ASIA

CORNELL UNIVERSITY

IBRARY

3 1924 066 284 559

I

JOURNAL v

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OP THE

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ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

YOL. XL.

PART I. (History, Literature, Sic.)

(Nos. I to III. — 1871.)

THE

EDITED

HONORARY

BY

SECRETARIES.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men

of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,

and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such

communications shall he long intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall

entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA t

PRINTED BY 0. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.

1871.

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LIST OF PLATES

TO

' PART I, JOURNAL foe 1871

y'Vl. I. (p. 20). Map of tlie Tribes of the Dera Isma’il Khan Dis¬

trict. >

Pis. II and III. (p. 165). Two copper plate inscriptions from

Bamanghati. /T*

PI. IY and Y. (p. 256). Two inscriptions from GrauiV

PI. YI. (p. 177). The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoka.'Y/

Pis. YII and YIII, (p. 257). Two inscriptions from Bihar. I

PI. IX, (p. 177). Plan of the Rock-cut Excavations at Harchokafl

* * i

Pis. X and Xl. Sketch and plan of the Ruins at Kopari, Balasore

District.

. Woodcuts.

Firuz Shah Zafar’s coin, p. 160.

.

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, PART I., NOS. I to III, for 1871.

Page

No. I.

Tlie District of Dera Ismail Klian, Trans-Indus. — By T. W.

H. Tolrort, C. S. (with a map.) . 1

Extracts from my Diary regarding a visit to K’liarakpur,

in the District of Hunger (Monghjw), and several places

in the Banka Sub-Division (Bhagalpiir). — By Rashbe-

hari Bose, Sub-Divisional Officer, Banka, . 22

The Country of Braj. — By F. S. Growse, M. A., C. S . 34

An Introduction to the Mundari Language. — By Rakal Das

Haldar, M. A. S., Special Commissioner under the

Chota-Nagpore Land Tenure’s Act, . . . 46

A History of the Gakk’hars, — By J. G. Delmerick, . 67

No. II.

Names of Birds, &c., in four of the aboriginal languages of

Western Bengal. — By Y. Ball, B. A., Geological Survey

of India, . . 103

Notes on three Inscriptions on stone found in Chutia Nag¬

pur. — By Rakhal Das Haldar, M. A. S.. , ■, . . 108

Notes from Muhammadan Historians on Chutia Nagpur,

Pachet, and Palamau. — By H. Blochmann, M. A.,

Calcutta Madrasah, . HI

Letter regarding the Mughul Invasions of Palamau, from

L. R. Forbes, Extra Assist. Commissioner, Palamau.

Communicated by Col. E. T. Dalton, C. S. I., Com¬

missioner, Chutia Nagpur, . 129

IV

Contents.

Page

Note on the Death of Humayiin. — By C. J. Rodgers, Amrit¬

sar, . . 133

Note by the Editor, . 136

Legends and Ballads connected with persons deified or held

in great veneration in Bhagalpur and the neighbour¬

ing districts (being extracts from diaries). — By Rasbe-

hari Bose, Banka, Bhagalpur, . 138

An Account of the Antiquities of Jajpur in Orisa. — By

Chandrasekhara Banurji, Deputy Magistrate, Tamluk, 151

Note on a gold coin bearing the name of Prince Firuz Shah

Zafar, son of Eiriiz Shah of Delhi (with a wood-cut), . . 160

No. III.

Notes on, and Translation of, two Copper plate Inscriptions

from Bamanghati. — By Pratapa chandra GnosnA, B. A. , 161

The Alla Upanisliad, a spurious chapter of the Atharva Yeda,

text, translation, and notes. — By Rajendralala Mitra, 170

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoka, discovered by Capt.

W. L. Samttells, when employed as Boundary Com¬

missioner on the Rewah and Chutia Nagpur Frontier,

Season 1870-71. — By Capt. W. L. Samuells, Assist.

Commissioner, Pachumba, Chordline, . 177

Translations from the Tarikh i Firuz Shahi. The reign of

Mu’izzuddin. — By P. Walley, C. S., . 185

Do. do. The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq. — By. A. Col¬

vin, C. S., . . . . . 217

The Ruins at Kopari, Balasore District. — By J. Beames,

C. S,, Balasore, . . . . . . 247

Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. — By H.

Blochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, . . 251

Index, . . . 263 to 277

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, Ac.

No. I.— 1871.

The District of Der a Ismail Khan , Trans- Indus. — By T. W. H.

Tolbort, Esq., 0. S.

(With a Map.)

In accordance with the plan indicated in a previous contribution

to the Journal, I propose to describe the district of Dera Ismail Khan,

or rather that portion of it which lies Trans-Indus. This descrip¬

tion will give what information appears most important as to

natural features, history and ethnology, but will avoid purely offi¬

cial and political matters as unsuited to this Journal.

Natural Features.

On the west, the Sulaiman range forms the boundary of our sub¬

ject as of British India itself. One of the chief mountains of the

range, the prominent TaTcht i Sulaiman fronts the centre of the dis¬

trict. Its height is 11,293 ft., and its summit, during the winter

months, is covered with snow. The ascent was attempted by two

Englishmen of Elphinstone’s party in 1809, but the task was found

more difficult than it at first appeared, and the adventurers who

were pressed for time, could not accomplish it.

1

2 Tne District of Dera Ismail li/ian, Trans- Indus. [No. 2,

On the north, Dera Ismail Khan is divided from the Marwat

plain by a spur of low hills running east from the Sulaiman range

towards the Indus. There is one high peak in this low range, and

on it is the sanitarium of Shaikhbudm. Entirely separate from the

Shaikhbudm hills, though very near them, is an isolated mountain

ridge overlooking the river Indus. This is described by Dr.

Verchere under the name Bottah Boh, and is also known as the

Khissor, or as the Kafir Kot, range.

On the south, where the district adjoins Dera Ghazi Khan, there

is no marked geographical boundary, but a very important ethno¬

logical one, viz., the line of division between Pathan and Baloch

frontier tribes.

On the east, we have already assumed the Indus as an arbitrary

boundary. The total area thus defined is 3,577 square miles.

The geological features of the plains do not call for much com¬

ment. The ‘kachhi,’ or belt of land along the bank of the Indus,

is a friable and fertile sand, like the alluvial soil of most of our

Indian rivers. The rest of the district has a clayey soil, hard, and

level in dry weather, but readily cut into ravines by rain and by

the mountain torrents. The hard unbroken surface, which extends

for miles without a tree is called ‘ pat,’ The geology of the hills

is of course more interesting. Some account of it, more particular¬

ly of the northern ranges, i. e. the Shaikhbudm and Kafir Kot hills,

will be found in a series of papers contributed to this Journal by

Dr. Verchere. To these, under the title “ Geology of the Western

Himalaya and Afghan Mountains,” our readers interested in the

subject may be referred, and chiefly to the third chapter, No. I.

of the Journal, 1867. The Bottah Boh or Kafir Kot range is de¬

scribed as mostly composed of carboniferous limestone, resting on a

quartzite. The lower hills of the Shaikhbudm range are composed

of miocene sandstone, clay and conglomerate, though the Shaikh¬

budm mountain itself is of limestone. It is believed that the softer

rocks which form the rest of the range were once much higher than

they are now, reaching almost to the height of the Shaikhbudm

peak itself, but they have been gradually washed lower and lower

till now the solitary limestone summit remains, with only misera¬

ble hillocks, jagged and unclothed, below it. The Kafir Kot range

abounds in fossils which have been fully described by Dr. Verchere,

1871.] The District of Dev a Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus.

3

Passing from tlie geology to the botany of the district, I annex

a list of the common and characteristic plants. These have been

identified partly by the aid of Dr. Stewart’s * Panjab Plants,’ but

chiefly by a friend in England, Mr. Daniel Hanbury, F. P. S. The

botanical names are in most instances followed by the vernacular.

Ranuncalacece.

Clematis graveolens, Hook., zamfrf. Shaikhbud'm .

CrucifercB .

Moricandia tortuosa, Hook. f. et Th.

Capparidece.

15.*c - Capparis aphylla, L., karfl.

Violarieoe.

Viola cinerea, Boiss., makhan bhdta.

Moringacece.

Moringa pterygosperma, soanjna.

Tiliacece.

27. - Grrewia betuloe folia, Juss. fnzar. gangi. Shmkhhadin .

— - - . - oppositi folia, Buch., daman pastona .

Sapindacecs.

31. - Dodoneea Burmanniana, D’C., shamshad. ShailcJibudm,

Meliacem.

33. - Melia azadarachta, L., drek or bakam.

Zygophyllece.

Eagonia cretica, L. ispalgzai (dhama or spalaghzai).

37. - Tribulus (alatus, Del. ?), bhakra or gokhrd.

Rutacecs .

38. - Peganum Harmala, L. harmal.

Celastrinece.

Celastrus spinosus, Don.

Rhamnecs .

43 or 44. — — Zizyphus Lotus, Lam. ber.

Zizyphus jujuba ber, a good-sized tree.

leguminosce .

50. - - Acacia arabica, Willd., kikar.

57. - Alhagi Maurorum, D’O., jhawan or jawan, yields the

V » t •' f • •

* The numbers refer to pages in Stewart’s ‘ Panjab Plants.’

4

The District of Dera Ismail Khan , Trans- Indus. [No. 1,

Turanjbin manna.

Bauliinia variegata, kacbnar.

Csesalpinia Bonduc, L., karmjua.

61. - Cassia (Absus, L. ? ), cbaksu.

Lespedeza cuneata, Don., marerf. SliaiJchbuddin.

73. - Parkinsonia aculeata, D’C., Wilayati babul.

74. - Prosopis spicigera, L., jand or jhand.

75. - Sesbania (segyptiaca Pers. ?), jbanjlian.

Sopbora Griffitbii, Stocks., zergul. SJiaiJcJibudin.

Tamar iscinece.

91. - Tamarix dioica, Roxb. labi or jhau.

92. - orientalis, L., khagal or farash.

Cucurbitacece.

Cucnmis colocynthis, L. kurtamma, colocynth.

Momordica cbarantia, karela, cultivated as a vegetable,

j Vortulacece.

Luffa acutangula, kali tori, do.

Triantbema, sp., wasa.

Portulaca oleracea, lunak.

Mesembryacece.

Orygia and riantbemoides, makhan bbuta. Shai/chbudt?i.

(same name as for Viola cinerea.')

Kubiacece.

Gardenia tetrasperma, Roxb., cbunjawali. Shaikhbudin.

Dipsacece.

Scabiosa Olivieri, Coult., sber singb. ShaiJchbudin •

Composite e.

Artemisia elegans, Roxb., duranga. ShaiJchbudin.

120. - vestita, Wall., tarkba (Pers.), do.

Cartbamus oxyacantba, Bieb., kasbbiri, do.

Conyza absintbi folia, D’C., jarzme or cbota zergul.

126 ? Ecbirops eebinatus, Roxb., joz or karor, do.

Eclipta erecta, L., bbangra.

Eilago germanica, L., ispigal or isapgal. ShaiJchbudin.

Halocbaris sp., kbariri.

Microrbyncus nudicaulis, Less., balitalmacbala ?

Platycbaete, sp. nov. (?)

Yernonia spatliulata, Rocbst.

5

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans- Indus.

Bignoniaceoe.

149. Tecoma undulata, G. Don. reodan or rori, gorgeous

orange, blossoms. Shailchbudin.

Convolvulacece.

150. Convolvulus arvensis, waneveri or harankuri.

Boraginece.

Cordia Myxa, L. lasura.

Heliotropium europseum, L., mamana, popat buti.

Solanaceoe.

161. Solanum Jacquiri, Willd. S. xantliocarpum, Schrad.,

kandiari.

160. - nigrum, L. Maku, a common weed in English

gardens.

161. Withania coagulans, Dunal, panir.

- somnifera, Dunal, iskand (?). Shailchbudin.

Scrojphulariacece.

Leptorhabdos parviflora. ? hill quinine, do.

Orobanchacece.

Phelipsea calotropidis, Walp., bhumphor.

Acanthacece.

Dicliptera Poxburghii N. ab. E., zermasti, do.

Verbenacece.

Lantana alba, Miller, aspangul, Shailchbudin , bears a

pretty flower.

Lippia nodiflora, Pich, bokan.

166. - Yitex Negundo, L., samalu or marwande.

labiatce .

Ballota limbata, Benth., kanspiri, a singular spiny herb

or small shrub.

Lallemantia Eoyleana, Benth., tukhm bilang, Shailchbudin.

(? Nepeta juncea, Benth.), mareri or Hill podina, do.

170. - ruderalis, Ham., mastiara.

Phlomis purpurea, L., or a species near to it, ispira,

Shailchbudin , bears very showy flowers.

Plectranthus rigosus, Benth., togal, diwana sarman.

Salvia Moorcroftiana, Wall., papar, Shailchbudin.

6

The District of Dera Ismail Kh in, Tram- Lulus. [No. 1,

Salvador acece.

175. Salvadora oleoides Dene., jal or pilu .

Salsolacece.

177. Caroxylon foetidum, Moq., gora lana.

Caroxylon Griffithii, khar lani.

Clienopodiuni album, L., sarman or drag., Shaikhbudin *

179. Panderia pilosa, P. et M. bui (also below.)

180. Suceda fruticosa, Moq. lani pliesak lane.

Amur ant acece.

180. - Aerua j avanica, Juss., bill.

Nyctaginacece.

Boerbaavia diffusa, L., kaura khaira. Shaikhbudin.

Polygonacece.

Calligonum polygonoidcs, L., inachala.

Euphorbi ‘acece.

193. Crozopliora tinctoria, L., nil. buta.

195. Euphorbia liypericifolia, L., dodak.

159. - thymifolia, Bur., dodak.

Liliacece.

Asparagus, sp., kareti.

Graminece.

261. Saccharum spontaneum, L., kana khan.

Dactylotenum eegj^ptiacum, madana grass.

Panicum colonum, L., sanwak, cultivated as fodder.

Undetermined.

hargun , or kharguna .

The great feature in the vegetation of the plains is the enormous

number of salsolaceee. They cover the face of the country, and are

the more obvious from the absence of all trees, even the most stunt¬

ed. The vernacular name is ‘lani,’ and there are three kinds —

‘ gora lani,’ ‘ khar lam,’ and ‘ pliesak lani.’ All three serve as

fodder for camels, but only ‘ khar lani’ is used for making the

‘sajji’ or barilla of Indian commerce. The plants are collected

in November, a pit is dug, and in it the dried plants are set on fire.

The carbonate of soda and other saline matter dissolving and

again solidifying with the ash, forms a stone-like mass, which is the

sajji of commerce. Next in abundance to these, is the ‘ bui’

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus . 7

1 Panderia pilosa,’ and then a small thorny herb called ‘ jawasa,’

1 jawahan,’ or camel thorn, from which in default of ‘ kashas,’ our

tatties are made. This also, as its name implies, is a favourite with

camels.

While these are the plants on which the eye rests when one

rides across the plains, others, very different in character will be

noticed in a morning walk at Shaiklibudm. There, among trees,

are the ‘phalahi,’ one of the prettiest of acacias, the ‘kau’ or

wild olive, some six feet in height with dark foliage and a hard

close-grained wood, the ‘ pastuwanna’ or Grrewia oppositifolia,

and more showy than all the rest the 1 reodan’ or * rori,’ which is

covered in the month of Tune with gorgeous orange blossoms.

Interspersed with these, and more characteristic of the scenery

than any of them, is the dwarf palm or ‘ mzarai,’ chamserops Kit-

chiana, carelessly described by some travellers as an aloe. This,

like the date palm, is of value for the manufacture of matting. Pass¬

ing from these, all of which except the dwarf palm attain the sta¬

ture of trees, our imaginary visitor at Shaiklibudm will notice the

‘ shamshad,’ or so-called bog myrtle, which makes such a capital

hedge row to our Indian gardens ; the i panir’ or withania coa-

gulans, a shrub with light coloured leathery leaves, and two

other not such well known shrubs, the ‘ karguna’ and the ‘ chun-

j a wall.’

The irrigation of the district is peculiar, and if this were an offi¬

cial paper, would bear a minute and detailed description. The

country is intersected by mountain torrents, and the water which

these bring down in their flushes, is arrested and spread over the

country by large embankments or ‘ bands’ of earth, built across

the beds of the torrents. Chief among these intermittent rivers is

the Luni. It is turned northwards out of its natural course by one

set of ‘ bands,’ and then stopped and spread over the country by

another series which are broken, one after the other, to be recon¬

structed when the flushes are over. The sub-division of the water

to individual fields is effected in much the same way, indeed a field

is called a ‘band,’ the word ‘ khet’ being almost unknown.

These dams or weirs are prepared by the joint and compulsory

labour of the villages benefiting by them, each village contributing

8 The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. [No. 1,

its quota of yokes of oxen. The implement employed is a kind of

harrow drawn by two oxen, and with this the earth is scraped up

and thrown together. The whole organisation of society is modi¬

fied by this system of irrigation ; the respective rights of the 1 sa-

roba,’ or man higher up the stream, and the ‘pain,’ or man lower

down, are among the most important provisions of the lex loci ;

and the innumerable difficulties which necessarily arise were tho

cause of endless wars in native rule, and are the source of endless

disputes now.

The crops of the district are chiefly wheat, indian corn, bajra,

and jowar. Cotton is grown to some extent; but the nature of the

soil, and its irrigation are not suited to gram, sugar-cane, or indigo,

nor, — except in some isolated localities, — to rice. Dates, mangoes,

oranges, and pomegranates are grown, but the fruit of the country

par excellence is the musk melon, which attains perfection in the

plains skirting the Sulaiman range.

Before quitting this part of my subject, I give the local table of

measures which are more popular than weights by maund and ser.

Division of crops by batdi is universal.

Measures of quantity.

The ordinary weight of a 1 path’ of wheat would be about 25

Government maunds, but the measure is variable. The local maund

and ser are heavier than the Government standard, and Kulachi

weights of the same denomination are heavier than those of Dera.

History , Sfc.

There are ruins all along the frontier, to which the common term

Kafir Kot, or ‘ infidel fort,’ is applied. Generally, they are mere

mounds, more or less extensive, from which coins and images may

be dug. One of the largest of them is at A'kra in the Bannu district.

There are two or three similar mounds in the neighbourhood of

Tank, a town in the extreme north-west of the Dera jurisdiction.

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans- Indus. 9

Other similar ruins are seen close to the Indus. A year or

two ago excavations were made at Kokri near Mianwali on the

eastern side of the Indus, and several small figures of baked clay

were found, the figures modelled with the black skin kulah still

worn at Harat. Although the term Kafir Kot is applied indiscri¬

minately to all of these, it is very probable that the ruins so called,

are of different dates, and different styles of architecture. Some

may have been Bactrian and some Buddhist, while others probably

are of much later date, and even subsequent to the Muhammadan

conquest. In this district, besides the mounds near Tank, there are

two Kafir Kots on the Kotta Boh, the low range which overlooks

the Indus. These are not mere mounds of brick, but standing

ruins of stone. The southern one of the two, near the small town

of Bahlot, stands on a hill of loose boulder stones, some two or

three hundred feet above the river. It is evident that the whole

area of the ruins was originally surrounded by an irregular, but

rectangular wall, built from the common boulder stones of the hill,

roughly hewn to size. This wall had projecting bastions every 15

or 20 yards. Within the enclosure so formed are three ruins or

groups of ruins built, not of these same hard stones, but of a much

softer earth coloured stone, which is now honey-combed in a

very curious manner. At first I took the material to be brick

or cement, but this was evidently wrong. I then thought that

the buildings were of a different date from the surrounding wall ;

but this supposition is also incorrect, for most of these ruined

buildings stand on a foundation, and are approached by steps

constructed of the ordinary stone of the neighbourhood. Whence

this peculiar plastic stone was brought, I cannot say. It is

certainly very different from any in the immediate vicinity.

The first building at the Kafir Kot that a visitor is likely

to enter, is about the size of an ordinary Hindu temple. At

the base it is square, but above it rises to a dome. Just where

the dome^ commences a small gallery, about a foot in width,

runs round the interior, open and closed at alternate intervals.

About a hundred yards distant are two smaller buildings not

unlike ordinary shivalds. The carving on these is somewhat

different.

2

10 The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. [No. 1,

Each of them has, on the south side, a little vault somewhat be¬

low the level of the ground. The buildings appear to have had

originally three stages. About another hundred yards off, is a

third group, forming a sort of triangle with the ruins already enu¬

merated. The visitor passes, on his right three shrines or cells,

and then mounts eight steps, constructed of the ordinary hill stone,

to a platform, at each front corner of which is a small temple, while

the centre supports a building of greater size. All these face the

east as is the case with modern Hindu temples.

The ruins of the northern Kafir Kot, some twenty miles higher

up the Indus, bear a general resemblance to those already describ¬

ed, and are on a larger scale, though not so well preserved. There

is a similar bastioned wall of stupendous dimensions, in places six¬

ty or seventy feet high, of enormous thickness, and built of very

large stones. The ruins within the area are of the same honey¬

combed stone as those of the lower Kafir Kot. The largest of them

is a long rectangular hall, with windows along the upper half of the

wall. It was apparently double-storied, but the roof has of course

disappeared long ago. There are other buildings, bearing a nearer

resemblance to those previously described. The carving varies in

detail, but is everywhere perfectly chaste, and free from all figures

of men or animals.

Leaving the subject of antiquities, I proceed to give such scant

history as can be obtained touching the town of Dera Ismail Khan,

and then condense — for here our information perplexes by its quan¬

tity — an account of the different tribes in the neighbourhood.

Although I have stated that the southern boundary of our dis¬

trict corresponds with the partition line between Pathan and Ba-

loch frontier tribes, yet within the district itself, where the popula¬

tion is not pure but intermixed, Baloclies come much further north,

and there is evidence that in former days they occupied tracts of

country where Pathans have now encroached. For instance the

Baloch Kasranis formerly owned the country now belonging to the

Pathan Ustaranis ; and Kulachi, now the capital of a powerful Af¬

ghan tribe, derives its name from a Baloch sub-division. The

town of Dera Ismail Khan itself was founded by a Baloch tribe

called Hot. In the year 870 a. h., Malik Suhrab Hot, came to this

1871.] The District -of Ber a Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. 11

neighbourhood from Kach Makran, entered the service of Sultan

Husain, who was then Governor of Multan, and received from him

land on both sides the Indus, nearly corresponding with the present

district of Hera Ismail Khan. At first his liead quarters were at

Babbar, twelve or fourteen miles south of the modern station, but

Malik Suhrab’ s two sons Ismail Klian and Fath Khan founded

the towns which have since borne their names. The success of

Malik Suhrab appears to have encouraged other adventurers from

Kach Makran ; and one of these, Haji Khan, with his son Ghazi

Khan, founded the town since called by the name of the latter.

Such are the main features of the tradition, though there are sever¬

al slightly discrepant versions of it, the discrepancies bearing

chiefly on the exact relationship and tribe of the three founders.

Firislitah mentions Ismail Khan, but describes his caste as Dodai.

These adventurers were contemporaries of Humayrin and Sher Shall,

and are referred to in Erskine’s history, page 424, and elsewhere,

as acknowledging the authority of Humayun’s rival. The descen¬

dants of Ismail and Gliazi Khan retained possession of their re¬

spective towns down to the time of the Durrani empire. A strange

custom existed in both families of alternating between two names

or titles from generation to generation. Thus Ismail Khan’s son

was*called Braham Khan. His successor was another Ismail Khan,

and he was followed by a second Braham Khan, and so on. In the

same way the line of succession at Dera Ghazi alternated between

Ghazi Khans and Haji Khans down to a recent date. But each in¬

dividual had an independent name besides, as the following genea¬

logical tree of Ismail Khan’s family proves.

Sultan Ahmad Khan, called Malik Suhrab.

Ismail Khan.

Muhammad Klian.

i

Fath Khan.

Nek Braham Khan.

Khan Murad Khan.

12

The District of Leva Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. [No. 1,

Fath Khan.

I

Braham Khan.

I

Muhammad Khan.

l

Nu9rat Kit an.

Nu$rat Khan was the last Baloch ruler of Dera Ismail. He is

described as a profligate tyrant, and was removed from his dignity

as governor by Taimur Shah Durrani. According to one account

the pretext was, that some of Taimur Shah’s cannon had been lost

in crossing the river near Kallur Kot, and the Gandapurs, in league

with some of the king’s officers falsely laid the blame on Nu^-

rat Khan. In any case Nujrat Khan was imprisoned at Kabul for

twelve years, and although released after the accession of Zaman

Shall, he was unable to recover his authority. Meanwhile, there

had been several Pathan Governors of Dera Ismail, who are scarce¬

ly worth particularizing, until we come to Muhammad Khan

Saddozai, known as Sarbal and Khan. He was the founder of the

present Nawab’s family, and owed his appointment to the influence

of Muzaffar Khan, Nawab of Multan. He gave his daughter in

marriage to Hafiz Ahmad Khan, and was succeeded by the offspring

of this marriage, Slier Muhammad, under the guardianship of

Hafiz Ahmad. Shortly after this, in Sambat 1878, or A. D. 1821,

Kanjft Singh led an army against the fort of Mankerah, Slier Mu¬

hammad’s Cis-Indus capital. After a siege of twenty days, Mankerah

surrendered, and Sher Muhammad gave up the whole of his

Cis-Indus territory, but was allowed to retain the western bank of

the river. So matters continued for fifteen years longer, when a

fresh expedition was sent from Labor under Nau Nilial Singh, who

annexed the whole country, and compelled the Nawab to retire on

a jagir. The few years immediately preceding our occupation were

disturbed by intrigues and wars between the Sikh kardars, the

Pathan chiefs, and an adventurer from the Salt Itange, Fath

Khan Tiwanah, who seems to have been an eastern Alcibiades.

Details are given by Edwardes in his ‘ Year on the Panjab Fron¬

tier.’ An account of the neighbourhood as it was in the beginning

of the century, will be found in Elphinstone’s Cabul, Vol. II, pp. 55-

13

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan , Trans-Indus.

72, and a later description lias been given by Masson. The old

town of Dera Ismail was washed away by the river in A. D. 1823.

It was surrounded by a large forest of date trees, which disappear¬

ed with the town itself. The Muhammadan histories of India though

full of references to Afghan adventurers, do not particularize tribe

or locality. The word 4 Boh,’ still used on the frontier to denote

‘ hill,’ is often the only clue which these histories give. The neigh¬

bourhood we are describing must have had some importance in the

days of the Delhi emperors as the highway to Qandahar, so long

the bone of contention between India and Persia. But it is pretty

certain that it never rose to great political supremacy. Its mate¬

rial prosperity is probably greater now than at any previous period.

In former years as now, the city of Dera was wealthy as the

entrepot of Pawindah commerce, and the trade in 1 madder

but the rest of the district — Tank and the Khissor country

excepted, — was then far less prosperous than now. The greater

portion of the river land was dense jungle infested with tigers,

which have now entirely disappeared, and the upland was only

occupied by migratory tribes, or by vast herds of onagras, which

have now been driven southwards to Bajanpur and the Slnim

plain.

Prom this sketch of the history we pass to the ethnology of the

district. The tribes of Pathans along the frontier are strongly and

distinctly marked, each having an individuality of its own, though

each is split into innumerable sections and torn by interminable

quarrels. They all speak dialects of the Afghan language differing

in many respects from that of the Ydsafzais, as for instance in sub¬

stituting the ‘ ksli’ for the ‘ kkh’ sound, e.g., Pukshtu for Pukklitu.

Pacing the district of Dera Ismail, but entirely beyond the frontier,

are the two great tribes of the Waziris and Shiranis, both noted in

former days for their lawless propensities, a character which the

Waziris still retain. The Waziris are a very numerous and powerful

tribe, who extend from Kohat southwards to Dera Ismail. Their chief

divisions are the Utmanzais, the Ahmadzais and the Mas’uds.

The Ahmadzais and Utmanzais live partly in the Bannu district,

and partly in the hills beyond. A detailed and interesting account

of them will be found in Edwardes’ book. South of these are the

14

The District of Dera Ismail Khan , Trans- Indus. [No. 1,

Mas’ lids, wlio live entirely in tlie hills, commanding two of the

principal mountain passes into Khurasan, the Tank Jam and the

Gumal. In appearance they are inferior to many other Pathan

tribes ; but they are remarkably hardy, and though barbarously

cruel in their predatory wars, are generally truthful, and in captivi¬

ty are remarkably well behaved. They are the great enemies of

the Pawindahs, or travelling merchants, whose caravans are com¬

pelled to fight their way through, when entering and when leaving

India. The Mas’iids are themselves sub-divided into two great

branches, the ’Alizais, and the Bulilolzais, each of these splitting

into innumerable families, some comparatively peaceful and well

disposed, others notorious brigands. Among the latter, the Shin-

gis, one of the Buhlolzai sections, are the most lawless, and their

depredations are at present the chief political difficulty at this point

of the frontier. The Mas’ud country is rich in timber and iron. '

It produces a fine breed of horses, and has orchards of apple trees,

evidently possessing in many parts a soil of some fertility, though

the cultivation is poor and scant. The chief town, Kanigoram was

captured by us in the Mas’ud expedition of 1860. It is situated

on elevated ground not far from the Pfr Ghul, (11,533 feet), the

great mountain of the Waziri range. Although it is the capital of

the Waziri country, its own population consists chiefly of ’Ulama

or Sayyids. The reverence of Pathans for saints and faqirs is well

known. The exaggerated extent to which this reverence is carried

by Waziris, has given rise to the humorous story that they murder

holy men, in order to erect shrines to their memory. A Panjab

official, Muhammad Hayat Khan, has written a history of the Af¬

ghans in Urdu, under the title ‘ Hayat Afghani.’ This work, page

350 et seq ., contains a detailed account of the Waziris and other

tribes on this portion of the frontier. It gives the traditional ge¬

nealogy and the numerous sub-divisions of each tribe, and in the

case of the Waziris details the different localities of each section.

The Waziris, like other Pathans, observe certain tribal laws, many

of which are explained by the author just named. The lex talionis

modified by a scale of money compensations, the 1 avenging of

blood,’ and the system of government by ‘niarkas’ and ‘ jirgahs’

are institutions common to all the Afghan tribes.

1871.J The District of Der a Ismail Khan , Trans- Indus.

15

The frontier outrages which have given the Mas’uds their had

name, are organised by a few professional brigands who distinguish

themselves by the name ‘ payawars’ or ‘ dilawars.’ Small parties

of ten or twenty men under these leaders lurk at the mouths of the

mountain passes till the sun is down, and the night moonless. Their

onslaught on a village, 1 halla’ as it is termed, is generally made

before midnight, and frequently begins with a discharge of stones

which they hurl with great force and precision. They slash and

stab indiscriminately — but as a rule spare the women — and carry¬

ing off the village cattle, regain their mountain fastnesses before

daylight.

The Shiranis occupy the Takht i Sulaiman itself. Under a leader

named Katal Khan, they gave much trouble in the early years of

our administration ; but since the expedition which was sent against

them in 1853, they have been peaceably disposed.

Passing from these tribes, which are beyond our jurisdiction to

those which are wholly or partially British subjects, we come first

to the Battannis, who are allied to us, and are conveniently inter¬

posed between ourselves and the Wazhis. They formerly lived on

the other side of the Takht i Sulaiman, but were driven thence by

the Grhilj is in the reign of Sikandar Lodi. They are of three sub¬

divisions, Tatta, Danna and Wraspun. Then we may mention the

Mianis, a nomadic and mongrel race of Pawindah squatters.

They are found chiefly in the Tank sub-division near the mouths

of the passes. Tank is a small :aldqa in the north-east corner

of the district, which is under the management of a nawab,

though entirely subordinate to British authority. It is now

fresh in our memories as the scene of the accident which proved

fatal to Sir Henry Durand. The ruling tribe is the Daulat Khel.

This tribe together with some of its neighbours, dates its occu¬

pation from the reigns of Babar and Humayun. It seems proba¬

ble that adherents of the Lodi dynasty were ousted from their lands

by followers of the conquering Mughuls, and this perhaps accounts

for some of the convulsions which have transplanted several tribes

in the Daman. The leader of the Daulat Khel, Shah Baz or Khan

Zaman by name, formed a league with the Gandapdr tribe, and

succeeded in driving out the Marwatis and other rivals from Tank.

18 The District of Der a Ismail Khan , Trans- Indus. [No. 1,

Tlie present Nawab belongs to a family known as theKhattf Khel,

who first came into notice about seventy years ago, when one Kat-

tal Khan attempted to establish his authority over the tribe, but

lost his life in the attempt. Kattal Khan left a son Sarwar Khan,

who a few years later avenged his father’s death, and obtained

supreme power over the tribe. Sarwar Khan was a chieftain of un¬

usual ability, and his name is still a household word in Tank. He

rebuilt and fortified Tank, raised the large fort of Dabbra beyond

it, extended irrigation, and by attracting cultivators converted his

territory into a fertile and verdant garden. He died in 1892, Vik.,

and was succeeded by his son Allahdad Khan, a man of much in¬

ferior character, who finding himself unable to pay the revenue

demanded by the Sikhs, fled to the Mas’ud hills. For some years

after this, Tank was the scene of struggles between the exiled Al¬

lahdad Klian, and three Patlian chieftains, to whom the Sikhs had

leased the government, and again between these and Fath Khan

Tiwanah. Eventually both Fath Khan Tiwanah and Shah Na¬

waz Khan, son and heir of Allahdad Khan, were driven into exile,

from which they did not return till the British occupied the coun¬

try. Then, through the influence of the late Sir Herbert Edwardes,

Shah Nawaz Khan was restored to the government of Tank, which

he still holds. As he is connected with the Mas’dds both by birth

and marriage, his political importance is considerable. There are

many very romantic incidents in the history of this Khatti Khel

family, but our space does not admit of their repetition. There is

another very small tribe in the Tank ’alaqa, that of the Taturs.

South of Tank, lies the territory of a larger Patlian tribe, the

Gandapurs. Their origin as claimed by themselves, is more pre¬

tentious than that attributed to them by their rivals. Not content

with their dignity as Afghans, they must needs claim to be Sayyids,

and profess a descent from Mfr Sayyid Muhammad Gesu-Haraz.

The story of this saint and his three wives is given in Bellew’s

Afghanistan, page 64. By his Kakar wife, he had a son named

Saturi, who in his turn was the father of Tarai. Tarai eloped with

a Shirani maiden, and in consequence of this adventure had to leave

his father’s home. As he was leaving, his father gave him the

name Gandapur. The etymology thus invented for the name of the

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. 17

tribe, is unfortunately ambiguous as well as fanciful, and is inter¬

preted by some as a blessing, by others as a curse. As the d in

Gandapur is cerebral, the name does not seem to be connected with

the Persian word 1 ganda,’ in which the /is dental. Gandapur had

■»

four sons and one daughter, Ya’qub, ’Imran, Husain, Brahim and

Bibi Khubf. These have given their names to five of the Ganda¬

pur sub-divisions, — ‘ nalahs’ as they are called. The sixth nalah

known as the Dreplara, a Pushtu word, meaning 1 offspring of three

fathers,’ has been formed by the union of three miscellaneous

tribes not originally Gandapurs, viz., the Shakhai, Marera, and

Umara. The Gandapurs were driven out of Khurasan by a league

of the Lahuns and Kakars, but their first permanent settlement in

the plains seems to have been on the occasion above referred to,

when there was a general crusade against Lodi and Suri Pathans.

Their first station was at Poliri, (Boree) probably as dependents

or allies of the Daulat Khel. For years after this, the Gandapurs

retained their commercial and nomadic character, being in fact

Pawindahs, as some of them are still ; but gradually they extend¬

ed their cultivation on the banks of two mountain torrents, the

Luni and the Takwarah, till they lost their migratory habits. When

Ahmad Khan Durrani invaded India, Haji Attal Khan, nephew of

the ‘ Chilwashti,’ or leader, of the Gandapur tribe, accompanied

him with a troop of followers, and these Gandapurs distinguished

themselves by their valour at the great battle of Panlpat, A. D.

1760. The Gandapurs are in some respects a very fine race. They

are men of powerful physique, and of great bravery, but are quar¬

relsome and litigious beyond all bounds. For some years the tribe

has been divided into two great factions, headed by two cousins,

Guldad Khan and Kalu Khan. The tendency to rivalry and enmity

between cousins is almost proverbial among Pathans. The land

tenure of the Gandapurs is so peculiar, that it deserves passing

mention even here, while its intricacies would afford material for a

voluminous revenue report. Each of the six nalahs, or divisions of

the tribe, holds 6000 imaginary shares called ‘ daddis,’ making a

total of 36,000 ‘ daddis’ for the whole land of the tribe. In each

village there is land held by each of the nalahs, either by each one

separately, or by two or more nalahs jointly, or by the whole

18

The District of Dera Ismail Khan , Trans-Indus. [No. 1 ,

tribe in common ; and in each, village, the fields so held are often

scattered and distant from one another. The original theory of

this tenure was, that there should be a periodical swop, a redistribu¬

tion of the land among the six nalahs every sixth year, so that each

might be fairly treated, and every individual feel it his interest to

defend the whole tribal land. A similar custom exists in some

other Afghan tribes, and is probably practicable while the tribe

retains its migratory habits, though not afterwards. The theory

is no longer acted upon by the Gandapurs. At present, if we would

attach a positive meaning to the word 1 daddi,’ we must do so by

taking as our integer neither the whole land of the tribe nor the

whole land of the nalah, but the land of each family or 1 Khel’

in the nalah. By marking off the lands of each Khel, a feasi¬

ble though difficult task, and by ascertaining the number of mem¬

bers in the Khel with the number of daddis held by each mem¬

ber, the word daddi ceases to be a mere metaphysical expression.

This, however, is not the only difficulty in Gandapur tenure. Al¬

though the daddis represent ownership in commonalty not in

severalty, each plot of land may and must have some one authoriz¬

ed to dispose of it. He is called the ‘ latband’ or ‘ adna rnalik,’ and

differs from an hereditary tenant inasmuch as he has authority to

sell. Add to these difficulties a universal system of mortgage ;

add also the complications caused by the peculiar mode of irriga¬

tion, and we have in the Gandapur villages a tenure unequalled

for confusion and complexity. Partly in consequence of this com¬

plexity, and partly from the perpetual quarrels of the tribe, it has

been found necessary to bold the ‘ alaqa kham tahsil,’ Government

taking three-tentlis and the daddidars one-tenth of the produce,

while the remainder goes to the latband and his cultivators.

Further to the south, beyond the Gandapur territory is Drab and,

the country of the Mian Khels and Bakhtiaris. The great body of

the Mian Khels are still wandering merchants, who visit India in

the cold weather and return to Khurasan in the summer, but a por¬

tion of the tribe has settled down to agriculture. The chieftain of

the Mian Khels, best known in the history of the district, was named

’Umar Khan. He fought with the Saddozai rulers of Dera, until

he was captured and beheaded by an act of shameless treachery.

19

1871.] The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus.

The Mian Khel, like their neighbours, the Gandapurs, delight in

complications of tenure. The primary division of their land is into

‘tandobi,’ or irrigated, and ‘ vichobi,’ or unirrigated, in both of

which, property is represented by fractions variously and fancifully

expressed.

The Bakhtiaris though spoken of as a distinct tribe, have now

been absorbed by the Mian Khels, who have fifteen or sixteen sub¬

divisions of their own, each possessing a greater distinctive impor¬

tance than the Bakhtiaris. Among these the Mus&zais, the Sayyid

Khel, the Shadi Khel, and the Shahi Khel, are the most powerful.

The Mian Khels once had a great feud with the Gandapurs, and

besieged them at Kohri. The quarrel was only appeased by a

singular treaty to the effect that the Gandapurs should emigrate

for one year, and that in the interim the Mian Khels should satisfy

their desire for vengeance by burning Kohri to the ground. This

was done, and at the end of the year the Gandapurs returned, and

reoccupied the country. Probably this story is from a Mian Khel

authority, as it is ignored by the Gandapurs.

Next to the Mian Khels come the Babars, a gentlemanly and well-

to-do tribe. There is but a small colony of them in British terri¬

tory, but they are numerous in Khurasan itself, in the neighbour¬

hood of Qandah&r. Their settlement in the Daman wTas subse¬

quent to that of the tribes previously named. In our territory,

Chaudwan is their chief town. Edwardes borrows a good story

from popular tradition to illustrate the acuteness of the Babars.

Once on a time they entered into an agricultural partnership with

the devil, and gave him his choice of the roots or stalks of the

harvest. The devil chose the stalks, upon which the Babars sowed

nothing but onions, carrots, and turnips. The devil, very natural¬

ly annoyed, insisted next harvest on getting the roots, so the Ba -

bars grew wheat and sugar.*

Beyond the Babars are the Ustaranfs. They live partly within

and partly beyond the border, their chief town Kuf being in inde-

* This story is also commonly related in Saxony and Silesia. The peasants

made the same contract with Rubezahl, the spirit of the Sndetic Range. In

fact, he got his name from the contract; for Rubezahl means ‘ turnip-counter.’

He came to count his turnips, and found that the peasants had sown rye.

The Editor.

20 The District of Dera Ismail Khan, Trans-Indus. [No. 1,

pendent territory. Their settlement in the Daman only dates from

a hundred years back. They have always borne a good character

as brave and honest men, but have generally been at feud with

some of the Baloch tribes to the south. At the time of annexation,

they were at feud with the Kasranis. At present they are in league

with the Kasranis against the Bozdars.

Southernmost of all the Pathan tribes, come the Khatrans, of

whom a colony live at the town of Yahowah in the extreme south¬

west corner of the Dera Ismail Khan district. All the tribes of the

Dera Ghazi frontier are Baloch, and there is one Baloch tribe inter¬

mixed with the Khatrans whose chieftain resides in the Dera Ismail

district. This is the Kasranl tribe, and the chieftain is a son of

Kaura Khan, who distinguished himself three years ago by carry¬

ing off the Deputy Commissioner.

One more Pathan tribe remains to be noticed, the Khissors— who

occupy the belt of land lying between the Kafir Kot or Khissor

range, and the Indus. Besides these, there are numerous families

of influential Afghans resident at Dera itself.

Taking the agricultural population remote from the frontier

tribes, we find it composed chiefly of Baloches and Jats. Among

the former are the sub-divisions Kurai, Hot, Laglnirl, Gishkorl,

Kulachi, Kind, Girsar, and Chandia, in the neighbourhood of the

Saddar, while Nutkanis, Laskanls, Gurmanls, and Mallanas, are

predominant in the south. Among Jats are the sub-divisions Sabi,

Wail, Saggu, Khar, Mapal, Husam, Kanjan Kalera, and many

others. There is a curious ambiguity in the local use of the word

4 Jat.’ Sometimes it is applied to an agricultural caste, and

thence extended to zamindars generally, as is the case all over the

Panjab. Sometimes also it means a camel driver as distinguished

from a zamindar. But the name certainly indicates a tribal dis¬

tinction here as elsewhere, though the Jats of this neighbourhood

are a confused race, in every respect inferior not only to the noble

Sikh population of the north-east Panjab, but also to the Muhamma¬

dan Jats of the central Duabs. Jats are very numerous in Afghan¬

istan, and the supposition that they entered India from the south¬

ern passes of the Sulaiman range is much more probable than the

theory which introduces them from the countries beyond Kashmir.

PLATE I.

1871.] The District of Der a Ismail Khan , Trans-Indus . 21

The mercantile Hindu population consists of Khattris and Koras,

the latter far outnumbering the former. The chief divisions of

Khattris are Kapur, Khan all, Chopri, Manotri Bahai, Wuhori,

Tandan, and Gandhi. Koras resemble Khattris in many respects,

but are considered a much lower caste. They are divided primari¬

ly into the Uttaradl and Dakkhanl gots ; but these terms, though

meaning northern and southern, do not denote’ a corresponding

geographical distribution. The chief XJttaradl sub-divisions are

named Klianljo, Sachdeo, Chawala Khorana, Mandan, and Chhok-

ra. The chief Dakkhani sub-divisions are Nandwanl, Munjhal,

Kalrl, Piplanf, Dang, and Nangpal. In this part of the Panjab all

Hindus engaged in trade are known to the Muhammadan population

by the indiscriminate term ‘ Karar.’

We have now enumerated all the important tribes permanently

resident in the district. Of the Pawindahs, or wandering merchants,

who make this neighbourhood their head quarters in their annual

visit to India, the three chief divisions are the Mian Khels already

referred to, the Nadirs, and the Kharotls. Their kafilas arrive in

September, and their encampments, called c kirris,’ where the wo¬

men and breeding camels are left, while the able-bodied men scat¬

ter themselves over India, remain till April. Then there is a

general rendezvous ; and the kafilas are reformed, each comprising

several hundred men, women, and children, with long strings of

camels followed by their young, and laden with the merchandise

of India. The men resume the arms which they laid aside on

entering British territory, and the columns, miles in length, set out

on their hazardous march to Khurasan.

22 A visit to Kharakpur , in the District of Hunger ( Monghyr ). [No. 1

Extracts from my Diary regarding a visit to Kharakp ur, in the District

of Hunger ( Monghyr ), and several places in the Banka Sub-Division ,

( Bhagalpur ). — I>y Babu Rashbihaei Bose, Sub- Divisional Officer ,

Banka , Bhagulpore.

I. H Kharakpur .

Friday , ^ 172A -Dec., 1869. — On my way paid a visit to tlie cele¬

brated Masjid of Lakkhunpur, which is held in great veneration by

both the Hindus and Muhammadans of the surrounding villages. It

is called Chandan Shah Aulia after the name of the founder. This

Muhammadan Pir, or saint, is said to have performed many miracles.

One day after rubbing his teeth with a twig of the Mukh-Cliandan

tree, he stuck the twig into the earth, and commanded a tree to

spring up from i fc, when the twig shot forth branches, and grew

into a tree.*' The tree, which is believed to be immortal, is still

shown to the spectators, and is inclosed within the walls which

contain the mortal remains of the saint. The maulawl in charge

of the masjid pointed out to me the original extinct trunk, from

which the present tree has sprung, — the tree thus possessing the

virtue of renewing itself.

It is the miracle of the tree which appears to have given name

to the saint, his real name being Haji Harban.

The saint is said to have predicted the conversion of the then

Hindu Raja of Kharakpur, f and to have contributed in some

degree to his future greatness. It is said that the Raja, then a

fugitive from his guddee, dreamed one night that he had taken

beef. B^ing shocked at this idea, so repugnant to the feelings

of a Hindu, he repaired to all the pandits in the neighbour¬

hood. They one and all, of course, enjoined some religious

observances by way of penance, which he was not then in

a position to perform. At last he came to the Haji, and told

him what weighed so heavily on his conscience. The Haji assured

# I heard this identical legend related at Kabir-Bar, on the banks of the

Nerbudda, regarding the famous tree of that name.

f Regarding the history of the Kharakpur Rajas during the Mughul Period,

vide Mr. Blochmann’s remarks in Proceedings, As. 8oc. Bengal, for 1870,

pp. 305 to 307, and my letter published in the Proceedings for May, 1871.

1871.] A visit to Kharakpur , in the District of Munger (. Monghyr ). 23

him that in a few years he would be converted to Islam, and become

a great Raja. He continued, however, to wage a hopeless contest,

and was at last betrayed by his Diwan into the hands of his enemies,

who carried him a prisoner to Delhi. "While every moment ex¬

pecting to meet an ignominious death, the daughter of the emperor

happened to cast her eyes upon him, and expressed to her father

a desire to be married to him. The emperor consented, the Raja

preferred his life to his religion, the marriage was celebrated

with great pomp, and the Raja was restored to his guddee.

The emperor granted his daughter as dowry the perganah Haveli

(meaning house) for her residence, the parganah Kajla for 1 kajul*

(a preparation worn by women on their eyes), the parganah Lahata

for 1 lahti’ (lac bangles), and the parganah Singol for ‘ sindiir’

(worn on the forehead).

The Raja who was thus restored to the raj with the emperor’s

daughter as his spouse, was named Toral Mai,* son of Sangram

Shah, the founder of Kharakpur.

Sunday , the 19 th December , 1869. — On the way, I saw in an

uninhabited plain, near Jalalabad, a large image cut in stone, which

is held in great veneration by the Hindus. It has no resem¬

blance with any of the Hindu deities, and is called Bun-Bliokranath,

— a name which none of them bears. The group of figures cut in

stone seemed evidently to be Buddhistic ; but the idolatrous and

religious Hindu, who seeks his god among stocks and stones, has

converted the principal image into an object of worship, simply

because he could not explain how and whence it came there.

Nearly all the images have their noses cut off, a piece of service

for which they are no doubt indebted to the fanatical and itlol-hating

Muhammadans. As the Muhammadans do not appear to have

disfigured images except such as were held in great veneration

by their Hindu or Buddhist brothers, the image in question must

at one time have formed part of a great temple.

The officiating priest who was as ignorant as any man regard¬

ing the history and origin of the image, showed us a figure in the

group half hidden under the earth, which he said had appeared of

late, but did not exist before, — a statement which his neighbours

# Toral Mai, after his conversion, appears to have been called Rozafzuu,

24 A visit to Kharakpur t in the District of Hunger (JMonghyr). [No. 1,

were glad to corroborate. He further informed us that the

principal image perspired profusely during the hot weather. But

what attracted us most, was the image of a Hindu goddess

cut in a separate piece of stone which contained an inscription ;

but the letters were so illegible, that we were not able to make out

whether they were Nagari or Bangali characters — much less to

ascertain the purport of the whole.*1

I reached Kharakpur at about 3-30 p. m., and visited the three-

domed masjid so beautifully situated on the river Man. The marble

slab on it shows that it was built in A. H. 1067, during the reign

of the emperor Shah Jahan.

A few yards from the mosque, is the old palace of Baja Beroj

[Bihruz] in ruins, where all his successors, however, continued to be

invested with the insignia of royalty, as the spot was considered

auspicious owing to an occurrence similar to the one that led to the

foundation of Borne. It is said that Sangram Shall, grandfather of

Beroj, having conquered 52 Khetauri Bajas who held sway in

different parts of the country, came to the bank of the river Man,

in order to select a site for his capital. Suddenly a hare was seen

to start from the neighbouring thicket. It was pursued by a dog,

but the hare turned upon its pursuer, and killed the hound. The

spot where this took place, was chosen by the warrior chief as

site for his capital, and in commemoration of the wonderful occur¬

rence, was called Khoragpur (now written Kharakpur), from

Jchargosh, a hare. It is necessary to state that some deduce the name

of the town from Kharga Singh, who is said to have completed the

subjection of the country conquered by his brother Sangram Shah.

The authenticity of the above legend is, however, universally ad¬

mitted.

Monday , the 20th December , 1869. — Left Kharakpur at 3 a. m.

for Panchkumar, and at dawn reached Musakhol, or mouse’s

hole. This is a small room about four feet by three, hewn into

the solid rock, like the caves of Khondgiri near Bhubanessur

in the district of Puri, probably by Buddhist ascetics, whose

* The inscription, rubbings from which were subsequently sent to the Society,

has been deciphered by Babu Rajendra Lala Mitra. It contains the well

known Budhist creed £ ye dharma hetu, &c.’ The character is the Kutila of the

10th century.

1871.] A visit to Kharakpur , in the District of Manger {Monghyr). 25

custom it was to retire to such places for contemplation and prayer.

The people of the surrounding country believe that the hole

used formerly to discharge household utensils of brass and bell-

metal on the application of travellers who passed along the road by

the side of which it is situated. The traveller had to call at the foot

of the hole, and ask for any utensil which he had need of for the

day, and instantly the article came gliding down to his hand. After

his need was satisfied, he had to place the utensil in the hole, and

go away. But a covetous Brahman having broken this rule, and

carried away to his house a beautiful bell-metal cup he had thus

received, the hole from that day ceased to lend any more utensils.

It is said that latterly the fugitive Baja of Kharakpur, when

pursued by his Muhammadan enemies, took refuge in this hole

with a few faithful followers. The hole is believed to be very

spacious and almost interminable ; for it was through this subter¬

ranean passage that the Baja was often seen to issue out at Bhini-

band, a distance of more than twelve miles. There is a common say¬

ing still repeated by the people to the effect that hundred drums

and hundred tomtoms, if beaten at one end of the hole, do not

make a sound loud enough to reach the other. But the passage

is now obstructed by loose stones from the hill having fallen

down at the mouth, which my guide said, accounted for my not

seeing a passage beyond the small room above mentioned, except „

a small hole just large enough to allow my hand to pass through it.

About half a mile farther west, our guide showed us a spot

where rice is said to be found in large quantities under the earth ;

but on digging the ground with a club, we could get only minute

pieces of stone in shape of rice, which our guide, however, persisted

in holding, was burnt rice. As it was still dark, I thought it

proper to proceed on our journey, proposing to examine the spot

on our way back. But unfortunately, I returned by a different

route.

I reached Panchkumar at 7 A. ir. About a hundred yards from

the foot of the hill, there is a small brick house standing in the

clasp of a banian tree, which by throwing roots around and within

the structure, has helped to prolong its existence and thereby to

preserve the memory of the suttee, to commemorate which it

4

26 A visit to Kharakpur , in the District of Munger (Monyhyr). [No. 1,

was built; for it was here that the Rani of the fugitive Raja

sacrified herself on hearing that her husband had been taken a

prisoner to Delhi, and there put to death. This last item of news

appears to have been false ; for as I have already observed, the

Raja after all was not put to death as he had expected, but was

converted to Islam and made to marry the emperor’s daughter.

The five daughters who had taken refuge in the hill above, were

pursued by the cruel enemies for the sake of their beauty ; but, like

the Rajput maidens of old, preferring their honor to their lives,

they leaped from the precipice into the frightful gorge of the

hill below, and there met a watery grave. It is this circumstance

which has given name to the hill, — ‘ Panchkumari, ’ or the ‘five

virgins.’

The hill, which is the source of the Man, is famous for a waterfall

during the rains. In the cold season, the water only trickles down

its side from a height of about twenty feet from the ground, but

the prospect is a very beautiful one. Having, however, all along

expected a grand waterfall from a great height, we were na¬

turally disappointed. But our guide told us that the great water¬

fall which has made the place famous, existed over the top of

the hill, where we might also see the tremendous gorge in which

the five virgins sacrificed their lives. We accordingly ascended

the hill, though by one of the steepest and most difficult pas¬

sages, instead of taking the easy, but circuitous, route. As we

reached the top, exhausted and panting for breath, our guide

pointed out to us a miniature intrenchment of stone, said to have

been thrown up by the Raja before taking refuge in Musakhol,

when, driven from his guddee, he made preparations for defend¬

ing himself and his family at this last stronghold with his

handful of troops. But to have a view of the Panchkumar as

well as of the waterfall, we were required to follow the course of

the stream as it leaped down from precipice to precipice till it was

lost amidst the waters of the Man. To descend so great a declivity

was no easy task. We were all obliged not only to doff our shoes,

that we might not miss our footsteps, but also to crawl on all

fours for more than half an hour. In this condition we trudged

on our way to the base of the great waterfall overlooking a height

On several places in Sub-Division Banka»

27

1871.]

of about 60 or 70 feet. A column of water from so great a height

swelled by the water of the preceding smaller waterfalls, must

during the rains present a sight at once picturesque and grand.

We observed some huge pieces of stones torn by it from the side

of the hill and lying about the basin into which the water falls.

Afterwards we proceeded to the brink of the precipice from which

the five virgins are said to have thrown themselves into the chasm

below.

About half a mile west of Panchkumar, stands another hill at

the foot of which are the Kaldaha and Maldaha, two deep basins

of water in the bed of the Man. In the former a mysterious

iron chain is said to hang from the sides of the hill, the ob¬

ject of which is not known. The upper end of this chain is fixed

to the rock, and the lower is supposed to support some thing mys¬

terious, which no strength has yet been able to lift out of the water.

We could not see the chain, as even the upper end is not visible

till the water subsides considerably in March or April.

About half a mile from the Kaldaha, may be seen the river

Haha, as it glides down the hill on which it takes its rise.

This place is well known for a species of fish called ‘Khajur,’

which is said to live almost solely on milk, and is considered

very delicious. The inhabitants in the neighbourhood own large

herds of buffaloes, and as these animals delight in lying in the

water for hours, the Khajur has no difficulty in finding the food

on which it subsists. The fishes are occasionally seen hanging by

the teats of the buffaloes, if the latter happen to rise suddenly from

the water.

When wishing to catch these fishes, the natives drive herds of

buffaloes into the water and then throw a net near them. The

Khajur is not found anywhere else.

II.

On various places situated in Sub- Division Banka , Bhdgalpur .

23 rd August , 1869. — The following legend is related regard¬

ing the origin of Somokhia, a place about six miles north-west

of Banka. The founder of the Ghatwal family of the place,

named Grautam Panday, was employed as astrologer to the

28

On several places in Sub- Division Banlca.

[No. 1,

first Raja of Kharakpur. One clay when the latter was going

to angle, he asked his astrologer to foretell what sport he was to

secure. Gautam answered, “ Your majesty will catch a Titur (a

species of bird) to-day.” The Raja thereupon burst into a laugh,

and in derision showed him his fishing-rod. Gautam, however, full

of confidence in the accuracy of his favourite art, persisted in saying,

he was to catch a Titur and nothing else that day. The Raja went

to his nearest tank, and threw his hook into it, when behold ! the

prey which his angle dragged to shore was not a fish, as he had

taken it be, but a Titur. Pleased and astonished the Raja now

asked Gautam to name a place in his estates, that he might grant

it him as a reward. Gautam consulted the stars, in order to as¬

certain the spot where his family name and glory would never be¬

come extinct, but could find no propitious ground for the purpose,

except some uninhabited jungles. The place, no sooner asked, was

granted, and was called by him 1 Somokheyo,’ imperishable. The

hopes and predictions of the astrologer have, however, been

falsified ; for the glory of his family has now departed with their

possessions.

On my way from Somokhia to Cozhi, I visited the Jhurna,

named after the spring at the foot of the hill, where a great mela,

or fair, is held on the last day of Pus in honour of the goddess

supposed to preside over the spring. The temple was built by

Raja Debai, one of the race of Khetauri, on the rocks overhanging

the spring. It was once situated near the gate of his fort,

and has entirely disappeared ; but the exotic creepers and plants,

still seen around the ruins, attest the care and attention once be¬

stowed upon the temple. A few hundred yards from the spring, I

was shown the place where once stood the palace of the Raja him¬

self. But a few stones and bricks are all that is left to mark the

spot so memorable in connection with a race which appears to have

monopolized the sovereignty of the whole of Bihar just before the

Muhammadan conquest of the country.

Camp Cozhi , 2 Ath August . — On arriving at Cozhi, I inspected

the operation of iron smelting. This was carried on only by

the Kols, neither the Hindus, the Muhammadans, nor the San-

thals taking any part in it from some prejudice or other. The

29

1871.] On several places in Sub -Division Banka.

iron is smelted in an earthen oven of the form of a cylinder,

coal being generally used as fuel. It is curious that the union

of a man and a woman is always considered absolutely neces¬

sary for the operation, the general belief, both among the ini¬

tiated as well as the uninitiated being, that the iron ore would

not melt unless the fire beneath be blown with a pair of bellows

worked by a man with his younger brother’s wife passing her arms

round his waist from behind.

As far as I could judge, the metal was not completely extracted

from the ore by the rude process employed. The ore is dug out

from mines in the jungles.

2 5th August. — I ascended one of the hills of Cozhi, which is

named Phuki in consequence of a large cavity at the top which,

according to some, is the passage by which the Giant Mayebee

fled to the nether world after his overthrow by Baja Bali, and

through which his blood subsequently flowed when killed, as

related in the Ramayana. On ascending, I observed that it was a

horizontal cavity probably hewn out of the solid rock by some recluse

who had retired to it from the world, in order to pass his days

in" contemplation and prayer. The people, of course, spoke of mys~

terious holes existing in it, which had communication with the ne¬

ther world. But the cavity emitted a horrible stench, and was too

dark in some parts to allow of a minute examination. Having,

however, seen the Buddhist caves of Khondgiri in the district of

Puri, I could not resist the conviction that the cavity in the

Phuki hill was an abortive attempt at imitating those wonderful

vaulted halls amounting to some hundreds, each of which, and

sometimes several, have been hewn, without fracture, out of a

single piece of rock.

26 th August. — Visited all the villages comprised within the

circular range of hills which go under the name of Cozlii.

Prom Calcutta to Purl and Sambalpur on one side, and Delhi,

Riirki, and Hardwar, on the other, I have not seen a spot more

romantically situated than Cozhi, surrounded as it is by a ring

of hills which, in the rays of the sun, present the appearance

of an annular eclipse, and bounded as it is on three sides

by a stream gliding at the foot of the hills over a bed of sand. It

30

On several places in Sub-Division Banka.

[No. 1,

appeared rather surprising to me that Raja Debai should, in trouble¬

some times, have fixed his capital outside rather than within this im¬

pregnable natural fortress, which is about ten miles in circuit. The

climate of Cozhi is, however, considered very unhealthy. This

may be the effect of prejudice, as the Hindus have a natural anti¬

pathy to hills and the sea. The highest of the Cozhi hills, named

Bhorom, is inconsistently enough believed to be the ill-fated resi¬

dence of Rama, whence his wife Sita was taken away by Ravana.

The name of the hill, which means 1 error,’ is said to refer to the

circumstance of Rama’s pursuing a counterfeit deer, which caused

the loss of his beloved wife. The trace of a well is all that is to be

seen on the spot connected with the memory of this deified hero.

Panchboti where Sita’s abduction is believed to have taken

place, is situated on the banks of the Godavari near the present

town of Nasik. But the natural proneness of human nature to

associate localities with great names, seems to have led the Hindus

to identify not only Cozhi, but various other places in India with

reminiscences of Rama’s wanderings. At Bhubaneswar near Khond-

giri, the priests show pilgrims the spot where Sita gave birth

to twins, though that honour more properly belongs to Val-

miki’s hermitage near Bitliur. I was shown the footprints of

Rama alike on the marble rocks of the Narbadda near Jabalpur

as well as on the stones buried in the bed of the Mahanaddi near

Sambalpur.

In the boundary line between Cozhi and Kukwara, stands

a Kenclii tree bearing the signatures of all versed in letters who

pass by the way. The bark, it is believed, possesses the singular

virtue of spontaneously tracing the Nagari characters which com¬

pose the name of Rama and of retaining any inscriptions written

on it for ages, the growth of the tree making them ascend higher

and higher from the ground. The tree has given name to the vil¬

lage on the confines of which it is situated. For the village is call¬

ed Likhni Cozhi, — Likhni signifying to write, and Cozhi being

a corruption of Kenclii. It is highly probable that the principal

village, Cozhi, which has given name to the whole mahall and the

long range of hills in it, has derived its own name from a large

number of Kenclii trees which formerly grew there.

On several places in Sub- Division Banka.

31

1871.]

2 5th December. — A mile from Chhetar are the ruins of an

old fort or rather cutchery, where a high. Muhammadan func¬

tionary used to reside for the purpose of collecting rent. His

oppressions, it is said, spread misery far and wide, and even

the zaminclars were subjected to every species of indignity. The

great grandfather of the present zamindar, Teknarayan Singh,

resolved to rid the world of so great a tyrant, waited on him,

of course without arms, and was admitted. As he approached, the

Muhammadan dignitary rose to receive him, and by way of saluta¬

tion extended both his hands which the athletic visitor caught in

his own with so powerful a gripe, that the tyrant was stretched a

corpse on the ground, without even being able to give alarm.

Coming out, he informed the guards at the door of the sudden

death of the functionary, and as they entered the house in confu¬

sion, he beat the great drum and gave the signal for a general

rise against the Muhammadan rule.

29 tli December. — About 6 miles from Bhitia, rise the hills of

Fullidumer, which form a sort of natural fortification around

the village of that name. There is an opening towards the

north, which was formerly fenced by a mud wall. The traces of

this wall have now completely disappeared under the cultiva¬

tor’s plough, but men are still living who saw it almost entire.

Within this impregnable natural fortress, there lived a Khetauri

Baja by name Fath Singh, who is stated to have lived at the

commencement of the British rule. It is said that he waged

a long and obstinate contest for independence ; but at last his

followers were cut off till he had not a single soldier left to

guard his fortress. In this stress he contrived, however, to keep

up the show of a large army by fixing 1200 guns on the mud

wall above-mentioned, and firing them with the aid of his women

and servants. The almost simultaneous discharge of so many guns

from the ramparts of an impregnable fortress kept his enemies at

bay, and also helped to keep the surrounding country in subjec¬

tion. But at last the artifice was discovered, and then he fell with¬

out a struggle.

7 th January , 1870. — At Daopur about seven miles north of

Lachmipur, may be seen the ruins of some buildings regarding

32

On several places in Sub-Division Banka.

[No. 1,

which, the following tradition exists. In the year 965, Fasli,

two brothers, Sinha Bai and Sursi Bai, having been deprived

by their relations of their share of ancestral property, abandon¬

ed their native place of Khurchuta in Hazaribagh, and arriving

at Deogarh, fell in dhurna before the great idol. The oracle

commanded them to travel towards the north, where riches and

prosperity awaited their descendants. They accordingly came

to this Sub-Division, which was then full of jungles, and as the

present thakur of Lachmi'pur traces his genealogy to these bro¬

thers, the prediction of the oracle is believed to have been fulfilled.

Sinha Bai’s son, Banbhim Bai, cleared the forests and founded the

village which is now called Jamdaha ; but it was at the time of his

grandson, Sujun Bai, that the place rose to great importance, and

excited the cupidity of the Baja of Kharakpur. The latter ac¬

cordingly equipped with a large army, and built an outpost at

Daopur. The rapid Chandan*' flowed between the two contend¬

ing parties. Sujun Bai, of course, thought himself no match for

his rival, who had just then established his sovereignty over the

ruins of the states of fifty-two Khetauri Bajas. So he adopted a stra¬

tagem instead of having recourse to open battle. He spread a rumour

to the effect that he had collected a very large army in the jungles,

and in order to confirm this, he caused several thousands of donas

(cups made of sal leaves) to float down the stream with sathu and

dahi sprinkled over each, so as to lead to the impression that the

soldiers had taken their meals on them. The course of the stream

brought these donas below Daopur, and as each dona represented

a soldier, the Baja was led to conclude that he had to deal with

an army much larger than his own. This was not all. Su¬

jun Bai, with the aid of a very powerful horse, leaped unseen over

the Baja’s battlements at night, and having fixed a dart into

the masonry floor where the Baja slept, came away without

taking his enemy’s life which he might easily have done. The

Baj a was not only frightened at these proofs of his antagonist’s skill

and prowess, but was filled with admiration at his magnanimity.

# According to Col. Franklin, the Chandan is the Erannoboas of the Greeks ;

vide his ‘ Inquiry into the site of the ancient Palibothra.’

But vide Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, Yol. I, p. 453. The

Editor.

1871.] On several 'places in Sub-Division Banka. 33

He immediately retreated, and never afterwards disturbed Sujun

in bis possessions.

