a very corrupt form, but even these corrup-

tions are reducible to the following simple rule, viz. that the first

syllable of the word only be retained unimpaired, and an open vowel

substituted for the whole of the termination; thus Kalyén becomes

Kalu, Bhagiratha, Bhagi, and Nayanasukh, Nainu. But these diminu-.

tives correspond simply to our English Bob, Dick and Tom, and have

no right to be included in a formal catalogue of names. The enforce-

ment of a correct system of transliteration would naturally be opposed

by all who are too indolent to acquire a rational knowledge of the

language, or who choose to diversify their style by the simple

expedient of spelling the same word two or three different ways in

one paragraph ; but the present slovenly system, or want of system, is

not only a practical inconvenience, but is also a disgrace to an educated

government.

But, it may be urged, perfect precision is no doubt desirable in

scientific treatises, but would be pedantic in ordinary writing. Now

can any parallel be found to such a state of things as this argument

supposes? Every language has recognized laws of spelling, which

the uneducated classes in practice frequently transgress ; but has any

government on that account determined to class itself amongst the

illiterate, and to relegate orthography to the professedly learned ?

1867. ] On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. 139

The Government of India stands alone in this extraordinary patronage

of a barbarous nomenclature which excites the ridicule of every

Kuropean scholar.

In one of the recent discussions on the subject, I remember that

Dr. Lees gave a very good illustration of the results of this lax mode

of spelling, quoting several Indian words from a 17th century

traveller, which were so much disguised by their Roman garb, that

identification was impossible. But by a curious perversion of logic,

the speaker proceeded to argue the inexpediency of transliteration at

all; whereas the illustration only showed the evil of not having a

definite standard ; for if each Indian letter had its acknowledged Roman

equivalent, every word would be as intelligible in its Roman as in

its Indian form. I would therefore suggest that the Asiatic Society

should print in a tabular form the Roman, Nagari and Persian

alphabets* as arranged by the eminent lexicographers abovenamed

and approved by Prof. Max Miller, the greatest of modern philolo-

gists; and that this table should be occasionally appended to the

Nos. of the Society’s Proceedings, and every writer expected to modify

his phonetic vagaries accordingly. It certainly does not appear

unreasonable to require that the contributors to a scientific and

literary journal should master the first rudiments of orthography,

before they proceed to discuss abstruse questions of philosophy and

literary history ; and a writer who appears in print under the auspices

of a learned Society should feel it as strange to put down chatta poker

for chhatra pokhar as to spell “ umbrella,” wmbreller. I think too that,

if a more frequent reference to a Dictionary were rendered necessary,

articles would not be forwarded for publication in such a very crude

state as is now sometimes the case. Thus in the last No. of the

Philological Journal, the same distinguished officer, who writes chatta

poker and Machowa and Cuchowa for Matsya and Kachchhapa, begins

his paper with a lengthy speculation about “a race called variously

Serap, Serab, Serak, Sraéwaka; who were probably the earliest Aryan

colonists,’’ and another race called Bhumij, without apparently any

idea, at the time of writing, that Srawaka is the ordinary Sanskrit name

for a Jain or Buddhist, and that the literal meaning of Bhumij is the

earth born, Autochthones, Aborigines. The identity of the Jain and

* This has already been done,—Ep,

140 On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. [No.-2,

Srawaka is in a confused manner indicated before the conclusion of the

article, but without recognizing the fact that the name (literally

‘“‘a hearer”) indicates a purely religious distinction, and that it does

not imply a difference of race any more than the term “ Roman

Catholic” implies an Italian by descent.

I may here incidentally observe that in this district (Mainpuri) the

Jains, who form a considerable item in the population, are known

popularly only by the name of Saréugis, which also is clearly a corrup-

tion of the same word Srawaka. Their habits and customs are of

course the same as those described by Col. Dalton.

If my suggestion as above were adopted by the Society, the same

principle would be consistently carried out in compiling the list of

members with their places of residence, where we should no longer

see Babu alternating with Baboo (the latter invariably suggesting the

loss of a final n) and the first step might be taken towards the correc-

tion of our present barbarous local nomenclature. Our maps are no

doubt admirable as results of engineering skill, but in a literary point of

view, they are ridiculous,—a large proportion of local names, especially

Hindi words, being utterly distorted from the original form. Thus

for instance, I have never yet seen a map where the common village

name Kushalpur was not spelt with an initial Persian kh, as if it

were a derivative of khush ; and yet it might be supposed that if

any Hindi word were to be allowed to retain its identity, it would

be the name of a district so famous in ancient legend as Kos’ala,

which had Ayodhya for its capital, and gave a name to the mother of

the national hero Rama. Upon this point I cannot do better than

quote the words of the late Prof. Wilson, who, describing Indian

maps as miserably defective in their nomenclature, says, “‘ None of

our surveyors or geographers have been oriental scholars. It may be

doubted if any of them have been conversant with the spoken language

of the country. They have consequently put down names at random,

according to their own inaccurate appreciation of sounds, carelessly,

vulgarly and corruptly uttered; and their maps of India are crowded

with appellations which bear no similitude either to past or present

denominations. There is scarcely a name in our maps, that does not

afford proof of extreme indifference to accuracy, and of an incorrectness

in estimating sounds which is in some degree perhaps a national

1867.] On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. 141

defect.”” It may be necessary to take with some modification, at the

present day, the above severe reflections on the ignorance of our

surveying officers; but whatever their knowledge, it is evident that

they have not had sufficient courage to deviate from the traditional

groove of barbarism. To initiate a reform in this direction, is an

undertaking well worthy the highest efforts of the Asiatic Society.

But the whole question has been treated so often, that there is no

occasion for further words ; it only remains for some definite action to

be taken.,

On the other hand, equal carelessness and neglect of philological

principles are displayed in the ordinary modes of representing English

words in Nagari characters: thus the names of the four months

September, October, November, and December are frequently so spelt

in Hindi translations, as quite to obscure the fact that they are iden-

tically the same as the vernacular Saptami, Ashtami, Navami, Dasami.

It has also become a uniform practice to represent the English ¢ on

all occasions by the letter 2; thus ignoring the fact that in the

English alphabet the one symbol does double duty, and our pronun-

ciation of it varies, though perhaps unconsciously, in different words,

accordingly as it has a murdhanya or simply dental power. For

instance, the name Victoria is, so far as my experience goes, invariably

written with the 2, though most incorrectly so; for both in meaning

and derivation, it corresponds precisely to the common appellation

Vijay, the 7 by an invariable rule becoming & before dental ¢; while &

with murdhanya ¢ is an impossible compound, and a short vowel would

have to be introduced between the two consonants, before they could

be pronounced. Indeed Her Majesty may reasonably complain of the

injurious treatment she receives here in India: for not only is her

name misspelt, but her royal title also is most grossly misrepresented.

The crafty Musalman, whoever he was, who first suggested the pre-

posterous expression mdlikd mw’ dzzam, must, when he found it adopted,

have chuckled immensely over the indignity he was passing on the

Queen of the unbelievers. Fortunately, the phrase is so thoroughly

outlandish, that it practically conveys no meaning in this country ;

though any Arab chief who heard it would derive from it a strangely

“derogatory idea of the Empress of India. I remember reading an

article, which appeared in England about a year ago, taking this phrase

142 On the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets. [No. 2,

as an illustration of our special linguistic clumsiness, as contrasted

with Russian tact, and pointing out the considerable advantage which

they thus enjoyed over us in impressing the oriental imagination.

For my own part, I am quite unable to see any valid reason why the

well-known and dignified word pddshdh should not be used, at least

on all ordinary occasions, where no reference is made to the sex of the

sovereign, as in the superscripture of service letters, or the wording of

legal documents.

As change of circumstances, or the development of European ideas,

involves an occasional necessity for enlarging the vernacular nomen-

clature, I would suggest that this coinage of words, hitherto charac-

terised by the most signal failures, should be transferred from the

Government mint to the care of the Asiatic Society, and that a

Philological Committee should be allowed to express their opinion

before any new issue was definitely stamped and authoritatively

circulated. The last new word that has been forced down the throats

of the people is nwmdish-gah, the principal result at present of the

fashionable exhibition epidemic. It is a compound, for which it would

be perfectly useless to look in any Hindustani Dictionary, and in fact

has never had any existence in the country. As yet its use is

exclusively confined to the Munshi class, who, in order to define its

meaning, invariably prefix the word mela, and I believe consider it

only the Government synonym for a tamdsha of any kind, in the

same way as sirika is the Government expression for what every one

in his senses calls chorz. Thus, during the grand Darbar at Agra, I

had petitions from mukhtdrs, explaining their clients’ absence on the

ground that they had gone to the “‘ Agra numaish-gah.’”’ With the

people at large the word meld appears to answer every necessary

purpose ; or if greater precision is desired, sarkdrz meld is employed.

And although some more adequate expression might no doubt be

evolved by a due exercise of the critical faculty, I consider this

indigenous product is at all events better than the official exotic,

Several other subjects suggest themselves for animadversion, but my

remarks have extended far beyond the limit I originally intended, and

some of the points already noticed may appear too minute to deserve

serious attention. Yet, if philology is worth studying at all, it is

certainly worth while to recognize its rules in practice.

1867.] Literary Intelligence. 148

Literary anp Misceruangsous INTELLIGENCE.

A catalogue of the Vernacular Publications of the Bombay Presi-

dency has just been brought out by Sir Alexander Grant, Director of

Public Instruction, Bombay. It embraces the names of 1679 books

of which 175 are in Sanscrit, 660 in Marhatti, 628 in Guzrati, 49

in Canarese, and 43 in Sindhi. Of Zend books there are 4, and of

Pehlevi 1, being the Pehlevi version of the Zendavesta. Prefixed to

the catalogue are two interesting essays by Professor F. Kielhorn

and Mr. M. G, Randde, on its Sanskrit and Marathi portions.

Mr. J. Beames has just published a short introduction to the study

of Indian Philology, with a map shewing the distritution of Indian

languages. It is intended to be a guide to those ‘‘ who, having no

knowledge of Linguistic Science, wish to record and preserve dialects

of obscure and uncivilised tribes with whom they may come into

contact ; or any of the countless local peculiarities of the leading Indian

languages which may be spoken in their neighbourhood.”

The following is an Extract from a letter from Major General

‘A. Cunningham to Colonel C. 8. Guthrie, on a large gold Eucratides

lately brought to England.

“But what is a double gold-mohur compared to the great gold

BHucratides which has just been brought from Bokhara by Aga

Zebalun Bokhari? It is 24 inches in diameter, and weighs ten staters,

_ or eleven guineas? It has the usual helmeted head on one side, with

the horsemen and inscription on the reverse. ‘The owner has refused

700£ for it. It is genuine—and beats all the Greek coins hitherto

discovered.

‘“‘T have three specimens of a new Greek King, Apollophanes, and

some rude coins of Strato with the title of Philopator, which is

translated priyapitd, lover of his father. Please tell Grote of these

Bactrian novelties.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

mee AIC SOCIETY.

——

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.—1867.

On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani.imNo. 2. By

J. Beams, Hsg., B. C. S.

[Received 23rd July, 1866. ]

“Tf Hindustani, adopted by us as the future general language of

India, is to be a language and not a jargon, it must become so by

means of its alliance with Persian, the speech which all Indian Maho-

medans have at their heart, and use as the feeder, or channel of other

feeders, for all their abstract thought, their politics, science, and

poetry.”’* i

This extract serves as a fitting text to the subject which it is my

aim to illustrate. In a former paper I gave an outline of some argu-

ments in favour of the present Arabicized dialect of our courts, and as

the little literature which the language possesses is written in the

same style, the following remarks may be considered as applica-

ble to the literary style also. In the present I propose to review

the assertions of the upholders of the opposite opinion, which

may briefly, and I trust fairly, be stated thus :—In writing or

* Quarterly Review No. 284, page 517 on “ Vambéry’s Travels in Central

Asia.”

146 On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 3,

speaking Hindustani, if you have two words to choose between, one

Hindi or Sanskrit, and the other Persian or Arabic, it is better and

less artificial to use the former;-and the Arabic and Persian words

already in use in Urdu are for the most part wrongly used, and are

often very corrupt forms of the genuine words. ‘There are thus two

arguments: the first, a political; the second, scientific. I will

examine the political or historical argument first. But I must premise

that I consider the whole question as one for the student rather than

the statesman. Dr. Fallon, a vigorous partizan of the Hindi school,

writes, somewhat complacently, thus:* ‘‘ The Urdu language needs

direction ; but the natives have neither taste nor learning for such

a work. The task must be performed by European scholars, and the

Government of the country.” I would ask the author whether, in

all the range of his comprehensive reading, he has ever met with an

instance of a language having been created or guided by foreign

scholars, or licked into shape by a Government. Is language, like law,

a political creation? Does it not rather grow up in the homes of the

people? Isit not hewn out of their rough untutored conceptions ?

Does not its value consist in its spontaneous and unconscious growth ?

Are not its very irregularities and errors, proofs of the want of design

that attends its formation ? :

Or again, can a stranger guide the native mother in choosing how

to talk to her child? If it be difficult for foreigners to influence a

language in a country where women enjoy the same freedom as men,

how much more hopeless is the task in a country like this, where the

mothers of the people are inaccessible and invisible ?

No, we cannot influence the speech of this people; they have formed

it for themselves; they have, before we came on the scene, chosen

Arabic and rejected Hindi. It is not true to say that they prefer

Hindi, and that we have forced on them Arabic. It is not correct to

say that pedantic munshis have created for the use of the Huropean

officer a dialect unknown to the majority of the people, and the use

of which severs him from them, and gives the keys of communication

into the hands of a single class. The use of Arabic and Persian

words pervades every class. I, and many other officers, know that

* English-Hindustani Law and Commercial Dictionary by S. W. Fallon, In-

troductory Dissertation, p. xvii. ad fin,

1867.] On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustant. 147

when we go alone and unattended into a native village, we can con-

verse readily with the commonest people; and I have found the

Arabicized style, which I, from deliberate preference, always employ,

quite intelligible to the ryot and the bunnia. This people formed

their own language, and we may rest assured they will continue to

develop it in that direction which they feel to be best. It is true

that Hindi is the speech of the lower classes, but how many Arabic

words have invaded even the lowest Hindi, because the national

feeling has adopted Arabic as a sign of cultivation. The scholar may

lament that it is so, just as some scholars lament the disuse of Saxon

words in English, but the lamentations of the scholar do not hinder

the progress of the language.

“Hindi is more native to the soil, and lies closer to the hearts of

the people than Arabic or Persian, and its use is therefore preferable

to that of the last named languages.” ‘This is the political argument

of the Hindi school. Dr. Fallon* puts it thus: ‘‘ Hosts of Persian

and Arabic words have been introduced by natives of the country (the

italics are mine) who affect a foreign tongue, and make transfers in

the mass out of worthless books imperfectly understood. The true

vernacular is overwhelmed, thrust aside, and scornfully ignored.”

And again, ‘* The vocabulary of the Indian Courts of Judicature is not

absolutely without a few Hindi phrases. Still, a very large propor-

tion of good Hindi is systematically excluded by ignorance or bad

taste, or, worse still, from corrupt design. Words which are conti-

nually in the mouths of the people, the current speech in which men

im town and country buy and sell and transact business, the mother-

tongue of the peasantry and indeed of the great bulk of the nation is

repudiated for a foreign, high-sounding phraseology. But a people’s

vocabulary is not so to be set aside. The few have seldom yet suc-

ceeded in substituting their language for the language of the many.

Beaten off from the courts and public offices, native Hindi still lives

in the busy mart, and in the familiarities of social and domestic life.

In the pithy sayings, proverbs, and national songs of the country,

dwells a spirit and an influence beside which the foreign and less

familiar speech seems feeble and flat. These Hindi phrases have

deep roots in the habits and associations of the people. They come

* Dissertation pp. Xii, xiii,

148 On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 3,

home to the feelings and the understanding of the highest and the

lowest. They possess a living power, universality and force of expres-

sion, which can never belong to the Arabic and Persian platitudes

that are thrust in their place.”

Now all this is very good and very eloquent, but it rests on false as-

sumptions. It assumes that what is true of some classes of the population

is true of the whole. It puts aside entirely all the rank and education

of the country—it puts the peasant on a pedestal, and requests us to

accept the barbarous and antiquated jargon that falls from his lips as

the model of our speech, and as the vehicle for the expression of

intricate philosophical argument, close legal reasoning, delicate and

refined discussion on art, science and politics.

A second erroneous assumption is, that we have to thank our law

courts for the abundance of Persian and Arabic terms in use in Hin-

dustani. The fact, however is, that our native clerks use nine-tenths

of these words, simply because they have been used for five centuries

past as legal terms, and use has conferred on them a conventional

meaning, which no other words possess. The native press, in discuss-

ing matters of a purely unofficial character, uses the same phraseology.

The style of Abul Fazl and the Sih Nasr-i Zahtri is the model of all

native composition. And this arises not from pedantry or affectation ;

the reasons of it are to be sought, first, in the circumstances in which

the early Musulman invaders found themselves; and, secondly, in the

constitution of native society from those times to this.

Who, then, were the founders of the Urdu language? They

were a mass of Turks, Tartars, Persians, Arabs, and Syrians; with

whom were amalgamated many of the middle and lower classes of

Hindus; principally, perhaps, the adventurous trader, who goes any-

where to gain money, and the idle scum who are always attracted by

an army. If we further ask what were the materials from which this

heterogeneous mass could compound a lingua franca, we find, of

indigenous dialects, Sanskrit and Hindi; of extraneous ones, Arabic

and Persian, and various Turkish dialects. They had to introduce

a new religion, a new government; systems of policy and organization

new to India; rules of etiquette; the social habits and refinements of

a town life; new articles of clothing, furniture and luxury ; philoso-

phical terms ; terms to express new processes in the mechanical arts.

1867. ] On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustant. 149

To what source should they turn for words to express these ideas ?

The Brahmin and the Rajput stood aloof from the casteless strangers.

Sanskrit therefore was probably very little heard in the camps of the

Ghori or the Khilji, and still less in those of Timur or Baber.

Words of Sanskrit origin, but more or less mutilated, were heard

from the lips of the lower classes, who also used a vast number of

Hindi words, 2. e. words either of Sanskrit origin or not, but so far

altered from their original as to become new words.*

Let us now go through some of the words which we may suppose

offered themselves to the invaders as native terms to express their

new ideas, and I think it will be seen that none of these words were

really available.

In the first place the new religion was Islam. To express the

religious duties of that pugnacious creed in anything but Arabic was

profanation not to be thought of. Hence the introduction of masjid,

namiz, rozt, kitdb, td, and the words of this class were unavailable, for

even putting aside the profanation, words of Sanskrit origin could not

express, because they did not contain, the requisite ideas. If any one

doubts this, let him think how far the Sanskrit and Hindi words

written below represent the Arabic or Persian.

Masjid Sanskrit—mandiram, devdlayam ;

Hindi—dewala, math, mandar, shiwdla, thakurbdrt.

Namdz 8. prarthana, nivedanan ;

H. puja, path.

oud S. upavdsa, updsanam, abhojanam, langhanam ;

H. wpds, langhan.

Kitab S. pustakam, grantham ;

H. pothi, pustak.

"Id S. parvva, utsava, ydird ;

H. parab, tyohdr or tehwar.

Now it is at once evident that the adoption of any of these words,

deeply tinctured with the hues of the Brahminical creed, would at

once have been fatal to the genius of Mahomedanism. These Sanskrit

words therefore retained their place in the language with reference to

* An example will make the distinction clearer: Rajd I should call a Sanskrit

word, because it retains its form unaltered ; bilihand I call a Hindi word

because its connection with the Sanskrit avilamba is, though undoubted, yet

not at first sight apparent.

150 On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 3,

the belief of the Hindu, while for the new Muslim population, the

purely Muslim words were retained; and as nothing was displaced to

make way for them, they were a clear gain to the language, enabling

it to keep pace with the new religious development of the nation at

large. Secondly, words relating to the government of the country.

The mass of little kingdoms each headed by its petty rdjd, a puppet

whose strings were pulled by his Brahmin ministers, was to give way

to the rule of one supreme “ father-king,”” padshdh ;* who should

parcel out his dominions into satrapies or subds ; and these powerful

satraps again would divide their provinces into districts; and the

rulers of districts would portion them out into counties, and so on.

Divisions of caste were to be ignored, all men were free and equal, on

condition of paying their taxes duly. The sovereign acknowledged

himself to be under no obligation towards his subjects. He was

an absolute déspot whose business was to rule, as his people’s was to

obey. He was, however, expected to be accessible to the meanest of

his subjects at certain times, and on the whole to do justice, though

after a somewhat random fashion. How utterly inapplicable to such

a system and to such a ruler would be the Sanskrit title of rdja ;

what a crowd of ideas and memories of another order of things would

such a title bring with it. Would it not lower the great “ father-

king’ to the level of the petty knights he had just destroyed? But

the word rdjd, though inapplicable to the sovereign, was not discarded ;

it remained as the title of a high order of nobility, as it is to this day,

and the Persian terms indicative of sovereignty are therefore positive

additions to the language. |

It is unnecessary to go in detail through the long list of words

relating to government introduced by the invaders. It is evident

that a people’s language can have no words for ideas or things which

do not exist in the country. Especially was this the case in India.

Excluded from all but the scantiest commerce with the outer world,

India had long believed herself to contain the whole of the inhabited

earth, or at least to be the centre and greatest part of it. Like China

in the present day, India thought herself “‘ the central flowery land,”

and had but dim notions of certain “ outside barbarians” who led a

miserable life on the confines of space. When the new era of a vigor-

* T assume Padshdh to be “ pidr-shah,’ father-king, like Afwbeg or Abimelech.

1867. ] On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. LoL

ous civilization and progress dawned on her, she was unprepared'*to

meet it. Her religion, laws, customs and language shrivelled up at

once, and slunk into holes and corners, and the statues of her gods

which had loomed grand and terrible in the twilight of Brahminism,

looked poor, feeble scarecrows in the full blaze of el Islam. The conquer-

ors were but little disposed to adopt the language of the conquered race,

but even had they been so, that language afforded them no materials

in which to clothe their ideas. Necessity stept in to aid inclination,

and the result was a language full of imported words.

““no one objects to a certain number of

“But,” it may be urged,

Arabic and Persian words; many of-them are necessary, some even

indispensable, to the people: all we object to is the indiscriminate

introduction of words which are not necessary, and for which the early

Mahomedan invaders are not responsible.” I might answer this, by

asking the Hindi school to tell me how they know at what date any

given word first made its appearance in India? On what grounds do

they assert that the simpler and shorter Arabic words were introduced

first, and the longer and more complicated ones later? There exists

no regular Urdu literature by which we can, as in English, mark the

exact epoch of the introduction of a word. And this brings me to

my second argument, that, namely, derived from the constitution of

native society, during all the years in which the Urdu language has

been growing, up to the present time.

The conquerors were essentially one nation, though composed of

very mixed elements. If they had adopted the language of the con-

quered, in a few generations they would have become scarcely in-

telligible to one another. In the present day an inhabitant of the

Punjab just manages to make himself intelligible to a man of Patna

by virtue of those few words which are now common to all Indian

dialects, namely those of Persian origin, and the Hindi verbs and

particles which have, thanks to the Mahomedans, become familiar all

over the country. At the time of the first invasions hond was not

used over a wider area than bhd, pds than bhire, uskd than okerd or

wakd. As the country was split up into a number of petty kingdoms,

so was the language into a mass of dialects. Hindi was not one but

many, and so itis to this day. The service which the Mahomedans

rendered to India, consisted in their taking one of these many dialects

152 On the Arabic Element in Official Hindustani. [No. 3,

antl making it the vehicle of their Persian and Arabic, and thus dis-

tributing it all over India. The Hindustani or Urdu language is

therefore, from one point of view, not Persian grafted on Indian, but

Indian inserted into Persian. The movement began from above and

was imitated by the lower classes.

At an early period of the invasion, large tracts of country were

converted to the Muslim faith. All the Punjab west of the Chinab,

and a great deal east of that river; all the chief towns in the valley

of the Ganges, and many villages in all parts of the country were

largely converted ; and the conversion went on for centuries, and has

not yet ceased. ‘To all these converts Arabic became a sacred tongue,

and as such lay and lies as near the hearts of this section of the

people as Hindi. Speak to a Mahomedan rustic in Hindi, he under-

stands you and talks to you in the same; but speak to him in Urdu,

and he will press into his service every word he knows of Arabic and

Persian, to show you that though, through accident of birth, he can

only speak a few words of those honored and sacred tongues, he is yet

not quite without knowledge of them. The rustic father sends his

son to school to the village pedagogue, to learn what? not Hindi,

but Arabic and Persian. And then we are told that these languages

do not lie near the hearts of the people! Why, I believe if the votes

of the whole Mahomedan population could be taken, an overwhelming

majority of them would prefer to abandon Hindustani altogether and

make Persian the language of the land.

Among the higher classes in towns, who form the most intelligent

and cultivated portion of the population, there can be no question

whether Urdu or Hindi is most popular. It is in the towns that we

find the stronghold of the Musulman, and consequently of Arabicized

Urdu. But on what grounds we are asked to set aside the towns-

people and all the Mahomedan rural population, together with all

cultivated Hindus who try to talk as much Urdu as possible, I do not

see. Native society has been for five centuries so thoroughly leavened

with the language of the Mogul invader, and the invader has so

thoroughly made himself at home in India, and has go successfully

maintained the claim of his composite dialect to express the pronters

and intelligence of the country, that all classes aspire to use it as a

sign of good breeding and cultivation.

1867.] On the Arabie Element in Official Hindustani. 158

The language, to quote Dr. Fallon once more, “‘ in which men buy

and sell and transact business” is not Hindi; it is Urdu. Tf man and

ser and chitdnk are Hindi, kimat and nirakh, mdl, saudd, and sauddgar,

guns, rakm, bazdr, and dukdn are Persian. Ji hat is Hindi, gan is

Persian. Sarak, bail, and gdri are Hindi, but pul, sardé and manzil

are Persian. And so it runs through all the scenes of common Indian

life ; you hear everywhere simple Persian words as frequently as Hindi

in the mouths of all classes of the people. I appeal to the experience

of all who know well the rural districts of this country for confirma-

tion of this assertion.

We may then safely state that to the higher classes throughout the

country, to the Mahomedan rustic, to the townsmen in all districts,

Urdu is as familiar and as well known; nay, more familiar, than pure

unadulterated Hindi. It remains only to discuss the question as

regards the Hindw peasant. And it is in this connection that the

want of uniformity between the various Hindi dialects requires to be

brought out in a stronger light. Hindi is not one, but many. If we

follow the advice of our purists, and try to talk and write only pure

Hindi, we abandon the possibility of retaining one universally intelli-

gible language and fall back into a chaos of a dozen or more different

dialects. In advocating the use of Hindi in preference to Arabicized

Urdu, Dr. Fallon’s school mean by Hindi those portions of Urdu

which are of Indian origin ; they mean the dialect which uses wuh, yih,

iskd, uskd ; which says hond, hotd, hud, karnd, kiyd ; that dialect which

has been incorporated into Urdu: the Hindi, in short, of Delhi and

Muttra. But ten miles from Delhi itself I have heard wdkd for uskd,

ydkd for iskd. If we are to reject such forms as these and use only

the Delhi Hindi, we are quite as far from reaching the heads and

hearts of the mass of the population as ever. The great Bhojpuri

dialect, for instance, is spoken throghout eastern Oudh, Gorackpur,

Benares, Shahabad, Sarun and Tirhiit, and is more unlike the Delhi

Hindi than Dutch is unlike English. I would ask a Delhi or upper

Doab rustic to interpret the following from the evidence given in

court in a dacoity case by a peasant of Champaran. ‘ Okerd dwédre

gardhd sunilin, sagare log dhdéwalan, tdn dit saw gana jamilan, ghare

samdgelan, sagara dhan, chipd, lota, dhdn, chdwal sdthi litt lelan, dhere

toralan, phin niksalan, dru mushal bhig delan, te bhagalan, t’hom @

P'shddwa chahet gelin, t'ekho chor pakardul gel.”

154 Ancient Hindu Ruins in Garhwal. [No. 3

)

This is pretty simple, especially when written down clearly on

paper, but when heard from the mouth of the witness, mumbled and

half pronounced and spoken with the rapidity of a steam-engine, it is

not so easily caught. It means: ‘ We heard a noise at his house.

Hvery one ran [there]. There two hundred men were collected.

They entered the house. They looted all the property, platters, lotas,

rice [of three sorts]; dhdn, [unhusked]; chdwul, [husked]; sdthi [a

species of Bhadai rice]. They broke the granary ; then they came

out, threw away their torches and fled. Then I and Parshaéd pursued,

and one thief was caught.”

Does Dr. Fallon wish us to fall back on this dialect, for instance,

with the certainty that by using it we render ourselves unintelligible

to one-half of India? or are we to use some other dialect, unintelligi-

ble to this half? Or again is each Englishman to use the dialect of

the district where he finds himself, and have to learn a new dialect at

each change of station ? ;

Ti in reply I am told that the language meant by Hindi is the dia-

lect of hat and hud, karté and kiya; and not that of bhé and bhdil,

karat and karalan,* nor that of che and chilé ;+ nor that of hinda

and hoyd ;{ nor that of cho, cha and chz ;§ and that a certain amount

of necessary Persian words is allowable, I would ask where are we to

draw the line in Hindi between what is classical and what is provin-

eial, and in Urdu between what Arabic words are allowable and what

are not ?

Remarks on some ancient Hindu Ruins in the Garhwdl Bhétur.—By

Lieutenant Ayrton Puan, Assistant Surveyor, Great Trigono-

metrical Survey.

{Received 6th June, 1867. ]

While engaged in surveying a portion of the dense forest that skirts

the foot of the Himalayas between Garhwal and Rohilcund, I dis-

covered a very remarkable temple and a number of carved slabs

scattered through the jungle. These ruins have hitherto escaped

notice, owing to the dense jungle in which they lie hidden. The

* Bhojpuri. + Tirbit. { Panjabi.

§ Rajputana and Harrowti.

1 67.] Ancient Hindu Ruins in Garhwal. 155

admirable preservation in which the temple still is, and the beauty

of the carving on it, and the surrounding fragments, have induced me

to make sketches of the most remarkable portions. I send herewith

zincographs* from my sketches, trusting that with the following brief

account, they may prove interesting to the Asiatic Society.

In January last, while in the Chandipahar Sevaliks and near the

site of an ancient but now ruined village called Mandhal, almost six

miles east of Hurdwar, I found among the grass the carved figure of

a Bull; following up my discovery I came upon a small temple of

exquisite carving and design, the figures on the frieze in fine alto-

relievo and the whole arrangement of the facade perfect.

Round the temple, which was eight feet in height and six or eight

feet square, were scattered a number of carved slabs, a group of

wrestlers, Ganesh with his elephant head, and some gods under

canopies so very Buddhist, as to remind me of “ Sakya Thubha’ on

the drawings of the monks of Zauskar and Ladakh.

The temple itself stands on a platform or “‘ chabutara,”’ twenty feet

square, and at each side is a trench or drain which was probably intended

to carry off the water, and leave the flat square dry for worshippers.

Beautifully executed heads terminate the trench at the four corners :

on the south a woman’s head and bust, at the west a lion, at the

north a ram ; the east corner is broken and defaced. These heads in

form and execution brought to my mind most vividly “ the Gargoyles”

on the gothic Cathedrals of Hurope.

Scattered about were two or three large capitals and shafts of pillars,

evidently belonging to a building of far larger dimensions than the

small one now standing. The frieze and doorway faces the south;

the northern door is much plainer, but I would draw attention to

one of the pillars shewing a stag wnder a tree which is identical

with the stag and tree on a silver coin found by me two years

ago near Betrut in the Sahdranpur district, and attributed to the

Maharaja Amojdha; the coin is now in the possession of Babu

Rajendralala Mitra of Calcutta. Inside the temple lies a square carved

slab, cracked by a fall, bearing a fine three-headed deity. This

three-headed god occurs on most of the slabs throughout the

Terai, and is conspicuous on the lingam found near Lal Dhang.

* These zincographs may be seen in the Library of the Asiatic Society. Ep.

156 Ancient Hindu Ruins in Garhwal. [No. 3,

Whether the stag and tree, common alike to temple and coin, gives

a clue to the builders ; whether it suggests a stream of Hindu civili-

zation driven by persecution into the untrodden forests of the Terai,

like “the pilgrim fathers,” seeking in the wilderness quiet to

worship God after the fashion of their ancestors ; or whether it may

perhaps go to prove that in time past the deadly fever-smitten Terai

was not deadly, but a cultivated country filled with villages and

inhabitants ;—these points I leave for antiquarians to decide.

About eight miles further east in the Lini Sot, a narrow stony

ravine running down from the Himalayas, I found some more slabs,

one with a beautiful female head, and two or three large pillar

shafts and cornice-mouldings, similar to those at Mandhal. After a

long search I could find nothing further ; but an old Brahmin who had

a cattle “ got’ in the ravine, told me that twenty years ago several

fine figures, slabs, &c. were carried away to Jayapur and Gwalior by

wood-cutters from Central India.

Four miles further east, [came on the ruins or rather indications

of a city (the place is now known as Panduwalé) near the police

jungle chauki of Lall Dhang. Here after an hour’s search I at length

lighted on the object of my visit ; I found the ground beneath the tall

tiger grass and tangled bamboos covered for a couple of square miles

with heaps of small oblong red bricks, interspersed with carved slabs

of stone; but the most singular and beautiful relic was the last to

reward my search; this was a stone “lingam” of most exquisite

work, half buried in the ground, but when excavated, standing three

feet high and carved on three sides.

Forty or fifty small chirags were turned up by my servants,

while excavating the “lingam.” The people at Lall Dhang told

a similar story to the Brahmin at Luni of figures and slabs

that had been carted away to the plains at different times. At

Panduwala I observed three or four evident indications of founda-

tions of houses, and in one place a half-choked canal of good

stone work, which had brought water doubtless to the people of the

buried city from the cool hollows of the Bijinagar “Sot.” <A large

stone, six feet in cireumference by three in diameter, also lay

near the foundation of one of the houses of bygone Panduwala. At

Mawakot, a Boksar village in the Terai, eighteen miles east of

1867.] On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. 157

Panduwalaé, I found some more slabs, some of the three-headed

divinity and one bearing a very curious figure. An old Brahmin,

a resident of the village, told me that it represented “ Jangdeo

Kumar.” The mailed figure with his armed supporters seemed

almost an ancient gothic knight, but the curious tracery of fishes

surrounding the warrior, somewhat destroyed the illusion. I found

nothing more worth recording during my stay in the Terai, but

Icame on continued indications of what once had been: here a

chipped and broken cornice near a cattle ‘“ Got.” stuck up on end by

the ignorant Paharis as a ‘ Deota,” there a great slab of hewn stone

lying alone among a clump of bamboos in the middle of the forest.

That these remains extend through the whole length of the

Rohilecund and Kumaon Terai, I should think there is little doubt.

I was told that at Ramnagar in the Kumaon Terai, there were

some very fine slabs and carved stones, but I was unable to make my

way there.

My remarks on these interesting relics are of necessity meagre, but

I hope that my drawings may induce some of the antiquarians of the

Society to throw some light on these ruins in the wilderness. I can

find no mention of these ruins in Batten’s work on Gurhwél and

Kumaon, although that writer mentions the Dwarahath frieze and

carvings in Kumaon. I believe I am the first Huropean who has seen

the Mandhal temple, or indeed any of these ruins, as none of the dis-

trict or forest officers had ever heard of their existence, until I men-

tioned them.

Oem?

Notes on ancient Remains in the Mainpurt District.—By

C. Horns, Hsg. B.C. S.

[Received 8th June, 1867. |

Asault.—This large village is within two miles of Mainpuri to the

north east and can be best approached by the old cemetery, from

which it is perhaps three-fourths of a mile distant.

158 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3,

Crossing an ‘“ tsar” plain, and passing through the village of

Sikandarpur, you see the village of Asauli picturesquely perched

on its mound, which rises some forty feet from the level of the plain.

At one end is a large native brick house used by the Raja of Main-

puri during the mutiny, whilst at the other (the east) are swelling

mounds covered with trees. But ere you can reach the said village,

you have to go a long way round to avoid the extensive sheets of water

which environ it on three sides, and which have been caused by the

earth excavated therefrom to raise the mound.

Entering by the east, one at once notices a large heap of stones,

&c. on a small mound, and here one naturally looks for the Buddhist

temple or “ chaitya” which certainly faced the rising sun.

Nor is one disappointed, for amidst the mass stands a stone with

a deity thereon carved, now called by the villagers “ Gulpib-Debi.”

This is represented in the rough sketch given below; it is held by

dd Cad

ANGRESS

ATO ITS ello

me to represent ‘‘ Vishnu,” the supplanter of Buddh in this instance.

This slab may, however, have formed part of the temple, and have

been placed to the right or left of the entrance, as in the later

Buddhist temple many Hindu deities were admitted. The carving

about the figure is very rich and characteristic of the period I would

assign to it, viz. circa 500 a. D.

1867. ] On the Antiquities of Mainpwri. 159

The large squared blocks of kankar forming the original founda-

tion are, many of them, still in situ—and the building will appear

to have been of some size and of the usual crucial

form. The length of the cross is not easily ascer-

tained. A single cornice block will, however, give —>

some clue tothe size of the structure asit measured

34” deep by 20” wide.

Several heads of Buddh, carved in the conventional style, were lying

about ; whilst two niche ornaments revealed him sitting in contem-

plation, and several lintel stones two feet ten inches in length, shewed

that the sanctuary had been richly carved. There were remains of

sundry cruciform capitals, and of single and double bases for pillars as

well as of the pillars themselves, but the most curious piece of carving

to be seen there was a long slab of kankar, a basement moulding

which I have figured below. It will be observed that it consists

WY GPL DDE Vy OTTO ie

Y Z A or i

jmY

YW Gia

entirely of elephants seen fronting one. It measured eight feet one

inch, and in this space there were five elephants. Another portion

of the same basement moulding was found in the village, as also

that of a frieze of demon faces which may possibly have formed

part of another building.

Amongst the ornamental carvings were several settings of “ viraj”’

160 On the Antiquities of Mainpurt. [No. 3,

or jewel shewn in the margin ; whilst the

over-branching vase does not fail to assert

its prominent place.

There were also remains of statues of

both male and female figures nearly nude,

with elaborate waist-belts; but these

appeared to me to belong to a time when

the sensuous Jains were supplanting the

Buddhists.

It is very curious to trace on these

stones records how the purer faith of ©

S’akya Muni mingled and became in-

corporated with and debased by the

grosser superstitions of S’iva and Vishua

—to see how the pure and, so to speak,

classical severity of rendering of the

human form gave way to the sensuality

of engrafted creeds—how S’ékya him-

self became adorned, needed clothing to cover him, instead of that

wondrous veil of drapery generally indicated by merely the faintest

waist-line or mark across the thigh, and required “ tik” marks and

tiar

a, how the forms of his attendant female devotees bent and twisted

themselves with their distended busts, and how, in truth, the small spark

of light S’akya had revived died out. Again, wandering about the

village, one finds everywhere traces of carvings on blocks of stone built

into walls. See below. These much resemble those at Malaun which

T have before described.

Some are like the figures at Mathura and Bhilsa ; whilst I could not

find that any Hindu temple had ever taken the place of the original

Buddhist or Jain structure,

in which, as afore-noted, it is probable

that some of the Hindu Pantheon had found a place,

1867. ] On the Antiquities of Mainpurt. 161

The mound is of great extent, running nearly east and west. It is

perhaps half a mile long and of about the same width, and in former

times there probably stood a large Vihar or convent on its western

end, where it is highest.

Near this were lying six large stones very richly carved and in good

preservation. The carvings upon them appeared to be metaphorical

representations of the seasons. They are said to have been dug out

from near where they are now lying some years since, and the stones

(sandstone) appear quite fresh.

On one, five feet in length, S’akya is seated on a tortoise. Two

devotees kneeling, hand or offer vessels ; whilst

from his head springs a tree, going off into scrolls

in the bends of which are lotus blossoms. On

two or three stand little elephants, and on the

179

others there are “‘ chakwa chakwi” or Brahmani

ducks billing and cooing, or sitting alone preening

their feathers.

On either side is a panel, much defaced, but upon which “ kinnars”

or cherubs may yet be seen, and again beyond these on either side are

Sy ta

in Sn? B > amr lpr

162 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3,

amatory groups—very Jain—viz. to the left a man playing a tom-tom

with a woman holding her hands over his head; to the right a man’s

hand on his heart vowing devotion, whilst the woman is scorning him.

On another large stone, half of which is wanting, is Buddha rested

in the middle, the ‘‘ Navagraha’” or nine planets right and left, with the

sun and moon on either hand closing the series. This stone is clearly

early Hindu.

T append an outline of a portion of another carving which appears

allegorical, although I am unable to make it ont.

T also send an outline of a pilaster found by me at

Bichaman on the Grand Trunk Road about six

miles distant. Besides being of unusual design,

it is pierced with a large round hole, and may

possibly have formed part of a railing like that

found at Mathura.

The bricks about the village were not large, and

T imagine that in early times, the use of squared

kankar blocks for religious edifices was universal

in places where stone is not found. The carvings

above described were on sandstone which may have

been brought from Agra or elsewhere. It is,

however, clear from what I have above noted that

Asauli is worthy ofa visit by any passing Archxo-

logist.

a e

PH AS soe XNVIP] 44g ere.

“uP in block Kan bor, 2/61 Lusk.

Ornamental Band.

Pe, aa.

amin ares Aslan Phare VI

Met.

SG ox au Kan ban. 2h HX

Warren tal Conc

WWLZ i

tery lewye capital ey buge Gf Column:

wed '; a

[ ai = potion ofhu.

Cham’ f J | tinted Sm rte dow Way urhice slip a

(ven tone)

a ie

Sen Rvaeat URL EAs Si ts

Ti atloesisnsaciccs tual

1867. ] On the Antiquities of Mainpurt. 163

Anjant. About three miles north of Mainpuri in the crogs-road

eading to Hta lies this village, and the road to it is cut through the

base of the large khera or mound which attracts the attention of the

Archxologist. To the left Gm west) for a very large extont is low

marshy land caused by the extensive scooping off of the surface earth

or the purpose of raising the mound to the right, on which, in very

early times, stood Buddhist or Hindu buildings.

At present the summit is occupied by a small mud fort surrounded

by a trench, which I was told was thrown up in Lord Lake’s

time by the Nawab of Lucknow, whose authority was acknowledged

here.

Close by and still upon the crest of the mound which is of great

extent, appears a heap of stones, and this upon closer examination,

proves to have been a Buddhist “ chaitya’” or outlying chapel to a

large building.

The basement would appear to be in sitti, and stands in the

middle of what was once an enclosure of 24 by 18 paces in extent,

its longest face being toward the south. The foundation of the

enclosure wall has been dug out to the extent of several feet, which

reveals the fact that the whole of this part of the mound consists

of brickwork laid in mud and the bricks being from 14” to 15’

x 10° x 22” in size.

The ‘‘ chaitya’”’ was constructed of kankar blocks; although some

small portions were of Delhi sandstone. The remains, however, scat-

tered through the village, shew that there must once have been a very

large building here with columns of considerable diameter; and from

their character, I am inclined to assign a date coeval with the decline

of Buddhism.

The sheet of illustrations herewith sent, (Plate VII.) shews that the

line of Rakshas’ or demon heads, bears the character of the Buddh Gaya

restorations and of many found at Benares and Jaunpur (figured in the

Journal) presumed by me to belong to the same period (Fig. 1). The

original cruciform capitals (Wigs. 2 and 3) and chessboard (“‘ diaper’’

of Col. Yule) pattern, Fig. 4, betoken great antiquity, whilst the find-

ing in one place of the eight feet of cornice would seem to indicate a

larger ‘‘ Sinhasan” or idol throne for the figure of Buddha than could

have been placed in the little “ chaitya,”

164 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3

The Hindus would seem to have adopted the said chaitya, for I

found three broken ‘‘nandies’” or bulls and three slabs covered with

Krishnas in relief. The carved stone corner of a lintel, Fig. 7, might

have belonged to the chapel, and a small clasped hand found in the

spot was probably that of one of the “ Kinnaras” or angelic cherubs,

such as are generally placed around the figure of Buddha. Very many

stones were found covered with,what I believe to be, early Hindu cutting,

(Fig. 10,) whilst the band of carving Fig. 4 is of a very early type.

I hold therefore that there are good grounds for believing that there

was once a Buddhist institution (a Vihara probably) on the spot with

its outlying chapel, which latter was appropriated by the Hindus, for

the worship of first, Siva, then Krishna and then—allowed to go to

ruin, The drain-stone from the Lingam, shaped out of an old block,

is still there projecting over the original step; although the emblem

of Siva has departed, and no reverence would seem to be paid to the

spot by the present villagers, whose zamindar kindly sent me one of

the finest of the carved stones, (Fig. 11;) without any objection.

Karimganj. About five and a half miles north of Mainpuri, towards

Hta upon the cross road stand the large village of Karimganj. Appro-

aching it from the north, a large mound, a short distance froni the road,

attracts attention and appears worthy of investigation.

This mound, which is of very great extent, being at base 530 by

380 paces, and which has been formed in ancient times by the heaping

of the surface earth brought from a long distance, stands between forty

and fifty feet above the level of the country, and upon its crest has

been erected in more recent times a mud fort. The level of the general

raised surface being taken at ten feet, this fort rises yet thirty feet above

that, and presents a very picturesque aspect in its decay. (Plate VL.)

Three sketches and a plan accompany to give an idea of the above.

The whole mound is strewed with broken pottery, which is account-

ed for by the fact that a village used to stand upon it; but has since’

been removed leaving only these ‘“‘ traces. The khera” or mound is call-

éd by the villagers ‘“‘ Khan Bahadur ka Khera,” and this would appear

to have been the name of the petty chief who, subordinate to the

Nawab of Fatehgarh, built the mud fort in the time of Lord Lake.

T examined the mound most carefully ; but could not find anything

in situ, except a few bricks and these of no unusual size. ‘The fort

gounnal as: soe: AXAVI.PT. K ” - 7

Ore LY aN}

Jee ee DOS NOTE . ,

Karimganj Puare VI.

Plan of Fort. Ho yarth by 80 yards :

Thakabra,

Pera & Schon f Nha -

desis oe eS %

senna sirerc ame Nlbea en ae Rane

eee Fe

Toad i “hen

y Bieta hae ariel ysidn

‘St Wh ASN Pas

ti!

Lins thd dink writs : :

Haars Op

eae te sie

Kee

meee Os s

bs jee ie

Pa Bert ee Bat

Peta Tee we te

pare

1867.] On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. 165

is composed, as before stated, of surface (here “ saltpetre’’) earth.

Hence the mass of mud is gradually disappearing, being dug out and

taken away by the villagers to manure their poppy crops, and thus

in the course of time the whole of the upper mound will be levelled.

But, although there are no remains ‘in situ,’ there are plenty

around the large well-mouths and scattered throughout the village;

and I gubjoin a small sheet of illustrations (Plate VII.) to shew that

there must have been in later Buddhist or early Hindu times, a

building of some pretensions on this spot. Here too I observed for

the first time, kankar blocks, with the main lines of the carving sunk

deeply in them, and the whole face of the stone covered with fine lime

plaister which was admirably moulded.

The patterns thus produced abounded in curved lines, an illustra-

tion of which is given in Vig. 8; they resemble those used in the

temple at Méléun (distant perhaps twelve miles) and in the ‘ chaitya”

at Anjani, two or three miles distant.

The whole country appears covered with kheras, upon which many

of the villages are built, and my own house here stands on one. So

that I hope to discover many more sites of ancient buildings, the

remains of a very thickly populated Buddhist state.

Thdkurd, Leaving Karimganj to the west and proceeding due

east over the large ‘‘jhil” or marsh and some barren sand hills for

about 1? miles, one comes to Thakura village, on the farther side

of which, under some noble trees are the remains of an early Hindu

teinple.

These remains, some illustrations of which accompany, (Plate VI)

are curious principally as shewing how the Hindus adopted the

Buddhist forms of ornament, and gradually changed them until the

ancient style was lost or blended with the more corrupt modern

one.

The material used throughout appears to have been block kankar,

which is a most intractable stone, being much like asolid sponge, and

the people deserve great credit for the way in which they have worked

it. It is I believe softer when first dug than it afterwards becomes.

The people of this village were very ignorant, and as they had a

lurking reverence for the stones I brought none away.

The drawings on the plate imay be thus described.

166 On the Antiquities of Mainpurt. [No. 3,

Fig. 1 is the small enclosed shrine, built with squared kankar

blocks.

Fig. 2 is a more recent capital.

Fig. 3 is a very singular capital, for a round pillar 11 inches in

diameter, in which the ancient cruciform shape is retained.

Fig. 4 is an odd ornament, curious but ineffective. It must have

been placed over a window.

Fig. 5 is an extremely handsome ornament of the same kind for

placing over a window or niche.

Fig. 6 is a portion of the ornament always found in the projecting

faces of old Hindu temples, the form of the capitals is singular, whilst

the ‘ viraja” or jewel of Buddha thus set, has become a flower, subse-

quently often used in ornamentation.

Fig. 7 is a portion of a similar ornament. The form of the capital

resembles some seen at the cave temples, and is essentially Buddhist

in design.

Nonaird. This large and ancient village stands on a very extensive

mound which rises from the plain to a height of about 40 feet. It is

perhaps 13 miles north of the Grand Trunk Road, and about the

same distance from the Police Post and Canal Chauki of Dhanahar,

and nine miles from Mainpuri.

The name savours of “salt,” and we find that until quite recently,

from very ancient times, there was a large saltpetre manufactory at

this place. Doubtless salt was also formerly made, and hence the

4 7

name from salt and “nonairé,” salt-maker. Although the

‘nun,’

mound is so extensive, there is no marsh or ‘ jhil” around the vil-

lage. It would seem to have silted up, and the lands are now

watered by a branch of the Ganges canal.

On the eastern spur of the mound, I, as usual, found the traces of the

foundations of an ancient religious building ; whilst to the north stands

the fort, in the construction of which have doubtless been employed

most of its materials, as remains of heavy cornices were seen crop-

ping out of the foundations.

Knough, however, remained to shew that there had been a small

Buddhist “ chaitya” witha Jain ceiling. I subjoin a few drawings,

(Plate VIII.) and would draw attention to Fig. 1, which represents the

boar incarnation of Vishnu, or the “ Varaha-ayatar.” He is accompanied

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by the “sakti” or female energy—his wife “ Varahi;” and I observe

that Moor in the original edition of his Hindoo Pantheon has a very

similar figure on plate 6.

Figure 2 shews the centre boss of the Jain ceiling, whilst Figure 5,

gives the details of an architrave of the most ancient type.

Figure 4 is curious, as shewing how the same plan of eaves-stones

was adopted over the small windows, cut in imitation of wood, as found

by me at Saidpur, Juanpur and Benares.

Figures 5 and 6 are also representations of very rough and ancient

carvings.

Figure 7 represent the projecting entablature, of which I found

several portions, and which is very finely finished.

Figure 8 shews a portion of the original shrine. It is extremely

worn, although the kankar in which it is cut, is of the hardest

description.

Figure 9 has also been originally well cut ; but the wear of centuries

has almost levelled the high relief in which it was executed.

Figure 10 shews a detail which, taken in connection with two

pulars found, proves that there was a smaller under shrine.

Figure 11 is another instance of bricks carved with a tool.

I was not able to find any large square bricks, commonly called

“ Buddhist,” but many occurred of an unusual form, and the Kaérinda

of Raja Prithvi Sing, the zamindar of the village has kindly sent me

one, which ig at the service of the Asiatic Society, and which mea-

sures 123” & 9” & 4”. The ornament represented in Figure 11 was

cut from such a brick, but the art of cutting and shaping bricks would

seem to have been now entirely lost in the village.

In spite of their thickness, these bricks are beautifully burnt, and

each one is marked on one side. The lines with which they are

marked appear to have been made with the three fingers of the right

hand, having been very carefully drawn across the brick when first

moulded. Amongst more modern (yet ancient) bricks I have often

seen the mark, made with the finger. This I believe to have been as a

charm, and to have roughly represented the trident. This mark also

occurs as a mason’s mark on marble at 28, in buildings of the time

of Shah Jahan and Akbar.

T am not aware of similarly ornamental bricks having been else-

168 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3,

where noticed, or described; although I may here add that I found

one carved into a capital at Sarnéth, which may be seen by the curious

at the Museum, Queen’s College, Benares.

Mildin. When driving on the Grand Trunk Road on my way to

Hta, and 13 miles east from that place, I unexpectedly came upon an old

temple, and as I have not met with any account of the same, I made a

few notes and drawings which may perhaps prove of interest to some,

and which I therefore annex. The first thing which attracted my

notice, was the size and regularity of the kankar blocks with which

the temple had been built.

They varied from 3’ 6" to 4" x 7” X* 9", and appear to have been

freely used by the officers of the Grand Trunk Road for bridge build-

ing, for many miles of road. Jaswant Singh, the old Thékur zamin-

dar of the place, told me that a certain ‘ Conolly Sahib” had taken

the road right through the temple, entirely clearing away the southern

arm of the cross, in which ancient form, the erection had been con-

structed, and used Government vans at night to transport blocks

of kankar, carved and plain, for his works; whilst the “ oldest in-

habitants’’ who professed to have remembered the occurrence, added—

“The kaidis (prisoners’) backs were broken by their weight,’ and

a third put in, ‘‘ Nay, but they were killed outright !”

This is merely mentioned, to shew the need of some officer to see

to the preservation of old ruins; for the zamindar offered me as

many stones asI might require, and did not appear to mind their

removal,

But to resume my account. The only portion of the original

foundation that Icould find laid bare, was built with large bricks

14” or 15’ & 8” & 23” and was 52” in thickness, with a buttress

extending 9 feet. The facing of the superstructure, was originally

composed of the large blocks of kunkur formerly alluded to, and very

little other stone appears to have been used.

In Figure, No. 14, a specimen of the basement moulding is given.

This is about 1 foot in depth, and is of the most ancient type.

Sundry traces of Hindu restoration of an ancient Buddhist chaitya are

apparent; amongst others, a large lintel stone (of Agra (?) sandstone)

with the peculiar frog-like crushed figures at either end, so often

seen in modern Hindu temples at Benares and elsewhere. This stone

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is fully 6 feet in length. There were lying about, both in the temple

and near a bridge three miles nearer Hta, by the road side, many cut

blocks of kankar.

One of them, figured as No. 10, bore traces of great antiquity, and

reminded me of some faces similarly arranged, which I had drawn at

Benares : the type is a universal one.

Many fragments of cornice were also lying there, all indicating a large

building. Two of these are shewn drawn to scale in Figures 3 and 4.

Ornamental details, figures 2 and 12 indicate the date of the work,

the former being very bold and effective; whilst the latter, in spite

of the rough grain of the kankar, looks very rich.

Moulding, No. 13 is ornamented with the old denticulated pattern,

and has a good effect.

Fieure 11, shews two tigers, more modern in their design.

From the above it will be seen that the details of ornamentation

were very rich, in spite of the uncompromising nature of the material,

viz. porous block kankar.

The temple was built upon a slight mound raised with earth, dug

from the neighbouring marsh, now nearly filled up by the annually

drifting sand of this part of the country. The temple covered a

space of about 76 feet square.

The form would appear to have been oblong. I was able to

recover two of the pillars, which had been originally used. It will

be seen by figures 8 and 9, that they were of a very simple and

early style.

The base figures in both and the central portion in each is eight-

sided. The upper recessed portion in Figure 9 has, however, only six

sides. These pillars may have formed part of the same building; for

we often find different patterns employed in one edifice.

Figure 7 represents an eaves-stone cut in imitation of wood

work. It probably covered some small door or upper light, and, as

before remarked, resembles those found at Jaunpur (Pair Daruba

and Atala mosque) and Rajghat, Benares. The figure of a sitting

Buddha is still on the spot to point out who were the founders,

although there are also several Hindu deities present in effigy on

sundry slabs of stone, to attest the subsequent appropriation.

Around the niches once oceupied by figures of Buddha are handsome

170 On the Antiquities of Mainpurt. [No. 3,

ornaments one of which, (32 inches by 24 inches) has been figured

by me as No. 15. There were many others of the same character.

We now come to the roof. Of the central slab of this Buddhist (or

as Fergusson would call it “ Jain”) ceiling, I was fortunate enough

to find three portions, one of which has been figured as No. 5; it is

drawn to scale, from which it will be perceived that the central

rose lotus blossom must have been 5’ 4” in diameter. This would

give a central chamber vault of at least 11 feet, or with the cornice

12 feet. The massiveness of the long slabs of block kankar, must

have been very great; but they were not sufficiently strong to bear

the weight of a large pipal tree, which now stands upon this spot,

and which doubtless helped much to cause the ruin.

Arrived at the exterior of the roof, we find a strange pinnacle, of a

form new to me, one in which the form of the vase is not abandoned,

but very well adapted. Vide figure 1.

There were also built into the walls around, the remains of three

kalasas, each of 3 feet diameter, which, doubtless, at a subsequent

period, capped portions of the edifice. I also observed the fragment

of avery singular capital (figure not numbered) which would seem

to have been used in the building. An emblem of S’iva has been

erected in the centre of a wretched enclosure on the site, and the said

enclosure is generally kept clean; but except by the women, much

sanctity does not seem to obtain for the place. It is, however, the

scene of many a festive “ mela” or fair, held at regular intervals, and

for the convenience of visitors at which, the kankar blocks have

been much scattered and rebuilt into small walls. The temple was

undoubtedly of Buddhist origin, and belonged probably to the fifth

or sixth century after Christ. Of course, it was impossible to find

any mason marks, as these could not be well cut on kankar blocks.

There was no inscription that I could discover, whilst my search for

coins in the village produced nothing.

These notes may prove the more valuable, as it is probable that in

a short time not a trace will remain of this ancient ruin.

Karauli.—At the suggestion of General Cunningham, I drove over

to Karauli, which is about 11 miles north of Mainpuri, and upon

the Grand Trunk Road from Allahabad to Delhi, being 240 miles

from the latter place.

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There is a magnificent grove, at the road side, of gigantic tamarind

and other trees, under which are scattered some Muhammadan tombs,

and there are traces everywhere of this town having once flourished

under the Musalman emperors, of whose coins I obtained three

or four, as well as two of the nail-headed character, These latter

abound in these parts. A thorough search through the town shewed

no traces of very ancient buildings in situ, although the old fort

mound, now being levelled and converted into a “ ganj” or market

place, may have been the site of one. I, however, marked about

30 stones, 7. e. block kankar and sandstone, which had once formed

parts of a Buddhist erection, and all of which appeared to me to

have been brought from Malatin about eight miles distant. I have

figured some of these. Of No. 1, I found two portions; the rest of

the cornice being at Malatn, and a band of the same pattern adorns

one of the faces of the great tope at Sarnath, and has been figured in

the “ Researches” of the Asiatic Society by General Cunningham.

Figure 2 is commonly to be found carved at the Atala mosque,

Jaunpur, and on very early capitals.

The forms shewn in Figures 4, 5, 6 and 7 indicate great antiquity.

There are similar ones at Malatin and at many other places. The

basement moulding Fig. 8 is very bold, massive and effective, and also

of a very early date.

Figure 9 is very singular; but there may be doubts as to its age.

Cornice, Figure 8, needs no special remark.

Many of these stones were found built into the gateway of a new

Sarai; some were seen near the Old Fort or walls; whilst others

were used to form the mouths of wells.

Fragments of three kalasas, of a similar size as those found at Malatin,

were also discovered; so that the conclusion I arrived at was, that no

building of any note in Buddhist times, had existed in Karauli, but

that these remains had been plundered from Malatin, which would

seem to have been used as a quarry for many years past. I find this

district to be dotted over with high mounds of great antiquity, many

of which produce stones as herein illustrated; I hope to examine

more of them. ;

This fact, however, shews one that caution must be exercised in

statements as to whence stones have been taken; for there may have

172 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3,

been many small shrines or “‘ chaityas’”’ in connection with monasteries

on mounds, which latter may have been built of bricks, which said

bricks, which is commonly the case here, have been annexed and

used by the surrounding villages.

I can, I am sorry to.say, obtain no written notice of these mounds,

and they are far beyond the range of oral tradition. A collection of

the best of these carved stones might be made here by Government

at a very little expense; but no one in these parts appears’ interested

in the subject.

Jusrau, visited February 13th, 1866. About two miles west of

Anjani village, described in a former paper, lies the village of Jusrau.

It forms part of the titular Raja of Mainpuri’s zamindazi or estate,

and has, I have little doubt, been plundered of its best archeological

remains in the shape of pillars and capitals by former residents of

Mainpuri, from which it is scarcely three miles distant. The last

attempt would, however, seem to have secured immunity for the

future from these spoliations.

The ‘oldest inhabitant,” a grey-haired Brahman, informed me

grayely, pointing as he spoke to a large block of kankar which had

once formed part of the ancient Buddhist shrine at this place, that

the Raja had sent for this to be used in building; that he had laden

it on a two-bullock cart ; but that the cart had broken down and the

bullocks been drowned whilst crossing the river Isan, not very

distant, in the sacrilegious attempt to remove it. He added that the

fresh cart and bullocks then sent by the Raja brought it back with

ease, and restored it to the spot where I then saw it. So alarmed

are the villagers, that they will not use the smallest, plainest stone

for any purpose, and in proof of their sincerity, they shewed me their

great need of a good well, saying that they were too poor to burn

bricks for it, yet they dared not use the blocks lying about in

profusion. And this was the more curious, as the remains about to

be described, are thoroughly Buddhist, and not at all Brahminical

in their character, whereas the village is a Brahman one.

The cart track leaves the high road from Mainpuri to Eta,

shortly aiter the 4th mile, and crosses a sandy expanse, now

covered with crops of barley, &c. until it terminates in the village.

To the east of this are remains of what had been jormerly two village

1867. ] On the Antiquities of Mampuri. 173

Buddhist shrines, and these were all the buildings to be traced. These

are both 50 feet by 30 feet, measured outside, and Plans Nos. 1 and 2

sufficiently explain them. Each has a raised platform 19 by 12 feet,

built of well-cut kankar blocks without cement, and quite plain.

These must originally have risen from 5 to 6 feet, from the terrace

in which they stand; for even now in one place the finished upper

work is of that height, whilst in others, rubbish has accumulated.

On these raised platforms were probably originally built open chaityas

as at Bakariya Kund. The remains of kalasas or dome caps, of

5 feet in diameter, such as could crown a “ Vimana”’ of 30 or 40 feet

in height, evidence large buildings; whilst the finding of several

projecting face ornaments enabled me at once to state with certainty

the original form of the building. See Figures 4, 5 and 9.

The present residents of the village call the ruins by the name of

Jagat Devi’s temple, and they tell me that at the Holi festival,

a great “mela” or fair is held here, when offerings of ghi and rice

are made to the Devi, who is neither more nor less than our old

friend ‘‘S’/akya Muni” or Buddha. The local name merely means

«“The deity of the locality.”

Buddha is to be found sitting in every niche in the sculpture, and

there is, besides, the two small figures, one of which does duty

for Jagat Devi, (Figure 5,) and another very well carved, some

A feet in height, of which I give a rough representation, Figure

8. Nearly all the Buddhist ruins about here, would seem to belong

to the time of the decay of the purer faith, and these are no

exceptions ; for we find the ornaments of the projecting faces to have

been the same at Anjani, Karimganj, Karauli and Malan. Vide

Figures 4 and 5.

Here I saw for the first time on kankar, what I believe to be

a kind of mason’s mark: Figure 11. The carving of the large

Buddha is very well executed; but the head has been knocked off

and replaced minus part of the neck ; and the two upper groups of

* Kinnaras,” or cherubs, are altogether broken away. The two tigers

under the lotus, are the same as those I saw at Malatin; the animals

are something between a pig and a bear. The forms of these I saw

in Behar, and also on a stone in Benares opposite to the Golden

Temple.

174 On the Antiquities of Mainpuri. [No. 3,

To the right at base is the figure, supposed by Mr. Sherring and

me to be “ Surya,” the sun, and figured amongst the remains from

Bhitari in the Society’s Journal, Vol. XXXIV. Part I. plate xvii.

The lotus or glory around the head, is finely cut in relief, as is also

the canopy. There were no traces of large bricks, but all seems to

have been built of kankar blocks. In all this village, I saw no trace

of the worship of S‘iva, and truly, all fell down before, although

many openly laughed at this their Unknown goddess, ‘‘ Jagat Devi,”

the fear of whom was moreover shewn by their not daring to touch

a stone of her former temple.

Additional note on Karauli.—Since recording the foregoing notes,

T have had several opportunities of examining ancient carved stones at

Karauli. Chaudhari Lachhman Sith is constructing a tank in steps,

the entire facing of which, consisting of squared kankar blocks, is

composed of the remains of some very large and handsome Buddhist

buildings, which, contrary to the opinion heretofore expressed by me,

existed on the spot.

These blocks, in number several thousands, were found when level-

ling the mound or “ khera” for the purpose of laying out a large

market. Isubjoin a plate (x) of some of the more remarkable, which

need little explanation. There were besides, large and handsome

mouldings and specimens of nearly all the carved ornamental bands in

use in this class of buildings. As usual, however, there had been a

reconstruction ; for I found two huge blocks of kankar with the tigers

‘“‘couchant”’ placed one on either side of the doorway ; whilst originally

they had been joined and formed the basement for a large figure of

Buddha.

The drawing No. 1, Plate X., represents what was probably at the

back of the shrine, and resembles other portions found at Noner and

elsewhere. It is very complete and curious. No one can say what may

have been built into the tank-facing, but this is one of many instances in

which valuable carvings have been lost. A few slabs were secured by

me for a local museum, should such ever be established in Mainpuri.

At the village of Rasema, where is a large and ancjent khera,

I saw remains of a small building, similar to some of those described

1867.] Literary Intelligence. 175

in these notes. This village is about two miles south of Karauli, and [

here secured a curious vase-shaped pinnacle which well denoted the

period of its construction.

Literary InreLiicgEence.

A very useful handy-book on the Hindu law of adoption has just been

published under the patronage of Honorable Prasanna Kumar Tagore,

C. 8. L. It is entitled the Dattaka-Siromani, and contains the substance

of all the leading treatises on the subject, including the Dattaka-

mimdnsa, the Dattaka-chandrikd, the D. nirnaya, the D. Darpana, the

D. Didhiti, the D. Kawnudi, the Dattaka Siddhdnta manjaré, as also

of an apocryphal treatise named the Dattaka Tilaka. 'The work has

been compiled with great care and judgment by Professor Bharata-

chandra S’iromani of the Sanskrit College of Calcutta, who has also

supplied, at the end of each chapter, an excellent summary of its

subject.

Anglo-Pali literature has received an important accession in an

English translation of the Attanagalluvansa of Ceylon, by James

d’Alwis. Though professedly a history of the Temple or vihara of

Attanagalla, it contains the chronicles of King Sangabodhi, who

reigned in the middle of the 8rd century A. D. In an elaborate

preface the translator has discussed a number of interesting questions

revarding the Singhalese Chronicles of the Mahavansa and the Dipa-

wansa, and of translations of particular passages in them by Turnour

and others.

The Librarian of the Sanskrit College of Calcutta, Pandita Jagan-

mohan Tarkalankara, has brought out an edition of the play of Chanda

Kausika of Khemisvara. The author flourished in the court of

Mahipala Deva of Gour, and his work therefore is about 900

years old. By a curious mistake the editor, confounding an epithet

with a proper name, says in his preface that the work was written for

the entertainment of a king of the name of Kartika who flourished

between four hundred and athousand years ago. The subject of the

book is the preéminence of truthfulness as illustrated by the story

of Visvémitra and king Harischandra. The Tamil version of this

176 Literary Intelligence. [No. 3,

work is well known under the name of Arichandra, of which an

excellent English translation was, a short time ago, published in

England by Mr. Matukumara Svami of the Ceylon Legislative Council.

The same editor has also published a new and very carefully revised

edition of the Venisanhara of Bhatta Narayana, with a new commentary.

