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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL. LV.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I TO III. — 1886 : with 9 plates.)

EDITED BY

JhE J^HILOLOGICAL jSECRETARY.

** It v/ill flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, -if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY J, W. THOMAS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1887.

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CONTENTS

OF

JOURN'AL, ASTATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LV, Part I,

FOR 1886.

Pane

No. I.

Some Copper Coins of Akhar found in the Kdngrd district. — Py

E. E. Oliver, M. I. C. E., M. R. A. S., &c., (with 2 Plates),... 1

The Antiquity^ Authenticity and Genuineness of the Epic called The

Prithi Raj Rasa, and commonly ascribed to Chand Barddi. —

By Kavi Raj Shyamal Das, .M. R. A. S., Poet Laureate and

Member of the State Council of Mewar, . . 5

Notes on the Chittagong Dialect. — By F. E. Pargiter, B. A.,

C. S., . . . 66

Birthday of the Emperor Jaldluddm Muhammad Ahbar. — By

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das, M. R. A. S., and F. R. Hist.

Society . . . 80

• No. II.

The Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Pise of the Ghaznavis in Md-

luard-un-Nahr and part of Khurdsdn. — By E. E. Oliver, M. I.

C. E., M. R, A. S., (with three Plates), . 8

Place-names in Merwdra. — By R. S. Whiteway, B. C. S., Ajmer, 136

On a Collection of South Indian Coins. — By Captain R. H, C.

Tufnell, Madras Staff Corps, (with two Plates), . 157

No. III.

Note on some of the Symbols on the Coins of Kunanda. — By W.

Theobald, Esq., M. R. A. S., . 161

The Mind tribe of Jdjpur, in Meioar. — By Kavi Raj Shyamal

Dass, M. R. a. S., F. R. Historical Society. Translated by

Babu Ram Prasad, . 169

Coins supplementary to Mr. Thomas^ “ Chronicles of the Pathan

kings of Delhi. ” No. IV. — By Chas. J. Rodgers, A. M.,

A. S. B., &c., (with 2 Plates,) . 183

Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. — By Babu Sarat Chandra

Das, C. I. E., . 193

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LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LV. Part I,

FOR 1886.

Pis. I — II (pp. 1 — 5). Copper Coins of Akbar.

Pis. Ill — V (pp. 127 — 135). Coins of the Samanis, Gliaznavis, Khans of

Turkistan, Governors of Sijistan, Buwaihi, and Mahmiid of Ghazni.

Pis. VI — VII (pp. 157 — 160). South Indian Coins.

Pis. VIII — IX (pp. 186 — 191). Coins supplementary to Mr. Thomas’

“ Chronicles of the Pathan kings of Delhi. ”

LIST OF ERRATA

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LV, Part I,

FOR 1886.

Errata in Babn Sarat Cbandra Das’ paper, Buddhist and other

legends about Khoten :

Paee 194 line 11, for “ Sramanas ” read “ Dharmapalas.”

)tn(

>>

J5

5J

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jampo

Ching

“ Dongma ”

“ Lhodal ”

“Bathdi”

“ Chan dan

Choni”

“ Ganda ”

“ Kooli ”

“ Chandana

Choni ”

For Salana read Salanu throughout the paper.

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55

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55

“ Chhale ”

“ Sramanas ”

“ LiWlden ”

“ from ”

“ Shel-chhale”,

Srideni ” „

“ Vairochana ”,

“ Manj ”

“ Ghumatir ” ,,

“ Yyayayasa

“ Suhha ”

55

“ Satu ”

“Vairochana”,,

“toan”

“ Srang-toan-,,

55

“ Chhab.”

“ Dharmapalas.”

“ Lha-lden.”

“ five.”

“ Shel-Chhab.”

“ S'ridevi.”

“ Vairachana. ”

“ Manju.”

“ Ghumtir.”

“ Vijaya Yasa.”

“ Simha.”

“ S'atru,”

“ Vairachana,”

“ tsan. ”

“ Srang-tsan-

gampo.”

“ Cheng.”

“ Dongmar.”

55

“ Lhopal.”

“ Bande.”

“ Chandan Cho-

vo ”

“ Gandha.”

“ Kaoli.”

“Chandana “ Cho-

va.

viii List of Errata.

Errata in Mr. Theobald’s Paper on some Symbols on the Coins of

Kunanda, J. A. S. B., 1886, p. 161.

Page 163, line 14, for ‘ upper ’ read copper.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1886.

Some Gopper Goins of AJcbar found in the Kdngrd district. — Bg

E. E. Oliver, M. I. C. E., M. R. A. S., &c.

(With two Plates.)

While on tour last cold weather as I was just leaving the Kangri.

Valley a haniyd from Chintpurni, a village on the boundary line separat¬

ing the Kangra from the Hoshiyarpur district, brought up to my camp a

large bag of the copper coins of Akbar, numbering several hundred. All

had been found together and were in excellent preservation, the lettering

and ornamentations being almost as sharp as if fresh from the mint. Al¬

though struck at widely distant places and considerably differing dates, the

larger portion of them could hardly have been long in circulation. They

might not improbably have formed a part of one of the bags of 1,000

paisa which Bernier says, in Aurangzeb’s time at least, were kept ready

for distribution, and have been sent up to the valley for the payment

of troops during one of the Mughal expeditions under Jehangir or Shah

Jehan, and have lain hid away ever since.

A selection of 90 or 100 of the best resulted in the following list

of mints and months, and from these again I give in a couple of plates

some 30, which may be of interest in continuation of recent papers on

similar coins by Mr. Rodgers in the pages of this Journal.

ILAHt ” YEARS.

Nos. Wt. Month. Mint. Year.

SI'S. ^ r Ob.

1 312 Farwardin A^ak Banaras 41 j

318 .. 40

it

2

E. B. Oliver — Some Coj)per Coins of Alchar found in'Kangrd. [No. 1,

Mint.

Nos. Wt. Month,

on PL in grs.

319 Farwardin Gobindpur

14 319

2 315 Ardibiliist Dehli

518

318

3 314 Kliurdad

316

Year.

Bairatab

Multan

47 Obv.

45 )) j)

1a^

if

DeliH

G obindpur

38 Obv.

35

4x

41

4x

a

11

Lry

11

6

7

Debli

Fatbipur

Gobindpur

Sambbal

314 „ Lahore

322 Sbabrewar Gobindpur

4 320 Tir

315 „

319 ,,

5 318 Amardad

( Obv.

4.^ I ^ 1 ” (

( Bev. Pd c5t * ^

44

3

44 Obv. *rtj^

317 Mibr

8 318 Aban

316

15

11

it

Debli

Gobindpur

Delhi

Sabaranpur

4x

4x Obv.

t Obv.

C Rev.

39

45 Obv,

.A'

11

^1a^

38' Obv.

41

ii

>>

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«• «•

11

*c

35 ( Obv.

316 (average of4)Urdu-i-Zafarkarin 37 <

39 (.Rev.

Lsh^f

1886.] E. E. Oliver — Some Copper Goins of Ahhar found in Kcingra. 3

Nos. Wt.

on PI. in grs.

Mint.

16 317 Falus Allaha Akbar. Daru’l khilafat 987 <

1

«jAV

25 319 Zarb falus Miratb

987, 989 1

316 Zarb falus Alimadabad 980

323 Zarb falus Narnol 962

34 (average) ditto, 963, 964, 965, 966, 969,

977, 986

318 Zarb falus Urdu Zaferkarin Alif

27 320 Falus Daru’l zarb Patnah

28 316 Zarb Sirhind

>>

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f)

>»

318 Zarb Baldah Sirhind

29 322 Zarb falus Daru’l Islam Doganw

320^ (average) 980, 981, 986, 987, 992,

4 E. E. Oliver — Some Copper Coins of Alihar found in "Kdngrd. [No, 1,

Tlie whole are struck as falus or ni7n tanJcahs, the average of 90

coins weighed by me being 318J grains ; several exceeded 320, in one

case touching 326 grains.

Some of the mints, 28 in all, exclusive of two unread, are new to

me, or are variants of known mints, and one or two I have not been able

to identify. Possibly some of the more experienced contributors to this

Journal may be more successful.

Akbarabad, Mirath, Narnol, Fathipur, Sherpur, Gobindpur, Bairatah,

Deogir, Doganw, and (? Sirsa Banaras) are not mentioned by Abul

Fazl in his list of mints given in the A'in. Daru’l Saltanat Fathipur is,

however, presumably what he refers to as “ the seat of government,”

(Daru’l Khilafat) Akbarabad is of course the Muhammadanised name of

Agrah. Narnol or Narnaul was well-known for its copper mines and is

very common, but I do not remember seeing Mirath mentioned as a

mint of Akbar’s before. Sherpur may not improbably be the town in

the Bogra district, Bengal, referred to both in the A'in and the Akbar-

nama as an important frontier post, and usually called “ Sherpur Mur-

chha” to distinguish it from another Sherpur in Maimansinh. Raja Man

Singh, Akbar’s Hindu General in Bengal from 1589 to 1606 is said to

have built a palace here, and have used it as a centre for military opera¬

tions in Southern Bengal. In 1660 it finds a place in the Dutch

Government maps under the disguise of ” Ceerpoor Mirts.” Of Gobin-

purs there are two or three in Bengal, now insignificant villages. The

name, however, survives in certain fixed divisions and in a mart in Gaya,

that may formerly have been of greater importance.

Bairatah or Bairat, General Cunningham takes to be Virat, the capi- '

tal of Matsya or Gujarat, where Hindu legends make the five Pandus

spend their exile from Dilli. As Bairatnagar the old city was deserted

for several centuries, but probably repeopled again in Akbar’s time. It

too was always celebrated for its copper mines and is mentioned in this

connection by Abul Fazl in the A'in. Deogir, the Daulatabad of Mu¬

hammad bin Tughlaq, is variously called in the A'in by both names and

as Dharagarh, but whether during Akbar’s time, or at any rate prior to

986, the date of this coin, it had any right to be termed Daru’l Khilafat

may perhaps be doubted.

Daru’l Islam Doganw I have so far altogether failed to identify.

Comparing some dozen coins there seems no reason to doubt the reading

to be as above, and the prefix “ Daru’l Islam” points to a place of some

importance. The dates of the coins in my cabinet extend over 12 years,

or from 980 to 992 A. H. The termination ganw or gaon was common,

and we have Satganw, Panchganw, Chalisganw, Chittagaon, Sunargaon,

Lohgaiiw, Deoganw and numerous others mentioned in the Ain and the

Journ., As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LV, Pt. I, for 1886,

PLATE I.

PHOTOZINCOOHAPHBD AT THB SnBVBY OP INDIA OFPICT59, OADCUTTA, JANUARY 1986

COPPER COINS OF AKBAR.

i^i.7 *

, - ■

• a

Journ., As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LV, Pt. I, for 1825.

PLATE II.

PHOTOZHTOOOBAPUBD at TITB eUBVltT of INDIA CFFIOPe, CAHiCOTTA, JAN7ART 1886

I

«

I

1

5

1886.] Kavi Kaj Sbyamul Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa.

the Akbarnama, but I have not been able to trace any mention of a

Doganw.

No. 9. (? Sirsa Banaras) is quite open to other readings, and I

only offer this tentatively. I have not found any mention of such a

place. Atak Banaras and Katak Banaras we know, but did Akbar

ever christen any place Sirsa Banaras ?

It will be noticed the falus struck at Narnol commence from the year

962 A. H. or a year before Akbar’s accession, but the only inscription is

“ Zao'h falus Ndrnol ” and the coinage at this place may possibly have

been continuous from the time of Sher Shah to whose copper issue these

pieces bear a marked likeness.

It is perhaps not a little curious in connection with this one find that

it should have included specimens of the whole twelve Persian months

from Parwardin to Isfandarmuz, in many cases of several mints.

The Antiquity, Authenticity and Genuineness of the Epic called The Prithi

Kaj Kasa, and commonly ascribed to Chand Barddi* — By Kavi Kaj

Shyamal Da's, M. K. A. S., Poet Laureate aiid Member of the State

Council of Mewar.

This famous Hindi epic — generally believed by scholars! to be the

work of Chand Bardai, the court bard of Prithi Kaj Chauhan, and

describing the latter’s history from his birth to his death — is not genuine,

but was, in my humble opinion, fabricated several centuries after Chand’s

time, by a bard or bhat of Kajputana, to show the greatness of his own

caste and of the Chauhans, who had come to the province from other

parts of the country, and were not held in great esteem by the Princes

of Kajputana.

The poem appears to have been composed by some literate bard

of the family of Kothdria or Bedld Chauhans, to prove that they were

related to the kings of Kajputana ; the author chanted the praise of

■ * [The author wishes it to be stated that this paper was written by him in

Hindi, and translated into English by Munshi Earn Prasad. Ed.]

t Mr. Beames snpi^oses the ‘ Poem ' to be the ‘ earliest work of Hindi

Poetry’ ; in the Journal A. S. B. [1873, P. I., No. 1, page 167] we find “ Chand is

the earliest poet in the (Hindi) language.” He also says that it was written about

A. D. 1200. [In. Ant. Vol. I.] Had the poem been actually composed by Chand,

the learned gentleman’s suppositions would have been correct ; but it was written

comparatively later on, as I shall show in the following pages ; and several

Hindi poems written earlier than the ‘ Easa ’ exist : e. g., the ‘ Eamayaa ’ of Tulsi

Da.,— the ‘ Eae Mul Easa.’

6

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa.

the Princes of Mewar in high terms, with a view to persuade them to

connive at the facts and admit the narrative to be true, so that the

Princes of the other Rajputana States might also be led to believe it,

as really happened.

The author ascribed the poem to Chand Bardai, and did not men¬

tion his own name, as he was afraid he would not be believed.

I.

There is not the least doubt that the epic was composed in Raj¬

putana (or by a poet of the Province) as it teems with terms and ex¬

pressions commonly used in the poetry of this Province, and not found

in that of Braj Bhasha or any other eastern dialect of India.

In the opening stanzas of the poem we have

(a.) W Adi Parva, 2nd Chhappai Chhand.

(6.) sft i

II A. P. 4th Bhujanga-prayati.

In these lines the words ” and

** ” belong to the poetry of Rajputana.

(c.) In the dJchet chuh canto occurs the couplet—

^ I

^ ll 5th Chhappai.

Here means ‘ to kill treacherously,’ a sense in which it is

never used in any other part of Hindustan.

In the Journal A. S. B. referred to in the preceding footnote, p. 175

Mr. Beames says : “ Chand always puts an anuswara to the last syllable '

of his words when writing Gatha. He seems to be under the impression

that by doing so he is making them into Sanskrit.”

But this was not the author’s meaning, he intended to turn the style

into Magadhi or Bhala Bhasha, as poems composed three hundred years

ago, were written generally in that tongue. The author had not himself

studied the language, but had apparently heard of some Magadhi poems,

and to make his own composition appear ancient, he used anuswdras ; but

unfortunately the words thus framed were neither Magadhi, Hindi, nor

Sanskrit. It is plain from his use of anuswdras that he was totally

ignorant of Sanskrit.

Only a few examples are cited for shortness’ sake ; thousands of

expressions could be quoted from the poem that are found only in the

poetry of Rajputana. Any intelligent Hindi poet on devoting atten¬

tion to the poem would find it to be wholly in the style of the poets of

Rajputana who compose two kinds of poetry : —

(1.) In the Marwari dialect, called Bingal.

7

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Bdsd.

(2.) In the Braj Bhasha and other Hindi dialects, called Pingal in

Rajputana. [The literal meaning of ‘ Pingal ’ is a “ Treatise on Prosody.”]

All kinds of verses are in reality habits, bnt the term is restricted

here to two, viz., Chhappai* and Manoharan ; in like manner the poetry

of Braj Bhasha came to be called Pingal in the Rajputana phraseology.

Pingal is written always in one and the same style — but the poets

of Rajputana mingle the idioms of Pingal and their native expressions

in Pingal : hence the poetry of this Province bears no resemblance

to that of Agra, Delhi and Beuares &c. provinces.

It should be remembered that there is some difference between the

poetical and colloquial dialects of Rajputana.

The poem is thus proved to have been composed in (or at least by a

poet of) Rajputana.

II.

The Prithi Raj Rasa was not written in Prithi Raj’s time, or by

Chand, but later.

I shall prove this first by quoting passages from the poem, and

then refuting them.

The dates and eras given in the poem are for the most part incorrect :

e. y., the year of Prithi Raj’s birth is given as follows : — ■

(a.) \ ^ ^

if U I. 46.t

Translation,

In the auspicious year 1115 of Yikram’s era was born Raja Prithi

Raj to take his enemy’s territory,

(5.) A little further on we find the following :

I

Cv vJ

\ ^ I

« ^fl I

vj

II

*■ Lit. a verse having six feet.

t [The references given by the author being to MSS. in his own possession and

not accessible to the public, have been corrected in accordance with the complete

list of the cantos of the Prithiraj Rasa given by me in Proceedings A. S. B. for 1872,

p. 62. Ed.]

8 Kavi Raj Shyamal Dds — On the Frithi Fdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

1 Tlf^ I

^ n

i ^ f

'Slf^ W f^NTsr I)

'O ^fx #W VT^T I

nriTW %W (I

^ ¥r KJi I

^=RT?: ffr^r v*jr ii I. 53.

This Chhand describes the horoscopic announcements at the birth

of Prithi Raj ;

Translation.

1. Raja Somesar Dev (the father of Prithi Raj) sat in a darbar

and called the astrologers before his presence.

2. He said to them “ give an account of the birth, destiny, and

pursuits of the infant there reigned joy as soon as (the assembly) heard

the lucky moments of its birth.

3. The Sam vat was 1115, the 3rd day of the dark fortnight of

Baisakh ; = 1115 ; according to the Dehli-dipak Nyaya

— — a poetical license, the term in the middle of

and applies to both, making and

Dehli-dipak, lit. the light on the threshold which illuminates the

inside as well as the outside of a room.

4. It was Thursday, Siddhi Yoga,* and Chitra Nakshatra ;t the

Guru or spiritual preceptor named the child with great cheerfulness.

5. One ghati (24 minutes), 30 pals, and 3 amsas had elapsed of

the Usha Kal (the interval of four ghatis immediately preceding sunrise)

when the infant was born.

6. Jupiter, Mercury and Venus were in the tenth mansion ; and

the consequences of Saturn being in the eighth mansion were given.

7. The Moon and Mars were in the fifth mansion ; Rahu was in

the eleventh, which means the annihilation of the wicked (enemies).

8. The Sun was in the twelfth mansion, which meant the child

would win great glory, and be able to trample down inveterate foes.

(c.) In the same Chhand, the astrologers have prophesied the age

of Prithi Raj to his father Somesara Dev in the following terms ; —

fcr^ I

II ’’

* A division of a great circle measured on the Ecliptic. (J. A. S. B. Vol. 9, p.

365.)

f A star-asterism.

1886.]

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the PritM Raj Rasa,

9

Translation.

In the Kali Yug he would be a protector of the earth for forty-three

years — in other words he would enjoy the age of forty-three years.

(cZ.) Again, there is a chhappai chhand, called Kahit by the poets of

Rajputana, describing the adoption of Prithi Raj by his maternal grand¬

father Anang Pal Tun war king of Delhi, who had no male issue : —

^ f?r ^ 1

rii II

^ #fT ^ I

' 'j ^

^ ^ iTfr TTf%=fT II

\J \J vj

W5T rT^r ii XVIII. 31.

Translation.

(1.) It was Samvat 1138, and commencement of the season of

Hemant (winter) — and the bright fortnight of the propitious month of

Mag sir.

(2.) It was the 5th day of the lunar half — Thursday complete in

all its parts — the moon of the ominous Magsir Xakshatra complete in

all its phases — Sidhi Jog, which is a wholesome dose of aromatic powder.

(3.) King Anang Pal made over his kingdom to his daughter’s

son with a cheerful heart ; he renounced all sorts of enjoyments, viz.,

comforts of the body and gratifications resulting from females and their

company — and went on a pilgrimage to the shrine of Badri Nath.

(e.) Again in the Madho Bhat Katha.

^ ^ VT I

fit Xl^ II XIX. 65.

Translation.

1. Bohd — Prithi Raj became king of Delhi in S. 1138 ; hearing

this Sultan (Shahabuddin Ghori) ordered martial music to be struck.

2. Aril — (Prithi Raj) Chauhan became king of Delhi in S. 1138.

This hero is worthy of giving currency to an era in his own name,

although he is not Vikram. The stern rule of Prithi Raj is current.

10

[m. 1,

Kavi Raj Sliyamal

Das — On the PritJii Raj Rasa.

(f.) Again, the date of the battle gained by Kaimas, who is still

famed as a wise Rajput among the servants of Prithi Raj, over Shahab-

nddin Ghori, is thus given : —

II XLIY . 3.

(^) I I

(^) ^ ^ I

(8) WRR litR I

f^%T— f^JT tjIr II ib. 14.

Translation.

(1.) In S. 1140 ('^=11 in Astrology) — on the 1st of Chait

Badi — Sunday, when it was Paushya Nakshatra, Shahabuddin Ghori

encamped his army.

(2.) In S. 1140, on the date of Chait Badi, when the moon of the

2nd day had risen [it seems that and fell on the same day>

therefore is mentioned], Shahabuddin invaded (Hindustan)

and reached the Panjab.

(3.) He had with him three laks of cavalry, and three thousand

mad elephants : he travelled by marches, and proceeded with a howl

towards Juggini or Delhi.

(4.) The brave warriors rejoiced in heart, but the cowards trembled

on hearing of battle : Minister Kemas who gave him (Prithi Raj)

counsel, and a great warrior Ohamand sat close by him.

(y.) Again,

(x) ^ I

WT II

(^) QTfTR— I

^R? ^R fR VTR II

(^) I

^RR ^R II XLIV. 38.

Translation.

(1.) In S. 1140, on Monday the 11th of the dark half of Ghait, the

Chauhan (Prithi Raj) stood in arms ready for battle.

(2.) The Sultan divided his army into five detachments, the

11

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamul Das — On the PritM Pdj Pdsd.

Chaulian also made five sections of his own forces, the young soldiers

hastened to the battle-field like demons and gods. —

(3.) Chand saith 0 people of the world hear! — a kind of poison

in the form of anger shone forth from the forehead* of warriors. The

foremost warriors joined in battle, and one watch passed between

them, e., the battle between the parties lasted for one watch (nearly

= 3 hours).

(h.) Again,

The canto describing the six seasons has.

II LIX. 84.

In S. 1151, on Sunday the 3rd of Chait (Badi ?) the Lord of

Sambhari started to see Kanauj.

(f.) Again,

The canto narrating the last battle between Prithi Raj and Shahdb-

uddin has

tr® (\) 1

II

Ttr ii LXIV. 63.

Translation.

(1.) In S. 1158, on Saturday the Kark Sankranti, half the month

of Shrawan having passed, (the battle took place) .

(2) . On the ( Amavasya) fifteenth day of the dark half of Shra¬

wan, an auspicious day — the sun having risen for two ghatis — was the

first fury of the forces of the two Religionists (Muhammadans and

Hindus) the meeting of the heroes intent on battle.

(y.) Again, we have on p. 1, leaf 380 :

{\) # ^'fr— I

WT II

(^) I

*

f Some MSS. read here— but it does not matter whether we read or

— both are incorrect. [The readings in Tod’s MS. differ much from those given

above. — En.l

12

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Pdj Bdsd.

V '/ '3

^fX— II

Translation.

(1.) 0 n Wednesday the first of the bright half of Shrawan in

S. 1158.

(2.) (When it was the) Vajra Jog Rohiiii Nakshatra Karn Balaw,

and Taitil in addition : six ghatis remained of the last watch, — and one

ghati and 5 pals had passed of the first day (pratipada).

(3.) The news of the battle spread very easily and the day was

very unfortunate for Delhi. The battle took place in such a manner

that it appeared as if the goddess of wealth (^. e., Lakshmi) fought with

Saraswati (the goddess of talents). [The rivalry between them is well

known in the Purans — if one of them favours a person, the other will

not care for him — i. e., a learned man is seldom seen to possess riches, and

a rich man is seldom a man of letters.] The Sun also stayed to witness

the action.

I have done with quotations — all of which have been ascertained by

comparing the several MSS. of the poem in our library which are the

same as that of Bedla.

Only one Samvat would have sufficed, but I thought it advisable to

adduce several passages of Samvats, so that no one might argue that it

might be a mistake of the scribe, and I hope the readers will thus be

satisfied that no such error was committed.

III.

Now, to discuss the Samvats found in the foregoing quotations.

(a.) We must note the year when Prithi Raj fought with Shahab-

uddin Ghori, and the time when he ruled over Delhi.

The ‘poem ’ gives us S. 1158 as the year of the battle.

But there is only one correct answer, viz.y that Prithi Raj fought

with Shahabuddin in the Panjab in S. 1249 = A. D. 1193, and ruled

over Delhi before that time.

The reasons given below will testify to the truth of the statement.

The author of the ‘ Tabaqat Na9iri ’ (written in A. H. 602 = A. D-

1205 = S. 1262) writing about Shahabuddin says : —

“ Shahabuddin Ghori took Multan in A. H. 571 (= A. D. 1175 = S.

1232) ; and came towards Naharwara in A. H. 574 (= A. D. 1178 = S.

1235) via Urcha and Multan ; he encountered the forces of the Raja

13

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the PritJd Bdj Rasa.

of Naliarwara, Bhim Dev or Basil Dev by name ; the Sultan’s army

retreated and he returned without success. He took Lahore from

the descendants of Sultan Mahmud in A. H. 577 (= A. D. 1181 —

S. 1238).

“Ill A. H. 578 (= A. D. 1182 = S. 1239) the Sultan came to¬

wards Deval and seized the maritime districts — ^he obtained much booty.

“ In A. H. 580 (= A. D. 1184 = S. 1241) he again went to Lahore

and plundered the whole territory ; imprisoned all the descendants of

Mahmud and built the fort of Sialkot ; created Ali Karmakh (who was

the Commander-in-chief of his forces) Hakim (Governor) of Lahore, and

Sirajuddin Minhaj (the author’s father) was appointed Qazi of the troops

stationed in India.

“In A. H. 587 (= A. D. II9I = S. 1248) he took the fort of

Sirhinda and entrusted it to Qazi Ziauddin who was a cousin of the

author’s maternal grandfather. The Qazi garrisoned the fort with 1200

men to guard it till the Sultan’s arrival. But Rae Kola Pithaura had

approached and the Sultan arrived as well ; all the Rajas of Hindustan

were on Pithaura’s side. The Sultan attacked Raja Govind Rae of Delhi

who was seated on an elephant, and knocked down two of his teeth with

a lance. The Raja threw a stone that severely wounded the Sultan’s

arm who was supported, while falling down from his horse, by a

Khilji soldier, and all the Sultan’s men took to flight.

“ Rae Pithaura beseiged Qazi Tolak in the Port of Sirhinda, the

battle was continued for thirteen months.

“ The Sultan returned to Hindustan to take vengeance. The

author heard from Muiz-uddin, a trustworthy person, that the Muham¬

madan army on the occasion consisted of one hundred and twenty

thousand cavalry.

“ Before engaging in battle, the Sultan divided his army into four

separate detachments, and ordered his men to shoot arrows from all

directions, and to give way when the elephants and soldiers of the enemy

(Hindus) made an attack.

“ The Muhammadans defeated the Hindus by acting up to his will

and order ; God granted victory to the Sultan and the heathens fled.

“ Pithaura descended from his elephant and gallopped ofl the field

on horseback instantly ; but he was captured in the land adjoining the

Saraswati, and sent to hell (killed) .

“ Govind Rae of Delhi was killed, whose corpse was identified

by the Sultan who had himself broken two of his teeth in a former

battle.

“ Delhi, Ajmere, Hansi and Saraswati were annexed to the Empire.

This victory was gained in A. H. 588 (= A. D. 1192 = S. 1249) ; the

14

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the PritJii Bdj Rasa.

Sultan appointed Qutb-ud-din Aibak in charge of the Fort of Kahram,

who took Mirath and Delhi, and also the Fort of Kol in A. H. 589

(= A. D. 1193 = S. 1250).

“ The Sultan proceeded to Kanauj and Benares from Ghazni in

A. H. 590 (= A. D. 1194 = S. 1250-1251), and repulsed Raja Jaichand

near Chandawal \ more than three hundred elephants formed part of the

booty.

“ Qutb-uddin conquered Naharwara, Kalewa, Badaon and many

other districts.

“ God willing, an account of these battles will be written in the

Fath Qutbi (a book that seems from the title to give a history of

Sultan Qutb-uddin Aibak).”

Now, the year 587 A. H. corresponds to A. D. 1191 = S. 1248.

„ 588 „ „ A. D. 1192 = S. 1249.

This shows the battle between Shahabuddin and Prithi Raj Ohauhan,

and the latter’s death, to have occurred in S. 1248-49 ; that is about 90

years after the date mentioned in the ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa.’ (S. 1158,)

Although the author of the ‘Tabaqat Na9iri ’ was a foreigner,

he could not have committed mistakes in the dates, if he did in

names.

The 2nd Vol. of the ‘ Abul Fida’ [written in A. H. 700 = A, D.

1300 = S. 1356-57, originally in Arabic, and afterwards translated into

Persian and Urdu] narrating Shahabuddin’s advent into Hindustan,

states briefly the events that happened in the years A. H. (586, 587,

589) and does not mention anything about Prithi Raj’s battle ; but the

existence of Shahabuddin Ghori is proved to a certainty from the narra¬

tive, and all the later histories available uniformly mention S. 1249

(= A. D. 1192-93) for the battle between them.

The time of Raja Jaichand and Shahabuddin having been ascer¬

tained and settled, there remains no doubt as to that of Prithi Raj,

seeing he was their contemporary.

Having done with the testimony borne by books, I now proceed to

refer to stone Inscriptions found in Mewar, and some copper-plate

grants (given in the Journals of the Society) that all go the same way'.

Inscription* I.

This Inscription exists in the village of Bijholi in Mewar, about

100 miles from the capital, on a rock under a Mahwa (Bassia latifolia)

* The Sanskrit texts and translations of the Inscriptions referred to in this

paper will bo found in the Appendix.

15

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Pdsd.

tree, close to tlie wall, to tlie north of the tank at the shrine of Parswanath’

It records the grant of the village of Rewna by Somesvara Dev, the

father of Prithi Raj ; and was executed by a Mahajan in S. 1226 =

A. D. 1169. This shows that Prithi Raj could not have lived or died in

S. 1158, = A. D. 1101 as mentioned in the ‘Rasa.’ The Inscription

concludes the genealogy of the Chauhans at Someswar Dev ; this shows

that Prithi Raj (his son) had not ascended the throne when the Inscrip¬

tion was placed in Phalgun Badi S. 1226.

hiscrijption II.

Found on a pillar over the northern gateway of a palace in Menal

garh in Mewar ; recording the erection of a monastery by Bhav Brahma,

while Prithi Raj Chauhan was the reigning monarch, Dated (Malwi)

Vikram’s Samvat 1226 (= A. D. 1169).

Comparing this Inscription with the preceding it is concluded that

Prithi Raj must have ascended the throne between Phalgun Badi and

Chait Badi S. 1226.

However, if it was customary to reckon the commencement of the

Samvat from any other month than Chait (as is still usual in some pro¬

vinces) a greater interval may have elapsed between Phalgun Badi and

Prithi Raj’s succession to his father’s throne.

It is the general rule that Histories mention the events of the time,

and may contain some exaggerations or false statements even — but for

the most part the true facts are recorded — there is no error in dates or

years ; if there is, it is in books (like the Prithi Raj Rasa) forged in

the names of former authors as is usual with the founders of new reli¬

gious systems, who compose new books, and name them after older

authors to give them the authority of the Purans.

Had Chand Bardai, the court-bard of Raja Prithi Raj Chauhan

composed the poem, so grave a mistake of 90 years* could not have

been made : and the poet could not have expected to gain anything by

writing an incorrect date intentionally.

There are some copper- plate patents of Raja Jai Chand of Kanauj,

bearing dates S. 1233 — 1243 (= A. D. 1177 — 1187), mentioned in the

Journal of the Society for 1873, p. 317.

He was overthrown by the Muhammadans in A. D. 1193 (= S.

1249).

Prithi Raj had married Sanjogita the daughter of Jai Chand, who

was defeated by Shahabuddin Ghori in Kanauj, after the latter had con¬

quered Delhi, as mentioned in the “ Tabaqat

* 1249 — 1158 = 91.

16

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Fritlii Bdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

Colonel Tod lias given S. 1249 for the battle between Sliahabnddin

and Prithi Raj ; but he does not adduce any arguments against S. 1158

given in the Prithi Raj Rasa.

Again, he describes the existence of Rana Rah up, (son of Rawal

Samar Singh’s"* grandson) in the 13th century of Yikram’s era, who

lived really in the fourth quarter of the 14th century.

The Colonel is not to blame, because the ‘ Prithi Bdj Bdsd ’ has

caused mistakes of dates in the histories and annals of Rajputana ; and

it was difficult, rather impossible for him, to write otherwise, when

materials for History were available with great difficulty. If he is to

blame at all, it is simply that he did not attend to the sequence of facts

in his book.f

His narrative misled many authors, as for instance, Forbes in his

‘ Ras Mala; ’ Prinsep in Yol. II. of his ‘Antiquities ; ’ and Dr. Hunter

in Yol. IX. of his ‘Imperial Gazetteer’ p. 166 [London edition, 1881],

where we read “In A. D. 1201, Rahnp was in possession of Chittore, ”

i. e., in S. 1257 — 58 ; but we find no trace of Rawul Samar Singh even

till after S. 1324 (= 1267 A. D.), as the next Inscription in this paper

will show.

lY.

Next, something must be said about the mistakes occasioned by the

‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ in History.

The Muhammadans had a regular system of writing History, the

Hindus had no such system ; if there was anything of the kind, it was

simply the genealogies, and very little, if any, historical accounts written

in the books of the bards, or exaggerated poems of the times.

It is worth keeping in mind that the genealogical tables given in

such books are found to be somewhat correct after the Samvat year

1600 ; those between S. 1400 and S. 1600 are wrong in several instances ;

but those previous to S. 1400 (= A. D. 1343) found in them are all

wrong and guesswork.

When the ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ was forged and made known to the

public as a poem by Chand, the bards and poets adopted the 12th cen¬

tury of Yikram’s era for Prithi Raj’s death, in all their books bearing

on the history of Rajputana.

As for example —

(1) The marriage of Rawal Samarsi Ji of Mewar with Pritha,

the sister of Prithi Raj, narrated in the ‘ Rasa,’ led them to adopt the

S. 1106 as that of Rawal Samarsi’s ascending the throne of Mewar,

* Called also Samarsi,

t Tod’s ‘ Eajasthan.*

17

1886.]

Kavi Raj Sbyamal Das — Oa the Frithi BciJ Bisd.

and S. 1158, tlie 3rd of the waxino^ moon of Shrawan for liis death with

13,000 cavalry, simultaneous with Prithi Raj’s death in the battle

against Shahabuddin Ghori.

To confirm this Sam vat 1158 adopted for Rawal Samar Singh’s

death, they inserted by guesswork Samvats, in their books, of all the

kings who ruled between Ravral Samarsi and Mokul : —

The people of the Rajputana States believed in the Samvats given

for these kings by the bards, and inserted in their books.

It is impossible that Rawal Samar Singh could have married the

sister of Prithi Raj who lived about a century before him.

A masonry bridge constructed over the Gamhliiri that flows past

the celebrated Port of Chitor, is attributed to Maha Rana Lakshman

Singh’s son Ari Singh ; though I have not found it stated in any

Persian history, yet some Muhammadans attribute the architecture to

Khizr Khan, the son of Alauddin Khilji ; whosoever might have been

the builder, this much is certain that it was built towards the close

of the 14th century of Vikram’s Samvat, land the style is strongly in

favour of its being a Muhammadan structure.

Inscription III.

There are nine arches in the bridge ; in the eighth arch (taken

from the east to the west), there is a slab bearing an inscription dated

S. 1324 (= A. D. 1267), when Rawal Tej Singh, father of Rawal Samar

Singh was reigning over Mewar. It appears to have been originally

placed in some temple, and afterwards put in its present position when

the bridge was built, i. e., some materials for it were taken from the debris

of the temple.

The characters are so deeply chiselled in that they have suffered

very little from the constant action of water against the tablet (during

the floods) for several centuries.

Two lines of the Inscription are extant, and they are given in

Appendix III.

c

.18

Kavi Raj Sliyanial Dds — On the Frithi Udj lldsd.

[No. 1,

hiscription IV,

In the ninth arch of the same bridge we find an Inscription S. 13 — 2,

the 13th of the bright half of Jeshtha, recording that Rawal Samar Singh

granted a piece of land, on the bank of the river below the Lakhota Bari

(gate) on the northern border of the Fort of Chitor, for the good of

his mother Jaitalla Devi

It is a pity that this Inscription is much broken, and thus cannot

furnish any important information. Of the four figures of the year,

the third is broken. However, so much is certain that it was executed

fn Samar Singh’s reign; seeing the century to be 13 and the unit’s

p’ace occupied by 2, I think the decimal place must have been taken up

by 3, thus making up 1332 ; because the style of this Inscription closely

resembles that of Inscription III, (dated 1324) and probably one and the

same person was the author of both.

Inscri^tioyi V.

Found embedded in the inner yard of a palace at Chitorgarh, dated

S. 1335, Thursday, the 5th of Baisakh Sudi — of Rawal Samar Singh’s

time. It records the grant of land by him to a temple of S'yam Paraswa-

nath, built by his mother Jaitalla Devi, Queen of Rawal Tej Singh.

Inscription VI.

The Inscription exists in a monastery adjoining the temple of Achai-

lesvara, near Achalgarh on Mount Abu. Its date is S. 1342 (= A. D.

1285) — and it records the erection of a golden pillar for, and the repara¬

tion of, the monastery by Rawal Samar Singh.

Inscription VII.

This Inscription is dated S. 1344 (= A. D. 1287) — Baisakh Sudi

3rd recording a land- grant to a temple of Vaidya Nath Mahadev, when

Rawal Samar Singh was the reigning sovereign at Chitor. The temple

was originally built in the tank dug by Ohitrang Mori.

There are altogether eight lines — the character is Devakshara — it is

on a pillar called Surah bearing the figure of a cow in relief, and

one of the Mahadeva lingam.

I found this valuable writing on a white stone (not exactly marble)

pillar, at the third gate from the Suraj Pol (Sun-gate), and had it

removed to Oodeyporc, the present capital — and it lies here in the

palace.

1886.]

19

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Edj Pdsd.

Text.

[1] ^

[2] ft

[3] ft

[4] [in?] TT^ m ^T%

[5] ¥rf rJT ft ^

[6] TT. . .^TT ^ T^sft 1?T. , •

[7] qm ^ 1?% ’Elf fi ^JT

[8] ftsTOT EffTTlfqrf I)

These inscriptions prove that Rawal Samar Singh’s father Tej

Singh was the reigning sovereign of Chitor and Me war in S. 1324 ;

and that Rawal Samar Singh reigned from S. 1332 — S. 1344 (= A. D.

1275—1287).

Thus we see, the reign of Samar Singh conld never have been be¬

fore S. 1324, though there is nothing improbable as to his having reigned

a few years after S. 1344,

Therefore, the S. 1158 (= A. D. 1101) written in the * Priihi

Edj Edsd ’ for the death of Rawal Samar Singh with Prithi Raj, cannot

be correct any how.

Moreover Rawal Samar Singh cannot be proved to have been

in existence even in S. 1249 (= A. D. 1192-93). the actual year of the

battle between Prithi Raj and Shahabnddin Ghori.

Hence, it follows, if Prithi Raj’s sister was married at all to any

ruler of Chitor, she must have been wedded to another prince ; because

Prithi Raj was killed in S. 1249, and Samar Singh’s inscriptions are

dated S. 1332 — 1344 ; that is, his reign falls 83* years after the death of

Prithi Raj : hence the assertion that, the latter’s sister was married to

this Samar Singh, is absurd.

It may be argued that there may have been another Raja, bearing

the name Samar Singh at Chitor : but the argument falls to the ground

by the following correct and infallible genealogy, extending from Bapa

Rawal to Samar Singh, and copied from a stone Inscription : — ■

1. Bapa Rawal—

2. Guhil—

3. Bhoj— VfTof

4. Shil—

5. Kalbhoj—

6. Bhartri Bhat —

7. Agh Singh —

8. Samhayak —

9. Khaman —

10. Allat —

11. Naravahan —

12. Shakti Kumar —

# 1332 — 1249 - 83.

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the rrithi BciJ Bdsd. [No. 1,

20

13. Suclii Varma— 22.

14. Naravarma — 23.

15. Kirti Yarma— ^fnr 24.

16. Bairad — 25.

17. Bairi Singli — 26.

18. Bijai Singh — 27.

19. Ari Singh— 28.

20. Chond Singh — 29.

21. Vikram Singh — 30.

Ksliein Singh —

Samant Singh—

Kumar Singh —

Mathan Singh —

Padma Singh —

Jaitra Singh —

Tej Singh —

Samar Singh —

Ratna Singh —

In this list there is only one Samar Singh (No. 29) who ruled at

Chitor — and the ‘ Rasa ’ also mentions Samar Singh, as the son of

Raw^al Tej Singh, and that Ratna Singh (No. 30) was his elder son.

(Kumbh Karan was the younger.) These facts identify the genea¬

logical No. 29 to be the person meant by the author of the “ Rasa,” who

has by mistake placed Samar Singh’s name in the poem in connection

with the 12th century of Yikram’s era.

Alauddin Khilji of Delhi took the Fort of Chitor after severe

bloodshed in S. 1359 (= A. D. 1302-3) when Ratna Singh, the son of

Samar Singh, was the reigning prince there : this fact disproves the

statement of the ‘ Rasa ’ that Rawal Samar Singh married the sister of

Prithi Raj, and was killed with him in S. 1158 (= A. D. 1101) which is

impossible, because a son and successor can by no means reign two cen¬

turies after his father’s death.

(1.) Thus, a mistake of a very serious nature was caused by the

‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ in the history of Mewar, viz.^ that “ Rawal Samar

Singh ascended the throne of Mewar in S. 1106 (= A. D. 1050) and wa.s

killed with Prithi Raj Chauhan fighting on his side against Shahabud-

din Ghori in S. 1158 ( = A. D. 1101).

This statement makes Rawal Samar Singh flourish about two*

centuries earlier than his actual existence, and having been believed

to be true by the bards and poets of Rajputana, the period intervening

between Rawal Samar Singh and Mokul Ji was thus lengthened ; and

the poets had to adjust this ignorantly or blindly made up long period

among the reigns between Samar Singh and (the death of) Mokul Ji,

and the gap was thus bridged over.

(2.) In like manner, the historians of Jodhpur took for granted

the S. 1132 (= A. D. 1075) for the accession of Raja Jai Chandra

Rathor of Kanauj, because Prithi Raj had married Sanjogita, daughter

of Jai Chandra. They too divided the hundred years of the error among

the number of generations between Jai Chandra and (the death) of Rao

Chanda of Mandore.

1344 — 1168 = 186 years.

1886.]

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi lidj Pdsti.

21

Jai Chandra’s accession could nofc possibly have been in S. 1132

(= A. D. 1075).

The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1864, Vol. XXXIII,

No. 3, p. 232, has a table of the Rathors of Kanauj, by Major-General

Cunningham ;

That is Jai Chandra lived about one hundred* years after the Sam-

vat accepted by the Jodhpur historians for his accession, as concluded

from the * Prithi Raj Rasa.’

Again, referring to the inscriptions in the Journal of the Society of

Bengal for 1858, No. 3, pp. 217-221, that is, copper-plates published and

translated by Pitz-Edward Hall.

(u) Madan PH Dev’s Grant— S. 1154 [= A. D. 1098, p. 221].

(5) Govind Chandra’s Grant — S. 1182 [= A. D. 1126, p. 243].

That is, even these sovereigns lived later than S. 1132, the year fixed

upon for Jai Chandra’s accession, who really lived much later than they.

(3.) In the same way, the bards of Amber (Jaipur) adopted S.

1127 and S. 1151 corresponding to A. D. 1071 and A. D. 1095 for the

accession and the death respectively of Prajun Ji Kachhwaha, who is

named among the heroes of Prithi Raj, the hero of the ‘ Pdsdd

These dates also can never be correct. Though I have nowhere come

across the exact year when Prajun Ji preceeded to the gadi, yet, if he was

a warrior of Prithi Raj, he must evidently have lived about S. 1249

(= A. D. 1193) which is the correct year of Prithi Raj’s death.

(4.) In like manner the annals of Bundi, Sirohi, and Jessalmer

&c. have recorded incorrect eras, as found in or deduced from the ‘ Rasa ’

— a fact which interfered seriously with the true aim of annalists to re¬

cord true years.

The argument that the scribe through mistake might have put

down Samvat 11 hundred for 12 hundred, will be refuted on the followino*

grounds : —

(a.) The term ‘ twelve ’ cannot be replaced by ‘ eleven ’ in poetry,

as the metre would not hold good.

(h.) The ‘ Astrological terms ’ ‘ S'iva ’ and ‘ Har ’ used in the

‘poem ’ for ‘ eleven’ cannot indicate ‘twelve,’ nor can twelve be substi¬

tuted for them.

1231 — 1132 = 99.

22

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa. [No. 1,

(c.) The same years (viz., eleven hundred) are found in the MSS.

of the ‘ Rasa ’ about one or two centuries old, as well as in comparatively

modern ones.

(cZ.) It is not as if the years were mentioned only in one or two

places which might be due to a mistake of the scribe ; they are found in

many places, and moreover the years, months and dates are written in

words in the form of couplets and verses in the horoscope of Prithi Raj,

given in the Rasa.

The horoscojDe on being examined by Narayan Dev Shastri [a learned

Pandit of Benares, and who is in the Mewar State service] has not

been found to tally with the data, according to his calculations given

below

Data.

*‘Born in S. 1115, on Thursday, the third of the waning Moon of

Baisakh. It was the Chitra Nakshatra, and Sidhi Jog — one and a half

ghatikas previous to sunrise, when the child was born. His name being

Prithi Raj, his Rashi is the first half of Chitra, ^. e., Virgo or Kanya :

the Moon and Mars are in the 5th mansion, and Virgo is also in the

same : that is, the birth took place in the Vrisha Lagna ; Saturn is in the

eighth ; Jupiter, Mercury and Venus in the tenth j Rahu in the eleventh,

and the Sun in the 12th mansion.

Qucesita.

Required to find out whether these combinations are correct or

otherwise according to astronomical calculations.

Now, according to the Suryasiddhanta the third date of Baisakh

Badi S. 1115, falls on Sunday.

Kali Jug Ahargan, i. e., the number of days since the commencement

of Kali Jug is 1519100 ;

(clear Sun) — 11/21/24/49 ;

(clear Moon) — 6/16/27/17 ;

Nakshatra should be Swati — (^T^) and Jog should be Vajra — (^If)-

Since the birth happened before sunrise, the Sun could never have

been in the 12th mansion from the Lagna ; the Sun is in the 12fch man¬

sion in the Vrisha Lagna, when it is in (Aries t) ; but in the data it

is in (Pisces) — which is impossible.

The position of the other Planets or Grahas, e. g., Mars, &c. need not

be discussed ; because the position of the Sun having been shown to be

incorrect, it is certain that the other combinations recorded in the horo¬

scope are also impossible.

23

1886.] Kavi E,aj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Rasa.

In the same way the Samvat 1158 is assigned by the Rasa ” to

the last battle with Shahabnddin, which resulted in the death of Prithi

Raj — and the date is said to have been Amavasya or the 15th day of the

waning Moon of Shravan ; the Sun to have been in (the sign of) Cancel*

the Nakshatra Rohini and the Moon to have been in Taurus (^).

Now, if the Moon be in Rohini, the Sun should be in Taurus : but

according to the rule, the Sun and the Moon must be in one and th e

same Rashi.

That the Sun should have been in Cancer seems correct ; but the

Moon could not have been in Taurus as told in the ‘ Rasa ’ j on the

other hand it must have been in Cancer.

Thus it seems the author was quite ignorant of astronomy, and

hence he did not notice this mistake : it is also rendered manifest that

he was not the court-bard of Raja Someswara Dev or Prithi Raj, as in

that case he must have known the true dates and combinations of the

planets when the latter was born.

I think the arguments so far stated are sufficient to prove that the

* Prithi Raj Rasa ’ was not composed by Chand or in his time.

lY.

Then the question naturally arises, “ When and by whom was the

Epic composed ? ” if not by Chand Bardai.

I have stated the poem to be the work of some poet of Rajputana,

and I venture to say I can prove the period of the composition on the

following grounds : —

(1.) In the poems composed in Rajputana before Akbar’s time

and still available, Persian words and expressions are not met with :

only the words of Sanskrit, Braj Bhasha, Magadhi or Prakrit, Rajputana

dialects, and sometimes of Gujarati also are found.

The Princes of Rajputana opened intercourse with the Imperial

Court daring Akbar’s time. Raja Bhara Mai Kachhwaha of Amber

(Jaipur) went to the Court in S. 1619 (= A. D. 1562) for the first

time. In his domains there were very few Marwari poets, and Braj

Bhasha poetry is still widely prevalent there. The poems now available

about the Rajas of Jaipur or their brotherhood, are found to have been

composed by Marwar or Mewar poets : that is Marwar stands first, and

Mewar holds the second place as far as Marwari or Dingal poetry is

concerned.

The intercourse of the poets of Marwar and Mewar with the Im¬

perial Court commenced during the latter days of Akbar’s reign.

When the dispute between the sons of Rao Mai Dev of Jodhpur

was over, and Udai Singh was established on the throne in S. 1639

24

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Baj Bdsd. [No. 1,

(= A. D. 1582), he commenced living at Akbar’s Court: since that time

the intercourse of the Mar war poets became more frequent, and severa

other famous Hindi poets got encouragement at the same time, e. g.\

Gosain Tulsi Das, Kesav Das, Sur Das, Barhuts Narhar Das, Tswar

Das, and Lakha &c., &c., and a greater proportion of Persian words

found way in the poems of Hindi produced in Rajputana.

On perusing the ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ Persian words are found to

exist in it in the proportion of 1 : 8, or 1 : 10 to Hindi, Marwari and

Sanskrit words or to those of any other Indian dialect.

After S. 1640 (= A. D. 1583), the people of Mewar commenced

intercourse with the Imperial Darbar : the Maha Rana of the time

(Pratap Singh) did not go there, but some of his relatives, who were

dissatisfied with him, did go, as for instance Shakat Singh, Jagmal and

Sagar Singh, and many poets accompanied them ; and Persian words

came to be greatly introduced in the poems of Mewari and Marwari

tongues.

The ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ was in my humble opinion composed at

some date during the thirty years between S. 1640 A. D. 1583) and

S. 1670 (= A. D. 1613) ; which I proceed to show: —

I. In the Hammir Kavya composed about S. 1540-42 (A. D.

1484-86), which describes the battles fought by Chauhan Hammir and

liis ancestors, the description given of the battle between Prithi Raj

and Shahabuddin Ghori, does not agree with that given in the ‘ Rasa ; ’

neither do the genealogical tables of the Ohauhans agree in these two

poems.

It is a matter of common sense that, if a standard work like the

‘Prithi Raj Rasa’ had been composed before the ‘Hammir Kavya,’

the author of the latter would certainly have borrowed facts from it.

II. Had the ‘ Rasa ’ been composed even a century or two after

Rawal Samar Singh’s time, mistakes of so serious a nature could not

have occurred, as are actually seen. We generally do not find such mis¬

takes in the Samvats or dates of kings who lived two, or two and a half

centnries before a history is written.

Thus it follows, the ‘ Rasa ’ was composed about three centuries after

Samar Singh’s time ; and the latter lived about a hundred* years after

Prithi Raj.

Hence it follows that the ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ was fabricated about

four centuries after Prithi Raj’s or Chand’s age ; and the author based

his fabric on some corrupt history.

* Prithi Raj died in S. 1249. Rawal Samar Singh rnled till about S. 1344 ;

the difference in their periods is thus 1344 — 1249 = 95 years.

