CONTENTS

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vou. XLVIII. Parr I,

For 1879.

No. I. Page

Prehistoric Remains in Central India.—By J. H. Rrverr-Carnac,

Hsq., C. I. E, M.B. A. S., F. 8. A., &c., (with five Plates), ...... st

The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the wor-

ship of Siva.—By J. H. Riverr-Carnac, Esq, ¢. I. B., F. 8. A,

M. RB. A. 8., &c, (with two Plates), ..... he sedcstnn CORA TE PCE 17

Some Further Notes on Kalidésa—By Grorae A, GRIERSON,

iD, Ch Che cad deosendin codtedoe ondbarucbccnecosboceacoridanenad Socbnnaaneerborae 32

No. II.

The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukh4bid—A Chronicle, (17183—1857).

By Wittiam Irvine, c. 8., Fatehgarh, N. W. P., .............0. 49

The Sect of the Pran-ndthis—By F. S., Growsr, Bengal Civil

EMCO m Ne: Ky CMON 4 Osea Mig, 25 cou gee ses asaserdscceunes dansnemaserteds Hyfal

No. III.

Rough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kan-

dahar.—By Lieut. R. C. Trempxu, lst Goorkhas, (with two

THAPID) 5 povupaesocO beau sotmnd aequcOcoROn CeO baer SOO nC COG RORGSCOL EE aaeien 181

Hamir Ras4, or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. Trans-

lated from the Hindi.—By BrasandtHa BanpyorADHYAYA,

SRG OL On ey, Meine ena een ac so dniacuamiiclen pines’ sees dees eco sannde 186

No. IV

Pali Derivations in Burmese.—By H. L. St. BARBE, B.C. 8., ...... 253

A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining

countries.— By S. E. Pra, Sibsagar, Asam,........ssessseeeereeees 258

Page

Bulandshahr Antiquities—By F. 8. Growsm, c. 8., M. A., Oxon., g

c. I. E. (with three Plates). With a note by Dr. RAsenDRALALA

RU BiRA A AATEC, 10) Veale etna ns aeteaeairegepecensa shinee en 270

The Copper Coins of the old Maharajas of Kashmir.—By C. J.

Ropaurs, (with two Plates), .........-asessecessssescoenssassssrvnnsns 277

The Copper Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.—By C. J. ae

(with a Plate),... x ae ; 282

Observations on some Chandel canines < Y. N, ‘Sime. BS Aes

c. s., and F. C. Brack, c. &., (with six Plates), ......scss0000. 285

List OF PLATES

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Parr I,

For 1879.

Pl. I (pp. 3,4). Rough Survey of Barrows near Junapani in the Nagpur

District of the Central Provinces of India.

Pl. II (p. 4). Barrows and Cup-marks in Europe.

Pl. III (p. 4). Remains of Barrows near Nagpur, India.

Pl. IV (pp. 5, 13). Iron Implements found in the Junapani Barrows.

Pl. V (pp. 14, 15). Cup-marked Boulders.

Pl. VI (p. 23). Illustrations on the Serpent Symbol.

Pl. VII (p. 24). Ditto ditto.

Pls. VIII & IX (p. 273). Inscriptions from Bulandshahar.

Pl. X (p. 274). Bulandshahar Antiquities.

Pls. XI & XII (p. 280). Coins of the Maharajahs of Kashmir.

Pl. XIII (p. 284). Copper coins of the Sultans of Kashmir.

Pls XIV & XV (pp. 287, 288, 293). Inscriptions from Khajurdho.

Pl. XVI (p. 289). Rubbing of Inscription ona Figure of Debi at Ghu-

lavar Khera.

Pls, XVII, XVIII & XIX (pp. 294,295). Plans of Temples at Khajuraho.

Map No. 1, (p. 181). Showing Villages about Kandahar.

Map No. 2, (p. 183). Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Valley.

ERRATA.

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3 Gazetteer. For the corrections I am indebted to Mr. Irvine in J. A.

s- . B., Vol. XLVII, Part I, pp. 286 and 367,

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

—}—.

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.—1879.

Prehistoric Remains in Central India.—By J. H. Rivert-Caryac, Esq.,

Op ieehey Ee SieAce MM. Re AS: 5, CoC.

At a meeting of the Society held in 1874, some iron implements dug

out of the barrows of the Nagpore district of the Central Provinces were

exhibited by me, and a brief notice was then given of those grave-mounds

and their contents. I have long intended preparing for the Society the

detailed description together with sketches of these interesting remains

then promised. But various circumstances have delayed the working up

of the notes taken on the spot and the copying of the sketches, and I am

- only now able to offer them to the Society.

Last year when in France, I paid a visit to the Museum at St. Germain-

en-Laye, celebrated for its prehistoric collection, and there the resemblance

between the remains, dug out of tumuli in Brittany and other parts of France,

and the contents of the Nagpore barrows presented itself in the most striking

manner. M. Bertrand the Director of the Museum and President of the

Society of Antiquaries of France, to whom the subject was mentioned

by me, strongly urged the preparation of a detailed account of the Indian

grave-mounds and their contents, together with sketches, so as to admit

of further comparison between the Indian and European types.

The subject is well known to the Society, but it is hoped that the fol-

lowing details may not be without interest, and that they may assist in

directing further attention to the extraordinary resemblance between the

_ Prehistoric Remains of India and of Europe.

Barrows or grave-mounds, surrounded by circles of stones, are found

in several districts of the Nagpore province. They have been examined

2 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains ({No. 1,

and described at various times by Colonel Glasfurd, Colonel Godfrey Pearse,

rn. H.A., and Mr. J. J. Carey, c. =. The late Rev. Stephen Hislop,

well known for his interest in all antiquarian subjects, accompanied Sir

Richard Temple, the then Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces, on

an exploration of the Bori remains during the rainy season of 1864,

and it was then that occurred the accident which resulted in Mr. Hislop’s

lamented death.

Similar barrows were found in the Nizam’s territory andin Madras by

the late Colonel Meadows Taylor, co. s. 1., and an interesting account of

that officer’s researches, by which the similarity of the remains found in

India and in Europe is clearly demonstrated, was published in the Journal

of the Royal Irish Academy. The Journal of the Asiatic Society also con-

tains descriptions by Colonel Dalton, c. s.1., of similar grave mounds and

circles in the hilly country of Chutia Nagpore, whith in many of its

conditions resembles the districts of the old Nagpore province.

The most extensive of the many groups of this class of tumuli that

are found scattered over the district of Nagpore is situated near Junapani,

a hamlet lying about 5 miles to the west of the civil station of Nagpore, on

the high road to Katole. The proximity of these barrows to Nagpore has

marked them out for careful investigation, and they have been visited and

opened at various times by the late Rev. 8. Hislop, Mr. Henry Danger-

field, c. x. and Mr. Hanna, c. £. No detailed account of the discoveries

has as yet been published. The following notes refer chiefly to some explora-

tions made as far back as the cold weather of 1867 by Mr. Alfred Lyall,

c. s., then Commissioner of the Nagpore 8S. Division, Mr. Blanford, F. R. s.

and myself.

From the people of the neighbourhood, and even from the Brahmans

and other learned persons of Nagpore, who speak with authority on the

ancient history of the province, no satisfactory information regarding the

tribes who constructed these barrows is to be obtained. Some will tell you

the story that these mounds are the work of giants, or of the Gaolees or

Shepherd kings, regarding whose rule in Central India, at a period prior to

the Aryan invasion, a deep-rooted tradition exists. That the circles are very

old, the condition in which they are now found distinctly shews, and the

remains discovered therein leave no doubt that they were once the burial-

places of a people of whom these circles are now the only trace that remains

to us.

The southern slope of a line of low bare basaltic hills, which rise just

beyond the village of Junapani, and which form the chief feature in the

scenery of Nagpore and its neighbourhood, is covered with these barrows.

The largest group consists of- 54 tumuli. A smaller group situated on an

adjacent spur, at about 300 yards from the main body, contains but 10

1879.] in Central India. 3

barrows. Further south again, at a distance of about half a mile, on the

other side of the village, is a third group. The position is somewhat low

and damp, the ground sloping towards the small stream which runs past

the village of Junapani. The remains discovered by Mr. Hanna were dug

out from the barrows of this group, and were found in a less perfect state

of preservation than the iron implements from the tumuli situated further

up on higher ground on the hill side. A fourth and still smaller group,

situated further north, was examined by Mr. Henry Dangerfield. For several

miles round, similar collections of barrows, which have not yet been noted or

explored, are to be seen festooning with their dark funereal boulders the

slopes of the low trap hii!s which extend far south towards the Wurdah river.

A rough plan of the Junapani circles accompanies this paper; see

Plate I.

In all these groups the tumuli are of the same type, consisting of circular

mounds of earth of various sizes, surrounded by single and, in some instances,

by double rows of trap boulders, selected from the masses with which the

hill-side is strewn and the presence of which in great numbers, ready to hand,

doubtless suggested the locality as a burial-place to the tribes so many of

whose members lie here entombed. ‘The diameter of the circles varies from

20 feet to 56 feet, the tomb being perhaps of large or inferior dimensions

according to the consideration of the person buried. No barrow of the

groups as yet examined by me exceeds 56 feet in diameter; and 56 feet

seems to have been a favourite size, as each group contains several tumuli

of exactly these dimensions.

The trying climate of Central India, with its prolonged scorching heat,

followed by drenching rain, so destructive to every sort of masonry build-

ing, has told with great severity upon even these solid masses of trap rock.

They are all more or less wrinkled by age, and in some cases the stone has

been split and its outer coating stripped off by the action of heat and

damp, and it is doubtful whether the boulders that have thus suffered now

retain their original form. There is thus some difficulty in determining

whether they have been artificially shaped. It would appear from the

resemblance borne by most of the blocks, ranged round the tumuli, to the

still undisturbed masses with which nature has strewn the hill side, that, in

most cases, the stones were not dressed, but that boulders of about the same

size, bearing the nearest resemblance to oblong cubes, were chosen from

_ the masses on the hill side and rolled down to the site of the tumulus, and

then ranged side by side in their natural state round the circular mound of

earth raised over the grave. Lach circle, however, generally contains two

or three stones, larger than their neighbours, which from the comparative

regularity of shape would appear to have been artificially dressed. It is on

these selected stones that the “cup-marks,” resembling those found on

4 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,

exactly similar tumuliin Europe are to be seen. Andit suggests itself that

the boulders were perhaps specially prepared to receive the inscriptions or

ornamentation for which these marks were designed.

So far as can be judged from the present appearance of the stones at

Junapani, they were certainly in most instances laid lengthways, side by side,

round the edge of the circle, in a manner resembling the arrangement of the

stones in the Clava Tumulus figured on plate XI of Sir J. Simpson’s “ Archaic

Sculpturings” (see Plate IT, fig. 1 and Pl. V, fig. 1) a work to which it will

be necessary to make frequent references in the present paper. Mr. Carey

. was, I believe, of opinion from the appearance of the stones at the Khywarree

barrows examined by him, that the blocks had once been placed on end, and

it is not improbable from the position of some of the largest blocks at Juna-

pani, that some of these also may have been so placed. One of the stones

covered all over-with cup-marks supports this view. It is conical in shape.

It is the largest of the many large blocks at Junapani. Its dimensions

are as follows: length ft. 10°3; breadth ft. 2°4, and height above the

ground as it lies ft. 2°6. This block, and indeed nearly all those surrounding

these tumuli have sunk deep into the earth and there is perhaps half as

much below the surface of the ground as appears above it. Making

allowance for this, the cubic contents of the stone would be say 16,000

feet, and taking 200 Ibs. to the cubic foot of trap rock, the weight of this

stone would be about 8 tons. ‘The stones on the north side of the circle,

whence the drainage of the hill is, are deeply imbedded in the earth, and

are sometimes hardly to be traced above the ground, the washings of the

hill side, carried down by the drainage of ages, having nearly covered them

up completely.

The height of the mounds within the circles of stones is seldom

more than from 3 to 4 feet above the level of the neighbouring

ground, ‘There is no doubt, however, that the mounds, now nearly as hard

as the rock itself, were originally composed of earth, loosely thrown up, and

were consequently much higher than they now are. In the course of many —

years, perhaps centuries, the boulders, surrounding these mounds, have sunk

deep into the hard soil, and during the same period the once loose earth

has become consolidated and compressed into its present form. In

Plate III one of these barrows is shewn, the stones being ranged round

the mound shewn in the background. In the foreground are some boulders

of a tumulus that has been disturbed and examined.

The number, size and position of the barrows will be best explained by

the accompanying plan Plate I. It will be noticed, that the largest barrows

are generally placed low down on the slope of the hill, the smaller circles, with

the smaller stones being grouped on the top, and it suggests itself, that

for the former tumuli the large boulders had to be selected from particular

1879. ] in Central India. 5

spots and rolled down the slope, whilst for the smaller tombs stones could

be collected without difficulty at the summit or on any part of the hill side.

Although, on no one occasion, has a collection, so varied as that which

rewarded Colonel Pearse’s exploration of the large solitary tumulus near

Kamptee, been discovered, no single barrow at Junapani has been opened

without remains of more or less interest being exhumed. The class of iron

implements found in these tumuli in different parts of the Nagpore dis-

trict, and further south again, resemble one another as closely as do the

tumuli themselves. Some half a dozen barrows only have as yet been

examined, out of the many hundreds which are known to exist, so that fur-

ther and more interesting discoveries may not unreasonably be expected

from future explorations, if conducted on a careful plan.

The remains discovered were all found in the centre of the barrows.

The earth, which had to be dug through, was invariably extremely hard and

firm, as if many centuries had weighed it down and compressed it into

its present compact form, changing soft earth into stiffish clay.

The remains were always reached with considerable difficulty. On

each occasion that I have examined these tombs, the first indication of

“a find’ has been broken pieces of pottery of red or black clay, which

generally make their appearance at from 2 to 23 feet from the surface.

Immediately beneath these, the fragments of metal implements, and orna-

ments are come upon, together with further traces of broken pottery in

considerable quantity. The fragments are evidently the remains of urns

originally placed intact within the tombs, but which, consequent on the

tumulus having no interior chamber, have been broken by the masses of

earth and stone thrown in to fill up the mound. In two cases the shape

of the urns imbedded in the clay was distinctly traceable, but it was

found impossible to take them out intact. I regret I did not know at the

time, what I have since learnt from M. Bertrand and have seen demonstrated

at the Museum of St. Germain, that the pieces, if carefully collected, can

generally be joined together after the manner of a Chinese puzzle, and the

original form can thus be satisfactorily reproduced.

With the urns the whitish coloured earth (noticed by Col. Meadows

Taylor in the Dekhan remains), offering astriking contrast to the surrounding

dark soil, is met with. I am unable at present to say of what this substance

consists. It is probably the remains of bones. On only one occasion have

traces of human remains been found at Junapani, and in this instance six

small pieces of bone, weighing $ths of an ounce only, were obtained.

The implements discovered with the urns are, with one exception, of

iron. The most interesting of them are figured in Plate IV, and the

following remarks will help to describe generally their peculiarities :

Po nt

6 J. H. Rivett-Carnace—Prehistorie Remains [No. 1,

Nos. 1, 2 are pieces of iron, thickly encrusted with lime and rust,

found by Mr. Hanna in the group of barrows near the Junapani stream,

to which allusion has already been made. The damp situation seriously

affected these specimens, and they are not in such a good state of

preservation as the other remains found in the vicinity. They offer hardly

any attraction to the magnet.

No. 2 was also found by Mr. Hanna in the same group. It has suffer-

ed severely from rust, but the form is intact. It resembles a “spud,”

but it is not improbably a “ palstave” of which many specimens have been

found in similar tombs in Scandinavia and in Great Britain. It has no

“eye’’ through which to loop the thong by which palstaves are supposed

to have been attached to a wooden handle. But I find that, in some of the

Trish specimens also, these eyes are wanting, (see figure 275, No. 510, page

384, Vol. I, of a Descriptive Catalogue of the Antiquities of the Museum

of the Royal Irish Academy, by Sir W. Wilde, Dublin, 1863). The palstave

found at Junapani exactly resembles this specimen.

Similar implements have been found by Col. Glasfurd in tumuli in the

Godavery district, and at page 358, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the

Royal Irish Academy, in a paper by Col. Meadows Taylor, c.s. 1, de-

scribing ‘“ The Cairns, Cromlechs, Kistvaens and other Celtic, Druidical or

Scythian monuments in the Dekhan,” will be found figured a similar imple-

ment discovered in one of the tumuli of the Hyderabad country. I may

mention here incidentally, that Col. Sladen, who made an expedition from

Mandalay to the western borders of China, mentioned to me, that imple-

ments similar to these, but having in addition the “eye” so well known

in the palstaves of Europe, were discovered by him on his travels.

Length of specimen 4 inches.

No. 8 is a knife or dagger, much corroded, found by Mr. Hanna in

the same group. The guard at the hilt is perfect on one side, on the other

side the rust has flaked off, taking with it the iron of the guard. Length

5% inches.

No. 4 is a smaller specimen of a hatchet or battle-axe, similar to the

one found by Col. Pearse, and resembling Nos. 5, 11 described below.

In these specimens the bands are wanting. It will be seen that the rust

is coming off the hatchet in great flakes and the bands have most probably

corroded. Length 6 inches ; breadth 2 inches.

No. 5 is the best specimen of the battle-axe or hatchet that has yet

been discovered. It was found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in one of the out-

lying groups of barrows near Junapani. The bands, with which the axe

was fastened on to the wooden handle, are in perfect preservation. Length

10 inches.

This iron axe bears a remarkable resemblance in shape to the copper

1879. ] in Central India. — 7

“celt,” figured at page 863 of Sir W. Wilde’s Catalogue of the Irish Anti-

quities above referred to. At page 367, Sir W. Wilde shows how this class

of celts is supposed to have been fixed on to the handle, and he writes :

“Fig. 252 represents 2 simple, flat, wedge-shaped celts passed through a

wooden handle and secured by a ligature, possibly of thong or gut.”

And on the preceding page, he remarks—

“Left without historic reference, and with but few pictorial illustra-

tions, we are thrown back upon conjecture as to the mode of hafting and

using the metal celt. As already stated, this weapon-tool is but the stone

implement reproduced in another form, and having once obtained a better

material, the people who acquired this knowledge repeated the form they

were best acquainted with, but economized the metal and lessened the bulk

by flattening the sides. In proof of this repetition in metal of the ancient

form of stone celt may be adduced the fact of a copper celt of the precise

outline, both in shape and thickness, of one of our ordinary stone imple-

ments having been found in an Etruscan tomb, and now preserved in the

Museum of Berlin.”

In this specimen, however, as indeed in the case of nearly all the iron

axes found in Central India, the bands are of iron. And it does not ap-

pear unnatural, that, the tribes who used these weapons having discovered

the use of iron, and the place of the stone hatchet having been supplied by

an improved axe of iron, the ligatures of thong too, should, in like

manner, have given way before the bands of iron shewn in the engraving.

An axe, similar to this one in nearly every respect, was found by me in the

main group of barrows at Junapani. One.of the bands, however, was

missing. Jn another case the bands were found loose by the side of a

small axe to which they evidently belonged. Col. Glasfurd found in the

Godavery district an iron axe similar in other respects to these, but without

the bands. I am inclined to think that the bands, being of thinner metal

than the weapon itself, may have been eaten away by rust and have thus

disappeared. The specimen found by Mr. Dangerfield is in excellent

preservation, the spot on which it was found being dry and hard.

This axe was shewn to Col. Maisey, some of whose beautiful drawings

of the Bhilsa or Sanchi Topes are engraved in General Cunningham’s work.

He immediately remarked, that the specimen exactly resembled the wea-

pons carved on the ‘“‘ Topes’’ of which he had made sketches years before. A

reference to Plate XXXIII, Fig. 8, Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes,* will shew

the hatchet with bands. In the carving on the Tope the bands are not

placed well in the centre. But the accuracy of the native sculptor may

have been at fault. A hatchet fastened on to the wood in the manner re-

* See also “ Orissa” by Dr. Rajendralala Mitra, c. 1. 5.

8 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,

presented, would have been liable to fly out of the handle, an accident

which the position of the bands of the specimens found in the barrow is

better calculated to prevent. In Plate XXXII, Fig. 1, “ Fergusson’s

Tree and Serpent Worship” will be found a representation of a bas-relief

on the eastern gateway at Sanchi described by Mr. Fergusson as follows :

“In itself it (the bas-relief) represents a family of Dasyus following their

usual avocation. On the right hand, two men are splitting wood with

hatchets, and what is more remarkable is, that the heads of their axes are

tied on to the shafts as if they were of stone. Yet in the same bas-relief

we have the tongs or ladles which certainly are of metal; and we can hard-

ly understand a people who could make metal femurs using stone hatchets.”’

It is probable then, that the carving on the Sauchi Tope is intended to

represent a metal hatchet such as that discovered in the barrow and

marked No. 5. And it suggests itself that the tumuli at Junapani

are the remains of an aboriginal tribe, whose presence on the Sanchi

sculptures, in contradistinction to the followers of Buddha, is distinctly

traced by Mr. Fergusson. The significance of this point will be noticed

more in detail later.

No. 6. A spear-head, much corroded, which was dug up by me from a

Junapani barrow. The large axe, with one band, above alluded to, was

found by its side; and, as in every instance, broken pottery in large

quantities was dug up. Length 83 inches.

No. 7. Six bangles or bracelets, found by Mr. Henry Dangerfield in a

barrow adjacent to that in which the axe was discovered. They are gradu-

ated in size, and weigh from 5% oz. to 3} oz., the whole set weighing 1 fb.

10 oz.

The metal of which they are composed is apparently copper. A rough

analysis that has already been made shows that copper is the principal in-

gredient, but points to the presence of alloy which is neither zine nor tin,

but which is believed to be gold or silver, possibly both. The bangles are

thickly covered with a coating, in which the verdigris of the copper is ap-

parent. But, with it, is a further substance which may be either an artifi-

cial varnish, or one supplied by organic matter and the discolouration of

the metal during the many years the bangles must have been buried.

An interesting circumstance connected with these bangles is the pecu-

liar ornamentation on one end of each of the specimens. The coating of

verdigris and varnish, above alluded to, is so thick, that, at first, the mark-

ings might escape notice. Buta more careful inspection and the removal

of the coating of verdigris shew a series of notches or punched or filed

lines, resembling exactly the “ herring-bone” ornamentation found on the

Irish remains, which is described and figured at page 389 of Sir W.

1879. } in Central India. . 9

Wilde’s Catalogue before noticed. The number of the punched lines on

each ornament varies from 14 to 16, and these are placed in three rows.

I have not Mr. Fergusson’s paper at hand, but I think I remember

reading in his description of the Amravati Tope, that in the carvings there

two distinct races are traceable, the Aryans and a non-Aryan race, the latter

wearing heavy bangles of the description shewn in the plate and which are

similar to those still worn by the Brinjarah women and by some of the

aboriginal tribes.

No. 8 is a small circular clear pebble. It was found by me in bar-

row No. 37, together with only one small piece of iron and a quantity of

pottery. In its dirty state it did not appear very inviting, and I was at

first inclined to throw it away together with the earth and stones dug out of

the barrow. But as it seemed to be of a different substance from the other

stones of the formation, it was preserved. Iam not prepared to say that

it is really a curiosity. But one side of it bears a striking resemblance to

the ‘“ Altar Stone”? No. 102, figured at page 132, of Sir W. Wilde’s Cata-

logue. It has the four finger-marks on one side, on the other side a larger

“ finger-mark” corresponding with the large central “ finger-mark” of the

sketch. It may have been an ornament or amulet, and may have been set

in a claw, fastened on to the two central “ finger-marks.”’

The following specimens were all dug out of the barrow at Junapani,

No. 37 in the plan, in .the presence of Mr. Lyall, Mr. Blanford and

myself, in January 1867. Our first impression on visiting the spot

was, that as all the barrows were so much alike, it would be well

to trust to chance and to open the tumulus nearest at hand, Further

examination, however, brought to notice three barrows, rather more impos-

ing-looking than those of the main group, situated at some little distance

from it, in a quiet, pleasant spot near a small stream, onthe south side of

the hill. The centre barrow was encircled by a double row of black boul-

ders. The circles flanking the main tomb on either side consisted of single

rows of stones somewhat smaller and less imposing in character. The ap-

pearance of this small group suggested, that the centre tomb was, perhaps,

that of some chieftain who had been buried with his wives or favourite chil-

dren apart from his followers, in a quiet and specially selected spot. It

was accordingly determined to open the centre and most imposing-looking

tomb, which measured 58 feet in diameter and is the largest of the 54

barrows that form the main group at Junapani.

After digging through about 3 feet of thick, caked soil nearly as hard

as stone, we came upon broken pieces of pottery in which mica was preva-

lent, and from amongst the fragments the iron implements, figured in

10 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,

Plate IV, Nos. 9-14,were collected. The excavation had evidently been carried

down to the rocky basis of the hill, and earth filled up over the remains.

Though thickly encrusted with rust, some of which subsequently flaked off,

the iron was in good preservation owing to the dryness of the soil in which

it had been buried. The photographs shew the implements as they looked

some six months after they were found, after they had undergone some

rough handling. No traces of human remains were found, They had

perhaps long since disappeared.

No. 9. Small pieces of rusty iron, possibly arrow-heads, &c. ( ?)

No. 10, Spear heads ( ?)

No. 11, Axes, small specimens of No. 5. In one specimen the bands

are perfect. They are wanting in the other.

No, 12. A snaffle bit in excellent preservation. The form is quite that

of the present day. But, after all, this is hardly very remarkable and cannot

be held to militate against the antiquity of the remains, The dagger, the

sword and the spear have not undergone any great change during many

centuries, and the snaffle as the easiest bit for a horse’s mouth would have

suggested itself at an early date to a race of horsemen, —

No. 18, A small brooch, or buckle, or ornament, resembling in shape a

bow andarrow. It will be noticed that both this and the axes are in miniature.

I cannot find the passage in Herodotus, but, if I am not mistaken, it is

mentioned either by him or one of the old writers, that a custom prevailed

among the Scythians or nomadic tribes of that class, of burying with their

dead their weapons and horse-trappings, or the miniatures of their weapons.

No. 14. A pair of iron articles of exactly the same size and shape with

loops at either end. At first it was thought they might be horse bits. It

afterwards suggested itself that they must be stirrups. The sculpturings

on the remains found in England are supposed by some, to be rough repre-

sentations of the articles buried in the tumuli, Without pausing to enquire

whether this view is correct, the somewhat singular resemblance between

the remains, found in this. barrow, and the sculptures on the wall of the

Deo Cave, Fife, may be noticed (see Plate XXXIV, Fig. 3, Sir J. Simpson’s

Archaic Sculptures). The so-called “ spectacle marks’? may be the bit, and

the form of the stirrups and spear-heads may be traced in Sir J. Simpson’s

sketch, without the exercise of any very great stretch of the imagination.

To the view, that these are indeed the stirrups of the rider, the bit of whose

horse and whose spear and other weapons were buried by his side, I still

adhere, believing that the foot of the horseman was placed on the piece of

iron, which formed the base of a triangle, the two sides being perhaps com-

posed of thongs passed through the loops at either end. This view receives

further confirmation from the extract of Professor Stephen’s note to

Frithiof’s Saga, extracted in a later paragraph.

1879.] in Central India. 14

Although the excavation has been extended to the solid rock, neither on

this nor on any other occasion has any chamber, similar to that of other parts

of India, been found beneath the mounds of the Junapani barrows. This I

believe is to be accounted for by the fact, that, in the vicinity of these

remains, no material like sandstone, which can be easily split and used for

the walls of chambers, is to be found. In the basaltic formation of the

Nagpur district, trap-boulders are the only stones available, as the contrac-

tors who had to build the bridges on the Nagpore Branch of the G. I. P.

Railway found to their cost. Although these boulders answer admirably for

the boundaries of the circles, they are not equally well adapted to the interior

ehambers. Moreover, the trap rock is here close to the surface, and a cavity

for a chamber, even if the stone necessary for its construction were at hand,

eould only be excavated with the greatest difficulty. Further West and

South again, when we come on the sandstone formation, Kistvaens and

Cromlechs of sandstone take the place of, or are found in connection with,

the stone circles, suggesting the view, that the same class of people in differ-

ent parts of the country built Kistvaens, where the easily worked sandstone

was procurable, whilst, in the trap region, they contented themselves with

the barrows, such as those found at Junapani.

In addition to the iron implements figured in Plate IV and described -

above, many other pieces of rusty iron, some of which have no character

whatsoever, and the probable use of which it is not easy to conjecture, have

been found in the tombs at Junapani, Takulghat, in the Godavary district and

elsewhere. Sickles similar to those figured in Col. Meadows Taylor’s paper,

page 357, Vol. XXIV, of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, and

found by that Officer in the Dekhan, have been dug up by Col. Glasfurd

and the late Rev. Stephen Hislop. The barrow opened by Mr. Carey,

again, was found to contain bells, the counterpart of those which had been

dug up by Col. Meadows Taylor in the same class of tomb, some hundreds

of miles further South.

SIMILARITY BETWEEN THESE TUMULI AND THE Barrows OF EUROPE.

The tumuli at Junapani and the remains found within the barrows

having been described, the remarkable resemblance, borne by these tumuli

and their contents to the sepulchral mounds and the remains. common in

other and distant parts of India and in other countries of the world, has

to be noticed.

Tn the first place, the barrows and their contents near Nagpur are

identical in nearly every single detail with those on the Godavery. In the

southern parts of India, where trap boulders are not procurable, the tumuli,

as noticed above, take the form of Kistvaens and Cromlechs, sometimes with

and sometimes without the stone circles. The remains found within this

elass of tombs and the position of tombs indicate that they are the burying-

12 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. l,

places of the same class of people, who for very good reasons had, in

different parts of the country, to make use of different materials, on the.

same principle that an engineer adapts his class of work to the stone found

in the locality in which he is engaged.

Col. Meadows Taylor, in his paper already alluded to, has placed side

by side, in his sketch, barrows, examined by him near Alnwick in Northum-

berland, and the tumuli of the Dekhan of India, explored by him in 1851 ;

and it will be seen that, in nearly every respect, these burial-places are

counterparts of one another. What has been said regarding the Dekhan

remains and those found in Great Britain, applies with equal force to the

tumuli of Junapani and the European; and Mr. Kipling’s drawing, from

my sketch, of a barrow near Nagpur, given in Plate III, and one near

Alnwick in Northumberland, figured by the late Col. Meadows Taylor in

the paper already referred to, will show, most distinctly, the striking resem-

blance between the tombs in England and in India.

This interesting circumstance was noticed some years ago by Major-

General Cunningham, c. §. 1, 0. I. E., of the Royal Engineers, who in the

preface to his description of the Bhilsa Topes thus refers to it—

“To the Indian antiquary and historian, these discoveries will be, I am

willing to think, of very high importance, while to the mere English reader

they may not be uninteresting, as the massive mounds are surrounded by

mysterious circles of stone pillars, recalling attention at every turn to the

early earthworks or barrows, and the Druidical colonnades of Britain,

“ In the Buddhistical worship of trees displayed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs,

others, I hope, will see (as well as myself) the counterpart of the Druidical

and adopted English reverence for the oak. In the horse-shoe temples of

Ajanta and Sanchi many will recognise the form of the inner colonnade at

Stonehenge. More, I suspect, will learn that there are Cromlechs in India

as well as in Britain, that the Brahmans, Buddhists and Druids all believed

in the transmigration of the soul, and the Celtic language was undoubtedly

derived from the Sanserit &c.”

The circumstance of the remarkable similarity in the shape of the

tumuli being borne in the mind, the next point of resemblance is the posi-

tion in which the barrows are found. Col. Meadows Taylor particularly

notices, that, both in Europe and in India, these burying-places are situat-

ed on the southern slope of the hill, the sunny side in fact, and this cir.

cumstance has already been noticed in regard to the grouping of the

Junapani barrows.

SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE REMAINS FOUND IN THE INDIAN Barrows

AND THE CONTENTS OF THE Barrows ty Europe.

If these two points have been established, then the third point of re-

semblance is in the remains buried in the tombs. Passing from the pot-

1879. ] in Central India. 13

tery urns to the metal articles found within the barrows, it is to be noticed,

that, both in England and in India, the arms and ornaments of the deceased

were buried with him. Further, if the list of weapons given above,

sketches of some of which accompany this paper (Pl. IV), be examined, it will

be seen, that to nearly every single implement or ornament, found in India,

an exact counterpart can be traced among the specimens dug out of simi-

lar tumuli in Ireland, which are now in the Museum of the Royal Irish

Academy in Dublin.

As further evidence on this point and in support of the view expressed

in an earlier paragraph that we had indeed the good fortune at Junapani

to come upon the remains of some chieftain who had been buried centuries

ago with his arms and horse-trappings, I would refer to the account

in Bishop Tegnier’s Frithiof’s Saga of the ceremonies of the burial of

king Ring, and of the barrow in which the body of the old king was

laid, together with his charger and his arms. Professor Stephens of

Copenhagen, whose translation of the poem is well known, was good

enough to send me a copy of his work some years ago when he heard of our

success at the Junapani barrows. And in the note to the word “ barrow,”

which accompanies the text, is the following description of a tumulus and

its contents discovered by Russian officers in the steppes of Tartary. This

description, so exact is the resemblance in detail, might have been written

of the opening of the Junapani barrow, with the exception that, there

being no stone other than trap rock available within many miles of Nagpur,

the Junapani tumulus contained no stone vault.

“ Barrow (perhaps derived from Berg, hill), grave, mound, sepulchral

heap, was a vast mass of earth and stones raised over the remains of a chief or

warrior of renown. Commonly one or more timbered or walled chambers.

protected the corpse from contact with the soil itself. Such barrows or

cairns are found in Scandinavia and in the British Isles, Poland and

Russia, especially in the steppes of Tartary. The borderers upon these

deserts (near Tromsky) have for many years continued to dig for treasure

deposited in these tumuli, and the Russian Court, being informed of these

depredations, despatched an officer to open such of the tumuli as were too

large for the marauding parties to undertake. He selected the barrow of

largest dimensions, and a deep covering of earth and stones having been

removed, the workman came to vaults. The centre and largest, containing

the bones of the chief, was easily distinguished by the sword, spear, bow,

quiver and arrow, which lay beside him. In the vault beyond him, toward

which his feet lay, were his horse and bridle and stirrups.”

The implements figured in Plate IV have been made over by me to

Mr. Franks, F. 8. §., F. S. A., of the British Museum.

We have then three very striking points of resemblance. In both

countries the class of tumuli is the same; the barrows are always placed

14 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains [No. 1,

on the same side of the hill, 2. e., on the southern slope ; and the remains

found within these tumuli are almost identical in character.

SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE MARKS FOUND ON THE STONES AND THE

“Cur Marks” oF THE Barrows In EvRore.

There is yet a fourth and most remarkable circumstance which goes

far to establish the identity of the remains found in Central India with the

well-known prehistoric tumuli of Europe. This is the form of the “ cup-

marks’ on the stones surrounding the tumuli, the existence of which on the

Indian remains I was fortunate enough to be the first to discover. These

cup-marks on the Junapani tumuli and similar markings in the Kumaon

hills have already been noticed in my paper in the Rock markings in

Kumaon (see the Journal of the Society for January 1877), but the sub-

ject requires a brief notice in this place also.

On the stone circles of England and Scotland are found a variety of

* Archaic Sculpturings’” of various types. The most common of these are

the cup-marks which are thus described by Sir James Simpson at page 2 of

his work. i

“ First type, single cups. The simplest type of these ancient stone

and rock cuttings consists of incised, hollowed out depressions or cups,

varying from an inch to three inches and more in diameter. For the

most part these cup-cuttings are shallow, consequently their depth is

usually far less than their diameter ; it is often not more than half an inch,

and rarely exceeds an inch or an inch anda half. On the same stone or

each surface they are commonly carved out of many different sizes. These

cup excavations are, on the whole, usually more smooth and polished over

their cut surfaces than the ring cuttings are. Sometimes they form the

only sculpturings on the stone or rock, as on many Scottish monoliths, but

more frequently they are found mixed up and intermingled with ring cut-

tings. Among the sculptured rock surfaces, for instance, in Argyleshire,

there are in one group at Auchuabreach thirty-nine or forty cup cuttings,

and the same number of ring cuttings, and at Camber there are twenty-

nine figures, namely, nine single cups, seven cups surrounded by single rings,

and thirteen cups encircled by a series of concentric rings.”

Now, although I had paid several visits to the barrows of Junapani

and the neighbourhood and had noticed on the boulders small holes placed

in lines, I had paid no particular attention to their existence. From their

regularity and arrangement and general position on the top of the stones

(Pl. V, fig. 1, 2,3), I was led to suppose that they were perhaps the work

of the cowherds, who grazed their cattle in the neighbourhood, and that

they were, perhaps, used for some game similar to that which commended

the tri-junction boundary marks of the village lands to the attention of

the village children, who, when I was in the Settlement Department, used

~ 1879.) in Oentral India. 15

to be continually causing damage to our boundary platforms. Subsequent

examination shewed these marks on the sides of the boulders also (Pl. V,

fig. 4), suggesting that they could not be used for the game in question.

About the same time I was fortunate enough to receive Sir James Simpson’s

book, above alluded to, which established, without doubt, the exact similarity

between the marks on the Indian barrows and on the monolithic remains

which have been examined and described in England.

Two classes of “ cup-marks’’ the one large, the other small, have been

found, similar to those in the English barrows. Butas yet I have not traced

on the barrows any of the concentric circles noticed by Sir James Simpson.*

They may, however, be yet brought to light together with perhaps other and

more striking particulars, linking these tumuli still more closely to the

remains found at home. On Plate II, Fig. 1, a sketch taken from Sir

J. Simpson’s book of a tumulus with the “ cup-marks” on one of the stones

is given, and on Plate V will be found a sketch of a stone at Junapani

with the markings as I saw them some years ago. It will be seen, that,

with the exception of the stone chamber, the absence of which in the

Nagpur tombs has already been accounted for, there would be no difficulty

in mistaking the picture for a sketch of one of the Junapani barrows.

The “cup-markings” are all shallow, the depth of the cup being about 2

of an inch at the most, age probably having told on the carvings.

In the present paper, I will not stop to discuss at any length the

significance of these marks. The chief point I am anxious here to esta-

blish is their resemblance to the markings found in the same class of

tumuli at home. It may, however, be noticed that the view generally

adopted at home is, that the ‘cup marks” are arough sort of ornamenta-

tion, and that they have no signification whatsoever. Without venturing

an opinion regarding the object which the constructors of the barrows had

in carving these marks on the stones, I would repeat what I have said in

my paper on the Kumaon markings, that the arrangement of the cups is

peculiar and would seem to indicate some design beyond mere ornamenta-

tion. On no two stones are the marks similar. The combination of large

and small cups is striking (Pl. V, fig. 4). The permutations of the cups on

the stones already examined are very numerous.t The manner too, in

which the large cups are introduced, would seem to suggest that the combina-

tions of marks may have some meaning, which may, perhaps, yet be discovered

and explained. Those who are acquainted with the system of printing by the

electric telegraph, and the combination of long and short strokes in Morse

* These have been found by me on the Kumaon Rocks, See Bengal Asiatic

Society’s Journal, January, 1877. ‘

+ These are shewn in the paper on the Kumaon markings, See Journal B, A, S.,

January, 1877.

16 J. HH. Rivett-Carnac—Prehistoric Remains in Central India. [No. 1,

Code, and the recent arrangements for communicating signals to troops at

night, by short and long flashes of lamps, specially adapted to the purpose,

and by day by the sun-telegraph, will perhaps agree, that it is not altogether

impossible, that these marks may have some, as yet hidden, signification.

The Agham writing consists, I understand, of a combination of long and

short strokes. This writing is found chiefly on sandstone, on which it

would not be difficult to cut out long strokes with a chisel. On hard

trap, however, it would be found much easier to make “cup-marks,” by

working a chisel round and round, than to cut strokes; and is it impossi-

ble, that, perhaps, on the trap boulders, the “cups,” large and small, took

the place of the long and short strokes of the sandstone lettering, in the

same way that the barrows took the place of Cromlechs in the localities

in which sandstone was not procurable? Or that, if this theory is unte-

nable, the marks denote the age of the deceased or the number of his

children, or the number of the enemies slain by the warrior, whose remains

are buried in the tomb encircled by the stone ?

Whatever conclusion may be arrived at regarding the possible correct-

ness of any of the above suggestions, I think it will be generally admitted,

that the four points of resemblance noticed above as existing between the

remains found in this country and in Europe are of more than common

interest.

The sketches will shew that (I) the shape of the tumuli in India and

in Europe is the same,

(11) The barrows in India and in Europe always face towards the

south.

(III) The remains found in the Indian barrows resemble almost

exactly the remains dug out of similar burial-places in Europe.

(IV) The cup-marks on the boulders which surround the Indian

tombs are identical with the marks found on the stones placed around the

same class of tumuli in Europe.

The inferences to be drawn from these points will be noticed in a later

paper.

H. RIVETT - CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part I, 1879

i PLATE I.

Maint),

2)! yy as J)

§ | Diameter 8 | Diameter i On VW j

B| of a| of Zi} 1

E Circle. irole. 5 Circle. WF WW

1 44 feet 33 feet

a| 55 “

3 20 4 33

4 33

5 19

6 81

11}

Resa

ROUGH SURVEY-

(wos

SON \ (/ OF

SAN BARROWS wean SJUNAPANT

NAGPUR DISTRICT

MY = OF THE

CENTRAL PROVINCES of INDIA

Examined by H. Rrvert-Carnao.

Scale 7 Tnch = 300 Feet.

iW SY

K QO

=AN

o 60 120 180 240 500 spo Meet

—

Zincogemphetl ay (he Stuvevos General's Oftice Caloutta

H. RIVETT - CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part I, 1879. PLATE II.

graphed at fhe Surveyor General's Office Calcutta,

BARROWS AND CUP MARKS IN EUROPE.

To shew the similarity between the European and Indian Types.

(Fsom Sir J. Simpson's ““ Archaic Sculpturings.” )

(‘peyonojzUN st momdea JeyqINZ ey} Jo punouwl sy, ‘pouado useq sey puNnossa10J 944 UI MOM OULL)

‘VIGNI ‘UNdOVN UVEN SMOBUVE FO SNIVINGY

Td “H

BOSS Es

‘IT @LVId “6LSL ‘I Wed ‘IIIATX ‘lOA ‘TeSteg Jo ‘oog ‘sy TeumMos—OVNUVO -LLTAIY "H

=e : 7

ve oe ees ee eee

TRON IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN THE JUNAPANI BARROWS.

(From Photographs.)

Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, July 1979. ;

H. RIVETT - CARNAC.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part I, 1879. PLATE V.

Boulder showing cup-marks on top

Fig. 3.

Boulder with cup-marks on side. Boulder cup-marked on top.

G. Rivett-Carnac, del. Zincofraphed at the Surveyor (renecal’s Office Calcutta,

CUP - MARKED BOULDERS,

Scale of Figures 2, 3, & 4, } Inch=1 Foot.

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. 17

The Snake Symbol in India, especially in connection with the worship of

Siva.— By J. H. Rivert-CaRnac, HsqQ., c. 1. E., F. 8. A., M. B.A. 8., &e.

In his work on “ Tree and Serpent Worship” Mr. Fergusson has urged

the desirability of workers in the rich field of Indian Antiquarian research

collecting information regarding the worship of the snake, which is known

to prevail in various forms in many parts of India.

The accompanying instalment of rough jottings and sketches, made

at various times, has been worked up by me into the present imperfect

shape during the Christmas holidays. It is now submitted to the Society

in the. hope that this paper, although doubtless full of faults, may at least

induce discussion, and thereby assist in placing me on the right track, and

in awakening further interest in this important subject amongst those who

have better opportunity than I have of following it up.

The snake as a personal ornament, or as a canopy surmounting the

figure, is not, of course, confined to representations of Siva, and in the col-

lection of the deities of the Hindu Pantheon that I have been able to make,

the five-headed snake (Nag panchamukhi) is to be seen overshadowing

Vishnu, Garuda and others. The Sesha or Ananta in the pictures of

Vishnu is well known. Still, as Moor says at p. 86 of his Hindu Panthe-

on, “ As emblems of immortality, serpents are common ornaments with many

deities. But Mahadeo seems most abundantly bedecked with them ; bound

in his hair, round his neck, wrist, waist, arms and legs, as well as for

rings, snakes are his constant attendants.”

The serpent appears on the prehistoric cromlechs and menhirs of

Europe, on which, as stated in my paper on the Kamaon Rock-carvings

published in the Society’s Journal for January 1877, I believe, the remains

of phallic worship may also be traced. What little attention I have been

able to give to the serpent-symbol, has been chiefly in its connection with

the worship of Mahadeo or Siva, with a view to ascertain whether the wor-

ship of the snake and that of Mahadeo or the phallus may be considered

identical, and whether the presence of the serpent on the prehistoric remains

of Europe can be shewn to support my theory that the markings on the

eromlechs and menhirs are indeed the traces of this form of worship,

carried to Hurope from the Kast by the tribes whose remains are buried

beneath the tumuli.

During my visits to Benares, the chief centre of Siva worship in

India, I have always carefully searched for the presence of the snake-sym-

bol. On the most ordinary class of “ Mahddeo,” a rough stone placed on

end supposed to represent the phallus, the serpent is not generally seen.

18 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Zhe Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

But in the temples and in the better class of shrines which abound in the

city and the neighbourhood, the snake is generally found encircling the

phallus in the manner shewn in Plate VI, fig. 8.

The tail of the snake is sometimes carried down the yoni, and in one

ease I found two snakes on a shrine in the manner figured in Plate VI, fig.

5, 6.

In the Benares bazar I once came across a splendid metal cobra, the

head erect and hood expanded, so made as to be placed around and above a

stone or metal “ Mahddeo.” It is now in England. The attitude of the

cobra when excited and the expansion of the head will suggest the reason

for this snake representing Mahadeo and the phallus.

In several instances in Benares, I have found the Nag surrounding

and surmounting the hump of the “ Nandi” or Siva’s Bull. In such eases

the hump is apparently recognised as a Mahadeo, as the remains of flowers,

libations and other offerings were found thereon.

I hardly venture to suggest that the existence of the hump is the

reason for the Nandi being selected as the Vahan or “vehicle” of Siva.

But the circumstance may be worth noticing, Iam of course aware that

the Bull is a symbol of generation and reproduction, traceable to its position

in the Zodiac at the Vernal Equinox. But it may have been recognised as

Siva’s Vahan, long before the honor was assigned to it of introducing it

into the Equinox. And its position with regard to Siva may have secured

for it this important place in the signs of the Zodiac.

The snake in conjunction with Mahddeo is further to be traced in

several of the metal specimens of the collection now forwarded for the

inspection of the Society. In two small shrines, containing “ Ganas” or

assemblages of deities, of which the Mahadeo or Linga is the centre, the

NAg or cobra can be seen to hold the chief position at the back of the shrine.

In a remarkable bracelet purchased in Benares, consisting of a mass of Maha-

deos and yonis, many of which are arranged in circles like cromlechs, the

serpent can be traced encircling the phallus. It is again to be seen forming

the handle of a spoon and surmounting the figure of Ganesha, Siva’s son,

wherewith holy Ganges-water is taken from the cup, and sprinkled ever

the Mahadeo by pilgrims and worshippers at the shrines of Benares and

other Siva temples. It is seen again in the sacrificial lamp, used in the

same worship. In the centre of the lamp is a space for a small “ Mahadeo,”’

an agate in the shape of an egg, brought, it is said, from Banda and the

hilly country of the Nerbudda, rich in these pebbles, which are imported

annually in large quantities into Benares. And the snake-canopy can be

recognised again forming the back-ground of the shrine of the figure of

Anna-Purna Devi, a form of Siva’s sakti Parvati. The snake is present

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India, 19

again in a specimen where Siva’s Bull or Nandi supports the Lotus, repre-

senting the female or watery principle, and within which is enclosed an agate

egg (the jewel of the lotus ?), representing Mahadeo or the male principle.

Above this is a small pierced vessel which should contain Ganges water, to

trickle through the aperture and keep anointed the sacred stone placed

beneath it. The vessel or Jota is supported by a Nag or cobra, the head

erect, the hood expanded, forming the conventional canopy of the shrines of

Siva.

The serpent with the tree is to be seen on the canopies of shrines.

In one case the shrine with a cobra-canopy has the Linga and yoni or Maha-

deo complete.

Most of the other canopies, as I will call these backs of shrines, were

purchased as old brass or old copper, and the deities belonging to them had

perhaps long since been broken up and melted down. In some of them the

tree, with the serpent twisted round the trunk, is very distinct. One of

them has been figured by me in the annexed sketch, Plate VII, fig. 3. I was

hardly prepared to find the tree and the serpent together in this form, in a

shrine apparently used comparatively recently, if not in the present day, and

T hope for some explanation of these interesting symbols from Dr. Rajendra-

lala Mitra, or some other authority.*

The Bell, sent with the collection on which a hooded snake overshadows

the figures of Garuda and Hanuman, seems, from these figures, to be

adaptable for use at a shrine of either Vishnu or Siva. Lastly, the brass

models represent the cobra with head erect and hood expanded, the design

somewhat elaborated and ornamented. Although, in one of them at least,

there is no space for the Mahadeo, these Nags are, I am assured, considered

symbolical of life or generation, and as such are worshipped as Siva or

Mahadeo or the Linga or Phallus or whatever it may be called.

All these specimens were picked up in the metal bazar in Benares,

where the fashionable trays, “ specimen-vases,”’ and much Philistine work

are now made and exposed for sale. In most cases the specimens were raked

out with difficulty from among sacks containing old metal, collected to be

broken up and melted down for the manufacture of the brass-ware now in

vogue.

Although the presence of the snake in these models cannot be said to

prove much, and although from the easy adaptibility of its form, the snake

must always have been a favourite subject in ornament, still it will be seen

that the serpent is prominent in connection with the conventional shape

under which Mahddeo is worshipped at Benares and elsewhere, that it

sometimes even takes the place of the Linga, and that it is to be found

entwined with almost every article connected with this worship.

* See Appendix, p. 31.

20 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

It might be expected that the Nag or Cobra would be seen at its best

in the carvings or idols of Nageshwar, the Cobra or Snake Temple of

Benares. But in this I was disappointed ; Nageshwar, as I saw it, consisted

of two temples, or an inner and outer shrine, the one called Sideshwar, the

other Nageshwar. In the outer or N&geshwar shrine was a large sized

stone Mahadeo, of ordinary construction without the snake on it or round

it. The old woman in charge of the temple, the priest being absent,

assured me that a snake had once surmounted the Mahddeo, but .that the

symbol had been worn away by much veneration. The story was most

probably manufactured for the occasion in consequence of my manifest dis-

appointment at the absence of the Nag.

A Bull or Nandi and a Cobra faced the Mahddeo. The contents of

the inner temple were peculiar. The Mahddeo consists of a broad black

stone in shape something likea tumulus, It is sunk some little depth

below the ground, and is surrounded by four stone slabs forming a small

square tank. There was no yoni with this Mahddeo, the tank perhaps

representing the yoni. On the top of the Mahadeo had been traced,

with some sort of white pigment, a circle with a central dot or cup

mark, exactly similar in shape to the circles with centres noticed in

my paper on the Kumdon Rock-markings. These marks are common

enough at Benares, and are to be seen painted on the bamboo umbrellas

which line the ghats and are also dabbed about freely on the walls of

buildings. Further enquiry has confirmed the opinion expressed by me

and supported by Mr. Campbell of Islay in my paper on Kuméon rock

markings, that, whatever it may have meant in Europe, in India the sign

the snake god is Mahadeo himself, or that he is worshipped under that name,

and that Nageshwar is a temple of Siva or Mahadeo in the form of a Nag

or cobra.

These same marks were to be seen on a Mahadeo in a small shrine

under a tree close by. In front of Nageshwar were the graves of the Gosains

of the temple. They resemble the graves of Chandeshwar in Kuméaon,

noticed in my paper on the Kumdon Rock Markings. The Kumdaon

graves were evidently the graves of Gosains of the Siva sect who I have

since learnt are always buried, not burnt.* At Benares, as at Chandeshwar,

* Vide Tod’s Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 445. “The priests of Eklinga are termed

“ Gosain or Goswami which signifies control over the senses. The distinguishing mark

“of the faith of Siva is the crescent on the forehead. They bury their dead in a sit-

“ting posture, and erect cairns over them which are generally conical in form. I

“have seen a cemetery of these, each of yery small dimensions, which may be described

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. 21

a platform had been raised above the grave, on the top of which were

placed a Mahddeo and yoni. A representation of Siva’s Trident and the

soles of two feet, not unlike those figured in Fergusson’s Eastern Archi-

tecture, were also noticed on the grave.

Our cicerone informed us that the feet were represented here in order

that pilgrims might fall down and worship at the feet of the Gosain, who,

dying, had become a saint and deserving of worship.

A visit in search of the snake symbol to the Nag Kuan, or serpent well,

was rewarded with better success. The well itself is described by the Rev.

Mr. Sherring in his “Sacred City of the Hindus,” from which I may be per-

mitted to quote the following passage :

“The Nag Kuan or serpent’s well is situated in a ward of the city

called after the name of the well Nag Kian Mahalla, which adjoins the

Ausin Gang Mahalla. This well bears marks of considerable antiquity ;

and from the circumstance of an extensive district of Benares being de-

signated by its name, there is no doubt that it must be regarded as one of

the oldest historical places the present city possesses. The construction of

this well was, probably, nearly, if not quite coeval with the building of the

Mahalla or ward itself, which, we may imagine, was described as that part

of the city containing the well—the well being the most important and

noticeable object there: and, so gradually, the inhabitants associated the

Mahalla with the well, and called them by the same name. The ward is in

the north-western part of the city, at some distance from the Ganges,

The quarter lying to the east of this ward, that is, between it and the

Ganges, is, as I have already remarked, in all likelihood, the oldest portion of

the present city ; and, therefore, the Nag-Kvan ward would have been ori-

ginally in its suburbs. It is even possible that one of the first places built

in these suburbs, and frequented by the people, was this well, and that its

existence was one of the reasons, perhaps the chief, for the settling of a

population in its neighbourhood. No person in Benares can tell when the

well was made ; but there is a reference to its existence in the Kasi- Khanda.

“Steep stone stairs, in the form of a square, lead down to the well; and

a broad wall of good masonry, six or seven feet thick, surrounds them at

their summit, rising to the height of four or five feet above the ground.

Hach of the four series of stairs has an entrance of its own. Their junc-

tion below forms a small square, in the centre of which is the well. De-

“as so many concentric rings of earth diminishing to the apex crowned with a

“ cylindrical stone pillar.”

Now may not the circular tomb have represented the womb or yoni of mother

earth, the corpse, which is to be born again to a new life, being placed in the posi-

tion as in the mother’s womb ?

22 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—TZhe Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

scending twelve stone steps you reach the water which is stagnant and

foul. Beneath the water is a sheet of iron, which constitutes the door

leading to a still lower well, which perhaps may be the old well in its ori-

ginal state. The stairs, I suspect, are not of great date. On the inside of

those to the east is an inscription, to the effect that, in 1825 Samvat, or

nearly one hundred years ago, a Raja extensively repaired the well. It is

possible he may have built the stairs then. Many of the slabs of stone of

which they are composed display carvings on their external surface, some

of which bear unmistakeable marks of considerable antiquity. These

slabs were doubtless taken from dilapidated buildings in the neighbour-

hood. A thorough examination of them, especially of the more ancient

among them, would, I am satisfied, be not unproductive of interesting

results. The wall was also repaired by Mr. Prinsep about thirty years

ago.

“ At this well the Nag or serpent is worshipped. In a niche in the wall

of one of the stairs is a figure representing three serpents; and, on the

floor, is an emblem of Mahddeo in stone, with a snake crawling up it.

The well is visited, for religious purposes, only once in the year, namely, on

the 24th and 25th days of the month Sawan, when immense numbers of

persons come to it, on pilgrimage, from all parts of the city. The women

come on the first day, and the men on the second. They offer sacrifices

both to the well and to Nageshwar, or the serpent-god”. (Sherring’s

Sacred City of the Hindus.)

The well does not seem to attract much attention during most months

of the year. I have often passed it and seen but few people there. In the

dry season, there is little or no water in it. But the “ Nag Punchami’—

is a gala day at the well, and I believe at most Siva temples. ‘The

Mahadeo from the neighbouring temple of “ Nageshwar” is brought

to the third step of the stairs on the west side of the tank surmount-

ing the well, and Hindus of all classes come in thousands to adore

the Mahddeo and bathe in the well, which, as the “Nag Punchami”

Fair is held in July, or during the rains, is filled with water at this

season. On the fourth step of the stairs above mentioned, are six circular

holes, each 4} inches in diameter and about 4 inches deep arranged in a row.

Being always on the look out for “cup marks,” I immediately noticed

these holes, but the Brahman in attendance explained that they were intended

to collect the libations poured over the Mahadeo, and which trickled down

from the gutter above. The same idea, Dr. Keller informed me at Zurich,

exists in Switzerland, regarding these cup marks. And from a paper,

recently received from the Society of Antiquaries of France, I learn

that cup marks are frequently found on stones and slabs in the founda-

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India, 23

tions and walls of old churches in the north of Europe. To the right of

the spot where the Mahadeo is placed, three stone slabs or panels, appa-

rently of great age, have been let into the wall. On one of these, two

cobras standing on their tails (see Plate VI, fig. 7) have been roughly

carved. On the next are two cobras intertwined in the attitude men-

tioned by Mr. Fergusson in the Appendix to his work on “ Tree and Serpent

worship.” The cobras are somewhat battered, but the spectacle marks on

one is still traceable (see Plate VI, fig. 4). The third slab contains a

head, also much battered and weather-worn, which has been at one time

surmounted by an ornament of some kind, possibly a cobra, but the form

of which is no longer distinguishable. The heads of the twin cobras and

of the human figure are all freely daubed with red paint, shewing their

sacredness in the eyes of the Hindu visitors. The slabs appear to be very

old and to have been collected from the ruins of some old temple.

To the left and some steps lower down, is a niche or shrine containing

an ordinary Mahadeo and yoni with cobra twined round it as shewn in the

sketch (Plate VI, fig. 8).

Behind on a tablet or panel, let into the wall, is the head of a cobra,

roughly carved, and of the same character and style as the cobras above

noticed. On a smaller panel to the right, two snakes are again repre-

sented intertwined, but shewing one twist less than in the pair previously

noticed. Below the panel are the rough marks as shewn in the sketch

(Plate VI, fig. 2) which may be either the remains of a rough inscription or

perhaps of chisel or mason’s marks. In two other places also was the twin

snake symbol found. In the one case, the snakes are intertwined with ap-

parently an egg between the two heads (Plate VI, fig.3). In the other, the

snakes are not intertwined and the egg appears to have been broken (Plate

VI, fig. 7). These tablets or slabs appear to be of great antiquity. There

seemed to be little doubt here, that the snakes were worshipped at the

“Nig Kuin” as representing Mahddeo, and the act of congress, in which

the snakes are represented as engaged, suggests the connection of these

symbols with Siva worship.

Whilst on the subject of the snake well or tank, I would notice that

snake wells are frequently found attached to temples of Mahadeo. I

saw such a well recently in Kumaon close to the temple of Mahadeo, below

the monoliths worshipped as representing Mahadeo, on the road between

Almorah and Dévi Dhoora. A snake was supposed to inhabit the tank or

well. I venture to throw out the suggestion, that the snake in the well

may represent the post, or Mahadeo, in the tank, the well representing the

yoni or tank as explained by Moor in his “ Hindu Pantheon.” The mys-

terious snake inhabiting the well is, of course, not confined to India; and

24 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

Schwalbach, and other snake wells in Europe will suggest themselves to

many.

Later I visited the Benares Palace of the Rajahs of Nagpur situated

on the Ganges and built in the palmy days of the Bhonslahs, and when a

visit to Benares was frequently undertaken by some of the family or its chief

dependents. Ina shrine within the buildings, I found the Mahadeo repre-

sented by a cobra or Nag, the coils of which were so elaborately intertwined

as to make an accurate sketch of the arrangement a matter of no small

difficulty. Here the Nag is certainly worshipped as a Mahddeo or phallus,

The much intertwined Nag is shewn in Plate VII, fig. 1.

The Palace of the Bhonslahs at Benares brings me to Nagpur, where,

many years ago, I commenced to make, with but small success, some rough

notes on serpent worship. Looking up some old sketches, I find that the

Mahadeo in the oldest temples at Nagpur is surmognted by the Nag as at

Benares. And in the old temple near the palace of Nagpur, or city of the

Nag or cobra, is a five-headed snake elaborately coiled as shewn in Fig. 2,

Plate VII. The Bhonslahs apparently took the many-coiled Nag with them

to Benares. A similar representation of the Nag is found in the temple near

the Itwarah gate at Nagpir. Here again the Nag or cobra is certainly

worshipped as Mahadeo or the phallus, and as already noticed, there are

certain obvious points connected with the position assumed by the cobra

when excited, and the expansion of the hood, which suggest the reason for

this snake, in particular, being adopted as a representation of the phallus

and an emblem of Siva.

The worship of the snake is very common in the old Nagptr Province

where, especially among the lower class, the votaries of Siva or Wdg bhu-

shan, “he who wears snakes as his ornaments,” are numerous. It is likely

enough that the City took its name from the Nag temple, still to be seen

there, and that the river Nag perhaps took its name from the city or

temple, and not the city from the river, as some think. Certain it is that

many of the Kunbi or cultivating class worship the snake, and the snake

only, and that this worship is something more than the ordinary supersti-

tious awe, with which all Hindus regard the snake. I find from my notes

that one Kunbi whom I questioned in old days, when I was a Settlement

Officer in Camp in the Nagptr Division, stated that he worshipped the Nag

and nothing else ; that he worshipped clay images of the snake, and when he

could afford to pay snake-catchers for a look at a live one, he worshipped

the living snake ; that if he saw a Nag on the road, he would worship it, and

that he believed no Hindu would kill a Nag or cobra, if he knew it were

a Nag. He then gave me the following list of articles he would use in wor-

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnae —The Snake Symbol in India. 25

shipping the snake, when he could afford it; and I take it, the list is similar

to what would be used in ordinary Siva worship.

Water.

Gandh, pigment of sandalwood for the forehead or body.

Cleaned rice.

Flowers.

Leaves of the Bail Tree.

Milk.

Curds.

A thread or piece of cloth.

Red powder.

10. Saffron.

11. Abir, a powder composed of fragrant substances (?)

12. Garlands of flowers.

13. Buttemah or gram soaked and parched.

14. Jowarri (holeus sorghum) do.

15. Five lights.

16. Sweetmeats,

17. Betel leaves.

18. Cocoanut, or nut.

19. A sum of money (according to means).

20. Flowers offered by the suppliant, the palms of the hands being

joined.

All these articles, my informant assured me, were offered to the snake

in regular succession, one after the other, the worshipper repeating the

while certain mantras or incantations. Having offered all these gifts, the

worshipper prostrates himself before the snake, and begging for pardon if

he has ever offended against him, craves that the snake will continue his

favour upon him and protect him from every danger.

The Deshpandia or chief Pandia (Putwari) of the parganah, who

was in attendance with the Settlement Camp, also got for me the following

mantra or verse to be used in the antidote for a snake-bite or to charm

snakes,

SH XIANRwONYE

aussi |

azatagar acut atc eerwarerear GS ds vue Ber vast wat

WaT Swat vat wyce wet azalar ssutae ssafeare qearai

WAS WSAT Bre Are Star wasareasnaycac we went tie ii

26 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

The village where I was encamped was rich in Tandahs, mat-enclosures

of betel leaf cultivation. The Baris who cultivate the betel-creeper or

Nagballi or Cobra-creeper, as it is called, are, from their constant contact

with the Nag-creeper, supposed to be on terms of friendship and to have

influence with the snakes, and are often invoked to assist in curing persons

who have offended, and who have consequently been bitten by the snake

deota or deity. Besides the mantra given above, a remedy employed

by the Baris is, I was told, to slap on the mouth the person who brings

the news of the accident! These Baris are generally snake-worshippers,

and as snakes are often found in the cool, well-watered and covered enclo-

sures, in which the delicate creeper is grown, this desire to keep on good

terms with the deity may readily be understood. I find too that I noted at

the same time that those who worshipped snakes also worshipped the ant-hills

or mounds of earth thrown up by ants. The holes of these ant-hills are held,

correctly or incorrectly I cannut say, to be full of snakes. I should like

further information on this point and would enquire whether the worship

of ant-hills may not be on account of their pyramidical shape and hence

connection with Siva worship P

The “ Nag panchami” or 5th day of the moon in Sawan is a great féte

in the city of Nagptr, and more than usual license is indulged in on

that day. Rough pictures of snakes, in all sorts of shapes and positions,

are sold and distributed, something after the manner of Valentines. I

cannot find any copies of these queer sketches, and, if I could, they would

hardly be fit to be reproduced. Mr. J. W. Neill, C. S., the present Commis-

sioner of Nagpur, was good enough to send me some superior Valentines of

this class, and I submit them now for the inspection of the Society. It

will be seen that in these paintings, some of which are not without merit

either as to design or execution, no human figures are introduced. In the

ones I have seen, in days gone by, the positions of the women with the

snakes were of the most indecent description and left no doubt that, so

far as the idea represented in these sketches was concerned, the cobra was

regarded as the phallus. In the pictures now sent the snakes will be seen

represented in congress, in the well known form of the Caduceus or

Esculapian rod. ‘Then the many-headed snake, drinking from the jewelled

cup, takes one back to some of the symbols of the mysteries of bygone

days? The snake twisted round the tree and the second snake approaching

it are suggestive of the temptation and fall? But I am not unmindful of

the pitfalls from which Wilford suffered, and I quite see that it is not

impossible that this picture may be held to be not-strictly Hindu in its

treatment. Still the tree and the serpent are on the brass models, which

accompany this paper and which I have already shewn are to be purchased

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—The Snake Symbol in India. 27

in the Benares Brass Bazaar of to-day—many hundreds of miles away from

Ndgptir where these Valentines were drawn. Iam in correspondence with

Mr. J. W. Neill on the subject, and hope to send some further information

regarding the meaning of what may certainly be said to be these curious

pictures of the Cobra. I shall be interested to learn how far their character

may be considered by those, who are competent to judge on this subject,

to connect them with the worship of Mahadeo ?

I have now to state briefly the direction in which I would desire that

these imperfect notes should be considered to lead. As the Society know,

T have for some time past been endeavouring to collect information on the

points of resemblance between the tumuli of India and the well known

types of Scandinavia, of Brittany and of the British Isles. In my paper

on the Kumdéon Rock markings, besides noting the resemblance between

the cup markings of India and of Europe, I hazarded the theory that the

concentric circles and certain curious markings of what some have called the

“jews-harp” type, so common in Hurope, are traces of Phallic worship,

carried there by tribes whose hosts descended into India, pushed forward

into the remotest corners of Europe and as their traces now seem to

suggest, found their way on to the American Continent also,

Whether these markings really ever were intended to represent the

Phallus and the Yoni, must always remain a matter of opinion. But I

have no reason to be dissatisfied with the reception with which this, to

many somewhat unpleasant, theory has met in some of the Antiquarian

Societies of Europe. ;

No one who compares the stone Yonis of Benares, sent herewith,

with the engravings on the first page of the work on the rock mark.

ings of Northumberland and Argyleshire, published privately by the

Duke of Northumberland, President of the Newcastle Society of Anti-

quaries, which is also sent for the inspection of the Society, will deny

that there is an extraordinary resemblance between the conventional sym-

bol of Siva worship of to-day and the ancient markings on the rocks, men-

hirs and cromlechs of Northumberland, of Scotland, of Ireland, of Brittany,

of Scandinavia and other parts of Europe.

And a further examination of the forms of the cromlechs and tumuli

and menhirs will suggest that the tumuli themselves were intended to

indicate the symbols of the Mahadeo and yoni, conceived in no obscene

sense, but as representing regeneration, the new life, “life out of death,

life everlasting,” which those buried in the tumuli, facing towards the sun

in its meridian, were expected to enjoy in the hereafter. Professor Stephens,

the well known Scandinavian Antiquary, writing to me recently, speaks of

these symbols as follows:

28 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—TZhe Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

“The pieces (papers) you were so good as to send me were very valu-

able and welcome. There can be no doubt that it is to India we are to

look for the solution of many-of our difficult archzological questions.

“« But especially interesting is your paper on the Ancient Rock Sculp-

turings. I believe that you are quite right in your views, Nay I go

further. I think that the Northern Bulb-stones are explained by the

same combination. I therefore send you by this post a copy of the part

for 1874 of the Swedish Archzological Journal containing Baron Herculius’

excellent dissertation on these objects. Though in Swedish, you can easily

understand it, at least the greater part, by reading it as a kind of broad

north-English. At all events you can examine the many excellent wood-

cuts. I look upon these things as late conventionalized abridgements of

the Linga and Yoni, life out of death, life everlasting—thus a fitting

ornament for the graves of the departed.

“In the same way the. hitherto not understood small stones with 1 or

2 or 8 or 4 ete. distinct ewps cut in them (vulgarly called chipping-stones,

which they never were or could be) I regard as the same thing for domestic

worship, house altars, the family Penates.”

I may note that this distinguished antiquary has adopted as a mono-

gram for his writing paper a “menhir,” round which a serpent is coiled,

evidently copied from old Scandinavian remains.

Many who indignantly repudiate the idea of the prevalence of phallic

worship among our remote ancestors, hold that these symbols represent

the snake or the sun. But admitting this, may not the snake, after all,

have been but a symbol of the phallus? And the sun,* the invigorating

* Since writing this I have come across the following remarks by Tod in the Asiatic

Researches: ‘ The Suroi were in fact the Sauras, inhabiting the peninsula of Sau-

vashtra, the Saurastrene and Syrastrene already quoted from the Periplus, and the

kingdom immediately adjoining, that of Tessarioustus, to the eastward. That the

Svpo. of Saur’ashtra, and the Syrians of Asia Minor had the same origin, appears

from the worship of Surya, or the Sun. I have little doubt, we have more than

one “city of the sun’’* in this tract; indeed, the only temples of the Sun I have

met with in India, are in Saur’ashtra. The temple raised to Bal in Tadmort in the

Desert, by Solomon, where he worshipped ‘‘ Bal and Ashtoreth, the strange gods of the

Sidonians,” was the Bal-nat’h, or Great God of the Hindus, the Vivifier, the Sun: and

the Pillar erected to him ‘in every grove, and on every high hill ;”’ the Lingam, or

Phallus, the emblem of Bal; Bal-nat’h, Bal-césari,{ or as Bal-Iswara, the Osiris of the

Egyptians ; and as Nand-Iswara, their Serapis, or Lord of the Sacred Bull; Nanda, or

Apis “the Calf of Egypt,” which the chosen people bowed to “ when their hearts were

turned away from the Lord.”

* Heliopolis (Suryaptira) was one capital of Syria.

+ aati its ane Part bee Séelian idol: so Ferishta derives it, the idol Bal. This, the capital in

future times of the unfortunate Zenobia, was translated by the Greeks to Palmyra; for it is but a translation

of Tad-tar, or Tal-mor, and can have an Indian derivation, from Tar, or Tal, the Date, or Palmyra-tree ;

and Mor, the head, chief, or crown ; p :

+ Cesari, alion, Hence the royal appellation of the Ciesars; and Lion (Sin’ha) Lords of India, have

the same meaning.

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—TZhe Snake Symbol in India. 29

power of nature, has ever, I believe, been considered to represent the same

idea, not necessarily obscene, but the great mystery of nature, the life

transmitted from generation to generation, or, as Professor Stephen puts

it, “life out of death, life everlasting.” The same idea in fact which,

apart from any obscene conception, causes the rude Mahadeo and yoni to

be worshipped daily by hundreds of thousands of Hindus.

In a most interesting paper recently read at the Society of Antiquaries

of France, some extracts of which I am now preparing for the Society,

the authors M. M. Edouard Piette and Julien Sacaze have actually dis-

covered the remains of phallic worship still existing among the people of

the Pyrennees, the existence of which in Scandinavia, in days gone by, has

already been brought to the notice of the Society by Dr. Rajendralala

Mitra. These Archzologists have established the fact that to this day the

menhir is still reverenced in the Pyrennees as the phallus. And referring

to certain cromlechs in the neighbourhood, M. M. Piette and Sacaze hold

that the circle, and central stone represent the “Sun.” The sun, they

suppose, was the sacred symbol of these tribes, and they suggest that the

tumuli and sacred places of the race, were raised in this form, just as we

now build our churches in the shape of a cross and place the sign of the

cross on the graves of our dead. Whilst I was writing these very remarks

on the Kumdon markings, M. M. Piette and Sacaze were noticing the same

points in regard to the tumuli of the Pyrennees. There are not wanting

other remarkable points of resemblance between their paper and the Indian

remains, with which M. Bertrand, President of the Society of Antiquaries

of France, was much struck, and which induced him to send me, in Septem-

ber 1877, the proof sheets of the Proceedings of the Society. ‘But the cir-

cumstance to which, in connection with the serpent worship of the above

notes, I attach the greatest importance is, that I find that in many of

these groups of tumuli, the circle is found with the serpent coiled round it.

“Thus Bal was the type of productiveness, and Ashtoreth, as destruction, most

probably that of the Hight (Ashta) armed mother. A’shta-Tara-Devi’, or the radiated

Goddess of Destiny, is always depicted as trampling on the monster Bhainsdstir, aided

by her lion (when she resembles Cybele, or the Phrygian Diana) and in each of her

eight arms holding a weapon of destruction: but I have ventured to pursue the subject

elsewhere. I shall merely remark on the Suroi of Menander, that amongst the thirty-

six royal races of Hindus, especially pertaining to Saur’ashtra, is that of Sarweya, as

written in the Bhakha, but classically Suryaswa. The historian of the Court of Anhul-

warra* thus introduces it: ‘And thou, Sarweya, essence of the martial races.’”’ No

doubt, it was, with many others, of Scythic origin, perhaps from Zariaspa, or Bactria,

introduced at a period when the worship of Bal, or the Sun, alone was common to the

nations east and west of the Indus; when, as Pinkerton says, a grand Scythic empire

extended to the Ganges. Here I must drop Apollodotus and Menander, for the history

of their exploits extends no further than the Suroi.””—Zod in Asiatic Researches.,

* Nehrwara of D’Anyille and Renaudot.

30 J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Zhe Snake Symbol in India. [No. 1,

May not this represent the serpent encircling the Mahadeo as now seen

in India and in the form which during many centuries has perhaps not

undergone any great change P

A further detailed consideration of this view must be deferred until I

ean submit to the Society the result of the enquiries of M. M. Piette and

Sacaze, many of the points of which, in connection with the remains dis-

covered in India, cannot, I believe, be considered other than most remarkable.

And I may add in conclusion that no one who has been in this country

and who has noticed the monolith Mahadeos of the Western Ghats of the

Himalayas and other parts of India, can fail to be struck with the resem-

blance that the menhirs of Carnac* in Brittany and its neighbourhood

bear to the Siva emblems of India. I visited these remarkable remains

when at home last year, and was quite taken aback by their resemblance

to well-known Indian types. The monoliths of Scotland covered with

what I believe to be “ Mahddeo” symbols are of the same class. Added

to this, in the recesses of the Pyrennees, the people whose language sug-

gests their descent from the Tribes who. erected the tumuli and men-

hirs, not only in this neighbourhood but also in other parts of Europe,

still preserve traditions connected with these monoliths and have actually

retained some traces of what I will call Siva worship. With this evidence,

added to the points noticed in my paper on the Junapani Barrows and the

Kumaon markings, the connection between the marks in India and Europe

may then, I hope, be considered tolerably complete.

APPENDIX.

Note on the articles exhibited by Mr. Rivett-Carnae.—By Basu Pra-

TAPA CHANDRA GHOSHA, B. A.

It is interesting to observe how the ornamental and the artistic help

in complicating the myths of the Hindu religion. The occurrence of the

snake on several of the articles exhibited is ornamental in some and in-

consistent with the Sastras ina few. ‘The snake on the spoon or ladle is

for ornamental purposes, and that on the bell is altogether out of place.

The Sastras make no mention of the necessity of any such figures on the

handles of spoons, sacrificial ladles or water-pots. In the case of the bell

the only figure directed to be represented on a religious bell is that of

Garuda, the bird-god. The Padma Purana has the following—* He is not

* T may be permitted to be egotistical enough to note, that Carnac, the surname

which my grandfather added to his own, by sign-manual on succeeding to General

Carnac’s property, is the Celtic ‘Carnej,” “ Cairn,” or collection of monoliths, for

which the village whence General Carnac took his name is celebrated. The family

crest, a crescent and dagger, bears an extraordinary resemblance to the markings on

some of the menhirs.

PLATE W.

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Part i, 1879.

A E Caddéy. del.

H. Rivett-Carnac, fec.

Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta,

ILLUSTRATIONS oF Mr, H. RIVETT-CARNAC’S PAPER ON THE SERPENT SYMBOL.

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Photozincographed at the Surveyor General's Office Calcutta,

-Carnac, fec.

H. Rivett

Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Part I, 1879.

ILLUSTRATIONS oF MR, H. RIVETT-CARNAC’S PAPER ON THE SERPENT SYMBOL.

1879.] J. H. Rivett-Carnac—Appendiz. 31

a Bhagavat (worshipper of Bhagavan) in this iron age who has not in his

house a conch-shell or a bell surmounted by a Garuda or the bird-god.”

Such a bell as the above is used in the worship of Vasudeva (Vishnu).

And although in the Sastras regarding the worship of Siva and Rama-

chandra, it is nowhere provided that the bell used in such service should

be adorned with figures of the snake and Hanuman (the monkey-god), the

vahanas of the two gods respectively, yet the bell-maker in his devoutness

has added these figures to the bell, thinking that such a bell would serve

the threefold worship of Siva, Vishnu and Ramchandra, The white paint

of sandal-wood paste on the lingam in the form of a circle or a semicircle

and a dot, is intended to represent the sacerdotal thread (poitd) and the

mark (phontd) and, in the case of the semicircle, the half moon which is

said to adorn the forehead of Siva.

In the paper on Tree and Serpent worship published in Part I, No. 3

J. A. S. B for 1870, Ananta the serpent king is said to have a thousand

heads and four arms. In the Briddha Baudhayana quoted by Hemadri,

a Naga is ordinarily described to have five heads.

Guia Gates WUGEaded

In the Visvakarma Sastra, Ananta is said to have a hundred thousand

heads, and the other secondary eight Nagas to have seven heads each,

HaVey aaa: Brahaasiyy: |

ee ee ee ee oe

fefaer area: saa afwaniaa: |

A Naga is said to have hoods and the body of a man, the lower

extremities being like those of a reptile. A sarpa or serpent is a reptile.

The three-headed or the nine-headed snakes are imaginative figures ; they

have no foundation in the Sastras. The figures of snakes forming backs of

the shrines exhibited are evidently artistic and ornamental; they kave no

direct connection with serpent worship.

Cup-marks occurring in the vicinity of sepulchral monuments suggest

their origin in the Smritis, in which it is stated that, after the cremation

of the body, the son of the deceased is directed to offer water and milk,

ait and Wit, to the manes of the departed, and the water and milk are

generally presented in unburnt clay cups, and it is not unoften that they

are poured in little hollows made with the finger on the soft ground of the

river side where the funeral ceremony is generally performed. May not

the cup-marks on stone slabs represent these water and milk cups offered

to the spirits of the departed ?

The ant-hill has been known to be a resort of snakes where these

reptiles have been seen to coil themselves up for comfortable and warm

lodging. ‘The eggs of ants and the queens of the same are well known

favourite food of snakes.

32 G. A. Grierson—Some. Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

Some Further Notes on Kalidésa.— By Guonan A. Grierson, EsqQ., B.C. s.

In the April number of the Indian Antiquary for 1878, there is an in-

teresting account of the traditions concerning Kaliddsa current in Mysore.

The tradition in Mithila, where I am at present, is somewhat different,

and it may not be out of place to mention what I have gathered concerning

Kalidasa in Bihar.

It will be observed that the two legends coincide in describing Kalida-

sa as being ignorant in his youth, and as acquiring his unrivalled power

over the Sanskrit language by the special interposition of a deity.

According to local tradition Kalidasa was born at Damodarpur, a village

near the town of Uchait, and situated within the confines of the Madhubanf

sub-division of the Darbhanga or Eastern Tirhit district.

As narrated in the article above referred to, he was left an orphan at

an early age, and being destitute of means of support, he was, although a

Brahman, obliged to allow himself to be brought up amongst some low

easte tribes, who tended cattle. He grew up so stupid, that even amongst

his fellows he was considered little better than an idiot.

Now, there was once on a time a Brahman, who lived in a certain city,

who had a daughter (name unknown), who was the most learned woman of

her age. She refused many advantageous offers of marriage, averring that

she would only wed a man more learned than herself. At length her father,

losing all patience, made a secret vow that he would marry her to the

stupidest Bréhman he could find. So he went about searching for such a

man; but could not find one, for ignorant Brahmans are rare in Mithila.*

At length one day, he was passing through Damodarpur, when he saw a boy,

dressed as a gowdld, sitting on the branch of a tree, and cutting the branch

at a part between himself and the trunk. The Brahman looked, and the

boy cut on and at last, when he had cut through the branch, fell to the

ground along with it. The boy got up, much hurt, and expressed won-

der at the result of his labour. The Brahman thought that if this boy

were only of his caste, he would be just the husband for his daughter. He

made enquiries and found that his name was Kalidasa, and that he was a

Brahman, who, being left destitute, was supported by the charity of the

Gowalas of Damodarpur. After inquiring as to his stupidity, and finding the

result of his inquiries satisfactory, the Brahman took Kalidasa to his home

* So says the legend. I only wish that, at the present day, there was some truth

in the statement. The difficulty now is to find a Brahman, who can do anything but

fight and bring false cases. Lxperto crede ; Tirhtttiyé Brahmans are the bane of a sub-

divisional officer's life,

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 83

and introduced him to his daughter, as her future husband. The daughter, in

order to test Kalidasa’s knowledge, asked him if he was learned in Sanskrit.

Kalidasa in his ignorance replied “ 3raT arf Ha,’ meaning, of course,

“sta aife.” The daughter was highly offended at this ignorant answer

and told her parent that he ought to have known better than to bring for-

ward such a dolt as her future husband. But her father was not in the least

taken aback and replied that, by saying as she had just said, she had

shown her inferiority to Kélidasa in Sanskrit learning, in that she was not

able to understand the excellence of the idiom with which he spoke,—“ For,”

said he, “‘qt’ means ‘ knowledge,’ ‘#1’ means ‘of us,’ 7. e., ‘of me,’

‘aif’ means ‘there is not’; ‘@a’ is compounded of ‘ar and ‘za,’ of

which ‘ar’ means ‘ Lakshmi,’ and ‘<a’, ‘like.’ The whole phrase ‘ #1 aT

atfe Ha’ therefore means ‘I am not as learned as Lakshmi.’”* On hearing

this explanation, the daughter was compelled to confess herself vanquished

and agreed to marry Kalidasa. After the performance of the ceremony,

Kalidasa hastened to meet his bride in the wedding-chamber ; but she,

being strong-minded, refused to allow any familiarities, until she had cate-

chised him in the soundness of his knowledge of the Sdstras. Of course,

poor Kalidasa was utterly confounded and so incensed his wife that she

gave him a sound drubbing with a broom-stick.

He fled from the chamber and passed the rest of the night wandering

about in a neighbouring wood, and erying with the pain of the broom-stick.

In the morning he resolved to deserve his wife, by at least learning to read

and write at a path-s‘dld in Uchait.

He attended the péth-s’é/d regularly, but in vain. He was a bye-word

amongst the pupils and an example of stupidity continually held up to the

other boys by the gurw.

At Uchait, there is a famous Durgasthan situated in the midst of the

jangal: and one rainy stormy evening, his school-fellows dared Kalidasa to

visit it at midnight. Out of his innate stupidity, Kalidasa was perfectly

indifferent in the matter of ghosts and readily undertook to perform the

venturesome action. As it was necessary for him to show some token of

his visit, he smeared the palm of his hand with ashes, that he might leave

the impress of his hand on the image.

Now, it must be observed, that it is the custom in Mithila, when any

one has committed a grievous sin, for the people to smear his face with

ashes and to parade him in this state before the town. Therefore it is a

“ yat paro nasti” insult to cast ashes on the face of an innocent man.

* T fear this story did not originally apply to Kalidasa, though I have heard it

attributed to him. I have met it in the Purusha Parikshé, but no mention of Kalidasa

is made in that version.

84 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kélidésa. [No. 1,

Kalidasa arrived at the Durgasthdn at midnight, as agreed upon, and

prepared to leave the ashy impress of his hand on the face of the image of

Durga. No one but a fool would have dared to do this,—but then Kali-

dasa was a foolindeed. As he lifted his hand, the awful consequences of

the action became evident to Durgé, who foresaw that in the morning her

own image would become the laughing-stock of all the country round ; ‘she

therefore appeared before him in her proper form. Nothing deterred by

this, Kalidasa was reaching out his hand towards the face of the image in

spite of her entreaties, when to save her reputation she promised him any boon

he might ask for, on condition of his abstaining. He consented and asked to

be the wisest man in the world. She granted the boon, promising that he

should know the contents of every page which he should turn over during that

night, and that he should always be victorious in any public disputation in

which he might engage. Kalidasa thereupon hurried home and spent the

rest of the night in continually turning over all the leaves of all the books

in his guru’s library. At daybreak he retired to rest, and while he was

yet asleep the pupils arrived and sat at the feet of the guru for their daily

instruction. No one took any notice of Kalidasa, as he remained asleep in

the room, till the guru, while instructing, made a slip in his Sanskrit.

Without awaking, Kaliddsa instantly corrected it; and then all, being

astonished at this precocity on the part of the fool of the Academy, joined

in waking him and in demanding the authority for the correction, Kalidasa,

on the spot, quoted the necessary sutra of Pdnini, a work which, till

then, he had never read. The astonishment of all can be imagined, and it

was not diminished when he described the miracle which was the source of

his knowledge.

There is a story about Kalidasa current here, which is not unamusing.

It runs as follows. There was a king called S’ibay Siih, the father of Rip-

narayan, who was renowned for his patronage of learned men. As he

knew nothing himself, he invented a very simple way of judging the capa-

bilities of the crowds attracted to his court,—he valued pandits not by their

learning, but by their weight. The fatter and more unwieldy a Brahman

was, the more he was honoured, and the greater the rewards given him for

his learning. Before Kaliddsa had made his name, he determined to attend

at the king’s court. His friends dissuaded him, saying, “ You will never

succeed there, for you are small and lean,’’ but nevertheless he started,

repeating the following verse—

ay gata a a ar aca ate aw afawcdt wurfa |

tia aia at a a water aie Aeheesealayia i

That is to say, “‘ Whether a king presents gifts or not, when he hears

a poet’s voice (he will certainly give) ; just as, whether a bride will admit a

a a

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 35

man to her embraces or not, (she will certainly yield) once she has set her

foot upon the threshold of the room dedicated to amorous sport.’’? On

the way he picked up a man of the Bheriyar or shepherd caste, who was

the fattest man ever known. Kalidasa persuaded him to accompany him

and to pretend that he was the master, and Kalid4sa only the pupil. He

further instructed the shepherd on no account to let his voice be heard,

promising to do all the talking himself. The shepherd agreed to this, and

the two journeyed to king S‘ibay Siih’s court. Kalidasa introduced the

shepherd as his master, and the weight of the latter immediately told. He

was rapidly promoted and soon became the chief pandit in the court. All

this time he never opened his lips, Kalidasa officiating on all occasions as

his mouth-piece ; and probably the fact of his silence increased his fame,

for the legend (unconsciously foretelling the story of Jack and his Parrot)

says, that the king considered that as he did not speak, he must think a

lot.

One day, however, the Bheriyar forgot his instructions, and in a full

Sabha, in the presence of the king, while the conversation was about the

Ramayana, he opened his lips, and pronounced the word t1¥#w when he

should have said traw.* The whole assembly was electrified at this one

word of the Silent Pandit. The king to do him justice saw the mistake,

but still it did not shake his faith in the weight of its utterer. So he pro-

pounded the following question to the assembly—‘“ I have always heard

other pandits pronounce the word as tr¢q ; and I have seen the Ramayana,

and in it the word is always spelt tray. How then does it happen that

this pandit, who is the greatest pandit at my court, pronounces 4 as ¥,

and says tw? Thereupon Kalidasa stood up, and on the spur of the

moment repeated the following s‘loka :

FRHU Wasa warcisfa faavtaw |

Usa FSI TAU | g Wa: Il

“Kumbhakarna (was a Rakshasa, and) his name contains the letter

“bh,” so does the name of Vibhishana. Rav(bh)ana was the chief of the

Rakshasas, and therefore his name should be Rabhana, and not Ravana.”

This very lame excuse appears to have filled the sahd with admiration for

Ka4lidasa’s wisdom, and thenceforth his name became famous throughout

the three worlds.

At King Bhoja’s court, the pandit who had the ear of the king was

* This is evidently an allusion to the local pronunciation of the lower orders. In

my notes on the Rangpur Dialect, published in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic

Society for 1877, I have shown that similar changes to this exist in at least one pro-

vincial dialect of Bengal,

36 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kaliddsa. [No. 1,

one named “ Dallan Kavi” (ewa_afa).* This man was neither very clever

nor very ignorant, but was only moderately learned (awa afwa). By

dint, however, of intrigues he had attained to such promotion, that no

pandit could approach the king, until he had been examined and passed by

Dallan Kavi. Dallan naturally abused this power and introduced only the

most ignorant pandits to the king, sending all who were more learned than

himself away, re ineffectd.

Kalidasa wished to be introduced to King Bhoja: but, noticing that all

the good pandits returned home disappointed, while the bad ones were

received into favour, he suspected the true nature of the case, and had

recourse to the following artifice :—

He set out for Dhara, where King Bhoja reigned, and on the way he

met three poor ignorant pedagogues, who were bent on the same errand as

himself, These three had put their heads together to concoct some

verses which they might recite before the king, but their united

efforts only brought them as far as the first half of a single anushtubh,

which was as follows :—

afwagaarea qa: wgriaeay |

This being interpreted means “ Like a bone, like a crane, and again

like a mendicant’s tooth,’’+ but they could get no farther. When they

saw Kalidasa, they asked for his assistance, and he replied by giving the

second half of the sloka impromptu, as follows,—

tsa Wa a alfa: wesatifaa

the whole sloka then meaning. ‘ (Bright) as ivory, or as the (snowy)

erane, as the teeth of a mendicant, or as the rays of the autumn moon, is

thy glory, O King Bhoja,” which incongruous display of metaphor im-

mensely pleased the three poor pandits. Kalidasa then went on his way

to Dhara, and dressing himself in very mean attire called to pay his respects

to Dallan Kavi. He took care, however, to call when Dallan was not at

home ; and repeated this every day for a week, during which time he made

himself thoroughly acquainted with all the habits, customs and hours of his

future patron.

After the expiration of the week Kalidisa went again to Dallan’s

house in mean attire, at a time when he was engaged in a ceremony usually

performed apart from the multitude.{ In spite of this, however, Kalidasa

* So his name is pronounced and spelt now-a-days; a reference, however, to the

S’ardila vikridita verse later on will show that it was originally Dalana (awe).

+ A Sannydsé is not supposed to chew betel-nut and pan. Hence his teeth are not

discoloured, but retain their pristine whiteness.

{ a@aa eaaataareuta wea? tl

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 37

forced himself into his presence and made a most profound obeisance. In-

dignant at the interruption, Dallan ordered him to leave the place, but

Kalidasa pacified him by a string of far-fetched compliments, and he at

length condescended to ask the new-comer his business. Kalidasa replied

that he was a poor poet from the south, who did not know the manners

and customs of Dhara, and that he wished to be introduced to king Bhoja.

Dallan asked if he had ever composed anything in Sanskrit. Kalidasa

replied, ‘“a little,” and that he was prepared to give an example there and

then. It was as follows :—

cay sacha sat at

Ufaar af are ara uaa |

aul aed <a fora aa T

ey: faa faa Fix At BART |

This remarkable composition Kalidasa translated as meaning. “ The

euckoo sings in the city and in the forest, and a woman keeps pounding

sandal wood, and says I cannot bear my life. Separated from my beloved

one, my heart goes pit-a-pat.””

To understand this ludicrous mixture of pedantic and ignorant mis-

takes some explanation is necessary. The following verse occurs in the

Amarakosha, ‘aatra: ques: aifae: faa <afa,” “the cuckoo is also

(xmfq) called pika and other names.” Kalidasa, however, represents him-

self as thinking that the meaning is that hokila, pika and ityapi are all

synonymous terms. In gaitfa there are three mistakes. K4lidd4sa meant

to say wUtfa, mistranslating it as “sings.” The verb @ “to make” is

marked in the Dhdtupdthas as “ saz,” in which ¥ and & are anuban-

_dhas or indicatory letters, which form no part of the root and only draw

attention to certain peculiarities of conjugation. Kalidasa, however, repre-

sents himself as thinking that only S& is an anubandha, and that “ eR” is

a ready made root of the first class meaning “ to sing.” With regard to

ufeat, the following verse occurs in the Amarakosha :

AN ON ~

Gea eqacay ware: ATA: |

ata: HUTA faa Vcqeag

That is to say, “ Of the following five names of celestial trees, the

mandara, the parijdtaka, the santéna, and the kalpavriksha are masculine,

while the harichandana is optionally neuter.’ Kalidasa, however, took

“punsi va” as being a synonym for “ harichandana” or “yellow sandal-

wood.” ‘The words ‘‘afa afe ata waa” are Hindi. With regard to aur,

the “afaat afeat aur’ of the Amarakosha led Kalidasa to represent him-

388 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kaliddésa. [No. 1,

self as saying that ‘ @yr’ meant “a woman.” The words “awa va faa

Be #” ave again Hindi. From “ @] qaie: VEHA TAIT qaaT azt:” of the

Amarakosha, Kalidasa makes out that “ qe” means ‘‘a beloved one.”’ The

rest of the verse is Hindi,

Dallan, after hearing this elaborately explained to him, came to the

conclusion, as he well might, that Kalidasa was a very poor pandit indeed,

and that it would be quite safe to introduce him to king Bhoja. He there-

fore applauded the composition, and requested him to leave him, promising

to introduce him after he had concluded performing the office at which he

had been interrupted.

They accordingly started off to the palace, and on the way Dallan ask-

ed Kalidasa, if he had composed any verse to recite before the king. Kali-

dasa said he had one, and repeated the verse which he and the three poor

Brahmans had concocted between them. Poor as this was, it was far better

than anything that Dallan could write, and his jealousy was not appeased »

until Kalidasa had assured him that it was not his own, but that he had

got some one else to make it for him. It was then written down on a slip

of paper, and they proceeded into the audience chamber. After the usual

ds'trvada the following conversation took place :

Dallan TAA WAZA

King SIAR |

fa qfaaara

Dallan <=

ATa

King RY TIT

Daillan Bay afaay

King aaaat

Kélidasa Taq Il

fararaacfaegecent |

FIA WAT ATSAS Il

VAIAAT AF UMAT= |

ait: ad ateat i

That is to say, the king and Dalana were only talking prose, but

Kalidasa ingeniously turned the whole conversation into four complicated

S'drdilavikridita verses. The king was surrounded by a bevy of damsels,

and Kalidésa expresses himself unable to read his verse, being distracted

by their charms. The translation is as follows :—

Daillan. O king, may you prosper.

King. — Dallan Kavi, what have you in that paper ?

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 39

Dallan. This is a poetical composition.

King. Of what poet ?

Dalian. Of this ingenious gentleman here.

King. Let it be read.

Kélidasa. I proceed to read. But first, let the wanton tinkling of

the bracelets on the slender arms of these damsels, beautiful-eyed as

lotuses, as they wave their chawfiris round thee, be stopped for an instant.

By this display of learning Dallan was obliged to confess himself con-

quered, and ever after Kalidasa retained the post of honour near king

Bhoja.

At King Bhoja’s court, there were three pandits whose names are now

unknown, but who are called collectively the three S’rutidharas.* Now,

one of these three was such that he could repeat a composition when it was

repeated before him once, another could do the same when it was repeated

twice, while the third could do so when he had heard it thrice. In

order to attract poets to his court, King Bhoja offered a prize of a lakh of

rupees to any one who could compose an original piece of poetry. Num-

bers of poets became candidates for the prize, and recited their original

compositions in the presence of the king and the three S‘rutidharas : but

always with the same result. S’rutidhara No. 1 exclaimed that the composi-

tion was an old one, that he had heard it before, and backed his opinion by

repeating it, which he could, of course, do, as he had heard it once. Then

No. 2, who by this time had heard it twice, also averred that it was an old

one, and also repeated it, and the same course was followed by No. 3, who

by this time had heard it thrice. In this way all the poets were driven

with shame from the palace. Kaliddsa, however, was not to be beaten,

and going before the king as a competitor recited the following sragdhara

verses,

WIAA Br ASAT |

fauaatafeat |

ufane faaTaet i

* A similar trio is met in the Katha Sarit Sagara, (Introduction—story of Vara-

ruchi). They lived, however, at Pataliputra, being patronized by king Nanda. The

three were named Vararuchi, Vyadi, and Indradatta. The story tells how there was

a brahman named Varsha, who was an idiot. Kartikeya, however, had granted him

as a boon, that he should be endowed with every science, with this proviso, that he

could only communicate his learning to a brahman who should be able to acquire it

all at one hearing. Vararuchi was such a person, and Varsha communicated his lore

to him in presence of the other two. Vararuchi thereupon repeated it to Vyadi, who

was able to remember a thing on hearing it twice repeated,—and Vyadi again repeated

it to Indradatta, who thus heard it three times, and was then himself able to repeat it.

40 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

faar a ar eta |

aawatafear |

taarfeaetar ii

are Sfe mete |

THAT AT |

Baa BATH ii

a1 afar aa a |

awagatafca |

afte ad aa F Il

That is to say,—‘ Hail, King Bhoja, thy father was famed throughout

the three worlds as a virtuous man. The ninety-nine ‘rors of jewels be-

longing to me, which thy father took from me, do thou now restore unto

me. All the wise men who stand in attendance on thee know this to be

the fact,—or else,—if my words are false,—this poem of mine is an original

composition, and thou must pay to me the proffered prize of a lakh of

rupees.” The three S’rwtidharas dared not say that they had heard this

betore, for that would be tantamount to confessing that Bhoja owed Kali-

dasa ninety-nine krors of jewels.*

Before Kalidasa became wise, but after his marriage, his wife used to

try and teach him a little learning. One day she tried to teach him to

pronounce the word **'3#” “a@ camel” (ushtra). But Kalidasa could not

form his mouth so as to pronounce the word, and at one time would he

would say “3d” (wr) and at another time 9¥ (ushk). His wife at length

lost her patience, and after saying—

Se wate ta 8 aT |

aa ur fagafaarat i

fa a aufa a va fe ae: |

fa a acifa a ua fe gz i

“ He mispronounces wshtra with ra, and sha ; and yet God has given

him a round-limbed wife. What can He not do when he is angered, and

what can He not do when he is pleased,”+ she launched forth into words

of no measured abuse. When Kalidasa remonstrated with her on the foul-

* T have met a story somewhat similar to this in Persian literature, and much

regret that I cannot lay my hands on it now. A comic version of the Persian tale can

be found in Punch, Vol. II, January to June 1842, p. 254, It is called “Jawbrahim

Heraudee.”

+ zi. e. He must be angry with me, inasmuch as he has given me a dolt for a

husband, and he must be pleased with Kélidasa, for he has given him me for a wife.

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 41

ness of her language, she replied “ que@ areqt afta?” “ What else is fit for

one so utterly debased ?” These words dwelt in Kaliddsa’s mind and

rankled there. After the miraculous gift of learning was given to him by

Durg4, as previously described, before returning home, he disguised him-

self as a Vairdgé and, taking a dish of flesh food, sat himself on the edge

of the tank where his wife usually bathed, and commenced to eat. His

wife presently came up, and the following conversation ensued,—in the

Strdila-vikridita metre.

The wife. faa aiafatad sqRe |

Kilidisa. fa da ay faa i

W. aad ata aa fo

Ka. foaRet |

altivaifa: az |

W. amar Fata: Fara yet |

Ka. yaa Suu aT i

W. GararaaeTzr sfq waar |

Ka. ‘aaa aragr ata” |

That is :—

Wife. Oh mendicant, are you eating flesh ?

Kalidésa, What is that without wine ?

W. Do you also like wine ?

Ka. Indeed I do, and women with it.

W. But courtezans expect money. Whence can you pay them ?

Ka. From gambling and stealing.

W. So, Sir, you also gamble and are a thief ?

Ka. “ What else is fit for one so-utterly debased ?”

When the wife heard her own words thus hurled back in her teeth, she

was ashamed and recognized her husband and, taking him home, ever after-

wards lived in due subordination to him.

There was a pis’dcha or demon who inhabited a wood in Dhara, through

which ran a much-frequented road. It was his custom to seize passers-by

and to propose to them a question in the words “‘@TWH, AIR, ATR”

“koruk, koruk, koruk.’ Asno one could understand this, the traveller

was invariably seized and eaten by the demon, his worldly possessions being

added to a pile of those which had been the property of previous victims.

One day Kalidasa had occasion to go along the road, and as usual, the

pisdcha seized him and asked the hard question. K4élidasa understood it

to be AI WR, AT SMA, AT STA, that is to say, “ who is free from disease ?”’

repeated thrice. He thereupon replied as follows:

42 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

arg a aafa wcfe a wate |

SHAT MMs F |

a=efa aBATTTaaT a atafa y

ST SAA GT SWAB sea |

“ He who stays at home in the rainy season, eats little in the autumn,

eats his fill in the cold and dewy season, goes abroad in the months of

spring, and sleeps in the hot season, is free from disease.” The pis'écha

was much pleased at Kalidasa’s reply and released him, giving him all the

wealth which he had levied from his former victims.

One cool spring evening when the south wind was blowing softly, and

the mango blossoms were nodding on the trees, king Bhoja was walking in

his garden, accompanied by Kalidasa and Bhavabhiti. The king, charmed

by the graceful motion of the mango blossoms, asked Kalidasa to tell him

why they waved so prettily. Kalidasa replied :—

<a GAM FUSCA VAI TAA |

aeai see aauafa wala tat |

aaa aagg Ha Yar ataar |

Barat ara ate ate avtaa gee

“«Tt is evening, and, lo, I have come from Malaya afar ; I would pass

one night in thy house, O graceful one.’ When the newly blossomed

mango tendril is thus addressed by the wind, she shakes her head, and says

‘Nay, nay, nay.’ ”

The king was pleased at this poetical description, but asked Kalidasa,

why the mango said “nay” three times. The latter dared not plead exi-

gencies of metre, and being unable to give a plausible excuse, hung his

head ashamed. The king then turned to Bhavabhiuti, and asked him the

same question. Kalidasa’s famous rival, giving a different meaning to

aagefaat, which also means a woman who is not “ ¥aqg@rar’, explained

that the three-fold repetition referred to the three days of uncleanness

which precede the purificatory bathing: as stated thus in the S’wddhi

viveka. 4

948 sofa ureret feala qaaifcat |

Zata Cat Gal qu @raaraca i

“ Tf a woman admit her husband on the first day, she sinks to the

level of a chdndalz, if on the second day, to that of a leather-worker, and

if on the third day, to that of a dhobini ; but on the fourth day she may

bathe and admit him.”

There was a famous courtezan at Dhdra, who loved Kalidaésa and was

beloved by him in return. She also admitted king Bhoja to her favours.

eee eee

1879.] G. A, Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 43

The latter, however, she only allowed to approach her in pursuit of her

calling, while Kalidasa was admitted for pure love. For what will a woman

not do for love? Does not the poet Vidyaékara Misra say as follows.*

quaifa @ wala sefa

TATA |

eredafagar sf wig:

fateqar wafa agsTas:

“Lo, there are many bonds, but none like the binding of the toils of

love. Even the bee, skilled as he is in cleaving timber, lies helpless,—

bound in the hollow of a lotus.”

And again does not the poetess Lakhima Thakurdain say :—

Taq ae afe yafaaa va

data GE aUaat a aH TArhy |

aafe 4a wafa are Harty WaT

u¥i sfq Ge wag swVATIATT: |

fe yanefe 4 SraraawAare |

vate fa afe a eaAQaae I

eau fa afe aaa am qatar |

fae at aware afe avast |

Tarai

waTyar stat safaaTerat fafrawra

ae TET IATTUATATaaAt |

am dem aCuafadaraieag |

ay +e alfa anfa weueeatear ii 2 0

SITS

areay rat alaat wae |

wat yur efeaat | vac I

fare yarerers fea |

aida Hat aaqasrarat te i

(1.) “Ah! may I never love, but if I must,—letit not be with a

wanderer ; and if it be with such, may he not be full of excellence: and

even if it be thus, may my love be never broken ; and if it be broken, may

my lite, which is not mine, be mine to cast away.

* The following verses are generally quoted by pandits when telling this story.

As I haye not noticed them in any of the usual Chrestomathies, I give them here,

44, G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

(2.) “ What are adornments, if a woman hath not youth; and what

is youth, if she hath not perfect comeliness ; and what is that, if virtue doth

not dwell within ; and what is virtue, if her beloved one doth not possess

it too? -

(3.) “My friend, a tender plant hath been planted by fate in the

treacherous soil of thy heart. Cherish it jealously, for it beareth many

flowers. Sprinkle it daily with the water of remembrance that it may not

fade,—for that plant is love.

(4.) ‘ Like the shadows of the fore and of the afternoon are the

loves of the wicked and of the good. The first beginneth great and gra-

dually fadeth away; but the second is delicate at first, and afterwards

waxeth mighty.”

One evening Kalidasa was with his mistress, when they were inter-

rupted by the sudden arrival of the king. ‘Kalidasa having no time to

escape was obliged to hide himself under the bed, she cautioning him, as he

valued his life, not to let his presence be known by either word or action.

The king after his arrival, fancying himself alone with the courtezan, and

wishing to pay a compliment to her beauty, laid his hand upon her bosom

and addressed her as follows :

aa afa qurdar fraar gratnar |

Having got thus far, and having accomplished half a verse, he tried to

finish it, but could not, and hemming and hawing, stuck there. Kalidasa,

who would rather have died than have heard an incomplete verse, could no

longer contain himself ; and his poetic fury overpowering him, he burst from

under the bed, upsetting it and its occupants, erying out—

WIAA WAIL FA ALIS! Il

The whole couplet, containing a pun on the word ax, which means

both “ tax” and “ hand,” meaning—

King. “Verily, my fair one, thy breasts are like two monarchs of

the world.”

Kalidasa. “Yes—for doth not His Majesty, who levieth tribute from

sea to sea,* lay his hand upon them.”’+

The king, in consideration of the neatness of the reply, forgave Kali-

dasa’s indiscretion.

The following verses show how poetically Kaliddsa used to do his

marketing.

He went up to a pan seller and said :—

*« A aa, is a tract of country running from sea to sea.

+ Which may also be translated “pay tribute (ax) unto them,”

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. 45

qUifa auaquifa THU SACSTAe |

quartet Co qias ferret

“Give me golden-coloured pdn, O fair one with the winsome eyes;

and give me lime, O thou whose face is fair as the full fair moon,—and

be quick about it.”

Now it happened that the pén-seller was no other then Devi in dis-

guise: and she, not understanding the tone of compliment which was fol-

lowed so unceremoniously by a peremptory order, took it into her head that

Kalidasa was mocking her, and, being a woman, took offence and ignored

his request. But Kalidasa, nothing daunted, went on,—

faat afetartu situ eicutent |

SIT TIT TAT AAT TAIT Ik

“(and give me also) betel spice, for without it the lip of my fawn-eyed

love will lack its lustre; e’en as her bosom doth when shorn of its neck-

lace.”

Whereupon Dé, charmed with the sweetness of his language, appear-

ed in proper form and gave him her blessing.

I have already quoted one uncomplimentary expression of opinion

made use of by Kalidasa’s wife, with regard to ber husband. Another runs

as follows :—

at afca: afasraqrcat

a afd ear enarfearaa: |

sarsar sittge fecrisrar

@ aaztar HARCAGA q

“ Even a beggar, who knoweth the whole law and the prophets, is bet-

ter than a ruler of millions who is a fool. A fair-eyed damsel shineth

even in tattered weeds,—not so one who is blind, even though she~is adorned

with gold.”

In the days of his wisdom Kalidasa often took occasion to playfully

chide his wife for her former unkindness ; as in the verses connected with

the following story.

The husband and wife were taking a morning walk by the side of a

tank covered with lotuses. The sun was rising, and the bells of the lotuses

Were in agitation, although there was no visible cause for their-being so.

The wife accordingly asked :—

afraermar wife feoet ta ema |

afcay fd vy] aaa Fa Sqar iy ii

Kalidasa replied—

46 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

qraaifequawrat watteqaare |

woaleeai aia RU Aa Sqari ett

She again asked—

aay ved Nimes aT TI

qyaaaed wi a faa aa Sqarie tt

And he again replied—

Waa aaa stat waG: Gacaa |

aaa faa ard waat vex a fe 8

She. (1) “ There is no current of air, nor can I observe the approach

of any elephant. Why, then, is the water-lotus agitated P

He. (2) “ The coal black bees have been clasped within its bells all

night, and now they wish to see the sun. Therefore, my love, is the lotus

agitated. at

She. (3) “ But bees and their kin can pierce the hardest wood, and

the lotus bell is exquisitely tender. Why, then, does not the bee tear it

forcibly open?

He. (4) “ The lotus clasps him in her bell in love, and the bee returns

her love. Therefore he does not tear the bell asunder,—for, my Love, he

is not like thee.”

The following verses in praise of contentment are universally attribut-

ed to Kalidasain this part of the country. They are excellent specimens

of their style, and are worth recording here.

faa afe wei wat cund aa awarfyty |

waw fafarad fafarfaamate Tat 1 I

BRU BttiMat qufasea sve arsafa |

wen ware fad efere eauaty Ar Wag 8 II

yiai Sraaagarasd yi a fafaa we |

eal aifaqneftarrafed sar war fae ll @ |

Wa arafaaiord TSS VIR AT AAA |

eat gafammanface araifa erate ie

waa atataal wyAteTAl wat Beat

Zari @ festa SeMad Tard UIs! TA HY II

sees fasratu fafyar maar aah: |

emew faa WMAIS UH AST HA I eI

1879.] G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. AT

NS Ac .

aa eats: arate are |

Waguaaast afaat wafer I

aur: fyata vad ay Taare |

BATT UF FRIY WX VF ATL! 9 Il

(1.) “He who has nothing wishes to have a hundred ; and he who

owns a hundred, desires a thousand, while the lord of a thousand wishes for

ten thousand. ‘The possessor of ten thousand would be a king, while the

king desires to be an emperor.

(2.) ‘An emperor wishes to rule the gods like Indra, while Indra

aspires to the power of Brahman. Brahman himself wishes to obtain the

throne of Siva, and even Siva, that of Vishnu.* What being has ever

reached the limit of desire ?

(3.) “ You have wandered over far and rugged countries, but you

obtained no fruit: you abandoned your caste, and all your pride of birth,

but your servitude was fruitless.

(4.) “You laid aside your pride, and ate like a crow,—fearfully, in

another’s house,—and yet you are not satisfied.. To-day even your thirst

dwells in vile and wicked actions.

(5.) “The bee deserts the fragrant jasmine and seeks the amaranth.

Perchance he leaves it too, and approaches the champaka, and then the

lotus.

(6.) “Imprisoned therein by fate and night, the foolish creature weeps,

A fool may obtain discomfiture, but never contentment.

(7.) ‘Saints pass their lives enjoying roots and fruit. Elephants live

on dried grass, and are mighty. Snakes quaff the wind, nor are they want-

ing in strength. Contentment alone should be the most precious wealth

of man.”

Much of the preceding is trivial, and, of course, none of it can lay

claim to any historical value. My aim has been a very humble one, and I

shall be happy, if I am thought to have only moderately come up to it.

Hyen in a backward country like Tirhit, the old class of pandits is fast

dying out, and is being supplanted by men with a smattering of English

and Urdi, and only a moderate book-knowledge of Sanskrit. The older

pandits acknowledge the change with sorrow, and say that even the women

who most conserve the purity of the language, are beginning to use Yavané

* Vishnu is appropriately placed last, as being absolutely fama “free from

desire,”

48 G. A. Grierson—Some Further Notes on Kalidasa. [No. 1,

words. Circumstances have thrown me much amongst these men, and I

have taken advantage of this, to make an attempt to preserve some of the

vast amount of unwritten lore, which is so fast being forgotten.

In this paper I have thrown into shape part of what I have collected

concerning Kaéliddsa: and if it meets with favour, and if time and health

permit, I may at some future time give similar legendary accounts of other

famous heroes and heroines of Mithila. With regard to the verses sprinkled

through the foregoing pages, my reading has been too limited for me to

assume that none of them have been printed before. It must suffice that

I do not remember meeting any of them in the usual collections of

apothegms, and if my memory has betrayed me, I shall be the first to wel-

come my error being pointed out.

JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ce.

No. I1.—1879.

The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdbdd—A Chronicle, (1718—1857).— By

Witrt1am Irvine, C. 8., Patehgarh, N. W. P. Parr II.

(Continued from p. 383 of Vou. XLYII, Parr I, 1878.)

Nawib Imdém Khan, and the Confiscation of the Territory.

After Kaim Khan had been buried, the Bibi Sahiba sent for all her

husband’s sons, and dissimulating her wish to see Imam Khan succeed,

directed Ahmad Khan to assume the leadership. Abmad Khan, who had

quickly penetrated her designs, gave a decided refusal. One after another,

each son made the same answer. At length Imam Khan was selected and

took his seat upon the masnad. He seems to have enjoyed little real autho-

rity. Although they attended to salute him no one presented any nazar ;

for months not a single kauri of revenue came in. After a time men

ceased even to go near him, since he had no income from any source, by

_which he could assert his title.

When news of the defeat and death of Kaim Khan reached Delhi, many

were deeply grieved and wrung their hands with sorrow; on the con-

trary, ’Abd-ul-Mansir Khan Safdar Jang was rejoiced, and at once laughed

and joked about the sad event. He then persuaded the Emperor that if

he proceeded to Farrukhab4d in person, the surviving Bangash leaders would

be deprived of all excuse for not attending and submitting themselves. Even

if they should refuse to obey and decline to deliver up their wealth, the result

would be the same ; they would be compelled to take to flight, and thus they

G 2

50 W. Irvine— The Bangash Nawitbs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,

would be extirpated from the imperial territory. The young Emperor, who

was entirely subservient to the Wazir, agreed to all his plans.

At the end of Zi’l Hajj 1162 H. (November 1749), Ahmad Shah

marched from Delhi as far as Koil; and Safdar Jang, leaving the Emperor,

advanced to Thana Darydoganj in Parganah Azamnagar of the Eta district,

about thirty-five miles north-west of Farrukhabid.* He had with him

forty thousand Mughals from Iran under the command of his relations,

Mirza Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Nawab Sher Jang, Nawab Ish4k Khan and

others.

At the same time the Wazir ordered Rajih Naval Rade to march to

meet him without delay. This Naval Rae, the Wazir’s Diwan or Bakhshi,

was a Saksena Kayath of the Chakwa and Pardsna family, hereditary

Kanungoes of Parganah Et4wah. He had risen by his own merits to be

deputy governor of the Sibahs of Audh and Allahabad. He first was

brought into notice by Ratn Chand Banya, the Diwan of "Abdullah Khan

and Husain Ali Khan (1712—1721).+

Naval Rae, leaving the Sarkdr of Lakhnau, marched towards Farrukh4-

bad. On the 16th Muharram 1163 H. (15th December 1749), after Rade

Ram Narayan had joined with 10,000 men, he crossed the Ganges. The

day afterwards he moved to the banks of the Kali four or five kos distant,

The next day Naval Rae and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan crossed by the ford.

and stood on foot side by side encouraging their men to exertion, the river

being in flood, with heavy rain falling and a cold north wind blowing. Sup-

plies were scarce and grain was the price of saffron. After a day spent in dry-

ing their things, the army marched to within three kos of Khuddganj, where

the Afghans were posted with a force estimated at 29,000 men and artillery.

Another march of one and a half kos was made, and hostilities were immi-

nent. Mir Muhammad Salah and Rajah Pirthi Pat were placed in the

van, Naval Rae himself led the main body, while the left wing was com-

manded by Nawab Baka-ullah Khan and the right by Rae Ram Narayan.

There were 25,000 horsemen, 100 elephants and innumerable camp followers ;

and the camp stretched for five or six sos as far as the eye could reach.

Negotiations were, however, opened and the Pathans returned to Farrukhé-

bad. On the 23rd Muharram (22nd Dec. 1749) Naval Rée was at Khuda-

* One account says he camped at Siirajptir, but I do not know where that village

is.

+ S-ul-M. 875, Hisém-ud-din, and Gaz. N. W. P. IV. 307. See also the Hadi-

kat-ul-Akdlim, third Clime, under Sarkar Lakhnau, as to the founding of Navalganj ’

and Khushalganj. Under J¢dwah it is stated that Naval Rie was born at Khaksis (?)

He left a son, Khushél Rae, who was subsequently naib of Allahabad under Asaf-

ud-daulay

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdabs of Farrukhabad. 51

ganj. The Nawab Wazir was then reported to be at Kasganj, and there

was some talk of investing Farrukhabad.

We now return to the events occurring at Farrukhabad. Although the

younger brothers of Kaim Khan and many experienced chelas still survived,

at first no plan was decided upon, nothing was undertaken. At length by

the exertions of Shamsher Khan, chela, some men were collected and posted,

as we have just seen, on the banks of the Kalinadi near Khudaganj, seven-

teen miles south-east of the city, thus barring the advance of Rajah

Naval Rae. Mukim Khan, chela, was sent out in the other direction as

’AXmil of Parganah Shamshabad, with orders to take possession of the late

Khan Bahadur Khan’s property. Daud Khan, Sa’dat Khan, Islam Khan

and other chelas patrolled round the city night and day. Meanwhile the

Bibi Sahiba and Imam Khan prayed God fervently that the Emperor might

not be led astray by the Wazir’s wicked advice, nor take away from their

family the territory of Muhammad Khan Bangash, Ghazanfar Jang. To

avert this calamity a friendly letter was prepared, and sent in a submissive

manner to ’Abd-ul-Manstir Khan Safdar Jang. It reminded him that

formerly, when a noble was slain in battle, his treasures were appropriated

while his dignities were conferred on his children. They hoped, therefore,

that the prayers of the widow would be heard, that a furmdn would be

granted pardoning all bygone offences, and confirming the mahals in the

name of Imam Khan. ‘

From his camp at Daryaogan} the Wazir replied, that he had already

presented a paper of requests to the Emperor, who had graciously signed

an order conferring the territory on Imam Khan. This order he had

brought with him. There was, however, the condition usual in such cases,

that they should appear in person in the camp of the Wazir, who was

invested with full powers, and place before him a large sum by way of fine

(nazarana) on confirmation. Should allegiance be professed in the way

suggested, there was little doubt that the farmdn would be carried into

effect, the dress of honour conferred, and with it the rank and dignity held

by the former Nawabs. There were other flattering and deceitful words ;

for instance, he said he had bitterly felt the loss of KAim Khan, it was like

that of a brother, it was as if his right hand had been cut off; but, please

God, he would not leave a vestige of the Rohela seed in the whole of Hin-

dustin. Suspecting no treachery, the Bibi Sahiba believed in the truth of

these promises, and began to prepare for departure to the Wazir’s camp.

A camel rider was sent to recall Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan from

Khudaganj where they barred the way to Rajah Naval Rae. Instructions

were also sent to them to engage Naval Rae if possible in their favour, for

he had the greatest influence over the Wazir.

52 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

By this time Rajah Naval Rae, seeing that without hostilities he could

not continue his march, had despatched a letter to Shamsher Khan and

Ja’far Khan, telling them that he was a well-wisher to the family of the

late Ghazanfar Jang, and when he reached the Wazir’s eamp, he would

secure for them what they wanted without the slightest difficulty. The

chelas, in the innocence of their hearts, believed these deceitful promises.

Their readiness to listen to his proposals was increased on hearing that the

Bibi Sdéhiba intended to go to the enemy’s camp to treat, and quitting their

position at Khudaganj they returned to Farrukhabad.

On their arrival the Bibi Sahiba set out with her chelas for the camp.

When she reached Mau all the Pathans came out to meet her, and next

day when she resumed her march, the Pathan commanders formed them-

selves into an escort. On arriving within three os of the Wazir’s camp

they halted, and when he heard of her arrival the Wazir sent out Sher Jang

to meet her. On coming near the equipage of the Bibi Sahiba he descend-

ed from his elephant, and standing in an attitude of respect, he expressed

with tears his sorrow at the loss of Nawab Kaim Khan. He wept because

he and the Nawab were brothers by exchange of turbans. The Bibi Sahiba

said to him, “ I count on you to replace Kaim Khan, and in this time of

trouble, I expect you to side with me.” Sher Jang swore by his head

and eyes, that he was ready to give up even his life for her. The Bibi

Sahiba was then conducted to her encampment near that of the Wazir.

Negotiations began through Sher Jang.

Shortly after this Rajah Naval Rae arrived. But, when he received

audience of the Wazir, he did not act up to the promises he had made at

Khudiganj. Indeed, he acted exactly contrary to his professions, and spoke

nothing but evil of the Bangash family. This double-dealer, being trusted

by the Wazir more than the rest of his servants, found acceptance for his

evil words. From that time Sher Jang was set aside, and the matter was

put into the hands of Rajah Naval Rie. He sent for Shamsher Khan,

Ja’far Khan and others, and demanded that, before they began to talk about

the territory and the revenue-free grants, a payment of one kror of rupees

should be made to the imperial treasury. After a long altercation Sham-

sher Khan and Ja’far Khan stood on one side and held a whispered conver-

sation. They then came forward and agreed to give thirty lakhs of rupees

nine lakhs in cash and goods, the balance of twenty-one lakhs to be paid

in three years, on condition that the Emperor’s farmdn issued for the

former territory, with the usual robe of investiture and a grant of the

titles and dignities held by the former Nawabs. The Rajah rose and said,

“ Be it so, I will report what you say to the Wazir, and in the evening I

will inform you of his orders.” He then went to the Wazir and reported

what had passed.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. 53

When they had consulted together, Nazir Yakut Khan was sent to the

Bibi Sahiba. She received him and touching his “ nazar” remitted it.

Directly she saw him she burst into tears, for he called to mind her own

chela, Y4kut Khan Khan Bahadur. Yakut Khan, having made a con-

doling reference to the late Khan Bahadur, went on to deliver his mes-

sage. The Wazir said that he would look on her as his own mother, that

Ghazanfar Jang and Kaim Khan had been nobles of the highest rank,

and that their successors should hold the same position. It was absolutely

necessary, however, that she should make a payment of one kror of rupees.

Bibi Hajiain, without consulting the Bibi Sahiba and against her wishes,

began to say that as the Bibi Sahiba could not help herself she would give

half a zror, or fifty lakhs of rupees (£500,000). The Nazir then asked for

a blank paper with seal affixed. The Bibi Sahiba, without referring to

Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan, attached her seal to the paper and made

it over to the messenger, who carried it off to the Wazir. Then the Wazir

wrote out the sum of sixty lakhs of rupees. After this he told the Bibi

Sahiba to return to Farrukhabad, accompanied by Nazir Yakit Khan and

Jugal Kishor, who were to receive payment of the money.

Rajah Naval Rade sent for Shamsher Khan and Ja’far Khan and told

them that they were responsible for the due payment to the imperial treasury

of the sixty lakhs, which the Bibi Sahiba had agreed to with her own lips.

Titles and rent-free grants were promised to them in reward. The chelas

went to the Bibi Sahiba and complained of her having promised sixty lakhs,

when they had already settled for thirty lakhs. The Bibi Sahiba defended

herself by saying is was Bibi Hajidin’s fault. There being no remedy the

Bibi Sahiba started for Farrukhabad with Yakut Khan and Jugal Kishor.

All the cash in the treasury, the jewels, the ward-robe, the furniture of

the rooms, the kitchen utensils, the elephants, the horses, the camels, the

cannon, the cattle, everything they had, was made over to the Wazir’s

agents. The eunuchs examined each article, appraised it at half its value,

and then from the total thus arrived at they deducted half a lakh of

rupees. The sum allowed was forty-five lakhs of rupees. The agents

demanded the balance of fifteen lakhs from Shamsher Khan and Ja’far

Khan; but they could only promise to pay the required sum within three

years. The Nazir (Yakit Khan) then directed that the Bibi Sahiba should

set out next day for the Wazir’s camp, where all he could do to intercede for

her should be done.

The next day the Bibi Sahiba with her sons and chelas set out on her

return to the Wazir’scamp. When she came to Mau all the Pathans visited

her to pay their respects, and from that place joined her retinue. On reach-

ing the neighbourhood of the Wazir, she set up her encampment. Next

54 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabdd. [No. 2,

morning Shamsher Khan and the other chelas were sent for by Naval Rae,

and a demand made for the balance due. They were kept waiting till the

evening with plausible words and the hope of a favourable decision. Mean-

while Naval Rae went to the Wazir, announcing himself by a Harkara, of

whom there were ten to twelve thousand employed as spies and messengers.

Admitted to the presence of the Wazir, he reported in detail what had

passed with Shamsher Khan and the others, and he also called attention to

the large assemblage of Pathans in the Bibi Sahiba’s retinue, After this

a messenger was sent to the chelas directing them to remain where they

were that night, for their business had been put off till the next day. As

a precaution against any opposition by the Pathans, Naval Rade during the

night, which was very dark, caused several guns protected by chains to be

posted in front of the Bibi Sahiba’s camp. ‘Then he sent to ask the Bibi

Sahiba if she had come to treat or to fight ; if the former, he would advise

her to send off to their homes the large body of armed Pathins who had

accompanied her. The Bibi Sahiba sent for the commander of each regi-

ment (¢uman) and ordered them to march back to Mau. They represented

that being hereditary servants of her house, it was not right that, with their

eyes open, they should leave her in the midst of the enemy’s army, for their

desertion would doom her to certain destruction. The Bibi Sahiba’s answer

was that a wise man, after consenting to pay a large sum, should not raise

further difficulties. The whole of the Pathans, unable to shake her resolu-

tion, marched away to Mau. ‘There, to protect their families and property,

they posted themselves outside the town in the mango groves, and remained

on the alert day and night.

The Wazir, after having ordered Naval Rae to keep Shamsher Khan

and the four other chelas under surveillance, directed his march eastwards.

When word was brought to Farrukhabiad that the five chelas had been

arrested, and that the Wazir was advancing eastwards, the inhabitants

removed with their belongings to the town of Mau, and hardly a soul was

left in the city. When the Wazir with his army came near to Mau, Rajah

Naval Rade asked urgently for permission to burn it down and level it with

the ground, so that not a vestige might be left. Although in his heart the

Wazir approved of this suggestion, still prudence prevailed, and he replied

that the Pathins were too many and too powerful to be attacked, and as

they might gain the upper hand, the project had better be postponed till

some more fitting opportunity. It was enough to be thankful for that the

mother of K4im Khan, her sons, and her principal chelas had fallen into

their hands. When the Wazir with his retinue drew near to Mau, he saw

enough to convince him that what he had foretold was true, for all the

Afghans, whether infantry or horsemen, were drawn up on foot, with

rockets, arrows, and matchlocks, ready to repel any attack. Without

_ 1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Parrukhabad. 55

attempting to interfere with them, the Wazir continued his advance east-

wards along the banks of the Ganges till he came to Yaktitganj, some six

miles south-east of the city of Farrukhabad, and there he encamped.

Rajah Naval Rae marched through the town of Shamsabad, and on reach-

ing the city of Farrukhabad, went to the fort, where for some reason he re-

mained. When he saw the fort and buildings, he exclaimed—“ With places

“like this they presumed to give themselves out for Bdwan Hazdris (com-

“ manders of fifty-two thousand) ; the fort is just like that of a petty zamin-

“dar.” He made other similar depreciatory remarks. Next morning he

marched and rejoined the Wazir at Yakutganj. Then, like as the fowler scat-

ters grain to lure the birds into his net, so the Nawab Wazir entertained the

Bibi Sahiba, the five sons, and the five chelas with costly food, and furnish-

ed them with supplies of every description. Meanwhile he put off a final

decision from day to day on various pretexts. very day they looked for

investiture with the khila’t, to be followed by dismissal to their homes.

Several days passed in this way. One night the Wazir asked Naval Rae for

his advice. His opinion was that the chelas should be fettered, and that

the Wazir should march for Delhi taking them with him. On his depar-

ture, Naval Rade said, he would seize the mother of Kaim Khan and the five

young Nawabs, whom he would send off to the fortress of Allahabad. The

Wazir approved of these proposals. Next day the five chelas* were seized,

and placed upon elephants. The army then marched stage by stage past

Muhamdabad+} and through Sarae Aghatt on its return to Delhi.

‘After the departure of the Wazir, one day the Kayath sent for the five

sons,§ and with deceptive words he began to extol the greatness, the glory,

the bravery and the generosity of their family. Then getting up himself

on some pretext, he said to an attendant in his confidence, “ I will return

“jin a moment, bring the dresses of honour for the princes (Séhibzddas).”

Having said this he went away. Suddenly Mir Muhammad Salah, accom.

panied by a number of fully armed men, with iron chains and a blacksmith,

entered behind the princes. Nawab Husain Khan who was also of the Shia

(Imamiya) sect, said to Mir Muhammad Saladh, “ Was there no one else

“ with this unbeliever, O Mir Sahib! that you should accept this service ;

“it is strange that a man of your race|| should perform such an unworthy

* (1) Shamsher Khan, (2) Ja’far Khén, (3) Mukim Khan, (4) Islém Khan, (5)

Sardar Khién.

¢ Thirteen miles west of Farrukhabad, on the Mainpuri road.

t In Parganah ’Azamnagar, about 26 miles west of Farrukhabad.

§ 1, Imam Khan, 2, Husain Khén, 3, Fakhr-ud-din Khan, 4, Ism@’il Khan, and

5, Karimdad Khan.

| ¢. @, a Sayyad or descendant of the Prophet.

56 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farvukhdbdd. [No. 2,

“ office ; had we only arms by us, we should try first what our swords could

do.” Having said this, he stretched out his feet to be fettered, and each

of the other princes, out of affection for his brothers, claimed to be ironed

first. This indignity having been completed, they were placed in litters

under guard, and forwarded to the fort at Allahabad. The news of their

arrest spread consternation and despair amongst all the Afghans.

By direction of the Wazir, Rajah Naval Rae now took up his quarters

at Kannauj, forty miles south-east of Farrukhabad, near the junction of

the Kadlinadi with the Ganges. This place was selected as being midway

between the two Subahs of Audh and Allahdébaéd and the new territory ac-

quired from the Bangash family. Naval Rae lived in the Motiya Mahal,

built by the founder of the large sarde at Miran-ki-Sarde, which he re-chris_

tened the Rang Mahal. Directly under his orders he had forty thousand

horsemen. ‘There were in addition the troops commanded by Nawab Baka-

ullah Khan, Amir Khani Nawab ’At4-ullah Khan, former ruler of ’Azimd-

bad, Mirza ’Ali Kuli Khan, Mirza Muhammad Ali Kochak, Mirza Najaf

Beg, Mirza Mashadi, Aka Muhammad Bakir Yarmani, Mir Kudrat’Ali Khan

Daipuri,* Mir Muhammad Salah Miranpuri.t From Kannauj were des-

patched subordinate rulers (dmils) and collectors of revenue (sazdwals)

with orders to proclaim from lane to lane through all the villages the de-

feat and degradation of the Pathans. These agents, in their rapacity,

acting even in excess of their instructions, began to levy fines from every

inhabited place up to the confines of the towns of Shamsdbad, ’Atdepur

and Kaimganj. The town of Mau alone escaped. It owed its safety to

the number of Pathans inhabiting it, of the tribes of Bangash, Afridi,

Toyah, Khatak, Ghilzai, Warakzai, Kochar, Dilazak, Khalil and Mahmand,

These stood ready day and night to repel force by force, but they refrained

from beginning hostilities, for fear of injury to the Bibi Sahiba who re-

mained in the custody of Naval Rae.

It was arranged that Munshi Sahib Rae, an old servant of the Bangash

family, who knew Naval Rae before, should be sent to him. Being of the

same caste and having already made Naval Rée’s acquaintance at Delhi, in

a few days he managed to be admitted to the drinking bouts, which took

place every night in the Rang Mahal after business was over. One night

Naval Rae got drunk, and knowing a little of the Shdstras began to talk

on religion, boasting also of his bravery. Séhib Rae, pretending to be

* Daipur is in Parganah Kannavj, it is the easternmost village adjoining the first

village in the Cawnpur parganah of Bilhor.

+ This Miraénpur is, I suppose, the town in the Barha Sadat of the Muaffarnagar

district, 16 miles cast of Khatauli, The ’Améd-us-Si’dat (p. 48), tells us he was a Barha

Sayyad.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. 57

equally drunk, replied that all this talk was flatly contradicted by his

acts, which were directly opposed to the Shastras. Naval Rae asserted that

up to that day he had done no act forbidden by the Dharm-Shastra, Sahib

Rae said— What direction of the Dharm-Shastra is this then, by which

“you vex poor innocent women, if this is sanctioned by the words of any

“saint or sage, then quote the passage.” Naval Rae denied that he had

injured any woman. Sahib Rae at once seized the opportunity and said,

“To-day I saw a woman in prison said to be a Pathani, I have heard she

“has done no harm; where, then, are your pious pretensions, you who have

“a woman and a widow in your custody. Even admitting she is guilty,

“you are now in full and peaceable occupation of this territory, and keep-

“ing the widow is quite unnecessary.” Naval Rae at the time thought

this reasoning just, and, it being then midnight, he told Sahib Rae to go and

release her. Sahib Rae replied that without an order in writing her guards

would not let hergo. Then Naval Rae, stupified as he was, attached his seal

to an order of release. Sahib Rade hurried to the entrance gate, showed the

order to the sentries and gave them some money. He then urged the Bibi

Sahiba to lose not a moment, and she getting out her bullock rath started at

once. They made such good speed that they reached Mau, a distance of

sixty-one miles, in the space of nine hours, and when they got there one of

the bullocks dropped down dead. At Kannauj, when morning broke, Sahib

Rae forestalled every one by enquiring from Naval Rae whether during the

night he had ordered the release of the Bibi Sahiba or not. When Naval

Rae replied that he had not done so, Sahib Rae produced the written order.

He upbraided Sahib Rae for having tricked an old friend, but Sahib Rade

retorted that he placed his duty to his salt before friendship. Naval Rae

ordered him out of his presence and despatched five hundred horsemen to

bring back the Pathani, They rode as far as Nabiganj and the Kali river,

but did not find her. The Kayath then wrote to the Wazir an account of

her escape in which he screened himself as best he could.*

The oppressions of Naval Rae’s subordinates proceeded beyond all

bounds, and the Afghans began to concert together measures of resis-

tance. A final outrage goaded them into revolt. One day a woman took

some thread to the bazar for sale; and a Hindu in the service of Naval

Rae bought and paid for it. The woman took the money and spent it. A

month afterwards the purchaser brought back the thread and wished to

return it, The woman said she could not give back the price, nor was it

the custom to give things back after a month. The Hindu used abusive

* Life of H. R. R. pp. 36, 37. The last part of p. 36, and top of p. 37, is all

wrong. Naval Rae did not necd to pass through Mau, nor was he waylaid at three

kos from that place.

58 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,

language, she replied in similar terms ; whereupon he took off his shoe and

struck her. She began to beat her head and breast, and went to the principal

Pathdns, telling them it had been better if God had granted daughters only

to Muhammad Khan, and she called down God’s curse on them, the turban-

wearers, for allowing her, the wife of an Afridi, to be beaten with a shoe

by a Hindu from the Kotwali (police post).* Rustam Khan, a wealthy

Afridi, and several of the leaders from each twman went to the Bibi Sahiba’s

entrance gate, and told her that they would no longer submit in silence to

the oppression of Naval Rae. She asked their plans. They told her that

if she would place one of her sons at their head to lead them on to victory,

they would attack Rajah Naval Rae. She counselled them to dismiss such

idle thoughts from their minds, for how could she join them while five of

her sons were in the fort at Allahabad, and five of her principal chelas in

prison at Delhi. When Rustam Khan and the others found the Bibi

Sahiba turned a deaf ear to them, they resolved on other plans,

Nawib Ahmad Khin Ghalib Jang.

Ahmad Khan, second son of Nawab Muhammad Khan, during the

lifetime of his elder brother, Kaim Khan, lived for some time at Delhi. He

had taken a farming lease of five parganahs, Sakrawah and others, from

his brother Kéim Khan. Instead of remitting the revenue he spent it on

a silver howdah, such as none but Kdéim Khan used, and caused a fan of

peacock’s feathers to be waved over his head. Mahmid Khan Bakhshi

denounced Ahmad Khan to Nawab Kaéim Khan, and at his instigation a

thousand horse were despatched to Sakrawah with orders to eut off Ahmad

Khan’s head. Having received word of their approach Ahmad Khan

escaped to Rudain in Parganah Kampil, thirty miles north-west of Far-

rukh4bad, where his father-in-law lived, and thence he made his way to

Delhi, where he placed himself under the protection of Ghazi-ud-din Khan

Firiz Jang. When the war with the Rohelas broke out, he managed with

the connivance of Firiz Jang to escape from Delhi at midnight, without

receiving the Emperor’s permission. We have already mentioned the part

he took in the campaign.

