UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ASIA

CORNELL

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JOURNAL

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OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

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VOL,. XLVI.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I to IY. — 1877 : with thirteen plates.)

EDITED BY

J HE J^H I LO LOGICAL jSECRETARY.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.

1877.

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CONTENTS

OP

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

por 1877.

Page

No. I.

Rough Notes on some Ancient Sculpturings on rocks in Kamaon,

similar to those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. — By

H. Rivett-Carnac, C. S., (with six plates) . 1

The Kaimiir Range. — By Chandrasekhara Bantjrji, Deputy Ma¬

gistrate, Bongong, . 16

Note on the old Manipuri Character. — By G. H. Damant, C. S.,

Officiating Political Agent, Manipur, (with two plates) . 36

Are Kalidasa’s Heroes monogamists ? — By G. A. Grierson, C. S.,

Rangpur, . 39

On the Route between Sohar and el-Bereymi in ’Oman, with a note

on the Zatt, or gipsies, in Arabia. — By Lieutenant- Colonel S.

B. Miles, Maskat, (with a map) . 41

The Mo£allaqah of Lebid, with the life of the poet as given in the

Kitab-el-Aghani. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S., . 61

No. II.

On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. — By R. B. Shaw, Political

Agent, Ladak, . 97

The Mythic History of the God Viraj. — By G. S. Leonard, Assist.

Secretary, Asiatic Society, Bengal, . 126

Note on a Copper-plate Grant found in the Record Office of the

Cuttack Collectorate. — By Rangalala Banerjea, Deputy

Collector, Cuttack, (with a plate) . 149

Metrical Translations from the Quatrains of ’Umar Khayyam. — By

P. Whalley, C. S., Muradabad, . 158

Further Proofs of the Polygamy of Kalidasa’s Heroes. — By G. S.

Leonard, Assistant Secretary, Asiatic Society, Bengal, . 160

IV

Contents.

Page

Note on Khanja Khan Garb in the District of Bard wan, Jahanabad

Sub-Division, Bengal. — By Gour Das Bysack, Deputy Magis¬

trate, late of Jahanabad, . ,* . 165

Three Translations from the Hamaseh. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S., ... 178

Notes on, and Translation of, three Copper-plate Inscriptions from

Sambalpur. — By Pratap a chandra Ghosha, B. A., . 173

No. III.

Notice of a pre-historic Burial Place with Cruciform Monoliths,

near Mungap>et in the Nizam’s Dominions. — By William

Kind, Depy. Supdt., Geol. Survey of India, (with two plates) 179

Notes on the Bangpur Dialect. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S., Rangpur, 186

Notes on the Bhars and other Early Inhabitants of Bundelkhand. —

By Vincent A. Smith, B. A., B. C. S., (with one plate) . 227

An unpublished Ghazal by Hafiz. — By H. Blochmann, M. A., . 237

A Grammar of the Language of Eastern Turkistan. — By R. B.

Shaw, Political Agent, . 242

No. IV.

Pali Studies. No. 2. Vuttodaya (Exposition of Metre), by San-

gharakkhita Thera. — By Major G. E. Fryer, Dep>uty Commis¬

sioner, British Burma, . 3G9

Contributions to the explanation of the Jyotisha-Vedanga. — By

G. Thieaht, Ph. Dr., . 411

Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. — By C. J. Lyall,

C. S., . 437

Index.

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OP BENGAL, Pakt I,

for 1877.

PL I (p. 2). View of the Gorge near Chandeshwar, Kamaon, with some

of the ‘ Cup-marks’.

Plates II to IY (pp. 3, 4). Ancient Rock Sculpturings in Kamaon.

The cup-marks, &c., shewn in sketches III A, IY A, IY B, IY C, on

plate III, and in sketches III B and III C (wrongly marked III A) on

plate IY, are on the face of the rock, and not on separate slabs, as would

appear from the sketches.

PL Y (p. 7). Rough sketches shewing the permutations of ‘Cup-Marks’

on Monoliths in the Central Provinces.

Pl. YI (p. 8). Cup and Ring Cuttings on Stones and Rocks in Europe.

Pl. YII (p. 37). The Manipuri Alphabet.

PL YIII (p. 37). Specimen of Manipuri Writing.

Pl. IN (p. 41). Map of El-Shemal in ‘Oman.

Pl. N (p. 149). Facsimile of a Copper-plate Grant from Cuttack.

Plates NI and Nil (p. 180). Burial Places with Cruciform Monoliths, near

Mungapet in the Nizam’s Dominions.

Plate XIII.— Not issued.

Pl. XIY (p. 235). Rough sketch of a Sculptured Slab at Tika-Mau,

Bundelkhand, with two seals or amulets.

.

ERRATA, &c.

I N

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

for 1877.

Page

a

it

a

>t

a

»

5)

»

it

1, line 4, for five plates read six plates

7, 1. 3 from below, for attempt read attempt to

62, 1. 11, and p. 90, 1. 6, for Hojr read Hajar

73, 1. 22, for er-Rasls read er-Resis

83, note 34, line 1, for ‘Abd-esh-Sha‘bi read ‘Abd esh-Sha‘bi

90, in note to vv. 4 and 5, for mardbiu-n-nujum read mardbVu-n-nujum

93, in note to v. 48, last line but one, for imdmuhd read amdmuhd

94, in note to vv. 60, 61, second paragraph, line 4, for rajez read rejez

95, in note to v. 71, for el-Bediiy (twice) read el-Bediy

130, 1. 8 from below, for $utixos read £wtlk6s

163, 1. 13 from below, for praecipua read praecipue

244, 1. 22, for p. 262 read pp. 266, 267

252, 1. 7 from below, for (side) read (face)

255, 1. 10 from below, for sahla- read saqla-

290, 1. 6, after post-positions add and takes possessive affixes

291, 1. 8, after (e) insert : The Future Participle itself is often used as a noun of

the agent ; e. g. bil-gu ‘ that which makes known,’ ‘ a sign’ ; ach-qu ‘ an

opener,’ ‘ a key.’

293, 1. 11, Add: — Of the two forms ending in Tcu and ’k respectively (whether

used substantively or adjectively) the former generally conveys an active

meaning, and the latter a passive ; e. g. bil-gu 1 that which makes known’,

bil-ih 1 that which is known,’ ‘ knowledge’ ; acli-qu 1 an opener’, * a key’,

ach-qu ‘opened’, ‘open’ (adj.).

Also add after note * : — E. g. sdo’q (adj.) ‘cold’, sdo'q-luq ‘coldness’ ;

from the verb sdo-maq ‘ to be cold.’

303, 1. 10 from below, after nari insert — or ? dri

307, last line, after “then,” insert — ari “moreover, again”

309, 1. 8, after “singly,” insert — “each”

333, 1. 3, for his hundred desires read the face of desire

333, 1. 22, for go forth read go up into the minaret

340, 1. 3, Add He caused the Qoran to be read through, and bestowed the

merits of this on the souls of the martyrs.

340, 1. 9, for defeated read conquered

342, 1. 13, for the skirt of his robe read his stirrup

.

-V.

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1877.

Rough Notes on some Ancient Sculpturing s on rocks in Kamaon, similar to

those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. — By H. Rivett-

Carnac, C. S.

(With five plates.)

At the meeting of the Society held in Calcutta in February, 1870, the

existence on the tumuli of Central India of “ cup marks” similar to those

found on the Stone Circles and Monoliths of Northern Europe was briefly

noticed by me ( see Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for February, 1870,

p. 57). It may interest the Society to learn that, during an autumn holiday

in the Kamaon hills, I have come across many other markings on stones

and rocks closely resembling those described by the late Sir James Simp¬

son in his ‘ Archaic Sculpturings’*, the work noticed at the meeting of

the Society above referred to, — and that, on this occasion, the markings

found have not been confined to cups and circles, but include rough sculp-

turings of a somewhat more defined type than those previously noticed.

2. At a point about 2-| miles south of Dwara-Hath, and 12 miles

north of the Military Station of Ranikhet in Kamaon, the bridle road

leading from the plains through Naim. Tal and Ranikhet to Baijnath, and

thence on to the celebrated shrine at Bidranath, is carried through a nar¬

row gorge, at the mouth of which is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, where

the pilgrims who follow this route generally halt for a short time, and

where from the position of the temple in the defile, the priest in charge

* Archaic Sculpturing^ of Cups, Circles, &c., on stones and rocks in Scotland, Eng¬

land, and other Countries. By Sir J. Simpson, Bart., D.C.L., Edinburgh, Edmonton

and Douglas, 1867.

A

2

[No. 1,

H. Rivett-Carnac — Hough Notes on some

can conveniently levy contributions on all passers-by. The temple will

not be found marked on the one-inch-to-the-mile map of the Great Trigo¬

nometrical Survey, but it is locally known by the name of Chandeshwar,

and the above description will perhaps be sufficient to enable any who care

to visit the spot to find its position without difficulty.

3. About two hundred yards south of the temple, towards the middle

of the defile, and to the right hand of the traveller from Ranikhet to Dwara-

Hath, a rock partly covered with low brushwood rises at an angle of 45° to

the height of some seventy feet above the stream. The rock has been much

worn by the action of heat and damp, and to a passer-by would not at first

sight appear to possess any interest, but when carefully examined in a

good light, it will be found to be covered with “ cup marks” and sculptur-

ings, the principal forms of which have been figured in the accompanying

rough sketches.

4. A reference to Sketches I to Y in the accompanying plates will

shew that in Europe, the “ cup marks” or holes scooped out on the

face of the rock, and noticed by me at the meeting of the Society

above referred to, predominate. On the Chandeshwar Rock in a space

measuring 14 feet in height by 12 in breadth, upwards of 200 such marks

may be counted. They are of different sizes, varying from six inches

to an inch and a half in diameter, and in depth from one inch to half

an inch, and are generally arranged in perpendicular lines presenting many

permutations in the number and size and arrangement of the cups.

These exactly correspond with the “ First Type” of the marks found

in Europe described at page 2 of Sir J. Simpson’s work above referred to,

and figured in many of the plates with which his book is illustrated.

5. In the portion of the rock shewn in Plate II, commencing from

left to right and taking the upper ledge, first comes a row of four small

cups, then three rows of cups each 3i inches in diameter, the first line

containing nine, the second seven, and the third seven cups. Then follows

a row of 15 cups somewhat smaller in diameter, the 11th and 15th (the

last) of which are distinguished by an incised ring surrounding each cup,

corresponding exactly with the “ Second Type” figured at Plate i, and

described in page 4, of Sir J. Simpson’s work.

G. Then follow three lines containing respectively 17, 14, and 15

small “cups”. The 13th and 17th (the last) cups of the first row are

“ringed” and belong to the “ second type”. The last cups of the second

and third line are distinguished by what Sir J. Simpson describes (page 5)

as a “ groove or gutter”, leading from the cups downwards, and of which

several specimens will be found figured in his work. The next group of

three lines consists of 8, 7, and 6 small cups respectively, surrounded by

three lines in the shape of a fork. Then follow 11 lines, first two lines

3

1877.] Ancient Sculpturing s on rocks in Kamdon.

containing respectively 6 and 5, then three lines of 6, 6, and 7, then another

arrangement of three lines with 8, 10, and 11, and lastly yet another arrange¬

ment of three lines each of 8 cups. All these cups are small and similar

in type to those already noticed.

7. On the lower ledge beneath the first arrangement of three lines of

large cups, a further combination of three is noticed, a large cup, then a line

of four, then three. These are weather-worn and somewhat indistinct, and

may perhaps have been continuations of the upper line. To the left is yet

another combination of three, two large cups, the upper one of the first line

with a groove, the two next both grooved, and the lower groove joining the

two cups, the third also grooved. Then follow two lines containing the one

six, the other seven large cups.

8. Sketch III, on plates III and IV, shews cup marks on three separate

portions of the rock, the first (A) to the left containing eight cups, one of

which is grooved, the second (B) a straight row of sixteen cups, with a row

of four running oft at right angles in the centre. The last (C) is a curious

arrangement of thirteen cups all with grooves or gutters, similar to those

figured in Plates ix — xiv and xx of Sir J. Simpson’s work.

9. The sculpturings shewn in Sketch IV of pi. Ill are of a somewhat

more elaborate type. The first (A) has perhaps been intended for a cobra,

or a leaf. The second (B) is curious from the combination of lines and large

cup-marks, some of which are six inches in diameter, and in shape is not unlike

the “ Swastika”. The third (C) is of a somewhat similar type, and may

be allowed to claim relationship to Fig. 15, Plate n, of Sir J. Simpson’s

work. The sizes of the markings are roughly noted on the sketches. I

have neither the time nor the apjdiances at present to draw them to scale.

10. From the villagers, and from the old priest at the temple hard

by, no information was to be obtained of the origin of these markings,

beyond that “ they were so old that the oldest man in the village had no

“ knowledge of who had made them, nor had they been made in the time

“ of their father’s father, but they were most probably the work of the

“ giants or the goalas (herdsmen) in days gone by.” Much information

was perhaps hardly to be expected from the class of persons questioned, but

the subject of their possible origin will be noticed more in detail in later

paras, of these notes.

11. On visiting the temple sacred to Mahadeo at the entrance to the

gorge, I could not help being struck by the peculiar construction of many of

its shrines as bearing a marked resemblance to these rock markings. In

addition to the principal shrine, placed within the temple itself, a massive

little structure, built up of large stones, many of which would appear to

have been taken from Buddhist ruins so plentiful in the neighbourhood of

Dwara-Hath, I counted 37 minor shrines within the walled enclosure by

4

[No. 1,

H. Rivett-Carnac — Hough Notes on some

which the temple is surrounded. These consist mostly of a rough pedestal

formed of loose stones surmounted by a Mahadeo and yoni. The yoni in the

largest of these shrines was a solid block of stone, cut to the well-known

“ jew’s-harp” shape, the upright Mahadeo being slightly carved at the

summit and base. Some half a dozen others were more or less solid and

well made according to the conventional construction of these symbols. In

one case the stone which did service for the yoni , was the cushion-shaped

finial of some Buddhist temple, the Mahadeo being represented by a carved

head with high raised cap broken off from some neighbouring ruin. The

fragment had been inserted cap downwards in the square hole by which the

cushion had been fixed on to the top of the original structure.

12. The remaining shrines were of a much poorer type. But this

last class was to me much the most interesting, as suggesting a possible con¬

nection between the rock markings and lingam worship. Bough sketches

of these types will be found in plate III, which accompanies this paper. The

position and arrangement of these symbols and the veneration paid to

them, some having been quite recently decked with small offerings of

flowers, left no doubt that they equally with the larger and more solid

shrines represented the Mahadeo and yoni. But whereas in the first noticed

and better class, as will best he explained by the section E in plate III, the

Mahadeo is represented by an upright stone, this other and poorer type is

without the upright, and is apparently a conventional rendering, or sketch

of these symbols, roughly cut on the stone, the inner circle representing

the Mahadeo , the outer circle the yoni, the line or lines the gutter, by which

the libations and offerings are drained off from this as well as from the

more elaborate class of Mahadeos.

Of this poorer class, i. e. those without the upright, some 20 or 30

may he counted in the Chandeshwar enclosure, from the well-defined inner

and outer circles shewn in Fig. A sketch IY of pi. Ill, to the very poorest

class in Figs. B and C, sketch Y, which is little more than a rough cup-mark

surrounded by a circle and “ gutter”, cut on an easily worked slab, split off

from some neighbouring rock. On one such slab I found cup-marks toge¬

ther with the symbols, but as the cups were in all probability on the slab

before it was split off from the rock and made to do service on the top of

the shrines, no particular significance can be claimed for this circumstance.

To facilitate reference, in case no copy of Sir J. Simpson’s work is at

hand, the several types noticed in the Archaic sculpturings have been copied,

and accompany this paper.

13. In the centre of the yard, is a monolith Mahadeo of 4|- feet in height

above the ground, shewn in pi. IY, sketch YI, fig. A. It has no markings

on it, — but together with all its surroundings seems very old. The priest in

charge of the temple held that most of the shrines were very old, and accoun-

1877.] Ancient Sculpturings on roclcs in Kamaon. 5

ted for their large number by saying that the yard was the burial-place of men

of great sanctity, some of whom bad been brought from great distances for

interment there, and that Mahadeos of an elaborate or poor class were

placed over the tombs according to the means of the deceased’s friends. I

have at this moment no means of verifying whether any particular class

of Hindus are buried in the bills, or whether my informant intended to

convey that ashes only were deposited beneath the shrines, but on this

point there will be no difficulty in obtaining information.

14. A few days later I visited, in company with Mr. William Craw,

the proprietor of the beautiful Diinagiri estate, the summit of the Panda-

koli (Col du Geant ?) mountain, which rises to a height of nearly 8,000

feet above the sea, to the north-east of the Dunagiri Tea Factory. Here

we found a small open place of worship, composed of two stone circles of

the shape and dimensions shewn in pi. IV, Fig. B, sketch VI. The outer

circle was of rough stones piled one on the other, with large stones at the

entrance. The inner circle was partly of large stones about 3|- feet measur¬

ing above the ground, partly of smaller ones — very large stones not being

available on the summit. The entrance was to the south. The inner circle

was 8 feet, the outer 16 feet in diameter. In the centre of the inner

circle were several Mahadeos, stones split off from the neighbouring rocks and

roughly shaped. The shrine was open to the elements on all sides, save

where it was partially sheltered by a wild guelder rose to the branches of

which some rags had recently been attached as votive offerings by visitors

to this place of pilgrimage. A small iron lamp, an old hell, and three small

tridents, or ‘ trisuls ’, (from the summit of the hill, by the way, a grand

view of the three snow peaks of the Trisul mountain and of Nanda Devi

may be obtained) completed the furniture of this rustic temple. No

priest lives on the hill, which is too cold, jungly, and inaccessible for length¬

ened sojourn, but a fair is, I learn, held there in the spring, when many

pilgrims, chiefly barren women, visit the shrine.

15. The construction of the temple, as shewn in pi. IV, sketch VI, fig.

B., appears of some interest when considered in connection with the rock

cuttings and shrines at Chandeshwar, some 15 miles distant. Here, as the

sketch will shew, are two circles, complete save where the “ gutter” forms

the entrance. The Mahadeos are in the centre of the inner circle.

16. Another circumstance perhaps deserving of notice is the position

of a monolith Mahadeo, 5£ feet above the ground, situated 8 feet south¬

west of the shrine, a second monolith of almost the same size was 80 feet

due west of the first. If I remember right, the shape of the temple is the

same, or nearly the same, as that of Stonehenge, and Avebury, and the

outer monolith is in the same position to the Pandakoli shrine, as the

“ Friar's Heel ” is to Stonehenge.

G H. Rivett-Carnac — Bough Notes on some [No. 1,

17. Local tradition ascribes the construction of the temple to the

Pandus from whom the hill takes its name. In the small lake, visible

from the summit, and about 6 miles north-west the Pandus are supposed in

days gone by to have washed their garments, whilst the hill top, with its,

for the Himalayas, broad expanse of grassy level, was the drying ground

for the Pandu linen. Mr. Craw, who with his gun and dogs has visited

most of these little known recesses of the Himalayas, has kindly promised

to keep a look out for similar remains during his sporting excursions.

18. Subsequently, on the march between Dunagiri and Sameshwar,

I came across some more monoliths, on the right hand side of the road,

close to the Lodh Tea Factory. They are apparently the remains of what

once was a considerable structure. In shape the monoliths exactly re¬

semble the Chandeshwar Mahadeo. But on the one is carved a circle

intended perhaps for the moon ; on the other, what looks like a sun. If I

mistake not, there is supposed to be some connection between sun and

moon worship and the worship of the Mahadeo and the yoni , the sun taking

the place of the Mahadeo, the moon of the yoni.

19. Some three miles further on, on the right hand side of the road

just above a little village distinguishable by its Deodar trees, and a small

temple belonging to the Bidranath Mahant, I halted for a short time to

examine a mass of boulders lying round a mound, which from a distance

bore some resemblance to the tumuli common in Central and Southern

India. On its summit was a shrine about two feet high of peculiar con¬

struction, consisting of a sort of box, like a Kistvaen, formed of four slabs

of stone imbedded in the earth, a fifth and movable slab forming the top,

or cover. Within, sheltered from the weather by these slabs, was a small

stone Mahadeo, or ling, daubed with red paint, and a small iron lamp.

Outside the Kistvaen was a second and smaller stone Mahadeo, and on it,

apparently taking the place of the red paint, a cup mark.

20. A further examination of the site indicated the existence round

the mound of an outer and inner circle of stones, the larger of about 30

feet in diameter. The mound was in the midst of irrigated, and well cared for

rice fields, and the boulders, lying about in disorder, had apparently

been disturbed to make way for the plough in the absence of a Kamaon

“ Sir J. Lubbock’s Act” for the preservation of ancient remains. But the

circular shape of the mound and of the arrangement of the boulders sur¬

rounding it, some of which were too heavy to be displaced, was still trace¬

able. One of the boulders, a huge mass measuring 7 feet in height by

13 feet in length by 9 feet in breadth, which could successfully defy most

attempts at displacement, had five rows of cup marks still traceable on

it, whilst other rows much weather-worn could with some difficulty be made

out. About half a mile further on, I again found cup-marks on a somewhat

smaller group of boulders, among the rice fields.

7

1877.] Ancient Sculpturing s on roclcs in Kamaon.

21. The villagers’ view of the matter was, as usual, that the marks

were those of the giants, and that the little shrine at the top[of the hill

was the burial-place of a holy man, the same as the Chandeshwar account.

The Kistvaen was evidently modern. But this fact would not affect the

view that the original tumulus was of old date. It may often be noticed

how later comers adopt the sites chosen by their predecessors for places of

worship or sepulture. Of this Dwara-Hath is an example, whilst perhaps

one of the most striking instances may be seen in the Chanda District at

Narkanda, not far from the confluence of the Wainganga and the Goda¬

vari. Here a ridge of rocks running across the stream forms a natural

anicut, ensuring a fine and constant reach of deep water during even the

hottest and driest months. On the left bank of the stream are groups of

temples of some half a dozen distinct types, from the Cyclopean class,

massive blocks of stone without ornament, and evidently of a very early

date, up to the recent florid additions of the Rajas of Nagpur. And a

case came under my own notice some years back, in which a fakir was

buried in the middle of one of the largest of the stone circles of the Higna

group, near the city of Nagpur, a tumulus certainly several hundreds of

years old. The first comers chose good sites and built and buried there.

Later on, the remains of temples or tombs suggested the eligibility of those

sites, and the later comers borrowed not only the idea of the position, but

building materials also from the ruins.

22. In the above remarks I have tried to confine myself to what I

saw and heard on the spot, and have as far as possible avoided mixing up

therewith speculations on the origin and significance of the remains. I am

generally content to do this, and to leave the analysis of what I may collect

and what may appear of interest, to those, who, from the appliances and in¬

formation at their disposal, are able to subject such enquiries to reliable

tests, and to extract from my rough jottings any grains of the true ore

which may be therein contained. And on the present occasion, having

only one or two books of reference with me, (my baggage being necessarily

restricted during a march among the Himalayas to what can be carried on

the backs of a limited number of men) it may be especially undesirable

to advance what may appear to be very crude theories regarding the signifi¬

cance of these markings. I am nevertheless tempted to add to my notes

a few remarks and suggestions, more in the hope of evoking some dis¬

cussion from those who are better informed than myself, and who, with the

library of the Asiatic Society ready at hand, can supply omissions or correct

any misapprehensions into which I have fallen, than with any intention of

appearing to attempt dogmatise on a subject on which I cannot, of

course, claim to write with any sort of authority.

23. In the first place I would desire to notice, with reference to the

8

H. Rivett-Carnac — Bough Notes on some

[No. 1,

markings described in paras. 8 to 10 of these notes, (for this paper has

been divided into paragraphs, in order to facilitate reference to the several

points mentioned) that since I had the pleasure to bring to the notice of

the Society the existence of markings on the stone circles of Central India

similar to the Archaic sculpturings on similar circles in Europe, that the

subject has been advanced a stage by the discovery, not only of the single

type of “ cup marks”, but of two or three other distinct types, nearly

exactly resembling those treated of, and figured by, the late Sir J. Simpson

in his work already alluded to.

24. In addition to the “ cup-marks” of which so many examples are

to be found at Cbandeshwar and in the Sameshwar valley, we have now

the second type, i. e. the cup mark enclosed in a circle — also the types

given at Figs. 14 and 15 of Plate ii, and in other plates, of Sir J. Simp¬

son’s work. A comparison of the accompanying sketches, which, although

rough, are sufficiently accurate, with the plates in Sir J. Simpson’s volume,

will, I believe, leave little doubt of an extraordinary resemblance between

the markings found on similar classes of remains in Northumberland, and

in many parts of Scotland, Ireland, Brittany, Norway, Denmark, &c.

Extracts from Sir J. Simpson’s descriptions of these markings and

tracings of some of the plates accompany this paper, in case the work

should not be immediately available.

25. Sir J. Simpson holds that these markings in Europe are not of

natural formation, and an examination of these series of lines and holes in

Kamaon will lead to the same conclusion, and leave little doubt that the

same view holds good in India also. The distinct rows in which the cups are

arranged, the shapes other than that of “ holes” assumed, indicate design and

suggest that the sculpturings are artificial, not natural. Sir J. Simpson meets

the view that those in Europe are of recent formation and have been made

perhaps by the shepherd boys on which to play a sort of game of draughts, by

shewing that the cup-marks are more often on the sides of boulders, or on the

face of rocks, where no such game could be played ; and the same remark

holds good for the Central Indian and Kamaon cup-marks. And, after all,

even admitting that this view correctly accounts for the cup-marks, it

would not dispose of the origin of the other rough sculpturings.

26. Moreover the people of the neighbourhood have no tradition of the

origin of the remains or of the markings on them save that they are the work

of the giants, or the goalas, which in their minds means the far past. No

one there has any knowledge of the markings being of recent construction.

27. And here attention may be called to the circumstance that the

idea of such remains being the work of the “ goalas”, or herclmen, is identi¬

cal in Kamaon and in Central India, also many hundreds of miles south.

In Central India tradition points to the existence of a Goala dynasty, a

1877.]

9

Ancient Sculpturings on rocks in Kamaon .

race of nomads, “ Shepherd Kings”, who held the country before the

advent of Aryan civilisation, and here among the Himalayas, the same

idea seems to prevail, and to the same people is attributed the construction

of similar Cyclopean works. All this would seem to indicate that the

markings are not of modern origin.

28. Then as to the significance, if any, of these markings. First as

to the cup-marks. They are generally arranged in rows, large and small.

Sometimes a row is composed entirely of large and small marks. Often

the large and small holes are found in juxta-jposition. The combinations

and permutations are numerous. This would seem to suggest that the

markings have some significance, and are not so arranged for ornament only.

In a brief paper written for the late Earl of Mayo, shortly before his death,

on the cup-markings found in Central India, and which I believe it was

Lord Mayo’s intention to communicate to the Royal Irish Academy, by

which Society the subject of cup markings on similar remains in Ireland

had been discussed, it was suggested by me that these markings might

possibly represent a primitive form of writing. The Agham writing con¬

sists of combinations of long and short strokes cut on sandstone. On sand¬

stone it would be easier to cut lines with the grain, so to speak, of the

stone. To attempt to make a cup mark would be to risk splitting the

slab. On the other hand to cut a line on hard trap would be difficult,

whereas to work an iron instrument round and round so as to make a

“ cup-mark”, would be comparatively easy. It was also pointed out that

the American invention by which a record of the message sent by the

Electric Telegraph is made by the instrument itself, the most primitive

style of marking, or writing on the paper was necessarily adopted. And

the letters in the Morse Code are consequently composed of numerous

combinations of long and short strokes. In Army signalling, which I saw

recently carried on here from the hill tops by men of the 19th (Princess of

Wales’s Own) Regiment stationed at Ranikhet, the same simple system is

adopted to represent letters by long and short wavings of a flag. By night

a lamp is used, long and short flashes taking the place of the long and

short wavings of the flag. It is then perhaps not impossible that the

many permutations of large and small cup markings may have some such

sort of significance having been adopted as a primitive style of record

many hundreds of years back by a people who had not advanced very far in

civilisation. I have not had time during my recent march in Kamaon to

collect many specimens of such permutations, and have been obliged to con¬

tent myself with the knowledge of the existence of such markings in many

parts of the province, leaving any further investigations for some future

pleasant holiday. But the permutations at Chandeshwar, as the annexed

sketch will shew, are numerous enough for the sake of the argument, if

E

10

H. Rivett-Carnac — Bough Notes on some

[No. 1,

indeed it has any force at all. And the accompanying rough sketch VIII,

(PI. IV) of some of the Central Indian markings, shewing many permuta¬

tions, will assist still further to explain my views, such as they are on the

subject.

29. Next as to the possible further significance of some of the mark¬

ings. If the remarks in para. 12 et seq. and the rough sketches annexed

have in any way helped to explain my views, then it will be seen that a

resemblance exists between the Chandeshwar rock and European markings,

and the shrines in the temple at the mouth of the Chandeshwar gorge.

That many of the shrines are of recent construction is evident. It will

hardly be contested that the last of types 2, 4, and 5 of Plate I, of

Sir J. Simpson’s book, bear a striking resemblance to the Mahadeo and yoni

marks on the Chandeshwar shrines. The centre mark would appear to do

duty for the lings , the circle for the yoni — and the “ gutter” is the depres¬

sion to be found on most stone yonis, by means of which the votive libations

are drained off from the symbols. And here it may be noticed that in

Mahadeo worship, the offering of flowers, and the pouring of a libation,

generally of Ganges water, over the symbols is, so far as I have seen, very

general. Those who have visited Benares will remember the little spoons

resembling somewhat our Apostle’s spoons, some of them beautifully chased,

with a figure or cobra at the upper end of the handle, used by pilgrims and

worshippers at that city in sprinkling the holy water over the Mahadeos

there. In Ivamaon little niches are to be noticed in Mahadeo temples

with stone receptacles for holy water, not unlike what are seen in churches

abroad. And the temple at Baijnath boasts of a large, well-carved figure,

holding a howl, which the priest informed me held Ganges water, and from

which pilgrims sprinkle the Mahadeo placed close by.

30. Then again in connection with the monolith Mahadeos found

at Chandeshwar, Pandukoli, and Lodh, mentioned in para. 13 et seq.,

it may be worth noticing that circles, and what I will call the “ conven¬

tional symbols” of the Mahadeo and yoni, are found on exactly similar

monoliths in Europe ; take for instance Figs. 2 and 3 of Plate xvn of

Sir J. Simpson’s work.

31. In India these monoliths are found in the centre and in proxi¬

mity to shrines bearing these markings. Sometimes a circle is found

cut on them, and again the shape of the place of worship at Pandukoli

with its double circle of stones, in the centre of the inner of which are

the Mahadeos, is as nearly as possible exactly that of these conventional

markings.

32. If I am not mistaken, this too is the shape of Stonehenge, and

other remains in Europe in the vicinity of which monoliths similar to

Indian Mahadeos and bearing incisions similar to the “ conventional

symbols” are found. It seems then hardly improbable that the ruins in

11

1877.] Ancient Sculpturing s on rochs in Kctmaon.

Europe are the remains o£ that primitive form of worship which is known

to have extended at one time over a great portion of the globe, and which

still exists all over India, and that these markings are the rude records

of a nomadic race which at an early epoch of the world’s history left

the Central Asian nursery, and travelling in different directions have left

their traces, in Europe as in India, of tumuli and rock sculpturings, generally

to be found in hill countries, and inaccessible spots whither at a later period

they were forced to retreat before the advance of a more civilised and a

more powerful race. The one being what are generally known by the

somewhat vague term of Scythians or Shepherd kings, the other the

Aryans, descended from the same parent stock, and who later were forced by

the necessities of increasing numbers to emigrate from the common Central

Asian home, and to explore and conquer the rich countries far to the

West and South. Baron Bonstetten’s Map of the localities in which

archaic remains are found (Plate xxxm of Sir J. Simpson’s work)

supports this view. Kistvaens, barrows, cup-marks, rock sculpturings, all

more or less of the same type, abound in all the corners of the European

Continent indicating that the people who constructed them, were driven

thither by a wave of invasion surging from some central point. And so

also in India, these remains are found, not in the plains and open country,

but in the forests, among the fastnesses of the hills, in the gorges of

the Himalayas and Nilgiris, on the Highlands of Central India in that

Cul-de-sac of the Nagpur country, which was long protected by its natural

rampart of the Satpuras with their “ abattis” of dense forest, from the

effects of Northern Invasion.

33. I am aware that the view of these markings having reference to

ling am worship is not now advanced for the first time. The subject is

alluded to at page 93 of Sir J. Simpson’s work but only to be summarily

dismissed with the following brief remark :

“ Two archaeological friends of mine, dignitaries in the Episcopal

“ Church, have separately formed the idea that the lapidary cups and circles

“ are emblems of old female Lin gam worship, a supposition which appears

“ to me to be totally without any anatomical or other foundation, and one

“ altogether opposed by all we know of the specific class of symbols used in

“ that worship, either in ancient or modern times.”

I am sanguine, however, that if the late Sir J. Simpson had seen the

sketches of what I have called the “ conventional symbols ” on the shrines

at Chandeshwar, and had been able to compare them with some of the

types figured in his work, he might have been inclined to modify the opinion

above extracted. The treatment of these symbols is purely conventional,

they bear no anatomical resemblance to anything, they are unlike many of

the large well known and acknowledged representations of the Mahadeo and

12

H. Rivett-Carnac — Rough Notes on some

[No. 1,

goni. Still they nevertheless represent the same idea. And here it may

he noticed that the same argument of anatomical non-resemhlance might he

advanced in regard to the well known representations, common throughout

India, of the meaning of which to the initiated there is no doubt at all. To

the uninitiated, however, the shapes convey nothing, and I have known cases

of Europeans who have been many years in the country who were quite

unsuspicious of what “ that jew’s-harp idol”, as they called it, was intended

to represent. As the old priest at Chandeshwar said, “ Those who can

afford it, put up a big Mahadeo ; those who can’t, put up these slabs.”

And so also with us. The rich relations or friends of the Christian may

put up over his grave a solid richly-carved stone cross. The grave of a

poor man, if marked at all, has over it perhaps two pieces of wood nailed

together in shape of a cross, or a cross roughly cut on a piece of stone.

The Christian Church is built in the form of a cross. In Pandukoli and

many other spots, the Mahadeo temples are built in the shape of the

conventional symbols of that faith. And inasmuch as the symbols of the

Mahadeo and yoni can be more conveniently indicated on stone or on

paper by what may be called a ground plan than by a section, the form

shewn in pi. Ill, Fig. A, Sketch V, was apparently first adopted, and this

degenerated into the rough conventional treatment of the cup-mark and

circle so common on monoliths in many parts of Europe.

33. In the view that these markings are nothing but a conventional

rendering of the Mahadeo and yoni , I am further confirmed by what has

recently been brought to my remembrance, of the manner in which an

Amin, or native Surveyor, will indicate a Mahadeo temple on his plotting.

I remember that the sign used to mark the position of such temples by

the Amins in the Field Survey of the Chanda Revenue Settlement, in

which district I was Settlement Officer some few years ago, and where this

form of worship is very common, almost- exactly resembled the sketch in

Figs. B and C, plate III, sketch Y. It is not unlike the form of the

Vestal Lamp. Indeed on the summit of a hill near Ranikhet, on the top

of a pile of stones which did duty for a Mahadeo shrine, I found a small

slab, bearing an almost exact resemblance to the well known form of the

classic lamp. In the hole into which oil is poured, a small upright Mahadeo

is placed.

34. Perhaps enough has now been said regarding the possible signi¬

ficance of these mark o gs to ensure some discussion and to elicit an expres¬

sion of opinion from those who are better qualified than I can claim to be

to speak with authority on the subject. I at least hope that some of the

Members of the Society may be able to put me right where my information

is incorrect or imperfect. Hereafter, with the help of some references and

notes which I have in my library in the plains, I shall hope to be able to

endeavour to trace these barrows and rocks, together with their markings,

1877.]

Ancient Sculpturing s on rocks in Kamaon.

13

from Madras, through Central India, and the Himalayas, and thus on

through Central Asia to the Crimea and South Eastern Europe. From

thence there will be but little difficulty in completing the chain, through

the Continent of Europe, to our own Islands. And if this is done, then

there would seem to exist a sufficiently distinct tracing of the routes

adopted by the tribe, one section of which went West, the other South,

in their search for fresh climes and pastures new, at a period of which there

is but faint historical record, save on the rough stones and temples with

their markings of a type which are common to both Europe and India.

35. Before concluding these rough, and necessarily imperfect, notes,

I must add two extracts, which I have found since I began to write, amongst

my limited baggage, and both of which seem to bear directly on the subjects

above noticed.

At para. 17, the local tradition which attributes the construction of

the circles on the summit of the Pandukoli hill to the Pandus has been

noticed. Here is an exactly similar tradition regarding an almost exactly

similar class of remains near Salem in the Madras Presidency, many hun¬

dreds of miles to the south of the Himalayas.

“ In a paper on Tumuli in the Salem District the Rev. Maurice Phil-

“ lips, of the London Missionary Society, arrives at the conclusion that the

“ tumuli were the burial-places of the non- Aryan aboriginal inhabitants of

“ the South, who are now represented by the Dravidians, and who, like the

“ pre- Aryan inhabitants of the North, are proved by their language to have

“ belonged to the same branch of the human family as the Turanians ; that

“ their ancient customs and religion disappeared before the combined influence

“ of Brahmanism, Buddhism, and Jainism, precisely in the same way as the

“ ancient customs of the Teutons, Celts, Latins, and Slavs disappeared in

“ Europe before the influence of Christianity, or the ancient customs of the

“ Scythians of Central Asia disappeared before the influence of Muliamma-

“ danism. If this theory be correct, no tumuli in the plains of India are later

“ than the thirteenth century A. D. and on the Neilgherry Hills, probably

“ none are later than the fifteenth or sixteenth century A. D. The natives

“ know nothing about the tumuli, and according to Dr. Caldwell there is no

“ tradition respecting them either in Sanskrit literature or in that of the

“ Dravidian languages. The Tamil people call them Pandu-Kuris, Kuri

“ means a pit or grave, and Pandu denotes anything connected with the

“ Pandus, or Pandava brothers, to whom all over India ancient mysterious

“ structures are generally attributed. To call anything a work of the Pan-

“ dus is equivalent to terming it ‘ Cyclopean’ in Greece, a work of ‘ Piets’ in

“ Scotland, or ‘ a work of Nimrod’ in Asiatic Turkey.”

36. And the following extract from an article in the Madras Times

of the 7th February, 1876, bears equally on the subject.

14

H. Bivett-Carnac — Bough Notes on some

[No. 1,

“ The village of Jala is about fourteen miles from Bangalor situated

at the base of a large isolated rocky hill ; upon the summit of which is a

little grassy dell, stretching out in front of a cave, that has been converted

into a small picturesque temple. It is but a small village, the temple is

curiously built against the side of a low rocky hill, a cave forming the sanc¬

tum. It possesses no architectural beauty, and is interesting only from the

fact that the priest in charge, a wild looking fanatic, apparently about

sixty years of age, has never left its precincts, for more than forty years,

nor has he allowed the lights in the holy place to go out for that period !

The whole neighbourhood is thickly covered with cromlechs ; near the vil¬

lage there are at least one hundred plainly to be seen, These cromlechs

are surrounded by circles of stones, some of them with concentric circles

three and four deep. One very remarkable in appearance has four circles

of large stones round it, and is called by the natives “ Pandavara Gudi” or

the temple of the Pandus, who are popularly supposed to have been the

descendants of the Panda vas, the five sons of the Baja Pandu . The

smaller cromlechs are designated “ Pandasiara Mane” or the houses of the

Pandus. This is supposed to be the first instance, where the natives popu¬

larly imagine a structure of this kind to have been the tenqfie of a by-gone

if not of a mythical race . Many of these curious structures have a

triple circle, some a double, and a few single circles of stones round them,

but in diameter they are nearly equal, the outer circle varying from thirty-

seven to forty feet.”

37. I extract also from page 185, 5th Series YI, September 2nd, 1876,

of “ Notes and Queries ”, a note shewing that the custom of hanging

shreds of rags on trees as votive offerings, still exists in Ireland, that

country of stone circles. The sacred tree at the Pandukoli temple or

stone circle was, as noticed at paragraph 14, similarly decked at the time of

our visit, and the custom is, as is well known, common throughout India.

“ Anatolian Folk-lore. — The custom of hanging shreds of rags on trees

as votive offerings still obtains in Ireland. I remember as a child to have

been surreptitiously taken by an Irish nurse to St. John’s Well, Aghada,

County Cork, on the vigil of the Saint’s day, to be cured of whooping

cough by drinking three times of the water of the holy well. I shall never

forget the strange spectacle of men and women “ paying rounds”, creeping

on their knees in voluntary devotion or in obedience to enjoined penance so

many times round the well, which was protected by a grey stone hood, and

had a few white-thorn trees growing near it, on the spines of which flutter¬

ed innumerable shreds of frieze and vary-coloured rags, the votive offerings

of devotees and patients.”

The proceedings at the Pandukoli Fair might be described in almost

similar words.

1877.]

15

Ancient Sculpturings on rocJcs in Kamaon .

P. S. Since the above paper was written, I had the pleasure of meet¬

ing, at the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, Mr. Campbell of Islay, now on a

visit to this country, who has taken much interest in the subject of the

Scotch Rock-markings. To him I shewed copies of the rough sketches, and

explained briefly the views noticed in this paper. Mr. Campbell has since

visited Ayodhya, and has been good enough to send me a note on his enqui¬

ries there, from which the following is an extract :

“ January 8th, 1877. Benares.

“ Having seen sketches and notes on rock Sculptures in India which closely

resemble unexplained rock carvings in Scotland ; and having myself found

one of the Scotch forms cut on a boulder in Kangra, I was set on the right

scent by Mr. Rivett-Carnac at Delhi. Being at Ayodhya with a Hindu who

speaks good English, I got a fakir and drew on the sand of the Gogra the figure

I asked what that meant. The fakir at once answered,

“ Mahadeo”. I then drew

and got the same answer. At Delhi,

my old acquaintance Mr. Shaw told me that these two signs are chalked

on stones in Kangra by people marching in marriage processions. The

meaning given to these two symbols now in India is familiarly known

to the people. Many other Scotch signs may probably find an explanation

here. One in particular I take to be the Trisul. I brought a number

of Scotch signs with me. I have got a number of marks from natives who

still use them.”

Mr. Whitley Stokes, too, knowing the interest taken by me in the sub¬

ject, has been good enough to send me a copy of the Journal of Royal

Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland for July, 1875, con¬

taining Mr. W. E. Wakeman’s paper on Rock-markings in the County of

Fermanagh.

The sketches and description of these Irish rock markings correspond

almost exactly with the Kamaon markings noticed in this paper.

16

[No. 1,

The Kaimur Range. — By Ciiaxdtca.se kttara Baxxitc.it,

Deputy Magistrate, Bongong.

General features. — The Kaimur Range is a spur of the clouble-ricigeil

Vindhya. It is the more easterly of the three so called Table-lands of Cen¬

tral India, each of which has for its floor the three great varieties of the

gray, the red, and the yellowish sandstones. It shoots out from the

District of Mirzapur in the “ inhospitable regions” of which the goddess

Baran has selected one of her mountain abodes under the name of Vindhya¬

vashim. From this region the range stretches eastwards in a lofty plateau,

forming a belt of upwards of 130 miles, with an average breadth of 35.

The mighty Sona, pent up on both banks by high ridges, flows along the

foot of this Table-land until touching almost the base of the northern arm

under the summit of Rohtas, takes then a turn, and cuts a north-easterly

course through the open plains of South Bihar. The mountain chain,

however, bends northward sending out smaller spurs, until reaching Sahasram,

it may be said to terminate with the dome of the Chandan Sayyid mount.

From this point the chain relapses gradually into the plain, re-appearing

once only fourteen miles off in two small blue knolls at Nokha.

Although occupying a vast extent of country whose breadth across the

plateau exceeds at places forty miles, hardly any of its peaks attains the

height of 2,200 feet.# Its small elevation reminds one of the curse of

Vindhya to which the Hindu mythological accounts often allude. “ Vindhya,

“ having prostrated before his spiritual guide Agra Sila, still remains in that

“ posture by the command of the holy personage. This humiliation is the

“ punishment for his presumption in emulating the lofty heights of the

“ Himalaya and the Meru”. According to this legend Vindhya has one foot

at Chanar, the true name of that fortress being “ Charanadri,” and another

at Gaya. The vulgar inconsistently suppose that the head of the prostrate

mountain is near the Temple of Vindhyavashim.

The ancient name of the country along which this chain extends was

Kaira Des, from the Daitya of that name known to tradition as its

earliest king. The range was probably known as the Kairo Mali, corrupted

to Kaimur. The Puranas and the natives however still call it the Vindhya

Mali, whose summit are crowned with the shrines of the goddess Barani under

different names, Vindhyavashim being the foremost and more widely known

than the rest. Vindhyavashim was the offspring of Yasoda, being supposed

to be the same child which was made over by Vasudeva to Raja Kansaf the

* Colebrooke’s journey to Nagpur.

t ‘ For Herod will seek the young child to destroy him.’ St. Matthew, Chap. II.

The similarity of the story was pointed out by Sir William Jones.

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. 17

merciless tyrant o£ Mathura. Maharaja Kansa attempted to kill this

child by dashing her against a stone. The girl, who was the manifes¬

tation of S'akti, or the creative energy of the Deity, gave the slip, hovered

over Kansa in the form of a kite, warned him of his future fate at the

hands of the youth who was being reared at Gokula, and steered her aerial

flight until she perched on the peak near which her shrine now stands, four

miles south of Mirzapur. The entire range of the Vindhya Mali is dedicat¬

ed to the shrines of Barani, and is itself considered a mass of sacred matter,

which the hill-men adore as Dliarti or the earth-god. The spirit of

the great goddess guards the heights of the chain and its ghats, fences

its steep sides, and protects the hill-men from falls and surprises, from

wild animals and wilder demons. If the votaries of Vishnu, of Sakya

and of the Sun had struggled to establish their respective cults on the right

bank of the Son, the left has been held undisputedly and solely by the wor¬

shippers of S'akti. In Gaya we have the shrines of Buddha, Vishnu and Surya-

narayana predominant in different quarters of the district. On the opposite

bank we have fanes of the several manifestations of Uma alone. Vindhyesvari,

Bhavani, Tripura, Mundesvari and Tarachandi are perched on the summits of

the Kaimur Range. The goddess undoubtedly exercises great sway on these

heights. Owing to her influence it is thought that demons in the shape of

painful diseases kill few of the hill-men. Fewer still fall a prey to the

wild animals. Peace reigns throughout the length and breadth of the

Chero and Kharwar hamlets. Few crimes are perpetrated, although fewer,

we suspect, are reported, and one Police head-constable accordingly, with

two assistants posted on the tableland, has been sufficient for a number of

years to keep British prestige alive over this extensive range.

The great peculiarity in the formation of the range is its steepness.

The flat tablelands on its top are supported by precipitous sides which rise

suddenly from fields where there is hardly a stone to impede the plough.

About a third of these heights near the base is generally covered with a

slope of rubbish which it must have taken ages to wash down. The

tall crests of many a forest tree crown these slopes. But immediately

above these, the sides are mere layers of primitive rocks, barren and black

at places, high rocky walls standing in bold prominence against the blue

sky. In others the walls bend into glens and recesses where a little dip

between two summits serves as the channel for whirling cataracts. The

spots below these cataracts are generally sacred pools which retain water

throughout the year, and enable many important streams to flow down

to the plains. “ After* a clear drop of two to six hundred feet, the water

splashes into a deep tarn scooped out by its continual falling, on leaving

which it runs through a channel several miles in length, and obstructed

* Memoirs of the Geological Survey, Vol. VII, p. 20.

C

18

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kahnur Range.

[No. 1,

throughout its course with huge masses of rock fallen from above. From

each side of the stream rise the undercliffs of the escarpment, covered

with tangled jungle and debris, and crowned by vertical precipices which

cut off all access to the plateau above, save by one or two narrow paths

known only to the wood- cutter or the charcoal-burners, by whom alone the

gorge is ever visited.”

Geological features. — The escarpment of the Kaimur Range which

faces the Son for more than 200 miles between Rohtasgarh and Bilhari

is nearly a straight line for the entire length, without any indentation,

except the curve at Bijayagarh. The northern escarpment, however, from

Sahasram westward is deeply indented by intricate and ramifying gorges.

The spurs which shoot out from the main range on the northern face seldom

lie detached. They either project like bastions, or run in belts to join ulti¬

mately the chain itself, although there are some breaks between the ram¬

parts to serve as passes to the wild glens embosomed by them.

At places the chain runs in double lines, branching off and extending

for miles in two parallel high upright walls, enclosing a narrow strip of

land between their feet, and displaying only a short strip of the sky over

their summits. These long labyrinthine glens are cut by the beds of some

mountain streams, with trees along their banks, and transparent pools along

their stony beds.

The stone of the hills is chiefly composed of sandstones of different

hues, varying from gray to red, either in the grains or the veins. It is to

this sandstone that the mountains owe their grand appearance, displaying

the most stupendous precipices. In his geological account of Shahabad,

Major Sherwill observes — “ The vast precipices exhibited in this sandstone

admirably display the horizontal formation of the mass ; one of the preci¬

pices at the foot of Rohtas, I found by measurement to be 1,300 feet, a

sheer mass of stone without a bush or tree on its surface ; it is situated

close to an over-hanging mass of building known as the Hajam’s palace, a

few minutes walk from the gateway leading up from Rajghat. The echo

at this spot, which is a complete amphitheatre of precipices, is very distinct

and grand, giving seven distinct responses to several syllables ; the report

of a gun reverberates like thunder ; the sandstone at this spot is of a dark

red, an overhanging rock at this spot enabling a person to look over and to

fully contemplate this fearful abyss.”

Next to the sandstone is the limestone. From the fact of its appear¬

ing in many places, though far apart, separated even for many miles, Major

Sherwill was inclined to think that “ it penetrates in unbroken stratum

under the sandstone.” Mixed with the limestone is chalk, called by the

natives khari matti , “ which is unctuous to the touch”, “ has a shiny ap¬

pearance, but soils the fingers.”

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. 19

Hornstone, which may ordinarily be mistaken for chlorite, is found in

many layers along the face of the precipice at the Tuttula Kund, four miles

west of Tilauthu. I am informed that this stone is also met with at Jadu-

nathpur on the southern edge of the range ; and four miles west of the Jcho

or recess, a hill of the same mineral projects into the Son and causes rapids.

The black crests on the limestones, or bands of shales near Bijayagarh, led

to the belief that coal existed in the Kaimur range. The report origi¬

nated, so far back as 1837, with a Mr. Hyland, and Mr. Osborne of the

Opium Department was deputed to investigate. But Mr. Osborne’s, as well

as later, investigations have shown that the similarity of the shales with coal

ends unfortunately in the appearance, as they are perfectly incombustible

and mere argilacious matter.

The sacred cave of Gupta is an opening in a calcareous hill where the

flags are thin and white, approaching in appearance to unpolished slates of

marble.

Gneiss and Quartz are remarkably absent in the Kaimur Bange, although

they occur in the North West, in the Yindhyas, and the ridges south of the

Son.

From what has been written above, it may easily be imagined that the

stones of the Kaimur Bange consist of two principal layers. The upper ter¬

race is the so-called Kaimur sandstone. The lower the limestone with

bands of ‘ pencil’-coloured shales at places which were mistaken for coal.

Major Sherwill estimated the thickness of the sandstone layer at Bohtas at

1,300 feet, but towards the west, the escarpments are reduced to 6 or 700

feet. The thickness of the shales at Durgavati and Bijayagarh varies from

200 to 150 feet. They are quite black and brittle.

“The stratigraphy of the hills”, observes Mr. Mallet, “is very simple

on the whole, the various bands being spread horizontally over wide areas,

and it is only in a few special regions of disturbance that the geology is

at all complicated. Taken generally, the upper Yindhyas are made up of

several thick masses of sandstone with alternatives of shale which in litho¬

logical character frequently preserve a remarkable uniformity over immense

areas.”

The southern edge of the range appears to be higher from the fact that

almost all the rivers that take their rise on the plateau flow towards the

north, none going towards the south to the Son. The two more important

of these streams are the Durgavati and the Karamnasa.

The Karamnasa, notwithstanding its seemingly crystal water, is a de¬

tested stream. In a country where almost every stream is a good nymph

of the valley, and melts and flows either to fertilize its banks or to puri¬

fy sinners, the Karamnasa forms an exception. Its water is unholy, and

a dip into it is sufficient to destroy the virtues of the simple savage and

20 Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. [No. 1,

those of the holy saint. The common story about it is, that in the

illustrious race of the sun, there lived a king by the name of Trinsankhu,

who, among other horrid sins, was guilty of incest and of the murder of

a Brahman. To wash away the taint it was necessary to collect the waters

of all the sacred pools and streams in the world. From the holy bath thus

formed, the prince having been washed, the defiled waters flowed into a river,

and formed the Karamnasa. Religious Hindus must carefully avoid the

slightest touch of the waters. Beneath this superstition, there is probably

a simple warning against its use on hygienic grounds only.

The Durgavati takes its rise in the Kaderkho, a valley of exceeding

beauty, “ dark, deep, and cold.” Descending from the tablelands, it winds

on, some six miles north, to the Sugiakho, which strikes off to the west, and

stretches some ten miles between steep walls of rock. The valley is there

contracted into a few hundred feet, through which the stream cuts its

course into the open country. After a very winding flow it meets the

Karamnasa along with other tributaries, the entire volume of water falling

on the northern slope of the range being thus ultimately drained through

the channel of the Karamnasa only to the Ganges.

The Son, although it takes its rise in a more distant country, drains the

southern slope, and is both a source of beauty and strength to the tract

lying between it and the hill range. It is also considered a sacred stream.

Mr. Wheeler gives a tradition which assigns the easterly course of the Son

to disappointed love with the Narmada. The story which is locally cur¬

rent here is, however, different. According to it, the Son was originally

confined within the sacred pool of Amarakantak. On the banks of this pool

stood the hermitage of Jamadagni, the father of Parasurama. Near at hand

a rustic once drove his plough to which he attached a calf and its dam. The

calf resented this cruelty by driving its horns into the chest of the plough¬

man, who died on the spot. This taint of sin turned black the white skin

of the calf ; on going into the pool, however, the calf was purified and regained

its original colour. Parasurama observed this, and considered that the pure

waters of the pool should be sent out for the good of humanity. He cleft

the side of the spring with one stroke of his jparasu or axe, and thus made

the infant Son stream away. The left bank of the Son, which at present

includes the district of Gaya, was called the Kita Des.# There were few

* In confirmation of this name, the following text may he cited :

The modern name of the ^2^3 is the Pun-pun. Deokuli in the Arwal Parga-

nah was the hermitage of Chavana Muni, where an annual fair is still held. Raj agriha

in Bihar is too well known to require notice.

1877.]

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

21

sacred spots in this country. But the Kaira Des# which extended along the

left hank of the river, was generally considered sacred, and therefore the

region of the Kaimur Range proper.

Productions. The timbers of the hills are on the whole poor. Where

properly taken care of by the zemindars, such as in the glen of Koendi,

the sal or sakna grows to a respectable size and serves for beams. But gener¬

ally the tree is stunted. It is difficult, however, to say whether the poverty

is owing to reckless and continual cuttings, or to the sterility of the

soil itself. Both causes have been at work from time immemorial. Never¬

theless the asan ( Terminalia alata tomentosa ), the pial ( Buelianania

latifolia) , the wild jaman, the mohna, the keond, and the arjuna grow

luxuriant in the lower valleys, while the profuse scarlet flowers of the

Butea frondosa along the slopes of the outer hills impress one with

the propriety of the name of Palasas given by the ancients to the coun¬

try now included in the Division of Bihar. The hills supply bamboos,

and other wood which suffice for the buildings of the natives, and are

taken down a great way off down the Son during the freshes.

Lac-dye is extracted from the small branches of various trees, such as

the kusum and the pipal. The white silk cocoon, which is larger than

elsewhere, grows on many plants, principally on the asan tree (Termi¬

nalia alata). Of other forest produce may be mentioned bees’-wax, the hari-

taki (myrabalan) large and small ; the bahera ( Terminalia Belerica) used

both for dye and medicine, the amla or amlaki used for pickles, a ' kind of

Mimosa used as medicine in cases of diarrhoea. The catechu, cherange, a

sort of small almond which is greatly relished by the Hindustani, the

hagai a sort of grass extensively used for ropes, answering to the sar-

mangu of Bengal, the kaneri, and chitti complete the list.

The kaneri is a sort of yam resembling in appearance garlic with a

slight rosy tinge ; a size is made of it for dressing new- woven cloth, and the

natives say that it is exported to countries beyond India.

* In opposition to a common belief among certain European scholars, Dr. Eajen-

dralala Mitra, in bis great work on Orissa, urges that “ the policy of the Brahmans

was not to excite an odium thcologicum, hut to enlist the sympathy of the people in be¬

half of their creed, by advancing half way and agreeing to a compromise.” As one

instance to illustrate this theory, we may say that the belief that the left bank of

the Son on which Buddha Gaya stands is more sacred than the right one, was adop¬

ted by the Brahmans from the Buddhists. The following anecdote wifi show what we

mean : “ The death-of Baja Maddan, the Balwand Buler of the Kharwars, was approach¬

ing It was considered unlucky to die on the southern bank of the Son, and he was

consequently removed to the northern bank where he remained awaiting his death”.—

Slier ring's Aboriginal Tribes.

22 Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. [No. 1,

The chitti is a sort of hemp extracted from the stalk of a wild plant of

that name whose culture cannot be too much recommended. Both in

gloss and silkiness it is superior to jute or any other flax that we know of in

the country. The “ sal-gind” which Dr. Buchanan translated into olibanum,

but by which we suspect the oil extracted from the juice of the sal tree was

meant, is not at present expressed, probably owing to the gradual decay of

that noble tree on the hills.

Honey is yielded by two species of bees ; partly by the regular honey¬

bee, but mostly by the black bhringa. The latter makes its hive in the

cracks and crevices of steep cliffs, beyond the reach of all animals and the

havoc of man. These cliffs are generally inaccessible from the foot. But

the hill-men of the Masahar tribe, whose trade it is to dig out roots and

herbs for medicines and collect honey, approach them by a dangerous device.

Hope cradles are hung on trees standing on the crest of precipices. The

Masahar covers himself with a blanket, holds a torch in his hands, and waves it

to and fro along the side of the steep rock hundreds of feet above the glens.

Every time that his cradle comes near to the hive, he puts in his flaming

torch* as best he can, and thus succeeds in killing and scaring away the honey-

makers. When the bees appear to have left the hive completely his

demoniac rocking ceases, his cradle stops near the mouth of the crevice,

he extracts the honey and takes the hive, which is broken for wax. The

unholy trade continues every fortnight from the night of the new moon

in the month of November to June when the largest yield is expected, June

being the best season for the collection.

Of the mineral wealth of the hills the most important is Iron. There

are six furnaces within the limits of the advanced outpost on the plateau, where

the ore is roasted to the extent of 200 maunds per annum. The metal, such

as we saw, is spotted red, and supplies the materials for all instruments

of husbandry to the forest races ; small quantities are also brought down

to the plains where it sells at about 5 Rs. the maund. The smelting of

the ore is carried on entirely by the Sahara clan of the Khamar tribe.

At present the entire value of the Iron smelted per annum is estimated

at 1000 Rs. only, — 200 maunds at 5 Rs. With capital and enterprise,

we have no doubt, the mineral wealth of the hills could be greatly deve¬

loped. Sulphate of Iron is extracted in different parts of the hills.

As has been observed above, calcareous stone abounds in every part

of the Range. There are two hills on the eastern slope near Akbarpur,

which are entirely composed of limestone in different stages of formation.

Some do not yet, but others melt into beautiful white lime. On the southern

and eastern slopes, the quarries are close to the Son, while the Sara, a small

stream which flows straight on to the Durgavati, has a respectable channel

near the quarries of Masai, and affords, during the rains, a facility of

23

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

transport to the Railway Station at Chansa ; hut it is little used at

present.

In the days of Dr. Buchanan there was a large mine of alum and

Sulphate of Iron at the Kairya Ghat near Rohtas, but I do not know

if it is worked now. In developing the resources of the hills, British

enterprise was here, as elsewhere, the great pioneer. The mine was first

worked by the energy of a gentleman whom the natives, when Dr. Buchanan

visited the place about the year 1808, remembered as Mr. Phojel. But •

with the death of the latter, the mines fell into neglect, and no one has

since been attracted to the secluded valley.

The sandstone of the hills is peculiarly hard, and admits of good polish.

The quarries are abundant — ashlers, paving stones, pillars, and other materials

for building purposes are hewn out everywhere along the slopes. Cups,

plates, mill-stones are also cut, and even the potter’s wheels in these parts

are made of slender slabs of sandstone. Out of the bluish block of horn-

stone, images of idols are modelled and sent to Banaras and Gairik : red

ochre is also taken to several towns. Regarding the quality of the

sandstone Mr. Mallet observed that “ it is fine-grained and homogeneous,

yellowish and grayish-white in colour, occurring in beds several feet thick,

and perfectly free for long distances from any kind of jointing or fissures,

so that very large blocks may be excavated. Some stone finds its way even

as far as Calcutta, being in use by the undertakers for tomb- stones, floorings,

&c. The stone of the Jumna bridge was obtained from quarries some miles

up the river. The cities of Benares, Mirzapur and Allahabad, besides others

of less note, draw their supplies of building stone exclusively from the

Caimures.”*

The red variety is, for architectural purposes, much inferior to the white.

The irregularity of its colouring greatly mars the effect, as will be remem¬

bered by any one who has visited the Taj, where the frequent juxta-position

of red and partially white blocks of sandstone and the streaked and blotched

appearance of others forms a most unsightly blemish to the gateway

and other outer buildings of that noble and almost faultless mausoleum.

The yellowish white sandstone is a splendid material, capable of being

cut into immense blocks. Many noble buildings, extending from the

palace at Bharatpur to the cupolas of Rohtasgarh, attest the durability of

the Yindhyan stone.

The crops and food grains grown on the tableland are those raised

everywhere in Bihar. Millet and maize are reaped in October. Wheat,

barley and gram grow on the mountain top. Rice of good flavour is gathered

in winter. But the cultivation of either cotton, poppy, or sugarcane is

never attempted. In several places the plains immediately adjoining the

* Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, Yol. YII, page 116.

21 Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. [No. 1,

foot of the hills are sown with indigo, but the out-turn has not yet been

encouraging ; the yield, according to our calculation, hardly exceeding 13

chattaks of the blue dye per bigah.

The dairy produce of the hill-men consist mostly of ghi or clarified

butter. After the early rains, as soon as the hills put on their green ver¬

dure, the entire stock of cows and buffaloes, counting more than 25000 herds,

are taken up to the plateau to graze. The charahas or cowherds, some

• 5000 men, follow the cattle.

Extempore villages crop up on every side. The tableland presents a

busy scene, while cattle-theft commences to disturb the owners. During

this season the cows are milked, and ghi to the extent of at least 10,000

maunds is prepared, which at 13 Rs the maund represent the value at

Rs. 130,000 per annum. When the milking season is over and the grass

begins to dry, the stream of movement turns towards the plains and the

temporary huts are abandoned.

Birds — Of birds of prey the til a, the kite, and the smaller hawks breed

on the hills, but the larger female zerra with which the gentlemen in these

parts yet indulge in sport, like the Barons of the Middle Ages, comes from the

northern countries. The larger and smaller quail, i. e. both the titir and

the hater , are the only birds which are pursued by these hawks. The

bageri is snared only by the fowlers. Peacocks and partridges also abound

in several parts of the forest, and the bogolu or the heron is pursued for its

feathers. We meet the yellow wren (Halud guri), the musical shama like

the nightingale, and the munia or Amedabats in the bushes, while other birds

hardly larger than the little finger delight to come down to the gardens to

pick up the honey, or steal a little drink from the sides of the wells or

bathing-places.

Of “ the favourites of the Hindu poets” the cuckoo or kokila raises

its rich voice occasionally, and we hear one even now, as we write these

lines, to tune its sweet gamuts —

“ In gladsome Lours of blushing spring,

Mid fragrant spring and bees on wing,

The cuckoo young doth pass bis days.”

Of the Indian gracile, the pied starling or go-salik and the sari can

be had by hundreds. But the real hill maina “ of fine glossy plumage with

permanent yellow mantle” and with varied pleasing note, which breed pro¬

fusely in the hills of Orissa and Kaunjhar, is not to be found in the Kaimur

Range.

The parrot (tiya) also abounds in these hills, but whether it is the

Alexandrian parrot which the great conqueror took to Europe we cannot

determine. It is a nice talking bird, and a story is current' about one of

these hill-parrots which awaked the owner of a house when a bullock was

being stolen.

25

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

The panduka, or the dove of different sorts and hues, from the plain

ash-coloured to the 'spotted brown, frequents almost every bush both at the

foot and the top of the hills.

Aquatic birds are not to be found towards the northern slopes, owing

to the heat and the want of watering-places, but in winter the ehakrabdk ,

or the golden Brahmani geese, may be seen in pairs cutting through the

silent waters of the Son.

The sportsman may have his game any time in these forests. In the

Mirzapur district, we learn, peacocks and partridges abound. Black ante¬

lopes range the open country, and the white-footed deer shelter in the deep

woods. Further to the east, the Nilgai, the gour, the bear, the hyena, and the

leopard infest the country ; while there are glens here and there known as

the homes of the royal tiger. The mungoose, porcupine, and hare also inha¬

bit the bushes and slopes. The ring-horned deer, however, which roam by

dozens, if not hundreds, in certain tracts in the Gaya district, are missed in the

woods of the Kaimur Range. The family of the monkey also, which Dr.

Buchanan found to be numerous, has become scarce. The lion, the

rhinoceros, and the wild elephant, which the Emperor Babar saw close to

his camp at the edge of the Chanar hills, have altogether disappeared.

Ethnology. The forests of the Kaimur Range, hemmed in by the hills

on the one side and the broad Son on the other, have in the historic period

given shelter to different tribes of aborigines. The memoirs of the

adjacent districts record that they receded before the wave of the Aryan

migration to the shelter of the slopes and forests of the Kaimur Range. Yet

different tribes followed one another into these secluded summits, struggled,

or blended with each other according to exigencies, until the “ iron heel” of

the Rajput settler stamped out their political life. These tribes are the

Bhars, Suriyas, Cherus, Binds, and Kharwars, who, according to the current

tradition, extended their dominions on both sides of the Ganges to the pro¬

vince of Audh. The Cheran Parganah and the Cheran Island on the Ganges in

the Saran district are still traced as the original settlement of the Cherus ;

and, although suffering humiliation from defeat in battle and from decep¬

tion in the game of treachery, their scattered villages and the debris of their

forts must still be the subject of interesting study to the antiquarian and

the ethnologist.

At times these aborigines had their revenge. Whenever the neighbour¬

ing Aryan ruler proved weak, these barbarians repeated history, came

down upon him, ravaged his land, and ruled his country. Sometimes the

policy of conciliation resulted in social blending. Intermarriage between

the daughters of the Kharwar chief and a Chanclel Rajput prince is men¬

tioned in the annals of Bundelkhand. The present Raja of Palamau, al¬

though claiming to be a Kshatriya, is suspected to have a mixed origin.

2G

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

[No. 1,

On the whole, however, the aborigines have been consigned to the lowest

depths. They live on the hills as wood-cutters and herdsmen, and, when ap¬

pearing in our courts, they do so as cattle-lifters only. Unintentional as it

may be, their abject condition has escaped attention; unknown to the philan¬

thropist and unthought of by the legislator, they live the life of the animals

which surround them. It is high time that something should be done for

these poor people, when the triumph of peace and of peaceful industry is

being extended to the remotest corners of the country.

Wave after wave as the tide of migration touched the foot of these

hills, its peaks were turned into strongholds for military defence. In the

remains of the forts, on the summits of the Kaimur Range, we see the ruins

of greatness of different races. In Pampapur, some miles south of Mirza-

pur, the ruins of an extensive strong fort mark the rise of the Bhar Raj ;

on the northern slope Raghubirgarh and Simalgarh, defended by the main-

range on one side and a spur which runs as a belt round them on all other

sides, yet keep alive the same name. The family of Bhars, who yet own

the zamindaris round the latter forts, make every attempt to mix with, and

to be known as, Purihar Rajputs. The Rajputs would, however, recognise

them only as the descendants of the old Raj Bhars. The Suriyas have also

some forts in and near Bhubna, the principal one being Sirampur. The

kot, or castle, of Ramgar, although now occupied by Rajkumars, is said

to have been originally built by the Cheriis who held sway at Chyapur.

But the forts which the Aryan Rajputs subsequently erected there, have

become more famous. On the west, Bijaigarh stands at the elevation of 2,017

feet, and on the east Rohtas at 1,485 feet. We have already described Fort

Rohtas.* Bijaigarh was raised by the Gharwar Rajputs, the descendants

of Maharaj Jaya Chand of Kanauj, when the Muhammadan conquest drove

them to the eastern country in search of new homes. It stands on a high

cliff, and gives name to a parganah around it. “ The rock on which the

fortress stands is so steep,” that it appeared “impregnable” when Mr. E.

T. Colebrooke visited it in 1798. • It was, however, besieged and reduced

by Col. Popham when Cheyt Singh took refuge in it, and was restored to

its old chieftain, from one of whose race the Rajas of Banaras had snatched

it. Shergarh is the last of the forts which was destined to be the great cita¬

del of the Indian Empire, had fortune favoured the ambitious scheme of

its vigorous founder. It was built by Sher Khan close to his native place,

about twelve miles from the Grand Trunk Road, south of Jahanabacl, “ amidst

the most magnificent scenes, and adjacent to one of the richest plains in

the world.” Its ramparts and bastions and battlements present a more

imposing show to the places below than fort Rohtas, whose works from

the height of the rock are not visible from the plain. The ascent to the

* See Mukarji’s Magazine for 1875.

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. 27

principal gali is much grander than any of the approaches to Rohtas,

and when seen from the north side has an appearance resembling, as

observed by an European traveller, “ the Castle of Durham.”

Antiquities. The peak of Mungesvara, which rises to the height of

1,936 feet, has no fortress on it, but for years it was held by two Chian

robbers, named Nora and Kora, who infested the Son valley, and, armed

with bows and arrows, committed many daring robberies and murders.

Their arrest could not be effected, as after each of their crimes, they

ascended the stiff cliffs of Mungesvara, and were harboured by the rude

villagers on the summits. “ They were afterwards captured by the villagers,

and were brought in tied on string beds*.”

The northern slope of the range has been the seat of many Rajput

chiefs, who, avoiding the open country in front, made the mountain range

the back-ground of their kots or castles. The ramification of these Rajput

chiefs extends from Chyapur to Sawar, and the fortresses they raised, with

the high ridge and forest on one side and deep trenches on the other, plainly

show that they came and held the country by military force. As the foremost

spot to be taken in the line of march from the North-West, Chyapur appears

to have been the field where each successive conqueror had to unsheath his

sword. In the race of ascendancy it was here that the Rajput and the Pa-

than appear to have first met in battle, and the remains of a fort

and very large tanks and scattered tombs and shooting minars of the

Afghan period, clearly point out that the importance of the place did not

lie in tradition alone. At present, however, Chyapur is a decayed and de¬

caying place, and the splendid dome and minarsf which “ obtrude to the

sky”, and which in magnificence can be compared to the tomb of Sher

Shah alone, threaten to tumble down at no distant time. There is one

religious institution, however, which has survived the storms of ages, and

which continues to keep up a permanent interest in Chyapur. It is the

shrine of Harsha Brahma. If Harsha Brahma had a tongue to speak, we

could hear from him the story of centuries. But his votaries, who have

sanctified him from a Brahman to a god, assign a comparatively recent

date, Sambat 1485, for his deification. He occupies a fane within the pre¬

cincts of a very ancient fort whose walls have crumbled down, whose tren¬

ches have filled up, and whose ample gateway is the only high edifice of stone

and brick which is still standing. But the massive stone walls of this gate

are surmounted by an arch of small bricks, whose foils continued through

its ceilings, and raise a suspicion that the fort must have been once taken and

* Dr. Oldham.

f This is the octagonal tomb of Ikhtiyar Khan, son-in-law of the emperor Sher

Shah, situated on the banks of a small stream and overshadowed by a huge ridge of

the hill.

28

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

[No. 1,

held by a Moslem. The history of Harsha Brahma is, however, enveloped

in a myth. Harsha Brahma is said to have been the high priest of Raja

Salibahan, a Rajput chief of the country. Falling out with the Raja, the

Brahman was deprived of his lands, and he waged a little war in which

he invited the Emperor of Delhi to assist him. Whether the curse of the

Brahman or the valour of the Pathan was the cause, we will not undertake

to determine, but the Raja’s power was exterminated and Harsha Brahma rose

triumphant. Dying soon after, he was sanctified,* and his shrine stands

on a raised terrace with no other shelter but the branches of an old

pipal tree, and continues to draw crowds of daily pilgrims from distant

places. His name is greatly dreaded, and no oath in the country, even with¬

in the sacred limits of Banaras, would be more solemn than one taken by

the name of Harsh Baba.f

A couple- of days’ leisure enabled us to pay a visit to some of the noted

shrines on these hills, which we shall now attempt to describe in the words

of our journal which we hurriedly jotted down at the time.

Past the town of Sahasram we came to a country which towards the

west was covered with a dense forest of palm trees, whose tall trunks and

elegant crests stood in bold relief on the twilight heaven — silent like

so many sentinels by the huge ramparts which projected from the neigh¬

bouring hills. The south and the east were blockaded by a barren belt ; a

solitary palm-crest on the top of the ridge standing up prominently as a

flag- staff ; while the view was bounded on our left by a huge pyramid, on

whose toj3 the white tomb of Chandan Sayyid caught the eye as a relic of

art amidst everything that was nature’s own. Our tent had been sent up

the Kota ghat, and we thought we would have early rest. But scarcely had we

gone a mile when a man came down from our pioneer, to tell us not to

attempt the pass. We were advised to go to Tilauthu, where, we were told,

a competent guide could be had. We were thus compelled to change our

program at a moment’s notice. Tilauthu lay eleven miles off, and changing

our cart for an elephant, on we went at a sluggish pace until we reached the

pass of Tara Chandi. Tara Chandi lies at a short distance only from Sa-

* This story of Harsha Brahma, taken from a poem in Hindi, called Brahma-

Muktavali, hy Isvari Datt Pandit, serves as one of many instances to refute the over¬

bold assertion of Buckle that “ the tendency of Asiatic civilization was to widen the

distance between men and their deities”, and that “ hero worship or deification of mor¬

tals could form no part of the ancient Indian Religion”. Yol. I, pp. 142-146.

f Chyapur, during the Mughul period, was attached to Rohtas as one of the domains

of the keeper of that Fort. Subsequently it was held as the zamindari of the Rajas

of Bhagahanpur, one of whom in a fit of desperation killed the nazir or court

officer of the Shahabad collectorate, who was sent to serve a process on him. The

zamindari was, about the year 1790, confiscated for the offence.

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range. 29

hasram, and presents the only opening to cross the chain. There is a small

pool on the right side of the pass which retains water over gigantic layers

of stone. On the left there is a shrine of Tara Chandi, an image covered all

over except the face, which is plated with silver. The pass is rough,

and we went up and down over a wild country until we came to a deep

stream, the banks of which were covered with bushes, affording splendid

shelter to game. Two miles further on from Tara Chandi, we came across

the stone quarries which have supplied material for accomplishing that

giant’s work, the anicut across the Son, a dozen miles off. A light rail¬

way runs up to the foot of these hills, and although rail and labour had

been at work for years and the gigantic Son has been dammed by a stone wall

thirty to forty feet wide and near three miles long, how little, how very little,

of the corner of the hill has suffered by continual cutting ! How rich indeed

is the stock of nature ! From the quarries we turned to the south, and

proceeded along the base of the chain, which appeared higher the more 'we

advanced towards the south. At places where the summits rose high, we

were deceived many a time by the prominent walls of stone which from

their erect, slender, and rounded layers presented the appearance of some

crumbling bastion or ruined fort. Forts they are indeed, and may be so to

those who know how to use them, reared not by man, but by nature ! From

these heights towards the Son, the country is an even plain, well wooded

with the bar, pipal, mahua, and the mangoe, and cleared at places for the

wheat, barley, and, thanks to European energy, the blue dye or indigo.

The road we took to Tilauthu appeared well-frequented. Traders and

carts, equestrians and pedestrians, bullocks and tats, trotted up and

down towards Arah and Palamau, and it will surely be a good thing

to improve the condition of this ancient route. Such as it is, dusty

and rough, we followed it up until we found ourselves in a nice

shady plain, where the neat turrets of a well-finished Math were the

most pleasant object for the eye to rest upon. The turrets rose from a*midst

a mangoe tope on the one, and a well cared-for orchard on the other side.

Four temples of the Banaras type reared their spires in the four corners of

a square court, and one over a gateway towards the north, enclosed by

straight plain walls. In the centre of the court stands a huge and higher

temple with attached turrets round the main spire. Below the turret, the

temple is surrounded by a square veranda projecting from the main build¬

ing, and resting on elegant pillars and arches of slate. This is a

peculiar type of temple structure, which is much adopted by the Jains in

this district, and adds both to the strength and beauty of the buildings.

The pillars are short with twelve flutes on each, and are overlapped both at

base and the capital with ornamental neatly cut foliage. The ceilings are

made of broad stone slabs of a length of about 12 feet each.

I

30 Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kairnur Range. [No. 1,

We halted at this temple for refreshment. The fare offered was poor

enough, but the priest was good-natured, and, to humour us, recited a verse

to the effect —

“ That there was no harm for the Eastern people (Bengali) to take fish.

“ There was no harm for the people of the Deccan to marry their

daughters to nephews.

“ There was no harm for the Western people to drink water from

leather bags.

“ And there was no harm for the people of the north to eat buffalo

meat.” This authority, however, came an hour too late. To collect

information as to the best way of getting up to the hill, to visit the shrine,

and to get at the inscriptions of which we had heard, but which nobody

could precisely tell us where to find, were matters of anxiety. An old

policeman, born and employed in the neighbourhood, at last offered to

show us both the shrine and the “ letters” around it.

It was the shrine of Tuttala Bhavani. Tuttala Bhavani lay five miles

off, and as soon as we could be ready, we trudged on wearily along a sandy

road stretching to the south-west. Amidst everything that was wild we

were delighted to observe the broad clearings in the jungle, decked with the

crops of the season — oats, wheat, barley, and the handsome poppy, and to con¬

trast the bleakness of the hills with the result of human energy, which has

turned the wilderness into fields of lovely green. Past this plain we found

ourselves near the shrine. With the sun in front and a bed of innumera¬

ble stones scattered under our feet, we walked on wearily until the bluish

haziness faded away, and we got a full view of the glen. It is a most

secluded and wild spot, formed by the receding curves of two stupendous

ridges, narrowing in from the north-west and south-east : their steep arms

have raised a barrier which casts a gloomy shade, and makes it twilight long

before the setting sun goes to his western bed. The summits of the

two ridges slope down nearer 200 feet before they join. But from where

they join to the foot of the glen, some 400 feet in height, the rock is one

upright wall of sandstone. The edge of this wall has been washed for un¬

known ages by a waterfall which, during the rains, dashes down in a huge

torrent. The surging of the cataract has of course dug a huge tarn below,

which is deep, and retains limpid water all round the year.

“ A lofty precipice in front,

A silent tarn below.”

During the autumnal months when the sky is serene, the hills stand

in their rich mantle of deep blue and green, and the sun shines clear over head,

this water-fall appears like a blazing column investing the chain with a

splendour which the eye could never be tired of gazing. We gazed upon it

but once at a distance across the Son, and ever since, we had been anxious

to know what the place was like. The water, which spills out into the pool

1877.]

31

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

during the freshes, flows forth in abundance through the adjacent country.

The sound and fury of the cataract keep the people in the plains sufficient¬

ly awake. The fall of a stone or boulder over night when washed down

from the hill to the pool, fills the heart of the timid peasant with awe.

The waters at times flood and spoil their crops, but beyond these sad'

effects to how little good use are they brought ? With comparatively

little effort on the part of man, could not the dry vale be turned into

a luxuriant lake, to serve as feeder to irrigation canals ? But as the case

with her history, so it is with her physical resources : in India nature and

man work in silence in their accustomed courses of evil, without awakening

a thought or making “ the pulse beat one stroke more or less.” The out¬

side world is indifferent. To subjugate nature to the uses of civilised life,

is a task which we have never been taught to accomplish, and while a water¬

fall only 150 feet in height on the opposite side of the globe has taught the

Indian youth to talk with wonder of the falls of Niagara, this grand

water leap of Tuttala, nearer our homes, from at the least twice that height at

the period of the rains, passes unknown, unmarked by the geologist, unnoti¬

ced alike by the engineer and the painter of natural scenes. The historian,

who loves to dive into the depths of antiquity, never dreams to see what

this spot is like.

But to the scene and the shrine. The shrine stands on the precipitous

wall between the edge of the projecting cataract above and the gulf below.

From the opposite bank of the pool the shrine appeared like a red spot on

the breast of the precipice. To climb up to it was a hopeless task, we

thought. But winding round the eastern bank of the pool we saw

stones sufficiently broad to permit us to ascend or rather scramble up. So

up we went, on all fours at times, leaving boots aside, until we found ourselves

more than 125 feet above the water’s edge of the pool below, and over 300

feet beneath the cataract, and face to face with the goddess Bhavani. The

niche of the idol is a curve in the rock, sloping below and projecting about a

foot and a half above. From this projection the hill rises 500 feet straight

up, forming on each arm a stupendous curve of a high rocky wall, from

the top of which the fleeting clouds seem hardly a stone’s throw apart. It

was awful to behold the projecting precipice above threatening to hurl and

sweep one down to the gulf beneath. From this recess there is but one

opening which displayed the country towards the north-east.

The shrine is hardly in keeping with the grandeur of the scenery

around. It speaks well of the poetical temperament of the Hindu; a

better site could hardly have been selected to excite religious feelings,

or to hold an annual fair. The idol is small and poor. It is an

image in stone of the great Bhavani, hardly two feet in height. The

eight-handed goddess stands armed in her usual triumphant posture over a

32

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

[No. 1,

lion under one foot and the fallen and cleft Mahisasura under the other.

The stone out of which the image has been cut is rough sandstone. Placed

as it was in a secluded spot, it did not, however, escape the ravage of the

intolerant Moslem. The story of Kasim Khan, the Kalapahar of these

hills, who broke the face and broke as many arms as he could, and threw the

idol down the rock, is still told in mournful language. Great satisfaction is,

however, derived from the fact that ruin has already seized the ruthless

family of this faithless Pathan, and not a soul is breathing now to comme¬

morate his name.

Above the slab of the idol, which is cut in half-relief, there is an image

of Narayana, engraved or incised in the rock itself. On both sides of

these images there are inscriptions cut in a character which differs from

the Devanagari of the present day, and their language is a corrupt

Sanskrit, which is scarcely intelligible. The^e inscriptions bear the date

1224, Sam vat, = 1171, A. D. The records are consequently 706 years old.

The rock and the inscriptions have a lamp black colour, probably from

the smoke of the fires which are lighted at times for liomas and sacrifices.

The inscriptions are, however, legible.

The first commemorates the reign of “ Nayaka STi Pratapa Dhabala. The

youthful, long-armed Pratapa, protector of the people, of handsome counte¬

nance, bright as a garland of innumerable suns, the great Lokapal (suppor¬

ter of men), lovely as Cupid, owning strongholds of three and nine apart¬

ments or gates, a worthy son of the Solar Pace, who acquired his kingdom

on Sunday the 4th day of the waxing moon of the month of Jaishthya in the

year of Samvat, 1224 ; who was mighty, honoured by the strong, a disciple of

Kartikeya (given to war), a source of pleasure to his chaste queens. The

Prince was the son of a wreath-bedecked and learned king, who was always

acknowledged even by the chief of the Devas (Indra) before his envoys.”

n y * ^t*tt *7?tt 11 ^ «;

11 11 11

It was dark before we could get copies of the inscriptions and leave

the glen. Hardly had we left the range, when deep darkness overtook us.

On our arrival at the temple we found our men and traps had been

thrown out of the building. The obstinate priest, we were told, would not

allow us to stop inside during the night. This was no satisfactory news to

be told after a long day’s fatiguing ramble. We went inside. Sweet words

1877.]

33

Chandrasekhara Banurji- — The Kaimur Range.

we found would be vain. So we resorted to a stronger argument. The

math was instituted for charitable purposes. We were guests whom the

priest was by duty bound to shelter. Neglect on his part, we observed,

would be a serious dereliction of duty, and he would see to his cost that

another man would soon succeed, if he further continued to argue. This

had the desired effect. A change came over the spirit of the jmest, and he

was all humility and charity again.

We rose early, or rather mistook the moonlit night for dawn, and

went on looking on the silent hills and the twinkling stars until the faint

dawn broke in. We felt the incense of the morning refreshing and

inciting us to repeat — *

“Will not man awake and springing from his bed of sloth enjoy this cool,

This fragrant hour, to meditation due and sacred song ?”

But our meditation was rather roughly disturbed as we turned round

and spied a huge black brute passing in front of us. “ Is this a boar ?” Our

stout companion of a chaukidar said, “ A bhal only”. But before I turn¬

ed again, Master Bruin was far away, and we regret we did not see more of

his bearish majesty. A few minutes trotting up and down brought us back

to the rough pass of Tara Chandi.

The sun was just up, and we enquired of a nymph dressed in ochre-

coloured clothes, and who appeared to be the keeper of the shrine, if there

was any writing on the rocks. She went into an adjacent cave and pointed

it out to us. The cave was still dark, and we had to obtain a

lamp from the priestess. The cave faces the south, and is at the

extremity of the ridge which breaks in at the Pass. This is the

only Pass which affords any thoroughfare to the country which lies east

of the range. The country is well defended by nature. It is a cart-shaped

tract, having the hills on the north and west, and the broad Son on the

east. This secluded country, whose breadth varies from two to twelve miles,

appears from the inscriptions to have been the principality of a Bajput

chief, who was also the lord of the strongholds on the hills, before

the Moslem banner was hoisted on them. The name of this chief was

Pratap Dhaval Ail, of the order or gotra of Parsa Rajputs. He was a

great worshipper of S'ahti, and, having founded the shrines of Bhavani in

the glen of “ Tut tala” and of Tripura at the waterfall, built up a third

for Tara Chandi at the only pass through which his dominions could be

approached from Sahasram and the open country. The cave which adjoins

the shrine, is enfaced with a masonry wall, in which there is one door.

A veranda fronts this wall, and rests on a row of slender stone pillars

overlooking the pass. The cave has therefore one artificial and three

natural sides, although the side walls are partly made up of masonry,

to make the room rectangular. In the rear wall or rock, there is a

E

34

Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

[No. 1,

huge block, apparently engaged to the rock. It is more than two

yards long and a foot and a half broad. Placed under a roof and surrounded

by walls, it is rendered secure from the beatings of the weather, and

therefore from decay. A long inscription has been cut on this block, which

is completely legible. It is dated Samvat 1226, or 1173 A.D., and was

carved under the auspices of a monarch immediately before the approach

of the Crescent. The inscription consists of two parts. The first has

two slokas in praise of the goddess of the shrine, and runs, if we are

rightly informed, in the TJpendravajra metre. The second part has three

couplets and a half in tbQ Srag-dhard metre, and recites the praise

of the “ stout and hard-hearted monarch Maharaja Pratapa Dhavala Ail,

who was lord over rajas, owned a country and a fort, whose dominions extend¬

ed 684 square miles on each side as ascertained by actual measurement by

the hand. The Maharaja was a Kshatriya of the Parsa gotra. He had the

surname of Ail, and was of the same noble race as Rohitasva, whom tradition

assigns to have been the founder of Fort Ruhiclas or Rohtas, and the first

Aryan settler on the Son. He reigned in the same country as far

back as 35 centuries. Was Pratap Dhaval Ail, of whose existence, race,

and name we have a tangible proof in the shrines and inscriptions, a

descendant of Rohitasva, to whose age the researches of History have yet

hardly descended ? It is difficult to doubt this. “ For among the noble

houses of the nations of the earth there is none that can boast of a longer

pedigree, or of a more splendid history, than the Rajputs of India.

We next visited the Mundesvari hill, on the summit of which there are

the remains of a very ancient shrine. The hill is situated about six miles

to the south-west of Bhubun. At the foot .of the hill, an annual fair is

held on the night of the 9th of Baisakh, when streams of pilgrims with

flaming torches wind up the slope. From a distance the Mundesvari hill looks

like a blue -pointed pyramid with the slight outline of a spreading tree on the

summit. The tree grows on the ruined tower of a temple, the sides of which

only are now standing. The approach to the temple lies through the eastern

face of the mount. The ascent is easy; stage by stage as you ascend, the hill

is observed to consist of three or four successive spires. Between the foot

of each spire and the one immediately under it, there are even plains, which

were once the sites of masonry buildings. The ruins of these are spread

along the eastern slope with some huge images of gods. The chief of these

is a big image of Ganesa, richly ornamented. There is another image lying

flat on the rock. The head is broken and is missing, but it has a coat with

* According to Mr. Sherring, (p. 143) Rohtas on the Son was founded by the

Kachwaha or Kushwahu tribe of Rajputs, who trace their origin to Rama through

his son Kush. Maharaja Rala, Maharaja Man Sihha, and the present Maharaja of

Jaypur, are the present illustrious descendants of this race.

35

1877.] Chandrasekhara Banurji — The Kaimur Range.

skirts hanging down to within two inches of the knee, a pair of boots or

buskins, a girdle, and a sword-belt hanging towards the left.

The chief interest of the place is, however, centered in the temple on

the highest point of the hill. The spire of the temple has fallen, and its

sides are partly buried in debris. But its cornice is visible, and it is

supported on a frieze, consisting of a nice range of tiger-heads. The fierce

eyes of these faces rather ill-assort with the moustaches twisted up

to a point over stretched and slender lips which give them altogether a

grotesque appearance. The front paws are also visible, contracted to the

point of a start.

All the doors of the temple, except the northern one, have been blocked

up by the debris of the fallen porch. The square at this door is nicely carved,

and entering through it we come to the shrine. The shrine is an octagonal

spire, supported in the middle by four pillars with the same number of

sides. The roof above consists of big stone slabs. Within the four pillars

there is a standing block representing the phallus or Siva, but it has the

peculiarity of having four faces carved on its four sides, looking towards the

four doors of the temple. The temple itself appears square outside, but the

walls have been thickened to an octagon inside. The eastern recess of this

thick wall is occupied by a handsome equestrian statue of the goddess

Mundalesvari. She rides triumphant on a buffalo, in the attitude of a man,

and holds fast with her left hand one of its horns, to restrain the brute. Her

ornaments are rich — richer is her hair, which is turned up in the shape of

a nice chignon. Altogether the sculptor has succeeded in imparting to her

face a vigour which is not usually observed in figures in old Hindu temples.

Indeed, the great peculiarity of the images on the Mundesvari hill is the

elongated oval cut of the face, which contrasts with the square flats of the

Orissan artists.

There are different slabs on the slopes in which inscriptions may be

found. The letters are peculiar, neither resembling the Devanagari, nor the

Pali. But the most remarkable among them is to be found on a tongue of

the hill, appropriately known to the natives as the Jibh Devi. Westward

from the summit, the descent to this tongue lies over precipitous boulders,

the crevices having thorny plants and poor grass. Going down the

hill we came to this projecting rock, the so-called Jibh Devi, about 16 feet

broad, protruding like a tongue about 30 feet from the hill. There is a

broad crack at the point of projection over which one has to leap. It

overhangs a wild country, bounded on all sides with wilder hills, and

overlooking the plains some 300 to 350 feet deep. Over this narrow

slice there are devices of plants and leaves. Inscriptions run across

these plants, and they may well deserve the patience of the antiquarian.

The letters are, however, so few and detached, that the information

36 G. H. Damant — Note on the old Manipuri Character. [No. 1,

they are likely to give, may ultimately turn out to be of little use. There

is no doubt, however, that the pointed letters, some of which resemble the

Y and E of the English alphabet, must belong to a very ancient age, and it

would be interesting to trace the people who engraved them. The letters

are big and deeply cut.

Tradition attributes the rocks on the Mundesvari hill to a Daitya, by

the name of Munda. He was the brother of Chanda, the chief who founded

Chyapur. They belonged to a race of Pre-Aryans, who must have latter¬

ly blended their own worship of the phallus with that of the S'akti. The

remains of their forts and stone buildings incontestably point out that the

Daityas, who at times established sovereign sway over the Aryans, were not

mere savages. Hated and dreaded as their names may appear, they were

certainly powerful princes who represented a more advanced state of civili¬

zation than history has yet been ready to assign them. The history of

these primitive races, detested by the names of Dakas, Daityas, Dasyus, the

raw-eaters and the “ Black race”, remains yet to be written, and in the

relics of their ruined forts, tenrples, pillars, scattered along the plains and hills

of Shahabad and the valleys along the Ganges, some material may be gathered

to show that they were not entirely men of that degraded condition in

which their antagonists have invariably depicted them. Mr. Thomason’s

remarks regarding the Bhar tribe equally apply to the other aborigines of

the district : “ They were a powerful and industrious people, as is evident

by the large works they have left behind them.”

Note on the old Manipuri Character. — JBy G. H. Damant, C. S., Officiating

Political Agent , Manipur.

(With two plates.)

There can be but little doubt that this aljuhabet is a form of the Deva-

nagari, and it was in all probability introduced from Bengal along with

Hinduism by some wandering sanyasi in the reign of Charairongba, who

flourished about 1700 A. D. ; at least there is no evidence to show that a

knowledge of writing existed among the Manipuris at any earlier date. The

earliest MS. I can find, purports to have been composed in the reign of Cha¬

rairongba, and there are no mural inscriptions of old date in the country.

The alphabet is singularly ill-adapted to the Manipuri language, and in

point of fact, we find in the MSS. that the letters g , gh, chh,j,jh, all the

gutturals, n d, dh , b, bh, g, and sh are seldom, if ever, used except in words of

Bengali origin, Jc, t,p, and ch being used for g, d, b, andy respectively, while

37

1877.] G. H. Damant — Note on the old Manipuri Character .

w, a letter which distinctly exists in the Manipnri language, is unrepresent¬

ed in the alphabet. Compound letters are seldom used or required.

The most important MS. is called the “ Takhelgnamba”, and contains an

account of the wars between Pamhaiba, alias Garib- Namaz, [Gharib-nawaz]

king of Manipur and the Baja of Tiparah. The copy in my possession

contains 45 leaves written on both sides.

The next in importance is the “ Samsokgnamba”, which is a history of

the war between Charairongba and his son Pamhaiba of Manipur and the

kings of Burma and Sumjok. It contains 36 leaves.

The “ Langlol,” a short MS. of ten leaves only, is a treatise on morals,

intermixed with proverbs and maxims, and would probably be interesting as

throwing light on the customs of the Manipuris before their conversion to

Hinduism. The only other MSS. of which I have been able to obtain

information, are the “ Meiyanggnamba”, an account of the wars between

Manipur and Kachar, and the “ Salkau”, a treatise on cattle and the respect

to be shown them. Of these, two latter I have not been able to obtain

copies. The above seem to comprise the whole literature of Manipur ; but

it is just possible that further search may reveal one or two other works.

The MSS. are all written on a coarse, but very durable, kind of paper, with

pens made of bamboo ; paper blackened with charcoal on which they write

with a soapstone pencil is also used. The character has now been almost

entirely superseded by Bengali, and indeed but few of the Manipuris can

read it. A national chronicle is, however, still kept in the old character by

the guild of priests, ‘ maibees’ as they are called, in which every event of

importance occurring in the country is regularly recorded.

The language of the MSS. is most difficult, being quite unintelligible

to an ordinary Manipuri, while those who can understand it are very few in

number. It is, however, interesting as being the oldest form we possess of

the Manipuri and cognate dialects. In a practically unwritten language like

this, for the very few writings which exist could never have affected the mass

of the people, considerable variations in dialect must inevitably take place in

the course of a very few years ; but in the present instance the difference

between the written and spoken language is so great, that it can hardly be

accounted for in this way. Tradition has it, and it seems most probable,

that the Manipuris are a conglomeration of several distinct tribes, and it

may well be that these MSS. are written in the dialect of one of them,

whichever may have been predominant at the time, but this is a question

which can only be satisfactorily settled after careful enquiry.

I subjoin a copy of the complete Manipuri alphabet, and a facsimile

with transliteration and translation of the first page of the “ Samsok¬

gnamba.” The translation is little more than tentative, as the meaning of

many phrases is obscure and doubtful, the Manipuris themselves differing

very much as to their meaning.

38

G. H. Damant — Note on the old Manipur i Character. [No. 1,

Translation.

Hail 0 King, hail lord of heaven, hail snake* * * § king, slayer of

kings, O mighty king, snake king at whose voice the people flee, who has

performed the works of a king, who has conquered ten camps of Burmese,

with body and soul I will sing of Sethi, f Samsok% and the villages con¬

quered last month. Hail to his§ father, king Charairongba, who changed

the names of the gods, who warred in Selbi and Tekhau,\\ who subdued in

war the Lolloitha ,^[ who ascended the throne in the sight of all the people,

ivho was related to the Burmese** and brought the Boeraiff into connection

with them. I will tell how his daughter Chakpa Makhau Gnambi the lady%%

of royal family was given in marriage. Tongtoi, the king of Burma, gave

order, Go my servants, you Mayangkong of Selbi the wise, and you Tung-

lacha of Burma the mighty, go both of you to Poerai.

* The word ‘ label’ is still used to signify a snake. It probably refers to

Pakungba, the tutelary deity of the kings of Manipur, which is said to appear in that

form, small if pleased, and of great size if angry.

f Kubbo.

% Sumjok.

§ This refers to Pamhaiba, alias Garfb Namaz, the son of Charabongba, who died

at the commencement of the war.

|| Asam.

If Said to be a tribe of Nagas, but I cannot identify them.

** i. e. by giving his daughter Chakpa Makhau Gnambi in marriage to the king

of Burma.

ff The people of Manipur.

The word I have translated “ lady” is “ Tampa”, it is a title applied to females

of royal descent.

1877.]

39

Are Kalidasa's Heroes monogamists ? — ’Ey G. A. Grierson, C. S.,

Rang pur.

I was much interested by an article by Prannath Pandit in the last

number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society on the “ morals of Kalidasa.’ *

With reference to one bead of bis subject, “ Polygamy,” I venture to

differ from him. He says (page 357), “ It is noteworthy that it (polygamy)

is never prominently brought forward in the poems, except in the case of

the wives of Dasa-ratha .” And again, further on, “ The greatest of our

poet’s heroes are either monogamists, or may be taken to be so for all the

purposes of bis epic narrative.”

Has be not with regard to the poems forgotten Dilipa , one of the

very noblest characters in the Raghuvansa, who is especially declared to have

bad a numerous (I. 32) antah-pura-varga or zenana. Moreover, though

it is then said that be considered these wives of no value in comparison to

Sudalcsliind, Dilipa is at the same time distinctly said to have considered

not only her, but also Lalcshmi as bis wife, and hence to have been at least

a professed bigamist. Of course it may be urged that calling LaTcslwii

bis wife was a mere figure of speech, but still the fact shows that

according to Kalidasa, bis model Dilipa did not consider polygamy an

objectionable practice.

Again Agni-varna in the nineteenth book, who, though not a reputable

character, was undoubtedly one of Kalidasa' s heroes, can hardly be called a

monogamist.

With regard to Kalidasa's play-heroes, one, at least, viz., Pururavas,

cannot be taken as a monogamist, “ for all purposes of the epic narrative,”

or of the dramatic narrative either.

In the second Act of Vikramdvasi, Kipunilcd makes him out offend¬

ing bis Queen by imagining her to be TJrvasi, and calling her by her

( Tlrvasi' s) name T ^ f^TT «n^T *RT ^T^TIT II

This surely is hardly the act of a strict monogamist, especially as subse¬

quently Pururavas marries Tlrvasi in the lifetime of bis Queen.

The only other Dramatic Hero of Kalidasa with whom I am acquaint¬

ed, — j Bushy anta, though undoubtedly possessed of an “ affinity” for S'aJcun-

tald, as every right-minded hero should have for the heroine, used to

appear surrounded by Yavan women, with bows in their bands and wearing

garlands of flowers.* I know that the commentators say that these

women were simply arm-bearers, but on this occasion there was no reason

* ncar the commence¬

ment of the 2nd Act of the S'ahmtald.

40 G. A. Grierson — Are Kalidasa's Heroes monogamists ? [No. 1,

for tlieir bearing arms, and even if there was, such a profession does not

explain their carrying garlands at the same time.

As this passage is, however, liable to discussion. I now quote another

in the same act (the second), which occurs just before the 43rd verse

(M. W.’s Edition). The Yidushaka says to the king, speaking of his

longing for S'akuntald , “ Just as a man who is sated with dates may

desire the tamarind, so your highness, slighting the jewels of women in

your Zenana, has fixed his desires upon S'akuntald

There is one more jfiay by a Kalidasa , which is by some ascribed to

the author of the S'akuntald — the Mdlavikdgnimitra. The hero in this

piece is certainly not a monogamist, in fact Agnimitra is represented as

being “ very much married” indeed. He has a first Queen Khar ini, and

then a second Queen Irdvati, who is the chief villain of the piece. Not

only are these both prominent characters, but the king, not satisfied with

only two, finishes the play by marrying Mdlavikd, which is the conclusion

to which the whole course of events of the piece has been tending.

It thus appears that it can hardly be considered an accurate statement

of facts that “ the greatest of” Kalidasa's “ heroes are either monogamists

or may be taken to be so for all purposes of his epic narrative.” KiUpa

was a polygamist, about Baghu we know nothing, and the only great heroes

of Baghu' s line, who bear out the above remarks, so far as we can tell, were

Aja and Bama.

Every one of the dramatic heroes is a polygamist, and the subject of

marriage, so far as it relates to one or to a plurality of wives, is not men¬

tioned either in the Bitu-Sanhdra, the JSLegha-duta, or the Kumdra-Sam -

hhava.

1877.]

41

On the Route between Sohar and el-Rereymi in 'Oman, with a note on the

Zatt , or gipsies in Arabia. — JBy Lieutenant -Colo net S. B. Miles.

(With a map.)

Having arrived at Sohar (;he/,£>) on the 16th November, 1875, and visited

the Governor Seyyid Bedr-bin-Seif A1 Bu-Sa’idi, I requested him to be good

enough to arrange for my visit to el-Bereymi, and Sheikh Bashid-bin-

Hamd, with whom I was personally acquainted, and who is a man of

considerable influence in el-Dhahireh (SyfclAli), having been at one time

Governor of el-Bereymi, was selected to accompany me. I could, however,

only promise myself a hasty visit, as my arrangement with Captain Clayton,

Her Majesty’s Ship Rifleman, who had kindly given me a passage, was to

meet again at Sohar on the 22nd. The Sheikh’s preparations as regards

camels, &c., were not completed until the next morning at 10 a. m., when

we started with nine matchlocks of the Na’im and Mokabil tribes, and

reached about thirty miles by nightfall, encamping for the night at

Sahilah, a village in the Wadi Jezze belonging to

the el-Kunud. The road, after leaving the belt of palm groves and culti¬

vation outside Sohar, ran N. W. for an hour to ’Auhi, a little

patch of date groves and gardens irrigated by a felej , and then turned west

over a stony, gradually rising plain, covered with thin acacia jungle and

underwood towards the hills. The Wadi Jezze, which we came to soon

after, is here neither broad nor deep, being but a few inches lower than

the plain, and barely distinguishable from it, showing that no great torrent

ever rushes down it, but that after rainfall, which in ’Oman is rarely

heavy, the water that is not absorbed by cultivation is sucked in by the

porous soil on the way. Another hour brings us to the site of an ancient

ruined town, attested by heaps of fragments of black rock lying in squares

and ovals, which mark the foundations of houses, and by parts of ruined

walls and towers on adjoining hillocks, covering altogether a considerable

extent of ground. From the appearance of the foundations, the houses

must have been on a small scale and of rude construction. No vestige of

any edifice of architectural pretensions remains. At the present day the

locality is uninhabited, and a place of more dreary and complete desolation

I have rarely seen. My companions could not tell me the name of the site,

their only traditional knowledge was that it belonged to the Persians in the

time of ignorance, and that it was destroyed by God on account of the

refusal of the inhabitants to embrace the blessed truths of Islam.

A little further is a dried up felej leading from the hills, called Felej -

el-Suk, and also ascribed to the Persians. At 2£ P. M., we

F

42 S. B. Miles — On the route between [No. 1,

came in sight of Sehlat a village picturesquely situated on the top

of a hill, and having at a distance a somewhat imposing appearance, though

a closer view dispelled the illusion. It belongs to the Beni Gheith

a petty Hinawi tribe, subordinate however to the Na’im. Here we rested

for a short time while the camels were fed. The next village we come to

an hour later is Mileyyeneh, and our road henceforth lies in

the bed of Wadi Jezze as far as Hail, for we have now reached the

foot of the hill range and commence a more steep and winding ascent.

Just below Mileyyeneh, where the Wadi narrows considerably, is an arched

aqueduct, of solid masonry that supplies a village, called el-Ghorak ( oiyJo.

belonging to the Beni Gheith. I could learn nothing precise about this

aqueduct, which is evidently of very ancient construction, from the Sheikh,

the tradition as usual being limited to the fact of its having been con¬

structed by the Kafirs before Islam. Here we were overtaken by a heavy

thunder-storm, which soon drenched us through and made the rocky path

too slippery for the camels to venture out of a walk ; the sight, however,

was very grand from the picturesque scenery around us ; the dark blue

hills of the back ground, streaked by deepest black ravines and gorges, and

with ridge uj)on ridge of lower hills in front being lighted up here and there

by the rays of the sun, now near setting, glancing through a rent in the

dark heavy masses of clouds above us and showing a strange contrast of

light and shade. It was some time after dark when we reached the groves

of the little village of Sahileh, and here the Arabs having lost

the path and nearly brought us to grief among the water channels and

low walls of the plantations, we were fain to wait for a villager to light us

with a torch to our camping ground. This place belongs to the el-Kunud,

and has two small towers for defence. The next day, starting soon after

sunrise, we pushed on more rapidly and reached el-Bereymi at 7^ p. m.

Travelling at first in a south-westerly direction, we pass after an hour an

affluent on the right bank, called Wadi el-Sufan, up which

is a village of the same name, and then the Wadi Jezze, here forming a

loop, we cross the ’Akabat Kumashi to join it again. A few

miles further S. S. W. brings us to Burj el-Shikeyri, just

beyond which lies the village of Kan, (c;^) memorable for a conflict be¬

tween the Wahhabis and the Hadhrami troops of Seyyid Sa’id-bin-Sultan

some sixty years ago, in which the latter were signally defeated with great

loss, and which paved the way for the onward progress of these fanatics

to Shinas where they again destroyed His Highness’ forces. A

cemetery of the slain in the bed of the Wadi near Kan attests the severity

of the contest there. The tower of Shikeyri is on a peak some 200 feet

high on the right bank, and is joined to another tower below by a stone

wall. It was built for the special purpose of barring the progress of the

1877.] Sohdr and el-Bereyml in 'Oman. 43

Wahhabis. After another hour and a half we pass Wadi Wasit, up which

lies a town of that name. Sheikh Rashid was very anxious I should visit

this place, as the Sheikh Suleiman-bin-Sa’id el-Shamisi was a great friend

of his and a man of some importance. It lay, however, too much out of the

road, and time was of consequence. The next place we reached was el-

Khoweyrej, a village of the same clan as Wasit, the Showamis,

a sub-division of the Na’im, and having the protection of a fortlet

and two towers. The cultivation here was extensive and very refreshing to

the eye in contrast to the drear and arid rocks around. The fields were neatly

arranged in terraces on the right bank, advantage being taken ingeniously

of every availabble spot of ground capable of production. They were well

kept and evidently received much attention, irrigation being carried on by

means of channels leading from the copious stream above. Contiguous to

this is Hail, another large village, the two forming the most considerable

settlement I met with between Bereymi and Sohar. Hail has several

towers, and on the opposite bank is el-Rabi, (ltLt 0a pinnacle rock about 200

feet high, on which is perched a tower surrounded by a low wall now crum¬

bling away. The work is ascribed to the Persians, and the position is well

chosen for the purpose for which it is said to have been constructed, namely,

to serve as an outpost to protect the maritime plain from the inroads of

the Bedouins. This outpost not improbably marks the limit of the grasp

of the Persians in the age immediately preceding the introduction of Islam,

when they are related to have held the sea-coast of ’Oman, the Arabs main¬

taining themselves in the highlands and interior. Two petty clans of the

Na’im, the Rashidat and Hadidat occupy Hail, and are at enmity with

their neighbours the Showamis of Khoweyrej and Wasit. As may readily

be imagined, quarrels among such very close neighbours are very bitter, and

they are said to ripen every four or five years into a free fight, which is not

terminated without bloodshed. In such cases the people of Hail have the

advantage of being able to cut off the water-supply of those below by dam¬

ming up the stream, which is a very effective punishment, and is generally

instrumental in bringing hostilities to a speedy termination. At Hail the

Wadi Jezze is joined by its confluent, Wadi el-’Abeyleh, up which

the road now leads. The course of Wadi Jezze above the junction is short,

and lies W. S. W. towards Kabil and Seneyneh (<xlx.Lo). A few miles up

it is a steep pass, marking, as my Sheikh informed me, the boundary of el-

Dhahireh. We rested a little while at Hail, and then continued our route,

soon reaching more open and level ground with woody ravines and scat¬

tered herbage. The highest point of this pass is called el-Nejd, where the

aneroids showed an elevation of 1,860 feet, the peaks of the range on each

side rising above us 1,000 feet or more. On descending the other side, we

reached after an hour the Wadi ’Ain, which runs like all other water-

44

S. B. Miles On l hr route between

[No. 1,

courses on the southern side of the range in a south-westerly direction until

its waters are absorbed by the thirsty desert. We now continue W. N. W.

over an unbroken plain sparsely studded with acacias direct on to Bereymi.

On our right lies el-Mahdhah, the habitation of the Beni Ka’b

tribe, while to the S.W. the lofty isolated range of Jebel J f af it, ( o

looming some 20 miles away, alone breaks the level expanse before us, and

we stand on the border of that inhospitable sea of* sand and waste that

stretches without break or interruption for nearly 800 miles across the pen¬

insula, and forms the greatest sand desert of Asia. The Bedouins of our party

having remained behind at a watering place we had passed, we found we

had been jogging on for some miles without them, and the Sheikh professed

some apprehension lest we should encounter any of the ’Awarnir Bedouins,

who, he said, were constantly prowling about. It is customary in ’Oman, when

moving from one part to another, to take a man or two as Khafir, or pro¬

tector, from each of the more important tribes through whose country one

has to pass. This applies not only to strangers, but also to any Arab passing

through the territory of another tribe with whom his own are not in “ sail* ”

or league, when it is of course unnecessary. Sheikh Kashid had not been

able to procure an ’Amiri at Solnir before starting, arid hence his anxiety.

We had another thunder-storm this evening, but not much rain. On

arrival at Bereymi, I went to the house of Selim-bin-Mohammed, whose

father, the Chief Sheikh of the Na’im tribe, resides at Dhank Our

arrival was the signal for a general assembly of visitors, whom I soon tired of,

and 1 therefore beat a retreat to another house outside, which was cleared

for my reception.

Early the next morning, 1 set out to visit the fort, which at present is

in the hands of Sheikh Ilamd. i saw his house on the way, and as he was

laid up with a dislocated shoulder from a fall off a camel, he sent to invite

me in to take coffee. The house consists of two lofty rooms separated by

an arch and with no furniture, but a carpet or two and an array of coffee

pots ; two or three damsels bundled out as I entered, but the fowls and

goats that seemed to make up the complement of inmates, being less bash¬

ful, remained. The walls of the courtyard are loop-holed for musketry, and

a rusty iron gun lies half-buried in the ground inside. It took some little

time to get coffee ready for the assembly that had crowded into the house

and filled both sides of the room, but when it was over, I took leave and

continued my way to the fort. On reaching the gate, I received a salute

of three guns, which put the ordnance horn do combat by dismounting them

from their rickety carriages, and thus prevented any further expenditure of

powder. 1 was then taken over the fort, and the objects of interest gene¬

rally were pointed out to me with great readiness and evident pleasure by

the Sheikh’s nephew and his people. I was gratified by their civility, and

4">

1S77. Sohdr and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

spent some time in looking over the place, the strength and importance of

which in their eyes are by no means undervalued. The plain in which el-

Bereymi stands being so level, the view from the upper towers is exten¬

sive and interesting, embracing as it does the whole of el-Jow. and enabling

one to get a tolerably clear notion at a glance of the topographv of the

settlement. To the S. W.. at a little distance off. lies Sedevri's house,

erected manv vears ago bv that W ahhabi Chief for his own residence. It

was solid! v built of stone, but was destroved bv Sevvid 'Azan in 1S70. who

W • «f %

disapproved of seeing so strong a fortified house so near the fort, and who

required the stones of which it was built to repair and strengthen the latter.

After leaving the fort. I spent some time in walking through the section of

the settlement more particularly known as el-Bereymi. The dates had

nearly all been gathered, and the tields were being just freshly sown for the

spring harvest, except a few late tields of jowari, and the fruit season was

over, so I did not see the place to full advantage, but the fields were neat

and regular, and the orchards well cared for. Indeed, great attention is

paid to horticulture throughout Oman, and at all the centres of population

the * Bostans' are the great objects of interest. The houses in these

settlements are seldom grouped together, but are scattered among the date

groves ; they are principally of mat and date leaf construction, and form

perhaps the least obtrusive part of the landscape, A good proportion of

the few mud houses was dilapidated and unrenanted. and gave a general air

of unsubstantiality to the place. The verdant appearance of this oasis, how¬

ever. in which the tall and handsome foliage of the date is the predominant

feature, is most attractive and refreshing to the eve of the traveller, and

soon makes him oblivious of the drear and arid waste he has traversed

to reach it. while the luxuriant vegetation, the sight and sound of running

water, the almost entire absence of unproductive trees and plants, convey

an impression of prosperity which is by no means borne out in reality.

During the s eral of the Sheikhs came to visit meat Sa*reh.

and as thev were communicative, I was glad of the conversation. Among

those who came was Sheikh Ali-bin-Seif of the Beni Ka b, who lives at el-

Mahdhah : he was loqv. sand. and was \ - as I should

visit his tribe and settlement, but it was unfortunately not convenient to

do so. and I was compelled to accept his invitation for another time. He

toldmehe had been to el-Kiadh. having been taken captive by the Wahha¬

bis in his vouth and carried thither in irons. He believed they were - 1 dj s

ou the road from el-Berevmi to el-Hasa, as thev travelled slowly, and there

was plenty of water on the way. Xot having had time to visit any of the

Beni Yas settlements in the morning, a messenger arrived from them invi¬

ting me to do so. but I was obliged to decline, as it was alreadv time for

me to be taking my departure. At the suggestion of Sueikk Kashid. I re-

46

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

quested Sheikh Selim to furnish us with an escort to the limits of el- Jow,

but as he proposed to accompany me himself the first stage, I accepted his

company with pleasure. It was not without strong remonstrances and

pressing invitations to stay a day or two longer that we were permitted to

make a start, but we succeeded in doing so about 3 p. M., and in presence

of an admiring crowd of boys and Bedouins, we left el-Bereymi at a brisk

trot by the same road that we had come ; the Bedoos shouting and singing

and racing their camels at full speed in high spirits and evident delight at

being on the road again, and already oblivious of the fact that half an hour

before they had been sulky and disgusted at being told to collect the camels

for the journey. After some miles apeak to our left, named Katar, was

pointed out to me as having on the top the remains of a Persian settlement

with trees, dwellings, &c., and said to have beea occupied by them after

their repulse at el-Bereymi. We passed Khatmet el-Shikla, a+LA) a

small village at 12 miles, and soon after observing a low reddish coloured hill

some distance off very conspicuous among the other dark rocks, I told a

man to bring me a specimen. Nearly the whole party started off, and re¬

turned with sufficient stones to fill a portmanteau. It was a red compact

nummulitic limestone, and was the only block of the kind I noticed on the

journey. It was just dark when we reached el-Khurus, a deep

cleft in the rocky bed of the Wadi ’Ain, which holds a perennial supply of

rain water. The Arabs were anxious to push on to Hail, another 15 miles

or so in the dark, but I objected ; wood and water were sufficiently abundant,

and we soon had a good fire under way and suppers cooking. I noticed the

men obtained fire from a spark by rolling the tinder into a ball with dry

Arabs grass and swinging it round until it burst into flame. The dew to-night

was very heavy, and my blanket was drenched by morning. The elevation

of el-Khurus is 1,630.

20th. — Before starting I took leave of Sheikh Selim-bin-Mohammed,

whose protection was no longer required, giving him a suitable present, and

I may mention as an instance of the entire want of shamefacedness in the

Arab in begging, that he came up to me quietly, after he had received his

douceur from my factotum, to whisper a request for two dollars more. I

insinuated he had already received what I thought was proper for him, on

which he said, “ Well, give me one, only one more dollar, and I will be

satisfied.” This man’s father is Chief of one of the largest tribes in ’Oman,

and he himself a man of much influence and consideration. We reached the

Nejd two hours after leaving el-Khurus. The ground here, which for some

extent is comparatively level, is well wooded with acacias, rhamnus, &c.,

and green with low brushwood and grass. It is visited in the season by

the Na’im and Ka’b Arabs for pasturing their camels and goats. ' The

mountain range we were crossing is, except in the valleys and water-courses,

1877.]

47

Sohar and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

where the detritus from the hills forms a little soil, remarkably arid and

sterile, and is everywhere from Jehel Akhdhar to Ruus el- Jebal entirely

unclothed with verdure, presenting one of the bleakest ranges it is possible

to imagine. The large valleys contain a good deal of herbaceous, but very

little ligneous vegetation. Among the trees and plants in the Wadi Jezze

and in the plain beyond the range were noticed the rhamnus, screwpine,

samar or acacia vera, acacia Arabia, two oleanders, calotropis Gr., castor- oil,

and colocynth gourd, two or three euphorbias, the wild lavender, a rush

much used for making mats called rasad ; the maranneh , (^y°) the narcotic

plant noticed by Palgrave ; the rose-scented shirJceh, and much coarse grass

in tufts.

At Hail, which we reached in three hours from el-Khurus, and which

is perhaps 35 or 40 miles from Bereymi, we halted for a short time for

breakfast and to feed the camels, which were beginning to show symptoms

of fatigue, for since the commencement of the journey we had been keeping

up a jog-trot of from five to seven miles an hour, whenever the road render¬

ed it at all practicable. Our dromedaries were all pretty good, and were as

sleek and well-shaped in appearance as they were swift and easy in going.

’Oman camels are acknowledged the best in the world. The Sherif of Mecca

rides none other, and last year he received a present of six from Seyyid Tur-

ki, which were sent by sea to Jedda. They fetch from $100 to 150, if

very superior, but the ordinary ones run from $30 upwards. Depth of chest

is considered one of their chief points. The Bedouins of ’Oman, sometimes

take their camels from el-Bereymi across Arabia to Nejd and el-Hejaz

for sale. In ’Oman, Arabs ride behind the hump, the saddle being very small

with a felt and sheepskin over it. The camel’s nose is not pierced, but a

headstall with a chain nose-band and a thick camel hair rope forms the

bridle. In Yemen, they sit in front of the hump, resting the feet on the

neck of the animal, the saddle having a high pommel to give support. On

leaving Hail, we entered the political boundary of Sohar, and proceeded

down the Wadi Jezze by the side of running water, flowing at intervals as

far as Mileyyeneh ; owing to the alternate porosity and rockiness of the

bed, the stream rushes along at one place for some distance, then suddenly

disappears to re-appear again as suddenly further on. Kan and Shikeyrf,

Sahilah and Mileyyeneh, are successively passed and left behind, until at

nightfall we reached our halting place not far from Sehlat, where the road

branched off: to Jehel Grharabeh, a spot I was anxious to visit. During our

march to-day we had been joined by two Sheikhs of the Na’fm tribe, who

were taking two horses for sale to Sohar. One of these, a chestnut mare,

was a very casty, well-formed, and pretty animal, and from the price put

on her the Sheikhs seemed to have a very exalted idea of her value. We

passed on the road several small parties of donkeys and camels laden with

48

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

dried and salt-fish going up to el-Bereymi, where the consumption of

these articles is very considerable. The elevation of this place was found

to be 850. The road we have been travelling lies almost entirely along

the smooth sandy bed of the Wadis or torrents, and presents no difficulties

of any kind to communication. For the first 30 miles or so from Sohar the

road winds up Wadi Jezze, and for 10 miles more its confluent Wadi

’Abileh. We then cross the ridge of the chain, here very low and not

exceeding 1,900 feet, while the peaks on each side reach about 3,000. On

descending the other side, we find ourselves on the plain of el-Jow, which

borders on the great desert. Though heavy in places, the road is quite

practicable for guns, and I remember no place that would be likely to cause

artillery more than an hour’s detention. The mountain range that has been

crossed is part of the chain leading from Bas Mosandim u»\j) to Jebel

Akhdhar, and divides the provinces of el-Dhahireh and el-Batineh. The

hilly district between these two provinces is styled el- H ajar by the

Arabs, but there is no general name for the range that connects Jebel Akhdhar

with Ruus el- Jebal. The water-sheds towards Buus el- Jebal lie east and

west, while lower down towards Jebel Akhdhar, they lie N. E. and S. W.

Bunning water was met with by me only in Wadi Jezze from Hail to Sehlat,

and then never more than a few inches deep, but there is no scarcity of

water anywhere. The inhabited spots are irrigated both by canals drawn

from the stream, and by wells. The rocks met with were mostly sediment¬

ary, the principal being a very dark limestone and an argillaceous slate,

the latter lying in great angles. The bed of Wadi Jezze is cut through

a breccia containing fragments of granite, green limestone, quartz, and a

beautifully variegated sandstone, and the breccia or conglomerate is pene¬

trated in some places by masses of slate or shale. The range is very peaked

and sharp ridged, and here and there the strata were in waves, appearing as

if the rock had been at some period subjected to pressure. Throughout the

whole route, the aspect of the country is extremely barren and sterile, and,

as might be expected, is unable to sustain much animal life. The only

wild animals, I noticed, were a few ravine deer and foxes, and birds were

everywhere extremely rare. On starting the following morning, we pro¬

ceeded down the bank of Wadi el-’Aweyneh of the el-Mokabil,

who occupy chiefly the upper part, where it is well wooded, and where run¬

ning water is abundant. In an hour and a half we reached Jebel Grharabeh,

(&j| y- (J-^) where, as I had already learnt from Sheikh Bashid, who had been

regaling me throughout the journey with the traditionary lore of ’Oman,

were situated the ruins of the citadel of ’Oman, the pristine name of Sohar,

at one time the capital of the whole country. I determined here to take

the opportunity of exploring these interesting and ancient ruins, which are

probably not paralleled in ’Oman, and accordingly made a short halt for the

1877.]

Sohar and el-JBereymi in 'Oman.

49

purpose. The hill is not high, perhaps 250 or 300 feet, but it is very steep

and inaccessible, and there being no semblance of a road, I was glad to

accept the assistance of the Bedouins, who are as agile as cats and clamber

about the most difficult places with ease. Around the summit, which is

irregular, are traceable the ruins of these fortifications extending perhaps

for half a mile. The wall still stands in places, from two to six feet high,

and it is possible to trace the outline of part of the buildings at the highest

point, though the greater part are an undistinguishable heap of ruins.

Along the line of fortification at intervals were small circular towers,

several of which are still conspicuous. The thickness of the walls was

uniformly about three feet, and they are constructed entirely of rough

fragments of the rock of which the upper part of the hill is composed, viz .,

a white oolitic limestone, cemented with clay, and I could detect only three

places in which mortar had been used at all. These were an arch in the

wall, the curbstones in the path that led down the hill and the water

cisterns. One of these cisterns, of which there are two, is quite at

the summit, and is in shape an oblong, constructed of round pebbles

cemented and plastered with mortar. The other is oval- shaped and of

similar construction. It is lower down the hill. Both these tanks are

small and shallow, and in such good condition, that, if cleaned out, they

might still be serviceable. There are no signs of wells having been sunk

that I could see ; indeed, the quality of the rock precludes the idea of

such an experiment. Somewhat below the highest point is a low arch in

in the wall, built of selected stones cemented together, and was not impro¬

bably that of the gateway, as it is just over the road. There is one other

arch in a tower still lower down, but it is made with long slabs placed

together uncemented. Only a few yards of the roadway are traceable near

the top, the rest is entirely obliterated, but it probably wound round the

greater part of the hill. It was very narrow, and is faced at the edge with

curbstones. It was at the extreme summit where the outline is best pre¬

served, that the residence of the Chief or Governor probably stood, but to

judge from the heap of stones in situ, the building was apparently of no

great extent ; perhaps a small stone house for the Chief and rude shelter

for the garrison were all that was needed. From its position and strength,

however, the importance of the castle is sufficiently apparent, and it was

doubtless considered quite impregnable in those days of slings and bows,

while it of course commanded the whole plain of Sohar from hence to the sea.

According to the tradition of the Arabs, as related to me by Sheikh

Bashid and confirmed by Seyyid Turki and others, the castle at J ebel

Gharabeh, as well as the city of ’Oman, were founded by J ulanda-bin-Karkar,

' J under whom the city covered a great part of the maritime

plain lying between Jebel Gharabeh and the sea ; but there is no doubt that

G

50

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

both the ruins of el-Gharabeh and the city are much anterior to the time of

the Julandaites. Another legend related to me was of the daughter of

Julanda, whose hand became diseased and withered, while the physicians were

unable to apply any remedy. She remained thus for a long time, and at

last decided to try the benefit of the sea air and bathing, after experiencing

which for a short time she entirely recovered. The above tradition, it may

be remarked, deriving the Julandaites from the ’Amalekite Beni Karkar is

opposed to the more generally received account, according to which they

descend from the el-Azd of ’Oman. The ’Amaleka properly derive from

the Ishmaelite or Nejdean stock, as does also Sohar, the brother of Tasm

and Jadis and the Eponymus of the ancient town. The Julandaites were

a powerful dynasty in ’Oman, and for some time previous to the second

advent of the Persians before Islam held dominion over el-Bahrein and the

whole of the Persian Gulf. According to Ross’ Annals of ’Oman, the

Persians at the time of the introduction of Islam had possession of the

sea-coast of ’Oman, while the Arabs had the interior. Mohammed sent

messengers to the two sons of Julanda, who then ruled in ’Oman, and these

messengers alighted at Damsetjerd near Soliar, a fortified place built by

the Persians. Julanda’s sons, ’Abd and Jeifar, and the Arabs agreed to

accept Islam, but the Persians, refusing, were attacked in Damsetjerd by

Jeifar and compelled to quit ’Oman. This Damsetjerd I am inclined to

identify with the ruins at Felej el-Suk described above, and this is indi¬

cated, I think, both by their position and the Arab tradition attaching to

the spot. The extreme antiquity of Sohar as one of the principal empori¬

ums of ’Oman is shown by its identification with the ancient city of ’Oman,

the capital of the country, which depends not alone on Arab tradition and

authority, but is accepted by European writers, who see in Sohar the Omana

or Omna of Pliny and Ptolemy.

The exact period, however, at which the town changed its name is a

question more difficult of solution, and regarding which history and tradi¬

tion afford no clue. The ancient history of Sohar is very obscure, as,

though frequent references to it may be found in all ages, no good descrip¬

tion or account of it exists that I am aware of. A short notice, however,

by Ibn Mojawir is worth quoting. He says : — “ Sohar had 12,000 houses,

and every nakhodd dwelt in a separate house, and the people used to draw

their drinking water from the aqueduct. Some one told me there were 192

steel-yards for the weighing of merchandize between vendors and pur¬

chasers. The town was built of bricks, mortar, and teak-wood, and it be¬

came ruined, and the jinn haunted the castles around. Abu Bekr el-Bisri

informed me that the country belonged first to the kings of Kerman of

the Seljuk dynasty, then it was ruled by the el-Ghozz, and afterwards it

became deserted and was destroyed by the Arabs.” Some cultivated spots

1877.]

51

Sohar and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

are still to be seen near Jebel Gharabeh, but the only outward and visible

sign of its former greatness remaining is the aqueduct Felej el-Mo’taridh

( ) .

This work, which is of good stone masonry, leads along the surface of

the ground, with a gentle declivity from the Wadi Jezze in the vicinity of

Hureh Bargheh, or Sohar Peak as we call it, to the shore, a dis¬

tance in a straight line of 14 or 15 miles, and is still distinctly traceable for the

greater part of the way, disappearing at the outskirts of the present town.