19 th January. — Nearly a mile from Poir, is an opening be¬

tween two bills called Murtanga, meaning ‘ bead suspended.’

It has derived tbis name from the circumstance of a leader of

the bill men having been executed at the place. His bead was sus¬

pended from a tree as a warning to the savages who used to enter

the country by the pass, and harass the former zamindar of

Poir by incessant incursions. On one of these bills may be seen

a temple containing an emblem of Shiva ; which is supposed

to guard over the destiny of tbis now ill-fated family. The em¬

blem itself is said to have undergone various vicissitudes of fortune.

Por some time it was the property of an oilman, who used it as a

weight for selling oil during the day, and as a press over bis wares

during the night. Not well pleased with the duty it bad to per¬

form, it appeared to the great grandfather of the present zamindar

of Poir in a dream, and representing its distress, wanted to be

adored and fed with offerings. The dreamer at first built a temple

for it in the plains ; but as if elated with too sudden prosperity, or

afraid of being reduced to its former condition, it demanded to be

located in a temple on the hill. So the present temple was built.

20 th January. — At Kurmahat, there is a very old brick building,

the walls of which only are standing. A very good pucka road

leads from it to some other buildings which are now entirely in ruins.

These buildings are generally said to be hunting villas of Shah

Sliuja’, and are therefore called Shikargah by the learned ; but ac¬

cording to the popular belief, they rose up in one night as if

by enchantment, and were used by an emperor whom they call

Pumshah.

There is a very old well at Poir which is also attributed to the

same emperor.

>/\r\/wv

a

34

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

The Country of Braj. — By E. S. Growse, Esq., M. A., C. 8.

’Whatever the changes in the national religion, the city of Ma¬

thura has continued from remotest antiquity the chosen centre of

Hindu devotion. When Buddhism prevailed throughout India,

the votaries of Sakya Muni were drawn from the far distant realm

of China to visit its sacred shrines ; and when the temples of Bud¬

dha were swept away by the torrent of Pauranik Brahmanism, the

desecrated sites were speedily occupied by the new order of divi¬

nities. Though the city was plundered of all its accumulated

wealth by the very first of the great Muhammadan invaders, the

sacred edifices themselves survived, and for a period of 700 years

continued to be enriched with successive donations, till Aurangzeb,

the last and most fanatical of the Delhi emperors, razed every stone

to the ground, built mosques with the materials, and abolished the,

very name of the city, changing it from Mathura to Islamabad.

But the humiliation was of short continuance ; after the death of

Aurangzeb and the virtual extinction of the empire, first ensued a

period of anarchy in which neither Hindu nor Musalman had the

power to crush his neighbour, and then the tolerant sway of Great

Britain, under which both are equally protected. Thus in the pre¬

sent day, after the lapse of a century and half from the period of its

utter ruin, though the temples have lost the charm of antiquity,

nor can boast the enormous wealth which they enjoyed in the days

of the great Indo-Scythian sovereigns, Kanislika and Huvishka

and their successors till the invasion of Mahmud, yet the holy city &

has no lack of stately buildings, with which, as described of old in the

Harivansa, it rises beautiful as the crescent moon over the dark

stream of the Jamuna.*

No ancient authorities state in precise phrase the origin of the

name ‘ Mathura but as the district has always been celebrated for

its wide extent of pasture land and many herds of cattle, it is more

than probable that the word is connected with the Sanskrit root

* Harivansa, 3100.

\9

1871.]

The Country of Braj.

35

math , 1 to churn.’*' In support of this theory, it may be observed that

many places in the district unmistakeably derive their names from

similar terms of rural life. For example, Gokul means originally

* a herd of kine Gobardhan, ‘ a rearer of kine and Balkan, the

name of two extensive villages near the town of Kosi, i a cattle-

pen.’ Thus too Mat, on the bank of the Jainuna opposite Brinda-

ban, is so called from mat , ‘ a milk pail and Dadhiganw, contract¬

ed into Dahganw, in the Kosi Pargana, from dadhi , ‘ curds.’

Native scholars would probably prefer to see in Mathura an allu¬

sion to Madhu-mathan, a title of Krishna, implying the destroyer

of Madhu, the demon on the site of whose stronghold the city was

first founded, and from whom it is sometimes called Madhupuri ;

but this legend, there can be little doubt, is of later date than the

local name.

According to Hindu topography, the town forms the centre

of a circuit of 84 /cos, called the circle of Braj or Braj-man-

dal. This word Braj also means in the first instance ‘ a herd ;’ the

noun being derived from the root vraj, 1 to go,’ and acquiring its

signification from the fact that cattle are always on the move and

never can remain long on one pasture-ground. For a similar rea¬

son the pastoral tribe of Ahirs, originally abhirs, take their name

from the root vr , £to go,’ with the prefix dbhi , ‘ about.’ Hence it

arises that in the earliest authorities for Krishna’s adventures botii

Yraja and Gokula are used to denote not the definite localities now

bearing those names, but any chance spot temporarily used for

stalling cattle : inattention to this archaism has led to some confu¬

sion in assigning sites to the various legends.

* Thus in all descriptions of the local scenery the churn forms a prominent

feature, as for example in the Iiarivansa, 3395.

** A fine country of many pasture lands and well nurtured people, full of ropes

for tethering cattle, resonant with the voice of the sputtering churn, and

abounding in oceans of curds ; where the soil is ever moist with ‘the froth of

milk, and the stick with its circling cord sputters merrily in the milk pail, as the

girls spin it round.” And again in section 73 of the same poem ^

“in homesteads gladdened by the sputtering churn.”

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

6

It is probable that if an accurate measurement were made, 84

Jcos would be found a very rough approximation, more or less, to

the actual distance traversed by the pilgrims in performing the

Pari-krama, or Perambulation of Braj. In ancient Indian terri¬

torial divisions, a chaurasi, or group of 84 villages, occurs as fre¬

quently as a hundred in English counties. The same number, as

has been most elaborately demonstrated by Sir Henry Elliot in his

Supplementary Glossary, enters largely into every cycle of Hindu

legend and cosmogony. There can be no doubt that it was ori¬

ginally selected for such general adoption as being the multiple of

the number of months in the year with the number of days in the

week. It is therefore peculiarly appropriate in connection with

the Braj Mandal, if Krishna, in whose honour the perambulation

is performed, be regarded as the Indian Apollo, or sun-god.

The first aspect of the country is a little disappointing to the

✓

student of Sanskrit literature, whom the glowing eulogiums of the

poets have led to anticipate a second vale of Tempe. The soil, be¬

ing poor and thin, is unfavourable to the growth of most large

forest trees : the mango and sliisham, the glory of the lower Duab

are conspicuously absent, their place being most inadequately sup¬

plied by the nim, faras, and various species of the fig tribe. Eor

the same reason the dust in any ordinary weather is deep on all

the thoroughfares, and if the slightest air is stirring, rises in a

dense cloud and veils the whole landscape in an impenetrable haze.

The Jamuna, the one great river of Braj, during eight months of

the year meanders slowly a mere rivulet between wide expanses of

sand, bounded by monotonous flats of arable land, or high banks

cracked and broken by the rapidly expended force of contributory

torrents into ugly chasms and stony ravines naked of all vegeta¬

tion. As the limits of Braj from north to south on one side are

defined by the high lands across the J amuna, so are they on the

other side by the hill range of Bharatpur, but there are few peaks

of conspicuous height and the general outline is tame and unim¬

pressive. The villages, though large, are meanly built, and betray

the untidiness characteristic of Jats and Giijars, the chief proprie¬

tary classes. From a distance they are often picturesque, being

built on the slope of natural or artificial mounds, and thus gain

1871.]

The Country of JBraj.

37

dignity by elevation. But on nearer approach they are found to

consist of labyrinths of the narrowest lanes winding between the

mud walls of large enclosures, which are rather cattle yards than

houses. At the base of the hill is ordinarily a broad circle of waste

land, studded with low trees and hard bushes, which afford grate¬

ful shade and pasturage for the herds ; while the large pond, from

which the earth was dug to construct the village site, supplies them

throughout the year with water. At sunrise and sunset the

thoroughfares are all but impassable, as the straggling herds of

oxen and buffaloes leave and return to the homestead ; for in the

straitened precincts of an ordinary village are stalled every night

from 500 or 600 to 1000 head of cattle, at least equalling,

often outnumbering, the human population. The general poverty

of the district forms the motif of a popular Hindi couplet, in which

Krishna’s neglect to enrich the land of his birth with any choicer

product than the karfl or wild caper is cited as an illustration of

his wilfulness. The lines may be thus done into English :

Krishna, you see, will never lose his wayward whims and vapours ;

For Kabul teems with luscious fruit, while Braj boasts only capers.

However, in the rains, at which season of the year all pilgrimages

are made, the J amuna is a mighty stream, a mile or more broad ;

its many contributory torrents and all the ponds and lakes with

which the district abounds are filled to overflowing ; the hill side

is clothed with the foliage of the dho trees, the dusty plain is trans¬

formed into a green sward, and the smiling prospect goes far to

justify the warmest panegyrics of the Hindu poets, whose appre¬

ciation of the scenery, it must be remembered, has been further

intensified by religious enthusiasm. Even at all seasons of the

year, the landscape has a quiet charm of its own ; a sudden turn in

the winding lane reveals a grassy knoll with stone-built well and

overhanging pipal ; or some sacred grove with dense thicket of

prickly her and weird pilo trees with clusters of tiny berries and

strangely gnarled and twisted trunks, entangled in a creeping

undergrowth of hms and chhonkar and karfl ; and in the centre

bordered with flowering oleander and niwara, a still, cool lake with

modest shrine and well-fenced bush of tulsi on the raised terrace,

from which a broad flight of steps, gift of some thankful pilgrim

38

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

from afar, leads down to the water’s edge. The most pleasing

architectural works in the district are the large masonry tanks ;

these are very numerous and all display excellent taste in design

and skill in execution. The temples, though in some instances of

considerable size, are all, excepting those in the three large towns,

utterly devoid of artistic merit.

It is only in a very loose and ideal sense that Mathura can be

regarded as the centre of the circle ; since it is but 10 miles distant

from the most southern point, Baldeva, and some 30 from the nor¬

thern extremity, Kotban. This fact gives colour to a theory, which

Elliot mentions under the word 1 chaurasi,’ and supports by reference

to what he calls a trite Hindi couplet, that in earlier times the coun¬

try of Braj was of much wider extent. The boundaries therein speci¬

fied are Bar, Son, and the village of Surasen, which latter is taken to

mean Batesar*4 on the Jamuna below Agra, which is still a place

of pilgrimage and scene of a large fair on the full moon of Kartik.

But it is certain that all the recognized sacred sites are included

within the modern limits of the parikrama ; and whatever may be

the authority of the lines quoted, they are not familiar in the pre¬

sent day to any of the local pandits ; nor can they be of any great

antiquity, since they contain the Persian word ‘ hadd .’ In the

Varaha Purana, the Mathura- Mandal is described as 20 yojanas in

extent. Taking the yojana as 7 miles, and the kos as If- mile,

20 yojanas would be about equal to 84 kos. It is said that the

greater perambulation is occasionally performed by the more devout

and occupies a period of two months, while the smaller circuit is

completed in half that time. But the fact in itself is questionable,

and in any case it is only the shorter route, now to be described,

which can claim attention as a popular devotion.

The perambulation commences in Bhadon (August — September,)

on account of the anniversary of Krishna’s birth being celebrated

in that month. The number of sacred places,! woods, groves, ponds,

wells, hills, and temples — all to be visited in fixed order is very

considerable ; but the 12 Bans or woods, and 24 groves or Upabans,

* It might mean the town of Mathura itself, king Ugrasen being sometimes

styled Surasen.

t There are said to be 5 hills, 11 rocks, 4 lakes, 84 ponds, and 12 wells.

1871.']

The Country of Braj.

89

are the characteristic feature of the pilgrimage, which is thence

popularly called the ‘ Ban-jatra.’ The numbers 12 and 24 have been

arbitrarily selected on account of their mystic significance, and

probably few Hindu ritualists, if asked off-hand to enumerate the

24 Upabans, would agree precisely in the specification. The fol¬

lowing list is taken from a Hindi Directory for the use of pilgrims,

which may be considered the standard authority on the subject,

and is no doubt published permissu superior um.

The 12 Bans : Madlm-ban ; Talban ; Kumud-ban ; Bahula-ban ;

Kam-ban ; Khadira-ban ; Brinda-ban ; Bhadra-ban ; Bhandir-ban ;

B el-ban ; Loh-ban, and Mali a -ban.

The 24 Upabans : Gokul, Gobardhan, Barsana, Nandganw, San-

ket, Parimadra, Aring, Sessai, Mat, Unchaganw, Kli el-ban, Sri-

kund,'* Gandharv-ban, Parasoli, Bilchu, Bachh-ban, A'di-badri, Ka-

rahla, Ajnokh, Pisayo, Kokila-ban, Dadhiganw, Kot-ban, and

Kaval.f

This list bears internal evidence of antiquity in its want of close

correspondence with existing facts ; since some of the places, though

retaining their traditionary repute, have now nothing that can be

dignified with the name either of wood or grove, while others are

known only by the villagers in the immediate neighbourhood and

have been supplanted in popular estimation by rival sites of more

easy access or greater natural attractions. Starting from Mathura

the pilgrims make their first halt at the village of Maholi, where

they visit Madhu-ban, the fabled stronghold of the giant Madhu.J

They then turn south to Talban in the village of Tarsi, where Bala-

ram vanquished the demon Dhenuk, and recovering the original

line of march at Bati, pay their respects to Kumud-ban and Bahu¬

la-ban. § Next passing through the villages of Tosh, Jakhin-ganw,

and Mukhrai, they arrive at Badlia-kund with the two sacred pools

* Srfkund, i. e. Holy-well, is another name for Radha-kund.

■f The twelve Bans are connected with Pauranik legends, and are all men¬

tioned by name in the Mathura Maliatmya. The 24 Upabans refer mainly to

Radha’s adventures, and have no ancient authority whatever. Gobardhan,

the one exception, is as much a centre of sanctity as Mathura itself, and though

for the sake of uniformity it is now included in the list of Upabans, it is never

strictly so regarded.

X Madhu-Sudan, i. e. the destroyer of Madhu, is one of Krishna’s favorite

titles : the reason is not very obvious, since all authorities agree that Madhu

was dead some generations before Krishna took birth.

§ Bati would appear to be a contraction of Bahula-vati.

JO

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

prepared for Krishna’s expiatory ablution after he had slain the

bull Arishta. At midnight, on the 8 th day of the dark fortnight of

the month Kartik, the spirits of all the holy places in India renew

their visit to this auspicious spot ; and every devout Hindu who at

that particular time takes a plunge beneath the wave, is washed

clean from every sin, and acquires the same amount of merit as if

he had made a separate pilgrimage to each of the assembled divi¬

nities at his own special locality. The town which has arisen on

the margin of these two famous lakes, is of considerable extent,

and is crowded with religious edifices, the pious foundations of

princes and pilgrims from the most remote parts of India. One

temple in particular may be mentioned as erected by the Baja of

Manipur, from the far east of Bengal. The two lakes are parted only

by a broad stone terrace, and are both faced on all four sides with

long, unbroken flights of steps of the same material. Ordinarily

the water is so abundant that it washes nearly the highest tier, be¬

ing supplied by the natural drainage of a wide extent of woodland,

locally called ‘ the Ghana and the charm of the broad and brim¬

ming basin is much enhanced by the unusual care that is taken to

preserve it free from all pollution. Till the beginning of this cen¬

tury, the two reservoirs were simply as nature had designed them ;

the present stone ghats were completed in the year 1817, at the sole

cost of Lala Babu, a native of Calcutta, but proprietor of large landed

estates in the neighbourhood both of Mathura and Anupshahr.

The whole quarter of the town in the immediate vicinity of the

lakes is occupied exclusively by a colony of Bengalis.

On the borders of the parish of Kadha-kund is Kusum-saro-

var, or ‘ the flowery lake,’ a magnificent sheet of water, 460 feet

square, with broad flights of stone steps broken up on each side

by projecting arcades of elegant design into one wide central and

four smaller lateral ghats. A lofty terrace runs the whole length

of the east side, having its front relieved with two-storied kiosques

and alcoves of varied outline, and bears the stately tombs of Suraj-

mal, the founder of the present Bliaratpur dynasty and his two

queens, Hansiya* and Kishori. From this point rough fragments

* Hans-ganj, on tlie bank of the Jarnuna immediately opposite Mathura, was

founded by this Itanij in consequence of a diversion of the road wliicli once

1871.]

The Country of JBraj.

41

of rock crop up above tlie surface of tbe soil, and form the begin¬

ning of the celebrated range of Gobardhan, Giri-raj or the Royal

Hill, as it is generally styled. About the centre of the line stands

the town of Gobardhan, clustering round a vast irregularly shaped

tank, called the Manasi Ganga. Here a great fair, known as the

Dfpdan, or * Offering of Lamps,’ is held every year on the festival of

the Divalf, about the beginning of the cold season, and is frequent¬

ly attended by as many as 1 00,000 visitors. On the bank stand

two sumptuous monuments in memory of two of the late Rajas of

Bharatpur ; and from a rising ground opposite frowns the ancient

temple of Harideva, the most solemn and imposing, save one, of all

the religious buildings in Upper India. The pilgrims visit in

order all the sacred sites in the neighbourhood ; the village of

Basai, where the two divine children with their foster-parents once

came and ‘ dwelt’ (basde) ; the grove of Anng ; Madhuri-kund ; Mor-

ban, the haunt of the peacock, and Chandra- sarovar, i. e. the moon-

lake, where Brahma joining with the Gopis in the mystic dance

was so enraptured with delight, that all unconscious of the fleeting

hours he allowed the single night to extend over a period of six

months. After a visit to Paitho, where the people of Braj 1 came

in’ ( paitha ) to take shelter from the storms of Indra under the up¬

lifted range, they pass along the heights of Gobardhan to Anyor,

‘ the other end,’ and so by many sacred rocks, as Sugandhi sila,

Sinduri Sila and Sundar Sila with its temple of Gobardlian-nath, to

Gopalpur, Bilchu, and Gantholi, where the marriage ‘ knot’ ( gdnth )

was tied that confirmed the union of Radha and Krishna. Then

following the Bharatpur frontier, they arrive at the famous Kam-

ban, with the Luk-luk cave where the boys played blind-man’s-

buff, and Aghasur’s cave where the demon of that name was

destroyed, and leaving Kanwaroganw enter again upon British

territory near the village of Unchaganw with its richly endowed 1

temple of Baldeva. Close by is Barsana, where Radha was brought

up by her parents Brikhbhan and Kfrat, with Dohanikund near

Chiksauli, where as Jasoda was cleansing her ‘ milk-pail’ (dohani)

she first saw the youthful pair together and vowed that one day

passed through it, it is now that most melancholy of all spectacles, a modern,

ruin.

6

42

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

they should he husband and wife ; Prem-sarovar, or Love lake, where

tirst the amorous tale was told, and Sankari Khor, the narrow pass

between the hills, where Krishna lay in ambush and levied his toll

of milk on the Gopis as they came in from Gahvarban, ‘ the thick

forest’ beyond. Next are visited Sanket ; Bithora, home of Chan-

dravali, Badha’s faithful attendant ; and Nand-ganw, long the abode

of Nanda and Jasoda, with the great lake Pan-sarovar, at the foot

of the hill, where Krishna morning and evening drove his foster-

father’s cattle to 1 water’ (pan). Next in order come the villages of

Karahla ; Kamai,*' where one of Badha’s humble friends was

honored by a visit from her lord and mistress in the course of

their rambles ; Ajnokh,f where Krishna pencilled his lady’s eye¬

brow with anjan , as she reclined in careless mood on the green

sward ; and Pisayo, where she found him fainting with ‘ thirst’

(piycts)\ and revived him with a draught of water. Then, still

bearing due north, the pilgrims come to Kkadira-ban in Khaira ;

Kumar-ban and Javak-ban in Jao, where Krishna tinged his lady’s

feet with the red Javak dye ; and Kokila-ban, ever musical with the

voice of the cuckoo ; and so arrive at the foot of Charan Pahar in

Little Bathan, where Indra descended from heaven on his elephant

Airavati, and did homage to the lord of Braj, as to this day is at¬

tested by the prints of the divine feet (charan) impressed upon the

rock. They then pass on through Dadliiganw, where Krishna

stayed behind to divert himself with the village girls, having sent

Bakieva on ahead with the cows to Bathan, and so reach Kot,ban,§

the northernmost point of the perambulation.

The first village on the homeward route is Sessai (Sesha’s couch),

where Krishna revealed his divinity by assuming the emblems of

Narayan, and reclining under the canopjdng heads of the great

serpent Sesha, into whose form Baldeva had transfigured himself;

* Tliis simple name f Kamai ’ is distorted on the Government map into the

unpronounceable form Kowyeen ! Khayra also appears as Khaeeruh.

t Ajnokh, or in its fuller form Ajnokhari, is a contraction for Anjan pokha-

ri, the Anjan lake. So Kusum Sarovar is sometimes called Kusumokhar.

% The connection of Pisayo with piyas is rather far-fetched. But most of

the other derivations are equally unscientific. They are quoted not for their

philological value, but as shewing how thoroughly the whole country side is

impregnated with the legends of Krishna, "where some allusion to him is detect¬

ed in the name of every village.

§ As Tarsi derives its name from Talban, so it would seem, the town of Kosi

from Kotban.

1871.]

The Country of Bray.

43

but the vision was all too high a mystery for the herdsmen’s simple

daughters, who begged the two boys to doff such fantastic guise

and once more as they were wont join them in the sprightly

dance. Then reaching the Jamuna at Khelban by Shergarh, where

Krishna’s temples were decked with the marriage wreath ( se -

Tiara),* they follow the course of the river by Chir Grhat, where

the frolicsome god stole the bathers’ clothes, and arrive at Nand-

ghat. Here Nanda bathing one night was carried off by the

myrmidons of the sea-god Yaruna, who had long been lying in

wait for this very purpose, since their master knew that Krishna

would at once follow to recover his foster-father, and thus the

depths of ocean, too, no less than earth would be gladdened with the

vision of the incarnate deity. The adjoining village of Bhayganwf

derives its name from the ‘ terror’ ( bhay ) that ensued on the news

of Nanda’ s disappearance. The pilgrims next pass through Baclih-

ban, where the demon Bachhasur was slain ; the two villao’es of

Basai, where the Gropis were first ‘ subdued’ {based) by the power

of love ; Atas, Nari-Semri,J Satikra, and Akrur, where Kansa’s per¬

fidious invitation to the contest of arms was received ; and lastly

Bhatroncl,§ where one day when the two boys’ stock of provisions

had run short, some Brahman’s wives supplied their wants ; though

the husbands, to whom application was first made, had churlishly

refused ; and so arrive at Brindaban, where many a sacred ghat and

venerable shrine claim devout attention.

The pilgrims then cross the river and visit the tangled thickets

of Bel-ban|| in Jahangirpiir; the town of Mat with the adjoining

woods of Bhandir- ban and Bhadra-ban, where the son of Boliini

# This is a curious specimen of perverted etymology illustrating the persis¬

tency with which Hindus and Muhammadans each go their own way, and

ignore each other’s existence. There can be no doubt that the town derives its

name from a large fort, of which the ruins still remain, built by Sher Shall,

Emperor of Delhi from 1540 to 1545, A.D.

f This village is more ordinarily and perhaps more correctly written and

pronounced Bbauganw.

J A large fair called the Nan Durga is held at the village of N'ari Semri dur¬

ing the dark fortnight of Chait, the commencement of the Hindu year. The

same festival is also celebrated at Sanchauli in the Kosi Parganah and at Nagar-

kot in Gurgaon.

§ To commemorate this event, a fair called the Bhat-mela, is held at Bhat-

rond in the month of Kartik. «

|| Balbhadra, ‘ the strong and good,’ ayio'i l(rxvP°s, is an alternative name lor

Balaram.

44

The Country of Braj.

[No. 1,

first received liis distinctive title of Balarama, i. e. Bama the strong,

in consequence of the prowess he had displayed in vanquishing the

demon Pralamba ; Dangoli, where Krishna dropt his ‘ staff,’ ( dang )

and the fair lake of Man-sarovar, scene of a passing lovers’ ‘ quar¬

rel’ (man). Then follow the villages, of Piparoli, with its broad-

spreading pipal trees ; Loh-ban, perpetuating the defeat of the de¬

mon Lohasur ; Gopalpur, favourite station of the herdsmen ; and

Baval, where Badha was born and passed the first }rears of infancy

before her parents went to live at Barsana. Next comes Burliiya

ka khera, home of the old dame whose son had taken in marriage

Badha’s friend Manvati. The fickle Krishna saw and loved, and

in order to gratify his passion undisturbed, assumed the husband’s

form. The unsuspecting bride received him fondly to her arms,

while the good mother was enjoined to keep close watch below, and

if any one came to the door pretending to be her son, by no means

to open to him but rather, if he persisted, pelt him with brick-bats

till he ran away. So the honest man lost his wife, and got his

head broken into the bargain. After leaving the scene of this

merry jest, the pilgrims pass on to Bandiganw, name commemora¬

tive of Jasoda’s two faithful domestics, Bandi and Anancli, and ar¬

rive at Baldeva, with its wealthy temple dedicated in honour of

that divinity and his spouse Bevati. Then beyond the village of

Hathora are the two river fords, Chintaharan, ‘ the dispeller of

doubt,’ and Brahmanda, 1 creation’ Gliat. Here the child Krish¬

na’s playmates came running to tell Jasoda that he had been stuff¬

ing his mouth with clay ; but when she took up a stick to punish

him, he opened his mouth to prove the story false, and shewed her

there the whole terrestrial globe, with all its seas and continents

distinct, within the compass of bis baby cheeks. Close by is the

town of Mah&ban, famous for many incidents in Krishna’s infancy,

where he was rocked in the cradle, and received his name from the

great pandit Garg, and where he did to death Putana and the

other evil spirits whom Kausa had commissioned to destroy him.

At Gokul on the river bank are innumerable shrines and temples

dedicated to the god under some one or other of his favourite titles,

as Bitthalnath, Madan Mohan, Madhav Bae, Kalyan Bae, Gokul-

nath, Nava-nil-priya and Divaraka-nath, and when all have been

1871.]

The Country of J3raj.

45

duly honoured with a visit, the weary pilgrims finally recross the

stream, and sit down to rest at the point from which they started,

the Yisrant Ghat, the holiest place in the holy city of Mathura.

As shewn in the above narrative, many of the incidents to

which the attention of the pilgrims is directed in the course

of the perambulation refer to Krishna’s amours with Padha,

and accordingly have no place in the original Pauranik le¬

gends, where Padha is barely mentioned even by name. It

would seem that the earliest literary authority for these popular

interpolations is no Sanskrit work whatever, but a Hindi poem,

entitled the Braj Bilas, written by one Brajbasi Das, so recently as

the middle of last century A* He represents his work as derived

from the Puranas, which except in the main outlines it certainly

is not ; and as he mentions no other source of information, it may

be presumed that he had none beyond his own invention and some

floating local traditions which he was the first to reduce into a

connected series. A striking illustration of the essentially modern

character of orthodox Hinduism, despite its persistent claim to

rigid inflexibility and immemorial prescription.

# The precise date, Sambat 1800, or 1743 A. D., is given in the following

line — * Sambat subh puran sat jano <T IJSf '5TTWT.

46

[No. 1,

An Introduction to the Mundari Language. — Bg Babu Bakhal Das

Haldar, M. A. S., Special Commissioner under the Chota-Nagpore

Land Tenure's Act.

The Mundari is a dialect of the language which was at one

time universally spoken by the aboriginal inhabitants* of the

plains of Bengal, but has since been superseded by the language

of the Hindus, when the latter occupied the country centuries

ago. That aboriginal tongue is now to be met with in the

western highlands comprising Birbhum, Manbhum, Singhbhum,

the Cliutia Nagpur territories, and some parts of Central India,

and is in its various forms known as Santali, Ho, Mundari, Korwa,

Kuri, &c. ; and traces of it may be found in the dialects of some

hill peoples in Nepal, Bhutan, Asam, and Burma. In the modern

Bengali, also, some aboriginal words may still be detected. The

great dialectical differences in the old language had doubtless

arisen from the fact that it was only spoken, -and never written, by

a primitive people spread over an extensive area of country, a people

whose mutual communications could not have been of a frequent

nature. What the original name of the language was, is uncertain.

The name ‘ Mundari’f is applied to the dialect used by a considera¬

ble portion of the inhabitants of the Chutia-Nagpur plateau.

The Mundari people being extremely deficient in abstract ideas,

have freely drawn terms from the Hindi. Some words J have

evidently been adopted in recent times, though it is remarkable

that some Sanscrit words in their primitive forms are also to be

met with in the Mundari.

It is not without much diffidence that I submit the following

Vocabulary for publication in the Asiatic Society’s Journal. It is

a first attempt, and as such cannot, I fear, be faultless. If oppor¬

tunity permit, I shall be able to collect the various forms of the

same words current in different parts of the country, and also to

* Very probably a branch of Prichard’s Tiirdnian race, called by Latham

* Mongolidae.’ The remarkable characteristic of the Turanian languages, noticed

by Max Muller, occurs in the Mundari, viz. the root is never obscured.

f ‘ Horo’ is the name applied by the Mu n das to their own race and dialect.

I Take, for instance, £ Jahir, or Jaer Bucli,’ applied to the tutelary goddess

of a village, called in real Mundari, £ Lutkum Budi,’ £ Jahir or Jaer’ seems to be

derived from jAlJi manifest.

1871.]

An Introduction to the Mundarl Language.

47

supply a collection of dialogues, and tales, besides outlines of a

Mundarl grammar.

The final d, g, and /, in Italics, used in the following Vocabulary

are silent. I is equivalent to Sanscrit The comma placed above

the line after a vowed denotes the half of that vowel sound. The

words in Bengali within parentheses are supposed to be common

derivatives with the Mundarl from an aboriginal language. Words

with (S) affixed are directly traceable to Sanskrit, and those with

an (H) are adopted from the modern Hindus, whether such words

be of Hindi, Persian, or Arabic origin. I have to add that the

words in Italics are provincial variations, or synonyms.

(I.) Vocabulary, English and Mundarl.

A

Air, ho'io.

Afternoon, tara-singi.

Arm, supu.

Armpit, gutib

Ant, muin.

Adze, kisla, basilct.

Arrow, sar (S), mail.

Antelope, badu.

Amphisboena, sunum-bing.

Ass, gadha (S).

Aunt, hatom, kaki (H),mausi (S).

Abdomen, la’i.

Advice, mantar (S'), rojot.

Affection, pirit (S).

Affray, rupu’, ddpdl, optd.

Age, umar (H).

Agreement, mi’dgatha.

Aid, denga,

Alarm, boro.

Ale, ill, handia (H.)

Alley, hora.

Agent, badla (H).

Anger, khis (H ?).

Army, phaud (H).

Art, badui. (H ?).

Answer, kaji-ruara.

Ashes, torej, toro'i.

Axe, hake.

Anus, ijundu.

Alone, eskar.

Angry, khis-ha.

Awake, eon.

Avoid, bage.

Ascend, rakab.

Advance, afar-te-sen.

Ask, kuli.

Admit, bolo rika.

Acid, jojo.

All, soben (S).

Able, dliari (vrtf^), ddri.

Ashamed, giu.

Arise, birid.

Arrive, seter, tebci.

Argue, epegir, eprdng.

After, taiomte.

Again, ado (^W), odo.

Always, nit (S ))jctnao.

48

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

[No. 1,

Among, talamala, taldre.

And, ado (^stT^-)., odo.

Alas, Mire ! oli !

B

Back, doi'a, den.

Bag, mota (c*TTT>), thaild.

Bail, jamin (H).

Bait, cliara (El|T).

Balance, tula (S).

Bar, hurka (c^gsi).

Barber, naua (H).

Bark, liarta’, bakla (S).

Barrier, tenekad, kesed.

Base, suba.

Bat, bhadur (H), hapu.

Battle, larai (H).

Bear, budi, bir-mindi, band.

Beard, gucbu.

Beast, pasu (S).

Bed, bil.

Bee, hurum snku.

Beggar, koe.

Benefit, napba (H).

Bird, ore, chehreh.

Beginning, enete, ete.

Birth, undub, janam (S).

Blood, ma'iom.

Boar, bir sukri.

Boat, nauka (S).

Body, hormo.

Bone, jang.

Boundary, siman (S). si an.

Bowl, chuka.

Box, sanduk (H).

Boj^, kora.

Brain, hatang.

Brass, pital (H).

Bribe, ghus (H).

Breast, kuram.

Breakfast, kalwa, sidd-jom.

Breath, saiad.

Breach, dika.

Bride, kuri.

Bridegroom, kora.

Brother, haga.

Brow, me’dkandom.

Bud, moe.

Bufialoe, keda.

Building, pakka ora.

Burden, barom (S).

Business, kami (S).

Butter, gotom (S).

Butterfly, pamplad.

Branch, koto.

Barley, jao (S), nili.

Bridge, pul (H).

Brick, ita (H).

Book, kitab (H).

Bread, lad , holong.

Basket, tunki, baugi, tupa.

Bush, patra (S).

Bow, a’sar (8).

Blow, ghusa (H) thugri.

Burglary, bogoj.

Bachelor, dinda.

Blacksmith, badai.

Backbone, sinduri-jang.

Belly, lai.

Bowels, joroi pota, danapota.

Blind, andha (8).

Badger, usa band.

Bellows, chapua.

Battle-axe, kapi.

Bracelet, sakom.

1871.]

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

49

Bedstead, parkom.

Beam, kandi.

Bug, maji, ormoi.

Bellmetal, kansa (S).

Besom, jonob

Bamboo, mad.

Blow, ong.

Bring, au, agu.

Begin, ete/.

Bite, lakob, hud.

Believe, patiar (3).

Boil, tiki, isini.

Beg, asi (S ?).

Burn, atar, uriib ; lo.

Bury, topa.

Buy, kiring (S).

Beat, ru, dal.

Bake, tarsang, tersang.

Bathe, rear , umen.

Be, hoba. (S ?).

Bear, go’.

Bewitch, najomka; (Id).

Bind, tole.

Blame, dos-lagao (H).

Boil, purid.

Break, ^^',*choej.

Breathe, salad.

Broad, chakar.

Blunt, bora, bokha.

Boiling, purid.

Broken, thoy, tota (H).

Blue, lila (S).

Black, hende.

Bitter, heben, moroia, hdrdd.

Bad, eiykan, ethan.

By, te.

Before, sida, manang.

7

Before, aiarre.

Behind, do'iapara.

Because, chiachi.

Begone ! juh !

Behold ! ne’lme !

C

Cake, lad, holong, pithan (S).

Calf, chui.

Camel, unt (S).

Canoe, donga ■).

Cap, tupri (H).

Captive, tolakainig.

Carriage, bagi (Eng),

gari (H).

sagri (S).

Care, husiari (H).

Castle, g^ (H).

Cat, pusi.

Cave, lata.

Chain, sinkri (S).

Cheek, joa.

Choice, pasandi (H).

City, nagar (S).

Claim, dawa (H).

Clod, delka (Cv?^1).

Cloth, lija, kichri.

Coin, taka (S).

Color, ranga (S).

. Comb, naki.

Commerce, pherwai(H), bepar(S).

Community, jama (II).

Companion, sangi (S).

Cost, gonong.

Cottage, kuria (^l%?1).

Country, cles (S).

muluk (H).

Craft, udam (8).

50 An Introduction to the Munddri Language .

Credit, patiar (S).

Crest, don-cliorod.

Crop, barkati.

Crow, kau.

Culprit, dokhi (S).

Cultivator, kisan (S).

Cup, dakna.

Custom, rit (S).

Child, hon.

Cucumber, ta’iar.

Copper, tamba (S).

Cow, gau. (S).

Chin, kiwa.

Court, kurti.

Cotton, tulam, ka’som (S).

Corner, kocha.

Cloud, rimil.

Corpse, goi/-morod.

Chalk, kharihasa.

Candle, sarita (^f^RSTl).

Current, dhara (S).

Cowherd, mahra.

Clay, hasa.

Cubit, muka.

Cholera, oba.

Creeper, nani.

Chisel, ruka.

Crowbar, sabar

Conch, sakwa (S).

Courtyard, racha.

Cormorant, da ’kau.

Crocodile, taian.

Chamelion, rakar kamba^.

Cophia, poga jara.

Crab, kat kom.

Cricket, tete.

Caterpillar, jepender.

Cocoanut, nariar (H).

Cocoon, lumang.

Cock, sim.

Claws, rumpa.

Cut, ma’, had, ir.

Come, liiju.

Call, kerai, hakao (H).

Care, khabargiri (H).

Catch, sabe.

Cavil, thathao (H).

Carry, sabidi.

Cherish, asul.

Cheat, bedao.

Climb, dei/.

Cost, gonong*.

Covet, lobai (S).

Conceal, ukui.

Copulate, jokoi (S).

Correct, bairuare.

Count, lekai.

Cry, ra.

Collect, huncli.

Crouch, oboraun.

Conquer, jitao (S).

Choose, pasand (II).

Cover, harub.

Cook, mandi.

Cold, rabang.

tutkun.

rear.

Cough, khakhar.

Clean, pharchi (II).

Cool, tutkun.

Cheap, sasta (H).

Clever, chatur (S).

Coarse, mot (H).

Crooked, terha (H).

[No. 1,

An Introduction to the Munddri Language .

51

1871.]

Crooked, benka (S).

Certain, thik (H).

Clear, pharclii (H).

D

Dance, susun.

Date, din (S)*

Dawn, seta’.

Day, singi.

Death, gogoi/

Debt, rini (S'),

Descendant, nati nutkur.

Defeat, harao (H).

Delay, bilam (S).

Destiny, kapar (S).

Devil, bonga.

Diarrhoea, lai/dul.

Dirt, humu.

Disease, hasu.

Dish, thari

Distance, sanging.

Dread, boro.

Dress, lija.

Dove, putam.

Dust, duri (S).

Dew, sisir-da’.

Daughter, bui, kuri-hon.

Dog, seta.

Deer, jilu.

Duck, gede.

Deceit, phuslao (II).

Darkness, nuba’.

Dream, kumu.

Danger, duku.

Daughter-in-law, kimin.

Diviner, deonra.

Dinner, dundu.

Dysentery, sul (H).

Drum, dhak (S).

dhol (a?\*i).

Door, duar (S),

Dung, i j.

Drink, nu.

Destroy, nasao (S).

Deny, kamanating.

Descend, argun.

Dig, nr.

Dive, dubu/ (^).

Dry, ror.

Drive, har.

Die, goiy

Dwell, taino’.

Do, rika.

Draw, tliaui.

Drown, dubu/.

Dear, dular

Double, barsa.

Dry, ror.

Dirty, humu, kuloar.

Decrease, gliatao (H).

Deep, ikir.

Dwarf, natoa (I!) bauna (S).

E

Earth, ote.

Eagle, besra.

Ear, lutur.

Ease, ruru.

East, singi-rakab.

Echo, korang.

Eclipse, galian (S).

Edge, gina (kinar, H ?).

Eihcacy, napha (H).

Egg, billi, jarom.

Elbow, uka’ .

52 An Introduction to

Elephant, hati (S).

Employment, kami.

Enclosure, ghera (H).

End, tundu.

Evening, a mb.

Eight, iralia.

Eighty, upun-hisi.

Eye, meW.

Eye-ball, raja.

Eye-brows, meW-kandom.

Eye -lashes, pipni.

Entrails, pota.

Earring, kanausi (H).

Eaves, chandai.

Eleven, gel-mia^.

Eat, jojom.

Embrace, hambud.

Emit, ulai

Ever, nit (S).

Everywhere, saben thaon (IT)

Easily, algete (H).

Except, bage.

Each, mutid.

Easy, rabal.

Empty, sama.

Expel, odong.

Erase, metao (H).

Enter, bolo.

Epilepsy, hanam-gonoi/.

E

Eather, apu, aba.

Eire, sengel.

Erost, ratang da.’

Eish, haku.

Earm-house, usam-ora.

Field, loi'ang.

Four, upunia.

the Mundari Language. [No. 1

Five, monea.

Forty, bar-kisi.

Fifty, bar-hisi-gelna.

Foreigner, etadisum-riniy.

Face, m dd muana.

Forehead, molong.

Fan, panka (H).

Father-in-law, honj ar .

Fatigue, thakao (H).

Fault, dokh (S).

Fawn, jilu-hon.

Fear, boro.

Feather, aprop.

Female, kori.

Festival, parab (S).

Fever, ula, rua, urui.

Fight, hopoing.

Figure, murut (S).

Fine, dande (S).

Finger, sarsar.

Flag, jhanda (H).

Flavor, sibil.

Fume, sukul.

Flesh, jilu.

Foot, kata, talka-kata.

Forefathers, purklia (S).

Fox, khaikhai.

Friend, gati.

Frog, choke.

Fruit, jo.

Fun, tamasa (H).

Furniture, chiz-bastu (H).

Flower, baha, ba.

Flour, liolong.

Fraud, beda.

Family, hon-hopon.

Fist, chipu^.

1871.]

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

53

Fly, roko.

Foeces, if.

Flatus, gasi.

File, reta (H).

Fiddle, banam.

Fall, uiu.

Feel, atkar.

Feed, ajumi.

Fell, gingrauri.

Figlit, mapa.

Finisli, cbaba.

Fish, v. hakugoiy.

Fling, hudma.

Flow, lingi.

Follow, taiom.

Forget, riringe.

Forsake, bagi.

Fair, esel.

Fierce, borogi sanang.

Foolish, koka’.

koko.

dondo.

Florikan, kongoto-mara.

Flea, pichu.

Falcon, besre.

Formerly, sidare.

For, lagin (§nTt%).

From, te.

First, aiar.

Former, munu.

Fat, kiri.

False, jhut (H).

Frightened, borobhinao.

Full, plierei j.

Find, ne’l, naman.

Fly, apir.

Fasten, tol.

Forest, bir, tonang.

Flute, rutu.

Frighten, botong.

Flat, cheped (c5*t?T).

Freeze, sakid.

G

Gain, napha (H) .

Game, inung.

Gesture, hilao (H).

Ginger, ade (S).

Girl, kori (kori, Punjabi).

Gold, samrom (S ?).

Goose, hansa (S).

Grandfather, tata (S).

nana, aja (H).

Grandmother, aji.

Grandson, jaing kora.

Granddaughter, jaing kori.

Grave, masna (S).

Groan, girang.

Gruel, tenda.

Ground, thaon (S).

Guilt, dokh (S).

Grass, tasad.

Gram, dana (H) .

Goat, merom.

Grain, dali (S).

Guest, pera, kupul.

Gale, horlasi.

Granary, potom.

Gum, danta-suba.

Gall, isiar.

God, marang bonga.

Great, marang.

Good, bugin.

Glad, khusi-tani/.

Greedy, lobhini/.

[No. 1,

An Introduction to the Mundari Language.

51

Green, hariar (H).

Generous, emo’ni/.

Gentle, thir (S).

Gross, dildil.

Grasshopper, sonsoroig.

Gently, manite.

Go, sen.

Go before, aiarean.

Go behind, taiomte sen.

Go in, bolo.

Go out, odongo’.

Go up, rakab.

Give, em.

Gargle, poje, pui /.

Gather, hundi.

Get, naman.

Gore, hota.

Grasp, hnmuah

Grieve, heating.

Gamble, jua cue/.

Grow, hara.

II

Hag, najom (H).

Hail, aril.

Hair, u’b.

Hand, ti’.

Hatchet, kondaing, hake.

Hearth, chula (H).

Heat, lolo, situm.

Hedge, bakri.

Heel, idi.

Hell, narak (S).

Heaven, sarag (S).

Help, denga.

Hemp, jinin.

Hen, sun.

Head, boh

Health, jiu-suku (S).

Herd, goth (S).

Hero, herel.

Hint, chundul, gawi

Hive, chhatna.

Hog, sukri (S).

Home, ora.

Hoe, kudi, ku’dlam.

Homage, marjad (S).

Honey, hurumsuku rasi.

Hope, bliarosa (H).

Hook, banka’.

Horn, diring.

Horse, sadom.

House, ora.

Hunt, sangar (S ?).

Hurt, to^.

Hyena, hundar.

Husband, herel.

Height, salangi.

Heap, dipa

kudha.

Hunger, renge/.

Hoof, khur (S).

Hill, burn (bum, Tali).

Hillock, gutu.

Hundred, mone-hisi.

mi’^ sai.

Half, tala.

Hip, dikka.

Heart, ihim.

Hare, kula'i.

Hammer, kotasi.

Hackery, sagri (S).

Hear, aium.

Hang, kaka.

Hang, pase (S).

1871.] An Introduction to the

Hail, kakao (H).

Harm, jiane (H).

Hate, liilang.

Heap, kudka.

Hit, tuing.

Hide, v. uku.

Hold, sab.

Howl, kakao.

Hunt, sangar.

Hurt, gao.

Husk, kapa.

Higk, salangi.

Hard, ketei/.

Hungry, rengei/-tani/.

Heavy, kambal.

Happy, suku (S).

Honey-sucker, uriy.

Here, neta’.

Hogplum, ambru (S).

He, ini’, ni’.

Hornbill, donrso (VTtW*!).

I

I, ing, aing.

Idea, matlab (H).

Idol, murat (S).

Iron, menrenf?.

Ivory, kati-jang.

Insect, tiju.

Itck, gota’.

Ickneumon, neura (S}.

Ill, i/kana.

Increase, kara.

Irritate, kkis-rika.

Issue, odong.

Inside, bitar

If, agarcki (H).

Mundari Language. 55

J

Jackal, tuiu.

Jar, ckatu.

Jaw, joa.

Jealousy, kkis.

Jest, tkattka (H).

Joint, jonorao.

Joy, kkusi (H).

Judgment, bickar (S).

Juice, rasi (S).

Justice, dkaram (S).

Just, tkik (II).

Join, jorao (H).

Jump, kutil.

K

Key, kunji (H).

Kid, merom-kon.

Kite, kurid.

Kitcken, mandi-ora.

Kiss, cliuma (S).

Knife, katu.

Knave, eiykan-koro.

Knee, mukuni.

Kill, goi/.

Know, sari.

Kick, pkada.

Keep, do.

Kestrel, suklai.

Kingfisker, kikkir.

L

Labor, meknat (H).

Lac, e.

Lamp, cli& (S).

Land, ote.

Leprosy, tunta (W>1), rogo (S),

Life, ji (S).

Liglit, marsal (^*11^ ?).

56

An Introduction to the Mundctrl Language. [No. 1,

Limit, siman (S).

Line, dindi.

Lip, lacho.

Love, dular.

Luck, kapar (S).

Leaf, sakam.

Leg, kata.

Lengtli, jilling.

Lie, liosor.

Lock, tala (H).

Load, liambal.

Lizard, gacliain.

Lighting, liicliir.

Loins, maiang.

Lungs, borkod.

Liver, suru^.

Lame, langra (H).

Leopard, son-chita-kula.

Low, latar.'

Long, jilling.

Little, huring.

Last, ta'iam.

Leprous, tunta.

Lazy, landia.

Light, rabal.

Loose, chliuta (H).

Left, lenga (c*T^1)«

Large, marang.

Loud, isu-sadia.

Lose, ad.

Live, j id (S).

Leave, bage.

Laugh, landa.

Learn, itun.

Lift, rim.

Leap, kutil.

Lag, do'ia.

Lash, chabukte-hahrsai.

Last, tain.

Lament, heating.

Lead, idi.

Lie, jhuntka (II).

Light, salgao (H).

Like, pasandi (H).

Lime, ata.

Load, ladi (H).

Line, pahti (S).

Loose, rara.

Lose, harao (H).

Lurk, uguru-kun.

Louse, siku.

Leech, happa^.

M

Male, herel.

Mango, uli.

Man, horo.

Marriage, arandi.

Master, gomke.

Mat, pati, (H).

jati.

Means, upai' (S).

Measure, song.

Medicine, ranu.

Mercy, da'ia (S).

Merit, gun (S).

Milk, toa (S ?).

Mill, janta (S).

Mind, mono (S).

Mine, gada (S).

Mine, ingian.

Miser, sum.

Misery, duku (S).

Mob, jama horo.

Money, taka (S).

An Introduction to the Mundari Language.

57

1871.]

Moon, chandu (S).

Mother, enga, umma.

Murder, goi j.

Mouse, chutu, huni, katea.

Mountain, buru.

Mist, kwas

Month, chandu.

Morning, seta’.

Midday, tikin.

Mouth, mocha.

Market, pithi.

Mustard, mani.

Manservant, da si (S).

Maidservant, kamini-kuri.

Mud, losod, jubhi.

Meat, jilu.

Moonlight, tetiy.

Midnight, tala nida.

Mustaches, guchu.

Musk rat, chundu.

Monkey, gari.

Many, timba.

Mad, balu.

Middle, tala.

Much, isu.

Memina, lar.

My gale, kulabindram.

Musquito, sikni.

Mule, khachar (S).

Mount, deiy.

Meet, napam, bheht (II).

Melt, ser.

Move, sen.

Make, bai.

Marry, arandi.

Measure, song, moka.

Mend, tuna.

8

Mind, monredoi.

Miscarry, enda-ad.

kacha duku

Miss, kanami.

Mix, misai (S).

N

Nail, rama.

Name, nutum.

Neck, serom, tutka.

Nest, tuka.

Net, jalom, (S).

Night, nida (S).

Noise, kauri.

Nose, mun.

North, bo’jamar.

Nourishment, * asul.

Nurse, nununi/'.

Nephew, hon-sered.

Niece, hon-sered-kuri.

Needle, sui (S).

Nine, area.

Ninety, upun-kisi-gelna.

Namesake, saki (S).

Nostrils, mun-undu.

Navel, buti.

Nail, mereh^ kinilum.

Nose-ring, not (#[«,).

New, nawa (S).

Naked, langta (H).

Narrow, sakur.

Name, meta.

Now, na’.

Never, chiulaoka.

Nowhere, jetare banwa.

No, ka, alom.

Not, alom, banwa.

banogi. x

58

An Introduction to the Munddri Language .

[No. 1,

None, bankwa.

Near, nare/.

0

Obstacle, rokao (H).

Odor, soan.

Offence, dokh (S).

gunba (II).

Office, kami.

Onion, peaj (H).

Oppression, duku-em.

Order, hukum (II).

Origin, enete/.

Ox, ury.

Oil, sunum.

Oath, kiria (S).

One, miad.

Old, purna (S).

Open, ota.

Offer, em.

Or, clii.

Oriole, bocho.

P

Pain, duku (S), basu.

Part, bisa (H).

People, boro.

Person, bormo.

Petition, nalisi (H).

Physician, baid (S).

Pigeon, dudmnl.

Place, thaon (S).

jaga (H). ’

Plant, gacbi (S),

Play, inung.

Plough, bar (S).

na'ial.

Plume, aprob.

Plunder, rey.

Point, ocbcbol.

Poison, mahura.

bisi (S).

Post, khuntu (•$£!?!).

Power, pere/.

Priest, pabanra (S).

Prostitute, khildi.

Proof, tbauka.

Pride, motbai.

Pulse, nari (S).

Pumpkin, sond-suku.

Pearl, moti (S).

Price, gonong.

Pit, gada (S).

Plains, piri.

Potter, kumbar (S).

Penis, loe.

Pudendum, ruji.

Pus, sondro.

Panther, dubur kula.

Porcupine, jiki.

Pteropus, hapa.

Pangolin, armu.

Pickaxe, gainta.

Pincers, sandsom (S).

Panpipe, pereren^.

Path, bora.

Pond, dunku.

Parrot, kead.

Putrid, soi'a.

Poor, rengeij.

garib (H).

Purse, tbaila.

Put on, u'iun.

Put off, butma enda.

Pepper, maricbi (S).

Place, do.

59

1871.] An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

Pass, sen-kotong.

Plunge, dubu/.

Pour, dul.

Push, ghusao (H).

Passionate, khisha, onran.

Pointed, o’cliol, goja

Pretty, bugin.

Plentiful, pura (S), perig.

Peep, heta.

Pierce, bolo.

Plant, roi (S).

Point at, chundul.

Praise, bugin meta.

Pray, darang.

Pull, thaui/.

Pursue, liari.

Put, do.

Passive, sating.

Peacock, mara (S).

Python, tunil.

Perhaps, honang.

a

Quarrel, epegir, eprdng.

Question, kuli.

Quiver, tonga..

Quick, usrao.

Quail, batta.

Quench, erery.

It

Pain, gama\

Pemedy, ranu.

Pespect, khatir (H).

Pice, chauli baba.

Bight, hak (II).

Ping, mudam.

Biot, epegir-gopeiy .

Bo ad, hora.

Bobber, kumru.

Bock, siring.

Bow, panti (S).

Biver, gada (S).

nai’ (S).

Pains, jargi.

Poof, chatom (S).

Belation, nata.

Bust, humu.

Bivulet, doda.

Bafter, seneor.

Pavine, huang.

Boot, re’d,

Patel, usabana.

Pise, birid.

Bead, parhao (S).

Boast, rapa’.

Run, nir.

Peap, haurau.

Beckon, leka.

Recollect, phaom (II).

Return, ruar.

Repel, pharka.

Retire, rurn.

Bide, de/.

Bub, itikic?.

Bums, purna-khandhar.

Bamble, honor.

Peach, teba.

Repeat, kaji-ruare.

Recognize, ne’i mine.

Relate, jagar.

Remember, phaom (II).

Beside, tain.

Ridicule, landabai.

Pip, changar, ore/.

Boar, ra.

60

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

[No. 1,

Raise, rim.

Ready, tear (H).

Right, j om,

Ripe, j aroma’.

Raw, berela’.

Ragged, kupinakaniy.

Rougli, khas khasa.

Round, guli (S).

Red, ara’.

Rabid, balu.

Repeatedly, gharighari (H).

S

Sale, akhring.

Salt, bulung.

Sand, gitil.

Saw, hake.

Sea, samundar (S).

Service, kami.

Sheet, lija.

Ship, jahaj (H).

Shoe, juta (H).

Shrine, sarna (H).

Side, ti.

Sight, ne’l.

Silk, lumang.

Sin, pap (S).

Sister, dai.

Skill, erage kamia.

Skin, ur, harta.

Sky, serma.

Slave, kiring kia'i.

Sleep, gitijanai.

durumj anai.

Smoke, sukul.

Snake, bing.

Snare, bale baitada.

Society, sangbhoro.

Song, durang.

Speech, jagar.

Spice, masala (II).

Spirit, bonga.

Spite, hisinga (S).

Spittle, be’ da’.

Spot, dagha (H).

Storm, horlasi.

Story, kahani (H).

Straw, busu, sauri.

Strength, pere^.

Substitute, badla (H)„

Sugar, gur (S).

Sun, sing-bonga.

Star, ipil.

Son, kora-hon, baba, boio.

Summer, situm saha.

Stone, diri.

Silver, rupa (S).

Sheep, mincli (S).

Shoulder, taran.

Sound, sadi (S ?).

Seed, hita.

Shadow, umbul.

Stick, sota (c^Tfl).

danda (S).

South, katajamar.

Shop, dokan (H).

Sugarcane, kasear.

Sorrow, duku (S).

Spider, bindram.

Species, jati (S).

Scale, tula (S).

Shield, dhal (II).

Sting, sar.

Scorpion, katkom-marman.

Steel, ispat (H).

61

An Introduction to the Mundari Language.

1871.]

Sweat, balbal.

Spasm, ruing.

Son-in-law, aram.

Spinster, dinda.

Spring, puti, seteng.

Soil, ote.

Six, turia.

Seven, ea.

Seventeen, gel-ea.

Sixty, api-kisi.

Seventy, api-kisi-gelna.

Sixteen, gel-turia.

Spirit, arki (H).

Semen, puncli duki.

Stomack, packaoena.

Spleen, dirdir.

Sinews, tingpatta.

Smallpox, mari.

Stuttering, totra (cst^l).

Skivering, ekla, rum.

Squirrel, turu.

String, sutam (S).

Skovel, kullam.

Spear, barckka (H).

Stool, gandu.

Sit, du’b.

Strike, ru, dadal.

Sleep, durum.

Swim, ciar, parom (S).

See, ne’l.

Smell, sunku^ (c^T^I), ji.

Speak, kaji.

Sing, durang.

Stick, lagao (H).

Swell, mo.

Sweep, jo’.

Suckle, nunu.

Spit, be’y.

Sell, dkring.

Skow, udub.

Send, kul.

Strain, cklianao (H).

Seek, nam.

Sow, ker.

Stand, tingu.

Sieze, sab.

Skut, kande^.

Say, kaji, men.

Sacrifice, bonga.

Salute, joar (C^T^T^).

Save, backao (H).

Scare, bororika.

Scold, eger, gonde.

Scratcli, gota.

Scream, ckickiao.

Sew, tukuji.

Skake, kilao (S).

Skame, giu.

Spine, jilimili.

Skoot, rita, potef?.

Skove, udur.

Sign, ckina (S).

Silence, kapackika.

Slander, cliirai.

Smile, landa.

Snatck, repei/.

Snore, kutir.

Soil, kumu.

Sound, ikirtabrup.

Skin, pota.

Spoil, bagrao (H).

Square, upun konasi.

Steal, kumru.

Stop, tkamao (H).

62

An Introduction to the Mundlri Language.

[No. 1,

Suspect, ada udugo.

Swear, kiriajom.

Sound, sadi.

Stink, eiykan soan.

Suck, nunui.

Small, liuring.

Sweet, herein a.

Stupid, dondo.

Straight, soj (CTtSl).

Square, upunkocha.

Sharp, leser.

Slippery, boror.

Sad, duku-tanig.

Salt, khar (S).

Short, dungui/.

Shallow, terue/.

Sick, liasu.

Slow, landia.

Smooth, chikan (S),

Spotted, kabra.

Striped, onol.

Strong, perejanig.

Slender, nan.

Swallow, geroa.

Snipe, ke^ batta.

Scolopendra, sengel marmar.

Sometimes, jaimta.

Straightly, soj.

Shepherd, merom-gupiniy.

Sister, nana, misim.

T

Tale, kahani

Talent, badui.

Talk, kapaji.

Tank, pukhri (S).

Temide, math (S).

Thief, kumbru.

Thirst, tetang.

Thing, chiz (H).

Thought, chinta (S).

Thorn, janum.

Tliunder, ther.

Tobacco, tamku (H).

Toil, mehnat (H).

Trade, pheroai (H).

Trouble, duku (S).

Truth, sartigi (S ?).

Tune, rag (S).

Turncoat, phasiar.

Tree, daru (S).

darkliat (Hj.

Tooth, data.

Tongue, alang.

Thigh, bulu.

Time, sama'i (S).

Throat, totna, hoto.

Tail, cha’lom.

Toe, sarsar, daro.

Thread, sutam (S).

Taste, sibil.

Tiger, kula.

Two, baria.

Three, apia.

Ten, gelna.

Twelve, gel-baria.

Twenty, hisi

Thirty, hisi gelna.

Thirty-one, hisi gel mia</.

Thousand, gel sai. •

Thumb, enga-daro.

Testes, billi.

Thou, am.

They, inku.

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

63

1871.]

Thine, ama.

Theirs, inku&.

Tiger-cat, bando.

Thong, nangli.

Toe, mig, pola.

Thatch, sarrmi.

Tortoise, horo.

Toad, roto choke.

Tongue, alang.

Take, au.

Touch, juti<7.

Tie, tol.

Think, bhabna (S).

Taste, chaka (5l^t).

Teach, sikhao (S).

Throw, hurang-enda.

Tickle, gotegote.

Throttle, ling goiki.

Transplant, roe (S).

Turn, ruar.

Tear, orej.

Thirsty, telangniy.

Thin, etang.

Tight, saktao (S).

Tall, salangi.

Thick, ibil,

mota (H).

To-day, tising.

To-morrow, gapa.

Then, imta ; ente.

There, enta.’

Thus, ne’lka.

Together, mi V? jama.

Truly, sartigi.

Twice, barsa.

Thrice, apisa.

To, te.

U

Ulcer, gao (H).

Umpire, milaoniy.

Uncle, kaka

Understanding, bud (S).

Union, mel (S).

Universe, jagat (S).

Usage, rit (S).

Urine, dukida’.

Uproot, tuYZ.

Unbind, rara.

Ugly, kabugina’.

Upper, chetan.

Under, latar.

Uniformly, miWandaz.

V

Valley, burutala.

Village, hatu.

Vein, patta.

Vulture, gidi (S).

Vetch, batura.

Vomit, ula.

Vex, dikdikao.

Very, isu.

Valour, pere/.

Vapour, bhap (S).

Venom, bisi (S).

Vest, lija.

Vice, pap (8).

Victory, jitao (S).

Victuals, jojoma’.

Victim, tengen.

W

Wages, nala.

Wall, bhit (S).

War, larai (H).

mapatupuing.

64

An Introduction to the Mund Iri Language,

[No. 1

1871.]

65

An Introduction to the Munddri Language.

Yawn, chab . Z

Yes, han. Zinc, sisa (S).

Yard, racha.

(h) Munddri and English .

Chamta, a thong to lash

on the yoke.

Chitri, a grey partridge*

D

A

A'ling, we two.

Aben, you two.

Arna, the yoke of a plough .

Andu, an ornament for the ankle.

Askal, a double spur-partridge.

B

Birsim, a jungle cock.

Bhuns, a large rat.

Beda, a low field surrounded by

high lands.

Baba, unhusked rice.

Bokom, younger brother.

Bui, a younger sister.

Baba-ote, a rice field.

Bando, atiger-cat-

Budi (S), an old woman.

Basa (S), a temporary dwelling.

Bardulif? (S), a small bat.

Ba-nda, (S), a small earthen pot.

Banrsi a fishing hook.

Banrsi-dang, a fishing rod.

Bir-ba'iar, an Arna.

Buru-kurid, a jungle eagle.

Besra, a peregrine falcon.

0

Chaura, a dry field.

Chatu, an earthen vessel.

Cliauli, husked rice.

Chaukiniy, a watchman.

9

Dabaer, a large rice field.

Dai, elder sister.

Diku, proprietor or farmer of a

village, applied to Hindus

and Muhammadans.

Durnbu, a grass jungle.

Dhibua, half an anna.

Dinaki, day by day.

Dabi, shoulder-blade.

Damua, kettledrum.

Doer, a fishing line.

Dumur-kurid, a spotted eagle.

Dundu, a great horned owl.

Dur. a durce finch.

* j

E

Enang mda, the past night.

G

Gomke, master.

Gitiora, a sleeping house.

Guiu, a hut to watch crops.

Goth (S), a cattle pound.

Gora, cow house.

jj,

Ganda, one anna.

Gaudi, a coss.

Gotom, (S), ghee.

Gondait, a village sewant.

Gara kula, an old tiger.

Guru, abandikote rat.

66

An Introduction to the Mundari Language.

[No. 1

H

Hutup, a boulder.

Hadam, an old ox,

Hada, an old man.

Hata’ a winnowing fan.

Huri, yitex negundo.

Hormo, the body.

Hondeny, a great red squirrel.

Hisir, a necklace.

Hapanum, an adult woman.

Huar, a green pigeon.

I

Ikir-loi'ang, a low and well-yield¬

ing field.

Inku, they. *

Ikir, a deep pool.

Hi, rice -beer.

Idan, very early.

J

Jubila, a wet field.

Jojo, a tamarind tree.

Jumka jilu, calf of the leg.

Jattani, wattling branches.

K

Kolom, a threshing floor.

Kuda, the Jamun tree.

Kurnba, a hut.

Khandi (H), half a maund.

Kachia, a pice.

Kalom, next year.

Kalom satom, some years ago.

Kondeg, a small hatchet.

Katu, a scraping knife.

Kadi, the shaft of a plough.

Khuntu, the uprights of a house.

Kundam, back of a house.

Kuhu, a koel.

L

Lumang-lija, a silk cloth.

Lijum, to chew cud.

M

Mahara, a milkman.

Mandi, boiled rice.

Maha, the past year.

Mini, a great parakeet.

Maina, a hill martin.

N

Nim, (S), the neem tree.

Nala, a hired labourer.

Niula, this year.

Natal, a plough.

Not, (5**), a nose ring.

0

Oreiy, a four-horned deer.

P

Piri, upland, plains.

Patra, a scrub jungle.

Pati, a seer (weight).

Pal, the iron point of a plough.

Perereh(Z, panpipes.

Pola, a toe ring.

Paria, a sari.

Pusta, a spotted deer.

Putam, a dove.

Piri-ud a grosbeak.

R ^

Pacha, a courtyard.

Pichi, a chicquera hawk.

S

Sarjom, a sal tree.

jSarna (S), a sacred grove.

Siring, a flat rock.

Siki, a quarter rupee.

Serom, nape of the neck.

1871.]

A History of the Gable* hars.

67

Suli, secretions from the nose.

Suba, trunk of a tree.

Sara, the Hanunian monkey.

Sogot, civet-cat.

Samra, a sarnbar deer.

Samni, pin of the yoke.

Sakwa, a conch shell.

Sakom, a brass bracelet.

Sui/, to set on flames.

Silip, a muntjac deer.

Suriam, a pit lark.

T

Taka S ? ), a rupee.

Terkalom, the year after next.

Tunta (l?i>1), maimed-handed.

Tani, a wild dog,

To'ian, an Indian roller.

U

Usam-ora, a farm house.

Udal, the shaft of a hackery.

A History of the Galck? liars. — By J. G. Delmerick, Esq.

Whether the Gakk’hars have sprung from the Grehoi whom

Alexander the Great located in Pothwar, and who it is asserted,

continued there to reign for several centuries, or are Hindus convert¬

ed to Muhammadanism, or are, as they themselves declare, the de¬

scendants of Persian kings, it is impossible now to speak with

certainty.

It is remarkable, however, that the majority of the great

tribes of this district are ashamed of confessing that their ancestors

were pagans, or Kafirs. They therefore invariably trace their

genealogy from ’All orBibi Fatimah, or some other Muhammadan,

or quasi Muhammadan sources. For example the A wans say that

they are descended from Arabs. The Kb attars and Budlials de¬

clare that they are the descendants of ’All and Fatimah, ignoring

the fact that such descendants are at the present date styled all

over the Muhammadan world as Sayyids, Mirs, and Sliarifs. The

Pathans claim Malik Talut (King Saul) of the tribe of Israel as

their great ancestor. The Gakk’hars form no exception to this rule.

They state that they are descended from Naushirwan,* whose

* Nanshfrwan reigned from A. D. 531 to A. D. 579. Sir John Malcolm on

the authority of Persian Historians states that this monarch carried his arms

into Farghanah on the North and India on the Fast.