188b.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Pdj Pdsd. 25

Now, I proceed to prove the ‘ Rasa ’ to have been written after

S. 1640.

The author has praised the kings of Mewar very highly in the name

of Rawal Samar Singh — whom in one place, where pronouncing benedic¬

tions, he calls by the following epithets : —

(a) TIV ;

(b) WJi;

(c) ;

(d) ?!■ 31*?! ;

(e) ;

(/) '^^^1^ 11”

These, when translated into English, would stand respectively thus: —

(a) (Like the god) Kedarnath for (removing the stain of) those

who are charged with anything disgraceful ;

(b) (Like the sacred shrine of) Prayag (the modern Allahabad)

for the sinful ;

(c) Yanarasi [correctly ‘Varanasi’ the modern Benares] or ‘the

Sacred City of the Hindus ’ for those who are charged with murder — one

of the deadly sins ;

(d) The Ganges for drunkards or proud kings TR].

(e) Who liberated (the) Sultan after once taking him prisoner.

(/) Who crushed (the) Sultan’s pride.

All these titles allude to Maha Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar. The

fourth epithet (d) suggests that the other Rajas yielded to the Muham¬

madan Sultans and prided themselves, also that they indulged in wine.

The Rands of Mewar did not take wine — hence the title jfjT (Ganges),

for the purification of those Rajas, is given to them (Rands) with a taunt

to the latter.

The fifth title (e) alludes to the fact of Maha Rand Sangrdm Singh’s

having captured Sultdn Mahmud of Mdlwa in A. H. 924 (= A. D.

1518 = S. 1574), and afterwards setting him free.

The last title (/) alludes to the kings of Gujardt, whom the Maha

Rdna had defeated and plundered their territory.

Several other poets of the period have described the Rands of Me-

war similarly : —

^3T ft II

D

26

Kavi Eaj SLjamal Das — On the Frithi lidj Bdsd. [No. 1,

Translation.

(1.) 0! Akbar, O ! Turk, to tliy glory, all tlie Eajas yielded, except

the Dana (of Udaipur).

(2) Akbar resembles a deep darkness ; all other Hindus felt their

eyes heavy with slumber; whereas Rand Pratap Singh* was on the

watch, who was a great benefactor of the universe.

[The poets stamp a stain of disgrace on those Hindu Rajas who

offered service, and gave away daughters in marriage, to the Moslem

kings.]

From the six epithets quoted above, it is easily inferred that the

‘ Rasa ’ was composed after Mahd Rand Sangrdm Singh had defeated the

king of Mdlwd in S. 1574 (= A. D. 1518^ ; and the presence of Persian

words in the ‘ Poem ’ indicates that it was composed after S. 1640

(= A. D. 1583), when the first intercourse of the poets of Rajputdnd

with the Imperial Court was opened, and they allowed Persian expres¬

sions to adulterate their style.

(B.)

Having shown the ‘ Rdsd * to have been written after S. 1640

(= A. D. 1583), I shall now prove that it was composed before S. 1670

(= A. D. 1613).

In the Dilli-ki-kathd ^ sp^) Prastdv we find the couplet : —

fr* I t ^ffrr I

Ht III. 31.

= In S. 1677 (= A. D. 1620) of Vikram’s era, the lord of Chitor

would conquer Delhi.

Here the poet delivers a prophecy that the kings of Chitor would

take Delhi.

Therefore, it is quite evident that the couplet and hence the poem

was written some time before S. 1677.

It was probably written before S. 1671 (= A. D. 1614) — because in

that year a treaty was concluded between Mahd Rdnd Amar Singh I.,

and the Sultdn Jahdngir, through the mediation of Prince Khurram.

Therefore the above-mentioned prophecy could not have been deli¬

vered after S. 1671, when the treaty was concluded, because then all

thought of ever conquering Delhi on the part of the Rdnds had vanished.

They had left off shaving (the head), eating out of a metallic plate,

* Eeigned from S. 1628—1653 (= A. D. 1671—1596).

t [Col. Tod’s MS. has for — Eo.]

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the PrUhi Raj Rasa. 27

fastening the sword to the belt, and keeping the kettle-drum in the

van of their processions, long before S. 1671, in Maha Rana Pratap

Singh’s time (whose reign ended in S. 1658 = A. D. 1601), — with an

oath to revive* these customs only on retaking Delhi.

The noble deeds of the Ranas of this State during S. 1640-70, and

the awe inspired by Maha Rana Sangram Singh and his predecessors in

the minds of the people led them (people) to cherish a sanguine expecta¬

tion that some Rana or other would take Delhi ; and with this idea the

author of the ‘ Rasa ’ inserted the couplet in his production.

I do not hold the narrative of the ‘ Prithi Raj Rasa ’ to be totally

incorrect ; but it is clear enough, that the author must have based his

fabric on some wrong annals.

My main object in writing this paper (for publication) is to caution

the public against the incorrect dates given in the ‘ Rasa ’ and against

the belief that it was composed by Chand Bardai, or even by any author

who was his contemporary.

The spuriousness of the Rasa, and my doubts as to its antiquity, are

further confirmed by the fact that its narrative, and the names of per¬

sons and dates as found in it, do not agree with those in the Persian

works of Prithi Raj’s time.

I second the statement made by Vincent A. Smith, Esq., B. 0. S : —

“ The Rasa as we now have it, is misleading, and all but worthless

for the purposes of the Historian.” [J. A. S. B. 1881. Pt. I, No. I,

page 29.]

APPENDIX.

Inscription I,

[This Inscription is very corrupt, being full of mistakes made by

the Inscriber, who makes no distinction between ^ and ll, and has

made a mess of the vowel-marks (??RT) and the Anuswaras and Yisargas.

Here and there some letters have been defaced : thus it is very difficult

to arrive at the original readings and the author’s meaning ; but the

Pandits here have tried their utmost to make the best of it as it

stands. The transcript was taken on Gokank paper, and deciphered by

Pandit Ram Pratap Jotishi, a good Sanskrit scholar and the only anti¬

quarian in the city.

* Not revived till now. Tlie Ranas do eat out of a metallio dish, but still a

leaf-platter is placed undei’neath it.

28

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Slijamal Das — On the PritM Bdj Rasa.

The iuscription measures 12 ft. 9 indies at the longest, and 8 ft. 6

inches at the shortest part in length, and the breadth is about 3 ft. 8 inches.

Altogether, there are 30 lines, and 92 dokas.

The first ten slokas are a salutation to the Baudha divinities : then

a genealogy of the Chauhans, in which all the names are not clearly

made out, is comprised in the dokas 11 — 29 (inclusive). Our translation

extends only so far, as the rest of the inscription is not pertinent to our

purpose ; the inscription is valuable for the date and the genealogy,

which differs from all other tables. — Trans.]

T^'anslation (from the Hindi).*

1. Obeisance to Him, who has given up all worldly concerns.

I bow to, praise meditate upon, and seek the protection of the

light existing in the soul, which is intelligent, self-effulgent, without

beginning and without end, felt only with wisdom, ever-glorious ; — which

enlightens the understanding of the creatures, is known by the name

“ Syat,”t and but to exist, is all-pervading, the most wonderful, the

summum honum or the source of all good and joy, and ever- existing.

2. May the peerless sun of righteousness be the source of your

(i. e., of the audience-mankind) peace and happiness — that never sets, is

not reckoned among the inauspicious planets, the strength of whose rays

is not unbearable . who does no one ill.

3. There was the sage S'anti Natha — whose both beautiful hands

with brilliant nails stretch out to cherish and satisfy the accomplished

goddess (Lakshmi) of happiness for the people of the world, blessed with

sons and prosperity, and for these fortunate (or learned) men bending

low with humiliation, like the decorated ground of Braj for Lakshmi,

the spouse of Vishnu, to sport upon,

4). I bow to the very mighty one Nemi Natha — who sounded the

Pancha Janya or Krishna’s conch, while breathing through the nostrils

. . . with the tip of the lotus-like . . ; who fully strung the

bow of Vishnu called S'arnga (^Tlp) with his thumb, like Bala-Rama

(who had a plough for his weapon), and whirled it about with the finger.

[This is an allusion to Nemi Natha’s having gone to Dwarika where

Krishna lived, and blowing his conch and stringing and whirling his

bow — each of which was unwieldy for any one else but Vishnu himself.

A lotus was his (Nemi Natha’s) emblem. — This story has been taken as

recited by a Jati, and is well-known to the Jains.]

[The Hindi is, as will be seen, rather a loose paraphrase of the ori^nal Sanskrit.

It is impossible to effect a literal agreement between the two, the general sense of

the Sanskrit seems, however, fairly expressed in most places. — Ed.]

t The formula for the Deity, of the Syadvadin sect of the Jains^

1886.]

29

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the PritM Raj Rasa.

5. May the Tirthankara'^ Parswanatha have success \ whose lecture-

ground is gazed upon by the curious spectators in great admiration, the

fore-part of the lofty rampart of which is closely crowded with the lead¬

ing gods, which is surrounded on all sides with streamers, brilliant with

the sun- gem and rendered vocal with jingles or bells.

6. May the ever-prevailing enshrinement of (Vardhamana) Maha-

vira who excels the heroes, ever be on the increase.

[In this sloka the poet makes a display of his poetical talent ; he

repeats the same line twice, which admits of a double meaning by

7. I pray Saraswati who bestows riches, strength and the essence

of things, who is wise, and an incarnation of the Yrittis,f and generous

in giving enjoyment and salvation to her votaries.

8. We worship with success the lords who always remain absorbed

in devotion, who are independent or self-willed, and as it were an ocean

(of ambrosia in the form) of the greatest degree of mercy ; at the head

of whose list stands Nabheya (the son of Rabhi Raja), ^. e., Rishabha

Deva They who have obtained salvation by receiving the best

portion of the light of these lords, adorn like a garland of pearls the

bosom of the fair one (who is) deliverance.

9. Oh ! ye twenty-four (Tirthankaras) of Jainism, the source of

rejoicing to the hearts of humble or good persons, the support of ‘ True

Piety ’, who destroy the actions which cause birth and death, a series

of the sources of good, who have undisturbed wisdom, and take an

interest in the good of beings, the (cradle) source of (the goddess

Lakshmi of) bliss, the sustainers of the world, ye guide us aright into

good actions.

* The following is a list of the 24 Tirthankars

1. Rishabha Natha.

2. Ajita Natha.

3. Sambhu Natha.

4. Abhinandana Swamin.

6. Sumati Natha.

6. Padma Prabhn.

7. Suparswa Natha.

8. Chanda Prabhn. *

9. Snbndha Natha.

10. S'itala Natha.

11. Sreyamsa Natha.

12. Vasn Pujya.

t 1. 2. 3. and 4.

called the third Vritti of poetry.

13. Bimala Natha.

14. Ananta Natha.

15. Dharma Natha.

16. Santi Natha.

17. Kuntha Natha,

18. Arn Natha.

19. Main Natha.

20. Mnni Snvrata Swamin.

21. Nemi Natha.

22. Aratha Nemi Natha.

23. Parswa Natha.

24. Mahavira Swamin.

In this sloka Saraswati

IS

30

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — Oti the Prithi Raj Rasa.

Genealogy of the Chauhdns.

10. The rare first-born (king) in the noble race o£ the Chanhans

was Jadawtadwa* [or Jadaw Chandra] who was ever-thriving, suc¬

cessful in all his actions, knew the hidden policy of kings, possessed

armies and other influence, and never bowed to anybody.

11. Noble-looking, free from blemish, brilliant, tender-bodied like

a wreath of flowers, wearing garments, white like limpid and pure

wavelets, bending (modestly) with the weight of (breasts in the form

of) highf (?) hills, such a one, the goddess SakambaraJ is like Lakshmi

the spouse of Vishnu.

12. In Ahikshetrapura, the first ruler was Purnatalla surrounded

with numerous warriors, like a bed smiling with flower-plants.

13. From him were descended Jai Raj and Vigrah Raj — Chandra

and Gopendra — the last was succeeded by Duidabh Raj, then ruled

Gurvak, Shashi Nrip, and after the latter Guwak and Sachandan ;

(then the throne was occupied in turns by) Vapyai Raj, who ruled over

the Vindhya mountains, Singh Rao and Vigrah ; then ruled Durlabh,

Gundii, Vakpati, and lastly his younger brother Virya Ram succeeded.

14. Then ruled Chand, Sri Singh the foremost among the Ranaks,

from the latter was descended Dusal, then came his brother Bisal,

the beloved (lord) of Raj Devi ; his son was Prithvi Raj I., the lord of

Rasalya Devi, to him was born Jaidev, the consort of Saumalla Devi.

15. Who after killing three Rajas, the first of whom was Yasho

Raj the Padhingamichal, defeated the chief whose name was Solhan

Dand in the field of battle ; and as it pleased him best, he kept him in

irons, and committed him (alive) to a fortress with an entrance resem¬

bling the mouth of Yam,

16. His son was Arno Raj who kept Hari (Vishnu) in his heart, who

was the seat of virtue, whose vastness or range was aimed at, who was rare

(great) in depth and generosity, whose depth could be sounded by none.

The king as well as the ocean were the seats of Hari, but it is

marvellous that unlike the ocean the former had neither mire, nor was

capable of being churned, nor deprived of wealth (Lakshmi) ; neither

the generator of the mine of guilt§ (the Moon), nor was he served by

double-tongued (serpents) hypocrites.

This name cannot be properly made out in the transcript, which in this and

in other places seems full of mistakes.

t . . appears to be y

'A

J The name Sdmhhar is the present form.

§ may also mean ‘that which causes night.’

31

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Bdsd.

17. His stern rule (iron-hook) had as a matter of course, freed

his kingdom from (the elephant of) wickedness, or conquered the

country of Kusavaran. It is to be wondered at that, he had thrown the

reputation of Indra into the shade by acquiring salvation and Narayan

with his piety.

18. From Arno Raj was descended Yigrah Raj, the light of the

earth, which is no matter of surprise. But it is astonishing that the

descendant of that Arno Raj (ocean), namely the Moon, is devoid of

sensation, liable to waning, and marked with spots. [Whereas Vigrah

Raj, son to the king Arno Raj, was free from these defects.]

19. His hand imparted its beauty to his terrible sword, which was

graceful in the act of killing, and crushed the pride of mad and noble

elephants.

20. He was prepared to proceed to the world of Yam a he, one

of the noblest among men, seizer of lands, expert in wielding the lance,

ascended into Heaven, as he was really a Protector of the needy and

the distressed.

21. He converted Javalipur into Jwalapur (‘ City of Flames ’) by

setting it on fire ; reduced small villages into hamlets or mere collections

of huts ; his anger rendered the strength of his foes as frail as the

thread of the mandar-cotton (the white flower with radiating threads

that issues from the plant called Asclepias gigantea) .

22. Whose fame, acquired by means of his getting a sword and

wearied from not succeeding in taking Delhi, spread in the streets as

well as in chimney-rooms. [ ^f^rf has been explained above

= “ acquired by means . sword." If the reading is

the meaning would be = Whose fame, blackened only by his

failure in taking Delhi," &c.]

23. His elder brother’s son was named Prithvi Raj II, who re¬

sembled Vishnu in preserving his subjects, and chased away poverty

from his dominions, by giving away kine and gold(-en hills) in charity

to the poor.

24. He, who was thoroughly devoted to religion, dedicated the

village of Morakri to the self-revealed Parswa Hatha for enjoyment (in

this world) and salvation (in the next) .

25. He cherished the Brahmans by giving them gold in charity,

and by performing the ceremony of Tuladan (giving his own weight in

gold) on ten several occasions, as well as by grants of towns (and

villages), he defeated the intelligent king Vastu Pal and took his beauti¬

ful elephant named Mansidhi.

26. He was followed by king Someswar who got his kingdom with

the blessing of the god Someswar ; and being his true devotee, he came

to be regarded like Siva among mankind.

32

Kayi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Trithi Bdj Udsd. [No. 1,

27. He, the very potent one, got the surname of Pratap Lan-

keswar : from liis presence the chief (among the powerful) enemies fled,

and many met their death by his sword.

28. Actuated by a desire to enter the Heaven, he*ofPered the

village of Rewna (during his administration), to the self-existent Parswa

Natha :

[The slokas 29 — 90 give a genealogy of the person who built the

temple.]

* *

Dated S. 1226 (= A. D. 1169) — Thursday the 3rd of the dark

semi- lunation of Phalgun at the time of the Rohini Nakshatra, Vridhi

Yog, and Taitil Karan.

Inscri2)tio7i VI*

[This Inscription measuring 3 feet 2 inches by 3 feet runs to the

length of 48 lines, each containing 70 letters on an average, and consists

of 62 slokas of different metres. The ordinary salutation to the gods

ends at sloka 10th ; then we read a genealogy of the Ranas of Udaya-

pur, from Bapa Rawal to Samar Singh, which ends at the 48th sloka.

The following translation is an English version of the Hindi rendering

of the Gujarati translation (of the text) found in a collection of in¬

scriptions, published in Ahmedabad in Guzerat. — Translator.]

Translation.

1. Obeisance to S'iva ! whose might, capable of being known to

himself and naturally free from impurity, is but little appreciated by

Brahma (the Creator) and other gods. May the lord Achaleswara, free

from all concern with the universe, who liberates the beings of the

world who are absorbed in Him from its bonds, be pleased ever to give

us bliss.

2. Who seated on a lotus [or a Padmasana, a seat or throne made

in the shape of a lotus, on which idols are placed], offers the oblation

of souls (vitality) to (the sacrificial fire of) the body for Creation’s

sake ; prior to such a one the Omnipresent Being, was born Sfiva having

a Nila-lohita (with a blue neck and red hair) body.

May Sankara (Sfiva), holding in his lotus-like hand, the brilliant

fifth head of Brahma, forcibly detached from the trunk, with the tip of

the nail of his (Sfiva’s) wicked* thumb, protect you.

* Because charged with Brahmd-hatya = murder of a Brahman.

1886. j

33

Kavi Raj Sliyanial Das — On the Pritlti Rdj Rasa.

3. May the elephant- faced god Glaneis, grant yon wealth, who is

the remover of misfortunes, whose brilliant temples (like mountain-

peaks) are buzzed about till now by a swarm of black bees, which are as

it were performing penances to him, with a desire to get rid of their

black colour, and repeating a humming prayer composed of (letters or)

sounds which we cannot make out, having given up all other occupation,

and feeling honourable pride or intoxication.

4. May Hanuman deliver us from evil, whose wonderful leap to

cross the ocean,* set the terrestrial sphere a-whirling, by causing a

cloven range of mountains to fall down in the shrinking ocean, caused

the sky to burst asunder and come down and the points of the compass

to contract to a centre, that disturbed the equilibrium of the (vessel of

the) universal frame, and thus threw the world into a state of agitation

resembling that (which happens) at the end of a kalp (the destruction),

although the day had not arrived.

6. The foremost (noble) race of Gohil is triumphant, whose line¬

age, is formed of a number of clans and sub-clans, having good quali¬

ties, recognised as the head of Princes or ruler of mountains, resembles

the bamboo plant, of which the joints have a number of branches large

and small, which is suited to have a bow-string fastened to it, and

crowns the crests of hills.

6. That the race of this Gohil has the reputation of Narayaii or

Vishnu among the kings, is right, else how could the kings, [whose

purpose is to attain salvation, holding white dandas (mendicants’ staff)

in the form of canes (for inflicting punishment), inclined to the protec¬

tion of lives, and ever enjoying the blessing of wealth, allow their hands

full liberty to deal in charity by giving away money], have reposed

confidence of protection in it ?

7. The territory, well- suited to remove misfortunes, saturated

with the filthy odour exhaled from the (decomposing) fat of wicked

persons (killed) by Bapa Rawul, excelling the Paradise in beauty, and

bringing the pride of all other cities of the world to a test, bears the

name Med-^dt (the modern Me war) .

8. There is in this land of Mewar a town (named) Naghrid (now

the village of Nagda) well- deserving celebrity, where the sage Harit

rich only in penances, performed austerities.

9. There are many well-to-do householders, who have commenced

a series of sacrifices for the welfare of the world, being pious, and

having a store of articles fit to be burnt as oblations (or virtue), they

satisfy Agni (the god of fire) with those substances.

There are also a great many sages, who have won felicity by practis-

* While on search for Sita. — Pvamayan.

£

34

Kavi Rdj Shyamal Das — On the Tritlii Bdj Hdsa. [No. 1,

ing Pranayam (a system of Yog in which the breath is drawn in throngb

the nostrils, and then exhaled in the opposite direction after a periodical

stoppage), who have acquired true wisdom, and seated in a lovely and

charming spot, perceive the Deity existing in the soul.

10. In that forest, where ascetics practise Yog and are generally

freed from the bonds preventing the approach to heaven ; Harit Rishi

who subdued the senses by the practice of Yog, who clearly sees the

occurrences of the universe, and attained final absorption into Siva, the

abode of the result of ascetic severities, granted (the goddess of) royalty

to his votary, the renowned Bapa Rawal.

11. Bapa Rawal artfully transferred the characteristics of a Brah¬

man (acquired during his breeding in a Brahman household) to Harit

Rishi resembling Brahma in his prowess, as it were by means of his

services to the sage : and in return he received, the splendour of a

Kshatriya from the Rishi, in the form of a golden anklet. The descend¬

ants of Bapa called Gohils incessantly adorn the earth like so many

incarnations of Kshatriyadom up to the present day.

12. Bapa Rawal’s son was Gohil who dealt out justice impartially ;

the Rajas descended from him are distinguished by the title of Gohils

(the modern Gohilots or Gehlots) .

13. From Gohil was descended Bhoj, whose intellect was brilliant

like a ray of nectar, whose ornament was (the ambrosia of) learning,

who could easily hold the passion of love in subjection, and was of ex¬

tremely good and charming (amiable) manners, who crushed the pride

of the ocean, (which is deep and a seat of fortune) and was a worshipper

of the Lord of Lakshmi, ^. e., Vishnu.

14. He was succeeded by a king named Shil, whose hand was

terrible with a wanton sword, who had a horripilation expressive of

exquisite delight or spiritedness, and a body like an incarnation of the

high sentiments themselves, who was a great warrior, and enjoyed the

wealth of the enemies (slain by him).

15. His son was Kalbhoj, who cut asunder the love of the females

(of Dravida and Kalinga or) who wear garments reaching down to the

toes, the crown of the kings of noble races, who inflicted punishment

on the rulers of the Carnatic, who took delight in worshipping the images

of Vishnu, well- versed in the mysteries of law and witticism, (whoso

strictness was) unbearable from his dealing punishment with a violent

bow true to its aim and terrible like death.

16. Then came Bliartri Bhat, who satisfied women with his jDrotec-

tion, and the learned men with presents, the quarters of the world with

lots of conveyances, the Brahmans with (handsome) presents and gifts

on the occasions of births (of descendants), who were made as happy as

188(5.]

35

Kavi R^j Sliydmal Das — On the Trith'i Raj Rasa.

tlie fountains of delight, who had stout progeny and was very charming,

protected the earth and crushed the pride of the Kalpa Briksha (the

fabulous tree that grants all felicity).

17. To him was born a Prince named Acfli Sinodi, who was slen-

der-waisted and broad-chested, terrified the kings, who suioport the earth

(like the elephants at the corners), or the mad elephants of the moun¬

tains.

18. His son was Samhayak who trusted to his own valour and

prowess, never yielded to any one, and bore the heavy burden of State

(or the earth, like the King of Serpents), from (the sparks of) whose

anger (resembling the fire in fierceness) the troubled foes were dispersed,

and in which (sparks) wicked people feeling a difficulty in subduing the

senses, fell like so many insects (gathering round a lamp or fire).

19. He was followed by Khiiman, whose sword (like a nimbus-

rain-cloud) fell upon (drenched) the best of warriors with its sharp edge

(like a piercing shower) in the sky of the day of attack, overclouded

with the dust rising up from the ground by the tread of forces : it is

wonderful that the red powder, besmearing the breasts of the wives of

warriors (killed by him), was washed away with the tears black with the

collyrium of their (wives’) eyes, and similarly, the hearts of clear-intel-

lected men are peeling like a roar of thunder when lightning falls (to the

ground) .

20. Then succeeded Allat, who was invincible in battle and a rival

of death in killing, as his terrible sword conquered the forces of his

enemies in mere sport.

21. Next was born Karvahan, who captured the conveyances of his

rival kings in battle, worshipped Siva with conscientiousness, struck

awe and terror in the hearts of all his enemies.

22. After him succeeded Sakti Kumar who eradicated the policy

of all his enemies with his valour, who was free from stain and possessed

good qualities, the renown of whose noble deeds excelled even the stars

in brilliance.

23. From Siva, whose feet rest over high mountains, was born the

beautiful Swami Kartik : so from Sakti Kumar, whose feet rested on

the crown of great Princes, was descended king Suchi Varma who dis¬

played his terrible strength to his enemies.

24. Verses celebrating the heroic deeds of whose hands were

chaunted by the celestial maidens of melodious tones, who was entitled

to the reputation of Indra in heaven, on account of his great and noble

actions, such a one Suchi Varma was succeeded by Kara Varma, who

turned pale the complexion of his enemies’ wives agitated with love,

who illuminated all the worlds with the lustre of bis renown.

36

[No. 1,

Kavi Rdj Slij'amal D^s — On the Prithi Rdj Rasa.

25. On Nara Varma’s desiring to taste the delight of meeting the

wives of the gods \i. e., when he entered Heaven], the earth was pro¬

tected by Kirti Varma, who was on a par with Indra in piety.

26. On Kirti Varma’s, — who was very fierce, and weak from con¬

stant love (to acquire new possessions) and also devoted to very austere

penances, — performing ablutions in (the sacred stream of) the Ganges

(the Sindhu of Heaven) and sporting with the heavenly damsels, Bairad

succeeded to the throne, who pulled down the houses of enemies Avith his

hands, and had the forehead of his foes kept lower than his throne (in

homage) on account of his valour.

27. On the death of Bairad, a source of delight to the host of his

enemies, succeeded Bairi Singh, Avho made his name quite significant, as

he Avas a lion among his rivals.

28. After him reigned a king Vijai Singh by name, who was a Lion

with Victory for his title or surname, Avho had abroad chest and a slender

waist, and caused mountains or (the hearts of) kings to tremble, even in

sport ; he was a destroyer of (elephants in the shape of) enemies.

29. His enemies’ Avives, pressed down with grief for their hus¬

bands’ death, gave up the whiteness of their bodies with the sandal-paste

applied to their breasts, and thus acted as it were the part of a Karnikar

a species of the bread-fruit tree Lacucha) flower, which is red

inside with a yellow coating on the outside. [In just the same way the

interiors of their bodies Avere red, while the outside appearance was lan¬

guid and pale with grief].

30. (He was succeeded by) Ari Singh a great hero, who

wrote doAvn inscriptions of his noble deeds in all the quarters, with the

ink composed of the smoke (soot) rising from the corpses of his enemies,

burnt (to ashes) in the fire of his energy (rage) .

31. Through his favour, learned* men’s wives were enabled to

paint their eyelids with collyrium, and filled their eyes with tears of

delight. On the other hand, he deprived the eyelids of his enemies’

wives of their collyrium (that was) washed away with tears of mourn¬

ing ; and thus it is wonderful that one and the same king produced

double effects.

32. From Ari Singh was born Ohond Singh, glorious as the Sun and

brilliant like the crown-gem of princes, his throne shone over mountains

as that of the Sun over Sumeru

33. The son of Ohond was Vikram Singh, Avhose sword fell upon

the temples of elephants (and cut them asunder), who overtook even

* If is taken to mean ‘ gods’ wives,’ there would be an allusion to the

belief that heroes killed in the battle-field become gods.

1886.] Kavi Rdj Sliyamal Das — On the PritM Raj Rasa. 37

Deatli itself in tlie battle-field, and spread a tale of bis valour among bis

enemies.

34. Then ruled Ksbem Singb for tbe prosperity of tbe eartb, be

rooted out all tbe (tborns) formidable enemies witb tbe strength of bis

bands.

35. Tbe wives of demons, grown senseless, and graceful in tbe act

of staggering, occasioned by satiety or intoxication from drinking a por¬

tion of tbe blood, gave it in skulls filled up to tbe brim and overfiowing,

to tbeir husbands, who drinking to an excess out of tbe vessels placed in

tbe hands of jolly female attendants, merrily sing aloud tbe noble acts of

that king in tbe battle-fields.

36. Ksbem^ Singb found a successor in Samant Singb, protector of

tbe earth, excelling even Cupid himself in beauty, who seized all tbe

property of tbe petty kings in bis empire.

37. Kumar Singb then became tbe leader of tbe armies of tbe

Gobils, of which tbe glory is curious [as led only by generals after Kbu-

man whose descendants did not command in person]'* which never

sustained a defeat, and be retook tbe lands that bad been taken by ad¬

versaries.

38. Then succeeded a king whose name was formed by two words,

one signifying a Lion, and tbe other meaning tbe crusher of tbe pride of

bis enemies’ armaments ; that is, bis name was Mathan Singh, really sig¬

nificant of bis qualities, for he defeated bis foes witb bis valour. -

39. His sword could assume double aspects in tbe field of battle :

(1) While in tbe scabbard it did not sprinkle any blood at all ; (2)

When active in tbe field in spilling blood, it was not satiated and did not

seek tbe scabbard.

40. After him king Padma Singb, tbe essence of tbe rest, protected

tbe land of Mewar, and made it happy.

41. Tbe learned Padma Singh, glorious like tbe lustre of a pearl

got from tbe globes (resembling bill-peaks) over tbe beads of bis enemies’

mad elephants unseamed by his sword, nicely inscribed tbe song or nar¬

rative of tbe vigour of bis arms on tbe tablet of battle-fields.

42. On Padma Singh’s ascending tbe seat of immortals (i. e.,

Heaven), succeeded king Jaitra Singb,f tbe strength of whose bands

shook tbe foundations of an enemy called Kadole, and who was to the

army of tbe Turks like Agastya to tbe Ocean. [As tbe sage Agastya

* = separation. Taking it ( = to mean constant atten¬

dance, tlie [ ] would stand thus : ‘ as constantly led by the descendants of Khuman

in person.’

t There is a small pillar at Ekling Ji, bearing the S. 1270 (= A. D. 1213), and

records the name of Jaitra Singh as the then sovereign.

38

Kavi Raj Shjamul Das — On the PritJii Ttdj Rasa. [No. 1,

sucked up the Ocean, so the Turkish army was (devoured, i. e.,) killed

with the sword of this Prince.]

43. Verses celebrating the heroic deeds of Jaitra Singh’s hands are

loudly echoed up to the present times in battle-fields by demons, intoxi¬

cated with a drink of the blood of the soldiers of the Sindhis (slaughtered

by Jaitra), as well as jolly with the embraces of their (own) wives sur¬

rounding them.

44. After Jaitra Singh the earth waS made splendid by the re¬

nowned piety of Tej Singh, Avho was quite free from fear, and planted

the root of anxiety in the hearts of enemies.

45. Tej Singh, a tourist among crores of cultivators, sowed the

seeds of (the pearl of) salvation (in fertile grounds) by giving away

lands in charity, and by Avatering them Avith the handful of Avater (indi¬

cating a vow) for giving alms, and bestowing care on the field in the

form of advices from a good spiritual preceptor, he obtained the fruit of

virtue : and afterwards having performed ablutions, he raised a store of

mounds of the spreading renown of his Avealth in all the quarters.

46. This clever prince Samar Singh (son to Tej Singh), the tip of

Avhose grinders shines like a touchstone delivered (the land of Gujarat)

from its droAvning state in the ocean (of the Turkish army), like the

Boar Incarnation of Vishnu, and is administering his kingdom with a

liberality and charity equal to that of Kurna and Bali (the types of

Bounty) .

47. 0 ! son of Tej Singh, the renown established by your sword is

celebrated in battle-fields till noAV, by demons holding in both hands the

heads detached from the bodies of the slain (in battle), and striking

them together as if to beat the time to the fourth cadence, and thus add

harmony to the fine art of music, leading their beloved ones into a dance,

and intoxicated Avith the blood of the enemy.

48. O ! lord of men, all your noble qualities cannot he recounted,

as there is a fear of their sAvelling up the volume of the book, because

your character is formed of crores of strings of good qualities that cannot

be numbered.

49. Abu reigns supreme as a gem among the mountains served by

the gods, in which the sage Vasistha, free from the 16* sources of vanity,

performed austerities.

60. That bestows every sort of prosperity on those who are impatient

under difficulties, and gives sah^ation to those who hold the passions in

check, that is a seat of fortune, whose body is pure from the company of

the sacred stream of the Ganges, in such a mount Abu, the powerful lord

* 1, Earth ; 2, water ; 3, light ; 4, air ; 5, ether, = the 5 elements ; 6, ear ;

7, touch ; 8, nose ; 9, sight ; 10, taste &o. = the 10 senses ; and 16, the mind.

39

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliydmal Das — On the Frithi RdJ Rasa.

of Bliawani, that is, Siva, the symbol of the all-pervading attribute, and

thus moveable, has acquired a permanent and stationary abode.

61. Is not the monastery over this mountain a heap of the essence

of all beauty? (a monastery) that had no beginning, and is wonderful

and a fit abode for devotees.

52. In which a great many devotees and men of unblemished char¬

acter, and also many gods have acquired emancipatiou of the soul, and

thus (attained) the Supreme Being in all the (three) subdivisions of

‘time/ of which the origin has been described with that of Abu by the

authors of the Purans, that monastery holds in this mountain the wealth

of the three worlds, under the guise of (its existence in) the (three)

past, present and future.

63. Samar Singh, lord of the masters of the earth, ordered the

reparation of this monastery at his own expense for his welfare, because

he is possessed with a zeal in such virtuous deeds, and very willingly

founded an almshouse, with arrangements of dainty and sumptuous food

to be distributed to the sages* at a great expense.

64. A high golden flag-staff was erected in honour of Achaleswar by

Samar Singh, who perceived the life to be transient like wind and

lightning.

65. This monastery was formerly occupied by Bhdvdgni the master

of the place, who had rooted out all causes of the least dishonour in the

world, by fastings in the worship of Siva.

66. Having bodies pure from giving up all mutual enmity, whose

minds are affectionate and who look upon mankind with pity, who have

fully found out the principles of redemption, such lions and elephants

perform austerities about this convent.

67. Bhav Sankar, the disciple of Bhavagni and like him in faith,

is engaged in penances difficult of performance, with a desire of final

absorption into Siva.

68. The trees growing over mount Abu, always richly laden with

fruits and flowers, express in numberless ways (by their roots and leaves),

the diligence in continence of the sages who have eradicated the inclina¬

tion for the pleasures of the sense, to the visitors.

69. Guided by the counsels of Bhav Sankar, king Samar Singh

built this monastery with a golden flag-staff on Mount Abu.

60. Yeda Sarma the son of Priya Patu, a Nagar Brahman of Chit-

tore, who prepared the inscription that was placed in the village of

Elding Ji, among the temples of (Ekling Ji)f the lord of the three

a Braliman of the fourth order (of life).

t The shrine of Ekling Ji lies about 12 miles to the north of the capital, in a

fine valley.

40

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Frithi Bdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

worlds, the Divine Samadhis Chakra, is the author of this Inscription

also charming to the minds of the learned, and pure because it describes

distinguished (and hence noble) qualities.

61. May this Inscription be a means of livelihood to the poets who

read it, so long as the Lord Achalesvar lives in (the company of) Mount

Abu.

62. This innocent Inscription was marked with characters by Subh

Chand, and chiselled out by a clever mason named Karma Singh.

63. Dated S. 1342 (= A. D. 1285) on the first of the waxing

Moon of Magsir (October).

APPENDIX.

I.

Text,

11 ^xfT^smr ^ ^ ^ cpcw n

Trei? TO’gff ’^fJT^ftrstTrrftrwTffr cT^^rfoiTTmr^cTJT

*ri<0 ITcT! fiZT'f

l\ll ^f^tVT^T 11^,11 - - -

sfcTsiT if it^4T ^

|15?,|| HcTT trftcT! Xfixl^: ll^ll -

- TRirat^! I licTJI^flT^TtEjf^aift

^3p5fi^Tftt^W cT^^^lftr 8 Hrayi=h lighten

f%?!rtr»T: ^TJTcng^, ’jfww

ll^il ii^ii ^

gScTi q:girTfl^ ^^TITSHTfT^! ^:gcrt ^SHTSUrtT^^f! ^

xtK-.^rtT^ TR®TTTTftgw^Tl^'!f\:*r 5sj^%Tf%!TiK^TJr*n5tn?T

41

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — Oa the Prithi Bdj Rasa.

II 011

cT^TT^f^^ f%^fcT ^

vr^TPTT

filt^4T5j%TVt^fc1! ^^TstTfTI^TT^ITOincft'S^^T

^gf^’?rf%! t f%{?i tisi^

Wr^cT?!

Iiyjl fr^T!T

?TK^%pr%T% <» 'srt^fiw^'ft^^ftTcTt

iref% ?;'^'t^<si^f=qTpr! - irqq'crq%m?:»TT^^i’

SJ

^^tqcrarPiftqift!

?ITiT%pf<! mfl'cr ^WcT! ^5?. tl^T^aPT KT^Tfqtll' sSTtI-

<T

ll^ll

^ »

®«^^Tainif^TiT! ^fiTTxroqi-jjK

^57clT^%T fqftewq: «ftKT3t%ftftj??! le^^TST-

^qrqcTTigH %iKra53r%qtfqxj ^fq^t xc<«fqfqq!

xifir: \8 f tqrqfMir

ll'SIl fti^Tf*npi%i tT5iTf^ftt^xf

f^^r ^t®cri<tqqiirf^ ^JitfHcr ■^ncT^raqr

wzrm xfjiixiw - ?ncr

KT^fNl "f ^rJTxrqq--

ip;TO5w«ft^ft(gi sicistT^! f%ifir?^cWfTqqi't'g^Hait q

Il'cii

f?iqTiTif TxfcTiicr ^qi’q'qq f^^WcTcqsnr^T-

Ti%cf5^ ufimre^ SSifcisfTpr^uir qpaqjir s^qn^m^Ssr

ufcT t^-s fiq^fqqireqjm fqxTfTi^i

HTW ’XKI

iitii *t! q^V(qi^;qTw: qi^cw! qi

?;tTqTTqff%cT: \e. wtTicfq^«^t»jcr?r^^T cr jcTqi%T-

42

Xavi Raj Slijanial Das — On the Prithi Rdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

wr^f%^?;'3irT’5tT ^TUcrtxtfg^Tfxni^

g# 5?,t_ ti%T^i=^ f^^irwcf

ll\»ll hit: cTSTTHfWcrftHTTrTtlTH^rrH'THcr! ^finTTTT;^ —

ft TTUTgftigfti^ %gHT R9

HTTT; ftm: %HTf^cn^gT;-

^cT: %T?r:gT;ii%I TJ^T^ %[%’5[%vrHcT WH-

w%’3t: UTHHig, x^crr^UcnH: HWiftir^

lit Til %ftHTcni =?,« :5ft

<5 ^ '^ ♦ «

HT’^HT'HTH ^HTcft^ ^HTT tn^n^TT! WTH^f^T 'T'^

HffTJH^H^ngHilT! II T;I^ HTtTHHTW

ftlXcr: ?ITTlftmi

:eTtTTT^H^%W% ^xftcT! HTcnT^gHT XfHT;TH=f5flpTTiT:!

^tf! TrngteH^ftfHxj? cr%g :5rHJiiTfHTn5t‘

cr^THTT^%

llt^TII HiTftcr

ftHfiftC ftjTIcrt TTcrt

HHTfffl'SJT^HiT^ ftn JTftKTffll ^fitf^HHTTITITTre'fetnTfHHTftHfHT

TCHHTmiTHT! 99 HiWtHWi^rftcT TRJfft

' s* -s* C\

tl^lT! HiT;9I TTgflirH^TnffT HHS’Sg; ^8

^Tfraft?; f9I«4r^%! HftsjTS^T^cTci^Tr

nt^a ^M^TTftT: h4

^HTT:T9r«(i wftjcr HTfcrnT^iTftcr ^irHTra^rerftWTSHw 9<

^(HITl^^gTTHKr: HWT! HTH gHftfXj: g^5TJTHDftg:^»TTH-

^■9 'HTC -

- ATHfrari ^Ht^T:%TiT5RTT:9rqT^H HHiftfr

^ftft^H vigHHiT^cT^ ^'^ft'^ gjirT:3HT'Hl' ftg:sTn'^

43

1886. J Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Frithi RdJ Rasa,

fl\8|| 8 0

^?ftTT^%T^T?f^t

^HtxTHTJTTHJT

• ^ *\ ^

frRf^^5F[Tf^ift 8^ %^3TcTftr^: - ^f?:»i;xDif

1^^^^^T^T^^i%TXT%T ■pTf?f^TXr^^TXf^T^5S?:iII ^TXfR 8«i^

tTRT

^j\Tm

^UTiTjffR^ f^cPt^^RTT: 8^ xf=^T-

sj ^

^^7?iT=^5-^iirTHiTTOt xf=crT^^^crT: xfi^%^ir€jT;jz=f ^-

*4.® JITfR§

yjt, ^XTT^

- y:^

N# ^

3i^- Tirrft^TI^ xnRT^JJ^lTf^'^giirRT 3#txn^-

•fl^: IfTcX^^^cZXT^^=^^f^

111,^11 ^?IWT^?T^T vrT^T?J%T ^TRlf^ y^8 %T^

'iy.^cT^t fU'^T RW f^ftr imm

w

44

[No. 1,

Kavi Raj Shydraal Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa.

’Sft -

-

^ •v

xrr?rK»i=^f^ftTsicft^

’frmrgJTcnflrtBrT! >1:=

5t€tPmT^! TU’^Wcnnyjfift yt ct —

f^nryisTcr: ?rsi(T?j% - -qxiJicT! ^¥?rftcr i ^?:^5Tfr^T5r

- - TTH BTUxRfi

fmn cfl^ tr^fcr ^tf*r^! ?T<!T^T^g%’3T;!

ii'i'>ii R®ii 't>fiT%^T;! h^i-

*rrafl'?T^^ — -^f^TJEii^rcritrTTT —

sj

cTT! ^fifsiTyK^ - ffl^fffiT! ?f7rWt?i:'5^-

^8 fiT(5rH^Tf^%T^%r Ji^t yfnw'^

vfyrRm f^5?;tci5RT! f^r%tf5 ftfjnJii?mTf% f fe^-

^(%tf5R! ^tWJir a fyrsffWJTT! cm %t^-

^T’JTR^T ftt^r^JT^n -

^=#T TTmf^^^xmir'niT %Tynw^W' tiN! yr^

TfTftrqtni irg': s:i?rmx!3y%Tf%w^flwr-

areft’tJt! ?r iiTcr^rfcT ?^TxmiTf«cT! '^wtft^xNwwT i cny-

li’l^ll 5EH'?rT5gxTt?icn yiTpcw ^^T^uncnryuTJrrJXcf

fsrF^ <t 5rf^%TK ’m-

cmwT’f %rare*r -

- 'S® cTcT^^n^T^yffiraimr

xiTw^yTTf^^T ?T^ycn?:Hmi^-

m xtT=^f5r%^?;! cT^T5lTyT'f%?rW fuftWSCyWH! «’?,

45

1886.] Kavi Raj Shjamal Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa.

JHaT HT'g^cT ^^HTVZr

-as sTT^ ^f^%r ^tfi ^Jift ^T 3i5 "g ^tfif ^Tsi

^TTrsTTWi^tf^ aij^-gsr - ^

Si

fvTTfjr ^I'JTT'f =^'tf% ■qssfi^JT

?iiw gi's p'cr frora JEr^aT^r'af

^5fn?: fsnfcTtr^i^^^Tn^x^ ^i^^nsRir^ni ?r'q^%

•S’S st^iifi ^wsf^

IR8II CIT Tfffli

5r:SHrfil ^fttcrerg^ ^^ftfifcr - f% fft-

ctTpn! ?if f^Hiif 3i%T ^’r - cmr ^%T^3f>!

«•= f¥ tT^T! ■9?jr%crcr f^Rfcff^frfir^:! ^ %Tf2- w#

f^lT ^^T^I: f%Tr^ ^TT%! f%ITFf TW ^Tfs^cr^

^%T51W fY^WJT *rKJirr

'St Tf^st ^crqcn^ tdOuclr *T^^t5r Tf^-q^'ffipn^-

iK^iii — *n

ssrfir^ra^T^ '=<> - ’gn^i^TniRrfir srt-

d f • ♦ ♦

^T^*r ^r; ^ftt^sr %Eiig^5n*rw’L'^\ ^■•

^iTfra-cT! ^fn ^fticTwr wf^T^Tf^ffOad nsy iJnr^T^^ '^-

d s»

%T^^f^=5rV ^T

cTCf^

iK^ii ^xx^TW'^^ ^it

TT^ cTT^f^^-

fmi WJlT^ ^ffrf fmt ^8 ftfW^^^Tfq- xiT

O ^ Si NJ

<T^IT H3QlT*t ffsiTfJT '=«. ^fgJlftTf?;%I^fCTm

Iv

46

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Raj Rasa.

[No. 1,

♦

^^cIT - T

^ ^w\

^ xfT^jrf^fcr Hri-t^fxftr f^rfR-

cT^^T 3Tf^ 'cd ^tPtjt xt^ iiTf^V xfr^^ff wf^-

t;^T ifRrf^ 4.0 xfftifis JTJiTr^^^T% *rmci!

T?rT5^% tiaj ii

ScftsjTJrt (jT^’ sfe’rw fsr^Tit ^?;w^cr%

cr’?n <£-5^ ^ ^nf^5(!iTtrTJT%n:cn;T%

'T'^T^nspc %T'f^ t ?Tm^reT5i

' Sjf

IT^^^5TtJT ^'^t’T'l'f^^T \ ^icITt irftriIJ!I%?;racIT

ITWl^T BT5T^ ^#t^tTI^»^ri %’l'tftraT \ ^t^RTTTW^T^-

^nnftirrf i-Tf \

T^o Hre^ irrcrflTfr

IK<5-II W

»5rt %rff^T \ ail ?:mTf*w?;cn^!

cTw ct^W \

II.

Text.

5fii5iTn»iif?iJT cr^Tiasm^r: ^vriftrcrinr!

f^ifwng: aiw»!inraw€!!

♦

^tiTcT!

III.

Text.

'5^T%Wlttl%3laiT^?;aT5ITg ^t3mT%T3T^ ^

■?Tmi3TWcT<fii ^iifqcire=5 irg ^tfla»Ji^fcf*T! aftier^gfafta

47

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — Oti the Trithi Bdj Basd.

srfavireg^ as

li’lll n ?:r5i

wia^^iasn 1TWTO5I ^%3t! ftrw^qi^Tiii ^;T5ti f^vnia

ifsna KTST ?;i5f TT?:aTf<

IV.

Text^

nairaT < %r3T^

c\

- - cr^wTSTTHT-

TT^

VJ j .

Cv

^5EWKftf%aai^Ta sia^i^a% -

- »tgq<1a31^ -

-

^WTTOi — ji^i ^fl%(-

-

- aftgwi^Tl:aiTft ^ifmaif^sratT irfa - -

- -

^ -»

a=a^T ^twaiaTTfl^wi »3ffl

a^’f^ait^T -

^r^?^5fqaiiaT acT^JiawsPraTai ^Ti=aga'*f5ftraiT5 a^ar a3-

'agxzfasifa a ^4% - ^itasurfa

'%^ara%iai a^f ff ^lar n’^Prqitat

- "a asfirai ^t'^i Jtatai! ^nK^rax^fjg \ a "agaisl:

^ax3 »i'?fqa>Taig ^xraaaf^jg ^ a^sai^r^a aK

ir^fqaiiat wfa - ^:t5ii -

%aa

q^rraiT tliT3i^ 'aa

Ji^)jfiTaTO^=a ^

48

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Trithi Raj Rasa. [No. 1,

V.

Text,

ftsiTHf^ WJiTg'^ ^’33muf! Wtr^

^ s« 6\

f^T?: '^T%91 Hf^q-^T HJ>qxir3Tfvqf3 ^%5I-

firfTli’gT ^SiTTflTlT^qm^rft 3^1^-

- ji^tq n^nzrsi

wq'q ^fci^qt •^KTqr^iq ciTOTfJI 5ciT'gJ53>|,% -

— gi3i! qqTTi?;%T^tf3! ^ro^w^Tti! ^%THJtm: qfa-

*n^ ^HgqKJi^q'qgfq'iiffi fsiq - ^T?:T'tft qBFT^RX'q

nsfqqitqi 5?,8 ?i^r

!3T[x:ra^?ciqi4' \8 fi'siT ^ jx^ft^it^ix

n'^fqqixm! ^*Rr 95^ fl^fqqixqt^ • ^8 ^xx^^^r^ixfn ^TtrOi

^qqiWix fjiq^qq^cqx: ^iTctfi^:xf3x ^ix ?r<i;crjx%^x:?:xf«cjf^5}

^ftiqxixftx ^txssiT^tq f%sifqqTqix;qftTSq ^<i^>fct! ^inj^ft-

oqx'qf^H^^jn ^ciwfflTcrflrq^ ^tx;«f ^ sifH-

fnf^icqx - q>xfx; 11

VI.

Text,

^ q^cX giR m% 'qx'^

^ Ni

qx xx3^ qfqx^xt fix^i%x55 ^gvfcrc

li\ti g: 11 gqfl! fsxqxq 11 ^wiqqqvx! ^txt qtfcx qrfir q^?%x ifq

«0?r%g q'?! ^qxqfqstq f^fqfq^ f sqq 1 wqtiaqq: ^?fqq-

wqiiHxqxR! qtt%^T %(qixqT Jxq%qix:! « fq^xg ^q; s

liqil M! xnq'# ii\ii wrq ^35 sqx9i qfqq; q^x?x^ sx®: vrsifq

^5i%Tf%ttqq jfx fqqt^! qvx^i '1 sq ^lixnq q'qjx

qtgfsR! qiqi q5ia% fqjq^ q^x

ll^ll ^T IKII

I HT^^JT^TTrfiET ft'cT^T «|JT-

3T5T^@rT%^: ^ f^T*^

49

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Rasa.

Il«ll ll?ll II Sera-

^ ^ -N -X

jfcj^T’wfh ■<Tcig:^i5 «i^1%ifct

f^n Tfsrf =f*iHfT! tfT^T ^ijrat iisii w^nr ^rusr

Hill fff^cf! ^-qs^T ^wtf^ct: XI’^f^»jf^cli9t! WtcITO^T irsf% »CJH;TJ!li

^ 0

lii.li iraHir^gi^T^rat! a

flsg'm ssiTcrg tt?;! 5#: ^ftcfci^cr

II4II fl! ^ct5i«E|T?l®<%-T5^^r: tjTJO'^TJnftt^I! f^l s^^UT'f^T

ll<ll 5^iI5i’1^15'TfitT: eit^

xi^T ^tEj%^T I 5iR»5rNvK;^fwtiTfl?:g

ll«li <! ^%'^'qT3rf>T5jT 311^=3 11 sn

STTJI'f^ 3IT3T ^tT^TW fn'5 ll ftllift? =?T€tcl3:Tfil CT%T-

yst! ii'=ii %fti iifii ij^wisrsifira! 55® tftJjrfcr

f%c|T

O':!! g gjJtaf trreSi^tTITqTfTT! I %Tai^^33T! 3r3?ff<T ’gi-

(Sfelcr ft’g ?I^T H<Ttft?3ir: Hill

cTqf^f^ 51% stiJi! g:^cr ^551^ %iJif3r?rci! afST’^fi!

qiJTfcT I ■?!

||4 II ^cf! fiWJt n'jlfVjTflT fJIg: ^%5TSi% sf^cnsi

?:T5sif?(?i ^TiqfTir ||\°|| "iPctfiT

^T%f Vl^HT f%#t4 ^rfl

ll\®ll^Tcr| ^tftf JTft^ST! f^fefett ci^i¥r ^JT! %«%

^qrfl^TO: flf Il^^ll fIiT%T itJI%cIT

I ?rigj 5tTfl^f1%tcli -pR^t sufcT

ll^Mi ’S3j%^’5if% cr?^5i5it5ni ii\s^ii ^yt^'-

■sffjfif: 5(5r'?f^f%f^cr^3;3ifci: I Jri»ft^r^rcr?r>icr^

5I5I«f5^f3aT’W^f% ^5t

II^S^II if ifH»5, ^ifffT! Il\l^ll if%tw

iffpit 3j%[5i cT^n I ^t%r fti!

v>

ii\8|i %r5^3;

1|\^|| fcUa^Jfl^^s^q^wt ^30T%^?; ^^ff! S|^5i5Tr

iT^si: I cif^if nffflflJUflJfpsf^i '^Ifiqiqi:

5!fiT \\\^\ mm

G

50

Kavi Raj Slij aiiial Das — Oh the Prithi Raj Rasa. [No. 1,

||\8|| f»T 4f^T: wl:

;g^T nx'^^ II ^'^V: ftx iri^4»i?T

HSHZ feft^tXfitT JIS^T ftx=f flWc}! IIX^^II ^f%XX

IIX4II %?rfl«X! 1

4?ifci ii\'S|i cr^i=3=ire n^xfti^: 'fxfjx^: «n:

ix^cT ftxx:T gx vitjft^x;!