After the confiscation of the territory and the return of the Wazir to

Delhi, Ahmad Khan lived in retirement at Farrukhabad in his house, known

till a few years ago as the “ Kacha Kila’ ” (the mud fort), near the Bihisht

Bagh. He could barely afford to keep two servants and a boy Ramzani,

the son of an old servant of the house. Some months passed in this ways

when one day in the month of Sawan (July) fifteen men from Mau, each

* Amad-us Sa’dat, p. 46, fromline 2. Ahmad Khan was I believe at Farrukhaébad,

so I have omitted his name from this story, the scene of which is Mau,

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 59

with a slave behind him, rode in at midday and dismounted. Ahmad Khan

when he saw them was greatly perplexed to know what it meant. The

Pathans saluted him, and he asked their errand. For fear of Naval Rae’s

spies, who prowled about the city, they said they had come to make some

wedding purchases. ‘The Nawab ordered food to be got ready for them,

The visitors then said they wished to talk to the Nawab in private. The

two khidmatgars and the boy Ramzani were turned out, and the chain was

put on the female apartments. The discussion endured for some five hours,

during which Ramzani was called in to fill hugga after hugqa. Whenever

he went in, all the Pathdns stopped speaking. From the sounds which came

out through the doors, it appeared that the Nawab was maintaining an

argument with them, to some things he agreed, others he disputed. It ap-

peared afterwards that the Nawab had told them he had no confidence in

them ; as they had forsaken Kéim Khan on the field of battle, so would

they forsake him. Then they put up their hands respectfully and pledged

themselves never to quit him in the hour of danger, they would either con-

quer or die. The Nawab demanded an oath from them and they solemnly

swore fidelity to him on the holy Kuran.

A little before sunset the Pathans said they must go, there being little

daylight left in which to make their purchases, and the next day they

must return to Mau. They mounted and went away to the Tirpolya Bazar

where each bought what he wanted. Naval Rde’s spies and patrols chal-

lenged them, but they said they had come to buy cloth in the bazar. They

were really Rustam Khan and a deputation of Pathans from Mau. They

stopped the night at Ahmad Khan’s and finally obtained his adherence to

their plans. They then returned to Mau.

In a few days a messenger, Ghul Miyan, came from the Bibi Sahiba

asking Ahmad Khan to come to Mau. Hiring eight kahars and having

his old palki, the pole of which was nearly in two, tied together with rope,

he set out for Mau. There he paid his respects to the Bibi Sahiba and

presented his nazar. Apparently she had been talked over, and was now

eager for an attack on Naval Rée. The only difficulty was the want of

funds.

Rustam Khan Afridi, on condition of a grant of the half of any terri-

_ tory recovered, brought out all the ready money he possessed to the extent

of some thousands of rupees. This money was divided according to their

need among his brothers and the several commanders (LTwmandir). Ten

thousand rupees were sent to Nawab Ahmad Khan for his more pressing

expenses. In return the Nawab conferred on Rustam Khan the dignity of

Bakhshi, or Commander-in-Chief, and sent him a robe of investiture of

seven pieces, A well-to-do Kurmi, named Ghassa, of Chaloli, close to

60 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Karrukhabdad. [No. 2,

Kaimganj, was induced on receipt of a revenue-free grant of that village to

make an advance of several thousand rupees. Some money is also said* to

have been obtained by the plunder of a trader’s house in a town sixteen kos

from Mau, where seventy bags of rupees and one bag of gold had just

been received from Lakhnau.

After some money had been collected in these various ways, the Nawab

set up his standard in the Moti Bagh in Chaloli. His force soon amounted

to six thousand men, which rumour magnified into fifty thousand. Here

the Bibi Sahiba invested Ahmad Khan with a khilat as reigning Nawab,

and the Pathans presented their offerings. Ghassi Kurmi was sent to

attack the Thana of Shamsabdd, some five or six miles east of Mau. On

the same day men, who were told off for the purpose, fell upon all Naval

Rae’s thanas and overpowered his men.

Nine days after the first rising Ahmad Khan brought out all his cash

and placed it in a tent. He then proclaimed by beat of drum that he

who could not support himself would be permitted, after his third fast, to

take from this money, if a footman, one and a quarter anna, if a horseman,

three annas. ‘To take more was prohibited ; and those who were well off took

nothing. The army, now swollen to some twelve thousand horsemen and

twelve thousand foot, marched from the Moti Bagh, and in five days reached

the Jasmai gate at Farrukhabad, where they halted near the house of Miyan

’Ali Shah. The rains of Bhadwan (July—August) were falling, and as

protection against the continuous wet weather, some put up mats, some reed

screens, some blankets, and some sheets. There were some even who had

nothing and camped in the open. Proposals to attack the Bamtelas of

Rashidpur, who had taken possession of .some of the vacant forts in the

city, were brought forward but rejected by the Nawab. In his opinion

there was no need of entangling themselves in such brambles before they

had overcome Naval Rae. The march was resumed and the next halt was

at Amanabad, parganah Bhojpur, about six miles south of Farrukhabad

on the Cawnpir road.

Battle of Khiidaganj and death of Naval Rae.

A short time after the first rising, word had been brought to Naval

Rae at Kannauj that the Pathans of Mau had risen and had surprised all his

thinas. Naval Rae began by using strong language about stripping naked

all those Pathan bakers (ndnpaz) and vegetable sellers (kunjra) including

their women ; and he swore they should all be trodden to death under the

* ’Amad-us-Sa’dat, p. 46.

¢ Of the kind called Dalel-Khani, so made that, however strong the wind blows

or however heavy the rain is, it will neither fall nor leak,

1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhibad. 61

feet of elephants. Then he ordered out his artillery and camp equipage,

and marched westwards from Shéhab4d—Kannauj, at the head of an immense

force, with one thousand cannon of all sorts, large and small. He pushed

on to the Kali river as quickly as possible, and crossing it pitched his camp

on the left bank near Khudaganj, seventeen miles south-east of Farrukha-

bid and twenty miles north-west of Kannauj.* Soon after this, letters

from the Wazir arrived, announcing his own approach and giving orders

that till the two forces had joined, the attack was to be postponed. The

Wazir’s words were, that if any of the wild beasts, z. e., the Pathans, survived

the battle, he would tie stones round their necks and drown them in the

river, not one of their seed should be left alive in Hindustan. Naval Rade

proceeded to carry out these orders. Hecaused a ditch to be dug round

his camp, and posting his guns all round his entrenchment, he secured them

to each other by chains. Heralds (nakvb) were sent to proclaim aloud

from tent to tent the Wazir’s instructions, and the army was warned that

any one engaging the enemy would come under the displeasure of the

’ Wazir and the Rajah.

Meanwhile, on the Bangash side, at Rustam Khan’s suggestion, Nawab

Ahmad Khan ordered a march eastwards. His personal troops were under

the command of his son, Mahmid Khan, then about fifteen years of age,

and there were other contingents under Zu’lfikar Khan, Khan Samaén Khan,

Jamal Khan, Muhammad Mah Khan, Bahadur Khan, Roshan Khan, Mak-

han Khan, ’Abd-ur-rahim Khan, Birahim Khan Kashmiri, Yar Khan of

Daipur and Mirza Anwar Beg. There were also the following chelas of

Nawab Muhammad Khan, Ghazanfar Jang, viz., Haji Sarfariz Khan,

Ranmast Khan, Sarmast Khan, Namddr Khan the elder, Namdar Khan the

younger, Sherdil Khan, Nahardil Khan, Jowahir Khan, Salabat Khan,

Hafizullah Khan, Bara Khan, Pahar Khan, the five sons of Shamsher

Khan, two sons of Mukim Khan, ’Usman Khan, son of Islim Khan, also

Mahtab Khan and Dilawar Khan Jantibi. The Pathdns encamped about

two miles from the army of Naval Rae. The site of the encampment was,

tradition says, at Rajeptr on the metalled road, three miles north-west of

Khudaganj.

To reinforce Naval Rae, the Wazir had on the 27th and 28th Sha’ban

(21st and 22nd July, 1750), detached a force of twenty thousand men under

Nasir-ud-din Haidar, Isma’il Beg, Muhammad Ali Khan Risaldar, Rajah

* The author of the ‘“’ Amad-us-Sa’dat”’ tells us (p. 47,) that to the Kali river are

ascribed miraculous properties. When only knee-deep, if you beat the kettle-drums, it

rises over an elephant’s head. He offers the rationalistic explanation that the bottom

is yielding, and soon gets trodden into a quagmire, so that any one afterwards crossing

by the same passage would sink in,

62 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawébs of Farrwkhabad. [No. 2,

Debi Datt, Faujdar of Koil, and others. When Rajah Jaswant Singh of

Mainpuri* heard that this force had reached Sakitt he sent word of its

approach to Nawab Ahmad Khan, telling him that in one day it would

reach Mainpuri, and unless he finished with Naval Rae at once, he would be

attacked both in front and rear. On receiving this intelligence the Nawab

sent for Rustam Khan and Sardar Khan Pathans and told them the news.

They said they were ready. The Nawab replied “To-morrow, putting our

trust in the mercy of God, we must attack the enemy, and let events take

their course.”

Ghul Miyan, a clever spy, was sent disguised as a faqir to reconnoitre

the enemy’s camp. He found no place unprotected with cannon, except one

entrenchment held by Sayyads of ‘Barah, which lay quite at the back of

the camp, to the south, on the banks of the Kalinadi. Ghul Miyan return-

ed to the Nawab and reported that this place was guarded by five hundred

anatchlockmen only, but to reach it would entail a détour of three kos. He

promised to conduct the Nawab to the spot.

Accordingly, at three hours after sunset on Thursday the 9th Ramzan

1163 H. (1st August 1750), Abmad Khan having ejaculated a “‘ Bism-cllah’»

got into his palki and set out, followed by twelve thousand Pathans on foot

and twelve hundred horsemen. Rustam Khan was posted on his left.

Heavy rain was falling at the time. Ghul Miyan took them up to the right

hand a distance of three os, in order that the tramp of the horses’ hoofs

might not reach the ears of the enemy. In this way the front of Naval

Rae’s camp was avoided, and they got round in his rear near to the Kali where

was the position held by the five hundred Sayyads. This spot is said to

have been on the boundary of the two villages of Kaitha and Gangni, about

a mile west of the town of Khudaganj.

At an hour and a half before sunrise, Ghul Miyan pointed out to the

Nawab the Sayyads’ battery infront. The Sayyads heard the talking and

said to each other, that it seemed as if the Pathans were coming to the

attack, and they redoubled their vigilance. Then the Pathans made a

rush, and from both sides matchlocks were discharged and swords used.

The rain increased the confusion, for it was difficult to hear what one man

said to another. An alarm passed through the camp that the Pathans had

effected an entry into one of the entrenchments. At the time it was so

dark that you could not tell friend from foe. Then the artillerymen began

to fire their guns altogether at random, those on the west fired to the west,

those on the north to the north, and those on the south to the south.

* Gaz. N. W. P. IV, 650. Rajah from 8. 1783 to S. 1814 (1726-1757 A. D.)

+ In Parganah Hta-Sakit of the Eta district about twenty miles north-west of

Mainpuri.

1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. 63

The Sayyads succeeded in repulsing the Pathans, who fled some distance.

Ahmad Khan cursed them and cried out—‘ Have you brought me here

“only to see you run away, to-morrow your wives will be dishonoured and

“ yourselves stripped naked.” Then he drew his knife, intending to sacri-

fice his life, as he disdained to leave the place alive. Rustam Khan Afrfdj

and other leading Pathans dissuaded him. The Nawab replied that, since

they had come to fight to the death, they must all dismount and precede him

on foot, he should then know that they meant to slay or be slain. The

Path4ns consented, and they all dismounted. It is well known that when a

horseman dismounts to fight on foot, the case is desperate and he will then

neither give nor receive quarter. The Pathans made themselves ready by

tying the skirts of their heavy plaited coats (jaémah) round their waists,

and taking shield and sword in hand, they advanced to renew the attack.

Some of the Sayyads were killed, the rest fled and the battery was cleared.

The whole of the Pathans thus made their way into the enemy’s camp, and

penetrated to Naval Rae’s enclosed tents (swrdcha) where the troops were

few, the main body being distributed from point to point to guard the

batteries. A messenger reported to Naval Rae that the Pathans having

driven back the Sayyads had entered the camp. Their weapons were now

clashing at his own entrancedoor. As Naval Rae never went out without

saying his prayers, after hearing the report he sat down to worship, saying,

“ Tt is no matter, I will soon seize the whole of these vegetable sellers in

“the corner of my bow.” ‘The messenger came and made a second report,

shouting out disrespectfully, “O youidiot! Here yousit while the Pathans

“ cut down the enclosure to your tent.”” Thus urged to action Naval Rée

armed himself. ‘Then he sent for and mounted one of the two elephants,

which stood at his door day and night caparisoned with cloth of gold how-

dahs. We had two quivers full of arrows attached to his howdah and two

bows. Putting two arrows at a time into his bow, he sent them at the

Pathdns, calling out ‘“ Mér more sére kunjron ko’ (kill me all these vege-

table sellers.) Fighting was still going on when the day broke on Friday

morning, the 10th Ramzan. On this side Ahmad Khan was seated up in

his palki, protected by the Pathans with their shields, lest some bullet or

arrow should hit him. There were fifty or sixty Kahars to carry the palki

and one of them was wounded by a spent ball.

Rustam Khan and Muhammad Khin Afridi,* with one thousand horse

and four thousand foot, had meanwhile come up to the spot where Naval

Rae was standing in a group of three or four hundred men, with six or

seven elephants. They paid little attention to this small group, and advan-

ced in search of Naval Rae. They had gone only a few paces when a

* Amad-us-Sa’dat. p. 47, half way down,

G4 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nuwidbs of Farrukhibdd. [No. 2,

Pathan of Naval Rée’s escort threw a “ hashpelai,”* calling out in Pushtu,

“O infidels ! where are you going, are you blind, let no one approach, for

“these are chiefs and leaders.”” They heard the “ hashpelai,” but did not

understand the words. Muhammad Khan’s brother, who had lately come

from Afghanistan, translated them, Muhammad Khan ordered his men to

ride at the group, while the footmen discharged their firelocks. Many of

the enemy were disabled but the rest advanced. Then Naval Rae made use

of abusive language, and said, ‘‘O you vegetable sellers! I will thrash you,

“ you scamps, step by step out of this country.’’ As he spoke he let fly an

arrow which grazed Muhammad Khan’s chest. Taking the arrow in his

hand, Muhammad Khan said, “ O arrow of an impotent man ! is this all

“ you can do ?”? When the other heard this, he fired a second arrow which

would have been fatal to Muhammad Khan, had it not struck a youth near

him in the neck, so that he fell off his horse. Then a Sayyad of Barha,

Muhammad Salah, advanced and said, “ Maharaj! I do not say the Pathans

“ will deceive, it is not necessary to show mercy, let us do all we can against

“them.” He had spoken thus far, when a slave of Muhammad Khan’s

father fired off his piece, and hit the Sayyad on the forehead so that he

expired in his howdah. ‘Then one of the Afridis killed Naval Rade with a

musket shot, After this the Pathans advanced and put many to the sword.

The elephant driver, on seeing that Naval Rae was dead, drove the elephant

into the Kali; it swam across and bolted with its driver to Kannauj. When

the Rajaih’s army saw that their leader was killed or wounded and had re-

treated, they too began to give way. ‘Thousands of horsemen and foot

soldiers fled. Those who could swim or were well mounted escaped across

the Kali; those who were poorly mounted were drowned. The victory was

most unexpected both by the Pathans and on Naval Rae’s side.

After the fight but before the kettle-drums had beaten the triumphal

march, Muhammad Khan went to the quarters of the money dealers.

In a small tent he found several fat bunyas playing at “ chaupar.” On

seeing him, they said, “Come in, tell us, are the Pathans yet retreating,

“or are they still where they were ?” The poor wretches thought he was

one of their side, for they never dreamt of Ahmad Khan having conquered.

Muhammad Khan told them that Naval Rae was dead, far and near Ahmad

Khan now ruled, and they had apparently been dreaming to remain in such

ignorance. They turned pale when they heard the news. Soon after forty

or fifty Pathdns coming up wished to slay the owners of the tent. The

bunyas in their fright said they had boxes of gold coins and rupees, which they

would give up to be let go, they had been subjects of Safdar Jang and would

* Called in Hindi “ alghoza ;” two races use them, Mewdtis and Afghans; they

are made out of a piece of cane or bamboo.—’ Amdd-us-Sa’ dat,

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. 65

be loyal subjects of Ahmad Khan. The Pathins proposed to get these

boxes first, and then kill the men. This Muhammad Khan forbade. Then

plunderers arriving from all sides, Muhammad Khan put the slave who shot

Muhammad Salah with several Afridis in charge, and took the Hindus to his

eamp. ‘There he reported to Rustam Khan, who sent off three hundred

footmen to guard the tent and bring away the boxes, in which there was a

large amount of money.

Meanwhile an elephant of Naval Rae’s, with a gilt howdah and gold

brocade trappings, had been found in the camp. The Pathdns were about

to slay its keeper, when with great presence of mind he drove his elephant

up to Ahmad Khan’s palki, and making it kneel he congratulated the Nawab

on his victory and requested him to mount. The Pathans approved of this

idea, and pushed the driver off with the ends of their sticks, thus sparing

his life. At the time Ramzani was holding the side of the Nawab’s pdalki

in order to steady it. The Nawab ordered him to mount the elephant. He

obeyed, and though not used to elephants, he managed to drive it off.

Plunder of the camp then began, the Nawab’s orders being that elephants,

cannons, tents and kettle-drums were his, the rest belonged to the seizer.

The amount of plunder was so great, that several men acquired property

worth as much as one lakh of rupees (£10,000).

In this battle, besides Naval Rae and Mir Muhammad Salah already

named, ’Ata-ullah Khan* and many principal men lost their lives. The

author of the “ Tabsirat-un-nazirin” gives the names of as many as thirty-

seven Sayyads and Shekhs of Bilgram in Audh, who lost their lives on this

fatal day.

Nawab Bakaullah Khan, who had been summoned in great haste,

had left Makhanpur, about fourteen miles south of Kannauj, on Thurs-

day the 9th Ramzan (1st August, 1750). That night he was at Kannauj,

and next day, the 10th (2nd August, 1750), starting before daybreak,

they had arrived within four kos of Naval Rae’s camp, when suddenly

fugitives began to pour in. Rae Partap Singh, who had been wounded,

was the first to report fully the disaster. Bakaullah Khan halted for two

or three hours, and thinking his force too small for an advance, he retreated

on Kannauj in order to remove Rajah Naval Rae’s women and children.

With these, accompanied by the Rajah’s corpse, and such elephants and

_ horses and other property as they could collect, they set out on their retreat.

The fugitives from the battle-field followed them, among others Rde Partap

* Son-in-law of Haji Ahmad, the brother of Allah Wardi Khan Mahabat Jang?

ruler of Bengal. He had been Faujdar of Bhigulpir and had held other appointments

fill having quarrelled with his uncle, he came to Audh,—J. Scott, Ferishta II. 343-351.

Seir Mutagherin, I, 458,

66 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

Singh and Husain ’Ali Khan, who had both been wounded. On the way

all that could be removed was carried away from Bithtr. On Saturday the

11th (8rd August 1750), they came to Muhsinpur, some five miles west of

Cawnpur. Next day they arrived at Jajmau, six or seven miles east of

Cawnpur on the Ganges, and on the 14th (6th August, 1750), they were at

Kanpur, a place five kos from Kora. ‘Thence the late Rajah’s family was

sent across the Ganges towards Lakhnau; while Bakaullah Khan took up

a defensive position at Kora.

The morning after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan’s army had swollen

to sixty thousand men, including the Sahibzadas, the chelas, the men of the

Bangash clan, the traders and villagers of all sorts. When the Bamtelas,

who had occupied the fort at Farrukhabad heard the news, they were alarmed

and fled to their villages.

After the battle Ahmad Khan sent one of his father’s chelas whom he

trusted, his name was Bhure Khan, with five hundred matchlockmen, to

take possession of Kannauj. His orders were to occupy the fort of Naval

Rae called the Rang Mahal, and to take care of all the property. These

instructions were thoroughly carried out. There were hundreds of thousands

of rupees in cash, and a very large quantity of grain stored. Rahm Khan,

chela, used to say that his father, Dilawar Khan, then very young, visited

Kannauj a few days after the battle, and at the commander’s invitation he

went into the Rang Mahal. There were no people in it, but bags of rupees

and gold coins were scattered about. There were gold brocade curtains,

the doors and lintels were plated with silver and gold, there was a jewelled

‘bedstead with pillows of velvet, and the basons and covers were of gold

studded with jewels. Dilawar Khan lived all his life on the proceeds of

the things he carried away with the kila’dar’s permission, and at his death

he left a house and a pot full of gold coins.

Nawadb Ahmad Khan returned to Farrukhabad with great splendour.

Sending for the Bibi Sahiba, his step mother, from Mau, he presented her

with offerings. He sent out his parties to occupy posts (thdnas) in all

the thirty-three mahdls, and removed from Kannauj the whole of the pro-

perty he had confiseated.

A local poet, Bhabuti Bhat of ’Ataipur, parganah Kaimganj, produced

the following ode on the occasion, for which the Nawab gave him a village

in ndnkar.

*Ajab wuh Sahib-i-kudrat hai, jin-ne jag samhara hai,

Khuda hai, pék-maula hai, wuhi parwardigéré hai ;

Khara bandah, kamr kas-kar, ghanim upar liye lashkar

Lagi uski ’ajab chakkar, ghariri ka khaméré hai,

Naval se mard ghazi ko na puchhi bat p4ji ko,

Nayal se mard ghazi ko pahunch, goli se mér4 hai,

1879 ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhibad. 67

Naval haudah se mukh mora, kahin hathi, kahin ghora ;

Kabail bhi kahin chhor4 na sar cher samhdra hai,

Chalen topdn dharadhar se, rahkli bhi parapar se,

Shutr-n4len tardtar se, tahavvar ka pahdra hai,

Chalen tiren sans-sans, chali goli manan man man,

Katen bakr jhanan jhan jhan, pari talwar dhara hai,

Bhabuti nim hai mera, ’Ataipur men derd hai

Yihi hai mo-k4-kheré, tale Gangé kinara hai.

Advance of the Waztr.

Shortly after the first rising of the Pathans, word had been brought of

it to the Wazir at Delhi. On the 12th Sha’ban 1163 H (6th July, 1750),

he marched out of Delhi and crossing the Jumna began his preparations.

On the 27th and 28th Sha’ban (21st and 22nd July, 1750), he despatched

troops under Nasir-ud-din Haidar to reinforce Naval Rae. On the last day

of the month, a Tuesday (23rd July, 1750), he returned to Delhi and a

second time took leave of the Emperor. He then marched with a large

force of his own troops, some thirty thousand men under Suraj Mall Jat

of Bhartpur, whom he had taken into his pay, and contingents under Nawab

Najm-ud-daula Muhammad Ishék Khan, Darogha of the Nazil,* Sher

Jang, Mir Nasir-ud-din Haidar,t Mirza Muhammad Ali Khan Kochak,

and Mirza Najaf Beg.§ Isma’il Beg Khan, chela, "Ise Beg Khan

* His sister, in her old age so well known as the Bhéio Begam of Faizibéd, was.

married to Shuja-ud-daula, Safdar Jang’s son. Najm-ud-daula, whose name was Mirza

Muhammad, was the eldest sonjof Muhammad Ishék Khan Miitaman-ud-daula (died

2nd Safar 1154 H.—%th April, 1741).

¢ Sayyad Nasir Muhammad Khan, son of Saydédat Khan, the brother of Sa’dat

Khan, Burhan-ul-Mulk.

} He and Safdar Jang had married two sisters, the daughters of Sa’dat Khan

Burhén-ul-Mulk. He was the son of Safdar Jang’s maternal aunt.

§ This is the man who afterwards played such a prominent part at the Court of

Delhi from 1771 till his death on the 22nd April, 1782. He left Shuji’ -ud-daula’s

service after the assassination of Muhammad Kuli Khan, Naib of Allahabad.

His descent and family connections are shown in the subjoined table—

Najaf Khan

m. daughter of Shah Sulaiman.

Mir Said Muhammad.

{

Mir Said Abi,

= l i a TA

Mirza Ismail Mirza Najaf Dauchter

m. Fatima Begam, full sister Khan. 0d. at m. to Mirza Muhsin,

to N. Muhammad Kuli Khan and Isfahan. brother of Safdar Jang,

daughter of “Izzat-ud-daula Mir-

za Muhsin, elder brother of Saf-

dar Jang.

68 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhibid. [No. 2,

chela,* Ag& Muhammad Bakir Yarmani,t Mirza Mashadi Beg and Mir

Na’im Khan,

After they had, in three or four days’ time, reached two stages from

Delhi, the defeat of Naval Rae was reported. The Wazir flew into a great

rage and cursed that vain-glorious drunkard for not having awaited the

reinforcements, when it would not have been possible for those peasants, the

Pathans, to have wrested a victory. Saying this he struck his hands in

despair on the cushion on which he was seated, and then exhausted, dropping

his head upon the pillow, he fell into extreme perplexity. Meanwhile Isma’il

Beg Khan who had been sent to reinforce Naval Rae, having reached Main-

puri, heard from his spies of the death of Naval Rae, and retreating at once

rejoined the Wazir’s main army, which was encamped near the town of

Marahra.t

Execution of the Five Princes.

When the Wazir raised his head from his pillow, he called for a secre-

tary, and directed him to write to the Shekh in command at the Allahabad

fort, directing him on receipt of the order to put to death with every indig-

nity the five sons of Nawab Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang who were

in his custody. Another order was sent to the Wazir’s son, Jalal-ud-din

Haidar (afterwards known as Shuja’-ud-daula), then at Delhi, tellite him ws

decapitate the five chelas, sending their heads to the Wazir.

According to the Wazir’s orders, the stony-hearted Shekh, forgetting

God and God’s prophet, took with him several misbegotten wretches and

went to the prisoners. When these beheld their murderers, Nawab Imém

Khan said to the Shekh—“O Shekh! after the death of Kaéim Khan I

“ was raised to the masnad, to kill me is your duty, but these four brothers

“‘of mine are quite innocent, you should postpone their death till the

“Wazir’s order can be repeated.’”’ The Shekh turned a deaf ear to this

* There is a Shuja’ Kuli Khan alias Miyan Ise, a chela, mentioned in the “ Tab-

sirdt-un-ndzirin” (year 1177), and in the ’Amad-us-Sa’dat (p. 88,) who may be the

same as this man.

+ The Tabsirat-un-nazirin (year 1177), names a Mir Bakir Yamani as one of

Shuja’-ud-daula’s leaders in the Bengal campaign of 1764.

{ Gaz. N. W. P. 155. It lies 12 miles north of the head-quarters of the Eta dis-

trict. The lithographed editions of both the “Siyar-ul-Mutakharin, p. 875, and the

Khizina Amira” p. 80, give distinctly the name Marahra as the town plundered by

the Wazir’s troops on the 18th Ramzén (10th August, 1750). But Elphinstone, p. 650

(fourth edition) says it was the town of Barha, which might be treated as a misreading,

had not Elliot, in his Supplemental Glossary (Roorkee reprint, 1860, p. 110), also stated

that it was the town of Barha which was sacked by Safdar Jang’s men. I believe

Marahra, however, to be correct,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 69

request. The executioners advanced towards the prisoners, and the Nawabs

competed with each other as to who should first offer up his life. When

all five had been slaughtered, the bodies were buried within the fort, and it

was believed that the vows were granted of any one who offered a prayer

at their tomb.*

Execution of the Five Chelas.

The Wazir’s order to put the five chelas to death reached Jalal-ud-din

Haidar, the Wazir’s son (afterwards known as Shuja’-ud-daula) ; and on

the 20th Ramzan (12th August, 1750), he directed their jailor, Zain-ul-

’Abidain, to bring them forth. He went to their prison with a palki and

ealled out—“ O Shamsher Khan! to-night the Wazir has ordered your

“ quarters to be changed, and I have brought a palki to carry you.” The

Khan replied that he knew the place to which he would be taken, and re-

quested that the other four might go first, leaving him the time for wash-

ing the corpse and forthe funeral prayers. Zain-ul ’Abidain had a great

affection for him, but was unable to show it. As requested he took away

the other four chelas in the pdé/ki. When they reached the place of execu-

tion, an order to despatch them having been given, the executioner forth-

with separated their heads from their bodies.

Meanwhile Shamsher Khan bathed, put on new clothes, rubbed them

with scent, and having said the burial prayers for his own death, commen-

ced a recitation of the Kuran. Then Zain-ul-’Abidain returned with the

palki and said ‘‘O Shamsher Khan! arise and enter the palki.” Placing

his Kuran in its cover, he presented it to Zain-ul-’Abidain, and gave him

fifty gold coins to be presented for the table of Murtazza Ali through the

hands of some Sayyad. He put aside his shoes as a gift to any one going

barefooted. He made over his signet ring to his attendant, telling him to

deliver it to Hasan Ali Khan, his son; and his own rosary, with a firdn

to hang round a child’s neck, were for Sher’Ali Khan. Then barefooted he

set out towards the place of execution. Zain-ul ’Abidain urged him to get

into the pd/ki, but he refused, saying, that though many of his slaves had

risen to ride in pdlkis or on elephants, all earthly ambition for him was

now over.

As he reached the place of execution, seeing the dead bodies of his

fellow chelas, he exclaimed, “ Brothers! I will soon follow you.” Jalal-ud-

* The author of the ‘‘ Améd-us-Sa’dat” (p. 45) pretends to throw doubt on the

above story, but Hisim-ud-din says he had it from Sayyad Piydri of Gwaliydr, who was

living in Allahabad at the time. The more popular version is that the five Sahibzddas

were built up alive into one of the walls of the fort.

70 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhdbdd. [No.. 2,

din Haidar on seeing him, said, “Shamsher Khan, where is now your

sword”? In reply he recited these verses—

Haman sher o shamsher-i-burrdn man-am ;

Cha sizam, kih kabza na darad sar-am,

Wagarna turé Khan o manat haris

Ba-yak-dam tab-i-khak kardam ’adam.

Having heard this answer, the prince said to the executioner “ Behead

him.” The executioner made a stroke but missed ; and again a second time

he missed. Turning to a Mughul standing by, Jalal-ud-din Haidar told

him to finish the affair. The Mughul hesitated, but at length drawing, he

made a cut at the neck and severed the head from the body at one blow.

Still reciting the words of martyrdom, the corpse moved ten paces towards

the Ka’ba and then stood still, the fingers of both hands continuing to count _

as before the beads of his rosary. The Mughul was amazed, and approach-

ing the corpse, placed his two hands on its back, saying, ‘“‘O Khan Sahib!

“you are a martyr.’’ On these words being pronounced, the corpse turned

to him and knelt. Then the Mughul began to weep and wail, saying,

“O Jalal-ud-din, the aceursed! I knew not that this man was the greatest

“saint of the age, unjustly have you murdered by my hand this man with-

“out guile.’ Then striking his sword on a stone with such force that he

broke it, and rending his clothes, he fled into desert places.

The prince then caused the five bodies to be thrown into a well, and

filled it up with stones. Next morning by the power of the Almighty there

were found strewn on that well five fresh Ohambeli flowers. Every day

they were replaced by other fresh flowers. At the time that Ahmad Khan

Durrani came to Delhi (1761), Nawab Ahmad Khan went there accompa-

nied by ’Umr ’Ali Khan, son of the martyred Shamsher Khan. One day

his father appeared to him, and said—“ It is now twelve years since I fell

“into a well here, take out my corpse and send it to Farrukhabad, there

“inter it in the mosque beneath the Jéman tree.’ ’Umr ’Ali Khan got

up crying bitterly, for at that time he was much hampered for money. He

could hit upon no plan to procure funds. A few minutes afterwards,

through the wisdom of the Causer of Causes, a money-lender, a friend of

his, came up and asked why he wept. He repeated the dream, and that

good man lent him five hundred rupees. Stone masons were set to work at

the well, and when the corpse was taken up, the clothes looked quite whole,

but were in reality all worn and fell to pieces. The body was put into a

coffin and sent to Farrukhabad, where it was buried in the mosque beneath

the jaman tree. The following verse gives the year of Shamsher Khan’s

death—

Tarikh ba-guft hatif-i-ghaibe kih “‘ ntizdah Ramzdn.” 11638 H.

1879.) W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibéd. at

Defeat of the Wazir.

After having remained a month encamped at Marahra, the Wazir ad-

vanced eastwards and entrenched himself near a place called Ram Chatauni,

seven miles east of Sahawar and five miles west of Patiali.* Suraj Mall

with his troops was on the Wazir’s right wing nearest the van, and Isma’il

Beg Khan commanded on Suraj Mall’s left.

On his side Ahmad Khan had sent urgent requests for assistance to

the Pathans of Shahjahdnpur, Tilhar,f Bareli, Anwalah{ and Jaunptr, in

which last place some friends of his were settled. Ahmad Khan then march-

ed westwards with Rustam Khan Afridi, who at that time had the chief

direction of his affairs. The Nawdb proposed to Rustam Khan that, as

both the Wazir and Suraj Mall were coming against them, they should

divide their forces; and he offered to Rustam Khan the choice of attack.

Rustam Khan replied that Nawab should fight with Nawdb and simple

soldier with simple soldier, he therefore chose Suraj Mall as his antagonist.

Karly in the morning of the 22nd Shawél 1163 H. (18th September,

1750), the attack began by the advance of the detachment of Ismé’il Khan,

chela, and of Suraj Mall Jat with fifty thousand men against Rustam Khan

Afridi. On his left was an eminence, the site of a deserted village.§ Isma’il

Khan and Suraj Mall occupied the foot of this height, and planted several

guns on the top of it, the fire of which commanded the camp of Rustam Khan.

He went off to the Nawd4b and asked for orders to attack. Ahmad Khan

wished the battle postponed, but Rustam Khan pointed out that delay was

impossible, and the enemy being in force he must meet them. He got into

his palki and returned to his men, whom he drew out at once in order of

battle.

When the order to advance was given, the Pathans by one rush carried

the height, sword in hand, and captured the guns. Rustam Khan then dis-

covered at a little distance a large force drawn out in battle array. He

directed the attack to be continued. It was Suraj Mall’s contingent under

his immediate command. Suraj Mall called to his men, “ You must not

* Ram Chatauni is not marked on any map to which I have access, but I believe

it lies within Taluka Mohanpur. There is a well there which is believed to have exist-

ed from the time of the Vedas, and once a year thousands of Hindus assemble there

to bathe.

+ About 12 miles N. W. of Shahjahanpir.

{ Fifteen miles 8. W. of Bareli and in the Bareli district.

§ The authors of the “‘ Lauh” say that the final struggle with Rustam Khan took

place at Atranji Khera (see Gaz. N. W. P. IV, III.) But as itis 14 miles off as the

crow flies from Ram Chatauni, and on the opposite or right bank of the Kali Nadi, I

think they must be wrong.

72 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

“ ficht these Pathans with the sword, at which they are expert, let fly your

“ arrows and discharge your firelocks.” Saying this he withdrew to consult

Tsma’il Beg Khan and Rajih Himmat Singh Bhadauriya,* who were sta-

tioned to the rear by way of reserve. They also were of opinion that the

Pathans should not be allowed to come to close quarters, but that they

should all three join to enclose them on left and right. They then advane-

ed against Rustam Khan in a semicircular form, something like the shape

of a bow.

They began their attack by artillery fire, discharge of matchlocks, and

flights of arrows. Rustam Khan, who was brave as his name, got out of

his palki and joined his Pathans, with his bow in his hand. His arrows

shot down several of the enemy. Then grasping his sword he advanced

followed by his men, who had all dismounted. They despatched a number

of the enemy, nor did they fail in any effort to win the day. They were,

however, outnumbered, and Rustam Khan was slain with six or seven thou-

sand Pathdéns. Suraj Mall and his companions pursued the remainder a

long way in the direction of ’Aliganj, which is twenty-four miles south-east

of the battle field.

Meanwhile, some fos to the right of Rustam Khan, Nawdb Ahmad

Khan was engaged in contest with the Wazir. A messenger came and

whispered to him that Rustam Khan had been defeated and slain. Allow-

ing no sign of fear to betray itself, he turned with calmness to his leaders

and cried with a loud voice :—‘‘ Rustam Khan has gained the day and has

“made prisoners of Suraj Mall Jat, Isma’il Beg and Rajah Himmat Singh,

* Himmat Singh Bhadauriya, son of Gopal Singh, succeeded his father on Jeth S.

2nd Sambat 1800, (1748 A.D.) He died on Jeth B. 5th Sambat 1812, (1755 A. D.)

His principal forts were Bah and Pindhat in the Agra district, Ater on the right bank

of the Chambal, and Bhind some sixteen miles beyond it to the south-east. The two

latter places are now in the Gwailiyar State. The family residences are now at Kacho-

ra and Nauganw, both on the Jamna in the Bah Pinahat parganah of the Agra district

The Rajah’s diwdn gives the following genealogy :

Himmat Singh (son of Gopal Singh).

Bakht Singh.

Partap Singh (adopted son)

Sarnet Singh.

Mahindar Singh (adopted son)

(present Rajah).

The Bhadauryas are said to be a branch of the Chauhans (Elliot, Supp. Glossary

art. Buupourta, p. 79.)

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nuwabs of Farrukhabad. 73

“he will win the palm for bravery from us, let us advance and make a like

“brave fight ; we have the Wazir to meet, and if we prevail our name will

“be great, if we fail, not one of us will be able to look a stranger in the

“face.”? The leaders replied that, by the favour of God Most High and the

Nawab’s good fortune, they would soon show what they coulddo. Hearing

these words repeated by the whole army, the Nawab directed them to offer

up a prayer. Raising up the right hand, they all called upon God for his

blessing and made over their lives to his care. Then rank by rank they

turned upon the foe.

When the two armies met in line, Nasir-ud-din Haidar, who was post-

ed in advance on the enemy’s side with several thousand men, attempted to

open an artillery fire. The advance of the Pathans was, however, so rapid

that little or no execution was done. When they came close, Mustaffa

Khan Mataniya, who was famous among all the Pathans for his prowess in

single combat, challenged the leaders on the other side. Nasir-ud-din

Haidar came forth to meet him. Drawing their swords, they began to

fight ; both fell from their horses, owing to the number of their wounds,

and both expired upon the spot. The enemy, seeing that Nasir-ud-din

Haidar was dead, gave up hope, turned, and fled. - At this moment Nawab

Ahmad Khan came up to where Nasir-ud-din Haidar and Mustaffa Khan’s

dead bodies were lying.

The want of success in the Wazir’s vanguard is attributed to the de-

fection of Kamgar Khan Biloch, faujdar of the environs of Delhi. Acting,

as it is asserted, in collusion with Ahmad Khan, he made no resistance but

turned and fled. When the Wazir perceived that his men were giving way,

he hurried off Muhammad ’Ali Khan Risdld4ér and Nir-ul-Hasan Khan

Jama’dar, Bilgrami,* with his brothers, and ’Abd-un-nabi Khan, chela of

Muhammad Ali Khan, with orders to re-inforce the front. Since, however,

the panic of the Mughuls had become general, the efforts of the newly arrived

troops were fruitless. Muhammad ’Ali Khan then turned away to their

left wing, where three thousand foot were drawn up, with some horsemen

behind them. When the Pathans came to close quarters, Nir-ul-Hasan

and his brothers began using their bows, and the matchlockmen under

*Abd-un-nabi Khan fired off their pieces. They picked off many of the

Pathans, who were thrown into slight confusion, but soon recovered them-

selves. Their advance continued, Muhammad ’Ali Khan was wounded by

a bullet on the right hand, and Nir-ul-Hasan Khan’s elephant received five

* Niur-ul-Hasan Khan was still alive in 1181 H. (May, 1767-1768), and serving

near Arrah in Bengal, see Tubsirat-wn-Nazirin under that year.

—

74 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

sword cuts. In this encounter were slain Mir Ghulam Nabi and Mir ’Azim-

ud-din, Sayyads of Bilgrém.*

As soon as Nawib Ahmad Khan reached the field of battle, the Mu-

ghuls discharged their artillery, great and small, loaded with spikes (gokhri)

and broken iron instead of balls. From the noise the earth trembled but

the execution done was small. No one was wounded except Parmil Khan,

who lost the skin of one finger. From the spreading of the smoke the sky

was obscured and for a time it was quite dark.

Nawab Ahmad Khan waited a few moments till the smoke had sub-

sided, when he made a rapid advance through some dhdék jungle upon the

Wazir’s entrenchment. The horsemen having dismounted drew their swords

and preceded the Nawab. By voice and by signs with his bow, he urged on

the kahars to carry his pé/ki speedily into the midst of the enemy. When

the Pathans got near the guns, they fired their matchlocks and drove off

the artillery-men, and the chains protecting the camp they cut with their

swords or with axes. They now had got near to where the Wazir stood

with a large force, and the Pathdns began the attack on him with a discharge

of musketry and arrows. The Nawab at the head of the reserve came up

and joined them. With his own hand he discharged his arrows, aiming at

the Wazir, and the Pathans so exerted themselves with their swords that

there was a general slaughter, and corpse fell upon corpse, At this moment

a Pathin from Tilharf{ in Rohilkhand came up towards the rear of the

Wazir’s position, and finding an action going on, sent a camel rider for

orders. He was told to make his way towards the canopied howdah in

which sat the Wazir ; and the troops being few in that direction, where no

attack was expected, the Tilhar Pathan, with his three hundred men, forced

their way close to the Wazir and discharged their matchlocks,

The Wazir’s elephant-driver was shot and fell to the ground ; his com-

panion in the hind seat, Mirz4 ’Ali Naki, tutor of Shuja’-ud-daula, the

Wazir’s son, was wounded ; and the Wazir himself received a grazing wound

* The Miftah-ut-tawarikh, pp. 497, 498, gives poetical tarikhs by Mir Ghulam ’Ali

Azad, who also mentions them in the “ Sarv-i-Azdd.” The father of the author of the

Siyar-ul-Mutadkharin would seem to have been present in this battle. S-ul-M. p. 877,

seventh line from bottom.

+ The Khizdna’ Amira, p. 81, says nearly all the artillery had been sent away

with the van, but this does not seem quite borne out. At any rate this smoke from the

artillery seems to be the explanation of the dust storm usually pleaded as a screen for

the Wazir’s defeat, see Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 38, Hamilton’s Rohilla Afghans,

p. 103. First, a dust storm does not come in September, secondly, it would come from

the West and would blow into the Pathain’s faces, and so far be favourable to the

Wazir, who faced to the east not to the west.

t In the Shihjahdnpdr district.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabéd. 75

on the neck, under the right jaw, from which he swooned and sank down

in the howdah. His howdah was made of strong metal plates, and it was

so high that when seated the head only appeared above the side, he was

thus protected from further wounds. The Pathans, thinking the howdah

empty and the elephant ownerless, passed on in pursuit of the Mughuls, who

had by this time taken to flight; only Muhammad ’Ali Khan and Nir-ul-

Hasan retained their formation, and rejoining the Wazir they asked for orders.

He directed a triumphal march to be beaten by the drums, but except some

two hundred men, not a soul rallied to his support. Night now approaching,

Jagat Narayan, brother of Lachmi Narayan, took the place on the elephant

of the dead mahaut ; and the Wazir reluctantly withdrew from the field

towards Marahra.

Soon after his withdrawal, Suraj Mall Jat, Isma’il Beg and Rajah

Himmat Singh, having completed the defeat and dispersion of Rustam

Khan Afridi’s troops, were returning with exultation to rejoin the Wazir.

Nawab Ahmad Khan with only a few men was in occupation of the Wazir’s

camp. When he saw this large force advancing, he became very anxious

and turned his face to the Great Helper and prayed, saying, “‘O God! pre-

“serve this sinful slave from calamity.”’ It was not long before the three

leaders received reports of the repulse of the Wazir. Their joy being chang-

ed into fear and trembling, they turned and marched off towards Delhi, and

Nawab Ahmad Khan offered up thanks to heaven. Meanwhile those who

had pursued the Wazir’s retreating troops, had come up on the road with

Nawab Ishak Khan, who cried out boldly, “I am ’Abd-ul-Manstir Khan.”

Believing his words, the Pathans surrounded the elephant, and seizing the

Nawab, cut off hishead. They brought it and threw it at the feet of Nawab

Ahmad Khan, saying, “ Here is the head of the Wazir”’ Looking at it

the Nawab saw it was the head of Ishak Khan, not that of the Wazir.

The night after the battle was spent by the Wazir at Marahra, twenty-

one miles west of the field, and there his wound was dressed. On the 29th

Shawal (20th September, 1750), he re-entered Delhi and repaired secretly to

his house. Through the intrigues of the Emperor’s favourite, Jawed Khan,

it had been already proposed to confiscate Safdar Jang’s estate and to ap-

point in his place Intizim-ud-daula, Khan Khanan, a son of the‘late Wazir,

Kamr-ud-din Khan ’Itimad-ud-daula. On hearing of the defeat and dis-

grace of Safdar Jang, the Emperor consulted Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Firtz

Jang, son of Niz4m-ul-mulk, as to what should be done if Ahmad Khan

advanced to Delhi. After obtaining permission to speak his mind freely,

Firiz Jang stated the case at great length, dwelling on the good services

of the Bangash family and the treachery they had met with from the

76 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,

Wazir. He concluded by desiring the Emperor to decide who, in justice,

was in fault. The Emperor admitted that what Firtiz Jang said was true,

that Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang and his family had done the

throne no wrong, that Safdar Jang’s conduct could not be defended. But

if Ahmad Khan followed up his advantage and pursued Safdar Jang to

Delhi, what should be done? Firiz Jang proposed sending a farmdn, with

a robe of honour, elephant, horse and sword to Ahmad Khan, at the same

time stating that what had been done had not been done with the Emperor’s

consent. Safdar Jang had no more than reaped the fruit of his own ill-deeds,

but Ahmad Khan, if he were a loyal subject should, instead of advancing

further towards Delhi, return to Farrukhabad, This advice approved itself

to the Emperor, afarmdn and robe of honour were sent, and on receiving

them, Ahmad Khan turned and went back to Farrukhabad.

Shadil Khan, brother’s son of Shuj’at Khan Ghilzai,* was left with

some ten thousand men under subordinate leaders, in charge of that part of

the country, it having been formerly under his uncle, Shuja’t Khan.f Nawab

Ahmad Khan himself then returned to his home at Farrukhabéd. For the

due administration of the recovered territory, he appointed his brothers and

relations to be governors of various places. Nawab Murtazza Khan, fourth

son of Muhammad Khan, was sent to It4wah ; Manstr ’Ali Khan, thir-

teenth son, to Phaphond, including the jagir mahals of Saurikh, Sakatpur,

Sakrawah, and Sauj;’Azim Khan, twenty-first son, to Shikohabad, including

Sakit, Kurdoli and ’Alipur Khera; Nawaz Khan Khatak to Akbarpur-

Shahpur; Zu’lfikar Khan, chela, alias the Majhle Nawaéb, to Shamshabad

and Chibramau, including Sikandarpur, Bhonganw and Birwar (or Bewar) ;

Manavar Khan, eighteenth son, to Pali and Sandi; and Khuda Bandah

Khan, twelfth son, was made Faujdar of Bilgram. Naw&b Mahmid Khan,

eldest son of Naw&b Ahmad Khan, with Jahan Khan, an old chela of the

family, at the head of ten thousand horse and a large force of infantry, was

deputed to take possession of Lakhnau and the Stbah of Audh.f At the

same time Shadi Khan, the sixteenth son, with the assistance of Kali Khan

son of Shamsher Khan, chela, was ordered to advance to Korah—Jahanabad,

in the Sdbah of Allah4bad ; and Muhammad Amir Khan, nineteenth son, was

sent to occupy Ghazipur. The Rohelas on their side§ sent Shekh Kabir, Par-

* See p. 383, Vol. XLVII, 1878. .

+ Gaz. N. W. P. LV, 158, Shuja’t Khan built at Marahra the tomb of Shah Bar-

kat-ullah in 1142 H. (July 1729—July 1730).

{ The Khizina’ Amira, p. 838, must either be wrong in the date (Jamadi I, 1164

H.) given for Mahmiid Khan's passing through Bilgrim, or else it must refer to some-

thing which happened on the retreat from Allahabad to Farrukhabad, which did take

place about Jamadi I, 1164. It is absurd to suppose that Avidh was not occupied till

six or seven months after the victory of Ram Chatauni.

§ Life H. R. K., p, 39.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 77

mul Khan, and other leaders with their respective contingents to Shahabad

and Khairabad, of which parganahs they took quiet possession. The death

and defeat of Naval Rae had thrown the greater part of the Allahabad

Subah into confusion; Rap Singh Khichar, who held parganah Karali (now

in the Allahabad district), Sumer Singh, son of Hindu Singh Chandela, and

Ganshém Singh Raghbansi, all old friends of the Pathans, entered into a

league with the Mahrattas, and as they had done the year before, wished to

call them across the river.

By the month of Zil-ka’d (Sept.—Oct. 1750), the Pathans had put a

thana in Malihabad, 15 miles west of Lakhnau, had raised a disturbance in

Sandi, (in the Hardoi district) had invested Amethi (in the Sultanpur dis-

trict), and with a large force were threatening Dalmau, on the Ganges, and

Rae Bareli itself.

It is reported that after the victory Nawab Ahmad Khan used often

to say to the Bibi Sahiba—“ God the Almighty has granted me a double

“triumph, for I have not only defeated ’Abd-ul-Manstr Khan, but I am rid

“of Rustam Khan Afridi, who had a claim to half my territory.” The

Nawab referred to the compact made before the attack on Naval Rde, by

which Rustam Khan had stipulated for half the mawabi in return for the

money then advanced.

Siege of Allahabad Fort.

(September, 1750—April, 1751.)

Nawab Ahmad Khan after having made all his arrangements went in

person to Kannauj. Hearing of his approach Nawab Baké-ullah Khan,

Khan ’Alam, Amir Khani* and Rae Partap Narayan, officers in the Wazir’s

* He was the son of Marahmat Khan, son of Amir Khin ’Alamgiri, his uncle be-

ing the well known Amir Khan ’Umdat-ul-Mulk, whom we mentioned at p. 338, Vol.

XLVI, 1878.

+ The family tree of this family is given thus in the Amdd us-Sa’dat, p. 56.

copying from the Hadihat-ul-Akdlim.

Atma Rim (born near Lahor, Diwan to Sa’dat

Khatri, Khan when Faujdar of Hindaun

| and Bayand).

| | |

Har Nardyan Rajah Ram Narayan Partap Nardyan

(Wakil of Safdar Diwan. alias Partap Singh

Jang at Delhi). (mostly employed

; in the Subahs).

[ | c Al

Maharajah Shiu Jagat Rajah Rae Shiu Saran

~ Lachmi Narayan Narayan, Nérayan. Maha Narayan WHarde (adopted son).

(Wakil at Delhi). (Diwan to Na- Narayan.

wab Shuja’ud-

daula).

78 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

service, who at the head of nine hundred or a thousand men had arrived as

far as Kannauj on their way to join their master, retreated by way of Lakh-

nau to Jhuisi. Then ’Ali Kuli Khan Karkhi, the deputy in the Allahabad

Subah, came out to meet them.* There they heard that Shadi Khan was

marching down country at the head of twenty thousand men. ’Ali Kuli

Khan with his own troops and part of those of R&ée Partap Narayan advan-

ced to oppose Shadi Khan. The two armies met each other at Kord-Jaha-

nabadt where a battle ensued, and Shadi Khan having been defeated began

to retreat.

When this news was brought to Nawab Ahmad Khan, he proposed to

send large reinforcements, but his chief counsellors overruled him, and

advised his proceeding in person, hoping that the fort of Allahabad would

be evacuated at his approach. Nawab Baké-ullah Khan and ’Ali Kuli

Khan, hearing of Ahmad Khan’s advance, beat a rapid retreat, and took

refuge in the fort of Allahabad. Abmad Khan when he had reached Kora

halted several days, and intended to return home himself, leaving the fight-

ing to Mansir ’Ali Khan,t Rustam Khdin Bangash, and Sa’dat Khan

Afridi, brother of Mahmid Khan, Bakhshi to Nawdb Kéim Khan, these

three leaders having a large force in their pay. But he was persuaded to

go on by the arrival of wakils from the eastern Rjahs, Pirthipat, son of

Chattardhari, son of Ji Sukh, Sombansi, ruler of Partaébgarh,§ and Rajah

Balwant Singh of Banaras. The agents were introduced through Mustajab

Khan Warakzai and Haji Safariéz Khan, who were then in attendance.

The letters were to the effect that if the Nawd4b would continue his advance

to Allahabad, they undertook to obtain the fort for him in a very short

time, after that the whole of the eastern country would fall into his power.

After receiving these letters the Nawab went on towards Allahabad, and

* The Khizéna Amira, p. 83, distinguishes this ’Ali Kuli Khan from ’Ali Kuli

Khan Daghistani, poetically Walih, but the local historians, Wali-ullah and the “ Lauh”

make them one and the same. Mir Ghulém ’Aliis the most likely to be right, as he

was acquainted personally with the poet Walih, Hisim-ud-din calls this man simply the

“ Allahdbadi,” and the ‘ Siyar-ul-Mutékharin,” p. 879, says he had been in the service

of Sayyad Muhammad Khan, naib of the Allah&bad Stitbah on the part of ’Umdat-ul-Mulk

Amir Khén. Kali Rae in the Futehgarh-ndma (p. 54,) refers to the author of a book

called the Haft Aklim, who states that he was present in this retreat from Lakhnau.

The reference is, I now find, to the Hadikat-ul-Akdlin.

+ On the Grand ‘Trunk Road, some thirty-four miles north-west of the town of

Fathpur.

{ Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.

§ Oras Hisém-ud-din says, Azimgarh. Partébgarh lies thirty-two miles north

of Allahabid. There is a capital account of the family in the Hadikat-uwl-Akdlim un-

der the head, Partabgarh in the Second Clime.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. 79

Rajah Pirthipat, marching from Partabgarh, brought his army to the edge ~

of the Ganges, where he encamped. On the Nawab’s arrival he crossed the

river and paid him a visit, when he was presented with a khila’t and at his

own request he was posted to the vanguard.

Reaching Allahabad the Nawab appears to have crossed over to Jhitsi

on the other or left bank of the Ganges, where he planted his guns on the

high ground known as the fort of Rajah Harbong.* The whole of Allaha-

bad from Khuldabad up to the fort was burnt down and plundered, and

four thousand women and children were made prisoners. Nothing was

spared but the abode of Shekh Muhammad Afzal Allahdbadi and the quar-

ter of Darydbad which was entirely occupied by Pathans.+

The defence of the fort on the part of the Wazir was conducted by

Baka-ullah Khan and ’Ali Kili Khan, Zarji. By chance one Indargir

Sunyasit had come there on a pilgrimage with five thousand naked fight-

ing fakirs, who lay between the old city and the fort. These took the side

of the Wazir’s people. Baka-ullah Khan, who was an able man and

experienced in war, threw a bridge over the river between the Beni (pro-

perly Tribeni) gate of the fort and the town of Arail, which is on the right

bank of the Ganges just below its junction with the Jumna. He left his

camp standing in that town, while morning and evening he marched his

troops to and from the fort. All day an artillery fire was kept up from the

walls upon the troops of Nawab Ahmad Khan. On his side the leaders,

Rajah Pirthipat and others, made every effort to carry the fort but with-

out success.

At this time Rajah Balwant Singh, who had been directed to appear

in person, arrived at Jhusi.§ He was introduced through the Nawab’s son

* Elliot’s Supplemental Glossary, p. 466, ‘‘Harbong ka raj.”

+ Khizéna ’ Amira, p. 83,

{ Rajah Indar Gir was a Suny4si from Jhansi in Bundelkhand. He had seized

parganah Moth (in the Jhansi district) in 1745, and building a fort there soon acquired

possession of 114 villages. About 1749-50 he was ejected from Moth by a force under

Nari Shankar, the Mahratta Swbah, and he then found his way to Allahabad.

(Jenkinson’s Jhansi Report, pp. 172 and 173). After the raising of this siege, he

was introduced to the Wazir by Baka-ullah Khan, and accepted service on two

conditions (1) that he might beat his kettle-drums when inthe Wazir’s retinue,

(2) that in audience he should not be obliged to put his hand to his head. He took

part in the Rohilkhand campaign and was killed in Rajab 1165 H. (4th May 1752—2nd

June 1752), in the fighting between Safdar Jang and ’Amad-ul-Mulk. The “ Life of

Hafiz Rahmat Khan,” p. 49, says Najib Khan killed him with his own hand. In the

year 1762 we shall come across his chelas and successors, Anip Gir Himmat Bahadur

and his brother Umrdo Gir.

§ At Jhisi is the tomb of Shah Muhammad Taki, adescendant of Hazrat Ghaus-

ul-islim, Miran Hamid-ud-din, Muhammad Ghaus, Gwiliydri.

80 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

Mahmiid Khan, who not long before had arrived from Lakhnau. The

Rajah made a present of one lakh of rupees and received a khila’t with a

confirmation of half his territory, the other half being put under Sahib

Zaman Khan, Dilazik of Jaunpur, cousin to one of the Nawab’s wives.*

Nawab Ahmad Khan told the Rajah to cross over to Arail with Mahmid

Khan, and encamp there after driving away Baka-ullah Khan’s men, in

order to put an end to the passage to and fro of troops to the fort, and to

interrupt the arrival of supplies. The Rajah agreed to the proposal and

returning to his camp at Jhisi he sent in all directions for boats.

When their spies reported this to Bakaé-ullah Khan and the other

leaders of the enemy, they began to consult how they could prevent the

danger of an attack from two sides. They decided that the next day they

would fight the army in front of them. Accordingly Baké-ullah Khan

came across the bridge with a large force and the troops coming out of the

fort joined him. indargir Sunyasi also receiving orders to join, advanced

beyond the shelter of the fort and drew up in battle array from the Ganges

bank to a point between the old city and the fort.

As soon as he heard this, Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted and advanced

to the edge of his camp. ‘Thence he deputed Nawab Manstr Ali Khant

and Nawab Shadi Khanf{ to take the command, and they at once com-

menced an advance. Besides their own men they had with them 10,000

men commanded by Rustam Khan Bangash, 4000 under Sa’dat Khan Afridi,

2000 under Mangal Khan, 3000 Yakka (men riding their own horses)

under Muhammad ’Ali Khan Afridi and 2000 under ’Abd-ur-rasil Khan,

chela. There were besides other leaders such as Namdar Khan, the brother

of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nir Khan, son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Namdar

Khan, brother of Himmat Khan Mataniya, and ’Abdullah Khan Warakzai

The Nawab ordered all these leaders to advance with their men and drive

back the enemy. To Rajah Pirthipat he said—‘ The van is yours, repair to

your post.”

The Rajah then headed the attack and the battle began. For three

hours cannon, rockets and muskets never ceased their uproar. At length

Rajah Pirthipat, who was in front, got the advantage and made his way

up to the enemy’s ranks. Seeing this, Mansi ’Ali Khan and the other

leaders advanced rapidly to his support. The Rajah dismounted from his

elephant and got upon his horse. His companions then left their horses

and drawing their swords rushed at the enemy, On reaching the spot,

* The Balwant Nama of Khair-uddin Muhammad, translated by F, Curwen,

Allahabad, 1875, pp. 25-29.

+ Thirteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.

t Sixteenth son of N. Muhammad Khan.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 81

Manstr ’Ali Khan got down from his elephant, and went forward in front

of the Rajah. The best of Baka-ullah Khan’s men were slain or wounded ;

and Nawab Baka-ullah Khan, seeing that the day was lost, withdrew his men

across the bridge. The artillery-men left their guns, came out of the fort,

and retreated across the bridge. The bridge was then broken up at the

other end by the retreating enemy. Nawab Ahmad Khan’s rece thus

gained the victory and occupied the field of battle.

From the spot where they had halted, the bridge was in full view. At

the time the fight began, Sa’dat Khan Afridi had led his men against the

enemy in advance of Manstir ’Ali Khan’s position. When Manstr ’Ali

Khan’s men saw this, in a spirit of emulation, they also ran forward and

took the lead. Among these Hisdm-ud-din says he himself was present,

being then attached to Manstr ’Ali Khan’s force. After the victory Sa’dat

Khan and Hisim-ud-din were standing near the breastwork (saf¢l) of the

fort, where the bridge could be seen in detail. They wished to advance to,

the head of the bridge. Raj&h Pirthipat was of the same advice. But

when Nawab Ahmad Khan heard of the victory, he at once sent a camel-

rider to recall Nawd4b Manstr’Ali Khan; for to advance further would only

be to strike one’s head against stone walls. On receiving these orders,

Manstr ’Ali Khan turned to retreat. Pirthipat said to him that apparent-

ly the fort had been evacuated ; if they marched to the bridge head, any one

left in the fort would certainly fire on them; if they were not fired on, they

would know that the fort was empty and could then occupy it, Manstr

?Ali Khan said he could not go forward against orders, and ordering his

drums to beat in honour of the victory, he returned to the Nawab’s presence,

where with the other leaders he presented his “ nazar.”

While the siege was going on, Ahmad Khan had appointed Sahib

Yaman Khan, Dildzdk of Jaunpur, to be his viceroy in Jaunpur, ’Azimgarh,

Mahaul, Akbarpur, and other places.* Balwant Singh refused to give up

the territory, and urgent orders were sent to Sahib Zaman Khan to expel

* The Dilézik Pathans had been settled in Jaunpur from the time of Muhammad

Shéh (1719—1749). Their connection with Ahmad Kh4n is shown thus :—

“4 (Father not named),

Mahara’ Z eh Khan.

— = —__ —_. ——

Sher Pehin Khan.

(aa a en

Daughter m. to Nawab Sahib Zaman. Karm Zaman

Ahmad Khan. Khan. Khan.

82 W. Irvine—ZLhe Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 2,

him. Some reinforeements were sent to him and he was joined by Akbar

Shah, Rajah of ’Azimgarh, and Shamsher Jahan, zamindar of Mahaul,

twenty-three miles north-west of ’Azimgarh. The army was assembled at

Akbarpur,* and the small fort of Sarhanptr near the camp was taken after

a siege of fifteen days. An advance was then made against Jaunpur, and

after six hours’ fighting the assailants effecting an entrance made themselves

masters of the place. Sahib Zaman Khén still delayed his advance, and turned

off towards Nizamabad, thirty-two miles north-east of Jaunpir. After the

compromise with Balwant Singh already related, Sdhib Zamén Khan with

Haji Sarfaraz Khan advanced to take possession of the country north of the

Ganges, Not long after this Ahmad Khan, on the approach of Safdar Jang

and the Mahrattas, beat a retreat to Farrukha4bdd. Balwant Singh then

marched from Gangapur, some miles west of Banaras, to Maridht, twelve miles ~

south of Jaunpur, and made a demand on SA4hib Zamén Khé&n for a return

of the territory. The contending parties met in battle array, when Balwant

Singh’s Afghan leaders refused to fight against their fellow-countryman, ,

Sahib Zaman Khan, now that his power was gone. Balwant Singh thus

found it advisable to negociate. Sahib Zam4n Khan then pitched his tent at

Chandipur, and next day, a riot about arrears of pay having broken out,

he started alone for Azimgarh. Balwant Singh then plundered his house.

Not feeling safe in Azimgarh, Sdhib Zaman Khan went on to Bettiah,f

where the Rajah gave him shelter. After sometime he returned to Jaunpur

and was reinstated by Balwant Singh. On his death he was succeeded

by his sons, but they were not men of any mark.t

The story goes that, when the approach of the Pathdns was heard of

in Banaras, the leading money-lenders went out as far as Philpur, some

eight os or more from Banaras, and offered a tribute of two krors of

rupees on condition that the Pathans did not enter their city. Even in a

dream, they said, if they saw a Pathén a long way off, they began to trem-

ble. The two krors were accepted and the Pathdns retraced their steps.§

Siege of Futchgarh and flight of the Nawab.

The Wazir after his defeat at Ram Chatauni returned to Delhi on the

29th Shawal (20th September, 1750). He found the Emperor had been

put strongly against him. He was much cast down and for many days

never left his private apartments, passing most of the day reclining with

his hand over his face, At length his wife roused him to exertion and

* Perhaps the Akbarpur in the Faizabad district about 48 miles north of Jaunpur,

+ Across the Gandak river in the Champdaran district.

{ Curwen’s translation of the Balwantnamah, pp. 25-29,

§ ’Amadd-us-Sa’dat, p. 50, from line 1,

1879.] _W. Invine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 83

promised him all the money she possessed. Thus encouraged he sent for Rajah

Nagar Mall, Lachmi Narayan, and Ismail Beg Khan, The latter advised

_ waiting for an army from Afghanistan. N agar Mall proposed calling in the

Rohelas, who, owing to the attack on them by Kaim Khan, bore ill-will to

the Farrukhabid Pathans. The Wazir rejected this advice, saying that

_ though Pathans might fight amongst themselves, they would always unite

against any third person. He then asked Lachmi Nardyan for his

opinion, In reply he called attention to the large force of 70,000 or 80,000

Mabhrattas, under Jai Ap4 and Mulhdr Rao, then in the neighbourhood of

; Kotdh,* and reminded the Wazir that the Pathdns started at the sound of

the Mahratta name, and that one thousand Mahrattas could dispose of

tenthousand Pathans. The Wazir determined to invoke the aid of the

Mahrattas.

4 The next important point was to effect a reconciliation with the Hm-

peror. For this purpose Jugal Kishor was sent to ask help from Nawab

Nazir Jawed Khan, the Emperor’s favourite eunuch. After he had heard

the full details of the Wazir’s case, the Nawab Nazir said the matter could

only be discussed in a personal interview. On Wednesday he would ride

| _ out to pray at the shrine of the saint, Sultan-ul-Mushaikh Nizam-ud-din.

_ On his way back he would come to the Wazir’s house, when he would state

the obstacles toa settlement. Jugal Kishor returned and reported these

words to his master. On the Wednesday, after paying a visit to the shrine

‘of Niziam-ud-din,-Jawed Khan came privately to the Wazir’s house. After

other conversation, the Nazir said to the Wazir that the Emperor’s mind

had, in an extreme degree, been turned against him, nor could any remark

favourable to him be ventured on in the Emperor’s presence; and Nawab

Firiz Jang was so strenuous in support of Nawd4b Ahmad Khan, that no

one dare open his mouth to say a word to the contrary. The Wazir said

some words easy to understand (karib-ul-fahm, 7. e., offered a bribe, I sup-

_ pose) to the Nazir, asking his intercession with the Emperor and using at the

same time powerful arguments. The Nawab Nazir professed himself con-

yinced, and promised that when he saw a chance he would speak in Safdar

_Jang’s favour and, please God, he would turn the Emperor’s heart towards

him. He then rose, mounted, and went home.

: Three days afterwards a news-letter came from the writer attached to

“Abmad Khin’s camp. He wrote that the eastern zamindars, Rajah Pirthi-

pat, Rajah Balwant Singh and others, had brought treasure and had sub-

mitted themselves to Nawab Ahmad Khan ; they had joined him in laying

siege to Allahabad, which would shortly fall ; a large army had collected and

was gathering strength every day, a hundred thousand horsemen and number-

On the Chambal, 195 miles S. W. of Agra, and 260 miles from Delhi,

84 W. Lrvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

less footmen had gathered under the Nawab’s standard ; and it remained to be

seen what would be disclosed from behind the curtain of the unknown after

the fort of Allahabad had fallen. The Nawab Nazir seized the moment

and began to repeat, as had been agreed upon, the speeches made to him by

the far-sighted Wazir. The Nazir described in touching language his great

perplexity at the aspect of affairs, which had quite deprived him of sleep.

Before Safdar Jang came back to Delhi after his defeat, Firiz Jang had

caused a congratulatory farmdn to be addressed to Ahmad Khan confirming

to him his ancestral dominions. Not content with: this gracious act, he

had without orders occupied estates directly under the crown (khdlsa), he

had sent his son to take the Sibah of Audh, and now himself was besieging

Allahabad. The next attempt would be upon Bengal. The letter writers

had already informed his Majesty in detail of the immense army which

had been collected. Now the learned declare that the Akhin Darweza,

written by the spiritual head and high priest of the Afghan race, prescribes

that any Afghan at the head of more than twelve thousand men is required

and bound to claim complete sovereignty. In that case, Ahmad Khan, who

had one hundred thousand men and a territory equal to nearly four or five

Stibahs, could not possibly refrain from proclaiming himself king.

When Nazir Jawed Khan had got this length in his artful representa-

tion, his Majesty beeame perplexed and asked him the best way out of

the difficulty. The Nazir at once proposed a pardon of Safdar Jang’s mis-

deeds, the task of reducing Ahmad Khan to subjection being then committed

to him. The Emperor objected that nothing could be hoped from

Safdar Jang, for, although he had gone with a large army provided with

cannon and rockets, he had been overthrown by Ahmad Khan with a very

small foree. Now that Ahmad Khan’s strength had much increased, how

could Safdar Jang with the same dispirited troops attempt to oppose Ahmad

Khan. There isa proverb Zadah ra bdayad zad, 7. e., Beaten once will

be beaten again.* The Emperor continued that to his mind the Nazir’s device

was the poorest of the poor (Ahdm dar kham), and he declined to accept it, for

a good scheme should have no such obvious drawback. In reply to his

Majesty, Nazir Jéwed Khan said that he had a plan within his plan, for

Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia, who were at that time encamped in the Rajpat

country, though they were his enemies, would, if sent for, enter his Majes-

ty’s service ; and hoping for benefit to themselves, they would be certain to

earry out faithfully any orders given them. Suraj Mall Jat’s forces also,

though they were present with Safdar Jang, had not been scattered or defeat-

ed. There was also Hafiz Rahmat Khan, head of the Rohelas, who was a

great friend of Safdar Jang. At length the Emperor gave way to Jawed

* Roebuck, 1214,

1879.) W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawiibs of Farrukhabéad. 85

Khan’s persuasions, and ordered him to tell Safdar Jang that his faults were

forgiven, ané that the next day he should present himself for an audience.

Jawed Khan repaired joyfully to his house, and at night he went to the

Wazir. After they had embraced, the whole of the conversation with the

Emperor was repeated. Then the Nazir taking with him Jugal Kishor

returned to his home, where he told Jugal Kishor to inform the Wazir that

the next day he must present himself to obtain audience, and a list of the

nazardna must be prepared at once, the amount not being less than twenty-

five lakhs of rupees. Jugal Kishor returned and reported to the Wazir,

who said that this amount of nazardna had been fixed in his interview with

Jawed Khan.

Early the next day the Emperor left his private apartments, and enter-

ing the public hall of audience seated himself on his marble throne. The

great nobles and high officials, with the Mir Tuzak, having presented them-

selves and made obeisance, took up position according to their rank, Then

Nazir Jawed Khan was ordered to go out to meet the Wazir, Safdar Jang,

and bring him to his Majesty’s presence. When Jawed Khan reached the

Wazir’s house, thirty trays of jewels and rich clothes were placed before

him. After making the customary protestations. of refusal, he accepted

them. They then proceeded to the presence, and Safdar Jang touched the

Emperor’s foot with his forehead. The Emperor lifted his head and clasp-

ed it to his breast. The Wazir said, ‘“ I have committed great faults, but

“T hope for forgiveness, as Sa’di says

“ Bandah haman bih kih ’z taksir-i-khwesh

”Uar ba dargéh-i-khuda award ;

Warna sazawar-i-khudawandesh

Kas na tawanad kih baja award.”

The Emperor replied “ I have after reflection forgiven you, and accept

“your excuses.” A dress of honour of ten pieces, jewels, a horse out of

the Emperor’s stable, a sword, and an elephant were granted to the Wazir.

Safdar Jang then presented his list of nazardna, amounting to twenty-five

lakhs of rupees. He then took his leave and with great joy set out on his

way home, distributing fifty thousand rupees in alms as he went.

In accordance with Nazar Jaéwed Khan’s proposal, an imperial farmdin

was issued to Mulhar Rao* and Apa Sendhia.t The bearer of it, Ram

Nardyan,{ found the Mahrattas two marches this side of Kotah, which is

_ * Rose to notice in 1724, died 1767-8. Grant Duff, 212 and 338.

+. Succeeded his father Rénoji about 1750, was assassinatedin 1759. Grant Duff,

270 and 310.

{ Hisém-ud-din says Jugal Kishor went, The Siyar-ul-M, p. 88, names Jugal

86 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,

two hundred and sixty miles south of Delhi. At first, Apa Sendhia de- .

manded two krors of rupees, while Ram Narayan offered fifty lakhs. At

length Mulhar Rao consented to take one kro and persuaded Apa Sen-

dia, who at length agreed ; or some say the agreement was for twenty-five

thousand rupees a day while the campaign lasted.* At any rate the Mah-

rattas commenced their march towards Delhi, where they soon arrived. A

man of rank was sent out some distance to meet them, and the next day

Mulhér Rado and Apa Sendhia had an audience of the Emperor, at which

they were invested with khila’ts. The Wazir had sent for Suraj Mall Jat,

who also received a robe of honour. The Wazir then requested orders to

march, and the Emperor bestowing a Math-pech (a kind of turban?) on

Safdar Jang, directed him to march with his army against Ahmad Khan.

Safdar Jang crossed the Jamna with his own troops, and those attached to

him, that is, the royal army (Bdis/), the Mahrattas, and the Jats.

Safdar Jang’s first order to the Mahrattas was to expel Shadil Khan,

the Farrukhabad ’Amil, from the neighbourhood of Koil, and then to follow

up his retreat to Farrukhabad. Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia sent off

Pindara horsemen to spoil and burn throughout Ahmad Khan’s territory.

Hastening off as ordered, they began their usual plundering and surround-

ed Shadil Khan. Soon after this, Mulhdér Rao and Apa Sendhia arrived in

person and began an attack. Although his force was small compared with

that of the enemy, Shadil Khan maintained his position for a time and did

all that was in his power. After holding his own for one day and killing

a good many of the enemy, he withdrew across the Ganges to Kadir Chauk,

in parganah Aujhani of the Budaon district, whence after writing an _ac-

count of affairs to Ahmad Khan at Allahabad, he marched eastwards along

the left bank of the Ganges towards Farrukhabad. Shadil Khan’s retreat

took place in the early part of Jumadi I. 1164 H. (17th March, 15th April,

1751).

About six months had elapsed from the defeat of the Wazir in Septem-

ber 1750, when Nawab Ahmad Khén heard at Allahabad of the retreat of

Shidil Khan before the Mahrattas. He sent for Rajah Pirthipat and told

-him that, in order to repel the Wazir, he must return home at once; and by

God’s favour, having again defeated his enemy, he would rejoin the Rajah

and occupy the eastern districts. The Rajah said he had one piece of advice”

to give, which was that he thought it inexpedient to return to Farrukhabad

Kishor and Lachmi Néréyan. The author of the Siyar-ul-M. says, it was his uncle

Sayyad ’Abd-ul-Ali Khan who first suggested calling in the Mahrattas. ‘

* The Siyar-ul-M, adds that the Jats were to get 15,000 Rs. and the Mahrattas —

Rs, 25,000 a day.

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 87

when the Wazir was already so near, for, however fast the Nawab might

march, it would be nearly impossible to arrive in time ; and supposing that

Farrukhabad were reached, in time, the troops being scattered would still

have to be collected ; it would therefore be better to cross the Ganges into

the Stbah of Oudh and then proceed westwards, by which several advan-

tages would be gained. A hurried march need not be made, the army would

not be scattered, the zamindars of Stibah Audh, who had been turned out

of their homes in the time of Naval “ bad-aml,” would unsought bring aid,

in money andin men. Another reason was that the immense number of

mercenaries, who had collected under the Nawab’s standard, would disperse

in the course of a rapid retreat on Farrukhabid. The Nawab determined

to consult his chief men, and the Rajah took his leave. Then Nawab

Ahmad Khan sent for Rustam Khan Bangash, Mangal Khan Ghilzai,

Muhammad Khan Afridi, Sa’dat Khan Afridi, Mustajéb Khan Warakzai,

Haji Sarfaraz Khan and others. When they had been informed of the

Rajah’s proposals, they asked for time to consult with each other. They

then went apart and discussed the question. The majority of votes was

against crossing the Ganges, Haji Sarfaraz Khan alone dissented. They

returned to the Nawab’s presence, and stated that, in their opinion, by cross-

ing the Ganges, the enemy would be deceived into believing that they had

erossed from fear. “ Let us fear nothing,” they added, “this is the same

** Wazir whom we have already defeated, and, by God’s help, we will so

* wield our good swords, that our enemy shall not escape alive again; the

“enemy and his army are to us like the well-known proverb ‘ You may beat

“the beaten.’’”? The Nawab turning to Haji Sarfardz Khan said, “You

say nothing.” The Haji replied, that his opinion would not please any of

the others, but he thought that Rajah Pirthipat’s advice was the best.

According to the decision of the commanders, a march direct for Far-

rukhabad was ordered. The Rajah being sent for and informed of the

decision, he asked what orders there were for him. The Nawab said, he left

_ the Rajah in that country for the present as his representative ; he should,

therefore, return to his own zamindari and recall the Audh zamindars to

| their homes. The Rajah then received a khila’t and, having been dismissed,

he crossed the Ganges and hastened to his own country.*

* Under the year 1165 H. the Balwant-ndmah relates how the Nawab Wazir

started for Banaras intending to take his revenge on Rajah Pirthipat. At Sulténpur,

about 36 miles S. of Faizibéid and 85 miles N. of Allahabad, Rajah Pirthipat

presented himself. When thrown off his guard by friendly words, he was stabbed

_ by ’Ali Beg Khan, ona sign from the Wazir. Pirthipat, who was unarmed, sprang

upon his murderer, and biting a piece out of his check fell dead with it in his

f month, The date of 1163 H. given in the Mifidh, p. 498, must be wrong, and the

88 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhibéd. [No. 2,

By order of the Nawab, his son, Mahmiid Khan, then about fifteen

years of age, moved from Jhiisi westwards through Audh. On the road the

zamindars of Dundyakhera, fifty miles south of Lakhnau, plundered

the carts carrying the Nawab’s personal effects (tosha-khdna). When it

was reported to Mahmtid Khan that the baggage had been plundered and

several soldiers killed, he halted, and in six hours sacked the village and.

massacred the inhabitants. After the fight some thousands of boxes were

recovered in the village. As he advanced further west, he learnt that the

Shekhs of Lakhnau and Kakauri* had risen and ejected the Pathans ~

from those two places. At that time no reprisals were possible, and the

young Nawab marched on, near Bilgram} where he met with some resis-

tance, past Sandi and P4li,f to the bank of the Ganges opposite his father’s

entrenchment at Fatehgarh.

Commencing his march westwards from Allahabad, Nawab Ahmad

Khan in six days reached his own capital. But the adventurers, who had

before joined him from all sides, being pure mercenaries, melted away on

the road and retired to places of safety. Only those of good name and

position remained true to his standard. His first care was to send off the

Bibi Sahiba and his female relations, who with considerable reluctance cross-=

ed the Ganges and set out for Shahjahanpir or Anwalah. Many of the

inhabitants of the city, seeing her departure, began to desert their homes,

The Nawab now summoned all the commanders and leaders, name by name,

to devise means of opposing the enemy. All the commanders and leaders,

the bankers and chief traders of the bazar, all who were noted for their

intelligence and ability, appeared before the Nawab. They represented to

him that the enemy was very numerous, while the Nawab’s force in compa-

rison was like salt in flour. Admitting that though few they were brave,

yet the wise men of old had said “ one fights with one, not one with a thou-

“sand.” It was true the Nawab was capable of meeting the kings of

Europe in battle array, yet on this occasion the Wazfr, to remove the stain

to his name caused by his previous disgrace, had brought all the fighting

men of Hindtstin, the Jats and the Mahrattas, like a tribe of ants or a

flight of locusts. They therefore thought it advisable to move to the

Ganges bank, near the ferry of Hussainpur, three miles east of the city

Siyar-ul-I., p. 883, indirectly confirms the date of 1165 H. The Oudh Gazetteer

(II. 477 and III. 147) states the scene of the assassination to have been Gutni, on

the Ganges, five miles south of Manikpur.

* About 12 miles W. of Lakhnau.

+ In the Hardoi district, about 34 miles from Farrukhébad.

{t Both in the Hardoi district. ~

1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabéd. 89

where there was a position favourable for defence with a small fort.*

Around it was then a wide, open, plain about a square mile in extent. At

the edges of the plain were deep ravines. They thought it best for the

army to encamp in that spot. It is nowhere stated why the fort in the

city was considered untenable ; perhaps because it could be cut off on the

outer side from the surrounding country and its supplies; while at Fateh-

garh the army had the river flowing under its camp, by which boats could

have easy access to it, and this danger was averted, so long as the enemy

failed to cross the river and occupy the other bank.

At once, on hearing the suggestions of his chief men, relations and

advisers, the Nawab heartily agreed, and mounting his horse proceeded in

state, with all his forces, to the place appointed on the bank of the Ganges,

and there formed his camp. Next day the division of the army attached

to the artillery arrived and brought the guns into camp. ‘Then the Nawab

in person went out and taking up his position at the head of the ravines

already referred to, directed the posting of the guns, large and small, and

caused them to be connected by chains. Making over charge of the guns

to his brothers and the Risdldars, he returned to his head quarters on the

Ganges bank, and ordered a bridge of boats to be got ready. The day the

bridge was finished, the Nawab’s son, Mahmud Khan, reached the river on

the opposite or left bank, and Shddil Khan Ghilzai also came up from

Kadir Chauk in the opposite direction. The day after their arrival, both of

them were honoured with interviews.

We now return to what had happened meanwhile to the Wazir. When

his spies brought him word that Nawab Ahmad Khan had returned from

Allahabad, and was preparing for defence, he sent for Mulhdr Rado and

Apa, and asked them what was their plan of operations. They replied

that they were at his orders. The Wazir told them to despatch one of

their principal men with a strong force to surround Ahmad Khan, and cut

off his supplies of food, water, and forage. Accordingly they detached

Téntia with ten thousand active horsemen towards Farrukhabad.

On reaching the environs.of that city forsaken by its ruler, they set

many villages and towns in flames. When the Mahratta horse entered the

city, and found within it nothing but perplexity, poverty, hunger and thirst,

giving up all hope of plunder, they marched on to the place where the

Nawab stood prepared for resistance. As their eyes fell on his army

they said to one another, “ O friends! Mulhd4r Rao and Apa Sendhia sent

“us to engage and surround this force ; but this Nawab is so brave and

“of such peerless race, that with only a few men he overthrew the Wazir

“and his countless host.’”” With such men they considered it was necessary

* Now known as Fatehgarh fort.

on :

90 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhibéd, [No. 2,

to act with cireumspection. Hearing that some guns had been left at

Yakutganj, about five miles south of the city and four miles from Fateh-

garh, Tantia sent off some of his horse in that direction. They collected a

number of villagers and began to drag the guns towards their own camp.

As they approached Kasim Bagh*, about half a mile south-west of Fateh-

garh fort and Hussainpur, the Pathdns, who had concealed themselves in

the ravines, made a sudden rush and fell upon the guns, turned them on

the Mahrattas, and fired shot and rockets, so as to kill many and put the

rest to flight. When Tantia saw this disaster, he mounted and ordered

out his troops. The whole of his force advanced against the Pathdns and

commenced a musketry fire, accompanying it with the discharge of rockets.

On hearing this firing, Nawab Khan mounted and coming to the batteries

stood there. He ordered his risdlahddars to advance to support the Pathans

already under fire. Shadil Khan Ghilzai, Sa’dat Khan Afridi, Muhammad Ali

Khan Afridi, Muhammad Khan Afridi, Khan Miyan Khan Khatak, ’Umr

Khan Gwaliyari, Namdar Khan, brother of Nawab Ghairat Khan, Nur Khan,

son of Khalil Khan Mataniya, Mangal Khan of Tilhar and others, left their

batteries and advanced to support the Pathans. Tantid on his side came on

to meet andrepelthem. When the two forces came closer, the musketry fire

ceased and swords were drawn. The Afghan attack was so fierce that they

even began to wrestle with their enemies, and tolay hold of them by the neck.

Unable to bear up against the assault, the Mahrattas took to flight. When

this suecess was reported to him, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a camel-rider

with orders forbidding a further advance, and recalled the troops. The

commanders on receiving this order, sent on the recovered guns in front, and

followed them into camp with drums beating a triumphal march. The

Nawab gave praise to each private soldier and dresses of honour to the

leaders. He then went back to his tents.

On hearing of Tantid’s defeat, the Wazir with the Jats, Mahrattas, and

the remainder of his army continued his march till he arrived near the

Nawab’s entrenchment. He left Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia and Tan-

tid at the Kasim Bagh. He proceeded on himself till he arrived at Singhi-

rampur, a ferry on the right bank of the Ganges in Parganah Bhojpur, some

eleven or twelve miles further down the river than Fatehgarh, and there he

fixed his own encampment. ‘Then he issued orders to Niir-ul Hasan Khan

Bilgrami to throw a bridge of boats across the river.

When Nawadb Ahmad Khan heard of the Wazir’s intentions, he gave

orders to his son, Mahmiid Khan, who was posted upon the farther or left

bank of the river, to detach two or three thousand men to prevent the

* The native infantry hospital is now in the Bagh, where is the tomb of Kasim

Khan,

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 91

bridge being thrown across by the Wazir. The young Nawab deputed Lala

Sydm Singh, brother of the deceased Shamsher Jang, chela. This chief

at the head of his own regiment repaired to the threatened point, and on

reaching it found the bridge half made. He began such a heavy musketry

and rocket fire, that the enemy left their bridge and ran away. The at-

tempt to cross was thus defeated, to be renewed afterwards with more

success.

On the receipt of the first news of the Wazir’s return with the Mah-

rattas, Naw4b Ahmad Khan had written in all directions for aid. Amongst

others, he wrote to Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and HAfiz Rahmat Khan, the

heads of the Rohela confederacy, saying that though they had differences,

they could settle those among themselves, but need not allow injury to

come from the hand of strangers. He hoped they would send troops to

help him, so that they might jointly attack their common foe. Hafiz Rah-

mat Khan first excused himself on the ground of the blood-feud between

them, caused by the death of Kaim Khan ; till the blood of Kéim Khan was

forgiven, he would be afraid to trust his men in Ahmad Khan’s power.

The Nawab replied, that he made them a gift of Kaéim Khan’s blood-feud,

and thenceforth till the day of judgment he would take no revenge on

them.

On the receipt of this letter, Sa’dullah Khan, son of Ali Muhammad

Khan, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mull4 Sardér Khan,

Fath Khan, and Bahddur Kh4n, chela, informed them of its contents, and

asked their advice. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, by reason of his affection for the

Wazir, sat silent, and owing to his silence the other leaders would say no-

thing. Sa’dullah Khan asked Hafiz Rahmat Khan, why he said nothing ?

Rahmat Khan asked the Naw4b, what his own intentions were ? The Nawab

replied, that his intentions depended upon those of others. Hafiz Rahmat

Khan’s answer was, that in that case the Nawab would have to give up

_ taking any part in the war. Bahadur Khan, who owing to bis bravery took

the lead among all the Rohela commanders, exclaimed, “ Have our leaders

“ exchanged their turbans for women’s veils, for such coward words should

“be unknown to any Pathan lip.” Then turning to the Nawab, he said,

that if orders for the march were not given, he should the next day start

himself without orders, taking his regiment with him, and any Afghan,

who cherished his name and reputation, might follow. Thenrising he took

his leave, and began his preparations. Nawab Sa’dullah Khan repaired to

the female apartments, where he repeated to his mother word for word the

altercation which had occurred between Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Bahadur

Khan. He then asked her-what he ought to do, to follow Hafiz Rahmat

Khan or Bahadur Khan. His mother said “ Light of my eyes! to ask

92 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabéd. [No. 2,

“advice in such matters from our sex is not seemly, do as your heart dic-

“tates, but to me it appears that Hafiz refrains from action out of partiali-

“ty for the Wazir, while Bahadur Khin’s readiness to join the war, shows

“his respect for his own good name and reputation.” On hearing these

words from his mother’s mouth, Nawab Sa’dullah Khan came out of the

private apartments, and sent again for all the principal men. He declared

that it would be dishonourable in him to refuse Nawab Ahmad Khan’s re-

quest for aid, and accepting all the consequences, he meant to march the

next day, those might follow who liked, and the rest might please them-

selves. Then sending for Bahadur Khan, he said to him, “ Inform my

“ regimental commanders that if they hold themselves my servants they

“will attend me, otherwise, I dismiss them.” Bahadur Khan carried out

these orders, and except the contingents of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde

Khan, and Mulla Sardar Khan, all the others presented themselves, accom-

panied by Fath Khan Khansaman. Next day the march began.

Let us now return to the events which occurred meanwhile between

the two contending armies at Fatehgarh. Every day, on the side of Mulhar~

Rao and Apa Sendhia, from daybreak up to an hour and a half before sun-

set, an artillery fire was kept up, directed against the camp of Nawab

Ahmad Khan. At nightfall the Pathans would come out of their shelter

in the ravines, go at the batteries and capture perhaps two or three small

guns, which, after driving off those in charge, they would bring into

their own camp. A little before sunset the rest of those concealed in

the ravines came out of hiding, and began to cook or otherwise employ

themselves. The leaders went to pay their respects to the Nawab. One

day they were all seated close to the Nawab’s private tent, when the enemy,

noticing them collected in one spot, fired one of their heavy guns in that

direction. By chance the ball struck the side of Kazim ’Ali Khan, son of

Shamsher Khan the martyr, then engaged in the evening prayer. It next

cut off the arm of Nawab Shadi Khan, sixteenth son of Muhammad Khan,

and hit two or three others. All were killed. On this sudden misfortune —

being reported to him, Nawdb Ahmad Khan got into his palki and came to

the place where the two bodies lay, and standing there he gave orders for

their burial, saying that the next day he hoped by God’s grace to pub.

several to the sword in exchange for those lost. After burying the bodies,

the Pathins made a sortie and fell upon the camp of the Mahrattas. They

fought most bravely and boldly all night, so that the Mahrattas were forced

to give way. When the sun rose, the Pathans, with drums beating and

swords drawn, returned to their camp with a number of severed Mahratta

heads held aloft upon spears.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. 93

Upon the Wazir’s receiving a detailed report of these nocturnal con-

tests, he sent for the leaders of the Mughals and Kizilbdsh, and told them

how, although invested, Ahmad Khan’s troops each night left their ravines

to attack the Mahrattas, and every morning carried back heads upon spears.

He wanted to know what they were about not to prevent this, and he told

them that he spat upon their beards. That very day they must proceed to

the threatened position, and so fight that they should either defeat the

enemy and bring their heads to lay at his, the Wazir’s feet, or else give up

their own lives to the enemy. Those tiger-cubs (sher-bacha) joined the

Mabratta army, and after a short rest hastened on to Kasim Bagh, opposite

to which was the battery commanded by Manstr ’Ali Khan, the thirteenth

son of Nawa4b Muhammad Khan. Between the dagh and the battery there

was no cover, but the ground was uneven and rugged. The sher-bacha

advanced out of the bagh, and taking shelter in a hollow, began a fire from

large muskets. Again advancing in the same manner, they at length came

quite close to the battery. When the Kizilb’sh horsemen saw that the

sher-bacha were close to the battery, they dismounted and advanced as a

reinforcement. They all then attacked together. The Pathdns, who were

ready waiting for the enemy, gave them one round from their cannon and

let off a number of rockets, then drawing their swords rushed upon them.

When they had put many of their assailants to death, the rest giving way

took refuge again in the Kasim Bagh. The Pathans followed them up

and, forcing them to continue the retreat, themselves occupied the bdgh.

To the right of it, on the east side, there is an open space at a much lower

level. Here there stood drawn up in ambush a very large force of Mahrat-

tas. Seeing that the Wazir’s soldiers were retreating, unable to withstand

the Afghan attack, and that the Afghans quitting their batteries had come

as far as K4sim Bagh, a number of these horsemen dashed into the space

between the battery and the ddgh. The regiment was under the command

of Tantia. When the valiant Afghans perceived that the Mahrattas had

barred their retreat, they said to each other, “O friends, fire your arrows

“and aim your swords first at the horses’ legs, so that the rider having fallen,

“you may slay him.” All the Afghans adopted this mode of dealing with

the Mahratta horse, and they killed many of them. At length the Mah-

rattas dismounted and continued the fight. This engagement was watched

by Mansér ’Ali Khén Sdhihz4dah from the battery. Rising and grasping

his sword, he went out on foot towards the enemy. His personal followers

with bared swords preceded him, among them was Hisdm-ud-din Gwaliyari,

from whose book we quote. Counting his followers and others accidental-

ly present, he found there were about one thousand men or thereabouts.

These came up in the midst of the affray between the Mahrattas and the first

94 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. (No. 2,

party of Pathins. They made an onset in the other direction, and at this

point the men from the next battery on the left or east came up to rein-

force them. Abdullah Khan Warakzai, Zabita Khan Khatak, Anwar Khan

Kochar, and others used their swords with such effect that the Mahrattas

gave way. When Tantia saw that his men were on the point of taking to

flight, and being angry at the disgrace of his former defeat, he dismounted

and exclaimed that he would give up his life sooner than retreat. But his

attendants forced him to remount and led him off to his camp. As the

defeated Mahrattas began to flee, Nawdb Manstr ’Ali Khan Sdéhibzddah

and the other leaders sent for their horses, and mounting hastened after

them as far as the eastern corner of the bdgh, whence they saw that the

Mahrattas in great confusion had reached their own camp. Manstir ’Al;

Khan and the others, leaving the bdgh on their right hand, eame round to

the west of it and halted. Nawdéb Ahmad Khan now rode up to the bat-

teries, and directed the commanders not to leave their batteries nor to draw

up their troops beyond the ravines, for the Mahrattas would give no fur-

ther trouble. Mansir ’Ali Khan then returned to his old position, and Nawab

Ahmad Khan accorded him great praise. All the commanders were ofdered

to remain in their batteries on the alert. After this Nawab Ahmad Khan

returned to his own quarters.

After the investment of Fatehgarh had lasted a month and some days,

there came the report of the near approach of Nawab Sa’dullah Khan.

This news caused great anxiety to the Wazir, Mulhar Rao, and Apa Sendhia.

Hafiz Rahmat Khan had written to the Wazir, that although he had done

his best to dissuade Sa’dullah Khan, his advice had been rejected and the

Nawab had marched to the aid of Ahmad Khan. He therefore advised the

Wazir to make a peace with Ahmad Khan, in the best way he could, before

Sa’dullah Khan arrived, for, according to the tradition, “ Peace is prefer-

able to enmity.”

Next day the Wazir went to Mulhdr Rao and Apa Sendhia’s quarters,

and informing them of Sa’dullah Khan’s march, he asked what they

thought. Mulhdr Rao and Apa Sendhid sending for their principal men

reported the matter to them and asked their opinion. All the leaders,

except Apa Sendhia, who gas privately favourable to Ahmad Khan, said

they were entirely at the disposal of the Wazir, their opinion need not be

asked, they would carry out whatever orders they received. The Wazir

turning to Apa Sendhia asked the reason of his silence. He replied that

there could be no dispute about the self-evident, what all men could see

could not be doubted. They had in no way been slack in carrying on the

war, Rao Tantid had kept up constant hostilities, yet they had not sueceed-

ed. As for the Wazir’s army, which was made up of picked troops, its

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 95

state the Wazir himself had seen. Ahmad Khan had got the better of

both their army and of the Wazir’s, and when Sa’dullah Khan joined him

it would be quite impossible for any one to beat the united force. The

Wazir then admitted to the Mahratta leaders that Hafiz Rahmat Khan,

in stating that Sa’dullah Khan had been led astray by Bahadur Khan,

added that it would be best for the Wazir to make a peace before Sa’dullah

Khan arrived. The Wazir requested their opinion. They answered that

there could be nothing better than to do as suggested, for then further

losses on both sides would be prevented. The Wazir asked the best way

to open negociations ; for if on their side the first advances were made, it

would lower their dignity. Apa Sendhia said, that inhis opinion, the objec-

tion could be obviated by calling in Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat

Khan, who were themselves Pathans.

Mulhar Rado and Apa got up, followed by their chief men, and assem-

bled in another place. They sent for Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat

Khan. The Mahrattas told them that they did not wish that Nawab Ah-

mad Khan should be reduced to extremities, that he should be expelled

from his territories or lose his life in battle. As they wished for peace

* between Ahmad Khan and the Wazir, they asked them to negociate. The

two Pathans recounted all the wrongs received by Ahmad Khan’s family

at the hand of the Wazir, and upbraided the Mahrattas for forgetting the

former friendship between them and the house of Ghazanfar Jang. The

Mahrattas admitted the former friendship, but pleaded the farmdn of the

Emperor of all Hindustan, which had directed them to serve under the

Wazir. Still they had not exerted themselves much, in fact had acted

purposely with carelessness and negligence. Ghairat Khan and Himmat

Khan then commented unfavourably on the Emperor’s treatment of the

Bangash family, and made other objections. At length they were talked

over and withdrawing their objections, they asked what the proposals were.

Mulhar Rao asked them to go home, and he would assemble the leaders ;

when a decision had been arrived at, they should be informed.

The two Pathans left and went to their tents, while the Mahrattas

remained to discuss the matter among themselves. At last it was decided

that ten lakhs of rupees should be given by the Wazir as the price of blood

for the sons of Ghazanfar Jang, and that, besides the ancient territory, the

Wazir should make over two of his own Mahils, Pali and Sandi,* which

adjoined the other lands of Ahmad Khan. When they went to the Wazir

and informed him, he accepted their decision. The leaders then proceeded

to the quarters of Nawab Ghairat Khan and Himmat Khan, where they

made them acquainted with the proposed terms, which they considered very

* Both now in the Hardoi district of Audh,

96 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

favourable to Nawab Ahmad Khan. They requested that a trusty messen-

ger might be sent to the Nawab to lay the matter before him on their part.

Nawab Ghairat Khan selected his brother Alaf Khan. Alaf Khan went

and represented to Nawab Ahmad Khan, that ten lakhs would be paid, and

that Pali and Sandi would be added to his former territory. As soon as he

heard the words, Ahmad Khan said that, if the Wazir paid ten krors of

rupees as the price of his brother’s blood, never would he accept it, nor if

twenty sons of the Wazir were slain, would he be satisfied, He declined to

treat, and left it to the decision of the sword—

“ Har kih shamsher zanad sikka ba-nam-ash khwand.”

Nor let them think that he was invested in that fort, for he was ready at

any moment to meet them in the open field. His defeat of the Wazir had

passed into a proverb ; as for Suraj Mall Jat, he was the same who had been

unable to stand up against him before, and in company with the Wazir had

taken to flight. By God’s favour, after victory they would see him act as an

honorable and brave man should act. Till their fate had been tried in battle,

what peace could there be. If he gained the day, he would attain his desires,

if the fates were against him, he bowed to the will of the Most High; but

the blood of Ghazanfar Jang’s sons should never be sold for gold. He

then gave Alaf Khan his dismissal, and presented him with a dress of hon-

our, a horse, and a sword.

Soon after Alaf Khan had departed, messengers brought word that

next day Nawab Sa’dullah Khan would march up and encamp on the bank

of the Ganges. Orders were accordingly given to Nawib Mahmtd Khan

and Manavar Khan Sahibzidah to go out to weleome him. At one watch

before sunrise those two chiefs started, as directed, to meet and escort

Nawab Sa’dullah Khan.

Next day the army of Sa’dullah Khan, with swords drawn and drums

beating, came into sight. It is said they were twelve thousand in number.*

All the Pathains and Rohelas, and the soldiers in all directions, out of joy

and delight at sight of this reinforcement, began firing off their guns.

They were so puffed up with pride and became so haughty that they remem-

bered not God. Sayyad Asad ’Ali Shah with several men, among others

Hisim-ud-din Gwiliyéri, was seated on theriver’s bank watching the arrival

of the army of Nawab Sa’dullah Khan. As the holy man’s glance fell

upon the troops on the further side of the river, he became suddenly agitat-

ed, and falling into a deep reverie, he exclaimed, ‘“ Slain and defeated.”

When he returned to his ordinary state, he said that the joy and rejoicing

of these men had not found acceptance, they would see what the morrow

should bring forth.

* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 40.

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 97

Sa’dullah Khan pitched his tents on the opposite or left bank of the

river, and Nawab Ahmad Khan sent off for his use food of every description

by the hand of Mustajab Khan Warakzai. Nawab Ahmad Khan also sent

a request that next day Sa’dullah Khan would cross the Ganges, for it was

highly important to combine their forces into one. This message was deli-

vered, but Sa’dullah Khan said that, after consulting with his chief men, he

would send word of his intentions. Then he sent for Bahadur Khan and

Fath Khan, and told them of Nawab Ahmad Khan’s request. Bahadur Khan,

who was very reckless, replied that it was not meet to present themselves

before the head of the Afghan clan without an offering (nazardna), and word

should be sent to Ahmad Khan, that if God willed, they, his well-wishers,

would the next morning lay before him as an offering the heads of the

Wazir, of the Mahratta chiefs, and of the Jat leader. Sa’dullah Khan,

being youthful and inexperienced, sent off a message to that effect. Ahmad

Khan replied that whatever he thought best he should do, but to one thing

he should pay the strictest attention, namely, not on any account to quit

his hold of the river bank. When the fighting began, if the Mahrattas

turned, he should not let his men pursue, because it was the Mahratta prac-

tice to pretend they had been put to flight, and-lead their enemy away

from his supports. Next day Sa’dullah Khan and Mahmid Khan and

Manavar Khan Sahibzadah prepared for battle and, ranging their troops in

order, led them against the enemy.

On the other hand, the Wazir had been greatly frightened by the arrival

of Sa’dullah Khin, He sent for Mulhar Rao, Apa Sendhia and Stiraj Mall

Jat in order to consult. The plan was adopted of sending troops across

the river to meet and fight Sa’dullah Khan, before he could unite with Ah-

mad Khan. The bridge at Singhi-rampur, which was in bad condition, was put

inorder. Then Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Rao, and Tantiad Gangddhar with

fifty thousand men crossed the bridge. Jowdahir Singh, son of Siraj Mall Jat,

and Rand Bhim Singh, zamindar of Gwaliyar, followed with forty thousand

horse and foot. The attack upon the Rohelas then commenced. At first the

Rohelas under Bahadur Khan let fly rockets, which fell from the sky like rain ;

then they discharged their muskets. By degrees they gave over firing and

drawing their swords, rushed upon the Hindts, who soon beat a retreat.

Bahadur Khan, forgetting Nawab Ahmad Khan’s counsel, quitted the river

bank to pursue the flying enemy. With Bahadur Khan may have been some

two or three thousand men. He went in pursuit far ahead of the main body

of his troops. The enemy, seeing that there was only a single elephant

followed by a few men, without any reserves at hand to reinforce them,

turned upon Bahadur Khan and surrounded him. Bahadur Khan got off his

elephant, mounted his horse, and followed by his men with their swords

98 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,

drawn, tried to repel the enemy. But the Hindus encircled them, as if

they were shooting game, and kept up at them a galling discharge of mus-

ketry and arrows. They also wounded many and killed many with sword

and dhop (a kind of sword) and lance and spear. Bahadur Khan, so long

as he was alive, kept hold of his sword, nor did he belie his name of Baha-

dur (the brave). Not a soul coming up to aid him, at last he fell off his

horse, and gave up the ghost. The enemy then cut off his head; and those

of his men who remained sought safety in flight. This disastrous defeat,

which suddenly changed the whole complexion of the campaign, occurred

early in Jamadi II. 1164 H. (16th April—15th May, 1751).

When Sa’dullah Khan heard that Bahadur Khan was killed, he asked

Fath Khan Khans&éman what should be done. Now, all the other leaders

had entertained a deep-felt enmity to Bahadur Khan. At the time of de-

parture from Anwalah, Hafiz Rahmat Khan had said privately to Fath

Khan that in battle Bahadur Khan was sure to be the foremost, it would

be well to arrange judiciously that no one went to his support, so that he

might be overcome and slain, thus getting rid of a great thorn in their side,

for it was he who had incited Nawab Sa’dullah Khan into taking the part

of Nawab Ahmad Khan. And if Ahmad Khan should overcome the Wazir,

he would aim at the throne itself, none being left to contend with him ;

then, taking satisfaction for the blood of Kaim Khan, he would expel all

the Rohelas from their country.

On Sa’dullah Khan’s putting the question to him, Fath Khan found

his opportunity, and he at once said that the best thing was to turn their

faces towards Anwalah. The Nawab replied that hcnour would not permit

him to depart, leaving Ahmad Khan in the mouth of the enemy. Fath

Khan answered that Ahmad Khan had now no chance of success, he too

would soon follow to Anwalah, where they could consult together on the

best course to be pursued. Sa’dullah Khan gave in to these arguments as

conclusive and turned his face towards Anwalah.*

Nawab Mahmud Khan and Manavvar Khan, finding that Sa’dullah

Khan was moving off towards Anwalah, returned to Nawdb Ahmad Khan’s

head quarters. Nand Bhim Singh and Jowahir Singh, son of Stiraj Mall

Jat, who were in command of the enemy on that side of the river, were

now ina position to oppose the return of the two Sdhibzddahs. Jowéhir

Singh wished to cut off their retreat, but the Rand objected. He was a

well-wisher to the family of Ghazanfar Jang, Daler Khan, the well known

* The life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 40, says Sa’dullah Khan reached Anwalah

without an attendant on the third day after his departure. On both points this state-_

ment must be somewhat exaggerated.

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabéd. 99

chela of that Nawab, having been his uncle.* The Rana’s objection pre-

vailed, and an hour or so before sunset, the Sahibzadahs presented themselves

before the Nawab.

When the report spread that Bahadur Khan had been killed, and that

Sa’dullah Khan had retreated to Anwalah, the whole of the men in camp

began to tremble like willows. Nawab Ahmad Khan mounted his elephant,

and proceeding to the embrasures of the batteries, told every body that his

ability to wage war was not dependent on Sa’dullah Khan, that God willing,

he would next day order an advance from the batteries, and going as far as

Singhi-ramputr, would give battle to the Wazir. Then privately sending for

each leader, he told him to be on the alert, for at three hours before sunrise

he would march to make a night-surprise on the enemy. After such-like

reassuring speeches he returned to his tent. He gave orders to the men

in charge of the bridge to break it up. The investment had now lasted

one month and eleven days.

Three hours after night-fall the Mahrattas and Jats set fire to Sa’dul-

lah Khan’s tents, and the flames burned so brightly, that it was light as day

in Nawab Ahmad Khan’s camp. Those in the army who were frightened,

and in all their lives had never seen such a confusion and conflagration, began

to make their escape. The leaders and men of reputation alone remained at

their posts. These, seeing the state of fright into which their troops had

been thrown, went in a body to the Nawab and represented to him the

state of affairs. He asked what they thought. They advised him to cross

the Ganges and take safety in flight. At first he refused, but at length be-

coming convinced that there was no other course open to him, he consented.

Then taking his brothers Murtazza Khan, Khidaébandah Khan, ’Azim

Khan, Manayvar Khan, Salabat Khan, Shaistah Khan, and his chief men,

such as Rustam Khan Bangash, ’Indyat ’Ali Khan, Bahyéb Khan, Shadil

Khan, Mangal Khan, Sa’dat Khan, Mustajab Khan, he left the fort while

it was still night, and proceeded up stream along the river bank. The

Mahrattas came up with the rear guard of the retreating Pathdns near

Shikarpur ghat, which is five miles above Fatehgarh. The Nawéb continued

his flight to Kamrol ferry, about fifteen or sixteen miles above that place,

and there his elephant Kdala-pahér swam across, guided by Ramzani

Mahaut, after they had thrown in a bag of gold to propitiate the genius of

the stream. Many of his followers lost their lives in attempting to swim

their horses across after him. The Nawab proceeded through Amritpur to

Shahjahanpur, and thence to Anwalah.

* See p. 286, Vol, XLVII, 1878, where I state reasons for doubting the correctness

“of this relationship,

100 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

Meanwhile Nawab Mansir ’Ali Khan Sdhibzadah, ’Abdullah Khan

Warakzai and others had received no notification of the Nawab’s departure,

their batteries being to the left of the Nawab’s position. When a rumour

of the flight of the Nawab was brought, Manstr ’Ali Khan got up and

mounted his horse, followed by Hisim-ud-din, Rasil Khan and others. He

sent for his jama’dadrs and said to them that the Nawab had sent for him,

that he was going to see what orders there were. He then went away. As

a long time passed without his returning, Rastil Khan said to Hisim-ud-

din “ I expect the Nawab has gone,” and he sent a man to make enquiries.

This messenger did not return. While still waiting for his coming, the

night was spent and day began to break. "When the rumour of the Nawab’s

flight spread, a panic arose, and each man began to look out for his own

safety ; some hid in the brushwood (jhdo) in the river bed; others rode

their horses into the stream, thinking to escape by swimming, but they

were all drowned. The events of that day, Hisdm-ud-din Bisse eannot be

described, he can only recount what befell himself.

When day arose His4m-ud-din, Rastl Khan, Ghairat Khan and ’Ab-

dullah Khan resolved to sell their lives dearly, and all by themselves issued

from their battery. They saw the Mahrattas stripping of their clothes,

one by one, all those fugitives, who had neither got clear off nor had been

drowned in the river. A group of these Mahrattas came towards Hisim-

ud-din and his companions and surrounded them. In the party were three

horsemen, Hisdm-ud-din, Rastl Khan, and ’Abdullah Khan Warakzai, all

the rest were on foot. These latter on seeing the enemy began to divest

themselves of their clothes and threw them down, Ghairat Khan Bangash,

however, drew his sword and ran at the enemy, and after some passes with

his sword, was wounded and fell. Some of the enemy recognizing him,

made him a prisoner. The same happened to Rasil Khan and ’Abdullah

Khan. Hisim-ud-din with a few men remained standing on one side.

Sarfaraz Khan Dilazik, a native of Dholptr-Shikarband, was holding

Hisam-ud-din’s horse. He was a great friend and protector of Sayyads.

Hisiam-ud-din said to him, ‘“ You see what has happened to the others, what

shall we do?” He replied that, when he had taken service, he held it to be

part of his duty to give his head for him he served ; now that the time had

come, to shirk the blow would be a coward’s deed. Then calling to his three

brothers who stood near, they all four, sword in hand, rushed upon the foe.

After a fierce hand-to-hand struggle, they were overcome and slain. Then

the enemy’s horsemen rode up and surrounded Hisim-ud-din. Standing at

a little distance they cried out to him. “Take your hand from your bridle,

“if you want to save your life.” He answered that with his horse went

his life and his head, should he fall, the horse was theirs. On this they said

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdbad. 101

to each other something in Mahratti, which he did not understand. Then

one of them lifted his right hand and hurled his spear at His4m-ud-din.

‘It struck him between the side and the left arm. Another spear was

thrown by the same man from his left hand. This second spear entered at

the right side, and the two spears crossing each other stuck out like the

handles of a pair of scissors. The wounds caused Hisam-ud-din to feel giddy

and left him no strength to wield his sword. Just then the shaft of one of

those spears fell down, and struck the horse on the crupper. From the

blow the horse gave a bound, and His4m-ud-din, losing control of him, was

thrown, with the two spears still sticking into him like a pair of shears.

At once several of the scoundrels got off their horses and making him a

prisoner, wrenched the bare sword out of his right hand. Hisam-ud-din

now thought it was all over, and turning his thoughts to Heaven, he hum-

bly prayed to God that, whether his life were taken or not, he might be

sprared further dishonour. As he lay, he turned his face towards the Gan-

ges, and being on the high bank at the edge of the river, he could see below

him a number of Afghans, who for fear of their lives had stripped them-

selves naked and were crouching in the water. At this moment a fresh

party of Mahrattas came up. On seeing them, many of these seated at the

water’s edge threw themselves into the river ; the rest, seeking quarter by

putting their fingers between their teeth, were captured and driven off

towards the camp.

In a short time some other horsemen rode up and asked Hisim-ud-din

why he was seated there alone. He replied “ What else can Ido?” They

said “ Come with us.” He said “ I am not able to walk.” They had with

them a wounded horse, which they ordered him to mount. He obeyed and

mounting rode with them. The sowars took him straight to Mulhar Rao,

who was standing with his retinue near the Kasim Bagh. Mulhdr Rado

said to him, ‘“‘ Did Ahmad Khan cross the Ganges early or late in the

night ?””

His4m-ud-din.— I do not know.”

M. R.—“ How can I believe that you could have been in Ahmad

Khan’s camp without knowing ?”

Hisim-ud-din.—* If I had known I should have gone with the Nawab.”

M. R.—* That is true.”

He then ordered one of the horsemen to take Hisdm-ud-din to the

tents of Khande Réo,* where he was to receive every indulgence consis-

tent with his detention as a prisoner. When brought before Khande Rao,

he assigned comfortable quarters to His4m-ud-din.

* Khande Rao was killed at the siege of the Jat fort of Komber in 1755-6, Grant

Duff, 284,

102 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 2,

Next day Mulhar Rao, with his chief men, paid a visit to his son

Khande Rao. Among his retinue was one Shekh Muhi-ud-din, resident of

Narmalptir, in the service of Anthal Rio, Mukdsadah-dir* of Gwaliyar.

This Shekh came up to Hisim-ud-din, and asked, “‘ What is your name ?”

H-ud-D.— Hisam-ud-din”

M-ud-D.—* Where is your native country ?”

H-ud-D.—* Gwaliyar.”

M-ud-D.—“ In what mahalla (quarter of the town) do you live ?”

H-ud-D.—* My home is outside the city, they call the place Ghaus-

pair.”

M-ud-D.—“ Are you any relation to Ghaus-i-Islim, the saint ?”

H-ud-D.—“ My grandfather Makhdum Abu’l Hasan (on whom be

peace) was sister’s son, and also son-in-law of Ghaus-i-Islam.”

On hearing this, the Shekh took Hisim-ud-din to Nawab Manavar

Khan, son of Nawab Anwar Khan, a descendant of Shah ’Isa Burhanpuri.

This latter was a disciple of Shah Lashkar ’Arif, who himself was a disciple

of the saint Miran Hamid-ud-din, known as Ghaus Gwiliydri. To the Nawab

he reported minutely all their conversation. At once, the Nawab came for-

ward out of the group in which he was standing, and with the greatest

courtesy approached to Hisim-ud-din, stated his wish to be his firm friend,

and putting him on his own horse, led him away to his house. There he

was treated with every kindness. After a time the Nawab urged Hisim-

ud-din to enter his service, but he refused, saying, “I shall be equally

“ ovateful to you, if you will put me across the river Ganges, so that I

“may rejoin Nawadb Ahmad Khan wherever he may be.” At length the

Nawab gave up his efforts to detain His4m-ud-din and agreed to his depar-

ture. The day after, he rode in person to the river bank and saw that

Hisim-ud-din got safely across. ’Abdullah Khan Jama’dar had at that

time just crossed with a party of Afghans and Rohelas. Joining them

Hisim-ud din set out for the camp of Nawab Ahmad Khan.

The Oampaign in Rohilkhand.

When Nawab Ahmad Khan saw that all had left him except his lea-

ders and jamadars, he came to the conclusion that the rulers of Anwalah

had only sent Sa’dullah Khan to join him in order to get rid of Bahadur

Khan. Besides, they may have thought that Ahmad Khan’s soldiers would

in despair desert and join them. Although fully aware of all these plans,

Ahmad Khan found that the deplorable state of his army made resistance

hopeless. Therefore, as already related, he crossed the Ganges and made

his way to Anwalah where the Rohela leaders came out to meet him,

* See Grant Duff, pp. 36, and 98 for meaning of this term,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 103

Hamilton* comments unfavourably on the imprudence of the Rohela

policy in allowing a part of their forces to jom Ahmad Khan. The answer

seems to be ready in the facts of the case, which in Hamilton are substantially

as we have given them. Action was taken by the hot-headed youth, Sa’dullah

Khan, against the wishes of the more experienced leaders. But having once

gained the advantage, it was not likely that the Wazir, still less the Mahrattas,

would make any fine distinctions between Sa’dullah Khan’s enmity and the

friendly feelings of the rest. The whole Rohela confederacy was to be

attacked and swept away.

Consultations were now held between Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas ;

and the plan at length decided on, was to take shelter at the foot of the

Kumaon hills. Next day Nawib Ahmad Khan with the Rohela leaders,

setting out towards the hills, reached Muradabad. It so chanced that there

was a halt there of several days’ duratiou. ‘In this interval messengers

brought word that the Wazir, leaving Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia at

Singhi-rampur, had proceeded to Lakhnau. On hearing this, the Rohelas

told Nawab Ahmad Khan that they considered it advisable to return to

Anwalah, the rainy season being close at hand, during which they could

rest undisturbed at home, employing the time on. summoning their clans-

men from all sides, and making ready to renew hostilities with the Mah-

rattas. This place was accepted by all, and they returned to Anwalah.

The Rohelas went to their houses, and Ahmad Khan encamped outside the

town.

When the rains of 1751 were over, preparations were made for a cam-

paign, boats were collected, and a bridge was thrown across the ‘river called

the Rim Ganga. This river flows through Rohilkhand and falls into the

Ganges on the left side nearly opposite Kannauj, more than forty miles

below Farrukhébad. Ona report being brought to the enemy of the

advance of Ahmad Khan with the Rohelas and other Pathans, they des-

patched Khande Rao, son of Mulhar Kado, with other leaders and a numer-

ous army, across the Ganges, to meet and repel them. Then Ahmad Khén

and the Anwalah Sarddars crossed their bridge, and gave strict orders to

their men to keep close to the river bank, following its course. The river

at one place described a semicircle. Here the Mahrattas had taken up

_ their position, intending to bar the Afghan advance. Donde Khan, who

commanded the vanguard, seeing the position occupied by the enemy, came

to the conclusion that he could not effect a passage along the river bank.

He therefore refrained from continuing his march, and posted his artillery

between the two points to east and west formed by the bend in the river,

By this maneeuvre he cut off the enemy’s line of retreat. When Khande

* History of the Rohela Afghans, pp. 106 and 108.

104 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabéd. [No. 2

Rao saw that they had fallen into the trap laid by the Pathans and that

their retreat was cut off, he sent a man to Nawab Ahmad Khan to make

terms. The messenger said, that though by the Emperor’s order they had

served the Wazir in this campaign, they were not in heart fighting for him,

they only fought to save appearances ; what should be now agreed on pri-

vately with them, they swore solemnly to carry out in writing, when the

campaign under the Kumion hills had once commenced. Ahmad Khan, on

this message being received, sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan, told him what

was proposed, and referred to the old friendship between his father, Muham-

mad Khan, and the Mahrattas. He then requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan

to send orders to Donde Khan to withdraw from his position closing up

the Mahratta line of retreat. Hafiz Rahmat Khan in reply said that in time

of war, Donde Khan took orders from no one, perhaps if Nawab Ahmad

Khan went in person he might agree, and he, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was

willing to accompany him to the spot.

The order of battle was as follows; To the rear and in support of

Donde Khan were Bahadur Khanand Mulla Sardir Khan ; after them came

Fath Khan Khansaman; and then Nawab Sa’dullah Khan with Hafiz

Rahmat Khan, who, mounted on one elephant, formed as it were the advance-

guard of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan

proceeded to Donde Khan’s head-quarters, where they informed him of

what the Mahrattas had promised and had sworn an oath to do. He said

in answer, that the Mahrattas must have sent overtures only because they

were in extremity. For was not the river on three sides of them, and had

he not cut off the fourth ? Without any labour or trouble a speedy victory

would be obtained. Oaths taken at such a juncture were worthless. The

Nawab admitted that what Donde Khan said was quite true, but it was

against the creed of a good Musulman to refuse peace to those who asked

oe Tf their oaths were false, God would mete out the punishment. Donde

Khan was forced at length to accede, and he sent word to his regiments to

withdraw and allow a free passage. The soldiers were then moved off, and

the road cleared for the enemy. Then Nawab Ahmad Khan and Nawab

Sa’dullah Khan pitched their tents on that spot. Next day they marched

onwards, and reached the head of the boat-bridge, thrown across by the

Wazir under Singhi-rampiur.

Before the arrival of the Mussulman forces, the Mahrattas had broken

up the bridge, and when N awib Ahmad Khan reached the place he found

the river separating him from the enemy. Artillery fire began on both

sides. ‘The troops who had been allowed to withdraw from their critical

position in the bend of the river, gathered round the Nawab’s army but did

not come to close quarters. After things had been in this situation for a

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nuwabs of Furrukhabdad. 105

week, and no means could be found of crossing the river, and the food

which the troops had brought with them was nearly exhausted, the Rohela

leaders represented the state of affairs to Nawab Ahmad Khan. He asked

what they thought of doing. Hafiz Rahmat Khan then told him that

during the night a letter to Sa’dullah Khan had been received from Najib

Khan, to the effect that he would arrive shortly with reinforcements. He

was advancing down the opposite or right bank of the Ganges. This being

the case, they thought it best to march and encamp themselves near Stiraj-

pur, a ferry in Parganah Kampil, some thirty miles or more above Far-

rukhabad, and forty-two miles from Singhiramptir. There they could

collect boats, and then crossing the river they could join with Najib Khan

in making a forced march against Mulhar Rao, who had at the moment

only a small force. Time must not, however, be given to repair the broken

bridge. Therefore, on marchiny, they would give out that they were retreat-

ing to their own bridge over the Ram Ganga, to replenish their stores of

grain ; and that having obtained fresh supplies, they would at once re-occu-

py their old position and renew hostilities. Nawab Ahmad Khan consent-

ed and they marched. The Mahrattas kept up a distant fire as they march-

ed off, but they made no attempt to follow.

Meanwhile the Wazir, who had heard of the Afghans’ attempt, hur-

ried back and crossing at Mahndi ghat in parganah Kannauj, forty miles

below Farrukhabad, rejoined Mulhar Rao at Singhiramptr on the 9th

Muharram 1165 H. (17th November 1751). On his arrival the whole of

the guns were fired off as a salute, and the sound excited great consterna-

tion in the Pathin camp. On hearing that the Wazir had arrived, the

Pathan leaders assembled, and after a discussion it was finally decided to

march straight to Bangarh in parganah Budaon, ten miles north of Budaor.

Bazid Khan, commander of the artillery, was sent for and received orders

to move off with his guns, first firing a salvo from all his pieces. Thes2

orders were executed and the artillery set out. The change of plan had

not been communicated to the troops. When they saw the artillery being

removed, a panic took possession of all except the commanders and other

principal men. Not a single man kept to his proper place. When the

leaders saw this, they were much cast down, saying to each other, “ With-

“ out a battle we have been defeated.’? Nawab Ahmad Khan and his men

were half a kos distant from Nawab Sa’dullah Khan’s troops, and quite

ignorant of what had oceurred in the Rohela camp.*

* Here His4m-ud-din appears to gloss over a defeat which, as is admitted by the

Rohela account (Life of H. R. K., p. 42), occurred onthe road to Anwalah. The

Mahrattas, they say, had crossed by Kamrol, which is twenty-eight miles above

Singhirémpur. Hamilton (p. 109) places the scene of the defeat at Islamnagar, thirty-

c0)

106 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [Now2,

The sun had not yet risen when Sa’dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan,

Donde Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and others rode into Ahmad

Khan’s camp. The Nawab was asleep, but Mustajab Khan and Haji Sar-

faraz Khan went in, woke him, related what had happened to the Rohelas,

and informed him of the presence of Sa’dullah Khan and the others. Then

Ahmad Khan sent for his chief men, Rustam Khan Bangash, Sa’dat Khan

Afridi, Mangal Khan, Jamal Khan, Zibta Khan, Muhammad Khan, ’Abdul-

lah Khan, Anwar Khan, Sa’dat Khan Toyah, Shamsher Khan Mahmand ,

Shadil Khan Ghilzai, and others. He gave orders to Shadil Khan and Sa’dat

Khan to move off at once, break up their bridge and direct the boatmen to re-

move the boats forthwith to Strajpur ferry. There they were to form a

bridge of boats and maintain their position, as he intended to cross the river

at thatpoint. To the other commanders he gave orders to arm and be ready.

He then directed his march towards the Ganges in the direction of the Rohelas,

and taking them with him on his right, they all encamped on a wide open

plain. The Rohelas then sought an interview and explained the condition

of their troops. They told him that on sending off their artillery to Ban-

garh, their men had scattered, intending to take to flight. With such a

state of things existing, it was impossible for them to continue hostilities

in the field, The Nawab said he ought to have been informed of their

intentions at once, when they could have concerted other operations. To

retreat without giving battle was pitiful weakness and would be so held

by all the world. The Rohela leaders held down their heads and spoke

not aword. At length they ventured to say, “ What is done cannot be

“helped, the arrow shot from the bow cannot be recovered.”’ In reply to

the Nawab’s further enquiries, they stated that, their army having once lost

heart, they had better go to Anwalah, assemble all their families and go

with them to the hills. They advised the Nawab to do the same. The

Nawab, with great reluctance and under compulsion of necessity, agreed to

their proposals. At an hour and a half before sunset they started for

Anwalah.

Next day, before the setting of the sun, they entered Anwalah, and

Nawab Ahmad Khan took up his quarters in a bdgh inside the town.

There he rested for nine hours. When one watch remained to daybreak,

he sent for Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and set out towards the hills. The

other leaders had been employed the whole night in collecting their cash

and buried treasure, their household effects, the artillery and the rocket

two miles north-west of Budéon, but that seems too far to the west. It might be Is-

lamganj, close to Allahganj in parganah Amritpur. Perhaps His4émud-din, being

half a os off, did not witness the battle, but that hardly excuses_his suppressing it, as

he must haye heard of it immediately afterwards.

1879. ] W. Ivvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Faurrukhabad. 107

train. Then leaving the town in company with their wives and children,

they set their houses in flames and marched off. At three hours after night-

fall they reached Rampur, where they pitched their tents. Next day they

marched again and got to the neighbourhood of Muradabad. After a halt

of some six hours, they resumed their route for Kashipur, thirty miles north

of Muradabid. At that place a spy from Apa Jiu Sendhid arrived with a

letter for Nawab Ahmad Khan. It stated that when the Wazir heard that

his enemy was retreating towards the hills, he at once gave orders to his

army to cross the river and pursue by forced marches, without halting any-

where. Mulhar Rao and Tantia, with thirty thousand men and the Mughal

“ Kizilbash,” had been detached on this duty. The letter said that they

would soon come up, and Ahmad Khan had better enter the hills at once

and prepare for defence. Ahmad Khan sent for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and

the other Rohela leaders and informed them of the intelligence he had

just received. To the messenger he gave seven gold coins and sent him

back.

Without further delay the Pathans started for the hills. The follow-

ing day they entered the low jungle, and there they found a place sur-

rounded on three sides with impenetrable growth of thorns and bushes,

On the fourth side, which afforded a passage, they dug an extremely deep

ditch, and along it built towers, which made it look like the fort of Daula-

tabid in the Dakhin. In the centre of this plain they pitched their en-

campment.* ‘The Anwalah leaders also put up their tents and, ranging

their cannon, connected them with iron chains. Notwithstanding all these

preparations, they were much dejected, for they saw no prospect of sup-

plies, and without food the place was untenable. For a time, in default of

any thing else, they subsisted upon sugarcane. After two or three days

had passed without any change, Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for all the Rohe-

la leaders and told them, that although the Omnipotent had favoured them

with a refuge, whence they could defy the kings of all the seven climes,

yet it was absolutely necessary to secure food. The Rohelas replied that

the Rajéh of Almorah had great affection for Sayyad Ahmad, the Nazim

for his territory at the foot of the hills. This Sayyad was, they said, hos-

pitable and kind-hearted and well-affected towards them. They advised

that application should be made for assistance in grain, accompanying the

letter, which should be in affectionate terms, with rare and costly presents

of every kind. The Nawab having approved of this suggestion, Hafiz

Rahmat Khan, leaving his presence, went straight to the Sayyad, who held

a battery with Najib Khan, and reported to him what had been decided

* The Life of H. R. K., p. 42, says the encampment was at Chilkya, whichis 22

miles N. E. of Kashipur, and some 48 miles N. HE, of Muradabad,

108 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,

upon. He brought the Sayyad to the Nawab, who gave him a rich present

and sent him off to Almorah with the letter. Before the Sayyad reached

that place, a wakil from the Wazir had arrived by way of the Mahdi jangal.

The Wazir’s message was, that as his enemies had sought shelter at

the foot of the hills, it would only be consistent with friendship to cut off

all supplies of grain from the fugitives. In return for this favour, the

Rajah would be allowed to take possession of all the Rohela territory.

When the Sayyad got to Almorah and delivered the letter and the rare

presents, the Rajah gave the Wazir’s wakil his dismissal, saying it was in-

human not to feed those who took refuge with you. He ordered his

managers to direct the villagers near the Nawdb’s entrenchment to carry

loads of grain on their heads to the camp. He gave the Sayyad an answer

to the letter and sent him back. The Sayyad had not returned before

several thousand hillmen appeared in the camp with head-loads of grain,

which they at once offered for sale. The men in camp, who were suffer-

ing all the pangs of starvation, looking on the arrival of this grain, which

to them was “like sweetmeats without milk,” as a special mark of the

divine grace, bought each according to his need, and having made a prostra-

tion of thanksgiving, proceeded to cook and eat. After this the Sayyad

returned with a gracious answer, the contents of which were not communi-

cated to any one but the chief personages.

When the Wazir had crossed the river Ganges, he despatched Mulhar

Rao and his troops, giving them strict injunctions to follow up the enemy.

But the Mahratta leaders, true to their agreement, made excuses for delay,

saying to the Wazir that, as Tantia-Gangadhar and the Mughals with a large

force were already in pursuit of the Afghans, it would be better to wait

and see first what direction the enemy took. When trusty reports were.

received, a forced march could be made. Soon after, it was reported that

Nawdb Ahmad Khan and the Rohelas had gone to the foot of the hills.

The Mahrattas made forced marches, till they reached within three os

from the hills occupied by the fugitives. At that distance they encamped,

and the Wazir pitched his tents near the village of Chaukya.* Every day

the Wazir, keeping to the rear himself, sent the Mahrattas forward to

fight. At sunset they all returned to theircamp. After having been delayed

some time on the road, the Wazir’s artillery arrived, while these daily contests

still continued. Next day at sunrise, he mounted his elephant and brought up

his guns opposite Ahmad Khian’s battery. The firing, however, was so high

that all the shot passed quite over the battery attacked and fell beyond the

* This name I have not traced. Hamilton (p. 110) says the Afghéns went to

“a short distance above Lall Dong.’’—The life of H. R. K. (p. 42) says, the encamp-«

ment was at Chilkya, which is about 22 miles north-east of Kashipir.

i879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 109

camp in the plain behind. In this plain, which was about a square kos in

extent, the shot fell like a heavy shower of hailstones. The firing lasted

from morning till night. Night had hardly fallen, when, as a precaution,

the cannon were dragged away and placed near the Wazir’s camp. These

tactics were pursued for two months, without any effect having been pro-

duced on the Pathdins. A stream of water which flowed from the hills

hindered the Wazir’s operations. The Rohelas had dug a channel from

this stream, and they led the water all round their entrenchments, Mul-

har Rao and Straj Mall Jat tried in vain every expedient to discover a

way of entrance.

During this time, the Wazir’s agent at the Emperor’s Court had

written, in one of his news-letters, that spies had reported to his Majesty the

approach of Ahmad Shah Durrani, who was coming to the aid of his fellow-

clansmen, the Afghans. The Durrani had issued orders to the Afghans of the

hill-country to gather on the banks of the Indus and there await his arrival.

The letter went on to say that, when his Majesty heard this report, he be-

came very anxious and said to Nawab Firtiz Jang, “ What shall we do P Safdar

Jang, with my troops and the landholders from all parts, is gone on a foolish

campaign, nor does it yet appear that he has either overcome Ahmad

Khan and the Rohelas, or that he is likely to overcome them.” Firtiz

Jang, making a low obeisance, said his presentiments were coming to pass,

and he had already warned the Emperor. As Nazir Jawed Khan’s advice

had been followed, it would be best to ask him now what should be done.

The Emperor admitted that this was true, yet since man was compounded

of error, he thought that it was not fitting for Firiz Jang to refuse to

give advice. Then Firtz Jang said he thought a note (shukka) should

be sent to inform Safdar Jang that, owing to Ahmad Shah Durrani’s

approach, it was desirable to make peace with Ahmad Khan. He proposed

to confide the message to ’Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered.* Accordingly

?Ali Kuli Khan had, the Wakil reported, been sent to Safdar Jang with a

shukka from the Emperor.

Attack by the Atiths of Rajah Indar Gir.

The Wazir concealed this intelligence even from his greatest inti-

mates. Next day, he sent for Mulhar Rao, Ap4 Sendhia, Tantia-Gangadhar

and Siraj Mall Jat. He said to them that, though two months had elapsed

they were no further advanced than on the first day, in fact, they had given

no assistance. Apa Sendhia, anticipating the others, said in reply, that

they were used to fight in the open, not against entrenchments or for-

* Wali-ullah, p. 175, shows that this was an epithet applied to ’Ali Kuli Khan,

Wialih, Dighisténi, for whose biography, see the “ Khizéna ’Amira,” p. 446.

110 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

tresses. Indar Gir Atith then said, that their enemy was in the open, not

in either entrenchment or fortress. The only obstacle was the water.

Now, there were two corners, where there was no water, one to the east

and one to the west ; that to the east was the battery of Najib Khan and

Sayyad Ahmad, that to the west was defended by Nawab Ahmad Khan.

If any one chose to take the slightest trouble, they would gain a victory.

Apa Sendhid said to him, “ You, too, are in the service of the Nawab

Wazir, wherefore do you not take this trouble you speak of?” Rajah

Indar Gir said, that the next day he would make an assault on the battery

of Nawab Ahmad Khan, and he would take it unassisted. By the Wazir’s

good fortune he would bring Ahmad Khan alive a prisoner, or else he

would bring his head on the point of aspear. The Mahratta leaders

said, that nothing could be better than this, and taking leave of the Wazir

they rose and departed. When they reached their tents, Apa Sendhia sent

word to Nawab Ahmad Khan that he might expect next day an attack by

Rajah Indar Gir Atith, who would, they hoped, be killed or defeated.

When night had passed and the sun arose above the eastern horizon,

Rajah Indar Gir’s fifteen thousand men, horse and foot, all Atiths and

Nagas, each having a musket and rockets, were passed in review by the |

Wazir and despatched to the assault. Before he set out, Indar Gir re-

quested the Wazir to make a feigned attack with the Mughals and “ Sher-

bacha” in the direction of Najib Khan’s and Sayyad Ahmad’s outwork, in

order to draw all the Pathdns to that quarter, leaving Ahmad Khan’s

battery unprotected. The Wazir did as requested, and the fighting began.

Rajah Indar Gir posted himself in a hollow and awaited a favourable

moment. The Mughals did their best. But Najib Khan maintained his

position, and called to his friends to cease firing and await the near ap-

proach of the enemy, and then meet them with the sword. . Najib Khan

sent a message to Mulla Sardar Khan and Donde Khan, asking them to

leave their own posts, thinking the main attack was directed against him.

Hafiz Rahmat Khan, on seeing that Najib Khan was attacked, rode off to

Nawab Ahmad Khan. Before he arrived Ahmad Khan had mounted his

elephant and had taken up position in his battery. Hafiz Rahmat Khan

came up and represented that the chief attack that day was against Najib

Khan. The Nawab replied, that the attack on Najib Khan was entirely a

feint, the real attack by the Atiths would be made there, on Ahmad Khan’s

entrenchment. He therefore requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan to return to

his own battery. Then the Nawab ordered all his own leaders to be on the

alert. At an hour anda half before sunset the Atith’s troops began to

show in the open. The Pathin commanders asked for leave to draw up

their men in battle array. The Nawab told them to offer up a prayer

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. itil

(Mitaha-i-khair) and then go at the enemy. All the leaders and Pathans,

raising their hands to heaven, offered up a prayer and went at the Atith.

Both sides began with musketry fire and discharged rockets. For nearly

an hour, the fight was thus continued ; at length, the Pathans began to

advance, and coming to close quarters, made play with their swords. Under

the force of the attack the Atiths began to withdraw. The chela of

Indar Gir, who commanded on the part of his Guru, seeing that the Atiths

and Nagas were turning their faces, dismounted from his horse and at-

tempted to rally them. He called on his personal followers to draw their

swords and make arush. They obeyed this order and fought most bravely.

Many were killed, the rest were scattered. Then the Atith commander

himself, sword in hand, came to the front. He was met by a Pathan with

bared sword. After some thrusting and parrying, the Pathan cut the

Atith down, and severed his head from his body. When the Atiths saw

that their leader was dead, they took to flight.