68 A History of the GaWhars. [No. 1,

/

justice and liberality are the theme of many of Sa’di’s tales, and

who with his Yazir Buzurjxnihr, is regarded by most Persian

authors as a good Musalman. The Gakk’hars, moreover, state

that they are descended from the Kaianian kings of Persia ;

that their ancestor, Sultdn Ked, son of Kai Gauhar, a Kaianian

prince of Ispahan, invaded Tibet with a large army, and having

conquered it, he and his descendants reigned in that coun¬

try. Now it is not improbable that this Sultan Ked is iden¬

tical with the Ked Raj of the Muhammadan Historians. Prin-

sep gives the year 540 b. c. as the commencement of his reign.

Firislitali* says that Ked Raj was the nephew (sister’s son) of

Maliaraj of Amber, a contemporary of Gushtasp. On his death¬

bed Maharaj made Ked Raj his heir. Rustam Dista, the Persian

governor of the ceded Indian provinces being dead, Ked Raj

attacked and wrested from hi# descendants the Panjab. Having

dwelt for some time at Bherah, which was a town of very great

antiquity, he built the fortress of Jammu, in which he left as

governor one of his own relations, named Durk, of the Gakk’har

tribe, and this tribe has continued in possession of that place up to

the present time. Subsequently the Gakk’hars and Chobia (Chibs),

the most ancient zamindars of the Panjab, having contracted an

alliance with the people of the plains, and of the hills between

Kabul and Qandahar, marched against Ked Raj, who having been

vanquished fled from the Panjab. Ked Raj reigned for 43 years.

We likewise know from Herodotus that at this early period, viz.

in the beginning of the 5th century before Christ, the Panjab

formed a dependency of the Persian empire, the Indian satrapy

contributing the largest share of revenue to the government of

Darius, the son of Hystaspes, of the Kaianian dynasty ; and that

within this satrapy was situated the city of Kaspatyrus, from which

place Skylax commenced his voyage to ascertain where the Indus

met the ocean. Kaspatyrus is the Kaspeira of Ptolemy, or Kasyapa-

pura of Abu Raihan, the ancient name of Multan,

The Kaianians were succeeded by the Sassanians, and we

have ample proofs from historical sources and from coins that the

Panjab was at various periods governed, and no doubt colonized,

* Eirishtab, page 16, vol. 1, Bombay Edition.

1871.]

A History of the GaWliars.

69

by the Persian monarchs of the Sassanian race. According to

Firishtah, whose statement has been verified by Numismatists,

Bahrain Gor, or Yeranes Y., of Persia, visited India, and espoused

the daughter of Yasu Deva, the king of Qanauj. It is not at all

unlikely, therefore, that the Gakk’hars are right, and that they

are a remnant of the ancient Persian stock ; for it is also related

by the same author that so late as the 11th century after Christ,

Ibrahim Gfhaznawi met with a town in the Panjab, called Dera, the

inhabitants of which came originally from Khurasan, and were

banished thither with their families by Afrasiab of the Peshdadi

dynasty for frequent rebellions. Here they formed themselves in¬

to a small independent state, and being cut off from intercourse

with their neighbours by a belt of mountains nearly impassable,

had preserved their ancient customs and rites by not intermarrying

with any other people.*' •

After continuing in Tibet for tenf generations, the Grakk’hars

under Sultan Kab, are said to have invaded Kashmir, and having

defeated Manohar, the Yazir of the Pajah^of Kashmir, who was

sent to oppose their advance, they took possession of half the

country, and ruled in Kashmir for 16j; generations. This may or

may not be true. Certainly the Baj Tarangini, which is a his¬

tory of Kashmir of the Hindu period, makes no mention of the

conquest of Kashmir by the Gakk’hars.

Be this, however, as it may, the Gakk’hars assert that they

dwelt in Kashmir during sixteen generations, or until the reign of

Zain Khan or Kabul Shah, who owing to an insurrection in his

kingdom fled from Kashmir, and took service with Naciruddin

Sabaktigin who was then reigning at Ghazni, and that Gakk’har

Shah, the son of Kabul Shah, came to India with Mahmud of

Ghazni, who conferred upon him the sovereignty of the Sind Sagar

Diiab. This must have been in A. D. 1008, when we read of the

Gakk’hars as idolators, and as important chiefs and staunch allies

* Firishtah, page 83, vol. 1, Bombay Edition.

t 1. Ked. 2. Tibbat. 3. Jannat. 4. Shajar. 5. Madarak. 6. Bahramand.

7. Nazar. 8. Kalb. 9. Daulat. 10. Sultan.

J 1. Kab. 2. Farrukh. 3. Amir. 4. Yazdad. 5. Khaira Khan. 6. Gauliar-

ganj. 7. Nur Khan. 8. Murad. 9 Bakhtiar. 10. ’Alarm 11. Samand. 12.

Marab. 13. Kustam. 14. Tilochan Shah. 15. Maddat Shah. 16. Jahan Shah.

70

A History of the GaJcFhars.

[No. 1,

of the Hindu confederacy, bringing into the field 30,000 of the

choicest troops. Again we read of the Gakk’hars as being con¬

verted to Muhammadanism during the reign of Shihabuddin (Mu¬

hammad) Ghori, or 200 years after they themselves declare Gak-

k’liar Shah to have been placed in possession of this country by a

Muhammadan invader. Firishtah relates that so early as A. H.

63, or A. D. 682, the Gakk’hars formed a treaty of alliance with the

Afghans, who compelled the Baj ah of Lahor to submit to terms from

the Gakk’hars, and that this treaty included the cession of certain

territories in perpetuity to the Gakk’hars. The same author states

that before embracing Muhammadanism, they were a race of wild

barbarians without either religion or morality. He adds that they had

strange customs. When a daughter was born, the child was carried

to the door of the house. It was there proclaimed aloud, the child

being held in one hand and a knife in the other, that any person

who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwise she was imme¬

diately put to death. By this means, they had more men than

women. Polyandry was common among them, and in their inter¬

course with their wives the same want of delicacy was observed by

them* as is attributed by Herodotus to the Massagetee in Central

Asia and the Nasamones in Africa. f

Their own traditions and tales concerning their ancestors in

remote times are for the most part puerile and altogether uninter¬

esting. In compiling the annexed list of the Gakk’har chiefs from

the time of Zain Khan or Kabul Shah up to the present date,

with notices of the principal events in their lives, I have been

obliged for the most part, where History is silent, to adopt con¬

jectural dates, as the people of the country and the Gakk’hars them-

✓

selves have no idea of them ; for they very commonly, even as

regards modern times, mix up the events and transactions of one

century with those of another.

The descendants of these ancient chiefs have been in de¬

pressed circumstances for years. The Sikhs deprived them of

their patrimony, and imprisoned many of them. In 1847, Major

Abbott succeeded in getting them released from captivity and

# Firishtali, vol. I., page 104, Bombay Edition.

f Clio, para. 216 ; Melp., para. 172,

1871.]

A History of the GaWhars.

71

in obtaining for several of them small pensions from our Gover-

ment. Their chief Hayatullah Khan, who received an allowance

of 1200 Bs. per annum, died in 1866. His son Karam Dad Khan,

a boy of about sixteen years of age, now receives a pension of 800

Its. per annum.

I.

Zain Kha'n or Ka'bul Sha'h.

(A. B. 983, A . II. 373).

Fled from Kashmir owing to the rebellion of his subjects.

Took refuge in Afghanistan. Invasion of Afghanistan by Jaipal,

Bajah of Lahor, who was opposed and repelled. Formation

of a Hindu confederacy by Jaipal. Battle of Laghman, and total

defeat of Jaipal by Sabaktigin of Ghazni.

II.

Gakk’har Sha'h.

(A. B. 1005, A. H 396).

Acquired the country within the Sind Sagar Duab. Made

China Ponir near the town of Chaumukh in the Jammu ter¬

ritories his capital. Mahmud of Ghazni having settled his

affairs in India, returned in the autumn to Ghazni, where he

remained during the winter. In the spring of the year A. H. 399,

A. D. 1008, he determined again to attack Anand Pal, Bajah of

Lahor, for having lent his aid to Daud during the late defection

in Multan. Anand Pal hearing of his intentions, sent ambassa^

dors on all sides, inviting the assistance of the other princes of

Hindustan, who now considered the expulsion of the Muhammadans

from India a sacred duty. Accordingly, the Bajahs of Ujjain,

Gwaliar, Kalinjar, Qanauj, Dihli, and Ajmir, entered into a con¬

federacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards the Panjab

with the greatest army that had yet taken the field. The Indians

and Muhammadans arrived in sight of each other on a plain,* on the

confines of the province of Pashawar, where they remained en¬

camped forty days without coming to action. The troops of the

idolaters daily increased in number. The Hindu females, on this

* Local tradition states that the battle was fought on the plains of Chach,

between Hazroh and Atak.

72

A History of the GciW liars.

[No. 1,

occasion, sold their jewels, and melted down their golden orna¬

ments (which they sent from distant parts) to furnish resources for

the war, and the Gakk’hars and other warlike tribes joining the army,

surrounded the Muhammadans who were obliged to entrench their

camp. Mahmud having thus secured himself, ordered six thousand

archers to the front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to attack

his entrenchments. The archers were opposed by the Gakk’hars

who, in spite of the king’s efforts and presence, repulsed his light

troops and followed them so closely, that no less than 30,000

Gakk’hars with their heads and feet bare, and armed with various

weapons penetrated into the Muhammadan lines, where a dreadful

carnage ensued, and 5000 Muhammadans in a few minutes were

slain. The enemy were at length checked, and being cut off as

fast as they advanced, the attacks became fainter and fainter till

on a sudden the elephant upon which the prince who commanded

the Hindus rode, becoming unruly from the effects of the naptha

balls and the flights of arrows, turned and fled. This circum¬

stance produced a panic among the Hindus, who seeing themselves

deserted by their general, gave way and fled also. ’Abdullah

Taf with six thousand Arabian horse and Arslan Jazib with

10,000 Turks, Afghans, and Khiljfs, pursued the enemy day and

night, so that 20,000 Hindus were killed in the retreat. Of the

spoil, 30 elephants, besides other booty, were brought to the king.*

After the death of Gakk’har Shah, his remains were carried to

Kabul, and buried there.

III.

Baj Kha'n.

(A. D. 1031, A. H. 425.)

Rise of the Saljuks. Their wars with Mas’ud, son of Mahmud

of Ghazni.

IV.

Mahpa'l Kha'n.

(A. D. 1065, A. H. 458.)

A brave chief who was invariably victorious in his wars with the

Raj ah of Sialkot.

# Firishtah, page G5, Bombay Edition.

1871.] A History of the Gable1 liars. 73

y.

Mu’azzam Kha'n.

{A. D. 1101, A. II. 495.)

Gliazni taken by tlie Ghorians, recovered by Bahrain. Cruel

execution of Saifuddin, king of Ghor, by Bahrain.

YI.

Ashi' Kha7n.

(A. D. 1135, A. II. 539.)

Ghazni destroyed by the Ghorians. Khusrau, the son of Bahrain,

retired to Lahor, where he was received amidst the acclamations

of his subjects, who were not displeased to see the seat of govern¬

ment permanently transferred from Ghazni to their city.'1'

VII.

Ba'jar Khadi.

{A. D. 1152, A. H. 547.)

Removed his capital from China Ponir to Dangali on the

right bank of the Jhelam in this district. Foundation of the Mu¬

hammadan empire in India by Shihabuddin Ghori. After Shihab-

uddin’s return from his expedition to Sind, he for the third time

engaged in hostilities with Khusrau Malik, king of Lalior, the

last of the Ghaznavites who taking courage from despair made an

alliance with the Gakk’hars, captured one of Shihabuddin’ s

strongest forts (Sialkot),f and obliged him to call in the aid of

stratagem for a purpose which force seemed insufficient to accom¬

plish. He affected alarms from the West, assembled his army as

if for operations in Khurasan, and professing an anxious desire to

make peace with Khusrau Malik, released his son who had been

given up on a former expedition to Lahor as a hostage, and who

had hitherto been kept in custody. Khusrau Malik entirely

thrown off his guard by these appearances, quitted Lahor, and set

out to meet his son, so unexpectedly restored to him, when Shi¬

habuddin put himself at the head of a strong body of chosen

cavalry, and marching with celerity and secrecy through unfre¬

quented routes, suddenly interposed himself between Khusrau

Malik and his capital, and surrounding his camp by night made

* Elpliinstone’s History of India, page 304. f Firishtah, page 97.

10

74 A History of the GahJc'hars. [No. 1,

%

him prisoner, and soon after occupied Lahor, which no longer

offered resistance.*

VIII.

Sipihr KhVn.

(A. D. 1186, A. II. 582.)

Battle of Tirauri between Pritwl, Rajah of Ajmir and Dihlf,

and Shihabuddin Ghori, who suffered a total defeat, A. D. 1191.

Shihabuddin after collecting the wreck of his army at Labor,

returned to the other side of the Indus, and then remained settled

at Ghazni.

IX.

Surkah Klia'n.

(A. D. 1199, A. II. 596.)

It is mentioned in authentic histories that when Shihabuddin

was defeated by the Turks of Khata on his return from Khwarazm,

it was currently reported throughout the kingdom that Shihab-

uddin had been missed in the field of battle, and there was no

certainty whether he had perished or escaped. Consequently, ene¬

mies rose up on all sides, and every one encroached upon a portion

of his kingdom. Among other enemies one named Rasal, who

lived in the mountains between Lahor, Kabul, and the sandy

desert, having united with a number of Gakk’harsf who dwelt in

those parts and paid tribute to the treasury of Shihabuddin,

excited a rebellion, began to plunder that tract, and intercept the

communications between Labor and Ghazni, so that no one could

pass from one to the other. Upon the return of Shihabuddin to

Ghazni in safety, he was informed of these transactions and

consequently resolved to proceed to Hindustan and punish the

rebellious spirits of that country. For this purpose, he sent an

order to Amir Muhammad, son of Abu ’ All, whom he had appointed

governor of Labor and Multan, desiring them to despatch the tri¬

bute of the year, 601 A. H., as soon as possible, as it was necessary

* Elphinstone’s History of India, page 308.

f Firishtah in liis history (page 102) states that Surkah, the chief of the

Gakk’hars, who inhabited the country along the banks of the Indus up to the

foot of the Siwalik mountains, having heard of the death of Shihabuddin,

claimed the sovereignty of the country, laid siege to the Fort of Lahor, and

raised a rebellion between the rivers Jhelam and Chanab.

1871.]

A History of the GaWhars .

75

to make preparations for an expedition to Khata. Muhammad, son

of ’Ali, wrote in answer that the tribute of the year had been col¬

lected and was ready, but that the Gakk’hars and Rasal, who were

in possession of the hills of J udi, had stopped the communication

between Lahor and Ghazni in such a manner that no body could

travel on the road. When this account reached the ears of Shihab-

uddin he wrote to Qutbuddin, his slave, who was the com¬

mander of the army of Hind, to send some person to the Gakk’hars

and dissuade them from persisting in such evil courses, and to

inform them that if they repented and came again under allegiance,

he would pardon their past offences.

When Qutbuddin Aibag, according to the order of Shihabuddin,

sent a person to the Gakk’hars desiring them to submit themselves

to the pleasure of the Sultan, the son of the Gakk’har replied

that Qutbuddin had no authority to issue such a mandate, that

Sultan Shihabuddin should have sent a special messenger of his

own, and further that if he had been really alive, he should have

sent direct for the tribute when the Gakk’hars would have des¬

patched it to him. The ambassador replied, 11 You are not of

sufficient consequence for Sultan Shihabuddin to send any messenger

to you ; it is great honor to you that he has sent even me, who am

his slave’s slave.” The son of the Gakk’har replied — “ This is a

mere fable ; Shihabuddin no longer lives to issue any orders.” The

ambassador rejoined, tc It may easily be ascertained by your send¬

ing any one of your confidential servants who can go and convince his

own eyes whether Shihabuddin be alive or not.” In short, the son of

the Gakk’har being determined not to listen to the ambassador, re¬

mained firm in his rebellious disposition. When the ambassador of

Qutbuddin returned and gave an account of what he had seen and

heard, Qutbuddin related the circumstances to Sultan Shihab¬

uddin who ordered him to collect tho several armies of Hindu¬

stan, to proceed against the Gakk’hars and exterminate them

from the face of the earth. When this mandate reached Qutb¬

uddin, he was already making preparations to march against that

nation. In the meantime Shihabuddin deferred his expedition

to Khatd and caused his army to return, as complaints of the vio¬

lence and oppression of the Gakk’hars were frequently coming in

76

A History of the GaW luirs.

[No. 1,

accompanied with accounts of their great and increasing power,

so that he considered it his duty, first to repulse these people and

punish them severely before detaching his forces to any other

quarter. For this reason Shihabuddin gave up for the present

the idea of proceeding to Khata.

On the 5th of Kabi’-ulawwal of the same year, Sultan Shihab¬

uddin returned towards Ghazni, and when after some days he

arrived at Pashawar, he learned that the Gakk’hars had taken up

a position between the Jhelam and Siidrak (Chanab) with a large

army. Having marched from Pashawar on Thursday the 25th of

the said month, he attacked them unexpectedly, and the battle

lasted from morning till the afternoon of that day. The Gakk’hars

fought so valiantly, that the Sultan with all his kingly power and

resources was very near being compelled to retreat ; but in the

meantime Qutbuddin Aibag arriving with the army of Hindu¬

stan, began to make havoc among the Gakk’hars, and as his

forces were fresh and vigorous, the Gakk’hars were soon overpower¬

ed and had recourse to flight. The Muhammadans pursuing dealt

slaughter among them in a manner which defies all descrip¬

tion. They set fire to their retreat on all sides, and the in¬

fidels entering into a solemn covenant not to surrender themselves

into the hands of the Muhammadans, threw themselves into the fire.

In this manner all of them who had taken refuge in the woods,

perished. When the attention of the Sultan was relieved of the

anxiety occasioned by these transactions, he marched towards

Labor, and gave leave to his soldiers to return to their homes

ordering them to march towards Khata after a few days repose.*1

As long as the Sultan remained at Labor, the Gakk’hars, who

possessed the country between the Indus and the base of the Siwalik

mountains, gave much trouble to the Muhammadans, who were un¬

able to travel in the Panjab on their account. The Gakk’hars had

no religion, and they thought it very meritorious to treat Mu¬

hammadans in a cruel manner.

On one occasion the Gakk’hars took a Muhammadan captive. This

Musalman mentioned to them the principal points of the Muham¬

madan faith. The chiefs of the Gakk’hars approving of the religion,

* Tankh-i-Alfi, Elliot’s Index to Muhammadan Historians, page 15S.

1871.]

A History of the GaW liars.

77

enquired of tlie captive, “ If I were to turn a Muhammadan, what

reward would I receive from the Sultan ?” The captive replied

that after exacting the dues and rights which appertained to royalty,

the Sultan would undoubtedly give back the country to him.

Accordingly, the chief petitioned the Sultan on behalf of himself

and his people, to be numbered among the faithful. The Sultan

sent a handsome present to the chief, and invited him to Court.

The chief went and became a follower of Islam. The sovereignty

of the country was then conferred upon the chief who afterwards

was instrumental in the conversion of the whole of the Gakk’hars

to the Muhammadan faith/*

X.

Fida'i' Kha'n.

(A. D. 1206, A. H 603.)

Sultan Shihabuddiu having ordered his army to Dihlf under

the command of Qutbuddm Aibag, left Lahor to return to

Ghazni. On the 2nd Sha’ban, A. H. 602, he approached the Indus,

and encamped at Rathak (Damhak).f Then twenty Gakk’hars

whose relations were killed during the late war, formed a conspiracy

to assassinate the Sultan. Accordingly having previously ascer¬

tained and made sure of the particular tent in which the Sultan

resided, they entered the camp, stole up to the door of the

tent, and stabbed the sentinel who was pacing up and down before

it. An alarm was at once sounded, and all the people of the camp

immediately rushed to the spot, and gathered round the wounded

sentinel. The Gakk’hars getting an opportunity by finding the

Sultan’s tent momentarily unguarded, cut the qanats of the tent, and

went inside. Two or three slaves who were near the Sultan in the

tent were struck dumb and powerless from fear, and the Gakk’hars

approached the Sultan, who was about to undress and retire to his

bed for the night, and at once killed^ him. They inflicted twenty-two

* Firishtah, page 104.

f The Rauzat-ut-Tahirin distinctly states that the place was Damhak, an en¬

camping ground on the old road not far fi’om Sultanpur, the stronghold of

the Gakk’hars. The Khulagatut-Tawarikh says the place was under the

government of Ghazni.

J In the Siyar-ulmutaakhkhirin of Ghulam Husain Khan it is stated that

Fidai Khan Gakk’har was the man who inflicted the wounds.

78

A History of the GakH liars.

[No. 1,

wounds with their knives and daggers. Subsequently Muayyidul

Mulk, the Yazir of the Sultan, captured some of the assassins and

had them put to death.*

XI.

Mang Klia'n.

(A. D. 1220, A. IT. 617.)

Mughul irruptions. When the Sultan of Khwarazm was pursued

into India by the Mughuls under Chingiz Khan, he deputed mes¬

sengers on reaching the vicinity of Dihli to king Shamsuddin

Altamsh, to communicate his arrival, and to prefer a request to

reside temporarily in some village near Dihli. The king after

mature reflection deputed a messenger on his part with presents

to the Sultan, but objected to comply with his demand for a place

of residence on the ground that the climate of India would not

suit the constitution of the Sultan. On receiving this reply, the

Sultan returned to Belala and Nekala. Those who had effected

their escape joined him, and he had now about ten thousand men

under him. He deputed Tajuddin Malik Khilji, accompanied by

a force, to Pai Gakk’har in the hills of Judh, with a request for

the hand of his daughter. This request Pai Gakk’har complied

with, and sent his son with a number of troops to wait upon the

Sultan, who gave the name of Qutlugh Khan to the son, and sent

an army under the command of Uzbak Pai against Na^iruddm

Qubajali, who was at enmity with Pai Gakk’har. f

In the month of Pajab, A. H. 644, Napir ibn i Mahmud took

the held, and proceeded towards the mountains of Judh and the

provinces on the Indus. These countries were reduced, and the king

took revenge on the Gakk’hars for the continued incursions and for

having led the Mughuls through their country into Hindustan.

Deeming these offences too great to be pardoned, he carried several

thousand Gakk’hars of all ages and of each sex into captivity. J

During the reign of Sultanah Paziah Begum, Malik Altuniah,

having espoused the empress, raised an army composed of Gakk’hars,

Jats, and other neighbouring tribes, with which he opposed the

forces of Bahram, but was defeated.

* Firishtah, page 105.

f The Jami’ut-tawankh (Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians, page 26.)

j Firishtah, page 134.

1871.] A History of the GaWhars . 79

XII.

Lahar Kha'n.

(A. D. 1267, A. II. 666.)

Ghiasuddin Balban. An army of Mughuls belonging to Arghdn

Khan, king of Persia, invaded tbe Panjab, and Prince Muhammad

wbo was governor of the Panjab met and defeated them, but was

himself killed in the conflict.

XIII.

Lakk’han Kha'n.

{A. D. 1330, A. II. 731.)

Muhammad Tughluq. An army of Mughuls under a very cele¬

brated general, Taimurshin Khan, having entered the Panjab, the

king bought them off by the payment of an immense contribu¬

tion.

Buga Khan the nephew of Lakk’han Khan acquired the ’ilaqah

of Kohtas and Domeli in the Jlielam District, and governed there

independently. His descendants are numerous, and are styled

Bugyal Gakk’hars.

XIV.

Haidar Kha'n.

(A. D. 1341, A. II. 742.)

The Afghans crossed the Indus and ravaged the Panjab. In

the year 743, Malik Haidar, a chief of the Gakk’hars, invaded the

Panjab, and slew Tatar Khan, the Viceroy of Labor, in action.

Khwajah Jahan was sent, but the Gakk’hars seem to have maintain¬

ed their position and completed the ruin of the province.*

XV.

Kad Kha'n.

(A. D. 1365, A. II. 767.)

Was a very brave chieftain. He conquered Kashmir, but held

it for a short period only.

XVI.

Shaikha Kha'n.

(A. D. 1380, A. II. 782.)

During the short reign of Na^iruddin Tughluq, the Gakk’hars

# Firishtali, page 245.

80

[No. 1,

A History of the G able’ liars.

revolted under tlieir chief Shaikha and occupied Labor. Sarang

Khan’ the governor of Dipalpiir, in the succeeding reign of Mahmud

Tughluq, after collecting a large force from the country round

about Multan, went out to meet them. A great battle was fought

about 24 miles from Labor. Shaikha Gakk’har was utterly defeated,

and having hastily removed his wife and family from Labor, he

tied and took refuge in the Jammu hills.

Tamerlane having invaded India and having crossed the Indus

at Dhankot (near Kalabagh) in the autumn of A. D. 1398. Jasrat

Gakk’har, the younger brother of Shaikha, endeavoured to oppose

his advance, but having been defeated, fled and took refuge with

Shaikha who, taking advantage of the commotions and anarchy

which ensued very shortly afterwards, marched against the Fort

of Lahor and re-occupied it ; but when Tamerlane retired to the*

Panjab on his way back to Samarqand, in the spring of A. D. 1399,

Shaikha failed to meet him, and is stated to have given some

trouble, and losing a brother at a place called Shahnawaz while

attempting to defend the place with 2,000 men only. Tamerlane sent

a force to chastise him under Pir Muhammad, his grandson. Shaikha

was captured and imprisoned, and subsequently beheaded by

order of Tamerlane, who appointed Khizr Khan governor of Labor

and of the Panjabf generally.

XVII.

Jasrat Kha'n.

(A. D. 1399, A. H 802.)

Succeeded his brother Shaikha during the reign of Sayyid

Mubarak. Jasrat took the field against Sultan Shah ’All, the

king of Kashmir, and having defeated him took him a prisoner.

He obtained much booty in this war, and being now in the posses¬

sion of a considerable amount of wealth and power, he resolved

to extend his conquests as far as Dilili. In this he was assisted

by Shadf Khan or Zainul’abidm, king of Kashmir, Jasrat having

espoused his cause when still an aspirant for the throne of that

country. Zainul’abidm sent a large force under Jasrat to con¬

quer the Panjab and eventually to attack Dilili. Malik Taghai

* Firishtah, page 279. f Firishtah, page 288.

1871.]

A History of the GaW liars.

81

a Turk wlio had found an asylum with the Gakk’hars, to avoid

punishment for rebellion against the government of the $ayyids>

was appointed commander-in-chief of the Gakk’har army. He

subjugated the Panjab, and seized Lahor, the capital, and crossing

the Satlaj went against the town of Talwandi, which was taken

and sacked. The Bajah of Talwandi, Bai Ffruz, however,

managed to escape. From Talwandi J asrat went to Bupar and

then to Ludhianah, and lastly laid siege to the fort of Jalindhar.

Ziarat Khan the governor offered at first a stout resistance, but

was in the end compelled to sue for peace. Jasrat made a treaty

to the effect that Ziarat Khan should evacuate the fort and make

it over to Taghai Khan, whose son should then be sent as an

ambassador with presents to the king at Delhi. Accordingly, on

the 2nd Jumada-l-akhir, A. H. 824, Ziarat Khan surrendered

the fort, and went and encamped about five miles away from the

town ; but on the 2nd day, Jasrat treacherously fell upon the camp

of Ziarat Khan, and made him a prisoner carrying him off to

Ludhianah. Jasrat next besieged Sirhind, and while Islam Khan

the governor was engaging his attention, Sayyid Mubarak, the king

of Dihli, having received intelligence of the revolt of Jasrat, march¬

ed to Sirhind with a large force. On the approach of the king,

Jasrat raised the siege and retreated to Ludhianah. In the con¬

fusion Ziarat Khan contrived to effect his escape, and to join the

king his master, who followed up in pursuit of Jasrat to Ludhianah,

but Jasrat had in the meanwhile crossed the Satlaj, and possessed

himself of all the ferry boats. The river being much swollen from

the rain, the king was unable to cross over. After a few days,

when the river had subsided, the king marched to Qabiilpiir,

Jasrat being still encamped on the opposite side. The king’s

army crossed over on elephants, but Jasrat without giving battle

fled from the place. The king pursued him, and killed many of

of his men, much property also falling into his hands which the

Gakk’hars abandoned on the way. The pursuit was kept up by

the king as far as Jammu, and Bai Bkirn, the Baja of Jammu,

having disclosed to the king the secret hiding-place of the Gak¬

k’hars, the king marched to the spot, coming upon them suddenly

and unexpectedly. A great many Gakk’hars were killed, and the

11

82 A History of the GaWhars. [No. 1,

whole of their property was destroyed ; Jasrat escaped, however,

by flight to the hills.

After the king had retired from the Panjab and had returned

to Dihli, Jasrat again issued from his mountain fastnesses and

besieged Lahor, but being unable to make any impression, he

raised the siege and ravaged the country in the neighbourhood of

Kalamir, and then started off to Jammu, and attacked Rai Bhim

for having betrayed his retreat to the king, but was repulsed by

Rai Bhim. He retreated to the banks of the Chanab, where he

stayed for a short time, and began to collect recruits and to form a

fresh army. In the interval, Malik Sikandar, an officer of the

king of Dihli, marched with a force by Kalamir to Jammu and

chastised the Gakk’hars who were still concealed in the hills.*

In A. H. 826, a great battle was fought between Rai Bhim and

Jasrat. Rai Bhim was vanquished and killed, and a large amount

of pillage fell into the hands of Jasrat, who afterwards went with

an army of 10 or 12,000 men and ravaged the country round about

Dipalpur and Lahor, destroying and plundering many towns.

Malik Sikandar, the governor, attempted to oppose him, but was

obliged to retreat. J asrat formed a friendly compact with Mfr

Shaikh ’ All, the governor of Kabul, and these conjointly organiz¬

ed a great army. In A. H. 836, Jasrat with Amir Shaikh ’All

was signally defeated. The latter returned to Kabul. During

the reign of Sayyid Muhammad, the Gakk’hars under Jasrat joined

Buhlul Lodi, governor of the Panjab. f No further mention is made

of this turbulent chief in Muhammadan History.

XVIII.

Malik Gullu'.

(A. D. 1446, A. H. 850.)

The ’ilaqah of Pubbi zil’ah, Jhelam, was governed independent¬

ly by Giyas, the great grandson of Kad Khan.

XIX.

Sikandar Khali.

(A. JD. 1447, A . R. 851.)

The Panjab re-annexed to Dihli. Piruz Khan, the brother of Si¬

kandar Khan, rebelled against the authority of the latter, and was

# Firislitab, page 306, et seq, f Firishtah, page 307, et seq.

mi.]

A History of the Gahkhars.

S3

banished to Kashmir. Firuz Khan, however, returned subsequent¬

ly, and with the assistance of his brethren and some of the neigh¬

bouring tribes, expelled Sikandar Khan, who took up his residence

in the Rohtas ’ilaqah.

XX.

IVru/z Kha'n.

{A. L. 1416, A. H. 865.)

The descendants of Firuz Khan are numerous. They are known

as Firuzal Gakk’hars.

XXI.

Malik Bid*.

{A. D. 1472, A. If. 877.)

Death of Buhliil Lodi, and accession of Sikandar. Malik Bir was

very generous. He used to devote one tenth of his revenue to chari¬

table purposes and was lavish of his wealth, chiefly in relieving the

poor and feeding faqfrs. His subjects were contented and happy.

XXII.

Malik Pi'lu'.

(A. D. 1493, A.'H. 899.)

Ibrahim Lodi. Revolt of Daulat Khan Lodi, governor of the

Panjab who called in the aid of Babar. Malik Pilu made the

town of Rawalpindi his capital.

XXIII.

Tata'r Kha'n.

(A. D. 1523, A. E. 930.)

The following account of Babar’ s expedition against the Gakk’hars

is extracted from his autobiography.*

“In the hill country between Nilab and Bherah but apart from

the tribes of Jodh and Janjuah, and adjoining the hill country of

Kashmir are the Jats and Gujurs and many other men of similar

tribes who build villages and settle on every hillock and in every

valley. Their ruler was of the Gakk’har race and their government

resembles that of the Jodhs and Junjuas. The government of

these tribes which stretch along the skirt of the hills, was at that

time held by Tatar Gakk’har and Hati Gakk’har, sons of the

* Leyden’s Baber, page 253,

84

A History of the GaW liars .

[No. 1,

same family. They were cousins. Their places of strength were

situated on ravines and steep precipices. The name of Tatar’s

stronghold was Perhaleh.* It was considerably lower than the

snowy mountains. Hati’s country is close adjoining the hills. f

Hati had also brought over to his interest Baba Khan who held

Kalinjur. Tatar Gakk’har had waited on Dowlut Khan, and was

in a certain way subject to him. Hati had never visited him but

remained in an independent, turbulent state. Tatar at the desire

of the Amirs of Hindustan, and in conjunction with them, had

taken a position with his army a considerable way off, and in some

sort kept Hati in a state of blockade. At the very time when we

were in Behreh, Hati had advanced upon Tatar by a stratagem,

had surprised and slain him, and taken his country, his women and

all his property.

“ Some persons who were acquainted with the country and with

the political situation of the neighbouring territories and particularly

the Junjuahs who were the old enemies of the Gakk’hars, repre¬

sented to me that Hati the Gakk’har had been guilty of many

acts of violence, had infested the highways by his robberies, and

harassed the inhabitants, that therefore it was necessary either to

effect his expulsion from this quarter, or at least to inflict on him

exemplary punishment.

“For effecting this object, next morning I left Khoajah Mir

Miran, and Miram Nazir in charge of the camp and about break¬

fast time set out with a body of light troops to fall upon Hati

Gakk’har, who a few days before had killed Tatar, seized the

country of Perhaleh and was now at Perhaleh, as has been mentioned.

About afternoon prayers we halted, and baited our horses and set

off again about bed-time prayers. Our guide was a servant of the

Mulla Hust by name Surpa. He was a Gujar. All night long

we proceeded straight on in our course, but halted towards morn¬

ing and sent on Beg Muhammad Moghul towards the camp.

When it was beginning to be light we again mounted, and about

luncheon time, put on our armour, and increased our speed. About

a kos from the place where we had made this halt, Perhaleh

* The remains of this ancient fort, now called Pharwalah, still exist about 12

miles east of Eawal Pindf. f At Dangali

A History of the GaWhars.

85

1871*]

began to appear faintly in sight. The skirmishers were now

pushed forward ; the right wing proceeded to the east of Perhaleh.

Kuch Beg, who belonged to that wing, was directed to follow in

their rear, by way of reserve. The left wing and centre, poured

in straight towards Perhaleh. Dost Beg was appointed to com¬

mand the party charged to support the left wing and centre, who

made the direct attack on Perhaleh.

“ Perhaleh which stands high in the midst of deep valleys and

ravines, has two roads leading to it, one of them on the south-east,

which was the road that we advanced by. This road runs along

the edge of the ravines, and has ravines and precipices on both

sides. Within half a kos of Perhaleh the road becomes extremely

difficult, and continues so up to the very gates of the city ; the

ravine road, in four or five places, being so narrow and steep, that

only one person can go along it at a time, and, for about a bow

shot, it is necessary to proceed with the utmost circumspection.

The other road is on the north-west. It advances towards Per¬

haleh through the midst of an open valley. Except these two roads

there is no other on any side. Although the place has no breast¬

work nor battlement, yet it is so situated that it is not assailable.

It is surrounded by a precipice seven or eight yards in perpendicu¬

lar height. The troops of the left wing having passed along the

narrows, went pouring on towards the gate. Hati with thirty or

forty horsemen, all, both man and horse, in complete armour,

accompanied by a number of foot soldiers, attacked and drove back

the skirmishers. Dost Beg, who commanded the reserve, coming

up, and falling on the enemy with great impetuosity, brought down

a number of them, and routed the rest. Hati Gakk’har, who dis¬

tinguished himself by his courage and firmness in the action, in

spite of all his exertions could not maintain his ground, and fled-

He was unable to defend the narrows ; and, on reaching the fort

found that it was equally out of his power to maintain himself

there. The detachment which followed close on his heels, having

entered the fort along with him, Hati was compelled to make his

escape, nearly alone, by the north-west entrance. Dost Beg on

this occasion again greatly distinguished himself. I ordered an

honorary gift to be given to him. At the same time I entered

86

A History of the GakJc’hars.

[No. 1,

Perhaleh and took up my abode in Tatar’s palace. During these

operations* some men who had been ordered to remain with him

had joined the skirmishing party. Among these were Amir Mu¬

hammad Kurachi, and Tarkhan Arghun. In order to punish them

for this offence, I gave them the Gujar Surpa for their guide

and turned them out disgracefully into the deserts and wilds to

find their way back to the camp.

“ Next morning passing by the ravine on the north-west we

halted on the sown fields, when I gave Wali the treasurer a

body of select troops and sent him off to the camp.

“ On Thursday the 15th of March we halted at Andurabuh (Ad-

ranah) which lies on the banks of the river Solian. This fort of

Andurabuh (Adranah) depended from old times on the father of

Malik Hast. When Hati Gakk’har slew Malik Hast’s father, it

had been destroyed and had remained in ruins ever since. About

bed-time prayers, the party that had been left with the camp at

Kuldah Kuhar (Kaller Kahar) rejoined us.”

XXIY.

Malik Ha'ti'.

{A. D. 1524, A. H. 931.)

Beturn of Babar. Battle of Pan lpat (21st April, 1526). Defeat

and death of Ibrahim Lodi. Malik Darwlsh Khan Janjuah, who

was the chief of Turali and Tab (now in the district of Shahpur),

invaded the country of the Gakk’hars and gave them battle. The

latter were defeated. Hat! Khan took refuge with his maternal

uncle, Bassal Khan Khattar. Malik Darwlsh became master of

the country at Adranah (Tahqll Fath Jang) where he built the

fort which Hat! had destroyed during the lifetime of Malik Tatar

as related by the Emperor Babar, but owing to the treachery

of one Dulla by caste, Tothal of Tarlai who commanded the

troops of Malik Darwlsh, and assisted by his uncle and some of

the neighbouring tribes, Hat! surprised the garrison, killing all

the Janjuahs and again destroying the fort.

On the return of Babar to the Panjab in December 1525, Hatl,

brought to his senses by the chastisement formerly received, met

the Emperor on the banks of the Indus and accompanied him as

# Firishtah says a considerable amount of treasure was captured in the fort.

1871.]

A History of the G aide1 liars.

87

far as Bherah. He rendered himself of great assistance to the

emperor in furnishing supplies to the army. On taking leave,

the emperor made him a handsome present and conferred upon

him the title of Sultan. This title was retained by the Gakk’hars

chiefs up to the close of their supremacy.

Hati Khan was poisoned by his wife at the instigation of Sultan

Sarang his cousin, and the son of Malik Tatar.

XXY.

Sulta'n Sa'rang.

(A. H. 1530, A. H. 937.)

Defeat and flight of Humayun. First reign of Humayun, A. D,

1531. Bise of Slier Khan, A.D. 1535. Defeat and flight of

Humayun, 1540. Birth of Akbar, A.D. 1542. Sultan Sarang

was the greatest chief of all the Gakk’hars. He is even stated to

have exercised kingly powers. Money was coined, and the khutbah

read in his name within his dominions, which are said to have

extended from the banks of the Indus to the Chanab. On the

flight of Humayun, Kamran his brother ceded the Panjab to Sher

Shah, and retired himself to Kabul. On leaving Labor, Kamran

came to Dangali, and Sultan Sarang had the prince safely con¬

ducted across the Indus. When Sher Shah took possession of the

Panjab and on arriving at the Chanab, he sent for Sultan Sarang

and his brother Sultan Adam, but they refused to come, and sent

word that they would only submit to Humayun and to no one else.

Sher Shah, in A. D. 1540, laid the foundation of the fort of Bohtas

in the neighbourhood of Jogf Tilla, on the banks of the Kalian

stream, and having left an army of 12,000 men under the command

of Saif Khan and Shahbaz Khan for the repression of the Gakk’hars

and the protection of the high road, and also having appointed

Sliaku Sultani to superintend the construction of the fort, returned

himself to Dihli. Sultan Sarang harassed this force incessantly,

but his attacks in no way interfered with the progress of the

building, which was in due time completed. Sher Shah, having

been informed that his troops at Bohtas were greatly thinned and

harassed by the Gakk’hars, sent several times forces to chastise

them, but at last finding them most troublesome, he came himself

with a large force to the Panjab. On the approach of the king,

88

A History of the GaJch'hars . [No. 1 ,

Sultan Sarang became alarmed, and sent bis son Kamal Khan

to make liis submission and to sue for peace. Sber Shah, however,

took Kamal Khan into custody and sent him off as a prisoner to

the fort of Gwaliar. After this Sultan Sarang was compelled to

engage with the king’s troops. He was defeated, taken piisonei

and beheaded. It is related that sixteen of his sons fell in this battle.

Sultan Sarang was buried at Kewat, where his tomb still exists.

XXYI.

Sulta'n A'dam.

(A. D. 1542, A. H. 949.)

After the defeat and death of Sultan Sarang, Dangali was

plundered and destroyed by the king’s troops. Sultan Adam fled

with his family and took refuge in the Narh hills. Subsequently,

he succeeded in gaining a victory over the royal troops and in

driving them out of his country. He then repaired the fort of

Pharwalah and established himself there. About this time, certain

nobles belonging to the Court of Salim Shah rebelled against their

master. Among them were the generals Shahbaz Khan and

Saif Khan. The rebels were, however, defeated. They retired

among the Gakk’hars and came to Pliarwalah. Here the Afghan

tribe of Niazi joined them. Salim Shah on learning that Shahbaz

and Saif Khan were at Pharwalah demanded them, but Sultan

Adam refused to surrender them. On this, Salim Shah sent a

large force under Mamara Klian to coerce the Gakk’hars, and to

capture the rebels who were keeping alive the insurrection.

Sultan Adam met the imperial troops near Manikyalah and Dodhar

Mirza, but was repulsed and was obliged to retreat to Pharwalah

where, with the assistance of the Dhunds, Sattis, and other tribes,

he succeeded in gaining a signal victory over Salim Shah’s forces.

General Mamara fell into the hands of the Gakk’hars and was

detained as a captive in the fort of Pharwalah.

Salim Shah with a view of suppressing for the future the dis¬

turbances excited by these insurgents, moved with an overwhelm¬

ing force and took up a strong position within the hills north of

the Panjab where, for the purpose of stationing thanas, he built

five forts, Mankot, Pashidkot, &c. As he had no friendly dis¬

position towards the Afghans (Niazi), he forced them for a period

1871.]

A History of the Gakk’hars.

89

of two years to bring stones and wood for the building of those

fortresses. Those who were exempted from this labour were em¬

ployed against the Gakk’hars, who gave them no rest, more especi¬

ally the Gakk’hars of Adalsu and Shekal, with whom they had

skirmishes every day. At night the Gakk’hars prowled about

like thieves and carried away whomsoever they could lay hands

on, without distinction of sex or rank, put them in the most

rigorous confinement, and sold them into slavery.*

In 1552, while Salim Shah was encamped at Ban near Jammu,

prince Kamran came there and sought an asylum with Sultan

Salim. Receiving no encouragement in that quarter, he fled to

Sultan Adamf at Pharwalah. Adam kept him under surveillance,

and about this time (A. D. 1554, A. H. 962) Humayun received

letters from Sultan Adam, chief of the Gakk’hars, stating, that the

prince Kamran was now in his territory, and that if his majesty

would take the trouble of coming there, he would give him up.

In consequence of this information the king immediately marched,

and having entered the country of Bangash, first seized and put

to death a pretended prophet, who was leading mankind astray

by teaching them a false religion ; after which he proceeded to

Dhankot (Dincote of the maps) ; he then crossed the Nflab (Indus),

and, after repeated marches, entered the territory of Sultan Adam.

When arrived within ten kos of the residence of this chief, he

was met by an ambassador, who requested him to proceed ; he,

therefore, about midday reached Pharwalah, his majesty then order¬

ed tents to be pitched for the meeting between him and the prince

Kamran ; but the ambassador returned, and said “that the prince

insisted upon the king’s coming further to meet him.” On hearing

this his Majesty was surprised, and said, “ After I have taken the

trouble of coming so far, and have prepared accommodation for

the interview, it is strange that he should delay the visit,” but to

gratify him the tents were sent on another stage. At this place

the ambassador again returned, and said, “ The prince was not yet

satisfied, and requested the king would still advance.” His majesty

replied, “ After evening prayers I will do so.”

12

* Tarfkli i Badaonf.

f Firishtah, page 241.

90

A History of the G aide liars. [No. 1?

About this time the Gakk’har chief, Sultan Adam, attended by

two others, came and paid their respects. The king said, “ Sultan

Adam, you have taken along time to perform this ceremony.” The

chief replied, “ I should certainly have done myself the honor of

waiting on your majesty at the Ni lab, but I had a guest in my

house, whom I could not leave (Kamran).” The king replied, “ You

have done right, that was of more consequence.”

Sultan Adam again repeated the prince’s request that the king

would move on; his majesty hesitated for sometime; but the

chief said, “ The prince Kamran is my prisoner; you may do as

you like.” On this the king advanced to the banks of the river

(End Ab),* and sat there on a bed or couch. After about an hour

of the night had passed, the prince arrived, and advanced with

great humility ; the king, however, received him graciously, and

pointed to him to sit down on the bed on his right hand, his

majesty then sat down on the bed also, having the young prince

Akbar on his left hand ; Sultan Adam, Abul-Ma’ali, and the

other chiefs, were also seated in due order. After some time his

majesty called for a water melon, one-third of which he himself

took, and divided it with his brother ; another third he gave

between Akbar and Abul-Ma’ali, and the remaining third be¬

tween Tardi Beg and Sultan Adam. After this, the prince Kam¬

ran made an apology in the name of several other chiefs for not

having waited on the king, but said, they would do so next morning.

His majesty replied, “ Yery well, let them do so,” but Sultan

Adam said, “ As your majesty has taken the trouble of coming

so far, it will be more respectful for them to wait on you immedi¬

ately.” He, therefore, sent off a messenger for them ; and the chiefs

having been introduced, were graciously received. The king then

enquired if the tents were all pitched ; and being informed that

they were, having first distributed loan to all the visitors, he

mounted his horse and rode to the encampment. Preparations

having been made for an entertainment, and public singers as¬

sembled, the whole night was passed in jollity and carousing.

Early in the morning, the king having said his prayers, lay down

to rest, the prince Kamran retired to his own tent, and did the

same. The next night was also passed in festivity.

* Sohan.

A History of the Gahhhars.

91

1871.]

On the following clay the king’s officers demanded of him what

he meant to do with the prince Kamran, he replied, “ Let us first

satisfy the Gakk’har chief, after which I will do whatever is

deemed proper.”

On the third day a grand entertainment was expressly given

to Sultan Adam, he was clothed in a dress of honour ; the standard*

kettle-drums, and all other insignia of royalty were conferred

upon him, after which he was graciously dismissed.

On the next day the business of Mirza Kamran was taken into

consideration : and it was resolved in the first place to remove

all his servants from him. Then the king ordered five of his own

people, viz., KhanjarBeg, ’Arif Beg, ’All Dost, Saidf Muhammad,

and his humble servant Jauhar, to attend upon the prince ; and

he said to me, “ My boy, do you know where you are sent ?” I

said, “Yes; and I know your majesty’s (wishes).” He replied,

“Your business is to take care of the interior of the tent; you

are desired not to sleep for a moment.” In obedience to the king’s

orders, I waited on the prince about the hour of the second prayer ;

he asked for a carpet, for the purpose of kneeling on : I brought

one, and spread it for him. In the evening he performed his

devotions inside the tent. After that, he said, “ Boy, what is your

name ?” I replied, my name is Jauhar.” He asked, “ Do you know

the art of shampooing (khadimi) ?” I replied “Yes, a little.” I

then began to shampoo him. He asked, “ How long have you

been in the king’s service ?” I replied, “ I have been nineteen years

in his majesty’s employ.” He said, “ You are an old servant.” I

replied, “ Yes.” He then asked me, “ If I had ever been in the

service of the prince ’Askari ?” I answered, “No,” he then said,

“ I have fasted six days, during this holy month of Kamazan ; can

you be my deputy for the remainder of the month?” I replied,

“ I can, but your highness will do it yourself ; keep up your

courage ; do not allow melancholy anticipations to take possession

of your heart.” He then said, “ Do you think they will kill me ?”

I replied, “Princes only understood the motives or intentions of

princes ; but this I ain certain of, that no man should commit

suicide ; and I know that his majesty is a very compassionate per¬

sonage.” The night passed in this kind of melancholy discourse.

92

[No. 1,

A History of the GaklAhars*

“ Early in the morning the king marched towards Hindust&n,

hut before his departure, determined that the prince should be

blinded, and gave orders accordingly, but the attendants on the

prince disputed among themselves who was to perform the cruel

act. Sultan ’All, the pay-master, ordered ’All Dost to do it.

The other replied, “ You will not pay a Shah Rukhi (3s. 6d.) to

any person without the king’s directions ; therefore, why should

I commit this deed without a personal order from his majesty ?

perhaps to-morrow the king may say, i Why did you put out the

eyes of my brother ?’ what answer could I give ? depend upon it,

I will not do it by your order.” Thus they continued to quarrel

for sometime : at length, I said, “ I will go and inform the king.”

On which I, with two others, galloped after his majesty : when

we came up with him, ’All Dost said, in the Chaghtai Turki lan¬

guage, “ No one will perform the business.” The king replied

in the same language, abused him, and said, “ Why don’t you do

it yourself?”

After receiving this command, we returned to the prince, and

Ghulam ’All represented to him in a respectful and a condoling

manner that he had received positive orders to blind him ; the

prince replied “ I would rather you would at once kill me.” Ghulam

’All said, “We dare not exceed our orders: he then twisted a

handerchief up as a ball for thrusting into the mouth, and he, with

the Farrash, seizing the prince by the hands, pulled him out of the

tent, laid him down and thrust a lancet ( nashtar ) into his eyes

(such was the will of God). This they repeated at least fifty times ;

but he bore the torture in a manly manner, and did not utter a

single groan, except when one of the men who was sitting on his

knees pressed him ; he then said ‘ ‘ Why do you sit upon my knees ?

what is the use of adding to my pain ?” This was all he said, and

acted with great courage, till they squeezed some (lemon) juice

and salt into the sockets of his eyes ; he then could not forbear,

and called out, “ 0 Lord, 0 Lord, my God, whatever sins I may

have committed, have been amply punished in this world, have

compassion on me in the next.”

After some time he was placed on horseback, and we proceeded

to a grove planted by the emperor Flruz Shah ; where it being very

1871.] A History of the Gallic’ liars. 93

hot, we alighted ; and after a short period again mounted, and

arrived in the camp, when the prince was lodged in the tent of

Mir Qasim.

The author of these pages seeing the prince in such pain and

distress, could no longer remain with him ; I therefore went to

my own tent, and sat down in a very melancholy mood ; the king

having seen me, sent Jan Muhammad, the librarian, to ask me

“ If the business I had been employed on was finished, and why

I had returned without orders ?” The humble servant represented,

“ That the business I had been sent on was quite completed.” His

majesty then said, “ he need not go back, let him get the water

ready for me to bathe. ^

The next day we marched, and entered the territory of the chief,

Piranah Janjdah. The aforesaid Piranah came and paid his re¬

spects to the king ; but Sultan Adam having requested that the

country might be given to him, it was done so ; his majesty then

entered the country of Paja Sunkar, plundered about fifty of the

villages, and took a number of captives ; but these were released

upon paying a certain ransom, by which the army gained consi¬

derable wealth.

The king now resolved on going to Kashmir, but the chiefs said,

“ This is not a proper season for going to such a country as

Kashmir.” The king was, however, obstinate, and Abul Ma’ali

shot one of the refractory Mughul chiefs with an arrow, and ordered

the others to march ; on which several of the nobles seeing the

determination of his majesty, went and complained to Sultan

Adam, who immediately came to the king, and falling at his feet,

requested him to forego his intention, assuring him that Islam

Khan Sur was advancing into the Panjab, and that the Afghans,

who had for some time abandoned the fort of Politas and crossed

the Bahat river, had returned and again taken possession of that

district; he, therefore, advised his majesty to return for the present

* Firishtah adds that some days after the sentence was carried into effect,

Humayun went to see him : Kamran immediately arose and walking some

steps forward to meet him said : “ The glory of the king will not be diminished

by visiting the unfortunate. Humayun burst into tears and wept bitterly.

Kamran eventually obtained permission to proceed to Makkah by the way of

Sind, and having resided there three years, died a natural death in the year

964 (A. D. 1556.)

94

A History of the Gahh'hars.

[No. 1,

to Kabul and Qnndahar, and baying there recruited bis army, be

might next year come back and enter Hindustan or Kashmir, but

in the meantime to place the river Sind between him and his

enemies, and trust to Providence for the furtherance of his

wishes.*

Malik Hast Janjuah, the chief of Makhiala, having stopped the

payment of the yearly tribute to the Grakk’hars, Sultan Adam

sent a force against him under the command of his sons Lashkar

Khan and Kohan Paj. Malik Hast submitted. Next, Sultan

A'dam went to war with the Pajah of Jammu. The Pajah fled,

and the bricks of his palace were brought away to Dangali, where

a ‘ chabutrah,’ or terrace, was constructed with them in commemo¬

ration of the victory.

Intelligence having been conveyed to Kamal Khan at Agrahthat

Lashkar Khan, son of Sultan Adam, had fallen in love with the

wife of ’Alawal Khan, brother of Kamal Khan, and had caused

’Alawal Klian to be treacherously murdered, Kamal Khan laid

a complaint before the emperor, Akbar Shah, who ordered the go¬

vernor of Lahor to chastise Adam and to assist Kamal Khan. Ac¬

cordingly with the assistance of the governor, Kamal Khan march¬

ed to Pharwalah, and Sultan Adam having come out to meet him,

a great battle was fought between them. Sultan Adam was

defeated, and he and his son Lashkar Khan were taken prisoners.

Kamal Khan hanged Lashkar Khan, and confined Adam Khan at

Pharwalah.

XXVII.

Kama'l Kha'n.

{A. D. 1562, A. H. 970.)

It is stated in the Akbarnamah of Abulfazl that in the hills and

ravines of the country between the rivers Indus and Jhelam are

the homes of the Grakk’hars. Though the emperors of Hindustan

had invariably been graciously disposed towards Sultan Adam

and his ancestors, yet they showed no signs of gratitude. His

majesty, Akbar Shah, had often condoned the misconduct of Sultan

* Stewart’s translation of Jauhar’s Tazlcirah i Vdqi’dt , a history of the Em¬

peror Humayun, pages 103-107.

A History of the Gaklv liars.

95

1871.]

Adam in consideration of some trifling good services to the state

formerly rendered by him.

On the accession of Akbar Shah, Kamal Khan came to him,

and received a jagir as a reward, and during the war of Khan

Zaman with the son of ’Adlf, Kamal Khan, whose jagirs were

situated in Haswah Fathpur and other parganahs, went with

some of his own men to the war, and rendered assistance. He

displayed great bravery, and on this circumstance being reported

to the emperor, he was taken into greater favour by his imperial

master.

On one occasion, the emperor was pleased to express his satis¬

faction with his conduct, and asked Kamal Khan in what manner

he could reward him.

Kamal Khan, replied that he was desirous of returning to his

own country, but he could not do so, as his uncle Adam Khan

had seized all his father’s possessions. He added that his father

Sultan Sprang had gallantly fought against Sher Khan (Slier

Shah) and that his father and he were taken prisoners. His father

was executed, and that he (Kamal Khan) was sent as a pri¬

soner to the fort of Gwaliar. Nevertheless although victorious in

battle, Sher Khan was unable to secure a footing in that part of

the country. It continued in the possession of Sultan Adam, the

brother of Sultan Sarang. Further when Sher Khan was killed,

and Salim Khan succeeded, the latter also strove hard to take the

country, but in vain. That as regards himself, on one occasion

Salim Khan ordered all the prisoners in the fort of Gwaliar to be

destroyed. Accordingly, the prison where the captives were lodged,

was blown up with gunpowder. The rest of the prisoners perished,

whereas by the interposition of Providence he alone was saved,

the cell in which he wTas confined having escaped injury. On

being informed of his miraculous escape, Salim Khan ordered his

release, and that he (Kamal Khan) had now spent a considerable

period of his life in the service of his august master.

On hearing this speech of Kamal Khan, the emperor command¬

ed that all the country which had been in the possession of Sultan

Sarang and now held by Sultan Adam, should be divided into two

shares. One share was to be retained by Adam and the other to be

96

A History of the Gdkk'hars.

[No. 1,

made over to Kamal Khan. Instructions to carry these orders

into effect were issued to Khan i Kalan Mir Muhammad Khan,

Mahdi Qasim Klian, Qutb-uddin Muhammad Khan, Sharif Khan,

Jan Muhammad Khan, Rajah Kapur Deo, and Rajah Ram Chand,

jagirdars in the Panjab. It was also added that, if Adam Khan

did not obey these orders, he was to be coerced.

Kamal Khan having taken leave of his majesty, came to the

Panjab, and the jagirdars above mentioned having communicated

the imperial commands to Sultan Adam, neither he nor his son

Lashkari would obey them. Whereupon the jagirdars reported

the circumstance to the emperor, who sent a farman to the effect

that if Sultan Adam continued to be contumacious, he was to be

punished, and the whole of the country was to be made over to

Kamal Khan.

Adam Khan being still obstinate, the imperial troops were

marched into his country. The latter were opposed by the Gak-

k’hars. A great battle took place at HiH (Tahyil Gujar Khan).

The Gakk’hars displayed great bravery, but they were totally

routed and dispersed. Sultan Adam was taken a prisoner.

Lashkari fled to the hills of Kashmir, but was pursued, captured,

and brought back. Thus the whole of the Gakk’har country,

which had never before been conquered by any former king of

Hindustan, was easily subjugated by the troops of the emperor

Akbar.

Kamal Khan having been placed in possession of the country,

and Adam and his son having been made over to Kamal Klian,

the imperial forces returned to their quarters. Kamal Klian killed

Lashkari, and Adam Khan died in confinement.

Kamal Khan’s generosity is still remembered. An anecdote is

related of him that he once gave one lac of rupees to a lliat, or

bard, for having recited some complimentary verses before him.

XXYIII.

Muba'rak Kha'n.

(A. D. 1581, A. H. 989.)

His rule was uneventful in the annals of the Gakk’hars. Akbar

built the fort at Atak in 1583. Sa’id Khan Gakk’har, with a

'* The ferry of Till on tlie Jhelani river is in the neighbourhood of Dangalf,

the ancient capital of the Gakk’hars.

1871.]

97

>A History of the Gakk'hars.

contingent of his followers, served against the Afghans in Swat

(Sawad) and Bajaur nnder Zain Khan Kokah.

Sa’id Khan was the son of Sultan Sarang. A daughter of his

was married to Prince Salim (Jahangir), by whom she had a

daughter ’Iffat Band Begum, who died at the age of three years.*

XXIX.

Ajmi'r Kha'n.

(A. D. 1599, A. IT. 1008.)

It happened that one Fath Khan, a Faransial Gakk’har of

Bishandot;, a servant of Jalal Khan, was accidentally slain in a

hunting expedition by Ajmir Khan. A quarrel ensued between

’All Muhammad, the brother of Jalal Khan, and Ajmir Khan.

The result was a fight in which a great many persons lost their

lives. Ajmir Khan was wounded, and went home and died.

XXX.

Jalal Kha'n.

(A. D. 1618, A. H. 1028.)

A man of strict integrity and great benevolence. During a

famine which raged in his country, he saved thousands from

perishing by distributing food and money. Jalal Khan was killed

in an expedition, undertaken by command of the emperor Jahan¬

gir against the Bangash Pathans, Trans-Indus. f Jalal Khan

constructed the palckah tank at Kurunta near Bishandot, which is

still in existence.

XXXI.

Akbar Quli' Kha'n.

{A. D. 1653, A . H. 1064.)

Defeated the Janjuahs in a battle at Mauza’ Karchak’ha (zil’ah

Jhelam). Akbar Quli Khan rendered good service to the emperor

of Dihli. Sliadman Khan, the son of Ajmir Khan, rebelled against

him, but was vanquished and expelled the country. Akbar Quli

Khan died of paralysis at Gujrat.

# Price’s Memoirs of Jahangir, page 20, and Ahbarndmah , Yol. III., page

561.

f Tuzuk i Jahdngm, Sayyid Ahmad’s Edition, page 307,

13

98 A History of the GaWhars * [No. 1,

XXXII.

• Mura'd Quli' Kha'n.

(A. D. 1676, A. H. 1087.)

The parganah of Akbarabad was conferred upon Lashkari Khan,

the son of Murad Quli Khan by the emperor Aurangzib. Lashkari

Khan settled down at Takhtpari. Murad Quli Kh&n died in the

Kliaibar pass.

XXXIII.

Allah Quli7 Kha'n.

(A. B. 1681, A. H. 1093.)

Was a man of weak intellect. His wife, Rani Rangu, managed

his affairs until his son Duld Dilawar Khan came of age, when

Allah Quli Khan was quietly deposed.

A daughter of Allah Quli Khan was married on the 3rd Rajab,

1087, to Prince Muhammad Akbar, fourth son of Aurangzib.*

XXXIY.

Du'lu' Dila'war Kha'n.

(A. B. 1705, A. IT. 1117.)

Was a brave and powerful chief. He fought a battle at Bhak-

kar with Nagir Khan Lit by command of the emperor Bahadur

Shah, and gained a signal victory. He took Nagir Khan a pri¬

soner and sent him to Dihli. He rendered great assistance to the

Mughul army in chastising the Afridis and other Trans-Indus

tribes. His tomb still exists at Phalak’har, near Kaler.

XXXV.

Mu’azzaro Kha'n.

(A. B. 1726, A. H. 1139.)

Nothing remarkable is said to have occurred during the short

rule of this chieftain.

XXXYI.

Muqarrab Kha'n.

{A. D. 1730, A. H. 1143.)

Many ballads are still extant in the district recounting the

exploits of this celebrated warrior. It is related that Khojam

Quli Khan Khattak of Atak surprised and captured the fortress

* Mad sir i ’Alamgin. Thus two Gakk’har ladies were married to Timurides.

1871.]

A History of the GaJck'hars ,

99

of Rawalpindi with the assistance of Nawazish ’All Gakk’har of

Khanpur. The fortress belonged to the sons of Mubarak Khan,

chief of Takhtpari. The Gakk’hars of Rawalpindi, headed by

Amir Khan Firiizal, treacherously fell upon the Khattak garrison

one clay and slaughtered them all. On this Khojam Quit Khan

collected a large number of adherents and attacked Rawalpindi.

Muqarrab Khan came to the rescue of his kinsmen. The fight

took place at Ghazipur, near the site of the ice-pits in the canton¬

ment of Rawalpindi, and the Khattaks were completely routed

and destroyed.

Secondly. Muqarrab Khan had had a fight with Chaudhri Mihr,

a Kassar of Badshahani (zil’ah Jhelam) for having contrary to

the custom of the country forcibly carried off some of his men who

had fled to Muqarrab Khan and had found an asylum in his

dominions. The Chaudhri was killed, and his property given up

to pillage.

Thirdly. Muqarrab Khan went as an ally of Da wan Ahmad Khan

Gakk’har of Mirpur against Asalat Khan Chib of Mauza’ Punir.

The Chibs were vauquished and their country was devastated.

Fourthly. Muqarrab Khan espoused the cause of Ahmad Khan

in a dispute between the latter and Mulli Klian Mangral of Saila

Kotla, ’Ilaqah of Jammti. The Mangrals were defeated and

Malik Khan killed.

Fifthly. Muqarrab Khan accompanied Nadir Shah in 1738 to

Hindustan, was present at the battle of Karnal (February, 1739),

and then went on to Dilili, where he was confirmed in his posses¬

sions of Dangali and Pharwalah, and on Nadir Shah’s return to

Kabul, he conferred on Muqarrab Khan at Lahor the title of

Nawab.

Lastly. The Sikhs who were rising into importance had in

1752 under their leaders Chart Singh and Gurbakhsh Singh come

as far as SayyidKasran andBasalf, and had plundered those towns.

They compelled Muqarrab Khan to return from Lahor and to

yield up his possessions beyond the Chanab. They next attacked

him at Gujrat, where he was slain in 1761, fighting desperately

at the head of his men. The Sikhs then annexed the whole of

his territories up to the river Jhelam,

100

• A History of the GaW liars. trNo. 1,

XXXYII and XXXVIII.

Na'dir ’Ali' Kha'n

and

Sa’dullah Kha'n.

(A. D. 1761, A. H. 1175.)'

Sultan Mnqarrab left four sons, Nadir ’All Khan, Sa’dullah

Khan, Mancur ’All Khan, and Shadman Khan. The two latter

were mere children at time of their father’s death.

The two former accordingly divided the parganahs of Dangali

and Pharwalah between them. They were, however, constantly

quarrelling among themselves. In 1765, the Sikhs under Gujar

Singh and fahib Singh invaded the Rawalpindi district, and

annexed the whole of the Gakk’har possessions to their own,

leaving Milkha Singh, their Kardar, to govern the country.

In 1805, Maharajah Ranjit Singh succeeded Sirdar fahib Singh,

and appointed Jewan Singh and Anand Singh governors of the

country.

Nadir ’All Khan and Sa’dullah Khan died without issue.

XXXIX and XL.

Mansu/r Ali' Kha'n

and

Shadma n Kha'n.

( A . D. 1817, A. H. 1233.)

The latter enjoyed the jagir of Pharwalah up to A. D. 1817,

when the governor Sirdar Anand Singh confiscated their jagirs,

and allowed them a 1 chaharum’ (one-fourth) of the revenues. In

1825, Sirdar Budh Singh deprived the Gakk’hars of all their pro¬

perty and expelled them from Pharwalah. Maharajah Panjit Singh,

however, restored the Chaharums to them shortly afterwards.

In 1835, when Rajah Gulab Singh was appointed governor of

the country, the Gakk’hars having again revolted, he imprisoned

Shadman Khan and Muddu Khan, the son of Man9ur ’All Khan

deceased, together with all their families, and confiscated their

Chaharums. They were in confinement until 1847. Shadman

Klian and Muddu Khan died in confinement.

1871.]

101

A History of the GaWhars ,

XLI.

Haya'tullah Kha'n.

(A. D. 1837, A. H. 1253.)

In 1847, Major Abbott, Boundary Commissioner, had Hayatullah

Khan, the son of Shadman Khan, and the other Gakk’hars, released.

Hayatullah Khan enjoyed a pension of 1200 rupees per annum

since the date of the annexation of the Panjab by the British in

1849. The pension was granted to him in consideration of his

having been dispossessed of his patrimony by the Sikh government,

Hayatullah died in 1865, aged 55.

XLII.

Karamda'd Kha'n.

(A. D. 1865, A. D. 1282.)

Son of Hayatullah Khan, lives at Duberun, Tahiti Kuhuta, and

draws a pension of rupees 800 per annum for life. He is married

to a daughter of Kama! Khan, his father’s only surviving brother.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I.— HISTOEY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. II.— 1871.