II\<|1 UTJiW HI'aiSX^qKtlxn fi^fV?X!

^5! qcTjrx Tw ii\tii gjTun^ cici! g5iTX!if^5if?r^t3fft?:oiT

3CR«?:! ftxqg IHHTTir VTXir

iiX^sii st% I f nif^ 5X11^ f^^^ifi!! ftxari^^

T)%T iTif « ^fyxiT flxqxfix f^w^fci ii\£ii ^rfsi cr?T! %fiTxri^!

?f jx^; ^nfr I w

ilx.si fX^i 5i5xfci ^ ^^x^! iRoii ^^«xffx ^cxWt *ix;^f

'fJX! ?xfflfa ?r'fcx»jxxft^x’f*x: fsRJX ^raxi^fwci e^m^ftsxsi^

||?’\|| f^fif^ixcif%’ggfs«

ii\£ii ^qx ^jxn^Wi I irfls f m

IRRIl ^x€t tx%x sxKxxft: gf=g ^JfliiXHX ?i:?g%iifcTTi:^ftici’a5uxnx I

Ni

3% JX^tX^fsTK! ^ f%%f3XcXi$: SXflt

Roll f^SXX® JCg r^flW«cX^! i,s^^|| ^ifx^ ^l'5i?|!

5^€itiXf5 ^HX^ *I

IIR^II ?;^^xnx xx^fticf g^xfH ^a: j^b 5ix% ■gx;^ i?fx;g»x«^x?xg-

g<^% ^xflxgwxavw

IRBII ^xg=gxflfii^x ixaxfqfsi

iK’x,ii fti STOfixfii ftfgf ^ix^ ^XTims I ^xfs-

<5^ *N ^ ^

^Ixft^Tx fqqwa: ^xftsfq^ssjiB-y

^f^xit: IR^II gq?;g ?Tf^ gf^axt^Faf^fix i q-fcig

IK^ii 'fgxcx fasi Jxxflx iK-sii wxj^t;^ gxsxflw ^^xqfftxcx

\j

gjx^! I f%Si%qxr^! gxax IR^II I^E^tXX-

?;xix^f%cr Jx^^rq ga f^aax^tfg fa?;^x txarifxx ^xagar aifmcRx

IK8II <axfl! II gg xix^gn a^a gf^a KBica ax’aa^ ax^^ fqaixzai

'aaxxKJxxgjngxaxqga’axn ik«.ii aa: sxaxaxam aJaaftf^x^taxg^x ^xx

<x

\gtx;ga ^sax eax^ixg f^%xg ^qgx: txsxf^

51

188G.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the PritM Bdj Rasa.

lK^!i ll^° fTST^tifsi f^^prt mftci

Tift ’?,5ret fcT nTiTtf^v^t 11^1,11 =2fiTTfiT ftw^ifer

WfamT’KTH^qr^itts: I f I^tiTTIT

R<ll ^1 ^4TrfrT*r!tTHT ii^=^ii

I ci^ T:'!t ft^Ttraft fft fw^n^^iT f5rT;TiT?;a ii^^ii ^51-

TW^ ?cf^W. I Ijff cT<J! ^*t

ii=?,«ii TifTtft 11^811 tfPjrr qjt^tfft^iBcin^f^isrTB-

5T^?T! TITWfr^tT^^T I qW «IT^ cl

^ =?l^xn^’ Hl:ciT f fqgiT

'^t! TWT;tjff ^ft TT^’fiffcf ll^lll TITTrcTf^'f TfWT SRTTIT-

i ’J.mtt 3tf!t CI^T ^tncITIWcT T|4^: 1151^11 tftfllts-

%5n Tift

liRtll i I T (^TnT;f%‘’? ^T

ft^JtciT TiiTfisr ii^'sii 5ITTIT fit tiw^

5i'§ 4qf3 K^^st^tsifTr

11^® 11 %r n^'^ii Irrstf^tf: Iifci»i3^cr5i ^r %t9t Tr^^RtT;TfOT

atq^qnR: I TTtTTTi^flft ^5T! qftw mfiir fifTr'^sf qi^*

^qra: 11^4.11 fqrtrfjn q?t

R^ll f«rt*t ’ilWT I f^qtzfl'ft w cqtffciT qttffcft ftj 'g ||8®|| ^ift-

ft’^fm^ftsqTnfjs^sgin ^rm*. l

^15 fw^JiTT ^g5i^T:T;TrEr

ll^*?,ii q^i’T Ii8\ii qitgwtsqi^ 1

lT:T^9tTi'fTO’ri8 ijjRt fiv ii85?,ii Trvqt^rre:-

fVT;T ^TiTTgunHta T:fl#TftT;»t®5r ^t

ll^^ll Sl’^ Tfq- TtJITI! TITtffq9tT=qT! ^SffqqfTI ^ipifa Il8=tll

^ aftfit: ct^ g I fqf^ai Pia>CT 'aiqi ^sf;

Ttfr tfritaqii 1188I1

IK 8 II Ti|%qi^5i istrit^ ^tJiRffl! fticqtt Tr?f^r ffct?:!

^ *N ♦ *

TtKta ^ qif I iiqttit%Tf3 Ttsat triu q^t

<i.ft fqafSat f^ftt fffit

IK8JI wt:t aftKTsia! iisiii ^igqfl^qq! samfqqiTt^^r ffta; =^101

=TraT igt ^^riTrit 1 fst: Tt q:q

twt;! '^’W^KTiTTtJnt qffqunaf v

52 Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the FritJu Raj Rasa. [No. 1,

ll^^ll K l|8<|| cIl^fiT!

■gtlT IlT5f% afa

ii^'Sli €'5if^f«i'TSFr5j ii8'S|i ai^itefa ais-

aj?€aft?r?T5i^: i ciwft iis'^u

Si

f%3ia% fjtft^

aft?;! iiBtii ^waufti^aaia sia^t:

* '*

Si Si

iiatii ai^aqaifapT i aia aTJta%!g^fa aft^a aaiftqfa fa^arrfa-

fawiaiataaaaT aa ^%Tfa ag: iii,'’ii aia giaagTt;^ ^xsfa ^si ^ar

ja: 1 aa

Ni

118 on as feac araTfa aTTa%Tfaa! iii^ii aa itfa aa1%a: gaftap

fatfa aw: ifa sftaiarr: aanTSHfa^fa fta amr: 'gaa faa l

aan aitifft al^a af%at aia'

Il8\ii fa ai: ^‘aa ax ^a wra'^aftar ^%xaiia^ft'f 1H5I1

aafiaa ais ftjT gaf^gaatiajof aa: «flaaa! ^WOT-

fawarfa^ faaaa% i fafaiftr

lieaii aia !RTfat%x aaafa ai^: saftfg?;: ^vti^taaftifa afa

atm gfaaj ata: iimii ^a^na^ga: a^aaf aaajjaia! i

axaaaiaa ft=f aft afTaaiaTa iiibii

118^11 arT^gTaTfaaT%=f ^tatata: to at t%Tajfta afaraftas

axgaa iiiiii ^aftajaafaatar fag:? ^?t! ^naaftiaar

^aai sraa i atftja aawfa *sif

Vi

118 811 aasjra^T fa axat! aatfwafaafwf^Tfaatar: ii'j,<ii ftai wtaix

aaraai af?;%T Hiascata: i fsaaftTaamaia iia% ^^aia aa: iiu'sii

ai^fgaajj

II Bill f? aaaifta^a: aaafaaafaw aai gatafr snt aiaagfagj^a

BTaas ^aa'fa ^ftafaaaa^a^aTfa ag;aT! iii^ii arm aaa-

ftta anaifa;

118^11 aaiaaxa^i as: ^axSat’^f afxftar saa iliiil %t

^aift'afaga*! ^^aax ^aai^ift ataiaa^ faaas-aa^x

^il^X

53

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Frithi Raj Rasa.

1 8®|| I ^iT fti ni3r?;wft

ll^tll ?1T^ VWil ^'f%-

«Ps

1 1 B'^ll SI 'a%9t! I II3CIT ^f!I3I% ftsi ^^Sfi |I^^||

ftifefii 1191% ftsf 1^511 ^cf aRtini ^ijrf^rtsr m

8s^ cfW t. S9I%: ®cn I

APPENDIX.

I.

Translation.

n ^tTTpgsrm f ^ ^trs; toi %i2 st#

9nJi ^

ftcT sasr% srnwrs: ^^^rgisrpsiT-

?r% irrH%T%T^ %r w^isnsi f%?r% ^%T% '^isrift^ w-

f9!:cr%T% ^ ^ficT 9is^% tiDjci ^iTiTOr^^

TITST ^Tsrs^^^Tii

^T<*iT«f ft'?mTsi%si%T ^ srfi^K^s;?rTS ^fii ^s:cri^ n n

%ira»ft 5iit%TciT TTniiT^f if JnffsiT sr^I % f^i %5r

srft %

Dt^T ^ siTf % $?IT gs^li

^ f r II 5?. II

f%?i ft>i?it W9iflT5r sn5^ ^Ji ^^11%^

«Rin^^^I% ftsis? STTJg^Isi sf^cT JTJT^ TrftTISB-

•s "* 55i. ^

%s: ^tts;f^cr srwt "5 fsi^iif

^51=^ »jfH% ^lITTSr ^HcTT % ^9n%siT9r || ^ I1

%fiprm in iimi^ ^t xft^jys: ^=? -gt

JHIT ^sr% ^3Ili^T 9X13 %T st'fl 351^1311 m 35lTgt 33% 9II'!7

^3%T ^T'f ^if 353131 ^ §f3%T %t 3131 %

54

Kavi Raj Sliyd-mal Das — On the PritM Bdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

’ara fsi?? amsi^jr ir%%T

f%ac% srscTWT^t 9iT'5 snirm

, e\ St

?THT5r tr?;T =gsi^?; gwrai ^fir %t

es?:cTrw II 8 II

fsi^ SJTJ^Til %% ^ m®) ?rf ^T % 5:H

^ ^’1' TTi’a^rx^r sig %t btht t ^iT^iir

%T3% =^citi?i %^ciT^'V% ^TfR%t% ^W'f% ;fT^^T*r

’t'ff ^I’siJT*! '^i^Tci?;iii i^5iT^'^^ ^jg^ifcT-

JTfjff =^*T8ficft ^ % II yLlI

^T^fiar^ciT ^T5;t

^'51 fsi^ % I n’fTft?;^ufl ’^alf ^

% ^T«t^T ^^icr ^ixf^x-

<5^ TOcTK^T 11 ^ 11

^tRtar%T =ggx: ^^cr%T ^Fft^xx

*rsiY%t «^ir ^nif xiftor ^?;cni ii « ii

^ftciT^f '^Txc ^ffr ^ ^mcT K=^*ii R ^rmcft ^

8 I

f5f?;crt: cm^r ^?rw ^ ’TtH^iift ^sn fiPT^xft ^J3cr%

fsTR^jm cjtn^i^iT % f^Jt% W9!:% ^-tw-

»rtJi% xfT'^ %i^% ffa%t xn%®^ ^%ixr< '5R

tra?: % 11 ^ II

5^8 ^^TcT ft^cT ^TST

^miT: Si'S? iT^Jir ^,Wiw 5inraK%^% tifk

% ’gist%T gxfcRTx;gRK;%%-

^^nn^Tft'51^% ?rflT?:%r xiraJt ^’^flfcT%i-

^ 11 £ II

5^,8 % ’TW

^ 8t»i?ra

8

8^

188G.]

55

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the FritM Raj Rasa.

4.

§5Tmi1T^?5ft

0\

W fiTfl^iiT^gTt

nif^maTf

\’=

^4.

5?,;^

5^8

^'^msRjnjr

53^t % ^^%T siisi^^raT ?Ri^ %!?; $=gTf^

«n Jtlt »fi^T 1I\®|1

^ sj \j

xrf^5r5i% 53HT*T w n4%r %

5EWR %ii ^*t 3*1% WR% Ui^tst: 4t«Tir

^ vj

sl: iiiAii

iif%% ■^wa? 5tmH m fit

5^t% «tT S^T ^TtT 'STR^T t?tT TTJHciW ^»I=Tr tTSTT 11^^11

tT5II% SITO^ ft?Jtt[5I Ht tr5f 9tf3l’3ir

Tim^ atgg tT5r st fsi*ftH fWaiw tT5i fts^n ftfwftR

^1t fTOf qfcr =3^T f lZTWrt: ftftsi tTH ll«,^ll

C\

* Yar : lect : ^51^.

56

Kavi Rcij Shyamal Das — On the Trithi Itdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

vrrl: ?:T5r

qfa ^T3t ?;re^ itfir tzr 5i?ix^

nfyjtffl'^^i ^TTJTTTT^ 5j^Tcr5T % ^ ?:i3n^%t jtk’?!?;

5i^€t %TW® •tT5i^%T 5i»Ti;T3r% b«i«i

jprf^i% %^s% ?;^T% ^5i?)Tt;

5e^T f??JT 111,111

5^1 %«T % =5^%!

s/

¥1 ^^IcT TI¥:t5in^T ^T¥f f ^ ^ lit % JtHt^:ciT

%K ^^T¥:cIT ^¥itT % Jl'ft tn^TJT?!! % ¥T«I fsTWT

^siT^"? sif^t ^T % ftr

«nmn% ^Tii %^T ^ TT¥:g ¥ittt®i ¥r ^=^-5 ^i-

¥:5I II H'q'%% ^33J H T¥I% %t il=ft iimilT %<

¥i4 ^xife^T % %5IiI=rt lit, <11

fsi¥I¥;T5iI % W % f9I^Rin^9I ^T'sftil fti^T 31^ ¥IT fsi^T ITS?!

irra'^''ft'f ^ % iiPfci s^T iTf i u'f ^TcT ^i^4ii=fl % fqii; f^^-

¥1% $T umJT %TcIT % t^IT ¥(TII% ^ ^IS^Tllit

Os

%TW Jircriu!! %i^T% gm^gsicir irffi^r hji^ nt ii\'Q|i

^¥t ?;T5I% %T f^¥T'5?;T5i iiTH^ IT^tt

jg^T X¥i ^ra4 iiYt % TTKg ¥i'f ^1^4 % fti ^¥t ¥:t%

¥il^^T 'q'q SI'S (JTil) % '-^t^tifiT % ^Ti; qisi^i ¥ifw % \'=

ftlHT

^ 5RTf^%T \iL

^T%% 5^%- Jl^rr ^ %T^t^T

ir^%T xt^

* " C\

tis Jitq^T ^¥1% Dft'q%qT^T qi¥;fsqT ■f%¥i q¥;iqifls

sffeqm STcig^si gqgqiKf^qT

f^¥is q®:^T 3i^¥i 'q's w^im ^^irat ^¥iTq’3i

■qqit ^PcqiT^ sit¥t% bth qi f%¥iif s qiisims

^iqx 5^5?,

57

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Fritlii Bdj Bdsd.

f%a5%

5tT^ n^1^i% ^151% ^JfcIT%T

^fsifflcT ^ Hfa 1%% ig

f^?i% ^ ?,<> ^t- g^T iTJtti% xrtT5i%

mV ^upff *1^1 31% ^r?: '^gTO^rr %t ^ct 3W

1R3; *rr3T^ f%3rt3r?iT

% 5i?n^% f5i?r% 3:T55r m^iT %T%’st?: jiw

f%M^T3;3n% f% '3^'V sf^ci

^(jr’Tf M'f T Hcrm trcrm % jitm %t itrar

^n’!^ %Tt: 33% %tI: MT3ni% ^■s

%^T % ^3; ire in’g*!!^ ^3H%t ^11% Kisg ?i3re^f ^

•s ^

^W3n% ^gurr ?jth ms ftiUT

e.o cf^ cfirem^qsi ^jBiiTT ?fqcr f%sRjft iRt^ig3r

^ 5'^'ire ^f^%t3r ^f3ra^<3!i

II II

VI.

Translation,

ire iic% mM ^=5%’5t3: 3i'ft%^^i % g-?r%

qiB % 3l3%f % t%^T%3gifiT in^tcre

flt^^t%T si3reiire % f%3r%T $% ^t-

%^33t ^II%%T IT’f'^re^ %t33I crat % fil33W $% f5TiI%

%3r %T f^t^cT 3RT^ Sires ^ sret 3:f%s 3i%l3;sr%

%T%i %i ssre mx ^s%’g3; mj, ptfcr nfcits^M

ll\ll

ireiTssr S3;t3^3: 3;s%% ig §tT ^ii% arek^n ^f%%r mst

srerf $% stss^it jfts %tF?s

(^3 3?tT33 %3: srer ’4) ssr fs^reiT aiCre %t fire^ ssis

^35,7% *'3sf^ ^ 13^3;% ^T3f %T S^T% sIlTMS

H

38

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Dds — On the FriiM Bdj Itdsd. [No. 1,

IRII

; HflU) W ^T% f51fl% ^ ^5IT 3fq %

fsi^T^T %re 5RT%r if irR;^ (^nuft^JT % fsis^ f5t?i%

^i ^t^irqsr <gTit^ 41 ?Ti4t ^?;lr

?:41iTTt: % ^i5t ci^ ^5i^'l iilci %i m?iT ^

%R wr cTH^gT % f5I?I% JTTSimT ^^51 % ^R fT^t^T %

^ % iRrqf% % II^B

. ^ 153^ itl^t 41 xf{% fIT ^=?I( ^T

»g;ci^ % ^^13 ^^rgnH 4t 3^% ^t^cit s^ar 4t

•S. ^

?l'S!JT%tT % tRl'^T RT 41 IRff '1 f4^l%

'^41 % f^iRlcT ii%*i h1 stuff %r si^ir %r

^5cf?rf^%T >fiRftT f^if^r % 'ffrjfR4l %t 5113!:% iisii

stffgt 3TOTf3T ^?Rr 5r4l f i4l 5t41^<% 5ith '% ^st

«i3j^T 3rT3 fiTflJrft fst^ $% Jiiiifrai 54x(t 41 ii^l

srat siR5?i T:TaiT % Tf^a?: aa%i li.ftns’c

f4aTtRit5rf4?f^ aai stam^ % iiiji

IlftstaiT a9f KTSTT^I'^ VtJRTa stTK:R3!I% 5f«H ai'l^IcfT %

% $?n: ff ira^t irai% f4% ai^fnaRt^l: %r t%i ai?;%

KWT ^ f4 $?fT %R tnw41 kwt

f4ff41 $BT ^R ^^1% ^=ftH % ?fT3I sist KWT % 'fi'aJf

f4%f^ $% TJ5TT ai^' ll^ll

^3t 41 sRi %i ^141^13^^ '^5^ % ^3t at aRtaarif ^a-

Jiaarl 41 %a 41 a?:iifa% aa% ^atar atTaf4aT ^aii % aiaaa

^ C\

gat ^3t41 sflaT affaai % ^a%T 41aT % %r ata w’f ^t 41

9ilWT% aa%T ai^^allf att^at^r aalwt asa^aiatt a:aiT %Taa ar3

aR%r ^Rar ai^ ^ ii'Sii

aaf araaT3 aiaat ^ata ^3taf aatt % ^ttnr axa la axaat awai-

% ai't aama ^ aa f4a% '? trlaajal % aa^mairt % ll'=ii

%R am aaa% f%a% 14% aiRHfaiat % a^r aiaata fa%i% a%

faM aa jzam aaa gaa nlrntraial aatas^ a^sj^ 'sfaa^laar

f a% tTaa% aata^) aa% ai’ ataa % %ra ^faat st^taaa % a^'fl

59

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — Oti the Prithi Bdj Bdsd.

si

siiJT% f 331?; ^3iR3i?;% mm % gjg %t?: w

% cit3 ’^13 5f%5(3 ^larr^f

?:% ^ t^%T % £

sTf r ?rf % ^ %r?: wsirr 5iTi is sim % ?cti

%TJr fjCT ®l: % f5i?t3 ijT ^TCt3 ^ 3113 %

iTri3%T irai'ir ^ ^ii3 % 3T9i^i 33 %i 11%

f%f5% %T '5IKt3 %3t^f 3??IT3 1% % ?;T35I

^ st %3T% 13% 5[^T% 3nT3 '?Rt3 lf3%

ira% xr?;^ tit 1?:% iiKt 3t iit) 3t 133?;%

mir® ti ^tiT 13?: 33 gii ftiir ft^tt 33% 33n

s% % trfl3 12|t% ^333 3tT 1fr3%r% 33331 13 1%

f33cR: ?rtH ^ ll\\ll

3T3r3l333I 33 333% 333t3T%3fl3 3I«t 3T3T S3I (33%

|i3% 33rn% S% 3T3T 31(33 3T3% iflllt 313 3 |1\3I1

%T t 3t(%3% 3I?Z3% (333 3 3313 3(^31% (3111 3^

^?S33r 313*313 31?t f33l(3?|t> 313^1% 33 IT 3(33313

wtllT 3jm(331% 3i3t3 313 3Tl(3% «t 311% 33%l 3113

31% %?; 3i^% ifll %33 3(3313} 1131 M%

(333 311 3(31 13 cRlll 3(^3 H3133 I’llllt 90|3 313

l^lf 31 %ratt3l31 tl3(331 3t?;33?:33T3r 131 313 133

3313 31^13 331 % 1^ (3331 331 3g;i3(l 3}33T3( 333'( %(

31^ 311% 3(3 1 313T II \ 8 II

3?3( 3S3(33i 333 3^311% 313} %T ^ (Ullt 331*

flfl 313313% %13 93=131 311 3l(33 %!?: 3(3^ 11% 331 31 tl

313 (3^1 % 13 3313% 13t91% I'ftni} ^) 3( 3(3 31 31lt

31% f33T3 ?:i313l('3( ifWlW ^33^3 319133 t9I3 1T3T3T

i^tt 31% JW313 %( 3(33T3i % ^(3331% % 333 11331 ^13=1%%

31% 311331113 ^ 331 m(?:'5re 3133% %'3( ^ 3133 3313 «333

3'('g3r3333 353?;3 Hill 331 133 313 %(331%( 3131 1133

nJ

60

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Pdj Rasa. [No. 1,

f5i?l^T W it

0\

^WTiT mW ^?iT

in^^^T% nl$r ws W3 *iTflt *i^ ll\<il

f5i*r% %T?: ?i?9t

w«tcf^?; ?;wTf T '^KJn

gEf^i^T xt4tl^ »l^m=TT flf^^Tit

fif’f 5I5f Tn% ^ ll^^'SII

TlfSfiT inflt 'ft htTh^ % ^ItT^rat

Nj

f5i?I^ %R Jl’ft JJ^T^TT % f%?: ^qJlT $?IT

5n^ *lT<t ^ftl 4t

?f3i% 5[^ ^ $%'?! 3E;^%r €i ^T^rt^T

^1% iTif^ qi:% %! ii\^ii

^ ?;5i%

C\ ^

5it% ii ci^K igflT*t ^

^tTU ^riEgt ^T ?fl% % %R ^ ^51^

’fif^ct % f srt f fw «^5iTciT % 'll ^5^?;

^T5i f^^ciTOiT wift ^ %t % ii\«.ii

iit Ht 51^ ?[% “ft

5(ii:%qT% %tt; foi^t^T ^gir ^

^ ^I €t ■'051% 'flK.T

vm iR«ll

fo^i ?05n^% ^ ^T

^ %^T ^?:%^i%

KTH IK\II

JC^t^ xT?;wJT ^st ^ 5i5r%iT% JiJ!i^?;m

\J V*

:35q5I ^:%gr1w fOTK ^ 5Rtfo fITO5R%$r %t ^ri%^T^ fri?;T^%'^

BHTSt =30?^ RRII

E3i% ■q%%t'qi; t?:<J§%^T% % %f»Tcr ^ifa^ ^Tjft t%'ft

^ <T5Tt^%'i vft 0?: ?;J9%^i% ^rfoif or?; % »3,fo^f

%5t f%J5lT%^Tt KtSiT llH^II

Tf^JT f%^5R% %5cil^'$ ^J'li JIT% f^%i% ^ JtlilT

SJ

61

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Prithi Pdj Rasa.

% f mi % i’Err ^ %

^3T 1^3# TTT^n ifif H^%T THm

% tri^?: ■ftcT

^ s» ^ s»

w'fjn5%T 335q[^ ^:t5it% % ii^iaii

?:t5ir %^crT^‘# %%t%

^jtif % ■swfsi^r^T <^f-

m^ctt m iK<jji

5^^ ^^a'cr cixfif ^ ?;t3H'

^ji 5RT §iT 3t3n*i^% 5i^if *i’5m %T ^31 f^%i%i

^rir '?T^i % 5t% % ^r: f5i?i^ $^fi

«R?;% % ftiT;i%T f^fireji%

KI5IT «r?ft iR<ii

srea^T % iEiT!| % fsi5i% ^?fT ^r tmr 3Zi?nn%

^V. ^

^tf^IT *IW 5S^T IK®||

5:si% %T3; iTci^ %r: irt^i

^T <T5iT^l'%T jflti f%5i?f ^ tn^i^^Rr ^t %

t%^^f ftr'f itf^^i it jir:% ir':ii

f^Jii ^Ti% ■qfa% fw%Tii5r=ii % i|i5 f^jiT ^

% 3)113: 'w^iT ?i^cr jtVi^ (jt?:

*n^mT 3ir¥) m f«t3;’fi3:jn^ 3fqw ^ fsi^fSRT iji^r

^3;® %T3: ?j3!ri ft wt fsi^rs^ %i3zmT

$% xr% %T >^fi3: ^'t ci4 %i3: iftt irt %t 3; iRt cT3;qf ^t3:i!r

^ % HU

ft3fi% HctTWit 51^31% i3:^3;T9n’ sr

ijfT'fl %T 3;?t ^3n 3?R:fl3; ^r3: ktsit ^xf%

3f9!:it R^ifta ftsar ii^eii

ci^iff f^%i% ^5Rr %r 5;^ 3;T5fti

i33r%T if 513 fmr ^t3; 13:3 3t 3333 ^3^333

% 33: f33r3 331 3333 % ll^^ll

333% 33^ 3m ftil% 3333 3^3 ^ 33p33I%

333 % ftC353 33 33333 333 % ^33 3T fti'5333 ft?333 3% ^

^ ^333 3333% %333TJft <333 S% l|^<||

62

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Frithi Fcij Rasa. [No. 1,

fsi^n % %t Mt

ira^ %T ^T fw’f wm n^^ii

•v ♦ ^ ^

§iT ftr'f <1511 TtftW 11^811

ftif^cT ^0^^ 11^^?;% %MTg

»n^ % Jifci fsi^r^ fst^rii irc %wi5t $%: f^gi t:?isit

% ^fcii[?(tr^T% SH ^ T§iu^i

?rr«r aiw tiffi^i

S>

it ^ wR ’(faatait: swa f'laii: a’? fsi^iaii ?ra: Jti%

% iRiii

"Sh f?r’t% aiw^w Hi

trsri ait hu’ct fn't ainl araa? ?:T5ri

^ ifsiTi ft^T3T% ft^^raiTKai % ar ^iwfsiH^fl

ft?;'? € T 5i?t ilTf?^ %aT ?rt fC'a ^ ^ irw

JIT ST €"1 ffllT ft^? TTSIT S^I ll^^ll

Tai aiT % n?? aiT aw 9ra aff^ %aT aii aaa -

ai? Hfta sajT %T H?a ftr? aw% Tiai a?;T?iuT

ai?;% aar saii n^^n

NJ NJ '

ftaraH st as^ afar it a^irar a'ft % afaa

NJ

$T ^tciT s^T ftiaiaii §|T si?t HiaaT a?n aiir % aaa fti? ?i?if

ftaa a aiT?iaaT% aia^i aifiT % '^Sf

afaa %Ta' ftaia afi tnax % n^an

ataaia HaHia ^ a^i fti? awft ar^t

©^aasa aaa aiit ii0®ii

Taaa % aai at^niJi ^wari % fti fiara ftr?% ^aax iia?ax

aaa xi«xJ!i sait % ftai^ ax %x fti wx ftax aisn^ iaa %aTaft%

^xtta T? asa sia aiH aiaa fiJl aa'g f axa ftr?^ ax %ax arsix

aaiasat aia a:a xa: ataix % sai xiaixa a?x %xjxx ai?ax

’aa aiax laff ^x asaH xsaa hi? ?aiaax% %aaig^ aft tiJl n

ftaxa ? HHxa a? ftr? ax^ix % xa »t%w?

63

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Bdsd.

*iY5t 'fT^T sKHt

kttm Jiffl^iTHTfe^r ^ II

k Tf?i %^ciT ^re^itK ^

?r^?:T5iT ^ srs^T

51^ kk g^^eiTSii ?r?^Tt fti%

?WT5t Si'^ *ftrf KPTT ^3#t^ s% ils^li

fkf^kT 'st %5iT^ ^fw% fl%T=*TTr

f^kra ^ifkitsti ^Tsjj^k fm % j?ir fk^rar $% Prsn^

^tsifi^ 'fT^i‘ xr?;t^JT ir jitW ^ s^

(s:?! k^ ftujT % %r «ir k^ k%

'^rfkk) ^ k¥ kr wsakt k^ifk^K ’jbt ^ra^fka:

'^si fk? ?:TSTt fk’f^ ?ra:^r«i% €t

33^1^ fW 118811

®^nrf kt iikt niitk^^^T ^ jt'? ksf fkf ti3n%

jjjkk arrir ^tn kakt krat^T ^faiaiT tmr ^Tsti %3

kt’aai?: ?tmsT at?;^ at' aag^a atarmt

%a»T: %r: aiat aiia k^ ■fkatai fa fii^aia aaii

B?: ^ stiar ainar iisy^n

af%T#t afJTTa kuna nia % atcaiT k^ fmnafr k% ^T{t aai^

gassR gaa? ^ nfaw % ^arara kt m faiat %

krsc a'fksf fki aii aa aisiT kf aa aisiT kifkata nna fki- ?i5it

^kt ^raJf afar ataiT ^ta aik amtk nnia aia «a!?;aT p^ii

^ktki araar ai<at % n

% ka fkf k a'a aia k arakt a:aiar %t nktaa aiait ;

^ -V

aTkf cnfataik kt aia;% titniak fkt ^ laat' $k freia»

kk % ■% %!?: anraf ftrai kt%t aain kf% afaKaa %

anT krar faraki k% ^’n'a ?:t=5n la'S'kt irfa^rk ai% sk

a^rki ajraaa! kniak=at% % as'sii

• * Ta ^ faa% aaakt ’tafkirkt a 'tar % aa a a^a.^^ a

aamaii fa^rar wa faat^a aiT% %^i %

♦ TT^T TT^T ^ fTT^ ^ %T ^T^T %.

64

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — On the Frithi Bdj Bdsd. [No. 1,

f sre;% iw. ! urrPBW if ififi^f% ifft ^iirf fsjif-

ift ^ 5IHTif ^TSffT fii«%

Hflfif gfltf fsi?! ^ ^fff %i 5iT%% w%

li'lt 3ItI 5TI 51# % lie'll!

%^<fT 5i^%T

xnciT % f%5t^f %m? f%nrt^i% 111^11% <ficr ^iTfHrtTn sjig

$% ^fifcItwlT^^ % II 8 {.II

:^ir5f % II%^t f^if^T $% ig^ciin; if^ "gg?: ir^%

fi^ %T5; ^ cim 31311#% 5i3(%

Trf%’^% ^t(5Tr f5i5f# ill trafTif 5I3f^ *f^t#crf% 5I3fcfTf 5ITW

mx 33T^#§r $% 5f^Tf % ^Rfl XTii#

i:^j: Tfii# ^5rraflTH%i3fii# liioii

5i| xfif^T 5113;^ i3; it %ra ^ ^|^cf <fTTf^%T%T 3;f%

%T3Ji ii'f ^inf^n3 ^{jTf T % >i\

f%5W ^ift cflf# ^igi; ^T'g3;3!RX% W'ST %T3: %^5IT

%i3r ^T<*fr# fit€fTr% f%%Tl #%t ^raif jfcx nt%^ t^tit it?;

^%T ifTifi % f%5f%t ir^w ^cifTfti'T ^mg?r 5ff%5T

3nnT % %T 3115 #%i '^35% sKKir ^3f 3S(^ tncri^i #

^51 3f^<m VKm %t % iiu^ii

■e# nfw Tf^ #51313: f5r’f ^ixt% «T33f%^tw % ^mra3::%3rt%

3f#% ^11% ^^rr3!r% 5:51313 #wxsx3: ftiux: iiartT^ $% ^xfl%

^tw ^^x ^iTxa ^:gi^x5ix % ^cf?:^ 3:x5ix 5iigx# ^X3;

gfii%x Ip f5f% ^tth iftsiif %l f%!fa ^^xxx #fct% ^^ci-

^31 ^31^3: iii3;cix % iii^ii

51313; r5ri’ 3;x5fx% %x ^X3; 5I3ixit '^onunxif %^!fi3;

^'59%^ ^X 3g-5i^H ^in^x ^‘"^X ^itlXHI (551#^% II%X3r %

TTCg # ig^^cn% f5i% *11^1X13;% sfiiifiir si%t3i ftixgx %) men

9f^5% ^i ^3;%- 3c1TIX%t ^liX^3:3IX'^% fsi5T% gigx^ Srax % 5151X3:

iRx #51 $5n 3Traxf% ifx# ^x«ix#9!: ^jxii^x^ift 551313%# iii>j,ii

* 5# 'sratsT #T ^SRIH t#5H5T Ifirl IHIX #5 5151 515 #2 5T5

S5» '

65

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — On the Prithi Bdj Pdsd.

•S

sfqi ^?it % 5r*t

^rt: Ctt%^33T % fic^

%T f^=f ci^iT'fT’^ irra ciTrggT^c

% lli^ii

HT^ “^fti^’’ fii^ cicii?;cri^T^ WT^ 91^?: srint ftro

^TT-g^ ^TT^t ^1% f%% 5:5% %r f T?rHlT % ^?fT cPT

% lli«ll

tTlc]% % qi5i ij%T ^T ?i9rst ^

VT?;tI SRKI^qTt SIT STTiltn^ % *fq^ qreqT

^tIH $% fq?rfncifq^^ fq^r w^ct gsfix?;

^'•C^ ^ fq^q SJTJT qiX;^qT% iftsjJf ^ ?C fqXTfl

TxraW ^ gjT 5fr?: 51:5

5BT f?X5ra % |I1'=1I

?in?: ftrf ?;i5iT^ «t^ ^^9i% in -nz

^qif^iTxiTflTf ^3T S3^ if sr^ig $% oil ^

5iTiT5lt9t '^sR^uft ggti% q-^

^ ^ s>

§|T ^T v\-m %T mzm ^tjtct

11^ oil

^’3I%T ^R^!T

C\

qi% qifq^^T ?r? q^iftr ^i^^fqqsT^q' %tq ii< < 11

?r? ^sq^T 591% fsijft %K yfeqTJf fk^Tf

IK=lll

fqqiH \^8q, ^5% 9SJI93:?: \ 591%qi€t

5:f% Hratm?;

* qrq Tf^qt %r mjq spq qis: q;? jiv

q95i%i s^i I

1

66

F. E. Pargifcer — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

[No. 1,

Notes on the Chittagong Dialect. — Dy F. E. Parqiter, B. A., C. S.

Introductory Remarks.

The language spoken in Chittagong is a dialect of Bengali, but

greatly corrupted, owing to the remote position of the district, the

strong Mubammadan element in the population, and the tendency in

East Bengal to speak quickly and clip the words.

These causes have been at work in Bakarganj, and the country east

of the Meghna, and the language spoken there differs from ordinary good

Bengali, the difference increasing as we proceed south-eastwards. The

extreme is reached in Chittagong where the difference is so marked that

a native from other parts of Bengal does not readily understand the

language. Thus ^Tft?r means ^1, I can¬

not see ; means everything ; stands for

after that. Ordinary colloquial Bengali is also met with there, or at

least words used in ordinary colloquial Bengali, but such words are

mixed up with purely local expressions, so that without a knowledge

of the latter, it is not easy to understand what is said.

In offering these notes on the Chittagong dialect I know how

incomplete they are, how many matters are unnoticed, and how much

remains to be filled in to render this sketch thoroughly serviceable.

These notes were collected some years ago, when I was residing in

Chittagong. I have since then collected memoranda when studying the

colloquial in other districts of Eastern Bengal where I have been.

Several of the peculiarities here noticed are not confined to Chittagong,

but prevail generally throughout Eastern Bengal, though not in so

marked a degree. I may hope, however, that these notes, incomplete

though they are, may be of use to others, whether as an aid in learning

the vernacular, or as an inducement to supply what is wanting.

Notes on the Grammar of Chittagong Dialect.

Pronunciation of the Letters.

The letters are the same as in pure Bengali ; but the following

peculiarities may be noticed —

^ at the beginning of a word very often has the sound of the let¬

ters ^ (h) and ^ (kh) in the Hindustani — thus “ a split bam¬

boo ” is pronounced l^aim ; “ whither P ” khonde ; “ who ”

khaun.

is often pronounced like ; and is sometimes corrupted to

thus ftfq, “ I should recognise him if I

his face.”

saw

67

1886.] F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

^ is almost invariably pronounced like s ; thus “ I am ” is

pronounced asi.

^ and ^ are often corrupted to ; thus for “ get up ” ; SIlf%

for SIl^ “ earth ” ; for “ the court-yard in a house.”

^ at the beginning of a word is very often pronounced like Tp, /,

— thus for 'sdTti' “ I can.”

^ is often ^^I’onounced like ^ or ^ — thus for

‘‘ I threw ” ; and for “ throw.”

*T sometimes and 31 generally, at the beginning of a word, are pro¬

nounced like ^ h — thus “ all ” becomes hakal ; C*^T?r “ a noise ”

becomes hiir.

^ in combination is almost always distinctly pronounced as y — thus

“ kargya.” When the vowels 'SI and immediately precede the

phala, they are pronounced as if the vowel ^ came in between, and this

is especially the case when the ^ in combination is followed by the vowel

«i| — thus 5lTC^J “ he measured,” is pronounced maipye ; 3^1 evidence

saikhya ; ‘^TC3TJ “ he came ” aisye. Similarly “ in the presence

of,” ” before,” is pronounced samaikhye.

Corruption op Words.

The chief peculiarity of the dialect spoken in Chittagong is the

extent to which the words are shortened by corruption. The chief ways

in which this occurs are these — •

(1) A single consonant, especially a hard one, occurring between

two vowels is often elided, and the vowels open one on the other without

blending ; the elision is almost invariable if the second vowel be ^

or ^ — thus; “call” becomes and ^Tf^5“come”

become and ^1^6 ; ^^1 “ a bamboo hedge around a tank ” becomes

“ to see ” becomes “all” becomes

and then “ he binds ” becomes “father-in-law ”

becomes “ I ate ” becomes “ sit down ”

becomes “ having opened ” becomes and *^1^ ;

“ draw out ” becomes

But SI in such a position is often changed to anuswar ; thus

“ I ” become “ thou ” becomes ; ’^ISIT^ “tobacco ” becomes

and ^1^^ ; “ my ” becomes ; and “ thy ” C'lt^r.

(2) A compound consonant preceded by a long vowel in the middle

of a word is generally reduced to a single one, all except the last being

omitted or being replaced by anuswar thus “ dry ” becomes

1511.

(3) Final ^ is often dropped, especially in the locative affix r.^ in

nouns, and in the infinitive of verbs — thus “at home” becomes

“ to say ” becomes

68

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect. [No. 1,

(4) Final ^ is omitted in the 3rd person, Past and Pluperfect

Tenses, in verbs ; thus for for for

(5) Short words with in the first syllable, sometimes insert ^

(less frequently ^ ) after the in pronunciation — thus for

“ to-day ” ; for ^T?l “ rudder ” ; for “ before

(6) In words of several syllables, especially those borrowed from

Persian and Arabic, the accent is thrown back as far as possible, and the

following syllables are lightened ; thus (Arab. “ charge

becomes “a haola ” (a tenure in which the tenant receives

“ charge ” of a tract of jungle to be reclaimed) ; ^il«^T^l (Arab. AjiU)

“connexion” becomes

Declension of Nouns.

The declension of nouns does not differ materially from ordinary

Bengali, allowance being made for the changes due to corruption, thus

the t^?I1 of the Instrumental is corrupted to f^. The chief peculiarities

are these — the Nominative often ends in <i) ; the Ablative is formed with

“ from ” ; and the Locative often drops the ‘i) of the termination

“ ” so that it ends in t, as for ‘s^TC?rC'® “ on the bank.” The abl,

is added in nouns to the word itself, but in pronouns to the genitive

case.

A sort of double case is sometimes met with, thus (gen. and

loc. cases) “at a sister’s [bari].” I have also heard i?tt5?rT?r ^C15 “by the

force (lit., this) of the wind ” ; but this expression seems to be merely an

instance of the common use of the pronominal form 1% “ this ” (“ what-

do-you-call-it ”) to denote something that one cannot name at the

moment.

1886.]

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

69

Numerals.

Tlie numerals are tlie same as in ordinary Bengali, but is com¬

monly used for eight instead of

The word or is very generally used after a numeral to

denote a “ thing ” or “ piece,” thus “ eight things.” When

affixed to the word “one,” the compound becomes

and “ one thing or piece.” It is also added to nouns to parti¬

cularise, thus “ that particular night.”

(for •^TTCJT ) is also used, thus CtfTC^l “ both things.”

is used with adjectives, thus ^15 “ how many ? ” “ how

much ? ” “ everything.”

The Verb.

The most striking differences occur in the conjugation of the verb,

which varies considerably from ordinary Bengali. Verbs are all conju¬

gated very much in the same way, but the formation of the Past Tense

(and the Pluperfect which is formed from it) presents several differences

which depend on the final letter of the root.

The ordinary mode of forming the Past Tense is by affixing f^, ^

and C?I to the root if it end in a consonant, and ^f|f, and if it

end in a vowel, for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons respectively. This ^ is

distinctly pronounced y — thus “ I measured ^tf^J or ( )

“ I came ;” ^TC^J (or ) or ^rtc?r “ he came 5” “ he ate ;”

“ I understood.”

But if the root ends in <r or (and also ), the affixes are f?r, 9fj

and respectively — thus “ I did ;” “ I read ;” and the

is sometimes changed to thus or “ I seized.” The re¬

gular forms, however, or forms closely like them are in use, thus

“ I ate ;” “ I threw ;” “ I danced.”

The Pluperfect is formed by affixing c^1 (or 1% ) and c?!, to the

1st person. Past Tense — thus “ I had written ;” “ I

had begun ;” “ I had done ;” “ you seized,” but

“ he had come.”

The 1st person Future is formed by affixing and with

or without a conjunctive to the root, thus or “ I shall

do;” “ I shall be able.” The other two persons are nearly

regular.

The Substantive Verb.

Present. Past.

1. “ lam,” “ we are ” “ I was,” “ we were.”

2.

3.

70

[No. 1,

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

The following is a specimen of a verb in its full conjugation.

Conjugation of the Verb “to do, make.”

Present.

1. “ I do,” “ we do.”

2.

3. honorific.

Imgicrfect.

1. “ I was doing.”

2. -

3. -

Past.

1. “ I did or regularly )

2. ^1?^1

3.

• •k ^

Pluperfect,

1. “ I had done.”

• V

2.

3.

FuUire.

1. or or regularly “ I

shall do.”

2.

3. or

Imperative.

2. ^?r “ do tlion” ; and with the negative JT,

3.

Infinitive and “ to do.

Prest. Part. “ doing.”

Past Part. ( ) “ done.”

Conj. Part, “ having done.”

The following are specimens of other verbs, which show variations

in the Present and Past Tenses.

Verb “to keep.”

Prest.

1.

2.

3. ?fTC<l?r

Past.

?lT*5n5I or ^Tfirj

?rT<rj (or ?rTR? )

?I]C<fJ (pronounced rdikhye).

^ This form is most common.

1886.] F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect. 71

Verb “ to eat.

Prest.

1.

2. •4frs?r

3. or <rT5:

Past.

or ( )

<ntc?

The verb “ to go ” has an irregular participle “ having

gone,” which is often added to other verbs, to render them more forci¬

ble, thus “ I went away ” ; (iTfS “ give.”

The Intrrogative.

A phrase is rendered interrogative by placing after the verb,

expressed or understood, for the present tense, and (sometimes JjT )

for all the other tenses — thus “ are you going ?” C9f^1 “ did

you go ?” “ will you go ?” g ? “ is it not a char

The hTEGATivE.

The negative is expressed by 5T, which is placed before the verb,

thus— ^ “ I shall not give.” ^ ^itg “ do not go.” ^

“ he has not come.” With the verb ^ is often blended into one

word, thus — ST becomes “ it was not.” But the imperative use

of Jb remains the same as in ordinary Bengali, thus — ^tg Jb “ go.”

Adverbs.

Adverbs of place are formed from the pronominal bases by affixing

(1) — thus where ? ” or (2) 5^1, or (corruption

of ?)— thus ttl, and “here.”

Adverbs of direction are formed from the same bases by affixing

or (corruption of ?) thus — “hither;” “thither;”

C^Tf^ “whither?”

Adverbs of time are formed by adding the word ) or its

corrupted form to the pronouns, thus — “ then.”

Vocabulary.

T append a vocabulary of words peculiar to Chittagong. Out of a

large number I noted down, I have struck out all that were to be found

in Bengali Dictionaries, and those that remain are either peculiar, or

are used in peculiar senses. A considerable number of the words, how¬

ever, are not confined to Chittagong, but may bo met with in hioakhali,

Bakarganj, and other districts of Eastern Bengal.

* Char = a sandbank in a riyer.

72

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Ohittagong Dialect. [No. 1,

V. n. to go to stool.

) adv. together.

g. V.

(for ) 5. ridge of earth

dividing fields.

(= ^TC9f) ^re^. before, in

front of.

! standing -with the hands

raised and the palms out¬

wards to prevent a per¬

son coming against one.

s. kitchen.

adj. unclaimed (as property,

waifs and strays). Pers. ^jfjT

scattered.

s. small water-way in a hand

(=1^0-

s. hermitage.

s. the top (of a tree), the

prow (of a boat).

5. scratch.

<*v

s. clasping around a person’s

body with both arms.

s. a workman’s leisure time

after work is done.

s. rough fence made of

stakes.

5. small wage.

C^tc^T^ s. a bolak {g. v.) with¬

out the pendants.

adj. quarrelsome. [son).

to burn (a per-

s. silence.

^15^1 5. extension of time.

adj. another, different ;

to close a door (but

not fasten it) .

(loc. case of ;pron. vil) adv.

here, in this place.

adv. hither, in this direction.

adv. so, thus.

adv. here, in this place (cor¬

rupted from ^ ?)

^■511 particle (= ) used with

numerals to denote “ thina-s,”

and with nouns to particularise ;

— JTT'® seven things ; ^1:5

that particular night.

(from and ?)

to approach direct, go straight

towards. Its imperative ^SiT-S,

“ come straight here ! ” is used

as a cry to the neighbours for

help, when an offence is being

committed.

(from ) 5. a torch made

of a bundle of split bamboos.

adj. right in front, straight, up¬

right.

(from time) used in

composition to denote time, thus

when ?

adj. stark naked. [open.

adj. unenclosed, unfenced,

adv. thither, in that direction.

5. simple country folk,

who have always lived in the

country and are ignorant of the

ways of towns.

^?rl s. buffalo-shed.

s. machan or raised place in

fa house for placing paddy

J baskets.

adj. straight and upright (ap¬

plied to a cow’s horns).

adv. now.

s. basket for collecting cow-

dung (= )

73

1886.] F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

(pronounced ko'i) adv. where ?

in wliat place ? It is used to

express strong and contemptuous

negation, as “ where

is there a road ? ” “ there is no

road at all.”

5. quarrel.

(for ) s. the liver.

s. switch, small branch.

*1^6-. low pot with a large

} mouth.

^1% a jhali made of upright

split bamboos spread out and

fastened to transverse strips of

bamboo.

s. log, block of wood.

s, small earthenware vessel.

^5^)1 s. the head.

s. small natural embankment.

^1^51 s. split bamboo ;

a plain gold circular bracelet.

s. bracelet, wristlet.

*^1^ s. silver kharu.

s. edge, margin.

s. deducting, deduction.

5. band, embankment.

s. constructing an embank¬

ment.

prep, for, on account of ; in,

among.

adj. severe (applied to a blow).

s. heifer.

s. old grass.

^t?C5 V. a. to defeat (in a

lawsuit). Arab.

(loc. case of pron. ) adv.

where ? in what place ?

V. a. to husk (paddy) by

pounding.

s. seduction, intrigue.

s. manger.

V. n. to hasten forward with

anger, lit. to leap, bound.

s. collection, gathering.

V. a. to collect, gather to¬

gether.

sugarcane.

f*tn? j

C^?rT?r 5. door, (=^nT’^).

s. quarrel, contention.

adj. turned inwards (as a

cow’s horns).

C^t^l 5. field.

adv. where ? in what place ?

C^Tf% adv. whither ? in which di¬

rection ?

s. a blow, hit, stroke.

V. a. to begin. Pers.

beating.

C^RTtciS V. a. to cut, wound.

(l^tC<r adv. at the side of, near.

a large boat, bound and

fastened with iron. Probably

a corruption of Eng. ‘ coast ’

= a ‘ coasting boat ’, one that

goes to sea.

•^ff5 s. small stake in a fence.

V. n. to slip aside, slink

away.

s. post of a fence.

s. subscription, contribution.

s. eater, person to be fed.

s. eating, feasting.

5. channel of a river.

•ifltt 5. small enclosure made in a

tank to catch fish in.

j

74

[No. 1,

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Ghlttagong Dialect.

5. instrument for making a

hole through an earthen floor in

house-breaking.

(or ) 5. a house built

near a man’s land, where he puts

up during the tilling season.

s. bracelet for wrist : also an

anklet.

s. private path.

5. paddy-grass.

s. a relation, relative. Pers.

own.

C<rTl5l V. a. to dig a thing into

the ground (as if to feel what is

there) .

s. mist, fog.

adv. well, much.

V. n. to go.

s. pushing a person by the

back of the neck. Pers.

neck.

adv. leaning one’s body against

anything.

s. swelling caused by a blow.

s. coolie, servant, labourer.

(= ) s. padlock.

^5it?r V. a. to publish, notify,

make known. Pers.jli^ passing

(from mouth to mouth) hence

public, notorious.

s. cultivator of land, hushand-

man.

s. status of a cultivator of

land.

s. stake for fixing nets in the

water.

s. stick.

s. bund, embankment.

CifT^ s. delay.

s. private path.

s. common pasture-land, a

common.

5. cow-dung.

s. cow-house.

^)1 (gya) is used during hesitation

in speech, just as is used

in Central Bengal.

s. ferry-hire.

s. kind of cloth with a

variegated stripe down the mid¬

dle (generally worn by Mags).

■5^ s. high machan in fields.

5. instrument for catching fish.

s. clod, lump of earth.

s. semicircular bolak

(q. V.)

s. four-sided basket (= c^rsfl).

(from s. scream,

fstl s. small split bamboos laid

lengthwise in the frame of a

roof.

s. early aus rice-crop.

(from ■5^), s. hair of the head,

a small water-way in a bund

(=

V. a. to drag along on the

ground.

s. male buffalo.