Rajah Indar Gir, perceiving the turn affairs had taken, quitted the field

of battle. The Pathans followed in pursuit up to the entrenched camp of

the Wazir, where they arrived about sunset. The sun having set, darkness

succeeded, so that one man could not recognize another. Soon the Nawab’s

messenger came up with orders recalling them from the pursuit. They

set fire to the Wazir’s gun-carriages, and with the baggage they had plun-

dered returned to their entrenchments. The principal men presented

themselves before the Nawab and offered him gifts in honour of the

victory. The Nawab gave them due praise and thanks in a kind and

gracious manner.

The Wazir, when he heard of Indar Gir’s defeat and the death of many

Atiths, became greatly perturbed, issued from his tent, got upon his

elephant and set out towards Kashipur. At once, on hearing of the Wazir’s

flight, Mulhdr Rado and Apa ordered out a large force and followed him.

On reaching Kashipur, they drew up and cut off his retreat. Then going

to him, they said that, although the Pathans had repulsed Indar Gir, there

was no occasion for this excessive timidity. Indar Gir had but received

the due punishment of his pride. In short, Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia

prevented the Wazir from carrying out his foolish intentions, which were

quite contrary to the dignity of his station. Then the Wazir marched

back and re-occupied his former encampment. The daily attacks with

artillery were at an end, owing to the gun-carriages and material having

been burnt by the Pathans.

Visit of the Almora Rajah.

At the suggestion of Sayyad Ahmad, the Rajah of Kumaun agreed to

pay a visit to the camp. Taking with him several thousand infantry, the

112 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhdébad. [No. 2,

Rajah, seated on a gilt throne and clad in jewelled raiment, descended from

the hills. Nawab Ahmad Khan went out to meet him, and when they came

close, they both saluted at the same moment. The Nawab brought the

Rajah to his own quarters and seated him on a separate masnad. Presents

were then brought of all the choice products of Hindustdn, including an

elephant. Of all the things placed before him, the Rajah selected two

vimal and refused the rest. Sayyad Ahmad knew the Rajah’s dialect,

and whatever the Rajah said was explained by him to Nawab Ahmad

Khan. After a short interval, the Rajah rose and taking his leave of the

Nawab went to his own camp. Next day the Nawab returned the Rajah’s

visit. The Rajah came out in state to greet him, and they proceeded in the

most friendly manner, hand in hand, into the Rajah’s tent, where the

Nawab was conducted to his seat on a costly masnad. He was then

presented with hill products, such as hawks and falcons, and other birds

used in falconry, bags of musk, ehawr (?) and gold ingots, called in Hindi

suna-sungad,* which have a perfume like essence of roses. There were

also several hill ponies (Zungan) of various colours, the like of which would

not often be found. The Rajah also gave several kinds of jewels, rare and

of great price. At first the Nawab refused those gifts. The Rajah, seeing

that his present was not accepted, said to Sayyad Ahmad in his own tongue

that he knew the things were not of sufficient value, but he hoped that to

give him pleasure the Nawab would accept them. Then the Nawab, to

please him, accepted all the things. The day after this, the Rajah took

his leave and returned to his home in the hills.

Negotiations through ’Ali Kuli Khan.

Meanwhile the difficulties of his undertaking were troubling the

Wazir day and night. About this time, ’Ali Kuli Khan, the six-fingered,

the ’Abasi, a descendant of the kings of Wilayat, reached camp with the

imperial letter, under the Emperor’s own signature, directing that peace

should be made with Ahmad Khan. The shukka was handed to the Wazir,

and the messenger delivered the Emperor’s verbal message, with reference

to the approach of Ahmad Shdh Durrani. The Wazir represented to ’Ali

Kuli Khan that, if the first proposals for peace proceeded from him, his

reputation would be gone for ever. He asked advice as to how negotiations

should be begun. ’Ali Kuli Khan replied that he and Ahmad Khan

Ghalib Jang, were old friends and acquaintances, that if the Wazir

* Perhaps the same as referred to in the following passage, “In Garhwél there

‘ig a vein of iron pyrites, which the people call ‘ sone-kd-pathar,’ or gold stone, and

‘<sell them to the pilgrims to Badrinath at high rates.”” Economic Mineralogy of Hill

districts of N. W. P. by E. T. Atkinson, Allahabad, 1877, p. 30.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. 113

approved, he would seek an interview and turn Ahmad Khan’s mind

towards peace. The Wazir was highly delighted at this suggestion.

’Ali Kuli Khan sent off a formal letter stating how desirous he

was of paying a visit to Ahmad Khan. On receiving it, Ahmad Khan sent

for Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the other Rohela leader, and informed them

of its contents. They all agreed that it would be well for the Nawab to

receive the proposed visit, as ’Ali Kuli Khan was hisfriend. Ahmad Khan

sent a reply saying, that there had been no need to ask for leave, his house

might be looked on by ’Ali Kuli Khan as his own, ’Ali Kuli Khan having

informed the Wazir of this favourable reply, the Wazir made him swear

by his head that in no way would he let Ahmad Khan know of the desire

to make peace. ’Ali Kuli Khan said, he might feel quite at rest, for the

degradation of the Wazir would, in his opinion, be a dishonour to the

Emperor.

On ’Ali Kuli Khan approaching the Nawab’s battery, the Nawdb’s son,

Mahmiid Khan, was sent out to escort him. On their meeting, they

embraced affectionately, and then mounting the same elephant, they started

for the Nawab’s tent. The Nawab rising from his seat advanced to the

edge of the carpet, and there they embraced. Thence hand in hand they

walked to the masnad. A friendly conversation began and lasted a long

time. ’Ali Kuli Khan was then conducted to a tent, which had been

prepared for his repose, where every kind of food was made ready and sent

to him. In the evening Nawab Ahmad Khan walked to his guest’s tent.

At first they talked as friends and then they turned to business. The note,

which the Emperor had written to Ahmad Khan with his own hand, was

brought out. Taking it in his hand, Ahmad Khan placed it on his head,

_ rose from his seat, turned his face towards Delhi and made a low obeisance.

He then read the note. The contents were made known to no one but the

principal leaders. It was only after a time that, through the commence-

ment of negotiations, it was seen that the Emperor had recommended peace.

Ahmad Khan, after he had read the letter, asked what he was expected to do.

Ali Kuli Khan told him he should send his son, Mahmiid Khan, and Hafiz

Rahmat Khan back with him, in order that the world might see that,

although the Wazir had failed, yet as “ wl-amr faut wl-adab’’ (an order super-

sedes ceremony), he, Nawab Ahmad Khan, had obeyed the Emperor and had

sent his son and the principal leader under Sa’dullah Khan to negotiate

with the Wazir. In this way the Wazir’s honour would be saved, and thereby

the Emperor’s dignity preserved. Ahmad Khan objected that in this mat-

ter he could not act till he had consulted others.

114 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawéibs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2,

Accordingly, Naw4b Ahmad Khan mounted and went to Sa’dullah

Khin’s camp. Hafiz Rahmat Khan and the others were sent for, and the

Nawab laid all the facts before them. Mulld Sardar Khan, the oldest present,

took up the word and enquired what force Ali Kuli Khan had with him.

Abmad Khan asked what he meant by that question. Sardar Khan replied

that a strong powerful leader was required, who could oppose the Wazir,

if need arose—one who could enforce the terms granted. He preferred

making overtures through Mulhér Rio and Apd& Sendhid. But, under no

circumstances, could he approve of allowing the Nawab’s son to go to the

Wazir. Hafiz Rahmat Khan might go or not as he pleased, for he was a

private friend of the Wazir’s. Ahmad Khan, turning to Sardar Khan,

said he highly approved of his remarks, and he would act accordingly.

He then rose and returned to his own quarters. Next day, he said to

Nawab Ali Kuli Khan that, though he fully trusted him personally, the

Rohela leaders objected to allowing his son to go to the enemy’s camp. On

hearing this, Ali Kuli Khan said, “ By God, your advisers are sharp-witted

“and far-seeing. My wish was as they have counselled, my heart’s desire

“has been fulfilled, for all I wanted was to turn your thoughts towards

“neace.” The Nawab replied, “ My friendship to you is firm like an engrav-

“ing on stone.”

After this interview, Ali Kuli Khan took his departure and returned to

hisown camp. He then sought an interview with the Wazir and related in

detail all that had passed. He pointed out that, although he had brought

Ahmad Khan to entertain thoughts of peace, the condition was that the nego-

tiations be conducted through Mulhér Rdéo and Apa Sendhid. Khande

Rao must therefore be sent to bring in the Nawab’s son and Hafiz Rahmat

Khan. The Wazir sent for Mulhdér Rao and Apaé Sendhia and requested

them to arrange for bringing in the Nawab’s son. On his arrival they

could come to a decision. The two Mahrattas professed their willingness,

if nothing was intended which could force them to act afterwards in opposi-

tion to the Wazir. The Wazir out of regard to his own honour was obliged

to promise that no treachery was intended. Then Mulhar Rao sent his son,

Khande Rao, with an escort, to conduct the Nawab’s son to the Wazir’s

camp. Apa Sendhia had already sent word to Ahmad Khan, desiring him

to make no objections to sending off his son.

Meanwhile Khande Rao and the escort had come near the battery and

drew up close to it. Word was brought of his arrival. Forthwith Mah-

mtd Khan was sent for and, after the Naw4b had whispered in his son’s

ear a few words of advice, two hundred trusty horsemen were ordered out

to accompany him, one of them being our author, Hisdm-ud-din. On the

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad. 1IL5

part of Sa’dullah Khan was deputed Hafiz Rahmat Khin. When Khande

Rado saw the young Nawab approaching, he descended from his elephant,

and embraced him with the greatest respect. They mounted their

elephants again, Khande Rao taking up a position behind the young Nawab

and in this order they went forward, till they came close to the Mahratta

camp. Mulhdér Rao, Apa Sendhia, Tantia and others rode out to

greet him. When they came opposite the Sahibzada, they all dismounted

and embraced him. After this, Mulhar Rao took him to a tent and

seated him on a masnad, the Mahratta leaders taking place around him.

Presents were then laid before him of choice products of the Dakhin. A

few were accepted, the rest, including a horse and an elephant, he left with

them.

The Mahratta leaders next proceeded to the Wazir and desired that

persons of suitable rank might be sent to conduct the young Nawab to the

Wazir’s presence. Orders were given to Nawab Salar Jang* and Ali Kuli

Khan. The Mahrattas returned with them, and on reaching the proper

distance they drew up. On hearing of their arrival, the young Nawab and

Hafiz Rahmat Khan marched out of camp. When he saw them in the

distance, Nawab Salar Jang began to advance, and coming near he descended

from his elephant, and they embraced. They then returned together towards

the Wazir’s camp. Ata little distance the Sahibzdda halted, whereupon

Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhid asked the reason. Mahmud Khan requested

them to precede him and obtain the Wazir’s consent to the admission of

his escort, for he wished the whole of his companions to be present at the

interview. They went on as desired and came back with the necessary

permission. Ismé’il Khan was at the same time told to go to the gate and

see that no opposition was offered to the entry of the Nawab’s followers.

The Mahrattas then escorted the Sahibzida towards the Wazir’s

audience tent, where he was seated awaiting them. ‘The enclosure (surd-

cha) had three courts. The Sahibzdda traversed two courts, and then dis-

mounting from his elephant, he got into a palki. The other chiefs got off

their elephants at the gate of the first court, and there entered their palkis.

At the third gate the Sahibz4da stopped and told his followers to enter

first. When they had done so, he followed and halted. Then Mulhér Réo

and Apa Sendhidé advanced to the spot, helped him out of his pa/ki and

went forward with him.

On reaching the edge of the carpet, he made a low obeisance. The

Wazir exclaimed, “ Welcome!” and extending both hands clasped him to

* T presume this must be the third and youngest son of Ishék Khan Mutaman-

ud-daula, whose daughter was married to Shuja’-ud-daula, Najm-ud-din Ishak Khan,

the eldest son, was killed at Ram Chatauni, see p. 74.

116 W: Irvine—The Bangash Nawédbs of Furrukhabdd. [N6.* 2,

his breast and gave him a kiss on the forehead. This mode of salutation

is, among the Mughals, a proof of the greatest affection and condescension.

Then the Wazir invited him to take a seat at his right hand, on a masnad

placed on a line with his own. The Saéhibzdda, taking some gold coins in

his hand, presented them as an offering. The Wazir graciously remitted

the “ nazar,” but the Sahibzada insisted, when the Wazir smiled and ac-

cepted the gift. After this the young Nawab sat down, and the Wazir

took his hand and, holding it to his breast, began a friendly conversation.

In the course of it, the Wazir said “ Pathdns do not flee, how is it your

“father has run away so far?” Mahmud Khan replied, “‘ My father is only

“a half-breed.’’ The Wazir asked what that meant. The Nawab explain-

ed, thus, “ My father’s mother was a Mughal and his father a Pathan, when

“he follows his father he fights boldly, and when he takes after his mother’s

“ qualities, he runs away.” By this answer the Wazir was silenced, for he

was himself a Mughal. In a short time, the Wazir turning to Mulhdr Rao

and Apa Sendhia, said he had not eaten any food, would they kindly take

their leave of Bab&é Mahmiid Khan. The two leaders rose, mounted and

went away to their own camp. The Wazir took Mahmtd Khan and Hafiz

Rahmat Khan to his private tents and called for food. It was sent to the

guests through Baké-ullah Khén. When the meal was finished, the Wazir

directed Isma’il Khan to pitch tents for their reception on the right side

of his own private enclosure. As soon as the tents were ready Mahmid Khan

and Hafiz Rahmat Khan took their leave.

When one watch of the night had passed, several thousand armed

Mughals, by order of the Wazir, took up their position round the tents of

the visitors. When the Nawab’s people became aware of this, each man

went separately and told his own master. The Mahrattas’ spies were of

opinion that some treachery was on foot, and in great agitation they start-

ed to report to their chiefs. Khande Rado, as soon as he heard the report,

without referring to his father, mounted and rode in hot haste to the

Wazir’s camp. There he saw that one thousand Mughal troopers were

drawn up round the young Naw4b’s tents. Immediately he gave orders to

his troops to attack those despicable fellows and disperse them. Hear-

ing these orders, the Mughals made off. Entering the enclosure, Khande

Rao found Mahmtid Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Kha4n with all their men

drawn up, sword and shield in hand, ready for the fray. Seeing Khande

Rao, the young Nawab laughed and said, “ I prayed God that I might get

“near the Wazir, and the Omnipotent has heard me. Now my wish is, if

‘¢you will join me with your brave followers, to give the Wazir a taste of

“my quality.” Khdnde Rao replied, that the Wazir should be left to him-

self to bear the disgrace of what he had done, and that Mahmid Khan

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawahs of Furrukhabad. 17

ought to come away at once. They all mounted and rode off together ;

and leaving the Mahratta camp on the left, they turned towards the foot

of the hills. When they were not far from Ahmad Khan’s camp, Khande

Rao took his leave, and returning made a minute report to his father.

Before Khaude Rao got back, Mulhér Rao and Apa Sendhid had been

to visit the Wazir, and they told him how wrong it was to ask their interven-

tion when intending treachery. They used some very strong language.

The Wazir expostulated mildly, asking them what they were thinking of

to use such hard words without any enquiry. The truth was, he said,

easily found out by asking ’Ali Kuli Khan, a trusted friend of Ahmad

Khan. When ’Ali Kuli Khan came, the Wazir requested him to relate the

facts. He stated that, knowing the Wazir’s men to bear a deadly grudge

to the Afghans, he feared that they might attempt to use force, by which

the Wazir’s good name would be destroyed, he had therefore asked the

Wazir to post a guard of a thousand Mughal horse round the tents of the

Pathan guests. This explanation was received as quite satisfactory,

Intrigues in the Pathan Camp by Mahbiub ’ Alam.

After the failure of the first negotiation, another plan was hit upon.

Mahbib ’Alam, a native of Shamsadbad, was a man of learning and intelli-

gence, who, through Mir Kudrat ’Ali Khan, had obtained employment in

the Wazir’s service. On account of his wisdom, the Wazir thought highly

of his advice. One day the Wazir said to him “I have tried every device

“to overcome these Pathans, but the words of the sacred writing have been

“fulfilled ‘the few shall overcome the many.’ As you are a clever man, tell

“me in what way I can best overcome my enemy.” The Sayyad made a low

bow and said, ‘This man of mean understanding has a plan, but hitherto

“he was afraid to disclose it, for he is not one of the old servants, and, may

“be, this slave’s remarks would not meet with approval.” The Wazir re-

plied, that he thought more of him than he did even of his old servants,

and he begged him to express his ideas without ceremony, for there was

nothing to fear. Then the Sayyad went on, “ Gracious master, peace be on

“vou! the first question is this, does my lord seek the death or capture of

“ Ahmad Khan alone, or does he rather aim at extirpating the whole race ?”’

The Wazir answered, that his enemy was Ahmad Khan; with the others

he had nothing to do; but as they had joined Ahmad Khan, he had been

led to attempt the destruction and extirpation of the whole Pathan race.

The Sayyad then asked, what would happen to the other Pathans if they

quitted Ahmad Khan and presented themselves to the Wazir? The Wazir

declared that, according to their merits and station, he would treat them

with consideration ; to those who were men of rank he would give dignities

118 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

and grants of land revenue ; the rest he would entertain in his army. The

Sayyad then said, that if such were the Wazir’s intentions, then in bis hum-

ble opinion it would be well to write parwdnahs to each man separately

under the Wazir’s own seal. These parwdnahs should then be made over

to him, Mahbib ’Alam, with a written order in such terms as to the Wazir

might seem meet.

The Wazir directed Sayyad Manavvar to convey an order to his secre-

tary to make out parwdnahs, according to the instructions of Sayyad Mah-

bib ’Alam, to whom those written orders, when ready, were to be made over.

Kudrat ’Ali Khéin‘and Mahbtib ’Alam then took their leave and went to

the secretary. After the orders were written out, they were taken to the

Wazir for approval; they were then delivered to Mahbib ’Alam at Mir

Kudrat ’Ali Khan’s tent.

Now Mir Muazz-ud-din, son of Shah Khatir-ud-din Gwaliyari, was a

brother’s son of Hisim-ud-din’s father. He was in the direct employ of

the Emperor, but he happened to be present at that time in the Wazir’s

camp. The Kudrat ’Ali Khan above referred to had a community of belief

with him, and looked up to him with great respect. The reason was, that

Kudrat ’Ali was a descendant of Sayyad Hasan Danishmand of Daipir.

This Sayyad Hasan Danishmand was himself a successor (Khalifa) of

Miran Hamid-ud-din Hazrat Muhammad Ghaus Gwaliyari. By chance.

Mir Muazz-ud-din paid a visit to Kudrat ’Ali Khan’s tent. Mir Mahbib

’Alam, through the said Khan, had struck up a friendship with Sayyad

Muazz-ud-din, and in conversation he had learnt that he was a cousin of

Mir His4m-ud-din, and was further his devoted friend. Accordingly, he

asked Muazz-ud-din to write a letter to Histm-ud-din, asking why he was

throwing himself away in company with Ahmad Khan, who would soon be

slain or captured ; that on reading the letter, he should at once desert alone

to the other side, without caring for his property, which would be fully

replaced. As soon as he joined he would, by God’s grace, be presented to

the Wazir, from whom he would receive a title and a grant of land revenue.

Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan, as requested, wrote a letter to the above effect, and

made it over to Mir Mahbib ’Alam. The latter also wrote letters from

himself to all his acquaintances of Mau and Shamsabad, stating that he had

interceded for them with the Wazir, who had promised to entertain them

all in his own service, in token of which he had caused shukkas (notes) to

be written to them, impressed with his own special seal. He prayed them

to make no delay, but come over at once. Putting up together all the

parwanahs and his own letters, he despatched them by a messenger in the

Wazir’s employ, under the charge of his own private servant, Bhai Khan,

to Nawab Ahmad Khan’s camp,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 119

Sahib Dad Khan Khatak and Mir Mahbib ’Alam had both been

together in the service of Shamsher Khan, chela, and from being together,

a firm friendship had sprung up between them. ‘They had two bodies but

one heart. In fact it was in reliance on Sahib Dad Khan that Mahbtb

’Alam had undertaken this affair. Bhai Khan, Khidmatgdr, found the

tent of Sahib Dad Khan Khatak, and made over to him the whole of the

parwanahs and letters. He then asked his way to the tent of Hisim-ud-

din, to whom he delivered the note from Mir Muazz-ud-din Khan and

demanded a reply. When Hisim-ud-din had opened and read the letter,

he sent areply to the following effect: “ You think I have got into a

“ difficult position by espousing Nawab Ahmad’s Khan’s cause. This idle

“thought you must put far from you, for one hundred thousand brave men,

“more or less, with their leaders, all carrying on their bodies their own

“grave clothes, are in the train of Ahmad Khan and prepared to conquer

“or to die. Now, to slay those who already believe themselves dead, is a

“task of extreme difficulty.

Har kih dast-i-khweshtan az jan ba-shust

Khiid ba-mand, 0 dushman-i-khid ré ba-khusht

Murdah miydbad nijat az dast-i-maut

Zinda-hi urd namayand jumla pusht.

“Even if it were true that the Wazir would shortly slay or cap-

“ture the Nawab, I ask you one question:—Suppose that the Wazir

“were in danger from Ahmad Khan, and I wrote to you, requesting

“you to forsake the Wazir, and save your life by coming over to our

“side, I ask if you would not hold it your duty as a leader and a

“Sayyad to prefer death to disgrace? You would not forsake the Wazir,

so what you would not do yourself, you should not advise others to do.

“I beg to be excused from obeying such a foolish request.”” This answer

was made over to Bhai Khan, and he returned to Sahib Dad Khan’s tent.

The latter’s answer was as follows :—“<I have distributed the parwinahs

‘and letters; hereafter I will report the result. I object to keeping the

“messenger here, as it will get me into trouble, I therefore send him

“back.’’? The messenger received these two letters and set out on his way

back.

Now the thieves and plunderers among the Rohelas, who infested the

camps of Ahmad Khan and Sa’dullah Khan, were unequalled in the arts of

thieving and highway robbery. They were in the habit of hiding on the

right and left of the batteries. At night they used to repair to the Wazir’s

camp, where they seized horses, camels and equipage of all sorts, with which

they returned to their own camp. After disposing of the property, they

120 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,

would return to their hiding-places. By chance, the carrier of the two

letters passed close by where these robbers were concealed. The thieves

seized him, and carrying him off to Nawab Ahmad Khan’s quarters, report-

ed the matter. The Nawab called in the arrested messenger and asked on

what business he had come to the camp. The man, ina great fright of

losing his life, told the whole story, as already related in detail. He ended

by delivering up the two letters he was carrying back. When the Nawab

had looked at these two letters, he sent for Hisim-ud-din. Hisim-ud-din

had already heard that the Afghans had arrested the messenger and had

carried him before the Nawab. .

On his reaching the presence, the Nawab said to him, “O Hisim-ud-

“din! who is this Muazz-ud-din with whom you correspond?” Hisém-ud-

din replied, “ Gracious Master ! he is my brother.” The Nawab asked what

he had written, and he answered that what he had written was lying before

the Nawab, there was no need to repeat it. Rustam Khan Bangash, Haji

Sarfardéz Khan and Mustajab Khan were present. Addressing them, the

Nawab said—* This Hisaém-ud-din is a man of noble race, who respects the

“salt he has eaten, see what a good answer he has written to his own

“pbrother.”” He then began to read the letter aloud to them. They were

all loud in their expressions of praise. Then turning to Hisém-ud-din, he

said, “ You have fully acted up to what I expected from you ; please God,

“J will in time repay you for being thus true to your salt.” Sending for

Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Mullé Sardar Khan, Fath Khan and

Sayyad Ahmad, the Nawab told them everything that had occurred. Their

opinion was demanded, Sayyad Ahmad stated that his subordinates were

posted everywhere from the foot of the hills down to Pilibhit, he would

write telling them, that if any one from the camp passed, in an attempt to

desert, they should without fail slay him and appropriate his goods. Then

the five Rohelas left. The Nawab directed Haji Sarfardz Khan to turn the

captured messenger out of the camp, which was done accordingly.

Renewal of Negotiations, followed by peace.

Affairs on the enemy’s side were meanwhile as follows. Some Rajah

of the west country had written to Mulhdr Rao and Apdé Sendhiaé that

Ahmad Shéh Durrani was on his march to help the Afghéns and had al-

ready crossed ‘the Indus. He was reported to be advancing by rapid

marches. This information caused great anxiety to the Mahratta leaders,

and they assembled for consultation. They came to an unanimous deter-

mination and then proceeded to the Wazir. They reproached him for

having concealed from them the report of Ahmad Shéh Durrdni’s approach.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhabad. 121

They said he was aware of the state of both his own troops and of the

Mahratta army, that they had become dispirited and hopeless from the

difficulty of the task before them. Further, that owing to the effects of

the hill water, death came on them unawares. As life is dear to all, a com-

plete panic had arisen, and should the men hear that Ahmad Shah was

coming, they would begin to desert. It was for the Wazir to decide and

for them to obey. The Wazir was thrown into great perplexity, and after

a considerable pause he said he threw the responsibility of-deciding upon

them. The Mahrattas advised him to sheathe the sword and send off ’Ali

Kuli Khan to Ahmad Khan with a message. He should say that, by the

Emperor’s orders, the Wazir drew back his hand from war ; Ahmad Khan

too should therefore respect the Emperor’s word and make terms. Ahmad

Khan should be allowed to retain the ancient territory, which had belonged

to his father and brother, on condition of presenting a fine (nazrdna) of

30,00,000 rupees. As security for the payment of this fine, he should be

required to make over half the territory, till the whole of the money was

paid. These proposals were agreed to by the Wazir, and he requested the

Mahrattas to name one of their trusted agents to go with ’Ali Kuli Khan.

Mulhar Rao and Apé Sendhiéd named Tantiad Gangadhar, their Diwan.*

The two messengers then departed.

But, unknown to the Wazir, the two Mahratta leaders had instructed

Tantiad to inform Ahmad Khan, at a fitting opportunity, that they wished

him to accept without quibble the terms to be named by ’Ali Kuli Khan.

The aspect of affairs made this desirable, but they were still his well-wishers

and they hoped he would depute his son to hold an interview with the

Wazir. On reaching Ahmad Khan’s camp, ’Ali Kuli Khan proposed that

they should visit the Nawab together. Gangadhar excused himself and

said he would pay his respects the following day. ’Ali Kuli Khan went on

to Ahmad Khan. After some ordinary conversation, business was begun,

and ’Ali Kuli Khan delivered his message, mentioning that Gangadhar, the

representative of the Mahrattas, would pay the Nawab a visit the next day.

TAntid visited the Nawab the following day, and the Rohela commanders

were sent for. Mulla Sardar Khan was of opinion that the matter should

be left in the hands of Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia. To this the Nawab

consented, ’Ali Kuli Khan and Tantia Gangddhar were sent for, and Ahmad

Khan said to them that out of a desire to satisfy those two Mahratta chiefs,

he agreed to make over half his territory, till such time as the sum of thir-

ty lakhs of rupees, the fine imposed by the Emperor, should be realized.

* Apparently the same as Grant Duff’s Gangadhar Yeswent (Bombay ed., pp. 338,

840). By the usage of the Dakhin, Yeswent would be his father’s name. Grant Duff

does not give him the epithet of Tantia,

122 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,

Ahmad Khan then proceeded to ’Ali Kuli Khan’s tent, and there he de-

clared that it was only in obedience to the Emperor that he had consented

to terms of peace. He sent for a secretary, and caused a letter to be writ-

ten embodying the terms proposed by the Mahratta leaders. This letter

he made over to Tantid, telling him verbally that it was on his responsibili-

ty that the young Nawab was permitted to go to the Wazir. One account

states that the terms were engraved on two copper plates, which were inter-

changed between the Mahrattas and Ahmad Khan.

When Mahmid Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan approached the Mah-

ratta camp, the leaders, Mulhdr Rao, Apa Sendhid, Patel Rao, Antéman

Gir and others came out to meet them. Next day Mulhar Rao and Apa

Sendhié rode up to a short distance from the tents and sent on Tantia

Gangddhar to ask the visitors to come with them to the Wazir. After the

interview was over, the Wazir ordered his quarter-master-general (Mir

Manzil) to send on his tents, as he intended to march. Next morning the

march commenced, and after some days they reached the banks of the

Ganges. Then the Wazir directed Mulhar Rao and Apa Sendhia to pro-

ceed to Kanauj, while he went on to Lakhnau, taking with him Mah-

miid Khén and Hafiz Rahmat Khan whom he proposed to dismiss, when the

business had been settled. As directed, the Mahrattas crossed the Ganges and

quartered themselves in Kanauj. But Gangadhar, their Diw4n, was sent

with the young Nawaib, at the head of ten thousand horse.

Soon after the departure of the opposing army, Nawdb Ahmad Khan

and Nawab Sa’dullah Khan, leaving their entrenchments in the hills, put

up their tents where the Wazir had been encamped. Thence they marched

by stages to Anwalah. In that town there was a halt of several days.

Resuming his march, Ahmad Khan set out towards Farrukhébad—Ahmad-

nagar, where he soon arrived and entered the fort. The date of his return

must have been some time in the early part of the year 1752.

During this time the Wazir had arrived at Lakhnau. Four or five

days afterwards, he sent for the young Nawab and Hafiz Rahmat Khan.

First he bestowed on Mahmiid Khan a #hila’t of seven pieces and made

over to him a grant confirming his father’s territory to him. He also con-

ferred on him the title of Kaim Jang. He then gave him leave to return

to Farrukhabad. Hafiz Rahmat Khan also received a dress of honour.

Then a grant was handed to Tantia, making over half of Ahmad Khan’s

territory to the Mahrattas, till the Emperor’s nazardna was paid, they

receiving the country in satisfaction of the arrears of pay due to them by

the Wazir.

Mahmiid Khan and Tantia taking their leave marched westwards, and

Hafiz Rahmat Khan started for Anwalah. When the young Nawdb drew

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. 128

near to Kanauj, all the Mahrattas came out to meet him and prepared

entertainments. After a stay of two days, he resumed his march to Far-

rukhabéd. On reaching his destination he visited his father, and from him

he received the house of Ja’far Khan as his dwelling. After this the

Wazir came from Lakhnau to Kanauj; thence taking with him Mulhér

Rao and Apa Sendhid, he moved by way of It4wah towards Delhi.

Some time after this, Ahmad Khan sent Muhammad Jahan Khan to

Delhi, to fetch his wife and family. Dulhin Begam accordingly returned to

Farrukhabad. Then the Nawab’s brothers, brother’s sons, and chelas, with

their families, great and small, and all the ryots, returned each to his own

place of abode in the different quarters of the city. Sahib Begam, the

widow of Kaim Khan, also returned and took up her abode in the fort of

Amethi; and Maliya Begam, the Bibi Sahiba, occupied the Buland Mahal,

which had formerly been in the possession of her son, Kaim Khan.

Ahmad Khan marries again.

As the Nawab’s affairs were now prosperous, he gave himself up to

amusement and pleasure and came to the determination to marry a new

wife. His courtiers told him of a young girl who was, they considered, fitted

to be his bride. A man of noble family by both parents, a descendant of

Nawab Khan Jahan Khan, who held high rank in the reign of Shahjahan,

had by unstable fortune been reduced to poverty. By accident he had

taken up his abode in the town of Shamsabad. After a time, he had de-

parted from this world, leaving a widow and a young daughter, named

Khair-un-nissa. -It so happened that Yakat Khan, Khan Bahadur, had

obtained this girl from the widow and had adopted her as his own. She

was still a virgin and living in the house of the deceased Khan. The

Nawab hearing this story fellin love with her without seeing her. He

sent for her and placed her in the Khas Mahal; and, after the wedding

preparations were made, he was married to her. From that time he never

left her for a moment. These words were always on his lips—

Sharab do-silah 0 ma shih sezdah salah,

Hamin bas ast barde suhbat-i-saghir o kabir.

“TJ like my wine two years old, and my mistress to be sixteen.”

After a time, in the year 1171 H. (Sept. 1757 to Sept. 1758), ason was

born to her and gifts were distributed to the poor. The Nawab opened the

Kurdn to search for the child’s name. The letter D was the result. He then

sent for astrologers and ordered them to draw up the child’s horoscope. The

name fixed upon was Daler Himmat Khan. An announcement of the event

was sent to the Emperor with fitting gifts. There were great rejoicings

124 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhibad. [No. 2,

and for six days open entertainment continued. A wet-nurse named ’Akila

was appointed. In reply to the Nawab’s letter, the Emperor sent the fish

dignity, with a title and a dress of honour, for the child. Ahmad Khan

having erected a Guldlbér at the ’"Idgah, the child was placed in a palki

and sent out to it in state to receive the Emperor’s gifts. The dress was

put on the child, and he was invested with the title of Muzaffar Jang.

Salutes were fired, gold and silver were given away, the nawbat was beaten,

and with joyful demonstrations they returned slowly to the fort. When

the child was four years, four months and four days old, he was taught the

Bism-illah and sent to school. He was made over to a tutor (atdlik), and

learned men were appointed to teach him. Ina few years he finished his

education, and then he began to be instructed by his father in state affairs,

First visit of Ghizi-ud.din Khan ’ Iméd-ul-mulk.

During Ahmad Shah Durani’s fifth expedition, in 1170 H. (26th Sept.

1756, 15th Sept. 1757), Ghazi-ud-din obtained his leave to raise a fine from

the country between the Ganges and the Jamna. His object would appear

to have been to force money from Shuja’-ud-daula, Nawab Wazir of Audh.

Accompanied by two princes of the Delhi house, Hid4yat Bakhsh, son of

"Alamgir II, and Mirza Babar, son of that Emperor’s brother, ’Azuddin, and

the Durani troops under Jan Baz Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khan proceeded to

Farrukhabad. He had sent on his own troops under Mir Yahy4 Khan,

son of Zakariya Khan. Ahmad Khan came out to meet his visitors and pre-

sented appropriate presents. The army soon after crossed the Ganges and

marched as far as the stream called the Garrah, on the boundary of the

Audh territory. Shuja’-ud-daula, leaving Lakhnau, came out as far as Sandi

and Pali, sixty-eight miles west of that city, in order to oppose the invaders.

At length, by the good offices of Sa’dullah Khan Rohela, the matter was

settled by a payment of five lakhs of rupees. On the 7th Shawél 1170 H.

(25th June, 1757), Ghazi-ud-din Khan and the two princes re-entered Far-

rukhabad.

Meanwhile Ahmad Shah Durdani had retreated rather suddenly from

Mathura to Delhi; and there, on the recommendation of the Emperor, who

complained of ’Imad-ul-Mulk, the Durdni king appointed Najib Khan to

be Amir-ul-Umra, and left him in charge of the capital. ’Imad-ul-Mulk

immediately retaliated by creating Ahmad Khén Amfr-ul-Umrd, and by

appointing him to the post of imperial Bakhshi.* Ghdzi-ud-din Khan then

* It appears from the Térikh-i-Muzaffari that this appointment was renewed by

Shah ’Alam. When, on the 5th Rajab 1175 H. (30th January, 1762), Shuja’-ud-daula

was invested with the office of Wazir, Ahmad Khan was made fourth Bakhshi,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. 125

marched for Delhi, joined by some of Ahmad Khan’s troops, and by the aid of

the Mahrattas he speedily expelled Najib Khan.

This visit must have laid the foundation for the friendship between

Ghazi-ud-din Kh4n and Ahmad Khan, a friendship so strong that after his

public life was over, the fallen Wazir found an asylum for atleast nine years

in Ahmad Khan’s capital. We shall come to the details of his second visit

further on.

Ahmad Khan at the battle of Panipat.

When Ahmad Shah Durdni entered India forthe sixth time, in the

year 1173 H. (25th Augt. 1759—13th Augt. 1760), Ahmad Khan went

with the Rohela leaders to pay his respects to the invader. They were intro-

duced to him at Koil on the 4th Zi’l Haj 1173, (18th July, 1760).* The

defeat of Dataji Sendhia took place shortly afterwards.

Ahmad Khan must have made more than a nominal submission to

Ahmad Shah, for we find him forwarding supplies to the eamp under a

large convoy. Holkar, who had escaped from the defeat, was near Agra

and, hearing of this convoy, crossed the Jamna. He took or destroyed a

great part of the supplies and then retired againacrossthe Jamna. A body

of Afghans were, however, detached from their main army and, overtaking

him by a prodigious march, routed his troops with great slaughter.

Ahmad Shah, after moving across the Jamna,took up his quarters at

Antpshahr. After some time Shuja’-ud-daula was induced to give in his

adherence. The local chroniclers assert that this was effected through Hafiz

Rahmat Khan and Ahmad Khan. Soon Sadasheo Bhao arrived from the

Dakhin with animmense army, under Jankoji, son of Apa Ji Sendhia,

Ibrahim Khan Gardi, Mulhar Rao and others, in order to avenge the defeat

of Dataji. On the 25th October, 1760, Ahmad Shah marched from Antp-

shahr and crossed the Jamna about twenty miles above Delhi. Ahmad Khan

Ghalib Jang was present with a contingent of five thousand men. The

Mahrattas proceeded to entrench themselves at Panipat, and Ahmad Shah

encamped opposite them. Daily skirmishing, varied by one or two partial

engagements, went on for more than two months, till the Mahratta supplies

failing entirely, they were forced to risk a general action.

The story goes that Ahmad Shah Durani offered a reward of one rupee

for every Mahratta head. Ten thousand horsemen were sent out daily to

plunder villages and cut off supplies. These men used to capture any lag-

ging groom, grass-cutter or petty dealer they came across and, producing

the captive’s head before the king, they received a rupee for each head,

Hearing of this, Nawab Ahmad Khan said to his arz-begi (chamberlain),

* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 59,

126 W. Trvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,.

Musharrif Khan, that he would give two rupees for each Mahratta brought:

in alive. The Duranis then began to bring in their prisoners alive. The

Nawab paid for each the sum of two rupees, and then at midnight he let

them go free. On reaching the Bhéo’s camp, they were loud in their praises

of Nawab Ahmad Khan. Shuja’-ud-daula and Najib Khan reported this

matter to the Durdni king, and from that day he was displeased with the

Nawab.

In order to augment this displeasure those two nobles also remarked that

Ahmad Khan, although Amir-ul-Umra and Bakhshi of the Empire, had

brought a very insignificant force. The Shah made noreply. But Shih Wali

Khan, his Wazir, and himself of the Bangash clan, who happened to be

present, sent for Ahmad Khan. On his appearing, the Wazir rose to greet

him and gave him a place by his side. Then turning to him, he said, “O

“ Ghalib Jang! you are one of the great nobles of Hindustan, yet you have.

“brought with you a very small force. What is the reason P” Now Ahmad

Khan had already heard, through Jang Baz Khan Bangash, of the evil

speeches of his enemies. In reply to Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir, he said

that he had left his bakhshi at Farrukhabad with a large force to guard

his house ; for Gobind Pandit had advanced from Bundelkhand with three

thousand men and, having crossed the Jamna, was encamped on the banks

of that river. If he had left no troops behind, his capital and his house

would have been plundered. Further, with this same small army he had

once defeated Safdar Jang and his immense force, including Suraj Mall,

Rajah Himmat Singh and other Rajahs. If he had wished, he could have

then marched on Delhi, but refrained out of respect for the presence

of the Emperor. Shah Wali Khan said he had already heard in Kabul

reports of what was referred to. The Nawab ended by saying that the

quality of his army, though it was small, would be seen in the day of

battle.

Opposed to Ahmad Khan’s battery was that of Ibrahim Khan Girdi*

who commanded twelve thousand regular infantry. One dark night, this:

Ibrahim Khan gave orders that, as Ahmad Khan’s battery was weaker than

that of any other noble, he would at that point make anight attack. In the

last watch of the night Ibrahim Khan’s troops attempted to surprise the bat-

* Gdrdi was the name given to the regular infantry disciplined after the Huro-

pean manner. (Grant Duff, p. 315.) The translator of the “ Seir-Mutéqharin” (Cal-

cutta, 1789, Vol. III, p. 152), says that Ibréhim Khan was a very thin black man, much

pitted with the small-pox, who had in his early years been Chobdar to a French officer

at Pondicherry. He rose in the French service to be a Commandant of their disci-

plined sepoys. He then went over with his men to the Mahrattas and took service with

Sada Sheo Bhao,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 127

tery. Ahmad Khan’s guns were, however, all in order, and many had iron

shields (? = chadaren). As it was the cold season, there were watch-fires

here and there, at which the camp-followers and labourers were warming

themselves. ‘These men, hearing the tramp of horses’ hoofs, called out to

each other that the Mahrattas were on them. They snatched up some

lighted wood from the night fires in pieces of broken pottery and threw

them on the port holes of the guns and “ ehddar,’” which all went off toge-

ther. A number of the enemy were slain and the rest fled. On Ahmad Khan’s

side not a soul was hurt. All this was done without the Nawab being

disturbed. At dawn the Durrani king visited the field of battle. Ahmad

Khaén went out to meet him, when he said that he had now seen, with his

own eyes, proof of that bravery of which he had heard. He took off his

jigha* and made a present of it tothe Nawab. After that his enemies

were abashed and silenced.

On the day of the great battle (7th January, 1761), Ahmad Khan was

directed to guard the women, his force being so small. The Nawab refused

indignantly, saying, that such work was fit for eunuchs, he would fight in the

front. The Abdali king then sent him to the right wing. It was here that

the first attack was made, and after a contest in which Ibrahim Khan Gar-

di was wounded, the Mahratta gained the advantage. In this emergency

Ahmad Khan sent his darogha, Musharrif Khan, to Ahmad Shah asking for

aid. When the messenger reached the king, Shuja’-ud-daula and Najib

Khan stated that the enemy was not opposed in great force to Nawab

Ahmad Khan, that the need for reinforcement was greater with ’Indyat

Ali Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat Khan. When Musharrif Khan reported

that no reply had been given by the king, he was sent back with a still

more pressing message. At length two divisions were ordered out, and

these having strengthened the right wing, the Mahrattas were gradually

driven back. Biswas Rado having been killed, Sadasheo Bhao fled, all be-

came confusion, and by two o’clock in the day the field was won.

Daim Khan, chela, used to relate that when Ahmad Khan was sent for

after the battle to receive a khilat, he sat down by the entrance of the tent.

Shuja’-ud-daula took up the Nawab’s sword and pulled it out of its scabbard.

There was no edge on it, the Nawab using it in a particular way. Shuja’-

ud-daula in a mocking manner said—“ Are you a commander of Fifty-two

“thousand and own such a sword as this?” The Nawab replied, “ The

“edge of this sword was felt by your father well.” He referred to the de-

feat and flight of Safdar Jang. Nawab Najib Khan, Rohela, who was a

great friend of Shuja’-ud-daula, then asked for the sword and, having look-

ed at it, praised it ironically and begged it as a gift. Nawab Ahmad Khan

* A gold ornament worn in the turban—“ Qanoon-e-Islam,” 2nd ed, App. III, p. x.

128 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdbdd. [No. 2,

told him to take it. Najib Khan said, “Steel should not be received for

nothing ;” so he sent for a paisa (copper coin) and, putting it on both hands,

offered it with mock respect to Nawab Ahmad Khan. The Nawab taking

it up said, “It is right and proper that you should offer me a nazar, for

“you were once in my father’s service.” This was true, for Najib Khin

began life as a Jama’dar on five rupees a month under Muhammad Khan

Ghazanfar Jang and then entered the service of the elder Ghazi-ud-din

Khan on seven rupees a month. The first interview was accorded to Nawab

Ahmad Khan, and by special permission he was allowed to take in with

him three persons to hold him up. They were Fakhr-ul-daula Bakhshi,

Mibrbian Khan Diwadn and Daim Khan. Shah Wali Khan, the Wazir,

being of the same clan, had recommended Ahmad Khan, and in this way

he obtained the first entry. When all the other amérs were admitted, the

king gave Ahmad Khan the order to sit down.

Visitors to Farrukhabdad.

During the latter part of Ahmad Khan’s life, from 1759 to 1771, there

were a number of distinguished visitors to Farrukhabad. Many of the Delhi

nobles sought shelter there, on the breakinz up of the imperial court and the

occupation of the capital by the Mahrattas. When ’Abdullah Khan, son of

?Ali Muhamnad Khan, Rohela, attempted to assassinate Hafiz Rahmat Khan,

it was to Farrukhabad that he fled, and it was through Ahmad Khan’s inter-

cession that he obtained pardon, and the parganah of Aujhani was granted for

his subsistence.* And, owing to the grant of the parganahs of Shikohabad,

Phaphond and Itawah, made to the Rohelas by Ahmad Shah on his departure

from India, Hafiz Rahmat Khan in 1762 passed through Farrukhabad with

his son, on his way to visit his new territory.t Again, after the battle of Bak-

sar on Oct. 28rd, 1764, Shuja’-ud-daula came for a time to Farrukhabad.

Ahmad Khan could at one time boast of having two ex-Wazirs of the

Empire encamped at opposite gates of his city—’Imad-ul-Mulk at one and

Shuja’-ud-daula at the other gate.

The most important group of visitors, however, was composed of Ghazi-

ud-din Khan ’Im4d-ul-Mulk, his relations and friends, who for many years

found an asylum with, and lived upon the bounty of, Nawab Ahmad Khan.

Of each of these we proceed to give such details as are known,

1. Ghazi-ud-din ’ Imdd-ul-Muthk.

Mir Shahab-ud-din was the son of Mir Muhammad Shah, entitled

Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firtiz Jang, eldest son of the celebrated Nizim-ul-

Mulk Asaf Jah, His mother was a daughter of the well known Wazir,

* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 46, 47.

+ Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 67, 77, 79.

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawitbs of Furrukhabad. 129

Kamr-ud-din Khan ’Itimad-ud-daula. ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s career from 1752 to

1760* is sufficiently well known. From the date, however, when he ceased

to play a prominent part, we are told nothing more of him than that he took

refuge in one of Suraj Mall’s fortresses. In-one work we are told that he was

found by Colonel Goddard at Surat in 1790 ;f and that, by order of the:

Supreme Government, he was sent off to Mecca, whence he never returned.

How far this statement is correct will presently be shewn. The Xhizana

*Amira, which was written in 1762-1763, naturally concludes ’Imad-ul-

Mulk’s story by leaving him hiding in the Bhartpur country. But there

ean be no doubt that his family and friends were sent to Farrukhabad, and

that from at least the year 1762 he himself lived there constantly. The

- quarter of the city where he lived, near the Kadiri gate, is still known as

the Chaoni or encampment of Ghazi-ud-din Khan. The income of Parga-

nah Bilhor, said to amount to Rs. 12,000:a month, was allotted to him by

Ahmad Khan during bis stay in Farrukhabad.

In 1771, when Ahmad Khan died, and the Emperor Shah ’Alam was

approaching Farrukhabad, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, fearing vengeance for the

murder of Alamgir II, the Emperor’s father, thought it advisable to quit

that city. He left his relations and servants there and started with a few

faithful retainers. We do not know how the interval was passed, but the

Mo'asir-ul-Umra says, that in 1187 H. (March 1773—March 1774), he ap-

peared in Malwa, where the Mahrattas gave him several mahals for his

support. We learn from the Zirikh-i-Muzaffari that he was found by

Colonel Goddard at Surat in February 1780. Thence he was despatched

on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Returning by Basrah, he travelled to Kabul

and Kandahar, where he visited the ruler, Taimur Shah, son of Ahmad

Shah Durrani. At that time the prince Ahsan Bakht, son of the

Emperor Shah ’Alam, who, after the blinding of his father by Ghulam

Kadir Khan (June 1788), had escaped from Delhi, andhad wandered homeless

through Rajputana, past Jainagar, Bikaner, and Multan, arrived at

Taimur Shah’s court. Out of regard for him as a descendant of the great

Taimur, as a relation of Shah ’Alam, and as a guest, to whom the rights of

hospitality were due, the king treated him withconsideration. He sent some of

_ his own troops to accompany the prince and ’Imad-ul-Mulk towards Multan,

promising to march soon in person for the conquest of Hindustan. Shortly

after this the king died{ and was succeeded by his son, Zaman Shah, who

* Elphinstone, 651—659.

t+ A mistake for 1780. See Wilson’s Mill, VI, 37 note, from which the statemont

is taken. ;

{ Taimur Shah died on the 7th Shuwwal 1207 H. 18th August 1793. (Tarikh-i-

Ahmad of’ Abd-ul-Karim.)

130 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

was detained at home by his own rebellious subjects. When Ahsan Bakht

and ’Iméd-ul-Mulk reached Sindh, the Kabul troops, hearing of the death

of Taimur Shah, returned to their home. ’Imad-ul-Mulk and Nasir Khan

Bilich went to Bahawalpur. In time a quarrel arose between the prince

and ’Imad-ul-Mulk, owing to many of the prince’s companions being mean

and base fellows. The prince remained in Multan, where he became afflict -

ed with melancholy madness and passed the rest of his days there out of

his senses. Meanwhile ’Imad-ul-Mulk found his way to ’Ali Bahadur

Mahratta, son of Shamsher Bahadur, who had an army and some territory

in Bundelkhand. From him he obtained a grant of fifty-two villages,

which form the petty state, now known as Bdoni, measuring about fifteen

miles across each way. It lies about 12 miles east of Kalpi, in a bend of

the river Jamna.* ’Imad-ul-Mulk died at Kalpi on the 10th Rabi I,

1215 H. (lst September 1800), when his age must have been about sixty-

eight. According to the orders contained in his will he was buried at the

shrine of Shekh Farid Shakkarganj atPakpatan.t His son, Nasir-ud-daula,

was in possession when the British occupied Bundelkhand in 1803, and to

him the grant was confirmed by the Governor-General’s letter of the 24th

December 1806. The further history of the family will be found in the

Gazetteer, under the article Baoni.

By ’Umdah Begam, daughter of Mw’in-ul-Mulk, the son of Kamr-ud-

din Khan, who was Wazirfrom 1721 to 1749, he had one son called ’Ali Jah ;

and by Gunna Begam, daughter of ’Ali Kuli Khan, Daghistani, poetically styl-

ed WaAlih, he had one son, Nasir-ud-daula. By another wife he had a son,

Ghulim Jalani Khan, who died at Delhi from eating ice. The MWoa’asir-ul-

Umra tells us that he had a large family, and one of his sons finding his

way to Haidarabad was, on account of his relationship to the reigning

house, made a Pan} Hazari, with the title of Hamid-ud-daula and a money

allowance,

Gunna Begam, ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s wife, came to Farrukhébad with him.

Herself a poet, she was the daughter of the poet, ’Ali Kuli Khan, known

as Walih. Her tomb is at Nurabad, sixty-three miles south of Agra and

fifteen miles north of Gwaliyar. It bears the short inscription “Alas! —

Gunna Begam” 1187 H. (25th March, 1773—14th March, 1774.) t

2. Nawdb Khadim Hussain Khan.

He had a house near that of Nawab ’Azim Khan, and when he died

he was buried in that house. He received a jagzr of Rs. 15,000. After —

* Gaz. N. W. P. I, 384 and Aitchison’s Treaties ITI. 250, under the word Baont. _

+ In the Panjab, ten miles west of the Ravi—Thornton, 757,

f{ Archeological Survey of India, Vol, II, 397.

ane

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. 131

the death of Sirdj-ud-daula, Nazim of Bengal, in June 1757, he had obtained

a grant of the Purinaya Subah, on condition of recovering it at his own ex-

pense. He had been in the service of a former governor there, Sayyad Ah-

mad Khan, He was not really Mir Ja’far’s nephew, ashe claimed to be.

He was the son of Sayyad Khadim ’Ali Khan by a Kashmiri wife, and his

father afterwards married a sister of Mir Ja’far (Seir Mutagherin, II. 9,

10, 11.)

3. Nawab Mir Jumla,’ Abidullah Khan, Sadr-us-Sadir.

He was the son of Mir Jumla Farrukhsiyari, and brother of Shariyat-

ullah Khan. This latter, on the dismissal of ’Azim-ullah Khan, was promo-

ted to be Sadr. He died on the 2nd Rajab, 1155 H. (24th August 1742),

and on the 2nd Zi’l Ka’d, 1156 H. (7th December, 1743), ’Abidullah Khan,

was appointed to the vacant office. On the arrival at Farrukhabad of this

Nawab, Wali-ullah saw him and praises his great learning. After the death

of Naw4b Ahmad Khan, he left Farrukhabad and went to live at some place

where he died. He received Rs. 500 a month.

4 Nawab Yahya Khan.

He was the eldest son of Khan Bahadur Zakariya Khan, the Mwhtasib

of Delhi. He turned fakir and was then styled Yahya Shah. He was

buried at Yahyaganj, a village near Shekhpur on the Cawnpur road or, as

some say, in Kamalganj. Khwajah Daud Khan was a son of Yahya Khan,

by the daughter of ’Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, and his

mother, being the aunt of ’Imid-ul-Mulk, was known as the Khalé Begam.

Daud Khan died in Farrukhabad. Shah Nawadz Khan, the younger brother

of Yahya Khan, died at Lahor. His son Mirza Jan and his friend, Maulvi

Rahim Yar Khan, Bukhari, came with the others to Farrukhabad, where

they both remained till they died. Mir Mughal, a son of Rahim Yar Khan,

became ndib to Nawab Muzaffar Jang, and was afterwards exiled.

5. Nawab Salim Khén.

- His house was behind the Tikona Thana in the city. It was after-

wards inhabited by Faiz-ullah,a Khawds of Nawah Muzaffar Jang, and his

descendants in 1839 still lived there.

6. Nawab Bi’ Ali Khin.

He had been Subahdar of Bengal. He was paternal uncle’s son (cousin)

to Nawab’ Ali Jah, z. e., Kasim ’Ali Khan, Subahdar of Bengal. There is

a Katra (or Bazar) Bu ’Ali Khan, probably named after him. He left Far-

rukh4bad in 1771, on Ahmad Khan’s death.

7. Chote Sahib.

132 W. Irvine—The Bungash Nawibs of Furrukhdbdad. [No. 2,

8. Bare Sahib.

Bare Séhib was Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir’s sister and Chote Sdhib

was his widow. They had a house in Nawab ’Abd-ul-Majid Khan’s garhi.

They received jointly Rs. 500 a month. Once a year Naw4b Ahmad Khan

visited them, when they presented him with trays of jewels. Miyan La’l,

guardian (atdlik) to Muzaffar Jang was their eunuch (khojdé). They both

died in Farrukhabad, and their graves are behind Pandit Daya Ram’s house,

in Muhalla Chaoni, within the bégh of Shuja’t Khan, Khansdman to Nawab

Ahmad Khan. The place is called the AZadrassa. Miyan La’l is buried at

their fect. Mir Bahadur ’Ali is careful to point out that their names never

received the feminine termination in long 7.

9. Hakim Sayyad Iméim-ud-din Khan.

Son of Sayyad Gharib-ullah, son of Shah Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, a native

of Newatni,* Bangarmau Mohani. The Hakim lived in Mohalla Lohai

and received Rs 500 a month.

10. Hakim Shafae Khan.

They say that Jan ’Ali Khan, chela, who built the masj7¢d at the gate

of the fort, had a great affection for this Hakim, with whom he exchanged _

turbans. When the Hakim went away to Delhi, Jan ’Ali Khanasked him |

for a prescription by which his strength would remain unimpaired.

The Hakim answered, that the following was the essence (afr) of all

his books. ‘ At the morning meal, take one quarter seer of kid’s flesh and

“one chitdk ghi, eat it cooked as you are used to ; then in the evening pre-

“pare washed mdsh ddl and the same quantity of gi.” Jan’Ali Khan eat

this food all his life, and his strength did not diminish.

11. Nawab Nasir Khan.

He had been Subahdar of Kabul at the time of Nadir Shah’s invasion

(1151 H,=1739). He lived in Mohalla Kandhai, where Ntroz ’Ali Khan,

son of Sarfar4z Mahal, lived in 1839, His allowance was Rs. 3000 a month.

He died in Farrukhabdéd and was buried in the Haiyét Bagh, near the

tomb of Nawdb Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang. He died before 1771.

They say that the eldest son of Nawab Nasir Khan was in the service

of Shuja’-ud-daula and received a large sum monthly. One day Shuja’-ud-

daula told him to send to Farrukhabad for his father, as he wished to ap-

point him his nd. Nasir Khan refused the offer. He held the three thousand

rupees he received from Ahmad Khan to be equal to three lakhs ; for Ahmad

Khan, when he went to visit him, rose to his feet to receive him, But if he

became ndib to Shuja’-ud-daula, some day when he rode up to his gateway, the

* A small town, two miles south-west of Mohan in the Undo district,—Oudh

Gaz, III. 16, II, 500, and I, 224,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. 133

menials would tell him that the Nawab Sahib was taking his rest, and he

must therefore wait. Then from that day, though alive, he knew he would

wish himself dead. Unable to persuade him, his son went back to Faizabad.

By another wife, Nasir Khan had two sons (1) Ya’kit Khan, (2) Muhib

*Ali Khan. The first lived up to the time of Shaukat Jang (1813—1823),

and he always read aloud in the Imdmbara. Muhib ’Ali Khan’s son was

in 1839 a messenger in the employ of Kannti Lal, merchant. Such is God’s

will, nor can any dependence be placed upon fortune—the grandson of an

Imperial Governor had become the servant of a Baniya on a few rupees a

month.

12. Haji’ Abdullah Khin. '

He lived opposite the house of Mir Roshan ’Ali, an employé of Muzaffar

Jang’s.

13. Mirzd Aslam Beg “ Hathi nashin” of Delhi.

He lived close to Haji "Abdullah Khan (No. 12) and he received five

hundred rupees a month. His son, Mirza Khair-ullah Beg, was a poet and a

man of parts. On his father’s death, he became a fakir, when he passed by

the name of Kamtar Shah. His poetical name was Kamtar. He it was

who always read aloud in Nawab Amin-ud-daula’s Imdmbdara ; he lived at

the gate of that Nawab’s old fort. He died in 1240 H. (26th August,

1824—16th August, 1825.)

14. Nawab Haidar Kuli Khan.

Formerly Mir Atash or Commandant of Ordnance and Subahdar of

Gujrat. He lived in a line with the house of Mir Roshan ’Ali: his allow-

ance was Rs. 500 a month. His grandson, Mirza Zahine, a disciple of

Maulvi Wali-ullah, was alive till Nawab Shaukat Jang’s time (1818—1823),

and his (Mirza Zahine’s) sons, Mirza Sadik and Mirza Ja’far, were in 1839

among the Nawab Rais’ sowars. The grandmother of Mirza Zahine, Guméni

Begam, got old Amethi, on the river, between the city and Fathgarh, from

Nawab Muzaffar Jang as nankar, with the land occupied by the fort of

Zu lfikargarh, since resumed by the English, Ahmadi Begam, granddaught-

er of Haidar Kuli Khan, was still living in 1839 in the Chini Wald. ward,

with her sons, Mirza Haidar and Mirza Muhammad.

15. Nawdb Jafar Kuli Khan.

Own brother to Haidar Kuli Khan (No. 14). He died and was buried

at Farrukhabad.

16. Rajah Jugal Kishor.

A Bhat by caste. He is said to have spent a fabulous sum at Deihi

upon the marriage of his son, the earthen hugga stands (gurguri) costing

134 W. Irvine—The Bangash Naw.ibs of Furrukhabad. [No. 2,

many thousands of rupees. He was the agent at Delhi of Mahdbat Jang,

Subahdar of Bengal. We have already seen him employed by Safdar Jang

to carry out the resumption of the Farrukhabdad territory after the death

of Kaim Khan.

Once Nawab Ahmad Khan, Ghazi-ud-din Khin Wazir, and Rajah

Jugal Kishor were returning to Farrukhabad from a visit to Makhanpur.*

Their three elephants were moving in one line. In the plain of Nanauwah,

on the road from Yakutganj to the city, close to where the central jail

now stands, the Rajah got down for a necessary purpose, when the elephant

ran at him and killed him. All his servants set wp weeping and wailing ;

while Nawab Ahmad confiscated the whole of the property to his own use.

In this affair, Naw4b Ahmad Khan and Ghazi-ud-din had given the hint

to the Rajah’s Mahaut, Jugal Kishor having one day been wanting in proper

respect to those two nobles. No doubt Ahmad Khan also bore him a grudge

for the part he had played in Safdar Jang’s time. Jugal Kishor’s grandson,

Shitabu, was still alive in 1839, his house was in Mohalla Nunhai, and at

the Holi festival, in the drama (swdng) of the Jogis, he used to dress as a

female mendicant and dance.

17. Nawab Jaldl-ud-daula, called Mir Sulaiman.

His house was in Mohalla Nitganja. He was a great favourite of

’*Tmad-ul-Mulk, and they attribute to his bad advice the blinding of Ahmad

Shah, and the murders of ’Alamgir II, Intizim-ud-daula Khan-khanan,

and ’Akabat Mahmud Khan. He received Rs. 400 a month, and left Far-

rukhabad with his patron.

18. Nawdéb Ra’dyat Khan.

He was the son of Zahir-ud-daula ’Azimullah Khan (Subahdar of M4l-

wa, and afterwards Sadr), son of Ra’dyat Khan, younger brother of Muham-

mad Amin Khan. Ra’ayat Khan’s mother was Nur-un-nissa Begam, sister

of ’Itimad-ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan. Ra’dyat Khan married a cousin,

the daughter of Kamr-ud-din Khan. He left Farrukhabad upon the death

of Ahmad Khan in 1771. The Zurtkh-i-Muzaffari also mentions a brother,

Kutbe Khan, as being at Farrukhabad (year 1176).

19. Mir Fakhr-ud-din Khan.

Commonly known as Nawab Shah Jit. He was the son of ’Itimad-

ud-daula Kamr-ud-din Khan, Wazir, and husband of the daughter of

Muzaffar Khan, brother of Samsam-ud-daula, Khan Daurin Khan. He

received Rs. 1000 a month, and on the death of Ahmad Khan he returned

to Delhi, where he died.

* In Parganah Bilhor of the Cawnpiar district,

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. 135

20. Nawab Ahmad’ Ali Khan.

He was sister’s son of Sayyad Sadat Khan Farrukhsiyari, who after

the death of Asaf Jah was for a short time Amir-ul-Umr4, with the title of

Zu lfikar Jang, his nephew being made Bakhshi of the Ahadis. Ahmad

*Ali Khan lived in Mohalla Ism@/ilgan] in the house known as the Rajah’s.

His allowance was Rs. 800 a month; he died at Farrukhabad.

21. Nawdb ’Abd-ul-Baki Khan.

Son of Hamid-ud-din, Namicha, ’Alamgiri. He lived in Mohalla Nit-

ganja ina hired house. He was very friendly to Sayyad Ahmad ’Ali (father

of Mufti Wali-ullah) and kind to Wali-ullah himself. When Shih ’Alam

returned to Delhi, the Nawab followed him and died there. His sons were

friends of Wali-ullah, being of the same age. One, Mirzi Mughal, was a

poet.

22. Nawab Dardb Khan.

Son of Tarbiyat Khan, a noble of Muhammad Shah’s time (1718—

1749). He died and was buried at Farrukhabad.

23. Sayyad Hashmat ’Ali Khan.

In the reign of Muhammad Shah (1718—1749) he was the agent at

the Delhi Court for Nawab Asaf Jah Nizdm-ul-Mulk. Wali-ullah visited

him several times. He was turned out of Farrukhabdd in the days of Bakh-

shi Fakhr-ud-daula (1771—1773).

24. Manavvar Khén.

The younger brother of Nawab Roshan-ud-daula Bahadur Sarwar (?).

The Larikh-1 Muzaffari also names a son of the latter, Anwar Khan, as

present at Farrukhabad (year 1176).

25. Ghiyds-ud-din Khan.

He was the son of Said-ud-din Khan, Mir Atash in the reign of Mu-

hammad Shah.

26. Bahadur Khan.

Son of Nawab A’zim Khan.

27. Ghulém Hussain Khan.

His name is given in the Turtkh-i-Muzaffuri. He was the grandson

of Muw’in-ud-daula Dildaler Khan Nasir Jang, son of Mir Yahya Khan

Munshi (?).

136 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 3,

28. Hakim Shekh Muhammad Fakhr-ud-din ’ Abbast.

He had been darogha of the household (itbd’-khana) to Kamr-ud-din

Khan, Wazir. He got Rs. 150 a month.

29. Hakim Ruh ’Ali Khan.

80. Hakim Muhammad ’ Ali Khan.

At this period many other jagirdars, pensioners and dancing. womer

from Delhi took refuge in Farrukhabad. The wakils of the following rulers

also attended there upon Ghazi-ud-din Khan’ Iméd-ul-Mulk, viz., those of the

Rajah of Jainagar, the Rajah of Narwar, the Rathaur Rajah, Rajah of

Jodhpur, the Jat Rajah (Siraj Mall) of Dig and Kumer,* Rajah Chatar-

pat of Gohad, the Rajahs of Bundelkhand, 7. e., of Pannah, Orchha, Datiya,

Seondha and Chanderi, the Rajah of Kotah-Bondi, of Shahabid-Kuroki, of

Bhadawar-Jagammanputr and others.

Shujwud-daula and Shah’ Alam attempt to attack Farrukhabad.t

When Shah ’Alam returned from his unsuccessful campaign against

Bengal, Shuja’-ud-daula moved out to meet him as far as Sarde Raja, near

the Karannasa, in the Benares district, and conducted him thence to Jajmau,

by way of Jhusi and Allahabad. After the rains, in Rabi 1175 H. (October

1761), the Emperor moved to Kalpi and thence to Jhansi. On their return

to Allahabad, some time in the year 1176 H. (23rd July, 1762—12th July,

1763), Shuja’-ud-daula persuaded the Emperor to join him in a campaign

against Ahmad Khan of Farrukhabad.

Three reasons are assigned for this attack on Nawab Ahmad Khan.

The first, which was no doubt used to influence the Emperor, was as follows,

The news-writer sent letters to Shuja’-ud-daula, informing him of Ahmad

Khan’s daily life and stating that he rode in a pa/ki, that he caused elephants

to fight, that he had established a Gwldl bari or royal pavilion, and had assum-

ed other privileges of royalty. Shuja’-ud-daula writhed like a snake when

he read this, and at once he made a minute report to the Emperor, adding

that to mount the throne was the only step, which now remained for

Ahmad Khan to take. The Emperor, being incensed at Ahmad Khan’s

supposed presumption, readily agreed to join in the campaign.

A second reason, and probably a better-founded one, is said to have

been a quarrel over the occupation of the territory evacuated by the Mah-

* Both in Bhartpur territory, the former 20 and the latter 10 miles north of

Bhartpur.

+ This list is taken from Shah Hisim-ud-din’s book.

{~ Wali-ullah p. 44, Lawh-i-Tartkh, Hisim-ud-din, 353, Tdrikh-i-Muzaffari, 1176

TH. Amdd-us-Sa dat, pp. 88-90, Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khin, p. 78.

1879.] _ W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Furrukhébdd. 137

rattas, after the great defeat at Panipat in January 1761. The Mahrattas

withdrew from the Duab, and Ahmad Khan took possession of all the pars

ganahs ever held by his family, and perhaps of some to which he had no

elaim. On the other hand, Shuja’-ud-daula wished to maintain him within

the limits fixed by the treaty of 1752 and asserted his own right to all the.

recovered territory.

Another motive, whieh acted strongly on Shuja’-ud-daula, was the shel-

ter given to Umrao Gir Gusdin. Umrdo Gir had fled from Lakhnau with

Hatya, a favourite dancing girl of the Naw4b’s, and came to Farrukhabad

with his twelve thousand fighting Nagds.* He encamped in a bdgh near

the city, and was introduced through Fakhr-ud-daula, Bakhshi. The Nawab

determined to retain the Gusain in his service, although his advisers tried

to deter him, pointing out that the Gusdin’s contingent was too

powerful, nor had they money to pay him. Ahmad Khan said he could not

turn away a supplicant, a thing he had never done. Umrao Gir was sent

to Kasganj to Roshan Khan, chela, (known as Miyan sorpasd then ’Amil-

of the eight and a half mahals.

Himmat Bahadur wrote to his brother, remonstrating with him for

leaving the master who had brought them up and joining a ruler whose

* Anup Gir Himmat Bahdédur and his younger brother, Umrao Gir, were chelas of

the Rajah Indar Gir (or Gaj Indar Gir) whom we met before at the siege of Allahé-

bad (p. 79) and elsewhere. The original abode of this Gusd4in was in the jungle

near Moth, in Bundelkhand, thirty-two miles from Jhansi. About 1744-5 he acquired

- many villages in that Parganah (Gaz. I, 550). In 1760 he entered Safdar Jang’s

service, and in 1752 he was killed near Delhi. Himmat Bahadur (Anip Gir) died in

1804 at the age of seventy, when Narindar Gir, his son by Fakhr-un-Nissa Begam of

Lakhnau, was stilla minor. By article 3 of the Agreement, dated the 4th September,

1803, made with Himmat Bahadur, it appears that Rajah Umrao Gir, his brother, was

then in confinement at Lakhnau, on account of a conspiracy against the Nawab Wazit’s

government.—Aitchison, II, 225, ed. 1876. By a grant, dated the 1st March, 1806, the

assignments in Bundelkhand were exchanged for a territory in the Cawnpur district,

named Rasdhan, about forty-three miles south-west of Cawnpur city, in Parganah

Sikandrah, which lies in the south-west corner of the district between the Jamna

and the Sengar. This estate yielded a revenue of Rs. 1,357,000 a year. The families

of Umrao Gir and Kanchan Gir also received pensions (Gaz. I. 41.) On Narindar Gir’s

death in 1840, the estate was sequestrated in payment of debts by order of the 12th

May, 1841. The debts had barely been cleared off when the mutiny of 1857 broke

out. Jai Indar Gir (son by Lalan Begam) and Padam Indar Gir (son by Riba Begam)

| became rebels, and two-thirds of the parganah was confiscated. The two brothers

| were given an allowance of Rs. 100 a month. Jai Indar Gir died in June or July

| 1876; the other brother survives. One-third of the income, amounting to Rs. 28,780

a year, is paid to the widow of Narindar Gir, known as the Raj Rani, who for the las

| thirty years has: lived in the city of Cawnpur.

138 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,

income was not sufficient to provide for the pay of his foree. Umrao Gir

replied that, to vex Shuja’-ud-daula, he intended to stay a few months, and

if by his aid the Naw4b obtained nothing, he should not ask for pay. Him-

mat Bahddur showed the letter to Shuja’t ’Ali Khan, chela, known as

Miyan ’Ise, and he told Shuja’-ud-daula. The latter wrote an angry letter

to Ahmad Khan, ordering him to turn out his “thief? at once. Ahmad

Khan in reply dared Shuja’-ud-daula to do his worst ; he had not sent for

Umrao Gir, who had come of his own accord ; and never yet had he turned

out any refugee, Shuja’-ud-daula brooded over this answer, and for some

months nothing more was heard of the matter. Meanwhile Nawab Ahmad

Khan’s chief men urged Umrao Gir to go away, for if anything happened,

all the world would say that he had been the ruin of the Bangash family.

Umrao Gir listened to them and prepared to go away. Ahmad Khan declar-

ed that not a hundred Shuja’-ud-daulas should drag him away did he wish

to remain ; at the same time, if he desired to go, his feet were not chained.

Umrao Gir started in the direction of Agra, but had gone no more than

oue stage when he was recalled, Shuja’-ud-daula’s approach having been

reported to the Nawab.

Shuja’-ud-daula had heard that at Farrukhabad there was only a small

force of four or five thousand men, the remainder being scattered about in

the parganahs. He therefore gave out that he was marching on a mulk-

giri, or expedition to recover revenue from refractory zamindars, Part of

the army advanced up the Duab, plundering on its way the town of Muse-

nagar on the Jumna, Head quarters were for a time at the Sarde of

Khwaja Pul.* On his side, Shuja’-ud-daula left Faizibad and proceeded

lcisurely through his own dominions till he reached the ferry of Nandmau

in parganah Bilhor. The army crossed over and proceeded to Kanauj,

while Shuja’-ud-daula and the Emperor took up their quarters at a. bunga-

low and bdgh in Makanpur, called the Madar-bari, belonging to Ahmad

Khan. The villages in the neighbourhood of both Kanauj and Makanpur

were given up to plunder.

The news writers had kept Nawab Ahmad Khan under the impression

that this army had set out for “ Mulk-giri.” It was not till Shuja’-ud-

daula arrived at Makanpur and began to ask how long it took to reach

Farrukhabad, that its destination was disclosed. Rajah Gangé Singh of

Chachendi,t a great friend of Nawd&b Ahmad Khan, then with Shuja’-

ud-daula, determined to send a letter of warning. He disguised his

messenger as a fakir and hid the note in the man’s shoe. His orders were

* In Parganah Sikandrah, some fourteen miles south-west of Jhinjhak railway

station.

t See p. 877, Vol, XLVIT, 1878.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. 139

to deliver it to the Nawab, in whatever place or in whatever condition he

might find him. The messenger started off secretly, and it was past mid-

night when, reaching the gateway of Ahmad Khan’s house, he reported

himself to Musharraf Khan, darogha of the gateway. At the time the

Nawab, having eaten his dinner, had gone to bed. No one dared to wake

him. At length Miyan Sahib Jan ’Ali Khan went in, and pressing the

Nawab’s feet, delivered the note to him. One hundred rupees were given

to the messenger.

The Bakhshis were sent for in hot haste. They reported that very

few troops were at hand. The Nawab told them to send for all the clerks,

and ordered parwanahs to be written to all the ’Amils and Faujdars, calling

on them to start at once for Farrukhdébdid. At that time Bakhshi Fakhr-

ud-daula with a large force was fighting Datta, zamind4r of Aksauli, west

of Marahra. The village lies in Parganah Sikandrah Rao of the Aligarh

district, and in those days the jungle was so dense that falcons (bashd)

are said to have been caught there, and for years together no human being

passed through it. In a few days after receiving the parwinah, the Bakh-

shi reached Farrukhabad with this army. Help was also called for from Mau,

Shamsabad, Ata’ipur, Tilhar, Shahjahdinpur, Bareli, Budéun, Anwalah,

Bisoli and Aujhani.*

At this time H4fiz Rahmat Khan was encamped near his own frontier

in Parganah Mihrébdd, now in the Shahjébd4npur district. The Nawab

sent to him Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula to ask his aid to save the Afghans

from disgrace. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, being no doubt afraid that, if Ahmad

Khan were crushed, his own interests in the Dudab, where he then held

Etawah, Shikohabid and Phaphond, would be seriously endangered, seems

to have shown great readiness to espouse the Nawab’s cause. He said he

had already heard of the affair, and on that account had encamped near his

frontier; he was quite ready to join, but his troops were in want of pay.

If money were advanced, he would send for Sa’dullah Khan, Donde Khan,

Mull4 Sardir Khan, Fath Khan and others. Even if money were not

forthcoming, he would not fail to attend with his own men. After he had

made a report of this interview, the Bakhshi was sent back with two lakhs

of rupees to be made over to Hafiz Rahmat Khan for expenses, and a

promise of further advances when Nawab Sa’dullah Khan joined. On

receipt of this money Hafiz Rahmat Khén wrote to Sa’dullah Khan and

the other chiefs, calling on them to march without a moment’s delay. He

also wrote to Shekh Kabir, his deputy at Etawah, instructing him to march

with his whole force direct to the Kali-naddi and encamp below Khuda-

ganj. The Bakhshi returned and reported what had been done.

* Bisoli lies 24 miles N, W. of Budaon and Aujhani 8 miles S, W. of the same

place.

140 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,

After this the Nawab wrote a letter (kharita) to Ghazi-ud-din Khan

*Imad-ul-Mulk, Wazir, who was then in the country of Straj Mall Jat,*

asking for his aid and presence. The despatch was made over to Khwaja

Khan, the wakil of Imid-ul-Mulk, to whom the Nawab said that if, which

God forbid, he came across Siraj Mall, and he should ‘ask why he, too, was

not invited, the answer should be given, thatformerly he had not behaved like

a neighbour, else he never would have joined Safdar Jang. He had better

march to join Shuja’-ud-daula, Safdar Jang’s son, for with God’s favour

he, Ahmad Khan, did not want his aid ; and, please God, he would serve

Shuja’-ud-daula as he had served Safdar Jang.

When Khwaja Khan reached Dig and delivered his tetdael ’Imad-ul-

Mulk at once sent for Siraj Mall. ’Imad-ul-Mulk repeated to him how

affairs stood and declared it to be his intention to march to the assistance

of Ahmad Khan. The Rajah asked why he had not been invited to

joi. Khwaja Khan then repeated the Nawab’s exact words. The Rajah

admitted that what the Nawab said was true, still byegones should be bye-

gones. Although he had not been asked, he would send off 3000 active

horsemen with orders to encamp at Koil. If Shuja’-ud-daula advanced

any further than Kanauj, they would advance by forced marches to join

Ahmad Khan. Besides this he would send several thousand horse to ac-

company the Ex-wazir. They marched, and when ’Imdéd-ul-Mulk drew

near the city, Ahmad Khan came out in person to meet him, and conduct-

ed him to his tents in the Haiyat Bagh.

In answer to the parwdnahs the troops from far and near began to

pour into the city. Altogether some thirty or forty thousand men had

assembled, including Pathans from Shahj4hanpur, Shahabad and other

places. When Hafiz Rabmat Khan arrived from Bareli, his tents were

pitched in the fort of Fathgarh. Below Zu’lfikargarb, near the city, a bridge

of boats was thrown across, and there Mulla Sardar Khan and Donde Khan

crossed with their men, The artillery was got out and put in order.

It was then sent on to the banks of the Bagar just beyond Yakitganj,

where all the tents were set up which had been plundered from Safdar

Jang and Naval Rae. The Nawab then marched out at the head of his

army, and having stayed one night, he returned to the fort, leaving the

Bakhshi in command. Roshan Khan and Umrao Gir, each with about five

thousand men, were ordered to proceed and join Shekh Kabir’s camp on the

Kali below Khudaganj.

Soon after Shuja’-ud-daula’s arrival at Makanpur, an eunuch of his |

establishment made his appearance at Farrukhabad, and put up at the Lal

* It was not till 1763-4 that Suraj Mall lost his life during a skirmish with Najib

Khan's troops,

1879.) - W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdd. 141

Sarée. He came to demand a return of the territory recently absorbed by

Ahmad Khan. The Nawab, having collected four or five thousand of his

troops and all the Delhi refugees, such as Nasir Khan, Ex-Subahdar of K4bul

and others, sent for the eunuch. The envoy delivered a farmdén from the

Emperor, which was made over to Mihrban Khan, by whom it was read

aloud. The Nawab sent back an angry message to Shuja’-ud-daula. The

_ next envoy sent was Salar Jang, the Wazir’s brother-in-law. The Rohelas

were supposed to be secretly favourable to Shuja’-ud-daula ; but instead of

listening to SAl4r Jang’s message, they detained him as their prisoner.

’ Im4d-ul-Mulk now urged an advance towards the enemy, but Ahmad

Khan objected to make the first advance. The Emperor being with Shuja’-

ud-daula, people would call him a rebel and untrue to his salt, if he attack-

ed first. He therefore proposed to write a remonstrance to the Emperor ;

they would see what answer they got, and they could act accordingly. The

letter stated that the Nawab, a hereditary servant of the state, was pursued

by the unjust enmity of Shuja’-ud-daula. He ought to be called on to

prove his accusations of using a Guldlbdri, making elephants fight, and

riding in a palki without leave. If mad elephants break their chains and

rush off into the jungle to fight, no one is to blame. As to the royal

pavilion, that is a mistake, only a few pieces of wood had been put up;

for the Pathans having no manners, it was necessary to range them in

rows along this barrier, and there force them to make their morning

bow. The palki had been presented by his late Majesty, Alamgir IT,

when he made Ahmad Khan Bakhshi of the realm. Shuja’ud-daula

was also angry, because Ahmad Shdéh Durrani had deputed Ahmad

_ Khan with Jahan Khan to bring that noble to his presence. Shuja’-ud-

daula came with reluctance, and nourished an ill-feeling against the persons

who forced him to attend. Najib Khan, too, who was once in Ahmad

Khan’s employ, now had risen so high as to claim equality, which being

denied him, caused hidden enmity in his mind. The letter then went on to

recount at length the intrigues before the battle of Panipat, intended to

exclude Ahmad Khan from the good favour of the Durrani ruler. It con-

eluded by an appeal to His Majesty’s sense of justice and requested that

His Majesty would withdraw to some height, while the rivals fought out

the matter. The victor could then present himself to do homage to his

sovereign.

Maht&b Khan Bangash, who was very clever and had not his equal for

a negociation, received charge of the above petition. One hundred men

were told off as his escort. The Nawab’s last instructions were that, if

waiting two or three days would produce an answer, he should wait ; if not,

he was to come away without any formal dismissal. Maht&b Khan on reach-

142 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,

ing his destination was admitted to an audience. The secretaries read out

the petition in a loud voice word by word. After hearing it the Emperor

dismissed Mahtab Khan and sent for Shuja’-ud-daula, In the Wazir’s

opinion no answer should be sent ; no answer was the best answer. Mahtdb

Khan waited two days, and when he found out that no answer would be

given, he left without permission and returned to Farrukhabad, where he

made a report to the Nawab.

Next day Ahmad Khan and ’Iméd-ul-Mulk had a consultation,

*"Imad-ul-Mulk urged the Nawab to march without any further delay.

Just at this time, word came that Najib Khan had arrived at Nabiganj, a

small town between Bewar and Chibramau, some eighteen miles south of

Farrukhabad. Najib Khan Yusufzai, who had from various causes been

detained at Delhi, had come by forced marches down the Duab wid@ Sakit,

destroying crops and burning villages as he advanced. He was a turban-

brother (paggri-badal-bhdi) of Shuja’-ud-daula’s. Ahmad Khan sent two

hundred and fifty trays of food by one hundred and twenty-five kahars, in

charge of Shah Muhammad Khan Jamadar, and Gulsher Khan “ sonthi-

wdld.’”? These men had orders to deliver an ironical message that the food

was for Najib Khan’s own use, while the territory was there for his army’s

consumption ; what he had done was quite right and lawful, for between

brothers there need be no ceremony. Najib Khan in anger ordered them

to remove the trays, they might read the Fiatcha of his father over them.

It is said that six thousand Pathan horsemen left Najib Khan’s service at

Nabiganj.. They were received with open arms by Ahmad Khan, dresses

of honour were distributed and daily rations were served out to them.

Next day Najib Khan marched, and encamped near the Kali-nadi at

Khudaganj, about half a kos from the camp of Shekh Kabir, Rajah Umrdo

Gir Atit, and Roshan Khan. Najib Khan sent word to Shekh Kabir that

he wished to pay him a visit. Shekh Kabir replied that they could only

meet sword in hand ; having come to aid Shuja’-ud-daula, how could he

think of asking for an interview with them. The next day, without paying

his visit, Najib Khan marched off and entered Kanauj.

Najib Khan was conducted by Shuja’-ud-daula to the Emperor’s pre-

sence. They then began to discuss their plans. Najib Khan assured the

Wazir of his regret for the delay, which had allowed Ahmad Khén time to

assemble troops. If war were decided on, he would be the first in the field,

yet he doubted if his Afghans would fight heartily against the Rohelas.

He proposed to negociate. After two or three days Najib Khan put his

troops in motion towards Farrukhébad. Hearing this, Shekh Kabir sent

him a message not to come further, as next day it was his intention to pro-

vide him with some entertainment. Najib Khan sent back word that he had

i i

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdad. 143

not come to fight, he had come to seek an interview with Hafiz Rahmat

Khan. Shekh Kabir told him in that case he might pass, but without his.

troops.

Najib Khan, leaving his army, advanced with a few men, and crossing

the Kali-nadi pitched his tents. Next morning he continued his march.

As he got near the camp of Fakhr-ud-daula, he found the Bakhshi on his

elephant, at the head of his whole army drawn up in battle array. Najib

Khan passed them in review and saw that they were very numerous. There

were more leaders on elephants with Fakhr-ud-daula than there were with

Najib Khan. Najib Khan proffered a salam, but no one returned if.

Passing on, Najib Khan crossed the Ganges by the bridge of boats

and waited upon Sa’dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khin, Donde Khan, Mulla

Sardar Khan, and Fath Khan. Donde Khan, his father-in-law, taunted

him for siding with Shuja’-ud-daula against a Pathan, but he defended him-

self by pleading gratitude for the timely aid afforded him, when invested

by the Mahrattas in Sukartal. The night was passed in consultation. It

appears that the Rohelas were offered one-third of the Bangash territory

if they would withdraw, but Hafiz Rabmat Khan refused to forsake his

friend Ahmad Khan.* The final decision was that peace should be made

between Shuja’-ud-daula and Ahmad Khan. Hafiz Rahmat Khan engaged

to go in the morning to see Ahmad Khan. When he was introduced to

the Nawab’s presence, he congratulated him on the good news. The Nawab

asked what he meant. Hafiz Rahmat Khan replied, that by God’s favour,

they had gained a victory without fighting ; Shuja’-ud-daula, becoming

frightened by the preparations, had sent Najib Khan to make overtures to

Sa’dullah Khan. Ahmad Khan said he himself would accept what they

agreed to, but Ghazi-ud-din Khan ’Imad-ul-Mulk must be consulted. They

went together to that noble’s quarters. He was of opinion that Shuja’-ud-

daula and Najib Khan, in despair of success, had made these proposals ;

although thus forced to make peace, they would not fail, when opportunity

offered, to break their word. Hafiz Rahmat Khan admitted this was quite

true, still when affairs took that turn, punishment would await them then

as now. In the traditions of the Prophet was it not written that Peace is

blessed. *Imad-ul-Mulk answered, that if they were of that opinion, his

decision must follow theirs. Peace was thus decided on,

Hafiz Rahmat Khan reported to Najib Khan what had been said and

done. The Emperor’s presence was their only reason for accepting peace,

and he requested that Najib Khan would urge the Wazir to quit the Pathan

territory at once. Najib Khan proposed that they should go together and

persuade Shuja’-ud-daula to retire. Hafiz Rahmat Khan objected that he

* Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, p. 78.

144 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

was in the service of Ahmad Khan, without whose leave he could not go:

Najib Khan told him that he should not have aceepted such a lowly posi-

tion. Hafiz Rahmat Khan informed him that there were others, for Sa’dul-

lah Khan and his whole army had been subsidized, their expenses had been

paid from the Nawab’s treasury, to that date seven lakhs of rupees had

been advanced. He promised to go next day and ask the Nawab for per-

mission. The next day, Ahmad Khan having made no objection, Hafiz

Rahmat Khan and Najib Khan commenced their mareh. When they

reached Khudaganj, Shekh Kabir was asked to accompany them. They

paid their respects to the Emperor, and then went to Shuja’-ud-daula. They

told him he ought to return to the east again. At length the Emperor

and Shuja’-ud-daula set out eastwards. When they arrived at Korah, Najib

Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan took their leave. Najib Khan followed the

route to Delhi, while Hafiz Rahmat Khan returned to his own camp. Next

morning, Nawab Sa’dullah Khan and the other Rohelas came to take leave

of Nawa4b Abmad Khan. He distributed gifts and dismissed them. The

Shahjahanpur leaders also, ’Abd-ullah Khan and others, were given leave

to go, after gifts and dresses of honour had been conferred on them.

Shuja’-ud-daula takes refuge at Farrukhabad,

After his defeat at Baksar on the 23rd October, 1764, Shuja’-ud-daula

first sought aid from the Rohelas at Bareli, and for safety removed his

women and jewels to that place. As the Rohelas declined to enlist on his:

side against the English, the Wazir and Hafiz Rabmat Khan came to

Ahmad Khan at Farrukhabid. Not succeeding in inducing any of the

Pathans to join him, Shuja’-ud-daula marched eastwards, only to be again

defeated in May, 1765, at Korah-Jahanabad. Having again fled to Far-

rukhdbad, he was persuaded by Ahmad Khan and Hafiz Rahmat Khan to

come to terms, the result being the treaty signed at Allahabad in August,

1765.* A long speech by Abmad Khan, dissuading from hostility to the

English, will be found set forth in the “ Siyar-wl-Mutakharin.” +

A few anecdotes connected with Shuja’-ud-daula’s visit have been

handed down. The encampment was at Haiyat Bagh, and then at Fath-

garh. One day the Pathiéns suggested that the Jrdni (Shuja’-ud-daula)

should be murdered, since his father, Safdar Jang, had murdered five of

the Nawab’s brothers. 'The Nawab is said to have replied that treachery

was not the habit of his family ; by God’s grace, he killed his enemies, if at —

all, in the open field.

* Aitchison’s Treaties, Vol. IT, p. 76.

+ Edition, 1789, Vol. II, p. 367.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdd. 145

An interview was arranged, and Mir Akbar ’Ali, teacher of Nawab

Sa’dat ’Ali Khan, told the author of the “ Zawh,” that he went in the

retinue of Nawab Shuja’-ud-daula, being then twenty years of age. Ahmad

Khan sent for arms from his armoury, which were much praised. Then

trays of jewels were sent for. A pearl necklace, once worn by Kdim Jang,

was muchadmired. Ahmad Khan put it round the Wazir’s neck, when

Shuja’-ud-daula became yellow with anger. He took the necklace off and

for a long time held it in his hand and turned each pearl round with his

fingers. Then putting it down on the cushion, he stood up and said, he

wished to take his leave. The Nawab and ’Imad-ul-Mulk stood up, and

Shuja’-ud-daula then went off to Fathgarh. There he told his courtiers

that Ahmad Khan had gone the length (zayddati) of investing him with

the “ khila’t’” of a pearl necklace.

Next day, Ahmad Khan returned the visit, and the two nobles sat down

together, Daim Khan, chela, being in Ahmad Khan’s lap. Shuja’-ud-daula

sent for water to drink, when Daéim Khan said “TI too will drink.” In

those days it was the duty of Miyan Almas Khwaja Sarae*-to bring water

for drinking. He took up a jewelled water bottle (swrdhi) and cup, and

the Wazir ordered him to give first a drink to the young Nawab. Then

Shuja’-ud-daula himself drank. From that day Almds ’Ali Khan had a

great respect for Daim Khan and obtained for him from Asaf-ud-daula

(1775—1798) the jagir of Pukhray4n, in parganah Shahpur-Akbarpur of

the Cawnpur district.

Muzaffar Jang’s marriage.

When the Nawab determined to find a bride for his son, Muzaffar

Jang, he sent for and consulted Kabila Khanum, one of the women of

Ghazanfar Jang’s time. He asked her who among his brethren had daugh-

ters, and where he should betroth his son, Muzaffar Jang. Kabila Kha-

num replied that Murtazza Khany had three daughters, and Khudabandah

Khant had also three daughters. The Nawab replied that Murtazza Khan

wasa troublesome fellow; should he object it would cause ill-feeling.

Khuddbandah Khan was, however, a mild-tempered, quiet man; and he

requested her to go to his house and propose a marriage of his daughter

with the Nawab’s son, Muzaffar Jang. The woman went off to the house,

* The celebrated Almas ’Ali Khan, ’Amil of the Duab districts from 1774 till the

eessionin 1801, Lord Valentia who saw him at Lakhnau on the 23rd March, 1803, de-

seribes him as “‘a venerable old-woman-like being, upwards of eighty, full six feet high,

and stout in proportion.” (Travels, I. p. 136).

+ Fourth son of Muhammad Khan.

{ Twelfth son of Muhammad Khan.

146 W. Lrvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

and after some indifferent conversation, mentioned her errand. The Nawab

made no reply. After a moment’s pause, the woman said, “O Khudaban-

“dah Khan! why do you not answer and accept at once P” Nawab Khuda- _-

bandah Khan said, that Nir-un-nissa had been already adopted by the holy

man, Asad ’Ali Shah,* so that he was helpless. It rested with that saint

to agree or not, and if he agreed there would be no objection. The Khd-

num replied, that the Nawab must go and tell the Sayyad, when there was

no doubt he would consent. Khuddbandah Khan said he would go that

evening. When he went, the Sayyad asked what he wished, but he said

it was for the Sayyad to decide. The Sayyad thought that to accept was

desirable, to make any objection would do harm, he should therefore con-

sent gladly. The Nawab returned and told the woman Kabila that he

agreed to the proposal.

On receiving her report, Nawab Ahmad Khan proceeded to the Bibi

Sahiba, the widow of Muhammad Khan, whom he told of what he intended

to do, and he asked her, should she approve, to go the next day to Khuda-

bandah Khan’s house to carry out the custom of chardwah.+ She express-

ed her consent, and the next day went with great pomp to Khudabandah

Khan’s house and carried out the usual ceremonies. Next day the ladies

from the other side came with the mawsha and carried out the usual cere-

monies.

After this Nawab Ahmad Khan sent for Nawdb Khudaébandah Khan.

The Nawab received him with especial kindness and embraced him. A

friendly conversation began. Then Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula was sent for,

and ordered to make out a grant of the town of Sakrawah (or Sakraya)f

in the name of his beloved brother Khuddbandah Khan. The secretary was

to write it out at once, and, after obtaining the signatures of all the clerks

in the office, it was to be brought to the presence. When the grant was

brought, the Nawab presented it to Khuddbandah Khan and said it was

in addition to all his former jdgirs. Khuddbandah Khan then took his

leave.

Preparations began for the wedding. The Bakhshi and Mihrbén Khan

were ordered to send food of every description to all the Muhammadans, from

the first day till the day of the wedding. To the Hindus sweetmeats and

almond confection were sent. The khansémdn and Namdar Khan were

directed to pitch tents within the fort for the Delhi nobles, so that each

* A Sayyad, son of Sharf-ud-din Husain Bukhari; he came to Farrukhdbad in

Muhammad Kh4n’s time (1713-1748) ; he fought on Kéim Khan’s side and was wound-

ed, He died on the 7th Safar 1184 H. (2nd June, 1770).

+ Presents to the bride at betrothal.— Qanoon-e-Islam, p. 62.

} A parganah in Tahsil Tirwah in the south-east of the district,

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhibdad. 147

might have his separate assembly. Dancing girls from far and near were

gathered together, so that dancing might go on at all the different tents at

once. At night all the nobles were invited, and each was conducted to a

separate tent. To each were told off two chelas to attend on them and

earry out their wishes. Nawab Ahmad Khan sat in his own hall, with

some of the greater nobles, such as Nasir Khan, ex-Subahdar of Kabul,

Nawab Shah Jiu, son of Kamr-ud-din Khan Wazir, Nawab ’Itikad-ud-

daula, son of the Emperor Ahmad Shah’s maternal aunt, and Nawab Manavy-

var Khan, brother of Roshan-ud-daula. The night passed in amusements,

in looking on at dancing and buffoons’ performances, or in listening to

singing. ‘These festivities went on for a month.

For illuminating the city, bamboo screens were put up along both sides

of the road, from the gate of the fort to the gate of Khuddbandah Khan’s

house. They adorned these screens with shades of mica and of coloured

glass (kanwal) and with glass shades. Platforms adorned with brocade,

cloth of gold and satin were prepared to carry the dancing women. This

work was made over to Haji Sarfaraz Khan and Naémdar Khan the elder.

The fireworks were under Nasir Khan. Shafi Khan, darogha of the elephant

stables, was ordered to prepare hawdahs and bangla (covered howdahs) and

amdra (howdahs high at the sides) adorned with gold and silver. The

elephants were to be in attendance at the gate of the fort. Bakhshi Fakhr-

ud-daula and Diwan Mihrban Khan were told that when the bridegroom

mounted his elephant (megdamba) the nobles of Delhi were to be escorted

to their elephants. The commanders of regiments and the jama’dars at-

tended in their best raiment, accompanied by their relations.

When the procession was formed, the illuminations were lit in one

blaze from the fort gate to Khudabandah Khan’s, They were formed of

mica shades (kanwa/) and round globes (kwinkwina) placed on the left and

right of the roadway. In front there were lustres with five or six branches

each, making a total of fifty or sixty thousand lights. Then followed the

thrones on which the dancing girls performed. Thus, with splendour and

display, the bridegroom’s party advanced step by step. Fireworks were let

off at intervals. From both sides gold and silver flowers were flung on the

bridegroom for good luck. At length they reached the bride’s door. The

Nawab and the bridegroom and the nobles entered, while the other leaders

attended outside. Dancing and singing then began, and the whole night

was thus passed. At day-break the bridegroom was taken into the women’s

apartments for the ceremonies usual there. Then coming out the bride

was put into a chandol (a sort of sedan chair), which was covered with cloth

of gold. All that Khuddbandah Khan possessed in the way of goods and

chattels, he sent with his daughter as her marriage present. Then the

148 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

return was made to the fort in the order in which they had come. At the

fort all the nobles, chiefmen and bankers attended to congratulate the

Nawab, and made their offerings. Next day, rich gifts were bestowed on

the dancers, the buffoons and the story-tellers. Suits of clothes were sent

to every noble, to the Nawab’s brothers and brothers’ sons, to the chiefs of

the Bangash tribe and to the employés of the State.

Mahratta affairs : 1752—1771.

We have already described the rather complicated arrangement made at

the peace of 1752. Safdar Jang then owed thirty lakhs, or as some say, eighty

lakhs of rupees to the Mahrattas, as their pay for the time they had been in

his service. This debt was transferred to the shoulders of Ahmad Khan, and as

security the Mahrattas were to obtain sixteen and a half out of the thirty-

three mabals then forming the territory of Farrukhabad. The Mahrattas,

as usual, were the sole gainers, while Safdar Jang had no more than the

empty gratification of having humbled his enemy.

At one time the Farrukhabad state is said to have consisted of forty-

four mahals, but of these it is impossible to identify twenty-one, the names

of which have not been handed down. Of the remaining thirty-three, six-

teen and a half were assigned to Mulhar Rao by a grant on copper, while

a corresponding deed on copper for the other sixteen and a half mahdls was

made over to Ahmad Khan by the Mahratta. The grant was in the name of

Mahmid Khan, the Nawab’s son, and it stated that so long as a slave of

the Bangash family was in existence, no Mahratta should interfere with

those mahals.

The thirty-three mahals were as follows :—

1. Shamsdbéd.—In the Farrukhabad district ; it is now divided into

S. West in Tahsil Kaimganj, 8. East and Muhamdabad in the Sadr Tahsil.

In the Nawab’s time it included Tappa ’Azimnagar now in the Eta district.

(Kali Rae, p. 101.)

2. Birwar.—The old name of Bewar in the Mainpuri district, Gaz.

TYV.:G57.

3. Bhongdm.—Also called Bhonganw, in the Mainpuri district. It

then included the present parganahs of Mainpuri and Kishni-Nabiganj,

Gaz. IV. 670.

4. Kampil—Now Kampil-Kaimganj in Tahsil Kaimganj, Farrukha-

bad district.

5. Patidli.i—Eta district, Gaz. IV. 174.

6. Sahdwar.—Now Sahawar-Karsdna, Eta district Gaz. IV. 181.

7. Sakith.—Now Eta-Sakith, Eta district, Gaz. IV. 187.

8. Mdérahra.—Halt of the parganah. Now in the Eta district, Gaz.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. 149

IV. 158. In 1788 the Sayyad proprietors (who got the parganah in jagir

from Farrukhsiyar in 1713) farmed 117 villages and the Nilgaran pattz of

the town to the Nawab of Farrukhabad, and the other 60 villages with the

Bhairon patti to Safdar Jang. The Nawab Wazir took the first-named

portion, known as Kismat avval, for himself in 1772, Gaz. IV. 162.

9. Soron-Badariya.—Hta district, Gaz. IV. 125, 218.

10. Awset.—Across the Ganges in the Badaun district.

11. Nidhpur.—(Also called Miydo) Eta district, Gaz. IV. 165,

12. Barnd-Sonhdr.—Hta district, Gaz. IV. 205,

13. Kordoli.—Mainpuri district, Gaz. IV. 711.

14. Sidhpura.—tHta district, Gaz. IV. 179.

15. Karsdéna.—Now included in Sahdwar, Eta district. Gaz. IV.

181.

16. Khakhatmau-Dahliya—Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh,

Farrukhabad district.

17. Mihrabéd.—Across the Ganges in the south of the Shahjahanpur

district. It once formed a part of Parganah Shamsabad, (Elliot Supp.

Glossary, II. 92.)

18. <Amritpwr.—Across the Ganges in Tahsil Aligarh, Farrukhabad

district.

19. Chibrémau.—Tahsil Chibramau, Farrukhabad district.

20. Sikandarpur.—Now absorbed in Chibramau (No. 19,) Farrukha-

bad district.

21. Sawrikh.—In Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.

22. Sakrawah.—Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.

23. Sakatpur.—Tahsil Tirwa, Farrukhabad district.

24. <Auraiya Phapond.—In the Etawah district, Gaz. IV. 408.

25. Sauwj.—In parganah Karhal, Mainpuri district, 24 miles from

Mainpuri. The old parganah was dismembered in 1840, 25 villages going

to parganah Mainpuri and 17 to Karhal. Gaz. IV. 752.

26. Itéwah.—In the Itawah district. It formerly included parga-

nah Karhal of the Mainpuri and Barndhal of the Itd4wah district. Elliot,

Supp. Gloss. p. 309.

27. Bhojpwr.—tn the Sadr Tahsil of the Farrukhabad district. It

included parganah Pahdara.

28. Talgrém.—tIn the Chibramau Tahsil of the Farrukhabad district.

In those days it included the Ta’luka of Thattya-Tirwa (Kali Rae, p. 145.)

29. Kannauj.—In Tahsil Kannauj of the Farrukhabad district.

30. Bilhor.—In the Cawnpur district, the next parganah east of

Kannauj.

* 81. Shéhpur-Akbarpur.—In the western part of the Cawnpur dis-

trict,

150 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhdbad. [No. 2,

32. Shiurdjpur.—tn the Cawnpur district, the parganah next to the

east of Bilhor, No. 30.

33. Musenagar-Bhogni.—In the south of the Cawnpur district, along

the left bank of the river Jamna.

We are not told which of these thirty-three mahals formed the sixteen

made over to the Mahrattas. The management would appear to have been

left in the hands of Ahmad Khan, though it is doubtful whether this refers

to all the mahals, or only to the Nawab’s half. We are told that, after

deducting the costs of management and the pay of the troops, the balance

was payable to Mulhar Rao. On the part of the Mahrattas two bankers

were appointed, called by them Bamman, who were stationed one at Ka-

nauj, the other at ’Aliganj in Parganah ’Azimnagar. The balance payable

to the Mahrattas was made over to these two bankers, by whom the money

was remitted to Mulhar Rao. Receipts for each year were then forwarded

to the Nawab These payments were made for several years in succession.

They ceased after the battle of Panipat, fought in January 1761, when the

Mahrattas left Hindustan for a time, retired beyond the Jamna, and proceed-

ed to the Dakhin.

For some years the Mahrattas were occupied in domestic struggles

and in warfare south of the Narbada. Advantage was taken of their with-

drawal from Hindustan to recover all the parganahs which had fallen into

their hands. During 1761-1763 Shuja’-ud-daula cleared the lower Duab of

their posts and even advanced into Bandelkhand as far as Jhansi. Nawab

Ahmad Khan, in the same way, took possession of many of the parganahs

once held by his father, and no longer paid any tribute to the Mahrattas.

Etawah, Phapond and Shikohabad, however, which had in 1761 been grant-

ed to Hafiz Rahmat Khan by the Abdali monarch, were permanently

severed from the Farrukhabad state.

Except for a short time at Delhi in 1764, and at the battle of Korah

in 1765, no Mahratta was seen in Northern India for more than eight

years. In the end of 1769, however, the Peshwa’s army, amounting to fifty

thousand men, crossed the Chambal. It was under the command of Visaji

Kishn, Ram Chandar Ganesh, Mahadaji Sendhia and Tukaji Holkar. First

they levied arrears of tribute from the Rajput princes. Next, after a vic-

torious engagement fought close to Bhartpur, they obtained sixty-five lakhs

of rupees from the Jat princes. Overtures were then made to them by

Najib Khan, and it was agreed that their combined armies should march

against Farrukhabad.*

Early in the year 1184 H. (27th April, 1770—16th April, 1771),Najib

Khan advanced from Delhi. Hafiz Rahmat Khan, whose son’s jdgir of

* Grant Duff, pp. 349, 350. ;

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdd. 151

Itawah was threatened, marched to Kadir-Chauk on the Ganges. Here he

learned that Najib Khan, having been taken ill at Koil, had set out for

Najibabad. On his road he died at Hapar in the Meerut district. His

death occurred in the month of October, 1770. His eldest son, Zabita Khan,

proceeded with the Mahrattas towards Farrukhabad.

Hafiz Rahmat Khan sent fifteen thousand horse and foot to the aid

of Ahmad Khan. On hearing that the Mahrattas were at Patidli, some

forty miles west of Farrukhabad, Hafiz Rabmat Khan marched in person

to Fathgarh and encamped on the east bank of the Ganges. A consul-

tation was then held with Ahmad Khan. A bridge of boats was construct-

ed, and the remainder of the army, about twenty thousand horse and foot,

crossed the Ganges and encamped between Fathgarh and Farrukhabad.

Meanwhile Zabita Khan wrote to say that he was a prisoner in the

hands of the Mahrattas. Negotiations began for his release and the with-

drawal of the Mahrattas. The Mahrattas claimed Itawah and Shikohabad,

which had been long in their possession before they were handed over in

jag to Hafiz Rahmat Khan. During this period Najib Khan’s army

arrived from Ghausgarh* and Najibabdd.f Zabita Khan succeeded in

escaping during the night and, joining his troops, returned home.

The war was now carried on by the Mahrattas alone. In several actions

they defeated the Afghans, who behaved badly. At length the Rohelas

were on the point of re-crossing the Ganges, when the Mahrattas broke up

their camp and marched for Itawah. ’Inayat Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat

Khan, was then asked by his father to give up his jdgir of Itawah. He

refused and retired in disgust to Bareli. Donde Khan, however, relinquish-

ed his claim on Shikohabad. Orders were sent to Shekh Kabir to resign

the fort of Itawah to the Mahrattas. Shekh Kabir, who had in the interval

repulsed the Mahrattas several times, obtained honorable terms. He then

joined Hafiz Rahmat Khan at Farrukhabad, and all the Rohelas returned

to Bareli after an absence of eight months (October, 1770—May, 1771).t

At this time Sendhia entered the Nawab’s territory and encamped at

Nabiganj, some twenty miles south of Farrukhabad. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula

proposed to collect forty thousand men and attempt resistance. The Nawab,

who was old and blind, said he knew they would fight to the last man, but

the Bakhshi was the blind man’s staff, and if the staff (which God forbid)

were broken, the blind man would be destroyed. He therefore desired that

a peace should be made as quickly as possible. The Bakhshi taking with

* Between the towns of Théna Bhowan and Jalalabad in the west of the Mu-

zaffarnagar district. A mosque and a large well are all that is left to mark the site,

t+ In the Bijnor district.

} Life of Hafiz Rahmat Khan, pp. 89—93,

152 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2,

him Ghazi-ud-din Khan ’Imad-ul-Mulk, visited the Mahrattas and asked

what terms they would accept. Sendhia claimed the sixteen and a half

mahials given by the former treaty. He wished to collect the revenue him-

self, for while the Nawab had the management, years had elapsed without

any payment having been made. As there was no help for it, the sixteen

and a half mahdls were given up. Ahmad Khan directed that although

the territory had been reduced to one half its former extent, no troops

should be discharged. In three years his eyes would be all right, and then

he would take his revenge. The income being reduced, while the same

expenditure was maintained, the coin collected in the treasury was soon

spent.

Ahmad Khan's blindness and death.

For a year or two before his death, Nawab Ahmad Khan was afflicted

with inflammation of the eyes, and he gradually lost his sight. One Basant

Rie Kuhhal (operator on the eye) treated him for the malady, but without

success.

His eyes had begun by paining him, and after a time his sight became

weak. One or two years passed in this condition, but day by day the sight

became worse. He concealed the fact as well as he could. He used to

come to his ordinary place and return every one’s salutation. The courtiers,

from actions opposed to his usual habit, noticed his blindness but said

nothing. At length the defect could no longer be concealed. Several of the

Nawab’s servants recommended Hakim Nutr Khan Muhammad Shahi, as

well spoken of for his treatment of deseases of the eye. They were told to

bring him, and he treated the Nawab for one or two months without effect.

One day it came into the Nawab’s mind that by feasting religious

mendicants, his vows might be granted. He therefore ordered Bakhshi

Fakhr-ud-daula and Mihrban Khan to put up tents inside the fort. Food

of every sort was prepared and given to fdkirs and the poor. They offered

up their prayers for his recovery. For forty days the food was given away.

The pious His4m-ud-din adduces many instances of the efficacy of prayer

by holy men; but he admits that in this instance the prayers were not

heard, for, as he says, the supplicants were not saints.

Shortly after this a clever scoundrel came from the Panjab, and was

introduced to the Nawab through Rahmat Khan, son of Jahan Khan. He

promised to remove the obstruction. The cheat, putting a little water in the

palm of his hand, said some words over it, and then applied it to the

Nawab’s eyes. For several days this process was repeated. Then under pre-

tence of requiring money to offer in alms, he got silver and gold and went

away, promising to return in a day or two. He was never seen again,

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Furrukhdbdd. 153

Another cheat was Sayyad Bakir. He wrote a forged letter in the

name of a holy man of Lakhnau to Jan ’Ali Khan, saying he had heard

that Nawab Ahmad Khan had lost his eyesight and had given up all hope

except in the intercession of fakirs. Now in the city of Farrukhabdd

would be found a fakir of great holiness, chief of the age, whose name was

Sayyad Bakir. There was little doubt that he would be able to restore the

Nawab’s eyes. Jan ’Ali Khan went with the letter to the Nawab. The

Nawab told him to obey its directions. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula and Jan

*Ali Khan proceeded to that deceiver and with the profoundest respect

brought him to the Nawab. The Nawab presented him with five hundred

rupees and a number of rich dresses. The fakir said food must be distribu-

ted daily, while he underwent a forty days’ fast, for which a secluded place

must be provided. The Nawab ordered Jan ’Ali Khan to find the man

a place in his garden. Then that lying philosopher promised the Nawab

that sight would return to his eyes on the festival of the ’Id-ul-fitr.

_Jan ’Ali Khan took the fakir to his garden and placed men to wateh him,

As the promised time drew near, one night in the end of Ramzan, the cheat

got over the back wall of the garden and escaped. On the day fixed Jan

’Ali Khan was sent to bring the fukwr. He went into the garden and

called, but there was no answer. Then he looked about and could find the

man no where. Wringing his hands, he came out of the garden and sat

down at his own entrance gate. or very shame he was unable to appear

before the Nawab. At length the Nawab sent to know what had happened.

Jan ’Ali Khan was forced to go and reported how they had been deceived.

The Nawab after this ceased to repine and put his full trust in God, whose

will is best.

Nawab Ahmad Khan breathed his last on the 28th Rabi I, 1185 H.

(12th July, 1771), the day on which ’Ali Guhar Shih ’Alam reached

Khudaganj, on his way from Allahabad to Delhi. After a delay occasioned

by the disturbance raised by Murtazza Khan, the body was taken out and

buried in the Bihisht Bagh, in the tomb prepared by Ahmad Khan in his

own lifetime.

The date of his death is given by the following chronogram—

Kunand giriya khalaik ba-nalah o Afghan.

Maldik ch kashand az wafit Ahmad Khén, (1191—6 = 1185).*

Another is—“ Hai, Hai, Hatim Tae sani na mand,” (1185).

The Emperor with his escort of some five thousand men marched on

the next day, accompanied by Shuja’-ud-daula and others,f and encamped

* Miftéh-ut T., p. 526.

+ The ’Ibrat-némah states that Shuja’-ud-daula, after visiting the Emperor at Al-

lahabad, returned to Faizabad, ‘The text gives the local tradition,

154 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhabdad. [No. 2;

at the village of Saraiya in parganah Pahdra, outside the south-west

corner of the city. Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula placed Muzaffar Jang, the

Nawab’s son, on an elephant and took him to present his nazar to the

Emperor. The title of Farzand Bahadur (afterwards cut on the young

Nawab’s seal) was conferred at this interview. There being no money in the

treasury, the Bakhshi melted down all the silver of the howdahs and other

furniture and sold it for three lakhs of rupees. This sum with seven ele-

phants and eleven horses was presented to the Emperor.* One lakh of

rupees was obtained by Najaf Khan for arranging a settlement. After a

halt of twenty-two days, Shah ’Alam marched to Nabiganj, where he waited

nearly three months, till the arrival from Delhi of Mahaji Sendhia.

Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan’s habits and character.

His full titles, as found on a cannon castin 1173 H. (August, 1759—

August, 1760), which was still in existence in 1839, were as follows :—Bakh-

shi-ul-Mamalik, Amir-ul-Umra, Ghazanfar-ud-daula, Muhammad Ahmad

Khan, Bahadur, Ghazanfar Jang, Sardar-ul-Mulk, Zafar-i-iktidar, Sher-i-

Hind, Bahadur, Ghalib Jang. To these may be added the title of Kaydm-

ud-daula which was, according to the Zurtkh-i-Muzaffari, conferred in 1175

Jae

He seems to have had little natural energy or ambition; he was em-

phatically one of those who, instead of achieving greatness, have greatness

thrust upon them. In the course of our story we have seen repeatedly how

his timidity or ill-timed scruples prevented him from pushing home a first

success. After the battle of Ram Chatauni such was the state of conster-

nation and want of preparation in the capital, that Ahmad Khan, had he

not been turned off by fair words, could easily have made himself master

of the Emperor’s person. He could then have played the part afterwards

so successfully assumed, one after the other, by Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Najib

Khan, Najaf Khan and the Mahrattas. Again, when Islam Khan, chela,

was ’Amil of Kasganj, he made a successful raid into the upper Duab, and

it is highly probable that, had he been strongly supported, he might have

carried out his boast of making his master the actual master of Delhi and

its sovereign.

Stories are told of him in which it is hard to distinguish whether his |

conduct was due to mere good nature or foolish simplicity. For instance,

we are told that the Nawab had an extreme affection for new money. It

was his habit to have the rupees spread out in the sun to prevent them

getting black. Seated on a low stool, he watched them himself. When-

ever he called for water or betel leaf or his hugga, the chelas would go in

* Miftah-ut T., p. 529, and S-ul-M. (Lakhnau edition) at the top of page 981.

1879.] W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhibad. 155

with wax on their feet. In this way, in the course of five or six hours, they

would carry away some hundreds of rupees. When the money was count-

ed and put back, some of the bags would remain unfilled. Then the Nawab

would be surprised and say to his chelas, “ I do not know how it is, but I

“watched these rupees myself, and yet they have diminished. Perhaps they

“have been exposed too long to the sun and have got too much Cried up.

“Go and place the bags in the treasury.’’*

It was the Nawab’s habit to go out twice a day, sometimes on an ele-

phant and sometimes ina pa/ki. At other times, quitting the city, he looked

on at elephant-fighting. As he passed through the streets of the city, he

was attended by men carrying bags of money for the distribution of largesse.

Their orders were to allow the approach of the humble poor, the weak, the

blind, the lame and the sick. To all these money was given ; not one poor

man was passed over. Especial protegés of his were the so-called Khopi-

walds.~ Some hundreds of families lived along the road side from the

fort to the Mau gate, and below the fort as far as the edge of the Kadam

Sharif pond. They were people of all castes, who had followed the Nawab’s

eamp from Delhi in a year of famine, he having distributed five thousand

rupees a day in food during his stay there. They acquired their name from

the rough earthen huts which they built to live in, not having funds to

build houses in the usual way. The Nawdb would often send money and

food to them, saying, that they must not starve, since they had left their

homes to follow him.

The Nawab’s retinue was accompanied by numerous Saldyah-bardirs

(?) spearmen, (barchi-barddrs) lancemen, (bhdla-dars) macemen, (chobdars)

heralds, (nakibs) flatterers, (bdd-farosh) bards, and (karkah-go) singers, The

Nawab’s titles were announced and his praises cried out as the procession

moved on. It was preceded, at a little distance, by a number of men with

bambu sticks, lacquered in various colours, gold, scarlet, and so forth, some

plain and some with flowered patterns. For about two cubits of their

length these bambus were split. If any one came in the way of the retinue,

whether rich or poor, he was beaten with those bambu sticks. They were

also used to anybody who incurred the Nawab’s anger, The sound made

by the blows was so great, that it could be heard a quarter of a kos off,

though no wound was caused; any one who was beaten considered that his

lucky star was in the ascendant, for the Nawab was sure to send for him.

Then he would say “ You have not been hurt ;” and the man would reply

“* Nawab Sahib, each bone in my body aches as if it had been broken.”

* This story is in the main confirmed by Shekh Allahyar, author of the Hadikat-

ul-Akdlim, who was at Farrukhabad in 1769-70, in the employ of the Nawab.

. t Apparently from “hop = a cave or cayern,

156 W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabdd. [No. 2,

Then he would receive a present in cash and goods, to the amount that his

fate had willed for him.

The Nawab is said to have had a peculiar affection for the tune (rdq)

known as Bihdg. On his birthday the singing women and male dancers

(Lhakta) were assembled from every part of the territory. About nine

o’clock in the evening, the Nawab used to come to the Diwdn-khana, with

all his most costly jewels on, seated in his fringed palki “ Fath-nasib.”

(Fated to Victory.) This palki got its name from being the one used by

the Nawab during the battle, in which he totally defeated ’Abd-ul-Manstir

Khan, Safdar Jang. At the side of the palki walked all the leading

Pathans and the Nawab’s cousins and nephews. There was a general illu-

mination and discharge of fireworks. At this time no other kind of singing

was allowed except the Bihdg.

The Nawab’s taste was for highly decorated buildings, and where he

slept, he had the walls adorned with pictures of himself and his friends.

During his time he built six palaces. 1st, The Khas Mahal, where in

1839 Bibi Achhpal (widow of Muzaffar Jang) lived, and its doors, said to

be copied from those of Harbong’s foot at Jhisi, still showed the decorated

work. 2nd, The Mubarik Mahal. 8rd, The Saldbat Mahal. It was

situated at the back of the Moti masjid. Originally the doors and ceilings

were gilt, but before 1839 the colour had been scraped off and taken away

to extract the gold from it. 4th, The Hall of Audience in the Mubdarik

Mahal, occupied in 1839 by Wilayati Begam, widow of Nawab Nasir Jang

(1796—18138). 5th, The Kamdani gate of the fort. A stone, removed

from this gateway in 1858-9, is preserved at the Sadr Tahsil ; it is in shape

like a milestone, and bears the following inscriptions in raised letters :

I. Zahi bab daulat bar afrashtand Bind-ash chi kutb-i-falak sakhtand

Bari ni razed ’z charkh barin Ohi: bardn-i-rahmat barie-zamin

Matin muhkam o ustwar émdah Chi uftad falaki karar dmdah

Mah o sil dn hatif dil-nawdz Bagufta “ Dar-i-faiz didam baz.”

(1172).

Il. Nawab in darwizah ra tamir chi farmidah ast

Yak hazir yak sad haftad isna bidah ast.

Gth, Some buildings and repairs to a fort at Mau Rashidabad, which has

now entirely disappeared.

The Nawab also paid attention to repairing the fort, restoring the city

wall and renewing the Haiydét Bagh, where Muhammad Khan, his father,

and Kaim Khan, his brother, were interred. In the open space between the

fort wall and the gate of the Diwdn Khana he put up a Giuldl-bar (a royal

pavilion.)* There the leaders and commanders and lieutenants came and,

* See Blochmann’s “ Ain i Akbari,’’ Vol, I, plate X for a representation of one,

1879.] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 157

standing, made their obeisance, after which the Nawab acknowledged their

presence and took his seat.

The Bihisht Bagh, just south of the Mau Sarde, within the city wall,

was planted by Ahmad Khan. The mosque is perhaps the largest and most

elegant in the city, and at one side of it there are the remains of a hand-

some hot air bath. The Mohalla just to the south, chiefly occupied by

KaAchis, is called Ahmadganj Khandia. Besides the mosque, there are nine

large domed tombs within the enclosure, that of Ahmad Khan, the largest

of all, standing nearly in the centre, opposite the gateway. The persons

buried there are as follows: Makbarah No. 1—Ahmad Khan ; Dil-Daler

Khan ; the Banirsi Nawab, his son; Zahtr ’Ali Khan, son of the Banarsi

Nawab ; Imdad Husain Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. In the verandahs—

Himmat ’Ali Khan, son of Dil-Daler Khan. Three tombs of infant

daughters of Ahmad Khin ; Nawab Himmat Bahadur, grandson of Ahmad

Khan ; Nawab Chote Khan, son of Nawab Kaéim Jang. Makbarah No. 2.—

Nawab Mahmitid Khan, eldest son of Ahmad Khan; a child; and his

Begam. Makbarah No. 3.—The Bibi Sdhiba, widow of Nawab Muhammad

Khan Ghazanfar Jang, and two other Begams. In the verandahs—Sitara

Begam, daughter of Ahmad Khan; Firtiz Jang’s mother, wife of Nawab

Bulaki; Bibi Achhpal, wife of Muzaffar Jang; five Begams, names un-

known. Makbarah No. 4.—Kabila Khanum. Makbarah No. 5.—A mis-

tress of Shaukat Jang (1818—1823), MMuakbarah No. 6.—Two graves,

names unknown. Jdakbarah No. 7.—Rani Sahiba, wife of Ahmad Khan

brought by him from the east. Makbarah No. 8.—Tali’ Khan and Roshan

Khan, chelas of Ahmad Khan. Makbarah No. 9.—Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-

daula, assassinated in 1772-1773.

_ We are told in the Lawh-i. Tartkh that the revenue demand of the

thirty-three mahals was eighty lakhs of rupees, exclusive of jagirs, assign-

ments for pay, revenue-free grants, and so forth. Hisam-ud-din tells us that

the Nawab’s income was sixty lakhs of rupees. The expenditure was as

follows : Three lakhs a month were required for the soldiers’ pay and the house-

hold servants of every fort. One lakh went to the expenses of the three

wives, to the purchase of jewels, and the feeding of fakirs. One lakh was

spent on the elephants, horses, camels, and artillery establishment. There

were five hundred guns, large and small, always ready; and the manufac-

ture of powder and ball went on without intermission. There was in this

Way an expenditure of at least five lakhs a month ; if there were ever any

surplus, it was paid into the Treasury.

In the later years of Ahmad Khan’s life, Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula had

become the leading man in the State. He had the charge of the whole

territory, and he is praised for the vigour with which he repressed the tur-

158 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawébs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

bulent. Sometimes Miyan Sahib Roshan Khan was sent eastwards to

restore order. This office of Miyan Sdhib, or familiar companion of the

Nawab, was held by a number of persons in succession. The first was

Sa’datmand Khan. He wasa boy, named Madan Singh, whom Roshan Khan

captured on one of his expeditions, when he destroyed the village of Sabz-

pur (?). When Ahmad Khan saw the lad, he took a faney to him, made

him a Muhammadan and gave him the name of Sa’datmand Khan. A year

afterwards he raised him to high rank and gave him the title of Amir-zddah,

telling Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula that every act done by Amir-zidah Sa’dat-

mand Khan was to be considered as final, no one was to interfere. His

father, Mandal Singh, was made ruler of Kanauj.

The other Miyan Sahibs were: (1) Sa’dat Khan Afridi, (2) Sayyad

Nur ’Ali Khan, (3) Mir Jin ’Ali Khan, (4) Roshan Khan. Sa’dat Khan

was the brother of Mahmiid Khan, Bakhshi to Nawab Kdim Jang. He

was appointed during the campaign in the hills (1751-2). One day

the Nawab had seen him in the bazar of Sayyad Nur ’Ali Khan and sent

for him. Once the Nawab was reading a book, while Sa’dat Khan was

seated behind him to the right, engaged in keeping the flies away.

Sa’dat Khan in a disrespectful way brushed with the chawnri the head of

Nur ’Ali, who was seated next him. The Nawab saw this and said to him,

“The Omnipotent is Lord over all,—

* Ba-chashm-i-hakdrat ma-bin ba-sie has

“ Kih % mantakam hast, o farydd-ras.”

Now, it was Sa’dat Khan’s habit to go every fifth or sixth day to spend

the night at his own house in Amethi, returning to his post in the morning.

A short time after the above incident, Sa’dat Khan asked for leave to go

home. During the night, the Nawab conferred on Nur ’Ali Khan double

the dignity and wealth that Sa’dat Khan possessed. At the appointed time

Sa’dat Khan appeared, and what should he see, but Sayyad Nur ’Ali adorn-

ed with jewels and seated on the edge of the masnad, at the right hand of

the Naw4b. He fell into great consternation. On his approaching, the

Nawdb spoke to him—* Look, Sa’dat Khan, at the work of the Causer of

“ all things, remember yesterday’s words,—”

Ohundn hast dn khalik be-nazir,

Ba-yak lahza sizad gadd-ré amir.

Makun ba stie kas az hakérat nigah ;

Kunad az takabbar shahan ra fakir.

“ Such are the ways of the Creator without equal, in a moment He

“makes a beggar into a noble, and turns a king into a beggar,” Hearing

1879. ] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhabad. 159

this reproof, Sa’dat ’Ali Khan was much abashed and hung down his head.

A few days afterwards, he was appointed to the command of a regiment of

two thousand horse.

Nir ’Ali Khan succeeded as Miyan Sahib, and he received gifts and

honours above all the other courtiers. He in turn was displaced by Mir

Jan Ali, and he was then transferred to the mahals of Derapur-Mangalpur

(now in the Cawnpur district). Jan ’Ali’s father had been adopted by Mir

Fath-ullah. When the Nawab saw Jan’Ali, he took a fancy to him and kept

him at his court. His title was Miyan Sahib Jan ’Ali Khan. He built

the masjid on the left, as you turn out of the main bazar to drive up to the

Tuhsil in the fort. In the course of time, the Nawab transferred his favour

to Muhammad Roshan, a resident of Kanauj, and he becoming Miyan

Sahib was enriched with gifts like his predecessors. He was styled Miyan

Sahib Roshan Khan Bahadur.

Ahmad Khin’s wives.

There were four wives :

1. Dulhin Begam—The daughter of Sanjar Khan, Pathdn, zamindar

of Rudain, parganah Kampil.

2. Rani Sahiba—She was brought by the Nawab from the east at

the time of the siege of Allahabad.

3. Bibi Kukhr-un-Nissa—the sister of Karm Khan.

4, Bibi Khairan—the mother of Muzaffar Jang and Dildaler Khan.

There were besides many concubines. In the above list it is difficult

to identify the daughter of Sher Zam4n Khan Dil4zd4k of Jaunpur, who

was, according to the Balwantnamah (year 1164 H.), one of the wives of

Ahmad Khan. In that work there is a Karm Zamdn Khan named as a

nephew of Sher Zaman Khan, so possibly the Karm Khan of the Farrukha-

bad books was*the Begam’s cousin instead of her brother. In that case the

Jaunpur wife would be Fakhr-un-Nissa, No. 3 of the list.

Ahmad Khan’s children.

He had three sons and one daughter :

1. Mahmid Khéin—He died in his father’s lifetime and was buried

in the Bihisht Bagh. Mahmitdganj in the town of Chibramau was founded

by him (Kali Kae, p. 134). He left one son, Himmat Bahadur, who mar-

ried ’Umdah Begam, daughter of Muzaffar Jang, and died in J240 H.

(August, 1824—August, 1825), leaving one daughter, Riy4zat-un-Nissa, who

was twice married, first to Imd4d Husain Khan, son of Dildaler Khan ; se-

condly to Himmat ’Ali Khan, a younger brother of her first husband.

160 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Furrukhabdd. [No. 2,

2. Daler Himmat Khan—Muzaffar Jang, who succeeded his father.

He will be dealt with separately.

3. Dil Daler Khan—He retired to Benares about 1786, eed the

tradition is that he committed suicide there in January, 1799, at the time

of Wazir ’Ali Khan’s rising. The story will be told in Part II. From

the Agency records it appears, however, that he died on the 19th Sha’ban

1214 H. (18th January 1800), fully a year after Wazir ’Ali’s insurrection.

He left four sons and three daughters, whose names with their alliances

and descendants will be seen from the genealogical table appended to this

Part.

4, Sitara Begam—She married Muhammad Zaman Khan, son of

Murtazza Khan Barsiri, 7. e., the big-headed, fourth son of Nawab Muham-

mad Khan. When she died, she was buried in the Kasim Bagh, beside her

aunt, Roshan Jahan, eldest daughter of Nawab Muhammad Khan. She

was supposed to share with her aunt the power of driving away evil spirits.

Others point out her tomb in the Bihisht Bagh (see p. 157).

Ahmad Khan's Chelas.

According to the custom of the family, Nawab Ahmad Khan made

about three or four hundred Hindu boys into chelas. Those who had charge

of his territory acquired much wealth ; the rest who received only pay and

gifts rose to no eminence. They were all known as Ghalib Bachha.

1. Zw lfikar Khan—In Ahmad Khan’s time there were three men

known as nawabs, at whose houses the “ zawbat” was played: 1st, Ahmad

Khan himself, called the Bare nawab ; 2nd, Zu’lfikir Khan, called the Majhle

nawab ; 8rd, Daim Khan called the Chhote nawdéb. Zw lfikar Khan’s titles

were “ Sharf-ud-daula Zu’lfikar Khan Bahadur Shamsher Jang.” His seal

bore the inscription—

An kih dar bazte-pakash kuvvat khair dar est

Az’atée Ahmadi khish Zw lfikér Haidar est.

He was Nazim of parganah Shamsdbéd and had his head-quarters at

’Aliganj, Tappa ’Azimnagar, (now in the Eta district). Up to 1839 a fine

building, a bdgh, and women’s apartments existed there. He repaired all

the dilapidations in the town wall and in the fort built there by Yakut

Khan.

2. Dédim Khan—Islim Khan, chela of Shamsher Khan, chela of

Nawd4b Muhammad Khan, had two sons (1) Roshan Khan and (2) Daim

Khan. The elder brother, Roshan Khan, was one of the courtiers of Nawab

Ahmad Khin. When Daim Khan was six or seven years old, one day

Roshan Khan took him in his pa/ki to the Nawab’s audience. The Nawab

asked whose child he was. Roshan Khan replied, that he was his younger

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Farrukhébdd. 161

brother. The Nawab then asked his name, and he was told it was Daim.

Ahmad Khan said he would adopt him and gave him the titles of Azim

Jang Muhammad Daim Khan Bahadur, but he was popularly known as

the Chhote Nawab. When he grew up he was married with great display

to Muni Bibi, the daughter of Bakhshi Fakhr-ud-daula.

In his childhood the Emperor Ahmad Shah had held him in his lap,

fed him and with his own hand put on his shoulders miniature kettle-drums

(nakkdrah and dawk?), thus conferring upon him the “ naubat.”

In 1839 buildings still existed in the city, which had been built by this

ehela. (1.) There was a masonry bridge (known still as “ Pul-pukhta’’),

in the middle of the city, which had stood then the heavy traffic of

seventy or eighty years. There were also (2) a masonry well with steps

at the Mau gate, which is still in existence, although out of repair, and (8) a

mansion within the fort, to the north of the Imémbara ; it was afterwards

oceupied by Ahmad Yar Khan Naib (died 9th December, 1839); and in

1839 was known by the name of Himmat Bahddur’s house. (4) Daim

Khan’s Mahal-Sarde was at one side of the fort, in the low land, surroun-

ded by the houses of poor people ; and near it was a private enclosed garden

(Khana bégh). His descendants dismantled the buildings, sold the materials,

and having consumed the proceeds, handed over the land to cultivators. (5)

He also planted the bdgh near the Mau gate called the Chahar Bagh, after-

wards in the possession of the Nawab Rais, and (6) he planted a bagh and

made a masonry well with four runs near the Madar Darwaza, traces of

which existed in 1839. (7.) There is a Daimganj adjoining the town of

Chibramau, which he established and named it after himself.

So long as the parganah belonged to the Farrukhabad Nawab, Daim

Khan was the nominal manager of Parganah Shahpur-Akbarpur (now in the

Cawnpur district). The jagir of Pukhrayan in that parganah was continued

to him by Miydén Almas ’Ali Khan, the Audh ’Amil, and it remained with

the family till it was sold by auction in 1845, in execution of a decree of the

Civil court. ;

Daim Khan himself paid no attention to business, he left all such work

to kérindas who embezzled the money. Nawab Daim Khan would then

be forced to pay out of his pocket, or would beg Ahmad Khan to remit the

amount, His whole time was spent in taking his ease, in hunting with

falcons or bajri (a kind of hawk), in shooting tigers, in chita hunting, in

wrestling or gymnastics, in listening to singing or looking on at dancing.

Nawab Ahmad Khan had given him lakhs of rupees or goods, by way of

present, but he squandered it all in his pleasures. By Muni Bibi he had_

three sons: (1) Daler ’Ali Khan, entitled Fath Jang, (2) Rustam ’Ali

Khan, (8) Ahmad ’Ali Khan. Daler ’Ali Khan had a son, Madar Khan,

who turned fakir and took the name of Mahndi Shah. Rustam ’Ali Khan

162 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

had no children. Ahmad ’Ali Khan had only one daughter, and she married

a Pathin of some village near Koil. From Daim Khan was derived

much of the information recorded by Bahadur ’Ali, joint author of the

Lauh-i-Térikh, his grandfather Sayyad Ghulam Hussain (who died 1226

H. January, 1811—January, 1812), having been for forty years in

Daéim Khan’s service, and lived at the gateway of his house in Far-

rukhabad.

3. Fukhr-ud-daula—He wasa chela of Muhammad Khan’s time

(see p. 346, Vol. XLVIJ.). He was Ahmad Khan’s first Bakhshi, and played

a prominent part in the later years of that Nawab’s life, and in the first

year of Muzaffar Jang’s reign. He was assassinated in 1772-3 and is buried

in the Bihisht Bagh.

4. Rahmat Khén—He was the son of Jahin Khan, chela of Muham-

mad Khan. He became second Bakhshi. He was fond of men of learning

and passed his time in fasting and prayer. He was noted for his generosity

and bravery.

5. Haji Sarfardz Khén—He was the third Bakhshi. He had the

peculiarity of prefacing every sentence he spoke with the words “ B’ism-

allah.”’

6. Namdér Khin—No. 29 in list of Muhammad Khan’schelas. The

fourth Bakhshi.

7. Mihrbaén Khén—He held the post of Diwan. He was the son of

a Rajah whose father, during the Allahabad campaign, presented him to

the Nawab. He was a poet, had written a Dewdn and was very eloquent ;

Wali-ullah gives us a specimen of his poetry. The celebrated poets, Mirzé

Rafi’ Sauda and Mir Soz, were for a long time in his employ.

8. LIsldm Khén—At one time he held the office of third Bakhshi. He

had a house close to the Buland Mahal in the fort (which in 1839 was occu-

pied by Nawab Tajammul Husain Khan, Zafar Jang). Once Naw4b Ahmad

Khan asked him how many sons he had. Islam Khan replied, that he had

five, Amana, Kardmata, Bakwa, Rahmand, Barhnd. The Nawab, out of

sympathy for his large family, appointed him Faujdar of Kasganj (now in

the Eta district). Islam Khan started, taking as usual some of the Nawdb’s

foot soldiers and a couple of guns. When the money-dealers and land-

holders came to present their offerings to the new Faujdar, Islam Khan,

addressing them in full durbar, said he had been sent to procure money, and

within eight days the monied men must preduce one lakh of rupees. He

would give a bond making the money repayable with interest from the in-

coming revenue. ‘They all began to make excuse. Then Isl4m Khan set up

a triangle and had several money-lenders flogged. To save their honour, the

rest joined together to provide the lakh of rupees, Islam Khan gave them

a bond for the amount.

1879.] W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdd. 163

He then wrote to the Pathans of Mau, Kaimganj and Shamsabad, call-

ing for men to take service. Any one between twelve and sixty years of

age might present himself, and the Amil’s message was, that if he refused to

employ them, on him should be the curse ; if they failed to come, on them let

it be. In one month he had collected five thousand men. He then marched

from Kasganj towards Marahra and began to plunder the villages of the

Hathras* and Mursin Rajahs,} both now in the Aligarh district. The peo-

ple began to ask what sort of a Tahsildar this was who, instead of looking

after his parganah, got together an army and went to war.

It was reported to Nawab Ahmad Khan that Islam Khan, having levied

a lakh of rupees from the Kasganj money-lenders by threats of imprison-

ment, had started with an army, and had already plundered the Jat of Mur-

' san. It was said that he had reached Firtizabad ;{ that he had surrounded

it with his horsemen and had not retired till he had received twenty thou-

sand rupees.

Nawab Ahmad Khan sent a parwanah to Islam Khan by a camel rider’s

hand, saying he had only intended to provide him with enough to live on,

what was this that he had done? By entering another’s territory and

plundering in all directions, he had caused disgrace to his master’s name.

Islam Khan’s reply was, that the Nawab had no reason to be dissatisfied,

for in two months he would seat him on the throne of Delhi. His army

had risen to close upon ten thousand men.

The Rajah of Hathras wrote to complain of the invasion, and the Nawab

replied, that the slave had rebelled, and the Rajah should punish him. On

receiving this reply, the Rajah of Hathras called on the Rajah of Bhartpur,

a Jat and related to him, for the aid of his troops. The Rajah of Bhart-

pur sent one thousand men to Hathras. There were several encounters

with Islam Khan’s troops, and numbers were killed on both sides. At

length Islam Khan’s army was defeated, and all his money was used up.

