^Nmfm n 1in?RSITY LIBRARY

HIM III II llll II II iiii ii nun ii

ASIA

3 1924 066 284 773

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LX.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I to III.— 1891.)

EDITED BY

JHE JiONORARY j^H I LO LOGICAL jS ECRETARY.

“It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57 PARK STREET.

1892,

-

I

CONTENTS.

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, VOL. LX,

PART I, FOR 1891.

No. I.

Report on Archceological Excavations in Bijnor , N.-W. P. — By A.

Macaulay Markham, C. S., F. R. G. S., F. Z. S .

The Goins of the Ghaahatai Moghuls. ( With four plates .) — By

E. E. Oliver, . . .

No. II.

Report on the Boria or Lahha Medi Stupa near Junagadh. — By

Henry Cousens, M. R. A. S., Archaeological Surveyor of

Western India. ( With a Plate.) ... ... ...

Notes on some Kolarian Tribes. — No. II. — By W. H. P. Driver ...

Hd-shang-rgyal-po and Ug-tad, a Dialogue. From the Tibetan. —

By Karl Marx, Missionary at Leh, Ladakh

Life of Atisa (Dipamkara Srijnana). — By BabJ Sarat Chandra

D as, 0 . I. E. ... ... ... ... ...

Place and River-Names in the Darjiling District and Silchim. — By

L. A. Waddell, M. B. ...

On the Date of the Bower MS. — By A., F. Rudolf Hoernle, Ph. D.,

No. III.

Three Documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text ,

Translation and Notes. — By the late Dr. Karl Marx, Moravian

Missionary at Leh, Ladakh

An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf

Hoernle ... ... ... ... ...

■

.

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, YOL. LX,

PART I, FOR 1891.

Plates I — IV, (pp. 10 — 16) Coins of the Chaghataf Mughals.

Plate V, (p. 19) Relics from the Boria or Lakka Medi Stupa near

Junagadh.

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2018 with funding from

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https://archive.org/details/journalofasiatic6018asia

ERRATUM.

for

At foot of Plates I, II, III and IY CHAGHALTAI.

read

chaghatai.

;

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1891.

Report on Archceological Excavations in Bijnor, N.-W. P. — By A. Macaulay

Markham, 0. S., F. R. G. S., F. Z. S.

In November 1884, His Honor Sir Alfred Lyall placed a sum of

money at my disposal for the purpose of making certain archaeological

excavations in the Bijnor district.

I first excavated a strange looking mound of evidently great age,

at Tip on the left bank of the Ganges Khadir, 15 miles N. N. E.

of Bijnor. In this no relic chamber or relics of any kind were fouud.

I have little doubt, however, that the mound was of Buddhist origin.

A square doorless structure was disclosed, which I take to have been

the plinth of a temple. In the light of fuller experience, I should like

to take an opportunity of again examining this mound, which is not

far from the border of the Muzaffarnagar district.

Six gold Indo-Scythic coins, of great beauty and rarity, were found

near but outside the base of this mound. These were as follows : —

Three of Vasu Deva — Average weight 120T7 grains.

Two of ditto (differing) „ 118*87 do.

One of Bhri Shaka. Weight 120*0 grains.

These kings were contemporary in Northern India with the earlier

Gupta kings, or say not later than A. D. 200 A The coins were, by order

of Government, sent to the Curator of the Lucknow Museum.

* [Vasu Deva reigned from about 122-176 A. D. ; the Gupta rule commenced

about 319 A. D. Ed.]

A

2 A. M. Markham — Archaeological 'Excavations in Bijnor. [No. 1,

Some silver coins, of comparatively recent date, and of no archaeo¬

logical value, were found buried close under the surface of this mound.

They were sold as silver, and the proceeds credited to the excavation

fund.

I next commenced operations on a fine mound in the old ruined

Fort of Mor Dhaj ( Mayura Dhwaja, also known formerly,* but not now

apparently, as Munavvar Jur ), lying 7 miles north-east of Najibabad, to

which I drew the attention of General Cunningham, R. E., many years

ago, and which has been briefly described by him in the Archaeological

Reports, Volume II, page 237.