(pronounced soa), see C15t‘s^1.

CI5Ttc^ (from v. a. to plough.

s. husk (of paddy).

(from four and

houndary) s. land bounding

on all sides the land in question.

(from ^Tl%) s. bound¬

aries.

<0 **

(from ?) 5. cave of the

thatch.

75

1886.]

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

) 5. wicker or cane work

j cover (around a glass jar).

s. a kind of slielf.

r^?r1 s. branch or sprout of bamboo.

adj. charred.

s. wandering about.

s. branches and sticks thrown

into water to prevent people

fishing there.

V. a. to gather, rise up, collect

(as water when its flow is ob¬

structed).

®Tf^?r s. teacher, tutor. [chest.

V. a. to clasp around the

s. woven purse, closed at its

mouth by drawing a thread

tight.

(loc. case of ^ron. ^1^1) adv.

where, in which place.

s. asking, questioning.

V. n. to persist.

fsiTfl adg. sent, despatched.

^^^1, and s. kind of

umbrella or hood made of leaves,

and suspended from the head over

the back, (so as to leave the hands

free) .

6*. a bamboo split partially down,

and fastened around with hoops,

so as to form a round vessel, for

holding things.

'0. a. to render re¬

sponsible or liable, Pers.

under a burden, responsible.

s. ruining, breaking, injury.

s. moon-light.

C5't?IT?r s. trench, rut.

5. (tidal watercourse ?) small

nullah.

s. a closely-constructed tatti,

(through which one cannot see).

s. circular fishing-net,

thrown so as to fall in a circle

on the water and sink.

s. scrub jungle.

V. a. to cover (something)

with (something else).

V. a. to get before one, to

anticipate one, get the start of

one.

C^t<r s. small path.

V. a. to obstruct, hinder.

^^^1 s. a servant who does all the

odd jobs in a kitchen.

5. stem of a tree, trunk.

)

j s. recollection, remembrance,

s. post, stake.

?• s. thigh, leg (of an animal) .

a wedge-shaped fishing-

net (pushed forward and down¬

ward) .

s. an open fence of upright

and horizontal bamboos.

s. a small pot, with a hole in

the bottom, used in making salt.

j|> s. small pond.

looking at, inspection, at¬

tention.

^t^?r s. fancy, thought, opinion,

(= JU^). With to re¬

cognise, know.

s. = "5^^.

s. double drum.

s. flood.

s. fish-basket.

76

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Ohittag&ng Dialect. [No. 1,

s. a funnel made of bamboo for

catching fish.

s. bamboo hedge around a tank.

^511 s. small cloth, or scarf = Hind,

gamcha.

s. fish-basket carried on the

<K

back between the shoulders.

s. wall of earth surrounding a

bari.

^ drive (cattle).

j

s. four-sided basket (=

1 5. fisherman.

C^lsi /

C^T^II s. kind of cloth with broad

red border, worn by Musalmans.

s. a large deep mat-basket for

keeping rice or paddy.

adj. (from fashion,

manner) of a kind, like ; as

of what kind ? like

what ?

s. flood, rise of water, in a river.

s. iron fishing-spear.

adv. close by, very near.

^Tejp. at the side, by the side.

CF5T«it )

>■ 5. a kept mistress.

(= ) after that.

adv. for, for the purpose of.

s. tobacco. [Mags.

s. red-bordered cloth, worn by

^T?r s. bracelet for the upper arm.

s. cross-beam of a roof.

prep. from.

s. mound of earth at the side

of a field.

l^ron. he, she.

(Arab. ) adj. deputed,

despatched.

V. a. to search, seek.

(?) V. n. to wake, be awake,

from (ablative).

V. a. to get notice (of a

thing) .

V. n. to wait, stand, remain.

V. n. to stand : thus

stand upright.”-

prep. from.

W^JWfW pulling one another.

s. salt in lumps or cakes,

ifl 5. an oar, the blade of which is

a separate piece of wood fas¬

tened on to the handle.

s. a sort of beaded bali

(q. V.)

pusliing and palling one

another about.

a beetle for ramming earth

down.

CSIt<11 (from ) 5. the

frame of a door.

? s. narrow path between

two houses.

^1% s. a jhali made of split

bamboos spread out and inter¬

twined cross- wise.

V. n. to roll about on

the ground.

V. n. to run away, flee.

s. eave of a house.

5. open foot-path, foot-track.

V. a. to search for, seek.

IS. earth impregnated with

^511 J salt.

s. difference of opinion, want

of unanimity.

77

1886.] F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

s. a wife’s going to lier fa¬

ther’s house,

s. dancing.

adj, fastened, bound (as a

door).

5. a drain.

adj. pnlled out.

adv. excellently, well.

(= ) s. stone roller used

in preparing spices.

s. the semi-cylindrical mat-

covering over a boat.

V. a. to enter, go in.

s. vegetation that grows on the

surface of a tank.

V. a. to store up.

•pf 5. (pala) a hemispherical basket,

with a narrow mouth at the top,

for fishing.

) s. light, moon-

j light; blaze, fiame.

adj. alluvial.

5. an oar, made of one piece

of wood. Also

s. stern (of a boat).

s. assembly, gathering (for

purposes of discussion).

(= f*tc^ ) 5. fiat stone on which

spices are prepared.

s. heap, pile.

s. inhabitant of a para,

low (grass; jungle.

s. a low pot, similar to a (.^^1.

s. boat hire.

s. side, direction,

s. bale (of cotton).

o^dv. at the back, behind.

V. a. to beat (the ground so

as to smooth it) .

C5lT^l fastening one’s hands

behind his back.

Mag priest (unable to read

or write). 'BaTmese phungyi.

V. a. to ask, question,

interrogate.

(= ) s. stone roller used

in preparing spices.

s. tank. Sansk.

about 4 A. M., see

-l^s. lime-pit, lime-kiln.

father’s sister’s son.

s. paternal aunt.

(corrupted from ?)

s. the Eastern part of Thana Sat-

kaniya, east of the hills.

s. basket for collecting cow^-

dung (= ).

s. dry paddy grass.

= C^?im

s. a snake.

C‘5dtf^C15 1 V. a. to cut in a sawing

) manner.

(loc. case) early in the morn¬

ing, before day-break, see

adj. separate. Arab. (jj^.

V. a. to throw.

s. a square-shaj)ed chili bas¬

ket.

CTpcp = ‘sqs^i.

s. an oar (= ?)

s. a tank.

adv. lying on one’s back.

s. division, partition.

s. shout, noise.

s. a hollow kharu.

s. concord, agreement.

V. n. to live, dwell.

78

F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect. [No. 1,

V. a. to pull, row (a boat) ;

drag (a fisliing-net).

5. scattering (seed).

5. bracelet.

^ s. piece of bamboo used for

carrying things on the shoulder.

(with V. a. to build,

construct.

j ^.bamboo thicket or clump.

(■«t«l ?) V. a. to bewitch,

enchanter.

^ITf adv. without. Arab. after.

^tClr adv. besides, except, id.

^1^1 s. pledgment, mortgage.

a large boat, bound and

fastened with bamboo and cane.

s. a nose-ring (fastened through

the septum).

s. inhabitant, resident.

(= ^1^) 5. a fathom.

s. large fishing-net.

s. hand-pankha.

adj. unmarked, unstamped,

unbranded.

^^T?r1 c^dj. illicit, unlicensed.

V. n. to decide.

s. ditch, channel.

s. torch of twisted straw.

) (from C^^T^) adj. all,

i every.

s. property, wealth. [paddy.

s. a basket, holding 8 aris of

s. large glass jar with a narrow

mouth, enclosed in wicker-work

(^Tf^) with a wickerwork handle ;

a tall jar.

s. the threads of a weaving

instrument (?T®i).

(bora) s. a (pan) garden.

s. gold nose-ring with pen¬

dants.

I (corrupted from ?rjtC5lT^) s.

5JT^3 illness, sickness.

5. handle (of a knife).

5. mud floor of a house.

adv. under, below.

51^^? 5. time for lighting the lamp,

about half-an-hour after sunset.

Arab. sunset, west.

5I?rl V. n. (to be killed, hut

generally) to be drowned.

V. n. to beg, live by beg-

ging.

5. young woman, wench ; mis¬

tress, leman.

5. headman, foreman (of a

boat, or of coolies).

5. a man who digs earth.

adj. earthen.

5IT^^ s. word, speaking, question.

s. talking, conversation.

5lTt^C^ V. n. to speak, utter sound.,

^ s. barber ; carpenter.

^ (from facing towards. It

is compounded with

and ; thus with the

two former, northwards,

and eastwards,

s. a hill.

to make the place

hot, to have the authorities down

on one, lit. to set the country

(Arab. ) on fire.

s. ground, floor.

s. feast, banquet.

C5lc!^1 (mela) v. n. to go along,

walk along.

79

1886.] F. E. Pargiter — Notes on the Chittagong Dialect.

s. help, aid (by money or

advice).

s. a Mag headman of a vil¬

lage.

51^1% s. Mag priest and teacher.

V. n. to become angry.

s. ’weaving instrument.

5t«j (Pers. ejlj thigh) s. the side of

the thigh.

adj. well-known, manifest,

plain, clear. Pers. true.

C|[?IT^ s. kind of bracelet (= C'^l-

tf5^).

^ ] prep, close to, near.

I prep, with (with gen. case).

to make salt by boiling

off the water from salt-water.

s. peon ; from English ‘ num¬

ber’, each peon having a badge

with his number on it.

^^1 5. prison, jail.

s. Sir ; it is used interrogatively

when a person does not under¬

stand what is said to him,

“ Sir ? ”.

prep, with — see

(corrupted from ^TfVf ?) prep,

by reason of, on account of.

s. basket.

s. an outer or secondary

verandah.

V. a. {= ^^C^) to catch,

seize.

adj. leased out, sublet.

V. a. to lease out

(land) ; to transplant (paddy).

s. verandah.

(from prep, below,

down-stream.

(from J(^) adj. naked.

V. a. to lay down or place

/ on the ground.

adv. lying on one’s back. '

V. n. to lie down.

s. kind of hard light mud

that covers a field,

prep. upon.

*^>§1 s. flame of fire.

adj. dry, dried up.

adj. hollow.

^jTC^T^ (from ) a person

related to one through one’s wife,

wife’s relation.

adv. quickly, without delay.

5. step-mother.

e. rival wife, co-wife. Sansk.

co-wife’s daughter.

not acting willingly.

Arab, perversity.

adv. commonly, ordinarily.

s. a dug-out, plain open

boat made out of a single tree.

31T^TC1/1 adj. born of the same fa¬

ther, but a different mother.

adj. able, capable.

s. frame of the roof on which

the thatch is laid.

(= ) s. 4-anna piece.

(from 9f5i well) adv. very

well.

V. a. to sweep.

C^T?r®lff] s. salt-water inundation.

) s. father-in-law.

5^^ (= *t|^^ ) s. mother-in-law.

(= ) everything.

80 Kavi Raj Sliyamal DaB^Birtliday of the Emperor [No. 1,

V. n. to awake.

I (from ) s. evening,

twiliglit.

s. ridge in a cliili field.

V. a. to uproot.

^1:5:5 (liatata) (= s.

lialf-brother.

^tl5l 5. cloth hand-bag.

5. verandah.

s. ladder.

f s. jointship in food and

5151151151 I business, commensa-

lity. Pers.

eating together.

^5i<l time of unyoking

the plough, about 10 A. M.

V. n. to decline, to diminish ;

it was past noon.

s. ploughman.

s. the time when people

stop ploughing to take their

morning meal ; about 10 A. M.

7

j here, in this place.

pron. that.

si'

^’^TC?r prep, with, together with.

I? (= ) s. noise.

adu. there, in that place.

C?C1^ pron. he, she.

cLilv. lying on one’s back,

supine.

C^Tptf = C^Tf% g. V.

Birthday of the Emperor Jaldluddin Miihammad Ahhar. — By Kavi Raj

Shyamal Das, M. R. A. S. and F. R. Hist. Society.

[Translated by Babn Rama Prasad.]

I. Views of different authorities.

Ill the course of my constant references to the histories of India to

gather information for my forthcoming work on Rajpiitana, I have

found out that Persian authors are not unanimous as to the date of

Akbar’s birth.

(I.) Abul Fazl, Akbar’s Minister says : — “ Hamidah Band Begam,

queen of Humayun was delivered of prince Akbar at Amarkot on Sun¬

day night, the 5th Rajjab A. H. 949* (== Kartik Sudi 6th, Samvat, 1599

= 15th October, A. D. 1542).”

But he is not certain of the truth of this : he says that two astro¬

logers (probably not living when Abul Fazl wrote,) Maulana Chand and

Bias were present at Amarkot when the prince was born ; and he gives

several horoscopes prepared according to the Greek (Yunani) and

Hindu systems of astrology of the prince, which do not agree, some of

them marking the sun in Libra and others in Scorpio ; some mentioning

* Akbarnamah, Yol. I, pp. 31 — 53.

Jaldluddin MuJiammad Akhar.

81

1886.]

the birth to have taken place in the Sinha (Leo) Lagna, and others again

in Kanya (Virgo).

The author does not mention the annual birthday festivals as he

does those of the accession day.

(2.) Nizamuddin Bakhshi assigns the same date for Akbar’s birth

in the ‘ Tabaqati Akbari’ as Abul Fazl, who has also been followed' by

Badauni in the ‘ Muntakhib-ut-Tawarikh,’

Their statements as high officials of the Empire, were taken to be

correct and trustworthy, and adopted by the authors of the 1. Iqbal

Nama-e Jahangiri ; 2. Tarikh Earishta ; 3. Muntakhib-ul-Lubab ; 4. Sai-

r-ul Mutakharin and 6. Mulakhasut Tawarikh.

• •

(3.) The author of the ‘ Mirati Aftab Huma ’ gives no positive

opinion on the point in question, but describes it in the following doubt¬

ful strain : —

“ In the year A. H. 949 according to some accounts, or in A. H. 950

as others would have it, at Amarkot was born Jalaluddin Muhammad

Akbar of Hamidah Banu Begam^ a descendant of Ahmad Jam.” “Ac¬

cording to the Akbarnama the auspicious birth of the prince took place

at Amarkot on Sunday night the I5th Rajjab A. H. 949, the sun being

at the time in Scorpio.”

(4.) On leaf 44 of MSS. Tazkirat-ul Waqyat the author Akbar

Jauhar who was Aftabchi or the ewer-bearer of the Emperor Humaydn

writes : —

“ While the Emperor Hiimayun was encamped on the banks of a

pond, at a distance of 12 kos = (24 miles) from Amarkot on the way to

Bakkar, a messenger arrived in the morning from the former place with

the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son and heir ; and delivered his

charge in the following terms : —

“The Snpreme Being has been pleased to bless your Majesty’s royal

household with a fortunate prince,” which highly pleased the Emperor.

This auspicious event happened on the night of Saturday the I4th

of Shaban A. H. 949 = 23rd November, 1542 = Margsir Sudi 15th

Samvat, 1599.

“ The moon of the 14th night (full moon) is called Badr, in conse¬

quence of which the child was named Badr-ud-din which signifies nearly

the same thing as Jalaluddin, the name by which Akbar is commonly

known.

“ When the Emperor had finished his devotions and thanksgivings

to the Creator, the chiefs came and offered their congratulations.

“ His Majesty then asked the author of this (Akbar Jauhar) what

articles he had given him in trust ?

* Mirati Aftab Nama MSS. leaf 212.

K

82

[]^o. 1,

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Birthday of the Emperor

“Two hundred Shdhrukhi coins, silver gauntlets, and one pod of

musk,” was the answer. Further “ that the coins and the gauntlets were

made over to Khudawand Khan.”

“ His Majesty asked the reason of my giving to another person the

things that had been entrusted to me.

“ A due execution of your Majesty’s order,” was the response.

“His Majesty sent for the pod of musk which was immediately

produced.

“ The Emperor asked for a China plate, and having broken the pod

in it, distributed it among the nobles, in demonstration of the joy felt at

the j)rince’s birth.

The courtiers expressed their good wishes and congratulated his

Majesty on the occasion.”

(5) The English authorities have simply followed Abul Fazl with¬

out further, enquiry, e. g.

1, Erskine — History of India under Baber and Humayiin, Yol. II,

p. 254.

2, Dawson — History of Hindustan, Yol. II, p. 160.

3, Sir H. M. Elliot — History of India, Yol. I, p. 318.

4, Elphinstone — History of India, p. 453.

5, Mill. — Gives no date.

II. Opinions of living Scholaes.

The statement of Akbar Jauhar makes the birthday fall about 5

weeks (the period intervening between 5th Rajjab and 14th Shaban)

after the date assigned by Abul Fazl.

This difference put me into a dilemma, and I had to put off insert¬

ing the date of Akbar’s birth in my book till I could satisfy myself of

the truth of one or other of the statements.

With this view, the first step I took was to put the question to the

Persian scholars of the day, through the columns of the “ Khair Khwah-e

Alam ” (a newspaper published in Urdu) in an article contributed to

that paper by my friend Maulavi Ubaidulla Farhati, but without result.

Next, I referred to the under-mentioned learned gentlemen famed

for their knowledge of Indian History:

1. Raja Siva Prasad, 0. S. I.

2. Maulavi Sayyid Ahmad Khan, C. S. I.

3. Maulavi Anwarul Haq (Mir Munshi in the office of A. G. G.

for Rajputana). I am very glad to say. Raja Siva Prasad, to whom I am

much indebted for his assistance confirms the statements of Abul Fazl

by quoting the same date, 5th Rajjab A. H. 949, from some of the Persian

works alluded to in the foregoing pages, and adds weight to their state-

1886.]

Jaldluddin Muhammad Ahhar.

83

ments by proving tlie same date to be mentioned in the horoscopes of

Akbar, copies of which are in the possession of trustworthy old Hindu

astrologers.

I am glad to be able to say I have also got copies of the horoscopes

of the Mughal kings and of the Rajas of some of the States in Raj-

piitana, e. y., Udaipur, Jaipur, and Jodhpur, &c., from well-known

astrologers in Ujjain and other places, who follow astrology as an

hereditary profession; but no reliable horoscope of Akbar has been

found. Lastly, I relied on the labours of Dr. Hunter who writing of

Amarkot in his Imperial Gazetteer (Yol. IX, p. 182) says:

“ Here, in October 1542, was born Akbar the son of Humayun, the

exiled Mughal Emperor, then on his way to Afghanistan. The pre¬

sumed spot of Akbar’s birth is marked by a stone-slab, with an inscrip¬

tion.”

This passage inspired me with the hope of gaining my object.

Consequently, I addressed a letter to my well-known friend, Sir Ed¬

ward C. E., Bradford, K. C. S. L, Agent to the Governor- General for

Rajputana, requesting him to secure for me a copy of the inscription.

He kindly complied with my request, and the following reply was thank¬

fully received this month :

(True Copy.)

‘‘ Camp Ajmere, 1st December, 1885.

Dear Sir,

With reference to your letter of the 1st October, Sir Edward

Bradford has asked me to send you the enclosed paper received from the

Deputy Commissioner Thurr and Parkur containing copy of the inscrip¬

tion on the stone at LTmarkot.

Tours truly

(Sd.) Elliot Colvin.

(Copy of the enclosure.)

To

Kavi Raj

Shyamal Dass,

Oodeypore.

“ Sir,

With reference to your letter, dated the 26th instant, I beg respect¬

fully to state that the stone is situated about two miles north-west of

Umarkot with the inscription —

nr

84

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — Birthday of the Emperor [No. 1,

Akbar Badsliah was born in the year 963 Hijia.”*

Amarkot, I beg to remain

30th Oct., 1885. Sir

To Yonr most obedient servant

K. B. Kazi Umedali K. Munshi,

Faiz Muhammed. Head Master A. V. School, AmarJcot,

The year Hijri 963 (= A. D. 1555-56), however, is not that of

Akbar’s birth, but that of his accession to the throne ; the date of his

birth is not given at all : the inscription is thus valueless, and was most

probably written at a far later date.

Thus left to my own resources, I feel in duty bound to submit my

humble views, the outcome of my attempts at settling the question, for

the approval of the learned members of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

to whom this Paper is intended for a “ New Year’s Present.”

III. — The author’s views.

I am led to believe the statement of Akbar Jauhar to be correct and

trustworthy on the following grounds : —

(1) He was a contemporary of Hnmayun, his constant companion

in all reverses of fortune, and the Emperor reposed full confidence in

him.

(2) He was present when the glad tidings of Akbar’s birth were

conveyed to Humayun, who took from him the musk-pod to distribute it

among the courtiers.

Under these circumstances, he (Jauhar) could not possibly have

recorded an incorrect date for the Prince’s birth.

lY. — Objections answered.

(а) It cannot be assumed that the scribe made a mistake in trans¬

cribing the MSS of the Tazkirat-ul Waqyat long after the date of its

composition, for, in it after writing the date and month the author ex¬

plains the name Jalaluddin (Badruddin) to be due to the birth having

taken place on the 14th, the moon of which (being full) is called Badr.

This shows that the 14th could not possibly have been written by

mistake instead of any other date.

(б) The argument that Akbar assumed the title of Jalaluddin

on succeeding to the throne, does not hold good ; because, according to

Jauhar, it was given to him on the very day of his birth, a statement sup-

^ [The language of this inscription, or so much of it as does not consist of pro¬

per names, is Sindhi f^iFT ‘ this place ’ = ‘ was born.’ is

expressed by mim with kasra tan win, and If by ^ with two dots over it. Ed.]

1886.] Jaldluddin Muhammad Ahbar. 85

ported by the “ Mirati Aftab Numa’ of Shall Nawaz Khan, who

says : —

“ The fort Jae-Shahi (now known as Jalalabad) was given by the

Emperor Muhammad Humayun to Prince Jaldluddin Muhammad Akbar

ill jagir for his table-charges during princehood when Humayun had

been exiled from India by the Pathans, and had established himself in

Cabul after punishing his brothers (relatives).*

“ Since it came into the prince’s charge, it flourished and increased

in population, and was called after him Jalalabad.”

Prom this it is inferred, that the birth took place on the 14th date,

whence the name Jaldluddin was given to the prince.

The date recorded by Jauhar is therefore unquestionable.

Now, the following account of the village of Jun to which Humayun

had his Queen Hamidah Bdnii Begam and the prince Akbar brought from

Amarkot) by Jauhar, proves that the birth did really happen in the

month of Shdbdn : —

“ Several bands of robbers had to be encountered near the village

of Jun ; Sheikh Ali Beg returned after putting them to flight. The

Emperor halted in a garden adjoining the village, and ordered entrench¬

ments to be thrown up round it : then he sent one of the chiefs to Amar¬

kot to bring the young prince, the females and the servants. On the

20th Ramzdn the prince arrived, and had the honour of being embraced

by his Majesty for the first time On the 35th day of his age.”t

This proves to a certainty that the prince was born on the 14tli

Shaban.

A few lines further on, the author mentions the Roza or fast, from

which the inference is drawn that the prince did really arrive in Ram¬

zan, the month when the Roza or fast is kept.

V.

What led the authors of the ‘ Akbar Namah,’ the ‘ Tabaqati Akbari,

and the ‘ Muntakhib-ut-Tawarikh ’ to record the 5th Rajjab, Sunday in¬

stead of the true date, 14th Shaban, Saturday ?

My explanation may be embodied in a single term, superstition, still

I should like to say something in detail.

There is a couplet enjoining on the Hindus to conceal nine things

\» V*

* MSS. Mirati Aftab Numa, p. 212.

t MSS. Tazkirelul Waqyat, leaf 45.

86

[No. 1,

Kavi Riij Sliyamal Das — Birthday of the Emperor

tliat is, 1, age, 2, wealth, 3, defects in one’s household, 4, mantra (Yedic

or Tantric), 5, coition, 6, medicine, 7, charity, 8, honour and 9, dis¬

honour should be concealed.

Now, the first of these with which we are immediately concerned, is

still strictly observed by well-to-do Hindus, of whom only 10 per cent,

of enlightened views would ever dare to lay aside this rule. The annual

birthday festivities are in most cases held a day or two previous to or

after the actual birthday ; and if the date is published in this way, the

year of birth is kept a profound secret. Horoscopes of the nobility and

gentry are always entrusted to confidential family-priests, who never

betray their charge, or are at least expected not to do so.

The writer has personally observed people sometimes accusing their

enemies of practising witchcraft against the life of some person ; and

to confirm the charge brought by them, the accusers try to produce

fabricated horoscopes bearing special symbols, and a puppet figure of

the proposed victim, from the houses of the parties accused.

The Mughals borrowed these superstitious notions from the Hindus.

This is corroborated by the accouut, my able friend Major (now Colonel)

John Bidduljfii gives of the superstitious observances current among the

tribes of the Hindu- Kush in his book of the same name, under the

headings :

1, constellations, 2, earthquakes, 3, fairies and demons, 4, magic

charms and 5, divination* &c., &c.

From his description of these things it is evident that the people

of Central Asia and the Tibetan regions have not, in spite of their con¬

version to Islam, given up the customs prevalent among the Aryan

Hindus.

The Mughals consulted good or bad omens before important under¬

takings, as for instance —

(1) On the eve of the battle at Fatehpur Sikri between Babar

and Maharana Sanga (Sangram Singh) in S. 1584 (= A. D. 1527), the

astrologer Sharif announced that the planet Mars being in the van, the

Emperor’s defeat was certain. Babar did not care a fig for the prophecy,

seeing it was against his purpose to believe it : but all his peeple were

utterly discouraged at the astrologer’s remark, and their hearts failed

them.

(2) When prince Humayun was taken seriously ill, Babar was

advised to sacrifice the thing most precious to him, for the prince’s re¬

covery. He proposed to go round the prince’s bed, wishing the sickness

might leave the prince and visit his own person. The courtiers, be¬

lieving the Emperor would thus stake his life, tried to persuade him

* Tribes of the Hindu- Kush, pp. 9t— 98.

Jaldluddin Muliammad Ahbar.

87

1886.]

against the proposal but in vain, as Babar would not listen to their coun¬

sel. The consequences of such a proceeding are thus summed up by

Abul Fazl :

From the very moment that the Emperor did this, the prince be¬

gan to recover ; the malady descended upon Babar resulting in his

death.”*

(3) “ Jiji Anagah ” — one of the nurses of prince Akbar, being on

bad terms with another nurse Mahum Anagah by name — was very uneasy

when accused of practising magic on the prince in the eighth month of

his existence, thereby charming him to refuse to be nursed by any other

woman than herself ; but as the legend goes, the young prince to remove

her anxiety, one day consoled her thus : — “ Be of good cheer ; I will

not cease to be nursed by you, and on growing up I will hold your children

in due regard. ”t

(4) Speaking of a talismanic knife presented to Akbar by the

Raja of Kajli in the 14th year of the Emperor’s reign, Abul Fazl writes : —

“ The knife is still kept in the Imperial Treasury, and I have several

times heard the Emperor say ‘ More than two hundred persons on the

point of death from illness, recovered instantly on touching it.’ ”

(5) “ Prince Salim born with the blessings of Shekh Salim Chishti,

after the Emperor had lost some children, was not allowed to be brought

to the Emperor’s presence for two months. ”§

Abul Fazl writes this in a roundabout way, but the true reason

probably was the advice of astrologers.

There is not the least doubt of Akbar’s belief in the miraculous

powers of Shekh Salim. On one occasion the Emperor travelled on

foot from Agra to worship at the sacred shrine of Khwaja Muiii-ud-din

Chishti in Ajmere ; and again from Chitore to offer thanksgiving for his

victory gained there.

It is needless to multiply proofs in support of the prevalence of

superstitious customs among the Mughals. Superstition having a strong¬

er hold upon the minds of females than those of males, I fancy Hamidali

Banu Begam, Akbar’s mother and his guardian from his infancy till

long nfter his accession to the throne, was possibly instrumental in keep¬

ing his birthday a mystery, as no one could be more anxious for his

safety. She might have reported the 5 th Raj jab to Abul Fazl and other

courtiers, as it is not easy to conjecture that they could have remembered

the birthday during the troublous times when Akbar was born — the

Begam’s report was trusted, and horoscopes were prepared accordingly.

* Akbar Namah, Vol. I, pp, 144—145.

f Akbar Namab, Vol. I, p. 225.

X Akbar Namah, Vol. II, p. 431.

§ Akbar Namah, Vol. II, p. 435.

88 Kavi Eaj Shyamal Bk^—Hirthday of the JEmperor Jaldluddin, ^c.

There is, however, one other alternative ; that is, that the anthers of

the “ Akbar Namah,” the “ Tabaqati Akbari,” and the “ Mnntakhib-nt-

Tawarikh ” might not have liked to publish the true date even if they

knew* it — to show their care for their master’s safety, and thus to evince

their loyalty to him, who was also swayed by superstitious feelings parti¬

cularly till his fortieth year.

VI.

It might be questioned why attention has not been directed to the

account of the Emperor Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar’s birth recorded

by Akbar Jauhar in the Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat ?

This could not be, because Jauhar was a person of low position,

literate enough just only to enable him to read and write in the ordinary

routine of business : he put down a record of the events just as they

passed, to serve the purposes of a private record, but written with the

greatest sincerity.

As he was not learned, his production has no claims to erudition,,

like those of the other authors, whose books were generally studied.

Jauhar’s work probably lay as a hidden treasure for years and years

after his death, and was brought to light only when European scholars

commenced their researches, and it was they who appreciated it fully ;

as a happy result of this we are placed within reach of manuscripts of

the work.

Akbar Jauhar had no interest in altering the birthday of Akbar, for

as I have already said his were private records ; moreover he has corro¬

borated his statements fully, never losing the thread of the narrative.

Therefore, I conclude that the Emperor Akbar was born on Saturday

the 14th Shaban in the Hijri year 949 [corresponding to the 15th of the

bright half of Margsir, 1599 of the Vikram era = 23rd November A. D.

1542] as recorded in the “ Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat ” by Akbar Jouhar, Hu-

mayiin’s ewer-carrier.

I trust the worthy members of the Society will express their own

opinions on the points here discussed ; and I shall very thankfully insert

in my work, the result of their researches if satisfactory.

* This is probable of Abul Fazl, who after writing several horoscopes of Akbar

that do not tally, says : —

“It is but meet that everybody should not know the actual account of the

birthday of a sample of creation (like Akbar).

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY. LITERATURE, &c.

No. II.— 1886.

The Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the Qhaznavis in Mdward-

un-Nahr and jpart of Khurdsdn. (With some unpublished coins.) — -

B^j E. E, Oliver, M. L 0. E., M. R. A. S,

To Englishmen in India the history and geography of Central Asia

are matters that have always commanded considerable attention, and of

recent years “ the progress of events ” has forced them into recognition

as matters of interest, possibly vital interest, to Englishmen everywhere.

But beyond the outlines of certain well known historical features and a

few famous names, our knowledge is still very indefinite and uncertain ^

and an attempt to fill in the details for any particular time or State,

difidcult in the extreme. The history of the Middle Ages in the East

may be said to be still unwritten. The whole is made up of struggles

for supremacy by various races, conflicting tribes, and petty chiefs, who

founded innumerable dynasties, the very names of which, with the cities

and territories they ruled, are now unknown, or at best can be traced by

evidence the most slender and obscure.

Not the least valuable among such evidence is the numismatic.

“The coins of the Muslim East”, as Mr. Stanley Lane Poole writes in

a recent work, “do not so much recall history as make it.” The right

to coin money in his own name, and of being mentioned in the Friday

prayers was one of the most cherished privileges of every Muhammadan

who could in any way get himself recognised as a ruler, and, fortunately

L

90

E. E. Oliver — Declifie of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

for history, his vanity in this respect has made his coinage richer in

names, places, and dates, than perhaps any other. His own, his father’s,

and his son’s names, the contemporary Khalifah, the name of his

Suzerain and of his father, his titles, the place of mintage, the date,

and sometimes even the month, are occasionally to be met with on the

same coin ; a little history in itself which as a check on the native

chronicles becomes invaluable.

Comparison of such evidence on a sufficiently large scale would in

time enable us to clear up the history of many now entirely obscure

periods. Such comparison is, however, only possible under the most

exceptional circumstances, discoveries of large hoards of coins are very

few and far between, and though from time to time a few worn coins

with strange Kufic inscriptions of curious interest do find their way to

the bazars of Northern India, they are of course rare, and collectors

being now so numerous, it is highly improbable that sufficient will fall

to one individual to serve any useful purpose. The Indian ofiicial is

moreover handicapped in many other ways, by the want of books of

reference, and of information as to what has been done already, and still

more by the want of time for anything outside his immediate work at

the State mill. The most practical suggestion is that of Mr. Stanley

Lane Poole in the last number of the Numismatic Chronicle to compile

from all sources a History of the Muhammadan Empire as established

by coins, comparing the leading cabinets of the world. And for the

purpose of such a Fasti Arahici every coin accurately described may

prove of value. Such a reason may perhaps serve as an excuse for the

publication of the few I have met with, in preference to waiting in. the

probably vain hope of completing a series.

If not indeed to make such description in telligible, at any rate to

give something of interest to the dry numismatic bones, it is desirable to

make some effort to cover them with what has been so far ascertained of

the history of their whilom owners, and at the risk of trespassing on

ground already explored by past masters in the art, I have endeavoured

to bring together in a brief and imperfect sketch an outline of the

decline of one and the rise of another dynasty on the banks of the

Oxus.

Mawara-un-Nahr, literally “ what is beyond the River,” is perhaps

not so convenient a term as Transoxania, or the Greater Bukharia of old

European writers, but is more accurate. By it may be understood the

territory bounded on the North by Tashkand, on the Bast by Farghanah

or Khokand. on the South by Balkh, and on the West by lOiwarazm or

Khiva ; of which the capital was Samarkand, and under the Samanis,

Bukhara. The Samanis themselves were originally natives of Khurasjin,

1886.]

Ghamavts in Mdward- un-Nahr ami part of Khurasan. 91

and incorporated tlieir own heritage there with their new dominions,

some portions more or less of Khurasan at least so remaining till the

fall of the dynasty.

The authorities used are mainly the Tabakat-i-Kasiri of Minhaj-i-

Siraj, with Major Raverty’s notes, the Kitab-i-Yamini of A1 Utbi.

Vambery’s History of Bukhara, with the selected translations from other

chroniclers to be found in Elliot’s Historians of India. And it is perhaps

needless to add that what follows here has pretensions to nothing beyond

being a sketch.

Asad bin Abd-ullah “ the Good and Friend of the oppressed,”

Viceroy of the Khalifah in Khurasan, wa/S implored by a nobleman of

Balkh, named Saman, one of the remaining followers of Zoroaster, to

assist him against enemies who had expelled him from his city. Asad took

up this nobleman’s cause and reinstated him in his home, upon which

Saman showed his gratitude by embracing the faith of Islam, and

named his first son after his protector, Asad.

This Asad had four sons, who following their father and grandfather’s

new creed devoted themselves to the cause of the Arabs, and rapidly

rose to power and fame. Their swords were needed in the cause of the

Faith, and the Khalifah Mamiin promptly recognized their “ talents,

capabilities, bravery and innate nobility of mind,” and conferred terri¬

tories upon them. To Kuh was granted Samarkand, to Ahmad, Farghduah

to Yahya Shash,* the modern Tashkand and Isfanjab,t and to Ilyas,

Hirat. This was in 204 H! when GAassan bin' Ubbad was the Khalifah ’s

Viceroy in Khurasan. Succeeding Khalifahs confirmed the grants, the

government of Samarkand passing at Kuli’s death to his brother Ahmad,

who, of all the brothers appears to have been the moat sagacious, ener¬

getic, and powerful. In addition to Farghanah the whole of Kashghar

and Eastern Turkistan to the frontier of China is said to have come

into his hands, and his fame, as one of the most upright and best

Princes of the dynasty “was celebrated throughout Iran and Turan.”

He died at Samarkand in 216 H. and' was succeeded by Kasr, one of a

family of nine sons.

* Shash was also the name of the territory in Mawara-un-Nahr on the Jaxartes,

the inhabitants of which were Mnsalraans of the Ghuzz and IQialj tribes,

t A city towards Turkestan.

92 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmanis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

Na9r I 261—279 H.

A man described as of many virtues, but of weak and suspicions

nature, who to a great extent was indebted to the support of a younger

brother, Isma’il, for the establishment of his throne. The dynasty of

the Tahiris* had closed with the deposition of Muhammad (a) in 259 H.

but there were still powerful members of the family, who with others

were rival claimants to the Samani family lands. Husain bin Tahir(5)

had been plundering and laying waste Bukhara. Ya’kiib bin Lais(c),

Saffari, had among other successes taken Hirat in 256-7 H. Hishapur

and Bukhara in 259 H., and the inhabitants of all these territories

were split up into innumerable parties. Especially was this the case

in Bukhara where certain of the nobles applied to Nasr for protec¬

tion. Isma’il was forthwith despatched and made his entry as Nasr’s

representative in 260 H., the latter’s name being forthwith substituted

in the Khutbah (Friday prayers) and Sikkah (money issue) for that of

Ya’kub bin Lais. The government of the territory was formally con¬

ferred on Isma’il in 261, who became universally popular, his popularity

being materially increased by a severe defeat inflicted on Husain bin

Tahir who had advanced on a fresh plundering expedition. He was too

popular in fact to please Hasr, who now tried to depose him, and was

only prevented by the intervention of mutual friends. Hasr still jealous

and suspicious, soon sought new cause of quarrel and in 272 H. moved

against his brother with a large army. Isma’il was joined by his

friend and ally Rafi’ bin Harsamah who had been made the deputy

governor of the Khalifah in Khurasan. f For the time being hostili¬

ties were avoided and in 273 Rafi’ managed to patch up a peace, but

within 15 months the quarrel was revived and a fierce and obstinate battle

* The Genealogy of the Tahiris was as follows ;

I. Tahir-zu-l-Yaminain (of the two right hands) 205 — 207 H.

1 Governor of Khnrasan after Ghassan bin ’Ubbad

II. Talhah 207—213

At Bukhara, Bust, &c.

III. 'Abd-Ullah 213—230

’AH

I

Mus’ab

Nishapur

Nishapur &c. Some time deputy for III.

I

IV. Tahir 230—248 SuHman

’Ajam, Merv, &c. Tabaristan

I I

(!>) Husain (a) Y. Muhammad 248 — 259.

Khwarazm Bukhara, &c. Defeated and deposed by Ya^kub

bin Lais 259 H (c)

t Deputy to Muhammad bin Tahir.

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-Nahr and 'part of Khurdsdn. 93

took place (275 H.) in wliich Nasr was entirely defeated and taken prison¬

er. The victorious Isma’il showed the greatest generosity and respect to

his brother as head of the Samani house, forgave him, and induced him

to return at once to Samarkand, remaining his lieutenant in Bukhara.

For the next few years Nasr remained quietly at Samarkand where he died

on the 22nd of Jumadi-ul-awwal, 279 H.

Isma’il 279—295 H.

Isma’il assumed the government of Mawara-un-Nahr, as of all the

territory which his brother had held, making Nasr’s son governor of

Samarkand, and choosing Bukhara for his own residence, receiving the

usual diploma of investure from the Khalifah. Such recognition had by

this time become practically a matter of indifference, the Khalifate having

ceased to be respected as a civil power and the Court of Baghdad only

maintaining itself by a series of small intrigues. In fact at the very

time A1 Mu’tazid-b’illah was accreditingc Isma’il the “ Defender of the

Faith and of the Klialifate against all enemies ” he was sending secret

orders to ’Amrii bin Lais, the Saffari, to attack and overthrow him. The

result was a war lasting some seven years, which only terminated by the

total defeat of ’Amru under the walls of Balkh, who was taken prisoner

287 H. and sent by Isma’il to the Khalifah to dispose of as he deemed

fit. The Khalifah rewarded want of success by causing ’Amrii to be

paraded on a camel through the Baghdad streets and thrown into prison,

where he was either starved to death or beheaded about 290 ; while to

Isma’il he sent costly gifts and a further diploma investing him with the

sovereignty of Khurasan from Bastam (the modern Shahrud) eastwards

as far as Balkh. and northwards from Kain, by Sijistan, ’Irak, and

Mazandaran to the Oxus. It is from this date, 287 H. that Isma’il

is by many writers spoken of as the first of his dynasty entitled to be

called a sovereign Prince. At the beginning of his reign he had defeat¬

ed the ’Alawi Muhammad bin Zaid* in Tabaristan, had disposed of the

remaining claimants of the Tahiris, defeated and reduced to subordinate

governors the Saffarisf in Sijistan and Balkh. and in a series of cam¬

paigns defeated the Turks on his northern border. Bukhara was now

the virtual capital of the Central Asian States. “ The power of the ruler

on the Zarafshan,” (Scatterer of gold) ; says Professor Vambery “ extend¬

ing northwards to the confines of the Great Desert, eastwards to the

Thien-Shan mountains, southwards to the Persian Gulf and the northern

frontier of India, and westwards beyond ’Irak to within a few days’

* Muhammad bin Zaid nl ’Alawi, a descendant of the Khalifah. ’All.

t Some particulars of the Saffaris are given subsequently.

94 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

journey of Baghdad.’’ Isma’il’s representatives governed the towns of

Merv, Nishapiir, Rai, Amol, Kazvin, Isfahan, Shiraz, Hirat and Balkh.*

He was well-known as a religions and pious prince, not less famous as a

brave soldier than as remarkable for his love of justice, humanity, and

taste for learning. He could have had but short respite from his pro¬

tracted wars, repelling the invasions of Turks on the north, or waging

crusades at the bidding of the Lord of the Faithful, but he did great

things for Bukhara, which under his rule became the centre of wealth

and learning for nearly half Muhammadan A.sia. For details regarding

his encouragement of science and literature, his patronage of eminent

theologians and scholars, the palaces he erected, the schools he founded, his

efforts for the encouragement of manufactures and for an improved water

supply, a reference must be made to the chapter in Vambery’s Bukhara,

in which city the name of Isma’il Samani is still venerated. He was

born at Farghanah in the month of Shawwal 234 H., was 15 when his

father died, governed Bukhara for 20 years as the representative of his

brother Nasr, and for 14 years independently, dying on Tuesday the 14th

of Safar 295 H. his title then becoming Amir-i-Mazi, “ the Late Amir.”

Abu Nasr-i-Ahmad 295 — 301 H.

• •

That is, Ahmad the father of Nasr, the eldest of Isma’il’s four sons,

afterwards designated Amir- i- Shahid, “ the martyred Amir” succeeded.

“A prince of ungovernable temper and warlike tastes, but without a

trace of his father’s pacific virtues.” His first act was to seize his uncle

the governor of Samarkand and imprison him in Bukhara, his next, to

punish the governor of Tabaristan who fled to Baghdad. He then marched

on Sijistan against the Saffari Mu’addil who had assumed the sovereignty,

but who was promptly subdued and imprisoned, Abu Salih bin Mansur, the

son of Ahmad’s uncle, being established as governor. Subsequently the

Sijistanis revolted and confining Abu Salih in the fortress of Ark set up

’Amru bin Ya’kub of the house of Lais in 300 H., whereupon Ahmad

promptly re-invaded them and ’Amru surrendering, another Samani

governor was set up. Ahmad’s severities, and the execution of certain

of his retainers, soon, however, raised enemies in his own house ready to

assassinate him. He is said to have lived in constant fear of his life and

to have had two trained lions secured every night near his sleeping

apartments. The precaution being omitted one night, his own servants

seized the opportunity, and earned for him the title of “ Martyred,” on

day the 23rd Jamadi-ul-akhir 301 H. His mint towns observed are

Samarkand, Shash and Andarabah.

* His mint towns represented in the British Museum are, Samarkand, Shash,

Andarabah, Balkh, Ma’adin, and Nishapur.

95

1886.] Ghaznavis in Maward-un-Nah^' and ^ art of Khurasan.

Nasr II 301— 331 H.

Surnamed Abn Salih and afterwards entitled Amir-i-Sa’id, the

“ August Arnir,” then a boy of 8 or 10, was taken from the harem to

succeed his father ; Abu ’Abd-ullah Muhammad bin Ahmad al Jihani

being appointed Regent. The Regent was a sagacious and moderate

man who administered the government with a firm hand, but the ex¬

treme youth of the Amir encouraged a refractory spirit among many of

the nobles and governors in the Provinces. Ishak Samani, with his

son Ilyas* revolted at Samarkand and two campaigns were undertaken

against him before he was finally defeated. Mansur,* another son of this

Ishak, at one time governor of Rai, raised the standard of rebellion at

Nishapiir in 302, and Husain ’AH the governor of Hirat joined him.

Mansur died, and Husain was captured, and imprisoned, but subsequently

pardoned. In 307 Ahmad bin Sahl also an Amir or governor of Hirat,

a faithful partizan of the family but to whom promises had been broken,

rebelled, was beseiged, imprisoned, and died. In 309 troubles arose

in Tabaristan. The ’Alawis had not only recovered from their defeats

under Isma’il and Ahmad, but began extending their authority over part

of Kliurasan. They too were defeated, but peace was not restored, fresh

partizans appearing in some quarters as fast as dislodged in others, and

some years of desultory fighting ensued before Hasr could re-establish

the Samani power in that Province again. Hirat seems to have been a

scene of constant change. In 309 Abu Mansur-i-Jihani was appointed

governor. In 311 Shah Malik son of Ya’kiib bin Lais, Saffari, was

beaten off after four months’ investment by one Simjur. In 319 Abu

Zakria-i-Yahya Samani* successfully attacked the city, leaving a slave

Karatigin in possession. Almost immediately Hasr himself arrived and

re-established Simjur. In 321 Mansur the son of ’AH was appointed

and held it for three years, when it was conferred upon Muluimmad bin

Hasan bin Ishak. The same year, 324, Abu-l’-Abbas Muhammad bin Al-

Jarrah took it, and sent his predecessor bound to one Balkatigin. In 329

Balkatigin was himself removed from the government of Hirat which was

again conferred upon Abu Mansur-i- Karatigin. This would appear the

first mention of Balkatigin, or of a Balkatigin, and it was also during

this reign that Alptigin is first spoken of as one of Hasr’s mamelukes or

slaves, though it is not until the reign of Huh I that he is mentioned as

Amir.”

Nasr as a ruler appears not to have been without talents, and in

spite of difficulties to have retained the territories of his predecessors in¬

tact, if indeed he did not somewhat extend them. His range of mint

* See Genealogical Table of the Samanis.

96 E, E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

cities, as far as known, is more extensive, including Samarkand, Bukhara.

Shash, Balkh, Nishapiir, Muhammadiyah, Kumm, Andarabah, Ma’din,

Binkith, Akhsikat, and Tamkat-Ilak, of which some are difficult to iden¬

tify. He died in Rajab 331 H. after a reign of 30 years, extending over

four of the Khalifahs. Of his three sons he had named the youngest but

was actually succeeded by the eldest.

Nuh I 331—343 H.

The reign of Nuh the first, styled Amir-i-Hamid, “ the Laudable

Amir,” like that of his predecessors was made up of a long series of wars

and revolts, and even more than Ahmad or Nasr he was in the hands of

his officials. The Samanis in place of leading themselves, became more

and more the puppets of the Turks, who had already begun to assert

their power as the dominant race. Null’s wars commenced with a cam¬

paign in 332 against Rukn-ud-daulah, the Dialamah or Buwiah, who

had seized Rai. Abu ’All, Null’s general, who, after two campaigns

succeeded in restoring order, demanded the Viceroyalty of IGiurasan as

his reward, and on being refused broke into open rebellion. Abii Ishak-

i- Ibrahim, Niih’s uncle and rival, obtained powers from the Khalifah,

joined the rebellion, and seized upon the high lands of ’Irak and part of

Khurasan (335 H.) and but for the rebels quarrelling among themselves

Nuh, would have lost his throne. He had in 332 put down the rebellion

in Merv, and in 335 proceeded there again on the same errand, the

nobles and soldiery showing signs of disaffection. On succeeding his

father he had appointed as Wazir and entrusted with the administration

of affairs, Shams-ul-Aimmah, a man Minhaj speaks of as having “ by

his enlightenment and just administration annoyed and irritated the

rebellious party beyond measure,” who was now charged by a section of

the army with being the cause of all the confusion and division in the

State, and demanded as a victim. “ Give him into our hands,” they said

“ or we will join your uncle.” Niih was constrained by necessity to deli¬

ver the Imam into the hands of these tyrants, and they brought him

forth. At the entrance to the royal residence there stood two tall white

poplar-trees. These they bent downwards, and, fastening each of that

unfortunate minister’s feet to a branch of either tree which was nearest

it, let the trees spring back again into their upright position, and the

great man was torn asunder.” The risk of being too famous as a “ just

man ” was even greater under the Samanis than among the Athenians.

But the sacrifice of the minister did not postpone the evil day. Abu ’Ali

the general went over and joined Rukn-ud-daulah, and a fresh revolt

resulted in the latter becoming the independent ruler of Khurasan, the

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-nn-Nahr and part of Khiirdsdn. 97

Buwialis* extending their power to Shiraz, the Samanis being confined

very much within their original frontiers of Trans-Oxania.f Niih died

after a reign, in no other way especially remarkable, of 13 years, in 343 H.

’Abd-ul Malik I 343 — 350 H.

The son of Nuh, a boy of 16, was selected by the nobles to succeed

him, the real business of State being carried on by the Wazir Abu Man¬

sur Muhammad bin A1 ’Aziz, and the Commander-in-chief, Abu Sa’id-i-

Bakir. The Amir or his advisers seem to have heartily endeavoured to

restore the power of the Samanis in the West, though the best the gener¬

als could succeed in obtaining were tolerable conditions of peace, but no

submission. The final conclusion of the treaty with the Buwiahs seems

to have brought the Commander-in-chief under suspicion, for both he and

the Wazir were subsequently put to death by the Amir’s order, the com¬

mand of the troops being in 346 H. entrusted to Alptigin, the Hiijib or

chamberlain. It may here be noticed it was in this reign that according

to Baihaki a merchant named Nasr, a Haji, speculated in a slave named

Sabuktigin, and brought him to Bukhara, where Alptigin purchased

him, and took the slave along with him when he went as governor of

Tukharistan, and subsequently when the government of Khurasan was

entrusted to him, Sabuktigin accompanied his master, who after many

vicissitudes of fortune finally took him to Ghaznin.

Abdul Malik was passionately devoted to field sports and ‘‘ chival¬

rous amusements ” which gained for him the title of Abu-1 Fawaris, the

“ Father of Knights,” he was also called Amir Rashid the “ orthodox

Amir.” He died after a seven years’ reign on the 8th Shawwal 350 H.

from the consequences of a fall while playing Chaugan or “ Polo.”

Manser I 350 — 366 H.

Abu Sal ill- i- Mansur, Amir-i-Sadid, “ the Steadfast Amir,” was elect¬

ed by the commanders of troops, the heads and elders of the religious

bodies, and the law, to succeed his brother. The Amir-i Hajib Alptigin

who then held the governorship of Nishapur, was during the election at

Bukhara absent somewhere in Khurasan. He was written to and con¬

sulted, and is said to have declared in preference for the son instead of

* See the genealogical table of the Buwiahs, in which the principal territories

held by the family at different times are indicated.

' t The only mints represented in the British Museum are Samarkand, Bu^ara,

Shash and Nishapur.

M

98 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Bise of the [No. 2,

tlie uncle of ’Abd-ul-Malik, although if the latter, who died at 17, had a

son, he could have been but an infant. Whatever his advice may have

been, it arrived too late, and meanwhile hearing of Mansur's election,

Alptigin would fain have recalled it. The advice moreover appears

to have given offence, for the government of Nishapur was confer¬

red upon Ibn 'Abd-ur-Razzak, much to the powerful Turk’s asto¬

nishment, who hurried back to Bukhara, some accounts say, with a

formidable body of troops which were only stopped at the Oxus by a

strong force of Mansur’s adherents ; others that he was met by a concilia¬

tory letter assuring him of favour, turned aside from Balkh and pro¬

ceeded to Grhaznin. Whichever is true, the increasing decay of the

Samani power is as evident as the rising influence of the “ Turks,” the

former slave having now become a power in the land, and it is clear,

that about this time Alptigin went, presumably for the second time, to

Ghaznin as the Samani Viceroy and died there in 352 H. On all sides

powerful nobles were forming similar semi-independent States. In

Earghanah, Sijistan and ’Irak were revolts. The Buwiahs were masters

of half Iran, and that dynasty had now become one with which the

Samanis were not strong enough to cope. Mansur’s campaign against

them had to be brought to an end. He made peace with Rukn-ud-daulah,

and in 361 H. married the latter’s granddaughter, the daughter of ’Uzd-

nd-daulah Fana Khiisrau which prince retained possession of ’Irak, Rai,

Gurgan and Tabaristan in fief on payment of an annual tribute. Mansur

died on Tuesday the 11th of Shawwal 365 H.*

Ndn II 365—387 H.