The learned professor Jayanarayana Tarkdlaikéra, to whom Sanskrit

scholars are indebted for several excellent commentaries on ancient

Sanskrit authors, has lately presented to the public a very useful little

digest, named Pudartha-tattvasdra, containing an epitome of the Philo-

sophy of Kapila and Kanada. The book will prove a great help to the

students of philosophy in the Sanskrit colleges of Calcutta and Benares.

An original treatise on the mode of performing the ceremony of

weighing one-self against gold, silver and other articles intended for

presentation to Brahmans, Tildddna-paddhati, and a new grammar of the

Sanskrit language (A’subodham Vydkaranam), have been brought out

by the indefatigable Professor Taérénétha Tarkavdchaspati of the

Sanskrit College. The former will prove useful to those who have

especial faith in, and the means to perform, the interesting ceremony

of which it treats, but we doubt very much if the latter is likely

to supersede the excellent compendium of Varadaraja, the Laghu

Kaumudi.

To the Persian scholar, we have to recommend a small volume con-

taining two small treatises on Metre and Rhyme, the ’Ardz of Saifi,

and the Kdfiah of Jami, very carefully edited by the learned Shemitist,

Professor H. Blochmann.

In three old letters found in the archives of the Asiatic Society,

the late Colonel Wilford announced to Mr. Edward Colebrooke, the

discovery of certain Sanskrit MSS. on geography, of which no notice

has since been met with, and which seem not to be known to Sanskrit

scholars. The works named are, 1, Bhavishya Purdna of 60,000 slokas.

The, Purana of that name, according tothe Vishnu Purana, should con-

tain only 14,000 slokas. In the commentary on the second work on our

list Jayasinha, “ who often speaks or is made to speak in the first person,

says that he had in vain sent people all over India to procure it; he

ascertained that it was not to be found, and supposed it no longer existed ;

however near Allahabad he heard that it was in Zina guru Desa or

Tibet, in the possession of Juéni guru, and that he got a copy from

fe 1867.] Literary Intelligence. LUE

: him.” 2nd Dharma Kosha, of 700,000 s'lokas, compiled by order of

_Jayasinha Raja of Jayapur, who is said to have “sent the author to

_ perambulate the Gangetic provinces. He was furnished with a Machiles-

ware or compass, and a water clock which as he advanced shewed the

oss and its parts.” 3rd, Bhriqu Sanhitd, “between 40 and 50,000

s lokas, all on geography.” 4th, Garga Sanhitd, “ certainly about 24

lakhs of s‘lokas.” 5th, Madhavi Kosha, “entirely on geography. It

consists of 10,000 leaves or above nine lakhs of s’lokas. It requires

three men, or at least two very strong ones, to carry it. It is divided

into 56 books describing the Chhapan Desa of India.” 6th, Ishta

Purdna, “ compiled by order of Mana Sing for the illustration of the

geography of the Purénas—about 23 lacks of s‘lokas.” 7th, Ahabala

Sanhitd, “ of 56 Sections relating to the 56 grand divisions of India.”

8th, Suita saihité. 9th, Pardsara Sanhité, “both on geography.’’

Wilford possessed MSS. of most of these, and it would be of interest

if they could now be traced.

The following are extracts from three letters lately received from

Professor Holmboe of Christiania, giving the results of his recent

researches into Indo-Scandinavian antiquities. The first is an abstract

of a memoir on some figures sculptured on a rock in Scandinavia,

which will be found interesting to Indian Archeologists :—

“Depuis un temps immémorial on voit sur les rocs prés de la

mer aux cotes de Suéde et de Norvége un grand nombre de figures

sculptées, représentant des mnavires, des roues, des voitures, des

hommes armés, des chevaux, des cavaliers, des souliers, &c. Elles

se trouvent ordinairement groupées ensemble, ce qui a motivé quelques

archéologues 4 les prendre pour des tableaux executés en mémoire

de batailles, particuliérement par mer. Mais il est constaté, que les

figures, qui forment une groupe, ne sont pas contemporaines, mais

fabriquées & différentes époques. Le navire ou bateau sont des symboles

ordinaires de la métempsychose en Orient, et les mémes symboles se

trouvent parfois sur des pierres sépulcrales dans le Nord. M. H. sup-

pose donc que ces figures sculpteées sur les rocs y sont placées en mémoire

de personnes décédées, et que le choix des figures depend ou du gout deg

parents survivants, ou de la position, sociale du défunt, ou de quelque

évenement important de sa vie. Quant aux autres figures, les souliers, les

voitures, les chevaux ec. l’auteur renvoie le lecteur & la croyance des

178 Literary Intelligence. [No. 3,

payens, que le défunt devait passer par des chemins obstrués par des

é pines et d’autres difficultés, & cause desyuelles on avait dans le Nord

la coutume de lier des souliers sous les plantes des pieds des morts, On

peut donc envisager les souliers, les chevaux et les voitures comme

symboles de leur voyage & Valhal. Enfin M. H. émet l’opinion que

les petites voitures de bronze qu’on a découvertes en Allemagne

et en Suéde, une fois du moins dans un tertre sépulcrale, ont servi &

des cérémonies funéraires emblématiques symbolicant le départ de la

vie terrestre. Les mémoires sont illustrés d’une planche et de beaucoup

de tailles en bois.”

The Professor gives the following brief notice of an essay of his on

the sacrifice of the Horse among the Scandinavians :—

“ On lit dans les anciennes Sagas ou histoires de la Norvége que

plusieurs hommes consacraient des chevaux au dieu Frey, et au com-

mencement de chaque année on sacrifiait des chevaux eten mangeait la

viande. Mais dans une Saga Islandaise, dite Vatsdelasaga, il est raconté,

qu’ unhomme nommé Hrafnkel avait un Freyfux, c.& d. un cheval

consacré & Frey, et qu’ il avait défendu chaqu’un d’y monter sous peine de

mort. Néanmoins un de ses serfs le monta, et fut puni de mort. L’auteur

compare cet évenement aux effets de la consécration des chevaux chez

les anciens Indiens et chez les Kalmuks et les Mongoles actuels.

Chez ces peuples il était et est défendu sous des sevéres peines de monter

les chevaux consacrés.”

The next two memoirs of his noticed by the Professor are on certain

gold rings on which the ancient Scandinavians took oaths. In the

first of these—

“auteur attire l’attention aux anneaux, sur lesquels les Scandina-

ves aux temps du paganisme portaient la main en prétant serment:

Plusieurs de ces anneaux ont été trouvés dans la terre est sont conservés

dans les musées du Nord. Ils sont faits d’une barre d’or, courbée en

forme d’un anneau oval dont les bouts, qui sont un peu plus larges que la

partie intermédiaire, ne se touchant pas, mais laissant une petite ouver-

ture entre eux. Pour prouver, que la maniére susdite de préter ser-

ment tire son origine de lOrient, M. H. donne sur la 1 re planche

les dessins de 4 anneaux, un de Norvége, un de l’Angleterre, un de

Bretagne, et un de Persépolis. Les trois premiers sont d’or, le quatrié-

me se trouve parmi les sculptures de Peréspolis ; le dernier ressemble

{867g Literary Intelligence. 179

tout & fait celui de Bretagne, ot on voit dans la grande procession

sacrificale des hommes portant en mains levées de tels anneaux. Puisque

les sacrifices et la jurisdiction étaient ordinairement réunis dans les

grandes assemblées des peuples payens, les anneaux & serment défendent

leur place dans la procession sacrificale. A la Ire, pl. on voit aussi le

dessin d’une monnaie celtique, dont Vavers présente un homme

portant en main un anneau de la forme susdite (symbole de la

jurisdiction), et sur le revers un animal et un couteau dessous (symbole

du sacrifice). L’auteur émet ensuite Vopinion, que les sculptures

Sassanides en Perse du on voit deux personnes portant couronne, dont

Pune présente un anneau et l’autre pose sa main la-dessus, représentant

le chef des Mages, le grand-mobed, qui recoit le serment du roi, qui

vient de monter surle throne. les planches 2,3 et 4 donnent les

dessins de trois des sculptures sus-nommées. A la fin l’auteur donne

une liste des poids de 87 anneaux d’or & serment, pour mettre les

lecteurs en état de juger, si les fabricants, comme quelques archéologues

ont pensé, eurent eu le dessein de leur donner un certain poids corres-

pondant avec les poids convenus ou non; l’auteur en doute.

‘““Dans le second mémoire M. H. defend son interprétation des

sculptures Sassanides contre un savant Danois, M. Miller, qui

pense, que le symbole du serment ne consiste pas dans l’anneau, mais

dans le poing que le roi tient devant la bouche (yv. pl. 1 et 2de M. H.).

L’auteur objecte contre cette opinion que sur plusieurs sculptures on voit

des personnes avec le poing devant la bouche se trouyant derniére les

personnages principaux et méme tournant le dos envers eux.

The following is the substance of a paper by the learned Professor

on the numbers 108 and 15 :—

Chez les Indiens, aussi bien que chez les Bouddhistes autre part, le

nombre 108 a depuis des temps immémorials obtenu le crédit de

posseder un pouvoir magique, et son emploi est trés repandu ou il est

question de cérémonies religieuses. eur Roudrakshas ou chapelets

contiennent partout 108 globules ou corails. Déja au 38me siécle

avant notre ére le puissant monarque Asoka fit reciter 108 prigres &

Ja consécration d’ un Tope, et environ 100 ans plus tard le roi

Dhutthagamini de Ceylan fit employer plusieurs articles au nombre

de 108, lorsque le. grand Tope, Mahathupa, fut bati. Plusieurs

temples de l’Inde contiennent 108 Lingas ou symboles du dieu

180 Literary Intelligence. [No. 3,

Civa. La veuve du Raja Tilouka Chandra fit batir 108 temples

pour le culte de Giva, et on y plaga 108 Lingas et 108 images du

boeuf sacré. Dans quelques réglements il est préscrit de se promener

108 fois autour de limage des dieu. L’auteur émét la conjecture

que l’influence du méme nombre s’est fait sentir dans l’emploi du

nombre 540, qui selon le rapport de l’ancienne Edda fut le nombre

des portes de Valhal, la demeure d’Odin, le supréme dieu des

Scandinaves; car 540 = 5 X 108, et le nombre 5 a aussi joui

de la renommée d’un nombre merveilleux. Si nous resolvons le nombre

108 dans ses éléments, nous aurons 2 * 2 * 3 X 3 & 3, et la

somme de ces éléments est 18. Or le nombre 108 une fois reconnu

sacré, la somme’‘de ces éléments ne doit pas avoir trouvé difficile

d’acquérir le méme crédit. es Bouddhistes de Népal enseignent,

qu'il y a 13 bhuwanas ou demeures aprés la mort pour les vrais

croyants, et par conséquent ils construisent sur leurs batiments

sacrés des tours, ayant 13 étages. Dans une légende Tibétaine on

trouve la déscription d’une contrée ravissante, ot il croissaient trois

fois treize (sic) sortes de fleurs, et 108 sortes de plantes odoriferantes,

et qui étaiént arrosées par 108 sources. Les devins de la Chine se

servent d’ une baguette divinateuse divisée en 13 paliers.

Une confiance égale dans le nombre 13 se découvre en Scandinavie

dans l’emploi de 13 pierres placées debout formant des circles, qui

marquent les places ot des reliques de personnes d’importance ont

été enterrées. Quoique ce nombre n’est pas l’ordinaire, il est cepen-

dant remarquable qu’ on le trouve assez souvent. L’auteur cite entre

autres par ex. une paroisse en Norvége, ot il restent encore trois

tels circles de 18 pierres chaqu’un.

Concernant la raison de choisir le nombre 108 l’auteur propose

diverses hypotheses, parmi lesquelles il trouve celle la plus vraisem-

blable que le choix est dérivé de quelques idées astrologiques ou astro-

nomiques. L’ancien astronome Varaha ayant calculé la précession

du point équinoxia! du printemps, crut avoir trouvé, qu’ il procéde

pendant 3,000 ans vers l’Orient, parcourant 27° du zodiaque, retourne

ensuite ver l’Occident, passant 54° du méme, et enfin retourne vers le

point de départ par 27°, ayant fait en tout un passage de 108°.

La dérivation du nombre des portes de Valhal, la demeure du dieu

supreme des Scandinaves, d’un nombre sacré (5 & 108) a son

1867.] Literary Intelligence. 181

analogue dans la dérivation du nombres des portes de la demeure du

dieu supréme des Kalmuques et des Mongoles, dont le nombre 169

este 130 S< 13:

The following is the substance of a very interesting memoir

affording curious traces of the worship of S’iva in Hurope in former

times :—

Pour se fournir de matériaux & une comparaison entre les traces

de Civaisme en Hurope (hors la Gréce et |’Italie) et les idées Indiennes

sur CGiva ou Rudra, l’auteur donne d’abord un court apercu des

qualités de ce dieu. Comme point de départ pour la comparaison il cite

un mémoire de M. Ganjal, sur une idole Gauloise appelée Ruth

(inséré dans les Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires de

France T. IX p. 61 fig. v.) dans lequel il prouve qui les deux anciennes

villes Rode (dite Ruthero par les Romains) et Rouen (dite Rotomagus)

derivent leurs noms d’ une idole nommée Ruth ou Roth qui avait été

adorée par les habitans des villes et des environs, et dans le culte de la-

quelle les débauches jouaient le rdle prédominant. M. Ganjal tire de la

la conclusion que Ruth fut la méme divinité que Roudra ou Giva des

Indiens.

M. Holmboe donne ensuite une liste de noms propres de villes et

d’autres places en Europe, qui éveillent Vidée d’une derivation de

Roudra, p. e. Rhoden, Rodenacher, Rodenberg, Rodenthin, Rottenburg,

Rottenfels, Rhode, Ruhte, Ratheborg &e. en Allemagne; et Rutland,

Ruthwel, Ruthin en Angleterre; Rot, Rotholet, Rotnoe en Norvége.

Comme dans |’Inde Rudra, & la téte des Maroutes (les vents), est la

personification de l’ouragan, ainsi en Hurope l’ouragan est personifié par

un chasseur farotiche (en Hannover appelé Rodo) courant dans Vair,

suivi d’un grand cortége. En Norvege et en Suede on a trouvé un

nombre de Lingas (symbole ordinaire de Giva), une fois debout sur

un tumulus, une fois dans la chambre sépulcrale d’un autre tumulus,

et plusieurs fois autre part. Ils sont fabriqués de marbre ou d’une

autre pierre blanchatre. Le musée de Bergen conserve quatre de

ces pieces (voyez les tailles en bois aux pages 24, 25, et 26). Dans une

ancienne loi ecclésiastique de Norvege on rencontre une expression,

qui jusqu’ici n’a pas été comprise, c’est le mot Rot, qui se trouve

dans une énumeration d’articles payens que la loi défend d’avoir

dans les maisons, comme sorcier, idole, &c. L’auteur suppose que Rot

182 Literary Intelligence.

a été le nom du linga, emprunté de Roudra. II cite d’une ancienne

rédaction de l’histoire du roi Saint Olaf, qui introduisit le Christia-

nisme en Norvége, un récit d’une famille payenne demeurant dans la

province NordJand, qui adorait le linga d’ un cheval, qu’ on avait

tué, mais dont on avait conservé le veretrum. Les soirs cette piece

passait de main en main non seulement parmi les personnes de la

famille, mais encore parmi les hotes qui pussent étre presents, cha-

qu’une récitait un verset en délivrant lidole & une autre. L’auteur

pense que c’est la forme du linga qui a été imitée par quelques urnes

sépulcrales, qui ont été découvertes dans les celles de plusieurs

tumuli, car elles sont cylindriques et arrondies au fond, (voyez p. 33,

ou une de Norvége, une d’Angletere et une de |’ Inde sont dessinées).

Plusieurs de ces urnes sont ornées de figures émoulées en forme d’o

vales. Le musée de l'Université de Christiania en posséde quatre

ornées respectives de 18, de 39 (8 & 13), de 14 @ X 7) et de 21

(3 X 7) ovales, or les nombres sacrés de 15 et de 7 entraient dans

tous ces nombres,—preuve qu’on les a destinés a un usage religieux,

et que les ovales peut-étre aussi désignent les ceufs, étant symboles de

meétempsychose ;—une doctrine, dont on trouve aussi des traces en

Scandinavie. La méme idée parait étre symbolisée par les pierres en

forme d’ceufs, dont on a trouvé des exemplaires aussi bien dans les

celles de topes de l’Afghanistan, que dans celles des tumuli de Scan-

dinavie. M. H. renvoie ensuite & un mémoire, qu’il publia en

1859 sur le type de plusieurs bractées d’ or, dont les musees du Nord

conservent un nombre considérable, deterrés parfois de tumuli payens,

Tl y a démontré que le type représente Giva sur le dos du beeuf saeré

(Nandi). Preuyes, que le culte Indien du boeuf a penetré dans la

Scandinavie sont des légendes de vaches sacrées, qu’adoraient un roi

de Norvége nommé Augvald et un roi de Suéde, appelé Hustein Beli.

Auevald étant mort, ces reliques furent deposés dans un tumulus, et sa

vache dans un autre & cété de celui du roi; et en Danemark on a au

milieu d’ un tumulus trouvé le squelette d@’ un beuf. Un nombre si

considérable de traces du Givaisme prouve évidemment, que le culte de

Civa ou Roudra a été trés répandu en Hurope au temps du paganisme.

PLELLDDL LD LDIPLPILIPLPPISLIS I PLPLLSLLILIISS I

INDEX TO PART I.

’A4zam Shah, Coins of, ... sels vie

-——’§ dsbased Bengal Coins,

Abul Fazl’s account of rolls of gold in Akbay’ s time,

Aftabi, weight of an,

Ahabala Sanhita,

Akbar, Value of wold j in ihe. time of,

Ala- actin A’li Shah, Coins of,

Ala-uddin Muhammad, Coins of,

, Do-kani of,

, Hasht-kani of,

— "(Sinasth kan of,

Altamash’s first Coins, Tankéh,

—— new Coinage, Value ‘of, wee

— Sikkah, ca

Amirchand, Dame dealings of Clive withe

Amojdha, Maharaja,

Anjani, Ruins in, ..

Antiquities of Bagerhat, Ae

Apastambha Dharma Stitra, Notice of,

Aphangtirat, Anecdote of Prince,

Apollophanes, Coin of,

Arabic chosen by the people, Es

-- elements in official Hindustani,

Arabic, Sacred language to the Converts,

Wrabicized dialect i the Courts,...

Arabs, founders of the Urdu,

riendalcima, Reign of,

Arimathiya or Phra Sian- Metray,

Asauli, Ruinsin, .. ‘

Assay of Koch Behar Coins,

Asubodha Vyakarana,

Asvalayana Srauta Stitra, Completion of,

Attanagaluvansa of Ceylon,

Ava dynasty of Hanthawadie, ou

’Azimabad, M. Las’ flight to, ... oa

vi Index.

Baber’s account of Shia and Nukra Tankéh,

Bagerhat, Antiquities of, mi

—, Derivation oH the word, et ie

— " inscriptions,

—, Tehsildar of,

Bahadur Shah, Coins of,

raised the ioaderel of Bengal Coins,

Bastian, Dr. A, on the Nakhon vat Inscription,

Beames, J. Esq , on the Arabic Elements in Official Hindustani, :

Bengal, Capital of,

, Coinage in,

———,, Coinage introduced by the Mahommedans i in,

—-- debased by Bahadur Shah,

Coins, standard raised,

; Copper Coins of, ... soe ses

, Kaudi or shell currency in,

—., Currency of, 506 oe

, Earliest Copper Coins of,

——, » Concmana of, nie 40 Bae 30

; ’ Initial Coinage of,

Nilwarps, IDI Ot, sae

Behn (The) Sumame of Kambodia,

Bhagayat, Phra-Phakana Kambodian name for,

Bhavishya Purana,

Bhojpuri dialect,

Bhrigu sanhita, a3

Black Tankéhs of Muhammad ein Tughlak,

Blochmann, H. Hsq., on el -ud-daulah and the town of Mur-

shidabad, :

Two Treatises on Metre and Bhyme,

Boddhisatva, Phra-Photisat,

——— The Holy, ...

Brahma, Phra-Phrom the Kambodian,

Brown, Capt. H. A., on the Pegu Pagoda,

Buddha Gaya Rail- _posts, Buddhist origin of the,

Phra-Phuttha, eee

Sri Ariya or Avimathiya the future, on

Statue of, f

Buddhist Carvings on the Buddha Gaya Railposts,

ornaments of the Etawah Temple, if

-——_—— remains at Mainpuri,

Buhler’s Digest of the Hindu Law,

Burman dynasty, a

Burmese Pagoda, Sacred Chronicle of the,

Burrisal guns heard at ie 505 ae

Bustts, Value of,

Bysack, Babu Gouradasa, on the Antiquities of Bagerhat,

Index.

Capital of Bengal,

Catalogue of Vernacular Publications,

Chahir-deva, Coins of, aes ee aa

Chandananagara, iBoaniban dment of,

Cie akausika, ee Osise i

Chhataka consisting of six en of 145 | erains each,

Chital currency of Bengal,

of Firtz,

Chugal, Weight of a,

Chulamani chaitya, Phra- chedi, the,

Clive, Col. Correspondence of, fig Siraj- -ud- daulah, Ho

Coinage introduced by the Mahommedans in Bengal,

--—— Medallic, ot Muhammad Bakhtiar,

———-—-- of [lids Shah,

—-- of Sonargaon,

Coins (first) stz “ack by the English i in India,

- found near Gosain Marai,

——- luist of Delhi,

- of “Azam Shah,

ee ot Ala-ud-din "Ali Shah,

a= Ol HN la-ud-dim Muhammad,

—-— of Altamash, ee

——- of Apollophanes, ae

—-— of Bahadur Shah,

——- of Chahir-deva,

—-— of Delhi axed with those of the Koch. Behar Mint,

—-— of Kucratides,

- of Fakr-ud-din Mubarik Shah,

——- of Firuz and Kaikais, $

- of Ghids-ud-din BIN raat Shéh bin Siikenda Shah,

- of Ikhtiér-ud-din Ghazi Shah, Ps

- of Jalalat-ud-din Riziah, be

Elon Maileatise) 40

- of Koch Behar assayed, _

- of Lakhnauti, ide

- of Maharaja Amojdha,

——- Muhammad-bin-Sham, ...

- of Muhammad-bin-Toghlak, ...

- of Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Shah,

———- of Riziah,

——-— of Shahab- ud-din Bagorah Shéh,

——-— of Shams-ud-din Firdz, pe

- of Shams-ud-din [lias Shah,

——-— of Sikandar, :

- of Saesdarbin lids,

—- Purity of imperial, .

— selected for Col. C. S., Guthrie,

Vili Index.

Coins, Silver found in Koch Behar,

Copper Coin, Karshapana a, ae ee ae

-—_—_—1——- of Bengal,

Currency of Bengal, ae

D’Alwis, Translation of the “Attanagaluvansa by, ae

Dharmakosha,

Dattaka Siromani, Notice of,

Dehli Coins, List ‘of, “

ps I ES TY Taye saath shoes of Koch Behar mint,

horseman device of Prithvi raja,

Digest of Hindu Law,

Do-kani of ’Ala-ud-din Muhammad,

Dravidian origin of the term Kani,

English Coins first struck in Bengal,

Ktawah, Date of the Temple of,

Hucratides, Gold Coin of,

Hurope, Sivaism i in,

Fakr-ud-din Mubarak Shah, “Coin Ole ae

Fatah-Namah or Medallic Coinage a Muhammad Bakhtiér,

Figures 108 and 15 in Scandinavia, ane

Pinas and Kaikats, Purity of coins ‘of,

Fort William built, .

Foucaux’s mvancliion of Sakuntalé,

Ganes’a, Figure of, in Mandhal,.

Gatneall Bhatur, einai ruins in,

Garga Sanhita,

Gaudama’s The deposited it in iciiwe Bien andlany temple, see

Gaudama, Relies of, aa

Gaudama’s visit to Hanthawadie,

Gaura-Sarshapa, Weight of a,

Geography, Sanskrit Works on,

Ghids-ud-din, ’Aazam Shahbint Stlkeenndlar Shah, Cote Oho

Gold and silsen Ratios of, in Akbar’s time, hs

Gosain Murrai, Coins oyraaul near,

Growse, F.S. Esq., on the Transliteration of Indian Alphabets in in

Roman characters,

Gulpeb-devi, Figure of,

- ane Vishnu, ‘Identity of, a J

Guthrie, Col. C. S., Cnting selected for,

Eienehaw Adie, Dunawdlone of, ;

-- List of Kings and Con ernors of,

— -- Thirty-two cities of, 60c eee

Hashtkani of ’Alé-ud-din Muhammad,.

Hawkin’s ratios of gold and silver in ii ahéngir’ s time,

Hientharaza, Reign of, ... , ;

Hindi is native to the soil, sae Bet ee

walla, Muhammadan Coinage of Delhi Can Bull andl

Index.

Hindu dynasty of Nuddeah expelled by Muhammad Bakhtiar

Poe bili,

Hindu Law, Buhler andl West’s Digest of,

Hindu origin of the Htawah Masjid, Mee ay,

Hindu ruins in Garhwal Bhatur,

Holmboe, Professor C., on St otein 8 in Hurope,

on Sculptur a6 on a rock in Scandinavia,

on Horse sacrifice in Scandinavia,

-———— on Gold rings for taking oaths,

on the Figures 108 and 13, ...

Horne, C. Esq., on ancient remains in Mainpuri District,..

— Notes on the Buddha Gaya Rail-posts,

—_—_——_—-~ Notes on the Jumma Masjid of Htawah,

— Notes on the Buddhist remains in Mainpuzi,

Horse sacrifice in Scandinavia, ¥

Husain, Mourning for, in Mur shidabad,

Ibn- Batuta’ s account “of relative alive of gold and Silver

India,

Tkhtiar-ud-din Altamash revolts against Bizith,

~__—__—_-- Ghazi Shah, Coin of, ag

Tlahi or Lal Jalali, Weight of an,

Tlias Shah, Coinage ol, at.

Imambara ipaite i Siraj. ud- daulah, tha) Ce.

Im, the restorer of the venerable Phra, ly et

Indian alphabets, Transliteration of the,

-- Philology, Publication of,

Inscriptions from Bagerhat, 56 eee

-- at Nakhon vat, ee Abe

Ishta Purdna,..

Jafar promises to fight for ‘Siraj ud- daulah,

—

: oD:

Jaganmohan marealealearare editions of Ohemidaleancites ond

Venisanhara, Py

Jehangir, Tvraluie of gold in “he time of, ap ayy

J sles ud-din Riziah, Coin of, 30,

Jumma Masjid of Etawah, Notes on the, can ade

Jungdes Kumara, we

Jasrau village, Ruins at, ope 500

Kaikaiis, Coins of, SOE

-- and Firuz, Purity ‘of coins of, ee

Kani, Dravidian origin of the term,

or the large Tankah, ;

Karaian, Blelative value ai silver “en gold in,

Karauli, Ruins at, ... PEE Be

Karazon, Value a silver in, nee HEE

Karinda of Raja Prithvi Sinha, eat

Karimganj, Ruins at, ts weiG 906

Karsha, Meaning of the word, 35 see

ibs

Page

x Index.

Page

Karshapana, ... Bae ee Veoh aoe

Kaudi or shell currency in ‘Bengal, oa! ‘co'y hee es

Khan Jahan, tehsildar of Bagerhat, .. ee eae ls"

Khemisvara, author of Chandakausika, Ree GS

Khwajah Kiser, Hazarat, Fireworks in Memory of, AT eu

Koch Behar Coins, Assay of, Lie sen thle

Silver coins Boyer) 3 in, bois nei aut 1

Kracheh, Seanied powder of, ws wed Been os)

Krshnala, Weight of a, ae br: a a 3

Kuntesvara RAR, capital of, 2

Kutb-ud-din Aibek, left as a Viceroy by Muhammad bin Sham, 4

Lakhnauti, Capital of Bengal transferred to, ame nae al

_-- Coins of, sh ee

lias, M., takes refuse at the Murshidabad court, mens), <0) 4)

Law, Digest of Hindu, ne aoe 300 OD

Wiksha, Weight of a, 358 ate onic eae oe.

List of Bengal Mints, bs abs bie tee

—- of Delhi Coins,... 350 560 BP Sas 5

—- of Pathan Sultans, ... AS anf ses fom

—- of Rangoon Kings, ant ee nits ame aaa

Luni Sat, Stone slabs in, ... ne es 5) 0)

Médhavikosha, : Le. steelers male

Mahathala and Tsoolathala conveyed relics of Gaudama, cies lls

Mainpuri, Ancient remains in, ... ask ssc Pte pelo

-———— Buddhist remains, Notes on the, de wl EOD

Malain, Ruins at, ... a RP eee dllcte)

Mandhal, carved fioure of a bull i in, ne 553 verelipD

Manu’s system of Weights, 28

Marco Polo’s account of relative value of gold ‘and silver in

Karaion, .. ale ai Uys . |4

Martaban (The dynasty,) bie woe pl Lda

Moslem faith, tracts of country connected to, 500 --- 152

Masha, Weight Ol 55 a by sc Vtesemuee

Mien, “Wels of gold in, 905 aus hfs

Ming (The), ... 33 395 ae mint veeued:

Mint of Bengal, List of, a5 Sa ws de tetas

, Mudzamabad, Bete 536 BLK “eee

seen Satgaon, ... 50° 546 cies) CEE RO

——— , Shahr Nan, site 453 ee, “yo tee eo

—, ” Sonargaon, . 505 335 baleip yt aeek ig nOme

Miran murders: Siraj- wade daulah, shi Aa eee

Mir J’aafar’s treasury inspected,.. 95

Mishkal, Value of a, determined from the recorded weight ‘of

Baber’s diamond, 7

Mitra, Babu Rajendraléla, appointed to select coins from the

Koch Behar trove, A Ber des | 2

Muhar, or Adl- Guthki, Weight a asic wes Be orf

Index. xi

Page

Muhammad Bakhtiar Khilji expels the Hindu eae of Nud-

dea Be Ze

— Jésim Khan captures Sirdj- ad- daulah, eh a CE

clea — bin-Sham appoints Kutb-uddin Aibek generalissimo

in Delhi, se Sti a ar:

— bin- Toghlak, Coins of, ue a BEEN ig)

- Toghlak, Tankah of, sore BEY Essen)

Muhammadan rule in Pegu, : es Beil

Muharram celebration in “Murshidabad, Be nese ADIL

Mulnam, Weight of a, Me abi Sie Met ad UNF

Murshidabad described, wee ae Ape Beeb ONS

— Notes on, nee ee te pat aay. | Wold)

Nakhon-vat inscription, aes nee eri

Nang Phrakavali, Anecdote of the restoration of, Aiea Cid ha vik AA

Narayana, or Phra Naray, .. aoe seule

Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Shah, Coins ol, ape Spoaiac ye

Navagrahas, Figures of the, Sai ar Penk Oo,

Neakkhasen, Négsena or Nagarjana, Heil soba etal)

Niphon, Prayer to lead all beings to the road to, ba scion teh)

Nuddea, Hindu dynasty expelled from, soc een ee eannggce

Nonaira, Ruins at, 6 fe LO

Obituary of Premachanda Tarkavagis’a a, vas eoeiyatece me Oe

—- Ramanarayana Vidyar atna, sls ele ra OF

Pagan Governors of Hanthawadie, ee eon ee eae

Pagoda, The Pegu, nee ear bg AOE)

, The Shwe Hmamdaw, wee aoe Gece feisd: ALS)

Pandya King of Ceylon, ae ae soo JAY

Panduwala, Lingam at, wae ee ee OO

Parasara Safihit4, s e. Boel ea Uiiadh

Pataliput, King Athawaka’s return to, ite gel 5,

Pathan Sultans of Hindustan, List of, wes SSE amirouh: Ge

Persian founders of the Urdu, : 500 ... 148

Pegu governed by a Muhammadan Captain, 506 sto ho LZ,

Pegu or Pago or Hanthawadie, ee cod pon LOY)

Peou Pagoda, the, wy Spent seniesevial WO!

Phra-Chedi Chulamani the Holy Chaitya, ae MeN AL

Phra Naray or Narayana, coc occ WS gl ts Stra OO)

Phra-Phakana or Bhagavat, abe seg 1 ROO)

Phra-Photisat, the holy Boddhistva, nae ae BA

Phra-Phutsakam ot Visvakarma, Ab ond 8 ol

Phra-Phuttha Rub, the statue of Buddha,.. et eG

Phra-Sian-Metray, ats Bonn Hall)

Plassey, Hvents before and after the battle of, Bko SS ae

Precious Metals, Relative rate of exchange of, os Beninial ia

Premachanda Tar kavégis‘a, Obituary of, 84

Prithvi Raja’s , Bull and Horseman device yetained in “ Debii-

walas,... ee me at Seria 5

X11 Index.

Prithvi Raja, Karinda of, .

Pullan, Lieutenant, on reitagke ruins in ene al Bhétur,.

Purana of thirty-two ratis,

Qasimbazar plundered, ale

Rajasarshapa, Weight of a,

Rajmahal, S8’iraj- “ud-danlal’s flight to,.

Rakshasha (Sack), Anecdote of the,

Ramanarayana, Obituary notice of Pandita,

Rangoon Kings, List of,

— _ Lownship of, oe

Rati, Determination of the value of a,

Rings of gold for taking oaths,

Riziah, Coins Oley sae

Riziéh captivated by Governor of Tiberhind,

Rukn-ud-din Kaikais, te

roils (Une), ea6 aot

Sakuntala of Kalidasa, Foucaux’ 8,

Sakya Muni, Faith of, debased by superstition,

invoked in Nakhon-Vat inscription,

Sangabodhi, Chronicles of,

: Sanskrit not heard in camp of the Elori,

Sdétgumbay of Bagerhat, 538 ae

Satgdon, Mint of, er

Scandinavia, Sculptures on a rock in,

Gold rings for taking oaths in,

Numbers 108-13 in,

—— Sivaism in,

Horse sacrifice in, 564

Sculptures in Scandinavia, at

Shahab-ud-din Bagorah Shah, Coin of, es

Shahr Nan, Mint of, :

Shamala inl Wetman Pavrmdladl Hanthawadie,

Shams-ud-din Firuz, Coins of, aes

a= (his Shah, Coin of,

Shams-i Siraj’s account of TaReeneselealh’ S coinage,

Shiahs, (The) in Murshidabad,

Shash Ken of ’Ala-ud-din Muhammad,

27, 43

Sher Shah’s introduction of the names of the Eabns in the

coinage of India, ...

Shwe Hmawdaw, aie of poe dostentadl to ho service is

Shwe Hinaw daw, Pagoda,. ss

Silanderbinethas Coin On bee 5u

Sihansah, Weight of a, ny ae

Sikandar’s coinage, ie ‘se

Sikkah of Altamash, Sah ae

Siraj-ud-daulah aarmdleracl uae wo

~ Notes on, ...

. 109

58, 62

Index. XU

Page

Siraj-ud-daulah treacherously given up to the Governor of Raj-

mahal, ee sa

Sinaprastha, The magic of the stones, a, Be meee

Sivaism in Europe, ... ee ia mo

Siva, worship of in Europe, eee ee sealife

Sonargaon, Coinage of, ae: 068 ee) eed)

-, Mint of, si el ee Ge

Srauta Sutra of Asvaléyana, completion of the, Bes eobgeges (Oe

Suvarna, Sixteen mashas make a, oes Br tes ee

Suta Sanhita, a ie yack

Syrian founders of the Urdu, ISS leas)

Tagore family of Calcutta, Pirdli stain of the, ee ae UB

Tabungkram, Prayer for the people of, bce PT Lys

Taittiriya Sanhita, Publication of the, ... na ose

Talaing dynasty, .. ne . saul) pues BSS

Tankah, Black and White, ues ae esa ke

, Coins of Altamash, nes yee ne aD

, Derivation of the term, tee eee Mise

* of Muhammad Toghlak, 20

Tarénath Vachaspati, author of Tuladdina Puddhati and “‘Ksubo-

dha Vyakarana, ae Boo iG

Tarikh-i-Maneuri, Dedication of, ats 500 ue OO

Tarikh-i-Manctvi ‘of Sayyid A’ ee Sie pe Nee ee eO

Tarikh-i-Mancuri, Style of, AG Ae ... L038

Tartar founders of the Urdu, _... 08 Re hs, dese

Tavernier’s account of value of gold, ... ies fp ae

Temple of Etawah, Date of the, ... ah Reeiiiece aCe:

Temple in Garhwal, Be Lee oe aon) GH:

Thakura, Ruins at, ie ices Od

Thamaing or Sacred Chronicle of Birmese Pagoda,. ca aS:

Thomas, E. Hsq., on the Initial Coinage of Bengal, GA eee

Tietha the last of the Hanthawédie race, ae ea:

Tonghu dynasty of Hanthawadie, Bee boa enn UE:

Rules of, ue be ad pe dels

Trasarenu, Measure of a, ot S00 OBA es,

Terraneau, treachery of M., Be So)

Transliteration of the Indian Alphabets, ae Bare te WENO

Tuladana Paddhati, as Lee 600 one Le

Turks founders of the Urdu, H00 ee . 148

Urdu, Founders of the, a, onus AS

Urdu ‘Lanouage, Imperfections of ‘the, ad a, soy) LAG

Vedas, Traihet, Kambodian name of the three, meee ena tl

Venisanhara, Drama of, ae eee 0

Vernacular Publications, Catalogue Olen. oe ... 148

Vishnu and Gulpibdevi, Identity of, bale Re ae Aaa)

Visvakarma or Phra-Phutsakam, sae one bod 4

Waroonee, Reign of,... She sae BA Maeene 00)

X1V Index.

Weeniala Kooma, Reign of,

Weight of a Chigal, eee oe

— Gaura Sarshapa,.. abe we

an Iléhi or Lal Salli,

————— Krshnala,

——_——.— Liksha, 600 ee

a Mash4,...

——-- an Aftabi,...

-- a Muhar,

-- Rajasarshapa,

-- a Sihansah,

-- Yava, SAF aoe

Weights, Manu’s System of, tb, ee was

West, Digest of Hindu Law,

Wilford, Col. Notices of Sanskrit Works on Geography,

EEE

J 0,0 RB NA L

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

—?—

VOL. XXXVI.

PART II.

Nos. I. ro ILI.—1867.

EDITED BY

THE NATURAL HISTORY SECRETARY.

“Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, aid men

of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,

and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such

communications shall be long intermitted ; and it will die away, if they sxall

entirely cease.

Siz WM. Jones,

ee CALCUTTA:

PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. ' - :

1868, i

moar

fe:

cL THA

vision vadvert

“

CONTENTS.

—2a to

Nom:

(Published 17th August, 1867.)

EXPERIMENTAL Investigations connected with the supply of

water from the Hooghly to Cancurra, Part IIL., being

Supplementary Observations. By Davin Waupin, Esq.

Ole Shee Gu Cree eet lsihs Soci selen sje'ola cielo ceicide sce’ ealeyeiun visa yoo}

Kashmir, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains,

a geological paper by Atsurt M. VERCHERE, Esq. M. D.,

Bengal Medical Service, with a note on the fossils by

M. Epovarp pe Vernevit, Membre de |’ Académie des

Sietenccew baricn Oe TU ye ee tees seee aac ccmeee ate ie ca

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. VIL List of Estuary

shells collected in the delta of the IRawapy in Peau, with

descriptions of the new species. By Witutam T. Buay-

HOD Arey. Med. G) S.5 Com Mem: AS. de. .2s55.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Obser-

vations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the months of March and April, 1866, .................

Nos stl:

(Published 1st November, 1867.)

On the Jungle products used as articles of food by the Inhabit-

ants of the districts of Manbhoom and Hazaribagh.—By

V. Batt, Hse., B. A., Geological Survey of India.,...

Kashmir, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains.

A geological paper, by Atsert M. Vercuere, Hsq, M. D.,

Bengal Medical Service, with a note on the fossils by

M. Epovarp pe Vurnuvuit, Membre de l’Académie des

erences aise a. Ur en oh cts ain Mi sc

EXPERIMENTAL INVESTIGATIONS connected with the supply of

water to Calcutta, Part III. By D. Watpr, Hsq., F. C.S.,

Ee PMO a locals. oloeiecls vis ostiesen see

|Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

made at the Surveyor General’s Office in May, 1866...

Page

XVil

115

| SOCK

1¥ Contents.

No. III.

(Published 3rd February, 1868.)

On the Reproductive Functional Relations of several Species

and Varieties of Verbasca.—By Joun Scort, Esq., Curator

of the Royal Botanical Gardens, Calcutta,

Contributions towards a history of Panoura Expr: McLelland,— —

By, Captainuh, Co Bravan a0 SNe 7.08 icc eee reer eee

Zoological Notes.—By Wim T. BianrorD, E.G. S., Cor.

Memi"Z. S.Tion®, niece. ce sees oe eee eee eee

Kashmir, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains, a

Geological paper.—By Atzert M. Vercuerse, Esq. M. D,

Bengal Medical Service; with a note on the fossils by M.

Kpovarp bE VeErnevIL, Membre de |’Académie des

Sciences; Paris ror ene tee aan cre 2 be ae eee

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

- tions made at the Surveyor General’s Office in June, July,

Page

143

175

189

201

and August, SSOG 0 0 Ce sctsene eam sccdie cele ketene xli—xlix

plates attached to this number refer to Dr. A. Verchtre’s paper

and previous numbers of the Journal,

Plates referred to in Mr. Blanford’s Contributions to Indian Mala-

cology will be issued with the next number of the Journal,

apse =e

Ae ee) J te

aS RI DE

Volume XXXVI Part II

1867

List af Plates

Plates I = X. (belong to Verchére's Geology

of the Kashmir) explanation on ppe228=9

Plate XI. called for on page 93

Plates XII, XIII & XIV belong to Blanford's

Contributions to Indian Malacology

XV. Verchére = Preliminary Geological Map

which froms "Map A” in Volume 3532

The above are all bound at the end of the volume

JOURNAL

OF THE

MeLA EEG SOC LET...

—_—o—_

Part IL—PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

eee

No. I.—1867.

SPIN

Bxrerimentat Investigations connected with the supply of wATER

from the Hooghly to Caucurra, Part IT, being Supplementary

Observations ; by Davip Waupiz, Esq. I. CLS. ec.

[Received 28th September, 1866. |

In the preceding remarks I have directed attention to the discere-

pancies between my own results as to the quantity of organic matter

by weight in the Hooghly water and those given in Dr. Macnamara’s

Report, and I have also made some pointed observations on the very

doubtful accuracy and unsatisfactory nature of the results generally

given by chemists respecting organic matter in waters, except some of

the most recent. For though I have found that the process detailed

in the previous part of my paper is older than I then supposed, having

been recommended by Mr. Dugald Campbell in 1856 as suggested by

Dr. Clark,* and that an analogous plan was given by Abel and Bloxam

in 1854,+ though imperfect, yet these plans seem either to have been

little known, or neglected, or imperfectly carried out. Some analysts

indeed of later date do not even attempt to estimate the amount of

organic matter at all, apparently despairing of reliable results. But

the process given, I believe, yields the most trustworthy results

hitherto obtainable, if properly performed.

* Journ, Chem. Soc. Vol. IX. 1856, p. 51e

+ Handbook of Chemistry, 1864.

2 Mr Waldie’s investigations connected (Mo. 4,

But if the estimation of the organic matter in waters is to be of any

value at all as a means of judging of their salubrity, it is essential that

it should be done accurately. If it is to be a fundamental datum

on which Municipalities are to choose or reject certain waters for the

supply of large towns, that sanitary boards are to draw conclusions

from as to the healthiness of certain localities for the residence of

troops or other collections of human beings, and on which medical

men and hygeists are to reason respecting the origin of disease or the

maintenance of health, it is unnecessary to say that it ought to be

ascertained in a reliable manner.

In the case of my own results, differing so widely from those referred

to, the question occurs, is there no way of accounting for them or

reconciling them? One cause has been suggested to me independent

of correctness of method of analysis or of accuracy in its execution,

namely the age of the water when examined, that is the length of

time which had elapsed since the water was taken from its source.

High chemical authority has been adduced for the necessity of setting

about the analysis with the least possible delay, on account of the

chemical changes which the water would undergo by keeping, which

would result in a diminution of the quantity of organic matter

present. The validity of the caution I am not disposed to deny, neither

am I prepared to deny that in my own operations this point was not

always sufficiently attended to, Indeed it had not particularly

attracted my attention; except as regards gaseous constituents the

point had not been particularly noticed either in text-books or

monographs I had seen, and the consideration that the organic matter

collected by rivers had already been freely exposed to decomposing

agencies, so that probably what remained was not readily decomposible,

confirmed as this was by my own observations while operating, led

me not to attach much importance to it. Still it appeared that there

might be a change of considerable amount shortly after collection

which had passed unnoticed, while afterwards the water remained less

liable to change. A small change, experiment shewed, did occur

speedily, but the present question did not refer to a small change but

to a large one, and it was desirable if possible to ascertain to what

amount it might extend. The question principally concerned the

waters of the hot season and of the rainy season.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 3

So far as general observation could go, having been engaged in

collecting and examining the river water from Ist May to 14th June

for the purpose of ascertaining the amount of tidal contamination,

T had abundant opportunities of judging of the physical characteristics

of the water and observed nothing particular except a comparatively

slight, somewhat fetid smell, which contrasted distinctly with the very

decidedly worse smell of the water after the rains had come on, and

of which the personal use of the river water gave me a vivid illustra-

tion. Other differences I have already noticed in the earlier part of

the communication, all suggesting the greater proportion of organic

matter in the water of the rainy season, at least in the earlier part of

it. Moreover looking to the absolute weight of organic matter, I had

only found even in the worst of the tanks, when their water was low

and putrid, four or five grains in 100,000 fluid grains of water, equal

to rather less than three or four grains per gallon; while the river

water at any season was much superior to these in smell and colour,

even during the rains, that is after the mud had settled.

Yet as these observations might not be sufficiently precise, experi-

ments were instituted to endeavour to determine the question. The

oxidation of the organic matter by permanganate of potash offered.

the readiest and easiest way of examination, and was applied to

various samples of water, more particularly to determine the rapidity

of change after collection. And it did indicate a rapid change even

in course of a day or two, indeed the greatest amount of change took

place within the first 24 hours. But it has already been pointed

out that this test indicates the proportion only of certain kinds of

organic matter, and gives no information as to the total amount. It

may even indicate more oxidizable matter after the amount by weight

of organic matter has diminished, as was really the case in some of

the experiments made. ‘This will be seen in the case of the mixtures

in the succeeding table, in which the proportion of oxidizable matter

diminished for the first few days, and then increased decidedly,

afterwards diminishing again. In No. 3 mixture it increased to a

large extent up to time of writing this, and no doubt would diminish

afterwards. The great extent of change in this case is accompanied

by a great diminution in weight.

The question at issue, however, was the amount by weight of

4 Mr. Waldie’s investiyations connected [Noray

erganic matter present. It was impossible of course to get the hot

season water in its original condition, but experiments could be made

with river and tank water, and with mixtures intended to imitate the

real or supposed peculiarities of hot season water. These could be

examined to ascertain the amount of change produced on them by

keeping. Accordingly experiments were made the results of which

are exhibited in the following table.

For 100,000 fl. grains W.

Date of collection Date of Hupt. Organic matter. Oxygen reqd.

or preparation. Grains. Grains.

Calcutta Sewage Water.

13th Sept. 1866, 13th Sept. 2.300

14th 2.040

15th 21.80

17th 1.470

27th 10.75

Mixtures of River Water with Sewage.

1 1 1 IV

No. 1, containing }th Sewage.

10th September. 10th Sept. 5.44 a3)

11th 480

15th 422

24th 3.63

25th 624

*2nd October, .203

No. 2, containing ;1,th Sewage.

11th September. 11th Sept. 245

12th 2.18

15th 163

24th 1.88

25th 5 441

*2nd October, 309

No. 3, containing } Sewage and § Barn. Tank Water.

18th September. 18th Sept. 6.05 420

26th 2.65 125

*2nd October. 1.938

* Introduced after date of paper.

1867. | with the supply of water to Calcutta. 5

For 100,000 fl. grains W.

Date of collection Date of Hxpt. Organic matter. Oxygen reqd.

or preparation. Grains. Grains.

Cornwallis Square Tank W.

14th May, 1866. June yA)

21st May, .209

20th June, 4,40

11th August, 155

6th September, 4.37

Baranagar Tank W.

15th September. 15th Sept. 200

17th 2.38

29th 2.16 256

*2nd October, 228

Dalhousie Square Tank.

18th September. 19th Sept. 1.59 .100

29th yy Lew) 070

River Water.

8th August. 17th August, 1.08

25th Sept. 1.01

18th September. 18th 085

cleared by 19th 1.69 O44

Acid 29th, more than t 1.36 046

The Mixtures were composed of river water of the hot season three

or four months old and of recent river water with a little Salt Lake

water, No. 8 containing also Tank water; with these were mixed the

specified proportions of sewage water which had been collected on 8th

September, and, as tried on the 9th, contained 27.53 grains organic

matter in 100,000 fl. grains.

It will be observed that in the organic matters oxidised by the per-

manganate of potash there is a distinct diminution early, even by the

lapse of a single day, as indicated by the smaller quantity of oxygen

* Introduced after date of paper.

+ Evidently an error of Expt. The organic matter could not increase.

{ Hxp. faulty. Hnough of Carb. Soda had not been used. Result conld not

have been less, but probably would have been greater, had it been correct,

6 Mr, Waldie’s investigations connected [No:ed,

required subsequently ; afterwards the diminution is slower, or in

some cases even an increased quantity of oxygen may be requiredy

from changes taking place in the water causing the production of a

larger quantity of readily oxidisable matter. This therefore gives no

indication of the weight or actual quantity of organic matter present.

The weight of organic matter ascertained by experiment however,

indicates in some casesa rather rapid diminution at first. But this

is only to a small amount, except in the case of highly decomposable or

putrefying liquids, such as sewage or mixtures containing much se wage.

Calculation will show that the loss of weight of organie matter in

mixtures Nos. 1 and 2 is less than would have been sustained by the

constituent proportion of sewage water in them. In No.3 probably

the vegetable matter of the Tank water added caused the more rapid

and extensive decomposition.

The loss of weight in the mixture No. 3 is 3.4 grains in 8 days,

being fully more than half of the original amount; in Nos. 1 and 2

it is only only 1.8 grains and 0.3 grain respectively.

But the river water at no time could contain anything like the

proportion of sewage that these mixtures did, such as one-fiith, one-

eighth or even one-twelfth of sewage, the smell alone of such mixtures

makes the supposition quite inadmissable; besides a comparison of the

size of the river with the amount of drainage of the town would show

that such a proportion was quite impossible. The amount of liquid

discharged by the drains compared with the volume of water in so

large a river must be insignificant. —

But instead of citing results of my own, which if incorrect may be

supposed to be all equally incorrect, it may carry more weight to quote

the results of others. The older determinations of organic matter are

generally of no value whatever, and I shall refer only to the most

recent and trustworthy. I have already quoted Dr. Frankland’s results

with the London waters, but as all these are of water filtered for

distribution they may be considered not quite comparable. Another

example I shall adduce from the paper of Lawes and Gilbert

in the Journal of the Chemical Society already quoted. They give

tables of the composition of the Rugby sewage from May 1862

to October 1863, shewing that it contains in solution from 7.6 to

8.35 grains per gallon, and also a statement of the amount in the River

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. if

Wandle before receiving the Croydon sewage which is 1.44 grains per

gallon, and after receiving it which is 2.08 grains per gallon.

According to this the estimates of organic matter to the extent of 8 or

10 grains per gallon in the Hooghly water during May and June shew

that it contains fully more than the liquid part of the Rugby sewage,

and this in a tropical country.

I do not wish it to be understood that I maintain the perfect accuracy

of my own results. The oversight in not examining the samples speedily

enough after collection must be admitted, though from all that I have

been able to learn from the experiments instituted for the purpose, the

error cannot be a great one. There was no great delay in examining

the water of the hot season,—about ten or twelve days, and this

caused by the time and attention taken up in examining the influence

of the tides in numerous samples. There was greater delay with

the water of the rainy season, probably about a month with the first

samples in July, about a week or 10 days with those of August.

This was caused by waiting for the settlement of the very finely

divided clay, the presence of which was very unfavourable to the

accurate estimation of the organic matter. Recently I have found

that the addition of a small quantity of hydrochloric acid causes the

mud to settle so rapidly that the water may be filtered clear in course

of afew hours: solution of potash or soda and milk of lime do the

same, but the water cleared by these reagents seems to contain a

different proportion of organic matter than that cleared by simple

subsidence. It is of less importance, as the question at present is not

respecting the water of the rainy season. The samples of December

and February water circumstances prevented me from proceeding with,

and they were preserved in stoppered bottles and probably not much

done with them till April. The results are consequently more

doubtful, though I do not suppose that they are very wide of the

truth. As the season advances, should circumstances admit of it,

I shall not fail to repeat the analyses, in order to get unobjectionable

results.

The observations made during the last month enable me to adda

little to my former statements respecting the effect of the change of

seasons on the river water. The increase of organic matter from the

rains seems to be chiefly of the more soluble and putrescible kinds ; as

8 Mr. Waldie’s investigations. [No. 1,

the season has advanced, the fetid smell has materially diminished.

This is indeed to have been expected: the soil has been washed

comparatively clean, and there is less of such matter to wash away.

The only possible way in which my results as to the small quantity

of organic matter in the water of the hot season (supposing there is no

great error in the analysis) can be reconciled with the results of those

analyses that give it as equal to 8 or 10 grains per gallon, would be to

suppose that the water at that season contains a large quantity of

organic matter having no very offensive smell, but capable of very rapid

decomposition, so that about 7th to 5%th of it would be lost during the

first two weeks. Without denying the possibility of this, I can only

say that I know of nothing that makes it probable that such is the

case, while I have already given reasons for believing that no such

state of matters exists. Further observation and experiment can

alone decide the question beyond doubt; while I may remark that

if such be the case, it will be a fact well worth noticing and establish-

ing.

It may also be observed, that as in the case of supplying towns the

water must always be stored for a time in tanks or reservoirs, it is a

point of some importance to note the changes which it undergoes by

keeping in these circumstances. I have made some observations in the

course of these enquiries suggestive of further investigations on this

subject, and which may also have a bearing on the purification and

preservation of such waters, a subject which has lately been occupying

much attention in England. Itis obviously a possible thing that one

water may be putrefying but its putrescibility nearly exhausted, while

another may be highly putrescible, and yet its actual putrefaction may

be only about to commence. As regards the preservation of waters

too, it is one thing to keep them in stoppered bottles, and another

thing to keep them in tanks. It seems to me questionable if they

improve in tanks as they do in glass bottles. It is by following out

such inquiries that advance in knowledge of such subjects is attained,

and in the present case the activity of chemical changes produced by

the high temperature and the regularity of the seasons are in no

small degree favourable for carrying them to a successful result.

1867.] Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir. 9

Kashmir, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains, a geologi-

cal paper by Ausent M. Vercur're, Esq., M.D Bengal Medical

Service, with a note on the fossils by M. KEpovarp pr VERNUEIL,

Membre de ? Académie des Sciences, Paris.

(Continued from page 203, of No. III. 1866.)

Cuapter I1].—Cursory Survey of the several chains of the Western

Himalaya, the Afghan mountains and their dependencies. Preli-

minary geological mapping of the Western Himalayan and Afghan

Ranges.

59. It is intended, in this chapter, to give, in as few words as

possible, an idea of the general geology of the several portions of the

Western Himalaya, the Afghan mountains and their respective de-

pendencies. In doing so, I have availed myself of all sources of in-

formation which have been opened to me; I have, however, been

sadly in want of the help of a more extended library, and I have

never seen some excellent works which would have much improved

this chapter, if they could have been consulted. I need there-

fore hardly say that it is a most superficial of surveys; but I hope

nevertheless that it may be found to contain a few interesting obser-

vations and some new matter yet unpublished. Such as it is, it

will enable us to sketch at least the first preliminaries of a geological

mapping of the Himalayan and Afghan Ranges; and also to attempt,

in the last chapter, to draw the history of the mightiest mountainous

mass of our globe.

By reference to the map and and to the long Section (Sect. G) it be-

comes evident that the Himalayas are a succession of more or less

regularly parallel chains, having a general N. W. to S. H. direction.

Between the chains are situated valleys which are elevated above the

sea in proportion as one nears the centre of the mountainous mass:

thus the Rawul Pindie plateau, between the Salt Range and the Sub-

Himalayan hills, is about 1700 feet high; Poonch valley, between the

Sub-Himalaya and the Pir Punjal chain, is under 4000 feet ; Kashmir

between the Pir Punjal and the next chain (called in the map Ser and

Merchain), is above 5000; Ladak between the Ser and Mer chain and the

Kailas chain is 10,000 to 11,000; Nubra and the valley of the Shayok,

10 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, {No f,

between the Kailas and Korakoram chains is a plateau nearly 15,000

feet high. It is probable that on the other side of the Korakoram

chain the elevation diminishes and that the Aksai chain and the valley

of the Yarkandkash river, between the Korakoram and Kuen-Luen

chains, are about 10,000 feet high; beyond the Kuen-Luen is the

province of Kotan which has been satisfactorily determined by its

vegetation to be no more than 5000 feet high.

We have therefore a series of steps rising from the plains of the

Punjab to the high plateau of Little Thibet, and descending from

Little Thibet towards Turkish China. These steps are supported

by parallel chains or walls which tower by some thousands of feet above

the plateaux which they support. These chains offer a considerable

impediment to the flow of rivers towards the plains, and most rivers

have a considerable course parallel to the direction of the chains,

before they can find a gap to pass through.

The Afghan mountains present the same arrangement as the Hima-

layas; the direction is from the N. H.toS. W. the direction of parallel

chains is less well marked than in the Himalaya, but this is probably

due to the little which is correctly known of the topography of

these mountains. The plateaux are similarly graduating: Bunnoo

being about 1200 feet above the see, Kabul 7000 feet, Kaffristan

higher, whilst the plateau of Koonduz, on the other side of the Hin-

doo Koosh, slopes gradually towards the west. This arrangement by

plateaux is the same as is seen in the Andes with their high central

chain and their plateau between that chain and the Cordilleras.

From the hypothesis, advanced in the next chapter, of the manner

the Himalayan and Afghan mountains were upheaved, we will deduct

which of the lower hills belong to the Afghan and which to the

Himalayan mass, and I will therefore not discuss this subject here, as it

would but lead to useless repetitions. I shall begin with the hills

which one first meets crossing out of the alluvial plain of the Punjab,

as he travels north from Mooltan ; and I shall take the parallel regions

of the Himalaya one after the other, noticing as I go on whatever

little I know of the geology of the Afghan mountains in the same

latitude.

60. In latitude 32°10’, longitude 70° 50’ to 71° 20’ rises the

double chain of the Kafir Kote range or Rotta Roh and the Sheikh

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. Ee

Bodeen range. A small valley, the Paniala valley, separates the Rotta

Roh range from the Sheikh Bodeen range, and the direction of

both small chains is from the N. EH. to the 8. W. as far as the highest

summit of Sheikh Bodeen, whence westwardly the Rotta Roh alto-

gether disappears, and the Sheikh Bodeen range is continued by a

small and low ridge of hillocks directed towards the W. N. W. and

supporting the plateau of Bunnoo. (See map.)

The Rotta Roh is mostly composed of carboniferous limestone.

The Zeawan bed is well developed, but extraordinarily disturbed; it

is a yellowish rock, often very sandy. It forms the base of the hills

on the H. and 8. EH.

Dr. A. Fleming sent home some fossils from Kafir Kote, which were

ascertained by M. de Verneuil to belong to the following species :—

Productus cora (D’ Orb.) ; Productus costatus (Sow.).

Productus Humboldtii, (D’Orb.) Spirifer ?

Dentalium ingens, (DeKénig).

All the species of which I have given drawings in Pl. I, III,

and V, were found in the Rotta Roh limestone, with the exception

of the Spirifer like S. trigonalis.* Several species of corals, either not

found at all or very rare in Kashmir, were found abundantly in the

lower beds of the Rotta Roh; but altogether the fauna of the Zea-

wan bedin Kashmir and in the Rotta Roh is so very similar, that it

can be called identical.

The limestone restsf on a quartzite rather peculiar in some locali-

ties. It is composed of opaque white quartz in which are imbedded

plates of pearly white mica half an inch wide; these plates of mica

are arranged in tufts; there are also some irregular nodules or granules

of black augite (?) quite lustreless (see fig. 74, pl. LX). There can be

* A distinct species of Sp., according to Mr. de Verneuil.

+ I failed to find the bed of quartzite in situ; my examination was much

more superficial than I could wish. But itis hardly to be wondered at that

the quartzite beds are not found in situ, if we consider the wonderful state of

confusion the beds are in. The limestone is in an extremely shivered condition,

haying been thrown into stray arch-like anticlinals separated by numerous

faults. The shivering of the beds often goes so far that it is difficult to ascer-

tain the dip and strike of the beds. In such convulsions as those which must

have taken place in these hills, the brittle and fragile beds of quartzite must

have been entirely broken, and are therefore not to be seen in situ at their ont-

crops, but are only indicated by the fragments into which they were reduced.

In several localities the ground is covered with angular pieces of quartzite,

either with mica as described in the text, or plain and opaque.

12 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

no doubt that this micaceous quartzite represents the bed of quartzite

which we have seen invariably underlying the Zeeawan bed in Kash-

mir. The beds of volcanic ash which it probably covers are not

exposed in the Kafir Kote Range.

The Zeeawan bed of limestone is capped by very extensive and

thick beds of Weean limestone rich in goniatites, in mussel-like

anthracosiz, in Aviculo-pectens and other characteristic fossils. I

found some blocks of the sandy limestone in which the anthracosie,

solenopsis and A. pectens are generally found, containing one speci-

men of Productus semireticulatus, several Athyris subtalita (Hall) and

A. Royssu (L. W.), and also the P. Bolivicutis (D’Orb.) mixed up with

the anthracosie and A. pectens, a mixture of Zeeawan and Weean

fossils which I never saw in Kashmir. Some very large bivalves of

which debris had been found in Kashmir and resembling an aviculoid

inequilateral pecten were also found; the transverse diameter is 74

inches. Fine nautilides and spines of cidaris six inches long were

also found. In the Rottah Roh the difference between the Zeeawan

and Weean beds is not everywhere so well marked as it is in Kashmir,

as I have just exemplified; generally, however, the assemblage of

fossils given in the plates as characteristic of the beds is the same as

it is in Kashmir.

In the northernmost end of the Rottah Roh, the Zeeawan bed does

not appear, and is only represented near Kumdul by a few small

mounds of debris rising through the sandy plain close to the foot of

the hill. As we travel south and approach the Kafir Kote river, the

Zeeawan bed appears under the Weean, and can be traced without in-

terruption as far as the southern end of the hill a few miles from

Paniala. It is impossible to give the dip and strike of the Zeeawan

bed, as not a hundred yards of it keeps the same direction; the

broken fragments of the bed are more like packed ice in the polar ~

seas than like courses of rock ina hill. The Weean bed above is

much less disturbed, except the deepest beds which rest immediately on

the Zeeawan; it dips generally N. W. with a very trifling angle

varying from 20° to 8° or 9° with the horizon; occasionally the dip

becomes W. and even 8. W.

T have not seen any beds in the Rottah Roh similar to the Kothair

bed of Kashmir.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 13

At the northern end of the Rottah Roh, the carboniferous lime-

stone is immediately covered in by a Miocene sandstone and con-

glomerate. A little further south, some beds of reddish limestone

and some sandstones, grey and bituminous, are either the top of the

carboniferous or possibly Permian or Triassic beds. The fossils are

very scarce and mere debris. The sandstone contains thin layers

of a shale which is full of carbonized remains of plants, and from the

sandstone, near the shale, a black bitumen oozes out. It is a mineral

pitch or impure petroleum ; the quantity is insignificant.

As we continue to travel south and west, we find the Weean bed

forming the top of the hill the whole way; with here and there

patches of gypseous marls, red marl, grey sandstone and variegated

thin-bedded non-fossiliferous limestone, or rather dolomite, which are

in all probability Triassic, but which will require much more careful

study than I have been able to give them, before they can be satis-

factorily classed. I believe them identical to the red marl and gypsum

of the Saliferian formation of the Salt Range. Close to the village of

Paniala these supposed Triassic beds are well developed, and from them

issue some saline hot springs. Near Gunga, at the other (northern)

extremity of the little Range, a patch of these same gypseous

sandstones and marl appear at the end of a fault in the carboni-

ferous limestone, and from these supposed Triassic beds two or three

small hot and saline springs issue. It is a remarkable fact that

everywhere in the Himalaya and in the hills of the Punjab, where

these gypseous marls, red marls, sandstones and dolomites appear

well developed, they are generally accompanied by saline springs,

usually hot.

At the northern extremity of the Rottah Roh, over the village

of Kundul, we have seen that the Weean limestone forms the bulk of

the hill. Under it, at one place, is found a feldspathose sandstone

invaded by tortuous veins of quartzite; it has acted powerfully on

the limestone near it, this being much metamorphosed, cellular,

traversed in all directions by thick bands of crystalline carbonate

of lime, and all fossils being obliterated or changed into a lump of

spar. The feldspathose sand has the appearance of having been

forced between the broken ends of the beds of limestone which is

thrown into an anticlinal ; it is generally white, occasionally coloured

14 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

red in patches; it is not stratified, but mammilated, globular,

irregular, and branching like a dyke. This intrusion of a feldspathose

solution or paste took place before the final upheaval of the Himalayas,

as there is evidence that some of the beds have been redisturbed by

this upheaval, and as the Miocene conglomerate which partially fills

the fault is unconformable to the limestone. A full description of

this locality would be complicated, and I have no intention of giving

here such a description. I merely want to point out that we have

here Weean beds disturbed and baked by a geyserian action, similar

to that which we have seen at Ishlamabad and at the Manus Bal.

61. The Sheikh Bodeen Range is mostly composed of miocene

sandstone, clay and conglomerate. These beds are thrown into an

anticlinal, the south-eastern and southern slopes dipping to the

S. H., and the §. and the north-western and northern slopes dipping

N. W. and N. One can see, from the top of the highest summit,

that deeper rocks have endeavoured to push their way through the

miocene, the beds of sandstone and conglomerate being arranged in

semi-theatres on both sides of the points where an underground mass

has endeavoured to break through. But everywhere these under-

ground masses have failed to find a way to the surface except at one

point, viz., the Sheikh Bodeen summit, in the centre of the Range.

This summit is 4604 feet above the level of the sea, whilst the

Miocene range does not reach higher than 2800 feet and is generally

very much lower. There is evidence that the Miocene was at one

Wy,"

0, ZY

: a ual

Row

1AaT

Horizontal appearance of the Miocene beds, Sheikh Bodeen range.

MERA

time much higher and reached to within 8 or 900 feet of the summit of

Sheikh Bodeen. But the friable sandstone and loose conglomerate

disintegrate very quickly, whilst the limestones of Sheikh Bodeen

summits decay but slowly ; hence the Miocene portions of the Range

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 15

have become low hills, whilst Sheikh Bodeen summit has nearly

retained its original height, and appears therefore to stand now as an

isolated summit in the middle of insignificant, low, barren and

erumpling sandstone and conglomerate hillocks.

Sheikh Bodeen hill (not range) is mostly composed of Jurassic

limestone, excessively shattered from having been thrown into a

succession of very sharp anticlinals. The anticlinals are separated by

faults which run from W. S. W. to HE. N. E. The following diagram

sections are from the N. N. W. to the 8. S. E.

Sections V and VI General Map.

The section in the distance is about a mile north of the section

through Sheikh Bodeen Hill. Jurassic limestone is at least 800 feet

thick ; it is rich in fossils which are, however, seldom well preserved.