The mound was in dense jungle, and usedf to be known as

Shigri ((Qy. 8 her -Gar hi, or S 'hri-Garhi ?), but I now find that this name,

like that of Munavvar Jur , has dropped out of local use and knowledge.

After careful clearing of the overgrowth of jungle, the mound

was disclosed, 35 feet in height, and 308 feet in circumference, circular.

A closer examination showed that the outer portion of the mound was

composed of brick rubbish, the remains of some large superstructure.

The size and importance of this building, originally, no doubt, a large

Chaitya, with the usual series of umbrella-like discs composing its lofty

spire, and in later days probably a temple, may be guessed at from the

fact that the entire surface of the mound, to a depth of from 3 to 8 feet,

and many square yards of plain surface around its base to a similar depth,

were covered with broken brick debris. I am informed that, within the

memory of living men, there were still portions of the superstructure

standing on the mound, but that the materials were utilized in the

construction or repair of bridges on the Najibabad and Kotdwara road,

which skirts the base of the old fort, at a distance of about 400 yards.

If this be true, it is a matter of very serious regret.

I first had the covering of debris very carefully removed from

six foot lines on the centre of all four sides, these lines meeting at top,

and being extended to the foundation, 7 feet below the present level of

the soil. In this debris nothing was found of any interest. It was all

composed of pieces of brick, which had mostly been of the large size

usually found in these old remains. No pieces of building stone were

found.

The only things of any interest found in this or in the surrounding

debris were the following :

(a) . A portion of a terra-cotta figure ; left leg from groin to ankle,

7J inches ; right thigh (only) 4| inches. Wearing a tight dhoti, with

an ornament over the seat of the genital organ. (This ornament differs

* Within tlie last 20 years.

f Within 20 years back.

3

1891.] A. M. Markham — Archaeological Excavations in Bijnor,

from that in Fig. 4, PI. XIX, Prinsep’s Thomas’ Indian Antiquities).

The figure was in very high relief on a brick slab, and there are traces

of drapery or other carving on the slab between the legs. Found in

debris of well 60 yards north-east.

(5). A small headless figure (terra-cotta) probably of Buddha the

Teacher, seated cross-legged, with soles of feet upturned ; with the

elbows on the thighs, and the hands (broken) raised in front of the body.

The fingers were originally no doubt in contact, right index on left, in

the attitude of demonstration. The figure is seated on a lotus ornament¬

ed couch, supported on the heads of two couchant antelopes. As the

antelope was the totem or cognizance of Santanath, the 16th Jain

hierarch, the statuette may be his, but I take it to be a Buddha.

Total original length of figure about 4|r inches. Present total

length of fragment of figure, seat and supporters, 6 inches. This was

also found in the debris near the well, not on the mound.

(c) . Head, neck and shoulders of a small sandstone figure, pro¬

bably female. The hair arranged in a highly ornamental manner in a

double roll. Features undistinguishable. This figure has evidently

been broken off a larger work, of which no portions were found. Ho

other pieces of this stone were found.

(d) . A portion of apparently the lintel of a door. It is of very

heavy black basalt. It represents a figure seated on its hams, with the

legs partly crossed, with a club (?) held upright in each hand, the

base of the club resting on the thigh of the figure. This figure is

within a Chaitya.

On each side of the Chaitya are what appear to be issuant demons

or elephants. Sculpture of the rudest. There is an indication of a

trunk and large ears, so that the figure may have been meant for

Ganesa ; but the position is against that, and there is no sign of the

usual rat. Features of figure gone. No other portions of this series,

nor of any figures in this stone were found. Height of Chaitya 7 inches.

Interior of Chaitya, 3 x 2J inches. This was found within the old well,

in the accumulated rubbish which filled it.

(e) . A conical implement of stone. Either a hammer or a rice-

husker. It is marked with a series of indented sockets all round the

thick end, which would seem to have been intended to give the fingers

a purchase or grip of the implement when in use. The lower end is

much chipped. Extreme length 5J inches; extreme breadth 3|

inches.