Better known as Amir Abii-l-Kasim-i-Nuh was elected by the people

to fill his father’s throne, and, in spite of the patent of investure and

standard sent him by the “ Lord of the Faithful,” A1 Ta’i-lillah

found still more stormy days and harder fights in store for him. The

new ruler made Abu-1 ’Abbas-i-Tash the Hajib, and with him associated

Fayik-i-Khasah, or Buk-Tuzun as he is variously called, in the com¬

mand of the troops and direction of military affairs ; Tash having the

title of Hisam-ud-daulah “ the sword of the kingdom.” The son of

another Turkish slave, Abu-l-Hasan-i-Simjiir ruled in the Amir’s name

over Nishapur and parts of ]^urasan, to which was subsequently added

the territory of Tiis, if not indeed part of Mawara-un-Nahr. Abul

Hasan-i ’Abdullah son of Ahmad Al’-Utba, a member of whose family

His cliief known mints were Samarkand, Bukliara, Shash, Fargliana, Niaka-

pur, Andarabah, and Amal.

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-Nahr and part of Khurdsdn. 99

compiled tlie Tarikh-i- Y amini . was made Wazir. Kabus the son of Wasli-

mgir was made, or rather recognized, as governor in Gnrgan, and others

in outlying provinces, but in most cases such governors were practically

independent. Tash the Hajib was despatched against ’Uzd-ud-daulah

the Buwiah who ruled both the ’Iraks, but defeated. Not long after

both Tash and Simjur themselves revolted, although after some strug¬

gles both returned to their allegiance, and Abu ’All the son of the latter

was given the command of the Amir’s troops. Abu ’Ali turned out in

every way even a baser man than his father, for he had no sooner entered

the service than he commenced intriguing against Niih.

On the eastern frontier of the kingdom a new power had for some

time been growing, in the shape of the Khanate of Turkistan. Regard¬

ing the earlier of these Turkistan Khans but little is known, and that

little to a great extent unreliable. Of Tlaks and Bughras and Arsalans

there are at least two or three of each casually mentioned by Muhamma¬

dan historians, with a considerable amount of uncertainty as to their iden¬

tity, and possibly the same man is occasionally made to do duty for two

separate chiefs. The first who became a convert to Islam is said to have

been Satiik-Kujah, or Satuk Karachar, who endeavoured to extend the

belief among his people, probably about 315 or 320 H. On his death,

his son Miisa succeeded, and after Musa his grandson Abii Nasr-i-

Ahmad, bin ’Ali, bin Musa, under the title of the IlaJc Khan, the title of

riak by some being held to be the ruler of a tribe, or a leader, subor¬

dinate to a Khan. This flak bore the Musalman title of Shams-ud-daulah,

and is presumably the one who entered Marwara-un-Nahr from Turkis¬

tan in 367. The fourth was the grandson, Abu Miisa-i-Harun

Bughra Khan bin Suliman bin ITak, and though it is probably his suc¬

cessor, the more famous Ilak, who really completed the uniting and con¬

solidating the scattered Turkish States from the Eastern frontier of

Khokand to the modern Chinese province of Kansu, Bughra Khan had

nevertheless already become celebrated both as a powerful ruler and for

his successful religious wars in the cause of Islam, He had united all

the Eastern Turkish tribes under his sceptre and was now pushing his

conquests westwards, thinking to enrich himself with some fragments

of the decaying Samani empire. Ignoring the puppet Amir, and ad¬

dressing himself to the rebellious Abu ’Ali he entered Mawara-un-Nahr

from Kashghar his capital, for the first time in 372 H., and subsequently

in communication with Fayik and Abii. ’Ali with the latter of whom

he had a secret treaty to divide the country, invaded in force in 380 H.

The Samani forces were beaten on one or two occasions, the ablest

of their generals, Madawanj, being defeated near Samarkand. The rebel¬

lious Fayik would seem to have been then put at the head of the army,

100 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

and to have promptly betrayed his trust, and when Bughra advanced to

Bukhara there was nothing left for Nuh but flight in disguise with a few

faithful retainers, Buglira entering the capital in triumph in 382 H.

Fciyik, who had now declared himself his subject and been rewarded

with Isfanjab was despatched to Balkh, to collect taxes, and cause the

Khan’s names to be inserted in the public prayers and the coinage.

Bughra, however, did not remain long in Bukhara, becoming much afflicted

by a painful disease, which he attributed to the unhealthiness of the Samani

capital, he determined to return to Kashghar. As soon as he com¬

menced his retreat,* Nuh with the assistance of certain tribes of

Ghuzz Turks, viz.^ Turkomans, plucked up heart and set off in pursuit

overtaking him at Samarkand. Bughra at once faced about, and inflicted

another defeat on the Amir, but before reaching Turkistan died himself

in 383 H. He is described as a just and well-disposed monarch, the

friend of learning, and the learned, from Kashghar to Chin. It is also

worthy of note that it was in her reign, in 375, that Saljuk, the son of

Lukman, one of the aforesaid Ghiizz Turks with his family and dependents

finding their native pastures in the Karakhita too circumscribed, en¬

tered Mawara-un-Nahr for the sake of the pasturage, wintering in the

Niirof Bukhara, and summering in the Sughd of Samarkand, and living to

ultimately establish the famous Saljiik dynasty.

Niih once more retired to his faithful capital, almost the only part of

his dominions that remained so, and cast about for some alliance to

strengthen himself against his rebellious vassals. Such an alliance he

found in Sabuktigin the famous founder of the dynasty of the Ghaznavis.

Upwards of thirty years had elapsed since Sabuktigin had gone with

Alptigin to Ghaznin and several changes, which will be subsequently

noticed, had meanwhile occurred there, but the former slave, who had

now become practically the independent ruler over territory extending

from Ghaznin to the Indus, was nevertheless still devoted to the house

of his suzerain. The people of Balkh had already implored his aid

against the tyranny of Fayik, and when a similar call came from Nuh ,

Sabuktigin marched to the Oxus with a large army, including 200 ele¬

phants, halting on the way for a short holy war against certain here¬

tics and schismatics on the confines of Talkan, for which the Khalifah

rewarded him with the title of Naser-ud-din, “ The defender of the

Faith.” Null met him at Kash, and their united forces marched into

Khurasan. Abu ’ Ali although powerfully supported by the governors

of Gurgan and ’ Irak was no match for the combined armies of Niih

and Sabuktigin, with whom was his son Mahmud. A battle was fought

* The Tabakat records that he made ’Abd-ul-Aziz, an uncle of Nuh’s his regen

at Bukhara.

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-Nalir and part of Khurasan. 101

on the plains of Hirat in Shawwal 384 H., Null resigning the entire com¬

mand to Sabuktigin, in which the rebels were routed and fled to Nisha-

pur. This was the occasion when the aged Sabuktigin received the title

of Nasir-ud-daulah “ Succourer of the kingdom,” and Mahmud that of

Saif-ud-daulah “ Sword of the kingdom.” Niih returned triumphantly

to Bukhara and Sabuktigin to Ghaznin. Mahmud being nominated to. the

command of the troops with the government of the territories of Balkh,

Hirat and Nishapur, having his head quarters at the latter place.* In the

following year, 385, Abu ’Ali, who had taken refuge with Abu-l-Hasam

i-Buwiah, at Rai, thinking the departure of Sabuktigin had partly left

the field open to him, attacked Mahmud at Nishapur who after some

hard fighting was defeated and driven back to Hirat : Abu ’Ali occupying

Nishapiir, until Sabuktigin advancing with a considerable force to the

rescue, he moved forward to meet him. A severe and sanguinary battle

ensued near Tiis ; Abu ’Ali, with whom was Fayik, being utterly routed

and driven to lOiwarazm.f The Shah of Khwarazm, Abu Abdullah, in

spite of a generous appeal from Nuh, put the fugitive in irons (386),

a procedure that roused the indignation of the Viceroy Mumiin Mahmud

at Jurgan, who forthwith attacked and defeated the Shah, threw him into

the identical irons from which Abii ’Ali was released, and finally in

thoroughly Roman fashion executed him to make a holiday for a party

of friends.^ Abii ’Ali was formally pardoned by the easy going Niih, but

Sabuktigin considering him too dangerous a traitor, demanded his custody,

and threw him into prison, where he died 387 H.

But, to use the somewhat inflated langua^ge of A1 ’Htbi, the once

“ lofty flame of the house of Samani had sunk very low, and the star of

their empire almost set.” flak Nasr the successor of Bughra, the most

powerful and famous of all the Khans of Turkestan, was already on the

frontier squeezing the Revenue Collectors, and preparing for invasion

in communication with the ever ubiquitous Fayik. Sabuktigin, who since

his last victory had remained at Merv, now moved to Balkh. where he

received an imploring letter from Nuh for fresh assistance. This, after

some little consultation with his officers, he commenced active prepara¬

tion to render, meanwhile to him flak also made overtures, urged their

* Coin No. XXIX of those now figured is of great interest in this connection

confirming the accuracy of the chronicler, being struck by Mahmud the son of

Sabuktigin, about this time, as “ Saif-nd-danlah ” and governor of Nishapur, giving

also the name of his suzerain and of the khalifah who had recognized him.

f Minhaj says, Fayik was thrown into prison at Bukhara and died there, but

other writers do not agree, and Minhaj himself brings him on the scene again shortly

after.

% This on the authority of A1 Utbi, but I hare not been able to identify Mumun,

102 E. E. Oliver — Beeline of the Samcinis and the Bise of the [E’o. 2,

brotherhood of faith, and the desirability of an alliance against the feeble

Amir, who squandered his substance and neglected the canse of Islam.

In reply Sabnktigin declared his loyalty and attachment to the Samani

house, and his intention to fight all who rebelled against it. An answer,

that, plainly translated, might be read as a determination to establish

his own dynasty rather than assist Ilak or any one else to establish his.

Both sides therefore prepared for war, Niih, true to his weak and vacil¬

lating character, was helpless in the hands of any adventurer near him,

and Sabuktigin’s advice to stand firm and show himself a king, was

thrown away. He was ready to send troops, or to give fresh titles of hon¬

our, but not to do anything more ; a plan that in no way commended itself

to the stout old warrior of Gliaznin, who forthwith took matters into his

own hands, and sent his sou Mahmud with 20,000 cavalry to Bukhara ; thus

virtually deposing Hiih and insuring the reversion of the kingdom. Ilak

who, though master of a large army, was either not sufficiently prepared

to fight, or thought more was to be gained by diplomacy, now made over¬

tures of peace, and Sabuktigin, disgusted with the inertness of Huh,

accepted them, the Boundary Commission of the time fixing Kutiim as

the actual frontier, Fayik as usual receiving a solatium as governor of

Samarkand, and Mahmud returning as governor to Hishapiir. Sabuktigin

returned to Balkh and Hiih enjoyed a brief respite in Bukhara, where he

“ went to the neighbourhood of mercy ” on Friday, I3th Rajab, 387 H. in

which year also died Sabuktigin.*

Mansue II 387—389 H.

The history of the last two Samanis who occupied for some two

years the nominal throne of Bukhara, is merely a chronicle of the strug¬

gles for the fragments of the Empire. Amir Abu-l-Hirs-i-Mansiir, who

has been nominated by his father Nuh as his successor, ascended the

throne a raw and inexperienced youth, and among other of the mistakes of

his brief reign of 20 months, he committed the great one of quarrelling

with Mahmiid. To the ruler of GFaznin and the conqueror of India

his unfriendliness was a matter of small consequence ; he was pleased

to ignore it, simply keeping aloof, attending to the consolidation of his

power in Gfiaznin, and the deposition of his brother Isma’il, who had

in the first instance succeeded his father there. Fayik was again en¬

trusted with the command of the forces and again almost immediately

commenced negotiations with Ilak, by whom he was summoned to Samar-

* The only mints of Null are Bukhara, Shask, and for the early part of his reign,

Nishapur.

1886.] Gha^nams in Mdward-un-Nalir and part of Khurasan. 103

kand and sent back to Bukhara with Tnrkistan troops, the newly made

Amir retiring to Amnl. At Fayik’s solicitation he came back again, en¬

trusting the command that had formerly been Mahmud’s to a courtier

named Baktuziin. These two worthies conspired together to dethrone

him, which they did taking him from Bukhara to Balldi and thence by

Merv to Sarrakhs, where they put out his eyes, and set up in his place

Abii-l-Fawdris ’Abd-ul Malik, his brother, a mere child with whom they

went back to Merv.

’Abd-ul-Malik II 389 H.

^Abd-ul-Malik the second, cannot be said to have ever ruled, but

briefly to trace his fortunes, and the still more exciting adventures of

his brother Ibrahim, will perhaps be the most convenient way of dealing

with the events that followed. Mahmud who had disposed of the claims

of his brother Isma’il at Ghaznin, was already on the march with an

army to lOiurasan, and made the treatment of Mansur an excuse for

interference. By the time Fayik and Baktuziin had nominated ’Abd-

ul-Malik Amir, he had arrived at Balkh, from whence a very short time

brought him to the gates of Merv. The conspirators fought and fled,

but subsequently negotiated an arrangement by whith Hirat and Balkh

should be held by Mahmud, Merv and Mshapur by them, the date of

the arrangement being given as 26th Jamadi-ul-awwal, 389 H. Mahmud

giving the command of his troops to his brother ISTasr, making Balkh the

capital of his provinces west of the Kohi Baba, “ the Father of Moun¬

tains.” Hot, however, before inflicting a severe defeat on a body of Samani

nobles collected under Dara bin Kabiis, bin VFashmgir, the governor of

Gurgan, that had followed his army in hopes of plunder. ’Abd-ul-Malik

and Fayik returned to Bukhara, where shortly after in the month of

Sha’ban the latter died, ” deeply regretting and heartily repenting of all

the treachery he had committed, a contrition,” as Minhaj adds “ that came

too late.” The adherents of the Samani dynasty were all dispersed.

In the meantime Ilak had also moved uninvited to chastise the

enemies of order in his neighbour’s country, and revenge the cruelties

practised on Mansiir. He advanced from Farghana to Bukhara in the

month Zi Ka’dah of the same year giving out that his object was to render

aid to the Amir, and at the same time seizing and putting in irons a

deputation of nobles who came out to meet him. He entered the city on

the lOth of the month, any pretence was no longer necessary, the four

sons of Huh, their uncles and all other representatives of the Samani

104 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

family likely to give trouble were arrested, ’Abd-ul-Malik tlie boy Amir

being sent to a prison at ITzgand in Fargliana, the blind Mansur Ya’knb,

Ibrahim and the others being separately confined to prevent their taking

counsel together. Abii Ibrahim-i-Isma’il known to history as Muntasir

was the only one who escaped or is ever heard of again, and he for some

years made a series of gallant but abortive attempts to restore the fallen

fortunes of his house.

Muntasir, the last of the Samanis.

The adventures of Muntasir suggest a chapter of the chronicles of

the Cid, and the story as told by the contemporary A1 'Utbi offers a

characteristic bit of the intricacies of Central Asian History. Disguising

himself as a slave girl he succeeded during the confusion at Bukhara in

getting away, taking refuge for three days in the house of an old woman

in the city, and eventually in the dress of a common soldier reaching

Khwarazm. Here he was joined by a few Samani nobles and soldiers,

and received warm sympathy and afterwards assistance from Shams-al

Muali Kabus of Gurgan. To cope with an adversary like flak was hope¬

less, but for a long time he was able te carry on a desultory war on the

confines of lOiurasan and Mawara-un-Nahr. When Ilak left Bukhara

he paid that city a flying visit, capturing J’afartigin and 17 other prin¬

cipal Khans, and being welcomed by the people. His Ha jib, one Arslan-

i-Balu, defeated Tigin Khan a general of flak’s near Samarkand, but

both beat a hasty retreat on the first rumour of Ilak’s preparation to

return. At times his following became formidable and he encountered

on various occasions the troops both of flak and of Nasr, Mahmud’s

brother, who was now commanding at Nishapur and governor of Khura¬

san, and with occasional success. In 391 he succeeded in capturing

Nishapur, the Ghaznavi general falling back to await reinforcements

from Mahmud, who sent to his assistance the Hajib Altontash, the then

governor of Hirat, by whom Muntasir was driven back to the frontier

of Gurgan to find his former friend there. Shams al Muali, turned

against him. Again rallying, with the help of the Ghuzz Turks (Turko¬

mans) and their chief Bighu, he successfully attacked flak in 393, and is

next heard of as “ flying in the night ” in personal fear of his Ghuzz allies.

Now he appeals ad misericordiam to Mahmud, reminding him of the

rights of his ancestors, the Sultan’s feudal relations, of the many sorrows

and extreme distress which had been his misfortune, and breaks out into

verse which Reynolds freely translates.

1.886,] Qhaznavis in Mdioard-un-Nahr and part of Khurasan. 105

** To mine eye, on wliich thy goodness still is painted, thou art dear ;

To mine heart, v/hich oft from misery’s blows hath fainted, thou art dear ;

To a soul forlorn, to sorrow born.

Which Heaven has grudged to cheer,

That looking round, few friends hath found,

Oh, chieftain thou art dear,”

Without waiting or perhaps expecting a reply to this e:ffusion, he

makes for Mery, there unsuccessfully soliciting assistance from Abii

Ja far ; thence to Abiward, in 394, where Abu Hasr, a gene^;al of Mah¬

mud’s lends him active support, and the two attack and are beaten by

the Shah of Khwarazm. ISText with a few followers, who seem to have

stood faithfully to him through every calamity, he makes for Isfarayin,

only to find that city closed against him. Then crossing the Oxus once

more, he is met by the cavalry from Bukhara and narrowly escapes

with his life. At this crisis he falls back on his Grhuzz-Turk friends

again, the military governor of Samarkand joining him with 3,000 men,

and the citizens sending him 300 “ picked Turks and a supply of money.”

So that he is sufficiently formidable to first alarm, and subsequently

defeat, the forces of flak, near the village of Burband in Sha’ban 394 ;

the Ghuzz coming in for abundant loot. Flak is now roused, assembles

an army and inflicts upon him a crushing defeat, the Gfiuzz having

meanwhile gone off with their loot. This defeat seems to have been

a final one, Muntasir retreating to Balkh from which place his flight, like

the hunted hare, was in a long continued circle. From Balkh he fled to

Kohistan.* Hasr the Ghaznavi general, Arslan Jazib the prince of Tus,

and Tughanjak Prince of Sarkhas hurrying after him, he continues his

course to Jumand and Bastam, where Shams-ul Muali, of Gurgan, with

2,000 body-guards, takes up the running to Bibar and Nisa. Beguiled

by false promises he is induced once again to attempt Bukhara and

arrives at Shah Hamad his few attendants wearied with long marches

and their long continued run of ill-luck. Deserted by his worn out

followers, with no supplies, or other means of further resistance, he re¬

treated to the encampment of a nomad Arab tribe, and sought shelter

in the tents of one Mali Rue the “ moon-faced ” chief of the tribe. In

A1 ’Utbi’s words, “ when the night arrived the vile Arabs of this Arab

made a sudden attack upon him and spilt his noble blood upon the

first day of the month Rabi-ul-awwal, in the year 395, and they buried

his remains in marshy ground of the irrigated country of Mardam.”

Moon-face,” it is satisfactory to note, was afterwards put to death

for his brutality by Mahmud, whose sympathies were aroused for the

unfortunate Muntasir.

* The troops both of Mahmud and ITak were on the look out for him.

N

106 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Else of the [No. 2,

Thus ended the dynasty of the Samanis, Muntasir being the last

of his house. With him a family became extinct which for the space of

nearly a century and a half had ruled over a large part of Central Asia,

“ and whose members,” as Vambery writes, “ may therefore with truth be

regarded as the founders of that religious and social polity which was

regarded by the Muha*mmadans of three continents, as the nearest ap¬

proach to the golden age of Islam, and is in consequence still to this day

held in high venemtion. Baghdad and other cities of Western Asia

were open to all manner of free-thinkers, but Bukhara. Balkh, and

Samarkand, were, under the Samanis, the special refuge of the Muham¬

madan scholars and zealots * * *. The political supremacy of Bukhara

over the different tribes of Central Asia, which has been maintained up

to modern times by the rulers on the Zarafshan, may be traced to a

similar origin. The deference paid by the mighty Sabuktigin to Bu¬

khara, a deference imitated in later times by Afghans. Indians and ITzbegs,

began during the period of the greatness of the Samanis. They repre¬

sented the last Iranian dynasty in the land of the ancient Iranian civili¬

zation and the importance of the legacy left by them to their Turko-

Tartaric successors on the throne of Transoxania cannot be overrated.”

Tlak Nasr at Bukhara 389-- 403 H.

Abu-1- Hasan-i Nasr flak lOian, the son of ’Ali, who is described as

the brother of Harun-i Bughra, now that the Samani family were re¬

moved, ruled unopposed in Mawara-un-Nahr, and not long afterwards,

he wrote to Mahmud congratulating him on his inheritance of the king¬

dom of IQiurasan and proposing a friendly alliance, with a settlement of

boundaries, all the trans-Oxus territory to appertain to him, and all

Madtin-un-Nalir, or Cis-Oxus, to Mahmud. Tlak probably at this time

was, at least nominally, acknowledged ruler of all the territory from the

borders of China to the Caspian Sea. Mahmud’s ambition was in the

direction of India, and some such treaty and alliance seems to have been

made about 396 H. and for some time friendly relations to have been

preserved. An embassy was sent by Mihiniid, consisting of Tughanjak

Prince of Sarklias and Abii-l-Ta’ib Sahl bin Sulaiman, Sa’luki the Imam

of the sacred traditions, who is described as one of the singular schohvrs

of the age — “ sound in controversial tact, casuistical divinity and lunar

calculations ” — to demand the hand of Tlak’s daughter for his son

Muhammad, a young lady, — “ the unequalled pearl ” who was subse¬

quently married to another son Masa’ud, and the most valuable presents

were interchanged on both sides. Such an alliance, however, proved but

1886.] Ghaznavis m Mdivard-un-Nahr and part of Khurdsdn. 107

temporary, for no sooner had Mahmud proceeded on one of his expeditions

to India, to where he had gone the same year, (396), than flak seized

the opportunity for invasion, sending Sub’ashitigin* with a large force

to occupy the country Cis-Oxus, and a general, Ja’fartigin, to invest

Balkh. Sub’ashitigin advancing as far as Hirat, Arslan-i-Jazib the

Princef of Tus, who had been established there by Mahmud, fell back

to G^aznin in accordance with the previous instructions left him.

Mahmud who at the time was at Multan, which city he had just

taken, no sooner received the news than he hastened back to Ghaznin.

arriving, says one chronicler, in 40 days, beat off Ja’fartigin from

Balkh, and sending Arsian with 10,000 cavalry in advance, pressed Sub’-

ashitiginso hard, the latter had to abandon the most of his baggage, entrust

a subsequent instalment to the Shah of Khwarazm, and save himself by

flight across the desert. “ So hot was the pursuit there was not even

an opportunity for bathing” says A1 l/tbi. flak who was himself

trans-Oxus made an unsuccessful attempt to divert Mahmiid by sending a

further force of 6,000 cavalry under Ja’afartigin. This was in 397 H,

Flak now prepared for a fresh struggle, allying himself mth Kadr Khan

the ruler of Khutan, a city to the east of Yarkand, who may possibly

have been his brother, and moved on Balkh with a large army, includ¬

ing 40,000 cavalry. The preparations of Mahmiid were also on a large

scale, for in addition to his Afghan, Turkish, and Hindu troops, was a

contingent of the Grhuzz (Turkomans). The armies met near Balkh and

the order of battle was arranged with great care on both sides. Mah-

miid assigned the centre to his brother Kasr, Abu Kasr Farighiini, and

Abii ’Abdullah Tai, with a force of Kurds ; the Hajib Altuutash com¬

manding the right and Prince Arsalan Jazib the left ; himself holding

a force of 500 elephants in reserve. Flak placed Kadr Khan with the

Khutan army on the right and Ja’afartigin on the left, himself taking

the centre with a picked force of Turkish troops, who appear to have

done great execution, and for some time the fortune of the day was doubt¬

ful, but Mahmiid finally heading a charge with the elephants on Flak’s

centre, turned the scale, and gained the victory. Flak was now finally

driven back to Mawara-un-Kahr, many prisoners being taken, and num¬

bers of his followers drowned in the Oxus. Khondamir asserts with con¬

fidence that this was in 397 H. but the date generally accepted is the 22nd

Kubi al Akhir 398 H. Mahmud next turned his attention to certain of

his provincial governors who had been unfaithful to their trust, including

Khalaf bin Ahmad of Sijistan, who for the second time had been found

* Khondamir says “ Siashitigm.”

f A petty chief.

J Some accounts put his contingent at 30,000 men.

108 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Saradnis and the Rise of the [IS'O. 2,

intriguing with I'lak, and if he had not rendered actual assistance, had

encouraged his invasion ; and who in consequence was now permanently

imprisoned in the fortress of Juzdaz in Kabulistan^ Shortly after, in 401,

Mahmud again departed for Hindustan, against the fortress of Bhimnagar.

riak, who at the battle of Balkh, must have been pretty well

advanced in years, never seems to have recovered from the disappoint¬

ment of that defeat, and though he nourished the hope of revenge, time

did not permit him to gratify it, for he died in 403 H.*

Tughan or TugIn Khan 403 — 408 H. and Arsalan Khan.

Sharf-ud-din Tughan, or Tugin, Khan now succeeded him in Ma-

wara-un-Nahr and Turkistan, though it is probable he may have ruled

territory prior to this, and it is more than likely that though ruling in

Bukhara, the seat of his government was Kashghar. His authority was not

unquestioned even in parts of Ma wara-un-Nahr, while immediately be¬

yond was a general struggle for power. Every man did very much

what pleased him, some had united to oppose ITak, others were nomi¬

nally subordinate to Mahmud, but at any time ready to set up petty

kingdoms for themselves. The Turkish nomads spoken of as Ghuzz, a

term that probably included tribes scattered over most of what is shown

on modern maps as Turkistan, and who have since come to be famous

as Turkmans or Turkomans, have been several times referred to, and, as

also noticed, some of these had moved with their flocks and herds to the

pasture lands of Bukhara and Samarkand, in fact had established them'-

selves on both sides of the Oxus. There they stayed, for it can hardly

be said they settled, embraced Islamism, and were ready to take sides in any

expedition that offered prospects of plunder. The chief named Beghu,

mentioned as assisting Muntasir against Ilak, a chief variously stated

to have been a commander under Saljiik, or a son of Miisa bin Saljuk,

and the uncle of Tughril Beg, was probably one of the first founders of

the Saljuk family which was then coming rapidly to the front rank and

became, within a year from the death of Mahmud, 422 H. a power of more

importance than ever the Samanis had been.

Major Raverty and most authorities give the name as Tughan, and

the former suggests a possible derivation from tughan the Turkish for

falcon — the “ falcon knight,” but on the coin No. XVII of the annexed

plates, which is in exceptionally good preservation, the mint, Bukhara,

* The mints on the British Museum coin of Tlak are Bukhara and Khujandah.

to those may be added Samarkand and Farghana on coins now figured. Of Mansur

II or Abd al Malik II Samanis no coins are known.

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-NaJir and 'part of Khurasan, 109

»

and the date, 407 H. beihg quite clear, the name appears to read

Jafari (?) Tagin and M. de Tiesenhausen in a notice of Count Stro-

ganofE’s collection describes a very similar coin (Ko. 31) of the same

name struck at Bukhara in 406. The first name may be doubtful, but

the last cannot be read Tughan the is clear. It is therefore possible

the name of this Khan was Tagin, and it is not probable a rival Chief

ruled in Bukhara during these two years, although there were rival

Afrasiyab Khans there shortly after, as for instance ’Alitigin, against

whose tyranny Mahmud was appealed to on more than one occasion.*

In 408 his dominions were invaded by a vast horde of settlers from

Chin who had been displaced from their own lands, to the number of

100,000 tents, (khargahs) equal to that number of families. The

Khan resented the invasion in the name of Islam, summoning all be¬

lievers to his assistance, and though himself ill at the time, after much

fighting drove them back, vast booty and many captives falling into the

hands of the “ Musalman Turks ” and their allies. He died the same

year, and was succeeded by another brother Abii-l-Muzaffar-i-Arsalan

Khan, also styled Al-Asam, “ the deaf.” It was in this year that the prin¬

cess, ‘ the casketed gem of Tlak Kasr,” who had previously been be¬

trothed to Mahmud’s eldest son and who was afterwards married to

Mas’iid, arrived at Balldi, which capital was illuminated ; and it was

not long after that Mahmud made over to Mas’ud the government of

Khurasan, with Hirat as his head quarters. Some accounts show this

Arsalan as fighting with Mahmud in 410, and overthrown, but Mahmud

appears to have made an expedition to India in 409, and another in 410,

when he was absent from Ghaznin some four years. The date of Arsalan’s

death is un('.ertain.

The Subsequent Khans of Turkistan.

History in the matter of these Turkistan Khans or Afrasiyabi maliks,

as they are variously called, is nearly as uncertain as regarding the pre¬

decessors of riak. Some are mentioned as more or less intimately con¬

nected, both by marriage and alliance, with Mahmud and his immediate

successor Mas’ud, and as a considerable power beyond the Oxus ; others

again in connection with the Saljuks, with whom they also intermarried,

and who after a time may be looked on as the suzerain power to which

they were at least nominally subject. These warlike, plunder-seeking

sons of the desert kept moving further forward to the rich cities of

* On the other hand No. XXI Yhf the coin figured seems to read Tughan Khan

but without mint and date or much legible the name of the Khalifah al Kadir

B’illah.

110 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnts and the Rise of the [No. 2,

Khurasan and after Mas’ud’s time their chief strongholds were probably

Bal]A on the east and Nishapur on the west, from whence their influence

gradually extended, till some of their chiefs met the crusaders in Syria,

but it seems doubtful if they were ever able to maintain themselves in

Mawara-un-Nahr. The substance of power there remained with the

Turkistan Khans, or their representatives.

According to Major Raverty,* the eighth in order of succession

was Kadr Khan, son of Yusuf, son of the Bughra Khan-i-Harun but numis¬

matic evidence goes to show that more probably Yusuf was the son of

’All, the brother of this Bughra. He is described as a prince of great

justice and goodness and to have entered into a fresh treaty with Mah¬

mud. One authority, Gardezi, says, the complaints by the Musalmans

against the Afrasiyab Khan ’Alitigin of Bukhara had reached Mahmiid

at Balkh in 415, and he advanced to deliver them, upon hearing which

Kadr Khan left Kashghar, met him at Samarkand and there arranged

the treaty. Fasihi, however, puts the date at 419, about the time

Mahmud seized Isra’il the Saljuk and sent him off to Kalinjar in India.

In 417 two of Kadr Khan’s brothers, Kaya and Bughra, are stated to

have sent envoys to Ghaznin proposing a matrimonial alliance. Mahmud

replied it was not the custom to give the sisters and daughters of Musul-

mans to infidels, but if they would become Muhammadans the matter

would be considered. Subsequently it was agreed that his daughter

Zainab should be betrothed to Yughantigin, afterwards Bughra Khan II,

Kadr’s son ; while the latter’s daughter was also to be betrothed to

Mas’iid. Kadr Khan is shown as dying in 423 H.

The IXth Arsalan Khan the second. Major Raverty calls the son of

Bughra Khan-i-Harun, and says at that time Arsalan was Lord of Kash¬

ghar, Khutan, Khujand, and Bilasaghun. It is very unlikely, however,

that a son of Bughra’ s would have been shut out of the succession for forty

years, and on two or three of the coins now figured, the name of Arsalan

is associated with Yusuf as a title or family name, and on one of those

described by M. de Tiesenhausen (No. 32) the name reads Arsalan Tlak

Yusuf bin ’Ali which would point to his being a possible brother of Kadr

Khan (No. VIII). Some hostility arose between Arsalan and a Bughra.

also described as a brother, by whom he is made captive and imprisoned.

This Arsalan is the person to whom Mas’iid of Ghaznin sent a despatch

after the battle with the Saljuks at Dandankan a fort near Merv, in

431 H.t

* The account of the following Khans is mainly taken from Major Raverty’s

notes to the Tahakat.

t As before remarked there is an amount of uncertainty as to the identity of,

these various Arsalans and Bughras. The first Arsalan, brother, of flak is shown

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-mi-Nahr mid fart of Khurdsd^i. Ill

The Xth ^ was the son of Kadr, Yughantigm or Bughra Khan the

second, then Lord of Bank! or Taraz and Isfanjab (a town on the borders

of Tnrkistan). He nominated a son Ja’fartigin his heir, on which the

mother of Ibrahim, a younger son poisoned him with several of his

Amirs and also put an end to Arsalan the second who was still in con¬

finement, in 439 H.

The Xlth was the son Ibrahim, who was killed on an expedition

against Binaltigin, or Xialtigin on which he had been sent by his brother,

and with him the direct line terminates. It may also be noticed that an

Ibrahim named Tamghaj or Taghmaj Khan is mentioned by one author

as flourishing about this time.

The Xllth Abu-l-Muzaffar-i-Tafkaj Khan, the son of another

Ibrahim bin Nasr. He had previously been a ruler of Samarkand under

the sovereign and now succeeded to the throne, dying of paralysis in

460 H.

The Xlllth Shams ul Mulk Xasr, known as the ^akan, was a son

of Taf-kaj. He married the daughter of Sultan Alp Arsalan, the Saljuk,

who in 453 or 454 undertook the subjugation of Turkistan, but had to

abandon the enterprise and return from Kashghar to the aid of the Khali-

fah. Alp Arsalan’s son, afterwards famous as Sultan Malik Shah, married

a niece of Xasr’s named Turkan Khatun and on at least one or two

occasions Malik S'hah invaded the Khan’s dominions. In 468 he entered

Mawara-un-Xahr and deposed Sulinuin Khan who governed at Samarkand,

and by way of teaching this governor to behave himself, he was made to

walk all the way to Isfahan on foot, but was subsequently restored. In

471, Sultan Malik Shah came again and finally removed him. Xasr died

in 472 H.

The XIVth was Khizr Khan, a brother of Xasr, who died soon after.

The XVth Ahmad Khan the son of Khizr. or of another brother

Ja’far, whose tyranny became so notorious that Sultan Malik Shah marched

into Mawara-un-Xahr to coerce him. Ahmad was defeated and sent to

his aunt, Turkan Khatun, but after awhile restored to the sovereignty.

In 488 H. he was put to death for heresy.

as succeeding in 408, but notliing is known as regards his death. The second is

said to be advanced from the over-lordship of Kashghar &c. to sovereign power in

423. It is not quite clear that they were different persons.

So also the Kadr^an who is mentioned as furnishing such material aid to

I'lak at the battle of Balkh in 398 is not afterwards accounted, for while in the

Tabakat the Kadr^an who concludes a treaty with Mahmud in 416 or 419

is called the brother of the late I'lak, Gardezi calls him cousin. They may be

the same. Possibly further numismatic evidence may help to clear up the diffi¬

culties.

112 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [^o. 2,

The XVIth Mahmud Khan, son of an uncle of Ahmad, but of which

uncle does not appear, succeeded both in Turkistan and Mawara-un-Kahr

but in the year 490 H. Dabkiili-i-Tughan lOian. son of Kara Khan

marched an army against him and slew him.

Tiie XVIIth was Kadrkhan. or Kunduz Khan, bin ’Umr Khan,

bin Ahmad lOian (No. XV). In 495 H. he invaded part of Khurasan,

and in Shaban of the same year, Sanjar son of Sultan Malik Shah

defeated him near Tirmiz and 23ut him to death.

The XVIIIth Muhammad Khan, or Arsalan the third, by some called

Ahmad, a son of a sister of Sanjar’s by Suliman bin Daud bin Bughra

(No. X) and who for some time before had been in exile succeeded in

495 H, In 523 Sayyid Ashraf the ’Alawi with the people of Samarkand

rebelled against him and some say slew his son Nasr ; others that the

two septs of Karlughiah and Grhuzz Turks who formed a large part of

Arsalan’s army, combined with Nasr were induced by the Samarkandis to

revolt, and the latter was executed. Arsalan had called upon his uncle

Sanjar for aid, but suppressed the outbreak before any arrived, he had,

however, fallen under suspicion of plotting against the Saljuki, and

Sanjar advanced against Samarkand, took it in 524, and deported Arsalan

to his brother-in-law, at Merv. Arsalan was restored to the throne by

Sultan Sanjar in 526. The year of his death is not recorded. It is also

noticeable that in 522 Aghuz the Chini with a vast horde invaded

Kashghar. He was driven out, but the same authority speaks of his

successor as the Gur Khan, a name that shortly became famous.

The XIXth Hasantig^in bin ’AH bin ’Abd-ul Mumin, more com-

monly called Abu-l-Ma’ali Kuliji- i-Tamghaj. a man of the same family,

was then raised to the throne by command of Sultan Sanjar but died

shortly afterwards.

The XXth Rukn-ud-din Mahmud Khan, bin Arsalan (No. XYIII)

and great nephew of Sultan Sanjar, sometimes also called Khakan, was

raised to the throne by his great uncle’s support in 526. In 531 he

encountered the Gur khan of the Karakhitai in battle within the limits

of Khujand, but was defeated and compelled to retire to Samarkand.

Sultan Sanjar advanced with a large force to his assistance but was also

defeated in 534, and about this time it may be said the suzerainty of

Mawara-un-Nahr was transferred from the Saljuks to the tribes of Nor¬

thern Turks once more. Mahmud Khan forsaking his country and pos¬

sessions, went to Khurasan with Sultan Sanjar, and remained at his court

till the latter was taken captive by the Ghuzz, when as a temporary mea¬

sure he was raised to the sovereignty of Khurasan. Shortly after Sanjar

escaped and died in 552, when Mahmud had a stormy reign of 5^ years as

nominal sovereign again, he was finally blinded by a former slave of

Sanjar’s, Mu’ayyid-ud-din, and died in 558 H,

1886.]

Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-NaJir and part of Khurasan. 113

The XXIst a Tamgliaj Khan bin Mnhammad Khan, but what

Muhammad does not appear. He became the governor of Mawara-un-

Nahr after Sanjar’s imprisonment by the Ghuzz, but possessed little be¬

yond nominal power, and his reign was short and stormy. He was

tributary to the Kara Khitais, who continued to hold sway until finally

driven out by Muhammad Khwarazm Shah. He was subsequently slain

by the Karluhs or Karlughs, and his corpse cast into the desert in 550

or 551. Tamgliaj it may be mentioned appears as the name of a territory

in Turkistan, and is also a dynastic name.

The XXIInd Jalal-ud-din ’All son of Hasantigin (Xo. XIX) also

entitled Khizr Khan, and by some Jaghar Khan, succeeded with the

support of the Kara Khitais, but as in the case of his processor, and

subsequently of his successor, who was styled the Khakan of Mawara-

un-Xahr, was entirely subordinate to the Giir Khans, and when lyal

Arsalan Khwh’azm Shah marched an army to Bukhara aiid Samarkand

in 553 the Tlah of the Turkan with 10,000 men was sent by the Giir-

khan to his assistance. The length of his reign which must have been

long is uncertain, as is the date of the accession of his son.

The XXIIIrd Snltan ’Usman bin Jalal-ud-din, who on account of the

antiquity of his race was styled Sultan us Salatin, and who was said to

be a second Yusuf in beauty. He solicited the hand of a daughter of his

suzerain in marriage, but the Giir Edian refused, for which very reason

Sultan Muhammad Khwarazm Shah gave him a daughter of his own in

606. Great friendship arose between ’Usman and his father-in-law,

which was afterwards turned to equal resentment, for ’Usman threw

over Muhammad and was making overtures to the Giir Khan, when the

former marched against Samarkand, and at the instigation of his own

wife, Khan Malik by name, ’Usman was put to death in 609 H. and with

him finally ended the Afrasiyab dynasty. Sultan ’Usman it was who

is said to have interceded with the Kara Khitais, and saved the life of

Sultan Mu’izz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam Ghiiri after his defeat at

Andkhud in 601 H. and enabled him to escape.*

The Dynasty of the SaffarIs. 255 — 300 H.

In immediate subjection to the Samani kings, and subsequently

more or less closely identified with the Ghaznavi rulers to whom in

* In the genealogical tree appended I have endeavoured to show as far as

possible, in a tentative way, the relationship of these Turkistan khans. There

is, however, much still wanting to make an intelligible account of them possible.

Perhaps numismatic material may exist in some of our Indian cabinets to suppli-

ment, and in many respects correct this.

114 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Samdnis and the Rise of the [No.

turns they became subordinate, were the semi-independent governors

of Sijistan or Nimroz, who succeeded, and were allied to, the dynasty

of the Saffaris. The following short summary may help to make their

connection with the period clearer.

According to the Tabakat, Ya’kiib, ’Amru, ’Ali and Mu’addil,

were four brothers the sons of Lais, the Saffar or worker in brass, who

was the head of the braziers of Sijistan in the days when Ibrahim was

the governor and Salih the deputy governor on the part of Muhammad

Tahii', the last of the Tahiris, then Amir of Khurasan. Lais is described

as a restless refractory fellow with a large following, and his character

seems to have descended to his son Ya’kiib, who caused Salih to be

put to death, armed his followers, seized the deputy governor’s palace,

declared himself Amir, and raised an army that in a brief space not

only made him master of the situation, but enabled him to start a career

of conquest of his own. Having raised his army he led it towards

Bust, and Zawulistan, Zamin-i-Dawar and Ghaznin, subduing the whole

of them, thence advanced into Tukharistan an ancient district of

Balkh ; Balkh itself, and on to Kabul, with uniform success. In

256 he returned to Sijistan and subsequently advanced to HirM which

cost him much fighting before he obtained possession of it. After this

he took Badghais, Bushanj, Jam, Bakhurz, and in 259 Nishapur, where

he seized Muhammad-i-Tahir with his treasure and followers, and hav¬

ing visited Gurzau and Tabaristan, and extorted tribute, again returned

to Sijistan, setting free Muhammad-i Tahir who found a refuge at the

court of the Khalifah in 261. His brother ’Amru he made governor

of Hirat, and after one more excursion into ’Irak he died at lOiandah-

i-Shapur a town of Ahwaz in 265 H.

The Ilnd was ’AMRti, the brother, who on succeeding withdrew

his forces from ’Irak and the year following (266) moved to Hirat

and thence to Nishapur before the gates of which he was defeated by

one of the Tahiri Amirs and fell back on Hirat. In 271 the Khalifah

deposed him, and declared the government of Khurasan given back

to Muhammad-i-Tahir, sending one Rafi’ bin Harsamah as his deputy,

who joined his forces with the Tahir Amir’s. But in 284 ’Amru

defeated them and sent Rail’s head to the Khalifah at Baghdad with a

request that he, ’Amru, might now be recognised as the governor of

Mawara-un-Nahr, Khurasan, Nimroz, Ears, Kirmau, Ahwaz, and the

guardian of the entrance of the Palace of the Khalifahs ; moreover that

the name of ’Amru should be mentioned in the lOiutbah and inserted

on the coins of Makkah, Madinah, and Hijaz. All of which demands

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-Nahr and part of Khurasan. 115

seem to have readily agreed to by the Khalifah’s court and the usual

dresses of honour and counter-marks of favour and distinction ”

sent him. At the same time, it will be remembered the Baghdad court

had just conferred similar favours on Isnia’il Samani. No sooner had

Amrii proceeded to take possession of Mawara-un-Nahr, than Isma’il

advanced from Bukhara and crossed the Oxus to prevent him. How

’Amru was defeated under the walls of Balkh in 287 and sent a pri¬

soner to the Klialifah, and the fate he met with in Baghdad has already

been noticed. Arrajan is his only mint represented in the British

Museum.

The Illrd Tahir the grandson of ’Amrii was then set up, and

after a somewhat chequered career, in which he was once or twice in

possession of Bars, was defeated by a rebel slave, a Sigizi, and together

with a brother of Ya’kub’s, deported to Baghdad and there made a

public show of like his grandfather, dying in 296 H. Two of his

known mints are Bars and Zaranj.

The lYth Lais bin ’All another son of the Brazier, who entered

Bars from Sijistan, attacked and drove out the Sigizi slave but was

again driven out by the Sigizi reinforced by troops of the Khalifah.

Soon after, however, this Sigizi withheld the Khalifah’s share of the

revenue and was in his turn driven out to the wilds of Khurasan. In

the same year, 296, Abu Nasr-i- Ahmad Samani obtained possession

of Sijistan, taken prisoners several of the Saffaris, and leaving his

cousin Abii Salih Mansiir as governor. Lais bin ’All is said to have

died in Bars in 298 H. Bust is his only mint in the British Museum.

The Vth Mu’addil the brother of Lais (No. lY) assumed the

sovereignty in 299 driving out the Samani governor, upon which Ahmad

Samani despatched a large army under some of his principal nobles,

Hasain ’Ali, Marw-ar-Rudi, Ahmad bin Sahl, &c., to whom Mu’addil

surrendered at discretion and was taken to Bukhara and thence sent to

Baghdad, which city would seem to have served as the Jericho of the

time.

116 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [N^o. 2,

The Vlfch ’Amri5, great-grandson of the ’Amru the son of the

Brazier attempted the sovereignty in 300 H. when again Ahmad

Samani despatched a force under the above-mentioned nobles, but after

a defence of 9 months ’Amrii. surrendered his capital, and the territory

of Sijistan received a Samani governor ; who is not mentioned.

The Governors of Sijistan. 300 — 393 H.

1st. Shortly after the above events Ahmad said to have been the

grandson of Tahir, (No. Ill above) who was living in distress at Hirat,

attracted the notice of Nasr the II, Samani, and had bestowed upon him

the government of his native country, Sijistan. From Ahmad there

follows a period regarding which there appears little beyond numis¬

matic evidence, and that very scanty. How long Ahmad was governor

was unknown, but from a coin in the British Museum, struck at Sijistan

in 306 No. II Kasatyar bin Ahmad would appear to have been then

governor.- Whether immediately after or no is not known but he must

have been followed by

No. Ill KhALAF. whose coinage both gold and copper shows him

to have ruled at Sijistan from at least 325 to 334 H. and during the

Khalifat of A1 Mustakfi and A1 Muti’. This of course may have extended

either or both ways. The copper coin now figured as No. XXVII is

very nearly identical with the one in the National Collection, with the

exception that the date reads 334, as compared with 325. A Khalaf is

mentioned as the son of ’Abu Ja’far bin Lais, but which Lais is un¬

certain, and this Khalaf as being the father of a Muhammad who again

was the father of an Ahmad. Giving this genealogy for what it is

worth the

(? IVth) Ahmad bin Muhammad, would, from another British

Museum coin, appear to have been the governor of Sijistan in 340 H.

but as regards the length of his rule all dates are wanting. His suc¬

cessor was presumably

(? Vth) Khalaf bin Ahmad, whose biography has been noticed at

length by several contemporary writers. At times’ in direct subjection

to the Samanis, making a pilgrimage in 353 to Makkah, leaving his

son-in-law, Tahir bin Husain, to act as his deputy • obtaining aid from

Mansur bin Nuh on his return to drive out the deputy, A1 Husain bin

Tahir, who in the meantime had succeeded his father, and usurped.

Again on the withdrawal of the Bukhara troops asserting supremacy

and engaging in expeditions of his own. Rebelling . against Nuh bin

1886.] Qhaznavis in Mdward-un-Nalir and part of Khnrdsdn, 117

Mansur, by whom his capital was invested. Intriguing with and

against the Gliaznavis. Joining Sabuktigin with a contingent, who

sends back his forces with honour and consideration only to find him

intriguing with Tlak. Subsequently seizing provinces of Mahmud’s,

whose uncle Bughrajak was slain by Khalaf’s son Tahir at Fushanj in

390. By Mahmud he is beseiged in the fortress of Tak, reduced and

has to make abject submission. Anon in 393 abdicating in favour of

his son Tahir,* but thinking better of this, treacherously putting the

latter to death. Again besieged by Mahmud whom he flatters by ad¬

dressing as “ Sultan ” and has Juzjanan assigned as his residence.

Intriguing once more in 398 with Ilak, and dying the following year

in close confinement in the fortress of Juzdez. He was reputed a

learned and intelligent man, and by his command a commentary on the

Kur’an in 100 volumes at a cost of 100,000 dinars, was compiled.

A1 Husain bin Tahir whose coin is in the British Museum is most

• ••

probably the man who was deputy for a brief period, for after Khalaf

the sovereignty of Sijistan or Himroz remained in the possession of the

rulers of Ghaznin for some time, until, by the support of the Saljiik

Sultans, Alp Arsalan and Malik Shah a great-grandson of Khalaf, by

name Tahir bin Muhammad bin Tahir bin Khalaf, obtained the

government of the country, and became the first of the “ Maliks of

Sijistan and Kimroz ” as chronicled in the Tabakat.f

The Early Rulers of Ghaznin. 322 — 388 H.

It has already been noticed that the earlier Muhammadan rulers

in Ghaznin were governors subordinate to the Samani sovereigns, and it

is in association with the latter that most notices of Alptigin and

Sabuktigin occur. That they were termed “ Turkish slaves ” does not

necessarily imply that they were slaves in the common acceptation of the

term. Although described as purchased by the Samani nobles, they

filled the position of trusted advisers, were entrusted with high civil

and military commands, ranked among the chief personages in the

State, and in fact very soon became its masters. It is unnecessary to

recapitulate the few particulars given regarding these two more famous

names, while to attempt any complete outline of the reign of Mahmud

or his successors in Ghaznin would be beyond the scope of this already

lengthy paper, but in connection with some of the coins figured it is

* After this date money was coined in Sijistan in the name of Mahmud,

t A genealogical tree showing the relationships of the Suffaris and Sijistan

governors is appended, [See also Major Raverty’s article on “ the Kings of the

Saffariun dynasty” in J. A. S. B. Pt. I. for 1885, p. 139. — Ed.]

118 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [IS’o. 2,

necessary to briefly notice sacli scanty information as is available rela¬

ting to the early governors, who have been almost entirely omitted from

general history.

Of the origin of Alptigin, or Albtigin, beyond that he was a “ Turk ”

the slave of the Samani dynasty, no reliable account is forthcoming.

According to Fasihi and others, he was born in 267 H., a date more than

doubtful, as it would make him 79 when appointed commander-in-chief

in Kliurasan. There is more evidence to show that he displaced

“ Lawik* and captured Ohaznin first in 322 H., and from that time

had more or less to do with the administration of affairs there, although it is

exceedingly improbable that his residence was continuous. In 346 he is

spoken of as the Hajib and commander-in-chief of ’Abd-ul-Malik Samani

and by him also entrusted with the governorship of Hirat to which

place he sent Ishak-i-Tahiri as his deputy. In 350 he had become one

of the most, if indeed not the most, powerful Amir at the Samani court,

holding among other offices the governorship of Nishapur. After some

little friction with the court in connection with the election of Mansiir

the first to the throne, he went to GAaznin in 351, and in 352 H. he

died there, and was succeeded by his son Ishak.

The governor Lawik, long a competitor for power in G-haznin.

almost immediately attacked Ishak who was either defeated or con¬

sidered it more desirable to retire on Bukhara, whither he was ‘‘ ac¬

companied (in 353) by his father’s slave Sabuktigin”. At Bukhara he

obtained the formal investiture of government, and returned reinforced,

Fasihi says the following year, to Gliaznin, Lawik taking to flight.

After a year at Ghaznin Ishak died (early in ?) 355 H., and was

succeeded by Balkatigin, formerly chief of the Turkish troops under

Alptigin.