I noticed by the side of it more than one small cistern of exactly the same

pattern and construction as those on Jebel Gharabeh. The modern town

of Sohar has for some years been in a gradually declining state. It has

been described in the bright pages of Palgrave, but has still further decayed

since his visit. In Sohar proper, which lies between Pas Sellan and

the village of Soweyhereh, the population is now only about 4000,

including 400 Persians, a dozen Jews, who have been gradually decreasing in

numbers year by year, and half-a-dozen banians ; the bulk of the inhabitants

here as also along the coast from Sohar to Majis being of Persian and

Beluch descent. The citadel, in which the Governor Seyyid Bedr resides, is

a lofty, square, plain building, with a strong entrance and well defended by

a moat ; next to Sohar Peak it is the most conspicuous object seen from

seawards. From the roof an excellent view is obtained of the surrounding

country, and a lovely landscape it is, the sea- shore being fringed with a

belt of stately palm gardens and cultivation about three miles broad, while

behind, the plain rises gradually, until broken up by the lower spurs of the

lofty, dark, serrated range in the back-ground. In the second story of this

house is the tomb of Seyyid Thoweyni-bin- Seyyid, but the room in which it

stands has been bricked up since my last visit. It is remarkable that of the

number believed to have been associated directly or indirectly with Seyyid

Selim in his parricidal act, some nine persons, only two are alive, the rest

having all, with one exception, met violent deaths. The town wall is very

dilapidated, especially the front towards the sea, and is now fast crumbling

down, and there are no towers or bastions to it, but the moat is still kept

clear on the land side. The circuit of the wall is about a mile, but a very

small extent of the area inside is covered with houses, the rest of the

ground being bare or occupied with date and other fruit trees. The market

contains about forty shops, and is good and well filled, the fish market

particularly ; the fisheries on the Batinah coast being abundant almost to

a miracle. The custom duties are 5 per cent., and the farm this year has

been sold to a Persian for $175 per month ; but this is no gauge for the

amount of imports, as foreign goods are obtained from Muscat, where they

have already paid duty, and are consequently free from assessment here.

Trade is said to be decreasing annually, and to be transferring itself to

52

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

Shargah, which is almost as easy of access to the principal customers as

Sohar, the Arabs of el-Dhahireh and el-Jow, and where goods are cheaper,

being imported thither direct from Bombay, and thus saving Muscat dues

and re- shipment. Sohar has no harbonr, nor even the slightest shelter for

native craft, and is dependent entirely on its position in being able to tap

the trade of Upper el-Dhahireh and el-Jow for existence, and should this

source of prosperity be in part drawn off by rival ports, it must sink in

time to the level of other towns in the Batinah. El-Jow, in which el-

Bereymi lies, is the smallest of the six provinces of ’Oman, and is situate

between el-Dhahireh and the Shemal. It is bounded on the south by

Jebel Hafit, on the east by Khatmet el-Shikla and el-Mahdheh, on the

north by el- Shemal, and to the west by the desert. El-Jow is inhabited

by several tribes, both Ghafiri and Hinawi ; the former having been in

the ascendant since the accession of Seyyid Turki. The most powerful

and the predominant Ghafiri tribe at present is the Na’im, which is divided

into two distinct and about equal sections, each having numerous sub¬

divisions, and numbers on the whole some 20,000 souls. They occupy el-

Bereymi Proper and Su’areh, and their possession of the fort enables

them to overawe the whole of the settlement. Since the time of Seyyid ’Azan,

they have been practically uninterfered with by the Muscat Government,

but of course own allegiance to the present Sultan. The Na’im are at feud

with the Beni Yas, who occupy part of el-Bereymi, and their hostility is

interrupted only by occasional truces ; collisions frequently occurring be¬

tween them. Of the two sections of the Na’im one inhabits more parti¬

cularly el-Jow and Bereymi, the other el-Dhahireh. They are of the more

orthodox or Sunni persuasion, unlike the generality of ’Omanis who are

Ibadhiya. The Chief Sheikh of the tribe is Mohammed-bin-’Ali-bin-Hamud,

who lives at Dhank, his representative at el-Bereymi being his son Selim.

The principal Hinawi tribe at el-Bereymi is the Beni Yas, who formerly

gained so much notoriety by their piratical exploits. The Chief of this

tribe is Sheikh Zaid-bin-Khalifah, a man of strong character, and per¬

haps the sole individual in these parts possessing any real personal power

and authority. He resides at Abuthabi, and there are four smaller

Sheikhs subordinate to him residing at el-Bereymi. This tribe takes the

lead on the Hinawi side in all dissensions between the Hinawis and Gha-

• •

firis at el-Bereymi, and during Seyyid ’Azan’s reign held the predominant

position here. The Beni Yas occupy the villages of Jemi, Katareh, Heyli,

and the Wadi Mes’udi at el-Bereymi,

and are said to have formerly out-numbered the Na’im, but this state of

affairs has become reversed of late. The Ghafiri tribe next in importance

to the Na’im, is the BeniKa’b, which numbers some 15,000 souls, and occu¬

pies the district of el-Mahdheh, which includes the mountain range and val-

1877.]

53

Sohcir and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

leys between Wadi el-Jezze and Wadi Hatta. There are about 20 villages in

this district, the principal of which is el-Mahdheh, where the Sheikh ’Ali-bin-

Seif resides. They are all irrigated by conduits drawn from the hills,

and as the soil is the same, Mahdheh produces the same kinds and quality

of grains and fruits as el-Bereymi. There is no direct pass through the

range from el-Mahdheh to Sohar between Hatta and el-Jezze. Other

Ghafiri tribes are the Beni Kattab and el-Daramikeh (&£/o|jo4|) •

and Hinawi tribes are the Dhowahir, (j.& Ij-kJl) which occupies el-’ Ain, el-

Daudi, el-Kharais, el-Mareyjib, Sa’neh and Mo’taridh,

^jcj£x+) |) j and rank next in power to the Beni Yas and the

’Awamir. This last is a very large nomadic tribe, widely scattered over

’Oman, but occupying chiefly the desert outskirts from Kooria Mooria Bay

to the Sabkha, and roaming about with their flocks and herds in

a state of semi-savagedom. The ’Awamir are genuine Bedouins, and no

wilder or more predatory race exists, I believe, in Arabia. One of their

clans, the ’Affar, (j^) are popularly supposed to feed upon the bodies of

animals that have died naturally, but this is denied by the tribe who, how¬

ever, admit that they are not unfrequently reduced to devouring their skin

clothing. A large portion of this tribe has settled down, particularly in the

province of ’Oman, wThere they occupy a district of twelve villages called the

( Buldan el- ’Awamir’ and follow agricultural pursuits. The wandering ’Awa¬

mir do not even respect the members of other clans of their own tribe unless

they are acquainted with them, but plunder indiscriminately all they meet.

In August 1874, a party of this tribe arrived at Muscat from the neighbour¬

hood of Wadi Bekot in Kooria Mooria Bay to assist His Highness Seyyid

Turki in an expedition he was engaged on, and returned afterwards, as

they had come, by land. They professed to have no difficulty in making

their way over the great desert.

El-Bereymi is the appellation usually applied to a collection of seven

villages or settlements, of which the one, specially bearing that name, is the

largest and most important. The others are Su’areh to the N., Jemi, Katareh

and Heyli to the N. W., and ’Ain and Mo’taridh to the S. E. ; and the popula¬

tion of the whole may be estimated at 12,000 to 15,000. From the outside the

appearance of these settlements is very pretty and refreshing, the date palms

and orchards forming a green-setting to the low palm leaf huts, which are scat¬

tered throughout, and which just peep through the foliage. They have a

striking similarity to the “ abadis” or settlements in Mekran. The general

condition of the people is low, and there is a noticeable equality of property

throughout, but this is owing probably more to the want of good government

and the chronic state of warfare and insecurity they five in, than to the

natural disadvantages of the land. Agriculture is in rather a mediocre state

as regards cereals and vegetables, the principal object of culture being of

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

54

course the date. They are not dependent on the annual rainfall which is

small, but are able to irrigate with certainty by means of their valuable

aqueducts drawn from the hill range as well as from wells, water

being abundant and at no great depth. Each settlement has at least one

of these canals, that of el-Bereymi Proper being brought from a peren¬

nial spring in the hills distant about twenty miles. The water in this

canal was quite warm to the touch, but I forget what they told me about

the source. The grains grown are wheat, jowari, maize, barley, and bajri,

the spring crops being wheat, the autumn, jowari, and bajri. This is

sometimes succeeded by a crop of beans or pulse, but the latter are never

sown intermingled with cereals. The stubble is always ploughed in and

never burnt, and the only other manure used is cattle dung. The vegetables

grown are sweet potatoes, radishes, cucumbers, egg-plants, onions, and

pumpkins. Tobacco, cotton, red and white, and lucerne are also grown,

the last for the use of cattle. Eight or nine crops of this are obtained

in the year, showing the quality of the soil, which is fertile but thin.

Bnt more care and attention are bestowed on the fruits than on anything

else, and they consequently arrive at considerable excellence. All the best

kinds of dates are cultivated, fard , masei/bili, Jchalas, &c., though they are

not considered equal to the same varieties in Bedieh (&j^) and Semail

(JjU.**). The other fruits are peaches, mangoes, custard- apples, limes, sweet-

limes, oranges, mulberries, pomegranates, melons, guavas, figs, and grapes.

There are only a very few horses at el-Bereymi belonging to the Sheikhs ;

cattle too are scarce ; camels are abundant and cheap ; and asses are used ex¬

tensively for burden and riding. The food of the people is chiefly dates and

coarse bread or rice, varied by salt-fish, camels’ and goats’ flesh. Milk is

abundant, and a hard sort of cream cheese is made, the juice of an euphorbia

being sometimes used instead of rennet for coagulating the milk. On the

sea-coast the intestines of fish are often used for this purpose. There being

no banians or other regular traders, there is no general bazar at Berey-

mi, but every afternoon a market is held where the Bedouins assemble with

their produce and animals for sale or barter with those who can supply

their wants. Money is little used on such occasions where cloth, articles of

food, camels, donkeys, goats, and all the miscellaneous articles of an Arab

household, are exchanged. The most trifling things change hands, and the

scene is, as may be imagined, a lively and picturesque one. The ladies

here, I observed, did not wear the tinselled mask seen in Muscat, but

covered their heads with a black cloth veil, which is still more unbecoming.

I must not omit that like their European sisters they wore high-heeled

shoes. Their occupations, besides household affairs, are spinning, mat¬

weaving, felt-making, and tending goats and kine.

El-Bereymi formerly possessed two forts, only one of which is now

1877.]

Sohdr and el-Bereymi in ’ Oman . 55

standing, the other has been demolished, and lies a heap of mins. Both

are said to have been built by the Showamis, a strong clan of the Na’rm

occupying chiefly the Wadi Jezze, but the fort still standing was improved

and strengthened by the Wahhabis during their occupation. It consists of

four towers joined by curtains and surrounded by a deep ditch. It is of

square form, built entirely of mud or unburnt bricks, and carries eight guns

of sizes. The breadth of the ditch is about 25 feet, and both scarp and

counterscarp are quite steep and faced with brick work. The rampart is

eight feet high and two thick, and there is an open space of 20 paces between

it and the towers. These towers rise perhaps 40 feet, the curtain some¬

what less than half way up, and each side of the square formed by them

is about one hundred and fifty feet. The gate is the weakest part of the

structure, there being only a single small wooden door standing half way

across the ditch, which is here bridged with the trunks of two date trees.

Inside the fort is a residence for the Sheikh with accommodation for the men,

and some godowns. Water is abundantly provided by two wells, which

would yield sufficient for a large garrison. I tasted the water of one, and

it was perfectly sweet and good. Near the outer gate is a brass 24-pounder,

mounted as a field-piece, having the name of Seyyid-bin- Sultan, A. H. 1258

in Arabic, and the English date 1842. It is one of a batch of 20 that

Seyyid Sa’id procured from America at that time for his corvette the Sultan.

This gun was brought from Sohar by Seyyid ’Azan, in 1870, in his expedition

against Bereymi, and was used against the fort it now defends. With

unusual energy and forethought for an Arab, Seyyid ’Azan brought spare

carriage wheels, harness, and tents, all of which are carefully stored up in

a godown. The harness did not look as if it had ever been used, and they

told me the gun had been dragged thither entirely by manual labour. The

fort is fairly well situated, and stands out on the plain, but on the N. W.

side the houses and cultivation encroach somewhat close upon it, and on the

other side lie the ruins of Sedeyri’s fort at no great distance, which would

afford capital shelter for an enemy. Both as regards strength and position

it is the most important fort in this part of ’Oman, and is generally regard¬

ed as the key of the country towards the west. Its reduction, therefore,

would be considered necessary by any force approaching from that side.

I endeavoured to gather information respecting the route between ’Oman

and Nejd, but the accounts were somewhat discrepant. According to some

the first district beyond el-Jow is Beinuneh, in which is el-’ Ankeh, a hamlet of

the Beni Kattab, with a small date grove, the Sheikh of which is Sai’d-bin-

Aweydimi. Next to Beinuneh lies el-Dhafreh, inhabited chiefly by the

Menasir, and where there is a watered grassy vale called Da’fis, visited in

season for pasture by the Menasir, ’Awamir, Beni Yas, Beni Kattab, el-

Mizaniyeh, and el-Ghafaleh nomads. Further on between el-Dhafreh,

56

S. B. Miles — On the route between

[No. 1,

Katar, and el-Hasa is the district of el-Ja’fur. Through these districts

lies the route from el-Bereymi to el-Hasa, from whence the road con¬

tinues to el-Bladh. There is no tract that can be followed, as the sand is

blown about by the wind, but there appear to be two general routes, one of

which is used more in winter, the other in summer ; the first is straighter

and shorter, the other passes near the sea, is more winding, and after leav¬

ing the Sabkheh turns north for three days. The journey is not considered

dangerous or difficult, as water is found in a great many places, though

usually very brackish, and they seldom have to carry a supply for more

than two days. Caravans very rarely make the journey, and travel only

at night, taking about thirty days from el-Hasa to el-Bereymi. Troops

as a rule travel by day only, their pace being a gentle amble, and they cover

the distance in twenty to twenty-five days. A kasid takes ten days. The

Menasir and Beni Yas chiefly hold possession of the eastern part of the

route, the A1 Morra of the western. No hills are met on the way, and

the only Wadis are el-Sabkheh and el-Sohba. I give in a tabular form

the halting stations of the two routes, but as already observed, water is pro¬

curable in many other places. The Sabkheh, or Sabkheh Matti, as it is

sometimes termed, is a marshy tract or Wadi about forty miles in breadth,

commencing from the vicinity of Wadi Jabrin and entering the Persian

Gulf between Long. 51° 50' and 52° 20', lat. 24°. In some parts it is a trea¬

cherous morass, only to be crossed at the beaten tracks, and it is said that

should the camel miss the path, he becomes engulphed in the mud. The

Sabkheh, according to the concurrent testimony of all the Sheikhs and best

informed persons I have spoken to on the subject, both in el-Jow and Mus¬

cat, including His Highness Seyyid Turki, is the boundary line between

Nejd and ’Oman, and has been so considered from time immemorial. The

water-shed of el-Aarid and Yemameh appears to lie S. E., the Wadi Hani-

feh and all other Wadis converging towards el-Randha, where they unite

in the Wadi el-Sohba, which falls into the Persian Gulf just above the

Sabkheh Matti, probably at Ivhor el-Dhoan. The Bedouins in the great

desert rear great numbers of camels, the sale of which constitutes their

chief support. The A1 Morra and ’Awamir are said to traverse it exten¬

sively, as it is not entirely destitute of water, which can be obtained of

brackish quality in places by digging. Palms and other large trees are not

met with, but dwarf acacias and herbaceous vegetation, suitable for camel

fodder, are sufficiently abundant. Besides two species of gazelle and the

oryx, numerous ostriches inhabit the more northern and western portions,

and are hunted for the sake of their feathers, which eventually find their

way to Mecca, there being no sale for them in ’Oman. There is said to be a

route running direct S. E. from Nejd to Mahra that takes twenty-five days.

Water is procured every three or four days, and is carried on in skins, the

1877.]

Sohdr and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

57

Bedouins finding their way without difficulty ; a light camel-load o£ dates

and flour enabling them to traverse a long distance. In 1870, Sa’ud-bin-

Jelowi came straight across the great desert from He j ran to Abuthabi in

fifty-six days, travelling leisurely, but for the last fifteen days he and his

followers were greatly pressed for food, their store having become ex¬

hausted. His purpose was to meet Seyyid ’ Azan, which he did at Burka, and

then accompanied him in his expedition against el-Bereymi.

South of Yemameh and three days from el-IIasa lies the fertile and

well- watered valley of Jabrin, whose groves of date palms are said to extend

for several miles. It is situate entirely in the desert, and does not form part

of ksTejd. It was formerly a large and flourishing settlement, but it subse¬

quently became so malarious and unhealthy, that the inhabitants were driven

away, and it is now almost entirely destitute of permanent residents. The

Arabs claim an antiquity of 800 years for it, but it has long since fallen to

ruin, though I believe the fort and some of the walls of the houses are still

standing. It is also said that after heavy floods gold coins are sometimes

picked up by the Bedouins. The dates belong to the A1 Morra and Dowa-

sir tribes, who visit Jabrin in the summer to collect the harvest, which is

carried for sale to Nejd and el-Hasa. It is also extensively resorted to by

the neighbouring nomads with their flocks and herds for the sake of the

luxuriant pasturage.

In el-Bereymi I found a small colony of Arab gipsies, Zatt (J=3) or

Zatut, as the Arabs call them, settled and I have since had further oppor¬

tunity of observing these people. In his ‘ Alte Gfeographie Arabiens ’ Dr.

Sprenger has identified the Zatt with the Jats of India, and though, as he

shows, they have been in Arabia upwards of 1,000 years, they are at once

distinguishable from the Arabs as a distinct race. They are taller in person

and more swarthy, and they have that cunning and shifty look stamped on

their physiognomy so observable in the gipsies of Europe. The Zatt are

spread over Central and Eastern Arabia from Muscat to Mesopotamia, and

are very numerous in ’Oman. Everywhere they maintain themselves as a

separate class and do not intermix by marriage with strangers. It occurs

sometimes, I believe, that an Arab takes a Zattiya to wife, hut no pure Arab

girl would be given to a Zatt, though daughters of Arabs by slave mothers

may occasionally be obtained by them. It is probable, too, that the race is

continued to some extent by adoption as well as procreation, as they do not

seem to he a prolific people. In ’Oman, besides those who have been per¬

manently settled in the country, are to be found many who come across

from Persia and Beluchistan in search of employment or to visit their kins¬

folk, but their stay is seldom prolonged. The Arab Zatt are divided into nu¬

merous clans or families, for which they have adopted Arab nomenclature, such

as Wilad Matlab (<— d.h./o d^j), Wilad Kabal(JUS jAj), Wilad Shaghraf (AVj

58 S. B. Miles — On the route between [No. 1,

Musande (^od~x>), Harimal Haik (cJAs»>), ’Askori

(c SJj***)> &c-> an(l eac^ which is in a state of clientsliip to some power¬

ful Arab tribe, generally that of course with wbicli it lias most trading con¬

nections. Tbe Zatt all profess tbe Musalman religion, but no doubt

they retain many of tbeir own customs and usages. Tbe levirate law ob¬

tains among them, but should there be no brother, tbe nearest male relative

can take tbe widow to wife. They are looked down upon by tbe Arabs as

an inferior race, but they are valued for tbe useful services they perform ;

and as tbeir persons and property are always respected, they usually go

about unarmed. In Nejd, I bear, tbe Zatt women are considered to be very

handsome and dance publicly for money, but they are reputed to be chaste

and moral ; they are a necessary ingredient at private festivities, as they set

off tbe assembly by tbeir beauty and tbe party is not thought complete

without them ; they are consequently also more sought after by tbe Arabs

there as wives. In ’Oman tbe case is different. Tbe ’Omani women are

more highly endowed by nature than tbeir Nejd sisters, and tbe Zatt are

not thought so favourably of by comparison. They appear to lead a semi-

nomadic life, and move about from village to village with tbeir families and

chattels, working as occasion requires, but a few families may be found

permanently established in most of tbe large towns and settlements. Tbeir

*

little mat hovels are tbe smallest and wretekedest human tenements I have

ever seen, being merely a couple of mats arranged round three or four sticks

tied together at tbe top, and the whole concern not usually exceeding 4 or 5

feet in height. They are accomplished handicraftsmen, being farriers, smiths,

tinkers, carpenters, weavers, and barbers. They manufacture also guns and

matchlocks ; indeed most of tbe trades and manufactures seem to be in

tbeir bands, and they are to tbe natives of tbe interior what tbe Banians

and other Indians are at tbe sea-port towns.

Tbe Arabs assert that the Zatt speak among themselves in a dialect

unintelligible to strangers, and they call this ‘ Battini’ or ‘ Farsi’ ; but it

is my belief that tbe original tongue of tbe Zatt has become almost entirely

obliterated through long and intimate intercourse with tbe Arabs, and that

what they speak among themselves is a jargon or gibberish of them own

particular manufacture, composed of a corrupted Arabic mixed with tbe

few Jat words they have retained. To effect this they have invented a

simple and ingenious system by which they are able to transmute any word

required into tbeir own jargon without tbe slightest hesitation. The plan

is to prefix tbe letter m and to suffix an additional syllable eelc , while

lengthening the first or second syllable of tbe word itself. Thus Bard

(cold) becomes Mbardeek ; Kamar (moon), Mkamareek ; Ghol (dj*. snake),

Mgboleek. I subjoin a few words that appear to be of tbeir own vocabu¬

lary, as specimens : — Father — Bweieekee ; Mother — Mabiktee ; Brother —

1877.]

Sohdr and el-Bcrcymi in '’Oman.

59

Manas ; Son — Kashkashee ; Man — Fseyil ; Woman — Fseyileh ; Slave —

Daugeh ; Head — Kerra ; Body — Kerrash ; Bread — Kshayim ; Bice — Fida-

mah ; Knife — Jerraha ; Water — Tsammee ; Donkey — Gyadoor ; Go — Batus ;

Child — Towatneek.

The Arabs do not of course trouble themselves with speculations as to

the origin of this people, hut have a traditionary belief that they immigra¬

ted to Arabia from Persia at some remote period. I may remark, in

conclusion, that resemblance between the Zatt and the Gipsies of Europe

in character, appearance, habits, and profession (I have no means of com¬

paring the languages) is so striking and complete, that the hypothesis

of their identity of origin must be regarded as, at least, highly probable.

A Boute from el-Bereymi to el-Hasa .

Another Route from el-Bereijmi to el-Hctsa.

60

S. B. Miles — So heir and el-Bereymi in 'Oman.

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1877.]

61

The Mo'allaqah of Lebid, with the life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-

Aghdni. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S.

Note. It is proposed to publish a translation of the seven 31olallaqat) or “ Suspen¬

ded poems” of the Arabs, together with a rendering into English of the notices of their

authors contained in the famous Kitub-el-Aghani, or “ Book of the Songs of the Arabs,”

by Abu-l-Faraj el-Isfahani. The following version of the fourth Mo(allaqah , that of

Lebid, with its accompanying notice, is here printed as a specimen of the work.

The book will consist of four parts : I. An Introduction, giving a sketch of the

history of Arabia during the century before the Hijrah to which the poems belong, a

brief account of early Arabian poetry generally, some information regarding the mode

in which the poems have been handed down and the early rawis or traditionists to

whom their preservation and illustration are due, together with an examination of the

historical data afforded by the Kitdb-el-Aghuni regarding the lives of their authors.

II. Translations from the Kdmil-et-tawdrifch of Ibn-el-Athir and the Kitub-el-Aghani ,

giving the history of the Wars of Basus and Dahis. III. Notices of each of the seven

poets (except Tarafeh, who is not mentioned in the work) translated from the Kitdb-

el-Aghuni. The account of Tarafeh will be filled in from extracts from Ibn Quteybeh

and others supplied by Beiske’s edition of his Moiallaqah. IY. Following each

notice, a translation of the poet’s Mo^allaqali in English prose, line for line with the

original. Parts II, III, and IY will be illustrated where necessary by notes append¬

ed.

The renderings of the poems will be taken from the text of Arnold (Leipzig 1850),

those of the Kitub-el-Aghani from the Bulaq edition (in 20 volumes) of that work, and

those of passages from the Kamil from Tornberg’s edition.

It is hoped that an accurate translation of the most ancient and authentic poems of

the Arab race — poems which have for ages been regarded with the highest admiration as

models of style and composition, and which undoubtedly present a fresh and faithful

portraiture of the people among whom they appeared — illustrated by the oldest

and most trustworthy traditions regarding the circumstances under which they were

composed and the valiant stock to which their authors belonged, will not be found

unacceptable.

The system of transliteration applied to Arabic words when they occur in Persian

and Hindustani which has been adopted by the Asiatic Society, though well suited for

the purposes of those languages, is not appropriate when the object is to represent in

English Arabic words as uttered by Arabs. In the following pages, therefore, a sys¬

tem has been followed which is believed to agree closely with the best standard of pro¬

nunciation current in Arabia ; it is mainly that adopted by Mr. E. W. Lane in his

great Arabic-English Lexicon, the only differences being that among the consonants

^ is represented by the old-English £> (with which it exactly agrees), Ji by D (to mark

clearly its relation to ^ D), by Q, hemzehby ’ , and ^ by ‘ , and in rendering the

vowels the circumflex instead of the acute accent has been used to indicate length, and

i and u substituted for ee and oo. In the use of the imdleh of the Fethah (giving the

vowel a the e-sound) and the Dammeh (change of u to o) an endeavour has been made

to follow as closely as possible the rules laid down by Mr. Lane in his paper at pp. 171 —

186 of the 4th volume of the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft .

62

C. J. Lyall — The Mo‘allaqah of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

Lebid.

(Kitab-el-Aghani XIV. pp. 93 — 102.)

Lebid was the son of Itabi‘ah son of Malik son of Ja‘far son of Kilab

son of Babi‘ah son of ‘Amir son of Sa‘sa‘ah son of Mo‘awiyeh son of Bekr

son of Hawazin son of Mansur son of ‘Ikrimeh son of Khasafeh son of Qeys

son of ‘Eylan son of Mudar. His father was called j RaM1 at -el-mo1 tarrin

(“a Spring to those who came to ask for his bounty”) on account of his

liberality and generosity : he was slain by the Benu Lebid in the war which

befell between them and their tribe and his people. His uncle was Abu

Nizar ‘Amir ibn Malik Mul&ib-el-Asinneh (“the player with lances”), a

name which he gained from the verse of Ans son of Hojr —

“ ‘Amir played gaily with the points of the spears,

And the fortune of the whole host betook itself thereto.1”

The mother of Lebid was Tamireh daughter of ZinbtV of ‘Abs, one of

the daughters of JeSimeli the son of Bawaliah.2 Lebid was one of the

poets who are counted as belonging to the Ignorance, and also a mulchad-

rim , or one who attained to the days of el-Islam ; and he was one of the

noblest of poets who composed faultless verses, of good knights, of reciters

of the Qur’an, and of those who attained to long life : it is said that he lived

a hundred and forty-five years.

Ahmed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz el-Jauhari states in his traditions respecting

Lebid’s life, on the authority of ‘Omar ibn Shebbeh, who heard it from

‘Abd-allah ibn Mohammed ibn Hakim, and it is also asserted by el- Hasan

ibn ‘All, who was told by Ibn Mahraweyh, who heard it from ‘Abd-allah ibn

Abi Sa‘d, who heard it from ‘Ali ibn es-Sabbah, who heard it from Ibn el-

Kelbi, and also from ‘All ibn el-Musawwar, who had it from el-Asma‘i, and

also from el-Meda’ini and other men whom he mentions, among whom are

Abu-1- Yaq'San, Ibn Da’b, Ibn Ja‘diyeh, and el-Waqqasi, — that Lebid son

of Babi‘ah came to the Prophet of God (may God bless him and grant him

peace !) with a deputation from the Benu Kilab after the death of his bro¬

ther Arbed and ‘Amir ibn et-Tufeyl : that he then professed el- Islam, and,

sej3arating himself from his tribe, became a companion of the Prophet,3

and was a sincere believer ; that he afterwards settled in el-Kufeh in the

days of ‘Omar ibn el-Ivhattab (may God be satisfied of him !), and abode

there until his death towards the end of the Khalifeh-ship of Mo‘awiyeh.

His life reached to a hundred and forty-five years, of which he lived ninety

in the Ignorance and the rest under el-Islam.

‘Omar ibn Shebbeh says in his traditions, and I was also told by ‘Abd¬

allah ibn Mohammed ibn Hakim, that Lebid said, when he reached the

age of seventy and seven —

1877.] life of the 'poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghdni. G3

“ My soul stood and plained to me with bitter weeping —

‘ I have borne tbee now seven years over the three- score and ten’.

“ I said — ‘ and if tliou wilt add but three thou wilt reach the goal of

thy hope,

for in but three years more the fourscore will be filled.’ ”

And when he reached the age of ninety, he said —

“ Now that I have overpassed my space by twenty4 years

I stand with shoulders bared to meet the stroke of Fate.”

And when he lived to a hundred and ten, he said —

“ Is there no life left for a man after that he has lived

a hundred years, and after that yet ten years more ?”

And when he lived still longer, he said —

“ Verily I am a-weary of life and its length

and of hearing men ask — ‘ how goes Lebid ?’

Men are overborne, but he stands still unconquered,

by Time, the long, the everlasting dreary length !

I see the day come upon me and the night,

and each of them after its passing returns again :

Each day as it comes is like the day I met before —

it wanes not — I grow feeble — it but grows in strength.”

Mohammed ibn el- Hasan ibn Durey d informed me that he had been

told by Abu Hamid es-Sijistani, who said that he had heard it from el-

Asma‘i, that ‘Amir ibn Malik Mulafib-el-Asinneh, whose by-name was Abu-1

Bera’, repaired with a company of the Benu Ja‘far, among whom were Lebid

son of Rabi‘ah, Malik son of Ja‘far, and ‘Amir son of Malik Lebid’s uncle,5

to the Court of en-No‘man. And they found with the King er-Rabi‘ ibn Ziyad

of ‘Abs, whose mother was Fatimeh daughter of el-Khurshub. Er-Rabi‘

was one of en-No‘man’s boon companions, as was also a certain merchant of

Syria whose name was Zarajun® son of Naufil ; the King had dealings with

him in his trade, and, as he was a man of polished manners and abundance

of jest and anecdote, delighted to make him merry. Accordingly, whenever

en-No‘man desired to have a drinking party in private, he would send for

the Syrian, and en-Nitasi, a physician who was in his service, and er-Rabi4

son of Ziyad, and they formed his company. And when the Ja‘faris reach¬

ed el-Hireh, they came before en-No‘man to present their petitions ; and

as often as they went forth from his presence, er-Rabi‘ who remained alone

with him used to abuse them to him and mention all their bad qualities :

for the Benu Ja‘far were enemies of the tribe of ‘Abs.7 And he did not

cease backbiting them to en-No‘man until he made him ill-disposed towards

them. And one day when the Ja‘faris came before him, the King treated

them with harshness, although he had formerly received them with honour

and seated them near himself ; and they left his presence in wrath. Now

[No. 1,

64 C. J. Lyall — The Molalla^ah of Lebid, with the

Lebid bad been left behind to guard their goods and to take out their camels

every morning to graze ; and he came to them one night when they were

talking of what er-Rabi‘ had done, and asked them what was the matter ;

but they refused to tell him. Then he said “ By God ! I will not guard

aught of your goods or take out a camel of yours to pasture, except ye tell

me the whole matter.” (And it must here be told that the mother of Lebid

was an orphan who had been brought up under the protection of er-Rabi‘).

They said “ Thy mother’s brother has slandered us to the King and turned

away his face from us.” Then said Lebid — “ Can ye arrange so that he

and I shall be brought face to face ? I will withhold him from further

mischief by a speech that shall bite and sting him8 : en-No‘man shall never

have any regard for him again.” “ Hast thou anything to say to him ?”

they asked. “ Yes,” said Lebid. “ Come, we will try thee,” said they,

“ Satirize this herb.” Now there was in front of them a plant with slender

shoots and few leaves, growing close to the ground, of the kind called et-

teribeh.9 So Lebid began10 : — “ This teribeh, which is neither fit for making

a good fire, nor for nourishing a house, nor does it delight its neighbour — ■

its sticks are mean, its leaves withered, its advantage little — the most evil

of herbs for pasture, the poorest of them in leafage, the hardest of them

to pull up — its country is far away, he that eats of it is a-hungered, he that

lives thereon is a contented soul ! Set me face to face with the brother of

‘Abs — I will drive him away from you in disgrace — I will leave him over¬

whelmed with confusion.” They said “ We will wait till the morning

before giving thee our decision.” And ‘Amir said to them — “ Watch this

boy of yours” (meaning Lebid) : “ if ye see him sleeping, he is not fit to

undertake the contest with er-Rabi‘ : he speaks only what comes to his

tongue ; but if ye find that he watches the whole night, then he is the man

to do the deed.” And they watched him, and found him mounted on one of

the camel- saddles, with his teeth clenched on the pummel of it ; and so he

remained till dawn. And they said “ Thou art the man for the enterprize !”

Then they took him and shaved his head, leaving only his top-knot,11 and

clad him in a hulleh.12 And he went forth with them, and they took him

before en-No‘man. And they found him eating his morning meal in the

company of er-Rabi‘ ibn Ziyad : the two were eating together, and no third

person was with them. And the palace and court were filled with deputa¬

tions from different tribes. And when en-No‘man had done his meal, he

gave permission to the Ja‘faris to enter : and they went in ; and when their

affair came on for hearing, they set forth the requests for which they had

come. And er-Rabi‘ interrupted their speech. Then Lebid said —

“ Shall my head be driven hither and thither every day P

Many the battle that is better than quietness !

We are the children of the Mother of the Four,

Our swords are keen, our platters ever full :

1877.]

65

life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghd.ni.

We are the best of ‘Amir son of Sa‘sa‘ah —

• •

Cleavers of skulls in the midst of the battle-din :

We give to eat to all men from our brimming bowls

— Stay ! God keep thee from cursing ! eat not with him !

13

En-No‘man withdrew bis hand from the food that was before him, and

said, “ By God ! boy — thou bast disgusted me with my meat : I never felt

for it the loathing that I feel to-day !” Then er-Babi‘ started forward,

and said, “ He lies, by God ! the son of an unchaste woman ! verily I did

with bis mother thus and thus !” And Lebid said to him — “ Such an one

as thou did as thou sayest with a nurseling of bis bouse, bis own near kins¬

woman ! Nay, my mother was of those women who do not the things thou

sayest.” And en-No‘man satisfied the requests of the Ja‘faris at once and

dismissed them. And er-Rabi‘ son of Ziyad immediately went to bis bouse.

And en-No‘man sent to him double of what it was bis custom to give him,

and bade him depart to bis people. And er-Babi‘ wrote34 to him saying —

“ I know that what Lebid said has made a deep impression on thy heart ;

and I will not cease entreating thee until thou send one to strip me and

proclaim to those about thee that I am not as be said.” But the king

replied to him — “ Nay, thou canst do nothing now to shield thyself from

what was said of Lebid, nor canst thou recall again that with which men’s

tongues are busy. Go and join thyself to th}^ people.” And er-Babi‘ de¬

parted to his people, and sent from among them the following verses to

en-No‘man —

“ If I have driven away my camels, verily I have a spacious place of plenty

— there is no place of plenty like it in breadth and length :

A place where, if all Lakhm were to come down thereon,

they would not match with their wealth one feather of Semwil.

The she -camels with their young ones graze on the juicy herbage there,

though it be not like your pastures of salt and honey.

Stay thou in thy land alone, and recline now that I am gone

now with en-Nitasi and now with Naufil’s son.”14

And en-No‘man answered him in these words — •

“ Hasten with thy camel-saddle whithersoever thou wilt, so that it be away

• from me,

but lengthen not speech upon me, and leave thy vain discourse.

I have been told a thing that I shall never forget,

while Egypt lies by the side of Syria and the Nile.

And what boots thy defence of thee against it, now that it has been borne

I abroad

[No. 1,

6G C. J. Lyall — Molallaqali of Lebid, with the

by the swift riding-camels through the rugged plains of Semwil ?

The thing has been said, be it true or be it a lie,

and what shall excuse thee from a thing that has once been said ?

Betake thyself where thou findest the land so broad and wide,

and feast thine eyes thereon in all its breadth and length !” 16

And it is said that Lebid also satirized er-Rabi‘ in the following verses,

which some however allege to be spurious — 17

“ O Rabi‘ — let not any one bring thee before me

And ask me of thy faults and thy true nature

Or enquire what man thou art and what thou wast !

For thou, when the battle-press girds thee round, art like

Naught but a thing which hindrances constrain ;

Verily thou sippest naught but a sip and tastest it ;

If he that withstands thy flight but feel thee, surely

He will find thee even lighter than himself ;

Verily thou art an old traitor, a hypocrite,

A manifest villain that returns to his villainy again and again.”

Lebid used to compose poems, but forbade them to be published until

he composed his Molallaqah ; and what had been done by er-Rabi‘ son of

Ziyad and Hamzeh son of Damarah and the other chiefs who formed their

company having been mentioned, Lebid said to his people “ Publish now

my poems.”

I quote from the book handed down by Abu-1- Hakem : he says — “ I

was told by el-‘Ala son of ‘Abdallah el-Muwaqqa‘ that Lebid was once

present among a company of persons who were telling tales by night in the

house of el-Welid son of ‘Oqbeh,18 who was governor of el-Kufeh. And

el-Welid asked Lebid of what passed between him and er-Rabi‘ son of

Ziyad before en-No‘man. Lebid replied, ‘ That befell in the days of the

Ignorance : but now God has brought to us el-Islam.’ And el-Welid said,

‘ I adjure thee that thou tell me.’ And when an Amir used this form of

asking, it was considered necessary to obey him ; so Lebid began to tell

the tale. And a certain man of Ghani19 who bore a grudge against him

said — ‘ We were not informed of this.’ ‘ Doubtless, son of my brother,’

said Lebid, ‘ thy father could not come by the knowledge of things like this :

he was not of those who were admitted to witness them, that he should tell

thee of them.’ ”

My uncle told me that he had been informed by el-Kiranl, who heard

it from el-‘Omari, who was told by el-Heythem, who learned it from el-

‘Ayyash, who was told by Mohammed ibn el-Munteshar, that Lebid was

never heard to boast of his former state after he became a Muslim except

one day, when he happened to be in a courtyard belonging to Ghani. He

was lying on his back, having wrapped himself in his mantle, when there

67

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitdb-el-Aghdni.

approached him a young man of Gliani who said — “ May God bring evil

upon Tufeyl for that he said20 —

4 May God requite Ja‘far for what they did to us when our sandals

made us of those who tread the earth and slipped so that we fell !

They refused to be weary of us : and verily if our mother

had met from us that which they met, she would have been a-weary !

The lord of abundant wealth and every afflicted one —

in the chambers of their house they were warmed and sheltered :

They said “ Hasten in hither, until ye can see your ways

when the darkness is folded away by the dawning of the day.” ’

Would that I knew what good he met at the hands of the Benu Ja‘far,

that he should say this of them” ! And Lebid drew aside the mantle from

his face and said — “ Son of my brother ! the men that thou knowest belong

to a time when a Police has been established, when men call on one another

for help and receive it : when a House of public provision has been set up

whence the servant goes forth with a wallet to feed the hungry, and a Pub¬

lic Treasury from which every Muslim receives his stipend ; but if thou

hadst known Tufeyl on the day when he said this, thou wouldst not have

reviled him.” Then he lay down again on his back, saying, “ I ask pardon

from God I” and he continued to repeat these words until he arose from

rest.

Isma‘il ibn Yunus informed me that he had been told by ‘Omar ibn

Shebbeh, who heard it from Mohammed ibn Hakim, who had it from Kha-

lid ibn Sa‘id, that Lebid one day in el-Kufeh passed by a place where a

company of the Benu Nahl were sitting : and he was supporting himself by

a hooked staff. And they sent a messenger to ask him who was the best

poet of the Arabs. He replied — “ The Wandering King, the Man of the

Ulcers.” And the messenger returned and told them, and said “ This is

Imra’ el-Qeys.” Then he returned again and asked him “ Who next ?’*

He answered “ The Boy of the Benu Bekr that was slain.” And he came

back and told them, and said “ This is Tarafeh.” Then he returned a second

time and asked “ Who next ?” Lebid answered — “ Next after these is the

Man of the Hooked Staff,” meaning himself. This story is differently

told by Ahmed ibn ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Ammar, who says that it was related to

him by Ya‘qub eth-Thaqafi, Ibn ‘Ayyash, and Mis‘ar ibn Kidam, all of whom

heard it from ‘Abd-el-Melik ibn ‘Omar, who affirmed that he had been told

it by the very person who was sent to Lebid by the men who were called “ The

noble reciters of the Qur’an — el-qurra1 el-asliraf.” (El-Heythem says that

he asked Ibn ‘Ayyash who were “ the noble reciters of the Qur’an,” and

that he replied that they were Suleyman son of Sarad el-Khuza‘i, el-

Musayyab son of Nejbeh el-Fezari, Khalid son of ‘Orfutah ez-Zuhri, Mes-

ruq son of el-Ajda‘ el-Hamdani, and Hani’ son of ‘Orweh el-Muradi.)

68

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

Lebid was then in the mosque, having in his hand a hooked stick ; “ and I

said to him” (says the messenger) “ ‘ O Abu ‘Aqil ! thy brothers send thee

greeting and ask thee to tell them who is the best poet of the Arabs.’ He

answered — ‘ The Wandering King, the Man of the Ulcers.’ And they sent

me back to him to ask who was the Man of the Ulcers : he replied ‘ Imra’ el-

Qeys.’ Then they sent me again to him to ask ‘ Who next ?’ He answered

‘ The Boy of Eighteen21 Years.’ They bade me ask him whom he meant :

he replied 1 Tarafeh.’ Then they sent me a third time to ask — ‘And who

then ?’ he said — ‘ The Man of the Hooked Staff, where he says —

“ Verily fear of our Lord is the best of spoils :

— it is by God’s leave that I go late or soon ;

I give praise to God — He has no like :

in His hand is all good : what He wills He does.

Whom He leads in the paths of good is guided aright

with a quiet heart : whom He wills He leads astray.” ’

meaning himself : then he said ‘ I ask pardon of God !’ ”

Ahmed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz [el-Jauhari] informed me that ‘Omar ibn

Shebbeh had told him that he had heard from Abu ‘Obeydeh that Lebid

composed only one verse after he became a Muslim, namely : —

“ Praise be to God that my end came not to me

until I clad myself in the robe of el-Islam.”

The same Ahmed states that he was told by his uncle, who heard it

from Mohammed ibn ‘Abbad ibn Habib el-Muhellebi, who was told by

Nasr ibn Ha’b, who had it from Laud son of Abu Hind, who learned it

from esh-Sha‘bi, that ‘Omar ibn el-Khattab wrote to el-Mughireh son of

Sho‘beh,22 who was governor of el-Kufeh, bidding him cause the poets of

his government to recite before him the poems they had composed under

el-Islam. And he sent for el-Aghleb the Edjiz, el-Tjli, and said to him

“ Becite to me thy verses.” And he answered —

“ Host thou wish for an epigram or an ode ?

Verily thy request is easy to satisfy at once !”

Then he sent for Lebid and bade him recite. And Lebid said — “ Host

thou desire aught of what has been wrapped in forgetfulness ?” — meaning

his verses of the days of the Ignorance. “ No,” said el-Mughireh, “ recite

to me that which thou hast composed under el-Islam.” And Lebid left

him, and went and wrote out on a sheet of paper the Chapter of the Cow,23

and returning with it said — “ God has given me this in exchange for poesy

since I became a Muslim.” And el-Mughireh wrote all this to ‘Omar ; and

the Khalifeh diminished the stipend of el-Aghleb by five hundred pieces of

silver, and added them to that of Lebid, which thus amounted to two thou¬

sand five hundred dirhems. And el-Aghleb wrote to the Prince of the

Believers, saying — “ Host thou diminish my allowance because I obeyed

1877.]

life of the poet as given in the Kitdh-el-Aghdm.

69

thee ?” And ‘Omar returned to him the five hundred dirhems, but left

the stipend of Lebid at two thousand five hundred. Abu Zeyd relates

that Mo‘awiyeh when he became Khalifeh desired to retrench the odd five

hundred from the allowance : for he said — “ The two posts” (meaning the

two thousands) “ are well enough : but what need is there for the cross¬

piece ?” (meaning the five hundred). And Lebid replied to him — “ I am but

an owl24 of to-day or to-morrow : return to me the name of it : for perchance

I shall never touch the thing itself, and thou wilt save both the cross-piece

and the two posts.” And Mo‘awiyeh’s heart was touched, and he left him

his stipend undiminished ; but Lebid died before he could receive it.

‘Omar ibn Sliebbeh relates in the traditions which he gathered from

‘Abdallah ibn Mohammed ibn Haldm, and I have been told by Ibrahim ibn

Ayyub, who had it from ‘Abdallah ibn Muslim, that Lebid was one of the

most generous of the Arabs ; he had sworn in the days of the Ignorance

that the East wind should never blow without his giving a feast to the poor.

And he had two great bowls which he used to fill with meat morning and

evening at the place of prayer of his people, and feed men out of them.

And one day the East wind blew when el-Welid son of ‘Oqbeh25 was

governor of el-Kufeh. And el-Welid mounted the pulpit and pronounced

the Khutbeli before the people ; then he said — “ Your brother Lebid son of

Babi‘ah made a vow in the days of the Ignorance that whenever the East

wind blew he would feed those in need. Now this is one of the days of its

blowing: help him therefore. As for me, I will set you the example.”

Then he came down from the pulpit,1 and sent to Lebid a hundred young

she-camels, and wrote to him these verses — 26

“ I see the butcher sharpening his two knives

when the breezes of Abu ‘Aqil are blowing :

High-nosed is he, high-headed, a man of ‘Amir —

long are his arms even as a polished blade.

The son of the Ja‘fari fulfilled his oaths,

in spite of infirmities and slender store,

By slaughtering large-humped camels when there swept by

the skirts of the East wind blowing at eventide.”

When Lebid received these verses, he said to his daughter — “ Answer

him : for by my life ! I have lived a long time, and am too weary to reply to

a poet.” So his daughter composed these lines — 27

“ When there blow the breezes of Abu ‘Aqil

at their blowing we call for help to el-Welid ;

High-nosed is he, keen-hearted, of ‘Abd-Shems’s line :

he has holpen in his generosity Lebid

By the gift of camels like hills, as though a company

of the sons of Ham were riding on their backs.

70

C. J. Lyall — The J\IolaJIaqah of lehiS ', with the [Xo. 1,

O Abu Wahb, may God requite thee with good !

we have slaughtered them : now give us to eat the tlierid !

Renew thy gifts ! verily the generous man gives again and again,

and my assurance is that thou wilt certainly give again/’

And Lebid said to her — “ Thou wouldst have done verv well indeed if

thou hadst only not asked him to give thee more to eat.” She said — “ Xay,

but kings never count it a shame that men should ask of them.” He an¬

swered — “ Yerily, 0 my little daughter, in this thou art most of all a poet !’*

Ahmed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz informed me that he had been told bv ‘Omar

• J

ibn Shebbeh, who heard it from Mohammed ibn ‘Imran ed-Dabbi, who was

told by el-Qasim ibn Ya‘la, who had it from el-Mufaddal ed-Dabbi, that

el-Farezdaq23 one day chanced to pass by the mosque of the Benu Uqeysir,

where there was a man who was reciting some verses of Lebid’s among which

was the following —

“ The torrents have scored afresh the traces of the tents, as though

they were lines of writing in a book which the pens make new

again.’’

And el-Farezdaq prostrated himself. And they asked him — “ What is

this, O Abu Firas ?” he answered, “ Ye know the prostration which is the

due of the Qur’an, and I know the prostration which is the due of song.”

Isma‘il ibn Yunus the Shi‘i states that he heard from ‘Omar ibn Sheb¬

beh, who had it from Ibn-el-Bawwab, that the Khalifeh el-Mo'tasim29 one

day was sitting at a wine-party, when one of the singers sang —

“ The sons of el- ‘Abbas know not how to sav no :

ml

Yes rises lightly to their tongues ;

Their mildness adds lustre to their noble strain —

thus is mildness the ornament of generosity.”

El-Mo‘tasim said — “ I do not know these verses — whose are they

They said “ Lebid’s.” “ Why,” said the Khalifeh, “ what had Lebid to do

with the sons of el-‘Abbas ?” The singer replied — “ What Lebid said was —

‘ The sons of er-Rayyan know not how to say ?w.’

It is I that put el-‘ Abbas in place of er-Rayyan.” And el-Mo‘tasim praised

and rewarded him. Then the Khalifeh, who had a great admiration for the

poems of Lebid, said — “ Who among you can recite his poem beginning —

‘ We wither away : but they wane not, the stars that rise on high’ ?”

And one of those that sat with him said “ I.” He said “ Recite it to me.”

And he began — 80

“We wither away : but they wane not, the stars that rise on high,

and the hills endure, and the mighty towers, though we be gone.

I dwelt under the shade of a house that all men sought,

and there has left me in Arbed a neighbour that helped me well.”

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghdni. 71

And el-Mo‘tasim burst into a flood of tears, and invoked God’s mercy

upon el-Mamun — “ For such a brother,” said he, “ was he to me.” Then

he went on, reciting the rest of the poem himself — •

“ Nay, wail not, if the Days have sundered him from me —

One day the stroke of Time shall fall upon all of us !

The race of men is nought else than a tent-place and its folk —

the day that they leave it void, it returns to its loneliness.

They pass forth from it in bands, and it remains after them

even as an empty palm with the fingers folded thereon.

And what is man but a kindled brand whereof the glow

sinks into ashes when once its blaze has spent itself ?

And what is man but hidden thoughts of good intent ?

And what is wealth but a loan, a trust to be given back P

Lies there not before me, even though death should be slow to come,

the comradeship of the staff: over which my fingers close ?

I tell tales of the ages that have long passed away ;

I totter along — when I rise, my body is bent in twain ;

I am become like a sword that has worn out its sheath —

far away are the days of its forger, but still its point is keen.

‘ 0 go not away from us !’ Nay — but death is our trysting-place

— ready is it to come — nay, it is even here !

0 thou that chidest, what assures thee but thine own dream

— when men have gone their way, who is he that will bring them

back ?

Dost thou tremble before what Time has brought on the brave ?

Where is the generous man on whom Fate’s stroke falls not ?

By thy life ! there knows not any waiter on the pebble’s cast,

nor any watcher of the flight of birds, what God is doing !”

He that tells the tale says “ We marvelled, by God ! at the beauty of the

words, the correctness of his recitation, and the excellence of his choice of a

piece to recite.”

El-Hoseyn ibn ‘All informed me that he had been told by Mohammed

ibn el-Qasim ibn Mahrawe.yh and Mohammed ibn Jerir et-Tabari, who said

that he had learned it from Mohammed ibn Hamid er-IIazi, who was told

by Selameh ibn el-Fadl, who heard it from Ibn Ishaq, that ‘Othman ibn

Ma<5‘un31 was dwelling under a covenant of protection with el-Welid ibn el-

Mughireh ; and one day, reflecting with himself, he said “ By God ! it is

not becoming that a Muslim should dwell safely under the protection of a

Kafir , when the Prophet of God (may God bless him and grant him peace !)

is in fear of them.” And he came to el-Welid and said to him — “ I desire

that thou be free from thy covenant of protection with me.” El-Welid

said “ Perhaps thou hast conceived some doubt of me.” “ No,” said ‘Oth-

72

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

man, “ but I wish thee to do as I ask.” And el-Welid said — “ Come with

me, that I may be quit of thee in the place where I took thee upon myself.”

And he went with him to the Holy Temple32 ; and when he found himself

there face to face with a company of the Qureysli, he said to them — “ This

is Ihn Ma<5‘un — I took him under my protection, and now he asks me to

withdraw my shelter from him : is it as I say, 0 ‘Othman ?” “ Yes,” said

he. Then said el-Welid, “ I call you to witness that I am quit of him.”

The teller of the tale goes on to say that there were sitting there a com¬

pany of the Qureysh to whom Lehid son of B,abi‘ah was reciting his verses ;

and ‘Othman went and sat down with the people. And Lebid said —

“ Yea, everything is vain except only God alone !”

And ‘Othman said to him — “ Thou speakest truth.” And Lebid continued —

“ And every pleasant thing must one day vanish away.” 33

And ‘Othman said — “ Thou liest I” And the people knew not what he meant ;

and one of them signed to Lebid to repeat the verse again, and he did so ;

and ‘Othman again said that he spoke truth in the first half-verse, and lied

in the second : for the delights of Paradise shall never vanish away. And

Lebid cried — “ O ye people of the Qureysh ! there used to be no such man

as this in your assemblies !” And Ubayy son of Khalaf (others say, his

son) rose and smote ‘Othman on the face ; and some one said to ‘Othman —

“ But yesternight thou wast safe from treatment like this.” He re¬

plied — “ How needful is it for this sound eye of mine that there should

befall it what befell the other for the sake of God !”

Mohammed ibn Khalaf ibn el-Marzuban told me that he had heard

from Ahmed ibn el-Heythem, who was told by el-‘Omari, who learned it

from el-Heythem ibn ‘Adi, who had it from ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Ayyash, that

[the Khalifeh] ‘Abd-el-Melik wrote to el-Hajjaj bidding him send to him

esh-Sha‘bi ;34 and he sent him. And the Khalifeh attached him to his sons,

and bade him educate and instruct them. Ibn ‘Ayyash continues — “ He

invited me one day to visit him during the illness of which he died : and he

choked with a morsel of food while I was with him. And he rested himself

for a long time : then he said — ‘ I have become as the poet says —

“ I am as though, now that I havemver-passed seventy years,33

I had stripped my shoulders bare to meet the stroke of Fate.”

But he lived till he reached a hundred and ten, when he said —

“ Is there no life left for a man after that he has lived

a hundred years, and after that yet ten years more ?”

A

Still fie lived on till he reached a hundred and twenty, when he said —

“ Verily I am aweary of life and its length

and of hearing men ask ‘ How goes Lebid ?’

Men are overborne, but he stands still unconquered

by Time, the new, the everlasting dreary length ;

1877.]

life of the poet as given in the Kitdh-el-Aghdni.

73

I see the day come upon me and the night,

and each of them after its passing returns again.” ’

And he was glad and congratulated himself, and said ‘ I do not think

there is any fear for me : already I feel much relieved.’ And he bade them

give me four thousand dirhems ; and I received them and was going out,

but had not reached the door when I heard the cry of the wailing woman

who proclaimed that he was dead.”

El- Hasan ibn ‘Ali informed me that he had been told by Mohammed

ibn el-Qasim ibn Mahraweyh, who heard it from Harun ibn Muslim, who

was told by el-‘Omari, who learned it from el-Heythem ibn ‘Adi, who had

it from Hammad er-Rawiyeh, that en-Xabighah e$-£)ubyani36 looked upon

Lebid son of Eabl‘ah when he was a boy with his uncles at the gate of the

palace of en-Xo‘man son of el-MunSir, and asked who he was ; and

his genealogy was repeated to him. Then en-Xabighah said to him — “ Bov,

thine eyes are assuredly the eyes of a poet ! Dost thou ever compose

verses ?” “ Yes, O my uncle,” answered Lebid. “ Eecite then to me

something of thy composition,” said en-Xabighah. And he recited to him

his poem beginning —

“ Abode she not in Spring in this desolate camping-ground ?”

And en-Xabighah said — “Boy, thou art the best poet of the Benu ‘Amir !

More, 0 my son !” Then Lebid recited —

“ There are traces of Khauleh in er-Rasis, but of long ago.”

And en-Xabighah smote his sides with his hands and cried — “ Go ! thou

art the best poet of all Qeys !” (others say he said “ of all Hawazin”) .

This story was however told me differently by my uncle, who heard it from

el-‘Omari, who had it from Laqit, who heard it from his father and from

Hammad er-Eawiyeh, who learned it from ‘Abdallah ibn Qatadeh el-Mo-

haribi, who said that he was himself standing with en-Xabighah at the

gate of en-Xo‘man son of el-Mun<5ir. “ En-Xabighah said to me” (says

‘Abdallah) “ * Hast thou seen Lebid son of Rabrah among those here pre¬

sent ?’ * Yes’, said I. ‘ Who is the best poet of them ?’ said he. ‘ The

young man whom thou hast seen do thus and thus,’ said I, describing him.

Then he said — ‘ Sit by me until he comes forth to us’ ; so we sat down, and

when Lebid came out to us, en-Xabighah called to him — ‘ Come hither, son

of my brother !’ and he came up : and en-Xabighah bade him recite some of

his verses, and he recited —

‘ Hast thou not drawn nigh to the desolate camping-ground

of Selma in el-Me$a’ib and el-Qafal ?’

And en-Xabighah said to him — ‘ Thou art the best poet of the Benu

‘ Amir ! More !’ and he went on —

‘ There are traces of Khauleh in er-Resis, but of long ago,

— in Ma‘aqil, and el-An‘aman, and Shum.’

K

74 C. J. Lyall — The Moiallaqah of Lebicl, with the [No. 1,

And en-Nabighah cried — ‘ Thou art the best poet o£ Hawazin ! More

still!’ and he continued —

* Effaced are her resting places, where she stayed but a while and

where she dwelt long,

in Mina : desolate are her camps in Ghaul and er- Bijam.’

And en-Nabighah said — ‘ Go thy ways ! thou art the best poet of the

Arabs ! ’ ”

Ahmed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz told me that he had heard from cOmar ibn

Shebbeh, who was told by ‘Abdallah ibn Mohammed ibn Hakim, who learn¬

ed it from Khalid ibn Sa‘id, that Lebid, when his end was approaching, said

to his brother’s son (for he had himself no male issue37) — “ 0 my son ! verily

thy father is not dead, he has but passed away. When thy father is taken,

place his body with its face to the Qibleh , and wrap it in its raiment ;

and raise no loud wailing over it ; but see these two bowls of mine where¬

from I used to feed the poor : fill them with meat and carry them to the

mosque ; and when the imam has pronounced the seldm ,38 bring them for¬

ward for men to eat therefrom ; and when they have eaten, say to them —

‘ Come ye to the funeral of your brother.’ ” Then he recited his verses —

“ When thou buriest thy father, lay

over him wooden planks and clay —

Broad flags of stone, hard, firm- set,

that shall stop the chinks of the branches39 strewn

Above him, and keep his cheeks unstained

by the dust of earth — But they will not keep them !”

Khalid ibn Sa‘id says that these verses are taken from a long ode ; and

Yunus has mentioned that Ibn Sureyj set to music certain verses of the

same poem : but he does not state more particularly the air to which they

were set. The following are the verses he gives :40 —

“ 0 my little son, hast thou seen my uncles,

the sons of the ‘ Mother of the Sons’ P

And my father round whom the wretched ones

flocked in the bitter winter days :

And Abu Shureyk and the alightings

in the place of straitness where we met them ?

Never have I seen or heard of

the like of them in all the world !

And I have out -lasted them all, and yearn

clinging to the fellowship I had with them.

Leave me and what my right hand owns,

if therewith I have done aught to strengthen men,

And do with what is thine as it comes into

thy mind, giving help asked or unasked.”

75

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghdnt.

Khalid adds that he said to his two daughters when death was upon him —

“ They wish, my two girls, that their father should live for ever :

— Am I aught else than a son of Rabi‘ah or Mudar ?

And if it should hap one day that your father come to die,

rend not your cheeks, ye twain, shear not your hair for me !

But say — ‘ He was a man who never wronged an ally,

who never betrayed a friend, or did aught of treachery’

Until the year is done : then the name of peace be on you !

for he who weeps for a year has discharged what is due from

him.”

And after his death his daughters used to array themselves and go

every day to the meeting-place of the Benu Ja‘far ibn Kilab, and mourn

there for their father ; hut they did not weep or wail, even as he had bidden

them. And they continued thus for a year, and then went their ways.

In vol. XV of the Aghani (pp. 187 sqq.) the story of the death of

Lebid’s uterine brother Arbed (son of Qeys, son of Jez’, son of Khalid,

son of Ja‘far, son of Kilab), who was slain by a lightning-stroke, is told at

great length. Two different versions of the tale are given, according to

the first of which (extracted from the history of Mohammed ibn Jerir et-

Tabari, and resting on the authority of ‘Amr ibn Qatadeh) the circum¬

stances were the following. A deputation of the Benu ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘ah,

headed by ‘Amir ibn et-Tufeyl, Arbed ibn Qeys, and Hayyan ibn Sulma,

waited upon the Prophet. ‘Amir had arranged wdth Arbed that he should

occupy the attention of Mohammed by conversation, while Arbed slew him

when he was off his guard. This project failed, Arbed excusing himself

for not attacking the Prophet by saying that ‘Amir stood between him and

Mohammed, and he could not smite the latter without striking the former.

On their return ‘Amir fell sick of a carbuncle on his neck, and died in the

tent of a woman of the Benu Salul. Arbed when he reached his home was

asked what had befallen between him and Mohammed : he replied “ He

invited us to worship a thing which I should like to see before me now : I

would shoot it with this arrow and slay it.” And a day or two after this

speech he went out with a camel which he intended to sell, and was killed

together with his camel by a lightning-stroke.

The other version is extracted from the book of Yahya ibn Hazim, and

rests on the authority of Ibn Da’b. According to it, Lebid’s uncle ‘Amir

ibn Malik Abu Bera’, being sick of an internal tumour, sent Lebid with a

present of camels to Mohammed, begging him to pray for his recovery.

The Prophet said — “ If I accepted anything from a polytheist, I would

accept the present of Abu Bera’ ” ; then he spat upon a lump of clay and

gave it to Lebid, bidding him dissolve it in water and give it to ‘Amir to

76

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqah of Lebid, with the

drink, when he would be healed of his disease. Lebid on this occasion

stayed some time with Mohammed and heard the Qur’an, and while there

copied out on a sheet of paper these words — “ er-Rahmanw iallama-l-Qv/r> an”

[“ God the Merciful has taught men the Qur’an”] and carried them home

with him. ‘Amir recovered as the Prophet had said ; but Arbed, whom

Lebid met on the way home and told of Mohammed’s noble bearing and

holiness, and to whom he read the words he had written, impiously replied —

“ Would that I might meet er- Rahman in this waste — my blood be upon

me if I smote him not with my sword !” And shortly afterwards, going

out in the night to search for his camels, he was struck dead by lightning

in the place where he had spoken these words. Of these two stories the

first is to be preferred, as most in accordance with the other known facts of

Lebid’s life, and with the tenor of the marthiyehs or dirges which he uttered

over Arbed. Several of these have been preserved ; one has already been

given : the following few lines are to be found in the Hamaseh , and the

Aghdni tells us (p. 140) that they were quoted by the first Khalifeh Abu

Bekr and applied by him to the Prophet —

“ By my life ! verily if the messenger spoke true,

a grievous stroke has fallen on Ja‘far from the hand of Fate !

A brother was he that gave me aught that I asked of him

freely, and pardoned all the wrong that I did to him !”

Notes to the Notice of Lebid.

1 The second hemistich of this couplet offers some difficulty. De Sacy reads

£♦..^1 JaA. IgJ ji

and renders “tandis que la ligne entiere de l’escadron avoit ete enfoncee et avoit cede

h leur violence.” But the reading of the Bulaq edition of the Aghani is distinctly

and the use of LA in the sense of is of doubtful authority; while the render¬

ing given above would require the line to begin with -The translation adopted

follows the explanation of the phrase \j given by Lane, and understands the

hemistich as meaning that the whole fortune of the war hung on the spear-points

which ‘Amir took to himself : he was the faris-el-jeysh — “ the knight of the host,” a

warrior such as ‘Antarah draws for us in vv. 64 to 71 of his Mo‘allaqah.

2 Lebid was thus nearly connected with the king of Hawazin, Zuheyr son of

Je'Simeh, who was slain by Khalid son of Ja‘far of ‘Amir, Lebid’s great uncle on the

father’s side ; he was (through his mother) first cousin once removed of Q,eys son of

Zuheyr, the leader of ‘Abs in the war of Dahis. It should be added that the text of

the Aghani appears to make Zinba‘ a woman, whereas the name is that of a man ;

we may perhaps understand “ one of the daughters of Je<5imeh” as applying to Tamireh,

and “ daughters” as meaning female descendants generally.

3 Hdjara. De Sacy renders “ qu’il accompagna ensuite le Prophete dans sa fuite

a Mediae.” This, however, is impossible, for the death of ‘Amir ibn et-Tufeyl occurred

in A. H. 10. •

1877.]

life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghani.

77

4 Twenty. De Sacy line reads tislin (ninety) for ‘ ashrin (twenty), which, latter

reading existed in his MS. as well as in the Bulaq edition : it does not seem necessary

to do violence to the text.

5 It will not escape notice that this passage does not agree with the genealogy

given at the head of the article, inasmuch as it distinguishes between Lebid’s uncle,

‘Amir son of Malik, and ‘Amir Abu-l-Bera’ or Abu Nizar, Mula‘ib-el-Asinneh. This

story is told over again (with a different isndd hut in almost the same language) at

p. 22 of Yol. XVI of the Aghani ; this does not appear to have been observed by De

Sacy. The obscure passages in the text before us have in some cases light thrown

upon them by variants in the second version.

6 Zarajun : the second version gives the name as Sarahun.

7 This enmity was doubtless due to the slaying of Zuheyr son of JetSimeh by

Khalid son of Jaffar.

8 In our text the words are ^Jy^ ln the second version they are

Ijg+sg (Jy$u. I have translated as if stood in place of

0 In our text the words are In the other text they are ;

the latter is the more usual spelling of the name : vide Lane s. v. The plant is

variously described, and according to Lane the name is now applied to what is called

in Persian i. e., thlaspi. Thlaspi , an insignificant weed of the natural order

Cruciferce , the well-known “ shepherd’s purse,” suits the passage well. (De Sacy’s MS.

appears to have read which he renders “ de l’espece qu’on nomme theriyya ,

". ' ‘f

c’est a dire, humide” ; the word meaning moist is, however, ? fern. <x’jy without

teshdid.)

10 This speech of Lebid’s, which naturally loses its chief flavour in a translation,

is in rhyming prose, each rhyme being three times repeated. The speech is given with

slight variations, but substantially the same in sense, in the notice of er-Rabi‘ in

Yol. XYI.

11 “ Top-knot”, ISu’abetahu : here it is in the singular, and therefore means either

the top-knot or forelock : in the other version the word is in the dual, and means the

two curls, one on each side of the head, commonly worn by boys.

12 Hulleh is the name of a dress consisting of three garments, a shirt, an izdr or

waist wrapper, and a ridd or wrapper for the whole body.

13 This address is in the Eejez metre : each line rhymes with all the rest. In

line 3 “ The Mother of the Four sons” is the wife of Malik ibn Jaffar : she had really

five sons, v.iz., ‘Amir, Tufeyl, Rabi‘ah, ‘Abideh and Mo‘awiyeh. Ibn Quteybeh thinks

(Ma‘arif, ed. 'Wustenfeld, p. 43) that the poet has put four instead of five merely for the

sake of the rhyme : it may be, however, because four only were famous among the five.

Umm-el-benin “Mother of the Sons” was an honoured title which was borne by many

Arab mothers ; er-Rabi‘’s own mother Fatimeh was known by it : her sons were called

el-Jcemelehy “ the perfect.” The last four lines of the piece cannot be decently rendered

into English, but they will be found in De Sacy’s French. Lebid charges er-Rabi‘ with

being afflicted by the white leprosy called haras , and puts the charge in a manner cal¬

culated to cause extreme disgust in the King. In the notice of er-Rabi‘ in Yol. XYI,

the piece has two more lines, making fourteen in all, beside other minor variations.

14 “ Wrote.” That er-Rabi‘ knew how to write is proved by the fact that he,

with all the other sons of Fatimeh daughter of el-Khurshub, was called Kamil , “ per¬

fect,” which in the days of the Ignorance meant “a man who was a poet, valiant,

78

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

able to write , a skilful swimmer and a good shot with the bow.” (Quoted from the

Kitab el-Aghani by Causs. de Perceval, Journal Asiat. Dec. 1836, p. 533.)

15 These verses present many points of difficulty : they occur again in Vol. XYI,

pp. 23, 24, and the readings there given differ in some particulars from those given

here. In line 1, De Sacy reads, for the reading of his MS. and the Bulaq edn.,

^ J $1 } but this will not scan, while the reading of the text seems to he

«* >

nonsense. I have preferred the reading of Yol. XYI, p. 23, viz., &*..*# ^/. In line 3

- ✓

Lakhm is the family name of the kings of el-Hireh. “ Come down” i. e. to water —

waradet : Yol. XYI, p. 24 reads wuzinet “ were weighed.” In line 4 there seems to be

a play on the word risk , which means both wealth and feathers. Semwil is here given

with sin : in Yol. XYI, it appears as Shcmwil with shin. In both places the BCilaq ed.

reads rishi Semwila ; but De Sacy gives ibni Shemwila, and translates “ fils de Samuel,”

i. e. the famous es-Semau’al of el-Ablaq in Teyma. It is true that in the reply of

en-No‘man, as given in Yol. XIY, line 6 speaks of ibni Semwila : but in Yol. XYI, the

reading is abrdqa Shemlild. I find in the Mardsid a place Semwil, of which all that is

said is that it is “a place abounding in birds.” This seems to suit the passage best ; at

any rate the change of Jf es-Semau’al to Shemwil requires strong sup¬

port before it can be accepted.

In line 7, De Sacy’s ^j\ should be changed to ; hi8 conjectured read¬

ing jL.^.1 for the meaningless j\ jA. is supported by the version of Yol.

XVI, and has been adopted. In v. 8 a word occurs which is found in no dictionary, viz.,

(Agh. Vol. XIY,) or lb (id. Yol. XVI,) or lb (De Sacy). De Sacy

renders lbjA».i j lsr/0 +6,$?) (Ju^/o^l “ elles ne sont pas, comme chez vous, reduites a

manger des herbes saumatres ou nitreuses .” But salt pastures are just those which

camels like : and it seems possible that (Jbj.~..c may be connected with (JL*.e honey.

16 These verses, like those of er-Babi1, just quoted, shew variations in the differ¬

ent versions. The second couplet as I have rendered it runs

HyQf ^ | (J.&|^>2./0 I/O ^ &2.S

(The Bulaq ed. reads apparently only by a misprint. De Sacy prefers to

make (J.&| the nom. to and^.^«o and IbxTJ | the accusative after it,

and this rendering has much to recommend it). But in Yol. XYI the verse appears

thus

to the second hemistich of which it is difficult to assign a meaning.

The third couplet runs in our text thus —

^k+Jf I/O 6XJ <U/0 i^JjLsui l+J

In Yol. XYI, it runs

^ jA l/o 6x j cijbbbf Ui

Now if we take Semwil as the name of a place, Ib^^^a ^j| is obviously inappro¬

priate. I have therefore adopted, in lieu of ^j| j.sr5, JjL j( from the other version.

Abrdq is not given in Lane : but it seems a permissible plural from plural of

a rugged and gravelly plain, in the sense of traversing and passing through

(Zuheyr, Mo ‘all. 15), also suits abrdq in this meaning best. (Of the reading of Vol.

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghani. 79

XVI generally it may be said that appears to make nonsense, and that while

is a word meaning “light and active” applied to a camel, it does not seem

appropriate here).

17 These verses have not been rendered by De Sacy, and we should be glad to

know that they were really spurious and not by Lebid. Verses 4 and 5 accuse er-Rabi‘

of cowardice, and say that in the press of battle he is like a thing held there by force,

and would be glad to escape if he could. In verse 6 he is charged with merely sipping

a sip and tasting of the fight In verses 7 and 8 the meaning is

that if the man who stands next to er-Rabi ‘ in the press and takes him for a bulwark

(who to do so must needs be a coward himself) feels him, as one feels a sheep to see

if it is fat (y+c-^ } he will find that he is lighter and leaner, i. e. more cowardly and chick¬

en-hearted than himself. In the last line is a word, which is explained in the

commentary on the authority of el-Asma‘i as meaning the action of a beast whose legs

are hobbled or shackled, or one walking among thorns : he sets down his forelegs, then

he raises them and in the place where they had been puts his hind legs. So here the

sense is that er-Rabi‘ having committed a villainy, returns to the same again.

18 El-\Velid son of ‘Oqbeh. His grandfather was Abu Mo‘eyt son of Abu ‘Amr

son of Umayyeh son of ‘Abd Shems ; he became a Muslim at the conquest of Mekkeh

(A. H. 8), and was sent by the Prophet to collect the Sadaqah or poor-rate from the

Benu-l-Mustalaq ; having returned with a false report that they had refused to pay it

to him, the Prophet ordered arms to be taken up against them : whereupon there was

sent down from God this warning verse (Q,ur. xlix. 6) “ O ye that have believed !

verily there has come to you a wicked man with news : act therefore with deliberation.”

‘Omar appointed el-Welid to be collector of the Sadaqah from the tribe of Teghlib,

and ‘Othman made him governor of el-Kufeh in succession to Sa‘d son of Abu Waq-

qas. One day he was leading the prayers in the great mosque of el-Kufeh, and being-

drunk, after he had finished turned to the people and said “ Shall I give you any

more ?” This greatly scandalized them, and they reported to ‘Othman his drunken

habits. The Khalifeh thereupon removed him from his post and inflicted upon him

the legal punishment ( hadd ) for drunkenness, viz., eighty stripes. After this he re¬

mained in el-Medineh until ‘All was proclaimed Khalifeh, when he withdrew to er-

Raqqah, a town on the upper Euphrates, where he lived till his death, taking1 part with

neither side in the contest between ‘All and Mo‘awiyeh. El-Welid was the uterine

brother of the Khalifeh ‘Othman. (Ibn Quteybeh, Ma‘arif, pp. 162-3).

19 Ghani : the tribe of ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘ah to which Lebid belonged descended (as

will be seen from the genealogy with which the notice begins) from Qeys son of

‘Eylan through his son Khasafeh. Ghani was the offspring of another son of Qeys (or,

as others say, his grandson), A‘sur. The tribe of Ghani was bound by the ties of

mutual protection fjiwdrj to ‘Amir, and a man of Ghani having slain Sha’s son of

Zuheyr the king of Hawazin, Khalid, Lebid’ s great uncle (see above, note2) offered to

bear the blood wit : on Zuheyr refusing to accept anything but the destruction of the

offending tribe, Khalid slew him ; and this produced an enmity between ‘Amir and

<Abs which was not appeased till many years after on the outbreak of the war of Dahis.

20 In rendering this poem I have ventured, with great diffidence, to take it in a

sense exactly opposite to that adopted by De Sacy. He imagines that the words of

Tufeyl are directed against Ja‘far : and he renders the word in line 3 which I trans¬

late “ to be weary of us,” “venir a notre secours,” observing however in a

note that he would have preferred to read This other reading would, however,

80

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqctli of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

be impossible with oJUJ at the end of the verse ; and &L/o means “ he contracted a

loathing of him, he became tired of his society” : never, as assumed, “ he grieved for

him, shewed him sympathy.” In the next two verses De Sacy takes the subject to be

Tufeyl’ s mother, while it appears to me to be the tribe of Ja‘far. Now it is to be re¬

membered that the story is told as a case of Lebid’ s boasting of his former state after he

had become a Muslim. Ja‘far was Lebid’s own family : it is therefore improbable that

the verses should be to the discredit of Ja‘far ; and the whole tenor of the tale and its

sequel shews that Tufeyl must be praising Ja‘far for some good deeds done him which

seemed to the young man of Ghani, who was accustomed to the orderly administration

and public charity which existed under el-Islam, to be a very trifling thing. It appears

to me conclusive that, after reciting the verses, the Ghanawi says oaJ

f | iJj&j o Had the tale been against the house

of Ja‘far, the phrase would have run ^jJLc 1 Jjiu At the same time I

should add that it is not impossible that lines 5 to 8 may refer to Tufeyl’s mother ;

a collective family name like Ja'far is frequently construed with a feminine

singular : but just before, by a constructio ad sensum , it has been construed

with a masculine plural, it may seem unlikely that from the natural constructio

ad sensum the phrase should revert to the grammatical regimen of the feminine singular,

though instances are not wanting. If this be so, then, taking lines 5 to 8 as praise of

Tufeyl’ s mother, reading in line 6 her for their, and in line 7 she for they, the result of

the passage will be that while the hospitality of Tufeyl’ s mother is related, that of the

Ja‘faris is declared to be still more excellent.

21 “ Eighteen years.” Tarafeh is said to have been six and twenty when he was

killed : this earlier age may perhaps refer to the time when he attained distinction as

a poet.

22 El-Mughireh son of Sho'beh : he was of the tribe of Thaqif, and nephew of the

martyr ‘Orweh ibn Mes‘ud ; he was a distinguished warrior, and was present at the

battles of el- Yemameh (when Museylimeh “the Liar” was slain), el-Yarmuk (in A. H.

13, when he lost an eye), el-Q,adisiyyeh (A. H. 15), Meysan, and Nuhawend (where he led

the right wing), besides many others. According to Ibn Quteybeh (Ma‘arif, p. 150) he

was made governor of el-Basrah, not el-Kufeh, by ‘Omar ; and Ibn Khaliikan (De

Slane’s translation, Yol. IY, pp. 255-258) tells a tale, equally discreditable to ‘Omar and

el-Mughireh, of the manner in which the former screened the latter from the punish¬

ment due to him on account of a true charge of adultery brought against him during

his rule at el-Basrah. It seems therefore doubtful whether this anecdote, which makes

him governor of el-Kufeh during ‘Omar’s reign, can be genuine. I find however that

in the index to Frey tag’s edition of el-Meydani’s proverbs he is said to have been

made governor of el-Kufeh first by ‘Omar and afterwards by Mo‘awiyeh ; of the latter

fact there is no doubt ; he died at el-Kufeh in A. II. 50 of the plague. Ibn Quteybeh

mentions (Ma‘arif, p. 276) that he was the first Muslim who took bribes. This story is

twice told in the Aghdni : it recurs in Yol. XVIII, p. 164, in the notice of el-Aghleb.

This poet, who belonged to the tribe of ‘Ijl, a sub-tribe of Bekr ibn Wa’il, was called

“ the Bdjiz ,” or reciter of verses in the rejez metre, because he was the first who used

that metre for qasidehs , or long odes; “before his time” (says Ibn Habib, quoted by

el-Isfahanx) “ the Arabs used the rejez only in war, in driving camels, in boasting one

against another, and on other like occasions, and each poem consisted only of a few

couplets. El-Aghleb was the first who used it for a qasideli, and after him other men

followed in the way he had shewn them.” El-Aghleb, like Lebid, was very old when

81

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Agliani .

he professed el-Islam ; he left his tribe and settled in el-Kufeh with Sa‘d son of Abu

Waqqas, and was present at the battle of Nuhawend (A. H. 21), where he was among

the slain.

23 The second, or, if we omit the Fatihah from our reckoning, the first Surah of

the Qur’an.

24 G| : That is “ I shall be but a ghost (hameh) to-day or to¬

morrow.” It is remarkable that this speech, savouring of the superstitions of the

Ignorance, when men spoke of the spirits of dead men as owls , should be put into the

mouth of so pious a Muslim as Lebid, especially after the Prophet had specifically de¬

nied the existence of the hameh as of other things regarded with superstitious awe. (See

Mes‘udi, Muruj-ec$-(5ahab, Yol. Ill, p. 311). But it will be seen from a discussion

elsewhere that this particular superstition (or at least language having reference to it)

was by no means eradicated by el-Islam, and that lidmeh was used generally to indicate

a dead person even by Muslims.

These words (“I am but an owl of to-day or to-morrow”) are given as a proverb in

el-Meydani (Freytag’s edn., Yol. II, p. 885) and a history added which connects them

with Lebid’s own tribe of ‘Amir. Shuteyr ibn Khalid ibn Nufeyl was taken prisoner

by Dirar son of ‘Amr of Dabbeh, who said to him — “ Choose one of three things : first,

restore to me my son el-Hoseyn, whom thy son ‘Otbeh has slain.” “ I cannot raise up

the dead to life,” said Shuteyr. “ Then give up to me thine own son to be slain in his

place,” said Dirar, “ Nay,” replied Shuteyr, “ the Benu ‘Amir would never agree to

surrender a knight valiant in battle for a one-eyed dotard who is but an owl of to-day

or to-morrow.” “ Then thou must die,” said Dirar, and bade his son slay him.

25 For el-Welid see note (18).

26 These verses are sufficiently clear. De Sacy supposes that Abu ‘ Aqil is the

name of a tribe in el- ‘ Iraq which dwelt eastward of el-Kufeh, so that the breeze that

blew from thence would be the East wind : but Abu ‘ Aqxl is the Kunyeh or by-name of

Lebid, as will have been noticed from a previous passage in this account of him.

“ High-nosed” having the quality called in the nose : that is, straight¬

ness with length and height : it is used to describe a magnanimous man who holds his

head high. “ Highheaded” Jxaao) : this word is properly applied to a camel who, by

reason of the disease called is obliged to hold his head up in the air without

turning it to right or left : hence it is applied in both a good and a bad sense to a proud

and noble man who holds his head high. “ Long-armed” pbJj t. e. generous. In

«» ^ *♦

the last line De Sacy reads while the Bulaq ed. has ; the former would

mean the East wind’s moaning or whistling : the latter the sweeping in different direc¬

tions of its skirts as it blew.

27 The Arabic word for “ of ‘ Abd-Shems’s line,” viz. deserves notice as

M

a curious contracted nominal adjective. In lines 5 and 6 the idea is that the camels,

which are black — the most precious kind of all (see ‘ Antarah, Mo‘all. 12) — have humps

so large (the hump being the most esteemed part of a camel as food — Tarafeh, Mo ‘all. 93)

that they look as if a company of negroes were riding on their backs. Abu Wahb was

el-Welid’s Kunyeh or by-name. Therid is a mess of bread crumbled into broth — a

much appreciated dish in the simple cookery of the Arabs.

28 El-Farezdaq, with el-Akhtal and Jerir, made up the famous triumvirate of

most excellent poets of the third order, the Islamis or those who had seen nothing of the

days of the Ignorance.

29 El-Mo‘tasim reigned from A. D. 833 to 842 : he succeeded his brother el-

Mamun, whose reign extended from 813 to 833 A. D.

L

82

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lelnd, with the

30 This most touching and admirable poem has* been rendered by Riickert in his

translation of the Hamaseh (Yol. I, p. 387). In line 2 “ mighty towers” is ^jLa/o^

plural of AxXwa/o, which has several meanings : “fortresses” is the one which seems to

suit the passage best. Line 13 Riickert thinks probably spurious, the insertion of an

after-age. He renders it —

Der Mensch, was ist er anders als was er Frommes denkt ?

und was sein Gut, als etwas auf Widerruf geschcnkt ?

De Sacy understands it as of the fleeting of life — “ l’homme ressemble aux bonnes reso¬

lutions que suggere la piete.” The latter is the preferable sense, though it certainly

has a modern tone which is strange to old Arab poetry. Riickert also rejects, as a

commonplace interpolation, lines 25 and 26 : and certainly 23, 24 and 27, 28 seem to be

consecutive in thought. In lines 17, 18 we have proof of Lebid’s already great age

when Arbed died, before he became a Muslim ; line 1 8 might be more literally rendered

“ I am as though, as often as I stand, I were stooping ;” rdki1 is the posture assumed in

prayer when the body is bent at right angles. In line 21 “ 0 go not away from us,”

ili, is a phrase of frequent recurrence in dirges, and seems to have been used

by the wailers at burials in the same way as (but with an exactly opposite sense)

the Latin Meet. At the end of the same line I have followed De Sacy and Riickert in

taking &s-yQ as meaning “ a trysting place” (“ un inevitable rendezvous,” “ unsre

4 o/

Frist der Einigung”) : but it may also be rendered (as though pointed “threaten-

*

ing, imminent.” I prefer, however, the rendering adopted, as more suitable to the

train of thought suggested by Ita. Lines 23 and 24 shew that Lebid was still a

pagan and a disbeliever in the Resurrection when he uttered the verses. Lines 27 and

28 are quoted and explained by Lane s. v. d^-k The “ waiter on the pebble’s cast”

( AjjlkJ | or) is the woman who endeavours to obtain an augury by the

cast and fall of stones (Riickert “ Sandwurfweissagerin”), while the “ watcher of the

flight of birds,” jJaJ| is an auguress of the Roman sort (Riickert “ Vogelflug-

ausleger”). It would seem that these allusions to divining and the vanity of it are

indirect attacks on Mohammed.

31 This history relates to the earliest days of el-Islam, before the first Flight, that

to Abyssinia in A. D. 615. ‘Othmanson of Ma<5'un was one of the four converts who

embraced the new faith together with ‘Abd-er-Rahman son of ‘Auf (Muir, Life of Ma¬

homet, II, 106) : he was a man of an ascetic temper, and his austerities caused the utter¬

ance by Mohammed of the precept — “ There is no monkery in el-Islam.” He led the

emigration to the Christian Court of the Nejashi (id. II. 133). El-Welid ibn el-Mu-

ghireh was an aged chief of the Qureysh (id. II, 32, 80, 128, &c.) who led in the

rebuilding of the Ka‘beh after its destruction by a flood in or about A. D. 605. He is

believed to be the gainsayer who is cursed in the 74th Surah of the Qui-’an ; he was

one of the most violent of the Prophet’s opponents, and a witness of his temporary

apostacy, when he praised Lat, ‘Ozza, and Menat.

82 “ The Holy Temple” el-Mesjid-el-Haram, i. e. the Ka‘beh.

33 The rest of this poem is given in the preamble to Lebid’s Mo‘allaqah in the

edition of the Mo‘allaqat with Persian notes by Rashidu-n-Nabi of Hugli. It runs —

“ Yea — everything is vain except only God alone,

and every pleasant thing must one day vanish away !

And all the race of men — there shall surely come among them

a Fearful Woe whereby their fingers shall grow pale :

1877.]

83

life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghdni.

And. every mother’s son, though his life he lengthened out

to the utmost hound, comes home at last to the Grave :

And every man shall know one day his labour’s worth

when his loss or gain is cast up on the Judgment-Day.”

These verses have, however, a suspicious islamic tone, and their genuineness seems

very doubtful. The “ bleaching of the fingers” | in v. 4 is death.

34 Esh-Sha‘bi. His name was ‘ Amir ibn Sharahil ibn ‘ Abd-esh-Sha‘bi ; he be¬

longed to the Himyerite race, and was born in the 6th year of ‘ Othman’s Khalifate ;

he was a Kdtib (secretary or scribe) to successive governors of el-Kufeh. According

to el-Waqidi he died in 105 A. H. at the age of 77 : others say 104 A. IT. This

anecdote therefore gives an authority for the attribution to Lebid of the verses referring

to his great age which extends to a period only about 60 years after the poet’s death.

(Ibn Quteybeh, Ma‘arif, p. 229).

35 “ Seventy.” As the verses were given before, they were uttered when Lebid’s

age was ninety.

36 En-Nabighah of Bubyan was one of the foremost poets of the Ignorance :

much of his verse is still extant, and has been printed in Ahlwardt’s “ Diwans of the

six Ancient Arabic poets.”

37 According to Ibn Qnteybeh Lebid had sons : but when he became a townsman

and settled in el-Kufeh, they returned to their desert life and left him (Ma‘arif, p. 169).

33 The Seldm is uttered at the end of the prayers by the imam and his fellow wor¬

shippers ; if the worshipper be alone, it is addressed to the angels : if he be praying

with others, it is addressed to men and angels together.

39 “ Branches”: : so in the Bulaq edition. De Sacy reads the folds

or wrinkles of the body, and understands that these are flattened out by the heavy flags

laid over them : but this is not in accordance with the method of burial in use among

the Arabs.

40 These verses are not rendered by De Sacy. “ The Mother of the Sons” has

been explained before in note (13). The second couplet accords with the renown of

RabPah as the “ Rabi‘at-el-Mo‘tarrin” of which we are told at the beginning of the Notice.

Who the Abu Shureyk mentioned in the third couplet is I do not know, nor the event

(apparently some famous encounter) to which it refers : perhaps it is the great “ Day of

the Defile of Jebeleh.” Both this poem and that which follows it must be understood

as belonging to the days of the Ignorance, before Lebid (already aged) ceased to

compose verse.

The Mo'allaqah of Lebid.

ARGUMENT.

In verses 1 to 1 1 the Poet describes the deserted abode of his Beloved, where in

the Spring her tribe and his had pastured their flocks together ; verses 12 to 15 tell of

her departure thence for distant fields, named in vv. 17 — 19. Then the Poet sets forth

his view of friendship and the duties of friends when their love cools (vv. 20 — 21) ;

mentioning his camel as the means of cutting short an acquaintance which has become

a burthen, he first describes her hardy frame ; then (v. 24) he likens her in her eager¬

ness to start on her way to a cloud heavy with rain, the out-lying portions of which,

having emptied themselves of their watery burthen, have hurried away on the moist

wings of the South wind. Then follow two other comparisons : the first of the camel

to a wild she-ass, driven far away into the wilds by her jealous mate ; how these two

lived together is told at length (vv. 25 — 35). The second compares her to a wild cow

84

C. J. Lyall — The Mo‘ alia yah of Lebicl , with the [No. 1,

whose calf has been killed and torn by wolves, and who wanders restlessly by the out¬

skirts of the pastures away from the herd in search of it ; at the end of her wander¬

ings, when she is beginning to be comforted for her loss, she is beset by hunters and

dogs, but escapes the former and beats off the latter (vv. 36 — 52). Then he turns

again to his Lady, and tells her more of his mood. He describes to her the revels

which she knows not of (w. 57 — 61) : his open-handedness (v. 62) in clothing the naked

and feeding the hungry : his valour in defence of his tribe (v. 63), which gives him

again occasion to tell of his good mare (vv. 66 — 69) : his high place in the Courts of

Kings, where he is chosen as arbiter between contending poets (v. 70) : his liberal hos¬

pitality, when he provides for his friends fat camels as the prize of the arrow-gambling

(vv. 73 — 75) ; and his charity to the poor and friendless, whom he satisfies with food

(vv. 76 — 77). Then he passes from himself to his tribe, and vaunts their nobleness of

heart and the valour and steadfastness of their young men and their greybeards (vv.

78—89).

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

Effaced are her resting-places — where she stayed but a while and where

[she dwelt long

in Mina : desolate are her camps in Ghaul and er-Rijam,

And by the torrents of er-Rayyan : the traces thereof are laid bare

and old and worn, as the rocks still keep their graving :

Tent-traces over which have passed, since the time that one dwelt there,

long years, with their rolling months of war and peace.

The showers of the signs of Spring have fallen on them, and there have

[swept

over them the rains of the thundering clouds, torrents and drizzle

[both —

The clouds that came by night, those of the morning that hid the sky,

and the clouds of even-tide, with their antiphons of thunder ;

There have sprung up over them the shoots of the rocket, and in the

[sides

of the valley the deer and the ostriches rear their young ;

The large-eyed wild kine lie down there by their young ones

just born, and their calves roam in herds over the plain.

The torrents have scored afresh the traces of the tents, as though

they were lines of writing in a book which the pens make new

[again,

Or the tracery which a woman draws afresh as she sprinkles the blue

over the rings, and the lines shine forth anew thereon.

And I stood there asking them for tidings — and wherefore did I ask

aught of deaf stones that have no voice to answer ?

Bare was the place where the whole tribe had rested : they passed

[away

therefrom at dawn, leaving behind them the tent-trenches and the

[thatch.

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kit&b-el-Aghani. 85

12 The camel-litters of the tribe stirred thy longing, what time they

[moved away

and crept into the litters hung with cotton, as the wooden frame-

[work creaked

13 — The litters hung all round, over their frame of wood,

with hangings, thin veils and pictured curtains of wool.

14 They began their journey in bands, wide-eyed as the wild cows of

[Tudih,

or deer of We j rah as they watch their fawns lying around.

15 They were started on their way, and the sun-mist fell oft them, as

[though

they were low rocky ridges of Bisheh, its tamarisks and its boulders.

16 Nay — why dost thou dwell on the thought of Nawar ? for she is gone,

and severed is all that bound her to thee, whether strong or weak.

17 Of Murrah was she : she halted in Feyd, then she travelled on

to those of el-Hijaz. How then canst thou reach to her

18 On the Eastward slopes of Aja’ and Selma, or in Mohajjar

where Eardeh and er-Rukham cut her oft from thy coming ?

19 Or it may be she went to el-Yemen, and then her abode

should be in Wihaf el-Qahr, or Tilkham, in Suwa’iq.

20 Cut short then thy longing for one whose converse is changed to thee :

and verily the best in affection is he who knows how to cut its

[bonds.

21 Give freely thy best love to him who loves thee — there remains to

[thee

the power to flee him when his love limps and its straightness

[bends to a fall :

22 To flee on a camel spent with journeyings, which have left of her

yet something, her back and hump both thin and spare.

23 When her flesh has fallen away, and her flanks grown spare and lean,

and the strap which ties her shoe to her pastern is cut to pieces with

[use,

24 Then she bends joyfully to the rein, eager to start, as though

she were a dusky red cloud whose cloudlets drained of rain have

[sped away on the South wind :

25 Or a wild she-ass great with young, mated to a white-bellied male

[whose sides

bear the marks of his fights with the stallion-asses, their blows

[and their bites.

26 He takes his way with her to the uplands among the hills, his sides

[all scarred,

with jealousy in his heart roused by her rebellion and her desire.

86 C. J. Lyall — The Mo'ctllaqcth of Lebid, with the [No. 1,

27 To the downs of eth-Thelebut, where he scans from the heights thereof

the wilderness of rolling uplands, in dread lest the guidestones

[should hide a foe.

28 Until, when they come to the end of the six months of Winter,

they feast their fill on the dewy herbage : and long had they suffered

[thirst.

29 They resolve to turn again, and seek with a steady purpose

the water-springs : and the way to gain one’s end is to set the

[heart firm !

30 Their pasterns were pricked by the awns of the barley-grass, and there

[swept

over them the hot blasts of Summer in their swiftness and their

[heat.

31 And they raised as they galloped along a train of dust whose shadows

[fleeted

like the smoke of a blazing fire with its wood wrapped in ruddy flame

32 Fanned by the North wind, its dry sticks mixed with moist stems of

[‘ mfaj,

with its volumes of rolling smoke that rise over the tongues of

[flame.

33 He sped along thrusting her before him — a custom it was of his,

when she lingered behind, to thrust her on in front —

34 And they plunged together by the bank of the rivulet into a pool

brimming, set close with reeds, and splashed about its waters —

35 A pool set round with reeds that screened it from the sun

those of them that lay in a tangle on its face and those that stood

[upright.

36 Is she like my camel — or shall I compare her to a wild cow who has

[lost her calf,

who lingers behind the herd, its leader and its stay ?

37 Flat-nosed is she — she has lost her calf, and ceases not

to roam about the marge of the sand-meadows and cry

38 For her youngling just weaned, white, whose limbs have been torn

by the ash-grey hunting wolves who lack not for food.

39 They came upon it while she knew not, and dealt her a deadly woe

— Verily Death, when it shoots, its arrow misses not the mark !

40 The night came upon her, as the dripping rain of the steady shower

[poured on

and its continuous fall soaked the leafage through and through :

41 She took refuge in the hollow trunk of a tree with lofty branches

[standing apart

on the skirts of the sandhills, where the fine sand sloped her way.

1877.]

life of the poet as given in the Kifah-el-Aghani.

87

42 The steady rain poured down, and the flood reached the ridge of her

[back

in a night when thick darkness hid away all the stars ;

43 And she shone in the face of the mirk with a white glimmering light

like a pearl born in a sea- shell that has dropped from its string.

44 Until, when the darkness was folded away and morning dawned,

she stood, her legs slipping in the muddy earth.

45 She Wandered distracted about all the pools of So‘aid

for seven nights twinned with seven whole long days,

46 Until she lost all hope, and her full udders shrunk

— the udders that had not failed in all the days of her suckling

[and weaning.

47 Then she heard the sound of men, and it filled her heart with fear

— of men from a hidden place : and men, she knew, were her

[bane.

48 She rushed blindly along, now thinking the chase before

and now behind her : each was a place of dread.

49 Until, when the archers lost hope, they let loose on her

trained hounds with hanging ears, each with a stiff leather collar

[on its neck ;

50 They beset her, and she turned to meet them with her horns

like to spears of Semhar in their sharpness and their length

51 To thrust them away : for she knew well, if she drove them not off,

that the fated day of her death among the fates of beasts had

[come.

52 And among them Ivesab was thrust through and slain, and rolled in

[blood

lay there, and Sukham was left in the place where he made his

[onset.

53 On such a camel, when the glistening sands dance in the hot noon,

and the skirts of the mirage clothe their rolling hills,

64 'Will I accomplish my desire — I shall not be turned away from it by

[blame,

nor by all the reviling that men may care to heap on me.

55 And did not Nawar then know that I am one

who knits where he pleases the knot of love and cuts it where he

[wills,

56 Wont to leave when it likes me the places that I care not for

till the fated doom of Death shall lay hold of a certain soul ?

57 Nay, verily thou knowest not how many a night

cool and mild, good for delight and revelry,

88

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lebid , with the

I have passed as we told tales together : and many a vintner’s flag

have I come to when it had been taken down and his wine grown

[scarce and dear.

I buy the costly wine in the old and blackened skin

or the pitch-anointed jar, when its seal is broken and its wine ladled

[out.

Many the clear draught I have drunk in the morn, and many the sing.

[ing-girl

to whom I have listened as she strained the strings on the lute

[which her thumb adjusts.

I have risen to drink of the wine before the cock crowed at dawn

that I might drink deep of it again when the sleepers awoke from

[sleep.

And many the morning of wind and cold whose chill I have shut out

when its reins were held in the hand of the bitter North.

And I too have shielded the Tribe from harm when there bore my wea¬

pons

a swift mare, my girdle its reins as I went forth at dawn :

I mounted the watching-mound on the top of a dusty hill

narrow in standing- place, whose dust blew towards the standards

[of the foe :

Until, when the Sun put forth his hand and laid hold of night

and the darkness covered all the terrors of our line of fear,

I came down, and my mare reared up like a lofty trunk of palm

bare of branches, which the climber can never hope to climb ;

I pushed her along as the ostrich flees, and swifter than that,

until, when she became hot with the race and her bones light,

The light saddle loosened upon her, and her breast streamed with

[sweat,

and her girth was soaked through and through with the foam

[that covered her.

She rises in the air, and strives against the rein, and inclines sideways

like the circling down of a dove when a flight of them flies to drink.

And many the Court of Kings thronged by strangers who know not one

[another,

whose gifts are hoped for by men and their chiding feared,

Where thick-necked men stood, like lions, threatening one another in

[their hate

as though they were fiends of the Desert with their feet firm

[set in strife —

I have denied what was vain in their claims, and dealt out to each his due

as I judged right : and their noblest was not nobler than I.

♦

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghani. 8fl

73 And many the camel, prize of the gamers, to whose slaying I have called

my fellows with the gaming arrows, all alike in length :

74 I call them to the slaying of a barren she-camel, or one with young,.

and her flesh has been given freely to all my neighbours ;

75 And the guest and the stranger from afar were in my tent

as though they had come down into Tebaleh with its meadows of

[rich grass.

76 There sought refuge by my tent-ropes every wretched one

clad in scanty rags and wasted like the camel by her master’s

[grave.

77 And they fill brimful with meat, when the winds are blowing shrill,

great bowls of broth, to which their fatherless ones come to drink.

78 Verily we of ‘ Amir, when the Tribes are met together,

there wants not of us a Chief to lead in the doing of a noble deed,

79 Or a Divider to portion out to the Tribe its due,

or a Prince to give less or more as he deems right and good

80 In his headship : or a generous man who helps men with his bounty

free-handed, a gainer of all good gifts and one who takes them by

[force.

81 For he comes of a Stock to whom their Fathers laid down the way

— and every people has its own way and its leader therein.

82 If there comes an alarm, thou shalt find among them the helmets of

[mail,

and the hawberks of woven mail the rings of which shine like stars :

83 They will not be craven, nor shall their deeds fall without fruit,

for their hearts are firm and waver not with vain desire.

84 Be content with that which the King has allotted to thee as a portion :

for verily One who knows has portioned out the tempers of men.

85 And when faithfulness was dealt out among the Tribes of men,

the Dealer gave to us a full and abundant share ;

86 And He built for us a house of glory with lofty roof

and our greybeards and our young men have risen to the height

[thereof.

87 They are the Leaders in work when mishap befalls the Tribe,

and they are its good Knights and they are its Lawgivers ;

88 And they are a fair Spring-tide to him who seeks their shelter,

and to the widows, when their year of widowhood lengthens out ;

89 And they are the men to see that no Tribesman holds back in malice,

and that no vile betrayer goes over to the foe.

M

00

C. J. Lyall — The 3foiallaqah of Lebid, with the

[No. 1,

Notes.

Verse 1. “Mina.” There are two places of this name mentioned in the Marasid-

el-Ittila‘ : the first the well-known valley close by Mekkeh, the second a place in Dariy-

yeli, a province of Nejd, on the route which passes through that country from Mekkeh

to el-Basrah ; the latter is meant here. Ghaul and er-Rijam (that the latter should

have the article is proved by a verse of Aus ibn Hojr cited by ez-Zauzeni) are the names

of two mountains in the same neighbourhood.

v. 2. “er-Rayyan:” this is here the name of a mountain in Dariyyeh : it is also

the name of a great mountain in the ranges of Aja’ and Selma, the mountains of Teyyi’,

where, according to the Marasid-el-Ittila‘, there is a never-ceasing flow of water ; the

word means “ having abundance of water for irrigation” : and it is evident from the

name and the mention of torrents here that abundance of water was as characteristic of

the er-Rayyan in Nejd as of that in Teyyi’.

v. 3. “Long years”: Hijaj, plural of hijjeh ; literally, seasons of pilgrimage : as

we say “ Summers” and “ Winters” in the same meaning. “ Months of war and peace” :

in the days of the ancient Arabs the year was divided into four months of peace, in

which war between the tribes was by common consent unlawful, and eight months dur¬

ing which war was permitted; the months of peace were Du-l-Qa'deh, Du-1- Hijjeh,

Moharram, and Rejeb.

w. 4 and 5. “ The showers of the signs of Spring:” marabiu-n-nujum : Mirba 1

is rain that comes in the beginning of the season called Rabi1 or Spring : en-Nujum are

the constellations called anwa , that is, the 28 Mansions of the Moon, which by their

rising or setting at dawn were supposed to bring rain or wind, heat or cold (Lane s. v.

Rabi 1 is not strictly Spring ; for it includes the whole time from September till

March, during which rain falls in Arabia : it is that season when the pastures are fresh

and grazing abundant. The commentator on verse 5 divides the year into three sea¬

sons, viz., Shitd', Rabi\ and Seyf, or Winter, Spring and Summer; and he says that in

the different words used for clouds in verse 5 the rains of the whole year are described :

those of Winter fall generally by night, those of Spring in the morning, and those of

Summer in the evening. (For an account of the ancient Arabian seasons, see Lane, s. v.

and for one of the anwa' see Pocock, Spec. Hist. Ar. p. 163.)

v. 6. “ The rocket :” Eyhaqan, explained as el-jirjir el-barri , which is the Eruca

Sylvestris.

v. 7. “Wild kine.” According to Lane ( s . v. Jb ) the animal intended is the

antilope defassa of modern zoologists, which is still called by this name in Egypt. “ It

is a species of bovine antelope : in Barbary, it seems that the animal thus called is

another species of bovine antelope, or perhaps a variety of the former ; it is said to be

what is termed by Pallas antilope bubalis ; by others, alcephalus bubalis, or acronotus

bubalis ; and this is said to come occasionally to the Nile : but the Arabic appellations

given above are employed with much laxity.”

v. 8. The comparison of the almost effaced traces of a Spring encampment,

washed by the rain and worn by the winds, to lines of writing which have faded by

long use is common in old Arabic poetry. Zuheyr says (the lines are quoted in the

notice of him extracted from the Aghani) speaking of tent traces ( tululj —

9 0'<j * o* o' & ' 9 o'n ' <" ^

* * ' / ^ s

“ Worn are they : thou wouldst think their lines

over which two years have passed were a parchment old and faded.”

1877.]

91

life of the poet as given in the Kitdh-eJ-Aghdm.

o

Another instance is quoted by Lane s. v. From this it is evident that writ¬

ing and hooks were not so strange to the Arabs of the time immediately preceding el-

Islam as has sometimes been asserted.

v. 9. The reference here is to the weshm or tracery pricked into the skin of a

woman’s hands and arms. The pattern is pricked out with a needle, and there is

sprinkled over the skin and rubbed into it a preparation called na’ur , here rendered

“ blue,” i. e. powdered indigo, but which may also mean powdered lamp-black. As the

rains which deepened and broadened the traces of the tents are in verse 8 compared to

a writer who goes over lines of writing again with a pen, so in v. 9 they are likened to

a woman who renews the tattooing by sprinkling fresh pigment over the old lines ;

which being rubbed in, the lines appear fresh again.

v. 11. “Tent-trenches:” nu’y , the trench which is dug round a tent to receive

the rain draining from its roof and to prevent the flooding of its interior ; it is to be

remembered that these pastures were resorted to during the season of rain. “ Thatch,”

Thumam, i. e. panic grass. Forskal (page 20) says that the name is used for Panicum

Dichotomum : but it is applied by the Arabs to many species of panicum. The grass is

used for thatching and for stuffing holes in the tents so as to keep out the weather.

v. 12. “ Crept into the litters :” the word used ( takannus ) is appropriate to

the action of a hare or a fox creeping into its hole (kinds).

v. 14. Tudih is mentioned in v. 2 of the Mo‘allaqah of Imra’ el-Q,eys. The

Marasid-el-Ittila/ says that it is the name of “ a hill of white sand which rises among

other hills of red sand in the great desert (ed-Dahna) near el-Yemameh,” one of the

Southern provinces of Central Nejd : “ but others say it is a different place.” Wejrah is

also mentioned in the Mo ‘all. of I. Q., verse 33 : it is a stage on the road from Mekkeh

to el-Basrah, 40 miles or 3 stages from the former, much frequented by wild kine. The

mention of the look which a wild cow or deer casts on her young one, at which time

her eyes are most beautiful and tender, as a comparison for the eyes of a beautiful woman

is common in old Arab poetry. See I. Q., Mo ‘all. v. 33.

v. 15. Bisheh is the name of a valley in el- Yemen which is thickly populated:

also of a village in Tihameh ; so the Marasid : the commentary says that it is a valley

on the road to el-Yemameh. The long line of camels with their litters in which the

ladies ride is compared to the ridges of rock of this valley in the part where its ridges

are low and sink into the plain ( ). These, in the noon-tide, stand out from the

midst of the mirage, with their rocks andjtamarisks (at hi, Tamarix Orient alls), even as

the tall camel litters make their way through the mists of morn which cling round

them like a skirt.

v. 16. “Nawar :” the name of his Love : the word means “timid, retiring.”

v. 17. “Of Murrah.” There were many tribes of this name : the one intended

is, however, probably Murrah ibn Sa‘sa'ah, the progenitor of which was the brother of

< Amir son of Sa‘sa‘ah, father of the tribe to which Lebid himself belonged. These

Benu Murrah were more commonly known as the Benu Salul, and, as stated in the

extract from the Aghani, it was among them that the famous ‘ Amir ibn Tufeyl died

after his unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Prophet.

Feyd is a place still well known by that name : it was visited by Palgrave (Cen¬

tral and East. Arab. Yol. I, p. 230), and is situated on the South-East face of Jebel Sel¬

ma, the most Southern of the two ranges of Teyyi’, about the middle of the range.

el-Hijaz, “the barrier” i. e. between the uplands of Nejd and the low coast country of

Tihameh, is the mountainous tract in which Mekkeh and el-Medineh are situated.

92

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqali of Lehid, with the

v. 18. “Aja’ and Selma”: in the original el-jebeldn , “the two mountains:”

the two well known ranges, now called collectively Jebel Shaumar, and formerly famous

as the country of Teyyi’. They are now inhabited, according to Palgrave (I. 118), by

a mixed race, sprung from the union of Teyyi’ with ‘Abs, Teghlib and Hawazin, called

the Benu Shaumar (or acc. to Wetzstein, Z. D. M. G. XXII, p. 99, Shammar).

el-Mohajjar is given as the name of several places in the Marasid : here it probably

means a hill of the range of Teyyi’ which is girt (hojjira) by a stretch of sand. Fardeh

is also the name of several places : here it appears to be an isolated hill in Teyyi’, called

in the Marasid Fardet-esh-Shumus. er-Rukham (Rukham without the article in the

Marasid), a place in Teyyi’.

v. 19. Suwa’iq (in Marasid, es-Suwa’iq), a tract in el-Yemen. Of Tilkham the

Marasid only knows that it is mentioned here, and Wihaf el-Q,ahr (“ Black rocks of

violence”) is not mentioned at all.

v. 23. Camels frequently have their soft feet protected by a leather shoe, which

is tied by a strap round the pastern.

v. 26. “Her rebellion and her desire.” The meaning seems to be that the

he-ass’s jealousy is roused by the rebellion of the female before her pregnancy and her

desire thereafter, which makes him suspect that she may not be with foal by him.

v. 27. eth-Thelebut, a ivddi between Teyyi’ and rBubyan, South-East of the

range of Selma. “ The guidestones” : drum, plural of irem, stones or cairns set up to

mark the way in the desert.

v. 28. “The six months of winter:” Jumdda sittetan. According to ez-

Zauzeni, Jumdda is here put for esh-Shita , winter, as in the verse of the Hamaseh —

“Id a night of Jumdda , the season of cold and rain,

when the camp-dog cannot see the tent-ropes for the darkness thereof.”

Others say that he divides the year into two halves of six months each, and that

Jumada is taken in its ordinary meaning, the name of a month, as the last month with

which the Winter season ends ; there are two Jumadas, the first and the second, respect¬

ively the fifth and sixth months of the Arabian year : the second would be meant here.

The verse means that during the cool season of dews and rain the two wild asses had

satisfied themselves with the grass of the pasture, and had had no need of water, from

which they had abstained all this time : then the Summer set in, and the pasture wither¬

ed, so that they had to resort to the water in the deep valleys.

v. 29. The literal version of this couplet is —

“ The two returned with their affair to a strongly set (purpose)

firmly determined : and success in plans is the fixing of them firm.”

I have added in my translation what is understood, — that their purpose was to seek

for water.

v. 32. ‘ Arfaj , a shrub much used for fuel : its botanical name is not given by

Lane, nor does it occur in Forskal.

v. 36. “Who has lost her calf:” mesbulah, more fully “whose calf has been

torn and slain by beasts of prey ( sabo ‘).”

v. 37. “ Flat-nosed :” more accurately “ camoys-nosed,” Jchansd, an epithet re¬

served for kine and deer. “ The sand-meadows” : esh-Shaqa iq, , plural of Shaqiqah , an in¬

tervening space or tract between two elongated tracts of sand, producing good herbage.

v. 38. “Youngling just weaned:” so I have rendered mo'affar , following the

commentary, which explains that it means “ cast down in the dust” (‘afar), and is

applied to the young of an animal which is suckled by its dam and then left for a day

or two to find its own food, so as to wean it gradually. The mother tumbles over the

1877.]

life of the poet as given in the Kitdb-cl-Aghdni.

93

calf in tlic dust when it desires to suck and prevents it from doing so. “ White

qalid. The wild kine are white, except the face and legs and tail, which are

black : so says the commentator here. Imra’el-Qeys (Mo ‘all. 64) compares them to

onyx stones.

v. 43. “A pearl born in a sea-shell jum&net-el-bahriy. Jumaneh is properly a

false pearl, or a bead of silver shaped like a pearl, from the Persian guman, thought,

fancy : here it is put for a genuine pearl, as is shewn by the following word el-bahriy ,

which may be either the shell or the diver. “ That has dropped from its string siillci

nvSdmuhd : literally “ of which the string has been pulled out :” the restless roaming of

the cow is likened to the rolling hither and thither of the pearl.

v. 45. No information is given in the Marasid regarding So ‘aid.

v. 46. The commentary says that the apodosis of hattd 7c5a in this verse, viz. :

selet * anhu (she forgot her young one), is omitted : I prefer to understand verse 47,

though introduced by wa, as the apodosis. A similar construction exists in verse 49 :

hattd i1$d ya’isa-r-rumdtu, wa arsalu.

v. 47. “The sound:” rizz, “ a noise heard from afar.” “ From a hidden place :”

lAn ISahri g hey bin ,” “ from a place which concealed what was in it”.

v. 48. In rendering this couplet the reading has been chosen instead of

5 the former is cited in the notes to Arnold’s edition (p. 29) from the Gotha MS. :

the latter appears in his text. The native commentators prefer the latter, apparently

because the construction of )^i as an OuL| is thought the most appropriate ex¬

planation of the verse : but from to run would be equally admissible as

regards construction being its and the sense seems to require the word ;

O ? ♦ *

for the next verse says that the pursuers lost hope of reaching her, evidently because of

her swift flight. Taking as the first word, the verse may be literally rendered

“ She rushed along, thinking that each of the two openings

was a meet place for fear, both behind her and before her”.

“ The two openings,” kila-l-farjeyn : that is, the splitting of the thicket which

opens before her and closes behind her as she rushes along : it is equivalent to the fol¬

lowing words, Tchalfuhd wa-imdmuhd . Mania “ a meet and fitting place,” as in the

Qur’an, “ en-ndru mauldkum ,” “ The Fire is your fitting place.”

v. 49. “With stiff leather collars on their necks:” Qdfilan alsdmuhd. Another

rendering of these words, which is the one preferred by De Sacy, is “ lean and slender-

waisted” (aux flancs maigres et efliles) ; qdjil means dry, and a‘sdm , plural of ‘ osmeh, is

said to mean waist as well as leather collar. The latter meaning, however, is the only

one of the two given in Lane.

v. 50. “ Spears of Semhar.” According to the commentary and other authori¬

ties quoted by Lane, Semhar was the name of a certain maker of spears who dwelt in

the town of el-Khatt in el-Bahreyn, where the best bamboos from India were landed

and fashioned into lances, which are thence frequently called khattiy : he is said to

have been the husband of Eudeyneh, who also used to straighten spears ; others say

that Semhar was the name of a town or village in Abyssinia where good spears were

made. But it will be seen from Lane ( s . v. ) that there is a quadriliteral verb

q t ...) meaning “ to be straight and hard,” and that semhariy is applied to bow strings as

well as spears, while musmahirr is used of a thorn in the sense of tough. In this verse

there is another appellative, Medariyyeh , that is, belonging to or made at Modar, a vil-

91 C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqah of Lelnd, with the [No. 3,

lage in el-Yemen twenty miles from San‘a (Marasid), which also means spears (i. e.

long and sharp horns), spears being made there as well as at el-Khatt.

v. 52. Kesab and Sukham, names of two of the hounds.

v. 56. “ A certain soul ba‘da-n-nufus, i. e. himself. This verse affords an inter-,

esting example of the archaic use of j| as the equivalent of ^/| ( )) o| ) i. e. unless.

Having the force of “if not,” it causes the verb to take the jussive or apocopated form

required in the protasis of a conditional sentence.

v. 58. “As we told tales together” : the Arabic verb samara means to pass the

night in drinking wine and holding pleasant discourse together. “ Vintner’s flag :”

the shops ( hdnut ) of the wine-sellers were distinguished by flags hung out before them ;

when the flag was taken down it was a sign that the shop was closed or that the wine

had run out. In this verse and the next Lehid vaunts his liberality in buying wine for his

fellows when it was at its dearest. So ‘Antarah (Mo ‘all. 52), describing a gallant

man, calls him hattakn ghayati-t-tij&r “ one who pulls down, or causes to be taken down,

the vintners’ flags,” i. e. exhausts their stock.

vv. 60, 61. The morning draught of wine is praised above all others by the

ancient poets. In the work entitled el-Marj-en-nadir (“the green meadow”) Mohammed

ibn Abi Bekr el-Usyuti says of the sabuh or morning potation — “ The poets make men¬

tion of the morning draught in preference to wine drunk at other times, because in

ancient times Kings and others used to prefer drinking in the morning, and because of

the freedom of the heart at that time from care or thought of the obstacles and calami¬

ties of Fortune ; also because those that arose early to drink anticipated those who

blamed their wantonness : for it is the custom of the blamer to blame a reveller in the

morning for what he has done the night before, because that is the time when he be¬

comes sober and recovers from his drunken fit.” (Quoted from Kosegarten, Mo ‘all. of

‘Amr Ivulth. p. 49.)

“ A singing girl.” The singing girls who sang at the drinking parties of the an¬

cient Arabs were Greeks, Syrians, or Persians ; until after el-Islam the Arabs, though

masters of rhythm and metre, had no indigenous system of singing except the rude

song (originally of the camel-driver) called rajez. These girls probably sang for the most

part in their own tongue and played the music which they had learned in Persian ‘Iraq

or Syria ; but in the life of en-Nabighah of Bubyan as given in the Aghani (IX. 164)

a singing-girl of Yethrib (afterwards el-Medineh) is mentioned, who sang one of that

poet’s poems in Arabic and so enabled him to detect a fault of prosody.

v. 62. “ Whose chill I have shut out,” i. e. by gifts of clothes and food to the

naked and hungry. The phrase “ when its reins were in the hand of the bitter North”

means that the North, the coldest of winds, had full control over the day.

v. 63. “ My girdle its bridle” : he threw the bridle over his shoulders so that

it became a girdle to him, in order that he might have his hands free for his weapons.

v. 64. The dust blew from the hill-top where he acted as scout on to the Ene¬

my’s banners : this indicates that they were close at hand and that his post was one of

danger.

v. 65. “ The terrors of our line of fear laurat-eth-thughur . ‘ Aurdt means the

dangerous or undefended portions of a place open to attack ; and thughur , plural of

thaghr, is the frontier over which the enemy spreads his line of assailants. When the

sun sets, and watching at the place of observation is of no further use by reason of the

darkness, Lebid comes down and scours the plain between his Tribe and the foe, to see

that no night attack is being prepared by the latter.

95

1877.] life of the poet as given in the Kitab-el-Aghdni.

v. 66. In this verse the word is used of the trunk of a palm tree which is

still an object of desire to the gatherer of the fruit, but is so tall that he cannot hope

to climb it : it is thus evident that the word is not, as stated by the authorities quoted

in Lane s. v., restricted to the trunk of a palm tree after it has become dry or has

lost its head of leaves and fruit.

v. 68. “ Light saddle rihdleh, a saddle made only of sheep-skin and wool,

without any frame of wood, used by swift riders.

vv. 70. — 72. In these verses, says the commentator, he boasts of the contention

which passed between him and er-Rabi‘ son of Ziyad at the court of en-No‘man son of

el-MunSir king of el-Hireh. The circumstances of this contest are related in the notices

of both poets given in the Kitab el-Aghani.

v. 71. “ Fiends of the Desert jinnu-l-bediiy. El-Bediiy may be either the pro¬

per name of a certain valley, or it may be synonymous with el-budiyeh , the Desert gen¬

erally.

v. 73. The custom of the Arabs in gambling with arrows was to require those

who lost to pay for the camel which was the prize of those who won : Lebid’s liberality

consisted in that he furnished the prize himself from his herds, and thus those who lost

had not to pay.

v. 74. A barren camel, says the commentary, is the fattest, while one with

young is most delicate of flesh.

v. 75. Tebaleh, a certain valley in el- Yemen, famous for its abundance of water

and rich meadows. In this valley was situated the Oracle of Bu-l-Khulusah, consulted

by Imra’el-Q,eys after the slaying of his father.

v. 76. “ The camel by her master’s grave:” el-beliyyeh. It was the custom of

the pagan Arabs to tether a camel by the grave of a dead warrior, and to let her die

there of hunger and thirst ; they believed that on the Judgment Day her master would

ride on her at the Resurrection to the gathering of mankind. The root belly a means to

be worn out.

v. 77. “ They fill brimful with meat:” literally, they crown, as in Greek (II. I,

470) Kprjrripas i-KunerpavTo ttotolo, and (II. VIII, 232) Kpgrrjpas eiriare^ las olvoio.

“ Bowls :” Jchuluj , plural of Khali j, a river or canal, used to mean great and well-filled

bowls.

v. 80. “ A gainer of all good gifts and one who takes them by force:” Kasubu

raghaibin ghannamuha : this does not mean that the generous man, like the Vikings,

was bounteous from the wealth he had acquired by plunder ; the “ good gifts” are his

noble qualities ; and to gain them by force is to improve them by strenuous and noble

deeds.

v. 87. “ Lawgivers :” hoklcdm, i. e. judges, deciders of disputes, and layers down

of the law ; all these functions, as in Homeric times, were among the ancient Arabs

combined in one man of tried steadfastness and honesty.

v. 88. “ A Spring-tide.” As the season of Rabi ‘ or Spring was the pleasantest of

the year, rich with fertilizing rains and green pasture, so men of bountiful and kindly

nature were likewise called by that name. Lebid’s own father Rabi ‘ah, as the Aghani

informs us, was known as RabVat-el-Mo'tarrin i. e. “ a Spring for those who came to

seek his bounty.”

“ Their year of widowhood.” The commentator quoted by Arnold (not ez-Zauzenx)

says that in the Ignorance it was the custom for widows on the death of their husbands

to undergo a period of separation (‘ iddeli) extending to one year. Under el-Islam the

‘ iddeh was fixed ( Surat-el-Baqarah , verse 234) at four months and ten days. During this

96

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Lebid.

period they could not marry again nor go forth from their houses, and were thus most

miserable. Reference appears to be made to this ante-islamic custom in v. 240 of the

Surat-el-Baqarah. — “ Such of you as shall die and leave wives shall bequeath their wives

a year’s maintenance without causing them to leave their houses.” That the period of

mourning in the Ignorance was a full year, not for widows only hut for the whole fami¬

ly of the deceased, may he gathered from the verses of Lebid on his own death quoted

near the end of the notice of him in the Aghani, where he bids his daughters mourn for

him —

cT 'O * * fry * c" c ' ^ 4, ^ * ° '**%< ° ' I

±3* ^/o j U.XJ..U ,*3LJ| f pi Jysr'i ^ f

* . "

“ Until the year is done — then the name of Peace he on you :

for he who weeps for a year has discharged what is due from him.”

Ez-Zauzeni, however, takes murmildt as meaning merely “ poor women” LJJ|

• •*

j\ and refers the lengthening of their year spoken of to the weariness of

their life of poverty.

v. 89. The commentator quoted by Arnold explains humu-l- ashirek as equivalent

to hum muslihu-l- ‘ashireh : “ They are the men who order or rule the tribe.” Ez-Zau-

zeni and the Persian commentator Rashidu-n-Nabi, however, reject so violent an ellipse

and take the verse in the simpler construction which I have followed. Of the use of o|

in the negative sense which it bears here ( = lest) other examples are to be found in

the Mo‘allaqah of ‘ Amr son of Kulthum, vv. 25 and 32.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. II.— 1877.

On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. — By R. B. Shaw, Political Agent ,

Ladah.

A few words of the Shighni dialect, collected by Munshi Faiz Bakhsh,

were attached to my former paper on the Ghalchah Dialects printed in the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Pt. I, for 1876. I see that the

late Oriental Congress held at St. Petersburg expressed the opinion that a

study of the forms of speech in use about the head-waters of the Oxus was

very desirable. I hope therefore that this short grammar and specimen

story of a third of those dialects may he acceptable.

Shighnan and Roshan, the districts where it is spoken, lie in the valley

of the Oxus just above the country of Darwaz, on the great bend which the

river takes round Badakhshan. They extend also up the valleys of some

of its feeders which descend from the Pamir. They are both under the

same Ruler ( Asaf Ali Khan is the name of the present Mir). His domi¬

nions form the most northerly of the Hill-States dependent on Afghanistan.

My informant (a Shighni) saw him go, some six years ago, to do homage

at Faizabad to ISTaib Muhammad Alam, the Governor of Afghan Turkistan.

The next year, his son went on a similar errand, since which my informant

has been absent from his country. On both occasions tribute was taken :

2000 tillas (gold coins), 1000 yambu (Chinese shoe-silver) &c. These are

probably mere round figures used to express a considerable (and unknown)

amount ; for these two items alone would be worth about £18,000. The

next district to the north, Darwaz, is represented as being subordinate to

Bokhara. Shighnan was not invaded by the Afghans, but followed natural-

N

98

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. [No. 2,

ly the destiny o£ the mother province, Badakhshan, to which it has been,

from time immemorial, attached. The former seems to he the most impor¬

tant of the Ghalchah States, and wonderfully protected from invasion by

natural advantages.* It would thus form a safe refuge for an aboriginal

The valleys of the Oxus feeders which form the greater part of the

territory of Shighnan and Roshan, open out at their heads into the high

plains of Pamir. It will be observed that the Shighni dialect shows a

greater affinity to that of Sarikol (in the Eastern side of Pamir) than to

the speech of the Wakhis, notwithstanding that the latter occupy a valley

on the same side of the main water-parting, and parallel with the Shakh-

Darrah (Shighnan). This would show that the open Pamirs must have

opposed less serious obstacles to inter-communication than the Western

ridges which divide the Oxus feeders from one another, or than the narrow

gorge of that river itself. Its local name “ Panjah,” suggests the illustra¬

tion of a hand with fingers outspread (as in playing the piano). It is

obviously easier (comparing small things with great) to cross the level hack

of the hand, than to travel at right angles across the arched fingers.

The Shighni dialect has all the sounds known in the other Ghalchah

dialects with the addition of one which is intermediate, and seems to explain

the transition, between the Persian sh and the Sarikoli kh (as in German

icli). It will have been noticed that many Persian words such as shat,

sharminda, Padshah, become in Sarikoli khab, kharminda, Padkhdh , &c. The

Shighni supplies the intermediate step by a sound which I do not know how

to express (without special type) better than by the compound skh. It is the

German eh of ich sibilated so as almost to resemble an English sh. The

steps are plain from the sh pronounced at the back of the upper teeth with

the front part of the tongue, to the skh a little further hack with the middle

part of the tongue raised, and to the Ghalchah kh slightly further back

still. This skh is unlike the Wakhi sch ; for while the former is an

attempt to sibilate the kh, the latter is an sh pronounced at the back of the

palate, with the tongue curled back.

THE SUBSTANTIVE.

Singular. Plural.

N. chid, . a house chiden . houses

G. chid {chid- end G. Abs.), a house’s and so on all through, with

D. chid-BU or -erd or ar -chid, to a

house

* See the account of Abdu’l-Subhan, given by Capt. Trotter It. E., in the Report

of the Yarkand Mission, 1873-4.

99

1877.] R. B. Sliaw — On the Shiyhni (Gthalchah) Dialect.

Acc. chid or chid-ER, . a house the addition o£ the same post-posi-

Loc. chid- ti,# . on or to a house tions as in the singular.

chid- ande', in or into a house

pis chid , on or to or towards

a house

Ml chid , . in a house

TAR chid , into, on to or to a

house

Abl. az chid , . from a house

chid katti, . with a house

chid- its, . as far as a house

THE PRONOUNS.

* This forms another resemblance with the Bard, (Arniya) in which dialect also

he affix U signifies ‘ to.’

100

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (OJialchaTi) Dialect. [No. 2,

Acc. ici also ivi'r, . him, that wief \ . them

Loc. wi-te, tar-wi , tar-od , at him or

that ivief-te , . at them

wum-ande, yum- and e, in him or

&c., that

Abl. az-wi, az-um , from him, or that az wief, . from them

Feminine.

N. ya, . she

G. warn or wu-am {ya, P when

the governing noun is in

the Nominative) . of her

D. wam-ird, . to her

Acc. warn, yiwam , . her

Loc. tar warn &c., . at her, &c.,

Abl. az warn, . from her

Substantival Peonoun.

Same as Masculine.

N. yem or yam, . this one

G. mi or di, . of this one

D. mi'rd or ar-am, . to this ane

Acc. mi or di, . this one

Loc. tar-am, &c., to this one, &c.

mddh or dath, . these

mef or def (Abs. mef-end ), of these

mef-erd or -er, . to these

mef ox def, . these

&c.

The Adjectival Pronouns that and this are the same as the above Pro¬

nouns of the 3rd Person.

The following emphatic forms have also been found : ik-yid , iJc-wi and

ik-yuwi “ that same”, ik-yiwam “ that same she”, ik-wid-und “ of that

same” (G. Abs.), ik-yam , ik-wam “ this same.”

The following pronouns seem to be declinable without internal change :

chiz 11 what ?”, kd “ what ?”, tsei “ whatever”, chi or chai “ who” ? or

“ what ”?

Reflective Peonoun.

Singular and Plural.

N. khu, . I, thou, he, my-, thy-, him-self, &c.

G. khu (Ahs. khu'nd)

D. kliu’rd

Acc. khu

Loc. khu-ti &c.

Abl. az khu

klm-hath = by himself, &c.

101

1877.] R. B. Shaw — On the Shiyhni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect.

The set of separable terminations or pronouns belonging to the Past

Tenses of Verbs is more perfect and normal than in Wakhi and Sarikoli.

Singular. Plural.

1. am or um am

2. at et

3. i or e en

These terminational pronouns are used precisely like common pronouns

(nominative only) ; hut they can be placed immediately after the verb (as

terminations) as well as in other parts of a sentence and in addition to the

ordinary personal pronouns. The Past Tenses which employ them seem not

yet to have reached the purely inflectional stage.