(/ ). A small brick fragment from a canopy of a figure. Debris of

main mound.

(g). A mason’s plumb weight of burnt earth, shaped like some in

4

A. M. Markham — Archaeological Excavations in Bijnor. [No. 1,

use to-day, with a hole in the centre of the top in which to fasten the

cord. In the debris in the old well.

The core of the mound, that is to say, the original stupa was

revealed by the clearing away of the debris from the above lines, and

proved to be conical in general elevation, with a truncated top ; the

superficies being found to be in a series of deep steps all round, the

bottom step, i. e., the plinth, being much wider on top than the others,

thus forming the usual ceremonial promenade ( parikarma ) surrounding

the stupa. The foundation of the structure is 7 feet below present

ground level, but the latter is, to the depth of at least an average of 3

feet, composed of debris. There was no trace of a railing, nor were any

pieces of a railing found. The surrounding earth might repay digging,

I then commenced to sink a shaft down the exact centre of the

stupa. Two and a half feet below the platform-like top, the relic

chamber was found. It was completely full of terra-cotta objects, in

loose mould, huddled in without care or arrangement, and much broken,

thus showing, I think, that the chamber had already been opened, and

no doubt rifled of its casket and of anything supposed to be valuable.

These terra-cotta objects found in the relic chamber, consisted of

the following : —

First. At least one thousand small tablets 3'' x 2," from •§" to J"

thick at the base, and from §" to §‘ " at top. They are all stamped

from the same die, or cast in the same mould, and bear a seated figure

similar to those of Buddha the Ascetic, in the usual position of medita¬

tion, with the feet impossibly folded, soles uppermost, and the hands

joined in the lap, palms upwards, the right hand being on top. The

figure is, however, naked, and Buddha is seldom so represented. It is

seated upon an ornamented circular pedestal, and is in mezzo relievo.

The hair is arranged in a knot on the top of the head, aud from that

knot appears to rise a high plume- like ornament with a spreading top,

possibly representing peacocks’ feathers. This might, however, be in¬

tended to represent the top of the ornamental back of the seat, but I

take it to be a head ornament. There is a halo or ‘ glory ’ round the

head. There are two diminutive naked male figures as supporters, one

on either side ; holding in their inward hands ( i . e., one in the right

hand and the other in the left) objects which may be wands of office or

long bows. These tablets bear no inscription. There is nothing on the

reverse. They were no doubt votive tablets. Several hundreds of these

tablets were broken to pieces. Each tablet was separate, and none

were enclosed in clay or in model stupas. A collection has been deposit¬

ed in the Lucknow Museum, two were submitted to the Government

N. W. P., and about six hundred have been left with my successor in

Bijnor.

5

1891.] A. M. Markham — Archaeological Excavations in Bijnor.

As far as I can discover, no such tablets have been hitherto found

anywhere else. In his description of Sarnath, (Archaeological Reports,

Volume I, page 119), General Cunningham says incidentally that he

has seen in Burma accumulated heaps of small burnt clay figures of

Buddha, but he does not describe them. If those were not similar to

these now discovered by me, then my find is, I believe, unique. There

is no other mention of any similar figures in the entire series of the

Archaeological Reports. The figures may , however, represent some Jain

patriarch, but I doubt it, from the immense number of them, and their

being evidently in a relic chamber.

Secondly. Two large circular terra-cotta medals, both from the

same die ; inches in outside diameter. Having been less thoroughly

baked than the tablets, these medals were much broken, the more

beautiful of the two being unfortunately badly shattered.

These handsome medals are quite unique. Somewhat similar

representations are said to be depicted on the Bharliut stones, now in

the Indian Museum, ( vide General Cunningham’s Bharhut Stupa, PI.