The lower beds contain Belemnites, Ostree, Rhynchonelle and

Terebratule in great abundance, especially in and near some ferrugi-

nous sandy beds. Shaly beds are full of petrified branches of trees,

The limestone is sandy and impure; along the great cliff facing the

S. S. H. and formed by the removal of half the arch of an anticlinal

(see section, marked cliff) some very fine specimens of ripple-marking

are exhibited on a large scale. Ammonites are also found, but very

much broken. Cariophyllides and an Astrea are the commonest corals,

Two or three species of Pholadomya are tolerably abundant. In the

uppermost beds I have found a Nerinea, very likely the N. Brun-

trutana (Thuma) of the coralline. In both the lower and upper beds

the mineral characters appear to be identical, and many species of

fossils are common to both, especially Rhynchonellae, of which no less

than ten species are abundant. In the lower beds I have found eight

species of Zerebratulcee with short loops, or true Terebratule. The

Belenvnites are three or four species, of which a thick one like the

B. sulcatus, a grooved species like the B. canaliculatus, and a hastate

species like the B. hastatus are the most abundant. Gasteropods are

extremely abundant insome beds, most especially a species of Acteonina ;

a few encrinite stems were found, but no heads,

eusd00ITT 4

[No. 1,

orsseane |

(gorsserty) uemegyeg KEY

SNOAoJIMOgG IVD [NY

qINey i WMeZ = —- FW. qnez FneZ =| 4gNF

‘

QQ Ss

Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir,

MNN

ble

es)

ce)

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. iT

From this fauna it appears therefore that the limestone of Sheikh

Bodeen* is equivalent to the Oxfordian formation of England, and that

the uppermost beds are contemporary to the English Coral Rag or

rather to the Calcaire a Néimaes of the Zena. We shall see presently

in the country of the Wuzeerees, beds which are, in all probability,

the equivalent of the Coral Rag. Some of the Qolitic shells collected

by Dr. Gerard in Spiti are represented in Dr. Royle’s Illustrations of

the Botany and other branches of the Natural History of the Hima-

layan mountains ; the drawings are by T. Sowerby and are remarkably

good. The form numbered 17 in Royle’s plates and described as an

Arca or Cucullea is found at Sheikh Bodeen; the Rhynchonelle 20

and 21, described as TVerebratule or Atrype, are common at Sheikh

Bodeen ; the two species of Ammonites, figs. 22 and 24, are also found

at Sheikh Bodeen, as well as the two species of Belemnites represented

figs. 25 and 26 and fig. 27. The fig. 23, called a Delthyris, has also

been found at Sheikh Bodeen, I believe, but I do not possess a

specimen of it.

The Rhynchonella represented by Royle and which is common at

‘Sheikh Bodeen, has also been found in Rukshen by Captain Austen.

The Jurassic limestone of Sheikh Bodeen rests in variegated

dolomitic limestone without fossils (?), red marls, gypseous dark marls,

and feldspathose white sandstone extremely friable ; and this formation

appears identical to the Saliferian formation of the Salt Range,

From these lower beds issue a few small springs of brine, and it is,

probable that masses of salt exist here and there in the marl, as it

does in the Salt Range, but nowhere does the salt crop out. Some

beds of massive gypsum occur on the southern side of the hill near

its base, but are not extensive. The Qolitic and Saliferian formations

conform in all their folds, faults and twistings most perfectly, but

there isa slight nonconformity between the Saliferian and Oolitic

beds and the Miocene sandstone and conglomerate. The Saliferian and

Oolitic formations had been upheaved to some extent before the Miocene

began to be deposited, as boulders of gypsum and Oolitic limestone are

found in the Miocene conglomerate in company with boulders of

volcanic rocks, of nummulitic limestone, of carboniferous limestone,

and with rolled Producti brought from the Bilete Range. But the

* A few fossils of Sheikh Bodeen are sketched at Plate XI. figs. 2 to 6.

18 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

hills formed by the first upheaval were so low, and their beds pro-

bably so near the horizontal position, that the non-conformity of these

beds and of the Miocene beds is not now very apparent, both sets of

beds having been redisturbed to a great extent by the fimal great

upheaval of the Himalayan mountains.

62. In the country of the Wuzeerees, lat. N. 32° 15’ to 32° 45’

~ and Long. E. 69° 45’ to 70° 15’, we find the continuation towards

the north of the Soolimanee Range to be formed of a chain of

mountains of which the Pir Gul (11,583) and the Shewy Dhur

(10,998) are the highest summits. These high summits were not

ascended by the expeditionary force against the Mosood Wuzeerees in

1860, but the army marched along the fine plateau of Rusmuk

(7,000 ft.) which skirts the main chain; and by collecting the pebbles

of the torrents which descend from these high peaks I was enabled to

estimate to a certain extent the mineral nature of the central ridge.

These pebbles were all volcanic, trappean and metamorphic, and none

of a granitic nature were found. The following specimens of rocks

were collected im ravines descending directly from the Shewy Dhur:

basalt, having the appearance of hard jet; it is divided by joints and

by innumerable cracks filled with carbonate of lime. It fuses quietly —

before the blow-pipe into a black bead. Some varieties do not shew

the cracks filled with carbonate of lime, but are schistose in appearance,

and the joints, which are large, are lined by quartzite Half inch

thick plates of volcanic ash, composed of a central layer of a pale

dirty-greenish and compact mineral, and external layers of a brownish

granular substance. The central layer fuses very easily before the

blow-pipe, boiling up into a swollen and blistered surface ; it has the

appearance of tremolite, the outer layer appears to be a mixture of

tremolite with grains of augite; the augite here and there forms

little masses, and these fuse partially, the assay becoming studded with

minute dark globules. Hornblende rock with grey mica. The paste

appears to be an intimate mixture of felspar and hornblende, and is

invaded by irregular and small plates of grey mica; the rock is

divided by a series of well-marked joints, an inch apart. An augitic

porphyry; the paste is perfectly black and apparently composed of

chatoyant augite; it is invaded by closely set and minute prismatic

erystals of dull white albite; it is more like a porphyritic lava than

like a true prophyry.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 19

A metamorphosed micaceous limestone, schistose, the foliation being

extremely wavy. It has the appearance of a thin-bedded micaceous’

and calcareous shale which had been beth crumpled and highly meta-

morphosed. It is nearly entirely composed of exfoliating mica

imbedded into grey bands of magnesian (?) carbonate of lime, which

effervesces feebly, and other bands of white felspar. The felspar

forms bands by itself, a quarter of an inch thick and free of mica,

The rock exhibits a foliation or stratification which is thin-bedded and

wavy. Greenish, soapy, spotted chlorite schist. Jaspery flint, bluish

and transparent, with veins and patches brownish and opaque, and

occasionally threads of milk-white quartz. Quartzite with well

formed crystals, six-sided prisms, at one end terminated by a six-sided

pyramid.

These rocks are therefore mostly volcanic; the four last are, how-

ever, metamorphic, and such rocks are not seen in Kashmir; but they

are extensively developed in the most northern portion of the Hima-

Jaya, as in Skardo, Zaskar, &e.

63. Between the range ofthe Pir Gul and Shewy Dhur and the

plains of the Derajat, is a thick belt of low hills which are nearly

entirely made up of nummulitic limestone, slate and shales, and of

Miocene sandstone and conglomerate. At Palusseen, however, (see

map) under the nummulitic limestone is discovered a rock of a very

hard and dirty appearance and not forming beds, but huge masses of

flesh-coloured limestone which are imbedded either in a grey sandstone

or in the lower beds of the nummulitic limestone. These masses are

most evidently old coral reefs, once rising from the bottom of the sea

and ultimately covered ,by sand and calcareous mud; they are a

confused agglomeration of corals of many species, imbedding shells, but

unfortunately neither corals nor shells are in a good state of preser-

vation. Iam not sufficiently familiar with the forms of the Coral-Rag

of England to say whether this bed is its representative in India, but it

is not unlikely to belong to secondary strata, for the following reasons.*

1. It is situated under the sandstone, which generally forms the base

of the nummulitic formation. 2. It does not contain any of the

* A coral reef formation, apparently closely analogous both in lithologic

characters and mode of occurrence, occurs at the base of the Ootatoor division

of the cretaceous rocks in Trichinopoly. See Mem, Geological Survey, Vol. IY,

Pt 1, pp. 52-72.—Hd,

20 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmvr, [No. 1,

fossils found in the nummulitic limestone above. 3. It appears

‘much disturbed and dislocated by local movements, whilst the num-

mulitic limestone is to be seen in regular, though much tilted-up

beds above it. 4. It rests immediately over beds of red marl and

gypsum which are always found, in the Panjab, where Oolitic beds

occur much disturbed. 5. Some of the corals appear identical with

some species found near Maree on the Indus, in a limestone containing

the same fossils as those of Sheikh Bodeen which is decidedly an

Oolite.

I have therefore, in consideration of these reasons coloured these beds

as Oolitic, but there is a doubt about it. The country was so dan-

gerous at the time we were encamped at Palusseen, that I could

collect but very few fossils, and I have not yet had the good luck to

discover a similar bed in British territory.

These coral reefs reappear in many places in the country of the

Wuzeerees: at the entrance of the platean of Rushmuk a great

quantity of this bed was again seen, but the rock was different, though

the fossils were identical; the limestone was extremely impure, full

of small rounded grains of gravel, and so much invaded by iron that it

is often quite brown, and often also spotted by the iron forming little

dark nodules in the mass.

Again, near the hot spring of Sir-Oba, similar beds were seen

resting on red marl, with here and there masses of gypsum. This

gypsum is opaque, white and compact, and contains a great number

of crystals of quartz, very fine in their form, and terminated at both

ends by a six-sided pyramid. The same crystals occur at Maree and

Kalabag in the gypsum which accompanies the rock-salt of these

Yocalities, and are there collected and sold to natives as ornaments,

under the name of Kalabag diamonds.

One of the members of the nummulitic genus in the Wuzeeree Hills

requires notice on account of its economical value. ‘The Wuzeeree

iron is obtained by the smelting of a brown shale, extremely rich in

brown hematite; the beds of the shale are situated under the num-

mulitic imestone, and seem to replace the extensive beds of slate, with

nummulites, seen in other localities. The quantity of the ore is

enormous, whole ridges being formed of it. It is not quarried, as far

as L could discover, but merely broken off the surface of the beds. It

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. A

is first roasted, and becomes black and highly magnetic. It is then

worked either with nummulitic limestone or pieces of the coral-reefs

and smelted with charcoal in small furnaces identical to those seen in

Kashmir. I found at Mackeen a house with two of these furnaces and

heaps of charcoal, of iron-ore and of limestone, evidently collected for

smelting, and I could thus identify the ore used by the Wuzeerees,

though no information was to be obtained from the people. I have

had, since, pieces of ore brought to me, at Bunnoo, by the Wuzeerees

engaged in trade and who bring the pig-iron to the plains for sale, and

it is exactly the same ore which I had seen at Mackeen, and which I

had observed in situ as one of the members of the nummulitic for-

mation. This shale is heavy, generally covered with arusty powder;

it varies in colour from reddish-brown to nearly black; it soils the

hand, it is not calcareous, and the richest parts of it have a tendency

to form concretions, or at least to assume a sort of concentric slaty

cleavage. It is only smelted to a paste, not to a fluid, and is refined

by hammering. The iron produced is soft and fine-grained, but apt

to exfoliate, a defect which is evidently the result of the metal being

half worn-out by the extensive hammering to which it is submitted.

The carboniferous limestone was found in situ in Wuziristan. But

that such rocks do exist in the hills between the British border and

round the central chain of the Afghan mountains, is proved by the

boulders in the rivers which drain those countries. Major Vicarey

found boulders of limestone containing carboniferous fossils in the

streams near Peshawur; Dr. Fleming found “ Productws-limestone” in

the ravines which drain the Solimanee chain towards the east; and I

have found in the bed of the Korum, a torrent which drains the

southern slopes of the Sufed Koh, boulders of a black limestone contain-

ing Productus cora and P. Humboldt.

64. In the Salt Range the carboniferous limestone is well developed

and attains, according to Dr. A. Fleming, a thickness of 1,800

feet. It begins near Noorpoor in Long. H. 72° 30’, as a thin bed,

which increases as it goes towards the west, and attains its maximum

of development near Vurcha, in Long. 72°. It decreases again

towards the Indus, and is not seen at all near Maree and Kalabag;

but on the right bank of the river it reappears about six miles west

of Kalabag, and is continued in the Chichalee range and the northern

22 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashnur, . [No. 1,

end of the Speen or Lowa Gur. It appears to be identical, in fossils

and in lithological characters, to the limestone of Kashmir, Dr. A.

Fleming does not mention its ever resting on quartzite or volcanic ash,

but supposes on the contrary that it rests on the Saliferian formation,

which he, in consequence of this view, calls Devonian. Whatever

little of the carboniferous limestone of the Salt Range I have myself

seen, is too much disturbed to allow me to form an opinion; I cer-

tainly never saw any quartzite underlying the limestone in the Salt

Range; but such quartzite exists in the Rottah Roh, and itis evident

that the Rottah Roh carboniferous limestone, and that of the Salt

Range are one and the same sheet of deposit, broken and separated by

convulsions of a posterior age. This, however, does not prove much

either way.

The long controversy about the age of the salt and gypsum in the

Alps bids fair to be repeated in the Punjab. The Saliferian of the

Salt Range has already been placed by successive observers in nearly

every formation from the Devonian to the Miocene! In the Alps, geo-

logists appear to have once become desperate at the fight, and M.

Sismonda published in the Comptes rendus de Académie des Sciences

de Paris (Vol. ILI. p. 113) the somewhat startling hypothesis that

‘in the Alps the shells of the Lias lived at the same time as the

carboniferous plants’ !!!... It is not a little curious resemblance

that in the Maurieune, in Savoy, (the great field of contention,) the

gypsum, quartzite, marl, &c., are much disturbed by local foldings and

bendings, and appear to be placed under the carboniferous rocks (terrain

howler). Fortunately a thin, but very persistent and well-char-

acterised bed, the Infra-lias, has enabled the geologists who have

best studied this locality, to fix the position of the red marl, red and

green shale, quartzite, gypsum, &c., in the Trias, and to show that the

apparently inferior position of these Triassic layers was due to such

great disturbances and reversions of strata as one may reasonably

expect to have accompanied the surging up of mountains like the Alps.

Less fortunate or less industrious than they of Hurope, we have not

yet found the Jnfra-lias in India, and we have not therefore got hold

of the thread which led so successfully the Swiss and French geologists

to a true understanding of the Alpine Saliferian.

I wish that I could have determined satisfactorily the age of the

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 23

salt of the Punjab, before forwarding this paper to the Society ; but I

see at present but little chance of my being able to visit again and

study the Salt Range within a reasonable time. My own impression,

from what I have seen, is that the Saliferian of the Punjab is Triassic

or Permian.

This Saliferian formation, (whatever its age may be,) plays a very

important part in the economy of Upper India, and may possibly be

made a great deal more of than at present. It gives a supply of salt

which pays to the State a handsome revenue ; it has been the original

source of the Reh or Kullur of the soil, an impure and effervescing

mixture of saltpetre, of soda and chloride of sodium, which renders

fields barren and thus causes very serious losses to that same revenue:

There can be little doubt that it contains some at least of the numer-

ous minerals discovered in the Russian salt mines of Stassfust-Anhalt,

and it is very possible that it will one day give some fertilizing material

which will more than repay the loss caused by the Reh. It is a fine

field for research, and only wants work bestowed upon it to yield

valuable results.

Any one who has visited the Saliferian of the Punjab must have

been struck by the much disturbed state of the beds. These appear

as if they had been raised into a succession of small cones or

‘“‘ boursoufflures,”’ and suggests at first sight the idea of the Saliferian

having been at some time or another violently dislocated by eruptive

gases and sublimated minerals. This is so marked in some localities

that Dr. A. Fleming advances, as a possible hypothesis, that the salt

may be of volcanic origin. But the stratification is generally so well

defined (the courses of salt being separated by thin layers of red marl

or of cellular gypsum) that we cannot regard the salt as intrusive ;

it is decidedly sedimentary. That the disposition of the salt gypsum,

bipyramidal quartz crystals, &c., &c., took place under the influence

of heat, due probably to hot springs, is pretty certain. For Charpeutin

and de Beaumont have shewn that the gypsum was first deposited as

anhydrite, and this anhydrite must of necessity have been precipited

from hot solutions; neither do we see how sea water could deposit

gypsum, unless submitted to a high temperature; whilst, high tem-

perature being admitted, the precipitation of gypsum becomes easily

explained, if we remember Mr. David Forbes’s observation in Peru:

24 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

“The quantity of sulphates and more especially of sulphate of lime,

“included invariably in these deposits, might, at first sight, appear to

“the observer too great to suppose it due only to the evaporation of

“the sea-water ; but I believe that this impression will be dissipated

‘“‘ when he sees the enormous amount of gypsum removed in the form

“of hard white cakes or sedimentary crust, from the boilers of the

“large distilling machines in use along this arid coast, for producing

“‘ from the water of the sea a supply of fresh water for the maintenance

‘‘ of the inhabitants, beasts of burden, and even the locomotive engines

“of the railways along the coast. It appears not necessary to suppose,

“as has been put forth, that the sulphates present have been formed

“by volcanic exhalations acting upon the bed of salt.”* What induces

us readily to admit of the existence of very numerous and extensive hot

springs during the Triassic epoch in the Punjab is, that even now-a-days

the Saliferian formation is remarkable for the great number of hot

Springs it contains ; indeed hardly a hot spring in the Punjab and the

Himalaya is to be found unconnected with the Saliferian, and whenever

we find Saliferian beds, we generally also find hot springs. This is

true of the Salt Range, of the Rottah Roh, of Kangra, of Rukshu in

Thibet, &c. We may therefore conclude from these remarks that the

salt, gypsum, &c., is sedimentary, though deposited under peculiar

circumstances, viz., the presence and influence of hot springs. How

then to account for the very disturbed state of the Saliferian beds, for

these limited, local, fragmentary disturbances which give to the beds

so elastic an appearance? ‘Two ordinary causes appear to me

sufficient to account for this: one is the transformation of the

anhydrite into gypsum by absorption of water, a phenomenon which

continues to take place now-a-days. This absorption of water and

the consequent increase of volume of the gypsum brought about the

swelling up of the beds in cones and “ boursoufflures.” Then the

* “The Geology of Bolivia and Peru,” by David Forbes, with notes on fossils,

by Professor Huxley and J. W. Saller, Esq., published by Taylor and Francis,

Red Lion Court, Fleet Street, 1861, communicated to Geological Society in 1860.

+ The saline springs of the Towala Mookhi and of Kangra-basa, in Kangra,

issue from Saliferian ranges immediately covered by Miocene beds. Mr.

Mareadieu has found that the water of these springs contains lodine, in addi-

tion to the usual saline matter of the springs of the Saliferian formation in

Upper India. Vide Report, No. 84, by M, Marcadieu, Sketches of Corre-

spondence, Punjab, 1860.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 25

second cause of disturbance began to act: the beds of salt are often

dissolved and removed by water infiltrating through cracks in the

rocks; a cavity is thus formed under the vault of rocks which covered

in the salt and one day the vault falls in.

This process is to be seen now-a-days in actual existence, on a

small scale, in the hillock of Maree on the Indus.

Thus, from the swelling of the gypsum by its transformation from

anhydrite to common gypsum, and from the falling in of the vaults

formed by this swelling, the beds of the Saliferian formation in the

Punjab have a most broken and turned-over appearance.

Add to this that these beds have participated in the convulsions

produced by the great final upheaval of the Himalaya, and you will

have no difficulty in understanding how difficult it is to make out

_with certainty the stratography of these rocks, and how it is that the

Saliferian appears here and there inferior to the Paleozoic beds. Before

quitting the Saliferian formation, let us notice that the beds of it

appear to have suffered very great denudation. We can easily un-

derstand that the red marl was very easily denuded, when we see how

it crumbles into a powdery, friable, fluid earth, after a few days

exposure to the atmosphere. It is on account of this denudation, on

account of the very considerable amount of material which this for-

mation gave to the Miocene and to the alluvium deposits of Upper

India, that the presence of Reh or Kullur in the soil of the Punjab

and the North-West Provinces is to be credited to the Saliferian. I

shall say a few words about this again, when we explain how the

Miocene was made up, in the next chapter.

As there is yet such incertitude about the age of the salt, I have

called the formation ‘ Saliferian,” without entering it on the Map as

belonging either to the Paleozoic or to the Mezozoic epoch.*

The carboniferous limestone is covered in, north of Vurcha, by an

Qolitic formation of trifling thickness and containing Oxfordian forms,

* I have purposely avoided insisting on the mineral characters of the

Soaliferian formation of India, as it is now-a-days the fashion to undervalue

very much these eharacters ; but it may be as well to remember that in the

Salt Range we have beds of gypsum full of rock-crystals of a bipyramidal

shape; that the layers of gypsum are separated by calcareo-magnesian bands,

having a eellular disposition (Cargneule of the Swiss, Rankwacke of the

Germans) and that the salt is accompanied by a bright red marl without

fossils. These several characters are found in the Triassic salt and gypsum of

Switzerland, of Savoy and of Spain, and, I believe, in no other formation,

26 Dr. Verchere on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

As the carboniferous limestone thins out in approaching the Indus,

the Oolitic formation increases in importance and forms much dis-

turbed hills, all the way from Moosa Khel to Kalabag. It is con-

tinued west of the Indus in the Chichalee Range and the northern

end of the Speen Ghur; a little above Moola Khel it disappears

under the alluvial, and does not reappear till Sheikh Bodeen, where,

as we have seen, it attains a considerable thickness.

65. The salt and gypsum is continued on the west side of the

Indus, in the hilly country of the Kuttuks, but it is there much

covered by tertiary clays and sandstones. It crops out near Bahadoor

Khel and along the course of the Teeree Towe. At the first named

place the Saliferian forms an anticlinal arch ; the salt, above fifty feet

thick, is the lowest bed seen, and is very regularly stratified ; above

it is a thin bed of red marl, another of grey sandstone, also thin ; then

gypsum, about twenty-five to thirty feet thick; then a thin band of

a limestone with minute debris of fossils, and which resembles

lithologically the Oolitic bed of Kalabag and Maree on the Indus;

then the dark, brown, sandstone which often forms the base of the

nummulitic formation; some coarse and crumbling shales without

fossils; and finally, a bed of limestone rich in nummulites, volutes,

veneridae, &c., and about ten to twelve feet thick. This is at last

covered by the marly lumpy clayey beds of Miocene. A fault running

approximately W. HE. through the Soordak Pass, has caused an up-

throw of the beds on its southern side, and there the nummulitic

limestone, much tilted up, forms a pretty high hill,

Along the Teeree Towe the Saliferian is immediately covered by

Tertiary. As far as Lachee the rocks seen are Miocene sandstone, clay

and conglomerates ; thence to Peshawur the country is entirely covered

by nummulitic limestone and shale, and the Miocene sandstone is only

seen here and there in small detached beds and patches, which are

evidently the remains of layers which have been mostly removed by

denudation.

66. North of the Salt Range we have also a great extent of

Tertiaries, Nummulitic, limestone, shale and sandstone first covers

in the secondary layers in the western portion of the range, but rests

directly on the salt marl and gypsum in the eastern half of it. It

attains a great thickness, where well developed, (4500 feet,) and forms

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 27

the summits of nearly all the highest hills of the Salt Range. It is

continued to within two miles of Maree on the Indus where it thins

out, but reappears near Kalabag, and is very well developed in the

Chichalee Range and in the Speen Ghar. Near the Indus, all the

beds of the Salt Range, excepting the Saliferian marl itself and the

secondary strata where much locally disturbed, dip towards the N. HE.

On the western bank of the Indus, that is in the Chichalee Hills and

the Speen Ghur, the dip is W. N. W. or N. W. This last dip is gene-

rally that of all the strata of the Kuttuk hills.

The nummulitic formation appears in the Salt Range as a thick

belt which, beginning at the Mount Tilla near Jheelum, is continued

to near Maree on the Indus, where it disappears for a little space, but

reappears on the other side of the river, and is to be seen forming the

bulk of the Speen Ghur to near Esokhel. The formation keeps a

remarkably similar aspect the whole way. It is, from below upwards,

_composed* of — 1. Sandstone often coloured by iron, but generally

dirty white or pale grey. 2. Very arenacious, thin bedded or lumpy

‘limestone, with gasteropods, few and small nummulites and innumer-

_able debris of oysters or gryphee. 3. Shales of various colours, with

beds of lignite and of alum carbonaceous shales. The alum shales

are only developed where the lignite is situated close to the Saliferian

formation, and appear to be patches of lignite metamorphosed. 4.

Argillaceous limestone, ful! of large nummulites, chama, cardita,

crassatella, ostroea, many gasteropods, very large echinodermata, &c.,

&c. 5. Shales often replaced by a clay-slate containing nummulites.

The shales contain sometimes lignite and Rol (alum-shale), but the

seams are made less well defined than in the lower shales. 6. Argilla-

ceous limestone, extremely white in some places and containing the

same fossils as layer 4; in the eastern portion of the Range it

contains flints ; it is often foetid. 7. Chert, hard limestone, weather-

ing rough and pitted; pale yellow or flesh-colour, brittle and

* Occasionally a bed of white soft fragile limestone is seen to form the base

of the nummulitic formation. It is characterized by a planorbis which is

tolerably abundant ; but it contains neither nummulites nor any other fossil.

It is found in lenticular beds of little extent, and rarely more than two or three

feet thick. It suggests to the mind beds formed in pools or creeks among

sandy islands and promontories at the mouth of a river. Whenever it occurs,

I have found in the nummulitic limestone above it a great number of teeth

and bones of fishes (sharks).

28 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

splintery. Shells fewer, nummulites small, but very abundant,

especially the N. variolaria, whilst the flat and irregular N. pushi

and NV. levigata, so abundant in beds 4 and 6, are not to be found

here, or are at least rare. A nummulite about the size of the NV. pushz,

but thicker, is, however, found pretty abundantly, though not in

swarms like the VN. variolaria. A ribbed cardita is the only bivalve

which appears tolerably abundant.

67. Resting on the nummulitic formation of the Salt Range are

thick beds of Miocene sandstone, clay and conglomerate. I have

described in chapter I. how these sandstones form a great plateau

between the Salt Range and the foot of the Maree Hill, and indicated

that thay may be considered as the upper Miocene Bed, whilst the

‘Maree Hills and the whole of the mountains between the Jheelum

and the Pir Punjal chain are to be regarded as lower Miocene. The

upper bed is rich in mammalian fossils, and is identical to the

Sewalik formation. The lower bed is devoid of fossils,* containing

only afew debris of plants, rootlets, small stems aud occasionally

small niduses of lignite. The upper Miocene has probably been a

great deal denuded ; remains of the bed are, however, to be seen in

the valley of Poonch; they are there rich in very well preserved

fossils, teeth of elephants being common and very perfect.

68. The sandstones and conglomerates just mentioned form a

great belt from the EK. N. EH. to the W. 8. W. (see Map) and to the

north of it appears another belt, having a similar direction and com-

posed of nummulitic limestone and slate. It begins in Hazara in

Lat. 84°, and forms all the superficial covering of the Hazara moun-

tains as far as the Sirun river and as high north as Mausera, being about

thirty miles in width as the crow flies. It proceeds from N. H. to 8. W.

towards Attock, keeping the same width and extending in that

district from the Indus to Janika Serai. Crossing the Indus, it forms

the whole of the Akora Kuttuck and Afreedee hills between Peshawur

and Kohat, extending about sixteen miles south of Kohat. It has

been followed as far as longitude E. 70°. The beds of this nummu-

litic formation have a general dip to the N. W. A similar

* Tt is said that one or two bones have been fouud in the lower Miocene, but

this is doubtful; if they exist, they are at any rate very rare. Mr. Medlicott

has pointed out a non-conformity between the lower and upper Miocene; he

makes three beds of the formation.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 29

nummulitic tract follows the foot of the Himalayan ranges along the

southern versant of the Pir Punjal chain and its continuation to the

S. E. It begins in the valley of Poonch; it is seen north of Rajaori,

and the pebbles of the streams near Rajaori are often nummulitic

limestone, though the parent-beds have not yet been discovered. I

cannot say whether nummulitic beds are to be seen to the north of

Tummoo, Basaoli, and Noorpoor or in Kangra, but they appear near

Subathoo in long. 77° lat. 31°, and have further been just discovered

by Captain G. Austen on the east of the Ganges in Kumaoon,

But this nummulitic along the foot of the Himalaya is either

much denuded or much covered up by Miocene, and does not make

such a show on the surface as the other belt which follows the

direction of the Afghan mountains.

To the north of these zones of nummulite we meet the volcanic

hills, which I have described in the first chapter.

69. The stratum of nummulite in Hazara, occasionally broken

through, or faulted or denuded sufficiently to allow of older rocks

making their appearance.

At the northern end of Mount Sirbun near Abbottabad, carboni-

ferous limestone resting on volcanic rocks is quarried for building

purposes. The limestone belongs to the Weean and Kothair groups

and is thin-bedded, arenaceous, marly and occasionally conglomeratie.

It is of considerable thickness and immediately covered in by lime-

stone, the lower beds of which are so poor in fossils that it is im-

possible to identify them, the upper being nummulitic.

The following is a section near the small village of Sheikh Wandie,

from EH. to W.

[No. 1,

Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir,

mnyag

dey [eteuesy JO ‘TTA worjoeg)

)

*e98 O14 JO [AA oT oN4

eAoge “93 QOLF Jnoqe Lor[ea peqeyoqqy oyg jo jeaery

“Fenolsawiy ~~

eee e/a

eer ee—~~. 9,

orpueM AUS

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. (eh

Section of the Northern extremity of Mount Sirbun, near Abbottabad,

from E. to W. bearing S. (not drawn to scale.)

1. Very compact and very hard Cornean rock, composed of a paste of white |

feldspar and grey hornstone in intimate combination. The joints and exposed

Surfaces are smooth and have a quartzy glimmering. In the paste there is

Beat:

often a partial separation of white feldspar in spots of a dull white colour.

Splinters of the white spots can be rounded on their edges before the blow-

pipe, but the grey paste of the rock appears to be more refractory, though

there is certainly a softening of the mineral compound and a slight smoothing

of sharp edges after long exposure to heat. It is a bed of very considerable

thickness, stratified and much jointed.

2. White quartzite in a brecciated state, the pieces being recemented

together by a grey feldspathose paste. It appears asif the bed had been

broken after its formation and the fragments reunited by a feldspathose paste,

3. Very heavy, chocolate-coloured, clay-stone, with bands of quartzite.

4. Indurated clay, with round nodules, the size of a bean, of a black

mineral having the lustre of jet, whitening to a milk-white colour before the

blow-pipe, and finally melting with difficulty on thin edges; it belongs probably

to the hypersthene group. The clay itself is grey, smooth and meagre.

5. Chloritic clay ; grey, very smooth and soft to the touch ; hardness of

slate. It is full of ninute round grains of a semi-transparent mineral, grey

like the clay, but a little darker. The clay becomes white and meagre before

the blow-pipe; it is unaffected by muriatic acid, and does not form a pasty

mass with water, either before or after grilling.

6. Limestone, at first extremely arenaceous and argillaceous, and presenting

particles of dirty blue and brown colour. It becomes gradually conglomeratie

and at the same time thin-bedded, the layers being made of layers of pebbles

of limestone cemented by a calcareous sandy cement; the top of the layer

appears to have been worn flat by the action of the waves, before the deposit

of the next stratum took place, the pebbles appearing as sections on the surface

of the bed. The next layer is a muddy limestone containing a few flat athyris,

remarkable especially for three internal raised lines or ribs proceeding from the

beak as far as the middle of the valve. But these shells are in a very bad

state of preservation. This layer is only two feet thick, and is succeeded by

another equally thin and containing numerous debris of gasteropods and

corals, Then comes a black, sometimes blue-black limestone, extremely foetid.

The bluer portions are crossed by white lines intersecting each other in all

directions and containing only debris of fossils.

The limestone forms altogether a bed of about thirty feet, when it is cut by

a fault which causes it to be repeated, and a succession of faults directed

W.N_W.to H. S. H. keeps the same limestone on the surface for more than

half a mile, it becomes finally covered by nummulitic limestone.

32 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

This Mount Sirbun forms the left side of the Abbottabad valley. Following

the slopes of this hill, we find beds of quartzite, similar to No. 2 of the above

section, reappearing three or four times in short anticlinals ; above it are beds

of hmestone containing a few fossils, principally casts of gasteropods. This

limestone is often strongly oolitic in structure, but presents also the very

unusual appearance of resembling beds of travertin which had been entombed

in a calcareous mud after their formation, so that the cavities of the travertin

have become filled up with a limestone less hard than the original deposit. I

have usually regarded these beds as fresh-water origin near a low coast, and

referred them, in a general and provisional way, to the Jurassic ; of course

this is doubtful.

70. On the lower road from Marree to Abbottabad, near the

village of Sayd Kote, great disturbances are observed, and rocks of

a geyserian nature make their appearance about half way between

Sayd Kote and the Dowr river. They are principally a chocolate-

coloured sandstone, becoming coated by weathering on the surface as

well.as in the joints, with a shining dark incrustation. It is much

jointed and breaks in prismatic blocks. A great quantity of dark

boulders of this rock may be seen in the bed of the river Dowr. It

appears to be similar to some variety of dust-rock or sandy ash or

earthy ash seen in Kashmir. It is capped by a bed of quartzite com-

posed of large, opaque, angular grains of quartz, jammed together and

cemented by a feldspathose white paste of which there is very little,

Angular grains of black augite are sparingly disseminated in the rock.

Under the brown sandstone is seen a thick bed of crumbling clay

slate, very dark and foliated. This is the lowest bed seen. These

three beds, viz., slate, sandstone and quartzite conform together in

their dip and are capped by a patchy limestone of doubtful age, and

interbedded with grey soft slate. There is much kunkur near the

locality.

At Sayd Kote the limestones are wonderfully disturbed : beds

having the appearance of Kothair limestone and containing a great

number of gasteropods and cyathophyllides are seen repeatedly, as the

road crosses nearly perpendicular beds which are much faulted.

Nummulitic limestone appears to cover in directly the carboniferous (?)

beds ??

Again on the upper road from Murree to Abbottabad, at the bottom

of the ravine under Doonga Gully, volcanic or rather geyserian rocks

are to be seen. They consist of a very white and friable rock com-

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 33

posed of acicular minute crystals of albite easily fusible before the

blow-pipe and pressed and entangled together ; there does not appear

to be any cement to bind the small crystals together; the rock has a

coarsely saccharine aspect and can easily be crumbled between the

fingers. It rises in vertical and contorted bands, from half an inch to

two and a half feet thick, amongst sands and disintegrated shales. It

assumes very many remarkable colours, being sometimes flesh-coloured

or reddish, and at other places azure-blue ; its general colour is, how-

ever, snow-white; where it is blue, the shales near it are of the same

colour. It is interbedded with thin beds of tufaceous limestone which

have probably found their way there by infiltration. It is covered in

by arubanneous and dark slate, much disturbed, extremely cleaved

and jointed and falling into small angular pieces. This slate appears

similar to that seen near Syad Kote, and the feldspathose rock is

intrusive. These two rocks are at the bottom of the ravine, on a

fault, and form a little mound by themselves. There are no rocks

to be seen in immediate relation to them, and the beds of the sides of

the ravine appear to be entirely nummulitic.

From the examples given of voleanic rocks in Hazara, it seems

evident that that district has participated in the great volcanic

accumulation which preceded the carboniferous epoch, and that it has

‘also been disturbed at a later date by intrusive volcanic action of a

local and geyserian character.

71. Of Chumba, Kulu aud Kunawar, districts which occupy the

hilly tracts south of the extension of the Pir Punjal chain towards

the Sutlej, I know nothing.

72. Kashmiris continued to the south-east by the highlands of

Lahul and Spiti which are situated in the same Himalayan parallel,

viz., between the Pir Punjal chain or parallel and that of the Ser

and Mer, Spiti has been pretty often visited by geologists, and we

know that carboniferous and Jurassic fossils were brought thence by

Dr. Gerard. Liassic fossils have also been found there. As for

crystalline rocks, M. Marcadieu mentions much granite, and Captain

W. E. Hay, granite penetrated by huge veins of ter-sulphuret of

antimony and ‘‘ other metals.” Gypsum is reported as extremely

abundant in Spiti, forming, it is said, whole mountains; and here I

3b4 Dr, Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, Jo. 1,

would mention again that several hot springs are found in close

vicinity to these gypseous beds.

But I must draw back here, and leave the ground to Dr. Stoliczka

who has been for some time studying the geology of Spiti with great

care and is preparing a work on the subject. Dr. Stoliczka has found

in Spiti rocks of the following ages: Silurian, Carboniferous,

Triassic (?), Liassic, Oolitic and Cretaceous. I have said before that

most of the fossils from Spiti represented in Dr. Royle’s Illustrations,

are to be found in the Jurassic rocks of Sheikh Bodeen.

73. The great chain of Ser and Mer (called by Capt. R. Strachey,

between the Sutlej and the Kali, the chain of Snowy Peaks, and by

Cunningham, the western Himalaya or central chain of the Himalaya)

appears to be, as far as I have been able to ascertain, made up of

granite, gneiss, and other rocks of the plutonic and metamorphic

groups. From the Nanga Parbat (26,629 ft.) to near the Sojji La

pass, (11,300 ft.) the range is, I believe, mostly granite ; it is traversed

by the road of Skardo via Guzais, and Mr. Drew informs me that the

range, (which here forms the southern boundary of the Deosai plain)

is “chiefly granite, partly schist.” The plain of Deosai is a singular

plain or steppe entirely covered with debris and loose stones; it is

tolerably flat, considering how it is situated, and has perhaps once

been the bed of a gigantic glacier. It is surrounded by granitic

mountains on the southern and western sides; the north end is

bounded by mountains of schist and slate, and the eastern side is closed

in by granitic hills which gradually pass, over Drass and Kurgyl, into

volcanic rocks.

If we cross the Ser and Mer chain by the Sojji La, from Kashmir

into Drass, we find near Baltal, a village on the Kashmir versant of

the pass, that the carboniferous limestone ceases and is succeeded by

beds of very coarse and micaceous slaty shales, often very sandy and

always very thin-bedded. The specimens I possess of this rock show

it to be identical with the sandstone and sandy coarse shales seen in

the Zebawan and there interbedded with ash, agglomerate and slate.

This rock goes on to nearly the top of the pass, where it becomes a

dark and hard slate, having a metamorphic appearance. Then lime-

stone reappears and is seen as far as Drass; it rests the whole way,

as far as can be seen, on volcanic rocks and azoic slate. It is pro

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 35

bably continuous, through Sooroo, with beds of limestone seen between

Moolbek and Khurbu.

T do not know what sort of rock forms the summit of the Kun Non

or Ser and Mer Peaks (23,407 ft.) but their north-eastern slope and spurs

are composed of gneiss and schist ; these metamorphic rocks extend

as far as the Sojji La, where they are graduating into beds of the

coarse slaty shales described above; on the north of the road it is

continued by beds of slate and of sandstone extremely micaceous and

resting on mica-schists, of which some specimens effervesce powerfully

with acids, Beds of metamorphic white marble are also seen, but

the great bulk of the mountains between Tillail and the Deosai is

made up of granite, shist and mica-slate.

Following the great chain to the S. HK. we find it crossed by several

passes of which the Bara Lacha (16,505 ft.) and the Parung la (18,794

ft.) are the most celebrated and frequented. Mr. Marcadieu describes

these passes as being principally through granitic rocks; but unfor-

tunately Mr. Marcadieu does not seem to have enjoyed much his

visit to these “‘ belles horrewrs’”’ and he gives us little geological infor-

mation, but many complaints, about these “ delights of Satan,” as he

calls the mountains.

South-east of the Sutlej, the chain continues to be mostly granitic. It

is studded with noble peaks, Porgyul (22,700, ft.) Baldang (21,400 ft.)

Kamet (25,000) and Nanda Devi (25,700, ft.) all of them made up of

granite, gneiss, and schist. But I must refer the reader to Captain

R. Strachey’s paper ‘‘ on the geology of part of the Himalaya moun-

tains,’”* for the mountains south-east of the Sutlej.

74. Having crossed the Ser and Mer Parallel, we find ourselves in

the great trough between this chain and that of the Kailas peak

(which I shall call for convenience sake the Kailas chain) and we

may hardly call this trough a valley, considering that it is a plateau

from 10 to 12,000 feet high above the level of the sea; and yet it is

a valley between the two great parallels which tower over it by some

10,000 feet more. It comprises the districts of Deosai, Soroo and

Drass, Ladak proper, Zanskar, Rukshu and in the 8. H. the great

plateau of Tibet through which runs the Sutlej and inhabited by the

Hundes. This last or south-eastern portion of the trough is toler-

* Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, June, 1851,

36 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [Noss

ably flat, only a small volcanic peak rising here and there, detached

and isolated, through the thick horizontal bone-beds of sandstone and

conglomerate which fill up the valley.* But in the other districts,

the trough is nearly entirely filled up by vast mountains, which

occupy in the parallel valley of Ladak the same position as the

catenated chains we have described in Kashmir do in the parallel

valley of Kashmir; the chain formed by these mountains has been

called by Colonel Cunningham the “‘ Tso Moreri” chain, and has been

raised to the position of one of the great parallel chains of the Hima-

laya, but it will best suit our purpose to consider it as an inter-

parallel mass of mountains.

Deosai has been described already. Drass and Kurghyl are covered

with volcanic rocks into which the granite of Deosai gradually passes.

Mr. Drew tells me that he found near Kurgyl a rock composed ex-

clusively of mica and felspar, graduating into granite. Some

specimens I possess from Tashgam, half way between Drass and

Kurgyl, are composed of a dark green hornblende which fuses with

difficulty and swelling a little. before the blow-pipe. Felspar is not

conspicuous, but is probably intimately combined with the horn-

blende. But rocks undoubtedly volcanic are also seen, such as green-

stone and amygdaloid. A considerable bed of limestone reposes on

the volcanic rocks and appears to be the continuation of the bed seen

near Drass. Ido not know the age of this limestone. The Drass

bed contains fossils which are, I believe, carboniferous, and I have

coloured the bed now under consideration, carboniferous, assuming

the continuity of the two beds to be true.

Of the mass of hills traversed by the road from Kurgyl to Le

I know very little indeed. They are said to consist mostly of slaty

rocks capped here and there by conglomerates and grits.

As we near the valley of the Indus in Ladak proper, near the

village Kulsi, interesting beds appear. Resting on a hornblende rock

or trap is a series of slate, light coloured limestone, conglomerate

with rolled boulders of the same limestone, sandstone, shales and

dark purple indicated clays. The dip is not very great and the

several beds appear to conform together. The whole valley of the

* Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, page 306,

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 37

Upper Indus from Kulsi to Nodmo (and probably further east) ap-

pears to be excavated in this formation and the river flows in a fault

of it or more probably in the centre of a denuded anticlinal.* The

series of rocks (series of Upper Indus Valley) rest, on the North,

against the granite of the Kilas Range. Captain G. Austen,

to whom I owe these details, estimates it to be at least 3,000 feet

thick, and mentions also its appearance in Rodok at the North of the

Pang Kong Cho, resting there unconformably on slate. In the

limestone layer of this series (about 150 feet thick or more) Captain

Austen found a few fossils which he was kind enough to show me,

They were very ill-preserved and fragmentary, but appeared to

resemble some forms found in the Kothair bed in Kashmir ; some

eyathophyllides are certainly not to be distinguished from those

represented at figures 56 and 57, Plate VII. Another fossil was

supposed to be the radical end of a Calamite. To complicate matters,

the fossils were declared by paleontologists at home to be cretaceous.

The specimens are so bad, that I apprehend that this determination

must have rested entirely on the one fossil which I took for a Cala-

mite, and which was regarded, I suppose, as a Hippurite. My

own impression is, that the limestone is identical with the Kothair

bed of Kashmir, and therefore either the uppermost layer of the car-

boniferous or perhaps the lowest of the Triassic.

Above this Upper Indus series come the nearly horizontal grits

and coarse sandstones which form the flats called in Ladak Chang

Tang and Rang. The non-conformity between the Indus Series and

the Chang Tang beds is not conspicuous, as that dips at a very low

angle and these are nearly horizontal. There is also, I believe, a

great similarity of lithological character between the two formations,

one being merely the resettlement of the other. I conceive that

some difficulty may be experienced occasionally to decide where one

formation ends and the other begins. A few mammalian bones have

been found in the Chang-tang sandstone, and there is but little doubt

that this bed is similar to the sandstone and conglomerate of the

Great Thibet plateau to the north of the Niti Pass. These high

horizontal plateaux of conglomerate and sandstone are also observed

* A very great number of rivers in the Himalaya run part of their course

in the centre of a denuded anticlinal.

38 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

in the Afghan mountains, where they are called in Pooshtoo

Ragzhie. I have examined some of these ragzhies, of which the

plateau of Rushmuk in Waziristan is a good example at an elevation

of 7,000 feet, and I feel satisfied of their fluvio-lacustrine origin

and of their age being posterior to the final upheaval of the Hima-

laya and Afghan mountains.*

Zaskar and Rukshu or Rupshu are interesting districts, on account

of their lakes, numerous hot springs and borax mines. The country

is an elevated labyrinth of mountains and valleys, having a mean

height of 15,600 feet. The principal peaks are the Korsok Too

(above 20,000 feet) and the Napko Gondo ; but there are great many

other nameless peaks ; the passes are all a good deal above 17,000

feet. In Zaskar we find a great mass of gneiss and schist which

appears to be the eastern extension of similar rocks which begin in

Sara, and, after entering largely in the formation of the mountains

of the highland of Zaskar, are prolonged eastward into Rukshu, where

they graduate into beds of metamorphic slate on which rest fossili-

ferous rocks. The gneiss, schist, slate and limestone are all stratified

and conformable together, and they all dip towards the 8S. S. W.

The limestone appears to be the continuation of the bed of limestone

seen in Saru reposing on the gneiss and schist of the foot of the Ser

and Mer peaks.

The occurrence of fossils in Rukshu had been noticed by several

travellers, but little was satisfactorily known, and to Captain G.

Austen is therefore due the credit of having first brought trustworthy

fossils from Rukshu, and to him I am indebted for the following

details :—

Two of the valleys of Rukshu are the Tso Moreri valley and the

Pang-po-loomba ; they are separated one from the other by the

ridge of the Korsok Tso, composed of granitoid rocks and of gneiss

and schist. From the Pang-po-loomba (valley) one passes into the

valley of the Tsa Rup (river) by the Pang-po-la (pass), towards

Zaskar. This Pang-po-loomba (valley) and Pang-po-la (pass) are

the localities where fossiliferous beds have been_ noticed. The

* Col. R. Strachey appears inclined to regard these horizontal beds of the

Great Thibet plateau as contemporary of the Siwalik hills and a sea-formation,

I believe that both hypotheses are untenable, if

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 39

whole bottom of the valley is uneven and its southern portion is

formed by beds of limestone in which both Captain Austen and Mr.

Marcadieu found carboniferous fossils (No. 1.) At the foot of the

Pang-po-la the carboniferous becomes covered by a muddy sandstone

(No. 2) which is, however, not seen in situ on the northern slope of

PANGPO LOoOoMBAS

(VALLEY)

=~] 20.00 EX

Section across the Pang-po-loomba (valley) and Pang-po-la (pass) in Rakshu

from a sketch by Captain Godwin Austen (approximate).

the Pang Po, but of which numerous debris fill the ravines. Above

this sandstone is found Jurassic limestone (No.3), all the way to

the top of the pass, full of Belemnites, Ammonites, Rhynchonellz

and Terebratule. One of the Rhynchonelle collected there by Captain

Austen appears identical with a form very common in the middle

Oolite of Sheikh Bodeen in the Punjab.

Having crossed the top of the pass and descending towards the

Tsa Rup (viver), the same bed of muddy sandstone (apparently)

again crops out. It is there interbedded with thin beds of impure

limestone, and in these beds were discovered a great many Belemnites

in fine state of preservation, Mr. R. A. C. Austen, to whom the

fossils of these parts were forwarded, pronounced some of them to be

Liassic, but I do not know whether these liassic forms came from

the muddy sandstone bed or from beds inferior to it.

On the other side of the valley of the Tsa Rup, some beds of lime-

stone, much folded and bent, again appear, but they showed no

fossils and their age is therefore unknown ; they rest against beds of

slate much up-tilted and apparently unconformable to the limestone.

At the back of the slate is the great massof the Ser and Mer

chain, attaining immense height and crossed by passes above 16,500

feet high.

75. The Tso Moreri is the largest of many salt lakes which form

one of the features of Rukshu. Itis 14 miles long and more than

15,000 feet above the sea. Its water is very salt and bitter, though

Mr. Mareadiecu affirms that it contains only one part of saline matter

40 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [Nos

in 10,000 parts of water ; the saline matter is sulphate of soda and

sulphate of lime. Another lake, the Karso-Talao, about 6 miles

long, is reported by the same gentleman to contain a great deal of

chloride of sodium and sulphate of soda, with a little carbonate of

lime and carbonate of soda. These two lakes are said to be sur-

rounded by mountains of crystalline rocks, principally mica-schists

and granite. But one of the most interesting subjects connected

with the geology of Rukshu is the existence of borax in the valley

of Puga. The manner in which it occurs as an efflorescence is too

well known to require description here, but one cannot but regret

that Mr. Marcadieu’s report is not more geological ; indeed it can

only be regarded as chemical, and the geology of the district is still

a work to be done. I have never visited Puga, but, from the

several descriptions of it I have read, I am satisfied that the borax

ground is the bottom of a dried up lake. The analysis of impure

borax collected at Puga shows it to contain, besides borax, sulphate

of soda, sulphate of lime, chloride of sodium and carbonate of soda.

These impurities are precisely the composition of the Kullur salt

of the plains of the Punjab and of the saline matter of many hot

springs and salt lakes of the Himalaya and the Salt Range, and it

appears to me evident enough that the lacustrine mud which fills

up the bottom of the Puga valley, is similar to the alluvial deposit

of the Punjab. Boracic acid, which probably once rose freely to

the surface of asmall lake and was deposited in an uncombined state,

is now arrested by the bed of lacustrine mud which fills up the

fumarole and combines with some of the salts of soda. It appears

therefore much to be regretted that an attempt was not made to

estimate the thickness of the lacustrine deposit and that a few wells

were not sunk into the borax ground and the waters and gases

which might have been collected in these wells carefully examined ;

possibly such researches and experiments might have led the way

to an increase of the present supply, and to a system of collecting the

borax or boracic acid sufficiently pure not to require refining.

76. In Ladak, Rukshu, Sooroo and Zaskar, no fossils were ever

found, as far as I know, older than those of the carboniferous forma-

But if we follow the great valley, between the Kailas Range

tion.

and the Ser and Mer chain towards the §S. EH, we find, on the other

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. Al

side of the Sutlej, great beds of limestone rich in Silurian fossils.*

Mr. Salter has recognized the following genera among Captain

Strachey’s fossils :—

Cheirirus. Strophomena. Cyrtoceras. Cheetetes.

Lichas. Orthis. Litnites. Crinoid Stems, &e.

Asaphus. Leptcena. Tentaculites.

Calyméne. Lingula. Murchisonia.

Iilcenus. Orthoceras. Ptilodictya.

Mr. Salter, M. Barrande and M. de Verneuil, who saw some of the

fossils collected by Colonel Strachey, agree that they indicate beds

of Lower Silurian. We shall see that beds of Silurian also exists in

the huge mountains to the north of Skardo and near the Mustak

Pass in the Korakoram chain.

But let us first relate what Colonel R. Strachey found in the high

ranges south of the Sutlej.

The Silurian above mentioned rests on beds of slate without fossils,

and this slate rests on schists, mica-schists and other rocks of the

metamorphic group. Then above the Silurian limestone, some beds

of carboniferous must exist, though they were not found in situ

by the explorer ; Producti, Athyris Royssic and other well known

fossils were found in loose boulders near the Niti Pass. I believe

also that some of the shells placed by Colonel Strachey and Mr. Salter

in other groups belong really to the carboniferous ; such is the

Chonetes placed by Colonel Strachey in the Mushelkalk, but trans-

ferred to the carboniferous by Mr. Salter; the Ptilodictya Fenea

(Salter), the narrow variety, which I have found in carboniferous

beds in Kashmir ; (it was naturally placed with the Silurian fossils

by Mr Salter, on account of the Pélodictya having been found as

yet only in Silurian beds in Hurope and America) ; the Spirifer

Stracheyii, (Salter) placed among the Triassic fossils by Mr. Salter,

and which is common enough in the Weean bed of carboniferous

limestone in Kashmir; and lastly the Sperifer Rajah (Spir, Keilhavit,

* On the geology of part of the Himalaya and Tibet, by Capt. R. Strachey,

Bengal Engineers, F. G, S. in Proceedings Geological Society for June 1851,

also “‘ Palzsontology of Niti in the Northern Himalaya, being descriptions and

figures of the Paleeozoi and Secondary fossils collected by Colonel R. Strachey

R. bh.” “ Descriptions by T. W. Salter, F. G.S., A. L. 8, and H. T. Blanford,

A, R.S. M., F. G. S.—Calcutta 1865.” :

42 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

Von Buch), which has been removed from the Trias by Dr. Oldham,

and declared to belong to beds anterior to that epoch.

There is therefore a strong probability that both the Zeeawan

bed (Productus semireticulatus, Athyris Royssii &.) and the Weean

bed (Spir. §. Stracheyii, Spir. Keilhaviz) exist in the ranges near the

Niti Pass, but have been much denuded and broken in loose frag-

ments along the section followed by Colonel R. Strachey.

Then comes what Colonel Strachey supposed to be Muschelkalk,

and which Mr. Salter refers to the Keuper and Hallstadt bed of the

Upper Trias. I cannot refrain from expressing a suspicion that a

few of the shells referred to these beds do not really belong to them,

and that fossils of various ages have been mixed, either from collect-

ing them, without due care being paid to the stratain which they

were respectively found, or from careless packing. There is such

a great likeness between the figures of some of the Triassic Am-

monites of Mr. Salter and those of the carboniferous ceratites of

M. DeKoninck,* (see Ammonites Blanfordii, Salter, nov. sp. and

Ceratites Lyellianus, Dekon. noy. sp.) that one finds it difficult to

decide between these two great authorities. The species of am-

monites figured in the Paleontology of Niti have nearly all the

eeratite-like sutures usual in triassic ammonites in Europe, and

therefore much resemble deoninck’s ceratites.

It may be advanced, on the other side, that M. DeKoninck’s

ceratites belong to triassic beds; but these ceratites are to be

seen in the Rotta Roh associated to some of the fossils which Tf

have given as characteristic of my Weean bed of the carboniferous

in Kashmir and the Punjab ; and a portion at least of this Weean

bed would have then to be made over to the Trias. Unfortunate-

ly for this view, the mixture of Weean and Zeeawan fossils in

some layers of the Rottah Roh (described in para. 60 of this

paper), does not allow us to make the Weean anything but car-

boniferous, unless we are prepared to regard the Prod. semi-reticu-

latus, the A. Royssw, the A. Sabtilita and other such essentially

* “ Description of some fossils from India, discovered by Dr, A. Fleming, of

Edinburgh.” By Dr. L. de Koninck, F. M. C. S., Professor of Chemistry and

Geology in the University of Liege—Journal Geological Society of London,

Vol, XIX. p. 1.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 43

carboniferous fossils as occasional inhabitants of the Trias!!! Tf

we are prepared to stretch the point so far, we may as well give

up at once all idea of successive faune.

T have, since writing the above, found in the Rottah Roh, some

beds containing a few fossils which appear Permian. I have not

yet had time to examine the fossils with care; but should they

prove Permian er Saliferian (St. Cassian),—and I have little doubt

that they will be found to belong to either one or the other of

these formations,—the presence of patches of such a bed on the top

of the carboniferous would explain away, in a great measure, the

difficulties I have now been considering.

I have said before that I believe the Saliferian of Upper India

to belong to the Paikilitic formation, but that it has been found

impossible as yet to demonstrate that such is the case. The dis-

covery of one or two fossils may settle the question, if they were

forms thoroughly well known as characteristic of the Indian Trias.

The study of the fossiliferous Triassic beds in India is therefore of

the greatest interest ; but much care is required lest the mixture

of Paleozoic and secondary types should take place in our pack-

ing boxes and not in nature, and we thus become accustomed to

regard, as characteristic of the Trias, shells which really belong

either to the carboniferous, or to the Lias and Oolite.

To Colonel R. Strachey, however, is due the honor of having

first discovered fossiliferous Triassic beds in the Himalaya; and

we may hope that much light will be thrown on the Indian fossils

of that age by Dr. Stoliczka, in his expected work on the Geology

of Spiti. ;

Over the beds last described, Colonel Strachey found Jurassic

beds ; but the relation between the Triassic and Jurassic beds

could not be ascertained, owing to a great fault running parallel to

the general N. W.—S. E. direction of the Himalayan ranges. The

section exposed by this great fault is at least 5,000 or 6,000 feet in

thickness, but the difficulties of the route prevented Colonel Strachey

from examining it from top to bottom; the lowest beds were not

examined. he lowest which were ewamined gave forms which Pro-

fessor H. Forbes was inclined to identify with fossils which occur

in the fuller’s earth and cornbrash of England. No Liassic forms

were discovered.

44 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1

These inferior oolitic beds are capped by dark coloured shales

containing belemnites and ammonites, and referred by Professor

KE. Forbes to the age of the Oxford clay. These shales are there-

fore the representatives of the several Jurassic beds we have already

seen in several parts of the Himalaya and of the Punjab.

The oolitic beds are covered by grits, shales and limestone of

unknown age, and finally by the great horizontal bed of what

Colonel Strachey considers to be miocene (Siwalik) sandstones and

conglomerates. I have said before that the identity of these sand-

stones, grits anc conglomerates to the Siwalik formation is far from

established, and that there are more reasons for considering them

pleistocene, than for assuming them to be coeval with the deposition

of the Sub-Himalayan tertiaries.

77. The Kilas Chain is of less elevation than the Ser and Mer,

and its peaks are neither so numerous, nor so well known or so re-

markable fer their enormous mantles of snow. The principal sum-

mit is the Kailas (or Tise) peak, which rises to 22,000 feet above

the sea, in longitude 81° 18’, and is therefore far to the S. E. of our

Western Himalaya. As it is, however, the only well known peak of

the Chain, I have called the whole chain from its name.

‘The Kilas chain begins near Mount Haramash, N. of Astor and

N. W. of Baltistan, and is traversed near Skardo by the Shigar river

which cuts a passage across the range. The summit, Mashkulla,

(16,919) towers over the alluvial plain of Skardo, Shigar and Kuardo.

This mountain is mostly granite ; its spurs show a great deal of

metamorphic slate at a high angle of dip ; and the little hill close to

Skardo, evidently an off-shoot of the Mashkulla, is composed of an

imperfect shist. All along the left bank of the Shigar river, schists

of various sorts, especially mica-schists, and micaceous slates, together

with metamorphic marbles, form the great wall of mountains that

bound the Shigar valley to the N. E. Following the road which

leads from Shigar to the Thale valley, by the Thalé la (pass) Captain

G. Austen discovered some beds of limestone, resting on the mica-

slate, and I have coloured that bed of limestone Silurian in the Map.

My reason for believing it to be Silurian is its proximity to

limestone beds of similar appearance and position at the Mashabroom,

and there, [I believe, decidedly Silurian ; and also the fact that the

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 45

discoverer of the bed found there a few fragments of fossils which

he regarded as Paleozoic, though different from any of the carboni-

ferous forms which we found together in Kashmir. There is there-

fore presumption that this bed is Silurian, though of course it is

merely a presumption. I have also assumed that a bed of limestone,

seen to the South of Skardo, between that town and the Deosai

(plain), is Silurian. We shall see the bed discovered at the Masha-

broom, when we describe the Karakoram Chain.

From Skardo towards the S. H., the Kilas Chain appears to be

nothing but a great granitic wall, along the foot of which runs the

Indus. Near Léin Ladak the range is crossed by the Digor La

(pass), the road going through a succession of granitic rocks.

78. Between the Kilas and Karakoram Chains, we find the

rugged district of northern Baltistan, the valleys of Saltoro, Nubra

Shayokh and the Chinese province of Rodok. In the country of

the Baltis, the Kilas and Korakoram Chains approach each other

to within about 45 miles, as the crow flies, from range to range ;

whilst on the contrary the chains diverge as we proceed towards

the S. E., the Korakoram chain having apparently a less south-

ward direction that the other parallels of the Himalaya. In northern

Baltistan, consequently, we find the country covered with mountains,

cut with deep narrow valleys and mantled with immense glaciers ;*

in Radok on the contrary high plateaux are abundant, and form to

the north of the Pang Chong Tso (lake) and Pang Chong La (pass)

considerable plains, 14,000 to 15,000 feet above the sea, arid and rain-

less, often not presenting a shrub for several marches; high deserts

on which roam a thin population of nomade Turkomans who graze

shawl-wool goats on the scarce and far-between Aghil or grassy

vales of these inhospitable regions.

There is no doubt that these high plateaux are similar in origin,

age, and appearance to the great Thibet plateau through which runs

the Sutlej, to the north of the Niti pass, and described by Colonel

R. Strachey; and also to the Chang Tang and Rong plateaux of

Ladak. All these high plateaux present a horizontal stratification ;

* “ On the Glaciers of the Mustakh Range,” by Captain H. G. Austen,

F. R.G.S., &., read before the Royal Geographical Society, London, on the

11th January, 1864.

46 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

and it appears therefore impossible to regard them otherwise than

as accumulations of debris washed from the ranges into the great

troughs between these ranges, and therefore posterior to the great

final upheaval of the Himalayas.

Very little is known of the nature of the rocks forming the ridges,

ranges and spurs in Saltoro, Nuha and Shayokh. Dr. Thomson,*

on native information (Izzet Ullah), tells us that the rocks of the

Shayokh and Nuha valleys are in great part primitive limestone.

““ The limestone continues towards Rodok and the water of the Pang

Gong Tso (lake) hold a sufficient quantity of ime to form a cal-

careous deposit which cements the pebbles together in patches of

concrete at the bottom of the lake.” The water of the Pang Chong

Tso is sufficiently brackish not to be fit for drink, and it has a bitter-

ness probably due to sulphates of Soda and of Magnesia. From the

examination of a specimen of the calcacerous incrustation which is

formed on the shore of the lake, I found that Magnesia is about as

abundant as lime,

An extremely pretty species of Limnea or rather Physa once lived

in the lake, and dead shells of it are abundantly found in the band

of tufaceous deposit, a few feet above the present level of the water.

These shells no longer exist in the lake (Austen). They have pro-

bably been destroyed by the diminution and concentration of the

brackish water.

General Cunningham informs ust that the rocks of all the high

ranges and peaks of Rodok are granite and gneiss, and this appears

to be highly probable. Metamorphic rocks also abound; the

mountains near the Pang Chong Tso containing a great deal of

mica-schists ; and crystalline marble is also found on the shore of the

lake, apparently in immediate contact with granitoid rocks.

In the northern portion of Rodok some hot springs exist in a

locality called Chong Chin Mo ; there water deposits largely a grey

tufa which is composed of carbonate of lime, sulphate of lime and

sulphate of soda. Such tufa is common near the warm springs of

the saliferian in the Punjab. Its composition is also that of the

saline impurities of the brackish lake of Tso Moreri in Rukshu, and

® “ Tadak,” by General Cunningham, R. E.

~ “ Ladak,” by General Cunningham, R, E,

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 47

of the efflorescence which accompanies the borax at Puga. From

the extensive beds of gypsum and impure salt found in Rukshu, little

doubt can be entertained that the saliferian is there well developed,

and by analogy it is to be presumed that the same formation is

also to be seen in Rodok. Borax is said to be exported from Rodok

in large clean crystals, but I do not know whence they are obtained ;

that it does come from Rodok appears however pretty certain; and |

that is another resemblance with Rukshu, and another reason for

believing that the saliferian is probably well developed in Rodok, and

is there accompanied by hot springs and fumaroles exhaling boracic

acid.

T have never seen any fossil which had been brought from Rodok,

Shayokh or Nuba; it is impossible therefore to say to what age

belong the beds of limestone mentioned by Dr, Thomson. The beds

are called ‘ primitive limestone ;’”’ but as Jacquemont, Vigne, Thom-

son and others speak sometimes of fossiliferous limestone (such as the

Manus Bal limestone in Kashmir) as “ primitive,’ it is difficult to

know for certain what is meant by that somewhat antiquated term.

79. The Korakoram Chain is a range of very great extent, begin-

ning at the Pamer Steppes and reaching to the 8. HE. as far as the

centre of Thibet in longitude EH. 94° and as low as latitude N. 30°.

The plateau near its south-western slope is from 15,000 to 17,000 feet

high, and is an arid tract of horizontal alluvian covered with loose

stones and supporting very little vegetation ; more to the north it is

a labyrinth of wild valleys. Near the Mashabroom mountain (above

26,000 feet) the soil of the valleys between the spurs is to a great

extent covered by glaciers ; where not so covered, it is often an

indurated clay strewed with debris of pale limestone a good deal

worn and weathered, and with globular cystidee in very great

abundance. Mr. Ryall, of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, gave

me one of the pieces of limestone and some of the fossils. The lime-

stone is an argillaceous dolomitic limestone, pale yellowish brown, with

a few patches pale blue, weathering like frosted glass, and resembling

agood deal of the rocks of the Weean and Kothair groups of

carboniferous limestone. The spheronites, however, point to a silurian

epoch, these echinoderms having not been found as yet in formations

posterior to the Wenlock limestone.

48 Dr. Vercnére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 1,

The spheronites of the Mashabroom are probably a new species ;

they were found in considerable variety, from the size of a small

walnut to that of a large orange ; the largest were perfectly round and

polished like a cricket ball, without warts, spines or facettes, pierced

by numerous pores. Some of the smaller have the stems scarcely visible

(fiz. 6, Pl. VITL), and are covered either with large tracts set well

apart or with smaller ones set closer ; some spines are depressed

or lenticular; all are pierced by innumerable pores, none shows traces

of polygonal plates; mouth not to be seen in any of the specimens I

have examined. (See figs. 5, and 6, pl. VIII and plate IX fig. 1.) The

discoverer, not being a geologist, did not look for other fossils: the

cystideze were so numerous and so curious in appearance, that they

gave quite a peculiar aspect to the ground.

The Mashabroom is stratified to its very summit, the beds being

limestone and shales, dipping towards the 8., at a moderate angle.

This stratification is so well marked, that it can be distinctly noticed

from a long way off. These sedimentary beds repose on metamor-

phic layers of mica-schist and gneiss. The limestone is extremely

rich in magnesia, principally towards the base of the bed, where it

passes into Steatite in patches (Austen). Some of the Serpentine

and Jade (compact Tremolite) brought to Srinuggur and there

worked into ornamental articles by the stone-cutters of that city,

come, I believe, from the neighbourhood of the Mustak Range and

of Mashabroom, though the greater quantity is supposed to be derived

from the Yarkandkass valley and the Kuen-Luen Chain in Khotan.

There can be little doubt that the limestone of the Mashabroom is

the parent bed of the cystidew found in the valley between two of

the spurs of that mountain ; and at least a portion of the limestone

of Mashabroom is Silurian,

The following sketch-section embodies the information kindly

given me by Mr. Ryall and Captain G. Austen.

1867.) the Western Himalaya and Afyhan Mountains. 49

y & x wm

Ae *

a ee * *%

Nir. as

el + *

x ig fa ¥

1, granite; 2, gneiss and mica-

schist ; 3, sandy shales and coarse

slate without fossils; 4, pale dolo-

mitic limestone containing patches of

Steatite; 5, pale ochre-coloured lime-

stone, the probable parent rock of the

Spheeronites found at the foot of the

mountain.

To the north of the great glacier

Baltoro is that portion of the Kora-

koram Range known as the Mustakh

and crossed by. the Mustakh Pass at

an elevation of 18,400 feet. The

whole S. Western face of this Mus-

takh is covered by enormous glaciers

through which the rocky spurs of

the mountains rise like islands and

promontories. These rocks Captain

Godwin-Austen found to be lime-

stone dipping to the N. E., but he

failed to find fossils in it, though he

noticed traces and fragments of orga-

nisms. It is so very probable that

these beds are a continuation of the

limestone of the Masha Brum, that L

have not hesitated to colour them in

the map as Silurian. Of course, this

requires confirmation. Unfortunately

the difficulties of reaching even the

foot of these gigantic mountains are

nearly insurmountable.