Then Islam Khdn mounted his Irani mare, and rode in one day from near

Mursin to Farrukhabid. On hearing that he had arrived, the Nawab sent

for him and enquired why he had behaved like a scoundrel in plundering

the country. His answer was, that he had determined to take Delhi and

seat the Nawab upon the Imperial throne, but fate had not so willed it

The Nawab was forced to smile, and after a long time he was restored to

his post of Bakhshi. Meanwhile his army, on being left to itself, dispersed.

They say that this chela was by caste a Kalar (spirit-dealer). His

* Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 429.

t+ Gaz. N. W. P. II, p. 435.

} This cannot be the place of that name between Agra and Etawah, and I know

of no other,

164 W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. [No. 2,

five sons adopted the Shia heresy, and two of them were killed at the Far-

rukhaébad Karbala during the Muharram ceremonies. They were named

Ibrahim Khan and Rahman Khan (Rahmana). Another son was killed in a

private quarrel at the door of Rahmat Khan Sawdérah-wald. The fourth

died a natural death. The fifth, Aman Khan, was alive when Bahadur ’Ali

wrote in 1839.

Isl4m Khan is said to have been in twelve fights, and he had received

many wounds. Every day he drank spirits, but in Farrukhabad in Muzaffar

Janeg’s time that was thought no fault. If any friend asked him his sect

he would say, “ Besides Allah, I know nothing, and my creed is this ‘ La-

“ ¢1lah-illa-allah, Ahmad Khén rasil allah, for has he not made me from

“a Hindu into a Muhammadan.” He wasso attached to intoxicating liquor

that on the day he died, some hour or two before his death, he had a bot-

tle of spirits and a cup beside him. He went on demanding spirits from

his sons and drinking, One son said “ Khan Sahib, your death is now

‘near, renounce wine,and God will forgive your sins.” He said to him,

“‘ My son, why renounce it now, I never did so when I was well, bring me

“the wine-cup and fill it to the brim.” He drank and shortly after expired.

As an instance of his freedom of spirit, they relate that he was once sent as

Kotwal to Mau, which he brought into thorough order. One day, however,

a Pathan attacked him and cut him with a knife. Islam Khan came away

at once and remarked to the Nawab that his sons-in-law, 7. e., the Pathans,

were coming to take possession of his city and fort.

9. Dildwar Khin—Called Chunti or the ant, from the extreme iras-

eibility of his temper. I know not if this is the Dilawar ’Ali Khén men-

tioned by Kali Rae, (p. 108) who was ’Amil of ’Azimnagar. That man had

been a Thakur, and was the son of Dhan Singh and the brother of Tej

Singh.

10. Sulaiman Khén—Darogha of camels.

11. Shaja’t-dil Khén—Called Shuja’-ud-daula, who held the office of

Khansaman.

12. Musharraf Khan—Mir Tozak. He wasa chela of Muhammad

Khan’s time.

18. Jowdhir Khén—’ Arz Begi.

14. Bakht-buland Khéan—Apparently this is the son of Baz Bahadur ~

Khan, mentioned by Kali Rae, p. 108, Gaz. IV, 69.

15. Mubdrik Khén.

16. Bdzid Khén—Khansiman.

17. Sufi Khén—He was originally Gauhar Singh, Thakur of Daulat-

Abid, Parganah Sakrawah (Kali Rae, p. 188). He held Majhtpur in that

Parganah in jagir.

1879 ] W. Irvine—Zhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabdd. 165

18. Kaifi Khan.

19. Jamal Khan.

20. Kamal Khan.

21. Zardfat Khan Umra-zddah—He established a village on the

road from Farrukhabéd to Kanauj, but in 1839 there was nothing left

standing but a broken masonry gate.

22. <Aftib Khan.

23. Tala war Khén.

24. Shamsher Khan.

25. Bara Khén—Masjid Wala.

26. Mahtab Khan.

27. Pahar Khan.

28. Shddil Khan.

29. Badal Khan.

30. Mangal Khén.

3le Neknam Khan.

32. Muzaffar-dil Khén.

33. Manavvar Khan.

34. Kale Khin— Arz-begi.

35. Muhammad YareKhén—Daipuri.

Besides these, there were scores of slaves employed in various ways,

some carried gold sticks, and others coloured bambus. Some were provided

with caps like those of the Kiz7l-bdsh or the Faringis. A large number

were occupied with the charge of the war material. Others were personal

servants, such as abddrs, attendants at the bath-room, keepers of rosaries,

attendants to help in the ablutions for prayers, for driving away flies, for

preparing and offering pdn, or for carrying shoes. To guard the private

apartments, where the Nawab slept, was the duty of a trusty servant, Shah

Beg Khan Bangash. The guards of the inner and the outer doorway were

Shamsher Khan, Gulsher Khan, chela, and Bakhtiwar Khan, chela. The

command of the fort was held by Mir Muhammad Fazl ’Ali.

W. Irvine—The Bangash Nawibs of Furrukhabad.

166

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167

Descendants of Ahmad Khin Ghélib Jang, second son of Muhammad Khan.

Ty.

AHMAD KHAN,

Died 12th July, 1771.

Vv.

~ 2. DALER 8. Dil Daler 4, Sitéra Begam,

1, Mshmid HIMMAT Khén, wife of

Risa. KHAN, died 18th Jan. 1800. Mhd. Zamén Khan,

died before Muzaffar Jang, son of

July, 1771. died Murtazza Khan.

22nd Oct. 1796.

| | | |

See By Umrao Begam, By Achpal Khanum, By Sahib

way LSIESSHrEESS died 11th Nov. 1810. died 4th June, 1843. Began |

= — SS as _ (7 Y <= == * He >

3 z sa5% *Ali 8. ?Umdah Bega 4, Fazl-un-nissa, 5. Najib-un-nissa, 6. Nawab Begam, 7. Amir Begam, 8. Daughter, 9. Daughter, 1. Muhammad 2. Ahmad Ali 3. Imdéd Husain 4, Himmat Ali 5. Wilayati 6. Daughter 7. Dauchter

pm a en Rae ae 4 sete m. to m. to Nadir wm, 4 Ali Khin, Khén, Khan, Thén, Begam, _m. to any

NASIR JANG, Himmat Bahadur. M. Ali Khin, Ahmad’Ali Khin, Husain*Ali Khan, Hasan ’Ali Khén, Jahén Begam, Bu Ali Khan. m. d. of alias d. s.p. m. to widow m. to a Danishmand Muzaffar Ali

Gied 1st Feb. 1813. eldest son of second son of Son. of son of d. 8. ps Mhuwaffar Jang. Banérsi, m. to dr. of of his Nawab Nasir Khan. Khan,

- t Dil Daler Khén. Dil Daler Khan, Amin-ud-daula, Amin-ud-daula, died 19th Noy. 1840, Himmat Bahadur. brother (No. 3.) Jang, son of

(By Sarfaréz Mahal), d. 24th Jan. 1847. died died died m. to dr. of died Kutb ’Ali Khén,

7 22nd Oct. 1864. 23rd May, 1870. 17th Aug, 1842. Muzaffar Jang. 18th Sept. 1824,

vi.

1. Khadim Husain 2. Nasrat Jang, 3. Kudsiya Begam,

Khan, died aba : : 4 SOME TR

SHAUKAT +28th Feb. 1835, Zahir ’Ali Khan. 1. Muhammad 2. Ahmad Husain 8. Firiz Jang, 4, Sultan Aliya 5. Daughter, 6. Jahin Begam, Zahir Ali Khan,

JANG, m. to Husain Khén, Khan, born 1801, Begam, __m, to um. to im. to

born Sultan Aliya d. 8. p. born 1817. died m. to Tajammul Husain Dilawar Jang, Kudsiya Begam,

20th March, 1803, Begam, 25th July, 1878, Nasrat Jang, Khan, Son of d. of

died d. of 8. p. son of son of Husain Ali Khan, Nasir Jang.

Sth July, 1823. Mhd ’Ali Khan. Nawab Nasir Husain Ali Khan, son of

Jang, son of Amin-ud-daula.

| died Amin-ud-daula,

10th Aug. 1864,

(By Mukhtér Mahal.)

vu. IX.

TAJAMMUL TAFAZZUL Faz] Husain’Ali Sakhéwat Husain Turab-un-nissa Bakir Husain Akbar Husain Husn Ard Daughter,

HUSALN HUSAIN Khan, Khan, Begam, Khan, Khan, Begam. Balkus Zamaniah

KHAN, KHAN, d. s. p. hanged m. to born 1857. born 1841. alias

born born 15th Jan. 1858. Ahmad Husain Bigga Began,

Bist Jan. 1823, 26th Oct. 1827, | Khan. m. lst to

died 8. 4th Dec. 1846, N. Tajammul

Sth Nov. 1846. exiled 1859. Husain Khin

and 2ndly

| to

Nawab Tafazzul

| Husain Khan,

(By Balkus Zamaniah alias Bigga Begam.) (By Nishét Mahal.)

= ae 5 ab Yar 5 ‘

Afzal Husain Asghar Husain Ashraf-un-nissa Muzafiar Husain *Indyat Begam, Daughter. Waid Husain Anyad Husain Akhtar Husain Asghar Husain Indad Husain

Khan, Khin. Begam, Khan. _ m. to Name unknown, Khan. Khan. Than. than. Khan.

born d. 8. p. Mirza Sikandar m. to

Ist Jan. 1849, 12th March, 1876. Bakht, Daler Jang,

died son of

7th Nov. 1871. N. Husain Ali Khén,

| son of

(By Mueammét Shubxétin)

eee, Lily Began.

2th May, 1872.

Amin-ud-daula,

Norz.—The names in italics are those of persons still alive in 1879.

169

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170 W. Irvine—TZhe Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad.

Genealogical Table of Safdar Jang’s family.

Yusuf Turkmén.

Shah Jahan.

Bidigh Shéh.

Hasan ’Ali Mirza.

Manstir Mirza,

(who removed to Naishapur from Tabriz.)

Muhammad Shafi’

Khan Beg.

Mirza

Muhsin ’Izzat-ud-daula,

m. sister of

Nawab Najaf Khan,

died Rabi II, 1162 H.

(March—April, 1749.)

Muhammad Kuli Khin,

(Naib of Allahabad,

1760—1761,)

m. daughter of

Burhan-ul-Mulk.

Muhammad Kuli Beg.

Fatima Begam,

m. to

Mirza Isma’il,

brother of

Najaf Khan.

Mirz& Améni

Asaf-ud-daula,

died 1798.

Mirza

Wazir ’Ali Khan,

Ja’far Khan Beg,

m. sister of

Burhan-ul-Mulk

Sa’dat Khan,

Mirza

Muhammad Mukim

Safdar Jang,

m. daughter of

Sa’dat Khan,

Burhan-ul-Mulk,

died 1753.

Jalal-ud-din Haidar,

Shuja’-ud-daula,

died Jan. 1775.

Sa’dat ’Ali Khan.

died 1818.

1879.1 BF. S. Growse—The Sect of the Prén-néthis. LE

The Sect of the Prén-nathis—By F. 8. Growsr, Bengal Oivil Service,

M. A. OXON., Cc. I. E.

The small and obscure sect of the Pran-nathis is one of the few, of

whose literature Prof. Wilson, in his Essays on the Religion of the Hin-

dus, was unable to furnish a specimen. This I am now in a position to

supply, having obtained while at Mathura a copy of one of the poems of

Prdn-nath himself, from the sole representative of the sect in that city.

It is very curious, both from the advanced liberalism of its theological ideas

and also from the uncouthness of the language, in which the construction

of the sentences is purely Hindi, while the vocabulary is mainly supplied

from Persian and Arabic sources. The writer, a Kshatriya by caste, lived

at the beginning of the 18th century and was under the special patronage

of Chhattrasal, the famous Raja of Panna in Bundelkhand, who is com-

monly said by the Muhammadans to have been converted to Islam, though

in reality he only went as far as Pran-nath, who endeavoured to make a

compromise between the two religions. His followers are sometimes called

Dhamis, from Dhdm, a name of the Supreme Spirit or Paramitma. Like

the Sikhs and several of the later Hindu sects they are not idolators, so far

that they do not make or reverence any image of the divinity, but if they

have any temple at all, the only object of religious veneration which it

contains is a copy of the works of the founder. His treatises,—which, as

usual, are all in verse—are fourteen in number, none of them of very great

length, and bear the following titles: 1, The book of Ras; 2, of Prakas; 3,

of Shat-rit ; 4, of Kalas; 5, of Sanandh ; 6, of Kirantan ; 7, of Khulasa; 8,

of Khel-bat ; 9, of Prakrama Illahi Dulhan (an allegory in which the Church

or ‘ Bride of God’ is represented as a holy city); 10, of Sagar Singér ; 11,

of Bare Singar; 12, of Sidhi Bhasa; 13, of Marafat Sagar; 14, of Kiy4-

mat-nama. The shortest is the last, of which I now proceed to give the

text, followed by an attempt at a translation, which I am afraid is not

altogether free from error, as I am not much versed in Koranic literature

and may have misunderstood some of the allusions. The owner of the MS.,

Karak Das by name, though professing so liberal a creed, was not a particu-

larly enlightened follower of his master, for I found it impossible to con-

vince him that the I’sa of the Koran, so repeatedly mentioned by Pran-nath,

was really the same as the incarnate God worshipped by the English. Like

most of the Bairagis and Gosains with whom I have talked, his idea was

that the fiery and impetuous foreign rulers of the country were Suraj-ban-

sis, or Descendants of the Sun, and thatthe sun was the only God they

172 F, 8. Growse—TZhe Sect of the Praén-néthis. [No. 2,

recognized, as was evidenced by their keeping the Sunday holy in his

honour.

But without further preface to proceed to the text of the poem. It

stands as follows :—

) arefz i

Wa SAT | RBA FT= |

sat afar aaiaa ae |

ASMNS AMR HLA |

FANT HT HE TAA |) I

Sl Az are Saat facarc |

HS CBr Bt Saiz |

afaaama 24 aia |

sae Bet Sea TATA RA

acne ofaat Ste FIs |

ME BMA Aecaia |

U LATea Ble Faia |

TILIA ASHTA ART | 3 Il

faa fea Set Bar Ba |

SIX ATaTH SAT Fe I

HM Bet we Tae |

aq Are fatat aTSt Fe | 8 I

BF RST SaTal FAT TET |

frara eaAAHT STSE HAT II

TAME HAT FLA MNS |

faot faute Satza 4, |

wat fq sat Faaarea |

aq Waste Wis aia |

A Wl Bret ss Fria |

& faare 2at faa sia ie I

aq @ aa ee Fadia |

qq BALA KAT Ble za |

A feat wiz fame aiz |

1879.] F. 8. Growse—TZhe Sect of the Pran-nathis,

4 faa sat ASAT MF | 9 |

SEAT TSA TTA Bz |

frat qxtt Biz Fe |

& feat ee fame aiz |

MAGA Hs Sat ATS | = |

TO aca Fahl TET |

fart auete ALSS TET I

ze aie Te NS |

QT WAaTE ATS BMS ic |

aL FS Ble Ft Ts

Ql aT WAaLIAaAH AF I

aifaa we fastat aie |

HARE wt TSH Bia Le |

ME Ht Sat Fr TST |

xa fay faaait Sth TST I

YAR RE ASAT Aix |

fat HS TS ATT UTE 1. VA

Sifsaraaet aren z |

Use 2at fea 2 y

MVE Rall Aaa |

Fexe Se a GH DSU | Az I

TAK Kat le EHIa |

qeaaa ae TAA |

@ fear ja fem? ala |

ateaai faureratt aa | 23 I

He Ll AAS Ble xaia |

FARK WS KET AAA |

Ve at Sat Brat sums |

fea fear Sat Fan set 1 28 |

BAHT SVM TAT |

aT Seat afr ASA |

aaz ae faa Gee)

Al ACE BF TT} Ww A

F. S. Growse—The Sect of the Prén-nathis. [No. 2,

SM Sat Sat Brae |

ATA WAT SAT FATT II

qq BAM Await aaa |

A Mea AL BA TAA | Vs ti

Saal MASAt ATL Ie |

aaa feaut Sis WITETS I

BCA BASHNAG TE UE |

wise fame see HET | 9 1

GL Ta Fa areal BARS |

UX Wi Ri TA FT ATS TAT |

qa CHA TVT CUT |

ae SMe Atl F Aaa | UTI

SUX Ait Al SIS Wala |

Z aa uta feast aia II

SHE BINT FT |

wa vit AC TS FAT NE bt

aa tuat see faah |

ata at 22 feaa i

ata sat Fegan <eaia |

faq TA ASA FUACIA | Re |

ga Got wut fash wiz |

aa a MSs Brat As |

faaati ASA Rie STA |

Ar Baal ACA fara | RB

tq at ta faetat Waa |

Brat WESUe ASLaia

geet fat eHCAH TTS VE |

fara wat Gatti aTet FAT 1.22 bt

uct fan ate Feaait Az |

Ue KAILA Ua ATE hi

Bl Baas FX HAT |

Sr wala UTA TAT | RZ kt

want feqatat aet fara |

1879.]

F. S. Growse—The Sect of the Prin-nathis.

sat fegane qaaagaa |

BX By SHALCA TATA VATS |

Qi Al HHS AMI WATS || RB tl

qiaa fame Ze aaia |

a atat St ae Vat Reta

site fecat farsa at wet |

FURAR BAM VT | RY

HH RLS DALES |

ARCH ANCA Set Fa it

Bs ASA SS FT Stat TH Ax |

farat at ALSS ATE | RE I

@ xarea ata fast gz |

frat erat a OSS Ge I

arsat Fran AAA |

atat faarhi TET TAT || RO I

Sra He frsryt Bas |

Sq AATTAT ALAM faa |

SAME AE LA TACT |

Ql BSH ATA SH | A= I

ART RS FHT FST Be |

aH BIT SS GT ATT I

Sert Te TST ATE |

BT FHCAT BALA TAL | RE

GSU FS AA UT |

TT BAR BA BAT |

Bat Barat AAA AT |

Fl A Celt AE BT | Be I

aa feast =e aa |

ae ata Bat Feat Hie

Aa HAA BS Fe Az |

AAT FA WET VH AT || 82

Sat HeiaM M STAA |

ALA AS Afeaa WIA |

176

F. 8S. Growse—Zhe Sect of the Pran-nathis.

RL SMART ATLA LAs |

SAH MS BlaataA aa |) BR I

Fast vit Fara |

aq suivant fear faa |

NSE FerAl FeTE SA |

At Fata BAA fax BF | 82 I

aq Use BST AEA |

aaa Bat YAS Ie |

z faa dat fame |

AG ACS BSAA Se || 38

TAAREA AA THLE |

MA BACH ATLASUTT |

wee faew aa US |

AIT AZCA ATS Taz | BY I

AC Badl AEA SATE |

fat as vx fecere

waa fea Sea EAH STS |

HE TAA KAA ATT | Re

AM TSS SS FLA |

RATKSITATA SE TAA |

SAL THATEAT AE BST |

Wie TA A SAT AAT |) BOI

Mx Te faut Sr faa |

Ql Tat A ATE] SAT |

eal Hal SA STS |

BA SAAR AEF Vz || BEI

wa St We Vera Bia Taq |

SS UE VI Ataa I

SSS TATA WE Aqua |

SST UGTA TATA | RE. I

SARITA MC Pat Fz |

Fea KAA AETAAT Ae |

WS AE Brel TL |

[No. 2,

1879.] F. 8S. Growse—The Sect of the Prin-nithis. 177

aa At Lata WAT BA Il ge |i

faa SHH TST RE |

aa RAAT A Sa ATS I

a feces erat ure |

QAATA J AS TSHTS | Be |

TX Ul se |) AAAATATAT THAT TATA | * |

Translation.

THE DAY OF JUDGMENT.

Go tell the chosen people; Arise, ye faithful, the day of judgment is

at hand. I speak according to the Kurén and make my declaration before

you. All ye heads of the chosen people, stand up and attend. The Testa-

ment (Wastyat-nama)* gives evidence: Eleven centuries shall be com-

pleted after the blessing of the world by the Kurdn and by him who was

merciful to the poor. A voice shall come from the tabernacle and Gabrielt

‘shall take them to the appointed place.. For three days there shall be

gloom and confusion and the door of repentance shall be closed. And what ?

shall there be any other way{? Nay, no one shall be able to befriend his

neighbour. §

Say now what shall be the duration of this life, and what the clear

signs of the coming of the last day. Christ shall reign for forty years, as

is written in the 28th sipadra. Hindus and Musalmans shall both alike

bring their creed to the same point. And what shall come about, when

the Kurdan has thus been taken away ? this is a matter, which I would have

you now attentively consider.

When 990 years are past, then the Lord Christ will come. This is

written in the 11th sipara: I will not quote a word wrongly.|| The Spirit

of God (Z. e., Christ) shall be clothed in vesture of two different kinds ; so

it is stated in the Kurdn. This is in the 6th sip4ra ; whoever doubts me

may see it there for himself. These now are the years of Christ, as I am

going to state in detail. Take ten, eleven and twelve thirty times (that is

_* Wastyat-ndma is, I believe, a general name including both the Kurén and the

Hadis, which together make up the Muhammadan rule of faith ; but I have not been

able to trace the particular tradition, to which reference is here made as specifying the

exact number of years that are to elapse before Christ’s second coming.

+ Gabriel is accounted God’s ordinary messenger, but here I should rather have

looked for Israfil, whose duty it will be to sound the trumpet at the last day.

} Reves may possibly stand for ravish.

§ Khes is for khwesh, a kinsman.

|| In spite of this emphatic assertion, the quotation would appear to be incorrect,

for the 11th sipara contains no such prophecy,

178 F. S. Growse—The Sect of the Pran-nithis. [No. 2,

to say, 10 + 11 + 12 x 30 = 990). Then Christ shall reign 40 years.

The other 70 years that remain (after 990 + 40, to make up 1100) are for

the bridge Sirat. The saints will cross it like a flash of lightning ; the

pious with the speed of a horse ; but as for the merely nominal believers

who remain, for them there are 10 kinds of hell ;* the bridge Sirat is like

the edge of a sword, they fall or they get cut in pieces, none cross over.

This is stated in the A’miyat-salin; go and look at it carefully. The

statement is clear, but your heart is too blind to see it. Christ stands for

10,¢ the Imam for 11, and in the 12th century there shall be the perfect

day-break. This is written in the A’m sipira, which is the 30th.

When Christ, Muhammad and the Imam are come, every one will come

and bow before them. But you should see not with the eyes of the body,

but after reflection with the eyes of the soul. Azazil saw in person, but

would not bow to Adam. Though he had done homage times without

number, it all went for nothing. When they saw his pride,t the curse was

pronounced and he became an outcast. Then Azazil asked a boon: “ Adam

has become my enemy. I will pervert the ways of his descendants and

reign in the hearts of them all.” Thus it was between Adam and Azazil,

as is clearly stated in the 8th sipara. You take after him in sense, but

what can you do, since you are his offspring, You look for Dajjal§ out-

side, but he sits at your heart, according to the curse.

You have not understood the meaning of the above: listen to me now

with the ears of the spirit. In like manner as He has always come, so will he

come again. All the Prophets have been of Jewish race—look through them

with the eyes of the soul—that is, they have sprung from the midst of Hin-

dus, whom you call Kafirs. Search now among your own people; the Lord

has never been born among them. The races, whom you call heathen, will all

be sanctified through him. The Lord thinks scorn of no man, but is com-

passionate to all who are humble. A veil is said to be over the Lord’s

face. What, do you not know this? By the veil is meant ‘among Hin-

dus’ ; mere reading does not convey the hidden intention ; if you look only

to the letter, how can you grasp the spirit? Thus is declared the glory

of the Hindus, that the last of the Prophets shall be of them. And the

Lord Christ, that great Prophet, was the King of the poor Jews. This is

stated in the 5th sipdra; if you do not believe me, go and examine the

Kuran yourself. It is also stated in the Hindu books that Budh Kalanki

will assuredly come. When he has come, he will make all alike ; east and

* This is the Hindu computation ; the Muhammadans reckon only seven hells.

+ This is intended to explain the curious calculation given above, ten, eleven and

twelve multiplied by thirty.

{ A’kar here would seem to stand for ahamkar.

§ Dajjal, here the spirit of evil generally, is properly the name of Antichrist.

1879. ] F. 8. Growse—Zhe Sect of the Prén-nathis. 179

west will both be under him. Some one will say, ‘ Will both be at once ?’

This too I will clear up, explaining the intention to the best of my ability ;

without a guide you would not get atthe truth. Kalanki, it is said, will

be on a horse—this every one knows—and astrologers say that Vijay4bhinand

will make an end of the Kali Yug. Now the Gospel says that Christ is

the head of all, and that He will come and do justice. The Jews say, that

Moses is the greatest, and that all will be saved through him. All follow

different customs and proclaim the greatness of their own master. Thus

idly quarrelling they fix upon different names; but the end of all is the

same, the Supreme God. Lach understands only his own language, but

there is no real difference at bottom. All the Scriptures bear witness that

there are different names in different languages ; but truth and untruth are

_the two incompatibles, and Maya and Brahm have to be distinguished from

one another. In both worlds there was confusion ; some walking by the

law of Hindu, others by the law of Muhammadan ceremonial. But know-

ledge has revealed the truth and made clear both heaven and earth: as the

sun has made manifest* all creation and harmonized the whole world: so

the power of God bears witness to God ; he speaks and all obey. All who

perform acts of religious worship, do them to the Lord ; the word of the

Most High has declared it so. It is written in the third sipdra that he

opened the gates of the highest heaven.

The Lailat-ul-Kadr (or night of power) has three contentions: on the

third dawn the judgment will commence. The spirits and angels will

appear in person, for it was on that night that they descended : + the bless-

ings of a thousand months descended also. ‘The chiefs will be formed into

two companies; God will give them his orders and through them there

shall be salvation. This is abundantly attested by the Kuran; the state-

ment is in the Ind-anzal-né Chapter. After the third contention will be

the dawn ; in the eleventh century it will be seen.

And what is written in the first sipara? you must have seen that.

They who accept the text kun are to be called true believers. Now if

any one is a true believer, let him bear witness and prove the fact. Put off

sloth; be vigilant; discard all pride of learning.t He who hears with

* For kheldya I propose to read khulaya ; but even so, the meaning elicited is

not very satisfactory.

+ The allusions are to the chapter of the Kuran called the Stirat-ul-Kadr, which

is as follows: “ Verily we have caused the Kurén to descend on the night of power.

And who shall teach thee what the night of poweris? The night of power excelleth

a thousand months; therein descend the angels and the spirit by permission of their

Lord in every matter; and all is peace till the breaking of the morn.”

{ The text kun is the parallel of the Mosaic phrase, “‘ And God said ‘ Let there be

light,’ and there was light.”

a ll

* Wee li

180 F. S. Growse—-Zhe Sect of the Pran-nithis. [No. 2,

perfect faith* will be the first to believe. Afterwards when the Lord has

been revealed, J will believe. Heaven and hell will be disclosed, and none

will be able to profit another. Lay your soul at your master’s feet; this

is what Chhattrasal tells you.

* Hakkeeul- Yakin, ‘perfect faith,’ is faith without seeing, which alone is merito-

rious ; for all who sce must perforce believe.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ec.

No. IJI.—1879.

Rough Notes on the Distribution of the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar.*—

By Ureur. R. C. Tempe, Ist Goorkhas, (with two maps).

I was employed in foraging in advance of General Stewart’s Division

during the march back from Kelat-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar, 1st to 10th Febru-

ary 1879,—afterwards in taking a convoy of camels to Col. Patterson’s recon-

noitring expedition down the Arghisan valley, 13th to 23rd February, and

these rough notes are the result of such information as I had time to pick

up regarding the population of the villages I passed en route. At the foot

of the Maps accompanying these notes, I have given a list of the villages

inhabited by the various tribes of Afghans found in those parts so that the

_ reader can see for himself how they are distributed ; but the following addi-

_ tional notes may prove useful.

Nearly all the Afghans living in the Kandahar district are Duranis of

the Popalzai and Barakzai sections. Of these the Pdpalzais mainly occupy

the valley of the Tarnak as far as Shahr-i-Saffa and the Barakzais the

whole valley of the Arghisin to Marif. Beyond Shahr-i-Saffa (now mere-

ly a ruined mound), as far as Jaldak in the Tarnak valley, the Alikdzai

section of the Duranis is found ; the Ghilzais not being seen till the neigh-

bourhood of Kelat-i-Ghilzai is reached.

* The local pronunciation of this word is as nearly as possible Kandhar, the second

syllable which probably really exists between the d and the h being so short as to be

“Searcely audible. [It is commonly identified with the Sanskrit Gandhdra (azat<) ; Ev.]

182 R. C. Temple—Rough Notes on the Distribution of — [No. 8,

As may be supposed, a large city like Kandahar has attracted Afghans

of all kinds of tribes to itself, and in its neighbourhood is found one Kakar

village, Malang, but it isa small one. The Mémands again have a large

village which has lately changed its site, as the name, Koneh Mémand, of

some neighbouring ruins testifies.

There is a large colony of Ghilzais* about 6 miles from Kandahar

owning some eight villages about Taraki Kuldchat which is, as its name signi-

fies, a hamlet of the Taraki section of the Ghilzais. Sayads are found

scattered about in this as in other parts of Afghanistan. The hamlet of

Sayad Mohammad Shah is, or rather was, the residence of the late Wazir

of the Amir in these parts. And lastly colonies of one section are found

scattered here and there in the country of another. The villages of Tang

(Po6palzai), Khaugani Karéz (Khigiadnis), M4kian (Makus), in the midst

of the Barakzai villages of the Arghisdn valley, are cases in point.

With these exceptions the population of both the Tarnak and Arghi-

sin valleys respectively, as far as Keldt-i-Ghilzai and Maréf, are Durdni

Pathans of the Pépalzai, Alikézai and Barakzai sections. Near Kandahar

villages of mixed populations are common, such as Deh-i-Khédja, which I have

set down as being Pépalzai, and Shahzada which I have called Ghilzai, mean-

ing of course that the bulk of the population is Popalzai and Ghilzai respec-

tively in each, but further up the valleys, mixed villages are not often met

with.

Numerous subdivisions or septs of the main sections of Durdnis are

found in the above villages. Of the Pdpalzais I was told the following

lived about the Kandahar district :—

Sadozais, (in Pungi).

Bamézais. °

Noazais, (in Kadanei valley towards the Khojak Pass).

Madozais.

Marsingzais.

Khanzais.

. Aiabzais.

Of the Alikdézais, the following :

1. Sandarzais, (in Arghisdn Valley).

2. Karazais.

3. Nausazais.

Of the Barakzais, the following :

1. Mohammadazais.

2. Sulimanzais.

Pe) TES COO

* This word is usually pronounced locally Ghilzai, but sometimes Aghalzai,

+ Kala means village and Kuldcha little village or hamlet.

1879.] the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 183

8. Khunsézais.

4. Baianzais.

Of Panjpao Duranis ;

1. Alizais.

2. Nuvrzais.

3. Khiigianis.*

4, Makus.

5. Sagzais.

The above subdivisions are not all to be found in the official list of the

subdivisions of the Afghan tribes, in which the Sadozai and Bamézai sections

of the Pépalzais are the only ones given,while no subdivisions are given in it of

the great Barakzai section, and the three subdivisions above given of the

Alik6ézai section differ in name from the three given in the official list. The

acknowledged imperfection of the official list and the great number of sub-

divisions, into which every tribe or even section of a tribe of Afghans is

split up, would easily account for my names varying from those found in it.

I asked a great number of questions regarding these subdivisions, and as

far as I know, the above information is correct.

One curious point turned up during my interrogations. Several of those

I questioned would not acknowledge the Achakzais as Duranis, though of

course there can be no doubt as to their being so, while they admitted the

Kakozai and Achalzai subdivisions of the Achakzais into the Barakzai section.

I saw no Achakzais about Kandahar, though the Kh6jak Pass is held entirely

_bythem.f The Sdgzais found in the Arghisan valley are not mentioned in the

official list of the Panjpao Duranis. But I was assured, they were Durdnis

and neither Pépalzais or Barakzais, but of a lower descent, 7. e., they were

Panjpaos. If not a section of the Panjpaos, they are probably a subdivision

of one of the sections.

As regards the pronunciation of the names, the termination zai is some-

times pronounced almost as zoi (two syllables) especially in the Arghisin

* This name is pronounced Khaugan in the Arghisén valley and their village

called Khaugdni Karéz (the name Karéz, being given a village, does not now argue the

existence of a Karéz in its neighbourhood, it is merely an affix), similarly the Makus

are called Mékidns and their village Mékién. The term Panjpao is usually also pro-

nounced Panjpde about Kandahar.

t+ The Achakzais are said to have been originally part of the Barakzais who were

Separated from them for political reasons. Mir Aslam Khan the Sirdar or chief of the

Achakzais calls himself Abdal ? Abdali = old name for Durdni.

{ Duranis are divided into Zirak Durdnis with 4 sections, Pépalzais, Alikézais,

Barakzais, Achakzais, and into Panjpao Duranis with 4 sections, Nurzais, Alizais,

Ishakzais, Khigidnis, Mékus. The Zirak descent is considered by far the most honor-

able.

184 R. C. Temple—Rough Notes on the Distribution of [No. 3,

valley. The name I have given as Pungi has a very peculiar pronunciation

like Pungai, and a similar sound is heard in Liandé Karéz, as if it were

Lindai Karéz. The sound Néjoi is also peculiar in the o which is softened

almost to the German 6, as if it were Nejéi. Khél-i-Akhund is also called

KhéLi-Akhwand. Deh-i-Ndo is often called Nado-i-Deh or Navvi Deh

= new town). Beyond the extremely guttural sound of the Pushtu con-

sonants, heard in these words, there is little to be noticed but the following.

Saifu-l-lah is pronounced often as Zaipullah, Zanghir Khan as Tanghir

Khan, Khunsézai as Khunchazai.*

There is considerable difficulty in discovering the name of a village} for

the following reasons :—A village may be called by six different names by

guides ; those thoroughly acquainted with the locality would recognise it by

any one, others less well acquainted will only know it by some of them. Thus

a village may be called (1) after the district or tract of land in which it is

situated. Takht-i-pul is such a name, Mel Manda is another; villages ten

miles apart are all called Takht-i-pul or Mel Manda, simply because they are

situatedin the tracts so named. (2) It may be called after the section of the

tribe which inhabits it, thus Barakzai ; (3) after the subdivision, thus Khun-

sézai or Muhammadazai ; (4) after its late owner if recently dead ; (5) after

its present owner ; thus Kala-i-Nur-uddin Khén merely means Nur-uddin

Khan’s village and the owner’s is usually the proper name of a village ; (6)

after its own name. ‘To give an example the village, marked Amin Kala on

map No. 1, was named to me as Barakzai, *“Muhammadzai, Amin Kala and

Latif Khan. Latif Khan is its present owner, Amin Khan was the late owner,

Muhammadazai is the subdivision and Barakzai the section of the tribe in-

habiting it. It will be easily seen that the more general of these terms are

known at a distance, while the more specific ones only in the immediate

neighbourhood of a village—and this is what one has to look out for in ask-

ing the way on the march, especially as a guide or passing villager thinks he

has done quite enough, when he has given any one of the names by which a

village may be designated. Complicated as this system of nomenclature

looks, it is natural enough ina country where the individual occupies such

an important part in men’s minds, and nationality so little. It is not dif-

cult to deal with in practice, after a slight knowledge of the country is ac-

* Further back in the Pishin the same peculiarities are observable. Thus Arambi

is pronounced almost as Arambae. Mt. Chapar is called Mt. Sapar and the Zhob valley

the J6b valley. Awalia or Aulia is the name of a malik in the Pishin.

+ Villages are also constantly changing their sites, which renders a survey, which

is correct for a certain year, very far from being so afterwards.

No. 1.

SKETCH MAP

Showing Villages about

KANDAHAR

From Observations with a Prismatic Compass, during February 1879; in Tarnak Valley during Advanced Foraging

) Expedition, 1st Division, Kelat-i-Ghilzai to Kandahar; in Arghisan Valley during Reconnoitring Expedition.

<Shiakardanj

Rerg<i-Miilla Pari di —

sLandéKaréx —~_ pp

Bostan fi

Malang ————S pate Z

~ KarexAino % °Kala~t-Azun Kolacha “i Ss Fad:

) [ MillaPainy~’ “KilakDad a SZ Majiamma Sha

s / ° a ue

/ arpa PC :

2 y ‘ard a Momand-— EN Sia

KANDAHAR p> “SyadMuhammad- Rala-tNarad: Dui har =

2 y Shahzada pb ;

‘Momand * _F AbdurRahman

hdul Wahab ~ Nath Sultan

i 4 es

Ve Mand His 3dr Mh y i Suifullah,

Pigs SA) wT i el Pir MubAnmad hg ee Se

K DESL y = ii i) 5 : pledullahKhane 7, pln Kala. or

K Morgan Kehcha S——— Baianzai

se Nees —FanihirKhan or Tajo

SE | 5 Nahiammad Ria

| = Vizard DinKhar

| oe

Ce mK han a

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au \ DebesiNao ~~ _ ar

\ \'53 NY ‘ 3 re

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Distribution of the Population-

Morgin Kehchar, 6 Abd-ur-Rahmin Khan, 22 Deh-i-Hiji, Alizais.

| Madozai. 3 Deh-i-Dai. | Kalak Dad, Niirzais.

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No. 2,

SKETCH MAP

Showing Villages in Tarnak and Arghisan Valley.

(In Continuation of No. I.) :

ee,

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Distribution of the Population.

Khel-i-Akhund, Karazai. es, Saifu-lah, ano ae

KalaiAwir 22 Bakhlidr, fs Amin Kata, 2 BEI Ee

Khénizai. He 5 Sardésu. E Baianzal, a cE 28 Fe

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zai, a2 Sokhta, all Sartip Nir Muhammad, 25

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Nausazai. a2

[ Kakul. cal

> Liluk, q

Sher Muhammad g

Jaldak, i

Sandarzai,

1879.] the Afghan Tribes about Kandahar. 185

quired, but it accounts for the great apparent discrepancy in names and

distances met with on maps and in routes.*

I may here remark on the names Khojak Pass—Roghani Range—

Khéja Amran Range, found on the maps as representing the eelebrated hills

dividing the Pishint and Kadanei valleys. Locally the names Khojak,

Roghani, Khéja Amran are unknown as designating any set or range of hills ;

in fact neither the Achakzais nor the inhabitants of the Pishin (Tor Tarins)

have any general name for the hills; but every peak, spring, stream seems to

have a special local name, often but little known, as might be expected among

such a people as the Afghans. Khdjak is the name of the Khojak river,

the bed of which forms the Khoéjak Pass :{ similarly Roghaniis the name ot

the Pass so called, not of any hill, while Khdja (or more properly Khwaja)

Amran is the name of a peak in the Gwaja Pass; on its summit isa

cemetery, so it is possible that? Khwaja Amran was a Pir or saint when alive.

Gaz (not Dahagaz as the maps have it) is the name apparently of the

line of hills separating the Shalkdét (Quetta) and Pishin valleys through

which the Gazarband Pass runs, but this is the only line of hills which has

a general name as far as I can understand. Chiltan (or Chiltdn) to the S.

of Quetta, Takatti, Zarghtin, Pil, Kand, names along a line of hills running

successively northwards from Quetta and visible from the Pishin valley, are

names rather of snowy peaks than of ranges. Chapar again is the name of

a high rounded snowy peak, behind these again, but visible from Pishin.

* The village of Marsingzai is also frequently called Maisingi ; and Tajo is the

proper name of the village usually called Zanghir Khan. Sagzai is also frequently

named Torakhar, pronounced also Téragar (the black rock), from the hill in the neigh-

bourhood where there is a convenient place for a camp.

+ Pronounced Pishin in the neighbourhood, not Peshin as it is usually spelt.

{ Machka is the name ofa stream joining the left bank of the Khéjak about 6 miles

from the summit of the Pass, and Shal of the place marked “ Camping Ground” in the

maps about 4 miles up the Pass from Kala Abdullah Khan, There is a perpetual spring

of water there.

186 B. Bardyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

Hamir Rist, or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. Translated

Srom the Hindi.—By Brasankoua Banpyopspuysya, Jeypore.

Author's Preface.

In the beautiful town of Nimraénd there reigns a Chohdn prince,

named Chandrabhan, a descendant of the celebrated Prithviraj. He is

religion itself. His subjects, consisting of four castes, live in peace and -

plenty. He is called the emperor of Rat. Born in a clan illustrious for

noble and heroic actions, he has inherited most of the virtues of his glori-

ous ancestors, and his mind is naturally inflamed by the passion of hearing

their exploits. Once, seated on the throne in regal state, he ordered me to

compose for him an account of the battles fought by Hamir Chohan with

Ald-uddin, Emperor of Delhi. “Tell me at length,” said the Maharaja,

“the battles which were fought between Hamir and Ala-uddin, and the

eauses which led to them.”

I am by birth a Gaur Brahman, descended from the Rishi Attreya.

I was born at Bijawar, in the province of Rat. My name is Jodhraj, and

that of my father Balakrishna. Iam a pandié and poet. My knowledge

of astronomy and astrology has raised me to the highest rank in the royal

court. Raj4 Chandrabhan is very kind to me. He has given me houses,

horses, clothes, wealth and property, so that all my wants are relieved and

desires satisfied. In obedience to his orders I undertake to write in poetry

the details of the history of Hamir.

Cuaprer I.

[The work opens with a brief resumé of the Pauranie cosmogony ;

and then gives the following account of the origin of the Agnikula Ksha-

triyas, to which caste the hero of the work belonged. ]

Parasurim slaughtered the Kshatriyas twenty-one times in order to

revenge himself on Sahasra Arjun, the murderer of his father. He ‘filled

a tank with their blood and offered it to his dead father, whose thirst was

thereby satisfied. None escaped from his scimitar, but those who were very

humble, who held each a stalk of grass by the teeth as token of submission,

and who took to the guise of women. Boys, eunuchs, old men, and those

who put ten fingers within their mouths, those who left their swords and

fled away, and those who fell down at his feet, were also spared. He con-

tinued carrying on the work of destruction until his ancestors appeared,

blessed him and told him to put a stop to further massacre and bloodshed.

He then ceased and went to a jungle to pass his days there in penance.

1879 ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 187

For a time there were no Kshatriyas, none able to protect the land and

the holy Sdstras. Rakshasas increased in number, the Vedas were trampled

under foot, and every form of Hinduism was forgotten. These Rakshasas

began to oppress the people in various ways, so that there were no longer

castes and ordersin society. Such being the case, all the holy sages were

filled with anxiety. They consulted each other and came in a body on Abu

where, in a cave, lived the mighty Parasuram. When all the gods, Nagas

(serpents) and men had assembled, they devised a plan to extirpate the

Rakshasas. Brahma and Vasishtha met. The latter erected an altar. A

pit was dug in the midst of it, and fire kindled. All other holy sages came

tothe spot. They contemplated on Siva, who made his appearance. His

hair was matted, he wore a crown and bore ashes rubbed on his body. The

Ganges flowed and murmured over his head, serpents hissed, and ghosts played

and danced around him. The sages stood up and prayed. “ Stay here with

us, gracious Siva, otherwise we shall never be able to complete our sacrifice.”

The rites of sacrifice were begun, the Vedic mantras were chanted, 108 kinds

of offerings and waters from all the sacred rivers were brought. All things

were ready. No sooner a column of smoke rose in the air and the chanting

of Vedic hymns was wafted, than all the Rakshasas came, in order to pollute

the sacrifice. They made various endeavours towards that end. Now it blew

a storm; anon it rained in torrents Blood, flesh, grass and other rub-

bish were thrown upon the altar. Then all the holy sages—Dvaipayana,

Dalbhya, Jaimini, Lomaharshan, Bhrighu, Pulaha, Attreya, Gautama,

Garga, Sdndilya, Bharadvaj, Balakhilya, Markandeya, Ushana, Kaushika, |

Basant, Mudgala, Uddalaka and Matanga, with Vasishtha at their head,

complained to Brahma and Siva. Again, an altar was erected, a kund dug

and purified, fire kindled, and every rite of sacrifice begun. Hymns of the

Sama Veda were sung. All ofasudden sprang four warriors with swords

in hand from the kund. These fought with the Radkshasas and defeated

them. Allthe sages went to the north-western corner of the Arbad Gir

(Abu) and came to the cave where the great Parasu dwelt. They asked his

benediction on the newly-created heroes. He granted the request. The

goddess Sakti was invoked. She appeared and blessed them. Their energy

was like fire, their eyes red like the rising sun shot forth courage, their

foreheads shone like flames, and their crowns sparkled. They frowned, and

the devils shook with fear.

_ One of these Agnikulas (fire-born) was named Chohan. He had

four arms, all equipped with the weapons sword, bow, dagger and knife. He

joined his hands and said to Brahma: “ What is the purpose of my crea-

| tion, lord ?” “‘ Hear, my son,” replied Brahma, “do what Bhrighu tells you.”

Bhrighu ordered him to kill all the Rakshasas. ‘‘ Sakti is with you to defend

188 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3,

you,” said he. ‘She has ten hands well armed with weapons of attack

and defence ; she rides on a lion and wears a necklace of human heads. All

the holy sages worship her; so do not fear, brave child, but fight with a

heart of steel, braving all dangers for the cause of your religion.”

The Rakshasas were cut to pieces. Their blood ran in torrents.

Those who escaped fled to the infernal regions. In times of peril, Sakti

protected the Hindu champion from all dangers. Every time he fell at her ~

feet, his strength and energy were doubled, and he rushed at the ranks of

the devils and put them to the sword. The goddess is called A’sdpiri, be-

cause she fulfilled the hope of the holy sages, and by that name is worshipped

by the Chohans to this day.

After many generations, Raja Jeyat Chohan was born in the village of

Barbigao. He was learned, benevolent, generous, wise and handsome. Raj-

put heroes of the thirty-six clans always waited on him. Minstrels sang of

his glory and heroism. His energy increased like the heat of the morning

sun, and he was feared by his enemies both by day and night. He was very

kind to the poor, he relieved their wants, the moment he heard their com-

plaints.

Once the Rao was out in a forest on a hunting-excursion, accompanied

by all the skilful huntsmen in his territories. He saw a white boar and

pursued it very closely. It ran into a dense jungle, which was full

of windings. He was separated from his train. The figure of an

ascetic met his view. Rishi Padam, the best of all sages, sat there, engaged

in deep contemplation. The prince left off chasing after the game. He

fell prostrate before the sage, joined his hands and thus began to pray: “I

am very fortunate, that I am able to see thee. My sins were forgiven

me the moment I looked on thy body. Protect me, bless me, O thou

merciful one, have mercy on me. Jam ever the object of thy care, O

thou, who art an ocean of virtues, I bow down before thee. Thou art the

possessor of unfading beauty, all-wise and all-powerful. The great name of

Rama is always on thy lips. All the ages dwell in thee, and thou givest

the three worlds what they wish for. Thy austere penance has made thee

almost equal to Vishnu, Siva and Ganesa. Place thy hand on my head,

O lord! and bless me.’”’ The sage was greatly pleased with the Rao’s

prayers. He blessed him. “Build a fort yonder on the hill, my son,”

said he, “dwell there and worship Siva.”

When Raja Jeyat returned to his capital, he called a council of his

ministers and vassals and consulted all the learned astrologers of his court.

A lucky hour was fixed to lay the foundation-stone of a. town and that of

its fort. The time was 7.80 in the morning of Saturday, the third of the new

moon, the day of the feast of Akshayaya Trit/yd, the moon being on the

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 189

sign Mithuna, inthe month of Vaisékha (April). Offerings were made to

Siva and Ganesa, and large sums of money distributed among the Brahmans.

The newly built town of the Rado was full of temples and squares. It

resembled Amaravati, the city of Indra. The temples were very beautiful,

lofty, and decorated with screens of lattice-work. Expanding flags, glit-

tering falasas, lofty gateways, were abundant in every place. The

front doors of shops, facing the street, were ornamented, and the walls

adorned with pictures. Handsome women, rivalling Rati, the wife of Kama-

deva (Cupid), gave beauty to thescene. The gates of houses, the seats on

either side of them, and the balconies were very exquisitely made. Perfumes

of various kinds filled the air with fragrance. All the four castes and

Asrams lived there in happiness, each following its own profession. The

people were all of a forgiving nature, kind, charitable and hospitable to

strangers. The splendid town was named Ranthambor.

All the Bhils, inhabiting the mountain fastnesses, readily acknowledged

the power of the Rao and recognised in him their sovereign. It is said that

Mahadeva, being pleased with his devotion, appeared before him and blessed

him, saying, “ Reign in glory, my son; reign as long as your virtues enable

you to do so.”

A very curious story is told of the erection of the fort. The wall of

the portico fell down as often as it was raised. The Raja was struck with

wonder and was extremely anxious to find out the cause of this mysterious

occurrence. At last, finding all resources fail, he summoned up all his

courage and said—“ Let me die, for my death alone can give stability to

the wall.” He seated himself at the foundation, ready to carry out his

desperate resolution, when Ravana and Basava, two warlike and loyal

Bhils, exclaimed—“ Rao Jeyat, the fort is ours, although you have a

nominal title to it. You are but our guest. The fort is emphatically ours.

It behoves you, therefore, to cut off our heads and raise the wall upon them.”

Ravana said, “Only look after my son Bhoj.” The brave Bhils were

beheaded, their heads placed as foundation-stones, and the wall built thereon

became as firm and lasting asa rock. The fort is said to have all the

advantages of position and to be impregnable to an enemy. It stands

to this day in all its majesty, a monument of the martial tact and skill

of the ancient Rajputs.

The austere penances of the sage Padam greatly frightened Indra. His

throne shook. In fear he sent Cupid to allure the sage. The god of love

with his seductive train appeared before the saint. Spring bent his bow, and

shot arrows drawn from his quiver. The apsaras danced, and Kinnaras

| sang. Their captivating strains charmed not only men, but even the gods.

The forest became full of flowers and bees, cuckoos and peacocks. The

190 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Risa, [No. 3,

sweet note of the cuckoo caught every heart and inflamed it with ardent

lust. But the soul of the sage could not be moved. The beauties of

spring had no effect upon it: it remained as firm as a rock.

Spring failed. Cupid gave orders to summer. The earth became

hot with the sun’s vertical rays. The Rishi opened his eyes. He saw,

Very near to him, a shady banian tree with spreading branches, a beautiful

pond full to the brim, a very handsome building wherein sat a troop of

heavenly maidens singing soul-enchanting airs and revelling as they liked,

with a cool, soft breeze blowing and scarfs flying round about their

persons. He saw Rambha and Urvasi braiding their hair before a mirror and

rubbing their bodies with musk, camphor, sandal-wood paste, saffron and other

perfumes. The daughters of Gandharvas and Kinnaras, dressed exquisitely,

were entertaining one another by placing garlands of flowers, each on the

other’s neck, smiling and darting quick glances on the sage. But the Rishi

closed his eyes and became lost in contemplation.

Summer failed. Then the rainy season came and bowed before Cupid.

Dark, heavy clouds hung on the air. It became intensely dark. Cold winds

began to blow from all quarters. The flashes of lightning were seen on

the sky, thunders roared, the gates of heaven were opened, and rain poured

forth in torrents. The haldpin (thrush) and the papiyd filled the air

with their melody. The nymphs of Cupid sang sweetly as they waved to and

froin the swing. Now it rained fast, and they in a hurry began to run hither

and thither before the sage. A gust of wind blew. It removed their fine,

loose clothes, displaying their persons of roseate hue which none can see

without falling entangled in the snare of Cupid. The bees hummed, the

frogs croaked, and heavenly nymphs rivalled one another in the art of

fascination. Divested of their clothing they danced, they sang, they played

at balls, they made garlands of flowers and threw them at each other; they

east sidelong glances which, like arrows, pierced the heart of gods; they

laughed, and their gentle laughter thrilled in every pulse and brought on a

fever of love. Yet the soul of Padam could not be moved.

The rainy season failed. Cupid said, “Let autumn go and allure

the sage from his austere penance.” The autumnal clouds were seen

hovering on the sky. All the rivers and tanks, being full of transparent

water, reflected the rays of the sun, bearing on their broad bosoms lotuses

of different colours. The pretty kingfisher, the humming bee, the ducks

and the reflections of the moon were dancing round about the white

lotuses. The earth wore a bright dress and looked like a matron in white.

The jassamine was in blossom. ‘The celestial nymphs sang, taking in their

hands the bows and arrows of Cupid. The soft strains of their songs, wafted

by a gentle breeze, wounded the hearts of those whose lovers were not at home.

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 191

The lamp of the sky shone, and the coolness of night enraptured the

heavenly beings of both sexes. In all the charms of uncovered beauty, each

of the bewitching nymphs began to take a bath in a pond close to the sage.

They, in a body, looked at him, and their looks were full of lust. Now they

danced, now they swam, now they glanced with pride on their own persons.

Tufts of hair fell on their cheeks; they seemed as if a number of black

serpents had assembled to suck nectar from their cheeks. Yet the soul of

the sage could not be moved: its firmness remained unshaken,.

Then came with fury the severe winter. Snow began to fall and all

ereatures to shudder. The nymphs were in the arms of their lovers, and

each pair looked as if made of one piece. The dashing Urvasi came to the

sage and asked him for shelter; but her charms availed her nothing, and

thus was winter defeated.

Then came with pride the season of dew and bowed before Cupid.

The vegetable kingdom wore a green dress. The mango and kadamba

looked merry in full blossom. Three kinds of breezes began to blow. The

creeping plants eagerly embraced trees. The earth became covered with

rich verdure. All was life. The branches of trees hung down laden

with fruits and flowers. The bees began to hum all around them, awaken-

ing the softer passions in the hearts of all creatures. The nymphs

laid aside their modesty and began to beat drums, sing and dance. Saffron

and red powder (adir) they threw at one another. Intoxicated with lust

the nymphs began to celebrate the great festival of Holz. [Here follows

a glowing description of the festival as celebrated by the nymphs of

heaven, which we omit.] The queen of the heavenly nymphs, Urvasi, ran

away in feigned fear at the fall of a ball on one of her cheeks. She passed

by the sage smiling gently, singing and dancing. Now Cupid applied the

arrow named wnmdd to his bow. The bees began to hum, and three kinds

of breezes blew. The bolt was shot at the breast of the father of

all Rishis.. His eyes opened. Another arrow was shot ; his heart wandered.

He saw the nymph and became greatly delighted. She ran to throw a

handful of the red powder and a ball at him. He rose, he played, he

embraced her. She captivated him and his reason gave way to passion.

She darted quick glances at him, and they like arrows struck his heart. She

pressed sweet kisses on his cheeks, and he felt a fever of love. Thus

succeeded the season of dew in alluring the sage from his austere penance.

The latter lost his reason and thought Urvasi to be his own, but the

nymph vanished, triumphant at her success. Stung by separation, he

breathed his last in the month of M4gh in Samvat 1140, the moon being

on the sign Adra. :

The body of Ald-uddin was made of his head, that of Hamir of his

breast, and those of Muhammad Shah and Mir Gabru of his hands.

192 B. Bandyopidhydya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

Cuapter II.

In the fort of Ranthambor Hamir Chohan was born to Rao Jeyat at

midday, on Sunday, the twelfth of the wane, in the month of Kar-

tika, Samvat 1141.* All the members of the royal family were greatly

delighted. A sumptuous feast was given to all the Bradhmans of Ajmer

and Chitor, and large gifts were distributed among beggars, minstrels,

musicians, and others. MRejoicings prevailed in the city. It happened

that on the birthday of the child a servant was polishing an iron pot

with a stone taken at random from the ground. The pot turned into

gold. The man was greatly surprised. He took the stone to the king

and informed him of its quality. It was predicted of Hamir that he would

wage a terrible war with Ala-uddin Khilji, of Dehli. He was married to

Asa, the beautiful daughter of Rao Puar of Abu, and, on the death of

his father, ascended the throne of Ranthambor.

The great Ala-uddin was born a contemporary of Hamir. It is said

that the princess, his mother, seeing the newly born babe very ugly and ill-

shaped, commanded a nurse to carry it away and replace it by a child of

handsome appearance. The nurse obeyed her orders, and thus was the

boy, who was to be an emperor, brought up in the nursery of acarder. His

foster-father called him Ald-uddin. In the days of his boyhood he would

sometimes play at king, making of his playmates, one the vizier, another

the Bakshi, a third the attendant. He would dismiss some and appoint

others. While in the king’s palace, the son of the carder would play at his

father’s profession.

Ten miles to the north of Dehli there was a temple of the Sharaoji

sect of Buddhists. A widow, daughter of a merchant, used to visit it

every day. Once Parasnath, the principal tirthankar, appeared and in

heavenly accents said—‘ Daughter, I am pleased with thy vows; blest

be thou with the enjoyment of two sons.” é

The woman replied—* Lord, I am but a poor widow, and therefore if I

should be brought to bed of a child, it would bring a stain upon my name

and that of my family.”

The heavens opened and the following words were heard. “ None

shall be able to perceive thy womb. Thou shalt be delivered of twins

at the time thou dost please to appoint. They will be very rich, and their

names will spread far and wide.”

* This date, as also the one on the preceding page, is wrong. According to

Muhammadan historians the siege of Ranthambor took place in A. D. 1299-1800, and

according to the Hamir Rasa (infrd, p. 203), Hamir was at the time twenty-cight years

old, so he must have been born in Samvat 1328, Saka 1193 and A. D, 1271. Eb.

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 193

All was profound silence. There was none but a carpenter at work

on the outside who overheard this prophecy. He thought that a very

fortunate mother the widow would be, and so if he could seduce her and

take her away from her parents, he would indeed be very happy. In the

disguise of a merchant he came every day to the temple. Many days after,

haying availed himself of an opportunity, he said, “‘ Virtuous woman, you

are blessed, for you walk in God. If it please you, my rath (carriage) is

at your service.” The widow thanked him for his kind attention, and,

believing in the honesty of his purpose, accepted the favour. Many days

passed away. The carpenter said, “ Merchant’s daughter, a pious and

devoted visitor of temples should appear before her gods in her best dress,

and wearing ornaments.’ The widow not anticipating any evil, com-

menced doing so. By and by he gained her confidence so much that he

succeeded by cunning in taking her to the city of Ujjain in Mélwé. He

made her a proposal of marriage, which she rejected with scorn. “You

have brought me,” said she, “ away from my parents; very good, but I

will never consent to your marrying me.” When the lady’s jewels and

ornaments, the means of their support, had been all sold, the carpenter ad-

dressed her—“ Merchant’s daughter, do you remember the sound which

you had the good fortune to hear while in the temple of Parasnath ?”

The widow replied, “ Yes, I do.”” Immediately after, she fell on her

knees and prayed to Parasnath, when lo! by the command of the god she gave

birth to twins of very handsome appearance. One of them was named

Basanta Pal, and the other Tej Pal. Accidentally the mother found a very

large pan of gold and diamonds buried under ground. Fortune smiled on

her from that moment, but she did not let the carpenter see her babes.

One day at the eager and humble request of the man, the twins were shown

to him, but alas! poor creature! the very sight of them brought on instant

death.

When the twin-brothers grew up to boyhood, they insisted upon their

mother telling them, although she was very loth to do so, where their father

was. As soon as they had the knowledge of their miraculous birth, they

thought themselves to be the favourites of fortune and set about their

business with redoubled energy. On attaining majority they, with all their

treasure and establishment, removed to Dehli. There they began to carry

on mercantile transactions, and, by giving very handsome nazzars, rose to

the notice of his majesty the emperor. But all other Sharaojis of the

city looked upon them as aliens, and therefore did not allow them to take

part in their social festivities. However at a meeting of that sect on Grinar,

they were, on the testimony of the Sharaojis of Ujjain, received into caste.

_ It was proposed to build two temples on that memorable spot.

” 194 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Humir Rasd, [No. 3,

A few days after returning to Dehli, the merchants called a pandit to

search for a lucky hour in which to lay the foundation-stones of the temples.

The pandit replied, “TI shall tell you the time, but it is no use your building

the temples, because an emperor has been born who, it is predicted, will pull

down all the sacred edifices to the dust.” The merchants said “ Where

lives such an emperor?” “In a carder’s house, playing in the dirt,”

was the pandit’s reply. The merchants were shown the house. They filled

two silver plates with mohars and, placing two diamonds on them, presented

them to Al4-uddin at the playground. Thereupon the boy said—“ See, Sirs

I am but a poor carder. I need not such valuables. Pray, take these to the

prince in the royal palace.’? The merchants replied “ You are our prince,

the sole master of our lives and property.”’ Ala-uddin looked pleased. He

kept with him only the diamonds and divided the mohars among his play-

mates. Then said he, “ How do you know, merchants, that Iam your

prince ? Who told you so?” “A pandit’’ was the merchants’ reply.

Alé-uddin.—* Bring the pandit to me, and without delay give him

these silver plates.”

Accordingly the merchants took the pandit to Ala-uddin, who asked

him as follows :

Ald-uddin.— Brahman, are you sure that I shall be an emperor ?”

Pandit.— Yes, certainly Iam. May it please your Royal Highness to

grant the request of the merchants.’

Ald-uddin.— Merchants, what do you want to be done ?”

Merchants.— We beseech your Royal Highness to give us permission

to build two temples.’

Ald-uddin—‘ Never can I grant such an unreasonable request. I

have made it a point in my life to pull down all temples tothe dust. The

gods have unjustly cursed me by throwing me into such a miserable state,

and I will drain the last drop of my blood in wreaking vengeance on

them. But as you have done me honour and made me aware of what I shall

be, I feel bound to make an exception in your case. Goand build the

temples, but on their roofs raise mud-walls to the height of a cubit and a

quarter. Those walls shall I pull down, when I shall set out on a erusade

against gods and their holy buildings.’

The playmates of Al4-uddin, when they returned home from the play-

ground, told their parents, how their Alid distributed mohars among them

and ordered the merchants of Ujjain to build temples. On hearing this

news the emperor had Alé-uddin brought to the palace, while the boy who —

had been brought up there was sent to the carder’s hovel.

Alé-uddin married the daughter of Bubak Shah of Kandahar. A year

after his marriage, he ascended the throne of Dehli. It is written that he |

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 195

besieged eighty-four forts and captured them. In the course of taking

a certain fort, a devil was made a captive by four warriors, and a bastion

was, by the command of the emperor, raised over his head. In the dead

of the night, while all was still, a sound came: “ Ald-uddin, Ala-uddin,

mighty monarch, dost thou presume to keep me buried for ever under these

walls? huge pillars are but as hairs on my head. Jelease me, or this very

moment I am free and thy bastion broken.’

Ald-uddin.— Rest, unquiet spirit, I give thee the entire right over

the throne of Suleman.”

Cuaprer III.

Once the emperor Ala-uddin intended to go out for a hunt. Haudis

were mounted upon elephants, and many noble steeds saddled. All the

vassals, then present in the imperial court, with all their retainers and

acquaintances, marched, each wearing his hunting dress. Numerous heroes

strutted along with an important air, some restless in pride, others advanc-

ing in solemn gait. Trumpets, drums and other musical instruments

were sounded. Ald-uddin took with him a queen, who in beauty and fascina-

tion could well be compared with the fairy Urvasi of heaven. She charm-

ed him, as the white moon-beams charm the eager chakor, and the pretty

lotus binds the bee in love. Packs of dogs, leopards, hawks and other

beasts and birds of prey followed the hunters. Thick columns of dust rose

high up in the air and hid the sun. The loud sound of the drums seemed,

_asif peals of thunder were heard from the dark clouds of the rainy season.

_ Numbers of horses ran briskly and passed off like meteors. The imperial

veterans clad in mail, began to play at arms, wrestle, bend their bows, adjust

arrows and display their skill in various kinds of heroic feats.

: At last the hunters entered a forest. They saw that it was very deep,

and that profound darkness reigned over it, and heard the murmuring of

rivulets and the rushing of springs.

7 [Here follows a description of an intrigue between Chimnd Begam

and one Muhammad Shah, which we omit.]

_____ The queen confessed her guilt, but the emperor doted upon her and,

fearing lest the execution of the Sheik should be followed by suicide on

her part, exiled him, saying, “ Be gone, Sheik, be gone for ever from the

confines of my dominions. I will kill the man who may chance to give

- thee refuge. Thou art deserving of the gallows. Muhammad Shah, there

is no one on earth who is so bold as to shelter thee from my anger, thee

who hast wronged me. I will circulate what thou hast done to the four

sania

196 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 8,

corners of the world. Dost thou know any prince or emperor who can

promise safe-keeping to a culprit banished my territories ? Canst thou tell

me his name who is mightier than I, and to whose door thou dost intend

to go seeking protection ? There is no place on this wide earth, but Mecca,

where thou canst be safe from utter ruin and destruction.”

The Sheik having joined his hands, replied, “ Mighty is the father of all

creatures. The fertile earth is never barren of heroes, I shall go to the

court of one who will, I am sure, receive me hospitably and challenge you

to fight with him.” Then bowing he continued, “I will never return

to Dehli and bow down to you again with prayers for shelter, but meet you

on the battle-field and show you my skill there.”

Muhammad Shah returned to his house, sad at the thought of parting

from his dear friends and relatives. He went to his brother Mir Gabru to

bid him farewell. “ Why are you sorry, brother ?” asked the latter. ‘“ Has

any one done you wrong? Tell me. My heart burns with anger.” “ My doings

are my enemy, dear Gabru” replied Muhammad Shah. “I am no longer

destined to eat and drink here in Dehli. How can I then live here, and

who on earth can keep me within the city wall. Think on these things

and be silent.”

These words struck Mir Gabru as thunder. Immediately he fell in

a swoon. Muhammad Shah consoled him in various ways, saying, “Do not be

sorry, brother ; serve his Majesty, the emperor, and live in peace and plenty.”

“Then go to Mecca, dear Muhammad Shah,” replied Mir Gabru, “ or live

with Hamir, if that generous Rao will give you house and shelter.”

The Sheik went, leaving the confines of Ald-uddin’s dominions, He

took with him twelve companies of soldiers, five elephants, carriages, ser-

vants and young male and female slaves. Numerous camels followed his

train, laden with fine looking tents and furniture. His wife went with

him. On his way, he used to hunt deer wherever he made a halt. His

men were all of one mind with him.

A confidential herald named Sultan Khan was sent with the exile to

report on his whereabouts, and to inform the potentate, who might chance

to give him shelter, of the cause of his banishment.

Muhammad wandered far and wide, but nowhere could he find refuge.

He went to the courts of almost all the princes, both Hindt and Musalman ;

but none dared to protect him, and thereby incur the displeasure of Ala-

uddin. At last he intended to go to the durbdr of Hamir and arrived out-

side the walls of Ranthambor. He saw the strength of the fort, the height

and inaccessibility of the hill upon which it was situated, and various indi- —

cations of the might of its royal master, and became full of delightful

assurance of his warm reception there. When his horses and elephants

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 197

had been tied, he took his meal. A carpet was spread in his tent, whereon

sat his heroes, ministers and friends. They were asked to go to the Rao

and inform him of all particulars. He said “ First tell him my salams,

next the events which have led to my banishment ; tell him that if it please

him to meet me, I shall wait on his royal presence. You shall be able to

know by these statements how virtuous and religious he is. Look at his

features and examine them with care.”

The heralds met with a warm reception. They informed the Rao of all

things as they had happened. The latter asked, “Is the Sheik safe, is he

well?” He was delighted and sent his son to call the exile to the fort.

Muhammad Shah started dressed in his best clothes to wait on Hamir.

He took with him five horses, one elephant, one bow of Multan, made of nine

pieces of buffalo horn, a sharp sword, a beautiful palanquin, two pieces of

ruby, a necklace of pearls, two hawks and two hunting dogs. His escort

went on foot. The train stopped at the principal gate of the fort, awaiting

orders. Some nobles of the royal court were sent to receive the Sheik.

They took him to the audience chamber of the Rao, who, with all the mem-

bers of his council stood up, embraced him and enquired after his health.

The Sheik touched the Rao’s feet with both his hands and stood up, having

joined them in submission. After having offered him the costly presents, he

said, “‘ Grant me shelter, generous Rao, shelter me in my distress. I have

gone to the courts of the kings of Kandesh, Kabul, Multan, Kashmir,

Guzerat, Gandwana and Bengal, but none has dared to receive me: they all

have tried to get rid of me, the sooner the better. I am at your mercy,

noble lord, save me in this extremity.”

Hamir replied, smiling, “So powerful is Ala-uddin that none has ven-

tured to shelter you from his anger. Live here safe, Sheik, live here within

the fort, under the shadow of my protection. I, Rao Hamir, will defend

you, even if my defending you should cost me my life. Need I tell you

more?” He accepted the presents and thus spoke out his mind—‘“< TI will

give up my body, wealth, fort and kingdom, but be sure, Sheik, the emperor

will never be able to get you.”

“ May it please you, mighty Rao,” said the Sheik, “to consider all

the consequences that will follow, before you promise me safe-keeping. I

have wandered far and wide over India and seen that almost all the Khans

and Sultans, RAj4s, Réos and Rands fear the power of Ala-uddin. He said

at my parting, that if in any part of this wide world, supported by Shesh, any

one should give me protection, he will cut him in pieces. He who incurs his

displeasure must not hope for life. Promise me safety and have the glory of

keeping a houseless and helpless creature with you, after having fully con-

sidered all these particulars.” ‘ You need not warn me,” replied Hamir,

198 B. Bandyopadhy4ya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

“of the danger I would expose myself to by giving you refuge, and thereby

provoke my anger. I have spoken my mind, and do you think I can retract

the words which I have once said? The descendants of the Chohans are

never false to their promise. My firmness in acting up to what I have

determined to do can never be shaken by the love of life and self-interest.

Be patient, Sheik, and live here without fear. The mountains may move,

and the polar star leave its fixed place, yet be sure, Muhammad Shah, the

honour of my resolution can never be violated It stands in unfaded glory

for evermore.”

The following presents were made to Muhammad Shah ; a bow, golden

ornaments, a necklace of pearls, a turban set with diamonds, and a

shawl. A jaghir worth five lacs of rupees was also given him, A

noble palace was appointed for his residence. The Council broke up with

great joy and excitement. Muhammad Shah went to his new mansion, riding

on ahorse. His heart became easy at the sight of various comforts which

were stored there for him. Then the Rao gave a grand feast to him and

his companions.

The imperial herald, who had followed the Sheik to the fort, addressed

himself to .Hamir—“ Do not give shelter to Muhammad Shah, great

Rao, because by doing so you will incur the displeasure of the most

powerful emperor in the world. The mighty Ald-uddin is an inspired

warrior. If the weak match with the strong, be sure, prince, they will

come off thelosers. Listen to my words, attend to my advice. You area

descendant of a family which has played an important part in the history of

your country. Why leave an ocean big with invaluable pearls and rubies for

a worthless tank full of mud and weeds? What qualities has this Sheik ?

See, he has lert all his possessions for the vile enjoyment of a female. I

know that you are familiar with all princely principles; one of them is,

‘ Let a man die, if his death alone can ensure the safety of a family ; forsake

a house, if its destruction can save a village ; let a city go to destruction,

if by leaving it you can preserve the welfare of a country.’ Why do you

push all souls to death for the safety of one, and that one an ungrateful

wretch, having neither reason nor conscience. Your refugee is the vilest of

all creatures. He had not even the slightest scruple to defile the bed of his

master. Think, before it is too late. The anger of Ald-uddin is like a

red flame of fire which burns all that come in contact with it. His power

destroys all who have the rashness to incur his displeasure. See, even the

gods have fled away, leaving their temples. On the other hand, if you do

not give refuge to the Sheik, your friendship with the emperor will become

stronger and stronger every day. Why drop poison in a pot full of nectar?

You will have to pay very dearly for your folly. Consider, therefore, now

1879.1 or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 199

in time and get rid of the Sheik as soon as you can. See, Ravana con-

quered the three worlds and had perfect control over the gods, men and

serpents; but when he made Raghunath his enemy, the splendid and

strong fort of Lankd was sacked, burnt and pulled in the dust. Who can

subdue Ala-uddin P If you think you can, you will certainly be destroyed.”

Hamir.—‘O herald, I can never lie. See what will be the condition

of that poor, deserted man, if I deny him protection. I will draw my

sword in the teeth of all difficulties, fight with Alé-uddin and crush his

pride. Either IJ shall be transported to heaven a little early, or continue

reigning in my fort of Ranthambor. Go, thou messenger, and tell the

emperor that the Sheik is safe under the roof of Hamir Chohan, and that

preparations for war are being made within the fort.”

The herald went to Dehli and, having joined his hands and bowed down

to Ala-uddin, thus prayed, “ Dreaded Majesty, the Sheik Muhammad Shah

wandered far and wide, over the northern, the eastern and the southern

parts of India, but nowhere did he find shelter. At last he went to Ran-

thambor and humbly prayed to the Rao of that place, who took pity on him

and promised him safe-keeping within the walls of his fort.”

Vazir Mihram Khin.—* Never has the Rado done so. How can he, a

vassal to his Majesty, afford house and shelter to one banished the domini-

ons of his lord and master ? Never say such words again.”

Herald.—“ Vazir, my words are not false, but true to the letter.”’

Ald-uddin.—Write a firman to Hamir, and then you shall be able to

know whether he speaks the truth or falsehood.

Accordingly a firman was written and sent by the same herald to

Ranthambor.

Firman.—‘ Hamir, be not obstinate ; yield; do not give asylum to a

thief. Iam called the master of Dehli, and you are a mere Réo. What

can you hope to gain by incurring my displeasure P Why make yourself

culpable ? Take as much land and gold as you wish for. Send back the

criminal to me, the moment you read this firman.”

Hamir’s reply.— Attack me, fall upon me, but I will never send you

Muhammad Shah. I have promised him shelter, and for the monarchy of

_ all the world, I will never break my word.”

The emperor’s blood boiled. He rebuked the Vazir for denying the

truth of the herald’s statements. Another fivman was written and sent to

the Rao.

Firman.—* How many forts, have you, Hamir, and how strong are they,

that you are so proud and stubborn? Consider, know that I ama gifted

hero. Send the Sheik. Be reasonable.”

Hamir’s reply.—* Your Majesty need not send meso many jfirmans.

200 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

I will never set aside my resolution. How can I deliver into your hands

the man whom I have promised safe-keeping ?” (To the herald.) “ Go to the

emperor and say to him, that if it be possible for the sun to rise in the West

and the waters of the Ganges to flow from her mouth to the source, then

will it be possible for Hamir to violate what he has deliberately resolved

upon. I rule over the territory given us by the sage Padam. When the

time appointed for the destruction of my fort will arrive, none shall be able

to avert its fate. What is not fated to be, will never come to pass ; while

what is fated to be, must happen. Wealth and death are in the hands of

God, then why fear men? I have given my word to the Sheik, and how can

I forsake him ? To be faithless to a refugee goes hard against the virtues of

the Kshatriyas. I will never join my hands and bow down before Ala-

uddin. If he fall upon me, I will fight; I care neither for my life nor

kingdom.” Hamir added the following words to his letter: “ Far from me

be the thought of sending you Muhammad Shah, I will never send you

even his picture. These are my true words, true in every respect.”

The emperor, on reading the reply of Hamir, became very angry ; but,

at the request of Mihram Khan, the prime-minister, a third Jirman was, in

consideration of his religion, sent to Hamir.

Firman.—* Thousands and tens of thousands of men like you are lick-

ing the dust of my feet ; many brave heroes, such as you, have I have brought

under subjugation. Bile in safety over the territory of Ranthambor. Why

stake life and kingdom for the sake of a villain ? Come with him and meet

with me. You are my servant, and so shall you ever remain although you

fall not at my feet. If you continue to persist in your unwise resolution,

I, emperor Ala-uddin Khilji, do promise to burn you and your house to

dust. Do not be obstinate, Hamir. Why try to wake the sleeping Gan-

ges—disturb the peaceable state of things? My anger is like a red flame

of fire which burns mountains and forests. The Rajas of the four quarters

of India pay me tribute. Who dares oppose me? Can a tank be equal to a

river ? No it never can.”

Hamir’s reply.— Logs of wood are burnt to ashes by fire, but water

can put it out, however strong it may be. Listen, emperor Ala-uddin, all

must live their time. Who can killa man when he is not fated to die ?

If I send the Sheik to you, the sun, a witness of my promise, will be

ashamed of my cowardice and villainy. I, Rao Hamir Chohan of Rantham-

bor, do hereby declare that I will never violate my promise. Come, lose no

time, march and fall upon me.” c

Then went the imperial herald dejected to Dehli. He said, ‘‘ Mighty

monarch, Hamir of the fort of Ranthambor does not care at all for your

power. His cavalry, infantry and heroes are numerous. Besides, firmness

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 201

in keeping their resolution is a hereditary virtue of the Chohans. You

have conquered the whole world and made many potent chiefs and monarchs

powerless and humble before your rod, but now Hamir matches with you and

challenges you to fight with him. Either he or you must be victorious. I

have advised him many times as to the folly of his keeping the exile under

his roof. He frowned, his blood boiled with anger, even at the mention of

the name ‘ Muhammad Shah.’ ‘I shall fight with the emperor, face to face,’

said he ‘and cut the imperial forces to pieces. Then at last I will offer my

head to the great Mahddeo, that my glory may be sung in the worlds

below and the heavens above. I have made a resolution, How can I break

through it ? I do not fear the anger of Ala-uddin, I do not fear his massive

arms, I do not fear his fury, nay I do not fear death, but I fear dishonour,

and above all, I fear staining the virtues of my renowned ancestors.’ ”

Cuartrer IV.

Ala-uddin, wondering at the intrepidity and decision of character of

Hamir, made up his mind to besiege the fort of Ranthambor. With a view

to obtain information as to the Rao, his forces and the government of his

states, he made the following queries to Sultan Khan, the herald, who was

well conversant with those particulars.

Emperor.— How strong are the forces of Hamir ?”

Herald.—“ Imperial Majesty, Hamir has 117,000 horse, and his foot

are 200,000 in number. In their midst rides he, the great Rao, on an ele-

phant. He has 500 commanders, tall, robust and well-skilled in the art of

war. He commands the allegiance of the princes of Chitor, Narwargar

and Gwaliar. The forces of one of his vassals, named Randhir, consist

of 31,000 horse, 80 elephants, and 10,000 heroes all invincible.”

EXmperor.— How strong is the fort of Ranthambor ?”

Herald.—“ The fort is very strong, and inaccessible to an enemy. Four

roads lead to it, and eighty-four passes, very close and narrow, go winding

amidst its surrounding hills. Five large tanks, fed by mountain-torrents and

therefore deep beyond compare and filled to the brim, strengthen the defence

of the fort. Temples of Ganesa, Siva, Nandi, Bhairav, Durga and her

attendant goddesses are situated within it. Itis guarded by a body of 600

Nagas, all veteran soldiers, and 70 very wide-mouthed cannons, which cannot

be moved, and at whose report mountains tremble, women miscarry and

rivers become dry. Its supply of provisions and ammunition is immense.

Two very large underground stores are well stocked with grain, weighing

one crore, ten lacs and ten thousand maunds. The weight of the sunn cord

and pack-thread stored within the fort is ten lacs of maunds; that of

bullets four lacs, that of ght twenty thousand, that of ¢ejra (opium husks or

202 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

the capsules of the poppy) ten thousand, and that of powder nine lacs.

Heaps upon heaps of salt are piled like hills. There are different stores for

camphor, musk, saffron, spices, ¢¢a7, oil, iron and lead.”

E’mperor.—* How does Hamir rule over his dj ? Describe his morals

and ways of government.”

Herald.—* In the character of Hamir are combined the highest qua-

lities of a king with those of a moral man. As a king, he isa great lover of

justice ; merciful to his subjects, affable to the virtuous, charitable and bene-

volent to the poor. No tax is levied in his states. His people, 6,710,000

in number, live in peace and prosperity. As a moralist, he is strict in the

performance of all the austerities of his religion, with unflinching courage,

bold decision of character, and total disregard for his life, when it stands

between himand his promise. He abstains from flesh and wine, tolerates

no Muhammadan forms of worship, neither bdng (call to prayer) nor mmdz

(prayers). He has pulled down all the mosques in his territory and erect-

ed temples in their stead, whose walls resound with prayers offered up to

Hari. The hymns of the god are chanted, and his words read over the

length and breadth of his dominion. The Koran can never be pronounced

there. No man can jest with a woman other than his wife. The son pays

the greatest possible respect to the father, talking with his face down all the

while. A woman who proves false to her husband is punished with death.

EXmperor.—« Tell me in brief the charity of Hamir.”

Herald.— Five mohars, each weighing 5 tolas, and 12 cows with their

calves are given every morning at sunrise to pious Brahmans, who are daily

fed in the palace. 107 maunds of khitchari (cooked rice and dal) are

daily distributed among disabled men, and 12 maunds of grain are scattered

to be picked up by birds.”

Emperor.—* Tell me the character of his queen.”

Herald.—“ His queen Aga is the perfect pattern of chastity and is

always engaged in doing her duties as a wife. As a mother she is a Suniti

of her age, and is very kind to her subjects. Hamir has a prince and a prin-

cess both unequalled in beauty. The sun stops in his airy path to geta

glimpse of their royal persons, and flies buzz about their mouths as they do

about a sweet-scented flower. In brief, mighty monarch, both the Rao and

his wife hold under their bodies and devote their minds to things of a

transcendental nature, deep abstractions of philosophy and mental discipline.

The great Chohan prefers the substantial to the unsubstantial, the lasting

to the frail and evanescent. Asa true Raéjptit, he does not lack physical

courage : brave and firm like a rock, he never shows his back to his enemies.

His subjects are all happy because of the virtues of their ruler. The

young as well as the old, the rich as well as the poor, the able as well as the

disabled, all find in him their affectionate friend,”

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 203

Emperor.—‘ What is the age of Hamir ?”

Herald.—* Hamir is an accomplished youth of 28 and, at this early

age, a miracle of genius, prudence, heroism, wisdom and intelligence.

When he comes to the durbar, the minstrel Maqna thus sings his praises :

‘Bestower of gifts, great Rao of Ranthambor, the hero of heroes, that

bring on the golden age in this corrupt world, your virtues are incompara-

ble, and your might almost divine. Your truth is like that of Harish-

chandra ; charity like that of Karan; attainments in learning like those

of Bhoj ; sympathy with the poor and administration of relief like those

of Vikram ; and beauty of features like that of Cupid. You are a Brik-

bhanu in power. Your words are sweet and full of love, and you are well

versed in fourteen kinds of arts and sciences. Your wealth is like Indra’s,

your treasury and stores like Kuber’s, whereon Riddhi (prosperity) and

Siddhi (fulfilment), two wives of the god Ganesga, always preside. There

are eight kinds of s¢ddhis in your states, and all pieces of iron are turned

into gold.’

“hick, green gardens lie round about his fort, while around them are

deep and dark forests. The mango trees, the pomegranate, lime, apple,

berry, orange, Ahirni, plantain, cocoanut, dates, chiranjz and jack, all

are loaded with their sweet, delicious fruits. There are very many wmer

trees, hundred kinds of khyotds, the large acacia and the beautiful khir.

The bees hum amidst various flowers and draw nectar with great glee.

Here you can see in full bloom and blossom the rose and the jassamine ;

there the ketaki by its sweet smell draws together and charms a number

of bees. Here beds of keora, johi, jay, sindup and sabbu beautify

the scene ; there the pddal, chameli, kdkbeld, satrang, srikhand, kund,

malati and shewti give fragrance to the air. The matia plants are loaded

with flowers and the /é/lbang, vine, the nimble madhoj and other creepers

are plentiful. There are palms and tamd/s on the banks of tanks, which

bear on their broad bosoms the dancing red lotus and the white lotus with

the bee, enjoying itself, being hid amidst the petals. All around are the

lofty hills covered with dense forests and clad in green. Waterfalls pour

from on high, where beside the waters play the peacock, the duck, the

chakravak, the suk, the chatrak and the blackbird.”

CHAPTER V.

Alé-uddin’s soliloqguy.— I do not care for the pride of Hamir. Ina

moment I can bring him to my feet, knock down his fort, seize the criminal

~ Muhammad Shah, and drag him to Dehli. Sure as my name is Ala-uddin,

I will do all these things. A Rao, possessing one fort only, vaunts so much

of his might! Surely I cannot bear it. Yet I have scruples as to the cer-

204 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

tainty of my victory. I know not what might be the issue of my attack, if

I rashly attempt it at once. Defeat, as well as victory, is in the hand of God.

Who knows that I shall never be brought to the wall? It is, therefore, that

I think it advisable to act up to the council of my ministers and vassals.

I shall call a grand meeting and court discussion.”

An open durbdér was held at the Council hall. The emperor thus ad-

dressed. it :—

“ My noble Khdns, Sultans, Rands and Réos—you have been for a long

time aware that a Sheik, named Muhammad Shah, was for some heinous

crime banished the dominions of our empire ; you are also aware, that he

wandered far and wide, without house and shelter, till he came to Rantham-

bor, where he found protection under the roof of the Chohan Chief of that

place. I myself, through one of my heralds, tried in various ways to con-

vince the Rao of the folly of his action, the certainty of his destruction

and that of his fort, if he persisted in refusing to send me the culprit.

But he, in spite of my friendly advice and remonstrance, cares not at all for

me and my power and in a haughty style challenges me to fight. (The

audience shouted “Let us draw our swords, let us draw our swords.’’)

Hear, my noble Chiefs, in order to justly punish the folly and obstinacy of

the Rao, I have determined to capture his fort, and plant on its tower the

standard of the crescent. (The audience rose up from their seats and,

reverently bowing their heads, stood ready to receive orders.) Be resolved,

therefore, one and all, to fight. Faint not, fear not, but with hearts of steel

let us march to curb the pride of the upstart and to show him the power,

glory and energy of the followers of the true faith.”

All the chiefs, assembled in the council, exclaimed with one voice—‘ We

are ready to die, emperor, ready to sacrifice our lives and interests for this

sacred and profitable cause : sacred because it concerns Islamism, and profit-

able because it concerns the interest of our monarch, the sole preserver

of our lives and property. Here is a rule and a very good one it is—

If you goto hunt a jackal, be armed with all weapons necessary to hunt-

ing a lion. The proud Rao challenges you to fight. It behoves us, there-

fore, to attack him in his own house, demolish his fort and burn him and

all that belongs to him to ashes.”

All was excitement, when the Vazir Mihram Khan, with joined hands,

thus began: “ May it please your Majesty, I ask your royal permission

to speak only a few words. There is a great difference between hunting a

lion and hunting a jackal. Do not think them all one. Why do you in-

crease your anger? Why make much of the malice you bear towards the

exile ? because the risk a man incurs by being engaged in a war is fearfully

great. He hazards life and prosperity and can mever be sure of victory.

_—

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 205

If he come off a loser after his best endeavours, then all is over with him.

The Chohans are in no way inferior to the Musalmans in martial bravery.

The warlike Prithviraj defeated Muhammad Ghori and drove him back

to the mountains of Ghor. The bold Bisaldev committed great havoc

among the Muhammadan ranks and obliged them to retrace their steps

from the very gates of Ajmir. Do not expose yourself and your subjects

to the risks of a war. It seems to me wise to make the figure of the exile

of lace and behead it, proclaiming his execution.”

The emperor became greatly incensed at these words of the Vazir.

War was proclaimed. Egypt, Kabul, Ghazni, Kandahar, Khorasan,

Rim, Arabia, Kashmir, Iran, Turdn and Habesh (Abyssinia) poured

forth each its quota of soldiers. There was a vast sea of spears, swords,

muskets, shields, bows and arrows, all glittering in the sun on the broad

plain of Dehli. The emperor could not help laughing at the rashness of

Hamir, seeing before him, as far as his eyesight could reach, the unending

line of the soldiers who were drawn up in battle-array, with streaming ban-

ners, at the call of the muster-rolls. ‘There stood before him, bending their

heads, Lodis, Pathéns, Gohdns, Burdwans, Sarunis, Khordsdnis, Khayam

Khamis, Syads, Mughals, Adamkhoris, Chustis and Scindhis, all num-

bering 4,510,000 troops, horse, foot, artillery and archers.

“* How foolish is Hamir,” exclaimed Ala-uddin, casting his eyes from

one flank to the other, “ how foolish is he to persist in his unwise resolu-

tion. He, the butterfly of a day, flitters about the strongest of fires and

knows not that after a few minutes he is to fall on it with his wings sing-

ed, his beauty gone, his pride crushed, and above all his life sacrificed to

imprudence. Independently of the troops of my allies, so numerous in

number and obedient to my call, my tributary and dependent chiefs of

Surat, Girinagar and of all the provinces to the south and east of my wide

dominions are ready to give up their lives and interests for the sake of me,

their sole monarch. 13,088 Omrdos come from all parts of my empire

to the imperial court, twice a year, once on Chandtij (a festival) of Bha-

dun (August) and once in Chait (March). They prostrate themselves at

my feet and remain in that position, till I bid them hold up their heads.

_ My power is acknowledged far and wide, my authority undisputed, my

heroism unparalleled, my pride and glory unbroken, and courage almost

divine. I will, first of all, break down the ten walls of the fort of Ran-

thambor, make defence impossible, and then burn Hamir with his wives and

children in the very fire which his obstinacy alone has kindled to such an

-extent.’’

Ala-uddin set out with his immense army in the month of Chait.

Thick columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. When his

206 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

legions began to advance, it seemed as if an ocean, having left its boundary,

rolled on, sweeping everything before it with great fury.. The cavalry,

consisted of 27,00,000 of excellent horsemen, of whom 700,000 were Hindts.

There were 10,000 messengers of war, 400,000 of pioneers, 100,000 of

writers, 200,000 of merchants, 400,000 of female cooks, 200,000 of mules

laden with treasure, 400,000 of grooms and 100,000 of mendicants, 200,000

of artilleryinen, very able and powerful in the art of destruction, and 300,000

of camels, loaded with tents, furniture and powder bags. 5000 elephants, one

exceeding the other in strength, followed the camp. They seemed as if

the dark clouds of the rainy season advanced roaring and thundering in their

way.

Drums and trumpets sent forth their warlike peals and stirred up spirit

aud enthusiasm in every heart. ’Ali Khan headed the van of the army,

and Himmat Bahadur the rear. 8000 banners were unfurled. A space of

more than eighty miles was taken up by these innumerable hosts, so that

at every halt the pioneers had to clear such an extent of land of dense for-

ests. All wells and tanks which they happened to pass by were drained,

many a narrow valley was blown up and extended.

The report of the expedition of Ald-uddin reached the territory of

Hamir. Many cowardly Bhumids (petty chiefs) fled, leaving their posses-

sions, to live amidst defiles and winding caves of mountains, whereas heroes,

nobles and soldiers made themselves ready for battle. There was a

hill-fort named Malarna from which descended a body of brave Rajpits.

They took by surprise a detachment of Muhammadan troops encamped

below in fancied security. 10,000 soldiers of the Shah of Kablanir were

cut off, and the camp pillaged.

When the intelligence of this event reached the emperor, he ordered

his soldiers to pursue the plunderers closely. They succeeded in overtak-

ing them on the bank of the Banas. <A party of 20,000 Rawats, headed by

five heroes—Puafir Abhay Singh, Rattor Bharji, Bagel Hari Singh, Katch-

wa Bhim Singh and Chohin Sardul—hastened to the aid of the pursued

even without taking the orders of their liege-lord Hamir. The imperial

tents arrived there and had to halt for two days.

A detachment of troops, commanded by Himmat Bahadur, came for-

ward. They were met by a body of Rajpit soldiers under Hari Singh

Bageld and Bhim Singh Katchwa. ’Ali Khan, at the head of 200,000 sol-

diers, joined his brother Himmat’s ranks. The Rajptit warriors, although

surrounded on every side by the masses of the Muhammadan army, pressed

on and began to fight. Very great was the skill displayed by them. Now

they applied arrows to their bows, now they shot them, pulling the strings

1879.] or a History of Hamtr, prince of Ranthambor. 207

up to their ears. Engaged in battle, they seemed asif the great Arjun

was again fighting in the field of Kurukshetra. 'There was a play of

swords for hours. The blood of the slain rained as showers of the rainy

season. The armours were cut, and bodies divided into two parts. Many

spéarmen danced with fury, stabbing all that fell in their way. The sharp

points of lances, seen on the backs of the dead, were as horns of the moon

peeping through dark clouds. Many heads were cut off ; but lo! the bodies

rose with swords in their hands and made havoc among the hostile ranks.

Daggers went right through the bellies, the wide battle-axes opened large

wounds in the chests, whence flowed jets of blood in torrents as pour

down streams of water besoiled with red clay from the tops of mountains.

Many a wounded man flew with wild fury at his nearest adversary, killed

him and then fel] down dead on his body. At last the Muhammadans,

panic-struck, ran away in confusion. Many bewailed their lot, and there

rose a cry of despair.

The victorious Rajpiits carried off immense booty, consisting mostly of

treasure. The loss on the Muhammadan side was 30,000 foot, 20 elephants,

and 2000 horse. The number of the wounded could not be counted. On

the Rajput side, there fell 16 warriors only, and 30 were wounded, among

whom was Puafr Abhay Singh who had received a slight injury on his

head.

Having defeated the Muhammadans, the RAjpat warriors went to

Ranthambor and bowed their heads before Hamir. Then they informed

him of all the events as they had happened. He ordered them in a firm tone

not to fight any more battles with the emperor while he was on the way.

_ The Vazir Mibram Khan said to Ald-uddin: “ Imperial Master, the

territories of Hamir are very mountainous, and therefore difficult of subjuga-

tion. See a body of plunderers and thieves descended on us from hill-tops

and declivities and went away, having pillaged our goods. So it behoves

our troops to be very cautious, and always on their guard.”

Ala-uddin’s tents were pitched outside the hills of Ranthambor.

Mirs, Amirs, Khans and others arrived there, not without scruples and were

encamped by the side of wells and tanks all round the town.

Cuaprer VI.

Seated on his hill-fort, which commanded the view of many a mile,

Hamir saw the grandeur of the imperial camp. He remarked, laughing,

“Lo! Ald-uddin has come, a gipsy at the head of numerous flocks. He,

with all his pride and parade, shall never be able to stand the first shock

which my chiefs and I will give him and his troops. The Mlechchas

(infidels) of all the ten quarters of the world have accompanied him ; but

208 B Bandyopidhyaéya—Hamir Risa, [No. 3,

I will disperse them as flakes of cotton in the air, and this I resolve to do

very soon. If it please God to determine otherwise, I am sure to cause

wholesale massacre in the second battle.”’

Hamir’s letter to Ald-uddin.—* Emperor, arm yourself with two bows

and ten arrows. War is to be waged between you and me, Why close'the

roads to travellers? Do not molest them. When you have come to

Ranthambor, you will very shortly see how strong are our forces in an

open battle-field.”’

Ald-uddin’s reply.—* Do not think me, Hindi, a common person: I

am one inspired from heaven, and gifted with the sovereignty of Dehli. The

ways of the Hinds and those of the Musalmans are different, and it is

my avowed object to make them follow one—the only way of truth. Four

devils and eighty-four saints are at my service, waiting only for my sover-

eign command. You have given refuge to Muhammad Shah, and do you

venture to hope for life P Yet consider. What profit do you hope to get by

keeping a culprit with you? Know that the issue of your stubbornness

will be the destruction of lacs and millions of men. Then why not leave one,

if your leaving him would make the aspect of things look bright ?”

Hamir’ s letter.—“ O Emperor, you have never heard of the virtues of the

Kshatriyas. As you are a saint of Mecca, so am Ia hero of heaven. Be-

tween you and me there is no resemblance, and this I have told you often.

I will never break my promise, which I have resolved to keep after a care-

ful consideration of all circumstances. I will never violate it. Our fort

was founded by Siva for the defence of the oppressed and the glorification

of truth and R&jptit power. Why care for your body which is frail and

transient at best ? Where lies the use of living an inglorious life? The

anchorets never give up spiritual meditation and abstraction of their minds

for things worldly and, therefore, corrupt. The Rajpits never give up

their hereditary virtues. I will never return you the exile Muhammad

Shab, until my head be severed from my body. The Chohans and the

Mubammadans have been and are often at war with one another. Prithvi-

r4j slew the saints Miran and Kwaja with their 180,000 men. The great

Ajaipal had paramount power. Bisaldev brought many a monarch to his

feet. Biramdev Sangréné made a great havoc among the Muhammadan

ranks at Jhalwargarh ; he never consented to give his handsome daughter in

marriage with an emperor and thus preserved, in spite of great difficulties and

temptations, the honour of his house inviolate. Prithviraj drove away

Muhammad Ghori seven times to the mountains of Ghor, after having

subjected him to the ignominy of wearing women’s bracelets (chwris)

on his arms. When the latter again attacked Dehli, the brave Chohén

died exulting on the field. You, weak in intellect, do you think that

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 209

the truthful Rajptits will be*deterred by adverse circumstances from doing

what they consider to be their duty ? Do you think that they fear death

and destruction? Never give place to such a thought. I am a descendant

of the heroic Chohins. Rather than live to see my words fall to the

ground, I will die a glorious death with my sword drawn on my bosom. I

have determined and made it a point in my life never to leave undone

what Iam resolved upon. I will never go to you and bow down at your

feet with proposals of peace, it matters not with how many furies you may

be attended. If the Sesh leave supporting the earth on its broad head,

if the mountains leave their fixed places and begin to move, if the waters

of the Ganges flow from her mouth to the source, if the sun rise in the

West and the polar star move in the sky, if the ocean violate the truth

by which he his bound to keep confined within his dominions, if the sat who

burned herself with the body of her husband rise from her ashes and begin

to live together again in the world, then and yet then I will never break

through my resolution. The sky may not bear myriads of stars on its

broad bosom, and the beams of the morning sun hide them from the face

of the earth, yet Hamir, brave Hamir, will never violate his sacred promise.

I assure you, I will never let any one, be he the strongest of all mortals—

a saint or a demon—to pull a hair out of Muhammad Shah’s head as long as

I am alive.

“Do not forget, Emperor, the truth I point out to you—that lacs of

Ala-uddins have been turned to dust on the surface of this frail earth.

Do you think yourself the only hero? Never for a moment give place

to such a thought. Nothing has been, and will ever be, stable on earth.

Do not blow your own trumpet, Ald-uddin. If it has pleased God to make

you a monarch, you are one, and who calls you a slave? Who knows what

will be your condition in the fort of Ranthambor ?”

Cuaprter VII.

Hamir came to the temple of Mahadeva, worshipped the god in various

ways, burnt incense and thus prayed :—

~“T bow down at thy feet, thou Omnipotent, thou wearer of matted

hair, holder of the pindk spear. O thou, that hast three eyesand fire

burning and the moon shining on thy forehead ; that hast a garland of human

heads around thy neck; that hast Bhavani on thy left side, and the Ganges

murmuring on thy head, hid amidst the knots of thy hair; that hast Gauri

as apart of the body, and devils and serpents attending thee—O thou

whose throat is blue with poison, whose son is Ganesa and servant Bir.

bhadra, O thou mighty lord, have mercy on me, help me in this dire extre-

mity and make me fearless now, when Ald-uddin has come at the head of

210 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3;

270,000 horse to fall on me and conquer my~*fort. I depend only on thy

mercy. The sinner has his sins forgiven him by thy benign power. I have

come to thee to ask thy protection. Defend the fort; defend truth and

the glory of the Rajpat virtues. O thou, the lord of Uma, bless me, help

me, support me and encourage me. The fort is being drowned and swept

away by the mighty ocean of the Muhammadan army. Keep the honour

of my words inviolate. O god, assist me that thy name may be glorified

here on earth.” Then Hamir closed his eyes and became lost in contem-

plation.

The heavens opened and a sound issued— Hear, son, the glory of thy

deeds shall remain untarnished.for ever. Fight the Muhammadan forces :

thou hast nothing to fear, even if the siege last for 14 years. On

Saturday the eleventh after the full-moon in the month of July (the moon

being on the sign Pushy), there shall be a great final massacre. Thy name

and heroism shall be immortal both here and hereafter. Draw thy sword

for the glory of thy words, because such is the virtue of the Kshatriyas.”’

With great joy Hamir prostrated himself at the feet of the god. He

was coming out of the temple, when he heard the following words: “ Hear,

Rao, this is certain—if a thousand warriors of thy ranks fall on the field,

they shall fall killing a lac of the infidels.”

Hamir called a council of war. His friends and ministers all assem-

bled. There were present warriors, heroes, Rawats and formidable Bhars—

men who regarded their lives as pawned for the safety and cause of their

liege-lord. They were not given to sensual pleasures, and, therefore,

their limbs were as strong and hard as rocks. The world and the flesh had

no influence on their minds. Their lips dropped honey, and they were ready —

to cut off their own heads for the interest of others. Their glory and

heroism were sung by the minstrels. They held jdgirs which gave to

each of them an annual yield, worth a lac of Rupees. Rado Randhir of the

fort of Chhan, uncle to Hamir, was at the head of these heroes. He, having

bowed to the Rao, thus spoke, “ Hamir, see my dexterity in using swords.

I shall do what our uncle Kan did when he fought with the Kémdhaj

Rattors of Kanauj.” “ Listen to what I say, my valiant uncle,” replied the

Rao, “ your heroism is not unknown to me. You are the defender of my

fort, fort-wall, town, my forces and all that I have in my possession.

Hear, I have said to the emperor, that I shall fight with him in an open

field of battle ; see that my words do not fall to the ground.”

Hamir strengthened the defences of the fort. Large cannons were

mounted on the bastions ; soldiers armed with bows and arrows were seated

beside the battlements. The gates were well guarded by very powerful sen-

tinels. Every pass, every entrance, every gap was very carefully shut up, and

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 211

defended by bodies of strong heroes. Then marched the great Chohan, riding

on an elephant, followed by many other warriors armed cap @ pied each seated

on his own charger. The elephants were so tall that the heads of their

riders touched the sky. Such an impetuous rush they made, that it seemed

as if a host of devils ran forward to fight, having been awakened from

sleep. Then followed bodies of horses all brisk and fleet, well-dressed

and mailed. Young and powerful heroes rode on them and began to

pour down in parties. The head of the mighty Randhir was seen promi-

nent among the Rajptit ranks. The valleys rang with the loud and thrill-

ing sounds of trumpets anddrums. Randhir, with his warriors, pressed on.

The large number of horses and elephants, coming forward, looked as if the

waters of an ocean rolled on sweeping everything before them.

Alé-uddin, on seeing the hostile troops before him, drawn up in bat-

tle-array, ordered, in great anger, to besiege the fort very closely. The

Rajput forces and the ranks of the Muhammadans met. Many a hero

rushed hither and thither, uttering shouts of war-cries at the top of

his voice. Arrows flew whizzing through the air and pierced the massive

bodies of elephants, as pass numbers of enraged serpents to their dens on

the sides of mountains.

There was a sharp play of swords held in determined hands.

Randhir rode out in front, brandishing his steel very cleverly. Azmat

Khan and Muhammad Ali, at the head of 80,000 veteran soldiers, fell upon

him. The engagement was very fearful and lasted steadily for a long

time. ‘ Hold fast your bows, Muhammadan,” cried out Randhir. Mu-

hammad Ali rushed at him, furious like a tiger. While both the heroes

were engaged, Azmat Khan bent his bow and shot an arrow at the breast

of the Chohan, who, slightly hurt, thrust his lance on the former so

cleverly that it went right through his head, and down dropped the body

on the ground. “Think not, Chohaén, that thou hast won the victory”

exclaimed Muhammad Ali, “I shall show thee my skill in the use of

swords, and the next moment thou shalt fall a prey to it.’’ No sooner did

he say the above words than his flashing sword fell on the head of Randhir.

The helmet was cut off, but the wound on the head was very slight. The

brave Chohan then despatched the Muhammadan by one stroke of his sword.

When their brave commander fell the troops gave way. They shrank in fear.

Many veterans dropped down dead on the field ; sharp daggers were run

through many a breast. Heads began to roll on the ground, their teeth

grinding and eyes darting fire. Legs and hands were cut off, and yet the

stumps fought. A panic seized the Muhammadans, and they fled away

in confusion. The total loss on the Muhammadan side was a very great

number of soldiers, besides Muhammad Ali and Azmat Khan, Mirs of the

212 B. Bandyopddhyaya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 8,

emperor of Balkh, while that on the side of the Chohan was 10,000 only.

The goddess Kalikéd danced and laughed, and her attendant she-devils

feasted on the flesh and blood of the slain. All who fell on the field were

translated to heaven.

When the troops fled away from the field, when “ Fly away for life”

was the only expression heard, the emperor burst with anger. He said

“Fy! Fy! cowards, why do you leave the field? Is it for this act of

shame that I allowed you the enjoyment of many comforts? Is it for

this that you have eaten my salt? Now the love of life overcomes faith-

fulness. Come, come along to me, I shall cut you to pieces with my own

hand.”” The scattered soldiers became united, and again they rushed to

the field. Their shouts were heard to a great distance. Badat Khan, the

principal Mir of Ghazni, bowed down to Aldé-uddin. He said, “ See my

dexterity and military talents, Royal Master, see how I fight and kill the

hostile troops one and all.”

Badat came to the field with great fury ; so great were his bravery and

ferocity that it seemed as if the fire of death and destruction shone forth

from every pore of his body. The air resounded with the high peal of

drums. Colours were unfurled. Clad in mail and armed with all the

weapons of ‘attack and defence, the Muhammadan Mir thought himself

invulnerable. The enraged emperor gave orders, anda second battle was

fought, Again the martial music of séndhds (pipes), trumpets and drums was

sounded ; shouts and cheers were heard from all sides. Cannons roared, and

thereby the earth shook, the waters of tanks and wells became dry, and

women miscarried. Arrows flew fast in large numbers. Darkness spread

over the field, so that the hands of the archers could neither be seen nor dis-

tinguished. Badat Khan and Randhir met. They seemed as if two mighty

Rudras came face to face. The Muhammadan was at the head of 20,000

soldiers who surrounded the Rajptit. The troops of the latter rode for-

ward. Swords clashed, and the Choban warriors, by a masterly feat of

arms, failed not in cutting the bodies of their adversaries in ten thousand

pieces. There wasaplay of sharp spears. ‘The heroic Randhir commenced

a wholesale massacre, and almost all the Muhammadans were put to the sword.

With a wild hurrah, out rushed Badat Khan and fell on the great Chohan.

He raised a guraz (a club with a ball of steel at one end) on the head of his

enemy, who shifting wisely warded off the blow by his shield. Then Randhir,

furious with rage, struck Bddat Khan dead by one stroke of his sword.

The head dropped down, but behold! the body rose and rushed at the Rao,

who immediately divided it into two equal parts.

The emperor became greatly sorry at the fall of Badat Khan and that

of his 20,000 men. Mihram Khan having joined his hands, thus spoke:

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 213

“Did I not tell you, that Hamir will never come to you and return you

the exile, Muhammad Shah. When he has drawn his sword against you,

he will stand by his resolution ; you can never get the body of the refugee.

The promise of that greatest of all heroes is true, and true to the letter.”

Ala-uddin became greatly displeased with the Vazir. He said “ Cursed

coward, do you not know my might? Do you not know that in the

twinkling of an eye, I can destroy the fort of your valiant Rado, burn him,

his sons and wives, and bring the exile Muhammad Shah trembling to my

feet ?”’ Taking a copy of the Koran in his hand, he bowed down to the

great Alla. He cast his eyes from one flank to the other of the numerous

host arranged on his side. Then with asecret pride he gave vent to his

thoughts—“ The lines of my forces are as thick and dense as dark clouds on

the autumnal sky. Hamir, foolish Hamir, can expect to live only a day or

two more.”

The Vazir’s reply —* O Emperor, who on earth can have even a slight

glimpse of futurity ? A stubborn insect persistently flitters about the

strongest fire, although it falls singed on the flame.”

In the camp of Hamir, Randhir said,—“The emperor has come to

Ranthambor, having conquered the four sides of the earth. It behoves us,

therefore, to fight both day and night.”

Hamir.—“ Mighty uncle, at night how shall I be able to distinguish

heroes from cowards ? Besides, the principal virtue of the Kshatriyas lies

in fighting in the presence of Strya (the sun), Bhairav, Mahadeva, and

Ka4lika ; and the vultures do not come to the field but in day-light. I will

never fight the Muhammadan forces at night, because I consider it a decep-

tion.”

Two thousand large cannons were kept steadily engaged in pour-

ing out volleys of fire towards the fort. The fearless Hamir sallied forth

from his hills and committed dreadful massacre by day, while by night

descended the troops of Randhir all of a sudden from the defiles and

declivities of the mountains of Chhan, and brought certain destruction

on the Muhammadan ranks. Thus did the two heroes cut off the heads of

many Mirs and Amirs and those of many horses and elephants. The blood

of the slain flowed as rivers, Ah! whata terrible sight it was to look

upon.

Ala-uddin, seeing the hopeless state of things, is said to have invoked

the saint Khwaja of Ajmir and the saint Miran of Taragarh in the following

words : “TI will go barefooted to your shrines, mighty Pirs, if you deliver

the fort of Ranthambor into my hands.”’ The latter sent nine Sayyads to his

assistance. They cut off their own heads and holding them by their hands

made a desperate rush at Hamir, when lo! four gods descended from

214 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [Noisy v9

heaven—Gananath, Sambhu, Dinakar and Khethrap4l. There followed a

violent contest between them. Exulting and angry, they sprang on the

heads of each other. Now they roared, now darkness covered the face of

the earth making everything look terrible, now it rained very fast, now

they rode on the clouds and exchanged angry words with one another. Now

they poured down fire, now they hurled each his enemy into the air. Now

the earth shook with their fury. Ganandth wielded his pinék with great

skill, and Bhairav his mudgar. The Pirs fell. Their bodies remained on

the earth while their souls were put into prison. Here are their names:

Abdal, Hassein, Rahim, Sultan Mekki, Abul Hakani, Rassul, Jakhki Ab,

Hayar and Himmat. Al4-uddin drew a heavy sigh at the sight of their

bodies strangled and scattered in a forest. In a desponding tone he remarked :

“ Victory belongs to Hamir, alas! not to the great follower of the

crescent.”

Then the emperor called a council of war. The Vazir Mihram Khan

thus addressed his Imperial Majesty: “ Nothing now can be of any avail

but one thing. Let us besiege Chhan. If the fort of Randhir fall, we

shall succeed in creating a panic in that of Ranthambor. Rao Randhir

will come to you with the Sheik, and thus will the pride of Hamir fall to

the ground.”

Emperor.—* Then let us carry the fort Chhan at once.” A purwanna

was instantly written to Rao Randhir.

Firman. Rao, the emperor, being angry with you at your haughty

conduct, has determined to besiege your fort. Take care and be humble,

for his 5000 Arabic cannons are so strong that they, when fired, can split up

huge mountains to pieces. Once fire flowed from their mouths as rain

from clouds, at whose fearful report the lions fled from their dens in dismay. _

Ala-uddin the Great, with his 250,000 horse, comes in full parade to justly

punish you for your pride.”

Reply of Randhir.—* Do not delay, Emperor, in besieging my fort, now

that your repeated efforts to take that of Ranthambor, which you boasted

to capture within the shortest possible period, have gone for nothing. Be

patient, Ala-uddin, I will fight with you bravely in an open field. Has India

no heroes? Are her brave sons all gone that you are so over-bearing and

vaunting P I have made every preparation for war. My soldiers are

singing in sweet notes the marching song. Of my 31,000 troops, 10,000

heroes, gay like flowers, are promenading in the battle-field. They can

defeat and scatter the forces of their enemy, being safe themselves.”

The imperial troops were encamped on the plains of Chhan.

Then sallied forth the Chohén troops from the hill-tops of Chhan,

headed by the warlike Randhir. On the Muhammadan side Abdul Khan

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 215

and Karim Khan were made commanders of the battle. Both the parties

met. Showers of arrows fell, swords clashed, and rings were flung. Very

great was the bravery displayed by the 10,000 heroes of the Chohan chief.

The heads of 10,000 Habshis rolled on the ground. 500 Rajptt warriors

were slain, on whose bodies sat vultures and jackals and feasted on their

flesh and blood. Then, swift like a flash of lightning, Randhir, like a

hungry lion, fell upon both the commanders and cut off their heads with

great dexterity. A massacre ensued. The imperial troops were driven

four miles behind. ‘‘ Behold, emperor,” exclaimed the Rao, ‘‘ see how your

brave soldiers fly away. Pity their poor souls! Why do you number their

days by pushing them on to the great furnace of Rajpit might ?”

Randhir’s letter to Ald-uddin.—* Why delay, emperor, in taking my

fort ? The few days, in which you said you would capture it, have passed

away. Why do you not rase my fort? Shall you ever be able to do so?

No, never. Why then sacrifice the lives of your poor soldiers ? Though

you should besiege my fort for five years, you would not succeed in pulling

a stone out of it, nor out of Hamir’s, if the siege were to last for twelve

years.”

Although an enemy, Ald-uddin could not forbear commending the

military talents and prowess of Randhir. He said “ Glory to Randhir, glory

to his bravery. See, amidst a forest of our men, he, at the head of a few

troops, rushed in and darted like lightning, carrying the palm. Let us no

more fight with swords except in special cases, for in the use of swords the

Rajputs have, I am inclined to believe, no equal. Let us try to blow up

the fort by planting batteries all around.”

The Rajput officers and soldiers, with one voice, said to Randhir,

“Continue fighting, invincible master, we will never show the enemy our

backs. Fight without fear, trusting in our faithfulness. We shall die

glorying in our death, thereby glorifying the name of the Chohdns, and

thus ascend that world of felicity which is far above the earth and the

sun.”

At the instance of Réo Randhir, Réo Hamir called together the Ksha-

triyas of thirty-six different clans. The troops assembled and seemed as

numerous as clouds which overcast the sky. They stood in front, with their

hands joined, and were thus addressed “ Listen, ye friends, listen with atten-

tion; since we have drawn our swords against the emperor of India, we

shall fight to the last drop of our blood. Come and side with us, ye who are

brave, who dare sacrifice their lives for our sake. Let him who fears to die

go away from our ranks.”

The vassals replied—“ Royal Master, we have eaten your salt, and shall

eat it as long as we live. How can we in this extremity leave your cause ?

216 B. Bandyopaidhyaya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3,

We promise that we will not only defend the fort, but with hearts un-

daunted meet the emperor, your enemy, in an open field. However great

may be the odds in his favour, we will cut his men to pieces and scatter

them in flight.”

Flames of fire burst forth from every hill-top, and illuminated the

country to a great distance.

On the receipt of Hamir’s letter, the two princes of Chitor, Khan and

Balansi, proclaimed the fact of their going to Ranthambor, at which all

the citizens, male and female, came and fell down at their feet, beseeching

them to change their resolution, and not to sacrifice their interests for those

of their uncle—Hamir. The princes replied—* Listen, ye citizens, those who

are born must die, for it is soordained by God. In this corrupt age none

are immortal, and none will ever be so. If we fall in battle, we shall die in

glory, and our praises will be sung by the immortal Urvasi, the fairy-queen

of heaven.” The Ranis, their mothers, looked pale, but they would not yield.

Having saluted their superiors, they, with 3,000 brave Rattors, 5,000

Puafirs and 8,000 Chohans, marched for Ranthambor. When they arrived,

they encamped below the hills. Then they went to the fort.

Hamir gave the princes a very warm reception, embracing them

tenderly. Great rejoicings were made in honour of their coming to Ran-

thambor. ‘I leave the burden of government upon you, princes,” said

Hamir, “take it. I leave all in your charge.” “ Glory to you, uncle,” re-

plied they, “‘for keeping the houseless under the shadow of your protec-

tion. You have thereby become famous in this world. None are to live

for ever here below, but deeds, glorious deeds, are lasting monuments of

men’s lives. Our bodies are frail. As long as we, your slaves, are alive

you need not go yourself to the field. We must fight the imperial legion

and show you our skill in the art of war.’

Both the brothers stood up in great excitement. Bravery and courage

beamed forth from their faces, which looked like two rising suns. Their

helmets and breast-plates glittered, and the spirit-stirring peal of trumpets

made them restless.

“ Brother Khan,” exclaimed Balansi, ‘let us take the Muhammadans ~

unawares, swoop down upon them at once, and cut them to pieces. We —

are resolved to die gloriously on the field. Ratan shall reign on the

thrones of Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar. (To Hamir), If the provisions

of food fail, care not at all, uncle, for your life; go, fight the Muham-

madans, commit a massacre and fall on the field of glory, but never break

your word.” The bold words of the princes made the heroic Réo weep at

the thought of parting with them, alas! for ever.

Princes.—* Nothing is stable in the world, nay, not even the moun-

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 217

tains, the earth and the hills. Why weep at the thought of parting, dear

uncle? If we be separated from you, we are sure to meet you in yonder

heaven.”

The Rado kept quiet. The two brave heroes went to the females’

apartments. They bowed to Rani Asa. All the females, including the

maids of the princess burst, out a-crying. “It is time now, dear sons,”

said As4 with tears rolling down her cheeks, “when we shall rejoice to

see you married.” The princes laughed. They cried. “Then fasten on

our heads the marriage-crowns, gracious queen, and we shall fight with

greater determination.”” The crowns were tied to their foreheads, and

holy threads wound round their arms. Then she blessed them.

Afterwards the princes entered the temple of Siva. They worship-

ped the god and his son Ganesa ; prayed to them and touched their feet.

When they returned from the temple, drums were beaten and colours

unfurled. The earth and heaven echoed. They then went to the Rao,

touched his feet, and exclaimed, ‘‘ We shall meet you, dear uncle, no more

here on earth, but surely there in heaven. We shall die, certainly

die, but never be false to the virtues of our clan. Better far to give up

the love of life and kingdom, home and children, than to violate the honour

of one’s own words. Farewell, Chitor, farewell ye hills and fort of Ran-

thambor, farewell this world of woe; welcome victory, welcome glorious

death, and welcome eternal life and happiness.”

The princes and their train descended from the hill-fort. The beauty

of the Rajput shone forth; and their spears glistened in the sun. Energy

was visible on every countenance. The god Siva forgot his contemplation,

and broke out into a wild fit of laughter. Many a handsome nymph and

frightful Jogini (she-devil) descended from the air to follow the troops.

Vultures and other birds, which feed on flesh, hovered along in thick

numbers. Many a devil, who dwelt on land and air, moved forward to

assemble there. The gods alighted for the protection of the princes and

remained with them unseen and unknown. ‘The procession came to their

encampment. Drums gave the warning that within a few minutes there

would be fought a terrible engagement.

Emperor.—‘ What rejoicings are being made in the hill-fort ?”

Vazir.—‘‘ Two young princes, sons of Hamir’s younger brother, have

come to fight with us. They are strong-limbed, fully armed, blood-thirsty

and desperate. Both wear crowns of victory on their foreheads.”

Emperor. —“‘ Then those of our ranks who can fight with a lion can

venture to meet the princes face to face.”

Vazir.—* On our side the Mirs of Arabia are unequalled in bravery

and other martial talents. Their teeth are like those of a monkey, eyes like

218 B. Bandyopadhyéya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

cats, bodies like monsters, and ears like a winnowing fan. Their ancestors

captured Prithviraj and took him to Ghazni. They can easily seize the

young princes and bring them to your feet.”

The emperor thanked the Vazir for his valuable advice. Instantly

he sent for Mir Zamil Khan.

Emperor.— Brave Mir, I leave the present work entirely with you.

Your ancestors imprisoned the great Prithviraj] Chohin. So go you to the

Rajput ranks and capture the two princes of Chaturang, newly come to

the assistance of Hamir ; but see you do not kill them.”

Mir Zamal Khan twisted his whiskers, touched the feet of the em-

peror and said, “ Gracious Majesty, the work you have been pleased to give

me is beneath my dignity asa warrior. What a trifle is to me the cap-

ture of two young boys. I ean bring all the Hindis pinioned to your feet,

eut all in pieces if they venture to make head against me, and level their

bodies in the dust.”” He bowed before Ala-uddin.

The Rajptits and the Muhammadans marched in great excitement.

They came face to face. Then all of a sudden, like a flash of lightning, out

rushed the Mir of Arabia. On both sides the warlike peal of martial musie

stirred up all to action. The blue and the white colours were unfurled.

There was a clashing of swords for hours. The battle raged very furiously.

A steady fire of matchlocks was kept up. There was also a brisk play of

lances. The bold, warlike spearsmen managed their spears with so great skill

that every one of them stabbed two soldiers with one stroke of his weapon,

Never did a sword fail in cutting the head, upon which it had been struck,

clean out of the shoulders. A wild laughter separated the lips of the

goddess Kalikaé. There was a continuous raining of heads. Here fell a

hand, there an arm, here some fingers, there some palms, here dropped

the head, there with vehemence rose the body of many a warrior. Then

with a shout, which thrilled every heart, outrushed Zamal the Mir of

Arabia, while from the Rajput side rode forth the prince Kaénh to meet

him. The Muhammadan shot an arrow which pierced the horse of the

Rajput. The horse dropped dead, and instantly a second horse was moun-

ted. The fighting continued with unabated fury. Kadnh drove a lance

into the body of his adversary, who for a moment fell senseless on the

ground. With redoubled energy and violence the Muhammadan was on

his legs again. ‘The brave feats of arms of both the warriors were seen with

admiration by the troops of both sides. At last the wise Hamir, thinking

that the old Muhammadan was more than a match for the young Hindis,

called Saukhdhar. ‘ Go you, Saukhdhar, the bravest of all heroes, skilful

in the art of war, go at once to the field to aid the Chitor princes.

They are very heroic, but very young, and their antagonist is a monster in

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 219

human shape. It is written that the woman, who, having determined to be

burned alive with the body of her husband, shrinks back in fear at the sight

of fire, is condemned in this world and loses her place in heaven. You

know that nothing is immortal but the soul. You are wise, and so I need

not instruct you in these well known rules. Glorious are they who con-

quer both this world and the world to come. Your mother bore in you a

hero ; think of these things and fight. Go with all speed to the field and

assist the young princes.”

With a wild hurrah rode forth Saukhdhar as swiftly as an arrow.

The troops of Zamal Khan were also reinforced by a body of 200,000

Arabian soldiers. Cannons boomed, and balls rushed out, uplifting many

a horse and elephant in the air. Swords clashed, and heroes hollood. Heads

dropped on the muddy earth, muddy by the incessant shedding of blood.

“ Ficht, fight my brave soldiers,” exclaimed Kanh at the top of his

voice, “fight the Muhummadans, and be glorious ; fight to the last drop

of your blood that your name may be noised here below, and salvation won

there above. See, none is able to live for ever in this frail world.”’? The

prince Balan spurred his elephant to meet Zamal Kanh. All of a sudden he

struck the Mir with a sword, which cut off the helmet and wounded his head.

Again a combat ensued. The dagger of Balan_went right through the

heart of Zamal, who fell down dead on the ground. Then outrushed his

attendants, and they succeeded in killing the prince. Kanh made a des-

perate rush at the enemy’s line and killed all he could; but his days

were also numbered. With wild fury sprang amidst the ranks the brave

Saukhdhar. Many Arabians were put to the sword, and more were stabbed.

From every wound blood issued in jets and flowed in torrents, The reek-

ing weapons flashed fire, and heads rolled hither and thither on the

ground, The beheaded rose with vehemence and rushed at any that

chanced to fall within their grasp. The victory belonged to the Rajptits, and

the remainder of the Arab forces fled away in confusion. Many handsome

nymphs descended from heaven and carried above the two brave princes

and the mighty warrior Saukhdhar. On the Rajput side the loss was 8000

Chohans, 3000 Rattors, and 5000 Puafirs—16,000 in all, and three great

heroes ; while that on the Muhammadan side was 70,000 foot, 5000 horse

and elephant—75,000 in all, and Zamal Khan, the Mir of Arabia.

Rao Randhir, with his sword drawn, spoke face to face with Ala-uddin.

“O Emperor, the time has come when my fort shall be destroyed. Hear,

with attention, Hamir will never break through his resolution. Know

this as truth, and nothing but truth. Consider very maturely, and then

aet. The fort of Ranthambor will never come into your possession. Leave

your pride therefore, It behoves you to do so.”

220 B. Bandyopadhyaya— Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

“Why not,”’ replied Ala-uddin, “ make Hamir understand what I say ?

Why extend the flame of war which feeds on many Rajpits and Muham-

madans? He may reign in the territories of Ranthambor. I am not

averse to that, if he will only bring the exile Muhummad Shah to my feet:

else sure as my name is Alé-uddin I will curb his pride. IfI break through

my resolution while Hamir is glorying in the firmness of his, I shall never

be worthy the name of ‘Emperor.’ It is certain that of two contending

parties one comes off the gainer. Listen, Randhir, listen to my word. I

know every creek and corner of the dominions of Hamir. By whose orders

has he been authorized to enjoy to this day the possession of the four forts—

Ranthambor, Chitor, Narwal and Gwaliar? He has never served me;

neither has he ever so far condescended as to make me an obeisance.

Mountains may move, the sun may rise in the West, and many such other

unnatural things might happen, but I, mighty Al4-uddin, will never return

to Delhi without the exile. If I do so, I shall be a coward and emphatically

the greatest of all cowards, not worthy to sit on an imperial throne.” (Turn-

ing to his ranks), “ Press hard the seige, my brave warriors, and carry the

fort.”

Randhir bade farewell to the fort. He gave-alms to the Brahmans,

bowed down his head before the sun and joined his hands as if he awaited

his orders. Then, bending at the name of Hamir, he rushed forth very furi-

ously at the head of his heroes, warriors and soldiers. His 10,000 veterans

were in the front line. Then followed the horsemen, the riders upon

elephants. Cannons boomed from the fort. Hurrah! hurrah! hurrah !

shouted the Chohan troops. Then, swift as flashes of lightning, they

fell upon the Mubhammadan ranks, as fell the mighty Raghava upon the

rakshasas of Ceylon. ‘The heroes looked ferocious in anger. Steady in

fight, all of them vowed to abide by the virtues of their clans. There

was a standing cannon fire from both sides. The fort and its walls were

breached. On the earth it rained terrible showers of flame. Dark clouds,

produced by the smoke, hung on the atmosphere. Wherever there was a

circle of men, shots came in that direction.

“ Come, fight with us, ye Muhammadan wrestlers, if any of you be wor-

thy the name,” cried out the brave veterans of Randhir, elated with pride.

They fell to wrestling. The battle raged, horse fought with horse, foot with

foot, and elephant with elephant. There was an incessant shower of shots.

Some lost their bodies, while others their heads, some their hands, while others

their legs. So profound was the darkness spread over the field, that it could

not be known whether it was day or night. Arrows flew fast piercing many

a horse and elephant. The strong steel mail was no protection from

their sharp points. Some soldiers were stabbed by the violent strokes of

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 221

daggers. From the wounds caused by them the blood flowed in torrents as

from roofs the rain water flows in the month of August. Numberless heads

dropped on the field and rolled like so many water-melons. The Muhamma-

dan forces shrank back. At the brave feat of arms of Randhir, even the

Emperor, although an enemy, could not forbear to exclaim, “ Praise to

you, praise to your valour, mighty warrior,” and at the same time, looking

at his dispersed troops, he frowned and then rebuked them, saying, ‘“‘ Why

fly, ye cowards, from the field, while I am still alive ?”

Then bowed down the Bakhshi of the imperial legion. ‘‘ Make me the

commander of the battle,” said he exulting, “and I will with 100,000

Rumanians fight the Hindus and scatter them as flakes of cotton before

the wind.” With a drawn sword in his hand he rushed out at the

command of Ala-uddin. Randhir, holding a lance, rode forward. The

warriors came face to face. The Muhammadan aimed a guraz (an iron

club) at the head of the Chohan. The latter warded off the blow

with his massive shield. Then a lance was darted at the former. It pierced

his body and that of his horse too, and the next moment he fell senseless

on the field. Fifty Mirs rushed forward, but all of them met the same

fate. Then came out a fierce Mir of Ram. A fearful engagement raged.

A dagger was run through his breast down to the hilt ; he dropped down,

and in a few minutes all his struggles subsided in the stillness of death.

The sword of a Balkhan fell on the shoulder of the Rao. The throat was

eut through, but behold the body rose with vehemence. It made a rush at

the murderer. It got him within its grasp and pressed him heavily. Down

they dropped and instantly the dagger of the Moslim went right through

his breast. 100,000 Rumanians fell. The body of the brave Chohan lay

on the field like a tall palm, with blood gushing out of the neck. The

_ Joginis (she-devils) regaled themselves with his blood, filled their cups,

drained them, and danced.*

On Saturday the 9th before the full-moon in the month of Chait,

30,000 Rajpits fell for the defence of the fort, and 10,000 women burned

themselves on pyres with their husbands. The loss on the Muhammadan

side was thousands of Muhammadan soldiers, including the mighty Bakhshi,

who held a jagir of 5 laces, and other officers, holding from 10 to 20,000

Rupees’ worth of land. :

When the intelligence of the capture of the fort of Chohan by Ala-

uddin reached Hamir, he became the more resolved to fight the Musalmaén

forces. He exclaimed, “Glory to you, uncle, glory to your uncommon

bravery. The death of a Kshatriya is both a glory and a blessing. You

have done, mighty hero, what uncle Kan did for Prithviraj at the battles

* Tt was a belief among the Rajptits that Joginis like the blood of mighty heroes,

222 B. Bandyopadhyéya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

”

of Kanauj.” He felt glad and sorry at intervals: glad at the heroic death

of his uncle, and sorry at the loss of so great an ally. He continued, “ You

have killed 60 elephants, 200,000 horses and 26 Amirs; glory to you for

ever, invincible hero of heroes.”

So numerous were the men slain and wounded in the Musalmdn ranks,

that it took Ald-uddin full six months to have them buried one by one.

“Imperial Majesty,” said a herald to Ala-uddin, “ it is said that Maha-

deva, the lord of tigers, is Hamir’s ally. He has blessed the brave Rao,

telling him, ‘ Fear not, child, your fort can never be taken, even if the

siege last for fourteen years.’ ”’

On the third day after the full-moon in the month of Asaj (Septem-

ber), the emperor marched to break down all the temples at Alanpur. On

this, there followed a great commotion among the devils of Mahadeva.

Sixty-four Joginis and fifty-four Bhairavs (he-devils), armed with tridents

and khappars (cups for holding blood) danced a horrible dance. They, with

Sheoji at their head, rushed at Ald-uddin, playing on deherw and singing

through sankh (shells) many fearful, soul-stirring, martial airs. A Bhairav

was close at the heels of the Emperor, exclaiming: “I will slay thee, wretch, .

knock thy head and make a grand feast of thy blood.” The terrified emperor

fled with haste, praying, “ Defend me, Alla, defend me now that I am about to

be eaten up by this dreadful monster.” Then the goddess Sakti, taking her

various shapes with bows, arrows, rings, swords, daggers and spears in her

hands, and the gods armed with hal, mushal, ankus, mudgar, each his own

weapon, fell on the Musalman troops. 100,000 of the infidels fell. Ganesa

bewildered the brains of many Khans, Mirs and Amirs who began to cut

off the heads of their friends, mistaking them for foes. All was confu-

sion. Heaps upon heaps of dead bodies lay here and there and made the

roads quite impassable. Ah! what a dreadful sight it was to look upon!

Seven Mirs, being totally hopeless of victory, went away from the imperial

ranks. The Emperor was struck with great astonishment at seeing the

corpses of 200,000 of his forces, and those of two very able chiefs Himmat

Bahadur and Ali Khan among them. He thus thought within himself—

“ What destroyer of gods is ever happy? We hear that Hari killed hun-

dreds of Asurs or devils in ancient times. Man can match with man,

gods with gods, and devils with devils.” He called many Brahmans very

eagerly, and told them to do whatever they could in the way of appeasing

the anger of the incensed gods.

He gave orders to march from Alanpur with all expedition.

Emperor.—‘ Although I am Hamir’s enemy, I cannot but admire the

way in which his men fight. They are quite at home with the sword.

While many in our ranks fell, they fought very manfully, fearing none and,

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 223

glorying in death. Their heroic contempt of life is the grand secret of their

success.”

Mihram Khin.—“ To not be sorry, Emperor, although you have come

in spite of my prohibition. Be patient and do not lose heart. Press hard

the siege. Hamir shall no more be able to hold out.”

Cuartrer VIII.

The imperial tents were removed from Alanpur and pitched on a hill

at Rang. Having taken a view of the fort of Ranthambor through a

telescope, the emperor consulted his vassals and ministers, and sent a herald

to Hamir. He said, “Tell, herald, tell Hamir to deliver into my hands

the exile Muhammad Shah and to come and fall down at my feet.”

When the Rao heard this message his blood boiled. He replied, “I

care not at all for your words, Emperor, I care not for them. Hamir is not

a child, that threats and flatteries can move him even an inch from his

resolution. So far from giving you back the Sheik Muhammad Shah, I

will not give you even any of the birds and beasts of Ranthambor. The

heads of such valiant heroes as Baldev, Ranjit and Randhir Singh have I

sacrificed on the field. What! to give youback our refugee. Did you not

feel ashamed to write me the firman ?” (To the herald.) ‘Go and give the

emperor what I have written, and come no more even if you be ordered

to do so by your master. Take as much gold as you wish for. Tell Ala-

uddin that he is my enemy, and not a friend, and so where is the use of

such a jfirman. ‘Tell him that I will never, never deliver into his hands his

exile Muhammad Shah. Tell him that I have resolved never to meet him

but on the bloody field of battle.”

_ “ How foolish is Hamir,’”’ remarked Ala-uddin, when he was informed

of all particulars by the herald. According to the advice of the Vazir

Mehram Khan, he secured the possession of the hillof Rang. Large cannons

were mounted upon it, and their mouths directed towards the fort. “Let

us blow up the cannon which lies yonder on a bastion of the fort,” said the

emperor to his Vazir.

A monstrous cannon was fired, but the Raéo’s cannon could not be

silenced. When Hamir heard this intelligence, he ran forward to the can-

non. He saw it perfectly safe. “Is there any one among my cannoniers

who can burst the largest cannon mounted on Rang! If any, I shall

reward him amply and make him very rich.” One stepped forward, and,

having bowed to the Rao, fired his cannon, and the next moment the imperial

cannon was broken to pieces.

Emperor.—* What means are to be taken now for the capture of the

fort ?”’

224 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

Mihram Khén.—“ Hear, your Majesty, there is a tank outside the walls

of the fort which, if bridged over, can give a passage direct to the fort.”

Every arrangement was made for the building of a dam, and it was

finished after prodigious labour.

“We can no longer defend the fort’’ said Hamir drawing a heavy sigh.

“Tt is lost, alas! the dear fort of my father is lost.” In the dead of the

night Padam Sagar in the guise of a man appeared to him in his dreams. “ Do

not be sorry, my bold son,”* said he “my waters are fed by springs issuing

forth from 7 oceans and 900 rivers. Be sure I willoverflow the dam with

the greatest expedition. Be happy and live secure within your fort.” At

break of day, Hamir saw to his astonishment a vast sheet of water rolling

over the site of the erected dam. The emperor felt greatly disheartened.

He said in despair: “ Alas, the fort baffles all our attempts.”

Great rejoicings were held within the fort. There was dancing in the

darbér of Hamir. Chandrakala, a fascinating dancing-girl, the harmonious

mridang, bina (flutes), shitar sdndyi, khanjuri, kartal, srimddal, sur,

jaltarang and such other musical instruments were bewitching the heart of

every one of theaudience. Chandrakala had perfect knowledge of 6 Ragas

and 86 Raginis. The following airs were being sung.’ (Here follow a list of

the tunes which we omit.) The Rado was sitting in state reclining on his

pillow, and chamars were being fanned about him.

When Ala-uddin saw this pomp and splendour of Hamir, his heart was

eut to the core. He said “Lo! Hamir is enjoying pleasures like the rich

Indra of heaven. He does not break through his resolution and meet with

me, neither does he give me the Sheik, nor understand the consequences of

his inveterate pride. See, how he laughs with the dancing-girl who darts

quick glances at him, while she cares not at all forme. When the music calls

her for dancing, she bows her head to the Rao, while she shows her heels to

me. She insults me very greatly. See, how she laughs and makes her

feet as if she would kick me. Is there any one among my archers who, by

shooting her, could curb her pride and that of her master? I would give a

very handsome prize to that hero.” Mir Gabru joined his hands and prayed,

“ It is not becoming for heroes, oh mighty Emperor, to hurt awoman.”’ “ Do

not shoot her dead, noble Mir,” replied Al4-uddin “but wound her foot.”

Fast flew the arrow of Mir Gabru whizzing through the air. It pierced a

foot of Chandrakala and fell in the midst of the Chohén Council.

All the audience were struck dumb with surprise. Hamir looked

dejected and became full of cares. “ Singular!’ he remarked. “ How can

an arrow come over such a distance P Who is the archer? a saint indeed.”

He looked around in confusion and was lost in astonishment. In utter

* Padam Sagar was a large tank inside the fort of Ranthambor,

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 225

hopelessness, he gasped: “ How many such skilful saints are there in the

ranks of Al4-uddin ?” “Do not be alarmed, mighty Rao,’’ said Muhammad

Shah. “I know the archer, heis my younger brother: none amongst the

troops of Ald-uddin can equal him in archery. Devotion can never be made

but by a devotee, neither can heroism be displayed but by a hero, May it

please you to order me, and this very moment the head of the emperor

shall I pierce, sitting as I am in this place. All your troubles will be over

and his troops dispersed.” Hamir replied, smiling, “Never be guilty of

regicide, great hero, for an emperor, whatever his merits may be, is next to

God. Shoot away the state umbrella which is put up above his head.”