VERBS.

The conjugation of the Verbs resembles the Sarikoli more than the

Wakhi. The Infinitive is in ao, and the declension of the Verbal Substant¬

ive is effected with the Root (deprived of the ao) as well as with the full

Infinitive form. In other words the Nominative and Accusative of the

Verbal Substantive add the syllable ao to the Root form, and other cases

add their own respective terminations either to the Root or to the Nom.

form.

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB ‘ TO TAKE’.

(i.) Root form : zekht ; (ii) Present form : zez ; (iii) Past form :

zokht.

2. zEZ-e (in some verbs, -ye) . thou takest

3. zez-^ . he takes

PL 1. TiEZ-am . we take

2. zez-A? (in some verbs, -yid) . ye take

3. zez -in (in some verbs, -yin) . they take

102

R. B. Shaw — On the Shiyhni (Glialchah) Dialect. [No. 2,

Imperfect Tense.

zokht-ird ( am ) vod, . I was taking (lit. to the taking I was)

&c., with the pronoun terminations (see Past Tense).

Past Tense.

S. 1. zokht (am), . I took

2. zokht (at) . thou tookest

3. zokht (i) [sometimes e] . he took

PI. 1. zokht (am) . . we took

2. zokht (et) . ye took

3. zokht (en) . they took

Pereect Tense.

zokhtj (am) . I have taken

&c. &c.

Pluperfect Tense.

zokht j-it (am), . I had taken

&c. &c.

CONDITIONAL MOOD.

zokht j-inj vay-am, . I may take, or have taken (lit. I may be

<fcc. taking or having taking) .

Tsa is used as a prefix before verbs in the Indicative Mood to give

them a Conditional or Subjunctive tense.

CONJUGATION OF THE VERB ‘TO GO’ OR ‘TO BECOME’.

(i.) Root form : sit ; (ii) Present form : sao j (iii) Past form : SUT

or sat, (iv) Perfect form : sudhj.

Verbal Substantive : Nom. Ace. sit-oo &c.

INDICATIVE MOOD.

Present Future Tense.

Singular. Plural.

1. $ko-am, . I go or become sao -am . we go &c.

2. sao -i, . thou goest &c. $ko-id . ye go &e.

3. sod (for sao-^) he goes &c. sao -in . they go &c.

Imperfect Tense.

sit-ird (am) vod, . I was going &c.

&c. &c.

Past Tense.

sut (am) or sat (am),

&c.

I went &c.

&c.

1877.] R. B. Sliaw — On the Shighni (GlialcJiali) Dialect.

103

SUDHJ (am),

&c.

Peeeect Tense.

stjehj-it (am),

&c.

Pltjpeeeect Tense.

CONDITIONAL MOOD.

SUDHJ-inj vay-am, .

&c.

I have gone &c.

&c.

I had gone &c.

&c.

I may go or

have gone &c.

&c.

CONJUGATION OP THE VERB ‘ TO BE’.

(i.) Root form : yid ; (ii) Present form : yay ; (iii) Past form :

YOD ; (iv) Perf. form : yttdhj.

Verbal Subst. Nom. and Acc. YiT>-ao

&c.

INDICATIVE MOOD.

Peesent Futuee Tense.

Past Tense.

yod (am) . . . I was

&c.

Peeeect Tense.

YUDHJ (am) . I have been

&c.

Plttpeeeect Tense.

yudhj-it (am) . I had been

&c.

CONDITIONAL MOOD.

yttdhj-inj vay-am . . I may be or

&c. have been.

In the Past Tenses the pronominal termination of the 3rd person

singular (e or i) is often used separately like those of the other persons,

unlike the rule in Wakhi and Sarikoli.

E. g. idis i child = thus he did.

idis am child = thus I did.

104

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( GhalchaJi ) Dialect. [No. 2,

The Negative affixes are nh or ne and ma as in the other Ghalchah dia¬

lects ; ma is used with the Imperative and Optative, and nd or ne with the

other moods.

In compound verbs the former is used in the form of the root (some¬

times in the Acc. or Dative of the Verbal Substantive) and the latter in the

appropriate Tense.

E. g. 1. pedhed-ir sut “he went to the lighting” i. e. “began to light.”

2. chld-sut or chld-ao sut “he went (began) to do.”

3. dam-dhed vardlied “he is able to breathe (strike breath)”

(Hind, dam mar saJcta').

N. B. The form chld-ao sut may be compared with ghiew sut “ he

went (to) the hunt”, to show that there is nothing exceptional in the Ver¬

bal Substantive taking the Accusative (which is the same as the Nomina¬

tive,) form after the verb sut “ he went”. In both cases it is probably a con¬

traction for the Dative chld-ao-ird and ghiew-ird. Cf. English “ he went a

journey”, “ he wrote me word”. The Infinitive is merely a case of the

Verbal Substantive. With common compounds, as in Hind, before salcna

and chuhna , or, in Persian after bdgad , tawanad , &c., the termination van¬

ishes and the mere root is left.

The Numerals are :

SHIGHNI STORY.

Woi — Diregh.

1. Roze1 l Padskhali Wazir-katti shart i chugj.2 Lovdj-e8 : “ Agar

mu’nd’ puts sod,4 tu’nd4 razin sod5 khu razin mu puts-ir dhad.” Wazir-

en6 nastj-en7 di kauli en7 skhud. 2. Roze vod, Wazir-ar puts sut, et

1 Persian.

2 The Perfect Tense “has made” with the terminational pronoun (i) of the 3rd

pers. sing, prefixed.

3 The terminational pronoun of the 3rd pers. sing, here follows the verb.

* G-enitive absolute “ of mine”, “ of thine.”

5 3rd pers. sing. Indicative (for Conditional) of the verb sitao “to go” or “to be¬

come.” The meaning is, therefore, literally “ if a son of mine should become (existent),

&c.’.’

6 The Plural affix of nouns, which is the same as

7 The terminational pronoun of the 3rd pers. pi. ; the latter belonging to the verb

skhud “ heard” (for skhud-en , like ndsj-en). Nasj is the Perfect Tense “ have sat down”

(i. e. “ are” or “were sitting”) ; skhud is simple Past Tense.

1877.] R. B. Sbaw — On the Shighni ( Ohalchah) Dialect.

105

Wazir mud. Padskhab-and8 razin sut. Sabar en9 kbabar Padskbah-ar

vud :10 “ Razin tu’nd sut.” 3. Padskbab marakan nustjin11 vod,12 yi

adam az vaj deid, sukban i cbud : “ Wazir mud.” Padskbab kbu kbesbi1

“ kbair”13 i cbud. Mardum en7 di skbud. Wazir-bacbab reid.

4. Roz ba roz1 kad14 cbud,15 katta16 sut. Metb-ov vod, tar kbu mad

sukban i17 cbud, lovd-e :17 “ Eb, madar-i-mihrban,1 mu ped-end8 i tir-i-

dast1 yast.” Yalovd: “ Tar kbazina dedb.” Yu deid tar kbazina, tir-i-

dast i17 zokbt kbu18 naskbtuid. 5. Naskbtuid tar vaj, khu mashk1 dar-

rao1 cbid-ao sut.19 Ba’d14 lap-atb masbki17 cbud, pablawan sut. 6. Yi

gbinik20 az bazar yat. Tagbar-ande pai, wum kal-te,21 et18 yat. Yii tir-i-

dast alka22 i cbud, wu’m tagbar-ti21 wedbd-e, di az mi pale tar wi pale

zabod. 7. Pai ar-wum pits kbbavd. Ba’d idis23 kbu pits-ir dbost i dbad.

Nazar wedbd tar bacbgala.24 Fuk-en datb tir-pur,25 Wazir-bacbab ’nd

kliliali. 8. Ba’d i17 lovd : u Eb, bi-nafas ! tu at26 idis vod, di az madar

at mutawalid sut. Padskbab kbu kbesbi az tu kbair i1T cbud.” 9. Ba’d

kbu dbost tar kbu jeb i1 yod. Az-um-unde pul i17 zwast. Patte’wde tar

wum gbinik : “ Eb gbinik ! tu pul zez, sukban-i-bad1 cbiz kini ?”

10. Kbu mad-ar di gap dbad, lovd : “ Eb mad ! mu ped-end27 acbi

cbiz yast ? Yem mardum ne yadin28 tar mu. Yi adam i17 ramad tar

kisblak. Fuk-atb jam’ i cbud kbu18 viid-e.17 Tar Padskbab29 kbez digar

yi ar-atb na sut. Ba’d mardum-ird kbburak1 dar-rao1 dbed-ao sut.30 11.

8 Genitive absolute.

9 Separable term. 3rd pers. pi. belonging to vud.

10 Vud : Past Tense of “ to bring.”

11 Adjective : “ sitting.”

12 Past Tense of verb vidao “to be.”

13 A local expression : “ to say ‘ well’ to”, = to refuse.”

14 Arabic.

15 Lit. “made stature.”

16 Turki.

17 Terminational pronoun 3rd pers. sing.

18 “And.”

19 Lit. “went to the doing,” i. e. “began to do.”

20 Diminutive of ghin.

21 Locative. Lit. “ (there was) some whey in a vessel on her head, and she came.”

22 “ Made his bow (into) a ring,” i. e. “ pulled it till it was bent almost double.”

23 “ After such.”

24 A special plural, “ a troop of boys.”

25 Persian ; meaning “arrow on string,” or, as we say of guns, “ loaded.”

26 Terminational pronoun 2nd pers. sing.

27 Genitive absolute,

28 3rd pers. pi. Present Tense.

29 Genitive.

80 See (19).

O

106

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( Ghalchah) Dialect. [No. 2>

Ba’d tar khhalk maslahat i chud. Lovd : “ Yi adam tar Padskhah khez

bazam. Az mard kaul, et18 az zan fel.” 12. Wi adam en ramad, yii sut

Padskhah khez-ande, salam i chud. Lovd : “ Wu aleikum as-salam. Eh !

khanah-i-padar mubarak bashad.1 Tu khub khub pond at26 sar chugj.

13. Ba’d yii kissa i zokht, lovd-e : “ Padskhah-i-’alam ! Mu-ir31 tar tu

khez Wazir-bachah bokht. Wi ata16 katti dis shart at26 chugjit.32 Pad-

skhah-en6 kal-ird ti tsa yadhd, wadh az khu kaul na gardhen. Yem chiz

sut ?”

14. Ba’d Padskhah lovd : “ Injavid di ! Surb di29 ghaiv-ti21 tis-

kinid. Yi gad-ird pand-yad sod.” 15. Ba’d yii chorik naskhtud, khu sut

tar Wazir-bachah khez. Wazir-bachah wind-e wi, lovd : “ Eh ! di33 surb

az di34 ghaiv-ti21 zezid.” Wi surb zokht-en. Ba’d sukhan i17 wi pekhst.

16. Yii lovd-e : “ Wuz am35 tama gap am35 dhad. Padskhah lovd-e :

‘ Mi ghaiv-ti surb tis-kinid. Yi gad-ird pand-yad sod.’ ”

17. Wazir-bachah gaskht tar khu wazir-en, sukhan i chud, lovd :

“ Mash tsi-rang kinam shich,” lovd-e : “ Maslahat kinid.” “ Yi ga adam

bazam.” Yi ga adam en bokht. 18. Firebt Padskhah-en36 khez-ande. Ba’d

az salam, gap i zokht. Padskhah lovd-e : “ Injavid di !” Wazir en37 lovd :

“ Eh ! Padskhah-i-’alam, tu awwal gap dhad, akhir yii ziilikik gadha de38

idund tambi wedhd ; tama katta de39 tambi wedhid. Shich de40 idis ved :

Baz-i-sufed mu’r var, wuz tu- katti kheshi kinam.” Wi chorik en rukhhsat

dhad. 19. Sut Wazir-bachah khhez-ande, lovd-e : t( Sher at41 ya roba ?”

Lovd : “ Nei, wuz am mudam-ath sher-bachah vod.” Lovd-e : “ Waki’a-i-

kar1 ikyam : baz-i-sufed mu’r vird.”

20. Ba’d yii gaskht tar khu waziren, lovd : “ Anjam kinid.” Ba’d

en anjam child. Wi’r tuskha1 anjam en chud. Sahar tar pond en dhad.

81 Accusative.

82 Pluperfect.

83 Adjectival Pronoun, Accusative.

84 Substantival Pronoun, Genitive.

35 Terminational pronouns 1st pers. (one of them probably superfluous).

86 Probably the Plural of respect.

37 por « Waziren lovd-en.” The plural affix of the noun and of the verb being

the same, is not repeated ; one serves for both.

38 A particle which seems to serve many purposes. Here it would seem to answer

to Mh in Persian, viz., “ that”, conj., used for relative pronoun.

89 Here it was explained as forming a comparative. In the Gaddi (Hind.) dialect

there is a similar word, e. g. bar a dea gal “ a big-like matter.”

40 ? di (this).

41 The separable term or pronoun of the 2nd pers. sing, used without the verb

substantive (see Remark 3, p. 168 of my Paper on the Ghalchah Languages, As. Soc.

Journal, Pt. I, for 1876.)

1877.]

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect.

107

Fuk-ath en rawan wi-katti sut, yii wizivd-i wief, lovd : “ Mu’rd et42 ba-kar

nist.1 Wuz yi kalandar. Agar Padskkah khizmat am var-dkad,43 ikyid.

Tamd wizaftsid.” 21. Ba’d khu-bath rid ba rah i cbud, rah ba biaban,

ba’d bar daman -i-dasbt. Chandin farsang i dhad. i skbats mabain-ir yat.

22. Ba’d az khu vorj-ti21 kbbavd. I sowar az wi ruya yat, skbbats zimb-

ti khhavd. Tar yak digar en snkhan child. Lovd : “ Eb vrod ! mubarak

safar. Tu tar ka ’t26 ikbtiyar chug] ?” Yii lovd-e : “ Wuz am14 khiz

mat-i-Padskhah rawan, baz-i-sufed-ird rawan-am44.” 23. Yii lovd-e :

Tu ism-sbarif ehiz P” Lovd: “ Wazir-bacbab.” Yem vao wi pekbst-e ;

yii lovd : “ Ala-aspa.” Ba’d lovd : “ Yet, katti sao-am.” Yii lovd: “ Tu

kbu tsem bidhem, khu pits tar zabo kin, wuz yet-am.” Yii kbu tsem i17

bidbemd, kbu pits tar zabo i child. Pale gaskbt, yii wi khez-ande.45

24. Ba’d en katti sat, kbu toid-en. Sat i daskht-ande. Cbandin rab

en dkad, taskbna en sut, guskbna en sut. Ba’d en wum daskbt medhen-

ande kbbavd. Lovd : “ Eb vrod ! yi lav tuskba ziwedk.” Tuskba i zwast,

dar-rao kbed-ao en cbud. 25. Ba’d tuskha en kbiid, lovd : “ Tu tari ta=

masba sao, yi zir-i-zir bon vareye, mash skbab-panah kinam.” Ba’d Wazir-

bacbah nust, et Ala-aspa sut. Tar wi daskbt khel-ak charkh i cbud. Heck

chiz-ath maujud na sut. Ba’d ikyum-ande nafas i nust. Dastba-duha1 i

cbud, kbu kal khambind-i ; kbu kal i sind, cbuskbt-e : Kila. tayar sudhj,

darwaza bet-atb. Rawan sut, tar kila deid, tamasba i cbud, kbu wizivd az'

kbu jai-te,21 sut tar kbu bamrab kkez. 27. Lovd-e r Eb vrod ! i zir-bon

am viid, nur-skbab sao-am, yum-ande skhab-panab.” Ba’d en sut, deid-en

tar kila. Lovd : “ Eb vrod ! yii zir-bon kaiyi ?” Lovd : u Zir-bon-i kam

vod ?” 28. Sat-en, ziz en vud. Yiw dar-rao yats pedbed-ir sut.46 Yiw

pis-skbats sut. Ba’d ab ta’am en sat. Khhiid-en, kbu vorjen darakbt-

khhana en vust. Cbustj et wokht en lacbiid.

29. Skbab en yum-ande skhovd, sahar Ala-aspa lovd-e : “ Wuz gbiew

sao-am, tu netb.” Yii tuid gbiew, yem nust. 30. Wazir-bachab khhu-

rak i pukbta kbu’r chud. Kbu-batb kbbud et wi baskb bigbin i child, khu

lachud-i. Kbu-batb yat, kbu bistar-te khu pattewd-i. Zaman vod, dive

sada cbud. 31. Yi cbiz-i.yak-wajabi deid kbu naglijid tar kitsar. Yi tar1

burut16 i kbu’nd piked, wi dbost et padb i vust, pattewd-i. Kbu-batb wi

42 Terminational pronoun of the 2nd pers. pi.

43 Yor “ var-dhad-am,” Past Tense of compound verb..

44 Here the terminational pronoun (1st pers.) may also be said to replace the verbal

substantive, as vctivun is a (verbal) adjective, and not a. part ot tbe finite verb.

45 Here is a case of tbe suppression of the verb substantive after the ordinary-

pronoun yii, similar to its suppression after the terminational pronoun at above (note 41).

46 Lit.. “ went to the lighting.” This Dative form seems equivalent to the other

chid- ao sut . Wo may perhaps take the former to be the full form and the latter to be

108

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. [No. 2,

khhurak i khhud kliu naskhtuid. Wazir-bachah zur i chud, ba azab i yet-

ckud, khu pis zabo i wi chud.

82. Daryav i wi child, yii zabod tar gkor. Yem khhafa sut, khu wiz,

ivd. Deid tar kila. Khu-batli yet, khu jai-ti nust. Khu midhj i zokht

dar-rao pisen dhet sut. Dive sada chud. Yii khu midhj i zokht khu za-

bbd tar dive zabo. Az-um Ala-aspa deid. 33. Lovd : “ Eh vrod ! mu

badi tar hak-i-tu chiz ?” Wi lovd : “ Ti-am, gap tu’r dhad-am.” Ba’d sut.

Ala-aspa khu wiz i az khu dam-te lachud. Yid sut, ta’am i wi’r viid. Ta’-

am i khhud et fatiha i lovd. Wazir-bachah andiiid, deg et tabak darrao

zaned-ao sut.

34. Ba’d Ala-aspa lovd : “ Mu badi tar hak-i-tu chiz vod ?” Yii

lovd-e : “Eh ! tu badi tar hak-i-mu nist, wuz et tu am vrod. Wuz am yi

wakhht khhurak pukkta chud, khu-bath am khhud et tu’rd am lachud.

Khubath am yat khu jai-ti am khu pattewd. Dive sada chud. Yak-wajabi

deid. Ba’d i tar1 burnt i khu’nd nakhvend. Mu dhost padh i vust. Khu¬

bath zabod wi ab ta’am i khhud. Ba’d khu-bath naskhtuid. Wuz am zur

et zur ba azab am khalas khu chud, ba’d pis-zabo am wi child. 35. Dar¬

yav am wi child, zabod tar ghor. Wuz am wizivd. Yett-am, khu midhj

am zokht, ikyund am nust. Dive sada chud, Wuz am zabod, di38 mi

pith tsa dedhd, mu mis faro yest. Tu at deid.” Khu birej en wedhd khu

skhovd-en.

36. Sahar rukh dhad, Ala-aspa lovd-e : “ Eh, Wazir-bachah ! tu sao

ghiew, et wuz netham.” Wazir-bachah tuid ghiew, yem dar-rao ab ta’am

sut. Khurak-i pekht, khu-bath i khhud, wi’rd i lachud. Khu midhj i

zokht, khu yat ikyum-ande nust. 37. Ikyuwi wakhht vod, dive

sada chud, et yam mis anduid et yii mis deid. Midhj hawala child,

wi kal dhad tar pai-gah, wi tana tar dive zabo. 38. Yem zekht-e, khu

tothch virik i jam’ chud, wikhin ma-sod. Ta mi khhavd-ao-ird47 wi kal

zabod wi gardkan-te, jaosar sut. Ba’d naskhtuid khu ratsust. 39. Ala-

aspa pis-zabo i wi chud. Daryav i wi cliud. Yak bar pale gaskht et dhost

tar bon i chud, lovd-e : “ Sahar, khu hal chiz, winid.”

40. Ala-aspa wizivd ghamghin, deid tar kila. Yat, khu jai-te nust.

Khu midhj khu- tar- daman lachud. Ghayat i vod, dive sada child, yem

dative or locative in meaning notwithstanding the absence of the proper affix, as in the

examples ab ta’am sat, gliiew saoam “ went (to) drink and food,” “ I go (to) the hunt.”

Cf. the English “ give me the hook,” u write me word.” At any rate the form answer¬

ing to our infinitive (“ began to do &c.”) seems to he some case of the verbal substantive.

47 Ta yam khhavd-ao was first given as a form with the same mining, But on

reflection my informant corrected himself and gave the form in the text. It shows

how purely the so-called Infinitive (in ao) is in Shighni a verbal substantive. It governs

the genitive of the pronoun (the subject) and takes the affix of the dative case. Liter¬

ally : “ till his sitting down.”

TOO

1877.]

IT. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Glial dial i ) Dialect .

anduid. Wazir-bachah deid. Lovd : “ Mu badi tar hak-i-tu cbiz ?” 41.

Lovd : “ Hecb cbiz-atb nai ; biyar at tu lovd, wuz am bawar na child. Tu

gap rast vudbj. Yat, mash sbicb kbu ghiew chid-ao la-kinam. Cbiz

makri bila kinam ki wi gbor dedbam. Tanab-i-abreskhamin tebam.” 42.

Cbil gaz tanab en tebt. Sabar ab nahor en child, rawan en sut tar pond.

Wazir-bachah lovd-e Wuz dedham.” Ala-aspa lovd : “ Kbub, tu takat

na vardhe.” Ba’d firebt-en yum-ande. Kamand wi baghal-ande sakbbt i

cbud. Wedhde, ta zan-its sut, lovd-e : “ Pacb ! sukhtam.” 43. Ala-aspa

kamand tizd-e, lovd : “ Eb Wazir-bacbab ! naubat mu’nd. Yi nasihat tu’rd

kinam. Waz lov-am : ‘ Pacb ! sukbt-am’ tu sust-de b9 la-kin.” Ala-aspa

wedbd-e. Lovd-e : ‘ Pacb ! sukbt-am !’ Yii sust-de la-cbud. Al-kissa

kbel-i-wakbbt nagbjid, tanab wi mi dhost kot reid. Yii tar bir-jahan, tar

Cbildinia, firebt. Tanab az kbu bagbal-ti khalas cbud. Ba’d yem Wazir-

bacbab wi gbor gbaiv-ti gulkban wedbd-e.

44. Ala-aspa rawan sut, mal az parao dicbar wi’r yet. Az chupan

duba i cbud, lovd : “ Eb ! yem mal cbi ’nd ?” Chupan lovd-e : “ Yak-

wajabi ’nd.” Yii firebt yi yirk i injuvd, rub-i-bawa wi kal i zokbt. Yi

sekbb kabab az wi-ti kbu’rd i child. Kabab i pekbt, kbbud-e, dedb tuid.

45. Ba’d stor-dar az parao yet. Duba i child, lovd-e : ££ Yem stor cbi ’nd ?”

Yii lovd-e : “ Yak-wajabi ’nd.” Yii sut, ki az wi katta-de skbij nai, ikwi

injuvd ;48 wi kal i zokbt. Yi sekbb kabab az wi-ti kbu’rd i child. Wi digar

i pattewd. Chupan dhad yi skhkufta kbu pis-pits. 46. Yii rawan sut,

ghayat jai sut, skhtur-ban dicbar wi’r dhad. Duba i child, lovd-e : “ Yem

skbtur chi’nd.” Yii lovd-e : £C Yak-wajabi ’nd.” Yii sut, ki az wi katta-de

bughra16 nai, ikwam injuvd. Wum kal i zokbt. Yi sekhb kabab az wi-ti

kbu’rd i child, khu rawan sut. Sarwan1 de kbu pis-pits. 47. Yii tiiid.

Galla-ban wi’r dicbar yet. Duba i child, lovd-e : “ Yem galla cbi’nd ?”

Sut, i katta vorj injuvd, wi kal i zokbt. Yi sekbb kabab az wi-ti kbu’rd i

cbud. Yii galla-ban de kbu pis-pits. 48. Yii tiiid ; tar skhar firebt.

Ivhazinachi darvaza-ande nustj.49 Yii lovd-e : “ Tu yunde cbi’r50 kini ?”

Yunde parindab dam-dbed na vardbed.” Lovd-e : “ Har cbiz ved, ba nasib-

-i-kbu am yet.” 49. Ala-aspa wi pekhste ££ Yak-wajabi j an cbiz damn ?”

Lovd-e : “Nurdhoroz1 sut, yii pa tlr-dinya vod, az-um zakbhmi yet. Shicb

skhovdj.49 Wi jan wi pis-pale, dbo zir, yiw az mi pale, yiw az wi pale.

Wief ziren varagh. Az wi damn dbo ksbebts naskhtist. Wie£ kalen tar

chap skbchand. Wi pis pale yi math, wi dha tar zan, varagb. Wi damn

48 Lit. u tliat tlian it (there was) no larger hull, that same (one) he seized.” The

Sighni mode of expressing the superlative.

49 Both these verbs being verbs of action not of condition or state {viz. to sit down

s’asseoir “to go to sleep”, s’endormir, and not “to he sitting,” “to sleep”), our Present

Tense in their case is represented in Shighni by the Perfect, viz. “ he has sat down” =

“ he is or was sitting” ; “ he has gone to sleep”, “ he is asleep or sleeping.”

110

R B. Shaw — Or the Shighni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect. [No. 2,

yi tsirao naskhtist. Wi dha tar skhats, wi jan naskhtist. Agar pinj-dana

wi tsa kini, wi na mird. Yiw ki az def yiw at kliata de38 na chud5°a yii

ta mird.” Yii def kaulen i ba jai chud. Yii mud.

50. Ckil wi skhidz mekhh-ir vod. Wi zokht, dive-en dar-rao het

chid sut. Fuk-ath i het chud, yiw reid. Yet, wi mis het i chud et deid

tar-am. Yi khub-rui tar-am. Na khher tar warn dakhhl, na mest. 51.

Ya dar-rao niwd-ao sut, lovd : “ Eh jawan ! tu chiz-ar khu zaya kini ?”

Yii lovd : “ Sadaka yak tar mui tu. Tu tarod chi’r kini ?” Lovd-e :

“ Wuz am wuvd-sala vod, yak-wajabi mu tsift, khu vud-i tarod muhkam

i chud.” Yii lovd-e' : “ Mubarak ved, wuz am wi zid.” Ya lovd-e : “ Wi

zid-ao asan nist ; pinj-dana dadhgad wi tsa kini, yii na mird.” Ala-aspa

lovd-e : “ Te-am, ches, wuz am wi zid.” Dhost-ande injuvd khu yeten.

Chuskht-e, mughj.

52. Ba’d skhab en nast, khurak en khhud. Bar skhevd-ao en yet.

Khu midhj i tizd, medhena-’rd i pattewd. Ya lovd-e : “ Dis chiz-ir kini ?’’

Yii lovd-e “ Wuz am nasihat-i-padar zokhtj. Har wakhht tar khu watan

na firebtj-am, khu kaman het na kinam.” Ba’d en skhuvd. 53. Sahar

ikwid-und dinya wiz i chud. Fuk-ath wiz i chud. Yet-en wi ghor ghaiv-

ande. Kamand i jumbind et yiwi yiwi pi-kamand vust et yii tizd. Al-

kissa tizd-e tayar sut, et ikyiwam khub-rui vud. Wazir-bachah tizd-e. Ta

ba yak didan1 wuam pits i wind, ba sad didan ’ashik. 51. Ala-aspa yi

ter jandar ar-khu-khez i la-chugjit. Az barai azmaish1 kamand i chud tar

wi ; lovd-e : u Bashand taz, de wuz-am.” Wazir-bachah tizd-e, yi chuvgaz

jai reid, et yii chuskht-e ter jandar. Dedhe kamand i skhchukht. Yii

dlnid ar wi khez, tit tit sut. 55. Ba’d lapath i niuwd, lovd : “ Eh diregh

dinya. Dar rah-i wum khub-rui, mu i mi jinautj.”

56. Ba’d Wazir-bachah fikr i child, lovd : <£ Waz am na zwast

av (?)51 wi. Wizivd, yet tar ghor kal, tanab i pattewd aram. Tanab

injuvd, yii tizd. Ala-aspa naskhtud. Dhad ba yak digar baghal, lap en

niuwd. 57. Ala-aspa lovd-e : “ Vrod, tu et dis chiz-ir child. Khub-ru

at ’ashik sut, mal-i-dinya tu at ’ashik sut.” Lovd : ££ Har chiz vod yi disaj

sut.” Sut-en tar kila. Wazir-bachah lovd : “ Yet, baskh kinam.” ££ Ala-

aspa lovd : “ Tu baskh kin.” Wazir-bachah dar-rao baskhtjiF2 sut, khu

katta et bashand khu’r zezd, rez-gi dhid wi’rd. Alii-aspa lovd-e : “ Yid

mazlum52a mis tu, yid mal mis tu, mu’rd hajat nist.” Ikyuwi khu baskh da

child wi’rd. 59. Lovd-e : <£ Tu neth, wuz sao-am baz-i-sufed wuz tu’r

varam. Yid nust, Ala-aspa tiiid. Chandin muddut-i- wakhht naghjid.

Sut az yi skhar-ande, bdz-i-sufed zokht et yet.53 Yet yum-ande skhab i

50 Accusative.

5°a Past tense for conditional : “ if thou hast not failed” for “ if thou fail not”, &c^

51 Perhaps to be compared with Sarikoli accusative, “ a-wi .”

52 A curious form. Lit. “ had divided, went.”

52a Lit. “ oppressed one,” i. e. “ woman.” A Turki idiom.

1877.] R. 13 . Shaw — On the STiighni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect.

Ill

nast53 sahar i lovd : “ Rawan sao-am.” Khurak en khhud et kku vorjen

bidlian en chud ; rawan en snt.

' .

60. Chandin muddat-i-pond en toid.53 Ba’d tar wi skhats zimb en

firebt. Ba’d Ala-aspa lovd : “ Ikyunde khnsh kinarn.” Wazir-bachah

lovd-e “ Yet, mi mal baskh kinam.” Ala-aspa lovd : “ Nai ! Az tu shir-i-

madar1 tu’r piyil. Et mn’nd yi start tn katti yast. Ikyuwi at nrn’r

child, 5°a dinya et kyamat wuz az tu razi. Shart mu’r lov. Mi shart ik-

yam. Sut-at khu sur at child 5oa, ba takht bakht at firebt, skhevd-ao-te at

di38 sut,5* khu padh tar khu ghin kine, lov : “ ‘ Mu moza taz.’ Ba’d yi

padh e di38 tizd, lov : ‘ Woi diregh !’ De idund at di38 chud,5°a wuz lap-

ath razi az tu.”

62. Ala-aspa tuid tar wi ruya. Wazir-bachah yet tar khu jai. Pad-

skhah’r khabar en yod, ki Wazir-bachah yat, baz-i-sufed i vud. Padskhah

wi adam-ir mughda-khwahi dhad. 63. Wazir-bachah firebt, deid tar

Padskhah khez. Baz i zokht et deid. Padskhah az khu jai-te anduid.

Kullugh,54 i child. Baz i zokht khu dhost-te, lovd-e : “ Wazir-bachah, tu

lajD-ath mat at sudhj. Sao tar chid.”

61. Yu sut tar khu chid. Wi mad wi wind ; khush-wakhht sut.

Skhab niist et sahar i khu sur injuvd. Mardum en jam’ sut. Pinz meth

sur en dhad. Padskhah dund sur i na dhad, di Wazir-bachah dund sur tsa

dhad. 65. Vega’r nikah en chud. Khu ghin i zokht khu tuid tar khu chid.

Shevd-ao-te khu padh tar khu ghin i child. Lovd-e: “Mu moza taz.”

Ba’d yi padh i tizd. Lovd-e : “ Woi diregh !” et wi ghin lovd : “ Yem

chiz sut. Woi-Diregh at diodhj,58 mu chiz-ir at yod ?” 66. Yii lovd :

“ Woi-Diregh mard, kakhoi na vod.” Ya lovd : “ Kai, kakhoi. Ikwi

meth tu at tsa tuid, ya mis tuid. Wuz et ya katte maktab-bandi am

skheid.” Lovd: “ Dis di tsa ved, tu at mu’rd hech-ath hajat nist.” 67.

Khu moza i pinuid, khu vorj sowar sut, khu ikwi skhab-ath tuid. Al-kissa

rukhh sut. Yi rama az parao yat. Duha i chud, lovd-e : “ Yem mal

chi’nd ?” Lovd-e : “ Woi-Diregh-ind.” 68. Taram de38 sut ; sarban wi

parao dichar yat. Lovd : “ Eh sarwan ! yem skhtur chi’nd ?” Wi lovd :

“ Woi-Diregh.” Taram de sut, pada-ban wi’rd dichar yet. Lovd : “ Yem

pada chi’nd ?” Lovd-e : “ Woi-Diregh-ind.”

69. Sut, yi bagh az parao yat. Lovd : “ Yembagh chi’nd ?” Bagh-

ban lovd-e : “ Woi-Diregh.” Baghban yi lagan-ande gul i zokhtj. Bagh-

ban pits tar wi pale vod. Yid khu naghina zokht, gul medhen-ande rubiiid-e.

58 These words seem to have two different forms : “yet” and “ yat” , “ nast” and

u nust”, “ tuid” and “ toid.”

44 Lit. “ thou hast gone to the sleeping.

55 Lit. “ Service” (Turki), a common salutation among friends.

46 Lit. “ hast caused to enter (viz. thy house).

47 Diminutive of kaniz. P.

112

R. B. Sliaw — On the Shighni ( Ohalchah ) Dialect. [No. 2,

Baghban zoklit khu tuid. 70. Firebt-i Woi-Diregh-ird gul. Ya takhht-

te khu pattewdjit. Yem gul wam-ird injuvd. Ya lovd : “ Eh baghban !

tu ’ajab kbusb-bui gul at vud. 71. Ba’d gul i zoklit, bet i chud. Nagbi

na naskhtuid. Lovd : “ Eb baghban ! ar-bagb chai ?” Yii lovd-e : “ Eb

bebe ! yi sbakbs ar-bagb deid.” Lovd : “ Gul ba rui wi na love.”

72. Wazir-bachah az-bagh naskhtuid. Yet tar kila dive. Kanizak4'1'

pis-skbats naskbtoid. Yem yet, butta16 zimb-ti nust. Kanizak yet,

skbats i zokbt. 73. Lovd : “ Eb kaniz ! skbats mu’r dbad.” Lovd :

Tu ’ajab be-darak adam at tu nist ? Woi-Diregh pari-zad. Tu tsi-rang

warn jam-ande skbats breze P” Na dbad wi’rd skbats ; Skbats i zokbt kbu

rawan sut.

74. Yi gaz jai na sat et ya skbats wikbin gaskbt. Ya wi tis i child,

voi yat skbats i zokbt. Lovd : a Eb kanizak, skbats mu’r dbad.” Kanizak

na dbad. 75. Voi tar wi kbu jai sut, et wikbin gaskbt. Voi tis wi chud,

Voi yat, skbats i zokbt. Lovd : “ Eb kanizak ! skbats mu’r dbad.” Ya

na dhad-e.

76. Lovd : “ Eb kanizak ! tu vega’r tsa yosse tar warn khez skhats na

firebe. Skbats mu’r dbad.” Jam i lap chud, injuvd-e wi’rd. Yi lav i

brokht, kbu naghina pattewd-e ar-jam. Kbu lumal skbats-te bigbin i

chud, lovd : “ Wi kal bet na kini, farib Woi-Diregh-ir.”

77. Vud-e, lovd : “ Eb ! tu tsi-rang skbats vare ? Yem kbbir vega

sut.” Lovd-e : “ Mu’nd tu khez ’arz ; ba’d har-rang at de mu’r cbu.”

Ba’d kbu kissa i zokbt. “ Dund sbicb bar-rang do mu’r tsa kinid, kelan

id.” 78. Lovd-e : u Sa ! kiwe.” Ya naskhtuid, kiwd-i wi. Ba’d deid,

As-salam i child. Ya az khu takhht-te anduid wi’rd. Dedhe sifend, kbu

pis-pale wedbd. 79. Ba’d az cbandin muddat-i-wakbbt, kanizak-ird i

lovd : “ Sa, mullah kiw kin.” Sat mullah i kiw chud. Mullah wief i chud

nikah ba yak digar. Wadh en ba takbbt et bakbbt firebt. Mash mis

tama daulat-ande firab-am.

TRANSLATION OF SHIGHNI STORY.

Woi-Diee'gh.

1. One day a king made an agreement with (bis wazir), (and) said :

If tome there be a son (born), and to thee a daughter, (thou sbalt) give

tby daughter to my son. The (other) wazirs were sitting (there), and

beard this compact. 2. One day a son was (born) to the wazir, and

be died. To the king a daughter was (born). (Next) morning they

brought the news to the king : “ A daughter has been (born) to thee.” 3.

The king was sitting in public, (when) a man came in, (and) said : “ The

wazir is dead.” (But) the king refused bis alliance. Men beard this.

(So) the wazir’s son remained (unmarried).

1877.] II. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalehah) Dialect. 113

4. Day by day he increased in stature and became big. A day was,

(that) he spoke to his mother (and) said : “ Gracious mother, there is a

bow of my father’s.” She said : “ Go into the treasury.” He entered

into the treasury, and took the bow and came out. 5. He came outside,

and at once began to exercise himself. He practised much, and became

expert. 6. A woman came from market. She came with (some) whey

in a vessel on her head. He pulled the bow, (his arrow) struck this vessel,

so that it passed through it from one side to the other. 7. The whey

poured down into her face. Then she put her hand to her face. She fixed

her eyes on the boys. All of them (had their) arrows in their bows, the

wazir’s son’s (was) empty. 8. Then she said : “ Oh wretch ! was it for

this that thou wast born of thy mother P The king has (done well to)

refuse relationship with thee !” 9. Then he carried his hand to his pocket,

and took a penny thence. He threw (it) to that woman (saying) : “ Oh

woman ! take thou the penny ; why dost thou speak evil words ?”

10. He told his mother (of) this matter, (and) said : “ Oh mother !

what evil (?) was there in my father. These men come not into my pre¬

sence.” He sent a man into the villages. He assembled all the people,

and brought them (in). Not any one went into the king’s presence.

Then he began at once to give food to the men. 11. Afterwards he took

counsel with the people. He said, “ I will send a man into the king’s

presence, (and say) a man’s ivorcl (is equivalent to) a woman’s deed 12.

They sent the man, (who) went into the king’s presence, and saluted (him) .

(The king replied :) “ And to you be the peace. May thy father’s house be

blessed. Thou hast accomplished a good journey.” 13. Then (the man)

took up his tale, (and) said : “ King of the world ! The wazir’s son sent me

before thee. Thou hadst made such and such an agreement with his father.

Whatever falls upon the heads of kings, they turn not away from their

word. What is this (that thou doest) ?”

14. Then the king said: “Seize this (man). Thrust an arrow

through his mouth. (It) will be a warning to another.” 15. Then this

man went out, and went before the wazir’s son, who saw him, and said :

“ Oh take this arrow from this (man’s) mouth.” They took the arrow.

Then he asked him (of) the matter, and said : “ What did he

do ?” 16. He replied : “I spoke thy word. The king said : Thrust

an arrow through this man’s mouth. It will be a warning to another.”

17. The wazir’s son turned to his counsellors, and spoke, saying :

“ What shall we do now ? Consult together”, he said. (They replied)

“We will send another man.” They sent another man. 18. He arrived in

the king’s presence. After salutation, he took up his tale. The king said :

“ Seize him !” The wazirs said : “ Oh king of the world ! first do thou

talk (with him) ; after all, that is a young boy who makes so much of a

p

114

11. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. [No. 2,

fuss ; do you make a greater fuss. Now let it be thus, (say) ‘ Bring me a

white falcon, (and) I will ally myself with thee.’ ” (So) they gave that man

his leave. 19. He went into the presence of the wazir’s son, (and) said :

“ (Art) thou a lion or a fox ?” (The other) replied : “No, I have ever been

a lion’s offspring.” The man said : “ The fact of the matter is this : let

him bring me a white falcon (says the king).”

20. Then he turned to his counsellors, (and) said : “ Make prepara¬

tions.” They made preparations. They got ready jwovisions for him. In

the morning they set out on the road. All of them started with him,

(but) he turned them hack, saying : “ I have no need of you. I am a Ka-

lendar (beggar). If I (can) bring and give the king’s service, this (is my

desire). Turn ye back.” 21. Then by himself he set his face to the

road. His road (went) towards the wilderness, and to the skirt of the

desert. He travelled many a farsang (parasang) (and then) a river came

across (his path). 22. He alighted from off his horse. A horseman

came from another direction, (and) alighted on the bank of the river. They

spoke to one another. (The new-comer) said : “ Eh, brother ! may your

journey be happy. What object hast thou chosen (for it) ?” The wazir’s

son replied : “ I am going on the service of the king, for a white falcon.”

23. (The other) said : “ What is your distinguished name ?” He replied :

“ The wazir’s son.” This one in return asked the other (his name), who

answered : “ Ala-aspa.” Then (the wazir’s son) said “ Come, let us go

together.” (Ala-aspa) said : “ Do thou shut thine eyes, (and) turn thy

face backwards, (and) I will come.” The wazir’s son shut his eyes, (and)

turned his face backwards. He turned round, the other (was) before him.

24. Then they joined together and went on. They went into a

desert. A long way they journeyed, and became thirsty and hungry.

Then they alighted in the midst of that desert. (Ala-aspa) said : “ Oh

brother ! bring out a morsel of food.” He took out some food, and at

once they began to eat. 25. After eating the food, (the wazir’s son)

said : “ Do thou go for a walk on one side, thou wilt find a (place) under

some rock or other, (which) we will make our shelter for the night.” Then

the wazir’s son sat down, and Ala-aspa went off. He made a large circuit

in that desert, nothing was there. Then he sat down for a moment there.

26. He raised his hands in supplication, (and) bowed his head. (Again)

he raised his head, and looked : a castle has sprung up, with the gate open.

He went and entered tho castle, and walked through it. Then he turned

away from the place, and went back to his companion. 27. He said : “ Oh

brother ! I have found a (place at the) foot of a rock, to-night let us go,

there is our shelter for the night.” Then they went and entered the castle.

The (wazir’s son) said : “ Oh brother ! where is that rock shelter ?” Ala-

aspa answered: “Is this an insufficient rock shelter?” 28. They went

1877.] R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Glialchali) Dialect. 115

and fetched fuel. One (of them) at once began to light a fire. The other

went for water. Then they began to drink and eat. They ate, and tied

up their horses in the stable. They placed barley and grass (before them).

29. That night they slept there ; in the morning Ala-aspa said : “I

go a hunting, do thou sit (still).” He went a hunting, the wazir’s son

sat still. 80, He cooked some food for himself. He ate by himself, and

covered up the other’s portion and put it by. By himself he came and

threw himself on to his bed. (A certain) time elapsed, (and then) the door

made a sound. 31. A span-high thing came in and passed on to the fire¬

place. It pulled out a hair of its own moustache, bound him hand and foot

and threw him down. It ate his food itself and went out. The wazir’s

son struggled, and with difficulty succeeded in drawing himself out of (his

bonds), and pursued it.

32. He looked for it ; it jumped into a pit. He became vexed and

turned back. He entered the castle. He came by himself and sat down

in his own place. He took his sword and at once began to sharpen it.

The door creaked, he took his sword up and rushed behind the door. Ala-

aspa entered by it. 33. He said : “ Brother, what is my offence against

thee ?” The other replied : “ Let us go, I will tell thee a tale.” Then they

went (in). Ala-aspa put down his load (of game) from off his back.

The other went and brought food for him. He ate his meal and said grace.

The wazir’s son got up and at once began cleaning the saucepan and the

dish. 34. Then Ala-aspa said : “ What was my offence against thee ?”

The other said : “ Oh, thou (hast) not (committed) any offence against me.

I and thou are brothers. Just now I cooked some food. I ate it by myself

and set (some) aside for thee. I came and threw myself down in my own

place. The door creaked. A span-high (creature) entered. Then it

pulled out a hair of moustache of its own. It bound me hand and foot.

It ran and ate its meal. Then it went out. I struggled and struggled and

painfully released myself. Then I followed after it. 35. I looked for it,

and it jumped into a pit I turned back again. I came and took my sword,

and sat down here. The door creaked. I started up (thinking) this time

if it enters, it will at once have me down. Thou didst enter.” They

spread out their bedding and went to sleep.

36. The morning dawned, and Ala-aspa said : “ Oh wazir’s son, do

thou go a hunting and I will sit (still).” The wazir’s son went a- hunting.

Ala-aspa at once began (to prepare) a meal. He cooked the food, himself

he ate (his portion) and set aside (some) for the other. He took his sword

and came and sat down there. 37. At that very moment the door

creaked ; he at once arose and it entered. He made a stroke with his

sword, and struck its head off at his feet, (while) the body (fell) behind

the door. 38. He ran and collected his cups and platters, that they

116

[No. 2,

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( Glialchah ) Dialect.

should not become bloodied. Before he could sit down (again), (the

creature’s) head flew on to its neck and became joined on. Then it went

out and fled away. 39. Ala-aspa pursued it. He looked for it. For

once he turned aside, and put his hand on his beard saying : “ To-morrow

you shall see what will happen to you.”

40. Ala-aspa returned discontentedly, and entered the castle. He came

and sat in his own place. He placed his sword oil the skirt (of his robe).

At last the door creaked, and he jumped up. The wazir’s son came in.

He said : “ What offence have I (committed) against thee ?” 41. Ala-

aspa replied : “Nothing at all. Yesterday thou didst tell (me a tale) ;

I did not believe (it). Thy story has been verified. Come, now let us

put away our hunting. Let us employ some artifice to enter (the crea¬

ture’s) pit. Let us twist a silken rope.” 42. (So) they twisted a rope

forty yards (long). In the morning they made their breakfast, and went

on their way. The wazir’s son said “ I will go in.” Ala-aspa said :

“ Well, thou canst not (find) strength.” Then they arrived at the spot.

He fastened the rope tightly under his arms. He entered as far as his

knees. (Then) he exclaimed : “ Oh ! I burn !” 43. Ala-aspa pulled in

the rope, and said : “ (Now) the turn is mine. One instruction I give

thee. (If) I say, Oh, I burn ; (then) do thou let the rope go freer.”

Ala-aspa entered. He cried : “ Oh ! I burn.” The other let (the rope)

out. 43. Finally a long time passed, the rope remained short in his hand.

Ala-aspa reached the bottom of the earth, (the country of) Chil-dinya.

He undid the rope from under his arms. Then the wazir’s son made a

camp-fire at the mouth of the pit.

44. Ala-aspa started off. A flock came (along the road) from in

front, meeting him. He saluted the shepherd and said ; “ Whose is this

flock ?” The shepherd answered : “ The span-high one’s.” Ala-aspa

came up and seized a sheep. He took off its head in the air (without

throwing it on the ground). He prepared for himself one spit (-full of

meat) for roasting, from off it. He cooked and eat it, and then went on.

45. Next a cow-herd met him. He saluted him and asked : “ Whose are

these cattle ?” (The cow-herd) replied : “ The span-high one’s.” Fie

went, and seized the largest of all the bulls ; he took its head off. He

prepared for himself one spit (-full of meat) for roasting, from off it. The

rest of it he threw away. The cow-herd struck himself a slap on the face.

46. Ala-aspa went on, some distance, when a camel-herd met him. He

saluted him and said : “ Whose are these camels ?” The other replied : “ The

span-high one’s.” He went and seized the biggest of all the male camels.

He took its head off ; and prepared for himself one spit (-full of meat) for

roasting, from off it, and went on (again). The camel-herd struck himself

on the face. 47. Ala-aspa went on. A man in charge of a troop of

117

1877.] R. B. Shaw — On the ShigJini (GTialchah) Dialect.

horses met him. He saluted and said : “ Whose is this troop o£ horses ?’

He went (and) seized a big horse, and took its head off. He prepared for

himself a spit (-full of meat) for roasting, from off it. That keeper of the

horses struck himself on his face. 48. Ala-aspa went on and arrived at

the town. The Treasurer was sitting in the gateway. (Ala-aspa) said :

“ What doest thou here F Here not a bird (even) is able to breathe.”*

(The other) answered : “ However that may be, my fate has brought me

here.”f 49. Ala-aspa asked him : “ In what (lies) the life of the span-

high one ?” The treasurer answered : “ To-day is two days since he was in

the Upper World. He returned wounded thence. Now he sleeps. His life

is at his side, (and lies) in two stones, one on this side and one on that.

Break those stones. From inside them two magpies will come out. Cut

their heads off from the left. At his side there is a stick. Strike it on thy

knee and break it. From inside it a lamp will come out. Put it into the

water, and his life will go out (of him) . If thou wert to put him in pieces

fine as millet seed, he would not die. If thou omittest not one of these

(instructions), he will die.” Ala-aspa performed these instructions. The

span-high one died.

50. Forty keys of his were (hanging) on pegs. He took them, and

immediately began to open the doors. He opened them all, (till but) one

remained. He came and at once opened this and went in. A beautiful

(damsel was) there. Neither the sun entered to her, nor the moon.

51. She immediately began to weep and said, “ Oh youth ! why dost thou

work thine own perdition ?” He answered, “ For love of one hair of thine.

What doest thou there ?” She said : “ I was seven years old (when) the

span- high one stole me, and brought me and made me fast here.” He said,

“ Be happy, I have killed him.” She answered, “It is not easy to kill

him ; if thou wast to make him (into pieces) the size of grains of millet he

would not die.” Ala-aspa said, “Let us go; see I have killed him.” He

took her by the hand and they came. She looked ; he was dead.

52. Then they sat down that evening. They ate their meal. (Then)

they came to sleeping. He drew his sword and threw it (down) between

(them) . She said, “ Why doest thou thus ?” He answered, “ I have received

(this) counsel of my father. As long as I have not reached my home, I do

not ungird myself.” Then they slept. 53. In the morning he loaded up

the wealth of that (creature). All of it he loaded up. They came to

the mouth (bottom) of this pit. (Ala-aspa) shook the rope, and tied the

things one by one, and (the wazir’s son) pulled (them up) . At last he

finished hauling, and (Ala-aspa) brought that Beauty (to the rope). The

* I. e. “there is not room for a bird even to get in and steal.”

f A common reply to an impertinent question. Lit. “ Whatever may be (the

case), by my fate I have come here.”

118 R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. [No. 2,

wazir’s son pulled. At one sight of her face, (he fell) in love as if he had

beheld her a hundred times. 54. Ala-aspa had kept a black sheep by him.

By way of a trial, he made the rope fast to it and said : “ Pull well, it (is) I.”

(The wazir’s son) pulled, (till) a cubit remained. He saw a black sheep.

Then he cut the rope. (The body of the sheep) struck (the ground) in

front of Ala-aspa, and was (dashed) to pieces. 55. Then he wept much,

and said : “ Alas for the world. For the sake of that Beauty, he has trea¬

ted me so.”

5 G. Then the wazir’s son repented himself, saying : “ (Why) did I

not take him out ?” He returned and came to the mouth (head) of the

pit, and threw down the rope to Ala-aspa, wrho seized the rojDe : the other

pulled, Ala-aspa came out. They embraced one another, and wept much.

57. Ala-aspa said : “ Brother, why didst thou so ? Thou hast become in

love with the Beauty, in love with the goods of this world.” The other

replied: “ Whatever has happened, has happened so.” They went into the

castle. 58. The wazir’s son said : “ Come, let us divide (the goods). Ala-

aspa said : “ Do thou make the division.” The wazir’s son began to divide,

and takes for himself what is large and good ; the refuse he gives to the

other. Ala-aspa said : “ This woman is now thine, these goods are now

thine, I want them not.” Even his own share he gave to him. 59. He

said : “ Do thou sit still, I will go and bring thee the white falcon.” He sat

still, and Ala-aspa went off. A certain space of time passed. He went

into a town, he took a white falcon and came (back). He came and remain¬

ed there for the night, in the morning he said : “ Let us start.” They ate

their food and saddled their horses, and started.

GO. They went a certain distance of road. Then they arrived at the bank

of that river. Ala-aspa said; “Here I say good-bye.” The wazir’s son

said : “ Come, let us divide these goods.” Ala-aspa said : “ No, by thy

mother’s milk (they are) a gift to thee. And I have one bargain (to

make) with thee. If thou perform that same for me, I am satisfied with

thee in this world and in the next. Make me the promise. 61. The

bargain is this. (When) thou hast gone and made thy marriage, and

arrived at the throne of prosperity, and art about to sleep, put out thy

foot to thy wife and say : ‘ Pull oft my sock.’ When she has pulled oft

one, say : “ Woi-Diregh ! (Ah, alas !)” • If thou doest that so, I (shall be)

well pleased with thee.”

62. Ala-aspa went on his way (direction). The wazir’s son came to

his own place. They carried the news to the king, that the wazir’s son

has come and has brought a white falcon. The king gave that man the

reward of good news. 63. The wazir’s son arrived and entered the king’s

presence. He took the falcon and went in. The king arose from his

place. He gave him the salutation of a friend. He took the falcon on his

1877.] R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect. 119

hand, and said : “ Wazir’s son ; thou hast had much trouble. Go (and

repose) in thy house.”

64. He went home. His mother saw him and rejoiced much. That

night he remained (there) and in the morning he took up (the arrange¬

ments for) his wedding. Men assembled together. They made a wedding

feast for five days. The king did not give such a feast, as the wazir’s son

gave. 65. The next day they celebrated the marriage. He took his wife

and went home. On going to bed he put out his foot to his wife and

said : “ Pull oft my sock.” She pulled oft one : He said : “ Wo'i Diregh

(Ah ! alas !),” and his wife said : “ What is this ? If thou hast taken

Wo'i-Diregh (to wife), why didst thou take me ?” 66. He said : “ Wo'i-

Diregh is a man, not a woman.” She said : “No, a woman. That same

day that thou wentest forth, she at the same time went. I and she

studied at school together.” He said : “If that be so, I do not want

thee at all.” 67. He put on his sock (again), and mounted his horse

and went forth that same night. At last it became light. A flock of sheep

met him. He saluted (the shepherd) and said : “ Whose is this flock ?”

(The shepherd) replied ; “ Woi-Diregh’s.” 68. Thence he went on ; a

camel-herd met him. He said : “ Oh camel-herd ! whose are these camels ?”

He answered : “ Wo'i-Diregh’s.” Thence he went on, a cow- herd met him.

He said : “ Whose are these cattle ?” He replied ; “ Woi-Diregh’s.”

69. He went on ; a garden came (in sight) in front of him. He

asked : “ Whose is this garden ?” The gardener answered “ Woi-Diregh’s.”

The gardener had (has) taken some flowers in a vase. His face was away

from (the wazir’s son). The latter took oft his ring and hid it in the midst

of the flowers. The gardener took (them) up and went away. 70. He

took the flowers to Wo'i-Diregh. She had thrown herself on to a couch. He

took up the flowers to her. She said : “ Oh gardener, thou hast brought

wonderfully sweet-smelling flowers.” 71. Then she took the flowers and

opened them 'out. The ring came out. She said : “ Oh gardener, who is

in the garden ?” He answered : “ Oh lady ! a person came into the gar¬

den.” She said : “ Speak not of flowers (compared) with his face.”

72. The wazir’s son came out of the garden. He came to the castle

gate. A maid came out for water. He came and sat by the side of a

bush. The maid came and fetched water. 73. He said : “ Oh maiden,

give me some water.” She said : “ Art thou not a wonderfully foolish

person ? Wo’i-Diregh is fairy-born. How shalt thou drink water in her

cup ?” (So) she would not give him any water, (but) she took her water

and went oft.

74. She had not gone a yard (when) her water turned into blood.

She poured it away and came again and fetched (more) water. He said : “ Oh

maiden, give me water.” She did not give him (any). 75. Again she went

120

R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( Ohalchah ) Dialect. [No. 2,

to the (same) spot and (the water) became blood. Again she poured it

away. Again she came and fetched water. He said : “ Oh maiden, give me

water.” She did not give it.

76. He said : “ Oh maiden, if thou takest it till to-morrow, thou wilt

not make the water reach her presence. Give me water.” (She) filled

the cup and handed it to him. A drop he drank, (and) threw his ring

into the cup. He spread his handkerchief over the water, and said : “ Open

not its mouth (lit. head), (but) convey it to Woi-Diregh.”

77. She brought it and (Woi-Diregh) said : “ Ah ! how dost thou bring

water! To-day has become to-morrow.” (The maid) said : “ I have a mat¬

ter to represent to thee ; after that do whatever (thou wilt) to me.” And

she took up her tale : “ So now whatever thou mayst do to me, thou art

great [i. e. thou art the mistress]. 78. [Wo’i-Diregh] said Go call

[him].” [The maid] went out [and] called him. Then he entered and

saluted [her]. She got up from her couch to [meet] him. Then she took

him up and placed him at her side. 79. After some time [she] said to

the maid : “ Go call the Mulla.” She went and called [him]. The Mul-

la performed their marriage to one another. They attained to the throne

of prosperity. May we also attain to [and partake of] your good fortune !

A SHORT VOCABULARY OF THE SHIGHNI DIALECT.

1877.]

It. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (OhalchaJi) Dialect.

121

a calf

to call

a camel

shik

kiw chid-ao

kiw- am

kiwd-am

kiwdj

skhtur

to carry, to take

away . —

yoss-am

yod-am

y°di

cattle (horned) stor, pada

to clean zaned-ao

Q

daughter

dawn

to dawn

day

demon

to descend

to die

distribute

I).

razin

rukh

rukh dhed-ao

meth

dhew

wedhd-ao

mid-ao

(mir-am ?) mir-d

mud-am

rnughj

haskh chid-ao

122

K. B. Sliaw — On the Shighni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect.

[No. 2,

1877.] R. B. Shaw — On the Shighni (Q-halchah) Dialect. 123

124

lv, B. Sliaw — On the fthiglmi (Ghalchali) Dialect. [No. 2,

18/7.] 11. B. Shaw — On the Shighni ( Ghalchah ) Dialect. 125

126

G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

JV. B. — No special mark lias been put against the Persian and Arabic

forms.

The Mythic History of the God Viraj. — By G. S. Leonard, Assist.

Secretary, Asiatic Society , Bengal.

In giving an account of the god Viraj, the deity worshipped in the

form of the universal world, and forming one of the ten supernatural beings

in the scale of the creative agents, we have to consider him in the three¬

fold light of history, mythology, and theology, in all of which he makes a

conspicuous figure in the original works of India.

The great variety of discordant accounts found in the Puranas and

elsewhere, regarding the genesis of Viraj and his historical and mythologi¬

cal traditions make it extremely difficult to form a correct and distinct idea

of his personality, to ascribe to him a definite shape and form, to depict his

real figure, like that of any other god in the Hindu Pantheon, and to attain

to a knowledge of the doctrines his religion inculcates.

Viraj, as we learn from the different accounts of his genesis, does not

appear to have a prior or separate existence of his own apart from nature,

to entitle him to an independent entity or personality. His body, uncon¬

fined by any dimensions, cannot possibly admit of any distinct shape or

form. And the doctrine taught in the established form of his worship is

not composed of the creed of a particular deity, nor professed by a set or

sect of people among the numberless schisms of the Hindus, nor is it capable

of a distinct delineation.

So great is the confusion in the gradation of persons, as has been justly

remarked by Moore in his Hinjlu Pantheon, that it presents us Viraj in

different degrees of relationship to Brahma the creator. Manu mentions

him as the offspring of the latter, when the Brahma Vaivarta Purana repre-

127

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj.

sents him as progenitor of the same. He is stated in the Institutes as

father of Svayambhuva Manu, while in the Matsya and Padma Puranas we

find him identified with the latter. The Brahma Vaivarta again represents

him as the offspring of Radha and Krishna, and presents us with a multi¬

plicity of minor Virajs (Kshudra Virats) proceeding from the elder one

(Maha Virat).

The epithet of the first male (Adi Purusha) agrees with Viraj in one

place, and with Brahma in another ; with Narayana in a third, and with

Svayambhuva in a fourth. In one place the hymn addressed to the thou¬

sand-headed male (Sahasra STrsha Purusha) agrees with Viraj, and in another

with Brahma, and elsewhere we find it addressed to Vishnu or Narayana.

So his wife S'atarupa (Centiforma) — a fit epithet for the consort of Sahasra-

rupa, milleformis — Viraj is represented in one place as his progenitrix

and wife of Brahma, and in another as a daughter of the same and consort

of Svayambhuva Manu, identified with Viraj.

Notwithstanding the inextricable confusion, as shown above, in which

the persons of Viraj and his consort are involved, a careful study of the subject

and patient inquiry into the mists of fiction, which inseparably attend the

character of Viraj in every theory of the S'astras, will enable us to find the

true person of this deity, from the fictitious and pretended ones imposed upon

him in sectarian works, each claiming the title for its respective divinity,

which it attempts to glorify above the rest. Thus the Brahmites invariably

honor Brahma with that title which the Vaishnavites contend to reserve for

their adored Vishnu or Narayana, and the Krishnites of late for their favou¬

rite deity, as also for his offspring by Radha. While on the other hand the

S'ivites lay a claim to it, not alone for their god but also for his pigmy son

Ganesa, the Janus of the Hindus. They also denominate their goddess Kali

by the name of S'atarupa. The Manavites or Adamites do not scruple to

call the great ancestor of mankind by that august name, and the great mo¬

ther of the human race by that of S'atarupa.

In the Vishnu Purana, says Dr. Wilson, “ Vishnu is said to be the first

Purusha or spirit who, in association with Pradhana — matter, becomes male

and female, i. e. active and passive energies for the creation of the world in

the egg.” “ This system,” adds he, “ is conformable to that anciently main¬

tained as explained in the opening of Manu, substituting Vishnu for Brah¬

ma.” The same sort of reasoning applies in the case of Viraj also, who is

represented, (vide Moore’s Pantheon) to be a biformed being half male and

half female, sometimes joined together and at other times in separate forms.

In disregard, therefore, of the persons, severally designated with the title

Viraj (for we find not only the other gods but potentates of the earth often¬

times honored with that title), and in exclusion of every consideration

respecting the different forms in which he is exhibited, we must satisfy our

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G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj. [No. 2,

curiosity concerning him with a hare description of his nature and attri¬

butes, according to the import of the word and its definition given in the

S'astras, with an exposition of the system of religion which is promulgated

under that name in the Puranas and the Vedanta, together with its analogies

in other Asiatic and European systems.

Viraj, as the word signifies (virajati = regit from the root £ rajri’ =

regere ) means the ever-reigning ruler or sovereign of the universe, be he

whoever he may, whose entity is composed of three natures : viz. the intel¬

lectual or chaitanya , the spiritual or Yaisvanara, and a concrete gross

nature, sthiila sarira , which respectively constitute his omniscience, omni¬

potence, and omnipresence throughout the utmost bounds of existence. He

is also considered as Visva constituting the individual souls of the Visve-

devas or different orders of gods or supernatural beings which subsist in

him, and is sometimes represented as Maha = magnus or Kshudra = parvus

in the relation of father and son, as he fills a greater or lesser sphere, the

whole universe or a part, and both of the same nature and jn’operties.

Such being the import of the word according to its definition, Viraj

proves to be the lord of the universe coeval with its creation, but whose

essence, instead of dying away with the dissolution of the material world,

as the Pantheist says, will continue for ever with the entity of its divine

origin to all eternity. He proves also, from the joint testimony of the

S'astras given in the following pages, to be the automaton or moving princi¬

ple of the visible world, whose body, as the poet figuratively expresses it,

“ is nature, and whose soul is god.” He may be called both great and

small, agreeably to our conception of him presented to our enlarged or

limited faculties ; and as infinity is beyond the conception of a finite being,

we, for the sake of meditating on his nature, can assign to him a greater or

a lesser magnitude of a whole or part, according to the powers of our

understandings, for he is “ as great in the earth as in the ethereal frame.”

The form of Mahavirat is no more than the macrocosm of European philo¬

sophers, which comprehends the whole of the visible world, and the Kshudra-

virat agrees exactly with the microcosm of metaphysicians, which Dr. Reid,

like the Vedantists, applies to Man or Manu who is an aggregate of the

intellectual and physical natures of Viraj. The obvious manifestation of

the deity in the face of nature, though of itself evident to the meanest

understanding from every object of creation by which on all sides we are

beset, is yet so mystified by the reveries of theologians, and the rhapsodies

of philosophers on the one hand, and so diversified by the discordant de¬

scriptions of poets and obscured by the conflicting accounts of mythologists

on the other, that this confused chaos of abstract mysticism of the Vedanta,

and the contradictory myths of the Puranas would well nigh destroy each

other, and leave a void in the belief of the Viraj ian religion, as it has

129

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj.

already done in the minds of the vulgar and ignorant, had not the irresistible

light of natural theology showed its superiority over every other scheme of

religion to the saints and sages of all ages and countries, and preserved its

relics among the learned and superior classes of the Hindus. The truth of

the self-manifestation of the deity in the universe forms the pith and mar¬

row of the Viraj ian doctrines, (Viradmata) and is in unison with the true,

rational, and natural religion of all mankind, whether deduced a priori from

a pre-existent cause to his work, or inferred a posteriori, from the works of

nature to a superintending agent.

The deduction of Viraj ism from its fountain head of Brahmism by the

analytical method pursued by the Vedanta like all other ancient schools, is

not only too abstruse for common comprehensions, but too intricate and mazy

on account of its concatenation of causes and effects to several successive

steps or gradations of being. I have therefore followed the modern method

of induction in the investigation of Viraj ism as it is presented to us, and then

attempted to resolve it to the main source whence it sprung. “ The world

subsists in and is the abode of God,” is a main tenet of the Virajian theolo¬

gy ; and the universe like a mirror not only reflects God’s image, but refracts

it to every observer in it. The want of such a display of divine attributes

either in the works of nature before us, or in the construction of our intel¬

lectual, mental, and bodily faculties, would undoubtedly lead us to form a

very different ideal of divine nature — different from the light of nature, and

therefore of truth, and as different from each other as those propagated by

the false dogmas of pretended revelations, and as various and uncertain as

those introduced by the endless speculations of philosophers. A religion or

system of doctrines teaching the mysteries of divine nature inconsistent

with the light of nature, may seem too grand and sublime to common capa¬

cities, too amusing to the speculative, and may be also very good in the

abstract, but it can neither appeal to our comprehensions unless justified by

the light of nature, nor be of practical use to us, unless it appeal to our own

natures and the nature of things. The pure mysticism of the Vedanta and

Sufism, and the ideal spirituality of a Plato, a Berkeley, and others, may be

suitable to intellectual and spiritual beings of higher orders placed in other

spheres as cherubs, seraphs, and other denominations of the holy choir ;

but a being of this material world, confined to this sublunary sphere,

requires a religion adapted in every sense to his comprehension and well

suited to his nature, as that inculcated by the Virajian or natural theology.

The admirable Sir W. Jones has given us an extract of European

theology from the writings of the illustrious Mr. Neckar which I shall

quote in this place as best calculated to give a just idea of the Natural

theology of Viraj in the glowing language of a modern philosopher.

“ Considering themselves as an emanation from that infinite Being, they

E

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G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj. [No. 2,

would cherish the idea of a God, who created, who regenerates, who

'preserves this universe, by invariable laws, and by a continued chain of

similar causes, producing similar effects, who pervades all nature with his

divine spirit, as an universal soul, who moves, directs, and restrains the

wonderful fabric of this world. The blissful idea of a God sweetens every

moment of our time, and embellishes before us the path of life ; unites us

delightfully to all the beauties of nature, and associates us with everything

that lives or moves. Yes ; the whisper of gales, the murmur of waters, the

peaceful agitation of trees and shrubs, would concur to engage our minds

and affect our souls with tenderness , if our thoughts were elevated to one

\ universal Cause , if we recognised on all sides the works of Him whom we

love , if we marked the traces of his august steps and benignant intentions,

if we believed ourselves actually present at the display of his boundless

power, and the magnificent exertions of his unlimited goodness.”

I am confident that the Sufi and Vedantist would consider this rhap¬

sody as an epitome of their common system, for they concur in believing

the Spirit of God to pervade the universe, and to be always immediately

present in his works, and consequently always in substance, and the souls of

men (jiva) though differing infinitely in degree, yet not at all in kind, from

the divine Spirit of which they are particles in which they move, and in

which they will be ultimately absorbed.

The ubiquity of the divine Soul containing the grand arcanum of the

Vedanta and Sufi theologies, is the invariable theme of oriental poetry and

philosophy, for when the Veda says “ He is in and yet out of all”, it fully

agrees with the Urdu poet Mir Hasan in maintaining his spiritual presence

in all material bodies, yet different from all matter :

“ He is neither in the stone nor in the gem,

Yet shines alike in every hue the same.”

And while the Vedantist in his ecstacy beholds everything as an image

of his Maker, the Sufi, in his religious rapture, sees nought but the essence

of his God spread all around him.

But the advocates of Pantheism are apt to construe the inseparable

union and diffusion of the essence of Viraj over the material world, whether

exhausted or unexhausted in nature, as a real, material, and physical panthe¬

ism, and the untangible universality of Vaisvanara (£omyos) the vivifying

and animating soul of the universe, as a spiritual, ideal, and intellectual

pantheism. But in the zeal of maintaining their favourite theories they

entirely forget, that the perfect, immaterial, and incorruptible essence of a

spiritual nature, though so closely connected with the material world, as

supporting, sustaining, vivifying and moving all its parts for evermore,

cannot be assimilated to imperfect, gross, dense, and motionless matter, by

its pervasion over the whole, which means but the omnipresence of the

131

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj .

spiritual essence and not its transubstantiality into matter. For the text

says “ The spirit of Viraj, presiding over all material forms, is said to be

embodied in the shape of the universe, but when that ever wakeful soul is

said to preside over individual souls on earth, he is understood as a

superintending spiritual substance.” The Commentary on the above pas¬

sage states : “ Viraj Purusha’s filling the world with his substance signifies,

his presiding over individual souls in a divine and not material form.” This

explanation proving the spirituality of Viraj’s essence, keeps him aloof

from the charge of materialism.

The atheistic pantheism of Spinoza maintaining the absorption of the

infinite god (Brahm) in nature is entirely ignored by the Vedas, for it has

been inveighed against by Dr. Bajendralala Mitra in the introduction to

his English version of the Ch’handogya Upanishad, where he maintains a

Theistic Pantheism by upholding the existence of the finite world in the

infinite essence of God. “ Uddalaka,” says he, “ instead of supposing with

pantheists the absolute consubstantiality of God and Nature, — of God and

the whole universe being of one and the same substance — makes the Deity

create the universe first, and then shed out as it were, a ray of his light.

His doctrine in short, is not the absorption of the infinite into the finite —

of God in Nature — but of the finite in the infinite — Nature in God.” Spi¬

noza with his iron logic has fallen into a downright fallacy by supposing

the extinction of the divine essence and personality by their pervasion or

diffusion over the universe, because the Veda, granting even the infinity of

the universe, declares God is perfect and so is the universe which is derived

from him, as a prototype of the divine archytype. The subtraction of the

perfect from the perfect leaves the remainder perfect. This doctrine of

the Veda though a seeming paradox, is however true of infinite quantities,

for if you take infinity from infinity, the remainder is also infinity.

The terminology of the Vedas using the word emanation for causation

or creation, and diffusion and pervasion for omnipresence, as also the use of

the ablative case for the instrumental, has oftentimes misled the learned to

understand the Vedantic theism as a material pantheism. But the literal

acceptation of such grammatical and verbal terminations cannot fail also to

bring the charge of pantheism home to the Bible and other sacred writings,

where the language is glowing and elevated.

Virajism is sometimes liable to the charge of finitism, from not having

existed prior to the creation, but being coeval with the existence of the

finite world, to which he is said to be subservient as the world is subservient

to him. All this is very true, because Viraj had no being before the crea¬

tion of the world, but the Eternal Being that had an existence before crea¬

tion manifested himself either as Viraj or governor of the world after he

had created it, or emitted a spark of himself for presiding over it. In tho

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G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

former case it must be infinite and in tlie latter case it is equally so, being

an effluence of the same nature, wherefore he is called Avyaya or imperish¬

able, even after the dissolution of the world.

From the above reasoning, Viraj ism falls under the charge of a third

kind of Pantheism, called the Dualistic, ascribing the co-existence of the

finite world and its infinite soul, as the passage says “ though Viraj is

infinite, yet he is inseparably connected with the finite world.” But this is

a false objection raised by materialists, as two co-eternals and co-infinites are

impossible in nature, one of them, i. e. the creative power must be anterior

to the created object, and united to it in spirit for its government. Hence

it is no dualism but monotheism.

Again Virajism is brought under the charge of materialism from Viraj’s

being the product (Karya sarira) of the partition and combination (panchi

karana) of the five atomic principles or elementary bodies of the material

world, just as the material force of bodies is produced by the union of

substance and particles. But it must be borne in mind that the Viraj

spoken of in the S'astras as a Purusha or sensible spirit cannot be the result

of any mechanical or chemical force : and he is said to be chaitanya or

intelligent soul, which can never spring from galvanism or electricity. He

is styled the mundane soul, which must be a particle or modification of the

eternal, self-existent supreme soul of God (Brahm).

The multiplicity of divine personages from Brahm to Viraj and the

plurality of individuals in the person of the latter, viz. a Vaisvanara, Vis-

varupa, and Visva, all tend to prove both Brahmaism and Virajism as

regular polytheistic systems, notwithstanding their pretensions to simple

monotheism.

In refutation of this charge of polytheism I may mention that the

Hindus consider these gradations of divine beings, not as so many indepen¬

dent, self-existent persons, but as modifications of the Supreme being, and

entirely dependent and subordinate to him for the purposes of creation and

the preservation of the universe. The Hindu never ventures to declare

them as all co-eternals or co-omnipotents with the Supreme soul. There¬

fore if the Christian Trinitarian with his creed of three co-existent and

self-independent persons in the triad is viewed as a monotheist, why should

not the Hindu Unitarian with his faith in the triads be reckoned so like¬

wise P

Another objection that is raised against Virajism with any degree

of plausibility, is that of idolatry from the representations given of Viraj

in the Puranas. But is there any possibility of making an idol with a

thousand heads, hands, eyes and feet, and whose dimensions are as extensive

as nature herself P Does the description of the Being in the Psalms

“ whose canopy is the Heaven and whose footstool is the earth,” amount

133

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj.

to idolatry ? Does the language of the Bible attributing hands, feet, eyes

and ears to the Most High savour of idolatry ? The answer is no ; these

descriptions are but figures of speech. In this case I see no cause

why this reasoning should not equally apply to Viraj. Although I have

made many personal enquiries and consulted all the authorities on Hindu

Mythology known to me, I have been unable to hear of, or discover, any

mention of an image of Viraj, with the exception of the colossal figures in

the caves of Elephanta, and these are only supposed to represent Viraj.

Virdj worship. — The worship of Viraj, like those of the other divinities

of the Vedantic Triad, is positively enjoined in the S'astras as an essential

duty of the twice-born or higher classes of Hindus. It is absolutely requi¬

site for every Brahman to recite the Purusha S'ukta or Purusha Medha

S'ukta — the Vedic hymn addressed to Virdt JPurusha — the first male, in his

daily rituals, and is as indispensably necessary as the Gayatri, the essence

of the Vedas, and the creed of all Brahmans, to be repeated in their daily

ablutions and worship of Vishnu. There is no Brahman, however ignorant

he may be, that has not got the Gayatri and the first stanza or at least

the first hemistitch of the Purusha S'ukta by heart, to be muttered with his

sandhyas or daily prayers in the morning or evening.

The Trinities of the Veda and the Vedanta being much more concerned

with the sacred scriptures and theology of the Hindus, than the other

deities connected with their mythology, their worship is consequently con¬

fined with the learned few, while that of the other is widely spread among

the lower classes of the people. Hence the worship of the supreme Brahm,

which in the Vedic ages had been popular among Brahmans, was during the

Puranic periods, driven to the woods and forests, where it was restricted to

religious recluses and ascetics, till it was brought back and its worship re¬

established among the learned by the celebrated S'ankaraeharya of the

Deccan, and lately introduced among the secular Hindu public by the

philanthropic Ramamohana Raya, from whom the first Brakmya Samaj of

Calcutta had its origin, and who was the prime mover in the wide and

increasing dissemination of the truths of this primeval religion among the

educated and intelligent classes of the people.

The religion of Brahma too, which had been in full force among the an¬

cient Hindus was latterly supplanted by S'ivitism from many parts of India.

( Vide As. Res., vol. 6.) It was re-established afterwards in the Deccan

under the name of Hiranyagarbha adoration, until it was entirely suppressed

by the zeal of the Unitarian S'ankaracharya, as is mentioned in the S'ankara

Vijaya of Anandagiri, Chap. XI. It was, however, again revived by

Madhava Acharya, under the appellation of Brahma Sampradaya or Madhva-

chari, as Wilson describes in page 87 of his sketches of the “ Hindu Sects.”

The worship of Brahma as god of fire, or Vulcan of the Hindus, still

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G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj. [No. 2,

continues in Bengal, particularly where incendiaries grow frequent. Brahma

or Hiranyagarbha, says Wilson, is particularly reverenced at Pokhar in

Ajmir, and also at Bithur in the Doab. Vide id. p. 12.

The worship of Yiraj is purely mental, without any visible form,

symbol or figure. It was greatly in vogue during the Yedic period, when

the Purushamedha and Asvamedha sacrifices were in use, as the Yedas

severally attest. At present the god Yishnu, the second person of the

“ mythological triad,” and possessing the attribute of the preservation of

the world, is identified with Yiraj, and worshipped under that name in the

Purusha Sukta hymn. The form of Yiraj displayed in the person of

Krishna, an incarnation of Yishnu, tends also to corroborate this identity.

The Mahabharata furnishes us with instances of the manifestations of Yiraj

adored by the Panclavas and gods of all orders.

In the Deccan, and particularly at Berar, there is still extant a Yiraj -

worshipping sect, where notwithstanding the propagation of Hinduism

much later than in Northern India, the forms of the ancient and primary

modes of worship, with the usages and customs of the Yedic times, are pre¬

served entire from the innovations and changes of the North.

Authorities inculcating the necessity of worshipping Yiraj may be quoted

in great numbers from different S'astras, but for fear of tiring the patience

of the reader with a recital of mere injunctive precepts without their proper

formulte, I will note but a few to show how explicitly a Brahman is en¬

joined to pay his adoration to that deity from the earliest times, in different

S'astras. Manu says, the recital of the Purusha hymn exculpates a man

from every sin.

“ Whoever daily recites the hymn addressed to the Yirat purusha, being

solely intent upon him in heart and mind he verily pleases the god, and thereby

avoids the miseries of life and obtains the heaven of Yishnu afterwards.”

“ Whoever without recital of the hymn to the Purusha, either bathes

or worships Yishnu, all his acts become null and void.”

“ Whoso worships Yiraj with recital of the Purusha hymn, and scatters

flowers and water upon his offerings, he has verily worshipped the whole

universe, with whatever exists or moves in it.” (Yiraj being an epitome

of the whole.)

“ Whoso offers flowers or sprinkles water with recital of the Purusha

hymn, to the gods, he does them full adoration.”

“ Let men worship Hari, who is without beginning, middle and end,

with the Yadvishnu mantra and Purusha sukta hymn, because in the whole

Yeda there is nothing like these.”

I give below an abridged translation of a few stanzas of the Purusha

Sukta or Universal prayer from the Aranya Gana of the Sama Yeda, taken

from “ Ward on the Hindus,” in Vol. 1, p. 289.

135

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj.

“ Possessed of innumerable heads, innumerable eyes, and innumerable

feet, Bramha fills the heavens and earth and dwells in the human breast.

He who knows all, and whatever was, and whatever shall be, and is separate

from all. In his separate state he exists in a threefold form above the

universe, the fourth part is transfused through the world. He is therefore

called the great being ; his command is the water of life. From him pro¬

ceeded the Virat purusha, He is the source of universal motion ; he is not

separate from the universe ; he is the light of the moon, of the sun, of the

fire, of the lightning, and of all that shines. The Veda is the breath of

his nostrils : the primary elements are his sight, the agitation of human

affairs is his laughter, and his sleep is the destruction of the universe. In

different forms he cherishes the creatures, as in the form of fire he digests

their food ; in the form of air he preserves their existence, in the form of

water he satisfies them, in the form of the sun he assists them in the affairs

of life : and in that of the moon he refreshes them with sleep. The pro¬

gression of time forms his footsteps : all the gods are to him as sparks of

fire. In the form of fire he cherishes the gods (fire is said to be the mouth

of the gods) ; therefore I bow to him who is the universe ; to the gods

who dwell in heaven I bow ; to the gods who dwell in space I bow ; to the

gods on earth I bow ; to the regent of waters I bow ; to the gods who

guard the region I bow.”

The Ch’handogya Upanishad, in Section XVIII, adores him in the

following form : “ Verily of that All-pervading Soul, the heaven is the

head, the sun is the eye, the wind is the breath, the sky is the trunk, the

moon is the fundament, and the earth is the feet. The altar is His breast,

the sacrificial grass constitutes the hair of His body, the household fire

forms His heart, the Annaharya-pachana fire forms His mind, and the

Ahavaniya fire forms His face.”

The Aranyaka Upanishad describes the sacrificial horse as a form of the

Viratpurusha.

Manu, in the first chapter of his Institutes, containing both the early

Theogony and cosmology of the Hindus, gives the following account of the

genesis of the world, and the origin of Viraj, as in the translation of

Sir W. Jones :

Verse 8. He (Brahm) having willed to produce various beings from

his own divine substance, first with a thought created the waters, and placed

in them a productive seed :

Verse 9. That seed became an egg bright as gold, blazing like the

luminary with a thousand beams ; and in that egg he was born himself, in

the form of Brahma the great forefather of all spirits.

Verse 10. The waters are called ndrd , because they were the produc¬

tion of Nara or the spirit of God, and since they were his first ayona

136

G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj. [No. 2,

or 'place of motion he thence is named Narayana or moving on the

waters.

Verse 11. From that which is the first cause, not the object of sense,

existing every where in substance , not existing to our perception , without

beginning or end, was produced the divine male, famed in all worlds under

the appellation of Brahma.

Verse 13. And from it’s (egg’s) two divisions he framed the heaven

above and the earth beneath , in the midst he placed the subtle ether, the

eight regions, and the permanent receptacle of waters.

Verse 32. Having divided his own substance, the mighty power,

became half male, half female, or nature active and passive, and from that

female he produced Viraj.

Verse 33. Know me, O most excellent of Brahmans to be that person,

whom the male power Viraj, having performed austere devotion, produced

by himself ; Me the secondary framer of all this visible world.

Verse 3d. It was I, who, desirous of giving birth to a race of men,

performed very difficult religious duties, and first produced ten Lords of

created beings, eminent in holiness.

Verse 35. Marichi, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Cratu, Prachetas

or Daksha, Vasishtha, Bhrigu, and Narada.

Verse 36. They, abundant in glory, produced seven other Menus ,

together with deities, and the mansions of deities, and Maharshis or great

Sages unlimited in power.

Verse 51. He, whose powers are incomprehensible, having thus created

both me and this universe, was again absorbed in the supreme Spirit, chang¬

ing the time of energy for the time of repose.

Verse 52. When that power awakes (for, though slumber be not

predicable of the sole eternal Mind, infinitely wise, and infinitely benevolent,

yet it is predicated of Brahma figuratively, as a general property of life)

then has this world its full expansion ; but when he slumbers with a tranquil

spirit, then the whole system fades away.

Verse 53. For, while he reposes as it were, in calm sleep, embodied

spirits, endued with principles of action, depart from their several acts, and

the mind itself becomes inert.

Verse 62. Swarochisha, Auttami, Tamasa, Raivata likewise and

Chacshusha beaming with glory, and Vaivaswata, child of the sun.”

This account of the creation and the creative powers employed in the

process, very nearly corresponds with the description of the creation given

in the opening chapter of the book of Genesis, with the slight reversion of

the creation of water before that of heaven and earth, which in the Mosaic

account is described as increate, as chaos itself. “ The Spirit of God

moved on the waters” agrees almost verbatim with the words of the Bible

137

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virctj.

wa-ruh elohim merahhefet ’ cil-pene tehom. The spiritual essence is the first

developement of the divine soul (Brahm), that which is, filling all infini¬

tude and existing from eternity. All Sanskrit authorities from the Veda to

Kalidasa speak of water as offspring (nara sunava,) or first creation (Srish-

tiradya) of the Spirit of God, which is thence called Narayana, Vishnu,

Jalasayi, &c., producing the mundane egg within the waters of the deep.

This person of the Godhead agrees with the Holy Spirit of the Scriptures,

'who begat the mundane egg in the womb of the watery abyss, as Milton

describes in Books I and VII, of his Paradise Lost.

“ - with, mighty wings outspread,

Dove-like sat’st brooding on the vast abyss

And mad’st it pregnant.

“ - but ‘ on the watery calm’

His brooding wings the Spirit of God outspread,

And vital virtue infused and vital warmth,

Throughout the fluid mass.

The next person is the first-begotten by the Spirit of God under the

names of Brahma, Hiranyagarbha, Sutratma, &c. He is mentioned as

the first male, and described as the creator of everything that was created.

This person of the Godhead agrees with the “ only begotten Son of God”,

or rather of the Holy Ghost, as we read in Matthew, “ for that which was

conceived in her, is conceived of the Holy Ghost.” He is spoken of by

John the evangelist as the Aoyos = Word, and Creator of all things. “ In

the beginning was the Word, the Word was with God, and the Word was

God. All things were made by him, and without him was not any thing

made that was made.”

Hence the Aoyos is regarded by Platonising Christians as one of the

Demiurgic authors of the world, an agent or Aeon, employed by the Su¬

preme Deity in the creation of the universe like Brahma, although the

majority of Christians will have the “ begotten Son” to be co-eternal with

the Father. The last person of the godhead — Viraj, must, according to the

Bible, be either the image of god “ in which created he him,” i. e. Adam or

Adima, agreeing with Svayambhuva Manu, the first man according to the

Matsya and the Padma Puranas.

The authorities next in importance to Manu are those of the Puranas,

which contain the historical, legendary, traditional, and mythological ac¬

counts of the Hindus, and which are invariably consulted by them in all

matters concerning history, polity, law, jurisprudence, morality, and reli¬

gion. The Puranas, however, are so blended with myths, fables and fictions,

that it is hardly possible to separate truth from falsehood. The preceding

account by Manu is sufficient for all purposes, as on the authority ol the

s

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G. S. Leonard — The My thic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

Vedas it is said to be uncontrovertible, and no authority contrary to it is

to be deemed valid.

The Brahma Vaivarta, a comparatively recent and Yaishnavite Purana

in which Krishna is extolled above all other gods, and identified with Nara-

yana, makes Maha Viraj the offspring of that god b}^ his consort Radha in

Goloka, and progenitor of Brahma, Vishnu, S'iva, and other gods. ( Vide

Aufrecht’s analysis of the said work for his account of Viraj, “ Radhae

filius Krishnae pars sedecima et ejus progenies.)”

The following account of the nativity of Viraj is given in the third

chapter of the Prakriti Khan da of the said Purana:

“ The egg remained in the water a whole age of Brahma, and then on

a sudden it burst into twain, from which issued forth an infant bright as

millions of suns, a suckling hahe, crying with hunger. The lord of the

world being thus exposed in the water like a child abandoned by its parents,

looked upwards like a helpless orphan. He the Great Virat, then swollen

in bulk, more than the bulkiest object, became huger than the hugest body,

in the same manner as an atom which on the one hand is minuter than the

minutest particle, forms the hugest body on the other. He was the re¬

ceptacle of innumerable worlds, he seemed the Great Vishnu in his nature,

and was a sixteenth part of the essence of Krishna. Every pore of the

hairs on his body exhibited a world of worlds, which Krishna himself was

unable to number. For it may he possible to count the grains of sand on

earth, but not the worlds, the Brahmas, Vishnus, and S'ivas, that grew in

his person. His body was composed of the universe stretching from the

highest Empyrean to the lowest Tartarus, and called the mundane egg, with

Brahma, Vishnu, and S'iva contained in it.”

The same Purana gives us two other accounts of the different minor or

Kshudra Virajes, one of whom was born in a pore of hair in the body of the

major and the others in every world which appeared in the pores of hair

upon him. The seventh chapter of the said Purana, describes the formation

of the earth from the body of Viraj, in contradiction to that of Madhu-

kaitabha as Aufrecht mentions. “ Terra ex illuvie, quae in corpore Virajis

in aqua stantis adhserebat, orta est.”

The Matsya Purana, which has been analyzed by Aufrecht in No. 95,

of his Catalogus Codicum Sanscriticorum, gives the following account of

Viraj in the third chapter.

“ De creatione a Brahmane facta. Cui ut Savitrim sive Satarupam

undecunque intueretur, quatuor (immo quinque) facies oriuntur. Eorum

filius Manu Svayambhuva (aliis nominibus Viraj sive Adhipurusha appella-

tus) nascitur, a quo reliqui Manues descendunt.”

That “ Brahma the creator took Savitri or S'atarupa for his wife, who

bore Svayambhuva Manu, who was also called Viraj or the First Male, and

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18/7.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj.

from whom the other Manus had descended.” That “ He the Great Brah¬

ma” divided his person in twain and became half male, and half female.

This female was severally called by the names of Savitri, S'atarupa, Gaya-

tri, and Brahmani. That “ the soul of the world, i. e. Brahma passed a

long time with her and in process of time begat Manu, who is likewise

called Svayambhuva and also Viraj the first male.” And that he on his

turn produced fourteen others Manu, Svarochisva, &c., who had the patrony¬

mics of Vairajas or Svayambhuvas given to them. I omit giving the

other accounts relating to the creation in this Purana, as they coincide in

almost every particular, except in the gradation of persons, with the account

given by Manu.

The third chapter of the S'rishti Khanda of the Padma Purana also

corroborates the account given in the Matsya Purana, with regard to the

identity of Viraj with Svayambhuva Manu springing from Brahma, and

taking S'atarupa to wife. Thus Brahma then produced from his essence

Svayambhuva Manu identical with himself, who became king for the pre¬

servation of the universe, and begot a sinless girl named S'atarupa, whom

Svayambhuva took as his wife.” In this Purana Brahma himself is said

to have produced the other Manus, viz., Brigu, Pulastya, Pulaha, &c., and

not through Svayambhuva Manu as stated in the Institutes or the Mats}- a

Purana. But there is no mention here by whom he begot them. It

mentions, however, of Brahma’s creation of another supernatural being

before that of the Manus, who was called Eudra, and who was as brilliant

as the midday sun, and had a formidable and bulky body, half male and

half female. This person can be no other than Viraj, though he did not

propagate the Manus as his race. Eudra is another name for S'iva, who is

acknowledged by the S'ivites as Viraj in the Eudrayamala Tantra. In the

Vishnu Purana, Vishnu is said to be the first purusha or spirit, who with

association with pradhana matter, becomes male and female for the creation

of the world in the egg. This Vishnu, says Wilson, is the same as the

Brahma of Manu which can never be the fact, as it is the popular belief,

supported by the best authorities that Vishnu is identical with Viraj.

The great epic Mahabharata presents us with two striking instances of

the manifestations of Virat and Visvarupa in the person of Krishna, who

had given himself out to be an incarnation of Narayana, Vishnu, or Viraj.

In chapter 130 of the Udyoga Parva, he is mentioned to have assumed the

first form, in order to intimidate the haughty usurper Duryodhana, who

had plotted to arrest his person. “ Think not oh ! foolish prince,” said he,

“ that I am alone : — the Suns, furies, Vasus and Eishis all accompany me.

Thus saying he laughed aloud when lo ! unnumbered spirits like flashes

of lightning issued forth from his refulgent body. Brahma appeared as

burning on his forehead, and the Eudras shone forth from within his breast.

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G. S. Leonard — The My /hie History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

On his right arm were seated the ruling divinities of the world, and his

countenance exhibited the images of Agnis, Adityas, Vasus, Sadhyas, In-

dras, Asvinas, Maruts, and Visvedevas, or all orders of deities, with an

innumerable train of Yakshas, Rakshasas, and Gandharvas. Arjuna, hold¬

ing his bow and deadly darts, stood on his right hand, and Baladeva with

his plough on his left. The sons of Pandu appeared seated on his back,

and his front showed the mighty warriors of the Vrishni and Andhara races.

In his palm he held the discus, club, sakti, and other weapons. When

behold ! sparks of living fire, mixed with fume and smoke fled on all sides

from his nostrils, ears, eyeballs, and the pores of his body. The assembly

of mighty monarehs closed their eyes from fear, at the sight of the terrific

cosmoform of Krishna. All were seized with fear save the sages, Rishis,

Bhishma, Drona, and Sanjaya, who remained fearless because of their faith

in the godhead of Krishna, who had favoured them with clairvoyance [divya-

chakshu].”

So in the Bhagavad-Gita —

“ The mighty compound and divine being Hari, having, O Raja, thus

spoken, made evident unto Arjuna his supreme and heavenly form ; of many

a mouth and eye ; many a wondrous fight ; many a heavenly ornament ;

many an up-raised weapon ; adorned with celestial robes and chaplets ;

anointed with heavenly essence ; covered with every marvellous thing ;

the eternal God whose countenance is turned on every side ! The glory

and amazing splendour of this mighty being may be likened to the sun

rising at once into the heavens, with a thousand times more than usual

brightness. The son of Pandu then beheld within the body of the God

of Gods, standing together, the whole universe divided forth into its vast

variety. He was overwhelmed with wonder, and every hair was raised on

end. He bowed down his head before the God, and thus addressed him

with joined hands.”

Another part of this epic presents us with the macrocosm or Visvaru-

pa of Krishna before the assembled deities and monarehs, in the Sabha

Parva on the occasion of the Rajasuya ceremony of the coronation of

Yudishthira. In Wilson’s Religious Sects of the Hindus, page 30, I find

Viraja as a name of one of the six qualities of the subtle form of Vishnu

or Krishna, and meaning absence of human passions synonymous with

Viraga. Instances like this, however, can be multiplied to any amount

in proof of the identity of Viraj with Krishna and Vishnu, but I think

those already deduced are sufficient for the purpose.

In the Ganesa Purana, Viraj is represented as incarnate in the form

of Ganesa, the god of the elephant head, for the purpose of destroying a

certain demon. In chapter 62, called the Virad-darsana, the following

description of Ganesa’s person as Viraj is given. — “ As the demon was thus

141

1877.] Gr. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj.

pondering in himself, he beheld before him the form of Viraj, touching the

sky with his head, his feet rooted in Tartarus, his ear-holes containing the

cardinal points, and huge forests forming the hairs on his body. The

orbits of heavenly bodies appeared as circles on his person, and the wide

seas looked as drops of sweat on his body, millions and millions of deities

sporting on the tips of his fingers and nails, and the fourteen spheres of

planetary bodies in the universe revolving in his belly. This being then

snatched the demon and killed him in a trice, as children do bugs with

their nails.”

The Vishnu Purana, which is devoted to Vishnu, represents that god as

Viraj in the incarnations of Krishna and Baladeva. It says that the gods

being persecuted by the demon Kansa complained to Vishnu of their grie¬

vances, who, in reply, told them that he will undertake to quell the arch¬

fiend by assuming his form of Viraj in his incarnation of Krishna at Vrin-

davana, and forthwith showed his Viratrupa, which the gods hallowed and

adored.

Now as regards his consort Sat ar up a, [centiforma] the female per¬

sonification of material force [sakti], as Viraj is the male prosopopcea of

spiritual energy, I have to mention that the words hundred and thousand in

the appellations of both are mere metonymies of determinate numbers for

indeterminate ones by figure of speech, as both spirit as well as matter can

assume an infinity of shapes and forms. This female, in the various autho¬

rities quoted above, is sometimes made to represent the wife of Brahma, at

other times of Viraj and lastly of Svayambhuva Manu. But Moore, in his

Hindu Pantheon, takes her for the wife of Viraj purusha only, and says,

on the authority of Colebrooke, that the notion of Viraj dividing himself

into male and female forms occurs almost in every Purana, and the colossal

figure in the cave of Elephanta bears relation to this division and re-union

of Viraj. The partition of the body into male and female halves may very

likely lead us to suppose this person to be Brahma whom Manu has repre¬

sented to be divided into two epicine halves, as also Svayambhuva Manu,

the first man or Adam of the Hindus, whose left half, [rib or side] gave

birth to the mother of mankind. But we know for certain on the autho¬

rity of Manu that Viraj was not the same with his progenitor Brahma,

nor identical with his progeny Svayambhuva, whom “ I)ara Shikoh” says

Sir William Jones, was persuaded to believe, and not without sound reason,

to be no other person than the progenitor of mankind, to whom the Jews,

Christians, and Muliammedans unite in giving the name of Adam. There¬

fore S'atarupa, who is designated by the special title of Kajdarika or wife

of Viraj, in the Budra Yamala Tantra, could not be the consort either of

Brahma or Svayambhuva, as represented in the confused accounts given of

her in the different Puranas, the inconsistencies of which are so apparent,

142

G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj. [No. 2,

and the absurdity of identifying a god with a man so evident, as not to

require an explanation.

The perfect coincidence of the description of Rajdarika with that of

her husband confirms the belief of her being a co-partner of Viraj only, as

will plainly appear from the following extract :

“ She had millions of Vishnus on her right arm, and a million of Brah¬

mas on her left ; a million of S'ivas on her head, and as many Indras at her

feet. Millions of moons shone in her nails, and as many suns in her eye¬

balls. Her worshippers addressed her saying “ Save us, Oh ! thou source of

the world and consort of Viraj, that givest birth to millions of Brahmas,

Vishnus, and S'ivas, in thy hollow bowels.”

The difference of sex in the Hindu deities is assigned to the same rea¬

son, which Proclus mentions concerning the Greek and Roman divinities,

in Timaeus, p. 290. “ The division of male and female comprehends in

itself all the plenitudes of divine orders ; since the cause of all staple power

and identity, and the leader (x<Wyos) of being, and that which invests all

things with the first principles of conversion, is comprehended in the mas¬

culine order. But that which generates from itself all various progressions

and partitions, measures of life, and prolific powers, is contained in the

female division.” Here we see all the gods from the supreme being down¬

wards not only having a female energy but inseparably joined with it, as

in the person of Adonis in the Orphic hymns.

Mention of Virat-kshetra, the site of Viraj’s nativity, the scene of his

incarnation, and the field of his exploits is often made in some of the Pura-

nas. The Adhyatma Ramayana describes the sanctity of the place in

chapter 84, which has been noticed by Dr. Aufrecht under No. 74 of his

Catalogus Codicum Sanscriticorum. The Brahma Purana mentions it to

be situated at the confluence of eight streams, as Aufrecht says in p. 19

of the said Catalogue “ ad Viraj a regionem, prope octo fluminum confluen-

tem sitam, proficiscitur.” In the Kaka-rudra-samvada, it is mentioned

as contiguous to Chola, Videha, Kerala, &c., and to be under the con¬

stellation Sagittarius, with Kanchi, Karnata, &c. The Virat-bhumi, or land

of Viraj, is famed in the Puranas for its production of diamonds which are

thence called Viratajas, and which justifies the supposition of its being

situated near Golconda, celebrated also for its diamond mines. The place

in the modern Geography of India is Berar, in the Deccan, and is called

Berar, Borar, and Borad, by the natives, and there is every reason to sup¬

pose this district to be the birth-place of Viraj, and more so, from the

indisputable fact of the origination of all the early incarnations of Vishnu

having taken place in the Deccan, then known as the land of demons. The

Virat-bhumi is also called the Matsya-desa, or fish country, in the Maha-

bharata, an appellation which the inhabitants of Bagura (Bogra), a district

143

1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj.

in the north of Bengal, claim for this tract of land, because its streams

teem with fish.

The accounts of the origin of the world, with those of its creative

agencies, and created bodies given both by Manu and Moses, are mere alle¬

gories of the natural order of things, which require some explanation. In

the chaotic state of things there existed only the eternal and infinite soul

of god [Brahm] filling all the 4 tohu wa-bohu\ the null and void, and over¬

spreading the whole with the immoveable, inactive, and all-pervading

essence of his inscrutable nature, his entity and intellect the source of

power. For knowledge, says the father of modern philosophy, is power,

and infinite knowledge therefore must be the fountain of infinite power.

He, wishing to create the world, first created the air, represented as the first

development of the all-encompassing soul in the form of the spirit, the main

source of motion and force, to give mobility to inert substance. To this

followed the production of water, the atomic principles of which are con¬

ceived in the bosom of ether, which being agitated by the force of air or

spirit of “ Narayana,” conceived the latent heat, represented as Brahma

or god of fire within its bosom. This heat in its turn gave birth to Vais-

vanara the vivifying fire. And lastly the combination of the triple prin¬

ciples of the spirit, gave birth to the mundane egg, or rotundity of the

material world, which came next to be manifested in its present form

which we call Viraj. How far these theories of the Ancient Hindus are

correct according to the light of physical science and modern experimental

philosophy I am unable to decide, but I am confident that some of them

agree with the theories of the Grecian philosophers On the origin of the

world. Thales, for instance, regarded water or fluid substance as the single

original element from which everything came and with which everything

returned. Anaximenes derived the origin of all material things from a sin¬

gle element, and according to his theory air was the source of life. Hera¬

clitus of Ephesus regarded fire as heat as the primary form of all matter,

and Anaxagoras of Clazomeme, conceived a supreme mind or intelligence

(VoSs) distinct from the visible world, to have imparted form and order

to the chaos of nature.

The Vedanta holds Viraj to be the result of Panchilcarana or assem¬

blage of the five elements, which for the sake of brevity I will quote from

Ward’s translation of the Vedanta Sara, Vol. I, p. 371.

“ From the five subtile elements proceeded the subtile bodies. From

these five subtile elements in proportions of five, arose the masses of solid

matter ; but each is distinguished by the name of the element which is

most prevalent. In the solid mass of ether sound is found ; in air is found

both sound and touch ; in fire sound, touch and form ; in water, sound,

touch, form, and taste ; in earth, these four and smell. The qualities are

144

Gr. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

partly natural and partly artificial. The active principle dwelling in the

collected sum of solid matter is called Vaiswdnara, or he who is conscious

of self-existence, and Virdt as he is held forth, or displayed in all crea¬

tures.”

But as the being under investigation is to be considered more properly

as an intellectual and spiritual person or the sensible emblem of an ideal

being, rather than any real personage of history, his nature and character

are to be sought for more in works of philosophy, theology and divinity,

than in any other, and we must therefore explore the Vedanta, the only

metaphysical and theological school of the Hindus, for a true account of

this supernatural being. It conceives three orders of incorporeal natures

in the chain of beings from the supreme to the human soul. The first

consisting of pure intelligence (chit) composed of the causal principles of

nature called Kdrana S'arfras. The second of intellectual beings [cheta-

nas] composed of subtile spiritual bodies called SuJcshma or linya S'ariras.

And the third comprised of intelligent beings [chaitanyas] joined with

concrete, gross or material bodies called Sthula S'ariras, in which Virat the

god manifest in nature is included. Another definition of the demiurgic

triads will have the last to be the product or Karya S'arira ; the second,

that by which it is produced, ling a sarira ; and the first, that from which the

thing produced, takes its pattern, i. e. the Kdrana Starira, depicting them

under the analogy of the archytype, architect, and the offspring, in which

last position Viraj is taken to stand, who therefore is understood to partici¬

pate of the entity and omnipresence [the chief attributes of the eternal and

infinite soul] as far as he extends throughout the duration and bounds of

nature.

To give a description of the theogony of Viraj, among the other per¬

sons of the triads, or, in other words, to show the distinction of that state of

the divine soul from the other conditions, and the relation it bears to

them in the order of succession, would require an exposition of the whole

theodecy of the Vedanta system, which would be out of place here. I

shall therefore content myself with giving a short account of these different

degrees of divine personages, or rather the several denominations of these

spiritual and psychological beings, in order to show the relation they bear

to Viraj according to what I could gather about them, from the translation

of the Vedanta Sara by Ward, Colebrooke’s Essay on the Vedanta, and

Boer’s translation of the Upanishads.

The first order composed of pure intelligence (chit) and possessed of

causal form (Kdrana Sarira) and having the quality of purity or goodness

only (Sated), is comprised of three persons according to the general or par¬

ticular modifications of these properties, styled totality (Samashti) , and

speciality or individuality (vyashti) , in Vedanta terminology, viz. : —

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1877.] G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Virdj.

1st. — Bralim , omnipresence or the unlimited essence of god in duration

and space ; called also turiya or quadruple, for its being the receptacle of

the three orders and human soul (jivo ).

2nd. — JPrajnd, omniscience, i. e. intellect or understanding devoid of

action, whence it is termed inert (nisJcriya).

3rd. — I' soar a, omnipotence, the active principle, or creative agenev

and causality of god.

The second order composed of intellectual beings (Chetanas) possess¬

ed of subtle spiritual bodies (sukshma linga sartra) and having the quality

of passion or affection (rajas,) comprises the three persons of

ls£. — Sutratma, the undivided spirit or connecting soul of all subtle

bodies, as Pope expresses it; “Diffused through all, yet in all the same.”

2nd.' — Hiranya- garbJia or Brahma , the creator of the Universal frame.

3rd. — Taijasha, the spirit united with the mind in intellection.

The third order composed of intelligent beings (St hill a San'ras) possess¬

ed of concrete and gross bodies, and having the quality of foulness (tamas)

is also comprised of three persons, according to the universality or indivi¬

duality, manifestation or reticence.

ls£. — Vaisvanara, the universal soul latent in all bodies, as their prime

automaton or moving principle and allied to material force.

2nd. — Virdj, the mundane soul obvious in nature as her formal cause.

3rd. — V ism, the individual soul abiding in every gross body.

And lastly Jiva, the human soul endued with life and sensation.

Ward, in his translation of the Vedanta Sara, gives the following de^-

scriptions of these persons in the Godhead belonging to the threefold triads

of the Deity :

“ The active principle dwelling in the collected sum of solid matter is

called wishwanara or, he who is conscious of self-existence, and Virat, as he

is held forth or displayed in all creatures, &c.”

Colebrooke, in speaking of them, begins with the last [Jfvatma], and

says, “ The soul [as a portion of the divinity] is infinite, intelligent, sen¬

tient, and true. It is made to act by the supreme Being, but in conformi¬

ty to its previous resolutions : and those again have been produced by a

chain of causes extending backward apparently to infinity.” [Vide Trans¬

actions of the Boyal Asiatic Society, Vol. II, p. 22.]

Dr. Boer, in the introduction to his translation of the Taittiriya Upa-

nishad, gives the following compendious sketch from the Vedanta Sara.

“ The cause of the world, according to Vedanta, the source of all

reality, and strictly speaking of all reality itself, is Brahm, the supreme

soul or spirit.” “ It consists of the three qualities of satva, rajas, tamas ?

which denote the three degrees of its existence, or of its power of mani*

festation, &c.” “ God in his relation to the totality of ignorance is ornnis-

T

146

G. S. Leonard — -The Mythic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

cient, omnipotent, &c., that is, lie lias all the attributes of the Creator and

ruler of the world, and is called in this respect I'svara [the ruler]”. “ God

in his relation to special ignorance is the individual soul, the defective

intelligence Prajna.” “ Here again, the subtle body is either a totality or

an individuality. The soul or god as pervading the totality, is called the

iSutrdtma or Hiranyagarbha, as pervading an individuality, and Taijaslia

[the resplendent]. Both, however, are in reality one.” Again, “From

the subtle elements further proceed the gross elements, and from the gross

elements the different worlds and different bodies &c.” “ The soul as abid¬

ing in the totality of gross bodies is called Vaisvdnara, Virat, &c., as abiding

in an individual body Visva.” The definitions of some of these modes of

the divine soul are differently given in different works, as for instance the

Mandukya U pan i shad describes Prajna as omniscience instead of ignorance,

as stated in the Vedanta Sara. Thus, “ His third condition is Prajna

[who completely knows] who has become one, whose knowledge is uniform

alone, whose nature is bliss, &c.” “ He [the Prajna] is lord of all : he is

omniscient, he is the internal ruler, &e.,” [ vide idem, verses 5 and 6].

These quadruple conditions of divine spirit are incased in four differ¬

ent sheaths of the soul, which I give here in the words of Dr. Iioer.

1st. “ The intellect with the internal organs forms the intellectual

sheath. 2nd. Mind, with the organs of action, the mental sheath. 3rd.

The vital airs, together with the organs of action, for the vital sheath.

4tli. The three sheaths when united are the subtle body of the soul &c.”

“ The gross body is called the nutrimentitious sheath (Annamaya Kosha), and

as it is the place where gross objects are enjoyed, it is called awake.” All

these four conditions of the soul are perceptible in four different states of

human life, namely, the intellectual, in deep sleep, when the intellects are

awake, notwithstanding the dormancy of the other faculties ; the mental,

in the dreaming state, when the mind acts in absence of bodily functions ;

the concrete, consisting of Vaisvanara, Viraj and Vaisva, in the waking

state, when we perceive all sensible objects by means of external organs.

“ The totality of the gross, the subtle and the causal bodies, forms one

great world, and the soul from the pervader to the ruler is one soul.”

Hence these triple orders of intelligences, are of the same essence, inasmuch

as they are all intellects, admitting only of the difference in point of bound¬

lessness and limitation, otherwise called universality and individuality.

They are modifications of the selfsame spirit of god and are equally objects

of worship, and that of Viraj is the most important as the most conspicu¬

ous among them. Meditation of these modes of Brahma’s existence is said

to be the most rational and profound worship of god, and it is necessary to

commence with the mode or state in which reflection first rises, and is con¬

cluded with the last result to which that reflection has attained.

147

1877. j G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj.

It may perhaps not be irrelevant here to trace some analogies of the

incorporeal natures treated herein, with those met with in European philo¬

sophy, although I am far from maintaining that they bear any exact simili¬

tude to each other. I find Virajism bears a great resemblance to Stahl’s

doctrine of Animeism, whose automaton or moving force of the world cor¬

responds exactly with Vaisvanara, the other name of Viraj, and answers to

one of the demiurgoi of Plato, called nature by Lampsacus and the Stoics

and Plastic nature by Dr. Cudworth. Viraj agrees in some respects with

the Archseus of Paracelsus, and the Principium Hylarchicum of Henry

Moore.

Some are apt to consider these theories, as also Virajism, to be allied

to Pantheism, while on the other hand it can plainly be seen, that though

the spirit of god is apparent to all as working in the universe, it is essen¬

tially separate from it, having had a separate personal existence before it

was brought into being, and continuing to have a separate personal exis¬

tence simultaneously with it. The words of St. Augustine “ in illo sunt

omnia,” could not be construed in a Pantheistic sense, nor could that which

Lucan says, “ Jupiter est quodcunque vides, quocunque moveris,” be taken

in that sense. The angel in Genesis [xvi, 7-13] is called ‘ El roi,’ ‘ God of

sight,’ or God manifest, and the word Immanuel, God with us, plainly refers

to the manifestation of Viraj. The mystic doctrine of the Persian Sufis

alludes to the manifestation of divine essence in the whole creation in the

words “ there is no real entity besides that of god.”

The universality and individuality of the divine spirit, of which it is

difficult to derive an idea from their definitions in the Vedanta, appear much

to resemble the generality or particularity of the psychic fluid, which accord¬

ing to the doctrine of Quesne is said to be diffused alike through all

nature, but differently exhibited according to the particular organisations

of minds and bodies. The Hindu Theism, like every other system of Uni-

tarianism, inculcates the unity, soleity, and monadity of the divinity, as it is

well known by its maxim “ Ekamevadvitiyam,” agreeing with the juoVos 6eos

of the Christians and the hua waliid of the Muhammadans, but at the same

time it speaks of the persons of the Trinity, only as so many manifestations

and denominations of the same being, according to the distinctions of mere

modes as maintained by Modalists, and illustrated by them by analogies drawn

from nature, as the following : “ Speciem ignis, splendorem et calorem ;

splendor ab igne nascitur, calor ab igne et splendore generatur. Splendor est

de igne, et tamen sunt coeva. Sic tria in sole occurrent ; ipsa solis substantia,

radius et lumen, et tamen in his tribus est eadem lux : ut radius de sole

nascitur, sic Filius de patre generatur, calor ab utroque progreditur, sic

spiritus ab utroque spiratur.” To each of these persons they ascribe a

“ character, WoVrao-is, hypostasis,” i. e. “ Complexus notarum quibus persona

148

G. S. Leonard — The Mythic History of the God Viraj. [No. 2,

divinse inter se differunt,” and take into consideration tlie internal and

external relations which they bear to each other.

The nearest affinity which the Vedanta theology bears to any other, is

that of Plato, where we have the same number of the orders of Demiurgic

principles in the Jovial, Adonical, Dionysiacal trinities [Atos, Aioruanoua/,

’ASoiva lkij], from which many grades and degrees of gods are said to pro¬

ceed, as the intellectual, supermundane, mundane, &c., but how far they

agree with the Vedantic orders is a question which cannot be discussed here.

Before taking leave of my subject, I will add a few words in anticipa¬

tion of the charge of Pantheism, which Virajism may otherwise incur from

the ubiquity, universal pervasion, and similar attributes of the god. It must

be borne in mind that Viraj fills the universe in spirit, while Pan the god of

Pantheism is represented as filling it in substance, as Dr. Jardine says in his

tract on Theism. “ There are those who identify god with the universe,

believing that he is immanent in all things, that he is the substance or

inherent force which shines forth in the sun, organises the various forces of

nature, lives in the animal and vegetable kingdom, and thinks in the hu¬

man mind. This is usually known by the name of Pantheism.” The

Orphic hymn quoted below describes Pan, as materially and substantially

diffused in nature like Visvarupa and not in spirit as Viraj.

* ‘ I call strong Pan, the substance of the whole,

Etherial, marine, earthly, the total whole,

Immortal fire ; for all the world is thine

And all are hut parts of thee, O power divine !”

In a fragment of Epictetus, we find Chrysippus referring everything to

Jupiter, and maintaining a rigid Pantheism in these words, that — “ The

world is, as it were, an animated body, and that god is the governing

power, and the soul of the whole.” And that “ the world is one of the

intelligent principles, governing in common with gods and men.” Diogenes

the Babylonian, in his book concerning Minerva, asserts that, “ the world

is the same as Jove and comprehends the divinity.” Among the followers

of Zeno, many assert this Pantheism, by saying “ God is one, the universe

and its soul.”

The notion of the spiritual diffusion of Viraj throughout the whole

expanse of nature occurs in the Orphic hymn to Protogonus, the firstborn

Aeon, but nothing can be better descriptive of his nature and attributes,

than what is given in Pope’s Essay on Man, IX.

“ All are hut parts of one stupendous whole,

Whose body nature is and god the soul.”

And in Thomson’s hymn at the end of his “ Seasons.”

“These as they change, Almighty Father, these

Are hut the varied God, &c., &c.”

1877.]

II. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from CuttacJc.

149

Note on a Copper-plate Grant found in the Record Office of the Cuttack

Collectorate. — Dy Babu Rangalala Banebjea, Deputy Collector ,

Cuttack.

(With a plate.)

This document was found by me in an old box in the Record Office

whilst engaged in drawing up a report on the condition of the records. The

box contained a number of old deeds of grants in the Devanagari, Persian,

Bengali, Marhatti and Uriya characters ; these were the remnants of avast

variety of such documents, said to have been filed by the original holders,

before the Collector Mr. Kerr in 1810, when the province was settled for

the first time. Up to this day applications are filed before the Collector,

for a copy, or for the original, of one or other of these documents. Unfor¬

tunately no proper register has been kept with reference to these important

records, and there is nothing to shew by whom the plates were filed before

the Revenue authorities. The deed is inscribed on three oblong plates of

copper, each measuring 8" x 64". The first plate has the inscription on one

side only ; the second, on both sides ; and the third on the upper half of the

inner side. The three were originally held together by a ring, for which

the plates were pierced, the hole being eight-tenths of an inch in diameter.

The ring is lost. The writing is in an antique form of the Kutila charac¬

ter.

The record commences with some very prurient poetry, describing

the personal charms and Arcadian loves of the nymphs of Kataka, the

numerousness of its majestic elephants, the shining whiteness of whose

tusks overshadowed the bright autumnal moon, and the freshness and

coolness of the gelid breezes which stirred the waves of the Mahanadi, and

allayed the langour of its love -sick maidens.

After this exordium the record goes on to state that in the glorious city

on the banks of the Mahanadi, there lived a king named Janamejaya, and

from him came a lord of men called Yajati, whose fame had spread over

the three regions of the universe, and whose prowess had, without any exer¬

tion, subdued his enemies. This panegyric is immediately followed by the

well-known royal titles of the Gupta dynasty, adding the word “ Trikalin-

gadhipati or. “the lord of the three Ivalingas” ; the

name of Bhava Gupta and that of his successor, literally “ the adorer of his

feet”, S'iva Gupta are then introduced, and after them follows the mandate

of the latter to his courtiers, officers and other subjects to this effect, that he,

150

Ii. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from Cuttack. [No. 2,

S'iva Gupta (not Yajati) gives the village o£ Chandra in the Bisaya or fiscal

division of Marada in the province of Dakshina Kosala, to one Ganga-

pani, the son of Divakara and grandson of Ananta Bhatta, a Brahman of

the Bharadvaja clan, for so long as the sun, moon and stars would continue

to shine in the firmament. The edict then enumerates a number of Sastric

quotations, as usual in such records, cursing the robbers of land given in gift,

extolling those who preserve and protect such gifts, and expatiating on the

shortness of human life, which is said to be as unstable as a drop of water

on the slippery surface of a lotus leaf. The concluding verses are an eulogy

on Champati Chhinchata of the minister of war and peace of Yajati, (not of

S'iva Gupta) , and then comes the date of the plate and the name of the

engraver Madhava. The date is the 9th of the waxing moon in Jyeshtha,

on the ninth year or Sanvatsara of the reign of Yajati.

The discovery and decipherment of this plate, establish two hypo¬

thetical points advanced by me in my paper on the Chaudwar plate, namely :

1st, that Orissa, or a part of it, was, during the Gupta rule, called after their

mother-country “ Kosala,” and 2nd, that the Kesaris of Orissa acknowledged

the Guptas as the Paramount Power.

In support of the first of these two points, we have in unmistak¬

able terms the names of Dakshina Kosala or South Kosala followed by that

of the fiscal division of Marada, and the name of the village Chandra. The

last two names still exist in the district of Kataka : the pargana of Hari-

harpur is up to this day called in common parlance Marada Hariharpur,

and there still exists in that pargana a village called Chandra. The latter

is written with a final long a, whereas that of the plate is a short one, but

the difference is so slight, and such phonetic changes are so very common

in Indian names, that it scarcely deserves a comment here. The village is

still a Brahman village of note.

As to the subordinate position of the Kesaris, the indication in the

plate is plain enough. The gift is made in the name of the Guptas with

the imperial and dignified designation of Maharajadhiraja , while Yajati

is simply called Maharaja , and his ancestor Janamejaya, a raja only. The

S'astras very distinctly enjoin that it is the sovereign only who has the

power of giving land in perpetuity, even Samantas or tributary kings,

when making such gifts, must take the permission of the Paramount Power.

The quotations above referred to prove this beyond a question ; these men¬

tion the names of Sagara and Kama, the emperors of India, as the givers of

land. This law has much relaxed in the present iron-age, despite the in¬

junctions of the Smritis.

A new link in the royal lineages of Orissa is gained by the reading of

this monument, and of another which was found under ground in a place

called Puran, in Pargana Sybir. According to the Madlapanji and the

1877.] R. Barter] ca — Note on a Copper -plate from Cuttack. 151

Vansavalis, Indra Deva or Chandra Deva reigned in Orissa in 323 or 328,

A. D. Two or three years before these dates, Orissa was occupied by the

Yavanas, who held it for 146 years, after which Yajati Kesari expelled

them, and founded the Kesari or lion dynasty. This prince was said to

have reigned 52 years, and he it was who brought back the image of Jagan-

natha to Puri, and laid the foundation of the temple-city at Bhuvanesvara.

Now, both these records are silent as to the parentage of Yajati ; but here

the plates give it in plain terms, stating that Janamejaya was his ancestor,

and he (Janamejaya) reigned on the banks of the Mahanadi, i. e. in Katak

Chaudwar. This is very probable, as the royal family was expelled from

Puri by the Yavanas, who are said to have come in ships and landed near the

sacred city. The astrologers of Orissa say that Chaudwar was founded by

Janamejaya the great-grandson of Arjuna one of the heroes of the Maha-

bharata ; hut this is evidently a confounding of names, for the plates simply

say—

“ TT^frr V > I

<>v ■ C\

“ There was a king of gentle mien named Janamejaya the lotus- faced.”

It does not describe him to be the extirpator of the Naga race, the son of

Parikshita, and the lord paramount of all India reigning in Indraprastha

or Delhi. The plates simply call him a raja, having his chief city on the

banks of the Mahanadi.

If these surmises be accepted as correct, we have here then the ap¬

proximate date as to the time when Chaudwar was founded, namely, the

earlier part of the first century of the Christian era, for traditionally Jana¬

mejaya was its founder ; and he must have been some adventurer from the

north-west ; the Vansavalis are silent as to the father of Hatakesvar Deva,

the sixth prince in ascent from Yajati, and presumably Janamejaya must

have been his progenitor, for in the Puran plate, we find Bhima Deva was

also born in the race of Janamejaya, and this prince reigned in 282 — 319,

A. D. The following is his lineage :

A. D.

143 — 194 Hatakesvara Deva : reigned 51 years.

194 — 237 Birabhuvan or Tribhuvan Deva : reigned 43 years.

237 — 282 Nirmala Deva : reigned 45 years.

282 — 319 Bhima Deva : reigned 37 years.

It is almost superfluous to add here, that the Janamejaya of our plates,

is not the Janamejaya Kesari of the Vansavalis : the latter reigned between

the years 754 — 763 A. D., about 250 years after Yajati.

Another noticeable fact regarding the endowment mentioned in

this deed, is the probability of such grants having been made by the person

152

R. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from Cuttack. [No. 2T,

under notice, for, according to tlie palm-leaf records, this prince was celebrat¬

ed for his piety and his munificence to Brahmans, for he it was who rescued

his native land from the hands of a foreign foe, restored the worship of

Jagannatha at Puri, and commenced to build the sacred fane for the worship

of Mahadeva in Bliuvanesvara.

As regards the names of places in this plate : at the commence¬

ment of the declaration, the endower says that the village of Chandra, in

the fiscal division ( Visaya ), of Marada, in the country ( Desa ) of Dakshina

Kosala, is given in perpetuity ; hut with regard to the grantee, the declara¬

tion specifies that he was a Madhyadesiya Brahman, who came originally

from the village of STivalla, and was residing at Silabhanjapati, a village

in the country of Odra (Orissa). Now the question arises, if the country

at the time bore the name of Dakshina Kosala, which included the fiscal

division of Marada, and a village called Chandra ; what was the site of

Odra whose name occurs separately, as distinct from Dakshina Kosala ? If

we recall to mind, however, that the Odra of old was not conterminous

with the Orissa of modern days, including the three districts of Katak,.

Puri, and Balasor, the difficulty disappears. Odra originally comprised

very little, if any, besides the present subdivision of Khurda. It was the

original country of the Od Cliasas, and the name Odra was subsequently

assigned to the whole tract from the Chilka Lake to the Vaitarani River, and

included the names of Kalinga, Kosala, and Tilkala. We have its parallel

in Bengal. Different portions of that province at one time bore the names

of Pundravardhana, Gauda, Barendra, Tamralipta, &c., which all gradually

gave place to the single designation of Banga, though the latter was but a

small portion of the main country in the delta of the Ganges.

The original country of the Brahman who had the endowment

from the royal hands of Yajati Kesari, calls for a few remarks. Dr. Hunter,

speaking of the Brahman migrations in Orissa, says : “ The local legends

and the palm-leaf records alike relate how about 500 A. D. the founder* of

the long-haired or lion line imported ten thousand Brahmans from Audli

and endowed them with lands around Jajpur on the sacred Baitarini river.”

But the record under notice and the Chaudwar one (which is evidently a

very old grant) prove beyond a question, that the North-western Brahmans

must have migrated to Orissa long before Yajati Kesari, for the plates

give the names of three generations of the grantees, the names of their

original and adopted countries and villages, &c. This record shows

moreover, that the migration was not restricted to Audh Brahmans

only. In this case, the grantee belonged to Madhyadesa, which, according to

Manu, is the country between the Himalaya and the Vindhyan chain, bound-

* Yajati Kesari.

153

1877.] R. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from Cuttacic.

ed on the east by Prayaga (Allahabad) and on the west by Yinasana (Kuruk-

shetra).#

The site o£ STi valla or Yalla must be searched for in the North-West

for identification, while S'ilabhanjapati occurs somewhere in Khurda.

Again, the Brahmans not only formed colonies round Jajpur, hut had vil¬

lages given them near Katak Chaudwar in Marada Hariharpur, in the

subdivision of Khurda, during the reigns of the founder of the Kesari dynas¬

ty and his predecessors. There is every probability, however, of the Kesaris,

who originated and sustained the revival of Brahmanism in Orissa, having

invited Brahmans from the North-West, even as their successors the Ganga-

vansis brought them from the South ; these two distinct streams of migra¬

tion of the Brahmans are now blended together, unlike the Kanyakubja

and Vaidika Brahmans of Bengal, who never intermarry nor eat with each

other.

The record is full of orthographical mistakes, but I thought it

tedious to note them in detail ; the reader will find them by comparing my

reading with corrections with the facsimile of the plate. A few of the cor¬

rections have been shown in parenthesis.

Transcript.

^ rr^r: i fqf^fmfq

\J

qmfqcTPri^T^T:)

: \ \ \\ qT^Tf%TTfV^^r-

qT^T^lfTW: I ^ || (^)

i T*n*fiiR^T*rTiri wq%-

^ i \ ii <r^n<r >s!HWbrycnT I

TT5TT *r-

C\ J <\

I a II SJlTTqfq^Tftcrff q^s;

* c< *?cf SUfasTOTT^fq I

sr5N W*TT^ Ii”

u

154 R. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from CuttacJc.

q? wq^qT-

qqq^T q^%qqft*TO I * II

qqqqjqqjTqrqqq^qqiq^rqqK: | rfgTT^n?<T5TJT-

w^fr^f^^rf^fHf^rrf^4qffr^Tffr: i 3 n *ix-

%r^^ffrr^f^^f^^Tf^qfrr^^TVrq3TTI^T5T*

snfw^rqTfl^^TTrf^ffr^^f^qif^^Tr^qfrr^??-

qTfqqJTHfqJ f Siqft II qfq^qrmqTqT qTqfqqqt-

qqiqfqiq i qfqqqteqrqj^Tqr qqjqqrqfrqT'qrfqq:

qqiqqqfqq^qqMfqqqrqqTfqqifqqqiqfTfqqqfcq^T-

q?qTfqq\fTOqfqfqqqT(qfqqqq)TTqqqqTqq5TTqqqqrqqq-

qT^qqqrq qqrqTqqfq fqfqqq^J qqqf qqTSqqfqq-

q qiq: qfqfq: qiqfqfq: qq«nqTfqqf^q: qqTqfq-

^TqrqqfqqqjTqTfqqWqq: qJiqTqTqqqjq-

vJ

qiq^q'farqf^q: qqj^vtfqqtqqqiqfqfinTqTq

^fa'snqfjqT^hTTqqrq i ^Tqqqqn;-

qrqJTTqTq I -

— ^T^ftmT^raTf^r viq4i^5rf?r(-s) qkifTqrwtqT

\J ^ ^ A A

^ fqqiqfqqqTq I qT5JT^irqfq q*T: qWTq qfqqqiTT-

V* -J J

^^^T^rrTX:qiTqT%frr: (fqfq) qqqfT%rqviTJnq-

q qiqTfqqmqrqq q^qtofqiqq qiqmqq-

" j

qTq\qter<q qfqqif^q qqiqr^tqq-qq^qqfqT:-

^%ji^RTf^(^) (qqf^:) i^q qfqqqrqfqfq i

qifqfqq qqfqfq^fqfqqqq^qqqq rqqTqqrq-

qtrqiqqf^fqfqqTq qr^qtor i qqr qr^i qqsnTt <*•

^fvrqim ^tTT qisrfq: qJTTTfq;fq: | W q^f qqq qfq.