Balkatigin as a successor of Ishak has been passed unnoticed by

most historians. In Muhammad ’Ufi’s Jami'ul Hikayat he is in two

stories spoken of as ruler in Ghaznin, a brave but hard-drinking Amir,

with Sabuktigin as his watchful Hajib and general-in-chief, who on one

occasion at least saves Balkatigin’s life. And in the Tabakat-i-JN'asiri,

Minhaj-i-Siraj quoting from the last volumes of Abii-l-Fazl-i-Baihaki,

who wrote in the time of Mahmud, gives a circumstantial account of his

* The question as to who was Lawik, the Wali of ^aznin, is full of interest, but

unfortunately history is a blank regarding hina.

1886.] Qhaznavts in Mdivard-un-Nalir and part of Khurasan. 119

elevation to power as follows : “ Bailiaki states, that during the reign

of Abd-ul-Malik-i-Niih, the Samani, there was a merchant named Nasr,

the Haji who purchased Sabuktigin and brought him to Bukhara.

Perceiving in his countenance evident signs of capacity and energy,

the Amir-i Hajib, Alptigin, purchased him. He accompanied his master

into Tukharistan, when the government of that territory was entrusted

to him ; and subsequently, when the government of Khurasan was

made over to Amir Alptigin, Sabuktigin attended him thither also.

After some time had passed away, Alptigin, through the vicissitudes

of fortune, retired towards Grhaznin. and subdued the territory of

Zawulistan, and wrested Ghaznin out of the hands of Amir Abii-Bakr-i-

Lawik.

“ Eight years subsequent to these events Amir Alptigin died, and

his son, Ishak, succeeded to his father’s authority. He entered into

hostilities against Lawik, but was defeated, and retired to Bukhara,

to the court of Amir Mansur, son of Huh, Samani, and there continued

until that ruler directed that aid should be afforded to him, when Ishak

came back again to Gliaznin, and regained possession of it. After a

year Ishiik died, when Balkatigin, who was the chief commander of the

Turkish troops, was raised to the government. He was a just and pious

man, and one of the greatest warriors of his time. He exercised the

authority for a period of ten years,* and died. Sabuktigin was in his

service.

“ After the death of Amir Balkatigin, Piri succeeded to the autho¬

rity. He was a great villain ; and a body of people wrote from Ghaznin

to Abu ’Ali-i-Lawik, and invited him to come there. Abii ’Ali-i-Lawik

acceded to their request, and brought along with him the son of the

Shah, or king, of Kabul to assist him. When they reached the vicinity

of Charkh, Sabuktigin with a body of 500 Turks, suddenly fell upon

them, and defeated them, he also captured ten elephants, and brought

them to Ghaznin.

“ Such a great suecess having been gained by Sabuktigin and all

having become quite sated with the villanies and misdeeds of Piri,

wuth one accord they raised Sabuktigin to the direction of affairs. On

Friday, the 27th of the month of Sha’ban 366 H., the sovereignty of

that province was settled upon him.”

Mr. Thomas in the 2nd of his papers on the coins of the kings of

Gdiaznin,t puts the date of Alptigin’s conquest of that city as 351 H.,

which is also the date given by Ferishta, and no doubt represents the

* Copies of the work differ in regard to the number of years he reigned.

t Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Yol. IX, article IX, March, 1847, and

Vol. XVII, article V, read March, 1858.

120 E.E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

date of his final visit, and quoting the Tabakat sentence beginning — “Eight

years subsequent to these events ” fixes his death in 359 H. But there

is no reason why “these events” should sjDecially refer to Alptigin’s

going to Gdiaznin, and might equally relate to Sabuktigin’s purchase.

Indeed a few pages further on, the Tabakat gives the date of the birth

of Mahmud as occurring “ on the night of ’Ashura, the 10th of the

month Muharram in the year 361 H., in the seventh year of the govern¬

ment of Amir BalJcdtigin at Qhaznin. Mr. Thomas mentions the

occurrence of Balkatigin’s name on certain coins struck at Balkh in

324, but considering hoAV frequently the governors of these cities were

changed, there is nothing at all improbable in his having held that

charge, and inserted his name on the coinage there, as he subsequently

did on the coinage of G-liaznin. Among the coins noticed by Mr.

Thomas in the same paper is one described by M. Dorn* as struck in

359 H. by Balkatigin as ruler of Gliaznin, with the name of his Samani

suzerain, Mansur bin Nuh. The description is as follows :

Obverse | tir — || ^ || || I ^

Margin j aI** [ |5.a J dlJt

Reverse || || aBi || || || aB

Margin illegible.

“ The name of the mint can stand for nothing but Ghaznah.”

The legends of the coin now figured as No. X are very similar,

though the mint and last figure of the date are wanting, what is left

looks more like the final of than anything else, which would

make it 355 H. Major Raverty in his notes to the Tabakat gives the

death of Balkatigin as occurring in 362 H., but does not quote his

authority, the ill-conditioned Piri succeeding him. In the following

year (363) Piri, or rather Sabuktigin for him, is said to have fought a

battle with an army advancing from India for the purpose of seizing

Ghaznin and to have completely defeated it. In 366, as given in the

extract from the Tabakat above quoted, he was deposed, and Sabuktigin

installed.

The acknowledgment of the Samani line as Suzerains or Lords

Paramount, by the insertion of their names on the coinage, still con¬

tinued, and was common to all the Ghaznavi rulers, Sabuktigin, Isma’il,

and Mahmud himself, at any rate until 389 H. when the house as¬

sumed independency ; Sabuktigin being a particularly loyal supporter

of the house. No. XI of the coins now figured is however an interest¬

ing novelty, probably a very early coin of Sabuktigin’s struck for

* In the Bulletin de 1’ Academie des Sciences de Saint Petershourg in 1855.

1886.] Ghaznavia in Mdwara-uu~Nalir and part of Khurasan. 121

Indian circulation, possibly as the Hajib of Balkatigin. In the first of

his papers above referred to, Mr. Thomas notices the early appropriation

by the Giaznavi monarchs of the device of the bull of Siva (hfandi),

superscribed by the words Sri Samanta Dev, as first used on the coins

of the Brahmanical kings of Kabul, and shows that the Ghaznavis had

associated themselves in this way with their Indian possessions, by. the

combination of Mahometan titles with the old Hindu designs at least

as early as the time of M’adiid in 432 H. In the second paper he gives

examples of very similar pieces with the names in Kufic letters of

Mas’iid 421 H., and of Muhammad, his brother and predecessor.* In

the coin now figured — from the Akra mounds near Edwardes-abad — the

elephant and lion device of the Brahmanical kings has been rudely

copied, with on the obverse the name in Kufic of Sabuktigin, and ou

the reverse hajib, the chamberlain or commander.f The three

rings were possibly symbols of strength and unity, or as ingeniously

suggested by Vambery, “typical of power encircling the three zones,

borrowed from the heraldry of ancient ’Iran,” and subsequently adopted

as a sign mark on the coinage of Timur. Some Indian cabinets may

very possibly possess other similar Ghazni coins. Mr. Thomas notices

four published in the earlier Journals of this Society, on which the

Sanskrit inscription had not been clearly made out, but having the

special title of Sabuktigin “ Kasir-ud-din-allah ” clear in Persian.

Such coins might reasonably be expected to be even common.

The Muslim conquerors for many reasons would probably find it both

politic and convenient to continue for some time the local monies of the

various provinces, and as a matter of fact, all over India, the coinage

of newly conquered States, more especially the copper or mixed coinage

in current use, remained in most cases long unaltered. Pure silver and

gold was more easily recalled and re-issued, but even with this a very

favourite plan, particularly with the Central Asian dynasties, was

counterstriking the coin.

Sabuktigin ruled Ghaznin for a period of twenty years dying in

387 H., at the age of 56, at the village of Madru-mue on the frontier

of Balkh. His sons were Isma’il, Kasr, Mahmud, Husain, Hasan, and

Yiisuf. Isma’il, who is always mentioned as playing a very subor-

* A woodcut of the former is ^iven at pa^e 58 of his Pathan kings. The obverse

having the recumbent Bull with 5^ the reverse the horseman with

in Kufic above the horse’s head.

t Along for comparison is given the obverse of a copper coin of similar size

of Sri Samanta Deva. Both are rude, but thei’e is a sad falling off in the Ghaznavi

lion, while the elephant is hardly recognizable.

P

122 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Samanis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

dinate part, and in all his father’s campaigns seems to have been

ignored, but who was in Ohaznin when his father died, succeeded,

and was dethroned by his brother Mahmud in 388, after an offer of the

sovereignty of Balkh which he refused. Subsequently in 389* he was

sent to the fortress of Juzjanan, and nothing further is heard of him.

Mahmud was now recognised by the Khalifah, who in forwarding

the robe of honour, added to his former titles that of Yamin-ud-daulat

wa Amin ul-millat, ‘ right hand of the Empire and Guardian of the

religion, and, the Tabakat adds, styled him “ Sultan. ”f His sonMas’ud

became another “ right hand of the Empire,” a “ defender of Orthodoxy,”

a guardian of the true religion and of the true believers, the regulator of

the Faith, and the friend of the Lord of the Faithful.” In the same

year 389 H. Mahmud had also returned to Ediurasan.

The chief events of his reign there have already been dealt with.

His accession to the throne of Ghaznin marks his almost immediate rise

to the supreme Muhammadan power in the East. “ During these days,”

as A1 ’Utbi puts it, “the victories of the kingdom and royalty of Yamin-

ud-daulat and Amin al Millat commenced, and subsequently as time

advanced, the tablet of his kingdom was gladdened, and the flame of

his Empire blazed, and the star of his prosperity rose to a degree of

happiness and power, until the -pulpits of Islam became illuminated by

the might of his august surnames, and his decree was current as destiny

in all tracts and portions of the world ; for God maketh royalty to

come unto whom he willeth, and God is bounteous and wise.”

* These are the dates given by Fasihi and may be accepted as most probable,

t There is, however, no evidence that he ever adopted the titles.

1886.]

Ohaznavis in Mdwara-un-N'alir and part of Khurasan. 123

GENEALOGY OF THE SA'MA'NI' DYNASTY.

Whicli, according to the Tabakat, is from Midad, by Karkin, Bahram

Jash Nash, Bahram Chubin, Nushad, Niishir, Tamghan, Jashman, and

Saman-i-khaddat to

Asad

r ^ r 1

Nuh (a) Ahmad (6) Yahya (c) Ilyas {d)

_ I _ ^ _

r I, I III 1,1,1,

1 Nasr I 2 Isma’il (e) Isliak (/) Mansur Asad Ya’kub Hamid Yahya Ibrahim

r“i' I 1 '

Ahmad Nuh Ilyas Yahya 3 Ahmad (g) Mansur Ibrahim Yahya

r

-)

4 Nasr II Abu Muhaminad-i-Mansur Ishak-i-Ibrahim (j) Zakria-i-Yahya (k)

i I , , 1

5 Nuh I Isma’il Muhammad

r

6 ’Aud-ul-Malik 7 Abu Salih-i-Mansur (?) Abdul Aziz (n)

r

1

8 Nuh II (?) ’Abu Salih (?) ’Abu Zakaria

r II 'i 1

9 Mansur II 10 ’Abd-ul-Malik II Muhammad Ibrahim (m) Ya’kub

(a) Governed Samarkand. (b) Farghanah and afterwards also

Samarkand, Kashghar and part of Tnrkistan. (c) Hirat and adjacent

parts, (d) Shash and Isfanjab. (e) Governed Bukhara before succeed¬

ing Nasr. (/) Abu Salih Mansur, the son of this Ishak governed Bai

and subsequently Sijistan, where the people revolted and shut him up

in Ark. Both Ishak and Mansiir revolted in the remn of Nasr II 302 H,

* • •

(g) Governed Gurgan before succeeding, (j) Seized the highlands of

’Irak and i^urasan 335 H. (k) Attacked Hirat 319 H. (w) Abii Ibra-

him-i- Isma’il, called Muntasir, who for several years carried on a desul¬

tory warfare. (n) Said to have been left as Regent at Bukhara by

Bughra Khan in 383 H.

124 E. E. Oliver — Beeline of the Sdmdnis and the Itise of the [No. 2,

SKETCH TREE OF THE TURKISTAN KHANS.

(HOUSE OF AFRASIYAB.)

1, Satuk-kujah

T

2, Musa

I

’Ali

8, Tlak Khan I (Abd Nasr-i-Ahmad Shams uddaulah)

J ,

Saliman

r

4, Bughra Khan (Abu Musa-i Harun) 'AH

6, Tlak Khan II (Abu 1-Hasau-i-Nasr) 9, Tughan or Tigin 7, Arsalan I (?) Yusuf

C ^ ^ ^ i i .

9, Arsalan Khan II 8, Kadr Khan Kaya Khan Bughra Khan

daughter m Mas’ud of Ghazni 10, Yuqhantigin or Bughra Khan-?r Zainab

I [Mahmud’s daiighter

r

Ja’fartigm

11, iBRAHfM Khan I

1

Daud

Nasr

Sultan Sanjar’s sister m — Suliman

_ J

18, Muhammad Khan (Ahmad) or Arsalan III

Ibrahim

I

12, Tafkaj Khan

Nasr 20, Rukn-ud-din Mahmud Khan

r r: i 'I

18, Nasr (the Khakan) — m daughter of Alp Arslan, ’Isa 14, Khizr Khan

r : r ^

Sultan Malik Shah m daughter of (Turkau Khatun) 16, Ahmad Khan

r

Nasr

16, Mahmud Khan

r

’Umr Khan

_ J

17, Kadr or Kunduz Khan

Abd ul Mu min

’Ali

I

19, Hasantigin 21, Tamghaj

22, Jalal ud din ’Ali Khizr Khan

28, SultXn ’Usman — m daughter of Muhammad Shah of Khwarazm.

1886.] Ghaznavts m Mdward-un~Nahr and part of Khurasan, 125

This table is only given as tentative. It does not agree entirely

with Major Raverty’s dynastic list, and in some other respects alterations

may be necessary. But it may serve for comparison with other informa¬

tion and inscriptions on other coins.

SKETCH TREE

OF THE SAFFARfS AND SIJISTAN GOVERNORS.

Lais-i-Saffar “ The Brazier”

I Ya’kub 255-265 II, ’Amru' 265-287 'Ali Mu’Mdil

’ ' J 1

r — r r

Muhammad IV, Al-lais 293-298 V, Mu’addil 298

III, Tahir 287-293 Ya’kub

(?) VI, ’Amru 800

I Ahmad

II Kasayyar [304-319 ?]

\

and Muhammad

I

, I

Abu Ja’far

III Khalaf [320—340 ?]

- - (?) -

I

Muhammad

IV Ahmad [340 — 344 ?]

(? V) Khalaf 354—893

I

c - ^ 1

Taiiir Abu-1 -Hifs daughter m — Tahir

Muhammad (? VI) Al Husain

Tahir made a governor under the Saljuks. The first of the rulers of Sijistan

and Nimroz in the chronicle of the Tabakat.

126 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Due of the [No. 2,

GENEALOGY OF THE DAILAMIS OR BUWrAHS.

(After Stanley Lane Poole)

Fana ]^usrau Dailami

!

Buwiah

I, ’Imad (Fakhr) ud

DAULAH, AbU-L-HASAN-

i-’Ali Fars, A1 'Irak A1

’Ajami. 320—328 H.

i 1

II, RuKN ud DAULAH, AbU III, Mu’iZZ UD DAULAH, AbU-

’Ali-i-Hasan Ar-rai, l-Hasain*i-Ahmad. Kar-

Isfahan. 320 — 366 man, al Ahwaz, Baghdad

A, al U* 320—356.

r I 1

VI, Muayyid ud V, ’TJzd ud daulah, YII, Fakhr ud dau- IV, Izz ud daulah,

DAULAH, Abu Man- Abu-Shuja-Khus- lah, Abu-l-Hasan- Baktyar Karman,

RAU Fars, Al ’Irak ’ Ali Hamadhan, Ar al Ahwaz, Baghdad

from I, Karman, Rai from II, Is- from Ill, A. al U.

al Ahwaz, Baghdad fahan from VI. 356—367.

from IV, A. al U. 365 — 387.

339—372.

SUR Isfahan from

II. 366—373.

r

VIII, Sharaf ud daulah,

Shir Zaid, Abu-l-Fawa-

ris-i-Makan. Fars, al

’Irak Karman &c. from

V, A. alU. 372-379.

IX, Samsam ud daulah,

Abu Kalinjar, Al-Mar-

ZUBAN Fars from VIII,

A. al U. 372—388.

1

X, Baha ud daulah, Abu-

Nasr, Khusrau Firuz

al ’Irak &c. from VIII,

Fars from IX, A. al U.

379—403.

XIII, Musharrif

UD daulah Al ’I-

rak &c. from X,

A.Jal^U., 403—

456.

r ^ -

XI, Majd ud daulah, Abu TalibRastam XII, Shams ud daulah, Abu

Isfahan, Ar Rai from VII deposed by Tahir Hamadhan &c.,

Mahmud of Ghazni 420. 387 — 420. from VII. 387 — 412.

L _ :

XIV, Sultan ud

daulah, Abu Shu-

ja’ Fars from X.

403—405.

XV, Kawam ud dau¬

lah, Abu-l-Fawa-

Ris Karman from X.

403—419.

XVI, Jalal ud

DAULAH, AbU-TA-

hir Al ’Irak &c.

from XIII, A. al

U. 416-435.

r

XVIII ’Imad ud din, Abu Kalinjar-al-marzuban XVII Sama ud daulah Abu-l-

Hamadhan from XII, deposed by Ibn Kakwayh hasan. Fars from XIV, Kar-

412-414. 1 man from XV Al ’Irak from

I XVIA. alU. 415-440.

r I

XX Abu Mansur Fallad

XIX, Ar-rahim, Abu Nasr Khus¬

rau Firuz Al ’Irak, Fars from

XVIII A. al U., deposed by

Saljuks. 440 — 447.

Sattun Karman fromXVIII.

440—448.

XXI Abu ’Ali Khusrau Nuban-

dijan 440 — 487.

Note. — A. al U. = Amfru’l Umra, “ Lord of Lords.” Sometimes the title of

the Chief Commander of the army of the Khalifat.

1886.]

Gliaznavis in Mdward-un-Nalir and art of Khurdsdn. 127

COMPARATIVE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

SAMA'NIS.

Margin

Isma’il bin Ahmad *99-

Obv.

1/| <X-J( ^

j Alj(

y

<Sli(

^^31/0 j

-55 grains Samarkand 280 H.

Rev.

aB

Jj. -

A - Bf

Margin <*j jk\ U/o

aB|

128 E. E. Oliver— DecUne of the Sdmdnts and the Rise of the [No. 2,

II. Nasr II bin Ahmad ^ -96—41 grains Bukhara 315 H.

III. Ditto M *97 — 47 grains BuMiara 322 H.

Compare No. 377, Vol. II Catalogue of British Museum, Oriental Coins.

IV. Null bin Nasr JSl '95 — 62 grains Bukhara 336 H.

V. ’Abd al Malik JSl ’75 — 32 grains Bukhara [3] 50 H.

• « • f

Jo’irn.., As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LV, Po. I, for 1836.

PLATE

PHOTOZINaO<>E.A.PHBD AT THE SUBVEr OF INDIA OFFipES, OALOai'TA, MAT 188S.

1886. J Gha^navis in Mdward-un-NaJir and part of Khnrdsdn. 129

VI. Mansur I bin Nuh JEi ]‘l — 61 grains Bukhara 358 H.

Obv. Rev.

Alj

Margin ^K>f

[ ]

J/l iJl il

aiJf

aJ y

Margin

* 1^* il« _l

VII.

Ditto

Obv.

^1 <xit ^

aB|

a; ^

Inner margin . .f^

Aj l^xb ^ ^ AX.W

Outer ,, Lj>j^ AUf

j.xj\ aIJ j ^■^•f

^ l'I5 — 56 grains. Farghanah 358 H.

Rev.

AiJ

Ab ( Jl^-voj

^&^Jf i£iUl

Margin l-*.'C

Compare Ro. 411 Vol. II, Cat. B. M. Oriental coins. The inner

margin of coin drawn reads Abii Salih-i- Mansur instead of aUIi^a^

VIII.

Ditto

^ '8 — 38 grains. Mint illegible, 350 H.

Margin

aB

This coin may possibly have been struck by one of the many

governors or refractory princes who in the early years of Riili were

constantly setting up for themselves petty kingdoms. There are 2 or 3

Q

130 E. E. Oliver — JDecIine of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

coins in the B. M. catalogue struck at Andarabali having the name of

on the obverse. Possibly another.

IX. Nuh II bin Mansur M -8—30 grains. Bukhara (3) 80 H.

Obv.

[ ]

Rev.

aB

aljf

<xB{

M

Margin diJi

• • • t < • A-V^

GHAZNAWrS.

X. Balkatigm. tE ‘97 56 grains. "Mint wanting 35 [5] H.

Margin

If >/ci/| aIJ

Margin

^1 aU

XI. Subuktigin. m 70—29 grains (Ghaznah ?) no date.

Obv.

above a rude elephant

• •

with 3 rings, on the body,

possibly part of

Rev.

above a rude lion as on

the coins of BraEman kings of

Kabul.

XII. A copper coin of Sri Sanianta Deva JE *70 — 42 grs.

KHA'NS OF TURKISTAN.

XIII. riak Khan II Nasr, M 1-

Obv.

In centre of circle 4 times re¬

peated Afl Between circle and

outer margin \\ Allf [| ^( Ah ^

aU[ jj y

Outer margin

dili ^slj

— 44 grains. Farghanah 401 H.

Rev.

&U

aII|

•»

Margin

Journ., As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LV, Pt. I, for 1886.

PLATE IV.

XXI

131

1886.] Qhaznavis in Maward-un-Nahr and part of Khurdsdn.

XIV. Ditto M 1‘1 — 48 grains. Samarkand (403).

Obv.

In centre ornament. As triangle

^ II II

Margin |(i<A

[ j 4iul3] Ai AO

XV. Ditto

Obv.

ill il

Rev.

In centre ornament. As triangle

II II

O'J

Margin Aj ^/o|

aDi .

il

^ 1‘1 — 42 grains. Mint wanting 4 xx H.

Rev.

Ali

Margin

^ J .

J^1.C j.y'O.j

h'

Margin

With tbe name of tbe Klialif A1 Kadir B’illali.

XVI. Ditto ^ 1'05. Bukhara 4 xx H,]

^Jtj.A>il| aJJ

Obv.

Three lines between star, orna¬

ments under

«J II iJUt II 511,

Rev.

Ai;

^dJ(

cjdjf

Margin li^A

V'J

Margin of date.

XVII. Saif-ud daulah (Jafri ?) Tigin 2E1 IT — 54 grains. Bukhara

407 H.

Obv.

it)

ill il

aBi

Aj c£l^.« il

Margin |(>a aIIi ^*^5

Rev.

it)

aBi

Ap^tiiJl v.^a.40

[ ]

Margin U>o

a1J| jj./«<abo

132 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [ISTo. 2,

The coin described by M. Tiesenhausen in his notice of Count

Stroganoff’s collection, No. 31, is almost identical, except the year reads

406 H.

XVIII. Arsalan Ilak — Yusuf JEt 1*2 — 68 grains. Bukhara.

Obv.

In centre

Six times repeated, form¬

ing stars.

Margin

The date unread.

Margin

Bev.

dlj

dljf

tSlljl ^ ]

^ aU| ill ait if

[^U] aJ

Compare a coin described by M. Tiesenhausen (No. 32 of above

notice) of Arsalan Tlak — Yusuf bin ’Ali struck at Kash 429 H.

XIX. Ditto (?) ^ 1*2 — 76 grains. Bukhara.

Rev.

Beneath an ornament

Margin .

. [ j

Obv.

Beneath an ornament

Margin . .

. .

A similar coin is described in M. Tiesenhausen’s notice. No. 35.

XX. Ditto JE 1*2 — 64 grains. Bukhara 4 xx H.

Obv.

tElld

Margin dljf

AjLo . , j( j . AAa*

Rev.

Margin if , &iS\ ill «Jd| if

. [*J]

XXI. Arsalan Xhan — Yusuf ^ 1*2 — 68 grains 428 H.

Obv.

aB(

[— -3

Inner margin d.Uf [ ill ] a1| ^

/ [ aJ ] il

5> [ ] • • •

C jf ] J [

Rev.

All

J 3

Margin illegible.

1886.] Ghaznavis in Mdward-un-Nalir and part of Khurasan. 133

XXII. Arsalan Tigm M 1-28— 63 grains. Bukhara 426 H.

Bev.

Margin ^

dUt

Obv.

In ornamented triangle [

A 1

,<*'•«» J

Margin

With the name of the Khalif A1 Kaim Biamrillah.

XXIII. Arsalan ( . . ? -dS'85 — 54 grs. Mint and date donbtfnl.

Margin

Obv.

ill aJI il

}50.a.j aB|

dj

I di.lt

Bev.

idJi

dUi^^b

[

[^]

JO

> • • •

Margin

Jt ^-ci/t &1J

Also with the name of the Khalif A1 Kaim Biamrillah.

XXIV. Tnghan Khan. ^ 1*05 — 71 grains. Mint wanting 4 xx.

./O

Bev.

dlJ

dB(

L^Vf dBf

Obv.

[p]

ill i)\ n

dJjf

dJ il

Margin .

AjUxjjf j ..♦,,, Margin

With the name of the Khalif A1 Kadir B’illah.

XXV. Kadr Khan . Yhsaf ^ I*!— 55 grains. Mint and date

obscure.

Obv.

ill «J| il

g<^ . . &Bl

... il

Margin m.., 1*^^ *rir^ (*'^-

. . . ..... dx.^

Bev.

Alj|

/O

IsJl

■ » • •

• #

^t aBI

Margin

134 E. E. Oliver — Decline of the Sdmdnis and the Rise of the [No. 2,

XXVI. Tamgliaj (?) ^ 1‘16 — 44 grains Samarkand.

Obv. Rev.

In centre [ U . . ]

Margin

In centre

Margin unread

U4.b

GOVERNOR OF SIJISTA'N.

XXVII. Klialaf *98 — 40 grains Sijistan 33 x H.

Rev.

Obv.

<^J\ ^

aUi

Margin 1^‘t'

j j . . . ci

<0!

aJOi

cJdA.

Margin

XXVIII.

Obv.

l_kjf

Margin •••

AjIx) ^j;t - [ t£U/-*jb J

BUWAIHI.

^ 1*05 — 41 grains — 404 H.

Rev.

Margin

MAHMU'D OF GHAZNI.

••

t

lljxill &U

XXIX. Mahmud bin Amir Sabulctigin

[38] 6 H.

Obv.

SOJl 5/1 All D

'aJJ j.!lkl|

? I » . •

jj,^X/0

Margin

^ '80 — 46 grains Nisbapur

Rev.

dR

^JJ l)

c_ax.m

Alargin

./O

] M «

t/oVl o>R

Journ., As. Soc. Bengal, 7aL LV, Pt. I, for 1886.

PLATE V.

PHOTOZINOOaBA.I’HED

AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES, OADOUTTA, MAY 1886.

>.t

1886.]

Qhaznavis in Mdward-un-NaJir and part of Khurasan, 135

XXX. Mahmud *90 — 4 grains.

XXXI. Mahmud Abu-1 Kasim JSl *95 — 58 grains. Ghaznah,

In centre of circle within square.

II II [ ] II ]

Outside square.

)j II II [ ^( 1 ^

[ 11 ‘Xl

y \

Margin illegible.

XXXII. Mahmud ^ *95 — 60 grains.

In centre of circle

Margin j| . . H ii

. II ... ^

^11

aU/ i^—4--Sk. — /o

.xiJ U iajf

Margin illegible.

I have to express my acknowledgement and best thanks to Messrs.

Rodgers, Gosset, Stnlpnagel and many other numismatic friends who

have kindly placed their cabinets at my disposal. To the first named

gentleman, the present Archaeological Surveyor of the Punjab, but

whose numismatic fame is of long standing, I am specially indebted

for assistance in many ways, and not a few of the coins in these plates

are the result of his many years of patient collection and research. Xos.

XIII, XXIY and XXV are from tho collection of Col. Gosset.

ERRATUM.

Coin Xo. II. Reverse margin second line for y read

136

R. S. White way — Place names in Merwdra.

[No. 2,

Place names in Merwdra. — By R. S. Whiteway, B. C. S., Ajmer.

The British District of Merwara is a narrow slip of country between

70 and 80 miles long and from 15 miles to 1 mile broad. The head

quarters are at Nyashahr or new Beawar, a station on the Rajputana line

of railway. The district commences some 5 or 6 miles north of this.

Dewair the extreme connected point is 66 miles south, and some 10

miles south of it are a few disconnected villages. The district lies along

the backbone of the Aravalis with very little level ground. Around

Beawar the general level is about 1500 ft. above the sea, the highest

point is Goramji some 50 miles south which rises to over 3000 ft., in

the east the Meywar plain slopes gradually away from the foot of the

hills, but in the west the drop to the plains of Beawar is considerable

averaging about 1000 ft. and for some distance the country is wild jungle

and rocky ravine. Cultivation is carried on in the valleys, the popula¬

tion presses heavily on the good land while the soil is naturally thin,

hence heavy manuring and high cultivation require large herds of cattle.

As the rainfall is precarious nearly every village has one or more tanks to

retain the surface flow off, either to give direct iiTigation or retain the

water in the wells by percolation. For administative purposes there

are two tahsils, Beawar in the north and Todgarh (called after the well-

known Col. Tod) in the south, Todgarh is the name of the tahsil only

and not of any village, the head quarters are in the village of Barsawara

an elevation of about 2500 ft. The inhabitants of the country are Mers

(cf. Meru, a hill) a jovial set of men somewhat given to drinking.

There are a fcAV traces of early clans (mostly pastoral as Cujars) whom

the Mers ousted — but speaking generally all the colonization has been

done by this latter race — and that mainly within the last 60 years since

the English came into the country. Before we took it the inhabitants

scourged the neighbouring countries by their raids. They were not

numerous and were mainly collected in a few inaccessible villages.

They were reclaimed by Col. Hall and Col. Dixon who raised the

Merwara batallion and by building tanks rendered settled habits pos¬

sible. It is still their boast that the English alone conquered them.

Their claims as to origin range high, but it is almost certain that they

were composed mainly of outlaws who found here a protection from

any settled form of government. To the south there are a few Bhils.

Nominally the Mers are divided into Mahomedans and Hindus

but the division is little more than a name as all intermarry, and whether

a woman is buried or burned depends on the nominal religion of her

husband. Their language is a form of Hindi, but with peculiarities

1886.] R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra. 137

that divide it from that of Meywar on the east, of Marwar on the west,

and of Ajmere on the north. It is to illustrate this language and to

show how place names are in the process of formation that I have put

together the appended list. The names consist of (a) Villages on the

Government list (h) Tanks where these differ from the villages (o)

Hills, valleys and streams, (a) Villages. Hamlets are now springing up

in every direction — dang'er alone in such a difficult country could keep

the people in large villages— only very few names of hamlets are given

as they are generally called after their founders as Basiajaga — Jaga’s

hamlet or Gudha Biram, Biram’s hamlet. Of the 330 villages on the

Government list, 160 are called after some person, caste or local god —

the names of most of the others are analysed below. These names

have suffered great mutilation at the hands of the Persian writers of the

offices. I have tried in each case to get the oldest and real form of the

word, and then if I could trace any thing in the history, local position or

peculiarity of the village, to explain it. As might have been expected

50 years wear and tear have caused some phonetic changes but in all

cases the names are peculiarly appropriate. The older villages Jhak,

Aslum, Chhapli have names more or less connected with the predatory

habits of the people. Many refer to the pastoral habits as Mewasa—

others refer to the physical peculiarities of the inhabited site as Hholi-

chat and others to that of the village lands as Sendra. The names

in class B are not so worn as those in class A while those in C are not

worn at all. These latter are seldom used far from their immediate

neighbourhood — though well-known there, and they have never been

reduced to writing. Only a few have been given as they are innume¬

rable. These names are very valuable as giving the real speech of the

people as opposed to the language taught in schools— this speech is

very rich in names for every kind of rock, stone, ravine and embank¬

ment. Wild animals are not numerous — there are a few tigers, bears,

leopards, sambhar and nilgai— of these the tiger and sambhar are re¬

presented in this list — the bear (richh) leopard (begai) and nilgai (loz)

are not — of animals now extinct the plainest traditions refer to the

wild buffalo (arna) , but I can find no name unless it be the hamlet of

Arnali. The local explanation of Arnali however that here cowdung

(also called arna) was collected in the jungle seems a probable one.

Elephants, if there ever were any, have left no tale. The references to

local trees and bushes are very frequent. I may add that names are

given from some peculiarities and not from general characteristics — thus

the few streams and tanks whose name is compounded with khara ‘ salt '

show that the majority of them have sweet water.

R

138

R. S. Whiteway — Place names in Merivdra.

[No. 2,

A.

Adabala

Adamal

Adliarsila

A^ndliideori

A'njnakirel

A'nspabar

Antali

A tank and a locality in the hills — It

means (the embankment) across

I

the stream for the former, and the

stream across (the way) for the

latter.

The plain between, Janwar adamal

para, would mean that the animal

had put a considerable distance

between you and it.

The name of a hill — The slipping

slab — Sila is a slab of rock not

apparently fastened to the ground

(see Dholichat) — On the top of

this hill is a large boulder with a

huge slab on it apparently separate

but really joined which rests at an

angle of less than 45° with the

perpendicular.

Ana being a man whose house

stood on the curious boulder now

surmounted by Allahjikathan.

A village. Andhi is hidden — deori

the diminutive of deora a temple.

The valley of the spring. Rel is used

for a cultivated and irrigated

O

valley.

A hill on which is a jogi’s hut (see

Dewatan) Pahar is not a word

locally used in common conversa¬

tion.

A village. Ant ‘ intention ’ tal dena

‘to change.’ This refers to the

story of its foundation.

* More probably “ mango-iown ” from dm mango and nair=nagara. — Ed.

1885.]

A'onliadho

Arazi gwarari

A'san

Athiin

Badalanga

Badni

Baghana

Bagar*

Baglimal

Bagrajhamp

Bagri

Baharwas

Balacliarhat

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra. 139

'j

The pond of the aonla trees (Phyllan-

thus emhlica.')

A village. Arazi is an office word

Gwarari is from gawari a grazing

place where there are no houses (cf.

Gwar.)

A village inhabited by jogis (see

Dewatan.)

One of the old Magra villages usually

in offices spelt Hathun. It means

western and was given by the

Meywar Thakurs who suffered from

raids from it. The point of the

compass are

Daraii, North.

Lankan, South.

Ugani, East (ugna to spring up

as corn.)

Athuni, West.

B.

The big valley. Langa is a valley

on the top of a hill between ridges

often parallel to the axis of the

range. Lana is an opening in the

range if the dip be level with the

ground.

A village Corrupted from Bajni.

Bajni is commonly applied to rocks

which are hollow and give out a

sound when struck.

A village. Bagh, a tiger.

A village. Bagar is a cave and also

an uninhabited waste.

A village. Bagh, a tiger. Mai, a

plain.

Bagra, a cave andjhamp, a waterfall.

A village. Diminutive of bagar

(q. V.)

A tank. Corruption of barabas.

A village. Corruption of balachat

(see Dholichat).

[Xo. 2,

140 E. S. Wlntowav — Place mimes in Merxvdrn.

band are fields made level on

sloping ground by building retain¬

ing walls at the lower end.

141

188C).] R. S. Whiteway— PZace names in Merwdra.

Bhandan ki kuri ^

Bhanwkund

Bhanwrraj ka

Bhanda is a driimmer. Kuri is the

diminutive of kura, a well.

Bhanwr are the largest kind of honey¬

bees, and kund is a pond. Bhanwr is

also the title of the son of a Kunwar,

and grandson of a living Rao or

Raja.

Bhanwr raj is an honorific title applied

to the bees who are worshipped here.

For rela see Anjna ka rel.

A village. Bharant division, referring

to the quarrels of the founders.

The Bhil’s field.

A tank. The one made by a Bhil.

A village and several tanks ; from a

man’s name.

A tank. The scorpions’ plain.

A village. From the bil or bel tree

{JEgle marmelos) .

Kuri, diminutive of kura, a well.

Billa is a small caterpillar in the

rains injurious to cattle that eat it.

Binda is the hole in a rock made by

jumpers. ' Baori is a large well with

steps leading down to the water.

The pierced stone. Bhata is the

general name for all stones.

A tank. The split rock.

A tank. Dah and dho both mean a

pond. Rapat is an embankment

usually of masonry thrown merely

across the bed of a stream to re¬

tain the water. Kadi is an em¬

bankment thrown up round a field

to retain the surface flow off.

Talao is the tank properly so

called.

Birani is a bania’s wife, and chautra

the local form of chabutra.

A tank. Boria is from the bor (ber)

tree {ZizypJius jujuh a). Kaka is a

corner where a hill ends ; some-

142

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Msrivdra.

[No. 2,

Borka

Borwa

Budhipaj

Butisalar

Cbhajjoii ki glia-

ti

Chang

Chapeta

Chanra nirnri

Chhapli

Chhapra

Chhatrti

ChhipikiTri

♦ •

t^fft

times used for a corner generally,

thus the point where a gun is in a

beat, would be a naka.

A tank. Bor is the ber tree.

A village.

Biidhi is an old woman. Paj is

either a small embankment thrown

over a narrow shallow stream to

cross dryfoot on, or a horizontal

slab resting at one end on a sloping

rock and on the other on stones

heaped up, used for sitting on, it

has here the latter meaning.

A village. Corruption of modisalar

the bare (lopped) salar tree {Bos-

wellia thnrifera).

C.

A pass where the rocks project like

the eaves of a house.

A village. Pounded by Chandela

Gujars.

Chapeta (also pacheta) is the game

of knuckle bones. Any place where

there are big ronnded stones said

to be there used in the game by

some deceased hero is so called.

A village. The nlm tree plain.

A village. Chhapa, a night-robber.

A tank. A jal tree stands here with

a curious overspreading head like a

roof.

A singularly shaped rock near Chang

visible for miles ; round, like the

beak of a gigantic bird. Inside

in olden days was a watch-tower

hence the name. It is also called

Naharmukh or the tiger’s face.

A tank. The concealed well. There

is a small well in the bed of the

tank.

1886.]

Chilabar

Cliitar

Cbukiia

Dabkbola

Dadalia

Dadela

• •

Dadola

Dadiibbilwala

Dakipbarala

Dand

• •

Dangpbara

Dediabai

Deokabala

Dawair

Dewatban

R. S. Wbiteway — Flace names in Merwdra.

143

Si

^TtT^T

♦

A village. Cbil a kite, and bar a ba¬

nian.

A village, founded by Cbitar.

Cbukiia is a small jliana and lienee

this name is applied to a narrow

peak with a rounded top as teldia

is to a similar one with a pointed

one.

D.

Dab is the name of a kind of grass.

Kbola is a rocky ravine down wbich

water rushes. Nala is a depression

witb water running tbrougb it.

Nal is a valley tbat can be tra¬

versed by cattle. Roda is a rocky

ravine.

A tank. Called after a local god.

A tank. Dada is a name and is

equivalent of wala.

A village, founded by Dadii bhil.

A tank made by Dadii bhil.

Daki is a man witb an evil eye who

can eat the liver out of a man’s body.

Pharala differs little from ^Tiara a

slope.

A frequent name for tanks, danda is

an earthen embankment.

Dang is a range of bills, a pbara, a

slope.

A tank. The place of the baldMs

(dedi).

A tank. Bala is a stream.

A village. Deori is a temple.

A village and tank. The place of

the god. Astban takes the form of

Than, than is applied as here to a

temple. Asan is the village or

hamlet where a jogi lives. Ans or

dhanians (dhydn, reflection) is the

actual place at which he lives (see

Asan and Ans pahar).

144

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merivdra.

[No. 2,

piiormagri

A tank. Dhadkra is applied to a

loud noise as a rnsking stream and

also to a stone ttiat exfoliates —

it is probably nsed in its first sense

here.

Dhanchi is the saddle nsed by pot¬

ters to bring clay, high in the

middle and with pockets on either

side.

A tank. Dharara means a lond noise

and was the name of the stream.

A village. Dahar is a useless well.

Dhinga is a man’s name. Dhura

means literally ending, hence ap¬

plied to a ridge as the end of the

rising, and also to a watercourse

(which is slightly raised).

A very common name for villages.

White ridge.

A tank. Dhulera is an intensive of

dhola, white.

A village. White (hill). Dholi is

another village similarly named but

the hill is smaller.

Numerous tanks and villages. Plioli

is white and chat a flat rock. Chat

is a flat rock fastened to the

ground. Silld is a slab not so

fastened which could be lifted were

power enough applied. Kd/car is al¬

so a flat rock, but it implies the idea

of slipperiness, and also that the

rock is raised on the side or top of

a hill.

The cattle range. Magra and its dimi¬

nutive magri is a common name for

range of hills. Magra is the word

usually applied to the whole of

Merwara.

The point of the pole star. Mathara

is a casual name for the point of a

hill.

Dhaa ka mathara

1886.]

145

R. S. Whiteway — Place names in Merwdra.

Dhulkot ka dan-

ta , ^rTT

Dilwada

Domhatai

Dukaria

Dungarkhera

The ridge of the earthen wall.

A village and tank. Formerly Dan-

wara. Dan is charity, and this

village was formerly given revenue

free by the Maharaja of Jodhpur.

The dom’s meeting place. Hatai is

a ehaupal.

A tank. Dukaria a small deep vessel.

A village. There are two villages of

this name one called from Dungar

the founder, the other from du7i-

gar a hill. Khera is an inhabited

site.

G.

Gadichhaunra

Gamela

Garad ka danta

Gauhana

Goram jTtTH

A tank. Chhaunra is the dhaJc tree.

Gadichaunra is the Erethrium suh-

erosa.

A tank. The village one.

Garad is the English word guard, and

on the hill a detachment of the

Merwara batallion was formerly

stationed.

A village and tank. Connected with

gau a cow.

The highest hill in the district

named after a man now deified

whose temple stands on the top.

He was the son of Sathu, after

whom the village of Sathukhera

is named, and the most remarkable

action of his life appears to have

been his abduction of a neighbour¬

ing beauty. He carried her to

the top of this hill while the pur¬

suing father and his friends were

driven back by the bees that swarm

on the precipice on either side of

the hill. These bees are still called

Goram’s bees.

s

bed dries into squares like sun-

dried bricks.

J.

1886.]

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra.

147

148

[No. 2,

R. S. Whiteway’ — Place names in Merwdra.

vation halanJc, defect, jJiarnd to

sift ont. There is a very old tank

embankment here, and over the

village a high hill with a shrine

near the top. The story connected

with them is that a Rani of Jaipur

having no son visited an ascetic

who lived in the hill, and through

his influence got her desire. The

embankment was built as a thank-

offering. Rajiawas the other vil¬

lage sharing in the tank is named

after the same visit (see Rajiawas

and Beawar.).

Khanuwala A tank. The (clay) quarry. In this

country clay is rarely found but in

the beds of tanks.

1886.] R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra. 149

A village. Karant is a large saw

worked by two men, here applied

to a ridge.

A tank. Below the Katar (pass) .

A tank. Katla is a slab of stone used

for roofing.

A tank. With many crabs in it.

A village. Khadda a low lying place.

Beri is diminutive of bera, a well, and

khancha is applied to an imperfect

thing. A field would be khancha

if there were some waste land in it.

The serrated (khanga) danta. Khanga

is applied to a serrated ridge when

the teeth are uneven, and kirana

when they are even.

A tank. Salt.

A tank. The salt stream.

A tank. The salt flood.

A village. Khar ‘ salt.’ Rd is a very

frequent termination originally di¬

minutive in sense.

A tank. Apparently named from the

quantity of manure (khat) washed

into it in the rains.

A village. Khedi a jungle tuber that

is eaten, scientific name (?)

A village, Khejra the Prosopis spici-

gera.

A village. Band an earthen em¬

bankment.

A tank. Khokra is old as applied

to things. Dokra is old as applied

to men.

The valley, dangerous to traverse.

A village. The plain, dangerous (to

get at).

A tank. Chaura is a plain — for khor-

mal see above.

Khosna is to take away, hence euphe¬

mistic for stealing. At this place

a mahajan was robbed.

L.

Lasania

Lalpura clhanar

Lapraroda ^T^TTKI^T

Lewa ki gwar ^

Loliklian ka mu- sffT ^

tliara ^ITT

Loranwala

Two villages and some tanks. The

grindstone, literally iron sharpener.

A village. Lalpur from a man’s name.

Dhanar from dhan, ‘ wealth ’ which

means now cattle.

Either lapra ‘ broad’ and roda ‘ a rocky

ravine,’ or possibly the first part of

the compound is from the lampra

grass.

Gwar is a hamlet for herding cattle in

the jungle and lewa is mud, earth

used for plastering a wall. H.

Sansk. f%^.

The peak of the iron mine.

A tank. Loran a class of Rajputs.

M.

1886.]

Margara

Matanwala

Malradebi

Merian

Mewasa

Mialakhet

Minldclwas

Modakakar

Modamul

Modiagwar

Modijlaangar

Moranga

Morcliamagri

Morvama

Morvamagkat;

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra.

151

•V. ^ «

* \j

iTTT^T^T

The ridge commences from Magra

which is applied to the whole district

either as the Magra or Magra Mer-

wara.

A tank from which potter’s clay is

taken, mati is the local word for

earth.

Malra is riches and at this spot some

small amount of treasure was found

a few years ago.

Two villages. Meri is a balcony on

a house, hence applied metaphori¬

cally to a hill inhabited.

A village. Mewasi is the local form

of Maveshi cattle.

Possibly this might mean the field in

the centre but the local explanation

is that it is called after one Mesha

which is pronounced Meha. It is

the name of a hamlet.

A village. Minki a cat.

A tank. The bare flat rock. Moda

is a bold man ; for kakar see Dholi-

chat.

For Moda see above. Mul is a hiding-

place for shooting.

The bare hamlet.

A tank. The bare lopped tree. For

Moda see above. Jhangar is a

corruption of changa which as ap¬

plied to a tree, means lopped. The

idea is cutting, thus the mark cut

at the corner of a field at survey

is a changat.

A tank. Moranga are the tops of the

feathers of the peacock which spread

into a circle, hence applied to any

thing beautiful (qu. morangya).

Magri is the little hill, and morcha is

a defensive work.

A hamlet. The place of peacocks.

The twisting pass. Morna to twist.

152

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra.

[No. 2,

Naliarpura

Nai

Nauliapag

Nirjala

Or ay a

Paclimata

Padabagar

Pada ka tbak

Padal ka tbak

Pakhariyawas

Palani

Pair an

Palunarapat

Paniharon ki

gliati

N.

A village. Naliar, a tiger.

Two villages close together, one

known as tlie small and the other

as the large Nai. Originally Niai,

justice. From these villages se¬

veral inhabited sites have sprung,

spreading round for miles ; to the

villagers of the old home the dis¬

putes of the new settlers were

referred, hence the honorific name.

A tank. The feet of the mungoose.

A tank. The name of the date on

which founded.

0.

A tank. The one of loss.

P.

TTTf T

v»

Pach, five ; mata, conspirators. The

name of a hill on which are five

rocks in a position suggesting men

taking counsel.

A tank and village. The bu:ffaloe’s

(pada) cave (or waste).

The buffaloe’s clearing. Thak is an

opening in the jungle, it may have

long grass on it.

The talc (padal) clearing.

A village. Corruption of Bhakarwas,

from Bhakar hills.

A village, from palan, a camel saddle.

A village. This name, and Palri an¬

other village, are connected with

the word pali a cowboy.

A tank. For rapat, see Bindidhoki

rapat. There is a local deity

worshipped by swinging, hence the

name paluna (palna).

The water-carriers’ pass.

1886.]

R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra.

153

nesis of names and the survival of

the fittest. The village has been

several times abandoned and again

refounded. The last time the vil¬

lagers called it Ranathan after an

ancestor, thinking this would bring

luck. Col. Dixon called it Bhag-

T

154

R.-S. Wlntewaj — Place names in Merwdra.

[No. 2,

wanpura for the same reason. This

latter name appears only in offi¬

cial papers, the former is the local

name.

house.

S.

Sadarlai

Sambharka thak

A tank. Sada a man’s name.

The Sambhar’s clearing.

A tank. The one in front.

A tank. The collector.

A tank. Sand is the name of the

male of any animal, the story of

this tank is that a bullock fell here

and was killed.

A tank. Sankra is narrow, the

meaning is thus the narrow pass

between the stones.

A village. Formerly there was a

natural lake here. See Ramsar

Mahola.

A village close to Saganw. Mailan =

inside.

A village. Sar (Sansk. swara) means

a voice, and this hill is so called as

in trohblous times a watchman was

set on the hill. See also Saroth

and Tejasani.

A village. Sar = a voice, see Sireryan.

A village in the jungle. Beautiful.

155

1886.] R. S. Wliiteway — Place names in Merwdra

Satpali nal

Sawajna Chain-

pura

nal

Pali has several meanings. A cow¬

boy, a boundary of a field, a field

itself, a share divided off ; also a

turn, or watch, in rotation as in

mounting guard. The word has

here the last of these meanings,

and the pass which is one of

the most important leading into

Marwar is so called as the watch

and ward was divided between

seven villages. Dewari Pipreln,

Kot, Basi etc.

A village. Sawajna is a corruption

of Snhejna the Moniya pterygos-

perma. Chainpura is the village

of comfort so called, as it was ori¬

ginally on the hill, but has now

come into the plain, hence the

chain or comfort.

A village. Two streams join here.

A village. From the seraal tree

JBomhax malaharicum.

A village. Damp sandhills (darra).

Two villages. Being founded by Col.

Dixon, they were called Sahibpura,

the present name is a corruption.

A village. Corruption of Selawas. [?]

Sela a man’s name.

A tank. Siala is the kharif crop as

unalii is the rabi, and this tank only

waters the kharif.

A village. Beri is diminutive of bera,

a well. Sili is cool. Sell is the

cold wind that blows after rain in

the winter months.

A village. Founded by two men in

partnership.

A tank. Held in partnership by two

villages.

The pass held in partnership.

Paul means a door or entrance, this

is therefore the village of the gate

of the sun.

156 R

Sulia kliera

Tarka

Tatiya

Teja Sain

Tejarlai

Tikhlia

Telra

T hurl an

Thurianka tekra

Thunithak

Tibana

Togi

Ubaniaghati

Umrbaori

Umrkigbati

Undwa

Usaria

. S. Whiteway — Place vames in Merwdra. [No. 2,

A village. Suli is a stake, or the pole

of a gallows, and is here used for a

high place.

iTW

T.

A tank.

A tank. Tatia is a disease allied to

mange which attacks human heads,

the hair falls off, and the scalp is

covered Avith sores. Applied here

in the meaning of worthless.

Teja, the watchman. A hill formerly

used as a watch tower by Chang.

Teja was a famous scout. See

Sireryan and Saroth.

A tank. Teja a man’s name.

The pointed rock (see Chuklia).

A village. Standing on a hillock

(tila).

A village. Thor the Euphorbia bush.

The Euphorbia bush hillock.

A village. Corruption of kohnithak.

Kohni = an elbow, and thak a clear¬

ing.

A village. From tiba = rising ground.

A village. Corruption of Tonki from

tonk a hillock or a hill.

U.

Ubania means to go bare feet. And

this name refers to a thief who

escaped by this pass.

A village. Baori is a large well with

steps leading to the water. Umr

is a gular tree. Ficus glomerata. In

official records this name is spelt

with an ain !

The pass of the gular tree.

A tank. Unda deep.

A tank. Made in usar land (locally

called uhar).

1886.] R. H. C. Tufnell — On a Collection of South Indian Coins. 157

On a Collection of South Indian Corns. — By Captain R. H. C. Tufnell,

Madras Staff Corps.

(With two plates.)

The “fanams” are from my collection of South Indian coins.

Regarding some of them I fear I can offer no suggestions, bnt have no

doubt but that some of the members of the Society, better versed in the

subject, will be able to throw some light on such as have not hitherto

been published. I have numbered them consecutively throughout for

facility of reference.