The swift-winged arrow of Muhammad Shah shot the umbrella with such

a force that it fell on the ground. An Analpank’s (eagle’s) keen eyes mis-

took it (umbrella) for an elephant. The bird swooped down upon it and was

disappointed.

The Vazir Mihram Khan having joined his hands, said to the emperor,

“Praise be to God that your life has been saved owing to the consideration

of eating your salt in former years. Be sure that if the skilful archer shoot

a second arrow, it will be aimed at your life. How can that fort be captured

wherein lives such an expert hero? Asa serpent that has caught amole is

on the two horns of a dilemma: ifit swallows it, it dies, and if it vomits the

part eaten, it becomes blind. Such, exactly such has been your case, impe-

rial Majesty. I hear that the heroic Muhammad Shah asks for orders

daily to shoot you dead, but the kind Hamir does not consent to do so. If

he be ever given orders, he will put you in fetters, set his protector on the

throne of Dehli and proclaim his rule there. It behoves you, therefore, to

leave your determination and go back to the capital safe and sound, with

your headon your shoulders. On the other hand, if Hamir be victorious

and you fly away from here, your honour will be greatly hurt.”

The disappointed emperor, although very angry, had to withdraw his

eamp backwards to Mullarna.

CHaptTer IX.

Sarjan Shah, a banid (merchant) of the Sharaoji sect of Buddhists,

made up his mind to avenge the death of his father. ‘The blood of my

father cries out ‘ Vengeance,’ ” said he, “and so I must forthwith go to the

imperial camp and by any means possible give Ald-uddin the possession of

the fort.” He presented five mohurs to the emperor and bowed down at

his feet. He then joined his hands and thus addressed his Majesty: “I will

enable you, mighty monarch, to capture the fort. Only promise to give me

in return the territory of Randhir.”

226 B. Bandyopidhya4ya—Hamir Résa, [No. 8,

The emperor replied, smiling, “Come forward, dear Seth,* I will give

you not only the Raj of Randhir, but that of Hamir. Iwill make you

agreat Umrdo.” Sarjan took an oath by chewing a betel-leaf and attached

himself privately to the cause of Ald-uddin, who removed his tents and

pitched them on his former position near the fort.

The false mind of Sarjan devised a good plan. In the dead of the

night, he managed with the greatest secrecy to throw dry hides into the

deep under-ground stores of grain named Jdrdé and Bhérd. At break of

day he came to the darbdér of Hamir and with a profound bow said to the Rao:

“My lord, we are really in a great extremity. The supply of provision

has failed. The only resource now left us is to meet with the emperor and

make friends with him.” Hamir was at first indifferent to what he said,

but when Sarjan repeatedly pressed his point, he could no longer keep his

passion within bounds. His eye-balls darted fire. He roared, “ Be-

gone, vile coward, begone from my sight. Dost thou propose to shake my

resolution? Understand, wretch, if I bow down my head at the feet of the

emperor, my mother will be ashamed of having borne me ten months in

her womb.” He softened and then continued, “ What isthe motive of thy

request? If I go to Ala-uddin with proposals of peace, my meeting with

him will go hard against me and against my virtues as a Rajptit. Listen,

thou fool, the basest of all mortals, mean and timid, listen; Iam a Ksha-

triya, and if I break through my resolution, I shall no more be worthy of being

called by that glorious name. How do you know that our stores are empty ?”

“Tf it please you, lord,” replied Sarjan, “to go to the stores, you will see

with your own eyes the reality of what I speak.’ Then he took Hamir

to the stores and threw stones into them. How great was the Rao’s dis-

appointment to hear them resound. He was now convinced of the truth

of Sarjan’s words and could not find out that the real cause of the rever-

beration were the hides, thrown some hours ago by his perfidious store-

keeper.

Seeing the Rao very sad, Muhammad Shah with joined hands, thus

prayed, “Do not be sorry, my generous patron and protector. Permit me,

I humbly implore you, to permit me to go to the presence of Ald-uddin,

The moment he will get me, he will, I have no doubt, march back for his

capital. You have given me house and have suffered somuch. Do not

stake your life and throne, Rao, but reign secure in your dominions.

Wherever I shall go, your praises shall be on my lips for evermore.”

Hamir replied, smiling, “ What on earth is stable, Sheik P How can a

being endowed with reason desire for a thing which, taken at its utmost

* Seth is a title of respect given to a wealthy merchant,

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 227

length, is but frail and transient. Glorious actions outlive their doers. I

have drawn my sword against Ald-uddin for the honour of my promise. Let

me die a glorious death. There are many friends in prosperity, but in

adversity very few. Know that the firmness of Hamir, the pride and

stubbornness of Ravana, the truth of Raja Harischandra, and the skilful

archery of Arjin are unequalled in their potency, superior to the fear of

death, to the love of life and kingdom. Is death to be feared when it brings

an endless glory both here and hereafter? Shall I break through my resolu-

tion and thereby be meaner than the tiny chakar which picks up fire and

never refrains, although its bill is burnt to ashes ?”

At night-fall, Sarjan Shah went in haste to the emperor’s camp, his

countenance beaming with joy. Having joined his hands and bowed down,

he informed his Majesty of the success of his device. He said “ The supply

of grain is still large enough to lasttwelve years more. Now the fort is

yours, its strength of position and Rajput bravery will avail it nothing. It

is yours, now, emphatically yours. May it please you to demand of Hamir

(1) Chandrakala the dancing-girl, (2) Dewal Kimari (the virgin daughter

of Hamir), (3) Paresh the philosopher’s stone, (4) Muhammad Shah the

exile.

_ A firman containing the above demands was instantly written and

sent to the Rao with an order for prompt execution.

The emperor’s firman made Hamir’s blood boil. He wrote, “I care

not at all for you, Alé-uddin. As long as Hamir’s head is on his shoulders,

he will never allow you to get any of your demands. ‘Take care, villain,

take care, beware of your life, otherwise you are a dead man, and the throne

of Dehli is without its emperor. Send me without delay (1) Begum Chim-

na (the favourite queen of Ald-uddin), (2) Chintémani (a philosopher’s

stone), and (3) the four devils who are at your command. Send them, for

so the great Hamir demands of you.”

“Where lies the truth, knave,” said Ala-uddin to Sarjan Shah on

receiving Hamir’s reply, “where lies the truth of thy abject flatteries ?”

Sarjan.—“ Wait, and you will see how things go on within the fort.”

CHAPTER X.

Sorry and crest-fallen, Hamir went to the zenana. The princess Asd

stood up, bowed down her head, joined her hands and anxiously inquired,

“What ails you, lord?” “Noble queen,” said he with a heavy sigh, “ our

provision has fallen short. What is to be done now? what means to be

taken in this dire extremity ? Shall I give the Sheikh back and break my

word? Alas! the very thought stings me todeath.” ‘Never do so,” replied

the Rani in a firm and decided tone. “ With heroism unequalled, you the

———

228 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3,

great Rao, have fought for twelve years and many times driven the emperor

from the wall. Who has put such a vile idea in your head ? What accursed

devil has got possession of you that you are uttering such base words?

Understand, my lord, that the greatest glory of man lies in speaking

truth and standing by it at any cost. It matters not whether his body

be severed to pieces, wealth lost and brothers, sons and wife sacrificed.

Know that wealth and kingdom are for a few days only, while glory lasts

for ever. Fight manfully to the last and keep the glory of your word

intact. See, Dagaratha was bound by a promise which he had given to

his bewitching Kaikayi, and so he was obliged to banish his dearest Rama,

whose separation broke his heart and he sank and at last succumbed. What

is fated to be must happen, and you can never avert it. Consider,

Maha Rio, Muhammad Shah cannot come twice to our door, neither

can Ala-uddin twice fall on the fort. If a man fear death, is he worthy

to be called a Rajput? If you break through your resolution, your father-

land Ajmir, the seat of your heroic ancestors, will be ashamed of you.

Sacrifice your throne, life and fort, but never give our refugee back.”

“See, Réo where is the pious Jagdev Puafir, who cut off his own head

and offered it to his tutelary goddess? Where are the learned Vikram and

Bhoj, who relieved the distress of the poor? Where is the generous Karan

who used to give in charity every morning, on rising from his bed, one bhar

(weight) and a quarter of gold? Where are all these monarchs? Alas!

they are all gone, all swept away by the grim-looking sweeper, death,

None can escape from his all-grasping hand, neither the holy sages, nor the

emperors, nay not even the gods. There have been many Chakravarti

(paramount) rajés on the surface of the earth, whose sway extended to the

shores of oceans, but where are they? All lost in the deep abyss of time.

Wealth, youth and the condition of man do not ever remain the same.

The moon even is subject to change. She wanes to nothingness and again

waxes to her fulness.”

“ You cannot leave the Sheikh, because you have promised him safety.

Abide by your word and resolution and never move from it and be cowed

by adverse circumstances. ‘The final massacre, as foretold by Siva, is at

hand. Fight, fight with the Muhammadan odds, holding your sword with a

more determined hand. Be regardless of your life and interests. Birth,

death and union come from God. None born in this world can be immor-

tal. That which grows must perish, is a universal law of nature which

no power can annul. Nothing is stable, neither man nor tree, neither

mountain nor village. You have reigned over the territory of Ranthambor

as long as your virtues enabled you todo so, Where is Réo Jait, your

father, who laid the foundation of the fort ? Where is your grandfather

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 229

Sur Singh? Where is the valiant Prithivraj who imprisoned Muhammad

Gori? Think on all these things, Maha Rao; none can undo the

decree of fate. Union and separation go hand in hand.” Full of emotion

she cried out, “ We must now part, dear husband, we must now part from

each other !”

Hamir’s reply.— Glory to you, jewel of women, and glory to your

ancestors. Is there any other woman on the face of the earth who can say

such free and stimulating words? If I deliver the Sheik into the hands

of Ald-uddin, it will leave a foul stigma on my race. Keep your honour

inviolate, commit a massacre within the fort, and die if you see blue colours

come. .I have tried you and found you equal to every emergency, and fit

to glorify the virtues of the Kshatriyas. You are very firm in your resolu-

tion, noble princess, and I have confidence in your words.”

“Why do you doubt, lord,” said Asa angrily, “why do you doubt

our chastity? Need I tell you that we do not look even at the face of

any other man? Can we go with others and be living when your fort is

taken, and you killed? Let us perish first, that you may have confidence

in our chastity in your dying moments.”

Hamir.—* I do not doubt your chastity, noble queen. I know you are

a flower of female virtues. Listen to my request. Wait till you see the

issue of the next battle.”

Hamir gave alms to all the Brahmans and minstrels of his town. To

do honour to the virtues of the Kshatriyas, he engrossed his mind and drove

away the thoughts of self-interest which bind us to the world. He felt

greatly affected. He bade adieu to his wife, went to the darbdr and called

a council of his officers, soldiers and ministers.

“Listen, brave Chaturang,” said he, “look after Ratan Singh, now

that he will be fatherless: You are wise and so I leave everything entirely

to your discretion. Keep under your protection my servants and others

who will go to you, strengthen the fort of Chitor and rule over your raj

with a golden sceptre. The virtues of a king are specially four—for-

bearance, courage, scrutiny and justice. Follow them, because none can

be a good ruler without them.”

Chaturang.—<1 will never leave you, Rao; if you live, I will live ;

if you die the death of glory, why am I to be deprived of it ?”

Hamir.—“ Your life is specially necessary, Chaturang. See, where

will our subjects go to, when they shall be, as a matter of course, oppressed

by the Muhammadans? ‘To Chitor certainly. There will the inhabitants

of Ranthambor flee to live in peace and plenty.”

Chaturang Mori and the prince Ratan marched for Chitor, accom.

panied by a strong guard of 5000 Rajputs.

230 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamtr Rasa, [No. 3,

CuartTer XI.

Hamir assembled the remainder of his forces in a grand darbér and

thus spoke : “ My friends, if a man live, he will continue enjoying the plea-

sures of the world, and if he fall in glory on the battle-field, he will be

translated to heaven. What do you prefer, my brave warriors? the enjoy-

ment of the world, or the enjoyment of everlasting happiness? if the

former, then do not come to me; if the latter, then make yourselves ready

to fight the emperor.”

Muhammad Shah rose from the council and went with haste to his

palace. He drew a sword and cut off the heads of his dearest relatives, his

own kith and kin, even his own flesh and blood, lest Ala-tiddin should insult

them after his death. Soon afterwards he hastened to Hamir. In vain

did he struggle to repress his feelings. Tears rolled down his cheeks, when

he stood before the Rao and informed him of the massacre.

Hamir said—“ Do not be sorry, Muhammad Shah ; nothing is lasting in

this world; none can escape from the jaws of death. In the various trans-

migrations which a man goes through, he remains subject to that grim

monster. There is none on the surface of the earth who wishes his death,

but would gladly extend his days. The death of a Satz, that of a hero,

and that of a virtuous man are truly glorious and productive of much

good.”

(Turning to hisOmrao.) “ Wear clothes dyed with saffron, my vassals,

because such a golden opportunity of attaining salvation and glorifying the

names of our noble clans will not twice present itself. I, Rao of Rantham-

bor, intend dying on the battle-field and abiding for ever at the feet of our

Mahadeo, Ald-uddin cannot fall twice on our fort. I will distribute 1000

cows among the poor and fasten the mor, the crown of marriage, to my —

forehead.”

Drums were beaten, and at their sound the Chohan colours were un-

furled. Joy and the extreme thirst for glory knew no bounds and could not

be contained in the hearts of the Rao, his officers and soldiers. 5000 able

Rajputs were kept for the defence of the fort, and 80,000 became ready

to fight the Muhammadans on the open field. None loved their lives

and interests, and all were impatient of delay in rushing at their enemy.

Here are the names of some of the thirty-six clans to which his vassals and

soldiers belonged.*

Then went to arm himself the brave Réo Hamir, the hero of minstrels’

* Kamadhaj, Karam, Gaur, Tumér, Parihér, Péraj, Pandar, Chohan, Jadavy,

Gohil, Gehlot, Sagar, Puaiir, and Bhils with Bhoj at their head,

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 231

songs, the defender of the glory of the Rdjptit power, very skilful in

the art of war, benevolent, beautiful, strong-limbed and unwearied in

fighting, even though he should be engaged continuously both day and

night and wounded in every part of the body, for the sake of keeping fhe

honour of the virtues of his illustrious fathers. His vassals went each to his

tent to put on armour. They were so many lions in battle, no danger could

daunt them: no obstacle, no difficulty, however great it might be, could

move them in the least from their deliberate resolution. Their foreheads

were smeared with streaks of the red sandal. With the names of the great

Stirya on their lips they began to prance and rush like athletes. All were

intent and resolved on doing something very terrible, they bathed, gave gifts

of cows and gold to the Brahmans, and worshipped the Sun, Siva and Vish-

nu. The honour of the virtues of the Kshatriyas occupied their minds and

made them glad and exulting. They were descended of noble ancestors

whose glorious actions are the subjects of many a minstrel’s songs. Elated

with pride, with their heads erect, and energy beaming forth from their

countenances, they made themselves ready to march with Hamir. They

were steady in fight, regardless of life and interest, very charitable, brave,

noble-minded, immovable from their resolution, and devoted to the worship

of Hara.

Very brisk, active, fleet horses, well-caparisoned and guarded from head

to foot from the weapons of enemies, were given each to his competent rider.

16,000 horses were equipped, of which 5000 were Turk?, good at trotting, and

11,000 mild and well-trained Zaz. All were of noble breed and very beau-

tiful, catching the eyes of evena monarch. ‘Their saddles were covered with

ornamental embroidery and brilliant diamonds. Bunches of lace were upon

their heads. Pairs of chamar hung by their sides, hiding the legs of the

riders. Their necks were adorned with garlands of pearls, their manes were

braided and their saddlery was made of rich silk and velvet. They seemed a

thick flight of locusts. They were swifter than the wind. When they pressed

their hoofs on the ground, fire came out instantly. They used to go through

water as easily and swiftly as on the dry land. Riding on a horse of such

mettle, a tolerable huntsman could put his bow around the neck of a deer

while running fast in a jungle, and shoot a bird while in rapid motion.

Each of these steeds was got for an equal weight of gold and diamonds.

The Katchi horses fled after the birds, the Jréki were very patient and

and mild, the Kanddhari very beautiful, the Kabuli very attractive, dressed

in silk and satin saddlery, the Adtiwdri very fleet and nimble, and the Ara-

bi could be compared with elephants.

The horses were divided into various groups according to their colours.

500 elephants, whose bodies were like mountains and whose roar like the peal

232 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 8,

of thunder, were taken with the Chohén army. ‘The drivers could not control

them but by charms. At first they went to their feet, bowed to them, and

then unloosened their chains, but all their endeavours could not make them

move. ‘Then they amused them in various ways. They bathed them and

rubbed their bodies with oil and vermilion. The moon was painted upon

their foreheads. ‘The red streaks of vermilion looked like flashes of light-

ning, dancing amidst the clouds of the wet season. Haudds were mounted

upon them. When they, fierce and frantic with rage, rushed out, it seemed

asif large masses of dark clouds came on rolling in the air and striking

each other. Their huge tusks looked like herons flying about on a rainy

day against sombre clouds. The exudation from their temples was like

drops of rain. Massive shields were fastened to their heads. With an

impetuous rush they marched as if the grim monarch of death ran forward

to seize his victim. Men with discuses, arrows and pointed sticks ran all

about them. They were spurred on by the pricking of goads. Sometimes

they would stop in the way, and nothing could move them. Little drums

were then sounded, and their sweet and soft strains induced them to pro-

ceed. The chadmars, fanned on the riders, glittered in the sun.

All the chief Rajpit warriors bowed down to Hamir, who instructed

them in various ways.

The heroes as well as celestial nymphs became elated with joy. The

former put on their breastplates, while the latter their corsets. The former

wore helmets, while the latter drew their veils on their heads. The former

wore weapons of attack and defence, while the latter ornaments of diamonds.

The former took their swords, while the latter applied unction to their eyes.

The former put on their shields, while the latter their earrings. The former

took their daggers, while the latter pressed the. ¢élak on their fore-

heads. The former took betel, while the latter applied chup (a kind of

golden teeth-ornaments) to their teeth. The former bent their-bows and

pulled the strings, while the latter darted sidelong glances. The former

took knives in their hands, while the latter coloured theirs with myrtle.

The former took up their spears, while the latter wreaths of flowers. The

former bound their turbans tight with pieces of rich silk, while the latter

pinned jewelled lockets (shishful) on their foreheads. The former pranced

and leaped with exultation, while the latter displayed their fascinating

manners. The former wore sheli (silken threads worn on the neck like the

sacred thread of investiture), the latter their necklaces. The former

smeared their foreheads with streaks of the sandal, while the latter combed

their hair. The former took in their hand the twlsi rosaries, while the

latter handled garlands of flowers. The former spurred their horses, while

the latter drove their cars on the aerial way.

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 233

The elephants were ranged foremost, then followed the horses with

flying colours. There was a peal of trumpets, drums, cow-mouthed pipes,

chang and séndyi. The minstrels went on singing praises of the glorious

exploits of the Chohans and accounts of the Rajput chivalry, thereby in-

flaming the minds of all the warriors with an eagerness of displaying their

military talents and becoming illustrious for ever, both here and hereafter.

Very swift camels followed the troops of Hamir for the speedy despatch of

messages.

Many cannons were taken to the front of the army. They were painted

with vermilion. Their muzzles, with red colours streaming on them, seemed

as if many terrible monarchs of death had opened their mouths and were

showing their tongues. Sometimes the cannons would stop in the way, when

wine and mutton were offered to them, and immediately they moved on.

Matchlocks, small guns and several mitrailleuses,* followed in their

wake.

At the singing of the martial air of sindhu all the troops set out, and

celestial nymphs ran forward with garlands of flowers in their hands.

On the Muhammadan side all the Khans and Umraos made good pre-

parations for the capture of the fort of Ranthambor.

The two parties met. Brave and warlike heroes rushed forward from

both sides and came face to face. Hach of them wasa terrible messenger of

death. The battle raged with such fury that it seemed as if two mighty

oceans, bursting over their confines, had come on striking against each other,

bringing destruction and devastation in their train. The Rajput heroes

yan forward. The brave and powerful Muhammadan Mirs met them.

Columns of dust rose high up in the air and hid the sun. The martial

music was sounded. ‘The cannons boomed; the earth shook as well as the

heavens. Flames burst forth on all sides. Dark smoke filled the air.

There was a continuous shower of fiery shots which poured with violence

like so many balls of gold. Heaps upon heaps of horses and elephants roll-

ed on the ground, writhing in the agony of death. The ravage of fire-arms

was so terrible that it seemed as if the cloud of death hung on the sky,

pouring destruction everywhere. Blood began to flow from wounds in tor-

rents. Large balls went through the bodies of elephants, making the wounds

so open that vultures sat in them tearing and pulling out the flesh from

within. They seemedas if numbers of devotees were engaged in contempla-

tion, sitting in the caves of mountains. Many a horse was blown up. ‘The

cannons roared, and the volleys of fire emitted from their muzzles came on

like flashes of lightning that attend thunder. Many mitrailleuses were fired at

* These were called chaddars, and were made by so fixing several gun barrels on

an iron frame, as to admit of their being fired at once,

234 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

once. The continuous succession of the sounds of these fire-arms was like

the sounds emitted from the fiery oven of a grain-baker. Thousands of

guns were discharged all at the same time. The showers of their bullets

were like the showers of hail-stones. Rockets of iron (bdn) flew, circling

with a great noise, and fell amidst the hostile ranks.

Heavy showers of arrows rained incessantly. Away they flew piercing

many horses and elephants. There was a brisk play of tomars (sticks pointed

at both ends). Many a lance was driven into the bowels of the Muham-

madan soldiers amidst loud shouts. The swords began to flash fire. Even

the massive heads of two elephants were cut off by one stroke. The blood

of the slain flowed in torrents. When a sword was raised on the head of

a Muhammadan, it failed not to cut through the helmet, the head, the breast-

plate, the breast, the belly, the waist, the saddle and the horse. There

danced and laughed Sambhu, the lord of tigers. With great glee he

presented necklaces of human heads, one to every hero. Daggers were

run through the breasts of the hostile soldiers. Their sharp points, seen

outside the backs of the wounded, were like red hands of women stretched out

of the windows of a balcony. The sharpest knives stabbed many a warrior,

and kanjars (battle-axes) despatched many more by opening large wounds in

their chests. Here and there the heroes of both sides fell to wrestling. The

din of the battle was deafening. Many bodies rose without heads and fled at

their adversaries with a rush. The bowels of the slain were scattered all

around and drawn hither and thither by the greedy vultures. The wounded,

made desperate by the deep scars on their bodies, began to rave. The Joginis

filled their cups with blood and feasted on flesh, and the Bhairavs danced

with mirth, eating the hearts of the fallen. The infidel heroes were taken to

heaven by the black-eyed Houris and the Hindi by the Apsaras. The

goddess Kali opened wide her jaws and laughed, grinning at the Muham-

madans.

The imperial forces withdrew in fear. The emperor, in an angry tone,

thus exclaimed—* Where will ye fly to, ye fools? Wherever you may go,

you can never escape from the fury of Hamir.”

Ald-uddin to Mihrim Khin.—* See, Vazir, see how my cowardly

troops prize their lives and fly away, while the Chohans are fighting

bravely, regardless of life and interest. All the Kshatriyas are very

faithful to the virtues of their clans. See, how they fight fearlessly

and never show their backs to the enemy. See their bold determination,

their unflinching courage, their noble resignation to fate, and lastly their —

heroic contempt of life. See, with what skill they are cutting our soldiers

to pieces, never leaving for a moment the field of battle. On the other

hand look at our forces. They, including the Mirs and the Amirs, love the

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 235

world and withdraw in fear. What is to be done now, able minister, what

means shall we take in this dire extremity ?”

Mihrim Khdén.— Gracious Majesty, there is one means. Let us divide

our forces into four corps, each under an able general. Give the Diwan

the command of one, the Bakshi the other, me, your Vazir, the third,

and yourself take the fourth. Let us then all unite in the field and fight

very bravely ; Hamir Rao will never be able to withstand us.”

This arrangement having been made, the Muhammadan troops came

to the field. The crescents were raised aloft. Many able heroes, frantic and

dreadful, riding on horses and painted elephants, surrounded the Rajputs.

They gave out a thrilling shout and went on very cautiously.

Both the Hindtis and the Muhammadans rushed out, exulting, to the

fight, puffed up with pride and courage. Then a massacre ensued. The

cannons boomed. The fury of the shots drove the heroes to some distance.

Again they ran forward and met. The field rang with the peal of the

martial music, and the battle continued with unabated fury. The four-

headed arrows of warriors went right through the hearts of soldiers, causing

instant death. The forests of lances, darted with vehemence, repelled a

body of hostile troops for a moment. The latter rushed forward, vaunting

of their might. Their reeking swords cut down a large number of horses

and elephants. Many warriors were struck dead, and their heads dropped

down on the ground. Daggers were driven with determined hands. Thus

battled both the parties, each exulting and glorying to win the victory.

Heaps upon heaps of the slain lay scattered on the field—a dreadful

spectacle !|—on which vultures sat and feasted. The jackals licked the

blood, and the she-devils filled their vessels, danced and sang with merri-

ment. They wished for such another battle. They took pieces of flesh

and bone into their bloody mouths, drained their cups, sucked their clothes

steeped in blood and searched for more flesh. ‘The superior archery of the

Chohans secured the victory. The Muhammadan ranks, seeing that the

day was against them, fled away in confusion.

Then exclaimed Bahadur, the Mir of Abdal, curling his whiskers.

“ Order me, Royal Master, and this very moment I will, like a lion selzing a

sheep, bring Hamir to your feet. Only give me in return the Raj of Ran-

thambor. I will drag him into your presence, placing my bow around his

neck.” Abdal was placed at the head of 20,000 horse, determined to fight

the emperor’s cause. With a wild outcry rushed the brave Mir to the

field and came in front of Hamir, and with him 20,000 troops and 380

elephants ran forward, mad and frantic with rage. On the Rajptit side

Hamir ordered a hero to march forward and meet the Muhammadan

commander.

236 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

Both met, each vaunting of his own might. Elephant fought with

elephant, horse with horse, and foot with foot—all engaged in the work

of destruction. Drums were beaten and trumpets sounded. Cannons

boomed and blew up many a brave young warrior. Swords falling on heads

split the bodies into two. Their sharp blades were like the bloody jaws of

the grim Yam. Many a wrestler and athlete fell. Heaps upon heaps of

corpses lay in a confused mass. Men on elephants and elephants on men,

all huddled together very rightfully on the field. Horses writhed and

rolled in the agony of death. Behold! bodies without heads dance and

wrestle, their heads send forth a shout which thrill every heart, to

the horror of the living. Hillocks of bowels were formed, which falling

one upon another, seemed as if the elephant and the tortoise mentioned in

the Mahabharata were again fighting with violence. The kites and vul-

tures swooped down upon them and flew away with them. The bowels

suspending from their talons looked like lines of kites in the hands of

playful boys. Pieces of flesh were pinched out of many a living body,

and blood issued in jets. Arms and legs dropped off, and heads began to

roll like so many water-melons. Tanks of flesh and blood were formed.

The goddess Kaliké laughed, the Khetrapals danced and surfeited them-

selves with great glee. Siva leaped and, full of joy, wore new garlands of

heads. 6000 Khordsdnis fell and were taken to heaven by the black-eyed

Houris. 30 elephants were cut to pieces and lay scattered on the field.

Muhammad Shah bowed his head, joined his hands and asked for

orders. Hamir remained silent. Then the Shaik exclaimed—* See, Rao, —

see my skill in managing swords.” No sooner did he say the above words,

than he flew in haste to the field. Seated at ease on his horse, he thus

spoke out: ‘See, emperor, how good am I in the art of war. Why are

you silent ? Here stand I, your wrong-doer. See, here do I stand. Seize

me if you can. I have come before you on an open field; now seize me as

you used to vaunt, or if your words be false, you are no longer worthy the

name of ‘ emperor.’ ”’

At the command of Ald-uddin 80,000 Khordsdnis, with the Mir of

Saduki at their head, rushed forward, exclaiming: ‘ We will catch the

Shaik, give us in return the dominions of Hamir.” Drums and the high-

sounding trumpets stirred them all to action. 10,000 heroes, the flower of

chivalry, were with Muhammad Shah. Besides, there were 23,000 soldiers,

The famous Shaik spurred his horse and drew his sword in the teeth of the

hostile army.

“ Seize the villain, seize him alive, noble Saduki’’ exclaimed the angry

emperor at the top of his voice. “TI will give youa jdagér worth 12,000

a year.” At that very moment the Mir came forward, vaunting of his

might. The Shaik bowed to Hamir and began to flourish his sword.

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 237

“Victory to the Crescent’? was shouted by the Muhammadan ranks

and “ Victory to Hamir” by those of the Chohan. “ Hear, Emperor,” cried

Mir Saduki, “hear what a trifle is Hamir to me who have subdued

‘Tatta Bhakar.’” With these words on his lips, he rushed out in wild

fury, taking with him a detachment of 6000 picked Khordsanis. Some

soldiers advanced with flying colours. Heroes met with heroes, all brave,

stalwart and proud. They bent their bows, pulled the strings, adjusted

arrows with joy and shot them, each boastful of his own skill. The great

Shaik began to fight very furiously. Swords flashed fire, and a dreadful

massacre ensued. Hands and feet, arms and legs, heads and bellies dropped

down. Many warriors fell on the ground and rose again with redoubled

rage. Their bellies were cut, and the bowels came out, full of wind. All

was a confused mass of flesh and blood. The 6000 soldiers were put to the

sword ; not a single man escaped. Their banners and drums were snatched

away and presented to the Rao.

A stronger body of Muhammadan heroes rushed to capture Muham-

mad Shah. “Glory to you, valiant Chohan,” exclaimed the latter, “ your

bravery, courage, truth and other manly virtues have won you a universal

fame which will last for ever. You have staked your life and kingdom,

wealth and property for the honour of your words. Glory to your decision

of character, glory to your firmness. Your praises will be sung for ever-

more.” The thought of parting with his noble patron crossed his heart

and drew tears from his eyes. He continued, ‘‘ When my future mother

will give me birth, then shall I meet you, my generous Rao.”

Hamir replied.—“< Warriors do not display soft feelings on the field.

They do not love life, thinking it frail and transient. Union and separation

go hand in hand. That which grows must perish; so it is taught by the

Vedas. Do not be sorry, hero, do not lose heart. If you be separated here

by death, be sure that grim monarch cannot separate us there in heaven.

We shall all meet with one another, you, I, your wife, children, brother and

the emperor too, the moment we leave our bodies. Leave interest and love.

Nothing have we brought with us, and it is certain we can carry nothing

away. This frail body is turned to dust, while good deeds live for ever in

glory. Hear, Shaik, nothing is stable on the earth. What is our flesh P

It is but a compound of dust, perishable at a slight accident. Why then

love it ? love virtue and glory and drain the last drop of your blood in

order to have them.”

Muhammad Shah rushed headlong to the fight. Mir Gabru ran out

from the imperial ranks and bowed to him.

Mir Gabru.—* TI eat the salt of Ald-uddin, brother, and you that of

Hamir. Let not our relation make cowards of us. Let us stand by our

virtues at the peril of our lives. Although we shall part here from each

238 B. BandyopidhyAya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 8,

other, we shall surely meet and live together there in everlasting happi-

ness.”

Aldé-uddin said, smiling.— Hear, brave Muhammad Shah, your words

have come to pass to the very letter. You have never bowed down your

head to me since you left the gates of Dehli. Give up your anger, and let

us shake hands with each other and be friends again from this moment.

Come and side with me. I give you the woman with whom you kept com-

pany, and besides, the province of Gorakhpur.’’ The Shaik, smiled gently,

and thus replied: “‘ Remember, Emperor, the words you told me while in

Dehli. Keep your promise to yourself. My mother has not borne in me so

mean a son as to take what you give. Far from siding with you, I will,

if God spare my life, try my best to have Hamir seated on the throne of

Dehli, and his rule proclaimed through the length and breadth of India.

I will never leave my generous patron and protector, but will worship his

feet for evermore.”

When Hamir heard this news he sent a body of troops to the aid

of Muhammad Shah with the following message—“‘ Do not care for

your life, Shaik. See, for the honour of my words, I have drawn my

sword against the emperor of all India. Do not betray weakness now that

I have staked so much for you. Do not fear to die; if you do so, Muham-

mad Shah, then women are better than you. They keep their words, al-

though they cost them their lives.”

“ Let us draw our swords, brother,”’ exclaimed Mir Gabru, “and obey

the orders of our masters. Our death is imminent.”

Muhammad Shah felt pleased. Both the brothers, glad and exulting,

rushed at each other with drawn swords in their hands. They embraced each

other. Mir Gabru falling at the feet of the Shaik asked for orders,

“ Brother,” said the Mir, “ we are killing each other for the sake of loyalty

we bear to our masters. We shall never be blamed therefore.” Fraternal

affection yielded to the all-absorbing feelings of fidelity. The brothers

rushed at each other, They shouted, their helmets touched the sky. They —

began to fight as if two monarchs of death encountered each other, They

fell a-wrestling, brother with brother dying for their masters, an affecting

scene indeed! There was a clashing of swords, which flashed like the flashes

of fire seen, when woods and villages are burning on a summer night. Both

fell, fighting bravely. Their hands, legs and heads dropped, and yet their

trunks fought rolling against each other like two massive elephants.

Celestial nymphs descended to marry both the heroes, and their dead faces

wore a shining appearance.

They went to heaven amidst the cheering shouts of both the Hindts

and the Muhammadans. The dying words of Muhammad Shah were as

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 239

follow : ‘‘ Hear, Emperor, you need no more kindle the flame of war. Re-

turn to Dehli.” (To Hamir.) “Mighty Chohan, your deeds will be

immortal in this sinful Kali Yug, while the lives of others are as

arrows shot, that leave no trace in the air. Master of my body, Rao Hamir,

you have fulfilled your words, you have brightened your house and family,

you have no equal in this world, you have not read the Koran, while Ala-

uddin invoked your gods. We have not, we two, bowed down to him.”

His quivering lips uttered ‘Glory to Hamir.’

CHartEer XII.

Ala-uddin was for effecting a reconciliation. He said, “ Listen, warlike

Hamir, the bravest of all heroes, listen with attention to what I tell you. You

need not draw your sword again, for I have made up my mind to return to

Dehli with the living remainder of my forces. I not only forgive you your

offences, but give you fifty-two pargands in addition to your territories.

Reign undisturbed on them. I swear by the Koran that I will never assail

your fort again. Asis Dehli the capital of the Muhammadan govern-

ment, so is Ranthambor that of the Chohan.

Hamir replied.—“ Listen, Master of Dehli, and consider with attention.

Who can avert the decree of fate? What is fated to be must happen, and

no power, whether human or divine, can make it void. Whose are the terri-

tories that you are so presuming enough to give me? Did you give us

our lands? No. Who sat you on the throne of Dehli? Your ancestors ?

No. It was destined. Then, where lies the use of your wise words ? How-

ever powerful and cunning you may be, you can never avert predestination.

Nothing is stable on the earth but deeds of glory. Conquer time. See,

_ where are the cruel Duryodhan and the mighty Dashaskandha (the ten-

headed Ravana) ? They have all been levelled in the dust. Whose is the fort,

Emperor, and whose the throne of Dehli? They have been given to us by

God. We were both parts of the great Padam Rishi. I have been born a

Hindu, and you a Musalman according to our virtues. You offended the

gods, and so have been degraded to be an infidel. Leave enjoyment and

hunger for land, and let us both go to heaven to live there, clad in ever-

lasting glory. See, I have left my fort and come in your presence. I

have kept my word. My companion and refugee has been blessed with a

heavenly life. Let us follow him. Draw your sword, draw it, and do not

delay. Love not the world. All earthly possessions are but husks of grain

before a strong gust of wind. Fall with glory on the field, and let vultures

and jackals feast on your flesh that you may be a sharer of eternal enjoy-

ment, there in the world of felicity.”

240 B. Bandyopidhy4ya—Hamir Risd, [No. 3,

Ala-uddin’s blood boiled. He sent forth troops to the field. All the

soldiers and officers became ready, and another battle raged with such fury

as surpassed that of the war, waged by Partha on the famous plain of Kuru-

kshetra.

80,000 Rajputs and Bhils, armed with swords, bows, and arrows, were

drawn up in battle-array. The line of elephants looked like thick clouds

of autumn. Numbers of horses ran faster than the air. The swords flash-

ed like lightning. The arrows seemed as if showers of rain were falling fast

with violence. The war-minstrels sang martial airs. The drums sent forth

their soul-stirring peals. Messengers darted hither and thither.

On the Muhammadan side Mir Sikandar took an oath, bowed his head,

and received orders. He said in a vaunting tone, “I have captured the

fort of Birjapur, so what a trifle is to me this fortress of Ranthambor. In

vain have you, Emperor, pushed so many souls to death. Now see and

admire my skill in fighting.” He took with him all the regiments of Kan-

dahar and marched with fury.

From the Hindi ranks came out a Bhil, named Bhoj, and asked Hamir

for orders,

“ Allow me, noble lord, to fight the Kandaharis.” “I can never do

so,” replied Hamir. “ Do you remember, Bhoj, that two brave Bhils were, of

their own accord, beheaded near the foundation of the gate-wall of the

fort? of them One was your father. Raja Jait promised you protection.

You were bred by him, so how can I push you on to death? You are wise

and valiant. Go to Chitor, there to serve under the prince Ratan. Take

this fleet horse and go there with all speed.”

Bhoj.—* This head is devoted to your service, mighty Chohan. I am

old and as long as [I live, I will serve you. I consider my life as a pawn

only for the cause of you, my master. If I lose this opportunity of show-

ing my fidelity I shall never be able to gain it.”

He bowed down to Hamir, took with him his regiment and rode for-

ward. There was a forest of bamboo bows, arrows and daggers on the

field of battle.

Mir Sikandar rushed out and met them. The valleys rang with the

soul-stirring peals of drums and trumpets, and banners flew aloft. The

battle raged, the arrows whizzed. The two wings of the opposite parties

met each other. The Mir commanded the riders on elephants to go

forward. The Bhils pulled their clothes tight over their breasts and rush-

ed headlong to the fight. They, savage and ferocious with rage, held

bows in their hands. As the sound of drums inspires an athlete with cou-

rage, and he springs and jumps, so leaped Bhoj at the sound of war-songs.

Arrows were shot, and daggers driven into the bodies of enemies. An ele-

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 241

phant rushed with fury and was the next moment torn into two pieces by

two Bhils named Moria and Bhuria. This was followed by a fierce out-

rush of all the Bhils. They fell on the ranks of Ala-uddin and seemed as

if angry legions of bears and monkeys were destroying the golden fields

of Ceylon.

There was a play of daggers which stabbed many a warrior to death.

“ Behold, Vazir,” said Alé-uddin to Mihram Khan, “ behold how the Bhils

fight. They are making a rush at our men like so many enraged bears.”

Bhoj and Sikandar met. “Raise your sword, Mir, raise your sword at

first,” exclaimed the brave Bhil. “Pity, pity, old man, I pity your old

age,” replied the Mir. Bhoj burned with anger. He ran a dagger with

violence into the bowels of Sikandar. The latter laughed and struck the

former dead in an instant. Down dropped the head, but lo! the body rose

and made a fearful rush, committing a great massacre. Sikandar fell, and a

beautiful Houri came down and took him up to Paradise. Innumerable

soldiers of Kandahar fell with him. The trunk of the brave Bhil danced

on the field and yet stopped not its work of destruction. It rushed and

rushed on with unspeakable fury. The imperial forces withdrew.

The loss on the Muhammadan side was 25,000 soldiers of Kashmir,

30,000 Kandaharis with Sikandar at their head, and ten Mirs headed by Ali

Sher, while that on the Hindi was 2000 Bhils with Bhoj.

The troops of Ala-uddin ran away in confusion. Hamir alighted from

his elephant and came to the corpse of the brave Bhoj. He could not sup-

press his feelings ; he wept; he said: “ Who can measure the agony of

my heart? Bhoj, my dear companion, is dead. You were unsurpassed in

bravery, mighty Bhil, and are now glorious in immortality. Oh! that I

could follow you to that region of felicity whose gates have been open to

receive you with honour. Glory to you, bravest of heroes, faithful to the

salt.”

While Hamir was lamenting the death of the Bhil, Jayan Sikandar

came unawares and rushed at the Rao to seize him. But he was dis-

appointed. The Chohan troops arrived in time, and Hamir mounted on his

elephant.

The emperor’s blood boiled at the sight of his men flying away from

the field. ‘“‘ Why fly away, cowards, why fly away from the field? You

have all been fed on the richest food and have enjoyed many blessings under

my rule. What! to fly away and love life and interest at this critical

moment and to heap shame on my head !”

All the heroes were stimulated. They rushed again to fight with Ha-

mir. 200,000 of Kandaharis with Jayan Sikandar at their head marched,

while Hamir, for the sake of truth and religion, made his soldiers ready for

242 B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa, [No. 3,

another battle. Cannon and other fire-arms were no longer made use of,

and swords only were taken in hand.

Rao Hamir pulled the string of his bow and away flew shafts of arrows

whizzing through the air. It seemed as if the mighty Arjan was fighting

again on the field of Kurukshetra. Many elephants were pierced. Down

they fell and rolled, roaring with agony. ‘The mails of the horses were

run through, and the fire-headed arrows flew away with violence from the

bodies of many noble steeds, carrying their lives with them, They rained

like the showers of the rainy season. The Mirs and Rawats met. The

latter rushed out from their ranks. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron, with

the marriage-crowns fastened to their heads, many fierce warriors ran for-

ward with thrilling shouts. The war-minstrels began to sing their praises,

as they darted flashing like meteors. The hair of their erect whiskers

touched their eyes, and all their hairs were erect, being inflamed with rage,

energy and pride.

A thick array of elephants was set in front of the imperial force. The

Rajpat heroes made at them with sword in hand and fire in their hearts.

Hamir roared, standing on the field. The earth and the heavens shook with

the peals of the martial music. Banners streamed. Some elephants were

hurled in the air, others were struck dead. Some were torn into two, the

trunks of others were cut off so swiftly, as if they were so many plantain trees.

The tusks of some were broken, and the poor elephants instantly fled, roar-

ing and writhing in pain. Others were caught by the tails and tusks and

thrown suddenly on the ground. Heaps upon heaps of carcases were scat-

tered on the field, and blood began to flow from wounds in torrents, as jets

of water flow froma fountain. Many good horses rolled hither and thither,

with their legs and bodies cut in pieces. Again the swords flashed.

Heroes fought with heroes, while cowards fled away. The heads of some

dropped, the legs of others, the arms of some and the breasts of others.

Down came many warriors with a sound like the crash of falling timbers.

The reeking swords fell on the heads of some, and the heads fell down and

uttered forth a horrible scream, while their bodies began to dance on the field.

Arrows whizzed, swords flashed, they sounded as the axe of the wood-cut-

ter when at work in a jungle. The sharp lances went through many

bodies as enraged serpents go to theirdens. Daggers stabbed many, knives

were run through, whose points looked on the other side of the body like

tails of the cobra de capello. The bisén was driven with force, and

breasts were rent into two.

The athletes commenced wrestling. Some were hurled in the air. The

hands of others were sprained and plucked out. Some lost their heads, and

others their legs. ‘The earth was unable to drink the blood of which a river

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 243

flowed from the field. The huge carcases of horses and elephants, piled in

heaps, formed its banks ; the wheels of war-chariots caused currents. The

bows driven by a gentle wind looked like waves, the hands and legs like

serpents, and fingers with rings on them like shoals of shrimps, the heads

surmounted by red turbans like lotuses, the shady eye-brows like the

black-bee, and the hair like mosses. The bathing-places were where the

heroes were vaunting each of his might. The Yoginis, filling their basins

with the red liquid, looked like a troop of beautiful women filling their jars

and pitchers, and Bhairavs, Sambhu and Kalika, dancing with great glee,

like persons coming to bathe in the sacred months of Bysak and Kartika

(April and October).

The living remainder of the troops of Ala-uddin withdrew in fear and

shame. Standing on the field, the mighty Hamir roared likealion. Many

jackals, valtures and kites flew hither and thither, feasting on flesh and blood.

The flashing sword of Hamir fell on the head of Shah Sikandar

Jahan. Down dropped his enormous head with a crash. 125,000 Kanda-

haris were put to the sword. Besides, 100,000 of Ala-uddin’s own troops,

500 elephants and 10 Mirs fell. Here are the names of the last-named.

Shesh, Mahesh, Murad, Muhabbat, Muzaffar Ali, Nur, Askar Ali, Nizim

Ali, Sikandar Sh4h, Nur-uddin.

The wounded heroes raved here and there, quite furious and blood-

thirsty. The bright car of the sun stopped as if its majestic rider would

take a view of this dreadful spectacle. Even gods were taken aback. They

wondered at the military prowess of Hamir and looked with admiration at

the field of carnage. The gates of heaven were opened, and all the slain

were taken above, the Hindtis by handsome Apsaras, and the Muham-

madans by black-eyed Houris. The loss of the Chohans was four heroes

only.

“Hara, Hara, Hara” shouted the bold Hamir and, mounted on his

elephant, rushed at the emperor. His reeking sword flashed in his hand,

He exclaimed, “Come on, Ala-uddin, come and fight with me, draw your

sword, fight with me, come along.” The emperor became greatly enraged.

Full of anger, he rushed to go in front of the Chohan prince. But his

troops would not advance a step. The mighty Rao was a lion in fight,

therefore they feared to come before him. Some Mirs and Vazirs only

were with Ald-uddin.

“ How is this, Vazir,” said the emperor to Mihram Khan, “ where

are my forces? On whatever side I cast my eyes, I see none but the mass-

es of the Chohan army.”

Mihram Khin replied.— The best counsel, I can offer your Majesty,

is to make friends with the Chohans and live in peace.”

244 B. Bandyopadhyaya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3,

The emperor sent a herald to the Rao with proposals of peace. He

wrote, “‘ Pardon my faults, brave Chohan, and effect a reconciliation. En-

joy undisputed your land and territory in the heart of Rajpitané. I have

made up my mind to return to Dehli.”

When Hamir got the letter, he thus replied, “We are both on the

field ; we have come here to fight, and not to sue for peace. I cannot grant

this request. He who uses humble words, words of weakness before an

enemy clad in mail, is a coward, and nothing but a coward ; or if you have

any other motive, Emperor, be sure, it will bear no fruit.” (To the herald.)

“Go, herald, go to your emperor, and tell him that I am ready with my

troops and will never go away without fighting with him.”

Hamir to his vassals.— My brave Sirdars, do just as I bid you. The

Rajputs fight with thirty-six arms ; but mind, in this battle, we will use four

only—swords, daggers, Ahanjars and biséns. Be glorious by fighting the

emperor with these weapons, leaving aside the use of fire-arms—cannon,

ban, chaddar, hathnar, jambhur, muskets, pistolsand guns. Fall on the Mu-

hammadan forces ; but see, you do not kill Ala-uddin: if you die, you are

sure to go to heaven and live there with handsome Apsaras for evermore.”

The Sirdars obeyed his orders. Clad in clothes dyed with saffron and

fastening the crowns of marriage on their heads, they attacked the Muham-

madan ranks.

There was not a single fire-arm, neither were there any bows and ar-

rows. Swords only were played. The emperor came to the field, full of

rage. Both the parties met. Throats, hands and legs dropped on the

ground. Bodies were cut off in the middle, as the sharp edge of a saw divides

a block of wood. Many a head fell, but the body rose and danced horribly

on the field. The headless trunk of a Chohan made a rush and drove

the trunk of a Muhammadan away. ‘The severed heads shrieked and

shouted, and their shouts sent a thrill to the hearts of the living soldiers.

Daggers were run through, held in determined hands. hanjars (bat-

tle-axes) opened large wounds on the chests, and bisdéns (short poniards

firmly attached to the fist) stabbed hearts of adamant. The field wore a

very gay appearance, being ornamented with five different colours. The

Bakshi was put to the sword. The moment he fell, the troops of the

emperor ran away in confusion. ‘There was a terrible din on the field. It

seemed as if the dead rose and shouted with fury, opening their bloody

jaws and extending their hands to fight. At the fall of the Bakshi,

Ala-uddin himself reined his elephant aside. Only his Vazir was with him.

A body of Chohan soldiers surrounded the elephant.

“Do not slay the emperor,’ exclaimed Hamir at the top of his voice,

“do not slay him, for such is not the virtue of the Kshatriya. It is a sin

_ 1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 245

to kill an emperor because he gives food to thousands of souls. Besides,

Ala-uddin calls himself ‘ master of the world.’ ”

Then was the emperor taken into the presence of Hamir, who said

“ Emperor, return to Dehli safe.”

The next moment Al4-uddin, with the remainder of his forces, encamp-

ed four miles behind his former camp, in the direction of his capital. Con-

siderable booty fell to the hands of the Chohén troops—tents, furniture,

ensigns, weapons and money. All the wounded, irrespective of their caste,

were taken special care of, and their wounds dressed. They were then sent

each to his own country.

The sweet peals of Dzndhavt sounded the march. Full of joy Hamir

started to return to his fort. He was too glad to remember what he had said

to the princess As4, his favourite wife. Some soldiers in the front line had

‘the imperial colours in their hands. The eager princess saw them from the

fort, and, thinking that victory had gone to the Musalmans, committed a

dreadful massacre and killed one and all, preferring death to ignominy.

When the Rao entered the fort, he heard of the massacre, and the next

moment he saw before him the lifeless body of his dear queen, that of his

daughter Dewéal, and those of the maids lying on the ground, with streams

of blood gushing out from the wounds. ‘Then he called to mind the words

of Siva. He resolved to cut off his own head and offer it at the feet of

the god. He informed his Vazirs, officers and Rdwats of his determina-

tion.

“ Patience, patience, royal master” prayed a hero. “ Do not shorten

your life. What was fated to be, has come to pass. Long live you in

glory under the protection of Mahadeva. Grant our prayer and request.

All your warriors join their hands and entreat you. Do not, mighty Rado,

behead yourself.”

Hamir exclaimed.—“‘ Hear, my brave heroes, partners of my labours

and pains, hear with attention. The lion enjoys carnal pleasures but for

once. The word which has once come out of the mouth of a virtuous

man can never be withdrawn. The plantain yields its fruit only once. The

oil which is rubbed over the head of a woman on the occasion of her mar-

Yiage can never be rubbed again in her life. And the firm resolution of

Hamir of doing what he has once said can never be shaken.’’*

Hamir bade adieu to all present, ordering them to go to Chitor to the

service of the prince Ratan. All alone the great Rdo stood before Maha-

deva and offered his own head to the god. The apsaras descended from

* fae fang, eau Fae, FS TACHI |

fH te, SAC eaay at Serax |

246 B. Bandyopadhyaéya—Hamir Rasd, [No. 3;

heaven, singing hymns of praise. Urvasi, the fairy-queen, threw garlands

of flowers on his head and rubbed it with nectar. In heaven the gods sang

‘Glory to Hamir,’ and on earth all men did the same. Great rejoicings were

made in the golden city of Amaravati on the grand occasion of the great

Chohan’s entering into Paradise. Glory, glory, glory to the brave and -

generous Rao of Ranthambor!

Punishment of Sarjan Shah.—After the death of Hamir, Sarjan Shih

called Ala-uddin to the fort of Ranthambor. The emperor was struck

dumb by Hamir’s resolution. He gave vent to his feelings of admiration

in the following words: “Glory to you, Rao Hamir, glory to your mother

who bore in her womb such a heroic son. Your words are true. You are

a perfect pattern of disinterestedness. You have left life and interest for

the cause of one, a foreigner by birth, creed and nationality. The earth *

will never see such a hero again. You are unequalled in bravery, Hamir.

Loffered you terms of peace continually for fourteen years, but you were

immovable from your purpose and resolution like a mountain. May your ~

name be glorious from one end of the world to the other. Glory to you,

valiant hero of heroes.” :

Turning about, the emperor said to Sarjan Shah: ‘“ Listen to what I say,

now. The Rao is dead, go and get me a hair of his head.”’? Mahadeva frowned,

and the following words were heard to come out. “Take eare, thou vile

monster, thou ungrateful wretch, if thou advance one step to execute thy

foul purpose, thou art a dead man, and thy head severed from thy body.”

Sarjan was frightened out of his wits. The emperor laughed, looked

at him, and thus exclaimed, “ Basest of all mortals, thou faithless to thy

salt, thou hast no equal in villainy. In return for thy black deeds take this

deserving reward.’’ His head was cut off, and his body tied to the tail of an

elephant and dragged all about the camp.

APPENDIX. *

Chaturbhuj, the first Chohan, sprung from the Analkund, had two

wives, Chakramati and Anatrambha,

Chaturbhuj by Chakramati. Chaturbhuj by Anatrambha.

Bhinal. Sekand Raja.

Bhunal worshipped Jin Mata, and Rajé Sekand worshipped As4 Puri

built the fort of Jinor. finally called Sambhano Mata and

built the fort of Jallor.

1879. ] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 247

His clans. His clans.

(1.) Jinawal Chohans (12 tribes). (1.) Daord Chohans.

(2.) Dadrora aes (2.) Saugrava 3

(3.) Kam Khani __e,, (8.) Khinchi 2

, ie ae a e ” Balicha BS

.) Rakshiya 5 5.) Hara

(6.) Bhakshiya a (6.) Hal "

(7.) Narbechha 5 (7.) Chéka -

(8.) Jarichha e (8.) Dhanarayal oy

(9.): Tak > (9.) Bhagarid

2 s ”

(10.) Dori - (10.) Shachora ie

(11.) Niman * (11.) Dhachora 3

(12.) Daiman - (12.) Alnot 5

(13.) Marwal - (13.) Minawat oN

(14.) Dal 3 (14) Bidinsid =

Ga = id As (15.) Thimia 35

: achoda 3 (16.) Koli 3

(17.) Chayel - (17.) Bahal& ¥

(8.) Moyel = (18.) Chahel& rf

(19.) Gul-i-bash , (19.) Baleta ee

(20.) Charar ; ” (20.) Jahella 5

(21.) Bishutré 5 (21.) Sahella oa

(22.) Deshutra Fe (22.) Sipat a

(23.) Bhagravat 5

Sekand Raja. Jahin Rikh.

| alae it

Shubatsha. Ayan Rikh.

as oole was

Chand. Mahat Rikh.

wh -y: |

Bana Rikh. Mini Rikh.

pee Sire

Brahma Rikh. Bom Rikh.

iE |

Indrasaen. Rip Rikh.

a |

; Bachh Rikh or Batsha Rikh. Bhoj Rikh.

| |

{ Maha Rikh. Shyam Rikh.

ae ey:

. Mal Rikh. Shtivan Rikh.

Jabin Rikh. Khauk Rikb,

248

B. Bandyopidhyaya—Hamir Rasa,

Khauk Rikh.

RTs Rikh.

Bhao Rikh.

Showan Rikh.

Jaman Rikh

Dev Rikh.

Chahi Dit.

Nara Dit.

Daya Dit.

Ran Dit.

veel

Hara Dit.

Nag Dit.

Chakra Dit,

Sur Dit.

Shinya Dit.

Narendra Dit.

Khem Dit.

Shyam Dit.

Dhom Dit.

Shivan Dit,

Karan Dit.

ee ee

Dhaii Dit.

Bam Dit,

Bam Dit.

Tigh Pa

Tae eal

Chandra Pal,

Kul Pal.

[No. 3,

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 249

Kul Pal.

Nara Mandab.

Sree

ool ieaat

Chakra Mandab.

Shir Chakra Mandab.

RCE,

Ding Manih

Shyam Chandra,

—"—

Bijai Chandra.

Chohéns,

Bijai Chandra.

Hanis Chania,

Wahi Ghani

al Ghana

Gobind Chandra.

Omi Chandra,

Trisinha Dev.

Hem Dev.

Hara Dit.

Meg Pal.*

Karls RG.

Secret

Gaara

Shukmal.

Amarmal,

Jaman Bhim, ~

Samant.

'* Meg Pal wrested the white umbrella of Indra, Hence the white colours of the

B. Bandyopidhyaya —Hamir Rasa,

Samant.

Nara Dev.

Bhim Dev.

Bom Rao.

Dham Rio.

Prajapal Raja.

sa esi Raja.

Bijaidit Raja.

Yogendra Pal.

Ami Pal.

Kumbbh Pal.

Kumbh Pal.

Antra Pal.

== Pal.

Hara Pal.

Jamand Pal, |

Tjj Pal.

PETES T

Matsya Raj.

1879.] or a History of Hamir, prince of Ranthambor. 251

Matsya Raj. Gahu.

one AS

ae Sia, reigned in S4-

Taiibanas Dev salina ak

=e ao

ot ae Fie A founded Ajmir

aR arg 3 28 (Sin

Bil Dev. of Taragarh.

| Ajay Pal.*

Kabilas. |

| Prithviraj I.f son of Bisaul

Bichitra. | [ Dev.

| Alan Dev.

, Gahu.

* Ajay Pal. Chatak Dev.

as eeeteeee

fetes De. Bisal Dev.

=e Prithviraj I.

+ Prithvirdj I, had 9 sons.

(1.) Alan Deo—father of Alnat Chohans who reigned in Ajmir.

iid Tie

Siraj Mal father of the Shangra Chohans, who built the fort of Shangra.

(3.) Dev Raj - i Deora Chohans, who built the fort of Deord.

a Khim Karanji ,, on Khinchi Choh4ns, who built Raghogarh.

(5.) Udai Karanji ,, 5 Balecha Chohans of Madhugarh.

6.) Biram Devji_,, 3 Khamiché Chohans of Suratgarh and Bhadaria Cho-

7.) Hilji 5 - Hl Chohans of Jeyatgarh. . (hans.

8.) Har Palji 5 Hara Chohans of Kota and Bandi.

(9.) ChaturGhal ,, _,, Chékha Chohans of Chatshu.

¢.

252 B. Bandyopidhya4ya—Hamir Rasa. [No. 3,

Alan Dev.

Trina

Amar Gangayaji.

ily a 3. A. 5%,

Someshwar. Hari Singh. Bir Dirs Kan

i! 2 | 3 | Singh. Rédo. Samant.

Prithvi. Har Raj. Chaharde. Shir Singh.

’ |

Bahujuth. Rao Jait.

ov ec? Se eel PS Bg

Bijai Ram. Hamir.

eee ot ee

Lakhan Shi. Rand Ratan

Sen.

Raja Shankat.

21 sons ruled in Etgarh.

1. Harsha Rajji ruled in Dhiinoti.

2. Sains Malji pr -» igote,

8. Birém Chandji ,, ,, Kumayu.

4, Trilék Chandji (Khayir Jartoli k& Raja).

5&6. Sheo Ram and Binayé Ram ruled in Sheoptr, Kangré in the

Panjab.

7. Gyan Chandji ruled in Etawa, Jalpi, Kalpi, Baghé, Mainptri

and Patiwari.

8&9. Ram, Bariam ruled in Kal4 Pahar, Sonkar, Sonkari.

10 &11. Gaher, Baher (Kashikéa Chohans).

12, 18, 14, 15,16. Naulji, Gusainji, Chit Raj, Bambh Raj, Barshi, ruled

in Pachewdra, had 500 villages, and 6 towns—Kahu,

Lalsét, Lewala, Digo, Lanké and Baratindo.

17. Ajja—Shri M4l Bunniyas descended from him,

18. Bijja—father of Sheo Ranjat clan,

19. Kalas Raj—father of the Chita Minas.

20. Mir.

21. Raéamu—father of Khola Ahir.

enn

CONTENTS

3 OF THE

JOURNAL, Pr. I, ror 1878.

Lyall, The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with

introduction and notes—Shaw, On Stray Arians in Tibet.—

ndralala Mitra, On Representations of Foreigners in the

ntaé Frescoes—Rajendralala Mitra, A Copper-plate Grant

ao Banda—Walker, Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations.—

ith, Notes on two ancient Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the

nirpur District, N. W. P. Withanote by Prannath Pandit.

—Beveri d ge, The Antiquities of Bagura (Host).

. vy

— G rowse, Mathura Notes,

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CONTENTS.

Pali Derivations in Burmese.—By H. L. St. Bary, B. c. &., ...

A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining

countries—By S. E. Prat, Sibsagar, Asam,.................2. oe

Bulandshahr Antiquities By F. 8. Growsn, c. s., M. a., Oxon,

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_ 270

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253

258

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282 _

285

297

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

——)—

Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e,

No. IV.—1879.

Pali Derivations in Burmese.—By H. L. Sr. Bare, B. c. 8.

The Burmese have borrowed their alphabet, religion, literature and a

large portion of their language from the neighbouring continent. The

alphabet was no doubt introduced at a very early period. It has never

been analysed with any care, but its square variety approximates more

closely to the Asoka and fifth century (B. C.) inscriptions than any later

Indian modifications. It was adopted en bloc, though the Burmese have

never themselves found any use for 12 out of the 34 consonants and have

altered several of the sounds, notably the 2nd varga from “ch” and “j”

to “s” and “ z”, the vowel “ai” into é (pronounced more or less like the

“e” in there) and “o” into “6” (like the “aw” in “law”). To express

‘the sound of an “0” and “ai,” they invented a new compound, which I

propose calling “ ui’? from the symbols it is apparently composed of. The

‘remaining characters, for my present purpose, will be more conveniently

designated by their Indian equivalents.*

The earliest date mentioned in the national chronicle is the foundation

of the Sarekhettard kingdom (B. C. 482). Previous to this, lengthy lines

of kings with Indian names are mentioned at Sangassa and Paiicala, as the

old capitals of Tagoung and old Pugdn were denominated. ‘There is no

adequate reason, so far as I can see, for rejecting the Indian origin of these

early kingdoms. The country was in much the same state as Karen-

bi or the Kachyen hills are at present; inhabited by a number of petty

; * A paper on Burmese Transliteration was contributed by the writer tothe R, A,

Society and published in their Journal for April 1878.

254 H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4,

tribes with scarcely a shred of order, civilization or authority among them.

The advent of an Indian prince (be he real or the reverse), with a little band

of refugees, would have much the same effect as the advent of a Burmese

“mintha’’ among the Karen Highlanders. He may be the sole element

required for order, coherence and organization. The separate clans become

a nation, the separate states a kingdom, a dynasty is established, and his-

tory commences. The rulers will introduce as far as possible their own

language, usages and religion. Their sons and cities will have sonorous

Indian titles, and they will import astrologers, sages and as many represen-

tatives of their native Pantheon as their subjects can comfortably digest.

A hundred years or so, and these will remain the sole testimonies to their

foreign extraction. This is exactly what has happened in Burma, The bulk

of the Aryan element, no doubt, found its way into the language hundreds

of years later through a Pali channel, when Anorahta in the eleventh cen-

tury A. D. brought the “Three Baskets’ from Thahton and had them

translated into the vernacular. But Sanskrit words had entered the lan-

guage before this, without any connection with Buddhism. The names

for the days of the week are derived from a Sanskrit source, though dis-

torted at times beyond recognition. Anga, Buddhahu:, Sokra:, Krasa-

pate :* and Chane are identifiable, but Tananla and Tananganve have as yet

defied analysis. So too the signs of the zodiac, such as priccha, karakat,

prissa, more nearly resemble the Sanskrit; while such words as khyanse

a lion, rasse a rishi, athwad (S. thud to cover) a pinnacle, hiira: (S. hord)

astrologers, pritta (S. preta) the dead, missa (S. mega) a ram, prassad (S.

prasdda) a tower, seem to point to a time when the foreign vocables were

written down as they sounded in Burmese, without reference to their

etymology. The presence of the “r’’ also in such words as samuddara,

krattika, amruik (amrita), kramma, drap (darpa), gruih (graha), chakra,

aggirat, bhimirat, indicate an earlier source than Pali. As time went

on, the importations vastly increased, and an estimate of words of Indic

extraction as constituting one-seventh of the whole Burmese vocabulary

would be rather under than over the actual proportion. Many, no doubt,

are corrupted and contorted beyond all knowledge, Captain Latter

remarks in his grammar that there is no such thing as orthography in the

Burmese language, and no doubt the existence of 12 superfluous characters

and the slurred enunciation of final consonants have led to a good deal of

confusion. Such forms as vibhak (vipaka), puppa (pubba), phothappa

(photthabba), ki (guba), bhavak (bhavaggam) are typical instances of

* The change of an initial labial into a guttural is rare in Burmese, The only

other instance I know of is pattard into kattard, 'The change of ¢ into s is common

enough,

en ee ee a eee eS _—

1879.] H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. 255

common errors, and many others will be noticed among my examples. Nei-

ther Dr. Judson in his Dictionary nor Dr, Mason in his Pali Grammar can

be relied on, and I regret to state that the provincial government is among

the worst of offenders. Besides countenancing the most frenzied methods

of transliteration, it had the temerity to allow the Education Department

to publish a collection of popular Burmese texts with but the scantiest

acquaintance with the language. Pali MSS. were exclusively relied on,

the result being that it is almost impossible to conceive more orthogra-

phical errors being included within a smaller space.

The process of engrafting Aryan vocables on a Mongoloid stock must

be more or less clumsy and inadequate. Gotama would scarcely understand

ten words together of his own doctrine as recited by a phungyi, and most

certainly could not make himself intelligible to a Burmese audience. The

character must always be a most unsatisfactory one to adopt for any new

dialect or language. In reducing Karen to writing, the American Mission-

aries had a grand opportunity of introducing the Latin alphabet (with the

necessary additions) which was just as intelligible to their converts as any

other, and which would have led easily to a general scheme of vernacular

transliteration. They were misguided enough, however, to employ Bur-

mese, the consequence being a series of appalling hieroglyphics incompre-

hensible to all but the contrivers. I hear that Kachyen is to undergo a

similar treatment. This is the language spoken by all the Singphos on

the borders of Burma and Assam and deserves a better fate than being

interred within an ingenious (perhaps) but inscrutable cipher. May I be

permitted to recorda feeble and, no doubt, ineffective protest? Apart

however, from a want of orthoepical precision (to use Dr. Wilson’s phrase)

there is a certain amount of method and uniformity observed in the appro-

priation of Pali terms. I have been able to frame a simple set of rules

which are tolerably comprehensive and which may be of some use in deal-

ing with future importations. It will be noted (1) that anuswara and

the nasals are freely interchangeable, (2) that visarga (which in Burmese

is only used as a grave accent after long vowels and nasals) is added with-

out any reference to the original.

I. The word was imported whole.

FE. g. kala, sati, utu, gati, ussabha, ratha:, kula:, khana, upama.

Often inflected or misspelt.

EB. g. asavo, upaddavo, pakate (pakati), chute (chuti), sare (siri), yujana

(yojanami), hans4 (hamsa), ans4 (amsa), parikkhayd (parikkhara),* milak-

* Of. also Tirichchhan for Tirachchhana. There was evidently some false analogy

deduced from “ viriya’” another importation.

256 H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. [No. 4,

khu (milakkho), nirtya (niraya), magha (magha), nagd (naga), akhobhani

(akkhohini), kambulwe (kambulo).

II. It was abbreviated,

(a.) if the penultimate vowel was “a” or “i” and the last consonant

uncompounded, by changing the vowel into “ ui’ and dropping the termi-

nation.

EF. g. phuil (phalam), buil (balam), gruih (graha), naguiy (nagaram),

makuit (makata), rakkhuik (rakkhaka), guin: (gana), kasuin (kasina),

karuin (karanam), ganuin (kdénanam ?), samuin (samanfia?). But kuiy

(kaya) is an exception.

“ T”? was occasionally changed into “I.”

ZA. g. charuik (charita), amruik (amrita.)

(6.) If the penultimate vowel was neither “ a’ nor “i,” or if the last

consonant was a compound, the final vowel or syllable was dropped.

EL. g. adhippay (adhippaya), apay (apdyo), dan (danda), dat (datu),

upacha (upachdra), upade (upadesa), alin (alinda), kannamui (kannamilam),

chhan: (chhanda), dhutan (dhuttanga), pullan (pullanko), nimit, (nimit-

tam), kum (kumbha), van (vamsa), ekan (ekamsa), kan (kaif).

N. B. In “ jani’” (janika) and chheti (ehhetiyam) the i has been leng-

thened to allow the operation of this rule.

Occasionally the vowel was shortened.

#. g. nam (nama), yam (yama), amat (amatya), dan (diémam), bhum

(bhimi), atit (atitam).

2. In some cases more than one syllable is dropped.

EL. g. upaid (upadanam), byaii: (byaiijanam), navarat (navaratanam),

pitakat (pitakattayam).

3. “o” is changed into “wu” in the words—

anulum (anuloma), upus (uposatha), alup (dlopa).

4. The vowel is lengthened in the words—

ti (tula), ki (guha), va (vassam).

5. A penultimate y is often changed into fi or é.

[As a final, i has 3 sounds in Burmese, the first nearly corresponding

to “i,” the second to “ é,” the 8rd (with an anusvara) to “in.’””]

E. g. nai (naya), pachchafi (pachchaya), vinaii (vinaya), naré (niraya),

sahé (sahaya).

6. The letters i (with an anusvdra), nm and u are often employed

anomalously.

B. g. jai (jana), abhifiah (abhififid), upamafi (upamanam), uyyaii:

(uyydénam), sabhan (sabha), bhavan (bhava), maggan* (magga), 4gum

* Dr. Judson derives maggan from magganga. This appears unnecessary and

erroneous.

1879.] H. L. St. Barbe—Pali Derivations in Burmese. 257

(a4gamma), arum (arammand4), nigum: (nigama), saranagum (sarana gama-

nam), apud (apada), vevuch (vevachanam), unnalum (unnalamba ?).

III. Occasionally some other change occurred in the word, viz.—

(a.) The Burmese substantive prefix “a’’ was given.

E, g. arup (rapam), arasa (rasam), akhan (Kkhandeti).

(0.) The initial vowel was dropped.

LE. g. pama (upam4), lanké (alankara), dhitthan (adhitthanam), bhissit

(abhisito), rahan: (araham), numo (anu modan4).

(c.) Some medial alteration took place.

£. g. muigh (megha), adhwan (addhana), bhe: (bhaya), sabho (sabhava),

galun (garulo), mahut* (muhutta), puthui (thipo?). For a similar inver-

sion compare danchakii: for chandakii:, krapate for prakate, and perhaps

rakhuin for kharuin.

The above is a brief and imperfect summary of the methods employed

in adapting Pali derivatives to the Burmese vernacular. Some of the

changes and modifications were necessitated by the character of the lan-

guage ; others were dictated by euphony. I have not here analysed the

reasons for any change, nor have I noticed the specialities or alterations of

meaning which many words have assumed in their transfer. Such terms as

sanbho (a ship), sankan: (a chivara), sankham: (a hermitage), dhivam

(the north star), pariydy (artifice), charit (expenses), joti (a schismatic) can-

not be found with such significations in any Pali or Sanskrit dictionary,

and a long list of obviously Indic words could be made up comprising such

common names as pufifia: (a Brahmin), muttho (a dagoba), rikkha (provi-

sions), purapuik (a slate &c.), koja (anera), prakkadin (an almanack), which

are not to be found at all.

I should mention in concluding that some Pali words are to be found

in several forms, such as kammam kam kramma, kaya kaiy, mag magga

maggin, sarup rup rupa arup, mit metta, chit cheta, &c. The Burmese are

fond also of using a Pali and Burmese word of the same signification to

form a sort of aggregative compound.

B. g. mit-chhue (friends), amin ana (an order), pum-santhéin (appear-

ance), amhu kichcha (business), arap-desa (a place), amyak-dosa (anger), &e.

These well exemplify the way in which Pali has become interwoven

with the common speech and thought of the people. A thorough knowledge

of Burmese would necessitate some acquaintance with its Aryan ally, and

one could wish to see a dictionary or grammar undertaken with some recog-

nition of this fact.

* This dropping of the “w’ is very common in Burmese as pati:, pachchhui:, &c.

for puti:, puchchhui,

258 8. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,

A peculiarity of the river names in Asam and some of the adjoining

countries.—By 8. E. Peau, Sibsagar, Asam.

Some years ago the prevalence of Di or Ti, as a prefix to river names

in Asam, induced me to draw up a list of such, in the hope that some clue

might be found that would explain the frequent recurrence of it.

It soon became evident that this Di, Ti, meant “ water’? in many of

the hill dialects, and that the second part of the word was the true name

of the river, in many cases descriptive; thus, the Tisa of the Naga hills

means, Ti = water, Sa = young, the “ young river.”

Di and Ti was also frequently seen as a suffix; thus, Ai ti = mother

water, Rapti, Tapti, Kampti &c.; occasionally softened to thi, as in

Yung-thi, La-thi, Mi-thi.

More extended search revealed the peculiarity in most of the countries

adjacent, with traces of it as far as western India. In the Naga hills, there

are several variations, Ti, Tsi, Di, Dsu, and Chi, among Kacharies, Doi,

Lushais Tui, and over the Malayan peninsula Tsi and Si, as in Si-tang,

Si-mun, Sigtin, although both Ti and Di also are occasionally met with.

In China we see it under various forms, as Tse, e. g- in Yang tse

Kyang, and as Tsi, Tchi, Tchu, Sui and Chu, which latter is also so prevalent

over Tibet, Chu being Tibetan for water. This latter is also common all

along our northern frontier, “‘ Lang chw” being in fact the upper Indus.

Northwards, among the restricted Turanians, we get the Turki Su for

water, and the Mongolian Us-su, no doubt related to the Tibetan Chu and

Chinese Sui.

Following the course of the great Turki Mongolian invasions, from

the north-east, we find this same word for water, more or less attached to

rivers through Persia (as Sui) and Asia Minor (Siai, Soui, Su), emerging

in European Turki as Su (there are two Kara-su rivers alone, falling into

the gulf of Salonica, kara = black and su = water). Obviously these

names are more or less of a generic character, the black water, the white

water, &¢., being common in most countries. Returning eastward to

Asam, where the Di is so very prevalent, it is noteworthy that the Doi of

the Asamese Kacharies seems related to the Da and Dah of the aborigi-

nals of western Bengal and Central India. Passing westwards from Asam,

we see the Tista, Di-pok, Di-onai, &c. in Bihar ; Seti and Di-wa are also names

of the Gogra; and Di-ngrai, a branch of the Arun in Nipal, is an almost

exact repetition of the Ti-ngrai of eastern Asam.

Among the tributaries of the Ganges we have the Dioha, Rapti, and

Gum-ti.* Again we have the Di-saun R. B. of the Bitwa (Jamna), the

Narbada is the Kun-di, and we have the Tapti, Rapti, Dasti, Dire, &e. T

* There is another Gumti in Hill Tipperah,

1879.] 8. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 259

is again met with, as the vernacular for water, among the tributaries of the

upper Satlej] and Indus, and used by hill tribes who do not seem to have

had any communication, in the historic period, with the non-Aryans of

Eastern Bengal. Jumna = Jamuna or Di-a-muna of Ptolemy.*

In regard to the peculiarity under notice, it is evident that the Hima-

laya has acted as a conspicuous speech-parting. Starting from China,

where we have Tse, Sui, and Chu, we get, via Tibet, Chu and Su alone, with

their local variations, whereas to the south of the range, vid Burma, Asam

and India, we get the variations of Di, Ti, Thi, Dzu, Dui, Dah, which are as

absent north of the Himalaya, as the Chu and Su are south of it, although

to the east the two groups are connected by many intermediate forms.

The peculiarity in question gains importance from a knowledge of the

fact that river names often survive the races who gave them. As Dr.

Buchanan Hamilton has truly said, “the names of rivers and mountains

“are those which are usually most carefully preserved among the changes

“that take place in the languages of mankind.”

It is not intended that these few remarks should be taken as an

attempt to group non-Aryan races through a single word, but rather to

invite a comparison between this peculiarity, as attached to river names, and

the languages spoken 7m sitw at the present day.. In many cases the race

giving the name has evidently departed, leaving, as in Asam and parts of

Bengal, little else but these river names as evidence of former occupancy.

This is specially noteworthy in a country quite destitute of architectural

remains, like Asam and the hill country surrounding it. A careful study

of such words as are likely to survive the races that originate them may

lead to many unexpected proofs of that which is, so far, only surmised. It

would also include the changes which such words or names systematically

undergo at the hands of Aryan races, as where Su is rendered “ Hu,” or

even “ Ku,” as in Eu-phrates.f The Indus is obviously the Ind-su, and we

have it on many old maps as Ind-huh (% being s at each extremity of

India) ; it is also rendered as Ind-suh. Non-Aryan names even seem to

occur in Persia; Ak-su, literally white water, is found common all over

Central Asia and as far west as European Turkey. Tested by the above,

it looks more than probable that this is the source whence we derive “ Oxus,”

one of the tributaries of that river, near its source, being Ak-su. I am,

however, informed by a good authority that it comes from Waksh, also one

of its sources. Possibly there may be less difference actually between the

“ak-su’’ and “waksh,” than at first sight appears.

——

;

‘

* [Di appears to be merely the Greek way of spelling the Prakrit 7 Gamund) =

Sanskrit y (yamund) ; see A. Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, p. 46. En.]

+ [The Assyrian hw (Greek ew) = Scythian fw ‘water’; see A, Cunningham,

Ancient Geography, p. 37. Ep.)

260 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,

“ Kara-su,” @. e. black water, is perhaps the commonest of this group

of words (being also of a generic character). The name extends from the

east of China to Turkey in Europe, and from Turkestan to the Arctic Ocean.

A list of instances with Latitudes and Longitudes is given further on.

In Longitude they lie mainly between 21° 50’ east and 69° east, while

in Latitude the name oceurs mainly between 35° N. and 45° N., a very

restricted belt, corresponding with the Mongolian invasions westwards.*

Notwithstanding the fact that the whole of Central, Eastern, and Southern

Asia, were probably originally peopled by non-Aryans, apparently spreading

from China westward, it is noteworthy how effectually the Himalaya stood

as a speech-parting, dividing the races spreading south of it from those

to the north, even when tested by this one word for “ water.”

In studies of this kind much needless confusion has been caused by

the very various modes of spelling adopted, ere the Hunterian system was

introduced; the real name being often so disguised as to be barely seen.

Indeed, in many cases we have boldly changed the original name for ano-

ther, as when Rennel turned the Ai-ti (mother water) into Barelly, simply

because the former sounded to him absurd. The Amins also, who were

with Buchanan, endeavoured to turn Tista into Trista or Tristota, and

against the protest of the inhabitants. Carelessness has also had a great

deal to do with the confusion we see, and the first mode of spelling that

was chanced on remained, whether corrector no. Some riversare spelt four

or five different ways and at times as many as eight, and it is common to find

the same river even on the same map spelt two different ways; thus we

have Dee, De, Di, Dy interchangeable.

It must also be borne in mind that maps seldom give more than one

name where there may be several well known locally to distinct tribes

near. Thus Mbong-kha of the Singphtis is the Ti-keng of the Nagas.

Dinoi of the Singphis is Ning-thi of the Munipuris (the beautiful water),

and it is Nam-tonai of the Shans and Kyendween or Thanla wati of the

Burmese. Probably it has also Naga names. Many rivers therefore may

not at first sight seem to fall into the following list, that are yet very con-

spicuous, as the Dhansiri, but on investigation it turns out that the old

name is nearly obsolete, z. e., the “ Di-ma,’’ whence Di-ma-pur. It is or

was also called the Ti-mt.

In some cases again the name of the river is obviously recent, as the

Godadhur, its true name being the Macht, chu being the Bhutan varia-

* I am not here in a position to follow out the word ‘kara’ (black) and trace its

relationship to ‘kala’; possibly it has been done, but if not, it would seem to offer an

interesting and instructive case whereby we may possibly collate the non-Aryan lan-

guages with the Aryan. On the other hand it may simply have been imported from

one to the other and modified lately.

1879.] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam, 261

tion, as in Tan-chi, Tso-chi (the Sonkosh) or Wang-chi, Har-chi

Par-chii &e. .

It is often difficult to spell Turanian words correctly and Tsi, which

gives great trouble, is as common in those languages as it is rare in the

Aryan groups. The river Tsik, tributary L. B. Namrup and Dihing,

I find spelt by us as Chik, Chick, Seek, Tuseek, Ta-sheek, Cheek, and

Tee-chick, and it is usually spelt Nam-chik, while on the spot it is clearly

pronounced Tsik.

Sanpi and Singphti also would be as correctly rendered by Tsanpi

and Tsingpho.

The difference between Di and Ti is often hardly perceptible, and at

times nil, as Tirap, Dirap and Dihrap.

It may appear to some that the second half of the name, if Tiis

removed, is unpronounceable or difficult to realize as a distinct word, but

such are common in these hill dialects. The western branch of the upper

Trawadi is called by us Milee kha, but should be Mli; and in Mbong,

Rz’n, ngrai, there is no vowel or even pause between the first two con-

sonants.

As the names of rivers are probably the last to change in any age

or country, being frequently retained long after the originating language

is extinct, as in America, the subject is of special interest where Aryan

and non-Aryan races have evidently overlapped in times past, and might

well repay systematic investigation. The following is a contribution, to

which I would invite additions. It will be seen that the position is often

not given. ‘This is the second list compiled, and in the original one when

the names were first collected the sites were not recorded.

LIST OF RIVER NAMES.

Di-a near Diwangiri

Di-alung L. B.* Kalang

Di-bong N. HE. Asam Up. Asam

Di-buru N. Lakhimpur Up. Asam

Di-bri there are 3 Dibris

Di-bru original name of the Kalang C. Asam

Di-bi or Tiphu near Samaguting Naga hills

Di-big near Phungmai or Shuemai kha Shan States

Di-bi R. B. Dinoi Up. Barma

Di-blai E. Bihar

Difla L. B, Brahmaputra, Mikir hills C. Asam

Di-g L. B. Chenab, Lahore ING Wis Ps

* L. B. left bank, R. B. right bank, trib, tributary, &c.

262 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No. 4,

Di-ga R. B. Dinoi Up. Barma

Di-gara Asam

Di-garung L. B. Dhansiri, Mikir hills C. Asam

Di-gboi R. B. Dihing, Jaipur Up. Asam

Di-gi R. B. Brahmaputra, 89° Asam

Di-gli ’ Jiri Forest Cachar

Di-gmo R. B. Barak Silchar

Di-grimo

Di-gim Patkai

Di-grindi a name of Dhansiri

Di-ha Khwang Up. Asam

Di-hanji Kasi hills

Di-hang

Di-hing Buri, and No. East Up. Asam

Di-hong North Up. Asam

Di-hanji

Di-hri W. Bengal

Di-joi L. B. Disang, Sibsagar Up. Asam

Di-jt N. Lakhimpur . Up. Asam

Di-kalai

Di-kar Lat. 25° 49’ N. Long. 94° 6’ EB.

Di-kari R. B. Dialung, Mikir hills Asam

Di-koi N.N. E. of Kapili and Direng

Di-kori

Di-krai N. E. No, Dwar C. Asam

Di-krang

Di-krengkong

Di-kung

Di-khou L. B. Brahmaputra Up. Asam

Di-has Balk

Di-hiri W. of Subansiri Up. Asam

Di-hri trib. of Pisola Up. Asam

Di-jung (Theobald’s cat shells, p. 11)

Di-khari Upper Dimo, Dihing Up. Asam

Di-kling or Di-mra Kopili, Asam

Di-khor W. Kamaikia C. Asam

Di-kra L. B. Kora Up. Asam

Di-khai L. B. Tingrai Up. Asam

Di-khtim L. B. Sessa Up. Asam

Di-kha Dyor, L. B. Dhansiri C. Asam

Di-kroi

1879.]

Di-lai

Di-li

Di-lih

Di-li

Di-ling

Di-len

Di-lkiri

Di-ma or Kali jan

Di-ma

Di-mal

: Di-mala

. Di-mari

_ Di-mo

Di-nabi

Di-noi

Di-on

Di-oha

Di-lail

Di-mi

Di-ngrai

Di-ndi

Di-onai

Di-pha

Di-phi

Di-phli

Di-pling

Di-pota

Di-pta

Di-pok

Di-pha

Di-ra

- Di-reng

Di-ri or bri

Di-ri

Di-ro

Di-rok

- Di-roi

Di-rijmo

- Di-sam

trib. Manas

name of upper part, Disang

near Sibsagar

Mishmi hills

Mishmi hills, Brahmakund

L. B. Indus

L. B. Brahmaputra, name of Kaka-

danga

W. Duars

a name of Dhansiri

L. B. Kalang

R. B. Disang

trib. Manas

No, Dihing

L. B. Ganges

R. B. Indus, Lat. 35°30’ Long. 40°74’ E.

N. Lakhimpur

W. Branch, Arun

Kistna

Tista and Jamuna

R. B. Brahmaputra

Nau gaon

R. B. Disang

Gabharu, char Dwar

R. B. Br. Tezpur

trib. Sonkosh

trib. Kundil, Bram

Kerim pani, Dihing

R. B. Kapili

into the Disola

Brahmakund

Jangi

No, Dihing

R. B. Disang

Miri country

L. B, Dihing

S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.

C. Asam

Up. Asam

Cabul

Up. Asam

Bhutan

C, Asam

Up. Asam

C, Asam

Up. Barma

Up. Asam.

Oude

Up. Asam

NipPaL

S. India

Bihar

L. Asam

C. Asam

Up. Asam

C. Asam

C. Asam _

Bihar

Asam

Up. Asam

Naga hills

Up. Asam

263

264 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.

Di-san

Di-sing

Di-pha

Di-ri

Di-rji

Di-rja

Di-rpai

Di-sang

Di-snoi

Di-soi

Di-sem

Di-sart

Di-satin

Di-sola

Di-st

Di-stin

Di-sura

Di-tori

Di-tort

Di-ula or Di-yula

Di-wa

Di-yong

Di-yung

Ti-bai

Ti-bi

Di-soi

Di-yak or Di-ak

Ti-vai

Ti-ding

Ti-dlum

Ti-dlung

Ti-groi

Ti-keng

Ti-ka

Ti-ling

Ti-lhi

Ti-loi

Ti-mok

Ti-mt

L. B. Brahmaputra

the old Tista

Lat. 31°, Long. 66°

L. B. Subansiri

R. B. Ronga Nadi

L. B. Subansiri

Up. Irawadi

Patkai

Gabharu, char Dwar

L. B. Brahmaputra

R. B. Dhansiri

L. B. Jamuna

R. B. Bitwa, R. B. Jumna

N. Sibsagar

Brahmakund

Tenga pani

Dee-tu-ree

L. B. mouth Kalang

old bed Manas

the Gogra

Kapili, N. Cachar

trib. Dhansiri or Doiyang

Naga hills, Sibsagar

R. B. Kundil

Mahanadi

Naga hills

Brahmakund

Yughi Patkaéi

Yugli Patkai

the Mbongkha Tirap, Dihing

Patkai

Yugli Patkdi

over Patkai

L B. Dimo

L. B. Disang

several

a name of Dhansiri

Bundelkund

Up. Asam

Bengal

Afghanistan

Up. Asam

Brama

Asam

Up. Asam

Bengal

Up. Asam

C. Asam

Oude

Cachar

Naga hills

Up. Asam

Bengal

Up. Asam

Asam

Up. Asam

[No. 4,

1879.]

Ti-mtn

Ti-mtin

? Ti-ma

Ti-nga

Ti-ngrai

Ti-ok

Ti-ka

Ti-korai

Ti-ki

Ti-zi

Ti-ok

Ti-pai

Ti-pak

Ti-ping

Ti-pling

Ti-pkai

Ti-psi

'Ti-phu

Ti-pa

Ti-pik

Ti-pam

Ti-rap

Ti-ré

Ti-reh

Ti-ri

Ti-rok

Ti-roéng

Ti-ri

Ti-ri or Chi-ru

Ti-sa

Ti-sang

Ti-sing

Ti-st

Ti-sung

Ti-tulia

Ti-wa

Ti-wang

Tsi-tsi or Si-si

L. B. Disang

several

R. B. Dihing

L. B. Disding

L. B. Brahmaputra

trib. Di-bru

into Di-roi

several

L. B. Dhansiri

Sibsagar

Dihing

Sankosh

Tirap

near Moran

Sibsagar

Wr. Jaipur

L. B. Dihing

Sadia

Mikir Hills

Sadia

Tirap

L. B. Dibing

L. B. Safrai, L. B. Disang

L,. B. Jhanji

trib. Tiok and Disang

trib. Disang L. B.

Disang

Tiok

the Menga

R. B. Dinoi

Abor hills

S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam.

Up. Asam

Wrn. Hlassa

Up. Asam

Manipur

Naga hills

Cachar

Up. Asam

Naga hills

Bengal

Up. Barma

Up. Asam

265

266 S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam,

Tsi-k or Tsi-kha

Tsi-ngkat

Tsi or Si-mtin

Si-bangi

Si-gon

Si-hinbum

Si-ngum

(Sing.) Nam chik,-(Kampti) Tsi-khak

(Sing.) Kyoung (Burmese)

L. B. Irawadi

Si-tang or Thithaung

Si-la

Ai-ti

Bag-ti

Gar-ti

Ti-si

Ti-sta

Ti-shui

Si-ki

Si-kiang

Ghal-ti

Gum-ti

Gulum-thi

Das-ti

Dind-di

Dun-di

Du-ti

Jak-ti

Kun-di

Ku-ti

Kam-ti

Ku-ti

La-thi

Lan-di

Ling-ti

Milam-chi

M-thi

* Mi-thi

Ning-thi

Rap-ti

Lakhimpur

Barelly, Up. Manas

Diyong-Dhansiri

R. B. Brahmaputra, 89°

into Tiok

Sikim

Lat. 29° 20’ Long. 111° E.

trib. of Tsu Lat. 26° 27’ Long. 118°

Canton River

Near Lakhnau

Hill Tipperah

Mishmi hills

Kistna

Gulf of Katch

Ript, Duar

L. B. Narbada

Nam Kamti, Kamti hills

Mishmi hills

Peshawr

W. Kosi

Brahmakund

Mishmi Hills

the Dinoi

L. B. Ganges

Bamo, Barma

Siam

Up. Asam

Asam

Naga hills —

Bengal

China

Oude

EK. Bengal

Baluchistan

N. W. Ceylon

Asam

Borneo

Indus

Ladak

Nipal

Up. Barma

Oude

* Moochee or Ummpanee of Griffiths! see p. 120 “Selection of papers, relating

to the Hill Tracts between Asam and Burma.” B. 8. Press.

[No. 4,

1879.] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 267

Ra-ti

Runga-ti

Shigol-thi

Sung-ti or thi

Tap-ti

Thi-kak

Se-ti

Ben-di

Bula-ti

Chider-ti

Ulen-ti

Ug-ti

Di-jil-eh

Di-ya-la

Du-ba

Dui-ola

Rang-ti

Ghar-ti

Mur-ti

Rai-ti

Soi-ti

Kal-ti

Gal-ti

Yang-tsi

Much-kun-di

? Lau-tsa or tsu

Washis-ti

Yung-thi

Pi-ti

Chom-tchu

Sabarma-ti

_ Ay-ya-wa-di

Ingdi

Bag-mu-ti

Gangu-ti

Bhag-ra-ti

Shung-chu

Mishmi hills

Kandish, western India

L. B. Dialang, Mikir hills

Ghogra

Lake Van

Lat. 26°, N. Long. 63° E.

» 52° ” 73°

» 52° ” 72°

» 140 rip eeetlli a

the Tigris

trib. L. B. Tigris

the Ghogra

BH. Monas

Sonkosh

begins as Minac-chi

W. of India

Cambodia or Mi-khong

R. B. No, Dihing

the Arun of

Trawadi

Sadia

Alti hills

the big water

L. B. Upper Indus

Bihar

Surat

Asam

W. Nipal

Asia Minor

Lena L. B.

Baghdad

Siberia

Bihar

Lukhi Duar

Bhutan

China

S. of Bombay

8. of Bombay

Asam

Haiderabad

Nipal

N. E. Baroda

Barma

U. Asam

Nipal

Catak

Bengal

268 =. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. [No.

Champa-muti R. B. Brahmaputra the Muti Bhutan

Lopra-cha-chi the Subansiri

Ha-su-ti

Nari-chti the Sanpa

Haut-mo-ti

Huri-arius-arisu Herat

Horing-o-ti

Isa-mo-té

Lai-mo-té near the Champa-muté Bhutan

Mar-chang-di Nipal

Mar-kun-di trib. Indravati Godavery

Sam-po-na-ti

Sa-lun-di Katak

Surati Satpura, Gunga

Sur-so-ti Tonk | C. India

Zihb-di 8. E. of Samarkand, trib. Oxus.

Dyardanes Brahmaputra, as known to the ancients

Chi Lat. 33° 30’N. Long. 115° E.

Sin-shui > ei es

Tsin-chui 36° PA 112° 30

Chi-chui . 28° Pe 106°

Shwui R. 38° 30’ 5 103°

Tsing-chooi - 37° ‘3 106°

He-shui 1 33° 3 105°

He-shwi i 32° % 103°

Kui-chui 5p 85° = 109°

Tsi RB. ANDES 5 aI?

Si-ki x 26° A 118°

Si-ti » ~~ 26° » 112°

Choo-chew i 27° is 110°

Qui-shoo > 26° > 112° 30’

Hong-chui 55 25° 106¢

Pe-shi L. B. Mikong or Cambodia

Ho-Ti Lat. 23° Long. 103°

Shoo *, 28° 30’ jp | ee

1879.] S. E. Peal—A peculiarity of the river names in Asam. 269

Different forms of the Words, Tsi-chui-chi found in China, as per maps

of recent date.

(si

Tsi

Chi

Shi

Tse

Tsze

Tchui

Chui

Chooi

Shwi

Shui

Shwui

Soo

Tsu

Chu

Choo

Shoo

Chew

List of Rivers named Kara su “-black water” and Ak su “ white water.”

Kara su,

| Kara su,

Kara su,

_ Kara su,

Kara su,

; Kara su,

L Kara su,

. Kara su,

/™ Kara su,

? Kara su,

= Kara su,

_ Kara su,

Kara su,

Kara tsu,

Kara su,

Ak su,

41° 30’

40° 20’

41° 30°

41° 20°

38° 30’

eeecee

senses

21° 50’

22°

23° 10’

24° 30’

37°

34°

40°

48°

49°

538° 30’

54° 10’

68° 72’

78° 20’

Gulf of Salonica.

i Do.

», Contessa.

» Gagos.

Asia Minor.

Crimea.

Asia Minor.

Persia.

Caspian East Bay.

Astrabad, Caspian.

Kirghis steppe.

Taskent.

Asia Minor.

Upper Euphrates.

China.

Arctic Ocean.

West Coast Black Sea.

Gulf of Salatia.

Upper Euphrates.

Into Chu River.

Upper Oxus.

Lake Issykul.

Lower Dengiz.

270 F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,

Words for “ Water” in the following Languages.

Lushai Tui Sonthali (Pergs.) Dak

Kumi Tui, or Tooi. | Mundari C. N. Daa

Mru Tui Juang, Orissa Dak

Kuki of Cachar Tui Kol Singbhim Da

Do. of Tipperah Tui Bhunuj Da

Hamali of do. Tui Sonthali of Manbhum Da

Do. of Cachar Tui Nimar Da

Naga of Oboepore Ti Mehtu, Bilaspur, Dab

Do. of Sibsagar Ti Mech Daee

Do. of Haimong chu Cuch Tika ti

Do. of Hatiguria a chi Magar, Nipal Di

Do. of Miklai a chin Chipeng ,, Ti & Di

Manipuri Ising Vayuie! 5; Ti

Singphu Insin or Ntsin | Gara si

Auganti Naga Dzu Kachari Doi

Dafla Ksi Hojai Di

Niri a tse Turki st

Abor a se Tibetan chi

S. Mishmi M’ji Bhutéa of Towang Sie

D_ do. Mji Do. of Lo, Hast echie

Songhtu, Burma (H)tee Mongolian ussti

Poi 3 Te Chi soi, shui

Telain of Pegu Dik sala chui, chi

Bulandshahr Antiquities—By F. 8. Growst, ©. 8., M. A., OXON, C. I. E.

With a Note by Dr. RAvENDRALALA Mirra, Rat Bawavvr, ©. I. E.

(With three Plates.)

The small town of Bulandshahr in the N. W. P. was selected in the

year 1824 as the capital of a district, simply on account of its convenient

central position. Since then it has thriven and increased greatly both in

extent and population, though still of much less commercial importance

than the flourishing mart of Khurja, some ten miles distant, which has

the further advantage of being a station on the main line of the East

India Railway. Its modern Muhammadan title of Buland-shahr (Higham)

has been given to it in consequence of the great height of the artificial

hill, on which stood the old Fort overlooking the stream of the Kalindi.

This river is a tributary of the Jamun4 and is commonly known by

Munshis and European officials as the Kdali-Nadi, the origin of the cor-

ruption being, that the two words are indistinguishable from one another

when written in Persian characters, and Kali Nadi or ‘ Black River’ suggests

a more readily intelligible meaning than the Sanskrit patronymic Kalindi.

The older Hindi name of the town was Baran, which is still retained as

1879. ] F. S. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities, 271

the designation of the Pargana. Of its early history there are no written

records, and little or nothing upon which implicit reliance can be placed

has been preserved by oral tradition. Gold coins, however, bearing Greek

and Pali inscriptions of the Bactrian dynasty, used to be not unfrequently

washed down in the rains among the debris from the high ground of the

old city,* and sufficiently attest that the place at that remote period

was one of considerable wealth and importance.

According to tradition the founder was a Tomar Raja, by name

Parmal, in whose time and for several generations later the town was

called Banchati. One of his successors, Raja Ahibaran (‘the cobra-

coloured,’ as his name is popularly interpreted), is said to have been the

first to give his capital the name of Baran, intending thereby to perpetuate

the memory of his own name. This appears to me very doubtful, or

rather I might say plainly is obviously incorrect. Baran is certainly not

the Sanskrit word varna ‘colour, but varana, ‘a hill fort or enclosure ;’

and Ahibaran might thus mean ‘ snake-fort’ or ‘ Naga-fort,’ in the same

way as the more famous Ahi-kshetraf means ‘snake-land.’ No Raja

Abibaran, I should conjecture, ever existed, but the town may well have

derived its name from being a stronghold of the Naga tribe.

Another explanation is, however, possible. Some twenty-one miles to

the north-east of Bulandshahr, on the right bank of the Ganges, is the small

town of Ahar, which (according to local tradition) is the spot where,

after Parikshit, the successor of Raja Yudhishthir on the throne of Has-

tindpur, had met his death by snake-bite, his son Janamejaya, to avenge

his father’s death, performed a sacrifice for the destruction of the whole

serpent race. Though still accounted the capital of a Pargana, it is a

miserably poor and decayed place with a population, according to the last

census, of only 2,414. It is evidently, however, a site of great antiquity.

Part of it has been washed away by the river, but heaps of brick and other

traces of ruin still extend over a large area, and I found lying about in

the streets several fragments of stone sculpture of early date. The two

best I brought away with me to Bulandshahr, as also a once fine but now

terribly mutilated round pillar, which I dug up on the very verge of the

high cliff overlooking the river. This is specially noticeable as having its

base encircled with a coil of serpents, which would seem to corroborate

the connection of the local name with the word ahi, ‘a snake.’ The prin-

cipal residents of the town are Nagar Brahmans by descent, though—since

* The side of the hill where they used to be washed down in the rains was not

long ago built up with masonry, to prevent any further cutting away. [See note,

p- 272. Ep.]

+ [Commonly Ahi-chhatra or “Snake-canopy,” which appears to be the correct

form; see A. Cunningham, Ane. Geogr. of India, p. 360. Ep. ]

_ ae

272 F. S. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,

the time of Aurangzeb—Muhammadans by religion, who believe that their

ancestors were the priests employed by Janamejaya to conduct his sacrifice,

and that in return for their services they had a grant of the township and

the surrounding villages. Immediately after this event it is said that the

Pandavas transferred their seat of local government from Ahar to Baran,

and it may be that they then first attached the prefix ahi to the name of

the town—so making it Ahibaran—in order to commemorate the cirecum-

stances of the migration. This would imply that the town was already in

existence ; and it might with much plausibility be identified with the Varan-

avata,* mentioned in the 148rd chapter of the first Book of the Maha-

bharat.

All this, however, is conjectural and refers to a period so remote, nearly

1400 years before Christ, that no tangible record of it could be expected

to survive to the present day. To come down to somewhat later times:

the Bactrian dynasty, which flourished in the centuries immediately pre-

ceding our era, and the Gupta dynasty that succeeded it, have both left

traces behind them in their coins;+ the second also in a copper-plate in-

scription that will be mentioned further on. _When the Tomars of Kanauj

extended their sovereignty over all Upper India, it may be that the

legendary Parmal ruled under them at Baran; but at the time of

Mahmid’s invasion, in 1017, when Kanauj was still the capital, and Delhi

in all probability had not yet been re-built, Baran was certainly the seat

of a Dor Raja, by name Hardatt, who—as stated in the Térikh-i- Yamini—

averted its threatened destruction by professing to be a convert to Islam.

His dominion extended at least as far as Merath and Kol, for at each of

those places he had a fort, for which he paid a large ransom in money and

elephants. Indeed from traditions extant at other localities it would seem

that the Dor Raja of Baran was the head of all that clan, which for about

two centuries supplied rulers for the whole of the territory included in the

present districts of Merath, Aligarh, and Bulandshahr, with parts of Murdda-

bad, Mathura and Eta. When Kol was finally reduced by the Muham-

madans in the reign of Nasir-uddin Mahmiid (1246-1265 A. D.), it was

under a Dor Raja, and the tower, which was wantonly destroyed by the

local authorities in 1860, is generally supposed to have been erected in 1274

A.D. on the site of the principal temple of the old city. Among the

* General Cunningham, however, proposes to identify with the Varanavata of the

Mahabharat a village now called Barndwa, in the Merath district. It has not yet been

explored and it is therefore uncertain whether it is really an ancient site or not.

¢ [Two copper coins of Su-Hermacus (Kadphises), one gold coin of Chandra

Gupta II, and one gold coin of a dynasty intermediate between the Guptas and the Indo-

scythians, presented by Mr. Growse, and now in the Society’s Cabinet, were found on

the hill side, mentioned on p. 271. See Proceedings, A. S. B. for June, 1878, Ep.]

1879.] F, S. Growse— Bulandshahr Antiquities. 273

Hindus, however, the tradition is somewhat different. They ascribe it to

the Dor Raji Mangal Sen, who gave his daughter Padmavati in marriage

to the heir of R4jé Bhim of Mahrara and Etawa, who soon after his

accession was murdered by his younger brothers. The widow then retired

to Kol, where her father built the tower for her: and possibly the Mu-

hammadans may only have altered and added to it, to make it suit their

own requirements. At Noh-khera in the Jalesar Pargana, which is now

included in the Hta district, there is a tradition of a Raja Bhim, who

may possibly have been the person abovenamed; and at Noh-jhil in

_ Mathurd are the remains of a temple, converted into a darjéh, which is

said to have been originally built by one of the Dor Rajas of Kol. The

capital had been transferred there, from Jalali, by Mangal Sen’s father,

Buddh Sen. This latter was the son of Bijay Ram (brother of Dasarath

Sih, who built the Fort at Jalesar) the son of Nahar Sifh (the founder

of the Sambhal Fort) the son of Gobind Sifih, who was the son of Mukund

Sen, the son of Raja Vikram Sen of Baran,

In 1194, the last of the Dor rulers of Baran, Raj& Chandra Sen,

was killed while defending the fort against the army of Shahab-uddin

Muhammad Ghori. Before he fell, an arrow from his bow had slain

one of the leaders of the Muhammadan forces, called Khwaja Lal Ali,

who is still reverenced as a martyr under the popular appellation of Lal

Barani. The site of his tomb is shown across the Kalindi, some 900 vards

from the town, and it is from there that I brought the stone bearing the two

inscriptions shown in the accompanying Plates VIII and IX. It isa

singularly shaped block, being 2 ft. 5 in. long, 10 in. broad and 10 in. thick.

The inscriptions are opposite one another, on the two long sides. It could

not have been intended to set up the stone anywhere as it is, for it is

difficult to imagine a position in which the two sides could be conveniently

read, and it is also evident that preparations had been made for splitting

the stone at half its thickness into two slabs. As the letters are of

different sizes, it could not have been meant to join the two pieces together,

and it is possible that they may have no connection with one another.

The one begins with the invocation, Om. Name Bhagavate Visudevdya, and

in the first line may also be read the words Kavalo nidrayé militékshah

sendyah......prabala-kala-kara. In the first line on the reverse is appa-

rently given the date, 1133. I fear that the obliteration is too extensive

to allow of much information being elicited from what remains, even if

if can be read. But I send it for publication in the Journal, where anti-

quaries may have an opportunity of seeing it; and, as it may throw some

light upon its subject, I have put together the above brief sketch of the

history of the locality where the stone was found.

As might have been expected from its nearness to Delhi, the Muham-

274 F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,

madans have long since made a clean sweep of the district and razed to

the ground every building, whether secular or religious, that had been

erected by its former Hindu rulers. I have now been over every part of

it, and the few fragments shown in the accompanying Plate X are posi-

tively the sum total of all the antiquities that I have noticed. The

six short pillars are of the medieval Hindu period and may be ascribed

to one of the Dor Rajas, about the year 1000 A. D. They had been

buried under the steps of a small mosque on the highest part of the old

town of Bulandshahr. In digging the foundations of a house on the

opposite side of the same street was found the curious stone sculptured

with three miniature temples. These are of different design, and if found

separately, I might have been inclined to refer them to different architec-

tural periods. But similar forms may be seen in conjunction on the

front of the temples at Khajuraho, which are known to be of the tenth

century A. D., and the very archaic type of one of these designs must be

attributed to religious conservatism. The high medieval column is one

of a pair found a few years ago on the margin of what was formerly a

large masonry tank outside the walls, said to have been constructed by

Raji Hardatt, or one of his descendants. The companion column was

sent off to Merath, 40 miles away, by the Muhammadan gentleman into

whose possession it had come, to be worked up into a house he was

building there. The one shown in the plate I rescued from his stables,

where it had been thrown down on the ground and was used by his grass-

cutters to sharpen their tools on. The circular pillar with the coil of

human-headed snakes at the base is, as already mentioned, from Ahar; as

also the medizval door-jamb and the block, that supports it, carved with

rows of temple facades in the style of the Nasik caves. This last is pro-

bably the oldest of the group. The second door-jamb found in the court-

yard of the mosque at Bulandshahr is comparatively modern. More

intimate local knowledge may possibly bring to light a few other ancient

remains, but they are not likely to be numerous; for stone, which had

to be brought from a considerable distance, has always been very sparingly

used in the neighbourhood, while brick is a material, which however well

worked must ordinarily cease to possess either interest or beauty when

reduced to ruin. The only other ancient inscription, of which I have

heard as belonging to the district, is the one of which a transcript and

translation by Dr. Rajendraldla Mitra were given in Vol. XLIII of the

As. Society’s Journal. ‘This is dated in the reign of Skanda Gupta, in the

year 146, which, if the Saka era is intended, would correspond with

224 A.D. It was dug up at the village of Indor, in a Ahera of unusual

elevation and extent, which adjoins the high road between Anipshahr

and Aligarh, about 10 miles from the former town. In the inscription

1879.] F. 8S. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. 275

the name of the village is given as Indraptira ; and, by a curious coinci-

dence, the very same Number of the Journal contained an article of mine on

local etymology, in which I had demonstrated, by an application of the

rules of the Prakrit Grammarian, Vararuchi, that a Sanskrit word, such as

Indrapuir4é must, in the natural course of phonetic decay, become Indor

in the modern dialect. On the opposite, that is, the western side of the

district, there is an almost continuous succession of deserted kheras, along

the bank of the Jamuna, from the village of Begamabad to the town of

Dankor, a distance of about 20 miles. The most southern of these is

called Hastaur, which is strikingly suggestive of Hastindptr, an off-shoot

perhaps from that ancient capital ; while another, as Rajé Lakshman Sifha

informs me, goes by the name of Kupsar. Begamabad is quite of modern

origin, having been founded by the Begam Samri of Sdrdhana; but

Dankor is an ancient site and is supposed to derive its name from Drona,

the tutor of the young princes of Hastinaptir. He has a tank and temple

in the town still called after him, Dronachar. In the course of the next

cold season I hope to visit all these /heras.

Note by Dr, RésenpRaLAta Mirra.

The inscriptions are so extensively obliterated that it is impossible to

deduce from them connected narratives. No. 1 comprises 10 lines, every

one of which has two or three lacune, and several doubtful letters, but

from what remains the purport of the document is clear enough, a grant

of land for the worship of a divinity whose name is not apparent. The

land was bounded on the west by Chhandi —? on the south by Bhijali-

bhata; on the north by a field named Mahardiva . The donors were a

great commander (mahdasémanta) named Sri Vadana, who was a Naga raja

and son of Amrita raja, and one Narayana, son of a householder and banker

named Bhashvika. The date is some undecypherable day in the waxing moon

of the month of S’ravana (July—August) of the Samvat year 1180 = 1224

A. D. of which the words as’%ti adhikeshu “eighty above” are distinct.

The first and second figures I read doubtfully. The last two lines contain

-imprecatory Puranic verses against resumption of grants of land. I annex

a transcript of the portion legible to me.

No. 2 is also a deed of gift and is dated on the 5th of the month of

Sravana of some undecypherable year. It was granted by an “ Adhirdja”’

or paramount sovereign, but his name is lost. A transcript of the few

words that are legible to me is annexed.

Mr. Growse is quite right in supposing the two records to be uncon-

nected with each other, though the month of the date is the same. The

stone was not intended to be set up anywhere, but to be preserved in

the archives of the temple as a title-deed.

276 F. 8. Growse—Bulandshahr Antiquities. [No. 4,

No. 1.

q dameaaty (>?) silfa afte—sraware wae

|—_—_ aera Staeat Saacss aaifan | afaq

Teuta—

2 ee 7S Seaream peal TTS Feta Wetat afeat

AT AANA

8 |—afe ufsaferana Swzt—

a | ford efaa—aefea aad ga a—

€ |+ Sue Hserat w—wa Fare wenaila |i t+ +

ol Raw assy Rast awesiaaita wns

Tew, c—

S |—qaaseatm Aquilae sue eaifeaagTl aan Tata fa—

e| asfiaguaat caf anafett | ge Te act afree Te

qa WI) aslawaefa a+ + arefa

Qe | afas: sierra A—

No. 2.

Ql Saat waad aeeTs aad weet fatufea aaa

fran aifaara: Barat Afeeraas BAA

2) waft ae w——— faafaa saa wea

3| fat aI—

g | ——_——aeaaaettreatel Sat fa—_—_

y | ———— gait

€ | —— aera ara fa—

= | — aang

On enn en neem.

ydoabopoyd 1 uod,

UHVHSGNV1Nd NOU NOLLATMOSNI

ype yp?

yn BQ UUM AIA)

DYYTE

te)

YHV

(4 &01A60}20Y {

NWING NOY

D Ud

eB NC

}

44)

ILdHOSNI

aT G2

TO Ud.

wo NM.

ES. Growse, Journal, As: Soo: of Bengal, Vol, XLVM, Pt.) for 1879

PU X.

BULANDSHAHR ANTIQUITIES

(from aw photograph.)

Caleta

1879.] C. J. Rodgers—TZhe Copper Coins of Kashmir. 277

_ The Oopper Coins of the old Mahdrijis of Kashmir.*—By C. J. Ropers.

(With two Plates.)

Some years ago General Cunningham wrote for the Numismatic Socie-

ty of London, of which he is a most distinguished and worthy member, a

_ Paper on “ The Ancient Coinage of Kashmir.” That paper is now out of

: print, and as it was written 36 years ago, the present generation cannot

obtain it. It identifies “no less than 18 Rajds of Kashmir extending from

Toramdna to Jaga Deva, who reigned from about A. D. 500 to 1200.” In

the present paper I propose to cover less ground and to start with Avanti

Verma or Adityd Verma, the first Maharaja of the Utpala Dynasty, which

commences from the year 875 A. D. The coins are all from my own cabi-

net. In the majority of instances where I have duplicates I have chosen

that coin for my plates, which has the greatest number of legible letters

on it. The accessories which are very interesting have been made to give

way to this, as I regard the identification of the coin as of primary impor-

tance.

As yet I have come across only two silver coins of any of these Maha-

rajas. They are of Dippa, who was a Mahardni, and of Kanasa. These

two coins are of much finer execution than any of the copper ones. The

reverses have different letters on them. Nothing but photographs of them

would do them justice. I reserve them therefore for a separate notice.

They are round, but thicker than the copper coins and are much less worn,

The silver coins of the Sulténs of Kashmir are square. General Cunning.

ham informs me that he has two gold coins of Harsha. I believe they are

the only gold coins known to exist of any one of the old Kashmir rulers.

The following is the list of the r4j4s a3 given in Prinsep’s Tables.—

(Those kings whose coins are in this paper are in italics.)

Urpata DywNasty.

hie EY

875. Aditya or Avanti Verma.

904. Sankara Verma.

922. Gopala Verma.

* IT am much indebted to General Cunningham for help in reading the coins of

the Mahérajis. My cabinet contains several not before published both in the Sultdéns

and Maharajas. I have several older coins, such as Vasukal, Milukal, Pratapaditya.

-Vininyaé, Durlabacha.

a M M-

278 ©. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmtr. [No. 4,

Sankata.

924. Sugandha Rant.

926. Partha.

941, Nirjita Verma.

942, Chakra Verma.

952. Sura Verma

953. Partha, a second time.

954, Chakra, a second time.

954. Sankara Verdhana.

956. Chakra Verma, a third time.

957. Unmatti Verma.

959. Sura Verma, a second time.

Last ok Mrxep Dynasty.

960. Yaskara Deva. 1062. Harsha.

969. Sangrama Deva. 1062. Udayama Vikrama.

969. Parvagupta. 1072. Sankha Raja.

971. Kshemagupta, 1072. Salha.

979. Abhimanyu. 1072. Sussala.

993. Nandigupta. 1088. Mallina.

994, Tribhuvana. 1088. Jaya Sinha.

996. Bhimagupta. 1110. Paramdna.

1001. Didda Rani. 1119. Bandi Deva.

1024, Sangrama Deva. 1126. Bopya Deva. (?)

1032. <Ananta Deva. 1135. Jasu Deva.

1054, Kalasa. 1158. Jaga Deva, &e. &e.

The list goes on to 1298. But I have no coins of later kings than

Jaga Deva. It will be seen, however, that out of these two lists

alone I have given the coins of 19 kings. JI have given another coin which

reads Java Deva Deva. This must be a coin of a king who reigned near

to the time of Jaga Deva. He must be either an usurper or a man who is

known to history under some other name. I give with some diffidence ano-

ther coin. I attribute it to Bopya Deva. Of this man it is written that

his folly exceeded all bounds. The historians give us the following speci-

men of his lack of sense, which after all might have come from the banks

of the Shannon. One day Bopya was taking his ease on the river. Look-

ing over. the side of the boat he saw a reflection of himself in the water.

He smiled. The reflection smiled. He grew angry. It grew angry. At

once he threw a stone which I suppose disturbed the water and disposed of

1879.] C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. 279

the mimic for the time. On looking at his finger Bopya discovered that he

had lost his ring. Nothing disconcerted he took his stick and threw it on

the running stream and ordered the boatmen to row home. Arrived there he

ordered his servants to go and bring his ring telling them that he had put his

stick on the water where it fell. One is reminded on reading this of the Irish-

man who dropped the ship’s tea-kettle overboard in Dublin harbour. He

cut a mark in the side of the ship where it fell. When the ship arrived

off Cork, he asked the Captain whether if anything were lost he knew

where it was? We may imagine the answer. Pat said, “ Well, you know

the tay kettle is at the bottom of Dublin harbour, and the ship’s side has a

mark on it to enable us to judge where it fell.”

I regret that up to the present I have seen no coin of Ratangiri who

is said to have been the first Sultan of Kashmir. He was a second Solomon,

One day two mares foaled. The foal of one died. The foal of the other

took to both mares with equal affection. The owners could not tell whose

foal had died and whose was the living foal. They came to Ratangiri.

He ordered them to throw the living foal from a bridge into the water, the

mare that followed it was to be adjudged the mother.

fe Of Yaskara it is written that in his days thieves and highwaymen were

_ nowhere to be seen. Shops and houses were left open at night. It seems

a pity that this king, whose rule was as effective as that of our own Alfred

who preceded him by only half a century, should have seen fit to leave the

scene he had graced so long, to hide himself like a second Charles V. in a

monastery, or rather I expect in some jungle as an ascetic.

Now for a few words about the coins themselves. Both obverse and

reverse have crowned figures on them. The figure on the obverse is proba-

bly that of the king. But the face is in nearly every case more like that

of an ass or bullock. There are large earrings in every instance. Round

the waist are apparently two bands. The waist compared with the shoul-

ders and chest is very thin. Mountaineers to the present day wear a rope

round the waist. This figure is always seated, the legs being disposed of

in a peculiar fashion. Sometimes they are hidden in the skirts, sometimes

bare, and in one case the ancles have anklets on them (see figs. 22 and 24).

_ The name comes on the obverse, and is generally divided into two parts by

the figure. Sometimes S77 is present on the left of the figure and the name

commences on the right. Sometimes S77 and part of the name are to the

left and the remainder of the name to the right. Sometimes Sy7 is omitted

and the name occupies both sides of the figure. The figure has a canopy

_ over the crown. ‘This is shown very well in some specimens of Jaga Deva,

lately obtained from a heap of about two hundred. (See figs. 23, 24.)

The reverse has a figure crowned, But the earrings give way to four

dots which may represent jewels in the ear as worn by women. This figure

280 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4,

is standing, The skirts are arranged peculiarly. The drawers resemble

the broad and flowing drawers worn by women. The skirts are about as

high as the knee. The legs are in some cases visible, with ties of an im-

mense size to the boots: in other cases the legs seem to be naked. The

waist is supported by a cross belt. The right hand contains a wreath. The

left hand holds a trident or lotus. The shoulders seem to be covered with

a cape which sticks out very much like epaulettes. The left hand side of

the coin generally has a circle of dots in it, over the right hand of the

figure. On the right hand side of the figure the remnants of the titles and

names are generally found, under the left arm, such as vermd, gupta, deva,

vijd, In one case the d of deva comes on the left hand side of the coin.

I have not as yet been able to trace anything like a sign approaching

to a date on any coin.

In scarcely any case is there any difficulty about the identification of

the coin ; the names are very easily made out.

Many of the coins have several types. The coins of Gopala, Jaya

Siiha, Sussala, Jaga Deva are of several kinds. The last mentioned, how-

ever, has the most, In only one case have I come across a smaller coin

than the ones in the plates. The coin I have is evidently a half of what-

ever these coins were called. It is one of Kalasa’s,

Having given so much by way of preface, I now give a table of the

coins represented in Plates XI and XII, showing exactly the inscription on

each coin and its position, whether on the right or left of the obverse or

reverse figure. In every case I speak of the right and left of the coin after

the usual numismatic fashion. When speaking of the figure of course

the right hand of the figure is on the left of the coin and vice versd.

Chas J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol. XLVI, Pt.1.for 1879 Pl: XL

W. Newman & C2, Lith Calcutta.

COINS OF THE MAHARAJAHS OF KASHMIR.

Chas. J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol. XLVI, Pt.1.for 1879

PLXT,

W Newman & C2, Lith

COINS OF THE MAHARAJAHS OF KASHMIR

Colauta.

C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir.

281

1879.]

a Kings’ Names.

PPO IPAVATIGL say enaceoe'es

PMIESADKATA, 50 cccn ence

ME GOPAIA,, 20.00.0000

4 | Sugandha, .........

EP VGASKATA, «66.5 ui0:0000s

6 | Dikshema, .........

7 | Abhimanyu, ......

8 | Nandigupta, ......

9 | Tribhuvama, ......

10 | Bhimagupta, ......

ie Didda Rani, ......

Ea) SANSTAMA, 2.0.0.0.

MSE PA MANGA, .. sce. a

MICASE), 0. cc 00.00

1.5). || Te leyi) oe es

WGN Sussala, ...cc0cs...

Pe caya cmha, ......

WS5| Paramana, .......+-

19’) Jaga Deva,.........

20) | Java Deva;........-

21 | Bopya Deva, ......

22 ) Not identified, ...

23 | Jaga Deva..........

24 | Jaga Deva,.........

25 | Jaga Deva,.........

26 | Jaga Deva,.........

Obverse Reverse

Inscriptions. | Inscriptions.

REMARKS.

Left. | Right.| Left. | Right.

a q 24a | Duplicate. British

Museum.

— WWF aa Rare.

TTS awa | Rare.

at | gaa q Rare.

q ai @@ | Duplicate. General

Cunningham.

fe a a ay | Common.

| | faa aq | Duplicate. General

Cunningham.

T fea 7 Rare.

ta wa aq | The gift of General

Cunningham.

ay aq 7 Rare.

SY oo) ee heh

a ya si =a) Common.

Sq | aat a= a} Common.

| waaT si = | Common.

e a US z Common.

g aa =zq | Rare.

;aa | fas <q | Rare.

aa) ta <a | Duplicate. General

Cunningham.

SI 7 a q Common.

Sia t |, © za _| Duplicate. J. D

Tremlett, Esq.

q* <q @a@ |*Perhaps.

— av — ~* |*Perhaps.

ws |1e49 Obverse only.

I T Ditto.

2 a Reverse only.

— — | Ditto, showing cir-

cle of dots.

282 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. {No. 4,

Phe Copper Coins of the Sultins of Kashmtr.—By ©. J. Roverns.

(With a Plate.)

In nearly all the bazaars of the large cities of the Panjab large quan-

tities of old coins of a peculiar stamp and bearing signs of much usage

are obtainable. The obverse of these coins has a bar, with central knot,

running from right to left of the coin. This central knot is in some cases

elaborate, in others it degenerates into a carelessly formed circle. Above

the bar come the words posd | wlhledj. The w of Sultén is nearly always

hung on the J of that word, while the ¢ crosses the field completely. Be-

low the bar the name of the king is written, occupying as a rule the whole

space. In every case, except that of Zain ul-Abidin, the word Shah is added

to the name. The reverse is occupied completely with the words &bwo yyrte

Jo pS Wye, and the year is added in Arabic words. Were these coins

obtainable in anything like a legible form, they would be exceedingly

valuable in settling the chronology of Kashmir. But hitherto, in spite of

most extensive search, only poor specimens of most of the kings have been

obtained.

The silver coins of these Sultans are all, so far as I know, square.

Two of them, Muhammad Ali Shih and Muhammad Yusuf Shah, were

published by Mr. Delmerick in J. A. 8S. B., Pt. I, 1876, Pl. VI, figs. 24

and 25. I have silver coins of the above Muhammad Shah, Ismai’l Shah,

Zain ul-Abidin, Nadir Shah and Akbar. General Cunningham has others,

amongst which are Husain Shah and Humaytn. In all, this prince of In-

dian Numismatists has the silver coins of ten Sultans. They are all square

and are exceedingly rare.

The copper coins with which this paper has to do are common as a

rule. But some of them are of necessity rare. Zain ul-Abidin was the

only one who seems to have deviated from the track of the cross bar and

central knot. The reverses of his coins exhibit also a divergence from the

usual form. They have the word wy crossed by the word ,A4S and

around these words is a quarterfoil lozenge with elaborate knots in the

outer corners. Some of this king’s coins conform to the bar and knot. I

have not given specimens of these, as with so many other kings having them,

they were not needed. Some of this king’s coins are brass. See No. 2.

After the time of Akbar the reverses contained the year in Persian

instead of Arabic. The coins of Husain Shah and Yusuf Shah exhibit

these peculiarities. One of the three coins I have of Akbar has on the

reverse (fold Gye, where the year is Akbar’s Ilthisan. I have said above

that I have a square silver coin of Nadir Shah. Who this king was 1 do

1879.] C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Ooins of Kashmir. 283

not know. But I have three copper coins of his, with the name on, beyond

a doubt. On the silver coin too the name is unmistakeable. But history is

silent about him, and no list of Kashmir kings that I have seen contains

his name. Unfortunately the year is altogether rubbed off. Archzologi-

eal explorations in Kashmir should reveal something about this Sultan. It

is possible that some of the Sultans may have rejoiced in several names, and

that the one by which he is known to historians is not the one on the coins.

We have several instances of this in Indian numismatics. I have not given

this king’s coins, though I possess three of them. I reserve them for fur-

ther light, research may throw upon them.

By me just now I have a coin of Dr. Stulpnagel’s. It is of a Kash-

mir Maharajah. It reads Sri Pesuta Jaya Siiha. This has not yet been

identified. I have one of my own which reads Java Deva Deva. This I

am going to publish though not able to identify the coin. Further study

of these coins will give us fuller results. Hitherto numismatists have

somewhat neglected them. They (the coins) are filthy looking, very much

worn and being nearly illegible are too hard nuts for one to crack in leisure

hours, inasmuch as the lines left are so hard to make out that only long

study enables any one to feel any certainty about any point. The Kashmir

Sultans as given in Prinsep’s Tables are as follows :—

ts) ALD!

715. 1315, Shams-uddin Shah Mir.

750. 1349. Jamshed.

752. 1351. Alisher Ala-uddin.

765. 1363. Shahab-uddin.

785. 1386. Kutub-uddin, Hindal.

799. 1396. Sikandar, Butshikan.

819. 1416. Amir Khan, Ali Shah.

826. 1422. Zain ul-Abidin.

877. 1472. Haidar Shah.

878. 1473. Husain Shah.

891. 1486. Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah were

contending for the throne during these

902. 1496. years.

911. 1505. Muhammad Shah reigned four times and

Fath Shah three.

942. 1535. Naézuk Shah. (Huméytin.)

948. 1541. Mirza Haidar Daghlat.

960. 1552. Ibrahim.

963. 1555. Isma’il.

964. 1556. Habib.

284 C. J. Rodgers—The Copper Coins of Kashmir. [No. 4,

971. 1563. Husain Shah.

986. 1578. Yusuf Shah.

997. 1588. Annexation of Kashmir by Akbar.

Up to the present I have seen neither silver nor copper coins of one

of the first five Sultans. The coins in our Plate XIII begin with Sikandar

Shah.

No.1. This coin has the name and titles of the king with bar and

knot on the obverse, and on the reverse the legend in Arabie of Zarb-i-

Kashmir fi shahir i san. But the year is not legible. There are many

features of the reign of each king which it would be interesting to notice,

but I will confine myself to the coins.

No. 2. Zain-ul Abidin. Obverse. Name and titles of king, with por.

tions of a knot at the top. Reverse. The words Zarb Kashmir in a quar-

terfoil, crossing each other. Date on obverse illegible.

No. 8. Same king. Obverse. Name and titles of king, without bar

and knot, in a doublecircle, surrounded with a circle of dots. Reverse.

Zarb-i- Kashmir fi Shahiir i sani ahd wa arbain wa Saménmdéita = 841

A. H.

No. 4. Same king. Obverse, Zain ul-Abidin Sultan, no bar or knot.

Reverse. Zarb Naib i Amir ul Momanin. 851 A. H.

This king was to Kashmir pretty much what Firdz Shah and Akbar

were to India. He was a great builder and poet. He got the Mahabhara-

ta translated into Persian and was a patron of learned men. The rulers of

Mecca and Egypt, of Gilan, fran and Tiirdn kept up correspondence with

him. He is the only Sultan who calls himself the Waib of the Amir ul-

Momanin.

No. 5. Haidar Shih. Obverse. Name and titles of king with bar

and knot and the year illegible. Reverse. Zarb.........fi....e0- sabain wa

saminmdita = 87—. The 4 on the obverse is distinct ; this according to the

tables, it ought to be 7. I have two coins of this king. The reverses give

no help in solving this difficulty. The second coin has the year on the

obverse worn off,

No. 6. Hasan Shéh. Obverse. Name and titles of king, bar and

knot. Reverse. The usual legend, but illegible.

No. 7. Muhammad Shih. This man began to reign when he was

seven years old. Fath Shah the grandson of Zain ul-Abidin came from

India and took the throne. These two kings went on fighting for the

supreme power for many years. Fath Shah gained the throne three times

but Muhammad Shah at last drove him away and sat for the fourth time —

on the throne of his father. The coin has on the obverse the usual name

and titles with bar and knot. Reverse. The year looks like 895. If so

this coin was struck during the first period Muhammad reigned.

Chas,.J. Rodgers, Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Vol, XLVI, Pt.1.for 1879. PLAX.

| Newman & C9, Lith:

GOPPER CUINS OF THE SULTANS OF KASHMIR.

1879.) V. A. Smith—Odservations on some Ohandel Antiquities. 285

No. 8. Fath Shih. Obverse. Name and titles with bar and knot.

Reverse. Struck in Kashmir in year 897. There is some doubt as to the

reading of the 7.

No. 9. Lbraihim Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and

knot. Reverse. All illegible, but date &e.

No. 10. Ismail Shah. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and

knot all in good preservation. Reverse. A complete muddle of remains of

date illegible: remnants of Kashmir legible.

No. 11. Husain Shih. Obverse. Name and titles, with bar and

knot and probably remains of date. Reverse. Zarb Nuhsad wa haft wa

haftad = 977 A. H. This coin is in splendid preservation.

No. 12. Muhammad Yisuf Shah. Obverse. Name, titles, bar and

knot as usual, but titles illegible. Reverse. Muhsad wa shash wa hash-

téd = 986. This coin is very little worn, but it was struck on an irregular

and ill-prepared piece of copper.

I regret very much that the years of the coins are so unsatisfactory

in so many instances. The names, however, afford no ground for dispute.

They are all easily read, though in some cases at first sight they are not

decipherable. I found I had several of Isma’il’s coins when I could read

one. One’s power of reading progresses as one’s acquaintance with the

coins increases. I have still several which up to the present I have not

made out satisfactorily. These together with the coins of Nadir Shah, a

coin of Nazuk Shah (so I read it, I want others to help me read this one)

and the coins of Akbar struck in Kashmir with the bar and the knot must

stand over for another paper.

Observations on some Ohandel Antiquities— By V. A. SMITH, B. A., C. 8.

and F. C. Buack, ¢. E.

(With six Plates.)

The careful and accurate descriptions of the Chandel remains at Kha-

jurabho and Mahoba, published by General Cunningham, might be supposed

to have exhausted the subject of which he treats, and to leave no gleanings

to be picked up by amateur hands. We have, however, in the course of

several years’ residence in the Hamirpur District, in which Mahoba is situa-

ted, and after careful inspection of the buildings at Khajuraho, collected a

few notes, which may, we venture to think, form a useful supplement to the

more systematic record of the Director of the Archeological Survey.

NWN

286 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Ohandel Antiquities. [No. 4,

‘The zamindars of most villages in the small native state of Chhatar-

pur, in which Khajuraho is situated, are said to be Kurmis, Kachhis, or

Brahmans, but in Khajuraho itself we were surprised to find that Chandel

Thakurs are still the zamindars. They comprise only a few families* and

claim to be bhumiydn or aboriginal, stating, however, that their ancestors

came from Maniya Garh,t+ which is the ancient fort of the town of Raj-

garh, situated on the Ken, a few miles from Chhatarpur.

We were informed that Chandels are not found as zamindars in any

village except Khajuraho, though scattered families exist elsewhere. The

Chandel zaminddrs who are part proprietors of M. Urwdra in Pargana

Mahoba came from Ajnar in Pargana Jaitpur, whence they were expelled

by Lodhis and Brahmans in the time of Jagatraéj Bundela (circa 1750

A. D.); and the Chandels who have a share in Mauza Kaimaha of

Pargana Mahoba immigrated at a late date from Sheordjpur in the Cawn-

pore District.

We know of no other Chandel proprietors in the Hamirpur District,

and the zamindars of Khajuraho may therefore claim to be the only local

representatives of the ancient ruling clan who still retain an honourable

position.

At Mahoba we have been told that the Chandel royal house is now

represented by Jaimangal Singh of Gidhaur and by other Rajas in the

vicinity of Gya.t

We have repeatedly made efforts to obtain specimens of the Chandel

coinage, of which so few pieces have been found, but up to the present our

enquiries, both at Khajuraho and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful.

The rarity of the coins of a dynasty which flourished for four centu-

ries may perhaps be plausibly accounted for by the hypothesis that the

Chandel coinage was called in by the Musalmans.

The native official with our camp told us that coins which he spoke of

as dukri (the word apparently meaning simply ‘ old’) had been found at

Khajuraho and sent into Chhatarpur, but at the latter place, when we tried

to get a glimpse of them, we were put off with various excuses. These

coins were stated to have borne illegible legends, and were pronounced by

the local goldsmiths to consist of a mixture of silver, brass and copper.

* Eleven families according to General Cunningham who mentions their exis-

tence.

+ Maniya Deo is the tutelary goddess of the Chandels. Vide J. A.S. B., XLVI.

Part I, p. 233, and Arch. Rep. VII, 44.

{ For a brief history of the Rajas of Gidhaur see Statistical Account of Bengal

(for the Monghyr District) Vol. XV, pp. 71, 72.

1879.] V. A. Smith—Obdservations on some Chandel Antiquities. 287

We also heard that minute leaflets* of gold had been found in the

fields about Khajuraho on more than one occasion. They were described as

being very small, and each pierced with a hole about the size of a barley-

corn.

The Political Agent at Nay4gaon (Nowgong) informs us that he has

never heard of the discovery of any coins at Khajuraho, but there can be

little doubt that they must be found from time to time, though their dis-

covery is naturally concealed by the finders who are afraid of being deprived

of their prize.

The buildings at Khajuraho have all been noticed by General Cunning-

ham except a small flat-roofed temple, which now forms part of the dwell-

ing house of a zamindar in the village. This edifice is of no special inter-

est, and a defaced inscription on one of the pillars does not seem to be

valuable.

We did not succeed in bringing to light any other new inscription.

The brief pilgrim’s record on one of the pillars of the Ganthai temple, which

is not mentioned by General Cunningham, is noticed in our remarks on

that building. :

We were told that the fragment of an inscribed stone was lying in one

of the zamindar’s houses, but were prevented from seeing it. So many

sculptures and other objects have been carried off from Khajuraho by visi-

tors and pilgrims that the people are now very unwilling to show anything

which is likely to excite the cupidity of an antiquarian or devotee.

General Cunningham (II. 434) describes a ‘ magic square’ cut on the

right jamb of the door of the Jinanath temple and observes—“ The figure

“ 8 is remarkable for an additional stroke on the left side, which I take to

“be a mark of antiquity, as it is a near approach to the figure in my

“ Suhaniya numeral inscription.”” It is, however, perhaps worth while to

note that this additional stroke is cut to a depth much less than that of

the rest of the figure, and that it is scarcely discernible on the stone though

clearly visible in a rubbing (Plate XIV). The other figures too of the

square are almost identical with the modern forms, and the antiquity of

the sculpture may well be doubted.

It is much to be regretted that the short inscription of eleven lines on

the left jamb of the door of the same Jinandth temple has not been pub-

lished in facsimile and translated in full.

General Cunningham has given two abstract translations of it (Arch.

Rep. II. 433 and J. A. S. B. XXIX, p. 395), and its date,f on which doubt

* Particles of gold-leaf are found among the ruins of Manikydla, (Cunn. Arch.

Rep. II. 170.) ,

+ For a rubbing of this date, see Plate XV.

288 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,

was at one time thrown, may be accepted as certainly being Samvat 1011,

but the reading of the Raja’s name is still unsettled, General Cunningham

being in doubt whether the initial letter is Dh or Gh; it looks quite as

like Sh, and is certainly different from the ordinary Kutila form of Dh.

Not only this short inscription, but all the leading Chandel inscrip-

tions require to be carefully edited. Of the three great inscriptions at

Khajuraho one only has been published at length, viz., that dated 1056

Samvat, now built into the wall inside the entrance of the Vis’vanath tem-

ple. This record was translated by Mr. Sutherland (J. A. S. B., for 1859,

Vol. VIII, p. 159), but with many errors, some of which have since been

corrected by General Cunningham. (Proc. A. 8. B., for 1865 (1) p. 99.)

The other equally large inscriptions, v7z., that dated 1058 Samvat,

now built into the temple wall opposite that above mentioned, and that of

Raja Dhanga, dated 1011 Samvat, now built into the wall on the right

side of the entrance to the Chatarbhuj temple, are referred to in the

Archeological Report (II, pp. 4:28, 426), but have never been published or

translated, and we understand that other inscriptions of the Chandel dynas-

ty, concerning which nothing has yet been made public, are in General

Cunningham’s hands.

The main outlines of the Chandel chronology* have been established

beyond dispute, but many details are still unsettled, and there is much

difficulty in reconciling the statements of several of the inscriptions which

have been given to the public in a more or less perfect form. Maisey’st

inscriptions from Kalinjar were translated a long time ago, when skill in

deciphering inscriptions was a rarer accomplishment than it is now, and

both the text and translation of the records published by him seem to re-

quire revision by a competent scholar.

The drying up of the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba this year has disclosed a

large broken Jain statue of Sumatinath with an inscription, dated “in the

victorious reign of S’riman Madana Varmma Samvat 1215 Pts Sudi 10.”