C\

W Wqj crq;T TO I q: qq^qfq qrfqqT: |

C\

Tqqqjq'qr^fqT'q'qq qqq;TJTqqT^!'q | qrwqqfqr fqq-

vj

TT qqqqfqi fqqiqqT: I qfq^Tqr SfTqi q q^TrTT qfqqjfq II*

qfq q: qfqJZWfq qqr qfq qq^fq | ^qr qT q<Jnq»qT?!T

■J ?N vj

fqq?i ^qqrfqqi ii qqrJTTqf qqqrfq qrqfqqiiqTfq q 1

?iqf qafqq^rq q vfqqqT q ^qjfq II q^q qTqq^qr qqq-

fqqiqreq: l q q%T qiqw qmf%qjqrfq q q^fq h

q<£qqr qrqqq qq^iq^ I q^qqiqTqrfq

'J

qiqqrqqqgq il q^qTqn^rNiqT qT qqq q^qqf |

q fqqiqf ^fqqqT fqqfq: qq q^qq II qTf^T qq-

[No. 2,

155

1877.] It. Banerjea — Note on a Copper-plate from CuttacJc.

fwlijT ^rrmsr: i

H qn% 3iT% qT^T-

i qrf^t^r^r *jt-

s N ^ Oy

W II Tf*T q> T^ft f^iqiT-

* j

n€f ^^PSJaftfqcf ^ | ^ q^T *T f% <T-

vj vj >J vj vj

w w fq%xm: ii ?m w *rqm*R^%: * i

-» 'J Cv

^ifTHT^TTl^TfqqJr^: TTWTTfq<TTT^T'

'J

| q??fq qqr*T

^T *?: *§JTWT 'grT^Tf^fqq^q^: ’sftfw^^qcft II

^fqqff^’FTfqqfwqtqsjrffiTT^qq^iqT'^rfqsTq^Tw

(^rq^t) £ fk*r w^sst (°)

fq^rWt imre^fir ! \§> \§> i*

Teanslatioit.

Om, be it so !

Where wanton pleasure is enjoyed to perfection by young people in the

play of love’s charming sport, with eyes expanded and minds enamoured and

centred in love, although the pleasure was at times disturbed by their

embraces, which caused horripilation, inarticulate sounds of lips and ex¬

haustion —

where lovers of exquisite beauty, desiring to pick a quarrel with

their loved ones, mention the beauties of Apsaras and thereby excite their

jealousy, and are beaten by the maidens with the lotus of their ears,

suffer from excessive internal pain occasioned by the arrows of undaunted

Cupid, — and have horripilation from the rising of the thick sweat —

where by the shining pestle-like tusks of tall elephants which have

made the rising of the moon redundant in dispersing darkness — where

the brilliant ornaments of pearl of immoral people and the place of assigna¬

tion at the top of their house are made exceedingly white —

where the lofty waves of the Mahanadi break each other, and cause

bubbles to rise, and the air, carrying the particles of water, refreshes the

ladies who have zealously pursued the pastimes of love —

- - even there, in that glorious city, there reigned once a king named

Janamajaya, whose white canopy of fame had spread over the three worlds,

and penetrated the eight quarters — who conquered all his enemies with

# The last three feet of this stanza are missing.

156

B. Banerjea — Note on a Copper -plate from CuttacTc. [No. 2,

force, who always meditated on the image of goddess Bhavya, was opulent,

and prosperous, and whose face was as beautiful as the lotus.

He adorned in every battle the breast of the lady-like earth with pearls

issuing from the foreheads of elephants torn asunder by him with his horn-

weapon ; the (white) dust raised by elephants in the sky and the stream

of light of the adorned earth were as brilliant and beautiful as the jewels

on the head of the king of gods, and appeared as the emblems of the glory

of the king.

The king Yajati was his son. His nails were always filled with heaps

of pearls, when they were displaced by him from the foreheads of elephants

which were like sealed caskets. He was praised by the three worlds, and

he easily conquered his enemies.

Maharaja S'iva Gupta Deva the prosperous, the virtuous, the venerable

king, the lord of the three Kalingas, the chief of the lunar race, lord of all

lords, the venerable, the ardent follower of S'iva, and successor of Mahabhava

Gupta Deva, lord of the three Kalingas, chief of the Lunar race, lord of all

lords, prosperous, venerable, an ardent follower of S'iva — prospers.

It is proclaimed in the village of Chandra to all Brahmans of the dis¬

trict of Marada in South Kosala and to all others that have assembled here,

namely, those who are worshipful, those who observe prescribed times for

their sleep, who are invested with holy threads, who observe the rules of their

respective castes, chiefs of corporations, superintendents of employes, yeomen,

ambassadors, legislators, guards of female apartments, sons and beloved

wives of kings, &c. ; — be it known to all of you, that I give, with water

in hand, this village with all its treasure-troves, deposits, free from all incum¬

brances, with all rents, all trees, such as palms and others, saline soil, land

and water, bounded in four directions, to Gangapani, the son of Divakara and

grandson of Ananta Bhatta, who has removed himself from the village S'ri-

valla in the Madhya-desa (the middle country) and now lives in S'ila-

bhanjapati in the country of Odra, who belongs to the well-known

Bharadvaja family, and who is a descendant of the threefold clan, Angirasa,

Varhaspatya, and Bharadvaja, a reader of the Kauthumi branch of the Vedas,

that he may enjoy it as long as the sun, the moon and the stars shine in

the firmament, for the augmentation of virtue and extension of fame of my

own and of my parents. This is engraved on this copper-plate. You all

know this. Live with happiness, pay him as you used to pay me, the debts,

the rents, taxes, gold and the royal shares in all usufructs. In compliance

with our request and out of respect for us abstain from all violent deeds.

Let all future kings preserve this our gift, as they would their own. For it

is said in the holy writ : Lands have been given by many kings, such as

Sagara and others ; to whomsoever the land belongs for the time being to

him belongs the fruit of the gift.

1877.] R. Banerjea — Note on a Copper -plate from Cuttack. 157

Let him not doubt of the fruit, thinking that they were presented by

others. The merit is greater in preserving other’s gifts than in making

one.

The manes of fathers and grandfathers of the donor of lands are

proud of him ; they clap their arms and dance with joy, (exclaiming) “ Such

a son has been born in our family, and he will be the cause of our salvation.”

He who receives lands and he who presents them, both are virtuous,

and will ever remain in heaven.

The sin of the resumer of grants is not atoned for even by the exca¬

vation of a thousand tanks, the celebration of a hundred Vaja-peya sacrifices,

and the gift of ten millions of cows. If any man, through intoxication or by

mistake, takes or induces another to take with force any land which had

been presented by any other person, he takes his birth among beasts and

birds, and is tied with the noose of Varuna.

Should any man steal a single gold coin or resume land, even a square

inch in area, he will dwell in hell until the dissolution of the world.

He who takes by force land which had been given by him or by any

other person, becomes a worm in ordure, and rots there with his ancestors.

The sun, the moon, the god of water, the god the creator, the god the

preserver, the destroyer and fire, praise the donor of lands.

“ This common bridge of virtue ought to be preserved by you evermore” :

Ramabhadra repeatedly begs this of you.

It ought to be remembered that prosperity and life are as evanescent

as a drop of water on a lotus leaf. And bearing this in mind let none destroy

the glorious deeds of others.

STi Chhinchati of Champati, the able statesman who excels the spiritual

guides* of the kings of gods and demons in wisdom and knowledge, who

easily bears the unequalled heavy burden of government placed on him by the

king, who has both physical strength and knowledge in political science, who

is a beloved friend of the king, renowned, and knows when to make war and

peace (has assented to this).

This was engraved by the learned Madhava on the 13th of the bright

half of the month of Jyeshtha in the 9th year of the prosperous reign of

Maharaja Yajati, king of the three Kalingas.

* S'rihaspati and S'ukra, the regents of the Planets Jupiter and Venus.

\y\y"

158

P. Whalley — Metrical Translations from the

[No. 2,

Metrical Translations from the Quatrains of ’ JJmar Khayyam . — By

P. Whalley, C. S., Muradabdd.

I.

0»~xi OwjJ ^ J.!a> l-sfl

i_ — dj"** J"* * &l 4

«• ••

There’s not a heart but bleeds for thy disdain ;

There’s not a sage but has gone mad for thee ;

And though for love thou giv’st no love again,

There’s not a brain that from thy love is free.

II.

^ CJ‘/0 jO

• M

•• *

vt^A vsJ,* *s y— J>

*f

^*•1 wf ^ (Jdi f A*' J. xa. .J. j

«•

Drink, drink ! Like quicksilver I see with ruth

Life from thee slide :

And false is fortune, hope a dream, and youth

Ebbs, like a tide.

III.

- *J\ y%)J - tXi f^JC G Uj

]j — i (Jib? fc jJ y

* — iiiir# j *.y cfjtA

Come and ere sorrows swarm up to harry us,

Idol mine, blithely the wine-cup we’ll drain.

TVe are not gold that the rough hands that bury us

Ever should care to exhume us again.

IV.

ji ■■ j p I/O

y&° lsjj y ** cs&it*** csjj y

«• i»

1877.]

159

Quatrains of ’ Umar Khayyam.

^ j*

I M

jb lS — aSo ^ — aaJj

We are but puppets danced by juggling fate,

To trim tbe phrase no jot of truth I bate,

On Being’s board we serve to dress a play,

And, played our little game, — we’re packed away.

Y.

i

f— hi) f J (3 —

f —• ^Uwa.e ^s:-? yL* OvAAjjj

^<^b j

f— tKj y.

Though steeped in sin, let no vain qualms be thine,

Nor fear to meet thy Maker. Death atones.

Die drunk and reprobate. His sun will shine

As bland as ever on thy rotting bones.

vTjl

Earth, water, — such is the sum of us :

Monk, priest, — Thou hast made us the same,

Fame, shame, — all that may come of us, —

Thine is the honour, — and thine is the blame.

VII.

^ ^

^ jif j ji\£ jj

tX — (jj* 3 <5q & — iijlh

iS Jjl Ij ^yO

I am drunk with old wine P So I am.

A rank libertine ? So I am.

Let them think of me what they will,

I am mine : As I am, so I am.

160 G. S. Leonard — Polygamy of Kalidasa's Heroes. [No. 2,

VIII.

_^A/0 J j*AJ ^jGjf }

i^y — *> b \dp J j(OJ

iA''*'0 f <^-T

Lighten my cares and my sorrow,

Hide from my fellows my guilt,

Keep me happy to-day, — and to-morrow

Deal with me as Thou wilt.

IX.

t^y — J V^'"0 JZ OOt^&iLo

^■xib j jy> oJf ^.psri,/0 jAtA

j - tlT p jf^U

(jd c^«»| (^jT <W 8 3 t

Some trust their church or creed to hear them out.

Some pray for faith, and tremble at a doubt.

Methinks I hear a still small voice declare

‘ The way to God is neither here nor there/

“ Further Proofs of the Polygamy of Kalidasa' s Heroes." —

By G. S. Leonard, Assistant Secretary, Asiatic Society * Bengal.

Babu Prannatk Pandit in a paper entitled ‘ Morals of Kalidasa/

published in Part I, No. 3, 1876, of the Asiatic Society’s Journal, has raised

the question of the Monogamy of Kalidasa’s Heroes, from which Mr. Grierson

of Bangpur has dissented, and in support of which opinion he has addu¬

ced some proofs. As I quite agree with Mr. Grierson on this point, I beg

to produce some further proofs to show that the majority of Kalidasa’s

Heroes practised polygamy.

I begin with Dushyanta, and adduce the following passages from the

drama of Sakuntala, in which he is a principal actor, and where Kalidasa the

author has not scrupled to declare the polygamy of his hero, like that of the

majority of Indian Princes, both in ancient and modern times. In the first

place Dushyanta’s admiration of the surpassing beauty of the woodland mai¬

dens, viz., Sakuntala and her two companions, and his comparing them with

1877.] G. S. Leonard — 'Polygamy of Kalidasa's Heroes. 161

the royal dames in his seraglio, plainly enough indicates his having more than

one wife at home, thus :

“ Dusha. Oh how charmingly they look ! If the beauty of maids, who

dwell in woodland retreats, cannot easily be found in the recesses of a palace,

the garden- flowers must make room for the blossoms of the forest, which

excel them in colour and fragrance.”

In the next place we see that Sakuntala’s female friends would not

consent to her marriage with the king, unless he would plight his faith to

love her more than the rest of his harem. Thus :

“ Anusuya (laughing). Princes are said to have many favourite consorts.

You must assure us, therefore, that our beloved friend shall not be exposed

to affliction through our conduct.

Dusha. What need is there of many words P Let there he ever so

many women in my palace, I will only have two objects of perfect regard ;

the sea-girt earth, which I govern, and your sweet friend, whom I love.

Both. Our anxiety is dissipated.”

With reference to the passage “ women in my palace," there can be no

room for supposing that the royal consorts alluded to, were concubines or

sweethearts, as the word parigraha in the text bespeaks them to have

been the Prince’s partners, by vinculum matrimonii .#

In the 7th chapter of the story of Sakuntala in the 1st book of the

Mahabharata (and it must be borne in mind that the Mahabharata is the

ground- work of our poet’s drama), Sakuntala makes Dushyanta promise

the regency and succession to her issue, should she have any, in preference

to those of his other consorts before she would consent to wed him. Thus :

“ Sak. If this be right, then attend to my vow, the son to be born in

me must be elected prince regent. If so it be, then let me be joined to

thee. Be it so, replied the king, without any deliberation.”

Nothing can be more explicit and plain of this hero’s polygamy, than

the love ditty of queen Hansamati in Act Y, whereupon Dushyanta smil¬

ing, says :

“ I was once in love with Hansamati, I am now reproved for con¬

tinuing so long absent from her. — Priend Madhavya, inform the queen in

my name, that I feel the reproof.”

Again the speech of the chamberlain in the palace garden scene, plainly

indicates the hero’s plurality of wives.

Chamb. “ - mistaking the women in his apartments, and through

distraction, calling each of them Sakuntala ; then he sits with his head

long bent on his knees.”

Siva, the hero of Kalidasa’s poem Kumara Sambhava, is well known

* The words Avarodha, Suddhantar, are synonymous with ywcuKwvhis, zenana,

seraglio, and harem, where none hut espoused wives are kept.

x

162 G. S. Leonard — Polygamy of Kalidasa? s Heroes. [No. 2,

to have been a polygamist ; for besides possessing Uma or Durga, Kali and

Ganga, be is known, like amorous Jupiter, to have transformed himself into

human shapes to enjoy the loves of a Kochini, Bagdini, and others. True it

is, as Babu Prannath Pandit says, “ That throughout the seven cantos, there

is no mention of the co-wifehood of Ganga, though that was well known to

Kalidasa,” yet we find that both his consorts Kali and Ganga are mentioned

by their names in the poem as accompanying their consort in his nuptial

procession to Uma. (Book VII, Verses 39, 42.)

In the Baghu Vansa, Dilipa’s polygamy has been shewn by Mr. Grier¬

son by the word antahjgura-varga , which is a mere pleonastic expression used

by the commentator for the word avarodha in the text, (B. I, 32) which I

give here in full from Stenzler’s translation :

“ Bex, etsi frequenti gynseceo gaudebat, hanc feminam prudentem

atque Lakshmim prsecipuas suas uxores existimabat.”

The next hero of the poem, Baghu, from whom it derives its name,

is expressly mentioned by the poet to be married to several princesses, nay,

as many as stars of heaven, in beauty and number, as is described in Book

III, Stanza 33.

“ Deinde, statim post solemnem crinium tonsuram, pater ejus matri¬

monii cserimoniam peregit ; atque principium filise, ilium maritum optimum

adejrfcse, splendebant sicut Dakshse filise, tenebrarum fugatori nuptse.”

Kalidasa describes Baju’s son Aja as a chivalrous Knight competing

for svayamvara or marriage election, in whic^L case the poet had no need of

narrating his former marriage, mention of which may be found in the

Bamayana, and therefore the question of his polygamy cannot be deter¬

mined.

Dasaratha, the son of Aja and father of Bama, is a well known poly¬

gamist, as is admitted by Babu Prannath Pandit, and Kalidasa has had no

hesitation in mentioning his numerous wives by their names, and the de¬

grees of their attachment to the King. B. X. Stanzas 59 — 60. Thus :

“ Dilecta ei erat Kausalya, amata quoque uxor e Kekayse familia orta ;

ideo rex Sumitram ab utraque honoratam videre optabat.”

In short, most princes of the solar race may be shewn to have been

polygamists, but as they do not form the heroes of our poet, it is unneces¬

sary for me to give their names.

I have thus shewn by quotations from Kalidasa’s works that the

majority of his heroes were polygamists. The grounds upon which Pran¬

nath Pandit appears to build his theory of the monogamy of Kalidasa’s heroes

are shortly these, — The bridal benediction — the great attachment of certain

kings to certain queens — and the excessive grief of some of his heroes on

separation from their consorts. On these three points I would wish to make

a few concluding remarks.

168

1877.] Gr. S. Leonard — Polygamy of Kalidasa's Heroes.

The fact is that Kalidasa was no greater advocate for monogamy than

he was for polygamy, nor did he attach any greater importance to the one

than to the other, as is evident from the passages cited above, as also from

the absence of a single expression in his works, giving preference to the

one or other state. The benediction “ Mayest thou gain the undivided

love of thy husband,” the blessing pronounced over Uma by the ma¬

trons, was only used in conformity with the general mode of well wish¬

ing to young brides, though the consummation of the blessing is one which

rarely falls to the lot of any woman of this country.

The poet’s description of the greater attachment of a prince to a

particular consort, as in the cases of Sudaxina and Indumati, serves only

to show the particular honor and regard due and paid to the pat-rani or

pradliana mahishi, whose offspring alone was entitled to succeed to his

crown and throne.

Kalidasa’s long-winded elegies of woe at the separation of lovers, as

in the cases of the heart-rending lamentations of Aja, Kama, Kati, and

Nala, are only descriptive of the excessive love and fondness that a lover

might naturally have for the particular object of his esteem and affection

in preference to all others. This can be proved by the following quotation

from theq)oet himself.

“ Nam apum examen, etsi innumeri flores verno tempore florant, jwse-

cipua Mangiferse adheret.”

So also the professed devotedness of the wanton Krishna to Kadha,

whom he addresses in the following enraptured strain, does not in any way

prove the singleness of his love.

“ Thou art my life, thou art my ornament, thou art a pearl, in the

ocean of my mortal birth ; oh ! be favourable now, and my heart shall eter¬

nally be grateful.”

The frantic lamentations of Pururavas and Dashmanta are but graphic

pictures of distracted lovers, and bear no resemblance to the calm and

constant love of a monogamist placed in the same circumstances.

The characters of Kama in the Kaghu, and Nala in the Nalodaya of

the poet, are undeniably pure instances of monogamy, but such exceptions

to polygamy are extremely rare.

164

Gour Gas Gy sack — Note on Khanja Khan Garh,

[No. 2,

Note on Khanja Khan Garh in the District of Bardwdn, Jahmdibdd

Sub- Division, Bengal . — By Gour Gas Bysack, Deputy Magistrate ,

late of Jahdindbdd.

In the days of the Emperor Jahangir, Bangbara Khan, the founder of

Kot Simulgarh, came to Bengal, and first settled twelve miles south of

Bardwan in the village of Salimabad on the banks of the Bamudar.

Many may doubt the authenticity of his advent to this country in the

time of Jahangir. But from inquiry on the subject we find that Mukanda

Bam Chakravarti, Kavi Kankana, wrote his celebrated work, the Chandi,

during the latter part of Akbar’s reign, i. e., in the time of Baja Man

Sinha’s rule in Bengal, that this learned poet was a native of the village

of Gamunya, in the vicinity of Ivot Simul, about ten miles north of .Jahan-

abad, and that he received a sanad from Nawab Khanazad Khan or Ivhana

Khan, the son of Bangbara Khan. Baja Man Sinha ruled in Bengal

from the year 1589 A. B., and left this country in the beginning of the

reign of the Emperor Jahangir (1604 A. B.). It is not likely that Kavi

Kankan died immediately on returning to his native village Gamunya from

Arar-Brahmana where he composed his Chandi. It was while he%was still

living, and most probably after the death of Bangbara Khan, that Khanazad

'Khan, the son of Bangbara Khan, was dignified with the title of Nawab,

and was commissioned by the Emperor to rule in this country.

It has already been said that Bangbara Khan first fixed himself at

Salimabad, but it cannot be admitted as a fact that he was the founder of

that village. It is supposed that the village of Salimabad was either

founded by Sulaiman, the last but one Afghan king of Bengal, or by

some functionary of his. On looking into ancient records we are satis¬

fied that the name of the village has ever been written and read

as Salimabad. If it had been founded by king Sulaiman, it was

but just to have it called after his name Sulaimanabad. There is suffi¬

cient proof also of its not having been founded in the days of the Emperor

Jahangir (Salim). Sulaimanbad was in existence at the time of Kavi

Kankan’s composition of the Chandi. It is written in his work* that

the owner of the village of Gamunya was an inhabitant of Salimabad. f

Now the Chandi was written in the days of Akbar when Bengal was in the

t In those days one Gopf Kith Niyogi was the owner of the village.

1G5

1877.] Gour Das Bysack — Notes on Khanja Khan GarJi.

hands of Raja Man Sinlia. If we suppose that this town had been founded

in the time of Jahangir, we cannot account for its existence in Akbar’s days.

At the time when the Emperor Jahangir sent Qutb-uddin to kill Sher-

Afkan, the first husband of Nurjahan, one Bangbara Khan by name is said

to have assisted him in the atrocious deed. It seems that this person

was the progenitor of the Khan family of Kot Simul. On his coming

to Salimabad, he held the office of Tahsildar or Collector of Revenue,

and commemorated his name by the erection of a mosque* and the

excavation of a long tank or jhil. The mosque is now in ruins, and the

tank, too, for want of repair, is in a bad state. It is said that after

remaining at Salimabad for some time, he went to Dashghara on the in¬

vitation of the Raj af of that place. One day he started on a hunting

excursion, and by chance reached a jungle on the west bank of the Damii-

dar, and here he was charmed with the natural scenery and longed to make

it the place of his abode. In accordance with his wish, the whole jungle was

cleared within a short time and a dwelling house was built on the spot. This

primeval jungle had been full of Simul trees — Bombax heptapliylla. In the

current language Kot means limit, barrier, or surrounding ; the village was

girdled with Simul trees and hence it was called Simulkot.

Tradition has preserved a curious story about the settlement of Bang¬

bara Khan at Kotsimul. When Bangbara came a-hunting from Dashghara,

he had a hawk with him. On coming to the forest of Kotsimul, he*

let loose his hawk to attack an aquatic bird. In a few seconds the

hawk was defeated in the contest. The Khan, therefore, thought the

place to be sacred, and caused his mansion to be erected there. The early

history of our land is full of legends in which it is difficult to distinguish

the wheat from the chaff:. Nothing in this country, not even the most

trivial act or event, such as a migration from one place to another, or the

selection of a particular site for a dwelling place, could be done or allowed to

occur without invoking supernatural aid ; every little circumstance or

occurrence must be preceded by some superhuman cause or agency. Similar

legends prevail at other places to account for their origin or for their names.

This story of Bangbara Khan’s selection of his place and abode may have

* It is said that there was in this mosque a stone hearing* an inscription, hut

nobody knows where the stone is or has been removed to. The oldest Muhammadans

in and about the Garh assured me that it was removed to the Masjid at Salimabad,

which is near Chakdigi, eleven miles south of Mi’mari Station. Inquiry was made

there, but no trace of the stone could be found. Some people, however, stated

that the stone had been taken away from the new Masjid at Salimabad by one

of the Collectors of Bardwan ; but while at Bardwan, and even afterwards, I made

careful enquiries, but could obtain no clue of the stone or the inscription it bore.

t Narayan Pal was the Raja alluded to.

[No. 2,

166 Gour Has Bysack — Notes on KJidnja Kluin Garh.

been borrowed from, or given rise to, the legend of the origin of the

name of Birbhum : it will be found that a heron killing a hawk at some

spot within that district led to the adoption of the name of Birbhum ;

vide Annals of Rural Bengal, Appendix D, page 427. But it is forgotten

that Birbhum is but one of the 12 hliums* or districts in which part of

Radha was divided.

Tradition has it that after a few years the rule of Bangbara Khan became

permanent in this country. The folklore on this point is, that the name of

Bangbara Khan appeared on the Imperial coinage of Dihli, and his name was

beaten in the nauhat. The fact is that, under the Muhammadan rule, even

subordinate functionaries of the Government tried to assume, and in

many cases did assume, independence when they came to the mufassal. And

so it happened in the case of Bangbara Khan. It is probable that this

Khan taking advantage of favourable opportunities which lay in his way,

struck the coin and beat the drum in his own name. For this delinquency

he was arrested by an embassy from the Dihli Court. The Khan on his way

to Dihli put an end to his life, it is said by swallowing the diamond

of his ring. The Imperial embassy returned to Dihli with the dead

body of the Khan. The Emperor was touched with remorse on seeing the

serene face of the Khan, and asked whether he had any wife and children.

The wife of the Khan and his son, then fourteen years of age, were summoned

to Dihli. On their arrival, the Emperor was moved with pity at the

sight of the mother and her son Khanazad Khan, and gave him the title

of Nawab and deputed him to act in the place of his father. Nawab

Khanazad Khan, on returning to Kotsimul, caused a moat to be excavated

round his mansion, 70 feet in width and 30 feet in depth. The Garh itself

measures 1060 feet by 890. There is an entrance on the west side of the

moat. The moat is called Khanazad Khan Garh, for it was excavated by

Nawab Khanazad Khan.

Bangbara Khan was descended of a Sayyid family. His birthplace

was Barba, south of Dihli, but his descendants have deteriorated to Bengali

Musalmans by intermixture with them, though in point of caste the

Khans are still esteemed superior. Tradition also preserves to us the

story that Bangbara Khan was appointed Tahsildar over the Rajas of

Dashghara, Bardwan, Birbhum, Bishnpur, Mayapur, Goadi-Krishnagar,

and Katak. How far there is truth in this assertion it is hard for us at

present to determine. No authentic history has yet been found of these

several principalities except of those of Bardwan, Bishnpur, and Krishnagar.

* 1, Birbhum; 2, Sainbhum; 3, Sik’harbhum; 4, Gopfbhum ; 5, Bamanbhum ;

6, Manbhum; 7, Barabhum; 8, Dhalbhum; 9, Singbhum; 10, Tunbhum ; 11, Mal-

bhum; 12, Bhanjabhum. Vide Blochmann’s Geography and History of Bengal,

Journal, Yol. XLII, (1873) p. 224.

167

1877.] Gonr Das By sack — JVotes on Khdnja Khan Oarh.

Portions of tlio early account of tlie Bishnpur raj appeared in tlie Hindu,

Patriot , when that paper was under the able editorship of the late Haris

Chandra Mukerjee, and those numbers of the Patriot furnish the substance

of the account given of the raj by subsequent writers.*

The early history of Bengal is clear in regard to the one fact that the

Bishnpur raj dates from very ancient times, and that it had its existence

long before the arrival of the Muhammadans in Bengal. The Rajas

of Bishnpur were never subject to Muhammadan rulers. At intervals

the Muhammadans invaded Bishnpur, and plundered and ravaged the

country. Sometimes they experienced defeats, and fled, leaving behind

them all their baggage and treasure in the hand of the victors. This state of

things cannot properly be called subjection, and it does not appear probable

that the Bishnpur raj was within the fiscal jurisdiction of Bangbara Khan.

Oil the death of Khanazad Khan, he was succeeded in his office by his

son Gardai Khan. After the death of Gardai Khan, we hear of one Ghazi

Khan passing his days at the place as a Zamindar and Aimadar. In his

time the importance of the Bard wan Raj -family was well established, and he

was a dependent Zamindar of the Raja of Bardwan, who gave him the title

of Chaudhuri. It was in the time of Ghazi Khan that the English got

possession of Bengal.

At the beginning of the English rule, much of the heritage of the

Khan family which they had held from the days of the Nawab to

those of the Chaudhuri, was transferred to other hands. The son of

Ghazi Khan was ’Abdur-Rahman Khan, on whose death ’All Naqi

Khan became the heir of the family property ; he married a daughter of the

Musalman Raja of Nagor in Birbhum. ’Ali Naqi Khan departed this life

at the age of sixty. While ’Ali Naqi was still living, the land survey and

settlement of Bengal began. At the death of ’Ali Naqi Khan, his son

Tafazzul Husain Khan was a minor of only four years of age, and on the

death of the latter, his son Tasadduq Husain Khan became the heir. He

is still living, enjoying his ancestral heritage. He has a little son, but

no daughter. It is remarkable and worth noting that from Bangbara

Khan to Tasadduq Husain Khan, no one had a brother or a sister. The

family has hitherto continued and been represented by a single male scion

in each generation, an occurrence as rare as it is singular, nay almost

unprecedented in a genealogy consisting of so many as seven or eight

generations. Very little is now left for the support of the family. They

eke out a bare subsistence from the few acres of land in their possession.

Vide also Col. Gastrell’s Eeport on Bishnpur ; and Grant’s Yth Report.

1G8

[No. 2,

Three Translations from the Hamaseh. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S.

I.

Ta’abbata Sheri a in praise of Shems son of Malik.

eJjtjVt ^ ts. Ij ^Jik_c jit l^S'

M

l_£J | J i^s*"** csjd f

J\sj j^/0

„ M

^sc^l ^9 AJ y*\

** M

(-41*

•*

M

M •

I^Jf i>ij J

AjJj &XjO 4 &Ax£ •

• .... * J

M

C5<^^ J

.Lo now ! I take my way with the boon of my praise in hand

to the son of the uncle of Stoutness, Shems the son of Malik :

I will gladden therewith his heart in the ring where his kinsmen sit,

as he gladdened mine with gift of goodly <m2&-feeders.

Little he heeds the pain of labour that lights on him —

many his heart -stirrings, divers his ends and ways ;

He journeys day-long in a waste, and at night-fall he enters another

unliolpen : he rides hare-hacked the steed of perilous deeds.

5 He outstrips the sweep of the wind as it drives in its course along

in a whirlwind, following swift on the heels of him who flees.

When the needle of sleep sews up his eyen, there wanteth not

a warder to watch, the heart of a wary man and hold.

He makes his eyen the scouts of his heart, to hid him where

to draw forth from its sheath the glittering sharp sword-blade ;

When he shakes it in the breast-hone of a foeman, there flash abroad

the hindmost teeth in the open mouths of the laughing Dooms.

He deems the Wild the sweetest of friends, and travels on

where there journeys above him the Mother of all the clustered stars.

Notes.

The measure of this poem is the second form of the Taivil, and runs thus :

- | w - | v - | v — w — || w - | v - — | v - |

169

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Three Translations from the Hamaseh.

v. 1. “Son of the uncle of Stoutness,” a periphrasis for “a stout and valiant

man” ; the words father, son, and brother are frequently joined to qualities to denote

the possessor of them : thus Tarafeh (Mo ‘all. 86) calls his sword atchu thiqatin “brother

of faithfulness.”

v. 2. “I will gladden his heart,” literally “I will shake his side,” i. e. with

mirth and joy. “ Mra/c-feeders” — she- camels fed on the aruk, a shrub (Salvaclora Per-

sicaj widely distributed in the sandy soils of the East ; in Western India it is known

as Tilu.

v. 4. “ He rides bare-backed the steed of perilous deeds” is explained as meaning

that he encounters dangers with nought to protect him from them.

v. 8. “There flash abroad:” the word tehellela is used specially of the lightning.

“ Dooms,” el-menaya , plural of meniyyeli , the Fates of men ; it is probable that the

pagan Arabs conceived of these as women, like the Fates and Norns of Homan and Norse

mythology. ‘Amr son of Kulthum says (Mo 'all. 8).

Uj jA&/o j UJ bU+Jf USjAJ Uf j

And as for us — the Fates will surely reach us :

doomed are they to us and we to them.

v. 9. “ The Mother of all the clustered stars” is variously explained ; some say

that it means the Sun (feminine in Arabic as in German), as the greatest of all the

heavenly bodies : others that it is the Milky Way ; to me it seems most probable that it

means the Heaven, and that the solitude which is spoken of in the first half- verse is fur¬

ther described in the second by saying that the wanderer’s only companion on his way

is the turning Heaven.

*9

*

fc—Ab/o j

. . ^

- xU |*(AC J

t o> j ^ t aj y i j f

j JjlLc

| A — j' J l - &JA. A-

fAxSAif L.J

(a^>

(A — (M ^jA-'

|a:^/oV( ^ j j/s-*

«•

f AJ l) If J I

s- t<

I A^| ^b CA - .AJ ^A

tA—^ ^AAJ JfjJ

II.

‘Amr son of Ma‘di-kerib.

L» jjGa. — Oii a^i

A&J /N-w | j) ) t A^i

fj! J

— JAsr-'l fj.wj |A

J' LS CjSV*1 ^

^ «» **

CAjfj l— *1

s-

i — ■g-'b* j

l^i.wUs:'0 ci>AJ j

«•

1+) j

A lsk^ n p*

Y

170

C. J. Lyall — Three Translations from the Hamdseh. [No. 2,

^ &J|^> — jl ts —

*|o..c3U iXcf ^ - xx^lbJl .fhs ^Xcf

|,\,3 i^ii.jkvwsJ| (J.1/0 oaiij j

Comeliness stands not in brave attire,

though thou wrap thyself in a robe of hurd :

Comeliness lies in a noble stock

and valiant deeds that bring renown.

I gathered to meet the chances of Time

a hauberk flowing, a swift strong steed

Stout and hardy, a grooved blade that cleaves

helmets and bodies of men in twain :

5 And well I knew that on that day

I should have to fight both Ka‘b and Nahd —

Men who, when they are arrayed in steel,

glitter like leopards in leather and mail.

Each man runs to the battle -stead

with what he has gathered ready therefor.

When I beheld our women flee

furrowing the hard earth as they ran,

And Lemi sell’s unveiled face shone as though

it were heaven’s full moon when it rises on high,

O 7

10 And all her loveliness, hidden before,

stood bare to see, and the case grew grave,

I stood forth to fight their chief : and needs

must I fight him — no escape therefrom.

They vowed that my blood should spill : and I

vowed, if I met then, to do my best.

How many a brother lief and dear

have my two hands laid to rest in the grave !

X wailed not, nor raised lament or cry,

for my weeping would profit naught at all :

15 I wrapped him round in his winding-sheet —

hard was I born on my birth day !

I stand in the stead of those dead men :

the foemen count me a host alone.

Gone are the men I loved, and I

lonely abide like sword in sheath.

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Three Translations from the Hamdseh.

171

Notes.

This poem is in the Kamil (dimeter hypercatalcctic) and is scanned thus :

W W WW WW \af W

v. 1. “ burd ” a striped woollen stuff of el-Yemen, counted of great price.

v. 2. “a noble stock”: mcdddin, plural of ma^dm, literally “mines”: hence, the

origin of a family or race.

v. 3. “ a hauberk flowing” : sdbighah , dir ‘ being understood : a coat of mail that

reaches to the ankles.

v. 4. “a grooved blade” : shutub. Shutub or shutab are the grooves on a sword

made for the blood to flow off after a stroke. “ Bodies of men” abddn : this may mean

also “ short coats of mail” ; but here it seems best to take it in the more usual sense.

The sword of ‘Amr son of Ma‘di-kerib, called es-Samsum or es-Samsdmeh (‘‘the short

and stout, compact and heavy”), which he inherited from the Himyerite Kings, was ono

of the most famous blades of Arab legend.

After this verse comes another in some editions

I Ml (St j

And a straight spear- shaft that quivers when

I poise it, aiming it straight and true.

v. 8. “ Furrowing the hard earth as they ran” yefhasna bil-malzu> i sheddci. The

verb fahasa is explained as meaning “ making holes in the earth like afuhis” plural

of ufhus which is the nest of the Qata. But this sense seems inappropriate, as the swifter

the flight the less impression would the runner’s feet make on the ground ; another read¬

ing is yemhusna, from mahasa , which means to run swiftly : also to glance, gleam, of light¬

ning.

v. 11. “Their chief”: Jcebsh , literally, “ram.” This word is frequently used to

denote the leader of a troop, as the ram leads the flock : e. g. in the Mo ‘all. of El-Harith

son of Hillizeh, v. 50.

Bound Qeys, his men clad in mail with a chief

of el-Yemen, as though he were a hard white rock.

(.Qjara&iy means ‘ of el-Yemen’, because that is the land of the QaralS or leaves of

the selem [. Mimosa flava, Forsk.] wherewith hides are tanned.)

v. 14. “ Profit nought at all” : Id ycruddu zendd ; zend means a fire-stick, and the

literal meaning of this proverbial expression is “ will not bring as return so much as

a fire-stick.”

v. 16. This ‘Amr was counted, in the battles of el-Islam, as equal to a thousand

men. “The Khalifeh ‘Omar” (we read in the Aghani, XIV. p. 28) “sent to Sa‘d

son of Abu Waqqas, his general in el-‘Iraq, ‘Amr son of Ma‘di-kerib and Tuleyhah

son of Khuweylid el-Asadi, and wrote to him ‘ Lo ! I have sent to aid thee two thou¬

sand men.’ ”

v. 17. “Lonely abide as sword in sheath” : baqitu mithla-s-seyfi ferdu. The lone¬

liness is explained in two ways : first, because the sword has no companion in its sheath ;

and second, taking es-Seyf “ the sword,” as meaning the incomparable blade cs-Samsdm

which had no fellow or like.

172

C. J. Lyall — Three Translations from the Hamdseli. [No. 2,

III.

Ta’abbata Sherra went forth to woo a woman of ‘Abs, of the house of Qarib, who

first inclined to him and promised to marry him ; hut when he again visited her, he

found her averse from him. “What hath changed thee?” said he : she answered — •

“ Verily the honour of being thy wife is great ; but my people said to me : ‘ What

wilt thou do with a man who will surely be slain to-day or to-morrow, and thou be left

husbandless And he turned away from her, and said—

U+s*5 idI Jjty

hjj t c4^f u'0 k+i J

((( | • •

bo j

l$J ^ J

J[}} Jbbf

U>o <iissLaJ LJt eus5L<5

tit

bd^f Oy+ll

a — iti y y ^jis

j (_5 1 J jr* f*^9

A+& ebb

eW J

^b| c^f j L5Jt j

They said to her — ‘ Wed him not ! for his life is nought at all :

the first spear-point that he lights on perchance shall stretch him

[dead.’

And she gave no whit of heed to wisdom, hut feared to he

the widow of one whom Night enwraps, full of hardihead ;

Little he slumbers or sleeps, and the heart of his intent

is to gain the blood of vengeance, or face a foeman grim.

There comes down to fight with him whom his tribe count their bravest

[man,

hut not to gain fame of valour does he smite heads in twain.

5 Little he stores of food beyond what shall stay his need :

his ribs stand forth with hunger, and his bowels cleave to his back.

Lie has lain in the wild beasts’ lairs until they know him well,

and never through fear of him have they lied from their grazing

[grounds —

He seeks not to take the hare or the deer by guile or spring :

long has he fought with men, grey is he and old therein.

And he who deals ever with warfare, it cannot but be that he

shall meet one day therein a fall from the hand of Death.

They see a man whose heart cares not to hunt the deer,

and if they could grasp man’s hand, they would verily grasp his hand.

1877.] Pratapackandra Gkoska — Three Copper-plate Inscriptions. 173

10 But he — the lords of fat camels grow lean through fear of him,

as they follow his track alone or girt with a company.

And as for me, well I know that, though I live long, at last

I shall meet the spear of Death flashing bare before mine eyes.

Notes.

The metre of this poem is the same as that of the first piece.

v. 3. “ Little he slumbers or sleeps” : qalihc ghirdri-n-naumi. Ghirar is the be¬

ginning of sleep, drowsiness ; the force of qalil being* to deny altogether, the phrase

means that he sleeps not at all, nor does he ever suffer drowsiness to creep over him.

“A foeman grim”: kemiyyan musaffcdd ; Jcemiy is one fully armed: musaffa 1 means

stained or blackened with the rust of armour which is constantly worn. So er-Rabi‘

son of Ziyad says —

jl&j j

And stirrers of the flame of battle — upon them the rust of steel,

even as though their faces had been besmeared with pitch.

v. 4. “ There comes down to fight with him” : the person spoken of may be either

Ta’abbata Sherra himself (which seems best) or the warrior mentioned in the last

words of the verse before.

v. 9. “They see” i. e. the wild beasts : verse 8 is a parenthesis, arising out of

the second hemistich of verse 7. To grasp the hand is a sign of friendship and good

will in Arabia as in Europe.

v. 10. “Fat camels”: makhad, properly “ pregnant camels,” which were held to

be the most delicate of flesh (see Tarafeh, Mo'all. 93).

Notes on, and Translation of, three Copper-plate Inscriptions from

Sambalpur. — By Pratapachandra Ghosha, B. A.

In the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for November 1872, under

the head of presentations received, the receipt was announced of a Copper¬

plate Grant consisting of three leaves, found in the Sambalpur District.

The plates were presented to the Society by Capt. M. M. Bowie, then

Deputy Commissioner of that district. The plates were found buried in an

earthen vessel, at some depth below the surface in the Tributary State of

Patna attached to the Sambalpur District. The inscription records the

grant of a village named Vakavedda on a small rent to four Brahmans of

four different gotras. The grant was made on the 8th lunar day of the

bright half of the month of Ashadlia in the 6th year of the reign of Jana-

mejaya.

The plates are in tolerable preservation. The inscription runs over

three oblong tablets connected together by a solid copper ring. The first,

covering plate is inscribed on one side only, and the last has but two lines

of inscription on the second side. The ring is surmounted by a round

174 Pratapachandra Ghosha — Three Copper -plate Inscriptions. [No. 2,

seal with a thick border. The legend on it is unclear. It has been

much affected by age, and the faint but rough relief impressions lead

me to surmise that it had at one time a figure of Bamachandra seated on a

lotus, and surrounded by lotus leaves and flowers. At the foot of the lotus

throne there appears to be a kneeling figure, evidently of Hanumdna , for

it has a tail.

The character of the inscription is of the 12th century ; the ^ of the

inscription, however, is of as ancient a form as is met with in the Kutila

type. The vowel signs are nearly identical with those of the Bengali

alphabet. It is, however, noteworthy to observe that 'the ancient forms of

^r, W and occur in this inscription. The rf and of are closely allied

to the Bengali type. The language is Sanskrit, and the metre of the slokas

which close up the inscription is in the long distich. The grammar on the

whole is correct, but errors and omissions committed by the engraver are

numerous.

The inscription opens with the simple auspicious “ Svasti ” in the

style of a proclamation from Malidhliava Gupta , evidently a son or

scion of the family of Qiva Gupta , the monarch of the three Kalingas.

The place is then described, and the conditions of the grant are set forth ;

the annual rent being fixed at 8 palas of silver. A pala according to Amara

iSinha is “ Karsha chatushtaya ”, i. e. weighing 32 tolas. As usual, in

granting the village its mines are also given away.

The second tablet describes the recipients who are all evidently Bhat-

tas (heralds?) by profession. The first is of the Kauchchha gotra, which is

not known in this part of the country. The pravaras, that is the rishis,

allied to the family are Angirasa and Varshayauvanagva , and those of next to

kith and kin are Yuvanagva, JDamvarisha and Angira , professing the Kau-

tliama section of the Samaveda. These are all evidently pagchatya Vaidika

Brahmans, that is to say, the TJrias of the Western clan. The first donee’s

name is Damaka , the son of Aiprali. He came from a place called Lera -

gringa in the valley of the Tampa. The second is of the Gautuma gotra .

The second, third, and fourth all belong to the Kanva section of the Yajur

veda , the second comes from Vpagringa , the upper peak as contradis¬

tinguished from Leragringa of the first donee. The third is named Vdsu-

deva , the son of Hrishikesha, of the Kashatreya gotra. The fourth,

though coming from the same valley as the first, is of the Agasti gotra

and named j Kondadeva, the son of Bamagarma.

After the description of the donees, the usual imprecations are fulmi¬

nated against the resumption by the future princes of the lands and the

usual quotations from the Dharma Qastras are added in which the donors

of lands are praised, and their resumers are condemned as heinous sinners.

The engraver, an employee of the son of Mallddhara Datta, the min¬

ister of the States, is a Kayastha of the Ghosha family.

1877.] Pratapachandra Glioslia — Three Copper -plate Inscriptions. 175

The inscription closes with an eulogium on Janamejaya , whose name

has been used in the plate. What this Janamejaya had to do with the

grant is not at all evident from the inscription. The donor entitles him¬

self as the king of the three Kalingas , a title not uncommon with the TJricc

kings of the 10th and 12th centuries to adopt ( vide J. A. S. B., p. 21,

1869).

Until we can identify the Janamejaya of this inscription, it is needless

to make an attempt at fixing the date of this grant. There is, however, one

important point deserving of notice ; in this plate mention has been made

of the Glioslia family of the Kayasthas, a family which traces its descent

from the days of the earliest of the Vedas. In the Higveda , the twain

Agvinas are said to have given a husband to the unmarried daughter of

Ghoslia : Ghoshdyai chit pitrishade durone patim juryantyai Agvindva-

dattam. K. V., i. 117, 7. Sayanacharya, however, says Ghosha was

daughter to Kakshivat.

Transliteration of the Copper-plates.

Plate I.

q: II I qqqfqfqqrfq

^ffqqqftq qfspSTS fqfqqiT-

qTSjqT^Tqqftfqq: qq^Tqqfq fqfq;-

VT^fTf I qqTqnfqqq qw qiqfqfq: q^TqTfqqf^q: f

qqqr: qqqiq^J I

qfwq: qfqfqfq^r^q^qqst: qiqTqrqqq^fqfqqqqrqR-

Plate II.

wtt f^qnfqqT«r: qqi$T^jrTq: qqqiqqr^qq?;: qqq^-jqftq-

qjqqq?;: qiqqq; ^rqroqpaTqiTqrt q^uq^fq fqfqq q^wiprqi-

qfqq f^rj^T qTqqjnq: qffjrcqqqq: qrw<qrq-

i j

^q^lpfqfqqq^^qqTqRqfqqqKqq^qsqlq-

^^qrqqJTTq: qj^qiq^qqT: sqtT^q ^qqqTq^^qn^sn^T-

qnqt qi^^i(?)fqf^J3q ^fq^TqT^qwfqqqT^q: fcfqqrqi;-

q; qjqfqjqrq: | T^qT^qqqTi ^qiqqq?;: II <q

sf Vj

qimqT^rqnr qqrf^irfqfqqq: q*qTOTfq qi

TQW' €m^qqiq f^qrrfqq-W qf^qTTT »

17G Pratapachandra Glioslia — Three Copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 2,

VXWXi qfqqq^TqqqiWqqqi-

vj ^

qsqqrqfqfqf^ qnnfq^TW^ TOqTOfqqqq qiqJirqqqr-

qfqqifq;q T<qqw qqfqqqRm qiqTfqqraqrq^ qngqiusfvr-

rTm'SKrS^T^SK*? SlfrrqTf^: *<qq?ltq qqfqqqTJiqiqqpcf^-

^Tf^^Tqqf^qqfig: ^plq qfqqqpqfafq qifqfVrg qqfqfq^fqftqqqi-

<t^T qqRTqqrq^qTTqrq qjqfqTqrqqT^qlqT i qqr qrqiqqkm i qsm-

qqr ^TT^fVr: qqTTfqfq; i qqj qqj q^T qfqqjqj w qqqqr^n qiq^qr^

Cy j

si^rq: q^qqfq qrfqqT: i ^;rqrq qiqRTqqq qTqqrqqr^rq n q%qqq-

qjif qiqfq qfaq;: I ^T%HT ^qq^TT q rTT^q q^ qqq; II

(\ ^ 'J

(qjqrq<q qqq ^qq qqrstTfq^q^qT^ jnq: i) q: qn'fq Jnq qqV

^ ^Tq ^;qpqq%q qqfqr %qr ii ^Twqqfqr fqq^: qqqqfqi fq-

qrqqr i vfjT^rm f ^onqi: q q^nqi qfqujfq ii qfq q: qfq^rfq q^

vrfq? qq^fq i ^qr m fqqq qRJTrfqqr ii qqRTqf qq-

Ov • •

qifa qiqjqqqqrfq q i qqf fife qq;rqq qfqq^r q s^qfq n q^q qr-

Plate III.

qqq qq? q^qfe: qqfgq: I q q%T qTq^r: qmiqitqTqTq^ q^fq II

vj vi

qjqqf q^qnqr qr qqfq q^qqj I q fq^rqf qifq qqr fq(?fq: qq qqjfq II

^Tfq;<qT qqWT fq^m^JT qTqr ^qmq: | S^qifcrq qJiqTqfqq^-

's3

fqr qrq<^ 11 qTqiqmq qqiqg4qm qrr^ q»r^ qT^ifqqT qqf^; I q^T-

qqiq qrfqq.* qif^q^Tq qqT qqT qiqq qiqqqp ii \Tr( qrq^^nqfq^-

^Tqfqqqqfqqq qqqjfeifqqq q^fq^q^T^rrq qqr

^ vJ \5 -3

qf% qqq: qqfaqqT fq^lWT \Tf{ qqqqfRqiqqKT5TTfq^5Tqqq -

^qqTqrqq^qfqqj fqqrqqT^ qqr?qq qt: ^Tqrqqrq fqqqqfq-

qiqqjqf qqi^qnfq q*?q 3 ^TqT^ i f^f^qfq^ qrqq" qqiqTfqfq-

qfqqtqWTqTqq;q^qqfqq^qfrq^^TTqTq^ q^qqrq^qqfq

qT^W^Tqqqjqfqqfqqqiq^q: IWqrq: IhqfqTJTOCTfqi

■J V*

fqTfqqfqfqq^rq^qrtfiqrq: q^qiq qjqqqqT^^¥iqfqqq:

qi^qi qr^Tq: q^?Tqqf^qqqfqq:qiqqqqqfq: qTqqfsi ii

Translation of the Copper-plates.

Plate I. Amen ! From the famous fortress of victory situated at

Murastima (?), the most venerable great ruler of rulers and Sovereign-

lord Qri Qiva Gupta Deva, descended from whose feet the devout

worshipper of Mahegvara , most venerable, great ruler of rulers, and Sover-

1877.] Pratapachandra Ghoslia — - Three Copper-plate Inscriptions. 177

eign-lord, the Glory of the Lunar race, and King of the Three Kalingas,

Qri Mahdbhava Gupta Deva , Lord spiritual and temporal, thus declares :

All Jats , soldiers, spies, DhitriMs (?), watches or guards, favourites of the

Government, dependents on the foot of Royalty, and others, living at any

time, in the village of Vakaveddd, in the confines of the territories in the

valley of the Tung a , or in the allied countries in the vicinity. Be it known

to you, that this village, with all its mineral wealth, free of all restraints,

with the right of collecting all supernumerary taxes, with its mango and

mahud trees, with its excavations and salt lands, bounded by well-known

boundaries on all its four sides, and restricted from the entrance of Jdt

soldiers, is given by us, for the settlement of the best Brahmans, sprung

from the principals of the different families, viz, :

I? late II. One of the Kaclichlia family, of the order of Angirasa

yuvandgva , and sub-order Yavanagva-Amvarisha-Angira , student of the

Kauthhama section of the Samaveda, inhabiting the Leragringd (Lera-

chera P) alluvion of the Tampa Lake, son of the venerable Aiprali , and

named JDamaka. The second of the Gautama family, of the order of

Angirasa , sub-order Varliaspatya , student of the Kanva section of the

Yajur veda , emigrant from TJpagringa , inhabitant of Kandakshetra, and son

of the venerable Naropaganda. The third of the Kashatreya family, of

the order of Archandgva, sub-order Qvabogvana , student of the Kdnva sec¬

tion of the Yajur veda , emigrant from KosJikaladda , inhabitant of Lepa-

tunga , offspring of the Bhattas, son of the venerable Kishikesha^ (Hrshi-

kesha rightly) and named Vdsudeva. And the fourth of the Agasti family,

of the order of Idhmabdhava , sub-order Chyava , student of the Kdnva

section of the Yajur veda , emigrant from Trikalinga) inhabiting the valley

of the Tampa , by name Kondadeva , son of Tdmagarmd .

To these excellent Brahmans, I, with the sprinkling of water, for the

purpose of their possession, until the duration of the Sun, Moon and Stars,

at the fixed rent of eight palas of silver per annum ; for the sake of adding

to the merit and fame of my parents, as of myself, execute this Deed of

gift in the Copper-plate edict. Knowing that it is for the rightful posses¬

sion (of the donees), and for the augmentation of the merit and fame of

my parents, and as of myself, that this Deed of gift is executed upon this

Copper-plate edict. Knowing this yourselves, you are to dwell there

happily, taking rightful possession, levying, according to your respec¬

tive shares, revenues, and receiving the gold and other minerals of the soil.

Let future proprietors of the soil, in due regard to our piety and

renown, and for our sakes , maintain this grant, as of their own, as it is

said in the Dharma- Qastras (jurisprudence) that 8 'agara and many other

kings have made gifts of lands, but the merit (of the grant) accrues to

him who for the time being is the proprietor of the soil.

z

178 Prat apach andra Ghoslia — Three Copper -plate Inscriptions. [No. 2,

Doubt not of your merit, 0 earthly kings ! because these gifts by

others have been made, for endless merit awaits on him that maintains, rather

than on him who confers, the same. The donor of land rejoices in heaven for

a period of sixty thousand years ; but their resumers and their advisers, too,

dwell in the regions of hell for an equal space of years. Gold is the first

offspring of Eire ; Earth is the favourite . of Vishnu and cows are the

progeny of the Sun ; therefore, whoever makes donations of gold, cows, and

lands, these three kinds of donors do no more return on earth. Their

fathers exult, and grandfathers laud (them), when their land-giving pos¬

terity thus bring about their redemption. Whoever receives a gift of

land, and whoso makes a gift of it, both of them for their pious deeds ever

ascend the heaven. The resumer of land is never absolved, though he

should consecrate thousands of tanks, perform hundreds of Vajapeya sacri¬

fices, and bestow ten millions of cows in charity. Whoever with an evil

heart, dispossesses another or causes one to do such an act, being beset by

darkness, he becomes fast entangled in the noose of Yaruna, and degen¬

erates into prostrate animals.

Plate III. Whoso resumes land, whether of his own giving, or

given by others, becomes a worm of the dirt, and rots there with his

forefathers. The sun, Varuna, Vishnu , Brahma, the moon, fire, and

the glorious Qiva, all bless the giver of land. This common bridge of the

piety of kings should always be supported by you. This is what Mama -

chandra most expects of all future sovereigns of the earth. Reflecting

on the transitoriness of human life and fortune, which is like a drop of

water on the leaves of a lotus, and knowing that “ this world is a fleeting

show”, let none obliterate the acts of others.

This Copper-plate document is written, on the eighth day of the

moonlit-fortnight of Ashddha, in the sixth year of the victorious reign of

the most venerable, great ruler of rulers and sovereign-lord, the illustrious

Janamejuya Deva, which to write in figure is Samvat 6 Ashddha, Qudi, by

Koi Ohosha, son of Vallabha Ghoslia of the Kdyastha caste, in the

service of the son of Qri Mallddhara Datta , the Chief Minister of Peace

and War.

There reigns the illustrious king of the Lunar race Janamejaya by

name, who in purity and splendour resembles the carbuncle gem, in the

family of the gemming lords of the earth. Whose valour and bounty are

boundless as the ocean, and whose lawful gifts have made his name more

glorious. He resembles the Lord of gods in saving the earth when in

difficulties, and he is celebrated as a mighty vanquisher of the hosts of his

enemies.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I. HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1877.

Notice of a pre-historic Burial Blace with Cruciform Monoliths , near 3fun-

gapet in the Nizam's Dominions. — By William King, Dcpy. Supdt .,

Geol. Sur. of India.

(With two Plates.)

About eight miles W. S. W. of Mungapet (Paluncha Taluq), oil the

right bank of the Godavari, and on the road to Hanamconda, I passed

over the strange place of sepulture described in this paper. It is in the

midst of, and overgrown with, forest and scrub jungle, and is cjuite out of

the ordinary route of European travellers ; but as the tombs have been

opened and there are signs of excavation, apparently of other hands than

those of despoilers, it is possible that this spot has been visited and de¬

scribed by some previous observer. The only notice I can find having

reference to like places in the neighbouring country is that of Colonel

C. L. R. Glasfurd (Report of the “ Upper Godavery District, 1868,”) who

says : “ But scattered here and there in the forests, and on the sides of

hills, are found the remains of a race before whose antiquity even the

ancient Hindu dynasties of the Peninsula of India must probably give

way. I allude to the megalitliic monuments of Indo-Scytliic sepulture,

consisting of cromlechs, kistvaens and cairns, which have been found in

four of the six taluqs of this district.” This account answers generally

for the locality under description, except for the presence of some stone

crosses, which in my experience of such burial-places in Southern India, are

quite unique. Other ruder and perhaps more ancient remains (commonly

A A

180 W. King — Notice of ci pre-historic Burial Place [No. 3,

called Korumbar rings), in some respects similar to these, are frequent over

parts of the Madras Presidency ; but here in addition to the presence of

laro-e crosses, the tombs are all built of worked stones, and furnished with

coffin-like cavities in place of the usual urns or earthenware chatties.

The place itself is called, by the people around, Pdkshasgudium or

‘ the village of demons’, whom they describe in the usual way as having been

as tall as trees, unclothed, long-haired, and of a time beyond the ken of

man. Situated close to the present village of Kaperlaguru, it consists of an

assemblage of kists or huge stone boxes for the reception of the dead, (and,

if the size of some of these be taken into consideration, of very honoured

dead too). The numbers of inferior people who must have been employed

to quarry, dress, and carry the stones, were not buried in this place ; it. was

the necropolis evidently of the rulers, not necessarily the heroes, of the

country, for many of the kists contain two or more receptacles of different

sizes as for families.

The ground occupied is about half a square mile in extent, but it is

difficult to be exact as to the area or even as to the number of tombs owing

to the thick forest growth, and there were only a few hours at my dis¬

posal for searching the place. There are, however, about 150 tombs scatter¬

ed irregularly along the crest and western slope of a low sandstone ridge,

(lying mainly in a long W. N. W. — E. S. E. group) which is rather

thickly crowded with kists near the northern end, where the high road

crosses the ridge. In the more crowded portion of this ancient cemetery

are four large cruciform monoliths, one lying flat on the ground at the

extreme northern end of the place, and three a few yards south of the road,

one of which is perfect and standing in a nearly upright position.

The crosses do not seem in their position to bear any very particular

relation to the tombs near them, and are too large, supposing they are not

in their original sites, to have been moved far from their first position.

The northern-most cross is not lying near any kist, but the upright

one and another (broken and dug down to its base) are placed close to two

pairs of large tombs, though their position is not strikingly associated

with either of these.* The fourth monolith is lying on the ground

some fifty yards further south near a tomb.

The appended sketches (Plates XI and XII, figs. 1, 2) will show the

style of these singular monoliths, which I think may be termed crosses,

though they differ in many respects from all ornaments or sculptures of

this class, while they are I consider of much more ancient date than the

type from which nearly all crosses are derived.

The two crosses in the middle ground are facing about E. — W., but

not exactly ; that is, the proper face may be to the sun or the reverse, for

* (See Plate XII, Fig-. 6.)

1877.]

181

with Cruciform Monoliths , Sfc.

I cannot say which is the front or back, as each cross is placed differently

with regard to its neighbouring tombs. Some of the kists face the rising

sun, others are at an angle with this position, or in other words, the entrances

are always easterly though at varying degrees to the south or north of this.*

The distinguishing points in these monuments are the various breadth

and length of the limbs, and the curved junction between the arms and

lower limb.f The broken cross in the middle ground has been dug down to

in order to expose the foot ; its measurements are : — whole height, 13 feet ;

height to arm, 9' 4 7 ; width of lower limb, 3' 2" ; length of unbroken arm

from centre, 3' 87 ; width of arm at end, 2' 5" ; width of upper limb, 2' l7 ;

thickness of monolith, T 87. The neighbouring cross is smaller, but it

stands 5' 67 over the ground, and from the proportions of the others its

lower limb must be sunk in the ground for about G feet.

These monoliths are neatly dressed, without any ornamentation or

inscription, and present a rather less weathered appearance than the kists,

which were apparently only roughly squared and then hammered or chisel¬

led on certain surfaces, though the style of tooling is the same in all cases.

Each tomb consists of four upright tooled slabs placed rectangularly,

covered by another flat slab dressed at 'the edges, and the whole is generally

encircled by a ring of rudely-dressed oblong stones meeting together at

their ends, these being cut to give clean joints to the circle. The box

or kist is built on the surface of the ground or, as it generally is, rock,

there being no excavation or pit as is more frequently the case with the

ruder Korumbar rings. One of the upright slabs is pierced for a small door¬

way large enough to admit a human body, and the sides of this entrance

are cut or counter-sunk so as to allow of a slab or other closure being placed

against the opening, though I did not see any loose slabs lying about which

might have been used in this way. The covering slab overhangs the kist

for more than a foot in width. (See Plate XII, figs. 3, 4, and 5.)

Most of the tombs are more or less broken and tumbled about, while

their interiors have in many cases been torn up ; but a few still show what

the inner arrangements were like. There was or is a floor or basement slab,

very often the size of the interior, in wdiich were cut out or carved one or

more long and shallow cavities with rimmed edges suitable for the reception

of a corpse. The largest tomb contains two of these receptacles with room

for a third ; in another are three, one (ordinary size) on either side with a

smaller hollow, possibly for a child, between ; while there is only one small

cavity nearly three feet long on one side of the floor of a further tomb.

* Possibly the fact of the entrance being- to the north or south-east may have had

reference to the time of death of the first tenant, according- to the seasonal position of

the sun.

t See Plate XII, Figs. 1 and 2.

182 W. King — Notice of a pre -historic Burial Place [No. 3,

These coffin-like hollows are narrow at the opening, but widen out towards

the bottom. They are not of much size, the largest being 5' 6" long, V 6'

wide at mouth, and 11 inches deep ; and this smallness probably indicates

that the bodies were embalmed, more particularly as the cavities would

seem to have been cut out as they were required, the floor slab having been

placed when the tomb was built. Another point in favor of the view of

embalming is, that the cavities are perfectly clean, not stained as they

might have been in case of rapid decomposition of the corpse.

The kists arc generally about 6 feet long by 5 feet broad and, with the

overhanging roof, about 4 feet high ; but some are much larger. The prin¬

cipal tomb is 9' 6" long, and 9' wide, the covering slab being IK 8" by 11'

G", with a thickness at the edge of V 4 n ; the whole height from the ground

being 5 feet. The circle enclosing this tomb is 37 feet in diameter, the

stones forming it being some of them 8 feet long.

Generally, each circle of stones encloses one tomb ; but there are ex¬

ceptions, such as two kists within a single circle, and again, four of these

arranged in a row inside of a long elliptical ring.

The covering slab and the sides of the kist are each of a single piece

of sandstone, but many of these are now cracked, and in one instance I

could not tell whether the upright slab were fractured or that one part of

it had been cut to fit the other as is often the case in the facing of the great

stone walls of some of the Telingana fortresses. The small door-way is

most frequently cut out in the upper half of one of the wall slabs, generally

at one side or the other, though in a few cases it is in the middle. There

does not appear to have been any covering stone for the body cavities,

indeed the raised rim of these would have required a covering with perhaps

more carving than the builders could elaborate.

The stone used is in all cases a very coarse grey sandstone, the rock of

the place itself, but I could not see any trace of quarries though such may

have been overlooked in my difficult search through such jungle. This use

of the stone of the neighbourhood is another point of difference between

these relics and the ordinary Korumbar rings of S. India, the latter being

usually constructed of stones other than the rock of the immediate locality.

Further examination of the slopes of the low hills in the neighbourhood

of Rakshasgudium brought to light other sites of similar assemblages of

tombs, but these are all very poor in the number and size of the kists,

while there are no cruciform stones.

The history of this place of sepulture is of course lost in obscurity,

but some attempt may be made to give it a place in the archaeological

record. Col. Glasfurd, as shown in the extract from his report at the be¬

ginning of this paper, attributes the remains observed by him in the Goda¬

vari valley to a possible Indo-Scythic period, though I think he uses this

1877.]

183

with Cruciform Monoliths, Sfc.

term in a sense to which it cannot he applied, for though there is sufficient

evidence of a Hindu occupation of the country, there is little or none as

to a previous Scythian one, the prior occupation having by all accounts had

its derivation from the north-eastward instead of from the north-west

The mistaken use of the term Scythic may, however, he due to its being a

general term for the pre-Aryan occupation of Europe, and thus adopted for

the like period in India. Col. Gflasfurd’s Indo-Scythic time would then

he the period to which I also am inclined to attribute the Rakshasgudium

remains, namely, to later pre-Aryan times. Or, a narrower limit might be

given in a Hindu- Kolarian period ; for these tombs — supposing as I do,

that they were erected by a peojDle of the Kolarian family — are of a higher

order of building than was usual with them, evidencing a later stage in the

history of the people who erected tombs of this kind, and this burial-place

may have been in use long after the Aryan occupation.

The absence of any inscriptions or incised ornamentation whatever

would seem to place the Rakshasgudium kists and monoliths in an earlier

age than that of such inscribed buildings or stones as are now extant in

the adjacent country, which are either of Buddhist or Telingana workman¬

ship. I do not remember noticing any inscriptions on the Buddhist caves

of the Godavari or Kistna valleys, but such are frequent in the Telin¬

gana ruins of Warangal and in the chain of large reservoirs extending

northwards from Pakkhal tank, which last, according to the inscription on

the bund, dates back some 1700 years.

It seems necessary, therefore, to look for a period whose people were

less civilized than the Telinganas and who probably did not possess a writ¬

ten character, in fact, for a pre-Aryan race, and the remnants of this I

think exist still in the few and scattered tribes of the Godavari valley

coming under the general name of Kois, who do not, however, acknowledge

any acquaintance with the remains under consideration.

There seems little doubt but that these Kois are related to the Kols of

Bustar and the country north-eastward by Katak, and that they are thus

of the Kolarian family. This country, in the Godavari valley, is scattered

over with cromlechs and kists somewhat of the same general type as those

of Rakshasgudium though of much ruder form. But, as this family of

people is tracked northward, the architectural character of these becomes

improved, their occurrence more frequent, and the popular theories concern¬

ing them more intelligent, until in Chutia Nagpur, the Larka Kois or Hos,

as described by Colonel Dalton, are found still making use of and erecting

sepulchral and monumental collections of stones, always of ruder form,

however, than the relics in question.

Without, however, taking into consideration the peculiarities of style,

tooling, and mode of burial evidenced in the Rakshasgudium tombs, there

181

[No. 3,

W. King — Notice of a pre-hist or ic Burial Place

is a very general resemblance between them and the other sepulchral ruins

scattered over the country above indicated and even as far south as the

Ivavari river, which ruins are doubtless the relics of pre-Aryan races, an

early branch of whom, is possibly now represented in the small degraded

tribe of Yanadis* of Striharicotta, and a later branch by the more civilized

though still low Ivois and Kols of the north.

Here at Kakshasgudium, however, we have the most improved form

of the type burial-place, the placing of the corpse in a horizontal receptacle,

and the unique cruciform monuments, all of which are evidences of civiliza¬

tion, possibly of the highest form at which the Kolarian people had arrived

when their country was inundated by the great Aryan wave.

It is at the same time very remarkable that in the part of the country

where I would have it that the evidences of the highest phase of civiliza¬

tion of the pre-Aryan exists, we have now only a very degraded remnant of

the race with no knowledge of the ruins in question. May I suggest

on this, that the Kois of the present day possibly had no direct ancestors

living here at the time of the Aryan invasion, or are they the returned residue

of so much of the race as was driven outwards by the invaders, or perhaps

the after outspreading of those branches of the race who were never

touched in the fastnesses of Sambalpur and Ckutia Nagpur by the wTave of

conquest, while the more refined tribes then existing became gradually

absorbed into, or amalgamated with the new race.

A great difficulty in tracing out the age of these remains, presents

itself in the cruciform character of the monoliths ; for I believe these are

unique in the pre-historic sepulchral remains of India, and it might

naturally be expected that a like though rougher form of the same

type should occur among the ruder examples of similar places in the neigh¬

bourhood, while at the same time it is necessary to face the apparently

much easier solution of the problem that the monoliths and even the ceme¬

tery itself may be of very early Christian origin. It is, however, more

probable that a more refined section of the pre-Aryan people should have

had one burial-place with special monuments for their greatest families,

than that a single early Christian cemetery should have been planted far

inland, in the centre of heathendom wfithout a trace of the cross being

left in the countries outside.

As stated in the commencement of this paper, it is very possible some

previous observer may have seen this place and recorded his observations ;

but I am unable to learn of such, while my means of reference to any pre¬

vious literature on the subject is very small. At the same time, I must

* The Yanadis frequent the country around Pulicat Lake (Madras) : and I saw,

in 1863-64, two of these people producing fire by the manipulation of pieces of wood,

on a rainy day, within 200 yards of a modern village.

1877.]

with Cruciform Monoliths , &c.

1S5

acknowledge reference to Col. E. T. Dalton’s paper on the ‘ Eude Stone

Monuments of Chutia Nagpur and other places, and, more especially, to

Mr. E. N. Cust’s paper on the 4 Non- Aryan Languages of India.’ f

Postscript.

My attention has been drawn to Mr. Mulheran’s notices, J of cromlechs

and stone crosses in the Godavari valley, which bear out my supposition

that these had been visited by some previous explorer. I think the burial-

place referred to by Mr. Mulheran as at or near Katapur§ is clearly that of

Eakshasgudium, but I have not seen the locality called Malur. It is worthy

of notice that the Eakshasgudium crosses are not always to the right

of the cromlechs, for it is difficult to say — See Plates XI, fig. 2, and XII

fig. 6, — to what cromlechs any particular cross belongs.

Mr. Mulheran does not make out a clear case for either a Christian or

even a Buddhistic origin of these crosses and cromlechs : though I agree

with him that their origin is extremely puzzling. The crosses in question

are not so clearly of a Latin form as Mr. Mulheran would imply ; and had

they been Christian, I think they would have been placed more conspicu¬

ously as appertaining to a particular tomb, or set of tombs. I am not aware

of any case of a memorial Christian cross being placed opposite the corner of

a tomb, as in this locality. I know, in Ireland, of pagan j)laces of burial

or memorial 1 1 having been christianized by the addition of Christian orna¬

ments or signs, and such might have been the case at Eakshasgudium :

but the complete isolation of the place is against this view ; the monoliths

themselves evidence more labour than could have been effected by a stray

Christian fold, or by wandering missionaries ; there are no inscriptions ; and

the proportion of the monoliths are essentially different to those of any

Christian cross. It is also not known that any such form of monolith or

cromlech exists now near any Christian remains in India.

Col. Walker’s remark, ^ as to the doubtfulness of the hypothesis of

the cromlechs being the work of a “ stone-implement using race,” is just

with regard to the cromlechs of Eakshasgudium ; for these are, I think,

evidently in their tooling the work of men who used iron implements. ##

* Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Yol. XLII, Part I, No. 2.

f Proceedings, As. Soc. Bengal, Jan. 1877.

I Proceedings, As. Soc. Bengal, April and June, 1868.

§ My camping place at the time of my visit was at Ivatapur.

|| An Irish cross with figure of our Saviour : hut the head of the figure is loose

in a cut hollow of the upper part of the cross, and this head has small rams’ horns for

ears, clearly a head of Jupiter Ammon. Close to the Bound-tower of Ennistymon,

west of Ireland.

If Proceedings, As, Soc. Bengal, June 1868, p. 151.

** Begarding- these cromlechs and crosses vide Proceedings, As. Soc. Bengal, for

August, 1877; Indian Antiquary, Yol. IY, pp. 305, 306 ; and Ferguson, Bude Stone

Monuments, pp. 486*89. En.

186

[No. 3,

Notes on the Rang pur Dialect. — Rg G. A. Grierson, C. S., Rangpur.

Rangpur is and always has been a border country. With the Koch

State and the Bhutan Dvars on the north, the wild tribes of Asam on the

east, the advancing tide of Aryan civilization, and subsequent Muhamma¬

dan conquest pressing on from the west, and, worst of all, the hated Van-

gala from the south, it is but natural that these conflicting elements should

have left deep traces of storm and turmoil on the inmost life of the people.

The district itself long formed a part of the Kraun'cha or Koch Bihar

kingdom, and being particularly exposed to invasion from all sides, it is

covered with sites of battle-fields, and abounds in legends relating to nation¬

al heroes. The people themselves have a legend that they are descended

from a remnant of the Kshatriyas who escaped the destroying axe of

Parasu Rama, and it is possible that a few of such families may have settled

on this debatable ground, and have found a new home and a new Gan-

ga on the banks of the Brahmaputra. They say that the Kraun'cha

Himalaya takes its name from those recreant ( Krulcta ) warriors who

abandoned their father’s faith, pure in its Vedic simplicity, for the dread

gods of the dwellers of the mountains ; and they point to their caste names

and their strange religion in confirmation of the theory. Be that as it

may, it is certain that Rangpur contained Hindu colonists at a very early

period of Indian History. The name of one of its rivers — the Karatoya — is

even mentioned in the Mahabliarata, and the Lohitya, a portion of the

Brahmaputra, which borders the extreme east of the district, is also alluded

to ( Bhishma Rarvan , 376).

As usual, little attempt seems to have been made to proselytize the

aboriginal inhabitants. The Hindu, while probably the most receptive, is

the least missionary religion in the world. The wild savages were allowed

to retain their demon worship, their “ Hudum Deo”, and their rites of

almost Tantrik obscenity, and were formed into a caste of Rasas with their

own customs (flesh-eating, widow marriage, polygamy, and even j^olyan-

dry), their own gods and their own language. In process of time, other and

even lower castes were formed, CJianddlas and Bhumi-malis for instance,

and the Dasas taking up the name of their former Rdja-putra masters,

called themselves, or were called by their humbler brethren, Rdja-vamsyas.

Such is the story of the Rajbamsi caste, which now includes within its

bond sixty per cent, of the Hindus of Rangpur.

In such a legendary history it is of course impossible to fix dates, or

even to assign eras for these changes. The earliest king whose name I

have found mentioned in local songs is Manik Chandra, a baniya by caste.

Of course he is stated to have lived in the 8 atya Yuga} which gives no era

187

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bang pur Dialect.

whatever ; but I think it will be evident from a perusal of the epic poem

called Manik-Chandra-Rajar-gan, that he must have lived at a very early

date, considerably before the Muhammadan invasion under Shah Isma’il

Ghazi, A. H. circ. 850, of whom an account was given by Mr. Damant, in

Vol. 43 of the Journal. No character is more popular than Isma’il Ghazi

in this district, and the popular songs teem with allusions to him ; and

yet the epic poem above-mentioned contains no mention of him or of any

Musalman whatever. I therefore conclude that this epic must have been

originally written, or rather composed, for it has been unwritten till lately,

before Isma’il Ghazi’ s time, and, as it makes Manik Chandra a king of the

good old days, “ when saints were many, and sins were few,” he must have

lived a considerable time before the Musalman invasion.

This invasion was another important factor in forming the character

and language of the people. Rangpur was for years the battle-ground

between the Kraun'cha Hindus, and the invading Yavans from the west.

We have traces of this existing in the topographical nomenclature of the

present day : there are Maghal Dacha where a Hindu General escaped from

the enemy, and Maghal hat , where one of the numerous treaties of peace

was signed, and several other similar names throughout the country. But

perhaps the most pregnant sign of the magnitude of the forces which were

insensibly moulding the condition of Rangpur for future centuries is the

existence to the present day of a vast dyke extending right across the

district from east to west.

It was built to aid the defenders in withstanding Musalman inva¬

sion. South of it, and when that became untenable, south of another far¬

ther north, were conquering foreigners, bearded strangers, bringing a new

language and a new religion, and armed with all the hatred for the Kafirs

which a strange language and a strange religion can give. For years the rule

over the populace south of these dykes was the occupation of conquerors

and not the colonization of immigrants, and that region has never since

rebounded from the oppression. The Parganas south of the south dyke,

are the most backward in Rangpur, and the despair of its rulers. They

abound in moderately wealthy Muhammadans, descendants of the followers

of Isma’il Ghazi and his compatriots, but the ra’iyats are a tribe of fetish

be-ridden savages worthy of the pen of a Burton or Cameron. Too ignorant

to betake themselves to the refuge of the law, their sole idea on seeing a

stranger is, that he is come to extort more money from them, and there¬

upon they run into the jangals and hide themselves. They do this not

only when the stranger is a native official, but even when he is a European.

I myself have gone into villages, and have had the greatest difficulty in find¬

ing a man who was brave enough to speak to me. I would not wish it to

be thought, that what I have just written has been exaggerated : it is

B B

188

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. [No. S,

merely a copy, and in some parts a verbatim copy, of district reports : and

it is fully borne out by my own observations.

As might have been expected, this tract forms a rich mine for the in¬

vestigator into aboriginal folk lore.

The people, Muhammadans and Hindus alike, worship two gods, the

Rurhi Deo , and Huclum Deo. The first is a bamboo set up in the earth,

to which are hung half a dozen rags and perhaps an old bottle or two. The

worshippers have no distinct reason for cultivating it, except a vague idea,

that if they do not, some undefined evil will probably befal them ; and so

they do puja to it, by attaching to it any old refuse they may find in their

house.

The other is a kind of Indra, worshipped only by women, and only

in the time of drought. They set uj:> a plantain tree at night at a cross¬

road, and dance naked round it singing songs of the most horrible obsce¬

nity.

Such is the state of those who live south of the dyke. That of those

on the north side presents more favourable aspects. While the former

country was occupied by a foreign army, the latter was held by a people

who fought for themselves and their religion with a certain amount of

success. Northern Rangpur was never effectively held for any length of

time by the Muhammadans, and the result is that the greater part of

its population is Hindu at least in name. Although degraded, the people

are not so degraded as their brethren of the south. It is true that

they follow few of the customs of Hindus born nearer the source of Aryan

civilization in India, situated so far to the west, — but one thing has been

ineradicably stamped in their character, they know that their ancestors

fought for their religion, whatever it is, and were able to retain it. There

has thus been begotten amongst them a sort of local patriotism, which,

if it has occasionally been a bar in the way of attempts made to help their

progress, has at the same time had an effect which cannot have been

otherwise than invigorating.

It may sometimes have tended to patriotism in a “ parochial” sense,

but it has taught the people to think for themselves and to act for them¬

selves, and, above all, to see that under the English Raj there is a reign of

law which is the same for the poor man and the rich.

I have been engaged for some time past in collecting the folk-songs

of Rangpur, and nowhere is the difference between these two belts of

country more easily perceived than in a comparison of them. Those of

the northern tract are often semi-religious lays with subjects taken from

the Mahabharata or Puranas, but with an individuality about them, in their

language and character, which stamps them with their owners’ names.

Some of them are really ambitious productions, with snatches of poetry in

189

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

them which might please even a fastidious taste, and one already mention¬

ed deserves special notice. It is of considerable length, about seven hun¬

dred and fifty verses, and has been handed down by word of mouth for

generations in a family of Yogins , who make their living by singing it

and other songs. It is a kind of epic, and describes the life of two ancient

kings of Rangpur, who lived in the Satya Yuga , named Manik Chandra

and Gopi Chandra. I have been fortunate enough to obtain a copy,

taken down from the Yogins as they recite it ; and I hope at some future

date to be able to give a full account of it. Amidst much that is puerile

and exaggerated, it contains many true touches of poetry, and gives some

valuable information as to the customs of the country in bygone days. It

has of course undergone many changes in its passages from mouth to

mouth, but from internal evidence, as I have already said, I believe it to

have been originally composed before the Musalman invasion.

This and other northern country songs, it should be noted, are remark¬

able for their hatred of the dakshina desa , from which the evil-mind Van-

gala comes.

The songs of the south are, on the contrary, either short erotic lyrics,

of which the less said the better, or hymns sung in honour of Nudum Deo

or at the Kartrika puja, which surpass even them in obscenity. Destitute

alike of wit and of poetical feeling, they can do nothing but disgust the

most unimpassioned and impartial investigator.

I propose now to give a short sketch of the grammar of the very pecu¬

liar dialect spoken in Rangpur, with a few specimens of the songs which

are best adapted to illustrate my remarks thereon.

The Alphadet.

The Alphabet of course is nominally the same as that of Bengali, but

it contains sounds which are, I believe, unknown to that language.

For instance there is a liquid, generally a substitute for a regular

ril ( e . g. fhfTJT for irf^rTR), which is much more nearly the

Tamil lingual l than any other sound with which I am acquainted. It is

sometimes heard at home in the London streets, when in the morning the

milkmen cry “ millc

With regard to the pronunciation of ordinary letters it must be re¬

marked that —

(1.) An initial \ r is almost always elided, and generally a following

^ a vriddhied into a. Thus randhite “ to cook ” and ^?r rava

“ voice ” are always pronounced andhite , und a-o respectively.

Sometimes a reverse process takes place and a T r is supplied where not re¬

quired. A good example is revenue agent , which is pro¬

nounced iviniu rejent.

100

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

l and *r n are interchangeable at pleasure, especially when initial, or

forming the last syllable of a word. In some parts of the country the peo¬

ple seem to have lost all power of pronouncing *r unassisted by a subsequent

conjunct letter. Thus bdnd-ila , “ he made ” may become

baldna or qT^TT^T baldla or qT*rr^r bdndla. ^f^RtqT! Lakshmipura becomes

Nakhipur.

(3.) Aspirated are interchanged with unaspirated letters, and vice

versa. Thus Daivakini is also pronounced or

Daivakhili or Daivakhini.

Similarly je and jhe , who. TDf garbha and garba , a womb.

qT^T badhd and qy^T bddd, hindrance. and qToTT bojlid and bojd, a

burden. i}*TT and fqcfT bhend and vind , looking away.

(4.) The vowels ^ i, ^ i, and q e, are freely interchangeable. For

examples, see above.

(5.) With regard to other letters —

(«.) ^ a can take almost any vowel sound, except that of a in

(< America.” As an extreme instance I give qffaqT kariyd , which is pro¬

nounced kaire or rather koire, having done.

( b .) x i is frequently omitted, the consonants on each side forming a

conjunct. Thus, qTf^qq" or qi^rq, bandhite or bdndhte. It is also sometimes

inserted between the members of conjuncts.

(c.) Single medial surd letters are elided optionally. Especially

sq kh, also q b, \ v, and v y.

E. g ., sa-i for sakhi, ^;%r de-o for deva , fq^ pia for fsj*?

priya. Compare Vararuchi, II. 2.

(d.) W clih is always pronounced as a dental ^ s. ^EfT^ dchhe , is, be¬

comes dse. Compare Vara., II. 41, for a reverse example.

( e .) s is never pronounced as a dental, hut always as q sh, the re¬

verse of Vara. II. 43.

(/• ) *u and ^ ' y are often pronounced as z, and this not only in Ara¬

bic and Persian words, but in such words as zan, when, for jakhan.

( g .) Similarly ^\ph sometimes becomes/!

(h.) 'q b sometimes becomes ^ m. For example see the verb paradigms.

( i .) As in ordinary Bengali, ^ r, and \ v interchange with oTv/ and

^ b respectively. J^r also interchanges with d.

(6.) Conjuncts. I know of no rule under which these can be brought.

They are made and decomposed ad libitum. y and q v at the end of a com¬

pound are pronounced as in ordinary Bengali, r at the end of a compound

is generally detached, as in UTTcj- par an for qT^T prana. Vara., III. 62.

Sometimes, however, it is dropped, as in fq^ pia for fqq priya. Compare

Vara. III. 3. At the commencement of a compound it has little effect

beyond strengthening the letter underneath. D. g. qsqjftqjt pushkarini

1877.]

191

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

a tank, becomes pushJcarnni, which is pronounced almost like

pnshhanni. Vara. III. 50.

A noticeable exception to the rule of separation is the preposition Sffi

prati, which becomes ^fVr ; see Vara. II. 7, and Hema- Chandra' s sutra Rraty-

ddau dah according to which the prahrit form is padi , and not pati. Also,

as regards the elision of ^ r, see Vara. III. 3. Other compounds can only

be settled by comparison and selection.

Nouns.

The following are the terminations, in the declension of nouns : —

Singular. JPlural.

Thus a boy is declined — •

Nom. or

Obj. or

Inst. 3TSi<ff ^TrTTiJ-

Abl. or

Gen.

Loc. ■^T^'^vfT

and similarly in the plural,

&c.

Adjectives.

These call for no remarks. They are without gender or inflection, ex

cept when used as substantives.

Pronouns.

As might be expected, their forms are many for each person. The

most common are as follows :

First person ^ if, ^ifi, ^Tfi,

Second ditto J?:, if , gfi.

Third ditto X this €iT, this or that. ?rf or If^or <TTf^ that or he.

Belative ^t, or wx or iifej, who.

Interrogative #T, or 4\X °r ^TfH who ?

192

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

Samples of Declension.

Nom.

1 • •so _

Ob]. ??T^r..

Inst, ^TfTT?T

Abl. VTK mif, or itix

Gen.

Loc. ^TrT

I or

me

by me ^rtUK ^T«TT?T

from me or ^tt

of me ^“HTTC

in me ^T*tT<T

Similarly are declined you, <TT that, who, &c.

this, is declined as follows :

t, t*lK ^TrTT?T, &C.

The plurals of all these words follow the analogy of substantives.

The two most interesting forms amongst the above, to my mind, are

^Tfi? and ^t^t. The first is the missing link between the Bengali ^EfTfa

and the Hindi Tfl, both of which are plural honorific forms. ^TTliPCr is inter¬

esting as showing the process by which in almost every language, plural

honorific forms supersede the usual singular. ^rr^TT is the plural of ^TfVr,

which is itself a plural form. however, by constant use has acquired a

purely singular sense, and thereby ceases to be honorific, and a fresh plural

of a plural has to be coined to supply the deficiency. I may mention that

is also used in a similar singular sense for “you” in the north-west of

the District.

Another point worth noting amongst these pronouns, is the characteristic

ending in or ^t?r, which are all local variations of the same sound.

This is the characteristic ending of most of the sarva-namdm , mistranslated

“pronouns.” Thus we have not meaning “all.”

It is worth enquiring into, how numerals in so many languages came to

have not only original Aryan pronominal inflexions, but pronominal termina¬

tions showing the most manifest signs of, and being the result of modern

phonetic decay. Such an enquiry, however, would necessitate discussing

the whole theory of pronominal declension, a task which I willingly leave

to more competent hands. What I have set myself to do is to record

facts, and to leave others to draw inferences from them.

I here give specimens I have collected of the commonest pronominal

forms, in the form of a “ Philological Harp.”

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Ranggur Dialect. 198

Verbal Forms.

Prefatory. As will be seen the main scheme of the Rangpuri con¬

jugation is founded on that of classical Bangali. To bring this out more

clearly, I shall give the two paradigms in parallel columns. As usual in

local dialects, the so called non-honorific or, in reality, singular form, is

preferred to the honorific plural form usually found in the books.

In book-Bangali there are few irregular verbs. The two commonest

examples are to go, and to be. The former has its past parti¬

ciple frr^T and instead of and and the latter has its Im¬

perfect tense instead of The regular forms are, however,

sometimes used in poetry, and I have remarked that the peasantry of Bard-

104

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

wan and the neighbouring districts occasionally use those of in con¬

versation. In the northern half, however, of Bangpur the regular forms

are the rule and the irregular the exception. Indeed in conversation,

<^Tfw«T and not f^«T is always used.

Paradigm.

The verb to strike.

1877.]

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect.

195

Future.

1st Pers. I or we shall strike xr5r^r or xr^T^H or

Infinitive and Present Participle.

To strike or striking

Verbal noun.

tf^T«rT a striking

Conjunctive Past Participle.

having struck xt^tsqt &c., &c.

Adverbial Past Participle.

having struck

Gerund.

xj^tT^T striking

&c.,

&c.

Inceptives and potentials are formed by the genitive of the gerund,

and not by the infinitive, with »TTJl»r and xtt^tit respectively. Thus

•TTJif 1 begin to strike. xj^rs^K xfiVT I can strike.

With reference to the above Rangpuri forms, I would mention that in

the course of my reading I have met many of them in plays, in the conver¬

sation of persons who are not supposed to inhabit Rangpur. I do not for a

moment pretend either that the forms I have given are all necessarily

peculiar to Rangpur, or that I have by any means suggested all the possi¬

ble varieties. I have only given the forms usually current amongst the

lower orders of the District.

Other Miscellaneous Grammatical forms.

I have already shown one point of resemblance between Rangpuri and

Hindi in the word “ I” ^tDt.

There is another form of the genitive, which may, I believe, be con¬

nected with the well-known Hindi suffixes ^TT. and 3ft, signifying “ of."

It is met in the books, or rather in the grammars, in the genitive of ^fTXffsr

c c

196

G. A. Grierson — Notes oa the Ranypur Dialect. [No. 3,

“ your honour ” meaning “ of your honour ,” while means

“ of one's self " This is exactly reversed in Eangpuri, where is

almost always used when the speaker wishes to say “ of one’s self.” In

this dialect, however, the suffix miT, which I believe to be a sort of double

genitive, is not confined to I find it used in common conversa¬

tion, in such phrases as f^T ^riT “ I came on foot a

journey of two days" ; 3HT “ put it aside for to-morrow."

Curiously enough, when in Tirhut in the year of the famine, I was thrown

much amongst uneducated classes, I noticed, amongst other forms in which

a relationship to Bangali might be traced, a similar use of the word

and instead of ^tt, which then not having been in Rangpur, I could not

understand.

I now proceed to give some examples of Eangpuri folk songs.

I have used the Deva-Nagari alphabet, and not the Bangali, as I be¬

lieve they will thus be accessible to a wider number of readers. As the

three sibilants are freely interchangeable, I have for the sake of uniformity

followed Vararuchi II, 43, and have written a dental ^ sa throughout. I

have not, however, been able to carry out this rule rigidly in the case

of some compound letters. For similar reasons I have represented both

■s and \ by h.

The first story is a kind of nonsense verse, not unlike some of our

nursery rhymes at home. Although I do not know any exact European

parallel, it is quite possible that such an one may exist, and I have given it

in the hope of the analogy being pointed out.

I do not know why it is called a Goralch Neither ydn. It appears to

have no connection whatever with Krishna. It is a great favourite amongst

the people, who delight in hearing it sung, and go into fits of laughter at

the absurder impossibilities related.

’Tfun ^rijT *TT«T I

I

ftp* rUX TT? II \ II

vrt^TT I

?itNt ii ^ ii

5 JiT ?T ^T*T<T ?TTT I

fTT?i f^T«T ^ 3TTOK I

^ «TT 1

YU »TT || ^ ||

V ’ VT «TT I

1877.]

197

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Hang pur Dialect .

^nir f<r^r i

IsX in vifaTj i

W ^TT^fcT ifT Vi^T II U II

^ ^T«T qfT^T^V; VI^T ^ I

\J *

rH% f^.T frl^T I

N • j 'j

IS?: in ^T WQK I

m 1ZT 7iT 5f% ^TTT II * II

3 ^ «TTT I

?rri( vttvttt^ fir^r stt^t i

1ST ^i*T iiT ^TO f^T I

W *3T«T ^T STTT II ^ II

^ stm *mifc snr vttt I

<Tt€ f^JT *Tf^ fcf^r ^T I

1ST in vstcNt ii^r i

W ^r ^T tTTT^ «TT II 'O ||

$ ^T ZT •TT I

TTT^ fsT^TT ?l»r ^TT^tUW^ I

rTT% fqfpR’ fcT^T ^flfc |

1ST sfrr^r m <ttt^ ^tt i

WT «TT II K

^ ^fnfq: vrr l

?nir fim ^t nifn^r i

1ST ^T iff ^I3IT ^TT I

^ ^T 7JT rT^TT *TTT II <£ II

v Trfcr^r bit cr^rr ^rn; i

wm fim ^ vim i

1ST qTvm ffT VfT i

xr^ ,q"[VT*r iff XTTT^ *TT H V II

t ^rR«r in qTT^ *tt i

rTi# Vffftir Tirn ^T ^%T I

*^T ^T iff vrifjT^ *ff I

W ^T iff ^%TTTT^ Vff || S II

i&ifK i

198 G-. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect. [No. 8,

A SONG OF GORAKH NATH.

(1J Let me whisper a tale in your ear. I got a present of three

villages.

(2.) But two villages were all waste land, and in the third there was

not a single man.

(3.) In the village in which there was not a single man sat three

blacksmiths. But two of them did not know their business, and the third

did not make anything.

(4.) The blacksmith who made nothing, made three spades. But

two of them were broken and good for nothing, and the third had no ferule

for the handle.

(5.) With the spade which had no ferule, he dug three tanks. But

two of them were filled with dust, and the third had no water in it.

(6.) In the tank which had no water in it, he set three fish-nets. But

two were in rags and tatters, and the third had no meshes.

(7.) With the net which had no meshes, he caught three ru-is (a

kind of fish). But two jumped away and escaped, and the third he

could’ nt find.

(8.) The ru-i he couldn’t find, he took off to Kaliganj market, and

sold it for three kalians* of Jcaoris. But two kahans he didn’t get and

one they didn’t give him.

(9.) With the kahan of Icaoris they didn’t give him he bought three

earthen cooking pots. But two were broken and worthless, and the third

had no bottom.

(10.) With the pot which had no bottom, he cooked rice for three

brahmans. But two didn’t eat any ; and the third didn’t get any.

(11.) And the brahman who didn’t get any, gave him three slaps.

But two didn’t touch him, and the third wasn’t a slap, &c.

The next song is a curious and characteristic production of the tiger-

haunted northern half of the district. It tells how the Tiger-god S'onardy

Thakur destroyed an army of Mughuls.

*IT»t I

3tei ^ «rnr t,

^ «rro %rr ii ^

* A ganda = 4. 20 gandas = 1 pan. 16 pans = one kahan = 1280.

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. 199

t!tt rtr f^RT rt^t wf%?n rr rt?t i

RR RTRRlT WTRT RT^TR RTRTRT RTR II ^

RR RTR%T WTRT RfRT I

RRT R TTR RT^T ^TRRTRTT% RTRT II ^

RfRTT RfeWT WTTH RTfTW RTfafNT I

RTRiTTR ^ RRT WTRR RifT?TT II «

RTRiTTR RTRTTTR R# %T^ RTRJT RT I

■RT?;R RTR RTRT RTT RWT WRT II *

WT^ RR^T ^3R R# RR^T rtt I

RfT%WTT R^IR ^T^T RRT ^f§R RTT II ^

RTRrfR^r rr^t snf?r wfr^r rttr t o

fRRT ^ RRW 5TTf<T Rffr# RT5JR I

r*tr rT^R" rrw Rffr^r RRR ii . c

RTRRt !£T ^Tl% RRTR RTRRf ^ RTR I

WIT WRW "^T R% RTRIT RTTRTRr RTRII <*

WTR RT#T RT RTTt RRRT R^pfl RT RT? I

RT^R RTR WTTRTW RTRTT RTT RTRTTTR II \°

WT^ RRRT R% RR* RR<R RTT I

T ef^cr RTRT RR RTRl RRT RT^t RTT II U

RTRt RTTRT RTf=R WTRTT RTR ^TfR RT I

♦

% RT RTfRi^ RTRRf RTT ^ II ^

fRfRRTT RT RTfr^t RRT RRRT WTR RTTfR I

RTT RRRT RT RTR fRRT RTRT TTf?T II

WTRT fRTRTT RTf T RTT ^TW I

TRT R^ITR Wf%RT WTfRRT f^RT R TW RTR II \U

fRRT RR RTR WTFr^T fRRT RR RR I

nm ^tr wtIrrt rrt rtwrt ii th

J -s -»

RT ^ RTRRR RTRTT RTR WTWT I

TT R^T RRRIT RTR RT^ RTfRRT ^RT II ^

TRRT S^Rt% ^TR fRRT RTR I

RTRT RRTTR RTT1P WRTTR RT RTR TITR II

RT RTfw RTR ^T^ RTTRT I

RT* fT?rr R^RTTRT RTR RT#tT fRRT II

RR^T RTTR fRW W^RT^T RT I

RTRTT^T RTT?TT RTWfT?T RT^ RTR II

RR^T Rf^ fR# RTRT RfTRTT I

RTRRT Rf^?TT RTT R<t RTRfr?TT RT?T II

Rr^T R^ RTT RRt?TT% ^TR I

WTfRT WR RT RTfiT RT^T TR RTR RR II

200

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

stth ^ ?ttx ^IS i

HT f^rr ^TT. ^Ttr ^ II ^

^Tm ^ BTf ^ ^T?f» ^<T rTUT I

«TT I

W wk II ^

^ f ^ ^ruizr bt^t 5i^r ^§t i

rlT^T mxvi Tf^T II

ii

A SONG OF S'ONARAY THAKUR.

All the tigers roar forth his name.

“ Oli Thakur S'onaray.” All the tigers roar forth his name.

(1.) From house to house the Thakur wandered, uttering the name

of Hari.

(2.) He uttered the name of Hari as he went along the way ; and he

met the whole Mughul army on the road.

(3.) The whole Mughul army asked him a question : but in the pride

of his heart, the Thakur only shook his head.

(4 ) So they undid their waistbands and tied up the Thakur, and with

blows they thrust him on before them.

(5.) They thrust him on into their prison, and tied a twenty-two

maund stone upon his chest : (and left him there).

(6.) The little Mughuls got up and said to the big Mughuls, “Bro¬

thers, come, let us see our prisoner* of yesterday.”

(7.) Both the classes of Mughuls went to bathe.

(8.) They ate their breakfast (and drank) sweet water, and then went

off to see their prisoner.

(9.) The Mughuls went on, and on, and on, and arrived at the prison.

(10.) When they arrived at the prison, they peeped carefully in.

“ He has thrown off the twenty-two maund stone, your S'onaray is not

there.”

(11.) The little Mughuls got up and said to the big Mughuls, “ Bro¬

thers, this binding up was not good. Let us go home.

(12.) “ Let us go home and build seven houses. If we keep inside

them, there will be no fear of the tiger.”

(13.) (The Thakur said unto himself) “ Ye scoundrels, low-caste Mu¬

ghuls, ye could not recognize me. Your Mughuls will be killed one fine

night.

* Lit. “tying up.”

201

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bang pur Dialect.

(14.) The Thakur went to the edge of the wood and gave forth a

roar, and with one bound there came twenty hundred tigers.

(15.) Twenty hundred tigers came, thirty hundred camels, and with

heads down came wild bears.

(16). “ Hurrah, Tigers ; take some betel and pan. We have revenge

to take upon those scoundrelly Mughuls.

(17.) The tigers rushed up tumultuously and took the pan : and

with one spring of their bodies they destroyed the seven houses.

(18.) The tigers got tired with breaking down the houses, so they

jumped into the inner apartments.

(19.) The Mughul’s wife had gone into the cook-house. When the

tigers saw her, they tumultuously twisted her neck.

(20.) The Mughul’s daughter had gone to fetch water. When she

saw the tigers, she jumped into the river and began to swim. The fishes said

“ A crocodile is eating her.”

(21.) She said, “ Oh Thakur, why are you afflicting me so to-day.”

(22.) He caught the Mughul by the left arm, and gave him a blow©

The Mughul fell on the ground crying “ Bap, Bap.”

(23.) He said, “ Oh Thakur, why are you afflicting me so to-day. I’m

not a slave of my wealth but I am of my life. I’ll sell my riding horse

and be your slave.”

(24.) On that day S'onaray Thakur made himself visible, and men

now worship him when they fall into temptation.

The third specimen is a song describing the birth of Krishna. It is

by far the most popular song amongst the Hindus of the district. It is

not extant complete, but I have been able to collect many pieces of it and

to repatch them into something like the original song which no doubt

originally existed. I have been able to produce a pretty fair text ; as there

is hardly a line of which I have not obtained two or three copies. Con¬

sidering the great distances from each other at which the places were

whence I obtained the fragments, it is wonderful how they agree ; espe¬

cially as it is not customary for the reciters to possess written copies, or

even to be able to read them if they did. Babu Haris Chandra Bai of

Ulipur in this district was able to give me three extensive fragments, which

were of great assistance to me. They gave me, in fact, the main thread on

which to string the other smaller fragments I had collected.

No doubt the story was originally continued further than I now give.

In fact, I have some short pieces on Krishna’s later life which favour

such a theory : but unfortunately they are not nearly numerous enough,

as far as I have yet been able to see, to justify me in giving any more at

present.

202 G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

As it is given here, the story ends abruptly. Perhaps, at some future

time I may he able to extract more of the same kind of gold from the rich

mine of material yet lying by me unexamined.

SMTS*?! I

*nf*T I

crrc ^tr n \

mK «TTT I

vr "Cff «t 11 ^

^r efn<§ xff^rsr 1 1 ^

vj N

•srf^K fw^rcr n »

^TWT ^T^TT ^TfcHIT ^TffrT **?< I

fTT^^T f^T ^37 vfK tjr |

TT5JY ^ *;R sfrT ^TJT*R ll l

iiTT 3RJT *TR |

^ JR ^1% I

j *

%R ^R fjRT o?Rf «TT ifTT II

^ '

^■ct ^fsnn *tpr; jjIr i

JiTfusr jrt: Wi$ SR i

^TR f^RT II 'O

I

^R ^T £rT ^5^ II c

rTPtf ^f*RT ^T^T ^fa<T

^TlT^T ^RT^RT f«RT ^Tf*RT ST^RT £

RRT TTSTPff RR WTfw I

TTRR 3T*R rTKT ^Tf^T^T II \°

RTR Jlf^T KY* 3f^T RTURR JTTff^T I

^RT'C SR R1R~R ^TfrT K^T ^f*RT I

RRT ^T?R RTCR ^f<RT ^f*sRt fasjT II u

^trt I

^TRRrT RR *TR |

^TRT ^R f%3> I) ^

tT<R*T 3\^T RR ^R RT% I

?R ^iX% ^R W RIWT II ^

<TTW TTTW<T SKT ^R I

RSR W ?R ^ II ^8

1877.]

203

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect .

WTW *rre<T 35T 5*^7 I

KWZ1 3TT*t 3fff% <G*T cTK% ^ II VI

'J

wrc *ro<r ^\x ^ ^tc i

W ^T^\T *TT^1X II

«TTX TTTWrT ^TT ^Tcr W^TX I

«TT5T ^f^T«TT -TT^: ^Tf% ^Tf« ^Tf II ^

rTK ’TT^fT ^T*T ^TiTT I

3rff% *?T1PT 3TTT^ N X*

%»r ^rr% ^f^T t

^ nx*i ^ t^fWx n

* ^ Ximi W I

W ^ *TT3T SJT*? 11 ^ °

^T<T rTT^ XTfw ^f^.T I

%»T 3H<8 ^RfiT ^t^TTT "5^TT^ 11 ^

Jlj <}^ efTC*T ^ H^TT^T |

fartr w 3fff# ^r% *rr*j ii ^

5i^r 3Tf^r '«r^ i

^*riT^r <tk ^k ii ^

^ f%5X ^KTN«T 3if I

ij*; i%s m*v ^rT^f ii ^y

wfx ff5r t^ffx ii rtf.

■fai^TT ^twt ^rfw fXr^TT^r i *

w ^ w f^r ii

'J ^ ^ ^ ji^ '

^T XTX I

^nrx JI^rT ^xf^ TiT(JI B-jx 11 ^

3% ^T*T f% I

*TT$ ^ffl ^Tfa II

^cf^x tttw ^Tfa 5;f% t

•3TT 5ufa ^T*T is ^<£

gft? ^ *nm i

l^Tft^r WTfiK 5ft ^Tfn II

fey\<$K f^ff^r^R 31^T^ I

^f«|? TT^T^ 3TT^ ^rT ||

?<£ TITf^t KRT ?TT^ 3Tfa^K ^TTff I

TT5TT W^ ^rr^ U

\j

•^Tfa: 3!^ 3W H

^ ^iiR — wt^, frrff = m\ i = ^x I i

i 5ft = tft i

i

D D

201

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

q mfl qrq i

§(T ^fT*T qiq II \U

^ II

^s: q#T qqiqq qrj $ qr^t ^ i

^T^iW 5RRT *TT W W§ ^ II

q^T^r 5IW ^ Wife ST ^T^TT I

W^T 3# II

qqr^q ^ % q?5t ^ qiqft i

q<q fq^r q>*? ure ?*t*ik jtt*i ^rsfr n • q*>

qr*rr t^fw* qnfa^r q>Tf^K i

3T fiRT «n*r ^tt $ TTT*nr qq II ^

^TTfT fqq% ^TTrr q^T^f I

qjTqq q;qr *rrcr ^ f^sr ^ rq q^rq 11 q<*

W3T q# II

^q q% qqi^rq ^q ^ ^ qrfq \\ a°

^TT?K 3% qfq qr*7T ^ q*RR |

?TT*TK qf qq qq% rTT^T q*fq% qR II

■^q *r ^t^t qrfq^r q mw i a^

W qTHJ ~^q ^rq ^Trq % faq II

qq qrsj **if q% qrw<T vit^tt qrq i

Igq ^ ^ $Tqq qrfq^r q *fq ii a<?

q-ffarr qrfttaT qqfisnrt qffq^r ^q i

fqsjT ^TTf^T^ •TTf*T3T qq%ift fq^T q^ ^q 1

fimi ♦nfiR qqfeqt far ^fA^r 11 a a

fvtqjT q^q qifw ^qq q^q q% i

qrrerq ^ qr^r qrnaq ^qq i

*^q *fi*r ^rfarST qq<*r "^q ^qT^C qf II an

qrfqqj qqfafal ?rf^q fq%qr qt% i

fqq fqq qTf^-qT JiT^T qT% <TM II a^

q>T% 1

^ xnqrq r fer^rT^?: i

• «

q?: ii^r qr5TTq XN?X 11 ao

qre ^tw q qiqq i

^n^tq qui qiqrrc qqfwqr ^T^fq h ye

^Tf<*i q> W ctt^t fqqw qrf«r^ i

qrqqi^r ^tw ^t ^t^t ^tt?: 11

a<f:

qy, qqRT= W i a l qqqrq = q^jqiq i an q»i^c

v3 4

ye qjTl'<: = qiq> qiqi^ = I

i

1877.]

205

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect .

20G

[No. 3

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the JRangpur Dialect.

ttttct up* to ■sir itx

VTfTOT ^ ^TT*T ^TOTT if ^

*nif T5TT^ 3lfr farjx |

*jfro to# vn?T^t to to ir

tot ^rTfror to^tt 11 ^

*TO TOT# #TTO ^ *I?T#t faiTOTft I

TOT ^T^T *TTTO J1TTO ^T^T rJTT ^ifcT *TOT

#TT ?TTTO ^TOT *TRT TTfe If

« *

^TTO TOJSfr ^T^T ATT ^TSTTT TT^fV || «?<£

TO TT*TT 3# TO #TO ^TTO *TOT TO#T |

<iqrr froj TOf*3f#qr t f#TO #% ii *>•

TOfrot to *ro ^ tot to % #rsr to i ^

TO #t ^rfroT to #tt qf# i

# m qfro ^ ti^to vifti#t ii ^

ctto TOTO ^frot i

4Nr to\ «tt ^ qrfroT *rf# ii

^Tf% *^T*T f^T ^nf^TO 11

^Tf%TT TOTO" ^TTi: TOT q#f *TO If 'Oa

^ qrfro *jto i

f#%# *ttttto ii 's*

% ^TT# ?TT#T #TfTTT ^ TO I

tott to# "To to:^ q* tottto ii ^

W IXTO TT fafTOT# qf%TT TOTTO I

qfro titof qrnzj to to u w

Jif % TOf## ^r*ro to ^tttt*: to i

TrZ ^TfTO TO TO I

fsRJT fTO ^frot qTTO #TO II W

TO 9 #1# SVT iTT^TT TOT r

^T*T fTOT 3TT# q*TTO 3fT# ^fTO TO*T l

^THTT TO# TO TOW «rTTTTO II «<£

Jiff# TOfTO C(TX TOW TO I

ir^ ^to n k®

fqre ^T% TO TO I

f% 3>TTO rT^q |

vJ

^ $# == qiTOTW I <cH 5tt#H^*= I *y q^fig = qq»m I

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Dangpur Dialect. 207

II q% ^q3i*r l!

sjfair ^rn\X INtw ^ \

^iT %T3R ^I^TT *?*T n

qfe q% •T^'^T 1% q^%T ^T*T?T |

• VJ •

qfe fa*TTq rft ^t^pt 1 1 ^

\> *

"SIX ^q ^t^.t x^x I

»tt^ ^f% spw 31^^ n

^T«T XlXrf ?T%T f^5FT 3Tf ^ f*T<TK I

^qrqT% qT*J ^q ^X «*IT3T f*T^IT I

JTTW fqfxq? ^lflT9 r fsnwc ^ST^ q^JT II

WH^T <?i wflT^IT qT3irq 3?TT %K 'I ^

• \J * •

%q ^T*JK ^ ^TT^T 3TT^ f3lf^C rf^T |

mx^i qTqqq qq%r q^nq %if r %rff l

^ ^I^TT^.T 3TT^f I

ST<3 Fq^q qff^C 1 1 *<£

-s '*

^1X ^X qT^TT^T ^ qT^TfrTT ^JW I

3TTrTK qT3US qufeqT %T%]-qpC fe% VTW II <£°

^I^TJTq? 3% *H% 3TT%T ^Tfq ^PC I

^K ^»[T ^J^fx ^ 3?tji ^q rfJX *?T%T II

q%T<sT ^f^T qfaq fex^ qrq 3?T% I

st ^ cr^mr^n: ^ifji-q.T 3i^q qrrfq ^t% n

f<^r q?fr% wq %qq Trffn: fsrf% i

fqfWfc ^TT^T *TT *TTq q^f% II

^f«T^T tfXtf ^T^IT I 3l*frq qT^T ^T^fT |

^T^PC ^ qftffa ^Eli% II <£»

qifqqi qT?T I ^TW I

s»

STT^T q^fq It <££

^rf%qT ^r-q i -qji^r qT^ I

31% ^rqq-q 3TT^T ||

T.*$ 3r^r i wf% ^TT^r ^ x*i i

q^ffT qtT 11 o

iTI-q q% qrf ^ I ^^T%T qiWTT: j

• V» vl

%q ^tt^tt ^rqiftra^ n <tK

31% = qT?T I f?fx^ = ^ I f3l1x^ « izfxx I

= I <ta ^t%T = X? i

208 G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Uangpur Dialect. [No.. 3,

^q i qi^t qq q^qr qi i

qrftq fq%q fr% u <t<c

qraiT q^q ^qforqr ^rqrfaqq i

^q qfq qfeqT qq qiqr qrq 1 1 ®

II fas 3% II

qTq f^qT *?T 3^3 ^TT^fT I

Tfaqrq f^ i?r qqq ^q^ II \°\

V*

WT ^tfe^.T qT% 3Tf ^ fspHT qq I

'^T’S qfqjqT |;qf% ^Tf%T% qTT qnqT I

#f ^JK qT ^ ’jf^T qqjTTX ^T^T II V *?

oj-q t ^ aj-qT qfq qq qtrqf^q i

• ' »

fq^Tqfc qrq qrc Jirq ,i

n qqr ii

fqrTT JT q^q qTT qT I

^mTq> q^^T *rrc;q q*^ qr^T q^ I) oa

ii q^^q q^ n

qqq qTT^ qnir ^iq qqq^ i

vj

fqq fqqr^T suit qiq q;f%q qrq ii

^qiqTq ^wq «fTq qrn; q^ ^iqr i

^TT qfqqTT TirqqTT onir snir qq qq || ^ o ^

^rqft qq snir qiq qifT qqsq i

'j

q^qqff^ qqf^T «fT?r q*3ff qiq ^iq II * o'0

\i vj

qq^ qTTq» ^nq tt5ttt q%q qrq n vc

^tt^t qqq qrq wqq i

♦ • s»

qfq TTqnT fqqnq qiqjT qq qq 1 1 v<t

qfqf fqq qr^q Tqfq qi^f t fqq qftq i

^Tq qrT q^T qr^rq sriir TTq fq;q n \\o

qqqT qf<^q qnq qiq qrqTT q»H;q I

qi q» qi^T fas q»qq qrfqq qqq ii

q qiqr ^fq wr%qj^ fas ^Tfqq qq i

fq^T ^fTfqi qf^qT «fl% qq qq I

^Tq> q^q fq^T qnqft f^\ q:f^qq n

'qqi fq^T ^T^rt q\T qq i

fq? qfT^q- q^iqq qqjq ^rqK n

qiqj qiw^f fq^r q^qq qi?: q^: i

qrq qf^c qf^q ^^qq| ^ n \\h

\»

-\c ^

^qq = ^q l =

1877.]

209

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

V qT*T ^fq fq^T q<3 R I

^fWt f r^ojt fq^T fq^q II u*

qqq fq^r q^ qq q^c i

fqq fqqrqiT fq^T qqr ^ f^q qq *r ^ 1 1 * ^ f

'3T‘^T*r IWq fiT^T JT^f WIT ^ ^I^ff |

^TT ^T^T'^T’C f^r^T JT^T ^T VTi^^T II

# ^ v3

qjqqife fer^T qqr q^ qqqr ^ I

Vj \J

STf^T qq fq*5T jf^I ^T^T qqqr ^ ll Uc

31^ ^Tq^T fqqjfT qqf WT ^TJiqq I

qfo TT5TK fqqiTq 3?T^TT #WT fq^5T qqr II

^fqr fqq qr^q q^Vt qifr fqq qftq i

qqfcqj q^ ^TaTT^ q% qf^ fq^ II

WT qq q^T qf^q fq^fT 3T^r I

-s \J * ^

q% q^ xm vx\ qj^qq ^<q n ^

foq q# fqqT jt % qfT^T "qqr I

qqiq q;g ^q ^ ^Trrm JT^r II ^

WTX ^T3IfT q^m I

q;q q^qq qm qjqqrQ f^j qiqm ii • ^

qfqiqi qjqqir qr?r ^ qq i

faqq q^ ^qT ^T ^KT m 1 1 \\H

II fas 3% ll

^TJT XW SJJTT^ ^ VTK I

^Ta: qifq qq %T% STqqr ^T qR I

\» ’ " j

^TTJ qqq qi ^if^r qq 1 1 ^

•qqqi qqfc qiqj ^rfq qjqft qK q% I

Vj *

t fq^j Jim q% $q^ qqfqfq \ i ^ *

qqfqfq qT^T €i% i q^q;q qifq<q *1% |

s* *

^rq- qrfcqi a « ^

^if^-^T fam i ^rq f^^r i

q^q qm't n

q^q i fqrik q^ i

fqqr^; ^ 1 1 ^

II q^q q% ||

mrf qq^; %r% h^t j? i

\J J > '

q ^t qTf^q q;qf% 1% ^jx. 1 1 \^a

^TfqrsT q# ^\^fx qq qrq ^iq q»^t l

^Tf^-qx qf^l ^q qf^T |l

210

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect .

qq qiq q;q i

qq mx^j *§r^r *x I

qrqr ^r?r cRf^qr ^fc^T q;% ^ ii W

3T^f qiT^r i %r^Hj gfqrqr i

f fcT ?TT^ *X % ^T II W

ii q^f q# ii

q*qq» qq*; xjr% | fare wif^w qrc qi I

j 4

^rq q;f% qr*; q^Tqror ii ^ a

n q*q qqj ii

^TT qf WrW I «TT^T qfq q^RT^T I

qq q^f fq^TSPCt II W

II q% H

^qjr q^q $$ i %fk qqq qq i

vt

fqr q?ft;q qra qrfeft ii

WtefVqf fq% qn% i *£q Trrq srqj i

^Tweiqr qq;qi f^qT 1 1 ^

qfTq qr jrcqngx: i

in;f hit ii

qfc qT q^rq q<q qq i

qq^r mfx q?qj q% n uc

q?q qiqiq JTTqt I

qrq^: q^ fqf%^q qi^t i ^q «nqTT*r ^qfa I

q^ qrsnq qiq^: n

t^TW VTfqqt I qq ^ qT^T I

• ° v»

tt«jt qfq^T qjTT.qr qTqjrfq n ^a*

qTT qiT q^i^T^T i qrqrc qi^q ^wx qTT^j i

qffq.T qfq qT^Tq qqfqqf II \u\

^fqqr qR q^TqiqT | qrq q qf*J #qT I

#Tqq» qT^T ^T qTqRi qq |l

qT^iq? qfqq q i qT^rq qif q i

q^q* q*q qTqTqjqfr: q% ii \u\

[No. 3,

W qq = q?q i

1877.]

211

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Nang pur Dialect.

3T*?T ^T^rf^rT *5T I

srf^rsT tt*tt rr?r \\ ^aa

^fe-qT TToJRff ^T^TT^T WC 1

WTOTC ^1W VT^T 11 W

3>rSj 3kT ^ || \H$

II Tfall

THE BIRTH OF KRISHNA.

1. Ugrasena was a great king, renowned throughout the three worlds ;

and in his family was born a damsel named Devaki.

2. “ Into what house will I give the damsel P I cannot find a

worthy suitor. She hath beauty and she hath jewels. She is fair to look

upon.”

3. About this time the most excellent saint Narada came on a visit to

her father.

4. When the king saw the saint, he made obeisance and gave him a

splendid throne to sit upon.

5. They brought water in a vessel for him to wash his feet, and also

gave him camphor and betel and pan of the kind known as mitha hhari.

Then the king said, “ Thy arrival here, Reverend Sir, is propitious.

6. “ In my house there is growing up a damsel named Devaki. She

is growing both in beauty and in virtue, and is exceedingly fair to look upon.

Where shall I give her in marriage ? I cannot find a worthy suitor.”

7. Narada thereupon proceeded to make astrological calculations, and

then said to the king, “ In the city of Gokula is the house of Vasudeva.

There give thou thy daughter Devaki in marriage.

8. “ Devaki and Vasudeva are a perfect match for each other. In

his house give thou her in marriage.”

9. On hearing these words, king Devaka was pleased, and despatched

Narada with an invitation to king Vasudeva.

10. He also invited with great honours the kings of the various

(neighbouring) countries ; the No-hliat Brahmans came in crowds.

11. They planted four Ram plantains in the court-yard (for the mar¬

riage seat). They filled the house with golden offering dishes and lamps with

shades, * and they shortened the eight days preparatory ceremonies of

Devaki’s marriage to four days.

12. They set Vasudeva and Devaki sitting together, and the kings of

* Lit. Lamps which can be carried about.

E E

212 G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect . [No. 3,

the earth began to make presents of horses and elephants, each to the best

of his ability.

13. First the mother of the bride made her present. She gave them

a hundred ships.

14. After her the bride’s brother made his present of a hundred cows.

15. After 'him her father’s eldest brother made his present. He gave

only one cow, and it had a short tail.

16. After him his wife made her present. She gave the reel of a

spinning wheel.

17. After her the bride’s grandparents made their present. But

they gave no present and no offering ; they gave nought but hurry and

bustle.

IS. After them the bride’s maternal uncle made his present. He

gave the iron ferule of a broken rice pestle.

19. At this stage of the proceedings the excellent saint, after making

astrological calculations, said “ Oh Kawsa, I see thy death in the womb of

Devaki.”

20. On hearing these words, King Kamsa became extremely sorrowful

in heart. He took his sword in his hand and would have slain Devaki.

21. But five or six kings caught hold of him and held him back,

while the reverend saint came up to him, and remarked as follows :

22. “ Slaughter of a cow or of a Brahman may be expiated by gifts,

but he who slayeth a woman, with him travelleth his sin.”

23. Devaki and Yasudeva went to Gokula, and there each year she

had a child to the number of seven.

24. At each birth Yasudeva worshipped Krishna, and finally Krishna

took up his abode in Devaki’s womb.

25. At the end of the month, on a moonlight night, Devaki showed

signs of pregnancy.

26. She took gild fruit and amid fruit and went to bathe ; and on

the way Holy Hari made himself visible to her in his full form.

27. “ Oh Devaki, sweet Devaki, I ask for a little place within thy

womb.”

28. Devaki said, “ To-day what dismay is mine. On all sides I see

nought but a terrible darkness.

29. “ The sun is hot, and the way seemeth long. I know not what

God addresseth me from the sky.”

30. “ Fear not, Devaki, my gentle mother. I will kill for thee thy

enemy — I the Holy Hari.

31. “ One day, within the limits of a single night, I will protect thee

1877.] G. A.. Grierson — JVotes on the Bangpur Dialect. 213

from the Club-bearer. I will slay the king with all his family. Truly a

valiant act.

32. “ The king will die saying, ‘ I am killed’. That I can prophesy.

I will kill Kawsa the Asura. Short will be the time it will take me.”

33. Again on another occasion Devaki went to bathe, and in the form

of dust the Holy Hari entered into her womb.

34. On this side of the river bathed the chaste Devaki. On the

other side bathed Yasoda and Kohini.

Yasoda spake.

35. “ Friend, Friend, Friend of my soul, I say unto thee, did not the

Yamuna flow between us, I would clasp thee in my arms.”

36. When the river Yamuna heard these words, he left the sands of

his bed, and the two friends embraced each other where the water had just

been flowing.

Yasoda spake.

37. “ Friend, Friend, Friend of my soul. Friend, I say unto thee a

word. How many days and how many months art thou with child ?”

38. When Devaki heard these words, she began to weep. “ What,

dost thou my friend not know ? My brother is my foe.

39. “ On seven days hath he sent seven children of mine to Yama’s

abode. Other women remain pregnant for ten months and ten days, but

I have been a year with child.”

Ya!soda spake.

40. “ Friend, Friend, Friend of my soul, hear the vow I make unto

thee.

41. “ If a holy daughter is born unto me, and if thou hast a son, do

thou give him unto me.” The two friends thereupon swore to observe this

promise.

42. “ One vow, two vows, the third time a vow. If this vow is

broken, may evil befal us.” The two friends thereupon swore to observ

the promise.

43. Up to her knees in water Devaki purified herself, and up to

her breast in water she dipped herself five times.

44. At a bad ghat she dived, but it was at a good ghat that she

arose from the water.*

45. The two friends exchanged their wet clothes for dry, and each

lifted a water jar on to her hip, and went to her own house.

* That is, Krishna entered into her during the dive.

214 G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

4G. After concluding her hath, Devaki went home to her palace, and

day by day, her body and limbs waxed in size.

47. At this time the startled goblins of the night, the Asuras, came

and wandered through every house and palace, and thus the scouts of King

Kamsa approached his presence chamber.

48. On his five sides, the king had five servants round him. The

Sheriff and the Prime Minister and forty-two books of law.

49. They played upon brazen and copper gongs and gonglets and

clarionets. There is no counting the number of war trumpets and cym¬

bals.

50. The King said, “ Oh musicians, cease playing. Let the scout tell

the news he brings.”

51. The scout folded his hands and made obeisance. “ Your humble

club-bearer hath seen that Devaki is pregnant.”

52. When King Kamsa heard these words, he was as it were thunder¬

struck. He bent his head and did not utter a word.

53. Early in the morning, the King bathed himself with water and

sat down in the hall of audience with his five servants.

54. The King said, “ My servants, by what device can I escape ? Hari

hath taken birth to destroy me.”

55. The Sheriff and the Prime Minister said, “ Oh King build a fort

of iron. Environ it with elephants, horses, men-at-arms, and an army.

56. “ As long as that exists, no one’s father wilt thou fear.” The

servants then proceeded, “ Oh King thou feelest fear within thy soul

57. “ Take thy sister Devaki and fasten her up. When this child

is born, we will send it to Yama’s house.”

58. Kamsa on hearing this was pleased in mind, and called several

times for his scouts ; and while he was yet calling, they made their appear¬

ance.

59. A scout clasped his hands and made obeisance. “ Wherefore hath

Your Majesty summoned us?”

60. The king addressed that scout with expressive eyes. “ Go, oh

scout, to Gokula.”

61. One order of the king was as good as two to the scout. He took

his spear and spear-head into his hand and ran by the shortest way.

62. As he ran, the scout did not even stop to tie up his hair. He

went straight to, and entered, the city of Gokula.

63. The scout arrived at Gokula and swore an oath. (He said to

Yasudeva) “ The King’s council is assembled and ill it bodeththee. Vasu-

deva and Devaki, ye will have to cross the Yamuna.”

64. The Holy Krishna then addressed them with a sweet voice, “ Give

the scout sweetmeats and water to eat.”

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect. 215

65. The scout ate sweetmeats and water (to satiety), and left some

uneaten, and then he placed Yasudeva and Devaki before him, and produced

them in the King’s council.

66. With hands clasped Yasudeva made obeisance, saying, “ Wherefore

hath the great king summoned me ?”

67. The King said, “ Oh Yasudeva, Narada, the saint of old, hath told

me time on time, that my death lieth in the hands of my sister’s children.

68. “ Ye two shall remain prisoners in my fort, and when thy child

cometh into existence, I will send him to Yama’s abode.” But Devaki,

when she heard these words began to weep.

Devaki spake.

69. “ My Brother, I have lost my second self. Thou hast not let one

single daughter of mine remain before thee. Brother, may thy horses and

thy elephants die, and may thy wife become a widow ; may thy pagan fall

of itself from off thy head.”

70. King Kawsa said to the scout, “ (Why art thou standing idle P)

Art thou looking for thy father’s head. Thrust Devaki into the fort.”

71. Devaki said, “ Who speaketh these words to me, evil and yet

good.”

72. The scout arose and spake, “ Yasudeva is thy husband. Thou art

the sister of the king. Who shall speak ill of thee ?”

73. Then they bound Yasudeva and Devaki, and instantly made pre¬

parations.

74. And with eighty maunds of iron they built a fort. Outside, it

was closed and over it an iron net.

75. Weeping Devaki laid herself down to sleep, and sitting by her

head Narayana showed himself to her in a dream.

76. “ Why, my mother, why do ye both weep ? In thy womb the

lord Narayana hath taken up his abode.

77. “ One day, within the limits of a single night, will I protect thee

from the Club-hearer. I will slay the king with all his family. Truly a

valiant act.”

78. “I have determined to he horn in Gokula. All the gods from

Indra downwards will attend at the ceremony.” Then Devaki awoke from

sleep.

79. “Awake, awake my lord, the crown* of my head. This night,

just before dawn I dreamt a dream. Narayana hath taken up his abode in

my womb. *

80. “ 1 1 have determined to be horn in Gokula,’ saying these words

he left me and went to heaven.”

* Literally “ umbrella.”

216

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

81. Krishna summoned the gods urgently, and they came, and made

obeisance to him with hands clasped, “ Wherefore, Oh Mighty Lord, hast

thou summoned us ?”

Krishna spake.

82. u I have determined to he horn in Gokula. Come ye all, and raise

a storm of wind and rain. Hear ye now, oh gods, my resolution.”

83. They took fifty-two times sixteen scores of winds and clothed

themselves in them. S'ilavati was dressed in forty times sixteen scores of

hail-stones.

84. Indra clothed himself in twelve clouds, and they roared like

unto the roar of a lion or of an elephant.

85. For seven nights and nine days the storm raged in Gokula.

86. The clouds poured forth in streams. The hail began to fall like

thunder-bolts.

87. Plants and trees were broken. The trees flew about like dust.

The S'riphala tree fell, and the tiger ran away with a broken tail.

88. The scouts of king Kamsa fled and hid themselves under the

madias * of the householders. The messengers and the archers fled, running

at the top of their speed.

89. One messenger fled to where the ploughmen were. He laid

aside his sword and shield and took to weeding the field.

90. Another scout ran into the house of a woman fresh from child¬

bed. He took the pagan off his head and with it began to cleanse the

child, f

91. He said to the wife, “ Mother, mother, close the door. Who

again will enter (such) service (as mine), may his wife be unto him as his

mother.

92. “ I would sooner turn a beggar, and support an old father and

mother, and break up my sword and shield, and fashion them into scythes

and hatchets.”

93. As the day has been, so is the night. Devaki hath a child and

the neighbours know it not.

94. He is born of a dark complexion, with a garland of wild flowers

round his neck. The tune of his nostrils is like the melody of a flute.

95. A pearl coronet on his head, a S'riphala and a lotus in his hand.

On his right standeth Lakshmi, on his left Sarasvati.

96. He tottereth as he goeth. His feet wear a pair of anklets.

Round his neck a glorious golden wreath.

* A kind of bamboo divan.

f Lit. 1 Ano fieces detergens.’

217

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

97. Indra cometh on his elephant Airavata. S'achi cometh in her

chariot of flowers. Mother Earth cutteth his navel string.

98. The Mother saith “ My son, my son. Show me the moon-face of

my child. Why hath he come into the house, of a luckless one P

99. “ Even now Kamsa’s scouts invest each house and room. He

will dash thee to death upon a stone.”

100. In a dark room Krishna is born, and he shineth pure and radiant

as the moon-light. As he issue th from her womb, and falleth upon the

ground, he speaketh unto her.

Krishna spake.

• •

101. “ I have dwelt in my mother’s womb, and have given her great

pain. It is true it is a Sunday, but my mother’s face is pale as the Moon.

102. “ Speedily my mother, come to Gokula, Kamsa must not escape.”

But Devaki exclaimed, “ Alas !” and struck the pillow with her arm, saying

“ Who will call me Krishna’s mother ?”

• •

103. Every one rejoiced and gave vent to cries of victory. Vidyadha-

ras danced, and Gandharvas sang with joy.

Krishna spake.

• •

101. “ My Father, hear my words. Make me a changeling in the

house of Nanda the cow-herd.”

Yashdeva spake.

105. “ The first man-at-arms waketh and watcheth with bow and

arrows in his hand. My child, when I see trident -bearers watching, my

heart faileth me.

106. “ Ulman and Surman wake and watch, and their voice is mighty.

Other staff-bearers and spear-bearers wake and watch in all directions.