80. IL could not get any informa-

tion on the nature of the rocks form-

ing the remainder of the Korakoram

Chain. The few Huropean travellers

who ever saw the chain, agree, I

believe, in representing it as being

mostly composed of granite.

50 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir. [No. 1,

On the other side of the chain we find, between it and the next

parallel, viz. the Kuen-Luen Chain, the valley of the Yarkandkash

(viver), which extends from the Korakoram or Yarkand pass to

“‘Tashgurkhan, and the Akzai Chin or White Desert, which is con-

tinued towards the S. E., nobody knows how far. The valley of

the Yarkand river and the Akzai Chin are separated one from the

-other by a low ridge of mountains similar to the masses of mountains

found between the other great chains of the Himalaya. All we know

-of the valley of the Yarkandkash is that some mines of rock-salt

occur there, and that both in the beds of the Yarkandkash and Kara-

kash and in the the ravines of the neighbourhood, some pebbles are

collected and used for cheap jewellery ; and these pebbles are either

quartzy stones or rocks decidedly volcanic. There is apparently

some analogy between these mountains and those of the centre of

Rupshu and of Ladak. The Akzai plain is also very similar to the

countries just mentioned, in at least the one character of being an

elevated, rainless desert, spotted with small lakes, some fresh, and

others salt.

It is superfluous to say that I know nothing of the Geology of the

Yarkandkash and Karakash valleys and of the Aksai Chin ; neither

is there anything known of the formation of the Kuen Luen or

Piryukh Chain, except that it is reported to contain valuable copper

and gold mines. Another small chain or range, half way between

the Kuen Luen and Yarkand seems to be the last parallel of the

Himalaya. Yarkand is supposed to be in latitude N. 38° and about

5000 feet above the sea. From the top of the Korakoram pass to

the foot of the hills, the distance is approximately 110 miles, and the

descent 13,000 feet or about 118 feet per mile, a mild slope for a

mountainous country.

(To be continued.)

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 5. -

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. VIII. List of Estuary shells

collected in the delta of the Irawapy, in Prau, with descriptions

of the new species. By Wittiam 'T. Buanrorp, A. R. S. 1., F. G. S.,

Cor. Mem. Z..8. ke. Ling ;

[Received 14th November, 1866. ]

A short visit to Calcutta, and access to various works on conchology

which have, for some years past, been beyond my reach, have enabled me

to prepare the following list. of the species of mollusca collected by

me in-the Pegu-delta during the early portion of 1862. In March

and April-of that. year, whilst. engaged in the Geological Survey of

the country south of Bassein, I was compelled to traverse the net-

work. of creeks which-intersect the Irawaddy delta in every direction,

and, in so doing, I had many opportunities of searching for the various

‘mollusca inhabiting the channels of brackish and salt water.

The western portion of the Ivawady delta south of Bassein is of

peculiar character. Instead of the endless alluvial flat which is usually

alone met with near the mouth of large rivers, the country is frequently

undulating, and even, in places, hilly ; the hills beg surrounded by

plains of alluvial soil intersected by tidal channels. Rock not

unfrequently occurs in these creeks, and affords a habitat for many

mollusca which-are not met with in the usual muddy flats.

The Bassein river itself, one of the numerous mouths of the

Trawady, like the Mutlah and other great channels of the Ganges

delta, is at present rather an. arm of the sea than a river; as it

receives no fresh water directly from the Irawady except during the

height of the rains. In the cold weather the water is. perfectly salt

for many miles above the mouth, and marine animals abound. Thus

for many days, during the time I was traversing the neighbourhood,

the water swarmed with Meduse. The volume of fresh water which:

pours into the Bassein river can at no time be very large, for the mollus-

ca which inhabit the southern. side of Negrais Island, some distance

within the mouth of the river, are typically marine, comprising species

of Parmophorus, Triforis, Trochus, Chama, &e., and not ineluding any.

of the usual estuary forms Assiminia, Amphibola, Neritina, &e., whilst

at Poorian Point. and Pagoda Point, the two headlands which form.

52 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1,

the entrance to the Bassein river, precisely the same mollusca occur as

along the Arakan coast near Cape Negrais.* At the mouths of those

channels by which the mass of fresh water poured down by the Irawady

reaches the sea, I do not think that any typically marine animals are

met with, nor could they exist, for, in the height of the rains, I have

found the water outside the mouth of the Rangoon river perfectly

fresh and drinkable, and yet this is only a minor channel compared

to the Chinabuckeer and the neighbouring branches, down which the

great bulk of the water pours. :

To the greater saltness of the Bassein river I attribute the presence

of the numerous marine types mentioned in the following list. It

will be seen that a few distinctly marine species were met with; the

number, however, was small. There are also in the list two or three

genera, forms of which do not appear to have been hitherto found in

estuaries, e. g. Tectura, Sphenia, Scalaria ; whilst, on the other hand,

the genus Scaphula had previously only been met with in fresh water.

The fauna and flora of the Ivawady delta appear to be twofold.

Farther from the sea, where the water if more or less brackish, the

creeks are mostly narrow and deep, with steep banks, which are

covered at high water, and bordered by an unbroken belt of salt

swamp, in which grow high trees, chiefly of Bruguzerva gymnorhiza ?

The views along the creeks, with their borders of dense high forest,

are often of great beauty. This belt of salt swamp and high trees

varies much in breadth, from a few yards to half a mile or more; inside

it are either open plains, which, if uncultivated, are covered with high

grass, or else rises, usually of gravel, occasionally of rock, which are

covered with jungle.

The mollusks of this tract comprise Nerztina depressa, N. obtusa and

N. Smith ; the species of Tectura, Modiola, Martesia and Sphenia

named in the following list are met with wherever rocks occur;

Scaphula is found under stones, Awricula and Cyrena inhabit the salt

swamp. Teredo perforates the dead trees. Neritina cornucopia is

principally met with in this region, but is also found lower down the

* Amongst others, I found species of Dolium, Ricinula, Ranella, &e.

+I reeret that my want of knowledge of botany and the paucity of the obser-

vations I was able to make upon the zoology, prevent me from entering fully

into this subject. I can merely point ont the fact that a distinction exists between

the fauna and flora of the delta nearer to the coast, and that found further in-

land, and illustrate it in the single instance of the mollusca.

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 53

estuaries : Littorina melanostoma also occasionally occurs, but its home

is nearer the sea.

Lower down where the creeks are broader, the belt of salt swamp

is narrower in general, and a broad shelving muddy shore succeeds,

the upper portion covered by a thick forest of Avicensia, while lower

down Nipa palms frequently occur. The beauty of the wide creeks is

greatly enhanced by the broad fringe of the bright green Avicensia,

over the tops of which the summits of hills, covered with dense green

forest, are frequently visible.* On the sloping muddy shore species

of Potamides, Assiminia, Amphibola, Plecotrema, Haminea, Stenothyra ;

Arca granosa, Nassa planicostata, and Columbella Duclosiana are to

be met with. On the stems of the Nipa and on the mangrove bushes

Neritina crepidularia and N. cornucopia, Littorina melanostoma and

LL. scabra ave found in abundance.

I have only included in the present list those shells from the Bas-

sein river which are found above Negrais Island, for the reasons al-

ready stated. J regret that the list is not more perfect, and that Tam

obliged to leave a few specimens undetermined. On the other hand

the majority have been carefully compared, and the names quoted

may, I think, in most cases, be relied upon. Immediately after

leaving Pegu, I was in England for a few months ; and owing to the

kindness of the late Mr. 8. P. Woodward, of Mr. Arthur Adams, and

especially of the late Mr. Hugh Cuming, who allowed me to compare

my shells with the original types in his unrivalled cabinet, I was

enabled to determine, not merely my estuary collections, but also a

much more numerous series of marine species from the Arakan coast,

in a manner which would have been simply impossible in India.

Unfortunately, during the years which have elapsed since these shells

were compared,-a few have been mislaid or lost during constant tra-

velling in various parts of India. Still I hope that this list may have

some value as a contribution to our knowledge both of the geographi-

eal distribution and of the habitats of mollusca. Several of the species

named, and some of the genera have, so far as | am aware, never before

* So great is the height of the trees fringing the upper creeks, and so com-

pletely do they shut out all the surrounding country, that I was working amongst

them for several days in ignorance of the existence of hills nearly 1000 feet

high within 15 or 20 miles of me.

54 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. I,

been shewn to inhabit the estuaries of India or Burma. Our estuary

lists have hitherto been almost as imperfect as our catalogues of marine

Species; almost all that is known of the molluscan inhabitants of our

deltas being due to the labours of Mr. Benson, who has described many

of the forms found in the Ganges.

It is, of course, highly improbable that the present list is nearly

complete. Only a very small portion of the Irawadi delta was ex-

amined, and that imperfectly. Still the number of species is consider-

_ able, and probably includes all those which are most abundant. A few

forms since found by Mr. Theobald and Mr. Fedden will be noted in

their place.

The classification employed is mainly that of Messrs. H. and A.

Adams, in the Genera of Recent Mollusca. I have not, however, fol-

lowed those authors in employing the obscure and forgotten generic

terms of Klein, Montfort and others I have only deviated from their

arrangement in one essential particular, viz., the transfer of Assiminia

from the vicinity of Helix, from which it differs in every point of

structure, to that of Lttorina, to which it is closely allied. If it be

objected that Assiminia is as closely related to Cyclostoma as it is to

Inttorima, I can only suggest that Cyclostoma be also relegated to the

same position in the neighbourhood of Littoriea. :

Class GASTEROPODA.

Sub-class ProsoBRANCHIATA.

Family BUCCINID Ai,

No. 1, Nassa planicostata, A. Adams.

Estuary of the Bassein river, creeping upon mud between tidemarks.

Scarce.

No. 2, Purpura bitubercularis, Lam.

Not common, Found in the lower part of the delta, with the next

species.

Family MITRIDZ.

No. 8, Columbella Ducloziana, Sow.

Found in abundance at one spot in the estuary of the Bassein river,

amongst stones with mud. The specimens were unusually fine. Ef

also met with this shell on the mud flats of Ramri Island, coast of

Avakan,

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 55

Family SCALARIAD AI (Scalide, H. and A. Adams.)

No. 4, Sealaria, sp.

A minute species, apparently new. As I possess but a solitary

specimen, which is not in the best possible order, I hesitate to de-

scribe it. It is one of the smallest forms known, measuring only 3

millimetres in length. It was found under stones in the Myittaya

creck, .

Family CERITHIID A.

No. 5, Cerithium (Vertagus) obeliscus, Born.

A single specimen was found at Port Dalhousie.

No. 6, Potamides (Tympanotonos) alatus, Phil.

No. 7, Potamides (Tympanotonos) euriptera, A. Ad.

Both this and the last species are met with abundantly on mud

between tide marks, not far from the sea. They also occur on the sea

coast where it is muddy.

No. 8, Potamides (Telescopium) fuscus, Chemn.

Common on mud between tidemarks, where the water is completely

salt.

Besides the above, a species of Cerithidea has been found by Mr.

Theobald in the estuaries of Burma. I did not meet with it.

Family LITTORINIDAL.

No. 9, Littorina melanostoma, Gray.

Very abundant upon “ mangrove’’ trees, close to high water mark.

No. 10, L. scabra, L.

Occurs with the last, which appears to pass into it. Two varieties

of this form occur, one more coarsely sculptured and more stoutly

keeled than the other.

No. 11, L. zic-zac, Chemn.

Syn. JL. undulata, Gray.

This species is frequently found on the sea coast, especially near

mouths of rivers. In the estuary of the Bassein river, it occurs to-

gether with true estuarine forms. It is met with on stones and dead

wood, close to high water mark.

Family ASSIMINIID A.

No. 12, Assiminia rubella, W. Blanf. pl. IL. fig. 11. 12.

A small roundly ovate, dull red species, which occurs abundantly

* in Pai

56 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1,

near Port Dalhousie, on mud between tidemarks. It is a characteristic

Assiminia, though much shorter and rounder than the Bengal species

A. Francesie, Gray, and belonging in fact to a different section of the

genus. It is closely allied to some Singapore species and also to A,

marginata, Leith, which inhabits Bombay, but may be distinguished

from all by the double marginal impressed line below the suture.

The animal is deep red, with a black spot upon each of the lobes

into which the proboscis is divided. The eyes are at the top of the

short tentacles.

Family RISSOIDZ.

TRAVADIA, 0. g.

Testa imperforata, turrita, spiraliter costata, solida, epidernude tecta :

apertura ovata, integra, antice obsolete effusa ; perrstomate recto, extus

variciformi-incrassato, intus dilatato.

Amimal ? Operculum ?

Shell imperforate, turrited, spirally ribbed, rather thick, covered

with an epidermis. Aperture ovate, without a canal, slightly effuso

in front; peristome straight, not sinuate, with an external varix, and

slightly expanded within. Animal and operculum unknown.

No. 18, Iravadia ornata, n. sp. Pl. II. fig. 13. 14.

Testa turrita, decollata, subcylindrica, (junior elongato-conica),

solida, spiraliter costata, inter costas confertim verticaliter costulata, sub

epidernude olivaced vel ferrugined albida. Anfr. superst. 3-4, rotun-

dati, supert tribus, penultimus quatuor, ultimus sex costis sptralibus

ornatt, hoc juata aperturam paulo ascendente. Apertura sub-verticalis,

elliptica, intus alba, (in testa jwniorr postice angulata), antice subangu-

lata et im testé adultd obsolete effusa, im juniorc subcanaliculata ;

peristoma extus incrassatum, nodoso-variciforme, nods costis spvralibus

congruentibus, wntus via expansum. Operc. ?

Long. 43, diam. 24 mill.

Shell turrited, decollated (the young shell elongately conical,) thick,

spirally ridged, with close vertical costulation between the ridges,

white, with a brownish or olive epidermis. Whorls apparently about

6, when perfect, but only 3 or 4 remain in all the specimens collected ;

body whorl with 6 spiral ribs, of which 4 only appear on the penul-

timate whorl, and 3 on the upper whorls, the lower ribs being con-

cealed, On all the upper whorls the 2nd and 3rd ridges are the

1867.] Contributions to Indian Maiacology. 57

strongest. Those near the suture, both above and below, are less strong-

ly marked, and are occasionally obsolete. On-the last whorl the up-

permost ridge near the suture is alone fainter than the others. The

body whorl ascends a little towards the aperture, which is subvertical

and nearly elliptical. The anterior canaliculation is obsolete in the

adult, but it is well marked in the young shell. Peristome much

thickened, externally variciform, the varix being nodose in consequence

of the spiral ribs of the body whorl being continuous upon it. In

young specimens the lip is grooved inside, the grooves corresponding

to the external ribbing, and slight remains of this grooving may be

traced in the adult shell.

I had at first classed this shell as a Rissoina on account of. the

obsolete canal, although it differs in essential characters from any

species of that genus. I am indebted to my friend Dr. Stoliczka for

calling my attention to the great distinctions which exist between the

present. form. and vssoina, and some of which equally serve to dis-

tinguish it from Ressoa and all other genera of the group. ILravadia

differs from Rrssomma in possessing an epidermis, in having spiral

sculpture, in the peristome neither being sinuate above, nor projecting

below, and in the columellar margin being simply curved in front and

not excavated. From Azssoait is distinguished also by its epidermis and

sculpture, by the obsolete channel in front of the aperture, which, in

young specimens, is quite as distinct as in Aissovna, and by the ab-

sence of any tendency to the columellar tooth or fold, which is so con-

Spicuous in the typical species of the genus. The characters.of the

sculpture, epidermis, and aperture serve equally to separate the

present form from Alvania, Onoba, Ceratia and other genera of

Rissoide : Hydrobia and Ammnicola alone have an epidermis, but both

are smooth shells without. a varicitorm peristome.

It is unfortunate that no specimen of the operculum has been pre-

served. The few shells found were collected during a hurried journey

in a boat. The species was only met with at one spot, under stones,

amongst some rocks in a creek leading into the Myittaya, a branch of

the Bassein river. Several specimens were obtained, but when an

opportunity was afforded of examining them at leisure, the opercula

had disappeared. In the absence of the operculum, I should be dis-

posed to consider the genus’as more nearly allied to Lvssoena than to

58 Contributions to Indian Malacology, [No. 1,

any other, and such naturalists as may refuse generic rank to [ravadia,

may perhaps best class it as a subgenus or section of that genus. It

may have affinities with a curious species from Peru (Lissoina sulet-

fera, Trosc.) figured by Schwarz von Mohrenstern in his monograph of

Rissoina in the Denksch. k. k. Akad. Wien, xix, 182, Taf. 10, fig. 83,

and the differences between which and all other Lzssoine are pointed

out by that author.

' The curious little shell dredged by Mr. A. Ediza 3 in the seas of

Japan and described by him as Vanesza sulcatina in the Annals and

Magazine of Natural History for 1861, Ser. 3, vol. viii, p. 242, may

also possibly have some affinities with Ivavadia.

No. 14, Stenothyra monilifera, Bens. PI. II, fig. 15.

I found two specimens of this species at Port Dalhousie in the

Bassein river. The type was first obtained by Mr. Theobald at Mer-

gui and Rangoon, and the shell has since been found in Cochin China.

As the species does not appear to have been figured, I add an illustra-

tion of it.

Family NERITINIDAS,

No. 15, Neritina Peguensis, n. sp. Pl. I. fig. 1—16.

Testa globosa, oblique ovalis, solida, confertiim oblique subsinuate

vugata, interdum spinigera, epidermide fusco-olivaced, minute flavo-

punctulatd, aliquando maculis oblongis subcurvatis flavis infra sutu-

ram ornatd, vel fasciis subobsoletis spiralibus cirewmdatd, induta, sub

epidermide caerulea vel rubella, albido-maculata. Spira via exserta,

plerumque erosa, sutwra elevato-compressa. Anfr. circa 3, superi pla-

nulato-concavi, ultimus superne ad suturam appressus, supra pertiphert-

am aut carimatus, spinisque distantibus munitus, vel obsolete angulatus,

subtus rotundatus. Apertura intus lactea ; peristoma semiovale, area

columellart planulatd, luteolé v. sordide albidd, minute denticulatd,

plicd unicd majort imtrante supramediand munitd, antice edentatd.

Operc. extus planum, albidum, margine externd nigra, intus rubrum.

Maj. diam. 19, min. 15, alt. 19 mill, Hab. in rivulo ad Promon-

torium Negrass.

Var. minor testé magis rotundatd, spinis omnino carentibus, fig.

13—16. Maj. diam. 14, min. 11, allt. Io mill,

Hab. ad Portwm Dathousie.

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology, 59

Shell globose, obliquely oval, solid, closely obliquely and rather

sinuously wrinkled, sometimes bearing spines, covered with a dark

epidermis. Colour generally dark olive with minute yellow specks,

occasionally with oblong splashes of yellow below the suture; these

generally curve backwards, and are sometimes, but rarely, of large size.

Some shells are surrounded more or less obsoletely with yellow bands.

Beneath the epidermis the shell is pink or bluish spotted with white.

Young specimens are frequently pink, with yellow specks, in front of

each of which is a black streak like a shadow. The spire is barely

exserted, apex obtuse, and generally eroded, the erosion extending

frequently down the spire, and often a portion of the outer surface of

the last whorl itself is wanting ; suture raised, compressed. Whorls 3,

the upper ones frequently wanting, but when present, flattened or sub-

concave. Last whorl concave and compressed against the suture above,

then either carinate above the periphery and bearing short subdistant

spines, or else obtusely, more or less obsoletely angulate. Below it is

always rounded. Aperture milky within, peristome semioval, columellar

area flat, yellow or dirty white, minutely denticulate, except in front,

and having a prominent re-entering tooth just above the middle.

Operculum pinkish white outside, exterior margin black, red inside.

The nearest ally to this form with which I am acquainted in J,

obscurata, Recluz, which has a more expanded mouth, and more deep-

ly emarginate columellar area, the whorls appear also rather different-

ly shaped above.

The present species is eminently variable. The type occurred in abun-

dance close to the beach in a small stream which descends from the

hills close to Cape Negrais; specimens were especially abundant in a

brackish pool at the beach, spinous and spineless shells occurred mixed

together, and the presence or absence of spines is evidently of no im-

portance. The spineless variety from Port Dalhousie was found in the

salt water of the Bassein river, abounding along the strand between

tide marks.

To illustrate the variation of this species, several specimens have

been figured.

Specimens collected by Mr. Theobald in Arakan illustrate the gra-

dual passage, by absolutely insensible gradations, of this form, into the

very distinct NV. retifera, Bens. of the Ganges delta,

60 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1,

No. 16, Neritina obtusa, Benson.

Scarce. I obtained two specimens on limestone rock at Thaman-

- dewa in the Bassein river.

No. 17, Neritina Smithii Gray.

Less common than in the estuary of the Ganges.

I have another species of Neritina belonging to the typical section

from the estuary of a small stream running into the sea just north of

Cape Negrais. I have been unable to identify it with any known

Species, and it may possibly be new.*

No. 18, Neritina (Dostia) depressa, Benson, pl. I, fig. 17,18, 19.

There are specimens of this shell amongst my Irawaddy collections :

I think they are from Rangoon. The species is generally found in

fresh or slightly brackish water, while Neritina crepidularia and N.

cornucopia are chiefly met with nearer the sea, where the water is

more salt. In Bombay Island, however, I have met with NV. depressa

on the sea shore.

No., 19, Neritina (Dostia) crepidularia, Less. Pl. I. fig. 20, 21, 22.

This shell and the next are found rather abundantly upon trees

growing in places covered by water at each tide, and especially upon

Nipa palms. NV. crepidularia frequently occurs upon the sea shore, as

well as in estuaries.

No. 20, Neritina (Dostia) cornucopia, Benson, pl. I. fig. 23, 24, 25.

Locally abundant. The shells found by me in Pegu differ slightly

from the type, which is scarce in the Hoogly at Calcutta. In the

latter, the apex of the shell is very nearly in the same plane as the

edge of the peristome, sometimes actually so and touching it. In Peeu

specimens, the peristome is free from the apex. The difference is very

trifling, and there is slight variation in this character in specimens from

the same river. In other respects, the shells appear to agree excel-

lently.

I learned from Mr. Benson some years since that Neritina melano-

stoma, Troschel, is identical with N. cornucopia, the latter name having

priority.+ The figures of the former in Philippi’s Abbildungen

* Further examination shews it to be one of the forms already referred to

as intermediate between N. Peguensis and N. retifera, B. It issmooth like the

latter.

+ N. melanostoma was published in Wiegman’s Archiv for 1837, p. 179;

N. cornucopia was described by Mr, Benson in this Journal for 1886.

Vol. V. p. 748,

1867. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 61

are poor, but the specimens were from Bengal, and they present

no essential difference from immature shells of cornucopia, so Mr,

Benson is doubtless correct. Reeve in Conch. Icon. quotes N.

melanostoma asa synonym of WN. crepidularia and ignores N. cornu-

copia altogether. Von Martens (Malakoz. Blatter, 1863, X, 127.)

shews that the colour of the columella and lip is sometimes white

and sometimes black in several Neritine of the Dostia section.

The fact very probably is, that we have in this case an example of

a phenomenon not uncommon in the animal kingdom. Two distinct

races spring up side by side, arising from one type, and in the original

locality do not change their form, but although they breed truly, they

are only distinguishable by some slight constant distinction. As both,

however, migrate into distant regions, the difference becomes greater,

and at length both become so diverse, that no question can remain as

to their being in common natural history talk, ‘“ distinct species.”

Thus while Neritina cornucopia and N. depressa, inhabiting the Ganges

delta, are scarcely distinguishable from each other by any more im-

portant character than the colour of the aperture, the same shells in

Pegu have varied so much, that each differs from the other at least as

much as it does from their congener N. crepidularia. In other places

the race representing WN. cornucopia may be perfectly undistinguish-

able from WN. crepidularia, as appears to have been observed by v.

Martens in Singapore. It is highly probable that the origin of species

through variation takes place in space as well as in time. More ob-

servations on this question are desirable.

Figures of the three forms occurring in the Pegu delta are added.

Family PALUDINIDAIP

No. 21, Larina ? Burmana, n. sp. PI. II, fig. 1.

Lesta ovato-globosa, imperforata, tenuis, castanea, striatula, nitidula.

Spira conoidea, apice erosula, sutwra valde impressa. Anfr. 5, rotunda-

ti, sensim descendentes, ultemus tumidus, subtus rotwndatus. Apertura

wx obliqua, subelliptica, superne angulata ; peristoma rectum, tenue,

marginibus callo tenure gunctis, columellart expansd. ? Operc. cornewm.

Long. 11, diam. 8 mill. Apertura TE mill. longa, 6 lata.

Shell ovately globose, imperforate, thin, translucent, smooth, brown-

ish, horny. Spire conoidal, apex eroded, suture deep. Whorls 5

(perhaps more in adult specimens), rounded, obsoletely striated, regu-

62 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1,

larly descending, the last tumid, rounded beneath. Aperture nearly

vertical, subelliptical, angulate above. Peristome thin, straight, mar-

gins united by thin callus, columellar margin narrowly expanded.

The operculum of this peculiar species was unfortunately lost, and

the animal was not observed. In the hurry of travelling, the speci-

mens were placed in a box and forgotten, until the fleshy portions

were too much decayed for examination. About half a dozen individuals

were found under stones in the Myittaya creek, in the same place which

yielded Iravadia ornata and other forms,

Mr. A. Adams, who very kindly aided me in determining some of the

species contained in my Pegu collections, suggested that this shell

might possibly be a second species of the genus Larina, established by

him for an Australian shell, the animal of which also is unknown. In

appearance this shell somewhat resembles a Lymnea. It is not impos-

sible that it may have affinities with Amphibola. I have a distinct

impression that the shells possessed a horny operculum, or I should

have been disposed to class them in the Velutinide.

Family TECTURID A.

No. 22, Tectura fluviatilis, n. sp. PI. I, fig. 2, 3, 4.

Testa depresso-conica, rotundato-ovalis, tenuis, epidermide fusco-

olivaced induta, lineis radiantibus, striisque confertis minutos concentri-

cis decussata, intus ceruleo albida, interdum fascia concentricd lacied,

vel etiam omnino hoe colore versus marginem saturata, ad apicem

ferruginea. Apex subcentralis, erosa.

Major diam. 214 min. 20 alt. 6

20 99 17 or) 55

99 14 2) 12 2) 4

Shell much depressed, conical, subcircularly oval, thin, covered with

cP)

avery dark olive epidermis, always eroded at the apex, marked with

fine radiating raised lines and with close and minute concentric striz

of growth; inside the shell is bluish white, sometimes with one or

more milky concentric bands, or the whole interior is milky, except

the apex which is invariably ferruginous, the area so coloured haying

some correspondence to the amount of external erosion, and the

colour being evidently due to a deposition of shell inside to protect

the animal as the external portion is corroded away.

This species is found on rocks, rarely on trunks of trees, in many of

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 63

the creeks near high water mark, in brackish water. It was not met

with near the sea, where the water was very salt.

The foot is large, filling the cavity of the shell, muzzle broad, ten-

tacles long and fine, mouth not notched beneath. It does not appear

to keep to one place and form a hole for itself like some Patelle, but

it is very sluggish in its movements.

Sub-class OprstHoBRANCHIATA,

Family BULLIDA.

No. 28, Haminea tenera, A. Ad.

Not common. In Bombay this species abounds upon mud flats.

The animal is red.

Sub-class PULMONIFERA.

Family AURICULIDAN.

No. 24, Auricula Jude, L.

This species is completely blind, as has been noticed by von Martens

(Ueber die Landschnecken der Molukken, Malakoz. Blatter; 1863,

X. 126) and as is shewn in Hydoux’s drawing copied in Mrs. Gray’s

mollusca. The same is the case with all other species of the same

group which I have examined. In some instances, e. g. the Bombay

species, which has received, I believe, a MS. name from Mr. Benson,

the eyes may be detected beneath the skin by looking very carefully.

(Von Martens observed this in one instance in A. Jude.) Such

eyes can, however, be of but little use as.percipient points to the ani-

mals. There is, however, one group of true Auricule, typified by A.

subula, Quoy and Gaimard, in which the eyes are normally developed,

the same as in Melampus, Cassidula, and other Auriculide. A small

species of this type inhabits Bombay. The forms belonging to this

sub-division appear also distinguished by a more elevated spire.

Further observations are, however, necessary before a division of the

“genus can be proposed on these grounds, as there appears great proba-

bility that the two forms. pass into each other.

IT found specimens of A. Jude alive under the bark of dead trees,

on muddy banks of creeks, in places overflowed by the tide. Unques-

tionably, so far as my experience goes, none of the Hastern Auriculide

(Auricula, Cassidula, Melampus, Pythia, Plecotrema) are land shells,

all are met with in places overflowed by salt or brackish water at

every tide. They are in fact true estuary shells,

64 Contributions to Indian Malacology, [No. 1,

Some of the specimens of this species collected by me shew an al-

most complete passage into A. dactylus Pfeiffer, as described and figur-

ed in Novitates Conchologice I, 15, pl. V. fig. 15.16. This species

is stated by Mr. Theobald to be found at Mergui (J. A.S. B.

for 1857, xxvi. 253.)

No. 25, Auricula nitidula, n. sp. PI. II. fig. 5, 6.

Testa non rimata, subfusiformi oblonga, solida, nitidula, sub epider-

mide olivaced alba, lineis impressis confertis verticalibus minutissime

rugata, alus spiralibus granulato-decussata, sculpturd infra suturam

mages umpressd. Spira conoidea, apice eroso, sutura impressa. Anfr.

5 convexr, ultumus via descendens, % longitudinis subequans, basi ro-

tundatus. Apertura verticalis, plice parietales 2, supera parva, profun-

da, alia obliqua, plica columellaris haud valida, diagonalis : perist.

crassum, marginibus callo tenur junctis, dextro superne vix sinuato, in-

tus callo elevato incrassato.

Long. 28, diam. 124 mill. Apertura c. perist. 19 mill. longa, intus

5 lata.

Shell not rimate, subfusiformly oblong, solid, smooth, having a

greasy lustre, white, epidermis olive, covered with minute granula-

tions produced by the intersection of vertical and spiral impressed lines,

both very close and the former sinuous, the sculpture being most

strongly marked below the suture. Spire conoidal, apex eroded, suture

impressed. Whorls 5 convex, the last nearly # of the whole length,

scarcely descending, rounded at the base. Aperture vertical with 2

parietal plice, the upper one small, far inside; the lower strong,

oblique ; columellar plica moderate in size, diagonal; the peristome

thick, the margins united by a thin callus which is somewhat ex-

panded upon the penultimate whorl, the right margin scarcely sinu-

ate above, and thickened inside.

This species which is found very rarely with the last, exactly re-

sembles it in general form, but has rounded whorls and finer sculpture,

besides being of much smaller size. The animal is white, while that

of A. Jude is mottled. A. nitidula somewhat resembles A. Chinensis

Pir. which, however, is much less attenuate below, and differs in the

form of the aperture, We.

But two or three specimens of this form were met with. In Mr,

Theobald’s lists of Burmese shells, A. glans, Bens. is mentioned. I can

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 65

find no description of this species, and cannot therefore say if it be the

present form or not.

No. 26, Plecotrema Cumingiana, n. sp. PI. II. fig. 16.

Testa subrimata, subelliptico-ovata, solida, punctis impressis crebris,

lineas sptrales confertas formantibus, striisque incrementi obliquis ornata,

Ferrugineo-fusca, Spira conoidea, lateribus vix convexiusculis, apice

erosa, sutura levi lineart. Anfr. 4 superst., supert planulati, via

discrett, sulcis spiralibus punctatis 4 notatr, ultimus ad peripheriam sub-

angulatus, subtus compressiusculus. Apertura via obliqua, plicis parie-

talibus 2, swperiort brevi obliqua, alterd intrante, extus bifidd, plicad

columellart subobliquad ; peristoma rectum, pone limbum acutum intus

callosum, margine deatro tridentato.

Long. 5, diam. 3 mill. Apert. 34 mill. longa.

Shell subrimate, subelliptically ovate, solid, marked with close spiral

lines, formed of thickly set punctiform impressions, and with oblique

striz of growth ; reddish brown in colour. Spire conoidal, the sides

barely convex, apex eroded, suture flat. Whorls 4 remaining, the

upper flat, scarcely distinguishable, marked with 4 spiral dotted lines,

the last whorl subangulate at the periphery, somewhat compressed

below. Aperture very slightly oblique, with two parietal folds, the

upper short, oblique, the lower re-entering, externally bifid, the colu-

mellar fold sub-oblique ; peristome straight, margin sharp, but inside the

sharp edge thickened and bearing 8 teeth within the right margin.

his species was rather scarce, crawling on mud in company with

Assiminea rubella. It is distinguished from its allies, P. striata, Phi-

lippi, and P. punctostriata, H. and A. Adams, by its low spire and

minute sculpture. In naming it after the late Mr. Hugh Cuming,

I adopt the only means in my power of acknowledging my obligations

to that gentleman for the very liberal manner in which he allowed

me access to his collections, for the purpose of comparing and identi-

fying my Pegu shells.

Besides the above Awriculide, I have received a Pythia which ap-

pears to be a variety of P. trigona, Troschel, from Mr. Theobald and

Mr. Fedden, who both met with it on the Arakan coast, not far north

of Cape Negrais. It is singular that I did not meet with species of

either Cassidula or Melanvpus, as I have reason to believe that both

inhabit the Irawadi delta or its immediate vicinity. Mr. Theobald

has sent me Cassidula aurisfelis, Brug. from Arakan.

66 Contributions to Indian Malacology, [No. 1,

Family AMPHIBOLID A.

No. 27, Amphibola Burmana, n. sp. PI. II, fig. 7—10.

Testa aperte wmbilicata, naticoidea, tenwiuscula, castanea, periom-

phalo plerumque saturatiori, nitidula, subsinuate striatula, infra sutu-

ram dense peroblique striata, lined und elevatd spirali, interdum obso-

letd, swperne haud procul a sutura signata. Spira conoidea, apice vix

obtusa, sutura profunda, Anfr. 4 rotundati, ultimus tumidus. Aper-

tura ovata, superne recte angulata ; peristoma vix interruptum, breviter

adnatum, tenue, marginibus approximatis, callo tenur junctis, deatrali

superne sinuatd, basalt rectd, columellart breviter reflexo, wmbilicum

partim tegente. Operculum corneum, paucisprrale, nucleo basalt,

sinistro.

Alt. 10, diam. 9 mull., apertura TE longa, 5% lata.

Shell openly umbilicated, naticoid, rather thin, orange-brown, dark-

ex around the umbilicus, smooth, marked with subsinuate lines of

growth, closely and very obliquely striated just below the suture, with

a single raised spiral line, which is sometimes obsolete, on the upper

portion of each whorl. Spire conoidal, apex subacute, suture deep.

Whorls 4, rounded, the last swollen. Aperture ovate, rectangulate

above; peristome scarcely interrupted, free, except for a very short

distance, from the last whorl, thin, margins closely approximate, united

by thin callus, right margin rather deeply sinuate above, basal straight,

columellar turned back near the umbilicus, which it partly conceals.

Operculum horny, paucispiral, nucleus basal, sinistral.

This is, I believe, the first instance in which the presence of Am-

phibola has been indicated in the Indian or Burmese seas or estuaries ;

nevertheless, it is very common. I found, in Mr. Cuming’s collection,

specimens of the same form as that above described, which were

collected in Malacca by Dr. Traill, and a smaller form, scarcely separable

as a race from the above, abounds in Bombay harbour.

The present species is nearly allied to A. fragilis, Quoy and Gaimard,

but is thinner, with a lower spire. It was found abundantly crawling

on mud, between tidemarks, in company with Asszmenea rubella and

Plecotrena Oumingiana. The animal was difficult to make out, as it

consisted of an indistinct translucent mass. There were no tentacles,

and the eyes were on very short lobate pedicels. The animal differs

considerably from the figure of that of Amp. fragilis, as copied from

Quoy and Gaimard by both Adams and Mrs, Gray.

1867. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 67

Class CONCHIFERA.

Family PHOLADID AL.

No. 28, Martesia fiuminalis, n. sp. PI. III, fig. 1, 2, 3.

Testa ovata-comca, valde inequilateralis, antice hemispherica, postice

sensim acuminata, extremitate membranacea, albidd, tenuis, Valve

versus margines epidermide crassa, coriaced indute, pagina antica jua-

ta cardinem costulis confertissimis, sinuatis, concentricis, lineisque

radiatis elevatis decussantibus pulchre ornata, subtus glabra, postica

concentrice striata. Callum trilobato-peltatum, medio divisum. Valvula

dorsalis rudimentaria, cornea.

Lat. 124, long. 6, alt. 54 mill.

Shell ovately conical, white, thin, inequilateral, anterior extremity

hemispherical, posterior regularly acuminate and membranaceous at

the extreme end. Valves near the edges covered with a thick coriace-

ous epidermis, which in places, and especially towards the posterior

extremity, extends beyond the margin and forms a membranaceous

fringe, uniting the valves more or less. Hach valve is divided into two

parts by a line passing obliquely from the hinge to the ventral margin

and inclined slightly backwards ; in front of this line the shell near

the hinge is decussated with very close sinuate concentric and subdistant

radiating costulation ; near the ventral margin it is smooth. Behind

the oblique line the valves are concentrically striated, more or less in-

distinctly. The callus covering the hinges is trilobate and divided by

a fissure in the centre; dorsal valve rudimentary, horny, commencing

at some distance from the hinge, increasing in breadth backwards, but

very narrow throughout.

[This species appears most nearly allied to IL. rivicola, Sow., which

was found perforating floating logs in a river in Borneo. The pre-

sent species is blunter and shorter, and JZ. rivicola is destitute of the

sculpture on the anterior portion of the valves.

M. fluminalis was found boring in soft argillaceous sandstone, in

creeks far from the sea, where the water was brackish. The external

orifice in the stone is very minute, and must have been made by the

shell when very young. Inside, the burrow exactly fits the shell, so that

the only possible motion is rotation upon the longest axis of the shell,

The epidermis appears normally to cover the posterior subdivisio

of the valves, but it is always deficient, except towards the margins.

68 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1,

No. 29, Teredo ? sp.

All the dead trees in creeks in the Irawady delta are perforated

throughout by a species of Teredo (?) I either omitted to take speci-

mens, or else have lost them since, and I can now find none to which to

refer. It is possible that this shell may be the Teredo thoracites of

Dr. Gould,* described in Vol. VI, of the Proceedings Boston Society

of Natural History, and on which he subsequently, in Vol. VIII, pro-

posed to found the subgenus Calobates, characterized by the “ pallettes”

(stylets) being ‘stilt shaped, bony.’’ Dr. Gould’s specimens were

from Tavoy, but he does not mention if they were fluviatile or

marine.

Family CORBULID 4.

No. 30, Sphenia perversa, n. sp. PI. IIL fig. 4, 5, 6.

Testa oblongo-ovata, parum imequivalvis, valvd dextrd majori,

tenuiuscula, alba, concentrice wrregulariter striata, antice rotundata,

postice acuminata, demum transverse truncata, ad extremitatem epider-

mide coriaced, rugaté induta ; margo dorsalis subrecta, ventralis antice

convexa, postice via concavd. Processus cardinalis valve sinistre (non

dextre,) elongato-lamelliformis.

Lat. 11, long. 6, alt. 4 mill.

Shell oblong, slightly inequivalve, broadest at the umbo, somewhat

acuminate posteriorly, and very much more so in young specimens ;

thin, white, irregularly striated, the posterior end covered with a thick

coriaceous epidermis which is vertically furrowed. In the young

shell the epidermis covers all the shell except the beaks; it is thin

except along the dorsal and posterior margins, where it is thick and

vertically sulcated. The dorsal margin is nearly straight, the ven-

tral rounded in front and slightly concave behind in old shells, straight

or nearly so in young specimens, There is a lamelliform process in

the hinge of the left valve, in front of the cartilage.

This shell was met with in burrows in stone, apparently the holes

of Martesia which had perished, at least they did not appear to have

been formed by the present species. It was met with at a considerable

distance from the sea, in company with Martesia fluminalis.

In every respect, except the position of the lamellar tooth in the hinge

of the left valve instead of the right, the shell appears to be a true

* Otia Conchologica pp. 222, 241,

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malucology. 69

Sphenia. I scarcely think that the exceptional character justifies the

creation of a new genus, as the characters of the animal unfortunately

were not noted. The practice of establishing genera for single species

on insufficient grounds is so objectionable, that it will be better to

err in the opposite direction. When the animal has been examined,

should it shew distinctions from Sphenia, it will be easy to propose

a new generic or subgeneric appellation.

No. 31, Corbula, sp.

_ Avsingle valve of a very thin species of Corbula was found on mud

above Port Dalhousie.

Family THLLINIDA.

No. 32, Sanguinolaria diphos, L.

This shell lives at a depth of about 4 feet in the mud. TI found it

abundantly in a marsh overflowed by every tide and where I should

never have suspected its existence, had not my Burmese coolies point-

ed it out and shewn me how to capture specimens. Burmese, being

omnivorous beings, are far better acquainted with the hiding places of

various animals than the natives of India are; amongst other dainties

they eat Sanguinolarie, and the process for catching them which they

shewed me was ingenious. The first thing was to cut a very thin

slip of bamboo, about 5 feet long and not more than +} inch in diame-

ter, and to make a small barb at the end. This they thrust down all

the small holes in the mud, many of which corresponded to the si-

phons of the Sanguinolarte below. Now and then the bamboo went

through a Sanguinolaria, as he lay vertically with his valves open below

the mud; of course the bivalve immediately closed his valves upon

the intruder, and was ignominiously dragged out by the bamboo, his

exit being aided by digging when he approached the surface. The

only objection to the plan is, that most of the specimens are slightly

injured, as the shell closes with such force upon the bamboo as to break

the thin ends of the valves. Some specimens were brought up in

which the bamboo had been absolutely thrust down the siphon, thus

literally impaling the Sanguinolarva. The siphons are of great length,

considerably exceeding the shell.

No. 33, Macoma ala, Hanley.

No. 34, Serobicularia angulata, Chem.

I find both the above shells recorded in my list. I cannot now come

70 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 1

]

across the specimens, and I am under the impression that they were

found dead in salt water marshes on the Arakan coast, and not in the

delta, but they are both so common in all Indian estuaries, that it is

equally probable that I found them in the Bagsein river.

Family VENERIDA,

No. 35, Chione Ceylonensis, Sow.

T have mislaid my notes as to the exact locality of this species also.

IT think it was found at Dalhousie. Ina backwater on the Arakan

coast, I found an allied, but undescribed species of the same genus. _

No. 36, Artemis, sp.

Of this I have a single immature specimen. It may be the young

of A. excisa, Chem. but has not the sculpture of that species, nor its

angulate posterior slope.

Family CYRENID Ai.

No. 37, Cyrena Bengalensis, Lam.

Mangrove and other salt water swamps along the edges of creeks,

amongst roots of trees and brushwood, common.

I am inclined to refer the shells I obtained to the above form, of

which I suspect some others since described are merely varieties.

Cyrene vary greatly with age, besides being eminently variable in

form. Thus some of my specimens exactly agree with C. turgida

Desh., but I cannot help believing that they are merely immature

specimens of the thicker form which I refer to C. Bengalensis.

Family MYTILID A,

No. 38, Mytilus smaragdinus, Chem.

Found in creeks below low water mark. I do not think it is gene-

rally known that the flesh of this species is very delicious. Some

were brought to me along with a quantity of oysters, and the Bur-

mese told me that the mussels were the better eating of the two.

Not having much faith in Burmese palates, I preserved the shells and

threw away the soft parts of the Mytili ; but as a trial, I had two or

three cooked with the oysters. I found that the Burmese were quite

right, though the oysters were by no means unpalatable.

No. 39, Modiola emarginata, Bens.

A dwarf variety of this species occurs in salt water creeks.

Family ARCID A.

No. 40, Area (Anomalocardia) granosa, L.

This very common species was only found at one spot in the Bas-

sein river, It was living in mud close to the surface, under stones and

1867.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. ra

roots of plants. The same species abounds in mud, amongst stones,

in Bombay harbour, and is collected for food by the natives.

No. 41, Scaphula deltz, n. sp. Pl. III, fig. 7-10.

Lesta tumida, perelongato-rhomboidea, sub epidermide crassa, fuscd,

posticé radiatum liraté albida, linets minutis elevatis confertissimis

decussata, ante carinam costd unicd latd, planulatd, aliquando obsoletd, a

natibus ad marginem decurrente, munita, intus cerulescens, antice rotun-

data, postice oblique truncata, margine ventrali antice convexd, postice via

concaviusculd (teste junioris rectdé). Carina perelevata, acuta, valvas

m paginas duas dividens, unticd tumidd, posticd concavd. Area

nitida, sub lente striatula, Vigamento rhombeo solum antice induta,

Dentes cardinales postici breves, obliqui, ab extremitate remotiusculi,

Lat. 10 long 3% alt. 64.

ye Oe

Shell very tumid, elongately rhomboidal, (the ventral and dorsal

margins being parallel as in S. celow) covered with a thick, dark epi-

dermis, which is rather rough and radiately ribbed behind the keel.

Beneath the epidermis the shell is white, and decussately very minutely

sculptured, one flat broad rib, scarcely raised, and occasionally obsolete

in old specimens, passing from the umbones to the margin just in front

of the keel, This is scarcely distinguishable until the epidermis is

removed. The valves are bluish within, rounded in front, obliquely

truncated at the posterior margin; the ventral margin is convex an-

teriorly, subconcave posteriorly, being straight for the greater part of

its course in young shells, but becoming slightly concave, at the spot

where the byssus passes out, in old specimens. The keel is very high

' and sharp, separating the valves into two subdivisions, the anterior of

which is tumid, the posterior concave. The area is polished and stria-

ted rather obliquely, the ligament diamond-shaped and covering only

the anterior portion, about $ to $ the length, of the area. The hinge

teeth are oblique, but less so than in either S. celow or S. pinna, and

the posterior teeth are much farther from the extremity of the shell

than in either of those species.

The great distinction between this species and the other two pre-

viously described is in the far greater tumidity of the valves, which

are nearly twice as broad in their diameter from side to side (of the

closed valves) as they are from the dorsal to the ventral margin.

The proportion of the two diameters in the present species averages

72 Contributions to Indian Malacology.

about 12: 7. In S. celowit is 12: 104 and in S. pinna 12:93.* The

last named species is of a totally distinct form, being much wider

posteriorly than in front, so that it is sub-trigonal in shape instead of

rhomboidal. Its posterior hinge teeth, also, are near the extremity,

and so oblique as to be almost parillel to the hinge line, while in its

smooth, thin epidermis, marked concentric sculpture, and convex

posterior subdivision of the valves, it differs widely from S. delte.

The ligament of S. pinna covers a greater proportion of the length of

the area, (about 2,) than does that of S. delte. It is much narrower

in proportion to its length, as is indeed the entire area, corresponding

to the smaller tumidity of the valves. S. celow approaches more near-

ly to the present species, but is thinner and much less tumid, has its

posterior hinge teeth more oblique and nearer to the extremity, and

differs widely in sculpture.

S. delte was found under stones in creeks, adhering by a byssus. It

was not met with near the sea. It is the first species of the genus

that has been found in brackish water, both of the forms described by

Mr. Benson being from large rivers far above the influence of the tide.

Mr. Benson mentions the occasional occurrence of a raised rib in

front of the keel in S. celox. I have several specimens, which I received

from Mr. Theobald, shewing this peculiarity. It differs entirely from

the flattened subobsolete rib of S. delte.

Figures of all 3 species are added to illustrate the difference between

them.

Family ANOMIAID Ai,

No. 42, Anomia, sp.

The specimens of this shell have unfortunately been mislaid. I

only obtained two or three specimens, and it is extremely difficult to

make out the species of this genus.

No. 43, Anomia (Ainigma) senigmatica, Chem.

Occasionally found adhering to stumps of trees in salt water creeks.

Family OSTRHIDAL.

No. 44, Ostrea, sp. (? 2 sp.)

A large form occurs in the creeks below low water mark. A

smaller kind is met with between tide marks in mangrove swamps and

creeks, attached to wood or stones. I unfortunately omitted to take

specimens of either,

* Measured from authentic specimens of each species,

Plates issued with the present number refer to Mr. W. T. Blan-

ford’s “‘ Contributions to Indian Malacology” which appeared in the

previous number of the Journal.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASTATIC SOCIETY.

Part I.—PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

No. I1.—1867.

“On the Jungle products used as articles of food by the Inhabitants

of the districts of Manbhoom and Hazaribagh.

By V. Ball, Esq. B. A.

Geological Survey of India,

It is perhaps not generally known that throughout Manbhoom

and Hazaribagh, as well as in many of the adjoining districts a

considerable number of the poorer classes of the people depend solely

upon the jungle to supply them with the means of subsistence for

from two to three months of every year. In time of famine the

number so dependent is of course greatly increased.

In some of the more jungly parts of these districts, where the

cultivation round the villages. is very limited and deficient, nearly the

whole of the inhabitants who have survived the past famine, can have

had little else but the roots and fruits of the surrounding jungle upon.

which to subsist. While passing through some of these villages last

season, I was told that but few deaths had occurred in them.

On the whole I am inclined to believe that people living in such

villages are more independent and less affected in every way by famine

than those, who residing in the centre of cultivation, have no jungle

readily accessible. Were a census to be taken, it would probably be

74 On Jungle Products used as articles of food. [No. 2,

found that the relative proportion of deserted houses and villages, the

result of the famine, to those still inhabited, would be much greater in

the open, cultivated parts of the district than in the densest jungles.

Indeed the jungles may be regarded to a certain extent as the saving

of the lower races of the population; did they not afford nutritious

food in abundance, the result of a famine like that of 1866-7, would

probably be not merely decimation, but utter depopulation through-

out extended areas.

It is not to be supposed that even those who are in the habit of using

this description of food regularly, for a greater or less portion of every

year, regard it as in any degree an equivalent to rice. Many have

spoken to me of eating Mhowa, which is by far the best of these

products, as being only better than suffering from absolute famine, and

they always consider themselves legitimate objects of charity, when

they can say they are living on it alone.

The list which is appended to this paper, includes nearly 80

distinct species of plants which furnish articles of food. Owing

to the difficulty of identifying the fragmentary specimens which were

all that I could in some instances obtain, it has been impossible to

make it fully complete. I believe, however, nothing of importance has

been omitted.

To 8. Kurz, Usq. curator of the Herbarium in the Botanic gardens,

I am indebted for considerable assistance which has enabled me to

bring forward this paper sooner and in a more correct form than

would have been otherwise possible.

‘The species mentioned are of course of varying importance, some

being merely edible, and in a few cases injurious if eaten in large

quantities; while others, as the Whowa, Sdl, Bier, Bur, Pipdl, Singdrd,

Chehir, various roots of the species of Dioscorea, and many of the

varieties of Sag (leaves) may be considered as bond fide staple articles

of food,

Bassta LatiFouia, Roxb. Mhowa, H. & B.

The Mhowa is found in Bombay and Bengal; those who have

not visited the more remote portions of one or other of these presiden-

cies, can hardly realize the importance of this tree as a source of food

1867.] . On Jungle Products used as articles of food, 75

to the poorer classes of the natives, more especially to such improvi-

dent races as the Bheels, Coles and Sonthals.

In the districts of Manbhoom and Hazaribagh, Mhowa groves

as well as stray trees in the jungle are on the whole abundant. All

the trees, with the exception of a few in the neighbourhood of roads,

are the property of the zemindars, and are rented out by them at

prices varying chiefly with the bazaar nirk or price of rice.

As the crop of Mhowa approaches ripeness, the corollas, becoming

fleshy and turgid with secreted juices, gradually loosen their adhesion

to the calyx and fall to the ground in a snowy ‘shower. The duty of

collecting the fallen blossoms is chiefly performed by women and

children’; at dawn they may be seen leaving their villages with

empty baskets, and a supply of water for the day’s use.

Before the crop has commenced to fall, they take the precaution to

burn away the grass and leaves at the foot of the tree, so that none of

the blossoms may be hidden when they fall. The gleaners generally

remain under the trees all day, alternately sleeping and collecting the

crop; the male members of the family, visiting the trees once or twice

during the day, bear off the produce in banghys.

It often happens that the people who collect come from a consider-

able distance, in which case they erect with the branches of Sd/ a

temporary encampment of huts in which they live until the crop is

all gathered in. In front of each of these huts a piece of ground is

made quite smooth and hard, for the purpose of spreading out the

crop to dry.

When perfectly dry, the blossoms have a reddish brown colour, and

in size they have lost three-fourths of their original dimensions and

about half their original weight. It is the custom with some of the

natives, before spreading them out to dry, to pull off the little ring of

foliaceous lobes which crowns the fleshy corolla,

It is very difficulty to collect trustworthy statistics regarding the

amount of yield of the Mhowa trees, I have been told, and it has been

repeated to me several times, that a first class tree will yield as much

as thirty cwtcha maunds of 12 chittacks to the seer, or about Sth of a

ton; in other words, an average daily fall of two maunds is said to

continue for 15 days. This estimate I believe is more than double

what it ought to be.

76 On Jungle Products used as articles of food. . [No. 2,

The rent of the trees varies mnch with the abundance of them in

the district, the quality of the previous rice crop, and various other

circumstances affecting the demand and supply. In parts of Hazari-

bagh, I have known ten small trees to be let for a rupee, while a fine

large one would sometimes alone bring that amount. In Manbhoom

I have been pointed out trees for which a sum of from two to three

rupees was charged, but I have also heard of trees being hired in the

same district for four annas.

As do the trees, so the saved crop varies much in price, the limits

being, as far as I can make out, from 2 to 8 maunds for the rupee; but

when, as is perhaps most frequently the case, the exchange is in kind,

the mahajuns only give a small quantity of salt and three or four

seers of rice for a maund of Mhowa. In parts of Manbhoom, I have

been told that during the famine, the price of Mhowa was from 12

to 20 seers for the rupee.

Two maunds of Ihowa are stated by some to furnish a months’ food

to a family consisting of a father, mother and three children. It is,

however, seldom eaten alone, being much more frequently mixed with

the seeds of Sa/, SHornzA Rosusta, Roxb., or with some of the leaves of

the plants mentioned in the accompanying list which are collectively

called Sdg. The cooking is performed as follows. The Sd/ seeds,

having been previously well dried in the sun, are roasted and then

boiled alone; the Mhowa flowers are then also boiled, and the water

is thrown away ; so far having been cooked separately, they are then

mixed and re-heated, sometimes a small quantity of rice is added. It

is the custom to cook but once in a day, and each member of the

family helps himself whenever he feels hungry.

When fresh, the JZhowa has a peculiar luscious taste with an odour

somewhat suggestive of mice; when dried, it possesses some resem-

blance to the inferior kinds of figs. Cooking renders it vapid and

utterly devoid of flavour. On distillation the newly dried flowers yield

an highly intoxicating spirit called dard ; this, before being sold, is

diluted with ten times its quantity of water, and is then sold at the

rate of two pice for about a quart.

Considering the really useful nature of this tree, it would be most

desirable that whenever new lines of road are being made through

any of the districts in which it thrives, it should be planted on either

1867.] — On Jungle Products used as articles of food. 17

side, so that the poorest might avail themselves of the crop without

having to pay rent to a zemindar or landlord.

Ti the yield of an average tree amount to 6 maunds, that is to say,

enough to supply a small family with food for three months, there can

be no question of the immense amount of food which in time of

famine a row of trees planted along a road passing through the

country would afford. Although the natives rigorously protect such

trees as exist, I am not aware that they do anything to increase the

number.

SHorea RopustTs, Roxb. Sdl, H. & B.

Under the head of Mhowa, the seed of this tree has already been

alluded to. Where possible, the Zhowa and Sal are mixed in the manner

above described, but in some places even JZhowa is not to be obtained,

so that the Sal seeds are roasted and eaten alone. With many of the

Sonthals, Sal is probably a regular article of food, and not merely a

““ dernier ressort’”’ to be used in such a year as 1866-7.

Ficus Inpica, Roxb. Bur, B. & H.—F, reuiciosa, Linn, Pipal

B. & H.

The figs of both these species especially those of the former

are eaten every. year by the poorer classes of natives. In one

place last year I observed a number of wretched half-starved ill-

clothed women and children, with a few still more wretched men,

picking up the figs which had fallen from a banyan tree: they did

not even knock the fruit off the tree, but were become so poor-spirited

by hunger, that they were contented to collect the windfalls.

Zazyeuus sususa, Linn. Beer, B. G H.

The fruit of this tree though not at all to be compared in importance

with JZhowa as an article of food, is nevertheless much used in

parts of these districts where JZhowa is not abundant ; it may frequently

be seen spread out to dry on the roois of cottages. There are two

varieties at least of Bier ; one is a small bush with the appearance of

which few who have travelled in India can fail to be familiar; the

other is from the same original stock, but has been vastly improved by

cultivation and is always found near villages.

This fruit is sold in the bazaars, and when not quite ripe, has the

pleasant acidity of an apple.

78 On Jungle Products used as articles of food. [No. 2,

Bavurnta Vauto, W.& A. Chehur B. & FH.

The pods of this gigantic creeper which, passing from tree to tree,

forms the festoons peculiar to tropical jungle scenery, are most

eagerly sought for by the natives, so much so, indeed, that it was

with difficulty that I succeeded in obtaining botanical specimens.

They are plucked just before they become ripe; so that in order to

open them, it is necessary to place them in a fire; on being sufficiently

heated, they open with a loud report, and the carpels at once twist

into curls which no amount of pressure can remove. The seeds are

easily detached and are eaten at once.

Trapa Bisprnosa, Roxb. & T. quaprisprnosa, Roxb. Singhdrd,

B. & H. Punboje, Sonth.

Both these species of Singhdrd are well known to many Europeans,

With the natives they form a favourite article of food. I have frequently

seen from 20 to 30 persons, men, women and children groping in a half

dried up tank for Stnghdrd, Paludinas, and small sluggish fish, which

latter are caught by dragging on shore the weed in with they le

concealed. From the produce of a morning’s collection of these

miscellaneous substances a tarkdri is made, which is perhaps the only

food upon which a family have to subsist for the day.

In drawing up the following list, two systems of arrangement were

possible, either to enumerate the species under their respective natural

orders, or under headings indicating the part of the plant used ; this

latter form has been adopted, as it renders the list more accessible

to those not familiar with botanical terms. The order in which the

species are arranged is approximately that of their relative importance.

“nag

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1867.]

‘poof fo sajuwo so pasn sponposd ajbune fo sv]

[No. 2

On Jungle Products used as articles of food.

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peyxooo ATjereues sy

On Jungle Products used as articles of food.

1867.]

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[No. 2,

On Jungle Products used as articles of food.

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1867.] Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir. 83

Kashmir, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains, a—

A Geological paper, by +

Albert M. Verchere, Esq. M. D. -

Bengal Medical Service, with a note on the fossils by

M. Edouard de Verneuil,

Membre de Il’ Académie des Sciences, Paris.

(Continued from page 50, of No, III. 1867.)

Cuapter 1V.—General Remarks, Geognostic History, and Conclusion.

81. In the preceding chapters I have often insisted on the

parallelism of the several chains of the Himalaya, this parallelism is at

once evident by reference to the map. Between the great parallels, we

have seen that smaller, catenated chains make their appearance, filling

up, as it were, with their spurs and branches, the great troughs

formed by the principal parallel ridges. All the peaks and sinuosities

of these catenated chains appear to present the same arrangement, viz.

a highly crystalline and porphyritic variety of volcanic rock, passing

gradually into others less crystalline, such as Trachyte, Felstone and

Greenstone, and finally covered by ash, cinders, agglomerate, laterite,

and compact azoic slate: these beds of ejecta, together with their

interstratified layers of slate and sandstone, are all conformable to the

fossiliferous strata by which they are covered, and have behaved like

those at the final upheaval of the great system. But the more crystalline

rocks, the several porphyries, the hornblende rocks, &c. do not appear

to have been displaced laterally in any way to the same extent as the

stratified layers; they rather seem to have been upheaved from

underground as a solid mass, breaking through the beds of superficial

trap and of volcanic ejecta. A similar disposition is likewise usual

in granitic mountains, the granite supporting gneiss, schist, me-

tamorphic slate and marble, and these being covered by fossiliferous

rocks.

To explain the cause of this arrangement, let us consider what

is the section of a volcano, as far as it is known at present

from a study of active and extinct ones. We have under the surface of

the country, in which the volcano occurs, enormous masses of trachyte,

becoming more and more crystalline and prophyritic as we proceed

deeper, and probably passing gradually into granite. In some

84 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

volcanoes this mass is perhaps upheaved during their activity, but

what is upheaved above ground is certainly but a small proportion of

what remains underneath. This mass is covered by the materials

which have flowed out and have spread themselves on the surface, either

under the sea or in the open air. A great deal of this fluid material

does never reach the surface, but finds its way into the cracks and fis-

sures of the trachyte and porphyry. The portion which flows on the

surface, whether in the air or under water is a lava; on the top of and

interbedded with the lavas, scoriw, ashes, cinders, dust, broken rocks

and mud, thrown into the air or into the sea by volcanic discharges,

are arranged in gentle slopes on the sides of the volcanoes and in flat

strata further off. Now, let us suppose that the volcanic activity

becomes dormant or ceases: we shall have under the spot where the

voleano once broke out, great masses of melted and metamorphosed

matter solidifying into various sorts of trappean rocks, while on the

surface, stratified and fossiliferous beds will be deposited on the top of

the lava and ashes. Should then the whole district be submitted to

an expansive force acting from within outwards, this force will be first

and most intensely felt by the great mass of underground porphyry

and trachyte, which will be forced up and break through what-

ever covers it; the beds of basalt and amygdaloid through which it

is forced, will be displaced and thrown aside or on their flank, drag-

ging with them the stratified beds of cinders and fossiliferous strata.

If instead of one volcano, we have many, situated not very far

apart, we shall have the superficial rocks thrown into endless confusion

by the upheaval of the many masses of porphyry and trachyte,

which once formed their bases. The surging up of these masses

of crystalline rock will of course diminish very materially the space

occupied by the lavas, the cinders and the fossiliferous rocks at the

time of their deposition ; and these have therefore no other alternative

but to be broken in pieces, and these pieces to be raised more or less

towards a vertical position, according to the quantity of rocks to be

packed in a given space. Thus, for example, near the Kaj Nag range,

we have vast deposits of felstone well hemmed in, on the south, by an

enormous thickness of passive tertiaries. When the huge mass of

porphyry of the centre of this system of mountains received its last

upheaval, it took possession of a great extent of ground formerly

1867. | the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 85

covered by the felstone ; and this in its turn did its best to push the

tertiaries further south, but this it only partially succeeded in doing;

and as there was much felstone and little room for it, the bed broke

into pieces and these pieces became packed edgeways.

82. Granite may be considered as the solidified matter of a voleano

seated so far from the surface of the earth, that it never broke through

its covering while the minerals were in a fluid or viscid state. It is

the remains of a “blind voleano.”” Humboldt has described volcanic

action, ‘‘ the reaction of the interior of the earth on the external crust.”

This crust has to be broken through to allow of the escape of some of

the internal matter; where the earth’s crust resists the upward

pressure, no crater is formed, no true volcano appears; but the melted

matter remains imprisoned under the crust, and there gradually

solidifies under great pressure. The solidification will necessarily be

made more slow at a great depth, than it would be near the surface

and near a rent which allows of the evaporation of the intermolecular

water to take place; and it is the slowness of the cooling, the

pressure sustained during the period of cooling, and the retention of

intermolecular water and gases which cause the melted minerals to

crystallise as granite and not as porphyry, greenstone or basalt.

83. In regard to their geographical disposition, volcanoes can be

classified into ‘‘ central” and “linear.” The “ central’’ are those which

arise by themselves and appear not to be connected with any other

volcano; the “ linear” are several outlets arranged along a probable

fissure in the earth’s crust, and the fissure is often parallel to one or

many other fissures similarly indicated by a line of volcanoes; or

two fissures may cut one another obliquely, as we see in the Lipari

Islands.

84. Applying the above general remarks to the voleanic rocks of

Cashmir, we first notice that previous to the carboniferous epoch, there

existed linear volcanoes arranged in a direction parallel to the

present general direction of the Himalaya, viz. N. W. and 8. E.; these

volcanoes are now represented by the summits of Kaj-Nag and of the

Kistwat and Badrawar and the peaks of the catenated chains of Cash-

mir. These volcanoes vary much in importance, but no doubt can

be entertained of their general great activity, if we remember the

enormous amount of ejecta which they have thrown out. The well

86 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

stratified arrangement of these ejected materials, especially those which

are ejected in a loose and fragmentary condition, the amygdaloidal

nature of nearly all the ash-rocks and some of the slates, and the

existence of these slates interstratified with the volcanic rocks, justify

the idea that some of the volcanoes were islands and others subaqueous

craters, in a sea of moderate depth, and it requires no great effort of

the mind to picture to ourselves an archipelago of fire-emitting islands

in the Silurian sea.

At what time the volcanoes first out broke out, it is not at present

possible to determine; they appear to have subsided at the beginning

of the Carboniferous epoch ; and though phenomena related to volcanic

power, in the most general acceptance of that term, were not wanting

during and after the Carboniferous epoch, yet it is certain, as far as

we at present know, that no regular volcano ever existed in the

western Himalaya after the great Silurian volcanoes had become

extinct.

85. It has been remarked in many parts of the world that, when a

volanic district is, after the extinction of all craters, so disturbed that

fissures are formed in the crust of the earth, these fissures do not pass

through the old volcanic accumulations, but rather at a little distance

from them. This has been explained by supposing that the masses of

porphyry, trachyte and other once melted rocks,which have been ejected

in the original volcanic fissures and amongst the rocks near this fissure,

have so much strengthened the crust of the earth in the site of that

fissure, that a new fracture takes place anywhere rather than across or

along the old crack. If instead of one old crack we have many parallel

cracks, the new fissures will then naturally take a direction parallel to

the old fissures and will be situated between them. This has been the

case in the Himalayas, and the great lines of fracture which were formed

at the last upheaval, are none of them along the catenated volcanic

chains, but between and parallel to these chains. But the catenated

chains or lines of linear Silurian volcanoes determined the direction of

the great lines of fracture which were formed at the last upheaval. We

see therefore in the Himalayas great lines of fracture running N. W. and

S. E., these fractures present a downthrow on the 8. W. and the

beds of rocks north-east of them form the great parallel chains of the

Himalaya. The general dip of all these chains, and indeed of all the

1867. ] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 87

great beds of rock in these mountains, is towards the N. E. ; an explana-

tion of the cause of this dip will be given hereafter.

86. We have said that granite may be considered as the consoli-

dated materials of “‘ blind volcanoes ;” that is, the cooled down masses

of fluid or viscid matter propelled by internal tension towards the

surface of the globe, but not with a force sufficient to overcome the

resistance offered by the earth’s crust. The soundness of this hypothesis

appears supported by the metamorphic influence of granite over im-

mense tracts of country: the conversion of shales, limestone, and sand-

stones and other rocks into gneiss, schist, marble and quartzite can only

be explained either by supposing these shales, limestones, and sandstones

to have been plunged deep into the bowels of the earth, there to be me-

tamorphosed,—or else to have been the lid, covering and keeping under

waves of fluid mineral matter. Now, the first supposition necessitates

the assumption of very great disturbances of the earth’s crust, of such

disturbances as we cannot conceive or imagine by the analogy of any-

thing we now see in the rocks of the surface of the globe. Neither is

the idea of superficial stratified beds being plunged to a great depth

into the earth, agreeable to the universal observation of a forcing-out

power acting from the centre to the surface. The other supposition

does not present the above-named objections: immense masses of

melted matter may have approached sufficiently near the surface to

have imparted great and continued heat to the deepest stratified beds,

and may have underlaid great tracts of country, without disturbing, to

a very great extent, the position of the strata which they metamor-

phosed. Hence do we find beds of gneiss, schist and marble retaining

great regularity of stratification for very many miles; so much so,

that it has been possible to classify these metamorphic rocks in regularly

superposed formations, and to ascertain non-conformity between these

beds, proving beyond a doubt their successive deposition.* It is

impossible to understand how these beds could have preserved their

relations, overa great extent of country, if it had been submitted, at one

time, to a ‘‘ bowleversement”’ so terrific and complete as to have plunged

them under the solid crust of the earth, and, at another time, to the

great upheaval necessary to bring them up again to the surface.