(Plate XV).t

* By a recent attempt to settle the genealogy (J. A. S. B., XLVII, Part I, p. 74)

Dr. Rajendralala Mitra has added to the confusion. He reduces Samvat dates to the

Christian era by subtracting 55 instead of 57 as usual, and he ignores the two new

plates published at p. 80 of the same number of the Journal, and uses Sutherland’s

erroneous date of 1019 in the Dhanga inscription which was long ago corrected to

1056. He also omits all mention of Raja Parmél or Paramardi and of the other in-

scriptions of Madana Varmma, which show that the Dr.’s date of 1160 A. D. for the

close of Madana Varmma’s reign is much too early.

+ J. A. S. B., XVII, Part I, 171, 313 (for 1848).

{ General Cunningham (Arch. Rep. II. 448) mentions an image of Sumatindth

at Mahoba, dated in 1213 Samvat.

1879.] V. A. Smith—Obdservations on some Chandel Antiquities. _ 289

The form of the figure 5 in this inscription is almost the same as that

employed in the Khajuraho inscription dated 1056.

Madana Varmma evidently enjoyed a long reign, as is shown by his

numerous inscriptions.

At the Gulawar Kherd in the north of Mauza Chhikahra, Pargana

Mahoba, a sandstone figure of Debi, found some years ago in a well, bears

the following inscription (Plate XVI) in clearly cut characters—

“ Thakkura Sri Gangakena Devi Karayitam.

““Samvat 1166.”

No Raja’s name is mentioned, but the year 1166 probably fell in the

reign of Prithivi Varmma.

The people believe that in its palmy days Mahoba included 52 towns

or bazdrs, one of them being Gulawar Khera. The latter was certainly the

site of a considerable settlement, for the marks of foundations of buildings

extend for about a mile. There are the ruins here of three small granite

shrines, and a fourth is said to have formerly existed.

The popular tradition about the 52 bazars perhaps indicates that

Mahoba was the chief town in a Bédoni or pargana of 52 towns and vil-

lages.

The drought this year has also brought to light a sixth life-size sand-

stone elephant at the ruined temple known as Madari, (near the standing

Kakra Marh temple*) in the Madan Sagar at Mahoba, where General

Cunningham saw only five.

We cannot accept his suggestion that these huge statues were ever

“projected in mid air’ from the spires, but from their size and present

position it is quite plain that the alternative which he suggests is the true

one, and that they were erected in pairs at each of the three entrances to

the temple. .

The temple of Vis’vanath at Khajuraho has two half life-size elephants

standing near it on the ground, which may formerly have been placed at

the entrance. They are decidedly inferior in execution, as well as in size,

to the Mahoba elephants.

Two others, still smaller, are lying in the field near the temple dedi-

eated to Surya, to the entrance of which they probably served as an orna-

ment.

On the temple of Vis’vanath several small elephants are to be seen

projecting from the angles of the roof. Originally they seem to have been

* The name Kakra Marh is said to refer to the worship of Siva (Arch. Rep. II,

442). A ruined temple at Sélat about 9 miles west of Mahoba, close to which Jain

images of the 12th century A. D. have been found is also known as Kakra Marh.

290 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,

fourteen in number, and five are still in position, supported on flat brackets,

which now look weak owing to the absence of the slender stone props which

supported the outer end of the brackets, of which the inner ends rest on

the boldly projecting eaves of the balcony roofs. The mortice holes into

which the props were inserted are still plainly visible, and in the Kandariya

Mahadeo temple, the steeple of which is also adorned with small elephants,

one at least of these props is in place.

The appearance of these little elephants, when the pedestal is perfect,

is not inelegant.

The subject of the construction of the Khajurého temples has hardly

been touched on in the published accounts, a few words on this topic may

therefore be found of interest.

In the Hamirpur District granite alone has been used for the con-

struction of the religious edifices, sandstone being employed only for deco-

rative purposes. At Khajuraho on the other hand almost all the temples

are built entirely of sandstone, the only exclusively granite building being

the so-called Chaonsat Jogini temple.

We noticed, however, that several of the sandstone temples rest on a

granite foundation, which is almost concealed from view. Judging from

the number of granite pillars lying about, itis probable that at one time

many buildings of the coarser material existed at Khajuraho.

The sikharas or steeples of the larger temples are very graceful in

design ; that of Kandariya M ahadeo is perhaps the best, but those of the

Chaturbhuj and Vis’vanath temples are almost equal to it.

The steeples, except those over the sanctum, which seem to be solid,

are so constructed as to include many spaces or chambers, the intention

evidently being to lighten the weight of the mass of masonry. We could

find no trace of mortar in the joints of the stones with dressed outer faces

which form the casing, but it has been freely used to bind together the

undressed inner stones,

Access to the roof of all the chief temples is obtained through a small

square hole at the top of one of the side walls of the sanctum, which can

be reached by climbing over the sculptures.

The domes at Khajuraho are of course all constructed in the usual In-

dian way with courses of overlapping stones. The architects seem to have

felt a difficulty in spanning a considerable space with a self-supporting

dome of this kind, and have accordingly in several of the great cruciform

temples introduced four extra columns in the middle of the mahdémandapa

to assist in bearing the weight. This arrangement has the advantage of

giving an appearance of richness to the interior, and of giving additional

facilities for a display of sculpture and carving, but is disadvantageous in

1879.] V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 291

depriving the building of the massive grandeur derived from the conquest

of structural difficulties by bold and simple architecture.

Two only of the Khajurdho temples have self-supporting domes. One

of these is the unrestored temple of Kunwar Math, where the interior

diameter of the dome is 149,” and the other is the temple of Mritang

Mahadeo,* where the architect has succeeded in spanning, without any

extraneous support, a space with a diameter of 22 feet.

The fine granite temple at Makarbai in Pargana Mahoba has a self-

supporting dome 153” in diameter. With these three exceptions, we have

not found any horizontal dome of more than 12 feet in diameter, built

without central support.

It is somewhat remarkable that the Indian architects should not have

constructed larger domes of this kind, for the horizontal dome of the cele-

brated ‘Treasury of Atreus’ at Mycenae has an internal diameter of 48

feet.+

The restorations at Khajuraho have been extensive both in the Jain

and Brahmanical temples, so extensive indeed that arguments based on an

examination of structural details require careful scrutiny.

The most extensive restorations of the Brahmanical temples in recent

times were effected by Raja Partap Singh of Chhatarpur ; who died in 1854

A. D. and who left directions in his will that five rupees daily should con-

tinue to be spent on the repair of the buildings, directions which have not

been fully carried out.

The restorations carried out under the orders of Raja Partap Singh

are, as a rule, judicious, and have maintained the general appearance and

outlines of the buildings without attempting to add any features not in-

cluded in the original design.

The steeples (stkharas) have been repaired with brick and mortar work,

showing a smooth surface, which does not correspond with the carving of

the old stone work, but, inasmuch as the outline has been carefully preserved,

and the plaster has got darkened by age, the repairs are seldom offensive to

the eye. In the temples of Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis’vanath, and Chatur-

bhuj they are scarcely visible till sought for, but in the temple of the Sun

and some others they are more clumsily executed.

Many of the carved stones belonging to the steeples have been built

into walls and steps, though a little more care on the part of the masons

might perhaps have found the places to which the stones originally belong-

ed.

* See Plate XVII for a plan of this building more detailed than that given by

General Cunningham.

+ E. Dobson’s Treatise on Masonry and Stone-cutting, page 8.

292 V. A. Smith— Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,

The temples usually stand, each on a massive rectangular terrace, and

the greater number of loose stones found lying about have been built into

the walls of these terraces,

The best preserved terraces are those belonging to the temples of

Chaturbhuj and the Sun. When they were complete, a parapet, the upper

portion of which sloped outwards, ran round the edge of each terrace, and

inside this was attached a broad stone shelf supported on small pillars.

The main pillars of the principal temples are no doubt in their original

positions, but considerable irregularities occur owing to the insertion in

many places of extra pillars to support cracked cross-beams.

_In the smaller temples which surround and are subsidiary to the great

fanes, the pillars have been much changed about, and some have been

brought in from inferior buildings.

The flights of steps leading up to the entrances of the temples have

been freely restored, and little attention paid to the original design, which

evidently comprised only a single narrow flight of stairs leading to the

door of the main building.

On close inspection it is evident that the restorations are not all of

one period, but that some are old, and in some cases the building has had

time to fall to ruin again since the restoration. Examples of these early

restorations may be observed in the Kunwar Math and adjoining temple

which were not repaired by Raja Partap Singh.

It is a pity that the repairs of the group of temples to which the

Kunwar Math belongs (Nos. 17, 18, 29, 30 and 35 in General Cunning-

ham’s plan) are not proceeded with. These buildings lie somewhat out of

the way and have consequently received little notice, but they are hand-

some structures and superior in ornamentation to some of the western

group, though not so richly decorated as the great temples dedicated to

Kandariya Mahadeo, Vis’vanath and Chaturbhuj.

The dome of Kunwar Math is especially worth preserving on account

of its large size.

The temple at Jatkari dedicated to Vishnu is remarkable from its posi-

tion with reference to the cardinal points. The entrance faces the west,

and the shrine the east, which arrangement is exactly the reverse of that

adopted in all the other Brahmanical temples, except the smallest shrines.

The restorations of the Brahmanical temples, although considerable, are

trifling compared with those of the Jain temples, which are subjected to

continuous and rather undiscriminating repair and modification.

It may we fear be thought presumptuous in us to feel hesitation in

adopting a conclusion respecting the age and destination of a building

which has been arrived at by so experienced a scholar as General Cunning-

1879.] V. A. Smith—Obdservations on some Chandel Antiquities. 293

ham, and has been in part accepted by Mr. Fergusson, but, as regards the

Ganthai temple at Khajuraho, we feel compelled to differ from these autho-

rities.* The former is of opinion that this temple is a Buddhist building

of the 6th or 7th century ; the latter declares it to be most likely Jain and

not Buddhist, but accepts General Cunningham’s date as approximately

correct. The arguments, however, adduced by General Cunningham in

favour of the early age of this structure appear singularly weak. They are

two, (1) that the seated 4-armed female statuette over the centre of the

entrance “is most probably a figure of Dharmma, who was either the first or

the second person of the Buddhist triad,’ and (2) that a pedestal lying

near bore the well known profession of the Buddhist faith in characters of

the 6th or 7th century.

Of these two reasons the first is admittedly conjectural, and the second

is of little force, for the General immediately goes on to say that several

naked Jain statues of a much later date, one being actually dated 1085

A. D.,+ are lying among the adjacent ruins. It seems to us therefore that

these facts go as far to prove that the temple is of the 11th century, as

they do to prove it to belong to the 6th or 7th, and General Cunningham

admits that they “ would seem to show that the old Buddhist temple had

been appropriated to their own use by the Jains of the eleventh century.”

But in reality the position of detached statues in an ancient site like

Khajuraho, which has evidently been the scene of repeated vicissitudes and

restorations, is worthless as a proof of the antiquity of adjoining buildings.

A close examination of the remains makes it plain, as we have above re-

marked, that very many of the buildings have been more or less recon-

structed, and a very cursory inspection shows that images and sculptures

have been freely shifted about from place to place.

On the second sandstone pillar on the left of the Ganthai temple as

you enter there is a short pilgrim’s inscription not noticed by General

_ Cunningham (Plate XIV). The characters in this inscription are certainly

not of a very early form, and seem to be of about the eleventh century.

The presence of this record of a comparatively late date, and the absence

of any earlier inscription on the building itself tend to support the opinion

that the temple is not so ancient as has been supposed.{ Mr. Fergusson _

bases his opinion of the high antiquity of the Ganthai temple on “the

character of its architectural details,’ but he gives no explanation of this

opinion, and in the absence of such explanation a mere expression of opi-

-nion fails to carry conviction.

* Arch, Rep. II, 414 and 4381. :

+ This is now lost, as also is the pedestal with the Buddhist inscription,

+ Ind. Arch. 1876, p. 247.

29 4 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. [No. 4,

The arguments above given in favour of a possible late date for the

Ganthai temple appear to us not to be undeserving of consideration, but

we rely mainly on the evidence afforded by the construction of the building

itself, in support of the conclusion at which we have arrived that the -

temple in question is a comparatively late re-arrangement of the materials

of earlier buildings, some of which may possibly be as old as the whole

edifice has been supposed to be. There appears to be no good evidence

to show to which religion the building belonged, but, as all the immediate

surroundings are Jain, it may, in the absence of proof to the contrary, be

assigned to the professors of that faith.

The name of Ganthai would appear to be derived from the bells

sculptured on the columns as supposed by Dr. Fergusson, and the villagers

also gave this reason for the name. As stated by General Cunning-

ham, the only portions now standing are the four pillars of the porch, the

carved entrance, the four pillars of the inner mandap or hall, some pilasters

of granite which were built into the surrounding wall, and some portions

of the roof.

The plan of the existing portion is shown on Plate XVII, and the

dotted lines show the probable shape of the temple when complete.

This rectangular form we derive from the existing temple of Jinandth

and are confirmed in our supposition by the plan of the Jain temple re-

presented in Plate XLV of Burgess, Arch. Survey of Western India, 1874.

The Ganthai must therefore have been intended to be a large temple, —

larger than even Jinanath, which is the largest of the Jain temples. Assum-

ing the building to have ever been completed and then allowed to fall into

ruin, the mass of debris must have been very great, much greater than

could easily have been removed, but the present remains consist of the

columns and portions of the roof stated above and absolutely nothing else.

There is no trace whatever of the sanctum, which must, if it ever

existed, have been very massive and crowned by a huge steeple. Nothing,

except the pilasters above mentioned, remains of the thick side walls, which

would necessarily have been constructed, and it is not likely that the stones

of the sanctum, side walls and spire could have so completely disappeared,

if they were ever there.

From this we are inclined to think that the present building is an

unfinished portion of what was intended to have been a very large temple,

but which was never completed, and which, as we now proceed to show,

was itself a reconstruction. We are led to believe this, not only from the

disappearance of the materials of the wanting portion, but also from what

is now standing having been put together in a clumsy and unsystematie

manner. The outer pilasters are so irregular that it is evident that they

1879.) V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities. 295

were never intended for the positions they now secupy. They do not

match with each other either in pattern or size. Some are propped up by

a bloek placed underneath, whilst others have a piece added to the top to

lengthen them. The thickness, the width and the patterns differ more or

less in all. This is never the case in temples which have not been restored.

The mechanical regularity with which the pillars and ornaments correspond

to each other in undisturbed temples is remarkable. But in the Ganthai

temple not only do the granite pilasters not match, but even the eight

sandstone columns are irregular.* There are four pairs of them, and the

decoration of each of these pairs has certain minute peculiarities, though

the general style of all is the same. The accompanying Plate XVIII will

illustrate our meaning, the several pairs of corresponding pillars being A and

B, C and D, E and F, and G and H;; and the reader will observe that some

of the pillars which match each other are in unsymmetrical positions.

That the restoring of old temples, and in many cases the absolute construc-

tion of new temples out of old materials, is constantly going on at Kha-

jurdho is seen from the group of Jain temples east of Ganthai, where the

work of building and repairing is so continual, that, with three exceptions,

viz., Jinandth, Parswandth and the shrine of the Colossus of Adinéth, it is

difficult to say of any building that it is now as it originally stood.

Some undescribed buildings in the Hamirpur District appear suffi-

ciently remarkable to deserve description, and we close this paper with a

brief notice of one group of them. For the plans of these temples, see

Plate XIX. The three temples now described are of small size, but, judging

from their shape, are doubtless Jain. They are situated (1) at Barsi Taldo,

near the village of Pahra, 14 miles north-east of the tahsili town of

Mahoba; (2) at Makarbai, 9 miles distant in the same direction ; and (3)

at Bamhaurf, 4 miles south-east of Makarbai. This last village Bamhauri

is not now in the Hamirpur District, having been ceded to the native state

of Charkari after the mutiny.

In these temples the shape is a rectangle, the sides of which face the

cardinal points of the compass, with a sanctum in the middle of the western

side, opposite to which is the entrance porch.

The roof, which is low, is supported internally on eight short pillars

very simply ornamented, and surmounted by plain capitals over which are

placed the stone beams which support a perfectly unornamented ceiling.

Over the sanctum was a sikhara or steeple, which at Bamhauri is still stand-

* The accounts of General Cunningham and Mr. Fergusson seem to us to ex-

aggerate the beauty of these pillars, and indeed to attach to this Ganthai temple

much more importance than it deserves.

296 V. A. Smith—Observations on some Chandel Antiquities.

ing, slightly ruined, but which is wanting both in the temple at Barsi and

at Makarbai.

In this last one the entrance to the sanctum has been walled up, so

that the shrine is not visible. The floors of the shrines at Barsi and

Bamhauri are both somewhat below the level of the floor of the main

chamber.

The material of these three temples is granite, the walls being con-

structed of wide slabs set on edge, and externally two bands of ornamented

moulding run round the building.

From some fragments of stucco adhering to the otntntala of the Barsi

temple it would appear to have been covered with plaster. This temple

differs somewhat from the other two in having two openings for light in

the middle of the shorter sides of the mandapa or hall, whilst the temples

at Makarbai and Bamhauri have closed sides and only obtain light from

the front of the building. We were unable to find any inscription at any of

these temples, and the villagers only know them by the name of Baithaks.

The name of the ¢a/do on the edge of which the first temple stands is

Barsi, and an ancient village site to the west is also called Barsi. The

maker of the lake is said to be Bar Brahm Chandel.* To the east ot the

temple stands a small shrine which we have not described, it being of no

special interest. The neighbouring village of Pahra is also known under

the name of Khajuraha. In another paper we hope to describe some other

buildings which have hitherto either altogether escaped notice or been

inadequately described. While we were engaged on this paper, Vol. VII

of the Archxological Reports has appeared, but the notes recorded in it,

are so meagre, and in some details so incorrect, that much remains to be

done before it can be said that the antiquities of Bundelkhand have

received adequate treatment.

* Bar Brahm (7. e. Varmma) is not mentioned in any known inscription, but is in-

cluded in the bards’ lists of the Chandel princes. He was probably not a ruling chief,

but one of the members of the ruling family.

Oe ee eee

Journal, As: Soc: of Bengal, Vol, XLVI, Pt 1.for 1879. PL-XIV.

Fugures Sand 77/ tv Magic Square, Tinanath Temple

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PLAN OF TEMPLES IN KHAJURAHO.

Apvance of the Wazir, 67

Afghan tribes about Kandahar, 181

Ahar, a town near Bulandshahar, 271,

274

ahi, a snake, 271

Ahibaran, a Raji of Bulandshahar, 271

Ahichhatra, 271

Ahi-kshetra, snake-land, 271

Ak-su, white water, 258

Ala-uddin’s war with Hamir, 186, 195,

201

Amravati Tope, 9

Anecdotes showing Ahmad Khan

and character, 154

Anna-Purna Devi, a form of Siva’s sakti

Parvati, 18

Anorahta, introduces Buddhist sculptures

in Burma, 254

Antiquities of Bulandshahr, 270; Chan-

del observations on, 285

Archaic Sculpturings of Barrows, 14

Aryan element in Burmese, 254

Asam, river names in, 258

Ashta-Taré-Devi or Goddess of Destiny,

’s habits

Attack by the Atiths of Raja Indar Gir,

109

Barrnax, name of temples in Hamir-

pur, 296

_Bamhauri, undescribed temple at, 295,

296

Banchati, old name of Bulandshahar, 271

Bandyopadhyaya, translation of Hamir

Rasa, 186

Bangash } Nawabs of Farrukhabad, 49

ar Brahm Chandel, maker of the Barsi

Talao, 296

arakzai, an Afghan sept, 181, 184

Baran, old name of Bulandshahar, 270,

271, 272

‘

I NID E, x

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vor. XLVITI,

Part I, ror 1879.

Barrows found in the Nizam’s territory, 2

Barrows or grave-mounds, 1

Barsi Talio, undescribed Temple at, 295,

296

Battle of Khidaganj and death of Naval

Rae, 60

Benares, Nag Kuan or serpent’s well at,

21; Nag panchami or Snake festival at,

22; Nageshwar or snake temple at, 20;

presence of snake symbol in, 17

Bhilsa Topes, 7, 12

Black, F. C., observations on some Chan-

del Antiquities, 285

Bopya Deva, a Raja of Kashmir, 278

Brahman tradition on prehistoric re-

mains, 2

Brahmanical temples, 291, 292

Brahmans, zamindars of Chhatarpur, 286

Bulandshahr Antiquities, 270

Burmese, alphabet, borrowed, 253 ; Aryan

element in, 254; collection of popular

texts, 255; dictionary, by Dr. Judson,

285; orthography in, 254; Pali Deriva-

tions in, 253; river names, 280; trans-

literation, 252, 255 ; kingdoms, Indian

origin of, 253

Camparen in Rohilkhand, 102

Chandel Antiquities, observations on some,

285; coinage, 286, 287; royal house,

286 ; dynasty, 288 ; Bar Brahm, a Chan-

del prince, 296 ; inscriptions, 288 ; chro-

nology, 288

Chandel remains at Khajurého and

Mahoba, 285; Thakurs, zamindars of

Khajuraho claim to be aborigines, 286

Chandrabhan, the Chohan, Raja of

Nimrana, 186

Chandra Gupta I, gold coin of, 272

Chaturbhuj, temple of, in Khajuraho, 290

Chhatarpur, native state, 286 ; raja Partap

Singh of, 291, 292

298

Chhatrasal, Raja of Panna, 171

Chohans, genealogical table of, 248; Hamir

of Rathambor, 192; origin of, 187; Raja

Chandrabhan, 186 ; Raja Jeyal, 188

Chronicle of Bangash Nawabs of Farru-

khabad, 49

Chronological Table of the Nawabs of

Farrukhabad, 166

Chronology of Chandels, 288

Coinage, Chandel, 286, 287

Construction of temples at Khajuraho,

290

Coins, copper of Kashmir, 277, 282; gold,

found at Bulandshahar, 271, 272; gold

of Kashmir, 277 ; silver of Kashmir, 277,

282

Copper Coins of the old Mahérdjais of

Kashmir, 277; of the Sultdns of Kash-

mir, 282

Cruciform temples in Khajuraho, 290

Cunningham, Genl. A., on Bhilsa Topes,

12; description of Chandel remains,

285, 287, 288, 289, 293; on coins of

Kashmir, 277 ; on identification of Vara-

navata, 272

“ Cup-marks’’ of barrows, 14, 15, 31

Das JAL, the name of Antichrist, 178

Dalton, Col., description of prehistoric

remains, 2

Dangerfield, Mr. Henry, discovery of pre-

historic remains, 2, 8, 6, 7, 8

Debi, figure of, at Gulavar Khera, 289

Defeat of the Wazir, 71

Derivations, Pali, in Burmese, 253; of

names of the week-days, 254; of Sans-

krit words in, 254

Descendants of Ahmad Khin Ghalib

Jang, 167

Dhdm, a name of the Supreme Spirit or

Paramatma, 171

Dhamis, name of the followers of Pran-

naith, 171

Dhanga, Raja, inscription of, 288

Di, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river

names, 258 ; variations of, 258, 261 -

Dictionary, Burmese, by Dr. Judson,

255

Didda, Maharaéni of Kashmir, 277

Dioha, Rapti, and Gum-ti, tributaries of

the Ganges, 258

Dor Rajé, Budh Sen, 273; Mangal Sen,

273; Chandra Sen, 273; Har Datt,

prince of Baran, 272, 274

Dukri, name of Chandel coin, 286

domes, of temples in Khajuraho, 290,

291, 292

Durani, an Afghan tribe about Kandahar,

181, 182

Index.

Exncurroy of the Five Chelas, 69 ;

of the Five sons of Nawaéb Muhammad

Khan Ghazanfar Jang, 68

Farrvuguasan, attacked by Shuja-

ud-daula, 136 ; Bangash Nawabs of, 49 ;

visitors to, 128

Fergusson, on Ganthai Temple, 293, 294

First Visit of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Imad-

ul-Mulk, 124

Five-headed snake (Nig panchamukhi,) 17

Gawernat Temple at Khajuraho, 293,

294, 295; age of, 293, 294; pilgrim’s

inscription in, 293; derivation of its

name, 294

Genealogical Table of Sa’dat Khan Bur-

han-ul-Mulk’s family, 169; of Safdar

Jang’s family, 170; of Ahmad Khan's

descendants, 167 ; of Chohans, 246

Ghazi-ud-din ’Imaéd-ul-Mulk, eldest son

of the celebrated Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf

Jah, 128

Ghilzdis, an Afghan tribe near Khelat i

Ghilzai, 181; near Kandahar, 182

Ghosha’s, P. C., note on the articles ex-

hibited by Mr. Rivett-Carnac, 30

Gidhaur, Rajas of, 286

Glasfurd, (Col.) found an iron axe in the

Godavery district, 7

Gold coins found at Bulandshahar, 271,

272; of Kashmir, 277; leaflet, found

about Khajuraho, 287; leaf found among

the ruins of Manikydla, 287

Granite used in the construction of Chausat

Jogini Temple, 290, 296

Grierson, G. A., further notes on Kali-

dasa, 32

Growse, F. §., Bulandshahr Antiquities,

270; sect of the Pran-nathis, 171

Guldahbdari, or royal pavilion, 136, 141

Gulavar Khera, figure of Debi at, 289

Gumti, derivation of, 258

Gunna Begam, a poet, was the daughter

of a poet, 130

Gupta, Chandra II, gold coin of, 272;

Skanda, inscription of, 274

Gya, Chandel Raja’s near, 286

Hamtow, Dr. Buchanan, on rivor

names, 259

Hamir, Raja, his birth, 192; his war with

Ala-uddin, 195, 201, 203, 207, 209,

223, 225, 227, 230, 239 ; his death, 245

Hamir Rasa, a history of Hamir, 186

Hamirpur, Chandels in, 286 ; undescribed

buildings in, 295

}

;

Index.

Hanna, discovery of prehistoric remains,

3, 6

Hardatt, a Dor Raja, 272

Harsha, gold coins of, 277

Hislop, Rev. Stephen, antiquarian, 2

History of Hamir, prince of Rantham-

bor, 186

[utptexenrs of iron, prehistoric, 6—

9, 10

Indian origin of Burmese Kingdoms, 253

Indor, derivation of, 275

Indus, derivation of, 259

‘Inscriptions, Chandel, 288 ; at Khajuraho,

288, 289, 293; of pilgrims in Ganthai

Temple, 293 ; two, from Bulandshahar,

273

Intriguesin the Pathén Camp by Mahbiib

*Alam, 117

Irvine, W., the Bangash Nawabs of Far-

rukhabad, 49

J AGATRAJ Bandela, a prince, 286

Jaimal Singh, of Gidhaur, representative

of the Chandel Royal House, 286

Jain, naked statues, 293 ; statue of Suma-

tindth disclosed by the drying up of

the Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288; tem-

ples, 291, 294, 295

Jatkari, remarkable position of temple at,

292

Jaya Deva, Rajé of Kashmir, 278

Jinanath Temple, magic square and in-

scription of 11 lines on door of, 287;

rectangular form of, 294

Judson, Dr., Burmese Dictionary, 255 ;

Burmese derivation, 256

Jumna, derivation of, 259

Junapani, Nagpore district, tumuli in, 2,

K xcuzvs, zemindars of Chhatarpur,

286

Kachyen Hills, state of, 253; reduced to

writing, 255 ; spoken by Singphos, 255

Kadphises, copper coin of, 272

Kakra Marh, temple in Mahoba, 289

Kalasa, a Rajah of Kashmir, 277, 280

Kalidasa, at Sibay Singh’s court, 34; at

_ king Bhoja’s court, 35, 39 ; further notes

on, 32; traditionsin Mysore, 32; tradi-

tions in Mithila, 32; born at Damodar-

pur, 32; miraculous knowledge of, 34

‘Kali Nadi, black river, 270

_ Kalindi, stream near Bulandshahar, 270,

_ 278

Kalinjar, inscriptions from, 288

299

Kandahar, Afghan tribes about, 181

Kandariya Mahadev, temple, in Khaju-

raho, 290

Kara-su, black water, 258, 260

Karenni Hills, state of, 253

Kashmir, copper coins of, 277, 282; silver

coins of, 277 ; gold coins of, 277

Khajuraho, temples at, 274

remains at, 285; inscriptions

at, 288; zemindars of, 286; temples

at, 287; gold-leaflets found about, 287

Khojak Pass, names of, 185

Khudaganj, battle of, 60

Khurja, flourishing mart on I. E. Rail-

way, 270

Kirat Sagar at Mahoba, 288

Kol, part of dominion of Dor Raja, 272

Kumaon Rock markings, 20, 27, 29; snuke

well at, 23

Kunwar Math, temple of, at Khajuraho,

221

Kurmis, zamindars of Chhaturpur, 286

Larar-un-Kapr (or night of pow-

er), 179

Lal Barani, a Muhammadan Martyr, 273

Last or Mixed Dynasty, 278

Latter, Capt., on Burmese orthography,

254

List of river names in Asam, 261

Lodhis, expelled Chandels, 286

Mapawa Varmma, Raji, inscription

of 288, 289

Madan Sagar in Mahoba, 289

Madari, temple in Mahoba, 289

Madras barrows, 2

Magic Square, sculptured, 287

Mahoba, remains at, 285 ; fifty-two bazars

at, 289; Chandel zemindars in, 286;

Kirat Sagar at, 288; Madan Sagar at, 289

Mahratta affairs : 1752—1771, 148

Maisey, inscriptions from Kalinjar, 288

Makarbai, temple at, 291, 295, 296

Maniya Garh, ancient fort of Rajgarh,

ancestral place of Chandel Thakurs,

286

Maniya Deo,

Chandels, 286

Mason, Dr., Pali Grammar, 255

Merath part of dominion of Dor Raja,

272; antique column at, 274

Mitra, Dr. R., note on Bulandshahar

antiquities, 275; translation of inscrip-

tion, 274

Mritang Mahadeo, temple of, at Kha-

juraho, 291

Muzatfar Jang’s marriage, 145

tutelary goddess of the

300

N AGA Hills, rivers names in, 258, 260

Naga Raja, Sri Vadana, 275

Nagballi or Cobra-creeper, 26

Nageshwar, the snake Temple at Benares,

Nag Kuan or serpent’s well in Benares,

21, 23

Nag panchami, a great fete, 22, 26

Nagpore, prehistoric remains in, 1; bar-

rows, 1, 2; snake worship, 24

Nahar Siih, founder of the Sambhal fort

273

Nandi or Siva’s Bull, 18, 19, 20

Nasir-uddin Mahmud, reduced Kol, 272

Naval Rae, 50; his death, 60

Nawab Ahmad Khan, 49; marries again,

123; at battle of Panipat, 125; blind-

ness and death, 152; habits and charac-

ter, 154; wives, 159; children, 159;

chelas, 160; genealogical table of de-

scendants, 167

Nawab Ahmad Khan Ghalib Jang, 58

Nawab Imaém Khan, and the Confiscation

of the Territory, 49

Negotiations with Nawab Ahmad Khan

through ’Ali Kuli Khan, 112

Nizam’s territory, barrows in, 2

Note to Bulandshahr Antiquities by Dr.

Rajendralila Mitra, 275

Oxservations on Chandel Anti-

quities, 285

Origin, Indian, of Burmese Kingdoms,

253

Orthography in Burmese, 254

Oxus, derivation of, 259

Pavaw, a sage, his penances, 189

Pali Derivations in Burmese, 253 ; Gram-

mar, by Dr. Mason, 255; inscriptions on

gold coins, 271; MSS., 255; words have

several forms in Burmese, 257

Pafichala, old capital in Burma, 253

Panjpao, an Afghan sept, 184

Parikshit, story of his death, 271

Parmaél, a Tomar Raja, 271, 272, 288

Partap Singh, Réja, of Chhatarpur, re-

stored temples, 291, 292

Peal, S. E., a peculiarity of the river

names in Asam and some of the adjoin-

ing countries, 258

Peculiarity of River names in Asam, 258

Phallus worship, 28

Popalzéi, a sept of the Durdni Afghans,

181, 182, 183

Prén-nath, a Kshatriya by caste, lived in

the beginning of the 18th century, 171

Index.

Pran-nathis, sect of the, 171

Prehistoric Remains of Central India, 1

Prithivi Varmma, Raja, 289

Prithviraj, the celebrated Chohan, 186

Ras & Ahibaran, 271; Bhim of Etawa,

273; Dhanga, inscription of, at Kaju-

raho, 288; Parmal, 271, 288; Madana

Varmma, 288, 289; Partap Singh of

Chatarpur, 291, 292; Prithivi Varmma,

289; Tomar 271

Rajas, Chandel, near Gya, 286

Rataxzgiri, first Sultén of Kashmir, 279

Renewal of Negotiations, with Nawab

Ahmad Khan, followed by peace, 120

Restorations of temples at Khajuraho

291, 292

Rivett-Carnac, J. H., prehistoric Remains ,

in Central India, 1; Snake Symbol in

India, especially in connection with

the worship of Siva, 17

River names in Asam, 258; spelling of,

260 ; list of, 261

Rodgers, C. J. on Copper Coins of Kash-

mir, 277, 282 .

S AHAB-UDDIN Muhammad Ghori,

took Baran, 273

Sanchi Topes, 7

Sandstone, used in construction of tem-

ples, 290

Sangassa, old capital in Burma, 253

Sanscrit inscriptions from Bulandshahar,

273; words in Burmese, 254

Sarekhettara kingdom in Burma, 253

Sarpa or serpent, is a reptile, 31

Sect of the Pran-nathis, 171

Self-supporting domes in the Khajurého

temples, 291

Serpent on prehistoric remains, 17

Sherring, Rev., description of Benares, 21

Shuja’ud-daula and Shah ’Alam attempt

to attack Farrukhabaéd, 136; Shuja’ud-

daula takes refuge at Farrukhabad, 144

Siege of Allahabéd Fort, 77; of Fateh-

garh and flight of the Nawab, 82

sikhras or steeples of temples very grace-

ful in design, 290, 291, 295

Silver coins of Kashmir, 277, 282

Similarity between the marks found on

the stones and the “cup marks” of the

Barrows in Europe, 14; between the

remains found in the Indian Barrows

and the contents of the Barrows in

Europe, 12; between the Tumuli and

the Barrows of Europe, 11

Singphos, speak Kachyen, 255; viver

names, 260; spelling of, 261

Index. 301

Skanda Gupta, inscription of, 274

Smith, V. A., observations on same Chan-

del Antiquities, 285

Snake Symbol in India, 17; temple at

Benares, 20; worship of, 17, 19, 22,

24; wells, 21, 23; personal ornament,

17; festival, 22,26; asa canopy, 17,

19; in connection with Mahadey, 18

Spelling of Asamese river names, 260; of

Turanian words, 261

Square silver coins of Kashmir, 282

St. Barbe, H. L., Pali derivations in Bur-

mese, 253

Statue, broken, of Sumatindth, at Maho-

ba, 288; of elephant at Mahoba, 289 ;

naked Jain, 293 [291

Steeples, of temples in Khajuraho, 290,

Stulpnagel, Dr., coin of Kashmir, 283

Su, a widespread term for “ water,’ 258

Sumatinath, statue of, at Mahoba, 288

Siiraj-bansis, or descendants of the Sun,

171

Sutherland, translation of record in Vis-

vanith temple, Khajuraho, 287

Tayzor, Col. Meadows, on prehistoric

remains, 2, 5, 12

Temple, R. C., rough notes on the dis-

tribution of the Afghan Tribes about

Kandahar, 181

Temples, at Khajurého, 274, 293 ; of Jina-

nath, 287, 294; Ganthai, 293; of

Mritang Mahadeo, 291; at Makarbai,

291, 295, 296; at Barsi Taldo, 395,

298; at Jatkari, 292; at Bamhauri,

295, 296 ; Brahmanical, 291, 292 ; Jain,

291, 294, 295; Kandariya Mahadeco,

290, 291, 292; of Visvanath, 287,

289, 291, 292; Madari, 289; Kunwar

Math, 291, 292; Kakra Marh, 289;

Chaonsat Jogini, 290; Chaturbhuj, 290,

291, 292

Ti, a prefix or suffix in Asamese river

names, 258; variations of, 258, 261

Tisa, “‘ young river’, 258

Tomar Raja, traditional founder of Bu-

landshahar, 271, 272

Topes of Sanchi or Bhilsa, 7; Amravti, 9

Transliteration, in Burmese, 253, 265

Unrara Dynasty, 277

Varawavata, identified with Baran,

272

Visit of the Almora Raji, to Nawéb

Ahmad Khan, 111

Visitors to Farrukhabad, 128

V V EEK-DAYS, names of, in Burmese,

254

Words for “ water” in various languages,

270

Worship of the snake very common in the

old Nagptir Province, 24

Zavrva KHAN, a prisoner in the

hands of the Marhattas, 151

Zain ul-Abidin, coins of, 282

Zodiac, names of, in Burmese, 254

Eyrata in Vol. XLVIII of Journal.

ooo

Page 273, line 10, for ‘ darjah’ read ‘ dargih.’

273,

278,

275,

”

13, for ‘ Bijay’ read ‘ Bijay.’

13, for ‘ Dasarath’ read ‘ Dasarath.’

33, for ‘name’ read ‘ namo.’

1, and 5, for ‘ Indrapura’ read ‘ Indrapura.’

10, and 15, for ‘ Hastinaptr’ read ‘ Hastinapur.’

18, for ‘ Sardhana’ read ‘ Sardhana.’

No. 1.—Lyall, The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, Pr. I, For 1878.

an introduction and notes.—Shaw, On Stray Arians in Tibet.—

Rajendralala Mitra, On Representations of Foreigners in the

Ajanta Frescoes.—Rajendralala Mitra, A Copper-plate Grant

from Banda.—Walker, Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations.—

Smith, Notes on two ancient Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the

- Hamirpir District, N. W. P. Withanote by Prannath Pandit.

—Beveridge, The Antiquities of Bagura (Bogra).

. 2.—Growse, Mathura Notes.

. 3.—Grierson, The Song of Manik Chandra.—T em ple, The Loka-

niti translated from the Burmese Paraphrase.

. 4—Irvine, On the Bangash Nawdbs of Farrukhdb4d—A Chronicle,

(1713—1857).—Rajendralala Mitra, On the Pala and Sena

Rajas of Bengal.

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS.

—o—

Armstrona, J.;—Description of some new Species of Hydroid

Zoophytes from the Indian Ooasts and Seas, (Plates IX, X, XI,

elk)...

Assam, CHIEF Ganrmaaroni OF een of the Onnvieore o

Earthquakes in Assam during 1878, =

BuanrorpD, H. F. ;—On the Diurnal Variation of Rainfall Fre e-

quency at Calcutta, (Plate III.) .

—_————,, W. T. ;— Notes on a eaieciias of Reptiles ane Tyan

Srom the neighbourhood of Ellore and Dumagudem,..

;—Notes on a collection of Beniles made ey Yy

Major O. B. St. John at Ajmere, .. dt des :

;—WVotes on Reptilia,

——— ;—Second note on Mammalia Palicoted by Major

Biddulph in Gilgit,

CockzsurN, J.;—Notes on stone Balen tite: en the has Hills

and the Banda and Vellore Districts, (Plates XIV, XV, XVI.)

Distant, W. L. ;—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim, (Plate II.)

Farrpank, 8S. B. ;—Ravages of Rats and Mice in the Dakhan during

the Harvest of 1878-79, is

Gopwin-Avsten, H. H. ;—On new Species of the Gaus plceeaayis

of the Family Helicide, (Plate I.) -

Harman, H. J. ;—On the Operations for obtaining Te aenaares

of the large Rivers in Assam, during Season 1877-78, (7 Wood-

cuts.) :

Prat, S. E. aNute on the old Bapnete faite over ‘Davia vd

Nongyang (viewed as the most feasible and direct route, from

4 India to China,) (Plates IV, V, VI, VIL)... a 2

_ Sciwenner, L. ;—On a new Standard of Light, (Plate VIII.)

_ Tremere, R. C.;—Wotes on the Formation of the Oountry passed

through by the 2nd Oolumn Tal Chotiali Field Force during its

march from Kala Abdullah Khan in the ae Pass to ey

Birkhin, Spring of 1879, (Plate XIIL.) . ‘

Tennant, J. F.;—On some experiments ae at H. M.'s Mint m

Calcutta on coining silver into Rupees,

Page

360

iv List of Contributors.

Page

Warernouse, J.;—NWotes on the Survey Operations in Afghanistin

in connection with the Campaign of 1878-79, (Plate XVII.) 146

Woop-Mason, J. ;—Preliminary Notice of anew Genus (Parectato-

soma) of Phasmide from Madagascar, with brief Descriptions

of its two Species, a a ee 50 Rect Ly

eee

Date of issue of the different numbers of Journal, Part II, 1879.

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on June 10th, 1879.

No. II.—Containing pp. 69—118, with Plates IV, V, VI, VII,

VIII, IX, X, XI, XII, and XIII., was issued

on September 15th, 1879.

No. III.—Containing pp. 119—172, with Plates XIV, XV, XVI,

and XVII., was issued on November 28th, 1879.

NEW SERIES. VOL. XLVIII. No. CCXXIV. — Soy)

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Vol. XLVIII, Part II, No. I.—1879.

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Issued June 10th, 1879.

“hy ee - ‘ Te ae

CONTENTS.

I.—On new species of the Genus Plectopylis of the Family Heli-

cide.—By Lrnvz.-Con. Gopwin-AUSsTEN, F. RB. G. 8., F. Z. 8.,

&e., late Deputy Superintendent Topographical Survey of In-

WAG, Ven s ones Naas et

II.—On the Operations Ue eee ie Diatohee of the lifve en

Rivers in Upper Assam, during Season 1877-78.—By Lixvr.

H. J. Harman, B. £., in charge Assam Valley Series, Survey

of India. Communicated by Masor-Genu. J. T. WALKER,

R. E., C. B., F. B. 8., Surveyor General of India, .......... A

Communicated by J. Woop-Masov,........... 37

IV.—On the Diurnal Variation of Roinfall Frequchey * ‘Cal-

cutta.—By Henry F. Buanrorp, F. G. 8.yF. Z. 8., F. M. 8., ... 4

V.—Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in ‘Ase aay a

1878.—Communicated by the Carer Commisstonur or Assam, 48

VI.—On some experiments made at H. M.’s Mint in Oaleutta ¢ on 4

coining silver into Rupees—By Cou. J. F. TENNANT, R. E., 4

FR. 8., &e., Master oS Mth) vos vor invousvee iat Naat oeg ed ae ae

Just Published.

_ HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF CEYLON.

Parr I.

By Caprarn W. V. LEGGE, RB A. F. L. 8.

345 pages, Royal 4to., with 10 plates by Keulemans. To be compl

ted in two more parts, price £2 each. In this work the geographical rang

habits and nidification of each species is fully worked out. .

Intending subscribers should communicate with the author, wh ho

address is Aberystwith, Wales, ,

Ill. sr ranteed from Upper Tenasserim.—By W. U. Dearie: i

Pa)

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

—_—

Part II.—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No. I.—1879.

I.—On new species of the Genus Plectopylis of the Family Helicide.—By

Lrevut.-Cotonet Gopwin-Austren, F. R. G. S., F. Z. S., &e., late

Deputy Superintendent Topographical Survey of India.

(Received October 7th, 1878 ;—Read March 5th, 1879.)

(With Plate I.)

Since the paper on the shells of this group of Helices was published

in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, Nov. 17th, 1874, I

among a collection of shells made by Mr. O. Limborg, of which a list is

being prepared ; the other two are from Eastern Assam. I give a plate,

drawn with the aid of the camera lucida, shewing enlarged the arrangement

- of the internal plice, which differ materially from all those I have as yet

examined and figured ; these differences form the best of characters by which

the species may be determined. Some conchologists may be inclined to

doubt the persistence of these internal characters ; personal observation is,

however, the best means of settling such a point. Having a very large

number of P. brachydiscus, described below, I set to work and broke open

42, specimens without finding the very slightest variation; of P. brakma

thirteen were examined with the same result ; there is some slight variation

_ in the young, but only in so far that the barriers shew an undeveloped state,

the general arrangement being the same, In P. achatina, I found perfect

similarity in some 12 specimens, and the result has been similar in all other

= that I have examined. I think we may therefore feel certain

that such internal structures, depending as they do on the form of the

have had the good fortune to obtain three new species, one from Tenasserim, -

2 Godwin-Austen—On new species of the Genus [No. 1,

animal, its mantle and secreting organs, will be as persistent as the shell

itself, and that their form and relative positions being more complicated

and more pronounced than mere outward shape, any divergence in the

former is of importance and more noticeable and noteworthy in a specific

sense. The animal, I am sorry to say, I have never had an opportunity of

examining very closely.

_ P. shanensis, Stoliezka, (J. A. S. B., 1878, p. 170,) overlooked in my

first paper, is I find, the same as P. trilamellaris, which I described in the

P. Z. S., Jany. 1874, from Burmah; so this last title will not stand.

Ferd. Stoliczka’s fine collection of shells passed to the Indian Museum, and

Mr. G. Nevill compared the two shells and settled their identity. It

should be placed after No. 12, perareta.

Helix (Plectopylis) brachydiscus, n. sp. Plate I, fig. 1.

Shell dextral, umbilicus very open and shallow, very discoid, rather

strong, dull umber-brown, epidermis thick with a cloth-like texture, finely

and beautifully ribbed longitudinally ; in young fresh shells the upper outer

margin is closely set with a strong regular epidermal fringe about ‘075

inches long. Spire quite flat, approaching the concave in some specimens,

the apex itself having a subpapillate form. Whorls 7, the last rather flat

on the side and angular above, descending at the aperture, which is very

oblique and oblate. Peristome strongly reflected, thickened, white, the

margins connected by a well raised ridge, notched above and below. A long

horizontal lamella is given off from the upper middle portion of this

towards the vertical parietal lamina, but only extends for 0:20 inches,

then terminates, but at °15 inches is again developed, becoming thicker and

higher as it approaches the vertical lamina and ending just short of it,

in this respect being similar to P. perarcta.

The parietal vertical lamina is pointed above and gives off from the

lower basal end a short lamella towards the aperture, and a very slight

short thin, free lamina is to be seen just below the vertical barriers. Pala-

tal teeth simple, six, the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th, are the best developed, the

1st and last are small, 2nd the longest.

Animal not observed.

The measurements of the specimen drawn and of the largest specimen

are respectively—

Major diam. 0°82. Minor diam. 0°68. Alt. at axis about 0°24 and

¥ 5 | HOE: i g WitOBBs! ay Ay 33 0:28.

Haz.—This shell was found by Mr. O. Limborg on the high range of

Mulé-it, east of Moulmein, Tenasserim, and in the neighbourhood. He

collected an immense number in a dead bleached state, but only a dozen in

a fresh state ; the others were, however, exceedingly valuable for proving,

as above shewn, the persistency of the internal structure in all.

GODWIN-AUSTEN . Journ Asiat . Soc Bengal. Vol. XLVI. P* 11 1879. Plate I

del et Lith Maclure & Macdonald Imp

NEW SPECIES OF PLECTOPYLIS.

TENASSERIM AND ASSAM. -

; rn . ; ee nae

187 9.] Plectopylis of the Family Helicide. 3

This form should be placed between No. 11, P. pseudophis, and

No. 12, perarcta in my key to the species, vide P. Z. S., 1874, pp. 612, 618.

Helix (Plectopylis) Oglei, n. sp., Plate I, fig. 2.

Shell dextral, widely umbilicated, sub-discoid, dull pale brown with

close-set. sienna markings crossing the whorls. Epidermis thick and nacre-

ous, and somewhat rough. Apex flat but slightly concave, the whorls rising

regularly. Whorls 8, the last descends slightly near the aperture, which is

very oblique and ovate. Peristome slightly reflected, white, continuous on

the body whorl, but not strongly developed. Palatal teeth 6, 3rd, 4th and

5th equal, 6th longer, double. On the parietal side is one single vertical

lamina with buttress-like supports on posterior side above and below.

Major diameter 0°65 ; minor diam. 0°58 ; alt. axis 0-25 inches.

Haz.—The above shell was discovered near Sadiya, Assam, by Mr.

M. T. Ogle of the Topographical Survey, after whom I have much plea-

sure in naming it. Mr. Ogle collected and sent me a very fine collection

of land-shells from this eastern part of the Assam valley, comprising many

new and interesting species, which I am engaged in working out. The

nearest species to P. oglez is serica of the Burrail Range, but the former is

very much larger and may be known at once by its less flattened form and

darker rougher surface. In the synoptical table of this sub-genus, P. Z. S.,

1874, p. 612, this shell should follow No. 1, P. serica, G.-A.

Helix (Plectopylis) brahma, n. sp., Plate I, fig. 3.

Shell sinistral, rather closely umbilicated, discoidal, pale ochry-brown,

finely and regularly striate. Apex flat yet slightly convex. Whorls 7,

last angular above and rounded below, slightly compressed behind the

aperture and hardly descending. Aperture lunate, oblique. Peristome

slightly reflected and thickened, white, continued as a callus on the body

whorl.

Tnternal structure complicated ; the parietal vertical lamina is strong

and gives off a short horizontal lamella at the lower end; above this are

two other and parallel fee lamell,* both short, the lower being the best

_ developed ; the upper is occasionally united to the upper end of the vertical

barrier. There is a very thin thread-like lower free lamella extending to the

-peristome and uniting with the parietal callus. The palatal plice are

arranged in two rows, those of the anterior row are few and large, four in

) * Tn three cases out of twelve I examined, the upper Jamelia was united to the

yertical barrier, but this does not affect the order of position and arrangement of all

“i hese processes in this species,

4 H. J. Harman— Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

number, the two upper long, narrow and adjacent, the 3rd is a flattened

dome-like mass, the 4th is long and curving inwards. Behind this at a short

distance is the second row, consisting of fourteen very minute, closely

arranged, thin, longer or shorter tooth-like processes, those on the upper

side being slightly the largest.

Major diam, 0°35 ; minor diam. 0°32 ; alt. axis 0-2 inches.

Hazs.—This very interesting new form was also obtained by Mr. Ogle

near Brahmakhund, eastern Assam, at 1,000 feet elevation...

The arrangement of the internal barriers is unlike any species of this

sub-genus I have yet examined, and shews a decided departure from the

usual North-East Frontier forms, a sort of foreshadow that in the mountains

further east this particular development is to be found of a like or more

marked character.

In external form the present species resembles P. shiroiensis, but may

be distinguished from it by the coarser epidermis and more regular striation,

and the broader wider size of the last whorl near the aperture, shewing no

constriction. It is of interest to note that the flattened dome-like barrier on

the palatal or mantle side coincides with the vertical barrier in P. shiroiensis

where we see the distinct result of two teeth fused as it were together.

This species should come in after No. 18, P. refuga, var. dextrorsa, as a

sub-section b’ of group B of the key in P.Z.S. Palatal vertical plice only

compound, in two rows, numerous. Horizontal parietal amine short.

OOO

II.—On the Operations for obtaining the Discharges of the large Rivers in

Upper Assam, during Season 1877-78.—By Lizvur. H. J. Harman,

R. E., in charge Assam Valley Series, Survey of India. Communicated

by Masor-Genu. J. T. Watxer, R. E., C. B., F. R. S., Surveyor

General of India.

[One of the Survey Operations during the field season of 1877-78 was

to explore as much as possible of the region between the Subansiri and the

Dihang Rivers, with a view to ascertaining which of these two afiluents of

the Brahmaputra river had the best claim to be considered the recipient of

the Sanpo River of Thibet. As there was reason to fear that political

difficulties might intervene to prevent the survey officers from proceeding

a sufficient distance into the interior to settle this disputed point, Lieut.

Harman was directed to measure the discharges of the several rivers at

various points, and to ascertain the volume of water in each river in order

that additional evidence might be forthcoming on an interesting geogra-

phical problem. The following paper gives the details of these operations.

Jeo Ws]

1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 5

The first river measured was the Subansiri. The method of proce-

dure was as follows, and the same method of work was adopted for all the

other rivers :

A gauge-post was planted in the bed of the stream to note the varia-

tion in level of the water during the operations. Four parallel lines were

laid out across the river, at a perpendicular distance apart of 758 ft.,

the shore portions of the lines being marked by flags (vide fig. 1).

Fig. 1.

Base lines A B and C D were measured, and on a plane table a

chart was made on the scale of 70 feet = 1 ineh showing the lines of flags

and the margins of the river. The section was obtained in the following

manner :

A small dug-out (canoe) was anchored at (a) and the cable eased off

until the observer (myself) in the boat was exactly on the upper or first

line AC. A signal was made to an assistant stationed with the plane

table at B or D, who at once cut in the position of the observer in the boat

on the line AC. Soundings were then taken, and the boat let down to the

2nd line or upper line of the “ Run.” ‘The position of the observer in the

boat was again cut in and soundings were taken ; and so on for the remain-

ing two lines. The boat was then hauled up, the grapnel raised, and a new

position (@,) taken up.

It was found that in most cases, the line joining the four sounding sta-

tions obtained from one anchoring position, closely agreed in direction with

the surface flow of the water at that part of the river.

The instruments for measuring velocities were discs of wood 8 in.

diameter and 7 in. thick, marked by a little mass of cotton

wool thrown over a peg standing upright in the centre

of the dise (fig. 2), Also tin tubes, 1 in. diameter, closed

at one end, varying in length from 23 to 10 ft., containing

enough water to sink the tubes, so that only 3 or 4 inches

6 H. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

of them remained above water (fig. 8). In the

mouth of the tube was a cork and some cotton

wool for a marker. I obtained from Calcutta a

number of hollow balls 3 in. diameter, for sub-

surface velocity measurements: I did not get them

till February and found that unfortunately they

were defective and were of little use to me.

Thad also a current-meter by “ Casella,” with

which I intended observing sub-surface velocities.

Capt. Willans, R. E., Executive Engineer, Shil-

long, very kindly designed and had made up for

me an effective apparatus, a lift by which the

Fig. 3. current meter could be lowered and fixed to any

desired depth in the water, could be started and stopped at pleasure, and

raised easily to allow of the record being read off. Unfortunately, when

too late, I found that the meter would not work except with a very high

velocity of water, and those records obtained were untrustworthy.

The method of measuring the velocity was as follows :—

The boat was moored on the upper line A C (vide Fig. 1), and the

floating instruments dropped into the water. The general line of direc-

tion taken by the floats was observed with a prismatic compass ; on the bank

were two observers M and N, each furnished with a good pair of binoculars.

A recorder, with a large chronometer (Dent’s) beating half seconds, was

seated at O.

The flag staves were thin and straight. When the observer M saw a

float cross his line H F he cried “past,” and the recorder at O noted the

time in his book: when the float passed the line G H, the observer WV cried

“past” and the recorder noted the time. The interval between the two

noted times, gives the time taken by the float to pass over the “ Run.”

The following example shows the method of computation adopted in

the majority of cases: of course it sometimes happened that the section of

the bed of the river between adjacent sections where velocities were taken

Sra Level of water S”b was as in fig. 4, or the direction of

é = the flow of the water at a differed

== greatly from that at b, or the obser-

oe vations at one of the Sections were

Picola untrustworthy ; in such cases modifi-

cations were egescary and methods recommended by one’s judgment

were resorted to; but the following example gives the type of computation

adopted in most cases :-—

The length of run = 50 feet.

1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 7

‘From chart the length ¢ e = 200 feet (vide Fig. 5). Make e G@ = Ge.

Through G draw G K, showing a mean direction of flow of floats, 7. e.

265°.

Draw f G h perpendicular to G K and the lines ef, eh perpendicular

tofg h.

Then for computation of discharge ; the area of the section from c¢ to

12 + 10 )) ee

e is very nearly [200 x Cos 9° x ( 5)

From the velocity measurements—

The meantime of passage of 10 dises thrown in at ¢ = 12:5

c tubes, each 10 ft. long, at e = 14:5

7 ys te fb. long, at- eo =" 12-0

etc Soccaels. of rs dises thrown in at e = 12:0

4 tubes, each 8 ft. long, at e = 14:5

1 3 ” ” 3 ” at — 12'0

Assumed meantime of passage for section is 13-5—

f oO

The mean velocity per second required for section is’ = 3 = ig

and AV = discharge, or number of cubic feet of water passing through

c to e in one second of time.

Mag£ Peariag

of this linews £*

Soundings

tw ES & Inches

OK Welocity $# )

8 H. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

There is a clumsiness in the formula, but no alteration has been made,

because I set up all the quantities for giving the discharges before it was

noticed. The values of the discharges are not affected, but I may as well

note how the formula took its shape.

Let M N O P (Fig. 6) be an open channel of considerable length

the flow of water uniform, the section of the channel rectangular,

Let ed and ef be two lines parallel to each other, at a perpendicular

distance apart equal to gh. ab is a section at right angles to length of

tube and to the direction of flow of water.

Let the angle cgi = 90° + 6, and v be the depth.

Let ¢ be the time in seconds taken by a particle of water to move

from g to K.

Then the Discharge through the section ed = EE EA

The Discharge through ab = ed x cos 6 x v x gh — 0 oe cd Xv xX gh

It is this formula (1) which has been employed.

Fig. 6.

(a) The line of maximum velocity of a river is found at a short dis-

tance below the surface. The velocity at the bottom of a river is less than

the surface velocity ; the retardation is great if there are many weeds.

The bottoms of all the rivers measured were of coarse heavy sand,

excepting a short stretch of big pebbles in the bed of the combined Dihang

and Dibang rivers.

Professor Rankine assumes that the mean velocity on a vertical line,

is to the greatest velocity on the same line, as 3 to 4 for slow rivers and 4

to 5 in rapid streams.

The velocity of a rod extending to nearly the bed of the stream is ap-

proximately the mean velocity of the water in the vertical plane traversed

by the rod. In assigning a mean velocity for computation to the several

portions of the sections of the rivers, all the above facts were kept in view.

At some sections of observation for determining velocity, many differ-

ent instruments were used and many passages made; at other sections only

a few observations were made.

“>

o 1 er:

1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 9

(2) The arithmetical mean of the times noted at a station of the pas-

sages of a certain floating instrument, was taken as the mean time of pas-

sage of that instrument. The record of times was kept to half seconds,

and it is rarely that discrepancies of over 1 second from the mean occur.

These discrepancies were due, first to errors of observation and 2ndly to

considerable divergence of the floating instrument from the general line taken.

Having obtained at a station the mean time of passage of each kind of

instrument, and having regard to the number and quality of the observa-

tions, a value was assumed as representing the mean time of passage of the

water at that station.

For the adjacent station, a mean time of passage was obtained in a

similar manner. Then for the whole included section, a value was assumed

as representing the mean time of passage, and this value was employed in

the computation.

In such a case as the following: at station (a) the velocity of the

water is high, and the swift water extends nearly to the adjacent station c,

and shows a well defined margin-line of the current. At station ¢ the

velocity is low.

In such cases the section from station (a) to station (c) is sub-divided

into 2 parts ; the swift water portion is dealt with by itself, the remaining

part by itself.

The method adopted of obtaining the data for computation gives, I

think, the results required, and without much labour.

(ec) The Flood Discharges are merely probable values. They were

obtained in the following way. The section lines were laid down on the

Revenue Survey large-scale maps of the rivers. An examination was made

on the ground to see what changes had taken place since the maps were

made. All vertical heights on these flood sections (shown on charts of

river sections) were estimated. The flood section was then divided into

portions, and an assumed velocity was assigned to each portion, the value

being chiefly determined by the section of the portion, its position, and from

what local information I could gather. The main-stream high flood velo-

city has been taken at 7 feet per second. To obtain the total Flood Dis-

charge it was necessary to increase the velocities of each portion of the

dry season section. After once assuming values for the flood velocities of

the different portions, no alterations were made subsequently.

(d) Some of the rivers measured, were above the mean low-level of

the dry season. To obtain the discharge of the river at its mean low-level

of the dry season, the following method was adopted : the area of each por-

tion of the section, due to rise, was computed and subtracted from the

observed area of that portion ; then, to the diminished area of the portion,

a mean velocity was given which was less than the observed mean velocity

PO OS

10 H. J. Harman— Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

of the portion. After velocities have been once assumed they have not

been reconsidered or altered.

In the case of the reduction of the observed discharge of the Dibang

river, to its mean low-level discharge of the dry season, the rise of water

was taken as 4 feet, but subsequently it was taken as 5 feet.

The depths along the section of the Brahmaputra above Sadiya were

all obtained on the same day. ‘The velocity observations at some of the

stations were made when the river had risen 1 foot to 14 feet: reductions

were therefore made to the observed velocities at these stations,

(ec) The columns in the Synopsis Table, headed “ Mean Velocity of

river at its mean low-level of the year,” and at “high flood level,” do

not contain much informatjon unless they are compared with the sectional

areas, and form of section.

The sum of the discharges of the rivers forming the Brahmaputra river

should equal the discharge of the Brahmaputra itself. The work done ful-

fils this test sufficiently nearly to allow, I think, of the stated discharges

being considered as sufficiently approximate for geographical purposes.

The Subansiri measurements were made between the 25th and 28th of

February 1878. The weather was fine for the work, the level of water

constant ; very little wind disturbed the observations. The boatmen and

others living at the site of the section stated that the water was very rarely

seen at a lower level, and that during the observations it was at the dead-low

of the dry season.

Ninety soundings were made to obtain the section of the stream; at

21 stations observations were taken for velocity and there were 510 record-

ed passages of the floating instruments. The resulting discharge at lowest

level of the year was found to be 16,945 cubic feet per second: the super-

ficial area of the section 9,637 superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of

the water was 1°7 feet per second.

During the very high floods of the year the water is known to rise 22

feet, but calculations have been made for ordinary high flood, taken at 16

feet ; with this rise of water I have computed the discharge to be at least

170,000 cubit feet per second ; area of section is 35,700 superficial feet, so

that mean flood velocity is 4°7 feet per second.

For extreme floods, 18,000 superficial feet must be added to the section

area and 70,000 cubic feet to the discharge, which would bring the maxi-

mum discharge up to 240,000 cubic feet per second, and sectional area to

48,700 superficial feet.

The site of the section was at Pathalipam village, 3 miles west of

Gogah-muk ferry, and about 10 miles from the foot of the hills, from

the gorge where the river issues out into the plains.

Before issuing into the plains, the river flows gently for 9 miles in a

hha! i ip

1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. i)

great chasm; the depth of the water may be taken at 60 feet, (the few

soundings taken were 66 to 70), mean width 90 yards, and velocity fully

1 foot per second. Such dimensions give a discharge equal to the measured

discharge ; but I am of opinion that had I selected my site at the place

where the river leaves the hills, I should have obtained a greater discharge

than the one I measured, on account of loss by percolation through the sand.

The Subansiri after leaving the hills spreads out into several sandy

channels, which unite above Gogah-muk. At Gogah-muk the river flows

in one channel and turns abruptly from a north to south course into a ~

west by north course.

The next river measured was the Brahmaputra river, at a site due

north of, and 3 miles distant from Dibrugarh Church. There was a rise in

the river just before the measurements were made, but the work was done

at the low level of the year, and the observations were made at favorable

times. On account of the wind and the rapidity of the current, the work

occupied me from March 11th to 18th. In the rapid parts of the river,

where the velocity was 5 feet per second, a light canoe manned by four men

could not make way up-stream, and it was therefore generally necessary to

have the boat brought in shore, poled up-stream and then dropped down

into position : a position once missed could only be regained by going in

shore again.

Between the site 4, (Fig. 7) and the Miri village of Saenga Jan (B) is

8 distance of 8 miles. During the cold season of 1876-77 there was a wide

_ channel D in the sands, its mouth was choked with sand ; a little way down

_ the channel the water was less than knee-deep and the flow very slight.

”

12 H. J. Harman— Operations for obtaining [Noxd;

Before commencing work I sent men to see the channel and they reported

it shallower than it was in the preceding year: just before closing work

I found that at the village C the channel was wide, breast deep and the

flow slow. To allow for this unmeasured percolation through the sands

I have added to the measured discharge of the Brahmaputra 3000 cubie feet

per second to bring the result nearer the truth. The “ Buri Suti” channel

for two miles from its mouth has no water in it, but at 15 miles from its

mouth it is rarely fordable.

After the work was finished on March 19th there was a rise of 6 feet in

the river, and at Gauhati on March 24th it caused the gauge register to

read 4.6 ft. above the zero,

For the section, 120 soundings were taken: observations for velocity

were made at 14 stations, and there were 255 recorded passages of the

floating instruments.

The resulting discharge at the low level of the year was found to be

118,115 cubic feet per second ; the superficial area of section was 24,477

superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of the water was 4.6 feet per

second. ‘To the observed diseharge, 8,000 cubic feet must be added for

percolation through the sands and flow through the channel D, mentioned

above, thus bringing the discharge up to 116,115 cubic feet per second.

During very high floods the water rises 20 feet, but calculations have

been made for an ordinary high flood rise of 16 feet, which gives a dis-

charge exceeding 830,000 cubic feet per second, a sectional area of 164,000

superficial feet, so that the mean velocity of the flood is 5 feet per

second.

For an extreme flood the discharge would exceed 1,100,000 cubic feet

per second, and the sectional area 208,000 superficial feet. Fora rise of 3

feet over the low level of the year, the increased section would be 14,100

superficial feet and the increased discharge 54,000 cubic feet per second.

The next river measured was the united stream of the Dihang and

Dibang rivers, at one mile above the junction with the Brahmaputra and

one mile below the mouth of the Dibang river. At the time of measure-

ment the river was somewhat less than 3 feet above the low level of the

year.

The weather was fairly:favourable and the site selected was a good

one. The work was done between March 24th and 27th of 1878.

For the section, 59 soundings were taken, observations for velocity were

made at 12 stations, and there were 170 recorded passages of floating in-

struments.

The resulting discharge was 110,011 cubic feet per second, sectional

area 25,105 superficial feet, so that the mean velocity was 4°4 feet per

second,

1879.] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 13

The river at time of measurement was 8 feet above the minimum level

of the year. The increased section due to this 3 feet rise, is computed to

be 6,222 superficial feet, and the increased discharge to be 27,359 cubic feet

per second ; thus the cold weather low-level discharge of the united streams

is 82,652 cubic feet, sectional area 18,883 superficial feet, mean velocity 4°3

feet per second.

To obtain the cold weather low level discharge of the Dihang river it

is necessary to subtract the Dibang discharge, shown below to be 27,200

eubie feet per second, and this quantity subtracted from the discharge

of the united streams will give the Dihang discharge to be 55,400 cubic

feet per second at minimum level of the year.

During very high floods the united rivers rise 20 feet, but the cal-

culations have been made for an ordinary high flood rise of 15 feet which

gives a discharge of 485,000 cubic feet per second, a sectional area of

84,000 superficial feet and consequent mean velocity of 5:7 feet per second.

To obtain the flood discharge of the Dihang river, it will be necessary

to subtract that of the Dibang river which is shown below to be 122,483

cubit feet per second, which amount subtracted from the above 485,000

cubic feet leaves for the ordinary flood discharge of the Dibang river

362,517 cubic feet per second.

The next river measured was the Dibang river at one mile above its

mouth and half a mile below the mouth of the Senseri river.

The work was done on the 27th March 1878 when the river was 5

feet above the low level of the year. This river receives a good deal of

snow-water, from snowy mountains close to the plains. After a hot day

the river will rise during the night 2 to 3 feet, subsiding during the morn-

ing. This is not the case in the Dihang river.

There were 37 soundings taken for the section. At 9 stations ob-

servations were made for velocity, and there were 116 recorded passages of

floating instruments.

The measured discharge was 47,383 cubic feet per second, sectional

area 10,992, and therefore mean velocity 4:3 feet per second. But at

time of measurement the river was 5 feet above minimum level of the

year, and this 5 feet rise has been computed to produce an increased sec-

tional area of 4,617 superficial feet and discharge of 20,181 cubic feet.

Thus the discharge of the Dibang river + Senseri river at the low level

of year is 27,202 cubic feet per second, sectional area 6,375 superficial feet

and mean velocity 4:2 feet per second. But the Senseri river brings down

about 1,200 cubic feet, so that the low level discharge volume of the Dibang

river is 26,000 cubic feet per second.

During the high floods the river rises 20 feet, but like the Dihang

computations an ordinary flood of 15 feet has been calculated for, and

14 I. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

then the flood discharge is 122,483 cubic feet per second, sectional area

23,692 superficial feet, and mean velocity 5:2 feet per second.

For an extreme flood of 18 feet, the discharge would exceed 144,000

cubic feet, the sectional area be 27,700 superficial feet, and mean veloclty

5:2 feet per second.

The next river measured was the Brahmaputra river at about 9 miles

above Sadiya and half a mile below the mouth of the united stream of the

Tengapani aud Noa Dihing rivers. There wasa good deal of difficulty

found in the measurement of this river on account of bad weather and the

level of the water not remaining constant. The section was made when

the river was at 3 feet above the low level of the year, but most of the ve-

locities were measured when the river was at a slightly higher level. These

facts were kept in view when the calculations were made.

The measurements were made between April 2nd and 6th of 1878.

For the section, 61 soundings were made, observations for velocity were taken

at 14 stations, and there were 165 recorded passages of floating instruments.

The measured discharge was 66,251 cubic feet per second, sectional

area 16,396, so that the mean velocity was 4 feet per second. At time of

measurement the river was 3 feet above the minimum level of the year: the

increased volume due to this rise was computed to be 32,419 cubic feet per

second, and sectional area 8,168 superficial feet ; so that the mean low-level

dry season discharge of the Brahmaputra river below Tengapdni-muk is

33,832 cubic feet per second, sectional area 8,228 superficial feet, and, con-

sequently, mean velocity 4:1 feet per second.

To obtain the minimum discharge of the Brahmaputra at the Brah-

makund, it will be necessary to deduct from the above figures, the cold sea-

son mean low-level volume of the Tengapd4ni and Noa Dihing (which

is stated below to be 3,000 cubic feet per second), and that of the Di-

garu river which I would estimate from hearsay at 5,000 cubic feet per

second. Thus the minimum discharge of the Brahmaputra at the Brah-

makund would be 25,000 cubic feet per second.

The ordinary high flood of the Brahmaputra below Tengapani-muk

has been calculated at 16 feet. It gives a discharge of 293,000 cubic feet per

second, a sectional area of 53,017 superficial feet and mean velocity of flood

5°5 feet per second. For the flood discharge at the Brahmakund one should

subtract from above discharge 53,000 cubic feet for the Tengapani and Noa

Dihing rivers (vide below), and I would estimate 60,000 for the Digaru

river, which would leave 180,000 cubic feet per second for flood discharge

of the Brahmaputra at the Brahmakund.

For an extreme flood of 18 feet the discharge below Tengapdni-muk

would be over 326,000 cubic feet per second, sectional area 59,000 super-

ficial feet and mean velocity 5:5 feet per second ; then caleulating by pro-

1879. ] Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 15

portion, the extreme flood of the Brahmaputra at the Brahmakund would

_ be not less than 200,000 cubic feet per second.

Before closing work at Tengapani-muk I thought it well to make a mea-

surement of the united stream of the Tengapani and Noa Dihing rivers.

This I did on the 6th April 1878 at a site 200 yards below the junction

of the Tengapaéni and Noa Dihing rivers. At the time of measurement the

water was fully 3 feet above mean low level of the year, and more than half

of it came from the Noa Dihing river.

For the section 18 soundings were made, observations for velocity

were taken at 2 stations and there were 19 recorded passages of the floating

instruments.

The measured discharge was found to be 6,807 cubic feet per second,

sectional area 2,203 superficial feet, mean velocity 3°1 feet per second.

At the time of measurement the river was 3 feet above minimum level

of the year ; it is computed that for the low level of the year the discharge

is 3,000 cubic feet, area of section 900 superficial feet, and velocity 3°3 feet

per second; and of this 3,000 cubic feet, 2,500 cubic feet comes from the

Tengapani river.

For an ordinary high flood rise of 15 feet, the discharge is computed

to be 53,000 cubic feet per second, sectional area 10,400 superficial feet and

mean velocity 5:1 feet per second.

For an extreme flood rise of 18 feet, the discharge is 65,000 cubic feet,

sectional area 12,800 superficial feet and mean velocity 5:1 feet per second.

From the Synopsis Table attached, it will be seen how closely the sum

of the volumes &c. observed, for the two great streams which form the

Brahmaputra River, agree with the observed volume of the river at

Dibrugarh. , The river at Dibrugarh should be of greater volume than the

combined Dihang and Sadiya streams, because of the Lali channel of the

Dihang which joins in just below the place where the section of the Dihang

and Dibang wastaken. During the cold season, and at time of observations

it was a small and fordable stream 100 yards wide, but during floods the

channel brings down a very large volume of water.

During the floods a considerable volume of water passes down the

Buri Suti, the mouth of which is on the north bank and between Dibrugarh

and the mouth of the Dihang river.

The Buri Suti falls into the Brahmaputra near the mouth of the Dihing

river, south of Dibrugarh.

I have endeavoured to be as moderate as possible in my estimates of

the flood discharges, but I think it may fairly be stated that at Poba, a

few miles above the mouth of the Buri Suti, there is every season a

flood when 1} million cubic feet per second passes down the Brahmaputra.

The rise of the flood I have calculated at 15 to 18 feet. The rise at

Gauhati is 28 to 30 feet.

16 H. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining [No. 1,

Synopsis Table. Results of

Fir a) Hrs a |

Sed Pasi) WERE oleh |B |

aeecles ley | Bo keds eee

ga Ps is BE 3. ty lesen

is gle hae lke 3. (ag 4

Name or River. eee Soe aq pe EA

ARs igo (RAB) 3 ES) (oe eee

of h|*_ (sae) s. eee

tod aoa Ss urs) ro ap 2 — oe on wD

2fa |egel- as] #8 | Sa |" aS] 8S

aot itdiqsF| as ee lig tSeSi Race,

2as SRES8s| Bh SH |S ah| 2m

A D a A a A a

Dihang + Dibang River,..| 82,652 18,883) 43) 485,000) 84,000) 5°7) 567,000

@) @) @ (d) @)); @ (e)

(18 ft.

rise)

Brahmaputra River, above} 338,832 8,228 41) 293,000) 53,017 5'5| 326,000

Sadiya and below mouth (@)| (@) (d) (d) (a) (d)|18 ft. (e)

of the Tengapani River (16 ft. | (16 ft.

rise) | rise)

Total,....| 116,484) 27,111 4:2) 778,000, 137,017) 5:6 | 893,000

about about

Brahmaputra River at Di-| 116,115) 24,477 4-6) 830,000} 164,000] _5-0/1,100,000,

brugarh, 7 (0) (0) (0) (a) (e)

—_—— ——

Difference,....| —369) .... | .... |+ 52,000) .... sees |+107,000

Dibang River, belowmouth| 27,202) 6,375] 4-2) 122,483} 23,692] 5-2! 144,000

of Senseri River. (d) (a) (a) (d) (d)| « (d)|18 ft. rise

Senseri River, ....++.0 . WPAN0) Sooo | so06 12,000} .+.. sn06 14,000

(0) (6) 6

Dihang River (less the} 55,400) .... | .... | 362,517) .... seee | 423,000

Lalisuti. ) (a) (d) (e)

18 ft. rise

Tengapini + Noa Dihing,| 3,000) 900] 3:3| 53,000} 10,400 5-1) 65,000

@ @ @ @ @ @ ©

15 ft. rise|15 ft. rise 18 ft. rise

Tengapini River, ...... P1300) Grea || sou 22,000) ss Apdo 26,000

‘ (e) (¢) (¢)

Noa Dihing River, .....- Hh Sou. || aod cree soe wales o780

Dig&ru River, .sssseoes: O00 Geo |)ssooe 60,000)... 5600 75,000

(0) (@) (6)

Subansiri River, ..eese.: Bu 9,637| 1°7| 170,000| 35,700) 4-7] 240,000

| ©) )

Brahmaputra at the Brah-} 25,000) .... | .... | 180,000) .... ve 200,000)

makund. (d) (d) (d)

16 ft. rise 18 ft. rise

Nore: (0) means observed value.

(d) ,, deduced value by computation,

(¢) ,, estimated yalue,

® 1879.7 Discharge of large Rivers in Assam. 17

: Discharge Measurements.

; # » a 44 69 © ao (osu a a E A 08

iz Silo One ny fe eo WE ES +s ay aA

{ o ~ ec eaw |FPe q oS ae wa Oo

if Z an E ao ° co “a S| 6 3 8 ae

: — Q E ° a o g =

: Ss |. 5 BRALG 3320 |a oe 3 a ae [as

: a eI ea SP (ees 5 : ey nit Gels

alee sss | See lee = g § |g2e| 34

Sees (ose |? ep i" se | & Be g ieee! Bt

Seo) SEH [eke lok | & 3 Bg loes| SP t.

aa (Pes 8 24/8 (Seaal x ee Ml ee) Ae |B

ge lgss| 2828 | 228 |gs23) 3 S| 8B P22) 38 |z

SH |sem| Sah | SFA SERS) 8 S sR |5O8) oh |E

a |S =| = e) a) DB AZ |B wm |e

1878.

98,000 58 110,011} 25,105 4:4\24th to|l mile 8. off 59 12) 170

(e) (0) (0) (0) (0)| 27th |mouth of Di.

(18 ft. | (18 ft. March |bang river &

rise) | rise) 1 mile above

{ |junctionwith

Brahmapu-

tra,

55 66,251} 16,396 4:0} April |9milesabove| 61 14] 165

() (0) (0) (0)|8rd tojSadiya and

6th. + of a mile ra)

below the ae

————_—_|—___| ——_ mouth of the Sp

57 176,262} 41,501/4:2 about Tengapani a

about River. Ss

= ——— a

53 170,915} 38,500 4:4|March |ataplacedue| 120 14.| 255 |8

(e) 16th, |N. of and 3 =

SS 17th, | miles from &

== 5,347 tees cove 18th. Dibrugarh. ES

5-2 47,383] 10,992 4:3/March |} mile below| 37 9| 116 |*

(0) (0 (0)| 27th. jthe mouth of

at5ft.abovelat 5 ftjat 5 ft. the Senseri

mean low| above | above River.

level of the/mean low|mean low

year. level ofjlevel of

the year.|the year.

6,807} 2,203 3:1; April |200 yardsbe-| 18 2 19

(0) (0) (0)} 6th. /low junction

of Tengapani

River with

2,500 toe eooe ene Noa Dihing

e River.

4,307 ooe eeeoe eeee

vee voce .»+» | Febr. | Pathalipam 90 21 | 510

25th to} village, 3 -_—__

28th. |miles west of

Gogah Muk.| 385 72 | 1,285

October, 1878.

H, J. Harman, Lisvt. R. E.

Survey of India,

[No. I,

ming

H. J. Harman—Operations for obta

0-12

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ve 008%

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a a

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—_—_

[No. 1,

H.'J. Harman—Operations for obtaining

989

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Tsé

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‘moyxod YSnoxqy

puooses sod osreyostqy

POL

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a 8,2 P = od} soa | oS aS fa] Be = g &

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‘asieyost(y JO uoegndumoy

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BRAHMAPUTRA RIVER,—Oontinued.

H. J. Harman— Operations for obtaining No. 1,

; = ib

uoytod =| ow Ned D> =) i

ysnom3 puoos AN] ig 32 cd) s oy i

-os tod osrvyosig ~ | 5 —

"moz0d Jo'wony) Ss, ig 5 5 i

a a

isho igh S

g Rie | ne a

= ite)

=f S & x 1%

A= = N 1 x

2 3 + 5

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JO MOL] JO olouy . E

MONRIG Fe S}LoH > ; :

jo MOG psaresqQ — : : |

"wOY} = tas

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uorpod jo yydog — |e, % z ~

OS ss: 19 >

-gnduoy ry S13 & ie) ea)

uors0d jo yySuery FH

‘oul, Woes TO SO TTS OU Nel >

wort0d Jo yyoue'y & | S| a | 3 | =

$e 9° e 2 ote

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(Fa || BS SS

6p ' fete) ' ' '

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qovo jo Ayu gels Beads HB ops

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Assam.

ivers in

Discharge of large R

i 2

000‘F9T = °° easy pooy AxeuTpx0 ye TOATE

JO Worpoos oy} Jo vore peroyzedns eyo J,

LLE$Z = F8ereree weeesene ‘morj008 pomsvour ec “ |

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‘puooas sod “93 *puooas

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\ “xo eSIVyOSIp poopy [eo],

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<djng,, pemnsvourun oy

Fo ounjoA pue ‘pues oy} 7

Ysnoxry} uoryeayyy LOZ ppy

‘4a ‘dug OOT.FT = 49F [eroyzodns ur uoryoes Jo wore UL osverOUT 000FTL = eSsreqostp pornseou oJ,

——. O00FTL = THIOL

*puoo

~08 dod “47 o1qno QQg'tg = st avok JO TINUMTUIME 9AOGR OSEI “aT e

¥ JOF JOATT JO OUINIOA Ut asvoIOUT [RIO J, 00009 = G x g x OST

OOO'IOT = xX FL x OORT

= x x

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00‘6T = Fx € x HOOT ..NHNg,, oyerpowaroy Uy 000‘80I = SH x ZL x 00z

00ST = % XG x oop ccs: ‘pe1eA00 purg 00048 = 9 x OL x 006

OGF = Six) ¢°% O19 000’80T = G4 x OT x 006

966' = x ge x |gz

ops'cl = 99 x ¢€ x 096 ‘ong — woof ua “n00f Un

e19 = GP x € x Og ‘a8 wad = puovas ad *yzdagr uorsod . :

abamyose “Mya fo yp ~

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, '

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= 9% 061 é- 8¢

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= 6sht | 982 EF x oh 088 xX OZ9-FX09T | FE oF G29. | OLT OLT 04

S rag o961 € 6g

2 Pa oh 0961 g 6¢

= 8 062 £P x 09008 xG.TX E61 | 89 09 Gt | e86r 961 oy

< “ O | yueq qy Su

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9 a SS |) =< ooo

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| s) > eI 2) > e) i) dc et i] R

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hb BF; 2 Pegif@s |eeee] #S/ 9 | Be] Bs | 2 28

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SL8T fO YALE—U9SG YP

‘EDUVHOSIC] JO NOILVLAIWOK

ischarge of large Rivers in Assam.

1879.]

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[No. 1,

H. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining

L19‘29e Pe ee Suvyiq Jo ssreyosiqy poopy

EQPcsl “77178 ** Suequy Jo oSxeyostq{ poopy yourjqus sry} Woy

Q0O'GSh **°* 88 * STOATY Suvqry + Suvyld jo osxvyost pooL

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00z'6LT = 9x9T x00

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o0s'6l = &xETxo0g Axeurpro oY} ye aS1wYsT( pool|T IO

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fer)

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= “TUNMUIUT 4v SueqI OOZ'2Z Sueqiq jo oSIVYOSIP UMUITUTU OYJ,

= + Suvyiq Jo osreyosiq Zeg‘zg

8 TIOOIL **'* **** osxeyostq: pamsvour ou |

os 6S8'Lz @eeeee ee asses Levanhorgarg anes IdA0 |

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8 1900 J0USpUes 10A0 |

& Suissed 104VM jo { its

» eUIN[OA pornsveu ppy | LFS

= 169'9%

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e £98‘ST ea ee a SS Sahara ee sieanie selene oy SermCTCT 9cP = Zxexg)

> + Suvyig Jo ‘wnururur 4v uoroog Jo vore oy} suyy, G46 = gxexeg

Ss g9s'¢ = Gxex 168

S GOVEZ ttt strstr ssess* gt uoroeg Jo vere pemmsvour ouL 9c = PxEexezg

S Gea 9 @oneee Beeeeeee Coeeee wae eeeees st [PAST WIN UTULUL O18'6 = 0-G x ¢ x FSO

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SI “97 § JO OSLE STU} 0} ONp aSreyostp uMUTUTUE oAOGR OUMTOA poesverour a7,

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ha}

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[No. 1,

H. J. Harman—Operations for obtaining

lol

—

*499,J [wrloyaodng

ut wory10d Jo vo1y

Vale

“worpwor dyn] T

X 9G ‘998 x ET x T9 |

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x GZ-LT X OL

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¢-OT of 9G

of 9G

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°.01 of ue oH

' $-0T 0896

cL.01 “

0-11 ol Le

0-41 OTL Ms

‘s09g "spuooeg

(6) | (8) (2) (9)

Bi Bis Bl 8

° fe)

Gag S28 Ofna £28

5B sso ,/BRB to, BER

Ss oO 5) Bele H 2ags

=e a= Sia 2 fu

Soy @PRolses | s

aed) = ° = PS! oa tb

Bas) Bi Baa Saat S

Po! = S3lP ms! waa

Seer el we eel Lee

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"SIST “Y2LZ younnt

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0-8T 19

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3-11 OL

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2 s

oe ct eh

ius eae gps |=

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(9) (»)

syed Z ut

yueq yysIt

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jo Aytumaryxo 4B

‘SON UOHVIS OL

Discharge of large Rivers in Assan.

1879.]

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eselr | G66 01 ** “speqoy,

90¢ | ar ES x 0.5 x 6F

918 | 892 S534 x 0.9 x 9%

Fee | er6 SEPT x 06 -008 x S18 x TT

core | 188 ET x ,8¢ ‘00s x E1-01 * 18

169 | ZLt SET x Fh 008 x ET.01 X LT

eILZt | 006% BT x of ‘008 x 9.11 x 092

0-6T

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1879.] J. Wood-Mason—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim. 37

III.—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasseriin.—By W. iL. Distant. Commu-

nicated by J. Woop-Mason.

(Received 22nd Feb. 1879; read 5th March, 1879.)

(With Plate IT).

The following paper enumerates and describes the Hemiptera collected

by Mr. Ossian Limborg in the district east of Moulmein, Tenasserim Pro-

vinces, and placed in my hands for determination by Mr. Wood-Mason, to

whom the insects belong. So little has yet been done in enumerating the

Hemipterous Faunas of the East, and this collection is so limited in extent,

that it would be futile to attempt any elaborate scheme of tabulation in

illustration of geographical affinities and distribution. The publication,

however, of the details of such collections as this from a well specified neigh-

bourhood will afford material for such work hereafter. Many of the species,

as might be imagined, are common to Northern India, others range through

the whole Eastern Archipelago as far as Celebes.

Heteroptera. Fam. Homem@ocerip2”.

Fam. PacHycorip#. Homeocerus javanicus, Dall.

Ohrysocoris grandis, Thunb. ; Ee marginellus, H. 8.

0. porphyricolus, Walk.

Hotea curculionides, H. 8.

. Fam. Hatypm2.

paipads oculata, Fab.

D. varia, Dall. . Fam. Atyprp”.

' Fam. PrEnraTroMips. Riptortus pedestris, Fab.

Antestia anchora, Thunb. is

Catacanthus incarnatus, Drury. f

Prionaca lata, Dall Acanthocoris scabrator, Fab.

; j

Fam. ANISOSCELIDA.

Serinetha augur, Fab.

8. abdominalis, Fab.

Fam. CoRrEIp2.

Strachia crucigera, Hahn. Pan Cipaadereie.

Fam. EpxEssipa. ‘Lohita grandis, Gray.

Oyclopelta obscura, St. F.and 8. — Iphita limbata, Stil.

Fam. Muicripz. , Physopelta gutta, Burm.

Datlader acuticosta, A. and 8. Antilochus russus, Stal.

Mictis tenebrosa, Fab. = A, coguebertit, Fab.

M. gallina, Dall. ‘ Odontopus nigricornis, Stal.

_ Physomelus calcar, Fab. Dindymus rubiginosus, Fab.

va parvulus, Dall. _ Dyodercus cingulatus, Fab.

38 J. Wood-Mason—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim.

Fam. REpUVIIDS.

Euagoras plagiatus, Burm.

Velinus malayus, Stil.

Reduvius mendicus, Stil, var.

Vesbius sanguinosus, Stal.

Fam. ARapDIDZ.

Brachyrhynchus membranaceus, Fab.

Fam. AcANTHASPIDIDA.

Tiarodes versicolor, Lap.

Sminthus marginellus, n. sp.

Velitra rubro-picta, A. and S.

Fam. GErRRID-.

Ptilomera laticauda, Hard.

Limnogonus, sp. ?

Fam. BELostoMiIps.

Belostoma indica, St. F. and S$.

Homoptera.

Fam. CIcapIpa.

Platypleura nobilis, Germ.

Jee insignis, N. sp.

Huechys sanguinea, De Géer.

H. philemata, Fab.

H. thoracica, un. sp.

[No. 1,

Scieroptera splendidula, Fab.

Dundubia mannifera, Linn.

D. intemerata, Walk.

Pomponia tigroides, Walk. var.

P: sp.?

Oryptotympana recta, Walk.

Fam. CERCcOPIDm.

Cosmoscarta tricolor, St. F.and§.var.

C. megamera, Butl.

C. masont, Dist.

Fam. CENnTROTIDE.

Centrotypus assamensis, Fairm.

Fam. Jassipa.

Tettigonia ferruginea, Fab.

Fam. HuRyBRACHYDIDS.

Eurybrachys (?) punctifera, Walk.

Ancyra appendiculata, White.

Fam. RiIcanrrm 2”.

Ricania guttigera, Walk.

Fam, Fxratipz.

Cerynia maria, White. var.

tenella, Walk.

Notes AnD DESCRIPTIONS.

CHRYSOCORIS PORPHYRICOLUS, Walk.

Call. porphyricola, Walk., Cat. Het., Part. I, p. 29, (1867).

Walker describes this form as being allied to C. stockerus, Linn. On

the contrary it is very closely allied to O. purpureus, Hope, if not even

a variety of that species.

SMINTHUS MARGINELLUS, n. sp. Pl. II, Fig. 1.

Sanguineous ; head, elytra, lateral borders of sternum and abdomen

beneath, and anal abdominal segment black. Antenne obscure, testaceous ;

a sanguineous spot behind each eye and base of coriaceous portion of the

elytra narrowly of the same colour.

Allied to 8. fuscipennis, Stil, from which it differs by the very much

more robustly developed eyes and the narrower space between them ; the

head is also slightly more elongated, and the sculpture of the posterior lobe

1879.]_ J. Wood-Mason—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim. 39

of the pronotum is different. The colour of the head, extent of the basal

coriaceous patch and the colour beneath also differentiates it.

Long. 18 mill.

PLATYPLEURA INSIGNIS, n. sp. Pl. II, Fig. 2.

Body testaceous, thickly covered with griseous pubescence, Pronotum,

mesonotum and metanotum not differing in structure and markings from

P. nobilis, Germ., but more pubescent; pectus, abdomen above and below

also resembling that species. Rostrum with the tip pitchy, reaching a little

beyond posterior coxe. Legs pale ochraceous, fore and intermediate tarsi

with the base, apex, and claws pitchy.

Tegmina pale hyaline, with the veins, membrana coste, area costalis,

area radialis (excepting almost apical half) and a large basal patch trans-

versely terminated from near the apex of the lower side of the area radialis

and the inner border of tegmina at apex of the lower of the arex ulnares,

fulvous covered with griseous pubescence. The area radialis is transparent

hyaline from about its middle (where it is darker in colour) to near the apex,

which is narrowly fulvous and has a subconical fuscous spot on its outer

border. A row of small spots on outer margin of the are apicales, situated

one on each side of the veins, a submarginal waved row of larger spots

situated in like manner, and an irregular series of similar sized spots situat-

ed on the bases of the arew apicales and apices of the arez ulnares, black.

The veins in some places are greenish. Wings pale hyaline, with the veins

fulvous and a large black basal patch.

$. Long. ex. tegm. 15 mill. ; exp. tegm, 45 mill.

Allied to P. nobilis, Germ., but tegmina and wings very distinct, the

opaque portion being much less than in that species. The rostrum is

shorter in length and the drums do not overlap each other so much as in

P. nobilis.

Hovrcuys THoRAcICcA, n. sp. Pl. II, Fig. 8.

Black, pilose ; pile griseous. Face sanguineous with a large triangu-

lar sub-basal black spot, transversely strigose and with a deep, central

longitudinal impression, Antennz testaceous with the basal joint black ;

eyes testaceous, more or less streaked with black (black in a second speci-

men I have seen). Ocelli, a triangular patch at base of head, the apex of

which is situated between the ocelli, a central longitudinal hour-glass shaped

fascia extending through whole length of pronotum, abdomen and three

- Jarge spots on mesonotum, two lateral and one central, sanguineous. Pec-

tus sanguineous with some frontal black markings. Rostrum and legs, black

pilose. 'Tegmina opaque ochreous brown. Wings pale fuliginous hyaline

with the nervures dark fuscous.

40 J. Wood-Mason—Hemiptera from Upper Tenasserim. [No. l,

The rostrum reaches the apex of the intermediate coxe.

?. Long. ex. tegm. 19 mill. ; exp. tegm. 48 mill.

Two other unnamed specimens of this species are in the British Museum

from Hindustan.

PoMPonta, sp.?

Owing to the number of insects described under the Genus Dundubia,

frequently only one sex being known, I have considered it better to avoid

describing this form until the other and allied genera are structurally

monographed.

CRYPTOTYMPANA RECTA, Walk. PI II, Fig, 4.

Fidicina recta, Walk. Cat. Hom. I, p. 79, 1850.

Walker’s type is a ?, and I have therefore figured the underside of a

$ in the collection, which seems to belong to this species. It is much paler

in colouration above, being more olivaceous than black, but to this I attach

no importance, nor do I to its smaller size. All the other characters agree

The drums are olivaceous inwardly, broadly margined with black.

Long. ex. tegm. 32 mill. ; exp. tegm. 95 mill.

CosmoscarTa TRIcoLoR, St. F. and Serv. Pl. II, Fig. 5.

Cercopis tricolor, St. F. and 8. Enc. Méth. X, p. 604, 1827.

This only differs from the typical form in having the sub-basal fascia

represented by a transverse waved series of four sanguineous spots; there is

also a spot of the same colour at base. It is thus intermediate between C.

tricolor and OC. basinotata, Butl. with the last of which, before expanding the

tegmina, I confused it. Butler’s form differs also in the colouration of the

abdomen. I have called this form a variety of C. tricolor, though the term

“local race’ would be more correct. The difference is certainly not “ speci-

fic,’ using that definition in the ordinary sense.

Cosmoscarta Masont, Dist. Pl. II, Fig. 6.

C. Masoni, Distant, J. A. 8, B., 1878, Vol. XLVII, Pt. 2, p. 194.

Pronotum stramineous, with a quadrate black spot on anterior margin; head

luteous; tegmina, pectus, legs and abdomen shining black. Prosternum with lateral

borders stramineous.

Face robustly tumid, transversely strigose, with a central impunctate longitudinal

impression; eyes prominent, luteous; ocelli distinct, shining, situated at about an

equal distance from each other as from eyes; basal portion of the head somewhat

pitchy. Pronotum thickly and finely punctured, with the lateral margins dilated and

strongly reflexed, the lateral angles produced prominently outwards, and the posterior

margin rounded, the disc is prominently raised and convex, across the centre of which

is a faint impunctate central longitudinal line. The frontal quadrate black patch con

tains a deep, angular, linear impression on each side behind the eyes, and two small

rounded impressions on the posterior border.

WLDISTANT

Journ. Asiat. Soc Bengal. Vol. XLVOI,Pt 11.1879. Pz

PLATE II.

Robert HE Eappon, del. et hth. Hanhart imp

TENASSERIM HEMIPTERA.

1879.] H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Culcutta. Al

Tegmina obscurely and finely punctured; wings dark fuscous with the nervures

black. Hind tibize with a small spine towards apex.

. Long, ex. tegm. 17 mill. Exp. tegm, 465 mill.

Greatest long. pronot. 74 mill. Exp. lat. ang. pronot. 11 mill.

Habitat, Taoo, Tenasserim, Alt. 3—5000 ft.

EXPLANATION OF Puate II.

Sminthus marginellus, Dist.

Platypleura insignis, Dist.

Huechys thoracica, Dist.

Cryptotympana recta, Walk.

Cosmoscarta tricolor, St. F. and S. var.

rp masont, Dist.

arr WN FE

oe en ete sy Ie

IV.—On the Diurnal Variation of Rainfall Frequency at Caleutta.—By

Henry F. Buanrorp, F. G. S., F. Z. S., F. M. 8S.

(With Plate ITI.)

[The greater part of the following paper was written some months

since in France, and laid before the Society at its meeting in November

1878. In the original paper, the registers of only six years were discussed ;

but inasmuch as those for twenty years are available in the Meteorological

Office, on my return to India, with the permission of the Council,

I have withdrawn and recast the paper, including in the data the whole of

the existing registers. As might have been anticipated, the inclusion of a

period more than three times as long as that originally treated of, has had

the result of clearing away some irregularities, and of bringing out more

distinctly the true character of the variation ; some of the minor features of

which were but doubtfully indicated in the original restricted table ; while

the more prominent features have been confirmed and emphasised. With

a view to their more ready appreciation, a plate has been added, which

will enable the reader to compare the diurnal variation of rain frequency

at different seasons, with the normal diurnal variations of pressure, tempera-

ture, relative humidity and vapour tension at Calcutta. H. F. B.]

The tables here summarised are based on the hourly observations re-

corded at the Surveyor General’s Office from August 1856, to March 1877* ;

during the greater part of the period on the autographic traces of an Osler’s

anemometer. The form of the reduction does not show the quantity of the

rainfall, but only the fact of its occurrence at the several hours specified ;

in other words, its comparative frequency ; and it is possible that the two

kinds of variation may not strictly coincide. The traces in question have

not yet been reduced for quantity, otherwise than for the total diurnal fall ;

but the laws of diurnal variation in point of frequency are so salient and

decided, that it is hardly likely that any conclusions to which they may lead,

* As published in the Society’s Journal,

42 H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1,

bearing on the causes that determine precipitation will require serious

modification, when the quantity of precipitation is also taken into account.

This investigation, I hope to enter upon when the completion of

other more pressing matters shall allow of my taking up the enquiry.

Meanwhile, the present will, I think, be founda not unimportant contribu-

tion to Meteorological Science.

Table showing the Number of Howrs in which rain was recorded

during 21 years at Caleutta.

Hours a. M.

‘4 fo]

a 8| 4

° alps

“lalolwilelolmjlolea S = Zz 8 |

S| 2 [@ 421 8)! 6 [oBhle@ Jae 1) eal alas

JANUATY, senreees| S| 3]. 0) -8i 9, Si 8) vai, JS) iS ealieO 88

February, .....+ 9} 9) 14 10) 11) 7 9 12) 9) «66 T8666} 6116

Marche cidsreeeciee eae dl) 919) LE) p8ipe And eT Sie (99) eee eo ees 94

yoyo GAoo acoer o 9 6) 8 5 6 vf 6 6 6 OUB]SCC#* 73

May, ..seeeceee| 12) 14) 14) 12) 12) 14) 14) 11) °10) 13) 18) 20 164

June, .seseeee0.| 65) 68] 64) 55} 70) 70) 73) 75) 63) 81) 88] 95 867

July, seeeeeeee-| 80) 92) 94) 88) 82) 95] 88) 97) 102) 114) 121) 135) 1188

August, .secoeee| 97) 94) 94) 112} 107) 109) 105) 102) 103) 107) 124) 133) 1287

September, ....+.| 386) 47| 65) 64] 68) 657| 65) 655) 48) 72) 83) 86 746

October, ...++++-| 20) 26) 31} 384] 37) 45) 42) 44) 41) 36) 42) 66 454

November, ....+. 2 3 6 8 6 8 8 8 8 6) 10 9 82

December, ..... 3 3 4 3 3 3 4 1 3 1 1 2 81

Yearly Total, ..| 343! 374) 409) 410] 414| 426) 480) 426] 409] 461) 522) 665) 3189

| Noon to 13

JANUATY, +s vseeee 5

February, ...... 7

March's. «1.076 ae 6

ADIL Matttaeetetets hie i

Way, sistela winters «(sales

JUNG, s.6 ajeieieini6i6/0)| LOM

July, sees ceeses| 152)

August, ...0.ec0.| 126

September, ......| 107

October, 5565. 6% ||” 67

November, ...++.| 11

December, ...... 1

Yearly Total,..| 603, 600) 646, 571) 566) 544) 521) 495) 449) 361) 360) 319} 6035

H, F, BLANFORD—Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part 11, 1879.

DIURNAL VARIATION OF RAIN FREQUENCY.

600)

MEAN t ANNUAL.

500 |

400

300 i |

OCTOBER

200}

we EEEEEHt |

11, MARCH TO MAY

o Ft

NOVEMBER

PLATE III.

DIURNAL VARIATION

VOPRESSURE q

| 4

IE Vi TEMPERATURE

Le -

fel Vi HUMIDITY.

|_| s |

Vill, VAPOUR TENSION Iz )

Beeeeeee

FJ al

rt 1

M 2 4 6 3 10 io} 4 16 16 20 22 M

A ar the Sarreyor Generils Office Caleatin

1879.] H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. 43

From this table, the following conclusions may be drawn. On the

average of the year, which average is mainly determined by that of the

summer monsoon months, the hour at which rain is least frequent is short-

ly before midnight, and that at which it is most so, from 2to3P.m. The

latter accords approximately with the diurnal epoch of maximum tempera-

ture [see Plate III, fig. 6], but the former does not accord with its mini-

mum ; and, indeed, the frequency of rain at the hour of mean minimum

temperature is nearly 40 per cent. greater than at midnight, while at the

hour of its maximum it is only twice as great ; and it would rather appear

that while the greatest heat coincides with a principal maximum of rainfall,

the greatest cold coincides with a secondary maximum. The course of

variation as shewn by the table and by fig. 1 of the plate is somewhat as

follows :

For about three hours after midnight, the frequency of rainfall in-

ereases rapidly, but after 3 a. m. more slowly, till about sunrise ; after

which there is a slight falling off to a secondary minimum at 9 a.m. This

is very distinctly shown in the present table: in that originally drawn up

it was less clearly indicated. After 9 a m. the frequency increases rapidly

to the absolute maximum between 2 and 3 P.M. From this maximum it

declines, without interruption, to the minimum before midnight. The total

number of rainy hours from midnight to noon is 46 per cent. of the whole ;

and between noon and midnight 54 per cent. On the other hand, in the

day time (6 a. m. to 6 P. .), the proportion is 57 per cent., and 43 per cent.

in the night hours.

The character of the variation in the rainy months of the summer

monsoon does not differ materially from the above. But that of the

hot season is very different ; and that of the cold season again differs from

both and is more uniform than either. The following table and figs. 2, 3

and 4 in the Plate exhibit the data thus arranged according to the three

seasons.

Hours A. M.

gs |

2 Sie

i) or) H 19 o]|m!]o|]a = 5 va

[=| lo} °

Ree eon |i) sau Sic leah leas al Se ce

Rains : Tune to October, | 298) 327] 348} 353) 364) 376| 373] 373] 357] 410) 458) 505

_ Hot season: March to

iV] SOAOGnOGOECROnon 28) 29) 32) 28) 21) 24) 28) 25) 24) 30| 29) 33

Cold season: November

to February, ........ 17} 18) 29) 29) 29} 26) 29) 28) 28) 21) 34] 27

44 H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1,

Hours p. M.

Noon to 13

13 to 14

15 to 16

| 21 to 22

| 22 to 23

| 23 to Midn.

Rains : June to October, | 543) 537

Hot season: March to

477| 464| 413] 397| 343] 321| 261| 289! 963

Vie Vavelalatsietelelotelenavelaters 86| 388) 47) 66] 69} 102) 99) 125) 109} 81) 61) 34

Cold season: November

to February, ..... ces 24! 25) 27) 281° 83) QO Dai D7" Se tye 2

The variation in the rainy months is, then, almost identical with that

above described, the chief difference being that after the afternoon maxi-

mum, the decline is more rapid. The heavy rains of the monsoon months

are, then, more particularly rains of the day time, favoured and accelerated

by the diurnal rise of temperature, and declining with the decline of the

sun’s heat. . In a nearly saturated atmosphere, the rapidity with which

vapour ascends from lower to higher levels, and eventually becomes dynami-

cally cooled and condensed, depends on the temperature, increasing indeed

as the square of the absolute temperature. The relative humidity of the

lower atmosphere (as tested in our observations), does not follow the same

course of variation. Indeed, as may be seen in fig. 7, this course is exactly

the inverse of that of temperature, but as far as can be judged from casual

observation, the formation and dispersion of cumulus cloud, indicating the

state of saturation at heights of from 2000 to 7000 or 8000 feet, is equally

determined by the rise and fall of the temperature, and in its mode of

formation the rain-cloud of the summer monsoon is essentially cumulus.

The hour of least frequent rainfall, which in the summer monsoon would

seem to be between 10 and 11 P. m,, is probably also that of least cloudiness.

The horary variation of cloud is not known for Calcutta, but I found some

time since on examining the registers of a number of Bengal stations, at

which the cloud proportion had been recorded for some years at 4 and 10

A. M. and Pp. M. that the average at 10 p. mM. was very considerably below

that observed at other hours. Kreil has noticed a similar fact at Vienna,

and Neumayer in his discussion of the Observations of the Flag-Staff Obser-

vatory at Melbourne, also finds that, on the average of the year, there is a

strongly marked minimum about this hour. Kreil explains this tendency

to the dispersion of cloud, after sunset, by the compression which the lower

atmospheric strata undergo, in consequence of the general contraction and

subsidence of the mass ; to which action he also refers the coincident baro-

1879.] H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. 45

metric rise and maximum. In any case, this coincidence of minimum rain-

iness, minimum cloudiness and the semi-diurnal maximum of pressure, is an

important fact of observation.

The rapid rise of rain-frequency after midnight corresponds, though

less exactly, to the nocturnal fall of pressure ; but, as on the average of the

year, the secondary maximum is not reached till some time after sunrise, viz.,

about 6 a.m. Inthe Melbourne curve of cloud variation, this is also

about the epoch of the diurnal maximum, and as already remarked itis that

of minimum temperature and maximum humidity at the ground surface.

The slight fall that ensues continues till between 8 and 9, which is about

an hour in advance of the epoch of maximum pressure. It would seem

therefore that the tendency to the precipitation of rain is a somewhat com-

plex function of the temperature and pressure variations; or inasmuch as

the latter is an effect of the former, of the temperature variation producing

two conditions which are in part mutually antagonistic in their effect on

the rainfall, To sum up the results of this discussion, I would suggest the

following as a possible explanation of the rainfall variation. The cooling

of the atmosphere after 3 Pp. M. in the first place checks the production and

ascent of vapour, as well as of convective atmospheric currents, and (adopt-

ing Kreil’s explanation of the barometric tides) causes a rise of pressure in

the lower atmosphere as a consequence of the sinking and compression of

the atmospheric mass. These effects bring about a dispersion of cloud and

‘a fall of rainfall frequency from the absolute maximum to the absolute

minimum of the 24 hours. About 10 p. um. the compression having reached

its maximum, re-expansion sets in, and, in conjunction with continued cool-

ing, raises the relative humidity of the cloud-forming strata, and conse-

quently the tendency to the formation of cloud and rain. When the

re-expansion ceases about 3 or 4 A. M., the loss of heat is still operative

in the same direction, though less powerfully ; but, after sunrise, the direct

effect of the solar heat is to diminish cloud and rainfall, while raising the

pressure of the lower atmosphere ; and it is not until this increasing pressure

‘has nearly attained its maximum, and the ascent of vapour has become

sufficiently active to prevail over these first effects, that the formation of

cloud* and rainfall proceed actively, and attain their afternoon maximum ;

this condition coinciding with the highest temperature and the greatest

activity of diffusing vapour and convective currents.

This explanation, I must remark, is suggested solely by a consideration

of the several coincident phenomena, and presupposes an atmosphere highly

charged with vapour, such as is that of the summer monsoon. It would be

‘impossible to predict the course of the changes a priori, because the several

-* This is of course an assumption as regards the cloud maximum.

46 H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. [No. 1,

actions being to a certain extent mutually antagonistic in their effects on

the formation of rain, it would be impossible to foretell, in the absence of

direct observations made in the cloud-forming strata, when and how these

effects would mutually balance, and in what measure and at what epochs

one or the other would become predominant.

In the dry and hot season the diurnal course of rainfall variation is

very different from the above. The diurnal epoch of minimum is not very

distinctly indicated, but would appear to fall about sunrise. There is, how-

ever, but little variation from midnight up to 9 or 10 a. M.; and after this

only a slow rise up to 2 P. M., when the increase becomes more rapid.

About two hours before sunset there is a sudden rise of about 50 per cent.,

and the hour of maximum raininess occurs between 7 and 8 Pp. m., the num-

ber of recorded falls being then six times as great as at sunrise. ‘This very

striking feature of the hot season is due to the well-known evening storms,

commonly called Worth- Westers, which are closely analogous to the thunder-

storms of the European summer ; and, whether as rain or hail-storms or

simply as dust-storms, are characteristic of the dry season more or less in all

parts of India. In Lower Bengal they are especially frequent, and the

favouring conditions appear to be, the presence of a certain moderate

supply of vapour brought by the coast winds, a high temperature at and

near the ground surface, and a dry westerly wind from the interior of the

country, which in Lower Bengal blows chiefly as an upper current from the

plateau of Western Bengal, but during the hottest hours of the day, when it

is at its greatest strength, produces a marked effect on the mean wind

direction at Calcutta, and is sometimes felt there directly as a hot surface

wind. It is when this wind slackens towards sunset, and that from the

direction of the coast gains in prevalence, producing a calm in the interval,

that North-Westers chiefly occur. They receive their name from the fact

that the storm-cloud most commonly originates in the North-West, and

advances or rather forms up with great rapidity from that direction, the

formation of the nimbus overhead being speedily followed by violent gusts

of wind from the same direction, which raise clouds of dust and occa-

sionally exert pressures comparable with those of a.cyclone. Immediately

before the onset of the storm, the barometer rises rapidly, sometimes more

than 0:1 inch ; and, as Mr. Eliot has shown from a study of the autographic

records of the Alipore Observatory, the subsequent fall coincides with the

onset of the stormy winds, and a great and sudden fall of temperature and

vapour pressure. Frequent casual observations of the motion of the dust

and cloud margin in advance of these storms, have led me to conclude that °

the stormy wind which blows out from under the storm-cloud is a great

horizontal eddy, the impulse of which is furnished by the air dragged down,

1879.] H. F. Blanford—Rainfall Frequency at Calcutta. AT

partly by the friction of the rain. But this is not invariably the case ; as I

have more than once experienced a gusty though less violent wind, when no

rain was falling. The only essential feature, which is apparently common

to all storms of this class, including the dry and rainless dust-storms of the

Punjab and hail-storms, is a more or less spasmodic and sudden subversion

of vertical equilibrium, and rapid convection accompanied by eddying cur-

rents, and generally, in Bengal, at least, by heavy rain. It is somewhat

remarkable that their most frequent occurrence coincides with the most

rapid cooling of the atmosphere, but it must be observed that as a general,

if not invariable, rule the cloud canopy in which the storm originates has

been formed during the day, and that this shields the subjacent air and earth

surface from rapid cooling, while the higher strata are radiating freely into

space.

Lastly, in the cold season, falls of rain are distributed pretty evenly

throughout the day, with a decided diminution during the two or three

hours before and after midnight; as shown in the table, from 8 Pp. mM.

to2a.m. This period corresponds with that of the strongly marked

minimum of the rainy season; and may probably be referred to similar

causes ; the atmosphere of the cold weather being normally of higher humi-

dity than that of the hot season, and especially when a southerly wind sets

in, which is always the precursor of rain.

The general conclusion to be drawn from this discussion is, that the

conditions which promote and determine precipitation, are different at

different seasons. In the highly vapour-charged atmosphere of the rainy

monsoon, and in a much less degree in the cold season, condensation is most

promoted by increasing temperature, and the more active ascent of vapour

determined thereby. In a minor degree, the opposite action, v¢z., nocturnal

cooling, under certain conditions, produces the same effect, but this is com-

plicated with those of the internal movements (the compression and expan-

sion) of the atmosphere, which are another effect of the oscillation of

temperature. In the comparatively dry atmosphere of the- hot weather,

the precipitation is chiefly that of storms, which are spasmodic movements,

arising from the subverted equilibrium of the superimposed strata; and

these are most frequent when the atmosphere as a whole is cooling most

rapidly. They are probably the effect of unequal cooling.

48 Record of the Oceurrrence of [No. 1,

V.—Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam during

sere Time of :

Date. District. ee Duration.

19th Jan. 1878. | Darrang, Tezpur. 12.50 4. mM. | From 8 to 12 se-

conds.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts: Cachar,

Goalpara and

8rd Feb. 1878. | Darrang, Tezpur. 11.52 p. u. | 5 to 8 seconds.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts: Cachar,

Lakhimpur and

5th Feb. 1878. | Darrang, Tezpur. 1P. M.

| Fach shock from

Do. De vie ae 10 to 15 seconds.

Do. Do. 10.40 P. uM.

Do. Goalpara. 7.10 P. M. About 30 or 35 se-

conds.

Do. Do. 11.30 p.m. | About 40 seconds.

Do. Shillong, (Khasi and! 7.18 Pp. mM. About 10 seconds.

Jaintea Hills).

Do. Do. j 10.30 P. M. Do.

Do. Gauhati, (Kamrip). | 7.15 Pp. mM. 5 seconds.

Do. Do. 10.45 p. M. or| 3 seconds.

there abouts.

Do, Tura (Garo Hills). 7.30 P. M. About 20 seconds.

Do. Do. 10.15 ep. m. | About 10 seconds.

Do, Barpeta (Kamrip). 7.30 P. M. Not given.

Do. Do. 11 P. uM. Do.

Do. (Goalpara), Dhubri. | 7.30 P.m. | About 5 seconds.

Do. Do. 10.40 p.m. | About 3 seconds.

Do. Nowgong. 7.30 P.M. About 10 seconds.

Do. Do. 10.5 P. M. About 5 seconds.

Do. Cachar. 7.50 PB. M. About 2 seconds.

Do. Do. 11:50 p.m. | About 1 second.

N. B. It was not felt in the Naga Hills, Lakhimpur and Sibsdgar

1879.] Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 49

1878.—Communicated by the CHIEF COMMISSIONER OF ASSAM.

Apparent Extent of damage, if any, and general

direction. Remarks.

Not noticed. A smart shock; preceded by the usual rumbling noise.

No damage done.

Sylhet, Nowgong, Khasi Hills, Garo Hills, Lakhimpur, Sibsagar, Naga Hills,

Kamrutp.

N. Westerly di- | The rumbling noise that preceded the shock was very

rection. loud and distinct. The shock itself, slight. No da-

mage done.

Sylhet, Nowgong, Khasi Hills, Garo Hills.

Sibsdgar.

Not noticed. No damage done. The shocks were slight but the rum-

blings that preceded each shock were unusually loud

and prolonged.

S. to N. The second was somewhat heavier than the first. No da-

mage done.

Do.

W. to E

No damage done. Both smart shocks.

Do.

W. to E. There were two sharp shocks but no damage done.

Do. One shock. No damage done.

W. to E. No damage done.

W. to H. No damage done.

N. to E.

Not stated.

_N. E. to 8. W. | Two-smart shocks were felt.

Do. Only one shock, which passed very soon,

N. W. to S. E. | One sharp shock. No damage.

Do. No damage.

N. to 8. A slight shock.

Do. -| A very slight shock.

_ Districts. It was felt in Sylhet, necessary particulars were not noted.

50 Record of the Occurrence of [No. 1,

Date. District. Time of Duration.

occurrence.

25th Feb. 1878. | Nowgong. 7.30 PB. M. 3 seconds.

Do. Shillong, (Khasi Hills).| 8.20 p. m. 3 seconds.

Do. Cachar. 8.30 P. M. 1 second.

Do. Goalpara. 9 P.M. 1 second.

Ascertained this shock was not felt in the district of Kamrip,

18th April, 1878.| Nowgong. 9.30 P. M. 5 seconds.

Do. Shillong, (Khasi Hills).| 10.45 p.m. | 5 seconds.

10.5 P. M.

10.50 P. M.

Do.

Gauhati, (Kamrip).

Tezpur, (Darrang).

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts :

Jorehat sub-division | 9 P. m.

19th April, 1878.

of Sibsagar.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts: Sylhet,

Jorehat sub-division ) 4.30 P. M.

23rd April, 1878.

of Sibsagar.

Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cach4r, Goalpdira, Garo Hills,

29th April, 1878.| Samaguting,NagaHills.| 1.30 P. mM.

Do. Nowgong. 2.30 P. M.

Do. Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 2.37 Pp. m.

Do. Darrang, Camp Urung.| 2.40 P. M.

Do. Sibsagar, (Head Qrs.) | 2.50 P. mu.

Do. Lakhimpur, Dibrughar.) 2.51 P. mu.

Do. Kamrip, Gauhati. 3 P.M.

Do. Golaghat sub-division) Noon.

of Sibsagar.

Do. Jorehat sub-division | Not noticed.

of Sibsdgar.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following

Shillong, (Khdsi Hills).| 2.30 a. a.

2nd May, 1878.

Do. Nowgong. Night.

Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo

12 P. M.

la. M.

4th May, 1878. | Nowgong.

Do. Tezpur, (Darrang).

Do. Shillong, (Khasi Hills).) 2.20 p. m.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt in the following districts; Sylhet,

a few seconds.

8 to 10 seconds.

1 minute.

Khasi Hills and

10 seconds.

5 seconds.

30 seconds,

8 to 10 seconds.

Less than 1

cond.

3 to 4 seconds.

A few seconds.

Not noticed.

se-

10 seconds.

About 10 seconds.

Not noticed.

About 5 seconds.

12 to 15 seconds.

3 seconds.

1879.] Eurthquakes in Assam in 1878. 51

Apparent Extent of damage if any and general

direction. - Remarks.

N. W. to S. E. | No damage.

W. to E. No damage.

N. W. to 8. E. | One smart shock. No damage.

S. to N. No damage.

Sibsagar, Naga Hills, Sylhet, Lakhimpur, Darrang and Garo Hills.

N. W.toS. E. | No damage.

W. to E. Do.

W. to H. One smart shock. No damage.

Not noticed.

Two distinct and very smart shocks in rapid succession.

No damage.

Cach4r, Goalpdra, Garo Hills, Sylhet, Sibsagar, Naga Hills, and Lakhimpur.

S. W. to N. E.

No damage.

Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills, Kamrip, Darrang, Nowgong, Lakhimpur.

Naga Hills.

Not noticed.

Kamrip, Darrang, Nowgong,

W. to E.

S. to N.

W. to E.

Not noticed.

N. to S.

N. to E.

W. to E.

E. to N,

Not noticed.

distriets :

S. to N.

Not noticed.

No damage.

Lakhimpur, Khasi Hills and Naga Hills.

No damage.

A very slight shock. No damage.

No damage.

Two very clear smart and distinct shocks felt. They

were also felt at Mangaldai. No damage done. ‘The

usual rumbling noise did not precede these shocks.

No damage.

No damage. Slight shock ; weather rather sultry.

A slight shock. No damage.

No damage.

Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara and Garo Hills,

No damage.

Do.

Hills, Kamrip, Darrang, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills.

Ne W. to S. E.

S. E. to N. W.

S. to N.

No damage.

Two very smart shocks preceded by the usual panibline

noise ; no damage.

No damage.

Cachar, Goalpira, Garo Hills, Kamrip, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills.

52 Record of the Occurrence of [No. 1,

eit Time of F

Date. District. rt ceoner Duration.

13th May, 1878.| Shillong, (Khasi Hills).! 10 a. u. 4 seconds.

Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpéra, Garo Hills,

30th May, 1878.| Shillong, (Khasi Hills).) 10 p. mu. About 5 seconds.

Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills,

2nd June, 1878. | Shillong, (Khasi Hills). 10.25 p.m. | About 5 seconds.

Not felt in the following districts: Sylhet, Cachar, Goalpara, Garo Hills,

ist July, 1878. | Shillong, (Khasi Hills).| 4p. mw. About 10 seconds.

No report from other districts ; apparently

2nd July, 1878. | Tezpur, (Darrang). 6.15 a. M. 5 seconds,

Do. Gauhati (Kamrip). 6.26 a. M. 6 seconds.

Do. Sibsagar, 6.4 A. M. 3 seconds.

Sibsagar.

Do. Jorehat, 7 A.M. 20 seconds.

Do. Nowgong. 6 P.M. 5 seconds.

Do. Samagtting, (Nég4 | 6.10 P.M. 10 seconds.

Hills).

Ascertained that the shock was not felt in Lakhimpur,

5th July, 1878. | Shillong, (Khasi Hills).| 8.20 a. m. About 5 seconds.

Do. Tezpur, (Darrang). 8.20 A. M. A few seconds.

Do. Gauhati, (Kamrip). | 8.33 a. m. About 20 seconds.

Do. Nowgong. About 8 vp. m.| About 2 seconds.

Not felt in Goalpara, Garo Hills, Sylhet,

10.20 a. M.

31st July, 1878.| Shillong, (Khasi Hills). A second or two.

Ascertained that the shock was not felt in Goalpara, Kimrip, Nowgong,

a IO

eet

-1879.] Earthquakes in Assam in 1878. 53

Apparent Extent of damage if any and general

direction. Remarks.

S. to N. No damage.

Kamrip, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills.

N. to S. No damage.

Kamrtp, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills.

N. to S. Very slight shock. No damage.

Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsigar, Lakhimpur and Naga Hills.

8. to N. No damage done.

not felt anywhere in the Province.

N. W. to S. E. ; No damage, two successive shocks perceptible, but both

slight.

N. E. to 8. E. | No damage done.

Not known. No damage.

E. to W. No damage.

N. W. to S. E. | No damage done.

EK. to W. No damage.

Garo Hills, Cachar, Sylhet, and Khasi Hills.

W. to E. No damage done,

Not observed. | No damage, three distinct shocks. The centre one most

severe, loud rumbling noise preceded the shocks.

N. E. to S. W. | One smart shock. No damage to property.

N. E. toS. W. | A very slight shock. No damage done.

Cachar, Lakhimpur, Sibsagar and Naga Hills.

8. W. to N. E. | No damage done.

_ Darrang, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, Garo Hills, Naga Hills, Sylhet and Cachar.

54 Record of the Occurrence of [No. 1,

aes Time of :

Date. District. Duration.

occurrence.

————$_—_—___

4th Augt. 1878.! Tezpur, (Darrang). | 8 A. M. | 2 seconds.

No reports received from

80th Augt. 1878. Tezpur, (Darrang). 6.8 P. M. A few seconds.

No reports received

8rd Oct. 1878. | Jorehat, Sibsagar. About 2 p.m.) About $ a minute.

e Not felt in

13th Noy. 1878.) Shillong, (Khasi Hills).| 4.30 a. m. About 5 seconds.

Do. Nowgong. About 4.30 | About 3 seconds.

A. M.

Do. GauhAti, (Kamrip). | About 54. M.| 4 to 5 seconds,

Do. Sylhet. 5.30 a. M. - | 2 seconds.

Do. Tezpur, (Darrang). 5.30 a. M. A few seconds.

Ascertained that this shock was not felt at Goualpara,

14th Nov. 1878.! Shillong, (Khasi Hills.)| 12.20 4. mu. | About 15 seconds.

Ascertained that the shock was not felt at Goalpara, Kamrtp, Darrang,

29th Nov. 1878.| Tezpur, (Darrang). 5 A. M. 5 to 8 seconds.

Not felt at Goalpéra, Kamrip, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur,

1st Dec. 1878. | Shillong, (KhasiHills).| 6} P. mu. About 5 seconds,

Not felt at Goalpara, Kamrip, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar,

Shillong, (Khasi is 11.30 2. m. | About 5 seconds.

Sth Dec. 1879.

Not felt in Kamrtip, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsdgar, Lakhimpur,

25th Dec. 1878. | Tezpur, (Darrang). | 12.42 P. M. | A few seconds,

Not felt in Goalpira, Kamrap, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsdgar, Lakhimpur,

eee

1879.] Earthquakes in Assam in 1878.

Apparent Extent of damage if any and general

direction. Remarks.

N. to S. No damage.

the other districts.

From N. E.

Two shocks, preceded and succeeded by a loud rumbling.

from other districts.

W. to E. Nil,

other districts.

W. to E. No damage done.

N. W. to S. E. | Do., a very slight shock.

S. E. to N. W. | One shock, no injury done.

EK. to W. No damage.

Not noticed. Very distinct and marked while it lasted. No damage done,

Sibs4gar, Lakhimpur, Cachar, Garo Hills and Naga Hills,

N. to S. No damage done.

Nowgong, Sibsigar, Lakhimpur, Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills and Garo Hills.

_ Not noticed. No damage done. The actual shock was slight but the

rumbling and noise preceding the shock was unusually

loud and marked.

Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills, Garo Hills and Khasi and Jaintia Hills.

W. to E. No damage done.

Lakhimpur, Cachar, Sylhet, Garo Hills and Naga Hills.

S. to N.

No damage done.

Goalpira, Cachar, Sylhet, Garo Hills and Naga Hills.

Not observable. | A very slight shock.

Cach4r, Sylhet, Garo Hills, Khasi and Jaintia Hills and Naga Hills.

—

56 J. F. Tennant—Euxperiments [No. 1,

VI.—On some experiments made at H. M.’s Mint in Calcutta on coining

Silver into Rupees.—By Cou. J. F. Tennant, &. E, F. RB. 8., &e.,

Master of the Mint.

(Received 22nd March ;—Read 2nd April, 1879.)

It has long been known that when an alligation containing fine silver

and copper has been melted the result is an apparent refining, and the

result of the further processes in coining is also to change the constitution

of the alloy. In order, therefore, to produce Rupees of standard weight and

fineness, it has always been found necessary to allow for these changes. The

rule by which this allowance was made, however, did not seem to me to

have any good foundation, and, while generally speaking the results were

fair, there were occasional departures which convinced me that it could be

improved, The rule here has been to make the alligation to standard

43 of silver: scissel being assumed to have this fineness—then copper was

added in proportion to all the silver except scissel, so as to reduce the fine-

ness and this “ extra alloy” was subject to variation on different coins.

It was clear then that silver in the form of scissel was not supposed

to refine, and next that the whole of the change was not supposed to occur

in melting, but partly to depend on the further processes. The last was a

matter which was evidently more than probable; and as regards the first

Col. J. T. Smith, late Master of this Mint, had many years ago shown that

after a time a silver alloy ceased to refine. It seemed to me more than

probable that this last result was only an approximation to the truth, and

that the fact was that copper when mixed (at all events in small quanti-

ties) with silver was not exposed to oxidation in the furnace ; but on this

hypothesis it became absurd to add extra alloy on silver of 900 milliémes

of fineness as on fine bars. I thought too that I saw that the variations

which such an error would cause really took place, and resolved therefore

to investigate the whole matter experimentally.

Silver at this Mint is reported to 0:2 of a milliéme: when an alliga-

tion is made, it is usually arranged that there shall not be a great number

of finenesses used, and as each quality will be composed of several samples,

these are all mixed in a heap, so that the silver used is the average (rough-

ly) of several samples all reported alike. This procedure generally allows

all the pots of a day’s melting to be practically identical in fineness and

weight, and if this be not the case it is very rarely that there are not

several similar pots. ‘There were no cases of single pots in-this work,

though owing to a small stock of silver, the whole in each melting could

not be made alike.

1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 57

Having the weight and fineness of each sample of silver in a pot, we

are in a position to compute its fineness on the supposition that no change

takes place in melting: this I call the “ Theoretical Fineness.” When the

contents are melted and well mixed, a small spoonful of the fused alloy is

granulated and from this a muster is delivered to the Assay Master: the

fineness of this I have called the “‘ Fineness of Pot,” it is generally greater

than the Theoretical fineness. In the later processes and especially in that

of “ pickling,” preparatory to coining, the fineness is further increased, and

the final result is determined from an assay of the coins by taking a propor-

tion of coins for assay singly, and also some for assay after melting them up,

This last determination is the least satisfactory ; however uniform the melted

mixture may be, the alloy is not equally distributed in the resultant

ingots and every after process tends to increase this irregularity ; so that at

last, not only are the various coins different in their fineness, but portions

taken from different parts of the same coin are so. I have used as a measure

of the fineness of the coins of one day, the mean result derived from 20

esingle coins—the sample piece being always cut out from the centre of

the coin, and I have cailed the result “‘ Fineness of Coins.”

During these experiments 10 pots were daily alligated to the same

Theoretical Fineness: I have thus had a measure of the accuracy of the

Assay Reports, and I have used this for calculating the probable errors of

the theoretical finenesses, in a way which (though somewhat arbitrary) seems

to me sufficiently accurate for the purpose. When the probable error of an

Assay Report is known, it is easy to calculate that of one heap, made of

several samples of one quality, on the supposition that the whole is fairly

mixed. As, however, the mixture must at best be very imperfect, I have

preferred assigning to each quality of silver the same probable error of

fineness as though all had depended on a single report.

As any erroneous hypothesis as to the quality of scissel used would

‘clearly have vitiated the results, I had a quantity melted down, assayed, and

laminated, each pot being kept separate, and thus [had metal which was

of known fineness—save the small change from lamination which would

equally be shared by all scissel—but which I conceived would be subject

in melting to the same changes as scissel itself.

I had intended to keep the work from each pot separate all through,

but after a certain point this was found impracticable, and the coins from a

single day’s melting have been mixed. After I had completed the greater

part of the calculation for this paper, I found that, by a careless blunder,

there had been a mixing of the coins of the second and third days’ meltings :

and though I could only prove that it had been slight, and it probably would

not have seriously affected the result, I had the work of those days repeated

[No. 1,

ies of scissel and copper used daily are —

The unit of weight is a tolah of 180 English

A pot contains close on 12,500 tolahs, or 4687.5 ounces troy, and

the whole quantity of standard silver melted and watched was about

J. F. Tennant—Laperiments

the quant

This is the reason why the melting numbers do not run

The scissel was about 916 fine.

Ors ;

bable err

tely shown.

ted.

The following table shows the mean results for each day’s work with

ir pro

grains.

continuously from 89 to 98; 90 and 91 being omitted and 114 and 115

What is not accounted for as scissel or copper was refined bar silver of

12,45,000 tolahs, or 466,875 ounces troy, or about 14,521 kilograms.

about 997 fine.

those I first had.

inser

the

approxima;

a = = ie = a ‘reddoo 91g

10T-OF £9:0 | GZI-0499-T |6L0-0F€6-0 | 160-0F82-LT6 | 620-049-916 | $L0-0+ 32-216 {7 Cormac eis

e — = = = ‘reddoo 978

Z80-0F 28-0 | GOT-OF9T-T |9L0-0FF8-0 | 080-0+28-916 | 810-090-916 | #20-0+4 TL-9T6 { ie \ 26

e bs x) = = = ‘roddoo 609

€80-0F0F-0 | LOT-OF62-T |§L0-0+28-0 | 420-0+02-L16 | Z80-0+08-916 | 990-0 + 96-816 asstos F009 #6

2D e +s = = = ‘reddoo 119

L¥0-0+68-0 | 8L0-0FT1-I |0L0-0+92-0 | 1F0-0+20-216 GG0-0+ZL-916 | 990-0+96-16 fasstos Z00G \ £6

rm, = . = = = ‘1addoo0 0+

060-04 89-0 | 9I1T-0+69-0 |ZL0-0+11-0 | $60-:04+68-916 | 610-0+ 1E-916 690-0 + 06-916 esstos ZIG) \ 66

Es a ne a = = ‘raddoo $0F

080-0080 | 460-:0+98-0 |090-.0+9¢-0 | 840-0+¢0-L16 | 810-0+ 21-916 | 290-0 + 61-916 ‘esstos EZ) \ PIT

= a _ = = = ‘reddoo 681

680-0 + ¥6-0 | 860-0 88-0 |990-0+90-0—| $80-0 + 08-216 | 420-0 98-F16 | 640-0 + ZF-916 TEssIOS OOTOT i sit

=a x a — = = ‘roddoo 98T

Z60-0419-0 | LIT-OF €L-0 |980-0F9T-0 | 980-0F0F-L16 | 20-04 88-916 | 610-0 LF-9T6 { ‘Jesstos ggg 68

= A =. = = = ‘raddoo ont

160-0+22-0 | 90T-0+ 69-0 (690-04 2T-0—| 680-0+ 98-916 | 880-0+€9-S16 | 890-0 + 08-916 oe ‘Tasstos TLV 86

= = = = = - ‘raddoo ont

060-:0+2¢-0 | ZIT-0+F9-0 |880:0+20-0 | 080-0+7&-916 | 1F0-0+28-216 | 8L0-0+ 08-916 ‘Tasstos [TV } L6

; *£LO0TT, “£100 I, “guI0g) Jo *s}0q Jo -TeOrJoIOSTT, 5

Bd — SUID} — sur09 — 8}0d Z . ‘morptsodu0g E

‘ssououy UL UIey SOWQIT[LU UL SsoUOUT Ty a

> ee eS eee ee

1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 59

It will be seen that two meltings have been made for each proportion

of copper. If C represent roughly one hundred tolas of copper, and

we group these determinations in proportion to the quantity of copper, we

shall have :

GAIN IN

Copper. Pots — Theory. Coins — Theory. Coins — Pots.

oc — 0-075 + 0079 + 0°545 + 0°109 + 0°620 + 0-094

2C + 0:050 + 0:073 + 0805 + 0108 + 0°755 + 0°091

40 + 0°335 + 0:065 + 0°775 + 0°107 + 0440 + 0:088

6C + 0°805 + 0-071 + 1180 + 0-090 + 0°375 + 0:065

= P10 + 0°635 + 0:078 + 1:360 + 0:116 + 0°725 + 0:092

It is evident that the refining of the Pots from the Theory is nearly

proportional to C, and that the refining of the Coins above the Pots or the

ingots is approximately constant, though irregular, as indeed might have

been anticipated.

If now we assume a + ma to be the refinage in melting, when m is the

coefficient of C above, and y to be the refinage in passing from the Ingots

to Coin; we shall have

5 values of a + mw of nearly equal weight

5 y of sufficiently equal weight

and 5 values of a + mx + y, which being the sums of the others we may

neglect.

From these equations we get the following values :

a = — 0:085 + 0:088

2 = + 0109 + 0018

y = + 0583 + 0-051

The large probable error of « compared with its value renders it very

doubtful if there is any real change in scissel melting. What there is

seems to be towards loss of jineness and it is quite certain that silver evapo-

rates ; for, in the Regenerators and flues of the Gas Furnaces (now disused)

the soot was found to contain silver.

The other quantities are clearly marked, and the small probable error

of « shows that the hypothesis that free copper only burns is probably true.

Had a@ been assumed = 0, the value of # would have been 0:095.

a a oe

60 J. F. Tennant—Zxperiments [No. 1,

The value of # shows that sufficient copper burns away to raise the

fineness by 0°109 milliémes for each 100 tolahs of free copper and this

quantity should be added as extra alloy: and the value of y shows that,

during the processes of converting ingots into coin, sufficient alloy is

removed to make the coins 0°583 of a milliéme finer on the average than

the ingots from which they are made.

Thus in order to have accurate Rupees it would seem necessary that

the Calculated or Theoretical fineness of the pots should be

916-667 + 0:085 — 0:583 — 0:109 C

or 916169 — 0109 C.

Now if S be the amount of pure silver in a mass and W be its weight,

the fineness f = = and dW = — = df.

If in this equation we put W = 12,500, f = 0:916667 and df =

0'000109 C, we shall have d W or the additional alloy = 1:48 C.

Practically then to get Rupees of standard fineness we should alligate

to 916:169 and then add 1 per cent. of the free copper.

For smaller coins the increase of fineness will be greater and the alli-

gation will be lower. |

When the alloy in the silver is at all volatile or very oxidable

the above rule would not serve of course. So far as possible it is sought

to guard against this by melting all low-touch or suspicious silver before

receipt and heating it strongly ; or even, in some cases, partially refining it.

The probable error of the fineness of the pots for any one day is

deduced from 10 reports of as many pots assumed to be alike. Its mean

value is 0:0276 of a milliéme. Hence the probable error of the report of

a pot is 0-087* of a milliéme. As each report is the mean of two single

assays, the probable error of a single assay will be 0'123 milliémes.

Again, the probable error of coins used above is derived from 20 single

assays of coins; its mean is 0:0806 milliémes, thus the probable error of a

single coin assay on the mean of all will be 0°360 milliémes. This probable

error is the probable error of a single assay combined with the probable

error of a single coin as compared with the mass from which it is taken.

The former has been found 0:123 milliémes, hence the latter will be 0°1389

milliémes,

Again, it is customary here to check the single assays of coins daily

by a double assay of the melted mass resulting from 20 coins spoilt in

the stamping presses. The probable error of each such report is combined

of the probable error of tle mean of 20 coins together with that of a double

* T have assumed that 0°1 of a milliéme is a sufficient approximation in valuing

the Theoretical fineness,

1879.] on Ooining Silver into Rupees. 61

assay, or is 0°116 milliéme. The usual daily check is one such report from

a melting and 10 from single assays of coins, and, as the probable errors of

these values are 0°116 and 0:114 respectively, it is evident that they are

practically of equal weight: when so taken the probable error of the mean

fineness of a day’s work wil] be 0:081 milliéme.

In receiving Bullion about seven separately assayed parcels make a lac

(1,00,000) of Rupees in value. The probable error of an assay report has

above been found to be 0:087 milliéme and that of alac (in value) of Bullion

3°29 Rupees from assay only. The probable error of a lac of coinage is

81 Rupees from its assay, which shows that even for this small daily

outturn, the valuation is not sufficiently good ; and the uncertainty increases

in proportion to the outturn, while that of the intake does not increase so

fast.