107. “ My child, shield- bearers wake and watch with shields upon

their shoulders. Gun-bearers wake and watch with guns in their hands.

108. “ Nepsu the man-at-arms waketh and watcheth behind the

palace.

109. “ My child, the fort and moat are all awake. Every one is now

present. Faithful old servants of King Kamsa wake and watch around.

110. “ On the backs of elephants mahauts watch. On horseback sit

watchmen ready. Eight trumpeters sound bugles night and day.

111. “ My child, scholars and teachers alike wake for thee. How,

Krishna, my Son, can I take thee away.”

112. Krishna heard these words with delight, and began to call • for

the goddess of sleep : and while he was yet calling, she appeared.

113. With hands clasped the goddess of sleep made obeisance.

“ Wherefore hath My Lord called me?”

218

[No. 3,

G A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

Krishna spake.

• •

114. “ I tell thee Sleep ; and pay thou heed unto my words. Cast

thou the city of Kawsa into an oblivious sleep.”

115. The Goddess of Sleep replied, “ Kemain at ease,” and she let

loose TJhili and Kuhili , her two sleep-slaves.

116. The first man-at-arms fell asleep, in his hand his how and arrow.

The three trident-bearers fell asleep, terrible as they were to look upon.

117. Urman and Surman of mighty voice fell asleep ; and so did

the villain staff-bearers and arm-bearers in all directions.

118. So did the gun-bearers with their guns in their hands, and the

shield-bearers with their shields on their shoulders.

119. The fort and moat fell asleep, every one as he had come ; so

did the old and trusted servants of king Kamsa.

120. The mahauts slept on their elephants and the guards upon their

horses. The eight trumpeters also slept.

121. Also all the scholars and teachers fell asleep. One by one the

whole capital became inert and senseless.

122. Then Krishna said unto his Father, “ My Father, take me away.”

And as they got outside the fort, the rain and storm ceased.

123. For the sake of the All-mother of the universe, Mahesvara went

in front. Gods and Gandharvas accompanied them, and sandy islands rose

in the Yamuna.

124. When Vasudeva saw the Yamuna’s waves, he became filled with

terror, saying, “How can I cross the river?”

Krishna spake.

• •

125. “ See Father, in front of us even jackals have been able to

cross. The water will not reach thy knees. So take me in thy bosom and

pass over.

126. “ Let not there be fear in thy mind, My Father. I have come

into thy house, the fruit of thy many pious deeds. Home thou art of all

the virtues. Hear my words and place me in the cow-herd’s house.

127. The father took the abode of virtues into his bosom and de¬

scended into the water. Holy Krishna bathed.

128. And Vasudeva searched for Him amidst the waters of the Ya¬

muna.

129. He searched in the water, nor could he find Krishna. He be¬

came sorrowful in heart.

Vasudeya spake.

130. “ Hevaki hath wasted away of grief for her seven former chil¬

dren j and now when she heareth of this, she will surely die.”

1877.]

219

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

131. The Holy Hari cried to his father, “ I am bathing. Wherefore

art thou weeping with distracted mind ?

132. “ For ten months and ten days was I within my mother’s womb.

I have not been suckled by her, and I have bathed to purify myself from

the taint.”

133. He searched in the water and found him. He took him into his

bosom saying, “ Where are my Friend* and her husband ?”f

Vastjdeva spake.

134. The fruit of many virtuous actions, Krishna, hath been born

in my house. Bring forth and show me thy Maha May a.”

Nand A spake.

135. “ In my house hath been born a daughter. I have called her

Maha Maya. In form and virtues is she truly beauteous.”

Krishna spake.

• •

136. “ If thou givest one damsel, Oh Nanda, thou wilt give salvation

to a thousand generations. Thou shalt see, what I, the Holy Hari, can do

for thee.”

137. He took the Holy Hari to his bosom, his eyes glistening like

two diamonds ; and gave in exchange Maha Maya.

138. What woman that beareth child hath given place in her womb

to one like Him. Or what pangs did Yasudeva suffer as he returned home

after exchanging his child.

139. The rain and storm ceaseth and Kawsa’s scouts, again surround

the house, and send the news to the king by the mouth of a messenger.

140. “ A daughter hath been born to thy sister.” When the king

heareth the news, he hasteneth (to the fort).

141. Forth he draggeth Maha Maya. He dasheth her upon a washer¬

man’s stone, and forth she riseth in the air in the form of a celestial

female.

142. Away flieth Maha Maya, and as she goeth she saith, “ Hear me,

uncle. I say unto thee what concerneth thee.

* Yasoda.

f Nanda.

f We must now suppose that Yasudeva has crossed the Yamuna and has met

Nanda, whom ho is now addressing. Maha Maya is of course Yoga Nidra, who took

birth as the child of Yasoda.

F F

220 G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Nangpur Dialect. [No. 3,

143. “ He wlio will slay thee, waxeth strong in Gokula. Go forth

and see him in the house of Nanda, the cow-herd.”

144. When King Kamsa heard these words, he was pleased, and on the

sjwt summoned his scouts.

145. His Prime Minister arose and made reply, u On the ocean at

Ivalidaha is a friend of thine. On the shores of Kalidaha is the house of

Unakuti the Naga.

146. “ He will smite the child upon the breast. Truly a valiant deed.”

The concluding poem is an interesting account of the twelve seasons.

It is supposed to be the soliloquy of a woman of the Bedhya caste during

the absence of her husband on a peddling tour. The Bedhyas here, as in

other districts, have the reputation of being half gipsies, half thieves. Their

ostensible means of livelihood is a petty traffic in hamaku (a kind of Rang-

puri tobacco prepared for chewing), camphor, cloves, and other spices

■which they sell to women. I have ventured in this case to attempt a

metrical paraphrase, instead of a literal translation. The original is so

extremely compressed, and so full of allusions to agricultural life, that it

would be almost unintelligible without a full commentary.

The piece partakes more of the nature of a Bhana or dramatic mono¬

logue (Cf. Wilson’s Theatre of the Hindus, Yol. II, p. 384), than of any

other species of Sanskrit composition with which I am acquainted. The

reciter’s husband, Nila Bedhya, has gone on a voyage down the Ganges to

the southern regions, where the tide ebbs and flows, and he is absent a whole

year. She describes each month how she looks forward to his return, in

simple but feeling language. It is a great relief to come to it after the

eternal viraher anala of the orthodox book-school,

In the month of Dauslia , she hints that advances have been made to

her by some rich neighbour, who offers to make her his dasi ; not at all an

uncommon occurrence in this district, where women are bought and sold

and stolen like cattle. The arguments used are curious enough, and charac¬

teristic. The seducer says, “ You had better come to me. You are alone

and have no friends. This is the cold month of Dauslia, and you will surely

die. You will have no one to burn your body, and it will be thrown away

into the fields to rot. So thick will be the winter mists that even the vul¬

tures and the jackals will not see your body to devour it.”

In Magha and Phalguna, every one who can bear a hand is hard at work

in the fields. Jute is being cultivated, and the a-us dhan, one of the main

food staples of the district, is being planted. The very fishermen are hard at

work, building low embankments round the rapidly drying pools, and subse-

1877.]

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rang pur Dialect.

221

quently baling out the water to catch the tiny fish which swarm therein.

Thus the only people left at home are the guru, mahas'aya of the village

school, and the pupils who are supposed to he under his care. The latter

yield to the temptations of the cool spring season, as school-boys do all

over the world, and, relieved of the supervision of the elder branches of the

family, run truant and riotous throughout the village. Great is the damage

done by them, and great the rage excited amid the elders on their return

from their day’s work ; and, as no parent can see anything but good in his

own offspring, the unfortunate guru is made the scapegoat for all the mis¬

chief done. The boys certainly have been naughty, but it is equally cer¬

tain that it is the malms' aya? s fault. This forms the subject of the episode

related under the month of Phalguna.

In Vaisakha, the wife remembers that there is rejoicing in every home,

while she alone is miserable. The pada , or thatch covering, of the rice-stores

of the past year is first broken in this month. While everything is happy,

she can do nought but think of her husband, and be tortured by jealous

suspicions as to his conduct in the far country.

At the commencement of the rains, when storms are prevalent, and

her heart is anxious for the wanderer tossed about amidst the tidal waters

of the Sundarbans, the happier women of the village gibe at her and

give her false news of the death of her husband.

At the height of the rains, the Komda , a large fish-eating bird which

haunts the banks of the Brahmaputra, utters its loud tub, tub, the livelong

night. The people say that it is a ghost who is speaking, and every one

considers it an omen of ill-luck when he hears it.

In Bhadra, the Tal fruits ripen and fall to the ground. They lie

there, and apparently decay, but if opened even after many days, they will

be found to contain a clear transparent kernel of great delicacy. The wife

is led to compare this wonderful power of retaining its beauty and fresh¬

ness, with her own comeliness, and to fear that before Mia returns, she may

be an old and haggard woman.

The rest of the monologue, I hope, explains itself, and so I introduce

it without further preface.

II II

^ inf ^ •RT«T II \

f^T ^ I

’ETC W II ^

222

[No. 3?

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Hang pur Dialect .

qr qm qi^rq qT qftqi qre l

f rfqq ^if%q qqra qm qiq ii \

\i

ii w n

qT q qre *t% q^ qj^TT I

qi qfa *TT ^TT^ II »

^ qfq ^t% qrt irr^M i

qq «TT qfffq qT qq%T II *

^ 'si

qT qiq qr?Tq qW qT qfr^i qjrq i

. * j

'STfqq %fqiq qiq qTq II <C

•3

ii qre n

q^q qm qi% ?tt# wt% fqq i

g<qiT %^?q, qqnr qi^pr, fqqrr qifqrq n *>

qTq qiq qrerq qW qT qfq<q q?Tq \

. * >j

'tlfaq ^fqiq ^TT^T q^ WT^qq q^ II K

\j vj

li qnqqq is

qqq qn^qq qrq qqqi q% qrqT i

'si

^T*nr rTT^qT f^T^TT qffr*r tt% II <t

v» •

qiwqT qrT qrc qiw qrf=qqi qrTfr ^tt^t i

vj • •

fw qfq f qT*Tq qq jw Tirq jut^t ii

qiqq fiUTTC jtt qrq fr# *§fq i

vt\j ♦

qTJIT T^T qTl% fTT^TT qifT q^TT qTft II U

^q ^q q>^r ^q qqqfr i

qiqiq q?T*nq qn^T qq qiq cjfqiq n

qT qiq qreiq siW qr qfr^T ^q i

qifqi if%q ^tt^i qq qiq ti

vl

ii qq n

qrq qq ^Tq qqiqft q^q i

qq qrw qrc qiq qrc qq qnq n \&

qT ure qiqiq q'tqT qT qfrq qTq i

c j j ^

^•Tfqq %fqi% qiTT^T qqi^ qqi^ qiq ii

• V*

ii q^T^ ii

q^q qqra qiq 32^ q^r i

^\mx qiqq ^ ^ snqft ff^^r n

jrqj ^qT qiq gqj qiw% qif^q i

qqqq qq ^Tfq q^q qit%q ii

i>

1877.]

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

223

to*: ^ far i

#rtx ^t# to to ^tsr ll

TO 3in? WI^tt *tt *rfx^r i

^tIto #f## ^tx^t to# mv *uv ii ^

n ire ii

TO«T W *fT# 311# <TT3>T ^TTf I

to ^tw xtx mx ^ wre ii v ©

j • '

TO itrere ift^n ^rr *rfro i

, ♦ (j \»

'mfro #f%# ^TOf^reif wre if ^

ii ^ ii

TOR ^JTOP? 3lli *TfT tTTift I

?TX TO WT TOTf# II ^

# f#R 3ffat #TX 9TRX fTO qfw I

WITO!# 3JTRTX #*J f#fe^ 3I5J *?fa || ^

Tin TO*T ^X TO ^ W TO TO I

fTO fa;# iff^ir to farex frox ii

TO *ro vrer^r «n <rfx*f rr i

* 'J V*

^flfa# #f## ^ITX^t TO# *ITTO 3?T^T ||

ii ii

TOfT ^TTO 3?T% RTTOf m^TT I

#T^1 <Tf#X ^T# RRTX *xtx TOffTR II ^

TO 3fR ifr^R #fal «TT qfx<3 RR I

'trfow #f#R RTT^ To# W* 3TTO II

II ^ II

TOW WR WTW 311# qT^\T WRT I

WTXt TO Wq WTTO XTf#W 3TW ||

to mix ?!tto c rw faw xrf# i

xt1#w wt ^TTfx: wtww faw ^txw wfx ii ^

TO um WT^TW wt^lT WT wfx<3 RTW I

^Tfaw #falW RTXR TO# RTfalW WTW II \o

'sf

II Snf#W II

TOW W|Tf#W WT% ^JTR RTOt I

WF# TO TO TOT faTOT XW#t II TO

\J vj 1

^ vmi WT# f#^ WX I

224

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect .

ftw f*5T ii

J, '

VT flTO *f\w »TT |

• j j

^ifw ^TT*T *TPJ II ^

|l 3iTf% II

*IT *TT*f 4N I

*rrf*r^ *rW *rg fat II

Tfw II

NI'LA’S SONG OF THE YEAH.

Agrahayana = November -Dec ember.

Here comes the month of Aghan with its fields of ripening dhan ;

Some men reap, and some men thrash, and others hold naban.

Yes, let them feast on rice and milk : their winter crops are home,

But what care I. My heart’s own lord in countries far doth roam.

The month is filled, hut not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting cometh Raush , in turn to play his part.

Rausha — December -January.

“ When Rausha comes, the wat’ry mists conceal the flowers sweet ;

“ Who dies in Raush , no vulture nor jackal him can eat.”

But let them eat, or eat they not, the earth my bones will claim,

Not e’en for life, would I become another’s slave in shame.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting cometh Mdgh , in turn to play his part.

Mdgha = J anuary -February .

And next comes Mdgha dreary. Oh, the shivering in bed.

Cotton quilts, and cotton blankets, cosy pillows for the head.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Rlialgun comes, in turn to play his part.

Rhalguna = February -March.

Lo, Rhalgun with his winds of spring : and Nild now would cry,

“ My Love, the wind hath made my lips and tongue all chapped and dry.

“ The Fisher-brethren ply the trade from which they take their name ;

“ And when the hoys are naughty, the guru gets the blame.”

225

1877.] G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Rangpur Dialect.

“ Then, Sir,” I’ld ask with mocking smile, “ what guru tutored you# ?

“ Oh, if I only had him here, I’ld birch him black and blue.”

“ Nay, hush, Good Wife,” the Good Man said, a smile upon his face,

“ Whene’er you speak of gurus learned, ’tis you should ask for grace.”

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Chaitra comes, in turn to play his part.

Chaitra = March- April.

Now comes the month of Chaitra , with its charak pujd gay.

Happy the woman there, whose lord is with her on the day.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Rais' akh comes in turn to play his part.

Vaisakha = April -May.

And then comes glowing Rais'dkh, when the granaries they break,

And it is my Nila’s beauty, that the bloomy melons take.

My husband takes his betel-leaf, and wraps it in his cloth.

“ A man’s sole wealth it is,” he says, “to lose it I’ld be loth.”

My Good Man dear, for other’s wealth do not your wife forsake :

But think of your dear pearl at home, which others fain would take.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Jyaishtha comes, in turn to play his part.

Jyaishtha — May-June.

See, here comes merry Jyaishtha with the mangoes on the trees :

If now my Lord were but at home, how I should live at ease.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Ashadh comes, in turn to play his part.

Ashadha — June -July.

Ashadh is come. The Ganga ’s full. — What words fall from thy mouth ?

“ Thy husband dead and drowned beneath the tides that fill the south.”

If e’er my Life’s Dear Lord should die, I’ll loose my braids of hair,

And break the necklace round my neck, all strung with jewels rare.

I’ll dash to atoms two fair shells, — a Ram and Lakshman pair,

And dark will be the Sindur line that separates my hair.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting S'raban comes, in turn to play his part.

* Khadi is the chalk which is put into the hands of children, when they are

learning the alphabet.

226

G. A. Grierson — Notes on the Bangpur Dialect.

[No. 3,

S'ravana — July -August.

Here comes tlie month of S'raban ; the a-us is in the ear ;

The Komdd calls, and, at his voice, my body shakes with fear.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Bhadra comes, in turn to play his part.

Bhadra — August- September.

With Bhadra all the Tdl fruit are ripening day by day

A woman I, how long shall I, keep my youth fresh as they.

Long as I may I’ll keep my youth, — a woman’s all, say I.

And when my youth is gone from me, I’ll poison take and die.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Asvin comes, in turn to play his part.

Asvina = Sept ember -October.

Here comes the month of Asvin , with dread Durga's Ashtami.

With flowers and water will I make a widow’s heart-felt plea.

Let others worship as they will : I too will ask a boon :

That my dear husband far away, may homeward travel soon.

The month is filled, but not the hope that fills so full my heart.

Laughing and sporting Rartilc comes, in turn to play his part.

Karttiha — October-November.

And with the month of Kartih , the yearly round is o’er,

And Nila dear, his traffic done, is welcomed home once more.

In conclusion I would plead guilty to, I fear, many inaccuracies in

the preceding translations. Many of the words used are devoid of mean¬

ing even to the singers. They have found them in the song, and it is not

their business to alter things written in the Satya Yuga. Sometimes they

are unable to explain whole passages, saying, “ It is a Satya yuger hatha ,

how are we to know it.” For other words they have a traditional meaning,

which I am fain to accept for want of a better. For instance, I am told

that ^T»rn%^r, in Tiger song, means “ both”, and have translated it

so, because I fail to trace the derivation of the word. There are several

gentlemen throughout the district who take an intelligent and lively inter¬

est in its dialect, but even their help has been sometimes ineffectual in un¬

ravelling a Gordian knot.

1877.]

227

Notes on the 23 liars and other Early Inhabitants of Bundelhhand. — By

Vincent A. Smith, B.A., B.C.S.

(With one plate.)

The origin, history and fate of the Bhar# tribe have long afforded

material for speculation and enquiry to students of local antiquities and

history in the eastern districts of the N. W. P. and Audh, but hitherto no

attempt seems to have been made to trace the westward extension of the

race, or to collect any information concerning it in the districts west of

Allahabad and Banda. The following notes are the result of observations

and enquiries made in the Hamirpur District during the last two years,

and, incomplete and fragmentary though they are, they will I hope be

found to supplement usefully the information previously collected by ob¬

servers in the eastern districts and to throw some light on the history of

the Bhar tribe.

The Census returns of 1872 give the total number of Bhars in the

N. W. P. as 243,462, and of Baj Bhars as 13,481, the grand total being

256,943 : the district detailsf show that the tribe is now almost exclusively

confined to those eastern districts which were formerly included in the

Province of Benares and in the kingdom of Audh : the census figures may

not perhaps be perfectly accurate, but they certainly indicate correctly in

a general way the distribution of the tribe throughout the N. W. P.

It will be observed that not a single Bhar is recorded as residing in

any of the Bundelkhand districts ; it is, however, well known that the

Bhars were once numerous in Banda, and the information which I have

collected proves that in former times they lived in every part of the Hamir¬

pur District, and were even found in the Jhansi District west of the Dha-

san Biver : how much farther west they may have extended I have at present

no means of judging, but it is evident that the tribal movement has been

from the west eastwards, and it would therefore appear that the answer to

the question 6 who were the Bhars’ ? should be sought, not, as has hitherto

been done, in the localities where the}r have been driven to bay, but rather

in those western regions from which they emigrated.

The former presence of the Bhars in the Hamirpur District is attest¬

ed by the traditions, which will be presently described, and by local names

in every pargana. A few examples of such names out of many may be of

* The name is usually spelt ‘ Bhar’, hut the spelling i Bharr’ would more ac¬

curately represent the pronunciation.

f Details are : —

Ea'jbhar. — Jaunpur (256) : A’zamgarh (316) : Ghazipur (5,631) : Gorakhpur

(1,464) : Basti (5,814). Total 13,481.

Bhar. — Meerut (22) : Badaon (14) : Agra (130) : Kanhpur (1248) : Allahabad

G G

228

V. A Smith — Notes on the Bhars of Bundelkhand. [No. 3,

interest ; thus, the old name of the town of Sumerpur (in Parg. Sumerpur)

is Bharua, and in the parganas of Maudha, Panwari- Jaitpur, Jalalpur, and

Bath, respectively, we find localities named Bharsawan, Bharwara, Bhar-

khari or Barkhari, and Bhanraura Ivhera, and in several of these cases the

evidence of the name is confirmed by that of tradition.

There seems to me to he little doubt that the Bhars are a non- Aryan

race, and are the congeners of the Gonds, Ivols, Bhils, and other more or

less wild and predatory hill tribes who once occupied Bundelkhand. It is,

as Sir H. Elliot* observes, “ confessedly very difficult to trace the connexion

or difference between the aboriginal tribes of Bhars, Cherus, Seoris, and

Kols”, and Mr. Sherringf believes “ that many of the aboriginal tribes of

India were originally blended together.” Whatever may be the precise

connexion between the so-called aboriginal tribes, it is quite certain that

several of them occupied Bundelkhand simultaneously and jointly, and I

suspect that in traditions they are often confounded. For instance as in

the case of M. GundJ (in Parg. Panwari- Jaitpur), where the name points

apparently to the Gonds, the original settlers are spoken of as Chamars : in

such cases I suspect that the term Chamar is used in a vague way to cover

the ignorance of the speaker, and is practically equivalent to “ low caste

barbarian” ; the word Chamar it will be remembered is not properly the

name of a tribe, but simply means a worker in leather. I think it very

probable that the Chamars, who now form the most numerous element in

the low caste labouring population, are an extremely heterogenous body,

and have but recently been developed into a caste formed of the fragments

of tribes, which were free from the trammels of caste, and were alike un¬

clean and impure in the eyes of the Brahmans, and whose remnants have

now been lumped together by Brahman pride as the men who work in

leather, the unclean thing. §

We have no direct knowledge of the inhabitants of Bundelkhand at

the dawn of history ; our earliest piece of information is that afforded by

Hiouen Thsang in the 7th century A. D., who states that the king of Kha-

(76): Jaunpur (14,695) : A’zamgarh (74,144): Mirzapur (4,338): Benares (34,805):

Ghazfpur (53,060) : Gorakhpur (43,152) : Basti (17,322) : Gaphwal (456).

Total 243,462.

[From N. W. P. Census Rep. I, pp. 105, 135 ]

* Beanies’ Elliot, I, p. 60, s. v. Cheru.

f J. R. As. Soc. V., N. S., p. 399.

I Here, as in many other villages in the south, a Gond ghost is locally worshipped.

§ In connection with this subject, it may be noted that the frusta or waistcloth,

worn by the low caste women of Bundelkhand, seems to be the same garment as that

used by the women of the Maiwar Bhils (J. A. S. B., XLY, Pt. I, pp. 355 and 289) :

and the same dress is used by the Gon^s (Reames’ Elliot, s. v. Gond) .

229

1877.] V. A. Smith — Notes on the Bhars of Bundelhhand.

juraho was a Brahman. About 800 A. D., the Chandel dynasty arose and

ruled in Kalinjar, Khajuraho, and Mahoba, but the inscriptions which give

us the names and lineage of the rulers tell us nothing of the ruled. Chand

in his account of the Chauhan and Chandel war (in 1184 A. D.) gives us a

glimpse of the subjects of the Chandels in his list of the warriors of the

Chandel prince Parmal ; the list names Isur Das Lodhi Bhupal, two Gonds,

a Baghel, a Gahlaut, and others, but in what I have read of Chand’s poem

I have not found any mention of the Bhars. Famous though the Chandel

dynasty is for the great embankments and splendid temples constructed

under its auspices, I believe that, even in its flourishing days, the country

was but very partially cleared, and was chiefly inhabited by sundry hill

tribes, who owned indeed a certain allegiance to the Baja, but yet lived for

the most part free of control, and indulged with little restraint in their

hereditary propensities for fighting and plunder. According to the census

returns of 1872, the Chandels in the Hamirpur District number only 656,

and, although they were undoubtedly once much more numerous than now,

I do not believe that they ever colonized the country in large force. In

the Mahoba pargana the Chandels are zamindars, I think, in only two vil¬

lages ; in the rest of the district I do not know of their holding a single

village, and the local* traditions of the many villages in every pargana

which I have examined, in no case mention the Chandels as the former

owners of the soil, but everywhere we find traces of Gonds, Ivols, Bhils,

Bhars, Kachhis, Ahirs, Chamars, and other low caste and outcast people as

the original occupiers of the land.

I believe then that the Chandels were simply a small clan who sup¬

plied the members of the ruling dynasty and much of the 'personnel of the

local court, but who never supplanted the tribes that were in occupation

of the soil previous to the rise of the dynasty. But the Bhars and Gonds

and their fellows have now disappeared, or have at least lost all tribal indi¬

viduality, and can no longer be identified under the old names, and other

races are lords of the soil. In other parts of India a similar transfer of

the land seems to have occurred, but there the history of the change is

obscure and the details unknown ; here, however, the outlines of the revo¬

lution can be clearly traced, and even some of the details can still be vividly

presented.

Whatever may be the truth with regard to eastern Audh, where Mr.

Carnegyf with apparently considerable reason, doubts the reality of the

fact of a Bajpiit conquest, there is no doubt that in the Hamirpur District

the Bhars, Gonds and other early occupiers of the soil, were in compara-

* For some of this local information I am indebted to notes made by natives em¬

ployed by Mr. W. Martin, C. S., and to his contributions to the N. W. P. Gazetteer.

f J. A. S. B., Yol. XLY, (1876), p. 297 seqq.

230 Y. A. Smith — Notes on the Bhars of BundelJchand. [No. 3,

lively recent times vanquished by force of arms and obliged to yield their

lands to the conquerors, who either exterminated the vanquished or reduced

them to a servile condition : in a great portion of the district the victors

were Rajputs, hut in extensive tracts they were* Lodhis, themselves a tribe

of probably non- Aryan descent. It is impossible to say exactly when this

contest began and when it ended, but it was protracted and intermittent,

and certainly lasted from 1080 A. D. to 1730 A. D., as I now proceed to

show in some detail.

The Sardul Charitra, a metrical chronicle of the Bagri Thakurs, relates

the manner in which 750 of that clan treacherously destroyed at Kahra,

in the west of the Banda district, 1000 Kols and Bhils, and then seized

their villages in the year 1137 Samvat = 1080 A. D. ; the story is curious

and interesting, but is too long to quote : it is to be observed that at

the date mentioned in the chronicle the power of the Chandel dynasty was

at its height. Another similar tribal record tells of the conquest of the

Bhils in the same tract of country by the Mauhar Thakurs in the year

1239 Samvat = 1182 A. D.

The parganas of Hamirpur and Sumerpur are now almost exclusively

held by Bais, G-aur, Gautam, and other Thakur clans, most of whom retain

more or less distinct traditions of their having entered the country from

the north-west, cleared the jungle and founded the existing villages : for

example it is still remembered how in the year 1405 Samvat = 1348 A. D.,

Bija Rai Gaur came from Ajmir and entered the service of Hamir Deo

Karchuli, the founder of the town of Hamirpur, and settled his followers

and relatives in twelve villages in the neighbourhood : and many other

similar traditions might be related, though a precise date is not generally

given.

I have already mentioned that the local nomenclature of the northern

parganas shows traces of the presence of the Bhars previous to the Rajput

invasions.

It is plain then that in large tracts of country the wild tribes had been

early overpowered, but in many places they held their ground much longer :

thus the story is told that the Bhars of Islampurf in the north of the Rath

pargana were punished by Islam Shah for looting royal treasure, and it

seems most probable that the prince referred to was Sher Shah’s son Islam

Shah, who reigned from 1545-53 A. D. and whose favourite capital was

Gwaliar.

At Maudha in the east of the Hamirpur District mention is made of

* I use the form Lodhi in preference to Lodha, because the former is that com¬

monly used in Hamirpur.

f Here and in several neighbouring villages the Bhars are remembered as Bhare

Thakurs : the desire of low caste tribes to pass as Rajputs is well known.

231

1877.] V. A. Smith. — Notes on the JBhars of Mundelhhand.

the Kols so late as the year 1730 A. D., when a battle took place between

Dalil Khan, a son of the Subahdar of Allahabad, and the Bundelas, the lat¬

ter being assisted by the Kols, with whom Dhanuks, Kanjars, and Kanrers

are said to have been associated.

The foregoing details show the gradual manner in which the aborigi¬

nal* * * § tribes have been supplanted.

The interesting question as to the nature of the religion of the Bhars

was raised by Mr. Sherring,f and has since been discussed by Mr. Carnegy.

The former gentleman came to the conclusion that the Bhars were Bud¬

dhists ; and the latter arrived at the somewhat ambiguous result that the

“ god-neglecting, caste-disregarding race” which formerly held Eastern

Audh were the Bhars. J Mr. Sherring’s arguments and the plates of Bhar

sculptures, published in illustration of his essay, seem to me to prove that

the religion of the Eastern Bhars was Jain rather than Buddhist, and the

facts which I shall now mention are I think sufficient to raise a presump¬

tion that the Bhars and other aborigines of Bundelkhand during a period

of at least two or three centuries professed Jainism, though perhaps not

exclusively. It may well be that in earlier times they were Buddhists, for

the close relation between the Jain and the Buddhist faith and the high

antiquity of the former are only now beginning to be perceived.

A tradition is current at Mahoba that many years subsequent to the

conquest of that city in the reign of Shihab-uddin§ (1202-3 A. D.), Ajaipal

and Bhar and others, seven brothers who were Jains and Jogis and great

magicians, became rulers of the country : Ajaipal conquered Ajmir, but Bhar

held Mahoba, and so oppressed the Musalmans that they invoked the aid of

Malik Shah who came from the west, and after a bloody contest slew Raja

Bhar and his fourteen sons, whose wives then burned themselves without

the aid of fire, the place where they sacrificed themselves being pointed out

to this day as the Ghaudah Marti hi sati, i. e., the burning -place of the four¬

teen queens.

Mauza’ Bharwara in pargana Panwari-Jaitpur is said, according to

the local tradition, to have been founded by Raja Bhar of Mahoba|| and

to have been occupied by Lodhis in 1300 Samvat ( = 1213 A. D.) : as illus-

* I use the word ‘ aboriginal’ as a convenient term, but as I have hinted above

some of the so-called aborigines may themselves have moved from their original seat.

t In the essay already quoted, p. 228.

t J. A. S. B., XLV, Pt. I, 299.

§ Mr. Blochmann, in J. A. S. B., XLIY, Pt. I, p. 277, proves the correct date of

the conquest.

|| A tradition is quoted in X. W. P. Graz. I, pp. 406-7, to the effect that a temple

at Dadhwa Manpur G-arrampur in pargana Badausa of the Banda District was the trea¬

sury of the Bhar Rajas of Kalinjar, whose descendants continued to use it until a

recent date : this is the only reference I know to Bhar Rajas of Kalinjar.

232 V. A. Smith — Notes on the fillers of Bimdellch and. [No. 3,

trating the supposed connection between the Bhars and Jainism, it is

noticeable that at Dinai about a mile from Bharwara there is a colossal

Jain image of Setnath with an inscription dated 1196 Samvat ( = 1139

A. 1).), and the ruins of a highly ornamented temple are a conspicuous

object on an adjoining hill top. In other localities I have found at and

near Bhar sites small Jain sculptures which it would he tedious to specify.

The earliest known Jain inscription in Bundelkhand, (supposing its date to

be correctly read, which is doubtful*) is one at Khajuraho, dated 1011

Samvat = 954 A. D., in the reign of King Dhanga : the other Jain in¬

scriptions from Khajuraho and Mahoba, enumerated by General Cunningham

(Arch. Bep. II, 448), range from 1142 to 1234 Samvat, i. e., 1085 to 1177

A. D. : eight additional dated Jain inscriptions, which I know of in various

places in the Hamirpur District, range from 1196 to 1232 Samvat = 1139

to 1175 A. D. At Khajuraho all the important temples, whether Vaishnava,

Saiva, or Jain, seem to have been erected in the eleventh century A. D.f :

we may therefore safely affirm that Jainism flourished in Bundelkhand

during the eleventh and twelfth centuries A. D. side by side with other

forms of religion, and we have already seen that during the same period

much of the country was occupied by the Bhars and other aboriginal

tribes.

I have already mentioned that Mr. Sherring’s arguments to my mind

proved the eastern Bhars too to be Jains ; chance enables me to offer a

fact in confirmation of this theory.

I lately obtained from Banda a collection of hymns to the twenty-

four deities of the Digambar Jains as there recited at a Jain shrine : the

first hymn is addressed to Adinath, and its opening lines which I quote J

below, show that the ruined Bhar stronghold Pampapur near Mirzapur,

the locality described in detail by Mr. Sherring, is still a sacred place of the

Jains.

A Bhat supplied my pandit with lists, as complete as he could remem¬

ber, of the Bhar and Gond§ tribal deities ; the following he named as the

Bhar gods : —

* Cunningham, Arch. Rep. II, p. 433, and J. A. S. B., XXIX, 396.

f Fergusson, Ind. Archit., p. 245.

* j

^ fqiTrr s" wfK i

§ The Gond deities lie remembered were : (1) Narhar, (this is mentioned by Chand

as the name of a Gonql champion) : (2) Nagesur : (3) Jhakajhok : (4) Gunraiya :

(5) Karuwa.

1877.] V. A. Smith — Notes on the Bhars of Ban del Ichand. 233

(1) Satti-Satta : (2) Munda Deo : (3) Bhainsesur : (4) Ratasa or

Raktasa : (5) Bharraha Jari : (6) Jhapata : (7 ) Maralii : (8) Bharayanr.

The worship of these minor deities may of course have been practised

by persons professing Jainism, in the same way as worship is now offered

to scores of obscure local gods and demons, by persons professing various

forms of Hinduism. It is possible that the Bhainsa Darwaza, one of the

gates of the town of Mahoba, may be named after Bhainsesur.

Antiquarian visitors to Mahoba are familiar with the temple of Maniya

Deo, the tutelary deity of the Chandel Rajas ; it is curious that the only

other shrine in the Hamirpur District, so far as I know, dedicated to this

divinity is found at a village named Barel in pargana Rath, where there

are indications near the modern village, which is occupied by a Lodhi

population, of the former existence of a town or large village which has long

since disappeared. This locality seems to be the Bharel# named by the

above quoted Bhat as one of the Bhar villages, and some sculptures exist

in the village such as are found at Bhar sites. It becomes, therefore, pos¬

sible that Maniya Deo was a Bhar goddess, and, if this be the fact, the

circumstance throws some light on the origin of the Chandel race, which is

admittedly impure. I had not an opportunity of seeing the object of

worship at Barel, but the cherished image at Mahoba, which I have seen, is

simply a shapeless block of stone daubed with red, and evidently represents

none of the Hindu gods, whereas it is exactly such an object as we might

expect to be the fetish of a tribe of hill men. There is not, so far as I am

aware, any tradition of a close connection between the Chandels and the

Bhars, f but with the Gonds the Chandels are known to have maintained

constant intercourse, sometimes friendly, and sometimes hostile. Chand tells

us that the Chandel Raja Kirat Singh hunted at Maniya Garh with Singh the

Gond chieftain of Garha Mandla on the Narbada, and that afterwards when

war broke out, Kirat Singh was taken prisoner by the Gonds, an injury

which was revenged by Alha in the reign of Parmal. The name of the

Gond hunting ground Maniya Garh inevitably suggests that Maniya Deo

may be a Gond as well as a Bhar deity, and, if this supposition be correct,

an additional proof is obtained that there was little difference between

Bhar and Gond. In the hills of the Kaimur Range in Riwa, east of Bun-

delkhand, the Bhars, Suriyas, Cherus, Binds, and Khar wars may still be

* The loss of the initial aspirate in local names is very common ; thus in the

Hamirpur District, Bilrakh and Bilahanri were formerly Bhil villages, and in Audh

.(J* A. S. B., XLV, Pt. I, p. 300) Badoi, Barrosa, Baraich, and Bareli derive their

names from the Bhars : and many similar examples might he given.

f Oldham, ‘ Stat. Memoir of Ghazipur’ (I, 48), states that Chandel Rajputs mur¬

dered the Bhar Raja and founded the principalities of Bijaigarh, Bardhi, and Barhar

in the Riwa territories.

234 V. A. Smith — Notes on the Bhars of Bundcllchand. [No. 3,

found intermingled, and “ intermarriage between the daughters of the

Kharwar chief and a Chandel Rajput prince is mentioned in the annals of

Bundelkhand.”* * * § In Lalatpur, too, the connection between the Gonds and

Chandels seems to be remembered, f and the story of the marriage of Durga-

vati of the Chandel line with the Raja of Garha MandlaJ shows that

the connection subsisted so late as the sixteenth century A. D. ; there is

therefore nothing improbable in supposing that the myth of the union of

Hemavati with the moon as related in the Chandel legends was invented to

conceal the fact that the Chandels really sjDrang from an aboriginal stock ;

whether this stock was called Bhar or Gond we cannot say, and, if I am

right in thinking the two tribes to he very closely connected, the question

is of no importance. The construction of the great Yijayanagar or Bija-

nagar lake near Mahoba is attributed to the Gaharwars, who are said to have

preceded the Chandels in that part of the country, and I think it is not

unlikely that the Chandel clan is the result of crossing Gahanvar with

Bhar or Gond blood : the popular legends indeed assert the fact of relation¬

ship between the Gaharwars § of Benares and the Chandels.

The Bhars of Bundelkhand, so far as we know them, seem to have

possessed little of the arts of civilization, and to have consequently left

behind them almost nothing of architectural or artistic interest. In the

eastern districts the Bhars are credited with the construction of many

tanks and massive forts, but in Hamirpur I have not met with a single

fort or tank the construction of which is ascribed to them ; everything old

is indiscriminately called Chandel, and is usually placed to the credit of

Raja Parmal or his famous champions Alha and Uclal : it is, however, pro¬

bable that some of the works attributed to the Chandels were executed by

other races. The commonest objects of antiquity in the district are rude

bas-reliefs of Hanuman, here usually called Mahabir, and there is scarcely

one of the numerous sites of ancient abandoned villages, whether Bhar or

otherwise, which is not marked by an image of the monkey-god.

Upright slabs or pillars of granite bearing on one face a pair of rudely

carved figures in relief, are met with in many places. The design consists

of two standing figures, one male, and the other female, holding each other

by the hand : at the top left hand corner of the stone there is a detached

* Chandra Sekhara Banurjf, in J. A. S. B., Yol. XLYI, Pt. I, p. 25. I do not

know what annals are referred to.

f N. W. P. Gazetteer, Yol. I, p. 351 ; but the statement there may he based only

on Sleeman’s narrative.

X Sleeman’s History of the Garha Mandla Rajas in J. A. S. B. for 1837, Yol. YI,

(2), pp. 621-648.

§ Vide Cunningham, Arch. Rep. II, ‘ Mahoba’ and Beam.es’ Elliot, s. v. Bhar,

Chandel, Gaharwar.

1877.] V. A. Smith — Notes on the JBhars of BundelJchand. 235

«

open hand, and in the corresponding right hand corner a crescent moon and

a circle representing the sun.

These sculptures appear to be sati monuments : they are very common

in Pargana Jaitpur and are there sometimes spoken of as ‘ Sati-Sata’. Jait-

pur was occupied by Gonds, who were expelled by the Bundelas and Mar-

athas. At an ancient village in pargana Path I found two of these stones,

and close by, a sati pillar of the ordinary type* bearing only the emblems of

a female hand and arm with the sun and moon, but without human figures.

Stones sculptured with the sun and moon emblems, unaccompanied by either

figures or hand, are often met with.

Rude effigies of single warriors, armed with a bow, or with a round

target and a short straight-pointed sword, are also common.

I append a rough sketch or diagram (PL XIY) of a curious slab stand¬

ing in the village of Tika Mau near Mahoba : the village is an ancient one,

and is mentioned by Chand as belonging to Desraj, father of Alba and Udal,

and according to tradition was formerly occupied by Kuraffs : the design

resembles in general outline that of the “sati-sata” sculptures- above

described, but differs in that the male and female figures are not holding

hands and have heads resembling respectively a monkey and a bird, and

that the detached hand is placed between the sun and moon.

On the surface of the mound marking the site of a Bhar village at

Barenra in Jalalpur, my pandit picked up the two curious objects figured

at the bottom of Plate XIY. They look like seals or amulets, and the

material seems to be the coarse soap stone found in the district : I cannot

even guess the meaning of the characters engraved on them, but the open

hand on the larger one is exactly similar to that carved on the stone

monuments. As is the case at many ancient sites in the district, bricks

of great size are found at Barenra.

The Bhar site named Bhareswar near Rauro in pargana Rath is re¬

markable for an irregular circle formed of twelve large upright stones, close

to which two other stones are lying prostrate : one of the slabs here is

carved with five small detached rings, called naJcat-gol by the people, which

remind me of the “ cup markings” in Kamaon, described by Mr. Carnacf :

coins are said to have been found at this spot, but as usual I could get no

definite information about them.

I have often seen at old sites slabs engraved with sets of concentric

rings a foot or more in diameter, which most probably symbolize Mahadeo,

as conjectured by Mr. Carnac with reference to the similar sculptures in

Kamaon, or may perhaps be images of the sun as the villagers say.

* Cunning Lain, Arch. Report III, p. x.

t J. A. S. B., XLYI, Pt. I, p. 1 seqq.

H H

236

Y. A. Smith — Notes on the JBhars of BundelJchctnd.

[No. 3,

Further local enquiries, or a happy accident, may put me in possession

of additional information about the Bhars of Bundelkhand, hut at present

the foregoing notes embody all that I can ascertain on the subject.

Explanatory Note.

The preceding essay was written to illustrate a bronze plate inscription which

purported to record a victory of the Lodhfs over the Bhars of Parganas Path and Ja-

lalpur in the year 1404 Samvat, and was read before the Society* in its original form.

Sir E. C. Bayley and Dr. Bajendralala Mitra are of opinion that the inscription

described by me is not genuine, and their opinion is based on arguments which I rea¬

dily admit to be conclusive : the forgery was a clever one, but not sufficiently clever to

deceive competent scholars.

I have therefore cut out from my paper all references to the inscription, and much

other matter which rested on the authority of the pandit, who beyond doubt contrived

the forgery.

All information derived from a tainted source is of course open to suspicion, and

therefore I must specify the assertions still remaining in the text of my paper which

rest on information supplied by the incriminated pandit.

The tribal records of the Bagrf and Mauhar Thakurs were furnished by him in

copies : the originals he said he had met with while employed on a tour of investiga¬

tion under the orders of the Settlement Officer at Banda : there seems to be no particu¬

lar reason why these documents should have been fabricated.

The Jain hymns, one of which I quote, were also brought to me by the pandit,

who professed to have taken them down from the dictation of a person who takes care

of a Jain shrine at Banda ; they are of little interest and not likely to be inventions.

The lists of Bhar and Gone! deities, the name of Bharel as a Bhar village, and the

names of Bilrakh and Bilahanrf as Bhfl villages, rest on the authority of a Bhat as

reported by the pandit, and I have no special reason to suppose these particulars to be

untrue.

The seals or amulets, whichever they are, were brought in by him, and seem

genuine ; but I have not visited Barenra myself.

After the excisions it has undergone, my essay, I fear, presents a very disjointed

appearance, and retains little of value or of interest.

12 tli December , 1877.

Y. A. SMITH.

*

Vide Proceedings, As. Socy. Bengal, for December, 1877.

1877.]

237

An unpublished Ghazal by Hafiz. — By H. Blochmann, M. A.,

Calcutta Madrasah.

In the Proceedings for November 1874, (p. 208), I noticed a MS.

collection of choice verses containing an autograph of Prince Khurram

(Shahjalian). Among the poems, the following ghazal by Hafiz is given,

which I have not seen in any MS. or printed edition of his Diwan. The

style is easily recognized as that of Hafiz. (Metre, long hazaj. )

* ^ *y*sr!

jyXsC t t

wJ

* cl <XAau j/m jX Ij t- Q-kl j) )jsO

d^djA j d^s:^

* ajj fiJu* j*a1a aaa’ A d^AiU

* *■> f a* UIa. ^^a^

*r%) vsJ>P '—^5* *-

aA juI&Aam ,✓0

^ •* <zJ

tXA < vi2/0

1. Thanks he to God that a sight of thy face has again heen granted me : the

sun of thy beauty lights up the eye of my destiny.

2. In the gallery of my heart I painted the day of my loneliness in those

(bright) colours in which I paint to myself the day of meeting thee.

3. When in thy love thou castest upon my head the shadow of mercy, the

phoenix of fortune and success casts his shadow upon me.

4. The news of thy arrival was brought to me, and I gave up my heart to

thanksgiving ; for this was an occasion of joy for my grief-fostering heart.

5. Put boldly, 0 love, thy foot upon the eye of Hafiz ; for within his beaming

eye a place has been made for thee.

242

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

A Grammar of the Language of Eastern TurJcistan. — Bg R. B. Shaw,

Eolitical Agent.

Introductory.

The Turkish tongues are of singular interest to the student of lan¬

guage. They are to him, what the mountains which surround their birth¬

place are to the geologist ; who there can observe many of the vastest

operations of nature and their results, naked as it were, and not veiled by

the superficial covering which in other less barren countries makes the

investigation and tracing out of the various formation so laborious a task.

The Indo-European languages are like an ancient building, where

frequent restorations have interfered with the original design, and where

finally a universal coat of plaster has destroyed all outward distinction

between old and new. In the Turanian structure, on the other hand

every tool-mark is still fresh, the places where the scaffolding has rested,,

are still visible, and we can almost trace each course of the stone-work to

its origin in the quarry whence it was hewn.

It may seem strange that a language developed by the rude and

nomad tribes of Central Asia, who in their own home have never known

how to reduce it to rule (or rather to distinguish the laws through which

they themselves had unconsciously formed it), should present in fact an

example of symmetry in complexity such as few of the more cultivated

forms of speech exhibit. Although its own people would have one believe

that it is subject to no rule and almost purely arbitrary (their only notion

of grammar being that of Arabic and Persian with which the Turki cannot

be made to fit) ; yet in reality a few sinrple and transparent rules suffice

to account for all its permutations. These rules, possessing an accumulative

power, are enough to produce the immense variety of forms noticeable in

the Eastern Turki.

We are now learning to believe that even in languages such as

Greek, German, or even English, every seeming irregularity is really

the result of laws, some of which we know and can trace in their

action, and some of which are yet to be discovered. But in Turki we

can see them ; it is as if the centuries were to flow backwards, and we

could watch the building of the Pyramids and solve by ocular demon¬

stration the doubts of the learned as to the method by which the vast

blocks were transported from the quarries, and placed in their present

positions. We can even detect in some instances a commencement in

this Turanian tongue, of the process by which the Aryan languages

have been polished down and enamelled, as it were, till they reached their

present condition.

1877.]

243

of Eastern Turkistdn.

Viewed in this light the study of the Eastern Turki is seen to have

an interest which is not to be measured by the amount of the commercial

or other intercourse likely to be facilitated by it. For the Turkish

tongues, a journey eastward is pretty nearly equivalent to a study of the

earlier forms of an Indo-European language. In either case we get nearer

to the source ; and the less literary character of the former makes it easier

to approach its origin in space than in time. Remusat, in his “ Langues

Tartares”#, truly says: “ Le dialecte de Constantinople est celui de tous

qui s’est le plus enrichi, je pourrais dire appauvri, par l’introduction de

mots Arabes et Per sans ; et l’on n’en rencontre que fort peu dans la langue

des Turks voisins de la Chine, ou l’on peut, pour cette raison, esperer de

retrouver l’antique langue Turke dans un etat plus voisin de sa purete

primitive.”

Yalikhanoff (the son of a Kirghiz chief in the Russian service,

whose name, Vali Khan, with the affixed Russian patronymic ending off',

is significant of Russia’s progress among those tribes) writes :f “ The

language . spoken in Kashghar is altogether unknown to European

savants”, and Prof. Vambery, in quoting him, adds that this language

“ has incontestably the most primitive words and formations amongst all

Turkish forms of speech.”]:

In the Turkish of Kashghar and Yarkand (which some European

linguists have called TJighur ,§ a name unknown to the inhabitants of

those towns, who know their tongue simply as Turki), we can obtain

a glimpse backwards at a state of the language when the noun (which

in Western Turkish is almost inflected) was but a rude block, labelled

if necessary by attaching other nouns, &e., to show its relation to the

remaining words of a sentence, as in Chinese. Of these attached words

we can still see the meaning and special force, and can even use some of

them as independent parts of speech (see below in Chapter III and Chapter

VII, Numerals). It requires scientific dissection to extract and realize

the meaning of the genitive element in the Latin word “ rosse,” for in¬

stance ; but the Turki genitive ulus-nung (“ tribe’s,” lit. “ tribe property”)

bears its origin on its face, and it cannot be very long ago that the word

“ nung ” or “ neng ” would have been used freely to mean “ goods” or

“possessions”, as it is in the Kudatku- Bilik || (translated by Prof. Vam-

* Page 250, edition 1820.

f See Messrs. Michel’s “Russians in Central Asia”.

f Vambery’ s “ Chagataische Sprach-studien”, p. 3.

§ This would seem in many cases to he a misnomer as applied to the modern lan¬

guage of Kashghar.

|| E. g. iila neng “ bestow (thy) property.”

244 E. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Lory). The mark of the accusative ni is at the present clay in common

use as an independent pronoun signifying “what”.

When we follow these affixes into Western Turkish, they seem to

have lost their initial consonants, and to have sunk into mere inflectional

terminations.*

At the early period above referred to, the verb was perhaps a mere

noun of action, destitute of any conjugation, although afterwards label¬

led by means of certain syllables (originally independent words) to indicate

the several times and modes of the action. Such compound words, which

could hardly be considered verbs, would apply equally to the agent , the

action , and the object acted upon. In this stage the Turki verb would

have answered to the description of the same part of speech in an allied

tongue : “ The Tibetan verbs must be regarded as denoting, not an action

or suffering or condition of any subject, but merely a coming to pass...

...they are destitute of what is called in our languages the active or passive

voice, as well as of the discrimination of persons, and show nothing beyond

a rather poor capability of expressing the most indispensable distinctions

of tense and mood . The inflection of verbs... is done in three different

ways: . (c), by adding [to the Eoot] various monosyllabic appendices f

the Infinitive, Participles, and so called Gerunds are formed.” [Dr.

Jaeschke’s Tibetan Grammar, printed at the Moravian Mission Press at

Ivyelang, in British Lahaul, Chapter VI, §§29 and 30], (see also page 262,

below) .

A further development of the language would consist in also label¬

ling these verbal nouns with the several pronouns or the corresponding

possessive affixes (according as the desired sense might require) to point

out the subject of the action ; and thus were at last obtained several tenses

of a real conjugation.

* This will he seen by an inspection of the following comparative statement : —

Nom.

Gen. .

Dat. .

Acc. .

Abl. ,

Eoot.

Kashghari

Post-positions.

Osmanli

terminations.

at

ning

gah

ni

-mg (ah)

- ah

-i

tit

din

&c.

-tin

&c

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistdn.

245

All these stages of the Turki verb formation co-exist in the present

language of Yarkand. If one asks a man whether he has seen so-and-so,

he replies : “ korgan .” This word may denote equally “ the person who

sees”, “ the thing seen”, and “ the action of seeing.” But in a case of

ambiguity, or for greater emphasis, he might also answer : korgan-im bar

(lit. “ my seeing exists”), or korgan-man (lit. “ I the seer”). In one case

the possessive ( im “ my”), and in the other the personal pronoun (gnan “ I”),

is affixed ; and thus the 1st Person singular of two (Indefinite) Past

Tenses is formed. These are the two typical modes of forming the persons

of a tense, and there is no other.

Out of such simple materials is the whole Turkish conjugation pro¬

duced, which Prof. Max Muller compares to a tree with innumerable

branches, each of which is bowed down to the earth by the weight of the

fruit which it bears. The above form, kor-gan , is but one of the several

verbal nouns produced from the root kor ; the same root when labelled

with other affixes, instead of gan, denoting different times (tenses) or

modes (moods) for the action, forms various verbal nouns and participles.

These participles, either attached to pronouns as above, or in composition

with auxiliary participles which are so attached, produce the whole of the

270 (and odd) tense-persons of which a primary Turki verb conjugation

consists.

Remusat charges the Eastern Turki (Ouigour) with employing no

true auxiliary verb, i. e ., according to his definition, an auxiliary personal

future or past tense applied to a participle, either future or past (not

‘present). “ II resulte de cette combinaison, des j^sd^-parf^ts, des

futurs, des parfaits composes, toutes choses inconnues en Ouigour.”

A further acquaintance has revealed to us, at least in modern Ouigour

(“ actuellement la langue des habitants des villes depuis Khasigar jusqu’a

Kamoul”), all these things which M. de Remusat had missed. Such tenses

as gelip-idim , “ I had done”, gelip -holier man , “ I shall have done”, gela -

durghan-holdum , “ I have determined to do” (lit. “ I have become about

to do”), answer completely to the above definition. Thus the Turki tongue

leaves nothing to be desired in the way of tense varieties.

But this is not all ; for the root itself previous to the addition of

any tense or mood terminations may have its meaning or application

modified by other affixes (producing secondary Verbs, Passive, Causative,

Reciprocative, &e.). By the accumulative faculty of the Turki tongue

these produce numbers of fresh forms. Like a gambler who “ doubles

all round”, each of them adds to the former stock of words a number

equal to that which existed without it. Going round to each tense of the

original verb and of its compounds, it lays down another by its side.

One peculiarity of the process called “ playing double or quits” is, as

246 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

pointed out by Thackeray in the case of Mr. Deuceace, that after a given

number of repetitions (which may be easily calculated) the original stake

will have swollen to the size of the National Debt. Fortunately there

is a limit to the number of times that a Turki verb can double its tenses ;

but still it reaches a figure which sounds most formidable to those who do

not know that they can acquire it by a process of multiplication, and are

not bound to add each unit separately to the mass of their know¬

ledge.*

With all these possible combinations before him, the Turk of the

East appears to construct his words on each occasion from the elements

at his disposal (as a compositor sets up type), rather than to employ ready¬

made or stereotyped forms. He accumulates affix upon affix until he has

completed his meaning, instead of looking about him for a single word to

which that meaning is already assigned. f Hence his belief that his

language is arbitrary and dependent only on his own will (notwithstanding

the fact that he really, though unconsciously, works on distinct and simple

principles), and hence also the fact that to him each element of his words

retains its separate vitality and meaning. When a Frenchman says “ vous

etes,” he has ordinarily no notion that in the termination “ — tes”

he is repeating the pronoun “ vous” in another form. But an Eastern

Turk is perfectly aware of the meaning of the termination in the words

dursiz, “ ye are,” kelghcmingiz , “ ye have done” (‘ your doing exists’), and

will not hesitate to use the same pronouns in other applications (as siz-ga-

hirdim “ I gave to you,” or even superfluously prefixed to the verb, as siz

dursiz , “ ye are” ; and so also dt-ingiz , “ your horse”).

As has been justly pointed out by Prof. Max Muller, among nomad

families and tribes the tendency to adopt peculiarities and corruptions of

language is constantly being neutralized by meetings and by the necessities

of intercourse with other families or tribes among whom no such pecu¬

liarities, or different ones, have sprung up ; while these meetings do

* It may easily be calculated how many separate elements require to be retained

in the memory, in order to remember the vast number of forms of a single Eastern

Turkish verb. Thus there are about 13 participial (and root) stems, and 25 different

syllables or words used in the formation of tenses (including pronouns, auxiliary roots,

and participles). There are also 6 modifying syllables, making the secondary verb-

forms. Thus absolutely only 44 verb-elements require to be learned by rote, the com¬

binations and permutations of which suffice to make up the entire Turki verb con¬

jugation amounting to nearly 29,000 possible forms applicable to each separate (trans¬

itive) verb root. See N. B. at end of “ Verbs.”

f In Eastern Turki “ un-get-at-able-ness” would be a perfectly legitimate form

(indeed quite a characteristic one). Vide Yet- at- mas- liJc , $c.

attain able not ness.

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan.

247

not usually last long enough to allow of the growth of peculiarities

common to the whole nation. When people, however, settle down in

communities and towns, a certain number of expressions become worn

down, as it were, by daily use, and in such a state of society these corrup- .

tions would be likely to become fixed and permanent. In this process the

rationale of the various formations becomes less evident ; the elements of

the words are so fused together as to become indistinguishable ; from want

of recognizable examples men cease to put together unconsciously each

word as they want it, and begin to use only those to whose sound they

have become accustomed, and which are as it were ready-made. Thus the

language loses in its richness of perhaps superabundant forms. It leaves

the fluid and enters the solid state.

Even in Central Asia such a process has begun in the towns and

villages. Who would recognize in the short word ivopti the compound

tense bol-up-ir-d-i, “ it had become.” Yet a native of Khokand, who will

use the former in conversation, will spell it out at the full length of the

latter if he has occasion to write it. He has not yet lost his sense of the

full force of every one of the five elements that build it up. To a stranger

who knew that the infinitive was bolmdq (or even ivolmdq), the pluperfect

ivopti would seem a most irregular form, and would be no guide in forming

the pluperfects of other verbs.

* The Yarkandi (who lives further East) has not proceeded so far in

his corruption of the word. He contents himself with shortening it into

bolupti (showing greater respect for the root). So aparado (or, as the

Andijanis say : aparade) is used, where the true form is al-ip-bdr-a tur-ur ,

lit. “ having taken (he) going is standing” (viz., “ he is taking away”).

The intermediate steps are alip-bdra-trur , then alip-bara-dur, then ap-bdra-

dur, and then apara-dur ; the corruption going on independently in the

several members of the word, converting alip into ap , fusing the initial b of

bar with the preceding p , and turning turur finally into do or de. So also

the imperative of another compound verb is shortened from al-ip-lcel to

apJce or even aTcke. And thus some words travel West, from the desert

their birthplace, leaving a letter behind them in each country where they

halt, but bearing the scars indelible on their bodies.

In extending itself towards Europe the Turkish tongue seems to

approach the inflectional stage of development. Even in such forms as

wopte , apke, and do (for turur), -the root itself, the very sanctuary of an

agglutinative language, has been invaded. But, moreover, in Western

Turkish the affixes or terminations have become so far blended wfith the

verb that their origin has been lost sight of. Some Grammarians in their

analysis have mistaken, for instance, the pronominal affixes for parts of

248 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

an auxiliary verb. Thus kilrum is by them supposed to be formed from

the participle Icilur and the word im “ I am” (which is in reality no verb,

but a pronoun). M. de Remusat, in his most learned and interesting re¬

searches on the Tartar Languages, sees an anomaly in the fact that, while

both in Osmanli and in Ouigour (defined as “ encore actuellement la lan-

gue des habitants des villes depuis Khasigar jusqu’a Kamoul”) there

exist the tenses, kilur-um and kil-dum formed respectively with two

tenses of the substantive verb, viz., im (uni), “ I am”, and idum (- dum ), “ I

was” ; yet this verb only exists in Osmanli, and not in Ouigour. In other

words, that tenses in a primitive Turkish language, (Ouigour) are formed

by means of another verb which only exists in a later dialect (the

Osmanli).

“ Pourquoi n’y retrouve-t-on pas plutot le radical Ouigour erdi, ou

dour, ou dourour ? Quelle cause peut avoir introduit un element etranger

dans la conjugasion des verbes, la partie la plus intime de la grammaire P

Ce fait peu connu, si j’avais reussi a en bien exposer toutes les circonstances,

offrirait, ce me semble, un probleme philologique assez curieux a resoudre.”

The answer is interesting and illustrates the jDrogress of language.

The seeming problem results from the degree to which forms, clear enough

in Eastern Tiirki, have become corrupted and obscured in Western Turkish.

Taking the Past Tense, idum, &c., first, this certainly exists in Ouigour,

where it is . written erdim (p^^l). The modern Kashghari sujyplies the

missing link by writing this word as above erdim or irdim and pronoun¬

cing it idim. Thus the Ouigour “ radical” or auxiliary erdi which M. de

Remusat desired, is really present in the tense ‘ kilduni , ‘ kildV , under its

later form 4 iduni , 1 idi\ whose absence from Ouigour he laments.

Next taking the Present Tense kilar-um, formed with a supposed

Pres. Tense of the Verb Substantive, viz. im “ I am”, &c. — the following

comparison with the corresponding Ivashghar (so called Ouigour) or more

primitive tense will solve the problem, or rather will show that there is

none : —

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistdn.

249

It is plain that the Osmanli terminations are merely survivals of the

primitive affixed pronouns.*

In no ease can it be allowed that such a series of dissimilar syllables is

really one tense, or that they are parts of the verb “ to be.”f An examina¬

tion of the Yarkand and Kashghar dialects accounts for them in another

way ; and even were this not the case, analogy is against such irregularities

of form in a Turkish verb, no sign even of a common root being apparent

in the different persons.

Thus, if the Ouigour (Kashghar) form of Turkish does not possess

such a Verb Substantive as im “ I am” (as M. de Remusat justly says), so

neither does the Osmanli. There is no element in these Osmanli tenses

which does not exist independently in the so-called Ouigour or Eastern

Turkistani. Though I have taken Remusat’s words as my text (because

they themselves suggest the comparison with a more primitive dialect), yet

it would seem that many Grammarians are under the same misapprehension

with regard to the supposed Osmanli substantive verb. The pronominal

affixes have become so blended in the verbs, as almost to lose all trace of

their origin, and what is this but a long step towards inflection.

Thus in the varied dialects of that wide-spread tongue which is spoken

over 70 Degrees of Longitude, extending from under the shadow of the

Great Wall of China and the head waters of the Yellow River almost to

the shores of the Adriatic, we see a whole volume in the history of lan¬

guage unrolled before us. Nearly every stage in the development of speech,

between the monosyallabism of China at one end and the highly developed

inflectionalism of Europe at the other, can be studied in the dialects spoken

by that Turkish race which forms a link between the extreme East and the

extreme West of the Old World.

It is hoped that an account, however imperfect, of the more Easterly

or primitive form of this tongue will not be without interest to students.

In the following pages it will be noted that the Perfect Participle

has been written with a p, whereas in the Extracts it will be found to

end in a ( b ). But it must be remembered that the Turki writers

* If it be urged that besides the use of the syllables im, sen , &c., as verb-termi¬

nations, they are also used with substantives and adjectives, &c., in the sense of the

verb “ to be” ; this may be paralleled by the Eastern Turki usage by which pronouns

are affixed (without any verb) to substantives and adjectives and other pronouns, and

yet do not cease to be pronouns : e. g. Tcichik-man “ I (am) small” ; TurJc-san, “ thou

(art) a Turk;” shu-man, “I (am) he”. The verb “ to be” is simply ‘ sous-entendu’

in these cases.

t The present tense of irmaJc “to be” would be ira-man or irur-man, irur-san ,

&c. This tense is found in old books.

250

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

are very chary of wasting more “ nuqtas” than they can help, and

make but seldom a difference in writing (and sometimes in speaking) be¬

tween <-> and and between ^ and The sound given to the final

letter of the Perfect Participle is distinctly that of p, as may moreover be

discovered from the fact that it hardens the dentals which follow it (in

affixes), e. g., bolu(p)-ti , and not bolu(b)-di, as would be the case accor¬

ding to the Pules of Phonetic Variation (which see) if the final consonant

were soft.

Again, it will be seen that I have written ait-Ti , 7cet-ni, whereas in

Turki manuscripts these words are often written ait-m , Tcet-m. This latter

s]Delling is due to a recollection of the origin of the formation (viz., the

presence of the auxiliary irdi or idi in a shortened form), but the pronun¬

ciation is in fact that of a double t ; as in English the word written as

“ cupboard” is ]:>ronounced “ cubboard.” The Turki writers, however, very

frequently recognise this pronunciation by merely putting a “ tashdid” over

the t instead of preserving the d in the second place (o for <A).

CHAPTER I.

THE LETTERS.

The letters employed in writing by the inhabitants of Eastern Turkis-

tan are the same as those in general use among Muhammadan nations,

viz., those of the Arabic alphabet. It is needless to describe their system

of writing at any length since it is known to all Oriental scholars ; only

the peculiarities of pronunciation, form, or use, will be noted here,

f A, a in the beginning of words is often pronounced very broad (like aw) ;

as in at = horse (pronounced awt or ot).

In other parts of a word, if preceding several consonants together,

it is also often pronounced broad.

Ex. : bashqa = other (pronounced boshqa).

In other cases, however, it resembles the a in father.

The short pronunciation of a is that of our words ordinary, oriental,

America, <fcc.

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistan.

251

In some words tlie a is pronounced like the English a in ‘hand’,

‘than’, &c.

Ex. : Yarkand , pronounced something between that spelling and

‘ Yerkend ;’ at , ‘ name’, pronounced like the English word ‘ at’

(almost ett).

N. JB. — As the people of Eastern Turkistan are rather uncertain in

their use of the long vowels in writing, the use of them in short

syllables being common and not implying any lengthening of the

sound, in the following pages the broad mark (a, e, i and it) will

only be introduced when the sound is long, and not invariably

wherever long vowels are used.

Ex. : -will be written bdshlamaq (pronounced almost bosh-

lamock). Although there are three ‘ alifs’, yet only the first and

third are pronounced long or broad. So also with the other

vowels.

V ^ B & P, often interchanged in writing, and often confounded in pro¬

nunciation.

cis T, the ordinary oriental, or soft European sound.

^ £ J & Ch, often interchanged ; when preceding consonants, they both

of them tend towards the pronunciation of the French {j ’ ; hence in

that position they are often confounded with one another and with sh.

Ex. : ‘ icliku ’ = goat, almost like ‘ ishku ’ (and, vice versa , the word tap-

shurdi has been found written tapjurdi).

Before vowels the distinction is better kept up.

Ex. : chiqmaq, jabduq.

^ H, a harsh guttural aspirate, but yet distinct from the following letter.

The Eastern Turkistanis put below it the mark usually denoting the

other oriental Ji.

£ Kh , the German cli (as in machen , not as in ich).

z> I), the ordinary sound.

j R, do. But the Yarkandis often swallow it altogether

when it precedes another consonant, and sometimes in that case omit

it even in writing.

Ex. : arpa = barley, pronounced apa ; irdi , irmas, pronounced and

often written idi, imas.

j Z, the sound as in ‘ zeal.'

S, the ordinary sound. The Turkis write this letter with three dots

reversed beneath the letter.

tji Sh, the sound of the French ch, or the German sch , or of sh in the

English word shall. (See remarks under J.)

^ the oriental letter ‘ ’ain’, a sound inexplicable in writing.

j j

252

[No. 3,

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

£ Gh, the oriental letter 4 ghain’, resembling in sound the Parisian 4 r

grassaye’, or the Northumberland 4 burr’, sometimes interchanged

with (3, q (see Chapter II, 44 Phonetic changes of Consonants”),

o F, often interchanged in pronunciation, and even in writing, with P ;

as 4 Fddshah ’ for 4 Padshah’ ; ‘ far wall’ for ‘parwah’, and vice versa ,

1 pur sat’ for 4 fur sat’ .

<j Q, pronounced far back in the throat with a kind of choking effort.

The Yarkand pronunciation of it is rougher than that of the Persians.

Sometimes interchangeable with £ gh (see 44 Phonetic Changes”).

cD K, the ordinary sound, as in the English word 4 keep’.

the ordinary sound, as in get , never as in gin. K and G are some¬

times interchangeable (see 44 Phonetic changes”), and in manuscrijff

the second stroke is generally omitted.

ng, is pronounced as in English, but the g is not separately or distinctly

sounded even before a vowel. The pronunciation is that of 44 hanger”,

not of 44 anger” .

J L , the ordinary sound,

f i!P, do.

cJ N \ do.

j IF or O or U. As a consonant, the same as the English w. As a

vowel, there are four varieties of pronunciation, not distinguished by

any difference in the vernacular writing, viz. : —

O , as in hone.

O, (German sound). Ex. : Icon (day) rhymes with G. schon , but is

pronounced a little shorter.

Z7, (English oo). Ex. : hu , (this) pronounced hoo.

TJ, (French u) or German u or ue. Ex. : ulmah (to die) : the

sound of u in German 4 iiber’.

a PT, the common aspirate.

Y or F or I. As a consonant, pronounced like the English y ; but

the Yarkandis often give it a slight sound of the French j : as yuz

(side), pronounced 1 juz* (Frenchy), and ike (two), pronounced ijke.

As a vowel, either long e (the French sound in u pere”, the same as

the English diphthong ay ), or short as in then ; or else i (either

short as in 4 hit’ or long as in 4 machine’).

THE TOWEL MARES.

The Eastern Turkistani written language possesses, though it seldom

uses, the ordinary Oriental vowel marks. The entire system of spelling is

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

253

in theory that o£ the Arabic alphabet ; but as this system is a foreign adapt¬

ation, and not a home-growth (for the Eastern Turki existed both in a

spoken and in a written form before the introduction of Arabic into the

country), we find many traces of imperfect fitting between the language

and the writing that conveys it.

Even in books we meet with the same word spelt in different manners ;

but more especially is the divergence apparent in the want of distinction

between the sounds represented by the short vowel marks “ zabar” ( — ),

“zer” ( — ), and “ pesh” ( — ) , and by the long vowels “ alif” (| ),

✓

“ ye” (ci1)? and “ wao” (j ) respectively. These latter are often pro-

nounced short, e. g. : pronounced din (from) as though written cm,

while in Persian it would be pronounced din (faith). The “pesh” over

a consonant is often pronounced like an i : e. g.} tush, pronounced tish

(tooth).

The Yarkandis on the whole seem to use the oriental vowels much

like we use our own. That is, they rather ignore the system of vowel-

sounds as inherent in consonants, and consider a written vowel almost

necessary to complete a syllable, whether long or short.*

CHAPTER II.

PHONETIC YARIATION.

The Root of a Yerb never changes in any formation ; nor does any

Substantive! or Adjective. But there are numerous syllables capable of

being affixed, whose vowels and consonants vary with those of the word

they are attached to, according to certain general rules which are not with¬

out exceptions.

A somewhat similar fact in European languages (as regards the con¬

sonants) is the change of the Latin prefix ad into ae in the word accept,

into at in the word attain, and into af in the word affix, &c.

* I have found spelt &c.

f Excepting when a final q or k softens into a gh or g respectively before an

affix. See p. 256.

254

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

The guiding principle of the Tiirki variation seems to be this : that

the mouth and throat having assumed a certain shape for the pronuncia¬

tion of certain sounds, it is difficult in the compass of the same word to

shift the position of the organs ; or, when a hard breath is coming out, to

change it suddenly into a soft breathing ; and vice versa.

Thus, if the throat has been put into the half choking state necessary

to pronounce the ‘ ghain’ ( gh ) or the ‘ qaf’ (q), and another guttural

comes immediately afterwards, it is difficult to prevent this being sounded

with the same choking effort (or, in other words, it is difficult to shift for¬

ward suddenly the place of utterance) ; and vice versa.

Thus it will be found comparatively easy to pronounce sarigh-qul

(where two choking gutturals follow one another) ; but a difficulty will be

found in trying to say consecutively reg gum (the Persian and the Turki

words respectively for 4 sand’), where the contact between the root of the

tongue and the back part of the palate (for the g) has to be shifted

suddenly back into the throat for the q ; and still more difficult to give the

proper sounds to each of the so-called gutturals in the following compound :

aq kupruk (“ white bridge”), where the initial k will almost inevitably

retain some of the choking q sound, unless a fresh breath be taken.

An effort is required, and this the Turkis avoid.

Thus, (a) Gutturals (so called') of either class, which may be roughly

designated as common [k and y] , and true (choking) [q and gh~\ , when con¬

tained in a root tend to bring any guttural contained in an affix into the

same class.

So again, when one has pronounced the syllable yet , it is easier to com¬

plete the word with a t than with a d. Thus yet-di becomes changed into

yet-ti , for the same reason that cup-board has become cubboard in English

pronunciation. So pit-gan becomes pit-kan*

On the other hand after the liquids r and l, which only require a soft

utterance, it would require a fresh effort of the breath to bring out the

hard sounds of k, q or t, so g, gh or d are used.

Ex. : bar-ghan “ going” ; kel-di “ he came”.

Thus, (b) Hard consonants at the end of the root tend to harden the

utterance of the guttural or dental of the affix, and vice versa.

* * # # #

The principle is the same in the case of the vowels. When the tone

of a word, as it were, is in u (oo), say, the Turkis continue that sound, or

one complementary to it, in certain of the affixes.

* See post, Specimen pieces (copy of Passport) : “ Ydrlccmd-ga khidmat-ha ” Here

ga and ka are tlie same word, but the initial guttural is softened after the final d of

Yarkand, and hardened after the final t of khidmat.

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistdn.

255

Ex. : ur-dum not nr -dim

tosh -Vole not tosh- lile.

Such are the principles on which the practice seems to rest. The fol¬

lowing are generally the rules hy which these principles work ; but they

must be considered rather as tendencies than as rigid laws, and they only

act where no other consideration interferes.

It is not all affixes that are liable to variation. Some seem to partake

of the unchangeable nature of the roots. The particular affixes which are

liable to phonetic variation will be pointed out in the following pages.

PHONETIC TAXATIONS OE CONSONANTS.

Final Letter oe Root

( Simple or Compound) .

Consequent initial of Affix.

Guttural.

Denial .

Usually after

t, k, g, n, in

body of Root.

Usually after

h, p, ch, d , s, m,

1, g, q, in body

of Root.

a, d, e, g, h, i, j, 1, m, n, o, r, u, z,

Ex. 1, (See below).

ch, k, q, p, s, sh, t. Ex. 2,

(See below).

d Soft

t Sard

[AT. B . — If the root ends with either of the consonants with which

the affix may begin, there is simply a re -duplication.

Ex. : tig-gan not tig -lean V\

Ex. 1 : salcla-gkan, sakla-di, from salela-male = to take care of.

leel-gan, ke!-di.i, from leel-male — to come.

qel-gkan, qel-di, from qel-mdq = to do.

tut-ma-ghan, from tut-mdq ■= to seize.

leon-ga , “ to a day”, yol-gka “ to a road”.

Ex. 2 : ishit-\an, ishit-ii , from i shit -male — to hear.

feet-kan , leet- te, from leet-male — to go.

kech-k&n, leech-ii , from leech-male = to pass over.

qdch-e\an , qach-ti , from qacli-maq — to flee.

tish-ka, “ to a tooth”, ydsli-(]a} “ to an age”.

K K

250

R. B Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Thus, in the above examples the final letter l of the root Teel deter¬

mines that the initial letter of the participial affix shall be a soft guttural

(q or gh) rather than a hard one (Jc or q) ; while the Jc of the same Jcel

determines which of the two soft gutturals should be chosen, viz., the

ordinary one g, and not the true (choking) one gh.

On the other hand, in the example qel-ghan, while the letter l again

compels the choice of a soft guttural, the other root-consonant q neces¬

sitates the adoption of the true (choking) soft guttural gh rather than of the

ordinary one.

In bet -Jean again, we have the hard guttural induced by the final t of

the root, while the other root-consonant Jc being ordinary , determines that

the hard guttural used in the affix shall be of the same class.

It will be seen that there is a cross division of the gutturals ; 1st,

into soft ( g and gh), and hard (Jc and q ) ; 2nd, into ordinary {g and Jc),

and true (choking) {gh and q).

Thus the rules given above may be re-stated in other words, viz., that

the former of these cross divisions is the one affected by the final letter of

the roots, while the latter division is that over which the other letters of

the root bear rule.

In the dentals there is only a simple division into soft and hard ( d and

t'), affected only by the final letter of the root.

Any word ending in a Jc or q softens the final letter into g or gh re¬

spectively before an affix beginning with a vowel (and sometimes even before

consonants). Ex. JcunglaJc “a coat”, cJiauJcan Jcunglag-i “ a young woman’s

coat” ; sariq “ yellow”, SarigJi-cJiopan (the name of a place).

It may be added that the letter q seems to have a certain affinity to

the broad sound of a, and the letter Jc to its short sound (almost like an e

as in the English word hat). Thus (jbo ( maq ) is pronounced almost like

“ mocJcf while ( mate ) is pronounced as in “ MacAndrew” (almost

mec) .

On the other hand, the vowel e seems to take its broad sound with the

Jc, and its short sound with the q : e : g : Jcel-maJc “ to come” (pronounced

almost “ cail-mec”) ) and qel-maq “to do” (pronounced almost “ Jcill-

mocJc ”).

PHONETIC VARIATION OE VOWELS.

1. Whenever the affix begins with a Vowel and the Root ends with

one, the latter prevails.

Ex. : achJcu'm ( acJiJcu = key, and 'm possessive affix of 1st Person).

N. B. — With a final diphthong there is no elision ; the chief vowel

1877.]

of Eastern Tarhistdn.

257

(see Rule 2) induces the corresponding vowel for the affix. Ex. : 4 tui-up\

2. In all other cases the affix assumes a vowel corresponding with the

chief Root vowel, as follows : —

Root Vowel or Diphthong.

Corresponding Vo wel for Affix*

1. a ai

2. e

3. i

4. o

5. 6

6. u

7. it

8. oi

9. ui

i

u

o

vo

ii

10

l

Ex. (1). til«-d7m [til a (verb-root) and d’m (affix of 1st person Past)].

(5). kdr-dom [hor (verb-root) and d'm (affix of 1st person Past)].

(1) . tap-ip [tap (verb-root) and ’ p (affix Perf. Participle)].

(2) . ke\-ip [kel (verb-root) and ’ 'p (affix Perf. Participle)].

(4). soq-^p [soq (verb-root) and : 'p (affix Perf. Participle)].

(7). tui-dium [t ui (verb-root) and d?m (affix of 1st person Past)].

(2.) ket -mg [Jcet (verb -root) and ’ ng (affix 2nd person)].

(6.) qmxi-lwq [qum — sand, Vq (substantival affix)].

(!)■ bdsh-h‘k [bash = bead, VTc (substantival affix)].

(6.) ydk-dng \j/uk = baggage, ’ ng (affix 2nd person)].

(4.) yol-mmg [yol = road, n'ng (affix genitive case)].

(6.) azwq-wmiz [dzuq — food, 'miz (possessive affix 1st pers. Plural)].

(1.) gundh-finiz [gunah — sin, ’miz (possessive affix 1st pers. Plural)].

If there is more than one affix, each is affected by the preceding one as

if this were the Root (both as to consonants and vowels).

Ex. 1 : 4 tut-ma-ghan ’ ; 4 tut-al-ghan\ (without the affix ma or al inter¬

posed, the last affix would take the form tut-kan ) . So yort-dng with

the affix lar interposed becomes ydrt-l&r-ing , not -ong.

2. 4 bil-mang ’ (4 bil-ma-ng ’) ; 4 Jcel-tur-up ’ (4 Jcel-tu/r-p ’) (Cf. bit¬

ing, Jcel-if)). Often the first affix has itself been affected by the Root.

Ex. : 4 bil-in-ip\ 4 tut-ush-upd

258

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

CHAPTER III.

THE SUBSTANTIVE.

The Plural of Turki words is formed by affixing the syllable lar

(which does not vary phonetically) ; and whenever this syllable occurs with

a Substantive, it comes immediately after the root or radical portion of the

word, which root is in every case inalterable.*

Ex. : dt-lar = horses (from at = a horse).

ata-lar = fathers (from ata = a father).

There are no Articles in Turki Grammar.

There is no difference of Gender in Turki.

Besides the above, two other sets of attached syllables or affixes are

taken by the Substantive : —

(«). The first set is that of the Possessive Terminations. They

are affixed to Substantives, &c., governing other substantives or pronouns

in the genitive case, in the manner that will be seen below.

person Singular.)

* Except by the softening- of a final guttural 1c or q into g or gh before an affix.

See p. 256, at bottom.

f Tbe apostrophe marks the place of the variable vowel in the affixes ; 'm there¬

fore is a general form to express im, um, dm, Sec.

of Eastern TurTcistan.

259

1877.]

As before mentioned, the Plural affix of the noun, where employed,

precedes these (as well as any other) affixes.

Ex. : dt-lar-im = my horses.

yort-lar-ing — thy countries [to be distinguished from yort-dnglar = your

(PL) country.]

yort-lar-ing lar or yort-lar-ingiz = your countries.

Again : — yol-i = his (her, its or their) road.

yol-lar-i = his (her, its or their) roads.

These Possessive Affixes are merely subsidiary to the regular Posses¬

sive Pronouns (or Nouns in the genitive, in the case of the 3rd person) ,

which, as in European languages, precede the governing Nouns. This

will be further treated of in the Chapter on Pronouns.

( b ). The second set of Affixes that may be attached to Nouns an¬

swer the purpose accomplished by declensional inflections and by prepositions

in the classical and modern languages of Europe. For the sake of clear¬

ness they will be here classed under the ordinary declensional headings

or cases ; though these Affixes have not yet grown into the words they are

attached to, as in the inflectional languages, but remain separate Post¬

positions.

&c., &c.

A-. B. — The Possessive form of the Accusative is employed as a Pos¬

sessive Affix of the 3rd person only.

Ex. : Bddshdh-ning at- in alip-hel, Bring the king’s horse.

Any of these Post-positions (Sec. b.) may be agglomerated on to the

end of any of the Possessive Affixes (Sec. a.) going through the whole

declension with each of the latter.

Ex. : yol-um-nung , yol-um-ga, yol-um-ni, yol-um-cla , Sfc., dt-lar-imiz-din , Sfc.

road my of , road my to, road my (ace,), road my in horse (pi.) our from

The order in which the Affixes treated of in this Chapter take their

* See “ Phonetic Variation of Vowels.” The Yarkandis have a preference for the

form nang.

f See “ Phonetic Variation of Consonants.”

260 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

places (when present) after the Noun, is as follows : 1st, N.oun ; 2nd, Plu¬

ral Affix ; 3rd, Possessive Affix ; 4th, Post-position.

Ex. : iii — lar - i - ning — of his houses.

(Noun) (PL AfF.) Poss. (Post-pos.)

qiz — lar - ingiz - ga = to your daughters.

(Noun) (PI. AfF.) (Poss. AfF.) (Post-pos.). •

Sometimes the Genitive post-position ning is omitted, and only the

Possessive affix of the other noun retained, i. e., two nouns are placed

in apposition, the latter of them in the g>°ssessed form of the 3rd person ;

this is done when the compound is a common one in frequent use, as

in English “ house-door”, door-key”, “ sun-light.”

Ex. nas Jcutu-si = “ a snuff-box” (for nas-ning 7cukc-si)i

Qol Jcap-i = “ a hand-cover” (i. e. glove).

Yuz-hash-i = a centurion, lit. “ the head of a hundred.”

Note. — Derivation of the declensional Affixes of the Genitive

and Accusative. The affix of the Genitive may he represented (as has

been seen above) by the formula n'ng, which becomes ning, nung , &c., accor¬

ding to the vowels of the word that it is affixed to. Now I imagine that

this may be originally the same as the substantive neng, which in the

ancient form of Turki called Uighur means “ thing” or “property.” [See

Vambery’s “ Uigurische Sprachmonumente”, Vocabulary, p. 208.] In order

to express the idea of the genitive, e. g., to say “ the Chief’s horse”, the

Turkis would find the mere apposition of the word Beg “ Chief”, by the

side of the word ati, “ the horse (his horse)”, insufficient to discriminate

between possessor and possessed ; so they would label off the owner by the

affixing of the word “ neng ”, meaning “ property”.

Thus they would say “ Beg neng dti ”, which would mean “ Chief

property the horse”. Here “ Chief -property” or “Chief’s property” would

be the general description of the class of things to be denoted, amongst

which one thing is afterwards more particularly designated by saying

“ the horse”. Thus we first get the genus (genitive), and then the

particular individual in that genus. [See Max Muller’s “ Lectures on

Language,” Yol. I, p. 114, Fifth Edition “ . casus generalis , the

general case, or rather the case which expresses the genus or kind. This is

the real power of the genitive.”]

A more uncertain derivation is that of the Accusative affix ni. The

same syllable also forms the Turki word for “ that” or “ what (that which)”.

Thus at-ni mindi may perhaps be really “ horse that-which he rode” ; nan -

ni yedur , “ bread that-which he is eating”, i. e., “ he rode a horse”, “ he is

eating bread”. The affix ni thus would point out the object of the verb ;

its subject being left undistinguished, as it is indicated by the affix of the

verb itself.

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistan.

2G1

Possessive Affix, 3rd Person. It has been seen above that the

Possessive Affixes corresponding to the several persons are as follows :

1st yol-um = my road.

2nd yol-ung = tby road.

3rd yol- i = bis road.

In the Accusative, however, as we have also seen, there is another

Possessive Affix of the 3rd Person.

1st yer-im-ni — my land (acc.), or yol-um-ni = my road (acc.)

2nd yer-ing-ni — tby land (acc.), yol-ung -ni = tby road (acc.)

3rd yer- in = bis land (acc.), yol-nn = bis road (acc.)

as well as yer-i-ni , yol-i-ni.

It seems that this same Possessive Affix of the 3rd person was formerly

used in all the oblique cases (not the accusative only) . The following ex¬

pressions have been found in an old verse : —

Turkistan-ning yer -in- da kliali imas erdn-lar.

Har bir gulach yer -in-da ydtur mar dan erdn-lar.

“ In the land of Turkistan there is no lack of heroes.

In every fathom of its soil there lie heroic men.”

Thus in old Turki the Possessive Affixes (at least for the oblique

cases) ran thus : —

a usage not yet quite obsolete in Eastern Turkistan and which seems to have

been generally retained in the more Western dialects.

CHAPTER IV.

THE ADJECTIYE.

The Turki Adjective does not change at all, either for the different

cases or for gender or number.

Further details regarding it will be found under the heads of “ For¬

mation” and “ Syntax”.

The Comparative of Adjectives (and Adverbs) is obtained by adding

the affix rak , rag or rah :

Ex. : obddn — good ; obddn-rcik = better.

The Superlative is generally formed by inserting the object of

comparison (or at least the word hamah = “all”) in the genitive and put¬

ting the adjective* into th e possessed form (3rd person).

* This adjective thus becomes for the nonce a substantive : “the best” = “the

one who is best,”

262 K. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Ex. : Muhammad-ning din A hamah din-lar-ning ulugh-i = Muhammad’s

Faith (is) the great (est) of all Faiths.

Bu hamah-si-ning chung-i — (lit.) “ This (is) the big(gest) of all of

them” ; or as we should say : “ This is the biggest”.

Hamah at-lar-ning yakhshi-si alip-kel = (lit.) “ Bring the best of all

the horses, i. e. “ Bring the best horse.”

The Diminutive is formed by the affix gliana (both the gh and the

first a being subject to Phonetic variation).

Ex. : kichik-kina — tiny little.

khush-ghana = rather happy.

THE PRONOUN.

The Personal Pronouns are, in the Singular : man = I, san (or sen)

— thou, ul — he, she or it ; and in the Plural : biz (or bizlar) — we, siz

(or sizlar) = you, ular (for ul-lar) — they.

JST. B. — As, in polite conversation, the forms biz and siz are often used

with reference to a single person (like our wordyuit), the other forms bizlar ,

sizlar are employed, when there might be a doubt, to denote plurality.

These pronouns receive the affixes of the different cases exactly in the

same way as substantives do [Substs. Sec. b.~\

Ex. : Nom. man . I

Gen. man-ning or maning . of me

Dat. man-ga . to me

Acc. man-ni or mani . me

Loc. man-da . in me

Ael. man-din . from me, &c., and the others in like manner.

However, the 3rd Person Singular changes the l into an n before the

Gen., Dat., and Loc. affixes, and before the Abl. affix din , viz., un-ning

or uning , un-ga , un-ni or uni , un-da , un-din (instead of ul-ning , ul-ga ,

&c.). Before birla and some other post-positions, it takes the Gen. form

viz., uning birla — “ with him (in the unity of him).”*

In the oblique cases an is often used for un ; as aning instead of uning .

The Possessive Pronouns are simply the Personal Pronouns with

the genitive affix, viz. —

Maning — my ; saning = thy; uning or aning — his or her; biz-ning

or biz-lar-ning — our; siz-ning or siz-lar-ning = your ; ular-ning

= their.

* In speaking of persons, the genitive of this pronoun is generally used before any

of the post-positions, e. g., uning -g a = to him (instead of un-ga) ; uning-din for un-din

[not with the Acc. post-pos., however]. Compare Vambery’s “ Uigurische Sprach-monu-

mcnte”, p. 35, where a similar rule is mentioned as prevailing in the ancient tongue of

Uigurs. The same also sometimes takes place with man and san (I and thou).

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistdn.

263

We have already seen (Subst., Sec. a) that there is a set of possessive

terminations or affixes of each person applicable to nouns. These possessive

terminations are not generally of themselves sufficient to take the place

of the ordinary possessive pronoun (or noun in the genitive). These also are

frequently used and come before the noun, as in the following Table :

Possessive

Pronoun.

Noun Termination.

my = maning . ’m

thy == sailing . ’ ng

his, her or its = uning or aning (or - *ning ) . i or si

our = biz-ning . ’miz

your = siz-ning . ’ ngiz or -nglar.

their = ular-ning (or - *lar-ning ) . i or si

Ex.: maning dt-im ; sailing yer-ing ; tagh-ning yol-i ; biz-ning ui-miz ;

me of horse my thee of place thy mountain of road its us of house our

siz-ning qiz-ingiz ; ular-ning yort-i.

you of daughter your them of country their.

As before, the post-positions of the various cases may be affixed to these

compounds as may be necessary.

Ex. : maning dt-lar-im-din = from my horses,

me of horses my from

Demonstrative Pronouns : ul or u — that there (or he) ; shul, or

shu = that here ; bul or bu — this ; shu-bu or ush-bu = this very, &c.

These, when used before a substantive, are indeclinable, as adjectives. But

when used alone, they receive the usual affixes of case and number, like a

Noun or a Personal Pronoun.

In the oblique cases of the Singular, the l of ul, shut and bul changes

into an n (which vanishes before another n) ; while the b of bul becomes

m in those cases.

Singular.

Plural.

Ex. : Nom. shut or shu bul or bu

Gen. shu1 -ning mu' -ning

Dat. shun-ga mun-ga

Ac c. shu’-ni mu'-ni

&c. &c.

Nom. shu-lar

Gen. shu-lar -ning

Bat. shu-lar- ga

Acc. shu-lar-ni

&c.

bu-lar

bu-lar-ning

bu-lar -g a

bu-lar -ni

&c.

Adjectival Pronouns. Under this head may be classed the com¬

pounds formed by other Pronouns and the affixes dale, ddq or ddgh and

cha. The former of these is the same as the affix dilc (in common use), and

implies “ likeness.” The second, cha , expresses “amount” or “ extent.”

L L

* This blank represents a noun.

264

[No. 3,

31. 13. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

Exs. of the former : mun-ddgh = this-like.

shun-ddgh = that-like, such.

Exs. of the latter : mun-cha = this amount, this much.

shun-ga-cha = to that amount, so much,

and combined : an-dagh-cha = to an amount similar to that.

Used as Adjectives, these are indeclinable ; but they are also sometimes

employed alone, in which case they take the usual post-positions. [They

are also employed as Adverbs.]

The particle Id or gi is used almost as a Pronoun. It answers to the

Hindustani “ walla.” Thus maning-lci = mine, JBddshdh-ning-ki = the

King’s. It therefore takes the place of some noun which is understood

between the speakers. It receives the usual post-positions ; for instance,

if a horse is in question, one may say “ LCi m-n in g - Ki-gci mindi ” = whose

did he ride ? c< maning-Kl-ni urdi” — he struck mine. The English word

“ one” most nearly expresses it : “ the one belonging to me,” &c.#

We shall see in the Syntax that this (or its parallel forms gi or glii)

takes the place of a relative pronoun in subordinate sentences.

Interrogative Pronouns are him = who ? ; ni — what ? The latter

with the addition of the interrogative affix mu or ma, makes ni-ma =

what ? ; with cha it makes ni-cha = how much ? ; with the Persian chand

it makes ni-chand = how many ?

Again a number of these words are derived from an obsolete qai =

which. Thus, with the possessive affix, qai-si = which or who (of them) :

qai-daq = what like ?

Probably as corruptions of these have arisen the forms qan-dagh =

what like ? and qan-cha = how much ?

Several adverbs also are derived from ni and qai.

All these interrogative pronouns (excepting ni) take the usual affixes.

Ex. : qai-si- “ which of us”

nima- ni aitti “ what said he ?”

# # #

Indefinite Pronouns are ldm-ersa\ — some one ; nim’ -ersaf = some¬

thing, also ni-ersaf = something ; ni-cliand — a certain number ; icishi =

somebody, also used substantively for “a person hama (p) and hama-si

= all, or the whole (of it or them).

* This also is an old Uigur form. See Yamhery’s “ Uigur. Sprach-monumente”,

p. 35.

f Perhaps compounded with irsa “ may be” [the Potential of irmak] ; thus Jcim-ersa

would be “who (ever it) may be,” ni-ersa “what (ever it) maybe.” See Kudatku

Bilik, Introd., hargiz kirn irsa. .qelmdUturur “ whosoever he may be. ..he does not make”

(‘ qui que ce soit...ne fait.’)

1877.]

265

of Eastern TurJcistdn.

Reflective Pkonoijn : oz = self, is used instead of the Demonstra¬

tive or Possessive Pronoun when this pronoun refers to the person or thing

which is the subject of the sentence [like the use of Jchud in Persian, and

dp, apna in Hindustani]. The Reflective Pronoun is affected by the pos¬

sessive affix of each person, and by the post-positions, where necessary ;

and if it is governed in the genitive by a noun, that noun takes the posses¬

sive affix of the same person :

Ex. : bz-om-ning at-im = my own horse,

self my of horse my

bz-ongiz-ning yort-lar-ingiz-ga — to your own countries,

self your of country (pi.) your to

Sometimes the possessive termination and the genitive post-position

are omitted from the oz.

Ex. : oz ikhtiyar-im — my own choice, for bz-om-ning ihlitiyar-im.

When used merely like the word “ self” in English, it takes the pos¬

sessive terminations before the post-positions (if any) just like a noun.

Ex. : oz-om — myself ; bz-om-ning = of myself, bz-om-ga = to my¬

self, &c.

oz-bng — thyself ; bz-bng-ning = of thyself, oz-bng-ga — to thyself,

&c.

oz-i — himself ; oz-i-ning = of himself ; oz-i-ga = to himself, &c.

\_Note. — The oz being thus treated exactly like a substantive, suggests

the possibility of its being merely a contraction of yuz — face ; viz. “ my

face” for “myself.”]

CHAPTER Y.

THE VERB.

All verbs in Turki, both primary and derivative ones, active or passive,

<fcc., are conjugated on precisely the same model. One might cut out the

radical part of any verbal form, and substitute that of any other verb for

it, and, with the exception of trifling phonetic changes, the conjugational

frame -work would fit on to the new as well as it did on the original verb-

root.

The radical portion of the verb suffers no internal alteration whatever.

The conjugation is entirely effected by various affixes which convey the

necessary changes of application.

2G6

[No. 3,

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

The foundation of the system is the verb-root , from which are formed,

by addition, several verbal adjectives and substantives which take the place

of participles, and refer to the various times or modes in which action can

take place.

We will take as an example the verb signifying “ to do,” of which the

root is QEL.

Simple Root : qel ; expresses the bare idea of doing.

Present Participle : qel« ; answers to our own Pres. Part. “ doing”

[where the root ends in a vowel this Participle adds an i : as isiila, ishla^ ;

OQU, OQU£.]

Participle oe continuance : qel dr or qelw\ (See p. 297, note f-)

This Participle seems to indicate a continuance or non-completion in the

action of the verb, and is used, as will be seen, for all tenses requiring such

a meaning.

Perfect Participle : qel ip ; here the vowel of the affix varies

phonetically in different verbs, and the general expression for the Perf.

Part, affix would be the apostrophe being replaced by the proper vowel

in each case (see “ Phon. Var. of Vowels”). This Participle implies the

completion of the action.

Indefinite Participle : qel gJidn [The gli changes in different verbs

into q, Jc or g. See “ Phon. Var. of Consonants”.] This Participle may

properly be called Indefinite, both because it refers to no particular time for

the action, and also because its application is not confined to either agent

or object. In fact it may mean either the “ person doing” (the doer), or

the “ act of doing,” or the “ thing done.”

Potential Participle : qels<z “ potential doing.” [The vowel does

not alter, but is always «.]

Future Participle: QELghu. [The gli changes as above.] This

Participle only survives in composition with certain affixes which give rise to

forms in modern use, of which the syllable “ ghuf &c., supplies the future

element. Thus with “ diqf which implies probability, we get a

[Participle of Probability : q^Lghu-diq. This means “ likely to

do at a future moment.”

Participle of Fitness : Again, with the affix luq (liq) implying

quality, we have qel gJm-luq, which means “ possessed of a do-able quality,”

i. e.} “ fit or proper to do, or to be done.”]

These forms in themselves merely indicate a “ coming to pass” in a

general manner at the several times (or tenses) respectively, without con¬

nection expressed with any person or thing, either as subject or object.

Even in this naked form, however, some of them may be used in making

statements, where there cannot be much doubt about the application, espe¬

cially in the 3rd person.

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistan.

267

But usually, to give life to these dead forms, we require the pronouns.

The addition of these at once suffices to convert a Participle* into a definite

statement of fact, while at the same time they connect it with determinate

subjects. Thus yela merely means “ doing”. But add the pronoun signify¬

ing “ I,” and you get the definite statement qela-man = I (am) doing. .

The Personal Pronouns are used as affixes applied to such of the so

called Participles as are Yerbal Adjectives , chiefly for the tenses denoting

present or future action. But the Possessive Pronominal Affixes (attached

to the Verbal Substantives) give either a past sense (since a completed

action is most essentially the property of the person who has done it) ;f

or else a sense either of Duty or of Intention , e. g., “ It is tliine to do,” i. e.,

“ do thou,” or “ it is my (intention) to do,” i, e., “ I mean to do.”

To exemplify these formations we will first take two isolated tenses of

auxiliary verbs, the first of which is used in a present sense, and the other

in a past. These tenses will also be useful hereafter in the conjugation of

a complete verb.

ls£. Dtte (or TUEwr) is probably a part of the verb TVR-may, meaning

“ to stand ;” the Indefinite Participle is WRghan for tue ur-ghan. There is

also a form dtje -mish.

[AT. P. — The form dur having, as it were, lost its independence, and

become a mere auxiliary, meaning hardly more than “ is” (see N. P. p. 276) ;

the original verb tur-mak (Pres, tura-man, &c.) is sometimes brought in as

a fresh auxiliary expressing “ permanence.”]

2nd. Ied’ (or id’) is the Past of a defective verb TR-male, meaning

“ to be,” of which the Indefinite Participle is TRlcan or i lean, and the Po¬

tential Participle is ies« or isa. It also possesses a form ie -mish or imish.

The rest are absent, with the exception of a Continuative Participle iswr

found in old books.

Peesent Attxiliaey.

Here the simple Personal Pronoun is affixed for each person (except

the 3rd) :

S. 1. T)\m-man%= (lit.) I stand.

2. Due -son = ,, thou standest.

3. Due = „ (he) stands.

* Or any other Adjective &c., (see p. 296).

f Thus answering to the tenses formed with the auxiliary “to have” in modern

European languages.

X The presence of the pronoun as a termination of the verb does not prevent its

being used before the verb also, as the subject or nominative, e. g., man dur -man — “ I

stand” or “ I am.”

2GS

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

or Duk-wuz (dignified

form used in Aksu,

Ac.)

Du K-siz.

T)UK-lar.

N. B. It will be noticed that when the Pers. Pronouns are thus used

as Tense-endings the Pronouns of the 3rd pers. are omitted. In the Sin¬

gular the stem stands alone for the 3rd pers., and in the Plural, the mere

affix of Plurality is added.

Past Auxiliary

with the Possessive Pronominal affix of each person added :

[This word is pronounced iclim, &c., dropping the r.~\

There is another auxiliary verb bol -maq (root bol) = to become or

be. Its Continve. Participle is boldr or bolur, &c. Its Potential Participle

is, in regular form, bols«. Also note a defective verb in the 3rd person

singular, viz., “ bar ” = there is.

We have thus as materials out of which to form the Verb- Conjuga¬

tion, on the one hand 7 £7m-elements (Root and Participles, see above),

and on the other 10 co-efficient elements : —

* Note that biz takes the form miz when used as a verbal termination. This is

a beginning of the process by which the Osmanli personal tense-terminations have

become differentiated from their originals, the Personal Pronouns.

f This 'Jc is an abnormal form used instead of the possessive affix of the 1st person

plural 'miz. Now this is the only one of the six persons whose possessive affix cannot

easily be distinguished from its affixed Personal Pronoun ; and this probably led to the

substitution of another form for the former in the case of verbs, to avoid confusion in

the first person plural, between tenses ending with the Personal Pronoun and those

ending with the Possessive Pronoun.

2G9

1877.] of Eastern Turhistan.

1. The Personal Pronouns man , &c. 6. The Aux. Tense imish-man * &c.

2. The Possessive Affixes, im, &c. 7. The Aux. Tense durmish-man* &c.

3. The Auxiliary Tense, dur-man, &c, 8. The Aux. Tense ikan-man* &c.

4. The Aux. Tense botar-man , &c. 9. The Aux. Tense irsd’m, f &c.

5. The Aux. Tense id-im , &c. 10. The Aux. Tense bolsa'm, f &c.

Out of these simple materials, by adding each of the latter set in suc¬

cession to each of the former (with certain omissions) , almost the whole

conjugation of every verb (with its seeming intricacies) is formed, as we

shall now see.

* These are formed in the model of dur-man, &c., (with Pers. Pron.).

t These are formed in the model of id-im, &c., (with the Possessive Affixes).

270 It. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

SCHEME OF THE TURKI

1877.] of Eastern Turleistan. 271

VERB CONJUGATION.

M M

272

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

N. B. — In the preceding Scheme the sfm-elements occupy each its

own vertical column, while the co-efficient elements run across the sheet,

each in its own horizontal line. Only the 1st persons o£ the Tenses are

given to save space.

SUPPLEMENTARY TABLE

OF THE

TURKI VERB CONJUGATION.

1877.]

of Eastern Tar feist an.

278

CONJUGATION OE THE YEEB,

with ANALYSIS.

I. Personal Pronouns —

First applying the Personal Pronouns to each of the Participles in

turn, we get :

(a) with Present Participle —

The Simple Present Tense.

1. qel a-nian = I do. 1. QEha-miz = we do.

2. QELa-san = thou doest. 2. qel a-siz = ye do.

8. (Caret, see Comp. Pr. Tense.) 3. (Caret, see Comp. Tense.)

#This is a Simple Present Tense ;

(b) with Continhatiye Participle —

QRhdr-man or cp&Lur-man — (lit). I (am) continuously doing.

This refers obviously both to the present moment and also to

those immediately before and after it. In practice it has obtained special

reference to the latter, like our English “ I am going to do,” and this Tense

may therefore be called the Puture Present : .

1. QEL^r-man or QELar-man “ I am doing” or “ about doing.”

2. QEL^p-san “ thou art doing” or “ about doing.”

3. QEL^r ££ he is doing” or ££ about doing.”

1. QELar-miz ££ we are doing” or ££ about doing.”

2. QELar-siz ££ ye are doing” or ££ about doing.”

3. QELC£r-lar ££ they are doing” or ££ about doing.”

(c) with Perfect Participle —

The Perfect Tense.

1. QELi^-man ££ I have done” ; (lit.) ££ I (have) completely done.”

2. QELzyj-san ££ thou hast done.”

3. (Caret, see Compound Perfect Tense. )f

1. QEL^-miz ££ we have done.”

2. QEL£y>-siz ££ ye haTe done.”

3. (Caret, see Compound Perfect Tense. )f

Here there is no doubt about what the meaning must be. The tense

is therefore a simple Perfect ;

(cl) with Indefinite Participle —

* Tlie 3rd pers. S. and PI. being wanting here, the corresponding persons of the

Compound Present Tense are made to supply their place.

f The 3rd persons of the Compound Perfect Tense supply the place of the lacking

ones in this Tense.

274

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No; 3,

QEijghan-man, &c., (lit.) “ I (was at some time or other) a doer.”

This is simply a general statement, and would be used in answer to the

question : “ Have you ever done so and so ?” It would not be used to

specify any particular action. It may be called

The 1st Indefinite Past Tfnse.

1. QELy7?«?z-man “ I have done.”

2. QELy/m^-san “ thou hast done.”

3. Q^ghan “ he has done.”

1. QEijglian-miz “ we have done.”

2. q~ELghan-s\z “ ye have done.”

3. qEjjghan-lai' ‘;they have done,”

(e.) with the Participle oe Probability —

The Probable Future Tense.

1. Q'ELghu-daq-m&n or qwLghu-diq-man* “ 1 am likely to do.”

2. QELglm-daq-stm “ thou art likely to do.”

3. (Caret, see Compound Probable Future Tense.)

1. q^ghu-daq-miz “ we are likely to do.”

2. qwLgliu-daq-svz “ ye are likely to do.”

3. (Caret, see Compound Tense.)

II. Having thus applied the Personal Pronouns all round, we proceed to

do the same with Possessive Affixes, whose vowels (1st and 2nd Persons)

vary phonetically according to the prevailing vowel of the root, as in the

case of substantives.

Possessive Aeeixes —

(a.) with the Root —

QEL-ing = doing (is) thine = it is thy business to do; qel -ing-lar

— doing (is) yours, it is your business to do. This is therefore simply an

Imperative , viz., “ do thou” and “ do ye.” In this sense of course the 1st

and 3rd Persons are not used. There is another Imperative form qr&ii-gliil

or qel -ghin ; and, as in most languages, also a forcible Imperative, being

the shortest possible form of the verb, viz., the Root : qel = do.

The Imperative.

qel “ do.”

QEL-ing “ do thou.”

QEL-y7^7 do.

■ qel -ghin do.

QEL-ingiz “ do ye.”

QEL-inglar do.

( h .) with the Indefinite Participle (and the auxiliary ‘ bar ) :

2nd S.

2nd PI.

* The 3rd pers. of the Compound Tense supply the lacking ones of this.

1877.]

275

of 'Eastern Turhistan.

The 2nd Indefinite Past Tense.

1. QrEJjglian-im bar “ I have done.”

2. QELghan-ing bar “ thou hast done.”

8. Q&Lghan-i bar “he had done.”

1. QELyA<m-imiz bar “ we have done.”

2. QELy7*tf?2-ingiz bar “ ye have done.”

3. QELg/ian-ilar bar “ they have done.”

Bearing in mind that the Indefinite Participle qelghan has among other

meanings, that of “the action of doing,” we can see very plainly the

1 2 3

origin and intention of this formation. For ‘ gelglian-im-bdr , must mean

2 1-3

literally : “ My action of doing exists” ; and it can he said to exist

as the property of the doer by having been done by him. Hence the

statement is equivalent to saying : “ I have done.”* But all the circum- .

stances connected with the doing remain vague. The utmost that is predi¬

cated is that the action has not been omitted. Here it is to be noted

that the possessive affix im changes for the several persons of the Tense

while the auxiliary bar remains throughout in the 3rd pers. The reason

is obvious on inspection. The Tense is merely a sentence, of which bar

is the verb, while the subject takes successively the possessive form of the

several persons. Thus the tense is literally a sentence with a varying

subject. “ My doing is,” “thy doing is,” “ his doing is”, &c.

This forms a 2nd Indefinite East Tense .

( c ). with the Potential Participle :

This would mean “ the power of doing (is) mine,” i. e., “ I may,”

or “ might, do.” It is also used in relating a story sometimes, as an

Historic tense : E. g., Icelsam, hecli Jcishi yog idi—u (when) I came there

was nobody (there).” The poss. terminations of the 3rd pers. are omitted.

In the Singular the stem stands alone ; and in the Plural, the mere affix of

Plurality is added.

The Present Potential.

1. QELS«-’m “ I may do.”

2. QELs^-’ng “ thou mayest do.”

3. qels« “ he may do.”

1. QELs«’q “ we may do.”

2. QELs«-’ngiz “ ye may do.”

3. QELs«-lar “ they may do.”

(d.) with the Future Participle :

* As the form - im-bdr means “ there is of mine” or “ 1 have”, the above

tense is absolutely identical with the English “I have done,” which expression is also

to be accounted for in the same manner (as above).

276

E. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

<$ELghu- wi-dur (or bar) &c. This is of course, literally, “my fu¬

ture doing exists (stands)” (for qelghu, it will be remembered, is the Future

Participle) ; and as one may be said to make a future action one’s own by

intending it, this comes to mean : “ I intend to do.” [See latter remarks

on (b).~\ This may be called

The Intentional Future Tense.

1. QELghu- m-dur or bar “I intend to do.”

2. QEJjgliu-ng-dur “ thou intendest to do.”

3. Qmjghu-si-dur “be intend to do.”

1. QELy/w-’miz-f?Mr “ we intend to do.”

2. QY^ghu-wfiz-dur “ ye intend to do.”

3. ($Ehgliu-&\-\&r-dur “ they intend to do.”

Having exhausted the usual combinations of the simple pronominal

affixes with the several participial elements of the Verb, and formed thereby

nine Tenses, viz., a Simple Present , a Future Present , a Probable Future ,

a Perfect , an Imperative , two Indefinite Pasts , a Present Potential and an

Intentional Future ; we now have recourse to the auxiliaries.

III. Auxiliary : dur —

First, the Present Auxiliary dur.

[N. P. — This is perhaps a contraction from the verb tur mag “ to

stand,” which would make its Continuative Participle tur ur and its Future-

Present T\nwr-maii, which may have become shortened into tr ur-inan, and

then made into dur -man. What gives colour to this supposition is that

tur ur-man has been found employed as an auxiliary in the place usually

filled by dur-man. And this auxiliary must be a Future Present, for the

form of a Simple Present would be, dura-man , and not dur-man .]

Be this as it may, the auxiliary dur is used in a sense implying “ to

stand” or “be in a condition...” like the Italian “ sta bene,” “ sta male”

(“ he stands well,” &c., for “ he is well.”) In some connections (as with

the Indef. Participle, &c.) it implies merely probability or presumption

(and thus Futurity), in which sense it may be compared with our “ I stand

to win” (see gelghan-dur-man , bar -dur-man , Sfc.). Thus we have :

(«.) with Present Participle —

QELa-dur-manf &c. = I stand doing or to do, I am in the con¬

dition of doing ; or, as we should express it, “ I am doing,” or “ about

doing.”

The Compound Future Present Tense.

1. QEL«-dur-man “ I am about doing.”

2. QEL«-dur-san “ thou art about doing.”

3. QEL«-dur “he is about doing.”

* Pronounced in Yarkand and Kashghar “ aELa -dorian," “ — dosan “ — do," See.,

and in Khotan “ — toman," &c.

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

277

1. QEL«-dur-miz “we are about doing.”

2. QELtf-dur-siz “ ye are about doing.”

3. QEE«-dur-lar “ they are about doing.”

This therefore is a Compound Future Fresent ; (see remarks on q^elar-

man ) .

with the Peeeect Paeticiple —

(h.) QET.ip-dur-man* &c., = u 1 am in the condition of completely

having done” ; or, “ I have done.”

This is

The Compound Peeeect Tense.

1. QEii/>dur-man “ I have done.”

2. QEiip-dur-san “ thou hast done.”

3. QEL/^?-dur “ he has done.”

1. QELf^-dur-miz “ we have done.”

2. QEi^-dur-siz “ye have done.”

3. QEL«^-dur-lar “ they have done.”

( c ) with the Indefinite Paeticiple —

qel ghan-dur-man, &c.# = “ I am in the condition of being in¬

definitely the doer.” (For the Indefinite Participle has the meaning of

“ the doer” amongst others, and this is the only one here applicable.) This

combination might be rendered “ I stand as or for, the doer,” and is used

in the sense of “ I must have done,” or “ I have probably done.” See

remarks under due. It may be called

The Peesumptive Past Tense.

1. QELy7mw-dur-man “ I must have done.”

2. QELy7mw-dur-san “ thou must have done.”

3. QELyArm-dur “ he must have done.”

1. QELy7mw-dur-miz “ we must have done.”

2. QEL^rm-dur-siz “ ye must have done.”

3. QELy7?«r-dur-lar “ they must have done.”

( d .) with the Paeticiple of Peob ability —

The Compound Peobable Futuee Tense.

1. QELy7^-r%-dur-man “ I am (or stand) likely to do.”

2. QELy7w-£?7^-dur-san “ thou art likely to do.”

3. QELghu-diq-dLm “ he is likely to do.

1. QELy'Aw-^-dur-miz “ we are likely to do.”

2. QELyZ^-r/^-dur-siz “ye are likely to do.”

3. QEL^7m-t7i^-dur-lar “ they are likely to do.”

* Pronounced in Yarkand and Kashghar “ qel?};-” and “ QELghan -doman,”

“ — dosan ,” “ — do &c., and in Khotan “ — toman” &c.

278 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

IV. The auxiliary verb bol-maq in the Future- Present Tense when

applied to the Past Participle of a Verb also gives a Tense :

(a) qel-?)? bolar-man, or bolur-man &c. = “ I shall have done,” lit.

“ I shall be or become (in the condition of) having done.”

This is the Fat are Perfect Tense.

V. Next we take the Past Auxiliary irdi or idi, and apply it to the

several radical elements.

Auxiliary : idi

(«) with the Root —

qel -idim contracted to qel -dim. (The d and the i change accord¬

ing to the Rules of Phonetic Variation.)

[AT. B. — But it is possible that we ought rather to consider this tense

as formed directly in each verb by the addition of a d ; as ir-d-im itself

w7as formed from the root of irmaJc and the Possessive Affix, &c. But if

so, we can still trace this form no further back, beyond knowing that the

d must confer a kind of substantival meaning* to allow of the application

of a Possessive affix, by which combination a Past sense is acquired (see

12 3 3

explanation of qelghan-im.) In this case qel-d-im would be literally “ my

2 1

action of doing (exists),” and thus, “ I have done.”]

At any rate the form qel-dim , &c., is used in the sense of “ I did,” &c.,

in relating particular occurrences. It may be called

The Deeixite Past Texse.

1. QEL-d-im “ I did”

2. QEL-d-ing “thou didst”

3. QEL-d-i “he did”

1. QEL-d-iq “ we did”

2. QEL-d-ingiz “ ye did”

3. QEL-d-ilar “they did”

(A) with the Participle of Coxtixuaxce — ■

qel ar-idim or 'dim, or qiUMr-idim = I was continuously doing.

This may be used of an Habitual action, “ I used to do,” but more usually

it applies only to a particular Past time, and predicates the incompletion

of the action at that time. In other words it is our Imperfect “ I was

doing.”

By dropping the final r and the initial i, and hardening the d (to

avoid confusion with other tenses), the Yarkandis get qelattim , which

is the word in vulgar use instead of qeldr-idim.

* See Max Muller’s “ Science of Language,” Lecture VIII, p. 346 (Fifth Ed.).

1877.]

279

of Eastern TurJcistdn.

The Imperfect or Habitual Tense.

1. QELfir-id-im ( gelattim ) “ I was doing” or “ used to do”

2. QELdr-id-ing ( geldtting ) “thou wert doing”

3. QELcb’-id-i ( qeldtti ) “ he was doing.”

1. QELar-id-ik (gelattiq) “ we were doing.”

2. QELdr-id-ingiz {gelattingiz) “ ye were doing.”

3. QELdr-id-ilar (geldttilar ) “they were doing.”

( c .) with the Perfect Participle —

qel ijp-icl-im, (Yarkand pronunciation geliptim,') &c., = I was (in

the position of) having completely done; i. e., I had done.

The Pluperfect Tense.

1. QEL^p-id-im “ I had done.”

or-tim

2. QEL(p-id-ing “ thou hadst done.”

-ting

3. QEL^jp-id-i “ he has done.”

-ti

1. QEL?“p-id-ik “ we had done.”

-tiq

2. QEL^-id-ingiz “ye had done.”

-tingiz

3. QEL?£>-id-ilar “ they had done.”

-tilar

This therefore is a Pluperfect. It would refer to a special act, while

the next Tense would be employed in a more general sense.

E. g. “ I had read his letter just before he arrived” would be ren¬

dered by .... oqiCp-idim ; but “ I had read Turki before ever I went to

Turkistan” would be rendered by .... oqu-ghan-idim%

(d .) with the Indefinite Participle —

qel ghcm-id-im, &c., = I was (in the position of) being a past

doer, (viz. a person who had done). This throws hack the doing before the

time referred to, but that doing is itself indefinite. Such a shade of mean¬

ing has no exactly corresponding expression in English, but roughly it may

also be translated : “ I had done,” or “ I had been doing” and the Tense

may he called

The Indefinite Pluperfect.

1. QELyAaw-id-im “ I had done.”

2. QELy/*hm-id-ing “ thou hadst done.”

3. QELy/?im-id-i “ he had done.”

1. QELy/ww-id-ik “ we had done.”

2. QELy^^m-id-ingiz “ ye had done.”

3. QELy'A^m-id-ilar “ they had done.”

( e ). with the Potential Participle —

N N

280

[No, 3,

E. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

QELsa-id-im, &c. This would be “the power of doing was mine,”

i. e., “ I might have done” or (with agar, “ if”) “ had I done.” This is

The 1st Past Potential.

1. QELS«-id-im “ I might have done.”

2. QEL5<i-id-ing “thou miglitest have done.”

3. QELs^-id-i “ he might have done.”

1. QELs«-id-ik “ we might have done.”

2. QELs«-id-ingiz “ ye might have done.”

3. QELs«-id-ilar “ they might have done.”

(/.) with the Futuee Paeticiple oe Fitness —

qel -ghu-luq icl-im, &c. Qelghu-luq meaning “ fit to do,” this tense

may he translated : “ I was fit to do,” or “ I was to do.” It is

The Peeteeite Futijee Tense.

1. QELy7m-?«^-id-im “ I was to do” or “ he done.”

2. QELy7m-/«^-id-ing “ thou wert to do” or “ he done.”

3. QELy^w-Z^-id-i “ he was to do” or “ be done.”

1. QELyAtt-/«^-id-ik “ we were to do” or “ be done.”

2. QELy7«^-7«^-id-ingiz “ye were to do” or “ he done.”

3. QEL^w-Zw^-id-ilar “ they were to do” or “he done.”

Sometimes the auxiliaries dur and idi are accumulated one on the top

of the other : e. g. qela-dur-idim ( = I was about doing), and qelip-dur -

idim ( = I was in a continuous condition of having done, or, I had been

doing).

Before leaving the Auxiliary idim we must take notice of the Tenses

formed with its derivatory form “ irmish ” or “ imish ,” and its Indefinite Par¬

ticiple ilcan, which, when affixed to certain parts of the Verb and conjuga¬

ted by affixed Pronouns, reduces their statements to mere probabilities, or

makes them conditional.

YI. To express probability, or facts not positively known to the speaker

(English “ It is understood or believed that,” &c.,), there is a whole series

of tenses in ’ mish .

The Auxiliaey (imish) makes

(a), with the Peesent Paeticiple —

The Heaesay Peesent Tense.

1. QEL«-imish-man “ I am understood to do.”

2. QEL«-imish-san “ thou art understood to do.”

3. QEL«-imish “ he is understood to do.”

1. QEL«-imish-miz “ we are understood to do.”

2. QEL«-imish-siz “ ye are understood to do.”

3. QEL«-imish-lar “ they are understood to do.”

( [b .) with the Continuatiye Paeticiple —

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistan,

281

The Heaesat Futuee-Peesent Tense.

1. QELar-imish-man “ I am understood to be about doing.”

2. QELar-imish-san “ tbou art understood to be about doing.”

3. QELdr-imisk “ be is understood to be about doing,” &c.

(<?.) with the Peefect Paeticiple —

The Heaesat Peefect Tense.

1. QELip-imish (or’ misb) -man “ I am understood to have done.”

2. QELz}?-imisk-san “ thou art understood to have done.”

3. QEL2ji9-imisk “ he is understood to have done,” &c.

(d). with the Indefinite Paeticiple —

The Heaesat Past Tense.

1. qel y imisk- man “ I am understood to havo done (at some

time or other).”

2. QELy^«ft-imish-san “ thou art understood to have done.”

3. QELy&^m-imish “ he is understood to have done,” &c.

VII. The auxiliary dur has a similar form ;

The Afxiliaet (duemisii) makes

(a.) with the Peesent Paeticiple —

The Heaesat Compound Peesent Tense.

1. QEL«-durmish-man# “ I am understood to be doing (continuously

understood to do.)”

2. QEL«-durmish-san “thou art understood to be doing.”

3. QEL«-durmisk “ he is understood to be doing” &c.

(b). with the Peefect Paeticiple —

The Heaesat Compound Peefect Tense.

1. QEL«)?-durmish-man “ I am (continuously) understood to Lave

done.”

2. QEL^^-durmish-san “ thou art understood to have done.”

3. QELzp-durmisk “ he is understood to have done” &c.

It must be understood that although the first person of these tenses

is given for the form’s sake, yet it is of rare occurrence, the 2nd and 3rd

persons being more often used ; for a man is generally not in much uncer¬

tainty about facts connected with himself, and does not depeijd on hearsay

for information regarding them.

VIII. We next have the Auxiliary Indefinite Participle ilcan or ikin.

* Example from the “ Tazkiratu-’l-Bughra” : But-khana-ni ita-durmish — “ Ho is

building an idol-temple [I behove,]” or “ He is understood to be building .

282

R. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Auxiliary Indefinite Participle “ ikan” makes

(a.) with the Future- Present —

qe Lar-i/can-man. This is used in asking a question, or in making

a statement qualified by “ if” or “ ’when”.

[«ZV. JB. — This Tense and the 3 following are as it were, supererogatory,

for the “ ihan ” might be omitted without making much difference in the

sense. There is just the difference between the English : “ What may you

he doing ?” and “ What are you doing ?”]

The above may therefore he translated : “ I may he doing or about

doing,” and the tense may be called

The Future Present Indefinite Tense.

1. QELdr-ikan-man “ I may he about doing.”

2. QELdr-ikan-san “ thou mayest be about doing.”

3. QELdr-ikan “ he may be about doing” &c.

(5.) with the Perfect —

qr&hip-ihan-man , &c. Here the introduction of the Participle ihan,

reduces the positive affirmation of the Perfect into a mere presump¬

tion or rumour. The above compound word may be translated : “ I may

or must have done” or “ completed doing.” We may call it

The Presumptive Perfect Tense.

1. QEL/p-ikan-man “ I may or must have done.”

2. QEL/p-ikan-san “ thou mayest or must have done.”

3. QELfp-ikan “ he may or must have done” &c.

(e.) with the Indefinite Participle —

q^iplian-ihan-man, &c. This is similar to the last with the difference

of the indefiniteness inherent in the Participle g elghan . The meaning

is “ 1 may or must (at some time or other) have done,” and we may call

it

The Presumptive Indefinite Past Tense.

1. QELy/^«-ikan-man “ I may or must have done.”

2. QELy7z<m-ikan-san “thou mayest or must have done.”

3. QELy/*<m-ikan “ he may or must have done,” &c.#

( d .) with the Future Participle of Fitness —

qel ghu-lug-ikan-man, &c. The Participle gelghu-lug means, as will

be remembered, “ fit or proper to do.” The verbal expression derived

from it takes in the Present the indefinite auxiliary form in ihan. It thus

means “ I am to do,” &c.

* Example from the “ Tazkiratu-’l-Bug'hra” : Padshah ni-chand bala-lar-ni kaba-

da alip-Jcelghan i Jean -lav. “The king [it is said ] had brought several children in bags.”

(Le roi aurait apporte. Fr. — Er soil gebracht haben. Germ.).

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan.

283

The Future of Necessity.

1. QEL^w-Zz^-ikan-man “ I am to do” or “ ought to do” or

“ be done.”

i

2. QELy^-Zw^-ikan-san “ thou art to do,” &c.

3. QELy/m-^-ikan “ he is to do” &c.

The Auxiliaries in the Potential form give us fresh Tenses. Thus

ir-matc in the Potential is ir-sa, and we may take

IX. The Potential Auxiliary ‘ ir-sa’

(a.) with the Continuatiye Participle —

Q'KLar-ir-sa-m, &c. \_(lit.) the possibility of continuous doing may

be mine.] This would evidently mean “ I may be (continuously) doing”

or “ about doing.” But the form qel-scdm is more commonly used.

This Tense may be called

The Future-Present Potential.

1. QELar-irsa’ m “ I might be about doing.”

2. QELdr-irsa-’ng “thou mightest be about doing.”

3. QELdr-irsa “ he might be about doing” &c.

X. The Potential Auxiliary ‘ bol-sa’ makes

( a .) with the Indefinite Participle —

qel glian-bol-sa’m, &c. Literally, “ the action of doing may become

mine,” i. e., “I may have done” [see explanation of qel-ghan-im bar\.

This may be called

The Indefinite Past Potential.

1. QELy7wm-bolsa-’m “ I may have done.”

2. QELyA<m-bolsa-’ng “ thou mayest have done.”

3. QELy7i«w-bolsa “ he may have done” &c.

(b.) with the Future Participle of Probability —

QELgJm-diq bol-sa’m, &c. Literally “ the probability of future doing

may become mine,” i. e., “ I may be likely to do.” This is

The Future Potential.

1. QELy^-J/g'-bolsa-’m “ I may be likely to do.”

2. QELyAzj-^Z^-bolsa-’ng “ thou mayest be likely to do.”

3. QELy^-^'^-holsa “ he may he likely to do” &c.

This completes that part of the Turki Verb Conjugation which is

effected simply by the apposition of the 10 co-efficient elements respective¬

ly to the several stem-elements. But there is also a set of Tenses formed

from the Boot by means of some special co-efficients which are not applica¬

ble to any of the other stem-elements (the Participles). Some of these

Tenses are defective. They are :

284

11. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

(a.) An Optative for the 3rd Person, which seems to be connected

in a certain measure with the Potential form. This is QEL-s«m*=let him

do ; and in the Plural QEL-sun-lar [pronounced in Eastern Turkistan :

QEL-szVZtf] =let them do. This latter is used as a polite form of address

to an equal or superior [conf. the German ‘ thuen Sie.”]

(A) There is another Optative defective Tense with only the 1st

Persons Sing, and Plur in -a'i, and -ali or -aliq (alik). Together we get :

( b .) 1. Qel-«£ “ I will do” or “ let me do.”

(a.) 3. Qel -sun “ let him do.”

( b .) 1. Qel -ali or qel -aliq “ we will do” or “ let us do.”

(a.) 3. Qel -sun-lar ( qelsilla ) “ let them do” or “ be they (you)

pleased to do.”

( c .) The tense formed by affixing the syllable “ ghdi” (whose gut¬

tural varies Phonetically) to the root of the verb, has a similar meaning

but is complete in all its joersons :

The Boot

with the Affix ckuai : QEL-y/m-man,f = 1 will do, or let me do. This may

be called

Tiie Optative Futtjee.

We next have to notice some tenses which could not be brought into

the simple Scheme of the Verb, because they are, as it were, quantities raised

to the 3rd power, being formed by the application of a co-efficient element

to a compound consisting in itself of stem and co-efficient,

They are :

(a.) qel sa'm-idi, &c. This, being formed by the application of

* Perhaps this is a corrupted survival of the old Turkish Possessive Affix of the

3rd person (see at end of “ Substantives”). Thus qelsmw would stand for qel-

sdn, which might ho compared with qelsam = qel-sa-’m, and qelsang = qel-sa-ng. The

1 2 3 2 1 3

meaning of qel-sa’n would have been “ the power-of- doing (is) his,” thus “let him

do.”

f This form, from the meaning attached to it, would seem to he connected with the

Future Participle in ghu.

285

1877.] of Eastern T arid stem,

the aux. 3rd pers. Past tense, to the several persons of the Pres.

Potential of the Verb, means literally: “ my power of doing existed.”

“ Thy power ... existed,” &c. It is therefore equivalent to the 1st Past

Potential, q^iiSa-id-hn “ I might have done.” Its possessive affix ’m

changes for the several persons of the tense, while the aux. idi remains

in the 3rd pers. throughout, like the bar and the dur of the 2nd Indef.

Past and of the Intentional Future. It is

„ •

The 2nd Past Potential Tense.

1. Q&Lsa-m-idi “ I might have done.”

2. QELs«-’ng-zV^’ “ thou mightest have done.”

3. QEhsa-idi “ he might have done.”

1. qels«-’ q-idi “ we might have done.”

2. q~Ei>sa-,ngiz-idi “ ye might have done.”

3. qwLsa-\&,r-idi “ they might have done.”

{b). q^L-dim-irsa, &c. This is the 3rd p. of the aux. potential

“ irsa” added to the several persons of the simple Past. (See Remark,

on 2nd Indef. Past.) The literal meaning is “ my past doing may

exist,” i. e., “ I may have done.” But this form seems to he gener¬

ally used in the simple sense of qeldim=“ I did,” with the ir-sa added to

give a very slightly potential sense, as after the word “ when.” This is

The 3kd Past Potential.

1. QEL-dim-zVs# “ I may have done.”

2. QEL-ding-m-« “ thou mayest have done.”

3. QEL-di-^rs« “ he may have done.”

(c.) Qel -dim-ikan. Here, in the same way, the 3rd pers. of the

aux. indef. “ ilcann is tacked on to the several persons of the Simple

Past of the Verb. The literal meaning is “ my past doing indefinitely

exists.” This has simply the meaning “ I did,” but is used in asking a

question or in making a statement qualified by “ if” or “ when.”