* The great example of this is Sir W. lLogan’s Laurentian formations in

Canada,

88 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

It is hardly necessary to add that the rolling of this great wave of

melted minerals, under a certain part of the earth’s crust, would set all

the deep-seated waters to boil, would sublimate certain metals and

elements, and that steam at a great heat, and occasionally impregnated

with various vapours, would add its metamorphic influence to that of

the heat disengaged from the molten granite underneath, and would

here and their percolate and alter certain distant beds which would

have otherwise escaped metamorphosis.

It has been advanced that steam alone was sufficient to account for

the metamorphism; to me it appears inadequate to the work, when we

come to consider the extensive beds of metamorphic rocks seen in

several parts of the world. No Geyser, ever so hot, has yet been

reported to have changed shales in its vicinity into gneiss or crystalline

schists, though, I admit, the influence is often evident enough in beds

of limestone. On the other hand, we know that dykes of greenstone,

of basalt, or of amygdaloid have often converted sandstone into horn-

stone or quartzite, and slate clay into flinty-state or jasper. It appears

therefore evident, that heat is one of the most powerful, if not the

principal agent of metamorphism; it appears also necessary that the

heat should be longsustained to produce such a great extent of metamor-

phosed beds as those we are considering, and that it should be equally

and uniformly distributed. It does not appear likely that this persistent

and uniform heat was supplied by bursts of vapours, nor indeed have we

any analogy in the present days of large tracts of country being sensibly

modified by the permeation of steam. ‘The slow cooling of a mass of

molten mineral under pressure would be admirably adapted to the work

of metamorphosing the superincumbent crust, over several hundred

square miles of country.

If the hypothesis advanced just now. be accepted, we have no

difficulty in understanding the graduating of granite into volcanic

rocks ; it is indeed what we would naturally expect to see, wherever

subsequent upheavals have exposed extensive granitic and trappean

regions.

To facilitate the application of these remarks to the Himalaya

mountains, let us make a theoretical section from the south-west to

the north-east across the Silurian Archipelego of Kashmir and the

sea to the north-east of it.

the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountavns.

1867.]

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90 Dr. Verchere on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2

This theoretical section shows us a succession of volcanic islands or

maritime or sub-aqueous volcanoes of which the base is amass of

melted matter, destined to solidify as porphyry, trachyte and other

volcanic rocks, whilst the melted materials situated further from the

vents are to solidify as granite. Over the granite, we find the crust

more or less intact, though metamorphosed into gneiss, schist and

marble; over the porphyries and trachytes we find that it has

been removed and torn up by the ejecting power of the melted

mass making its way to the vents. Over and between the volcanoes,

we find a very thick bed of ashes, broken stones, agglomerates

and lavas. Over the granite we find, after the gneiss and schists,

stratified deposits of Silurian shales and limestone. After. the

extinction of the volcanoes, we find the whole sea-bottom covered

with the fragments of animals of the Carboniferous period; and thus

do we see in Kashmir the Carboniferous limestone resting confor-

mably on the volcanic rocks, and not disturbed by their intrusion.

Of course many changes, oscillations, denudations and depositions

took place between the extinction of the Silurian volcanoes and the

great final upheaval of the Himalayas; but these changes do not

appear to have been on a sufficiently grand scale to have affected, to

any great degree, the lithological features of the earth’s crust, in the

portion of the globe we are considering. At the final upheaval, a

series of new fissures were formed and are represented in the diagram

above, and the position assumed by the several slices, between these

fissures, is represented by the dotted outline. There are many more

parallel fissures, I have no doubt, but they did not cause a great up-

throw of one of their edges, and have therefore little to do with the

general configuration of the Himalayas.

The position of the fissures, between the old volcanic lines, and not on

them, has produced the phenomenon that nearly all the highest peaks

of the Himalaya are not situated on the chain to which they belong,

but a little distance from it. The fissures, taking place in the weakest

parts of the crust, followed the old valleys between the lines of volcanoes,

and the volcanic masses are therefore superior to the chain formed by

the edge of the fissure by the height these volcanic masses originally

possessed. It is also reasonable to admit that the movement of up-

heaval was more powerfully felt by huge masses of prophyry, trachyte,

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afyhon Mountains. 91

granite, gneiss, &c., which cannot be easily compressed or folded, than

by the flat beds of dusts, slates, lavas, ashes and fossiliferous rocks.

87. Glancing now at the Afghan mountains, we find that their

chains have a steady direction from the north-east to the south-west.

We find also that, as far as has been ascertained, the dip is invariably

N. W. or W. N. W.; that is, presents the same phenomenon as in

the Himalaya, of the beds of rock rising towards the plains of India.

This dip is that of all the rocks of the trans-Indus districts; it is that

of the beds in Verziristan, and of most of the nummulitic strata

in Hazara, and indeed, wherever it has been possible to examine

it, it has been found to be north-westerly. Wecannot therefore refuse

to admit, that the strike of the Afghan mountains meets the strike of

the Himalayas, and the dip of the latter being North-easterly and

that of the former North-westerly, we are justified in concluding, that

the whole of these huge mountains forms one and the same system of

upheaval ; that a tremendous dome or swell did surge up in the region

of our Silurian volcanic archipelagoes, and that the Himalayas on one

side and the Afghan mountains on the other are faulted slopes of a

gigantic oblique anticlinal !

A true anticlinal it cannot be called; it is more properly the result

of an incalculable force pressing outwardly the crust of the earth and

endeavouring to raise it into a dome ; and as such a dome could neither

be raised nor settled down again without much fracturing of the crust

of the earth, the lines of fracture followed the direction of the old

volcanic lines, and on one side ran N. W.—S. H. (Himalayas) and on

the other N. W.—S. E. (Afghan mountains).

No good explanation has yet been advanced of the general N. EH.

dip of the Himalaya; none has even been attempted of the N. W.

dip of the Afghan mountains. By placing the axis of the dome

between these two masses of mountains, and considering these moun-

tains as the opposite jambs of an oblique anticlinal, the singular dip

of both is satisfactorily explained.

88. Pl. XI. is intended to give an idea of the great fissures of the

Afghan-Himalayan system of mountains,

92 Dr, Verchéve on the Geology of Kashmir, [No, 2,

We must not forget that the fissures went through portions of the

crust, having a much greater power of resistance in some places than

in others, being here brittle, there tenacious, here rigid and there easily

bent; and we must not expect too much regularity in the fissures,

but be prepared for occasional deviations from the general direction.

The Miocene beds, which present the greatest uniformity of formation,

have everywhere the most regular strike, in spite of their numerous

foldings and faults; the great beds of felstone are also tolerably

regular in their general dip, and so are the great beds of Carboniferous

limestone in Kashmir, though of course the smaller beds, especially

those close against high summits, have a local dip and strike. The

interminable masses of metamorphic schists, described by travellers in

several parts of the Himalayas, have also a steady N. H. dip, and

Captain R. Strachey tells us that in that portion of the Himalayas which

he examined, the N. H. dip was the general one. On the Afghan

side of the oblique anticlinal the Miocene again presents the greatest

regularity, and the Nummulitic formation nearly equals it ; the dip of

both these formations is very steadily towards the N. W.

Another cause which has no doubt contributed to break the uni-

formity of the parallelism of the chains is the pressure, in some places,

of such enormous accumulations of voleanic porphyry as we see at the

Kaj-Nag and in Kistwar and Badrawar. ‘These centres of volcanic

rock appear to have been very huge; they were undoubtedly solidified

long. before they became upheaved, as they were formed during the

Silurian epoch, and did not receive their upheaval until the Tertiary

period had been nearly run out. They were, therefore, raised up

bodily as solid masses, and they had been too huge to arrange themselves

in the general parallelism of the fissures. I have represented them in

the plate as huge centres of volcanic action, regarding them as too

enormous to be displaced by even the force which has uplifted the

great dome of the Afghan-Himalayan system; they were merely

forced up. The Sufed Koh and the Koh-i-Baba in the Afghan moun-

tains occupy a similar position in relation to the parallel chains; the

first named is probably a volcanic mass, and I have assumed that the

other is likewise a porphyry centre. It is probable that certain

granite masses have acted in a like manner; but it would be of little

profit to speculate about those masses, knowing at present nothing

positive regarding them.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 93

The fissures just described being once formed, we have no difficulty

in understanding how the slices of crust between them were compelled

to remain in an oblique position, viz. dipping N. H.and N. W.

respectively, when the settlement took place, if we remember, that a

ereat deal of granite, lignite, porphyry, trachyte, &c. buried under the

surface before the upheaval, had now been forced up and occupied

a great portion of theroom; unable to find space enough to resume a

horizontal position, these bands of the earth’s crust became impacted

in the position we now see them.

89. Coming down from the high regions of the Himalaya and of

the Afghan mountains to the Salt Range and the hills of the district

of Bunnoo, we notice the interesting phenomenon of the tilting up of

the angular extremity of the piece of crust that had been broken off,

between the converging fissures of the Sub-Himalaya and the Sub-

Afghan hills. This crop-fracture is just such as we see near the

point of an angular piece of a window-pane which has been starred.

by a blow. The dip of the Salt Range and the Bunnoo hills is

consequently disposed in a somewhat converging manner, such as is

indicated by the arrows in Pl. XI.; the crop fracture is not a straight

line; it is a succession of segments of a circle, and the dip of each

segment is converging more or less towards the centre of its circle.

It is, however, possible that this breaking of the tip of the triangular

piece of crust is only apparent, and that the segmentary and converging

dip of the beds may be due to a complexity of resultant forces, at the

place where the N. W. and N. W. dips meet.

To the south of the Salt Range extend the vast plains of the Punjab,

Ajmeer and Marwar, covered mostly with clay and sand, often a desert

without a hill or even a mound to relieve the monotony, and with

hardly a pebble to be found for some hundreds of miles. So far south

as Lat N. 27° these great plains extend without a break, and then

we find the volcanic rocks of Central India, supporting here and there

beds of sandstone with mammalian bones* similar to those which are

so well developed in the Sub-Himalaya and Sub-Afghan ranges.

Whether the whole, a portion, or none of the volcanic rocks of Central

India are contemporaneous to those of the Himalaya, I know not,

* Bones of extinct mammals have been found in the Valley of the Nerbudda,

‘South of Lat, N. 21°, no Miocene has ever been found,

U4 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

though it is highly probable that some at least belong to the same

epoch. I think it would be a most interesting point to study,

whether the Central Indian Mountains participated in the great

upheaval of the Afghan-Himalayan system, and to what extent they

did so. Such a subject is not, however, to be discussed here, en

passant. We must know more of what is buried under the alluvial

sands and clays of the Punjab and the desert of Ajmeer, before we can

decide on the relations of the Himalaya and Central Indian Mountains.

The study of the Miocene beds appears the most likely sort of research

to lead to interesting results. Could we once show satislactorily

that the plains of Northern India have been one day, and that not long

ago (geologically speaking) a rugged country covered with Miocene

hillocks and ridges, we should soon get an insight into the participa-

tion of the Central Indian Mountains in the great Afghan-Himalayan

upheaval, and also into the nature of the soils and sub-soils of

Upper India.

90. Let us now endeavour to sketch a geognostic history of the

Afghan-Himalayan system of mountains, in accordance with the

observations and hypotheses recorded in this paper.*

In the days of the Silurian epoch, the centre of Asia may be assum-

ed to have been a sea uniting the Arctic to the Indian Ocean. In

the middle of this sea, an archipelago of volcanic islands and subaqueous

volcanoes existed, displaying great activity and ejecting into the sea

an immense quantity of matter.

The position of these volcanoes and subaqueous vents is now

represented by the porphyritic masses of Kaj-Nag, of Kistwar and

Badrawar, by the summits of the catenated chains of Kashmur,

&e., &e. The volcanoes were linear in their arrangement; one line,

that of Kaj-Nag, Badrawar and Kistwar being continued far towards

the south-east; and it is probable that the peaks of Chor, of Dodatoli

and others in the same districts, are volcanic peaks on the same

fissure. Another line or rather series of lines is that of the catenated

chains in Kashmir, with a probable 8. H. extension in the range

of mountains which separate Lahool from Chumba. Another line

again is that of Drass and Karghyl, at the back of the Ser and Mer

* A few unavoidable repetitions which occur in this portion of the paper will,

I hope, be excused,

1867.| the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. G5

chain, and which is continued far towards the 8. H., forming numerous

and considerable volcanic mountains which appear as islands and

promontories above the flat plain of the great Thibet plateau, through

which the Sutlej runs.

These lines or fissures had a direction N. W.—S. HE. and were

all parallel, but the activity of the volcanoes was not the same

on all the lines or in different parts of each line. Thus, in the line of

Kaj-Nag and Badrawar, Chor and Dodatoli, the north-western end of

the line is eminently distinguished and marked by very numerous and

very long volcanoes, whilst the eastern one only gave passage to a few

vents separated from each other by considerable intervals. On the

other hand, (on another line) in Ladak, the volcanoes appear to have

been small and few, whilst the eastern ends of the fissures appear to

have been marked with many volcanoes of great size and activity.

No volcanoes appear to have existed in that portion of the Silurian

sea, where we now have the high mountains of Kailas and Karokoram;

but where the Kuen Luen chain was at a later age to appear, it

seems, that one or two lines of linear volcanoes did exist at the begin-

ning of the Paleozoic epoch.

How long, how many thousands of years these voleanoes kept az

their work, it is impossible even to guess. Their activity was immense,

and it appears that in the waters which bathed the shores of the volcanic

archipelago, too many outlets kept continually pouring out hot ejecte

and noxious vapours to have allowed life to be present. We have seer

that there is considerable evidence of the sea-bottom having been

frequently heated enough to become cellular and amygdaloidal, and a

reference to the section of the Tukt-i Suliman in Kashmir will, T think,

leave little doubt of the frequency, the violence and the abundance

of the discharges of lava, of lapilli, of ashes, and of hot liquid mud.

We therefore find no Silurian fossils in Kashmir, and the slates and

sandstones which are interbedded with the volcanic ejecta are complete-

ly deprived of fossils. This want of organic life did not, however,

affect those portions of the sea which were sufficiently distant from the

subaqueous craters and volcanic islands to escape the destructive effects

of ejected materials; and we find, therefore, in the Karokoram chain

and also in the Himalaya, between the Sutlej and the Kali, large beds

of Silurian rocks with the usual fossils. These rocks are, as we have

96 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

seen, slates and shales which have until now proved azoic, but covered

in by limestone rich in forms of the older Paleozoic period.

I need hardly say that the azoic slates, shales and sandstones which

are interbedded with the ashes and amygdaloids in Kashmir are of

Silurian date; if we wish, therefore, to colour a map of Kashmir

solely in regard to the age of the rocks, we should have to colour

all the ashes, slates, &c. Silurian. As the volcanic ejecta much

predominate in quantity over the azoic slates and sandstone, I have

not coloured the mass solely by age, but rather in view of the nature

of the rocks.

But the Himalayan lines of insular volcanoes were not the only

ones in that portion of the Silurian sea which we are considering ;

other linear voleanoes were directed from the N. H. to the 8. W.

in the longitudes and latitudes where we now find the great

Afghan mountains. We know very little of these mountains:

we have seen, however, that volcanic rocks of a granitoid appear-

ance form the ranges of hills between Yeusofzaie and Bonneyr, and

that clinkstone, granular and porphyritic, is quarried at Jellalabad.

Dr. Bellew also tells us that he noticed volcanic rocks amongst the

southern spurs of the Sufed Koh.* He also mentions that sharp

earthquakes are frequent in the valley of the Korum, and it is re-

ported by the Povindas who trade through the Gulwaira Pass, that

a city situated at the back of the Suliman chains has been destroyed

by a terrific earthquake. I need not point out the usual relation of

‘severe earthquakes with accumulations of volcanic porphyries, in

countries where no active volcanoes have been known to exist for

several geological ages past. Then we have seen that the summits

of the main chain of mountains, in the Vuzeeri country, are mostly

composed of volcanic rocks; but the greatest amount of evidence is

* After crossing the hill-pass of Hazrah-Shutur-Gardan, the road lies through

a gorge, andastream or rivulet flows to the westward; in the bed of this rivulet

pebbles of porphyry, hornblende and syenite (?) were seen; the surface of the

soil was also covered with similar pebbles............. Near the top of the Shinghai

Kothul, the voleanic rocks were again seen: Dr. Bellew says: “The surface

was strewed with great blocks and fragments of porphyry and syenite,

the latter was of various shades, from yellowish-green to greenish-brown,

and its fragments shone with a vitreous lustre and broke with a similar frac-

ture,’ Ohapter If. Narrative of a Mission to Kandahar. The above descrip.

tion of syenite does not look much like syenite, itis nearly certain that the

rack observed was a hypersthene rock,

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 97

derived from the boulders brought down by torrents and from those

formerly carried down and now imbedded in the Miocene conglo-

merates which fringe the base of the Afghan mountains. These

boulders and pebbles are mostly greenstone, felstone, trachyte, and

porphyry identical with the Himalayan hornblende rock; and that

peculiar variety of amygdaloidal greenstone, pierced with gas-vents,

which has been described at No, 4 of the section of the Tukt-i-Suliman

in Kashmir, para. 18, occurs in great abundance. (See also Pl. x.

figs. 1. 1a.)

There can be, therefore, no possible doubt that the Afghan mountains

were at the Silurian epoch an archipelago of volcanic islands and

subaqueous volcanoes ; indeed, they were merely another group of the

same great archipelago ; but the fissures or lines on which the vents

were situated had a direction N. E., 8. W.

Towards the end of the older Paleeozoie epoch, the voleanoes appear

to have subsided in violence, and allowed the waters of the neighbour-

ing sea to cool. They did not do so, however, until they had ejected

so much lava, scorie, lapilli, ashes, and debris of the inside of the

earth that a great bar, a bar going from the North-west to the

South-east and studded with the island-cones of half extinguished

volcanoes, had been formed across the sea. A similar bar was

produced by the Afghan group of volcanoes, directed N. E., 8. W. and

the two bars formed a gigantic V, with the angle pointing to

the north. On these bars the sea was shallow; neither was it likely

to be very deep between the two branches of the V. The end of the

great activity of the volcanoes appears to have been marked by the

breaking out ofa great number of fumaroles or hot springs, depositing

an immense quantity of silica, and forming thick beds of quartzite, some-

times pure and clear as glass, sometimes white and opaque as porcelain,

We must not forget also, that all analogy points to a general rising

of the sea bottom at the north-east of the Himalayan volcanic bar,

not as a break, but as a gradual and slow upheaval of the earth’s

crust under the pressure of viscid granite.

But even these last efforts of the great volcanoes, these bursts of

vapours and hot waters, became rare and intermittent, and animals

made their appearance in the creeks and bays of the sea between the

islands. It was then the dawn of the Carboniferous epoch, and all

98 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2;

over the great bars of volcanic debris a calcareous mud was deposited,

teeming with the remains of animals, with the glimmering shells of

the Producti, with large flat Orthide, and innumerable Bryozoa and

numerous Hncrinites which grew luxuriantly on the half chalky, half

clayey, foetid bottom of well protected island seas, gulfs and channels.

And so it went ou for years and years, until the sea became too shallow

for Producti and Orthide to live in, and too easily disturbed to its

very bottom to suit the delicate Bryozoa. These animals retired to

greater depths on either side of the great bar, and in their stead

appeared small Cuculle, globular Terebratule, with here and there,

on sandy banks, colonies of large Cardinie or Anthracosie, gibbose

and smooth Aviculo-pectens, or radiated ones of great size. In calm

waters, flat and large species of Gonzatites basked in the sun in company

with small Orthoceratide and large species of Bellerophon. Harthquakes

were, however, frequent and terrible, raising and depressing large

tracts of sea-bottom, folding and undulating the newly formed beds of

limestone, so that most of the shells are found broken, and many of

them are deformed to a wonderful extent,

Many changes occurred in the sea: clay and sand had been brought

down in large quantities from the volcanic islands, and many of the

creeks and inland seas were turned into swamps. Long shelving

coast-lines extended from island to island, and many groups of the

great archipelago were probably united by a low land into larger

insular countries. The genera Cucullea, Cardinia and Aviculo-pecten,

and small Brachiopoda disappeared; and in their stead myriads of

CGasteropoda, especially the Pyramidellidee, living with numerous corals,

made their appearance. As the islands joined more and more into larger

dry lands, and approached nearer to a long strip of land supporting

numerous peaks of extinct volcanoes, the rain-fall increased more

and more, sand, mud and gravel accumulated in thicker beds at the

mouth of the mountain torrents which now became rivers, and on the

swampy shores forests of calamites and other trees grew up, whilst,

out at sea, the mollusks and other animals continued to thrive at various

depths, according to their kind. What has now become of these forests

of calamites? Have they been buried in sands by oscillations of the

coast and converted into coal? If they have, has the coal been denuded

at a subsequent period ? or has some portion of it escaped removal and

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afyhan Mountains. 99

does it now lie concealed under newer formations? There is no doubt

that great denudation has taken place repeatedly in the Himalaya and

subordinate hills; yet basins nicely protected by eruptive or metamor-

phic rocks, bottoms of valleys or down-thrown beds might have escaped

remoyal. Not a trace of true coal has yet been found in the Himalayas,

the Punjab or the Afghan mountains, excepting (geologically speal «

ing) the few grains of coal which fill in the cellular tissue of the

lepidodendron-like plants described in para. 43, as having been found

in one of the layers of the Wean group. This is not very encourag-

ing; but any person who has observed what a thick mantle the

Miocene sandstones and the old and new alluvia form over the older

formations, would not expect to find coal cropping out ina conspicuous

manner. If coal does exist, it will be one day discovered, no doubt ;

but the discovery will be made by patient and careful study, and not

by digging at random with a pickaxe wherever something black is

observed. It may be said with truth that the means hitherto employed,

by Government or persons interested in the search for coal, have been

such that not the smallest reasonable chance of success could be anti-

cipated.* But all this is foreign to our subject.

91. The end of the Paleozoic epoch or beginning of the Secondary

period was marked by new volcanic action, trifling indeed, if we

compare it to the intensity of volcanic power displayed during the

Silurian time, but yet highly interesting. I allude to these local out-

bursts of hot vapours, gases and waters, charged with several minerals,

which have taken place in many distant places of the Himalayas

and their dependencies. The action is geyserian rather than volcanic,

as no true volcanic rocks, that is, no lava, no scoriz and no ash appear

to have been discharged by these vents. The existence of this force

is mostly manifested by the metamorphism it has caused in some of

the upper beds of the Carboniferous limestone, and by the peculiar

way it twisted rocks, then soft, in a manner which appears now

incomprehensible, and totally abnormal to the surrounding layers.

In some localities, however, it seems that the waters, erupting through

the calcareous mud, were so rich in felspars, that this crystallised in

* This remark applies only to the Punjab and the mountainous districts

studied in this paper.

100 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

minute crystals which now form a sort of intrusive band of a friable

incoherent rock.

When this geyserian action subsided, the Palzozoic animals had

died out.

92. I now enter upon debatable ground. I have said before, that

the salt, gypsum and red marl of the Salt Range—and I need hardly

say the gypsum and red marl of Spiti, the gypsum of Rukshu

(and that of Rodok ?), and most probably the salt of the Yarkandkash

valley, and also that of the Lataband mountains in Badakshan, all

belong to the same epoch and have probably a common origin.

T have said before that, this Saliferian formation has been placed by

Dr. A. Fleming in the Devonian. Dr. Jameson makes it superior to

the Carboniferous ; Major Vieary and M. Marcadieu believed it to be

Miocene or Pliocene; some will have it volcanic, others sedimentary ;

but nobody gives a good and well defined section of the relations

of this formation to the rocks above and below it.* This is much to

be regretted, and I will not increase the confusion by discussing here

the reasons which make me believe that the salt and gypsum of the

Himalayas belong to the Trias or the Permian. My opportunities

of observing the Saliferian formation have been few and of short

duration, and I have no good section to give in support of my opinion.

I shall therefore refer the reader to the note to para. 64, and proceed

with the next formation.

93. Whatever had taken place beeween the end of the Carboni-

ferous epoch and the beginning of the Jurassic, it appears tolerably

evident that the Jurassic sea bathed the shores of a long strip of

land or succession of large islands, very similar to those which the

Carboniferous sea had bounded. The Jurassic sea does not appear to

have been much deeper than the Carboniferous one had been ; the same

impurity of the limestone is noticed, the same admixture of sand and

clay with the calcareous matter, the same rarity of clean drifted sands,

the same prevalence of thin-bedding, false-bedding and continual

* Dr. A. Fleming gives some sections in his Report on the structure of the

Salt Range; but only two of these show the relations of the salt marl to the

Carboniferous limestone, and in one, sect. No. VIII., a number of more or less

theoretical faults are introduced which, if placed at the base of the mountain

limestone escapements, would then make this rock inferior to the salt. Another

section, No. VII. shows an anticlinal across a ravine, and then the salt marl

appears indeed to be placed under the Carboniferous limestone,

1867.| the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 101

change of the nature and weight of materials. All these conditions, and

the frequency of ripple marks, indicate a shallow sea easily influenced

by heavy outpours of muddy waters from the land. The thickness of the

Jurassic rocks vary veries much, and the extent of the beds is limited

to very small areas, compared to those of the Carboniferous. This is

probably due to the deposition taking place in creeks of a deeply

indented coast, and in great part to the oscillations of the land and sea

bottom, causing in some localities repeated denudation of materials

newly deposited, and in others a steady sinking and consequent thick-

ness of formation. The fossils being frequently much deformed, is a

good evidence of these oscillations having taken place.

The Jurassic beds have always been considered conformable to the

Carboniferous. I am inclined to believe that this conformity is only

apparent. The dip of both formations is generally great, seldom

under an average of 45°. In such highly up-tilted beds, a difference

of a few degrees is not easily appreciated, unless a careful measurement

is taken, and I fancy that most writers have been satisfied with an

approximation. However this may be, there is no doubt that the

Jurassic limestone presents, in very many places, indeed in most,

the appearance of having sustained very sharp local upheavals,

soon after the end of the Secondary period, but of little extent ;

and here again we find the salt, gypsum and red marl always

underlying these sharp and dome-like anticlinals. We remember how

Sheikh Bodeen is thrown into a succession of short, gothic, arch-like

anticlinals; and that under the Jurassic beds the Saliferian are to be

seen, perfectly conformable to the limestone and following it in all its

oscillations. At Maree on the Indus, a similar appearance occurs :

thick masses of salt, gypsum with bi-pyramidal crystals, quartz,

red marl and magnesian mud stone more or less cellular, support

a very sharp anticlinal of Jurassic limestone; and the Saliferian and

Jurassic are conformable not only in general dip, but in all the details

of the fold. Moreover, both the Silurian and Jurassic dip S.

(2 or 3 degrees H.) and N. (2 or 8 degrees W.) on both sides

of the anticlinal dip, which are not the usual ones of the other rocks of

that portion of the Salt Range, the Nummulitic and the Miocene dip-

ping N. E.

Whether these local upheavals are merely due to the swelling of

102 Dr. Verchere on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

the gypseous beds from the change of anhydrite into common gypsum

by absorption of water, is more than I can say. The Saliferian beds

would naturally break, dislocate and lift up the superincumbent

Jurassic when swelling itself into undulations. We should thus obtain

undulated beds of Saliferian and Jurassic. Let such undulated layers

be submitted to the lateral pressure which must have accompanied the

great upheaval of the Afghan-Himalayan system, and we have the

undulations folded into arches and sharp bends.

The Saliferian and Jurassic have been very much denuded, their

debris being extremely abundant in some beds of conglomerate and

sandstone of the Miocene, especially on the western side of the

Indus, in the districts of Kohat and Bunnoo. ’

94. There are but few traces of the deposits which may have

taken place between the Oolite and the Nummulitic, and I have never

myself seen any cretaceous rocks in the western Himalaya* or the

Afghan mountains, neither have I found any pebbles with cretaceous

fossils in the conglomerates of the Miocene, From the development

of considerable vegetation in the shales near the base of the Nummulitic

formation, it is evident that a steady rising of the land went on during

the time of the upper Jurassic and Cretaceous periods, and with such

arising we would naturally associate the great denudation of the

Jurassic beds, soon after their deposition. Little doubt can be

entertained that during the Cretaceous period, the Himalayan and

Afghan islands had become united into a continent of considerable

extent, traversed by chains of extinct volcanic ridges, and therefore

receiving an abundant rain-fall which caused great denudation. We

know how quickly volcanic mountains decay, when once they have

ceased to receive fresh supply of ejecta. I believe that the cretaceous

beds which have been found in and near the Himalaya are very

limited in extent, even more so than the Jurassic beds. The small

horizontal area of these Secondary beds contrasts widely with the great

superficial extent of the Carboniferous, the Nummulitic and Miocene

formations ; and yet when they do occur, the Jurassic beds at least

have considerable power. A continent with a deeply indented coast

appears to be indicated by these peculiarities of the Secondary beds.

* Dr. Stoliczka has found Cretaceous rocks in the mountains of Spiti.

Editors note.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afyhan Mountains. 103

95. The Nummulitic epoch must have been a long one, if we can

judge by the thickness of its deposits. There does not appear to have

been any violent volcanic action, nor any great and sudden movement

during the period, but there was a great deal of very slow and

probably imperceptible oscillation, Thus we first find the base of

the Nummulitic to be generally a sandstone without fossils,* this

is gradually impregnated with calcareous matter, becoming a sandy,

very impure limestone, full of shallow water fossils and containing

only a few very small species of Nummulites. This has been therefore

a period of slow and trifling sinking of the land, and it is probable

that the sea never covered it by more than a few feet. Then the

oscillation went the other way, and the land appeared again, and was

covered by forests. Another slow sinking brought on a fresh incursion

of the sea, which soon covered the forests (lignite) with a layer of

limestone, full of large Nummulites and other shells. The depth of

the sea was greater than before the growth of the forests, but it

probably did not much exceed 20 fathoms. Another movement upwards

again exposed the land, and again forests grew and formed thin seams

of lignite. Again the land sank and the sea covered in the lignite-beds

with calcareous mud. At first the depth was trifling, little exceeding

20 fathoms, but the sinking continued to the end of the Nummulitic

period, and the limestone assumes more and more the appearance of a

deep-sea formation as we get higher up the series, It is, however

improbable that the volcanic mountains of the great bars of the

Himalaya and Afghan mountains were ever covered by the Num-

mulitic sea, as no nummulite has ever been found amongst the

central chains ;+ but that sea filled up the whole of the space between

the arms of the great everted V formed by the Himalayan and the

Afghan chains, and probably also bathed the outside shores of the arms

‘of the Y. This slow, gradual and long continued sinking of the

land, during the deposition of the Upper Nummulitic formation,

accounts for the appearance of no great depth in rocks which have

* Sometimes a fragile limestone with Planorbis, and probably fresh-water.

See note to para. 66, chap. iii.

+ Dr. T. Thomson reported having observed Nummulitic Limestone in Little

Thibet at an elevation of 16,500 feet. But I much doubt the accuracy

of the observation, and cannot heip imagining that the Thibet nummulites are,

like those of Manus Bal, weathered encrinite rings. See “ Introduction,”

page U.

104 Dvr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

a very considerable thickness ; the sinking was, however, greater than

the amount of deposit could compensate, and the rocks have therefore

the appearance of a tolerably deep sea formation at the top of the

Nummulitic series. Then again, we have a long and steady rising of

the land, and in consequence a great denudation going on, a denuda-

tion which has caused the removal of a great deal of the Nummulitic

formation, in localities where sea-currents, high-tides and other un-

favourable circumstances assisted in the work of destruction. It is

curious to notice on the top of the Nummulitic limestone, how the

surface of the rock has been broken by the waves; how the fragments

have been rolled and rubbed and then glued together again. This

appearance is always seen as a bed of transition between the Num-

mulitic and the Miocene. A considerable time must have elapsed

between the end of the deposition of the bed and the breaking

up of it, as we must allow time for its solidification. But at any rate,

here, at the beginning of the Miocene epoch, we had the Nummulitic

limestone forming a nearly horizontal and far-reaching sea-coast,

covered with a very thin sheet of water, rolling and polishing pebbles.

But this conglomeratic layer is thin, and we very soon see a large

quantity of mud and sand, and pebbles of far distant rocks, brought

down to the sea.

96. Let us consider the kind of map we have at the beginning of

the Miocene epoch, and we will have no difficulty in understanding

the formation of the Miocene sandstone and conglomerates of the Sub-

Himalayan and Sub-Afghan chains. We have an immense expanse

of sea, north of the tropic of Capricorn, between the latitudes 90° W.

and 90° H., for, in these days, the Andes had not yet surged up and

most of South America was under water, as well as nearly the whole of

Africa, Arabia, Persia and India. There were probably groups of islands

where these continents now stand, but the immense, dry, thirsty

plains and plateaux of these countries were then under the sea.

There was therefore no impediment to the regular play of the Trade

Winds, no monsoons or winds deviated by the rarifying power of arid

deserts, but especially no chains of mountains to dry the 8. EH.

trade-winds before their arrival at the equator, and their ascending

to become upper currents with a direction to the N. H. At the

tropic of Cancer, these winds, still charged with the whole of the

1867.] = the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 105

humidity they had sucked from the sea in the Southern Hemisphere,

descend again and become under or lower currents, keeping their

N. EH. direction.* Before proceeding far, these winds meet a couple

of ranges of mountains forming a great everted V, opening to

the south, and on these ranges they poured such a quantity of rain

that a denudation began to take place to an amount nowhere else

exemplified. The only approach to this rain-fall is that now observed

in Patagonia, a high country which happens to be situated in the

Southern Himisphere, somewhat in a position analogous to that of

the Himalaya in the Northern Hemisphere during the Midcene epoch.

In Patagonia ‘“ Captain King found the astonishing rain-fall of

“nearly thirteen feet (151 inches) in forty-one days; and Mr.

“Darwin reports, that the surface water of the sea, along this part of

“the South American coast, is sometimes quite fresh, from the vast

* quantity of rain that falls.’’>

We are now therefore prepared to anticipate a formation composed.

of coarse debris of the older mountains, washed down by violent

torrents ; we understand how it is that the waters of the sea lost their

saltness, and that marine shells deserted these regions, and are therefore

not to be found as fossils, or are at any rate excessively rare. The

continual and violent rushing of streams, charged with mud and

boulders, did not allow of the development of fluviatile animals; and thus

we find the lower Miocene a mass of clay, sand and large boulders, in

beds considerably false-bedded and totally free of fossils, with the excep-

tion, in a few protected localities, of some bulrushes imbedded in salt.

These torrents occasionally tore up forests from the mountain sides in

their headlong course, and thus it is that we find here and there

small niduses of semi-carbonized wood, interred inthe sandstone. The

masses of conglomerate, accumulated in certain places, are of tremendous

size, and probably mark the exit from the hills of the principal torrents

of the Miocene Himalaya. The deposit of this coarse debris of the

‘old voleanic chain and of the several deposits which had become

gradually accumulated round it, attains a thickness of no less than

5,000 feet, and probably in some places much more. This mass of

* See for a general explanation of the routes of the winds and the causes

which alter these routes, the work of Captain Maury, L. L. D., U.S. N. entitled,

* The Physical Geography of the Sea and its Meteorology.”

7 Manury’s Physical Geography of the Sea and its Meteorolgy. Page 129

106 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [ No. 2,

clay, sand and boulders could not fail to convert the sea, which we

have seen was shallow, into dry land, and thus we have this overlap-

ping of the Upper Micoene on the edge of the Lower which is represented

at para. 11. The Lower Miocene was itself exposed to the denudating

influence of the rain, and boulders of Lower Miocene sandstone are

common in the Upper Miocene.

The Upper Miocene appears to have been altogether a fresh-water

formation; I mean, an accumulation of materials brought down by

rivers of large size, which, in all probability, wandered through the flat

plains of the lower Miocene, and extended in deltas and marshes and

creeks, just as the Ganges and the Indus are observed to do now-a-

days. We may fairly imagine these Miocene tracts to have resembled

closely a modern Indian plain traversed by large inundating rivers—

a thick jungle of high grass and small trees for the elephant, the

mastodon, the monkey. and a host of other animals to dwell in, and on

the sides of the large meandering rivers, wastes of sand and clay, shallow

pools and quicksands for the delight of the crocodiles, the tortoises and

the hippopotamus. On sands left dry by changes in the course of the

rivers, or piled up in undulating hillocks by the winds, grew thinly

planted trees, such as we now see in the sandy tracts of Scinde, to feed

and shelter the camel, the giraffe, and innumerable deer of various

species; and on intermediate lands, good pasture supported the horse,

the ox and sivatherium.

In the districts of Rawul Pindee, of Jheelum, of Bunnoo, of Kohat,

the Upper Miocene has a thickness of more than 2,000 feet; but

in the Rajaori and Poonch provinces of the Maharajah of Jummoo’s

kingdom, the bed attains a much greater thickness.

Any one who travels through the plains of the Punjab will

notice the great quantity of cows, of oxen and horses seen loose on

the sand near every village, and will remark at the same time, that

when a stream has cut through the sand and thus exposed a section,

not a bone is seen buried under the surface. If, however, he comes

to a marsh, such as the one near Guriwall, in Bunnoo, he will

observe that the bones will remain perfectly preserved in the

thick mud, saturated with kullur,* which forms the bottom of the

* Impure Sulphate of soda, with a little carbonate of soda and chloride of

sodium, which impregnates, more or less, nearly the whole of the soil of the Pun-

jab, and effloresces on the surface after rain or irrigation.

1867.) = the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountarns. 107

marsh. Now this kullur appears to have existed in the soil of

the Upper Miocene, as the sandstones of that age are often covered

with an efflorescence of that salt; and, indeed, that now seen in

the alluvium is derived from the disintegrating, decaying and

washing away of the Miocene beds. The fossil bones are always

found either in a dark clay-stone, which has a bitter taste when

applied to the tongue, or in a light-coloured sandy claystone. It

is therefore highly probable that the existence of a marsh or swamp

is necessary to the preservation of bones and their fossilification. This

accounts for the bones being found in beds of limited extent, whilst

for many miles not one is to be discovered; but it also brings

additional evidence that the Upper Miocene was deposited as a growing

delta, similar to the Sunderbunds of the Ganges and to the creeks of

the mouths of the Indus.

What a singular landscape this belt of land must have presented!

If we remember that at least seven different species of elephants

roamed in these jungles, some much larger than the living one, and

with tusks nine feet and a half long; that the dinotherium had a skull

three feet and nine inches in length; that the mastodon was 17 feet

long from the tail to the end of the tusks; that the sivatherium was a

gigantic four-horned antelope-like animal; that the crocodiles were

much larger than they are at present, and that the tortoises had a shell

measuring 20 feet across; we may wonder indeed at the strange

appearance which the jungles must have presented! !

I have called this fossiliferous formation Upper Miocene. In placing

it in the Miocene, I have adopted the general opinion of geologists,

but it may be Pliocenic and not Miocenic. I have not succeeded yet

in discovering shells in these beds, and without shells it is impossible

to fix with certainty the age of the formation.

I have forgotten to notice, that during the whole of the Miocene

epoch there was a slow and steady sinking of the land. This sinking

allowed of the accumulation of materials to the great thickness I have

indicated, but unlike that which took place during the Hocene period,

it was not sufficient to keep the country under the sea, the quantity

of sand and clay and boulders, deposited by the rivers, being more than

adequate to compensate for the sinking. The country, however, by

the sinking was kept to a very little height above the sea level, and

108 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

the inundations of great rivers added continually to the thickness of

the deposit.

97. ‘There is no evidence of any violent action having taken place

during the Eocene and Miocene epochs. There had been risings

and sinkings of the whole country, but these were imperceptible to

the senses, and were probably not more active than the same pheno-

mena which now occur in many parts of the world, unknown to the

inhabitants. The belt of flat land had increased to a good breadth,

and the coast had become sufficiently distant from the mountains to

enable the animals to live in peace and plenty, away from the storms

and torrents of the hills, when the whole of the portion of the

earth we have been considering was raised into an immense vault, by

the forcing up of granite assisted by gases. When the gases con-

densed or escaped, the arch settled down by fracturing its sides, and

these faulted sides of the arch are now, what we call the Himalayas

and the Afghan chains of mountains.

When the settle-down began to take place, and the sides of the arch

or vault were being broken, the direction of the linear volcanoes of

the Silurian epoch compelled the new fractures to conform to it. On

the eastern slope of the vault, the fractures ran from N. W. to

S. E., on the western slope from N. H.to 8. W. As is generally

the case in an anticlinal, the highest portion of the vault settled

down again to a level much lower than the sides, and we have there-

fore, in the northern Punjab, low hills, whilst on each side we have

mountains towering to the sky.

It is not necessary to enter here into all the details of the complica-

tions which the masses of porphyry, trachyte, granite and other

rocks, which had been cooling ever since the middle of the Paleozoic

epoch, caused in the upheaval of the Afghan-Himalayan vault and in

its settle-down. These details have already been sufficiently indicated

in paras. 81 to 87. But I will insist on the effect of these masses

being forced up like wedges through the rocks which covered them,

and by their filling up a great deal of the space once occupied by

these covering rocks, they compelled these last to be either folded or

broken into pieces and packed edgeways.

It is not necessary to imagine that the top of the vault was raised

to the same height as we now see the great peaks of the Himalayas

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 109

In the settle-down, the parallel zones, into which the sides of the vault

were broken, would naturally assume an angle of dip much greater

than was that of the vault previous to its fracture, as the sides of the

yault, in coming down again, would be submitted to considerable

pressure, and therefore much redressed. It is not unlikely, therefore,

that it is the effect of this pressure which has caused, in many mountains

of the Himalayas, the appearance of younger rocks dipping under older,

of felstone under porphyry, of schist and gneiss under granite.

The geologist must naturally expect to find a great many com-

plications amongst these immense mountains. The view I have

endeavoured to explain is a general one, and will, I hope, be better

substantiated when we know more of the countries of the Afghan-

Himalayan system. With a little thought, I entertain a hope that

the geologist, in finding apparent contradictions to what I have

advanced, will always be enabled to discover the cause of the com-

plication, at first apparently irreconcileable to my hypothesis.

There is one more remark to be made. The direction of the

Silurian linear volcanoes of the Himalaya not being parallel to that

of the Afghan chains, we have not a true anticlinal, but an oblique one.

At the northern end of the axis of this oblique anticlinal, we have

therefore a pressing of the sides one against the other, whilst at the

southern end, we havea wide divergence of the ridges : at the northern

end of the axis, we have the chains abutting one against the other, and

thus supported at a great height; at the southern end we have the

central beds unsupported and sunk down very low when the settle-

down took place; hence the high plateau of Pamer at one end and

the low plains of India at the other. Again, when the Himalayan slope

of the anticlinal was settling down, many of the great masses of por-

phyry, schist and gneiss resisted the general tendency to dip N. E., and

caused a local fault to take place. This fault acted as the axis of

an anticlinal for the locality immediately surrounding the mass of

porphyry, schist or gneiss ; and we find therefore such huge masses as-

suming the dip of the western branch of the Afghan-Himalayan

anticlinal, or dipping N. W. Hence, the singular phenomenon,

long ago noticed by Captain R. Strachey, that some of the great peaks

of the Himalayas dip N. W., whilst all the beds round them dip

N. H. It is also this same obliquity of the anticlinal which has

110 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

caused these numerous transverse faults observed in the Himalaya,

which have a general direction from N. toS., and with the beds

crushed one against the other at the northern end, whilst the fault

gapes at the southern extremity.

All these phenomena, and several others which strike the naturalist

as he travels through these mountains, appear to me to prove without a

doubt, that the upheaving force was not applied at one certain point or

along one certain axis, but that the whole country, now covered

by the Afghan and the Himalayan mountains, was forced up into

an immense dome or arch, which broke along certain lines determined

by pre-existing volcanic zones, and settled into an oblique anticlinal,

of which the slopes are sliced by a succession of parallel faults.*

98. It isa question of considerable interest to determine, with

some precision, the epoch at which the great and last upheaval of the

Himalaya occurred. We know that it was after the great mammals

had become developed ; and the extraordinary number of mammalian

species found in the Sewalik hills would naturally induce one to

consider a portion at least of what I have called the Upper Miocene as

older Pliocene. The Aralo-Caspian formation or steppe limestone, a

brackish water deposit, has been placed by Murchison and De Verneuii

in the older Pliocene ; and one cannot help thinking that these shallow

but immense inland or inter-insular seas must have existed previous to

the final upheaval of the great mountains of Central Asia, and that it

is indeed movements connected with this final upheaval, which have

dried up the steppe-limestone and reduced these great seas to their

present dimensions.

On the other hand, we have seen, that there exist in Thibet and in

Ladak great beds of horizontal deposits, unconformable to the beds on

which they abut, and containing fossil bones. Captain R. Strachey

appears inclined to believe these beds to have been deposited previous

to the upheaval of the Himalaya; but I think the hypothesis is not

tenable, as it is impossible to understand how a “ true sea-bottom

* The hypothesis (advanced, I believe, by Professor Ansted in his “ Ancient

World’) that the rising of Central Asia caused a depression in the Indian Ocean,

marked by the coral islands of the Lacadives, the Maldives, the great Chagos

bank and some others, is ingenious; the depression, however, requires proving

by actual observations.

1867.| the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. Lie

could have been uplifted from under the sea to an elevation of 15,000

feet,” without losing its horizontality, whilst not only the beds on

which the “ true sea-bottom”’ rested, but the probable contemporaneous

beds of the Sewaliks (according to Captain Strachey’s hypothesis only,)

are dipping N. H. at a high-angle. Captain H. Strachey describes

the same bed, where it extends into Ladak, as old alluvium, and men-

tions its containing fossil bones of extinct mammals, Captain God-

win Austen calls these beds, in Ladak, Rodok and Skardo, a fluviatile

deposit. The bed is not limited to the belt of country situated

between the Ser and Mer (Snowy Peak Range) chain and the Kailas

chain. It is well developed in Rodok, near the Pang Chong Lake

and up to the foot of the Korakoram chain, and it is very probable

that the great Desert of Aksai Chin is a similar bed. I have said, in

another place, that I believe these horizontal beds to be identical to

the Ragzaier or elevated plateaux of the Afghan mountains. How

were they formed ?

In order to answer this question, let us consider what was the

physical topography of the Himalayas soon after their final upheaval.

There was not much difference in the configuration of the great ocean

between the tropics; if we are to believe the geologists who have

studied the Andes, these mountains had not yet appeared; the great

plains of Africa, Arabia, Persia and India, were still under water; the

mountains of the Indian peninsula may have appeared (and did pro-

bably appear at the time of the Himalaya’s last upheaval) but were

separated from the Himalaya by a considerable sheet of water; the

great inland sea now represented by the desert of Gobi was not yet

dry,—in short, there was little cause to diminish the humidity of the

winds which blew from the south, and there was nothing to change

their old direction. But the Himalayan and Afghan mountains

were very different from what they had been. Instead of low

ranges with volcanic peaks which did not probably soar above 5,000 or

6000 feet, we have now an immense wall, some hundred miles broad

and 25,000 feet high, with deep longitudinal valleys offering no

exit and much embarrassed by detached rocks and debris. The

humidity of the winds which produced the tremendous rains of the

Miocene period was now deposited as snow. Huge glaciers appeared

and filled the longitudinal valleys, and the rivers which ran from them

112 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

began to deposit a sediment which, in time, formed the great flat

plateau of Thibet, Rodok, Aksai Chin, &. &e. Thus we see the

altered physical conditions which were brought about by the difference

of elevation of the Himalaya, before and after its final upheaval.

Before the upheaval, the humidity was collected as rain, and the

mountain debris was washed to the coast by boisterous torrents; but

after the upheaval, the humidity was collected as snow, and the

mountain debris was quietly collected in the great valleys, under the

cover of glaciers.*

All the while, a different action was going on in the outer or low

Sub-Himalayan ranges. There the humidity continued to fall as rain

and great denudation was the result. The same process of land

gaining over the sea, which I have described at the Miocene epoch,

began to form the plains of India; this process is still in operation

now-a-days, but necessarily its power diminishes in intensity as the

sea-coast becomes more distant from the hills and the course of rivers

becomes longer. It is the process which is now anxiously watched

by the pilots of the Hooghly, and which no engineering skill can

avert: the sandbanks advance in the sea, the river-bed fills up, more

dry land appears and what was yesterday a dangerous shallow out at

sea, to-day is the shore of the delta, and to-morrow will be far inland.

As the plains of India extended, the rain-fall of the Himalaya

diminished. Even if we suppose the humidity of the winds to have

been the same as before, we must deduct from the Himalayan rain-fall

the amount of rain which fellin the plains. But we know that the

humidity of the rains had also become less; the Andes had surged

up and the South-American continent had appeared; the plains of

Africa, Arabia, Persia and Central Asia were gradually appearing

above the waters, and instead of the trade winds, the monsoons were

establishing themselves, There was therefore a great diminution in the

snow-fall on the Himalayas, and the glaciers began to decrease and to

expose a great deal of the plateau on which they had gradually raised

themselves. It is easy to understand how this decrease of snow-fall

* The filling up of the great parallel valleys of the Himalayas by

mud and boulders, under the cover of the glaciers, is analogous to the filling

up of depressions of the surface by the glacial drift in some parts of Hurope.

The glaciers of the Himalaya, soon after the great upheaval, were too huge and

too general to have had a ploughing and scouring action on the valleys.

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afyhan Mountains. 113

must have been very gradual, if we keep in mind what brought on

that decrease; and as the glaciers retreated, animals advanced and

soon populated the high plateau of the Himalaya. These animals

have left their remains interred in the clayey grits of these elevated

lands. It may appear strange that elephants once lived at such a great

height, and in a climate so cold, but the osseous remains found in the

elevated plateau of Mexico belong to true elephants of extinct

species,* and the Siberian mammoth which was covered by a warm fur,

lived on the leaves of conifers and roamed over the ice-drift. There is

therefore no doubt that these animals had a great plasticity of organism,

and could adapt themselves to very extreme climates.

The mammals discovered in the plateau of Thibet and Ladak, all

belong to extinct species, On the other hand, all the shells which I

have been able to collect in the old alluvium found near the foot of

the Sub-Himalaya belong to living species, and it is therefore most

probable that the older alluvium of the plains of India, and the high

plateau of the Himalayas belong to the post-pliocene epoch.

From the above considerations, and the present state of our know-

ledge, it appears that the Afghan and Himalayan mountains suffered

their last upheaval during the pliocene period.

99.—The description of the deposition of beds subsequently to the

great upheaval has been given incidentally in the preceding paragraph ;

the glaciers began to melt, great lakes were formed in several localities.

The Kashmir valley is a good example, Rukshu is another, and so is

Abbottabad valley. These lakes at first fed large rivers, and both lakes

and rivers had a considerable power in carrying mud, sand and boulders,

and thus raising their beds by several hundred feet ; but as the water-

fall diminished, the lakes and rivers diminished also, and the rivers

soon began to cut for themselves deep ravine-like beds in the middle

of their ancient bottoms, leaving on each side a great river-terrace.

Before the rivers had lost their great volume, however, and while

they filled the whole of their original beds, they floated icebergs of

sufficient dimensions to carry blocks of stone of great size. The Salt-

Range for a time intercepted the free passage of the waters towards the

south and a shallow lake filled the whole country between it and the

* Cosmos, Otte’s translation, Vol, I. page 280,

il4 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 2,

Munee Range.* On this lake floated the icebergs brought down by

the rivers, drifting gradually to the south, and finally grounding near the

Salt-Range or averted by it. Thus we see between Jubbee and Nikkee

large erratic blocks, being porphyry, resting on the top of the old alluvi-

um; and we find similar but smaller blocks imbedded in horizontal taluses

of debris which have been piled up in horizontal layers against the hills

of Maree on the Indus, These blocks are not water-worn, but present

either flattened or scratched surfaces; the ground all over that

district is covered with boulders of porphyry, greenstone, felstone, Wc.

but these boulders are well rounded and are easily traced to dis-

integrated beds of Miocene conglomerate. The erratic blocks are very

different in appearance, and have the striking, or somewhat odd and

déplacé aspect peculiar to erratics. One of them, three miles south

of the village of Thrapp, measures 6 feet 4 inches by 7 feet 4 inches

and 5 feet. There are four or five smaller blocks near it, but none

are rolled; they are all of the gneissoid porphyry of the Kaj-Nag.

The largest presents the very singular appearance of having its

greatest flat surface (not vertical) marked with a number of cup-like

holes of various size, from 6 inches across to the size of a walnut, and

from 14 to 2 inches deep. There are from 70 to 75 of these cups.

They resemble wide rounded holes or cups, as water would make by

dropping. Whether these cups are a glacial effect, or have been made

by arace of men for some unknown purpose, is, what I am unable to

decide. I am inclined to the first hypothesis.

if ee i

5 . POUNDERS ay

pese(Gy NW \ GRARGO Rae ID

SE SD i i

Erratic blocks near Thrapp.

100. The oldest indications of Man having become an inhabitant

* The damming of the water behind the Salt Range and the Chitta Range

was the cause of that thick deposit of silty mud now cut by ravines, which has

been the source of so much difficulty and expense in making the great Trunk

Road between Jheelum and Attok. A similar damming occurred in the Huneepor

valley and several other localities, but to a less degree,

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 115

of the Himalayas is, at present found in the Upper Lacustrine deposit

of Kashmir (see note to para. 44). This deposit contains a very great

many fragments of pottery, bones of goats, and pieces of charred wood. It

is much older than the Buddhist ruins of Avantipoor, and attests the

presence of man in the valley during the period which elapsed between

the first and the second lake. The Buddhist ruins were not built

until after the second lake had been drained. But though we may

call the race of men who lived in Kashmir before the second lake

historically ancient, they cannot be considered so geologically: a

cowry has been found® in the deposit, and this evidence of a currency

indicates at once an amount of civilization and trade far removed from

the state of the primitive races.

(To be continued. ) 7)

Haperimental Investigations connected with the supply of water to

Calcutta, Part II.

By D. Waldie, Esq.,

F.C. 8. &e,

(Continued from page 8.)

[Received 1st March, 1867. ]

The present communication is intended to give an account of the

results obtained in prosecuting the investigations indicated by the

title, the first of which have already appeared in this Journal. To

some of the results given in the original paper objections were raised,

which were examined ina subsequent article, entitled, “ Supplementary

Observations, W&c.,” these being founded on experiments made during

the month of September last. Since that time the enquiry has been

continued, with the view of more fully examining these objections, of

supplying certain deficiencies, of correcting some errors, clearing up

some obscurities, and generally rendering the enquiry more complete.

I propose also to endeavour to correct some misapprehensions which

seem to have arisen, and indicate points of importance which do not

* The cowry was discovered by Captain Godwin-Austen while we were ex-

amining these lacustrine beds together, I saw Captain Austen dig it out of

the clay with his penknile,

116 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected No. 2,

g j

appear to have attracted the attention that was due to them. I shall

also draw my own conclusions from my results, stating at the same time

with what amount of confidence they are made.

Inorganic constituents.

In the original communication, on account of an unforeseen and

unexpected source of error which vitiated some of the results and

therefore rendered the series incomplete, only a general view of the

relative proportions of alkaline and earthly salts at the different

seasons, taken from the tables in Dr. Macnamara’s Report, was given.

It may be of interest to state the nature of the source of error, then

only hinted at. It occurred in the case of the waters of December

and February, greater part of which had been kept in green glass

stoppered bottles till the month of April, which, on analysis, gave

results so peculiar as to excite surprise. The same peculiarities were

found in some of the analyses of the river water of August, in even

a more marked degree. After not a little perplexity and trouble,

it was ascertained that this arose from the action of the water on the

glass, dissolving the glass in such proportion as altogether to vitiate

the result as regards the proper constituents of the water; it having

been ascertained that the silica, the alkalies, and the lime of the glass

were all added in notable proportion to the constituents of the water.

It was the very large proportion of the silica obtained that first drew

attention to the subject. Not being specially connected with the

object of this paper, it is not necessary to notice it more particularly

than to observe that there can be little doubt, but that it is due in

great part to the increased activity given to the solvent action of the

water by the high temperature of the climate, though indeed it occur-

red to a sufficiently decided degree even during the coolest months.

There is probably little doubt that this circumstance has in many cases

introduced error into water analyses unobserved. The analyses, in

the present case so vitiated, were rejected and new ones instituted as

the season gave opportunity.

For the purpose of comparison, the most complete plan would be,

to ascertain the amount of each basic and acid constituent and state

these in detail. A very general, or rather the general plan hitherto

followed by chemists, has been to allot the acids and bases to each

1867. ] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 117

other, it may be by some conventional plan or according to some

favourite theory, and represent them in the state of neutral salts.

And as each chemist may follow his own particular plan, the same

analysis may be represented in very different ways. As it is simply

impossible to say in what way the acids and bases are united to. one

another in solution, it is very much better to state them separately ;

and I was glad to find that Professor Dr. W. A. Miller expressed the

same opinion in his paper formerly referred to, But for general

purposes a full statement of each constituent is unnecessary, and when

numerous samples have to be examined, is very laborious. It is

generally sufficient to classify them, or select a few of the most

important and characteristic constituents or properties. In the case of

the mineral constituents, their total amount, the quantity of chlorine

or of sulphuric acid, the proportion of earthy salts, that is, of lime and

magnesia to the alkaline salts, are, singly or together, all more or less

suitable according to the nature of the water to be examined, The

soap test formerly noticed is a very favourite method, from the ease of

its execution. I have applied it in some cases, though the nature of

my enquiries led me generally to have recourse to other methods.

The following table gives a view of the constitution of the river

water at the various seasons, classified in a way that seems to me very

suitable for comparing different samples. The principal mineral

constituents are the alkalies, potash and soda, and the earthy, lime and

magnesia,—soda being the most abundant alkali, and lime the principal

earthy constituent. These bases are combined with carbonic acid in

much the larger proportion, and in smaller proportion with hydro-

chloric acid, sulphuric acid and perhaps organic acids. The carbonates

of lime and magnesia are kept in solution by excess of carbonic acid,

and when the water is boiled or evaporated to dry dryness, by far the

greater part, indeed all except a very little of the lime and magnesia,

are separated insoluble. These remarks apply to the river water

proper; during the hot season, when tidal influence prevails, the

constituents of seawater make their appearance; then sulphuric acid

is increased a little and magnesia still more; and hydrochloric acid

and soda (or chlorine and sodium as common salt) ave largely increased

in quantity.

118 Myr, Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

TasuE I. For 100,000 fluid grains.

Total | Alkaline| Earthy

River Waters of Mineral | salts as | salts as | Silica.

salts. |Chlorides.|carbonates

sD SE SE oe

9th June,Chandernagore, above

tidal influence, Ebb,| 17.04 4,22 14.69 | 2.53

14th June, at Baranagar, Ebb,| 380.00 13.96 15.10 | 4.00

a. Se = Flood,| 124.10 | 112.30 34.25 | 3.70

6th July, Ebb 12.63! 2.08 5.20 | *4.49

31st August, 1865, Ebb, 1.50 (thle eee. 7)

21st August, 1866, Ebb, 14.10 1.70 6.60 | *5.60

19th November, Hbb,| 15.40 PTET 12.62 | 1.50

9th January, 1867, Ebb,| 24.15

gs - sf Flood,, 25.35

Sh Tenens Ebb| 2495] 492) 20.45 2.16

In Table I. the alkalies are exhibited as if they were all in the state

of hydrochlorates of potash and soda, or more correctly chlorides of

potassium and sodium, chloride of sodium or common salt being the

best type of such compounds, and the one most familiar to us, and

practically most important. The earths are exhibited as if they were

all in the state of carbonates of lime and magnesia, these compounds

being also the most familiar ones. By this arrangement, the relative

proportion of these constituents at different seasons can be easily

compared. Iam not aware that this plan has been used before, but

it seems to me a good one, particularly when combined with the

results given in Table IT.

* Silica mixed with more or less clay.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta, tg

Tasre II. For 100,000 fluid grains,

Hardness, ne

' River Waters of equal to grains of | 77 0.)

chloride

Carbonate of Lime. :

of sodium,

Total | Permnt.

21st August, Ebb, Uo Pay) 1.58

10th November, Flood, 9.6 E79

19th November, Ebb, 12.7 14 95

9th January, Kbb, 18.4 2.1 2.63

i Flood, 22.0 4.97

Ebb, E

30th January, | ae IMs Bes al eal eau

a ie Suriace, 20.7 LG 3.40

20th February, Hbb., 20.8 5.63

ie M Flood, 21.6 2.6 11.48

2nd May, 1866, Ebb, 20.0 2.1 15.50

Reet. ss Flood, 31.4 | 55.50

This table shews the indications of the soap test already noticed

in the first paper. The total hardness is the effect produced on soap

by all the salts of lime and magnesia present, and all the carbonic acid

and silica ; the permanent hardness is that left after boiling, and is pro-

duced chiefly by the lime and magnesia not separated in the inso-

luble state, but still remaining in solution, Another column exhibits

the proportion of Chlorine calculated as if it were all in the state of

chloride of sodium or common salt. The chlorine is in small quan-

tity except when tidal influence prevails.

So far as regards mineral constituents, the water of the Hooghly at

Calcutta varies greatly according to the season. Compared with the

waters supplying London, the solid contents during the rainy season

are much smaller, and the total hardness much less; and even in

January and February, these are somewhat under those of the London

waters. As regards permanent hardness, the Hooghly water is very

decidedly superior to the London waters probably all the year round,

except possibly during the hot season at flood tide, though that latter

point is at present somewhat uncertain. But the temporary hardness

is easily removable; and for economical use, except during flood tide

* It mnst be remembered that these results are for 100,000 grains water.

For an Imp. gallon of 70,000 grains multiply by 7 and move the decimal point

one place to the left.

120 Mir, Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

of the hot season, as regards mineral constituents, the product of the

Hooghly may be considered very good water. It will be compared

with the Calcutta tank waters afterwards.

Organic constituents.

The attempt made by experiments with artificial mixtures to

imitate the composition of the waters of the hot season, and ascertain

the probable amount of change in the organic matter by keeping, as

narrated in Part II. ‘‘ Supplementary Observations,’’ was not continued,

partly because all the circumstances of the case could not be imitated,

and partly because the plan did not seem to be considered satisfactory

to those who objected to the correctness of my results in this particular.

It appeared to be better to continue the observations, taking care to

avoid delay inthe process for estimating the organic matter more

particularly. Besides, recently the objections to the correctness of my

results have been in a great measure withdrawn,* and it is hardly

necessary for me to do anything more in the way of directly answering

objections, as it was never my object to criticise the labours of others,

but simply to state my own, carefully obtained by methods of procedure

the most correct and reliable known, up to the present time.

In the original paper I considered the various methods of ascertain-

ing the nature and amount of organic matter in water, and discussed

their several merits ; and a few further remarks will now be made on

the same subjects. The amount of organic matter by weight came

first in order, but I shall at present postpone it, until the plan of oxida-

tion by permanganate of potash has been noticed.

This plan has come greatly into favour, chiefly I suppose from its

facility of application, a very valuable recommendation, provided its

other merits be assured. In the original paper I gave it a qualified and

guarded approval; the result of numerous experiments made since

has not increased my estimate of its value, nor has that experience,

and reflection thereon, led me to concur in the generally favourable

estimate in which it is held. Itis said “that it is not improbable that

“the substances most readily oxidised, are just those most likely to be

“injurious in their effects upon those who drink the water.’ This is

Dr. Miller’s remark. Others “ believe’ that the most pernicious are

' * Indian Medical Gazette, Calcutta, 1st J anuary, 1867, p. 14.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 121

those that are most easily oxidized. These, it appears to me, are rather

weak grounds on which to found the preference which is at present given

to this mode of estimating the degree of organic impurity in water,

Others speak of it as indicating the amount of putridity in the water,

and this, in my opinion, comes nearer the truth. By this I understand

that the amount of oxygen required is in proportion to the amount of

certain products of the putrefactive fermentation of the organic matter

in the water. This, however, as Dr. Frankland has stated,* furnishes

no indication of the amount of organic matter actually present in the

water. The offensive smell and other properties of these products

make it more than probable that they are injurious to health ; but

even then it is not certain that there may not be other constituents,

equally or even more injurious, but more difficult of oxidation.

Nor is it even certain that these products of putrefaction are the only

substances which are readily oxidized by the permanganate.

Moreover, a portion of these products are evidently of a very

unstable character and quickly disappear, or at least lose their power of

deoxidizing the permanganate. This was first brought particularly

to my attention by the objections raised to my determinations of

organic matter in the original paper, and has been noticed in the

supplementary observations. Since then, I have made numerous

observations on this point, and give a few selected ones by way of

illustration. The details of the mode of observation are given in the

original paper.

* Chemical News, March 23, 1866.

122 ‘Mr, Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

Taste IIT.

Oxygen

Time of trial. req. for

100,000

ers.

River water of 5th October, 1866, Ebb grains.

tide, cleared by a little hydrochloric

acid and filtered, 5th October, .1430

7th .0440

R. W. of 10th October, Flood, filtered,| 10th October, 1210

IDNA .0860

R. W. of 10th Nov. Flood, filtered, ...) 10th November, 1210

12th 0860

R. W. of 19th Nov. Ebb, Surface, ...| 19th, $ hour old, 1390

PAD BO 0357

23rd. 0332

Deep, __...| 19th, $ hour old, .0640

20th — ,, 0320

23rd, 0345

R. W. 15th Feb. 1867, Flood, ...| 15th, 2 hours old, AT25

16th, 28 hours‘old, 0410

Dalhousie Sq. Tank W. of 9th Oct.1866,| 9th, 3 hours old, 1425

10th, 16 hours old .0860

2nd November, .0430

General’s Tank, of 6th Feb, 1867, ...| 7th, 3 hours old, .2830

7th, 26 hours old, 1155

Baranagar Tank, of Ist Oct. 1866, ...| Ist October, 3150

Dancin .2740

Ditto, of 15th Feb. 1867, ...| L5th, 1 hour old, A755

16th, 25hours old,| .3625

This table exhibits very plainly the rapid diminution of the amount

of oxygen required, by keeping even for one day, and the more gradual

diminution afterwards. I have not observed that any notice has been

taken of this circumstance by the English chemists. Dr. Macnamara

first, directed my attention to it, and since then I have not only made

many observations of the fact, but have also made experiments as to

the cause, The analyses of the London waters published monthly

are of the waters supplied by the water companies, therefore, all

probably two or three days old. It is evident that in the recent

water, there must be substances possessing active deoxidizing properties,

which speedily undergo certain changes by which they lose these

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta, 123

properties. I have paid some attention to the subject, but am not at

present prepared to discuss it. It will be matter for further examina-

tion.

At present, however, it has been brought forward to justify so far the

comparatively unfavourable opinion I have expressed, of the value of

the permanganate process as a guide to enable us to judge of the

quality of a water as respects its salubrity. I could bring forward

other reasons and adduce experiments, but as I do not intend to apply

the method to the matters under investigation in this paper, only one

other instance as an additional reason for rejecting it will be adduced.

I shall extract two or three numbers from the preceding table and

place beside them a few others of waters from other sources, namely,

from the Circular canal which connects the river at the northern

extremity of the town with the Salt Water Lake. This Circular canal

receives much the greater part of the sewerage of Caleutta. Reference

will again be made to it and to the Salt Water Lake. Dalhousie Square

Tank is filled from the river and the water is considered good;

General’s Tank is filled by the rains and is generally said to be the

best drinking water in Calcutta.

Taste LV.

Oxygen reqd.

for 100,000

grains.