XIII, which, however, is not at my hand for reference). Also see Prin-

sep’s (Thomas’) Indian Antiquities, Pig. 1, PI. XIX, where is figured a

portion of a clay medal found at Bihat. Pakna Bihar (Archeological

Reports, Vol. XI, p. 31, PI. XII.), Sr a vast! (ibid., p. 89, PI.

XXVIII), Dharawat [ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 45, PI. XIII), and Kusinagara

(ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 70) are, as well as I can discover the only places

where terra-cotta seals have been found. Xone of the seals found at

the first three places are similar to, or of such fine execution as mine ;

and unless some of the Kusinagara seals were similar, which apparently

was not the case, or they would certainly have been described, those

now found by me are the first of their kind.

Mr. Carlleyle gave no plate of his (Kusinagara) seals, but a very

meagre description of some only; a description which does not represent

either of the Mayura Dhwaja seals. Lac seals have been found in many

stupas, but none bearing an impress like these.

The following is a description of these beautiful medals. In the

centre is Buddha the Ascetic seated in the usual attitude save that there

is an appearance of something on his right, which may, however, be an

effect of the earth which was adherent to the seal. There is a halo

round his head, and the semblance of a necklace, which may possibly be

the edge of the mantle, leaving the right shoulder bare. Buddha is

seated within a handsome Chaitya with a lofty pinnacle of the dimi¬

nishing umbrella type, decorated with streaming garlands. On either

side of the pinnacle are flying human figures, with perhaps drums or

other musical instruments. These flying figures are said by General

6 A. M: Markham — Archaeological Excavations in Bijnor. [No. 1,

Cunningham (Arch. Report, I, 263) to be the usual accompaniments of

the Ascetic Buddha. On either side of the body of the Chaitya stands

a male figure as a supporter.

These wear the dhoti , and one a necklace. Their hair is dressed

high, each in a different style, and there is a halo or * glory * round the

head of each. (Possibly the figure on the proper left, wearing the neck¬

lace, is a woman ?) Each would seem to carry a chaumri in the outer

hand, and at least one, if not both, a bow or wand of office in the inner.

(There is an indication that the line forming this implement near the

figure on the proper left is part of an oval ornamental ring round the

Chaitya.) It is impossible to say clearly what this figure has in his

right hand. There are also some matters unintelligibly depicted along¬

side of each figure, especially to the left of the left hand supporter.

There are two marks on either side of the Chaitya which look like

conventional palm trees.

It will be noted that on the tablets Buddha is large, while the sup¬

porters are diminutive. Here Buddha is small and the supporters

gigantic. Underneath the base of the Chaitya is the Buddhist

creed, of the usual formula “ Ye Dharmmd hetuprabhava fyc” Under

the inscription is a strange figure, apparently a woman, kneeling, with

uplifted adoring hands, before what looks like a pan with handles set

upon a chula. This figure may be that of the Bhikshuni Utpald or

Utpalavarna, who was the first person to see Buddha after his return to

earth at Sankisa from his visit to his mother in the Trayastrimsa

heavens; (Cunningham, Archaeological Report, XI, p. 26) or it may

represent something of the nature of the Burmese shiko. (See Cun¬

ningham, regarding some kneeling figures, somewhat analogous ;

Arch. Report, Vol. I, p. 9.) On the reverse of that one of these two

large medals which was photographed is a rude delineation of the Bo

tree, cut after the stamping of the medal. This is not on the duplicate

medal. The least broken of the two large medals, and six copies of

the photograph of both sizes of medal by Col. Waterhouse were sub¬

mitted to the Government N.-W. P.# The finest but most broken medal

is in the Lucknow Museum.

Thirdly. About two dozen smaller terra-cotta medals. Several of

these were broken to pieces. The clearest one has been photographed.

They contain a panel with a seated ascetic Buddha, having two atten¬

dants on each side. The panel is surmounted by a miniature stupa in

the centre, with a still smaller one on either side of it. The panel and

stupas are surrounded by a wreath of bells. Underneath the panel is

* [This photograph, together with a description of the medals, was published in

the Proceedings of the Society, for April 1887. Ed.]