Names of Birds , 8fc., in four of the aboriginal languages of Western

Bengal. — By V. Ball, Esq., B. A., Geological Survey of India.

Any one who has attempted to obtain vocabularies from wild or

semi-savage races is aware of the great caution and care which it

is necessary to practise, in order to ensure trustworthy results.

The stupidity of interpreters, and the state of nervousness into

which some of the wild people work themselves when undergoing

examinations in their own languages, are occasionally causes

sufficient to vitiate the correctness of any vocabularies, which are

not over and over again checked by enquiries from different

individuals of the same race.

The most reliable vocabularies are those taken from individuals

after a certain amount of intimacy has been established. But

with one obliged to travel rapidly through a district, opportunities

for establishing such intimacy do not often occur.

Struck with this difficulty it occurred to me that by asking

names for tangible and familiar objects, such as animals and

plants, about the identity of which there could be no mistake,

some valuable results might be obtained. And being in the habit

of making collections of plants and birds, I was enabled to carry

out this idea to some extent.

The result, it must be confessed, has been somewhat disappoint¬

ing as, instead of affording additional proof of the original identity

of cognate races having similar languages, it shews that names

for these natural objects must be in a great measure local and

not of equally wide extension with the ordinary words of the lan¬

guages or even the names of domesticated animals.

The cases I have chosen for illustration are two Munda and two

Oraon lists of birds, and it will be observed that in the following

list, little harmony exists between either of the pairs. Where there

is agreement, it is generally as often due to the fact that many of the

names of birds are mere phonetic representations of their particular

notes, as to any primary affinity existing between the languages.

The names, Latin and English, are as given by Dr. Jerdon in

his ‘ Birds of India.’

14

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108

[No. 2,

Notes on three Inscriptions on stone found in Clvutia Nagpur. — By Babu

Bakeial Das Haldar, M. A. S.

Inscriptions and other antiquarian remains are very rarely met

with in Chutia Nagpur. In the course of my excursions in this

country, I have found three inscriptions on stone, which, though

not very old, are still, in my opinion, deserving of mention in

the pages of the Society’s Journal. Chutia Nagpur has, at pre¬

sent, little history to speak of. It is by collecting isolated facts,

unimportant in themselves, but whose mutual dependence may be

ascertained in future, that we may hope to obtain a glimpse at the

past history of this interesting country.

The first inscription I refer to, was found at Tilmi, an incon¬

siderable village, which boasted of a fortress a century ago. It

was the seat of the Thakurs, a branch of the so-called Nag-vansi

family. The fortress is now in ruins.

Within the enclosure of the fortress, a stone- well was con¬

structed by one of the Thakurs, curiously named Akbar,*' for the

attainment of the four vargas, or beatitudes. One cannot, in these

days, clearly perceive the connexion between the attainment of

beatitude and the construction of a private well intended for the

owner’s exclusive use, which the well in question must have been ;

but according to the polity of the Nag-vansi family, it might pass

for a public work. The inscription was fixed near the mouth of the

well, when the dedication was performed in 1794 Samvat (A. D.

1737). The character is the modern Devanagari, and the language

Sanskrit. A copy and a translation are subjoined, myself being no

way responsible for the errors in orthography and grammar.

ii

'SJ'ire frTSir II

WT^T*r II

* Hindus have adopted a few Muhammadan names, as Himmat, Tahawwur,

Fath, ’Ajab, Akbar, Subhan, Gharib, the compounds of which with * Singh’

occur in histories. The family tree of the Maharajahs of Jaipur alone furnishes

a Himmat Singh, an ’Ajab Singh, and a Subhan Singh, The Editoe.

1871.] Chutia Nagpur Inscriptions. 109

Translation.

u The illustrious Rama is the help. The year consisting of tho

ocean (4), the merits (9), the ja'id (7), and the moon(l), was called

Pramodaka. In the month of Madhava (Vais’akha), on the third

bright moon, Friday, this Dirghalmpa (well) was dedicated by the

illustrious Akbar* for the purpose of obtaining dliarma , artha ledma ,

and moxa, and pleasing Vishnu for ever.”

It is noticeable that the letters in the inscription just alluded

to, and in the two others I am about to mention, are in relief.

The other two inscriptions relate to the construction of a stone -

temple, two hundred years ago, at a village called Borea, about 5

miles N. E. of Ranchi. The temple stands as the monument of a

Brahman’s devotion to Madanamohana.

One of the inscriptions is fixed on the wall, and runs thus in

Hindi

\ ’R'Hrasai

Translation.

“The illustrions Rama is true. In Samvat 1722 [A. D., 1665]

Vais’akh, tenth bright moon, and in the reign of the illustrious Raja

Raghunath [of Chutia Nagpur], the lord’s temple was begun by

Laxmmaraiua.”

The last inscription is on a black slab, cut very neatly, and

one of the most beautiful I have ever seen. It is in Hindi prose,

and commemorates the completion of the shrine.

] a

° eft

^T^T^fT % ^ tNtt: %

* Query. Could Akbar of Tilmi be of Hindu or Munda descent ? The

Hindus are not in the habit of adopting foreign names : the Mundas are. —

See Col. Dalton’s article on the Kols. J. A. S. B. for 1866, Ethnological No.,

p. 177. *

110

Chutia Nagpur Inscriptions. [No. 2,

\h °» \ ^rr^; ij fkw ^

* s -j

% ^ cTT^f^ WH^TT^t ^T^PTH! %3TTT^^^.

qp?*j wr^w-rT^^T ^nrnc^3r?cgT WT<r^*? *re^ror*rarsi*re^Tr»f

WnC^T^^T^T^T^ m ^PsT^TtH^ ^T qfcWrCT

3TTO ^ ] ^T^<sH^H:rWTOrr T^“

^rnr f%*$rn? ttw ^ mrx\^ ^

Translation.

a Salutation to tlie illustrions Madanamohana. Auspicious ! In

1722, Samvat, [A. D., 1665] Yais’akha, 10th bright moon, Monday,

the foundation of the shrine of S'ri S'ri Madanamohana was laid ;

and in Samvat 1725, [A. D. 1668] Sravana, 10th bright moon, the

foundation of the gateway, with the room and the enclosure, was laid;

completed in 1739 [A. D. 1682], at a cost of Rs. 14,001, for the

purposes of the god. The amount is correct. Now, if a Hindu

desecrate the temple with its gateway and enclosure, he shall drink

cow’s blood, and shall be visited with the sin of murdering

a Brahman and a spiritual guide. If a Musalman desecrate the

temple, with its gateway and enclosure, he shall eat pork, and

commit the sin of murdering his akhund (or preceptor) and of

putting pork in a saint’s dinner-plate. The devout Laxminaraina

caused this humble request to be written. The architect Aniruddha

says, the request is proper.”

A stone inscription in Persian is lying near the staircase out¬

side the temple ; but owing to the ignorance of the engraver,

the letters have not been correctly cut, and the inscription is conse¬

quently unintelligible. It is probably a translation of the Hindi

inscription given above.

We learn that Rs. 14,001 in the currency of that period were

expended in constructing the shrine. The sum was very large,

considering the fact that the chief building material, stone, was

close at hand. Now, allowing a high remuneration for the

architect, there was still a considerable balance left, which pro¬

bably remunerated the labourers. If 11 forced labour,” so urgently

demanded by the present landlords, was then in vogue, a much

smaller amount would have sufficed for building the shrine in

question.

1871.] Notes on Chut id Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau,

111

Notes from Muhammadan Historians on Chutid Nagpur, Packet,

and Palamau. — By H. Blochmann, Esq., M. A., Calcutta

Madrasah.

The hilly tracts in the south of Bihar, which comprise Palamau,

Bamgarh, and Chutia Nagpur, are hut rarely mentioned by Muham¬

madan Historians. The earlier histories which we possess, say

nothing about them, and it was only during the Mughul Period,

when further conquests in the East were impracticable, that the

governors of Bengal and Bihar turned their attention to the ter¬

ritories of the independent Bajahs to the south of their province.

In the Alibarndmah, the whole tract from Birbhum. and Pachet to

Batanpiir in Central India, and from Bohtasgarh in South Bihar to

the frontier of Orisa, is called ‘Jharkhand,’ or jungle land.

There are several geographical names that have the same significa¬

tion ; we find them especially in such districts as are now inhabited

by aboriginal races. Thus the Gond word dongar means ‘ a jungle,’

* wilderness,’ and hence the numerous Dongars, Dongris, Dongar-

purs, Dongarganws, Dongartals, in Western and Central India.

Even the word bir in Birbhum, notwithstanding the various etymolo¬

gies which have been proposed, is, I believe, nothing else but the

Mundarl bir, a forest.

The Bajahs of South Bihar and of the provinces along the

Western frontier of Bengal gave the emperors of Dihli a good deal

of trouble. During the reign of Akbar, Gajpati and his brother

Bairi Sal, Bajahs of Jagdespur, defied the Mughul armies for

several years, though the unequal combat led to their entire de¬

struction ; Sangram Sail of K’harakpur lost his life in a similar

struggle, and his son and successors were forced to become con¬

verts to Islam ; Bajah Dalpat of Bhojpur, near Baksar (Buxar),

was defeated and imprisoned, and when Akbar at length set

him at liberty on payment of an enormous present, he again

armed, and continued to rebel under Jahangir, till Bhojpur was

sacked, and his successor, Bajah Partab, was executed by Shahja-

han, whilst the Bani was forced to marry a Muhammadan courtier.

15

112

Notes on Chut i a Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau. [No. 2,

About the same time Ratanpur also submitted to ’Abdullah Khan,

the conqueror of Bhojpur. Gldhor and Chutia Nagpur succumbed

to the first invader, and Puran Mall and Madhu, the rajahs of the

two principalities, were ordered to assist Akbar’s armies in the

conquest of Bengal and Orisa. Durjun Sal, Madhu’s successor was

defeated and sent to Gwaliar. The Chero family of Palamau sub¬

mitted on payment of a heavy peshkash, and nearly lost the raj

after the sack of Palamau in the beginning of Aurangzib’s reign.*

It is curious that Palamau and Ramgarh, though so near

Rohtas, are not mentioned in Muhammadan Histories prior to the

reign of Shahjahan, whilst Chutia Nagpur which lies further to the

south, much earlier attracted the notice of the Mughuls. The

name ‘ Chota Nagpore’ is known to be an English corruption of

Chutia Nagpur. The fifth Report on Bengal Finances under the

E. I. Company by Grant, or as he liked to style himself, Sarish-

tahdar Grant, has still Chutea Nagpur; on Rennel’s maps we find

Chuta Nagpour , and only in modern times, do we find ‘ Chota Nag¬

pur,’ as if it was the ‘Lesser Nagpur,’ in contradistinction to the

Nagpur of the Central Provinces. But Chutia (near the modern

Ranchi) was the residence of the old Rajahs, and was selected as

capital by the fourth in descent from Phani Mukuta,f ‘ the serpent

crowned,’ the legendary ancestor of the Chutia Nagvansi R&jahs.

Abulfazl calls Chutia Nagpur by its old name, Kokrah, which

* As several of the above facts have not found their way into our histories,

it may be as well to indicate the sources. A perusal of the original passages is

recommended to such as take an interest in Bihar History.

Regarding the Rajahs of Jagdespur (S. W. of A'rah), vide the Akbarnamah,

Lucknow Edition, III., pp. 140, 162, and my Ain translation, pp. 399, 400,

498.

For the Rajahs of K’harakpur, vide Proceedings, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for

1870, pp. 305 to 307 ; Ditto, for 1871, p. 98, and Journal, for 1871, pp. 22

to 27.

For the Rajahs of Bhojpur, vide Akbarnamah, III, 804, 813, and Ain transla¬

tion, p. 513 ; Tuzuk i Jahangiri (Sayyid Ahmad’s Edition), pp. 83, 385 j Padi-

shahnamah, I., 221 ; I., b., 271 to 275. 305.

For the Rajahs of Ratanpur, vide Padishahnamah, I., b., p. 74.

For Gidhor, vide Akbarnamah III, 84, 292.

The court of Dihli did not recognize the titles of Rajahs that had not made

their submission. Hence historians generally call them Zaminddrs. On sub¬

mission, the title of Rajah was conferred. Similarly, the sovereign right of

the kings of the Dak’hin was never acknowledged by the Mughuls ; they

were merely styled dunyadar, hakim , &c.

t ‘Ethnology of India,’ Supplementary Number, Journal A. S. Ben°-al,

1866, p. 162.

113

1871.] Notes on Chutid Nagpur , Packet , and Palamau.

is still the name of one of its Parganahs. The Parganah is

much broken up, and the parts are in different places far apart.

It is spelt Khukra on the topographical Survey maps. The Pajah,

Col. Dalton informs me, used to live at a place in Lat. 23° 20',

Long. 88° 87, nearly, where there is still an old fort. Grant also

uses the name Kolcera as an equivalent for Chutia Nagpur.

Kokrah was known at the Mughul Court for its diamonds, and

it is evidently this circumstance which led the generals of Akbar

and Jahangir to invade the district. I have found two notices of

Kokrah in the Akbarnamali, and one in the Tuzuk i Jahdngtn , from

which it appears that Chutia Nagpur was ruled over in A. D. 1585

by Madhu Singh, who in that year became tributary to Akbar.

He was still alive in A. D. 1591, when he served under Man

Singh in the imperial army which invaded Orisa. The third notice

refers to the year A. D. 1616, the 10th year of Jahangir’s reign,

when Pajah Durjan Sal was rather roughly handled by Ibrahim

Khan Fath-jang, the then governor of Bihar.

The extracts are —

From the Akbarnamali (Lucknow Edition, III., p. 491). “About

the same time (end of 993, A. H., or A. D. 1585, 30th year of

Akbar’s reign), Shahbaz Khan Kambu sent a detachment to Ko¬

krah. Kokrah is a well cultivated district between Orisa and the

Dak’hin. It is ruled over Madhu Singh. As the country is inacces¬

sible, he thought that he was safe, and assumed an independent atti¬

tude. Our men, however, entered the district, and carried off much

plunder. The Pajah became tributary ( malguzdr ), and was thus

fortunate to get under the shadow of the imperial government.”

From the same work, p. 641, 37th year, or A. D., 1591 (end).

“ Madhu and Lak’hmi Pai of Kokrah also served in the detach¬

ment commanded by Yusuf Chak Kashmiri.”

This detachment consisted of the contingents of South Bihar

and Western Bengal Pajahs, and marched, in the 37th year of

Akbar’s reign, over Jharkhand to Mednipur (Midnapore), where

they joined the imperial army under Man Singh for the conquest

of Orisa.

Tuzuk i Jahdngiri (p. 155). “ On the 3rd Isfandiarmuz of the 10th

year of my reign (A. D., 1616 ; fafar, 1025) it was reported to me

114

Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau. [No. 2,

[Jahangir] that Ibrahim Khan* (governor of Bihar) had overrun

Kokrah, and taken possession of its diamond washings. This

district belongs to f ubah Bihar, and the river which flows though

it, yields the diamonds. When the river contains little water, tumuli

( gordbhii ) and hollows ( abkandhd ) are formed. The diamond diggers

know from experience that chiefly those tumuli contain diamonds

over which insects hover, called by the Hindus jhingah. f They

pile up stones on all sides of the tumuli, and then cut into them

with hatchets and chisels, and collect the diamonds from among

the sand and the stones. Sometimes diamonds are found of the

value of a lac of rupees each.”

“ The district and the diamond river are in the possession of the

Zamfndar Durjan Sal. The governors of Bihar sent frequently

detachments into Kokrah ; but as the roads are fortified and the

jungles impenetrable, the governors were generally satisfied with

a tribute of two or three diamonds.”

“ When I appointed Ibrahim Khan governor of Bihar, vice Zafar

Khan, I told him, at the time of departure, to invade the district,

and drive away the unknown petty rajah.”

“ No sooner had Ibrahim entered on his office, than he prepared

himself to invade Kokrah. The Rajah according to custom sent

a few diamonds and elephants ; but Ibrahim was dissatisfied, and

invaded the district before the Rajah could collect his men. When

he received the news of the invasion, he was in fact already be¬

sieged in the pass ( Icokdarah ) where he used to reside. Some of

Ibrahim’s men who had been sent out to look for him, found him

with several persons, among them his mother, another wife of his

father, and one of his brothers, concealed in a cave. They were

* Ibrahim Khan was the younger brother of Nur Jahan; vide Ain translation,

p. 511. Begarding Shalibaz Khan Kambu and Yusuf Chak Kashmiri, men¬

tioned a little above, vide Ain translation, pp. 399, 478.

f The rare Hindustani Dictionary, entitled Nawadir ul Alfdz, by the re¬

nowned Sirajuddin ’All Khan Arzu (Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1868,

pp. 27, 70) says — Jliingd is a small animal which lives in the water, and is

called in Arabic jardd ulbahr (‘ water locust’), or irbidn.” This dictionary con¬

tains strictures on the Hindustani Vocabulary entitled Ghardib ullughdt by

the excellent grammarian ’Abdul Wasi’ of Hansi, whose work Sir H. Elliot

used for his Supplementary Glossary. Elliot generally calls it the “ Risalah.”

Forbes in his dictionary ti’anslates jlringa by “ shrimp, a prawn,” evidently

against native authorities. An insect seems to be meant, as may perhaps

also be seen from the word jlungar, a cricket.

115

1871.] Notes on Chutia Nagpur, Packet , and Paldmau .

deprived of the diamonds in their possession. Twenty-three

elephants besides were taken.”

“ As reward I made Ibrahim a commander of 4000, 4000 horse,

and gave him the title of Fath-jang , and promoted all others that

had shewn courage on the occasion to suitable posts.”

“ The district is now subject to me. All diamonds found in the

river are forwarded to court. Only a few days ago, a diamond

arrived which had a value of 50,000 rupees, and I hope many more

will be added to my store of jewels.”

The diamond river alluded to is the Sank (spelt Soanlc by Ren-

nel, and Sunk on our maps).

Col. Dalton kindly sent me the following extracts from a history

of the Maharajahs of Chutia Nagpur, of which he possesses a MS.

copy ; but the names of Madhu Singh and Lak’hmi are not given

among the names of the Rajahs. Durjan Sal is mentioned as

the 45th Rajah. Col. Dalton says :

“The 44th Rajah was Bairi Sal. He went to Dihli, and

accompanied the emperor Muhammad Shah (?) in various expedi¬

tions of his against new countries. Having broken the chain of

an elephant (an exhibition of strength, I suppose), he by this

exploit and other means pleased the emperor, who was also made

acquainted with the history of Maharajah Phani Mukuta ; and he

rewarded Bairi for his good services with dresses of honour and

valuable gifts. Parganah Sherg’hati was also conferred on him,

after which Bairi dwelt at Doisa, where he constructed a suitable

residence, and died after a reign of fourteen years.”

“ The 45th king was Maharajah Durjan Sal. In consequence

of his having failed for several years to pay his tribute to Dihli,

Nawab Ibrahim Khan came from that city with 2000 cavalry and

other troops. Durjan Sal was defeated, captured, and thrown

into prison. He offered as ransom jewels, gold, and silver, to the

value of 84 krors of rupees, but the Nawab f ahib would not

release him. The Rajah and his offering were taken to Dihli,

where he was again fettered and sent to Grwaliar Fort, and kept

in durance for twelve years, Other Rajahs were imprisoned in

the same place.”

“ It happened that from some place two diamonds were brought

116

Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Packet, and Paldmau. [No. 2,

to the emperor, and the jewellers who tested them, pronounced

the best of them to be impure, and a flawed diamond they de¬

clared to be sound. The emperor therefore called for Durjan Sal,

who was a great judge of diamonds. He pointed out the flaw

( bdl , pr., hair), and to prove that he was right, he tied the diamonds

to the ends of the horns of a ram, made the animal fight with

another ram, when the diamond with the flaw split, and the

bdl became apparent. The other diamond remained uninjured.

The emperor was so pleased, that he pardoned Rajah Durjan Sal,

released him, and restored all the property that had been taken

from him. In parting with the emperor, Durjan Sal was permitted

to make any request he pleased. Durjan on this clasping his hands

as a suppliant begged that all the Rajahs who were imprisoned

with him, might be released. This was acceded to, and the em¬

peror gave the Rajah permission to crave another boon. He beg¬

ged that his former rank might be restored him, including the right

to sit on a chair in the presence of the emperor. This also was

awarded.”

“It was then settled that the Rajah of Kokrah should pay a

tribute of 6000 rupees annually, and the title of Shah* was con¬

ferred on him.”

# This is a myth ; for the title of Shah is a Muhammadan title, and no

Muhammadan title, not even the title of Khan, was ever conferred on a Hindu.

Besides, the title of Shah according to the Dihli ceremonial code was limited

to princes.

The kings of Dihli before Babar styled themselves Sultans, both before and

after the downfall of the Khalifahs of Baghdad, who by the whole Muham¬

madan world were looked upon as * the fountain of all honours and titles.’

The princes had titles as KhanKhanan, Khan Jahan, Ulugh Khan, Ikit Khan,

Barbak, &c. The Amirs had the title of Malik. With Babar the code was

altered. He and his successors styled themselves Padishah, and the lower

title of Sultan was given to the princes, whilst the sons of princes were styled

Shahzddah. A few princes received for meritorious services the title of Shah, as

Khurram and Muhammad Mu’azzam. The title of Sultan, in the masculine form,

was also extended to princesses, the word Begum being placed after the name,

as Sultan Nisar Begum. The daughters of princes had the title of Shahzddah

Begum, or merely Begum. The principal queen, before theMughul rule, had the

title of Malihah, and under the Mughuls that of Padishah begum. The Amirs

under the Mughul rule received personal titles from the Emperors, the titles of

KhanKhanan and Khan Jahan being looked upon as the two highest titles. It is

erroneous to believe that KhanKhanan means Commander-in-chief. The word

Nawab (properly Nmvwdb) was a title, or rather an epithet, used in common

parlance ; but there is no example on record that the Coui’t of Dihli — certainly

not before Aurangzib and Bahadur Shah — ever conferred the word Nawab as a

title. The title of Khan was most frequently conferred. The word Bahadur is

117

1871.] Notes on Chutia. Ntigpur, Packet , and Palawan.

“ I have not found out tlie other names. As Durjun Sal’s suc¬

cessor was Madliukar Sab, he cannot be the Madhu of Akbar s

times. It is strange that the proper name of the emperor should

not have been known in Chutia Nagpur.”*

The fact mentioned by Col. Dalton that Durjan Sal was impri¬

soned for some time is confirmed by an accidental remark in the

Tuzuk, p. 236, where Jahangir, three years after the conquest by

Ibrahim Fath-jang, in speaking of the diamond mines of Kokrah,

says, “ The zamindar is still in prison.” There may even be a

grain of truth in the recall of Durjan from prison to test some

diamonds, because on p. 244, Jahangir says that the diamonds

which Ibrahim Khan had brought from Kokrah had been given to

the grinders ; “ they were now submitted to me, and among them

there is one which looks like a sapphire ( nilam , the same as ntlmani).

I have never seen a diamond of such a colour. It weighs several

surJchs f ratis ), and my lapidaries fix its value at 3000 rupees,

though they would give 20,00(f for it, if it were quite white and

stood the full test.”

Of Bamgarh, I have hitherto found no notice in Muhammadan

Historians. It must have been at an early time dependent on

Bihar, because Chai Champa, according to the Ain, was a Parganah

belonging to Bih&r. It was assessed at 620,000 dams , or 15,500

Bupees, and was liable to furnish 20 horse and 600 foot Zamin-

dari troops.

Of Pachet, I have only found a short remark in the voluminous

Pddiskdhndmah (I., b., p. 317).

no title either, but, as in the case of Nawab, was often used in common parlance

and in letters ; in fact we find it used after almost every title, from the princes

down to the lowest courtiers. Bahadur Khan was a title, as Sher Afkan Khan,

&c. Khan Bahadur is a modern title conferred by the British Government,

which has thus changed the epithet * Bahadur’ to a title.

None of these titles were hereditary, and, if we except the title of Khan

(without addition), no two courtiers had the same title. Thus if a courtier

had the title of Bahadur Khan, no other courtier had the same ; only on the

death or dismissal of a Bahadur Khan could the title be conferred on another

grandee.

The title of Beg was never conferred under the Mughul rule. It is a Turk!

title, and was looked upon in India as lower than Khan.

I trust, I shall be forgiven this long diversion which has nothing to do with

Chutia Nagpur ; but the opinions of our historians are rather hazy on this subject.

* Babu Rakhal Das Haidar mentions a Rajah Raghunath, who according

to inscription on p. 109 reigned in Chutia Nagpur in 1665, A.D.

> 18 Notes on Chutid Nagpur , Packet , and Paldmau. [No. 2,

“ Bir Narain, Zammdar of Pachet, a country attached to pvibali

Bihar, was under Shahjahan a commander of 700, 300 horse, and

died in the 6th year (A. E. 1042-43, A. D. 1632-33).

Short as the remark is, it implies that Packet paid a fixed pesh-

kash to Dikii.

. But the Padishahndmah , and the ’ At a mgirndmah, a detailed

history of the first ten years of Aurangzib’s reign, contain three

longer notes on Palamau, which are of some interest. The former

work spells the name of Palamau Palamaun ; the latter has

Paldivon.

According to the Padishahnamah, in 1641, when Shaistah Klian

was Shahjahan’s governor of Bihar, the Rajak of Palamau was

Pratab, son Balbhadr, who is called a Chero. The Cheros, like

the Kkarwars, are a Kolarian tribe, to whom Buchanan attributes

numerous monuments in Bihar.

The word Chero is spelled by Muhammadan historians Xjj-f-

Charoh} 8^^ Cheroh , and Chero. The earliest notice of

Cheros, I believe, is to be found in the Tuhfah i Akbarshahi ,*

a history of the Sur Dynasty, written during the reign, and

apparently at the command, of Akbar. Prom this work we see

that a Chero Rajah of the name of Maharta (e*;^) gave Slier

Shah some, trouble. He sent his general Kkawap Khan against

him, who attacdied the Rajah and killed him. This took place

immediately before the battle of Qannauj (10th Muharram, 945,

or 8th June, 1538, A. D.) Unfortunately, it is not stated whether

Maharta reigned in Palamau or any other part of Bihar. Abulfazl

also mentions Cheros as the principal Zamindars (in 1590) in

Chai Champa (Ramgarh) and Pundag (Palamau). Ain text , p. 418.

* The Tuhfah i Akbarshahi was written by ’Abbas Khan Sarwani, son of

Shaikh ’AH Sarwani, and is divided into three Tabaqat, or chapters. Chapt. I.

The reign of Sher Khan. Chapt. II. Islem Khan. Chapt. III. The successors

of Islem Khan. The first chapter was translated into Urdu by one Mazhar

’AH Khan, at the request of Capt. James Mowat (ooy* Mouat, or Mowat P),

and in the preface the Marquis of Wellesley and Lord Cornwallis are praised.

The translation, which has the title of Tdrikh i Sher Shdhi, is easy and flowing,

and the MS. copy in the Society’s Library is a very excellent MS. I have

seen no copy of the original work.

119

1871.] Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau.

Shaistah defeated Raj all Pratab in several engagements, and in

February, 1642, Pratab submitted, and became a vassal on payment

of 80,000 rupees as peshhash.

Pratab, after this, is said to have lost tlie affections of his people,

and a party conspired against him, led by his paternal uncles

Darya Rai and Tej Rai. They prevailed in 1642, or 1643, on I’tiqad

Khan, Shaistah’ s successor, to connive at Pratab’s deposal. The

governor agreed on the condition that Pratab should be sent to

Patna. Tej Rai then imprisoned Pratab, and mounted the guddee.

But he, too, failed to give satisfaction, and Darya Rai, his elder

brother, and other Chero chiefs, complained of him to the gover¬

nor, who moreover felt annoyed that Tej Rai had not sent Pratab

to Patna. They asked I’tiqad Khan to send a corps into Palamau,

and promised to hand over Fort Deogan. The principal forts of

district were Kot’hf, Kundah, Deogan, and Palamau itself.

I’tiqad now sent a strong force under Zabardast Khan, to whom

Deogan was surrendered. But before he could march on the

capital, a party set Pratab at liberty during Tej Rai’s temporary

absence from Palamau on a hunting expedition. Tej Rai and

his party had to fly to the jungles ; Pratab made peace with Zabar¬

dast Khan, and ultimately paid his respects at Patna. At the

recommendation of the governor, Shahjahan made him a com¬

mander of 1000, 1000 horse, and Palamau was given him a tuyiil.

The jama ’ was fixed at 1 kror of dams, or 250,000 rupees, and

the Rajah had to pay 1 lac of rupees as peshhash.

From the list of Shahjahan’s grandees (Padishahnamah II.,

p. 733) we see that Pratab was still alive in A. D. 1647.

The following is a translation of the extracts.

First Invasion of Palamau in A. P. 1641-42.

Padishahnamah, II., 248 to 250. Palamau lies south of Patna,

the distance from the latter place to the northern boundary of the

former being 25 /cos. The distance of the fort where the zamindar

of the district resides, from the (northern) boundary is 15 Jcos.

The short-sided rulers of Palamau trusted to their mountain

fastnesses, which are difficult of access and full of jungle, and

showed no signs of obedience to the imperial governor of fhibah

Bihar, as would have been proper.

16

120 Notes on Chutict Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau. [No. 2,

Prat&b, whose family, generation after generation, had ruled

over the country, an infidel like all his ancestors, had neglected

to send the customary peshhash to ’Abdullah Khan Bahadur

Firuz-jang, the former governor of Bihar j and the Ciibahdar,

engaged as he was in operations against the rebellious Partab

Ujjainiah [Bajah of Bhojpur] had hitherto had no opportunity

of bringing him to his senses. This made the Chero so haughty,

that he also disobeyed Shaistah Klian, the new governor. . Shaistah

at last reported matters to court, and his Majesty [Shahjalian]

ordered the Qiibahdar to call in the contingents of the Jagirdars

of the piibah (the Kumald troops), and drive away the zamin-

dar and “ clear the country of the filth of his unprofitable

existence.”

Leaving his son Muhammad Talib wfith 500 horse and 1000 foot,

as garrison in Patna, Shaistah marched on the 17th Bajab, 1051 [12th

October, 1641, A. D.] with about 5000 horse, taken partly from

imperial regiments and partly from his own contingent, and 15000

foot consisting of his men and zamindari troops, against that vain

and misguided ruler. The march order was as follows — Shaistah

commanded the centre ( qol ), which was made up of imperial

troops ; Zabardast Khan formed the vanguard ( hardwal ) ; Atash

Khan Dak’hini and several other officers commanded the left

wing ( luranghar ) ; and others, the right wing fjuranghar). Sayyid

Mfrza, brother of Mukhtar Khan, with a few other officers, com¬

manded the rear ( chanddwid ). Having made these arrangements,

he set out for Gaya, which forms the boundary of the province of

Patna and borders on Palamau, and entered the hostile

territory. Wherever he pitched his camp, he had trenches dug,

the earth of which was formed into a wall surrounding the whole

of the encampment, and matchlock-men were placed as guards in

the trenches, to frustrate night attacks. A large party was

employed to cut down the jungle and make a road wide enough

for the army to advance. All settlements on both sides of the

road were plundered and destroyed. The wretched enemies with¬

drew on every occasion to the jungles and the hills, and trembled

like victims in the hands of the butcher. The swords of the soldiers,

swords of ‘ pure water,’ delivered many * unto the fire of hell ;’ others

121

1871.] Notes on Chutia Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau.

escaped lialf dead with fright. Of our troops also some were

wounded, and a few fell martyrs in this holy war. * * *

On the 5th Zi Qa’dah [26th January, 1642], the victorious army

left the station Ani, and directed its march upon the north side of

Fort Palamau. The enemies collected at a place where two roads

crossed (bar sar i durdkak), but fled after a short engagement. As

the fort was on all sides surrounded by impassable jungle, Shaistah

Khan sent an officer of one of his own contingents with a party of

navvies, hatchet-bearers, a detachment of matchlock-men, and

archers, to cut down the trees and clear a spot for the tents.

Having marked off a place near a garden close to the fort, they

began to cut down the trees, when the enemies rushed upon them

from all sides ; but our men with God’s assistance were victorious,

and killed many of them. ' SMistah, on hearing of the engage¬

ment, sent at once a detachment of imperial troops and of his own

men to their assistance, and, together with Zabardast Khan, took up

a position on the banks of a river, which flows below Fort Palamau.

The enemies, covered by the houses outside the fort, fired upon him,

and as a number of our troops suffered martyrdom, the men

dismounted and occupied the summit of a hill which commands the

Fort. The firing lasted till evening, and large numbers were killed

and wounded. Pratab saw the pluck of our troops, and convinced

himself that there was no other help but to submit ; he therefore

sent a message, and offered to pay a peshkash of 80,000 Pupees, if

he obtained free pardon, promising at the same time that he would

never again in future rebel. He was so overawed, that he

even engaged to pay his respects at Patna.

In consideration of the heat, and the approach of the rains,

Shaistah Khan, at the recommendation of several loyal officers,

accepted the proposal ; and after receiving the peshkash, he returned

on the 22nd Zi Qa’dah to Patna [12th February, 1642],

Second Invasion of Palamau, in A. JJ. 1643.

Pddishdknamah, II., 356 to 361. Pratab failed to secure the

affection of his people, and offended his chiefs, who watched for an

opportunity to get rid of him.

When I’tiqad Khan had been appointed tp Bihar, he was waited

122 Notes on Cliutia Nagpur, Packet, and Paldmau. [No. 2,

upon by Darya Rai and Tej Rai, paternal uncles of Pratab. They

tried to obtain his favour, and proposed to imprison Pratab and

hand him over to the fubahdar. Both then returned to

Palamau, and with the consent of others imprisoned him. Tej

Rai was made Rajah. When the governor came to hear of it, he

wrote to Tej Rai to hand over Pratab ; but Tej Rai put him off

with subterfuges, and sent a Vakil to him to make excuses.

Pratab had been for some time in prison, when Darya Rai, Tej

Rai’s elder brother, together with several other Chero chiefs, got

dissatisfied with Tej Rai, whom they had made Rajah. The

conspirators found support in Ptiqad Khan, who advised them

to submit to the imperial government ; and Darya Rai and his party

sent him a message to say that, if he would send a trusted officer

with an army, they would hand over to him Port Deogan, which

is a great Thanah in the district of Palamau, and would, besides,

do whatever he should tell them.

Upon this the governor of Bihar sent Zabardast Khan with the

ruler of Sliahabad to Palamau.

On the 1st Slia’ban 1053, A. H. [5th October, 1643, A. D.]

Zabardast Khan arrived at Deogan, and was waited upon by

Darya Rai, his sons, and the two commanders of Deogan,

Bhowal and Champat, who handed over the fort. The Khan then

sent Darya Rai with some of his own men to Ptiqad Khan. The

inhabitants of Deogan partly submitted and were promised the

protection of the imperial government ; but others rebelled and

were imprisoned. Zabardast now appointed a party of men to

cut down the jungle and widen the road that leads to Palamau,

and commenced to repair and strengthen the fortifications of

Deogan.

On the 11th of the same month [15th October, 1643], the Khan

received intelligence that Tej Rai had sent his vakil, Madan Singh

Thakurai, and other chiefs with about 600 horse ard 7000 foot to

Baoli Chewan, a mama? which lies about five 7cos south of Deogan,

and that two other corps had been sent via Mordah and Kundah,

and were ready to commence hostilities. A detachment of the

first mentioned corps even advanced two Jcos nearer, with the object

of making an attack by night. The Khan sent out a division to

1871.] Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Pachet, and Palamau. 123

oppose them ; several of the hostile troops were killed, and the

remainder fled.

On the 16th [20th October], I’tiqad Khan having heard of

Zabarclast’s advance, ordered ’Abdullah Najm i sani, Bakhshi of

Cdbak Bihar, to march, with Darya Bai and a strong corps, to

the support of Zabardast Klian, and prepared himself to follow,

should it be necessary.

By the help of the good luck which so signally furthers the

policy of the imperial government, it happened that on the 3rd

Bamazan [5th November, 1643], Tej Bai left Fort Palamau with a

hunting party. During his absence, purat Sen and Sabal Sen,

sons of the vakil Madan Singh Thakurai, declared for Pratab,

took off his fetters, and having brought over the garrison, put him

in possession of the fort. Some of Tej Bai’s companions returned

afterwards to Palamau and were let in, others fled, whilst Tej, who

now stood between two fires, concealed himself in the jungles.

Madan Singh Thakurai and two or three other chiefs who lay

encamped in front of the imperial army, fled in the middle of

the night with a great number of their men.

On receiving this information, Zabardast Khan left Dharnidhar,

the Ujjainiyah, with a detachment of his own men as garrison in

Deogan, and marched on the 5th Bamazan [7th November, 1643]

upon Palamau. He passed through a dense jungle, forced several

difficult passes, and arrived at Mangarh.

Pratab seeing that resistance was useless, wrote to Zabardast

Khan that the arrival of the imperialists was a deliverance sent

him by God ; he willingly submitted to the government, and would

be glad to be allowed to wait on him. Zabardast had occupied

Mauza’ Barf, 3 /cos from Palamau, and replied to Pratab’s message

that the Baj ah would have to come with him to I’tiqad Klian ; if he

should not like that, he ought to remember that the Bakhshi of

the pubah was about to arrive with a strong corps, when escape

would be impossible. Pratab answered that when Shaistah

Khan ere this had come with a large army to the walls of Palamau

with the object of taking it, he had not been obliged to wait on

him, Shaistah ..having contented himself with receiving the

pesh/cash , when he returned ; he had no objection to wait on

124

Notes on Chutia Nagpur , Packet, and Paldmau. [No. 2,

Zabardast Khan ; but as none of bis illustrious predecessors who

bad been rulers, bad ever gone to Patna, be could not promise to

go there. Zabardast, in reply, said that be would have either to go

to Patna or perish. After several other messages, Pratab declared

himself willing to go to Patna, though it be, he said, against the

wishes of his party ; but he requested Zabardast to give him a

letter of safety and promise him that he would do him no harm.

This Zabardast agreed to, and Pratab had an interview, at

which he gave the Khan an elephant. As he was still willing to

go to Patna, Zabardast asked Ptiqad Khan to send him a letter

of safety, and wrote to ’Abdullah Najm i sani that, as Pratab had

submitted, it was no use for him to advance beyond where he

stood, since Zabardast himself was on the point to return.

On the 17th Pamazan [19th November, 1643], Zabardast left

Palamau accompanied by Pratab, and on the 22nd joined ’Abdullah

Najm i sani at Dfiogan, from where both marched to Patna.

Pratab presented Ptiqad Khan with an elephant, and agreed to

pay into the imperial treasury a peshlcash of one lac of Pupees,

which Zabardast was to receive. I’tiqad then sent a detailed

report to court, and recommended Pratab for a mancab. Thereupon

his Majesty appointed Pratab a full commander of 1000 horse;

the jama1 of Palamau was fixed at 1 kror of dams [250,000 rupees],

and the district was left him as tuyul [Muharram, 1054, or

beginning of March, 1644, A. D.]. —

The Pddishdhndmah records no further conflict between the

Mughul government and Palamau. From a remark on p. 733 of

the second volume of that work, we see that Pratab was still alive

in 1057, or A. D. 1647.

The following extracts are taken from the ’ Alamgirnamah

(pp. 648 to 660 ; 673, 972). The translation is not literal; for the

ornate style of the work renders a close version undesirable.

Third Invasion and Sack of Paldmau, in A. D. 1660.

Page 648. The heathenish zamindars of Palamau trusting to

the inaccessibility of their country had not only shewn neglect in

paying the stipulated peshkash, but had also encroached on imperi¬

al lands adjacent to their country. When therefore Dadd Khan,

125

1871.] Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Packet, and Palamau.

governor of Bihar, had returned from the expedition to Bengal,

and had brought several other refractory zanimdars to their senses,

his majesty [Aurangzib] ordered him to invade Palamau. The

jagirdars and faujdars of Bihar were at the same time ordered to

place themselves and their contingents under his orders.

On the 2nd Slia’ban of the same year in which he had subjected

other rebellious zamindars [2nd Sha’ban, 1070, or, 3rd April,

1660], Baud marched upon Palamau, accompanied by Mirza Khan,

Faujdar of Darbhanga, Tahawwur Khan, Jagirdar of Chainpur,

Kajah Bihruz,* zamindar of Hunger, and other officers of the

piibah.

Palamau lies 40 Jcos south of Patna, the distance of Patna to

the frontier of Palamau being 25, and that of the frontier from the

residence of the. Kajah, 15 Jcos. The district has two stone forts,

one on the top of a mountain, the other on even ground near a

large river. The whole country is very mountainous and full of

jungle. Besides, there are three other forts near the Bihar fron¬

tier, viz. Kot’hi, which lies 25 Icos from Palamau ; Kundah, 7 kos

from Kot’hi, to the left of it ; and thirdly Fort Deogan, at a dis¬

tance of 10 Icos from Kot’hi, to the right. During the reign of

Sliahjahan, ’Abdullah Khan, and after him Shaistah Khan, had

attacked Pratab, son of Balbhadr, the Chero ; but they had not

annihilated the Kajah. Baud Klian contemplated the total subjection

' of the country, and first marched upon Kot’hi.

On the 5th Kamazcdn of the same year [1070 A. H., or 5th

May, 1660], he reached Kot’hi. The enemies were so terrified

by his unexpected arrival, that they deserted the fort, and Baud

took possession of it. He then moved to Kundah. This fort is

very strong and lies upon a hill. Though only 8 Jcos from

Kot’hi, the road to it passes through dense jungle, and half way

there is a high hill and a difficult pass. The trees therefore had

to be cut down to a distance of one Jcos from the fort. The

determined advance of the imperialists frightened the enemies

from this fort, too, and on the 4th Shawwal, [1070; 3rd June,

1660] Baud took possession of it, and razed in a short time the

* Bihruz of Kharakpur. Vide Proceedings, A. S. Bengal, for December,

1870, p. 307.

126 Notes on Chutid Nagpur, Packet , ancl Paldmau. [No. 2,

fortifications to the ground. As the rains were setting in, he

erected between Kot’hi and Kundali, at every third kos , fortified

encampments, placing in each 100 horse, and a detachment of

matchlock-bearers and zannndari troops, so that provisions might

safely be sent from Bihar to head quarters.

When the rains were over, he set out for Palamau, without

paying attention to proposals made by the Bajah to accept a

peskkask , and return to Patna. On the 1st Babi’ I., of this year,

[A. H., 1071, or 25th October, 1660] Daud commenced his march.

Mirza Khan, with 300 horse and 200 matchlock-bearers, formed the

van; Tahawwur Khan, with 700 horse and 300 foot, held the

right wing ; Shaikh Tatar, son of Dadd’s brother, with 500 tabindn *

horse, and Bajah Bihruz, with 400 horse and 1500 foot, command¬

ed the left wing ; whilst Daud Khan in person occupied the centre

with 2000 horse. He also told off 500 horse of his own contingent

to form the rear? Besides, a strong detachment of hatchet-bearers

was appointed to cut down trees and clear the road to Palamau.

During the march, Daud erected at suitable places thanahs and

garrisoned them. He advanced most cautiously, and passed

during the first nine days over only 1 0 kos.

On the 9th Babi’ I., [3rd November, 1660], he reached Mauza’

Narsi [Tarhasi], which lies 7 kos from Fort Palamau. The Bajah

had during all this time repeated his futile proposals, and when Daud

reached Narsi [Tarhasi], he was again waited on by f urat Singh, f

the Bajah’s minister, who promised unconditional submission. The

vakil especially addressed himself to Bajah Bihruz, and begged

him to intercede, proposing to pay one lac of Bupees as peshkasli ,

and a present of 50,000 Bupees for Daud. The humility of the

Bajah and his urgent solicitations to obtain peace, made Daud so

far favorably inclined to his proposal, that he sent a report thereof

to court, suspending hostilities till the arrival of his Majesty’s

orders. During the armistice, the enemies intercepted a convoy

at a place about 8 kos from the imperial camp ; and though the

* The tabindn are the troops recruited by the Imperial mangabdars, for

which they receive a tuyul. They are opposed to the Pddislidhz troops, who

form the standing army.

f Evidently the same as mentioned on p. 123. The name of the then

Rajah is not given in the ’Alamgirnamah. Regarding Narsi vide below.

127

1871.] Notes on Chutia Nagpur, Packet : mid Palamau.

Rajah sent the vakil to express liis regret at the untoward event

which, he said, had taken place without his knowledge and sanction,

and tendered 50,000 Rupees as part payment of the stipulated

peshJcash , Baud thought it advisable to advance, left Tarhasi on the

8th Rabi’ II., [1071, or 1st December, 1660 j and pitched his camp

at the foot of a hill, 3 kos distant from Palamau. On the 16th

[9th December], he moved one kos nearer. The enemies then

advanced from the fort, threw up earthworks, and occupied the

trenches in large numbers.

About the same time, orders came from court : the Rajah was

to embrace Islam, pay peshkash , and remain in possession of his

country ; if he refused, David was to annihilate him, destroy the

forts, and annex the district. His Majesty’s answer was then

conveyed to the Rajah. Before he had replied, Tahawwiir Khan,

on the 24th Rabi’ II, [17th December, 1660], unable to suppress his

eagerness to fight, attacked the enemies without the knowledge and

sanction of Daud Klian, and engaged them near their earth-works.

David was thus obliged to push forward, and advancing within

the reach of the enemy’s bullets, threw up earth-works and com¬

menced a bombardment, which was continued till sunset. The fight¬

ing on both sides was obstinate. Tahawwur Khan, who was nearer

to the enemies, had 16 men killed, and 50 men and many horses

wounded, and retreated, towards evening, at David’s orders, upon

the centre. During the night, the enemies brought two large guns

from the fort, placed them on the earth-works, and managed to

kill several of our men and horses. The Rajah also sent a

message to Daud to say that he refused to accept his Majesty’s

conditions. The fire of the enemies did in the meantime much

damage, directed as it was from an eminence on David’s trenches,

which were much lower. He, therefore, occupied the hills which

command the fort, threw up new earth- works, placed upon them,

several guns, and commenced a well directed cannonade.

On the 27th Rabi’ II, [20th December, 1660] the enemies

could no longer hold their trenches, retired nearer to the fort to the

banks of the river, and threw up new earth-works. The space

between their position and the imperial camp being overgrown

with jungle, David for two or three days cut down the trees, and

17

128 Notes an Chutid Nagpur, Packet , and Paldmau. [No. 2,

having cleared a road, advanced against the enemies. Shaikh

Tatar and Shaikh Ahmad, botli sons of his brother, with troops of

his contingent, several imperial Mancabdars, and the son of Bajah

Bihriiz with his followers and a detachment from Mirza Khan’s

contingent, were placed on the left, and were ordered to attack the

enemy from the passes ; Shaikh Qafi with a division was sent to

the right; and Daud Khan, Mirza Khan, Tahawwur Khan, Bajah

Bihriiz, Abu Muslim, Sayyid Najabat, and several ManQabdars,

formed the centre. The attack was simultaneously commenced on

all three sides, and the ground was warmly contested till the

second watch (midday). The enemy was repulsed on all points ;

many were shot and cut down, and others escaped. It had been

Baud’s original plan to occupy the trenches dug by the enemy ;

and commence a siege, but the soldiers could not check their fury,

and rushing to the river,* they crossed it, and attacked the fortifica¬

tions which surfoimd the town ( skahrband ) at the foot of the fort.

The enemies got bewildered and withdrew to the higher fort. The

Bajah now sent his whole family and valuables to the jungles, and

continued the defence. The imperialists in the meantime had

taken the lower fortifications, and stood before the gate of the

upper fort, where the fight raged till the first watch of the even¬

ing. Half a watch later, the Bajah fled to the jungles, when the

whole fort was occupied by the victorious army.

The town was cleared of the ‘ filth of the existence of the infidels,’

tlieir idol temples were destroyed, and Islamitic prayer filled the

place.

The loss of the Imperialists was 61 killed, and 177 wounded.

Of the enemies a large number was slain and wounded, some

escaped, and others were taken prisoners.

A few days later, it was reported that the enemies had assem¬

bled about Fort Deogan. Daud Kli&n despatched a division under

Shaikh pafi to retake the fort. On his arrival there, he laid

siege to the place, and took it.

Daud remained for some time longer in the district, arranged

financial matters, and fortified several strong places. He then

* The river Auranga, a consider able mountain stream that joins the Koel at

the Govt, village of Khetchki. Mr. Forbes tells me that the Baud’s trenches

are still in existence.

1871.]

The Mughul Invasions of Pal amau.

129

handed over the government to Mankli Khan, who had been ap¬

pointed by his Majesty Faujdar of Palamau, and returned to Patna.

Page 673.* On the 15th Sha’ban [5th April, 1661], his Majesty

inspected two elephants from the plunder of Palamau.

Page 973. On the removal of Mankli Khan, Palamau was placed

under the immediate orders of Lashkar Khan, the new Q ubahdar of

Bihar [pafar, 1077, or August, 1666.]

Letter regarding the Mughul Invasions of Palamau , from L. It.

Forbes, Esq., Extra Assist. Commissioner , Palamau. Communicated

hg Col. E. T. Dalton, 0. S. I., Commissioner, Chtjtia Nagpur.

The traditions of the Cheros regarding the Muhammadan inva¬

sion are, I think, very hazy indeed. They all know about Daud

Khan and his doings, but few can go back further. I have got

the following from the oldest inhabitant, the old Mowarof Monatu,

who speaks, he tells me, from what he heard from his own father

and grandfather and from the great grandfather of our minor.

He says that it was in Shah Jahan’s time, about 1034 or 35 FaQli,

that ’Abdullah Khan first made demands upon the Palamau

Rajahs. He was engaged at the time in settling matters with

Pratab Singh Ujjainiah, a Rajput chieftain who held considerable

territory in Bhojpur. Pratab was a [Rajput who had come from

Ujjain, a town, some say the capital, of Malwa, hence he was called

Pratab Ujjainiah. ’Abdullah, though unable to come himself, sent

Mu’azzam Khan, the [Rajah of Dumraon in Sahansram (Sasseram)

forward as an advance guard, to clear the way and prepare a

passage for ’Abdullah’s troops, Mu’azzam Khan on getting to

the small stream which lies at the foot of the Bhabulthan Ghat

(i. e., the Monatu Ghat) was met by Rajah Ghulam Husain, the

Rohilah chief of the Kot’hi fort and a rebel, a fight ensued, and

Mu’azzam was killed. The field, or piece of land, on which he fell

is called the Mu’azzam Khani-k’het to this day. Mu’azzam Khan’s

force then returned.

# It should be p. 665. There is a mistake in the paging of the Bibl. Indica

edition of the ’ Alamgirnaniah, page 664 is followed by p. 673, bat there is

no lacuna.

130

The Mughul Invasions of Pal amau.

[No. 2,

The following year the first invasion under Shaistah Khan

actually took place. He approached the Parganah by the Monatu

Ghat which he got through in safety, and marched direct on the

Palamau Fort. The Mowar did not know the direction ; but as

Ara is mentioned, it is very probable, he halted there, as it lies

in the direct route, and would be a fair march from Monatu. From

Ara they probably marched to the Baolicheroan, which is also

mentioned, as this lies also in the direct road to the Fort, and is

about four miles from there, a very convenient distance for the army

to have halted. The Baoli, I may as well explain here, is a very

old one indeed, lying about a quarter of a mile north of the

Government village of Bukhorya. From the mango trees and

other signs, there are evident traces of there having once been a

considerable town there, tradition indeed speaks of the place as

having once been a considerable market town, but I cannot find out

whether it was then called Bukhorya, or had any other name.

About two miles south of Bukhorya and close to the Chetma Ghat

near Sutburwa and on the Binchi side lies the village (a Govern¬

ment farm) of Pipra, where there are the remains of an old Eaksel

Fort, which, from the quantity of stone and brick lying about, bears

signs of having been pucca.

The Mowar, as I have told you, was not aware of the route

Shaistah Khan took, but when I spoke to him of Ara and the Baoli

he recollected that such was the case, in fact he it was that brought

the Bukhorya Baoli to my recollection. I was at first inclined to

think it was the Baoli on the Patun Ghat, but that he says was

built by a Mahajan.

There was not much of a fight, he says, when Shaistah Khan got

the forts, as Pratab very soon gave in and promised to pay tribute.

Shaistah at first insisted on immediate payment, but was put off

with faithful promises to send the whole by the end of the year,

and so the Musalman went away contented.

Then comes the second invasion under Zabardast Khan, which

the Mowar relates exactly as in the histories. Durga Bai and Tej

Bai were Chero chiefs, who had come into the Parganah as

chiefs in Bhagowant Bai’s army. Bhagowant you will recollect

was Pratab’s father. Both Tej and Durga were connections of the

The Mughul Invasions of Palawan.

131

1871.]

Rajahs, but not relatives.*' They insist upon the old Kumaon story,

and say that Durga and Tej Rai had recently joined Bliagowant

in Bhojpur, before he set out for Palamau.

These two chiefs were discontented at the share of spoil that

had fallen into their hands, and were at open rebellion with Pratab,

who was seeking to get rid of them as importunate customers.

Zabardast Khan came at their invitation. The fort made over to

him by them was the Deogan fort, the ruins of which are now to

be seen on the Deogan Ghat. The fort is said to have been built

by Bharat Rai, a renowned border chieftain, more probably a bold

and successful cattle-lifter. Zabardast Khan remained for some

time at Deogan making his arrangements, and during that time the

Chero rebels fell out among themselves, and to avenge himself Tej

♦

Rai determined to return to his allegiance to Pratab Rai. Under

the pretence of acting as scout and advance guard, he went for¬

ward and arranged ambuscades along the line of march, and the

Muhammadan army was dreadfully cut up on the dangerous and

long line of Ghats, which had to be traversed before the army could

reach Mangarhf {i. e., Tarliasi), which fort the Chero chiefs were

under promise to deliver over to them. Tej Rai had, however, pre¬

pared the chief in the Port, and there was a very tough fight before

the fort was taken.

Prom there, Shaistah Khan marched to Bari, where he occupied

the small fort there. Pratab Rai then offered terms which were not

accepted, so he was carried off a prisoner to Dihli, where he even¬

tually died.

Up to this time, notwithstanding two invasions, the Muham¬

madans had exacted nothing but promises from the Rajahs, and so

it went on for twenty years longer. Each year the demand was

made by the Muhammadan Sirdar and yearly the Palamauites

laughed in their faces, and the border chiefs went on depredating

the royal territories in Bihar and carrying off cattle as before.

. * This differs from the account in Pddislidhndmah, which calls Pratab the

son of Balbhadra, and Tej Rai and Durga, Rai uncles of Pratab ; vide above pp.

118, 122. The Editor.

f Mangarh Tarhasi. The Fort was built by Man Singh, a Raksel, and taken

possession of by the Cheros under Bharat Rai.

The ’Alamgarnamah (Edit. Bibl. Indica, p. 653) has evidently a

blunder for Tarhasi, which Mr. Forbes gives. For A'rd , the Padishalma-

mah has Aru, and Bdoli-chewan for BdoHcheroun, — The Editor.

132

The Mughul Invasions of PaUimau.

[No. 2,

About 1054-55, Facli, the third invasion occurred under the

famous general David Khan. This invasion was the result of a

very sharp reprimand from the Emperor and threats of removal

from office, if the Palamau Pajahs were not made to pay. Daud

Khan was then at Daudnagar. He marched suddenly down upon

the Kohilah fort of Kothi in Tappah Kothi, Parganah Sherg’hati,

and took it ; from there he marched to Kundah Port in Parganah

Kundah, Zil’ali Hazaribagh, which he took after a considerable

shew of resistance. Pemaiiiing there some time, David Khan

marched to Tarhasi ( i. e., Mangarh). The fort was now no longer

in existence. There the Pajah, Anant Pai, offered terms, but Dadd

Khan would listen to nothing short of abject submission, and the

only grounds upon which the Pajah would be allowed to hold

power were on the condition that he turned Muhammadan, and

paid down a certain sum annually ; otherwise the Pajah was to be

dethroned and dispossessed, and all strongholds demolished. The

same terms were offered to the Kundah Pajah. The Palamau

chief indignantly refused such degrading terms, and preferred to

fight the matter out, but the Kundah chief Chun Sai# did actually

turn Muhammadan and was rewarded by receiving a lakhiraj

Padishahi Sanad.

The Palamau chiefs resisted as long and as ably as they could, but

were soon compelled to withdraw to their forts, which they even¬

tually surrendered. The Pajah fled to Sirgujah, and Mankli Khan

was appointed Faujdar and lived over three years in the Fort, where

he built the small Masjid, now to be seen inside the old Fort.

Daud Khan, when leaving the Parganah, carried off with him

the great gates of the Fort, known as the Sing Danvazah and the

pride of the Cheros.

The gates now adorn David Khan's old palace in Daudnagar.

Mr. Peppe speaks of a picture or fresco, I think, which he told

me is now to be seen in Daudnagar, or somewhere there, re¬

presenting the taking of the Palamau Forts, in which the costumes

are very well hit off, the Palamau chiefs and their army, if I re¬

collect right, are drawn as hill men with bows and arrows. If you

* Chun Sai did not long survive his pusillanimous apostasy. At the instiga¬

tion of the Palamau ltajah he was murdered 15 days later by his brother

Surwar Sai.

Note on the Death of Hum ay hn.

133

1871.]

like, I could get a Gaya artist to make a facsimile of the picture —

they draw very well, I hear ; the cost would be trifling and the pic¬

ture I think would make an excellent and interesting frontispiece

to any report you may he writing.

Have you ever heard the legend of the piece of a broken

cannon, evidently the part of a gun used by the Muhammadans

during the siege of Mangarh. It went by the name of Top Sai,

and was said to travel of its own accord from village to village

and then return to the Fort. The people did ‘ puja’ to it, and

streaked it with sindur. One of Thompson’s surveyors carried it

off to Hazaribagh.

Note on the Death of Humdyun. — By C. J. Kodgeks, Esq., Umritsir.

On my last visit to Dihli, I went again to the Sher Man dal in the

Purana Qil’ah, in order to verify Marshman and Elphinstone’s

account of Humayun’s death. When I returned, I looked to see

what Eirislitah and the Siyar ul Mutaakhkharin said of the affair.

I send a free translation of the two, and confront Marshman, Elphin-

stone, and Murray with these accounts.

There is no more marble in the Sher Mandal than there is red

granite in the fort of Shahjahanabad, Heber, Thornton, and Ansted

notwithstanding. There is no sign of marble having been pre¬

sent in the building. It is not much the worse for wear. Part

of the parapet in gone, and that is nearly all the damage that has

been caused by 300 years.

Elphinstone' s Account.

<£ Humayun had been walking on the terrace of his library, and

was descending the stairs (which, in such situations, are narrow

steps on the outside of the building, and only guarded by an orna¬

mental parapet about a foot high). Hearing the call to prayers

from the minarets, he stopped, as is usual on such occasions,

repeated the creed, and sat down on the steps till the crier had

done. He then endeavoured to rise, supporting himself on his

staff : the staff slipped on the polished marble of the steps, and

the king fell headlong over the parapet. He was stunned at the

134 Note on the Death of TFumayun. [No. 2,

time, and although he recovered his senses, the injury he had re¬

ceived was beyond cure. On the fourth day after his accident, he

expired.”

Marshman' s Account.

“ Six months after he had entered Delhi, while descending the

steps of his library, he heard the muazzin’s call to prayer, and

stopped to repeat the creed, and sat down. As he endevoured to

rise, leaning on his staff, it slipped on the polished steps, and he

fell over the parapet, and four days after closed his chequered

life.”

Murray's Account.

“In less than a year after (his return to Delhi), descending the

marble stairs of the palace, he fell, and was so severely bruised,

that he expired in a few days.”

Firishtah's Account.

11 On the seventh of that month ( ), near the time of the

setting of the sun, he who is now housed in paradise, coming on

the roof of his library, sat down for a moment. And at the time

of going down (from the roof), he suddenly heard the voice of the

man calling to prayer. His Majesty, in order to show reverence

and to answer the call, sat on the second step, and at the. time

of finishing the prayer, leaning on his stick, he wished to stand

up. The stick slipped, went away from him, and the king fall¬

ing from the stairs came on the ground. When his courtiers,

being astounded, brought his Majesty senseless into the daulat-

Jchdnah, he after awhile revived and began to speak. The physi¬

cians busied themselves in devising remedies, which were however

useless. On the eleventh of the same month, at the time of the

setting of the sun, he took his flight to his holy resting-place.”

Account given in the Siyar ul M utaalchM a rin .

“ Humayun had a knowledge of astrology and greatly desired

to study the planets. One day there was a conjecture that Yenus

would rise somewhat late. In the evening, in order that he might

see that planet, he went on to the top of the roof of his library.

There standing for a moment, he wished to descend. The muazzin

1871.]

Note on the Death of Humayun.

135

called to prayers. He (Humayun), in order to show respect to the

azdn , desired to sit down on the second step. The steps of the stair¬

case, by reason of their cleanliness, were very slippery. The ferrula

of his staff slipped, and Humayun falling headlong, rolled down¬

stairs on to the ground. His limbs and joints were much hurt,

and the right side of his head had received a great blow. He

became altogether insensible. Although physicians and doctors

attended him, no good came of it.”

The library alluded to in these passages is, as is well known,

the Sher Mandal in the Purana Qil’ah at Dihlf. This building

is octagonal, of two stories in height, with lower story solid. It is

ascended by two flights of stairs. These two staircases are in the

inside of the walls of the upper story. The steps are of granite

roughly hewn, very narrow and very high. Wherever an angle

occurs the steps are shaped thus, making the

staircase still more dangerous. Use has po¬

lished them somewhat. But in Humiyun’s

time, the building was nearly new, as it was built by Sher Shah.

The roof of the second story is surrounded by a thick parapet of

red stone. On the roof is an octagonal cupola with a base

much smaller than the roof. The stairs come up on both

sides of the cupola in the space intervening between it and the

parapet. Both Firishtah and the Siyar ul Mutaakhkharin agree

that Humayun was on the second step when he fell. Hence to fall

over the parapet would be impossible. But it would not be impos¬

sible for him to fall down the first flight of stairs, and then, at the

bottom of them, fall from the first story down to the ground. Both

these authorities say that he did get to the ground. There is no

defence whatever round the first story ; so it would be almost impos¬

sible to stop himself. Had he fallen from the roof at once on to

the ground, he would have been killed instantaneously. The spot

is shown where he did fall over the parapet. But a survey of

that spot makes Humayun a suicide. Elphinstone’s account is al¬

together wrong. There is no marble in the building. It is built

of granite and red sandstone and is mortered after the fashion of

buildings of that time.

18

136

Note on the Death of LTumdyun.

[No. 2,

The mosque is a stone’s throw from the library. One flight of

stairs is in the same direction as the mosque. Firishtah says, he

fell as he was wishing to stand up, and the Siyar has it that he fell

as he was wishing to sit down. Neither mentions the marble of Mur¬

ray and Elpliinstone, or the parapet in Marshman and Elpliinstone.

I have not c Humayun's Memoirs' to refer to. But a study of

the building shows, how impossible it would be for the accounts in

Elphinstone, Marshman, and Murray to be correct. The stairs are

so far from the parapet, that were a person to fall, his head would

barely reach the parapet inside. But when he was sitting on the

second step and desiring to rise, if he slipped, he undoubtedly went

down stairs.

Note by the Editor.

I annex a translation of the passages regarding Humayun’s

death, as given in the Akbarnamah, Badaoni, the Tabaqat i Ak-

bari, the Mir-at ul ’Alain, and Khafi Khan.

From the Akbarnamah (Lucknow edition, I., 436.)

After stating that Humayun for several days previous to his fall

had a presentiment of his death, and that in consequence, he had

decreased the daily quantity of opium, to which he was much

addicted, Abulfazl says —

“ In the beginning of the evening he wished to go down. When

he was on the second staircase ( zinah ), a Muazzin of the name of

Miskin called the azdn, though properly speaking it was not the

time for it. From motives of reverence his Majesty wished to sit

down. The steps ( darajat i zinah) are sharp (tez), and the stones

were shaky ; and in the act of sitting down the foot got entangled

in the hem of the posting the staff slipped, and his Majesty fell

forward. He was severely injured on his right temple, and several

drops of blood oozed from his right ear, &c.”

Daddoni s Account (Edition, Bibl. Indica, I., 465.)

“ On the 7th Babl’ I, 963, the king was on the roof of the library

which he had made in Fort Din Panah. At the time of descend¬

ing, a Muazzin called to prayer, and from reverence the king sat

down. When he rose, his stick slipped, he fell, and he rolled down

several steps to the ground. He died on the 15th.”

1871.]

Note on the Death of Humayun.

137

From the Tahaqdt i Alihan (MS., A. S. Bengal, p. 438.)

“ At the time of evening on the same clay, the Muazzin called to

prayer. His Majesty was on the second staircase (or step, zinah )

and reverently sat down. When he got up, his foot slipped, he

lost his hold of the staircase (narduhdn), and fell to the ground.”

From the Mir -at id ’ Alam .

This work states that Shaikh Choli (Badaoni, Joli) was sent to

Akbar at Kalanur with a farman written in Hiundykri’ s name , the

contents of which were as follows : —

“ On that day I descended from the roof of my Masjid. In the

middle of the staircase (ha miyan i z'mahci ) I heard the Azau, and

sat down from motives of respect. When the Azau was over, I

rose. But the end of my stick had got into the hem of my coat

(jamah), I slipped, and fell down. The corner (gosludi) of the stair¬

case struck against my lower ear ( huncigosh ), and several drops of

blood issued from my ear. I was insensible for some time. When

I recovered my consciousness, I passed on to the daulat Jchdnah . It

is all well now, do not feel anxious about me.”

il Soon after, the news also of his death on the 7th Rabi’ I ar¬

rived.”

Khafi Khan's Account (Ed. Bibl. Indica, I., 124.)

Khafi Klian is no trustworthy authority, and his account is

worthless. He says —

“On the 5th Rabi’ I, of the said year (963), he wished to de¬

scend from his pigeon house ( leak utar -Jchdnah ), in order to listen to

the azan ; but he slipped and fell down from high staircases ( zina -

hai baland ), and died on the 11th.”

There is much discrepancy in the histories regarding the exact

days of the fall and the death of Humayun.

Day of the fall. Day of Hds death .

Akbarnamah, . . Friday of Rabi’ I.

Eirishtah, . 7th Rabi’ I. 11th Rabi’ I.

Stewart’s Memoirs of

Humayun (p. 120) . . . 1 1th Do.

Badaoni, . 7th Do. 15th* Do.

Mi-rat ul ’Alam, . 7th Do.

* This may be a mistake of the editor. MSS. continually confound

and y Ij ydzduku.m, 11th, and pdnzduhum, 15th, '

138

Bihar Legends and Ballads. [No. 2,

Padishahnamali (I, p. 65), . 13th (a Sunday), Do.

Khafi Khan, . 5th Babi’ I. 11th, Do.

M.aasir ul Umara, .... 7th, Do.