Dalhousie Square Tank Water of 9th

October, 1866, 16 hours old, .0860

General’s Tank Water of 6th Februar 7 3 hours old, 2830

1867, 26 hours old, 1155

Circular Canal Water of 23rd Novem-

ber, 1866, .--, 20 hours old, .0832

Ditto of 20th February, 1867, ...| 16 hours old, .0680

Salt Water Lake water, flowing from

Canal, 14th February, 1867, ...| 20 hours old, 1780

Salt Water Lake of 18th Hebraaty,

from Canal at Dhappa, ...| 19 hours old, 1475

From the Marsh, ...| 19 hours old, .1690

In his report on the London waters to the Chemical Society on

March 13th, 1866,* Dr. Frankland is stated to have expressed surprise

that the soft water supply from Loch Katr ne required more of the

permanganate than any of the waters of th: Metropolitan districts,

but here is something more surprising still. The water of the Canal

* Chemical News of 23rd March, 1866,

124 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

which receives the greater part of the sewerage of Calcutta requires

less oxygen to destroy the products of putrefaction than the best tank

waters of Calcutta ; and the water of the salt marsh to the east of the

town, called the Salt Water Lake, requires only about as much as that

of General’s Tank of the same age, for taking the rate of improvement

between 3 hours and 26 hours, General’s Tank water at 19 hours old

would require .1626 grain oxygen. Results like these have led me

to set but a small value on this favourite process, and induced me to

turn to others promising more trustworthy indications.

The fundamental point with respect to the organic matter is the

same as that connected with any other constituent, namely, its propor-

tion by weight, ascertained as accurately as practicable. ‘The method

of doing this has already been detailed in the first paper, and I have

only to repeat that, with a fine balance, patience, and care, it gives fairly

satisfactory results. Attention to details is advisable to procure

evaporate from 10,000 to 40,000 grains, according to the kind of water,

contriving so as to have 4 to 6 grains of dry residue, beside 3 grains

of dry Carbonate of Soda* added to the water, when put to evaporate.

At one time I did not use the soda for some kinds of water, as

unnecessary, but now I use it always. It makes the results more

accurately comparable. These quantities are sufficiently large for the

crucible, which holds conveniently about 200 grains of carbonic acid

water, but requires to be twice or thrice filled up. A larger crucible

would be more convenient, in which case once might do.

The river water of the cold season of 1865-66 had been kept over

from two to four months, and the results as to organic matter therefore

were doubtful. These will now be replaced by new determinations, all

made without delay. There has been no opportunity yet for making

new determinations of the hot season and rainy season waters ; but I

have already, in the “ Supplementary Observations,” given reason for

believing that the delay of from 9 to 16 days in making these

determinations, in the case of the hot season waters, cannot have been

productive af any serious error. Additional reasons will be given for

this opinion presently. There is greater doubt respecting the July and

* Dr. Parkes in his “Practical Hygiene” recommends 30 grains Carb. of

Soda! This is surely a misprint. He also recommends to restore the carbonic

acid lost by ignition by adding solution of carbonic acid or carbonate of ammonia,

This is a mistake; the results by carbonate of ammonia are totally wrong.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 125

August waters, which stood in most cases about five weeks, to allow the

fine clay to settle. This is a special case and will require further

remark ; but at present, as I wish to present a view of the whole, they

will be taken as they are in the construction of the following table.

Many more determinations of organic matter were made, particularly

of the waters of the rainy season, but these were made for special

purposes and with various modifications of the process, so that they

were not comparable. Only those are given in the table which were

made by the plan already specified, and so far as this is concerned,

they are therefore comparable. These variations in plan were chiefly

tried in September and October, and so unfortunately no results for

these months can be introduced into the table. But asan illustration

of these variations, I may instance the case of the water of 6th October,

which, cleared by Hydrochloric acid, gave 1.05 grains, and cleared by

sol. potash, gave 3.22 grains organic in 100,000 grains of water. The

addition of a little of either of these causes the mud to settle, and

admits of filtering the water clear in course of a few hours. But as

there is much organic matter adhering to or combined with the clay

or other earthy matter of the mud, the acid or alkali acts upon this and

brings it into solution.

Tasiz V.

Shewing the amount of Organic matter by weight Ebb. Flood.

in 400,000 grains of the Hooghly water. Grains. Grains.

6th July, 1866, Neap, Surface, .... .80

8th August, Neap, Surface & Deep, ... .84

21st August, Neap, Deepyionce.vii286

19th Ditto Neamt ieee Peewee sc. OF

e CM peeneneounces Surface, ... 1.28

9th January, 1867, Spring, ..... SNES Ata aah ee eee ani 804, olf50

30th Ditto, INGA ORS A ema ae IDSC, cou BS

ee pi | COOoE Cabo dOCHOU SWUNG, Bays ILS:

Average,... .99 1.39

2d May, 1866, WOMMOM AUR ee reeea acai tuo 2.70

30th Ditto, Sprint, Cale ee, ollie 190°" 2.60

‘14th June, SOP sey ee sed 6 pbieeae ux hres 90 2.20

PAV OUI CM Ames scan aatie see rese TO DADO

126 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [ No, 2;

With reference to this table, a few remarks may be made. The

rainy season waters were taken during Neap tides at ebb. Probably

they would not have differed much, though they had been taken at

spring tide during flood. Special remarks will be made on these

afterwards.

The numbers attached to the waters of November and January,

shew that the surface water contains more organic impurity than the

deep, and that there is a very decided excess of this during flood tide

as compared with ebb.

The May and June waters are the old ones,—open to future

emendation as to quantity of organic matter. But even these indicate

a still larger excess of organic matter during flood tide. And com-

paratively small though the amount of organic matter be, compared

with those hitherto generally received, they shew the influence of the

tides in bringing up organic matter, as has not been shewn before.

IT have already observed that the opposition, with which my state-

ments as to the small amounts of organic matter originally met with,

has been now in a great measure withdrawn ; yet it may be desirable

to make a few observations on the subject. Having regard to

the delay in examining the waters of the cold and hot seasons,

IT abandoned those in which the water had stood from two to four

months, (the cold season samples); but did not think that the delay of

from nine to sixteen days would materially affect the correctness of

the results from the hot season waters. Reasons have already been

given in the Supplementary Observations for this, to some probably

not sufficiently conclusive, so I shall in the first place give the results

of the examination of another class of waters, which may have some

bearing on the subject. These are the waters of the Salt Water Lake

and of the Circular Canal.

The Salt Water Lake is a large salt marsh of about one-third of the

degree of saltness of sea water, about two miles to the eastward of

the boundary of the town. From Entally, near the Circular Road, a

canal proceeds eastwards towards it, called the Baliaghatta Canal. At

this extremity it forms a cul de sac, but is joined about half way in

its course by another branch which proceeds from the river at the

northern extremity of the town, and in its course, enclosing all the

northern part of the town, at length joins the Entally branch. These

1867, ] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 127

Canals, I am informed by the town surveyor, Mr. Rowe, receive by far

the largest proportion of the sewerage of Calcutta, the course of

drainage, except for a narrow space along the river, being towards

the east, or from the river towards the lake; so to these sources of

supply I went for specimens of impure water, The Canal water flows

eastward or westward according to the relative height of tide in the

Hooghly or Bidyadurrea with which it communicates, The follow-

ing table gives the results of the examinations.

Taste VI.

For 100,000 fl. grs. filtered water.

Salt Water Lake and Circular canal. Total solid | Organic

matter. matter.

grains. grains.

Water flowing from the Circular Canal at

Chitpore bridge into the river on 14th Feb-

ruary, 1867, Neap tide, ebbing commenced. 471.70 15.30

Water from Baliaghatta canal at Dhappa Toll

House, 18th February, 1867, ad 489.50 6.00

Water from the Marsh taken at same time, ... 525.00 6.50

From Circular canal at junction with the

Kntally canal, water flowing from the river

24th November, 1866. Filtered, 40.40 *1.75

oD ” Ditto, 2.48

Cleared by per-chloride of iron and filtered, ...; - 42.60 2.51

” ” Ditto, 2.58

From Circular canal at bridge on Dum-Dum

road, full tide, 20th February, 1867, ais 32.95 1.78

From the mouth of the canal at same time, ... 34.90 1.53

The most remarkable thing exhibited by the table is the small

quantity of organic matter in these waters. The excess in the case of

the 14th February water, was, there can be little doubt, owing to the

water having traversed the whole length of the circular canal, passing

over its putrid mud and carrying with it the sewerage from the

numerous drains which enter it. The small quantity of organic

matter in the filthy looking water of the marsh, full of gelatinous

* Probably some unobserved error in this case,

128 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2;

looking rank vegetation, is very striking. I got in June last

year 20 grains organic in 100,600; but besides that 1 doubted the

correctness of the result, considering it perhaps over-estimated, the

difference of season must be taken into account.* Besides this is

a strongly saline marsh, The comparatively small quantity in the

canal water is also remarkable, and shews how difficult it is to

increase greatly the amount in the comparatively pure water of the

downward flowing stream.t

And here it may be well to consider the amount of organic matter

which the river can receive from the sewerage of Calcutta. First, we

have to consider the amount of water carried by the Hooghly, for the

data for which I have to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. Leonard.

He estimates that at the lowest season, the river, through its tributary

affluents, receives only about 2,000 cubic feet per second, but 8 or

10,000 cubic feet more by percolation from its banks, or say from all

sources 10,000 cubic feet of water per second, equal to 8€4,000,000

cubic feet per day. Mr. Clark, in his report on the water supply,

proposes to distribute 6,000,000 gallons per day or even ultimately

12,000,000 gallons. Now let us take the highest of these quantities ;

at a rough estimate this is about 2,000,000 cubic feet, and its

proportion to the volume of the river water is as 2 to 864 or 1, part.

The greatest amount of organic matter I found in the filthiest ditch in

Calcutta at its worst in June was about 24 grains per gallon. Now sup-

posing all this large quantity of water was daily poured into the Hooghly

in the state of sewerage of this degree of concentration, it would be

only z35 part of 24 grains of organic matter to each gallon of river

water or about .05 to .06 grain per gallon. Even supposing that

the amount of water carried by the river has been over-estimated,

and that it amounts to only one-half or one-fourth of the quantity

stated above, the proportion of organic matter added by the sewerage

would not exceed one-fourth of a grain per gallon at most, during

the hot season.

* Dr. Parkes states that 12 to 40 or 50 grains per gallon is not uncommon.

It would be necessary to know how such results were obtained, before admit-

ting them.

+ Probably if the water of the canal, instead of having been collected at full .

tide, had been taken when the river water was beginning to flow into the

canal, it would have contained more organic matter. An attempt indeed was

made to get such water two days before (18th February), but the proper time

was not hit,

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 129

It is unnecessary at present to say more respecting the quantity of

organic matter in the Hooghly water near Calcutta. It does not

‘appear to exceed two grains per gallon even in the most unfavourable

circumstances of season and tide, and during ebb tide is only about

half that or less. Dr. Parkes says that it should not exceed one and

ahalf grain per gallon in drinking waters, and the London authorities

seem to be endeavouring to reduce it almost to nothing. In view of

the difficulty of judging of its nature, it is desirable to have as little

of it as possible.

In the original paper I have discussed the nature of the organic

matter, and have not now much to add. ‘The season of the year since

that communication is the least favourable to the examination of the

impurities in the water, as during these months—October to February

—allthe waters are at their purest. I formerly expressed an opinion

on the amount of ammonia being probably a good indication of the

impurity of a water, and gave reasons for it. The following are the

results of some examinations of the river water, during these months,

for ammonia,

Taste VII.

Showing proportion of Ammonia in 100,000 fi. grs. of water.

grains.

18th September, 1866, River Water, ... ........cccceccceceuee .0620

HOth November, 1866, Blood tides... 0.00 e.. .0065

9th January, 1867, Ebb,......... URIS EP ONS LEEC SERS ae .0160

Billoo 10 CEN AERO, 08 ED el) os 0145

Pandydanuary, 1867; Shores: 0.) ..cole lise GR Eee .0260

30th January, 1867, Ebb, Weep ie Hae ae .0090

SuMAceN ye nny .0160

20th February, 1867, Circular canal at mouth, ............ 0170

at 8rd bridge, i. /../3.2.. 0190

18th February, 1867, Salt Water Lake Marsh, ........... 7.0250

The quantities are small, yet consistent enough with the previous

observations. Reference may be made to them in remarks that

follow. :

But the Ammonia is not the only thing to look to in connection with

organic matter, As formerly observed, there are the products of

oxidation of nitrogenised matter, including that of ammonia itself,

130 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

namely, nitric and nitrous acids, and there are nitrogenised substances

in progress of decomposition, as well as non-nitrogenous substances,

usually called vegetable, carbohydrates, and hydrocarbons more or

less oxidised. Reasons have been given in the first paper for not

attaching very much importance to the estimation of nitric acid, yet

the enquiry is interesting, to account for the destruction of the

nitrogenised matter. Ifthe nitrogen is oxidised, it ought to be found

ag nitric or nitrous acid, unless it be supposed that it escapes in

some gaseous form. Time has not permitted me to investigate this

subject, but the few trials I have made for the detection of nitric

acid have not been at all successful,—possibly it may be for want of

sufficient care. On the other hand, the test recommended for nitrous

acid,—Price’s test by starch, acid, and Iodide of Potassium, at once

gives indications of that acid. But unfortunately it equally has given

me free indications in the distilled water used, though means have

‘been taken carefully to free the water and all the re-agents employed

from it. At present I can give no explanation of these difficulties :

the point is reserved for enquiry.

The most difficult part of the subject is the estimation of the nature

of that more fixed portion of the organic matter which has undergone

comparatively little change. The determination of the amount of

nitrogen in this is one mode of examining it: I have not at present

attempted this, as the waters have during the last four months been

in the least favourable condition for such examination, and my time

has been occupied with other parts of the enquiry. But I can only

confirm what was before stated, that the organic matter evidently

varies considerably in its nature: that of the rainy season resembles

more that contained in tank waters; that of the dry season is more

like that contained in sea water. The former evidently contains

more matter of vegetable origin, but so far as I have been able to

form a judgment, this only partially accounts for the difference.

But before proceeding to discuss these points, it may be better to

have the whole of the data before us, by including the composition of

the tank waters as well as of the river water. In the first paper

one table exhibited some of the principal characteristics: now,

additional information can be given. It will be exhibited by the

following tables,

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 1381

Taste VIII.

Tank and well waters, For 100,000 fluid grains.

Orga- |Oxigen

Date of col-| Solid | nic |req. to:Ammo-

lecting. | matter. |matter.oxidise.| nia.

a es ee

grains. |grains. | grains grains.

General’s Tank, ........} 7th Oct. 9.83 | 2.11

24th Jan. 9.05 | 1.59 017

Monobur Doss’ Tank,...| 9th Oct. | 12.80 | 1.95

25th Jan. | 12.83 | 1.24 .026

Dalhousie Sq. Tank, ...| 9th Oct. | 20.30 | 1.90

21st Jan. | 25.388 | 2.33 044

Ramdhone Ghose’sTank,| 18th Feb. | 66.25 | 4.62

Baranagur Tank,......... 15th Feb, | 46.00 | 4.05 045

Well, . 22d Feb. |105.25 | 4.56

Nyan Chund’ Datt’s

Hane’ Manks 03.40. 22a Dee. |. 72250) || 16:25; | 356

Well, ate NS 22d Dec. ; 97.00 | 5.20 | .060

Blaquiere’s Tank, ...... 16th Dec. | 107.20] 8.00 | 172

Manictollah Well, ..... 16th Dec. | 187.20 | 12.90 | .200

Puttureaghat St.Well.,...) 8th Dec. | 158.01 | 9.23 | .281 | .660

Nimtollah Street Well,...| 8th Dec. | 278.60 |21.23 | .882 | .700

River water from street

GMIP CCL... J. ionic esic owes 16th Dec. | 20.80 | 1.80 | .102

The first three are well known tanks referred to in my first paper ;

Ramdhone Ghose’s Tank, Jaun Bazar, is that also noticed there,* near

Mr. Dall’s school, the water of which has since become much cleaner,

and the Baranagar Tank is also that referred to there, the well being

an old one on my own premises.

As to the remainder, some explanation is necessary. I was

requested by the Municipal authorities in December last to examine

some waters in the northern part of the town, with reference to a pro-

posed public tank to be excavated there, and the results are included

in the table. Of these Nyan Chund Dutt’s Lane Tank and Well and

Blaquiere’s Tank are old sources of supply; the three latter “ wells”

were simply holes dug in the ground 8 or 9 feet deep to collect water

for examination: the water from the aqueduct was supplied at my

request for comparison.

Another table will exhibit a few more points for comparison.

* Called Dhurrumtollah Tank by mistake.

132 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

Taste IX.

Tank and well waters. For 100,000 gr. water.

Hardness, Chlorine

Equal to that from] cale. as

Carbonate of Lime,| Chloride

in grains. ofSodium.

Total. Eerie

nent.

General’s Tank of 18th Feb. 1867,...... 6.4 2.1

Ramdhone Ghose’s Tank of 18th Feb., 29.9 15.1 28.66

Baranagar Well of 22nd Feb. ............ 70.4 12.3 45.40

Nyan Chund Dutt’s Lane Tank, ...... 33.7 2.9 40.10

Wells ett: SO) 17.4 44.30

Blaguiere's "Dank Sa. Mew eM cont oethons Slt 14.5 31.60

ManictollaliWicllFaye on semeseies ts eee ee 68.1 6.1 58.50

Puttureaghat Street Well, ......... 2... 53.3 11.0 53.10

Nimtollah Street Well, . ..........00... 127.5 24.0 | 111.20

River water of street aqueduct,......... 19% 2.1 bis

And to get a full insight into the nature of such

waters, a complete

analysis was made of two of them, of which this is the result for

100,000 fluid grains of water.

TasLe X.

Puttureaghat | Nimtollah

Street Well. Well.

grains. grains.

Potash eesmcescuseniscsee rac sea sb eesreces 30 49 34.77

SSIOUEI 7 Abas nce eeacc OU aap aaToa a scoconeeO sco: 31.35 35.33

MGM pecan betes wa seisiacaneys siete Loomer 14.00 31.20

IU ENGI NESTE | areas gana ase oodneaaoiceecs 8.76 22.80

CRIOEING hen Uieai tis tite. ecteaseniet memset 32.30 67.81

cull gare AO! so5Shanasecsgonunnostoso = 1.84 13.20

IPG Ryle AYES 23) So gcsader anevo.seboaede

rosil ORG Wha ier A id AA oe td esis Se Ss 7.00 4.80

Carbonic acid by difference, (including

errors of aualysis;) <.€...2s.cecue-e-cee 23.03 47.46

148.77 257.37

Organic matter, ........666 seNies erence te 9.23 21.23

158 278.6

Nitric AICI ee reece, secuearewerarenscoses none detected.|small quantity.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 133

~ Phosphoric acid: very distinct indications of in both.

This was also found in smaller quantity in the other four of these

waters, and in still smaller quantity in the water of the aqueduct.

The relative proportions of these constituents, so different from those

of ordinary spring or even river waters, point clearly to their origin.

The large quantity of alkaline salts, compared with those of Lime and

Magnesia, and the large proportion of Potash and of organic matter,

indicate that they are derived from the decomposition of vegetable

and animal substances: the phosphoric acid and perhaps the chlorine

being more particularly characteristic of their animal origin. In fact,

it is the composition of sewage water, and differs from some other

analyses of English town sewage* most remarkably in the large

proportion of potash present, no doubt the product of the vegetable

food of the mass of the population. It is indeed simply sewage water,

deprived in great part of its bad smell by filtering through the earth.

And the partial analyses of the other tanks and wells (except the

three first tanks of the table) indicate that the waters all partake

more or less of the same character, and contrast strikingly with the

superior purity and different characteristics of the river water during

the cold season.

The large quantity of Ammonia as exhibited by Table VIII. in the

two waters fully analysed is also very striking.

Now to return to the consideration of the organic matter which has

undergone comparatively little change, and for the proper examination

of which we have no very ready or suitable chemical processes : the best

means of judging of its nature and properties have already been

discussed in my first paper. These are, chiefly, the general appearance

and smell of the residue obtained by evaporating the water, the

smell on burning, and the estimation of the amount of nitrogen by

the Soda lime process. This last, for reasons already stated, I have not

applied. But I may observe again, that these bad tank waters more

resemble the river water of the rains than of the hot season, in the

appearance and properties of their organic contents. No doubt this

proceeds in part from the larger proportion of matter of vegetable

* Lawes and Gilbert, Journal of Chem. Soc. Ser. 2, Vol. IV. p. 118 for 1866.

Way’s Report on Sewage of Towns quoted in Parkes’s, Manual of Practical

Hygiene, 2nd edition, 1866, p. 325.

134 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

nature; non-nitrogenised matter. It appears to me, however, that

there is a tendency generally to make too much of this distinction

between matter of vegetable and of animal origin, it being often

spoken of as if the organic matter were of little importance, if it could

be shown to be vegetable matter. Now it may be admitted that

most probably water tinged by peaty matter consisting of the ordinary

humous class of acids and salts, may be not at all even injurious to

health, and that water flowing over or percolating through the soil

of mountainous districts or others bare of vegetation, where there is

little herbage and much earth or rock, may be very pleasant and

wholesome. But citing such cases is only evading the question.

It does not follow that water draining off cultivated fields or dense

jungle, or flowing between banks covered with luxuriant and rank

vegetation, will be equally harmless. Putrefying animal matter is very

offensive, but putrefying green vegetable matter, though not so

disgusting in idea, is scarcely less offensive. Nor, be it remembered,

are the poisonous properties very much dependent or connected with

a disgusting taste or smell, and the most powerful poisons come from

the vegetable kingdom.

In my first communication, the oxidising action of the atmospheri¢

air dissolved in river water was brought forward as a powerful agency

for purifying the water. And though Dr. Frankland’s results were

quoted as strikingly illustrating it in respect to the Thames waters,

yet such observations are by nomeans new. And it must again be

observed that the high temperature of the climate will materially

assist this action. No doubt it assists putrefaction, fermentation also,

and in some cases this may take place in a river, when its course from

any cause is rendered very slow. But in the case of the Hooghly

the tides cannot fail to act beneficially; twice every day damming

back the water and again retreating, enabling the river to flow with

increased velocity, increasing the motion amongst its waters and

constantly changing the surfaces exposed to the air. This is just

one of those agencies that escape general observation : it does not

exhibit itself to the senses, yet it must be remembered that it is

by the oxygen dissolved by water, small though that be in amount,

that animal life is preserved in the waters no less than in the ordinary

atmosphere.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 135

The organic matter remaining in the mother liquors, after having

as well as practicable crystallised out or otherwise removed the

mineral saline constituents, is, in the case of the hot season river water,

of a pale brownish yellow colour, with a comparatively faint, somewhat

urinous smell ; that from the tanks and river water of the rains is of

a darker brown colour and a more excrementitious smell: a smell, in

fact, similar to that of Guana. So far as sensible properties go, the

latter is the more disagreeable, and according to the results of

experiment mentioned in the first paper, probably at least equally

nitrogenised. At present it would be difficult to speak more positively

on the subject.

In my first paper, and more particularly in the abstract of it

furnished for the proceedings of the Society, I made some remarks in

connection with some of the tanks which my own observations will

not bear out. This was the result of haste and inadvertence, which

will now be corrected. Some of the best tanks, General’s Tank more

particularly, are probably equal to the river water in purity at some

seasons, and superior to it at others. Tank water deteriorates during

the hot season from putrefactive fermentation ; the river water proper

improves from oxidation, but near Calcutta deteriorates from sewerage

and tidal water. ‘Tank water improves during the rains by dilution

with rain water, and the animal and vegetable life in it preserves the

proper balance, removes decaying matters, and prevents putrefaction to

any great extent: at least, this is the case in good tanks. General’s

Tank seems a well kept aquarium; it abounds in animal life: though

its water has often a slightly putrid flavour, this is easily removed by

exposure. But even the water of that tank is not, in my opinion,

equal in freedom from organic impurity to the river water proper,

taken during the dry season at ebb tide.

General Conclusions.

Before closing this communication, it may be well to make a few

general remarks as to the conclusions to be drawn from the data

obtained. It must have been observed that there is some uncertainty

connected with the subject of the organic matter. Persevering enquiry

may in time enable us to remove much of this uncertainty, but at

present we can only draw conclusions from the most certain grounds

we possess. Probably all will agree that it is advisable to get

186 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

drinking water containing as small a quantity of organic matter as

possible, and more particularly as small a proportion as possible of

that which is of recent origin. If, this being kept in mind, we take

up the question which seems to have been considered of greatest

practical importance by the Calcutta community, namely, can the

supply be safely taken from the river at Cossipore? we can scarcely

answer it in the affirmative. My results, as has been pointed out,

show that there is a very distinct increase in the quantity of organic

matter in flood over ebb tide, even during the cold, but still more

during the hot season. How far this may be due to the proximity of

Calcutta, could only be ascertained from extended observations ; but

as the town must supply a considerable quantity of putrefying and

putrefiable matter and that of recent origin, in the absence of evidence

indicating the contrary, it would be desirable to avoid taking it from

that locality. What is the smallest distance up the river at which

this source of contamination is not appreciable, is a point that could be

determined only by observations during the hot season in various

circumstances and places. But it is evident enough that the further

up we go, the more certain are we to.avoid this source of contamination.

But though this ‘is an important question, it is not the only one:

it seems to have occupied almost exclusively the attention of that

portion of the community who have taken an interest in the

subject, while another, and in my opinion an equally important

one, has scarcely if at all been noticed; and that is, what is to

be done withthe muddy water of the rainy season? If we look

to the amount of putrefying matter as indicated by the permanga-

nate test, or even as observed by the senses, the water, for. the first

two months at least of the rains, is worse than the flood tide

water of the hot season; if we look to the two as we have them, each

with its suspended mud, the rainy season water is greatly the worst.

If we consider the quantity of organic matter actually dissolved in the

water, probably the hot season water contains most, though this at

present is not quite certain, and it is also somewhat doubtful if it be

so bad in quality as in the rainy season water. Of all points in the

enquiry, this is the one involving the greatest doubt and difficulty,

and I should feel it quite impossible to give a decided opinion on it,

without again examining the water during that season. And what

1867. | with the suppl, of water to Calcutta. 137

makes this point of chief importance is this, that though the town

contamination may be avoided by going up the river, this cannot.

That flood waters (that is, floods produced by rain fall) are most

impure, as regards organic matter, is now a recognised fact in England.

It is by no means a new observation. In the Report on the Metropo-

litan Water Supply by Messrs. Graham, Miller and Hofmann, presented

to the Secretary for the Home Department in June [851, this

point is repeatedly noticed and the remedy for it discussed, though

from the nature of their remarks it is evident that the amount of

finely suspended mud, and the degree of its putridity, have probably

been much smaller than those of the Hooghly water in the rains.

It must be remembered that while in England there are numerous

small floods, here we have but one large flood in the year, washing

down the accumulated refuse of seven or eight months. It is true

that the large quantity of rain dilutes the muddy mixture, and, so

far as matter in actual solution is concerned, improves the water.

Still we have it loaded with mud, part of that in a very fine state

of suspension, very slow in settling, and which cannot be separated

by any ordinary filtration. And as the finely suspended clay

contains organic matter, putrid or putrefiable, the water must be

deprived of it to be rendered fit for use.

The subject has engaged the attention of the Engineer to the

Justices, and in his Report on the works for the supply of water

to Calcutta, he details the plan for meeting the difficulty alluded to.

He admits the difficulty, for the says, para. 28, “‘ The muddy character

of the water to be dealt with is an unusual feature in works of this

description and necessitates peculiar aud- special arrangements being

provided.’’ Let us see what these are.

It is to be settled in large tanks 6 or 7 feet deep for 36 hours;

then the upper portion, to the depth of 4 feet, is to be drawn carefully

off to the filter, after passing through which it is conveyed to covered

reservoirs for storage, whence it is to be distributed as required.

The filter is composed of sand and gravel, and also, according to

My. Clark’s original proposal, a layer of: “‘ Spencer’s magnetic carbide.”

The object of this is to purify the water from organic matter, and

it is also said that it removes the suspended matter.

But so far as [can gather from the Report, Mr. Clark scems to

138 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

consider that the settling of the muddy water of the rains for 36

hours will put the water on an equality with that of the rest of

the year as to the rapidity with which it will pass through the

filter, and, I suppose, with or without the magnetic carbide, will

supply it in an unobjectionable state. At least I cannot find in the

Report any provision made in addition to this for the special case

of the muddy waters of the rains, or a single arrangement made to

provide against any difficulty in this case.

My own observations on the waters of the rainy season are not at

all in favour of the success of this scheme. On the contrary, I have

experienced the greatest difficulty in getting the water freed from the

finely suspended matter by either subsidence or- filtration. After

standing to settle for several weeks, it still contained much of this

finely suspended clay, from which it could not be freed by filtration in

the ordinary way. It seems therefore to be impossible to avoid the

conclusion that through the ordinary sand filter the water will pass

- little changed; or if by any modification it be made effectual, it will

pass with such extreme slowness as altogether to interrupt the

ordinary supply of the water. And if it pass in its muddy state into

deep covered reservoirs provided for it, daily it will deposit a portion

of its mud, which will be daily more or less stirred up by the new flow

of water into the reservoir, a state of matters which appears to be

very well adapted to maintain the water in the state in which it

entered, or even to tend to make it worse. Whether the water of this

season then will be in a fit state for storage, after thirty-six hours

settling and the short time longer necessary for its passing though the

filter and being conveyed to the reservoirs, is a question deserving of

serious consideration. My own observations lead me greatly to doubt

it. It would be rather a serious error, if these fears should turn out

to be well founded ; for not only would the water be offensive during

the rainy season, but, unless the reservoirs were cleaned out, would

continue to be so. And in the plan there appears no arrangement

for cleaning them, and no facilities for doing so.

There are other and effectual plans for speedily separating the

suspended mud from the water, and rendering it easy to be filtered

perfectly transparent. These are by chemical precipitants, to some

of which I have previously alluded ; one well known is alum, in daily

1867. ] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 139

common use. These have been observed sometimes to increase the

quantity of organic matter in solution, but this is probably from

imperfect knowledge of the proper way to apply them, rather than

essential to their operation.

This enquiry into the water of the Hooghly was commenced, as

formerly stated, without any reference to the water supply of Calcutta,

but simply as an investigation interesting in a scientific point of

view. For even in the single point of the organic matter there is

room for the expenditure of much labour and research. It is difficult

and not very promising, but persevering enquiry often brings much

of interest out of unpromising subjects. The high temperature of the

country increases the energy of chemical action, and the comparative

regularity of the seasons favours the simplicity of its operation; and

thus a country like India affords a field well adapted for the study of

the influence of chemical changes on the phenomena of nature. Many

of these changes may not be very obvious to those unaccustomed to

study them, but they are not the less real on that account, and

not the less powerful in their operation on the world around us.

16th September 1867.

Since writing the above, the enquiry has been continued, with the

view of settling one or two points left in some degree of uncertainty.

These were the amount of organic matter in the river water during

the hot season and during the rains. The first of these was the point

on which the greatest doubt was felt by many as to the correctness

of the results given in my first paper, though little shared in by

myseli: the second was the point on which my own opinion was

most undecided. The experimental results will be given in the tables,

and comments and explanations will follow.

146 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2,

Taste XI.

For 100,000 grains.

Hot season. Total solid Organic

contents. matter.

River water of 2°th May, 1867,

Spring tide, ...... Satine sb eyeunie Flood, 55.60 .90

Kbb, 16.45 75

Ditto of 6th June, spring, Flood, 50.75 1.70

General’s Tank of 10th June, 10.74 2.40

Dalhousie Sq. Tank of 10th June, 41.35 2.58

Rainy Season.

River Water of 13th July, purified by

perchloride of iron, 1.22

Ditto by ditto in smaller proportion, 63

Ditto settled 3 days and syphoned off, again

settled 8 days, 12.07 afl

Ditto settled and sand filtered continuously

with new water daily till 26th, then , 1.06

settled till 18th August, 5

River Water of 16th August, Flood, 10.71 TA

Ditto of 24th August, Ebb, 10 26 1.10

The experiments on the hot season waters were made to decide the

question involved in the objection raised to my first results, namely,

that the organic matter had been decomposed and lost by the delay

(of from ten to fourteen days) in proceeding to the evaporation.

In the present cases the water was evaporated on the next day after

collection. The result shews only from .90 to 1.70 grains organic

matter in 100,000 grains of water taken at flood tide of the hichest

spring tides of the season ; less indeed than I had obtained in 1866,

Many other experiments have shown me that there is very little

change in the weight of organic matter sustained by keeping it even

for several weeks, and least of all in the case of water containing so

much saline matter as the river does at this season. The only thing

that undergoes rapid change is the deoxidising power of the water as

shewn by the permanganate test, but this does not appreciably affect

the weight of the organic matter.

1867.] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 141

One thing is to be noticed in connection with these, namely, that

the amount of saline contents is very decidedly smaller than it was in

the corresponding season of 1866. This may possibly have arisen

from the correct time of full flood not having been caught, but if so,

this must have happened on both occasions: and moreover the

quantity of saline matter at Ebb tide is also much smaller than in

1866. It appears to me more probable that the river water has

contained less saline matter this year. It would be difficult to give

an opinion as to the cause of this: besides, the observations were not

sufficiently numerous to draw conclusions from with certainty.

The results of the examination of the river water of the rainy

season confirm those I have already given in. Table III. of the first

paper and in Table V. of this. The absolute amount of organic

matter is somewhat less than in the waters of the hot season, but, in

proportion to the mineral constituents, very much greater. It isto be

observed that the waters which were simply settled, or even sand-

filtered, still contained clay: the water, clarified by a little sesqui-

chloride of iron, does not give the correct amount of saline matter,

therefore in the table this is omitted in these cases, but it was only

by such means that the water could be got clear and free from clay,

at the beginning of the rains, without delay. The two samples thus

clarified were evaporated next day after collection, the others after

greater delay.

The waters were also examined for ammonia by the process given

in the first paper: the results are exhibited in the following table.

Taste XII.

Shewing quantity of ammonia in 100,000 fl. grains water.

Hot Season.

Grains.

River water of 13th May, Neap tide ........... _... Ebb, .0350

Flood, .0240

20th May, Spring tide ............06 Lene SGRve: MIWA CE Ebb, 0090

Flood, .0155

Bune dine. Spring tide 4.50%. a8ebid eee. ciededdceses sioes Flood, .0190

WANETARe.3. MOer 260s Ra aettewn et) O200

142 Mr, Waldie’s Investigations connected [No. 2

GeneralisMankiwwateteys tach sumo eens es, nn espa beean 0385

Dalhousie Sq. Tank water, .........000... ene Ay. a aceltariaite tao Nimes a

Racny Season.

Riverawater.ot UOth Suuliygacteee sayecees sees ies dnsareehh cece Mel ZG

ss gt Weer ig Leo nivel iL yeti cake « alge: Mas Sela sclera eer , Kare OSLO

a peace! Ot lineA di ocnistin Wi yaeciaeee antaarei able: te ERRedates .0380

hy ble cae. DMRUI] OY Ve QUEP DUSLEAieee A AGAGemr eee wivibeieisaieainenisin anE HET

Avyerage,..cn. + 0392

These results exhibit.great variations in the proportion of ammonia,

and recent investigations throw some doubt on the trustworthiness of

the method employed; besides, it is confessedly an imperfect indication

of the amount of nitrogenous matter : nevertheless, so far as they go,

they are confirmatory of those already given in table IV. of Part I.

The waters of the rainy season yield more ammonia than do those

of the hot season, and the tank waters, even the best of them,

yield more than the river water. And the previous table also shews

that General’s Tank,—probably the best of the tanks, or at least

one of the best, contains more organic matter than the river water;

and the results given connected with Dalhousie Square Tank confirm

the opinion expressed before, that the river water rather deteriorates

by storage in tanks.

I do not mean to say that these results, as to the quantity of

organic matter and the proportion of nitrogenous matter, prove with

certainty that the river water is at least equal, if not superior, to

even the best of the tank waters ; but they are the best means of

judging which chemical analysis affords of the quality of water for

drinking purposes, and, in the absence of equally good evidence to the

contrary, the results lead to such conclusions.

Only in one point have I to say something in modification of the

results of previous examination, and that is connected with the water

of the rainy season. In the previous pages I have spoken strongly

of the putrid flayour of the river water of the rains, particularly of

the early part of the season. ‘This respected the year 1866. In the

present year, however, I have not found this putrid flavour, or at least

1867. ] with the supply of water to Calcutta. 143

only to a comparatively very slight degree. At first I was inclined

to attribute this difference to some local or accidental cause which

had led me into a mistake as to the general character, but after

further observation and consideration, I do not think that this is the

explanation, but that the water is really different in this respect, this

season, from what it was last. For not only hasthe putrid smell been

absent, but the mud has been easier to separate from the water; the

particles are not so fine, or at least not so glutinous, and it has not

been so difficult to filter clear as it was last year at the corresponding

periods ; and the quantity of organic vegetable matter produced on

standing in bottles has been decidedly less than it was last year.

Indeed the river water of the rainy season of 1865 gave much more

vegetable growth than that of either of the two succeeding years,

Moreover the water of the river did not become muddy nearly go

speedily after the setting in of the rains as it did last year: this was

noticed particularly, as the muddy water was watched for. Neither

after it had become muddy, did it exercise nearly so strong a deoxida-

ting power on permanganate of potash as it did last year: only about

one-third of the power; and this is a good indication of putridity.

These facts, to which may be added the greater purity of the

water of the hot season of this year, seem to indicate some general

cause producing the variation. Both 1865 and 1866 were years

of deficient rainfall, 62.40 and 60.32 inches; while the year preceding,

1865, was one of large rainiall, there having been 84.22 incheg

in 1864. This perhaps may have some connection with the points

noticed. The peculiarity is worth attention in the future,

The subject of water analysis, in connection with hygiene, hag

lately occupied much attention in London. Dr. Frankland hag

expressed opinions respecting the small value of the oxidation test by

permanganate, in accordance with my own and on additional grounds,

and also proposed a fuller examination of the nitrogenous constitu-

ents as the most important guide. Miles Messrs. Wanklin, Chapman

and Miles Smith have also proposed some new methods for determining

the nitrogenous constituents. The details of these plans, however, have

not yet been published, or at least have not yet come under my

notice. The subject is also under experiment by myself, and will haye

further attention.

144 Mr. Waldie’s Investigations.

To sum up, it may be observed, that these extended enquiries,

though leaving many points yet imperfect, still go to confirm the

general conclusions arrived at in my first communication, favorable

to the water of the Hooghly, compared either with the Calcutta Tank

waters or the present London waters. I may repeat what I then said;

““ Such are the conclusions I have arrived at, some of them unexpected

even to myself, and which may be disputed by others.” And I may

add, that they can only be properly controverted by evidence of the

incorrectness of the experimental results from which these conclusions

have been drawn.

CoC ha

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

—_—©—-

Part I1—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No. Il1.—1867.

On the Reproductive Functional Relations of several Species and

Varieties of Verbasca.

By John Scott, Esq.,

Curator of the Royal Botanical Gardens, Calcutta.

In this paper, I purpose giving an account of a numerous and carefully

performed series of experiments on the hybrid and eross-unions of several

species and varieties of Verbasca, with the view of illustrating those

functional relations, or differences existing between the results of unions

of distinct species on the one hand, with those of different varieties of

the same species on the other. I believe, the generally accepted view

of naturalists on this point is, that a certain degree of sterility

always results from the union of distinct species in their first hybrid

produce, and that their progeny are absolutely infertile one with

another; while in the cross-unions of varieties of a species, the ferti-

lity is in no respect affected in the first cross, and the progeny are, in

every case, perfectly fertile, one with another. These relative differ-

ences, then, in the products of hybridism and mongrelism are

strongly maintained to be decisively demarcative of the factors, in-

cluded under the terms “species” and “ varieties,” affording, so to

speak, an unequivocal analysis, whereby nature’s original and immu-

146 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

table units—species—may at once be discriminated from those diverged

forms—varieties—to which they have given rise, and with which,

from the important structural differences they frequently assume, they

might be hopelessly confounded. Such, at least, is the opinion of

those naturalists who regard species as the result of distinct creative

acts. On the other hand, those naturalists who believe in derivative

hypotheses, and look upon all existing organisms as the genealogical

connections of other and earlier kinds, entertain the directly opposite

view, and maintain that no such essential differences as those above

stated exist between the results of hybridism and mongrelism ; though

they readily admit a difference in degree. This point has been ably

and philosophically discussed by Mr. Darwin, who, after a careful and

impartial examination of all the evidence he could collate, considers

himself justified in concluding, that “first crosses between forms

known to be varieties, or sufficiently alike to be considered as varieties,

and their mongrel offspring, are very generally, but not, as is so often

falsely stated, universally fertile......... consequently that neither

fertility nor sterility afford any clear distinction between species and.

varieties ; but that the evidence from this source graduates away, and

is doubtful in the same degree, as is the evidence derived from other

constitutional and structural differences,” *

Though Mr. Darwin thus clearly anticipates an essential accordance

between the result of hybridism and mongrelism, it is to be observed

that the extreme paucity of experimental observations on the latter

phenomena prevents his illustrating the subject so fully and satisfac-

torily as its importance demands. The want of such observations,

and the importance of their bearing on that theory of the “ origin

of species”’ proposed by Mr. Darwin, has been frequently and strongly

insisted on by Professor Huxley. Thus in his “ Hssay on Man’s

Place in Nature,” p. 106, we find the following remarks: ‘“ Our

acceptance of the Darwinian hypothesis must be provisional so long

as one link in the chain of evidence is wanting, and so long as all the

animals and plants certainly produced by selective breeding from a

common stock are fertile, and their progeny are fertile one with another,

that link will be wanting.” Again in his Lectures on our knowledge of

the cause of the phenomena of organic nature, Lecture VI. p. 147, alter

* Darwin’s “ Origin of Species,” 3rd Hdition, pp, 271 and 300,

1867.] Relations of Verbasca. 147

discussing the obligations of a hypothesis, he remarks, that “‘ Mr. Darwin,

in order to place his views beyond the reach of all possible doubt, ought

to be able to demonstrate the possibility of developing from a particular

stock, by selective breeding, two forms which should either be unable

to cross one with another, or whose cross-bred offspring should be

infertile with one another,” ..,.....“‘ Now it is admitted on all hands

that at present so far as experiments have gone, it has not been found

possible to produce their complete physiological divergence by selective

breeding.......... If it should be proved, not only that this has not been

done, but that it could not be done, I hold that Mr. Darwin’s

hypothesis would be utterly shattered.” Professor Huxley, however,

though thus strongly insisting upon the absence of facts showing that

any degree of sterility has resulted from the crossing of varieties

known to have originated from a common stock, states that he does

not know a single fact which would justify the assertion that such

sterility could not be produced by proper experiment, expressing his

belief that it may and will be produced.

Considering then the as yet positively equivocal nature of the

relations between the phenomena of hybridism and mongrelism,

together with its important bearings on the converse theories which

now divide the scientific world, I trust the reader will bear with me,

while giving a somewhat detailed statement of my own experiments

on the above phenomena. I venture to premise that they show pretty

clearly the relative claims of the two views now held by naturalists

on our acceptance, and illustrate also one or two other points of high

interest in theoretical natural science. First, for the union of V.

pheeniceum vars. roseum and album and V. nigrum.

one . oO

ze 3 3 By cal-

2 S| oe 18 culation.

i=}

: ° rc o o

Tabi 1.—Results of Pure and Mixed Unions| 4 Se 18

of Verbascwum phenicewm, var. rosewm and| Bl Is 5

album; and V. nigrum. | s 3 6 | Beal 8

Sell 2 i oe |e al 2 | es

Or | o |e ol e )

A Oo }]n I< oO} 2

No.

1. Verbascum pheniceum by pollen of V. :

phenicewm rosewm, i 10 8 | 193) 24 | 20 | 483

2. V.phenicewm, rosewm by pollen of V.

pheniceum, 12 9 | 306] 34 | 20 | 680

148 On the Reproductive Functional [ No. 3,

By cal-

culation.

TABLE 1, (Contd.)—Results of Pure and Mixed

Unions of Verbascuwm pheniceum, var. rosewm

and albwn; and V. nigrum.

capsule.

lised.

Average of seeds per

No. of flowers ferti-

Capsules produced.

Seeds produced.

il. V. pheniceum, roseum by own pollen, ...| 18

12. V. pheniceum, album by own pollen, oe) alts}

3. V.pheniceum, by rea of V. pheni-

ceum, album, : 10 400

4. V. pheniceum, album "by pollen of V.

phoeniceum, 16 | 11 } 287 522

5. V. pheniceum, album by pollen of V.

pheniceum, roseum, 8 4, | 116] 29 | 20 | 580

6. V.phenicewm, rosewm by pollen of V.

pheniceum, album, 8 0) 7 tial tel aes

7. V.phenicewm, by pollen of V. nigrum, soo]! LO) 3 57{ 19 | 20 | 380

8. V.phenicewum, album es pollen of YJ.

Wigvum, as 10 | 6 | 110} 18 | 20 | 367

9. V. pheniceum, rosewm ’ by pollen of v.

_ nigrum, .. sds soot) 1K) 7 | 107} 15 | 20 | 306

10. YV. phenicewm, by own ‘pollen, Bae 5oa|} dite} 0 :

fe)

ao |

5 of he |

a LW)

a 0 Se a Sa ee a ee el

| Seeds.

The following descriptive notice of the plants in Tab. 1, will show

their close morphological relations. First, V. pheeniceum ; stem somewhat

downy, simple, producing upwards a racemose panicle. Leaves

crenate, oblong-ovate, nearly glabrous above, deep green. Fadical

subcordate, ovately-acuminate, petiolate. Upper cauline crenulated,

semi-amplexicaul. Bracteas lanceolate. Kaceme elongated. Flowers

lax, solitary ; pedicels longer than the bracteas. Corolla purplish-violet,

beset with violet hairs at its base. Stamens ; filaments of the three

shorter stamens covered with long glandular purplish hairs, these of

the two longer naked, except on the upper side, where there are a few

similarly characterised hairs. Anthers of the three longer stamens

nearly circular, and covered with purple and white glandulose hairs,

these of the shorter stamens, reniform and nearly naked. Pollen

copper-coloured. Second, V. pheniceum, rosewm differs from the above

only in the less elongated raceme and the rose-coloured flowers. Third,

V. pheniceum, album is of a more robust habit than the other two.

1867. | Relations of Verbasca. 149

Radical leaves ovate-lanceolate, light green. Flowers white and

rather larger than the others, with a few whitish glandulose hairs

near the base of petals. J%laments and form of anthers similar to

these of V. phcenicewm, but beset with white instead of purple,

glandular hairs. Pollen similarly copper-coloured in each.

Thus, judging from the characters of these three forms alone, there

can be no doubt as to their being other than conspecific. In addition

to this I may add, on the authority of Mr. Stirling of Hdinburgh,

that they have been raised from pure seed of the V. phen-

ceum, the rose-coloured variety frequently appearing amongst the

seedlings of V. phcenicewm, the white presenting itself more rarely.

In the first part of Tab. 1, the number of flowers fertilised, and

the simple results are shown, and in the right hand, for the sake of

comparison, the calculated produce of the number of seeds from 20

capsules of each is given.* If we compare the results, we see that

reciprocal unions may be effected becween the V. phanicewm and

varieties, with one exception, viz., V. pheniceum, rosewm, by pollen of

V. pheeniceum, album, in which case | have found that though the

pollen tubes are abundantly developed and freely penetrate the stigmatic

tissues, the capsules nevertheless drop prematurely. The goodness,

however, of both the male and female elements of the above varieties

is nevertheless shown by their reciprocal unions with V. phenicewm.

The individual potency of the respective sexual elements of these

varieties, in their reciprocal relations, is clearly shown; whereas by

those experiments given in the three last lines of the table, in which the

stigmas of each variety were covered by their own good pollen, no

unions were effected, each proving utterly self-sterile !

This absolute, or conditional, sterility of the three varieties of V.

pheniceum, when treated by their own good pollen, led me to examine

* From Mr. Darwin’s suggestion in “ The Origin of species” that the decreased

fertility of mixed unions, as compared with that of the pure unions, might possi-

bly be increased by the fact, that for perfectly satisfactory results, castration is

mecessary in the cross-unions; whereas in the latter, in pure unions, this not

being necessary, we may have indiscriminate comparisons, of the two results

though clearly castration may have a direct sterilising influence. In view of

this prudent suggestion, J took the precaution to castrate every flower both of

the pure and mixed unions, from which I intended to draw results. The sole

exception to this is that given in the first line of Table 2 of V. phenicewm

as I was unable to get any of the plants under me to produce seed by their own

pollen. Whatever be the effects of castration then on the fertility of the plants so

treated, in the present cases, all having undergone it, the results will be mutual,

150 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

into the apparent cause, as in certain cases we find it arising from the

non-emission or non-penetration of the pollen tubes ; the pollen through

some mysterious cause being thus utterly impotent on its own stigma.

Theresults of my present examination will, I trust, be found of sufficient

interest to permit of my stating them here. They areas follows: first, I

applied the pollen of each of the three varieties, reciprocally, to their

stigmas; on dissecting these, [ foundthem abundantly permeated

by pollen tubes, many of which I distinctly traced into the ovary.

Secondly, I fertilised several flowers in each variety, with its own

pollen; on examining the stigmas of a few of these flowers, I found

that many of the pollen grains had emitted tubes, but comparatively

few had penetrated the stigmatic tissue, and of these still fewer

permeated the conducting tissues of the styles. Several of the latter,

however, I traced into the vascular bundles of the placenta, the

pistillary cords, and in one or two instances, I believe that I detected

them in the nucleus of the ovule. Nevertheless we have seen that,

though these pollen tubes are developed, they most ineffectively

perform their deputed function, inasmuch as not one of these matured

even a single ovary! I have here to observe, however, that these

pollen tubes do not seem utterly void of the fecundative influence, as

many of the ovaries did undergo a certain degree of development ; and

on examination of these, as they dropped off, I found that the ovules

also had undergone a partial and variable degree of development. In

general, the fleshy albuminous envelope of the embryo was largely

developed, whereas the embryo had undergone a very slight develop-

ment, judging from a comparison of other good seeds of a similar stage,

not at all proportionate to the size attained by the albuminous parts. In

nearly all the embryos which came under my observation, the develop-

ment had ceased ere they exhibited any distinct separation of parts; a

few only had reached that stage in which the axial and lateral

projections were visible.

We thus see, that whatever be the real cause of the inveterate self-

sterility of the three varieties of the V. phaenzcewm, it does not arise,

as has been shown in other cases, from the non-emission of the pollen

tubes. In these, as I have elsewhere noticed it, in certain individual

plants of different species of Oncidia, Maxillaria, and Passiflore,

sterility apparently results from some slight differentiation of the male

1867. ] Relations of Verbasca. 151

element with respect to its own female element. I have also to remark,

that the ultimate conditional sterility of these plants is not, relatively

considered, an absolute but a graduated quantum; this is shown

by the different degrees of development the embryos had undergone,

thus illustrating a most interesting, though as yet imperfectly known

fact, namely, that the male element, even though reaching the female

element, may nevertheless fail to communicate that amount of vital

stimulus necessary to the complete development of the embryo.

Furthermore, I may in passing briefly refer to the perfect parallelism

between these phenomena, and those occasionally observed in hybridi-

sation, at least in the zoological kingdom, for unfortunately we are as

yet nearly void of information on this point in the vegetable kingdom,

hybridists having, in most instances, satisfied themselves by attending

to the ultimate results, without troubling themselves to examine into

the nature or degree of embryonic sterilisation. From the published

papers of the Hon’ble and Rev. W. Herbert, we find, as might

indeed be expected, that «this point did not escape observation: thus

in one case he remarks, ‘‘ It has, I believe, not been duly considered, that

the fecundation of the ovules is not asimple, but a complicated process,

There seems to me to be three or four several processes: viz., the

quickening of the capsule of the fruit, of the outer coats of the seed

itself, of the internal parts or kernel, and lastly, the quickening of the

embryo.”’.........‘‘It is further to be observed,” he continues, ‘‘that there

is frequently an imperfect hybrid fertilisation, which can give life, but

not sustain it well. I obtained much good seed from Hibiscus palustris

by Z. speciosus, and sowed a little each year till it was all gone, the

plants always sprouted, but I saved only one to the third leaf, and it

perished then.”

To recur, however, to the above parallelism, of which we have here

additional and important illustrations: it has been stated by Mr. Darwin*

on the authority of Mr. Hewitt, that in the hybridisation of gallinaceous

birds a frequent cause of sterility in jist crosses is the early death

of the embryo. Again Mr. Salter records similar results from

his experiments on the fertility enter se of several hybrid Galli,t thus

concluding, ‘‘the one striking point of these experiments (which I

believe has never been noticed before) is that a large proportion of

* loc. cit. p. 286,

y~ Nat. Hist. Rev, 1863, p. 276,

152 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

these eggs from hybrid birds breeding inter se have failed to produce

young, not from absolute sterility, but sterility in degree, from an

amount of vitalization insufficient to carry out the whole result of

reproduction, in which the young individual has been completed,

leaving it with vital resistance insufficient to maintain life and cope

with common and customary external influences.’’ And thus in those

curious cases of sterility of structurally hermaphrodite organisms,

whose sexual elements have become differentiated with respect to their

mutual fertile conjunctions, so in the phenomena of sterility from

hybridism, we find, as Mr. Salter well remarks, with respect to the

relations of hybridism and parthenogenesis, “‘ that the sterility is not

absolute but in degree, and that the stimulus, whatever it may be,

which starts the embryonic changes is feeble and imperfect rather

than wholly wanting.”

J have now shown that a regular more or less early embryonic abortion

results from the self-fertilisation of certain individual plants of V.

pheniceum and vars. rosewm, and album ; whereas by their reciprocal

fertilisation, highly fertile unions may in general be effected. By again

consulting Table 1, however, it will be seen that besides a reciprocal

fertilisation, these three plants are also susceptible of fertilisation by

pollen of other species. Thus in lines 7, 8,9, of Table 1, the male

element of V. nigrum is singularly enough effective in the fertilisation

of each, while in a succeeding Table—4—the goodness of the male

elements is also similarly shown by each effectively fertilising the

female element of the V. lychnitis, lutea. Again, we have fuller illus-

trations of these curious sexual phenomena in Table 2, in which one

of the above plants, V. phenicewm, yields a varying degree of fertility

to four other distinct species; namely the V. ferrugineum, Blattaria

lutea and alba ; Lychnitis lutea and ovalifolia. These are indeed

remarkable physiological revelations. How strange that an individual

plant could be fertilised by the pollen of five distinct species, and yet

not by its own good pollen: how singular also, as shown above, to see

three hermaphrodite individuals incapable of seli-fertilisation, yet

having each sexual element reciprocally meeting and fertilising the

opposite elements of other species. Thus, for example, the male

element of V. pheeniceum and vars. rosewm and album fertilise the

female element of V. /ychnitis, while the female elements of the three

1867.] Relations of Verbasca. 153

former are also susceptible of fertilisation by the male element of V.

nigrum. The full explanation of these curious and complicated sexual

relations, | leave for more sagacious and ingenious investigators, and

simply confine myself to remarking on the apparent support that these

and more especially those other cases which I have communicated to

the Linnean Society,* on the fertilisation of certain species of Passiflore,

—in which I showed that individual plants perfectly self-sterile readily

effected reciprocal unions with other similarly characterised individuals

of the same species—give to that view which Mr. Darwin has propounded

regarding the existence of a law in nature necessitating “ an occasional

cross with another individual, or, that no hermaphrodite fertilises itself

for a perpetuity of generations,” but “that some unknown great good

is derived from the union of individuals which have been kept distinct

for many generations.” +

In the following table, the results of the pure unions of V.

pheniceum given on the first line are taken from capsules on a

specimen in the Edinburgh University Herbarium, as I have not yet

been successful in getting good capsules from any of the plants which

have had an opportunity to experiment upon by their own pollen. The

other plants of V. pheenicewm and varieties mentioned in the table are the

same as those from which I had the results given in Table 1. Indeed,

in one or two instances, the same experiments are re-stated, with a

view to show more clearly the relative degrees of sterility resulting

from the crossing of undoubted varieties of a species on the one hand,

with those from the hybridisation of distinct species on the other.

se EE EE TEAR

ee ie 3S By calcu-

2 a S) lation.

4 i D 3 é The

TasLE 2.-—Pure and Mixed Unions} 3 |S also a |comparative

of Verbascun phenicewm and 2 ey 3 a | & | fertility of

var. as ire iS) Z| an Sy rs | |the different

Sigs GO] 4 = ; 5

Se2/(S2) SiS ea) Le S unions.

eis iro} : Oo 3, ) 2, .

iS} fc) Oe eae S

Z A A id o| A

No.

1. Verbascun phonicewm UL.

(wild plant naturally ferti-

lised), es noo || OO 4 | 142) 36 | 20 | 710}1000

154 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

I ie @ |By calcu-

2 2 os lation.

n uo]

n gz 2

TasBLE 2. Contd.— Pure and Mixed 2 FA _ [2 . ae

Unions of Verbascwm phenicewn| 5 a ic Bhons og fertility of

a 3 2 d Mien Ay

and var. as 9 | 2 loslu 2} & the different

Ge fH oO MRlLog 5

iS) 3 S) 2 6B fs al 5 SB unions.

Sal ST] 6 [FSA S| 6

A '4 A i | cS) | A

No.

2. V. phentceum, rosea, by :

pollen of V. phenicewm L.,} 12 9 | 306! 34 | 20 | 680] .. 957.7

38. V. phenicewnm, alba, by

pollen of V. phaenicewn,

rosea, 7 | 5 | 154) 31 | 20 | 6le, =|) S676

4, V.phenicewn, alba by pollen

of V. pheniceum, 16 | 11 | 287| 26 | 20 | 522] .. 735.

5 V. phenicewm, by pollen of

V. pheniceum, rosea, . | 10 8 | 193}; 24 | 20 | 483] .. 680.3

6. V. pheniceum by pollen of

V. phenicewm, alba, | 10 | 6 | 120} 20 | 20 | 400] .. | 563.4

7. V. phenicewnm by pollen of

V. ferruginewm, Andr., .. | 12 7 | 148] 21 | 20 | 423] .. 595.8

8. V. phenicewm by pollen of

V. blattavia, lutea L., i 2 Y fan a Wa 2) fn Ws 2 0 el fs 320) 450.7

9. V. phenicewm by pollen of |

V. blattaria, alba, 12 4, 54] 13 | 20 | 270] .. 380.2

10. V. phoeniceum by pollen of

V. lyehnitis lutea, L., —...| 12 | 8 | 102] 13 | 20 | 255) .. | 359.1

1l. V. pheniceum by poem of

V. ovalifoium, ... [32 | 5 | 43] 8 WAI. Se | 24:2,

In addition to the simple and calculated results given on Table 1,

JT have, in the above, given at the right hand, for the sake of compari-

son, the calculated product from an assumed 1,000 seeds of the pure

unions relatively to those yielded by the cross and hybrid unions.

By a further comparative study of these results, we find that the

fertility of the pure unions of V. phenicewm, relatively to that of its

cross-unions with the white and rose-coloured varieties, is, in the

least differentiated or most highly fertile unions, viz., V. pheniceum,

rosea by pollen of V. phanicewm, as 100: 95; whereas in the

least fertile unions, V. phenieewm by pollen of V. phceeniceum, alba,

the proportions are as 100: 56. The average fertility of the jive

eross-unions given in the table, relatively to the pure unions given in

the first line, is as 100: 75; so that the pure unions thus exceed in

fertility the cross-unions, in nearly the proportions of 4:38, Again

1867.] Relations of Verbasca. 155

by a similar comparative study of the relative fertility of the pure

unions of V. phenicewm and the different hybrid unions given in the

Table, we find that the highest degree of fertility results from the union

of V. ferruginewm (which perhaps is correctly regarded by De Candolle

and others as a mere variety of V. phenicewm) with V. pheniceum, the

proportions of the pure to the hybrid unions being as 100: 59, in

favour of the former. The lowest degree of fertility results from the

unions of V. ovalifoluum, with V. phenicewm, the proportion of the

pure to the hybrid-unions in this case being as 100: 24.) Lastly

the average fertility of the five hybrid unions given in the latter lines

of the Table, relatively to the pure unions of V. pheenicewm, is nearly

as 100: 40, or as 2.5 seeds of the pure unions to one of the hybrid

unions. Thus, the relative differences in the degree of sterilisation

resulting from the hybridisation of distinct species, and that from the

cross-impregnation of varieties of a species, relatively in either case to

the pure unions, is in the former as 2.5 : 1, and in the latter as 4 : 3,

3. V. lychnitis, alba, by pollen

of V. thapsus, li. var. alba,

of gardens, : 10 | 5

4, V. lychnitis, alba, “by pollen

of V. phomicewm, L. var.

alba of gardens, sal, 8 4,

98| 20 | 20 | 3921 .. | 470.5

113] 28 | 20 | 565

tay | 3 By calcu-

oO es 2 lation. The

TABLE 8.—Pure and Mixed Unions zB = Sea y jcomparative

of V. lychnitis, L. var. alba) & B fe. 2 2 S | fertility of

as 2. ae .1S3| 8 Jjosl., 2] & |the different

mle Slo [Poles] ws unions.

[e) a ie} 3 je) a oO . A fo)

oFlsS| os [eas Sl os

4 14 4 |< 5| A

No.

1, Verbascum lychnitis, var. |

alba of ee by own

pollen, 6 | 6 | 250] 42 | 20 | 833)1000

2. V. lychnitis, alba, by pollen 3

of V. lychnitis, lutea, L., 8} 8 274) 34 | 20 | 685] .. | 822.8

156 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

By calcu-

Oo o ation.

” i My 6 The ;

TapiE 4.—Pure and Mixed Unions e Z re) oF eS Z eS muparabiye

Bees z a |! 3 als 3) ertility of

of V. lychnitis, lutea, L.as Q |e = S3| 2 |28|. | & |the different

2 Ss Mos = 2 3 unions.

SaIS6T|] 6 |S Rls al 6

A |G FAW A

No.

1. V. lychnitis, lutea, lL. by own

pollen, 6 6 | 226] 38 | 20 | 753)1000

2. V. lychnitis lutew by pollen

of V. lychnitis, alba, 8 7 | 249] 36 | 20 | 711 944.2

3. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen :

of V. pheniceum, L., 5 3 75| 25 | 20 | 500 664.0

4. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen

of V. phenicewm, L. var. -

alba of gardens, 5 | 3] 63] 21 | 20 | 420 557.7

BW lychnitis, Tinto by pollen |

of V. phenicewm, L. var. ‘5

alba of gardens, 5 2 37) 18 | 20 | 370) .. 491.3

6. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen

of V. blattaria, L. var. alba -

of gardens, 30 sol} & | 4h || Seyh PAL |p 2X0) )) 4bzi5)) 564.4

7. V.lychnitis, lutea by pollen

of V. blattaria, lutea, L., 8 5 97} 19 | 20 | 388} .. 515.2

8. V. lychiitis, lutea by pollen

of V. thapsus, lutea, L., 10 Von 023 |S (220M | ool es 466.1

9. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen

of V. thapsus, L. var. alba 5

of gardens, 30 Bol WO ay |) 75) US |) AD) |) SHO); 5 |] SS eh A:

10. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen P ;

of V. nigrum, L., 10 6 | 182] 80 | 20 | 607] .. 806.1

11. V. lychwitis, lutea by pollen :

of V. virgatwm, With., ..| 10] 5 | 111] 22 | 20 | 444) .. | 589.6

12. V. lychnitis, lutea by pollen 5

of V. thapsiforme, Schrad, .| 8 3 52| 17 | 20 | 347) .. 460.8

In Table 3 we have first the results of the pure unions of V.

lychnitis, alba, and by comparing them with those resulting from fer-

tilisation with the pollen of V. lychnitis, lutea, we find that the latter

cross-unions undergo the proportionately decreased fertility of 100: 82.

By the hybrid-unions of V. lychnitis, alba, with the pollen of V.

pheeniceum, alba, a slightly higher degree of sterilisation results ; the

proportion in this case being as 82 : 67, relatively to 100 produced

by the pure unions of V. lychnitis, alba. The highest degree of

sterilisation in this Table results from the union of V. lychnitis,

alba, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, the proportion of the pure to

the hybrid unions being here as 100 : 47.

1867.] Relations of Verbasca. 157

The results of my experiments on the yellow variety of V. lychnitis

are given in Table 4. By a comparative examination of this Table,we have

the following general results: first, the fertility of the pure unions of

V. lychnitis, lutea exceeds that resulting from the cross-unions of

the latter with pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, in the proportion of

100 : 94. The degree of sterilisation induced by these unions, though

less than that resulting from the converse unions given in Table 3, is

nevertheless sufficient to show a sterilising influence in the conjunctions

of varieties of a species, characterised only by those, systematically

considered, trifling differences in colour—the one being white, the other

yellow. Secondly we have the results of unions of similarly and

dissimilarly coloured forms of distinct species, with V. lychnitis, lutea,

Thus the pollen of V. phenicewm, with purplish coloured flowers,

applied to the stigmas of V. lychnites, lutea, gives an average fertility

of 66; the pollen of the white variety V. phanicewm, alba, gives an

average of 55; while that of the rose-coloured variety is productive of

the highest degree of sterilisation, giving only 49—relatively to 100,

the produce of V. lychnitis, lutea by its own pollea. Mr. Darwin, on

the authority of Gartner, states in his “‘ Origin of Species,” that similarly

coloured varieties of distinct species are more fertile when crossed than

are the dissimilarly coloured varieties of the same species. The parti-

cular illustration of this point will be found in a subsequent part of this

paper ; I will here merely state that, in the above unions, the degrees of

fertility are by no means regulated by the colour affinities. Thus, we

have first yellow and violet, then yellow and white, and lastly yellow

and rose yielding a successively decreased fertility ; whereas, judging by

the colour affinities, the arrangement ought to have been, beginning

with the most fertile, yellow first with white, then with rose, and lastly

with violet. Secondly, with pollen of the V. blattaria, vars. alba and

lutea, we see, that the V. lychnitis, lutea yields the higher degree of

fertility with the former: V. lychnitis, lutea, yielding with pollen of

V. blattaria, alba, 56, and with that of V. blattaria, lutea, 51, relatively

to 100, the product of fertilisation with its own pollen. Thirdly, in the

unions of V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of the yellow and white varieties

of V. thapsus, we find that unions of the similarly coloured flowers are

the more fertile. V.lychnitis, lutea, yielding with pollen of V. thapsus,

lutea, 46, and with the pollen of V. thapsus, alba, 59, relatively to 100,

158 On the Reproductive Functional [N O.

)

the results of fertilisation with its own pollen. Fourthly, in accordance

with recognised systematic affinities, we find the following descending

scale of sterilisation resulting from the unions of V. nigrum, V. virgatum

and V. thapsiforme with the V. lychnites, Thus with the pollen of

V. mgrum, the average fertility of V. lychnitis, lutea, is 80, with

that of V. virgatum 58, and with that of V. thapsiforme 46, rela-

tively, in each instance, to 100, the product of fertilisation by its

own pollen. A similar accordance is observable between the functional

and systematical relations of V. blattarva and V. thapsus with the

V. lychnitis. In the unions, however, of V. phanicewm and varieties

with the V, lychnitzs, no such accordance is observable. The different

unions vary greatly in the degree of fertility inter se, and judging

indeed by the relative functional potency of the pollen of the three

varieties on the stigmas of V. lychnitis, the different results are

comparable with those from distinct species, and would cause their

interpolation into systematically considered false positions, showing

us that the functional and systematic affinities of the species of a

genus are by no means strictly co-ordinated.

By calcu-

‘B |e a

& |S 3 lation.

: 5 nm 8 oO The

Taste 5.—Pure and Mixed Unions} 3 |-5 a ls"e | |comparative

of Verbascwm blattaria, L.var.|— | 5, Z 2 = | fertility of

alba of gardens, Eemlacs 3S 2 | oS. ¥ @ bene diferent

i) 3 lone B A me 6 unions.