1891.] A. M. Markham — Archaeological Excavations in Bijnor. 7

the Buddhist creed, as above. Specimens of this medal have been

deposited in the Lucknow Museum.

Fourthly. One copper salai or instrument for applying antimony

to the eyes, similar to those found in the Bihat excavations (vide Prin-

sep’s (Thomas’) Indian Antiquities, Fig. 18, PI IV.)

Judging from the type of character used in the inscriptions on

these medals, the stamp was probably of the 8th, or at latest of the 9th

century of the Christian era. The date of the building of the stiipa can¬

not therefore be earlier than A. D. 700.

The excavating shaft was carefully continued down to the founda¬

tions, but nothing else was found. The entire mound consists of an

uniform mass of solid brick work. The bricks are chiefly of large size

(14 x 8 X 2^), laid in mud. They are all well-burnt, some being very

hard. Small galleries, driven in at about present ground level, or a

little lower, and at the cardinal points, might yield something. The

shaft ought to be thatched over before the rains, or it will fill with

water, and the mound will be much injured thereby.

The old fort of Mordhaj (Mayura Dhwaja), if it were built by

the king of that name, would date from about the beginning of the

10th century of our era. A Mayura Dhwaja reigned in Gauda (Gonda),

a portion of the ancient realm of Ayodhya, in 900 A. D. (Archaeological

Report, I, 329. But see Vol. XVII, 98, where General Cunningham

may be understood as placing Mayura Dhwaja and his brethren in the

8th century A. D.). Mr. Carlleyle, not a very trustworthy authority,

however, (Archaeological Report, VI, 233) has a Mora Dhwaj flourishing

anywhere between 50 and 210 B. C. ; while the popular tradition, which

makes him contemporary with the Pandus, would relegate him at

least to the 14th century before Christ ! We may assume, I think, that

the fort was not built before the beginning of the 10th century. If

so, and if I am correct in referring the characters on the seals to the

8th or at latest the 9th century, (and I think that the former is more

likely,) then, of course, the stupa which I have excavated is much older

than the ruined fort which surrounds it.

The whole country round the fort, for several square miles, is

covered with almost uninterrupted traces of ancient ruins, chiefly com¬

posed of pieces of the large bricks of the builders of those days. All

cuttings in the course of the work of widening the Najibabad and Kot-

dwara road, about to be taken ia hand, should be carefully carried out,

and well watched, where they pass through these ruins. The place

must have been the site of a large and wealthy city. It may have been

one of those many in this neighbourhood which perished in the extermi¬

nations of the ruthless Timur, *at the close of the 14th century. There

8

E. E. Oliver. — The Goins of the Ghaghatai Mughals. [No. 1,

are many such brick ruins in the Bijnor district, some of them, and the

most extensive, in the middle of dense forest ; their very names vanish¬

ed from memory long ages ago. All these remains would I think repay

excavation. I grieve that I never had leisure to take it up.

The Goins of the Ghaghatdi Mughals. —By E. E. Oliver.

( With four plates.)

In the January number of the of the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal

for the past year, I endeavoured to give a short geographical

sketch of the Chaghatai Khanate, and a historical outline of the rulers

of this, the most obscure branch, of the great house of Chengiz. A

branch which nevertheless ruled over a vast extent of country, from

Dzungaria, on the Chinese frontier, to Afghanistan ; had its eastern

capital at Almalik, the modern Kuldja, north of the Thian Shan moun¬

tains ; and its western at Bukhara in Mawara-un-Nahr. Of this line

Mr. Poole, in the Vltli Volume of the British Museum Catalogue of

Oriental coins, says the national collection possesses but three coins,

struck by Danishmandjeh and Buyan Quli : and I therefore propose in

the following list, to bring together all the numismatic evidence I have

been able to obtain through the kindness of friends, who have so gene¬

rously placed their coins at my disposal. I would take this opportunity

to tender my best thanks to them, and also to point out that at present

there is no dynastic list of rulers that can be considered accurate or

complete, either in regard to the names of the Khans, the extent of

their appanages, or the length of their reigns, and that an extensive

comparison of their monetary records affords one of the most hopeful

means of obtaining further evidence. Every well verified name, date

and mint that either private individual or public society can publish

may prove a useful contribution towards the compilation of any history.