» With 1 lac of outturn the probable error is 2°47 that of equal receipt

2 ? PP) 3°50 ” ”?

3 oP) » 4:27 oP) ”?

4 ” ” 4-95 9 39

Tn order that the assay valuations of receipt and outturn should be

similar, the coinage should be only 63,600 Rupees daily.

If these checks stood alone, it would be impossible for a Mint Master

to feel any confidence in his work. And an assay establishment suffi-

ciently large to value a heavy coinage thoroughly, and to make the

necessary assays of single coins would be very expensive. The assays of

_ pots are a very valuable test in a large coinage, especially when, as here,

they are made nearly uniform in composition and thus check each other.

In practice a coin beyond the legal remedy of two milliémes in fineness

is almost unknown, but the law is now probably as exacting as it is

possible to make it. d

I am very greatly indebted to Mr. Edis, who was acting as Assay Mas-

ter of this Mint, for the attention and skill he gave to these assays, which

were more in number than the amount of work ordinarily would have

called for. The accuracy of his work is proved by the small probable

errors, :

To obtain these data was the primary object of my experiments : incid-

entally, however, the weighments which are made in passing the metal

from hand to hand furnish some interesting information as to the general

working of the Mint which I purpose here to place on record.

The unit of weighment is a tolah (the weight of a standard rupee) of

180 grains, which is here decimally divided: 8 tolahs are equivalent to 3

ounces Troy; the English Pound contains 38°88889 and the kilogram

85°73526 tolahs, And hence—

62 J. F. Tennant—Experiments [No. 1,

1,00,000 Rupees should weigh 1,00,000 tolahs,

37,500 ounces Troy.

2,571°4296 Pounds = 1:14796 Tons.

Fs 1,166:3811 kilograms.

The Melter receives his silver in bars and lumps, and also as scissel and

rejected blanks and coins. The portions for each pot and its proportion

of copper are separately delivered. His results are—

1st.—Ingots which can be weighed as soon as cleaned.

2nd.—Chippings from the bars and spillage which require to be clean-

ed before weighment: usually next morning.

3rd.—Ends of ingots and pieces cut off before delivery to the lamina-

tor as not being fit for straps.

4th.—He has drosses and sweep which contain more or less silver

and of which the value cannot be known till later.

The following table shows the results obtained in this department from

these experiments, as to which it must be noted, that while the metal is ac-

curately weighed to the Melter, the future weighments are less accurate until

it takes the form of coin, for it would be impossible to give the same time

and care to weighments which are mere checks that are necessarily given

to the more important ones; or to use balances for them as delicate.

”

+E)

Outturn.

Melting | Weight given Approximate

No. to Melter. Loss.

Good Ingots. | Heads and | Particles.

Pieces,

Tolahs. Tolahs. Tolahs. Tolahs. Tolahs.

89 119,447°0 118,908°8 0 461°2 770

92 125,148-0 124,573°6 0 505-4 69:0

93 125,121'0 124,667°8 0 8575 95°7

94 125,076°0 124,557°8 0 426°8 91°4

95 125,090°0 124,642'6 4:0 388-0 55'4

96 125,133'0 124,676°8 ) 387°4 68:8

97 124,023'3 1238,114°8 103:0 7545 51:0

98 124,530°0 123,496°4 531:0 442°4 f 60:2

114 125,434:0 124,691°2 280°0 3866°2 96°6

115 125,973'0 125,480°4 0 423°9 68:7

Sums. 1,244,975°3 1,2388,810'2 918:0 46133 | 733'8

0°36252 0°05894

1879.] on Coining Silver into Rupees. 63

Hence it will be seen that about 44 per cent. alone of the weight is

unaccounted for at once, and that, after the particles are all recovered, the

amount left in the drosses is about 6 parts in 10,000, and this includes the

alloy burnt away. At the rate of 13 per cent. on the free copper, the loss

on that metal would have been 607°2 tolahs, leaving only 126°6 tolahs

or 0:010169 per cent. of the value as a real loss, but what is shown above

fairly represents the experience of some years as regards the net loss of

weight by burning.

When passed by the test of assay, the ingots go to the Laminating

Department, and from this time no trustworthy valuation can be made till

the coin is ready for issue. Inall the succeeding processes metal is lost by

abrasion and by alloy being burnt in the annealing processes and removed in

the pickling necessary to clean the surface of the silver for stamping. On

the other hand, oil and grease from the machinery adhere to the surfaces and

(till the blanks are cleaned) a small portion of oxide adheres and thus the

weight is increased.

It will be seen from the following table that the Laminators cut off

and reject about 2 per cent. of the metal received, and that, very little

weight being apparently lost, the outturn of good blanks is nearly 60 per

cent. of the weight ofingots. Good blanks here of course meaning those

which are perfect in form and ready to be tested as to their sufficiency in

weight. When the whole sweeps have been refined and the silver in them re-

covered, there is ordinarily a gain in the Laminating Department from the

causes I have spoken of. It appears that in a mean of several years the result

of crediting the recoveries of sweep &e., has been a small gain in weight

in these Departments, amounting to 000003 of the amount. It is here that

the effect of bad silver is mainly felt : when silver which is derived from orna-

ments, and a few other sources, is used without being well refined, the floors

of the laminating rooms are covered with spangles, causing of course

a heavy loss, and the edges of the straps are ragged, so that the outturn

of blanks is much less than the normal amount, while the weight of

scissel is sensibly increased.

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1879.]

on Coining Silver into Rupees.

The blanks when cut out pass to an officer whom we call the Adjuster

whose duties are very important.

After being slightly cleaned the blanks

are individually weighed in Automatic Machines, the light blanks are re-

turned to the melting pot, while those that are too heavy have their weight

reduced. This used to be done by hand, but we have recently made a

machine which deals satisfactorily with about 1500 blanks an hour.

As the

farther processes of coining reduce the weight of the blanks, an allowance has

to be made here for this reduction, and it is part of the adjuster’s duty not only

to keep his machines in order and see that each blank is within the remedy

allowed, but further to check the weights of the bags (each containing 2000

blanks) and see that each bag is within the much narrower limit laid

down for his guidance, and that finally even then they are not all on one

side so that the error would accumulate.

Tale of Blanks,

Delivery to Milling Dept.

Melting

No. Received, | Heavy. | Medium. | Light. Tale. Weight.

89 69,662 2,965 63,933 2,764 66,000 66,035°9

92 73,890 2,617 68,928 2,345 70,000 70,042°5

93 74,124 3,086 68,790 2,248 70,000 70,045°0

94 73,906 2,416 69,283 2,207 70,000 70,044:0

95 73,896 2,009 69,959 1,928 70,000 70,0446

96 74,056 1,420 71,277 1,359 72,000 72,045°4

97 73,300 3,143 67,971 2,186 70,000 70,044'1

98 72,684 2,744 68,232 1,708 70,000 70,044°1

114 73,024 3,028 67,783 2,213 70,000 70,045°5

115 73,582 1,430 70,847 1,306 70,000 70,045°5

Sums. 732,124 24,858 687,003 20,263 698,000 698,436'6

Percentage. 3°39583 | 93°83697 2:76770

by machine to 282,366'5

_ ~ Silver removed 1,273 4

showing a loss of 2°356 per cent. in weight of particles

and 78386 ,, 4, in value of the silver

The proportion of light and heavy blanks beyond remedy is about

what has now for many months been usual: the Tale of Blanks sent on is

smaller in proportion, and Ihave not thought the percentage worth giving.

Of course it includes heavy blanks reduced, but only whole bags are sent

on, and thus not only has the percentage sent on been smaller but it is

more regular than usual: I believe too that the weight is more regular.

The experiments were not sufficiently extensive to show the working

of the machine for reducing blanks, but the following data will show this

and give a comparison with the old method of filing by hand.

In December 1878, 283,639°9 Tolahs of blanks were reduced

The recovery was 1243'4 Tolahs of particles worth 1173-61 Rs.,

66 J. F. Tennant—Laperiments [No. 1,

In December 1877, 233,349°8 tolahs of blanks were reduced

by filing to 232,049°4

Silver removed 1,300°4

The recovery was 1223-7 tolahs of particles worth 1129:28 Rs.,

showing a loss of 5'898 per cent. in weight of particles

and 13'2386 ,, ,, in value of silver.

The accuracy with which a certain amount can be removed per bag has

been increased and the cost greatly decreased, for one boy can attend on

two machines reducing, if needed, 21,000 blanks a day, whereas this used to

require ten men, and as so many were not always available, work often fell

into arrears.

I have now to trace the blanks through their last stages till they be-

come rupees.

The adjuster passes on the blanks to what.is here ealled the Milling

Department, but in the Royal Mint the work is called Marking. In this

process, a few blanks are spoiled when the setting of the machines is

defective. The final annealing and pickling come next, and the rupees

lastly issue from the Stamping Press, only requiring examination before

final issue.

I have not thought it worth while to give here the separate results in

the rooms devoted to these purposes severally. Defects in the Milling De-

partment and those in the annealing sometimes pass till they are found out

in the presses or in the final scrutiny.

Blanks from Adjuster. Rupees fit for issue.

Tale Weight Tale Weight at rate of | Weight after

receipt. coinage.

; Tolahs. Tolahs, Tolahs.

89 66,000 66,035°9 64,832 64,834'0

92 70,000 | 70,0425 | 67,940 67,943°9

93 70,000 | 70,045°0 | 68,956 68,961°9

94 70,000 70,044°0 69,005 69,007'°8

95 70,000 70,044°6 67,910 67,9116

96 72,000 | 72,0454 | 70,459 70,458°6

97 70,000 70,044°1 67,738 67,735°8

98 70,000 70,044°1 68,507 68,506°6

114 70,000 70,045°5 68,058 68,057'4

115 70,000 70,046°5 68,407 68,411°6

Sums. 698,000 | 698,486°6 | 681,812 | 682,223°4 681,829°2

Percentage of blanks, | 97°68080 |Loss of weight in work. 894:2

1879.] on Ooining Silver into Rupees. 67

We have already seen that 59:1437 per cent. of the weight of ingots

is converted into blanks. These were in tale 732,124, of which 687,003 were

good and 24,858 heavy but capable of being reduced, or in all 711,861 capable

of being coined, and we now find that of those sent on from the Adjusting

Room 97:68080 per cent, become good Rupees. If then, all had been sent

on we might have expected 695,351 good coins whose standard weight would

be 56°181 per cent. of that of the ingots.

Further, we find that 681,812 blanks as they leave the adjuster lose in

after processes 3942 tolahs, or 70,956 grains, in weight. Thus the average

loss on each is 0°10407* grains, and each blank leaving the adjuster

should on an average weigh 180°10407 grains, and each bag of 2000 blanks

2001°156 tolahs,

The general procedure of Minting has been unchanged for very many

years, but, as the effects of the coining processes must vary with details of

manipulation impossible to define exactly, I some time ago recognized

that it was necessary to modify both the amount of additional alloy and the

excess weight of the blank over the coin, and resolved to investigate the

matter.

I now offer these results to a wider circle than they were originally

meant for, because I think that many will be interested in knowing the care

that is taken to keep the coinage of India'to its standard value. I hope too

that it may lead to the publication and circulation of similar results from

other Mints and thus to advance in Minting.

* This amount, like the y of the fineness (see note p, 60), varies with manipulation

and the quantities are dependent on each other,

CONTENTS

OF THE NATURAL HISTORY PART (PT. II.) OF THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL FOR 1878.

No. 1, (issued May 24th, 1878). Description of Ruticilla schisticeps

Hodgs.— By W.T. Buanrorp. Aberrant Dentition of Felis Tigris.—By

R. Lypexxer. Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam dur-

ing 1877—Oommunicated by Cotonnn R. H. Kuartnex. Sixth List of

Birds from the Hill Ranges of the North-East Frontier of India.—By

Masor H. H. Gopwin-Austen.—An Account of the Tidal Observations in

_ the Gulf of Cutch, conducted by the Great Trigonometrical Survey under

the superintendence of Couonen J. T. Wanker. Opompiled from the

G. T. Survey Reports by Carr. J. WaTERHOUSE.

No. 2, (issued July 10th, 1878). Zhe Application of Photography to

the Reproduction of Maps and Plans by Photo-mechanical and other pro-

cesses.— By Cart. J. WATERHOUSE ; (with one Plate).

No. 8, (issued Oct. 28th, 1878). Notes on some Reptilia from the

Himalayas and Burma.—By W.T. Buanrorp. Noteson the Earthquake

im the Punjab of March 2nd, 1878.—By A. B. Wynne. Notes on the

Land and Fresh-water shells of Kashmir, more particularly of the Jhilum

_ valley below Srinagar and the hills North of Jamu.—By W. THEOBALD.

On some Mammals from Tenasserim—By W. T. Buaxrorp, (with three

plates). List of Hymenoptera obtained by Osstan Limzore, east of Maul-

: main, Tenasserim Provinces, during the months of December 1876, Janu-

' ary, March, and April 1877, with descriptions of new species :—by F.

Smite. Oommunicated by J. Woov-Mason. Preliminary Diagnoses of

new Ooleopterous Insects belonging to the families Dytiscide, Staphylinide,

and Scarabeide, obtained by the late F. StontczKa during the 2nd Mission

to Yarkand under Siz Doveras Forsyta.—By D. Swarr.

No. 4, (issued April 6th, 1879). Description of a new Lepidopterous

Insect belonging to the genus Thaumantis.—By J. Woop-Mason. Great

| Snowfall in Kashnir.—By R. Lypexxer. Physiographical Notes on

Danjore (Tanja-wr).— By Lr-Cou. B. R. Branriin, Deputy Superintendent,

Great Trigonometrical Branch, Survey of India. Communicated by CouonEL

_ J. T.. WaLKER.—On the proper relative Sectional Areas for Oopper and

Tron Lightning rods.— By R.S. Broveau. Description of a New Homop-

_ terous Insect belonging to the Genus Cosmocarta.—By W. L. Distant. On

| the Indian Species of the Genus Hrinaceus.— By J. ANDERSON.— Description

of asupposed new Hedgehog from Muscat in Arabia.—By W. T. Buanro™

> On Arvicola indica, Gray, and its relations to the Sub-Genus Nesokie “th

_ adescription of the species of Nesokia.—By J. ANDERSON.

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CONTENTS.

Page

VII.—Wote on the old Burmese route over Patkai vid Nongyang

(viewed as the most feasible and direct route, from India to

China).—By S. E. Prat, Esq., (with 2 maps and 2 plates), ... 69

VIIL—On a new Standard of Light.—By Lovis ScHWENDLER,

(with plate) \ioisc visas cesers teneens ste dpbiigws cSacen «se iey a ttRe Manne 83

IX.—A second note on Mammalia collected by Major mies im e

Gilgit— By W. T. BuanrorD, F. B. 8., &e.,. 95

X.—A Description of some new Species of Tilden Lapigtes

from the Indian Coasts and Seas—By Surnanon J. ARM-

stronG, Marine Survey Department, (with 4 plates),............ 98

XI.—Wotes on the Formation of the Country passed through by the .

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Kala Abdullah Khan in the Khéjak Pass to Lugért Barkhan.

Spring of 1879.—By Lirvut. R. C. Tempin, 1st Ghoorkas,

(with a map), ...... 103

XII.— Notes on a pallereten af “Raelen naa Bhons Foot ‘tie ‘math

bouwrhood of Ellore and Bee —By W. T. Buanrorp,

B.. Behe, GC a scene 110

XIII.—Preliminary Notice ofa a new SGomde (Paroctatorebant of Phas-

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cies. — By J, WOOD-MASON, |... ce0se-sotteren«Wacsesvess sn cee pameeemed 1174

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part II—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No. I].—1879.

~*~

VII.—Wote on the old Burmese route over Patkai vid Nongyang (viewed

as the most feasible and direct route, from India to Ohina).—Ly

8. H. Peat, Esq.

(Received 12th March ; read 2nd April.)

(With Plates IV, V, VI, and VII).

Perhaps in no other part of the world can be found a parallel to the

small and peculiar region immediately Hast of Assam, and that separates

India from China.

On each side of it we see a large Empire, numbering its people by

hundreds of millions, densely located, and who have been for many centuries

conspicuous for their industry and intelligence, and with records extending

far into the past.

Yet across this interval of some 200 miles only, we find little or no

intercourse or trade.

Undoubtedly towards the North and North-Hast, the difficulties of find-

ing an outlet at any reasonable elevation are demonstrated. In most cases

the routes must cross at least 10,000 feet or more, besides being proverbially

«difficult.

Assam has never to our knowledge been entered by any large force

from the North East, or due East, and the only invasions, (excepting those

»up the valley from the west) have been over Patkai, by the Ahoms and

Burmese.

i a i

70 8. E. Peal—WNote on the old Burmese route [No. 2,

The discovery of a good trade route between India and China, has

long exercised many minds. Routes o/¢ lower and upper Burma, to

Yunan, have been of late years advocated and partially tried, but all

present a consistent feature in the extreme difliculty of the country beyond

a certain point.

_ The experience of the Grosvenor Mission clearly confirms this, and

indirectly points to the necessity of crossing the intervening valleys higher

up—(the country between Momein and Yunan being reported extremely

difficult).

Keeping these facts in view, a few remarks regarding the old route

out of Eastern Assam, v7é Patkai, and the possibility of a good trade route

with western China, vid the Sittang country to the Yang-tse-kiang, may

be of some interest.

Some years ago attention was directed to this route and endeavours

made to induce Government to explore it.

In 1868 Mr. F. A. Goodenough of the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce

submitted a report to Government for co-operation in the matter, urging

that the time had come when such an expedition was advisable and likely

to be a suecess. The local authorities, however, viewed the proposition

with such marked coldness, that no action was taken in the matter.

In 1868 Mr. H. L. Jenkins crossed the Patkai near the head waters

of the Namrip river, discovering the Nongyang lake on the other side,

but he was unable to proceed further that year.*

In 1869 he again started in company with Mr..A. J. Peal, and followed

the track of the previous year, and passing the Nongyang lake, found no

serious obstacles until they reached the first Singphi villages at Numytng

in the Hikong valley,+ where advance was prohibited by the chiefs.

After fruitless attempts to overcome their opposition, the party was

compelled to return to Assam, selecting the route by which Dr. Griffiths

passed from Assam to Burma in 1837, and which is more to the west.

By the route in, the line generally was both more circuitous and

difficult.

Remarking on the latter Mr. Jenkins says, ‘It is much to be

“yeoretted that Griffiths chanced to take this route, for it is doubtless

“ owing to his description, that a general impression has arisen that the

“ Patkai range is a formidable barrier erected by nature to prevent com-

“ munication between India and the countries lying to the Hast.”

Having been more carefully and recently described than the others,

* See Proceedings A. 8. B. 1869, page 67.

¢ Sce Proceedings A. 8. B. July 1870, page 2380 et seg.

1879.] over Pathai vid Nongyang. 71

*« Griffith’s route” has come to be taken as a type of the difficulties on this

question, and has undoubtedly led many into error.

Tracing the subject back, we find that in 1816 some 6,000 Burmese

troops and 8,000 auxiliaries crossed Patkai into Assam, at the invitation

of the Raja (Chandrakant).

Soon after, it is said, 30,000 followed under Keo Minghi, who re-

turned to Ava in 1818, leaving about 2,000 men behind him in Assam.

About 1821 Maha Thilawa, the Burmese general in Assam, was involved

in disputes with us, anl in 1822 Menghi Maha Bandula led 18,000 men

over Patkai and made Assam virtually a Burmese province.

In 1824, war was declared by us, and the question of routes into

Burma was eagerly discussed. Four were declared practicable, two by sea,

and two by land, 7. e.,

Land route, Calcutta to Ava vid Assam, 1,433 milesand 170 days.

” ”) 99 Manipur, 1,052 ” 9 107 ”

Sea route, 55 » vid Aracan, 835) ;, itt OO as

Led ” ”» Rangtn, 1,446 ” ”? 82 ”

Of the land routes, it was settled that the line o7@ Assam, and over

Patkai was by far the best, but that v7d Rangin offering better transport

for stores was ultimately adopted.

In 1828, Lieut. Burnett reported on the route by which the Burmese

had entered Assam, and it was no doubt on this that Pemberton relied in

his “‘ Report on the N. H. frontier” in 1835.

“The passage of the Patkai,” he remarks, “is represented as easy

‘when compared to the seven or eight equally lofty ranges that must be

“crossed between Cachar and the Munipuri valley.”

On all occasions Pemberton wrote in high terms of this pass, and,

after his surveys on the Munipuri side, we may consider him one of the

best authorities on the matter.

Sir Ashley Eden has truly said that no man before, or since, has ever

had such opportunities of collecting reliable information on the subject,

and very few would, or could, make such good use of them.

It was in 1837 that Dr. Griffiths, who was one of the Tea Commis-

sioners, crossed from Assam to Ava. Yet though he started from Bisa, and

passed Mainkwan, his route over that portion nowhere coincided with

Pemberton’s account of the old Burmese one.

After leaving Bisa, in Assam, he took a considerable detour to the west,

the reason for which is not I think to be found in his journal, but is

attributable to the fact that along the old route villages were maintained,

so that not only was the route itself always kept more open and in repair,

but provisions obtainable all along.

72 S. E. Peal—WNote on the old Burmese route [No. 2,

Whether these villages were kept there by the authorities or remained

there of their own choice, and benefitted by the line of trade we cannot

now say, but soon after the close of the Burmese war, they migrated

westwards ; possibly the state of frontier anarchy that followed left them

too often at the mercy of necessitous soldiery, to avoid whom they retreated

to the higher ranges.

On Griffiths’ arrival, therefore, at Bisa, instead of pursuing the old route

up the Namrip river, towards the Loglai basin, we find he made a sudden

turn westward and passed through the “ Morang Naga” country, crossing

Patkai near Yugli at 5,000 feet elevation, and subsequent ranges at 3,500

and again 5,100 feet, Nongyang lake being left fully 20 to 25 miles to the

east.

The old route, in fact, at that time had been abandoned—neither food

nor transport could be got there—and he was compelled to go where these

were obtainable ; the old path also by that time would have been covered by

jungle and more or less impracticable.

Properly speaking the name Patkai applies only to the highest ridges

wherever they occur ; in few places are they continuous for any distance ; the

water parting is often cut up into distinct groups of hills with many low

places intervening, more especially towards the eastwards, where from the

Nongyang lake, they sink lower and lower, to where Singphus assert they

have crossed nearly on the level after Rhinoceros.

It is in this neighbourhood that Mr. Jenkins and others consider it

extremely likely that passes may be found at even less than 2,000 feet

elevation, and it is evidently near here that the old route lay. The basins

of the Namrip on the north and Loglai on the south, so closely approach

each other from opposite sides, as to leave but one march between them

from water to water.

These two drainage basins, shewing as they do the lowest levels on

each side to be in such close proximity, and where the soft strata is most

rapidly denuded, naturally indicate the lowest part of the range.

Pemberton describes the old route as follows :

“ Bisa, which is the principal village and residence of the head of the

“Singphu tribe of that name, stands about 10 miles from the gorge of the

“ defile through which the pass leads, and the first stage is to the Namrtip

“Nulla, on the banks of which good camping ground is found 16 miles

“from Bisa.

“ Between the Ist and 2nd stages two hills are crossed, the Tontik

“and the Nunnun, neither of which present any difficulties that might not

“be easily overcome. The Namrip flows between these hills, and the

“ Nunnun* falls into it a short distance from the second encampment ;

* Namphik,

1879.] over Patkai vid Nongyang. 73

“there is but little jungle in the vicinity of the camping ground, which

‘has space for a tolerably large body of troops.

“The distance of this stage is 12 miles. s

“ The third stage, which extends from the Nunnun to the Kasi Nulla,

“ flowing at the northern foot of the Patkai hill, is about 7 miles.

“ After leaving the Nunnun and crossing a low hill, the Namrip is

“again reached and its bed travelled over for 5 miles.

“This portion of the route is the worst, as the bed of the nulla is

“filled with large stones and rocks over which the traveller finds it diffi.

“cult to make his way, but the Burmese appear to have avoided it

“by cutting paths through the forest above.

- “From the Kasi Nulla to the summit of the Patkai central ridge, the

“ distance is about 4 miles, and the ascent is said to»be very precipitous,

“but it is quite evident from the description given, and the manner in

“which the Burmese travelled that there are no serious obstacles which

“the judicious employment of a few pioneers would not readily overcome.

“ From the Kasi Nulla at the northern foot of the Patkai hill across to

“the Loglai the first nulla met with on its southern declivity is one long

“ march, and there is said to be a very inadequate supply of water between

“these two streams.

“From the Loglai to old Bisagaun, the original site of the Singphu

“tribe, not far from the gorge of the pass on the southern or Burmese

“side, there are six marches none of which are either very long or diffi-

healt.”

In the above quotation from Pemberton it is noteworthy that the

first two, if not three, marches coincide with the route taken by Mr.

Jenkins vi@ the Nongyang lake in 1869.

Both follow the Namrtip for some distance and then leave it where

the river makes a long detour to the east, and near to the village of

Namphiuk, and thence crossing some low hills, descend again to the river,

thus cutting off a large bend.

After this, even, it is evident that the routes coincide, and where they

diverged it is not now easy to find.

It is extremely probable that the old Burmese route that Pemberton

describes, lay a little to the east, for though Mr. Jenkins states they could

have crossed the ridge some 500 or 600 feet lower, by keeping more west,

yet the ranges to the eastwards are generally st¢i/7 lower.

From the foregoing it is obvious that the old route held longer to the

basin of the Namrip, and debouched on the Loglai higher up, thus escaping

Digum Bim ; the two routes, however, are near each other, and fairly direct,

which Griffiths’ was not, but it is only by a careful study of the locality

7A S. E. Peal—Wote on the old Burmese route [No. 2,

that the best*site could be found, all is now forest, and the route line will

have to be re-discovered ; there can however be little doubt that it crossed

Patkai close to this point, and probably at less than 2,500 feet above the

sea level, and say 2,000 feet on the spot.

The approaches to Patkai at the part indicated, present no insuperable

difficulties on either side ; undoubtedly a strip of hilly country extends for

some distance north and south, parallel to the main range or ranges, but

the country on the northern flank consists of tolerably low hills and rolling

land, and on the other side, it seems to be repeated between Digumpani

and the Turong.

The paths on that side, in fact, are now confined mainly to stream-beds

between which they cross low spurs; the latter is characteristic of the

route between Loglai and Namyung, where it goes. by the Kaisu, Namlip,

Yungsim, and Yungmoi, to the village of Numying in the Hukong, or

Dinoi, valley.

It is unfortunate that ever since our taking possession of Assam most

works that allude to routes between India and China, treat the passage of

these ranges as an almost insuperable obstacle.

Excepting by Pemberton, and latterly Mr. H. L. Jenkins, it is generally

looked on as a subject hardly worth discussion, or investigation.

It is taken for granted that there is no good, or even fair, route from

Assam vié@ Hikong to the Shan States, and that the Patkai is simply an

impassable.barrier, whereas the truth is that the more the matter is investi-

gated the more likely it appears that this old route will turn out to be not

only the best, but perhaps the only available trade-route out of upper.

Assam, by which we can get anywhere Hast.

From the summit of Patkai, near where the old route crossed, the

view south-west is across a rather large triangular valley having a sheet of

water in it called “ Nongyang” several miles long, and a wooded island

towards the eastern extremity. The “ Nongyang River’ falls in from the

west after a course of 12 or 14 miles, mainly between two high and contin-

uous ridges, each called Patkai, that were crossed by Drs. Griffiths and

Bayfield, and which river has generally been considered the boundary between

Assam and Burma at this part. After passing through the lake the river

flows out east into the Loglai, or Laklai, going south and east to the

Turong.

On the south, Digam Bim rises very conspicuously beyond the

Nongyangpani ; it is probably not less than 3,000 to 4,000 feet high, the

surrounding hills north and south being 2,000 to 3,000, with water-courses

and passes at perhaps 1,000 feet above the sea level.

Beyond Digam Bum lie the first Singphti villages in the Hikong

1879. ] over Patkai vid Nongyang. 75

valley, the nearest being Nuimyting, situated on a river of the same name

that rises far to the west, south of Patkai and nearly opposite the Tirap

valley (of the northern slope).

The name of this river has been so variously rendered as to make its

recognition at times difficult ; we find it as the Ramyoom, Kamyoom, Kam-

miroan, Nam-ma-ron, and Namytng, the latter no doubt most correct.

After passing the village it flows S. E. and falls into the Tirong. From

Namyung there is constant intercourse with the south, west, and east,

over an undulating but not difficult country. Traders generally pass it en

route for Assam.

It is extremely significant that the name “ Patkai’’ (which is an

abbreviation of Pat kai seng kan*) originated on the pass at the part

above indicated, in consequence of an oath there ratified between the Ahom

Raja “ Chudangpha” } on the north side, with Strtnphai, the Nora Raja of

the south side, whereby each bound themselves to respect the Nongyang-

pani as the boundary, and that between them, ere separating, they erected

two sculptured monuments, as memorials of the treaty on each bank of the

river.

Previous to this period the range there was called “ Doikaurang”

Doi = Mountain, Kau — 9, and rang = united, namely the place of “ nine

united hills,’ or where nine ranges converge, which latter singularly

confirms all we know of the place already.

At the site in question, but one range is crossed from water to water,

whereas to the west, at least 8 or 9 conspicuous ridges must be crossed ere

the plains are reached beyond.

The name “ Doikaurang” was bestowed by the first Ahom Raja

“ Chukhapha,” when passing from Nora, or Pong, to take Assam in 1228

A. D.

It seems clearly demonstrated by this time, that there are no trade

routes to be expected vid the “ Brahmakund,” the “Daphap4ni,” or “No

Dehing” valleys, and nothing intermediate is possible.

The sufferings of Lieut. Wilcox and his party in 1827-8 during his

attempts to penetrate eastwards are sufficient to deter any re-surveys of

those routes for such a purpose.

The Mishmi hills to the north again, or the Abor country, are equally

uninviting, nor are lines of traffic more likely through the Daphla hills, except

by cattle, and over passes that on the north, as on the east, are not less than

10,000 feet, if as low.

* Pat = cut, Kai = fowls, Seng = oath, Kan = taken.

¢ Chudangpha’s ambassador was the Bor Gohain Tiatanbing, and that of the

Nora Raja, Tasinpou, date 1399-40 A, D.

76 S. E. Peal

Note on the old Burmese route [No. 2,

To the south-east, even if a littic too far south, must we turn, if

anything approaching a trade route out of Assam is to be found, and at

or near the old Burmese route, we at once get one that is remarkably easy _

and that with.comparatively little outlay would be suitable for wheel

traffic.

The station of Gauhati on the Brahmaputra, is now connected by a

fine carriage road to the Shillong plateau, which rises to between 5,000

and 6,000 feet, the last 3,000 feet of which is in a distance of only 12

miles.

The difficulties of crossing Patkai are, at least, Jess than half of those

met with on such a road, and that we can easily overcome them we have

demonstrated.

Having glanced at the position of the route vid Nongyang, it may

be well to indicate those of several others, leading from upper Assam into

before noted, the valley of Hukong.

There is a route through the Naga hills west of the Tirap river, and east

of the Disang, that enters at the Namsang Nadi, a tributary of the Dihing,

and not far south of Jaipur. This line after traversing the bed of the

Namsang for some distance crosses the Patkai by the Takum pass, (say

5,000 feet) and thence follows the Namyung till it joins Griffiths’ route

(the latter is often called the Tirap route).

A second entrance to this same Takum route is from Borhdt on the

Disang river ; the water-shed about here, though, rises to 6,000 and 7,000

feet and is a more continuous ridge,

The late Colonel Hannay advocated a line vid Bhitor Namsang on the

Tankak river in the Sibsdgar district, passing through the Naga villages of

Sangloi, Sangsa, Sangba, Langia (or Longra), Horu Khet, and Chotagaon

to Singolani, the latter situated on the Dinoi some 45 miles north and 30

west of Munghhong, and near the western extremity of the valley of

Hukong. ‘This line presents no very serious obstacles and is much used.

Another route has been proposed entering the Dhansiri valley, passing

Samaguting, and thence vid Phre re ma, Gopsi ma, Dibu ma, Teseshu ma,

Tajoga ma, Kaza ma, Jessa ma, Kochapa ma, and lastly Teuchu ma on the

Dinoi.

This, however, is over a long line of hilly country and ends far to the

west in the valley of Hukong, and from whence any road east must cross

’ the whole line of northern drainage, whereas the endeavour should be to

keep in the level plains of Assam as long as possible, having in view the

facilities on the southern side, and also to penetrate the mountain barrier

where not only lowest but narrowest.

Once the plains of Hukong are reached, say near Numphin or old Bisa,

1879.] over Patkai vid Nongyang. 77

on the Turong, the line would keep north of the Dinoi River, crossing a

country covered by open undulating grass plains, whence 74 the low Kako

hills it could join the trade route to Mingla east of the Irawadi.

The Shuemai, or Phungmai Kha, on which this town is situated, is

generally believed now to be the main stream of the Irawadi and flows

from the N. E. through a large plain or valley called the Sittang country.

There can be little doubt but that Dr. J. Anderson* is correct in supposing

that this river has its rise in Hastern Tibet.

It is hardly necessary to remark that a route over Patkai to Upper

Burma alone, is not pressingly required ; what is really in demand (and will

eontinue in demand until solved) is a good route joining India with China.

The advocates of a route to Western China may be divided into three

parties: 1st, those who would start eastwards almost at once from near

Rangun, and may be called the “‘ Marine”’ party: 2nd, The far more legiti-

mate one that advocates a line through Burma to the upper provinces, ere

starting east, so as to gain not only the China trade but benefit Burma

itself by a good line of internal communication ; these would be the “ Bur-

mese” party: 8rdly, There is a large party both in India and England, if

not also in China, who are in favour of a more direct line between India

and China if it were possible, even if it had to pass vid the Hukong valley,

and across the northern extremity of Upper Burma, towards Talifu and the

Yang-tse-kiang.

These three parties are, so far, distinct, if not actually in opposition

to one another, but the question is becoming gradually much simplified.

The Marine (or Manchester party) now that India can, and will, beat

Manchester in the cotton trade, is certain to die a natural death; a trade

route with China vid the mouth of the Irawadi is not in demand, so that

only the Burmese and Indo-Chinese parties remain. These should really

not be found in opposition at all, if the Patkai route is possible; on the

contrary, their interests are almost identical; a junction on the upper

Trawadi would benefit both.

To imagine that the trade to England from western China, would go

by the valley of Assam, while the Irawadi was open, would be absurd. Ié

would be equally so to expect the Indian trade to go wid the Irawadi; each

would take what legitimately belonged to it ; indeed, without combination

between these two parties it does not seem likely that a route to Western

China will ever be possible. There is actually no reasonable ground why

either should oppose that combination, while thereis everything to gain

by union.

The immediate future of Burma it is not difficult to forecast, and with

* Journ. Royal Geog. Soc, Vol XL, 1870, p. 286.

78 S. E. Peal—Wote on the old Burmese route. [No. 2,

such an object in view, asa route joining the two largest empires of

the East, it behoves us to look ahead.

The difficulties in connexion with a good trade route from India to

China vid Patkai and upper Burma are not physical ones, as has hitherto

been supposed; the only real obstacles are political ones, which would

vanish, the moment Chinese and Burmese jealousy was overcome.

The obstacles to trade, in fact, are all confined to one tribe or race,

the Singphis or Kakhyens, who inhabit the hills between Assam, Burma,

and China, and by a state of tolerated anarchy, effectually prevent peaceful

intercourse.

Until some central authority is recognized, and joint action taken, it

is not easy to make head against these turbulent clans ; an alliance for their

suppression, would at once solve the Indo-Chinese route question, vid

Assam. *

APPENDIX.

The following few extracts from the diary of Mr. A. J. Peal serve

to corroborate the remarks made by Pemberton before quoted, as to the

line of route.

“ December 6th, 1869. We had great difficulty to get the men to

start, and were not off till noon, crossing soon after a couple of low hills,

due south of the village (of Namphuk), we struck the Namrip again and

eventually camped 8 or 4 miles up its bed.

“7th. Continued up the bed of Namrip, and subsequently the Nam-

bong, camping at mouth of the Nanki.

“8th. Marched up the bed of the Nanki after boiling water at 2114°

thermometer at 56°, and commenced the ascent of “ Patkai’”’ at 11°30 a. Mm.

reaching the summit at 2 Pp. M., after a hard climb. Boiled water on the

top at a temperature of 208°, thermometer 66°. We camped at the first

water on the southern slope at about 400 feet down, and had a fine view

of the Nongyang lake and also the Brahmaputra.

“9th. We boiled water ere starting at 208}°, thermometer at 55°

descended pretty easily and rested at the ford of the Nongyang river at

11 o’clock, route EK. S. HE. Subsequently crossed a spur of Digam Bim

nearly as high as Patkai, camping at a small stream half way down the

other side, course S. E. and tortuous, say 14 miles.

“10th. Started about 9 a.m. and by 10°30 reached the Digampéni,

crossing and re-crossing several times, and after ascending a low ridge came

suddenly on the Loglai (or Loklae Kha) of which we had a fine view.

* The greater portion of this note was written in 1872,

1879.] over Patkat vid Nongyang. 79

The bed some 80 or 100 feet below was say 100 yards wide, composed

mainly of slaty rock, and with long rapids.

“11th. Marched down the bed of the Loglai, which being composed of

boulders was very fatiguing, we passed some fine rapids, and camped at the

mouth of the “ Kaisu,” having only done about 8 miles. We found no

dew south of Patkai at night.

12th. We ascended the bed of the Kaisu and crossing “ Kasuki,”

(or hill) struck the Namlip, after going down which for some 6 miles,

camped at the mouth of the Yungsum, a small stream.

13th. From the Yungsum we crossed a low ridge to the Yungmoi

and followed it out to the Namyung river, which we reached at 4 P. m.,

finding it about 80 yards wide and flowing over shingle. Men at once

started on to the Numyting village for food. J. brought back rice, fish,

&e.

“14th. Reached Nimytng village in half an hour after breakfast,

finding a nice open place and rice lands, and were very hospitably re-

ceived.” :

The party were here met by messengers from the chief of the Dinoi

villages prohibiting an advance. While waiting result of a friendly message

in return, many traders passed, with daus, amber, &c., for Assam ; others

again came in from Assam, and from the Naga hills west; a great deal of

information was gained from five men who had come from near the Irawadi,

due east, they said a great many Chinese passed through their villages to and

fro, trading with Hukong, so much so that both they, their wives and even

children, could understand Chinese.

The extracts relating to the return journey also completely corroborate

what was already known as to the difficulties of the Tirap or Griffiths’

route, by which the party returned.

“96th December. Started at 10 a. m. back, after some trouble with

the carriers who refused to take the loads by that route, through the Naga

hills. He reached the mouth of the Chilly (Tsili) about 4p. m. after a

march of 15 miles.

“97th. This day we arrived at the first Mosang Naga villages ; distance

10 or 12 miles.

“28th. Passed through several Mosang Naga villages and camped in

one with 60 houses at 1,500 feet elevation.

“29th. After starting, we ascended a very high hill or range (Gedak

Bum, say over 5,000 feet) and then down some 500 feet to a Naga village

on a spur, surrounded by other villages not far off. They have a fine

breed of cattle, and a peculiar hairy little dog like a terrier.

“30th. ‘To-day crossed another high ridge, and camped some 300 feet

80 S. E. Peal—Wote on the old Burmese route. [No. 2,

down it on the other side, at the first water, it was Patkai. Found it

very hard work, as the southern faces of the ranges are either open cultiva-

tion, or deserted jhiims, destitute of shade, the path in many places almost

perpendicular.

“31st. Again overa ridge of Patkai; water boiled at 203°, and we

started down to the valley of the Namtsik, where we camped.

“ January 1st, 1870. Crossed another high range, over 8,000 feet,

crossed a stream, ascending again to Yugli at 3,000 feet or more, from whence

we had a fine view of the Tirap valley, and Rangatu rising beyond it to over

8,500 feet, the peak about 4,500.

“2nd. Wecame down from Yugli tothe Tirap river, rising again to

3,500 feet over Rangatu, thence along a ridge passed Rangnam, and down

to the river Tikeng, thence up to Kongtam 2,000 feet and vzé Wado to

Tirap Muk on the Dihing river.”

Elevation of some of the “ Passes” north of India, Nipal and Assam, also

of some in Tibet.*

feet above the sea.

Chang chenmo, (Lon. 79°, Lat. 34° 80’) si Jey e000

Cho morang la, (Tibet) ... ae a sas SEZGU

Cho la, (Sikim Chumbi) ... ah cnn ... 15,000 -

Donkia, (Sikim Tibet) ... oe oye .. 18,466

Ga la, (Nipal) _,, or he ... 16,700

Gua tina la, (Sikim Chumbi) as 5a ... 14,000

Jelep la, (Sikim Chumbi) mass a ... 18,000

Kongra lama, (Sikim Tibet) a fe vee 40,740

Kambala, iy 7 ast oon aw

Khalamba la, (Tibet) —... Be aa <i) el, 200

Laguling 14, Pr be a a ... 16,000

Mariamla, bs Be be Ati .». 15,500

Nilam, (Nipal Tibet) we ce ys ... 16,623

Nola, Jee cg " oe cs. 6/720

Photuld, (To Tibet) re ike be ... 15,080

Tiptala, (Sikim)

Taklakhar, (Nipal Tibet) ..

Taukra la, (Sikim) ,, ... * ss 6 16,083

Walung chung, (East Nipal and Tibet) sie ... 10,385

Yakla, (Sikim Chumbi) ... a as ... 14,000

Tulalah, (Bhutan) sae Pe aa ... 10,000

* These are not selected passes, on account of their altitudes, but are those best

known at the moment of writing.

The average height is 15,458 feet,

1879.]

over Patkai vid Nongyang.

Dr. GRIFFITHS’ ROUTE.

Extracts from Dr. Griffiths’ notes regarding the route over Patkai,

starting from the Dihing River.

Date.

Feby.

4th,

5th,

17th

19th,

21st,

22nd,

28rd,

24th,

25th,

3rd,

13th,

14th,

15th,

16th,

1sth,

22nd

23rd

24th

, {LO

Direct.

S.W.

8.8.H.

8.S.E.

8.S.H.

E.S.E.

S.8.H.

S.W.

Eleva-

tion.

5,516

3270

1,340

1,064

crossed Tirap several times and along

difficult places.

winding difficult path : camped on Tirap.

route difficult.

out of Tirap, crossed high ridge 2,500

feet down to Namtsik. r

marched up the bed of Namtsik.

ascended ridge to 3,500 feet.

started up Patkai 1,500 feet above

camp, downto boundary (7%. e.

Nongyang).

fatiguing mareh, (perhaps down Nong-

yang).

met Dr. Bayfield.

down Nam ma roan, (7.e. Namyung)

passed village.

Do. Do.

ascended some hours to 5,576 feet, to

Natkaw and Kusi.

camped at 5,516 feet elevation.

descended considerably, camped on

Gedak bum (path over 5,000 feet).

descended Gedak to Namtsik.

Route circuitous, heavy jungles to

Namtsik and Turong Rivers.

Shelling Khat and Kulyung.

to Lamun and Tsilone River B. Dinoi

River 300 yards across.

to Mainkwon.

The above has been collated, and names where wrong spelt, altered.

PEMBERTON’S REPORT OF Route FROM Bisa.

Probably from Lieut. Burnett’s report, March 1828.

Stages

1st,

2nd,

8rd,

4th,

5th to 11th

12th to 20th

Miles

oe |

Bisa, 10 miles to the gorge and thence to Namrup River.

Namrup, over 2 hills, camped at Nunnun.

Nunnun, to Namrup again, and onto the Khassia, or

Khasi.

Khasi to summit Patkai, 4 miles, down to Loglai.

Loglai to old Bisa, 6 days.

Bisa to Magaung 8 marches.

82 S. E. Peal—Note on the old Burmese route. [No. 2,

Mogong or M’gaung is the Mong maorong of the Shans, and on the

Mogong river, that falls into the Irawadi,

The first eleven stages are nearly identical with Dr. Griffiths’ route.

Route from Tirap to Hukong (Mainkwan) by Mr. H. L. Jenkins.

STAGES Assam TO HvuKona. and Huxone ro Bano.

1. |Terap muk to Kongtam. A. Hukong to Jambu bill.

2. |Kongtam ,, Youngbhi. B. To Lebong village on the Nun-

kung.

3. |Yungbhi ,, Yugli. C. Down it to Namsang mik.

4. |Yugli over Patkai. D. Do.

5. |Patkoi to Mosang Naga village. |H. Land march to Santok hill.

6. |Naga village to Johanghai. F. To Nunhang River.

7. |Johanghai to Wada pani. G. Down Do.

8. |Wada pani to Gedak Bum. H. Do. to Benauko Singphuvil-

lage.

9. |Gedak Bim to Disang River. I. Melankha, on Urip.

10. |Thence to Sumbogan, Singphu |J. To small stream ; long march.

village.

11. Thence to. Hukong short march. |K. To Bamo, a long march.

Eleven stages to Hukong. Eleven stages to Bamo.

Exrract rrom Assam Boumsr RELATING TO ParKAt.

(History of the Kings of Assam, p. 13.)

MCAS HAT BAT Sista fay az coarse aS cH aPaises grat

moa faarfaie RT! HITE ACM BAA AH BWiwica HCA! MCA AIBaIFS

SAAAAH ASI AACS BIS cHIAATS, ar Seatcal sit aig fea

AF VWSUWs r9oro Ass HiRes wiasce faa ofa ycal aA catatea

yl ae face sin! AR asizA at 43, AR faa, asty SICH I

sie gfeita cata, ae ARste sift far ofacai; acece qacal ofS

«as four aifea, oie at fart off catcag ae caical oiata ater

afaa cane | a? aca fiatikit oft fast at Gocat area dtca 2

aa l ABE AMGS DSW AGH CHS-HAT CHACA Bl Glas VRoiday

gqfafocr 1 sta at 4%, UF AAG GB v V1, ARCA catia 1 Atcw 4B

fasl Gata AT) ABBE costa qfaca ; Ata cman H1B|tE atAcE

sfaal 2 aApee orata at 43, Ad aif, asgea, ORAM,

BlAAATA, CHE DIBTS |

§. 5, PEAL.—Journ, As, Soc, of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Port 11, 1879:

ar oO" =

i] IILASSA. UT

PLATE IV.

100° 1047

POTOLAN, | /

Thong Toni |

Suyung ling

26)

eee

a Coin frange 7, = ivan x

piping ting L |

Kuen tang

«Figh or Tho cul dt

Exrmok on Se meets

Hutubctecn i}

Fiery Th

MascatL

¥ mM AP

OP THE

| PROPOSED ROUTE from ASSAM

| 70 THE

| YANGTSE via MATNLA,

| !

Pty 1 —\26)

i Scale of Miles

; 3p 4p ep ap ye voy 1g

| Shes

REFERENCES. 3 ti, Se ve

} Buty Be \\ } ‘ ss Muspaly ar 9,

—— Froposed Route from Assam | . y Muany"Fhe

! to the Yangtse Kyung. ¥ b < y

| B Penis b

Sosns Routes to China previously | pe ie Mesvang «ce phee roctr

| Proposed but too difficult. | j zy RG boas x Es d ares pow ataea D

i Speke VN RR Ena

4 Gulf yr Hang koxlare

Ae fenang Bary by

| Ae y) [ot \ 3 | Sreweaniy phhoom.

QW as ) 2 —

Mourhs of i fasany ainut

| i A MM |

Eri 267 100" 108

iceifewphed or the Serre Genel OMew (GUPTA

S, E. PEAL—Journal As. Sac. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part 1, 1879.

ELATE V.

{f- we

; 2

=i Sor

Snow

| SKETCH MAP

| PATKAT ana ROUTES

REFERENCES.

Pemberton's Route y

Griffith's or Tirap Ys 16 Miles =1 Inch

i es i sate

| Hy, Jenkins’ . he =

w= Teg .

The Singphis extend East of 96° N. & 8 at oi MAINLA

lee Z St ee —_ lee

i — —)

a a

PLATE VI.

S.E.PEAL. Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part II, 1879.

HE: GULL LYLILLLLLIYLLELLDULLELET ETH

ULL SSET

‘eqNoI ONVADNON 243 UO yyed Jenjoe ou jo suoteAst poyeumsq

Karon Puoyny

LILLE LL LL LLL LL LL LPT

“ vor YY ema Milf

“ 900%

“ 0008 :

jd 000%— 4

a g

a fo} a

ox) 1

3 x

Ae A

fe)

qyed yenjoe ay} Jo suoTeAcTm poyeurysm

‘oqynol AVUIL SWWMD uo

2,000

Kongtam

500

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(=) jee es] [=] (oo) tole] ow (=)

A a ee ee ee | 88

(oP) sod Nel 19 Ha Nafta! Ho

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| it aC FH

ee » a a Ay za | MB 8

1,0!

Lon Kraw R.

Nam Tawa

Namtsik

~ Sa = aera

Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, August 1879.

§. E, PEAL.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part II, 1879. PLATE VII.

| Tyllh |

Cn Nee =

Grain Store

Numyung

< ek lange flat wooder discs prevent Rats enteriuy

* SS

S. B. Peal, del, Ziucogrephed at the Surveyor General's Oftice Calcutta,

1879.] L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. 83

VIII.— On a new Standard of Light. By Lovis SCHWENDLER.

(With Plate VIII.)

No exact measurement of any quantity, even with the most accurate

and sensitive Test-methods available, can reasonably be expected unless the

standard by which the unknown quantity is to be gauged is perfectly con-

stant in itself; or, if nature does not permit of such a desirable state of

things, the causes to which the variation of the standard are due, should be

known, and in addition also their quantitative effect on the standard, in

order to be able to introduce a correction whenever accuracy of measure-

ment should permit and circumstances necessitate it.

This requirement for a standard necessarily entails on the one hand a

knowledge of the relations which exist between the standard and the causes

of its variation, and on the other hand the possibility of an accurate and

independent measurement of these causes.

Further, having no constant standard, it is impossible to produce two

quantities of the same kind bearing a fixed and known ratio to each other.

Consequently, no idea can be formed of the accuracy of the test-method

adopted, and if such is impossible we are also unable to improve the test-

method in itself, ¢. ¢., with respect both to accuracy and sensitiveness.

The inconstancy of a standard acts, therefore, perniciously in two direc-

tions: it prevents us from being able to execute accurate measurements

even with the most accurate and sensitive test-methods, supposing such are

available ; and further leaves us in that deplorable condition of not being

able to improve the test-method, although we may be convinced that the

method of testing requires such improvement.

It may be safely asserted that in any of the branches of the physical

sciences, where constant standards do not exist, the progress in accurate

knowledge of nature must be slow, if not impossible.

This train of thought will, I think, invariably beset the physicist who

endeavours to make Photometric measurements.

Recent experiments on the value of the electric light as compared with

the ordinary means of illumination,* called my attention forcibly to this

point.

* These experiments I had to institute on behalf of the Board of Directors of the

East Indian Railway Company, under orders of the Secretary of State for India, to

enquire into the feasibility and practicability of lighting up Indian Railway Stations

by the Electric Light.

84 L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

Old Standards for Light Measurements.—Up to the present in England

the Standard Candie* has been adopted as the standard of light, the

unit of light being defined as that light which the said candle emits

when burning steadily at a certain definite rate. In France the Oarcel

Burner (Bee Carcel) has been introduced as the standard of light.

The unit of light in this case being defined as that light which emanates

from a good moderator lamp burning pure colza oil, at a given definite

rate. The ratio of these two arbitrary units, is given by several authorities

very differently, the mean value being about :—

10 Standard Candles = 1 Carcel Burner.

These two standards of light, although answering perhaps certain

practical requirements, are by their nature ill-adapted to form the units of

light intensities. A good and trustworthy standard should possess absolute

constancy, or if not, should afford the possibility of application of a correc-

tion for the variation and, moreover, should be capable of accurate repro-

duction. These qualifications are certainly not possessed by the standards

at present in use.

A candle of whatever compound and size will partake of something of

the nature of a complex body, an accurate reproduction of which must

always be a matter of great difficulty. Exactly the same holds good for the

Carcel Burner.

Further the amount of light these standards produce, depends to a

very considerable extent on external influences, which do not allow of easy

control or measurement, and which therefore cause variations in the stan-

dard light for which it becomes impossible to introduce a correction. For

instance, the rate and regularity with which a candle burns and the amount

of light it gives, depend, in addition to the material of which the candle

consists, on the ready and regular access of oxygen. In a closed up place,

like the box of a photometer, if the draught is not well regulated or the

supply of fresh air not quite constant, it can be easily observed that the

very same candle may emit light at different times varying as much as

50 percent. Another difficulty is introduced by the variation of the length

of the wick, and of the candle itself, by which the standard light necessarily

alters its position in the photometer and consequently its quantitative

* The Metropolitan Gas Act 1860 (23 and 24 Vict. Cap. 125, Sec. XXV) defines

the standard candle as :—

“Sperm candles of 6 to the pound each burning 120 grains an hour.” I have tried

the standard candles as made by two different manufacturers, Messrs. Field and Co. and

Mr. Sugg. These candles are sold as six to the pound, and consume according to my

own experiments about 8.26 Gm per hour when placed ina large room and direct

draughts excluded,

L, SCHWENDGLER.—Tournal As, Soc, of Bengal, Part 11, 1879. PLATE Vill.

i FIG. I

Ey >

q2mm. |!

EIG. IV

PLS.

[e) (s]

| es ane ai

NEW PLATINUM STANDARD or LIGHT.

1879.] L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. 85

effect on a given point. These difficulties might be overcome to a certain

extent by mechanical means ; as, for instance, by cutting the wick automa-

tically within equal and short intervals of time, and by placing the candle

in a closely fitting metal-tube, against the top rim of which a spring presses

the burning candle, in fact a similar construction to that used for carriage

candles. But to say the least, all such arrangements are cumbersome. With-

out going into further details with reference to the Carcel Burner, it may be

said that the disadvantages of this standard are at least equally great. In

fact it appeared to me that the production of a standard light by combus-

tion is not the right method ; the flame resembles too much organic life

with its complex and incessantly varying nature. Gauging mechanical

force by the power a particular horse of a certain breed is able to exert,

can scarcely be called a less scientific standard, than the combustion stan-

dard for measuring light. Under these circumstances, I thought it best

to leave the old track, and produce the standard of light, by the heating

effect a constant current has, in passing through a conductor of given mass

and dimensions.*

New Standard of Light.—Several Platinum Photometric Standards

were made and tried. If the current passing through the platinum was

kept constant, the light produced was also constant, and for the same cur-

rent and the same platinum standard, the light was always of the same

intensity, under whatever other circumstances the experiments were con-

ducted,

Platinum evidently is the best metal which can be chosen, for it does

not change in contact with oxygen ; it can be procured very pure and its

melting point is high enough to allow an intense light.

It is probable that at a high temperature platinum becomes volatilized,

but this process can only be exceedingly slow, and therefore the light pro-

duced by a standard, cannot alter perceptibly in time. To make the light

constant from the moment the current passes, 7. e., to establish dynamic

* The idea of using the light produced by a conductor through which a strong

current passes, as the unit of light, appearedto me so natural and simple, that I

_ could scarcely understand why it had not been proposed and acted upon before.

. I could however find nothing on the subject anywhere, until lately my attention

; was called toa small pamphlet written by Zollner in 1859 in which the same idea

occurs :

In the preface to his Inaugural Dissertation, Zéllner says :—

; “ andererseits aber auch zu zeigen, dass ein galvanisch glihender Platindraht von

“den bis jetzt bekannten Lichtquellen zur Aufstellung ciner photometrischen Hin-

“heit, trotz mancher practischer Schwierigkeiten, vielleicht dennoch das gecignetste

«4 Mittel sei.”

I have since learnt that pr.“Draper, as early as 1844, proposed a “unit lamp”

consisting of a platinum strip heated by an electric current.

86 L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

equilibrium between the heat produced and the heat lost per unit of time,

it is necessary to make the arrangement in such a manner, that the electric

resistance offered by the standard is only in the piece of platinum, intended

to be made hot by the current, and not in the other parts of the circuit.

For this reason I find it best to cut the piece of platinum out of a

platinum sheet.

Figure 1, Plate VIII gives the form in actual size. The two ears, left

white in the drawing, may then conveniently form the electrodes between the

leading wires and the piece of U-shaped platinum which has to produce the

light. As the U-shaped portion is left in its natural connection with the

ears, the contact takes place over a large surface, and therefore the contact

resistance must be small. This special form, if the dimensions are defined as

well as the weight of the platinum sheet, out of which it is cut, can be easily

reproduced anywhere. Further it is required to exclude the draught from

the heated platinum. This is best done by putting on a cover of thin white

glass. One half of it is left white, the other half is blackened on the inside.

This precaution is required in order to insure that light omanniang. from

one side only of the platinum is used in the photometer.

Otherwise light from the back part of the heated platinum, would be

reflected into the photometer. This part is unknown and could there-

fore not be taken into account when measuring the light emanating from

one side of another light. In fact to be able to form right conclusions

from Photometric measurements, it is necessary to arrange the experiment

in such a manner that either the two lights under comparison throw

the same fraction of the total light into the Photometer, or if this is

impossible, to ascertain this proportion accurately. ;

The Platinum Standard light (PSL), described before, we will call in

future A. Sending acurrent of 6.15 webers through it (15° deflection on

my large Tangent Galvanometer, for which the constant = 2.296 C. G. S.),

the PSL (A) produces a light equal to 0.69 Sugg’s candle, or,

1 Sugg’s candle = 1.44 PSL (A) with

6.15 webers.

Hence, if this particular light were adopted as the unit, we might

define it as follows :—

6.15 webers passing through a piece of Platinum 2 mm. broad,

36.28 mm. long and 0,017 mm. thick, weighing 0.0264 Gm., having a cal-

culated resistance = 0.109 S. U., and a measured resistance = 0.143 8. U.

at 66° F. gives the unit for Hehe intensity.*

* Tn order to show that a platinum light standard can easily be reproduced, I will

give here some actual measurements :—

The Platinum sheet out of which the P, 8. L. (A) was cut weighed 0.0364 Gm,

per square centimetre, From this the weight of the part which becomes hot calculated,

1879.] L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. 87

Photometric Measurements. Having now a constant light it became

possible to measure the variations of light which the combustion standards

invariably show.

For instance one of Sugg’s Candles was compared with the P. S. L.

(A) with the result shown in the following table :—

Distance in Millimetres.

REMARKS.

Teese En (Al ,

with 6.15 Bes. facials CL

200 mm. 117mm, The P. 8, L. (A) was kept at the same

120 position = 100 mm.

g 112

ral Ss 110 Sugg’s candle was moved in order to get

& 2 120 the light equal.

H 120

ed 120 The variations observed were actually in

mo 120 the candle and not in the Platinum standard,

es) 126 as the eye could easily discern,

ee 128

2 LEZ

es, 120

3 Be. 123

= 127

This gives as an average :—

1 Sugg’s Candle = 1.44 P. 8. L. (A) with 6.15 webers.

a = — or total variation of the candle about 30 per cent. from

the average in the very short interval of time of about five minutes. This

needs no further comment. Some additional experiments were made in

order to ascertain the variation of the light of a standard candle.

gives 0.0264 Gm. The resistance of the standard, measured at 66° F., gave 0.143'S. U.,

including contact resistances.

Now another piece of Platinum sheet 26 x 28 mm. was found to weigh 0.265 Gm,

The piece cut off which actually becomes hot = 0.026 Gm., which agrees within

0.0004 Gm., with the weight found by calculation for the P. S. L. (A) actually used:

Taking the specific resistance of Mercury = 96190

5 t 0° C

of Platinum } — 9158 a

annealed

the calculated resistance of the Platfaum which becomes hot = 0.109 } Son Wea

Measured resistance, including contact resistance = 0.143 66° F.

or contact resistance probably = 0.034 S. U.

It is therefore much more accurate to define the P. S. L. by weight, than by re=

sistance,

88 L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

The P. S. L. (B)* with a current = 5.9 webers was used as unit.

1st Candle, 7 readings in 10 minutes

mean = 1.08 P. S. L. (B)

max: _ 1.19

min: 1.00

The maximum was obtained directly after having opened the Photo-

meter when fresh air entered.

2nd Candle, 10 readings in 14 minutes

mean = 1.07 P. S. L. (B)

max : 1.32

min: 0.69

The minimum was obtained directly after freshly lighting the candle.

8rd Candle, 12 readings in 24 minutes

mean = 1.07 P. S. L. (B)

max: 1.80

ine Oe total variation = 46 per cent.

or total variation = 17.6 per cent.

or total variation = 59 per cent.

The lowest reading was obtained shortly after lighting the candle.

4th Candle, 14 readings in 22 minutes

mean = 0.94 P. S. L. (B)

max: 1.26 by A

=e (ie total variation = 72 per cent.

The lowest reading cannot be accounted for.

Two new Platinum Light Standards of the same form and size as the

P. L. S. (A) described before, were placed in circuit of 8 Grove’s cells

connected up successively and with a Mercury Rheostat in circuit, to keep

the needle of the Tangent Galvanometer at a constant deflection.

These two new P. L. S., called II and III, were placed in the Photo-

meter to compare their lights and by it test the accuracy of the Photo-

meter readings, and other influences to be named further on. (see fig. 2,

Plate VIII.)

d + d’=D = 250 mm (constant).

Light ¢ produced by P. L. 8. (III), Light z* produced by P. L. 8. (II).

The balance between the two lights being obtained by moving the prisms

within that fixed distance. A piece of red glass was used for taking the

readings.

* This Platinum standard (B) was the first made, and has a different form from

the other (A) described: Dimensions and weight cannot be accurately given now.

1879.]

L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light.

In the following table the results are given :—

2 i ee ————————————E

No. of Experiment.

101.2

i?)

icf)

It qo| @

o 8 Cra

i eae

dumm oe

150 18.8

150 | 188

150 18.8

150 18.

151

150

150.14| 18.8 | 0.44

147 18.8

148 18.8

148

147

148

147°6 | 18.8 | 0.48

152 18.8

153 18.8

152 18.8

152

151

152

152 18.8 | 0.42

152 18.8

151 18.8

150 18.8

150

152

151.17] 18.8 | 0.43

-”

149 18.8

148 18.8

149

148.8 | 18.8 | 0.46

Remarks and particulars.

Both lights having glass covers, but

glasses were quite clear.

A clear glass cover on No, III; no

glass cover on No, II.

A clear glass cover on No. II; no

glass cover on No. III.

A glass cover on No. III, the back of

it covered inside with black paper; a

clear glass cover on No, II.

Both lights covered up with glass

covers, each glass cover having insidea

black paper.

90 L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

Be Jel beh oF

A iS}

Oo S fy

g He

EB 1, III q Z Os

& | producing | producing x S Ay Remarks and particulars.

a é 5

= d' mm dmm OS =

S from Prism. from Prism. 5

a QA

6 103 147 21.0 Current increased by decreasing the:

101 149 21.0 resistance of the Mercury Rheostat,, but

101 149 21:0 kept constant at 21°.

101 149 21.0 Clear glass again on both like experi--

101 149 21.0 ment No. 1.

101 149

6 101.3 148.7 | 21.0} 0.46

vf 104 146 21 Clear glass cover on No. III,

103 147 21 No glass cover on No. II.

102 148 21 .

102 148 21

7 102.6 147.4 21 0.48

8 101 149 21 Clear glass cover on No. II,

100 150 21 No glass cover on No. III,

100 150 21

99 151 21

100 150

8 100 150 21 0.44

9 101 149 21 Both the clear glass covers on,

101 149 21 ,

101 149 21

9 101 149 21 0.46

The Deflection 18.8° represents a current = 7.82 webers.

The Deflection 21.0 represents a current = 8.81 webers.

From these results the following conclusions can be drawn :—

The thin glass covers, as was to be expected, absorb a measurable

quantity of light. Compare the results of experiments Nos. 1, 2 and 3,

and of 6, 7, 8 and 9.

Covering the glass covers inside with black paper to avoid back-

1879. ] L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. , ot

reflection, appears to weaken the light, as was to be expected. Compare

the results of experiments Nos. 1, 4 and 5.

The ratio = of the two lights is independent of the strength of the

current, which it ought to be.

These results, although showing nothing extraordinary, 7. e., what

could not have been foretold without making the experiments, are never-

theless valuable, since they prove that in the first instance thin glass covers

take away very little light, and that back-reflection is also very little ; but

small as these influences are, they have been unerringly measured by the

Photometer, showing this instrument to be very accurate and the eye

quite trustworthy. That the light ¢ produced by P. L. S. III was so much

more intense than 7* produced by P. L. S. II., is due to the fact that the

Platinum sheet out of which No. II. was cut was much thicker than the

other.

Detailed description of the Standard and the method of using it.

Fig. 3, Plate VIII. gives the construction of the Platinum standard

in half its natural size. Ineed not give further explanation on this point as

everything will be readily understood from the drawing.

Fig. 4 shows the diagram of the connections.

P. L. S. is the standard—

G a current indicator, or better, current measurer. The deflecting ring

must consist of a few convolutions of thick copper wire—of no perceptible

resistance. The small magnet needle is best to be pivoted, carrying a long

aluminium index.

E is the battery, consisting of a few elements of high EH. M. F. and

low internal resistance connected up successively. Grove’s, Bunsen’s or

large Daniell’s cells will answer well for the purpose.

(1) is a stopper by which the circuit can be conveniently opened or

closed.

M is a mercury rheostat of about one unit resistance. A groove of

about 1 mm. section and 1 metre total length is cut into hard wood (not

ebonite, asmercury does not run well in ebonite). The hard wooden board

is supported by three levelling screws.

Further the mercury is iff perfect metallic contact with two iron

terminals f f. These terminals are not to be fixed to the board, They

are simply placed into the mercury, which fills small reservoirs at each end

of the mercury thread.

The resistance of the mercury rheostat can be easily altered by

moving the bridge b along the two parallel mercury grooves. If the bridge

is taken out, the total resistance of the rheostat is in circuit.

92 - L. Sechwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

If the bridge 6 is close to the two terminals f f, the resistance of the

rheostat is nil.

This range of resistance with about 6 to 10 volts will prove sufficient

to make the current strong enough and to keep it constant for many hours,

especially if the precaution is taken to open the circuit when no light is

required. The bridge 6 consists of a strip of copper at least 2 em. broad

and 1 mm. thick, The knife edges which dip into the mercury are

amalgamated.

The current measurer G has been gauged by comparison with a standard

tangent galvanometer ; so that the currents indicated by certain deflections

of the needle are correstly known in absolute measure.

Whenever a Photometric measurement is made the current is adjusted

to its defined strength, 7. e., the given known deflection is procured by

moving the copper bridge b.

If the instrument G is well constructed, this adjustment of current

strength can be executed as accurately as weight measurement by a chemi-

cal balance.

Correction for the Standard.

Although with the above arrangement it will be always possible to

keep the current constant and up to its defined amount, it might neverthe-

less happen under particular circumstances that the current producing the

light has been rendered different from the current for which the standard

has been defined.

In this case the following correction can be applied :—

‘= ————_;

(1 + a) =) —a

where ¢ is the current for which the intensity of the light has been

defined as unity.

y the actually observed current, and a the co-efficient for platinum

which gives the percentage variation of resistance for high temp, 1500°-

2000° F. for 1° Celsius.

This correction has been developed under the supposition that the

light produced in the given piece of platinum is proportional to the work

done by the current through the resistance of the platinum, and that,

further, temperature and light are proportional. These suppositions are

almost correct for small variations of the current.

1879.] L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. 93

In conclusion it may be stated that it was ascertained that the Plati-

num Light Standard (B) produced the unit intensity of light, (the unit of

light equal to the light emitted by the Standard Candle) at a total expen-

were actually transformed into light by heating the platinum up to a high

temperature ; while the remaining 127 Q ergs were lost for illuminating

purposes, being used for raising the temperature of the circuit exclusive

of the Platinum Standard.

The Platinum Light Standard (A) being made of much thicker plati-

num sheet, showed a much less favourable result. The unit of light by

remaining 501 Q ergs were wasted in heating the circuit to low tempera-

ture (no light). Considering that the unit of light can be produced in

an electric are at a total expenditure of energy of 10 Q ergs per second

only (see my Précis of Report on Electric Light Experiments, London,

1st Nov. 1878, p. 11), when produced by Siemens’s intermediate Dynamo-

Electric Machine, it follows that from an engineering point of view,

light by incandescence can scarcely be expected to compete with light

by disintegration (electric arc).

In fact, it appears that light by incandescence is scarcely any cheaper

than light by combustion. The reason for this is that the temperature of

an incandescent platinum wire is not very much higher than the tempera-

ture of a flame, and that for unit volume the mass which has to be kept

up heated in a piece of platinum is much larger than the mass in a flame.

Unless we should be fortunate enough to discover a conductor of electricity

with a much higher melting point than platinum, and that the specific

weight and specific heat ef that conductor is also much lower than

for platinum—and that at the same time the new conductor does not

combine at high temperatures with oxygen, we can scarcely expect that

the principle of incandescence will be made use of for practical illumination.

Further it was ascertained that the resistances of the platinum light

standards (not including constant resigtance) were as follows :—

P. LS. (B) = 0°186 Ohm at 22:2? C.

= 0876 ,, at the temperature of the standard,

0'876

0136 — 6:44.

Pais 8. (A) = 0°102 Ohm at 18-9° C.

= 0964, ,, at the temperature of the standard,

964

G10, 2

where the light was measured, or increase

are

_ where the light was produced, or increase

94) L. Schwendler—On a new Standard of Light. [No. 2,

I regret that I have not been able to calculate from the above results

the temperature of the heated platinum, since I could not procure in time

a copy of Dr. William Siemen’s Bakerian Lecture (1871), which at present,

to my knowledge, is the only source where the increase of resistance of

platinum at high temperatures ean be found.

To sum up :—

The advantages of the new standard of light are :—The light is

perfectly constant if the current be kept constant ; it allows a eorrection

to be made for the variation of the current if this variation is known ;

it can be reproduced accurately everywhere if ordinary precautions be

taken to secure pure platinum ;* its magnitude can be altered to any

extent to suit certain practical purposes by simply varying the elements.

of weight, shape, and size of the platinum, or the strength of the current

passing through it; it does not alter of itself either in intensity, size,

or position, and therefore by it most accurate photometric measurements

can be executed ; the standard can be easily made to fit into any adopted

system of absolute units, Hence the new standard fulfils all the recog-

nised conditions of a perfect and rational standard, and therefore it would

be advisable to adopt it in future, as the practical standard for light-

measurement. There would be no practical difficulties met with in the

introduction of the new standard for technical purposes.

* The conductivity of any metal is much lowered by slight impurities, and plati-

num does not form an exception. Hence great care must be exercised in the selection

of platinum for the light standard. Dr William Siemens in his Bakerian lecture

says: “The abnormal resistance of some platinum is due chiefly to the admixture of

iridium or other metals of the same group, and it appears that platinum prepared

by the old welding process is purer and therefore better suited for electrical purposes.

than the metal consolidated by fusion in a Deville furnace,’*

— eS

1879.] W. T. Blanford—A second Note on Gilgit Mammalia. 95

IX.—A second note on Mammalia collected by Major Biddulph in

Gilgit.—By W. T. Buanrorp, F. BR. 8., &e.

(Received and read May 7th, 1879.)

In the Journal of the Society for 1877, (Vol. XLVI, Pt. 2, p. 828,)

I gave a brief note of some mammalian skins sent by Major Biddulph from

Gilgit, comprising a fox, an otter, a mouse, a hare and a Lagomys.

Another small collection has since been forwarded to the Indian Museum

by the same officer. This is even more interesting than the last, for two of

the species belong to a genus, Cricetus, not previously found in the valley of

the Indus, although widely distributed in Central.Asia. At the same time

a rat is sent that is undistinguishable from a common Indian species. The

other skins belong to a mouse and to two species of fox. On each of these

I will add a few notes.

1 and 2. Vulpes,2 sp. Two fox skins sent by Captain Biddulph are

very difficult to determine. The larger is an animal apparently about the

size of Vulpes montana, but darker in colour and much less rufous. The

dark colour, so far as is it due to the black tips of the longer hairs, may

perhaps vary with age, but it is in great measure-caused by the under-fur,

which differs from that of V. montana in being more dusky, and especially in

being brown at the extremity instead of bright rufous. The earsare sooty

outside instead of black, and the throat is not so dark a grey as in Simla

specimens of V. montana, but these differences are not of much impor-

tance.

There is a well marked distinctive character in the skull of the two

types. The brain-pan in the Gilgit fox is broader and higher, and the

occipital portion in consequence differently shaped. The lower jaws too

are somewhat different.

The following is a description of the skin, which was evidently pro-

cured in winter.

General colour dusky fulvous, the colour being much darker in conse-

quence of the under-fur shewing through ; there is a slight rufous tinge on

the back caused by the extremities of the long hairs being tinged with red ;

lower parts dusky grey, outside of limbs and of ears sooty black, margins

of ear covered with dense short hairs of a creamy white or pale buif colour ;

face pale rufous, darker in front of the eye, with a brown patch before each

eye. Whiskers black. Tail tip wanting, the basal portion pale fulvous, with

black tips to the long hairs. Hairs of back of neck and of flanks also black

tipped. The under-fur on the back very long and woolly, of a brownish

grey colour, paler at the base. Ends of the longer hairs very pale fulvous.

96 W. T. Blanford—A second Note on Gilgit Mammalia. — [No. 2,

Feet thickly covered with brown hair beneath, so that the toe pads are

almost concealed. Hind foot and tarsus nearly 6 inches long.

The following are comparative measurements in inches of the skull

with that of a 9 V. montana from Simla.

Gilgit fox. V. montana.

Length from base of foramen magnum to end

Or premaxianies, <.sse,s.ssecece sae Soaisaoapad 4°85 492

Breadth across zygomatic arches,.............+.06 . (2:92 2°83

Ditto of brain-pan where widest, .............4. 1:97 1:76

Height of ditto from lowest part of auditory

Lab it ieee Seri Meds Seat ae staal asad 205 18

Breadth of cranium behind postorbital processes, 0-9 0:78

Breadth across postorbital processes, ............ 1°25 1:23

Length of suture between nasals, ......... sie ba) 1°75.

Ditto of bony palate from opening of “apie

nares to end of premaxillaries, ............... 2°68 2°75

Length of mandible from angle to symphysis,... 3°94 4:

Height ditto from angle to coronoid process, 1:41 1:45

In form there is much resemblance between the skull of the Gilgit fox

and that of a species of which the Museum possesses numerous specimens

brought from Afghanistan, but said by the man from whom they were

purchased to be from Bokhara.

The other fox is a very pale-coloured animal closely resembling the

type of the Afghan V. griffithi* in colour, except that the back is rather

more rufous and there is a want of the black tips to the hair on the back

of the neck. These differences may be due toage. The skull is smaller

and the muzzle distorted. The face, front of the fore legs, outside of the

hind legs, and back are rusty red, the latter dusky from the admixture of

black tipped hairs. ars sooty black. Under-fur grey with a pinkish tinge.

I believe this animal is a variety of V. griffithi, the small fox of Af-

ghanistan. The larger fox I am unable to determine satisfactorily. It is

allied to V. montana, and V. flavescens, and should be compared with V.

melanotus,} or at least with the animal usually thus designated by Russian

naturalists. t

* Blyth, J. A. S. B., 1854, XXIII, p. 730, and 1845, XIV, p. 344.

+ Canis melanotus, Pall., Zoog. Ros. As., Vol. i, p. 44, identified by Gray with

Canis karagan, Erxleben.

{ £.9., Severtzoff. Turkestanskie Jevotnie, p. 61;—Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., July

1876, Ser. 4, XVIII, p. 48.

§ Pallas, Glires, pp. 74, 261, Pl. XVa.

|| W. Blanf., J. A. 8. B., 1875, XLIV, Pt. 2, p. 108; Scientific Results, 2nd Yar-

kand Mission, Mammalia, p. 45, Pls, 1X, X 4,

1879.) W. TT. Blanford—A second Note on Gilgit Mammalia. 97

Of the former of these species three skins have been sent by Major Bid-

dulph, of the latter two, They thoroughly confirm the distinction between

the two species, the first named being smaller and much greyer, the latter

larger and more rufous. There is a corresponding difference in the size of

the skulls, though very little in form; that of C. fulvus measures 1:17

inches long by 0°64 broad, and that of C. pheus 0:94 by °48. C. fulvus pro-

in the former than in the latter.

5. Mus erythronotus.* There are, amongst the Gilgit skins, two

specimens of a slightly rufescent white-bellied mouse, with rather a long

tail. This mouse, like the Oriceti, is evidently the same as a species of

which specimens were brought by Dr. Stoliezka from Wakhan in the upper

Oxus valley in 1874. I was at first disposed to identify this mouse with the

European I. sylvaticus, but there are, I find, differences inthe skulls; the

occipital portion and the foramen magnum in the European species being

higher in proportion to the breadth, whilst the opening of the posterior

nares is much narrower, the breadth being less than that of the anterior upper

molar, whilst in the Wakhan skull the breadth exceeds that of the molar. In

Mus sylvaticus, the hinder upper molar is only about a fourth of the size

of the second molar, whilst in the Wakhan and Gilgit skulls the third

molar is about half the size of the second. In the form of the occiput

the skulls from Wakhén and Gilgit agree with the figure of the type of

Mf. erythronotus, the specimens of which belonging to the Indian Museum

appear unfortunately to have been mislaid. The comparison is imperfect,

and it is far from improbable, with a good series of specimens, that all these

races would be found to grade into typical IZ. sylvaticus, of which, it should

be said, only a single skull is available for comparison.

The important fact is, however, that of the small number of rodents

hitherto detected in Wakhan and Gilgit respectively, three, a mouse and

two Criceti, are identical, and that comsequently part of the fauna of the

Gilgit portion of the Indus valley differs from that of Ladak so far as

known, and agrees with that of the upper Oxus.

Compared with the figure of IL. erythronotus, the Wakhan and Gilgit

mouse is rather less rufous, and the tail in the latter is distinctly dark brown

above and pale below.

6. Mus rufescens, auct. The last specimen sent is perhaps the most

remarkable of all, for it is a white-bellied, long-tailed rat of moderate size,

quite undistinguishable, so far as I can see, from specimens of the common

* W. Blanf., Hastern Persia, IT, p. 54, Pl. V, fig. 3,

98 J. Armstrong—A Description of some new Species of —[No. 2,

tree-rat of India, called Mus rufescens by Blyth* and Jerdon,+ but greyer

and less rufous than that species generally is. The skull is undistinguish-

able from that of Calcutta specimens. The dried skin measures about 54

inches from nose to insertion of tail, tail (vertebra preserved) 6 inches. The

colour is greyish brown above, darker on the back owing to the prevalence

of longer black-tipped hairs, white below, the edge of the white colour

being distinct and well marked.

This rat is found in most parts of India, and IL. robustulus,t of Burma

appears to be only a variety. It also abounds in the Nicobar islands where

it does much damage in the cocoa-nut trees.§ It is naturally surprising to

find this rat in the upper Indus valley together with Central Asiatic types

like Cricetus and Lagomys. Of course I do not mean to say that this long-

tailed Indian tree-rat is true Dus rufescens of Gray, but the determina-

tion of the names of Indian rats and mice can only be attempted after a

careful comparison of specimens.

—_

X.—A Description of some new Species of Hydroid Zoophytes from the

Indian Coasts and Seas —By Suncuon J. Anmstrone, Marine Survey

Department.

(Received 7th May ;—read 4th June, 1879.)

(With Plates IX, X, XI, XII.)

With the exception of a single species all the following hydroids

are calyptoblastic. The one exception is Hndendrium ramosum, which

is a typical gymnoblastic zoophyte, and is especially remarkable in having

the gonophores borne not upon a true blastostyle but upon atrophied

hydranths from which the tentacles have disappeared.

Laroia ELONGATA, (nov. spec.)

(Plate 1X.)

Zoophyte.—Plant-like, gregarious, dark-brown.

Trophosome.—Stems erect, simple, straight or slightly curved, 1 to

21 inches high, pinnate, with 3 or 4 transverse annular markings imme-

diately above the origin of each pinna, and rooted by a creeping tubular

* J. A.S. B., 1863, XXXII, p. 340.

+ Mammals of India, p. 199.

{ Blyth, J. A. S. B., XXVIII, p. 294; XXXII, p. 342; sco also J. A. S. B., 1878,

XLVII, pt. 2, p. 165.

§ Stray Feathers, IV, p. 433.

1879.] Hydroid Zoophytes from the Indian Coasts and Seas. 99

stolon. The pinne are alternate, and each carries on its upper surface

a monoserial row of hydrothece, they are transversely annulated, both

at their origins from the stem and immediately above the origin of each

calycle. The hydrothece are free, elongated and tubular, annulated at

their origins, and with the margin of the mouth even.

Gonosome.— Unknown.

Habitat.—Rocks between high and low water at Pigeon Island, and

Konkan Coast on the west coast of India, and at Diamond Island off

the Pegu Coast in Burmah.

This very interesting form is certainly a campanularian, while its

long tubular hydrothece would indicate Zfoéa as its proper genus,

a genus, however, not very well defined. I have lately had several oppor-

tunities of examining this zoophyte in a living condition; the polypites

are supported on long attenuated peduncles, and have both dise and

tentacles completely extruded from the hydrothece, into the cavities of

which they are only partially retractile. Although apparently tolerably

extended in its distribution, it is very far from being abundant anywhere.

It seems to thrive best in those localities most exposed to heavy seas

and the influence of the South West Monsoon. ‘This species and another

belonging to the genus Zhimaria are the only. representatives of the

Hydroid family I have met with during two seasons spent upon the coast

of the Ratnagiri and Alibag Collectorates.

HALICORNARIA SETOSA (nov. spec.)

(Plate X.)

Zoophyte.—Stiff, erect, solitary, and of a dark-brown colour.

Trophosome.—Stem bipinnate, more or less irregularly and numer-

ously branched, varying in height from one to five inches, rooted by an

entangled mass of short fibrous filaments, and carrying closely set primary

pinne. The main stem is made up of a fasciculus of three tubes, from

the central one of which an alternate series of hydrotheca-bearing pinne

arises, but the stems of the secondary pinnez, which are formed of a

fasciculus of two tubes, are destitute of hydrothece, but carry along

their entire length an alternate series of ultimate hydrotheca-bearing

pinne. The ultimate pinne are thus borne not only on the primary

pinne but also on the stem; they are closely set, alternate, of nearly

equal length, and divided by joints into a series of internodes, each of

which gives origin to a ealycle with its nematophores. The hydrothecw

are deep, flask-shaped, deeply concave in front below the lip, and corre-

spondingly convex behind ; the aperture is wide, and has the margin pro-

vided with two large lateral teeth, and two smaller ones posteriorly. The

100 J. Armstrong—A Deseription of some new Species of [No. 2,

nematophores are three in number, two lateral, which are short, blunt,

divergent, and projecting slightly beyond the margin of the hydrotheca ;

and one mesial, which is remarkable as being provided with a lateral as

well as terminal orifice, it is adnate to the base and lower third of the

calycle, being free only at its extremity which projects horizontally out-

wards from the hydrotheca.

Gonosome.—Consists of a number of lozenge-shaped bodies filled

with dark granular matter, and pointed at their free extremities; they

arise on each side of the primary pinne in the intervals between the

ultimate pinne. ,

Habitat.—Off Cape Negrais in 80 fathoms. At Cheduba Island

in from 8 to 10 fathoms ; off the Terrible Islands in 25 fathoms, and off

Cape Comorin in 40 fathoms.

This beautiful species is closely allied to Halicornaria bipinnata of

Allman. It has a very wide distribution, being found at intervals all

along the Arrakan and Pegu Coasts, as well as off the South Coast of

India. On several specimens which I examined I found the main stem

provided with two parallel rows of pellucid dots, the nature of which

I have hitherto been unable to determine ; they are, however, most probably

the optical expression of cauline nematophores. It is also remarkable

in having the mesial hydrothecal nematophore provided with a lateral

orifice asin HZ. saccaria (Linn. Soc. Journ., Vol. XII.) This species appears

to afford a favourite anchoring ground for a small bivalve belonging to the

genus “ Vexillum ;” most of the specimens dredged up by me were covered

with this species firmly adherent by their byssiand in different stages of

development,

HALICORNARIA PLUMOSA (nov. spec.)

(Plate XI.)

Zoophyte.—Feathery, gregarious,

Trophosome.—Stems one to two inches in height, fascicled towards

the base, of a dark brown colour, straight or gently curved, minutely

pinnate and rooted by a creeping filiform stolon, The pinne arise alter-

nately by jointed processes from the anterior surface of the stem; they

are divided by more or less complete joints into a series of short internodes,

each of which carries a calycle with its nematophores. The hydrothece

are unilateral and borne on the upper surface of the pinne and sessile ;

they are cup-shaped and have a large and patulous orifice, the margin of

which is deeply denticulated, and is especially characterized by the pos-

session of a single long mesial tooth immediately behind and projecting

above the anterior nematophore. The intrathecal ridge passes backwards

1879.] Hydroid Zoophytes from the Indian Coasts and Seas. 101

from the anterior nematophore across the lower fifth of the calycle and

is prolonged into the wall of the pinna. The nematophores are only

developed in connection with the hydrothecx, they are three in number,

two lateral and one mesial or anterior ; the lateral are short, tubular, free

and projecting ; the mesial is long, adnate throughout its entire length,

except at its immediate extremity, where it is free and slightly projecting.

Gonosome.—The gonothece arise singly from the posterior aspect

of the stem near its base, they are bell-shaped and have a circular even

and somewhat everted margin; the older ones present a more or less

annulated or ribbed appearance.

Habitat.—In 35 to 40 fathoms off Cape Comorin, south coast of

India, and in from 10 to 15 fathoms off Cheduba Island, coast of Arrakan.

DEsMOScCYPHUS HUMILIS (nov. spec.)

(Plate IX.)

Trophosome.—Stems gregarious, not exceeding a quarter of an inch

in height, straight, simple, erect, divided by joints into a series of short

internodes, each of which carries a pair of calycles, and rooted by a

ereeping stolon. The hydrothece are biserial, opposite, urceolate, the

upper half free and tubular, the lower half adnate and sacciform ; the

aperture is directed upwards and outwards, and has the margin marked

by several deep denticulations.

Gonosome.—The gonothece are broadly tubular or slightly pyriform

and with a simple margin ; they are opposite, and arise by short pedicles

on each side in the intervals between the calycles with which they con-

sequently alternate. -

Habitat.—Saint George’s Island on the west coast of India, attached

to sea-weed between high and low water marks. ‘This species is evidently

referrible to the genus Desmoscyphus of Allman. (Linn. Soc. Journal,

Vol. XII.) Although many gonangia possess clearly defined peduncles, yet

at first sight some often appear to be sessile. This difference, however,

is only apparent, for a closer examination shows that they are all pe-

dunculated.

SERTULARELLA RIGOSA (nov. spec )

(Plate X.)

Trophosome.—Stems slender, arising at short intervals from a creep-

ing filiform stolon, unbranched, zig-zag, and divided by constrictions

immediately above each calycle into a series of rather lengthened inter-

nodes each of which supports only one hydrotheca. The hydrothece are

biserial and alternate, they are broadly tubular, but wider at the base

102 J. Armstrong—A Description of some new species of [No. 2,

where alone they are adnate, being narrower at the orifice, which is square,

and has the margin produced into four nearly equidistant teeth, they are

all more or less deeply annulated or spirally ribbed.

Gonosome.—Unknown.

Habitat.—Off Cape Comorin in 40 fathoms, and off the Arrakan

Coast in from 10 to 15 fathoms.

This hydroid bears a very close resemblance to 8. tenella of Alders,

but differs from it in the stem not being twisted at the joints and in the

spiral ribbing of the hydrothece.

THIMARIA COMPRESSA (nov. spec.)

(Plate XII.)

Trophosome.—Stems sparingly clustered, about an inch and a half

in height, unfascicled, erect, more or less decidedly zig-zag, rooted by a

creeping tubular stolon, and giving origin to a limited number of pinne.

The pinne are alternate, few in number, and arise at regular intervals

from the main stem, of which they are for a short part of the commence- ~

ment of their course mere diverticula, being identical with it in structure,

destitute of hydrothece, and with two annular constrictions marking the

origin ofeach. The terminal nine-tenths of its length is made up of an aggre-

gation of closely packed subalternate hydrothee, which are continued

to its termination. Very often, however, the pinna is composed of a linear

series of two or sometimes of three of the simple forms above described.

The lower half of the hydrotheca is broadly tubular and adnate, the

upper half is narrower, free, and projecting horizontally outwards, the

aperture is oblique with the lower margin prolonged into a sharp tooth.

Gonosome.— Unknown,

Habitat.—Extremely abundant on the rocks between high and low

water at Diamond Island, as well as amongst the laterite rocks on the

Konkan Coast. I have also dredged it in 40 fathoms of water off Cape

Comorin.

ANTENNELLA ALLMANNI (nov. spec.)

(Plate XIT.)

Trophosome.—Stems sparingly clustered, very slender, gently curved

from base to apex, rooted by a slender filiform stolon, and attaining a

height of about half an inch; they are divided by long, oblique partitions

into a series of internodes, each of which carries an hydrotheca and four —

nematophores. The hydrothece are campanulate with large patulous

orifices and perfectly even slightly everted margins. The nematophores —

are four in number on each segment of the stem, two lateral, one inferior |

and one superior. The lateral nematophores are quite free, long, narrow,

and trumpet-shaped with a circular aperture and everted margin, from

which they gradually taper down to extremely fine points, which are at-—

J, ARMSTRONG.—Journal As. Soc. of Bengul, Vol, XLVIII, Part 11, 1879. PLATE IX.

LAFO#A ELONGATA,

DESMOCYPAUS HUMILIG.

Tinsgrghed at Oss Surreys" Graal Office Caleina

PLATE X.

J. ARMSTRONG.—Journal As, Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVI, Part 1, 1579,

SBRTULARELLA RIGOSA.

HALICORNARIA SBTOSA.

Geserilv | DiSew Calman

Zecpgued a hes

J. ARMSTRONG.—Journal As, Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIM, Part II, 1679.

PLATE XI.

RALICORNARIA PLUMOBA,

Zeeopepied ar the) Surrey General OfBre Calan

J. ARMSTRONG.—Journal As, Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part 1, 187%

PLATE XU,

a(S

a NG

wae

TAIMARIA COMPRESBA. ANTENELLA ALLMANNI,

ENDENDRIUM RAMOSUM,

Siseqs Gsmils Offi Caleaen

1879.] Hydroid Zoophytes from the Indian Coasts and Seas. 108

tached, one on each side, to lateral processes of the stem, by a joint which

allows the slightest motion of the water to communicate free vibratory

oscillations to the nematophore. The inferior nematophore is free, tubular,

much shorter than the lateral, and arising from a tumescent prominence

on the stem, slightly below the base of the calycle, is directed upwards

towards its anterior aspect. The superior nematophore is somewhat

smaller, but in form and direction corresponds precisely with the inferior,

it arises on a level with the upper margin of the calycle from the stem,

which is here quite even and presents no enlargement similar to that which

marks the origin of the lower nematophore.

Gonosome.—Unknown.

Habitat—Off Cape Comorin in 50 fathoms, and off the coast of

Cheduba Island in 8 to 10 fathoms.

ENDENDRIUM RAMOSUM (nov. spec.)

(Plate XII.)

Trophosome.—Tree-like, stem much and irregularly branched, attain-

ing a height of 3} or 4 inches, fascicular and rooted by an entangled

mass of short fibrous filaments, the branchlets are more or less dichoto-

mously arranged and are all annulated at their origins.

Gonosome.—Gonophores consisting of clusters of spherical bodies,

filled with a granular substance. They appear not to be borne on true

blastostyles, but on the bodies of atrophied hydranths from which the

tentacles have disappeared.

Habitat.—In 40 fathoms off Cape Comorin, and very sparingly, in

from 10 to 70 fathoms, along the coast of Arrakan.

XI.—Wotes on the Formation of the Country passed through by the 2nd

Column Tal Chotiali Field Force during its march from Kala Abdul-

lah Khan in the Khéjak Pass to Lugdrt Barkhin. Spring of 1879.—

By Lirvr. R. C. Tempe, 1st Ghoorkas.

(With Map—Plate XIII.)

General Features —There are one or two features general to the

country passed through upon which it would be as well to remark before

proceeding to note in detail the formations met with during the various

marches.

The Glacis—The most remarkable feature to be observed all over

Southern Afghanistan is the peculiar gradual slope, or g/acis, leading up

104 R. C. Temple—Notes on the Formation of the Country — [No. 2,

to the foot of the hills which encompass the numerous valleys into which

the country is split up. The hills, which are usually bare of trees, of course

vary greatly in height and form, but uniformly at foot is this glacis or slope

between them and the valley level. It varies, of course, under various cir-

cumstances as to length and height, but its presence is invariable. To the

west of the Khdéjak Pass, where the so-called Khdja Amran Range rises some

3000 feet above the valley—the Kadanei—it is about 15 miles long and 1000

feet in height, z. e., the apparent foot of the Range is about 1000 feet

higher than the real level of the valley. In the narrower valleys, such as the

Gwal near Quetta, which is only 3 to 4 miles broad, the glacis on either side

reaches nearly tothe middle of the valley. It is generally very stony and cover-

ed with detritus from the hills. The streams over it, which are very numer-

ous as arule, have wide stony beds over which the water rushes with ever

somuch force, but to no great depth, after every heavy fall of rain. The

torrents very quickly dry up, and very few of the streams have even a little

water trickling in places from springs in the bed. The larger streams rush

down several channels, the higher spots between which seem also to be lia-

ble to sudden and violent floods whenever a more than usually heavy fall

of rain occurs in the hills above. These facts seem to lead to the hypothe-

sis that the slopes have been formed by excessive denudation going on in

the hills in consequence of their bare and treeless condition. But there

seems to be another cause. Manyof the hills, especially about the Pishin

valley, appear to be formed of a slaty shale which is much disintegrated and

split up at the surface towards the hill tops. It can be broken, or rather

chipped, off easily by the hand, or even by the mereweight of the foot pass-

ing over it. The cold at the summits of these bare and exposed hills is

intense ; the heights being, say 7500 to 8000 feet, and it is possible that

denudation is helped by the action of frost which separates the shale chips

to be washed down by the next shower ; and from the appearance of the hill

sides it is probable that large quantities of these chips are in places brought

down by every shower.

Metals——Many parts of the country appeared to me to contain copper

and iron in large quantities in the soil, but the specimens sent herewith will

probably do something towards proving their presence and in what quantities

they occur. ‘There is a small isolated hill in the Dof valley, at the entrance

of the Surai Pass, which appeared to me to affect the action of my prismatic

compass. I have heard it asserted that gold is to be found in the quartz

about the Pishin valley and the Khdja Amrdn Range, but I cannot say I

saw any myself or any quartz likely to be auriferous.

Salts.——The soil in many places is white with nitre or salts of sorts:

and this occurs in all parts of the country traversed. The water in many

PLATE EML

Will, Part I, 1S. *

Mi tele,

tH NaS hy

TRUER CTY MCT

SATOH Gi

Musakhél

Hii

east

Sire

te ee

DERA GHAZIKHAN

_-®Vaddor

& R

Nan AJANEU.

SKBTCH MAP

To ACCOMPANY ~ oS

‘ : ‘oSlingsila

THE GEOLOGICAL SPECIMENS COLLECTED DURING THE MARCH 2 r Pa ~.

OF THE 2nd COLUMN, TAL CHOTIALI FIELD FORCE, f ee aK :

FROM

KALA ABDULLAH KHAN in tHE KHOJAK PASS as a . i

LUGARI BARKHAN

Spring of 1879.

\ Shap

COMPILED BY LIZUT. R.C. TEMPLE, Ist. GHOORKHAS.

Scale 16 Miles = 1 Inch. I

46 a2 8E Niles

7 z 4 Inches

Muraarpusl

{

i :

i Sepigre

REFERENCE.

Line tzken by the compiler during the march. .....

Routes taken by the Quetta Column, Frontier Expeditionary Force.....

Lines taken by 1st and rd Columns, Tal Chotiali Field Force

Lines of Roads known to exist, but not traversed

Hane of Railways assay reco os sk copeek aes cdo

PHOTOZINCOGRAPHED AT DHE SURVEYOR GENERAL'S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL MAP BY LIEUT. TEMPLE,

August 1870.

So SE BSB CoS OO Be BD QO 1G BG ph OA TO 4 RO SHpoeVU ws w «

1879. ] passed through by the 2nd Col. Tal Chotiali Field Foree. 105

places, both well and river, evidently holds salts in solution ; in some places, as

in Sagar and the Trikh Kuram Pass, it is undrinkable from its saltness.

Overgrowths.—One of the most distinctive features of Southern Af-

ghanistan is the want of trees, but this appears to me to be due more to the

inhabitants than to nature. In the higher regions, 7. e., above 8000 feet, the

hills and uplands are fairly wooded with junipers and conifers of sorts, and

wherever from various reasons the country is uninhabited, as in the Surai

Pass, the Hanumbar Pass and all the land between the Trikh Kuram Pass and

the Han Pass the country is fairly wooded with olives, bér and babul trees

with tamarisks and a dwarf palm in the lower and damper grounds. Indeed

about the Hanumbar Pass there is a forest of bér and babul trees. There

is, however, another general feature to be observed everywhere after the

Bolan and Han Passes are once crossed, the presence of southernwood and

eamel-thorn, which is universal. Grasses also of sorts flourish in most

places, so that it may be presumed that the soil is the reverse of being un

productive were any efficient system of irrigation to be introduced. And io

did not appear that water is really wanting in the country if trouble and

skill were used in finding it.

Fossil remains.—After Khwara in the Shor valley testacean fossils

abound, and the hills about the Hanokai and Han Passes may be described

as being one mass of fossils, some in a wonderfully complete state of

preservation, as the accompanying collection will show. They appear to be

of the post-tertiary period. ‘The same may be said of the hole country

between the Han Pass and the plains w7@ the Chachar ass. I only saw

one fossi] of an animal which was picked up near Ningand in the Ghazgai

valley. (No. 203.)

Notes en Route.

North Pishin Valley.—Hills apparently of volcanic origin, basalt and

shale ; quartz is found in layers between the strata which are irregular,

faulty, and much folded with dips at great angles. The hills are bare and

greatly scoured by water. The Pishin isan open valley about 25 miles

long and 20 miles broad.

Kala Abdullah Khin.—The hills about this point are bare and some-

what bleak.

North Pishin to Badwain.—The country along the road is intersected

by a series of water channels and torrent-beds carrying down enormous

quantities of detritus from the hills to the north of the valley, the land

between them being much water-worn, apparently scoured after every

shower and liable to sudden and violent floods.

106 R. C. Temple—Wotes on the Formation of the Country [No. 2,

To A’lizai.—Country torrent-scoured and covered with detritus and in

places much broken by the wash of the water: soil, light and sandy.

To Khishdil Khin.—Country near the hills stony, water-washed and

covered with detritus : it is intersected by several torrent beds : soil, light and

sandy. About the low lands the country much broken and intersected by

deep nullahs: soil, clay. The country is everywhere bare of trees.

To Sharan Kiréz, N. EB. Pishin—On the glacis country stony and

covered with detritus, intersected by torrent beds. Hills apparently

composed of slaty shale and slate with layers of schist cropping up. Coun-

try about Sharan Karéz much broken.

Surat Pass.—The country is wild and broken, consisting of a series

of conical hills of slaty shale and slate, much disintegrated at the surface,

probably from the action of ice and frost,

Dof Vailley.—This valley is about 15 miles long by 8 broad. The

glacis and water-scoured appearance of the country is similar to that

observed in the Pishin valley. Soil, light and friable and not so good as in

the Pishin valley.

Gwal Valley.—Valley about 20 miles long by about 3 to 4 broad.

Country much the same as before: soil, not deep, say 2 to 23 feet deep

over conglomerate, itis very light and friable.

Pinikai Hilis.—The hills are apparently of conglomerate and much

water-worn. They have the appearance of being formed of the detritus

of a lofty range of mountains like the lower hills in the Himalayan Ranges.

The soil seems to be strongly impregnated with lime.

Gurkhai Defile.—The defile is of variable width, having high precipi-

tous rocks of sandstone and grey limestone in the narrower places. It

is broken up by low conical hills of soft red and grey clay in the wider

portions.

Sagar.—The country is excessively wild and broken. Sagar is a kind of

valley between high hills, but it is full of small conical hills of clay and in

places of soft disintegrated shaly slate. The soil varies greatly in colour ;

white, grey, yellow and a bright red in the clay and bluish in the slate

hills, trees are scarce.

Moséi Pass, gorge of the R. Zadin.—Hills at first of soft shaly clay

and ironstone, but in the gorge of the river Zadtin they are very similar

to those in Sagar, and of red, yellow and grey clays. Afterwards the hills

become undulating and apparently are of sandstone.

Gorge of the R. Rod.—High mountainous limestone hills with fairly

horizontal strata. The soil about I'saf Kach is sandy.

Ush Pass ; Ispira Ragha,—The hills as far as Ispira Ragha seem to

be composed of sandstones, clays of various colours, slate and shale,

1879.] passed through by the 2nd Col. Tul Chotiali Field Force. 107

and lime crystals of sorts abound. The country is fairly wooded with

junipers, conifers andbér trees: about the Ush pass it is fairly open;

about Ispira RAgha wild and hilly.

Topobargh Pass ; Momand.—Country same as about Ispira Ragha.

Momand is an open upland hilly plateau.

Nangalina Pass and Plateau.—Country about the Pass is hilly,

broken and rocky (gneiss), After the Pass the plateau is reached. It is of

considerable width, but itis intersected by curious low flat-topped hills

running north to south. It is wooded, as before, in the upper heights, but

is bare of trees below 8000 feet. The hills appear to be composed of clays

and sandstones of sorts with schist and gneiss cropping up in places,

Khwdra.— After Khwara limestones begin to predominate and fossils,

especially testacean, to abound.

Chimjan.—The country is waterscoured, stony and treeless.

Mt. Syajgai.— Mt. Syajgai is a curious isolated mountain in the middle

of the Shor valley. It rises about 1000 feet above the valley and almost

perpendicularly for the last 300 feet. It is flat-topped, measuring at top

about 2 miles in length by about $ mile in breadth. It is of limestone

and full of fossils even at the summit. Fossils abound also about Chimjin.

RR. Zaghlun to Pélkai Pass——The country is here remarkable for

five almost parallel lines of hills about one mile to 1} miles apart enclosing

hilly valleys. After these the country to the north is mountainous as far

as the Zhdb valley, 12 miles. The hills appear to be of limestone with

trap in the gorges. The strata are very much broken and faulty.

Shér Valley.—Country much water-worn and very stony. The valley

is about 20 miles long and about 5 to 15 miles broad.

Mzarai Vailley.—The country much as before, but cut into by deep

nullah beds.

Baidnai Pass.—Hills of soft white limestone. Country wild and

rugged, much cut into by nullahs which are full of limestone chips

from the hills, white, greenish and reddish.

Ghazgai Valley.—Valley 15 miles long by about 5 broad. Country

as before, but more grass and overgrowths. Soil, richer than heretofore.

Hills of limestone with very folded strata.

Borat Valley.—This valley is, say, 40 miles long and from 8 to 15

miles broad. The soil is good and fertile; there isno water-scour except

about the streams; putt andkunker are found in the lower lands. Hills

of limestone with very broken strata.

Hanumbér Pass.—Country en route various; putt and rough stony

water-worn places, especially about the rivers, of which 4 or 5 meet in the

Pass, which appears to be the only outlet southwards for some distance

108 R. C. Temple—Wotes on the Formation of the Country [No. 2,

along the hills south of the Borai valley. In the Pass the country is

wild, hilly and wooded. There is forest land to the south of the Pass and

much grass. The hills are of limestone with much folded strata in which

fossils abound.

Sarghar Valley.—At first forest land is met with and then an open

putt plain some 10 miles across : the soil is fertile.

Trikh Kuram Pass—Country wild, hilly and much broken. The

hills are apparently of limestone in which fossils and crystal abound.

Gypsum crystals show themselves and often they are abundant.

Dérama Valley ; Kutsa Valley—These are grassy upland plains much

intersected by stony beds of torrents.

Jarai Tang Pass.—This is a very stony, but short, passage through a

hard limestone hill.

Tsamaulang Valley.—Country, putt crossed by deep river channels, but

stony in places. The valley is about, say, 40 miles long by about 7 broad.

Hanokdi Pass.—The Pass is at first yery narrow with precipitous

sides through a limestone hill; it then opens into a broader valley which

is, say, half a mile wide, but full of low conical hills which in places appear to

be formed of disintegrated white limestone, the rock being very friable.

Sea-shells not fossilized, especially oysters, were found all through this

Pass. Gypsum is abundant, so also are fossils. The hills are of soft lime-

stone, the strata being horizontal.

Jurndi Pass and Valley.—Hills of soft limestone. Country wild and

lumpy, and it might be described as being one mass of testacean fossils

in a good state of preservation. The same remark applies to the country

from this point to the Indian plains, some 150 miles as the road goes.

A series of parallel valleys seems to run from the Derama hills to the Jandh-

ran hills, all more or less resembling each other.

Béla Dhika.—This is an open valley with low rolling hills at the

northern end. The general formation of the country seems to be of lime-

stone of more or less hardness.

Hén Pass.—In the Bila Dhaki Pass the rocks are hard limestone

and precipitous with broken strata: in the Han Pass the strata are horiz-

ontal and the rocks softer, and there is much loose earth and clay full of

nummulites and testacean fossils of all descriptions. Infact, the whole, hills

and country, is a mass of fossil remains. In the Han Pass the country is

wild and lumpy.

Chor Tarap Ravine.—The Chor Tarap ravine is curious. It is a sharply

cut, narrow defile in a line of hills from 10 to 30 yards wide and, say, 200

yards long. ‘The sides are full of fossils.

Birkhan (properly Barkhém).—When once the Han Pass is crossed

1879.] passed through by the 2nd Col. Tal Chotiali Field Force. 109

there is a remarkable change in the country, like the inhabitants, it

becomes Beldéch in form. The glacis, so remarkable in all parts of South

Afghanistan, now disappears and the hills stand out sharp in a flat desert-

like valley. The valleys are of putt in which the vegetation is in tufts

and has the same character as that observable anywhere in the Beldch

plains. The country seems to be of limestone formation and fossils abound

everywhere, even in the putt. In the hills the strata as usual are horiz-

ontal in some places and much folded and faulty in others.

Chachar Pass.—The above description applies to the whole country

between Barkhan and the plains. It consists of a series of valleys and

mountain ranges of more or less breadth, all of limestones, soft and hard

and of all colours. Fossils are abundant everywhere, on the hill sides,

in the soil and in the river-beds.

Itinerary.

Distance. |Height above

No. of Stage. Name. Sita) cea devel

From Kala Abdullah Khin to

ile LSE ed a of eal ee Ree ea ee L 5600

. PLETE IR Ce SON ewe tees deviant octets 19 5500

3. HORNUNG ssa cecsaneensecaccenctt ws 30 5600

A. Sharan Karéz,........... Reser e eesaenatioes 364 6300

5. palozal Warez, lees pecaiavaietacsuce. cc 45 6600

1st Excursion. Gwal, 10. m. 6100.

2nd 5 Amadtin 15. m, 6300.

6. SdenIMaACh sate. shader omen een recta andes apd 542 9400

Ws MS PIMA Eva eS Haiyaid, cee deetee sce dunes os cov ov 0 704 7800

8. Khwara, ........ POS DE DOCH NC ROCD OE CEE 832 7900

9 CHG YANY nc. racmasins aisntn eee ectann aeiss 902 7400

3rd Hxcursion. Palkai Pass 10 m. 8500.

10. Baianai, ......... on .| 1124 6500

11. Ningand, cu otnd.ocd <Cateo. sGnoaeo coca eeee 1212 5700

12. VICTORS ene Boe i ee 1344 4900

13. Sharans: eesceeeeees Fae ice oles cashews 150 4300

14. Hanuma Pass: 20-2, .chivctvacecsstevsascl LGQ2 3800

15. Mich) ura Bassa. scasscsiete.<s-0.e0e|, LOO 4100

16. PNBATMATLADES eva ccasee excess svaseseosves 196 4000

17. al tPA We denied fees Aes wevncr'seccect 2O7S 4100

18. Minhas KIGin sy 22. Whsvesicedncs sae cacoee ge 2OS2 3800

19. Huss Barkhany, <56.5..cisdisessseccesus 236% 3100

110 W. T. Blanford—Notes on a collection of Reptiles and [No. 2,

XII.—WNotes on a collection of Reptiles and Frogs from the neighbourhood

of Ellore and Dumagudem.—By W. T. Buanronrp, F. R. 8., &e.

(Received August 3rd ; read August 6th, 1879.)

In the year 1871 I was engaged for some months in the Godavari

valley near the first barrier, and in the country between Dumagudem and

Ellore. Dumagudem is the station where the Engineers, engaged on the

works connected with the first barrier, used to live.

The country is herpetologically but poorly known, and the following

list of the species noticed may therefore be an addition to geographical

distribution. Nearly the whole tract is covered with thin forest, and the

soil is very sandy.

A portion of the collection made has been lost or mislaid, and cannot

now be found. The list appended is doubtless very imperfect ; several

common forms, such as Naja tripudians, Ptyas mucosus, Dendrophis picta, -

Lycodon aulicus, &e., not being included, although they undoubtedly occur.

The collection was made in the driest months of the year, from February

to May, and the list of lizards is consequently, in all probability, much

more nearly complete than that of snakes or Batrachia.

REPTILIA.

CHELONIA.

1. TESTUDO ELEGANS.

2. PANGSHURA TECTA vary. INTERMEDIA, J. A. S. B., XXXIX, 1870,

Pt. 2, p. 339. The Godavari form is similar to that found in the Mahanadi.

The natives, who eat several kinds of freshwater tortoise, will not feed on

this species, as they say it makes them ill.

3. Baracur ELuiorr? Godavari river.

The only specimen obtained was about 6 inches long. The head was

dusky brown with 4 broad blackish indistinct longitudinal bands on the

nape and back of the neck. Legs dusky grey. Claws pale yellowish.

4, Trionyx sp. ? Godavari. My specimens are not now available for

comparison, but Dr. Anderson tells me he believes the species to be Z.

Ieithi. It is probable that more than one species are found in the Godavari.

The only specimens of Zrionyx obtained by me were young individuals.

They were olive in colour with 4 ocelli on the back, white beneath, nape

ferruginous with violet streaks. Tubercles on the carapace rather large.

Some individuals of Zrionyx or one of the allied genera grow to an enor-

mous size. I was assured that a freshwater turtle 6 feet long was caught in

the Godavari by the Captain of one of the river steamers. I cannot answer for

1879.] Frogs from the neighbourhood of Ellore and Dumagudem. 111

the accuracy of the measurement; a foot or two may have been thrown in.

But I once saw, on the Indus, a very large individual belonging to some

species of the Trionycide basking on a sandbank. I was ona steamboat,

and the turtle took refuge in the water before the vessel was sufficiently

near to enable his dimensions to be accurately estimated, but my impres-

sion was, that the carapace could not have been much less than 5 feet long,

and it might well have been more.

5. Emypa virrata. One specimen was obtained on the 13th March

in forest, far from water. This individual probably came from a tank that

had dried up. Other specimens were procured from the Godavari river.

None exceeded about 5 inches in length, and in all, the odd osseous plate

in the middle of the sternum was concealed, if present. I did not, however,

macerate or dissect a specimen, and I have none remaining now to examine.

CROCODILIA.

6. Crocopitus sp. I do not know what is the species common in the

Godavari, as I never had an opportunity of identifying a specimen. It is

by no means improbable that more than one species occur in the river.

The Gharial is not found in the Godavari, nor, so far as I know, in

any of the rivers of the Peninsula further South ; nor is it found in the

Nerbudda or Tapti. It is common, however, in the Mahanadi of Raipur,

Sambalpur and Orissa.

LACERTILIA.

7. VARANUS LUNATUS. I twice obtained specimens of this monitor, or

at least of a species which I believe to be V. lunatus,* inthe country north

of Ellore. The largest, a male, measured 23°5 inches, of which the tail

from the anus was 145. There were about 110 cross rows of scales from

the gular fold to the loin. The following is a description of the fresh

colouration, Above brownish olive, with irregular cross rows of minute

whitish spots on the back, passing into ill-marked cross bands behind.

Tail dark near tip, the anterior portion somewhat irregularly spotted with

dusky. Limbs finely dotted with yellow, the spots on the hind limbs sur-

rounded with dusky. Lower parts irregularly mottled with yellow and

pinkish brown. There is a tendency to ocellation on the side behind the

shoulder. The dark colour of the upper parts passes gradually into the

paler tints of the lower. Iris yellow, pupil circular. The reversed

V-shaped dark cross bands, on the neck, supposed to be characteristic of V.

Zunatus, were not observed. This species is purely terrestrial, so far as my

observations go, and lives in holes at the roots of trees, and in similar

places far from water. It is diurnal in its habits.

* See following paper on Ajmere Reptiles.

112. —-W. T. Blanford—Notes on a colleetion of Reptiles and __[No. 2,

8. CABRITA LESCHENAULTI, (J. A. S. B., XXXIX, 1870, Pt. 2,

p- 345). Notrare in the dry forests on the Godavari, I find I was in error

after all in supposing that O. leschenaultit and C. brunnea, are distinct ; (see

Giinther P. Z. §., 1875, p. 225, and some notes by myself, P. Z. S., 1876,

p. 635).

Up to April the only individuals I observed were adults, but in that

month I found great numbers of young. These are coloured much like

the adult, but the tints are brighter, and the distal portion of the tail is

light orange, the head shields are quite smooth, not corrugated as in older

individuals, and there were two post-nasals in all the specimens I examin-

ed under 3 inches in length. Afterwards, in May, I obtained many rather

more grown, from 3} to 43 inches long, with but one post-nasal. As I was

moving about, and procured specimens from different localities, this dis-

tinction may have been local and not due to age, but it is evident that the

character of having one or two post-nasals is of no specific importance.

The same variation is found in the nearly allied genus Ophiops.

The rugosity of the head plates appears to be a generic character of

Cabrita.

9. Caprrra JERDONT, (Beddome, Mad. Monthly Jour. Med. Sci., Janu-

ary 1870, p. 84; Giinther, P. Z. S., 1875, p. 225 ; W. Blanford, J. A. S. B.,

1870, Pt. 2, p. 348; P. Z. S., 1876, p. 635). Dr. Giinther supposed that

this was the same as Ophiops jerdoni, but, on my sending him a specimen

of the Cabrita, he saw, of course, that the two were quite distinct, and

that he had been misled by an erroneous label.

O. jerdoni is common in the forests on the Godavari, more so I think

than C. leschenaultii. I did not meet with Ophiops microlepis ; it appears

to be a northern and western form. (P. A. 8S. B., 1872, pp. 72, 74.)

10. Eurreprs (Tiliqua) cARINATUS.

11. Evuererus (Ziligua) macunarius. (J. A. 8. B., 1870, Pt. 2,

p. 858; Stoliczka, J. A. S. B., 1872, Pt. 2, p. 117; P. A. S. B., 1872, p. 75.)

As indicated by myself and much more clearly shewn by Dr. Stoliczka,

there are two well marked varieties of this scinque, so well marked, indeed,

that it is almost a question whether they should not be distinguished,

The one is more slender, and more uniformly coloured above and on the sides,

the other is stouter, with the posterior part of the dorsal surface distinctly

spotted with black and the sides punctulated with white. In the former

there are, as a rule, seven keels on each of the dorsal scales, on the latter five.

The former is true #. macularius of Blyth, the latter, for the sake of distinc-

tion, may be called #. macularius var. subunicolor or E. subunicolor,* ac-

* KE. macularius var. sub-unicolor a typo differt dorso, lateribusque parum vel haud

maculatis, formd graciliore, scutis dorsalibus plerumque quingue-carinatis,

1879.] Frogs from the neighbourhood of Ellore and Dumagudem. 113

cording as the distinction is considered specific or not. For the present

I am by no means satisfied that the two forms do not pass into each other

too gradually to render it desirable to accord them specific rank, but as

one, the smaller more uniformly coloured variety, is typical of the drier

climate of the Central Provinces, whilst the more highly coloured form is

found in Lower Bengal, and to the eastward, some distinction in name is

useful.

In the comparatively dry forests on the Godavari around Dumagudem

I met with the var. swbunicolor, whilst the typical form was obtained nearer

to the sea coast in the vicinity of Rajamahendri.

It is easy to understand how naturalists who have seen but few speci-

mens may mistake these scinques for the young of the common and very

variable #. carinatus. A comparison of the two, however, will shew the

difference. The young of #. carinatus has but three keels on the dorsal

scales, the back is unspotted and there is a well marked pale whitish line

from the superciliary region down each side of the back.

The breeding season and colouration are different in H. carinatus and

E. macularius. In the former the breeding season on the Godavari appears

to be March. The colouration is probably confined to the male, but I can

find no notes on the sexes of the specimens examined. ‘The colour has

already been described by me (J. A. 8. B., 1870, Pt. 2, p. 357). When

most fully developed the lower parts are rich gamboge yellow with a broad

searlet band on each side of the abdomen from shoulder to thigh.

E. macularius breeds in May, and towards the end of that month I

captured richly coloured specimens between Dumagudem and Rajamahen-

dri. In these the deepest seasonal tints were on the sides of the neck and

breast. A scarlet band covered the lower labials and extended to the upper

labials and rostral ; it became very broad beneath the ears, and more broken

and patchy behind, but it was traceable as far as the thigh. In less fully

coloured individuals the red colouration did not extend behind the shoulder.

All the lower parts had a slight reddish tinge, but no trace of the bright

yellow of Z. carinatus.

12.. Rriopa ALBOPUNCTATA.

13. R. waRDWIcKEI. Both these species were obtained on the Goda-

vari, but neither appeared to be very abundant.

14, HEMIDACTYLUS SUBTRIEDRUS. See Stoliczka, J. A. S. B., 1872, Pt.

2, p. 93. Near Ellore.

15. H. Macunarvs.

16. H.escnenavit. P.A.S. B., 1871, p. 173; Stoliczka, J. A.

S. B., 1872, Pt. 2, p. 97.

114 ~=~W. T. Blanford—Wotes on a collection of Reptiles and __[No. 2,

17. H. ataantevs, Stoliczka, J. A. S. B., 1872, Pt. 2, p. 99; Gin-

ther, P. Z. S., 1875, p. 225; W. Blanford, P. Z. S., 1876, p. 636.

Of these species of Hemidactylus I made over my specimens to Dr.

Stoliezka for description. Dr. Giinther considers H. giganteus a variety

of H. coctei, but I have shewn that, so far as Indian specimens of the

latter are concerned, there are well marked distinctions.

18. Srrawa PoNDICERIANA. The smaller race only. I sawnone with

the brilliant colours of the gular appendage developed up to the end of

May ; the colouration being, as has already been noticed, (J. A. S. B., 1870,

p. 866,) purely seasonal, at all events in the smaller race.

19. CALOTES VERSICOLOR.

20. CHARASIA BLANFORDIANA, Stoliczka, J. A. S. B., 1872, p. 110.

Without a much better series for comparison than I possess, I am not pre-

pared to say whether this northern form can be distinguished from the

southern race with rather smaller scales found in Mysore and further

south. Specimens from the neighbourhood of the Godavari have about 100

scales round the middle of the body. Common on rocks.

21, CHAME£LEO CEYLoNiIcus. Common.

OPHIDIA.

22. TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS. On two occasions I found great numbers

of this blind snake in decayed wood ; in one case there must have been at

least a hundred in one fallen tree. None exceeded 5} inches in length.

No other species of Zyphlops was observed.

23. ONYCHOCEPHALUS ACUTUS,

24, OLIGoDON suUBGRISEUS? The only important distinction from the

description of this species shewn by the single specimen collected consists

in the presence of two przoculars instead of one. The following is a descrip-

tion of the snake.

Scales of body smooth, in 15 rows. Ventrals 185, anal divided, sub-

caudals in 40 pairs. Length 174 inches, of which the tail was 22.

Seven upper labials, 8rd and 4th entering the orbit; 2 pre- and 2

post-oculars ; a small square loreal.

Colouration, when fresh, light yellowish brown above, with a narrow

pale line along the middle of the back from head to tail, and two broader

pale lines, each as wide as two scales, down each side from head to anus;

below these is a narrow dark line, then pale again. ‘There are rudiientary

cross-markings on the back, due to rows of scales with black margins alter-

nating with other rows that are white-edged. On the head the markings are

faint, a dark cross-band from eye to eye, edged behind with whitish,

1879.] Frogs from the neighbourhood of Ellore and Dumagudem. 115

and a double rather broad V-shaped mark, with the angle directed forward,

on the vertical and occipitals.

25. SIMOTES RUSSELLI. One young specimen only.

26. ABLABES HUMBERTI, var. (P. A.S.B., 1871, p. 174). Several

specimens were obtained, in the neighbourhood of Ellore, of a small snake,

only differing from South Indian specimens of 4. hwmberti, in the number

of ventral shields. To this variation I called attention in the short paper

above indicated. The following is a description of the fresh colouration

in the snake from Hllore.

Back pale coppery, sides lilac grey, lower parts very pale apple green ;

a series of small black dots along the middle of the back, at rather irregu-

lar intervals, from 2 to 5 scales apart, and two other lateral rows, one on

each side of the ventral scales, consisting of a black dot on the side of

each scale. An imperfect very narrow black streak runs down each side of

the back. Head above mostly black, with a narrow yellow collar across the

neck 7 scales behind the occipitals ; this collar becomes broader at the sides.

There is a patch of duskier yellow behind each occipital, the two patches

separated by a central black line ; from each patch a white band leads

down to the upper labials. A white band runs along the upper labials and

rostral, extending all round the upper jaw, and another runs from the rostral

to each superciliary shield. Loreal region black. Hach of the lower labials

and chin shields with a white patch, bordered by black, anterior ventral

shields with partial dusky margins, The specimen described was 10°5 inches

long, the tail being 1:9. Ventrals 211, anal bifid, subcaudals in 56 pairs.

In another specimen 13} inches long there were 209 ventrals. As was point-

ed out in the note already quoted, there were only 155 ventrals in a speci-

men from Malabar, 175 in one noticed in Giinther’s Reptiles of British

India, p. 228, and no less than 240 in a Calcutta example. So great a

variation in the number of ventral shields might indicate that several species

are included, but there appeared no other constant difference in the speci-

mens, and I may add that Dr. Stoliczka, who also examined them, agreed

with me in classing all as varieties of one species.

27. ZAMENIS FASCIOLATUS. A young specimen only, but one of the

fiercest snakes I ever captured.

28. 'TROPIDONOTUS STOLATUS.

29. CERBERUS RHYNCHOPS, abundant in the salt water inlets and

estuaries near Coconada, living in holes in the mud between tidemarks. A

very gentle snake, not biting when handled.

30. Dripsas rrigonata. The colouration varies in this snake. The

specimen obtained had the head markings different from those described by

Giinther and on the back were irregular transverse whitish bands with

116 ~=W. T. Blanford—Notes on a collection of Reptiles, fe. [No. 2,

broad black edges; the median line being deficient, as in the specimens

from Agra mentioned by Dr. Stoliczka, (J. A. S. B., 1870, p. 142).

31. GoNGYLOPHIS conicus. Two specimens were obtained on the

Godavari, they were very gentle and slow in their movements, like Ery«.

One had swallowed a mouse. In a specimen 20 inches long, of which the tail

measured 13, there were 168 ventral scales and 18 subcaudals; the upper

labials were 14, not 12. The colour was dark brown, with the blotches

light brown in the middle and yellow on the margins.

32. DaABOIA RUSSELLI.

83. Ecuts cartnata, This was obtained on two or three occasions in

forest,—rather thin forest it is true,—but it is remarkable to find a desert

form like Hchis carinata, so common in the barren plains and rocky hills

of South-Western Asia, in a wooded country.

AMPHIBIA.

RANA TIGRINA,

R. LYMNOCHARIS.

RR. CYANOPHLYCTIS.

PYXICEPHALUS BREVICEPS,

BUFO MELANOSTICTUS.

POLYPEDATES MACULATUS.

‘CALLULA VARIEGATA, Stoliczka, P. A. S. B., 1872, p.111. I obtain-

ed altogether five specimens of this species, from under logs of wood, near a

village between Dumagudem and Rajamahendri. In size they varied from

1:1 to 1°35 in the length of the body, and the hind limb ranged from 1:23

in the smallest to 1:48 in the largest example. Four were under one log,

one under another, and in each case the toads associated with a large scor-

pion, and tried to escape into his burrow when the log was lifted. They

can hop but very feebly indeed. The body in life is extremely soft and

slimy. The colour above, in the living animal, is dark brown, spotted with

pale greenish or yellow, the spots are usually minute on the hinder part of

the body and on the limbs, but form larger blotches on the back. The

lower parts are dull flesh-colour.

ar Sa, OU Co ke

Nn"

1879. ] J. Wood-Mason—On a new Genus of Phasmide. 117

XII1.—Preliminary Notice of a new Genus (Parectatosoma) of Phasmide

from Madagascar, with brief Descriptions of its two Species.—By

J. Woop-Mason.

The interesting and remarkable animals briefly noticed below formed

part of a large collection of insects, chiefly Coleoptera, recently received

in London from Madagascar, and I was fortunate, while at home on

furlough, to secure specimens of them from Mr. E. W. Janson, the

well-known Natural History Agent.

They are unquestionably nearly related to Hetatosoma, an Australian

genus, the three known members of which are three of the most curious and

striking forms comprised in the whole class Insecta. ‘This relationship I

have indicated in the name of the new genus which the differences present-

ed by these insects compel me to propose for their reception,

PARECTATOSOMA,* gen. nov.

Closely allied to the Australian genus Eetatosoma, but differing there-

from in the following characters:—the prothorax is relatively longer

and more spiny; the male is devoid of ocelli, and, like the female,

brachypterous ; the abbreviated tegmina in both sexes are shorter than the

abbreviated wings; and the upper crest of all the femora is produced

into a sharp genual spine.

Of the species of the Australian genus, Hetatosoma bufoniwm, Westw.,

is the one which the Madagascar forms most nearly approach.

1. Parectatosoma hystrix, n. sp.

$¢. Head armed with 12 spines (besides scattered spinules) arrang-

ed in four longitudinal rows and in pairs, of which one is large, compressed,

and thorny, and constitutes the conspicuous cephalic horns; the pair of

spines immediately in front of these is also compound, each being provided

with a sharp spine-like cusp in front. The postantennary pair of spines

is as well-developed as in Hetatosoma.

- Sides and upper surface of prothorax strongly armed with thorns,

some of which are double. The apices of the small tegmina barely

reaching the bases of the wings, the true metanotum is consequently expos-

ed and it is armed at the middle of its hinder margin with a pair of stout

thorns. The tergum of the 1st somite and the terga of more or fewer

(according to sex) of the remaining abdominal somites provided at their

hinder extremities with two cross rows of spines. Posterior margin of

tergum of last abdominal somite in the ¢ symmetrically divided into six.

spinous processes, :

* From rapa, by the side of, and Ectatosoma, generic name,

118 J. Wood-Mason—On a new Genus of Phasmide,

Colour—deep black-brown, almost black, blotched with yellow, sparingly

so on the undersurface and legs, but more profusely on the pronotum and

on the terga of the abdominal somites, on which parts the colour assumes

an orange tinge and extends to the points of the spines; the antenne

are ringed at the joints with the same colour; organs of flight, greenish

yellow, with their bases and principal nervures black.

g. Length of body 61 millims., of head 7, pronotum 5, mesonotum

14, metanotum 7, abdomen 25 + 7 = 82, tegmina 2°5, wings 8, fore femur

17, tibia 17:25, intermediate femur 13°5, tibia 15°5, posterior femur 17,

tibia 21, antennz 53.

Q. Length of body 86 millims., of head 10, pronotum 7, mesonotum

18, metanotum 10, abdomen 31°5, + 12°5 = 44, tegmina 4°5, wings 105,

fore femur 19, tibia 20, intermediate femur 16, tibia 18, posterior femur

21, tibia 25, antennz imperfect.

Hab.—3 ¢ and8 92 from Fianarantsoa ; and 1 ? from Antananarivo,

Madagascar, differing from the rest only in he much more variegated.

2. Parectatosoma echinus, n. sp.

32. Slenderer, and less numerously and less strongly spined than

the preceding. Head armed: ? with 10 spines besides spinules, the cepha-

lic horns more foliaceous and more sharply spined, with only one pair of

spines in front of them instead of two and that simple: ¢ with 8 only,

one of the lateral pairs not being developed. Postantennary spines reduced

to minute tubercles. Vestiges of wings and tegmina larger, those of the

latter overlapping one another, and those of the former so as to conceal from

view all but about one square millimetre of the unarmed metanotum. The

tergum of the Ist abdominal somite with but one row of spines at its

hinder end; that of the terminal somite ? divided at its posterior margin

into four spinous processes.

Colour—body brown like rotten leaves, with the legs, antennz, organs

of flight (which have their principal nervures darker), and spines lighter.

$. Length of body 64 millims., head 4°5, pronotum 45, mesonotum

14, metanotum 6, abdomen 27°25 + 8:5 = 35°75, tegmina 3°75, wings 7°3,

fore femur 17, tibia 17, intermediate femur 12°5, tibia 13°5, posterior

femur 17°5, tibia 19°5, antennz 47.

2. Length of body 80 millims., head 7, pronotum 6°5, mesonotum

16:5, metanotum 8, abdomen 31 + 12 = 43, tegmina 6, wings 11, fore

femur 16:6, tibia 17, intermediate femur 12°5, tibia 13'6, posterior femur

18, tibia 21, antenne 43°5.

The fore legs and all the tibie in the male of this species are nearly

quite simple.

Hab.—1 ¢ and 2 ? from Fianarantsoa.

CONTENTS

OF THE NATURAL HISTORY PART (PT. I.) OF THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL FOR 1878.

No. 1, (issued May 24th, 1878). Description of Ruticilla schisticeps

Hodgs.— By W. T. Buaxrorp. Aberrant Dentition of Felis Tigris.—By

R. Lypexxer. Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam dur-

ing 1877—Oommunicated by Cotonen R. H. Kuartngn. Sirth List of

Birds from the Hill Ranges of the North-East Frontier of India.—By

Masor H. H. Gopwin-Avsten.—An Account of the Tidal Observations in

the Gulf of Cutch, conducted by the Great Trigonometrical Survey under

the superintendence of Cotonnn J. T. Watxen. Compiled from the

G. T. Survey Reports by Carr. J. Warernovst. :

No. 2, (issued July 10th, 1878). The Application of Photography to

the Reproduction of Maps and Plans by Photo-mechanical and other pro-

cesses.— By Cart. J. Watrrnousn; (with one Plate).

No. 3, (issued Oct. 28th, 1878). Notes on some Reptilia from the

Himalayas and Burma.—By W.T. Buanrorv. Notes on the Earthquake

in the Punjab of March 2nd, 1878.—By A. B. Wrxnx. Notes on the .

Land and Fresh-water shells of Kashmir, more particularly of the Thilum

valley below Srinagar and the hills North of Jamu.—By W. Tuxrosatp.

On some Mammals from Lenasserim.— By W. T. Buanrorp, (with three

plates). List of Hymenoptera obtained by Osstan Limpora, east of Maul-

_ main, Tenasserim Provinces, during the months of December 1876, Janu-

ary, March, and April 1877, with descriptions of new species :—by F.

Sire. Oommunicated by J. Woov-Mason. Preliminary Diagnoses of

new Coleopterous Insects belonging to the families Dytiscide, Staphylinidz,.

_ and Scarabeide, obtained by the late F. SrotteazKa during the 2nd Mission

_ to Yarkand under Str Doveras Forsyra.—By D. Suazp.

. No. 4, (issued April 6th, 1879). Description of a new Lepidopterous

_ Insect belonging to the genus Thaumantis——By J. Woop-Masoy. Great

_ Snow-fall in Kashmir—By R. Lypexxer. Physiographical Notes on

_ Tanjore (Tanja-vir).— By Lr-Cox. B. R. BranFinL, Deputy Superintendent,

- Great Trigonometrical Branch, Survey of India. Communicated by Cotonnt,

J.T. Wa1Ker.—On the proper relative Sectional Areas Sor Copper and

| Iron Lightning rods.— By R. S. Brovan. Description of a New Homop-

_terous Insect belonging to the Genus Cosmocarta.— By W. L. Distant. On

the Indian Species of the Genus Erinaceus.—By J. ANDERSON.— Description

‘of a supposed new Hedgehog from Muscat in Arabia.—By W. T. Buanrorp.

On Arvicola indica, Gray, and its relations to the Sub-Genus Nesokia, with

a description of the species of Nesokia.—By J. ANDERSON.

oa)

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CAHCH Bhiceccclet cee cowecioues ce tise eeeee eeeeetoeseeerereeeee

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Catalogue of the Books and Maps in the Library of the Asiatic

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The Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I. Translated into English, with notes and

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The Prosody of the Persians.—By H. Blochmann, M. A. seeces.

The Tabaqat-i-Naciri. Translated by Major H. G. Raverty, 8 fase.,

Aborigines of India, by B. H. Hodgson, Esq., B.C.S., «+ sssecces

The Agtiquities of Orissa, Vol. 1.—By Rajendraldla Mitra,...... 3

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ee Issued 28th November, 1879,

CONTENTS.

XIV.—WNotes on a collection of Reptiles made by Mason O. B. Sa.

JOHN, R. E., at Ajmere in is darned WW ci. ae '

Hun sss rie eeaives cee LO

XV. Sates on Reptilia. aS, W. T. given F. B. 8, ‘eos =) ee 127

XVI.—Wotes on'stone Implements from the Khasi Hills, and the

Banda and Vellore Districts—By Joun Cocxsurn, Late

Curator of the Allahdbad Museum, Officiating Assistant Osteo- 2

logist, Indian v Musewm, Calcutta, (with 8 plates), .............0+ 133

XVII.—The Ravages of Rats and Mice in the Dakhan aes the

Harvest of 1878-79.—By the Rry. 8. B. Farrzanx, D. D., 148

XVIII.— Notes on the Survey Operations in Afghanistan in connec-

tion with the Oampaign of 1878-79. Compiled from Letters

and Diaries of the Survey officers by Mason J. WATERHOUSE,

Assistant Surveyor General.—Communicated by Masor-GENE-

raL J. T, WALKER, R. E., Cc. B., Surveyor General of India,

(with Map),

Just Published.

HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF CEYLON.

Parr I.

By Captain W. V. LEGGE, B. 4., F. L. 8.

345 pages, Royal 4to., with 10 plates by Keulemans. To be comple-

ted in two more parts, price £2 each. In this work the geographical range,

habits and nidification of each species is fully worked out.

Intending subscribers should communicate with the author, whose

address is Aberystwith, Wales.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

——_

Part II.—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No. III.—1879.

XIV.—Notes on a collection of Reptiles made by Mason O. B. St. Joun,

R. E., at Ajmere in Rdjputina.—By W. T. Buanrorp, F. kB. 8., Ke.

(Received and read August 6th, 1879.)

The following is a list of the reptiles obtained by Major St. John in

the neighbourhood of Ajmere during about three years of residence. Most

of the species were identified by the discoverer, but nearly all were sent to me

for comparison. The list is small, and the fauna of the country is evident-

ly poor, but still all local lists of this kind are of importance, especially if

they approach completeness, as they afford very valuable aid towards a

knowledge of distribution. In this list, for instance, I find that two spe-

cies occur, Oynophis helena and Python molurus, belonging to two genera

the existence of which in any part of Central or Northern India I previous-

ly thought extremely doubtful.*

The species marked with an asterisk are inserted from information

sent to me by Major St. John, as I have not seen specimens. All others have

been examined by myself.

*1. TESTUDO ELEGANS.

*2. CROCODILUS, sp. Major St. John writes : “ Crocodiles (O. palus-

tris, I suppose) are very numerous in the natural lake of Pushkar (or

Pohkar) 6 miles from Ajmere. Some are also found in the artificial lake

at Ajmere called the Anasdgar; they are said not to breed there, but to

* Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., October 1876, Ser. 4, Vol. XVIII, p. 292,

120 W. T. Blanford—WNotes on a collection of Reptiles [No. 3,

find their way over the ghat from the natural lake. I cannot hear of the

existence of Crocodiles elsewhere in these parts, though they are found in a

small tank in the Chittore hill fort, 100 miles to the south.”

improbable that the Ajmere crocodile may be the same. We are badly in

want of a careful collection and comparison of Indian crocodiles ; small

specimens 2 or 3 feet long would be of service.

3. VARANUS LUNATUS P

Three young specimens have been sent to me by Major St. John;

they are respectively 19, 14 and 8% inches long. In the first I count 114

scales from the gular fold to the loin, in the second 98, in the third 104.

Owing to the irregularity of the anterior scales, the number is not quite

constant, but having counted the rows in each case two or three times, I only

find a difference of one or two.