Ex. : tunu-gon nima ish gel-ding than = “ yesterday what mayest thou

have done.”

This is therefore

The 3ed Indefinite Past Tense.

1. QEL-dim -ikon “ I may have done.”

2. QEL-ding-z'&^m “ thou mayest have done.”

3. QEL-di -iJcan “ he may have done” &c.

(d.) QVLa-dur-i/can-man, &c. Here the Indefinite ilcan is interposed

before the pronouns of the Compound Pres. Tense. This Tense has simply

the meaning of “ I am about doing,” but is used in the same way as the last.

Ex. : nima-ish qela-dur-iican-san — “ What mayest thou he doing •”

2S6 II. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

This tense is the Compound Future-Present Indefinite , but the simple

Fut. Pres. Indef. is more used :

The Compound Future Present Indefinite Tense.

1. QWLa-dur-iJcan-m&n “ I may be doing.”

2. QELa-ditr-ikan-san “ thou mayest he doing.”

3. qel a-dur-ikan “ he may be doing” &c.

(e.) Qel a-dur id- im. Here the aux. Past Tense idi is added to the

Compound Future Present qela-dur-. As this latter means : “ (I am)

standing (or in a continuous condition of) doing,” the above compound

is “ I teas in the continuous condition of doing” hence “ I was about

doing.” This may be called

The Future Present Preterite.

1. qel a-dur id- im “ I was about doing.”

2. qe La-dur id- ing “ thou wast about doing.”

3. qe La-dur id- i “ he was about doing.”

&c. &c.

(f), qel ip-dur id-im. As qelip-dur means “ (I am) standing (or in

the continuous condition of) having done,” the above compound means “ I

was in the continuous condition of having done” or “ I had done continu¬

ously”, hence “ I had been doing.”

In another way, if we remember that qelip idim is the Pluperfect “ I

had done”, it will at once be seen that the interposition of dur “ standing”,

as qelip -dur -idim, must give it a continuative sense : “ I had been doing.”

This is

The Continuative Pluperfect.

1. qpjjip-dur-id-\m “ I had been doing.”

2. QEijip-dur-id-mg “ thou hadst been doing.”

3. QEhip-dur-id-i “ he had been doing.”

&c. &c.

There remain a few forms which, although capable of being conjugated

through all the persons and possessing specific meanings, yet being formed

from Verbal forms other than the regular stem-elements, or by means of

attached words other than the regular co-efficient elements, had better be

kept distinct from the regular Tenses, as Verbal Expressions.

(a.) qpjjish-im bar, &c. Changing the Possessive affix for each per¬

son. The form qelish meaning “ the doing” (see below in “ Verbal Sub¬

stantives”) bar being the impersonal verb “ is,” the above expression is

literally : “ The doing (of so and so) is mine,” i. e., “ It is mine to do” or I

have to do.”

1877.]

of Eastern Tufkistan.

287

1. QEL?’s^-im bar, “ I have to do.”

2. q&hish-mg-bar “ thou hast to do.”

3. q^hisli-\-bdr “ he has to’ do.”

1. QELzs^-imiz-Sar “ we have to do.”

2. QEiis^-ingiz-bdr “ ye have to do.”

3. QEL^sA-ilar-Mr “ they have to do.”

[JV. _Z?. — As the form - ’ m-bar means “ I have,” the parallel is com¬

plete with “ aimerai” (aimer ai) &c. See Max Muller’s Science of Lan¬

guage, Yol. 1, p. 258, Fifth Edition.]

( b .) qel -maq-chi bol-dum , &c. This is the noun of the Agent (see

‘‘Formation of Nouns”) derived from the Infinitive by the addition of the

affix chi, with the Past of the verb bol-mdq (to become). The literal mean-

ins: therefore is : “I have become the doer” or “ the one who has to do.” As

O

it may be presumed that a person only becomes so of his own free will,

this exj)ression may be translated : I have agreed to do ;” and in this sense

it is commonly used.

1. q^jjmdq-chi-bold\xm “ I have agreed to do.”

2. QEi>mdq-chi-boldxmg “ thou hast agreed to do.”

3. QELmaq-chi-boldi “ he has agreed to do.”

1. QEhmdq-clii-boldx)L<\ “ we” &c.

2. q&Lmdq-chi-bold\mg\z “ ye” &c.

3. qELmaq-chi-boldW^r “ they” &c.

Other expressions formed similarly from other tenses of the verb bol-

maq may also be used, but they are less common, and will, moreover, sug¬

gest themselves.

(c.) qel a-durghan* bol-dum, &c. This compound qela-durghan (see

below: “ Verbal Adjectives”) means: “about to do.” Hence the present

expression is equivalent to : “I have become about to do.” There is more

action of the will expressed here than in the last [for q^L-maq-chi is only “ one

who has do,” whereas qela-durghan means “about to do (actually)”]. There¬

fore while the previous form is only used in the sense of “ I have agreed to

do,” the present expression implies active choice, viz., “ I have determined”

or “ formed the resolution to do.”

1. qELa-durghan (qelatqan) boldmw “ I have determined to do.”

2. qELa-durghan-boldxmg “ thou” &c.

3. qEha-durghan-boldi “ he” &c.

1. q&La-durghan boldu<\ “ we” &c.

2. QELa-durghan boldung\z “ ye” &c.

3. qsha-durghan bolder “ they” &c.

* Pronounced in Yarkand “ qelado-ghan ,” or “ qelatqan .”

o o

288 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Other tenses of hol-mdq are used with this ; also durman and idim : e. g.

(d.) 1. qel a-durghan (qelatqan) id-im “ 1 was to do.”

2. QEha-durghan-id-mg “ thou wert to do.”

3. QKLa-durghan-id-i “he was to do.” *

&c.

(e.) 1. QEha-durglian (qeldtqan) dur- man “I am about doing.”

2. qe ha-durglian dur- san “ thou art about doing.”

3. qe 'La-durghan dur “ he is about doing.”

&c.

( f. ) qel sa-m holur iJcan, &c. (The Possessive affix of the qelsa

changing for the different persons). This expression is very difficult to

put into a representative English form ; but it shows how distinctly the

Eastern Turki language keeps up the recollection of the origin of its verbal

forms, and how little these have sunk into consolidated inflections. For

here (after the manner of several previous tenses)* the form qelsa’m, so far

from being looked upon merely as the 1st Person Singular of the Present

Potential, is distinctly a Substantive in the possessed form (of the 1st Person

Singular), and it is used as the subject or nominative of another verb [holur)

in the 3rd Person. By changing the Possessive affix of the “ qelscc ” we

should get fresh compound substantives, each of which would again

form the subject of the verb holur. Such a series of expressions as these

may perhaps be looked upon as a Tense in Turki ; but they are simply sen¬

tences in a certain form with a nominative governing the possessive pro¬

nouns of the several persons successively [as in English one might say :

my dog runs, thy dog runs, his dog runs, &c.]#

The literal meaning of the expression, however, (as regards the 1st

Person Singular), may he said to be as follows : —

qels« ’ m holur ikanf

the power of doing mine about to become may be

or, as it is used in the interrogative usually with qaiddgh (how), we may

render it : “ [How] may my choice of action be about to come into play ?”

or in other words : [How] shall my doing be ?” i. e., “ [How] shall I act”

or “ should I act ?” And so with the other persons, Singular and Plural ;

the verb “ holur Alcan” remaining all through in the 3rd Person Singular.

When used not interrogatively, this expression denotes obligation, as “ I

should” or “ ought to....”

1. QELStf-’m holur ikan “ I ought to” or “ should do.”

2. QELs«-’ng holur ilcan “ thou” &c.

3. qels« holur ilcan “ he” &c.

* See also the 2nd Past Potential and the 3rd ditto, and the 2nd and 3rd Past

Indefinite Tenses.

f Bolur-ikan is the 3rd Person Singular of the Indefinite Future Present of the

verb bolmaq.

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistdn.

2S9

1. QELs«-’q bolur ikan “ we” &c.

2. QEL5«-’ngiz bolur ikan “ ye” &c.

3. QELsai-’lar bolur ikan “ they” &c.

(y.) qels^-’w bolur idi , &c. This is the same expression as the last

with a Past sense. It means : “ should I have done” or “ I ought to have

done.”

1. QELSff-’m bolur idi “ I ought to have done.”

2. QELs«-’ng bolur idi “ thou” &c.

3. qel sa bolur idi “ he” &c.

( h .) QELs^-’m kirak, &c. The impersonal kirak means “it is neces¬

sary.” The meaning of this expression is therefore (literally) “ my poten¬

tial doing is necessary,” i. e ., “ it is necessary that I should do,” or “ I must

do.”

1. QELStf-’m kirak “ I must do.”

2. QEL&z-’ng kirak “ thou” &c.

3. qels« kirak “ he” &c.

(id) QELigh-liq-man , &c. q^higli is a Verbal Substantive (see ‘ For¬

mation of Suhsts.’) meaning “ the condition of doing ;” the termination

liq makes it into an adjective “ possessing the condition of doing” or “ pos¬

sessed of the qualification of having or being done.” The pronoun affixed

makes it into a statement, viz., “ I am possessed of the qualification of

having or being done.” It therefore expresses the attainment of a certain

state or condition, and not a mere evanescent action.

1. QELzy/i-//y-man “ I am in a done or doing state.”

2. qELigh-liq-SBXi “ thou art” &c.

&c.#

JV. B. — It will have been noticed in the case of the Possessive affixes

used as tense terminations : 1st, that where these are followed by the verb

substantive bar or dur, the 1st person plural keeps the ordinary possessive

affix, ’miz, instead of the verbal one of the same person, ’q or ’k (see first

note, p. 2G8). The 2nd Indef. Past and the Intentional Future are examples

of this. 2nd, that when the stem terminates in a vowel, as qel -ghu, the

possessive affix of the 3rd person is si instead of i, according to the Rule

(See “ Substantives, p. 258.”) The Potential is an exception. There the

affix of the 3rd pers. is simply omitted.

* To these verbal expressions others might have been added. JE. g. The following

have been found : “ Ivashki kimersa qelghai irdi ” =“ Oh that some-one had been about to

do also qelghai ikan = (oh that he) were about to do” or “ were going to do”. But in

truth the combinations arc endless.

290

B. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

VERBAL SUBSTANTIVES.

Under this head will be classed those forms which, although repre¬

sented by Gerunds, Infinitives, &c., in European languages, yet in Turki

are real substantives formed from the verb-root, and are treated as such :

(a.) QEiAr or QELur ; the Continuative. This is governed by post¬

positions just like any other substantive :

Ex.: tyELur-da=um doing” or “when about to do” (lit. “ in the

continuance of doing.”)

0<$\jr-gha mail qelur-san— thou wilt choose to read, {lit. thou wilt

make inclination to the reading).

(A) qel ghan ; the Indefinite. This is governed by post -positions,

and also by Possessive affixes. When used for the object, (i. e. passively),

it would be rendered in English by a relative clause :

Ex. : ~BiLghan-ing = u that which thou knowest,” lit. “ (thing) known

of thee.”

When referring to the action , it would be rendered in a variety of

ways in English, according to the sense :

Ex. : tysLghan uclmn=“ because of doing” or “of having done.”

Bol ghan-din-kin=i( after having become” ; lit. “ after the be¬

coming.”

J$oijghdn-sari=“ in the measure of becoming” or “ as fast as

it becomes.”

U 'AglidnAmiz beh-raq dur=“ it is better for us to die ;” lit.

“ our having died, or being dead, is better.”

In this sense, although a substantive, yet it governs the same case as

the simple verb, as do all substantives formed from verbs.

Ex.: yer-ga Kmgan-im = “ for me to enter the earth,” lit. “my

entry to the earth.”

(c) . Qelz’sA* ; the Definite [its vowel is subject to Phonetic change.]

This only expresses the action, and never the object. It takes post¬

positions and Possessive affixes, and governs the same cases as the parent

verb :

Ex. : Oqu' sh-um-din= (lit.) “from my reading”.

Siz-lar-ni chirla -sh-da~“ in calling you,” lit. “ in the calling (of)

JVajudi-gha qmAsJi-ing — “thy coming into existence.”

Siz^ni ish QELdu msh-gha taqat-im yoq — “ I have (there is of me)

no power to make you work,” lit. “ to the making.”

(d) . Qel may ; the so-called Infinitive also is a substantive taking

* This form is perhaps connected with ish “work” or “deed” or “act.” Thus

qel-ish ( ? for qel-mag-ning ish-i ) “ the act of doing,”

291

1877.] of Eastern Turlcistdn.

post-positions and Possessive affixes ; but always with a Present or Paulo-

post- Future sense. Its negative qel mas also takes affixes.

Ex. : Qel rndq-uchun—^ in order to do lit. “ because of the (P. p. F.)

doing.”

Saning din- glia k uima Ic-ing- ni kid ahlai-dur ~man — u I wish tbee to

enter the Faith lit. “ thy entry (ace.) into the Faith I desire.”

( e .) (fE'Lghu-luq. The Participle of Fitness may be used as a sub¬

stantive with post- positions and Possessive affixes.

Ex. : siz-lar har-nima de-sa-nglar de-nglar , man QELghu-luq-um-ni

qelar-inan — u say what you may say, I shall do what I have to do (ace).”

Here QEL-ghu-luq-um is “ what I have to do,” i. e. “ what is proper

for me to do.”

if) Qel igh. This is more a Derivative than a verbal substantive

[see “ Formation of Substantives”] ; but it requires to find a place here on

account of the adjective obtained from it.# It has always a concrete sense.

Ex. : ulchak—u scales” from iilelia-mak= to weigh.

ulule=“ a corpse” from ul-mak—u to die.”

VERBAL ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS.

Under this head also are included forms which are not represented in

the same way in European languages, but exhibit their real structure very

plainly in Turki. They are of course undeclined, as is the Turki rule for

adjectives.

(«). QvLgJiali; from qel, the root, and an affix ghali which may pro¬

bably be broken up into ghu the Future -Participle affix, (or p glia the Dative

Post-position), and l if for lig, adjectival affix. Thus QELgha-li would be,

literally, ‘ qualified to or for (future) doing,’ or “ in the manner for

doing.” In common use it means “for” or “in order, J to do.”

Ex. : Ko Kigali kel-di—uXi<d came in order to see ;” lit. “he camo

qualified to see.”

Bol gliali una-ma-di = “he consented not to become” or “in such a

manner as to become.”

* In some verbs this form gives a verbal adjective, from which a verbal substan¬

tive is formed by adding H/c, reversing the usual course.

f See Vambery’s “ Uigurische Sprach-monumente,” p. 39.

X With this English expression in fact it corresponds pretty fairly ; “ in order” is

really only a compound adjective, “ arranged” “ orderly” : e. g. “ his affairs are in

order” ; or a compound adverb : e. g. “ arrange yourselves in order.” Here the ad¬

verb may be still further compounded by adding the purpose : “ arrange yourselves

in order for marching (in marching order)” or “ in order to march.” Or again “ go

singly in order for passing through the gate” or “in order to pass through the gate.”

Thus the English expression “ in order to — ” (with an infinitive) is merely a compound

adverb, like the Turki form in ghali.

292

[No. 3,

R. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language

JMnghali bugur-dum = “ I commanded (him) to go” ; viz. “ I com¬

manded (him) in order that he should go” or “ so that ho should go.”

(b) . Qel ip. The Perfect Participle. This when used in subordinate

sentences may he considered as a verbal-adjective qualifying the subject of

the chief sentence.

Ex. : bu kafir-ni uiqu-si-din itigiiat -ip ( man ) iman-gha targhib qel-a'i

= “ (I) having awakened this infidel from his sleep, should persuade him

towards the Faith.”

Here “ having awakened,” &c., is obviously the qualification of “ I,”

which is the subject of the main verb “ should persuade.”

This is the chief form in which a verb enters into composition with

another verb. See “ Compound Verbs.”

This Participle is also used in a Passive sense : e. g. sinip ketti , lit. “ it

has gone broken” (tut gaga, H.) But sinip birdi “ he broke (it)” ( tor

digd , H.). Again,

Dozakh dep ger — “ the place called Hell.”

This passive use is less common.

(c) (fF^-ghach, the Preterite. A similar account may be given of this

(see above, first para, of ( b .) Qelip). The meaning is : “ after having done.”

(d) . Qel«-qel«. The Reduplicated Present Participle. This de¬

notes “ continued doing” or “ repeated doing.”

Ex. : Sultan shikar qel«-qel« Ar tush-g a getti=li The Sultan, hun¬

ting as he ivent , arrived at Artush.”

Qel ma'i, the Negative Present=“ not doing” i. e., “without doing.”

(e) . Qe hghdn. This indefinite (Past or Present) form does duty also

as an adjective ; and here again it may apply either to the agent or the

object (direct or indirect). Of course as an adjective it is indeclinable :

Ex. : ishit lean so2=the speech heard (pass.).

Afghan kishi=.t)iQ person taking, or, who has taken (act).

It may be itself joined to a noun or jDronouy, which may be either its

subject or object.

Ex. : man~<p&Lghan ish= the work that I do (lit. the me-done work).

shahid-'BOJjghdn ger -da — in the place where (so and so) became

a martyr (lit. in the martyr-becoming place).

( f ) . Qe ha-durghan. The adjective of Paulo-post Futurity; (see

remarks, p. 276).

Ex. : erti ivRTK-durghan JIaj)i—A\n pilgrim who is going to start to¬

morrow (lit. the to-morrow-about-to- start pilgrim).

but-kliana iTA-durghan ger-da— in the place where the idol-temple

was (or is) to be built (lit. in the temple-about-to-build (be-built)

place) .

It will be seen that this, like all the forms of the Indefinite in ghan ,

of Eastern Turkistan.

293

1877.]

is applicable to either subject or object (direct or indirect). — i. e., is used

either actively or passively.

Negative : q^Lmdi-durghan.

(g). (f^Lghu-lug, — with a Future Passive meaning :

Ex. : Qel ghu-luq ish=& work that has to be done.

Qi). (f&hghu-dig is active and applies to the agent or subject :

Ex. : suabi-ni HKSgu-dig ish= a work likely to obtain merit.

( i ) Qei dgh-lig, conveying the sense of a condition or state [see

‘ Verbal Expressions] ;

Ex. : push uk-lilq «sA# = food ready cooked.

qauliar-birla araish q&high-liq — ornamented with jewels.

THE NEGATIVE.

The Negative of Verbs is formed by the syllables 1 ma' 1 mad or ‘ mas.'

‘ Ma' is used in the Tenses of the Boot, and in the Perfect, In¬

definite, Potential and Future Participles, and the Optative ; it precedes

all the conjugational affixes. f

Ex. : Qel -ma or (fEL-ma-'ng% = u do not qEL-ma-dim “ I did not.”

(Perf. Parf.) qel -ma'])% idi , “ he had not done.”

(Indef. Part.) Q&L-ma-ghan-miz, “ we have not done.”

(Pot. Part.) qel -ma-sa'm, “ I may not do.”

(Fut. Part.) qel -ma-ghu-diq, “ not likely to do,” &c.

(Optative) qel -mail “ let me not do.”

‘ Mad is used for the Present Participle and its Tenses ; or rather,

the negative root qelma (see last rule) being formed, it comes under the

rule (p. 28) by which “ where the root ends in a vowel the Present Parti¬

ciple adds an id

Ex. : QEL-mai-man “I do not” ; qEL-mai-durman, “ I am not about doing.”

‘ Mas' is used for the Continuative Participle in ur or ar.

Ex. : Q,EJjar-ma7i, “ I am about doing.”

QELmas-man, “I am not about doing.”

Also for the Infinitive : qel mas—u not to do.”

The Defective Auxiliary “ irmak" has a negative “ irmas " or “ imas ”

which does duty instead of “ dur" when a negative sense is required. [There

is thus a negative Future-Present Tense of irmak , but no affirmative in

common use.§]

* It will be observed that piish-uk is the same form as qcl-igh, the igh being changed

into uk by double phonetic change, viz. of vowel and of consonant.

f That is, it comes immediately after the Root, or after the compound formed of

Root plus the modifying Affixes in the Secondary Forms of a Verb (which see, post).

j The Affixes beginning with vowels lose their own vowels after that of the nega¬

tive syllable, which prevails. (See “Rules of Phonetic Change of Vowels”).

§ Irur is antiquated. •

294

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Ex. : fcichik dur -man, “ I am small.”

kiehik imds-man, “ I am not small.”

This form imas is also sometimes used in compound Tenses, instead of

the inserted syllable, to make a negative.

The defective verb irmaJc seems to have no negative form for the past

tense ; but the negative Future- Present imas is used, prefixed to the

(affirmative) Past Tense of the same verb.

Ex. : QELghan imas idilar for qel -ma-ghan idilar. “ They had not

been doing.”

Tdakhir QELghu-lulc imas, (for qel -nia-ghu-lug dur) “delay is not

to be made.”

The impersonal verb bar or bar -dur, “ there is”, “ it is,” has its

negative yog or yog- dur.

THE INTERROGATIVE

is expressed by adding mu (vulg. mci) after the verb. This syllable gener¬

ally follows the last of the affixes of the verb ; but in the Tenses of the

Present and Future-Present Participle, the interrogative is often used in

the middle of the word, in the shape of a mere letter m added to the Present

Participle.

Ex. : Qel ding mu “ didst thou do ?” [regular form].

Qel a-m'-san, “dost thou do ?” [Present-Part. form].

Qel mai-ni’-san “ dost thou not do ?” [do].

The particle mu repeated, stands for English “ whether . or . ”

E. g. medium bol-ma'i-dur kafir -mu Musulmdn-mu — “It is not known

whether unbelievers or Musulmans.”

With the common form ikan or ikin (Indef. Part., or 3rd pers. of In-

def. Past Tense, of irmak “ to be”) the interrogative syllable is prefixed in¬

stead of being suffixed, thus m? ikin — “is (it) ?” “ may (it) be?” This

compound is used, instead of the final interrogative mu, wherever ikan

would be used in the positive. It expresses more of hesitancy between two

opinions than the simple mu, owing to the peculiar indefiniteness of ikan :

Ex. bu maning-ki m’ikin = “ may this be mine ?” ( bu maning-ki bar

MU — would be simply “is this mine ?”). Ul kishi kela-dur mTk:i]V.# =

“ will that person come (or will he not, I wonder) ?” Ul kishi kela -m’

dur would be simply “will that person come ?”

See also “ Syntax” §§10 and 1G for other examples.

* This however may he said to be merely the Interrogative form of the Comp. Fut.

Pres. Indef. Tense. Thus Kela-dur -ikan = “ he may he about coming” ; Kela- dur -m' i-

kan (like Qela-m’-san in form) = “may he he about to come” ? The effect is the same

however.

295

1877.] of Eastern TurJcistdn.

THE COMPOUND PASSIVE.

The addition of the Auxiliary verb bolmaq, “ to become,” to the Past

Participle of the Transitive verb, forms a Passive, which may be conjugated

through all the tenses of the verb “ bolmaq .”

Ex. : oqid p-bolmaq , “ to be read.”

oquf-bolghan , “read.” (Indef. Past Participle.)

oqu'p-bolar, “ it is about being read.”

&c. &c.

For the Simple Passive see the Chapter on “ Secondary Forms of the

Verb.”

We may now say a few words about the Impersonal Auxiliary above-

mentioned — “ bar’\ This must he carefully distinguished from the verb bar -

mdq, “ to go,” which enjoys a complete conjugation.

JSdr, (pronounced in Yarkand, ba) the Impersonal Auxiliary, means

“ there is.”# It is also used to connect the predicate with its subject

affirmatively, or rather to affirm the existence of the subject as connected

with that particular predicate, in the same way that yog denies its existence

in that connection.

In that sense it sometimes has the pronouns of the 1st and 2nd Per¬

sons affixed to it. It is also sometimes prefixed to the Auxiliaries durman ,

idim, and i/can, and conjugated by their means as follows : —

1. ~BAH-man f or

2. Bar -san or

3. Bab or

1. BKR-miz or

2. Bar-s/# or

3. Bab or

Present.

BAK-durman, J “ I exist” or “ I am.”

Bar -dursan, “ thou existest,” &cr

“ he exists,” &c.

“ we exist,” &c.

“ ye exist,” &c.

“ they exist,” &c.

Bar -dur

BKR-durmiz ,

BAK-dwrsiz,

Bar- durlar,

Indefinite-Past.

3. Bar -ikan

Bar -id-im, “ I was.”

BKR-id-ing, “thou wert.”

BkR-id-i, “ he was.”

JjAU-id-ik, “we were.”

I>ATL-id-ingiz, “ ye were.”

Ba n-id-ilar, “ they were.”

* Primarily it means “ existence,” hut used verbally in the Turki manner it means

“ there is.”

f The present of BAR-wa^, “to go,” would he BAua-man, &c.

% The tense in dur is used, when the fact is merely presumed, to mean “ there

must he,” “there prohahly is” (H. howega ). See remarks, p. 276.

P P

296 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

In the Negative, the word yog would simply take the place of the

word l dr throughout.

The Auxiliary bar is made to supply the place of the verb “ to have”

which does not exist in Turki, (see Syntax, § 13). It may be used also as

a verbal adjective or noun : e. g ., alil-im bar iii-da = in the house where

my wife is (lit. “ my wife-being house in) bdr-i-ni tuttilar = “ they

took what there wTas of his” [lit. “the existent (things) of him”].

The Indefinite verb-tense ifcan is the most usual copula in ordinary

sentences.

Ex. Bu at cliung ilean = “ this horse is big.”

Finally any adjective or substantive or pronoun can he prefixed to

the Personal Pronouns without any copula* : e. g., ussdk man, “ I (am)

thirsty ;” JcichiJc san , “ thou (art) small ;” iii-cla miz\, we (are) at home

Tdjik-lar-din siz mu, “ (are) you of the Tajik tribe ?” yog, biz Turk-lar-

din miz, “no, we (are) of the Turks” (i. e., of Turkish race). The verb

substantive is simply sous-entendu , or perhaps its necessity is not felt in a

primitive language, as neither is it in the language of children, e. g., “ me

good”, “you horse”, “me coachman”.

CHAPTER VI.

SECONDARY FORMS OF THE VERB.

The Secondary Forms are produced by certain Affixes added to the

Root, conveying some modification of the Primary verb.

These Affixes may be super-imposed one on the other as required.

The new Verb thus formed is conjugated just as the Primary Verb,

taking the compound of Root plus modifying Affix or Affixes, as a new

Root.

I. — Causatives.

The Turki Causative form gives to a Transitive Verb a Causative sense,

while an Intransitive one becomes Transitive. This will be obvious from

an example or two :

(a). The first form of the Causative is that which applies to Verbs

* A similar practice in Osmanli Turkish (where the abbreviated forms of the pro¬

nouns adopted as tense-terminations, are thus used) has misled Grammarians into the

belief that the said abbreviated terminational pronouns form a tense of the Verb Sub¬

stantive. See p. 246 (text and first note).

f Note that it is the verbal or terminational form of the Personal Pronouns that is

thus used (miz not biz), as in Osmanli,

297

1877.] of Eastern TurJcistan.

ending with a vowel, or diphthong (or sometimes to those with the liquids

r and l ) by affixing a t.*

Ex : Ishla-male = to work.

Ishla-t-malc = to cause to work.

Tuga-maJc = to come to an end, i. e. to finish (intrans.).

Tuga -t-male = to cause to come to an end, i. e. to finish

(trans.).

Ibdr-malc = to send : ibdr-t-male = to cause to send.

(Jj). The second form of Causative is that which affixes urf tur or

dwr,% or sJiur (in which the Vowel is constant).

Ex. : 'push-male = to be in a cooked state [neuter, not passive].

pusli-ur-mak = to cause to be in a cooked state, i. e., to

cook. (Trans.)

leel-male — to come. (Intrans.)

leel-tur-male — to cause to come, i. <?., to bring. (T rans.)

bil-male = to know ; bil-dur-male — to cause to know, i. e., to

inform.

tap-mag = to receive ; tcip-shur-mag = to cause to receive,

i. e., to entrust to.

[.ZV. B. — In the cases of tuga-male , push-male , &c., the English lan¬

guage treats the Turki Causative (push-ur-male , “ to cook,” &c.,) as the Pri¬

mary Verb, and the Turki Primary ( push-male , “ to he cooked,”) &c. as the

passive of the same. For we should consider the idea (“to cook,”) to come

before the idea “ to be in a cooked state.” But the Turki language takes

the latter as its primary idea, putting it in the form of a primary (Turki)

verb ; while it obtains the sense of our simple Active verb by adopting

the form of the Causative from what is, in our mouths, a Passive (to cause

to be cooked = to cook). This train of thought may sometimes help to

account for what may seem to be a non-conformity botween the Turki ver¬

bal form and its English expression.]

(c). The third form affixes leur or leuz , the le and its vowel changing

sometimes according to the Phonetic Rules.

Ex. : yet-maq = to reach.

yet-qur-m&g or yet-guz-maq = to cause to reach.

gel-mag — to do ; gel-ghuz-mdg = to cause to do.

leir-mah = to enter ; kir-giz-mak — to cause to enter.

* Probably a vestige of tlie verb it-mak “ to make.” Thus ishla-t-mak quasi

ishla-it-mak “to make to work.”

f Such Verbs as have their Causative in nr always have their Continuative Parti¬

ciple in dr not ur to avoid confusion. Ex. ichmaq “ to drink Continuative Parti¬

ciple ichar ; Causative form ich-ur-maq.

% According to the Rules of Phonetic Variation for Consonants (the vowel does

not change).

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[No. 8,

II. — The Passive.

(a). The first form of the Passive is obtained by affixing 7, il or ul

(according to the Phonetic Rules, which see) to the Root. If the Root

ends in a vowel, that of the Passive Affix disappears.

Ex. : ach-mdq “ to open ach-il-maq “ to be opened.”

tari-mah “ to sow tari-l-mah “ to be sown.”

oqu-maq “ to read ; oqu-l-maq “ to be read.”

tut-ma'k “ to seize ;” tut-ul-mah “ to be seized.”

AT. JB. — It seems probable that the origin of this formation was the

addition of the Auxiliary hol-maq, “ to become,” to the Perfect Participle

of another verb. The combination still survives with a passive significa¬

tion, as tutup -hol-maq, “ to be seized” [See “ Verbs, Compound Passive.”]

This might easily be corrupted to tutubul-maq* by the elision of p before

h and Phonetic change in the Vowel ; and thence the step would not be far

to tutul-maq ,# slurring over the h between two vowels.

(5). In cases where the Root of the Verb ends in l, the Affix of the

Passive is changed into ’ n , in or un to avoid the clashing of two Is.

Ex. : hil-maJc = to know ; hil-in-mah = to be known (not hil-il-

malc) .

[AT. L. — Sometimes a Passive is formed from an Intransitive Primary

Verb in the regular form, but its meaning is taken from the Causative.

E. g., ajra-maJc (intransitive) “ to be in a divided state.” Passive

ajra-l-mak , “ to be divided.” This is, in point of meaning, the Passive of

ajra-t-mah , “ to divide” or “ to cause to be in a divided state” (Caus.) ;

but in form it is the Passive of the intransitive Primary Verb ajra-male

which of course by rights could have no Passive].

III. — The Reflective.

This is formed precisely as the last [Passive (£)], but can be applied

not only to Verbs whose root ends in /, but to all whose sense will bear it.

Its meaning is directly qj? indirectly Reflective ; but this sometimes gives

rise to special meanings, whose exact connection cannot at first sight be

traced.

Ex. : ur-maq — to strike ; ur-un-maq — to strike one’s self against ;

(sp.) fco brush against,

tolgha-maq = to twist ; tolgha- n-maq = to twist one’s self,

(sp.) to writhe.

oqu-maq = to read ; o>qu- n-maq = to read to one’s self.

* As least one such, instance is actually known where alip bdr-mdq is contracted

into apar-mdq. It must first have been shortened to alipdr-mdq and thence (slurring-

over the l between two vowels) to apar-maq which is now in use.

1877.]

of Eastern Turleistdn.

299

chaq-maq = to strike a light ; cJidq-in-maq = to strike a light

of itself ; (sp.) to lighten (used of the Lightning).

aya-male = to withdraw (trans.) ; aya-n-male = to shrink (with¬

draw one’s self).

[2V B. — -There are some Primary Verbs in the Reflective form, or

at least of which no Primary form exists ; this having probably become

superfluous in point of meaning, as for example, with tuga-male , “ to come

to an end,” and tuga-n-male , “ to finish itself one of these is obviously

superfluous, and might he dropped. Even when the real Primary form has

become obsolete, the Secondary Verbs are formed as if from it, and not

from the Reflective form.

Ex. : orga- n-male — to learn, (to put into one’s own .

mind). i as if from orga-

makes orga- 1 -male = to cause to learn, or to teach > male (obsolete)=

(others), (to put into another’s mind). \ (to have in mind),

and not orga- n-dur -mated] '

IV. — The Verb oe Reciprocity or Companionship.

This form affixes ’sh, ish or ush # (according to the Phonetic Rule)

to the Verb (root or compound). The sense conveyed is that the action

is reciprocal between several persons, if the Primary Verb will bear

this sense ; otherwise it means that the action is performed by several

together. Like some of the other secondary forms, this sometimes assumes

a special restricted sense, which in English is expressed by a separate word.

Ex. : us-male “ to butt j” us-ush-male “ to butt at one-another ;

tut-maq “ to seize tut-ush-mdq “ to seize one-another”, (speci¬

ally) “to wrestle

oqu-mdq “ to read oqu- sh-maq “ to read in company.”

ur-un-mdq “ to brush against.” ur-un-ush-mdq “ to brush against

one another.”

V. — The Verb oe Possibility.!

To express the power to do or suffer, the Turki language employs no

separate Verb (as “lean . ”) but adds an affix dl to the Verb.

This affix remains intact, never changing phonetically as others do.

Ex. : bar-maq, “ to go bar-al-maq, “ to be able to go.”

ach-maq , “ to open dch-dl-mdq, “ to be able to open.”

i tut-maq, “ to seize tut-dl-mdq , “ to be able to seize.”

sat-maq, “ to sell sdt-al-mdq, “to be able to sell.”

* Perhaps connected with, ish u a companion.”

f The Osmanli Turkish seems to have no form of Possibility, only that of Impos¬

sibility in ama or emc. This is obviously a relic of the Eastern or primitive affix of

Possibility combined with that of Negation : e . y., (Osm.) yaz-ama-cli for (East. T.) ydz-

dl-ma-di “ he was not able to write.”

300

[No. 3,

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[ N. B. — It may bo said that this form is simply the apposition of the

Verb al-maq, “ to take,” to the Primary Verb. This is probably the origin

of the formation ; in fact it is sometimes found written separately with

the Pres. Participle of the principal Verb followed by the tense of the

Auxiliary al-maq ; e. g. qela-dlmas = “ cannot make” ; but, in speaking it

has got worn down into a mere formal affix instead of an independent Verb.

Thus the form bar' -dlmaq, tuf -dlmaq, &c. may be considered a mere

corruption or running together of the full compound : bdra-dlmaq , tuta-

dlmaq, &c.]

Where the Present Participle does not end in a but in i (in consequence

of the Root ending in a vowel, see “ Verbs, Pres. Participle”, page 28) no

elision takes place between the final i of the verb, and the initial a of the

auxy. This helps to distinguish this form from the Passive in these cases :*

Ex. : [Primary Form] ajra-niaJc = to be in a state of division.

[Passive Form] ajra- l-mafc = to be divided.

[Form of Possib.] ajrai-dl-mdJc — to be able to be in a state

of division.

(Prim.) oqu-maq = to read.

(Pass.) oqu-l-mdq = to be read.

(Poss.) oqui-dl-mdq ■=■ to be able to read.

Not only one but two or more of these modifying affixes may be used

in the same Compound Verb, as will be seen below.

The order in which they should be applied to the Root, when several

come together, depends chiefly on the meaning intended to be given. But

there seem to be two general rules, viz., that the negative affix when used

shall come last (before the conjugational ones), while usually the affix of

Bossibility comes next before the negative (if any), or otherwise last of

all the modifying syllables.

123 456 7 8

Ex. : Bir — il — ish — tur — al — ma’i — dur — man

Root Pass. Recip. Caus. Possy. Nog. Auxy. Pron.

Modifying Affixes (Secondary Conjugational

Forms) Affixes.

8765 4 21 3

= I am not able to cause (them), to be given to one-another.

With the exception of these two modifying affixes (viz., those of Pos¬

sibility and of Negation), the order of the others is dictated by the mean¬

ing intended. For instance :

Bm-il-dur-maJc is the Causative Form (in dur ) of a Passive Verb

* In otlier cases the distinction (between the Passive and Possibility forms) is

made by the Phonetic change of vowel in the former as against the retention of the a

in the latter : e. g, (Pass.) tdp-Tl-maq, (Poss.) tap-hl-mdq.

1877.] of Eastern TurTdstan. 301

(in if) obtained from the Root bir. It therefore must mean “ to cause

to be given.”

Again, TSTR-dur-ul-malc is the Passive (in uT) of the Causative Form

(in dur) of the Verb ~&TR-malc. Thus its sense is : “ To be caused to give.”

[AT. J3. — With an Intransitive Verb only one of these two forms

would be possible. For with kel-w«&, “ to come,” eel -tur-un-malc would

be the Passive of the Causative Form, and would mean “ to be caused to

come,” i. e., “ to be brought.” But the alternative form ~KEJj-in-tur-mah

would be the Causative of a Passive Verb T£Eh-in-malc, and such a Verb is

logically impossible, since kel-w«& “ to come,” can have no Passive (though

it is true a Passive form of certain Intransitive Verbs is used impersonally

in a special sense ; see “ Syntax.”)]

Thus each of these affixes modifies the combination preceding it, while

fhe resulting meaning is again modified by the next succeeding affix. Each,

moreover, may recur (in its varying forms) in the same combination.

Ex. : KIR -giz-il-dur-ul-malc =■ “ to be caused to be made to enter”, i. e.

“ to be caused to be brought in,” where the Causative Affix appears under

the forms of giz and dur , and the Passive under those of il and ul.

It will be understood that such complex forms are rare. Still, while

generally making use of simple ones, the Turkis reserve to themselves the

right of employing the longest compounds, and occasionally exercise the

right.

[AT. JB. — It will be seen from this that the Turki Verb is capable of

a vast number of different forms. There are, as we have seen, five Secon¬

dary Root forms besides the Compound Passive. The number of Permuta¬

tions these are capable of is of course enormous. Many of these would be

impossible logically ('though not formally), while many would be mere

repetitions in point of meaning.

But leaving out the Affix of Possibility (which generally comes last),

it may be safely stated that with each of the five remaining forms taken

successively as the first affix, at least five combinations can be made, con¬

veying each a distinguishable meaning, which would be recognised by any

educated native of Turkistan.

This would give us 5 x 5, viz., 25 compound forms, to each of which

could be added the Affix of Possibility, making up 50. But each of these

50 could be used in the negative ; so that there are not less than 100 Com¬

pound Roots or Bases.

Or the number may be estimated in this way. Prof. Max Muller, by

the application in Western Turkish merely of the Causative, Reflective and

Reciprocative Affixes, obtains 12 Secondary forms. For the Eastern Turki,

if we attach to each of these the Affix of Possibility, we raise the number

of forms to 24, each of which can be put in the Negative, making 48.

802

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Now all but the simplest of these are susceptible of a different order in the

affixes (giving a difference of meaning, see above). Moreover, affixes may

recur in the same combination (see preceding page). If we allow that

these methods double the number of basal forms, we shall be well within

the mark, and so we may fairly admit the figure 100 given above.

Now there are some 44 complete Tenses (or conjugated expressions),

and 4 Tenses with only 4 personal forms apiece. Thus we get 280 Tense-

persons applicable to each of the 100 Compound Roots or Bases, besides

verbal substantives and adjectives. Multiplying the two sums together

we see that the number of intelligible forms which a single Turki Primary

Transitive Verb-root is capable of giving rise to, is not less than 28,000.

Prof. Max Muller states that “ each Verb in Greek, if conjugated

through all its voices, tenses, moods, and persons, yields, together with its

participles, about 1,300 forms” (Max Muller Lectures on the Science of

Language, 5th Ed., Vol., I, p. 305.)

CHAPTER VII.

ADVERBS, POST-POSITIONS, CONJUNCTIONS, NUMERALS.

THE ADVERB.

Many Adjectives are used as Adverbs without alteration.

Of course it would be superfluous to give a long list of Adverbs, which

would be found again in the Vocabulary. But there are certain groups of

Compounds which call for notice :

(a) . First, a large number are formed by means of the Locative Affix

da = “ at” or “ in also din = c> from,” and ga or ha = “ to

qai-da or qan-da = in what (place) ? where ?

un-da — in that (place), there.

u'-yer-da — in that place.

uza-si-da = on the top of it.

tuban-da = at the bottom.

ara-si-din — from the midst of it.

nim'-ish-lca &c. = wherefore P (lit.) to what work ?

It will be observed that these are merely Pronouns or Substantives in

the Locative, Dative, or Ablative cases.

(b) . The Affix dih, dag or dcigh gives rise to some Adverbs of simili¬

tude.

qai-daq = what like P how ?

?nun-dagh = like this, thus.

shun-ddgh = like that, so.

&c.

of Eastern TurJcistdn.

303

1877.]

Other Compound Adverbs can be formed in the same way by means of

the Affix ddq or dik with various Substantives or Pronouns. .

(<?). Another set is formed by affixing elm, which implies “ extent”

or “ amount.”

qdn-cha = how much P

mun-cha — this much.

shun-cha — that much.

ni-cha = how much ?

(<*)• Sometimes this Affix clia is preceded by the Dative Post-position :

an-ga-cha = “to that extent” or “ so far as that”.

kachan-ga-cha — “ to what extent of time ?” i. e., “ till when ?”

Thus the Compound Affix gha-cha comes to mean, in point of place

“ so far as,” and in point of time “ until.” It answers to the Compound

Verbal Affix glmn-elm. This is written in Kashghar ghu-chci , which would

derive it from the Future Participle is ghu ; or it may be the termination

of the Indefinite Past Participle “ glion” with the same affix “ chaf and

thus QEL-glmn-cha would be literally “ to the extent of the (indefinite)

“ doing,” which sense agrees well enough with the common use of this form

viz., “ whilst doing” or “ than doing.” *

Neg. <ZEh-ma-gliun-clia,=zu whilst not doing,” i. e. “until (he or it

&c.) does.”

Ex. : mulaqat BOh-ma-ghun-cJm = until a visit was paid, (lit. “ whilst

not paid”).

Saning din-ing-gha Kin-gliun-clia = than entering into thy Faith.

(e) . The Substantive ydn “ side” forms several Adverbs :

gdi-ydn-gha — to which side ?

qdi-ydn-da = in what direction ?

u-yan-din or u-ydn-i-din — from that direction.

bu-ydn-da or bu-ydn-i-da — in this direction.

(f) . Next comes a group of which the derivation is less plain, but

the connection in sense and form evident.

biri — on this side.

nari = on that side.

ichhari = inside [icJirci — ditto (also found)].

tdshqari = outside.

it gar i = before.

yogari = above.

utra or utrv, = opposite, facing.

N. B. — It will be observed that the sense of all these is locative while

the terminations are two : the simple ari or iri, and the fuller kari or gari.

It is probable from analogy that some word indicating “place” or “locality”

must be the origin of these endings. That word must be found in the

Q Q

301

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

simpler as well as in the fuller forms. Hence it may be inferred that the

Jc ( q or g) of some of them is not a part of the word we are seeking. Look¬

ing then simply at ari or iri, where we are to find the meaning “ locality,”

we are reminded at once of yer-i = “ its place.” I venture to suggest,

therefore, that hiri may be a corruption of hu-yeri ( = this place), and

nari of an-yeri or ’ n-yeri ( = that place).

As for the others, icJiJcari , &c., it will be observed that icJi is a

Substantive (see Vocabulary) meaning “ the interior.” Task or tisJi

means “ the outside.” Again it may be gathered by comparing the

Chaghatai word ilai “before” with the Uigur word iliJc (? il-liJc)

“first,” that there must once have been a word il meaning “front,”

which would be the origin of il-gari. Lastly, as there is an Uigur Verb

yoq-la-7iiaq = “ to be elevated,” it may be gathered that yoq as a root con¬

veys the idea of height, whence yoqari.

It will be observed that such of these compounds as take the simpler form

without Jc, begin with Pronouns, while those which take a Jc , &c., before the

element ari begin with Substantives. Now an Adjectival Pronoun can

be prefixed to a Substantive without intermediation. But a Substantive

cannot be so attached to another Substantive. The regular formation in

such a case is to affix the particle gi or Jci [see p. 279 (b)] to the former,

making it into an Adjective of Relation. Now this is exactly what we

find in these words. Wherever the first element is a Substantive, we find a

Jc introduced between the two parts of the word. This confirms my sup¬

position that the final element is a Substantive. If we wished to combine

the Substantive ich “ interior” with the Substantive yer or yeri “ place”

according to rule — we should say icli-lci-yeri = “ the inward place”, “ the in¬

side” ( ich-Jci being an Adjective of Relation meaning “ inward”) a form

easily contracted to ich-Jdari. And so, tash-f ari for tasJi-qi-yeri “ the out¬

side il-g'ari for il-gi-yeri “ the fore-side ;” yoq' ari for yoq-qi-yei'i “ the

up-side.” (JJtra is probably from a Participle of ut-7naJc “to cross”, and

not from a Substantive.)

But it may be said that these words (if formed as I have suggested)

are mere Compound Substantives, and not Adverbs. This is so true that

they are often treated exactly like Substantives. They are not only declined

by means of Post-positions (e. g., ilgari-da , tashqari-gJia, &c.), but they are

also frequently put in the “ possessed” form, and govern the genitive of

the object, e. g. ui-nmg ichJcari-si-gha, “ to 'the inside of the house” ; man-

ing ilgari-m-da , “ at the front of me.”

Vambery thinks that these forms may be divided into a mark of the

dative ga , and a final syllable ra or re (indicating a direction towards accor¬

ding to Schott)*. I have ventured to offer another solution above, which I

* Quoted by Vambery, “ Cbagataiscbe Spracbstudien,” p. 20, note.

305

1877.] of Eastern Turkistdn.

will further support by remarking that the treatment of these forms as Sub¬

stantives (see last para.) quite accords with the supposition that they are for-

1 2 3 4 5 6

med on the word “ yer-i .” Thus ui-ning ichkari- si- gha would he (lit.)

653 42 1 12 3 4 56

“to its inner place of the house,” and mailing ilgari-m-cla wouldhe (lit.)

6 5 3 4 2 1

“ at my front place of me.”

But such expressions are hardly consistent with the supposition that

ichkari is made up of ich the “ interior” plus ka “ to” (. Bat .), plus ri (a

12 3 4

Post-position supposed to imply direction towards). For ui-ning ich-ka-ri-si -

5 5 4 3 2 1

glia would then be (lit.) “ to its towards to interior of the house” with 3

Post-positions (two of them identical) agglomerated on the top of one

another, and only broken by a Possessive Affix detached from any Noun.

And mailing il-ga-ri-m-da would be on the same system (lit.) “ at my

towards to front of me.”

With regard to such forms as qdit-ru “ backwards,” uz-ra up &c. (to

which may be added ich-ra “ inside”) quoted by Prof. Vambery to prove

that the syllable ra is separate from the (supposed) Dative termination

ka, and does not form part with it of a single element kari or gari, this

conclusion is doubtless correct, as moreover the examples biri and nari show.

Prof. Vambery and I are agreed in thinking that the k element is distinct

from the r element. What they each represent, is a different question. If

the latter meant “ direction towards,” the addition of the former with much

the same sense, (viz. ka — to) would be superfluous ; and still more so, on

this supposition, would be a second apposition of the same affix in the

expression tdshqari-gha , &c.

Moreover in the words above quoted of Eastern Turkistani, I cannot

trace any signification of “ direction towards.” In that dialect they all

apply to “ rest in a place” (e. g. Tdshqari is the name of the outer courtyard

of a house, and ichkari that of the inner or women’s court), as moreover can

be gathered from the fact that to express motion the dative post-position

is added ; e. g. tdshqari gha “ to the outside,” “ outward” ; while it is quite

correct to say ichkari ulturadur “ he is sitting inside,” tdshqari turdi “ he

stood outside,”* which would he abnormal if those words implied motion or

direction towards. As for the forms ich-ra , uz-ra , &c. (from the substantives

ich = interior and uza = surface) where we should expect to find the par¬

ticle ki following the initial element, it is probable that in the more

Westerly dialects (for they are not common in Eastern Turkistan), the

substantive yeri, having already been contracted to ra or ri, has further

* The phrase, “ Bddslidh birla Wazir tashqari tur-up irdi-lar" = “ The King- and

Vizier were standing outside has been found.

30G

[No. 3,

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar ofthc Language

sunk into a mere post-position, so that its substantival origin and the

consequent necessity for the relative particle, Tci , after other substantives

attached to it, may have been forgotten.

Thus it is only when governed by Tost-positions, as “ da ”, “ glia ” or

“din” (expressed or understood), that such forms can be considered as

Adverbs, although these Post-positions are often suppressed as understood.

"When themselves governing Nouns or Pronouns, they of course be¬

come Compound Post-positions, as in the instances given above in the Note.

(g). Another group is formed with the Affix lash, implying “ direc¬

tion” or “ inclination towards.”

yoqari-lash — upwards.

tuban-lash — downwards.

ura-lash — sloping upwards.

ara-lash = mixedly, i. e., middle- wards.

POST-POSITIONS.

These may be divided into two classes, Simple and Compound.

The Simple Post-positions are mere affixes attached to the words

governed by them, and forming what may be called (for the sake of com¬

parison with the inflectional languages) various cases, Dative, Locative, &c.

The Simple Post-positions are : da “at” or “in,” din “ from,” glia,

qa , ga or ha “ to,” ning “ of,” ni (sign of accusative absent in English),

birla or bilan “ with,” siz “ without,” uchun “ for,” “ because of,” &c., &c.

The Compound Post-positions are really Substantives, which are

themselves affected by the simple Post-positions, e. g., ich -i-da “ inside,”

[lit.] “ in its interior;” iizA -si-glia “a’top,” (lit.) “ to its top.” These are

sometimes applied directly to a substantive. But they also frequently

require other Post-positions to connect them with the words they govern,

e. g., — din kin (lit.) “ aptek from ... ;” — ning vzA-si-da “ a’top of — .”

When they are used with the genitive of the noun governed, the sense

is made definite.

Ex. : Tdgh-ning V7iA.-si-da = on the top of the mountain.

Tdgli-ning tuean -i-da — at the foot of the mountain.

When din is used instead of ning, or when the two Substantives are

merely placed in apposition without any Post-position between, the sense

becomes indefinite (especially in the latter case).

Ex. : Tdgh-^zk-si-da — on the mountain-tops.

Tagli-din-TWAR-da — below the mountains.

The following is a list of the more usual forms ; it being remembered

that all can employ ning in the definite sense before them, while such as here

have din prefixed, use that post-position for the indefinite (the others being

merely placed in apposition when the sense is indefinite) : —

307

1877.] of 'Eastern Turkistan.

All these declinable Substantives admit also of the Possessive Affixes,

e. g. mailing gdsh-im-da = “ in my presence’ ; sailing ydn-ing-din — “ from

tby side.”

The Compound ghacha ( glia “to,” cha “the extent of j” see Adverbs)

is used as a Post -position meaning “ till” or “ as far as.”

Ex. : Tiz-ghacha = as far as the knee ; Kashgar- ghacha — as far as

Kashghar; bdsh-tokhi-ghacha = till first cock, ( i . e., till cock-crow).

CONJUNCTIONS.

There are not many Conjunctions in Turki. It borrows them fre¬

quently from Persian and Arabic.

The home-born ones are him “ that,” takhi “ still”, “ notwithstanding”,

inidi “ then”, &c., and the compound cm- din -kin “ afterwards”, &c.

30S

[No. 3,

It. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

NUMERALS.

The Cardinal numbers are :

bir = one.

iJci = two.

och = three.

tort = four.

besh — five.

alti = six.

yette = seven.

sakiz— eight.

toqoz— nine.

ten = ten.

yigarma = twenty.

otoz — thirty.

qirq = forty.

Miff = fifty.

altmish

or atmish = sixty.

yetmish = seventy.

sakzan = eighty.

toqzan — ninety.

yuz — a hundred.

ming = a thousand.

tuman = ten thousand.

The intermediate numbers are formed by simple apposition, the multi¬

ples of ten coming first, as : un-bir = “ eleven,” btbz-besh = “thirty-five” ;

tort-yuz sakzan-dch — “ four hundred and eighty-three” ; bir ming iki yuz

toqzan = “ one thousand two hundred and ninety.” It will be seen that

to express multiples of a number the smaller factor comes first, as above :

tort-yuz — “ four hundred”.

There is a class of Substantives derived from the cardinal numbers,

which had better be noticed in this place.

bir-ao or bir-ailan =one by itself, “ a one.”

ik'-ao or ik' -dilan— a two, a pair, both.

&c., &c.

[iV"". B. — It is probably by a contraction of the former that we get the

Post-position bir-lan , birla or bilan — together with, “ in one.” See Ku-

datku Bilik, Introd. — aning imsdli bir-ailin “ with their proverbs.”]

Next we have the Numeral Adjectives or Ordinal Numbers. These

are :

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

809

1877.]

[AT. E. — The termination is often written and pronounced ji. The

ordinal affix is only applied to the last term of a compound number as : b ir

yilz q i rq-s a kiz-inc h i = one hundred and forty-eighth.]

There are also some Numeral Adverbs formed by the additional of ’ n .

As bir-in iki-n — by ones and by twos.

N. E. — Perhaps a contraction of bir-din iki-din, which form also

exists with the same meaning.

Eir-ar, (no ik-ar), och-ar, tort-ar &c., = “ singly,” “by threes,” “by

fours,” &c.

“Once,” “twice,” &c., are formed with qatim “time” as, iki-qatim

“ twice,” besh-qatim “ five times,” &c.

THE TUEKI YE AE- CYCLE

Consists of twelve solar years, each named after some animal in a fixed

order, as follows : —

1. Sachkan

2. m

8. Ears

4. Tausliqan

5. Ealik

6. llan

“ The Mouse.”

“ The Ox.”

“ The Leopard.”

“ The Hare.”

“ The Fish or Dra¬

gon.

“ The Serpent.

»

7. At

8. Qo'i

9. Maimun

10. Tokhi

11. It

“ The Horse.”

“ The Sheep.”

“ The Ape.”

“ The Cock.”

“ The Dog.”

12. Tunghuz “ The Hog.”

The present year (1874-75) is the year of the “ Dog.” The year be¬

gins and ends in the spring, and is divided into twelve ‘ mansions,’ in each

of which the Sun spends a month (the twelve Signs of the Zodiac). These

are known only by their Arabic names at the present day.

The above chronological arrangement of solar years is purely Turkish

(or perhaps Tartar in the extended sense). The Muhammadan lunar years

and months are in more common use now ; the solar ones being only em¬

ployed in calculations of age and in matters where it may be a question of

the season.

Each entire cycle is called a “ muchal.”

CHAPTER VIII.

DEEIYATION OE WOEDS.

Formation or Derivation of Substantives.

(a). A noun of the Agent is formed by adding the affix chi to the

Future Participle or to the Infinitive form of a Verb :

310

R. B. Sha w — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Ex. : qel -ghu-chi = a doer.

TsiR-maJc-chi = a giver.

(b) . A Noun of Profession is formed by affixing chi to the name of

the object used, or of the matter dealt with :

Ex. : miltek-chi = a musketeer.

zakdt-chi = a Custom’s official.

(c) . An Abstract Noun is formed by the addition of HJc or luh

(with Phonetic variation both of Vowel and Consonant) to an Adjective or

Adverb, or even to another Substantive :

Ex. : Sarigh-liq = yellow-ness.

Tola-lik = much-ness.

JJstdd-lik = art (from ustdd “ artificer,” p.).

Gum-rdh-lik — perdition (from gum-rah , “ lost road,” p.).

Also to an Infinitive, or the Verbal Adverb in “ ghuncha”

ultur-mak-lik = slaughter (from ultur-mak “ to kill).”

ishU-kuncha-lik = worth-hearing-ness.

(d) . A Noun of Origin is formed by adding lik (or luk) to the name

of a country or place :

Ex. : Khoqand-liq =a man of Ivhokand, a Khokandi.

(<?). A Noun of Connection, by adding chan to any word to denote

continuous or frequent connection :

Ex. : aghrik-chan— one who is constantly ill, an invalid.

salla-chan— one who always wears a turban (salla).

(f). A Noun of Eellow-ship is made by affixing dash or lash (an¬

swering to our “ - fellow”)*

Ex. : atd-ddsli = a brother by the same father (at a),

qursdq-dash — a twin (lit. “ womb-fellow”).

dsli-ddsh or talaq-ddsh—n meal-fellow, or one who is a companion

at a meal.

onaktab-dash = school-fellow, (maktab, “ school,” A.).

(y). A Verbal Substantive is formed by affixing k, q , g or gh to the

Root, supplying the proper vowel when necessary, before it. The meaning

is either the action of the Verb, or the result of that action :

Ex. : Trz-w&=an institution (from tuz-mak ).

titra-’/c — a trembling (from titra-mak “to tremble”).

[AT. JB. — That this Substantive is derived from the Verb, and not vice

versa, is shown by the fact that the verbal form derived from tuzuk would

be tuzuk-la-mak , and not tuz-mak, &c. (see “ Formation of Verbs”).]

DERIVATION OF ADJECTIVES.

(a). The Adjective of Likeness is formed by affixing dilc (which

is subject to Phonetic variations of the guttural) to a Substantive :

Ex. : qoi-diq — “ sheep-like” (from qoi “a sheep”).

311

1877.] of Eastern Turhistan,

(b) . The Adjective o£ Relation is formed by the addition of the

particle gi or lei to Substantive, Adjective, Adverb or Participle (see pp. 26

and 77) :

Ex. : kin-gi=u following,” “last” (from kin — rear) ;

yetkan-gi =“ arriving,” or “ which has arrived.”

(c) . The Adjective of Quality is formed by affixing lik (or luk)

(subject to Phonetic variation of guttural) to a Substantive or Participle :

Ex. : JDada-lik haqq — “ a father’s right” (fatherly right).

Kaf ristan-lik=“ infidel” (said of a whole country) ; from Ka-

firistan = “ aland of infidels”.

(d) . A Verbal Adjective is formed by adding k or q to a Verb Root

(supplying a vowel before it when necessary).

Ex. : aghri-q — ill, from aghri-maq=to he ill.

td’q — satisfied, from toi-maq— to he content.

tuz-uk—r\^ht, in order, (see p. 58 (f) and note).

( e ) . An Adjective of Habit is formed by adding one of the affixes

kcik , qaq or chak to the root of a Verb :

Ex. : ocli-qaq = u flying about much ;” from och-maq—u to fly.”

qurq-qaq=u fearing much ;” from qurq-maq— to fear.

irin-chak=il lazy ;” from irin-mak—u to procrastinate.”

(/*). An Adjective or Adverb of Fashion or Mode by adding cha :

Ex. : mazliim-cha chappan—ii woman’s robe. Turk-clm min-mak—to

ride as a Turk.

COMPOUND AND DEEIVATIVE VEBBS.

( a ) . The commonest compound is the Perfect Participle of one Verb

prefixed to another Verb which completes the meaning, and which is con¬

jugated as may be required.

Ex. : sat-ip almaq— to buy, or take by purchase, (s^^-^ = sold, almaq

=to take).

alijp-Tjarmaq = to take away {alip — having taken ; Jjdrmaq —

to go), contracted in Yarkand to aparmaq.

yctip-qalmaq— to exceed, (gyetip— having reached a limit) ; qal-

maq— to remain (over).

k iiy up -birmak— to burn, or “give over to burning” (Jciiyup — ha¬

ving burnt, ~birmak— to give).#

It will be remembered that the auxiliary Ijolmaq used in this way

with the Perfect Participle of a Transitive Verb makes a Passive, e. g .,

qelip-bolmaq — to be done.

( b ) . Another formation consists of the Present Participle of one

* JBirma/c “to give”, qo'i-maq 11 to put”, and some others, are often reduntantly

used in the second place, like the Hind, dena , &c.

R R

312 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Verb before another Verb of different signification, answering to the Eng¬

lish combination of a similar kind.

Ex. : qela-bashlamaq— to begin doing, or “ to begin to do.”

A Verb is formed from a Substantive by affixing la to form the Verb-

root. Verbs thus formed are numerous :

Ex. : ish-la-maq—t o work (from ish “ work”).

bdsh-la-maq— to lead or to begin, “ to head” (from bash “ head”).

A Verb of colour is formed by affixing the syllable V to the adjective

of colour, &c.

Ex. : aq-ar-maq — to become white.

Oz-ga-r-maq = to change colour (from bz-ga = other).

CHAPTER X.

SYNTAX.

The following are points to be noted : —

1. The nominative or subject generally comes first in a sentence, and

the verb always last.

Ex. : “ Hazrat Stjltan shi7car-ga chiqtilar” = “ The Sultan went out

to hunt.”

When it is desired to put emphasis upon the subject, it comes imme¬

diately before the verb.

Ex. : “ Hazrat Suit an- g a Tcalima tayiba-ni khwaja khazar or gat -

tilar.”

viz. “ It was Khwaja Khazar who taught the ‘ kalima tayiba’ to His

Highness the Sultan.”

Literally : “ To His Highness the Sultan the kalima-tayiba (accusa¬

tive) Khwaja Khazar taught.”

2. The usual order of a simple sentence is :

( a ) . That the accusative or object shall immediately precede the verb

and its adverbs or adverbial expressions, (other cases coming first) :

Ex. : “ IDi'aja Abu-l-Nasr Samani Hazrat Sultan-ga iman-ni

shul-yer-da orgattilarA

“ Kh’aja Abu-l-Nasr Samani to His Highness the Sultan the

faith (acc.) on-the-spot taught.”

( b ) . Sometimes the seeming accusative forms really part of a com¬

pound verb, in which case also it immediately precedes it, but without the

mark of the accusative.

Ex. : JBu qirq kishi Hazrat-clin nvKUSAT-aldilar. “ These forty

persons from His Highness took leave.”

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

313

1877.]

The sign of the accusative is also omitted if the sense is indefinite :

Ex. : nan yemak — to eat bread.

(c). Sometimes the accusative is put first for emphasis (viz., out of

its proper place).

Ex. : “ TJL DUSHMAiv-isri ava-clin yoq-qelmadim”~u That enemy from

(our) midst I have not destroyed.”

UL butkhana-nijstg- tam-i-ni awwal siz quparip -hiring dedur ,

that idol-temple-of the wall (acc.) first you having raised give, he says

viz. “ He says, you first raise the wall of that idol-temple.”

3. All subordinate clauses, and all sentences which in English would

be joined by conjunctions, in Turki have their respective verbs put in the

form of some Verbal Adjective (generally that in 'p), the sense being thus

kept flowing on until the whole of the long chain of sentences is concluded

by a personal Verb :

E. g. Kashgar khalq-i-ni kafir-lar oz din-i-gha icirguz-up , it eshak

tunguz gosht-i-ni ye'p , haram harish-ni mubah bil-ip , mutlaq kafir bol-up ,

qalip ikan.

“ The unbelievers having caused the people of Kashghar to enter into

their own religion, they (the Ivashgharis) having eaten the flesh of dogs,

pigs and asses, having considered unclean snakes to be lawful (food), hav¬

ing become unrestrained infidels, have remained (so) [or, have become and

remain unrestrained infidels].”

It will be noticed here that the author has changed his subject or

nominative after the first clause. This is merely due to careless writing,

as we sometimes see in English [e. g. “ Having finished my dinner the

dance began.”] The last verb gal-ip ikan can only by courtesy be called

a, personal Verb. Often a speaker begins a string of sentences in the above

form but finding that he has completed the expression of his meaning, he

leaves his speech grammatically incomplete by omitting to add a final per¬

sonal verb.

4. The Genitive precedes the substantive which governs it :

Ex. : “ Sultaiv-ning dada-si ” = “The Sultan’s father.”

5. The adjective does the same usually, except in Persian or Arabic

combinations.

If the adjective for any reason comes last, the Post-positions, &c., are

affixed to it, as being the end of the compound substantive (formed of it

and its noun) :

Ex. : kalima-tayiba-ni.

6. When an adjective is in the Comparative, the object of comparison

precedes it.

Ex. : “ Tash-din yaman-raq ” = “ Than a stone worse.”

7. If the sentence predicates a quality of the subject the adjective

or words expressing the quality immediately precede the verb :

[No. 3,

314

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

Ex. : “ Sultan-ning dacla-si Tcafir-liJc-da tash-din liam yaman- raq irdi .”

Lit. “ the Sultan’s father in infidelity than a stone even worse was.”

8. Relative clauses in who or which , are not so expressed in Turki,

They are attached to the substantive to Avhicli they refer (preceding it) ,

and form a compound adjective or subordinate sentence with its verb in the

form of a verbal adjective, generally in gan (if Present or Past) or in durghan

if Future.

(a). Ex. : At-ni sat-kan Tcishi = The person icho sells the horse.

Horse (acc.) selling person.

Erti keta-durgiian hajji = The pilgrim who is going to start

To-morrow about-to-go pilgrim.

to-morrow.

If the (English) relative pronoun is in the accusative, dative, Ac., still

the Turki form is similar to the above (the sign of the accusative &c., being

omitted), and the verbal adjective may have its subject or nominative

expressed before it (or understood).

Ex. : (In the Accusative) Biz qel-ghan ish-lar = The deeds zuhich

we do.

San korgan Tcishi = the person whom thou

sawest {or seest).

(In the Dative) biz easii ltr-giian nima = that to ivhich we strike the

Lit. we head- striking thing.

head (bow).

(In the Genitive) Man at-i-ni urgiian- adam Iceldi — The

I horse his (acc.) having struck man came

man whose horse I struck came.

At-i ulgiian Tcishi yighldi-dur = The person whose horse died, weeps,

horse his having died person weeps.

Tush-em-da korgan sher. Lit. “ in-my-dream-seen lion.”

Viz., “ The lion which I saw in my dream.”

“ NlCHAND TIL-NING BI7 YUZI-GHA RIAZAT WA MASHAKKAT BILAN

tap kan farzandAm .” Lit. “ So-many-years-on-this-side*.

of-with-self-denial-and-pain-obtained son-of-mine.

viz., “ My son, whom,” &c.

Or, conversely, the rule may be stated thus : The Substantive in Turki

to which is attached (i. e. prefixed) a verbal adjective (indefinite) in gan,

may be either the subject of the action of that verbal adjective, or its object

(direct or indirect) ; and the said verbal adjective may accordingly be ren¬

dered in English, as the context may indicate, either by “ who or which

(does or did) e. g sat Jean Tcishi = the person who sells.”

Or else by “ whom or which (so-and-so does or did)” — e. g. Tcorgan

Tcishi = the person whom (so and so) saw, [which may also be translated

<« which was seen (by so and so)”].

1877.]

of Eastern Turtcistdn.

315

Or else by “ to whom or to which (so and so does or did) — ,” e. g.

lash urghan nima = the thing to which (so and so) hows the head ; &c., &c.

As in the first case the object may be expressed with its proper sign

before the verbal adjective (e. g. at-hi satlmn tcishi “ the person who sells

the horse”) thus forming a subordinate clause in the sentence ; so also, in

the latter cases, the subject may be and is generally, prefixed to the verbal

adjective for clearness’ sake, except when otherwise indicated sufficiently

plainly. Thus : biz -gelglian ish “ the deed which we do” (or “ the deed

done by us”) ; san tcorgan tcishi “ the person whom thou sawest” [san-ni

tcorgan tcishi would he “ the person who saw thee.”]

But in tush-um-da tcorgan sher ” the possessive affix um sufficiently in¬

dicates that it was I that saw the lion, so that it is unnecessary to add the

subject and say “ ma ...tcorgan.. .” On the other hand if the lion were the

seer we should say : man-m tcorgan sher “ the lion which saw me.”

(5). If the subordinate clause merely predicates the existence of its

subject in a certain relation, so that it has no verb except “ to be,” the

Turki language omits the verbal adjective or participle of this verb, and

supplies its place with the particle ‘ gd or i ted to connect the clause with

its subject, which comes last in order.*

Ex. : “ Turkistan-tarae-i-da-gi tchalg .” Lit. “ Turkistan direction-

in- (being) people.”

viz. “ The people that are in the direction of Turkistan.”

(c). To express a simile, the word or the whole subordinate sentence

is connected with its subject by the particle ‘ dik? — like.

Ex. : “ Dozakh-nistg-daewaza-si-ni ACHQAH- diq aghz .”

Lit. Hell of door its (acc.) Laving opened like mouth..

viz., “ a mouth as if opening the door of Hell.”

Likelihood is similarly expressed :

* This syllable gi or hi takes the place (in sentences where the subordinate verb

is “to be”) of the indefinite Participle or verbal adjective of that verb. For if the

translation of : “ the lion which appeared in my dream” is tush-um-da, kordngan sher, then

the translation of “ the lion which is in the jungle” would naturally be “ jangal-da ikan

sher.” But instead of that they say : ujangal-da-gi sher.” Thus gi takes the place

of ikan , and the idea is suggested that it may be a contraction of the same. For the

Yarkandis often say iJcin for ikan, and I have found one example of this being further

contracted to ’hi. [Ex. bu qa'i-si pa'ighambar-ning ruh-i 'ki “what prophet’s soul may

this be r” where the full expression would be “ qa'i-si paighambar-ning ruh-i ikan .”]

The quasi-Pronoun ki (see Pronouns) points to the same derivation. Thus maning-lci

is the idiomatic expression for “ that which is mine but it may be taken as a con¬

traction of maning ikin , which would mean the same. See also “ Derivation of Adjec¬

tives ( b )” kin-gi , yetkan-gi , &c., p. 279.

Take the following : Turkistdn-da-gi khalq Musalman boldi ; At maning-ki, eshak

saning-ki ; Kin-gi ddam yetmadi ; in each of these cases the word ikin or ikan might be

316

[No. 3,

R B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

Ex. : Liz-ga ham zakat-nlxg suabi-ni tap-qxj-diq# Hr ish-ni

Us to also customs of merit (acc.) likely-to-obtain one work (ace.)

buyur-sunlar. viz., 44 Command to us also some work that may he likely to

command.

obtain (for us) the merit of customs (paying).”

9. A conditional sentence is usually expressed without any 4 if’ by

putting the verb into the Potential :

Ex. : 44 Shut JButkhana-ning tam-i-ni siz qujpar-sa'ngizA

Lit. That Idol-temple of wall (acc.) you may raise.

viz., 44 If you raise,” &c., or “ should you raise.”

10. With the adverb 4 ilgarV meaning before, the verb (in the form

of the Infinitive Verbal Subst.) is put in the negative :

Ex. : Til Sultan bu ‘alam-gha kel-MAS-din nichand yil ilgari :

that Sultan this world to coming not than several years before

English — 4 some years before that Sultan had come into this world.’

(Cf. 44 avant qu’il ne fut venu au monde.”)

So also with the verbal affix 44 ghuncha,” 44 whilst”, to produce the

meaning 4 until.’

Ex. : mulaqcit 6o7-ma-ghu]VCHA=4 whilst a visit had not been paid’ or

visit being not whilst

4 till a visit was paid.’

(Cf. 44 tant qu’une visite n ’avait pas ete faite.”)

11. There are two ways of quoting a statement made by another per¬

son (or an opinion ascribed to him), answering to the English forms : («)

That which professes to give the very words of the speaker in inverted

commas ; (b) 44 He said that” followed by the third person (of the supposed

speaker).

substituted for hi or gi grammatically though not idiomatically : Turkistdn-da ikan

Ichalq Musalman boldi “ the people that are in Turkistan have (has) become Musalman.”

At waning ikan, eshak saning ikan “ the horse (is) what is mine , the ass what is thine.’ *

Kin ikan ddam yetmadi “ the man who is (or was) behind has not arrived.” (This may

be shown to be grammatically a correct form, by substituting other verbs : e. g. Turn

kistan-da ^mj’Ghan hhalq, “the people who stay in Turkistan” ; kin qdlG han ddam “the

man who remains behind” ; waning LoIguan at “ the horse which becomes mine.”) So

that the particle hi or gi in all the meanings described respectively under Pronouns,

p. 232, under Adjectives of Relation, p. 279, and as taking the place of the English relative

pronoun, here p. 283 — in all these applications seems to be a corruption of the Participle

ikan or ikin of the verb substantive.

It must not be confounded, as some grammarians have done, with the conjunction

him (Persian kill) used in that language and in Osmanli Turkish to supply the place of

a relative Pronoun but which is really a mere “ connective ” having the Personal Pro¬

nouns understood (or expressed) after it. See Forbes’ Persian Gram. § 68 : e. g. An kiii

chun pistah di dam- ask liawa maghz “ He whom I saw See.” Lit. “ He, that I saw him See”

* Here tdp-qu-diq is the Participle of Probability ; so that this sentence is of the

form described above under § 8 («).

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan .

317

(a) . The former is rendered in Turki by prefixing some expression,

such as “ Dedi ” or “ a'itti Trim” — “he said”, “ he said that” (though this is

sometimes omitted) and finishing with the participle “ De’p” == “ having

said.” These take the place of our inverted commas to mark the beginning

and end of the quotation.

Ex. : Atdel vh Al-hamdu-l-Illah talab-im muyessar boldi,

They said “ Thank God (the object of) my search has-been obtain-

DEP.

ed,” having said.

( b ) . The other form is rendered in Turki by putting the quotation

in the words of the speaker, with this exception that the subject (or nomi¬

native) of the sentence quoted is in the accusative, as being the object of

the governing verb ‘he said’ or ‘he thought.’

Ex. : Sani uldi dedi = He said that thou wert dead.

Lit, thee he died he said.

Which may be rendered, “he reported thee dead,” or " he said

(of) thee, he is dead.”

Here “ sani ” (thee) is governed (in the accusative) by the verb “ dedi”

(he said), while the statement itself is in the actual words of the speaker,

of which the above pronoun in the accusative forms the subject (unless we

may suppose a nominative he understood).

TBiz-ni alur-m’iJcin dep parwah qehnai = without fearing lest

us will-they-take having1 said care making not

we should take (it).

[Here the biz-ni (acc.) seems to be governed by the “dep,” and not

by the “ parwah qehnai ” which would govern the ablative “ biz-din ”~\

12. The reflective pronoun oz is used (like Jchud in Persian, or dp,

apna in Hindustani) instead of a demonstrative or possessive pronoun, to

fix the meaning on the subject of the sentence.

Ex. : Yalqub oz-l -ning dt-i-ni ultur-di = Ya‘qub killed his (own)

horse.

Ya‘qub aning dt-i-ni ultur-di would mean : Ya‘qub killed his

(viz., some one else’s) horse.

Again : Man sani oz-ojstg -ning ui-ng-da Jcor-dbm = I saw thee in thy

(own) house [here the termination ong leaves no doubt of the person].

But, ‘Ali Ya‘qub-ni dz-i-ning ui-da Tcordi, is a doubtful phrase ; for

though by rights the oz should refer to the subject of the sentence Q Ali ),

yet as the accusative “ Yalqub-ni ” comes so close before, it would probably

be understood to mean: “ ‘Ali saw Ya‘qub in his (Ya‘qub’s) own house.”

To save the doubt it would be better to put it as follows :

Ya'qub-ni ‘ Ali dz-i-ning ui-da Tcordi == Ali saw Ya‘qub in his (Ali’s

own) house.

318

11. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

While to express the other meaning without leaving a doubt, the re¬

flective pronoun would be dispensed with, and the demonstrative used, viz.

‘ Ali Ya‘qub-ni aning ui-da Jcor-di = Ali saw Ya‘qub in his (Ya‘qub’s)

house.

It is the same with the other cases (oz taking the proper possessive

affix of the person) : Ex. man oz-OM-ni urdum “ I struck myself.”

Ya‘qub bz-i-din qurqti “ Ya'qub feared (from) himself.”

13. There being no verb “ to have,” its sense is expressed by means

of the impersonal verb bar “ there is.”

(«) by putting the subject in the locative :

Ex. : man-da at bar — there is to me ( i. e., “ I have”) a horse.

Yadshah-da Hi bar = there is to the king a house, i. e ., the king

has a house.”

( 'b ) by putting the (English) subject in the genitive ; and the (Eng¬

lish) object in the possessed form of the proper person :

Ex. : JSLaning dt-im bar “ my horse exists” or “ I have a horse.”

Yadsliah-ning dt-i bar “ the king’s horse is (or exists),” i. e.,

“ the king has a horse.”

Of course with the addition of the demonstrative pronoun the verb

bar would resume its simple meaning of “ is.”

Ex. Btj mailing at-im bar = “ this is my horse.”

14. The passive forms of intransitive verbs are not inrpossible in

Turki. Sometimes they are in point of meaning the passive of the cau¬

sative rather than of the primary intransitive verb, which can of course

have no passive logically [See “ Secondary verbs, II,” note at end]. But

often again they take a kind of impersonal sense answering to the French

form in “ onY Thus with bar-mag “ to go ;” bar-il-di is its passive past

tense, 3rd person singular. Literally it would be translated “ it has been

gone,” which comes to mean “ one has gone” “ on est alle ’.”

15. The Noun of the agent in chi governs the same case as the pri¬

mary verb, as also do all other verbal forms.

Ex. : iojeeae-ni yoq-qelgliu-chi. “ A destroyer (of) infidels (acc.).

16. To represent the expressions which employ the infinitive in

European tongues, the Turki employs its own infinitive or other verbal

noun as a noun in the accusative or other case.

Ex. : qel-maq-ki JcVahlai-man = I wish to do.

the doing (acc. ) wish I

Yelghdn aitmak gunah dur — to tell lies is a sin.

Or the form in gali may be used, answering to English “ in order to.”

Ex. : ultur-gali buyur-di = he commanded to kill, or, he gave orders

for the killing.

al-ghali kel-dim = I came (in order) to take.

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan.

819

17. In interrogative phrases only one syllable or word of interrogation

is necessary. Thus, if the words nima (what ?), qa'i-si (which P), or gener-

.

ally, any interrogative adverb, appears in the body of the sentence, the final

interrogative mu or ma, or the dubitative m'ilcin, is not required. Other¬

wise it is ;

Thus : ktma bar “ what is there ?” hut, shubu bar mu “ is it this ?”

Again : JBu QAl-Si pdighambar-ning ruh-i ilcin , “ What prophet’s soul

may this be ?”

but : JBufuIan pdighambar-ning ruh-i ^dihin “ May this be such-and-

such a prophet’s soul ?”

End oe the Grammar.

s.

s s

320

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

APPENDIX.

TRANSLATIONS AND SELECTIONS.

Yaeka^di Ti5eki Veesion oe the Loed’s Peayeb.

Eh ! bizlar-ning kok-da-gi dada-’miz,

Oh us of Heaven-in Father-our ;

Sailing at-ing ulugh holsun ;

Of thee name thy great be ;

Saning padshahliq-ing kelsun ;

Of thee kingdom thy come ;

Saning rizaliq-ing asman-da bolglian-dik, yer-da ham bolsnn ;

Of thee pleasure thy Heaven-in being like earth-in also may it be

Biz-ning azuq-umiz-ni har-kon yet-knz ;

TJs-of food 'our (ace.) each day cause-to-reach ;

Biz yaman-liq qelghan-lar-gha baghishla-ghan-cha gunah-

We bad-ness doers to forgiving-in-the-measnrc-of sin

imiz-ni baghishla •

our (ace.) forgive ;

Gunah-boladurghan waqt-ni kursat-ma,

Sin about to be opportunity (ace.) present-not

Magar biz-ni yamanliq-din qut-qaz ;

But us (ace.) bad-ness from protect;

Aning-uchun-kim padshahliq u kuchluk-lik u roshan-lik san-ga

Of this because that kingdom and power and glory to thee

mango dur. Amin,

evermore is Amen,

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistdn .

821

STORIES

Eeom Eoebes’ Peesian Geammae teanslated into Tueki.

1. B ir ddam Ajlatun-din sur-di him : Tola yil-lar kima-da iding ,

One man Plato-from asked that Many years ship -in thou wert

wu darya -safar- i-ni qel-ding , darya-da nima ’ ajdib-lar kbr-dong.

and sea-voyage (ace.) thou madest sea-in what wonders sawest-thou.

Jawab aidi # ^ a jab shubu ir-di kirn darya-din saldmat yaqd-si-

Answer he spoke wonder this very (thing) was that sea-from safely shore its

glia yet-tim.

to I arrived.

2. Bir gadd bir bdi-ning darwdza-si-ga bar-di wu bir-nima\

One beggar one rich-man-of door his to went and something

tila-di. TJi-ning ick-i-din awdz kel-di kirn : Aghacha ui-da yog.

asked (for). House of interior-its-from voice came that: Woman house-in not.

Gadd de-di nan% parcha-si-ni . tila’’ p-idim, aghacha-ni tila-ma'p-

Beggar said bread piece of it (acc.) asked-for I had woman (acc.) I had not asked

idim kirn sliun-ddgli jawab tap-tim.

(for) that such-like answer I received.

3. Bir tabib har-waqt gabristan-gha bar-ur bol-sa chadir-i-ni

One doctor every time grave-yard to going might he sheet his (acc.)

bdsh-i- glia yaf- in-ip (yap-in-ip) barur-idi. Adam-lar sur-di-lar kirn: Mu-ning

head his to having-wrapped-himself used-to-go. Men asked that : This of

sabab-i nima. Tabib aidi : Ba gabristan-da-ghi uluk-lar-din uwat-

reason its what (is) ? Doctor said : This grave-yard in being corpses from I-am-

ur-man , aning uchun-kim hama-si mailing dawd-im-ni ye'p

abashed, that-of because that all of them of me medicine my (acc.) having eaten

ul-iip-dur.

have died.

4. Bir kon pddshah ughul-i bilan au-glia bar-di haw a issiqh bol-

One day a king son his with hunt to went air hot be-

di ; pddshah bilan shah-zada igin-lar-i-ni bir maskharah-ning dalu-

came; king with prince cloaks their (acc.) one jester of shoulder-

si-^/^ qo'i-di : Bddshah kiil-di wu de-di : Ai maskharah san-da bir

his-to placed; King smiled and said: Oh jester thee on one

eshak-ning yiik-i bar-dur. Maskharah aidi : Balki iki eshak-ning

donkey of load-his (there) is. Jester said : or rather two donkey of

yiik-i bar dur .

load-their (there) is.

5. Bir duk-adam-gha de-di-lar , kirn : Tild-r-mu-san kirn saning

One crooked man to they said, that : desirest ? thou that of thee

ucha-ng tughri bol-sun, ya hamah adam-lar-ning ueha-si san-dik

back thy straight should-become, of all men of back their thee like

* Aidi for ait-di from ait-male.

f Lit. “one what.”

% For nan-ning parcha-si-ni.

822

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

duk hol-sun — mu. TJl duk de-di , hamah Jcislii-lar-ning ucha-

crooked should becomo P That crooked (man) said : all people of hack

si man-dik igri bol-sun, ul koz-hilan mani kora-dur-lar man

their me like crooked should become, that eye with me (acc.) they-are -seeing I

ham ular-ni kor-ai.

also them (acc.) may-see.

6. Bir kon Bddsliali hir sha'r-din aghri-di ; jallad-ni hiyur-

One day Iving one poet from was angry ; executioner (acc.) he-

di ; maning aldi-m-da iil-tiir. Jalldd qilich alip- kel-ga-

ordered of me presence my in kill. Executioner sword having-taken in-order-to

77* hdr-di. Ul sha'r hdzir ddam-lar-gha de-di; Qilich kel-guncha

come went. That poet present men to said : Sword till-coming

mani musht-la- nglar wu ur-unglar kirn Pddshah-ning kungl-i khush

me (acc.) belabour and beat that Iving of heart his pleased

hol-sun. Bu soz-din Padshah khush hol-up kiil-di wu shaW-ning

may-be. This speech from king pleased having-become ho-smiled and poet of

gundh-i-ni ut-ti.

offence his (acc.) passed over.

7. Bir adam ulugh martaha tdp-ti. Bir dost-i ani kor-gali

One man great dignity received. One friend his him in-order-to-sce

kel-di. Ul adam de-di : San kim san ivu nima ish-ka kel-

came. That man said : Thou who (art) thou and what business to camest-

ding. Ul dost-i sharminda hol-di wu de-di: Mani tanu-ma? -

thou ? That friend his abashed became and said : Me (acc.) recognisest not

m'-san.-f Man saning kadim-gi dost-ung man ; san-ga liza tut-

? thou. I of thee old (adj .) friend thy I (am) ; thee to condolence in-or-

qali kel-dim ishit-dim kim qarghu hol-up-san.

der-to-offer (hold) I came I heard that blind thou-hast-become.

TRANSLATION OF A PASS-PORT ISSUED IN KASHGHAR.

To

All Road and Station officials at this time,

This notice (is given), that at this season of auspicious arrangement,

Shaw Sahib’s man Rahmat-Ullah, with a horse, is going to Yarkand on ser¬

vice. It is necessary that you, without offering molestation or impediment J

at the road-stations (either) in (his) going or coming, pass him on and

* Alip-lcel-mak (lit. having taken to come), i. e., to bring ; alip-Jccl-g ali — in

order to bring.

f Contracted from tanu-mai-mu-san. Tanu-mak is “ to recognise tanu-i-san

“thou recognisest” (simple Pres.); tanu-mdi-san is the negative “thou recognisest

not tanu-mai-mu-san is the interrogative “ dost thou not recognise.” See “ Verbs

Interrogative.”

I Lit. “ not having made molestation and impediment.”

823

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

forward him. With this intent,* on the eleventh day of the Holy month

Ramazan 1291, the exalted sign-manual has been impressed.

(on the reverse)

(Seal of the Amir).

TRANSLATION OF AGREEMENT WRITTEN AT KASIIGHAR.

u iype <3^0 was one thousand two hundred and ninety, the nineteenth

of Muharram: Malaq, the son of Qabil Ba'i, made a legal agreement (as

follows) : that on account of contentions (with) my wife Aqlim Bibi, I,

who now a°ree, having been unreasonable, henceforwardf have undertaken

not to strike or beatlj; (her) without reason ; to give (her) the necessary cost

of living at the (proper) time, and have undertaken not to take any strange

man into the house where my said wife is§ and whenever it shall be known

and proved that I have taken || a strange man into my house into the pre¬

sence of my wife, or have beaten || her without just cause, my said wife

shall he free^[, if she chooses, to give to me the writer of this agreement,

one** hill of divorcement separating herself.”

Agreed to by loth parties in Court. (Arabic).

y Seal of

Sayad Ahmad ^

Kh’aja, Qazi in

ordinary, son of

Ya'qub Khan J

kv Eshan . yY

* Lit. “ having said” or “ signified (thus).” The usual participle, de’p, which

closes a quotation.

f Man-din bu-ydn ; Lit. “on this side of this (time).”

X Soqmas boldim ; Lit. I have become not-about-to-strike Soqmas is the negative

of Soq-ur (Continuative Participle).

§ Ahl-im bar ui-ga. The root of the defective verb bar is here used as a Verbal

Adjective.

|| Kirgan-im, soq-qan-im, Verbal Substantives in the possessed form ; lit. “my en¬

tering,” “ my striking.” Aliqj-JcirmaJc is a compound verb = “ having taken, to enter”

= “ to take into.”

If Lit. “having obtained the option, if she pleases, lot her &c.”

** One out of the throe which Musalman law allows before the divorce is irrevoca¬

ble under ordinary circumstances.

B. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

324

[No. 3,

OPINION OF ONE OF HIS HIGHNESS THE AMIB OF KASH-

GHAB’S COUNSEL LEABNED IN THE LAW.

Translation.

Case put :

(Whereas) by his statement (it appears) that, as was pre-ordained,

a sum o£ thirty-three tangas was lost from the house of Sufurgi Ba'i from

his bed, and afterwards Sufurgi Ba'i said to (his) wife A’i Khan : “ If you

have put away this money, thirty-three tangas, produce it, (and) I will add

twenty-four tangas, and will make a cloak after your heart’s desire and give

(it to you) [ or , will cause to he made (for you) &c.] ; (and) if (when) you

have produced the money, I should not add the (other) money and give you

the cloak, and should not stand to my promise, (then) be you thrice divor¬

ced.” Thus he made* * * § conditions.

[' Opinion :]

Under these circumstances, according to the terms of the Holy Law,

the said A'i Bihi may not have produced the money, and Sufurgi Ba'i may

not have given the twenty-four tangas to the said Ai Bibi ; (but) the said

A'i Bihi does not , by a hreachf of Sufurgi Ba'i’s promise, become divorced

three times as against J Sufurgi Ba'i. And God knows best. (Arabic.)

“ That which depends on a condition does not come into operation in

the absence of that condition.” (Qazi Khan.)§

“ That which depends on a condition is wanting previous to the ex¬

istence of the same.” (Nihaya.)§

“ And every thing which depends on a qualification does not come into

operation without the existence of the same.” (Doubtful.) §

[Seal.]

He who

sujqfiicates the

''mercy of the Lord of'

Evidenceil :

Mufti Muhammad,

son of

Hisamu-’d-din.

* All the verbs, excepting those supposed to be spoken by Sufurgi Ba'i, down to

this point, are in the Potential form as being dependent on the statement of the

applicant.

f The negative expressed in the concluding verb applies to the preceding clause

also. The phrase might be rendered “ It is not the case that Sufurgi Bai has broken

his promise, and that (therefore) A'i Bibi has become divorced.”

J Lit. “to the injury of.”

§ These Arabic quotations are from the books of expounders of the law brought

in as authorities for the decision come to. The authorship of the last is entered as

“ doubtful.”

|| Or, “the manifest Lord,”

1877.]

of Eastern Turhistdn.

825

EXTEACTS

From the Tazkiratu-’l Bughra.

( Literal translation .)

Extract I.

At* At* vU.

<7^ *7v* 'TV' W W -tv*

One day a disciple^ of the holy Abu-an-nasar Samani inquired : “ Oh ;

Eeverend man, so much goods and wealthf being (in your possession),

why do you (lit. they) carry on commerce ?” he said : Then the holy Kh’a-

jah Abu-an-nasr Samani said : “ Oh disciple, you say well ; hut since I have

come to my wits I have never at any time set aside the traditions of the Holy

Prophet of God. Therefore I do not choose to neglect them (lit. the

neglecting them). When I go out on a journey (lit. in my going out to

a journey) by paying customs (lit. having given customs), I cause advan¬

tage to Musalmans ; should I abandon trade I should remain excluded

from the merit of paying customs.”

And again he spoke : “ Oh disciples, have ye not heard this story ?

One day the Prophet of God had sat down in the Blessed Mosque. Several

indigent companions (of the Prophet) came in (lit. having entered, came) .

They said : ‘ Oh Prophet of God, other companions (of thine) (who are)

rich, pay customs. To us also command some work that may obtain (for

us) the merit of customs (paying), (that) we also having done that work

may obtain the merit of customs (paying).’ Thus they petitioned (lit.

having said they made petition).

“ The Holy Prophet said : ‘ Oh poor companions, daily the service of

morning prayer having been recited, if you say thirty-three times ‘ Subhan-

allah thirty-three times ‘ Al-hamdu- l Illah thirty-three times 1 Alla-

Im alibar ten times 1 La Ilaha ilV Allah , wahdahu , la-sharika l ah u,

lahu'l-mulhu, wa lahu-l-hamdu wa luia ala hull i shai-in qadirj% ye will

obtain the merit of giving customs. (Thus) saying he commanded.”

“ These indigent companions remained very happy. Some days after

the rich companions having heard, they also recited (the words). These

poor companions having again come into the presence of the Holy Prophet

of God, said : 1 Oh Prophet of God, the rich companions also having recited

the prayers which we have to recite (lit. the us-to-be-recited prayers),

are obtaining the merits of these also !’ thus they represented.

* Here the word “ disciple” is put in the plural out of respect, although a single

one is indicated by the word Mr “one.” This is a very common usage. Abu-an-

nasr seems to have lived in the 4th century after Muhammad.

f Lit. “ to that extent goods and wealth having stood.”

+ There is no Divinity hut Allah alone. He has no partner ; Dominion is His,

and praise is His, and His power extends over all. A.

320

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

“ Then the Holy Prophet said : ‘ Zalika fazl-ullaJii yutihi man ya-

sha1 ;* that is : ‘ God the Exalted gives the merit of (paying) customs

to (whatever) servant of His he chooses (lit. to his chosen servant). I,

how shall I do (anything) ?’ Thus he answered.

“ Therefore it is known that in (paying) customs there is exceeding

profit. To this end I have not abandoned commerce,” he said.

Extract II.

‘ It is that Abu-an-nasr Samani’ said the Holy Prophet of God e who

shall acquire Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan for the Faith.’

At once the companions computed the date and wrote : ‘ After the

Prophet of God shall have passed from the world three hundred and thirty-

three years, in the land of Turkistan, one by name the Holy Sultan Satuq

Bughra Khan Ghiizi, a noble person, shall come into existence ; at the ago

of twelve he shall be acquired to the Faith.’ Thus they wrote.

And again on the spot the Prophet of God spoke : “ Aivwalu man asla-

ma min at -Turk. 'A

The meaning of this saying is this : as much as to say that : ‘ from

the direction of Turkistan Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan Ghazi will become a

Musalman.’|

So that after a certain period the Holy Kh’ajah Abu-an-nasr Sama¬

ni came into existence in this world ; as he went on reading the revealed

knowledge, he saw this saying : “ Awwalu man aslama min at -Turk .” ‘ What

sort of a person may this Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan be’ he said (to him¬

self). Without having seen him he began to love him.

He looks § at the date ; but little (time) remains to the coming into

existence of the Holy Sultan. His love and friendship coming oft victorious

he started on a journey in search of the Sultan, in the direction of Turkis¬

tan.

# # * # #

Extract III.

The Holy Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan Ghazi entered the twelfth year

of his age. || Until that (time) the Holy Sultan was in appearance an

infidel.

* Lit. “That is the grace of God which falls upon whomsoever He chooses.” A.

f Lit. “ The first who professed Islam among the Turks.” A.

% This is of course a very free rendering hy the pious historian, for in the Pro*

phet’s traditional saying no name is reported.

§ Lit. “ ho might look,” Pres. Pot. But this tense is used in an historic scnso

like the “ historic present.”

|| Ho appears to have been the son of a King of Kashgliar of the family of tho

mythic Afrasiab.

of Eastern Tur'kistan .

827

1877.]

One day the Holy Sultan went out a-hunting. Going along hunting

he arrived at a place called JBacpi in Lower Artush. He looked ; (and saw

that) several men of pleasing appearance and of pure disposition had encamped

on a grassy spot. The Holy Sultan, with his companions, started in the di¬

rection of these travellers.

Having looked, they were astonished saying : “ In these cities there

were not (ever) such people, such men. What people are these ? Come !

let us go and see.” (Thus) saying they moved on.

But these travellers* * * § w6re the Holy Kh’ajah Abu-an-nasr Samani

(and his company). Abu-an-nasrf looks^ : several horsemen are coming.

They came near. He looks (again) : it must be the Holy Satuq Bughra

Khan (whose mention he had) seen in the History (of the Prophet’s say¬

ings).

On seeing (him) Abu-an-nasr said : “ Thanks be to God, (the object

of) my petition has been obtained,” § and he rejoiced exceedingly.

Immediately he said to his servants : “ The Lord of the present and

future worlds, (the object of) my desire comes. Or rather, the reason of

my coming to this country was because of this noble person. Oh servants !

leave the baggage open,” (so) saying, with Abu-an-nasr leading, all the

travellers stood up to prayer. Having finished their prayer, they came

back to their places and sat down. Till that time the Sultan remained on

the back of his horse.

The Sultan, astonished, said: “ (These) are [j wonderful travellers;

without caring for us, leaving their baggage open, they have become occu¬

pied in striking their heads on the ground.”

He was (saying) these words, (when) Abu-an-nasr came seven steps

of ground into the presence of the Sultan, and made a salutation. The

Sultan, getting off his horse, went to meet the Kh’ajah Abu-an-nasr. The

Kh’ajah invited^" the Sultan and brought (him) with honour and respect

to the place (where he was) sitting ; bringing out his best goods by pairs

to the Sultan, he placed these choice things in (his) presence.

Then the Sultan with heart and soul accepted (the attentions of) the

* Karwan is used in Central Asia to mean one of the persons composing what we

should call a “ caravan,” and not to mean the entire assemblage, as is indeed evident

from the word in the text being in the plural.

f The long titles are omitted for brevity.

I The “ historic present.”

§ The word “ de’p” (having said), which comes in here, may be taken as answer¬

ing to our inverted commas.

|| DuJc for clur (respectful form).

II TaJclif qelmclq , a common Oriental expression for “to invite”, Cf, French “ don-

nez vous la peine d’entrer.”

T T

328

B. B. Shaw — A Grammar of flic Language

[No. 3,

Kh’ajah. As it was in the Sultan’s mind, (that) the Holy Khizr had

said some one should be produced who should teach him Musalmanism,*

he doubted whether this might not be the very person. He asked : “ What

(is your) name” ? Then the Kh’ajah answered “ my name is Abu-an-

nasr Samani.”

The Sultan recognised that this must he the person spoken of by

Khizrf (on whom he peace). J He rejoiced and said: “Oh father, what¬

ever you may say I will agree to. But, while we sat by on horseback, you

left your baggage open, without fearing lest we should take (it), and be¬

came busied in striking your heads on the ground. We know you not.

Tell us the truth of these proceedings of yours.” (Thus) he spoke.

Then the Kh’ajah said : “ Oh, Prince, in this world there is not an

abiding world. Every one will go from this world ; money, goods, riches,

will not satisfy men ; but rather by reason of money and goods men be¬

come captive to Hell. And again, we all are about making a journey from

this world to the next, we have made ready the provisions and accoutre¬

ments (fitted) to a person who is travelling from this world.” (Thus) he

answered .

The Sultan having heard this speech from the Kh’ajah, a fear was

produced in his heart.

He said : “ Oh Kh’ajah, what dost thou say (when) about to become

a Musalman ; I also will say it and become a Musalman.”

The Holy Kh’ajah said: “Eepeat the Kalimah tayibali 1 La Ilaha

ill' Allah , Muhammad Kasul-illah ’ (there is no Divinity hut Allah, Mu¬

hammad is the Messenger of Allah), (and) the Kalimah-i-Shahadat 1 Ash-

liadu an la Ilaha ill ’ Allah , wa ashhadu anna Muhammadan ’ abduhu iva

Kasuluhu ’ (I testify that there is no Divinity but Allah, and I testify that

Muhammad is his servant and his messenger).”

The Sultan said the ‘ Kalimah-i- Shahddat (the declaration of testi¬

mony) and the ‘ Kalimah tayibah ’ (the beautiful declaration).

Then he asked : “ Who is the person (you) call Muhammad ?” The

Holy Kh’ajah said : “ (He who is) called Muhammad (is) the friend of

God. God the Exalted has created this world and the next for the sake of

that Muhammad. He, on the Day of Judgment, shall release sinners from

* This barbarous compound exactly represents the equally barbarous compound in

the text. The entire phrase is literally ; “ . . some one having been produced, that

some-one shall teach me Musalmanism.”

f The oriental name of the Prophet Elias, whose apparition to Sultan Satuq is

related in a previous chapter of the Tazkiratu-’l-Bughra.

X This clause is followed by the inevitable “ de’p” referring to words not spoken

but thought.

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistdn.

329

Hell, and take them to Paradise. The Faith of that Muhammad is right,

and his laws (are) right ; (they) are not like the laws of other Prophets.

The laws of other Prophets are abrogated. # Whoever walks in the path

trodden by Muhammad he shall attain his desire and wish.” Thus he de¬

scribed the Messenger of God.

Then the Sultan said to the K.h’ajab : “ Oh (thou) who showest the

way to those who have lost itf, if there he any other thing to be taught

(to teach) besides the declaration of testimony, teach (me) ; that I also

having learnt (it) may busy myself about the service of God.”

•ft w w w

Extract IV.

The Holy Sultan having called one by one the forty persons save one,

(and they) having come, he said : “ Oh friends, if you choose to maintain

friendship with me, like me become Musalman. The Faith of the Holy

Muhammad, the Messenger of God, is the greatest of all Faiths £, and tho

most distinguished. Into this Faith enter ye. (Thus) he exhorted (them).

V- M. M.

w w * * * §7? *2v> W

Extract V.

The Holy Sultan Satuq Bughra Ivhan’s (step) father§ Harun Rughra

Khan was even worse than a stone in infidelity. His army was numberless.

By his sagacity he became aware that Sultan Satuq had become a Musal-

man, but, moreover, in order to convince himself the better, he told no one. ||

oa. *y« ^V*

w w W W w

Extract VI.

He formed the project of killing the Holy Sultan. The Sultan’s mo-#

ther having understood this matter, complained, and said : “ Oh infidel !

why dost thou slay my son, obtained after so many years of mortification

and pain ?” With such words she intervened, ^j-

* The text says (JUj-b j 1 abrogated and false,’ but the Musalman trans¬

criber refused to copy the word (JUfi b ‘ false’, saying* this would be wrong theology,

as the laws of Moses and Christ are only superseded by the laws of Muhammad, but are

not false in themselves ! However, the word (Jib b has the meaning ‘ abolished'' as well

as false.'

f Lit. “ Oh shower (of) the road to the road-losers.”

J A good example of the Superlative.

§ He seems to have married Satuq’ s mother after the death of her former husband,

Satuq’s father, and become King in his place.

|| Lit. “ With sagacity he ascertained tho Sultan’s becoming a Musalman. But,

moreover, query that it may be better known, (thus) saying (to himself),” &c.

11 Lit. “ Descended in the midst.”

330

[No. 3,

B. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

Harun Bughra Khan’s anger having arisen, he said : 44 Oh woman !*

(your son) having deserted our faith, the friendship of Muhammad has

prevailed (with him).”

She replied : 44 Oh infidels, try my son and observe ; if he has entered

the faith of Muhammad, then kill (him).” This proposal was accepted by

Harun Bughra Khan.

CJ

# # # # * * §

Extract YII.

Harun Bughra Khan, having consulted with all the chiefs, said : 44 Let

us build an idol-temple.” They made ready the bricks, and sent some one

to call the Sultan. He came.

Harun Bughra Khan said : 44 Oh child, we are doubtful whether you

have not left our faith, and entered the faith of Muhammad.”f

The Sultan, after the manner of the infidels, tookj an oath. Harun

placed no confidence (in it).

He said : “ Oh child, I place no confidence in this oath of yours. We

are building an idol-temple. If you raise the wall of this idol- temple, I

shall believe (you).”

The Holy Sultan arose in haste, § and reflected saying (to himself)

“ How shall I act ?” He consented, but became sad and perplexed .

Extract YIII.

He went into the presence of the Holy Kh’ajah, and said : “ Oh

venerable one ! Harun Bughra Khan suspects my having become a Musal-

man. In order to try me, I believe he is about building || an idol- temple.

He says : 4 Ho you first raise the wall of that temple.’ If I agree, I shall

^depart from the Faith of Islam and fall into infidelity.^ What counsel is

there for me.”

The Holy Kh’ajah said : 44 Oh child ! in order to preserve themselves**

* Mazlurn , lit. 44 oppressed one,” is used in Kashghar, &c., instead of the word

“woman.”

f Lit. 44 You (acc.) we doubt, saying : from our faith having gone out, he has

entered into the faith of Muhammad.” *

t Lit. “ drank an oath,”

§ Lit. 44 running arose.”

|| Ita-dur-mish (the Hear-say Compound Present) “ he is understood to be about

building,” or “ I believe he is about building.”

IF Lit. “ Having gone out from the Faith of Islam, I am about entering into in¬

fidelity.”

** Muhafizat qelmdq and sdqlamdq are identical in meaning ; one expression being

half Arabic and the other Turki.

331

1877.] of Eastern Turhistan.

many people have held it lawful to do forbidden acts. If in laying out the

wall you lay it out with the (mental) purpose, saying (I intend this as)

a mosque, certainly in the presence of God you will obtain merit, (and) you

will be delivered from the evil designs of the infidels. Be not over-much

afflicted.”*

The Sultan Satuq having heard these words, rejoiced (and) returned

home.

In the morning (when) the sun rose Harun caused to make proclama¬

tion, saying : “ Let all the troops and chiefs assemble at the place (where)

the temple is to be built.” All the infidels assembled at the place (where)

the temple was to be built.

Harun having sent and fetched the Holy Sultan, said : “ Oh child ! if

you are of our faith, do the same works that we do. What we bowf the

head to, do you also bow (your) head to. We, this day, are building a

temple. Do you first, leading, place the bricks ; our heart will at oncej be¬

come at ease.”

The Holy Sultan said : “ Very well,” and of his own accord tucking

up the front § (skirt of his robe) to his waist, and turning up the sleeve of

his fore-arm, with all his friends, (forming) the (mental) intention of

(building) a mosque, lifting up the bricks by twos, he went and took and

deposited them at the place for building the idol-temple.

The third time he had gone to take |( a brick, Harun called out say¬

ing : “ Oh, my child ! my son ! stop ; more than this it is not in my

power to cause your body to work.^f Even now there was an object of

mine in my causing you to do thus. Now my heart has become at ease.

Now whatsoever you may please, (that) do.”

Having said (this) the whole of his troops returned and settled down.

-U* Jf- -V. JZ.

w w w w 7? w

Exteact IX.

The Sultan, having spent half the night, went with those forty persons

less one into the presence of the Holy Kh’ajah.

“ Oh Venerable one ! . If you give me the advice, I will make an

assault and have a hit at## the infidels. Perhaps God the Exalted will give

us victory.” .

* Fareshan for pareshdn .

f Lit. “ The we-head-striking thing.”

+ Literally, 1 ‘ on that (spot).”

§ Fesh for pesh.

|| Lit. “ saying 1 1 will take.’ ”

H Lit. “ there is no power of mine to the causing to work your body (acc.).”

** Tig-male means “ to hit” as a bullet hits the mark, or as a horse-load hits against

a rock.

332

R. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Extract X.

The Holy Kh’ajah and the Sultan, with all their friends, arose and

set out.

They arrived at the palace of Harun Bughra Khan. The Holy Kh’a-

jah raising his hands made a prayer : “ By Thy Divine grace and favour

give the infidels a deep sleep, and to the Musalmans give victory.” Thus

he prayed. At that moment, in fulfilment of the Holy Kh’ajah’s prayer,

(God) gave to the infidels such a (deep) sleep, that one might seize one

(of them) by the waist and drag him out,* * * § (and) none of the others

would be aware of it .

w w w ^

Extract XI.

The Sultan Satuq, dismounting from his horse and baring his sword,

entered Harun’s palace.

He looks, Harun Bughra Khan remains asleep. One of his servants

sits attending to the lamp.

He raised his sword to cut off: Harun’s head.f Again it came into

his heart that the killing of an enemy in his sleep is the part of a coward. J

4 It is best to awaken this infidel from his sleep, and exhort him to the

Faith. §’

Again he paused and said : “ However much an infidel he may be, I

have eaten his salt. I will respect the claim of salt.”

Thus saying, he touched his leg with the point of his sword, and said :

4£ Harun Bughra Khan!” Awaking suddenly he looks ; (and behold) Sul¬

tan Satuq Bughra Khan, with his drawn sword presented at his head,

stands there.

This infidel said : ££ Oh Sultan Satuq, having all this wealth, for what

reason doest thou such a deed.”

Then the Holy Sultan replied : 44 Oh infidel ! The best of deeds is

this, that thou do what I do. Arise, the time is short. Consider (this)

opportunity (as) valuable. Say this holy profession of faith : £ there is no

Divinity but Allah, Muhammad (is) the Messenger of Allah.’ Repeat

(it)” he said.

That luckless infidel consented not. However much the Sultan insist¬

ed, this hellish (one) consented not, guided by God to become a Musalman.

* Lit. ££ Having seized by the waist of one (of them), (any one) would be likely

to drag him out.”

f Lit. 44 Saying £ I will cut off’ &c.”

X Lit. ££ Comes out from un-manliness.”

§ Lit. 44 That is the good (course) that having awakened this infidel from his sleep,

I should make him desirous of the Faith.”

of 'Eastern Turhistdn.

333

1377.]

The Sultan several times brandished his sword to cut off: his head.#

Again he considered : “ I have eaten his salt, he has a father’s claim,” and

returned his sword. Finally having brought his hundred desires, to the

threshold of God, (who is) beyond (all) desire, he prayed saying : “ Oh

great God ! Thou seest the state of all creatures, (and thou hast seen)

how many times I raised my sword to cut oft his head, but respected his

father’s claims and the claim of the salt. Although there may he (this)

father’s claim (on me), oh God, by thy avenging attributes, cause this in¬

fidel to he swallowed in the earth.” Thus he prayed.

The Holy Sultan’s prayers were accepted; the earth trembled, the

earth was split, and swallowed up Harun 13 ugh r a Khan to the knees.

The Holy Sultan said : “ Oh infidel, seest thou what has happened, f

Come ! profess the Faith. $ I will pray for thee. § Free thyself from this

evil.” Thus he exhorted.

That wretch replied : “ It is better for me to enter into the earth than

to enter into thy religion.” || So he consented not.

(The earth) swallowed him in up to the neck. Still he consented not.

The Sultan’s wrath arose. Again he prayed. The earth swallowed up

Harun Bughra Khan, and he was not.

At that auspicious moment a ray of light proceeded from the dawning

of day. The Holy Sultan exclaimed : “ Beat the drum of Islam in my

name ; go forth and say, that it is (now) the rule of Sultan Satuq Bughra

Khan Ghazi. Shout loudly the invitation to prayer.” Thus he issued his

commands.

Exteact XII.

The Holy Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan, at the age of twelve and a half,

became occupied in wars of religion. During the summer he made war on

the infidels. In winter-time he performed the service and worship of God

the Exalted.

The Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan Ghazi until his ninety-sixth year, as

far as the Kiver Amu that is before Balkh^[ on this side towards sun-

* “ Saying, T will cut off his head.”

f Lit. “ this state of affairs.”

X Lit. u bring faith.”

§ Lit. “ to thee.” But Uduld ” must be understood as a prayer to God, or inter¬

cession.

|| Lit. “ my entering the earth is better, &c.”

H Lit. <f the in-front-of-Balkh river Amu.”

334

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

rising* * * § as far as the place called “ Karak” on the north as far as the place

called “ Qara-qurdum”t [sic] (the said) Sultan, having converted the infi¬

dels to Islam by his sword, established the laws and religion of the Holy

Muhammad, the Messenger of God, and gave them currency.

. They buried the Holy Sultan at a place called Mashhad in Low¬

er Artush , in (the country of) Kashgar.

. At the time of the Holy Sultan’s leaving this world, the date

was four hundred and twenty-nine. % .

Extract XIII.

The King Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan Ghazi had§ four sons and three

daughters. The name of one (of the) daughters (was) . ‘ Ala-nur

Khanem. Now ‘Ala-nur Khanem was a sainted lady 1 1 of very pure appear¬

ance and chaste disposition, of right faith and firm belief^ ; and her story

is like that of the Blessed Mary [may peace be with her]. In this wise :

that when she had arrived at maturity, one night she was worshipping God

the Exalted ; the Holy Gabriel [on whom be peace] came and distilled a

drop of light into her sacred mouth.

Fainting she lost her consciousness. Again she returned to life.

Another tradition is, that one night she was going out to the door.

At the door (behold) a lion is standing. At the sight of the lion the per¬

spiration bedewed (her brow). Her consciousness forsook her ; again she

returned to life. After many days, after many months, on the tenth of

the month Ashur, on a Friday at the time of assembly for prayer, a son

came into existence, of ruddy countenance, with the eyes of a gazelle.

Great and small, all remained in wonder, saying : “ What manner of

an occurrence is this ?” The king in anger commanded, saying : “Ascer¬

tain the truth of this matter.”

The nobles, the learned, and great men, questioned ’Alanur Khanem.

She related the circumstances one by one. The assembled sagacious and

wise men, and the learned and great, full of awe, exclaimed : “ It is the

Holy ‘AH.”

* Probably for Jeon qish (which has no sense), should be read Jeon cJiiqisJi which

has the sense given above. Otherwise it might read “ as far as Kun-qisli KaraJc .”

f The whole passage is confused in the original as is shown in the translation.

X Answering to A. D. 1037. The dates given agree with the age ascribed to

Satuq Bughra Khan when he died, viz. 96 years. He is said to have been born in

A. Ii. 333, and to have died in A. H. 429.

§ Lit. “ of the king. . . . there were four sons,” &c.

[| ZaHfa is used as a term of respect equivalent to “ lady” ; and mar hum is used of

the faithful dead.

H Lit. “ mistress of certainty.”

of Eastern Turk i stun.

335

1877.]

Deriving the lineage from that Holy personage, they named him say¬

ing : “ Let his name be Sayad ‘ Ali Arslan # Khan .

After the Royal Prince Sayad ‘Ali Arslan Khan had reached the age

of seven, (they) married ‘Ala-nur Khanem to Toq Buba Bughra Khan

according to law. From them were born three sons ; these aref Muham¬

mad Arslan, Yusuf Arslan (and) Kizil Arslan Khan Padshah.

Extract XIY.

It is related by tradition that the Holy Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan’s

eldest son Hasan Bughra Khan was king at Kashqar. At that time Juqta

Rashid and Nuqta Rashid, Jigdlu-dlkhalhhdlX of China, came with an

army of thirty thousand, and beleaguered the city of Kashqar for a certain

time.

In the scarcity when the Musulmans became straitened, having dis¬

tributed all the provisions (of every sort),§ these did not suffice, and they

were reduced to the last extremity. Lest he should become || answerable

for (the deaths of) these Musulmans, Hasan Bughra Khan (together with)

Yusuf Qadir Khan, Sayad ‘Ali Arslan, with all their nobles, taking a force

of forty thousand (men), issued out of the city and, drawing up their army,

stood fast. The infidels also drew up their line of battle and stood.

They threw themselves on the infidels, and dispersed^ them. The in¬

fidels in flight went to the town of Yangi-Hissar .

Extract XY.

The Holy Sayad ‘All Arslan, taking a force of ninety thousand (men),

pursued the infidels. Fighting with them as they went, he joined battle with

them at a place called TIrtang Qara (the Black Station). Here also there were

several thousands of infidels. Attacking them, he caused the blood of the

infidels to flow like the River Jaihun.## Sword and battle-axe had no effect

on the Holy Prince. The infidels remained in astonishment. The Jigalu-

alkhalkhal said : “ Sword and battle-axe have no effect at all on him ; no¬

thing pierces him. How may (one) do (that) a sword shall pierce the

* Arslan means ‘ lion,’ referring to the story of his birth.

f DnJc for dur is a respectful form.

% I venture to suppose that this word (unknown to those natives of Turkistan

whom I have consulted) is a corruj)ted Chinese or Kalmak name of some dignity or

office.

§ Lit. “ Water and food.”

|| Lit. “ Saying, ‘Let me not he answerable for these Musulm&ns.’ ”

H Faralcanda for paralcanda.

** The Oxus. Lit. “ From the infidels he caused to flow a Jaihun of blood.”

V U

I

33G

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Holy Prince P Whoever may he likely to give intelligence (of) this, I will

give (him) the equivalent of his (own) stature (in) gold.” Thus he pro¬

mised.

At that time there was an old man of Ujat* amongst the infidels.

He said : “ I will accomplish this work.”f

He betook himself with guile to the army of Islam. For several days

he went to and fro in the army, (and) entered into the service of the

Prince’s kitchen. No one paid any attention to him.

One day (the Prince) had returned from the holy fight and sat down.

He related several occurrences of the fight, and (the man of Ujat) having

praised and commended the Prince, asked a question, saying : “ Oh Prince,

Refuge of the World, sword and battle-axe have no effect on your High¬

ness. What circumstance is this ?”

The Holy Sayad ‘All Arslan in his good-humour, said : “At no time

does a sword or battle-axe pierce me. Except (that) when I stand up to

prayer, my body becomes water ; at that time if (any one) were to strike

me with a reed (even) he would pierce (me).” (The old man) was going

about attentive (to discover) what (was) the case and what (were) the cir¬

cumstances of this magical power. He heard this speech from the gem¬

scattering (lips) of the Holy Prince ; no one became aware of the matter.

This traitor, having gone out from the midst of the army, told (the)

good news to the Jigalu-alkhalkhal of China. This infidel rejoiced and

gave much gold and jewelry to this traitor.

# # # # #

Extract XYI.

One day they were calling to morning prayer. The Musalmans as¬

sembled and stood in rows. They performed the instituted rites ; and say¬

ing the TahlvrX for the religious duty, they arose to prayer.

The Surah § (beginning) “ Verily we have given” was in the mind of

the MullaIrnam.il But “ Verily we have granted a victory”^ came to

his mouth.

* I am informed by a resident of Khotan that Ujat is a village near the capital of

that province ; and that, in connection with the occurrence mentioned in the text, there

is still a saying current applied to a disloyal or treacherous person : “ He is an Ujat-

liq See note at end of this Translation. In Eastern Turkistan the word Kampir

used in the text, generally means an old woman . Perhaps it should have been translated

so here.

f Lit. “ the work (acc.) of this.”

I The words “ God is greatest” with which the prayers begin.

§ Chapter of the Koran. The chapter beginning thus is the 108th, a short one.

|| The Mulla who leads the prayer.

If This is the beginning of the 48th chapter of the Koran. The verse quoted be¬

low is the 2 8th- 2 9th of the same chapter.

837

1877.] of Eastern TurJcistdn.

The infidels were on the alert ; they considered the opportunity valua¬

ble. Entering (the field) rank on rank they sent the Musalmans to* mar¬

tyrdom ; and just as they (the worshippers) reached this verse — “ and God

is a sufficient witness, Muhammad is the Messenger of God” — a sword

struck the sacred head of the Prince. The head w7as severed from the

body. From the sacred head of the Prince there came a voice :

“ Well, it is a careless Mulla” it said.

His proper name was “ Mulla ‘Alarm” The nick-name “ Kh’ajah.

Be-gham” (careless Kh’ajah) became affixed to him.#

#######

Extract XVII.

The infidels urged their horses against (the Prince’s) household.

These (men) stood still and fought. They made over ever so many infidels

to Hell. The attacking infidels finally made martyrs of them.

Then the Lady Mariam Khanem, with several (of her) maids, draw¬

ing a sigh of grief, entered the battle. They sent five and twenty infidels

to Hell. The unbelievers came on to the attack. She looked at the earth

(for help). The earth split; at that moment she entered the earth and

disappeared. After that they slew the maids.

W W w

Extract XVIII.

The Holy Hasan Bughra Khan Ghazi, the Holy Is an Bughra Khan

Ghazi, the Holy Yusuf Qadir Khan Ghazi, these Princes entered the plain.

Killing infidels, they made the blood to flow (like the River) Jaihun ; they

cut (them) in pieces, and took their goods as booty.

Juqta Rashid and Huqta Rushid, Jigalu-alkhalkhal of China, with a

force of twelve thousand (men), fled. (The Princes) pursuing after, reach¬

ed (the place) called KuJcidr. f There they fought for seven nights and

days. Many Musalmans became martyrs. With all this fighting, (mat¬

ters) did not come right. Othman Bughra Khan, a son of the Holy Sul¬

tan, with sixty persons, met with martyr’s deaths. The infidels, fighting

as they went, retreated to a town of China.

* # # # # # #

* A certain “ Hazr at Beg am" is reverenced as a local saint at Qizil. I was much

exercised at hearing' this saint spoken of as a man ; whereas the title would mean “ the

Holy Princess.” But perhaps it is the “ Kh’ajah Begham ” of the text, who has been

converted by local superstition into a saint, like Pilate.

f The last village on the winter route to Tibet, south of Yarkand.

338

R, B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Extract NIX.

The Holy Yusuf Qadir Khan Ghazi and the Holy Hasan Bughra

Khan Ghazi came to the town of YdrTcand and dwelt (there). They per¬

suaded the people towards Islam. By the point of the tongue* they be¬

came Musalmans, and professed the Faith. The people made an offering

of their money and goods, their lives and bodies. They gave all of them

to the poor.

On behalf of this people (the Princes) prayed for a blessing. All the

Musalmans said ‘ Amen.’ The prayer on behalf of these Musalmans (con¬

verts) met with acceptance. It is said that by virtue of this prayer the

city of Yarkand shall never be destroyed .

AL. JA, 4/. V.

Tv* 7v

Extract NX.

Then they came to the place (where) the Holy Sayad Prince ‘All

Arslan Khan Ghazi (had been) martyred . The Holy Sultan Hasan

Bughra Khan Ghazi having bared his head, and fixingf his eyes on Hea¬

ven, opened his hands]; and prayed. The Musalmans said ‘ Amen.’

The prayer was as yet not finished when a dark whirlwind arose. It

was as if the sky and the earth were about to become one.§

After a short space of time the storm passed away. The world be^

came bright (again). They look ! (and behold) sand has settled over the

martyrs ; salt has settled on the infidels. For that reason they gave (to

the place) the name “ Qum Shahidan” (martyrs’ sand).||

.V*. -W. .V.

W vV* "TV "TV*

. After this (the Sultan Hasan Bughra Khan) arose with all his

troops and set out for Kashqar. He went and sat on his throne. The

whole people of Kashqar, weeping tear upon tear,^[ like the rain of early

spring, made mourning (for ‘ Ali Arslan) .

. They say it was in the year four hundred and eighty-nine,** the

tenth of the month ‘Asliur, a Friday, ft (that) the Prince Sayad ‘All Arslan

* As distinguished fropi the “ point of the sword.”

f Lit. “ Sewing.”

J In the manner usual in the Musulman’s prayers.

§ Lit. “ It became as if about to make the sky the earth, and the earth the sky.”

|| Still known by that name, to the South-East of Yangi-Hissar,

Lit. “ Lamentation and lamentation.”

** A. D. 1095.

ff This date of the month and week seems to he ascribed as a matter of course to

every event of any importance or solemnity. ‘ Ashur is really not a month, but the

tenth day of the month Muharram,

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistan .

339

Khan Ghazi partook of the sherbet of Martyrdom, drank the purifying

draught and became a martyr.

#42* * * § 42* 4^*

w w w

Extract XXI.

It is related that these Princes, (namely) the Sultan Hasan Bughra

Khan Ghazi, the Prince Isan Bughra Khan, the Prince Husain Bughra

Khan, and the Prince Yusuf Qadir Khan, sat on the throne of sovereignty

for twelve years.

In their time if they saw or heard of any one not dressed in a turban, #

they used to drive an iron nail into his head. (The state of) cultivation

was such that no one would take a £ char ah ’ of grain (if offered) for a

“pul.” f .

Extract XXII.

These Princes were sitting on the throne of abundance (when) it was

reported to the Maulana Sacid of KashqarJ that one hundred persons, with

their three chiefs, were coming as Ambassadors from Turkistan.

“ Let them enter” said the king.

Kh’ajah ‘Abdu’llak of Turkistan (and) Kk’ajah Abu-Bakr of Task-

kand entering kissed the earth in several places and stood up.

The king (said) : “ May you not suffer fatigue or hunger ! What is

your condition ?§ Ye have suffered|| privation and trouble.” Thus lie

questioned them.

They also having made obeisance said : “ Oh King, Protector of the

World, the land of Turkistan has lapsed into infidelity. We have come to

ask for the intercession of Your Highness.” Thus they petitioned...

These Princes having gathered together a countless host beyond all

reckoning, rode into Turkistan .

When they had reached Turkistan, all the people, great and small,

of their own accord, came and professed obedience. They were collected

together at the king’s gate.

* Lit. “ turban-not-putting on person.” Ki-ma-gan is the negative Indefinite

Participle of the verb Kl-maJc.

f A modern “ charak” of grain is about 15Jlbs., and a “pul” is about the tenth

part of a penny.

X Lit. “ They gave news to the Maulana. . . .saying : ‘ one hundred persons. . . .

§ Nihaling for Ni hal-ing “ what (is) your condition.”

|| Lit. “ drawn out.”

If The town and district called “ Hazrat Turkistan” or “ Hazrat Sultan” after

the Saint “ Sultan Ahmad Yasawi,” whose shrine is mentioned below. It lies north

of Tashkand, in what is now Russian Turkistan.

340

[No. 3 ,

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

After this the Holy Sultan, having made a procession round the shrine *

of the King Kh’ajah Ahmad Yasawi, prepared food and drink, and gave

(it) to his army .

The Holy Sultan remained during that summer and winter, and con¬

quered the whole of Turkistan and Tashkand. The nextf year he again

rode forth .

He went through city by city, tribe by tribe, striking with his father’s J

sword, walking in his ways, and alighting in his alighting places. Having

defeated the infidels from the River Amun§ to the Sea Qulzum as far as

Qurdum 1 1 , by the gleam of his sword Islam became refulgent, and the

pathway of the commandments was opened. The Faith of Islam (and)

the religion of Ahmad [Muhammad] were firmly established. Up to this

time several years passed. They then consulted, saying : “ Let us return

to the land of Kashqar. News has come that the land of Kashqar is

drowned in infidelity.

Immediately they made proclamation on proclamation saying : “ Let

the army be assembled.” The army was assembled.

The Sultan Hasan Bughra Khan said to the Prince Yusuf Qadir

Khan : “ Go you to Madain, make petition to the Holy Imams, saying :

the land of Ivashkar has gone over to infidelity we believe. We desire

help from Arour Holinesses.” Thus make your petition, he said.

The Prince Yusuf Qadir Khan went to Madam. ## The King Hasan

Bughra Khan came with seventy thousand men and sat down to besiege

the city of Kashqar. They killed all these infidels, and made blood to flow

(like the River) Ja’ihun. The Musalmans met with victory.

The infidels having brought over the people of Kashqar to their own

faith, (these) had eaten the flesh of dogs, asses and pigs, (and) considered

unclean snakes to be lawful (food) ; (thus) they had become and remained

unrestrained infidelsff .

* “Mazar at -lad ’ a double plural of respect.

f “ Sung-qi” = “ age-walla” (Hind.)

f Jafib for chdpib ; fadar for padar, P.

§ For Amu (the Oxus).

|| Qulzum means the Fed Sea usually, hut also any other sea or lake. Qurdum

means in Turkia place where waters disappear in the soil. ( Qurdum Qaq is the name

given to the district where the Yarkand Fiver disappears after stagnating* in lakes and

marshes.) But this Qurdum is perhaps the same as the Qara (black) Qurdum mention¬

ed in Ext. XII, and is perhaps intended for the Kara-koram of Cliingiz-Ivhan (by an

anachronism) . However, from what comes after, it might be thought that all these

places should be in Western Turkistan.

IT The Hear-say Tense in mish.

** Identified with the old city of Ctcsiphon, on the Tigris.

tt A good instance of the favourite Turki formation of sentences.

of Eastern TurJcistan.

341

1877.]

From the side of the infidels Juqta KasMd entered the plain. From

the side of the Musalmans the Prince Isan Bughra Khan entered the plain,

and showed forth his bravery. He declared his name and lineage, and

entered the battle-field. He fought in such a manner that his praise can¬

not be fittingly spoken.* .

4^ vV*

W W W W W TV*

Extract XXIII.

In fine they thus relate : that these four Imams were at Mada'in.

They had gone out on a three-months’ hunting excursion. The Prince

Yusuf QacUr Khan standing respectfully in the Presence, made petition

“ Oh, Seed of the Prophet of God ! we come from Kashqar. The land of

Kashqar has become entirely infidel. If victory be not obtained in the time

of such descendants of the Prophet as you, after this there will be no

victory. If your permission be given, should there be a certain force of

Islam with us, pleas£ God the Exalted, if God shows favour, having gained

the victory we will come to the door way of your Holinesses.”

The Holy Imam Ndsru- d-din said : “ Oh Chiefs ! Quickly collect an

army, and go (forth) with His Highness the Prince Yusuf ; if ye should

be defeated, send a despatch to us.” Thus he commanded.

.y> vV#

w w w w w w

Extract XXIV.

His Highness Hasan Bughra Ivhan Ghazf gave commandment : “ Let

an army be collected. No quarter is to be given to infidels.”

In three days the army was collected. Taking the whole force, he

went and encamped at the town of Yangi-Hissar. With its advanced

posts at Attuning (and) its rear (extending) to TJrtang Clara , the infidel

(army) was lying encamped. They fought for some days . At that

time several hundred infidels, making a sortie from the mountains, began

to slaughter the Musulmans. Then Hus-ain f Bughra Khan foaming at

the mouth, (and) bellowing like a mad camel, made fierce war. He moved

on, causing the blood to flow (like the River) Jalhun. By the Heavenly

decree, being struck with arrows in several places, he fell a Martyr .

Extract XXV.

His Highness Hasan Bughra Khan came into the plain .

Becoming exhausted, he raised a cry of grief and threw himself (on the

foe). He caused the blood to flow from the infidels (like the River) Jai-

* Lit. “ that it will not come rightly into laudation.”

t Here “ Isan” should probably be read instead of “ Hussain,”

342

R. 13. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

hun. Arrows struck the Holy King in several places. A flood of blood

was poured forth. Nuqta Rashid severed the sacred head of the Holy King

from his body .