SHIST] 6 le Ae BI os

z \2 |a2 la |78| 2

No. | |

1. Verbascum blattaria, L. var.

alba of gardens by own

pollen, } alll 3s) 8 | 438] 55 | 20 |1095]1000

2. YV. blattaria, alba by pollen

of V. blattaria, lutea,L., . 6 5 | 217| 43 | 20 | 868] ... | 792.6

3. V. blattaria, alba by pollen

of V. thapsus, lutea, L., Galiez 36| 18 | 20 | 360 328.7

4. V. blattaria, alba by pollen

of V. thapsus, L. var. alba

of gardens, OK 6 4 | 95] 24 | 20] 475] . 433.7

5. V. blattaria, alba by pollen

of V. lychnitis, lutea L., . 8 5 65] 138 | 20 | 260] ... 237.4

6. V. blattaria, alba by pollen

of V. lychnitis, L. var. alba

of gardens, 50 Ae | eat 4 79| 20 | 20 | 895] ... | 360.7

ee el

1867. ] Relations of Verbasca. 159

By calcu-

3 (8 a

3 By 2 lation.

2 | ae The

3 o Ga . IQOMDArati

TaniE 6.—Pure and Mixed Unions|= | 2 rae rs pee

of V. blatiaria, lutea, L.as 2 1G .|Sg] 3 lo sl. ul 3 the di nel aa

6 3 ‘3 8 S a Sal uni

Pe eae

No.

1. Verbascun Oblattaria, lutea,

L. by own pollen, 8 | 7 | 354] 50 | 20 |1011/1000

2. V. blattaria, lwtea by pollen

of V. blattaria, alba of gar- :

dens, ae 6 3 | 147!) 49 | 20 | 980} ... | 969.3

3. V. blattaria, lutea by pollen ;

of V. thapsus, lutea, L., 6 4 | 103} 26 | 20 | 515} ... | 509.4

4, V.blattaria, lutea by pollen

of V. thapsus, alba of gar- Q

dens, .. 6 2 62| 31 | 20 | 620} ... | 613.2

5. VJ. blattaria, ute by pollen :

of V. lychmitis, lutea, L., 8 4 81) 20 | 20 | 405] ... 410.4;

6. V blattaria, lutea by pollen |

of V. lycimitis, alba of gar- {

dens, .. ne Se aL oa oa | 20 | 460] ... | 454.8

The results of experiments on the V. blattaria, varieties lutea and alba,

are given in the above Tables : they comprise 12 unions between the

white and yellow varieties of three species. Let us briefly compare

the results of their reciprocal unions. Virst, the fertility of V. blattarda,

alba, when fertilised by its own pollen. undergoes the highly propor-

tionate sterilisation of 98 : 78 when fertilised with the pollen of the

yellow variety—V. blattaria, lutea. In the converse case, the sterilis-

ing influence of the cross relatively to the pure unions of these forms is

much decreased, the pure union of V. blattaria, lutea, yielding more

seed in the proportions of 90 : 88 than from its cross-union with the

white variety—JV. blattaria, alba. Secondly, as to the hybrid unions

with the pollens of the yellow and white varieties of V. thapsus, In

these the pollen of the white variety is the more potent. Thus /.

blattaria, alba, fertilised by pollen of V, thapsus, alba, affords an

average fertility of 43, whereas by that of V. thapsus, lutea, the

produce is reduced to 32, relatively in both cases to 100, the average

fertility of V. blattarca, alba, when fertilised by its own pollen. By the

union of the yellow and white varieties of V. thapsus with the yellow

yariety of V. blattaria, we see that the relative differences in the

160 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

potency of the two pollens on the stigmas of V. blattaria, lutea,

are mach less than those we have above noticed when JV. blattaria

alba is used as female ; and also that the potency of the two pollens

is greater on the stigmas of the yellow than those of the white variety

of V. blattaria lutea ; and again that the white variety of V. thapsus

is more fertile than the yellow, in their respective unions with the

V. blattaria, alba. Thus V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba,

gives an average fertility of 61; by pollen of V. thapsus, lutea, 50,

relatively to 90, the product of fertilisation by its own pollen. Lastly,

we have the different unions of the two pollens of the white and

yellow V. lychnitis on the stigmas of the yellow and white varieties

of V. blattaria. In these unions we see first that with V. blattaria, alba

as female, the pollen of the white variety exceeds that of the yellow

in the proportion of 36:23; secondly, with the V. blattaria,

lutea, as female, the pollen of the white variety is again singularly

enough the more fertile, exceeding that of the yellow variety, in

the proportion of 45:41. Thirdly, we find that here also the yellow

variety of V. blattaria yields a higher degree of fertility,—taking the

conjoint products of the two unions with the pollen respectively of

V. thapsus, lutea and alba,—than the white variety of V. blattarva when

similarly treated, the proportions being as 70 of the V. blaitaria to 47

of the V. blattaria, alba, or nearly as 3 : 2.

This leads me to notice a curious fact prominently brought before

us in the above Table, whatever may be its real signification, namely,

that the yellow varieties of V. lychnitis and blattaria, though yielding

a higher grade of fertility to the pollen of the white and yellow

varieties of distinct species than do the respective white varieties

of the above species when similarly fertilised, are nevertheless less

productive of seed than the white, when both are fertilised with their

own pollen. This will be seen by consulting the following tabular

arrangement, in which I have given a reduced approximate of the

relative fertility of the different unions, selecting from the hybrid

unions in each instance only the most fertile.

1. V. lychnitis, alba, by own pollen is as 83 : 75 of V. lychnitis,

lutea, by its own pollen.

2. V. lychnitis, alba, by pollew of V. lychnitis, lutea, is as 68 : 71

of V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba.

1867] Relations of Verbasea. 161

3. V. lychnitis, alba, by pollen V. thapsus, alba, is as 39:30 of

V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba.

4, V. lychnitis, alba, by pollen of V. pheenicewm, alba as 56 : 42

of V7. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. pheeniceum, alba.

5. V. blattaria, alba, by its own pollen, is as 98 : 90 of V. blatiaria,

lutea by its own pollen.

6. V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. blattaria, alba is as 96: 79

of V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. blattaria, lutea.

7. V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, as 61 : 48 of

V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba.

8. V. blattaria, lutea by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, as 45 : 36 of

V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba.

We thus see, from the eight pure, cross, and hybrid unions of V. blat-

taria alba and lutea given in the above comparative table, that though

the white variety exceeds in fertility the yellow variety, when both

are fertilised by their own pollen, the yellow variety, inthe mixed unions,

is in every case more highly fertile than the white. In the different

unions of V. lychnitis, alba and lutea, there is some little discordance,

this, however, is confined to the hybrid unions which are as yet very

insufficiently illustrated, as may be seen by consulting Tables 5 and 4,

Tn the case of the pure and cross unions, we see, as in those of V.

blattaria, that in the pure unions the white variety, and in the cross

wnions the yellow variety is the more fertile.

I know not whether this concordance is casual or otherwise, but I

was so forcibly struck with it in the comparative study of my Tables,

that I have thus ventured a special statement. I have been more

especially induced to notice it also from its evidently bearing and

illustrating, as I am inclined to think, that view of Mr. Darwin, (loc.

cit.) respecting the good derived from cross fertilisation ; inasmuch as

we see that the yellow and original, or normally coloured, form of the

species is less fertile than the white or derivative form in the pure

unions, whereas in general, in the mixed unions, the yellow variety

relatively exceeds the white in the degree of fertility. Any how, the

mere fact of such variations occurring, whether or not they have any

bearing on other points of theoretical natural science, seems to me

worth noticing, as affording an additional link to that broken chain of

162 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

evidence which is said to disjoin the serial continuity of the phe-

nomena of mongrelism and hybridism.

Fa 3 3 |By calcu-

3 |e 5 lation.

2 hea) 8 ie The

TABLE 7.—Pure and Mixed Unions| = |S ea lexc= 4 |comparative

of Verbascum thapsus, lutea, z Z, rota lee Bo Eee fertility of

L. as ¢ = .|53| 2 |2 Sl 8] 2 |the different

62/8 9| 6 EG melee unions.

SF/So SF] 6 Bl el 6

eg ee ee | A

No.

1. Verbascwm thapsus, lutea, L. | |

by own pollen, 8 8 | 920} 115| 20 |2300/1000

2. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen

of V. thapsus var. alba of :

gardens, Me 4, 2 | 218] 109] 20 [2180) ... | 947.8

3. V. thapsus, Wwtea by pollen ;

of V. lychnitis, lutea, L., 6 iL 54] 54) 20 11080] ... | 463.2

4. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen

of V. lychnitis, var. alba of C

gardens, 6 | 3 | 187| 62] 20 [1246] ... | 541.7

5. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen °

of V. nigrum, L., 10 | 4 | 275) 69] 20 |1375| ... | 597.8

6. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen 1

of V. pyramidatum, Beib., 10 6 | 374) 62) 20 |1246] ... | 541.7

7. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen :

of V. thapsiforme, Schrad,} 10 8 | 408} 51) 20 |1020] ... | 443.2

8. V. thapsus, lutea by pollen :

of V. virgatwm, With, ..| 10] 5 | 222] 44] 20 | 888] ... | 386.0

9. YV.thapsus, lutea by pollen

O27, Merten, lanien Tne 2) & 981 33] 20 | 653] ... | 283.9

In Table 7 we have several unions of the yellow variety of V.

thapsus. If we compare these results, we see that the fertility of the

V. thapsus, lutea, by its cross-unions with the V. thapsus, alba, i

decreased in the proportions of 94 relatively to 100, the product of

fertilisation by its own pollen. Wealso seea great difference in the

degrees of potency of the two pollens of the white and yellow variety

of V. lychnitis on the stigmas of the yellow variety of V. thapsus ;

the pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, exceeding in its fertilising influence

that of V. lychnitis, lutea, in the proportion of 54:46. Judging

from the results of the seven hybrid unions given in this Table, we

also see how little the recognised systematic affinities of species guide

us in pronouncing a priori as to the degree of fertility of their several

unions. Hor example V. thapsiforme, V. virgatum and V. blattaria,

1867. ] Relations of Verbasca. 163

though much more closely allied to the V. thapsus than the others

given in Table, are nevertheless least effective in their conjunctive

fertility with the latter species. Furthermore, we see by those unions

of V, thapsus, lutea, as female, with the yellow and white varieties of

V. lychnitis, and of V. pyramidatum ; that though the pollen of V.

pyramidatum is equally potent on the stigma of V. thapsus lutea, as

is that of V. lychnitis, alba, there is nevertheless a considerable decrease

in the proportionate fertility of the unions with V. lychnitis, lutea.

Hence, as we have before shown it to be with the varieties of V.

pheniceum, and judging by the physiological test, the V. pyramidatum

would interpolate-itself between these slightly different and undoubted

varieties of a species.

In the foregoing Tables, then, I have given nearly all the re-

sults of my experiments in the unions of Verbasca. Before

considering the nature of the evidence they afford us as to the rela-

tionship of mongrelism and hybridism, I will briefly attempt to show

how far these results accord with those of Gartner, who has also

largely experimented on these plants. I may premise, however, that

as my experiments are much less numerous than Gartner’s, compris-

ing some 57 distinct unions, in which 527 flowers were artificially

fertilised,— whereas, as will be seen beneath, Gartner subjected no

less than 1085 flowers to experiment,—they would induce very

different conclusions, in certain points, to those arrived at by that

careful experimentalist. I readily acknowledge therefore the higher

claim of the latter toa provisional acceptance, until further experiments

show more conclusively their relative correctness. I have also

to notice a cause of some little discordance in such a compara-

tive examination as that which I am about to institute; name-

ly, that I have given in every case the average number of seeds

produced both by pure and mixed unions, whereas Gartner gives the

average number of seeds in the pure unions only, taking in each case

the maximum or highest number produced by a single capsule in the

mixed unions. I was not aware of this peculiarity in Gartner’s deduc-

tions when I counted the seeds in my own experiments, otherwise, I

should have drawn them up for the sake of comparison on a similar

basis; even though I consider it a less fair method than that which

I have adopted, in all such cases as the present, in which the ovaries

164 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

contain an adefinite number of ovules. And this the more especially

if, as iInmy own experiments, castration and artificial impregnation be

performed in both pure and mixed unions. In drawing comparisons

between wpeastrated pure unions, and castrated mixed unions, the

average oi the former, with the maximum of the latter would certainly

be the fairer method, as affording a complement for the sterilising

influence of castration.

For the following digest of Gartner’s experiments I have to thank

Mr. Darwin, who kindly sent it to me from his yet unpublished MS.

illustrations of these phenomena: ‘‘ To show the scale on which

Gartner worked, I may state that, in the genus Verbascum, he crossed no

less than 1085 flowers and counted their seed, and recorded the results.

Now in two of his works he distinctly asserts that similarly coloured

varieties of V. lychnitis and V. blattaria ave more fertile together than

when differently coloured varieties of the same species are crossed.

But Gartner chiefly relied on the crosses which he made between the

yellow and white varieties of these two species and nine other distinct

species, and he asserts that the white-flowering species yielded more

seed than did the yellow-flowered varieties when crossed with the same

white varieties of these two-flowered species, and so conversely with

the yellow flowering varieties with the yellow species. The general

results may be seen in his Table. In one case he gives the following

details; the white Verbascwm lychnitis naturally fertilised with its

own pollen had on an average in 12 capsules 96 good seeds : 20 flowers

artificially fertilised with the pollen of its yellow variety gave as the

maximum 89 good seeds. I should have thought that this slight

difference might have been wholly due to the evil effects of castration ;

but Gartner shows that the white variety of V. lychnitis, fertilised by

the pollen of the white and yellow varieties of V. blattaria, in both of

which cases there must have been previous castration, bore seeds to

the white variety in the proportion of 62, to 43 when pollen of the

yellow variety was used.”

First then, in regard to the greater fertility of the unions of simi-

larily coloured varieties, relatively to that of the unions of dissimilarly

coloured varieties of the same species. To these phenomena I will apply

in the subsequent parts of this paper the following terms: ‘ Homo-

chromatic” to the unions of similarly coloured varieties, and “ hetero-

1867.] . Relations cf Verbasca. 165

chromatic” to those in which dissimilarly coloured varieties are united

In the following table we will at once see the comparative fertility

of these different unions given in the previous ones.

RELATIVE FERTILITY OF THE HomocHROMATIC AND HETEROCHROMATIC

Unions.

1. V. pheeniceum by its own pollen, : é . 1000

2. V. pheeniceum, rosea, by pollen of V. phaeniceum, ... 958

_ 3. V. phoeniceum, alba, by pollen of V. pheeniceum, rosea, 867

4. V. pheeniceum, alba, by pollen of V. pheenicewm,. ... 735

5. V. pheeniceum, by pollen of V. pheniceum, rosza, . ... 680

6. V. pheenicewm, by pollen of V. pheenicewm, alba, ... 563

7. V. lychnitis, alba, by pollen of V. lychnitis, lutea, ... §22,

8. V. lychniits, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, . ... 944

9. V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. blattaria, lutea, ... 192

10. V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. blattaria, alba, ... 969

11. V. thapsus, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, . ... 947

Here the comparative fertility is shown by calculation from

the number of seeds produced by 20 assumed capsules of both

unions. The various cross-unions of V. pheenicewm and its varieties

are in each case to be considered relatively to the assumed results

, these

plants experimented upon being individually self-sterile as shown in

of the pure unions of V. pheniceum given in Table 2

Table 1. The unions, on the other hand, of V. lychnitis, blattaria,

and thapsus, with their respective varieties, are each to be considered

relatively to the 1000 seeds produced by the pure union of that

variety given as female. Now in all the above heterochromatic

unions, as compared with the homochromatic, we have the clearest

evidence of reduced fertility. Thus, taking the 10 heterochromatic

unions given, and comparing them with a similiar number of homo-

chromatic unions, we find that the average proportion in which the

former exceeds the latter, is as‘05 to -23. On again confining

ourselves to those species alone which have the yellow and white

varieties, and keeping the unions of white as P with yellow ¢,

distinct from those of yellow as P with white as G, we find that

the cross-unions with white as female are to the pure unions of the

latter as ‘04 to *28; and in those cross-unions with yellow as female,

166 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

the proportions are as °23 to ‘29, relatively to the pure unions

of the latter. Thus, in whatever way we proceed, the general

results are the same, testifying to the highly remarkable fact

announced by Girtner, that varieties of a species, characterised by

no other differences than that of colour, are occasionally so differen-

tiated functionally, that the cross-unions, as compared with the

fertility of the pure unions, invariably indicate a certain degree of

sterilisation !

In connection with this higher relative fertility of homochromatic

to that oi heterochromatic unions, as limited to the crossing of varieties

of a single species, I will venture to add that this law not only holds,

but, as I believe, extends to and regulates the functional relations in

accordance with the relative colour affinities of the varieties crossed.

Thus for the sake of illustration, we may take the three primary

colours of the cyanic series, namely, blue, violet, and red. Now

beginning with red, we know that greater physiological changes

must take place in the minute anatomy of the petals of an origi-

nally red-coloured flower to give the impression of blue than

that of violet. Hence we might suspect that a species presenting

varieties characterised by such differences in colour, would like-

wise afford different degrees of fertility in their conjunctive func-

tional relations, the blue and red yielding less fertile unions,

than the violet and red; while the violet holding an intermediate

colour position between these, might be equally as fertile in its unions

with the blue as the red variety. In practical illustration of these re-

lations, we may take the results of the various unions of V. pheenicewm

and varieties given in Table 1. Thus the V. phanicewm with pur-

plish-violet flowers yields more seeds when fertilised by the pollen

of the rose-coloured variety, than by that of the white variety, in the

proportion of 5 to 4. Again the white variety of V. pheniceum

fertilised by the pollen of the rose variety yields an average of 29

seeds per capsule, and by that of the purplish violet variety the

average per capsule is 26, that is as 9 to 8, in favour of the unions

of the rose and white varieties. We see here evident co-relations be-

tween the degrees of fertility and the colour affinities of these plants in

their respective sexual unions, and I venture to look for more marked

differences in these respects, had we as subjects of experiment,

1867. | Relations of Verbusca. 167

varieties of a species presenting three, or at least two, of the primary

colours with intermediate shades irrespective of the white. The latter

being rather unsatisfactory from its similar relations to the primary

colours, though in such instances.as the above of the purplish-violet,

rose and white, in which we have secondary colours forming inter-

mediate steps between the primary and white, by a gradual dilution

of the colouring principle, we find that the white, agreeably to the

above views, form less fertile conjunctions with the violet than the

rose-coloured flowers. Before passing from this point of my subject,

I will now only add that I have thought these indications of a tangi-

ble law, co-relating and regulating the sexual functions of varieties

when crossed—dim though they as yet undoubtedly are— worth notic-

ing, as we are as yet in utter ignorance of anything like definite or

specific laws in these phenomena, the results being considered as most

capricious and uncertain.

Gartner’s second proposition is, that in the hybridism of differ-

ently coloured varieties of distinct species of Verbasca, the con-

junctions of the similarly coloured flowers are more fertile than these

of dissimilarly coloured flowers, For example Gartner shows* that

on the calculation of V. lychnitis, fl. alba, yielding with its own pollen

1.000 seeds, it yields when fertilised with the pollen of V. blattaria

fl. alba, 0.622 seeds, and with that of V. blatiaria, fl. lutea, only 0.438,

so that the similarly coloured unions of these species are more fertile

than the dissimilarly coloured unions in the proportion of 8 to2. Let

us now see then in how far this law of the differences in the fertility

of the homochromatic relatively to the heterochromatic unions, is

borne out in the case of my own experiments as given in the preced-

ing Tables. And here again, for the sake of clearness, and facility of

reference, I will restate them in a tabular form, and show as clearly

as possible the differences in the relative fertility of the homochromatic

and the heterochromatic unions, in each case, by making calculations

from an assumed 100 seeds produced by the more fertile of the two

unions compared. ‘The results may be conveniently arranged under

three heads; thus, first, the heterochromatic unions, or those in

which the unions of differently coloured flowers are the more fertile:

second, the homochromatic unions, or those in which similarly colour-

* Versuche tiber die Bastarderzeugunj, 1849, section 216.

168 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

ed flowers are the more fertile: and lastly, the irregular unions in

which no relations are observed between the degree of fertility and

affinity of colours.

A. 1.—HeEtERocHROMATIC UNION, the mMorE fertile.

1. V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. blattaria, alba, . 100

2 VJ. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. blattaria, lutea, . ,, to 91

3. V. blatiarva, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, . 100

4, V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, lutea, . ,, to 83

5. V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, . 100

6. V. blattaria, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, lutea, . ,, to 88

7. V. thapsus, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, . 100

8. V. thapsus, lutea, by pollen of V. lychnitis, lutea, . 4, to 87

B. 2.—Homocuromatic unions, the more fertile.

1. V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, lutea, .. 100

2. V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, . ,, to 85

3. V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. thapsus, alba, . 100

4, YV. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. thapsus, lutea, . ,, to 76

5. V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. lychnitis, alba, . 100

6. V. blattaria, alba, by pollen of V. lychnitis, lutea, . ,, to 66

C. 8.—Drcrse or FERTILITY AND AFFINITY oF CoLoUR

TRREGULAR.

1. V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. phceniceum, i alde

V. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. pheeniceum, ee KO co)!

8. V.lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. phoeniceum, Poteet "tobias

In A. and B. of the above comparative tables, I have ar-

ranged those unions in which a certain regularity is observed be-

tween the colour relationship and the degree of fertility. Now, by

comparing the 14 unions therein given, we find that the heterochro-

matic unions are, in the greater number of cases, more fertile, viz., as

8 to 6, than the homochromatic unions, and that this higher fertility,

in every case, results from those unions in which the yellow variety

of the species is treated as female. Again that the average pro-

portion of the four heterochromatic to the four converse homochromatic

unions in the first of the above tables is nealy as 7 to 6 in |

favour of the former. In Bb. 2 of the tabulated results, we see in one

1867. ] Relations of Verbasca. 169

instance the homochromatic unions with yellow as female exceed in

fertility the converse heterochromatic union; but in the other cases

given in lines 3 and 5, this higher fertility of the homochromatic unions

is yielded by the white variety ; the relative proportions of these being

much more marked than in the above cases of the heterochromatic

union with the yellow variety as female, viz., as 4 to 8, whereas, as we

have seen, in the heterochromatic, A. 1, the proportions are as 7 to 6.

Ih further illustrations of this point we see in B. 2 that the yellow

-homochromatic union of V7. lychnitis, lutea, by pollen of V. thapsus,

lutea, relatively to the heterochromatic unions of the former with

pollen of V. thapsus, alba, is nearly as 5 to 4, so that we here again

see (asin the heterochromatic and homochromatic unions in A 1)

& more intimate approximation between the products of these two

unions, than occurs in the other cognate unions of B. 2, in which

the white variety is the more fertile.

These curious relations, however, as I have already shown, are

partly explained by the fact,—though we can only dimly see why it

should be so,—that in the pure unions of the white and yellow

varieties of the above mentioned species, the white, in every case,

yields more seed than the yellow; whereas in the cross-unions the

yellow variety in general is the more productive. But, it may

be asked, how is the greater potency of the pollen of the white variety

relatively to that of the yellow variety, as shown in the above

tables to be accounted for? Does it really imply that the female

element of the yellow variety yet retains its normal or original

potency, the male element alone having become absolutely less potent,

as compared with the male element of the white variety. This

hypothesis, analogically considered, does not seem to me at all

improbable. I think we have clearly seen by the comparative results

of the pure and mixed unions of the yellow variety with those of the

white, that the pure unions of the yellow do not yield a degree of

fertility at all proportionate to that of the like unions of the white

variety, as judged by the relative fertility of their cross-unions ; and

that accordingly this would seem to be due to an acquired weakness

in the generative powers of the yellow variety. In noticing this

point in a former part of my paper, I treated it as if both sexual

elements had undergone a similar decrease in their generative powers;

Z 22

170 On the Reproductive Functional [No. 3,

but we here see that it is more particularly, if not altogether

confined to the male element. Now, as the results of hybridisation

show that the pollen is more susceptible to the concomitant sterilising

action of hybridism than the female element, may we not suppose

that the debilitating effect of continued self-impregnation will also

manifest itself more quickly in the male than in the female element,

and thus afford an explanation of the decreased sexual powers of the

male, as compared with the female element, in the yellow varieties of

the above species of Verbasca furthermore, showing us that as it

has been a slowly acquired quality, so will it be in its elimination and

regainment of its pristine vigour.

The relations of the several reciprocal unions in the above

tables is another point which we must briefly consider, as having

most important bearings on the subject of our present enquiry. A

hasty examination suffices to show that these are much complica-

ted. Thus V. lychinitis, lutea, in its two unions with the white and

yellow varieties of V. blattaria, the heterochromatic unions are the

more fertile ; whereas in its two unions with the white and yellow

varieties of V. thapsus, we find it yields the more fertile by

a homochromatic union. Again V. blattaria, lutea, in its four

distinct unions with the white and yellow varieties of V. thapsus

and V. lychnitis, yields the higher degree of fertility in the hete-

rochromatic unions, while the /. blatieria in its similar unions with

the white and yellow varieties of V. thapsus and lychnitis is,

singularly enough, more highly fertile in the homochromatic than the

heterochromatic unions. Lastly the V. thapsus, lutea, yields more

seed by its heterochromatic unions with pollen of the V. lychnitis,

alba, than by its homochromatic unions with the V. lychnitis, lutea ;

whereas in the converse unions we have seen that the V. lychnitis,

lutea, is more fertile in the homochromatic unions with V. thapsus,

lutea, than in the heterochromatic unions with V7. thapsus, alba !

The tabulated experiments given in C. 3, afford another source of

complexity to the question under examination, inasmuch as they are

quite irregular in the relative degree of fertility produced by

the affinity of colour. Thus by the three unions of V. lychnitis,

lutea, with pollen of the three varieties of V. phoniceuwm, the

most highly fertile is that in which V. lychnitis, lutea, is treat-

1867.] Relations of Verbasea. 171

ed with pollen of the purplish violet, or normal form, the average

in this being 25 seeds per capsule; then follows the unions with

pollen of the white variety, the average of seeds being in these 21

seeds per capsule ; and lastly in the unions with the variety with rose-

coloured flowers, the fertility of V. lychnitis, lutea, is reduced to

the low average of 18 seeds per capsule. Thus judging by the degrees

of fertility, we clearly see that the natural functional co-relations of

these plants in place of being regulated by their respective colour

affinities, arrange themselves in an entirely independent and opposite

scale ; the extremes in the scale of colour given, viz., the purplish-

violet with yellow, manifesting the nearest functional co-relation.

Again as a further complication we find that the white and yellow unions,

—the most closely allied of the colours mentioned,—hold a medial

position between the purplish violet and rose. How obviously futile

then, we may well remark, would our @ priord conclusions have been,

as to the degrees of fertility of the above unions, on a presumed

coordination between colour and function in the phenomena of

hybridism !

It would thus appear from the results given in the foregoing tables

that in the hybridisation of varieties of distinct species characterised.

by differences of colour alone, no definite relations whatever can be

observed between the affinities of colour, and the degrees of fertility,

but that in these cases as in the reciprocal hybridisation of pure

species, the relative fecundity is a most variable and unpredicable

quantum. This view seems to me to be further supported by the

results of my experiments on the reciprocal hybridisation of the di-

morphic species of Primule* in which I showed that the laws of dimor-

phism were limited in their action to the unions of the two forms of a

species ; the heteromorphic and homomorphic unions of distinct species

proving irregularly the more fertile. From considering the important

functional co-relations of the two forms of dimorphic species, and their

trifling morphological characteristics, together with the specifically

limited extent of their operations, we have less reason to be surprised,

if a similarly limited relationship should ultimately prove to regulate

the degree of fertility of those unions of differently coloured varieties

of a species as in Verbascum and analogous cases. Indeed, judging

* Linn. Soc. Jour. Vol. 8, p. 78.

172 On the Re-productive Functional [Nols

from my previous remarks on the co-relations between the degree of

fertility and affinity of colour in the crossing of varieties of a species,

together with the results of the hybridising differently coloured varie-

ties of distinct species, this law seems clearly indicated, that the

relative degree of fertility of the cross unions between the differently

coloured varieties of certain species is inversely proportionate to the

less or more mediate colour affinities of these unions. Further that

this law does not extend to, or regulate the hybrid unions of differ-

ently coloured varieties of distinct species, but is strictly limited in

its operations to those unions of varieties of a single species. Such

at least is the conclusion which my own experiments would induce

me to hold, but seeing that they are so directly opposed to the results

of Gartner’s large experience, I would rather avoid at present any-

thing like definite or positive conclusions, until subsequent experi-

ment affords us a crucial array of data.

In conclusion, I will now by a cursory retrospect of the above de-

tails, re-state a few of the more important points, which elucidate the

mooted relations between the phenomena of the hybridisation of a species

and the mongrelism of the varieties of aspecies. First then in hybridism

we see on the calculation of V. lychnitis yielding with its

own pollen 100 seeds, it yields upon fertilisation with pollen of

V. nigrum 80 seeds, by the pollen of V. virgatwm 58 seeds, by

that of V. phoenicewm 66 seeds and by that of V. thapsiforme 46

seeds. In the unions of varieties of a species, with these of other

species we find differences in the sexual powers, so that the pollen of

the one, variety of a species is less potent than that of the other

on the stigmas of the same variety of another species. Thus V.

lychnitis fertilised by the pollen of V. blattarva, lutea, yields

51 seeds, by that of V. blattaria, alba, 56 seeds, and again by

pollen of V. thapsus, lutea, V. lychnitis yields 46 seeds, by that

of V. thapsus, alba, 39 seeds, relatively in each case to the 100

seeds produced by its own pollen. Again we have evidence also of

reciprocal differentiation in the relative sexual powers of varieties of a

species, and those of other species. Thus in the case mentioned above

of V. blattaria, the pollen of variety alba is more potent on the

stigma of V. lychnitis than that of variety lwea, whereas in the

converse unions of these forms, we find that the pollen of V.

BGT] 8975" Relations of Verbasea. 173

lychnitis is more potent on the stigmas of V. blattaria, lutea, than

that on those of the variety alba, in the proportion of 40 to 26.

Secondly, in mongrelism, we also find variabilities in the relative

sexual powers of varieties of a species, by differences in the degrees

of fertility resulting from their simple and reciprocal unions. Thus

on the calculation of V. phoenicewm, yielding 100 seeds by ferti-

lisation by its own pollen, it yields with that of the variety rosea 68

seeds, and by that of the variety alba, 56 seeds, or nearly as 5 to 3.

fn the reciprocal unions of these varieties, we also find variabilities in

their converse sexual powers. For example, in the reciprocal unions

of V. pheniceum and varieties, the potency of the pollen of rosea

relatively to that of alba on the stigmas of the normal form is nearly

as 5 to 4; whereas the pollen of the latter on the stigmas of rosea and

alba is as 4 to 38. This difference in the reciprocal sexual powers of

varieties when crossed is so regulated however by colour affinities, that

unlike the irregular and indefinite results of the reciprocal unions of

varieties of distinct species, judging by my own experience, we see

that the pollen of vosea is more potent on the stigmas of the normal

form than these of alba and so conversely, the pollen of the normal

form is more potent on the stigmas of rosea than on those of alba. In

those cases, however, in which colour differences do not come into

play the pollen of one variety, relatively to that of another variety

of the same species is so differentiated with respect to their

reciprocal stigmatic relations that the grade of fertility of the pure

unions of these varieties does not at all correspond with that of the

cross unions. For example, in the pure unions of varieties Jutea and

alba of V. blatturia, the fertility of the latter exceeds that of the

former in about the proportions of 12 to 11; whereas in their converse

unions, Jutea exceeds alba in the higher proportions of 6 to 5! Thus

in the inter-crossing of varieties of a species, as in the inter-crossing

of varieties of distinct species, there are converse variabilities in the

reciprocal sexual powers of their respective elements,

As the facts stand then, it appears to me that in the first crosses of

the varieties of certain species, as in the first hybrid crosses of distinct

species, a variable degree of sterilisation results, and again, that the

relative sterilising influence is as highly intensified in the crossing of

undoubted varieties of certain species, as it is in the hybridising of

174 On the Reproductive Functional Relations of Verbasca. [No. 3,

several undoubtedly distinct species. There is also a parallelism

between the results of reciprocal hybridisation of varieties of distinet

species, on the one hand with those of the reciprocal inter-crossing of

varieties of a single species on the other. The sole difference in the

two lines at least is merely as to the degree of extension; species re-

lative to species occupying a higher point in the divergingly extended

line, than do the varieties of a species relatively to each other, and

accordingly yielding in general more intensified results, harmoniously

testifying to the truth of Mr. Darwin’s remark that sterility is simply

a superinduced quality due to incidental differences in the reproduc-

tive system....As in the varieties of a species, however, we find that the

relative amount of physiological divergence,—as judged by the fertility

of their reciprocal conjunctions,—is by no means regularly or definitely

co-ordinated with their morphological ; so in the hybridisation of the

different species of a genus, the most distinct morphologically are

often found to be most nearly allied in their physiological charac-

teristics, and thus there being no necessary co-ordination of these

characteristics we can readily understand how the sterility of the first

crosses of varieties of a species may, and occasionally does, exceed that

of well-marked and undoubtedly distinct species.

1867.] Capt. R. C. Beavan on Panolia Eldi. 175

Contributions towards a history of Panowta Expr; McLelland.

By Captain R. C. Beavan, C. M.Z.S8. &c.

The published accounts of this comparatively rare species of deer

are scattered through back numbers of various scientific periodicals

and proceedings of Societies, some of which are out of print, and

not easily procured. I have therefore brought together nearly all

that has been previously written on the subject, and added much

information on the manners and habits of the species procured during

a recent visit to its haunts in Burmah.

Panouta Etpr. The Sungnai.

Nondeseript Deer, McLelland, Calcutta Journ. N. H. Vol. I. p. 501,

Pl XI.

Cervus Hidi, Guthrie, (Calcutta Journ. N. H. Vol. IL. p. 405,

Pl. XII.

C. lyratus, Schinz. Syn. Mam. IT 395.

C. dimorphe, Hodgson, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. XII. p. 897.

C. smitht, Gray, Proc. Zool. Soc. 1837, p. 45. :

Panolia acuticornis, Gray, List Mamm. B. M. 180.

Panolia platycercos, Gray. List Mamm. B. M. 181, adult; Cat,

Osteol. B. M. 66.

Cervus (Rusa) frontalis, McUelland, Calcutta Journ. N. H. III. p.

A401, Pl. XIII. Sundevall, Pecora, 132.

Panolia Hldi, (The Sungnai), Gray. Cat. Hodgson Coll. B. M. 34;

Osteol. B. M. 66: Knowsley Menag. Cat. Mam. in Museum

As. Soc. Bengal, Blyth, 1863, p. 149.

Native names, Sungnai, apud Guthrie and Blyth: Sungraéé apud

Eld: Thamyn of Burmah.

Hab. Pegu, northward to the valley of Munipore: Siam: and prox-

imate portion of the Malayan Peninsula, (Kedda) Mergui, (Blyth.)

The first notice we have of this deer, was published in 1841,* and

entitled‘ Indication of a nondescript species of Deer by John

McLelland.”

“Captain Guthrie of the Bengal Engineers, employed in the con-

struction ofa road from the valley of Cachar to Monypore, procured the

horns of a deer whose lower, or basal antler descends in the axis of the

* Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist. Vol. I. p. 501, Pl. XII,

176 Capt. R. C. Beavan on Panolia Eldi. [No. 3,

' beam, rather as an extension of the horn itself than as a mere shoot.

The horn may be compared to the segment of a circle, the burr, or

root from which both limbs extend, being placed on the outer cireum-

ference. The beam is round, and terminates by a fork, as in the

Rusa deer. The lower prolongation of the horn beneath the burr

may also be said to terminate in a fork, for on the left horn, about

two inches below the root, there is a small snag directed forward. In

illustration of this notice, a figure of the horns is given at pl. 12.”

Captain Eld, one of the principal assistants to the Commissioner

of Assam, who had been previously attached to the British Residency

in Muneypore, having had his attention called to the notice and the

figure alluded to, soon after wrote an interesting letter on the subject,

which affords the first general information hitherto received relative

to the habits and character of this interesting species. His description

is as follows:* ‘I observe mention made of a new description of

Deer, said to exist between Munipore and Cachar; some specimens

of the horns of which were procured in the latter place by Captain

Guthrie. From the drawing, it is evident to me that the Deer alluded

to is of the kind originally discovered by myself in the valley of

Munipore in the beginning of 1838, and several pairs of the antlers

of which were given by me to Captain Guthrie in the same year,

i had intended at the time to send a description of the animal to one

of the Journals, but was told that a similar Deer was to be found in

the north-western jungles. As this, however, does not appear to- be

the case, I now forward you a correct drawing of a pair of the horns

in my possession, together with a short account of the animal ce.

taken from notes made at the time in my sporting diary; and which

you are welcome to make use of in any way you please.

“The Sungraéé, as it is called by the natives, or large Deer of

Munipore, is only to be found in the valley of that state, but neither

in Cachar, nor the Kubo valley, nor in any of the Naga hills surround-

ing Munipore. Its favourite haunts are the low grass and swamps

round the edge of the Logta, (lake) at the western end of the valley,

and the marshy ground at the foot of the hills, It is gregarious in

its habits, and after the annual grass burning, I have frequently seen

herds of two and three hundred. The colour of the males from the

month of November, till about the end of May, is of a dark brown,

* Calcutta Journal Natural History, Vol. LI. p. 416.

1867.] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. 177

nearly approaching to black, and their bodies are covered down to the

_knee-joints with thick shaggy coats, resembling split whalebone, of

four to eight inches in length.

“ The hair about the neck is very thick, and just like a horse’s mane,

and the appearance the stag presents when roused, with his shaggy

mane standing on end, coupled with the strong smell which at this

season proceeds from their bodies, perceptible at 40 and 50 yards

distance, is so formidable, that I have known the boldest ele-

phant refuse to approach them. In June the stags commence shed-

ding their horns, and the new ones have nearly attained their full size

by the end of Novémber, but are in perfection in February and March;

about this time also (June) they change their coats, which lose

their whalebone texture, and become of a beautiful glossy chesnut co-

lour, and about half an inch in length. The contour of their pecu-

liarly small heads, and the perfect symmetry of their forms, di-

vested of their long bristly coats, are now fully developed, and at

this season they are, in my opinion, the most beautiful and graceful of

the Deer species. The height of the full grown stags averages about

eleven and a half hands, and that of the does three or four inches less.

The colour of the latter is always the same—a bright bay, but more

glossy during the rains than at any other time. The principal dis-

tinction between the Swngraéé and others of the Deer species consists

in the peculiar shape of the lower antlers, which, instead of breaking

off at an angle where they are set on the head, preserve the continuity

of curve downwards, and project over the eyes of the animal, which

they nearly hide, their semicircular shape giving the Deer, when at

gaze or in motion, the appearance of having too distinct pairs, the

one inclining forwards and the other backwards. The generality of the

stags have from six to ten branches or snags, but I have killed very

old ones, with no less than sixteen clearly defined branches.

“Tt would bea great object gained, could any live specimens be pro-

cured for transmission to Hurope, but it would I fear be attended

with much difficulty. I have known several instances of the fawns

being caught and thriving well for months, but at about a year old,

they invariably pined away and died; nor have I known or heard of

a single instance of one having arrived at maturity, this too in their

native climate ; and I therefore think the chances of one surviving a

178 Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. [No. 3,

voyage home but small. I have written to a friend in the valley to

send me a complete skeleton of one with the skin &c., and he has

kindly promised to do so if he can succeed in procuring one; but says

he can hold me out but slender hopes, as the Deer now seem to bear

a charmed life, and roam about unpersecuted by anybody.”

The next detailed description of this deer was given by Dr.

McLelland in 1842,* and I quote his remarks nearly in full.

‘Although differing considerably in the form of the horns from

any of the Rusa deer, still the general form, the colour, the

mane, and the Asiatic habitation of the species, seem to refer it to

the Rusa group, of which it forms one of the most wnique and striking

examples. a

“The form of the skull agrees more with that of Cervus hippelaphus

than with that of any other species that I can refer it to, but the

nasal and intermaxillary bones, as well as the muzzle generally, seem

to be somewhat mere prolonged and compressed, and though the face

is broad and flat between the eyes, the forehead is compressed, and

the head as well as the muzzle narrow, and the profile nearly straight,

but with a short prominent ridge commencing on the forehead, and

extending between the horns. There are two canine teeth, not much |

developed, in the upper jaw of both sexes, and the suborbital sinuses _

are large.

““ The horns are large and directed backwards, and obliquely out-

wards without ascending from the burr : they are then curved gradually

upwards and outwards, and terminate in a point directed forward. A

single small antler extends obliquely inward from the upper third of

the horn; this antler in young individuals appears to form a fork with

the summit, but in the adult it is placed about six or seven inches

from the top point of the horn, and is more or less developed according

to age; in the adult, and particularly in aged individuals, an imper-

fect nodular spine extends from the base of this antler towards the

point of the horn, with several irregular blunt snags arising from it,

forming an incomplete kind of crown. Zhe brow antler advances

directly forward from the burr, and bending upwards and onwards,

terminates in a point which, if prolonged, would meet the summit of

the horn, and thus complete an almost perfect circle.

* Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. III. p, 401, Pl. XIII. XIV.

1867.] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. 179

»A single little snag sometimes shoots out promiscuously from the

base of one or other horn, more frequently from that of the brow

antler.

“he length of the horn following the curve is three feet, and that

of the brow antler twenty inches. The circumference of the horn is

five and a half inches, that of the brow antler five inches, and both

together form one extended and uniform curve of four feet and seven

inches; the horns spreading laterally from each other to a distance of

three feet, and then approaching at their bases to an inch or an inch

and a half.

“ The body in its general symmetry is light, the limbs slender but

strong, the hoofs long, black, and pointed; the head is carried erect ;

the tail short and conspicuous in the summer dress, but only appear-

ing as a short tuft in the thick winter coat.

“ The coat is thick and dense in winter, longer and coarser on the

neck than on other parts, forming a thick but undefined mane of

straight, harsh, and coarse hair, five or six inches long in the winter,

but in summer the mane is more defined. From the withers the hair

becomes shorter, diminishing towards the tail, which in summer is

thinly clad, though in winter it is covered with a dense clothing of

hair, in common with all the upper parts of the body. On the face,

the muzzle, the limbs, and the external ears, the hair is short, close,

and compact ; on the lower surface of the chest it is coarse and short ; it

is thin, lengthy, and fine on the under-parts of the belly. The inner

parts of the thighs and upper and inner parts of the forelegs are also

thinly clad.

“The colowr changes from yellowish brown in summer to a brownish

grey in winter: during summer, brownish grey prevails on the face

and neck, becoming yellowish brown on the upper parts of the body,

the backs of the ears, and the upper and outer part of the limbs and

the muzzle. The belly, the inner parts of the thighs and the forelegs,

the under parts of the lower jaw, the hips, the tail, and adjoining parts

of the rump, are white in summer, but the rump and upper parts

of the tail partake of the colours of the upper parts of the body in

winter. The lower parts of the limbs are light grey, the same also

prevails irregularly round the eyes, and corners of the mouth and nose,

and lengthy tufts of light grey hair cover the inner suriace of the ears,’

180 Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. _ [Nens;

Mr. Blyth, as noticed above, considers the Cervus dimorphe of

Hodgson to be identical with the species under notice; but that the

horns of the individuals figured by the latter are abnormal, on ac-

count of their being developed in captivity. Had not Mr. Hodgson

mentioned, (as quoted hereafter,) that his animal was three years old

and the horns perfect, I should have been inclined to have considered

it as bearing its first year’s horns.

The following information was obtained during a recent visit to

Burmah.

Lieut.-Colonel Blake kindly furnished me with the following

account : ‘‘ As regards the exact localities of the Thamyn I can only say

where I have found them and where not. As far as I know, they do not

occur to the south of Moulmein, but from within a short distance of

Thabyoo point, the south-western headland of the Martaban district,

to Sittang, bounded to the eastward by the forest line, they are found

in large herds.

“‘ Acain, on the opposite side of the Sittang river, to the south and

west of Pegu, they are also found in large numbers. How far they

extend in a westerly and northerly direction, from the mouth of the

Rangoon river, and in the Bassein district, I do not know, but I

have heard that they are common even as high up as Munipore.

“From Pegu to the north they are found in very small parties, the

ground not suiting them, until you cross the “ Koon” creek or river,

the separating boundary between the Martaban and Thoungoo districts,

and from this to within a few miles of Thoungoo they occur in large

herds.

“‘ Sometimes the plains or open spaces between the Eng™ forests will

be covered with them, and three or four hundred may be seen at one

time. Under these circumstances they are shy and very difficult of ap-

proach. Strange to say, that although the ground appears quite as

favourable for them, I have never seen a single one to the eastward

of the Sittang river north of Sittang. From the above, you will see

that they are gregarious in their habits. During the night, and early

morning and evening, they frequent the plains, and where the forest

jungle is not distant, they retire into it during the heat of the day.

* Dipterocarpus grandifolia, Wallich; Wood oil Tree, Mason’s Burmah, edit.

1860, p. 493.

1867.] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. 181

“ Their food, I imagine, consists of grass. I cannot call to mind

having seen more than one fawn with its mother.

“The colour of the young, as well as that of the females, is what is

termed light fawn colour (light rufous ?) The males are sometimes

of the same, and sometimes as dark as the male of the Sambur, Rusa

hippelaphus. I know not if any change takes place in their coats with

the change of seasons.”

Colonel D. Brown, Officiating Commissioner at Moulmein, has

noticed them to range along both banks of the Irrawaddy, on the

proper right bank up to Meanoung, and on the left bank as far as

Meaday, on the British frontier, N. Lat 19° 40’ EH. Long. 95° 20/

(approximately). He has also observed them as plentiful at Theeg-

wen, near Bassein, a few at Padoung opposite Prome, and to be more

sparsely scattered through the Therrawaddy district.

For most of the following information I am indebted to the courtesy

of J. Davis, Hsq., Superintendent of Police in the Martaban District,

an Officer well known for his intimate acquaintance with the Burmese

language ; hence his services as interpreter were invaluble when Bur-

mese and Karen Shikarees had to be questioned.

Pioneered by him, early in October last, I visited the haunts of

the Thamyn near Thatore (a town about 40 miles N. W. of Moulmein),

and although, owing to the dense nature of the vegetation covering the

plains at that time of year, I was only able to see a few scattered

females and young of the second year, yet the insight thus afforded into

their habits and economy more than repaid me for the severe attack

of illness I subsequently incurred by exposure to the heat and wet.

This plain of Yengyaing was then, owing to the recent and heavy

falls of rain, one large swamp. Nearly the whole of its unbroken

extent, which embraces an area of 14 miles in length with an average

breadth of 10, could be traversed in a small canoe, except here

and there, where mud and vegetation combined obliged one to resort

to a very unpleasant system of half wading in water, and half stick-

ing in deep slime. A continuation of this plain, broken up by belts

of jungle, extends for several hundreds of miles up the Burmese coast,

and has evidently been formed by the gradual retirement of the sea,

which at one time doubtless dashed its waves against the Martaban

and other continuous ranges of laterite hills. It is now, at Yengyaing,

182 Captain R. C. Beawan on Panolia eldi. [No. 3,

some eight to ten miles distant from the hills, and seems to be still

retiring, since the water along the coast of this gulf of Martaban

is very shallow and studded with sandbanks. For the primary

cause of this we may doubtless look to the immense amount

of silt deposit brought down by the waters of the Salween, Beeling,

Sittang and Rangoon rivers, all of which discharge themselves into

the gulf of Martaban. As the sea retires, a belt of mangrove jungle

about a mile in width appears to travel with it, thus enclosing the

plain with a barrier of vegetation on one side and the mountains on the

other. ‘This strip of mangrove jungle gives cover to numberless hog- |

deer, tiger, leopard and pig, but is never entered by the Thamyn,

except where somewhat open; nor on the other side do they ever

attempt to penetrate into the mountains. The plain is intersected by

numerous tidal creeks which in the hot weather, when deprived of

water from the hills, appear to dry up to a great extent, and those

still open at that time of year contain no admixture of fresh water, so

that it is evident, that for two, if not three, months in the year, the

Thamyn rust be entirely deprived of fresh water, whilst during the

rainy season, for six months at least, they may be said to live in water.

It appears wonderful how they can manage to exist im such ex-

tremes of heat and wet. With the exception of a few stunted

trees, and a fringe of hibiscus bushes along the creeks, the plain

is covered with nothing but grasses and paddy, of which latter both

the wild and cultivated varieties are abundant : owing, however, to the

paucity of the population and the consequent demand for labour in

this immediate neighbourhood, perhaps only one fourth of the whole

area is under cultivation for paddy : this crop succeeds here admirably,

and the grain forms one of the staple articles of export from Moul-

mein and other Burmese ports. The remaining three fourths are

covered with the indigenous uncultivated plants which, in seasons

of scarcity, are reaped and used for food. This tract of country forms

a vast grazing ground both for the Lhamyn, and for large herds of

tame buffaloes which are during the rains pastured here by the

Karens, but withdrawn into the heavy jungles near the hills, when,

in April and May, the whole of the vegetation on the plain becomes

parched up, or is devoured by jungle fires. At the time of my visit

vast flocks of waders and other water-birds were arriving from the

1867. ] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldt. 183

north, and the creeks were filled with pelicans of several species;

whilst the mud flats absolutely swarmed with stints, sandpipers,

egrets, and especially the rosy tantalus. Here and there, stalking

gravely amongst the flowering paddy, might be seen pairs of the Sarus

erane, (Grus antigone), or a troop of adjutants, both of which breed in

the neighbourhood. Occasionally the rarer Javanese adjutant was met

with, and the Jabiru stork, Mycteria australis.

The rutting season commences in the middle of March and lasts

throughout April, to the middle of May.

The female gestates nearly seven months, and brings forth her

young in October and November, amongst the jungle paddy which is

then flowering or in seed, and at its greatest height. The sexes

begin to breed at about 18 months old and the female has only a single

young one at a time, which frequently stays with its mother until

the second year.* Hemales have only four teats. In colour they are much

like the female Sambur, but perhaps a little lighter. The young are

at first spotted or menilled, but this disappears with age. The females

are hornless. In the second year the young males first begin to

acquire horns which are perfectly developed in March, and shed in

the middle of the rainy season, that is about September. After

two years they get two tines, and when about seven years old are in

their prime with twelve tines (including the brow antler). The na-

tives have a vague idea that two distinct species, the lesser and the

greater Thamyn, are to be found in the same herds, distinguishable

only by difference of size in horns, and colour; but this of course is

to be accounted for by the individual distinctions common to all

races of animals.

The average weight of the male is from fifty to sixty vis,} that of a

female forty vis.

Four men can carry a male with ease, when disembowelled and

quartered.§

* The mother will breed a second time in 18 months after bringing forth, so

that the young of two seasons are not unfrequently seen with their parents.

+ As noticed above by Blyth in Major Tickell’s specimen at Moulmein.

The colour of a full grown buck is dark brown, especially about the back and

neck, with underparts lighter. As far as I can ascertain there is no trace of a

mane, and the texture of the coat varies considerably with the seasons; more

exact information on these points is however needed.

{ A visis equal to 140 tolahs.

§ As noticed by Blyth, the Burmese always quarter deer with the skin on.

The Karens, however, will not eat the meat, because they think it will breed

cholera, ;

184 Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia eldi. [No. 3,

The male averages 3? feet in height at the shoulder. The female is

a little less: the very largest males do not exceed 44 feet. The flesh

is much liked by the Burmese, and always finds a ready sale in the

neighbouring villages. It is rarely brought into Moulmein. In the

country the wholesale price of a doe is Rupees 3, and that of a buck

Rs. 4,* which is of course less than the usual retail bazar rate.

The flesh is said to smell a little about the end of March when the

weather is very hot, but about November and December it is in good

condition for the table.

Their habitat and range, according to Mr. Davis, are asfollows: In

the Martaban District they inhabit exclusively the open grassy plains

between the sea and the mountains. In the Pegu plains they are

perhaps more abundant than in any other part of Burmah ; next to them

the Yengyaing plain in Martaban produces most; near Rangoon they

are found in the Dallah plain. About Pegu and Yengyaing they are

found in herds from fifty to an hundred in the month of March, but

when hunted, they congregrate much more, and as many as two hun-

dred may then be seen together. In habits they are essentially gre-

garious, and associate with no other species, although hog deer abound

in the grass and jungle along the edges of the plain; nor will they

allow the tame buffaloes to come nearer to them than about 100

yards. In habits they are very wary and difficult of approach, espe-

cially the males; they are also very timid, and easily startled. The

males, however, when wounded and brought to bay with dogs, get very

savage, and charge vigorously. On being disturbed, they invariably

make for the open, instead of resorting to the heavy jungles like hog

deer and Sambur. In fact, the Thamyn is essentially a plain loving

species, and although it will frequent tolerably open tree jungle, for

the sake of its shade, will never venture into any composed of dense

or matted underwood 7. e., bush jungle in contradistinction to “ tree

jungle.” Indeed I was credibly informed of a large stag which, being

driven into a corner of the plain last year, by herd boys, with pariah

dogs, and finding no means of escape, took refuge in heavy jungle

where its horns got entangled in a hibiscus bush, and so was actually

captured alive. Its captors, however, soon put an end to its existence

with a sharp dhar.

* The prices quoted are what a shikarry expects usually to realize,

1867.] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia Eldi. 185

When first startled, their pace is great. They commence by giving

three or four large bounds like the ais or spotted deer, and afterwards

settle down into a long trot, which they will keep up for six or seven

miles on end where frequently disturbed. This is when the vegetation

on the plain is comparatively short. In the rains they do not go far

before they find a hiding place in the long paddy. Their powers of

leaping are highly developed. On the Yengyaing plain alone there

are at the present time about a thousand head, on the Thatong plain, a

little further to the north west, perhaps a hundred head only, which go

about in small herds of seven and eight. At Yengyaing the annual

number killed amounts to about forty-five, including those bagged by

Kuropeans, and about five natives gain their livelihood in that place,

almost entirely by the sale of the flesh. They are least gregarious in

the rainy weather, the females have mostly then retired in twos and

threes into quiet spots, and the herds are altogether more scattered,

owing to the increased density of the vegetation. They feed during both

day and night, chiefly however in the early morning and evening, their

food consisting principally of the jungle paddy. During the night they

doa great deal of damage to the cultivated variety, treading down

more than they eat. They also feed on grass, and on the leaves of two

jungle trees called in Burmese the ‘“ Keay” and the “ Thamey,” the

scientific appellations of which Iam unable to resolve.* Ina tamed

state they will eat plantain leaves.

The call of the female, uttered when disturbed, is a short barking

grunt, that of the males is louder and more prolonged. It is most

frequently heard in the rutting season, during which period the males

have frequent and severe battles; a pair have been known to have

been captured whilst so engaged, with their antlers interlocked.

* JT lately had a stag Panolia in confinement for many months, It was put

out every day among capital pasture, but invariably abstained from eating it.

I tried it with a number of trees and found that it eat quickly the leaves of

Ficus venosa, religiosa and indica, and that the tender shoots and leaves of bam-

boos were its special favourite. Jt was kept close to a tank in which convol-

wulus reptoms was growing Inxuriantly, and it was accustomed daily betimes to

stand in the water up to its middle, and feed on the leaves of this plant also,

It did not appear, however, to be so fond of the water as the nearly aftined bara

singha, Rucervus Duvaucellii, A male of the latter species in my possession, in the

hot season, used to spend the greater part of the day lying im the water. Its

food also apparently differs from that of the thamyn, for it browsed on commen

pasture, and while in the water fed on the long straggling grass Seersia hexandra

(Bditor.)

186 Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia Eldi. [No. 3,

About the end of January the first jungle fire sweeps over the

plain and destroys the dry herbage, leaving small patches here and

there about the edges of swamps. The second burning takes place

about the end of March, and leaves scarcely a blade of grass behind it ;

the plain is then almost entirely bare, and the deer having no cover

congregate in large herds. They are then to be seen on all sides, and,

the buffaloes having previously withdrawn to the tree jungle, are

left alone in their glory, and, as noticed before by Colonel Blake,

become at this time excessively wary. From the middle of February

until the first showers fall at the end of April they apparently subsist

without water, they lie in salt swamps during this period, and get the

benefit of the heavy dews at night. Their only enemy appears to be

man, but an epidemic occasionally breaks out amongst them and des-

troys large numbers. The last occurred in 1865, and some fifty or

sixty head fell victims. The cause of this murrain is unknown, it is

probably analagous to that which yearly in Burmah, during the rains,

creates such havoc amongst domestic cattle. The Burmese readily

eat the diseased flesh, and experience no bad effects from doing so.

The disease attacks old and young alike, apparently causing great

emaciation and loss of strength, and the animal at last dies of pure

weakness. It will probably be found to be some swelling or affection

of the throat and lungs, which prevents the animal from eating.

There seems to be no doubt that, in Burmah, this species is gradual-

ly decreasing, and will, at no distant date, be excessively rare. This

can be accounted for by the gradual but steady increase of the popu-

lation, and the greater area of country (which must naturally increase

yearly) which is taken up for the cultivation of rice. Unfortunately

for the thamyn, the whole of their favourite locale is excessively well

adapted to the cultivation of rice, and there is no doubt that where

the indigenous wild plant is found, there also the cultivated variety

will flourish. The rice trade of Burmah is yearly increasing in ex-

tent ; and a few years bid fair to see the present haunts of the thamyn

not unlike the present state of the greater portion of the rice producing

plains of lower Bengal, An intelligent Burmese shikarree, who has

been a hunter from his youth upwards and is now an elderly man, tells

me that in former years, before Martaban was taken by the British, the

thamyn were much more abundant than they are now, and that

1867.] Captain R. C. Beavan on Panola Eldi. 187

the natives used to destroy them wholesale at battues: a large

‘number of men would assemble from the surrounding villages and

gradually encircle three or four moderately sized herds with long

strings, upon which plantain leaves were tied so as to flutter in

the wind. The circle originally formed at some distance was gra-

dually lessened, as the deer, afraid to pass the scarecrows, got

gradually driven together, until they were completely surrounded and

at the mercy of the hunters. The object was to get them into a

corner near the heavy jungle, into which if they attempted to run,

they either became entangled or allowed their pursuers to get up

quite close. My informant tells me that, in former years, he has himself

seen as many as 150 to 200 killed in one battue. To sucha length

was this system carried, and such enormous havoc thereby created, that

the Burmese Government, fearing that the species would be utterly ex-

terminated, wisely put astop to the practice. This shikarree informed

me that five-and-twenty years ago he has seen as many as five hun-

dred head in one herd, and his account was confirmed by others. At

the present day, vast mounds of their bones, in every stage of decay,

exist on the Thatong plain, the site of many a battue in former times.

The value of a whole carcass then was only 4 annas or + tical weight

of Burmese silver, equivalent to eight or ten annas of our coinage at

the present day! Several intelligent men are now living in the

vicinity of Thatong and Yengyaing who formerly took part in these

wholesale slaughterings, and, like many others of the present genera-

tion, are apt to look back fondly to those good old times.

These battues or kyowine were preceded by all sorts of ceremonies

and sacrificial rites, offerings being previously made to the tutelary

nats or deities of the woods and plains, to ensure success. In addition

to these battues, and the recent increase of cultivation and population,

we may account for their gradual decrease by the great increase that

has taken place, of late years, in the number and use of fire-arms.

Nearly every Burman can shoot, and a large proportion have each

their matchlock or cheap Birmingham gun. It is excessively diffi-

cult to catch a thamyn, even a young one, alive, owing to the open

nature of the country which they frequent; and several officers in

the Burmese Commission have for some time past been endeavour-

ing, without success, to procure young individuals of both sexes

188 Captain R. C. Beavan on Panolia Lldi. [No. 3,

for the Zoological Society of London.* Major Tickell had one

alive for some time in Moulmein, but it was eventually killed by

pariah dogs which got into its enclosures at night. My informant, the

shikarree, tells me that he had one also tame some years since; he

caught it when about three months old, fed it on milk at first, and

afterwards on grass and plantain leaves, and, after a short time, it be-

came so tame that it would follow its owner about, and never attempt

to leave the dwellings of man; after an interval of two years, it got a

small pair of horns shaped like those of the adult, but much smaller.

Finally, like most pets, it met with an untimely end, being stolen and

killed for food by rapacious Burmese officials. From this the species

appear to be capable of easy domestication, although it is said by some

invariably to pine away and die after capture. The horns of the species

are of large size, and are kept by the natives for making handles for

sickles. The small ones are of no value, and are either thrown away or

cut up and used as pegs.

As to medicinal qualities, when a buffaloe is bitten by a snake, the

horn of the thamyn ground to powder is mixed with a solution of the

leaves of the ‘‘ Yekazoon” (Ipomcea. sp. or convolvulus,) and given in-

ternally, as it is said to cure the bitten animal immediately. No other

part of the beast appears to be used medicinally, and the above men-

tioned nostram is of no avail for the human race.

In conclusion, there is one point to which I wish to draw especial

attention, as one on which our information at present is very limited.

Tt is not known for certain whether the thamyn, in its first year, has

horns without the brow antler, or whether they are the same as those

of adult individuals, but smaller and with fewer tynes. The pros and

cons on either side of the question are I find about equal. It remains

for those who have the opportunity of rearing the young animal in

captivity, or of shooting a young one, to prove which is the right view

of the case.

* T have since heard that Col. Phayre has one at the present time alive at

Rangoon, and Mr. Grote one at Alipore, supposed to be the young of this

apecies.

A fine full grown stag which I received for Col. Phayre is now in the Zoolo-

gical Soc. Gardens, London.—Editor.

1867. ] Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. 189

Zoological Notes.

By William T. Blanford, F. G. 8.

Cor. Mem. Z. 8. Lon.

[Received 10th June, 1867. ]

The following notes refer chiefly to the distribution of various

animals in India and Burma, and to the habits of a few species.

There is much in them which is probably not new, more especially

with regard to the habits of animals. Still the subject is so interest-

ing, and so little studied by naturalists for want of opportunity, that I

trust these few remarks may have some interest. All the facts noted

are from personal observation, except where the contrary is stated.

1. The Lion in India. Mr. Blyth, about 2 years since, called atten-

tion to the circumstance that lions had been recently met with in parts

of India in which the animal had been supposed to be extinct. Since

that time, one or two other localities have been added to the list of those

in which lions have been met with. A paragraph went the round of

the newspapers rather more than a year ago, in 1866, to the effect

that a lion had been killed near Rewah. An account of the death of

this animal was given in the new Oriental Sporting Magazine; and

again in “ Land and Water,” for December 8th, 1866, Captain Le

Mesurier described the locality and gave the dimensions of the skin.

The animal was killed by Messrs. Lovell and Kelsey, of the Jubbulpoor

railway staff: it was a fine male with a full mane. The dimensions of

the stretched skin were the following :

ite im

From tip of nose to end of tail,........... Y 8

Ditto tormsertion of tail, ye. se:. 6 10

Ditto to hinder end of mane, ........... 3 6

Across skin from fore toe to fore toe, ... 6 11

So that the animal, when alive, probably measured rather less than

9 feet from the tip of the nose to the end of the tail, measured as

tigers usually are, that is, by carrying a tape from the nose over the

head and along the middle of the back.

The mane is specially mentioned as very full, the longest hairs

being about eleven inches in length, the colour yellow sandy, except

on the crown of the head, along the crest, and across the shoulders,

where a blackish shade prevailed, the hairs being white, black and

190 Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

yellow, in about equal proportions. The ears were black on the

outside, and the tip of the tail was also black; the lower tip white.

From the dark colour of a portion of the hair, there can be little

doubt that this was not an aged animal, although, from the fully

developed mane, it must have been mature, and not a young lion.

The spot where it was killed was near the 80th milestone, on the

railway from Allahabad to Jubbulpoor.

Tam indebted to Mr. Grote for a note from Captain Le Mesurier

confirming the above particulars, and adding the following, also

mentioned in the letter published in ‘‘ Land and Water.”

“Some few years ago Mr. Court, who is now Commissioner of

Allahabad, and a very good sportsman, disturbed two lions on the

rocky plain near Sheorajpir, twenty-five miles west of Allahabad,

when he was stalking antelope.”

“Two years ago (1864) Mr. Arratoon of the Police shot at and

wounded a lion very near Sheorajpiar, and eventually, with native help,

stoned him to death, as he had no spare ammunition. Some of the

members of my staff saw the skin, and got the story, nearly as I

relate it, from Mr. Arratoon, who still holds a police appointment

somewhere in the N. W. Provinces.”

The last authenticated appearances of an animal now verging on

extinction in Central India are, I think, sufficiently worth preserving

to demand a record. The Sheorajptr lion is, I believe, the furthest to

the eastward yet known as having been killed in the present century.

Col. Torrens also has written to Mr. Grote to say that lions still

occur about Lalatpur, between Jhansi and Saugor.

A few lions appear to be killed every year about Gwalior and

Goona, but the animal is scarce, and, being eagerly sought after by

some of the keenest sportsmen in India, it is rapidly becoming scarcer.

In the hot weather of 1866 no less than 9 lions were shot by one

party in the neighbourhood of Kota in Rajpootana. My information

is derived directly from one of the sportsmen, Major Baigire. Of one of

these Rajpootana lions I have seen a coloured drawing, taken imme-

diately after death by an excellent artist. The mane was very fine

and well developed, although the beast was killed in the hot weather,

when the mane, like the rest of the fur, is doubtless thinner than in

the winter.

1867.] Mr, W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. . 191

From a native I learn that in a recent beat in Rajpootana (some-

where on the neighbourhood of Kota), no less than 10 lions were

turned out. If this story be true, and I think I have heard of similar

large gatherings amongst African lions, this animal occasionally collects

in much larger numbers than tigers do. At the same time I do not

place much faith in the story. The largest number of tigers of which

I ever heard as being found together was six. These were full grown

animals, Five I have several times heard of. In such cases all are

one family, the old tiger and tigress and their full grown progeny.

A tigress not unfrequently has 3 or 4 cubs (I have known the latter

number of foeti to be taken from the body of a slain animal) but they

rarely, I suspect, all attain to muturity.

The lion seems still to exist in 3 isolated parts of Central and

Western India, omitting its occasional occurrence in Bundelkund.

These are (1) from near Gwalior to Kotah. (2) Around Deesa and

mount Aboo, and thence southwards nearly to Ahmedabad and (8) in

part of Kattiawar, in the jungles known as the Gheer. It is possible

that isolated examples may yet remain in others of its original haunts.

I may add that the opinion expressed by Mr. Blyth (Cat. Mam. in

Mus. As. Soc.) of the inferiority in size of the lion to the tiger is

quite borne out by all I have heard on the subject. Major Baigire,

one of the best known tiger hunters of Western India, who has also

killed more than one lion, told me that the muscular development of

the latter animal, as displayed in the skinned carcase, is decidedly less

than that of the former.

2. The hunting leopard, Felis (cynaiurus) jubatus. Blyth, in his

catalogue, gives the range of this animal in India as confined to the west

and south. It is found throughout the greater portion if not the whole

of the Central Provinces, though everywhere scarce, and I have seen

the skin of a specimen killed near Deogurh in the Sonthal pergunnahs,

and brought to that station by a shikaree. I think it will be found to

exist, here and there, almost throughout the Peninsula. In Cutch it

is said to be the only large feline existing, but I cannot speak positively

on this subject.