With the exception of Akhur all the mints noted in the present

series are towns within the western division of the empire, Bukhara.

Samrqand, Kash, Soghd, Utrar, Tarmaz, and Badakhshan. What

coinage may have issued from the eastern mints would probably be more

likely to find its way to China than to India. On almost every coin

the characteristic mark of the dynasty ^p, a Tibetan ‘ Chh ’ turned

upside down, occupies a prominent position. This on half a dozen of

Khalils and Qazans [Nos. 12 to 17] is replaced by one of a slightly vary¬

ing character the lower half of which is a noticeable mark on

the coinage of the Khans of the Qrim, also descendants of Chengiz.

1891.] B. E. Oliver— The Coins of the Chaghatdi Mughals.

9

The signification of this characteristic Chaghatai mark is a question

of interest. According to the chronicle of Ssanang Setzen, who,

himself a prince of a leading tribe, wrote a history of the “ Eastern

Mongols ” in 1662, which is accepted as a high authority, the royal

house originally sprung from that of Tibet : and Howorth in his

history refers to a terminating Tibetan syllable written “ k’ri ” pro¬

nounced “ thi,” which means “ throne,” and is found in all the names

of the ancient kings and princes of Thibet. Possibly Tibetan scholar-3

may be able to throw some light on the “ chli ” in connection with

the house of Chaghatai.

Most of the rulers describe themselves on their coins as “ Khaqan ”,

probably as not recognizing the sovereignty of the supreme Qaans of the

line of Oktai, and several affix the name or title of “ Timm as Yasun,

Khalil, Qazan, and in the lists Tuka, Dua, and Tughlaq, though on the

first three coins, noted as struck at .Bukhara, neither word is used. The

following list, taken from my paper in the R. A. S. Journal, is the best

approximation I can offer of the line of Chaghatai Khans, but it is very

possible that some readers of this Journal may be able to supply from

coins in their cabinets some additional means of verification and check,

I need hardly say I shall be greatly obliged for any such information.

B

10

E. E. Oliver — The Goins of the Ghaghatai Mughals . [No. 1,

771 — 1369

790—1388

Suyurghatmish.

Mahmucl.

]

nominal, under Timur.

LIST OF COINS OBSERVED.*

QARA HULAKIT, son of Mutahkan. Mutukan of the lists and

grandson of Cbaghatai. According to Shaw means a male child

in Eastern Turkistan.

Baidak Bukhara, xxl H. Frsehn’s Recensio.

^ ]j3 , ,, ^ sO

ALGHU'. Algu of the lists, son of Baider and also grandson of

Chaghtai.

Bukhara, 660 H. Frsehn’s Recensio.

\f±+ |

( ) ihAleJf

* In the above list, besides private collections, I have referred to Frashn’s

Recensio, the British Museum Catalogue, and M. Tiesenhausen’s notice of M. le

Count Stronganoff’s collections.

11

1891.] E. E. Oliver — The Coins of the Chaghatdi Mughals.

No. 1. JR. 1-55. Bukhara, 660 H. Mr. L. White King.

In centre |

Both margins alike j M*o SxUHj t^-. .

KABA'K. The Guebek of D’ Ohsson. The mint Madinatu-l-rijal

(the city of the people) Tarmaz is the Tirmid of the maps north

of the Oxus.

No. 2. Ml. 1T0; 119 5 grains.

mii | | .. ai

... j • |

No. 3. Ml. 1*3; 119 grains.

>>t | Ax,w | All <®lUf | fjtsrl

| | . I . | •••

&J 1+XJ.vo

No. 4. Ml. *8 ; 19 grains.

Madinatu-l-rijal Tarmaz. My

cabinet

lM-aS' p j <AJbo iJaz) J r^.-vo^y:]

Ml/c Ab[f#f j ^,lA

Bukhara, 7 lx H. My cabinet.

| ^tA i*|L?