After the Holy Hasan Bughra Khan Ghazi had suffered martyrdom,

the infidels slaughtered* * * § all the Musalmans. (It was) as if the Last Hay

had come. The light of the world became darkness .

Extract XXYI.

His Highness Yusuf Qadir Khan was at Mada'in . Hearing that

Yusuf Qadir was coming from Mada’in with an army of a hundred thousand

men,t Juqta Rashid fled away with all his forces to the cities of China.

The people of Kashqar took valuables and presents, and went to meet

the Holy Yusuf Qadir in the Mountains of Andijan. They pressed the

skirt of his robe to their eyes, and kissed his feet .

- •

Extract XXYII.

They further relate that the Prince Yusuf Qadir Khan took forty

thousand men toj obtain vengeance for his father’s (death). Having be¬

sieged Khotan and fought for twenty-four years, he took the land of Ivho-

tan, and slew the Jigalu-alklialkhal of China. (Thus) he took vengeance

for his father:

He brought (away) the goods and booty of Khotan ; (on) the banks

of the Klian-Arik§ he bought the Seven- Yillages (Yetti-kent) of Tdzghun

(at the rate of) a “ charak” || of land for one ‘ misqal’ of gold, and dedicated

(them) to religious uses.

. He returned to Kashqar by the upper road, and encamped at a place

called Qizil. It being the place proper for building a “ Langar”^[ in honor

of the Holy Sayad Arslan Khan, he ordered a tank to he dug. Immediately

they set to digging the tank. Loosening the ground with the points of

* Lit. “ Caused to arrive at martyrdom.”

f Lit. “ Saying, Yusuf Qadir is believed to be coming, . . ” (the Hear¬

say tense in mish ).

J Lit. “ Saying : 1 May I obtain &c.’ ” .

§ Or “ Eoyal canal it is known by that name to this day, and is situated between

Yangi-Hissar and Ivashghar. Tdzghun means “ stream.” It is also the name of a Liver

and district in the locality noted above.

|| A “ Charak” of land is the extent which can be sown with one “ charak” of seed.

A “ charak” of grain is about loir lb. A ‘ miscal’ of gold is the seventh part of a “ ser”

(3J rupees weight) ; at modern rates it is worth between 14 and 15 shillings. Land

which took 1 lb of seed to sow was therefore bought for about 1 shilling.

U A “ Langar” is a traveller’s rest-house connected usually with some shrine.

1877.]

of Eastern Turldstan.

343

their arrows, each man* * * § carried away a handful of earth. In one day, it

is said, the tank was completed . f

Extract XXVIII.

JThe Holy Imams having seen the letter, said :

“ Oh friends ! a letter has come to us from the land of Kashqar. We

are going in order to conquer the infidels. We have§ no other work than

this.”

. They started in the direction of the land of Kashqar... After some time,

having made Yusuf Qadir Khan king over the land of Kashqar, (the Holy

Imams) set off in the direction of China. Having come there they sat

down before a (certain) town. The infidels remained amazed at this army.

At that time Juqta Rashid had a magician. (This man) said : “ Oh my

King, why are you thus distressed. Is it necessary for them to see the

town in order to take it, or can they take it without seeing it ?||

Juqta Rashid exclaimed : “ Oh Vizier, what speech is this P The

city stands evident to the view,^[ (yet) he speaks thus !”

The magician responded : “ However many days that army may stay

here, (so long) will I conceal the town.”

Juqta Rashid having saluted him sat down. All the infidels were

glad, and heat a roll on the drum of rejoicing.

Morning came. When the Holy Imams had concluded their prayers,

they ordered a certain one (saying) : “ Go in (to the city) and say :

These who have come are the descendants of the Holy Mustafa** (on whom

be God’s mercy and peace). Their Holy names are Imam Nasiru-’d-din,

Imam Mufinu-’d-din, Imam Zuhuru-’d-din, and Imam Qiwamu-’d-din.

They have come from Mawara an-Nahar in order to conquer the land of

Kashqar, with an army of a hundred and forty thousand. They have

ordered me (saying), go in and say to those infidels, hang your bows about

your necks, come into my presence and become Musalmans professing the

Faith. If they do not profess the Faith, beginning with Juqta Rashid,

* Lit. u By head of man.”

f A similar story was told me at Qizil itself, where also I obtained my copy of the

TazTciratu- l-Bughra (see Shaw’s High Tartary, page 240).

t The story here returns to the time when Yusuf Qadir had obtained assistance

from the Imams of Madain, while Hasan Bughra Khan had gone on ahead (Ext.

XXII) to recover Ivashghar, and had been killed (Ext. XXV). • We seem to have here

a slightly different tradition.

§ Lit. “ There is to us . ”

|| Lit. “ Seeing will they take the town, will they also take it not seeing ?”

If Lit. “ Standing showing itself.”

** The Prophet Muhammad.

X X

344 v R. P>. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language f^0, ^

we will kill all the infidels, capture their children, and destroy their

towns.

Having heard these words, the light of the world became darkness to

the infidels. The infidels considered and said : “We will not turn back

from our faith.” They pitched a green tent on (the roof of) the palace.

The Shaman leading, one and forty magicians became occupied in their

magic.

They (the Musalmans) prepared to fight. The city disappeared.

They recognized that the magician must have exercised (his) enchant¬

ments. Morning broke, the city became visible again. They beat a roll

on the battle drum. At the moment when the bold soldiers were urging

their horses to the battle, the cityr disappeared.

In the same manner for forty years they fought together at (this)

town of China. Finally one night Juqta Rashid with all his army, fled.

# # • # # #

Extract XXIX.

The Holy Imams started in pursuit of Juqta Rashid and Nuqta

Rashid.

. The Imams were at prayers, The infidels, finding the occa¬

sion opportune, slewf the Holy Imams like sheep, at the time of prostration.

Then they all fought for the standard, X and cut off its bearer’s hand.

Without giving up the standard, he seized it between his knees. They cut

off his (legs at the) knees also. He (then) held on to it with his neck

(and shoulder). They severed his neck. The standard, soaring into the

air, disappeared. The sun was eclipsed, § the world became darkened. A

voice came from the sky, a murmur came forth from the earth ; the infidels

went off towards China. One man fled and went to Kashqar, and gave the

news to the King Yusuf Qddir Khan.

Yusuf Qadir Khan at once rode forth ; (riding) night and day he

arrived, and (when) he saw the sacred heads of the Holy Imams severed

from their bodies, his senses left him. Again, he became conscious, and

saw that the bodies of men were lying scattered like the stones of the

wilderness. He wondered at not being able to distinguish between infidels

and Musalmans. ||

* Lit. “ having killed, &c., . he destroys.” Here the quotation is not

kept to the proper person of the verb.

f Lit. “ cut the throats.”

X Lit. “ saying, let us take the tugh (a standard made of a Yak’s tail).”

§ Lit. “seized.”

|| Lit. “ saying, it is not known whether infidels or Musalmans, he remained in

wonder.”

1877 ]

of Eastern TurJcistan .

345

He prayed, a thunder-storm arose, water flowed down from the moun¬

tains, rain fell from Heaven ; it placed the faces of the Musalmaus in the

direction of the ‘ Qibla’ ; it turned the infidels’ bodies face downwards, and

carried away the heads of the unbelievers.

Then they took the Holy Imams’ sacred bodies, and placed them in

coffins. The other Musalmans’ bodies they buried.

The date was five hundred and ninety-six [a. d. 1199]. On the 10th

day of the month Zi-’l Hajjah, a Monday, the Holy Imams drank of the

sherbet of martyrdom.

“ But God knows best what is the truth.

Note on the Ujatliqs.

[In the “ Report of a Mission to Yarkand under Sir I). Forsyth, K. C.

S. I.” (Calcutta 1875) in the History of Kashghar, p. 127, Dr. Bellew on

the authority of the “ Tazkira Bughra Khan” with reference to a passage

translated in Extract XV (above), says: “A poor and aged Jdtlic — Christian

priest . came forward as a candidate for the offered reward.” Now al¬

though it is not to be denied that there were Nestorian Christians in Eastern

Turkistan at that time and later, I cannot think that there is any reference

to them in the present text. The word in my copy of the work (Tazkiratu-

’1-Bughra) is distinctly “ Ujatliq”, and besides the evidence given in

the note at the place (see above), I find the name “ Ujat” occurring as the

name of a town or village in a modern song called “the Maids of Turkistan,”

extending to 22 lines and celebrating the peculiarities of the maidens of

different towns of Kashgharia. The following will suffice as a specimen :

iSxj (L&JtHSjb Jjl ~ Sr

l, * # # *

^

* l3^v ^sj^y L-^

Which may be rendered thus :

“ Straight and slender- waisted are the maids of Kashghar.

“ Short, with sack-like figures, are the maids of Yangi-Hisar.

“ A goitre above, fat below, (such) are the maids of Yarkand.

###### ######**

* This saving clause is added by the transcriber. It is of course Arabic.

346

[No. 3,

E. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language

“ Arranging apples on saucers are the maids of Khotan-Ilchi.

“ Eating many currants and grapes are the maids of Ujat (of the Ujat-

[liqs) .

x .a/.

W *7V* *7v* w -A* w

“ Wearing felt caps, with foreheads wide ( or high) are the maids of

[Sariqol.

“ Snub-nosed, (but) sweet-tongued are the maids of the Kirghiz.”

The reference to the foreheads of the Aryan Sariqolis is interesting.

After the foregoing portion of this note was in the press, I came

across a passage in the later part of the Tazkiratu’l-Bughra which settles

the question about the religion of the TIjat-liqs , and shows them to have

been Musalmans, though had ones. It is as follows :

♦♦ '

left (*^°)

“ He said : 1 Oh my king ! there is a set (?) of people called Ujat.

The people of that (? place or tribe) are Musalmans with their tongues,

but their (real) religion is spying. Having spied they have sent letters

after the infidels who have fled (lit. they are in tongue Musalmans, in faith

doing espial, they have sent &c.).’ Thus he represented to the holy

Imams.”

This character of spies and traitors is that in which the Ujat-liqs are

represented each time in the Tazkiratu’l-Bughra. With this agrees the

popular saying regarding them recorded in the note to the original passage

(Ext. XV. above).

In a versified account of the same events as are recorded in the latter

part of the Tazkiratu’l-Bughra, I find the following parallel passage :

«« ^

fj] jh\k±Aj J.Jb) 4uJj I ^IjJ! jbAiA

u He said : £ Oh king (possessed) of good qualities, we have a village which

they call Ujat ;

In appearance they assent to the (true) Faith, but in their hearts they

have much enmity.’

They (the Imams) replied : £ If the people of Ujat be so, they will not

obtain salvation in both worlds.’ ”

In the same book I find the following verses which identify the my-

I A/oli

347

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistan.

thical personages Juqta Rashid and Nukta Rashid as the then chiefs of

Khotan :

•* ♦♦

“ Two infidels were kings of Khotan, the people of Khotan were

their soldiers ;

“ One of them they called Juqta Rashid j the name of the other

dog Nukta Rashid.”

In the Tazkiratu ’1-Bughra we hear of Juqta Rashid and Nukta Rashid

from a little later than 429 A. H. (A. I). 1037) until 596 A. H. (A. D.

1199). They are probably mere representative names. Khotan seems here

to be considered as belonging to China. R. B. S. 1877.]

318

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

STORIES

Ekom Forbes’ Persian Grammar translated into Turki.

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^ _p ^

ejb ^ Jjjd L-f I

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<— H^W. AAiU^ d^ ^ L^AaL ^ f

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♦♦

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^dJji *\&ck LS^ig* *jOa*jJI«3 L-^Ai '6js:a*'/<jJ ^jIUj

AXb t jb> d c^Jbio I^j ^AAaw $j,s'ma,/0^) i^s^A )

•• ^ ** “

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«• •»

s^Sj^f (L-^aIaw |*a£ ^jMjscj Kjsj |*a^ ^K; A^ j *£^T yi ®

<—-(*<1 J^l 'JL)*d i£*bdfeM Aa& b ^-uJj.j

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^ “ *7r *

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uu „ " •*

* d*o aJ I u^aa* ^ <bo%» ^a^cT y^j*' ^r? ^

&£)^(oT ^rt/5. J^j) ^JU1^^.aJ] ^Jj» ^aE|

^ cKi^ i^li ^ ^ ^A^O As-^ixS ^15

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# ^ C^pl l gA.X.&

l»«>T J;1 J^)£ yjr^^ il_f*M3^ ri ^j^y* ^1 ^

tL_CtlJ»r) it^A/C ^^A**/^(3 ^j) L^A^U$ AaA3 ^

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistan.

349

l£v./UJ ^so L L L ^jSO ^ku^sCj.}\j ^A/Q ^

♦«

* (j/*** '~dyyl yc}"s ^ y g-^-V

Copt op Passport issued at Kasughar.

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L-S^-

«

±j ^ L ..-^^ \.s£) &L-X iSfc^UsAj) ^*U) yl yj

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J,!/ Jy » & U /j^W LT^J *JJ|

V ifJ ^ A ^ £-S±.j£1.A &^.yCfj % ^

^ v*)^'**1* d. — y* i^Syi 0/^ — d"^‘/C) *>mm^ty**

* «♦ * ♦* **

IMI Ax*,

Agreement made at KdsJigTiarA

uAv d;' 1-&y f _/="* o^y Ai <-&i"“ y.

«•

Ai*3^ L| <d*id j*"^) li g^r*' dU L-5^C-? ^

Jd. yi ijjtiy ^*X.M jd« ^ ^ J*k?

^•tji j^«J Jyi&sc 'biSfi.ij ^ix«u,A.&Aj ^ ^^LoJ^aw

4AX^| ) fit^y* <£— ^

' * "^ * H ♦♦

f^*'0 ^5^ a^aj Ij ^ .xS^u^xJT l_&a>

** ^

^ <A<Afli ^1 *.£) L-JyJyj ij.As^0 *xlj&) jy^'0 ^

M • ' '

* J for ^.jiiao.

t This was found between the leaves of books purchased in Kashghar.

U.

350

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

* oUUj iSxc j lvJ^ £« ^y. i$°j{ te-yoo

Copt op a Legal Opinion giyey it Kaseghar.*

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t c C i iiSxi gkiij L^*iJiyi 1^"* — ^) jjiy]

AXx5 ^ AiSlfik. ^ <JrAA»

♦♦

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% ^lc] A§I) ^

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AA^J Y>£y~±J f J

* This was found between the leaves of a book purchased in Kashghar.

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan.

351

EXTRACTS FROM THE “ TAZKIRATU-’L-BUGIIEA.”

Extract I.

jtOdl] yj] ^yS jJ

C— J'.vl y^&y/M (J^0 y^ J^y~yf

t_r) *x$ ^IUILT^A/oLu j*nxJ) jj] )j5) ^d.\d

<*> r.

l, <^:J^ LII^Iaw t— ^XAi Ax«l,&c ^ I

i^LelUtl ri>> ^.1^.1 X9 \~Jy ^ja^) t— &joI ^Vxlxi’ < fy )j

jf.-li5j.AW jy^ti Lmy^yX^ CU^ySj ) 1 ^j.Am

y^t^t^ <y ^i^y ^y^j |A«uJ.jJ) <“-^y t, <?•** —

\i)£ yj ^ pi *j*^/'^£^l ^AJ[ ^

♦♦

I^^^aAs*'0 tSlf-oU Jast^j jbdy) LdjjyXJyj tdty^y ds:M*'/* ) AjL Jj^

^fA y^Jj^fA y^yy ^5ajIs^ \*j}} aJJ! ^

^U| Jj^ ^j) Jj ^Uj!jJ lJajo cu)j^

Cl^ V?i.,N>. «^y L^^XXJ L-})y£j Ciubi-^aIa j

^U-^i L-Jjo^ ^AjIs:,a0 ^Ij/eU^j) A^lb^T )j^. Jj<w?

tX-c.s^) jj>;) *^) ^s-V*" AajJ^o ^1 Jyjj | t-A3

*'+ * 9 9& & ' s 9*>s

aJ Oo^A $ <*Kj Hi *JI 5 ^ij *JlJ) &jo)j/o <s.ij

/o ^ *9 " 9 ' 9 ' 9" 9 y 9 '

L^lxi Jgy c^yj ^cJoUtOj yf> Ji y& ; ^sJ| OJLJj aJ

C. iy-Zy^. j\ XmkJ y$&.\s?° jlj/AS yJ jttjdixjf j/cl

t»

* This is to be read upwards and downwards from the middle.

t ^ j&Juf •

X X

352 K. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 8,

* Pj) ^ c^¥ ^s-

L«-^xlx£ &*kifi£)6 £JO ^ Ajbs^ til^obi y.\ ,1b J

yy>) ft)) &U1 J \y»j\i

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S ** * <??>» 9' ~ ' ^ „

c>[ y>j ^jbxj t_fldiw AJ£j ^ <sjJj.> aB) <Jv<ai i— tS

l/'joI £ldAj ^w. jylyj £x^*dxj ^UlLfelj.^ ^iooly eJ-y

jIj w?)y c^A^i adoljif ^ ^r*J v!^?*

ydl-Axi {~0* 1 dj.*** ^y0 (Jy*

Exteact IT.

jjy**L i^gj^*** ^blxLw^ltad^T ty/r'^£’fc

4^.4/ ^:.;^ ^ ^U; JjA •— **A<o) v^A^b^

iy>’ )ji ^ 'yyJ Jy^ eya^A^*v-

}g*~! ^2^*** ClJr ijS^ ^ X dXX J lf^ ^jbx.«*£^J

v

y’lbdly L—Jy***s° AaAaJ Id^lbaAj ,j;! Jj^ A-£<2j.£>.j l—A>y*»

j? *,* >

y i— Sy^\ i^jso A^l (j^l Id^. l)?** g

^)bjL ify** ^)^2^a° &•$ jj^y J;i i y*'’0 l_^ax>

• i ♦♦ ♦•

LLfy^a^. ^ydA/oj <SX^& A^bi^. )yy* tj^d JJ^y ^b^I***.^ y 13

^_y^l ^ ^ yUo ^J.£ ^Ubdl£ KjXc y> ^ ^ib^obxu ^aU) yl I^ik.

** 9 ~ **+ * s>$*

^ Jhfj^ y ^JjA] ^ CU * Jjl

^Alx ^AxAr &»TJ> gldAi <-sXc tj^ !^ oj-^

J AA:^5^ylx^ l5 l ^xxi ^,blol«* ^VA^uibj ^!bd/y

us*

^S ^Uai^w u^ji^ L-^l^ (y**c J)& L-^A^ aIc

X X X^lhd^A5^yi,M» aax^Io t«— >5 j|y)

Exteact III.

A* aAAU fj} ^1 ,jb.iL Jjyw ^bkl^w ei^^a^w

<5^^^Xw ^jblsiw \z)2^ y ^ ^

1877.]

of Eastern TurJcistan.

353

\J-3* J*>ji Kji Jh* & I ^ XiJ hS jVJt. J)

♦♦

^Uak*# j^jj^y^y s.f\}jL olg *jkk ^ o^.*0

C?^“ J"? jHJ)^ yi &Jy t^sfj

J^)jyt d!/-^ '-r^*s d— **b3yl lS^ ijyrff^ f^Jy*

++ w

* r

y) y. k°)^ib<^.> dbj l ~*>y K

Itfy. Jj^i^ tXXs:^ L ^ikoki^Askf 1 ^j) L gikok<

^ " WN>

,/kik) c-T;^ d^ l/-^« (jijkw d^^ d^^ ^ jlLwjk ^ttxk

*> . ^

Cm kS^ y.J-***'^ jfr^clk aU tX$,^l \—2yjyi SUU ^..djJljj) Cl >J.*£.2±

♦»

♦♦ 0;i.| J Uij ^ ^d ^d ^ ^*dj ^^■C'OIAI

^Jlx} S &.£j\^d jj Ci^kko &£k ^ydj.sAsls o L-Jkjbk ^ ^jlLlm

♦»

^>Sytj$j6^*&^ ^! ^stj) J.k&> lJXxJ cJ>^ o] j ^kk

^^.XxIaaAj j^akJI yj] i5 f$*5 y2tyS •

^ J^t^jyxb^ y*b^b£ ^y j^i^jy

JihL. Cl j&l&jy ti^MJ'iJy) C-^ki kl ^ikku c 'Jjs&z*.

l-t^M by <jji^ yj. j^'' — jktki \s)bj^ j^iajT l— ^kk dlr^

t*S^yl fJy*-^so &j2.<*yjj) J£jj ^xk*[j yyy ^

•* ♦»

L yl L Cl^^vaik. t&jyMJ jk* At

♦♦ ♦•

, ,JdkJ , ,1k!**/ ci5r^2A- ill.'dLi t— f.Xki .^jlkivw cis»t^^

c*/ •* c/ j j * - r ♦ ** •• *v •• ♦♦ kj j

cl ijsG.s** J&kkflyjji ^kj l ^il/ol^ j*&'k.\} yi) cl ?^ka. i_5j.-^i

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tyjt ^y fM1 ^ g> ^OaL, Cl> J.y^, L ^A/oIaM J*a\])yj]

— ♦•

d-4^^^ dAft^ d^^^ c—AAki’

^dil fhyy ?sj^ibtXfl immm^kix^ d-^kl ^kiwu c

(J>VJ' cJ^ d^^ Cl^j”^a> ^-> j.^2a1!^.jI Aa*.!^.

^./bu tM&£ . c<^r^ ( i3"^ C— ^jl»klbw ci?^^- y

ciJ^^-Sb. jy^y^ &*»»j4& (Jy* <L— ^y'y3-

i}y^ I

tJki^o jK;^T <J.aw)^ c^do- ) ji) L-^ ^

<Xa1c ^ib. ^.a^U> jIxj ^ikk ^il/oUw y^il)yS\ ^.kj

354

E. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

j^T >y '■'*’

Jj.A^ AS-ij ,jl tf,; ^ijS^vSU ^cUx. UjJ V-^J J ^5 'Jr? VJyy

^xxxSxSa. L-Sx^^^y _yX-i _yx^jjUlxj _>x„ ^xj jijli.^\y>

J j^a.jJlyj) )t>i) lJaaLj Jf,-?

yJ j*> ^W.' J-i *^1;*^^

tJjjJL-o Jo <ub ^U;! \Jj sSjtx**\ JWJj

txyU *b ; ;yo^j /£*/ AAP^.5 (Ol

jj.io jj;i ji^iuiyuu <^*1^^ ^ yAgAh* g0^

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uT^« i, A J£»j$ v^^^wjI ^ g-^’r**1 ^ (d-1^

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S’ * •*> „

&J| 1) &AaL £-6.1$ AS tlkjOl ^Sl/O^M y^'A}yj) &.2J yL. Cl iyAl^. ^IkjO g ^yJ

4 -&s 9 ■$) . 9sr>. '9 * $ 9, £$, 9 “9 &

IcA.fcS:''*’ J t^Y^xj ^ &U 111 <jJj H J fcV^*) C15i3l^,^» A.11I (Jy^j <S.U llj

99 9s s > ?o ,

^aaIs <uK Jklw h_£jo«> &3y>*j ) »Jo.£

** kXJ

^djyuj L-**A jA l, cf*-> £<&>£•> Aa-S* ^>T jbo I

^A^J )<J^ dk*s/0 ^>|

■“ *>

s^®Va3 ^J^jl ^S 1 ^ g &

♦♦

♦• **

;j>j

J$yy*kxj If,; I eu**!; ^ cJii Ja^ J;l

l» ^

#•

L rj^yAUs^sC ^ L-^A^^AaX,AJ | | d-^Ajsi

(fy***g dJys£^> 'AAJ> t5 ^ rdii/O JrO &.AU Jyl^ <Sc3 d^

^iUU^ail! _jj) JkU c^a^ Jaj ^ijdA.

(J.<^ C- >^^4? fyl &bfbt}j/A ^1 &.£ .! IajT A£

♦♦

Ua, L-^A-'fcJj! ^ e-Xi»AjbJ) <U»xJj <Uii J^^U’lfjjl AAAJ djTj^j

* jh&i& J.xXX*« O^ii

1877.]

of Eastern Turkistan.

o5o

Extract IV.

«• «* *

^ll&L*5s!yk ^L^JUji ^jvl^U^T j$] jlti)jO <^1

cl?"^ ^s/C

d^na* JftCiyiyi ,jlAi 4M/0

^Lail ^ cJuJ

*

.IbjJUS

7 *• ^

Extract Y.

ly* uJjj ^yyX\U ^LkEu 7>,

^*3^1 5y LJ- c£r^ LS"Zrf o!/^ {*> ^ 1*3

yyo ^ gST* Uo) j^cVUj C-Jjvi ^iki^w C ^JUj

XXX C.T *3^a^T ^y^yj fyUs JjyidJj)

Extract YI.

^tLiw j^lS ^jJtkJL# d^.*a^

T» ♦*

J-> JAsr* ^1 L-^yy *34/-* t-^^T L-&i

uJ

&<oAi ^ i*-^-^-**a-^0 j 1 —

Wr^jjk'L, <*Ay ^A* ^-2»“ ^£)jl w^^*3 ^<^y.Aij!

L-T^'V^ e>Lf^7 i yil ^jlb-so L gl-A? I

v^-H J <^4^° ^ ljt^ ^4/

*v

1 \$j^ ^-*-«4*3 (Sxi (j-x*.* tj

X X ^}y^Xy<> jyM yi

Extract VII.

^xLj ^'J^LmSxj l CXAT^ VjA^" !/*• lSJ7^

^ ** » "*

^-oilul tj u^jJU* lUk u- ^*3 . JlD ^.ilsA-? *j a£

♦♦

^~S ^ ly* t-T^y w_5^ c/k-tw

^ ^ ^ to

356 E. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Ir" ^j1-* V:| ^ *?*T; A^ e)^1" cirAa“ i_rJdJ

Jdid e/-^ Ar^xlij j.j <X)^i ^1

9 - .9

♦♦ ' ♦»'

/^ir5 >i" ^ii'° *j rA^. d^ji*,)^ y

9*

vi1*’ *"d<-») yyy ^ijryi cA^1" i_r^->'

»m

)< ^jlbt>.ij.j viA^d/y jj^’6- ^ ^d^ £^d^ ^

Extract YIII.

^1 tS jUltf ^3j\» L_JjJ ^ JS&X5] yj\

♦♦

«♦ ^ .

yL* ^ gAooJlxl yj ^fA^sC cJui/« (jLa. ^Aj

w M •*„«?>» ,.p

jhs* l, U-^xi &Sls^d

M ^

j& V*v udJ fM ^d j f^-i5 c-V" yi ^dJ «-&d^rf '-rlh y

j*zi'A\j.j] OjAa- jtj J.JJ &->£) ^xlsr''3''0 tJj'i*'/.

JjL*c!$Lw i^^.la.ils:''0 ^ j) 1 ^j-1 <*•£ ^Vxlij) ^giLAw

«• **

U"

SxjX

ru A1 ^j-wiAd5 >dV i-^rUs ^j»\ oU7^

<*»

« ^^*d

s*>

i_ i}yj AjuJI jcXjjJ! w_ £xi ]<A^» ^C>hu»Jt*« l — cXs‘Mfc/0 l £j )»3

lS.AAjJ ti.3j3 ji jk*u \jl yj ^oUik, Jbj3 ^

l JyW y3 ^Uai-U*

“ •«

^ JJy'^ s^^f) U>UiJ

** " fl

/ » • I ^

(^jVi/O ASvS’V? j

♦♦ ^

^1 ^ L| Lr5^/'^' t,

L— jfib yx»M L i/^dJ viA*^di*

«-»3L&Vj jju-i J^l jkydty *&& jt y^y.jto kJ*{< c*

u r^d^ {^SxA yxj {^SAj.yj <—

^dy^c3*did l g^dy^i j) 1 ciJ^a^.

kM

<*d il cHj ^ w-T' Lr^y]<j,,^'UA‘i^

1877.] 0f Eastern TurJcistan. 357

^<3

)i3A>0 f-'O

ir ^stiT? j

1 .fojj,

• V •

0 ^ ^ eA^- ir^

Jjj3 y *t3b;

' H

^ firk^ uT^rrJ ;V? ItX/oy*^

X ^ gH^ u^Aib ^SyfiJ dUA bJsSuJU* jAiLjyA.

Extract IX.

vi)^H ^5^ c^T* ^ ^ _g\ cJjJ

•» ♦» ♦*

*•••*••• L-^W *A^liUi ^iUcU ^axl!j.j)

^j&A) u^jJwl ^A. Ljyy KA* i_ c^sA^y)

. . . X . . . X • • • J ^jAJ (Aik. sS Jol£

Extract X.

aJUj ^^j-^ibljb ^*A^*v ci5^.a2^. ^ _ .bobw ^.^axl) ^j!

ly* ^u ^

♦♦

jjs^ai ^ yi <si ^ibfcxijj> uo v^s^iy jy ^ ^jI^qUm ^^aj yi ^y^A.

♦♦

{J-^ty j& la AbjUibAw,* jJ-Js^j ^bb aA^IX aUj L-^xxjI^£v f

lxt3 t_Job ^ gibAw A^yL y/eyfy^lbjJLS b:j L--^»3

libi ^ (4 jbdji j&J £}<i>ri Kj^jK lJj!j.j <_t/

xx i^S-xy ^sy ^k‘ ^"'^'j'i *" — ^yy

Extract XI.

uT;^ cA^- V** 01^* yh-Lu

#•

]jk> ^bfc Jto&Mjji ^.xXxU L_^Ii

i^aj ^Lrf ^ vV^y

A^5^j^>y ajo ljU^Aj l yyy.Ak.oA ^ ^ ^>.> ^cb***^ L ^a^/xIj l-^aj yA.

•• *♦

^ (3*1^. t3^/ob L| A (^;'c'm'*3 L

358

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

L— f &£ |Oj})

H

^sH)f +*> *-H . .*. .x. . v_r^

.*.1Uj . -a 5) t-oxi yX&tJli- lcMjLu , ,3 _5a. uJjoj.v

Vi' ••♦ L_Sv> >♦• Tr - vtr L_S v»^ ••>> '•’ *

♦♦ «•

t v.^x.sr^Lw AiWji

c-jft&J )Oxlb <UJiy XaU&Xj 1 l^xj ^ill,

M

<>Uxi L-rjjy *jx*w vj>.[}0 ^lO/y^ ^UaLu uH JXxjjT y £ y y<3hy

^£.0y^ a£ glJu) ^ILIam ci Io.il .a^IUj ^ g1o^>^

** H •«

\£^*6y l^Axl ^xi>3 /C _J-^AA' L ^ilO^jl *«— ^xi

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" ^

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•»

^ ^U.a./O L—^xiU JJ.X*y ^ <CA~H'T‘‘ .?•

-JOv-oib <)taol>3 -JL-' rJk*uA^ &*j)r'0 Ohs:-* ..iIIgIao is* uu

wi “ • y “ - -7 W-5 "J J- ' J y Vi/ y ^

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L e^Hpjyj y>J ^ilj^oib ^ $ j "****>*» g^-!

^aw b jo a. bb ^1 &$ IrO lj>^j.IK Aixfcl^O v^xi ^JOa.

^ — .^■Xaa.a'^ y <S.i ^!;y S-5^; y> L| ^XxJIa ciib^.ls:''0 ^*a«

•jj

jj «♦ H t* ’

;V ^ &•***! J<i ^ <;&-a>“ i 4.i^ilj>vAw L ,-XA.aA.

♦♦ ♦* " ♦♦

^IboUjj djlAti^o v_ ^^0 Ifo &Jr* v^ixla^j ,vxJ

V - • ^r ■• yv -7- J* y J' >• - C^**

♦♦

^2^7* V- Xt3 ^jUsIaw ci?^aA.

^ g^ji ^ vJy'A*

Ki-u, ^0 J.iSjjl ii ^UjI JaXM c^l

♦♦

y ••*• ♦• ** • y • y «* ^ , u w ♦• y • W (♦ j ** • y •

^ v5 ^ »uxST<

I^AlC ^jUoLu O jAljz. ^ qzA i^jj&gl gJlf

' *. •* ♦♦

v-T4^^ o^-^ ^ ^^oUi \.c£

JOXJ ^*;d^'”ftd/'MA‘/0 Cii^lxAu jj ^°j clj**

t,Cj\*\sO ffiyiym &*aJo) l ^X/tUw) Oj 1 ^llabw Cl 5^^2A

of 'Eastern TurJcistan .

859

1877.] „ _ _

XXX ^jyo] jStJoyj! **xb t-&xi

Extract XII.

^J^Axu/o &JL>I^C ) JJjILsAx ^) ^j| J^Aj ^yyX** jjtlal^u c t^j.^3.^.

}d^u^X9 jht&J o!>c ) dSjJ^l* jU^j

v_5^'^ ^lA ^A-> Jy£w <jUai.w c^-AA. jibdUi o*iUc ^

^ 4/ky US3 Ia. a! I ^^&xx} i&^*»

« V. n

u/ "

tXo.K''0 OjA*. ^LJLu/O ^jlUj ^j}LxA*w L-S-AX) ^jUaJLo

* 'tr*

t t . ^ .,

^tL^ J* t, <;^j^C!>«^ j itM aUJ fJj.<uj

♦• «•

<-^,'^u/0 Ic^aw^iJj | ^jXAmj J |c5^£aA/1^’ ^j\.Elvw L^^^iOi.-s. f^'i>'~J‘\

^jl-lal^y ilL2js/l X • • X • » X li/^^

x ... x . . jyy jji 0>y

Extract XIII.

^^UillCj) Ojp* fcL&^Lj <j^A l;*-! (Jy*4* OjAa.

*jjU jji Scl ^j-jSSl <-&*) isfly? y. x x x J&l jW

L-^U ; ^ \JZ~»)j fax* j Cl 9jyO u/Ij jU«0 fXfk. j yU] U)

gi)

fa* fa^ ^X^i 4=&A Jj) j j&idj») iAAX* ^xb

Xtyj) j$J& £|jJ) j)& cXj ^j^XsoS L^Xxi ^1UJ J

fa^&. Jjh£. ^ciUfi Xc^Jlxx J Aits-^ ^.a. o^aA. ^ y.

jAs<\ ^ JyX %y^9 yJ Xx.\y^ yS- 1 C™^XXJ^^!j) ^h^a1,£ ^ lt^*»J I <X.xl,£ ^Ja.) |^A.-,'is^

^ J jk±& tfatbj* l^jsS yiAljUjto Ljfaj C^lj Jt jhf

y U-i-y «_£& j! t-f? y ^ jlj}& t-.-jJ.xS ^!v

AAx^itij.Jb <Xaj l-^-xxa^ ^.j jjj}l^j.Jb j.Uaa*jIj jX j ^ ^ Jj^br^ rb*’

^ ♦♦

&AJ(iT L <ij}l t^Sxxj C_T T Jy^C ^jxi \*ji^*y*

«» “

LmJyljy$ y&l xSfjyi i^ty* xb^y^) ‘fay* I <^XA9j ^ gi^

♦»

z z

360

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

iy\.x3 ^jso) ^UCaM ^^^.aaaw)^ ^aa> y) i—yly 5sI»aa»^I.j

- „ _e

uliJ- r-y- A <u-’l-> )ts-i)r* c/-J r~'A^ jlrtW u)^i Jl/*i

c^ujd ^ cir^ ; -? Jj&*;ibdU»

** ^ _

** **^J ^

| ^ ^1 £ <J>AaA> C12^,\2..i»- C15 1 ^ .^£<3 ^J^.^CA.J^. J

**

_[;*-? Wy (Jy uc;; y ^A^Ail.^. Jf^c ^ &&*Aj ^ gb

JJ

iXts*1 l— p^a!^ (Jy^l 'Qj' (*/^^ ^aJ-xj lii^a-wa <^iil.A.

Extract XIY.

l^xJ ^^A**/ ^I^IaW ^*-^^i2w J ^'^1

^ jj jjbL )jk J ^UaL* C 'J>j*a&~ ^jiUlLCj) C^f) t^AjJ

y^y ja^ ajsy y, _ $jjjfc>i *u^b

y.sr''0 l/^>a1a$ ^ILj j£JA (^X^Xso jfj) ^A;vL« ^Jtsls^l

)jis^ yyy lSxj j$^\+jLui*o ijiujy cJyLs^ c-?ty ^ Hn*

Afijli)Ub/e jj j)lj<S$jJ j\.a\} ^£>iA«.1a£ Sr5 1

k.sJ^^’ d'^3" | j*"i ^—^j-'a^-^*~ {*ji^'^g,'i{'/M gS‘'A& c-rbJj.j

^ ^

Jg*0! ^■h‘6,Tw K^fj^ vjA^" Vi)^"^ L c,'^' t~— b~^‘^*~ ^mm^">Mgi

C— (*jt^ Jit** L C— £a/« {fj3 &}j-t K_SJ^

y£ L-J^l v^cJjy L-^y/S 4-a-° jbc^y

XXX uT^J^ l JJJ^Iy

Extract XY.

l --^.aIT j£JA L-5^A^o ^buiy v*T jb L ^.Ic ui >j*as>.

}djidfy]J cAiSj,! Uijiy* Uyb Mltiy ^S

" ♦♦ ♦♦

V^ u-^aa^o

Vi^

y^ ^jJb ^^toJU'i J6 jj3 <Lc bl^tjb o^a^a. jhSjjf

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

361

;;^ULs3 J6 aU) jL £jo ^aJ JlsWl

| ^.AJ Atulx^ C |s^«*U &.C}St./Ai1^t.J C-J^aO -'s>-

♦♦ ♦♦ V“*

L^>^J L-^tS <sjy&

♦* ♦♦

i, <^'lt*^ Osli^o A&^I jl

♦♦

dy^ c.r^ J l gMi^ ^ILol aIaj ^JaIa.^. (^Z^0

Lli^v'Ob'A- -^S+J l_Xiwj tl&iilj Cl?f^2-=>- l— : >v<^ I^As^.} L-&.AA.

♦

Vr^«^ l, yJ. i ^

«• ♦♦ VL

Sr^T'^,2h‘ l c^***^*^!? C-Cli i^SX.^. c\kss:* j.J L-?jjj.X j |

♦*

^l^tit-J (_cl AJoJo I ^ ^J>>1a3 i -^.aIaj i 0-i.yy j L

\JJ •*

Ax*» ci a*J»!^ Ai jySAoL^* J6 j.xx £\'J ^ijtl^a^. jtlj^Jtc

gjjjb K.X'O j.a£^1Da^(T ,6y$imm£xJd!^**y*My^ i _ CjU iLwjU cJ^*1^ l

(J-s:^ (Jy& Jyfy! yM *jitc; y ACjUi « ^*UJj! ^.aj £y

cc^J y B,x.i)j X&xi jyM A,«.A> ^t^La. y j)lJ<JkJ£ jI-***a£ ^■■H) Aa*JLu* <xJj.j ^jbl> ^t3

j^y* t—Si'i Aaw^Ij ci ijs&z*. ^s^y) J))yi L^yiyJ>

j&m*] &Ji3 y y^~ i ,-•*»-£ <=rh^ ^£cX£i*>| ^JLAacQ

•* ♦* <••

**

XXX u Jylj )) yJ. ^y^yJ. ^JL+Sy&y^

Extract XVI.

u_ a^£ xyfy j ^UA->.i.^^o^lbjj.j»^! jj! j] Arjljk/tlj dJ^ Jj>

axjUb yy£ a> M) ljj^Jj.j

Cv ** * -

^j. i Ct^fjl l.A>Alic) 1.^1^ '6tS^ c<-^ *

✓ ^

yO 4 — 9--^ Us

^ ^ t. *

X9

* *

cX«>S^° )a^/X All I.J L yd j fljJijyXi ^ y liil^.l.w/0 i- --^-, t ^ i os>

* *

9 f,

<J-A:^K/X U t yU^ cJmo ! cjti b^.' l «4 T ^il|

i -aa C15^^^- L ^cy^yJ * t, l _5^U/0 t C AII-u;

"owl ”

j'/ ^SXxsc L_\li

^ .M

C^»s5i ci^l |».i.c ^ j^mi) ci?^ti

X

362

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language

[No. 3,

Extract XVII.

<*aI£ g^j^ <3 ^As3

iT ^<,° ^jwL Av! (♦/-‘^ jlbd-Ui Aa^.***

^ ^j.3^ I^Ui^A^. >!— L—

%ji lj-al^ Jh^]y ^ ^

xxx ^-aUj aa^* i, <h^T~*

L-T iO^^*

Extract XVIII.

* J'*' ti)V-=k- (^f^t 1 LSj^ ViA^* [/■*■? ^Z**0* Cl?^-^-2w

<_s^ ;W AajIAA'-O ^J^LwAIj yJ ^j[c J. J ti t J *■ CL2y*G.A-

g^if^ i, 'tfv

♦♦ .

t— O-^o t ^\J ' ^ &y*j

*f£ tcH 1^1 W&a /iV v^y ^Ai^j T ur^ tri*-'-5

«♦ «*

L-^A^ A^Jo] ^AJ^J AA^ ^^U..LuyO AAs:3 jBj L_£a^ J; AJj£

^IrL )j*.j ^Ua c ^yUiltCj) L-^Ai ,jl.lal*« ci^^a^s. ^aLM c^aJU*

liA3 Kaj L^Aa. j^rs^ y^c-S^ yy*A,V'* ufe u-£/\_5^ l sj^

X c^aaa^ l^a^^ i*j^^

Extract XIX.

u5^ uM* }/*-> {£f^ &j«6a. c_jU ^U. jiSs cJu^j ci^^a^.

^bj v^JJa^^aI^ cJ^A AAibol ^.i* JifLJXy* l-^aU^ AA^b

l cftpi*? cAt* i_c^J tJ’v <3^ ^^t.^aIa^ ^jbol jlbA^j

^T ♦♦

)Aa£a- C-^aa j-a »^:.A;AJ Ac.SI^Si ^aa^wA^ j^aaIaj ^Ia]

' ' ♦*

)AA£Ate dA»AA ^.J ^HjAAcJ ^A^° I J^jI^sIawO ^ j ^ AIa3^A A.

♦♦

^ 6iSg> y&p6jt lAii IcJ

X g^Jj^ ^gN\‘*^<p} ^2r^*

1877.]

of Eastern Turlcistdn.

Extract XX.

3G3

1 \J^y *iry> ^

^i^Ub dLk JjAj ^UoU c^a-a* XXX

^ ^Mibb*** jltacXlxj i}y ^

«•

^b^uj^_£* j/jJ ) JXj (*,»^.;.‘^r^ ^^y f J^t^l'-^

Ij^vusi (j]^ L^k^uy L^jAj[aI\S ^kwj 4^.

_7J I|xA>jAawj| C-£lS ^cXA^w ^Aubb ^ c^t-^ 6^^^. (J^Vr*" i,_C<-^

fy i*/i^ Jjl J^h^yy jy* ^ybj) lS'^ fly& Jj*4y

xxx J^ikty

j^t^y viil D j ^ yyy ci/^ci/-**"^

j^yiyy) dJi* & j|i ^5*^ y*^ (*^ iJoj^alfci^s'’ U**>;b

x jlUljjJ bbo LJ>!Uj

(jjMK^MJ jyi ^jy &«s2;b Pf^ l-Jjj^IJ,^ £b>) c5j|j

*U<ib ^jU ^bL ^jlLJ Jb c: ^yjl c-^li ^1

X X ^V** m^*** ^/y 0‘iV'A'

Extract XXI.

^k JvkLu ^ j\y i— £^t lS^J

ci } [_sj^ \J^k \j*-} C-Tj^ (^),WA'^ c^jsG.2*. j i^sj^

jy^\ 1^ di^b^- cJ'mJ d?^ j^&bvjb y u5V^ *m-s,M>y.

jfdsMjS] yk b J$&.WJy£ L gff> jb* v£ Ij^^L^b} C^A^J^jl Jk\&

•♦ ♦♦

^y) i— ^ K^sky o^jyx/C ^bb ^s° jy*

XXX yx^ul <L<yJ

Extract XXII.

*» „

cJ^^*" ;V. ^d«5/^ y

yk lkyk£ Ax*.** b^^o L-«~b L-5v^^ J^by c^1^

^)yk j ^i\l*>Sy ^1J)Jaj: &?.|yb jibJoti »^«5b j^dy*

• -

C^.^^ jhfjy ^wy {yy) ^jl ^xf} **yi, r y)

3G4 R. B. Sliaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

J

c)

<-j3I^ ^d^ *UjJU

** '

^ ^ ^

L»^d-*d j^aA A c1? ^|^/CI j jj

♦* ♦♦

xxx ^ibjjHW

*sd,\) ,2.l£» i^Jo*.^ )5b^o! AxiU^.S

^■r •• v C/ •• * v y - y ** ,*"r^ •• •»

O^-Aa*. ^H;JkUjo L_£vj slvtjlj

i -.^jJjj? U— 5 )j.l3 &Ajh %^yo LfJviS aUt^lj <3<*>-^»-) Aa.|^A- ^UaLw

J>

)c3^a* ^-1^)1 l g^dly* 1——^^ \i)\f C**^ ^>j£*aA y*} S-3 l

L-5^y <Uj ^^d ciij-Ai^ XXX ^ibjlLiu^Lj Sicji

X X^d^^I <*jo ^ gJb ^ L— js*”* |»t^J ^ gijJk££lj> gjJL^j

♦♦ *♦ ♦♦ «•

\$gyi t, i—S-A '-r>))yl ^dd*3 ^ Ji('/* J** jlc**

V ** ^ wM

^dtXJUfi uT^-d;^ fj^y ^yjyi

l*li/u») c_y^AJw<^X^.<<x Ovii lSj>) Ispfjdjjj U fjjjlS <__c^»J

Sk» wN>

cy^^l 1*^^] i Lii-^d/'^ ^)j ^ c ‘-^'■[»d Jg^^0

L-^>d^ ^itf^J jAaX^ t^f^dJ i c*^ cJ'd ■■'s3j j-d cS^gl

**1

U^J JAm>^ J%*^/dJ ^ Ll^s a2/<>

t f£\jkSO j£ t {‘tShk* L L- •*— ^£ ^^<3.1^

j-dci^3 ^'v^jd j cj^ i^JMK^*' ^■^2,^'w

(JlC^L-o) Cl?;r^2.^ V— \j.^j lj ^lij> J,J>J

Lj'^di^ ^d^d ^C3^fla. ^xl(jl*uwj.i&" ^j^Aj <— Lff-

x )h*l& LfJsA^U^ U-dt3 ^ ^«S

j^d^j-d ^d^ t_9^ cJ^ ^d^ ^“>d

^ ^^d 1 <^i^

♦*♦***

CUdI V;;;ir^ Ai^d^ j;1 ^

1877.] of Eastern Turlcistan. 3G5

y-yli*? ^ q} L/'i^ fly** 'T''^ L-S^ y (£■**> $ yly

♦♦ H ♦*

&*.j)<Ayo <yy&j dSsy^. rfA&J* - 4-*^ s^y

^iilcXyo ^ cjl^ ^1^* Jyy ^^*jl«oXu*/o

^'—-^'7“' L— dA~"? ^ l, i^^.;^L— {*!-*

X l '^Mj}j ^s jiij.Ui £Ui) y^y£

Extract XXIII.

JH^y^ y* ^ ^^ibj a^aJI

lSJ^ {J^ j-t^* w— a^j.J e^a-^. L— tef (Jf-^i^-dT^

*ii) J^j ^1 ^1 ^S jhd# (jpjc yylM f\jj c-yy |j slf^/w

Jby^» dT^y Ai y^***^ y$/°Jy^i£ (*/i^ LLf^J j*£

^li d/i^y° ^1-* IjA-Uj dJ'Aj &lf| ii^j| tdLAy

dii) ^Li.i) yJy |»U/wj) ^J>*m*\ ^y A.^uJy d5y^ L *4^-*^-^ i

*!3jJ iVciyaA. L-^b* 4UuJy IA1.C L^J-li JljO j^ldA. jUl

> d Sr

dya^jii|y>) jUbJoj |*L<>| e^-da* jlbj^yoKLi &*j^U

l _^a!x j ^A-^- jC-iv*! <s'x* aIaj ^Imi^Ij t_ o;U d— syy

X X Xy'^-^y ^i;b ^UfliyU^I fcnllyj y^tc J>\

■ ■ ■ ■■ ■ m m

Extract XXIV.

^7^ ^X«J *1**»s1j lsJ^ cA^ \)*1 i*jAK>'^‘

1 |l

^ ^>j ^ vry;V^ y !/ y*i oA^

Mis'0 Jj) XXX^^. AAjJtcyi cU 1U3 IUj d^l^- jLtxUS ^ji

¥♦

J}) dT^^W ^i^UjUl^/c ye

♦t

d^N^^o dyly y^^r> iUfcO^j (j^1^ !^ d/'us‘^

C-Ajj^e dw*^^^ w-^Aa» \mf\jjSjyJ d-^M

y* jIIjjIjU L y£y Jj^l l^e ^ ^LdJ

36G

R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language [No. 3,

Extract XXV.

Cl

Ci^bUaAj Axi|dA/o *L4oL| {^J^- ^ jyJ ^uv

^ysdt-?* dj”^ tyi c-^Jj.j

** . JJ #-

AA^j^lUtAhib L_?l jXajs yfj t^(SXA |Jj^) &i}g* jbs"* fluCiSLX^lj Ciy^a»^MjJlJ I

x i^. «-&> *xtj

♦v

^uiUUvo fu )j^j

* •»

XXX <-?dJy

Extract XXVI.

«-**y .... jk*y) ji^ **-*jMji

^J*'b./Cj)'^k ^ \z)k£ L^A/O jy yyj^C-

^'v&Aas3 ^aI-v. j&A& Ixa^m* flJ

yf^ris i) A*JjHjcjJ) L-^Ai ^jylc ^bLy^b L-ii*«^J u^aJT^^ Aj>JJ&

XXXXj^y* **d/uf^ vy^y* & $>* idA&]y) ^b"

Extract XXVII.

urj^ du. y^b u-A*y Cya„ ^ j^^jylS |«JuUo|jj *i*

t-y^ fluJT i**UB) eiii fbb c^Ail <^aa> Ly sU^b

JisW) rf^ l-^a)J ^y^y Jd ^y *^d v^3 y*.

JU V^iii ^ bl<5 'r?)jy&)\ cL-

V^aS dyjb y iiUi ^bj) J- U4ltf ^aJI ^|y|

uJbj! cJb; C^Ail AAiylT J^A/o y L-yi cL1aJlJ}U* i__ L^a£

w*>

»♦

JU

X X c/^b

D;^ fiylAyi I fy y^i& iSt)* *Jy (Jy i, yA^rd jJhtVib *£/*-* ^

v» ^

i, Ci^xlxj lb *&J %J>dj^i *— a-^ sl^S/tib ^jrjb ) t\A*4 ^lal-cu

lj)y$ \J1^Aku (Jyj) jhdiA ufy0) J £ y jb&

^ ^y aAjJlIj r.) u-^i^y jj;) Jk^y

xxx ^^i3L-^d<3 J&y tctigS y u^a^T (3]/*^

1877.]

of Eastern Turfcistan.

Extract XXVIII.

367

(A jhff] i_ *A> jUfUJ c^aa*

<jj

'-^x> jU O^1 £*■* ^slr! } ji- L Sd^ ^

X J^i^y XXX Jj y Ofi

uJumjJ> LUJr-.Ji^. jV^ U>l X X

»- ^.Ej i _ fckXtiL) AxA-k^} ^ _ ^__<slc

tfjX&J jj j'&xLXf fcxjjjT d_X>0 L—

^1 J'J L-Xxi

)y> Jt^ >° >- ^ yl jt)> Sr^ Sr5'^ SrfJ‘-^ ^

8+mjjj} UcXj^*'"® Vii?^ &3S? ^^.aaj~1 ^y^ l75,J:^ c_r^^ JU4^ ^^V°

A^jb c_r^^ c_r]/)j*<^^ A—j\+* ^jK

\^3jAs>. f 'A t— £iU ^IbjJL^. &ib^l.-ot ^J^k ^y

^ — t ^ xxx y^y ? I'jl^ j\'A'*

»*> ** gg

£$;) ^ <uJk <di) Jgtf ^k^/O lUS^ dJ;^^. jJ

^jij^XXgO |*k«) ^ ^ f^®) ClJ^g^aaw 1 *— d£/’^

j-? e/-^^ (•!** (*^ i Jyic^ (*k°l y

Jytyl £•* Jh*^ lS^ Jjj* jf. ^j-^l Jjklx* ^i'i J__

♦* '

/JJ sy

<Lj^ AaA 8*AlKS0jj ^l-^)

^ A)}** J* d\/iy ^ cH^rir^ j-bM ^

♦♦ «•

dT^fJ (LwOcVil (J))j^i X£fj3&

^.xkk j&if£\) j’i dT^.^ ^ J

jh^r> ^Uks xxx A^g<> aj^s^^Lu gj

,— XXX jS** jlf**

jiljdllA. V-LIa^w J^k )j^l &yij.1(J% Jj]

368 R. B. Shaw — A Grammar of the Language of Eastern Turhistcbi.

idji t&lj30 (^s^yi JY*1 i^C/' ^ ^

jl^.i IlVas::.] V— t— t)*d (Ji/* l <a A/q

X X X, L *- ■*‘s£^^ ^ ^/d

Extract XXIX.

CL>j*2.+*.

<!L))^j ca!I£^j ^J(AA/W/A^') i ^i--> (SX-vjj Aa£j tSx+Zj Jsf*ul

^ L^J»j ^d^J **5;^ J^'0) Ys Y X jlhjJjJ

XXX uT^yL?-^ v“’^iy ^ i__^U) c^a-s** L^xiU

J^d^ *"■*> ^ *—+i* lS^ J*f> ^ <^1

^*vjS ^ijfyA f A y v«j'^/C/-d £cy Ai^y

i^S^y! Lm^-’}~ '-r'jjJ t.i)ySb cf AV^jiyi i,

v“" ♦«

^jtyW L_f^^ yy ^c\A<k*wT ^aJ^j d'KY' Ls^yy <jy$

Lm***!-*-^ ^ <;■**$ y xxx Aj^j. ^ yy

♦♦

^aJuj ,ajL A£ ^LCCAIj LSj^ *— 1 iM>yi &£yL3»ti

J^iyi CA^&sd^ AillloT Uy^ i_C jt^\f 4..i ..A/wyl

iji^y '-fyy jVU| c^ y^y* {-r~^ ^

l»A XXX ^*dj **d JH^y y^/i^viV ^)Jy^

^✓oJ& ^jAA-o-^d Aj^‘*,/0 ^ <ta— ^ ^ cl.<w L m$^yy vJLJv-*A

^ ' ' ♦♦ " *i

Jj-A ^aJjA ClsWhLo XXX ^JbjJU v— j.*-iUl^vO

^5!iULuy> jy*^ y*» yffl jy* V^d Ijjy <^A*0

^ ^AJI-u; yf-ly > jyl ^ gIxU l^Liii &£&Lj A-jyi

id\'A ;^U) {*jb^ (Jji ^ tAAX^y, ,^XX3 ( **■“ fiy ^

^) j^Aly* ^Asrd] <— TiUyi

^ . _ *

^1 Ass I Lj i'^ v— T*^d^ vJ^"WA^r> jy v^/^d <^As::^li' XXX ^IbAlxi

— Oti^ l ^Jj) v^Ali

•*■ ♦*

^£J ^) ^

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. IV.— 1877.

Bali Studies. No. 2. — By Major G-. E. Fryer, Deputy Commissioner

British Burma.

II. — The Pali Text of the Vtjttodaya, or ‘Exposition of Metre’,

by Sangharakkhita Thera, with Translation and Notes.

Introduction.

The Vuttodaya (‘ Exposition of Metre’) is the second metrical treatise

written in Ceylon during the twelfth century by the Pah grammarian

Moggallana, under his priestly title of Sahgharakkhita Thera. It is the

only work on Pali prosody extant, and is founded on the Vrittaratnd/cara

(Ocean of Metres), a Sanskrit work on post-vedic metres by Ivedara Bhatta.

It contains 136 stanzas or portions of stanzas, divided into six chapters

which treat of the following subjects :

Chap. I. — The technical terms, and symbols in prosody.

Chap. II. — Metres regulated by time.

Chap. III. — Metres with quarter verses similar.

Chap. IY. — Metres with half lines similar.

Chap. Y. — Metres with quarter verses^dissimilar.

Chap. VI. — The six problems.

The work opens with the usual adoration to Buddha. Then follow an

explanation of the technical terms, and a description of the various metres

in Pali prosody. In the second, third, fourth, and fifth chapters, each

variety is illustrated in its own metre. The sixth chapter enunciates the

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JSTo. 2.

370

[No. 4,

six problems, and the work closes with a tribute of regard to the author’s

instructor, Sila Thera.

The text has been collated from several Burmese MSS. and compared

with two other valuable copies, one, a transcript from a Singhalese MS. in

the India Office, kindly presented to me in 1870 by the late Professor

Childers ; the other, a tract, derived from two Singhalese MSS. by Profes¬

sor Joh. Minay eft, published in 1869 by the Imperial Academy of Sciences

of St. Petersburg. Mr. Childers’ copy has 138 verses, but the last two are

merely portions of postscripts to other treatises of the author. Mr.

Minayeff’s text from wrong numbering has only 119 verses, though the

matter forms 136. In this sketch C stands for the first of these, and M

for the second.

There are several Pali commentaries on Vuttodaya , and glosses on the

reign of the Pegu monarch Dham-

marajadhiraja, circa 1385 — 1421

A. D.

3. ,, Tiled , by Buddhadhata during the same pe¬

riod.

Of these, the three principal commentaries, viz., the second, fifth, and

seventh have been consulted, and are referred to under the abbreviations

of Chan do., Vac., and Kav.

My grateful acknowledgements must here be made to the subjoined

works from which I have derived great assistance ; C. P. Brown’s Sanskrit

Prosody Explained ; Weber’s Ind. Stud., Vol. VIII; Colebrooke’s Life

and Essays, Vol. Ill ; and the translation of the Vrittaratnakara now

passing through the pages of the Pandit at Benares.

A table of the prosodial feet is given at page 391, they are denoted in

these pages by the initial letter of their symbols in capitals. A single long

syllable is marked G, a spondee Ga ; a breve is marked L, a pyrrhic La.

1877.]

Gr. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

371

TEXT.

NAMO TASSA BHAGAYATO ARAHATO SAMMA'SAMBUDDHASSA.

1. nam’ attku janasantanatamasantanabkedino,

dkamm’ uj j alantar ucino, munindodatarocino.

2. Pingalacariyadiki ckandam yam1 2 uditam pura

suddkamagadkikanan tarn na sadketi yat’ icckitam,3

3. tato Magadkabkasaya, mattavannavibkedanam,

lakkkyalakkkanasamyuttam,8 pasannattkapadakkamam,

4. idam Yuttodayam nama, lokiyacckandanissitam,

arabkissam’ akam ’dani4 tesam sukkavibuddkiya.

5. sabba-gla mn’, adi-5ga-laku bkya, majjkanta garu6 ja sa.

majjkanta-la ra t’, ete ’ttka7 gana ; go garu, lo laku.

6. bka-ja-sa sabbaga-laku pane’ ime, santkita gana

ariyadimki vinneyya : gano idka catukkalo.

7. samyogadi ca, digko ca, niggakitaparo ca, yo.

garu vanko padanto8 va ; rass’ anno9 mattiko 1’ uju.

8. pare padadi-samyoge, yo pubbo garuk’ akkkaro,10

laku sa kvaci vinneyyo ; tad udakaranam yatka : — •

“ dassanarasanubkavane11 || nibaddkagedlia jinass’ ayam janata,

“ vimkayajanani sannata- 1| kriya mi kan nanuranjayate.”

9. vinneyya, lokato, saniia sammuddosurasadinam ;

pado neyyo catuttkamso ; padacckedo yati bbkave.12

1 chanda’ yam, 0.

2 yath’ iccliitam, C ; yad iccliitam, M.

8 lakkka, C.

4 arabkissam akan dani, C and M.

5 ma n’ adi, C : m-na ’digalahu, M.

6 guru every where for garu in 0.

7 ra te-t’ attha, C ; rat’ et’ a^ha, M.

8 padanto, C. and M.

9 rasso ’nho, C.

10 guru-v-akkharo, 0.

11 rasamibhavawe, M.

12 yati bhave, M.

372

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2. [No. 4,

10. samam addbasamam1 2 3 vuttam, visaman caparam tidba.

sama lakkbanato pada cattaro yassa, tarn samam.

11. yass’ antimena dutiyo tatiyen’ adimo samo

tad addhasamam ;x ahnan tu bbinnalakkhanapadikam.

12. padam ekakkbararabbba, yava cbabbisatakkbara,

bbave padebi tain cbandam nananamoditam tato.

13. dandakacandavuttbyadi, padebi cbabi, tibi tu,

‘ gatba ’ti ca, paratth’ evam cbandosannapakasita.

14. anantaroditam, c’ annam etam, samannanamato

1 gatba ’icc eva,2 niddittbam,3 munindavacane pana.

15. visesanamato, kinci gabetva sabbatbocitam4

dassayissam’ aban,5 t’ettba naman’ avibbavissare.6

Hi Yuttodciye chandasi sanna paribiidsdniddeso nama pathamo paricchcdo.

1G. cbattbo ’kbilalabu jo va ga-yuta, ’nne cbaggana na jo visame ;

ariya y antaddbe7 lo cbattbo ’nte gana ccb’ anne.

17. patbamadd.be cbattbo ce sabbalab ’ettb’ adilabuni8 bbavati yati

tapparako ’nte pi sace carime pi bbavati catuttbo ’nte.

18. ariyasamannan ce pubboditalakkbanam bbave yassa.

19. adimam atba padayugam yassa tyamsebi sa patbya.

20. yattba ganattayam ullangbiyobbayattb’ adimo bbave vipula.

21. garumajjbako jakaro catuttbako dutiyako capala.

22. capalagatakbilan ce daladimam lakkbanam bbajati yassa

patbya-lakkbanam aniiam mukba-capala mima sa bbavati.

23. patliyaya9 lakkbanan ce patbamaddbe lakkbanan tu capalayam.10 11

dutiye dale ’tba yassa pakittita sa jagbana-capala.

Ariydjdtiyo.

24. sabbam patbamadale yadi31 lakkbanam ariydya vuttam ubbayesu

yassa dalesu yuttam vutta sa giti vutta yati lalita.

1 addhasamam, C.

2 gatha-m-icceva, C.

8 niddittha, C. and M.

4 sabbato ’citam, C.

5 aha?«, M.

6 avibhavissare, C and M.

7 ariya anta, C and M. addhe tor addhe everywhere in C.

8 sabbalahetvadi, C.

9 pathya, C.

10 capalaya, M.

11 yadi wanting in M.

373

1877.] G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

25. ariyayam dutiyaddbe gaditakbilalakkbanam yantam

bkavati dales’ ubbayesu pi yadi yassa sa yam upagiti.

26. ariyay ’addbadvitayam1 pubboditalakkbanopetam2

vipariyayenabbibitam yassa sambhavati ce ’ba soggiti.

27. ariya pubbadclbam yadi garnn ’ekenadbikena nidbane yuttam

yadi pubbaddbasanuinam dalam itaran codita yam ariyaglti.

Gitijdtiyo.

28. visame cba siyum kala mukbe same tv attba ra la ga tato ’pari3

vetaliyan tarn uccate ; labucliakkam na nirantaram same.

29. vetaliyopamam. mukbe tarn opaccbandasakam ra ya yad ante.

30. apatalika katbita ’yam bba ga ga ’nte yadi pubbamiv’ aiinam.

31. yad adito lakkbanantika4 tbit’ ettba padesv akbilesu4 jo.

32. udiccavuttitiv-uccate6 jo c’ ado visamesu santbito.

33. pubbattba samesu7 ce ga ja paccavuttir udita ’ti santbita.8

34. samasama’ ’tr’ adinam9 samasamyuta bbavati tarn pavattakam.

35. assa sa10 samakata ’parantika.

36. tad annaja carubasini.11

V eta liyaj a t iyo .

37. dvikavibatavasulabur12 acaladbitir iba.13

38. mattasamakam navamo lsra ’nte.14

• O

39. jo nla15 ’tliava ’nnava visiloko.16

40. tadvayato vanavasikabkya.17

41. pancattbanavasu yadi lo citra.

1 dvikayam, M.

2 lakklianupetam, C.

3 cha kala siyum same tattha ra laga tato ’pari, C.

4 dakkhinantika, C.

5 padesakkilesu, C.

6 vuccati, C.

7 pubbarMhasamesu, M.

8 paccavuttit ’udita ’ti, M. paccavuttir uditeti santhito, C.

9 adinam, C and M.

10 ya, C.

11 carubbasini, C.

12 viliatavasulahu, M.

13 acaladbiti, C ; acalathitir ilia, M.

14 la g ’ante, 0. 1 g ante, M

15 na la, C.

16 visiloko nama, M.

17 tan ca yato vanavasika ’kkhya, C.

374

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2.

[No. 4,

42. ga lya ’ttbabi1 ce sa-v-upacitra.

43. yam atitalakkbanavisesayutta-2

mattasamadi padabbibitam ;

aniyatavuttaparimanasahitam,

patbitam3 4 janesu padakulakam.

A Lattdsamalcaj dtiyo.

44. vina vannebi matta ga, vina vanna garubi tu,

vina lahiini garavo, dale patbyadino, mata.

iti* mattdivuttdniddeso dutiyo.

45. tya ce tanumajjba.

Gdyatti.

46. kumaralalita jsga.

TJnhi.

47. citrapada yadi bba ga.

48. mo mo go go vijjummala.

49. bba5 6 ta la ga manavakam.

50. gla samanika ra ja ca.

51. pamanika ja ra la ga.

Anutthubliam.

• •

52. ra9 na sa yadi balamukbi.

53. bbujagasusn mata7 na mo.

Brali at i.

54. msa jga suddbavirajitam8 matam.

55. mna yo go yadi panavo ’kbyato.9

56. bbma-sa-ga-yutta rummavati sa.

57. neyya matta ma-bba-sa-ga-yutta.

1 ga ly’ atthabi, C.

2 yutam, C.

8 patliitam M. wanting in C.

4 iti vuttodaye matta, M.

6 bbo, M.

6 ro, M.

7 bbata, C and M.

8 suddbaviraditam, C ; matam wanting in M.

0 ’kkbyato, C ; panavo ’kkbyato, M.

1877.]

375

G. E. Fryer — Tdali Studies. — JVo. 2.

58. campakamala, ce bha ma sa go.

59. na-ra-ja-gehi sa manorama.

60. ubbhasakan tarn ce to ma ra lea.1

JPanti.

61. tja jga garuna ’yam upattbita sa.2

62. indadika ta vajira ja ga go.

63. upadika sa ’va ja-ta-ja-ga go.

61. anantarodiritalakkhana ce3

pada vimissa upajatiyo ta

evam kil’ annasu vimissitasu4

vadanti jatisv idam eva namam.

65. sa ja ja la ga gadita sumukhi5

66. dodhakam iccbati ce bha bba bba ga.

67. ved’asseki6 mta tga ga salini sa.

68. vatiimmissa7 yati sa mbka ta ga go.

69. bba8 ta na ga go surasasiri9 sa.

70. ro na ra iba10 ratboddbata la ga.

71. svagateti ra na bha garuka dve.

72. na na ra lahu-garuki bbaddika.

TutthubTiam.

73. vadanti vamsattham idain ja ta ja ra.

71. sa-y-indavamsa11 kbalu yattba ta ja ra.

75. idba totakam ambudki sebi mitam.

• •

76. dutavilambitam abu12 na-bka bba-ra.

77. vasu-yuga-virati na mya puto ’yam.13

78. na-ya-sabita nya kusumavicitta.

1 ubbliasakam tan ce to ma ra lva, C ; ubbhasakan tam ce to

ma ra la, M.

2 yam upattbita, C ; sa, wanting’ in C.

8 lakkhano ce, M.

4 kir’ annasu pi missitasu, 0 ; kir,’ M.

6 sumukbi gadita, 0.

6 yedessebi, B.

7 catummi sa, 0.

8 bbo, M.

9 surassiri, 0.

10 idba, 0.

11 sa indavamsa, 0.

J2 aba, M.

13 putbo ’yam) 0.

376

[No. 4,

G. E. Fryer — 'Pali Studies. — No. 2.

79. bhujangappayatam1 bbave veda-yehi.

SO. na-bha-ja-rehi bhavati ppiyamvada.

81. vutta sudkiki lalita ta-bka ja-ra.

S2. pamitakkhara sa-ja-sa-seh’ udita.

83. na-na-bka-ra-sakita ’bhihit’ ujjala.

84. pane’ assa-cckinna2 vessadevi ma-ma ya.

85. bliavati3 hi tamarasam na ja-ja yo.

86. kamala ti heyya sa-ya-sehi yo ce.4

87. mna jra go ti-dasa-yati ppahasini sa.5

88. catuggaheb’ iha6 rucira ja-bha sja ga.7

Atijagati.

89. na-na-ra-sa-laku-ga sarehi ’parajita.

90. na-na-bka-na-la-g’ iti ppaharanakalika.

91. vutta vasantatilaka ta-bha-ja8 ja-ga-go.

Sahkari.

92. dvikata-liaya-laku-r atha g’ iti9 sasikala.

93. vasu-haya-yati-r idha manigunanikaro.10

94. na-na-ma-ya-ya-yuta ’yam11 malini bhog-isihi.

95. bhavati na-ja bha-ja ra-sahita pabhaddakam.

Atisalchari.

96. na-ja-bha-ja-ra yada12 bhavati vanini ga-yutta.

At th i.

97. ya-ma no so bka-lga13 rasa-hara-virama sikharini

1 blmjag’appaya tam, C.

2 pancassa, C : chinna, M.

8 vadati, C.

4 yo ve, C.

5 ppaLliasim, 0.

6 catuggahclii blia, C.

7 sa ja g, C ; sa-j-ga, M.

8 na bba ja, C.

® g’iti, C. '

10 maniganikaro, C.

11 nam, M.

12 sada, C and M.

18 bha la ga, C : blio 1-ga, M.

377

1877.] G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

98. rasa-yng-isito no so mra sla1 gyada karinf tada.

99. mandakkanta2 ma-kka-na-ta-ta-ga go yug-ntv-assakeki.3

Atyatthi .4

100. mo to no yo5 ya kusumitalatavellit’6 akkh’ utv-isiki.

DTmti.

101. ras’-utv-asseki yma7 na-sa-ra-ra-garu megkavippkujjita8 sa.

102. akk’ assehi-yati msa-ja9 sa-ta-ta-ga saddulavikkiliti.30

Atidhuti.

103. vuttam idisan tn namato ra-ja ra-ja ra-ja garullaku ca.11

/ t

Kati.

101. mra kkna yo yo ’tra yena tti-muni12-yati-yuta saddkara kittita ’yam,

Palcati,

105. kkrana-ra-nara-nac’ atka13garuddasakka-viramaki14kkaddakam idam,

Alcati.

iti samavutta jparicchedo tatiyo.

106. visame yadi sa sa-la-ga same kka-ttayato garuka-r-15upacittam.

] 07. kka-ttayato yadi garutamaj jka16 yadi puna-d-eva17kkavanti naja jya.

108. yadi sa-ttitayam garnyuttam vegavati18 yadi kka-ttitaya ga.

1 ma ra sa la, C. '

2 mandakkanta, C.

8 assagehi, M.

4 accattkf, C.

5 mo to yo no, O.

6 velalita, C,

I ya ma, 0.

8 vipphujita, C ; vippkujjika, M.

0 yadi ma sa ja, C.

10 saddulavikkilitam, C ; vikkflim, M.

II guru laliu ca, C ; garullahun ca, M.

12 ma ra kka na yo yo ta yena n tinnmi, 0.

13 na ’tha ca, C.

14 viramam, C.

15 guruka-v, C ; garuga c’, M.

16 dutamajjha, C.

17 punareva, C.

18 vegavati, C.

378

Gr. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JSTo. 2.

[No. 4,

109. to jo visame rato garu cce1 msa jga bhaddavirajam ettba go ce.

110. visame sa ja sa garuyutta ketumati same bha ra na ga go.

111. akhyanika2 ta visame ja ga go ja ta ja ga go tu same ’tba pade.

112. ja ta ja ga go visame same tu ta jo ga ga ce viparitapubba.

113. sa sato sa la ga visame same na bba bba ra bkavate3 karinapluta.

114. yadi na na ra la ga na ja ja ra yadi ca4 tada ’paravuttam iccbati.

115. visamam upagata nana ra yacena ja ja ra ga samake ca pubbitagga.

dvayam idam vet ally a pp a bhedo.

116. sa yavadikamatkra j a ra j a tvasame same6 ja raja ra gam bbhaveyyum.

iti ct d d hascma-vuttaparicchedo catutiho.

117. n’ attkakkharesu padesu sn’ adimha7 yo ’nnava vattam.

118. samesu sindhuto jena patliyavattam pakittitam.

119. ojesu jena sindhuto tarn eva viparitadi.

120. na-karo ce jaladkito capalavattam icc etam.

121. same lo sattamo yassa vipulii Pingalassa sa.

122. Setavassakhilesu pi.

123. bhen’ annava8 tabbipula.

124. evam anna9 ro catuttho.

125. no ’nnava ce na-vipula.

126. to ’nnava tatka ’nha siya.

vattappa b h he do.

127. na dissat’ ettba yam chandam payoge dissate10 yadi.

visamakkharapadan tarn gatka samannanamato.

iti visumavuttaparicchedo pcincctmo.

128. patthare sabba-ge pade pubba-ga ’dko lpare sama.

pubbe garu te ca-m-ime11 kattabba yava sabba-la.12

1 garun ce, C.

2 akkhyatika, C ; akhyatika, M.

3 bliavati liaritapluta, C.

4 yadi va, C ; ca wanting, M.

5 yuvadikamalf, M.

6 rajatu ’sa me same, M ; raja tu same ’same, 0.

1 sa nadimha, C ; sn’-a5 dimka, M.

8 annava, 0.

9 anna, C. andM.

10 dissati, 0.

11 tv evam ime, C and M.

12 lo, C and M.

1877.]

379

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

129. natthassa yo bhaveyy’ anko tasmin lo ’cldhikate same

visame tv ekasahite bhaveyy’ addhikate garu.

130. ekadinukkamen’ ahke pubba ’dko dvigune likhe

missitehi lahutthebi sekeh’ udditthakam bhave.

131. vuttakkharasama sahkhya likkhya’ s’ekopar’ upari

ekekahinam ekadin’ utthane sabbagadikam.

132. garukriya ’hkasandohe bhave sahkhya vimissite1 2

udditth’ ahkasamaharo seko vemam3 samanaye.

133. sahkhj^eva dvigunekuna vittharayamasambhava4 5

vuttass’ addhantaranan ca garu-lanan ca angulam.

Hi Sang Ji am Jc k h it a th erap a da viracite Vuttodaye chandasi chappaccayavU

bhago nama chattlio paricchedod

[eso

134. selantarayatanavasikaSilatherappado6 garuggunagnrujjayatam7 liam

yassappabhavamavalambamay’ edisopi8 sampadito ’bhimatasiddhikaro

135. paratthasampadanato puimenadkigaten’ aliam [parattho.

paratthasampadanako bhaveyyam jatijatiyam.

136. avalokifcamattena yatha chappaccaya maya

sadhita sadhiyantevam9 icchitattham pi panino.

Yuttodagagalmranam nittliitam.

1 likhya, 0.

2 vimissate, C.

3 dve ’mam, C.

* sambliavo, C ; yavasambliave, M.

5 iti - paricchedo omitted, C.

6 therapado, C ; therapado, M.

1 garuguna garujayatam, M ; gurugunaguru jayatam, 0.

8 mamedisopi, M.

9 sadhayantvevam, C ; sadhayantena m’, M.

End of Text.

380

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

TRANSLATION.

1. Praise be to tbe Chief of Sages, beautifully pure, radiant with the

glory of virtue, who dispels the universal ignorance of mankind.

2. The formerly written prosodies of Pin gala and others, are not

suited to the Magadha people.

3. Therefore, distinguishing verses measured by feet from those regu¬

lated by time, together with the distinctive peculiarities of each,

(made into) an understood series of poetry,

4. This Yuttodaya, a collection of secular prosody, I will now com¬

mence in the language of the Magadha people for their instruction.

5. (That foot is called) ma, (the three syllables of which are) all long ;

(that is) na , (the three syllables of which are) all short ; Wia, has

the first long ; ya , the first short ; ja , the middle long ; sa, the last

long ; ra, the middle short ; ta the last short. These are the eight

feet ; go (stands for) garu (heavy) ; lo (for) lahu (light).

6. Be it known that the five feet, him , ja, sa, ma, na, are used in the

Ariya and other metres of that class. In that class a foot consists

of four syllabic instants (kata).

7. A vowel preceding compound consonants, a long vowel preceding

the niggahita, and optionally a vowel at the end of a quarter verse

are heavy, and indicated by a bent mark ; the other, a short vowel,

measuring an instant of time, is light, and indicated by a straight

mark.

8. Be it known, that a heavy vowel — preceding compound consonants

at the beginning of a quarter verse — is sometimes light, as in the

subjoined illustration :

dassanarasanubhavane nibaddhagedha jinass’ ayam janata

vimhayajanani s anna to kriya nu kan nanuranjayate.

9. Be it known, that the terms samuddo, usu , rasa and the like, are

used in the popular sense ; jydda is the fourth part of a verse ; yati

is verse division.

10. Metre is threefold, either sama, addhasama or visama . That is sama,

the quarters of which are similar in character.

11. That is addhasama, which has its first and third, and second and

fourth respectively alike. That is visama , which has quarters dissi¬

milar in character.

12. Metres vary in length from one up to twenty-six syllables in a quar¬

ter verse.

13. Chants such as the Dandaka, Candavutthi and the like, and metres

having three or even six jgadas are called £ Gatha’ in another work.

381

1877.] G. E. Fryer — 'Pali Studies. — No. 2.

14. Further, in Pali, other kinds of metre, as well as those just spoken

of, are comprehended under the general name of Gatha.

15. I will now point out the characteristics of the metres generally used,

the names of which are noted herein.

(Here ends) the first chapter giving the general definitions and symbols in prosody.

16. When (in the first half of a stanza) the sixth foot is an amphibrach

(J), or a proceleusmatic (NL), and with no amphibrach (J) in the

odd feet of the remaining six, together with a final long (G) ; and

when in the second half, the sixth foot is a breve (L) with six other

feet, together with a final long quantity (G), the metre is called

Ariya.

17. If the sixth foot of the first half he a proceleusmatic (NL), the

pause must be on the first of the four instants ; if in the second

half, the fifth foot he a proceleusmatic (NL), the pause falls on the

last syllable of the fourth foot.

18. A metre possessing the aforesaid characteristics is comprehended

under the general name of Ariya.

12. If the initial padas of each half verse are restricted by the pause to

three feet ( i . e., twelve instants), the metre is Pathya.

20. If the initial pcidas exceed three feet, the metre is Vipula.

21. That is Capala, in both halves of which the second and fourth foot

is an amphibrach (J).

22. That is Mukhacapala, the first half of which has the characteristics

of a Capala, and the second half those of a Pathya.

23. That is Jaghanacapala, the first half of which has the characteris¬

tics of a Pathya, and the second half those of a Capala.

( Here ends the section on) the Ariya class of metres.

24. That is Giti, in which both halves have the characteristics of the

first half of the Ariya, with the pause appropriately placed.

25. That is Upagiti, both halves of which have the characteristics of the

second half of the Ariya.

26. That is Uggiti, which exhibits the halves of an Ariya stanza in in¬

verted order.

27. That is Ariyagiti, the halves of which correspond respectively with

the first half of the Ariya plus one long syllable at the end.

(Here ends the section on) the Giti class of metres.

28. That is Yetaliya, which has six instants in its odd quarters, and

eight instants in the even, followed in each quarter by a cretic (R),

and iambic (LG) ; in the even quarters six breves should not follow

consecutively.

382

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2 .

[No. 4,

29. That is Opacchandasaka, which has a cretic (R), and a hacchic (Y),

following the six instants in the odd, and the eight instants in the

even quarters.

30. That is Apatalika, which has a dactyl (B), and a spondee (Ga) fol-

lollowing the six instants in the odd, and the eight in the even quar¬

ters.

31. That is Lakkhanantika, in the quarters of which an amphibrach ( J)-

constitutes the first four instants.

32. That is TJdiccavutti, in the odd quarters of which an amphibrach ( J)

constitutes the first four instants.

33. That is Paccavutti, in the even quarters of which a long syllable

and an amphibrach (GJ) form the first six instants.

34. That is Pavattaka, the odd quarters of which correspond with those

of TJdiccavutti, and the even with those of Paccavutti.

35. That is Aparantika, the quarters of which correspond with the even

quarters of Pavattaka.

36. That is Caruhasini, the quarters of which correspond with the odd

quarters of Pavattaka.

( Sere ends the section on) the Vetdliya class of metres.

37. That is Acaladhiti, the quarters of which consist of sixteen instants.

38. That is Mattasamaka, in the quarters of which the ninth instant is

a short syllable, and the two last instants a long syllable.

39. That is Yisiloka, which has in each quarter after the fourth instant,

either an amphibrach (J) or a proceleusmatic (NL).

40. That is Vanavasika, which has in each quarter after the eighth

instant, either an amphibrach (J) or a proceleusmatic (NL).

41. That is Citra, the fifth, eighth, and ninth instants of which are

breves.

42. That is Ilpacitra, which has a dactyl (B), and a spondee (Ga), after

the eighth instant.

43. That is Padakulaka, the quarters of which though consistent with

the principle of the Mattasamaka class, contain syllables of mixed

quantities.

(Here ends the section on) the Mattasamaka class of metres.

44. Be it known, that in the Pathya class of metres the difference

between the number of the long quantities, and the instants, equals

the number of the syllables ; the difference between the number of

the syllables and the instants, equals the number of the long quan¬

tities ; half the difference between the number of the short quanti¬

ties and the instants equals the number of the long quantities.

(Sere ends) the second ( chapter ) describing the metres regulated by time .

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Fall Studies. — Ho. 2.

383

45.

In the Gdyatti.

That is Tanumajjha, the quarters of which consist of an antihacchie

(T), and a bacchic (Y).

In the Unhi.

46. That is Kumaralalita, the quarters of which consist of an amphibrach

(J), an anapaest (S), and a long syllable (G).

In the Anutthubham.

47. That is Citrapada, the quarters of which consist of two dactyls (B),

and a spondee (Ga).

48. That is Yijjummala, the quarters of which consist of two molossi

(M), and a spondee (Ga).

49. That is Manavakam, the quarters of which consist of a dactyl (B),

an antibacchic (T), and an iambic (LG).

50. That is Samanika, the quarters of which consist of a cretic (R), an

amphibrach (J), and a trochee (GL).

51. That is Pamanika, the quarters of which consist of an amphibrach

(j), a cretic (R), and an iambic (LG).

In the JBrahati.

52. That is Halamukhi, which has a cretic (R), a tribrach (N), and an

anapsest (S).

53. That is Bliujagasusu, which has two tribrachs (N), an in molossus

(M).

In the JPanti.

54. That is Suddhavirajitam, which has a molossus (M), an anapjest (S),

an amphibrach (J), and a long syllable (G).

55. That is Panavo, which has a molossus (M), a tribrach (N), a bacchic

(Y), and a long syllable (G).

56. That is Rummavati, which has a dactyl (B), a molossus (M), an

anapoest (S), and a long syllable (G).

57. That is Matta, which has a molossus (M), a dactyl (B), an anapaest

(S), and a long syllable (G).

58. That is Campakamala, which has a dactyl (B), a molossus (M), an

anapoest (S), and a long syllable (G).

59. That is Manorama, which has a tribrach (N), a cretic (R), an amphi¬

brach (J), and a long syllable (G).

60. That is Ubbhasakam, which has an antibacchic (T), a molossus (M),

a cretic (R)? and a short syllable (L).

884

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2.

[No. 4,

In the Tutthuhham.

• •

Gl. That is Upatthita, which has an antibaechic (T), two amphibrachs

(J), and a spondee (Ga).

G2. That is Indavajira, which has two antibacchics (T), an amphibrach

(J), and a spondee (Ga).

63. That is Upavajira, which has an amphibrach (J), an antibacchi (T),

an amphibrach (J), and a spondee (Ga).

64. That is Upajati, when the quarters of the two preceding metres are

mixed together. Similarly it is said that the name Upajati is applied

to any metre that has mixed quarters.

65. That is Sumukhi, which has an anapaest (S), two amphibrachs (J),

and an iambic (LG).

66. That is Dodhakam, which has three dactyls (B), and a spondee (Ga).

67. That is Salmi, which has a molossus (M), two antibacchics (T), and

a spondee (Ga), with the pause on the fourth syllable, and the

seventh (following it).

68. That is Vatummissa, which has a molossus (M), a dactyl (B), an

antibaechic (T), and a spondee (Ga), with the pause (on the fourth

syllable, and the seventh following it).

69. That is Surasasiri, which has a dactyl (B), an antibaechic (T), a

tribrach (N), and and a spondee (Ga).

70. That is Rathoddhata, which has a cretic (It), an amphibrach (N),

a cretic (R): and an iambic (LG).

71. That is Svagata, which has a cretic (R), a tribrach (N), a dactyl

(B), and a spondee (Ga).

72. That is Bhaddika, which has two tribrachs (N), a cretic (R), and an

iambic (LG).

In the Jagati.

73. That is Vamsattha, which has an amphibrach (J), an antibaechic (T),

an amphibrach (J), and a cretic (R).

74. That is Indavamsa, which has two antibacchics (T), an amphibrach

(j), and a cretic (R).

75. That is Totaka, which has four anapaests (S).

76. That is Dutavilambita, which has a tribrach (N) two dactyls (B),

and a cretic (R).

77. That is Puta, which has two tribrachs (N), a molossus (M), and a

bacchic (Y), with a pause at the fourth, and eighth syllable (follow¬

ing it).

78. That is Kusumavicitta, which has a tribrach (N), and a bacchic (Y),

and again a tribrach (N), and a bacchic (Y).

1877.] G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2. 885

79. That is Bhujangappayatam, which has four bacchics (Y).

80. That is Piyamvada, which has a tribrach (N), a dactyl (B), an am¬

phibrach ( J), and a cretic (R).

81. That is Lalita, which has an antibacchic (T), a dactyl (B), an am¬

phibrach (J), and a cretic (R).

82. That is Pamitakkhara, which has an anapaest (S), an amphibrach (J),

and two anapaests (S).

83. That is Ujj ala, which has two tribrachs (N), a dactyl (B), and a

cretic (P).

84. That is Vessadevi, which has two molossi (M), and two bacchics (Y"),

with the pause at the fifth syllable, and the seventh (following it).

85. That is Tamarasam, which has a tribrach (N), two amphibrachs (J),

and a bacchic (1").

86. That is Kamala, which has an anapsest (S), and bacchic (Y), follow¬

ed by an anapsest (S), and bacchic (Y).

In the Atijagati .

87. That is Pahasini, ttfhich has a molossus (M), a tribrach (N), an am¬

phibrach (J), a cretic (R), and a long syllable (G), with the pause

at the third syllable, and at the tenth (following it).

88. That is Rucira, whicn has an amphibrach (J), a dactjd (B), an ana¬

psest (S), an amphibrach ( J), and a long syllable (G), with the pause

at the fourth syllable, and ninth (following it).

In the Sahlcari.

89. That is Aparajita, which has two tribrachs (N), a cretic (R), an ana¬

psest (S), and an iambic (LG), with the pause at the seventh syllable,

and the seventh (following it).

90. That is Paharanakalika, which has two tribrachs (N), a dactyl (B),

a tribrach (N), and an iambic (LG), with the pause at the seventh

syllable, and the seventh (following it).

91. That is Vasantatilaka, which has an antibacchic (T), a dactyl (B),

two amphibrachs ( J), and a spondee (Ga).

In the Atisakkari.

92. That is Sasikala, which has four tribrachs (N), and an anapsest (S).

93. When the pause falls on the eighth syllable, and the seventh (follow¬

ing it), the metre is called Manigunanikaro.

94. That is Malini, which has two tribrachs (N), a molossus (M). and

two bacchics (Y") with the pause on the eighth syllable, and the

seventh (following it).

95. That is Pabhaddakam, which has a tribrach (N), an amphibrach (J)

a dactyl (B), an amphibrach, (J) and a cretic (R).

3SG

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

In the Atthi.

9G. That is Vanini, which has a tribrach (N), an amphibrach (J). a dac¬

tyl (B), an amphibrach (J) a cretic (R), and along syllable (G).

In the Atyatthi.

97. That is Sikharini, which has a bacchic (Y), a molossus (M), a tri¬

brach (N), an anapaest (S), a dactyl (B), an iambic (LG), with the

pause at the sixth syllable, and eleventh (following it).

98. That is Harini, which has a tribrach (N), an anapaest (S), a molos¬

sus (M), a cretic (R), an anapaest (S), and an iambic (LG), with the

pause at the sixth syllable, the fourth (following it), and at the

seventh (following the last).

99. That is Mandakkanta, which has a molossus (M), a dactyl (B), a

tribrach (N), two antibaccliics (T), and a spondee (Ga), with the

pause at the fourth syllable, the sixth (following it), and at the

seventh (following the last).

In the JDJmti.

100. That is Ivusumitalatavellita, which has a molossus (M), an antibac-

chic (T), a tribrach (N), and three bacchics (Y) with the pause at

the fifth syllable, the sixth (following it), and the seventh (follow¬

ing the last).

In the Atidhuti.

101. That is Meghavipphujita, which has a bacchic (Y), a molossus (M),

a tribrach (N), an anapaest (S), two cretics (R), and a long syllable

(G), with the pause at the sixth syllable, the sixth (following it, and

the seventh (following the last).

102. That is Saddulavikkiliti, which has a molossus (M), an anapaest (S),

an amphibrach (J), an anapaest (S), two antibaccliics (T), and a long

syllable (G), with a pause on the twelfth syllable, and the seventh

(following it).

In the Kati.

103. That is Yutta, which has ten trochees (GL).

In the Patcati.

104. That is Saddhara which has a molossus (M), a cretic (R), a dactyl

(B), a tribrach (N), and three bacchics (Y), with the pause at every

seventh syllable.

105. That is Bhaddaka, which has a dactyl (B), a cretic (R), a tribrach

(N), a cretic (R), a tribrach (N), and a long syllable (G), with the

pause on the tenth syllable, and on the twelfth (following it).

(Here ends) the third chapter (describing the) metres the quarters of which are similar.

1877.] G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2. 887

106. That is Upacitta, which has in its odd quarters three anapaests (S),

and an iambic /LG) ; and in its even quarters, three dactyls (B), and

a spondee (Ga).

107. That is Rutamajjha, which has in the odd quarters three dactyls

(B) and a spondee (Ga) ; and in the even quarters a tribrach (N),

two amphibrachs (J), and a bacchic (Y).

108. That is Vegavati, which has in the odd quarters three anapoests (S)

and a long syllable (G) ; and in the even quarters three dactyls (B),

and a spondee (Ga).

109. That is Bhaddavirajam, which has in the odd quarters an antihacchic

(T), an amphibrach (J), a cretic (R), and along syllable (G) ; and in

the even quarters, a molossus (M), an anapcest (S), an amphibrach

(J), and a spondee (Ga).

110. That is Ketumati, which has in the odd quarters an anapaest (S), an

amphibrach (J), a cretic (R), and a long syllable (G) ; and in the

even quarters a dactyl (B), a cretic (R), a tribrach (N), and a

spondee (Ga).

111. That is Akhyanika, which has in the odd quarters, two antibacchics

(T), an amphibrach (J), and a spondee (Ga) : and in the even quar¬

ters an amphibrach ( J), an antibacchic (T), an amphibrach (J), and

a spondee (Ga).

112. That is Viparitapubba, which has in the odd quarters an amphibrach

(J), an antibacchic (T), an amphibrach (J), and a spondee (Ga) ;

and in the even quarters two antibacchics (T), an amphibrach (J),

and a spondee (Ga).

113. That is Harinapluta, which has in the odd quarters three anapoests

(S), and an iambic (LG), and in the even quarters a tribrach (N),

two dactyls (B), and a cretic (R).

111. That is Aparavutta, which has in the odd quarters two tribrachs (N),

a cretic (R), and an iambic (LG) ; and in the even quarters a tri¬

brach (N), two amphibrachs (J), and a cretic (R).

115. That is Pubbitagga, which has in the odd quarters two tribrachs

(N), a cretic (R), and a bacchic (Y) ; and in the even quarters a

tribrach (N), two amphibrachs (J), a cretic (R), and a long sylla¬

ble (G).

These two metres (respectively correspond with) the Yetdllya (and Opac-

chandasaka) metres.

116. That is Yavadikamati, which has in the odd quarters six trochees

(GL) ; and in the even quarters six iambics (LG), with a final long

syllable (G).

(Here ends ) the fourth chapter (describing) metres , the half lines of which are similar.

[No. 4,

8S8 G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JSTo. 2.

117. In that class of metres having eight syllables in each quarter, that

is Vatta, which has no anapoest (S), nor tribrach (N) after the first

syllable ; and which has a bacchic (Y) after the fourth syllable.

118. That is Pathyavatta, which has in the even quarters, an amphibrach

(J) following the fourth syllabla.

119. That is Viparita vatta, which has in the odd quarters, an amphibrach

(J) following the fourth syllable.

120. That is Capalavatta, which has in the odd quarters, a tribrach (N)

following the fourth syllable.

121. That is the Vipula of Pingala which has the seventh syllable short

in the even quarters.

122. That is the Vipula of Setava, which has the seventh syllable short

in all the quarters.

123. That is Bha- Vipula, which has a dactyl (B) following the fourth

syllable.

124. That is Ra- Vipula, which has a cretic (R) following the fourth sylla¬

ble.

125. That is Na- Vipula, which has a tribrach (N) following the fourth

syllable.

126. That is Ta- Vipula, which has an antibacchic (T) following the fourth

syllable.

(So much for') the Vatta hind {of metres).

127. Any metre not noticed here, having quarters dissimilar in character,

is comprehended under the generic term Gdtha.

( Here ends) the fifth chapter describing metres the quarters of which are dissimilar.

128. In the table (representing the various long and short quantities of a

metre), set down a quarter verse with quantities all long, below first

long a breve, followed by same (as above), preceded by longs, and

this is to be repeated until there are all shorts in the row.

129. If the row number of a variation in the table can be halved set down

a breve, if being odd a unit is required set down a long quantity.

130. From the first syllable write below each, numbers in progression

from one, the sum of the figures beneath the short quantities, plus

one, is the indicator.

131. Write units one over another in number equal to the syllables of a

quarter verse plus one, let each column be one less in number than

the one preceding, let there be -a rising from one and so on, the

result is all longs and the like.

132. The number of the possible variations of a metre may be determined

by the preceding method, or by the one preceding that.

3S9

1877.] G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies.— No. 2.

133. Twice the number of variations in a given metre, minus one, gives

the measurement in inches of the long, and the short quantities, and

the intervals between them.

[Here ends ) the sixth chapter entitled the six problem section of the Vuttodaya composed by

Sahgharaklchita Thera .

134. To supply a public want, this treatise was prepared under the en¬

couragement of my benevolent preceptor, the venerable Sila Thera,

residing at Selantara, to whom I wish every success.

135. In return for this benefit, may I in successive births be a benefactor

to others.

136. May mankind attain the fulfilment of their desires as easily as I

solved these six problems.

The Vuttodaya is ended.

NOTES.

Notes on Chapter I.

v. 1. ncrnC atthu for namo atthu ; odata for avadata. “ Ettlia ca pathama

gatkaya parammukhakaram dasseti, sesahi gandkarambkappaladike-

tani pakata yeva.” Kav.

v. 2. Kingaldcarlyddihi. “ Setava hharamantavyadinam” Chando. “ adi.

saddena c’ettha Jayadevasurama Kalidasadayo Sangankati” Vac. and

Kav.

chandam yam. “ chandam niggakitagamena” Kav.

yaf icchitam for yato icchitam. “ tesam icchitam abkimatam chan-

dosattamaparinnatam yato yasma karana na sadketi, nasammadeti,

tato tasma karana Magadhabkasaya Vuttodayam arabbhisan ti sam-

♦

handho” Chando. “ yat’ icchitan ti vadati, yad icchitan ti pi vat-

tum vattati, yarn ti hi padassa yasma ti attho pi sambhavato Maga

dkabhasayati.” Vac. Kav. gives the subtance of the above,

v. 3. ' mattavannavihhedanam. Pali poetry is divided into poetry mea¬

sured by the time occupied in the pronunciation (matta) , and poetry

regulated by the number of syllables (vanna). The first of these is

also called Jdti.

lahlchyalahlchanasamyuttam. “ lakkkalakkhanasamyuttam.” Kav.

“ lakkhiyate ti lakkkanam udakaranam lakkhyate ’neneti lakkkanam

suttam lakkhan ca, lakkhanan ca, lakkhalakkhana lakkkam eva va

lakkhanam lakkhalakkhanam tehi tena va samyuttam, lakkhalakkha-

390

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

nasamyuttam suttam eva udaharanan ti vuttam hoti.” Chando.

“ lakkhitabban ti lakkhanam tad eva lakkhyam udaharanam, lakkhi-

yate anenati lakkhanam suttam lakkhanah ca tarn lakkhanam cati

lakkhyalakkhanam” Vac.

v. 4. vuttodayam , for vutta + udayam.

lokiyacchandanissitam. A collection of prosody not vedic. “ na

vedikacchandanissitam, duvidham chandam, lokiya-vedika-chanda-

bhedena, tattha lokiyannamachandam nakkhattapathadikam. ; vedi-

kannamachandam vijjabalenakase gamanadikam ; tesu pajjabandhes-

vapajojaniyattadhippetam veditabbam.” Kav. Chando. nearly the

same.

drabbhissdm ’ alian ’ ddni . “ arabbhissan ti Magadhabhasaya upahna-

payissami” Chando. arabbhissami aham idani ti padacchedo” Vac,

“ arabbhisami ahan ti padacchedo Yacanatthajotikayam pan’ arab-

bhissam ahan ti vuttam, dvisu ca yathakkamam arabbhissam’ ahan

ti ca patho datthabbo.” Kav.

v. 5. atthagand. Eight feet. These are subjoined.

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Tali Studies. — No. 2.

391

The Kavisara has some fanciful remarks in connection with the eight

prosodial feet, the substance of which is given in the subjoined tables.

Table 1.

The names of the guardian celestial beings, lunar mansions, &c., con¬

nected with the eight prosodial feet.

Table 2.

Classification of letters into castes.

v. 6. gano idlia catulckalo. The Ariya class of metres is measured by

feet denominated gana , which are equivalent to two long syllables or

four breves (Jcala). “ catukkalo caturo kala matta assati va * # #

adittayam pana eko garu dve lahu, massa pana dve garu, nassa tu

lahu catukkam, tasma catukkalo ti vutto.” Vac.

v. 7. Samyogadi. Double consonants and the like. “ samyogo nama dvin-

nam vyanjananam ekatra thiti vuccati, saranantarika vyanjananam

yogato pi yatha ; “ tattha, dinna, hutva” tyadi : digho ca saro

yatha ; “gato, pita, bhuto, deti, sotthi, ettha, ottho,” ti : niggahita-

paro yatha ; “ yain. taip” tyadi : * # # catunnam padanam anto

392

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2. [No. 4,

avasanam ti padanto saro ca yatha ; “ suriyuggamanam pati” tyadi,

ime caturo sara garu ti datthabbam.” Vac.1

The Bupasiddhi has “ kvaci samyogato pubba ekarokara rassa iv,

uccante yatha ; ettha, seyyo, ottho, sotthi.” Blc. 1. Chap. 1. Sutta

5., but in the earlier commentary on Kaccdyana's Grammar, the

Nyasa, no mention is made of this shortening of heavy vowels.

padanto. This is the Burmese reading supported by the commentaries.

Kavisdra has “ chandanurakkhattam padanto ti vuttam padanto ti

pi patho,” but so long as a couplet of the Vatta class of metres con¬

forms to the principles of that class, it is immaterial what foot fol¬

lows the fourth foot in the odd quarter.

vanlco # # uju. In Burmese, the mark for the short quantity in

Pali prosody, is the number for one in that alphabet, and the mark

for the long quantity is the number for two.

mattUco. Consisting of a breve (matta). Equal in time to a snaj) of "

the finger, a flash of lightning, or the twinkling of an eye. “ mat-

tasaddo c’ettha accharasankhatam va, vijjutasankhatam va, akkhi-

nimilasankkatam va, kalam vadati ti datthabbam, tatha pi tena mat-

tena ekamatta rassa, dvimatta digha, addhamattika vyanjana ti”

Nycisa Blc. 1. Sutta 4.

v. 8. padadi. This rule refers to poetry measured by the time occupied

in the pronunciation (mattavutti) , which is divided by pauses into

quarters (padas). The illustration subjoined is in the Pathya metre

of the Ariya class in which the pause is commonly restricted to the

close of third foot.

sannata leriyd. The shortening of the final a in sannata before two

consonants, the last of which is the liquid r, resembles the muta cum

liyuida rule, and th q positio deb ills of Latin prosodians ; e. g. inte-

gri, (comp. Weber, Ind. Stud., Yol. viii). The stanza may be freely

translated thus : —

From the pleasure of seeing and hearing Buddha, springs

a passion never sate.

Who would not derive pleasure from a study so wondrous and

sublime P

The Chando. points out that this couplet illustrates the figure of

Rhetoric called Transition (atthantaranydisa) , the introduction of

another sense into a subject, (such as a moral reflection). The

author describes this figure in his Subodhalankara ( Busy Blietoric)

vv. 241 to 245. It is twofold, viz. : —

1 It is also an established rule in Pali prosody that consonants may be doubled,

in older to give prosodial length to a naturally short vowel {vide v. 134.)

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

893

r

i

■I

The (four)

oceans.

V.

(a) , general, (sabbavyapi — ).

(b) . partial, ( visesatha — ).

each kind being distinguished by the absence and presence of the

emphatic particle hi. In this instance it is partial transition

without the particle lii, (see Jour., As. Soc. Peng., Part I, No. 2,

1875, pages 100 and 119.)

v. 9. Samuddo surasddiham. Samuddo, usu, rasa, and such like symbols

represent numerals. Numerical symbols occur only in the second,

third, and fifth chapters, and are here subjoined.

Number 4. veda. the (four) vedas vv. 67. 79.

yuga. the (four) ages, vv. 77. 98. 99.

samuddo. v. 9.

annava. vv. 39. 117. 123. 125. 126.

ambudhi. v. 75.

jaladhi. v. 120.

sindhu. vv. 118. 119,

Number 5. usu. the (five) arrows of Cupid, v. 9.

akkhi. the eye, one of the (five) senses, v. 100.

Number 6. rasa, the (six) tastes, vv. 9. 97. 98. 101.

utu. the (six) seasons, vv. 99. 100. 108.

Number 7. assa. vv. 67. 84. 99. 101. 102. ( the (seven) horses

haya. vv. 92. 93. ( of the sun.

muni. v. 104. ( , T , N

{ the (seven) sages.

isi. vv. 94. 98. 100. ( v °

sara. the (seven) musical notes, v. 89.

Number 8. vasu. a certain tribe of demigods, vv. 37. 41. 77. 93.

bhoga. wealth, v. 94.

Number 9. gaha. a planet, v. 88.

Number 11. hara. one of the eleven Ruddas, v. 97.

Number 12. akka . The sun, one to each month, v. 102. 105.

padacchedo yati bbhave. Verse division is yati, the harmonic pause.

The subject is treated of in the author’s Subodhalankara ( Pasy

Phetorie) vv. 49. to 55/ Pada here means a portion, not a quar¬

ter, of a verse.

v. 12. ekakkhar ’ arabbha. for ekakkharam arabbha.

Quarter verses vary from one up to twenty-six syllables. In this

treatise they range from the Gdyatti of six syllables, to the Akati

of twenty-two syllables. The five metres preceding the former, and

the four following the latter omitted here are : —

1 See Jour., As. Soc, Beng., Part I, No. 2, 1875, pp. 96 and 108.

394 G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2. [No. 4,

v. 13. parattha. Elsewhere. The work referred to, is the Chandovicitta.

The metres are Bacchanalian chants, unlimited in length, commen¬

cing with two tribrachs (N), followed by cretics (It),

v. 15. t’ ettha for te ettha.

Notes on Chapter II.

v. 16. This chapter describes Pali metres regulated by time ( matta -

vutti), called Jati. They are four in number Ariya, Giti, Vetaliya,

and Mattasamaka ; the second, however, is merely a subdivision of

the first. The Ariya class uses feet containing four instants or

breves, or their equivalents ; namely : —

dactyl . — w w B.

amphibrach . ^ w J.

anapaest . v“; ^ — S.

spondee . . — — - Ga.

proceleusmatic . kj kj kj ^L.

Any one of these may be used in the even feet, viz., the second,

fourth, and sixth. The amphibrach (J) is inadmissible in the odd

feet, viz ; first, third, fifth, and seventh. In each half verse, which

consists of seven and a half feet, the sixth foot must be an amphibrach,

or proceleusmatic, or a single breve. The metres are musical lyric

verses. Mr. C. P. Brown in his treatise on Sanskrit Prosody, has

pointed out a metre in Horace similar to the Ariya, the Ionic a

Minore “ Miser arum est ” &c., (Od. iii. 12J. The choruses in the

Bacchse of Euripides are principally in this metre.1 Subjoined is

the scheme of the four Jdti from verse 16 to 43, inclusive.

1 Walford’s Handbook of the Greek drama, p. 172.

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — JPdli Studies. — JVo. 2

395

2 D

39 G

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2

[No. 4,

III. YetaUya.

Yetalfya.

Oj>acchandasaka

Apatalika.

Lakkhanatika.

Udiccavutti.

Paccavutti.

Pavattaka.

Aparantika.

Caruhisini.

IY. MattasamaJca.

Acaladliiti.

Mattasamaka.

Yisiloka.

Yanavasika.

Citra.

Upacitra.

&

c3

p <

P*

Citra.

Yisiloka.

Yanavasika.

Yisiloka.

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

397

V. 44. If the first half of verse 17 be taken, the number of instants,

of syllables, of long and short quantities is as follows ; —

Notes on Chapter III.

This chapter describes those metres the quarters of which are similar,

giving in each instance the characteristic of one quarter, which answers for

the remaining three. The syllables in each quarter vary from six to twenty-

two. The names of these metres are : —

XXII. Akati.

The feet are denoted by the initial letter of their symbols in Roman

capitals.

YI. Verses having six syllables in each line.

1. Tanumajjhd. — - v/ - TY.

iianam dasamaddhe

neyye tava sattha

vittharitamasi

samgetarabhaga.

VII. 1. Kumaralalitd. — \j ^ - JSG.

tayasadisakhettam

nalokataramasmim

padakkamanumattharp.

vipaccatiminampi.

39S

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

Till.

IX.

X.

1. Citrapada. — w - 2BGa.

satyakulapparacandam

titti japan nakavindam

sancanapancadinandam

sadbunamesamanindam.

2. Vijjwnmdla. - 4Ga.

jate buddba vijjabbbute

loke dhammam loke niccam.

• •

mohaddhittam bitva satta

pattasantam yogakkbemam.

8. Manavakam. — ^ \j - v-/ v-/ — BTLG.

ananaverikamalam

pancayaketebbagava

yanasakbabamsavaro

sucayatevassupadam.

4. Samanika. — — w — w 4GL.

ananenatemuninda

tulyaminnasobbadani

loeanenakeravani

tosatesamakkbataya.

5. Pdmdnikd. w — w — ^ ^ — 4LG.

sarorubamuninda te

sasamivamsaj attanam

paticcasampatitiya

itivadepadassita.

1. Halamukhi. — — o' o o \j \j — BNS.

vannayantitavakaruna

vittbatatisugatajane

neyamaravadbuvisaye

sadbanampi viditavati.

2. Bhuj agasusu. ^ - 2NM.

vivaritamamatadvaraip.

suvibatabbavasancaram

kavivaramitasaccaram

panamarakbarasattbaram.

1. S uddhavirajitam. - — w — MSJG.

kbitt iruti j inassapattbata

apatalasuramlayayadbi

sanandbekasuroragadike

anetvacaranate aka.

2. Panavo. - ^ - MNYG.

samsarambudbi tarane setu

• •

betum nibbutisukbasantane

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — 1 Vo. 2.

399

ketum sakyabbijanasanfine

bko natham yisayatba vihhane.

3. Pummamti. — ^ w - w w - BMSG.

sarasa3roninam bhavaneva

devanarahitam nilayeva

nevataya tulyomadhikova

vajjatimaddha so muniraja.

4. Mattd. - vy v_/w w - MBSG.

mayadevisutamarahantam

dhammassamim varasalabhinham.

• •

niccam saddha yutamanasaham

vandesuttham bahugunayuttam.

5. CamjpaJcamdla. — — - - - BMSG.

asavapasamocayateyam,

marajilokamsokasayava

jalinijalapalayate bho

nanagunaggo, karunikaggo.

This metre is the same as No. 3. In VrittaratndJcara it is named

DipaJcamdld , and has J instead of S for the third foot.

6. Manorama. — \j — vy — \j — NRJG.

yatipatimsatam kavissaro

kimitimahumerusadisam

naccalateya sobi kappase

tuvamanaratam dukbaddhite.

7. TTbbJidsaJcam. — — w — — — — ^ ^ TMBL.

kbine kalanko cando jinassa

sampunnasamsuddhacchodakena

tulyonavattenasisucihi

dosakarotim va tulyameti.

XI. 1. TJpattJiitd. - - T2JGa

suddhodaniyam parapatubhutam

samajikalapi sada pamodi

durikatatittkiyakanisayuttam

saddbammapayodavaram namami. *

In tbe VrittaratndJcara tbe Upasthitd ending with a single long sylla¬

ble is a ten-syllabled verse, and is included in tbe PanJcti. There is, how¬

ever, an V 'pasthitam in tbe TrisJitubJi , but it has not tbe characteristics of

tbe Pali TJpatthitd.

2. Inclavajira. — - — ^ - ^ ^ - 2TJGa.

satthabhajiketumalam phalam va

sattbussa dattain pavaram puram va

rajava jeta samadantakattbam

netava sattha nayanocitattham.

400

3.

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

JTJGa.

2 and 3 are mixed to-

3. upavaj ir(\. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ — —

balena mettayacitaya sattku

vikarasamantavanabkivaso

migapivalasakitamramannam

carimsu yogiva samakitatta.

Y. 64. When the quarter verses of Nos.

getker, tbe metre is called Upajati ; of wbicli according to

CJiando , there are fourteen varieties, thus, if i stands for

Indavajird , and u for Upavajira, we have i u u u, u i i i,

i i u i, uuiu, iuiu, uiuu, iiiu, uuui, iiuu, uu-

ii, uiui, iuiu, iuui, uiiu.

4. Sumukhi. vy w — ^ ^ — S2JLG.

ariyeki silasamadki tkiti

succimattikadiguneki jino

vimaleki bkusayatevisaye

sasamipupagata devanare.

In tke Vrittaratndkara , Sumukhi kas a N instead of a S for tke first

foot.

5. Dodhakam. — ^ w — wv-y - 3BGa.

sajjanamanasakanjuvikasam

dujjanatittkiyasamkapatapam

lokanabkuggatamaraj isuram

mokatimisakatam panamami.

6. Salim. - - w - M2TGa.

padambkojam ye bkajante j an ate

karunnantesimavajjam janesu

vindante tenatkatassagatena

vannam kova vanna ye vannavadi.

7. Vdtummissd. - || w w - - ||

MBTGa.

laddkamaddka || tavamaddkekkkanampi

sattasatta || bkupadayanti niccam

kim va cittam || citasattkopakare

sabbannusmim || tadanunappavatti.

Tke Vrittaratndkara kas no caesura.

8. Surasasirt. — w w - — — BTNGa.

vadivarapissunipunadkiyo.

tadigunantain sugatamupecce.

pancamukkadkitkitavanagantya.

vancitadanticckavimadkikancum.

Tke Vrittaratndkara kas tke pause after tke fiftk syllable, and tke

sixtk following it.

1877.]

Gr. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

401

9. PatlioddJiatd. — w — ^ kj — w — w — ENELG.

yassa padakiranarumgatam.

darukkandam api patikariyam.

dassayitvasumanancaneaka.

tassa attham ika ko silagkaye.

10. Svagatd. — \J — ^ — \y ^ - ENBGa.

nijjitani kamalani mukkena.

lajjita vacanavasamitate.

natatka padarasanti nimittam.

majjittanisarasisv iti manne.

11. • Phaddikd. — \j — v~/ — 2NELG.

magadkavisayakkavikkasaya.

vadatitayimakovadanti te.

vividkavisayavasijantavo .

sugatasakasakayakkasaya.

XII. 1. Vamsattha. \-/ — - ^ — w — JTJE.

visalakkogesumasamgatam gatam.

visudkisantam kkavasamvaram varam.

• • • •

paropakaradkikatapparam param.

kkajantunatkam vidkita kitam kitam.

2. Indavamsd. - w - \j w — — w — 2TJE.

tuykanasattadkigama makamnne.

lilavilasekarasa manokara.

kantapi passanti sakasakkasiyo.

satta yatka jangamaputirancayam.

3. Totaled. — w w — — 4S.

suciravakitam vakitam sakite.

• •

niratekidkayo sugato padavi.

sigavam ujarajapatkam katkava.

sujana tamaram madkiro katavo.

4. Dutavilambita. — \J — N2BE.

subkagata kkagata pavinonadi.

surasakkarasakkavita kkarati.

adkigatadkigatatisivappadam.

jmasutanasutakkavasam katam.

5. Put a. ^ \j \~j || ^ - - || 2NMY.

sugatati || vidkakalyaneki yutta.

vacanaja || ladamalate jananam.

nakumati || malinattkam yevadkota.

sngatasu || rataruppesapaputtka.

6. Kusumavicittd. \j - — ■ — IS! YIN! Y.

ratipatijammam, jitamunidkammaip.

sivapatkasalam, munijanamalam.

402

[No. 4,

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

tibbavanaketum, subbagunabetum.

bba j atba j anabbo, tamibusulabbo.

• 7. Phujahgappaydta. w - vy - ^ - 'y - 4Y.

munindo viragaya vindassa kando.

dinandadvayananda sandosasando.

nabbindampinibbindakattbenanindanu

yirajeti rajinda kundogba cando.

8. Piyamvadd. 'y ^ ^ — vy — — NBJR.

vimalacarucira narunapp abba,

valitapadanakbaramsisantati.

kalilayindumalatamayodadbi.

ccbavisamuppabati te tatbagatam.

9. Lolita. — — ^ ^ ^ ^y — ^ ^ — TE J Iv.

tanba kilesamaladbovanarabe .

sattapavaggapurarodhanasabe

dbammepasannamatayohitavaso.

dbammanusattamibasabbalamkatba.

10. Pamitahhhard. vy ^y — \y — vy vy vy — vy vy — SJ2S.

lapitam tavamata padam savana

caranam munindanakarotidbayo

nabitena sadisanibina jano

gunabbajanattbamatbavavigato.

11. ZTjjald. vy vy \y \y vy \y — \y vy — vy — 2NBR.

sapayarayisayosusamiddbiko

savigatakbilamitisukbemava

sasu j an a j anase vaniyo j ati

dasabalagaditam lapatevate.

12. Vessadevi. - || — - vy - ||

2M2Y.

samsare saram || manusattamtabimpi

vekallabbavo || sadbu sabbindriyanam

kolannam tasmim || tassasoceyyabbavo

tasmim sussusa || dbammarajassa dbammam.

18. Tdmarasam. vy vy vy vy — vy y — \J - N2JY.

yadi sugatodita sarapadipo

bbuvinasiyaniyarayanasodbam

sugatipatbavaranapagamam va

nabbavatiko vadatissivanamam.

14. Kamald. y vy — y - y y — y - SYSY.

avakarak anainpi naradbamanam

bitakarako yam sadayo munindo

upalopasam gbattitamo sadbani

na baranti kim va balavam pi vyadbi.

403

1877.]

XIII. 1

XIV.

XV. 1

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

. Pahdsim. - || \J — \j — kj - ||

MNJEGr.

satthara || bhavasalilakaramapara.

lokoyam || ariyapatattharenasaram.

nibbana || mataparatirakhemabhumi.

sannito || dipuladayayacoditena.

2. Pucird. v-/ — v-/ — || kj — \j — v_/ — ||

JBSJa.

manunnita || yatipatinakharasana.

yadatute || kusumavitanatam gana.

tadavadhi || kusumasarabhidharitam.

gatotime || matinamucemahamune.

L. Apardjitd. w w w w — || v/ — w v/ — — j|

2NRSLG.

janananidhanata || dyane kavisadbinam.

sugatatavavaco || bahuvasurosadham.

kamutatavavila || savasamanoraham.

vifcanutanusiri || bbilocanamussavam.

2. Paliaranale allied. ^ ^ — || w w w w

— || 2NBNLG.

surapurakamala || sananilayamati.

varapatikamala || karasasisaviblrti.

tatharivakamala || nicasitapasite.

sacaranakamala || vahatiyatipati.

8. Vasant at Haled. - vy — ^ -

TBIJGa.

lavanyavariparipuriyalitbarangam

nettambujalakamalissitapenamalya.

kantapakaramadanasanavam kagliatte

sattambuje muni vimocayidosanaya.

. Sasileald. —

4XS.

parabitamabliirata dasabalam atulo

piy atamaruciy ani j atanuj adayata

amitayaradlianasipitasublianayane

gunasadanapatidhadiyimalamatima.

2. Manigunanilcaro. || w w

w w _ || 4XS.

vidhuragunanilaya || tiracaturamune

tayalapauapasuta || lapitamadurasam

pacuratarabhujaga || manujasurapita

mabamadhupasamiti || pivatimavirataip,

2 E

3.

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — JVo. 2.

Malini. kj - || — w —

[No. 4,

401

— w —

4.

XVI. 1.

XVII. 1.

2.

3.

XVIII. 1.

2NM2Y.

kapilakanacaranam || lokikacelakanam

sivajayiminivedan || tadinam vadavedi

tavacarananisedM || capimasajjajata

anadbivarapabbate || tetamosambativa.

Pabhaddalcam. ^ — w — \j — w — \J — -

NJBJB.

pbalamakbilam tayavijitamujjbiyavudbe

disidisibbopalayinamacissatenatam

suravanitanamasihasanayidanipi

dasabalateparakkamamabosupattbatam.

Ydnini. ^ v_y \_y — \_y — . kj v»y — v»y — v_y -

NJBJBG.

bbuvikavinokalakaladiparadassinova

bbujagapatimatisamatinaganayakava

nahitaritum babusugatasaggunamburasi

babupamitum tatbabisurapancusassakova.

Siklmrini. '•J - || vy w ^y v_y vy - vy v-y

v-y — || YMNSBLG.

natam cittam yante || samitasakalaklesapbalina

vajote jasatte || bbavakasiritomocanamayo

vanekekimsitvam || savadbapasutamvyadbapadbanam

jinate pacceke || samabbinivisarinadbapavaro.

Marini. \y ^ — || - - || v_y — vy v_y

— w — || NSMBSLG.

virataramano || pyayam natbo || pavedbatinibbbaram

vyasanisudaya || luttaniccam || samekkbiyakatare

tam idam ucitam || tesamloke || nissakararamsina

bbavatisasikan || tam yevambum || nacetaravopbala.

Manda klcantd . - || — || — \j

- w - || MBN2TGa.

nllocittam |J jaladavisara || yantivatacayassa

liiyyanasmim || surabbikusume || santarantepuratta

ubbbijjitva || vanisarasija || sampaticcbantipade

soyam natbo || vipulapatima || patunopevadeva.

Kusumitalatavellita. - || U'J vuvy — |j

— w - v_y - || MTN3Y.

sandbatthemeyam || kisalayadalam || tedbirattabbimukkh

malinnam cando || tavatanupabba |l sammukbedevadeva

gopacutttanam || vipulamatiya || sanimukbetepayodbi

sadisam kim va || bbavatibliuvane |[ tena tvam vatulvo.

1877.]

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.

G. E. Fryer- — Pali Studies. — No. 2. 405

1. lleghavipjphujjitd. vy - || ^ ^ u u w - ||

— ^ - w - II YMNS2RG.

sarojemadisa || sasicakumude || tuhcasabbam tilokam

pabodhetarobho || jinanamadika || kintubhedopanesam,

punosamghocittam || nalinakumuda || yantisesebibuddba.

tayabuddholoka H napunamakulat || tbam kadaci piyati.

2. Sa ddu lav i/ck i l i ti. — — — vy v_/ — \J — — ||

- - w — || MSJS2TG.

mayanekatilnddbarakkbasivasam || yatemanasekada.

yosamyattikavanijedasasata || ddhaddbedayitvanabha.

vahopissalilakaramsamabhilam || ghitvanakhemavini.

sammapesikimbbutasamadkuna || sabbannutattbedaya.

1. Vutta. — \J — ^ ^ — - \J — w — vy — vy — \y

— yy — w 10GL.

sumidevatapasaritesyivayatesupanisamputesu.

yopadepadesamuggatesuphullamam kajesusobhanesu.

sancaram virajirajahamsalilaya pajahitayatassa.

varijasanipadevarajasekbarikatam padam bbajami.

1. Saddhard. - ^ - || vy >y vy \y \y vy — |j

— w - vy - || MRBN3Y.

avelavelajata || sitasitamanujo || tarobiccabheda

kintiniggammadeha || tibhuvanakuharani || tetilokekanatba

sambhusentovanana || vidbiratanamaya || nekamalaliisamma

sandhavatyabhavaggam || niravadbikaruna || nanatam sucayanta

1. JBhaddaha .

— \^/ — \j — — ||

vy — ^y \J vy — vy — w y vy — || BRNENRNG.

sakyamunevacotavasudha |

gadam barati lobbadosapabhuti ||

nevajahatidhammapakati |

nasammutimatovisaradagana ||

kammapbalaiica kammam ihabhu |

navedagajanonakarakamiti ||

sucayatetadacchariyatam |

vidanti sanaramarasivapadam. ||

Notes on Chapter 4.

This chapter describes eleven metres the half lines of which are similar

in construction.

406

Gr. E. Fryer — Pali Studies.— No. 2.

[No. 4,

The characteristics of each half line are subjoined. Nos. 9 and 10,

respectively correspond with the Vetdliya (v. 28) and the Ojpacclicindasalca

(v. 29.)

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1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

Notes on Chapter 5.

407

This chapter describes the varieties of the Vatta, or heroic, measure,

analogous to the Sanskrit slolca. The term sloha is not used in the trea¬

tise, nor, according to Weber, does Pingala nor Kedara adopt it. Ind.

Stud., Yol. VIII, pp. 114 and 332.

In this class of metres each half line contains sixteen syllables, and two

half lines form a couplet. The halves are independent, any one of one me¬

tre may be followed by that of another. Each quarter (or pada) has eight

syllables, the first and third are called odd quarters, the second and fourth

even quarters. In each quarter the first and last syllables are free, the

others (which in the subjoined table are formed into seats) are subject to

rule, namely : —

(ad) In the first seat in either quarter any foot is admissible, except

the anapsest (S), and the tribrach (N).

(5.) In the second seat in the odd quarters any foot is admissible.

(<?.) In the second seat in the even quarters, no foot is admissible,

except the amphibrach (J) or bacchic (Y).

Notes on Chapter 6.

This chapter enters into the solution of the six problems, (cha-ppaccaya)

which are as follows : —

408 G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2. [No. 4,

1. To distribute in the form of a table the different quantities in the

possible variations of a metre.

2. To determine the structure of a variation, the row number of which

is known.

3. To determine the row number of a variation, the structure of which

is known.

4. To determine the number of those variations which respectively

contain no long quantities, or one long, or two long, and so on.

5. To determine the number of the possible variations of a metre.

6. To determine the space requisite for writing down the possible

variations of a metre.

v. 128. te ca-m-ime ; And these; (three alternations (vihappa) being

understood). This is the reading of the Burmese MSS. “ te ca

ime tayo vidhiyo yava sabbalahu go pado, tava kattabbo.” Vac.

“ puna lahuto pubbe garu te ca ime tayo vidhiyo sabbala sabbala-

hupada katabham ; athava X X tato lahuto, garu pubbe pubbat-

hane yeva pare panakkhara upari sadisa yevaty attho, evam ime

akkhara kattabba, yava sabbala sabbalahupadassa avasananti, imas-

mim ca vikappe “ garutevamime” ti patho “ garu iti evam ime

“ ti chedo” Kav.

This verse describes the mode of arranging

in a table, the distribution of the long and short

quantities in the possible variations of a metre.

According to the rule all long quantities

are set down in the first row, in each succeed¬

ing row, a short quantity must first be placed

beneath the first long of the row above ; to the

right of such short quantity, must be written

quantities similar to those in the row above ; to

the left of such short quantity, as many long

quantities as may be required to fill up the row ;

and so on until a row of all short quantities is

formed. Thus a metre, whose quarter verse con¬

sists of one foot, has two variations, a quarter

with two, four variations, and a quarter with

three feet, eight variations, and so on, the varia¬

tions increasing in geometrical proportion, as

the quarter verse increases in length.

v. 129. This rule determines the structure of a variation in the table, the

row number of which is known. The Gdyatti has quarters of

six syllables, let the structure of the tenth row be determined.

1877.]

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

409

as 10 can be halved set down a breve . y-f

as 5 without an additional unit cannot be

halved set down a long,

as 3 an odd number requires a unit set down

a long,

as 2 can be halved set down a breve .

as 1 being an odd number requires a unit

set down a long,

as 1 again requires a unit set down a long,..

The structure, then, of the 10th row of the Gayatti is v-/ - w - •

v. 130. This rule is the converse of the preceding. Given the structure,

to determine the row number. Let v-' — • — ^ — * — be taken as

the structure of a variation in a metre having quarters of six

syllables. Commencing at the first syllable place under each

syllable, numbers in geometrical progression from one, thus :

xy - ^ -

1 2 4 8 16 32 ;

the sum of the numbers beneath the short syllables

j plus one, gives the row number, e. y. : 1 + 8 -f 1 = 10 ; and we have just

seen that this structure corresponds with the 10th variation of the Gayatti.

v. 131. This rule determines the number of variations containing no long

quantity, or one long, or two longs, or all longs. Units are to be

placed, vertically one over the other, in succession equal to the

number of syllables the metre has in each quarter pltts one ; thus

the Gayatti having six syllables, seven units are set down vertically

one over the other ; each succeeding column must be one less in

number than the one preceding it ; in each of the columns succeed¬

ing the first (which all commonce with a unit) there is a rising,

and in this fashion : after writing the first unit of each column,

each following number must be the sum of the number immediately

to its left in the preceding column plus all those below that said

number ; e. y., in the third column, 3 follows the unit being the

sum of 2 + 1 of the preceding column, then follows 6 being the

sum of 3 + 2 + 1, and so on, as in the subjoined table.

1 one row with all long quantities.

1 6 six rows with five longs.

1 5 15 fifteen rows with four longs.

1 4 10 20 twenty rows with three longs.

1 3 6 10 15 fifteen rows with two longs.

1 2 3 4 5 6 six rows with one long.

1111111 one row with no long quantity,

v. 132. vemern for va imam.

410

G. E. Fryer — Pali Studies. — No. 2.

[No. 4,

The number of the possible variations of a metre may be determined

either, (a) by adding together the top numbers of the columns as shewn in

the preceding rule, or (b) by adding together the numbers placed beneath

the short quantities plus one, according to the rule in v. 130, e. g :

(a.) 1 + 6 + 15 + 20 + 15 + 6 + 1 . = 64

(b.) ^ v v/ 1 + 2 + 4 + 8 + 16 + 32 + 1 — 64

1 2 4 8 16 32

Thus 64 is the number of the possible variations of the Gayatti metre

of six syllables in each quarter.

v. 133. This rule lays down the space in inches, that is required for

writing down the quantities in the several variations. The inches

required must be double the number of variations minus one,

thus the Gayatti having 64 variations would require for each

quarter verse 64 + 64 = 128 — 1, or 127 inches,

v. 134. Sila Thera. Moggallana. The author of this treatise was a

disciple of Sariputta, otherwise called Sila Thera.

Rhyming metres find no place in this work ; reference, however, is

made to a kind of word-repetition termed yamalca in the author’s Subodha-

lankara {Easy Rhetoric), vv. 26 to 52. # This kind of word-rhyming or

word-matching is twofold —

( a ) isolate, ( yyapeta ).

( b ) corporate ( avyapeta ).

and has many varied combinations, either kind being found separately, or

in conjunction, anywhere in the stanza.

Besides the instances given in the Subo dhalanlcara, vv. 28 — 31, the

Tiled of that treatise gives six stanzas wherein the subjoined wrords in italics,

occur in the same place in each line of their respective stanzas. For bre¬

vity’s sake, one line only of each stanza is here given.

1. manam manam satthu dadeyya ceyya.

2. yato na tena te pito siyum na tena te subha.

3. veneyyenettha guna sajjanam janam.

4. sabhdya sabhati na ce katham na.

5. nabhas^m te pi surd vibhusita.

6. jinanattiyam ye hi tdsa sitded.

* J. A. S. B., Part 1, No. 2, 1875, pp. 96.