The earlier numbers are issues of Mysore and the smaller states,

once independent, but now comprised within its boundaries. Ho. 24 is

a sj)ecimen of the “ Canteroy ” fanam, by far the commonest of the

series found in Mysore. This little piece of money was originally

struck by Canthirava in the earlier part of the 17th century, but a

re-issue was made after the fall of Seringapatam and collapse of the

Muhammadan power in that state ; it is, I fancy, to this re-issue that

most specimens belong.

Nos. 23, 22, 21 and 20 represent the “ Soobaroye ” or snake series

figured in Hawkes’ Mysore Coins (1852) and attributed by him to the

Polygars of Cuduconda. He, however, makes no mention of No. 23 of

this set, nor do I know of any reference to it elsewhere. No. 21 also

differs from his figure in having a five-headed and not a ^/iree- headed

snake. During a course of some years collecting in and round the pro¬

vince, I have come across several specimens corresponding with the

one I now send for inspection, but have never met with an issue bearing

the three-headed Naga.

The Balapur coins, Nos. 19, 18 and 17 are fairly common still in the

Mysore country. Struck by a Polygar of this once independent state,

they differ from most of the issues of those around in having the word

“Balapur” ( ) on one side and Shah ( ) on the other in

Hindustani, with a figure beneath which Hawkes likened to the device

on the early Mahratta coins, but which I cannot help thinking is merely

a perversion of the word ( ) Muhammad.

Towering above this petty state, stands the strongly fortified

Drug of Nundy, which also boasted its own coinage as represented by

No. 16.

No. 15 brings us to the coinage of Mysore proper, during the

period of the Muhammadan usurpation — a series, most of the coins of

which are still fairly common, but as all these have been fully noticed

by Hawkes in his “ Coins of Mysore ” they need no remark. There is,

however, one exception to which I might perhaps invite attention, as I

158 R. H. 0. Tnfnell — On a Collection of South Indian Goins. [Ko. 2,

have never come across any mention of it. I refer to No. 15, a fanam

corresponding to the pagoda of Sadasiva figured in Marsden’s “ Nu-

7nismata 0rie7italia,^^ and again referred to in the issue of the Society’s

Journal for 1883 (Fig. 13).

No. 9 represents a fanam very rare now, but occasionally met

with, having on one side a dragon (which seems to me to place it with the

Udayars of Mysore) and on the reverse what looks like or the Na-

gari “ sri.” This little coin attracted the attention of Sir Walter Elliot,

who figures it in a plate of his “ Numismatic Gleanings,” devoted to

coins of the Sinha type (Madras Literary Society’s Journal for 1858) ;

but his only remark about it is, that it and its fellows “are gold fanams

from various parts of the country,” and I know of no other notice of

it. Copper issues bearing a similar device I have several times met

with in different parts of Mysore, but the reverses bear nothing but

the cross lines so common in the early issues of these parts. At the

same time one specimen I have found which bears illegible traces of

an inscription apparently in Nagari on the reverse, and I cannot help

thinking that should the old copper coins in the Central Museum in

Madras be examined, some clue may be found to the identification of

the series.

Nos. 7 and 8 carry us away to the Gajapati lords of Orissa.

The pagoda of this series is one of the best known coins of Southern

India. Marsden and Moore have both figured it, and it finds a place

too in the XYIIth Vol. of the Asiatic Researches and in Dr. Bidie’s recent

article on the “ Yarahas ” — while forged copies abound as brooches, pins,

and sleeve-links. I have, however, never seen any notice of the ex¬

istence of a fanam or half fanam claiming direct kinship with it. The

latter, the smallest coin I have ever seen, is especially rare, and this

specimen was only sold to me as a great favour (and at a somewhat

exorbitant figure), by a Mysorean who had it for generations in his

family. The full fanam I have only met with twice.

No. 6 bears the Sivaite bull on the obverse, and on the reverse

the legend “Sri Chama Udaya” but to which of the Mysore kings of

this name to assign it, I know not.

Nos. 4 and 5 are two coins regarding which, as far as I ani

aware, no notice has ever appeared, nor have all the enquiries I have

made among natives led to any result. The former bears a figure

standing before a sacred lamp on obverse and on reverse a goddess,

presumably Lakshmi — seated in “padmasana,” on the lotus seat. The

lamp may connect it with the Setupathis of Ramnad. The obverse of

No. 5 seems identical with the last, and has on the reverse what looks

like a warrior holding a club.

Journ., As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LV, Pt. I, for 18S6.

PLATE VI.

7

19

7

13

19

14

Photo-Collotype.

Survey of India OfBces, Calcutta, June 1886.

REVERSES. OBVERSES,

Journ., As. Soc, Bengal, Vol. LV, Pt. I, for 18S6.

PLATE VII.

34

30-2

30-3

30-4

30-5 30-6 30-7

30-8

30-9 30-10 30-11 30-12

31 32 33 34 35

# # ® ®

Pboto-Col 'type.

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, June 1886.

REVERSES. OBVERSES.

1886.] R. H. C. Tufnell — On a Collection of South Indian Coins. 159

No. 3 is a Pandyan issue bearing on tlie reverse the legend

‘‘ Aliava Malla ” (lover of war) apparently. Several Tanjore grants

are said to bear tbis title of tbe Pandyan kings of probably tbe lOtb or

12tb century. The fish on the obverse also point to the Pandyan

dynasty.

No. 31 may be a more recent issue of the Sub-Pandyan families.

The dancing figure of “ Garuda,” the winged vehicle of Vishnu, is of

common occurrence on the later copper coins found in the Madura

district (Pandyan), usually with the fish on the reverse and occasionally

under the figure.

With No. 2 commences a series of five coins of the Cingalese

Chola dynasty, all of which have been found in the South of India,

chiefly round Madura and Tirumangalam. The first of these (figured

in Rhys David’s article in the “ Numismata Orientalia ”) bears the

word “Iraha,” a Prakrit form of the Sanscrit word “ Rakshasa ”

(demon) above which is what may be the lotus, or possibly the conch

shell of Vishnu — and it is not improbable that the Cholas of the 12th

and 13th centuries were followers of that deity. The coin itself is by

no means uncommon, but I have never seen a duplicate issue of its

fellow. No. 1, in which the sun and moon (?) take the place of the

device on the former coin, while the inscription remains the same.

No. 25 still preserves the same obverse (though in a somewhat

different style to that most common on the Chola issues) but on the

reverse the word “ Iraka ” becomes “Irako,” according to the reading

of a Pandit who has kindly examined the coin for me, the nominative

singular taking the place of the root. Above the word is a dotted

circle, probably intended for a flower, as in No. 27 we find an exactly

similar circle taking the place of the lotus in the hand of the standing

figure.

No. 26 presents a change in the attitude of the figure on the ob¬

verse. Instead of standing up with pendant “ dupatta ” the cloth here

flies out, and the left leg is passed behind the right, while under the

left arm appears the object which we usually find either under or

grasped in the right hand. On the reverse, the word seems to be

“Lakmi,” the Prakrit form of the Sanscrit “Lakshmi.” The circle still

appears above but undotted.

No. 27 differs from all other specimens I have ever seen in having

on the reverse a figure with no inscription. The squatting figure on

the obverse seems to hold in his hand a dotted circle, exactly corre¬

sponding to the one previously mentioned ; the form of head dress is

changed, and the shape of the head is quite different to that on the

generality of specimens. The same dotted circle peculiar to these coins

160 R. H. C. Tiifnell — On a GoUection of South Indian Coins. [No. 2, 1886.]

again appears on the reverse under what looks like a tiger (the Chola

symbol), and which seems to squat under the figure in much the same

attitude as in what is known as the “ lion ” coin of Parakrama, of Ceylon.

No. 28 seems to bear on the obverse the V shaped Vishnavite

symbol, with the conch and disc on either side of it, while on the reverse

appears to be the “ Sthali,” or spouted vessel used by the Yishnavites

when placing the sacred mark on their foreheads. To what place or

dynasty to assign it I know not, for so many of the early Hindu royal

families were of this persuasion.

No. 29. A modern issue of Travancore.

No. 30. A packet of fauams (12) of the west Coast, all of common

occurrence.

No. 32. Muhammad Shah, n

No. 3.^. Ahmad Shah. Specimens of the coinage of Mu-

No 31 Alamo-ir II V hammadan conquerors after the

No. 35. ShahAlam. ^ style of the Hindu currency.

I fear that in many (if not in most) of my observations on the above

I may be very far astray, for as far as I can ascertain, this class of

coins has received but very little notice at the hands of numismatists

hitherto, and here in Southern India we labour under the two great

disadvantages of living where there is no regularly arranged public

collection for comparison (though in the Madras Museum there is ample

mateiial for one), and secondly in having to deal with coins which for

the most part bear no inscription whatever. A very tyro in the subject

myself, I doubt not but that some of my remarks will appear ridiculous

to those deeply read in numismatic lore, but as I send specimens which

in most instances I can find no reference to anywhere, and in some

cases, which I can meet with no specimens of elsewhere, I feel that

they may prove of interest to some of the members of the Society and

therefore send them for their inspection. I may add that I have du¬

plicates of many of those I send, and these I shall be glad to exchange

for Northern India issues with any members who care to do so.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. III.— 1886.

Note on Some of the Symbols on the Goins of Kunanda, — By

W. Theobald, Esq., M. R. A. S.

The coins of this king are so well known and have been so well

delineated and so fully described, that it may excite surprise that any

new light should be sought to be thrown on the symbols they bear, with¬

out recourse to any essentially nearer or different material than those

which have already undergone the scrutiny of some of our ablest orien¬

talists ; and I feel that a sort of apology may well be expected for my

presumption in claiming to see deeper into the subject than others have

done, who are far abler than myself in this particular branch of enquiry,

and that my justification can alone be found, by establishing with a fair

amount of probability the substantial correctness of the views which

have suggested themselves to me, after the perusal of the papers of some

of my eminent predecessors in this enquiry. For my present purpose it

will, I think, suffice to quote from the writings of Prof. H. H. Wilson in

his ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 415, PI. XV, f. 23; a paper by E. Thomas, Esq.,

in J. R. A. S. Vol. I, Xew Series, p. 447 ; a paper by my learned

and esteemed friend Babu Rajendrolala Mitra in J. A. S. B. 1875, Part

1, p. 82, and Prinsep’s PI. XXXII, J. A. S. B. 1838.

The type of both the silver and copper coins of Kunanda is very

constant, so far as the general design goes, though the copper coins vary

considerably in size, weight, and execution, while the dies of the more

u

1G2 W. TlieobaUl — Note on Some of the Symbols [No. 3,

carefully executed silver coins present minor variations, wliicli do not,

however, impair the marked uniformity of type pervading them all.

Professor Wilson thus describes the silver coin figured by him in

‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ PI. XV, f. 23. “ Round. Stag, to the right with female

figure in front ; above the back of the animal a symbol, Mon. No. 164c^,

and between its horns another (?) No. 164& Nev.

A chaitya surmounted by an umbrella, and Mon. No. 156 ; on its right

a square Mon. No. 165 surmounted by a triple tree ; on its left two sym¬

bols, No. 166 and the sign familiar to the Hindus by the name of Swas¬

tika. See No. 158" 1. c. p. 415.

On the preceding page. Professor Wilson remarks: “ The principal

object is a female figure, in front of a stag, the meaning of which does

not derive much light from the passage quoted by Mr. Csoma from the

Dul-va that ‘ a man of the religious order may have on his seal or stamp

a circle with two deer on the opposite sides, and below, the name of the

founder of the Vihara or monastery.” Wilson’s coin I will designate

as a.

Mr. E. Thomas (1. c.) thus describes his coin, which may be called b.

“ The central figure represents the conventional form of the sacred

deer of the Buddhist. (1) The horns are fancifully curved, and the tail

is imitated from that of the Himalayan yah ; an appendage, which, in its

material use and pictorial embodiment, was so early accepted as a dis¬

tinctive type of royalty. In attendance on this symbolic animal is a

lightly draped female (2) who holds aloft a lotus (3). The mono¬

gram o (4) complete the emblems on the field, but the lotus is repeated

at the commencement of the legend.”

The emblems on the reverse are thus described ; (p. 476) “ The

central device consists of a stupa (5) surmounted by a small chhatra (6)^

above which appears a favourite Buddhist symbol (7). At the foot is a

serpent (8). In the field are the Bodhi tree (9), the Swastika cross (10),

and an emblem peculiar to the Buddhists (11).”

The coin itself is figured on p. 457. In a note on p. 475, Mr.

Thomas adds, “ On some coins* the lotus is inserted in the field below

the body of the stag. On other specimens the letter A = P (Vihara ?')

occupies the vacant space.” The third coin, c, figured by Babu Rajen-

dralala Mitra (J. A. S. B. 1875, Part I, p. 89) does not materially

differ as regards the emblems engraved on it, from specimen b, and need

not therefore be more particularly described here. The fourth specimen

in silver, d, is a coin in my own possession, which differs in the animal

on the obverse, standing in full side profile, so as to display one horn

only ; in the female holding some obscure object, which it is hardly pos-

* J. A. S. B. PI. XXXII. f. 4.— W. T.

188G.]

on the Coins of Kunanda.

163

sible to regard as a lotus, but wliicli may be intended for a cliowri or fly-

wbisk, and in the presence beneath the animal’s belly of a small chaitya,

made of three segments of circles.

The three symbols which it is proposed to consider, are — 1st : The

animal forming the central figure on the obverse of these coins. 2nd,

the symbol or emblem over the animal’s head; and 3rd, the 'object

or symbol on the reverse, standing to the left of the chaitya, numbered

11 by Thomas, but the nature of which he professes his inability to

explain.

As regards the animal which writers have agreed to term a ‘ deer,’

the question which first arises is, whether the same animal is in every

case intended, or if two animals have not been confounded under one

designation ? The rude execution and style of many of these coins,

particularly the upper ones, has, I think, contributed to a laxity of inter¬

pretation, resulting on a fundamental misconception of the animal which

generally appears on the coins, as from the careful consideration of the

four above-mentioned silver coins, it may be gravely doubted if a ‘ deer ’

is the animal intended to be represented on any of them ! In coarsely

executed coins of small size, like these of Kunanda, no absolute

decision can perhaps be arrived at on the evidence of a single specimen,

but in coins of fairly good execution, as for example, specimen h, on

which Mr. Thomas recognises (correctly in my opinion) the tail of

the animal, as the tail of the Himalayan yak {Poejpliagus grunniens)

something beyond mere assertion is called for, before we can admit the

theory that the artist intended to represent a ‘ deer,’ with the tail super-

added of an animal belonging to an entirely different section of rumi¬

nants.

The well known canon of Horace should serve to warn us against

adopting such a supposition, unless there is strong evidence to warrant

our so doing.

“ Pictoribus atque poetis

Quidlibet audendi semper fuit sequa potestas.

Scimus, et hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim :

Sed non ut placidis coeant immitia, non ut

Serpentes avibus geminentur, tigribus agni.” Ad Pisones.

“ Poets and painters (sure you know the plea)

Have always been allowed their fancy free.’

I own it ; ’tis a fair excuse to plead ;

By turns we claim it, and by turns concede ;

But ’twill not screen the unnatural and absurd.

Unions of lamb with tiger, snake with bird.” Coniiigton’s translation*

164

W. Theobald — Note on Some of the Symbols

[No. 3,

The horns or antlers of deer arc branched and deciduous, and capa¬

ble of being periodically shed and renewed ; the horns of other rumi¬

nants are unbranched, persistent and supported by bony cores, as in the

oxen and antelopes, and these appendages are so characteristic of the

animal, that to represent an ox with the curved and knotted horns on

its head of an Ibex or the antlers of a hara-singha or stag, would be as

monstrous as the figure presented by ‘ Bottom,’ disguised with an ass’s

head, or the unnatural productions of heraldic imagery. Now on a coin,

it were more easy to represent with effect, a branched horn or antler,

such as characterise a ‘ deer,’ than a simple unbranched one, such as is

invariably borne by a bovine ruminant ; but on none of the above four

coins, all perhaps above the average of execution, nor indeed on the

majority of the coins in question, in either silver or copper, is there any

indication of an attempt to represent the animal with a branched horn,

or the antler of a deer, and hence I think we may fairly hesitate to

believe that a ‘ deer ’ was the animal intended.

In the best executed specimens the tail is ‘ bushy’ and drawn with

sufficient character, to fully warrant Mr. Thomas in describing it, as the

tail of a yak. What induced Mr. Thomas to consider this yak’s tail, as

grafted on to the body of a ‘ deer’ it is needless to enquire, but the ques¬

tion for us to consider is, if the animal is not rather a yah than a deer ?

Professor Wilson in his description of the coin figured in Ariana

Antiqua gives a clue to the correct determination of this point, and differs

from Mr. Thomas in describing a symbol (No. 1646 a. a. PI. XXII) as

occurring over the head of the animal. This ‘ symbol ’ (as Professor

Wilson correctly regards it) Mr. Thomas evidently regarded as con¬

stituting part of the horns, which he consequently described as “ fanci¬

fully curved,” and in this he is followed (though inferentially only and

without special comment or allusion) by Babu Bajendralala Mitra; but

the distinctness of the figure of Wilson’s coin a fully supports the view

that the object or symbol in question has no connection with the horns

of the animal, however much that may seem to be the case in less care¬

fully executed or less well preserved coins.

In the coin d in my own possession the complete isolation of the

symbol in question from the horns of the animal is as clearly marked

as in Wilson’s specimen, and is rendered more striking and obvious by

the somewhat different ‘ pose ’ of the animal, which offering a side pro¬

file, displays but a single horn, whereas Wilson’s figure exhibits both.

With equal clearness is the distinct separation between the symbol

and the horns of the animal represented on Prinsep’s Plate XXXII,

J. A. S. B. 1838, figs. 4 and 5, where the artist’s intention to depict two

cobras facing each other can hardly be questioned. These coins are of

on the Corns of Kunanda.

165

1886.]

'silver, but on tbe same Plate a copper coin fig. 8 supports the same con¬

clusion. It may also be added that on two copper coins on the Plate

figs. 9 and 10 the symbol appears to be wholly absent.

In every coin but one, which has come under my notice, in either

silver or copper, the horns are unbranched, or of the bovine, as contrasted

with the cervine type, and in the exceptionally fine specimen a, would

appear as though slightly twisted, precisely as the horns of the yak

actually are. Generally, however, the horns are represented, as simply

curved, but for this, there is a sufficient reason, in the extreme difficulty

of representing in metal, such horns in any other way ; there was there¬

fore every inducement to the artist to represent a branched horn of a

‘ deer ’ as most effectively and in the most artistic manner indicating

that animal, had such been his design. On the evidence then of eoins a

and d it may be assumed as established, that the horns of the animal repre¬

sented on the majority of these coins, are not “ fancifully curved ”

(through their aecidentally coalescing with the symbol above them) but

possess the simple curvature of a yak’s horn, and as the peeuliar bushy

tail of that animal is represented as well, with no mean pietorial fidelity,

the conclusion is irresistible that the Himalayn yak, and no species of

‘ deer,’ is the animal usually intended.

One coin has, however, fallen under my notice, the first upper coin of

this series in the British Museum collection, which undoubtedly repre¬

sents an animal with branched horns, and I see therefore no escape from

the conclusion that on this particular coin a deer and not a yah is really

intended. Perhaps other collections may contain similar coins, but it is

the only one I have myself hitherto seen. On this coin also (whether

as some might suppose fortuitously, or as I am inclined to believe, by

intention) the tail of the animal is long and lank, and not bushy like a

yak’s ; and the very fact of the tail being represented rather long,

though a deer’s tail is short, appears to me not improbably to have been

an intentional deviation from nature on the artist’s part, the more for¬

cibly to proclaim by the palpable contrast between a lank tail and the

ordinary bushy one, the substitution of a stag in place of the more gener¬

ally accepted yak. This it may, perhaps, be urged is too refined a specula¬

tion, as on the coarser and less carefully executed copper coins of the usual

type, the bushy character of the tail is not invariably maintained ; but in

the case of this coin (though it be of copper) where the artist has intro¬

duced the crucial detail, as I may call it, of a branched horn, the style of

tail represented, more probably results from design, and is correlated to

the alteration in other particulars, than from imperfect or careless execu¬

tion.

It now remains only to add a few words on the objects or symbols

166

W. Theobald — Note on Some of the Symhols

[No. 3,

depicted over the yak’s liead. In Wilson’s coin a it is clear that what¬

ever they are, they are separated from, and have no relation to, the horns

of the animal, and the same remark applies to the coin d in my ovvn

possession. They are in fact two rather stumpy or conventional figures

of snakes, presumably the Indian Cobra (Naga tripudians) , and this is

so apparent as to cause surprise that Professor Wilson should have con¬

tented himself with including them in his Plate of symbols (No. I64Z>)

without hazarding any opinion as to their true significance. On the

copper coins of rude execution, these objects are often degraded into two

straight-backed siyma-shaped objects quite unconnected with the horns,

whilst in such coins as those figured by Mr. Thomas (b) and by Babu

Rajendralala Mitra (c) of superior execution, the lengthened and more

serpentine form given them, causes the tail cut to approximate sufficient¬

ly close to the termination of the horns of the animal, to give rise to the

mistaken idea that they are really prolongations of them.

The appropriateness of a pair of cobras among a collection of Bud¬

dhist symbols is unquestionable, and on this the remarks of Mr. Thomas

which relate to the single snake below the chaitya on the reverse of

these coins may here be quoted. “ (8) The craft of serpent-charming in

the East, probably from the very beginning, contributed a powerful

adjunct towards securing the attention and exciting the astonishment of

the vulgar, whether used as an accessory to the unpretentious contents of

the juggler’s wallet, or the more advanced mechanical appliances* of pro¬

fessors of magic — who among so many ancient nations progressively

advanced the functions of their order from ocular deceptions to the

delusion of men’s minds and the framing of religions of which they con¬

stituted themselves the priests. India, which so early achieved a civili¬

zation purely its own, would appear, in the multitude of the living

specimens of the reptile its soil encouraged, to have simultaneously

affected the mass of its population with the instinctive dread and terror

of the scriptural enemy of mankind — a fear which, in the savage stage,

led to a sacrificial worship similar to that accorded to less perceptible

evil spirits. Hence the dominance of the belief in Nagas, which came

to be a household and state tradition, and which especially retained its

preeminence in the more local Buddhist faith” (1. c. p. 484).

In representing two snakes facing one another, we have an indica¬

tion, (apart from their tripudiant attitude) that the cobra was intended,

* The learned writer may not improbably when penning these words have had

the line of Jnvenal in his mind.

“ Et movisse capnt visa est argentea serpens.” Satire VI, line 338.

“ The silver snake

Abhorrent of the deed was seen to quake.” Gifford’s translation.

167

1886.] on the Goins of Kunanda.

as these reiDtiles are popularly supposed, and with some justice I believe,

to associate in pairs, so much so that it is commonly believed that if one

is killed it will not be long before its companion will be found near the

same place. Whether this is a trait with poisonous snakes only, I do

not know, but in corroboration thereof in their case I can relate an in¬

stance within my own personal knowledge. Many years ago I had a

terrier dog bitten in a dry ditch in Calcutta, by a Chandra bora, {Dahoia

Russelli, Shaw). The dog died in a very short time, and I then and

there killed its assailant, a powerful animal of some five feet in length.

The very next day, as I was walking in slippers over the same spot, I

nai'rowly escaped putting my foot down on, and being bitten by a very

similar snake, which I naturally concluded to be the partner of the one

killed the day previously. The appearance, however, of two hooded

snakes or Cobras on coins is too common to call for further comment, but

it may be asked how comes this serpent symbol to be repeated on the

reverse. To this the answer is clear. The solitary serpent, depicted as

a single undulating line below the chaitya represents not the cobra, but

another type of reptile altogether, the Asiatic Python. It is of course

needless to remind the reader that two distinct ideas are embodied in

the symbol of the serpent (considered apart from the local Indian Naga)

viz., that, with which we are most familiar, of the serjDent as the em¬

bodiment of evil, the Vedic ‘Ahis’ and ‘ Vritra,’ the dreaded throttling

snake of primeval mythology ; and the serpent in its beneficent aspect

and the symbol of life-giving and healing power. It is of course in this

latter aspect that the serpent appears beneath the ‘ chaitya,’ and on one

copper coin in my possession, the serpent is depicted, not extended at

length below the chaitya, but as entering into- it from below, so

that regarding the ‘ chaitya ’ as a leaf, the serpent is indicated as occupy¬

ing the position of its stalk, that is, as partly parallel with its base, but

curved up and united to it, in the middle. The idea in this instance is

(I would suggest) that the sacred ‘ chaitj^a’ has been selected as its

abode by the sacred and symbolic animal, as the sacred serpents of other

lands were popularly held to do, in some shrine or temple of Pallas,

Phoibos or ^sculapius. This copper coin exhibiting the union of the

snake and ‘ chaitya ’ is in rather poor condition and weighs 34 grains,

but does not display any other deviation from the ordinary type of these

coins.

The third symbol on these coins to be now noticed is that numbered

II by Mr. Thomas and regarding which he thus expresses himself (1. c.

page 487).

“ (II) I am unable to conjecture the intent or import of the singu¬

lar emblem which appears below the Swastika. An earlier form of the

168

W. Theobald — Note on Some of the Symbols, ^‘c.

[No. 3,

device occurs on the introductory weight currency * * * but tins

outline suggests no more intelligible solution of its real import than the

more advanced linear configuration. The design may possibly have

emanated from some fortuitous combination of mystic signs of local

origin, so many of wbicb passed imperceptibly into the symbolization of

Buddhism. General Cunningham states that this device, in its modified

form as seen on Kunanda’s coins, is found on the necklace of Buddhist

symbols on one of the Sanclii gateways.”

I would here enter, eu passant, a protest against the idea of any

“ fortuitous combination ” being responsible for the origin of religious

symbols of any sort ; indeed the terms ‘ mystic ’ and ‘ fortuitous ’ appear

to be mutually incompatible. The reason why hair grows on some

parts of our body and not on others, may be unknown to us, but it is

certainly not fortuitous. The removal of the hair from a part of the

body, in the tonsure of the priest, is also not fortuitous, but mystical in

the highest degree ; and we should certainly err in supposing the ‘ ton-

sure ’ a fortuitous and meaningless custom, because its origin being

thoroughly pagan, and rooted in an impure soil (as we who have lost all

sympathy with and almost the power of appreciating justly the old

nature worship, would term it) is probably unknown and its import

unsuspected by the majority of those individuals in modern Christendom

who submit to the rite, and thereby masquerade in the cerements of a

religion, their very souls would recoil from. The fact that the meaning

of a rite or symbol is unknown or but little dwelt on may be used

as an argument for suspecting that its origin, like that of many a noble

house, is of such a character as to be dishonestly kept in the back

ground, but not that it is in any way fortuitous, and still less that it is

at once fortuitous and mystical likewise.

Whether the archaic symbol referred to by Mr. Thomas as occur¬

ring on the weight currency was of identical import with the symbol on

the coins of Kunanda need not here be discussed, as the authority of

Mr. Thomas is, I consider, sufficient to settle the question affirmatively ;

but as regards the symbol on the coins, a very simple and appropriate

explanation presents itself to any one familiar with Buddhist manners

at the present day in a Buddhist country, like Burma for instance.

Viewed then by the light of modern Buddhist usage, the symbol in ques¬

tion resolves itself into an altar or receptacle wherein food is exposed for

the benefit of animals, in the neighbourhood of a monastery or pagoda.

In Burma, food may often be seen thus exposed, often lavishly, for the

use of any passing animal, generally on the ground or on some low and

easily accessible spot, but sometimes on a raised platform or altar con¬

structed for the purpose. For the use of birds, a pious Buddhist would

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind tribe of -Jdjfur.

169

naturally provide a raised support, mucli of the character of the symbol in

question on the coins, so that the birds, when feeding, might be safe from

the attack of any beast of prey in ambush near them, and such an altar

for the reception of food, is in strict accord with the other symbols with

which it is associated. To those who have not seen the symbol, it may

be roughly described as resembling a flower-pot elevated on a pole,

but whether the intention is to represent a partially hollow receptacle or

not, is neither very clear nor very material.

The archaic form of the symbol supports, or, at all events, does not

militate against the explanation now offered. It consists of an upright

y supporting a cup-shaped vessel, not improbably representing the beg¬

ging bowl of a Buddhist monk.

On one side of this vessel are two appendages forming a < the

precise character of which is certainly far from clear. It is just possible,

if the object is intended for a begging bowl, that the appendage in ques¬

tion may represent conventionally the carp or ends of a band, used to

sustain it, whilst collections are being made : but this suggestion I

make tentatively and with much hesitation.

These remarks I offer for what they are worth, leaving it to those

with more extensive knowledge of the subject than myself, or whose

acquaintance with these coins is larger than my own, to decide what

weight fairly attaches to them.

Bedford^ May Wth, 1886.

The Mind tribe of Jdjpur, in Meywar. — By Kavi Raj Shyamal Dass,

M. R. A. S., F. R. Historical Society. Translated by Babu Ram

Prasad.

The Minas are said to be a mixed race : descended from unions

between high caste fathers and low caste mothers, and are divided into

three hundred and forty clans.

Of these only seventeen are of importance, the remainder being

represented only by a few families. They are found all over Rajputana,

but principally in Meywar, Jeypore, Bundi, and Kota.

The seventeen clans are as follows :

(I.) Tazi derived from a Rajput father.

(2.) Pawri from a Brahman father and Mina mother.

(3.) Mor Jala

(4.) Chita

(5.) Hunhaj Rajput father and Mina mother.

(6.) Barad derived fi'om a Mahajan.

V

170

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind trihe of Jdjpur. [No. 3,

(7.) Belangt^JT.

(8.) Kabra

(9.) Dagal from a Rajput father.

(10.) Ghartud from a Rajput father.

(11.) Bhurwo

(12.) Kirwa

(13.) Dhodhing VTVfJT of a Chowhan father.

(14.) Bhil born of a Bhil mother.

(15.) Boya

(16.) Mothis from a Pramar or Puar Rajput.

(17.) Parihar (W^) from a Rajput father.

Of the above only the Mothis and Parihar are found in the Jajpur* * * §

district in any considerable number, and the following account relates

principally to these two clans. f

The Jajpur Minas number altogether two thousand five hundred

families, composing, in round numbers, eleven thousand five hundred

souls.;];

MoTHis Mina.§

The Mothis family of Minas is said to have been founded about three

centuries before the age of Vikramaditya by a Rajput of the Pramar

clan, of which Vikram was the pride and ornament.

Rohi|| Das, a descendant of Raja Barna Rishi, son to Raja Dhiimra

(to whose family also belonged Chitrang Mori and Bhartrihari), was one

day engaged in contemplation on Mount Abu, when a Banjara female «

who had strayed from her caravan of bullocks chanced to pass by him.

Rohi Das was struck with her beauty, and wooed her. She in due course

gave birth to two sons, Haria and Saria, in a field of lentils, (Moth),

whence they came to be called Mothis ; and in consequence of having

been born of a low caste mother, they were ranked low.

* Yajnapura ‘ city of sacrifice ’ is the original Sanskrit name : although in the

word the jn regularly becomes g in Hindi or ^ y®t in the name of the

town it becomes ^ giving Jajpur, which again outsiders have modified into J ahaj

pur. See my Comp. Gram. Vol. I., p. 302. — Ed.

f The writer is indebted to the Hakim (Mehta Lachhmi Lai Ji) of the district

for much assistance in the enquiry regarding the Minas, and also to Bhawana Mina

a Subahdar in the Sajjan Paltan.

J The total number of Minas in Rajputana is fixed by Kitts at 42,7672. Com¬

pendium of Castes and Tribes, p. 13.

§ This narrative has been taken from the MSS. of theMagas and Dholis, and

from oral accounts delivered by old men.

II His younger brother succeeded to the throne of Dhar in^Malwa.

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyanial Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpur.

171

The Mothis Minas are not allowed to step on the carpets of Hindus

because of their having practised cow-slaughter at some period.

The genealogy of the Mothis Minas is as follows :

(1.) Rohi Das ^T^..

(2.) Haria and Saria

(3.) Ren

(4.) Chundar

(5.) Kous

(6.) Kati Rae TT^.

I

(7.) Budka

I "

(8.) Balra

I

(9.) Khetram Pasa

I

c I ■

(10.) *Satuii

(11.) Hatak

(The hero of his race, who

distinguished himself as a

warrior in the fight against

Baghrawuts.f He is wor¬

shipped by the Mothis Mi¬

nas, as a hero-god.)

(10.) Dipsa

(11.) Dewul

I

(12.) Udasi came to the

Toda Solankhi Chief of

Bhanyla (the modern

town of Hayanagar), be¬

tween S. 1404 and 1488.

(13.) Bisal

I

(14.) Guna JT-fT.

I *

(15.) Tida fWl.

I

(16.) Toi

* His descendants are found in Merwara.

f The twenty-four Baghrawat brothers were the descendants of Bagh Rao in

the service of Prithvi Baj Chauhan. They acquired a reputation for benevolence and

courage but are said to have been addicted to spirituous liquors.

A Gujar woman bore to the eldest brother Sawai Bhoj a son Deva, worshipped

under the name of Devaji by the Gujars. All the brothers lost their lives on the

Khari river in Meywar, fighting against the Raja of Bhanai in Ajmere j their deeds

are still sung by the villagers.

172

Kavi Raj Slijamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpur.

[No. 3,

(17.) Mahal

I

(18.) Matri

I

(19.) Sala

(20.) Deva

(21.) Har Raj had

twelve sons only two of whom had

issue.

r

Man da

I,

Nala *17^.

Akha (^^).

Gopal jTt^T^.

Ramo

Maimu

I ^

Kishno

I ^ •

Shambhu

Teja ffoIT.

I

Sri Ram Patel

to his dependants, and thus acquired great fame among his caste people.

The Mothis Minas claim to have sprung into existence eight hundred

years ago, but a study of their genealogy shows that a later period

must be assigned to their origin.

The Minas of this clan are a tall, handsome, and dark complexioned

race. Their dress has apparently been modified by contact with more

advanced races. It generally consists of a dirty dhoti, a turban, and a

bagtari or jacket.

Bows, arrows, and daggers are their principal weapons ; they

also, however, carry swords and muskets, and are courageous in

battle. They live mainly on barley and Indian-corn, but eat meat as

well, and indulge in spirits. Though brave they are generally a poor

class, and lead a humble life. In addition to cultivation" they live by

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpitr.

173

thieving, which with them is a sort of hereditary profession. They are

loyal to the Government — their number is very limited in the majority

of villages. They worship Malaji, and do not mount a white horse, or

use Amauwa dye (a colour prepared with turmeric and the

husks of pomegranates mixed with alum), in consequence of a curse

pronounced by Malaji on that colour.

Legend of Malaji {alias Mangatji) as delivered orally by Minas :

When the Bhagrawats were killed, Sandhu, a Gujar female, went

with her child Deva Narayan, six months old to her father’s house.

When the child grew up, he came with his mother to Gotha, and

when starting for Ran to revenge the murder of his ancestors by the

chieftains of that place, as well as to take back the colt of the mare Boli

from them, he was enjoined by his mother to take with him the young¬

est of the five sons of her sister (whose husband was Satuji Pawar),

who was in the village Bhanyela, that formed one of the twelve villages

in Satuji’s jaghir.

This lady was a kanchuli badal sister, (^. e,, one who had ex¬

changed bodices) of Deva Narayan’s mother.

Deva Ndrayan acted on the order and took Malaji with him to

Ran.

He fought with the chieftains of the place and was returning vic¬

torious with the colt, when the Ran people pursued him ; Deva Harayan

went straight to Gotha, but ordered Malaji to face the enemy, and to

kill anything he might meet and bring with him one of the legs of

whatever he slew.

Malaji defeated the pursuers, and on his way back to Gotha, he

saw a cow, killed it, and put one of its legs in the horse’s food-bag.

The legend says, the cow was not real, but had been left there by

Deva Rarayan to try the faith of Malaji ; Deva Harayan having formed

it of the dirt of his body and inspired it with life.

When Malaji came in sight of Deva Harayan, the latter refused

to touch him — accusing him of cow- slaughter. But Malaji instantly

sprinkled ambrosia on the victim, which sprang into existence again :

this act pleased Deva Harayan highly, and he pronounced bene¬

diction upon Malaji, saying he himself had only 12 kalas (art or

trick) , but Malaji would have one kala in addition ; and made him

proof against shot, arrow, and sword, but said if a Thori* should chance

to hit him with an arrow of green reed (santhi) after wetting its tip with

his saliva he (Malaji) would at once die, and be translated to heaven.

Malaji took leave of Deva Narayan and returned to Bhanyla : after

a time a quarrel broke out between him and the Baghrawats, on the

* A very low class of people.

174

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpnr. [No. 3,

ground of division of shares, which was followed by a fight, but

Malaji could not be killed, because Deva Narayan’s benediction was

upon him.

However, the secret of his vulnerability was unwittingly made

known by his wife Bhatyaniji, to the attendant who dressed her hair, and

she revealed it to her husband, and he in turn to the Baghrawats.

They accordingly secared the services of a number of Thoris for

the special purpose of killing Malaji, and ordered them to try to shoot

him with an arrow of green santhi, wetted with their saliva.

One day, as Malaji was seated at a window of his house, with one

leg hanging down, a Thori hit him with an arrow in execution of the

order of the Baghrawats.

Immediately, Malaji extended one of his feet to the ridge of the

eaves and the other to a heap of cowdung cakes, and crying out “ chhiit,

chhut ” “ fie ! fie !” ascended up to heaven.

During the night he used to come and visit his wife Bhatyaniji,

and told her not to make known the fact to anybody.

One day his mother seeing her widowed daughter-in-law adorning

herself, asked her the reason ; she was obliged to tell her the secret.

She told her mother-in-law to hide herself among tulsi plants at

night and behold what passed. She did accordingly ; Malaji came

and passed the night — 'but when on the point of departing in the morn¬

ing, his mother held him by the hand. He said, if his secret had not

been thus revealed, a person of better qualifications than himself would

have been born in the family, and he himself would have assisted the

members of the family in fight in a tangible shape, but now he would

come privately, and keep himself in advance of a hero, who would

see him.

Moreover, he commanded the family never to use the following

articles :

(1) A white cloth ; (2) an ivory bangle ; (3) an indigo-coloured and

bordered gown having angular bits of cloth sewed on to it, and other

articles that his wife had on her body at the time.

Amauwa dye, an arched door, double folding shutters, a heap of cow-

dung cakes and a gable roof are never made or used by Mothis Minas.

After this Malaji went to heaven, taking with him his wife, the

white horse (that had been given to him by Deva Narayan when going

to Ran), and its groom.

The horse was white, and that is the reason why the Mothis Minas

do not mount a white horse.

Malaji is worshipped on the 9th day of the month, and the Navarni

of Asarh sudi is the particular day of his worship, when a

fair is held in his honour at his shrine on mount Rohi in Bhanyla.

Kavi Raj Shyaraal Uas — The Minn tribe of Jdjpur.

175

Thoris are not allowed by the Minas to enter their villages, be¬

cause the latter owe them a grudge for their having killed Malaji.

The Parihar MinXs.

The Parihar Minas exceed in number all the other castes inhabit¬

ing the District of Jajpur ; forty thousand men of this branch live

within the bounds of Meywar, Tonk, Buudi,* and Jeypore, and are

systematically organised.

Origin and genealogy, as given by the Jagas and Dholis :

(1.) hTahar Rao Tr? (Raja of Mandore in Marwar).

(2.) Mal^Deo

, I

(3.) Supan

I

(4.) Jaru

(5.) Thunsi

1 "

(6.) Seva and Soma

' These two (No. 6) went to Toda between S. 1503 and 1547 and

were granted jagirs by the Raja of Toda.

(7.) Samda — the legitimate son of Soma, repaired to

Malwa.

Then Soma married two Mina women, named Kerdi and

Kabri, who bore him six sons :

(a.) Hapa whose descendants are found towards Umargadh.

(&.) Napa^TRT )

, ' > died childless.

(c.) Sadna )

{d.) Sanwul — who was killed.

(e.) Deni — whose descendants are traced to Minas still living

in the Bundi state.

(/. ) Bhoja — his issue exists in Jajpur.

From Bhoja was born :

(8.) Dena

I

(9.) Haja

* The date of their advent is fixed about the 12th century A. D., confirmed by

an inscription in a temple at the Kheran village of Oomur. — Mr. A. N. Bruce’s

“ Report on the Parihar Minas *’ 18G5-67. Also Sherring’s “ Hindu Castes and

Tribes,” Vol. Ill, p. 80.

176

Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — T/>e Mind tribe of Jdjimr.

[No. 3,

From Haja were born :

Dama ; Rama ; Sala

Sala offered his head to Mahadev ; the descendants of his brothers

are extensively spread.

Vis. ; Dama

I

ITda ‘3i^I

I

Halii

I ^

Ran Mall ^TOr

Neta ^rTT

Isar (^K)

1

Ganga Jf JTT

I

Manohar

I

Danga ^JTT

I

Bhuta rf vr

I ^

Dipa fWr

Madhn

I

Bhar Mall RTT

' Saiga

It is said that (No. 13) Ran Mai, son of (No. 12) Halu, received

the grant of the village of Lnhari from Raja Jang Bahadur* of Malwa.

The wife of Isar (No. 15) (son of Nela) (No. 14) immolated herself

on the funeral pyre, and the platform erected over the spot where she

was reduced to ashes is still to be seen.

There have been born heroes in this tribe, which is called after

the race from which it is derived. The Parihar Minas are a brave

and athletic race, tall, handsome, and well-built ; but revengeful ;

and maintaining blood-feuds for generations. They wear a frock,

and dhoti of cotton cloth. Their principal weapons are bow and

arrows, dagger and sword : having been disarmed by the British

* The correct name seems to be Baz Bahadur, who sought refuge with M. R.

Udai Singh of Meywax’, when Akbar deprived him of Malwa.

Rama TTRT

I

Narbad

Manna ??T'^r

Rugga TI3IT (^W)

Bhoma RTRT

Lala

I

Maha Ram

Naiiji Patel

(at present in Intoda.)

177

1886.] Kavi Raj Shyamal Diis — The Mind tribe of Jdjpnr.

Government in S. 1916 (—A. D. 1860) they do not publicly carry arms.

Their food consists of wheat, barley, Indian corn, and ghi, they indulge

in spirits and eat largely of flesh of all kinds, save that of the boar

which, strange to say, they hold to be sacred.

Generally they are a well-to-do people, very few of them being poor,

and most of them owning large herds of cattle. Theft is their general

profession, and some of them follow dacoity, they practise husbandry

merely as a nominal pursuit.

They have a strong feeling of attachment to their clan, and readily

unite against outsiders. They have all the obstinate courage of hill

men, and are disposed to be turbulent and troublesome subjects, re¬

quiring a strong hand to keep them in order.

When not called upon to fight against their own tribe, the Parihar

Minas are very reliable and daring mercenaries.

The Minas of this branch are very cunning and expert thieves,

and do not always fulfil the conditions of compacts in the nature of

black-mail entered into with travellers.

When a theft is traced home to them, and the perpetrators of the

crime are fined, they pay the amount, but recompense themselves by

similar ventures at the earliest opportunity.

They principally worship Mahadev (Shiv).

It is not held by them to be inconsistent with their dignity, to give

their daughters in marriage on payment of money ; but as their number

is very great, and the other Mina castes are comparatively few in number

it rarely happens that the latter have to marry the daughter of a Parihar

Mina, and whenever they do so, they pay a fine, so low are the Parihars

held in estimation by the other Minas.

The Parihar Minas used to kill their daughters in former days, but

this barbarous practice has gradually died out since the Camp at Deoli

has been in existence, and the monthly statement of births and deaths

is submitted to the Agency.

The crime has not been heard of for some years past. On refer¬

ring to the statement for Saravat 1936 (= A. D. 1879-80) for Peplea,

the number of boys was found to be in the ratio of 22 : 0 to girls.

The younger brother can marry the widow of the elder, but a woman

cannot become the wife of her sister’s son : the other rules of Nata

(widow-marriage) all hold good in the case of the Parihars.

SiNDAM Minas.

Jorji or Zorji Rathor — chief of Kalin jar in Kangra,

had a younger son named Jamraj, from whom descended the following

line —

w

178

Kavi Raj Sliyaraal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpiir.

[R'o. 3,

Jam Raj ofT^T;p5f.

Maha Raj

Karnacli

, j

Papii XTT^.

J

Rama TT^T.

I

Deva

!

Maharakh (? wf^).

Kor 3in^.

. J .

Mainal

Thara ^TTT.

Thara married a Mina female Sari — tlie result of tlieir union came

to be called Siddama

Kala, came to Meywar.

His descendant (in the 15th generation) named Sanvla Patel

is living in Nathun.

From the numbers mentioned above, the family may be said to have

existed for not less than three or four centuries.

They worship Devi and Bhairava ; they pay no reverence to Malaji ;

other facts about them are the same as those of the Mathis Minas.

Dhodhing.

Tej Pal Chowhan, took to wife the bride of Dhanna Mina, from

the union sprang the Dhodhing Minas, who originally dwelt in Mandal,

but subsequently removed to the Kherar.

Kishna the Patel of Tila is in the 23rd generation from Tej Pal —

a fact from which the family is concluded to have been founded about

six hundred years ago. Charbhuja is their chief deity.

They resemble in all respects the Parihars and Mothis Minas.

General Remarks.

Among the Sudra class, the Minas of the Kherar and the Bhils of

the hilly tracts are very interesting, and a comparison is here drawn

between them.

1886.] Kavi Haj Shyamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpur.

179

Bhils.

Minds.

(1-) Wild race, a blackish com¬

plexion.

(2.) Follow theft occasionally

and way-lay travellers.

(3.) Loyal to the State, and

hard-working.

(4.) Inhabiting an area of 600

miles.

(5.) Wear breeches not cover¬

ing the thigh, and a cloth passing

round the body cross-wise over the

shoulders — both of country-cloth.

(6.) Their weapons consist of

bow and arrow ; they are well-

skilled in hill-fight.

(7.) Worshippers of Kalaji.

(8.) A man can marry five

women at a time.

(1.) Ignorant ; — wheat en com¬

plexion.

(2.) Occasional robbers but

habitual thieves.

(3.) Not very loyal.

(4.) 400 miles.

(5.) Frock and dhoti.

(6.) Spear and dagger : capable

of fighting on the plains, as well as

in the hilly tracts.

(7.) Worship Mataji.

(8.) A man can take two

wives.

Neither of these races is bound by any religion or social law,

homicide is to them a mere sport.

They organise a system of Thana of their own caste-men for the

prevention of theft and highway robbery.

They do not plead guilty even on punishment being dealt out to

them.

They are well aided in their profession by hills and forests.

The Minas regularly pay rent, and instalments of debts. They

never allow other castes to settle in their villages.

The contributor’s own views.

The accounts of the origin of the Minas, given in the foregoing

pages, according to the views expressed by well-informed people of that

tribe, and the traditions of the bards, are in my opinion not correct,

seeing that mistakes generally occur in the records kept by the latter,

except so far as the genealogies comprised in a period of nearly the

last three centuries are concerned.

Therefore, I take the liberty of here stating my own views as

to the origin of this interesting race somewhat in detail, which urges

me to go back to a very, very ancient epoch of history.

There was no law to prohibit the four castes into which the Aryans

split up after their immigration into India from Central Asia regions

180

Kavi Raj Shyamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpur.

[No. 3,

from blending together in fact the differences between them consisted

merely in the variety of the particular calling pursued, or the degree

of excellence acquired by each.

Visvamitra, Valmiki, Vedavyasa, Dron A'charya, may serve as in¬

stances as they were reckoned among the Brahmans on showing by

their proficiency and behaviour, that they deserved the promotion, not¬

withstanding that the first was originally a Kshatriya, the second a

Bhil, the third sprung from a Kaharif female and the fourth of unknown

parentage and found in an earthen vessel.

As time advanced and ages rolled on, and the same profession

continued to be pursued in a family for generations, every class came

gradually to be distinguished by its ancestry ; but nature had its own

way, and the several races intermarried among themselves, thus giving

birth to an immensity of castes and tribes.

I. A person descended from a Vaishya father and a Brahman

mother, is called a Vaideh :

(a)

From a Vaishya father by a Kshatriya woman, is born a Magudh ;

while from a Vaishya by'^ a Brahman wife, springs a Vaideh.

(h) §

A Vaideh is a mixed caste derived from a Vaishya man and Brah¬

man woman.

I conjecture that a low class of people dwelling in large numbers

among the hills to the south of Oodeypore and called Vaid — the men

among them serving as barbers, and the females as midwives, are na

other race than the Vaidehas mentioned by our great lawgiver : they

bear no sort of resemblance to any other caste.

Probably, the Vaidehas, when looked down by the Aryans of pure

blood, by reason of their mixed origin, preferred to go over to live

among the Bhils (an aboriginal race, considered one of the lowest class

that can be imagined, by the Aryan conquerors) — who regarded them

with a certain degree of respect, as they were descendants of Aryan

parentage.

II. Med are the people born of Vaideh fathers by Bhil mothers :

(a) II

* Cf, Wilson’s “ Indian Caste,” Vol. I, p. 117.

f Fislierwoman.

J Mann, 10th chapter 11th verse.

§ Sabdarth Chintamani ( ) Yol. lY, p. 450.

II Manu, loth chapter 36th verse.

181

1886.] Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind trihe of Jdjpur.

From the Vaidehas are descended the Andhras and the Meds—

destined to live (in the outskirts of or) without the town.

(6) —

The Meds are a mixed class resulting from the intermarriage of a

Vaideh man to a Bhil woman.

The Meds thus descended from the Vaidehas spread in the hilly

tracts mentioned above.

After the lapse of centuries perhaps, their name was most likely

modified into the form Mew, while the portion of the country inhabited

by them was called Mewal (contr. of Mew + Alaya

The pergunnah now known by that name is no longer occupied by

them, not even to the least extent or number.

Most probably the Mews now found in the tract called Mewat,

subject to the Ulwar and Bhartpore states, were expelled their origi¬

nal abode, I suppose, by the Gujars [a tribe from Sindh, who were the

barbariansf known to have sacked the kingdom of Vallabhi in the

peninsula of Saurashtra — which came to be called after them Gujarat]

who advanced towards Mewul, either, in pursuit of the descendants of

the Vallabhi kings of the Solar Line, who had sought shelter in the

southern ranges of the Arvallis, or with a desire to extend their sway

over those hill tracts where small ponds dug out by them still survive

as the landmarks of their authority.

Of course the Mews would or could not have been expelled all at

once, but only gradually after the Gujars had contracted marriages

with their women ; and I sui^pose the Minas, (Menas) to be a cross-race

between them. Their present name seems to be merely a contraction

of the full name Mewna (given them by the Gujars, who regarded them

of a lower standing than themselves.

The term Mewna *fT means, — descendants of the Mews — (*ri) na

being the GujratiJ particle for the preposition of, signifying relation.

This tribe is found to live in increasing numbers in Mewal and in

the hilly land to its S. E. while the hills to its west are occupied by the

Bhils [the Mews having emigrated to Mewat as mentioned above].

* Vol. Ill, p. 666.

f (a) Forbes’ Eas Mala.

(b) Wilson’s Ind. Caste, Vol. II, p. 91,

(c) Bun Eaj Oliaora.

(a) Gujrati story.

Gujrati words are still greatly mixed with the spoken latiguage of the people

who live in Mewal and in the hilly tracts of Mewar generally. For Mewalsee a?Ue

p. 29.

182 Kavi Raj Sliyamal Das — The Mind tribe of Jdjpur. [No. 3,

The evidence of the Mews having been the original inhabitants of

Me war is borne by the facts given below.

(1) Me war is a compound word composed of Mew and Ar

and means a land of shelter to the Mews.

(2) Mewal is still the name of a tract (forming part of Mewar)

which shows that at some period or other its fastnesses formed the dwell¬

ing-place of the Mews.

(3) Mewat a compound of Mew and At — ^Tcf, the name given

to the part of the country where they are now found, evidently proves

it to be the place of their advent from other parts and that they are

not the primitive inhabitants (the children of the soil).

The connection between the Mews and the Minas is quite clear on

the following grounds : —

(1) The Mews, as well as the Minas, live, not so much in villages

as in congregations of separate houses or huts which are called Pals by

both of them.

(2) The names of the various clans among them are found to cor¬

respond.