According to Prinsep’s Useful Tables, the year 963 A. H. com¬

menced on Saturday, 16th November, 1553. The 7th Babi’ I, 963,

would therefore correspond to the 66th day from the 16th Novem¬

ber 1555, i. e. to the 20th January, 1556, which would be a Mon¬

day. We have to bear in mind that Monday, the 7th Babi’ I,

commenced at 6 o’clock Sunday evening, 19th January, 1556. The

13th Pabi’ I, the date of H.’s death, according to the Pddishahnd-

mah, is certainly a Sunday, and this may be looked upon as the

correct day, especially as the author of the Pdclishalindmah has

taken so much trouble to settle the chronology of the reigns of the

Timurides up to Shahjahan. A perusal of the beginning chapters

of that work is strongly recommended to historians.

Khafi Khan’s Jcabutar-hhanah is either a blunder of the editors or

the author has confounded Humayun’s death with that of ’Umar

Shaikh Mirza, Babar’s father, who died on the 4th Bamazan, 899,

at Akhsikat in Farganah, from a fall from the pigeon house, on

which he stood flying pigeons.

Legends and Ballads connected with persons deified or held in great

veneration in Bhdgalpur and the neighbouring districts ( being extracts

from Diaries). — By Babu Bashbiha'ri Bose, Banka, Bha'galpu'r.

I. — The Legend of Dube Bhairan.

Nowhere, as far as I know, does demon worship prevail in

Bengal. But in this district, every village has its own demon who

is propitiated by offerings made at the foot of a tree where he is

supj)osed to reside. Belief in demons' or ghosts is almost as pre¬

valent in Bengal as it is in this district ; but if annoyances are

caused by them, the gods are invoked or exorcisms are practised in

1871.]

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

139

the former to expel them from the haunted house, while in the

latter they are propitiated by presents and their blessings asked in

case of difficulty or danger. Demon worship is not prevalent in

all Bihar, and its presence in the few districts in which it exists,

is probably owing to the close vicinity of the Kols.

The most powerful of these demons is believed to be Dube

Bhairan who is extensively worshipped in this district. In various

places throughout this Sub-Division, may be seen the altar of Dube

Bhairan, where not only offerings are made to him in case of disease,

or on the occasion of the birth of a son supposed to be obtained

through his favour, but all people bitten by snakes are conveyed to

his altar for the purpose of cure, which is effected by simply pour¬

ing water over the patient. He seems to have played an important

part in the history of this province. Indeed it is Dube Bhairan

who is supposed to have brought about a change in the dynasty by

exterminating the race of Khetauris which formerly ruled Bihar,

and transferring the sovereignty to the solar race of the Kendawar

family of which the Bajah of Kharakpur was a representative.

The following legend is every where related regarding this

demon.

Dube Bhairan was an astrologer invited to the court of the

Khetauri Bajah, named Birma, to foretell future events, — an art

which was greatly patronised by the Indian Bajahs at the time

of Hindu decadence. After consulting the stars, he had built his

dwelling on an auspicious spot near Birma’s palace at Dadri in

Munger (Monghyr), but the superstitious Bajah being anxious to

appropriate to himself the benefits that were inseparable from the

lot of the man who owned the place, asked Bhairan to give it up to

him, but in vain. However, taking advantage of his absence from

home, the latter pulled down one of his cottages, and built a wall

at the place so as to enclose the ground within the limits of his

palace. "When Bhairan returned, his mother wept and pointed

out the mischief that had been done. At this, he flew into a

terrible rage, and snatching a knife, plunged it into his own abdo¬

men, and threw the flowing blood over the Bajah’s palace, which

instantly blazed with fire and was reduced to ashes. Bhairan had

a virgin cow from which he drew some milk for drink a little

140

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

before liis death. The milk issuing from the wound ran in one

stream while the blood flowed in another, creating two rivers in

their course. The white and red waters of these rivers are still

pointed out in proof of the miracle. The four wooden legs of the

cot on which he breathed his last, shot forth branches and have

grown into large trees that may still be seen at the place.

The Rajah fled from the palace, but the ghost of Bhairan fol¬

lowed him wherever he went. Finding no place safe from the

vengeance of the offended demon, Birma fled at last to Deoghar

to seek for shelter in the great temple of Baijnath. But the de¬

mon appeared before the deity himself at his abode in Mount

Kailas, to demand the surrender of the Rajah. So potent was the

wrath of the Brahman demon, that the mount began to shake over

the famous trident, on which the deity has fixed it, in order to

make it more secure against earthquakes and other accidents to

which this globe is subject. His wife, Parbati, became alarmed,

but tbe deity told her to appease the demon by treating him as her

brother. She accordingly approached like a hospitable and good

Hindu lady wdth a lota of water in hand, and invited the demon

to come and wash his feet, saying “ Welcome hither, Baijnath

junior.” At this the demon became appeased, wrhen the god as¬

sured him that he had not succoured Birma in his temple, and that

Bhairan was welcome to deal with his victim in the way he pleased.

At the same time the omnipresent deity told Birma at Deoghar to

go and seek for shelter in the Mundar, the place of Modhusudun.

The unfortunate Rajah accordingly went to the Mundar, and thence

wandered over various sacred places till he was killed at the top

of Tirpahar, — crushed under the weight of a huge stone hurled

at him by the ghost of Bhairan’s servant Raju Khawas.

The ghost of Dube Bhairan pursued the remaining Rajahs of

the Khetauri race and all that bore his name with unrelenting*

hatred, till not a soul of this large but ill-fated family was left

upon earth. There were fifty-two independent Khetauri Rajahs

holding sway in different parts of Bihar, just before the Muhamma¬

dan conquest of the country, but. at the present time there are only

four Rajahs, such as those of Bark op, Maliaganoya, and Mani-

hari in sub-division Grodda, and Hanrua in sub-division Dumka,

1871.]

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

141

who claim to be descended from that race, but even these are not

recognized as coming from the genuine stock.

In accordance with the above legend, Bhairan is considered as

only second to the great Baijnath at Deoghar. His servant Raju

Khawas, who is said to have committed suicide on the death-bed

of his master, is equally worshipped with him. The animal sacri¬

fices which Bhairan, as a Brahman, would not accept, are offered

to his servant, while rice and sweetmeats are the share of the

master.

At Dadrf, where the officiating priest invokes the demon, the

the latter is supposed to take possession of him, and he speaks

like one inspired. The power of nominating this priest rests in

the family of Teknarain Sing, the present zammdar of Ch’hat’har.

The reason is, his ancestor and Dube Bhairan emigrated to these

parts from the same locality in the Upper Provinces, and according

to the good old custom which prevailed in the mother-country, the

former, though a Bajput, performed the funeral obsequies of

the latter who was a Brahman. In consequence of this, the ghost

used to take possession of him, and, as usual with evil spirits, to

commit many depredations at his house. He thought it therefore

more convenient to transfer the unenvied privilege to a Brahman.

II. — The Ballad of Lurih.

There is a Gwala, or milkman, deified in the district of Bhagal-

pur. He is particularly worshipped by the people of his caste,

but generally occupies a high place in the veneration of all the

lower classes in the district. They make him offerings of rice and

milk for the recovery of cattle they may happen to lose. There

is a temple dedicated to him at Hardi in the Madhepdra

sub-division, where he is believed to have reigned for twelve years.

He is the subject of a long ballad which is sung throughout the

length and breadth of Bihar. The ballad is important as throwing

some light on the belief, manners, and customs of the age to which

it relates, and as shewing the large number of small independent

principalities into which the country was divided at the time, — a

circumstance which made it an easy prey to the Muhammadan in¬

vaders. These little kingdoms or principalities appear to have

142

Bilidr Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

been governed by sovereigns of the lowest castes, such as Dosad,

Gwalas, goldsmiths, palki bearers, &c. Whether they are the

ancestors of the present rajahs and zammdars, most of whom are

generally suspected to have surreptitiously assumed the title of

Rajputs, it is difficult to say.

The ballad is very long. How so many manage to commit it

to memory is not a little marvellous. I will abbreviate it as much

as possible without omitting peculiarities of manners and customs

of the period which it records.

Lurik who belonged to the Gwala caste, was a giant in strength

and courage. He was a native of Gaur and was a favourite of the

goddess Durga. One morning at day-break, his wife Manjar

accidentally sees him dallying with the daughter of the Rajah of

his native village, named Sahadeb Mahara, a bearer by caste.

Manjar being versed in astrology, consults her books, and learns

therefrom that Lurik is to run away with the Rajah’s daughter

on that very night. While she washes his feet on his return

home, she sheds some unconscious tears on his legs, and is asked

the cause thereof. She replies that her tears and smiles cannot

affect him, when his heart lies enchained at the feet of his mistress.

She tells her motlier-iu-law the misfortune that is to overtake the

family that night, and requests her to defer the time for supper

by pounding the rice again and again, and preparing a large number

of dishes. A considerable portion of the night is passed in this way,

and nearly at day-break the family retire to rest, when the wife binds

Lurik in her own clothes, and the mother spreads her bed so as to

bar the only outlet from the cottage. According to previous arrange¬

ment, the Rajah’s daughter, named Chanain, comes out of the palace

bearing in her hand a patara full of jewels and coins ; and not finding

Lurik under the large tree where they had agreed to meet, marks it

with five red spots, and advancing a few steps, calls on Durga for

aid. The goddess promises to bring Lurik and to prolong the

night seven times if it be necessary for the purpose. The goddess

calls at his house, and tells him to join his mistress without delay,

but he pleads his inability to do so, owing to the precautions

taken by his wife and mother. Durga unties all the knots with

which he has been bound in the arms of his wife, and after separ-

1871.]

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

143

ating the chhappars, delivers him through the opening thus caused.

Lurik is, however, very anxious for his virtuous wife, and therefore

makes the family over to the care of an intimate friend, though

burning with jealousy at the opportunities he will thus enjoy of

gaining over her affections. The lovers meet at last, and start for

Hardi. On the way, the Rajah’s* daughter refuses to take the

food out of Lurik’s dishes unless he consents to make her his wife.

After some hesitation, Lurik affixes some sindur on her fore¬

head, and the marriage ceremony is performed by Durga herself,

assisted by her seven sisters. When the lovers arrive at the place

where Lurik’s younger brother keeps a million of cattle, Lurik

is extremely anxious to bid him farewell. Leaving Chanain near

a hedge, he approaches his brother, but is accused of running

away with another man’s wife. He denies the truth of the charge,

at which his brother throws a club at the hedge which carries off

the patara placed to protect Chanain, while a second club thrown

by the same powerful hand scatters her knotted hair to the wind.

The mistress is then introduced weeping, after which, according to

custom, Lurik’s younger brother jests with her. The brother,

being tired, falls asleep on a portion of his sister-in-law’s sdrhi

spread by her to receive his body, while she lays his head

down upon her lap. When he becomes insensible, Chanain de¬

parts with her lover after thrusting a piece of stone under her

brother-in-law’s head, and after separating the remaining portion

of her sdrhi with a pair of scissors. On the next day, the pair is

pursued by the attendants and soldiers of the Rajah and of his

son-in-law, the first husband of Chanain. Magic fire- works are

hurled by the disconsolate husband which overtake Chanain

across the Ganges, but they fall harmless when coming in contact

with the corner of her cloth spread by her with an invocation to

the deity to protect her in consideration of several years of her

youth having been passed away in vain expectation of her first

husband. Lurik valiantly refuses to take shelter under her cloth,

but by some mysterious process ascends the sky to save himself

from the fire-arms of an injured and infuriated husband. After

effecting their flight, they repose under the shade of a tree, where

Chanain dies from the sting of a serpent.

19

144

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

Lurik becomes extremely disconsolate, and erecting a funeral pile

and setting fire to it, sits on it xvitli Chandin in his arms. The

fire is extinguished, is again kindled, and again extinguished, and

so on for several times. The “ universe trembles to the throne of

god,” the gods sit in debate, and the cause is ascribed to the strange

phenomenon of a husband offering to die on his wife’s funeral pile

rather than a wife dying, as usual, on the funeral pile of her hus¬

band. A goddess is sent to earth. Assuming the shape of an old

woman, she approaches the pile, and tells Lurik to desist, but finding

him obstinate, offers to revive the dead. The corpse is replaced

on the bed ; the serpent is summoned ; obeys and sucks its own poison

from the wounds ; Chanain is restored to life, and the serpent is

killed. As if waking from a dream, she wants to drink water from a

neighbouring tank called Bihia belonging to a Dosad Rajah, where

a heavy tax is levied either in money or in kind. Chanain puts Rs.

200 on the bank, and descends to the pond, but the guide, being

smitten with her beauty, demands the possession of her charms as

the price of the water. She replies that being the daughter of a

Rajah, she is not used to sleep except on a high raised bed. The

infatuated guide ascends a tree to erect a bedstead over the

branches, but while he is busily engaged in the task, the fair

one quenches her thirst at the tank, and runs away. She is,

however, pursued and overtaken, when she sends away the guide

to bring a new cot and a new carpet, with a promise to gratify his

desires. When the guide goes to his master to ask the articles so

required, Chanain joins her husband and complains of the indigni¬

ty offered her. On his return, the guide, instead of the lady’s love,

meets with hard blows from her husband, who knocks out his

teeth, cuts off his nose, clips his ears, and then sends him back to

his master. The women of the village through which he passes,

rejoice at the vengeance which has at last overtaken his numerous

evil deeds. On arriving at the palace, he induces the Rajah to set

'out with his army, by assuring him that the pretty faces of his

seven Ranis are inferior even to the beauty of Chanain’s handsome

feet. A battle ensues, but through the favour of Durga, Lurik is

victorious.

When they come near Rohini, where Mahapatia, a goldsmith

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

145

1871.]

by caste, used to reign, they are surrounded by the Rajah’s attend¬

ants, who invite Lurik to a gambling match at the palace. The

Rajah is a great cheat, and by means of loaded dice, continues to

make Lurik stake and lose everything he owned, including his

beautiful wife whom the Rajah coveted more than anything else.

But Chanain refuses to submit, alleging that she being Lurik’s

mistress, and not his wife, he cannot dispose of her person, and

that she will only jdeld if she is herself vanquished in play. The

play begins ; Chanain throws away the dice as unfair ; takes new

dice, and one by one gains every thing the Rajah owned. The

Rajah then runs away, but is overtaken and killed.

From Rohini the travellers reach Hardi, the place of their

destination. Lurik is introduced to the Rajah by a relation and

friend, but the Rajah is incensed at his omission to bow to him,

and will not allow him a place in his capital unless he accepts the

occupation of a cowherd. Lurik indignantly replies that he

would only turn a cowherd if the Rajah’s daughter came out her¬

self to milk the cows. A battle ensues which lasts for seven days

and seven nights, and ends in the slaughter of the immense hosts

of the Rajah, a result attributed to the goddess whose favour

Chanain obtains by offering to sacrifice her first-born. The

Rajah now consents to give half his dominions to Lurik in case he

succeeds in bringing the head of his antagonist, the Rajah of

Hanrwa. This he undertakes to do. Mounting a horse which

Chanain selects from the Rajah’s stable, Lurik marches alone

to Hanrwa, gives battle, slaughters immense hosts, but is subse¬

quently entrapped in a magic net called Mahapdsh. By the advice

and aid of a fellow countryman, he, however, escapes from the net,

and after killing the Rajah, places his son, still a minor, on the

throne. The Ranis endeavour to poison Lurik, but he avoids

the snares laid for him, and refuses to touch any food at the palace,

though he is constrained to promise aid in case the infant Rajah

be attacked by a third party. He returns to Hardi, and on

presenting the head of the Rajah of Hanrwa, is proclaimed joint-

king of Hardi.

A short time only elapses, when the Rajah of Kolapur having

attacked the infant Rajah of Hanrwa, and taken him a prisoner,

146

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

Lurik is invited to fulfil his promise. When he reaches Kola-

pur alone on horseback, the Rajah comes in the disguise of a

barber and asks for permission to shave him. Seeing the coun¬

terfeit barber perform his work very clumsily, Lurik chides him,

but is instantly bound with ropes, and then conveyed a prisoner

to the palace, where he is treated and fed as a goat prepared for

sacrifice to Durga. The goddess tells the Rajah to wait, and

advises him to feed the goat well till the great Dasera day, when

she would come to accept the sacrifice. The horse returns to

Hard! without the rider, when Chanain becoming aware of the

misfortune that has befallen her husband, raises her sword to

strike off the head of her new born son as a sacrifice to the god¬

dess long ago promised. The blow is arrested by the goddess

herself, who undertakes to deliver her husband, considering the

sacrifice as having been actually made and accepted. She takes

Chanain with her to Kolapur on the Dasera day, when the Rajah

brings Lurik before her, and tells him to graze like a goat

before the sacrifice is made. By Chanain’ s advice, Lurik pleads

his inability, through ignorance, and asks the Rajah to show him

how to do it. As the Rajah bends down for the purpose, glances

between the lovers are exchanged ; the goddess’s sword is

snatched from her hand, and, wielded by Lurik’s powerful hand,

descends like a thunderbolt ; and the Rajah’s head, severed from his

shoulders, rolls over the feet of the goddess as a sacrifice.

The lovers depart, but in the midst of the way, Lurik com¬

plains of hunger, and Chanain, unwashed though she was after

childbirth, sits down to cook the food. But Lurik’s wife, Manjur,

at Gaur learns all these things from her astrological books, and

knowing that her husband will lose his strength if he takes such

polluted food, works miracles by her chastity, and creates three

Larus on the corner of his cloth. When Lurik performs the

morning ablutions, he discovers the Larus , with the half of which

he satisfies his appetite. On returning to Chanain, he is congra¬

tulated by her on the extraordinary beauty imparted to his person

by the Larus. Taking offence at what appears to him as an un¬

seasonable jest, he overturns the pot in which the food is being

cooked, and thus unwittingly fulfils his chaste wife’s earnest wish.

1871.] Bihar Legends and Ballads. 147

Before returning to Hardi, Lurik learns of the uncommon

strength and prowess of the Rajah of Pal Piprf, and feels anxious

to test the same. In spite of the remonstrances of Chanain, he

marches to that place, followed by herself. Gigantic and fero¬

cious beasts are sent to encounter them, one of which is killed by a

stone thrown by Chanain with the strength inspired by the re¬

mains of the three Larus which she had eaten. After much

suffering and trouble, they succeed at last in their object, and

return to Hardf. Here they pass twelve years. One night

Lurik happens to hear a woman weep near his palace, and asks

his mistress to enquire into the cause. As she goes out for the

purpose, she is followed unseen by her lover. In reply to Clia-

nain’s inquiries, the old woman says that her tears have been excit¬

ed by the meals she has been accumulating for three days in the

vain expectation of her son’s return from a journey. Fearing that

this story will make Lurik anxious to return home to his wife and

mother, Chanain advises the woman to complain falsely of ill-

treatment to account for her tears if questioned by Lurik on the

subject, and on her return to the room, speaks to the same effect.

But Lurik, who has overheard everything, accuses her of false¬

hood, and says that if three days’ absence of a son on duty can

make a mother weep so much, his own mother and wife must

have shed many tears during the twelve years of his self-

imposed exile from home. This reflection works so powerfully on

his mind, that he instantly departs for home, accompanied by his

beautiful mistress, whose residence he fixes in the neighbourhood.

Ill . The Ballad of Laikd.

There is another local ballad which is as extensively sung in

this and the neighbouring districts as that of Lurik. It evidently

depicts the manners and customs of a later period when all settled

forms of government having been overturned by the Muhammadan

invasion, every wealthy man considered himself independent and

carried on war against his neighbours for real or supposed

injuries. The ballad runs as follows : —

The heroine is the daughter of a Teli, or oilman, residing at

148

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

Magha-Munger, in the district of Hunger. Having just reached

the age of puberty, she learns with grief that her husband, a resi¬

dent of Madhapur in the same district, is about to set out with

seven hundred laden bullocks on a commercial expedition, from

which he is not likely to return for twelve years. She bewails her

hard fate, and with tears entreats her father to celebrate the ‘ Ga-

hona,’ a ceremony sometimes performed long after the marriage,

when the bridegroom takes his bride home for the enjoyment of

conjugal happiness. Her father calls at the house of his son-in-

law, and demands that the ceremony should be gone through be¬

fore he sets out on his long journey. Laika, for so the son-in-law

is named, is extremely vexed, and putting a handful of mustard

seed into his father-in-law’s palm, tells him to return and to be

ready to receive as many men as there are seeds in his hand, with

whom he threatens to call at his house on the day of the cere¬

mony. The man returns home, weeping all way and cursing his

daughter for the expense with which he is threatened and for the

ill name he was to bear from inability to incur the same. His

daughter, who is called Baritria, however, assures him that her

husband will come only accompanied by four bearers, and no one

else. Of course her prophecy is disbelieved, and her father makes

extensive preparations to receive the party. But on the day of

the ceremony, Laika comes in a palki borne on the shoulders of

four bearers. The father-in-law repeatedly looks behind for hours

and hours expecting more attendants, but none appear. When the

ceremony is over, he lays heaps of gold and silver articles for his

son-in-law’s acceptance, but by the advice of Baritria, he would

not accept anything except a parrot and a Talinga bullock,

which are believed to possess extraordinary virtues. The father-

in-law unable, according to custom, to deny what his son-in-law

wants, curses his daughter for suggesting such a request. Laika

returns home, taking his beautiful and virtuous wife with him, but

instead of retiring to her apartment, immediately sets out on his

expedition. Baritria weeps, reminds him of her youth, threatens

him with her infamy, but all to no purpose. After he had pro¬

ceeded four days’ journey, the parrot informs him that the time

was so propitious, that a son conceived that night, would shod

(

1871.]

Bihcir Legends and Ballads.

149

pearls when weeping, and diamonds when smiling, and therefore

advises him to go to his wife offering to carry him on its wings.

He obeys, and is brought bach to the door of his wife’s chamber.

She being awakened, refuses him admittance, though he professes

that he has no other object in seeking her chamber than to

take his turban which he had left behind by mistake. She consents

at last to admit him, if his mother and sister are made aware of the

circumstance, so that no infamy might attach to her name. But

Laika says he was ashamed to wake his mother and sister, in order

to enter his wife’s chamber at that time of night, when he was

believed to be far off from home. Baritria suggests that his

brother at any rate might be informed of the circumstance.

Binding it impossible to prevail on her to open the door on other

terms, Laika wakes his younger brother Chaturguni£, and tells him

that he had returned to take back his turban which he had left in

his wife’s room, but his wife would not believe him unless a

witness attested his identity. The brother intercedes, the door

is thrown open, Laika is admitted, but cannot approach his wife

till he has promised to abandon his expedition and to stay at

home. At dawn, however, the parrot wakes him and reminds him of

his duty, at which he again sets out on his expedition and rejoins

his bullocks, his short but unexpected visit remaining unknown

to the other members of the family. Nine months elapse when

Laika’s sister suspecting Baritria to be with child, takes her to

fetch water ; then handing her the well-rope, desires her to lift

water from the well instead of doing it herself as she used to

do before. Baritria obeys with fear and trembling but her waist¬

band is broken in the attempt. The sister informs her mother, but

the latter indignantly refuses to believe in the infamy of one who is

known to be exemplarily chaste. She consents, however, to subject

her to a test. For this purpose, she gives her 2% seers of dhdn to be

pounded into rice. Baritria attempts the feat, but is covered with

shame and confusion at her failure. Her mother-in-law beats her,

when her brother-in-law having tried to defend her by relating

the particulars of Laika’s unexpected visit to her chamber at night,

is accused of adultery. Her ill-teatment brings on the pain of

delivery, but even the midwife of the family refuses to assist in

150

Bihar Legends and Ballads.

[No. 2,

tho confinement of an infamous woman. She gives birth to a

male child, which, during her state of unconsciousness, is carried

away by her mother-in-law and thrown into the oven of a potter,

so that the infamy of the family might not be known. When

she recovers her senses, she misses her child and runs dis¬

tracted from her room, in order to seek it outside ; but several

thieves who were waiting, being struck by her beauty, carry her

away. When they discover who she is, they are afraid of

the vengeance of so powerful a family, and run away, leaving her

in a jungle. There she accidentally encounters the husband of

Laika’s sister, who not knowing who she is, brings her to his own

village, but being afraid, for the sake of her reputation, to shelter

so beautiful a woman under his own roof, builds a sarai where she

dispenses charities to the poor.

While these misfortunes happen at home, the Talinga bullock

with Laika grows restive, and breaking its chain, runs homeward,

followed by the other bullocks, and at last by the master who

apprehends some misfortune. In due course, the animal arrives

at the sarai, and meeting with its beloved mistress, sheds tears

over her face. At night, she is, as an act of piety, desired by

her protector to rub oil over the traveller’s legs. She does so, but

cannot stop her fast falling tears when engaged in the operation.

This attracts the traveller’s notice, when being pressed, she throws

off her veil and chides him for not knowing his own wife. An

explanation ensues. Fired with indignation, Laika marches home

to wreak his vengeance over his wife’s persecutors, but takes care

to keep her concealed in a patora. As soon as he arrives, his

mother comes with a lota of water to wash his feet, but the Talin¬

ga bullock throws her down on the ground. While she demands

the cause of this treatment, her son asks her why he misses in the

house the image of his beautiful and virtuous wife. His mother

assures him that she was unworthy of him, tells him what had

happened, and boasts of having banished her from the house.

Laika inveighs against her injustice and cruelty ; his wife in the

patora reiterates the charge ; and at last the mother dies broken¬

hearted. The child is recovered from the potter who has brought

it up as his own. But in the midst of these rejoicings, a sudden

151

1871.] An Account of the Antiquities of Jdjpur in Orisd .

misfortune befalls the ill-fated couple. The nephew of Baritria

marches with seven hundred men to obtain the parrot and Talinga

bullock. A battle ensues ou the banks of the Grerua, where Laika

is killed. His death is, however, avenged by his widow, who

having slain his nephew in battle, burns his body as well as that of

her husband on the funeral pile which she had erected on the banks

of the river.

An Account of the Antiquities of Jdjpur in Orisd. — By Ba'bu Chandra-

s'eioiara BanurjT, Deputy Magistrate , Tamluk.

The following short account of Jajpur was written just before I

left Orisa. Although several valuable papers have already been writ¬

ten on the antiquities of the place, there yet remains much to be

added regarding the temples and traditions to which Europeans

cannot have easy access. I have, therefore, taken my stand on a some¬

what different ground, and have written the account from a purely

local point of view, preserving traditions which the future historian

may find interesting.

The earliest account of Jajpur is commensurate with the ear¬

liest authentic history of the province. The first of the Kes'ari

Vahsa Baja of Orisa, Yajati Kes'ari, who reigned about the

year 473, A. D., held his court at Jajpur, where he built a castle

and palace called the chauduar , or ‘ the mansion with four gates.’

The true name of the town, I should suppose, was ‘ Yajatipur,’

or the city of Yajati ; the present corruption being by no

means inconsistent with the genius of the Uriya tongue or its

hasty pronunciation.* The received account, however, on which

the religious portion of the people put great faith, traces the

name to ‘ Yajnapura’ or the spot where, in ancient times,

Brahma performed the great sacrifice, or ‘Yajna’ on which the

sanctity of the place is founded. Whatever might have been the

origin of the name, there can be no doubt that Jajpur was the

* Since writing the above I have read Cunningham’s * Ancient Geography

of India,’ in which it is said : “ In the early part of the 6cli century, Raja

Jajati Keshai’i established a new capital at ‘ Jajatipur’ on the Vaitarani

river, which still exists under the abbreviated name of Jajipura j” p. 512.

20

152

[No. 2,

Antiquities of Jujpixr in Or is a.

earliest seat of royalty in Orisa, tlie court of the king’s being held

there uninterruptedly for more than five centuries until the year

989 A. D., when Raja Nirupa Kes'ari “ planted a city on the

site of modern Cuttack.” Jajpiir did not, however, thereby lose

much of its importance. It was one of the five Katakas, or forti¬

fied capitals, of Gangadhar Dev, and during the independence of

the country, must have been held as an important pass to Orisa

proper, down to the year 1253, A. D., to which time the kings of

Orisa were known abroad as the ‘ Rajahs of Jajpur.’*

The place is also noted in history as the scene where the famous

battle between the fanatic Kalapahar, the general of Sulaiman Af¬

ghan, and Talinga Mukund Dev was fought (A. D. 1558), when

the last reigning king fell, and the independence of Orisa was

lost. The mutilation of the images of gods and goddesses, the

desecration of temples, and the raising of Saracen minarets on

their ruins still testify as to how the day was lost, and the

saying—

*TteTv$,

^Tfw«T C*TteT?T

*TTf*b

‘‘In came Kalapahar,

Broke down every iron bar,

Drank the water of the Mahanadi :

Forced Makunda Rani to hold bones on golden plates,”

keeps up the memory of the Afghan oppressions.

The battle was fought at a place called ‘ Oabiru Tikri’ about

four miles to the north-east of Jajpiir. There is a large tank in the

field, which is pointed out as the spot near which the Afghan army

was encamped. The place is still dreaded. It is believed that

whole armies are now lying sunk in the adjacent marshes where

they still beat their drums and blow their trumpets at dead of

night, and are expected to rise hereafter, and regain the country for

Raja Birakishor of Khurda. There is a saying, however, which

runs counter to this belief:

* See Major Stewart’s Bengal, pp. 38 and 41.

1871.] Antiquities of J ajp ur in Oris A. 153

“ srm c^;c<r,

ttj 1%cKfsi^ jim cjm,

“ When the boiled rice will sprout,

When the battle will be fought at Grahvar Tikri,

Then Bir Kishor will be the king,” —

which points out, in spite of the popular belief, the improbability

of a fresh battle for the recovery of the independence of Orisa.

One of the memorials of the Afghan conquest was the building

of the cenotaph of ’All Bukhari, the distinguished colleague of

Kalapahar. It is said that after the battle at Jajpdr he accom¬

panied his chief to Katak, where he displayed great valour in the

siege of Fort Barobati ; but when its garrison was about to yield,

his head was severed by the sword of the enemy. His headless

trunk, however, gave spur to his horse which carried him straight

to Jajpdr. Here he prayed and was sanctified, like the king of

France at the gate of Heaven :

“ And then he set up such a headless howl,

That all the saints came out and took him in.”

’All Bukhari was then buried on the high terrace where his tomb

still stands, his horse being buried in a separate grave beside

him. It is also said that his head was interred in Katak, perhaps

in the tomb which stands under the pipal tree in the centre of the

Fort — a suggestion to those whom it may concern. The terrace on

which the tomb stands at Jajpur, formed at one time the steryobate

of the Muhti Mandapa, or conclave of the learned Pandits, which

was destroyed by the Muslim conquerors. The three colos¬

sal images, which are now preserved in the sub-divisional com¬

pound, were originally placed with five similar statues round the

colonnade of the mandapa. The Muhammadans broke down five and

made them (so runs the tradition) into balls and shots for their

guns, and threw three down the platform, where Mr. Sterling saw

them “ with their heels uppermost, amidst a heap of rubbish.”

During the Muhammadan and Marhatta periods, Jajpdr was placed

under an ’ amildar , who was entrusted with the collection of revenue

and the administration of justice. The Deputy of Nawab Shuja’ud-

din, Muhammad Taqi Khan, held his court and built a palace at

154

Antiquities of J ajpur in Oris a . [No. 2,

Jajpur. The palace stood on the site of the present sub -divisional

buildings, and old inhabitants of the place still remember to

have seen it standing ; one of these, Qadir Shah, an octagenarian,

supplied me with the following information : —

“I remember when a boy at play how the British soldiers, 500

gord and 2000 Icdld, under General Hawket and Mil-mil Bani (Com¬

mandant Mil man ?) came from the south, fought and took the

Barobati Fort. I was sixteen years old then, and looked at the

cannonade, which lasted about two hours, on the eastern gate,

from a tree near Katak chancli. I remember also when this large

Bdpi (well, opposite Jajpur catchari) was dug at the expense of Baja

Bapuji. Bapuji was one of the Marhatta ’amildars. The house

of Muhammad Taqi I saw. Its gates stood here. It would have

stood up to this time, but for the vengeance which one of the

Marhatta ’amildars took upon us. This was Gauranga Bai, a

Bengali. He greatly oppressed us, ruined some of our mosques,

and removed the stones from Taqi Khan’s palace, to build his own

mansion and the temple of Gobindji at Bhog Madhava.”

1 Bhog Madhava’ is one of the seven Sasanas , or royal grants,

in Jajpur, and within a mile of the town. The temple of Gobind¬

ji is standing still within the compound known as 1 Gaurang

Deori.’ Two stone buildings of the old solid style, a stone gate

with a pointed arch, a small tank within, enclosed with thick per¬

pendicular layers of stone, are all that now remain of the buildings

of Gauranga. There is also a classic Tamala tree standing in the

middle of the compound.

Jajpur also ranks high as one of the four holy places of pilgrimage

in Orisa. It would be out of place to reproduce the elaborate account

which the Kshetra Purana gives of the gods and goddesses. Its

sanctity is derived from the circumstance, that at the great sacrifice

of ‘ Dasasvamedha’ (ten horses), the great mother (the creative

energy of god) assumed the holy form of Biraja at this place. The

Baitarani,^ which flows by Jajpur and the identity of whose name

with that of the river (the Indian Styx) which the dead are supposed

* The Kshetra Purana mentions that the source of the Baitaranf lies in the

Go-nashika (cow-nose) Hill in Keonjhar. The rock is so named from its re¬

semblance to the nose of a cow from which the water flows down.

1871.]

155

Antiquities of Jajpur in Orisa.

to cross on their way to heaven, invests the place with additional

sanctity, and pilgrims are made to perform certain ceremonies on

its bank as a preparation for the journey to the hall of Aruti.

Jajpur is, farther, supposed to rest on the navel of the giant who

has his head at Gaya and his foot at a spot in Baja-mandri. Within

the compound of the Biraja Temples there is a well, known as the

Gaya ndbhi , which is supposed to reach the navel of the giant, and

into it pilgrims are required to throw pindu or rice balls, to

deliver their ancestors from the consequences of sin. The Kshetra

Purana also describes Jajpur as a triangular plane of the form of a

(bullock) cart, having the temples of Siva, Uttares'vara, Killalotare-

s'vara and Barunes'vara standing on the three angles, I suppose, to

serve as boundary pillars.

The boundary already given to Jajpur as a place of pilgrimage

comprises an area of several square miles, extending on both sides

of the Baitaranf. Within this area the ruins of the ancient town

lie buried, affording to the antiquarian a rich field for research.

The spade is hardly applied to the earth without hitting the

relic of some ancient building or figure. Broken capitals and pil¬

lars and figures of mutilated gods and goddesses are scattered in

all directions, being in some places worshipped as the village deities

or ‘ Grama Debatas.’ Most of these have suffered either from the

general wreck of time, or fanaticism. A few that have partly

survived may be separately mentioned.

One of the most remarkable specimens of ancient Hindu sculp¬

ture, which I have seen, is the broken image of the Smasdna

Kali, forming one of the group which adorned the JBhajana man -

dapa already alluded to. The figure is altogether eight feet high,

sitting on a corpse, and cut in a massive block of chlorite. It is not

actually a skeleton figure, as some have supposed, but the shrivelled

skin barely covers the bony frame within, leaving the arteries and

veins visible. Its crab-shaped eyes sunk in the socket, its high cheek¬

bones on a level with its nose, its stretched mouth through which

one or two canine teeth peep out, give to its flat face an expres¬

sion of hideousness, which is greatly enhanced by the projecting

rib-bones and dry breasts over which the nerves run down in profu¬

sion to the abdomen, which is withered and sunk to the spine. To

156

[No. 2,

Antiquities of Jajpiir in Orisa.

the imagination it presents the very pieture of starvation and famine,

not wholly unlike that unholy demon who lately scoured through

the country.

The two other figures which stood in the same group with the

above are the Bdrahi and Indrdni. The Bdrdhi is a female figure

with the head of a boar and a huge round belly. The Indrani, or

Queen of Indra, is a well-proportioned female figure. The wrists,

arms, and breasts of both are decorated with ornaments. The foot

of the former rests on a buffalo, and that of the latter on the head

of an elephant, as if in illustration of the saying 11 the gods have

their carriers according to their worth.”

Next to these may be mentioned the elegant column called the

‘ Sabha stambha which is still standing. It is built of blue

chlorite. There was an inscription on a slab at the foot of the

shaft which appears to have been cut away. It is said that a

Sannyashi destroyed the slab to take the treasure which was

concealed behind it, a hole being still observable in the mid¬

dle of the pedestal and beneath the shaft. The total height

of the column is 36 feet 10 inches; the shaft — a monolith — being

29 feet, 9 inches. The shaft appears fluted, but the appearance

is due to the circumstance of its being a polygon of 16 sides, each

of which is slightly channelled ; the capital is ornamented with fes¬

toons composed of grotesque faces of lions and bead drops. The

cornice has the appearance of a large lotus. What has been

said of a higher and more famous pillar may not inappropriately

be applied to this 1 stambha.’ “ The spectator can never be

tired with admiring the beauty of its ornamented capital, the length

of the shaft, or the extraordinary simplicity of the pedestal.”

Perhaps the most ancient relic of antiquity in the town is the

JDasasvamedha Ghat , where the sacrifice of ten horses is said to have

been performed. The flight of steps is now a rough mass of stone

worn out by the constant tread of human feet. On both sides

of the steps there is the ruin of an old rivetment which shows

that the Baitarani, which is now a bed of sand, once flowed by

them. In the rivetment there is a spout turned into the head of

a large alligator, which was evidently used as an anchorage to

fasten boats. On two sides of the ghat there are the face of

1871.]

157

Antiquities of Ji jpur in Onsci.

a giant and the head of an elephant. The latter is life-like, and

affords a fair specimen of the degree of excellence to which the art

of stone-cutting had once attained among the Hindus.

Facing the Dasasvamedha Ghat on the opposite side of the

river there is another old ghat. On one side of this ghat, there is

a raised terrace surmounted by a long and narrow room containing

the figures of the seven Matris* in miniature, evidently carved

on the model of the figures in the Mukti Mandapa. In this

group there are four other statues of which the most remarkable

is the aunt of Yama, or death, — a hideous, decrepid old female

figure, with hooked nose, a flat wrinkled face, shrunken body, and

emaciated pointed knees.

Portions of the temple of Biraja appear to have some claim to

antiquity. There are some very nice sculptures on the walls on

both sides of its gate amidst a mass of obscenity which would make

the spectator doubt whether the men who cut these figures had

actually the veneration ascribed to them.

The modern town of Jajpur extends along the right bank of

the Baitaranf, which above the point of its junction with the

Gengati retains no water, except during the freshes. It is al¬

most surrounded by rivulets. It has three principal roads, two of

which run from the west to the east, and the third cuts them cross¬

wise, running from the old ghat on the Baitarani to the temple of

Biraja. It has other cross-roads and lanes decidedly in a better

state than those of other towns similarly located. The houses are,

almost without exception, built of mud, the floor and veranda being

collections of old stones, some of the mud walls being raised on

the foundations of pucca buildings of old.

The Towns Improvement Act has been extended to Jajpur,

and for the purposes of the Act some 81 small villages have been

united, comprising an area of about four square miles. The inhabi¬

tants of Jajpur are principally Brahmans, whose houses stand

in sashans, or rent-free grants. A most important section of

these Brahmans are the Pandahs of Baitarani and the goddess

# There are seven matris in the gallery, their names being 1, Kali, 2,

Indram, 3, Kumari, 4, Rudranf, 5, Varahi, 6, Yaishnavi, 7, Yamamatrf. These

are the different dreadful shapes which the goddess Durga assumed during her

wars with the demons Sumbha and Nisumbha.

158

Antiquities of Jajpdr in Oris a. [No. 2,

Biraja, whose profits are derived from the contributions of

pilgrims. These men have carefully kept records of the names of

those who have visited the shrine, and from them trace out the

names of the ancestors, of newcomers, and establish claims to

officiate as their priests.

Jajpdr has also a few families of the sect of ‘ Agni-Hotris,’

or fire-worsliipers, who keep the fire burning day and night in

their houses, and in that respect resemble the Parsis of Western

India, or the followers of Zoroaster of High Asia. These men are

ranked as Brahmans of great purity, and afford an instance, though

solitary, of the prevalence of fire-worship among the Hindus in

that peculiar shape which is commonly believed to have originated

among people living beyond the Indus.

The remaining portion of the inhabitants are artizans and trad¬

ers who supply the common necessaries of life. There are only a

few agriculturists.

Jajpdr has nothing to boast of in natural or artificial products.

An intelligent observer, who had occasion to visit the place some

twelve years ago, had nothing to take note of but the lofty crests

of its cocoanut groves, and the apathy of its inhabitants to educa¬

tion.

The scenery of the place is by no means pleasant, the ground

between the houses being covered with primitive jungle. The

groves of tall cocoanuts and the forests of palm and date, which

abound here, give it a picturesqueness which is not to be met

with anywhere else in Orisa. The most striking objects from the

opposite side of the river are the minarets of the mosque of Abu

Napir Khan, and the cluster of steeples of the Jagannath and other

temples which overlook the old ghat. The ground between these

is occupied by the sub-divisional buildings, the Police and the

School bungalows, and the Lock-up, which serve to break the

monotony of the jungles and mud hovels.

Jajpdr is the head quarters of a sub-division, a Mungifi,

and a police station. There is also a post office, a small P.W.

bungalow, and a charitable dispensary supported by the public.

The aided school at Jajpur is the best middle class English

school in Orisa.

159

1871.] Antiquities of J ajpur in Or'isd.

An annual fair is held on the Baitarani in the month of Chaitra

on the Baruni day, when a large number of men and women con¬

gregate to bathe. The articles brought to the fair consist of brass

utensils, stone plates, and trinkets.

There are 2100 houses in Jajpur, and 11,000 inhabitants, as

ascertained by the latest census.

The only inscription that I found at Jajpur is over a figure of

Hanuman worshipped as one of the Gramya Devatas ; it is copied

below.

ii

Note by the Editor. — The remark made by Babu Cb. S. Banurji re¬

garding the spirits that still hover over the Afghan battlefield near Jajpur

(p. 152), may be compared with the following remark by the historian Ba-

daoni regarding the battlefield of Panlpat (A. D., 1525). He says (I., 335) —

“ Even now (in 1595), when two generations have passed away since that

bloody day, people bear at night voices coming from the battlefield, and

cries, “ Give,” “ take,” “ kill,” “ strike ;” and several years ago, in 1588, when,

on my journey from Labor to Fathpur Sikri, I bad occasion to pass over

the field, I beard the very voices with my own ears, and my companions

fancied that an army was rushing onwards. We committed ourselves to

God, and passed on,”

I

160

[No. 2, 1871.

Note on a

gold coin bearing the name of Prince Ftruz Shah Zafar ,

son of Firiiz Shah of Dilili .

In March last Mr. E. C. Bayley favoured the Society with a

note regarding a unique coin in the possession of Mrs. Cowie.

The coin bears the name of Firuz Shah Zafar. A woodcut had just

been prepared, when the first copy of Mr. Thomas’s ‘ Chronicles

of the Pathan Kings of Dehli’ reached this country.

Mr. Thomas (p. 300) enumerates four coins that bear the name

of the prince, among them one gold coin, a “ unique specimen

in the possession of Col. Guthrie,” and “ one silver coin, a new

variety, belonging to Mr. Bayley,” &c. They are all posthumous

coins, as Zafar died before his father.

The wood-cut shews that the original is identical with Col.

Guthrie’s specimen, of which, however, the margin has been cut

away. The drawing shews pretty clearly the year A. H. 791,

which agrees with the third coin described by Mr. Thomas*

The weight of the coin could not be determined, as it is attached

to a necklace. The legend is —

y\

“ The great Sultan Firuz Shah Zafar, son of Firuz Shah, the Boyal,f

in the time of the Imam, the Commander of the Faithful, ’Abdul¬

lah, — may his Khilafat be perpetuated !”

* During the year 791, Abubakr, son of Zafar, succeeded to the throne of

Dihli, which accounts perhaps for the issue, or re-issue, of coins with Zafar’s

name. Muhammadan kings liked to style themselves ibn i Sultan ibn % Sultan.

f Al-Sultdm, adj., the royal. Sultdni, noun, the King. Mr. Thomas’s wood-

cut has the article.

JOURNAL

01’ THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITEEATUEE, &c.

No. Ill— 1871.

Notes on, and Translation of , two Copper-plate Inscriptions from JBdman-

ghati. — By Barit Prata'pachandra Ghosiia, B. A., Assistant

Secretary, Asiatic Society, Bengal.

[With two plates.]

In March, last Mr. Wood-Mason, Assistant Curator, Indian

Museum, handed me two copper tablets bearing inscriptions.

•These, he said, had been found buried in the ground, and were

forwarded to him by a gentleman of Chaibasa, Singblium. The

plates, when I received them, were so much covered with rust

and mud, that I could entertain little hope of ever being able

to decipher them. Immersion in cocoa-nut oil, however, seemed

considerably to improve the appearance of the tablets, and in

May last I took out the plates and had them well rubbed over

with a brush, so as to remove all rust. This I succeeded in

doing with the help of two weak vegetable acids, tamarind and lime

juice. The inscriptions on the tablets after this operation ap¬

peared to be legible, but still at places they were so deeply eaten

into as to necessitate my using a blunt knife, to remove the scaly

rust which stuck to them with some degree of adhesion, but to

little advantage, and after several attempts at cleaning the tablets,

I gave up the idea of being able to do anything with them. In July,

however, it struck me that dilute sulphuric acid, if judiciously

21

r .

162

Ttoo Copper-plate Inscriptions from BamangMti. [No. 3,

applied, might help me in removing the last adhering scales of

oxide and dust. This was accordingly done, hut as the bath used

was a weak one, it took some days before the process appeared to have

any effect. As the plates now are, they are very clear, except at

three or four places, which look blotched, but those defects did not

interfere with the decyphering of the inscriptions.

The tablets are each surmounted by a round seal with a high

undulating rim so formed as to resemble roughly a full blown lotus.

The seals appear to have been forged with the tablets, after the

latter had been completed, and the convexity of the back of the seal

indicates that they had been separately attached to a holder, though

the circumstance of the characters of the legend not being reversed,

as usual in a seal, seems to be opposed to such a supposition. The

tablets are inscribed on both sides commencing from the left corner

of the top with the legend of the seal upwards. A portion of the

first line of each inscription has been covered by the rim of the

seal, but the position of the seals on the two tablets being slightly

different and the inscriptions on the two being almost identical, the

portion covered in one has been left apparent in the other.

The character is the Devanagari of the twelfth century, but

is allied to the Gaudiya rather than to the Kutila type. It is

curious to observe, however, that in both the plates certain very

ancient forms have been retained. Thus vr, f and have

retained their ancient forms, and especially the ^ and 3;, while such

letters as ^r, ^r, and ^ are scarcely distinguishable from their

Bengali equivalents of the last century. The vowel signs are iden¬

tical with those of the Bengali alphabet, though slight modifications

are observable in the signs of and which are like the Bengali

sign of ^2. The Bengali of ?r, rf, ^F, «r, 'sr and may be traced to the

forms engraved on these tablets. Modern compound consonants,

such as tF, <3 and are not visible in those inscriptions ;

they are written as <fre, apF, ere, ?srsr. The attached to the

compound is like that of the Bengali. The forms of ^ and

(?) are most peculiar, being nothing like Gaudiya or Kutila types,

but are more likened to the crude forms of the Pali. The *T and ^

the and ^ (at certain places), the *?, ^ and sq and the <r and

are so very like one another, that nothing but a thorough

1871.] Two Copper -plate Inscriptions from Bamanghati. 163

understanding of the purport of the text could help any one to

determine which is which. Indeed the difference is so very

minute and almost evanescent, that in my first reading I had

rendered a passage qT^; instead of

qrq*, which latter reading alone makes any sense. • The compound

is expressed at two places in two different ways ; thus at some it

is % and at others is j{. It is interesting to note that the Bengali

compound s of rf and ^ is to be observed in these inscriptions

as *fj. In one of the tablets, the latter one, the compound vf

has been greatly modified, and the compound has approached

the form of more than that of the Devanagari On the

whole, from the forms of the letters occurring in the inscrip¬

tions, one is led to suppose that the inscriptions are more Bengali

than anything else, and that they contain forms to which the Ben¬

gali alphabets may be traced. It was ere long a puzzle to many

a palaeographist to explain how such Bengali forms of alphabets

as *$T, of, and *f, originated ; but these records help to solve the

difficulty.

The language is Sanskrit, and the metre of the s'lokas which

now and then turn up, is anustupa, except the last couplets, which

are in the long distich metre. The grammar on the whole

is correct, but errors and omissions, committed by the engraver, are

in the later plate specially, numerous and frequent. The style of

the composition as well as the phrases are quite modern, and this

fact alone ought to warn us against identifying the Samvat of

S rf Banabhanja Deva’s inscription with that of Vikrainaditya.

The inscriptions record the grant of several villages by two

princes (father and son) of the same family. They open with

the usual salutation, in which S'iva is invoked to bless the donors.

The names of the ancestors of the donors follow with eulogies,

and then come the names of the donors. The donee’s name and

the names of the villages given away, and the rights thereto

attached, and the privileges accruing therefrom, are next mention¬

ed. Imprecations are fulminated against the resumption by

succeeding princes of the villages, and the records close with

the usual quotations from the Dharma Sastras, in which the donors

of lands are praised and those who resume lands given by others

are condemned as vile sinners.

164

Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Bdmanghati. [No. 3,

The tablets record grants by *the princes of the Bhanja family,

perhaps of the Mayurabhanj a dynasty of the Katak Tributary

Mahals. The names of the donors are STi Banabhanja Deva and

STi Bajabhanja Deva, the latter being the son of the former. One

of the inscriptions bears a date, but the figures are so unclear as

to leave us entirely in the dark. It looks like 65 Sam vat, and this

Samvat, without doubt, is an era peculiar to the family, quite distinct

from the Samvat of Vikramaditya of Ujjayini. The founder of the

dynasty of the Bhanjas was one Virabhadra, and if my conjecture

about the relation of the Bhanjas to Mayurabhanj a be correct, his

descendants are perhaps still extant, and the villages they bestowed,

may be identified with existing places. The names of the princes

recorded in the inscriptions are —

Virabhadra (founder of the dynasty)

STi Kothyabhanja

STi Digbhanja (?)

STi Banabhanja Deva

STi Bajabhanja Deva

Virabhadra, the founder of the dynasty is stated to have found¬

ed several hermitages, and from the fact of a hundred millions of

hermitages being in the place, it is in the inscriptions named Kottya ,

or a hundred million.

This also appears to have been the name of a prince that fol¬

lowed Virabhadra. In the translation appended, Digbhanja is

rendered as a surname of STi Banabhanja Deva. The passage

in the insciiptions is so very ambiguous, that for the correct

rendering of the same we must wait till the legends of the Mayur-

bhanja family are obtained. That the Bhanja dynasty of these

grants are identical with the Mayura-bhanja dynasty is further

evident from the unexplained passage in both the tablets imp*!

| having broken a pea-hen’s egg,” and also from names of the

villages. Biahmanavasati is undoubtedly the ancient form of the Ba-

manghatty of our maps, an important village in the Mayurabhanj a

165

1871.] Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from BcimangliMi.

estate. The villages Korandiya, Devakunda, Timandira, Konkola,

Jambupadraka, Prasanna, of Sri Eanabhanja Deva’s grant are in

name evidently Uria. Again, the title of the donees in both

inscriptions is Uria. The donee of Eajabhanja’s deed of gift is

Buddha Samanta, son of Mundi Samanta, and that of Eanabhanja

is Badhaka, son of Mundi Samanta. That the donees are of the

identical family does not admit of doubt, and there are strong

reasons to suppose that they are the same individuals. Buddha

and Bodhaka might be different rendering by the engravers, of

the same name. In the translation, nevertheless, Samanta has

been rendered as 1 generalissimo,’ and the reason of my so doing is,

that in the absence of any legend or tradition to the contrary, I think

it better to give a literal rendering of the inscription than to

mislead the reader by what I believe to be a mere guess.

The tablet bearing Banabhanja’s grant measures 8| inches by

7 inches, and the diameter of the seal attached to it, is over 3 inches.

On referring to the plates, it will apj>ear that it is the better

executed engraving of the two. Indeed, the other tablet is a copy, —

a rough and hasty one — of this. In the seal is the figure of a bull,

the Nandi, surmounted by a crescent moon and standing before

a trident. The name of the prince “ S'rf Eanabhanja Deva’s”

occurs next in one line extending over the entire

diameter of the seal, and the exergue bears a little less than a half

lotus. The inscription, transliterated in Devanagari character,

stands thus :

i VRvr^fvr^KT vptt waters fsr-

fjmsw fV grfirer* i *nrr-

(?) *rfc3T^<?X!f sfctxrg

TgJTct:

^ftf%W§jT5T(*J?)st ^jf^Tcr: I cRJT?J|3T: BflT

166 Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Bamanghati. [No. 3,

Tf-lOna

^ft*n(?r?)*:w^-

i wxn^i^ fuf^ir ? gfcrrin

wbiRcft ^ T^f^? (fe?)^T cT^TT

fe*rfe*UJW ^liwmTH: OT^UnHlftr^cTT-

si

tfTOT^T^T XTo| f^fXcT ^:^rfiTTW^rT-? *PcTT (TT?) *1<F ?

Bt$T StT'ITC) WB? *rTWT»T»W ^H#)^ft: Wft(^CI?)^ fti<f}?

wt?(^?t?) m^r^tirar t*ir*fHr(cg?)^ft WKTf^na

in^iftrei? <>nra *pr w*rf^: inmn^ ^i?w-

Sf^K^TT ^TSffH: *IJJTTftfVr W *ng WflT <T^I cI^J

C\

w ??wct* ipi^nn?: Yifw i

Tjr^firiipfitr^Tri'jTTT^ ^^m^rtiwr$T bt%-

fTOfir** *rf ii ^fxnr 1 f^fcift^f

^fs^T cTS**fcfiT^ I ^cT ^TSJ *T McT fm^ §R

g^fcT || ^fcf t^5T-

i ,?ra^rfaT H^i'ycf (n^x^at?) tV

3"5Ts *T f? tmts TT‘<aft=a#T fttlWT: II • II ^P3ct «sr U% () a?T

vj >1 ^ C\ ' \ '

Translation of Banabhanja Deva’s Grant.

“Be it so. May Bliava, the lord of Bhavani, sole sovereign of all

the worlds, dispeller of worldly fears, conversant with the various

rules of Samddhz , the omniscient, be to your prosperity.

“In the great forest of devotion ( tapovana ) with its ten millions

of hermitages, there was a ruler of men, named Yirabhadra the

holder of the sceptre, which had pricked the pea-hen’s egg, was

proficient in destroying (his) adversaries, the protected of the

sage Yasishtha.

“At the commencement of the dynasty of the Bhanjas, (there)

was born (to him) a son, Sri Kothya Bhanja by name, (who

proved) a conflagration to the wilderness of (his) foes, a renowned

hero, intelligent, pure, courteous, eminent like his sire, fortunate

and lording over innumerable chiefs, homaged by hundreds,

ruler of people, surnamed Sri Digbhanja (subduer of all quarters).

187

1871.] Two Copper-plate Inscriptions from Bdmanghdti.

“ His son tlie prosperous Banabhanja Deva, mighty as Kama

(cupid), most exalted, heroic, of full and towering fame (and) vic¬

torious over (his) enemies, like king Yudkishthira ever devoted to

the good government of (his) country, and fully efficient in (the

promotion) of good measures and deeds, of the earth-conquering

race, resident of Kotta, whose sins have been absolved by worship¬

ping the feet of Hara, declares greeting, to the princes of the earth-

conquering race.

“ Bounded by the suburbs of the northern division, are the states

named Korandiya and the Devakunda, appertaining to which are

the villages of Timandira, Konkola, J ambupadraka (and) Prasanna.

These villages thus named up to their boundaries on four sides

(with) their lawful (?) entrance, quarries and mines, free of encum¬

brances I give to Bodkaka Samanta, son of Mundi, on seeing his

proper conduct, with this edict which must be observed by you,

princes of the earth-conquering race, so long as (there would be)

men of virtue and politeness on earth. So it is said in the Dliar-

ma Sastra. Lands have been given (in donation) by several princes

commencing from Sagara, whosesoever is the land for any time

his and even his is the produce (thereof) for the time being.

Whenever any one is the occupant of any land, he has the usu¬

fruct thereof for the time. But seeing these gifts made by your

predecessors, ye princes, be not apprehensive of the diminution of

your power (demerit). (For) the observance of another’s grant

is more meritorious and is fraught with greater merit than a gift

by one’s self. Whoever resumes a land given either by himself or

another, rots with his ancestors in filth in the form of maggots.

Moreover this earth like a harlot is a mistress to many ; while

this mortal frame is frail and fragile, unless one betimes practices

virtues he will have to upheave sighs of fire (remorse) to the

heavens. Knowing fortune to be as unsteady as the dew-drop on

the lotus leaf, and life as brief, and seeing how every earthly thing

moulders away, let none wipe away another’s fame.”

The inscription of Sri Baj abhanj a Deva is a little larger than

the first. It is peculiar as it bears no date.

The inscription transliterated stands thus :

168

Two Copper -'plate Inscriptions from BdmangJiati. [No. 3,

I

| wil ||

ftftU^WTfyftftr^: fagnrra: || BTCfta ^

«TWJg fjTOT cfftVPXT^: flffTR'iJ

>#

f*rsr^#T ^faregfireiftrar ^rtrfer h

^ITa: I ^^f^rf^ifl^TWTcf: ^ftirif?*^ ^W^T-

«j^r ^ffan&^^rnr^T ^cnfwci^^T ^sjKswifi

oTJlcqf^cT: (W^X ^ffsicT:?) cT^JTTSTST: ^

^3cT nT?f*vm x\m ^

f3I*T W fipiTSSW I- - iri^T^ff

lifter mm *ri«r*ra ure n wirrei

C\

fiaftsft^rsftg^T ^TTCjgigsgT^fnjrffr gr^rugftr ftgg w«jg

sniwftrami BmifwyftT wto xpiftftcr Bt«T*rj: *m-

BTHBi^fwrai *jfti bwtW<ibj f-sr’sj'fT ?|r citw

3j ^sftxgx ftcift^ift g^fixT^wfir: i ?jrr

■gBftifw<srax^x m^wnBxxxBsfiirT w^: n bir^ ywroft

g^fw^iim^Ttx BJrcxftftr bbj *xrj g<?x jpflf ctrj

ctRf cTU HpjTWX^R: 1 TRB9!BXg: TC^rffcTmf^T I RRfl ^"TWT-

TlTT || ^^TfX Xf^TfT^TS;T^I'?:f?I^^t:i | *xft-

TJT^I tiftiwcsfx ftsfw: bt || BPnr i fgftfox f "T5TR

cf^tJT t cnnxftftftf ft | ^3»cT W’fl^TWcT mag g^f

ftxtft^ ftrgT^ggxs^f: u rft sRHsR’srx^ftsjirx^x ftjg

5r«i^i -sftftci^ i B^fw^fl^x^cri f? g^x *rf?

*“\ ^ “V ^

TlT3flTr$T II o ||

Sri Bajabhanja Deva’s (grant).

“Be it so ! May Bhava the lord of Bhavani, sole sovereign of all

the worlds, dispeller of worldly fears, conversant with the rights

of various samadhi and omniscient, be for your prosperity.

“ In the site of the vast forest of religious austerities and millions

of hermitages, there was a ruler of men, Virabhadra by name, the

subverter of the Mayura dynasty, who being protected by the sage

169

1871.] Two Copper -'plate Inscriptions from Bdmanghdti.

Vashishtha, his priest, was competent to destroy his adversaries

with his picked sceptre.

In the commencement of the dynasty of the Blianja, (there) was

born (to him) a son, the prosperous Kotta, who was a conflagration

in the wilderness of his foes, a hero, pure and courteous (in his

manner). Equally eminent and prosperous (with his sire), while

a hundred chiefs and rulers of men paid homage to his feet, was

Sri Ranabhanja, of world- wide fame. His son, the prosperous,

Rajabhanja Deva, of the earth-conquering race inhabiting Kotta,

who is a cupid (in comeliness) and strength, supereminent, heroic

and of exalted renown, victorious over his enemies and like the

king Yudhishthira ever attentive to the government of his realm,

and intent on his duties in works of peace, being absolved -from

r * _

all his sins by his devotion at the feet of Hara, says greeting to

the princes of the earth-conquering race.

Bounded by the suburbs of the northern divisions and apper¬

taining to the estate of Brahmanvasati is the village denominated

Brahmanavasati (also) ; this village as far as its boundaries are

hitherto known bestowed by us (in gift) for his merit to the

generalissimo named Buddha, son of Mundi Samanta, free of all

rents and incumbrances and by means of this copper plate edict.

So long as there are virtuous men on earth, this must be observed

by you, princes of the earth-conquering race. It is said in the

codes of legislation, lands have been given by many a prince

commencing from Sagara ; whosoever is the possessor of the land,

his and only his is the fruit thereof. Ye princes, be not suspi¬

cious as to your demerit ; for endless is the reward which alike

befits him who grants and who observes the gifts. Whoever

resumes a land given either by himself or another (in gift), rots

with his ancestors in filth in the form of maggots. Moreover

this earth as a harlot is a mistress to many, while this mortal frame

is frail and fragile, unless one betimes practises virtues, he must utter

igneous ? sighs of repentance to the heavens. Unsteady as the

dew drop on the lotus leaf, know thus thy fortune to be fickle and

thy life as brief. Seeing how every earthly thing moulders away, let

none wipe away another’s reputation.

22

170

[No. 3,

The Alla Upanishad , a spurious chapter of the Atharva Veda — text ,

translation , notes. — By Ba'bu Ba'jendrala'la Mitiia.

[Read 5th July, 1871.]

Fifty years ago Mr. Francis Ellis of Madras brought to the

notice of this Society the existence of a modern imitation of the

Yajur Yeda prepared by some Jesuit Missionaries of the last cen¬

tury with a view to establish, by Yedic evidence, the divinity of

Jesus Christ and the authenticity of the Bible. The attempt was

characterised by Mr. Ellis as a “ religious imposition without a

parallel.” From a manuscript which I have lately received from

Babu Harischandra of Benares,* it appears, however, that a cour¬

tier of the Emperor Akbar had, a century before, anticipated the

Jesuits, and attempted to impose upon the Hindu public in the same

way by producing an apocryphal chapter of the Atharva Yeda,

designed to establish the superiority of the religion of his master,

and to enlist on its behalf the attachment of his Hindu sub¬

jects.

The forgeries were, in either case, very clumsy, but the Jesuits,

having selected the Yajur Yeda, every chapter of which is well

known, and has very precise and authentic commentaries, laid them¬

selves open to easy detection, and failed to give currency to their

work ; whereas the Muhammadan, by selecting the Atharva

Yeda, of which a complete MS. was nowhere available, which

was not religiously studied, and the extent of which, from the ab¬

sence of commentaries, was undefined, avoided such a contingency.

It is possible that an Atharva school of Pippalada to which the

latter appealed, did once exist, but there is no mention of it in the

Charanavyuha, nor is there any text of that school extant. It

might have been among the now lost S’akhas, and if so, in appealing

to it, the author invoked an authority which none could consult, and

adopted a course, the futility of which has been very cuttingly con¬

demned in the Tantravartika, where it is said, “ If a man maintain

* In Dr. Biihler's Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. from Guzerat (p. 44), I notice

the existence of a MS. of this Upanishad in the possession of Krishnarav Bhi-

masankar of Vadodara.

1871.]

171

The Alla Upanishad.

a lost tradition to have been a source, be may prove whatever

be pleases, for it is like appealing to a dead witness,” ( mri -

tasdlcshika-vyavahdravachcha pralinas' dJchdmula Tva-kalpanaydm yasmai

yadrochate sa tat pramani kurydt ). The risk of detection and

exposure in such a course is, however, reduced to a minimum,

and hence it has been adopted very frequently by medkeval and

even modern Indian authors to establish the authenticity of parti¬

cular opinions and dogmas, and even of entire works. The in¬

numerable Tantras and Upa Puranas, which are now met with, owe

their names solely to this cause, and the Pippalada sakha itself has

been appealed to more than once for that purpose. Two or three

centuries before the Muhammadan forger, a pious Yaishnava

attributed to that school a composition on the divinity of the

youthful Gopala, the Gopdla Tapani , which found in so distinguished

a scholar as Jiva Gos'vami a commentator ; and several other apo¬

cryphal Upanishads are likewise affiliated to the same parentage.

Manifest, however, as the spurious character of such attempts is

to the literary critic, their success among Indian sectaries has

been generally very great. In the case of the Muhammadan

forger it was complete, and many otherwise sensible and well-read

people were entirely misled by it. The late Sir Paja Padhakanta

Bahadur was so far taken in as to introduce into his great lexicon

the word Allah , as a Sanskrit vocable, and to quote this spurious

work for his authority. Even now many pandits admit its authen¬

ticity, and are prepared to subscribe to the tenets inculcated in

it, believing that it is only Vedantism in an obscure shape, due

to the mystic character of the Yeda from which it proceeds.

The MS. of the Allah Upanishad is, even for an Upanishad which

class of works are generally short, of very limited extent, comprising

only two pages of 6 lines each. The language is obscure, apparently

so made with a view to imitate the Yedic style ; but the imitation

is neither happy, nor grammatically correct. Yedic words are

freely used, but without any appreciation of their original import,

and their relation to each other is but ill-governed by the rules

of Panini. A plural verb has been twice used for a singular

nominative, and the adjectives do not always correspond with their

nouns. The collocation is throughout so defective that it is diffi-

172

The Alla Upanishad.

[No. 3,

cult to understand tlie text, and several well-read pandits to whom

I have shown the MS. declare it to he in a corrupt Sanskrit, unintel¬

ligible to them. I have myself had the greatest difficulty in gues¬

sing at the meaning, and only succeeded in doing so, by following

the same plan which is adopted in decyphering ancient inscrip¬

tions. That I have been throughout successful in coming to

the meaning which the author attached to his sentences, I cannot

venture to affirm ; but the matter is of so little import that mistakes

on my part are not likely to lead to any material consequence.

The work opens in the usual Hindu style, with a salutation to

Ganes'a, and the invocation of the mystic Om ; but it has no

s'dnti mantra or benediction of any kind. This is remarkable, as

there is no Upanishad that I am aware of (and I have examined

nearly a hundred of them, both authentic and apocryphal,) which

has not its appropriate s'dnti, introduced both at the beginning and

the end. It is probable, however, that the author of the Allah

Upanishad, though doubtless familiar with some of the authentic

Upanishads, was not aware of, or did not notice, the constancy of

the s anti in that class of compositions, and hence the omission ; or

perhaps he accepted the Om, as sufficient for the purpose, and did

not think a more amplified version of it necessary, and this is very

likely, as he must have noticed that Yedic compositions other than

Upanishads begin with Om only, without any other s'anti.