1877.]

411

Contributions to the explanation of the Jyotisha- Veddnga. — By

G. Thibaitt, Ph. Dr.

The small metrical treatise known by the name of the Jyotisha-vedan-

ga has attracted the attention of scholars since the first time when Sanskrit

literature began to he studied by Europeans. Especially it was the

celebrated verses containing a statement regarding the place of the winter-

solstice at some ancient, although as it finally has turned out, rather

indefinite period, which gave rise to a good deal of comment and speculation.

They have been discussed in all their bearings by Sir W. Jones, Colebrooke,

Bentley, Davis in the beginning of this century, and were submitted

at a more recent period to renewed investigation ; it may suffice to refer to

Prof. A. Weber’s papers on the nakshatras (especially the second one,

p. 355), Prof. M. Muller’s preface to the fourth volume of his large edition

of the Rik-samhita, which moreover contains some calculations by Arch¬

bishop Pratt and Prof. W. E. Donkin, and the important paper by Prof.

Whitney in the first volume (new series) of the Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Society of Great Britain, the substance of which is reproduced in

the twelfth essay, second series, of his “ Oriental and Linguistic Studies.’’

These verses about the places of the winter- solstice, bearing as they do on

the question of the chronology of Yedic literature, certainly are the most

important of the whole treatise, and may justly claim a much larger

amount of interest than we can accord to the remainder of the Jyotisha ;

nevertheless the Jyotisha being avowedly the oldest Indian work referring

to astronomy which has come down to our time, it was highly desirable that

we should be enabled, by a publication of the entire work, to judge of its value.

This was at last rendered possible by the paper of Prof. A. Weber “ Ueber den

Vedakalender, Namens Jyotisham” published in the transactions of the

Royal Academy of Sciences at Berlin, 1862 ; which contains an edition of

the complete text based on the comparison of a great number of manu¬

scripts, the gloss on the text by Somakara, a translation of the text which is

founded on Somakara’s explanations as far as these owing to the excep¬

tionally bad state of the manuscripts could be made out, and a very in¬

structive commentary by Prof. Weber himself, in which there is collected a

large amount of material from divers sources tending to the elucidation of

the obscure verses of the Jyotisha. But in spite of the important step

in advance made in Prof. Weber’s edition, there remains, as he has himself

acknowledged, much to be done before we can claim fully to understand the

Jyotisha. The first obstacle in our way is of course the style of the treatise

itself with its enigmatical shortness of expression, its strange archaic forms

and its utter want of connexion between the single verses. The second ob-

2 F

412

G. Thibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

stacle is, or I should rather be inclined to say, was the extraordinary corrup¬

tion of all the manuscripts containing Somakara’s commentary, a corruption

extending so far that in more than one passage it is hardly possible to make

out even the general drift of the argument (I myself have been able to

procure three MSS. in addition to those used by Prof. Weber, but they be¬

long to the same families as his and no additional advantage is to be derived

from them) . The reason for which I prefer to call this second obstacle a

past one lies in my conviction of Somakara’s commentary being not only of

slight value, but, the explanations of a few verses excepted, positively harm¬

ful as misleading the student of the Jyotislia and preventing him from

having recourse to the only legitimate method of arriving at its true

meaning. In fact I consider Somakara to have totally misunderstood

by far the greater part of the few rules of which the Jyotisha con¬

sists. Professor Weber already, in his edition of the Jyotisha, has

complained in many places of the want of connexion by which Soma¬

kara’s method of interpretation is characterized and of the strangeness

of the results at which we frequently arrive wThen accepting him for

our guide ; but I think we may safely go a step farther and, instead of

regretting the want of ability on our side to construe Somakara’s ex¬

planations into a consistent whole, reject his explanations just for the

very reason that we are unable to elicit a satisfactory sense from them. It

appears to me that Somakara has grasped the meaning of his text only

where it either was impossible to misunderstand it (so f. e. in the intro¬

ductory verses) or where corresponding passages of the Gargi Samhita

assisted him in making out the right meaning (so f. e. v. 9, 10). In these

latter cases his gloss, certainly has some value, since those parts of Garga’s

work from which he quotes appear to be lost, or have at any rate not been

recovered up to the present time ; but with regard to the whole remainder

of the Jyotisha — and this remainder forms by far the greater part of the

work — his commentary must be declared to be worse than useless. The

chief objection to Somakara’s manner of commenting — an objection which

by itself would be sufficient to condemn it — is the complete absence of any¬

thing in the way of “ upapattj” or proof. While every good commentary on

an Indian astronomical work, after having explained one of the rules given

in the text proceeds to justify it by showing its agreement with the general

principles of the system, Somakara never makes such an attempt ; he sim¬

ply gives a scanty explanation of the words of the text and then leaves the

reader to his own resources. And the explanations which he gives are for

the greater part of a very strange nature indeed. Later on, the true explana¬

tion of a few passages of the Jyotisha will be given, when Somakara’s mis¬

takes with reference to these will clearly appear from a mere comparison ; I

now direct the reader’s attention to some verses the right sense of which

1877.]

explanation of the Jyotisha-Yeddnga.

413

I am indeed unable to point out, but where nevertheless Somakara’s want of

understanding is patent. At first however I reprint the text of the Jyo-

tisha, only for convenience’s sake, since frequent references to it will be made

in the following pages, not with the intention to give it in a purer form

than that known up to the present time. A few corrections of the tradi¬

tional text will be given later on ; the necessary critical apparatus for the

restitution of those verses which are manifestly corrupt, and for which I am

unahle to propose emendations, will he found in Prof. Weber’s edition. I

consider it superfluous to reprint here the different readings of the MSS. ;

the verses of the Jyotisha are for the greater part of such a nature that the

restitution of the single words of the original text can only be accomplished

after we have found out by some other means the probable sense of the

whole verse. I follow the arrangement of Prof. Weber’s edition giving at

first those verses which are found in the recension connected with the

Yajurveda and then adding these which belong to the Rik recension only.

q^‘q<^T^ q^TTqfrnp |

fitter u ^ n

^Tfrrqr«re»f q^ qq^jug^rqqqi: i

11 ^ n

qqy qfrqrrqqqir fa ^rrrg : i

WTf^ q>T<*rf^r5jT^rsw % ^rfrp* q^ qq; q w n q n

qTJnqf *r<n^T i

qqtqTlpSTOT^t aifqrrf f^IcHT II 8 ||

qiqs^Twrfq^: i

q^qw qtT^Tff II * ||

%T*iTiT ■qqr *?qiqqT i

TfTWq: II «( ||

qqqjq qfqsrf t ^qrq^^rq^qf i

*?rqqiqqr%; n ii

q^qfeyqf vw w^ig ^q*qqr i

fqq^m; thus a

si ^

q*m I

^rpi #q fqqwqj n e a

qw^r ^qn^ fqq; wsfiqqq i

qT<TT qrgPfiTTqjT: II \o ||

qquqrqspj? ^ qqT«gj?errfq;qq*:: i

qpIqT? q^qqmf ^ a »

qq ^fq; qi^ftqsrq *mqvT I

414 G. Thibaut — Contributions to the [No. 4,

I

^TTJIT^T^rTq¥^ITS‘?nf^f^^^T qfe II ^ II

f%T^ f%3TT!T ^TSWJrTJT |

qqn qqjT y?r mm qqm n ii

W- qi^TS^ fqqgT^Tf^#^: ^ fj?lf%TT I

'j « ^ v

^Ti3%%: *pTS*q <J q^fiT: qq% %fTr: 11 II

vf¥ir; ^KVmv- q>T^r: q^T I

qqn^WJTWm IK^t qfK II \i\i

^rq^^^Ts’w: ^irpn mfJjqiT *Tt?r i

WTq^TW |i ^na?T*[^$qm%>q^ II M #

mqrsw *?% fqqpjqqrS qq^wrr: i

q&T^J^Sli f%m3r«mfw qfq; II II

m\ 3i: *q % ^\ tr qi fV^r ^ m: ^ wt ^t ^t: i

t ^ m m qT w- ^ qj ^ ^ ot fqnp: h *c ii

^t^t mmsqqrr: qim qqircrfqtrfm i

f^qfrr^q^^vrq ii n

f%f*WqiT3CW«I^r q^*WJf?NfTTiT I

fqvi^j fcrfaq^qqTf^ cT II ^ o II

*jt: qqwm^wm^ mfJTWT f%f*ro |

^w^rm q^r: n «*\ ii

^ri1rrqqHT3T«|: %Tq%^ fq-JT^ri fVrf^q^T |

%q ^^«T3iq f?ffar%WT Jim xfk: H 5?? II

j j ' '

fqqsyqf ^qiTf q^Jr^qTrr^ |

J (i, J

q^T qm^i f%f%: q fqqqTTT II II

qqfifjr q^mqqi mnf% rrqr^ qrqrjw q%q*r i

fqfafq'qfar fi^q^r qnq rrmf^qrr^T^ *?q?sromiJ? n ii

qqfi^*cf%Twrei qqifiT qqfaf^fsm i

^Ji^sq ^qq- mmfoTqTqqqroTrr ii ii

fq;qrqvt^i: i

frrf^^rfT q»J% %TJT q»Tq^qrqr <T^JT II ^ II

wqr fqqm^wi^g^^Tqjqqrtq f%qw i

m'ssfqq msfq 3i% qmsm qr^q% % qq$ u ^ n

qs- ,q<T%isq% |

JWT qT^ ^§r: ^TCrnq^3P!T -33m II $c II

^qqr qreq^si ^iqw i

q^qfqqfB^'1% ^rcn*? h (l

q^fq’sj qiqo^qiqjiqqTqjq: i

r±

qq^f qn^Ri ^q m: q»^m q® h

1877.]

415

explanation of the Jyotisha-Veclanga.

^Tei^f^TOTiJTcrf qfe: I

fqswq^TS’s: *jq^q: II l|

^ftr: qqJTqfw: %T^T q^Tsf^fcrq ^f?r: |

fq?TT^ VJi§TTWsfq ^ II ^ II

^fqm faq qq ^ I

T% fqqtfqrfqT q f*r4i ^qiqitiq ^ ii qq n

fqqgq^qT qq%nf%q,*fjqpgq ^ I

^ "* ^

^ qqr qff%«rr qq ^ u qa ii

Cv

sr^q^qqr ijm qmfaqwq^ftr i

*U^lpTn7 ^frT^T ii ii

^qrmrqr q fqqr ^ fqsnqrr qqinis^qqr i

qraf**? 7r *rt qnfrrSter qw ^»ni qt n

C\ ^ ^ C\ ^ ^

fqqfwRq ^Tc^qR^ i

^gir|T^q«Tr^rr ^SnT ^T$fq*TT^hT II q*> II

^ ^fq*T W% t *TTfe% I

f^T fqsrmq^Rrf g- q^rft ^jf^qri *rq q ii q« ii

TOf ^q°T qjf«T |

^Tj^Tf^r rj q^T^: q*rcT q^Tw^T *jqq ii q<* ii

JlfT ^TT^q rf^r ^f^^TSqsr^ I

qqq qqjT fq-Jjqr fq^r^ qq-Tq*t m% fq;qgsRT<q*T II a o 11

f^q^RT-qf ^T qqf<JT qqftr l

q^wq g- frfr^T^^Tq m qqqrnu aq ii

q<W*m^qRT «%sqpp: qqftiqq<T I

ihunfiURrpr qj^iTfwirqT WTWf^T ii a ^ ii

%ra^qf%rqfcw fqqi^qqfq^q i

qnqr quqr ^ wftnr a aq n

qqrRf f«w qn^lw^ i

qn^Rr qq^rfa w^rq; ii \ n

q^nq^qRT%^ w^fafa fqfrqatrr i

qrqfqqr^Ts’n: w^qmufqqiq g « * ii

qrfeq> t nzfr re q^ra?q<q qiqqrq i

iuqqrif^qi^T ^rqp fqfa: ii q n

qfqOTttlt jqfT^qiT^siTfTq^^f^fiff^^jr |

^qi^irwiqqqiwiqiT^r fqqjr^T^qgre^Tr u a ii

e<rtat «r^qff ^nr qiqkrelr q%q;¥ifcr i

q^f ^ fqqqT*qmT ^T^t ^ ^ Hqq II * II

416

G. Thibaut — Contributions' to the '

[No. 4,

wTOifiTf^T ^ ^ ^rfWtw ii i ii

I now shall point out some of Somakara’s manifestly mistaken ex¬

planations alluded to above (the full text of S. will be found in Prof.

Weber’s edition). Y. 21 be explains as stating the length of a tithi ; but

then a tithi would consist of fifty- six nadikas only, which duration is

much too short (it is of course well known that a tithi in consequence of

hrasa actually may have that duration ; but the knowledge of tithi- vriddhi

and tithi-hrasa with the reasons on which they depend, is foreign to the

Jyotisha). Y. 13. According to Somakara’s explanation the words of this

verse would imply that the length of the holy time at purnamasi which may

be employed for sacrifices amounts to 138 nadikas in case of the parvan

taking jfiace in a chaturansa nakshatra i. e., a nakshatra consisting of four

parts. But according to all authorities, and their number is a very great

one, that part of the parvan-time which is fit for the offering of the sacri¬

fice, includes only the fifteenth tithi of a paksha and three quarters of the

immediately following pratipad, altogether seven quarters of a tithi, while

138 nadikas exceed even two savana days by eighteen nadikas. Y. 14

would, according to Somakara, imply that the last quarter of the fifteenth

tithi of a paksha may be used for upavasa, i. e ., the initiatory rites preced¬

ing the performance of the sacrifice ; but all teachers are unanimous in

assigning to upavasa only the three first quarters of panchadasi (noticed

already by Prof. Weber, p. 54). Of v. 20 Somakara gives two wholly

different explanations, both equally unsatisfactory and one stultifying the

other ; the same observation is to be made regarding his interpretation of

v. 25. And so throughout the whole commentary. Certainly S. has been

unable to throw any light on the most obscure point in the Jyotisha, a point

which I regret to say has remained obscure to me also, viz. the true mean¬

ing and purport of the ansas or parts which are said to belong to the

nakshatras and according to the participation in which each individual

nakshatra is either dvyansa or tryansa or chaturansa. S. understands these

parts as meant to fix the length of that period at each parvan which admits

of being occupied by the parvan-sacrifice and its preparations, but as we have

seen above, the results to which this assumption leads him flatly contradict

whatever is known about that point from other sources of undisputable

authority. I for my part doubt if the ansas are in any way connected with

the time taken up by the new and full moon oblations, all the more as not

a. single word in the whole text of the Jyotisha directly points to such a

conclusion (the only exception occurs in one of the verses, marked above v.

6 — which are found in the Rik-recension only ; there we read the word

1877.] explanation of the Jyotisha-Veddnga. 417

“ upavasatha”). Being, however, unable to replace Somakara’s explanation

by a better one, I should not wish to express more than a doubt.

I now proceed to point out the right meaning o£ some verses which

have not been understood up to the present, preparing my way by shortly

recapitulating the fundamental doctrines of the Jyotisha.

The author of the Jyotisha intends to propound in his treatise the

doctrine of the cycle consisting of five years. Y. 5 :

“ They teach (in this treatise) the knowledge of the time of the cycle

consisting of five years which begins with the white half of the month

Magha and terminates with the dark half of the month Pausha.”

Compare also v. 1 :

“ Prajapati, the lord of the cycle, him who consists of five years, &c.”

The first question presenting itself, viz. the question about the nature

of the year which constitutes the fifth part of the yuga, is answered in v. 28 :

“ Three hundred and sixty-six days, one year, six seasons, two ayanas

(the northern and the southern progress of the sun), twelve months are to

he considered as solar ; this taken five times is a cycle.”

The year meant is therefore the tropical solar year (of course I do not

wish to intimate thereby that the author of the Jyotisha was able to dis¬

tinguish between the sidereal solar year and the tropical solar year). I

add Garga’s description of the same year as quoted by Somakara in his com¬

ment on v. 11 of the Jyotisha :

*JT3rrr <fi rei 31^1 3I^frT II

*c<t ^T*ri ii

The above translated verse of the Jyotisha and this passage of Garga

clearly refer to the same kind of year. There appears at first sight to be a

difference in their way of subdividing the year, Garga making it to consist

of 360 days, while the Jyotisha attributes to it 366. But this is only ap¬

parent. The day of which Garga speaks is the solar day of Indian astro¬

nomy, i. e., simply the three hundred and sixtieth part of a solar year, no

account being taken of the natural succession of day and night. Garga

had, before he defined the solar measure, described the savana measure and

remarked that one yuga consists of 1,830 savana days ; he could therefore

afterwards adopt any subdivision of the solar year without the risk of being

misunderstood. The Jyotisha on the other hand not having stated before

418

G. Thibaut — Contributions to tlie

[No. 4,

how many savana days there are in a yuga, bad, when basing its ynga on

the solar year, to explain how many natural days there are contained in the

latter. We shall see that the yuga is divided besides into years of a differ¬

ent kind, namely, three lunar years consisting of twelve lunations each, and

two lunar years consisting of thirteen lunations each. This division is that

actually made use of in the course of the work, but it is of course only a

secondary division originating from the wish of establishing an equation

between solar and lunar revolutions. The knowledge of the solar year of

366 days, or of the sun’s tropical revolution being accomplished in about

366 days, forms the necessary presupposition not only for the yuga of the

Jyotisha and Garga with its two intercalary lunar months, but also for the

ancient vedic quinquennial yuga with its one intercalary (savana) month.

I can therefore not agree with Prof. Weber when he supposes (p. 12) this

solar year to be an importation from some foreign country. Both yugas,

the vedic as well as that of the Jyotisha, would never have been formed, but

for the knowledge of the difference of five years of 360 days and of sixty

lunations from the time during which the sun performs five tropical revolu¬

tions, and for the resulting wish to make up for the wanting harmony.

To return to the Jyotisha. The length of the solar year being de¬

fined and five years being set down as one yuga, the next question present¬

ing itself is for what reason just this number of years is combined into

a cycle.

V. 31, first half :

“ There are (in one yoga) sixtv-one savana months, sixty-two lunar

months, sixty-seven nakshatra months.”

I. e. While the sun accomplishes five tropical revolutions, the moon

accomplishes sixty-two synodical and sixty-seven periodical revolutions, and

the whole period comprises sixty-one savana months of 30 natural days

each.

I again subjoin the fuller statements of Garga j first, regarding the

savana measure :

^ff^cTTfsr wirrf*T sranrrarte n

f^TRi -qir n

Regarding the lunar measure :

|

1877.]

419

explanation of the Jyotisha-Veddngct.

fTtgH frrfti: II

sjm%^T ^i^rf <r ^-Ti^rst I

'JJI ^rfT II

And about the nakshatra-measure :

•qT^rTT fsr^FJWiT I

V|v ^ ||

f^ng^re i

^T^rf rj Wrpg^W II

^TtIT % ^*1 ■gJWTiliX^r: ^R«T^R ||

The next thing we want is a statement of the manner in which a day

is subdivided, v. 38.

(A nadika) consists of ten and a twentieth kalas, a muhurta com¬

prises two nadikas, a day has thirty (nadikas) or six hundred and three

kalas.”

"With this we have to combine the statement made in verse 30, that

one kala comprises one hundred and twenty-four kashthas and that made

in v. 39, that one kashtha consists of five aksharas.

The measure of the savana day, expressed in kalas, is given already in

v. 38 ; the length of the tithi expressed in the same measure amounts to

593 (1830, the number of savana days in a yuga being multiplied by

603, the number of kalas of one day, and the product being divided by

1860, the number of tithis in one yuga). The length of the nakshatra day,

* This verse is restored by conjecture only. The MSS. read : cTP^T^TTcn^TT-

J

KT3T'Nt^IT0 or : ° Likewise they read in the preceding

line : g ¥[0 'Ll16 latter has been emendated into by Prof. Weber

already who remarks that is Pr°ved from calculation to be erroneous. This is

quite true, but it does not go far enough, the length of a nakshatra day not being 112

lavas but 112 + lavas. The only thing which we may confidently look for even in

the most ancient astronomical and mathematical works of India, is rigorous exactness in

calculations of the above kind (a remark which we shall have to keep in eye in our at¬

tempts to reconstrue the meaning of the Jyotisha). Prof. Weber seems inclined to refer

the u of our verse to the number of the sidereal months in one yuga. These are

sixty-seven indeed ; but the mentioning of the number of the months, which can easily bo

deduced from the stated number of the days, is of much smaller importance than the

accurate statement of the length of the day. Thus the number of the lunar months also

is not expressly stated by Garga. The corruption of the verse in question being very

great the above emendation is of course only one of many we might adopt as far as the

mere mode of expression is concerned ; the sense would always have to be the same.

2 a

420

G. Tliibaut — Con/rib ut ions to the

[No. 4,

the thirtieth part of the nakshatra month = one periodical revolution of

the moon, calculated in a corresponding manner, is 549 kalas. Let us now

compare with this some of Somakara’s statements. The first half of the

obscure verse 21 : he explains as stating the measure of

the tithi to be fifty-six nadikas (or 562 f kalas) and the same sense he finds

in the first pada of v. 39 : ^T^TTl^r both explanations being foun¬

ded on his supposing the number seven to mean seven certain divisions of

time, which had been mentioned under the name of bhansah — parts of a

constellation — in verse 15 and were said there to consist of eight parts or

according to Somakara, eiijrht nadikas. That Somakara’s estimation of the

duration of a tithi is much too short is manifest, and has been remarked by

the editor of the Jyotisha already (p. 75) ; it is in contradiction not only

with Garga’s statements, as Prof. Weber notices, but with the elements of

the Jyotisha itself. It might perhaps be imagined that this estimation re¬

fers not to the average tithi but a tithi which is shortened for some special

reason ; but there is no mention made of such a shortening in any of the

other verses of the Jyotisha. Leaving however v. 21 aside, we are able posi¬

tively to show Somakara’s mistake regarding v. 39. The words

inn: he explains by ^

^frT according to which we should have to translate “ the

moon together with a nakshatra accomplishes a day consisting of seven

parts (at 8 nadikas each).” Now firstly, the measure of a tithi having been

fixed, according to Somakara, in v. 21 already, it would be utterly useless to

repeat this statement here ; secondly, it does not appear why the conjunction

of the moon with a nakshatra should be mentioned here, the tithi having

nothing to do with that matter ; thirdly, cannot well mean “ con¬

sisting of seven parts” but must be explained as “ that which is joined with

a septad.” The right explanation is doubtless as follows : The periodical

revolution of the moon is performed in 30 X 549 = 16470 kalas (see

above) ; 16470 divided by 27, the number of the nakshatras, gives us 610

kalas as the time during which the moon remains in one nakshatra. Now

610 kalas exceed by 7 kalas the length of a (savana) day which amounts to

603 kalas. We have therefore simply to supply a word for day (either

from verse 38 Y or from the “ dyuni” of the second pada of 39 ; (I prefer

the latter, a different verse preceding v. 39 in the Rik recension) and to

translate “ the moon remains in a nakshatra for one day plus seven kalas.”

This translation is moreover demanded by the words immediately following :

^TiHTPfr (R. ^*Rfa) g which undoubtedly state

the length of the time during which the sun remains in one nakshatra.

The reading of the Rik recension is clearly the right one ; for the sun

passing through all 27 nakshatras in 366 days remains in one nakshatra

1877.]

421

explanations of the Jyotisha-Veddnga.

exactly 13 f clays. The reading of Y. does not afford any satisfactory

sense ; it is interesting only as a proof of the heavy corruptions which the

text of the Jyotisha has sustained. Somakara’s explanation of “uttamani”

is, owing to the bad state of the MSS., unintelligible ; but that it cannot

have any value appears from his stating that the sun remains in one nak-

shatra thirteen days only.

I proceed at once to the verse which follows next in the Yajus recen¬

sion, not because the matter it treats of is akin to that of verse 39, but be¬

cause it contains a similar dangerous corruption and again illustrates Soma¬

kara’s untrustworthiness. The verse runs as follows :

airf I

TOr ^ n

vj ^

Somakara’s commentary on this verse, as far as it can be made out, is as

follows :

*?^<t Wrr OTcT rT^F

I ^ i ?r^ *r<§ir*T

3

| rTrr: | ^rTT?R VRHT

(?) ^Tf^mfrJTX^f ^frT I rf^r ?I<T

f^SX^f^-JTTiTT: V | ^ ^ (?) ^f*rT | Xf% (?)

fcf^frT fWTi^T f^T V^f«T I ^T^ri I

The verse clearly contains a rule for finding the relative length of day

and night for any nycthemeron during the year. The elements for this

calculation are given to us in the well-known verse of the Jyotisha, which

fixes the length of the shortest and the longest day of the year (v. 8) :

“ The increase of the day and the decrease of the night during the

northern progress of the sun is one prastha of water ; the reverse is the

case during the southern progress ; a period of six muhurtas (is the result)

during one progress.”

Therefore, the length of a nycthemeron being 30 muhurtas (see above)

the shortest day is twelve muhurtas, the longest eighteen. Reasoning from

these data only and not taking into account that in reality the day does not

become longer by an equal portion at all times between the winter solstice and

the summer solstice, we have the following simple calculation. The day in¬

creasing by six muhurtas in one ayana = 183 days, it increases in one day

by t®3 = -g^ muhurtas. Therefore, to find the length of any day be¬

tween the winter solstice and the summer solstice, take the number of this

day reckoning from the winter solstice and multiply it by two, divide the

product by sixty-one and add the result to twelve, i. e., to the number of

muhurtas of the shortest day ; the same rule applies to the days after the

422

G. Thibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

summer solstice, only the process being presented as additive for all cases

the number of the days has not to be reckoned from the past summer

solstice, but from the coming winter solstice. From this it appears that

we have to read in the second half of the verse TT^ff^SJT instead of

and to translate :

“ What is passed of the northern progress and likewise what remains

of the southern progress each (viz. the number of days in both cases) is

to be multiplied by two, divided by sixty-one and added to twelve ; this is

the measure of the day.”

I think it unnecessarv to enter, after this, on a discussion of Somaka-

ra’s explanation ; I only remark that here as in other cases he was probably

prevented from seeing the right meaning of the rule by its very imperfec¬

tion.

The estimation of the longest day at eighteen muhurtas and of the

shortest day at twelve muhurtas, and the simple rule for finding the length

of any day during the year appear to have generally prevailed in India,

before the influence of Greek science began to make itself felt. We find

them preserved in the Puranas, at a time when people very likely might

have known better ; see, for instance, Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, ed. by F.

Hall, Vol. 2, p. 247. Likewise we meet with them in the chief astronomi¬

cal treatise of the Jainas, the Surapannatti or Suryaprajnapti, a summary

of whose contents has been given by Prof. A. Weber in the tenth volume

of the “ Indisehe Studien”. There (pp. 264 ff. ) the successive increase

and decrease of the length of the day by muhurtas is treated at length

and explained according to the fundamental principles of the astronomical

system of the Jainas.

I may add here at once, that an identical rule about the increase and

decrease of the day is mentioned in Varaha Mihira’s Pancha Siddhantika as

given by the Paitamaha Siddhanta. I subjoin in the following the whole

passage referring to this Siddhanta as it is found in the only copy of the

Pancha Siddhantika which is known up to the present time — that one dis¬

covered by Dr. Buhler — without attempting to emendate the text which is

just in that place particularly incorrect.

n ^ ii

j

cr^g^jT^r n ^ n

Sjfavr ll ^ II

SITJnf frlfiq: |

^4% ^TcfT ^rffw: || « ||

1877.]

423

explanation of the Jyotisha-Yedanga.

'gfrrT^T^irr^T ww *J«raprfa ^ m;sw I

vj

II * II

x.f^ fqWT^fw^i ^T^rs^r^: II oil

Although the above passage is so utterly corrupt that it hardly con¬

tains one sound word, any body familiar with the text of the Jyotisha

Vedanga will not fail to observe that the astronomical book quoted by

Varaha Mihira as Pitamaha Siddhanta must have been either the Jyotisha

itself or a work very much like it. The first of the above verses teaches

that five years compose a luni-solar cycle and that to thirty months one

intercalary month has to be added. In the second verse it is mentioned

that the dyugana of the yuga begins with the light half of the month

Magha. In the third verse Dhanishtha seems to be named as the first of

the nakshatras and the “ saptabhir unam” possibly refers to the passage of

the Jyotisha which has been treated above “ sasaptakam bhayuk somah.”

The first pada of the fourth verse may have to be read : shjiit xrt

and thus we should gain a parallel passage to the second pada of

v. 17 of the Jyotisha : although the sense of both passages

is obscure to me. On the other hand there is no doubt that the last verse

contains the very same rule for calculating the length of a given day, which

we have found in the Jyotisha. The posterior part of the first word we

probably have to alter into (or g T^r^TKWT), correspond¬

ing to the % •rifT of the Jyotisha and to connect with JTcT® while

has to be changed into ; in the second half- verse we have of

course to read We may then translate — abstracting from

an emendation of the second part of Jnr^rffr which seems to contain some

word expressing : day — : what has passed of the northern ayana, taken

as positive (or additive ; ) and in the same way what has passed of the

southern ayana, being taken as negative (or subtractive ; is to

be multiplied by two and divided by sixty-one ; the result is the measure

of the day less twelve ( i . e., twelve muhurtas have to be added to the result

in order to get the measure of the given day) .

Regarding the disputed point whether the rule fixing the length of

the shortest and longest days of the year has been borrowed by the Indians

from some foreign source, for instance from Babylon, or sprung up independ¬

ently on Indian soil, I am entirely of the opinion of Prof. Whitney who sees no

sufficient reason for supposing the rule to be an imported one. It is true

that the rule agrees with the facts only for the extreme north-west corner

of India ; but it is approximately true for a much greater part of India, and

that an ancient rule — which the rule in question doubtless is — agrees best

with the actual circumstances existing in the North West of India is after

all just what we should expect.

G. Thibaut — Contributions to the

fNo. 4,

421

I proceed now to those verses winch contain statements about the posi¬

tion of the moon at the different periods of the year. We have at first

to consider v. 10.

fa*

This verse contains an enumeration of the nakshatras (or rather of the

divinities presiding over the nakshatras) in which the moon stands at the

beginning of the ten ayanas of the yuga. The commentator quotes a long

passage from Garga which contains the same statements expressed more

lucidly and circumstantially, so that no doubt can remain about the real

meaning of the verse. The ten nakshatras answering to the divinities

enumerated are, according to vs. 32 — 34 of the Jyotisha : sravishtha, chitra,

ardra, purva proshtliapada, anuradha, aslesha, asvayuj, purvashadha, uttara-

phalguni, rohini. The editor of the Jyotisha had, in his remarks on our

verse (p. 33) expressed his desire of a competent person (viz. an astrono¬

mer) examining the statements made in it and ascertaining whether they

agree with the actual state of the case. The wished for examination was,

on the request of Prof. M. Muller, made by Prof. W. P. Donkin, and his

note on the verse is appended to Prof. M. Muller’s preface to the fourth

volume of the large edition of the Itik-Samhita. The question was, as it

appears, hardly of such a nature as to require the skill of a professional

mathematician and astronomer ; at any rate before asking if the statements

of the Jyotisha agree with reality, it ought simply to have been asked if

they agree with or are deducible from the elements of the Jyotisha ; if this

is strictly the case, they will of course participate in the imperfections of

these elements and cannot possibly be in perfect harmony with reality. Prof.

Donkin naturally proceeded in this manner. Sixty- seven sidereal revolu¬

tions of the moon being considered equal to five solar years, one ayana is

27 7

equal to 6 ^ revolutions of the moon, or G x 27 nakshatras plus =

Yo9 = IS t9q nakshatras. The moon is therefore at the end of each ayana

18 nakshatras in advance of the place she occupied at its beginning, and

when examining the list of the twenty-seven nakshatras we find that her

places calculated according to this rate of progress agree with the state¬

ments made in the Jyotisha and by Garga. As the Jyotisha only speaks

of the nakshatras in general without stating in what points of them the

moon is supposed to stand, there would seem to remain some space for

irregularities in the moon’s motion ; but against such a supposition may be

brought forward at least one of Garga’ s express statements, viz. that at

the beginning of the third dakshinayana sun and moon stand together in

the middle of aslesha ( stwii firf^T

) ; in the exact middle of that nakshatra the moon can only stand,

explanation of the Jyotisha-Veddnga.

425

1877.]

when the sum of her progress during the five preceding ayanas is equal to

5 X 18 x9q- nakshatras. And the fact of the sum of her progress at the

end of each period of 2\ years remaining always the same goes of course

far to prove the supposed thorough uniformity of her progress ; for what

should be the inequalities which regularly disappear or destroy each other

at the end of the stated period ?

We may therefore assume that the author of the Jyotisha was either

not acquainted with the irregularities of the course of the moon which are

taken into account by the later Indian astronomers, viz. the irregularities

produced by the position and the revolution of the line of apsides of the

sun and moon, or, at least did not make a practical use of them for his cal¬

culations. Keeping this in view, let us now consider a point which was un¬

doubtedly of primary importance in the eyes of a vedic Astronomer, viz.

the question in which points of the circle of the nakshatras full moon and

new moon are taking place during the whole quinquennial cycle.

The yuga being assumed to contain 67 periodical lunar (nakshatra)

months and 62 synodical lunar (chandra) months, one chandra month is

equal to -£-| = 1 -g- nakshatra months. Consequently, the moon pos¬

ing in one nakshatra month through 27 nakshatras, passes in one chandra

month through 27 +

5x27

‘ 62

= 29

11

62

nakshatras and in one paksha (lunar

half-month) through 14 nakshatras. Full moon is therefore always

separated from new moon and again new moon from full moon by the last

mentioned quantity. On this ground I have drawn up the following list

giving the places where all the hundred and twenty-four parvans (62 full

moons and 62 new moons) of the yuga take place. It begins of course with

the new moon marking the beginning of the yuga, which takes place at the

beginning of sravishtha or end of sravana. The first column gives the new

moons, the second one the full moons.

1.

2.

3.

4.

6.

124

22

124

44

124

66

124

88

124

110

124

42 G

G. Thibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

427

2 H

428

G. Thibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

Adding to the last full moon 14 we get again sravana, the

first new moon of the next following yuga.

We must now look about if there can be found in the Jyotisha itself

any traces indicating that its author acknowledged a list of the same nature

as that given above. Our attention will naturally direct itself to the enig¬

matical eighteenth verse which according to the commentator contains an

enumeration of the nakshatras in which a certain number of full moons take

place. The twenty-seven disconnected syllables of which the verse consists

are doubtless meant to represent the twenty- seven nakshatras, each syllable

being taken either from the name of the nakshatra itself or from the

name of the divinity presiding over it. The following is a list of the nak¬

shatras arranged in the order implied in the verse ;

the above order ? Somakara’ s commentary on the verse is in all manu¬

scripts so corrupt that it is impossible to give it in extenso or indeed even

to make out its drift in many places ; it is however apparent what was his

view concerning the order of succession of the nakshatras. He supposes that

the author of the Jyotisha intended to indicate in what nakshatras the full

moons during the quinquennial cycle take place, but, instead of giving the

nakshatras for all, only named those of every second full moon. Thus the

six first mentioned nakshatras are said to represent six out of the twelve

full moons of the first year, the five following ones five of the full moons of

the second year, etc. Several of the difficulties arising from this expla¬

nation have already been pointed out by the editor of the Jyotisha ; the

most important is that the number of the full moons of a yuga is sixty-two

or at least, if no account be taken of the two intercalary lunar months, sixty,

and that we should therefore expect to see the nakshatras of at least thirty

full moons stated. But there are other objections of a graver character.

' For if we compare the places of the full moons which would result from

Somakara’s explanation with the places as given in the list printed above,

we find that they agree only for a part. The first full moon-nakshatra of

Somakara, viz. asvini (asvayujau), belonging to the month asvina agrees

with that given in the list (the ninth) ; but the second one does not agree, the

full moon of the eleventh month margasirsha taking place not, as Somakara

says, in ardra but in mrigasiras. In the same way the full moon of Phalguna

takes place not in purvaplialguni (bhaga) but in uttaraphalguni, the full

moon of vaisakha not in visakha but in anuradha, and so on through the

whole list. If somebody should object in favour of Somakara, that the

fault of this discrepancy lies with my list, I should answer him that the

onus probandi lies with him ; the list is in strict accordance with the recog-

430

G. Tkibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

nised elements of the Jyotisha and as long as no other elements can be

pointed out as having been overlooked by me, it must be considered valid.

But in reality the list is not only not invalidated, but on the contrary cor¬

roborated by the very verse we are speaking of at present. The following

short list will set the matter into a clear light :

1877.]

explanation of the Jyotisha-Vedanga.

431

The 38th full moon takes place in

The 47th new moon

n

11 11

The 55th full moon,

n

11 11

The 2nd new moon

ii

ii ii

The 10th full moon „

ii ii

The 19th new moon ,,

ii ii

The 27th full moon

ii

ii ii

The 36th new moon

i>

ii ii

The 44th full moon

ii

ii ii

19

124

20

124

21

124

22

124

23

124

24

124

25

124

26

124

27

124

magha.

svatL

purvashadha.

purvabhadr.

krittika.

pushya.

hasta.

jyeshtha.

sravishtha.

From comparing this list with the verse of the Jyotisha, the purport of

the latter becomes manifest at once. The list begins with that nakshatra

in the first one hundred and twenty-fourth part of which a parvan takes

place, proceeds to that in the second of which the same takes place,

and so on up to so that all nakshatras are comprised in the list. If

we turn back to the complete list of all hundred and twenty-four parvans

given above, we observe that all the numbers form regular jmogressions ; it

was therefore not difficult to lay down a simple rule, teaching at what

place in a certain nakshatra parvans would take place after the place of the

first parvan had been named. If such a rule is really hidden somewhere

in the obscure verses of the Jyotisha, I am unable to say ; possibly it might

have been left to the ingeniousness of the student to find out the required

law. Nor am I able to explain by what principle the author of the Jyo¬

tisha was guided in selecting the syllables which represent the names of the

twenty-seven nakshatras. Doubtless he had his good reasons for taking

sometimes a syllable of the nakshatra’s name, and sometimes a syllable of the

name of the divinity presiding over the nakshatra, and again for taking either

the first or the second or the third, etc., syllables of the names. Somakara’s

explanation is corrupt and obscure, and seems besides not entitled to much

regard since, as shown above, he is utterly wrong regarding the order in

which the nakshatras are enumerated. I will only remark that after it had

been ascertained in what part of a nakshatra the parvan takes place, the next

important point would have been to find out at what time of the day the

half month is finished, for thereon depends the fixing of the time for the

432

Gr. Thibaut — Contributions to the

[No. 4,

darsapurnamasa sacrifices. Possibly the selection of the syllables is connec¬

ted with this point ; I have, however, not succeeded in discovering the exact

relation.

Prof. "Weber raises the question (p. G9) if the verse explained above

may be used for deciding whether the series of the nakshatras acknowledged

by the author of the Jyotisha begins with Krittika or with Asvini ; the ex¬

planation given by me precludes of course the question entirely.

From the preceding considerations it appears that the author of the

Jyotisha must have imagined each nakshatra as divided into one hundred

and twenty-four parts. A further argument for this division as well as

for a sub-division of the one hundred and twenty parts is to he drawn from

the divisions of time which are made use of in the Jyotisha. These latter

have been stated above ; a nycthemeron is divided into thirty muhurtas, a

muhurta into two nadikas, a nadika into ten and a twentieth kalas, a kala

into one hundred and twenty-four kashthas, a kashtha into five aksharas.

The great variety of sub-divisions of time employed in Indian astronomical

works is well known, the only invariable element appears to have been the

division of a day into thirty muhurtas or sixty nadikas. Now, the system

of sub-division of the nadika being left to the choice of the individual as¬

tronomers they will naturally have selected those fractions of the nadika

which were to them of the comparatively greatest use in their calculations.

What sub-divisions these are depends of course in each individual case on

the celestial objects and motions which enter into the astronomer’s calcula¬

tions and on the view he takes of their relative importance. Thus we have

seen above from Garga’s exposition of the four measures of time that he

divided the savana day into one hundred and twenty-four lavas, conse¬

quently the nadika (although the latter is not mentioned in the quoted

extracts) into lavas. This division enabled him to express the

measure of the savana day, of the tithi and of the solar day without using

fractions, the first comprising, as stated, 124 lavas, the second 122, the

third 126. And the lava being sub-divided into fifteen parts (^:

the name of this sub-division is not given) made it possible to express the

measure of the nadika without fractions. An analogous example is the

division of one angula into thirty-four tilas, which occurs in Baudhayana’s

S'ulvasutra (see this Journal for 1875) and which enables us to express the

relative length of the side and the diagonal of a square without making use

of fractions. The same applies to the measures of time used in the Jyo¬

tisha. That quite a different value could be attached to the terms “ kala”,

“ kashtha”, etc., appears among other instances from the passage of Parasara

quoted by Bhattotpala in his commentary on Varahamihira’s Brihat Sam-

hita, which is referred to by Prof. Weber (p. 105) ; according to it Para¬

sara divided the nadika into ten kalas, the kala into ten kashthas, and the

• / • /

1877.]

explanation of the JyotisJm-Vedanga.

433

kashtha (omitting several intermediate divisions) into eighty nimeshas or

aksharas. Other values are given to kala, kashtha, etc., in other places.

Now the Jyotisha begins with the apparently very inconvenient divi¬

sion of the nadika into 10 ~ kalas. But this division, besides enabling us

to express the duration of at least the savana and the nakshatra day in

whole numbers (603 and 549), allows of our doing the same for the period

during which the moon remains in one nakshatra, the length of which

period is, as we have seen above, 610 kalas. This is of course of primary

importance for a work of the character of the Jyotisha which chiefly treats

of the moon’s revolution through the circle of the nakshatras. Further we

have seen that the nature of the quinquennial yuga necessarily led to the

division of each nakshatra into one hundred and twenty-four parts ; this

division of space suggested in its turn a new division of time, viz. that of

the kala into one hundred and twenty-four kashthas. The moon passing

through one nakshatra in 610 kalas passes through its hundred twenty-

fourth part in 610 kashthas. At the same time the kashtha helps us to a

convenient expression for another period which is of first rate importance

in the system of the Jyotisha, viz. that of the duration of a tithi, 593^

kalas being equal to 593 kalas, 34 kashthas.

Considerations of a similar nature lead us to understand the use of the

sub-division of the kashtha into five aksharas. After having established

divisions of space and time convenient for expressing the motion of the moon,

others were wanted whereby to express the relation of her motion to that

of the sun. The moon making sixty-seven revolutions while the sun makes

five, the sun passes through of a nakshatra while the moon passes

through a whole one. Now, in order to find an easy expression for this

relation, the simplest method would of course have been to divide each

nakshatra into sixty-seven parts ; but this was no longer possible, the nak¬

shatras being already, for more cogent reasons, divided into one hundred

and twenty-four parts each. It was therefore necessary to look out for

a sub-division of the one hundred and twenty-four parts of the nakshatra

which would make a provision for the above stated want, and the first prac¬

ticable sub-division which presented itself was that of each one hundred and

twenty-fourth part into five parts or of the whole nakshatra into six hun¬

dred and twenty parts. For while the moon passes through sixty-seven out

of the six hundred and twenty parts, the sun passes exactly through five of

them. This sub-division of space again called for a corresponding sub-division

of time, and thus the kashtha was divided into five aksharas. The moon re¬

mains in a whole nakshatra 610 kalas, in of a nakshatra 610 kashthas, in

•gAo of a nakshatra 610 aksharas ; 8174 kalas or kashthas or aksharas would

be the corresponding periods for the sun. Another important advantage of

the division of a nakshatra in 620 parts was that it allowed of expressing in

G. Thibaut— Contributions to the

[No. 4,

43 A

whole numbers the space passed over by the moon during one tithi, which

amounts to 603 of the 620 parts of a nakshatra. And in the same time,

viz. in the duration of a tithi, the sun advanced just forty-five such parts.

I will just venture on mentioning that a reference to these forty-five parts

is perhaps contained in v. 26. There some manuscripts read not “ nava-

bhir” but “ navatim”, and Somakara explains “ navatibhir” ; if we

one of these latter readings, the verse directs us to divide the “ suryarksha-

bhagan” by ninety and then to multiply the result by two, which is the

same thing as dividing them by forty-five. This is, however, only a con¬

jecture, and I am unable to give a satisfactory translation of the verse.

Let us now turn to the verses referring to the adhimasas. The yuga

containing sixty-two lunar months to sixty solar months two of the lunar

months had to be treated as excessive (adhimasa). To this arrangement

manifestly refers v. 37, although all its words are not qnite clear. The

editor of the Jyotisha hesitatingly renders the first word by “ two less”,

pointing out at the same time that Somakara seems to explain “ dvi” by

“ dinam” (the words of the latter are :

; the latter explanation really appears to be the right one.

That the word “ dvi”, strange as it may appear, is used in the sense of

“ day” in several passages of the Jyotisha cannot be doubted (cf. p. 5 of

Prof. Weber’s edition), and if we take it in that sense, the verse may be

translated as follows : “ a day diminished by its sixty- second part is to be

deducted from the sun (the solar measure), etc.” A (savana) day of 603

kalas diminished by its sixty-second part (9 ff) equals 593 kalas, which

is the length of a tithi, and thirty solar days being equal to thirty-one

tithis, the verse apparently states in what manner the difference of solar

and lunar time sums itself up. The word “ saparvanam” or “ saparvanah”

must therefore express in some manner the period during which the men¬

tioned difference amounts to one tithi ; it may perhajos be translated “ at

each parvan”, parvan denoting either the new moon parvan or the full moon

parvan only. (Prof. Weber is inclined to refer the “ dvi” in dvyunam to

the two lavas which constitute the difference between Garga’s lunar day

and savana day ; but this is impossible for two reasons ; firstly, the division

of the day into lavas is not made use of in the Jyotisha, and secondly, the

difference necessitating the establishment of two adhimasas is not between

lunar time and savana time, but between lunar time and solar time, 1860

tithis being equal to 1800 solar days). The second half of the verse pre¬

sents no difficulties” produced by which there are formed in addition two

excessive months in the middle and at the end (of the yuga).” The thing

was therefore managed in this way that the thirty-first and the sixty-second

lunation of the yuga were not counted but combined with the following

ones into one month. It is well known that the advanced Indian astro-

435

1877.] explanation of the Jyotisha- Yeddnga.

nomy of a later period effects the agreement between lunar and solar time

in a similar way ; basing however on more exact datas regarding the revo¬

lutions of the sun and the moon it does of course not pass over every

thirty-first lunation.

To the question about the adhimasa another verse of the Jyotisha also

seems to refer, viz. verse 12, of which Somakara gives a very peculiar ex¬

planation, founded on his view of the meaning of the word pada.

The latter he supposes to signify the fourth part of the time which

is required for the performance of the darsapurnamasa sacrifices and which,

according to him, is itself called “ parvan” in different places of the Jyo¬

tisha ; the duration of this fourth part is thirty-one, viz. nadikas. The

sense of the verse is therefore, according to him, as follows “ if the parvan

(the lunar half month) is diminished, (the diminution) is in (i. e. does not

exceed) a pada, i. e. the time of thirty-one nadikas.” By this diminution he

seems to understand the difference of savana and lunar time. But, as

Prof. Weber has already pointed out, a statement of this nature would be

perfectly useless, since the difference between the two measures during a

lunar half month amounts to |f- of a savana day only and therefore of

course does not exceed 31 nadikas, being in fact less than half that amount.

Prof. Weber would therefore prefer to take parvan as meaning the whole

lunar month ; but even on this supposition the statement of the verse would

be of a strange indefiniteness ; why say that the difference between lunar

and savana time in the course of one lunar month amounts to less than f-i

of a savana day when it actually amounts to f ^ and when it was very easy

to calculate the latter exact amount from the fundamental data of the Jyo¬

tisha ? Besides, it appears to me that we have no right at all to supply the

word nadika in this verse as well as in many other verses where Somakara

makes use of it. It seems to me that the simplest explanation of the verse

would he the following “ if a parvan is to be deducted (for the sake of estab¬

lishing harmony between lunar and solar time) it is to be done at a quarter

{viz. of all parvans) ; and such a quarter comprises thirty-one {viz. par-

vans, the whole yuga containing one hundred and twenty-four q>arvans).”

So that the verse is only another statement of the fact that each sixty-

second lunar month is to he left out i. e. not to be counted. I pass at once

to v. 30, where the word pada again occurs (in the compound catushpadi).

The verse states the number of the sub-divisions of the yuga according to

the different measures of time. The first quarter of the verse is obscure

in spite of Somakara offering an explanation. He combines the two first

padas and interprets them as follows :

2 i

43G G. Thibaut — Contributions to the Jyotisha-Vedangct. [No. 4,

That by “ ayanany risheh” we have to nnclerstand sidereal (nakshatra)

half months (so called from analogy to the ayanas of the snn) cannot be

doubted ; but it is impossible to state their number as being either one

hundred and thirty-five or one hundred and thirty-four, since the yuga

always contains sixty-seven nakshatra months only. The admission of an

alternative between the two numbers would in fact be subversive of the

whole system of the Jyotisha. I am not able myself to give a satisfactory

explanation of the first pa da, but at any rate the second pada must be

separated from it and translated : the ayanas of the moon i. e. the sidereal

half months are one less (viz. than one hundred and thirty-five) i. e. one

hundred and thirty-four. When we come to read after this something

about parvans, we naturally expect a statement of their number too, and I

think that the third pada means nothing else than “ the parvans are a

tetrad of padas”, i. e. (a pada having been said above to be equal to thirty-

one) are one hundred and twenty-four in number ; which agrees of course

with the datas of the Jyotisha. Prof. Weber takes parvan in this passage

as meaning the holy time at each parvan and pada as meaning the fourth

part of that time, equal to thirty-one nadikas (in accordance with Soma-

kara’s explanation of v. 12) and translates : the parvans have four quarters,

i. e. last 124 nadikas ; but this interpretation is certainly less simple than

the one given above and is not even countenanced by the commentator,

whose remarks on the passage are : qT^feisiTf |

wrrfHcqTq: i | i

I have to add only two short remarks. In v. 5 (of those verses

which are found in the Rik-recension only), we must read ^

instead of The verse contains a statement of the

dates of the equinoxes during the five years of the yuga, and a calculation

of these dates according to the elements of the Jyotisha shows the necessity

of the emendation. Y. 16 contains the words 'qT^r^b which Somakara

explains by ?lw . There is, however, no authority for taking the

word “ Paulastya” to be a name of the moon, while Pulastya is mentioned

as father of Agastya in the Vishnupurana. The star Agastya (Canopus)

is, as it is well known, frequently mentioned in the earliest Indian astro¬

nomical treatises, and, as it is visible in Northern India only during a part

of the year, the verse of the Jyotisha seems to state that something —

although it is obscure what — is taking place during that part of the year

in which Agastya is not visible.

A great part of the Jyotisha remains unexplained ; vv. 11, 13 — 17,

19 — 23, 25 — 27, 29, 41 especially are still quite obscure in spite of Soma-

kara’s attempts at elucidation. It may be expected that, should the cor¬

responding parts of the Garga-samhita be recovered, light would fall from

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghdni. 437

them on the obscurities which baffle us at present. I do not however think

that anything new would be added to our knowledge of the elements of the

Jyotisha. The latter seem to contain nothing but the doctrine about the

yuga consisting of a certain number of months of the different kinds, the

statement regarding the coincidence of the yuga’s beginning with the

winter solstice and the new moon of Magha, the new moon taking place

in the first point of sravish^ha, and the rule stating the duration of the

longest and shortest days together with the regular increase and decrease

of the day during the whole year. All the remainder of the Jyotisha

apparently contains nothing but deductions from these elements and is

therefore of a secondary interest only.

Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghdni . — By

C. J. Lyall, C. S.

I.

Qureyt son of Uneyf, of the Bel- Ambar.

Certain men of the Benu Sheyban had fallen upon his herds and carried off thirty

camels ; whereon he asked help from his kin of the Bel-Ambar, but they helped him

not. Then he betook himself to the men of Mazin, and a company of them went forth

with him and drove away a hundred camels of the herds of Sheyban and gave them to

him. and guarded him until he came again to his tribe. And he said —

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438 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

Had I been a man of Mazin, there had not plundered my herds

the sons of the Child of the Dust, Buhl son of Sheyban !

There had straightway arisen to help me a heavy-handed kin,

good smiters when help is needed, though the feeble bend to the

blow :

Men who, when Evil bares before them his hindmost teeth,

fly gaily to meet him, in companies or alone.

They ask not their brother, when he lays before them his wrong

in his trouble, to give them proof of the truth of what he says.

5 But as for my people, though their number be not small,

they are good for nought against evil, however light it be.

They requite with forgiveness the wrong of those that do them wrong,

and the evil deeds of the evil they meet with kindness and love ;

As though thy Lord had created among the tribes of men

themselves alone to fear Him, and never one man moke.

Would that I had in their stead a folk who, when they ride forth,

strike swiftly and hard, on horse or on camel borne !

Notes.

The measure is the second form of the besit, and is thus scanned : —

KJ _ W _ | ^ W _ | _ _ | WW _ || W _ W _ | | _ KJ _ | _

This poem is the first of the Hamaseh, and fitly holds that place : no better epi¬

tome of the national character of the ancient Arab could he found than its third verse.

v. 1. The Benu Mazin and the Benu-l-‘Ambar (or Bel-‘Ambar) were both sub¬

tribes of Temim. Buhl son of Sheyban was the family name of a great sub-division

of the tribe of Bekr son of Wa’il.

“ The Child of the Dust,” el-laqitah , that is, a foundling’ : the mother of the tribe

of Buhl appears to be meant, but the commentators give no very certain information

on the point. Another reading is esh-Shaqiqah, the name of the mother of a family

in Buhl.

v. 8. “ Strike swiftly and hard,” sheddu-l- ighurata : another reading is shenmt -

Vigliarata , “ pour down on their enemies from every side.” This verse is the locus

classicus for the use of the preposition hi in the sense of “ instead of” : a sense arising

out of its use with verbs of paying, buying, &c., for the price ; and that again arises

out of one of its original senses, that of the instrument.

II, III, IY, and Y, four songs of the Benu-l-Harith ibn Ka£b.

The Benu-l-Harith ibn Ka‘b dwelt in Nejr&n, a fertile valley of el-Yemen ; they

were the chiefest of the tribes of Mafthij (although probably themselves of Ma'addio

origin*), and in the time of the Prophet were the acknowledged leaders of that stock.

* This would appear from a poem in the Hamaseh (pp. 160-1, Freytag’s Edn.),

where a man of ‘Abs claims the Benu-l-Harith as his brothers ; but the author of the

Aghani, in the genealogies he gives of Harithis, knows only their traditional descent

from Kahlan.

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Arjhani. 489

About half the tribe were Christians, and maintained their faith stoutly against the

proselytizing Jew King of el-Yemen, Bu-Nuwas, who in 523 A. D. led an army

against the city of Nejran and besieged it. The story of the Martyrdom of the

Christians of the Benu-l-Harith will be found told by a contemporary writer, Simeon

the Syrian bishop of Beth-Arsham, in Vol. I of Assemani’s Bibliotheca Orientalis,

pp. 359 sqq ;* their prince is therein called Hareth bar Kaleb, who with his wife

Euma suffered death for the faith, and has become known in the Church as S. Arethas

the son of Caleb ; it seems probable that “ Hareth son of Kaleb” is really the tribal

name, el-Harith ibn Ka‘b : in Syriac the leyn of Ka‘b and the lam of Kaleb differ only in

size. The sequel of this deed of Bu-Nuwas is well known ; the rule of the Himyerites

in el-Yemen was overthrown by the Abyssinians under Ary at, sent by the king of

^Ethiopia at the instigation of the Emperor of Constantinople to avenge the slaughter

of the Christians of Nejran. The Christian Church at Nejran was still flourishing in

the time of the Prophet, who in the ninth year of the Hijrah was visited at el-

Medineh by a deputation of forty ecclesiastics ( ahbdr ), headed by a bishop, and twenty

laymen from that place. The conversation which ensued is told in the Aghani,

X, 144 ; in the end the Christians of Nejran obtained from Mohammed a treaty

securing to them, on the payment of tribute, the free exercise of their religion, and

the portion of the tribe which had remained pagan in the same year gave in its

adhesion to el-Islam. The treaty with the Christians was renewed by Abu-Bekr after

the death of Mohammed, but ‘Omar, in pursuance of the Prophet’s dying injunction

that none but Muslims should be left to dwell in Arabia, removed them to Syria, where

they received lands in exchange for those they surrendered in Nejran. (A. H. 13.)

The most noble family of the Christian Harithis was the house of ed-Dayyan, to

which belonged the author of the fourth of the pieces given below. The son of ed-

Dayyan was ‘Abd-el-Madan, who had three sons, Yezid, ‘Abd-el-Mesih, and Qeys.

Yezid was one of the most noble and generous Arabs of his day ; and ‘Abd-el-Mesih

and Qeys were two of the leaders of the deputation which visited Mohammed in A. H. 9.

The three brothers built a church ( bVah ) or, as some say, set up a great tent made of

three hundred skins of red leather (one of the chief products of el-Yemen), at Nejran,

which was called “ the Ka‘beh of Nejran” ; it was a sanctuary where all who were in

need found help and refuge. All three were friends and patrons of Meymun el-A‘sha,

who praises them in his poems, and learned from them the many Christian precepts

which occur in his verse.

* The latest contribution to the history of the persecuted Monophysite Christians

of Nejran will be found in the Zcitsch. d. Deutsch. Morg. Gesellsch., Yol. XXXI, p. 360.

A Syriac letter of comfort addressed to them by Jacob of Sarug, exhorting them to

patience and faith under their trials, is there given with a translation and commentary

by Dr. E. Schroter, who has added a Syriac version of a Greek hymn by Johannes

Psaltes, Abbot of Beth Aphthonius, on the subject of the martyrdom of those slain by

Bu-Nuwas. The latter must have been composed within a year or two of the event ;

for it was translated from Greek into Syriac by Bishop Paul of Edessa, who died in

527 A. D. From it we learn (1) the name of the Jew-king, who is called Masruq, the

same in Syriac as Bu-Nuwas in Arabic (“ Long-locks”) : (2) the number of the slain,

something over two hundred ; and (3) the name of their teacher, Hareth.

Br. Schroter has not referred to the Adlthiopic poems in which the constancy of the

martyrs of Nejran is praised.

440 C. J. L}rall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

‘Abd-Yaghuth, as his name shews, was of the pagan Harithis : the idol Yaghuth

{“the Helper”) is mentioned with Ya‘uq and Nesr in v. 23 of the 71st Surah of the

Qur’an: all three were worshipped by the Arabs of el- Yemen. The author of the

second and third pieces, Ja‘far son of ‘Olbeh, was the great-grandson (Aghani XI, 146)

or great-great-grandson (Agh. XY, 73) of ‘Abd-Yaghuth, Much uncertainty prevails

regarding the date of his death. The Aghani calls him “ a mukhadrim of the two

Rules,” that is, a poet who flourished under both the houses of Umayyeh and el-‘Abbas ;

according to this work (where several differing versions of his story are given) he was

slain at Mekkeh in the reign of el-Mansur Ahu Ja‘far (A. H. 136 — 158). But in the

commentary on the Hamaseh by et-Tebrizi he is said to have been put to death in the

Khalifate of Hisham son of ‘Abd-el-Melik the Umawi (A. H. 105 — 125). The “Hay

of Sahbal” was the adventure which led to his death : to avenge an insult put upon

him by the Benu ‘Oqeyl, he made a raid upon them, and was returning with his booty

when he was beset by the ‘Oqeylis in the valley of Sahbal. He fought his way through

them and escaped ; but having slain one of the ‘Oqeylis, that tribe accused him of

murder before the Khalifeh’s Governor at Mekkeh, who, after vain attempts to save

jhis life, was obliged to deliver him up to his accusers, who put him to death.

The date of the Hay of el-Kulab is fixed by Caussin de Perceval as A. H. 612.

II.

The death-song of ‘Abd-Yaghuth, chief of the Benu-l-Harith ibn Ka‘b of Nejran.

(Aghani XY, 75-76).

After the slaughter of their fighting-men by the Governor of Kisra at el-Mushaq-

qar, the Benu Temim withdrew from el-Bahran to the valley of el-Kulab, near the

great waste called ed-Bahna, south of el-Yemameh. Their helpless state there moved

the covetousness of the people of el-Yemen, and all the tribes of Mafthij gathered to¬

gether to plunder them. But warning was brought to the people of Temim, and they

arrayed themselves for battle ; and the fight lasted the whole day long, until night

parted them. And they watched one another through the night, and at dawn went

forth again to battle. Then the fury of the men of Temim prevailed, and those of

MaShij were driven in headlong rout ; and many a chief was slain, and many a foot¬

man taken captive. ‘Abd-Yaghuth was the leader of Mat) hi j on that day : he too was

taken captive, and ‘Ismeh son of Ubeyr of Teym carried him to his house, where they

made ready to slay him in requital for the death of en-No‘man son of Jessas, the leader

of Temim, who had fallen in the first day’s fight. And they feared lest he should

utter satires against them, and make them a by- word among the Arabs ; therefore they

were about to gag him, when he promised that he would utter no word of reviling

against them : so they left his tongue free. Then said he — “ 0 ye sons of Teym, let

me die as befits one noble.” “ And how wouldst thou die?” asked ‘Ismeh. “Give'

me wine to drink, and let me sing my death-song.” “ So be it,” said ‘Ismeh ; and he

plied him with wine, and cut one of his veins, and left him until the blood all flowed

forth from his body. And as his life ebbed, ‘Ismeh’ s two sons who stood by began to

upbraid him: “Thou didst gather together against us all el-Yemen,” said they:

“ but now behold how God has dealt with thee.” Then said ‘Abd-Yaghuth —

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghani. 441

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Upbraid ine not, ye twain ! sbame is it enough for me

to be as I am : no gain in upbraiding to you or me.

Know ye not that in reproach there is little that profits men ?

It was not my wont to blame my brother when I was free.

0 rider, if thou lightest on those men who drank with me

in Nejran aforetime, say — ‘ Ye shall never see him more !’

— Abu Kerib and those twin el-Eyhem, the twain of them,

and Qeys of el- Yemen who dwells in the uplands of Iladramaut.

442

C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

5 May God requite with shame my people for el-Kulab —

those of them of pure race, and the others born of slaves !

Had it been my will, there had borne me far away from their horse

a swift mare, behind whom the black steeds lag in a slackening

throng :

Hut it was my will to shield the men of your father’s house,

and the spears all missed the man who stood as his fellows’ shield.

The matron of ‘Abd-Shems laughed as she saw me led in bonds,

as though she had seen before no captive of el- Yemen :

Hut one knows — Muleykeh my wife — that time was when I stood forth

a lion in fight, whether men bore against me or I led on.

10 I said to them when they bound my tongue with a leathern thong

— ‘ 0 kinsmen of Teym, I pray you, leave me my tongue yet free !

( 0 kinsmen of Teym, ye hold me fast : treat me gently then ;

‘ the brother ye lost was not the equal in place of me.

‘ And if ye must slay me, let me die at least as a lord ;

‘ and if ye will let me go, take in ransom all my wealth.’

Is it truth, ye servants of God — I shall hear no more the voice

of herdsmen who shout for their camels in the distant grazing-

grounds ?

Yea, many a beast did I slay, and many a camel urge

to her swiftest, and journey steadfast where no man dared to go ;

15 And ofttimes I slew for my fellows my camel at the feast,

and ofttimes I rent my robe in twain for two singing-girls,

And ofttimes withstood a host like locusts that swept on me

with my hand alone, when all the lances on me were turned.

Now am I as though I never had mounted a noble steed,

or called to my horsemen — ‘ Charge ! give our footmen breathing-

space !’

Or bought the full skin of wine for much gold, or shouted loud

to my comrades stout — ‘ Heap high the blaze of our beacon-fire !’

Notes.

The metre is the Tawil , second form.

v. 4. Of the persons mentioned in this verse Ibn-el-Athir (Kamil, Vol. I,

p. 469) says that Abu-Kerib was Bishr son of Alqameh son of el-Harith, while the two

el-Eyhem (Eyhem means foolish, stupid, and was given as a nickname to many people :

two kings of Ghassan bore it) were el-Aswad son of ‘Alqameh son of el-Harith, and

el-‘Aqib (the chief , lord), whose full name was ‘Abd-el-Mesih son of el-Abyad ; Qeys

was Qeys son of Ma‘di-Kerib. Of these the last was chief of the tribe of Kindeh, and

was surnamed el- Asha) j, “ the Scarred” ; he was praised by el-A‘sha. El-‘Aqib and

el-Aswad el-Eyhem were two leaders of the deputation from Nejr&n to Mohammed at

el-Medineh in A. H. 9. Of the first I have been able to discover nothing further.

v. 6. This verse is variously given. Ibn-el-Athir (l. c .) reads —

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. 443

/ ^ * * O * ofo s' (j s // //& / 0**0 / C “I a O <

\^sy> &xla<£ s ^ ;

' S , * *• S S

et-Tebrizi, in his commentary on the Hamaseh (p. 298), quotes it thus :

s s s * s (j s (j f'i S'<J s ss //& / <js^ s 9 ^ (jS *•

UA_L° JjUxi I &JS: ) &\ia.£ ^Xs' M {^yc f ;

S S ^ < • /> /

Caussin de Perceval (Essai, ii. 589), apparently following the Kitab-el-‘Iqd, reads —

"• s s s s SO s'Os SS $ s<j 9 Cl s° S _ ctJj'T 9 O (j' s

e;u^l ^ y b** ^ uuX* y j

s s / / «• / /

The first and second readings in the first hemistich give shatbeh, a mare light of

flesh and active, instead of our nahdeh : the third gives muhrah, a young mare ; in the

second hemistich, instead of our el-huww-el-jiy&d, “ the noble black horses,” Ibn-el-

Athir reads “ the noble (‘ itaq ) bays,” et-Tebrizi, “ the noble short-haired steeds’*

( jurd ), and C. de Perceval “ the beautiful short-haired steeds.” As the last word of

the verse tawdliya (plural of t&liyeh , “ following”) is decidedly best ; mawaliyd, C. da

P.’s reading, seems to be a word-play on the reading * itaq , since it means slaves in

opposition to free-born (lit&q) : such a play is foreign to old Arab verse. Et-ta.li is a

special word used for the fourth horse in a race where ten run, and thus appropriately

describes the place of the pursuers.

v. 7. $)imur has the same meaning as haqiqah , viz., the persons whom it is one’s

duty to defend. I am somewhat doubtful of the rendering of the second hemistich of

this verse. I have taken yekhtatifna as meaning “ missed,” which is apparently a

possible sense ; but it may also mean “ carried away, suddenly took possession of,” and

may refer to his having been taken prisoner while he covered the retreat of his tribe.

v. 8. “ Of ‘Abd-Shems,” that is, descended from ‘Abd-Shems, son of Sa‘d, son of

Zeyd-Menat, son of Temim.

v. 10. “ Teym,” This family did not belong to Temim, but was one of the

Mibab , or five confederate tribes, whose fortunes were at this time linked to those of

Temim : the five were Dabbeh, Teym, ‘ Adi ibn ‘Abd-Menat, ‘Okl, and Thaur ; they

were all descended from Udd, son of Tabikhah son of Ilyas. Teym is probably shorten¬

ed for Teym-el-Lat, (“ servant of el-Lat”) a name borne by many of the Arab families,

which Mohammed changed into Teym-allah (“servant of God”).

v. 12. The last words of the second hemistich {tahrubunl bimdliya ) may be more

literally rendered “ despoil me of all my wealth.”

v. 13. “Ye servants of God,” Hbada-llahi : there is reason to suspect that this

has been altered from Hbada-llati , “ servants of el-Lat,” which would be a para¬

phrase of the name of the tribe he was addressing, Teym-el-Lat. El-met all, plural of

el-mutli , means “she camels having their young ones following them” ; molzibun is

“ driving camels to distant pastures.”

v. 17. Rijal is here a plural of rajil, a foot soldier, not of rajul, a man.

v. 18. “ Comrades stout,” eysaru sidqin : eysar are companions gathered to¬

gether for the arrow- gambling called el-Meysir ; this was played in the winter time,

and by men sitting over the fire at night ; the call to heighten the blaze was in order

that the fire might be more conspicuous to the night-wanderer seeking for a shelter.

444 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

III.

Ja‘far son of ‘Olbeh, of the fight at Qurra Sahbal.

f / O ' ss ,'(j

;A*Ji ) Ijyi U xlc

'O'

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<$jj£ l^o <Ux> J ^ /Ics^ tyl

» z' 'O' o ' 9 o ' 9 '

■“-' -» - ' slx.** ) &sC ^

Alas for Qurra Sahbal ! the day that upon us drave

the crowd of frightened women, and the foemen pressed us sore.

They said to us — 4 Two things lie before you : now must ye choose —

4 the points of the spears couched at you, or, if ye will not, chains.’

We answered them — 4 Yea, this thing may fall to you after fight,

4 when men shall be left on ground and none shall arise again ;

4 But we know not, if we quail before Death’s oncoming,

4 how much may be left of life ; the goal is too far to see.’

When we strode to the strait of battle, there cleared us a space around

the white swords in our right hands which the smiths had fur¬

bished fair ;

To them fell the edge of my blade on that day of Sahbal dale,

and mine was the share thereof whereover my fingers closed.

Notes.

Tbe measure is tbe second form of the Tamil .

This poem, if we may trust the account of the adventure to which it relates given

in the Aghani, has been manipulated by Abu Temmam ; as given in the Hamaseh, it

suggests an attack by the enemy on the tribe of the poet, a sudden surprise, with terri¬

fied women and few men to withstand a threatening foe ; but as the tale is told by el-

Xsfahani (Agh. XI, 147), Ja‘far with two companions went forth to plunder the herds

of ‘Oqeyl, and was beset on his way back by detached parties of that tribe in the valley

of Sahbal, whom he overcame and reached home safe. Another version of the poem

is given in the Aghani which contains many more lines than that in the Hamaseh, and

some notable differences in those which are common to both ; it is not necessary to

give here the lines by which the Aghani exceeds the Hamaseh : but the differences

may be briefly stated, v. 1 is in the Aghani —

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghani. 445

9 *9° y ^ *> y& y* O y* , O yOy y

^J^lx*!! b^| tjui.£ (J-Xs^ gitj &x.«Ac

'' y g, — y

This reading (which follows an introductory verse) avoids the difficulty caused by

the word alahfd (“alas”) in the Hamaseh’s version; the poem is one of exultation :

why should it open with “Alas!”? It also, instead of el-welayd , “the weak and

frightened women,” gives es-sarayd, “ the troops of horse,” and instead of the difficult

name Qurra, reads qarney , “ the two horns” (that is, probably, the two mountain peaks

between which the valley of Sahbal lay). The verse may be rendered —

“ That even when under Sahbal’ s twin peaks upon us drave

the horsemen troop after troop, and the foemen pressed us sore.”

v. 2 is exactly the same in the Aghani. So is v. 3, except that in the second

hemistich for nau'ulid the Aghani reads nahduhd , a word of the same meaning, v. 4

does not occur at all in the Aghani’s version, v. 5 is the same in both as to the

second hemistich, but the first in the Aghani is —

/ / ^ / / /> 9 y o y y ** 9 s s

IjJ rs> Ud*e; !a)

✓ X

“ Their ambush beset our road, but there cleared us a space around

the white swords in our right hands which the smiths had furbished fair.”

v. 6 is the same in the Aghani and the Hamaseh.

IV.

The same, in ward at Mekkeh.

9 ^ 9 y y s'* r>‘5> y y y

✓

o

o- ^ ✓

•Jiy y y 9 y

I J/® i y IjJ

y "y>- y ’d \x y y y y,Jy 9 *)s y

L gi| j l.'LXs^

o yjiyy ^ y y &9 O Ijj y ' O &yy

*9 S>y 9 y ' >»y.

y < .. z z

My longing climbs up the steep with the riders of el- Yemen

by their side, while my body lies in Mekkeh a prisoner.

I marvelled as she came darkling to me and entered free,

while the prison’s door before me was bolted and surely barred.

She drew near and greeted me : then she rose and bid farewell ;

and when she turned, my life wellnigh went forth with her.

Nay, think not that I am bowed by fear away from you,

or that I tremble before the death that stands so nigh,

446 C. J. Lvall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

5 Or that my soul quakes at all before your threatenings,

or that my spirit is broken by walking in these chains ;

But a longing has smitten my heart born of my love of thee,

as it was in the days aforetime when that I was free.

Notes.

The measure is the same as in Nos. II and III.

This piece is given with almost the same text in the Aghani, XI, 149 ; the latter,

however, begins it with the second verse of the Hamaseh’s version, putting the verse

which in it answers to the first last ; this is

9 ' 9 s$s ^ 9 s o' $ ' ' * s s'* s

✓ • / / / t / •* / /

My longing and my love stand gazing with straining eyes

for thee, while my body lies in Mekkeh a prisoner.

The Aghani also inserts a verse between vv. 4 and 5 of the Hamaseh’s version ;

this is, however, clearly intrusive, and breaks the sequence of the thought : it is there¬

fore not quoted here.

V.

‘Abd-el*Melik son of ‘Abd-er-Eahim, of the Benu-d-Dayyan.

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1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. 447

9 9 9 y <

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5

When a man stains not his honour by doing a deed of shame,

whatso be the raiment he wears, fair is it and comely ;

And if he takes not on his soul the burden of loss and toil,

there lies not before him any road to praise and glory.

She cast blame on us that our number was little to count and few :

I answered her — 4 Yea : the count of noble men is little.

4 But not few canst thou call those whose remnants are like to us

4 — young men who vie with the old in the quest of glory.

4 It hurts us nought that we be few, when our friend by us

‘ is safe, though the friends of most men beside be trampled ;

‘ A mountain we have where dwells he whom we shelter there,

£ lofty, before whose height the eye falls back blunted :

‘ Deep-based is its root below ground, and overhead there soars

‘ its peak to the stars of heaven whereto no man reaches.

4 A folk are we who deem it no shame to be slain in fight,

‘ though that be the deeming thereof of Salul and ‘Amir ;

4 Our love of death brings near to us our days of doom,

4 but their dooms shrink from death and stand far distant.

448 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

10 ‘ There dies among us no lord a quiet death in his bed,

‘ and never is blood o£ us poured forth without vengeance.

4 Our souls stream forth in a flood from the edge of the whetted swords :

‘ no otherwise than so does our spirit leave its mansion.

‘ Pure is our stock, unsullied : fair is it kept and bright

‘ by mothers whose bed bears well, and fathers mighty.

‘ To the best of the uplands we wend, and when the season comes,

‘ we travel adown to the best of fruitful valleys.

‘ Like rain of the heaven are we : there is not in all our line

‘ one blunt of heart, nor among us is counted a niggard.

15 ‘We say nay whenso we will to the words of other men,

‘ but no man to us says nay when we give sentence.

‘ When passes a lord of our line, in his stead there rises straight

‘ a lord to say the say and do the deeds of the noble.

‘ Our beacon is never quenched to the wanderer of the night,

‘ nor has ever a guest blamed us where men meet together.

‘ Our Days are famous among our foemen, of fair report,

‘ branded and blazed with glory like noble horses.

‘ Our swords have swept throughout all lands both West and East

‘ and gathered many a notch from the steel of hauberk-wearers ;

20 ‘Not used are they when drawn to be laid back in their sheaths

‘ before that the folk they meet are spoiled and scattered.

‘ If thou knowest not, ask men what they think of us and them

‘ — not alike are he that knows and he that knows not.

‘ The children of ed-Dayyan are the shaft of their people’s mill

‘ — around them it turns and whirls, while they stand midmost.’

Notes.

The metre is the third form of the Tawil: the first hemistich is the same as in Nos.

II, III and IY ; hut the second is catalectic and is scanned thus : —

KJ — — | w - I KJ — | VJ -

This poem stands in the Hamaseh under the name of es-Semau’al son of ‘iVdiya

the Jew, hut it is not by him; this is proved hy the mention of ‘Amir and Salul in

verse 8, and of the Benu-d-Dayyan in v. 22. The mistake hy which it has been attri¬

buted to es-Semau’al arose, as pointed out hy et-Tebrizi against the passage, from v.

6, where the mountain spoken of, which is really a metaphor for the glory and renown

of the tribe, has been thought to be the burg el-Ablaq in Teyma, where es-Semau’al

dwelt, and where he sheltered the kin of Imra’el-Qeys the poet against el-Harith son

of Abu Shemir king of Ghassan.

Of the real author nothing is known except that he belonged to the noble stock of

ed-Dayyan : his name recurs in the Hamaseh atp. 400 as the author of a marthiyeh ,

1S77.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghani. 449

and he is there called a native of Syria (Sha’dmi) and a metaphysician (Keldmt) ; I

have found no mention of him in the Aghani, Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Quteybeh, or Haji

Khalifeh. It seems to me most probable that the piece belongs to the early wars of the

Arabs during the spread of el-Islam over Asia Minor, Armenia and Persia, and I should

doubt its being the composition of a mere scholar. The fact that it was attributed to

es-Semau’al shows that its authorship is uncertain, and that it cannot be set down to

any other with confidence.

v. 5. “ Our friend,” jdr : this word is used for either (but most frequently for

the weaker) of the two parties to a covenant of mutual protection (jiwdrj ; it is etymo¬

logically identical with the Hebrew ger (A. Y. “ stranger”), and the latter word fre¬

quently bears the same meaning : e. g. in Job xxxi. 32, where the LXX rightly ren¬

der it by £eVos, which has the same double sense of host and guest, protector and pro¬

tected.

v. 6. The mountain here referred to is the glory and great name of the tribe ;

the same metaphor occurs in a noble passage of the mo‘allaqah of el-Harith son of Hil-

lizeh (vv. 23 — 26.)

9 ' o ' 9 r 9 9 9 '

5 1 1 ■ * ^ 'S'j —C ^ —

/ x

✓ *

9 s *9 ' r '

Aj) ; l -

U*

jj

u

O * ^ mJ ^ \jj

-xAxZ UaJJ . Ac L — xxajJ

L S ♦» •

9 9 c sjj' n so ' ' o'

9 ,

' o

9o '

Cm «- $

And we have stood, spite of their hate, and high towers

and firm-based glory lift us aloft ;

Before to-day has it blinded the eyes

of men in which were wrath and denial.

As though the Fates beating against us met

a black mountain cleaving the topmost clouds ,

Mighty and strong above the changes of things,

which no shock of the Days can soften or shake.

v, 8. Salul was a brother tribe of ‘Amir son of Sa‘sa‘ah : both were engaged

in frequent contests and rivalries with the Benu-l-Harith ibn Ka‘b, and especially

with the house of ed-Dayyan; see, for instance, Aghani X, 145, where a story is told

of a contest at ‘Oka<5 between Yezid son of ‘Abd-el-Madan and ‘Amir son of Tufeyl for

the hand of the daughter of Umayyeh son of el- Askar el-Kinani, in which the former

was victorious : also another (pp. 146-7) between the same Yezid and the men of ‘Amir

before one of the Ghassanide Kings. One of the battles between the Benu-l-Harith

and the Benu ‘Amir was the Day of es-Selef (Agh. X, 150) : another was the Day of

Feyf-er-Rih (Ibn-el-Athir, I, 474.)

v. 14. “ Rain of the heaven”, ma’u-l-muzni : literally, “water of a white rain-

cloud” : the sense is that they are as liberal as rain. Md-es-Semd, “ Water of the

heaven,” was a name given among the Arabs to men for their bounty and women for

450 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseli and the Aghani. [No. 4,

their beauty. “ One blunt of heart,” kaham : the opposite of mddiy cutting, keen,

going straight to his end.

y. 18. “Days,” Ayydm, is the word used in Arab legend for battles : one says —

“the Day of el-Kulab,” “the Day of Shi‘b Jebeleh,” &c., although the fight may

(as it did at el-Kulab) have lasted longer than one day. The second hemistich cannot

be literally rendered into English. Lalid yhurarun mallumatun iva hojula means

“ They (*. c. our days) have wellknown ghurar and hojul .” Ghurar is the plural of gliur -

rah , a white blaze on the forehead of a horse ; and hojul is the plural of hijl, the origi¬

nal meaning of which is an anklet : then, of a horse, a white ring on the leg in the

place of an anklet ; as horses bearing such marks are conspicuous among a troop, so

are the Days of his tribe glorious among days. So says ‘Amr son of Kulthum, using

the same metaphor (Mo ‘all. 25.) -

' ' O* ' O ' O 'O'' * 9 * * oj'i *

LbjJ ^j) l^xi XUJ) j — ^ ^ ^

' ' 4 ' 4 4

“ Many the Days are ours, long, blazed with glory,

when we withstood the King and would not serve him.”

YI.

Beshameh son of Hazn of Nahshal.

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1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghdni. 151

We give thee greeting, 0 Selma : do thou give us greeting beach: !

and if thou givest the cup to the noblest, reach it to us.

And if thou callest one day to a mighty and valiant deed

the chiefest of noble men, let thy call go forth to us.

Sons of Nahshal are we : no father we claim hut him,

nor would he sell us for any other sons.

When a goal of glory is set and the runners rush forth thereto,

of us shalt thou see in the race the foremost and the next.

5 And never there comes to die a mighty man of our line

hut we wean among us a hoy to be mighty in his stead.

Cheap do we hold our lives when the day of dread befalls,

hut if we should set them for sale in peace, they would cost men

[dear.

White are our foreheads and worn : for ever our cauldrons boil :

we heal with our rich store the wounds our hands have made.

I come of a house whose elders have fallen one by one

as they sprang to the cry of the fighters — ‘ Where are the helpers

[now ?*

If there should be among a thousand but one of us,

and men should call — ‘ Ho ! a knight !’ he would think that they

[meant him.

10 When the fighters blench and quail before the deadly stroke

of the sword-edge, we leap forth and catch it in our hands.

Never shalt thou see them, though their loss be great and sore,

weeping among the weepers over him that is dead !

Many a time we bestride the steed of peril and death,

but our valour bears us back safe, and the swords that help us well.

Notes.

The metre of this piece is the same as that of No. I.

The tribe of Nahshal was a sept of Temim, of the division of D&rim. This poem

is also attributed to a poet (some say the elder Muraqqish, but most mention no name)

of the Benu Qeys ibn Tha‘lebeh, a sub-tribe of Bekr ibn Wa’il : those who follow this

theory read in v. 3, instead of inna bent Nahshalin , inn a bent MdliJcin , Malik of Qeys,

the head of the family to which Tarafeh the poet belonged, being meant.

v. 4. The usual number of horses run in a race among the pagan Arabs was

ten ; the one that came in first was called es-subiq , “ the out- stripper,” or el-mujelU ,

“ he who makes [his owner] conspicuous” : the second, el-musalli , “ he whose head is at

the tail (ml a) of the foremost” : the third, el-muselli , “ he who renders [his owner] con¬

tent” : the fourth, et-tuli, “the follower” : the fifth, el-murtah, “the agile”: the sixth,

el^atif, “he who bends his neck”: the seventh, el-mu' 'ammal, “he from whom much

had been hoped” : the eighth el-Jiattty “the fortunate” (apparently by an euphemism) :

the ninth, el-latim , “ the cuffed,” because he is driven away with blows from the paddock ;

and the tenth, es-sukeyt , “ the silent,” because he is covered with confusion.

452 C. J. L}rall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghdni. [No. 4,

« The race for glory” is a metaphor often used by the old poets : thus Zuheyr

(Ahlwardt, Diwans, p. 80) says —

&s 9 s<j' o os o ' <*'? ' 4's "O' 9 o 9 o' o"so s

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“ When the men of Qeys son of ‘Eylan race together for a goal

of glory, he that reaches it first is their chosen Lord.”

v. 7. 11 White are our foreheads,” hi dun mafdriquna : this is variously interpret-

ted ; it is said that it may either mean that their heads are crowned with glory as with

light, or that they have become bald by constantly wearing the helmet : the latter

explanation seems best. The boiling of the cauldrons is also explained in two ways; it

is said that it is a metaphor for the heat and fury of war : but the better and simpler

interpretation refers it to their ever open hospitality. “We heal with our rich store” :

that is, “ when any one is slain by us we pay from our herds the price of his blood.”

v. 9. This resembles a line of Tarafeh’s (Mo'all. 42) -

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w When my kinsmen cried ‘ Who is the man for the deed ?’ I deemed that I

was he they meant : and I lagged not nor was I infirm of heart.”

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In tlie cleft of the rocks below Sak is lying

one slain whose blood drips not without vengeance.

He left the burden to me and departed,

and I take up the load lightly and bear it —

A heritage of bloodshed to me the son of

his sister, one dauntless — his knot none looses,

Downcast of eyes, dripping poison, like as

the hooded asp that spits venom, the adder.

4:54s C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseh and the Aghdni. [No. 4iy

5 Fearful the tidings that reach us, heavy —

the heaviest of burdens thereby is nothing !

Fate has cut of£ from me, Fate the tyrant,

one mighty whose friend none dared to be little :

A sunshine in wintertide, until when

the Dogstar burned, he was coolness and shadow :

Lean-sided and thin, but not from lacking :

liberal-handed, keen-hearted, haughty ;

He journeyed with Wariness, and where he halted,

there Wariness halted herself his comrade :

10 A rushing rain-flood when he gave guerdons :

when he sprang to the onset, a mighty lion ;

In the midst of his kin flowed his long black hair, and

his skirts trailed : in war a wolf’s whelp with lean flanks ;

Two savours had he, of honey and gall : and

one or the other all men have tasted ;

He rode Fear alone without a fellow

but only his deep-notched blade of el-Yemen.

Many the warriors, noon- journeying, who, when

night fell, journeyed on, and halted at dawning —

15 Keen each one of them, girt with a keen blade

that when one drew it flashed forth like the lightning —

They were tasting of sleep by sips, when as

they nodded, thou didst fright them, and they were scat-

Vengeance we did on them : there escaped us [tered I

of the two houses none but the fewest.

And if Hu<5eyl broke the edge of his sword-blade —

many the notch that HucSeyl gained from him !

Many the time that he made them kneel down on

jagged rocks where the hoof is worn with running ;

20 Many the morning he fell on their shelter,

and after slaughter came plunder and spoiling.

HuSeyl has been burned by me, one valiant

whom Evil tires not though they be wearied—

Whose spear drinks deep the first draught, and thereon

drinks deep again of the blood of foemen.

Forbidden was wine, but now is it lawful :

hard was the toil that made it lawful !

lieach me the cup, 0 Sawad son of ‘Amru :

my body is spent with gaining my vengeance.

25 To Hufteyl we gave to drink Death’s goblet,

'whose dregs are disgrace and shame and dishonour.

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdseli and the Aglidni. 155

The hyena laughs over the slain of HutSeyl, and

the wolf — see thou — grins by their corpses,

And the vultures flap their wings, full-bellied

treading their dead, too gorged to leave them.

Notes.

Tho measure is the Medici, the basis of which is a pair of ionics a minore separated

by an anapaest : —

WW _ j \J KJ _ J KJ \J _ || O U _ | \J _ J \J \J _

This poem stands in the Hamaseh under the name of Ta’abbata Sherra; but it is

also attributed to Ta’abbata’s sister’s son, and held to refer to the vengeance wrought

by the nephew on his uncle’s slayers. The commentators, however, say that the slain

man camiot be Ta’abbata himself, for Sal‘, the place named in the first verse, is in the

neighbourhood of el-Medineh : but the place where Ta’abbata was slain lay in the

country of HucSeyl, eastward of Mekkeh, and was called Bakhman. His sister said,

bewailing him —

O SO 9 O s G O I O ^ f ?(j S * SO 'O

✓ s''' ' “*

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VjlyOjifl <S)jt J {J

11 Fair was the warrior whom ye left in Bakhman

— Thabit son of J abir son of Sufyan,

Who slew his foe and poured wine for his fellow !”

i

(Thabit son of Jabir was the real name of Ta’abbata Sherra, which means u He

carried evil under his arm.”)

But the weight of evidence is against the authenticity of the poem as an utterance

of Ta’abbata’s ; it is more probably attributed to the famous imitator of the songs of

the pagan Arabs, Abu Mohriz ibn Hayyan, commonly known as Khalaf el-Ahmar.

This man was a native of Farghana, and was taken captive with his parents when

Khurasan was conquered by the Muslims ; he grew up to be a most eminent man of

learning, and among all those of that class, who abounded in the days of the first ‘Ab-

basi Khalifehs, he was the truest poet. He is best known as a fabricator of poems in

the style of the ancients, with which he deceived tho learned men of el-Kufeh, and

even Hammad er-Bawiyeh himself ; he afterwards acknowledged the poems to be forg¬

ed, but they refused to believe it. He died about A. H. 180. (Ibn Qutoybeh, Ma‘arif,

p. 270. Id. in Noldeke’s Beitrage zur Kenntniss d. Poes. d. alt. Arab. p. 15. Ibn

Khallikan, I. p. 571, and III. p. 391. Aghani Y. 174.)

The following are some of the marks of a late origin (athdr et-taulid) which are

to be found in the piece : — -

The subtlety of the thought conveyed in the words of verse 5, b , — jella hattd

daqqa fihi-l-ajellu : this struck the ancient commentators as unlike the speech of a

Desert Arab :

The play of words in verse 8 between y&bisu-l-jembeyni (dry-sided, i. e. lean) and

rtedi-Ukeffeyni, (moist-handed, i. e. liberal) :

456 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. [No. 4,

Tlie alliteration in v. 9, -where out of ten words seven contain the letter :

The alliteration of gheythu and ghdmirun in v. 10, and the rhyming antithesis of

gheyth and leyth (besides heyth in the same verse) :

The very unusual distributive sense of Jcilu in v. 12 :

The use of injdba in v. 14 for the dawn : it appears to be used in classical Arabic

only for the clearing away of clouds ;

The play on the word mddin in v. 15, where it means (1) a warrior who goes

straight to his end, and (2) a sword that cuts through all obstacles.

None of these taken by itself would perhaps be conclusive ; alliteration is not

unknown in the ancient poetry, but it is not approved ; and instances of word-play

might also be found. But taken together they constitute what is called tekelluf (which

may be rendered artificiality) , which is foreign to the age to which the poem would

belong if it were really by Ta’abbata Sherra.

But whether an imitation or a genuine old poem, there can be no doubt that the

piece breathes the true spirit of the pagan Arab. Albert Schultens says of it — “ Nobile

hoc carmen . monumentum est illustre laudationum quibus Fortium fortia facta

concelebrari solebant. Magnis splendet ornamentis ac luminibus, quse gentis genium

graphice pingunt.” Goethe, in the Appendix to his West-Oestlicher Diwan (where he

gives a translation of it, rendered from Schultens’ Latin, as the only specimen of old

Arab poetry which he adduces), writes — “Die Grosse des Characters, der Ernst, die

rechtmassige Grausamkeit des Handelns, sind hier eigentlich das Mark der Poesie ....

Hochst merkwiirdig erscheint uns bei diesem Gedicht, dass die reine Prosa der Hand-

lung durch Transposition der einzelnen Ereignisse poetisch wird. Dadurch, und dass

das Gedicht fast alles aussern Schmucks ermangelt, wird der Ernst desselben erhoht,

und wer sich recht hinein lies’t muss das Geschehene, von Anfang bis zu Ende, nach

und nach vor der Einbildungskraft aufgebaut erblicken.’’

vv. 1 to 4 tell of the slaying, and set before us the avenger : w. 5 to 1 3 praise

the slain man, his mighty deeds and great heart: vv. 14 to 17 describe the onslaught

which led in the end to his fall : vv. 18 to 20, the many deeds of daring which Hufteyl

had to avenge on him ; vv. 21 to 27, the vengeance taken by him into whose mouth

the poem is put.

v. 1. “Drips not without vengeance,” md yutallu : literally, “is not poured

forth like the dew or fine rain.”

v. 3. “A heritage of bloodshed to me the son of his sister”, wa ward' a-th-tha? ri

minni-bnu ukhtin : literally, “ and behind the vengeance” (7. e., to take it up — a con¬

tinuation of the thought of verse 2) [there is] “ a sister’s son in me.” This verse has

been misunderstood by Schultens and Piickert : the former renders it — “ Post me talioni

imminet sororis filius,” and the latter — “ Und ein Schwestersohn zur Pache tritt mir

nach.” Goethe, seeing with a fine discernment that the avenger who speaks is himself

the sister’s son of the dead, (compare verse 24 — inna jismi ba‘da Khali lakliallu ), makes

verses 3 and 4 the reported utterance of the dying man —

“ Erbe meiner Pache

1st der Schwestersohn,

Der Streitbare,

Der Unversohnliche,” u. s. w.

Minni is here an example of the explicative min (li-l-baydn) .

“ His knot none looses,” ‘ oqdatuhu Id tohallu , said of a man whose fury in battle is

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Haniaseh and the Aghani. 457

irresistible : the dictionaries give taJiallelet 1 oqaduhu as meaning “ his anger was ap¬

peased.”

v. 4. The comparison of the warrior to a deadly serpent in this verse recalls the

name of the family in Teghlib to which ‘ Amr son of Kulthum belonged — the Araqim

— “ the spotted serpents.”

v. 5. “ The heaviest of burdens thereby is nothing” : literally — “ it is great (i. e.

terrible) so that the greatest therein becomes little” ; the criticism of the earlier com¬

mentators on this phrase has been mentioned above.

v. 6. “ Whose friend,” jdruhu : see the note to v. 5 of No. V.

v. 7. “ A sunshine,” shdmis : literally, “a sunny day.”

v. 8. “ Lean-sided” : leanness is a subject of praise in a hero because it denotes

the hardships he has undergone, and also his generosity in giving to others to eat while

he keeps nought for himself.

v. 11. The first hemistich of this verse can be taken in two ways : either musbilun

maybe rendered absolutely, “letting hang down,” i. e., his garments : and ahwd may

be taken of his complexion, “ swarthy” ; or, as I have rendered it, ahwd may be the

accusative after musbilun , “ letting hang down his long black [hair].” “ His skirts

trailed” : in days of peace and quiet the Arabs allowed their izur or waist- wrapper to

trail on the ground : in war they girt it tight about their loins. Zulieyr says, describ¬

ing a luxurious people (Ahlwardt, Six Poets, p. 77) : —

“ By them is wine, and a strainer, and musk thereby

wherewith their skins are perfumed, and water :

They trail their skirts of burd , and in them glows

the vehemence of the cup and the ecstasy of song.”

(Water, to mix with the wine : so wine was commonly drunk by the Arabs : see

Tarafeh, Mo ‘all. 59, and ‘Amr Kulth. Mo‘all. 2).

“ A wolf's whelp,” sim1, a hybrid between the wolf and the hyena, with the fierce¬

ness of both.

v. 12. “ Gall”, sharyun , the colocynth or bitter gourd.

v. 14. The mode of journeying in the Desert here described will be familiar to all

readers of Palgrave’s “ Central and Eastern Arabia.”

vv. 16, 17. In et-Tebrizi’s edition of the Hamaseh these verses stand in the re¬

verse order : the sequence in which I have given them is that in which they are placed

by Schultens, and seems the natural one.

“ They were tasting of sleep by sips,” ihtasau anfdsa naumin : i. e., sleep was over¬

coming them little by little.

v. 18. “ Broke the edge of his sword blade,” fellet shebdhu : that is, apparently,

overthrew him.

v. 21. “Hu'Seyl has been burned,” saliyet , i. e., scathed. So el-Harith son of

‘ Obad, when he was unwillingly compelled to take part in the contest by the slaying

of his son Bujeyr by Muhelhil, said of the War of Basus -

458 C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamdsch and the Aghdrii. [No. 4,

S SC'G * s 2 h s s S s 9 o f)9 ' OS

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“ I was not of those whose wrong- wrought it, God knows !

Yet to-day must I he burned in its blaze.”

v. 22. “ He drank deep at the first draught” (nehila) and “ he drank deep a

second draught” (‘ alia ), both words used originally of camels, are in constant use in

Arab poetry to describe the thrust and thrust again of spears.

v. 23. Wine was forbidden to him, because he had sworn not to drink it until he

attained to his vengeance.

v. 25. This verse is omitted in Freytag’s edn. of et-Tebrizi’s Hamaseh : I have

restored it from Schultens’ text, because it appears to arise naturally out of the idea of

the preceding verse.

v. 27. “The vultures,” 1 itaqu-t-teyri : literally, “the noble of birds,” a term

reserved for birds of prey. “ Flap their wings,” tahfu : this is the reading of Schul¬

tens, and is also given by et-Tebrizi in the commentary, though he admits teghdti into

the text ; the former reading seems to mo to give much greater vividness to the horri¬

ble picture than the latter, which is a mere auxiliary verb.

VIII.

Ishaq son of Khalaf.

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If no ITmeymeh were there, no Want would trouble my soul —

no labour call me to toil for bread through pitchiest night ;

What moves my longing to live is but that well do I know

how low the fatherless lies, — how hard the kindness of kin.

I quake before loss of wealth lest lacking fall upon her,

and leave her shieldless and bare as flesh set forth on a board.

My life she prays for, and I from mere love pray for her death —

yea, death, the gentlest and kindest guest to visit a maid.

5 I fear an uncle’s rebuke, a brother’s harshness for her ;

my chiefcst end was to spare her heart the grief of a word.

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghani. 459

Notes.

The metre is the first form of the besit, in which the last foot is the same in the

second hemistich as in the first ; an attempt has been made to imitate it in the transla¬

tion. The grammars give ^ — v~/ — as permissible for the third foot, although on

an examination of a large number of pieces of this measure in the Hamaseh I have

found no example of a short first syllable ; instances, however, occur elsewhere ; see

en-Nabighah, v. 34 and 49, and xi. 3. Zuheyr, ix. 18, 21, 22. In the English, owing to

the want of clear distinction between syllables long in themselves (apart from the accent)

and short, it has not been found possible always to give a long syllable in this place.

Of the author of these lines I have been able to ascertain nothing. The fragment

is, as shewn by the rhyme in the first hemistich, the beginning of a qasideh ; four more

lines of the same measure and rhyme are given as a continuation of the piece in the

Appendix to the Cttlcutta Edn. of the Hamaseh, p. 221 : but they are of inferior merit

to those selected by Abu Temmam. By his name (Ishaq) the author should be an

Islami; the only authentic instance of a biblical name born by an Arab (not a Jew)

before el-Islam is that of the great- great-grandfather of ‘Adi son of Zeyd el-Tbadi,

who was called Ayyub (Job). (See Aghani ii. 18, and Abu-l-‘Ala, quoted intheHama-

seh, p. 177). The sentiment of v. 4 is, however, rather pagan than Islamic.

v. 3. “ Meat on a butcher’s board” is a proverbial expression for that which is

utterly defenceless and helpless.

v. 4. The scholiast compares the proverbs (both current in the Ignorance) ni(ma-

l-khatanu-l-qabru, An excellent son-in-law is the Grave,” and defnu-l-benut mina-l-

mekrumut, “ To bury daughters is an act of mercy” ; the reference in the latter is to

the practice of burying female children alive immediately after birth, which was still

prevalent (though not widely spread) among the pagan Arabs at the time of the Pro¬

phet’s mission. The lot of women among the Arabs of the Ignorance was a hard one ;

and it is most probable that the practice in question was perpetuated, if it did not begin,

in the desire to save the family the shame of seeing its women ill-used or otherwise

disgraced. This is to be inferred from the account given in the Aghani (xii. 150) of

the reason why Qeys son of ‘ Asim, a lord of the tribe of Temim, adopted it. To this

man was due the revival of the custom in the Prophet’s time after it had almost died

out ; a terrible tale is told of his burial alive of the only one of his daughters who was

saved at birth and brought up in another family unknown to him.

v. 5. The use of the imperfect ( kuntu ubqi ) in the second hemistich of this verse

is worth noticing. The speaker looks forward to the time when his daughter will be

left fatherless, and find no love such as that which she found in him.

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IX.

Hittan son of el-Mo'alla.

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Fortune lias brought me down (her wonted way)

from station great and high to low estate ;

Fortune has rent away my plenteous store :

of all my wealth honour alone is left ;

Fortune has turned my joy to tears : how oft

did Fortune make me laugh with what she gave !

But for these girls, the Qata’s downy brood,

unkindly thrust from door to door as hard —

5 Far would I roam and wide to seek my bread

in Earth that has no lack of breadth and length ;

Nay, but our children in our midst, what else

but our hearts are they walking on the ground ?

If but the wind blow harsh on one of them,

mine eye says no to slumber all night long.

Notes.

The metre is the third form of the Sari‘, and consists of two diiambs (each commu-

table to - ^ — and — ^ — ) followed by a cretic ( — ^ — ) ; in the second

hemistich, which is catalectic, the cretic becomes a spondee : —

Of the poet I have ascertained nothing.

v. 4. The Qata is the sand-grouse ; it is most probably identical with the Hebrew

Qu’ath (A. Y. “ pelican”).

The second hemistich of this verse has strangely perplexed the commentators. The

following is a translation of et-Tebrizi’s note upon it. “ Jtudidna min ba'-din ild baldi

means — ‘ They were gathered together to me in a brief space of time, one born of a

second wife after another born of the first, one by the side of another.’ Another read¬

ing is rededna min bed din ild baldi, with the active form of the verb and the personal

pronoun joined to the second ba'-d ; the meaning of this would be ‘ they have bowed me

and bent one part of my back towards another.’ Or, if we adopt the first reading, the

line may mean that these daughters of his had been wedded, and were turned away

together with their little girls ; mardudeh is used in the sense of a divorced woman, and

ild is sometimes equivalent to mad (together with) : you say hdid ild Mica (‘this with

that’) meaning mala (taka; taking it in this way, min ba'-din ild ba'-di will be in the

place of the accusative of condition to rudidna , i. e.f they have been divorced together

1877.] C. J. Lyall — Translations from the Hamaseh and the Aghdni. 461

with, their children.’ Or you may read rudidna as before, and min bcddi ild baldi, giving

both the ba‘ds the affixed pronoun ; the sense would then be ‘ They were in my loins,

and when I begot them they entered (were turned) into my heart, which burns by

reason of them through excess of affection.’ Another reading is jumilna min bed din ild

ba',di [the sense of which would be the same as the first explanation given by et-Tebrizi].

Abu Hilal says : £ rudidna min bed din ild ba‘di is a sentence which hides but little

meaning : perhaps he intended to say that they were born from different mothers, and

were thrust from one to the other : but he did not express himself plainly.’ ”

So far et-Tebrizi ; it appears to me that the difficulty (which consists in the use of

the past, rudidna, for the future which the poet contemplates for his daughters, and

which has led the commentators to try to explain that verb as referring to something

already past) may be solved by supposing that the speaker puts his anticipation in the

form of an event already come to pass. Such a construction is the common one for

optatives, ( jezdhu-lldh , &c.,) and is so used in places where there can be no question of

the theological explanation which refers it to the foreknowledge of G-od, to whom

future is as past ; see e. g ., Hamaseh, p. 67. —

9* (j * o 9 " 9 o «• 9 o' ' P ' o' 9

" > *♦ «* * „ r

Then, again, there are many instances in which what is spoken of as a past event

is explained as a future one, e. g ., in Ham., p. 172. —

* * O ^ 9 S r o 7 ^

S s ♦* / ^ >

where the commentary (perhaps needlessly) understands that the poet, in his fore¬

knowledge of what awaits him, speaks of it as already come to pass. So also in Ham.,

p. 252, Jahdar son of Dubey‘ah says —

Ijj 9 Q s ~ ‘ s <J O ' O *

♦♦ /- ♦» / ^ ^

plainly referring to a bereavement and widowing which are to be after his death in the

fio-ht before engaging in which he utters the verses. These instances seem amply to

justify us in understanding the words in their natural sense — “ pushed (or thrust) from

one to another without help or kindness” ; nothing could be more far-fetched than all

the explanations given by et-Tebrizi.

.

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

TOR

1877.

.AbD, son of Julanda, of ’Oman, 50

’Abd-el-Melik, son of ’Abd-er-Rahim, an

Arabian poet, 446

’Abdur Rahman Khan, of Kotsimul, 167

Aborigines : — Bedhyas, 220 ; Bhars, 25,

26, 36, 227 ; Bhils, 228 ; Binds, 25 ;

Cherus, 25; Dakas, Daityas, Dasyas, 36;

Gonds, 228, 232, 234 ; Khamars, 22 ;

Kharwars, 17, 21«., 25 ; Kois, 183 ; Kols,

183, 228 ; Kurmis, 235 ; Lodhis, 231 ;

Masahars, 22 ; Manipuris, 36 ; Nag5s,

38; Suriyas, 25; Yanadis, 184; Zatt,

or gypsies, in Arabia, 57 ; — profess Bud¬

dhism, 231

Abu Bekr el-Bisri, 50

Abu Mohriz ibn Hayyan, 455

Abuthabi, in ’Oman, 52

Acacia Arabica, 47 ; — vera 47

Aethiopia, 439

Agastya, or Canopus, 436

Agham writing, 8

Aghani, vide Kitab-el-Aghani

Agni- varna, 39

Agra Sila, Vindhya’s guru, 16

agriculture, in ’Oman, 54

Ajaipal, of Ajmir, 231

Ajmir, 230, 231

’Akabat kumashi, in ’Oman, 42

Akbarpur, in Bihar, 22

Alha, the Chandel hero, 233

’All Naqi Khan, 167

Allahabad, 231

alum, mine of, 23

’Amalekites, 50

Amarakantak, sacred pool of, 20

Amedabats, the munia bird, 24

’Amr, son of Ma’df-kerib, 169

Amu Kiver, 333 ; vide Oxus

Anatolian Folk-lore, 14

Ancient Sculpturings on rocks in Ka-

maon, 1

2 N

Arabia, 41, 62, 90, 437, 459

Arah, 29

Arar-Brahmana, 164

Asaf ’Ali Khan, Mir of Shighnan, 97

Asam, or Tekhau, 38

astronomy, Hindu, 411

augury, in Arabia, 82

’Auhi, in ’Oman, 41

’Awamir Bedouins, 44

el-Azd, of ’Oman, 50

JJADAKHSHAN, 98

bageri , a bird, 24

Baijnath, in Kamaon, 1

Balkh, 333 n.

Bangalor, 14

Bangbara Khan, 164

Barani, goddess, 16

Barba, a place south of Dihli, 166

Barkhari, vide Bharkari

hater , a quail, 24

el-Batineh, in ’Oman, 48

Bedhyas, a tribe of gipsies, 220

Beni -l-’Ambar, 438 ;— d-Dayyan, 446 ;—

Gheith, 42 ; — Harith ibn Ka’b, 438,

449 ; — Ja’ far ibn Kilab, 75 ; — Ka’b, 45 ;

— Mazin, 438 ; — Nahl, 67 ; — ’Oqeyl,

440, 444 ; — Salul, 75 ; — Sheyban, 437 ;

— Temim, 440;— Thaqif, 80

el-Bereymi, in ’Oman, 41

Beshameh, son of Hazn, an Arabian poet,

450

Bhagahanpur, 28 n.

Bhanraura khera, 228

Bhar, Raja, of Mahoba, 231

Bhars, 25, 227, 233; vide Aborigines

Bharwara, 228, 231

Bharsawan, 228

Bharkhari, in Bundelkhand, 228

Bharua, 228

Bhavani, 17

464

Index.

Bhava Gupta, 149

Bhils, 233 ; vide Aborigines

Bhima Deva, 151

Bhubna Fort, 26

Bhubun, 34

bhums, twelve, of Bengal, 166m.

Bhumi-malis, a caste, 186

Bidranath, shrine of, 1

Bihar, district of, 21

Bijaigarh, fort of, 26

Binds, a tribe, 25

Birabhuvan Deva, of Orissa, 151

Blochmann, H., an unpublished ghazal

by Hafiz, 237

logolit , a bird, 24

bombax heptaphylla , 165

botany, of Bihar, 21 ; — of ’Oman, 47 ; —

of Arabia, 77

Brahma Muktavali, by Isvari Datt Pan¬

dit, 28 n.

Brahma Sampradaya, 133

Brahmanism, in Orissa, 153

Buchanania latifolia , 21

Buddhism, 185, 231

Buddhist ruins in Kamaon, 3

Buldan-el-’Awamir, 53

Bundela Rajputs, 231

Bundelkhand, 25, 227

Burhi Deo, a Rangpur deity, 188

Burj-el-Shikeyri, in ’Oman, 42

Burma, 38

Butea frondosa, 21

Camels, of ’Oman, 47; 78, 92, 95,

169, 173

Campbell, Mr., on rock markings, 15

Canopus, in Sanskrit Agastya, 436

castes, Hindu 186, 231

cTiakrabak , the Brahman! goose, 25

Chanar Fort, 16

Chand, founder of Chyapur, 36

Chandalas, a caste, 186

Chandan, Sayyid, tomb of, 28

Chandel Rajputs, 229

Chandeshwar temple, in Kamaon, 2

Chandra, a village in Orissa, 150

Chandrasekhara Banurji, The Kaimur

Range, 16

Charairongba, 36

Charanadri, or Fort Chanar, 16

Chaudwar, in Orissa, 150, 151

Chavana Muni, 20m.

Cheran, in Bihar, 25

Cherus, the tribe, 17, 25, 26

chitti, a sort of hemp, 22

Christianity, 184; — early, in Arabia, 439

Chyapur, 26, 27, 28m.

Qiva Gupta, 174

Copper-plate Grant from Cuttack, 149 ;

— from Sambalpur, 173

crosses, Christian, 173, 184

cupmarks, on rocks, 1, 3

DaITYAS, Dakas, races of, 36

Dalil Khan, Subadar, 231

Damant, G. H., on the old Manipuri

Character, 36

Damsetjerd, a Persian colony in ’Oman, 50

Damunya, village of, near Bardwan, 164

Darwaz, in Central Asia, 97

Dasa-ratha, 39

Dasas, caste of, 186

Dasyus, tribe of, 36

day and year, in Hindu astronomy, 419

Deskuli, in Bihar, 20m.

Devaki, 211

el-Dhahirah, in ’Oman, 41, 48

Dhank, in ’Oman, 44

Dharti, or earth god, 17

drunkenness, 79, 94

Dunagiri, in Kamaon, 5

Durgavati river, 19, 22

Dushyanta, 39

Dwara-Hath, in Kamaon, 1, 2, 3, 7

F ATES, in Arabian mythology, 169

Felej el-Stik, in ’Oman, 41, 50

female infanticide, in Arabia, 459

Ferghana, 455

fire, how artificially produced, 46, 184m.

Fryer, G. E., Pali Studies, No. 2. The

Yuttodoya, or Exposition of metre, 369

GaRDAI KHAN, son of Khanazad

Khan, 167

Gargasamhita, 436

Gaya, town of, 16 ; — the old Kita-des, 20

geology of ’ Oman, 48

Ghalchah Dialect, 97

Gharib-Nawaz, 37

Gharwar, Rajputs, 26

Ghazi Khan, 167

el-Ghorak, in ’Oman, 42

Ghosha family, origin of, 175

el-Ghozz, in ’Oman, 50

Gipsies, or Zatt, in Arabia, 57 ; 220

Glasfurd, C. L. R. Col., Report of the

Upper Godavery District 179

Goala dynasty, 8

Gokula, city of, 17, 211

Gond, vide Aborigines ; — deities, 232m.

Gorakh Nath, song of, 198

go-salik, a bird, 24

Gour Das Bysack, on Khanj a Khan Garh

in the District of Bardwan, 164

Grierson, G.A., are Kalidasa's Heroes Mo¬

nogamists ? 39 ; — on the Rangpur dia¬

lect, 186

Index.

465

Gupta, sacred cave of, 19

Gupta dynasty, 149, 174

Hafiz, an unpublished ghazal by, 237

Hail, in ’Oman, 43

el-Hajar, in ’Oman, 48

halud-guri , or yellow wren, 24

Hamaseh, translations from tbe, 168, 437

Hamir Deo Karchuli, founds Hamirpur,

230

Hamirpur, Bundelkband, 227 ; town of — ,

when founded, 230

Hanamconda, 179

Hariharpur, in Orissa, 150

Harska Brahma, shrine of, 27

el-Hasa, in ’Oman, 45

Hatakesvara Deva, 151

Hijaz, 47

Hiranyagarbha, adoration, 133

el-Hireh, 63

honey, 22

horse races, in Arabia, 451

Hudum Deo, a Rangpur deity, 188

Hureh Barglieh, or Sohar Peak, 51

IbN Moj awir, the historian, 50

idols, Arabian, 440

Ikhtiyar Khan, tomb of, 27 n.

infanticide, female, in Arabia, 459

Inscriptions, from the shrine of Tuttala

Bhavani, 32, 34 ; — from Cuttack, 149 ;

— from Sambalpur, 173 ; — fromBundel-

khand, 232

iron, of the Kaimur Range, 22

Ishaq, son of Khalaf, an Arabian poet, 458

Islam, progress in Kashghar, 335

Islam Shah, 230

Islampur, in Hamirpur, 230

Isma’d Ghazi, of Bengal, 187

J A’ FAB, son of ’Olbeh, an Arabian

poet, 444

Jain temples, 29, 232

Jala, a village, near Bangalor, 14

Jalalpur, in Hamirpur, 228

Jamadagni, father of Parasurama, 20

Janamejaya, 149, 171

Jaya Chand, Maharaja, of Kanauj, 26

Jebel Akhdhar, 47, 48

Jebel Hafit, 44

Jebel Gharabeh, 47

Jeifar, son of Julanda, 50

Jibh Devi, in the Kaimur Range, 35

el-Jow, in ’Oman, 52

Julanda-bin-Karkar, 49

Jyotisha-Vedanga, 411

K.ACHAR, 37

Kachwaha Rajputs, 34 n.

Ivaderkho valley, 20

Kaimur Range, the, 16

Ivaira Des, 16

Kairo Mali, corrupted to Kaimur, 16

Kairya Ghat, near Rohtas, 23

Kalidasa, monogamy of the heroes of,

questioned, 39, 160

Kalinjar, 231/2.

Ivamaon, ancient sculpturings in, 1

Kan, in ’Oman, 42

Jcaneri , a sort of yam, 21

Kansa Raja, tyrant of Mathura, 16, 212

Kaperlaguru, in the Nizam’s dominions,

180

Karamnasa river, 19

Karatoya river, 186

Kasim Khan, 32

Kashghar, kings of, 326, 334

Katar, in ’Oman, 46

Kavari river, 184

Kesari dynasty of Orissa, 150

Khalaf-el-Ahmar, 455

Khanja Khan Garh, note on, 164

Khajuraho, 229

Khamar tribe, 22

Khanazad Khan, son of Bangbara Khan,

164

Kharwars, a tribe, 17, 21 n., 25

Khatmet el-Shikla, village of, 46

Khotan, 342, 347

el-Khoweyrej, in ’Oman, 43

Khurda, in Orissa, 152

el-Khurus, in ’Oman, 46

King, W., notice of a pre-historic burial

place with Cruciform Monoliths, near

Mungapet in the Nizam’s Dominions,

179

Barman, 50

kistvaens, in Kamaon, 7

Kita-des, old name of Gaya, 20

Kitab-el-Aghani, 61, 437

Koch Bihar, 186

Kois, tribe of, 183

JcoJcild , or cuckoo, 24

Kols of Bustar, 183

Korumbar rings, 180

Kosala, name of a part of Orissa, 150

Kot Simulgarh, 164

Kota Ghat, 28

Krauncha, or Koch Bihar, 186, 187

Krishna, the birth of, 211

el-Kufeh, 62, 69, 79, 83, 455

JjANGLOL, a Manipuri MS., 37

Barka Kols, 183

lavender, wild, for making mats, 47

leather, of Yemen, 439 ; vide tanning

Lebid, the Arabian poet, 62, 77

4G6

Index.

Leonard, G. S., the Mythic History of

theGodViraj, 126 ; — Further proofs of

the Polygamy of Kalidasa’s Heroes,

ICO

lingam worship, 4 ; vide Mahadeo

Lohitya river, 186

Lolloitha, a Naga tribe, 38

lunar mansions, 429

lunations, 425

Lyall, C. J., the Mu’allaqah of Lebid, 61 ;

— Three Translations from the Hamaseh,

168 ; — Translations from the Hamaseh

and the Aghani, 437

MaDDAN, the Kharwar Raja, 21

Madhava Acharya, 133

Maghal Bacha, in Rang-pur, 187

Maghal hat, in Rangpur, 187

Mahadeo, or lingam, 4, 15, 235 ; — temple

in Ivamaon, 1

el-Mahdhah, in ’Oman, 44, 45

Mahoba, in Bundelkhand, 229, 231, 232

Maibees, a guild of priests, 37

Malavikagnimitra, ascribed toKalidasa,40

Man Siuha, Raja, of Amber, 164

Manik Chandra, a legendary king of Rang¬

pur, 186 ; — Rajargan, an epic, 187

Manipuris, 36 ; — their writing, 36, 37

Maniya Deo, a Bhar deity, 233

Marada, in Orissa, 150

maranneh , a narcotic plant, 47

marriage ceremonies, 211

Masai, quarries at, 22

Masahar, tribe of, 22

mats, made of wild lavender, 47

Maudha, in Bundelkhand, 228, 230

Meiyanggnamba, a Manipuri historical

work, 37

Miles, S. B., on the Route between So-

har and el-Bereymi in ’Oman, with a

note on the Zatt or Gipsies in Ara¬

bia, 41

Mileyyeneh, in ’Oman, 42, 47

Mimosa, 24 ; — flava , 171

Mina, two places in Arabia, 90

Mirzapur, 26

Mo’allaqah, of Lebid, 62

Moggallana, the Ceylon grammarian, 369

el-Mokabil, a tribe in ’Oman, 48

Monoliths near Mungapet, 179

months, lunar, of the Hindus, 425

Mukanda Ram Chakra varti Ivavi Kankara,

author of the Chandi, 164

Mukhadrim, or early Islamitic writers, 62,

440

Mulheran, notices of cromlechs, quoted,

185

Munda, a Daitya, 36

Mundesvara, 17 ; — hill, 34 ; — shrine

of, 34, 35

Mungapet, in Haidarabad, monoliths near,

179

munia , the bird, 24

myrabalan , 21

E>r

.N*

ABIGHAH, the Arabian poet,

73, 83

Nagpur, Central Provinces, 7

Naib Muhammad ’Alam, Governor of

Afghan Turkestan, 97

nakshatras, or lunar mansions, 429

Narayana, rock cut image of, 32

Narkanda, Central Provinces, 7

Narmada river, 20

Nejran, 439, 441, 442

Nesr, an Arabian idol, 440

Nila’s song of the year, 224

Nilgiri hills, 13

Nirmala Deva, of Orissa, 151

en-Nobnan, king of Hireh, 63, 73

OdRA, a part of Orissa, 152

olibanum , 22

’Oman, citadel of, 48 ; geography of — , 41

Orissa, under the Guptas, 150, 177

owls, the spirits of dead men, 81

Oxus River, 98 ; vide Amu.

PaKUNGBA, tutelary deity of Mani¬

pur, 38

Palamau, 25, 29

Palasas, ancient name of Bihar District, 21

Pali prosody, 369 [Pur> 37

Pamhaiba alias Gharfb-nawaz, of Mani-

Pamir, 97, 98

Pampapur, 26

Pandasiara Mane, 14

Pandavara Gudi, 14

panduka , a bird, 25

Pandukoli, a mountain in Kamaon, 5

Pandu-kuris, 13

Pandus, Pandava brothers, 6

Panjah, name of Oxus source, 98

Panwari Jaitpur, 228

Parihar Rajputs, 26

Parmal, of Mahoba, 233

Patna, in Orissa, 173

pearls, 93

Persians, hold ’Oman, 50, 51

phallus worship, vide lingam

Phillips, M., Rev., on tumuli, 13

plantain trees, used at marriages, 211

Poerai, a name of the Manipuris, 38

Polygam y of Kalidasa’s Heroes, 39, 160

Popham, Col., reduces Fort Bijaigarh, 26

Pratapachandra Ghosha, note on, and

translation of, three Copper-plate In¬

scriptions from Sambalpur, 173

Index.

467

Pratapa Dhaval Ail, of Rohtas, 33

Prosody, Pali, 369

Pun Pun River, 20 n.

Puran, in Orissa, 150

QaRA-QURDUM, 334, 340

qata, tlie sand-grouse, 460w.

quails, 24

Quatrains of ’Umar Khayyam 158

Qurdurn Qaq, 340 n.

Qureyt, son of Uneyf, an Arabian poet,

437*

el-JLbABr, in ’Oman, 43

Raja-putras, and Raja-vamsyas, in Rang-

pur, 186

Raj Bhars, 26, 227

Rajputs, Bundelas, 231; Chandels, 233 ;

Gharwars, 26 ; Kachwahas, 34 n. ; Pari-

hars, 26

Rakshas-gudium, or the village of de¬

mons, 180

Ramgar, castle of, 26

Rammohan Roy, 133

Rangalala Banurji, on a Copper-plate

Grant found in the Cuttack Collec-

torate, 149

Rangpur, dialect of, 186

Ranikhet, in Kamaon, 1

Ras Mosandim, in ’Oman, 48

Ras Sellan, 51

rasad , or mats, 47

Rath, in Hamirpur, 228, 235

rhamnus, 47

el-Riadh, in Arabia, 45

Rivett-Camac, H., rough notes on some

Ancient Sculpturings on rocks in Ka¬

maon, similar to those found on mono¬

liths and rocks in Europe, 1

Ro-bhat Brahmans, 211

Rohtas (Bihar), or Ruhidas, 26, 34

Roshan, district of, 97

Ruus-el-Jebal, 48

SaHARA, a Khamar clan, 22

Sahasram, town of, 28

Sahilah, in ’Oman, 41

Salem, 13

sal-gind, or olibanum, 22

Salibahan, Raja, 28

Salfmabad, in Bardwan, 164

Salkau, a Manipuri MS., 37

samar , or Acacia vera, 47

Sambalpur, 173, 184

Sameshwar, in Kamaon, 6

Samsokgnamba, a Manipuri history, 37

Sangharakkhita Thera, the Ceylon gram¬

marian, 369

Sankaracharya, 133

Sara, a tributary of theDurgavati river, 22 ■

Sardul Charitra, a chronicle, 230

sari, a bird, 24

satis, or widow sacrifices, 231, 235

screwpines, 47

seasons, in Arabia, 90, 92

Sehlat, in ’Oman, 42

Seljuqs, of Kirman, 50

Shah Ismail Ghazi, 187

Shaw, R. B., On the Shighni (Ghalchah)

Dialect, 97 ; — a Grammar of the Lan¬

guage of Eastern Turkistan, 242

Shems, son of Malik, 168

Sher Khan (Shah), 26, 27

Shergarh, fort of, 26

Shighnan, district of, 97

Shighni (Ghalchah) Dialect, 97

Shikeyri, in ’Oman, 42

shirkeh, a grass in ’Oman, 47

Showamis, a tribe in ’Oman, 43, 55

Silabhanjapati, in Orissa, 153

Simpson’s Archaic work on sculpturings

&c., quoted, 1

singing girls, in Arabia, 58, 94

Sirampur, fort of, 26

Siva Gupta, 174

Sivitism, 133

Smith, Yincent A„ Notes on the Bhars

and other early Inhabitants of Bundel-

khand, 227

Sohar, in ’Oman, 41, 50

Somakara, a Hindu astronomer, 412

Son river, 16, 22

Sonaray Thakur, song of, 200

Soweyhereh, in ’Oman, 51

spears, Arabian, 93

spoons, for holy water, 13

Srivalla, village of, in Orissa, 153

Stone circles, 1, 7, 235

stone, Yindhyan, 23

Sugiakho, 20

sulphate of iron, 22

Sumerpur, or Bharua, in Hamirpur, 228

sun, 169

sun and moon, or Mahadeo and yoni, 6,

235

superstitions, regarding owls, 81, 82 ; re¬

garding tigers, 198; 169, 221

Suriyas, a tribe, 25

Sybir, in Orissa, 150

A ABB AT A Sherra, the Arabian poet,

168, 455, 456

Tafazzul Ilusain Khan, 167

Takhelgnamba, a Manipuri history, 37

tanning, 171

Tara Chandf, 17 ; pass of—, 28 ; shrine

of—, 29

tattooing, in Arabia, 91

Tekhau, or Asam, 38

4G8

Index.

TerminaUa Belevicctj 21 \—~al(it(i loineutosct ,

21

Thibaut, G., on the Jyotisha-Yedanga,

' *411

thlaspi, a plant, 77

Tiger-God, 198

tila, a kite, 24

Tilauthu, in Bihar, 19, 28

Tiparah, 37

titir, a bird, 24

tiya , a bird, 24

Tongtoi, king of Burma, 38

Tribhuvan Deva,'of Orissa, 151

Trikalingadhipati, title of Gupta kings,

149, 177

Tripura, 17 ; — shrine of, 33

Turki, Eastern, structure and grammar of,

24.2

Tuttala Bhavani, shrine of, 30; waterfall

of — 31 ; Inscriptions from — , 32, 34; —

kund, 19

XJgRASENA, 211

Uighur language, 243

Ujatliqs, of Kashghar, 316

’Umar Khayyam, Quatrains of, 158

V AKAVEDDA, village of, 173

Valikhanoff, 243

Vasudeva family of, 16, 211

Vindhyavashini (Barani) temple, 16

Yindhyesvari, 17

Vindhya Range, 16

Viraj, Mythic History of, 126

Yuttodaya, a Pali work on prosody, 369

W ADr Jezze, 41

Wadi-el- Abeyl eh, 43

Wadi ’Ain, 43 #

Wadi-el- Awejmeh, 48

Wadi-el-Sufan, 42

Wadi Wasit, 43

Wahhabis, sect of, 42, 45, 55

waterfalls, in the Kaimur Range, 31

Whalley, P., Metrical Translations from

the Quatrains of ’Umar Khayyam, 158

widows, in Arabia, 95

woman, in Kalidasa’s plays, 39 ; 221 ; —

in Central Asia, 323, 330»., 334 ; — in

Arabia, 58, 91, 459

YaGHUTH, and Ya’uq, Arabian idols,

440

Yajati, 149

•Yanadis, of Striharicotta, tribe of, 184

Yarkand River, 340 n.

Yasoda, 16, 213

year and day, in Hindu astronomy, 419

Yemen, kings of, 439 ; leather of — , 439

yoni gnd mahadeo, 4, 6 ; vide Mahadeo.

^ATT, or Gipsies, in Arabia, 41, 57

zerra , a bird, 24

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Journal As. Soc: Bengal, Pt: I. for 1877.

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ANCIENT ROCK SCULPTURINttjS IN

KAMA 0 N

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PI: JV

Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, FI 1 , for 1877.

Mo no loth McChdcLe o , S\ ft. above gr

orv the Summit of Pcundukolb

Monolith Theorbo dhTac tor y irv the

Sameshwar Valley.

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S aim shwar Valley

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Monolith

80 fe west of

Markings in different portzorus otv the face

of the rock. .

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PanduholC,coTisisting of

two circles of stones .

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the yard at Chandeshwai

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ANCIENT ROCK SCULPTURINGS IN KAMAON.

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ROUGH SKETCHES SHEWING THE PERMUTATIONS OF CUP -MARKS’ ON MONOLITHS IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES

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Journal, As. So

CUP AND RING CUTTINGS ON STONES AND ROCKS IN EUROPE

Nos, 1 to 7 Common/ Types of Cup and' Ring Guttings.

Nos, 8 to 22 Chief Deviations from the- General. Types.

'

THE MANIPURI ALPHABET.

*

4

*

Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Part I. for 1377.

Plate IX.

A biL BuJcat<si

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EL-SHEMAL

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Scale 12 Statute Miles = 1 Inch.

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LITHOGRAPHED FROM AN ORIGINAL SUPPLIED BY THE FOREIGN DEPARIMeM.

at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, July 1376.

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Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, Part I, for 1877

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Fkoiozin.cogra^iied. at iKe Surve^c

General's Office Calcutta.

GRANT FROM CUTTACK.

Journ: Asiat : Soc : Bengal, Pt:l. for 1877.

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Fig;L

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Burial.) JPlar.es wiJJi/ Cruciform Monoliths ,~no<i-r Mungcupet-

irv itve Ni/xarri/s JJOTrvbnione .

Journ: As: Soc: Bengal, Pi: I. for 1877.

FI ; XII

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Fig. 5.

Fig. 3. Flarv of largest Fist a,ruL T&ng .

Fig. 1- Section, of J)S

Fia. 5. FLevaHons of Fist,

a,. King- b. Covering Slab. c. Walls. d. Coffins,

e. JSntran ce

Scale,. IFoot - To of aw Inch .

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Fig 6. .Diagram.’ size wing relative position, of Kids 8f C r esses

Fig. 7. »» skewing mole of ploucing waits of Fist in, Ju.oc.bo.rp os liicn

Fig. 8. n skewing section, of Coffin ,.

W. King cl el

BURIAL PLACES WITH CRUCIFORM MONOLITHS, NEAR MUN GAPE ,

IN THE NIZAMS DOMINIONS.

5. Sedgkell ZtM •

ti.xjv.

Journ: As : Soc - Bengal, Pt:I.£or 1877.

Vi Tu-Jint A . t S' mith oltl :

ROUGH SKETCH OF A SCULPTURED SLAB OR PILLAR AT MAUZA’ TIKAMAU, PARGAUAH MAHOBA.

S. Seclg field, lidv.

Calcutta,.

-*

.