(3) The appearance of the Minas living in Mewal at the present

day differs from that of the Bhils, while it closely resembles that of the

Mews.

A number of the Mews who took up their abode on the northern

borders of Mewar [when the tide of emigration of the tribe flowed

towards what is now called Mewat,] are called Mers or Mairs [a term

which is commonly used in Rajpiitana for border* or boundary] or

the border people, and the part of the country adopted by them for

residence is called Mairwarra up to date.

(1) I fancy that these Mers intermarried with the Gujars for a

second time, when the latter left the southern and advanced towards

the northern poidion of Mewar, and it may be, as the bards would have

it, also with the Rajputs, preferring the Kherars for their habitation ;

at this stage they resumed their name Mina, the original designation

of their family.

(2) Moreover the fact of the Minas of the Kherars being the

result of a union between the Gujars and the Mews, is confirmed by the

following similarities between them and the Gujars :

(a) Similarities in appearance and customs.

As the Aryan Hindus perform funeral obsequies to the manes of

their forefathers in the dark half of the month of As win (Asaj or

Kuar), in the same way, both the Minas and the Gujars perform the

* Mer or Mair does not signify a hill, as mentioned in J. De La Touche’s Settl.

Rep. p. 38 and in Capt Rowlett’s Kerowli Gazetteer.

183

1886.] C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan kings of Delhi.

ceremony annually, on the 15th day of the dark fortnight of Kartik in

the course of the night of Dewali.

The proceedings do not differ materially in these two peoples ;

both of them dip Xndhijhara ('^T^T WT^T) and Mundapati (^T

and Giima (= Pharnaceum Mallugo) into water during the ceremony.

(6) The Minas as well as the Gujars consider themselves justified

in marrying the widow of the elder brother.

(c) The Kanyars (a cognate race to the jagas and bards), whose

duty it is to recite the deeds and genealogies of their employers, regard

the Minas and the Gujars in the same light.

(d) The Gujars worship Devaji, who is the same hero as Mala ji

or Mangut ji (whose legend is given at the conclusion of the account of

the Mothis Minas), adored by the Minas.

(e) The conflicts between the two are settled as between people

on an equal footing.

(f.) The Gujars and Minas smoke together. They eat out of the

same pot, but not out of the same plate.*

Conclusion.

Further research will probably bring to light other points of re¬

semblance between the Gujars and the Minas.

This paper has been written as the result of an enquiry concerning

the Minas, it being rather an easy task for one who has passed the first

34 years of his life at his jagir forming a part of the Kherars.

A pond of legends is given in this essay from which it is expected

scholars will be able to fish much useful information.

Coins supplementary to Mr. Thomas^ “ Chronicles of the Pathan kings of

Delhi.” No. IV. — By Chas. J. Rodgers, A. M., A. S. B. &c.

I have had the accompanying two plates in hand for nearly four

years. The reasons for this long period are not far to seek. This is my

fourth supplement to Mr. Thomas’ excellent work. All coins are now-a-

days getting scarcer and scarcer, except the ever- decreasing-in- value

rupee. Hence rare and unedited coins must of necessity be seldom met

with. As, hitherto, I have had only the Pan jab in which I could search,

the coins coming under my notice are mostly those obtained in the bazars

of Panjab cities. But my coins correspondence has during the last four

years considerably increased, and many friends have placed their trea-

* Capt. P. W. Powlett’s Kerowli Gazetteer, p. 19.

184 C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan Icings of Delhi. [No. 3,

snres at my disposal. Of the thirty coins here drawn very few are in my

own cabinet now, though at one time they were mine. So far as I know

tliey are at present thus distributed : —

(1.) Gold coin of Fath Khan and Firoz Shah, new type, found by

me, now in possession of General Cunningham.

(2.) Rupee of Shams ud Din Altamash ; cabinet of L. White

King, Esq., LL. B. 0. S., Ajmir.

(3.) Qila Deogir Mohur of Tuglaq Shah I. found by mo, now in

the Government Central Museum, Madras.

(4.) Dam of Ibrahim Sur, my cabinet.

(5.) Dam of Sikandar Siir, my cabinet.

(6.) Mixed copper and silver coin of Firoz Shah and Muhammad

Sliah : my cabinet, from General Cunningham.

(7.) Gold Mohur of Ibrahim Shah of Jiianpiir. Dr. Da Cunha’s

cabinet, Unique.

(9.) Daulatabad Mohur of Tuglaq Shah I. Dr. Da Cunha’s cabi¬

net.

(10.) Lahore rupee of Sikandar Sur Ismail Dr. Da Cunha’s cabi¬

net. Unique with mint and date.

(11.) Mohur of Nasir ud Din Mahmiid Shah ; found by me, now in

Government Central Museum, Madras.

(12.) Square Mohur of Ala ud Din Muhammad Shah, General

C u nningham . Uniq ue .

(13.) Small copper coin of Ibrahim Lodi and Rama Maharajah of

Kangra, cabinet of J. D. Tremlett, Esq., M. A., Judge of the chief Court,

Lahore.

(14.) In all probability a duplicate, with further development of

inscription ; from the same gentleman’s cabinet.

(15.) Small silver coin of Nasir ud Din Mahmud. Formerly in the

cabinet of Alexander Grant, Esq., C. I. E. of Cheltenham, then in

mine, now in the Government Central Museum, Madras.

(16). Rupee of Mubariz ud Daniya, Mohammad Shah Sur, General

Cunningham.

(17.) Half rupee of Ibrahim Siir. The only silver coin of his

known up to the present. General Cunningham.

(18.) Mohur of Nasir ud Din Khusrau Shah. Found by me at

Amritsar. Exchanged to J. G. Delmerick, Esquire ; sold to General

Cunningham : exchanged to me : now in the Government Central

Museum, Madras.

(19.) New type in copper of Kutb ud Din Mubarak Shah. My

cabinet. Duplicate in the Cabinet of Mrs. Stoker of Attock, now of

Dharmsalla.

188G.] 0. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan Icings of Delhi. 185

(20) (21) and (22.) Brass coins of .Firoz Shah Zafar, bin Firoz

Shah. My cabinet.

(23.) Anonyrnons Coin, my cabinet.

(24.) New type of Abii Bakr Shah bin Firoz Shah. General Cnn-

ningbain.

(25.) New tj"pe of Firoz Shah, Zafar, son of Firoz Shah Tnglaq.

My cabinet.

(26.) Ghaital. General Cunningham.

(27.) New type of Changez Khan. My Cabinet. Duplicates cabi¬

nets of Col. Mat. Gosett, Dorsetshire Regiment, Aden, and of L. W.

King, Esq., Ajmir.

(28.) Posthumous Coin of Mubarak Shah. My cabinet, duplicate

General Cunningham.

(29.) Square Mohur of Islam Shah Sur. The only gold coin of

this king known. Found by me in Amritsar, now with General Cun¬

ningham.

(30.) “Dokani” piece or Dokanike. General Cunningham.

From this it will be seen that I possess now only eleven of the coins

here described and that six others were found by me and passed on to

safer custody. I here take the opportunity of thanking my friends

General Cunningham, Dr. Da Cunha and J. D. Tremlett, Esq. for the

loan of the coins they so kindly allowed me to draw.

Nearly all the coins are unique so far as our present knowledge goes.

I know of duplicates only of Nos. 3, 4, 5, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 27, and 28.

But further research will I daresay unearth more. Just now there

seems a lull in numismatic researches and in finds. Roads, railways

and canals being finished and not in progress account for this. I have

heard of only one find of coins during the last four years. About a year

ago a lot of heavy mohurs of Akbar and Jahangir appeared in the Lahore

bazar, I could not get to know where they had been found. Many of the

Jahangiri mohurs were “ Kalimah ” ones. These were as fresh as if just

from the mint. I have just returned from a tour of four months, and

during the whole of this time though I examined the bazars of every

place I visited I obtained only 3 or 4 new coins out of a total of nearly

300 purchased for the Archaeological Survey. Every place seems swept

out.

Owing to the fact that I drew these coins as they came into or passed

through my hands they follow no chronological order. Last year I

commenced plates for a fifth supplement. This will 1 hope be the last.

When it is finished it is my intention to add a list of the coins I have

given in chronological order.

Several of these coins have already been published in England by

X

186 C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Fathan kings of Felhi. [No. 3,

the Hon’ble Mr. Gibbs and by the British Museum. But as many of

the members of the Asiatic Society of Bengal are not members of the

Numismatic Society of London and do not see the catalogues published

by the British Museum, I do not think any harm will be done by my

retaining them in my plates.

I will now decipher the inscriptions on the coins as far as I can.

There is a duplicate of this coin in the British Museum. Thomas

edits a rupee of this Deogir Mint. But these two Mohurs are all I have

heard of from this mint.

No. 4. Ohv.

lhLw.Jt

Rev.

I “

Sir

No. 5. Obv.

J

jsiX

WO

Rev.

As on No. 4.

187

188G.] 0. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Patlian kings of Delhi.

No. 6. Ohv. Dev.

t5

Jt

>A/o!

VS

No. 7.

Ohv. — y\

Dev.

^;yo(

^ -7.

Margin: — AjUjU^j j

•• 10

No. 8. Obv. — Same as in No. 7.

Dev. — Same as in No. 7.

Margin : — Same as in No. 7. The word used is dinar, but the unit

is eight not two as in No. 7.

No. 9. Ohv. Dev.

y\

VI'S (3-i-^

hjjjf Aj(^ &JdKbt

Margin: — ^ j <xi.wj j b| |i.A

The six in the reverse looks like a one. The coin, however, being

posthumous as shown in the margin the reading I have given must stand.

No. 10. Ohv. Margin at bottom.

J_y** d^'Ct*.,v»(

Sir

jy»5/

On left

t <1-^

«•

Top and right hand not legible.

Mr. Thomas read neither Ismael nor 8ur. Yet both words are on

the coin he gives. The British Museum Catalogue reads 8ur but de¬

ciphers Ismael thus which of course means nothing. This coin of

Dr. Da Cunha’s is invaluable as giving the mint Lahore and part of the

margin which agrees with the inscription on Sikandar’s copper coin

No. 5, noticed above. How he got the name Ismael I an’t say. Fe-

rishta says his name was Ahmad Khan.

188 C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan hings of Delhi. [No. 3,

j ji, (^)yj'** y u^y^ 3^

•• •• *

^^a1/o ^ I. Ij ^ I y/o I ^1 ^LjL) ^

# 4^-^ f'^'\ <X;^^\A5 Jt jt^.v» J^il) JUj Lj Ai^lvc JjLi J(>.\x.g»

This rupee was therefore probably struck by Sikandar before com¬

mencing his march from Lahore to Agra. It is just possible that Fe-

rishta is wrong in calling him Ahmad Khan before he ascended the

throne. Perhaps his name was Ismael Khan.

The reverse of this coin has the kalimah in a square. The margins

are only partially legible. They probably contained the names and titles

of the four companions of Muhammad.

The rupees of Sikandar are very rare. General Cunningham has

one. The one here given is Dr. Da Cunha’s. His dams are also very

rare. But I think I know of some half dozen.

No. 11. Obv.

acH

Margins: — ^ j 43*^=*“* ... &>«J| |ii.A ,

•» ^

Thomas gives no gold coin of this king. Mr Gibbs, however, edits

one and refers to mine which is, however, a broader piece than his. The

British Museum has not got one.

It will be noticed that this gold coin has the inscription in circles

and not in squares as the rupees have. This it seems was the custom.

The margins too are on both sides and are repetitions of one another.

This I have noticed as being followed by Gyas ud Din Balhan, Muizz ud-

Din Kaikabad, Jalal ud DinFiroz Shah and Ala ud Din Muhammad Shah.

During my late tour I obtained a rupee of the last named king and its

inscriptions are in circles. When we get gold coins of the other kings

such as Ala ud Din Masaud and Muizz ud Din Bahram Shah they will

perhaps follow the same custom.

No. 12. This is a square mohur of Ala ud Din Muhammad Shah

Mr. Gibbs edits this and gives a second. The inscriptions are the

same as on Ala ud Din’s ordinary mohurs and rupees. There are no

margins. It may have been struck from the die used for a rupee.

Rev.

189

1886.] 0. J. Kodgers — Ghronicles of the PatJian kings of Delhi.

Nos. 13 and 14 are coins bearing the joint names of Ibrahim bin

Sikandar Lodi and that of a Maharajah of Kangrah. When I wrote my

paper on these Maharajahs I had not seen a coin of this kind. I now

possess several.

No. 13. Ohv. Bev.

Rama died in 1528 A. D. Ibrahim died in 1526 on the plain of

Panipat. Rama was succeeded by Dharmma. But No. 14 is not a coin of

the latter Maharajah. I cannot assign this coin positively to any Ma¬

harajah of Kangrah. At any rate the coins show that the last Lodi

Sultan was suzerain of Kangrah.

No. 15. Ohv. Bev.

^yllaWf

This small silver coin is fellow to the one of Gyas ud Dir Balban’s

that I edited in the last supplement. It is the only one I know of.

No. 16, Ohv. - Margins.

j Top

aU( t>.lA ^j| Left

djl.u^£k.t J ^ I Right

it

Bev. Kalimah in square.

Margins : names and titles of the four companions of Muhammad.

The British Museum has two specimens of this type.

No. 17. Ohv. Bev.

AlJuli.

...

H ir

This is an eight-anna piece and is as yet the only silver coin of

Ibrahim Sur that is known. His copper dams are not at all common.

We ought, however, to have his rupees. These must be sought for.

No. 18. This mohur of Nasir ud Din Khusrau Shah follows the

same type as the rupee given by Mr. Thomas. It was probably struck

from the die used for a rupee. The object I had in view when I drew

190 C. J. Rodgers — Glironicles of the Pathan Idngs of Delhi. [ISTo. 3,

this was to put Mr. Thomas riglit in his reading of the obverse where he

puts as Mr. Thomas was not in fault

The rupee he used was. I had been perplexed over the word haiiasr.

Better specimens of this mohur are now known. But the rupee given

by Mr. Thomas is still unique.

No. 19. Pure copper.

Ohv. Rev.

IkbrvJl

Nos. 20—22

From a comparison of tliese three coins we get —

Rev. in centre J5>-^

Margin :

Ohv. 0.1:k dJLl|,>.x^

These coins are all of brass. Mr. Thomas does not notice them. I

think his No. 257 given under Firoz Shah Tuglaq may be one of these.

His weighs 106 grs. I have five specimens. They weigh 100, 102, 103,

104, and 113 grs. As his had no margin he could not of course assign

it to Firoz Shah Zafar.

No. 23. This coin is struck with two reverse dies. These dies were

in use in the time of Firoz Shah Tuglaq.

Mil

6.1.:^ V ^ I Mi Ha.

No. 24. Ohv.

Rev.

••

txlA Ali(O..J.i:

y () I diiHA.

In reading the obverse of this coin we must not take the words as

they come but according to the obvious meaning, or we shall have Firoz

Shah the son of Abu Bakr Shah. There were many types of coins struck

in those troublous times. It is a wonder the words are so plain.

No. 25. Ohv.

Rev.

y«l .

1886.] C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan "kings of Delhi. 191

No, 26. Ohv. in Double circle. Pev.

«•

The Dokani piece given in Thomas weighs 26 grs. This one given

by me from General Cunningham’s cabinet weighs 51’7 grs., or twice as

much as the one in Thomas. Thomas gives a chaital weighing 74 grs*

which was equivalent, the coin inscription says, to one kdnt. 1 am

afraid people’s notions of these coins must have been somewhat mixed

up. In the time of Akbar, however, as I have shown, a fulus was a coin

Msir ud Din was Khalifah from 575 to 622 A. H. Cliangiz lOiao, the

first great Khaqan, reigned from 603 to 624. 1 have therefore no hesita¬

tion whatever in assigning this coin to Changiz. The obverse here given

tallies with that of No. 77 in Thomas.

No. 28. Obv.

y •

Bev.

Mubarak Shah died in 837. This coin is dated 854. Those were

the days of posthumous coins. My list of years gives many.

No. 29. Mohiir of Islam Shah Sur. Unique.

Ohv.

Bev.

Kalimah.

No, 30. Ohv.

or

Bev.

I can only read what is on this coin. It is evidently one of Muham¬

mad Tuglaq’s pieces as he was fond of using on his coins. It

»•

192 C. J. Rodgers — Chronicles of the Pathan kings of Delhi, [No. 3,

may, however, have been issued by one of his successors. The archaic style

of the coin must come for a good deal in its assignment.

From the present dearth of coins of any antiquity or rarity it will

at once be seen that now-a-days to attempt to form a cabinet, an

Imperial Cabinet for India, would be almost an impossibility. But it is

an end I have not lost sight of. I think it incumbent on all who care for

the future of India to make the attempt. India is now fast awaking

from her lethargy of centuries. Many of her sons are fully awake.

Some have already given themselves to historical enquiries. It is well

that all should know something about the pit from which they have

been digged. I know of no more interesting study in history than that

of the coins of a country. Especially is this the case in India where the

first work of a king on ascending the throne is to set his mint to work

in order that throughout the length and breadth of his province, the

circulating medium should inform the people as to the name and titles of

the sovereign.

But many of the best coins of the country have already gone out of

it. The cabinets of Sir Edward Clive Bayley, Mr. Edward Thomas,

Alexander Grant, and General Cunningham contained many coins of

which no second has as yet been found. It is true many have found a

resting place in the British Museum. But many, e. g. the whole of the

coins of Col. Stacey have been purchased for Berlin, and of late years

St. Petersburgh has been enriched with many rare things from India.

Now as India is the largest foreign possession of Her Most Gracious

Majesty the Empress of India I beg to be allowed to enter respectfully a

protest against this exportation of Indian historical treasures. The

Director General of the Archaeological Surveys of India has issued an

order to the effect that surveyors shall not collect for themselves. This

is excellent as far as it goes. I would suggest that tbe Government of

India should lay aside a small sum every year, as does the Government '

of Great Britain and Ireland, for the purchase of coins only. This sum

should be distributed amongst the Surveys. The present arangement is

that the survey shall be carried on during the next four years. If

during this time each surveyor exert himself numismatically, there is

a prospect that a good collection may be started even now.

At home the British Museum possesses many duplicates especially

in the cabinets of the India office collection. This collection ought of

course to have been returned to India. I would suggest that at any rate

the duplicates should be. The Museums in India are beginning to be

important aids in the matter of education and especially in the matter of

historical instruction. Lahore, Madras, Kurrachee and Calcutta are

taking steps in the right direction.. If the duplicate coins in these

0 J. Rodgen. del.

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1886. J Sarat Cliandrr Das — "Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. 193

museums were sent off to museums not possessing them another impor¬

tant step would be gained. With duplicates from England and duplicates

^ from sister institutions each Indian museum should during the next ten

years be on the way to getting a fairly good representative cabinet of

coins of the whole of the Empire. Meanwhile electro-types of the rarest

coins ought to be supplied by the British Museum to all Indian museums

So that after all if a student of Indian History wish to consult one of

the sources whence the story of his country has been taken he should be

able to study either the originals themselves or exact replicas of the

originals. Of course in order that this may be brought to pass some one

should be put in charge of the necessary arangements. An imperial

officer should be appointed with power enabling him to exchange coins

from one provincial museum to another. His chief aim, however, should

be to look well to it that the Imperial Museum in Calcutta obtain a

cabinet of coins which shall represent every dynasty that has at any

time sat upon any throne in any and every province in India. Then

he should see that every provincial museum possesses a cabineb represen¬

ting the dynasties who have ruled in that province, and in adjoining

provinces. In each museum lectures should be started on the coins it

possesses already.

Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. — By Babu Saeat Chandra

Das, C. I. E.

Buddhist (Indian) legends connected with Li-yul,*

Buddha (Sakya Muni) after attaining to Nirvana for the cause

of all living beings resided in twenty-one mansions. f Li-yul is the

last of those, though in merit it is superior to all the others. In an¬

cient times when Buddha Kashyapa appeared in this world, Li-yul

was called the country of ChandanaJ where the sacred creed (Budh-

* Li-ynl. Li is a Tibetan word meaning kansa or bell-metab Yul means a

country. The Sanskrit for Li-yu.1 is “ Kahsa Desa.” This is probably the IlaVarta

of Indian cosmogony.

f The places or superb mansions which according to the Mahayana school

were visited by Buddha Sakya Sinha.

J The earliest intercourse of the Indians with China was through Khoten

which they called Chandana and it is very probable that they subsequently extended

that designation to China.

“Two letters of Pishabarma, king of Aratan to this emperor (Sung wenti) are

preserved in the history of this dynasty. He describes his kingdom as lying in the

shadow of the Himalayas whose snows fed the streams that watered it. He

Y

194 Sarat Chandra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. [N’o. 3,

ism) was greatly propagated. After Kashyapa had passed away

from sufferings (mundane existence) his remains were interred in

the chorten* of Gomasalagandha. On account of its sanctity the sage

Kharasha and others resided for a long time on the top of the moun¬

tain of Li-yul which from that time became a place of pilgrimage.

Subsequently when unbelievers persecuted them, the sages soared on

high, and fled to other countries ; so that on the decline of Buddhism,

Li-yul became a lake. After the lapse of a long time Sakya Muni

appeared in Aiya Varta where he worked for the salvation of all liv¬

ing beings. Before entering into Nirvana he charged the different

Sramanas (guardians of Buddhism) with the protection of the Bud¬

dhist countries. Li-yul was entrusted to the care of Yaisramana,t

Yaksha and others. The teacher himself together with his followers

soaring in the sky, visited Li-yul which had turned into a lake. Seated

on a lotus high above the present site of Ghumtir Vihara which is

situated on the bank of the river Shel Chhale, he blessed it. Rays

praises China as the most prosperous of kingdoms, and its rulers as the bene¬

factors and civilisers of the world.” Edkin’s Chinese Buddhism, 92. Referring

to the name of China Mr. Edkins has the following note.

“ The common Indian name of ‘China’ written in Chinese Chentan, is here

employed. Another orthography found in Buddhist books is Chi-na. It is clear

from the use of these characters, that the Indians who translated into Chinese at

that early period, did not regard the word ‘ China ’ as the name of a dynasty,

but as the proper name of the country to which it was ai^plied. This leaves in

great uncertainty the usnal derivation of the term ‘China’ from the ‘Dzin’

dynasty B. C. 250 or that of Ts’ in, A. D. 300. The occurrence of the word as the '

name of a nation in the ‘ Laws of Mann ’ supposed to date from some between

B. C. 1000 and B. C. 600, with the use of the term ‘ Sinim’ in the “ Prophecies

of Isaiah,” indicate a greater antiquity than either of these dynasties extends to,

Some have supposed that the powerful feudatory kingdom, Dzin, that afterwards

grew into the dynasty of that name, may have originated the appellation by which

the whole country subject to the Cheu emperors was known to the Hindus.

Dzin occupied the north-western tract now called Shen-si and Kan-su. It was

that part of China that would be first reached by traders coming from Kashgar,

Samarcand, and Persia. Chen-tan, the other Hindu name of ‘China’ used in the

Buddhist books, may be the Thinae of Ptolemy. When the first Buddhists reached

China, the character used for writing the first of these two syllables would be

called Tin, and soon afterwards Chin. In Julien’s Methode, &c., its Sanscrit equiva¬

lent is Chin. This would be somewhat late. Would it not be better, having traced

the term to India, to make that country responsible for its etymology ? ”

* Chorten (Chaitya), a Buddhist tope or stupa, it is a shrine intended to hold

the relics of sanctified persons.

t One of the four guardians of the world and the lord of the Yakshas. His

person is white, he sits holding a guitar in his hand. He rules from the eastern

part of Sawan.

1886.] Sarat Chandra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. 195

of light flashed from his person which being thrown back by the

Buddhas and Bodhisattwas of the ten quarters, were re-absorbed on

the teacher’s head and a voice from heaven was heard, saying, “ Let

there be peace and happiness. Amen.” Thereafter the Blessed One

made magical demonstrations and prophecies about the spread of

Buddhism. He commanded Shariputra to pierce the mountain ' with

his trident and Vaisramana to hurl his javelin into it so that the

wai,ers might run out, when they did so, the teacher himself became

absorbed in a big image which stopped on the top of Goshirsha hill.

On the left side of the temple where now stands a small chorten he

stayed seven days. Being asked by Ananda the circumstances of the

lake’s becoming dry, he said, “ After I have entered into Nirvana

this place will be called Li-yul and the fort called Wu-then* (Pan-

chavati or Naden). A great city will then come into existence. At

the time of its being ruled by Raja Grama, an image made of

sandal-wood in which the scent of Buddha’s person has been ab¬

sorbed, will come from Aryavarta. Its kings and ministers will

build three hundred and sixty viharas for the residence of male and

female mendicants of the Mahay ana school. Bodhisattwas who will

worship the sacred image, monks and nuns and upasakas (lay de¬

votees) who will alv/ays reside there will number five hundred. Half

of them will be clergy. Bodhisattwas who are not destinedf to

degradation and the followers of the Mahayana school in general will

also reside there. This place will be sacred to the Buddhas of past,

present and future times.” Then commanding the Sramanas always to

protect this country he allotted to them their respective charges.

Then the lake became empty and the external symbols of Buddha

Kashyapa, the chorten of Gomasala Gaudha, Goshirsha Parbata, the

walled city of Gewai Shul &c. reappeared.

Tibetan legend about Li-yul.

Two hundred and fifty years after the Nirvana of Buddha, Dharma

Asoka the king of Aryavarta after committing many sins took the

vow of erecting in Jambudwipa temples and chortens to the number

of 84,000. He visited Li-yul where he found the lake dry and the

country uninhabited. Coming to the spot where now stands the sacred

* Wu-then — (Lua-lden or Pancliavati) was fclie chief city of Klioten. Wa in

Chinese means from or than.

t There are ten stages of Bodhisattwa perfection — -those who reach the 8th stage

are not affected by any of their karma so as to be subject to damnation. Being

free from sin they either remain stationai’y or go upwards to higher stages — but

never come down.

19G Sarat Cliaiidra Das — Buddhist mid other legends about Khoten. [No. 3,

city of Wutlien (Khoten) he spent one night with his wife, and there

she was delivered of a child possessed of good signs. The fortune-

tellers told the king that the child was destined to rule the kingdom

before his (Asoka’s) death. The king out of anger ordered the infant

to be thrown away. The mother interceded but as the monarch would

not retract the order, the child was cast on the ground. Owing to the

merits of the child, there sprang out a teat from the ground, sucking

which, it throve and grew up. Being suckled by the teat of the ground

he was called Salana. It is said that when the mistress of king Asoka

was bathing in a pleasure grove in Magadha, she happened to see Yaisra-

man, passing through the sky, and when her eyes met his, she conceived

this child. At this time Che-he-Wang king of China who was an in¬

carnate Bodhisattwa had got only 999 sons, although he was to have

1000. He now prayed to Vaisramana for another son to make up the

number, sa3dng that he would send him to rule over Li-yul which had

been touched by Buddha’s feet. Vaisramana presented Salana to him

and asked him to accept him as the son,

A ccount of Li-yul (from Tibetan sources) .

The Emperor of China Che-he-Wang (che-Hwante) sent one of his

sons (Salana) with 10,000 troops in search of Li-yul ; proceeding to¬

wards the west Salana arrived at Me-kar in Li-yul. Just at that time

Yaksha the minister of king Asoka, who was in banishment, came to

Li-yul with his parents, his brother and 700 followers in search of lands.

When they were encamped above the river Shel-chhale Gongma of

Wu-then, two of Salana’s servants who had gone there in search of a

runaway cow met them. The reason of their coming to Li-yul being

known, and also it being a common interest of both to hold it, Salana,

Yaksha and their followers agreed to remain as king, minister and

subjects in the valley of Wu-then. The parties conferred at a place

called Hanguji below Kora, A short time after this, they disagreed as

to the division of the country. In the quarrel the gods (Vaisraman

and Srideni) interceded. All the country below the river of Wu-then,

i. e. Shel-chhu Gong-ma, and below Dolla Me-kar and Kamshing were

given to Salana and his followers and thenceforward they belonged to

the Chinese ; and all the lands above the river Shel-chhu Gong-ma were

given to Yaksha and his followei’S which thenceforth belonged to

Aryavarta. Thus the country between the two Shel-chhu rivers

being owned by the king, minister and subjects both of Aryavarta

and China, according to their order and precedence they settled in it

and founded cities and towns. The central place where the Chinese

and Aryans came in contact with each other being the country of Li,

1886.] Sarat Chandra Das — Suddhist and other legends about Khoten. 197

its language became mixed. Anciently in Li the art of written lan¬

guage was taught by Bhikshu Vairochana an incarnation of Manj

Ghosha to a shepherd boy by that saint’s command. The character

and language of Li greatly resembled those of the Aryans but their

customs and manners mostly resembled those of China.

Two hundred and fifty-four years after the Nirvaiia of Buddha

king Salana was born. He became king of Li in the 19th year of his

age. Salana and minister Yaksha were the earliest king and minister

of Li-yul (231 B. C.). After Salana his son Yeula* became king,

and founded the city of Wuthen. Sixty-five years after the foundation

of the kingdom of Li by Salana Viyaya Sambhava son of Yeula

was born (166 B. C.). In the fifth year of his reign Buddhism was

introduced into Li. King Vijaya Sambhava was an incarnation of Mai-

treya. During his reign Bhiksha Yairachana first taught the art of

language to a shepherd boy from which beginning Buddhism gradually

made progress. The king founded the vihara of Charma which was the

first seat of Buddhism in Li-yul. Again Maitreya having reappeared

in king Vijaya Virya, he greatly promoted the cause of Buddhism. He

erected the vihara of Ghumatir. A metrical romance of the chhor-

ten of Gomasala Gandha being composed, the king imbiled much faith

in the Buddhist creed and built the vihara of Girishwar on the top of

Goshirsha.

After his reign, during two generations no viharas were established*

Thereafter king Vijayayasa erected the chhortens of Potoya and Masha

and another vihara of great sanctity. Vyayayasa had three sons.

The eldest named Hondo, f and the second named Dharmananta went

to study Buddhism in Aryavarta. The youngest, Vijaya Dharma

ruled over the kingdom. Being very warlike and valiant he used to

be always fighting, and on account of his delight in bloodshed, he be-

* This chronology seems to be approximately correct. This was the age of

Che-Hwangte, the great Emperor of China, who erected the great wall and was

contemporaneous with Asoka the mighty monarch of India. Their empires touched

each other.

The legend is evidently a fabrication. The descendants of Salana who

adopted Indian names, manners and customs probably did not like to trace their

origin from either the Chinese or the Indians. The mother is allowed to be

Indian and Vaisramana the divine head of the Yakshas is said to have fallen in

love with her. He does not touch her but only looks at her from his ethereal

passage, she miraculously conceives and delivers at Wuthen. Salana and his son

Yi-ula who also bears a non- Aryan name were both Chinese.

Ye-u-la was the name of the son of Salana. It is probable that Ilavarta the

country of a very fair people derived its name from the name of this king.

t This is a Tibetan translation of the names of the princes.

198 Sarat Chandra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten, [No. 3,

came very sinful. His elder brother Dharmananta after attaining

Arhathood reclaimed him from leading a cruel and wicked life and

by skilful devices induced him to make confession of his sins. The

king erected a vihara on the site where in ancient times the great Muni

(Buddha) on his birth as king Chandra Bab ha gave away his head in

charity to Brahmans. He also built a chhorten at Gyenteshan and a

vihara in the grove of Bhybalong. Dondo on his return from Arya-

varta met his brother and built the temple of Jamo Kokorang and the

vihara of Sangter.

Vijaya Sunha the son of Vijaya Dharma founded the vihara and

chhorten of Somna. Subsequently king Vijayakirti built the vihara

of Sruno which exists to this day (time of writing the book from which

this is compiled), being saved from the ravages of the river by

a Naga. His son Vijaya Sangrama at the advice of Arhat Jnanayaksha

built the viharas of Dharmatir and Gheynshan. His son king Vijaya

Sunha miraculously visited Maitreya and erected the vihara of Sha-

serna. After the reign of his son king Vijaya Bala, for six generations

no viharas were erected. Then king Vijaya-santrema obtained an

image of Buddha from Chugasan which is said to have come from the

sky. He built a shrine for this image and a chhorten. At the ad¬

vice of Arhat Mergude Abhaya Dhanya he built the vihara of Sha-

sanuna. After the reign of his son king Vijaya Satu, for four gene¬

rations no monasteries were built. The king Vijayakirti having been

exhorted by a certain Naga king founded the vihara of Bhabana.

During the reign of this king, Li-yul was conquered by a Tibetan king

and made a dependency of Tibet. The king and his son Vijayagram'

Gupta fled to China — during their absence the prime minister of Li

named Ama Chhagumay governed the state in the capacity of regent.

During his government the vihara and chhorten of Manadhe were

built. On his return from China king Vijayagram Gupta built the

vihara of Gyeshidema. Thereafter the Chinese Generals Ser-thise

and Ka- these erected the viharas of Maitriya, Bhau (khar) fort and

Khe-kwansee. The king erected the great chhorten of Satona at

Tshalmoi-tshed* where in ancient times Arya Vairochana had taught first

the art of language to a shepherd boy.

The vihara of Bhavaua was built in the year when Gar-long-

toanf the general of king Srang-toan-jampo invaded Li-yul.

* TsTrial-moi-tshal. This is a Tibetan word meaning garden of gardens,

t This was the great general who was sent as ambassador to the Court of the

emperor Thaitsang to negotiate the marriage of princess Wenoheng with his so¬

vereign king Srong-tsan, vide^ Dr. Bushell’s Early History of Tibet “ when Tai-

1886.] Sarat Cliaiidra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. 199

On the site of that chhorten king Vijaya Yahana and a Chinese

monk named Balasha erected a monastery. The wives of the kings of

the Salana dynasty occasionally followed' the example of their husbands

and built viharas in order that they might accumulate merit for

themselves. The following are some of the principal monasteries of

Li-yul : Nuoha, Ossojo, Sserojo, Soyen-ro, Demoja, Kobrojo, Horonjo,

Yermono: Khosomno, Guterima, Okono, Kuchye, (Black hole), Chunono,

Khyeno, ^^’amobhathong, Anoyono. Counting the viharas, in and

outside of the city of Wuthen there were 60 large viharas, 95 of medium

size, and 448 temples.

In Dollo and Mikar there were four large viharas and upwards of

100 temples with 124 monks — above Kameshang and below Jili, in the

towns of Phuna, Begada, Oku and also in their suburbs there were

23 large viharas, 21 middle-sized viharas, and 62 temples with about 438

monks belonging to the Lekyen and Goi-tsho schools, 39 of the temples

contained 8 chhorten in each.

Below the towns Duryamo and Kesheng and above Gyel-kyan and

Isarma there were about 15 large viharas besides many chhorten and

temples with about 963 monks of both schools.

From the introduction of Buddhism into Li-yul during the reign

of king Yijaya Shambhava, the grandson of Salana, up to the present

time (the year when the account of Li-yul was recorded) counting the

years from the autumn of every year without the intercalary months,

there have elapsed 1,253 years. From the time of king Salana there

have been 51 generations of kings and one regency.

During the reign of king Vijayakirti in the country called San-

gapatana near the vihara of Sangayaprahana there lived a hermit

named Sangaya Dhara. One of his pupils seeing a prophecy with the

Yinaiti Pandits Chandragarbha and Dharma asked him if it was true.

The prophecy ran thus —

For two thousand years after the ^Nirvana of Buddha in the country

of Li-yul, the reflection of the sacred Dharma and sacred relics will

exist. Thereafter the Buddhist creed will decline when the three

countries of Li, Shuli, and Anshe will be conquered by China, Tibet

tsang consented to give in marriage the princess Wen Ching — it was Lu-tang-tsan

(Lon-Tong-tsan) who was sent by Tsanpa to receive her.

This was evidently king Srong-tsan Gampo. During the reign of his grand¬

son, the Tibetans extended their arms further west, vide Dr. Bushell’s early history

of Tibet. “ In the first year Hsein Shing (670 A. D.) in the fourth month, they

(the Tibetans) invaded and destroyed eighteen of the subject Chaon (outside

frontier) and led the people of Yu-tin (Khoten) to capture the Chin-tsa-Pohnan

Cheng. Thereupon the four Military Governments of Anhsi were all given up.”

200 Sarat Chandra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. [No. 3,

and So Chyi Dngn and Hor. Then a Bodhisattwa being born as king

of the Dongma (Tibet) Buddhism will rise in Tibet where viharas and

chhorten will be erected, two classes of clergy will be introduced and by

degrees kings and ministers will be converted. Professors and teachers

of Buddhism from other countries, and many excellent precepts (scrip¬

tures) will be introduced. The country of Li will then pass under

the rule of that king of Tibet whose descendants to the seventh genera¬

tion will be devoted to the immaculate creed.

In the country of Li, about the time of the decline of Buddhism

its young king disliking the sacred creed expelled the Buddhist clergy

and by degrees drove away those of the temples of Tsharma, Bong,

Mekar, Kongnu &c. The expelled clergy with their sacred books

and religious articles fled towards the country of Dongma (Tibet) and

proceeding slowly as if guided by a laden yak arrived at a place

called Tshal in Tibet ; their elders were taken to the king of Dongma

whose wife was a Chinese princess ; she extended her patronage to them

and inquiring if there were more monks in Li-yul she sent for those-

that were still there. These men brought with them many pandits

from Anshe, Shuli,* * * § Brusha (Dusha) and Kashmir. These Buddhists

conducted religious services in the viharas of Tibet for three years,

after which the princessf died of small-pox. At that time many people

died of that disease. The ministers and officers of Tibet then holding

a conference unanimously declared against permitting the Buddhist

clergymen to remain in Tibet. They attributed this dire calamity

to these monks who being expelled from Lhodal (Nepal) had settled in

Tibet, the BandesJ from Aryavarta and the Tibetan monks were

therefore compelled to fly towards the west to the country of Maha

Gandhara,§ whither they carried all their religious books, &c. These

Buddhist clergy of Jambu Dwipa were cordially received by the king

of Maha Gandhara who supported them for a period of two

years. In the meantime the king died leaving two sons who were

Buddhists. Some ambitious Bandes taking advantage of the reigning

king’s devotion to them killed him and usurped the throne. The king’s

* Anshe and Shnli— Dr, Bnshell’s Early History of Tibet. After its (Pehnson)

conquest by the Chinese in 648 A. D., it was made the seat of a governor generally

styled the Anhsi Trehipo, who ruled also over Yutim (Khoten). Shule (Kashgar)

and Luiyeh, a city on the southern bank of the river of the same name &c.

t This was evidently princess Chin cheng mother of king Thi-srong-deu-tsan,

who died in the year 741 A. D.

J Bandes, (Sanscrit, Bandaya) one worthy of reverence — the common designa¬

tion by which the monks of Nepal, Kashmir &c. were known in Tibet.

§ Maha Gandhara— great Gandhara or the modern Candahar and Cabul.

i886.] Sarat Cliandra Das — Jjaddhist and other legends about Khoten. 201

younger brother with the help of his ministers and subjects killed the

Bathdi usurpers and forced all the Buddhists to leave Maha Gandhara.

They proceeded towards the country of' Ke-u-sha where they found

shelter. “ The religion (Buddhism) had now long been established in

Nepal and Independent Tartary, as the travels of the patriarchs indicate.

It had also extended itself throughout India and Ceylonj and the

persecution of the Brahmans instigated partly by controversal feeling

and more by a desire to increase their caste influence had not yet com¬

menced. Long before this, it is stated that in B. C. 217, Indians

had arrived at the capital of China in S hen-si in order to propagate

their religioni Bemusat, after mentioning this in the Foe-koue-ki, adds

that, towards the year B. C. 122 a warlike expedition of the Chinese

led them to Hieow-thou a country beyond Yarkand. Here a golden

statue was taken and brought to the emperor. The Chinese author

states that this was the origin of the statues of Buddha that were after¬

wards in use ” “ Edkin,” Chinese Buddhism, p. 88.

“ Kumarajiva, was brought to China from K’u-tsi a kingdom in Tibet,

east of the Ts’ung-ling mountains. The king of Ts’in had sent an army

to invade that country, with directions not to return without the Indian

whose fame had spread among all the neighbouring nations. The former

translations of the Buddhist sacred books were to a great extent

erroneous. To produce them in a form more accuratOj and complete

was the task undertaken by the learned Buddhist just mentioned,

(Kumarajiva), at the desire of the king. More than 800 priests were

called to assist, and the king, himself, an ardent disciple of the new

faith was present at the conference, holding the old copies in his hand as

the work of correction proceeded. More than 300 volumes were thus

prepared,” 1. c. p. 90.

Extract from D sampling Gyeshe” by Tsanpo Noman Khan of

Amdo.

The country called Thokar by the Tibetans and vulgarly Malaya

Phokhar or Little Phokhar is identified by some with Li-yul. The de¬

scription given in history of Chaudan Choui the famous image of

Buddha in China and the accounts given in the travels of Thangssin

tally with some accounts mentioned in the Kalachakra that Li-yul was

situated somewhere in the north of Tibet. Many Tibetan authors in

their description of Li-yul have confounded its position. Some say

Li-yul is in Mongolia, some say Li-yul is a province of Tibet ; according

to others Li is Pal-yul, (Nepal).

This country of Li is divided into eight parts of which Kasikara

is the chief. The fort of Yamkasar &c., is included in it. There arc

z

202 Sarat Cliaiidra Das — Biuldhisi and other legends ahoiit Kholen.

many Hor and Cliinese possessions in Li-ynl. To the east of Khokaii

and Angiyan, &c., there is a ehain of lofty snowy mountains, to the

east of which lies the country of Sulanu Okshi now vulgarly called

Oosi, where is Arbu Parvata or the wonderful mountain. Its rocks

contain curious figures and Thangssin mentions the existence of some

(Gagnom) Buddhist ascetics who had attained the state of suspended

animation. Some among them were known to have lived many ages.

To the south-east of it close to the snowy mountains lies the pro¬

vince of Kasikara (Kashgar), the capital city of which is Kasikara with

the fort of Yamkasar.

These places were visited by the Chinese traveller Thangssin, who

found them filled with a Buddhist population and with religious es¬

tablishments. Subsequently the country was overrun by the Golog

Lalo (Muhammadans) who demolished Buddhism and converted the

people to Muhammadanism. During the great dispute between the Sakya-

pa and Digumpa schools, the Kasikar in the strife, troops and generals

took part, and are said to have been all killed. Kow-a-days a Chinese

frontier oflicer holds it.

To the south-east of Kasikara is the large province of Yarkhan the

Sanskrit name of which is Arghan, there is a remarkable mineral spring

in Arghan w^ell-known by the name of Bula. There are also mines of

precious stones besides that remarkable stone called ya^igti or jade.

The river Sita (White Biver) one of the four great rivers men¬

tioned in the sacred books, issuing from the bright glacial slopes of the

Himavat Parvata, flows through this country towards lake Mansoro-

wara. Sita is also called Arghan as if it were the water of ablution for

gods, whence the country derives its name. The water of the Sita is of a

milky white colour. Thangssin calls this country by the name of

Sukakai. To the south of Yarkhan there is a desert which having

crossed, we arrive at the country called Gosthan or place of virtue

now vulgarly called Khothan or (Khoten) which contains the moun¬

tain of Langri (Goshirsba) mentioned in the religious work called

Langri Langtan. There formerly existed the great chhorten (chaitya)

Gomasala Ganda arid many Buddhist temples and viharas, but after

the country was overrun by Muhammadans, those were demolished.

The Muhammadans of Khotan now designate Langri by the name

Gorusheshi, evidently a corrupt form of the name of Gosirsha or cow’s

head. To the south-east of Khotan and Yarkhan lies the Kahri pro¬

vince of Tibet and Ladak. On account of the extensive barren plains

and lofty snowy ranges which intervene between Khotan and Ladak,

there is great difficulty of communication. To the east of Khotan there

is a vast sandy desert and also a river of which mention is made in

1886.] Sarat Cliandra Das — Buddhist and other legends about Khoten. 203

Tliangssin’s travels. Lamas Redama and Manlingpa and otters con¬

found this river with the head waters of the Machhu (Hoangho). It

is called Gasheshi. Then if one travels eastward he arrives at a place

called Puan-khar. The vast arid and sandy regions lying on the north of

Thokar, Li-yul, China, Kooli (Corea) were designated Sukatana (dry

lands) by the ancient Indians. To the north-east of Kasikara lies the

province of Illi and to the south not at a great distance from it, lies

Akusu (kupir) which Thangssin designated by the name of Bharo, not far

from which is situated Tasu tasa. To the east of Akasu lies Guchhe

of Li-yul, now called Khu-chhu or Khuthe. These were anciently places

of Buddhist pilgrimage. It was from Khuthe that the image of Chau-

daua Choui of China was carried to the court of the emperor of Ts’in. To

the east of Yarkhan and Khuthe lies the Lalo country called Kerwashar

or Kharashar containing a fort, at some distance from which are the

towns of Athashara, Karlo, Haimthu, The-chin, Talon, &c., inhabited

by the Gokar people. To some distance from these places is situated

the winter residence of Thorkod Khan. To the east of these lie the

two provinces of Thurphan and Eshwa now called Eshora which are

known by the general name of Eeshi-thur-phan. In Eshora there are

numerous images of Arhats and other Indian saints, as well as the tombs

and birth places of many Arhats of ancient time. To the north of

Thurphan lie Danemig &c., not far from which to the east lies Hwamil

called Khomal (probably Komal of Marco Polo), to the east of which

lies a portion of the Great Desert. After crossing the desert and some

mountains one reaches the western extremity of the Great Wall. The

whole of this vast country between Samarkhan and Hwamil, and also

including Shachu, Suchon, Kanchan, Lanchan, Liyi, Oorumussthar,

Bakatu was included in the kingdom of Li-yul. The people of Li-yul

were anciently a well-to-do people and their number was immense.

In Li-yul the heat in summer and the cold in winter are very great.

The country is rainless, and the people draw water (hardly enough

for their wants) from glacial streams and from wells. They grow

wheat, rice, peas, arhar, gram, different kinds of peaches (white and

black) kakati, kachtya, karakashe, holpe, chipaka, apricots and a

kind of grapes called bhasur, as well as different kinds of water-melons

suclias, turtinga, and kharlinga. They are martial, stalwart, very strong,

and straightforward.

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LV, Part I,

FOR

1886.

FRASIYAB, genealogy of tlie house

of, p. 124.

Akbai-, copper coins of, p. 1.

- , birthday of, p. 80.

I^HILS, compared with the Minas,

p. I'ZO.

Buwiahs, or Dailamis, genealogy of p.

126.

- , coins of, p. 134.

Buddhist and other legends about Kho-

ten, p. 193.

CaNTEEOY, a kind of Fanarn or South

Indian coin, p. 157.

Chand Bardai, genuineness of his Pritln

Raj Rasa, p. 5.

Chauhan, genealogy of, p. 30.

Chittagong, dialect of, p. 66.

Chola dynasty, coins of, p. 159.

Coins, copper, of Akbar, p. 1.

- , falus or nim tankas, p. 2,

- , of the Samanis, p. 127.

- , Ghaznawis, p. 130.

- , Khans of Turkistan, p. 130.

- , Governors of Sijistan, p. 134.

- , Buwaihis, p. 134,

- - of Mahmud of Ghazni, p. 134.

- South Indian or ‘ fanams’, p. 157.

- of the Chola dynasty, p. 159.

- of Kunanda, p. 161.

- supplementary to Mr. Thomas’

“ Chronicles of the Pathan kings of

Delhi,” No. IV, p, 183.

Dailamfs or Buwiahs, genealogy of,

p. 126.

Dhodhing, a Mina clan, p. 178.

Dingal, a Marwari dialect, p. 6.

Doganw, one of Akbar’s mints, p. 4.

Dsam-ling Gyeshe, extracts from, p. 201.

FaNAM South Indian coins, p. 157.

GtENEALOGY of the Chauhfos, p. 30.

- , of the Raias of Chitor,

p. 19, 34.

- , of the Samani dynasty,

p. 123.

- , of the house of Afrasiyab,

' p. 124.

- - - , of the Sfiffaris and Sijis¬

tan Governors, p. 125.

- - - , of the Dailamis or Buwi¬

ahs, p. 126.

- , of the Mothis clan of

Minas, p. 171.

- - — , of the Parihar clan of

Mimis, p. 175.

- , of the Sindam clan of

Minas, p. 178.

Ghaznavis, rise of Mawara-un-Nahr and

part of Khurasan, p.

89.

- , coins of, p. 130.

Ghaznin, early rulers of, p. 117.

- coins of, 134.

Governors of Sijistan, p. 116.

Gujars, a Indian tribe, p. 183.

Inscription, from Bijholi in Mewar,

pp. 14, 27, 40, 53.

- , from Menalgarh in

Mewar, pp. 15, 46.

- - j two from a bridge over

the Gambhiri, near

Chitor, pp. 17, 18,

46, 47.

- , from a palace at Chi-

torgarh, pp. 18, 48.

’■ — - -, from Achalgarh on

Mount Abii, pp. 18, 32,

48, 57.

- , at Oodeypore, p. 18.

206

Index.

J AJPUR, Meywar, the Mina tribe of,

p. 169.

- - , derivation of the name, p. 170.

KlANGRA, copper coins of Akbar

from, p, 1.

Khans of Turkistan, p. 105.

- , Genealogy of, p. 124.

- , coins of the, p. 130.

Khoten, Buddhist, and other legends

about, p. 193.

Khurasan, Samanis and Ghaznavis in, p.

89.

Kunanda, symbols on coins of,' p. IGl.

Legend, of Maiaji, p. 173.

- , Buddhist, about Khoten, p.

193.

- , Tibetan, about Khoten, pp.

195, 396.

Li-yul, see Khoten.

-\T AHMU'D, of Ghazni coins of, p. 134.

Malaji, legend of, p. 173.

Mawara-un-Nahr, Samanis and Ghaz-

nawis in, p. 89.

Merwara, names of places in, p. 136.

Mewar, the Minas of, p. 169.

- , origin of, p. 181.

Mews, an Indian mixed race, p. 181.

Meywar, see Mewar.

Minas, Dhodhing clan of, p. 178.

- , origin of, p. 179.

- , of Jajpur, in Meywar, p. 169.

- , list of their seventeen clans, p.

169.

- : — , Mothis, clan of, p. 170.

- — , Parihar clan of, p. 175.

- , Sihdam clan of, p. 177.

Mothis, a Mina clan, in Jajpur, p. 170.

Oliver, E. E., some copper coins of

Akbar, p. 1.

- , the decline of the Sa-

inanis and the rise of the Ghaznavis in

Marwara-un-Nahr and part of Khura-

san, p. 89.

LaRGITER, F. E., notes on the Chit¬

tagong dialect, p. 66.

Parihar, a Mina clan of Jajpur, p. 175.

Pingal, a Hindi dialect, p. 7.

Prithiraj Rasa, antiquity, authenticity

and genuineness of, p. 3.

- , its dialect, p. 6.

- , its dates, p. 7.

Lodgers, Chas. J., coins supple¬

mentary to Mr. Thomas’ “ Chronicles

of the Pathan kings of Delhi,” No.

lY, p. 183.

SaFFARTS, dynasty of, pp. 113, 125.

Samanis, coins of, p. 127.

- , decline of, in Mawara-un-Nahr

and part of j^urasan, p. 89.

- , dynasty of, pp. 91, 123.

Sarat Chandra Das, Buddhist and other

legends about Khoten, p. 193.

Shyamal Das, Kaviraj, on the Prithiraj

Rasa, p. 5.

. . — , on the Birthday

of Akbar, p. 80.

- , the Mina tribe of

Jajpur, in Meywar, p. 169.

Sijistan, Governors of, p. 116, 125.

- , coins of, p. 134.

Sindam, a Mina clan of Jajpur, p. 177.

Soobaroye, a kind of South Indian coin,

p. 157.

South Indian coins or fanams, p. 157.

Symbols, on the coins of Kunanda,

p. 161.

Theobald, W., note on some of the

symbols on the coins of Kunanda,

p. 161.

Tufnell, Capt. R. H. C., on a collection

of South Indian Coins, p. 157.

Turkistan, Khans of, pp. 109, 124.

- - — , coins of, p. 130.

"White WAY, R. S., place names in

Merwara, p. 136.

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