The object of the work is to identify Allah with the gods of the

Vedas, and to establish his pre-eminence. Accordingly the author

starts by saying that he who sustains all things and is the bestower

of blessings is Allah, and he is the same with Mitra and Varuna.

He is the God of gods, and manifest in his own light. He is like¬

wise the great god Indra, and the ultimate object which the

devout seek by their sacrifices. Warming up by these assertions,

the author next describes him as “ the eldest, the greatest, the

noblest, the perfect, and even Brahma himself.” This Allah,

however, is not the deity whom the prophet Muhammad of Mecca

glorified, but he whom Akbar so adored. The anxiety displayed

in making the distinction is worthy of note, and shows clearly the

object with which the work was got up. Akbar is described as a

messenger of God, but, either owing to the difficulty of introducing

The Alla Upanishad.

173

1871.]

the Arabic article al in a Sanskrit composition, or, what is more

probable, with a view not to hurt the feelings of the faithful too

offensively, he has made him to appear as “ a prophet’ ’ — rasul , and

not al-rasid “ the prophet.” The same consideration, however, did

not govern the writer in writing of the Hindu gods, and so he is

more positive in making the Allah of his patron supersede the Hindu

trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and S'iva, and assume to himself their

functions of creation, preservation and destruction. According to

the Hindu scriptures, the deity, before the creation of the universe,

floated on the waters of a universal ocean, or was the same as

water, and the author borrows the idea and calls Allah “ water

he is the lord of sacrifices ; the receiver of all sacrificial offerings ;

and the source of the heavenly glory of the Hindu sages : unper¬

ceived even by Indra, from him proceeded Maya, the heaven, and the

rest of the universe in succession. Near the conclusion, the Arabic

phrases Alldhu Ahlar , Allah ilillah have been very adroitly intro¬

duced as “ the identity of the uncreate God.” The first phrase has

also been repeated, as is usually done in the Azan, or Muham¬

madan call to prayer. Then follows a formula in which the Tantric

mystic syllables Urum, hrih , and phat are worked in the form of

a prayer for the preservation of all animated beings ; and the work

concludes by reiterating the maxim that the Allah of the prophet

Muhammad Akbar is the God of all gods, and the creed La ila-

ha illallah corrupted into illalleti illallah.

The distinction between Allah, the supreme being, and illah from

illdt the name of an old Arabian idol, whence idols or gods has

been generally borne in mind. The former is written with an

initial ^5T= a, and declined as a word of the masculine gender

with a short vowel ending, the final h being changed into the San¬

skrit aspirate visarga. The latter is written with an initial 5; = i,

and treated as a word of the feminine gender, ending in ==■ a ;

but the distinction not having been always carefully observed, the

text has, in many places, become quite obscure, and in the first line

I have been obliged to analyse a word in search of a Sanskrit root

to deduce a consistent meaning. Sir Kaja Kadliakanta Bahadur,

accepting the text to be genuine, took the feminine illah to mean the

energy of the Godhead, i. e., Maya, and his guess has the support

174

The Alla Upanishad.

[N

o. 3,

of a line at tlie end of the MS. where a female divinity, the destroyer

of demons, Asurasahlidrini , who is doubtless no other than the

goddess Kali, is invoked. The text of the Raja, however, is cor¬

rupt, and in parts utterly unintelligible to me.

The use of the mystic syllables hrum, hr in and phat indicates a

desire to subject the mysticism of the Tantras to the supremacy

of the Allah of Muhammad Akbar, so as not to let the followers of

that system escape, or in other words to make the whole of the

Hindu community bow to the religion of the new prophet. The

S3dlables, as already shown in my paper on certain inscriptions from

the Chusan Archipelago (ante, vol. xxiv, p. 325), are parts of the

vija-mantras of the different manifestations of Durga.

The use of Akbar’s name in the MS. leaves no doubt of its

having been got up in the time of that emperor by one of his

courtiers, to give currency to his new faith among his Hindu sub¬

jects, but who he was it is impossible now to determine. It

is impossible, likewise, to ascertain whether it was done at the

instigation, or with the knowledge, of the emperor, or whether he too

was deluded by a Yedic prophecy of the superiority of his doctrine.

It it said in the Ain i AJcbari that Badaoni, the author of the

Muntahhab ut-tawarilch , was a great Sanskrit scholar, and was em¬

ployed by Akbar in translating the Atharvan Yeda into Persian ;

but as he was a devout Muhammadan who looked with horror upon

the new faith of his master, and freely stigmatized it in his history

of Akbar’s reign, it is not at all likely that he would be guilty of

calling Akbar a prophet, and Allah the Grod of Muhammad Akbar,

and not that of the Arabian prophet, unless we believe it was

done with a view to ridicule the religion of Akbar, which is scarcely

probable. A writer in the Oudh Akhbdr , a Hindustani newspaper

of Lucknow, says it is the work of the KhdnKhdnan or Lord Cham¬

berlain of Akbar, but as there were several such officers during the

long and prosperous reign of that monarch, it is not possible to

ascertain which of them was the author of this gross religious

imposition.

1871.]

The Alla Upanishad.

175

— i

sftjriitare yg: ii ■# ’ggnirr y#x* fygxyggTt

fy y% ii ysririj: xpdnT •sct^tt •• il ^yxfg fgyr rwf II

y*r# y^tT yyitT fgyi yxstqng:§ || ^TyiyfyyXT

g^igy^ll ii ^rax ^ %*£ yyg g® y^x® -?jwt ii

g'fgyyr'syygilf yj#x yrai ii yxyyiTy*Kgyra** ii yraiyyr|-f- l

tyyxyyi ^wr yiiy ^crsc^: 11 g^'yyfyyy'myT: 11

^■§t yjfy®t yy f^rji yyjxy yy yTyxyyg* ’srafy^r. «

yi#T§§ yfy^ir yjyifcyr fyg^y fyyy.fyyy u yyr§x 3y®x

yxsiT yyyf i ii yirt|[|| y'syyywi' 11 yin y*fiyyyirr i y*r-

itfayirt^ ii n#*^! y^ut*** ^Try^swlit ^f-

yf® 9tTX3i w wf i ^^ynr ^i^'J}{

fl yiy Tjrar I yjqy q’T xfyyff •$’ n yr§r yqif g*f gyofi-

iggifr§§§ ^ht y%ifii|| || || ywa j y<*ryy® fyux€t-

yniityi yr%mfyy^ ii

Translation.

Salutation to Ganes'a. Om ! Allah, the bestower (of blessings) to

The following different readings are taken from Raja Radhakanta’s S'abda-

kalpadruma, Yol. VIII, p. 155.

* Ti l

f TO»T I

t T^ifrT T&m i

§ ^^RTHFR: I

II I

1 I

** |

tt ^wrt ^pr I

it

§§ TW I

IHI TWT^T |

11 s^rwfw twtwu i

m \m TITif I

ttf wf^wrr i

tit \

§§§ w mmi i

llllll TsnifTT i

1H1 TiTOf^i' I

The Alla Upanishad.

1 0

[No. 3,

us is Mitra ; ho is Yaruna ; he sustains the things* (of this world).

Ilillah (the God) who is Yaruna, who is the king, verily f gavef us

(all). We attain§ thatlllah who is Mitra. The God (ilillah) among

gods (illan)|| is Mitra and Yaruna. He is manifest (in his own) light.

He is Indr a of the — (?) ; he is the Indr a of the hotas ; he is the great

god Indra. The ' God (Allah) of the gods (allah) is the eldest, the

greatest, the noblest, the perfect, the Brahma. The God (allah) of

the prophet Muhammad Akbar is the God, (allah) of the gods, (illan).

0 Allah ! thou art the destroyer, the preserver, the only Brahma.

Allah is water, and consequently he is every reservoir. Allah is the

lord (ina) of the sacrifice (yajfia), the sacrifice ‘(hutva) of the sacri-

ficer (hota). Allah is the sun, the moon and all the stars. He

Allah is the heavenly glory** of the sages (rishis). 0 thou unper-

ceivableff even by Indra, (from the) celestially radiant^]; Allah first

proceeded Maya and then the sky and the rest.

He verily upholds the diverse forms of the earth§§ as well as

the heavenly bodies.

Ilallah who is Yaruna, who is the God verily gave us (all). God

(Illah) the great, (Akbar), God (Illah) the great, (Akbar). He is

even the God of all gods (illalleti-illam), Om ! Allah il allah, the

identity of the uncreate. Hrum and hrih to the Atharva s'akha.

Preserve, (0) preserve all men and cattle and lions and aquatic

creatures unhurt. That, Hrum to the destroyeress of demons

(asuras). The Allah of the prophet Muhammad Akbar is the God

of gods. Illah, to the end ilillah.

End of the Alla Upanishad of the Pippali s'akha of the Atharva

Yeda.

* The first word asmalldh is evidently a compound of asma, we, la “ to give,”

and, an interjection, llleli is the nominative to the verb dliatte and in the

same case with Mitra and Yaruna, which are its counterparts.

f Punar for verily.

j The verb is in the plural to indicate respect.

§ The verb is ydmi , and the ha before it is an expletive.

|| Ilian is in the genitive plural.

% The sentence is very puzzling; I take it to be a compound of at for ad

to eat or destroyer, Alla; Ava to preserve changing to u, the verb being

lengthened by conjunction with alia as in the word Akshauhini ; u vocative, Team

Brahma and ekakam “ the solitary” single or one.

Dibyas = to divya heavenly and as' light.

ff Indr ay a , from Indra, a negative, and ya to get.

n Antarikshah from antariksha and as.

§§ Prithivva z=z%>rithivi and an, for certainty.

The remarks on the Pippalada Sakha at page 1 70 were made

after reference to only one MS. of the Charanavyuha belonging to

the writer. Sir Raja Radhakanta’s MS. quoted in his S'abdakalpa-

druma has Paippalas, and Professor Max Muller, in his 1 Ancient

Sanskrit Literature,’ (p. 374) gives Paippaladas which is probably

founded on a “ conjectural emendation” of his texts suggested by

the Yishnu Purana which names the first teacher of the school

Pippalada. The name does not occur in the two MSS. quoted by

the learned professor.

1871.]

177

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoha discovered by Capt. W. L.

Samuells, when employed as Boundary Commissioner on the Rewah

and Gliutid-Ndypur Frontier , Season 1870-71. — By Capt. W. L.

Samuells, Assistant Commissioner, Pachumba, Chord line.

( With plates VI and IX.)

On tlie left bank of the Muwahi or Muwai river, which forms the

northern boundary of the Chutia-Nagpur Tributary State of Chang-

Bhokar, stands the small village of Harchoka.* About a quarter of

a mile lower down the river and on the same side, a nallak forms its

junction with the Muwahi in*an oblique direction so as to form an

angle with it of about 34°. Within the tongue of land thus formed

lies a bed of coarse-grained granite, the surface of which slopes

down to the bed of the Muwahi, above which it rises in its highest

part to about 9 or 10 feet. In this rock, at a distance of 37 yards

from the point at which the nallah forms its junction with the

river, are to be found the remains of a somewhat extensive excava¬

tion comprising courts, vestibules, chambers, and shrines.

The following notes, with the aid of the plan accompanying this

paper, will, I hope, be found sufficiently clear and explicit to convey

a fair idea of the form and peculiarities of this interesting excava¬

tion.

The darker coloured portions of the plan represent the solid rock

which has been left standing to form the walls and other component

parts of the temple. The lighter shade of colour represents those

portions where the rock overhead has been left to form a roof ; and

the uncoloured portions those where the rock has been cut away,

leaving them open to the sky.

I shall hereafter particularise the several parts by references to

the plan ; but I may as well endeavour to give here a general

idea of their arrangement and dimensions, and this will perhaps

be gained best by following me in an imaginary walk through

the excavations.

On proceeding to the north side we descend 5% feet into the solid

rock by a narrow flight of steps and find ourselves in an open

* Long. 81° 45' 34", Lat. 23° 51' 31".

23

178 The Rock-cut Excavations at Harcholca. [No. 3,

passage, 24£ feet long, tliat leads both right and left. Immediate¬

ly in front of us is a shrine with a porch ( 1 2 ; X 9 ') facing west.

Proceeding along the passage to the right we turn the corner of

the porch, which is then to our left ; and oj)posite it, on our right

hand, stands, what I conjecture may have been, an altar, sanctuary,

and dormitory. After passing the porch we enter a court measur¬

ing 18 feet by 19 feet, at the western extremity of which is a cell

or shrine. In front is the hall or main apartment which may be

entered from the court or through a vestibule on our left. The

passage and court we have just been through, are both open to the

sky. But now we enter the vestibule under a flat roof of solid

rock, and at the entrance find a large sculpture of Granesh cut on

the wall in relief. There are two entrances to the hall from this

vestibule, and the same number from the court. The hall measures

39 feet by 18 feet, the roof being supported by a double row of

pillars, ten in number, at a height of 5 feet 9 inches from the

floor. This is the average height of the other roofed portions of

the excavation, excepting the cells. There are seven cells leading

off from the hall on three of its sides, and in one corner there is a

recess which formed a receptacle for idols. The largest cell is

6 feet square and 4j feet high. Beturning to the vestibule by

which we entered, we turn to the right, and leaving two small

shrines and, what appears to have been a sleeping place, on our

left, pass along a passage 16 feet long, and feet broad, which is

open to the sky, like the passage beforementioned. This leads into

a court 20 feet long ; and near the end we enter from, there stands

a porch, with four columns supporting its roof. This porch is not

connected with any shrine or cell ; and from having a stone bench

between the two pillars at the back, was probably a place where

people met to sit and converse. From this court we enter a veran¬

dah (25 feet X 8 feet 9 inches) closed in front throughout one half

its length by the solid rock, the roof of the other half being sup¬

ported in front by a single pillar. There are five cells opening off

from this verandah. This ends our inspection of the interior, and

re-entering the court we pass by the stone figures of a pair of bulls,

and ascend again to the upper surface by a flight of steps on the

east side similar to those by which we entered.

1871.]

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoka.

179

The section drawing represents the temple reconstructed, for it

is now almost entirely destroyed, and I doubt if in another fifty

years any traces of it will be left. The river just above the temple

takes a very sharp bend, in the re-entering angle of which a creek

has been formed by the eroding action of the water, ( Vide PL vi. )

and from the bank of the river being in this part low and shelving,

the river, during the temporary impetuosity of floods, dashes with

full velocity into this creek, and sweeping over the bank completely

submerges the temple, which, at the highest floods is, throughout

its greater portion, about two feet below the surface of the water.

It was a work of considerable time and labour to clear the ruins

of the debris that lay within, but when this had been done, it was

satisfactory to find that enough remained to enable me to form a

yery correct idea of what the excavations had been like in their

perfect state. As a whole they assume rather an odd form, but this

must be attributed to the limited space that was available for the pur¬

pose, the cell nearest the river being only nine yards distant from it.

I am inclined to think that these excavations have been made at

three distinct periods, and for this reason I have, for distinction’s

sake, styled the three parts the upper, middle, and lower temples

respectively. The lower has all the appearances of being the

oldest. None of the columns in that part remain intact, but from

the lower portions that remain, they appear to have had no base

like those in the hall of the middle temple. The latter is, in my

opinion, the latest excavation of the three. The two columns which

remain standing in the upper temple are very rudely fashioned.

The middle temple on the other hand has a much more finished

appearance, the walls of the hall being rubbed quite smooth.

I could find no inscriptions in the lower temple. The inscription

marked B was found on the verandah-wall of the upper temple,

near the entrance to one of the cells. The inscriptions marked

A, C, D, E, E, and Gr were cut on the hall pillars, only five of which

I found standing.

The doorway shown in the section drawing, in which a pair of

grotesque looking figures* support the scroll of lotus, stem and

flowers, is the only attempt at ornamentation that is to be seen. The

other doorways are each set off with a border of plain mouldings.

# These figures were called Kirttimukh by the Mukarrir mentioned on p. 180.

1 80 The Rock-cat Excavations at Uarcliolca. [No. 3,

I found tlie roof of the upper temple, excepting over the upper

cell, in a perfect state, and it was by observing that the edge or

eave of the terraced roof had been chiselled off straight, that I

was enabled to conclude with certainty that the courts of the

temple had been originally made open to the sky just as I found

them. This peculiarity of the Harchoka excavation was also ap¬

parent from finding a portion of the roof of the porch L project¬

ing from the back wall, whilst on the wall of the open passage

at its side, chisel-marks could be traced not only above the level

of the projecting fragment but right up to the top of the wall. It

was by such aids as these, that in other parts of the temple I

could ascertain what portions had been originally left roofed, and

what unroofed.

A very intelligent Muliarrir who accompanied the chief of Cliang-

Bhokar to my camp informed me, that when he had visited this

temple on a former occasion, he found a slab of stone lying amongst

the debris which bore the inscription “ Kirt Mohendres Gopal,

Pattan, Sarnbat, 744, (A. D. 688).” I searched everywhere for

this stone but was unable to find it. It is, however, a question

whether in this instance the man’s imagination and intelligence

had not shot ahead of his paleeographic attainments and combin¬

ed to get the better of his veracity, for, though gifted with a smat¬

tering of Sanscrit and a good knowledge of Hindi, he was unable

to make anything of the inscriptions which I copied. I am there¬

fore inclined to doubt his having deciphered a complete inscription

unless the characters were comparatively modern Hindi, in which

case it was probably a transliteration on cut stone of one of the

original inscriptions on the hall pillars. This supposition, in the

event of there being any truth in the man’s statement, becomes the

more probable when one considers that all the inscriptions which

I found were cut on the solid walls and pillars, and that therefore

men who obviously engraved their names on such like places with

a view to perpetuating their memory were not likely to commit

the record of them to anything so liable to loss and destruction as

a slab of stone of so comparatively small a size as that indicated

to me by the mohurir. It remains to be seen whether the said

inscription can be corroborated by any of those I have copied. If

1871. J

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harcho/ca.

181

not, I should disregard it altogether. If the characters which

form the inscriptions I have copied, were compared with Prinsep’s

Tables, I think they would be found similar to those in use about

the 9th or 10th centuries of our era. But the inscriptions do not

necessarily fix the age of the temple, unless the substance of

what is inscribed, specially points to their being coeval : and it ap¬

pears to be as great a fallacy to suppose that the ages of ancient

inscriptions can be determined from the particular forms of their

characters. (See Mr. Ottley’s paper in the Archceologia , Vol. XXVI.,

on an ancient MS. of Aratus.) Therefore until all the inscriptions

I have sent to the Society have been deciphered, it will be impossi¬

ble to say whether there exists any reliable evidence as to the age

of these excavations ; but most undoubtedly it may be said that

they are of great antiquity.

It will be observed that up to this point, I have been speak¬

ing of the excavations as “ a temple,” but this term is probably

open to objection as not being indicative of their true and original

character. This may be : but it must be borne in mind that I

have been speaking of them heretofore as judged by present

appearances.

I venture no opinion as to whether it is a Brahmanical or

Buddhist excavation. The evidence that meets one’s eye now

in viewing what remains, shows that it has been used, latterly

at all events, as a Sivite place of worship. If, therefore, any

portion of it was originally Buddhist, all that was characteristic

in it of the temples of that religion was no doubt designedly got

rid of by the usurping sect. In the cells of the lower temple, I

found no lingams. In the centre of each though, there was a rock-

cut plinth, on which the lingam might possibly have been placed.

But of course it might as well have borne any other object of

adoration, either Sivite or Buddhist, to suit the views of the party in

possession. I do not remember seeing a single rock-cut plinth in

the cells surrounding the hall. Each of these cells contained a

lingam, but the pedestals on which they rested were cut out of

stone that was foreign to the locality. These cells may therefore

at one time have been used as dormitories.

182

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoka.

[jNo. 3,

Possibly tlien the Harchoka excavation was originally a temple

and monastery combined, and in the arrangement and variety of its

several parts was, for an excavated structure, probably as complete

for the purposes for which it was designed, as I believe it to be,

in the above respects, unique.

References to the plan of the Harchoka Excavations.

A. Access to the temple is gained by these two flights of steps,

one being on the north side, and the other on the east.

B. These are niches in the rock, situated near the entrances,

and about level with a man’s breast. They probably held some

image or symbol, that was the first object of adoration to the vota¬

ries of the temple.

C. A ledge of rock 3 feet high, forming a pedestal for two stone

figures of bulls, couchant.

D. Cells or shrines. Excepting those in the lower temple, they

each contain the symbol of the lingam.

E. Pillars of solid rock. The base and capital of the hall pillars

are both alike in size and form, and shaped thus —

The shaft is square, the central part being reduced to an

octagonal form by chamfering the angles. There is a

feeble imitation of longitudinal beams resting on the pillars, consis¬

ting of a band of rock, of the same breadth as the pillar, projecting

about an inch or so below the level of the roof.

E. This has been a square plinth of rock standing about 3 feet

high with columns at the corners supporting the roof. From there

being a shallow oval-shaped basin or hollow in the centre, I con¬

clude that this was an altar for bloody sacrifices.

G. Sanctuaries. These recesses have a ledge (g) about 8

or 9 inches high projecting from the base of the wall, and

of a trough-like shape in front. On these ledges, the principal

deities of the temple were probably placed, the trough being-

doubtless made to prevent the water and oil used in the bath¬

ing and anointing of the images from spreading and soiling

the place. From concluding that these were the receptacles of

the principal images, I have called them sanctuaries , though want-

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchokd.

183

1871.]

ing in tlie privacy essential to the priest in the performance of the

sacrifice, which is ordinarily performed with closed door. But this

privacy might have been obtained by putting up a purdah, or screen ;

an expedient of which we have a notable instance in the veiling off

of the sanctuary of the tabernacle with a curtain or veil.

H. and J. These portions were so much split up and worn away

that I cannot well conjecture to what uses they could possibly have

been put. I, however, hazard the suggestion that, from having

been, to all appearances, plain surfaces raised but a foot or two

above the floor, they were used as sleeping places by the priests and

servants of the temple.

Iv. and L. Porches. The Porch K has a low parapet on three

sides for the purpose of keeping out the water that would wash

past it on its way to the channel at M. The Porch L has a raised

floor, and a rock-cut bench between the two pillars at the back.

M. An outlet for the water that would necessarily collect in the

courts and passages after any rainfall ; the outlet being connected

with an excavated drain, which, at a distance of 4 or 5 paces from

the temple, branches off both to the right and left, and discharges

its contents into either the nallah or river, according to the channel

it takes. These drains were probably covered over so as to effect

the more rapid discharge of the temple drainage.

N. Pemains of some large image which has been injured be¬

yond identification.

O. Pemains of a large image of Ganesh.

P. Sculptured figures, said to be images of Yishnu.

.*. The scriptures N, 0, and P, are all cut out on the rock wall

in relief.

On slabs of stone lying here and there within the temple were

sculptured images which were known to the most intelligent Hin¬

dus in my own camp and the camps of the native chiefs in attendance

on me, as representations of the following deities :

Durga, . One image.

Mahadeo, with serpent and trident, .... Two images.

Durga riding in 5 different fashions, . . j ^

Durga riding on a lion with spear in hand, One image.

184

The Rock-cut Excavations at Harchoka.

[No. 3,

Mahadeo and Parbati (Hurga) seated to- \

1 1 i ii [ One image,

gether on a bull, . j &

There were a few others which none of the people could identify.

The lower figure on pi. ix. represents the device mentioned in

the Proceedings, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1871, p. 237.

Note. — The Chief of Chang-Bhokar informed me that there

were other excavations in Chang-Bhokar near the villages of

Chataunra, Gur, Ghagra, and Kanjia, but none of them so ex¬

tensive as the Harchoka one ; and he Seemed to think that others

would be found in the jungles of Chang-Bhokar if search and

enquiry were made. In Singrauli of Pewah, besides the exten¬

sive excavations at Mara and Deykah* which I visited, I am told

that there are others at Lilaur near Saipur.

# See, Yol. VII, Asiatic Researches.

1871.]

185

Translations from the Tarihh i Firuzshdhi.

[Continued from Journal for 1870, p. 51.]

The Reign of Mu’izz-tjddin. — By P. Whalley, Esq., C. S.

Praise be to God, the Master of the learned, and benediction on

his prophet Muhammad, and a thousand salutations to all his

descendants. Invoking these blessings I, the weak Zia i Barani

the compiler of the history of Ffruz Shah, continue my narrative

as follows : In the reign of the emperor Mu’izz-uddin Kaiqubad,

grandson of the Emperor Balban, I was a mere child, and what I

have set down in this history of the events and results of his rule,

I heard from my father, Muayyid-ul-Mulk, and my tutors who were

the most learned men of the age. From them I have heard that

in the months of the year 685, A. II., Sultan Mu’izz-uddin Kaiqu¬

bad, son of Bagliarra Khan, and grandson of the emperor Balban,

succeeded the latter and was established on the throne of Dihlf

at the age of seventeen or eighteen years. This emperor Mu’izz-

uddin was a prince of generous actions and noble qualities ; he

had a well-ordered temper, a refined nature, and great comeliness

of person, but the desires of self-indulgence and a longing to gratify

youthful appetites, and a taste for wealth and luxury had carried

their assault into his breast. From infancy up to the day he

succeeded to the throne he had been trained under the eye of his

grandfather, Balban, and so many rigorous guardians were

appointed to look after him, that he had no chance of enjoyment,

and no opportunity of gratifying his caprices. In their fear of the

emperor Balban, his guardians never suffered him to cast a glance

on a pretty face, or to taste a cup of wine. Night and day stern-

tempered preceptors were set over him, who laboured to polish and

refine him. There were professors who instructed him in writing,

and science, and deportment, and others who taught him to shoot,

and to play at ball, and to hurl the javelin, and they never allowed

him to offend against propriety, or to be guilty of an ill-bred action

or to speak an uncourteous word. When suddenly and unexpect¬

edly and without reference to his wishes he was happily established

24

186 Translations from the Tdrilch i FiruzsMM . [No. 8,

on a throne, the magnificence of which had been greatly amplified,

and in an empire reaching to the shores of the ocean, and became

possessed of a power, which others had for years been exhausting

themselves and putting their lives in jeopardy to obtain, without

accomplishing their desire, — when thus all at once he became

absolutely his own master in pursuing his wishes and working

them out, — he put out of remembrance all he had read and heard

and learnt and acquired, and laid on the shelf his lessons of science

and manners, and plunged headlong into pleasure and dissipation,

indulging in the wildest excesses and holding the gratification of

his youthful caprices above royal cares and the momentous affairs

of empire. Thus when the harsh violence and tyranny of Balban,

with the constraint of fear and the oppressive awe inspired by his

sixty years’ rule, was wholly and summarily removed, and in place

of an old king of ripe experience and mature years, wayward,

arbitrary, penetrating, artful, an old wolf girdled with such a ter¬

rorism of reproof and chastisement and bonds and imprisonment,

that under the coercion of his rule not a desire of sport and levity,

not a sigh for wine and love found utterance in the hearts of his

lords and vassals, and the very names of sensuality, and self-indul¬

gence and jest and laughter, of masquerades and minstrels were

never breathed on the lips of the chiefs and nobles of the empire,

nay, had been forgotten by the people at large, in his stead, I

say, there sat on the throne a king, youthful and comely, kindly,

easy-tempered, luxurious, a votary of pleasure and gaiety, ardently

enamoured of enjoyment, as careless of the right conduct of the affairs

of government, as ignorant of the way to keep them straight,

without experience of the vicissitudes of the stars, or skill to prove

their treachery, - — the kingdom was given over to triflers. Volup¬

tuaries and convivialists, seekers of pleasure, purveyors of wit, and

inventors of buffooneries, who had kept in the back-ground, lurk¬

ing, unemployed, without a customer for their wares, came into

request. Courtezans appeared in the shadow of every wall, and

elegant forms sunned themselves on every balcony. Not a street

but sent forth a master of melody, or a chanter of odes. In every

quarter a singer or a song- writer lifted up his head. The times

were in harmony with jovial tempers and easy circumstances ; for-

1871.]

The reign of Mu’izt-uddm.

187

tune smiled on parasites and courtiers ; prosperity went out to

welcome the jester and buffoon ; pipers and courtezans saw the

star of love rise into the mansion of eminence, and the moon, pro¬

pitious to the queens of beauty, assumed the ascendant in their

horoscope. So the emperor Mu’izz-uddm and the nobles of his

realm and empire, and the children of the peers and princes of his

time, and the gay, the rich, the sensualists and the epicures who

lived under his rule, one and all gave themselves up to gluttony

and idleness and pleasure and merriment, and the hearts of high

and low alike were engaged in wine and love and song and car¬

nival. “ The ideas of the people adapt themselves to the faith of

their kings.” Noble and old and young, learned and ignorant*

philosopher and fool, Hindu and M/usalman, emerged from the

cities of the provinces. Business and places of business assumed

a new aspect to the world. All the people threw wide the windows

of their pleasure-house. The Emperor Mu’izz-uddin ceased to

reside in the city. Leaving the metropolis of the Bed Fort for

Kilok’hari, there, on the bank of a stream, he built a peerless

palace, and laid out a park of surpassing magnificence, and with

his princes and chiefs and nobles and intimates and servants of

the court, went thither and abode. All the princes and chiefs and

gentlemen and men of science and officials reared booths near the

palace ; and afterwards finding that the Emperor was inclined to

remain permanently at fulok’hari, they erected palaces and villas

each in his own quarter. Likewise the heads of every guild went

from the city to Kilok’harf and resided ; and Kflok’hari became

populous and prosperous. The rumour of the employments of

the Emperor, and his courtiers, high and low, and their favourite

pursuits and their gaiety and mirth spread and reached all the

quarters of the kingdom : and from all the quarters of the

cities and of the empire, minstrels and rhetors, and beauties,

and singers and wits and buffoons and mimics came to court. The

place teemed with life, and licentiousness was the order of the

day. The mosques were deserted by their worshippers and the

taverns were thronged. No one cared to stay in the cloisters,

but distilleries became places of note. The price of wine rose

tenfold. The people were plunged in pleasure and gaiety and

188 Translations from the Tarilch i FiruzsKahi. [No. 8,

no thought of sadness, or anxiety, or grief, or care, or fear, or

dread, or restraint found place in a single breast. The clever,

the genial, the wits, and the jesters, one and all, migrated to

the town. The minstrels and courtezans invented new modes

of pleasing. The purses of the vintners and distillers were gorged

with gold and silver coins. Beauties and swash-bucklers and

iterary panders were overwhelmed with gold and jewels. For the

men of title and the men of letters there was nothing left to do

but to drink wine, to make the assemblies sparkle with their wit,

to vie with each other in repartee, to resign themselves to music

and dice and largess, and the zest of the passing hour, anything

to prop up life against the insidious sapping of time, and give

night and day their till of pleasure and repose. In fine they fur¬

nished the emperor’s court so superbly with beauty and wit, that

the enchantment he drank in by ear and eye, never lost its hold

upon his breast till death. Zia i Jahjahi and Husam, the her¬

mit, the wittiest of their time, and the best talkers of the age,

men with a marvellous knack at bon-mots and unrivalled in

dialogue and conversation became associates in the private audience-

chamber of the emperor ; and for everything they said which

was thought witty, and for every neat saying and joke they made

before the king, they obtained presents of money and apparel

and caparisoned steeds. Thus the Emperor lived day and night

in a round of pleasure, absorbed in the pursuit and gratification of

his desires. Meanwhile Malik Nizam-uddin son-in-law and cousin

of Malik-ul-Umara, Kotwal of Dikii, fawned about the imperial

throne, and in the guise of an attached servant of the Emperor

aimed at the vice-royalty of the realm. The conduct of all matters

of administration devolved upon him ; and Malik Qiyam-uddin of

the secretary’s department, who, in learning and eloquence and

style, and the subtle arts of secretaryship had no equal, became the

main prop of the State, and Agent Plenipotentiary. Nizam-uddin

was a man of great industry, with a talent for administration, dis¬

creet, penetrating, and artful ; and when not only matters of

administration but the whole policy of the empire passed into his

hands, the rnaliks and slaves of Balban, a numerous and influential

body, who had become without exception, chiefs and counsellors

1871.]

The reign of Mu' izz-uddin.

189

and pillars of the royal State, were one and all troubled and dis¬

composed at liis rise. (And not without cause for) the lust of

sovereignty had settled in his head, and while the Emperor was

lost in dissolute pleasures, the more experienced of the chiefs of

the household, men who had tasted the vicissitudes of life, finding

out that there was no immunity for themselves to be expected from

Nizam-uddin, split into factions, and this discordancy of the maliks

with their wide family connections, threw the whole course of things

in the palace into confusion. Several of the leading maliks began

to aspire to empire. Nizam-uddin in particular, observing the

abandoned dissipation and reckless indifference of the Emperor,

whetted his tusks in anticipation of a struggle for power. He

reflected and not unjustly, that Emperor Balban, the wily old wolf,

who for sixty years had held the empire of Dihli in check, and in

one way or another brought the nobles into absolute submission,

was now out of the way ; his son, the only one who had an apti¬

tude for command, had been martyred in his father’s lifetime,

Bagharra Khan was helpless at Lak’hnauti, the roots of the empire,

which the old man had carried deep, were daily slacking their

hold, while Mu’izz-uddin, the emperor, was so conquered by self-

indulgence that he no longer cared to rule. Hence if he could

only get rid of Kai Khusrau, the son of the martyred prince, and

detach some of the old maliks from Mu’izz-uddin, the empire of

Dihli would easily fall into his hands. With ideas like these, the

keynotes of rebellion, Nizam-uddin entered for the stakes of the em¬

pire of Dihli, and taking up first the subject of Kai Khusrau, he

spoke on this wise to the Emperor ; “ Kai Khusrau is your rival in

“the empire, he is distinguished by kingly qualities, and there is

“ a decided leaning on the part of the maliks to his side. They

“ know he is the proper heir to the Emperor Balban, and if a few

t£ of Balban’s maliks fraternise with him, it will not take them a

“ day to thrust you aside and bring him in and seat him on the

“ throne of Dihli. The true policy for you, therefore, is to send for

“ him from Multan and remove him out of your path.”

Bent on the destruction of Kai Khusrau, and resolved not to be

thwarted, they despatched a firman requiring the presence of the

martyr Prince’s son, and then Nizam-uddin, taking advantage of a

190

Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshalii .

[No. 3,

moment of intoxication, obtained from the Emperor permission to

put this noble prince to death. lie deputed some persons from the

Court, and they brought Ivai IOiusrau to meet his fate in the town

of Rolitak. The result of his death was, that all Balban’s chiefs

who had become courtiers and counsellors in the Court of Mu’izz-

uddin conceived a dread of malik Nizam-uddm. The splendour

and dignity of the maliks was broken, they all alike became the

victims of terror, and Nizam-uddm triumphed. He brought for¬

ward some small matter as a pretext for a charge against Khwajah

Khatir, Mu’izz-uddin’s vazir, and by his orders the vazir was seated

on an ass, and carried about in mourning procession through the

whole city. This proceeding spread the awe in which Nizam-uddm

was held more widely than ever in the breasts of all the aristocrats

of birth and letters. He meanwhile set himself vigorously to work

to put down the chiefs and heads of families, and told the Emperor

in private, that “ the new converts among the nobles, who were in

office, and employed about the imperial person, had formed a

cabal. The Emperor had been unwise in making them his

friends and counsellors. They intended treachery to him, and

would suddenly burst into the palace, and kill him and seize the

empire.” The Mughul chiefs too were holding meetings in their

private houses, and plotting together. They were all of one race,

heads of a numerous clientele, combined for mutual support, and

only waiting an opportunity for a sudden outbreak.” Only a few

days were allowed to elapse after this discourse on their insurrec¬

tionary spirit, when he again pressed the matter on the emperor, and

obtained leave to capture and destroy them. He caused the whole

party to be seized on the same day in the palace, and had the

majority of them put to death, and threw their bodies into the

stream, and caused their household property to be pillaged. Some

sons of the confederates of Balkan, of noble malik families, united

to the massacred chiefs by ties of blood and familiar intercourse, he

put under arrest and conveyed to distant fortresses. The old in¬

fluential families he uprooted and dispersed. He pursued the

same policy with Malik Skahak Amir of Multan and Malik Tozaki.

They held assigned tenures with the duty of mustering the provin¬

cial levies, and had retained large power and high state since the

The reign of Mvhizz-uddin.

191

1871.]

Emperor Balban’s time. Both of them on the most ingenious pre¬

texts devisable were put out of the way. It was then manifest

to all the intimates of the palace and the notables of the city what

the malik’s intentions were, and his gate and court became the

resort and sanctuary of men of rank. To such an extent had he

made the Emperor his puppet, that if any man, citizen or provin¬

cial, led by a spirit of sincerity and loyalty, whispered in the

Emperor’s ear a hint of his designs, the Emperor would forthwith

mention to Nizam-uddin, u So and so has told me such and such

things about you,” and then he would seize the man and make him

over to Nizam-uddin as u the man who wants to thrust himself be¬

tween you and me.” Such was Nizam-uddin’ s success in establish¬

ing the closest relations with the king and ennobling his position

and securing supreme authority, that his wife, a daughter of Malik-

ul TTmara was adopted by the Emperor as his mother and queened it

in the royal harem. All the nobles in the palace with the chiefs

and governors and holders of assigned lands, observing his trium¬

phant career, drew in their horns and looked on ; and while intent

on new schemes of their own, watched the secret treason of Nizam-

uddin, and devoted themselves with the aid of every available stra¬

tagem to back up him and his adherents.

Many a time, the Malik-ul Umara, Eakhruddfn Kotwal sent in

private for Nizam-uddin who was his son-in-law and cousin, and re¬

monstrated with him about the schemes of empire he was pur¬

suing, the enmity he had excited among the chiefs and courtiers,

and the men of worth whose death he had contrived. The Kotwal

would say: u I have brought you up, and you are of my house.

Your grandfather and I for the last eighty years have held the

post of Kotwal in Dihli. We engaged in no intrigues for power,

and we lived in peace. Oh, my boy, remember that I am an officer,

and you are of my house. A Kotwal is a king’s officer, and there

is no nobler position or more exalted rank to which an officer can

attain. It is now many years since I first held this office. Give

up this mad idea of sovereignty. (Think rather), empire is not

in my line. The imperial purple befits the person of soldiers

and warriors who know how to overthrow armies at need by a

display of courage and manly vigour. It would hardly sit well

192

Translations from the Tar'ikh i Firuzshahi .

[No- 3,

on me wlio cannot put a liorse to speed, nor shoot an arrow, nor

liurl a spear and have never seen the face of battle, and have

no fitness or aptitude for governing’ empires and ruling states.

If you will not abandon this perverse idea which has fixed itself

in your mind owing to your exclusive intimacy with the emperor,

you will be the ruin not only of me but of all my children and my

numerous connections. Nothing worth the pains can come of this

scheme of yours. The Kotwal wound up his admonition with this

couplet —

“ 1 0 fox, wliy could you not remain contented in your rank

If a lion gives you blow for blow, you’ve but yourself to thank.’ ”

Again he said — “ You never saw the Emperor Shams-uddin and

the glory of his reign and his nobles and courtiers, but you have

seen the Emperor Balban and his chiefs and his laudable and

austere fashions, how khans and maliks and courtiers and nobles

scal’ce dared to look in his face for more than a moment, so terrible

and awful was it ; so overpowering was his grandeur and magnifi¬

cence that it turned the gall of tigers to water. We, who for years

have run before mounted monarchs as servants, though honoured

ones, how can we now assume the duties of empire and sovereign¬

ty ? You may put on a new cap and a white belt and a brocaded

vest, and mount an Arab horse with trappings of gold, and see a few

drunken lords and a few scaramouches without name or title before

and behind you, and think it a fine thing to be an emperor. But

do you not know or have you not heard that the imperial throne

and the august masnad are for those who have greatness and nobility

in their veins ? men who look on life as a plaything, who, in the

hour of battle can tear the brains out of their foes and open the flood¬

gates of blood, and bring earth and heaven together with a crash ?

You with this form and face and figure and manner of yours, who

dare not strike a green-grocer with an onion-stalk, or fling a clod

at a jackal, how can you count yourself a man among men and

dream of an imperial crown ? Perhaps you have not heard this

couplet —

‘ Like a man with warrior aspect enter thou the lists of war !

Simpering dandies never vanquished Rustam and Isfandiyar.’

“ And suppose that the poor drunken and besotted king in some

1871.]

The reign of Midizz-uddin'.

193

unguarded moment fell a victim to the treachery of one of your

assassins, be sure the dishonour of such an act would cleave to

you and your children till the world’s end. But suppose that after

a while you are seated on the throne of Dihli, darkening it with

the staiu of your infamy, — your courtiers and counsellors either bro¬

thers in crime, meet minions to adorn the sceptre of your sover¬

eignty, or your sons who will claim the title of princes, or a retinue

composed of the faithful followers of your earlier days and pen¬

sioners on your bounty, or slaves who will be sure to flock in

crowds round your imperial throne, and will be no unmeet confi¬

dants and lords for such an emperor, or, if you like, a few vaga¬

bonds like those now hanging about you, abject villains, whom

you believe to be your very devoted servants and well-wishers

because every now and then they ask where they shall place this

cup or that flask for you, fellows who comb their beards and wear

fine coats and gold sashes and rub themselves with extracts of

rose, — these are the sort of men you will have as friends and coun¬

cillors in the court of Jamshed and Kai Khusrau. You will set up

misers and skinflints, and mean helpless knaves and fools in high

places, and will drag down the honour of the empire into the mire

of contempt and insignificance. The gravest matters of state, the

task of the great and noble, will be made over to nobodies and

sons of nobodies and misbegotten knaves, who care for no interests

but their own, and who for their vile money-bags would throw

themselves headlong out of paradise. Have you not heard me tell

over and over again of the courtiers of Shams-uddin, what princely

men they were and what utter nobility and greatness they were

endowed with, so that many a time the emperor Shams-uddin

in mid conclave exclaimed — ‘ How shall I thank the High God

enough who has given me for courtiers men so noble, a thousand

times better than myself ! Each time that in obedience to the

imperial custom they pass before me and behind, and raise their

hands in salutation, and stand before me in Darbar, their greatness

and nobility makes me ashamed of myself, and ready to come down

from my throne and kiss their feet and hauds. the emperor L>al-

ban with twenty years’ experience as a malik and twenty years’ as

a klian, gathered round him a set of nobles on whom he could rely

194 Translations from the Tarikh i Firiizshdhi. [No. 3,

in any emergency, men of grave temperament and widely respect¬

ed, and when he mounted the throne these were the men whose

character gave its complexion to his court. By such a selection of

courtiers, prosperity was secured, and that signal success which

attended the administration of both these emperors. The memory

of the events of their reigns will last while the world lasts, and the

pen of the annalist will record their glories. 5 ’

After the above had passed, the kotwal said to Nizam-uddin.

“ Go, my boy, and mind your own business, and rid you of these

wild notions. Empire is not for us or the like of us.” Nizam-

uddin replied — “ It is even as you say, and yet at a conjuncture

like this, when I have made the people my enemies, and they all

know what I am after, if I abandon my design on the throne, I

shall certainly lose my life.” “Yes,” said the Malik-ul Umara.

“ But the design is not within your compass, and if you cannot give

it up, you may indeed bid farewell to life and set about building

your tomb. God protect us, that your pride and your ambition

may not be the death of us all ! ”

The warnings and lectures which the Malik-ul Umara addressed

to his son, and his good advice, spoken as it were under divine

inspiration, came to the ears of the great and the worthy and leaders

and chiefs of the city, and they all praised the Malik-ul Umara, and

acknowledged his wisdom ; and their belief in his foresight, and

provident wisdom was a hundred-fold increased. But Nizam-uddin

was not the man to profit by advice, and the lust of dominion made

his eyes blind, and his ears deaf. Every day he pushed forward a

fresh pawn on the chess-board of empire, while fickle fortune in

the interest of the sovereignty of the Khiljis kept pushing out of

his reach the means of disturbing the dynasty of Balban, and the

heavens laughed mockingly in his face, and summoned the Khiljis

with felicitations to the throne. Also it became known to the

emperor Mu’izz-uddin that Nizam-uddin was plotting his destruction,

and all the Court knew it ; and even while Mu’izz-uddin yet filled

the throne at Dihli, his father Bagharra Khan at Lak’hnauti as¬

sumed the title of Sultan Nagir-uddin and had prayers recited and

coins struck in his own name. Letters were exchanged between

father and son. Envoys and messengers went and came with

The reign of Mu’izz-uddin .

195

1871.]

despatches in quick succession. Presents and curiosities and sou¬

venirs were interchanged ; and many a tale reached Sultan Na<pr-

uddin in Lak’hnauti, telling how Mu’izz-uddin was lost in dissipa¬

tion and Nizam-uddin was detaching from him many maliks and

nobles of influence, and had nearly brought things to the crisis

when he would destroy the emperor and secure for himself the

throne. Sultan Na<pr-uddin wrote letters full of advice and admoni¬

tion to his son, and by hints and indications acquainted him with

Nizam-udclin’s villainous designs for his overthrow. But the in¬

toxication of youth, of sovereignty, of selfish indulgence, and of

dissipation had so driven the emperor out of his senses, that he

was unable to give heed to his father’s warnings or look into the

traitorous schemes of Nizam-uddin. Drowned in pleasure and

frivolity, he meddled with no business that bore on the state and

tendency of political affairs. Apart from the niaiseries of his

lemans, and the circling of his cup-bearers, and the languishing

voices of his singers, and the pleasantries of his jesters, he had no

care, and no occupation. From hour to hour he made pleasure

yield him her portion, and from day to day allowed the claims of

luxury. The Sultan Nagir-uddin, his father, at Lak’hnauti, hearing

the reports of his recklessness and indifference was grieved and

perturbed, and saw his son’s ruin imaged in the mirror of expe¬

rience. He found that, while absent, his warnings had no effect,

and resolved to meet his son and say what he had to say face to

face. He despatched letters full of affection to his son, and at last

wrote with his own hand to this effect : “ My son ! you have an em¬

pire on your hands, and yet you do not relax your pursuit of plea¬

sure and enjoyment. I wish that you would think it worth your

while to meet me, for I am weary with longing to see you.” He

concluded his letter with this verse —

<l Let others seek in heaven the abodes of bliss ;

Whilst thou art here, there is no heaven like this.”

A vein of tenderness was stirred in the Emperor Mu’izz-uddin

when he read the affectionate missive of his father. The desire of

meeting overcame him ; the tears ran from his eyes ; and he sent

a few trustworthy men to Lak’hnauti, and wrote letters proposing

an interview, and an arrangement was come to, that Mu’izz-uddin

196 Translations from the Tarilch i Firuzshahi. [No. 3,

should go from Dihli to Audh, and Sultan Nacjir-uddin should come

from Lak’hnauti to the banks of the river Sarw, and the meeting

of father and son should take place there. Mu’izz-uddin at first

thought of departing for Audh privately ; but Malik Nizam-uddin

represented that it was not a wise thing for the emperor to make

so long a journey unattended. It was a great distance from Dihli

to Audh. The usages and ceremonies of royalty must be observed,

and an escort corps of veterans organized before the journey could

be commenced. “ For,” said he, “ one empire cannot hold a father

and son together. Our forefathers have said ‘ Almulku’aqlmun’

and the interpretation they put on these two Arabic words, is,

that, when the lust of empire possesses them, fathers will kill

their sons, and sons destroy their fathers ; where an empire is at

stake, the natural affection between fathers and sons is lost sight

of; and for this cause, no matter what faith they held, fathers

have slain their sons for the sake of their personal safety, and

sons, carried away by the lust of empire, have laid waste their

father’s dominions. Nor has one ever suffered the other to be a

hindrance to his ambition. On an occasion like this, where the

emperor goes to meet his father, and that father is one who has

imperial prayers read for him, and coins struck with his own

superscription, and is in fact the legitimate heir of the empire,

who knows what may happen, when the two forces meet to¬

gether ? It will be better for the emperor to take an army with

him. Moreover splendour and pomp and reverence and respect

are the inseparable concomitants of royalty, and as your Majes¬

ty’s road lies through Hindustan, all the chiefs and princes of the

provinces will come to do fealty at your court, and if they only

meet with a private reception, the awe and terror of the throne

will be lessened in the eyes of the general public, and the sub¬

missive temper of many will change into stubborn opposition.”

This counsel, which was obviously sound, approved itself to the

emperor Mu’izz-uddfn, and he ordered a military force to be assem¬

bled, and the paraphernalia of imperial pomp to be got ready. In

the course of a few days the preparations were complete, and with

imperial state and a well-equipped force the Emperor took his de¬

parture for Audh. Reaching Audh they pitched the imperial

1871.]

The reign of Mu' izz-uddin.

197

pavilion on the shore of the river Sarw. The emperor Natpr-uddin,

hearing of the approach of his son with a body of troops, surmised

that Nizam-uddin was bent on intimidating him ; and, collecting

all his army and his elephants, he came forth out of Lak’hnauti,

and marching daily, reached the banks of the Sarw and encamped

thereon. The two armies took up their positions on either side of

the river, so that they could see each other’s tents. For two or

three days intelligencers went to and fro from either side, from

father to son and from son to father, and brought and carried

messages.

Finally the interview was arranged on this footing, — that Sultan

Nacpr-uddin should acknowledge the respect and ceremony due to

the Emperor of Dilili , and cross the river Sarw, and come to see

his son, and the son should be on his throne and the father should

perform the ceremony of kissing his hand. Sultan Nagir-uddin

said — “ I feel no reluctance at the thought of doing fealty to my

son. True, he is my offspring, but he sits on the throne of Dihli

in my father’s place, and the throne of Dihli is a throne which

commands veneration, and claims homage from all the kings of

other climes. It is the due of the Emperor of Dihli ; and I

though the son of the Emperor Balkan, and though the throne

of Dihli was my right, — since it has accrued to my son, I hold

it the same as if it had come to me, and passed to him after my

death. If it has come to him during my lifetime, the happier

for me. The empire of Dihli is still vested in my house, and if

on this occasion I fail to observe the respect due to the Emperor

of Dihli, and refuse to pay fealty to my son, and to stand in his

presence with joined hands, the glory of the Emperor of Dihli

will be broken, and the damage will be mine, and my son’s

alike. Moreover my father enjoined on me as his last precept,

that I should be leal and true to the Emperor of Dihli, and pay

duly the reverence which he can duly claim.”

Thus it was settled ; and the astrologers of the Court chose an

auspicious day for the interview in reference to the stars of father

and son, and on that day the place of audience was appointed over

against the peacock*1 dais, and there were set in order the magni-

* I read conjecturally. I can make nothing of

198 Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshali'i. [No. 3,

ficent paraphernalia of tho reception, and Sultan Mu’izz-uddin sat

enthroned, and held high Court. Sultan Nagir-uddin entered by

the lobby, and passed within the screen, and bowed his head to

the ground in the place of obeisance, and thrice went through the

ceremony of kissing the earth before the emperor. When he ap¬

proached the throne, Sultan Mu’izz-uddin could no longer endure

the spectacle of his father’s humiliation. Discarding his imperial

pride, he came down from the throne, and fell at his father’s feet.

In his father’s presence, the arrogance of royalty was forgotten.

Gentler and softer feelings vibrated in the breasts of both. Father

and son in a transport of affection melted into tears, and fell into

each other’s arms ; and the father pressed his lips to his son’s eyes,

and kissed his cheeks, and the son, weeping, rubbed his eyes upon

his father’s feet. Those who were present and witnessed this out¬

burst of tenderness raised a clamour of sympathy.

When after a while, calm was in some measure restored, the

father took the son’s hand, and handed him up to the throne,

thinking to remain standing before him. But the son stepped

down again, and caught the father’s hand, and brought him up on

the dais, and seated him on his right hand, and himself turned

aside his face and sat in an attitude of humility before him.

Then with due ceremony several trays of gold and silver dinars,

and vessels full of gold and silver tangas were showered over the

heads of parent and child ; and those who stood near the throne

gathered up the dinars and tangas ; and the trays and coffers used

in the ceremony were flung to those who stood farther off ; and the

bards broke forth into strains of panegyric, and the melodious

minstrels tuned their melodies, and the gold sticks and the mace-

bearers and the footmen lifted up their voices, and the crowd

scrambled for the scattered coins.

Whilst the attendants of the Court were thus variously engaged,

father and son were so deeply affected by their interview, that the

water coursed from their eyes, and the vehemence of their emotions

so transported them, as to deprive them of the power of speech.

At last the general entertainment came to an end. Father and

son rose, and on the breaking up of the court, retired into a pri¬

vate apartment where they sat awhile conversing. Then the Sultan

193

1871.] The reign of Mu' izz-uddin.

Nacir-uddin returned, and crossing tlie river came into his own

camp.

Part II. — The Interview between Stjlta'n Na'sir-tjddin and

Sxjlta'n Mtj’izz-tjddin.

Prom time to time the father sent to his son rare gifts and deli¬

cate fruits, and the son to the father presents of sweetmeats and

wines and desserts of princely magnificence. On the second day

of their meeting the Emperor Mu’izz-uddin said— “ My empire is

my father’s, and there is no rancour or antagonism between us,

let the orders for one army be the orders for both, and let the

men of either side and their relatives and friends meet together,

and go to and fro, and visit each other in mutual confidence, and

let the markets be open to both armies alike.” A few days after¬

wards on the approach of the day of parting, a herald mounted on

an elephant proclaimed an order to both armies, forbidding any

soldier of the army of Dihli to remain without permission in the

borders of Lak’hnauti, and prohibiting the men of LakTmauti from

coming into the territory of Dihli. Then for some days in succes¬

sion the Emperor Naxjir-uddin came to his son and both Emperors

sat and held their court together, and while they took their plea¬

sure they spoke together, and drank to the memory of great men

and their deeds, counting the happiness of present intercourse too

dear for any mention of parting, a word inauspicious as death, to

be suffered to cross their lips. One day, while the hours sped thus

happily, the Emperor Nacir-uddin told how his father, the Emperor

Balban had brought him up, and wept copiously, and said to his

son — “When I and my elder brother had acquired the first rudi¬

ments of speaking and writing under the care of a skilful scribe,

our tutors asked the Emperor what instruction in grammar and

syntax and divinity was next to be given to the princes, what

were his Majesty’s commands, and what master should instruct us ?

He said — ‘ Let them give the scribe a robe and a present and let

him go, and let learned clerks and professors teach my sons the

book of the courtesies of Emperors and the compilation of the acts

of the Emperors which has been continued from (the caliphs of)

200

Translations from the Tarihh i FiruzshaM.

[No. 3,

Baghdad down to the princes of my family, the sons of Sultan

Shams-uddin. Next let my sons have at their side old men of

practice and experience, proficient in the science of history and

the lives of notables, and let no mean-souled servile rascals he per¬

mitted to prowl round them. The science which such fellows devote

themselves to, can he of no service to my sons. As to matters of

prayers and fasting and ablution, and the like, they want no

teaching. They have learnt thus much themselves.’ So my bro¬

ther and I studied the book of the courtesies of kings under

Taj-uddin Bukhari, one of the court attendants of Shams-uddin,

and repeated it from beginning to end before him, and when we

had finished the book and repeated it before the Emperor, Shams-

uddin presented Khwajah Taj-uddin, who was an old man and full of

years, with two villages and a hundred thousand jetals. In the

beginning of that book, it is stated that Jamshed, who was one of

the most famous sovereigns of the earth, used often to say to his

sons that no clan-leader ( sar-i-khail ) who had not ten horsemen,

picked men and good, should have the title of a clan-leader, and

no captain ( sipah-saldr ) who had not ten clan-leaders at his beck

and wholly at his disposal, even to their wives and children,*

deserved to be called a captain, nor should a commander ( amir )

who had not ten captains in his charge be called by that name,

and if a governor (malik) had not ten commanders under him, it

was mere absurdity to give him the title df governor, and a prince

(khan) of a tribe wdio had not ten governors under him should be

held to be no prince at all, nor was it meet to give the name of a

ruler and a sovereign to a king ( padishah ) who had less than ten

princes as his coadjutors and assistants. A king without resources

like this is a mere landholder, a lord of wide lands. And an es¬

sential condition of kingship is, that all the clan-leaders and the

lords should be men of sagacity and of good birth, and sons of

distinguished men, not vile, and mean, of low origin and unmanly,

nameless parvenus. | Having thus spoken, Jamshed went on to

say, if a king is possessed of such aids and coadjutors, and such a

multitude of retainers as I mentioned, the counsels of his govern-

* I suspect the text of this passage jo to be corrupt.

f Literally, without head or root.

The reign of MuHzz-uddin.

201

1871.]

nient will accomplish themselves according to his wish, and the

results of his labours in administration will be stable and lasting.

Such was the counsel which came to me as a heritage from Kaiu-

mars, my forefather ; and of all the conditions of royalty which the

ministers arid governors in the presence of Kaiumars laid down

so accurately, the chief of all, without which kingship is impossible,

and the title is empty and meaningless is that which I have in¬

stanced. And that condition, Jamshed said, had been fulfilled

throughout his reign, and to the maxim of Kaiumars, he attributed

the augmentation of the glory and splendour and success which

had attended him. And the meaning of Kaiumars, he said, was

that, without a body of retainers of the magnitude and character

mentioned, a king could not be a king, but the more their numbers

and loyalty were increased, the more dazzling would be the splen¬

dour of the throne, the more perfect and consistent and successful

the administration, and the fuller the light shed over the counsels

of the empire. So, after reciting the maxims of Jamshed, Sultan

Nagir-uddin said to Sultan Mu’izz-uddin : u My son, the light of

my vision, and my eye and my lamp, dearer to me than life itself !

In the midst of pleasure and gaiety and debauchery, where can

there be the will to strive after counsels of great kings and to

put in practice the precepts of administrators and rulers ? There

is yet another maxim in the book of the courtesies of kings which

to wise and sagacious kings of noble origin and descent is pro¬

fitable and salutary.” And Nagir-uddin went on to say ; “ As a

sequel of the maxim I quoted, I have read in the same book that

Jamshed said : ‘ It is impossible to regard or speak of a king as

a ruler or administrator who has not sufficient wealth in his trea¬

sury to serve him in the event of rebellion or invasion to repulse

the enemy without involving his subjects in the calamity of famine.

For kings who supply themselves from the purses of all their sub¬

jects, ought they not to have wealth enough to be able in time of

calamity or famine or distress to take as much care of their sub¬

jects as of their personal followers ? What sort of a king is he,

who asserts himself to be a king, and calls himself lord and master

of his subjects, and yet gives them no relief in their difficulties and

afflictions, and thinks it meet that his subjects should die of hunger ?

26

202

Translations from the Tarihh i Firuzshdln .

[No. 3,

Rather in justice and truth, ought we to call him a king and deem

him such, in whose realm no man sleeps hungry and naked, who

makes such regulations and enacts such laws, that under their pro¬

tection all his subjects are safe from distress, or at least from such

distress as involves destruction of life.’ ”

Having thus counselled his son, Sultan Nagir-uddin turned to go.

Mu’izz-uddin said — “ It is the fate of my crown that of all the wise

and experienced followers of my grandfather, there is not one faith¬

ful spirit left in the halls of my palace to admonish and exhort me

now and again, and rouse me from the sleep of negligence. And

when a king, out of fatherly compassion, urges on me a few coun¬

sels tending to the good of religion and the welfare of my realm,

this fatherly compassion is matter for wonder and surprise.” Sul¬

tan Nagir-uddin said — “ 0 my son, you who are seated in my father’s

place, and who have succeeded to my heritage in my lifetime, I

have seen much trouble, and I have come to you with the intention,

which I still hold, of speaking a few words of advice in your ear,

and making your pleasure bitter to you with the bitterness of

warning, and on the day we part, I will say what is in my mind.”

So on the day which was fixed for father and son to part, Suit in

Nagir-uddin, before sunrise, came to his son, and said, “ Order the

morning meal to be put off till later in the day : I have a few

words to say to you, and I wish to say them to-day in private

audience. Order Nizam-uddin and Qiyam-uddin, who are now at

the head of political affairs, to be present at the audience that they

may hear what I have to say, and harbour no suspicions.” Sultan

Mu’izz-uddin directed that no stranger ( na-muharram ) should be

admitted to the audience, and Malik Nizam-uddin, Chief Justice,

( Amir-i-dad ) and Malik Qiyam-uddin his secretary,*1 were sum¬

moned to the audience, and both were desired to sit down.

And Sultan Nasir-uddin having come into the private chamber,

charged with good counsels for his son’s ear, began by weeping

bitterly and said — “ Oh my boy, though you are my son, yet of

a surety this day you sit in my father’s place, and are entitled to

reverence accordingly, no man but a father can wish another to be

* ’Ilaqah? A word, perhaps dalir , seems to have dropped oat of the text,

or ’ ilaqah may be some obsolete title.

1671.]

208

The reign of MxCizz-uddin.

more prosperous than himself. A father may have such a wish for

his son, and for you I desire prosperity a hundred-fold greater

than has fallen to my lot. Aild in those days when I heard that

the kotwals had seated you on the throne, and had become your

hand and arm, I was glad beyond measure, reflecting that Lak’li-

nautf being mine, and Dihlf having fallen to my son, my own

power and dignity was a thousand-fold enhanced, and it was in

the strength of your sovereignty that I issued in my own name the

coins and manifestos ( Jchutbah ) of this realm. Since then for two

years past, I have heard such stories of your profligacy and negli¬

gence and indifference, I wonder how your vices have left you in

peace up to this hour on the throne of the kingdom, how there can

be any vigilance in your government, how your kingdom and

country, your governors and officers, your dependants and army

and subjects, your treasury and income and expenditure can be

under your control, or liow any can look to your justice and favour,

or hold thsmselves obedient to your behest. And yet, methinks,

you know that the great and glorious God has created nothing in

the universe sweeter and dearer than the world, and of all things

in the world that are sweet and dear. He has brought into being

nothing sweeter or dearer than empire, which is His viceger-

ency.* Is it not from the utter and exceeding sweetness of

empire, that the affection that binds father to son is dissolved, and

thus it comes to pass that the father slays the son, and the son

sheds his father’s blood, or causes him to be poisoned, or lives night

and day in longing for his death ? No chief in the world worthy of

the name but aims to be chief of all ; and from the day when I heard

of your recklessness, and continued indulgence in pleasure, I have

made lamentation for the empire of my father, and seen you and

myself and both our kingdoms on the verge of annihilation ; and

ever since the news reached me that you were putting to death my

father’s servants and chosen officers, loyal men, whose death must

needs have estranged from you the loyalty of the rest, a presage

of your ruin has weighed upon my mind. I know, if you do not,

how my father had to wade through blood to attain the kingdom

of Dihli, and himself several times narrowly escaped destruction,

* Niydbat is evidently intended. Nihdyat is an error of the text.

204 Translations from the Tarilch i Ftruzshahi. [No,

and how some years elapsed before he secured the empire which

was the object of his ambition, and how he wrested it from the

hands of men possessed of all the advantages of birth, and wealth

and previous renown, who had divided* the land of Shams-uddin

amongst them and made it their prey, and who rose up against

him from every quarter,— and how it was only by a long course of

stratagems and device, that he eventually crushed his opponents

And yet because the kingdom has come into your hands easily and

without toil, you despise it, and reckon it a light thing to slay the

son of my elder brother, while I was foot-tied at Lak’hnauti, a

brother who, naturally fitted for sovereignty, became a martyr in

his father’s lifetime. Saving us four, there was no other heir in

the kingdom of Ealban. Immediately that you are removed, this

kingdom will fall into the hands of another family and another

tribe, and they will not leave a name or trace of us on the face of

the earth. God only knows what havoc another family, whether

good or bad, may make in this land among our followers and com¬

rades and tribesmen and servants and mistresses, and what dis¬

grace and dishonour they may inflict on the inmates of our harems.

My father who grew old in experiences as Malik, Khan, and king,

used to say, i I could if I wished beget sons and daughters in plenty

from my wives and concubines, but I have heard from the leaders

of our faith and the leaders of our people alike, that a king should

not have many sons and daughters ; for if the kingdom fall into

the hands of one son, that son must admit all his brothers and

cousins to partnership with himself, or he must slay them all or

disperse them into distant climes.’ And so with a king’s sons-in-

law. With the royal nuptials, the scent of dominion mounts into

their brains, and leads them inevitably to their fate. When a king

gives himself up to sensual indulgence, and begets many sons, it is

as though with his own hands he had given them to the sacrifice.

On the other hand if the kingdom do not fall to the king’s son,,

but to a stranger, the new king’s administration will not prosper,

nor be secure until he has exterminated the counsellers, and ad¬

herents, and followers and comrades of the previous king. Oh my

* Qist, o^jl, is plainly wrong. *£++**, jl, qismcit, is the most obvious emenda¬

tion.

1871.]

The reign of Mu' izz-uct din.

20,$

son, be well assured that you owe your two years’ continuance on

the throne to the awe inspired by your grandfather, who drove

down the roots of monarchy so deep in the garden of the empire,

that wind and storm have not availed to shake it. Were it not so,

no man of your stamp could maintain himself a day in the king¬

dom. My son, you seem to have no thought for your life : does

not your mirror show you, when you look into it, how your com¬

plexion which was brighter than the red rose, has turned paler than

saffron ? A man who has no care for his health, will reck little of

sound and wholesome counsels in his government, and one who

has no solicitude about his own life, is not likely to be solicitous

about any created thing. How can such recklessness and indiffer¬

ence co-exist with the slightest care of the people who constitute

the wealth of the ruler ? I am grieved with your words and deeds,

and being your father I can speak out of my grief bitter truths in

your ear; and yet, myself excepted, there is not a living soul, nor

can there be, however friendly and well-disposed towards you,

who would tell you to your face what is for your good. I doubt

not, that the pride engendered by the few days of royalty that have

passed over your head, and the sight of a whole people flocking to

your gates may make it hard for you to listen to me. But if you

can only be sober for a few days, you will think over my words,

and recognize their importance.

“ Oh my son ! my father used to say that empire consists in five

things, and if they are not known and practised, the empire cannot

remain stable. The first is — to practise justice and benignity ; the

second, to strengthen your army and to protect and cherish your

subjects ; the third, to amass treasure; the fourth, to treat with

consideration the ministers and counsellors of the throne, and the

fifth to be well- informed about the inhabitants of your kingdom,

far and near. And when you take no heed of any of the five prin¬

ciples of government, how can the realm remain secure to you ?

My son, I dread these habits of yours which have come under my

notice, and the customs you have addicted yourself to during these

two years of your reign, (pardon me for speaking thus,) and

the people, the gluttons and the voluptuaries, and the pleasure-

seekers, and the tellers of idle tales whom I have seen in your

200 Translations from the Tarihh i FiruzshaM. [No. 3,

court. They will never let you draw back a moment from satisfy¬

ing your soul’s lust, or suffer you to devote yourself to the care of

your kingdom and country, of your lords and vassals, and of the

regulation of your finance, though all your happiness henceforth

depends on your attention to these things. But the feelings of a

father have prompted me to speak in your ear a few words of ad¬

vice which may abide in your mind, and to take you in my embrace,

and print a kiss on your eyes and cheek, and bid you a last fare¬

well and go my way.

u And the first maxim of your father is, Hold your kingdom dear,

but your life dearer still. A little while, though you fear not your

God or your people, yet for your own life’s sake withdraw from

pleasure and dissipation, and study to preserve your life, and aban¬

don wholly and entirely a practice, of which I cannot speak for

shame, but the excess of which has brought you to your present

condition. Spare your own life, for the great men before my time

have said, 1 First life, then empire ; and where life is out of joint,

where is the use of empire ?’ And of a truth, my son, your life is

out of joint, though you know it not.