The colouration is also different in all three. The largest specimen

is much darker than the others ; yellowish brown in spirit, with small black

spots more or less regularly arranged in transverse lines on the back, and

narrow blackish cross lines on the neck. A few white spots, generally

very small, are scattered quite irregularly over parts of the back, sides, limbs

and tail. A black line from the back of the eye over the ear to the side

of the nape.

The next specimen is paler yellowish brown, with cross rows of small

white ocelli alternating with rows of dark spots throughout the back, and

with somewhat irregular broad bands on the tail. The black line from be-

hind the eye is less distinct.

In the smallest specimen, the ground colour is still paler, numerous

dark bands cross the back and alternate with rows of minute white dots:

on the tail the dark bands form rings, and are much broader than on the

back ; on the back of the neck the dark lines are V-shaped, the angle being

directed backwards. The dark marks running back from the eyes meet on

the nape, and form the first cross band. ‘There are imperfect dark cross

lines on the chin and throat.

The question arises to which species these monitors should be referred.

Varanus flavescens and V. nebulosus are quite different, and it is clear

that the Ajmere specimens, if they belong to a described form, must be

either V. dracena or V. lunatus. The distinctions between these species

are variously described by different naturalists. Gray’s original description

of Varanus lunatus, in the Catalogue of the Specimens of Lizards in the

Collection of the British Musewm (1845) p. 10, runs thus:

“ Nostrils large, nearly central, (7. e,, between the eye and muzzle,) shields over

orbit small, subequal; dark brown, with lunate bands, directed backwards on the neck

1879. ] made at Ajmere in Réjputdna. 121

and forwards on the body, and with cross bands on the tail; belly and under side of

tail whitish.”

While V. heraldicus, as Gray called V. dracena, was thus described :

“ Black with cross rows of pale-eyed spots, beneath pale, black-banded; shields

over the orbits small, subequal.”

The distinction, it will be seen, depends solely on colouration, and I

may add that the colour assigned to V. dracena is not that of a typical

example by any means. In Giinther’s “ Reptiles of British India,” the

differences are far better explained. V. dracena is said to have the ven-

tral scales in 90 transverse series between the gular fold and the loin, and

the neck without angular dark cross bands. In V. lunatus the ventral

scales are said to be in 105 transverse series, and the neek to be marked

with dark angular cross bands, their points being directed backwards. The

following is the description of the colouring of V. dracena :

*‘ Brownish olive, uniform or generally with more or less numerous black dots,

each of which occupies a scale; these dots are sometimes arranged in irregular trans-

verse series and are most numerous on the throat : young specimens shew numerous

small white ocelli edged darker, whilst the lower parts are marked with irregular dark

transverse bands.”

It is mentioned that a young specimen fromthe Anamullay mountains

(probably from the base, not the top of the hills) shews narrow black bands

across the neck, “ but they are much narrower than in V. /unatus and rather

irregular.” The colouration of V. lunatus is said to be—

‘Neck, trunk, and tail marked with cross bands, which are as broad as the inter-

spaces of the ground colour; these bands are angular on the trunk and neck, with the

angle directed backward on the neck and forwards on the trunk—four on the neck,

eleyen on the trunk. Sides and legs dotted with white.’

The single specimen in the British Museum, from which Gray’s and

Giinther’s description was taken, is stuffed and 25 inches in length, so that

it is not in all probability full grown. It is said to have come from India,

but no further information is available as to the locality. I examined this

skin some years ago, when comparing the specimen from Baluchistan de-

scribed in Hastern Persia, Vol. II, p. 360, but I could detect no character

to be added to those noticed by Giinther.

The matter remained thus till ten years ago. Then Carlleyle stated

that both V. dracena and V. lunatus occurred commonly near Agra, and

that neither of them were “ water-lizards.” (J. A.S. B., 1869, Pt. 2,

p- 195.) Next Jerdon (P. A. S. B., March, 1870, p. 70,) stated that he

found V. lwnatus in the Museums at Delhi and Lahore. Anderson,

(J. A.S. B., 1871, Pt. 2, p. 30,) recorded the receipt, by the Indian Museum,

of V. dracena from Calcutta, Agra, the Khasi Hills and Assam, and of

V. lunatus from Agra and Goalpara (Assam). Dr. Stoliczka identified

122 W. T. Blanford—Notes on a collection of Reptiles [No. 3,

the species found in Kachh with V. dracena (P. A. S. B., 1872, p. 73,)

and I similarly referred a Baluchistan specimen to the same species.

Lastly Theobald, in his “ Deseriptive Oataloque of the Reptiles of Bri-

tish India,” 1876, p. 38, does little more than copy Giinther’s characters,

but gives the additional localities subsequently recorded. In his Synopsis,

at the end of the volume, he distinguishes V. dracena as having the body

black dotted, and V. lwnatus as having the same yellow dotted; a distine-

tion, I may at once add, with which I am unable to coincide.

So far as I know, no other specimen having the peculiar colouration

exhibited by the type of V. lunatus has been observed. The colouration,

of the neck especially, is peculiar and is shewn in Giinther’s plate. All

who have endeavoured to discriminate the species in India have, I think,

depended on the number of rows of ventral scales, specimens with less than

about 95 rows (or to speak more correctly about 70 to 75 rows on the

abdomen, and 20 to 25 scales less regularly arranged on the breast) have

been referred to V. dracena ; those with 100 or more to V. lunatus.

Stoliczka, however, referred Kachh specimens with 90 to 100 rows to V.

dracena, and I myself, after comparing a specimen from Baluchistan hav-

ing 107 rows with the series in the British Museum, came to the conclu-

sion that it must be classed with the same species. At the same time

I expressed a doubt whether V. /wnatus was more thana variety of

V. dracena.

On the other hand there is considerable reason for believing that the

common Varanus dracena of Bengal and Assam is a water lizard, inhabit-

ing marshy places and entering the water freely like V. flavescens. ‘The

monitors of the North-West Provinces of India, of parts of Southern and

Western India are purely terrestrial, as has been noted by several observers.

Many of these terrestrial lizards have been classed by various writersas V.

dracena, andthe question arises whether two species have not been con-

founded under this name. A second question is, whether the terrestrial

lizard is not V. dunatus.

In the hope of determining this point, I examined all the Indian

Museum specimens, which Dr. Anderson kindly placed at my disposal.

The result is far from decisive, but it does appear probable that two well

marked forms exist, the one inhabiting Bengal and Assam, the other rang-

ing through the greater portion of the Indian Peninsula. The number of

ventral scales is not sufficiently characteristic to serve as a distinction,

although the form from the North West Provinces and Western India has

decidedly smaller scales, both above and below, than the Eastern race. In-

deed I have sought in vain for any well-marked character to distinguish

these two, So faras Ican see, the adults are easily discriminated by

1879.] made at Ajmere in Rajputana. 123

colouration, and by the form of the dorsal scales. Assuming that the

western form is Jwnatus, the following appear to be the distinctions.

V.dracena. Back more rounded, and head higher. Scales throughout

larger, the dorsal scales surrounded by granules, the central boss very con-

vex, much longer than broad. The fold above the shoulder and along the

side often ill-marked, and in old specimens wanting.

Colouration dusky yellow to greenish olive thickly speckled with black.

In the young the dark transverse bands are broad, nearly equal to the

interspaces,

V. lunatus? Back nearly flat, and head lower than in V. dracena.

Scales throughout smaller, notably so on the labials, and as a rule on the

supra-orbital regions. The dorsal scales in adults surrounded by a broad

band of granules, the central boss nearly flat, but little longer than broad.

The fold above the shoulder running back nearly to the thigh, and forward

on the side of the neck, well marked in young specimens, and as a rule in

adults.

Colouration brownish olive to yellowish brown. Adults almost uni-

formly coloured or thinly dotted with black on the upper parts. In the

young the transverse bands are narrower than the interspaces (the very

young are indistinguishable, however, from those of V. dracena).

It is not certain that the latter species is the true V. /unatus, but as

that form has smaller scales than the typical V. dracena, the monitor above

described may be referred to it. ven now I am far from convinced that

the two are absolutely separable

Varanus lunatus (if this be correctly identified) is common near Ajmere.

4. QOpuiops microzeris. (J. A. S. B., 1870, Pt. 2, p. 351; 1872,

Pt. 2, p. 90; P. A. S. B., 1872, p. 74.) This seem rather a widely-spread

form. ‘The present is the fourth locality noticed, the others are Bilaspur

in the Eastern Central Provinces, Karharbari in Western Bengal, and

Kachh.

5. EHUPREPES GUENTHERI.

E. monticola, Giinther, Reptiles of British India, p. 80, Pl. X, fig.

C.—Stoliczka, J. A. S. B., 1872, Pt. 2, p. 120.—Theobald, Dese. Cat. Rep-

tiles Brit. Ind., p. 52.

Few people can be more loth to change a name which has subsisted

for a considerable time than I am, but I think that this is clearly one of

the cases to which the British Association rule, § 11, applies. That rule

runs thus :—‘“ A name may be changed, when it implies a false proposition

which is likely to propagate important errors.” Now the name monticola

does imply a false proposition, for it indicates that the species so called is a

124 W. T. Blanford—WNotes on a collection of Reptiles [No. 3,

mountain form; Dr. Giinther’s information led him to suppose that this

scinque inhabited Sikkim at an elevation of 8000 feet. Whence his infor-

mation was derived is not mentioned, but Dr. Stoliczka was probably cor-

rect in attributing it to the Messrs. v. Schlagintweit, whose inaceuracy in

these matters is notorious. Since the species was described, Sikkim has been

searched by numerous collectors, but not a single specimen of this Hupre-

pes has been found. Dr. Stoliczka noticed the improbability of this form

occurring in the highlands of Sikkim, where not a single reptile found in

the plains of India is known to occur, but he suggests that the specimens

may have been procured in the warm valleys. It appears, however, that

this scinque is an inhabitant of the dry parts of India. Major St. John has

sent it from Ajmere, Mr. Theobald records it from Kalka, at the base of

the barren lower Himalayas of the Punjab, and I have met with it in Upper

Sind.* Now the fauna of the dry plains of Upper India is widely differ-

ent from that found in the moist Sikkim valleys, and the only reptiles

common to the two are a few species of enormous range, such as Oalotes

versicolor or Naja tripudians. I believe, therefore, that Huprepes monti-

cola, like Eryx Johnii and Gongylophis conicus, owes its supposed Sikkim

locality solely to an incorrect label, and therefore the retention of the name

monticola “tends to propagate an important error.” Under these circum-

stances I propose to re-name the species after the original describer, Dr.

Giinther.

Two specimens of B. guentheri have been sent by Major St. John;

they agree with Dr. Giinther’s original description in all essential particu-

lars, and still better with Dr. Stoliczka’s. There are 35 or 36 scales round

the body, the dorsal scales have two keels, sometimes with a faint third

keel between the two stronger ridges ; lateral scales with three keels.

EE. gquentheri is, according to Major St. John, common near Ajmere.

It lives under bushes on the hill sides and in sand.

6. HeEMIDACTYLUS TRIEDRUS, (7 subtriedrus). (Stoliczka, J. A. 8. B.,

1872, Pt. 2, p. 98.) The only specimen procured was caught on Tara-

garh, close to Ajmere. There are unfortunately no specimens for compari-

son from Southern India in the Museum at Calcutta, and I have no longer

those procured near Ellore. In the individual from Ajmere, as in those

from Ellore, none of the trihedral tubercles is quite as large as the ear

opening. The specimen is, unfortunately, a female, and has no femoral

pores. The following are the principal characters.

Back with closely set trihedral tubercles, those in the middle a little

* T have also received from Mr. Wynne a specimen of a scinque procured in

Hazdra, and probably belonging to this species, but not in sufficiently good preserva-

tion to be identified with certainty.

1879.] made at Ajmere in Rajputina. 125

longer than broad and arranged in longitudinal lines, those on the sides

broader than long, not very regularly placed. Head above granular, with

numerous small round tubercles. Tail with cross-rows of trihedral tuber-

cles above, and broad plates below. Eight upper labials, seven lower; the

nostri) is separated from the first labial, but is in contact with the rostral ,

the plates behind the rostral are small ; one pair of large chin shields only ;

about 34 scales across the abdomen. Scales below head and throat and

those beneath the feet very small.

The general form is similar tothat of H. triedrus, as represented in

Belanger’s “ Voyage ;” the head large and depressed; body stout. The

length of the specimen is rather more than 23 inches from nose to anus,

the tail, renewed in parts, is 2 inches long.

Colouration in spirit light brown above, with, on the body, 5 broad trans-

verse yellow, black-edged bands, the margins of whichare wavy ; the first

on the nape without a black edge in front, the hindmost between the hind

legs; similar but narrower bands across the upper part of the tail. Sides

of head blackish, darker behind the eye than in front, with a pale line from

the nostril to the eye continued behind the eye, to the nape, and another

line along the upper labials, produced by some whitish tubercles to above

the ear. :

7. HEMIDACTYLUS cocTast,

8. CALOTES VERSICOLOR.

*9. CHAMMLEO CEYLANICUS.

10. TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

11. OLIGODON SUBGRISEUS.

12. CynopHis HELENA. A specimen 41 inches long, agreeing very

well with the description in Giinther’s Reptiles, except that the labials are

more divided than usual, and the ventral shields more numerous. There

are 11 upper labials on each side, the 5th, 6th and 7th entering the orbit ;

the preocular is large, extending to the upper surface of the head. Loreal

divided into two shields, both in contact with the prexocular, the anterior

square, the posterior smaller, subtrigonal. Anterior frontals as long as

broad. Ventrals 254; anal single ; subcaudals in 75 pairs, the extreme tip

of the tail having been lost.

13. Pryas mMucosus.

14. ZameEnis piapEMA. A large specimen, 61 inches in length, agrees

in most characters with Dr. Anderson’s description (P. Z. 8., 1871, p. 174,)

of the form found in the neighbourhood of Agra, There are only 27 rows

of scales round the body, the dorsal series being very distinctly keeled, the

angulation of the ventrals is faint, and the preocular is divided into two.

126 W. T. Blanford—Wotes on a collection of Reptiles [No. 8,

The post-frontals are united into one shield, and there are three supple-

mentary shields behind the post-frontal, as in the Persian form, (Hastern

Persia, II, p. 412,) and not four as is usual in Indian specimens. There

are 11 upper labials on one side, and 12 on the other. Ventrals 239 ; anal

undivided ; subeaudals in 110 pairs.

The whole upper surface of the head is black, the colour extending in

part to the labials, the remainder of the body is pale sandy in spirit, almost

eream-coloured, pinkish anteriorly on the back, and dotted here and there

with black spots, which are quite irregular both in size and distribution :

(see Stoliczka, P. A. S. B., 1872, p. 82.) In life, as I learn from Major

St. John, the lower parts were bright salmon pink.

15. TrRoprponorus QguincuncraTUS. <A single young individual is

sent, only 12 inches long. Uniformly coloured above olive-grey in spirits,

white below; even the characteristic black marks from the eye to the

labials are wanting, although the posterior band is indicated by a faint

dusky line.

16. PsamMmoputs conpanarus. The single specimen sent appears

to approach the Sind form in some respects, and especially in having the

nostril between two shields (Stoliczka, P. A. 8. B., 1872, p. 83). But I

find in a Sind specimen that the nostril is much smaller, the orifice being

diminished by a valvular prolongation of the upper portion of the post-

nasal. This form leads again to P. leith, in which, as I have shewn,

(Eastern Persia, II, p. 421,) there appear to be two post-nasals.

In the Ajmere specimen the principal marking consists of 4 longitudi-

nal equidistant dark-brown, almost black bands, two on the back and one

on each side, extending from head to tail ; the two upper bands coalescing on

the tail. The bands are equal in breadth to the interspaces. ‘The speci-

men is young ; it measures only 28 inches, the tail being imperfect.

17. Dipsas TRIGonaTA. A small specimen only 157 inches long, of

which the tail is but 25. The colouration consists of rather irregular

white, black-edged patches, having a tendency to form transverse lines on

the back. Ventrals 215. The tail is slightly imperfect, but only a very

small portion can be missing. i

In young specimens of this snake, at all events, the tail does not

always amount to a fourth of the length. I find notes of two specimens

from the neighbourhood of Ellore, measuring respectively 15¢ and 23}

inches, with tails 8 and 44 inches long, or rather less than one-fifth in each

case. In the Ajmere specimen the tail is even shorter, about one-seventh.

This snake was captured amongst stones, and had swallowed a young

Calotes versicolor.

1879.] W. T. Blanford—Notes on Reptilia. 127

18. Lycopon AvLicus.

19. L. srrrarus. ‘Two specimens sent, one 11 inches long, the other

92. Major St. John notices that these snakes had no yellow coloration,

and suggests that the tint may be seasonal, His examples were procured

early in April.

*20. PyrHon monurus. This, as already remarked, is an unexpect-

ed addition to the fauna of Rajputana. The specimen obtained by Major

St. John was 10 feet long, and was captured in bush jungle near the Pokur

lake among low hills on the edge of the desert.

21. Eryx Jonni.

*22. NasA TRIPUDIANS.

23. BUNGARUS CHRULEUS.

24. EcHIS CARINATA.

XV.— Notes on Reptiliaa—By W. T. BuanForp, F. BR. 8., &e.

(Received and read 6th August, 1879.)

In the course of the last few years I have received small collections of

reptiles from several friends in different parts of India and Burma, and I

have collected some myself in Sind and its neighbourhood, and in Darijiling.

Although, with the exception of one snake (Homalopside) described below,

none appear to be absolutely new, there are a few calling for remark on

account of rarity, variation, or from the locality being previously unknown.

I have thrown together these somewhat desultory notes in the following

pages.

LACERTILIA.

MEsanina GuTTULATA (olim PARDALIS).

Dr. Peters informs me that the species identified with Lacerta pardalis

of Lichtenstein by Dumeril and Bibron (Hrp. Gen. V, p. 312) and by

Gray (Cat. Liz. Brit. Mus. 1845, p. 43) is not Lichtenstein’s species, but

that it is his Z. guttulata. I believe the original types of Lichtenstein

are in the Berlin Museum and have been examined by Dr. Peters.

The species abounds in the countries west of India ( ‘ Hustern Persia,’

II, p. 377), and was described from Sind by Dr. Stoliczka, who supposed it to

be a new species which he called Hremias (Mesalina) Watsonana (P. A.S. B.,

1872, p. 86; see also J. A. S. B., 1876, Pt. 2, p. 26). I have since found

it as far to the eastward as Jaisalmir.

128 W. T. Blanford—Wotes on Reptilia. [No. 3,

SPHENOCEPHALUS TRIDACTYLUS,

When in the Indian desert between Sind and Rajpitdina in 1876, I

daily saw tracks in the sand, which I believe to have been made by this

lizard; but although I heard of the animal under its name of ‘ Rig mahi’

I never succeeded in finding specimens. TI believe that it is nocturnal in

its habits, as I always found the peculiar vermiform tracks in the sand,

which are, I believe, produced by it, fresh in the early morning. It has

been obtained from both Sind and Cutch (P. A. S. B., 1872, pp. 76, 88),

but it is said to be rare. I suspect, on the contrary, that it is common,

but that, from its habit of burrowing and from its not moving about dur-

ing the day, it is very difficult to find.

ZYGNIDOPSIS BREVIPES.

I am indebted to my friend Major Mockler for two additional specimens

of this rare lizard. The single type was procured near Karman in Persia

at an elevation of 5,500 feet ; the two specimens now sent are from some

part of Southern Persia or Baluchistan, probably from near the coast, but

I do not know the exact locality. The head was slightly injured in the

original specimen, and those now procured shew the muzzle to be more

conical than it is represented in the plate in ‘ Hastern Persia’ (see Vol. II,

p. 897, Pl. XXVII, fig. 4) and the rostral shield to be distinctly angulate

in front. The tongue too is slightly cleft at the extreme end.

Another error in the figure, judging from the more perfect specimens

now procured, is that the tail tapers rather more than it is represented as

doing. In neither of the specimens sent is the tail perfect ; in one it has

been entirely lost and the new growth is only beginning, in the other the

extremity has been renewed. In one specimen the hind foot is one-fourth,

instead of one-fifth, the length from thigh to shoulder.

The anterior margin of the vertical and the posterior margin of the

prefrontal are straight, and so is the posterior edge of the vertical, not

convex as in the type. The superciliary shields are also slightly different

from the figure, the third from behind being the largest and fitting into

the emargination on each side of the vertical.

The coloration is paler and consists of narrow brownish longitudinal

lines, the only conspicuous bands being one on each side from the nostril

through the eye down the upper part of each side.

The specimens are smaller than the original type, one being 3, the

other 32 inches from nose to anus.

Draco sp. (? D. Masor, var.)

A single specimen of Draco of large size, sent to me by Mr. Davison,

closely resembles D. major (J. A. S. B., 1878, XLVIL, Pt. 2, p. 125), but

1879.] W. T. Blanford— Notes on Reptilia. 129

the hind limb just reaches the axil, the tympanum is covered with one or

two large scales instead of being quite naked, and the nostrils are not direct

ed upwards. If the last character were certain, there could be no doubt

about the specific distinction of the species, but one nostril has a distorted

look, and there is an opening from one nostril to the other through the

septum, so that it is possible to see through both nostrils. Now the speci-

men haying been obtained by an ornithologist, I think it has been carried,

when freshly killed, suspended to a stick with a pin thrust through the

nostrils—the common plan employed for carrying birds by collectors—and

I am not sure how far the nostrils have been distorted by the process.

The other differences are less important ; in forms like D. maculatus with

the tympanum scaly, the area is covered with small scales ; and in those with

a naked tympanum, part of the space is often occupied by a large flat

scale.

The membrane of the ‘ wings’ is dark-coloured, rather darker towards

the margin than inside, with small spots formed of larger white scales.

These spots are not arranged in as distinct rows as in typical D. major.

Otherwise the coloration is the same in both. The length is 12 inches,

of which the tail measures 8.

This may be a new species and I therefore eall attention to it. I am

much inclined, however, to believe it is a variety of D. major with the

nostrils distorted.

STELLIO TUBERCULATA.

As might have been anticipated, this proves to be, in part, a vegetable

feeder, like allied species. Mr. Wynne noticed some lizards feeding on

leaves at Murree, and sent me a skin of this species and some of the con-

tents of the stomach, which proved to be a mixture of fragments, partly of

insects, partly of vegetables.

AGAMA AGILIS.

Dr. Peters writes to me that this species is Agama sanguinolenta of

Pallas, and must take Pallas’s name. It is also, Dr. Peters says, A.

aralensis of Lichtenstein ; the true A. agilis of Ollivier being a form allied

to A. (Trapelus) ruderata. Tam unable to examine into this question at

present as I have not now access to Ollivier’s work.

I found the lizard hitherto called A. agilis by myself and others (see

Eastern Persia, II, p. 314 and J. A. S. B., 1876, pt. 2, p.22) abundant near

Jaisulmir in the sandy desert to the east of the Indus. I once or twice saw

this species on low bushes, precisely as I have observed Zrapelus ruderatus

in Persia.

130 W. T. Blanford—WNotes on Reptilia. [No. 3,

ACANTHOSAURA ARMATA.

Tam indebted to Mr. Davison for specimens of this lizard from the

neighbourhood of Moulmainand from Tavoy. Both forms differ some-

what in coloration from the published description. The Moulmain speci-

mens are large, being nearly 12 inches long, and all the upper portions are

dusky, the tail with pale rings, lower parts pale, the colour extending up the

sides of the head and neck, in the former to just below the eyeandin front

tothe canthus rostralis and on the neck, so that there is only a belt of black

about one-eighth of an inch broad on each side of the crest ; no radiating

lines from the orbit over the lip. In the Tavoy specimens, which are

younger, the upper parts are mottled with dusky and grey.

OPHIDIA.

HYPSIRHINA MACULATA, sp. nov.

Hypsirhina ad H. chinensem affinis, sed squamis in 25 nee 23 series

regulares longitudinales ordinatis, scutis ventralibus ad 125. Oaput breve,

rostrum truncatum, corpus robustum, cauda compressa. Scutum prefron-

tale unicum parvum, singulis postfrontalibus magnitudine secundum ; pre-

oculare wnicum, postocularia duo. Obolor fusco-cinerascens, nigro-maculatus,

abdomine albescente, fascia fusca longitudinali utringue ad margines scuto-

rum ventraliwm ornato.

Habitat in Pegu Burmanorun.

Head short, very little broader than the neck, muzzle broad, square, as

if truncated, body stout, tail short compressed. Scales polished, rhombic, in

twenty-five very regular series. Ventrals narrow 125, anal bifid, subcaudals

in 45 pairs.

The rostral, which just reaches the upper surface of the head, does not

occupy much more than half the anterior margin of the upper jaw. The

single anterior frontal is nearly as long as broad, and is a little smaller than

each of the posterior frontals ; vertical fully twice as long as broad, elongately

subpentagonal ; occipitalsa little longer than the vertical. Loreal trapezoi-

dal, on one side the loreal is partly united to the postfrontal ; one pre-, two

post-oculars. T’emporals 1 + 2. Upper labials 8, gradually increasing in

size to the 7th; the eighth is small and no larger than the adjoining scales,

the 4th enters the orbit. Only one pair of large chin-shields, the posterior

pair scarcely exceed the adjoining scales in size. ;

Colour blackish ashy with a row of large irregular-shaped black spots

down the back and another rather less in size, but each spot including

several scales, down each side; a blackish band down the margins of the

ventrals caused by the dark edges of the shields and of the first row of

scales on each side.

1879.] W. T. Blanford—Wotes on Reptilia. 131

The specimen is 12 inches long, of which the tail measures 1. It was

collected by Dr. Baker in Pegu, I believe, in the neighbourhood of Bassein,

and sent to me with some other snakes for examination by Captain Spear-

man.

This Hypsirhina appears separable from all other species by the larger

number of rows of scales. The scales in this genus are so regular, that I

think even a single specimen affords sufficient evidence of distinction, and

the Pegu snake is further distinguished from H. chinensis, its nearest ally,

by having a smaller number of ventral shields. In H. chinensis there are 23

rows of scales round the body and 150 ventrals. I have not access to a

specimen of H. chinensis, and so far as I am aware no figure of this species

has been published, so I cannot tell whether H. maculata has a differently

formed head. From the two species of Hypsirhina previously recorded

from Burma and India, H. plumbea and H. enhydris, the present form is

at once distinguished by its much blunter muzzle and smaller prefrontal

shield, and by its coloration, besides the much more numerous rows of

scales.

DIPsaS TRIGONATA.

A young snake, obtained by Major Mockler at Gwadar in Baluchistan,

appears to me to be nearer to this species than to any other, although I can-

not feel sure that it is correctly identified, for, although I can detect no

distinction in the shields, the head appears narrower, less triangular, and

peculiarly coloured, and the muzzle broader than in other examples of the

species. The locality is of interest also, as it is much farther west than

this snake has been previously found, Gwadar being about 200 miles west

of the British frontier, and the occurrence on the Baluchistan coast shews how

thoroughly terrestrial a form this species of Dipsas is, for there is nota

single tree and scarcely a bush to be found near Gwadar, which is merely a

fishing village on a barren spit of sand, between a rocky promontory and

the mainland.

The length of the specimen is 12 inches, of which the tail is 24.

Ventrals 230, subcaudals 92. The upper surface andside of the head are

mottled with black, which prevails in front, so that the frontals, rostral, and

anterior labials are entirely black or blackish. On the body there are the

usual rather irregular transverse dark-edged whitish elongated spots.

XENURELAPS BUNGAROIDES.

This snake has hitherto only been reported from the Khasi hills,

where it appears to be rare.* In 1878, I captured a specimen close to Dar-

* Gunther, Rept. Brit. Ind. p. 345; Jerdon, P. A. 8. B., 1870, p. 82.

132 W. T. Blanford—Wotes on Reptilia. [No. 3,

jiling, and, subsequently, Dr. Anderson obtained another from the Govern-

ment Cinchona Plantation in Sikkim.

The specimen taken by myself is much larger than the type, and mea-

sures 32 inches in length, of which the tailis 4. It was caught in the

dusk of evening on the road round Birch-hill, at an elevation of rather less

than 7000 feet above the sea. When taken it appeared sluggish and made

no attempt to bite.

HyproPHISs LAPEMOIDES.

A specimen, sent from Gwadar in Baluchistan by Major Mockler and

collected, doubtless, on the Makran coast, agrees so well with Dr. Giinther’s

description of H. lapemoides that I have no doubt it must be assigned to

that species. The dorsal scales, in the posterior part of the body especially,

have a short tubercular keel, but on the lateral scales there is only a central

tubercle. Thirty-five black rings round the trunk, the anterior rings imper-

fect below. Length 153 inches, of which the tail measures 1:6 and the

cleft of the mouth 0-4.

HYDROPHIS LATIFASCIATA.

A specimen, agreeing very fairly with the description of this species

(of which the type was procured from Mergui), has been sent to me by

Captain Spearman from Pegu. ‘There are, however, one or two characters

which seem to shew a tendency to a passage into H. coronata. The lateral

scales on the hinder stout portion of the body have a slightly elongated

tubercle rather than a keel, and the ventrals bear two such tubercles. Even

on the dorsal scales, the keel does not extend half the length of the scale.

The coloration agrees with the description of that found in H latifascia-

ta so far, that the yellow rings are very imperfect and the blackish colour

covers a much larger portion of the body, the whole of the lower part of

the anterior two-thirds being black and the yellow rings being only faintly

traceable across the band throughout the thicker part of the trunk, they

extend in general across the neck, though narrower on the upper surface,

and appear in the anterior part of the body as well-defined transverse spots,

but on the thicker portion and tail they are only conspicuous as elongated

oval spots with indistinct edges along the sides. There are 56 of these

imperfect yellow rings on the neck and body, 9 on the tail. Length 27

inches, neck about one-third of the whole, cleft of mouth 0:3 inch, tail 32.

PRL PLL PPR PAPPA NS RPP

1879.] J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Implements. 133

XVI.—Wotes on Stone Implements from the Khasi Hills, and the Banda

and Vellore Districts—By Joun Cocxsurn, Late Ourator of the

Allahébad Museum, Officiating Assistant Osteologist, Indian Museum,

Calcutta.

(Received Ist July ; read 6th August, 1879.)

(With Plates XIV, XV, XVI.)

Stone Implements from the Khasi Hills.

Stone implements have from time to time been found in the Province

of Assam, but the specimen figured in Plate XIV (figures A, A’), is un-

usually interesting, as being the first stone implement found im situ on the

Khasi Hills. The only previous record of a stone implement from the

Khasi Hills I can find, is by Col. Godwin-Austen, in P. A. 8. B. for 1875,

p- 158.* This specimen was picked up on the surface of the road, on the

bridge near Col. McCulloch’s house at Shillong, and no one who knows the

locality can doubt that it had been dropped accidentally, probably from the

pouch of some Khasia, a people who venerate celts as relics. Specimen B,

(Plate XIV, figs. B, B*) which I purchased from a Khasia, had a small portion

scraped off. This, I was told, had been administered to a sick child in a

draught of water. The first specimen (A), which measures roughly 3’ 50” in

length, by 1’ 65” in width, is made of a tolerably hard argillaceous slate.

It was dug up at Shillong in December, 1877, on the site of the house at

present occupied by Brigadier-General Nation, in the presence of Col. A.

Tulloch, then in command of the 42nd N. I., and Lieut. H. Stevens, Adjutant

of the Regiment. ‘These officers were superintending a working party of

the men of their Regiment who were levelling the site, when one of the men,

a Ghurka, came up to them with the celt in his hand, all incrusted asit was

with clay, and said it had just tumbled out of a clod he had broken up. On

the specimen being shown to me, I at once pronounced it to be a genuine celt,

in spite of the soft material of which it was made. I visited the place the

same day in company with these gentlemen, and was shown the spot where

it was found. This was nearly four feet below the surface in clay. This

clay overlies a peculiar sub-gneissose sandstone, and from sections I had an

opportunity of observing on an adjoining site about 300 yards north-east of

- the General’s house and elsewhere close by, it averages from five to seven

feet in thickness.

I shortly after got specimen (B) from a highly intelligent Khasia in my

employ ; he said he had found it near Nongpo on the Shillong and Gau-

hati road. There can be no doubt as to the authenticity of this speci-

men, which is made of the same material (slate) as specimen (A,) and has

* For two other instances of stone implements in Assam, see P. A. S. B., 1872,

p. 136.

134 J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Inplements. [No. 3,

a similar weathered coating. I cannot certify to the locality, for my Khasia

friend had decidedly loose notions as to the value of truth, but am of opi-

nion that it was also found on the Shillong plateau. In shape, it

somewhat resembles the small Jade specimens from Yunanand may be

considered as a form grading into the shouldered type of celt. I may

mention that it bears a good deal of resemblance to the chisel used at the

present day in file cutting. These celts of slate could hardly have been

used as anything else but agricultural implements, hoés &c., as pointed out

by Col. Godwin-Austen ; but I would suggest that besides being used as

instruments for digging up roots &c., fixed in a rude horn or wood

handle, the chief use of celts of the smaller type from 6” to 2”, made

of greenstone or chert, was for flaying animals. The specimen figured at

p- 251, Fig. 161, of the Cutalogue of Antiquities of the Royal Trish

Academy well illustrates how these small celts were handled, probably

fixed with some hard resin, like the “ black boy”? gum of Australia, in a

cavity scooped beneath the burr of a shed antler with a few inches of

beam attached, so as to form a small handle. I was struck with this idea

from the facility with which I have seen Chamars in the Cawnpore

District, skin Nilgai (Portar tragocamelus), with their rude khirpas

(an instrument like a flat metal celt, fixed into an obtusely angular

handle, made of a branch of a tree and used chiefly for scraping up grass).

I have not the least doubt that their aboriginal ancestors used these small

celts, which were similarly handled, as deftly for this purpose in their day.

I would myself undertake to skin in a couple of hours an animal the

size of a heifer with a celt handled and sharpened, and the assistance of a

few flint flakes or shells.*

* TI find I have been perhaps anticipated in the above remarks by Mr. V. Ball,

in a paper read before the Royal Irish Academy on the 30th of November, 1878, but

of which I did not see a copy till June last, while my paper was written in the previous

November. I here copy this portion of Mr. Ball’s paper. ‘There is one class of stone

implements unsuited to any of the above-mentioned purposes, but which being provided

with sharp edges it seems very probable were used as skin-serapers. In connexion with

this, Imay mention that on one occasion in the Satpura Hills in the Central Provinces,

haying shot a bear I gave the carcase, with some knives to the people who had brought

it to camp, in order that they might take off the skin. These people belong to a tribe

who always carry a very small well-sharpened iron axe of a form I have not seen else-

where. After working for a short time with the knives, they discarded them for the

axes, which they removed from their wooden handles, and then placing their thumbs

in the holes grasped them firmly in their fingers, and continued the flaying with as-

tonishing rapidity. In a similar way, I believe that the scrapers of stone may have

been used for the preparation of skins, which when rudely dressed afforded the only

clothing of these early inhabitants.’’ I may here remark that these small curved axes

are used throughout Bundlekhand, and that I always carried one myself for many years

on shooting excursions.

1879.] J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Implements. 135

In connexion with the subject of stone celts, I may mention that it is

not generally known that the natives of Upper Assam use a genuine metal

celt at the present day. The only record I can find of a somewhat simi-

lar implement is in the P. A. S. B. for 1871, p. 83, where a celt of this

kind is spoken of as used in Arakan, fixed on a long bamboo handle.

This simple but highly efficient Assamese axe somewhat resembles a

modern African axe figured by Sir John Lubbock at p. 28 of the 8rd edition

of Pre-historic Times, and is almost identical in principle with another

modern African axe, fig. 256, p. 370, Cat. Ant. R. I. A. It consists

of a moderately stout handle of a dark and heavy wood, slightly curved

upward at the haft end, where it expands into a hard natural knot. Into

this knot is inserted at an angle, a tapering chisel-like blade of iron

about 2°25 in. wide at the cutting edge, tapering to a point, and about

8in. long. An axe of this kind will stand three or four years of hard

work without splitting, and the dexterous and efficient way in which it was

used excited my admiration. A family or party consisting of five or six

males will fell and clear three acres of dense forest in two months,

working at leisure. I observed this kind of axe used from Dumduma to

Saikwah Ghat on the Sadiya Road, in the hands of Muttucks, Ahoms and

Miris. Occasionally these tribes take contracts from tea-planters to

clear forest, and, I have been informed, prefer their own tools to the best

English felling axes. On one occasion I myself had to fell a considerable

sized tree near a clearance at Dollah, near Sadiya, for the purpose of ob-

taining the eggs of a wood-pecker, and set to work with an English axe.

The tree was quite 20 in. in diameter, and I had not gone two inches into the

wood, when a man came up bearing one of these primitive axes, and volun-

teered his assistance, refusing at the same time the proffer of my axe, on

the grounds that it was unnecessarily weighty, too broad, and formed a

thick and clumsy wedge. In a quarter of an hour he had the tree down,

and in a short time more the glistening eggs were in my hand. This

iron Assamese celt, which, if found elsewhere, severed from its handle,

would be considered of quite the same type as the narrow bronze celts

considered by some Antiquaries to have been chisels, suggests the reflec-

tion that fig. 252 A. of the Out. Ant. R. I. A., which has been accepted

all over the world as the method in which the flat wedge-shaped celt was

handled, more particularly since its reproduction in Sir J. Lubbock’s popular

and interesting work Pre-historic Times, (see p. 25, 2nd edition,) is not

quite correct.

In this figure the taper point and a proportion amounting to nearly

one-fourth of the instrument, is seen projecting above the handle, while

ily

136 J. Cockburn—Notes on Stone Implements. [No. 3,

a cross ligature of tendon or cord gives additional security to keep the

‘head from falling out and the handle from splitting.*

That some celts were so handled has received additional confirmation

from a Plate in Fergusson’s Zree and Serpent Worship, where a man,

considered an aborigine}, is represented cleaving wood with a celt, which,

as the cross ligature and the projection of a portion of the metal above the

handle show, was handled in the manner suggested in the Cat. Ant. R. I. A.

But figs. 274 to 251 in that work, and all bronze celts of the long narrow

type were, I am inclined to think, hafted imbedded in a knot as in the

modern Assamese axe. Flat copper celts of exactly the same type as

represented in the bas-reliefs of the Sanchi Tope have been found in the

Mainpuri District, in the Gangetic Dudbt and also in the Balaghat District,

hardly more than a foot below the surface, indicating their use at a com-

paratively modern date.§ Copper or bronze (?) implements were, I am

inclined to think, in use all over the Dudb in the second century after

Christ, in conjunction with iron, which was either too costly to be pro-

cured by the poorer classes or too valuable to manufacture agricultural

implements of. At this era I would assume that certain tribes of aborigines

who yet maintained their independence, in impenetrable jungles or hills

in various parts of the country, continued in or were slowly passing out of

a stone age. The chert flakes and arrow heads found in Bundelkhand

on the surface possibly originated at this time, as well as some of the

numerous polished celts found in this part of the country.

We know how rapidly savage communities pass from a Stone age into

an age of Iron, from the evidence of Capt. Cook regarding the New Zealan-

* A remarkable find of copper implements at the village of Gungeria, Mhow taluk,

Balaghat District, is recorded in P. A. 8. B. for May, 1870, (with a Plate), when 424

copper celts and some silver ornaments were found a few inches below the surface of

the ground. I would suggest that specimens 1 A, 1 B were socketed as in the Assamese

axe, while 3 A, 3 B, 3 C were handled after the fashion shown in the railing at Sanchi,

and as divined in the Cat. of the Royal Irish Academy. With regard to the very extra-

ordinary silver plates found at the same time, I would throw out the suggestion that they

were human ornaments, and not bovine. The only instance of a similar silver ornament

worn among savages at the present day, is the possibly analogous thin silver plate,

worn on the forehead by the Mishmi women (see Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal). It

is improbable that the race who made these ornaments venerated the cow at all.

t+ Fergusson calls these people Dasyus and elsewhere speaks of them as hated and

despised aborigines.

t P. A.S. B., 1868, pp. 251, 262.

$ A flat-copper celt of exactly this oblong type has been found associated with

Buddhist remains in the Chaubara mound, Muttra. General Cunningham, Report of the

Archeological Survey, 1871-72, p. 16, Vol. 2.

1879.] J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Implements. 137

ders, and from what we see of the existing Andamanese. Nevertheless, I

think we may fairly assume that stone continued to be employed for flakes

and arrow-heads &c. long after iron was first introduced. The North

American Indians long continued to use flint and jasper for arrow-heads when

they were in the possession of abundance of iron tomahawks and knives,

and even firearms. Catlin in his work on the North American Indians

records how the Western hunter using a gun on horseback was unable to

compete with the Red-skin using the bow and stone arrow in the chase of

the Bison, and how this flint-tipped arrow was frequently driven right

through the ponderous shoulders of the mighty beast, by the sinewy arm of

the savage.

There is no reason why a savage should not be able to fell a tree

with a good big celt such as the fine specimen, 10 inches long shown in

Plate XVI, (fig. G,) sharpened and handled. In fact, marks corresponding

to such as would be made by a stone implement, have been discovered on

ancient piles in the Lake-dwellings of Europe, clearly showing that such

implements were used for cutting wood.

Stone Implements from Banda.

Abt’l Fazl, in the Ain-i-Akbari, describing the fortress of Chunar

writes: “ Near this fort are a race of people who go quite naked,

living in the wilds, and subsisting by the use of their bows and arrows. In

those wilds are also elephants,” I have tracked the Sambar with the de-

scendants of these savages, the modern Kols, not far from Kirwi, a great

locality for celts. This brings me to the subject of the Banda implements.

None of these celts have been found in their original situation by Europeans,

and there seems a good deal of mystery attached to the circumstance of their

extraordinary abundance in this tract, and the comparative rarity of such

lithic remains elsewhere. I am of opinion, however, that they will be similar-

ly found (on shrines and under trees) nearly as numerous in other parts of the

Peninsular of India, inhabited by aboriginal races to within a recent period.

Mr. H. P. LeMessurier was the first to draw attention to these remains

in Bundelkhand, in P. A. S. B. for February, 1861. He was of opinion that

they had all been found within a few miles of where their finders had de-

posited them, an opinion I endorse for reasons to be stated further on. He

also personally discovered a chert arrow-head of an European type, twenty-

eight miles east of the Cachai Falls (Tons), a discovery of the greatest

interest.

In the Proceedings for June, 1862, J. A. S. B., XXXI, p. 823, Mr, W.

Theobald, in a short paper, which continues to be the only memoir of import-

ance on the subject, added considerably to our knowledge of these Banda

138 J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Implements. [No. 3,

implements, figured a series, pointed out the principal types, and further

extended the area of their prevalence to 200 miles east of the Tons river.

He accounted for their abundance in the vicinity of Kirwi by the hypo-

thesis that it was due to some “superstition which induced men of

old time, to collect these relics of a still older age, and convey them

to the shrines and localities where they are now so abundant, so that

celts collected over thousands of square miles are now accumulated about

Kirwi and its environs.” This supposition of Mr. Theobald’s agreed

well at the time with the scarcity of other stone weapons in this area,

compared with celts—one stone hammer, and a single chert arrow-head

being alone recorded by Mr. LeMessurier. In the light of our present

knowledge of stone remains within the Peninsular area, I would modify

this theory of Mr. Theobald’s. In February 1878 I found a number of

chert flakes on the eroded surface of a rain-washed field, situated on

the bank of a small stream, only a couple of hundred yards away from

a tope near the village of Hatwah, in pargana Chibun, district Banda.

They were all of a small type, and exactly resembled those from Jabalpur

in the Geological Museum. ‘Two of them were perfect, the remaining

few were fragments, which when restored would havé been from three

quarters of an inch to an inch anda quarter in length. Unfortunately

they were all lost. Regarding the use of these flakes there can be

very little doubt that they were used, held between the fingers and thumb,

in making the first incision down the mesial line in the process of

skinning, the remainder of the operation being completed with the com-

paratively blunt celt, The discovery of these flakes led me to make more

extended enquiries on the subject than hitherto from natives, some of

whom were Bréhmans of intelligence, whose families had been settled in the

villages around for generations. The more intelligent of these men, while

stoutly maintaining the great antiquity of the celts, and that they (the

Brahmans) had remembered the celts as children under the trees where the

implements still remained, and that their fathers had handed down the

same story to themselves, admitted that celts continued to be found to the

present day; one of the Brahmans interrogated had found one himself,

while the others had all heard of, or seen instances of celts being found in

their own village fields. Some of the ignorant were unable to account for the

reverence with which they regarded these stone remains ; evidently having a

sort of confused idea that the celts were in some way connected with the

Phallie emblem worshipped by the Hindus. Others considered the celts

thunderbolts, calling them—“ Bijli ha puthul’’—lit. “stones of the light-

ning,” an idea which prevails in every quarter of the globe.

Ican confirm what Mr. Theobald says regarding the ability of the

1879. ] J. Cockburn—WNotes on Stone Implements. 139

natives to recognise the veriest fragment of a celt, pieces in fact which

have been declared by educated Englishmen to be fragments of pebbles.

The people, however, seem to regard a smooth surface on some part of the

implement as an indispensable test of the authenticity of a celt, and failed

to recognise flint knives. This would account for the singular absence of

palzolithic weapons among these remainsin Banda. A seeming exception to

this rule is the heart-shaped type of celt, of which No. 4 is a fragment,

but these, though chipped, invariably exhibit the best cutting-edge, when

perfect, of any I have yet seen, and this is also Mr. Theobald’s experience, see

fig. 4, Pl. II, of his paper. The same remarks apply to the elongated chipped

fragment, No. 18, of my list, (Plate XVI, fig. H) which is polished on the

bevelled surfaces forming the edge, andis yet sharp. The stone hammer was

probably retained by its finder for the same reason. This hypothesis of

mine, is, however, open to objection, based as it is on the absence of paleoli-

thie implements in a tract which yet remains to be carefully explored.

The majority of my specimens were picked up under Pipal trees,

sometimes on the road side, but more usually growing on the high bunds

of the tanks so common in Banda; a number were removed by me from

off a huge Phallus, where they lay in the groove of the female emblem.

Specimen No. 2, I found on a stone slab in a ruined temple ; Nos. 5 and 7, I

found ona mud altar with the hammer described further on. Others are

often placed in the fissures and clefts of trees. It is curious that pre-

cisely the same idea exists in this part of India on this last point as on

the continent of Europe, where the peasantry place celts, called “thun-

derstones’”’ (as I have often heard them called in Banda), in the clefts of

growing trees. I have twice dug out celts with my hunting knife, which

were so grown over by Pipal trees; on one of these occasions, only the

conical tip was visible! With regard to the finding of these celts by

natives, most of them have, I believe, been found in excavations a few feet

deep ; some have doubtless been turned up by the plough ; a large proportion

again have been found in watercourses or streams, into which they had been

washed along with the soil ; others have been found on the eroded surface of

fields. In one instance alone did a celt picked up by me show unquestion-

able traces of having been lately deposited under the tree where I found it.

This specimen, which I think I gave to Mr. G. H. M. Ricketts, c. s., c. B.,

had red sand adhering to it in compact lumps, so hard as to justify the

belief that it was part of the original matrix in which the celt was found.

The accompanying table gives details of the types found in Banda,

by myself, and my brother William Bruce Cockburn, who first drew my

attention to them, has himself collected a large series, and has aided me

very materially in searching for them personally.

140 J. Cockburn—Notes on Stone Implements. [No. 3,

Tuble giving Weights and Dimensions of Celts from Banda.

that REMARKS.

[o)

Length.

Greatest

1 10°45 | 4:20) 6 | 2 | This magnificent specimen was found by my brother

W. B. Cockburn, in the village of Lohra, Pargana

Darsenda. I believe it is the finest polished celt

of this type found in India. Material Diorite.

(Plate XVI, fig. G.)

2 666 | 2°70 | 1] 5 | Found in a ruined temple 5 miles from Hatwah, Do.

3 4°50 | 2°75 | 1 | 4% | Of a peculiar massive type. Do.

4 5'41 | 3°75 | 1 | 4% | Chipped fragment of heart-shaped type made of fine-

grained trap. Two of tho most highly finished

specimens I have yet seen from Banda were of

this type. I gave them to a brother antiquary

and regret not having preserved drawings of them.

5 (D)| 4:12 | 2°90 11 | Of fine-grained black trap. Found on mud altar with

stone hammer.

6 4°25 | 2°86 9 | Of intermediate size. Diorite.

7 (E)| 3°50 | 2°25 63 | Found on mud altar with stone hammer. Diorite.

8 4°85 | 2°20 114 | ) Of long narrow type, very close to those from Vellore.

9 4°50 | 2:25 8 \ Material Diorite.

Hi ah sre 38 Of smallest type. Diorite.

12 5°80 | 3:70 10 | Flat celt 75” thick of indurated shale. This isa

very interesting and instructive specimen.

13 4°30 | 2: 6+ | Elongated chipped fragment of fine-grained trap

exhibiting a remarkably goodedge. Possibly used

in the hand in flaying, very much as an anatomist

uses the end of his scalpel more for detaching than

cutting. (Plate XVI, fig. H.)

14 8°25 | 2:18 Pear-shaped implement of sandstone bearing evidences

of haying been subjected to heat. Interesting

as being the first implement of this material from

Banda.

The above specimens, with a series of 20 more, chiefly duplicates of

these types, are in the Geological Museum, Calcutta. A and B (Plate

XIV), from Shillong, are in the Indian Museum, as is also a remarkable

specimen of stone hammer, which requires a detailed description.

This stone hammer (Plate XIV, fig. C) was picked out by me in

February, 1878, off a mud platform, or altar, four feet high, built at the

angle formed by two mud huts, three miles south of the village of Hatwah

in the District of Banda. There were quite a heap of stones on this plat-

form, most of them water-worn pebbles, and two celts (5 and 7, of Table).

There is no specimen of this type of hammer, or more correctly oval tool-

stone, in the Geological Museum, and, as I can find no mention of a similar

specimen in Mr, Ball’s tabulated list of stone implements, I believe it is the

first specimen of its kind found in this country. Similar implements have,

1879.] J. Cockburn— Notes on Stone Implements. 141

however, been largely collected in Europe, and my specimen is a facsimile of

fig. I, pl. I of Prof. Nilson’s work on the Stone Age, and also closely resem-

bles an Irish specimen figured in the Catalogue of Antiquities in the Royat

Irish Academy, p. 94, fig. 75. The Banda specimen is obviously a water-

worn pebble of a red quartzite, with a tolerably deep hole in one side. It

seems that water-washed stones were similarly utilized in Europe during

the stone age, for Mr. Wilde says, in reviewing the Irish collection, that

“ some of these stones are natural water-washed pebbles, others are evidently

shaped by art.” Regarding the indentation or hole, which is sometimes

found on one side only, at others, in precisely similar specimens, on both

sides, the Editor of the Catalogue is of opinion that it is the first step in

the formation of a hole, which it was the intention of the maker to carry

right through, and fig. 76, which yet more closely resembles my specimen in

size and outline than fig. 75, with a large series in every stage of manufac-

ture, clearly shows this. There can be very little doubt that these so-called

tool-stones were used as hammers for cracking small bones, nuts &c. and

for lighter work generally, during what must have been a protracted process,

the boring. My Banda specimen bears evident marks of the effects of

percussion at either end, which it would be difficult to account for otherwise,

and from the singular convenience of hold it affords when held between the

finger and thumb, it was probably so held and used.

Stone Implements from Madras.

Stone implements of a neolithic type have hitherto been remarkably

scarce in the Madras Presidency, there being only one recorded instance in

the Society’s Journal of a polished celt having been found within this area,

(P. A. S. B., 1868, p. 59.)

I have since had a series of polished celts from Vellore of quite the

same type as the Banda celts.

This collection of polished celts from Vellore is of the greatest impor-

tance. Mr. V. Ball, in his paper “ On the Forms and Geographical Distribu-

tion of Stone Implements in India,’ considers the whole of Southern India

(coloured red in his map,) as productive of palzolithic implements of

chipped quartzite only. Up to the time Mr. Ball wrote, there had only been

a single recorded instance of a polished celt having been found within this

area, (P. A.S. B., 1868.) After his essay had been printed, Mr. Ball examined

a series of polished celts from the Shevaroy Hills, in the British Museum,

but he remained inclined to consider this find another instance of an outlier.

I leave it to the reader to consider whether the accumulated evidence col-

lected now is not quite strong enough to seriously affect Mr. Ball’s theory.

The series of ten now exhibited were found on a low rude sort

of stone table, under a tamarind tree, neara Mallayam temple, in the

142 J. Cockburn—Wotes on Stone Implements. [No. 3,

village of Tulleh of the Vellore taluq, North Arcot district, by my friend

Flo. W. Tucker, Esq., now of Naini Tal, who was then in the Madras Pre-

sidency on Famine duty. :

The Vellore celts closely resemble others of the long narrow type from

Banda (specimens 8 and 9), and from the red tinge communicated to the

surface of these implements, it is probable that these Vellore specimens

have also been derived from the surface of laterite beds like the ruder

weapons of chipped quartzite from the same district. Three of these

Vellore implements are figured in Plate XV, figs. D, EH, F.

There are three forms of stone implements, the uses of which are

considered by many more or less problematical. 1st, The oval tool-stones

and mauls,* of the former of which the specimen described above is a typical

example. 2nd, Sledge hammers of stone, such as are held in the hands and

used in working metals by African races at the present day. Implements of

this type do not appear to have been discriminated in Europe where they

doubtless occur, but a very fine Indian specimen from Powari, east of the Sone

river, is figured by Mr. Theobald in pl. 1, fig. B, J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXT, (see

p- 326 of his paper). 8rd, Spindle whorls, which when found perfect (made

of bone) have not exceeded 2% inches in diameter ; but from what I have

seen of their use among modern natives, I believe that stone implements of

this type from 8 in. to 33 in. in diameter might well have been so used. 4th,

Ring stones or stone bracelets.+ This I believe to have been the real use of

the large type of flat round stones with perforations large enough to admit

the small hand and wrist of a savage. Certain Indian castes at the pre-

sent day with a strong infusion of aboriginal blood in their veins, Chamars

and Pasis in the N. W, P., continue to wear ponderous bracelets on the

wrist made of a composition like bell-metal. I have seen these ornaments

quite 5 in. in diameter with a triangular section an inch and a half wide at

the base. There is what I take to be a typical specimen of this Indian

stone bangle in the Geological Museum, which exceeds an inch in thickness

on the inner side of the circle, and is bevelled to a sharp edge on the

margin.{ The aperture is sufficiently large to admit a small hand. I

* A circular perforated type of maul surrounded by a groove, of which two were

found at Chidizi, in Balichistan, and described in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society

for July, 1877, should be included in this list.

+ A fine specimen of ring stone of jade from Burmah, said to be ancient, is described

in Vol. I, p. 328 of the Indian Antiquary. It measures 4'3 in. in outside diameter, with

a hollow in the centre 2°2 in. across, leaving the circle 1:1 in. broad, which is, however,

only half an inch thick on the inner side and is bevelled to a sharp edge on the margin.

{ This specimen has been figured at Plate VII. of Vol. X, Pt. II of the Memoirs

of the Geological Survey (The Geology of Pegu), and was rightly considered an armlet

by Mr, Theobald,

B ceit purchased at Shillong

. ; Bt ‘Three-quarter view of ditto.

A Celt found in situ at Shiliong

: 3rd Natural Seale.

A Three-quarter view of ditto. | ‘

(es Ova\ tcol-stone trom Banda

Full Size.

; C? Seciion of ditto.

PLATE XIV.

$rd Natural Scale

Lithogravhed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, November 1879.

a COCKBURN.—Journal, As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XLVIII, Part Il, 1879.

3rd Natural Scale.

F Full Size.

D. E. F celts from Vellore, Madras Presidency.

PLATE XV

Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, November 1879.

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1879.] Rev. S. B. Fairbank—The Ravayes of Rats and Mice. 143

have seen native women screw their hands into bangles barely over

two inches in inside diameter. Those with the perforation only 1} in.

in diameter were probably in the course of manufacture. The peculiar conical

nature of the orifice on both sides in these specimens is due to the necessarily

rotary motion imparted to the borer by the hand and arm. These holes

were usually begun on both sides, for the reason that they would be easier

to enlarge when so made.

XVII.—The Ravages of Rats and Mice in the Dakhan during the Harvest

of 1878-79.— By the Rev. 8S. B. Farrpank, D. D.

Some years ago, when itinerating in the vicinity of the Pera River,

near Ahmednagar, I was astonished at the stories told me about the destruc-

tion of whole fields of Jawdri (Holeus sorghum) by rats. I went to the

fields, and, though it was after the harvest so that I could not see the

progress of devastation, I found the ground thickly dotted with small holes,

and marked in all directions by the paths the rats had made, principally in

passing from one hole to another. I tried to get specimens of the rats, but

failed, as I was then unacquainted with their habits, or perhaps they had

gone elsewhere, as the people claimed they had. They must have been the

Mettad rats (Golunda mettada) of whose ravages Sir Walter Elliot wrote

fifty-three years ago.

Since I saw those fields I have sometimes heard of injury done to crops

by ats, but of nothing very extensive, till their ravages that began at the

end of 1878, when the Rabi (winter) crops began to ripen, attracted the

attention of everybody. There had been destruction before, but when,

daily, large quantities of green Sorghum stalks were brought to Nagar for

sale, and it was known that they had the night before been cut down by

rats, everybody wakened up to the importance of the subject. At first stalks

were cut down here and there in the fields, but more were cut as the days

went on. And afterwards fields were suddenly attacked and destroyed in a

few nights, When food became scarce where they were, the rats gathered their

forces and an army of them invaded fields that had not been harmed before and

quickly destroyed them. In some places they did not cut down the stalks,

but climbed them and gnawed off the ears of grain. Some of the ears thus

cut off were eaten or partially eaten where they fell, and some were hauled

into their holes by the rats and stored there. A good deal of the grain

thus stored was dug up and used for food. The farmers, finding that the

rats would not allow their grain to ripen, gathered as many as they could

144 Rey. 8. B. Fairbank—The Ravages of Rats and Mice [No. a

of the unripe ears, and, although the grain was still in the milk stage of its

development, when dried it was fit for food. They thus saved an eighth

or a sixteenth of the crop they had expected to harvest. The rats also

attacked the growing wheat and much of that was harvested while the

grain was in the milk, but the dried unripe grain was shrivelled, small in

quantity and poor in quality. Gardens of egg-plants and other irrigated

vegetables were found by the rats and the fruit was eaten by them while

it was stillimmature. Even carrots were eaten, and so was lucerne in the

hot season, when their supply of haraydli grass (Cynodon dactylon), which

is their usual food, was exhausted. The patches of melons and other cw-

curbitacee that are grown in the moist sand of river beds during the hot

season, were nightly visited by the rats, and each melon was eaten before it

was ripe enough for the use of man.

These ravages extended over several thousand square miles. The

Parner, Shrigonde and Karzat taliks and part of the Nagar talak in the

Ahmednagar Collectorate, the Ind4pir talik of the Pina Collectorate, all

the Sholapur Collectorate and the northern third of the Kaladgi Collectorate,

as well as the adjoining Native States, were ravaged, though the crops were

not so much injured along the N. EH. and 8S. W. borders of this belt as they

were in the middle of it. How far the plague extended to the EH. and 8. EH.

of the region specified above I have not been able to learn. Groups of villages

in other parts of the Ahmednagar Collectorate, especially to the N. E. of

Nagar, suffered in the same way. The region particularly specified extends

from N. W. to S. E. for about 175 miles, and is from 40 to 80 miles wide.

I travelled through a large part of it in May and June, and found that

most of the villagers had already consumed what the rats had left, and in

whole groups of villages there was no grain that could be purchased which

had been raised there. All that I could find was imported grain and was

mostly the flat kind of Sorghum that is brought from Jabalptr. The

people had been living, for weeks, mostly on wild seeds and sweet potatoes

(using the leaves as well as the roots) which had been raised by irrigation.

Near Sholéptir there was some bdjart (Holcus spicatus) left of the kharif

(autumn) crop of 1878, which was for sale ; and ndchant (Eleusine coracana),

to the use of which the people were unaccustomed, was also brought from

the Madras side and exposed for sale. The wild seeds of Indigofera lini-

folia, I. cordifolia and I. glandulosa were also sold, the price being about

two-thirds the price of Sorghum millet. The seeds of some malvaceous

weeds, such as Abutilon indicum and Hibiscus sp. ?, were also used for food,

but I found none exposed for sale. Ilooked in the fields for specimens

of the’ Tradescantias and Commelinas, the seeds of which were prized

so highly in the famine of 1877, but could find none. It would seem that

they had been nearly extirpated.

1879.] in the Dakhan during the Harvest of 1878-79. 145

The people attribute these ravages to the Jerboa rat (Gerbillus indicus

or G. cuvieri) which they usually call the pdandhardé undir, that is, the

white rat. The white belly of the Gerdzile is often distinctly seen when it

is jumping about in the dusk of evening. They say there are also Kalé

undir, that is black rats, among the robbers, but that they are comparative-

ly few. These are the Kok or mole-rats (Nesokia indica) which are not

black but only dark and much of the size and colour of the brown house-rat

(Mus decumanus), though they are at once distinguished by their broad

bluff muzzle, and are much heavier. The people suppose that the Mettads,

which are of still another group and are for their size more destructive than

either of the above, are the young of the others. Jerdon calls the Mettéd

(Golunda mettada) “ the soft-furred field-rat.” Most would rather call it

the large-eared field-mouse. These three species include most of “ the

horrid rats’ which have increased so astonishingly, and thus have been able

to ravage so large a region. In some places the house-rats and mice, and

other field rats and spiny mice helped to devour the crop.

I wrote of these matters briefly to Mr. W. T. Blanford, who is

our authority on matters pertaining to the Mammalia, and I give an

extract from his answer, as follows :—“ By one of the last mails I had a

letter from Sir Walter Elliot (who, you may remember, was the first to

collect the rats and mice of the Dekhan and to notice the injury commit-

ted by them,) referring to the plague these animals had been, and suggest-

ing that Mus mettada was again the depredator. It is new to me to hear

of Gerbillus indicus (or rather the Southern G. cwvieri) as a serious

nuisance.” But though I think the Mettad should have the credit

of learning to climb the Sorghum stalks and to cut off the ears of grain,

there is no doubt that the Gerbi/les have been the most numerous and so

the most destructive this year. They have been taken in the act every-

where. And for the sake of the crops to come, it is particularly a matter of

regret that they seem to thrive just as well during the rains as in the other

parts of the year. The Mettad lives mostly in the cracks and the small

burrows it makes in the black soil ; and the Kok burrows in the black soil.

Where the first rains that fell were heavy, the black soil suddenly swelling,

so as to fill up any holes or cracks there had been in it, caught the Mettad

and Kok rats as securely as traps would have caught them and smothered

the greater part of them. T. Davidson, Esq., writing me from Madha, of the

Sholaptir Collectorate, on the 29th May, tells how it was there. “ There was

a grand slaughter of rats on Monday night and Tuesday morning. It

rained 2.65 inches, and in the morning the whole black soil was covered with

dead and dying rats, sticking in the mud. The people say half have died.”

But the Jerboa rat makes his burrow in the light soil, in stony places,

146 J. Waterhouse—TZhe Survey Operations in Afghanistan [No. 8,

or, if in the black soil, among bushes where the soil does not bake and

erack so much, and he burrows so that his sitting-room is near the surface,

though approached by passages that are deeper, and he can easily work

through the roof of it if water troubles him. The Gerbilles about here do

not seem any less numerous than they did before the rains began. At any

rate they are still excessively abundant.

The people use no means for destroying these rats. They seem super-

stitiously afraid of still more vexing the angry divinity. So they say

“The rats were sent, and if we kill them, more will come.”’ Or, thinking

that those who died in the famine have now been born as rats, they say,

“We did not feed them when they were starving, and now they have come

back to eat us out.”

The black-winged Kite (Hlanus ceruleus), feeds on these rats, and is

now, for the first time in my experience of thirty-three years, abundant in

this part of the Dakhan, In former years I saw one or two in the course

of the cold season. But this year I have seen them by dozens in a day

and they are still here (in July,) and to be found all the way from Ahmedna-

gar to Bijapur.

XVITI.—Wotes on the Survey Operations in Afghinistdn in connection

with the Oampaign of 1878-79. Compiled from Letters and Diaries

of the Survey officers by Mason J. Watnrnovuse, Assistant Surveyor

General.—Communicated by Mason-Gunerat J. T. WALKER, B. E.,

c. B., Surveyor General of India.

(With Map—Plate XVII.)

The Campaign in Afghanistan has added considerably to our geogra-

phical and topographical knowledge of that country, thanks to the zeal

with which the Survey operations were pushed on by the Surveyor General’s

and Quarter-Master General’s Departments, aided by the Political and

Military authorities. No less than 18 officers of the Survey of India were

employed with the three columns—7 with the Quetta Column, 2 with the

Kuram Valley Column and 4 with the Peshawar Column.

The operations of the professional survey were also, with the Quetta

and Kuram Valley Columns, supplemented by the work of regimental and

staff officers who in some cases were appointed Asst. Field Engineers to

aid in the Survey, and in others worked independently under the military

authorities,

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 147

I. Qunrta Corumy.

A large number of Surveyors being with the Quetta Column, a good

deal of quite new country was explored and old reconnaissances checked

and improved. The survey operations were, however, almost always in

immediate connection with the military movements, and although every

possible assistance and facility was freely given by the authorities, the

work of the Surveyors had to be confined to afew miles oneither side of

the routes followed by the troops, and to fixing points from such mountain

peaks as they had the opportunity of ascending.

Necessarily many of these routes were the same as had been surveyed

in 1839-42, but, thanks to the advanced state of the operations of the

Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, they can now be more accurately

connected with the Geography of India, the connecting link being the

preliminary triangulation carried on by Capt. Rogers, R. E., in the early

part of 1878 and consisting, as stated in the General Report of the Opera-

tions of the Survey of India for 1877-78, p. 15, of an extension of the

Indus Series by a secondary triangulation from the western Frontier of

Sind into Baluchistan, along the line between Jacobabad and Quetta, and

of a small triangulation in the Quetta Valley for the purpose of fixing the

position and heights of the most conspicuous hills around, and connecting

them with permanent marks which were put down for reference near the

cantonments.

The survey operations with this column have consequently been based

upon this triangulation. The fixed peaks on the Sulimani Range have been

and will be very serviceable for the lines of survey from West to East

across the great belt of hitherto terra incognita, between the road to Kan-

dahar and the British Frontier.

Capt. M. W. Rogers, R. E. was attached to the advanced Force under

General Stewart and carried on a route Survey from Quetta to Kila Ab-

dulla at the foot of the Kwaja Amran Range, and thence to the crest of

the Khojak Pass on the same range. He says this range was a great obstacle

to the survey, extending right across the route and presenting no peaks

for identification on the other side. It runs North and East, bearing 210°

or thereabouts. There are in it three known passes, Khojak, Roghani and

Gwaja. The Khojak, the most northerly, starts from Kila Abdulla and

was the one used by the army in 1839. It is about 10} miles to the crest

or Kotal, which is about 7,600 feet above sea level. The first 10 miles

are not difficult, but the next 15 are very steep, narrow and winding, and

no work had been able to make it more than a practicable but difficult

road. rom the crest there is a very steep descent ; a zig-zag camel track

had been made and a straight (or nearly so) slide for guns (angle 30°) ;

over this the field guns were lowered, but it would be almost impossi-

148 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afyhinistan [No. 8,

ble to bring them up again. To Chaman, on the Kandahar side from the

crest, after the 3 mile of steep descent, there is a gentle slope of 44 miles.

The country on the other side of the Khojak he describes as a plain

_ with small hills and ranges rising from it. Towards the south-west it is a

sandy desert to all appearances with no hills.

From a hill of 8,200 feet near the Khojak he observed two of his old

stations Takatu and Chiltan and all recognisable peaks around, especially

in front.

He then went with General Stewart to Gulistén Karez, at the foot of

the Gwaja pass, and traversed through the pass. He says this pass is but

little known, but has always been the Kafila route. Colonel Sankey had

improved it and made it a very good road, about 22 miles long with fairly

easy gradients ; its crest is some 700 feet lower than that of the Khojak,

and native report, which says that the latter is closed every year after the

first fall of snow, says that the Gwaja has not been closed for 10 years,

Captain Rogers visited what he believed to be the highest peak of the range,

about 9,100 feet, and had a splendid view. He could see Quetta and some

hills which the natives said were close to Kandahar. He carried on his

traverse through the Gwaja Pass vi@ Haoz and Jaktipal to Kandahar, the

points he had fixed from the Kwaja range aiding him greatly. He says

the country between the Kwaja Amrin Range and Kandahar is full of

hills and ravines, flat generally and very fertile in many places,

In December, 1878, aroute survey with chain and plane-table was made

by Captain R. Beavan of the Survey of India, starting from Madadalari

G. T. S., near the Bhandawali Post, vid Bugti Dera up to the point where

the road emerges into the Katchi near Lehri.

At the request of General Stewart he then explored the routes on

either side of the Bolan Pass with the object of finding an alternative

route, and states that there is a fair track for camels from Naghesur by the

Pashtal Valley to Kirta, up which a road might be made for carts at some

expense, but no labour is obtainable in that part of the country.

There is also a route by the Mushkaf River from Sibi, or entering the

hills by the Kumri stream near Dadur, over Takri Takht and down the

Pishi stream into the Kirta (Laleji) Valley opposite Bibinani. This, how-

ever, crosses the range of hills which rise 400 or 500 feet above the plain

on either side, and without tunneling it would be very difficult to make a

road for carts.

The whole of the country is very stony, nothing underfoot but boul-

ders and gravel with a small proportion of sandy soil. The hills are mostly

in parallel ridges with stony plains intervening.

Captain Beavan then carried a route traverse up the Bolin Pass from

1879.) during the Campaign of 1878-79. 149

Dadur, closing on the bungalow at Darwaza. He was obliged to leave off

at this point owing to want of water and absence of food for the camels.

He commenced again from Quetta and carried on a traverse through the

Gwaja Pass towards Kandahar, by the same route as Captain Rogers, in

rear of the advanced force under General Stewart, continuing it on to

Girishk and thence back to Kandahar by another route through Yikchal,

Kak-i-chopan, Khushki Nakhud, Atah Karez, Hadi Madat and Sangzuri.

This route survey from Quetta to Girishk has all been plotted on the

scale of 1 inch to a mile, with as much detail on either side as could be

managed, and a reduced map on the scale of } inch to a mile has also been

completed.

A survey of the route from Chaman, at the foot of the western side

of the Khojak Pass, to Kandahar, vid Gatai, Mel Manda, Abdul Rahman ka

Kila and Mand Hissar, in all 772 miles, was made by Lieut. J. Hobday, s. ¢.

From Quetta, Lieut. Gore, x. z. was engaged about the beginning

of March in making a survey of the Pishin Valley on the scale of 2 miles to

an inch, assisted by Captain Maitland of the 3rd Sind Horse, Assistant Field

Engineer, This survey is based on an independent base near Gulistan Karez

and connected with Captain Rogers’ triangulation in the neighbourhood of

Quetta.

Lieut. Gore describes the Pishin Valley as practically dead flat and

upwards of 25 to 30 miles wide. He had some difficulty in obtaining

suitable points, as there is a singular want of well-defined and recognisable

peaks on the borders of the valley itself. On the eastern side of the valley

along the foot of the Ajiram range the ground is greatly broken and cut

up, water is scarce and the country is inhabited by nomad Kakars.

In conjunction with Captains Heaviside and Holdich, Lieut. Gore fixed

points across the northern end of the valley, in order to connect his work

in Pishin with the survey of the Thal Chotiali Route made by the latter

officers.

Farly in April, Major W. M. Campbell, xr. 5. went from Quetta with

a detachment to Shorawak and made a route traverse with compass and

perambulator of about 157 miles through Ispintéza, Hisdbat, Badalzai,

Zabardasht, Shorawak Karez, Ilt4z Karez, Issurkai, Ispinkai, Chichizai,

Showd, Panchpai, Shorad, Khanak, Barg and back to Quetta. This traverse,

though rather rough, is valuable as being almost all through nearly unknown

country, and it helps to mark some very important features, for instance,

the edge of the great desert, the course of the Lora, the Khan’s boundary

&e. It gives the position of several ranges of hills and a fair idea of their

nature and direction for some miles on either side.

150 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghinistin [No. 8,

Major Campbell was also able to make observations for latitude and

longitude at several points and to connect his traverse by triangulation

with reference to one of Captain Rogers’ points, Chiltan, a high peak near

Quetta and visible at great distances.

On his return to Quetta Major Campbell arranged with Capt. Rogers

for determining by telegraph the difference of longitude between that place

and Kandahar. .

Shortly after the arrival of the army at Kandahér Captain Rogers

accompanied the expedition to Kheldt-i-Ghilz4i and on the march carried

on his traverse continuously, fixing as far as possible the positions and

general features on each side of the Tarnak River. The Force marched up

the right bank keeping near the river; the hills on both sides, Captain

Rogers says, are pretty continuous, smaller and more broken up on the left

bank and approaching more nearly to the stream. On the right bank the

hills are more continuous and are from 6 to 10 miles from the stream; a

succession of high rolling mounds interpose between them and the river,

sometimes receding and allowing a small strip of fertile country to inter-

pose and sometimes coming right down to the river bank.

The road winds along the foot of these mounds and a good view of

the hills is difficult,

He was not able to say if this undulating country extended up to the

hills ; but, judging from the country near Khelat, which he explored more

thoroughly, he would say it did not, but that between it and the real

hills there were valleys and villages.

At Khelat-i-Ghilzai Captain Rogers fixed points to help in the survey of

the country around. Colonel Sankey, Chief Engineer, employed some of his

officers on a large-scale survey round the Fort, and Lieut. Ollivier, R. E. and

Captain Sartorius of H. M.’s 59th Regt. were told off to work in connection

with Captain Rogers further out. Owing to military reasons Captain

Rogers was not able to go far, and did not cross the river to any distance

until a few days before the Force left, when he got on a high hill south of

Khelat and had a view towards the Arghasin Valley, which does not seem

to be at all the chaos of indiscriminate hills entered on the maps; in fact

in one direction he could see an opening of considerable width down which

he could not detect a single hill with a telescope. Thanks to the exertions

of Captain Chapman, Assistant Quarter-Master General, they were able to

considerably improve the geography of the country. Supplied with points

by Captain Rogers, Captain Sartorius made a topographical sketch of the

country around Khelat and towards Ghazni. A small force went down the

Arghasin Valley with directions to survey as much as possible. This expe-

dition did not, however, bring in much as it degenerated into a simple route

survey without any information 200 yards from the line.

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 151

Captain Rogers got leave to go down the Arghandab Valley with a

‘small force. He had with him Lieut. Ollivier, pr. E., and did a fair amount

of survey, about 400 square miles up to Kandahar. He describes the coun-

try as one vast conglomeration of hills and mountains very difficult to

work in, The Arghandab River is a large rapid mountain stream running

in many cases between perpendicular cliffs ; it is impossible to follow its

course for more than a few miles at a time, it has numerous side streams

along which are strips of fertile ground and villages. The halts are at

these and the marches are generally up or down these side valleys and then

over the intervening ridge into the next valley. Nearer Kandahar the

hills are less continuous and the ground more open. The Survey party got

on fairly well with the people, who brought in supplies and got well paid

for them, but was unable to move without a strong escort as the people

were not to be trusted. Captain Rogers says that so far as he has gone the

distances and the positions of places such as Kandahar and Khelat are very

fairly accurate, but the hills and general ideas of the country are faulty

and require correction. For instance the part round Khelat-i-Ghilzai is

entirely wrong. The Arghasan and Arghandab Valleys are almost a blank.

On the whole he thinks the Arghandab Survey will be a good addition to the

knowledge of the country. The route survey he made from Quetta to

Khelat-i-Ghilzai is seemingly a repetition but, possibly, an improvement.

After the return of the expedition to Kandahar from Khelat-i-Ghilzai,

Captains Heaviside and Rogers, B. E. were employed along with other officers

of the Survey in making a survey of the country 12 miles round Kandahar on

the scale of 1 inch to the mile, and several officers from different corps were

appointed Assistant Field Engineers to take up the detail survey with

plane-table.

Captain Heaviside has given an interesting account of Kandahar: he

says it lies in a valley about 35 miles long, east and west, by 7 miles broad.

The country to the east is a flat stony plain ; to the west and south-west an

area of some 40 square miles is thickly populated with numerous villages

and a net-work of mud walls, orchards, and irrigation channels with but

few roads, and what there are, narrow, tortuous, and more or less flooded by

field irrigation channels.

Of the hills those to the north and north-east, distant 5 or 6 miles,

are lofty and precipitous, completely shutting out the country beyond :

those to the east though lofty are far distant. To the south-east there is

a low short range, distant about 8 miles, over which glimpses of the coun-

try towards the Khojak Pass are obtained. To the south and south-west

the country is open and the desert is seen as an elevated plateau. On the

west there are sharp-peaked narrow ranges a good deal broken up, distant

4 or 5 miles, which become even more isolated and broken to the north-

152 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghinistin [No. 3,

west, and it is here that there are passes into the Arghandab Valley whence

the water is brought in which irrigates the Kandahar Valley. The water

of the Tarnak is not, so far as he had seen, used for irrigation as it runs

at too low a level. The city is built for the most part of mud and of

sun-dried bricks, so little masonry is there about it ; but it is built solidly,

with walls 4 or 5 feet thick, on a large scale, and in the dry climate the

weather does not very seriously affect even mud.

The high massive walls of the city appear in excellent order from

outside, and it is only when one comes inside and stands on the tower of

the citadel that the dilapidations become striking, and one comes to the

conclusion that, with the exception of one or two mosques and a mauso-

leum, Kandahar is at least very much out of repair. The citadel is a palace

with all the accessories of court-yards and stables on a large scale, sur-

rounded by a high massive wall and ramparts of its own. The buildings in

the citadel in many cases are of three and four storeys : the walls very thick,

the rooms low and small, connected by numerous dark low passages with

curious deep recesses, probably for servants ; most of the buildings have

well-lighted underground rooms—prophetic of great heat.

The bazar contains many good things of a certain class, and is

crowded all day. The inhabitants treated the troops outwardly as if they

were used to them, neither glad to see them, nor displeased at their being

there, and they were at least ready to sell them anything.

There are excellent cheap sheepskin coats and stockings, chogas of

pashmina and of capital close felt, which appears to be a Kandahar speci-

alité: old British uniforms of all kinds, but very little English cloth,

Manchester or other. The copper-work in pots and pans, the iron agri-

cultural implements, the earthen-ware drinking and eating vessels all

exhibit more finish and more artistic feeling than those of the Hindus.

The leather too is much better prepared than in India, though there is

still the same weak sewing.

But the feature as compared with the bazars of Hindustan is the

variety and quantity of the food exposed for sale: fried fish and kabobs,

stewed fruit and curds; the Kandahar bread, an excellent light flat cake ;

carrots, spinach and watercresses ; while the stalls for the sale of raisins,

almonds, dried figs, apricots and such pomegranates as Captain Heaviside had

never seen before, were as common as public-houses in London.

In April, a party of surveyors, consisting of Captain Rogers and Lieut.

Hobday with Captain Sartorius, 59th Regt. and Lieut. Baynes, 60th Regt.

Asst. Field Engineers, accompanied a column going for revenue into the

country north of Kandahar between the Arghand4b River and the hills of

the north side of the Khakrez Valley, and the survey of this and adjacent —

valleys was carried out as the movements of the troops allowed, the northern-

most limit being Asub Kila, or Gandab, about 36 miles from Kandahar.

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 153

About 500 square miles were plane-tabled by Lieut, Hobday and Captain

Sartorius on the + inch scale ; a route survey carried on on the 1-inch scale by

Lieut. Baynes, and a number of points fixed trigonometrically.

Lieut. Hobday says, that they found the people in the Khakrez

Valley quiet and amenable enough. There was a fair sprinkling of villages

and cultivation, and water plentiful. They came across a fair-sized plateau

at an elevation of about 7,000 feet, with wild rhubarb, onions, and water-

eresses in abundance. The elevation of the valley is much higher than

that of Kandahar, and they consequently found it much cooler and got

away from the flies. They also came across lead, iron, copper and crys-

talite.

At Girishk, Captain Beavan made a large-scale survey and completed

a map of the position at Girishk and passage of the Helmand on the scale

of 4 inches to the mile, including about 20 square miles of the Helmand

Valley with the Fort and military position. He also determined the

position of numerous hill peaks.

After his return to Kandahdr he completed a survey of the new

eantonment on the scale of 16 inches to the mile, and at the end of April

was engaged in carrying on a general survey of the cultivated land ad-

joining the city of Kandahar on the scale of 4 inches to the mile.

When it was determined early in February to withdraw a part of the

Force by the Thal Chotiali route under the command of General Biddulph,

Captains Heaviside and Holdich, R. &., were appointed to accompany the

Force as Surveyors, Captain Heaviside taking charge of the triangulation,

and Captain Holdich of the topography.

Before starting, Captain Heaviside proceeded to the Kadanai Valley,

where he measured a base line and carried a triangulation across the valley to

the Hadah Hills and thence fixed several points to the North, Hast and

West.

Captain Heaviside remarks that the name Ghanti given to the range

between the Khojak Pass and Kandahar should be erased. The name is

unknown and has probably been confused with the Ghetai Hills. It is

very difficult to obtain correct names in Afghanistan, but from the Kadanai

Valley the highest hill of the range is called Hadah; it rises 2,500 feet

above the valley and scarcely deserves the name of a mountain in this part

of the country.

Captain Holdich joined Captain Heaviside in the Kadanai Valley on the

26th February, and notwithstanding the thickness of the atmosphere and

inclemency of the weather was able to sketch in on the plane-table a fair

portion of the valley. These two officers re-crossed the Khojak on the 6th

of March by a capital road with easy gradients which had been recently

154 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghinistin [No. 3,

made, and Captain Heaviside was able to connect his Kadanai work with the

Khojak points, but only by staying on the top for several hours waiting for

breaks in the alternations of dust and showers below and snow above.

From these points he carried a connection by triangulation across the

Pishin Valley to Khushdil, but with great difficulty owing to the heaviness

of the weather. Captain Holdich at the same time carried on his plane-

tabling on the basis of two or three points fixed by Captain Rogers near

Quetta, also on points obtained from independent bases, and occasionally

from the traverse work with compass and perambulator, which was con-

tinued steadily through from camp to camp. From Balozai, two marches

beyond Khushdil, he made a reconnaissance southwards with Col. Brown,

R. E., to Gwal and Amadiin, while Captain Heaviside accompanied General

Biddulph on a reconnaissance to the head of the Zhob Valley.

Leaving Balozai on the 24th of March, the Thal Chotidli Force

marched nearly due east through Eusaf Katch to Spirargah. The route

led chiefly up the bed of a main tributary of the Surkhéb river over the

Ushtdrah Pass 8,000 feet high. The scenery about this pass was quite

Alpine in character: the camp was pitched at the foot of a fine snow

mountain, the hill sides were fairly clothed with a speciés of juniper, while

the extraordinarily varied and brilliant colouring of the soil lent additional

charm to the scene and was a pleasant change from the monotony of flat

treeless valleys and bare rocky hills that characterised the country be-

tween Kandahar and Quetta. From Spirargah the Force marched over

the Momangai Pass (8,500 feet) to Oboskoi, Chimjin and Ningén where

the Bori Valley was struck. From Ningan, the line taken lay north of the

route through Thal and Chotiali pursued by the 1st and 3rd columns, and

the Bori Valley was followed and for a distance of 830 miles was found to

be wide and open, well cultivated and more prosperous looking than any-

thing they had seen since leaving Kandahar. This valley was quitted three

marches beyond Ningan where the Anambar river passes through a gap in

the range bounding the valley to the south. The Khru mountain which

overhangs this gap was ascended in the hope that some points on the

Sulimdn range would be seen therefrom, but this expectation was disap-

pointed. A connected triangulation had been carried on to this point, but

triangulation had now to be dropped and the Survey carried on solely with

the plane table, checked by traverses and Astronomical latitudes. Leaving

the Anambar gap (3,800 feet) the Force, instead of following the Anambar

river southwards to Chotiali, marched to the south-east, crossing the Trikh

Kurram Pass (4,200 feet) and thence into the Chamalang Valley in

two long marches. From Chamilang the route led due south over the

Hanukai Pass (4,400 feet) to Balladaka, and thence over the Han Pass to

the Kaho Valley. Between Anamb4r and the Kaho Valley the country is

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 155

rugged and the valleys even uninhabited owing to disputes amongst the

neighbouring tribes. Lugari Barkhan (8,500 feet) in the Kaho Valley,

about 10 miles above Vitakri, was reached on the 8th of April, after a march

of 190 miles in 16 days.

Captain Holdich sums up the results as 5000 square miles of + inch

mapping, 270 linear miles of traverse on the 1 inch scale, and several plans

of sites &c. The mapping includes the heads of the Pishin and Kadanai

Valleys and a good margin beyond the country actually mapped, of which

the geography can be very closely conjectured, so that the south-east corner

of Afehanistan may be said to be known. Captain Holdich also says that

there is a more northerly route which he would have liked to have explored ;

the real high road, as he believes, to Kandahar, and even better and straight-

er than the Thal Chotidli route, good as that was found. This route leads

vid the Zhob Valley and the Karwaddi Pass, of which at present only native

information is available. A railway could be run without difficulty along

the route followed by the Survey.

After the Thal Chotiali Force returned to India, Captains Heaviside

and Holdich remained a month at Fort Munro on the Suliman Range and

were enabled while there to connect two Trigonometrical points on the

range with several points to the west along the route they had come by,

thus leaving a gap in the triangulation of less than 30 miles.

On the 10th May Major Campbell and Lieut. Gore accompanied

Captain Wylie, the Political Officer, from Alizai on a reconnaissance to the

Toba Plateau on the north of the Pishin Valley. The first camp, Arsala ka

Masjid, 10} miles from Alizai, is in a nala about half way up the pass ;

9 miles further, on the top edge of the plateau, at an elevation of 8,000 feet,

they camped at Mandan, which is the name of the district and stream,

though there is no village. Two marches further on they reached Haji

Khan ka Kila, the extreme north-east point of their route. The country

passed through is at first undulating, running into hilly towards the

north. Major Campbell remarks that the name of what is called “‘ Toba

Peak” on the map is ‘ Kand.’ The expedition marched back through Kakar

Toba into Achakzai Toba, going vi@ Sabur, Drajandar, Kurak, Gwal (one

of Captain Holdich’s points) and Ghan Oba, where they left the hilly ground

and entered the open plain country called ‘ Tobin,’ which lies west of Toba

and borders the Kadanai Valley. It is the more extensive plateau of the

two, but water is scarce. Hence they went to Sina across the plain over the

ridge of the Khojak Hills (north of Pass) and down the Bogra Pass into the

plain of Kadanai. Lieut. Gore says the upper part of the Bogra Pass into

Kadanai is very steep and bad for camels for about % mile, after that it

is a good road.

156 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistan — [No. 3,

The expedition was to go a short way up the Kadanai Valley, then up

another road into Tobin, returning to Pishin by the Arambi Valley, quite

a different route to that they went by.

The results of the Survey with this Column up to the end of May

may therefore be summed up as follows:

Route Surveys from the Bhundowali Post to near Lehri, and from

Dadur to Girishk.

Survey of the Bolan Pass and neighbourhood.

Survey round Quetta.

Survey of the Pishin Valley and reconnaissance of the Shorawak

valley.

Reconnaissance of the Arghandab and Arghasdn Valleys from Kanda-

har to Khelat-i-Ghilzai.

Survey round Khelat-i-Ghilzai.

Surveys round Kandahar.

Survey round Girishk.

Survey of the Khakrez Valley.

Reconnaissance of the Kadanai Valley and survey of the Thal Chotiali

Route.

Reconnaissance of the Toba plateau and neighbouring country.

Captain Heaviside has given the approximate latitudes, longitudes and

heights of the following places on the Thal Chotiali Route, based on Captain

Rogers’ values, viz, :—

Lat. Long.

Takati, east peak highest, .............066. 30° 24’ 13” 67° 6’ 15”

Chiltan, ‘southern peale ...in--steaceese 80 a 11” 66 48 42

Khoa, east poms... tor sct ce manaccae 30 5133 66 33 54

Kwaja Advan! 10 1 ek, Weds Bie ites: 30 3930 66 24 45

Height of Quetta 5,500 ft.

The heights are aneroidal, and the passes are probably made a little

too high.

Lat. Long.

s Khushdil (Pishin Valley),...... 30° 42’ 67° 5’ Height 5,100 ft.

BN Srenoeyan TS» a sa saoeoncannte 7,000 ,,

Bi alia, Wa. geeae eeorec cme, seemeetan 30 38 67 18 6,300 ,,

& ‘Wietrazall Pass, ¥. s..-cesesatees 30 45 67 30 7,100),,

a “Ugh tardy ana, 3. 042 05 Sees Ol86 67 32 8,000 ,,

1 MomaneaiePassys.. 6 .ctc cheeses 30 34 67 42 8,500 ,,

Si) (Chim jatar du} eras Bai ob ine 30 84 67 57 7,200 ,,

Ningan (Bori Valley), seteRuech (Beet 68 23 5,350 ,,

FI Anambar Gap; th -sceceeenceeee | oO ek 69 2 3,800 ,,

® Chamalang Valley,............... 309 69 26 3,800 ,,

8 Hanukai Pass, OA, ase cedeeie 4,400 ,,

S Han," Pased-,.coit oneen memes 4,800 ,, -

Nahar Kot (Lugari Barkhan), 29 46 69 27 3,500 ,,

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 157

BS Chimjan as above, ..,..........44 30° 16’ 68° 17’

BRIG GIATI @. -.sdeck. cot «boos se clocs vb

Bt Sagawe, .......06.00.000 saecee tata 30 17 68 20 Height 5,500 ft.

(2 rr 30 16 68 29 4,800 ,,

gs WN e ee aiiena <2 cesie de ater 30 9 68 35 3,900 ,,

a ci! Ms Ae 301 68 43 3,200 ,,

S83 Chotidli, Mee aasd raided) 1 BIS 68 54 3.500%

S 2 Baramzai, ...... Saaesee MIL OOD 69 14 3,750,

7 Nahar Kot, as above.

Balozai and Metrazai are in the Surkhab ; the latter place being on

the watershed at the head of the Surkhab and Zhob Valleys.

Since the above values were determined, Mr. W. C. Price has carried

a triangulation from the Indus Valley Series across the Sind desert and

up to Quetta. This connexion will enable the fair maps of Southern

Afghanistan to be compiled on a base as rigorously accurate as other por-

tions of the Survey of India.

II. Kvram Vatitey Coitumn.

The Kuram Valley Force, under Major-General Roberts, ¢. B., v. ¢., be-

ing smaller than the others, the Survey operations have also been on a less

extensive scale than those with the other two columns and have been con-

fined almost entirely to the Khost, Kuram and Hariab Valleys. From

November 1878 to March 1879 Capt. Woodthorpe, R. £., was the only

officer of the Survey of India present with the Column, but Lieut. Manners

Smith, Adjt. of the 3rd Sikhs, was attached to the Survey party in Novem-

ber to accompany and assist Capt. Woodthorpe, andin March Lieut. Gerald

Martin, of the Survey of India, also joined the party.

Capt. Woodthorpe had the great advantage of being in close and

direct communication with Genl. Roberts and of accompanying him on all

expeditions and reconnaissances, and thus had every opportunity for

seeing and surveying as much of the country as was practicable under the

circumstances.

Capt. Woodthorpe accompanied the Force in the rapid advance in

November 1878 from Thall to the Peiwar, partly along the right bank of

the Kuram River, vid Kapianga, Ahmed-i-Shamu, Esor, Hazar Pir, the

Darwadza Pass and Kuram, plane-tabling along the route. He took part

in the military operations of the 28th November and 2nd and 8rd December,

and had a very narrow escape during the action on the 2nd.

He had gone forward with the advance when they reached the stock-

ades on the Spin Gawai at dawn ; and when all the enemy had been driven

out he returned with a message from Colonel Brownlow of the 72nd to the

158 J. Waterhouse— The Survey Operations:in Afghanistin [No. 3,

General, who asked him to take back a reply. He was returning by the

route he had just traversed, quite alone, and had left the breastwork where

the rest of the 72nd were sheltering about 48 yards in rear, when he saw

some 30 men occupying the crest within a few yards of him, and in the

grey light he mistook them from their dress for some of the men of the

Force going up in support of the advance, and, on the other hand, the enemy

did not recognise him till he was within 6 yards of them and then fired upon

him. A bullet struck him on the left side, completely carrying away the

whole of the wood of his pistol stock, tearing his clothes, singeing his side

and driving a piece of his clothes into the middle of the note-book in his

breast pocket and spoiling several sketches.

He fortunately succeeded in regaining the breastwork amidst a storm

of bullets, notwithstanding that he tripped and fell heavily down-hill about

half-way.

After the battle he made a reconnaissance of the scene of action. He

then went on with the Force into the Haridb Valley, marching and plane-

tabling through Ali Kheyl and Rokidn, and was able to well delineate all

the valley and as far as Rokidn. From Rokian he was only able to carry

on a route survey to the Shuturgardan, the valley being too narrow to

admit of plane-tabling, and visits to places on either side were impossible.

He was able to fix the Shuturgardan with sufficient accuracy and found it to

be a good deal south-east of the position assigned to it on sheet No. 4 of the

Atlas of India. The river a few miles above Rokidn runs north-east from the

Surkai Kotal instead of rather south-east, asin the map. Capt. Woodthorpe

says that the old map is exceedingly accurate as far as the Peiwar, on the north

bank of the river, but he has been able to improve it a little. On return-

ing to Ali Kheyl, he visited the Matungeh Hill, a peak about 43 miles

north of Ali Kheyl, about 12,900 feet above the sea, Ali Kheyl being 7,300.

From Ali Kheyl he returned with the Force, marching and plane-tabling

through Chapri and Karaia in the Mangal country, to Kuram. On pass-

ing through the Mangior defile between Chapri and Kuraia-on the 18th

December, the baggage and rear-guard were attacked by Mangals.

Shortly after the return of the Force to Kuram, Capt. Woodthorpe

and Lieut. Smith visited the Safed Koh, riding out from Kuram to some

villages called Zeran, where they picked up a Turi guard, having also some

Girkhas with them, and also had to change their mules for coolies, as they

were told the mules could not go very far. They had, however, to take

on the mules belonging to the Guard, as sufficient coolies were not procur-

able, and these mules got up within 2000 feet of the pass and would have

gone right up, but there was no camping-place further on till the ridge

was crossed and the road had descended again some distance towards the

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 159

plains. The route they followed was the regular Jelalabad road up which

the Turi mules always go. They met a large number of unarmed traders

coming in from Jelalabad. They reached a point about 13,600 or 14,000

feet high, but could not reach the highest point—Bodin Peak. The ridge was

very steep and difficult and the path over snow-fields. From the point they

reached they had a good view of the Fort at Kuram and all the peaks

towards Khost. It was bitterly cold up there but they got angles to all the

peaks they wanted.

Harly in January the Survey party accompanied the expedition into

the Khost valley, marching vid Jaji Maidan, Bakk Akubito Matin. From

Mattin Capt. Woodthorpe explored the valley to the west, in the direction

of Degan, and also accompanied a signalling party to a hill on the water-

shed between the Shamil and Tochi rivers, near the small Waziri village of

Nandir, and commanding an excellent view of the surrounding country.

From this point heliographic communication was established with Bannu

and Hazar Pir. On the 27th January the Force left Matin, marching

back to the Kuram v7é Sabari, Esor, Hazar Pir and Ibrahimzai. Dur-

ing this expedition the greater part of the Khost valley was surveyed and

mapped on the ¢ inch scale, the part wanting being at the extreme west.

After the return from Khost the survey party was engaged in making

a route survey with plane-table and perambulator of the new road to Thall,

vid Ibrahimzai, Hazar Pir and Ahmed-i-Shamu ; Capt. Woodthorpe also

visited the Shobakgarh Range and fixed the position of the pass through

that range to Khost.

About the middle of April the Survey party accompanied the Force

to Ali Khey] and remained there, surveying in the neighbourhood of the

Peiwar, till the end of the month, the snow being about 18 in. deep on the

hills at the time, and the weather very stormy and unfavourable for work.

Capt. Woodthorpe, accompanied by Lieut. Martin, paid a second visit

to the Matungeh Hill, near Ali Kheyl, but they were disappointed in not

being able to see and communicate with Gandamak, for which purpose

signallers had accompanied them. They had a fine view, seeing far away

into the plains near Ghazni and also to the Shuturgardan Kotal. ‘The last

1500 feet of the ascent was very trying, on account of the snow with which

the hill was covered and a biting cold wind that was blowing at the time,

but notwithstanding this they managed to get through a good deal of

work before returning to camp in the evening.

At the end of April Capt. Woodthorpe and Lieut. Martin went from

Ali Kheyl vé Belt to make a reconnaissance of the Lakarai Pass at the

request of General Roberts.

From Belit the road lay along the bed of the Lalidar or Naridar stream

160 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistan [No. 8,

for some seven or eight miles, passing between thickly-wooded spurs of the

mountains. It then winds up the spurs towards the Kotal, among

the pines and here begins to be somewhat steeper, until it arrives at a small

saddle from which to the Lakarai itself the slopes are somewhat slighter.

From a little below this saddle to the Kotal the snow was very deep, 25

to 3 feet. On the north side it was deeper still, and sometimes lies 7 to 8

feet thick. The height of the Kotal is about 10,600 feet.

They crossed the Kotal and continued some little distance down to

where they could get a fairly good view cf the river-bed and the villages

below. ‘The part of the road near the Kotal is called Mangal Tangi and

the villages in the valley are Gabar Mangal. They are Taghan, Langar

Kila, Sirkoti and Nazir Mahomed.

The nearest is Taghan, about five or six miles from the Kotal, and is a

fairly large village. They were unable to go down to this village, partly

because it was getting late and partly because the villages were unfriendly.

They could see the tops of the Jizin and Jagdalak Hills and, as at Matun-

geh, some of Major Tanner’s points, but the height of the Safed Koh

on the right and the hilly nature of the country in front prevented their

seeing Gandamak or Jagdalak. Lieut. Martin was also able to see the

other side of the Safed Koh and so check, correct and add to the work he

had done at Matungeh. The weather was very cold with a wind which

almost made their fingers too numb to draw. Lieut. Martin gives a very

graphic description of the beauty of the scenery, which he describes as

quite Alpine.

During the month of May reconnaissances were made to the Sirkai

and Shuturgardan Kotals ; to the Zarrazod Peak, near the Mangior Pass ;

to the Istiar Pass and head of the Mangior defile, looking over the Ahmed

Kheyl country; to the Kafirtaga Hill and to the Naktek Peak, over the

Ahmed Kheyl and Lajji country, on which occasion a good deal of work

was done and the positions of the Ahmed Kheyl and Lajji villages fixed,

and a good deal of the topography between Ali Kheyl and the principal

part of the Kuram sketched in as well as the ranges and principal water-

courses on the opposite side.

Lieut. Martin gives some interesting details regarding the course of

the Kuram river. There are two principal sources. One rises near the Shu-

turgardan, flows east and then south; the other rises in the Peiwar range,

flows west and meets the former at Ali Kheyl and continues along with

it in that direction until it arrives at the Ahmed Kheyl great village.

Here the bed narrows and the closeness of the rocks gives it the name of

“angi.” This is the spot where the river suddenly turns south into a

1879.] during the Oampaign of 1878-79. 161

mountainous land ; and here the Ahmed Kheyls have a fort and stop and

rob travellers to Ghazni or those going by the Spiga Kotal to Kabul, and

on this account (so he was informed) this road, though the best and shortest

to Ghazni, is generally avoided. The Umar and other hill streams here

join and all flow together through a very mountainous rugged country.

This part of the Kuram then turns sharply eastwards and flows on to-

wards Kuram itself. In this portion of its course myriads of mountain

streams and torrents feed it and thus it increases in size rapidly. From the

joining of the Ali Kheyl and Umar until it comes into the Kuram Valley

its course is through a very mountainous country inhabited by various

robber tribes, Mangal, Ahmed Kheyl and Lajji.

On the 20th June Capt. Woodthorpe and Lieut. Martin, accompanied

by other officers of the force and a party of signallers, ascended the Sikaram

Peak (15,600 feet) on the Safed Koh, which had been already ascended

by Mr. G. B. Scott, of the Survey, attached to the Peshawar Column. Un-

fortunately the day was hazy and they were unable to see or do so much as

they had expected.

The area surveyed by this party may be roughly estimated at 4,500

square miles and has been mapped and published on the scale of 4 miles to

an inch.

III. PesnHAwar Corumny.

The Survey operations with the Peshawar Column, though not exten-

ding over such a length of country as those with the Quetta Column, have,

perhaps, been more productive in new work, owing to circumstances having

permitted a more complete survey of the country on either side of the

route traversed by the Force than could be accomplished with the Quetta

Column.

Five officers of the Survey Department—Major H. C. B. Tanner,

B. 8. C., Capt. E. W. Samuells, B. s. c., Capt. E. P. Leach, pr. E., Capt.

during the occupation of the country by the British troops.

Of the operations connected with the earlier part of the campaign,

the information furnished by the Survey Officers is unfortunately scanty.

The results, however, speak for themselves.

Major Tanner completed a Military reconnaissance of the country

between Jamrid and Jelalabad on the scale of 1 mile to the inch. Nearly

the whole of the portion between Jamrid and Dakka, including the

routes taken by the three brigades, was surveyed on the 2-inch scale by Mr.

Scott, and afterwards reduced to the l-inch scale in Major Tanner’s office.

162 J. Waterhouse—TZhe Survey Operations in Afghdnistan [No. 8,

Major Tanner also made a reconnaissance on the scale of 1 inch to

the mile of the hills lying to the immediate south of Dakka.

Capt. Samuells greatly distinguished himself at the taking of Ali

Masjid by carrying on his survey under a heavy fire. Very shortly after-

wards he was attacked with typhoid fever and died at Peshawar on the

21st December, 1878.

Between the 1st November and 5th February, Mr. Scott had nearly

completed a plane-table survey of 320 square miles-lying between Lat. 33° 55’

and 84° 15’, Long. 71° and 71° 80’, comprising most of the country south

of the Kabul river between Dakka and Fort Michni to the north, and

in the neighbourhood of the Khyber and Bazar Valley to the south.

He was then called on by Major Hastings, the Deputy Commissioner

of Peshawar, to survey the portions of the Shinilo and Hyder Khan

Kafilah routes to Dakka which he had not been able to complete before,

and also to survey certain additional portions of the Kabul River. Whilst

engaged on this work he and his party, which consisted of a few skalashis

and a guard of 20 Sepoys and 2 non-commissioned officers of the 24th

Panjab, N. I., were attacked by a strong party of Momunds and a hand-to-

hand fight ensued. Mr. Scott displayed great gallantry, coolness and good

judgment on the occasion, and probably saved the whole party from de-

struction, as has been cordially acknowledged by the Panjab Government

and by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council.

Capt. E. P. Leach, p. £., joined the Force in January and did good

service for about two months in surveying the Bazar Valley and a good deal

of the country round Jelalabad, chiefly in the Shinwari country on the

northern slopes of the Safed Koh. He was attacked on the 17th March

by some Shinwaris, while surveying near the villages of Maidanak and

Girdi, and received a severe wound on the arm, which obliged him to return

to Peshawar.

Capt. Chas. Strahan, R. E., replaced Capt. Leach in April and was

employed in surveying the country in the neighbourhood of Safed Sang

and to the north of the road between that place and Jelalabad.

On the occasion of the first expedition into the Bazdr Valley by the

Column under General Maude on the 20th and 21st December, Mr. Scott

accompanied the Force and surveyed along the route. During the second

expedition of the 24th January and subsequent days he again accompanied

General Maude’s Column wid Burg to China and completed a survey of the

eastern part of the Bazar Valley and the scene of action towards Bara,

while Capt. Leach, who accompanied General Tytler’s Force from Basdwal

vid Chunar and Sisobi to China, returning from China to Dakka over the

1879. ] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 163

Sisobi Pass v7é Chunar, did a good deal of survey in the western part of

the valley, and was able to fill in a considerable portion of the hill tract

between Dakka and the Sisobi Pass, the position of which was accurately

fixed.

While the Force remained in the valley no surveying beyond the

immediate vicinity of the camp at China could be undertaken, nor any

exploration made towards the Bara and Tirab Valleys, the Zakha Kheyls at

once opposing the advance of any reconnoitring parties in those directions,

Capt. Leach remarks, as the result of observations on this expedition,

that the passes over the Safed Koh apparently exist at intervals of 5 to 10

miles, and the one they crossed—the Sisobi—was under 5000 feet and a

comparatively easy one for camels.

The higher ranges of the Safed Koh are fairly wooded, but the Kabul

river runs through a bare stony plain from Jelalabad to the Khyber, and

cultivation is very limited.

The most notable feature of the country is the elevated valleys which

are composed entirely of beds of conglomerate brought down from the main

ranges, and which rise gradually several thousand feet before the steeper

slopes like those of the Himalaya commence. It is difficult to explain the

formation, but it presents all the appearance of a sudden disintegration of

the mountain ranges by voleanic action, the drainage lines cutting out

broad channels in the most erratic manner over the deposit thus formed,

and the spurs apparently having been half-buried by the immense masses

of loose stone.

The route between Dakka and Jelalabid was surveyed by Major Tan-

ner, the survey comprising nearly all the country between the road and the

Kabul river and the villages 2 or 3 miles to the north of the river, and it

was afterwards added to, chiefly towards the south, by expeditions from

Jelalabad.

Capt. Leach, writing in January of the route between Dakka and Jela-

labad, says that the country is disappointing and the fertile valley of

Jelalabad, so far as he could see, wasa myth. ‘There are few trees and

for several miles to the south of Jelalabad there are undulating ranges of

low~ hills with broad expanses of waste land covered with stones. This is

the character of the road the greater part of the way from Dakka, and the

tract of country it passes through is to all appearances a continuous river-

bed. Round Jeldlabad itself there is a certain amount of irrigated culti-

vation, but the camp and roads were deep in dust and there is absolutely

no vegetation on the hills.

Various attempts were made to explore the hitherto unknown tract of

country lying along the northern slopes of the Safed Koh range to the

164 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistan [No. 3,

south of the Kabul river between Basdwal and Jelalabad. Regarding this

tract Capt. Leach says the valley proper extends about 10 miles on the

southern side of the Kabul river and is fairly level, then comes a belt of

low broken hills inhabited by the Shinwdaris and then the main spurs of

the Safed Koh Range which, in many cases, run nearly parallel to the main

range and not at right angles, as shewn in existing maps.

The first of these expeditions was made by Major Tanner and Capt.

Leach to the Shinwari village of Mazina, 14 miles south of Jelalabad, with a

view to proceeding as far as possible towards the slopes of the Safed Koh

and surveying the entrances to the Papin and Ajam passes ; but as the

Khan of Mazina refused to be responsible for any further advance into

Shinwari country, the expedition had to be abandoned. Major Tanner was,

however, able to fill in the drainage and low hills between Hada and Mazina,

and he remarks that the country between Hada and the Mazina upland is

intersected by numerous watercourses all paved with round boulders. The

plain and broken ground between them is also thickly strewn with shingle

and boulders, but after ascending a slight pass to the east of Za Khel, they

suddenly found themselves in a beautiful plain highly cultivated and with

forts and clumps of trees on all sides. The Safed Koh were but 10 miles

off, with the valleys and slopes covered with beautiful pine forests. Be-

tween them and the foot of the mountains intervened more shelving stony

ground with undulations that hid the cultivated lands of Deh Bala (the

high village) from them. The cultivated lands stretch from Mazina north-

wards to Sher Shah and almost reach the arid tract near the Chorazali road.

Mazina is some 1200 feet above Jelalabad.

Early in March Capt. Leach received permission to survey over the

old route between the Safed Koh and the Kabul river, followed by Burnes

in 1839, confining his operations to the country eastward of Mazina. His

first halting-place was at the Fort of a friendly Khan, 13 miles south of

Jelalabad, and he had intended marching to Marhaiz, 9 miles further south

and within 4 or 5 miles of the foot of the Safed Koh proper, whence he

would have been able to get up to the lower spurs and snow-line, Marhaiz

itself being 4000 feet ; but as the Khan who escorted Capt. Leach said they

would be certain to be attacked if they camped at Marhaiz, he changed his

plan and went to his old camp at Mazina, where he had another day’s work

in the same direction and managed to get near enough to fix all the Shin-

wari villages at the foot of that particular part of the main range.

Capt. Leach says the country is a difficult one to sketch without actual

survey. .

The main range is easy enough and its features tolerably regular, but

the lower slopes are completely buried by a glacis of low broken masses of

1879. ] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 165

conglomerate and sandstone, so that the gorges to the passes and all the

defiles are invisible till one is close to them, and nearly all the villages are

quite out of sight. These lower ranges are generally detached and the valleys,

or daras, are several hundred feet below them. He followed one of these

daras down to its junction with the Kabul. For mile after mile they

passed through a continuous belt of cultivation, thickly studded at every

quarter of a mile with tidy-looking forts and showing every sign of com-

fort and prosperity.

Ascending either bank of the stream one passed at once from fertility

to absolute barrenness, and a few miles away from the dara it was almost

impossible to make out its course or to trace its windings through the hills

to the foot of the range.

On the 17th March Capt. Leach was surveying the slopes of the

Safed Koh in the neighbourhood of the Shinwari villages of Maidanak

and Girdi, from 16 to 20 miles south of Barikhab, when he was attacked by

the villagers and after a hard fight succeeded in withdrawing his party

and the military escort. In the course of the fight Capt. Leach was

severely wounded by a sword-cut in the left arm, Lieut. F. M. Barclay, who

was in command of the escort of 45th Sikhs, received a wound which

proved mortal, and two men were killed.

A few days afterwards an expedition under General Tytler was sent

from Barikhab against the Shinwaris who had attacked Capt. Leach, Major

Tanner and Mr. Scott accompanying the expedition as Surveyors. Major

Tanner visited the scene of the encounter and was able at a height of

4,300 feet to see many points north and west of Jelalabad that he had

never before seen, especially the Hindu Kush near Bamian, and the same

range north of his position. He finds that Fardjgan is not at the foot of

the Hindu Kish, but at the foot of one of its spurs.

Mr. Scott also accompanied General Tytler to the attack on Deh

Sarak, and on this expedition and that to Maidanak made a reconnaissance

of about 120 miles of Shinwari country and the neighbouring slopes of the

Safed Koh.

The long halt of the Army at Jelalabad enabled the Survey Officers

to make the most of such opportunities as they had for completing the survey

of the almost unknown country around, but as a rule they were unable

to proceed further out than the limit of a day’s ride out. and in, and this

prevented them from extending their explorations so far as they would

have been able to do under more favourable conditions.

During December and January the survey operations in the neighbour-

hood of Jelalabad were much hindered by a persistent opaque brown haze

which entirely blocked the view beyond a few miles. Luckily Major

Tanner was able to fix his position the very morning of his arrival, other-

166 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afyhinistan [No. 8,

wise he would not have been able to determine the true position for several

weeks. And this was of the more importance because Major Tanner found

that the position assigned to Jelalabad on existing maps was erroneous and

that its true position is Lat. 34° 29’, Long. 70° 30’, instead of Lat. 34° 24’,

Long. 70° 26’.

To the eastward, north of the Kabul river, Major Tanner accompanied

an expedition through Kama into the hilly country beyond Girdao. Kama

is described as a thickly-inhabited alluvial tract, intersected everywhere

by canals and studded with many fortified villages and forts.

Major Tanner surveyed the course of the Kunar river for about 15

miles from its junction with the Kabul river, and filled in the country to

the north of Jelalabad between the Kunar river and the Kabul and Lugh-

man rivers, known as the Dasht-i-Gamberi, a waterless alluvial sandy

plain, together with the hills to the north of it, to a distance of 16 to 18

miles from Jelalabad.

Major Tanner was also able to make a rough sketch of the Kunar Valley,

filling in the names from native information. The course of the Kabul

river, westward from Jelalabad beyond the Daronta Pass, was laid

down to a short distance beyond its junction with the Lughman River,

about 14 miles from Jeldlabad, and Major Tanner found that this part of

the country was very erroneously delineated on the old map, the course of

the Kabul River being placed many miles too far north.

On the occasion of the expedition to Lughman under General Jenkins,

the Lughman river was traced by Major Tanner and Capt. Leach as far as

Trigarhi, 26 miles from J elalabad, and a fair survey was made of the

Lughman Valley from the Daronta Pass to the junction of the Alishang

and Alingér Rivers. A more extended sketch, based upon trigonometrical

points, was also obtained of the surrounding hills and heads of the above

river valleys and extending westward to the Bad Pukht and Tang-i-Shaidan

Passes. Observations were taken from a point 4,200 ft. on the Panchpai

Range. The forces met with no opposition, and Major Tanner says that

the people came in crowds round his plane-table, curious to see the English.

He found the Tajik or Kunar language prevalent.

p Accompanying a column under General Macpherson, Major Tanner

surveyed the country between J elélabid and Bahram Khdan’s Fort, going

vid the Tatang Pass, over the end of the Siah Koh Range, and returning

along the foot of that range to Jelalabad w7d the Lakki Pass.

Previous to the advance of the army Major Tanner surveyed and fixed

the course of the Surkhdb River as far as Sultanpur, with all villages and

many forts, thus completing the survey one march on the road to Kabul

with all the country to the north of it as far as the Siah Koh Range.

1879] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 167

On a subsequent occasion Major Tanner went to Sultanpur and sur-

veyed astrip of the country south of the road, meeting nothing but a waste

of stony hills and deep ravines. Low hills to the south prevented his see-

ing the cultivated tract and villages under the Safed Koh. It had been

intended that he should survey Burnes’ old route between Fathiabad- and

Chapriar and also that he should, if possible, visit and report on the bridge

over the Surkhab river near Gandamak and also visit the old British canton-

ment at Kaja, but unfortunately heavy rain stopped the work and the

party were obliged to return to Jelalabad.

On the advance of the army to Gandamak, in April, Major Tanner,

Capt. Strahan and Mr. Scott accompanied the Force and surveyed the road

to Gandamak and the country north and south of it between the Surkhab

and the Safed Koh, Capt. Strahan taking the northern portion and Mr.

Seott the southern.

In the reconnaissance to Gandamak Bridge (Safed Sang) Major Tan-

ner found that the topography of the old map was very inaccurate. The

general slope of the Surkhab is about 200 feet per mile and in one part

the gradient of the plain which reaches to the foot of the Siah Koh was a

great deal more, hence the unexpected bends and turns the streams make

in a country covered with ridges and hillocks, where the southern edge has

been upheaved in moderately late times.

Major Tanner also made a reconnaissance to the Wara Gali Pass, over

the Siah Koh Range, extending as far as the watershed. The pass is easy

but rocky. The slopes of the Siah Koh are craggy and have only sparse

serub for about half a mile. Unfortunately the weather at the time was

bad and no observations could be made to peaks to the north.

Capt. Strahan’s particular work was the survey of the country between

Safed Sang and the Surkh Pdl and he made a really fair survey (much

more than a sketch or reconnaissance) of about 80 square miles north of

the road up to the Surkhab and got a good general sketch of the Siah Koh

beyond, up to the crest of the first range.

Capt. Strahan remarks that the name Safed Sang (white stone) had

not been written against the camp so-called, because there is no village of

that name, which refers to some big white stone in the river there. The

nearest village is Hashim Kheyl. He also remarks that the weather at

Safed Sang at the end of April was very changeable, one day high wind

with dust, then cold wind with rain or hail, then a hot sultry day, the

latter being the rarest and the other two about equal. The thermometer

rose from 85° to 95° maximum, and was about 58° minimum.

The valley at Safed Sang is of no great width, and all the low ground

within easy reach of camp was mapped by Capt. Strahan with very fair

168 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistén [No. 8,

accuracy and detail. From four stations round about he was able to fix al-

most every prominent point in the Safed Koh and Siah Koh and also in the

Karkacha range some 25 miles to the west.

As soon as he heard that the troops were likely to return to India,

Capt. Strahan sent Mr. Scott to the Safed Koh with instructions to get in

all the sources of the Surkhab as far as possible, and to fill in all up to that

river south of the road which will form the limit of the Survey. He him-

self started for the Siah Koh and did two days’ good work from two peaks

from which he had a most extended view. From the first he could see

beyond Kabul and the Hindu Kish, somewhere near the Khevak Pass, but

the high peaks there and about Kohistan and Panjshir were cloudy. From

the second peak he could not see in the Kabul direction, but picked up

some peaks on the Hindu Kush and got second rays to two peaks in

KaAfiristan, somewhere about the sources of the Alishang and Alingar rivers.

He intended to have visited a third peak but was ordered to go with Capt.

Stewart of the Guides, to Ali Kheyl by the Lakarai Pass over the Safed

Koh, This attempt unfortunately failed.

Mr. Scott got to the top of the Sikaram Peak, on the Safed Koh

(15,622 feet), and did a great deal of good work, observing to one solitary

peak in the Hindu Kush in a part of the range unseen by any of the sur-

veyors before, as it was hidden by the KaAfiristan hills.

The total area actually surveyed during the progress of the operations

of the Peshawar Column may be roughly estimated at about 2,500 square

miles, a great part of which is quite new and the remainder correction of

the old, incorrect and imperfect surveys. Besides the above 1,100 square

miles were sketched from native information by Mr. G. B. Scott. It has

all been mapped and published on the scale of 4 miles to an inch.

During his stay at Jelalabad, Major Tanner took the opportunity of

studying many points of interest connected with the numerous antiquities

in the vicinity and the languages of the people, chiefly of the Kafirs.

At Hada, about five miles south of Jelalabad, he came across a splendid

subterraneous palace of the old Kafir kings, known as the Palace of Oda,

Hoda or Hodé Raja, and had it excavated, finding several beautiful plaster

heads and fragments.

He made some study of the language spoken north of the Kabul river,

through Kunar, Lughman, Kohistan &c. He says it has a most perfect

grammar and is an Aryan language, he thinks very old and pure, and allied

to that of the Kafirs, which he finds to be also Aryan and not Turanian.

He had the names of several tribes of Kafirs, viz. Sana, Wama, Kantawar,

Bukiwdma, Muliarwama, Shinogur, Kaliagal, Waigal and Nishigam., Each

tribe is said to have a separate language.

In the course of one of his excursions up the Siah Koh he collected

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 169

specimens of five kinds of pines. Of these the Chilgoza (edible pine) grows

at from 7000 to 9000 feet ; the Deodar from 7,500 to 10,500 ; the Paloda

from about 9,000 to 12,500. A pine with small berries like an arbor vite

grows above the deodars.

Major Tanner had all along been most anxious to avail himself of the

rare opportunity which offered for exploring the interesting and almost

unknown country of Kafiristan, and after a great many difficulties was able

to make a start in that direction with the aid of the Chuigani Chief, Azim

Khan, with whom he had an interview at Jelalabad through the instru-

mentality of Mir Ahmed Khan, of Shewa in Kunar, and Shaik Hussain

Khan, also of Kunadr. He describes Azim Khan as a handsome, pleasant

looking man, of ruddy countenance, rather short, but as strong as Hercules.

His followers also had soft pleasant faces. The chief presented him with

honey, horns and cheese, and Major Tanner gave him presents of /ungis,

sweetmeats dc. in return; after receiving these the chief held out his

hand and protested a lifelong friendship, declaring that his country and

towns were open to Major Tanner at all times. He promised to take him

all over Kohistan and to the gates of KAfiristan.

Notwithstanding the very disturbed state of the country north of the

Kabul river, and its being in a state of anarchy, in which every man’s hand

was against his neighbour, Major Tanner started from JelalabAd on the

evening of the 15th May, disguised as a Kabuli, with six of Ahmed Khan’s

men and two of his own. After a little difficulty at the ferry over the

Kabul river, they crossed the plain of Besud and entered the Paikoh Tangi

Pass. They walked quickly through the beautiful plain of the Kunar

Valley and reached Ahmed Khan’s Fort at Shewa, where he was well

received by the owner. Hardly had they entered the Fort, which is really

a walled village containing not only Ahmed Khan’s houses but those of

his retainers and friends as well, than there was a great disturbance and

firing of shots caused by the discovery of people coming down on the

ripening crops, but they were beaten off. The next day passed quietly.

Major Tanner had arranged with the Chigani Chief Azim Khan to meet him

at Shewa and the chief had been with Ahmed Khan some days, but deferred

starting owing to the disturbed state of the country. On the next morn-

ing, at dawn, a large party of Ahmed Khan’s enemies, hearing of Major

Tanner’s arrival and of that of their enemy Azim Khan, attempted to sur-

prise the Fort, but Mir Ahmed Khan having been informed beforehand of

their intentions had taken precautions and they were driven off with the

loss of three men.

Major Tanner took advantage of the defeat of these hostile clans to

make a start before they could collect again and, all arrangements being

170 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistan [No. 8,

complete, he set off in the evening with five Chiganis, three of his own

men and Azim Khan. The greater part of the road led along the bank of

the Kunar river, which they left at Islampur, and then commenced the

ascent of the sloping terraces near the hills.

When near Budiali, being apprehensive of meeting enemies of Azim

Khan and Ahmed Khan, as they had been all along the route, they made

straight up the face of the hill near that town. These hills are absolutely dead

and barren, but at about 800 feet they found tufts of grass and at 1000 feet

a scrubby bush. In the morning they went down to the bottom of the

range they had been climbing all night and then ascended another ridge,

the hills changing in appearance as they climbed ; at first a bush or a tree,

then a wild olive, and, after going up some 1,500 feet, some green grass and

a bush that bore some pleasant-tasting edible berries. The crest of this

ridge was nearly 1,800 feet from the base and after proceeding along it for

about an hour they reached one of Azim Khan’s hamlets and rested there,

The hills around were steep and craggy and supported stunted oak, wild

olive &c., and at the rude huts there were clusters of date trees.

Major Tanner remarks that these are the only date trees he has seen

so high as 4,500 feet, except those which grow at some places on the high-

est crags of the Western Ghauts ; but while on the Ghaut the fruit ripens

about May, these trees showed no signs of buds even in that month.

Starting again, they followed the valley which rapidly ascended till

they made the crest at 5,300 feet, and there they looked down on to Shulut,

about 1000 feet below them, and near the upper end of a narrow but high-

ly cultivated valley. Shilat was reached at sunset, and Azim Khan advised

Major Tanner to pass himself off as a Khan from Kabul travelling to see

the country, for the village was inhabited partly by his men and partly by

another tribe. His Kabuli disguise had been hateful to him all along, but

he was glad of it now because the people in a friendly sort of way came and

sat down and moved about among the party at their pleasure. He was

given food, a chupatti and a piece of cheese, but was too much fatigued to

eat much. After a good sleep they went off early in the morning and

ascended the pleasant valley of Shilit. Oaks and olives clothed the sides

of the hills and carefully-terraced fields were ranged along the sides of the

streams. The notes of parrots, blackbirds and cuckoos were heard and little

birds twittered in the branches. They crested the head of the valley at

7,300 feet and a noble view was before them. On one side Kind and its

pine-clad spurs and white rounded snow crests, and on the other the Kunar

valley, and beyond it the Bajour and Momund Hills. Below these were ~

the terraces of Aret and just above them the chief town of that name, just

clinging to the sides of a steep spur. Besides the chief town were smaller

1879.] during the Campaign of 1878-79. 7a

ones in different parts of the valley. Every possible spot was terraced, and

there did not seem room for another acre of cultivation in the neighbour-

hood.

They had a descent of over 2000 feet, and at 5,200 reached the beauti-

ful mountain torrent that waters the cultivation. Crossing it by a wooden

bridge, they passed under groves of walnuts and along the edge of delight-

ful terraces of waving wheat. There was foaming and rushing water every-

where, and creepers and ferns grew in the crevices of the rocks, and on the

flatter parts of the craggy spurs grew oaks and wild olive. Houses built

partly of wood and partly of stone, with flat roofs and carved supporting

posts and bearers, were situated here and there, sometimes in groups and

sometimes singly on the most exposed positions. The chief Azim Khan

conducted Major Tanner to a house some 200 feet above the stream and

about half a mile from the chief town. Up the valley, looking past walnut

groves, terraces and hamlets, he could just see the round snow peaks of

Kind, rising out of the black pine forests that clothe the mountains from

7000 to about 11,000 feet. Below were groves, scattered houses and the

roaring torrent fed by the snows of Kind. From all he could gather this

collection of villages does not much differ from those of the Kafirs who

build partly of wood and partly of stone.

Major Tanner says of the principal village that the houses are piled

one above another, and every beam, doorway and shutter carved in a most

elaborate manner. The designs are crude, itis true, but such a mass of

carving he had never before seen anywhere.

In the principal town there are many hundred houses, and in the whole

group he was told there were 1000, and this cannot be over the mark.

Major Tanner’s arrival caused a disturbance on the part of the inhabi-

tants which was only put down by the Chief’s authority. He is all power-

ful and his word appears to be law.

In Aret, the largest Chugani colony, there is no baniya, so that the

people have to take their goods two days’ journey before they can find a

market.

Major Tanner found Chiganistan more extensive than he had been

given to understand it was. What the number of the tribe may be Azim

Khan could not say, but in the valley of Aret alone, there must be at least

5000 and they have many villages, or rather the heads of many valleys,

the lower portions of which are inhabited chiefly by the Safis, the heredi-

tary enemies of the Chiganis. The Safis are Afghans and the Chiganis

in Major Tanner’s opinion are converted Kafirs. He liked the Chiganis ;

they are a quiet set, said to be faithful to their masters and true to their

engagements. They are brave and well-disposed towards the English and,

172 J. Waterhouse—The Survey Operations in Afghanistan.

Major Tanner thinks, would probably offer a good field for recruiting

amongst a hardy race who have no sympathy with the Afghans.

Major Tanner says that Azim Khan’s wife and children moved about

among them, and did their household duties without any shamefacedness.

As they came up the valley, all the women greeted the Malik with a smile,

and conversed without restraint. The young women have very handsome

features, and some are very pretty but much disfigured by dirt..

A few days after Major Tanner’s arrival in Aret, he had a bad attack

' of fever, which he got over and, though weak, made all arrangements for

a final advance, when he had a second and very severe attack to which he.

nearly succumbed and which compelled him, most unfortunately, to aban-

don his design and return to Jelalabad.

After an appeal to Azim Khan’s ‘ friendship’, he was allowed to leave

and was carried off between two poles to Jinjapur, about two days’ journey

By the kindness of the Jinjapur Malik he was safely conducted by the

Malik’s two sons and a large armed party, through a hostile country to

the mouth of the Dar-i-nur, and eventually he reached Ahmed Khan’s Fort

at Shewa where he was safe, though the Fort was attacked immediately

after his arrival by an armed party they had met on the road when going

down the Dar-i-nur.

From Shewa he went down the Kunar river to Jelalabad on a raft.

The untoward failure of this expedition is much to be regretted as

Major Tanner would undoubtedly have been able to throw much light upon

this little known country had he been able to carry out his plans.

J. WATERHOUSE.—Journal, As. 800, of Bengal, Vol. XLYII, Part 11, 1879-

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> Names of new genera and new species have an asterisk (*) prefixed.

Ablabes humberti, var., 115

Abutilon indicum, 144

Acanthaspidide, 35

Acanthocoris scabrator, 37

Acanthosaura armata, 130

Agama agilis, 129

aralensis, 7b.

(Trapelus) ruderata, 7d.

», Sanguinolenta, id.

Alydide, 37

Ancyra appendiculata, 38

Anisoscelidee, 37

* Antennella allmanni, 102

Antestia anchora, 37

Antilochus coguebertii, 7d,

3 russus, 7.

Aradides, 38

Batagur ellioti, 110

Belostoma indica, 38

Belostomide, 7d.

Brachyrhynchus membranaceus, 70.

Bufo melanostictus, 116

Bungarus czeruleus, 127

Cabrita jerdoni, 112

» leschenaultii, 7d.

Callula variegata, 116

”

Calotes versicolor, 114, 124, 125, 126

Catacanthus incarnatus, 37

Centrotide, 38

Centrotypus assamensis, ¢b.

Cerberus rhynchops, 115

Cercopide, 38

Cerynia maria, var., 10,

rs tenella, 7d.

Chamzleo ceylonicus, 114

= ceylanicus, 126

Charasia blanfordiana, 114

Chrysocoris grandis, 37

rn porphyricolus, 37, 38

Cicadide, 38

Commelinas, 144

Coreide, 37

Cosmoscarta masoni, 38, 40

megamera. 38

tricolor, 38, 40

”

Criceti, 97

Cricetus (Cricetulus) fulvus, 96

1) A pheeus, 70.

Crocodilus, sp., 111, 119

3 palustris, 119, 120

Cryptotympana recta, 38, 40

Oucurbitacese, 144

Cyclopelta obscura, 37

Cynodon dactylon, 143

Cynophis helena, 125

Daboia. cusselli, 116

Dalader acuticosta, 37

Dalpada oculata, 7d.

oD varia, 7b,

Dendrophis picta, 110

*Desmoscyphus humilis, 101

Dindymus rubiginosus, 37

Dipsas trigonata, 115, 126, 131

Draco sp., 128

oF maculatus, 129

Dundubia intemerata, 38

a mannifera, 7d.

Dyodercus cingulatus, 37

Echis carinata, 116, 127

Ectatosoma, 117

F bufonium, 7.

Edessidee, 37

Elanus coeruleus, 146

Eleusine coracana, 144

Emyda vittata, 111

Endendrium ramosum, 98, 103

Eremias (Mesalina) Watsonana, 127

Eryx Johnii, 124, 127

EKuagoras plagiatus, 38

Euprepes guentheri, 123

ss (Tiliqua) carinatus, 112, 113

¥ = macularius, 7d.

Pf monticola, 128, 124

“5 subunicolor, 112, 113

Kurybrachys (?) punctifera, 38

Kurybrachydida, 75.

Flatide, 38

Gerbillus indicus, 145

o cuvieri, 7d,

174

Gerridie, 38

Gharial, 111

Golunda mettada, 143, 146

Gongylophis conicus, 116, 124

Halicornaria bipinnata, 100

* 4 plumosa, tb.

7 saccaria, 70.

* -s setosa, 99

Halydidee, 37

Helix (Plectopylis) brachydiscus, 2

5 ~ brahma, 3

hon ro Oglei, 7b.

Hemidactylus coctzi, 114, 126

. giganteus, 114

mS leschenaultii, 113

en maculatus, 7d.

re subtriedrus, 7. (125

56 triedrus (? subtriedrus, 124,

Holcus spicatus, 144

» sorghum, 143

Homalopside, 127

Homeeoceride, 37

Homoeocerus javanicus, 70.

- marginellus, 7d.

Hotea curculionides, 37

Huechys philzmata, 38

5 sanguinea, 7d.

wes thoracica, 38, 39

Hydrophis coronata, 132

» lapemoides, 70.

93 latifasciata, 7d.

Hypsirhina chinensis, 130, 131

4 enhydris, 131

* a maculata, 130, 131

or plumbea, 131

Indigofera cordifolia, 144

glandulosa, 7.

ny linifolia, 7d.

Tphita limbata, 37

Lacerta guttulata, 127

5, pardalis, 2d.

*Lafoéa elongata, 98

Lagomys, 95

Limnogonus, 38

Lohita grandis, 37

Lycodon aulicus, 110, 127

i striatus, 127

Mesalina guttulata, 127

Mictide, 37

Mictis gallina, 7d.

,, tenebrosa, 7d.

Mus decumanus, 145

erythronotus, 97

» mettada, 145

», robustulus, 98

5, rufescens, 97, 98

5, sylvaticus, 97

Naja tripudians, 110, 124, 127

Nesokia indica, 145

”?

Index.

Odontopus nigricornis, 37

Oligodon subgriseus, 114, 125

Onychocephalus acutus, 114

Ophiops, 112

“7 jerdoni, 7d.

9 microlepis, 112, 128

Pachycoridie, 37

Pangshura tecta, var. intermedia, 110

*Parectatosoma, 117

: <p echinus, 118

7 a5 hystrix, 117

Pentatomidee, 37

Physomelus calcar, 2d.

A parvulus, 7d.

Physopelta gutta, 7d.

*Platypleura insignis, 38, 39

e nobilis, 7d.

Plectopylis achatina, 1

55 brachydiscus, 20.

*) brahma, 7d.

9) perarcta, 2,3

5 pseudophis, 3

a shiroiensis, 2b.

‘4 shanensis, 2

" trilamellaris, 7d.

Polypedates maculatus, 116

Pomponia, 38, 40

0 tigroides, var., 38

Prionaca lata, 37 .

Psammophis condanarus, 126

leithi, 7b.

Ptilomera laticauda, 38

Ptyas mucosus, 110, 125 |

Pyrrhocoride, 37

Python molurus, 119, 127 .

Pyxicephalus breviceps, 116

Rana cyanophlyctis, 116

», lymnocharis, 7.

» tigrina, 7.

Reduvius mendicus, var. 38

Reduviide, 7.

Ricania guttigera, 7d.

Ricaniidee, 7.

Riopa albopunctata, 113

5, hardwickei, 2d.

Riptortus pedestris, 37

Scieroptera splendidula, 38

Serinetha augur, 37

A abdominalis, 7d.

*Sertularclla rigosa, 101

a tenella, 102

Simotes russelli, 115

Sitana pondiceriana, 114

*Sminthus marginellus, 38

Sphenocephalus tridactylus, 128

Stellio tuberculata, 129

Strachia crucigera, 37

Testudo elegans, 110, 119

Tettigonia ferruginea, 38

Thimaria, 99

* », compressa, 102

Tiarodes versicolor, 38

Tradescantias, 144

Trionycide, 111

Trionyx, sp. 110

Tropidonotus quincunciatus, 126

a stolatus, 115

Typhlops braminus, 114, 125

Varanus dracena, 120, 121, 122, 123

flavescens, 120, 122

heraldicus, 121

lunatus, 111, 120, 121, 122, 123

Index.

Varanus nebulosus, 120

Velinus malayus, 38

Velitra rubro-picta, 75.

Vesbius sanguinosus, <0.

Vexillum, 100

Vulpes flavescens, 96

Vulpes griffithi, 7d.

» melanotus, 7d.

» montana, 95, 96

Xenurelaps bungaroides, 131

Zamenis diadema, 125

Pr fasciolatus, 115

Zygnidopsis brevipes, 128

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CONTENTS

OF THE NATURAL HISTORY PART (PT. Il.) OF THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL FOR 1878..

No. 1, (issued May 24th, 1878). Description of Ruticilla schisticeps

Hodgs.— By W. T. Buanrorp. Aberrant Dentition of Felis Tigris.—By

R. Lypexxer. Record of the Occurrence of Earthquakes in Assam dur-

ing 1877—Oommunicated by Cotonen R. H. Keariner. Sixth List of

Birds from the Hill Ranges of the North-East Frontier of India.—By

Masor H. H. Gopwm-Austen.—An Account of the Tidal Observations in

the Gulf of Outch, conducted by the Great Trigonometrical Survey under

the superintendence of Cononen J. T. Watxer. Oompiled from the

G. T. Survey Reports by Carr. J. WATERHOUSE.

No. 2, (issued July 10th, 1878). Zhe Application of Photography to

the Reproduction of Maps and Plans by Photo-mechanical and other pro-

cesses.— By Cart. J. WATERHOUSE ; (with one Plate).

No. 8, (issued Oct. 28th, 187 8). Notes on some Reptilia rae the

Himalayas and Burma.—By W. T. Buanrorp. Noteson the Earthquake .

in the Punjab of March 2nd, 1878.—By A. B. Wrnnz. Notes on the

Land and Fresh-water shells of Kashmir, more particularly of the Jhilum

valley below Srinagar and the hills North of Jamu.—By W. THEOBALD.

On some Mammals from Tenasserim.—By W.'T. Buanrorp, (with three

plates). List of Hymenoptera obtained by Osstan Limpore, east of Maul-

main, Tenasserim Provinces, during the months of December 1876, Janu-

ary, March, and April 1877, with descriptions of new species :—by F.

Smirn. Oommunicated by J. Woop-Mason. Preliminary Diagnoses of

new Coleopterous Insects belonging to the families Dytiscide, Staphylinide,

and Scarabeide, obtained by the late F. SroticzKa during the 2nd Mission

to Yarkand under Stz Dovaras Forsyta.—By D. Suarp.

No. 4, (issued April 6th, 1879). Description of a new Lepidopterous

Insect belonging to the genus Thaumantis—— By J. Woop-Mason. Great

Snow-fall in Kashmir.—By R. LypEexxer. Physiographical Notes on

Tanjore (Tanja-ur).— By Lr-Cot. B. R. Branriin, Deputy Superintendent,

Great Trigonometrical Branch, Survey of India. Communicated by CotonEL

J.T. Watxker.—On the proper relative Sectional Areas for Copper and

Tron Lightning rods.—By RK. S. Broven. Description of a New Homop-

terous Insect belonging to the Genus Cosmocarta.— By W. L. Distant. On

the Indian Species of the Genus Erinaceus.—By J. ANDERSON.— Description

of a supposed new Hedgehog from Muscat in Arabia.—By W. T. Buanrorp.

On Arvicola indica, Gray, and its relations to the Sub-Genus Nesokia, with

a description of the species of Nesokia.—By J. ANDERSON.

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