3. The wild dog. Cuon rutilans, Pallas.

The ordinary prey of these animals, who, as is well known, inva

in packs, is the sambar (Rusa Aristotelis, Cuv.), the chital or spotted

192 Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

deer (axis maculatus Gray), and the wild pig. But they attack higher

game. I have heard a perfectly authenticated account of their destroy-

ing a young gaur (Bos gaurus), and I myself found the fresh carcase

of a full grown (tame) buffalo which had been killed by them. This

was in the jungles east of Baroda. Nowa buffalo is not an easy

beast to kill; very few tigers will attack an adult. It struck me

that the teeth of a wild dog would scarcely suffice to tear the enormously

thick skin of the throat of their prey : and on examining the carcase

T found scarcely the mark of a tooth on the neck and throat, although

there were many about the muzzle. The animal had evidently been

killed by tearing out its intestines, a portion of the pack meantime

holding the animal by hanging on, in bull dog style, to his muzzle

and forequarters. I suspect that they ill all large animals in the

same way; a young sambur, which I saw on the Nilgiris, had

apparently been killed in this manner. I have heard from natives,

too, that this is their mode of attacking tigers. That they do attack

and kill tigers is so universally stated in India, in every place where

the wild dog is found, from the Himalayas to the extreme south, that

Ido not think its truth can be doubted, startling as the assertion

appears. Yet, singularly enough, they never attack men: at least I

never heard of their doing so, The wolf, which, although larger, is

proportionately their inferior in strength and speed, and which rarely,’

and in India, I think, never, collects into packs as large as those of

Cuon rutilans, not unfrequently attacks men, though I believe he

rarely attacks an animal of the size of a full grown sambur.

| RUMINANTIA.

4, The gaur and gayal. Bos gaurus, Smith, and Bos pontalis,

Lambert. I had the unusual advantage last year, and at an interval of

2 months, of seeing five adult examples of both these magnificent bovine

species alive. The gaur were wild in the jungles of Nimar, the gayals

were the magnificent tame specimens procured by Dr. J. Anderson for

the Zoological Society, and living for some time in the Botanical

gardens at Calcutta. There could be little question of the purity of

breed of the latter; although far more tame and gentle than most

domestic cattle, their symmetry and the regularity of their colouring

were those of wild animals.

There is, at the first sight, a remarkable resemblance between these

two races, The massive proportions, thick horns, short legs, immense

1867.] Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. 193

depth of body, the dorsal ridge terminating abruptly about half way

down the back, the general colouring, are all characters common to

both. But one or two differences are immediately perceived, and

others become conspicuous on closer examination. The most remark-

able of course are the comparatively straight and wide-spreading

horns and the enormously developed dewlap of the gayal, as contrasted

with the sharply curved horns and absence of any dewlap in the gaur,

and the shorter tail of the former. But if Dr. Anderson’s specimens

are fair examples of the gayal, they shew that there are several minor

distinctions between the two. In the gayals the head is shorter and,

I think, altogether smaller than in the gaur, and the dorsal ridge is

not quite so high. Inthe adult bull gayal in Calcutta, the skin of

the back and sides is almost naked, as in the buffaloes of the plains of

India; this I have never seen in the gaur. The legs below the knees

too, which in the gaur are dirty white, are, in these gayals, dirty

yellow. The female gayal is darker in colour than the cow gaurs

which I have seen, but as the latter vary considerably in tint, the

former may possibly do the same.

Thave seen a good deal of the gaur in the Satpoora hills during the

last few years. It there inhabits the peculiar thin jungles which

cover the trap rocks of Central and Western India. These jungles, as

is well known, consist of tolerably open spaces of thick grass 3 to 5

feet in height, with small scattered trees. This grass is burnt at the

end of the cold weather over the greater portion of the country. In

ravines and along the banks of streams the jungle is thicker, but

elsewhere there are few places where the trees are an impediment to

riding. The gaur feedsin these plains in the morning and evening,

drinking in the evening, or at night, and retreating during the day

either to a shady ravine, or, during the hot weather, at least, to the

top of a high hill, the most breezy spot being apparently chosen,

irrespective of shade. So far as I have observed, the gaur, like the

sambur, neyer remains in the vicinity of water, or drinks, during the

heat of the day.*

The ferocity of the gaur has been, I think, greatly overstated. I

have never heard of but one well authenticated instance of an

unwounded animal attacking man, though the bulls, like those of all

* The spotted deer, on the other hand, almost invariably does so. The sam-

burs, I believe, only drink at night,

194 Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

large bovines, are undoubtedly dangerous in the rutting season. In

general, the gaur is a timid and rather stupid animal, not very sharp

of sight, though, ike all ruminants and, indeed, all wild mammals,

gifted with strong powers of scent.

IT have never seen a herd of more than 16, and ten to twelve is a

more common number, the herd comprising one or two adult bulls

only, the remainder being cows and calves. The bulls remain apart ;

either solitary, or in parties of two or three. But I have heard both

from Huropeans and natives of much larger gatherings having been

seen. These are doubtless formed by the union of many herds, and

this habit of collecting, at particular seasons, in very large numbers,

appears common to most ruminants which habitually live in herds.

Thus I have seen, in April, at least 150 spotted deer (Axis maculatus)

together, and I have heard of far larger numbers collecting in the hot

season, and I have recently heard of similar assemblages of the

barasingha (Rucervus Duvaucellir).

The cows of the gaur, as I have already mentioned, vary consider-

ably in colour, being usually some shade of brown, approaching dun.

Some, in Nimar and the Satpoora hills at all events, are of a very red

tinge, in some cases approaching closely to the deep red so common

in Huropean cattle,—the colour also, I believe, of the cow Banting,

Bos sondaicus. Iam inclined to think that the colour is redder in

the cold season than in the hot weather. The usual tinge in the hot

season at least is a much duller brown, nearly the colour of the Nilgiri

buffaloes. From what I have heard, the tint of these Nimar animals

may be lighter than that of the cows in the Western Ghats and

southern India, a circumstance probably connected with the much

greater exposure to the sun which they must undergo in the thin

trap jungles, and also partly, perhaps, accounted for by that tendency

which appears to exist in most wild animals to approximate, in their

colour, the general hue of their habitat. This is, of course, much

lighter in a tract mainly covered by grass, which is dried and of the

colour of straw for 7 months of the year, than in the depth of the

evergreen forests of Malabar and the Western Ghats.

The size of the gaur, great as it is, is often, I suspeet, exaggerated

by unfair measurement. Instead of measuring the true height, as is

done with horses, the length from the forefoot to the end of the spinal

1867.) Mr. W. T. Bianford’s Zoological Notes. 195

ridge is substituted. A great addition to the height is also easily

made by pulling out the foreleg as the animal lies, and by measuring

from the toe instead of from the heel, especially if the cord be curved

a little over the side. Another plan I have lately heard of is to

stretch a tape from one forefoot to the other over the back, and to

take half the resulting length as the height. When it is remembered

that the measurements are made by sportsmen, not by naturalists, it

will easily be understood that all should be taken cwm grano and that

many may be rejected altogether. My own impression is that it is

as rave to find a gaur exceeding about 175 hands (5 ft. 10 in.) as it is

to meet with a tiger above 10 feet in length. Larger animals do

undoubtedly exist, but they are rare, and it is, I think, doubtful if

20 hands (6 ft. 8 in.) is ever reached. To judge from all the horns

I have seen, the gaur of no part of India proper attains a larger size

than in the Satpoora hills.

The gaur is called ran pado in Goozerat and ran hila by the Bheels

of Kandesh, both words, like the name commonly used throughout

Central and Southern India, ran or jungli byns, meaning wild buffalo,

which is just as absurd, as the term bison applied by Anglo-Indians,

T have even heard the name arna, which of course means the wild

buffalo, applied to the gaur; and the correct name is rarely used, in

Central India at least, except in the neighbourhood of districts where

wild buffaloes occur.

5. The wild buffalo, Bos (Bubalus) buffelus.

I think Blyth is in error in restricting the range of the aboriginally

wild buffalo to the Ganges valley and Assam. (Cat. Mam. As. Soe.

p. 163). Wild buffaloes are completely unknown throughout Western

and Southern India, but they are common on the east coast, to some

distance south of Cuttack at least, and throughout the jungles of

Mandla, Raipur and Sumbalptir, extending west as far as the Wein a

Gunga and Pranhita, and south to the Godavery ; a few herds may

occur beyond these limits, but they are very rare. My information is

derived partly from my own observation, partly from various sportsmen

who have seen and killed the animal in these districts; and I have

myself seen the spoils. All that I have seen belong to the B. spedroceros

race of Hodgson, with horns curving from the base. My reasons for

thinking all these animals aboriginally wild, and and not feral, are—

Ast, the perfect symmetry and immense size of their horns. 2nd, the

196 Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

fact that the tract inhabited by them is contiguous to the area, Lower

Bengal and Assam, inhabited by the undoubtedly wildrace. 3rd, the

circumstance that precisely the area mentioned comprises the range of

other animals also restricted, in India proper, to Bengal and the

neighbourhood; e. g. Rucervus duvaucellii and Gallus ferrugineus,

concerning the distribution of which I shall have something further

to say, presently.

6. ‘The four-horned antelope (Tetracerus quadricornis.)

This species is especially abundant in the trappean districts of

Western India, it is one of the commonest wild animals in Nimar,

Malwa, Khandeish, the western part of the Nerbudda valley, and

throughout the Taptee valley. It is also common along the Western

Ghats and in the Konkan about Bombay. It lives in jungle, and is

generally to be found near water. It is comparatively a solitary animal,

and I have never seen more than four together, the two parents and

their young. For along time I was inclined to look upon the

animals with only the posterior pair of horns developed as a distinct

race, with lighter coloured fur, and lam by no means satisfied that

there is not a distinction to be drawn. The two horned specimens, in

the country I have mentioned above, are quite as numerous as the

four horned, and although they are fully adult, I have failed to find a

trace of the cores belonging to the anterior pair of horns on the skull;

a specimen with all four horns fully developed and pointed is rare,

generally the anterior horns are mere knobs.

Mr. Blyth is, I think, in error in his catalogue of the Mammalia in

Mus. As. Soe. p. 166, in applying the name Chikara to this animal.

The Chikara or Chinkara (the latter being the correct name, but the n

is nasal and very little sounded) is the name which I have heard

universally applied to the Indian gazelle, Antelope bennetti, Sykes. The

4-horned antelope is called Chousingha in Hindee, as stated by Mr.

Blyth ; it is known by the Mahrattas as “ Benkara” and by the Bheels

of Guzerat as Bokra or Phokra.

7. The Indian antelope and gazelle. (Antilope bezoartica, Aldr

and A. Bennettii, Sykes). Both of these animals can exist without

water. The antelope abounds on the strip of sand separating the

Chilka lake, which is quite salt, from the sea; and on this strip the

only fresh water is obtained from one or two deep wells. The strip 1s

about 30 miles long. I have been assured by so many people that

1867.] Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. 197

antelopes do drink in places, that I cannot absolutely assert that they

do not, although I suspect their visits to the edges of streams and

tanks are rather for the purpose of feeding on the green grass growing

there than for drinking. As regards the Chinkara or Indian gazelle,

I quite believe that it never drinks. Ihave seen it in the deserts of

Sindh* in places where the only water for 20 miles around was procured

from wells; and in places in Western and Central India where, in the

hot weather, the only water is obtained from small pools remaining in

the beds of streams, and around which the tracks of almost every

animal in the forest may be seen, I never yet saw the very peculiarly

formed tracks of the gazelle, although it frequently abounded in the

neighbourhood. The four horned antelope, on the other hand, drinks

habitually. Ihave seen it doing so, and its tracks are constantly to

be found at water holes. The Nylgai drinks, but not, I think,

habitually, except in the hot weather.

8. The Bara Singha, Rucervus Duvaucellit. For some remarks on

the geographical distribution of this species see further on, under the

jungle fowl. ‘The localities given by Mr. Blyth} are Upper Bengal ,

valley of Nepal; Assam; Nerbudda territory; Hastern Sunderbuns.

This list requires slight modification. The animal occurs, though

scarce, in Beerbhoom, and I believe, here and there throughout the

Chota-Nagpoor country, Sirgooja and Chutteesgurh, and it abounds

in Bustar, as I have lately learned from Captain Glasfurd, the Deputy

Commissioner of Sironcha. It is to be found about Umarkantak, the

source of the Nerbudda, and in Mundla, but with one exception, to

be presently noticed, not further to the west, and it is unknown

throughout the greater portion of the Nerbudda valley. Generally

the limits of its range are very nearly those which I have indicated

for the wild buffalo.

PACHYDERMATA.

9. The Indian wild pigs. Sws scropha ?

Mr. Blyth has pointed out (J. A. 8. B. XXIX, 105) distinctions in

the form of the skulls of wild pigs in India, but he has not referred to

* The Sindh species may be distinct.

7 Catalogue of the Mammalia in the Museum of the Asiatic Society. The

localities given by Mr. Blyth are in general thoroughly trustworthy, so far as my

experience goes. Iam therefore the more anxious to correct them where any

improvement is possible, a task only practicable to those who like myself have

had opportunities for extensive travelling in India,

198 Mr. W. PT. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

differences in colour. Now I have seen whole herds (or sounders) of

wild pigs which were brown in colour, irrespective of size or sex, and

other herds in the same region, all the members of which were black.

Large hogs are usually black, becoming grizzled with age, but I have

seen a large solitary hog of the brown species, which had been just

killed by a friend, and it was the same colour as the smaller animals.

The brown zace, so far as my observations extend, is never found

except in bush or forest jungle, the black pigs are the common wild

hog of the plains, but are also frequently met with in forest. These

may be accidental varieties, but it is equally probable that the

diference in colour is connected with other distinctions. I can,

however, only point out the question as one for enquiry.

RopENTIA.

10. The Burmese bamboo rat, Rhizomys castaneus, Blyth.—In

the Catalogue of mammalia in Mus. As. Soc. the locality of a specimen

received from me is erroneously entered as South Arakan. ‘The speci-

men was killed by me at Prome in Pegu. The distinction is

important, as the fauna of §. Arakan, and of Arakan generally, is

very different from that of Upper Pegu, though many species, like the

present, are common to both.

CurAacza.

11. The freshwater dolphins of India and Burma (Platanista).

It is well known that species of Platanista—whether the same or

distinct,is less clearly ascertained, occur in the Ganges and Brahmapitra

and in the Indus. It is less generally known that a species abounds

in the Irrawadi. I have seen them in various parts of that river from

near the mouth to nearly 100 miles above Ava, and I was told by

natives that they are to be met with as far to the north as Bamo, the

Burmese frontier. I was, however, never able to obtain a specimen.

The species is very likely to differ trom that of the Ganges.

I cannot say if these animals are found in any other Burmese rivers.

They may very likely exist in the great rivers of Siam and Cambodia,

and they should be looked for in the great Chinese rivers. I am pretty.

certain that in India they are only found in the Ganges, Brahmapititra,

and Indus, and their tributaries. I can speak pretty certainly of their

non-existence in the Brahmini, Mahanadi (of Cuttack), Godavery,

Taptee and Nerbudda, and I never heard of their occurrence in the

Krishna or Cauvery.

1867.] Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. 199

AVES.

12.. Geographical distribution of the red and Sonnerat jungle fowls.

Gallus ferrugineus, Gm., and G. sonnerati, Tem.

I regret very much having been the means of misleading Dr. Jerdon

as to the distribution of the red jungle fowl. I had been told by two

different observers that they had seen and shot jungle fowl exactly

like the common barn door fowl in and near the Rajpihla hills, and a

third had assured me that he had seen specimens of two different

kinds of jungle fowl from the same neighbourhood.

I have now been through the Rajpihla hills and the western

Satpooras pretty thoroughly, and I am convinced that the only jungle

fowl inhabiting those ranges is Gallus sonneratii. This species is also

found north of the Nerbudda, in the jungles east of Baroda, and

around Chota Oodipoor, but how far it extends to the north and north-

west I cannot say. It is not improbably to be found in the Aruvelli

range and perhaps about Mount Aboo. It occurs throughout the

Satpoora hills, north of Kandesh, and indeed throughout the Taptee

valley. Further south I have recently shot it in the jungles just east

of Chanda.

Jerdon mentions its occurrence at Pachmurri, where, however, I

learn from Lieut. J. Forsyth that G. ferrugineus also occurs. J am

indebted to Lieut. Forsyth for the following most singular fact with

reference to the limits of the latter species. He tells me that it is

precisely conterminous in the hills south of the Nerbudda with the

Bara Singha, Rucervus Duvaucelliz, and the Sal tree, Shorea robusta.

The western limits of the great belt of Sal forest which covers so large

a portion of Hastern India isin the Mundla district, and there bara

singha and red jungle fowl also occur. The sdlis not found in Western

India; but there is one spot in the Deinwa valley, just under

Pachmurri, where a patch of sal forest occurs, and there, and there

only, the red jungle fowl and the bara singha are met with, although

the nearest spot to the eastward where the three again recur is 150

miles off. Lieut. Forsyth adds that the two kinds of jungle fowl meet

on the plateau at Pachmurri and he has shot both there. When in

charge of the forests, he has traversed the whole of the jungle tracts

south of the Nerbudda, and can speak positively as to the above very

curious circumstance. It would be very interesting to ascertain

200 Mr. W. T. Blanford’s Zoological Notes. [No. 3,

whether any other animals or plants have a similar distribution. The

only hypothesis which appears to account for the existence of an

isolated colony of eastern forms like this is to suppose that, like a

geological outlier they were formerly connected with the present main

range, and that they existed throughout the intervening area in which

they are now no larger found.

To the south, the range of the bara singha and red jungle fowl

appears again to coincide with that of the sal tree. Ihave mentioned

above the occurrence of the bara singha in Bustar, where Jerdon _

found both kinds of jungle fowl together, and where the sal tree is

also met with. Gallus ferrugineus does appear to reach the Godavery

further east, as [heard one crowing not long since in the gorge through

which the river runs about 50 miles above Rajahmundry.

13. Distribution of the black and painted partridges, Francolinus

vulgaris, Stephens, and Ff’. pictus Jerd. and Selby.

Jerdon, Birds of India, pp. 559, 562, leaves the relative distribution

of these two species to the west somewhat undefined. I haye only

seen or heard of /. vulgaris in Sind. F. pictus abounds throughout

eastern Guzerat near Baroda and Surat, and I believe, extends

throughout Kattiawar. It also occurs, though less commonly, in

Cutch, where I have seen it.

Repriita.

The garial (Gavialis gangeticus.)

This crocodile is generally supposed be confined to the Ganges and

Brahmapttra with their tributaries, It is found also in one other river

running into the Bay of Bengal, the Mahanadi of Cuttack. It does

not, however, appear to range further south and is unknown in the

Godavery. It is wanting inthe Nerbudda and other rivers which fall

into the sea on the west coast.* It is also unknown in Burma.

* Thave been recently informed on good authority that it exists in the

Indus. Hprror.

1867.] Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir. 201

Kashnur, the Western Himalaya and the Afghan Mountains, a

Geological paper, by

Albert M. Verchere, Esq. M. D.

Bengal Medical Service, with a note on the fossils by

M, Edouard de Verneuil,

Membre de l Académie des Sciences, Paris.

(Continued from page 115, of No. II. 1867.)

In April 1864, I sent a box of fossils, mostly from Kashmir, to

Professor Faire, of Geneva. M. Faire kindly forwarded these to M.

H. J. de Vernueil, who was good enough to examine them carefully,

and to write a most interesting note, of which a translation is now

given.

’ Some of the fossils represented in the Plates were not sent to Pro-

fessor Faire, and some which were sent, are not figured here; the

numbers at the head of some of the paragraphs of M. de Vernueil’s

note refer to the fossils represented in the Plates.

Note on the fossils forwarded by Mr. Vuercunrn, by M. Enovarp vr

Vernuxit, Member of the Academie des Sciences, de. de.

The largest of the two specimens sent, of which the matrix is a

dark brown limestone, belongs to the Productus Semireticulatus,

(Martin), one of the most characteristic species of the carboniferous lime-

stone, in Hurope, in Russia and in America. This species has been

brought from the south of the Oural, and Mr. Tchihatcheff has found

it in Siberia in the Altai mountains.

A specimen of Productus costatus (Sowerby). This is a species

scarcer than the preceding. The specimen from India shows well the

characters of the species such as they are figured by Sowerby, whilst

those from Missouri, figured by M. de Konnick, do not possess the

large and thick ribs which characterise the original species. The Pro-

ductus costatus, first found in England, does not exist in Continental

Hurope, except in Russia where I found it in the government of Toula.

Some Russian authors mention it from the government of Tiver and

of Kalonga. .

Productus Humboldt: (D’Orbigny). This species is very like P,

Granulosus (Phillips) and P. Heberti (Vernueil, Bull. Soc. Geolog. de

02 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 3,

France, Vol. XII. p. 1180). It is distinguished from this by its well

marked sinus, and its fine and numerous spines strewed without order on

the surface and not forming concentric series. The P. Humboldt: is

mentioned by Keyserling as having been found by him in the car-

boniferous limestone of the Soiwa, an affluent of the river Petchora

- on the western slope of the north of the Oural. Myr. Davidson has

thought proper to make a new species which he calls P. Purdonz (on

some Carboniferous Brachiopoda collected in India by A. Fleming and

W. Purdon in 1848 and 1852, Quarterly Journal of the Geol. Soe. of

London, Pl. 2 fig. 5, 1862) based on specimens similar to those under

examination, and which came from Chederoo and Moosakhel (Salt

Range, A. M. V.). He gives a drawing, under the name of P. Hum-

boldtz, of a species on which the spines are fewer and confusedly

arranged in quincunces, and of which the sinus is very slight and only

visible near the front of the shell. I would regard this rather as the P.

pustulosus.

Productus Cora, (D’Orbigny). Two good specimens possessing well

the characters of the species.—Discovered first in the Bolivian plateau

by D’Orbigny. This species is one of the most characteristic of the car-

boniferous limestone in England, in Belgium, in Spain and in Russia.

At the time I found it in the last named country D’Orbigny had but

just described it ; I did not know his work, and, as this shell varies much,

I had made two species of it under the names of P. Tenwistriatus and

P. Neflediwi. It is found on both slopes of the Oural, and also in the

white carboniferous limestone of the plains of Russia at Sterbita-

mak on the river Oka, and in the carboniferous region of Douety.

Finally it is also mentioned in North America. It has therefore a

great geological range.

Four specimens of Productus. That in the black limestone and

brought from Kashmir is the P. Flemingii or Longispmus or

Lobatus (three names of the same animal). It is one of these Pro-

ductt largely distributed on the globe. It has been found on the

Mississipi in the state of Ohio and in Kentucky. It exists in Eng-

jand, in Spain, and in Belgium. Messrs. Keyserling and Murchison and

I have found it in the governments of Tiver, Kalonga, on the Douetaz

as well as on the river Belaja near the glacial sea. The speci-

mens from the white limestone of the Katir-Kote are a distinct

1867.] the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 203

variety, remarkable for a pretty considerable number of tubular

spines, and by the large size of its longitudinal striz, which are

often well marked.

Four specimens of a small species which differs from the P.

Longispinus or lobatus by the want of lobes and of a sinus on

the middle of the greater valve. It is perhaps the P. <Aculeatus,

(Martin), but the specimens are not good enough to be determined

rigorously.

Very small specimens of Productws which are perhaps the young

of the P. longispmmus or of P. Boliviensis, (D’Orbigny), of which

Keyserling found a valve in the carboniferous limestone of the

basin of the Petchora (government of Archangel). It is characterised

by well detached ears.

Two specimens of Athyris, without the test and too imperfect to

allow of their being determined (Terebratula Subtilita, Halls?)

Four specimens of a species of Athyris which is perhaps new. It

belongs to the class of Verebratulae with concentric striz and internal

spires, called by D’Orbigny Spirigera and by M’Coy Athyris (a name,

let us remark, which means the reverse of what exists, since, instead. of

being imperforate, these species have a round hole on the beak).

This species from Kashmir approaches the A. Ambiqua, (Sowerby), and

the A. Globulosa, (Phoill.), but it is more transverse and the beak is

more detached and sharper. It may be called A. Buddhista, as proposed

by Mr. Verchere. The A. Ambigua is found in Russia in the carboni-

ferous limestone, but is rare there, whilst it is common in England.

Two specimens, of which one is perhaps a variety of the 7’. Subtc-

lita, (Hall*) or the 7. Subtilita itself. The other appears to me to be

an Athyris Royssii, (Vernueil), discovered by myself in the carbonifer-

ous limestone of Belgium. When this species is well preserved, the

shell is seen to be covered by a pilose investment or coating, consisting

of very fine spines continuing the lines of growth. The specimen I

possess presents traces of this structure in the shape of a pubescence

of very fine hairs.

Three specimens in a bad state of preservation, which are probably

merely varieties of the A. Royszd.

* The Terebratula Subtilita is a species of Hall, found in the carboniferous

of the Great Salt Lake in America. Mr. Davidson mentions it from India,

204 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 3,

One more specimen of the same species.

Two specimens of a Zerebratula which is probably new, but the

specimens are not good enough to be determined,

Six specimens ofa Spirifer which appears to me to be new. At

first sight one would take it for the S. Zvigonalis, (Martin), but it

differs from it by the narrowness of the sinus, and by the want of folds

in that part which most commonly shows some of them, more or less

well marked, in the Sp. Zvrigonalis. ‘The narrowness of the sinus re-

minds one of the S. Mosquensis, of Russia.

Spiriferina nearly allied to the 8. Octoplicata, (Sow.), and still more

to the Sp. Cristata of the Zechstein, two species which Mr. Davidson

unites into one. This author figures the S, Octoplicata among the

fossils of India. The specimen, which is marked No. 16, has narrower

ribs and broader furrows than the specimens figured by Davidson.

On another are admirably well seen the granulations peculiar to the

genus Spiriferina of the lias, and to the Permian and Carboniferous

species under notice. Pl. I. fig. 2, a, b, ¢, d.

Great Cardinia, perhaps new. PI. VI. fig. 2.

Two specimens of Cardinia bearing a distant likeness to the C. Ovalis

(Martin,) C. Uniformis of the Carboniferous of England and also to

the C. Listeri Unio (Sowerby,) of the Lias.

-M. de Koninck has figured a shell very similar to this under the

name of Solenopsis imbricata, (Descrip. of new fossils from India, dis-

covered by A. Fleming, by de Koninck, Quart. Journal of the Geol.

Soc. vol. 19 Pl. IV fig. 3.) obtained from the carboniferous limestone

of Varcho, (Vurcha, Salt Range, Punjab. A. J. V.)

Aviculo-Pecten dissimilis (Pecten id., Fleming), This specimen

reminds one of the Pectea Hilipticus, (Phillips), which is found in the

Carboniferous of Russia.

Axinus, sp. nova. This shells resembles much the Aainus obscwrus,

(Sow. Schizodus, King,) of the magnesian limestone or Permian of

England. It has also some distant likeness to the A. Carbonarius

(vernus) Sow. Geol. Transac. vol. V. pl. 38.

Fenestella Sykesi, Koninck, Quart. Journ. vol. 19, pl. 1. fig.,

Fenestella megastoma, Koninck, Quart. Journ vol. 19, pl. I.

Fenestella. Undetermined. PI. V. fig. 1.

A very pretty species which Ido not know. Perhaps the Vincu-

1867.]

the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountais. 205

larva multangularis (Postlock). It is to be regretted that the surface is

not seen and that the branches are split in two.

Luthostrotion floriforme, Flem. a common enough species in Russia

in the carboniferous ; found also in England.

Michelinia or Beawmontia. Tl) preserved specimen.

Phyllopora cribellum, Konnick, Quart. Journ. vol. 19. pl. I fig. 2.

List of species which have been identified from the specimens sent

by Mr. Verchere.

Productys Semireticulatus, Martin.

fr Costatus, Sow.

9 Humboldtii, D’ Orbig.

x Cora, D’Orbig.

Flemingu, Sow. = P. Longispinus and P. Lobatus,

Vernueil,

Aculeatus, Sow.

Boliviensis, D’Orbign.

Athyris ambigua ? Sow. (perhaps Sp. hova).

Royssiz, Verneuil.

TLerebratula Subtilita, Hall.

rP)

. Sporifer Vercherit, Verneuil (new species, nearly allied to the

S. Trigonalis, Martin, but distinct).

. Spiriferina Octoplicata, Sow.

. Cardinia ovalis? Martin.

. Solenopsis imbricata, Konn.

. Aviculo-pecten dissiumilis, Flem.

. Aaxinus, Sp. nova (nearly allied to A. Obscurus of the Gechstein)

. Fenestella Sykesiz, Konn.

Ly Megastoma, Koun.

. Vincularia multangularis 2? Postlock.

. Inthostrotion floriforme, Flem.

. Phyllopora cribellum, Koun.

Remarks.

Several notes on fossils collected in India have been published lately ;

the fossils were forwarded by Messrs. Fleming and W. Purdon and

more recently by Captain Godwin-Austen. These publications are 1st,

Davidson’s Memoir “On some Carboniferous Brachiopoda collected in

206 Dr. Verchére on the Geology of Kashmir, [No. 3,

India by A. Fleming and W. Purdon, Quart. Journal, vol. XVIIL. p. 25 ;

2 plates. 2nd, Description of some fossils from India discovered by J.

Fleming, by Dr. L. de Koninck, Quart. Journ. vol. XIX. with 8 plates

on which are figured among others some very curious goniatites. 3rd,

Geological notes on part of the N. W. Himalayas, by Capt. Godwin-

Austen, with notes of fossils by T. Davidson, R. Etheridge and P.

Woodward. It is only an abstract of the memoir, without plates.

Capt. Godwin-Austen followed the Carboniferous limestone along

the foot of the mountains at the north of the valley of Kashmir

as far as Ishmalabad.* The carboniferous series is, according to

Capt. G. Austen, as follows, from the highest to the lowest. Ist

Layers with goniatites more or less analogous to the ceratites of the

Musckelhalk. These layers are the highest of the carboniferous

formation. 2nd. Below is found a compact limestone poor in fossils ;

3rd, argillaceous series; 4th, limestone rich in fossils, Productus, &c.

5th quartzite.

As early as 1850, Sir Roderick Murchison had shown me some of

the fossils sent by Mr. Fleming, and I had identified the P. Cora,

costatus, Flemingi, the Athyris Roysit, Orthis crensistria, &e.

Quart. Journ. vol. 7, p. 39. At the same epoch Dr. Falconer and

Major Vicary had announced the existence of palxozoic fossils in

the mountains which separate British India from Kabul, as remarked

by Sir R. Murchison, Quart. Journ. vol. VIL. p. 38. In 1852, Mr.

A. Fleming published his observations on the Salt Range in several

letters addressed to Sir R. Murchison, Quart Journ. vol. IX. p. 189.

All the fossils collected by Mr. Fleming, Mr. Purdon, Captain

G. Austen and Dr. Verchere belong to the carboniferous formation.

Captain Strachey alone has proved the existence of more ancient rocks

(in a paleontological point of view.)} He sent to London a series

of fossils collected in the mountains, from 17 to 18000 feet above

the sea, which separate Thibet from the British provinces of Kumaon

and Garhwal. I have identified among these fossils some Asaphus,

* Capt.Gordon-Austen and myself visited the localities referred to in the

geological notes, during a tour we made together in the autumn of 1863. We

thought at one time of writing a memoir in collaboration, but having been sent

to the extremes of India, we arranged our notes separately. Jo Wily We

+ In the present paper are figured a few Cystoids which are in all probabi-

lity Silurian, see Pl, VILI. fig. 61 and 62.

1867.| the Western Himalaya and Afghan Mountains. 207

Lychas, Illenus, Cheirurus, Orthoceras, &ec. all characteristic of the

Lower Silurian. In the upper part of the beds Captain Strachey

found goniatites, ceratites and even ammonites, which remind one

much of the Trias. So far, therefore, two of the four great divisions

ofthe Palezoic formation have become well known in the Himalaya,

viz. the Silurian and the Carboniferous. The Devonian will be

found also, for we have received from a Missionary travelling in

China three species of Brachiopoda characteristic of the Upper

Devonian rocks, among others the TZerebratula Cuboides. These

fossils have been presented this year to the Académie de Sciences

de Paris. Mr. Davidson has also figured and described, as received

from China, brachiopoda which also are characteristic of the Devonian,

among other the Spirifer, Verneuil. The discovery and determina-

tion of the Devonian in the Himalaya requires attention and research.

I have further to remark how great is the analogy between

India and Russia; I have found in this last country most of the

species which Mr. Verchere has found in the Himalaya. Russia,

the Oural and the Altai, are connecting links between England and

India.

In terminating this note, we wish to observe that if, according

to Mr. Verchere, the coal measures, (which should be superior to

the carboniferous limestone), are wanting in India, this want is

one more resemblance with Russia, for in all the carboniferous

zone which extends from Moscow to Archangel the carboniferous

limestone is never covered in by coal measures. There has been

a slow upheaving motion of the ground, which has raised the

strata above the sea-level, without, however, otherwise disturbing

them, at the epoch when in other countries, the coal was being

deposited. It is in the south of Russia only (the Douetz), and in a

few localities on the western slope of the Oural, that coal measure

deposits are to be found.

(Signed) Ep. DE VuRNEUIL.

Paris, 21st Nov., 1864.

208 Appendix. [No. 3,

APPENDIX.

FOSSILS.

SILURIAN.

Spheronites sp. Pl. VIII. fig 5.

Perfectly globular-; covered with small rounded warts sharply

defined. The whole shell, between the warts, is pierced with minute

pores. No trace of plates ; no mouth nor stalk-scar visible.

Found in the rocky plains at the foot of the Masha Brum, Kora-

koram Chain.

Spheronites sp. Pl. VIII. fig 6.

Proposed name of a new species: S. Ryalliz, Verch.

Globular. Large warts well set apart and not very sharply defined.

The whole shell is covered with pores. No mouth. A stalk-stem

very conspicuous.

From the same locality as the preceding. Name proposed in

honour of Mr. Ryall, Gt. Trig. Survey, who discovered the shell.

Spheronites sp. Pl. IX. fig. 1.

Depressed. No warts or spines ; no plates or traces of plates, no

stalk-scar. The whole surface pierced by minute pores.

Same locality,

CARBONIFEROUS.

Zeuwan Beds.

CEPHALOPODA.

Nautilus Flemingianus, DeKon.

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XIX. Part I, No. 73, p. 15-

Pl. VIL. fig. 2. A fragment of this shell was found at Zeawan,

Kashmir.

Nautilus Favranus, Verch., n. sp.

A very large globular Nautilus, eleven inches across the mouth.

Perfectly smooth and inornate. Siphon large and central, formed by

a series of dilatations, giving it a beaded appearance.

Rotta Roh in the Punjab.

Orthoceras sp.

1867. ] A ppendix. 209

Zowoor and Zeawan in Kashmir.

GASTEROPODA.

Macrocheilus Avellanoides, DeKon.

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XIX. No. 73, p. 10. Pl. III

fig. 4. Rotta Roh.

Dentalium Herculeum, DeKon.

Op. Cit. p. 8. Pl. IV. figs. 10, 11 & 12. Several specimens

were found in the Rotta Roh, but none in Kashmiz.

Trochus sp.

Some large specimens of Trochus, four inches across, were found at

the Rotta Roh, Punjab.

LAMELLIBRANCHIATA,

Anomia Lawrenciana, DeKon.

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 6. Pl. IV. figs. 7, 8 & 9,

Found in the Rotta Roh, but not in Kashmir.

BRacuropoda.

Lerebratula sacculus, Martin.

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XXII. p. 40. PI. II. fig. 1.

Found at Zeawan Zowoor and Barus, Kashmir.

Remark. A few other species of true Terebratule were found in

the Zeawan group of Carboniferous limestone, but Iam unable to

identify them at present.

Spirifer Vercherr, de Vernewil, new sp. Pl. I. figs. 1, 1a.

See M. de Vernueil’s note.

Barus in Kashmir, Jt has been found in Spiti.

Sprrifer striatus, Martin.

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XVIII, No. 69, p. 28. PI. I.

figs. 9 and 10.

Several fragments were found at Zeawan and Zowoor, and complete

specimens in the Rotta Roh.

Spirifer Moosakhelensis, David.

Op: Cit. p. 28, Pl. IL. fig. 2

This shell is extremely abundant at Zeawan, but was always found

in fragments. Itis also common at the Rotta Roh.

After comparing numerous specimens of the last two species, in

various states of weathering, I must express my impression that the

S. Moosakhelensis is only a variety of the S. striatus, in which the

210 Appendix. [No. 8,

concentric laminz (which do exist in the striatus) have become

exaggerated. All stages of transition are to be observed in a mode-

rately large series.

Spirifer Rajah, Strachey [Syn. 8S. Keithavia Buch ?|

Paleont. of Niti, page 59.

Fragments found at Zeawan and Barus.

Spirifer, spec. nor.? Pl. IIL. figs. 1 & la.

Hinge-line straight and much longer than the greatest width of the

shell. Umbones prominent above the hinge-line ; hinge-area not

seen. Six or seven irregular ribs radiate from the umbo to the margin

in a wavy manner. Fine ornamental raised lines (coarser on the

larger than on the smaller valve) radiate likewise in a wavy manner.

Shell flat. It varies a great deal in shape and size, but is always

very flat, so much so that it has somewhat the appearance of such

shell as the Strophomena grandis of the Silurian. It may possibly be,

like the precedent, a variety of the S. Kedlhaviz,

Found at Zeawan in Kashmir and at the Rotta Roh.

Spirvferina octoplicata (Sow.), var. Transversa ( Verch.)

Pl. I. figs. 2, 2a, 2b, 2c, and 2d.

Specimens like a, are not common at all; but fragments of the

shell such as are represented at 6, are innumerable in the brown

shale of Zeawan. Found also in the limestone of Kafir Kote in the

Rotta Roh, but it is thererare. This shell seems to vary wonderfully,

‘from the narrow forms figured by Davidson, (Journal Geological

Society, Vol. XVIII. Pl. I. figs. 11 and 14,) to the very transverse

variety represented here.

Athyris sp, (Ath, subtilita. Hall), Pl. Il. figs. 1 and 1a.

This species varies considerably, especially as to size, but is easily

recognized by the overlapping of the upper edge of the lines of

growth, so that the shell looks as if made up of several layers laid one

over the other, like the many capes of a coachman’s cloak.

Found at Zowoor in Kashmir, in lenticular beds where it appears to

be gregarious. Also in the Rotta Roh and Salt Range.

Athyris Buddhista, Verch., n. sp. Pl. I. figs. 2, 2a, and 20.

Tt has flat, expanded sides on each side of a well marked sinus of

the larger valve and sharp fold of the lesser. The beak terminates in

a point, occasionally pierced by a small foramen but generally

1867.] Appendix. 21h

imperforate. The spiral oralarms appear to fill nearly the whole of

the shell, leaving only a small hour-glass-shaped space in the centre.

This shell varies a good deal, some specimens being much more

transverse than others, some being very flat and others less so. It

was a gregarious animal found now accumulated in lenticular beds.

Zeawan and Zowoor. The name proposed is derived from the first

few specimens which were found having been discovered in blocks of

stone of a Buddhist ruin.

Athyris sp. probably A. Royssit, (L’Hveillé) Pl. IL. fig. 3-3.

Less transverse than the preceding and ornamented with fine and

closely set concentric lines of growth strongly marked. Foramen

generally obliterated. Imprints showing tlie fringe-like expansion

round the margin are very common in the brown shale of Zeawan.

The shellis abundant in all the localities where the Zeawan bed has

been observed in Kashmir and the Punjab.

fiemark. Several other species of Athyris were discovered at

Zeawan, Zowoor and Barus, some having the general facies of our figs.

2 and 3 and being probably varieties of the A. Royssz. Others with

the umbo-marginal diameter longer than the transverse and being

probably narrow varieties of the A. subtilita. Others again have the

general facies of the Z’. Digona, and others the carinated appear-

ance of the Ath. Navicula (Sow).

Retzia vradialis (Phill), var. grandicosta (Davids. )

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XVIII. p. 28. PL. I. fig. 5.

Very frequently met with at Zeawan and Zowoor, and also in the

Rotta Roh.

Streptorynchus crenistria, Phill, var. robustus.

Op. cit. p. 30. Pl. I. fig. 16.

This shell attains a very large size in Kashmir and in the Punjab,

specimens five inches in tranvserse diameter not being rave. Fragments

of this shell, and young shells, swarm at Zeawan and in some beds in

the Rotta Roh.

Orthis resupinata, Martin.

Op. cit. page 31. Pl. I. fig. 15.

Abundant in the brown shale of Zeawan, Kashmir.

Orthis sp. Pl. ITI. fig. 3.

A cast of an Orthis belonging to the type of the Orthes plicatulla

212 Appendix. [No. 3,

(Hall) of the Silurian. It has six ribs, not very conspicuous, and two

well-marked lines of growth; and is ornamented with fine radiating

strie. Only one specimen was found at Zeawan.

Remark. An immense number of small, or perhaps young,

Orthiside: occur in the ferruginous dark shale of Zeawan, in some

places so abundantly that they cause the shale to exfoliate like a

disintegrating mica-schist. The shells are, however, so thin and

brittle that imprints alone can be procured.

Strophomena analoga ( Phill.) ? Pl. II. fig. 4.

There is, I think, little doubt of this shell being Phillip’s species.

The shell is raised in irregular concentric furrows and ridges, and

is ornamented by fine radiating strie. Both valves are nearly flat ;

the umbones are hardly marked ; the hinge is linear and nearly as

long as the greatest diameter of the shell. These Indian specimens

are very large, above four inches across.

Seldom found entire in Kashmir; but even pieces of it are

conspicuous and easily recognized. Good specimens were obtained

from the Rotta Roh in the Punjab.

Strophomena ? sp. Pl. IIT. fig. 2.

An internal cast only. Found at Zeawan in Kashmir.

Productus costatus (Sow.)

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XVIIL. p. 31. Pl. I. figs. 20, 21.

Numerous specimens of this well known species were found at

Zeawan and Zowoor in Kashmir, and in the Rotta Roh and Salt

Range.

Productus semireticulatus (Martin.)

Op. Cit. p. 21.

It varies considerably, some specimens being very transverse.

The Kashmir and Punjab specimens are usually very large and often

deformed by pressure.

Yeawan, Zowoor, Barus. Rotta Roh, Salt Range.

Productus cora (d’ Orbigny.)

Found abundantly every where in the Zeawan group.

Productus Humboldtii (D’ Orb.)

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XVIII. p. 82. Pl. II. fig. 6.

Large specimens found at Zeawan and smaller ones at Barus.

Also in the Salt Range and Rotta Roh, Punjab.

1867.] Appendiz. 913

Productus Purdon (Davids).

Op, Cit. pp: 3l. Pl. Il. fie. 5.

Zeawan in Kashmir and Rotta Roh in the Punjab. In a series of

specimens of P. Humboldtiz and P. Purdont, it is quite impossible to

decide where one species ends and the other begins.

Productus Fleming (d’ Orb.)

Syn. P. longispinus (de Vern) and P, lobatus (de Vern.)

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XVIII. p. 381. Pl. L. fig. 19.

Davidson’s figure does not show the enrolled and horn-like ears so

well defined in our specimens.

M. de Vernueil regards the Rotta Roh specimens as a well defined

variety ; see his note.

Found at Zeawan and Zowoor and in the Rotta Roh.

Productus Boliviensis (d’ Orb.) and P. aculeatus 2 (Martin).

See M. de Vernueil’s Note.

Found at Zowoor and Zeawan in Kashmir.

Strophalosia 2? Arachnoidea,) Verch.) n. sp. Pl. IV. figs. 1, la, 10.

The specimen of the larger valve is from the Rotta Roh and the

other two from Zeawan in Kashmir; they may be different shells.

The larger valve resembles the Productus Purdoni, but the spines are

fewer, better defined and less slanting towards the margin. The other

two specimens are remarkable for the excessive length of the thread-

like spines and for some complications in the hinge.

CRUSTACEA.

Eurypterus ? Limulus ? sp. Pl. V. fig. 4.

Claw of a Crustacean, belonging apparently to one or the other of

the two genera above. It was found on a slab which had been worn

by running water, so that a horizontal section of the claw is produced.

The same slab was full of Athyris Buddhista (Verch.), Productus

Fleming (D’Orb.). P. Aculeatus, Fenestella Sykesic (deK6n.) and

Vincularia Multangularis (Patlock).

The tegument is smooth and pierced by pores, which are seen

vertically sected on the margins of the claw, and appear like dots

where the tegument is not worn off. The tegument forms septa in

the upper mandibule, but none in the lower. The ends of the

mandibules are hooked. ‘There are no traces of teeth on the internal

margin of the claw. No other part of the animal could be found.

214 Appendix. [No. 3,

Kashmir.

Remark. Another crustacean has been found abundantly in the

Carboniferous of the Himalaya. It is a Vrilobite, with the rings sharp

and rib-like. Though common, it has not been found good enough

for identification and figure.

Zeawan, Banda and Barus in Kashmir. Also Rotta Roh and Salt

Range in the Punjab.

KcuINOoDERMATA.

Cidaris Forbesiana, (deK on).

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XIX. No. 73, p. 4. Pl. IV. figs.

1 and 2.

Rotta Roh, but not in Kashmir. There are several species or

varieties.

These cidarides will have, I think, to be made into a new genus

when better known. They appear to have been borne on long thin

branching stalks. The body has not been found yet, but I have found

hexagonal plates with an articulation cup in the centre, spines four

inches long, and stalks of considerable length.

Crinoid stems were found in enormous quantity in all the layers

of the Zeawan bed. Sometimes the rock is nothing but a mass of

an Encrinus, cup-shaped and nearly a foot in height, belonging

apparently to a new genus. I cannot describe it at present. It

supports a multitude of minute arms and fingers, the debris of which

form a glaring-white rock, very conspicuous as one of the layers of the

- Yeawan bed in the Punjab.

Bryozoa.

Tenestella Sykesi, (deKon.) Pl. IV. bis. figs. 1, a. b. ¢. d.

Journal I. Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 5. Pl. 1 fig. 1.

The colony forms a wavy leaf. The openings of the cells cover

the whole surface of the longitudinal bars without assuming a linear

arrangement ; the transverse bars are barren of cells. The cells are

arranged in bundles imbedded in sockets of the support, so that a

vertical section along one of the longitudinal bars shows a succession

of little cups or sockets, in each of which are collected from six to

eight elongated cells, disposed fan-like. The calcareous support

between the sockets is massive.

-1867.] Appendix. 215

This Bryozoon is extraordinarily abundant in the Zeawan bed.

The colonies are often packed one over the other like dead leaves, and

I have counted seven and eight colonies in a piece of shale not an inch

thick.

Fenestella Megustoma, (deKon). Pl. IV. bis. fig. 2, a. 6. ¢. d.

Opt. Vol. XIX. p. 5. Pl. IL fig. 3.

The shape of the colony was not seen. The openings of the cells

cover the longitudinal bars, without assuming a linear arrangement.

The bars are rounded on the cell-bearing side and are angular on the

barren surface. They are hollow or tubular, and the cells are ar-

ranged over the roof of the tube, lke bricks in an arch, and are not

connected in bundles and contained in sockets as in the Fen. Sykesii.

Fenestella, sp. Pl. V. fig. 1.

Shape of colony not seen, but generally very flat and wavy. The

oscules, which are small, are somewhat quadrangular. It is found

mostly as an imprint. Disposition of the cells not seen,

Very abundant at Zeawan, Zowoor, Banda, in Kashmir and also in

the Rotta Roh.

Vincularia Multangularis, (Portlock) ? Pl. LV. bis., figs. 3, a. b. c. d.

See M. de Vernueil’s note.

The colony has a moss-like appearance. The cells are arranged all

round a calcareous support, and inclined forwards.

This Bryozoon is extremely abundant in the Zeawan bed, the

branches extending in all directions but never anastomosing ; their

division is nearly always dichotomous. I have seen colonies cover

more than a square foot of rock with their ramifications.

Disteichia ?? (Sharpe). Pl. V. fig. 2.

Iam unable to refer it to any genus which I know, unless to the

genus Disteichia (Sharpe). It is found at Zeawan, but is there rare ;

in the Rotta Roh it is very common. ‘The layers of cells accumulate

one over the other to a great extent, forming occasionally large masses

of Coralline rock.

Acanthocladia, sp. Pl. V. fig. 3.

The colony has the aspect of a fern. The central stem throws out

branches at regular intervals, and at a certain fixed angle, and these

branches throughout younger branches. Both stem and branches

support short spines like leaflets. The disposition of the cells was not

seen, as only imprints of this animal were found,

216 Appendix. [No. 3,

Found near Banda in Kashmir.

Phyllopora ? Crabellum (deKon).

Journal, Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 6. Pl. L. fig. 2.

Fragments are not scarce in the Rotta Roh, but it was not found in

the Kashmir beds.

Retepora Lepida, (deKon).

(Op eCit: sp: (GsURI I ation 5:

Several fragments found at Zeawan and in the Rotta Roh.

Remark. A few other species, not yet satisfactorily determined,

were found in this group.

ANTHOZOA.

Lithostrotion Floriforme, (flem.).

Beautiful specimens are to be obtained near Bilote in he Rotta Roh.

Not found in Kashmir.

Lithostrotion Irregulare, (Phill.) ?

A Lithostrotion which is this species, or a very near ally, is very

common in the Rotta Roh. The calyces are long, rounded, irregular

cylinders, more or less vermiform in appearance and varying consider-

ably in size in various specimens, but always of nearly the same size in

each individual colony.

Very small fragments only were seen in Kashmir, but in the Rotta

Roh colonies of this coral attain to great size, forming masses of rock

several feet across, and many tons in weight.

Alveolites Septosa, (£lem.) ?

Journal Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 4. Pl. II. fig. 1.

It often forms shapeless masses, the centre of which is converted

into flint.

Zeawan in Kashmir and Bilote in the Rotta Roh.

Michelina, sp.

Rotta Roh. Never found in Kashmir.

Remark. The abundance of corals in the lowest beds of the Zeawan

division of the Carboniferous at the Rotta Roh is sometimes

astonishing. In Kashmir they are rather scarce. We have a few

specimens not yet determined.

Pisces.

Saurichthys ?

Teeth of fishes, large for the genus to which they appear to

1867.] Appendix. 217

belong, were found in Kashmir and in the Rotta Roh. They are

conical, but compressed so that the section is an oval; they are

strongly striated or rather grooved the whole length. The largest i

about three quarters of an inch long.

Wean Beds.

CEPHALOPODA.

Coniatites Gangeticus, (deKon.)

Journal Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 14. Pl. V. fig. 2.

Thad thought at first that this Goniatites was more like G.

Henslowi, Sow. ; but better specimens, which I have since procured,

leave little doubt that the species found was DeKoninck’s shell. Some

of the species from the Rotta Roh are much larger than DeKoninck’s

figure, and some are elliptical.

Found near Banda in Kashmir and near Gung and Oomurkhel in

the Rotta Roh.

Goniatites Curvicostatus, (Verch.), nov. sp. ?

The species is well characterized by curved ribs, rather coarse and

irregular. The suture is like that of the G. Gangeticus. Only one

specimen, from near Gung ; not good enough to be figured.

Remark. Several indeterminable Goniatites were found near Banda,

and at Barus in Kashmir.

Nautilus Clitellarius, (Sow.) ?

Fragments very like this species were found near Gung, Two or three

other species, indeterminable, were found in the Goniatite-bed in

Kashmir and at the Rotta Roh.

Orthoceras, sp.

A small species, about two inches long and a third of an inch thick,

was found in the limestone with Goniatites Gangelvcus near Gung.

LAMELLIBRANCHIATA.

Solenopsis Imbricata, (deKon.)

Journal Geological Society, Vol. XIX. p. 8, PL. IV. fig. 3.

Found at Koonmoo and in the hills near Mutton and at the Manus

Bal, in Kashmir. Also in the Rotta Roh. Good specimens were

procured from blocks not in situ, near Bij-Behara in Kashmir,

Solenopsis, sp. vel var, nov. Pl, VI. fig. 1. Similar to the preceding

218 Appendix. [No. 38,

but longer ; the anterior end is narrower than the posterior extremity,

whilst in the S. Imbricata both ends are nearly equal. The imbrica-

tion of the lines of growth is strongly defined.

Found with the preceding.

Cardinia, sp. (C. Himalayana, Verch. nov. sp.) Pl. VI. fig. 2.—

(Anthracosia, King.) ? ?

The lines of growth are deeply impressed and imbricated, and the

shell bulges a little between these lines. The hinge was not seen.

Animals gregarious ; their shells occur heaped together in patches.

Manus Bal, Koonmoo, Mutton?, Rotta Roh.

Cardinia, sp. (Cardinia Ovalis, Martin,) P|. VI. fig. 83.—(Anthracosia

King.) ?

A species more elongated than the preceding. Lines of growth

similarly disposed. Found with the preceding.

Cucullea, sp. Pl. VI. fig. 4.

A gregarious small shell, sometimes so abundant that it forms

masses of rock by itself. Lines of growth well defined, especially near

the margin. Hinge not seen. It is perhaps the young of some larger

shell.

Found at Wean, Koonmoo and Ishmalabad in Kashmir and in the

Rotta Roh in the Punjab.

Pecten, sp. Pl. IV. fig. 5.

Small shell, perfectly smooth with the exception of a few lines of

growth. It is ornamented with painted dark lines, which radiate from

the beak to the circumference, increasing in width as they approach

the margin. The convexity is very small, and the ears small.

Only one-valve specimens were ever found, through the shell is

tolerably common in the reddish limestone of Koonmoo in Kashmir.

Found also in the Rotta Roh ? :

Aviculo-pecten Dissmilis, (f lem.)

See M. de Vernueil’s note.

This and the following Aviculo-pectens are apparently identical

with the group of animals represented in England by the A.-Pecten

Arenaceus. They were gregarious and all lived together, and are now

found in a sandy somewhat friable limestone, in lenticular beds which

are evidently the remains of sandbanks near the shore.

Our specimens of A,-Pecten Dissimilis are oval in shape, the

1867. | Appendix. 219

umbo-marginal diameter being the longest. The shell was at first

very gibbose, but after the second line of growth it is much less so.

Four sunken lines of growth are well marked. Ears small and trans-

versely striated. Shell nearly equilateral, beak prominent.

The cast shows two deep pits, corresponding on the inside of the

shell to two tubercles. These pits are more than half way down

the valve. The cast is covered with shallow irregular fosse which

correspond to small bosses inside the shell, and are probably due to the

presence of pearly matter. There are traces of an epithelium.

Found at Koonmooh, Rotta Roh.

Aviculo-pecten, sp. (A-pecten Ovatus, Verch.) Pl. V1. fig. 6a, and 6b.

A small specimen, quite smooth. Outline elliptical; convexity

trifling; ears meeting above the beak into a straight line.

The inside of the valve shows (0) two strong lateral ridges proceeding

from the beak, and terminating about two-thirds down the valve in

well defined tubercles. The hinge presents two short rounded ridges

or teeth proceeding from the beak for about a quarter of an inch, when

they also terminate in minute tubercles.

Aviculo-pecten, sp. (A.> pecten Ranus, Verch.,) Pl. VI. fig. 7 and 7a.

Outline sub-circular ; shell very flat ; ears irregular. The whole

valve is covered with fine radiate striw, and with thin lines of growth.

Shell thin. Internal cast not found. It is perhaps the P. Crenisteria

(de Koninck.)

Aviculo-pecten Circularis, Verch., Pl. VII. fig. la. and 1b.

Outline of shell sub-circular, rather transverse. Shell moderately

convex ; concentric strizw faintly seen. lines of growth irregular and

unconspicuous. The cast (b) presents two deep pits which are

continued by a groove towards the beak, corresponding on the inside

of the shell to two muscular tubercles and ridges. The ridge is

much more defined posteriorly than anteriorly. Lines of growth

strongly marked on the cast? No pearl fosse. It may be a variety of

P, Eilipticus (Phill.) ??

Aviculo-pecten, sp. Pl. VII. fig. 2a & 2b.

Outline pyriform, umbo-marginal diameter the longest. Moderatly

gibbose ; beak much incurved and somewhat imbedded in the ears,

which meet above it in a straight line.

The cast only was found. It shows two strongly marked lines of

growth well set apart. No pearl-fossz on cast.

220 A ppendia. [No. 3,

The inside of the shell, (b) shows two ridges proceeding from the

beak but not terminating in tubercles (at least not on one side; the

other side was not seen). Two small teeth in the hinge terminate by

minute tubercles. Beak grooved by a canal or foramen. Inside of

ears concave. ;

Aviculo-pecten Testudo, Verch. Pl. VIL. fig. 3 and 3a.

Shell pyriform, umbo-marginal diameter longest. Extremely

gibbose. Beak pointed; ears meeting above ina straight line. A

few concentric striz. Lines of growth unconspicuous, excepting one

near the margin.

Aviculo-pecten Gibbosus Verch. Pl. VII. fig. 4 and 4a.

Outline sub-circular, transverse. Shell enormously gibbose, es-

pecially as far as the second line of growth. Shell inornate. Limes of

growth shallow and confused. Hars meeting in a line above the beak.

Shell thick.

Remark. These Aviculo-Pectens were found in Kashmir in the

Wean groups only ; but in the Rotta Roh they have been found here

and there mixed with shells of the Zeawan group, such as P. Semireti-

culatus, A. Subtalita. -

Awinus, nov. spec. conf. A. Obscurus.

See M. de Vernueil’s note.

Found with the Aviculo-Pectens.

BRacHiopopa.

Spiriferina Stracheyir, (Salter.)

Paleontology of Niti, page 72, Pl. IX. fig. 13.

This shell is not rare in the Wean group near Koonmooo; in some

beds it swarms in company with a small Terebratula. We have two

varieties, one like Mr. Salter’s figure and another higher and narrower

Some specimens show plainly to the naked eye the punctate structure

of the shell.

Post-Scrietum. Productus Levis, (David.) T. Geol. Soc. Vol.

XXII. p. 44, Pl. XI. fig. 16, and Spirifera Barusiensis, (David), Op. —

Cit. p. 42, Pl. XI. fig. 7.

Both these shells are found in the Wean limestone near Koonmoo,

and at the Rottah Roh in the flaggy limestone with Goniatites Gange-

ticus. I have not found them in the Zeawan group, except at the

Rotta Roh in the mixed beds.

1867.] Appendix. 221

Trias (Mippie anp Upper.)

Kothur Beds.

Tn the text I considered provisionally the Kothair group as either

the uppormost layer of the Carboniferous, or else Permian or Triasic.

I had no fossils then to decide the point. During the time which has

elapsed between my first sending in this paper and its publication I have

found, in breaking up some rocks from the Kothair bed in Kashmir,

a Globosus with Ceratite-like sutures; and I have discovered in the

Rottah Roh, in beds corresponding to the Kashmir bed, a few shells

which do not leave a doubt of this group being Triasic.

CEPHALOPODA.

Ammonites, sp. conf. A. Gaytani (Klip.)

Paleont. of Niti, p. 65, Pl. TIT. fig. 4.

Our specimen is a little more than half an inch across, and very

globose. It shows well two or three of the sutures which are identical

with Mr. Salter’s figure.

From the Upper Bed, near Banda in Kashmir.

Ceratites Semi-partitus (Gaillardot.)

A very good and nearly complete specimen was found in the Rotta

Roh, in a pale limestone which forms a high cliff above the much

disturbed Carboniferous. The shell is slightly elliptical. The suture

is exactly like that represented in Pictet’s Traite de Paléontologie.

Tt has some resemblance to M. de Konninck’s Ceratites Lyellianus or

more still to his C. Lawrencianus, but the suture differs. Cliffs above

Kotela and Oomurkhel, Rotta Roh.

Remark. I have but little doubt that several of the Ceratites

described by Mr. de Koninck Grom Dr. A. Fleming’s collection), as

obtained from Carboniferous beds with Spirifers and Producti, had

their situs in those cliffs or similar ones, and had dropped and become

mixed with the much broken up and fragmentary rocks of the Zeawan

and Wean groups below.

Ceratites Nodosus (Sow.) ?

On a slab of reddish calcareous sandstone from the Alged Wan,

Rotta Roh, a shell, which has all the characters of this species, is to

be seen in company with the Posidonomya to be hereafter described,

with fragments of bone and what appears to be a tooth of Lepidotus (?)

222 Appendia. [No. 3,

G-ASTEROPODA.

Natica, sp.

Like NV. Subglobulosa (K1.) Pal. Niti, p. 68, Pl. VIII. fig. 12.

Only sections and outlines were seen on the weathered surface of

rocks. Very abundant in the upper beds at Banda and at Kothair

in Kashmir.

Macrocheilus, sp.

Sections and outlines of a shell of this genus are very abundant at

Sono Murg and Kothair.

Nerinea, sp.?

Small shells with a raised spot in the centre of each half-whorl.

Pyramidella or Loxonema ?

Several specimens of this fine Pyramidella were seen on the

weathered surface of the sandy limestone of the patch of Kothair rock

near Koonmoo.

LAMELLIBRANCHIATA.

Posidonia conf. P. Minuta.

Minute shells of this genus, with well-marked concentric striz, were

found in the sandstone containing the C. Nodosus. Algerd Wan,

Rotta Roh.

Outlines of small bivalves are very abundant on the weathered

surface of the rocks at Sono Murg and Kothair, but the shells cannot

be extracted.

: EcuINoDERMATA.

Pentacrinites, sp.? Pl. VIII. fig. 1.

Starry rings of Encrinite stems are very abundant in most of the

arenaceous limestone of the Wean groups, and also in the rocks of the

Kothair groups at Sono Murg and Kothair in Kashmir.

ANTHOZOA.

Cyathophyllum, sp.

Abundant on the weathered surface of Kothair-rocks.

Cyathophyllum, sp.

Same remark as above.

Cyathophyllun, sp.

Generally found as figured at (@). Found as represented at (0)

near Martand, Kashmir.

Remark. Several small species of corals were seen in the Kothair

limestone in Kashmir, but in a very bad state of preservation.

(SY)

1867. ] Appendix. 923

Liss (LOWER.)

CEPHALOPODA.

Ammonites Tubar (Strachey.)

Pl. Niti, p. 32, Pl 20 fig. 2 a—c and Pl. 21 figs. 1 a—e.

Three good specimens of this shell showing well all the characters

and the suture, as represented by Mr. Blanford.

From a muddy and sandy brown bed, very sparingly calcareous, in

the Chichali pass near Kalabagh, Punjab.

Ammonites, sp.

Pal. Niti, Pl. 19 fig. 3 a, 6 and ¢.

The figure in the Paleontology of Nitiis exactly lke our shell;

it is not described in the text and not named. It resembles a little

the A. Striatulus (Sow.).—Found in the same bed as the preceding.

Belemmnites, sp.

A coarse species when full-grown, with a well marked front sulcus,

and often a back one also. ‘The section is ovai.

From the same bed as above in Chichali and from some brown

sandstones under the Oolite at the foot of Sheikh Bodeen near Tora

Obo.

Post-Scriptum. I find this species described and figured by Mr.

Stoliczka, (Sections across Himal., Mem. Geol. Surv. of India, Vol. V.

Part 1, fig. 78, Pl. VIII. fig. 1-4,) under the name of B. Bisulcatus

(Stol.) from the lower Lias of Spiti.

LAMELLIBRANCHIATA.

Gryphea Arcuata (Lam.)

Some specimens, from the Chichali pass and the same bed as the

Ammonites, belong certainly to this well-known species.

Astarte, sp.

A very circular Astarte from the same bed, Chichali.

Oonrte (OxrorDIAN).

CEPHALOPODA.

Ammonites Biplex, Sow,

Journal Asiat. Soc. No. 2, 1863, p. 129, Pl. II., fig. 5 and Pl. III,

figs, 4 and 5.

Ammonites Strigilis, Blanford.

Op. Cit. p. 126, Pl. III figs. 1 and la.

Five fragments showing well the single ribs bending forwards,

224 A ppendia. [No. 3,

Ammonites Triplicatus, Sow.

Pal. of Niti, p. 80, Pl. 13 fig. 1.

Ammomtes Scriptus (Strachey).

Pal. of Niti, p. 81, Pl. 16, fig. 2

Ammonites Guttatus (Strach.)

Op. Cit. p. 79, Pl. 13, fig. 2

Ammonites Wallachi, (Gray.)

Op. Cit. p. 84, Pl. 15, fig. 1 and Pl. 19, figs. 1 and 2.

All these Ammonites are from the Inferior limestone bed of Shaikh

Bodeen in the Punjab.

Belemnites Sulcatus, Muller.

Journal Asiat. Soc. p. 125, Pl. 1, fig. 1.

Very abundant in the Ammonite bed at Shaikh Bodeen. Rarer in

the beds above.

Belemnites Canaliculatus, Sch.

This is perhaps a variety or a younger shell of the above. Found

in the same beds. .

Remark. One or two more species of Belemnities were found with

the preceding at Shaikh Bodeen.

G-ASTEROPODA.

Acteonina, sp.

Tn all beds, Shaikh Bodeen.

Turbo, sp. and Scolrostoma, sp.

Both in Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Natica, sp.

Same locality.

LAMELLIBRANCHIATA.

Pecten Arcuatus, Sow. ?

Not unlike P. Comatus, Munster, (Pal. Niti, Pl. 22, fig. 9). It is

more strongly ribbed than Salter’s figure of the P. Comatus and it is

flatter, thus answering perfectly the description of the P. Arcuatus.

Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Hinnites Tubulipora, Verch., n. sp. |

Like Spondylus Tuberculosus, Goldf., but the ribs of our species

ave much coarser, fewer, and more foliated and the tubular Spines are

larger, more in number, and rather lamellar.

It is not rare in the Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

1867. ] Appendix. 225

Homomya (Pholadomya) sp.

We have three species of Pholadomya without rays from Shaikh

Bodeen.

Pholadomya (Ph. Semireticulata, Verch. nov. sp.) Pl. IX. fig, 2.

This pretty shell is mostly found asa cast. It is not rare in the

Oxfordian bed and extends to the Corallian above.

Pholadomya (Ph. Quinque-costata, Verch., nov. sp.) Pl. IX. figs.

3 and 3a.

Ammonite bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Plagiostoma sp. conf. P. Consobrina (D’ Orb.)

Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Osiroea Gregarea, (Sow.)

‘Several specimens found near the Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Ostrea Marshi, (Sow.) ?

Same bed as above.

Ostreea Flabelloides, (Desh.) ?

Fragments similar to Pal. of Niti, Pl. 22, fig. 1, found in the Am-

monite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Ostrea conf. O. Deltoidea, (Sow.) ?

The only difference between our specimens and the figures of this

species is that our Ostreea have the muscular impression very strongly

marked, forming a regular pit with a ridge round it.—From the same

bed as the above.

Ostrea like O. Nana, (Sow.)

In nearly all the beds, Shaikh Bodeen.

Ostrea sp.

A large flat circular oyster, very common in some of the lowest

oolitic beds at Shaikh Bodeen.

BRACHIOPODA.,

Terebratula Globata, Sow., Pl. 1X. fig. 4.

Extremely abundant in the Ammonite-bed and in all the beds near

it, at Shaikh Bodeen. It varies considerably.

Post-Scriptum. The 7. Gregaria, Suess, (Memoirs of Geol. Surv.

of India, Vol. V. Part I. page 68, and 7. Tibetensis, David, (Journ.

Geol. Soc. Vol. XXII. p. 37, Pl. L. fig. 11—14, appear to be the same

species,

Terebratula Bodeenensis, Verch., nov. sp. or var. ; Pl. IX. figs.6and 6a,

226 Appendix. [No. 8,

It is very perfectly oval and varies but little in shape. It has, in

most specimens, neither sinus or folds, and the line of junction of the

valves forms a nearly perfect curve in front. In a few specimens there

is a very trifling undulation of thisline. The absence of sinus and

fold distinguishes from the 7’. Globata ; it is also a smaller shell, but

yet may be only a variety of it. Found with the above.

Terebratula Carinata, Lam.

Pal. of Niti, p. 99, Pl. 21. fig. 5.

Our specimens are much more like the 7. Carinata than the figure

in Pal. of Niti. It varies considerably, but the shallow sinus is always

well marked. Our specimens are larger than the Niti ones.

Shaikh Bodeen, with the other Terebratule.

Terebratula Numismalis, Lam.

Op. Cit. p. 99, Pl. 21, fig. 4.

Several specimens showing well the depressed aspect of the front of

the greater valve, and the well-marked concentric lines of growth.

Ammonite-bed, Shaikh Bodeen.

Remark. Two or three specimens not yet identified were found in.

the same beds, together with a Waldheimia rather globular and of the

type of W. Impressa, Bach, of the Oxford clay.

Rhynchonella, sp. (R. Concinna, Sow. ?) Pl. TX. figs. 5, 5a. and 5b.