. J AjtXc .ao |

Bukhara. 722 H. Mr. Rodgers,

y r r | !; <f l*? I

Ditto. ’75, 20 grains. Bukhara, 723, 725 H.

My cabinet.

Ditto.

Ditto.

Ditto ; 722, 723, 724, 725 H. Count Stronganoff,

Samrqand, 725 H.

Ditto.

No. 5. JR. ’8 ; 29 grains. Madi [nat] Tarmaz, 71x H. My cabinet.

Ml I | &+s/0 j 3/f a1(^ J a1J( Acy J 4iX*o j

* ^MiC

$ I I t • § | «••*•••••

• * • C ] ......

TARMA'SHfRI'N*

No. 6. Ml. ’75 ; 18 to 22 grains. Utrar, 733 and 734 H. Mr. L.

White King.

uJbjA j II Ml | !^J| ^(A J i/cfi J Hi?

vrr fj\ | Ml/o aJ a$U/o Ajjf j Ma <j>

Ditto. Ml. '8. Madinatu-l-rijal Tarmaz. Count Stronganoff.

Ml 1 1 , , J $) ... | a1(N ] «MUdh,t Aoy Jl^lf aIj^/o a£,.«

* Regarding mint Utrar see J. R. A. S., Yol. XX, Part I, page 86.

12

E. E. Oliver — The Goins of the Chaghatai Mughals, [No. 1,

Ditto. JR. Samrqand, 726 H. Ditto,

i/i | . | i/ vn | AS |

SANJAR.

No. 7. A l. 1*] 5 ; 116 grains. Samrqand, 731 and 732 H. My cabinet.

aJUf

| aUf a*®* | MJf iff a — fill

^ <^d.c «

A. 3 j

* vr i | ^

<iT. I

I <dj lj | j

IA>J| iR JaU)| |

AnI/o aJUf |

JANKSHf.

No. 8. JR. '7 ; 19 grains. Balahdah-Utrar, xx6. My cabinet.

| J... | | | | jjyf *» |

Ditto. Utrar, 736, 737, 739 H Count Stronganoff.

Ditto. Bald Utrar 73x. Ditto.

<KL« J &Uf eJA | J ^IkJLJf y j p aUj [ fji] AL» J <sCva

YASUN.

No. 9. A. 1*2; 120-5 grains.

*-... 1 JM t ••• i •••

Madinatu-l-rijal Tarmaz. My cabinet.

&U/o.>t j iJ| j | ^^...

Ditto. A 1*2, 122*5 grains.

t jy 1 1

...-•• i * *

Ditto. Mrs. Stoker.

J UJ| | ... (^...

A$3aJ I OkJ.^v.

I • • • • • •

No. 10. Ml. 1‘05 ; 123’ 5 grain

&Z+ O ill I | ^ 5 s* | Mjf i/I jJ|i/

J^t I

■••• I . I . I

Ditto. Mrs. Stoker.

| ^ ) ...

...^ <f ••• I ^i/0 <sjJf I ^

No. 11. Ml. 1*1 ; 114 grains.

King.

| ...^j | Mit ill aJ| i/

V^d

-*» C55 AS |

[Samrjqand, 740 H. Mr. L. White

Jddf e/Sl^f | ^

&£LC',. | *dA ^Ac.#, |

• t •

13

1891.] E. E. Oliver — The Coins of the Chaghaiai Mughals.

KHALIL.

No. 12. At. 1*25; 119 grains. [Samrjqand, 74x H. My cabinet.

• ..**> J ... — | | ...I ^1$ ^ (^1 ... | *** ej... j »•«...

| . | . | ... vf ... | ,,.***» [*&°] . . .-kv . . JaWj

No. 13. Ad. 1*15; 121 grains. Bukhara. 744 H. Mrs. Stoker.

I Jjm>j | 4.*2c/0 aU| | (JAA ^jllaLo | jjxcjft | f^ts?