“ And the second maxim is this, Befrainfrom slaying the maliks,

and again, Destroy no malik who is a prop of the realm. If you

annihilate your ministers, there will remain no one in the king¬

dom, who will place any confidence in you, and when the confi¬

dence of the subjects is withdrawn from the king, the stability of

the kingdom is gone. Bather with courtesy and kindliness and

condescension and intelligence and wisdom turn your enemies into

friends and well-wishers, and do not relax your watchfulness what¬

ever may arrive.

“ And these two persons who are sitting before you, I mean Nizam-

uddin and Qiyam-uddin, are good members of your court, who

know their work and do it. Choose out two others like them from

your court and city, and make them four pillars to your kingdom,

and with these four pillars make the fort of your sovereignty

strong and stable, and work out your policy through their agency.

To one of the four, give the office of vizier, and make his rank

greater than that of the rest ; and to the second, give the office of

envoy, and place reliance on what he may say or report ; and to

1871.]

The reign of Mu' izz-uddin.

207

the third, entrust the duty of receiving petitions, and let him have

the management of your personal staff ; and to the fourth, give the

office of secretary, and trust to his opinion and discernment and

good judgment for the conduct of foreign correspondence and that

with your judicial and revenue officers. Be always equally ac¬

cessible to all four officers alike. As for the counsellors of the

state who may have a knowledge of the causes of the prosperity or

decline of the country, adapt yourself to their views. * Do not mix

up together the different offices of government, nor give all kinds

of business into the hands of one, and do not let any one of your

four ministers or any other of your courtiers get the upper hand

over you, nor endue any one with absolute authority over the peo¬

ple, nor act so as to let the people conspire to resist you.

“ The third saying of your father is this, — When you have selected

four men duly qualified who know their work and will do it, and

on whose gratitude and loyalty you can rely for the accomplish¬

ment of the counsels of your government, and when you have ad¬

mitted them to share your political secrets, and have confided to

them the theories and principles of your administration, every order

you issue, and every opinion you express, and every measure you

adopt in those four departments, and every political secret that

you disclose, — all should be done in the presence of all four officers.

And though the rank of vizier may be more exalted, yet for you

the true statecraft is, not to give to any one of these four persons

whom you may have made the pillars of your state, any such ex¬

ceptional precedence as to be a source of irritation and offence to

the minds of the other three. Be vigilant to note the good and evil

qualities of the ministers of your will. Adhere to the settled

usages by which your grandfather governed the country, and do

not alter the rules of his administration, or add to, or take from, the

practice of that far-seeing king ; and do not carry your affability

to the people so far as to destroy the sense of fear and dread and

awe in which you should be held. If once the dread and awe of

kingly dominion pass away from the minds of your subjects, then

you are reduced to their level, and your command ceases to carry

* Such is the interpretation of this passage suggested to me by a native

scholar, but I am far from being satisfied with it. Perhaps it means, attach

to yourself the men who are capable of forming an opinion.

208 Translations from the Tdrilch i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

weight enough to secure its execution. But all that I have en¬

joined cannot become possible to you until you abstain from wine¬

drinking in excess.

“ The fourth thing I had to say to you is, that I have heard that

you repeat no prayers, and do not keep the fast of '.Ramazan, and

you cheat yourself with the excuses suggested by sciolists, dishon¬

est, false to their creed, led by the lust of silver coins, and the

glittering lure* of wealth, who have given you a dispensation to

eat in fast time, and have told you to set free a slave or give vic¬

tuals to sixty poor every fast day that you eat. You have listened

to the voice of those birds of evil omen, and have not heeded the

saying of true and honest men, that every one who eats during the

fast of the month of Ramazan will die young. My boy, many is

the time your grandfather said, kings and true Musalmans should

trust and act on the sayings of those who are spiritually wise, and

not admit to their presence those servants who deal in casuistries

and teach awry, nor act on the sophistries and glosses of dishonest

men. Often have I heard from my father that wise men are of

two kinds, the spiritually wise whom their God keeps apart from

the world, and the love of the world and the lust of worldly things,

and the worldly wise, who, from avarice, and friendship for the

world and desire of the world, like dogs, violently and in hot haste

hurry from door to door, dealing in death and calamity and here¬

sies and mischievous doctrines which form their stock in trade.

One can only call him a discriminating and pious king, who does

nothing according to the saying of these worldly wise, and does

not allow doctors, who hold the world dearer than their souls, to

busy themselves with the divine precepts and commands, and suffers

not the law of the blessed prophet to be robbed of its lustre in

their leadership, — who asks no advice concerning his own religious

conduct of covetous and avaricious men, who count the world their

god ; and if he desire his own salvation in matters of faith and

matters of the world, entrusts the commands of the law of the

blessed prophet to those sages who have turned away their faces

* Murdahreg. This is possibly the same word as murdahre which is ex¬

plained by Richardson to be the effects of a dead person. Thei’e may be a re¬

ference to fortune-hunting, but I prefer the rendering of “ mirage” given by

some of the best Persian dictionaries.

The reign of Mu' izz-uddin.

209

1871.]

from the world and look on tankas and jetals as on snakes and

scorpions. A king should enquire on matters of religion from

sages such as these, and guide his labours by the judgment of

God-fearing men. Now, my son, you have served in your grand¬

father’s presence, and have seen to what extent he occupied him¬

self in fasting and prayers, in works of absolute duty and works

of supererogation,* There was no sage or reverend man who had

such strength to fast and pray as the Sultan Balban, your grand¬

father. If he heard that one prayer had been omitted by my

brother or myself, or that we had overslept ourselves, and had

neglected to offer up our morning prayer in the congregation, he

would not speak to us for a month ; and if he heard that any one

had once omitted a prayer, whenever that person came into his

presence, he would turn away his face from him. I have heard

from many holy men that whoever eats during the fast of the

month of Eamazk will die young, and the man who does not pray,

cannot be counted a Musalman nor addressed as such, and it is no

sin to spill his blood.

“ And, 0 my son, forasmuch as it is a hard thing to die, especially

for a king who has to leave so many things that make life plea¬

sant, and harder than all for a king to die young, carrying with

him a wistful regret into the other world, f listen to your father’s

last precept. Do not eat during the fast of the Bamazan, and offer

prayers in every way you know, and remove not from near you one

wise God-seeking man, for while thousands care for the world, he

will care for your religion.”

Such were the good counsels of Sultan Naqir-uddfn ; and he

wept aloud, and clasping Sultan Mu’izz-uddfn in his arms, bade

him farewell.

And in that last moment, while kissing his son’s eyes and cheeks,

and embracing him again and again, he whispered in his ear, 11 Be

quick and put Nizam-uddm out of the way. If after this, he finds

an opportunity, he will not leave you on the throne a day.”

With these words he turned away weeping, and as he went,

twice or thrice repeated this verse :

* Jity, Nawdfil.

f Or az zamm td dsman may mean simply ‘ to an excessive degree.’

27

210

Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshahi.

[No. 3,

Chide not my tears, though like a shower

Of spring- they gush in rivers ;

For rocks might weep to rue the hour

That friend from friend dissevers.

Those who witnessed the sorrow and the weeping and the an¬

guish of that hour of parting, were affected even to tears, and for

many a long day after, the spectacle lived in the memory of the

beholders. And the story goes, that on the day of his return,

Sultan Nacir-uddin, as he mounted his horse, uttered a cry of grief,

and all through that day’s journey continued weeping, and tasted

no food, and said to the bystanders, and his attendants ; “I have

bidden adieu for ever to my son and the empire of Dikii. I know

for a certainty that in a very short time my son will be living no

more, and the empire of Dihli will be dissolved.”

Part III. — Keturn of Mu’izz-uddin.

So Sultan Mu’izz-uddin returned from Audh towards Dihli, and

for a few days followed his father’s advice, and forsook the haunts

of revelry and mirth, and drank no wine, and listened to no songs,

and summoned no fair damsels to his presence. But far and wide

was the fame of his lavish gifts, and his devotion to pleasure, and

his dainty and fastidious voluptuousness bruited through the cities

of the provinces ; and so patent to the world was his beauty-worship

and libertinism, that notorious rufflers and gray sinners in the

hope of making acceptable offerings to the king, had trained beau¬

tiful girls, — irresistible with their bright glances and radiant wit,

_ to sing and strike the lute, and chant canzonets, and utter pretty

railleries, and to play at drafts and chess. And every moon-

bright darling, bale of the city and scourge of the world, — was dis¬

ciplined in divers ways, and, ere her budding bosom expanded in

the garden of youth, was taught to ride her horse at speed, and

play at ball, and cast the javelin, and become adept in every lively

and elegant accomplishment. They were instructed in divers acts

of fascination, which would make monks idolaters, and seduce the

most devout to intoxication, — syrens of Hindustan, slave-boys

shapely as the cypress, and damsels shining as the moon, skilled

1871.]

The reign of Mvhizz-uddin.

211

in Persian and singing, pranked in gold and trinkets and embroi¬

dered dresses and brocade, soul-alluring puppets schooled in all the

civilities and courtesies and fashions of the court, peerless smooth¬

faced boys with their ear-drops of pearl, and damsels robed like

brides in their wedding glories ; — and the masters of minstrelsy

and the subtle conjurors who had in secret prepared lays in Per¬

sian and Hindi, and had embodied the praises of the Sultan in

epigram and ballad and madrigal and comic song, and mimics and

buffoons who, with a single jest would betray the saddest into a

burst of merriment, and make the jovial hold their sides for excess

of laughter, — all these came from far countries to feed on the

bounty of the Sultan. And the tavern-keepers of Koel and Mi-

at’h brought wines in vessels from their stills redolent of musk

and guiltless of headaches, and presented them to the king.

Mu’izz uddin had travelled four or five stages on his homeward

route to Hihli. Every day a bevy of fair girls with shapes like

the cypress and cheeks like the rose, who would make idolaters of

the most continent, and for whose sake the holiest would renounce

their faith, were stationed by the road-side, and when the Sultan’s

suite approached, came forward and sang. The king, though his

heart drew him towards their moonlike forms, and his soul went

forth in response to their allurements, from shame on account of

his father’s warnings which had reached the ears of all his army,

put restraint on himself and endured patiently.* He only glanced

stealthily at them from the corners of his eyes, and now and again

a desire to address them passed through his mind.

But one day he met on the way a cavalier urchin of lovely ap¬

pearance and saucy mien, a very snare of calamity, wearing an

embroidered vest, with a quiver encrusted with gold slung at his

side, and arrows in the quiver, and a cap of imperial cut perked

over his ear. He was mounted on a grey jennet that bore its white

tail high in the air, and arrayed in gilded trappings and a hauberk

set with studs in hunter’s fashion, and black tassels swung on

his charger’s breast. Like the chosen champion of the field of

beauty, he burst through the body guard, and galloped and wheel-

* Read bar-i-shikebha, the fruit of endurances. I don’t know what else to

make of it.

212 Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

ed and spurred in front of the royal cortege. And the by-standers

and the guard thought it must surely be a prince in pursuit of

game who thus dazzled the beholders with his wanton tricks and

feats of horsemanship. Again that life-confusing heart-ruining

beauty fled like an arrow from the field and turned again and came

in front of the imperial canopy ; and the body guards and gold-sticks

that marched before the king’s staff, bearing firelocks and maces

in their hands, were so confounded at the beauty of the elf, that they

were powerless to prevent his approach. In the twinkling of an

eye, the eye and lamp of beauty reached the royal canopy, leaped

from the saddle and prostrating himself before the king’s horse

chanted the following distich in melodious and ravishing tones,

Will but thy will and trample on my eyes,

I lay them in the dust upon thy path,

and said, “ King of the world ! the exordium of this ode is a fit com¬

pliment to your Majesty ; but I am afraid and cannot repeat it.”

The king looking on the youth exclaimed, Wallah , and enchanted

with his speech reined in his steed and with his own lips said,

“ Speak and fear not.” That breaker of the scruples of the absti¬

nent, cried,

Silver-bodied cypress ! thou art going to the desert.

Right treacherously thou goest, in going without me.

Thus quoting, with a thousand blandishments and amorous ges¬

tures, he addressed the king, “ So many of us, sweet charmers as we

are, enamoured of the king’s beauty have come from many far dis¬

tant places, and his majesty thrusts us aside and passes on. Are

we not even meet attendants at the banquet ?”

The king, already enamoured of his beauty and wit, wavered on

the verge of distraction. He could hardly refrain from dismount¬

ing from his horse, and taking him to his arms. In the tumult

of his feelings, wound to a higher pitch by the melody of the char¬

mer’s voice, he utterly lost his self-control, cast his good resolves to

the wind, and called for wine on the spot, and taking the royal

cup in his hands quaffed it in the presence of the lovely boy, re¬

citing these lines —

“ At night I forswear the red wine, my Ganymede’s witchery fearing,

“ In the morning he dawns on my eyes, and I find my resolves disappearing.”

213

1871.] The reign of Mu'izz-uddin.

When that rnin of the Moslem faith heard these lines recited,

he retorted again in verse, singing in still sweeter and more seduc¬

tive tones :

My looks bewitch both saints and shrews,

My smile, — no spells withstand it;

Nor curst ascetic can refuse

The wine-cup when I hand it.

At this display of his charms, his graceful mien, his musical

voice, and courtly address, the spectators remained spell-bound,

forming a hundred wishes to sacrifice themselves for him.*' He

meanwhile made his horse curvet and caracole, and seizing his

bow, and fitting an arrow to the string, went seeking a partridge

under the stones. The sight was one which struck the whole army

dumb. The reins fell from their hands, their eyes were chained,

and their road was forgotten, while their souls flew circling round

that mine of graces. Suddenly the king arrived at his pavilion

and alighted. A banquet was prepared. That fomenter of distur¬

bances was called, and the king with unconcealed ardour said, “We

will drink wine from no hands but yours ; you shall be our Gany¬

mede to-day.” He replied —

“ Though my beauty surpasses bright Artemis’ ring,

Not the less am I slave of the slaves of the king.”

Repeating this couplet, he filled the bowl and handed it to the

king, who took it in his hands, and dazed with the sight of his

world-illuminating beauty, repeated this verse —

“ When the circling bowl comes round to me,

Sweet cup-bearer, prithee pass me by !

Let me drink love’s wine as I gaze on thee,

And gaze and drink till I die !”

The cup-bearer bowed his head to the ground, and with play¬

ful empressement, a curve in his brow, and a twinkle in his eyes,

twice said “ Drink, king of the world, drink ! The king said —

" If thou present the wine-cup to the king,

Who’ll dare to call it a forbidden thing ?”

* Literally * to whirl themselves over his head,’ — an allusion to a super¬

stitious ceremony, which survives, I think, in India in the practice of twirling

a chapdti round a bride’s head, and then throwing it to a distance — All her

ill-luck is supposed to be drawn into the chapati and fly away with it.

214 Translations from the Tdrthh i Fifuzshahi. [No. 3,

Then, while the king of the cup-bearers cried “ Drink, drink !”

turning to Zia-i-Jahjahi, he said laughing, “ That is no bad man¬

date of the cup-bearer’s.” Zia-uddfn Jalijahi bowed and an¬

swered * * ?

[This is followed by a description, as wild as the scenes of revel¬

ry which it paints, of the progress of the Emperor to Dihli, and

his entry into the city. The recital, says the author, carries him

back to the times of his youth ; and, even in age and penury, his

heart warms and his veins flush with the recollection of the scenes

of mirth and festivity in which he was long ago an actor. He

observes that the three years of Mu’izz-uddin’s reign, however

barren of enterprise, were undisturbed by disaffection and un¬

stained by bloodshed. The personal popularity of the young king

mitigated the dangers which he neglected to provide against, but

in his natural tendency to gentleness, he forgot that it is the union

of vigour with clemency, and of dignity with affability that renders

a throne stable and a crown secure ; and had it not been that nia-

liks Nizam-uddin and Qiyam-udclin, his chief ministers were men of

no ordinary capacity, sagacious and circumspect, themselves of no¬

ble birth, and beloved and respected by the nobility, the day that

saw him assume the sceptre, would have seen it wrested from his

grasp. He closes his narration as follows :]

I resume the story of Mu’izz-uddin’s reign. After he returned

from Audh, for awhile no event of importance occurred ; but his

health was impaired, and excessive incontinence made him weak

and pale. He was anxious to act upon his father’s advice and rid

himself of Nizam-uddin ; but he did not reflect that as long as

there was no one to take Nizam-uddln’s place, to remove him

would only aggravate his difficulties a hundred-fold. At last, he

ordered Nizam-uddfn to Multan, ostensibly to check the disorder

prevailing there. Nizam-uddin divined that his removal was due

to some injunction which the Emperor had received from his father,

and feared that his absence would afford an opportunity to his

enemies at Court to work his ruin. He delayed his departure.

The courtiers discovered that the emperor was bent on removing

him. The day they had so long secretly watched for, had arrived.

With great precaution and privacy, they obtained the Emperor’s

1871.]

The reign of Mn? izz-uddin.

215

permission to put a deadly poison in Nizam-uddin’s wine. They

did so, and on the same day he died ; and all the people of Dihli

knew that he had been poisoned. And after his death the little

stability there was in Mu’izz-uddin’s empire was shaken out of it.*

A crowd of vagabonds thronged the gates of the palace ; business

was at a stand still, and the whole system of government seemed

to collapse. It was at this juncture that the future Emperor Jalal-

uddin, who was then governor of Samana, came to court and

accepted office, and an attempt was made to carry on the adminis¬

tration, but the jealousy and intrigues of the lords and courtiers

rendered the ministry powerless. Meanwhile Mu’izz-uddin was

attacked with palsy and convulsions, and daily grew worse, till

there was little hope of his recovery. The Balban party was the

first to take decisive action. They brought the infant son of Mui’zz-

uddin out of the harem and set him on the throne, and gave him

the title of Sultan Shams-uddin. While this was going on, and

Mu’izz-uddin lay sick and helpless in his villa of Kiliik’hari, Jalal-

uddin betook himself to Baharpiir and rallied round him a strong

party of relatives and adherents, but not unobserved. Etmar Kach¬

han and Etmar Surkha on the Turkish side resolved to entrap him,

and sent a memorial, addressing him as the Emperor Jalal-uddm.

And Etmar Kachhan started with a small escort with the intention

of decoying him from Baliarpur, and carrying him off, and put¬

ting him to death in the palace of Shams-uddin. But Jalal-uddm

suspected the plot, and the instant that Etmar Kachhan reached

his door, he was pulled down from his horse and his head severed

from his body. And Jalal-uddin’s sons, acting on the inspiration of

the moment, took with them a troop of fifty horse, and rode openly

into the Emperor’s Court, and dragged the son of the Emperor

Mu’izz-uddin from the throne, and sent him a prisoner to their

father.

On this the citizens rose in a body, and great and small, nobles

and commoners, poured out of the twelve gates of the city and took

the road to Baharpiir, bent on rescuing the Emperor’s son. For

the citizens abhorred the thought of being ruled by the Khiljis,

* Up to tins point I have endeavoured to give a faithful translation. The re¬

mainder is a mere loose paraphrase.

216 Translations from the Tanlch i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

and held Jalal-uddin in great aversion. But the kotwal, acting

in the interest of his own sons, put down the tumult in the city

and turned the people bach, and dispersed the crowd that had

gathered round the Badaon gate, and many of the maliks and no¬

bles in spite of their Turkish descent went over to Jalal-uddin’ s

side and joined his camp, and the Khilji force became numerous.

Two days after the above events, they sent a malik, whose father

had been put to death by Mu’izz-uddin, into Kiluk’hari, with

instructions to destroy the sick emperor. He passed into the fort

and finding Mu’izz-uddin with only a glimmer of life left in him,

stifled him in his robe, and flung the body into the stream, which

bore it away.

The malik Chahjhu, the emperor Balban’s cousin, who was next

heir to the throne, received an assignment of land at Karrah, and

was sent there. And friends and opponents alike joined to instal

Jalal-uddin as Emperor. He mounted his horse and came with a

great concourse from Baharpur, and alighted at Mu’izz-uddin’s

fort of Kiluk’hari, and there took his seat on the throne and

assumed the government.

His accession was distasteful to the mass of the citizens, and,

knowing this, for a long time he never ventured within the walls

of Dihli, and the palace and throne of the ancient kings remained

vacant and disused. Dihli was then full of men of rank and

wealth, but no voice of congratulation hailed the installation of

Jalal-uddin. The popular feeling was adverse to the Khiljis, but

from the day of Mui’zz-uddin’s death the sovereignty fell to that

race and passed away for ever from the family of the Turks.

God is the king of kingdoms, and He still

Taketh from whom, giveth to whom He will.

On whom He smileth, honour gilds his name :

On whom He frowneth, press disgrace and shame.

Or blessings fall from Him or curses shower.

Peerless His goodness, and unmatched His power.

1871.]

217

Translations from the Tariioi i Firuzshahi by Zia

UDDIN OF BaRAN.

(Bill. Indica Edition , p. 413 .)

The reign of Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah. — Translated by

Auckland Colvin, Esq., C. S.

Malik Fakhruddin Jona , called also Sultan Muhammad Shah , son

of Tughluq Shah , deserts Khusrau Klim ; and flies to Deobdlpur, to his

Father Glidzi Malik ( Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq ShahJ. Glidzi Malik

marches from Deobdlpur to Delhi , to take vengeance on Khusrau Khan

and his followers. Khusrau Khan despatches his renegade brother and

Fuji Khan, to oppose Ghdzi Malik , who defeats them.

Now wiien two and a half months had passed from the acces¬

sion of Khusrau Klian, the destruction of the house of ’Alauddin and

Qutbuddin, and the rout and dispersion of their followers and de¬

pendants, Malik Fakhruddin Jona, called also Sultan Muham¬

mad, son of Tughluq Shah, began to take counsel with certain of

the chiefs of the nobles and captains of the house of ’Alauddin

and Qutbuddin ; and gathered courage and waxed bold ; and his

heart was stirred within him, so that he determined to avenge his

former masters and benefactors. Placing his trust in God, he

took horse, with a certain number of his servants, at the hour of

afternoon prayer ; and separated himself from Khusrau Khan, and

would have no dealings with him or with his party. And because in

the hour of danger there are never wanting horsemen and footmen to

side with the valiant, many others also went with him ; and they has¬

tened in the direction of Deobalpur. Then what had come to pass

was told to Khusrau Klian in the same day at the hour of evening

prayer : and he and his followers feared because of the departure of

a man, himself a valiant captain, and the son of the conqueror of

Khurasan and Hindustan. The multitude of the evil-minded and

rebellious, seeing that he had fled to his father, were at their

wits’ end, and could take no counsel, and his kingdom became a

burden to Khusrau Klian, and the delight of his followers was

turned into bitterness. Then there were sent in pursuit of him cer¬

tain rebel horsemen, led by the son of Muhammad Qurrah Qimar,

28

218 Translations from the Tdrikhi Firvzshalii. [No. 3,

who had been made General of the Forces. But Sultan Muham¬

mad, son of the lord of Tran and Turan, ceased not to travel

through the night, and on the next day arrived at Sarsuti, and

the horsemen who pursued him were unable to overtake him, and

returned whence they had come, discomfited. While Sultan Mu¬

hammad was still on his way to Sarsuti, his father, Ghazi Malik

Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah, had sent Muhammad Sartabah,

with two hundred horsemen, from Deobalpur to Sarsuti, and had

seized upon the Fort at that place. So, passing through Sarsuti,

Sultan Muhammad came in safety to his father at Deobalpur ; and

his father rejoiced greatly, and gave thanks to God, because his

son had been restored to him ; and he ordered that they should

give alms, and beat the drums in token of rejoicing.

Then Ghazi Malik determined that he would take vengeance on the

Parwaris and the Hindus, because they had slain his master, and he

began to prepare an host with which he should destroy the Parwaris.

But the rebel Khusrau Khan, who, by the aid of the Parwaris,

had given to himself the title of Sultan Nagiruddin, appointed his

renegade brother and Yusuf fuff to the command of an army,

with elephants and treasure. And to one he gave the title of

KhanKlianan, and the other he named Cuff Khan. And he

ordered them to proceed from Delhi in the direction of Deo¬

balpur, and to oppose Ghazi Malik, and give battle to him.

Also to his brother he gave the royal insignia. So those

two Captains without experience set out from Delhi with their

treasure and their elephants, like to chicken who, breaking the egg

and creeping from under their mother’s wing, at once essay to fly ;

and because they were presumptuous beyond measure, and igno¬

rant beyond belief, they delayed not to hurry to encounter Ghazi

Malik, and to seek out him who was a captain among captains, and

exceeding terrible ; from the stroke of whose sword, Khurasan

and Mughulistan still reeled. Now fuff Khan, the renegade, be¬

fore that he had started, went and stood before the men of God

and such as had withdrawn themselves from the world, and com¬

manded of them that they should offer up prayers and supplication

on his behalf. But those just men, in the presence of fuff Klian

and of his followers, and also after their departure, ceased not by

219

1871.] The reign of Ghidsuddin Tughluq Shah.

day and nigiit to pray to God in tliis wise, and with a hidden

meaning, saying, “ Oh Lord God, in the battle between the Par-

waris and Glia zi Malik, let him who is the friend of the faith of

Islam prevail.” And it came to pass that their prayers were heard,

and there was granted to Ghazi Malik victory, because it was he

who was fighting for Islam. Then those two Captains, who knew

not what it was that they had undertaken, but were ignorant

and void of experience, and who were fighting in an evil cause,

arrived before Sarsuti. But they were unable to take Sarsuti

out of the hands of the horsemen of Ghazi Malik, and unwilling

to encamp before it and besiege it. And because they were fools

and without experience, they hastened on, and left behind them

Sarsuti in the hands of the enemy. Full of vain confidence and

conceit, like striplings in the presence of the mighty ones, being

blinded with presumption, they pressed on to give battle to the

terrible leader who had many times utterly discomfited and over¬

thrown the bands of the Mughuls. But Ghazi Malik, about the

time that those foolish Captains had begun to march from Delhi,

called to him from Ucha, Malik Bahrain Aibah, who was of the

faithful, who came and joined himself to Ghazi Malik at Deo-

balpur, bringing with him horsemen and footmen. And when it

was told to Ghazi Malik, the soldier of Islam, and the scourge of

the infidel and the heretic, that the renegade brother of Khusrau

Khan, and (Jufi Khan, the ignorant ones, were hastening to meet

him from Sarsuti, he gathered round him his friends, and his

generals, and his Captains, and with his host departed from Deo-

balpiir ; and passing by the town of Dalili, and crossing over

the river, he came and encamped before the enemy ; and, on the

second day, the armies drew up over against each other : and God

protected the righteous, and there was thrown over the standard of

Ghazi Malik the shadow of the favour of God ; so that at the first

shock, the ranks of those rebellious ones were broken and over¬

thrown, and the insignia of royalty, with the battle-axe of the

renegade brother of Khusrau Khan, and the elephants, and the

horses, and the treasure, fell into the hands of Ghazi Malik. And

of the leaders and captains of the rebel army, some were slain

and wounded, and many were taken captive. But the two young men

220

Translations from the Tctrihh i Firuzshahi .

[No. 3,

who had set up themselves as generals and as leaders, and had

given battle to men of power and to tried captains, and had caused

the death of many, leaving behind them their treasure, and forget¬

ting their honour, fled in great haste, so that the dust of their feet

was not visible to the pursuer, and hastening to travel through the

night, arrived before Khusrau Khan, covered with shame and dis¬

grace. And because of their defeat and of the victory of Ghazi

Malik, Khusrau Khan and his followers were discomfited, and the

Parwaris lost heart, and the faces of all those rebellious ones

grew pale, and their lips dry ; for the Parwaris and Hindus, who

were the allies of Khusrau Khan, saw that they could not prevail

against Ghazi Malik.

But Ghazi Malik remained for seven da}Ts after his victory

upon the field of battle, and collected much spoil, and gather¬

ed together his host, and advanced in great power and with

a well appointed army to take vengeance upon the rebel, and

destroy the infidel in Delhi. Then was Khusrau Khan much trou¬

bled in mind, and called to him his luckless nobles, and the Hin¬

dus and Parwaris, his allies, and came out of the city and en¬

camped upon the ’Alai Hauz, so that before him there were

groves of trees and gardens, and behind him the castle of Delhi ;

and he alighted by Lahrawat, and from fear of Ghazi Malik,

he entrenched himself on all four sides. Also he brought with him

all the treasure from Kilok’liari, and from Delhi. And because he

saw that the hour of his discomfiture had come, and that he had

lost his stake, he dispersed all his treasure, and destroyed all the

records of accounts : and because he knew that his kingdom and his

glory, his power and his life, were passing away from him in shame

and in disgrace, he left nothing behind in his treasury, but scatter¬

ed everything. Some of his treasure he gave as two and one half

year’s pay, and some as a free gift, to his soldiers ; and being pur¬

posed that not a coin should fall into the hands of the leader of the

faithful, he left nothing in his treasure chest. Perplexed and with¬

out counsel, he rode out daily before his army, and called to him

his chieftains and his leaders, and addressed them with flattery

and caresses, and took no thought of his followers. But it was

known to all the soldiers, that because of the advance of Ghazi

1871.]

The reign of Ghidsuddm Tughluq Shah.

221

Malik, the defeat and the destruction of Khusrau Khan and of his

followers was at hand, and already they seemed to see the heads

of those rebellious ones impaled upon lances. But the evil traitor

Khusrau Khan was as a drowning man, and all his struggles were

without purpose ; the soldiers also said among themselves that

to fight against Ghazi Malik, is to fight against the army of Islam.

So pouring curses upon the miserable traitors, they took with them

the treasure which had been given them, and dispersed every man

to his home, inasmuch as all men knew that injustice cannot prevail

against justice, or the crooked be measured with the straight ; nor

can the rebellious prevail against the loyal, nor the unbeliever

against the believer ; so that in no wise could Khusrau Khan, a

rebel, and without counsel, prevail against the faithful and victo¬

rious Ghazi Malik. Now Khusrau Khan and his party had dis¬

tributed the treasure about a month before the scattering of their

soldiers, and had clung like drowning men to broken branches,

and had abandoned themselves to all manner of iniquity. For they

thought they might be saved by much treasure, and that as the

scattering of money had availed ’ Alauddin in the year that he as¬

cended the throne, so now also it might preserve them. Neverthe¬

less Ghazi Malik advanced stage by stage with his host, and with

such as had remained faithful to him, and arrived over against the

city, and encamped within the walls of Indpat. Also it happened

that on the evening before the day of battle, ’Ainul Mulk Multani

turned aside from Khusrau Khan, and departed to Ujjain and Dliar,

and because of his departure, the heart of Khusrau Khan and of his

followers failed them on the day of battle.

Ghazi Malik gives battle to Kiitjsraij Khan and defeats him,

AND PUBLICLY ASCENDS THE THRONE.

So it came to pass that on Friday, which is a day of glory,

and of honor, and of victory to the Musalmans, and of all

manner of evil to the Hindu and the unbeliever, Ghazi Malik

and his host arose and left Indpat, and sought out Khusrau

Khan to fight him. Khusrau Khan also, with his Par wan's and

Hindus, and as many Musalmans as had remained to him, depart¬

ed from his encampment, and sent his elephants in advance of him.

222 Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshaht . ["No. 3,

Then the two armies drew up on the plain of Lahrawat, and made

ready the battle ; and when the vanguards met, the vanguard of

Ghazi Malik prevailed against the enemy, and Malik Talbaghah

Nagori, who was among the most faithful of the followers of

Khusrau Khan, and for the sake of Khusrau Khan had drawn his

sword against the army of Islam, was defeated, he and others of

the Parwaris : and his head was brought and laid before Gliazi

Malik. Then the son of Qurrali Qimar, who also was called Shaistah

Khan and was General of the Porces, seeing that the battle was

against him, withdrew with his troops from the army of Khusrau

Khan, and went in the direction of the Desert. And coming

in his way to Indpat, he fell upon the baggage of the army of

Gliazi Malik, and, having plundered it, continued his flight. But the

two armies fought until the hour of afternoon prayer. Then it hap¬

pened that after the hour of afternoon prayer, which on Friday is an

hour of great holiness and very sacred, Ghazi Malik gathered round

him his followers and companions and chiefs, men of might and

valour, and fell upon the centre of the army of Khusrau Khan. But

Khusrau Khan, being weak as is a woman, could not bear up against

the attack of mighty men of war, and straightway fled : and his army

was scattered, and his soldiers discomfited. And he, leaving behind

him his men at arms and his allies, the Parwaris, fled alone in

the direction of Indpat, and there was no man to accompany him.

Then the royal insignia were brought to Ghazi Malik, who returned

in triumph to his camp, and darkness fell ; and a watch of the night

had passed before that he arrived at his encampment at Indpat.

Now when Khusrau Khan arrived at Indpat, none of the Par¬

waris or his other followers remained to him. Therefore, re¬

turning from Indpat, he fled to the garden in which Malik

Sliadi ’Alai, who also had been formerly his benefactor, lies buried ;

and there he concealed himself that night. And after that Khusrau

Khan had fled and his army had been routed, the Hindus and the

Parwaris dispersed and disbanded themselves, every man to his

own : and they were slain by the enemy in the country, the bazars,

the streets, and in the quarters of the city, and their horses and arms

were taken from them. Others also fled from the city by twos and

by fours in the direction of Gujrat, and were slain on the road

223

1871.] The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughlug Shah.

tliat leads to that country, and their arms and horses were taken

away. Also on the second day they seized Khusrau Khan in

the garden, and bringing him thence they slew him. It came

to pass, too, that during the night which Ghazi Malik spent

at Indpat, many of the chiefs and nobles and officers of the city

came and did him obeisance, and they brought to him the keys of

the castle and of the gates.

And on the second day after his victory Ghazi Malik depart¬

ed from Indpat, he and his nobles, his chieftains and his great

men, and alighted with a great following at the Castle, and

in the presence of all the principal men of the kingdom took

his seat in the Palace of the Thousand Pillars. Then, when he

had sat down, all the nobles of the court began to lament the fate

of Sultan Qutbuddin, and of the other sons of Sultan ’Alauddin, who

had been their former masters ; and bewailed with much lamenta¬

tion the calamity that had befallen them ; offering also thanks

to God for the vengeance taken upon the Parwaris and Hindus,

and because life was restored to Islam and to all Musalmans,

and because of the slaughter of the infidel. And after they had

made an end, Ghazi Malik spoke with a loud voice before them

all, and said : “I also am one of those who am indebted

to the favour of Sultan ’Alauddin and Sultan Qutbuddin ; and

because that loyalty is in me, I have stood up, and have drawn my

sword upon the enemies and murderers of my benefactors ; and as

far as was within me, have taken vengeance upon them. And now

for this are ye all, followers of Malik ’Alauddin and Qutbuddin,

here assembled ; that, if one of the family of our masters remain,

ye should bring him forward at this time ; and I will place him

upon the throne ; and will gird up my loins before the son of my

master, and will do him homage. But if the enemy have

utterly destroyed the family of ’Alauddin and Qutbuddin, then are

ye, the chiefs of either House, here at this time now gathered

together. Choose ye whom ye will, and whomsoever ye think

fit for the royal dignity, him place upon the throne ; and I also

will do obeisance. For inasmuch as I drew the sword, I drew it

not for myself, but that I might exact vengeance for the blood of

my masters. I have not come with all this my power to take for

224 Translations from the TdrVch i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

myself the sovereignly ; but what I have done, I have done

in vengeance. Whom therefore ye shall elect to this throne,

him also do I elect.” Then all the assembled nobles answered

with one voice, saying ; — “ Of the sons of Sultan ’Alauddintlie rebels

have not left one to place upon the throne. And now also at this

time, because of the murder of Sultan Qutbuddin and the govern¬

ment of Kliusrau Khan and of the Parwaris, there is rebellion

throughout the Empire ; and evil thinking men have raised their

heads, and there is no authority. And to thee, 0 Ghazi Malik !

do we owe much thanks ; for not many years have passed since thou

didst stand as a wall against the irruption of the Mughuls, and

through thee they were unable to advance into Hindustan. Now

also hast thou bestirred thyself, and this loyal deed that thou hast

done will be written in the chronicles of history, in that tliou hast

released us, who are Musalinans, from the tyranny of Hindus and

Parwaris, and hast slain them, and taken vengeance for the blood

of our masters. In all this hast thou done well for the people of

this land. God hath chosen thee only for this work from among

all the followers of ’Alauddin, and hath conferred this honour upon

thee. Now therefore we all, and not only we', but all the faithful

of this land, acknowledge the benefit thou hast conferred upon us.

Nor do any of us who are here assembled know of any other but

thee to place upon the throne of this kingdom, nor any such other

in knowdedge, and wisdom, and desert, and honour.” Then all

present signified their assent to these words ; and the principal

men gathered themselves together, and, taking the hand of Gliazi

Malik, placed him upon the throne. And because Ghazi Malik

had heard the cry of Islam and of the Musalinans, they gave to him

for all time the title of Ghiasuddin, which being interpreted, is

‘ Defender of the Faith.’ Then on that day, Sultan Ghiasuddin

Tughluq Shall in the presence of all the people ascended the throne

of the kingdom ; and all the officers, and ministers, and secretaries,

each in his own place, came and stood before the throne of Ghias¬

uddin, and did obeisance. At that time there was an end to all

dissension, and fresh life was breathed into Islam, and the hope of

the infidel was extinguished : so that the minds of men were set

at rest.

1871.]

The reign of Ghiasucldin Tughhiq Shah.

225

Enumeration of the Ministers and Principal Servants of Sultan

ulghdzi Ghidsuddunyd wal-din ( Defender of the World and Faith)

Tughluq Shah Sultan.

Qadr Jahan (Chief Justice) Qazi Kamaluddin ; Ulugh Khan, viz.,

Sultan Muhammad Shah ; Bahrain Khan Shahzadah ; Mahmud

Khan, Shahzadah ; Mubarak Khan, Shahzadah ; Mas’ud Khan

Shahzadah ; Nucrat Khan, Shahzadah ; Tatar Malik, the adopted

son of the king ; Malik Cadruddin Arsalan, Naib Barbak (Deputy

Grandusher) ; Firuz Malik, brother’s>son to the Sultan ; Malik Shadi

Da war, Naib Wazir (Deputy Prime Minister) ; Malik Burhanud-

din ’Alam Malik, Minister of Police ; Malik Bahauddin, General of

the Forces (’Arzulmamalik) ; Malik ? All Haidar, Naib Wakil Dar;

Malik Na^iruddin Mahmud Shah (Chamberlain) ; Malik Balita,

(Treasurer); Malik ’All Igri-ishak ; Malik Shihabuddin, (Pursui¬

vant) Ghori ; Malik Tajuddin Ja’far ; Malik Qiwamuddin (Governor

of Daulatabad) ; Qutlugh Khan ; Malik Yusuf, Naib (Deputy Go¬

vernor) of Debalpur ; Malik Shahin Akhurbak (Master of the

Horse) ; Ahmad Ayaz, Shihnah ’Amarat (Minister of Public Works) ;

Napirulmulk Khwajah Haji; Malik Ilisan Dabir (Secretary) ; Malik

Shihabuddin Sultani ; Tajulmulk ; Malik Fakhruddin ; Dolshah

Bosaharl ; Malik Qirbak ; Malik Kashmir Shihnah Bargah (Mana¬

ger of the King’s Court) ; Malik Muhammad Zagh ; Malik Sa’ dud-

din Mantiqi ; Malik Husamuddin Hasan Mustaufi, (Examiner of

Accounts); Malik ’Ainulmulk ; Malik Kafur Lang, Malik Siraj-

uddin Qasuri ; Malik Kha-9 Shihnah Pil (keeper of the elephants);

Malik Husamuddin Bedar ; Malik Nizamuddin, son of ’Alam Malik;

Malik ’All, brother to Malik Haji ; Malik Badruddin ; Malik

Tajuddin Turk, Deputy Governor of Gujrat; Malik Saifuddin ;

Malik Haji.

In the name of God, the Merciful I

Thanks be to God the Creator ! May His mercy rest on the Pro¬

phet and on the descendants of the Prophet, and may His mercy be

extreme. This is the prayer of Zia i Barani, a suppliant for the mercy

of the Omnipotent.

In the year 720, Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah (may his name

live for ever) ascended the throne in the king’s castle ; and the royal

dignity received fresh glory from his accession. And by reason of his

29

226

Translations from the Tarihh i Firuzsliah'i .

|_No. 3,

power and glory and might, in the space of one week he arranged the

affairs of the kingdom. And the disorder and evil which had arisen

during the reign of Khusrau Khan and of his followers was made

straight ; and he brought all things within his grasp ; so that men

said to one another, “Behold! Sultan ’Alauddin has come to life

again !” Within forty days Sultan Gliiasuddin secured for himself the

confidence of all people, and the rebelliousness and disorder which

had arisen on every side were changed to obedience and submission.

Also, because he was a just man, the hearts of good men rejoiced

at his rule, and the foolish thoughts of the evil ones were scattered,

so that every man went to his business and his work in confidence

and rejoicing, because the hand of the king was powerful and his

rule firm. Neither was there any more violence or oppression.

But because of the government of Gliiasuddin there was given to the

kingdom great glory. And those matters which, in the hands of

other men, would not have been accomplished for many years, were

settled by Gliiasuddin in the course of a few days. All that he did

for the succour of Islam and the destruction of those evil and re¬

bellious ones has been written in these chronicles. Nor in the

royal annals is there recorded any promptness like the promptness

with which Sultan Gliiasuddin avenged his masters. Furthermore

from the day on which he ascended the throne, he ordered that

search should be made for any who might survive among the fami¬

lies of ’Alauddin and Qutbuddin, and he caused the wives of his

benefactors to be treated with respect, and the daughters of Sultan

’Alauddin he caused to be married to husbands of their own rank.

But those men who, on the third day after the murder of Qutbuddin,

had, without respect to the law, read the marriage service of his

widow with Khusrau Khan, he punished with extreme severity.

Also to the other nobles and chiefs and officers of ’Alauddin he gave

lands and employment and presents ; and treated them as his own

companions. Neither would he allow them for slight causes to be

called to give account. Also would he not follow the custom which

is admitted among kings, of rooting out from the land the adhe¬

rents and supporters of those who were in authority before them.

From the day on which he ascended the throne, Sultan Gliiasuddin

Tughluq Shah was careful to base his government upon order and

The reign of Ghidsuddin Ttighluq Shah.

227

1871.]

method, looking only to the increase of his people, and the pros¬

perity of his subjects, and to do justice and deal equitably,

holding in honour men of learning, and of experience, and such as

had done good service. Kliwajah Kliatir and Junaidi, chief of

the Wazirs, and Khwajali Muhazzib Buzurg, who had formerly been

of the councillors, but had some time ceased to be held in honour

before the king, he again received into honour, giving to them

robes, with salaries and presents, and appointing them to a higher

rank in his presence. Of these men he enquired regarding such of

the laws and ordinances of the kingdom as had proved to the peo¬

ple a cause of welfare, and whatever he saw good in the law, and such

as might advance the prosperity of his subjects and the increase and

happiness of his people, that he adopted. Also was he careful of

himself to do nothing which should give offence, and ceased not to

labour to restore the families which were fallen into decay, and to

give life to such as had been well nigh uprooted. And because Sultan

Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shall was faithful and not forgetful of service

which had been rendered him, he rewarded according to their me¬

rits all such as had served him in the days when he was a Malik,

or who at any other time had shewn themselves to be men of trust

and truth. In his time the just claim of no man was forgotten,

nor his desire unfulfilled. In all things likewise he strove to ob¬

serve moderation, which is the root of success and prosperity in the

conduct of the affairs of a kingdom. Of himself only he took no

heed, and did nothing merely with a view to the advancement of

his own interest. Also was he careful to observe equity and mo¬

deration in the matter of his grants and his gifts, and the taxes

which he imposed ; not loading one man with thousands, and

giving to another of the same rank, or of equal merit, nothing

whatsoever ; but being careful so far as it was possible to allow

no man of worth to be neglected, or any unworthy man to be re¬

warded. Furthermore with him was there no caprice, nor were his

actions ever such as to make the minds of men fearful and appre¬

hensive, for in all things he observed order and just rule. Upon

Sultan Muhammad, in whom all men saw the marks of wisdom

and of uprightness, he conferred the title of Ulugh Khan, to whom

also he gave the royal Insignia, and named him his successor. Of

228 Translations from the Tdrikh i Firuzshahi . [No. 3,

the other princes, to the one he gave the title of Bahrain Khan,

another he called Zafar Khan, a third Mahmud Khan, and the

fourth was called Nu^rat Khan. Upon Bahrain Aibahhe conferred

the dignity of brotherhood, giving to him the title of Kushlii

Khan, and the government of Multan, and the district of Sind.

His brother’s son, Malik Asaduddm, he caused to be made Naib

Barbak (Deputy Grand Usher) and Malik Bahauddin, his sister’s

son, he raised to the dignity of General of the Forces, and confer¬

red upon him the province of Sam&na. His son-in-law, Malik

Shadi, was appointed to be president of the Council of Ministers.

To Tatar Khan who was his adopted son, he gave the name of

Tatar Malik, and made him Governor of the parts of Zafarabad.

Malik Burhanuddin, father of Qutlugh Khan, received the title of

’A'lam Malik, and was made Kotwal of Delhi. Malik ’All Hai¬

dar was made Naib Wakil, and Qutlugh Khan, Naib of the

Wazlrs of Deogir. Qazi Kamaluddin was made principal judge :

and the judgeship of the city of Delhi was given to Qazi Samaud-

din.

To Malik Tajuddin Ja’far was entrusted the governorship of Guj-

rat. Other Maliks also he appointed to be his helpers and com¬

panions in affairs of state. And to others also he gave office and lands,

and by means of these men, the government of his kingdom was ad¬

ministered with exceeding honour, and all men rejoiced because of

them, so that their greatness and their power was written upon all

hearts, and because of them the order and the power of his king¬

dom were established. Also Sultan Gliiasuddin Tughluq Shah,

being a prince of experience in the affairs of empire, during

the four years that he reigned, was careful never to exalt any man

at once to such honour and power as to cause him to be presump¬

tuous, or to stumble from excess of pride. Nor also, because of

neglect or bad service, was any man to be punished so as to cause

others to be disheartened ; nor did he ever speak or act in regard to

such as had done good service, in a way that should shake the

confidence of men. So that the couplet of Amir Khusrau may be

quoted of the government of Sultan Ghiasuddfn Tughluq Shah, and

in praise of his justice and his moderation —

“ He did nothing but with excellent knowledge and wisdom.

1871.]

The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah.

229

One might say that his turban covered the skull-caps of a

hundred sages.”

All that the precepts of former kings and councillors have laid

down regarding the protection of friends and allies, that also did

Sultan Tughluq Shah faithfully observe. Also by the favour of God

was there implanted in his nature a desire for order, and a wish

that his subjects should increase and multiply, and that the num¬

ber of towns should wax great, and that many should gather

together therein, and that intercourse should be promoted amongst

men. And because of his justice and uprightness, he decreed

that taxes should be levied with moderation from the cities of his

kingdom, and would have no extraordinary taxes, nor would he

listen to the words of informers, or the prompting of publicans

and such like ; but drove from the court of Councillors all manner

of informers and tax-gatherers and publicans. Furthermore, he

gave orders to his Councillors that on no account should they levy

a tax of more than one-tenth or one-eleventh on the districts and

the provinces, whether from their own inquiry or on the reports of

informers. Father should they strive that the people should

multiply, and should increase the taxes little by little : lest from

a sudden increase there should be caused distress to the peo¬

ple, and an opening should be given to oppression. Sultan

Tughluq Shah many times gave orders that the revenue from

the provinces should be so levied as not to cause decrease to

cultivation : but that the past should remain as before and that

increase should be gradual, lest by rapacity the former receipts

should be lessened, and nothing left for the future. For the ruin

of a country is caused by the oppression and exaction of its rulers,

and from farmers of revenue and from evil governors there arises

all manner of evil. Also Sultan Tughluq Shah gave orders to all

collectors of the revenue, and to all governors of provinces, that

in the matter of the revenue, there should be left so much to the

Hindus, that neither on the one hand should they wax presump¬

tuous from their wealth, nor on the other, desert their lands and

their business in despair. And this is the rule which the wisest

and the most experienced ministers observe : and surely there is

no better rule than this in the matter of taxation of Hindus. Yet

230 Translations from the Tarihh i Firuzshahi. [No. 3,

again did Sultan Ghiasauddin Tughluq Shah, being a wise and

prudent king, order that the collectors of the revenue and the

governors should make enquiry, and should forbid the head men

to take more from the people than the revenue demanded by the

king ; for if their own lands and pastures are not brought under

the tax, the produce of their lands should suffice for their support,

and they also abstain from extortion. For of a truth there is

placed upon the neck of the head men a burden, so that if they also

are compelled to pay the tax which is paid by others, there is left

to them no recompense. Those whom he had raised to honour

and whom he had entrusted with provinces and territories, he

would in no wise allow to be brought before his ministers, like

tax-gatherers. Nor would he allow payment to be taken from

them with indignity and harshness, as is the manner with tax-

gatherers ; but commanded them, if they did not wish that they

should be brought before the Council, and be harshly entreated in

the matter of payment, to the disgrace of the kingdom and the

discredit of the nobles, that they should refrain from covetousness

and extortion within their own provinces, taking only what is

reasonable, and of that also apportioning a certain amount as

salaries to their servants, being careful never to keep back a single

coin of the just pay of their soldiers and servants. And if they should

give of their own revenues to their soldiers and servants, well and

good ; but to keep back that which is their due, is to bring the

name of the nobles of the empire to disgrace and to shame. For

the governor who consumes the pay of his servants consumes dirt.

But if it were needful, the maliks and the princes should take for

themselves from the revenue of their provinces, a twentieth or

twenty-second, or a tenth, or a fifteenth, taking this as the dues of

their government : for in this they should not be discouraged, nor

is it for the Council of the Empire to demand from them

the repayment of such sums. So also if the servants of the

governors of the provinces should take a fifth thousand or tenth

thousand besides their pay, for such small sums they should not

be treated with disgrace, or payment be re-demanded from them

with beating, torture, or imprisonment. But those who are

deceitful and falsify their accounts, and fraudulently purloin the re-

The reign of Ghi a suddvi Tughluq Shah.

231

1871.]

venues of the kingdom should be beaten and imprisoned, and treated

with disgrace and shame, and that which they have earned, should

be taken from them, together with that which they have withheld.

In all this, the wisdom of that just and experienced king is seen by

men of wisdom ; and from the regulations which he made upon all

these matters, there resulted throughout his provinces a great in¬

crease in the number of his people ; and the governors and rulers

also, who were the supports and the props of his empire, received a

revenue beside their salaries ; and year by year their honour and

power increased, and their servants also were satisfied with plenty,

nor were any of the governors or nobles or officers dragged with

indignity before the Council ; and the uprightness of the governors

that were under him increased day by day.

Also Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah had entrusted his Council of

Ministers to men of experience and of good name, nor was there any

oppression or violence or extortion on the part of the Council towards

those who were employed in the provinces. In one matter only did

the Council of Ministers for the space of one or two years exercise

severity, namely, in the recovery of the treasure which the rebel¬

lious Khusrau Khan at the time of his overthrow had scattered, and

that which the aimy and the people had plundered in the troublous

times. Of a truth, in the matter of the recovery of that treasure

which had been plundered, and of which the treasury of

’Alauddm had been emptied, and nothing left in the treasure

house, the Council of the Ministers of Tughluq Sliah were not

slow to exercise severity. Now there were three kinds of men

from whom recovery was demanded, and the first were they who

were not wholly without the fear of God. These men therefore,

who were few in number, came and restored to the treasury the

money which they had received from Khusrau Khan. But the

second class of men, who loved money, deferred to make restitution,

and hoped that by bribes and flattery they would escape. But

Sultan Tughluq Shah would not listen to their excuses, but demand¬

ed payment with severity, and would in no wise let them go. The

third class of those who had received the treasure, were covetous

and envious men, and plunderers, being without honesty, and

thieves, whose life was full of evil practises : and these were

232

Translations from the TdriJch i Firuzshahi. [No. 3,

many, and withstood to the utmost the demand that was made on

them, and endured hardness and violence ; and when they were

pressed to pay, they reviled, and went about making complaint

before all men, and speaking evil even of such a king, who was

the Defender of the Faith, and the guardian of Musalmans, and

they ceased not to pour imprecations upon him. Then the king

ordered that these men, because they would not pay, should be cast

into prison, and beaten and tortured till such time as they made

restitution, nor would he listen to their false excuses. Thus,

because for the space of a year he strove greatly to recover the sums

which had been plundered and cast away, it came to pass that the

treasure of ’Alauddin was recovered to the full.

To Sultan Gliiasuddin Tughluq Shah was there given by God much

wisdom and prudence in the matter of the collection of revenue and

the bestowal of presents, so that all that he did in this matter of

taxing he did well, and all that he did in the matter of gifts, he

did with justice and with generosity. When it was unlawful or

unwise to tax, he taxed not ; and when to give was waste and

prodigality, he gave not ; so that there are not many kings who

in these matters have shewn such moderation. Every week also

Sultan Tughluq Shah opened the great door of the king’s court,

and distributed alms to all such as were gathered there, according

to the need of each : and in the distribution of gifts he observed

the rule of moderation, never giving to excess, nor with exceeding

parsimony. Also was he careful to eschew the example of those

rulers, who without just cause, give to one man thousands, and

leave others in the torments of envy. Because of the presents

that he made, there were gathered to him friends and well-wishers :

and men were made loyal to him. And his generosity was not a

cause of envy, nor did it make men his enemies. In that he was a

man of forethought, he was cautious in rewarding the officers of

his court according to their deserts, and their rank, and the

length of their service, so that each should receive his due,

and no man be disappointed or envious, or be discontented

with the king : and those who had not received, be jealous of

those who had received, and become contentious and disaffected.

He strove rather to give so that he to whom he gave should be the

1871.]

The reign of GhidsudcUn Tughluq Shah.

233

more content, and among tliose to whom was given, there should

arise no striving and discontent. Being therefore gifted with

foresight and with prudence, he was careful that each of the

attendants of his court should receive his due reward, and that

none should be left in want. Also Sultan Grhiasauddin Tughluq

Shall, in the distribution of alms, observed a custom which had

hitherto been unknown in Delhi. For at the receipt of the news of

any victory, or any other glad tidings, or the birth of any son, or

the ceremony of the purifying of any of the king’s sons, he was wont

to assemble the chief men and the nobles, the wise men, and the

readers of the law, the scholar and the teacher, the instructor and

the pupil, to the door of his palace : and in the royal presence he

gave to each according as his position entitled him. Besides this

also, he sent presents to religious houses, to holy men and recluses

and to devotees, according to their need, and strove that in the

city all men of merit and of piety should have a share in his

favour. He was very swift to relieve those who were immediately

about him and attached to his presence or his person : and none of

these men were ever in want, nor did he allow them to become

indebted, so that all rejoiced with the king, and were glad when

he was glad. Also if he gave little, he gave of a truth to

many, and often ; so that if a man should count up the measure of

the gifts which Sultan Tughluq Shah gave in one year, the sum

would be exceeding large. His kindliness also caused him to strive

for the welfare and the happiness of all his people, and he was

grieved when any were in want ; for it was his desire that the

people, and the army, and all classes should live in comfort and in

prosperity. Hence was it that he endeavoured that all his sub¬

jects, whether Hindu or Musalman, should be busy with the

labour of the field, or other kind of labour, and should thrive in

it, and should cease from asking charity, and be relieved from

indigence. Also he desired that there should be no more begging

from door to door, but that the beggars also should find occupation,

and should cease to importune, and to ask for alms, because of their

nakedness and want. He desired rather that every man of

every class, throughout his kingdom, should have his proper

calling, and should be at ease, and that there should be no more

30

234

Translations from the Tar 'tick i FzruzshdJii.

[No. 3,

evil or crime or otlier perplexity. Every day, and every week, and

every month, he summoned to him the families of those who were

his intimates and his friends, and enquired into their circum¬

stances, and sought to know whether each was in comfort and

abundance ; for he would not that any of his followers should, from

any cause, be brought to sorrow, or rendered low by any kind

of trouble.

Eor of a surety in the king was there no desire for oppression,

misrule, or any other evil thing. Nevertheless, because men are full

of greed and of covetousness, and there are many who are rich

without merit and desert, all such hated the king, because that

he was a man who discerned the right and distinguished merit,

and would have every one rewarded accordingly. Such men spoke

evil of the king, as they had spoken evil of Sultan Jalaluddin Kliil-

ji, who was of a truth a king of the faithful and wise. Eor this

is the way of covetous and greedy men, and they cannot abide

the king who is just and discerning, and who will not lavish upon

the unworthy wealth and treasure. These are the men who wish

for a prodigal king, and a shedder of blood, and one who casts away

treasure, taking from many unjustly, and unjustly giving to many ;

overthrowing the houses which stand, and building up the houses

of such as are without merit. These are the kings who exalt men

of little worth, and the hard-hearted ones, and the wicked : setting

them up in high places, and slaying the deserving ones and the

upright and faithful, and utterly uprooting them and bringing

them to ruin. One they drown in riches, and another they make a

scorn and a by-word. But a king such as was Sultan Ghiasuddin,

worldly men, and men of ill-repute, and such as seek only their own

wishes, cannot abide, and will speak no good of him : wishing rather

for a king who should exalt the unworthy, the idolater, the law¬

breaker, and such as are wicked and live openly in sin ; a king taking

no heed of merit, but setting all his thoughts upon carnal pleausre ;

and persecuting whatsoever is lawful, or becoming, or seemly.

As to his army, which is the support of a kingdom, Sultan

Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shall was exceeding thoughtful, caring for

them as a father for his children, and himself enquiring into

all expenditure, so that not a single coin was misappropriated

1871.]

235

The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq SMh.

♦

by the officers, or anything taken from them by the office of the

General of the Forces. Also he regarded their families. And when

he ascended the throne of the empire, he assigned to Siraj ul mulk

Khwajah Haji the office of Lieutenant-General of the Forces, and

the whole charge of the office of the General of the Forces. And

with regard to the recruiting and approval of soldiers, which is the

chief cause of efficiency in an army, and the choice and approval of

weapons and of horses, he followed the rules of ’ Alaudclfn. Such as

neglected their duty or were guilty of cowardice, and deserted from

the ranks of the army, he punished with extreme severity. The

sums which the army had received from Khusrau Khan, he re¬

covered from their salary up to the extent of one year’s pay, but

larger sums be recovered by degrees over a period of years, so that

the soldiers should not be put to straits. The sums which

had been plundered, or which had remained in the treasury

aud had not been distributed, he also recovered. Sultan Ghias¬

uddin Tughluq Shah, during the four or five years in which he

sat on the throne, ordered that the pay of his troops should be dis¬

tributed in his presence, and that great care and attention should

be paid in the matter of accounts, so that nothing should be kept

back from their pay. Thus was it that his army was exceeding

well-appointed and very powerful.

The salaries and allowances also of the nobles he so apportioned

according to their rank, that the former nobles were increased in com¬

fort, and to such as had been lately ennobled was there given dignity

and power and prosperity. The villages, lands, pensions, aud rewards

given by ’Alauddln, Sultan Tughluq Shall, without enquiry and with¬

out scrutiny, confirmed, and approved with one stroke of his pen. But

he cancelled all the orders and the grants of the rebel Khusrau Khan,

which were made during the period of four months that he reigned,

and hesitated not to resume the gifts which he had given. Also he was

careful to enquire into all grants which had been given by ’ Alauddln

and Qutbuddln from carelessness and ignorance, or through the

intrigues of their followers and courtiers. All that had been given

without cause, or because of the influence of courtiers, he resumed,

and all which had been justly given, he confirmed. Furthermore,

there has never reigned in Delhi a king more moderate in the

230

[No. 3,

Translations from the Tdril'h i Firuzshahi.

collection of his revenues, than was Sultan Tugliluq Shah, who

would remit from lacs to thousands, and from thousands to hun¬

dreds ; so that if it were told him by his councillors in his presence,

that such a one is in bonds, because of arrears which are due to the

treasury, and offers as security for the lacs which are due from him

ten thousand or five thousand tankahs, even with this much would

he be satisfied, and would order the debtor to be released, and bid

him make arrangements for payment of the balance, holding it

wrong that any man should remain long in bonds for arrears of

revenue. In no matter did he approve of vexatious enquiry, or of

exaction ; for he wished that the affairs of his kingdom should be

administered according to the laws. Such things also as give rise

to irritation among the people, both he and his Councillors

were careful to avoid, desiring that the minds of all classes of his

people should be at rest : for he wished not that men should be

perplexed because of him. Sultan Tugliluq Shah eschewed all mea¬

sures which should disturb rule or order, and all acts without pur¬

pose, such as bear fruit only in sorrow and vexation to the people.

Nevertheless man is born ungrateful, and it has been said by God

in the Qoran that u all men are thankless.”

So it happened that the covetous and the envious, the wicked and

the faithless, spoke evilly even of such an upright and just king ;

and those who without cause had obtained rewards, and monies,

from Qutbuddfn, in a time of forgetfulness and folly, and from

Khusrau Khan at the time of his despair, spoke harm of Sultan Tugh-

luq Sliah, and made complaint of that just and upright one, and

looked for the overthrow of his empire, making eyes one at another,

and speaking folly ; and they said also of him, who was generous

above all men, that he was covetous. Now I, Zia i Barani, who also

wrote the annals of Finiz Shall, have heard from the tongues of

many men of experience, whose eyes, looking for the judgment to

come, were anointed with the ointment of justice, that they, re-

regarding only the welfare of the Faith, and the well being of Mu-

salmans, declared that no such king as Sultan Tugliluq Shall had

ever sat upon the throne of Delhi, nor was it probable that such

another would ever be seated upon that throne. For all the wis¬

dom and knowledge and merit and justice, that is needed in a

1871.]

The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah.

237

%

king, and all other things which have been written to be necessary

for a ruler, God had in no wise withheld from Sultan Tughluq Shah.

But he was clothed in courage and might, in understanding and

wisdom, in justice and religion, being the Defender of the Faith¬

ful, and guardian of the obedient, and the scourge of the dis¬

obedient. Through his great experience also was the kingdom

adorned. If men look to a king for order and the establishment

of authority, which is the basis of all government, Sultan Tughluq

Shah, even within the year of his accession, established authority

more firmly than other kings have done, though with much shed¬

ding of blood and causeless violence. Again, if we look to a king

for protection of the Faith, Ghiasuddin, throughout his reign, was

indeed the Defender of the Faithful. Also he closed the door to

the incursions of the Mughul : nor from fear of his sword, did the

Mughul dare to cross the border of his kingdom, or advance

beyond the river, or in any way molest a single Musalman. So

great was the fear of his sword both on the unbeliever and on the

rebel, that neither did the Mughul dare to cross his border, nor

were the rebellious within his territories emboldened to lift up their

heads. Further, if we look to a king for justice and wisdom in

his ordinances, and the righteousness of his rule, because of

the justice and the uprightness of Tughluq Shah, the wolf durst not

seize upon the lamb, and the lion and the deer drank at one

stream. Through his ordinances and his regulations, the

dignity and the honour of his qazis and judges, and of such

as declared law and administered justice, was greatly in¬

creased. If we look to a king for the care of his army, who are

the protection of the Faith and the defenders of Islam, through

the wisdom of Tughluq Shah, so soon as he ascended the throne,

many thousands of horsemen were raised, and disciplined, and

equipped, and over them were placed captains of experience, and

such as were skilful in war. In his time the army was always

paid in full, nor was a single coin kept back. If we look to a

king for a care of the interests of the tillers of the soil, the

name of Sultan Tughluq Shah has become a proverb throughout

Hindustan and Khurasan in this matter. For the desire of

his heart was to dig canals and to plant fine groves, and

238 Translations from the Tarikh i FiruzsMM. [No. 3,

to cause forts to be erected for tlie safety of the cultivators, and

such as labour in the field. Also did he strive to restore waste

places, and to reclaim such lands as were exhausted and worn out.

So that in this matter he excelled all who had gone before him,

and had he sat but for a few years upon the throne, and been

spared from the stroke of death, he would beyond doubt have

caused to be inhabited many thousands of deserted houses, so that

the thorny desert should have become a fruitful grove, and the

waste a flowering garden. Also would he have dug for miles upon

miles and leagues upon leagues, canals like to the rivers Ganges

and Jamna ; creating running streams, and conferring benefit and

comfort, and much prosperity upon the labourer and tiller of the

soil ; so that there would have been no end to the increase of corn,

and the overflowing of abundance. Also will men speak to all

time of the Castle of Tugliluqabad, as a proof of his magnificence

in building. Yet again, if we look to a king to ensure the safety

of travellers, and to protect the high roads of the kingdom, and

to punish such as rob upon the high road, so great was the fear of

the sword of Tughluq Shah in the hearts of all robbers and plun¬

derers, that in his time, the robbers became the protectors of the

public roads, and the plunderers and the violent, breaking their

swords, converted them into ploughshares, and sold their bows :

and the crooked became straight, and they betook themselves to

the labour of the field, nor was the name of robbery heard ; and

the fear of the robber was wiped away from the minds of men.

Within his kingdom the thief did not dare to take a grain from

the store of any man ; and not within his kingdom only, but in

Ghazni also, from the fear of the sword of Tughluq Shah, the vio¬

lent ceased from violence, neither did they any more gather together

to prey upon the track of the merchants and caravans. If again we

look to a king for observance of the precepts of the Faith, and strict

adherence to its ordinances, and for purity of spirit, which is the

chief of all the ordinances of Islam, Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq

Shah excelled above godless kings, inasmuch as he was pure and

upright, and gifted with integrity and probity. Also was he care¬

ful to observe all the hours of prayer, nor would be retire to his

harem until ho had repeated the prayer before sleep, nor did he ever

1871.]

The reign of Ghi-asuddin Tughluq Shah.

239

absent himself from public prayer on Fridays or on holy days, but

was careful on the third night of the Ramazan to perform the twen¬

ty-two genuflexions called ‘ Tarawih,’ and it is known to Grod that

throughout the month of Ramazan he observed with exceeding obser¬

vance the daily fast. Because of his purity and uprightness, he would

not gather round him lads, and beardless boys, sons of the nobles,

handsome slaves, or beautiful singing boys : accounting as his enemy

such an one as was spoken of as bestial or uncleanly. Nor went he

with harlots. During his reign, he would join in no drinking par¬

ties, but forbade the drinking of wine to all subjects of his king¬

dom, refraining himself also from dice. In such times as he

took his pleasure, no man saw him drunk with wine, or overcome by

any other temptation. But in all things, Sultan Tughluq Shah so

observed the Musalman faith, that the words of the irreligious and

the thoughts of the evil ones could find no fault in him. Also was

that king an humble man, never vaunting himself without cause,

or exalting himself unseemly. From his boyhood upwards, in his

youth, and in his manhood, there was found in him no guile, or

dishonesty, or deceit, or rebelliousness, or any such evil thing. God

kept him also free from such faults and sins as raise the clamour

of him that wishes evil : throughout his life was he honoured,

and held in' reverence, and esteemed. If, furthermore, in a king we

look for gratitude and recompense of service and giving of reward,

Sultan Tughluq Shah was pre-eminent above all kings, and exalted

for ever above all such as have held authority. For those who

had served him in his army and in his government, or in any wise

rendered him assistance, he rewarded so that to the soldier was

awarded the portion of the governor, and to the governor the portion

of princes. Those who had long been faithful to him he cherished

as a tender father cherishes his son , and his companions of old time

he fostered like as men foster their brother and tlieir children, and

looked upon their families as his family, and would allow no harm

or loss to happen to them, or to their bondsmen or dependants. Be¬

cause that he was faithful, and of the grateful, and one who remem¬

bered the services which had been done for him, Sultan Tugluq Shall,

laid aside in the presence of those of his own house the royal state

and the circumstance of kings. Those of his household also like the

240 Translations from the Tarihh i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

captains and the servants of his government, he advanced in honours

and provided with all that they needed, and shewed them much kind¬

ness. And though he had become a king, nevertheless he ceased not

to sit as of old with them. With his former servants and dependants,

also, he laid aside the majesty of his kingship, but maintained the

former intercourse. In courage also, and in cunning and strategy

in matters pertaining to war, among all the chiefs and captains of

Hindustan and Khurasan was there none like unto Sultan Tughluq

Shah ; for if I were to tell of all his battles and his wars, I suppose

that another book would not suffice. Would that he had reigned

yet a few more years, that he might have carried the knowledge of

Islam to the East and to the West, so that the kingdoms of the in¬

fidel and the parts of the heretic should have come under the rule

of that king of Islam ! For while he ruled, he surpassed the glory

of Kustam, and had he been spared from death, he would have

excelled the deeds of Alexander. All that Sultan ’Alauddin did

with so much shedding of blood, and crooked policy, and oppres¬

sion, and great violence, in order that he might establish his rule

throughout the cities of his empire, Sultan Tughluq Shah in the space

of four years accomplished without any contention or fraud, or hard¬

ness, or slaughter. Those therefore who consider the matter, being

men of experience, say that the reign and the duration of the

government of Sultan Tughluq Shah was among the chiefest of the

blessings of God, and these men praise God thankfully, and offer to

Him honour ; while the craving of the envious and the covetous,

which would not be satisfied with the treasures of Garun, were set

at nought by the glory of the government of such a king : and their

evil longings were disappointed, so that they spoke bitterly and

ceased not to revile him, and expected anxiously that such a one,

in whom the world found rest, should die.

The first appointment of Sultan Muhammad, at that time

called Ulugh Khan, to capture Arankul.

Now it came to pass that in the year 722, Sultan Gliiasuddfn Tugh¬

luq Shah gave to Sultan Muhammad the emblems of royalty, and

appointed to him a host, and bade him depart into the country of

Arankul, and the parts of Taling. And with him there were sent

241

1871.] The reign of Qhiasuddin Tugliluq Shah.

certain of tlie former nobles of ’Alauddin, and of his own officers

also appointed he many. Sultan Muhammad therefore, in the

pomp of royalty, and with a great gathering, departed for Aran-

kul, and arriving at Deogir, he took with him the chief men of

that place, and such of its garrison as were needed by him, and

arrived by stages in the parts of Taling. Then from fear of

the power of Sultan Tughluq Shah, and because of the terror of

Sultan Muhammad, Rai Suddar Deo, with all his nobles and his

captains, withdrew into his castle, and resolved that he would

avoid battle. But Sultan Muhammad arrived at Arankul, and en¬

camped round about the earthen fortress of that place, and halted

there, and ordered that they should send certain of the leaders, and

should spoil the country of Taling, and gather for the army of

Islam much treasure and provision. So because of them, there

was gathered much spoil, and the army began with care¬

fulness to besiege the castle. Now many Hindus had gathered

themselves together in the forts of earth and of stone, and

coming from the east and from the west, had made much

preparation, so that daily the host of Islam fought with the be¬

sieged, and the battle was sharp, and from within were

thrown fireballs, and on either side were many slain. But the

army of Islam prevailed against the Hindus, and brought them to

a strait, and discomfited them, so that it nearly came to pass that

the earthen fortress of Arankal was captured. Then Saddar Deo

Rai of Arankal took council with his chiefs, and sent to Sultan Mu¬

hammad envoys, and made offer of submission ; also he laid before

him treasure, with elephants and jewels and much wealth : for he

hoped that even as in the day of ’ Alauddm there had been given to

the Viceroy treasure and great presents, so that he had received of

the tribute, and returned whence he came, so also might it be

with Sultan Muhammad, and that he too should return. But Sul¬

tan Muhammad would have none of them, but continued the

rather to besiege the castle, hoping to make the Rai of Arankal

his captive, and would in no wise listen to terms, and the heralds

returned in discomfort.

Now it happened that for the space of a little more than

a month, while the besieged were in this strait, and were think-

31

242 Translations from the TdriJch i Firuzshdhi. [No. 3,

ing among themselves whether they should submit, there had

arrived no couriers from the king. Although there were wont

to come to Sultan Muhammad from his father two or three des¬

patches in each week:, not a single despatch had been received

by him. Because of this, Sultan Muhammad and his councillors

were troubled in their minds, and they said among themselves that

some of the stations on the road had risen in rebellion, and because

of them there was no communication, and the couriers had ceased to

arrive. Then was it known in the camp that Sultan Muhammad was

troubled in his mind, and there arose all manner of suspicion, and

the tidings spread by degrees among all men. Then ’Abid, the

poet, and a Shaikhzadah of Damascus, who were men of evil

repute and infamous, and among them that stood in the presence of

Sultan Muhammad, began to pervert the minds of men, and spread

false reports amongst the army, saying that Sultan Gliiasuddfn

Tughluq had died in the city of Delhi, and that there was rebellion

within Delhi, and that a stranger had seized the throne, so that

there was no more any communication. Because of their sayings,

men began to fear : and these infamous ones, ’Abid the poet,

and the Shaikhzadah, the Damascene, being sons of evil and rebel¬

lious, faithless also and ungrateful, devised yet another mischief;

and they went to Malik Tamar and to Malik Takin, and to Malik

Mai Afghan and to Malik Kafur, keeper of the seals, and spoke

to them saying, “ Sultan Muhammad regardeth you, who are of the

chiefs of the nobles of ’Alauddin and captains of his host, as men

who are dangerous to him, and as fellow-plotters against him, and

thinks to slay you, and upon one day will he seize you all, and

will cause you to be put to death.” Then, because those four cap¬

tains knew that the speakers were of those who stood in the pre¬

sence of Sultan Muhammad, and were about him, they believed

their words, and gathered themselves together, and, with their host,

left the army. And because of their departure all men were afraid,

and there arose a great cry, so that in every rank there was con¬

tention and rebellion, and there was great distress, no man trust¬

ing his neighbour. But the Hindus within the walls heard that

some misfortune had happened to the besiegers, and they gathered

heart, and sallied out from within the walls, and plundered the

1871.] The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah. 243

camp, and went their way. Sultan Muhammad also, with those

who were of his immediate followers, fled to Deogir, and his army

was disheartened, and began to disperse. But while Sultan Mu¬

hammad was yet on the way to Deogir, there met him messengers

from the city bringing with them the royal mandates, and news of

the safety of the king. Then the nobles of ’ Alauddin, who with one

consent had forsaken Sultan Muhammad, were divided amongst

themselves, and each man did what seemed right to him, and their

footmen and their servants fled from them, and their horses and

army fell into the hands of the Hindus. But Sultan Muhammad

arrived in safety at Deogir, and there he gathered to him his

army. Malik Tamar with certain of his horsemen fled, and went

into the Hindu country and there died. Malik Takin who was

also a noble of Audh, the Hindus slew, and sent his skin to Sultan

Muhammad to Deogir ; and Malik Mai Afghan and ’Abid the

poet and the other conspirators they bound, and sent them to Sul¬

tan Muhammad to Deogir, but he sent them alive to his father.

Now it had come to pass that already the wives and children of

those rebellious nobles had been seized ; and Sultan Ghiasuddin

gave a show in the plain of public entertainment, and there they

hung up ’Abid the poet, and Kafiir, keeper of the seals, and the

other conspirators. Certain others also, with their women and chil¬

dren, they cast beneath the feet of elephants, and the day was pass¬

ed in the execution of those men, so that those who saw it were

filled with fear. And because of the punishment with which Sultan

Tughluq Shah had punished them, and in that he had cast many

women and children to the elephants, the whole city was mightily

afraid.

The second expedition op Sultan Muhammad against Arankal.

After the space of four months, Sultan Ghiasuddin gave to Sul¬

tan Muhammad a large army, and appointed him other soldiers,

and sent him to Arankal, and again Sultan Muhammad arrived in

♦

the country of Taling, and took the fort of Badar : and the captain

of the fort fell into his hands ; and from thence he went to Arankal,

and laid siege to the earthen fortress of that place. And after some

244 Translations from the Tdrilch i FiruzshaM. [No. 3,

days, by arrows shot through tubes and by catapults, he forced an

opening into the outer and inner fort, and he took prisoner Saddar

Deo, with his princes, his nobles, and headmen, their women, their

children, their elephants, and their horses, and he sent news of his

victory to Delhi. And in Delhi and Tughluqabad they spread cano¬

pies and made rejoicing, and caused the drums to be beaten nine

times. But Saddar Deo was sent with his elephants, and his trea¬

sure, and his followers, by the hand of Malik Bedar, called also

Qadar Khan, and Khwajah Lbaji, Lieutenant-General of the

Forces, to the king, and to Arankal was given the name of Sultan-

pur. Then Sultan Muhammad conquered the whole country of

Taling, and divided it into provinces and governments, and ap¬

pointed officers and governors, and from the whole country of

Taling took he one year’s revenue. From thence be marched to¬

wards Jajnagar, when he captured forty elephants, and returned

with victory to Taling. But the elephants he sent to the king at

Delhi.

Departure of Sultan Ghiasuddin for Lak’hnauti, and his

CONQUEST THERE, AND IN SuNNARGAON AND SATGAON, AND TnE SUB¬

MISSION of the Governors of Lak’hnauti.

Now in the time that Arankal was taken, and the elephants

arrived from Jajnagar, certain troops of the Mughul came

within the limits of the kingdom, and the armies of Islam

encountered them, and defeated them with great slaughter, and

took prisoners their two leaders, and sent them to the Court. In

those days was it that Sultan Ghiasuddin made Tughluqabad his

capital, and caused his nobles and his chieftains to reside there

with their families, and to establish themselves there. At that

time also there came certain of the chief men. of Lak’hnauti, and

stood in the presence of the king, and told him of the tyranny

and exactions of the governors of Lak’hnauti, and informed him of

their distress and of their sufferings, and of the complaints of all

Musalmans, because of the injustice of those governors. So

Sultan Ghiasuddin resolved within himself that he would march to

Lak’hnauti, and he sent messengers to Sultan Muhammad, and

bade him come from Arankal, and appointed him Regent in his

The reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah.

245

1871.]

absence, and entrusted to him the affairs of the government ; and

himself departed with an army to Lak’hnauti, and crossing deep

rivers, and quicksands, and swamps, he hurried on his way to

Lak’hnauti and ceased not to advance rapidly ; and because the

fear of Tughluq Shah was great throughout Khurasan and Hindu¬

stan, and all the cities and countries of Hind and of Sindh,

in that he had quickly subdued all the princes and governors of

the East and of the West, when the shadow of Tughluq Shah

fell upon Tirhut, Sultan Naciruddin, governor of Lak’hnauti,

came with submission and obeisance to the Court, and humbly

offered allegiance : so that before the sword of Tughluq Shah was

drawn, all the chiefs and the nobles of that country hastened to

do him service, and to offer him their obedience. Then Tatar Khan,

who was the adopted son of Sultan Tughluq Shah, and was

governor of Zafarabad, was sent with an army and brought all

that country to submission ; and Sultan Bahadur Shah, governor

of Sunnargaon, who was rebellious, he brought with a halter round

his neck, into the presence of the king j and all the elephants that

were in those parts were gathered together into the king’s

elephant-stable, and there was collected to the army of Islam

much treasure because of that expedition. Then Sultan Ghiasuddin

Tughluq Shah made Sultan Nagiruddin governor of Lak’hnauti,

and entrusted to him the kingly power, because he had hastened

to do obeisance, and sent him to his government. But of Satgaon

and Sunnargaon he took possession. And Bahadur Shah he sent

with a halter round his neck to Delhi, and Sultan Tughluq Shah

returned in triumph and with victory toward Tughluqabad. In Delhi

also the news of the victory in Bengal was read in all the pulpits,

and canopies were erected, and the drums were beaten, and there

was much rejoicing. But Sultan Tughluq Shah, leaving behind him

his army, hastened on by double marches, and arrived in the neigh¬

bourhood of his capital.

246

Translations from the Tdrilch i FiruzshdM.

[No. 3,

Death oe Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah after he had ar¬

rived in the neighbourhood of Tughluqabad, and had alighted

UNDER THE ROOF OF A PAVILION ; A KING BY WHOSE DEATH THE

WORLD WAS DARKENED, AND THROWN INTO DISTRESS AND CONFUSION,

Now when Sultan Muhammad heard that Sultan Tughluq Shah

was hastening to his capital of Tughluqabad, and had already-

arrived in its neighbourhood, he ordered that they should erect a

small building about eight miles from Tughluqabad, by Afghanpiir,

so that the king might alight, and pass the night therein, and

proceed in the morning with his royal retinue to Tughluq¬

abad, where also coloured canopies were erected, and the drums

beaten. So Sultan Ghiasuddin, at the hour of the second prayer,

arrived at the pavilion which had been newly erected, and

alighted there, and Sultan Muhammad, with the princes and the

nobles, met his father, and kissed his feet. Then Sultan Tughluq

Shah called for food, and after that he had eaten it, and the

princes and the chiefs came out for the cleansing of hands, there

fell upon the earth the lightning of the calamity of heaven, and

the roof of the pavilion, under which the king was sitting, fell

suddenly upon him ; and he, with six or seven others, was buried

under it, and he died ; and so great a conqueror and captain, whom

the world could not contain, lies buried in twelve feet of earth —

“ Who is able to see, Oh eye of blind fate !

“ Two worlds in twelve feet of the grave ?”

And from the death of Sultan Tughluq Shah, the order of the

world was changed into disorder —

“ That kingdom of Egypt, which thou sawest, is no more,

“ And that Nile of Mercy, which thou heardst of, was a mirage ;

“ The Form of Safety and the Spirit of Security

“ Are veiled from the gaze of spectators.

“ Calamity covered the heavens with a garment :

“ The covering of darkness was as a veil to the firmament.”

How wiser are they who have resigned this unstable world, and

turned from it their faces, because of its inconstancy and its

oppression ; and have satisfied themselves with the bread and the

The Ruins at Kopari.

247

1871.]

salt of contentment! For tlie world and all its glory is but a

spectacle. Yet even to the worldly is not this warning sufficient,

that to the king who had conquered Hind, and arrived victorious,

and crowned with honour, at his capital, was it not given to see

the faces of his family, but he passed at one breath from a throne

to the bosom of the earth, exchanging a palace for a grave.

A man shall ask — Where are gone those famous ones ? Behold !

The womb of the Earth is for ever pregnant with them.

The Earth is drunken, because she hath tasted of wine :

In the cup of the skull of Hurmuz, hath she drunk the heart’s

blood of Naushirwan.*

The Rums at Kopari , Balasore District. — By John Beames, b, c. s.,

Magistrate of Balasore.

(With two plates.)

Two years ago I found at Kopari a small image with an in¬

scription on the back, a copy of which I sent to the Society.

The people worshipped the image asLakshmi, but Babu Kajendra-

lal having pronounced it to be Maya Devi, the mother of Buddha,

they have now come to the conclusion that the u deo” has gone out

of it, and made no objection to my removing it, which I have

done on the occasion of my recent visit to the place.

On this visit I have been able to make a more minute inspection

of the ruins and the surrounding country, and send you the fol¬

lowing notes, with a few rough sketches and plans.

The place is interesting not only from its singular physical

appearance, but as being the only place in northern Orissa where

distinct traces of Buddhism are still observable. It is situated in

lat. 20° IT, long. 86° 30'; 42 miles south-west of the town of

Balasore and close to the point where the three native tributary

States of Moharbhanj, Nilgiri, and Keonjhar meet. It is a level

plain surrounded on three sides by low rocky hills. The soil is

sterile and in many places consists of nothing but large slabs of

laterite rock, as flat and regular as a London street pavement,

* The text edition (p. 453) has two couplets more ; but they convey no

meaning.

248

The Ruins at Kopari.

[No. 3,

having, however, the colour and general appearance of rusty iron

boiler plates. This formation is not, of course, continuous ; there

occur large spaces where the laterite is covered with more or less

depth of earth, and on such spots are rice fields, tanks and . houses

and large mango and pipal trees. The ruins stand on the north

side of the village, the more important and better preserved por¬

tion is situated in the very middle of the flat laterite surface, but

other parts are found in the softer soil among trees. The plan of

them is given below.

Before proceeding to describe the details, it will be as well to

make some introductory remarks. These ruins exhibit the traces

of an ancient Buddhist temple, and vihara or monastery, with a

pleasure ground or grove intervening. The Buddhist temple ap¬

pears to have been destroyed and its materials used to erect a

Brahmanieal temple dedicated to Shiva, whose emblems in a later

style of art, some in fact comparatively modern, are found in

abundance. Later than these supervened the present Vishnu

worship, now the prevailing type of Hinduism in Orissa, so that a

considerable amount of wilful, and some also accidental, displace¬

ment and destruction has taken place.

The Shiva and Vishnu buildings are rude in the extreme, and are

composed of stones evidently taken from some earlier fabric, as the

architectural design and sculptures are entirely disconnected, a

stone with a bold moulding being placed upon a perfectly plain one

and vice versa , and one edifice in particular being crowned, in¬

stead of a pinnacle or spire, by a capital exactly agreeing with

those of the pillars still remaining in situ on the earlier building.

Of this earlier building I can give no plan. It stands about

200 yards to the east of the building marked A, and consists of

a confused mass of laterite hewn stones of very great size, but no

outlines can be traced without digging, for which I had no time.

I would hazard the conjecture, however, that it was a square of

about 38 feet in length on each side. In what seems to have been

the centre, is a huge square mass of laterite like an altar, about

four feet high, and at each corner a small niche in one of which

was the image of Mayadevi above mentioned. One of the other

niches has been removed to a distance of about half a mile, and set

1871.]

The Ruins at Kopari.

249

up on tlie edge of a tank, probably for purposes of Bralimanical

worship ; the other two niches are overgrown with trees, an

ancient tamarind in one, and a still more ancient pipal in the

other have twisted their roots and stems in and out of the stones

so as to render restoration impossible. This building I suppose

to have been the original Buddhist temple, and the altar probably

sustained an image of Buddha of gigantic size, the mutilated

remains of which have been set up in the village temple and are

now worshipped as Baladeva. From this ruin stretches a grove of

trees on a long ridge, formed evidently artificially, by heaping earth

on the laterite rock to a height of four or five feet. On the northern

edge of the grove is an old square stone well hewn through the

rock and lined with huge cut stones. In the middle of the grove

is the building marked A, an oblong platform of hewn stone, with

the capitals of some large pillars lying on and around it. Going

still westwards over a space encumbered by half-buried debris, we

come to B, the1 best preserved portion of the whole. I give a

sketch of this building from the south.

It is a long narrow hall with a sort of propykeum on the eastern

side, surrounded by pillars, most of which are still standing, though

battered and worn by rain so much that their original design is

almost untraceable. It can be seen, however, that they were

octagonal, with a capital consisting of a double round beaded fillet

as in the marginal illustration.

To the north of this is a small nearly square tank with steps

leading down to it, the whole hewn with immense labour through

the solid rock to a depth of 6 feet, and always full of water even

in the driest seasons. To the west of the hall just mentioned is

a scarcely distinguishable small building marked C, whereon are a

few fallen pillars and capitals.

The inscription on the back of the image of Mayadevi would

refer the building in which it was found to the tenth century A. D.,

unless, as is highly probable, the image was dedicated after the

erection of the temple. The huge size of the stones, some four feet

long by two or three deep, and the general rudeness of the archi¬

tecture, would incline me to place the date of its construction much

earlier. The grove leading to A, B, and C, with its artificial soil

32

250

The Rains at Kopari.

[No. 3,

and ancient well, was probably the garden ; and the three buildings

themselves, the cells of the vihara, or monastery, for the use of

whose inhabitants the tank was apparently dug.

Building A now presents the appearance of a ruined Siva temple,

at a is a large ling a of chlorite, still worshipped ; a smaller ling a lies

close to it. At h is a large well-carved statue of Durga, and

another of Nandi on the top of Durgd’s slab. Both are compara¬

tively new and in good preservation. At c comes in the newer

Yishnu worship in the shape of a statue which, though defaced, is

considered by natives to be Lakshmi, though some considered it to

be Bhavani. At a is a rath , which, is still used on the Bath Ja-

tra. These last objects are quite modern and connected with

Baladeva’s temple in the village, to whom, in the opinion of the

present inhabitants, the whole of the ruins are sacred, in spite of

the lingas and statue of Durga.

At the foot of the hills close by are the remains of a large fort

of mud, and on the hill side high up is a cave temple called that

of Bharua Debi, a name probably corrupted from Bhairava, as

that of an adjoining cave, Basudi, is probably from Basuki. I

could not visit these temples on account of the dense jungle, but

the sculptures and statues which have been brought from them,

to adorn the village shrine at the foot of the hills, are a strange

medley, comprising one or two Durgas, a Narsinglia avatar, and

several minor idols.

1871.]

251

Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions — By H. BLOCHMAisnv,

M. A., Calcutta Madrasah.

This paper contains notes on several Arabic and Persian inscrip¬

tions which in the course of the year were either sent to the Society

by various members, or were obtained by myself. I trust the

members will continue to forward rubbings or copies of inscriptions

to the Society, and I would especially draw their attention to old

Mosques and the Dargahs of Muhammadan saints. Shrines are

rarely without inscriptions ; but although almost every town in

Upper India and Bengal has, if I may say so, its patron saint, few

of the inscriptions and the legends regarding them have hitherto

been collected. Bengal and Bihar inscriptions are doubly welcome,

as they help us to fill up gaps in Bengal history.

The inscriptions mentioned in the paper refer to

Bardwan,

Gaur,

Atak,

The Margalah Pass,

Majherah, Muzuffarnagar, N. W. P. and

Bareli,

and will, I hope, be of some interest for Indian readers.

Bardwa'n.

The following inscription is taken from the/Dargah, or tomb, of

the Poet Bahrain Saqqa, or as he is called in Bardwan, on account

of his saintly character, Pir Bahrain. The Dargah is one of the

historical sights of Bardwan.

--WA.J

(*■ —

&U) !i!) <ju| 5 <*.111 G G &U) G Ui

G All) G

4* %M

IS*. All

Gh U 9 j]

dJt * si j

252

Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 3,

cW u

'i a r

*

u

sS cul |jj

O God, 0 Opener, O God, Opener !

There is no God bnt Allah ; Muhammad is the Prophet of God, in truth.

Well done, Gar wish Bahrain, who hast travelled over the world, whose heart

in knowledge is like the ocean.

He left the world on his way to Ceylon ; Bahram Saqqa left the transitory

realm.

We reflected on the year in which this great man died, and, in fulfilment of

our wishes,

A voice came from heaven, announcing that the chronogram of his death

lies in the words £ Buwad Danvtsh i ma Bahram i Saqqa ‘ our Darwish is

Bahram Saqqa.’ A. H. 982, or 1574.

This inscription is on a black stone, measuring about 2J> ft. by 1 J,

and lies at the inner door of Bahrain’s shrine. The shrine is in

Bard wan itself, about a mile from the Bail way station, and looks

like a little fortress. There are many tombs in the neighbourhood.

A few steps lead through a low portico into the gahn, or open

courtyard, of the shrine. On the right of the portico there is

another inscription, which is, however, so defaced, that it is impos¬

sible to read it. The tomb itself is in a low vault, and is quite plain.

After entering the gahn, to the left, two tombs without inscriptions

were pointed out to me as the resting-places of Sher Afkan and

Qutbuddin Khan. The former was Nur Jahan’s first husband

and Jagirdar of Bardwan ; he killed Qutbuddin, the Governor of

Bengal, who had received orders from Jahangir to make away

with him and conduct Nur Jahan to the imperial harem.*

The meeting of Sher Afkan and Qutbuddin took place, according

to the tradition, at Sadhinpur, which lies east of the Bailway

station, on a field where a tomb now is. The field to this day

is called Ganj i Shahiddn , ‘ the place of the martyrs.’ Whether the

tombs in the courtyard are really those of Sher Afkan and Qutb-

nddfn, is doubtful, notwithstanding the tradition ; for Jahangir says

in his * Memoirs’ that Qutbuddin’s body was taken to Fatlipur

Sikri and buried there.

It is also said that Akbar granted a daily allowance of Bs. 2 to

* For full accounts of Slier Afkan, Nur Jahan, and Qutbuddin, vide Ain

translation, pp. 497, 509, 524.

1871.] Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 253

tlie Mutawallis in charge of the tomb, and that the Government

pays It s. 40 per mensem for the same purpose.

Bahrain Saqqa is one of the best poets of Akbar’s reign. Abul-

fazl mentions him in the Ain (text, p. 250). He was of Turkish

extraction, and belonged to the Biyat tribe, which is chiefly

found in Erivan, and scattered over Azarbaijan, Tahran, Nishapur,

and Ears.* He pretended to have seen the prophet Kliizr (Elias),

and wandered about as a water-carrier {saqqa), supplying the poor

with water. Badaoni (III, 243) says — u He belongs to the fol¬

lowers of Shaikh Jami Muhammad of Khabdshan (near Nishapur),

and was majzub, i. e. attracted by God. He wandered about in the

streets of Agrah with several of his pupils, and distributed water

gratis among the poor, composing at the same time verses ‘ as pure

as water.’ Once a descendant of his spiritual guide came to India,

and he gave him all he possessed. He was fond of independence,

and went to Ceylon, but died on the road. It is said that in that

land of infidelity (Ceylon), there was a man to whom the Prophet

appeared in a dream ordering him to shroud and bury Bahrain,

which was done. He composed several diwans ; but when he was

in religious ecstacy, he washed the ink off his papers, one after

the other ; but the collection of poems still extant is by no means

small.”

The author of the Ilaft Iqlim says that when Bahrain was lying

dead on his charpai, a person appeared and said to Bahrain’s com¬

panion that he had received orders from the Prophet to bury him.

According to the Mir at id A' lam, it was his pupils that collected

his poems, and saved the Diwan which still exists ; else he would

have destroyed his whole collection. He died in A. H. 1000, on his

way to Ceylon.

I am doubtful as to the correct year in which Bahrain died ; for

in the above inscription the word buivad, according to the rules

of tdrikhs , does not belong to the chronogram itself, and this

would give 970 A. H., or 1562-63, A. D., as the year of his death.

But the Mutawallis of the Dargah declare that he died in A. H.

982, or A. D., 1574.

* Notes on Persia, by Lt. Col. Monteith, Madras Journal, Yol. IY, for 1836,

p. 28.

254 Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 3,

Dr. Sprenger also mentions him in his Catalogue of Outlli MSS.

(p. 559). He calls him ‘ Darwish Saqqa of Bukhara, and says he

died in A. H. 962, quoting in support a chronogram from the

Nafaisul Maasir (metre, twice mafulu faJilatun ), of which the last

line is —

j cR) ^

1x3 £>31/0 clj i CU — H>0

When this rose left the rosebed, it asked for a chronogram,

And Saqqa replied weeping — “ This garden is now left without water.”

Dr. Sprenger finds the chronogram by subtracting ma (i. e. 41)

from b&gh (1003), and thus gets A. H. 962. But this is against the

rules of tdnlchs, and we should, no doubt, read

H/o A»tx3 ^L)

and subtract be ma (with the hamzah , as it means 1 water’ in allu¬

sion to Saqqa’s employment), i. e. 54, from an (not in) bdgh , i. e

1054, which would give A. H. 1000, the date of the Mir-at. But

whether this be correct or not, Sprenger’s date of Bahrain’s death

(962) is impossible, as Bahrain Saqqa lived^under Akbar, who only

commenced to reign in 963.

Stewart in his History of Bengal (p. 216) calls him wrong ‘ Shah

Ibrahim Saqqa ;’ but he has the following interesting remark —

“ After this unexpected victory [over Rahim Shah, in A. D. 1698]

the prince ’Aziin ushshan proceeded to the tomb of Shah Ibrahim

Sukka in the vicinity of Burdwan, and having returned thanks to

the Almighty for his success, he ordered a large sum of money to

be distributed, in alms, to the poor and religious persons who at¬

tended on the shrine of the saint,” — adding in a footnote, “ Shah

Ibrahim Sukka was originally a water-carrier ; but having asso¬

ciated with the Soofies, he became a celebrated author of poems

and religious works. After his death he was canonized, and his

tomb is still resorted to by pilgrims.”

According to legends which I heard in Bardwan, Bahrain died at

Bardwan after a stay of three days. His tomb is on a plot of ground

which is said to have belonged to a Jogi of the name of Jaipal,

who on seeing Bahrain’s miracles, turned Muhammadan.

255

1871.] Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions.

The following story was told me as a proof of Bahrain’s greatness.

After his arrival at Bardwan, he asked the Jogi, who lived near

the present dargah , at a place which is still pointed out, to give him

a plot of ground ; hut Jaipal, before granting the request, wished

to see whether Bahrain could work miracles as he himself. Now

it happened that the Jogi had just washed his dhoti, and having

hung it up as high as the heaven to dry, he asked Bahrain to bring

it down. Bahrain took off one of his wooden shoes, and said to it,

“ Go, child, fetch it down,” when all at once it flew up and come back

with the cloth. The Jogi was now convinced of Bahrain’s power,

and gave him the plot of ground.

The Jarni’, or Jum’ah, Masjid of Bardwan was built by ’Azim

ushshan,f the same prince who allowed the English to settle at

Calcutta.

MSS. of Saqqa’s Diwan are not numerous. There are two very fair

ones in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Persian MSS.,

Nos. 251, 365). I also saw several in Bardwan. The poems are

fine, and mostly of a religious nature ; they breathe a spirit of freedom

and independence, and bespeak a mind that will not be burdened

with the cares of this world. They fully establish the saintly

character of the poet.

The following incident made a great impression on the Mujawirs,

or persons in charge of the tomb. I shewed them a copy of Saqqa’s

diwan, which I had made from the MS. in the Society’s Library,

and mentioned that the first half had been written by a young

Muhammadan, an excellent katib, who died of cholera before he

had completed the copy. Strange to say, the last verse he wrote

was the following —

w

Let him enter the sight of God, like Junaid and Bayazid, who like Rumi and

’Attarffcdespises the world.

* He was the third son of Shah ’Alam Bahadur Shah, and grandson of Au-

rangzib. His real name was Muhammad ’Azim. He attempted a julus on the

19th Muharram, 1124, and was drowned on the 19th pair of the same year.

•j” Four famous Muhammadan Saints. Yof zada/ti , to despise.

256

Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 3,

and the Mujawirs were unanimous in declaring that saints did

miracles even after death.

Gaur.

The Arabic inscriptions on PI. IV and V refer to the building of

a mosque in Gaur by one Sikandar Khan, in A. TI. 925, or 1519,

A. D., during the reign of Husain Shah, king of Bengal ( vide J ournal,

1870, Pt. I, p. 301, foot note).

The slabs were lately sent to the Indian Museum, Calcutta ; they

measure about 3 ft. by 1^-, and are of basalt.

PL IV merely contains a verse from the Qoran (Qoran, Sur. IX,

18, and Journal for 1870, Pt. I., p. 293). Plate V has the follow¬

ing—

aJJ| b

# <Us^|^3 bbj &f&U|

W «< H ' !• |

UWiyU (sic) ^(kLJl ^4-^3 | |5.a

« •• f ■

U <5uu.jt.~jj

The prophet (may God bless him !) says, c He who builds a mosque for God,

will have a house built for him by God in Paradise.’

This mosque was built in the reign of ’Alauddunya wad-din Abul Muzaffar

Husain Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule. The

builder of it is Sikandar Khan. Dated A. H., 925, or 1519, A. D.

In the upper right hand corner of PI. V are the words yd fattdh ,

1 0 Opener !’ and to the left, ya. wahhab , 1 0 Giver I’

PI. IV has on the top three circles with the words, yd allah , 0

God, yd fattdli , 0 Opener, and ^-jAj b yd budduh ; and below them,

two circles with yd subbuh, 1 0 praiseworthy one,’ and yd quddus, 0

holy one.

The words yd budduh require an explanation. The word ^j

budduh is not found in our dictionaries, nor among the 1 ninety-nine

beautiful names of God.’* But it often occurs on amulets, and is

* According to a tradition related by Abu Hurairah, God has 99 names, and

he who reads them will enter paradise. The names are called asmd i husna,

or ‘ beautiful names,’ and are given in all prayer books. There also exist 99

epithets of Muhammad, ’AH, and Fatimah. Even for saints tables of 99 names

have been prepared. I have a MS. in which ’Abdul Qadir Gilani, Mu’inuddm i

Chisliti (the patron-saint of India), Farid i Shakkarganj (buried in Pak Patan,

Panjab), and Nizamuddin Aulia of Dihli, get each 99 names.

257

1871.] Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions.

supposed to have a secret and deep meaning. Tlie letters <->, d, j,

are the first four even numerals of the Shemitic Alphabet, and

stand for 2, 4, 6, 8. When joined, they give which is now

looked upon as a mysterious name of God, and is pronounced

budduh , as if it was an adjective like quddus , subbuh , &c.

I have never before seen budduh on a Mosque inscription.*4

The two Arabic inscriptions on Pl. YII and VIII belong to the

collection of Mr. A. Broadley, C, S., Bihar. As Mr. Broadley is

about to publish in this Journal his whole collection, all particulars

will be found in a future number. The plates are here given to

enable the reader to compare them with PI. IV and V, as they

show all the varieties of the Tughra character that occur in Ben¬

gal inscriptions, PI. VII being the oldest (A. H. 640), and PI. V

(A. H. 925) one of the latest. Under the Mughuls, the Tughra

characters were discontinued, and the beautiful nastaHiq characters

came in vogue, which the Katibs of the 15th and 16th centuries had

brought to perfection. Intermediate between Pis. V. and VII are

the characters of the Sunnargaon inscriptions of Fath Shall in

possession of General Cunningham, the upward strokes of which

are unusually long in comparison with the bodies of the letters

themselves. PI. VII is a beautiful specimen of simple Tughra-

writing with arabesques, or raihdni Matt, whilst on PI. VIII

particular attention has been paid to the dawair or curves, there

being a minimum of straight lines, as in the TauqV character (Ain

translation, p. 100). PI. VIII (A. H., 719) greatly resembles the

* Another mysterious word which I may mention here, is -x-uj b yd kabikaj.

It occurs on the fly-leaves of Indian MSS. ; in fact Indian MSS. may often be

recognized as such when bearing the phrase. I have never seen it on Persian

MSS! Yd IcoMkaj is generally three times repeated. Several Maulavfs tell me

that Kabikaj is the name of an angel ((JSj-o muakTcal ) who presides over in¬

sects, and that this angel is invoked by copyists to protect the MS. against

white ants. A little Persian poem is also said to exist commencing with the

words — . ^ .

1) ^

This explanation, whenever it was given, was accompanied by a denunciation

of the practice as heathenish. It reminds one of the numerous angels of the

Parsis. But it strikes mo that a better solution of the mysterious word is to

be found in the numerical value of the letters of yd Icabikaj, which when added

give 66 — the old familiar equivalent for Allah (| -|- -j- <J -J- £ = 66).

This number occurs very frequently, oven as a heading for letters, applications,

&c.

33

258

Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 3,

Firuz Shall inscription at Tribeni (Journal, A. S. Bengal, for 1870,

p. 287) of A. H. 713.

A collection of such inscriptions may help us to clear up the

difficult terms of Muhammadan calligraphy, of which so little is

known. The art of painting was neglected by Muhammadans for re¬

ligious reasons ; and calligraphy which, to a certain extent, took its

place, is hedged in by rules of proportion which are with difficulty

learnt and appreciated. But it would be erroneous to believe that

the characters used for inscriptions or coins, no matter how unusual

they look, are the result of whim : a good Habib, when in posses¬

sion of a few characteristic letters of an inscription, can always from

them complete the whole alphabet, and in the case of difficult in¬

scriptions much time is saved, and much accuracy is gained, by first

writing down the alphabet. It is also worth remembering that all

Tughra writing intends to be beautiful, not whimsical and obscure.

On first commencing to read Tughra inscriptions, I was often mis¬

lead by a preconceived notion of an intentional obscurity of the cha¬

racters, and was often inclined to believe that an upward stroke, for

instance, belonged to two words and should be read twice. But

Tughra, as every other writing, expresses each letter fully.

I use the word Tughra, as it is now-a-days used by Muhamma¬

dans in these parts of India, as a general terms for every kind of

writing prior to the Nasta’liq.

PI. VIII is peculiar in one respect. The letter <D, which in other

inscriptions stands above the line, is in every instance kept on the

line. The long stroke of the initial sin also in the last word of

the upper line is very unusual on inscriptions. Compare also the

inscription in Mr. Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 129.

In the date [719], we have again instead of £ — 3, or

Atak.

Mr. J. G. Delmerick sent the following two inscriptions. The

first is on the fort of Atak—

* iJlid £.*13 *

•«

jjS] Ah | Aibi

1871.] Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions.

259

The chief of the kings of the world, Shah Akbar, elevated is His dignity,

Allahu Akbar. A. H. 991. [A. D., 1583],

The Akbarnamah (Lucknow Edition, III, p. 335) has the fol¬

lowing passage among the events of the 26th year of Akbar’s reign,

which lasted from the 5th pafar, 989, to the 14th Qafar, 990, or from

11th March, 1581, to 10th March, 1582, A. D.

“ To the events of this year belongs the resolution of his Majesty

“to build Fort Atak Banaras, which he thought might conveniently

“be commenced the next time that the imperial camp should come

“ to that district. The foundation was laid by his Majesty in person

“ on the 15th Khurdad, two g’haris after midday ; and the fort was

“called by him Atak Banaras, so that its name might correspond

“ to Katak Banaras (Cuttack, in Orissa), which forms the eastern

“boundary of the realm. The building was superintended by

“ Kliwajah Shamsuddm Khawafi, who had recently come from

Bengal.”

For a biographical notice of Khwajah Shamsuddm, vide Ain

translation, p. 445. Badaoni (II, 293) also says — “In the month

“ of Babb II. of this year (989), Fort Atak Banaras was founded,

“ as the point opposite to Katak Banaras.” The month of BabP

II, 989, lasted from the 5th May to 2nd June, 1581. The above

date (991) seems therefore to refer to the completion of the fort.

The metre of the inscription is short Hazaj ( maf&Hlun , mafd'ilun ,

fa'iilun), the final he with its zamm in &-4A counting as a long

syllable.

Ma'rgalah.

Mr. Delmerick says that the Margalah Pass was constructed about

the time when Aurangzib marched to Hasan Abdal, and sent on his

son to chastise the Trans-Indus tribes. The inscription is — ■

260 Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions , [No. 8,

The Khan of strong hand, and of exalted dignity, the lion is powerless to

overcome his strong hand.

Mughul Rumi composed the chronogram, ’Ndqiah i malmash i Hindustan ,

the moon-like forelock of Hindustan, A. H. 1083 [or, 1672, A. D.].

The inscription seems incomplete. The year 1083 commenced

unlucky for Aurangzib ; for on the 12th Muharram, 1083, or 28th

April, 1672, the news reached him of the total defeat of his troops

under Muhammad Amin Khan in the Khaibar Pass, a defeat which

the author of the Maasir i ’ Alamgiri (p. 117) compares with that

of Akbar’s troops under Zain Khan and Kajah Bir Bar.

The metre of the inscription is mufta? iluny mufta’ilun^fdilan .

Majherah.

Mr. A. Cadell, C. sent two interesting inscriptions of the tombs

of two Sayyids of the Barha clan,* which still exist in Majherah,

Muzaffarnagar, N. W. P. The first inscription mentions 967 as

the year in which Sayyid Chhajhu (Ain, p. 477) died ; but the in¬

scription is too incomplete and unmetrical for publication. The

second is taken from the tomb of Sayyid Mahmud of Barha (Ain,

p, 389), and is in Arabic —

♦♦ ♦*

A5J| ^

J Waia^s,=v AXud) JjJ] A.U)

j ^ gioj £j,.uO

In tlie name of God, tlie merciful, the clement. O God, bless the prophet,

the faithful, the pure, of the family of Hashim, Muhammad, and his family, and

his friends who were instructed in his manners. God is everlasting and

praiseworthy in all His doings.

'The great Amir, who is pardoned and rendered pure, and has reached the

vicinity of the mercy of God, the favor-bestowing king, Sayyid Mahmud Khan, a

lord of the drum and the flag in his time, died— may God cover him with His

pardon— in the night of Thursday, 6th Jumada II., 982, [or, 23rd September,

1574, AD.]

* Ain translation, p. 390.

261

1871.] Notes on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions .

Regarding the original domicile of the Barha clan, Mr. Cadell

writes as follows —

4 A Kundliwal — the tribe to which S. Mahmud belonged — told me

4 that he had been in Patiala when in service in the Panjab, and

4 that he had gone to see the cradle of his race. He says that the

4 true name is Chatbanur, now a large town with several thousand

4 Sayyids. In Kundli there are only a few huts. Tilianpur is a

4 pretty hamlet; but Jagner is uninhabited.’

To the list of Barha Sayyids, on p. 392 of the Ain translation,

the following may be added — Sayyid Qasim, son of S. Dilawar,

(Tuzuk, pp. 159, 163); S. ’Izzat Khan (killed, Tuzuk, 246, 306) ; S.

Muhammad ’Ali and S. Bahadur, sons of Saif Khan (Tuzuk, 87, 159) ;

S. Kabir (do., 374) ; S. ’Abdussalam (do., 384 ; Padishahn., I,

125) ; S. Parwarish Khan (Padishahn., I, 185, 297) ; S. Mak’han,

(Padishahn., I, 351, and Tuzuk, p. 188) ; S. ’Abdul Had!, (Tuz.,

325) ; S. Na^ib, (do., 310) ; S. Nurul Bahr Saif Khan, (Maas. ’Alam-

giri, p. 266).

Bareli.

Mr. A. S. Harrison, Bareli College, sent me the following inscrip¬

tion, which belongs to the Mirzai, or Padishalii, Masjid, in the Mirzai

Mahallah, Bareli.

►'Aj * cfJdJI . ,yc K .p.-cIm.

Ap) Ml \\ ySO

AV

’Ain nl Mulk wlio strives to do good works, built this mosque by order of the

Emperor Akbar.

The chronogram for believers is given in the (Arabic) sentence fasjidu

klidliqan liwajli-illah ‘ prostrate yourselves sincerely before God,’ A. H, 987,

[A. D., 1579].

Regarding ’Ain ul Mulk, who was one of Akbar’s court doctors,

vide Ain translation, pp. 480, 481.

’ :MJ -■

'

' . , ■* **Hji

INDEX.

Page

Abdullah Tai, . . . . . 72

Acacia arabica, . . . , 0 . 1

Adam Sultan, . . 88

Aerua javanica, . , . 6

Abmad Khan Durrani’s invasion, . 17

Ahmadzais, The, . . . . 13

Ajmir Khan, . c . . . 97

’Ainul Mulk, of Shiraz, . . 261

Akbar Quli Khan, . . . . . 97

Akra, Mound at, . . . . . . 8

Alhagi maurorum, . 3

Alizais, The, . , . . . . 14

Allahdad Khan, son of Sarwar Khan, . 16

Allah Quli Khan, . . 98

Alla Upanishad, . . 170

An and Pal’s confederacy, . . 71

Antiquities of Jajpur, . . 157

Arankul (Warrangul), Conquest of, . 240

Aring, Grove of, . 41

Arslan Jazib, . . . «• . 72

Ashi Khan, . 73

Aspangal, a species of Lantana, . 5

Artemisia elegans, . » . 4

,, vestita, . 4

Atak (Fort), founded, . 258

Awans, Descent of the, . . . . . . 67

Babars, The, . 19

Babbar, Head Quarters of Suhrab Hot, . 11

264

Index .

Page

Bagharra Khan, father of Muizzuddin, . 185, 194

Balilat, Mounds at, . . . . . . . 9

Bahram Khan, . 11

Bahrain Saqqa, a Persian poet, . 251

Bahtalmachala, a species of Microrliynchus, . 4

Bairi Lai, brother to Gajpati, . Ill

Bakain, a species of Melia, ...... . 3

Bakhtiaris, The, ............ . 18

Baj Khan, . 72

Baldeva near Mathura, . „ . ; . 38

Ballad of Laika, . . * . ..«,,»<• 147

„ Lurik, . 141

Ballota limbata, . . . . 5

Ball, V., names of birds in Aboriginal languages, . 103

Baloch frontiers, . . . . . . 2

„ Kasranis, Territories of the, . . 10

Bamanghati, Inscriptions of, . 161

Banka, Notes on, . . . 27

Bannu, District of, . . . 13

Barha Sayyids, . . 260

Bardwan, Inscription from, . . . . 251

Bareli, Inscription from, . , . 261

Bathan, Origin of the phrase, . 35

Bauhinia variegata, . . . .... 4

Bayley, E. C., coin of Plruz Shah Zafar, . ..... 160

Beames, J., Kuins at Kopari, . . . 247

Ber, a species of Zizyphus, . . . . . 3

Bhakra, a species of Tribulus, . . . 3

Bhangra, a species of Eclipta, . . . . 4

Bhanyas, Genealogy of the, . . . . . . . . 164

Bhaygana, . 43

Bliitia, . . 31

Bhumphor, a species of Phelipcea, . 5

Bibi Khubi, daughter of Gandapur, . 17

Bihruz, Palace of Paja, . . . . . . . 24

Birds, Names of, in four languages, . 103

Index.

265

Blochmann, (H.), Notes from Muhammadan Historians on

Chutia Nagpur, . . . . .

,, on several Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, ....

Boerhaavia diffusa, . . .

Bohan, a species of Lippia, . . .

Borea, Village of, . . . .

Botany of Dera Ismail Khan, .

Brahim, son of Gandapur, .

Braham Khan, son of Path Khan, . . .

Braj, Country of, . . . .

Budhals, Descent of the, .

Buhlolzais, The, . . . * .

Bui, a species of Panderia, .

Calligonum polygonoides, .

Capparis aphylla, . .

Carboniferous limestone, .

,, Griffithii, . . • .

Carthamus oxy acanthus, , . , > . . .

Cassia absus, . . .

Cazhi, . . .

Celastrus spinosus, . . .

Chachhu, Malik, . . .

Chaksu, a species of Cassia, . . . . . . . .

Chamoerops Pitchiana, . . .

Chandan, Shah Aulia, ... . . . .

Chandia, The, . . .

Chandra Sekliur Banurji, Antiquities of .Taj pur, . .

Chandwan, the chief of the Babars, .

Char ana, vyuba, . . .

Chaurasi, Significance of, in Indian Cosmogony, .

Chhetar, Buins at,. . . . . .

Chenopodium album, .

Chiksauli, . . .

Chilwashti, leader of the Gandapurs, . . . .

Chota Zergul, a species of Conyza, .

34

Page

101

251

6

5

109

3

17

12

34

67

14

6

3

2

6

4

28

3

216

4

7

22

20

151

19

170

36

31

6

41

17

4

266

Index.

Page

Chunjawali, a species of Gardenia, . 4

Chutia Nagpur, Inscriptions from, . 108

,, Muhammadan historians of, . . . Ill

Clematis Suaveolens, . . . . . 3

Cmsalpinia bonduc, . 4

Coin of Firuz Shah Zafar, . • • 160

Colvin, A., Translations from the Tariklii Firuz Shahi, . 217

Convolvulus arvensis, . . . 0 . . 5

Conyza absinthifolia, . * . . . 4

Cordia myxa, . 5

Crozophora tinctoria, . . 0

Cucumis colocynthus, . 4

Dabbra, Fort raised, . . • 16

Dactylotenum segyptiacum, . . 6

Dalpat, Raja, . Ill

Daman, . 15

,, pastona, a species of Grewia, . 3

Danna, . . . * 15

Daopur, north of Luchmipur, . 31

Daulat Khel, The, . 15

Debai, Raja, . . . 28

Delmerick, J., History of the Gak’kars, . . . 67

Dera Ismail Khan, Area of, . . . 2

,, District of, ....... . . . 1

Dewan Sarman, a species of Plectranthus, . . 5

Diamonds, . 113

Didiptera Roxburghii, . 5

Digbhanja, . 164

Dodak, a species of Euphorbia, . 6

Dodonsea Burmanniana, . 3

Dohanikund, . 41

Dongargaon, . Ill

Draband country, . 18

Drag, a species of Chenopodium, . 6

Drek, a species of M.elia, . . 3

Drephara, a Nalah in Gandapur, . . . . . . 15

Index .

267

Dube Bhairan, Legend of, .

,, Dilawar Khan, . . .

Duranga, a species of Artemisia, .

Echirops echinatus, .

Eclipta erecta, . .

Euphorbia hypericifolia, .

Excavations, Plan of the Harclioka, . < .

Fagonia cretica, . . .

Fakhruddin Kotwal, . . .

Farash, a species of Tamarix, . . .

Fath Khan, son of Muhammad Khan, . . . . . . .

,, son of Khan Murad Khan, .

,, Tiwanah, . . . . .

Fath Singh of Fullidumer, . . . . .

Fidai Khan, . . . . . .

Filago germanica, . . .

Firuz Khan, . . . . .

,, Shahi, Tarikh i, . . . . 185,

,, Shah Zafar, Coin of, .

Forbes’ account of Palamau, . . . . . <• . .

Fullidumer hill, . „ . . . . . .

Gajpati Kaja of South Behar, . . .

Gakk’liars, History of the, . . . . .

,, Shah, . . . . .

Gandapurs, The, river, . . .

,, Sons of, . . .

Gangi, a species of Grewia, . . . .

Gantholi, . . . . . .

Gardenia tetrasperma, .

Gaur, Inscriptions from, . . . . .

Gesu Daraz, Mir Sayyid Muhammad, .

Ghazi Khan, son of Haji Khan, .

Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah, Feign of, . .

Ghiljis, The, .

Girsar, The, . . .

Gishkori, The, . .

Page

138

98

4

6

182

3

191

4

11

12

31

77

4

83

217

160

129

31

111

67

71

12

17

3

41

4

256

16

11

217

15

20

268

Index.

Gobardhan, . . . . .

,, Origin of the term, .

Gokkru, a species of Tribulus, .

Gokul, . 35,

Gopalpur, . . , . * . . .

Gora lana, a species of Caroxylon, . . .

Grekoi, . . . . .

Grewia oppositifolia, . .

,, Ibetukefolia, . , . .

Growse, F. S., on the country of Braj, .

Guldad Khan, . . . . . . . .

Gurmanis, The, . . . . .

Gushtasp, . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Haidar Khan, . . .

Hafiz Ahmad Khan marries Muzaffar’s daughter, .

Haji Attal Khan, . . .

„ Harban, . . . . .

,, Khan, an adventurer, . .

Harankuri, a species of Convolvulus, . . . * .

Harchoka, Kock-cut Temples at, .

Harmal, a species of Peganum, . . .

Hayatullah Khan, .

Heliotropium europoeum, . .

Hot, a Baloch tribe, . . . . .

Humayun, Death of, . . . . .

Husain, son of Gandapur, . . . . . .

,, Sultan, Governor of Multan, .

Husam, The, . . .

,, the hermit, . . . .

Huvishka, an Indo-Scythian Prince, .

Imran, son of Gandapur, . . * . . .

Inscriptions, . . . . 108, 161,

Inzar, a species of Grewia, . . . .

Irrigation of Dera Ismail Khan, .

Iron smelting by the Kols, . . . . . . . .

Iskand, a species of Withania, . * 0 ....... .

Page

41

35

3

44

41

6

67

3

34

17

20

68

79

12

17

22

11

5

177

3

101

5

10

133

17

11

20

188

34

17

251

3

7

28

5

Index.

269

Page

Ismail Khan son of Ahmad Khan, . 11

„ of the Dodai caste, . . . 11

,, family, Genealogy of, . . . 11

Ispagul, a species of Filago, . 4

Ispalgzai, a species of Fagonia, . . . 3

Ispira, a species of Phlomis, . . 5

Jahangirpnr, . . . . . » 43

Jajpur, Antiquities of, . „ . . . 151

Jakhin ganw, . . . . . . . . . 39

Jal, a species of Salvadora, . 6

Jalal Khan, . . 97

Jarzme, a species of Conyza, . . 4

Jasrat Khan, . 80

Jat, The proper meaning of, . * . . 20

Jhand, a species of Prosopis, . 4

Jhanjhan, a species of Sesbania, . 4

Jharkhand, . Ill

Jhan, a species of Tamarix, . . . . . 4

Jhawan, a species of Alhagi, . 3

Jiva Gosvami’s Commentary on Gopala Tapani, . 171

Joz, a species of Echirops, . . . 4

Kaldaha, a basin of water, . . . . . . . 27

Kai Khusrau, <, . , . . . 189

Kafir Kot range, . 2

Kad Khan, . . . 79

Kachnar, a species of Bauhinia, . 4

Kachhi on the banks of the Indus, . . 2

Kacli Makran, . 11

Kad, Sultan, . 69

Kalera, The, . 20

Kalitori, a species of Luffa, . 4

Kallur, Kot (The), river, . . . 12

Kalu Khan, . 17

Kamal Khan, . 94

Kana Khan, a species of Saccharum, . 6

Kandiari, a species of Solanum, ... . . . 5

270

Index .

Kanigoram, Captured, . . , .

Kanjan, Tlie, .

Kanishkaan, Indo-Scythian Prince, .

Kanspiri, a species of Ballota, .

Kapur, a division of tlie Khattriyas, .

Karamdad Khan, . . . . *. . .

Karela, a species of Momordica, . .

Kareti, a species of Asparagus, . . .

Karila, a species of Capparis, . . .

Karmjua, a species of Ceesalpinia, . ' . .

Karox, a species of Ecliirops, . . .

Kashbiri, a species of Carthamus, .

Kaspatyrus, identified, . . . .

Katal Klian, . . .

Kaura khaira, a species of Boerhaavia, .

Ked, Sultan, . . .

Khagal, a species of Tamarix, .

Khanah, a division of the Khattriyas, .

Khan Murad Khan, son of Nek Braham Khan, . .

Khan Zaman, .

Khar, The, . . . . .

,, lani, a species of Caroxylon, .

Kharapur, Visit to, . .

Khariri, a species of Halocharis, . . .

Khatrans, The, .

Khattars, Descent of the, . . .

Khatli, Khel family, . . . . . . . .

Khattrias, Division of the, ..... . . «... * .

Khissor range, .

Khurchuta, Hazaribagh, . . .

Kikar, a species of Acacia, .

Kilok’hari, . . 187,

Kirttimukh, . . .

Kohat, north of Dera Ismail, . .

Kokrah, known for Diamonds, . . .

Kopari, Ruins at, . . .

Page

14

20

34

5

20

101

4

6

3

4

68

15

6

68

4

21

11

15

20

6

22

4

20

67

16

20

2

32

o

O

216

179

13

113

247

Index.

271

Page

Kosi, The town of, . . 35

Kotban near Mathura, . . . , . „ , e 8 , . . 38

Kotyabhanja, . . 164

Kukwara, , . . . . . 30

Kulachi, . . 10, 20

Kurai, The, . . . . . . . 20

Kurmahat, Fort of, . . . 33

Kurtamma, a species of Cucumis, . . . . . 4

Laghari, The, . 20

Lahi, a species of Tamarix, . . 4

Lahuns, League of the, . . 3 , . . 17

Lahur Khan, . . . „ . 79

Laika, Ballad of, . . . . . . 150

Lakk’han Khan, . 79

Lakkhanpur, Masjid of, . 22

Lallemantia Koyleana, . . . . 5

Lani phesak lane, a species of Suaeda, . 6

Lantana alba, . . . 5

Laskanis, The, . 20

Lasura, a species of Cordia, . . 5

Leptorhabdos parviflora, . 5

Lespedeza cuneata, . 4

Limestone, . 2

Lippia nodiflora, . . . . . . . . 5

Luff a acutangula, . . . . . 4

Lunak, a species of Portulaca, . 4

Luni, The river, . . . . . . . 7

Lurik, Ballad of, . . . . . 141

Machala, a species of Calligonum, . 6

Madana, a species of Dactylotenum, . . . . 6

Maholi, Village of, . 39

Mahpal Khan, . 72

Majherah, Inscriptions from, . 2G0

Makhan bhuta, a species of Viola, . . 3

Maku, a species of Solanum, . . 5

Malik Bir, Grullee, . . . . . . 82, 83

272

Index .

Page

Malik Hati, . . . . . . . . . 86

,, Pilee, . . . . * . .......... 83

,, Suhrab Hot, Date of, . 10

Mallanas, The, . 20

Mamana, a species of Heliotrope, . 5

Manasi, Ganga, . 41

Mang Klian, . . 78

Mankerah, attacked by Eanjit Singh, . . . . . 12

Mansur Ali Khan, . . 100

Mapal, The, . < . 20

Mareri, a species of Lespedeza, . . . . 4

Margalah, Inscription from, . 259

Marwat, north of Dera Ismail Khan, . 2

Mastiara, a species of Nepeta, . 5

Mas’uds, The, . . . . . . 13

Mat, on the banks of the Jamuna, . 35

Mathura, Antiquities of, . 34

Mayebee, Giant, . 29

Mian Khels, The, . 18

Mianis, The, . 15

Melia azadarachta, . . . 3

Microrhynchus nudicaulis, . . . 4

Miocene Sand, . 2

Momordica charantia, . 4

Moricandia tortuosa, . 3

Moringa pterygosperma, . 3

Mu’azzam Khan, . 73, 98

Muayyid-ul-Mulk, father of Zia Barani, . . . 185

Mubarak Khan, . 96

Muhammad Khan Saddozai, . 12

„ son of Braham Khan, . . . 12

,, son of Ismail Khan, . . 11

Muizzuddin, grandson of Balban, . «... 185

Muizzuddin’s return to Delhi, . . . 210

Mukh Chandan, . 22

Mukhrai, . 39

Index.

273

Page

Mundari language, Introduction to, . * * . . . . 46

Muqarrab Khan, . . . 98

Murad Quli Khan, . . . ...... . 98

Murtanga, Derivation of the name, . 33

Musakhol, . 24

Musazais, The, . . . 19

Muwahi River, . . . . . . 177

Muzaffar Khan, Nawab of Multan, . 12

Nagiruddin, in Lak’hnauti, . 199

Nagiruddin, Subaktagin, . 69

Nadir Ali Khan, . 90

Nau Nehal Singh defeats Sher Muhammad, . . . . 12

Nepeta juncea, . 5

,, ruderalis, . . 5

Nek Brakam Khan, son of Path Khan, . . 11

Nizamuddin Malik, . . 188

Nugrat Khan imprisoned at Kabul, . . 12

,, son of Muhammad Khan, . 12

Nuktanis, The, . 20

Nur Jahan, . . 253

Orissa, Antiquities in, . . . . * . . 247

Pachet, Muhammadan History of, . . Ill

Paitho, . 41

Palamau, Invasions of, . 119, 121

,, Muhammadan History of, . Ill

Panchboti, . 30

Panch Kumar, \ . '. . 24

Panderia pilosa, . . . 6

Panicum colonum, . 6

Panir, a species of Withania, . 5

Panjab Plants, Stewart’s, . 3

Papar, a species of Salvia, . 5

Parkinsonia aculeata, . . 4

Partab, Haja, . Ill

Pathan frontiers, . 2

,, Descent of the, . G

35

274

Index.

Page

Pathan Ustaranis, Territories of the, . IB

Pat, or desert on the Indus, . . . . . »

Pawindah, The, . .......... 14

Phani Mukuta, . i . . 112

Phelipsea calotropidis, . ...... 5

Phlomis purpurea, . . . . 5

Phuki peak, . . . . . 2

Pilu, a species of Salvadora, . . . . . . 6

Pippala Sakha, . 170

PirGhul, ....... . 14

Platychaete, sp. nov. . . 4

Plectranthus rigosus, . 5

Podina, Hill, . 5

Popathhuti, a species of Heliotrope, . * . . 5

Portulaca oleracea, . 4

Pratapachandra Ghosha, Notes on Bamanghati Inscriptions, 161

Prosopis spicigera, , . 4

Qiyamuddin, Malik, . 188

Quartzite, . . . . . . . . . 2

Quinine, Hill, . . 5

Qutbuddin Aibag, . . . 75

- - - — Khan Governor of Bengal, . 253

Pajabhanja, . 164

Pajanpur, . 13

Pajar Khan, . f.., . . ttt 73

Pajendralala Mitra, on the Alla Upanishad, . 170

Pakhaldas Haidar Introduction to the Mundari lan¬

guage, . . . 46

„ Notes on Inscriptions, . * . . . 108

Pana bhanja, . . . . . , . 164

Panbhim Pai, son of Sinlia Pai, . . . . . . . 32

Panjit Singh attacks Mankerah, . 12

Pash Behary Bose’s Legends of Behar, . . 138

,, Notes on Hunger, . . . 22

Peodan, a species of Tecoma, . 5

Kind, The, . . . . . . . . . 20

Index.

275

Page

Rock cut Temples at Harchoka, . , . 177

Rodgers, on the death of Humayan, . . . . . 133

Rokri, Mound at, . . . 8

Rotta Roh, Mounds at, . . . . . . 9

„ Ridge of, . , . 2

Rozafzun, a name of Torar Mai, . 23

Rumshah, Emperor, . . . 33

Rustam Dista, Persian Governor, . 68

Saccharum spontaneum, . . . 6

Sa’dullah Khan, . . . * . 100

Saggu, The, . . . . . 20

Sahi, The, . . . . , , . , . 20

Sajji, a Indian commerce, . 6

Salvadora oleioides, . . 6

Salvia Moorcroftiana, . 5

Samalu, a species of Yitex, . . . . . 5

Samuell’s, Capt,, on Harchoka Temples, . • . , 177

Sangram' Shah, . . . 24, 111

Sanwak, a species of Panicum, . . 6

Saqqa, a Persian poet, . 251

Sarbal Khan, . . . . . . . . 12

Sarman, a species of Chenopodium, . . . 6

Sarwar Khan, son of Kattal Khan, . . . 16

Saturi, son of Gesu-Daraz by Kahar wife, . * . . 16

Scabiosa Olivieri, . . . . . . . . . . . 4

Sesbania segyptiaca, . . . 4

Sessai, . . 42

Shadman Khan, . . 100

Shahak Amir, Malik of Multan, . 190

Shah Baz, . 15

,, Nawaz Khan exiled, . 16

,, Khan son of Allahadad' Khan, . 16

,, restored, . * . * 16

Shaikhbudin, Sanitarium of, . . . 2

ShaikhaKhan, . . . - . . 79

Shamplain, The, . . . . * ♦ • » * . . 13

276

Index .

Sham shad, a species of Dodonoea, . . . . .

Sher Afkan, . . . . . .

Slier Mandal, . . . . . .

,, Muhammad, son of Hafez Ahmad, .

,, Singh a species of Scabiosa, .

Shiranis (The), . . .

Sikandar Khan, . . .

„ Lodi, . , . . . . .

Sinha Eai, . . . . .

Sipihr Khan, . . . .

Soanjna, a species of Moringa, .

Solanum Jacquiri, . . , .

,, nigrum, . . . .

Somokhia, . .

Sophora Grriffithii, ^ . . . . .

Spalaghzai, a species of Fagonia, . . .

Suoeda fruticosa, . . . .

Sujun Kai, . ...... . , . ' .

Sulaiman Kange, . . . , ... .

Sultan Sarang, . , .

Surajmal, founder of the Bharatpur dynasty, . .

Suri Pathans, . . .

Surkah Khan, ....* . . .

Surasen, Tillage of, . ...... .

Sursi Kai, .

Taimur Shah Durrani dethrones NuQrat Khan, .

Takht i Sulaiman, Height of, .

Tamarix dioica, . . . . . .

,, orientalis, . . .

Tank, Mound at, . . .

Tarikh i Firuzshaki, Translations from, . .185,

Tarkha, a species of Artemisia, . . .

Tarsi, near Talban, . * . . . . .

Task, Village of, . . . . . .

Tatta, . . .

Tatar Khan, . . . . . . . .

Paye

3

253

135

12

4

13

82

15

32

74

3

5

28

4

3

6

32

1

87

40

17

74

38

32

12

1

4

8

217

4

39

15

83

Index .

277

Page

Tecoma undulata, . . . 5

Togal, a species of Plectranthus, . . . . . . . . 5

Tolbort, T. W. H., on Dera Ismail Khan, . , . t . 1

Toral Mai converted to Islamism, . . 23

Translation from the Tarikh i Firuzshahi, . 185

Tribulus alatus, . . f . . , . 8

Tukhm bilang, a species of Lallemantia, . 5

Turanjbin manna, . 4

Umar Khan, chief of the Mian Khels, . 18

Upanishad, Alla, . . . . 170

Utmanzais, The, . . . . . 13

Vahowah, City of, . 20

Veranes marries the daughter of Vasu Deva, . 69

Verchere, Dr., Geology of Dera Ismail Khan, . 2

V ernonia spathulata, , . 4

Viola cineria, . . , . . . . 3

Virabhadra, . 164

Vitex negundo, . 5

Wail, The, . . . 20

Wasa, a species of Trianthema, . . . . . 4

Waziri range, . . . 14

Waziris, The . 13

Whalley, P., Translations from the Tarikh i Firuzshahi, ... 185

Wilayati babul, a species of Parkinsonia, . . . 4

Withania coagulans, somnifera, . 5

Wraspun, . 15

Ya’qub, son of Gandapur, . 17

Yusafzais, The, . . 13

Zain Khan or Kabul Shah, . . . . . 7 1

Zaman Shah releases Nuprat, . . 12

Zamiri, a species of Clematis, . . . 3

Zergul, a species of Sophora, . 4

Zermasti, a species of Dicliptera, . . 5

Zia-i J ahj ahi, . . . . 188

Zizyphus Jujuba, lotus, . . 3

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