... J^+... I . . I VfCp <AA j AJ{

No. 14. Ad. 1*15 ; 123.5 grains. Bukhara. 744 H. Mr. L. White King,

j &(J[ J IjMij | AJf | Nit aJ|JI ... [ J-dA | ^ikUf

l-> I ... I ... | >wl ^ | ... | ... \«"\?

I . I j jdj J I ... I . I . I . . | Vf^t®

. J ...... ] . <Xj I+AAaW j (1( |11

QAZA'N.

No. 15. Ad. 1*2 ; 116 grains. Bald-i-Badakhshan, 747 H. My cabinet.

jAj j , . | ^U?!s^| j pbf |

J dkvo ^b J &L> &JJ) | odA J

Ditto. Ad. 1*15, 123 grains. ditto. Without date. Mrs. Stoker.

No. 16. Ad. 1*20 ; 123 grains. Bukhara. 746 H. Air. L. White King.

• | &+s-'c | Mlf &J]S) ^LblvwJ i( | ^cl^l ^1 £ jSJa+if j

Vf^*) I |jis? j <*£l/o <xL | ^IkLo ^ ej[3^* | <J«3^f

2* I ••• | j** | J-‘y)

No. 17. JR. 1-25 ; 118 grains.

| aJJij... | | iJU| D| aJiJ)

*> I . b** I

. | . | &i*0 j \j Is? j AXajj

|4SjX J j . |

. | lAi*?d | J | .

Bukhara. 744 H. My cabinet.

J cj! ) ^ J ... f

<S£bo AJ| ^lA

(jts? J foliar? J (j(s? | <*£ao

| ^ | . | . I . I VPP

^ ^ . | j [ £?y

DANISHMANDJEH.

At. 1*25, 115 ; grains. Bukhara. 747 H. British Museum.

&1)\ j &+5:'0 J &U|^|| <d|^j Axl/o &Uf olA I- J JAA| ^(jilA

^Ic j j j J&jlt fjts? J <A.«9 <Ll*AX*} ^ £Aa* j

It

E. E. Oliver — The Goins of the Chaghatdi Muakals. [No. 1,

BirrA'N QULf.

No. 18. iR. 1*2; 111 grains. Akhur, x57 H

JJJ| a!J|

a!1|

• • • • •

1 | aUi

My cabinet.

&V

jSdad t^|( | JiilA jjc^ilf |

aU| | <AA .... | ^A

M

A^-vc a£1/0

... ill

No. 19. AR. 1*2 ; 1 19 5 grains. Samrqand. Mr. Rodgers.

aJL!| Jj«oj | &+ZZ* | a1J| aJ| il a£U> a1I| <Aa | | Ul| ^IkLJf

■<W>~ I

J£ | ^Uic | ...*c | j£ijj )

No. 20. AR. 1*25; 118 grains.

_ A£*o j All | | | Ml I ill aJiil

A-Vvo {j*3 J j A Ac j j

AjU*>v, | .... | . . . |

Samrqand, 7xx. Dr. Stnlpnagel.

| ty^Jl *11 JijJ| | All ejAJf

eM ^15 | JaUJf <3p ^LsWi

A^l/o iAA I

No 21. AR. 1*55; 116 grains.

J y«j | a*.^ aJJ| ill a!| il

| a£ | a1J|

| ... [*^l] | | LS*

Samrqand, 755’4 H. My cabinet.

aIA | J.3 | UJf^lkLJf

. | * * aA...a11,

No. 22. AR. D25; 120 grains.

| aJJ| Jjy | | a! j I il f . . , a J | il

(j;* j . | | | ...

AjUaXooj | <^4.=^ _5 | ^Jjt | AVwj |

Samrqand, 754 H. My cabinet.

| . | *S1* I ... |

No. 22 A. AR. 1*2 ; 122 grains. Samrqand, 7x5 H. My cabinet.

^lialwJ| j ^-. |A.c| j&5a.+) | j ^4^jJ|

| JXc A.>) (^Ia j

. I | . | .

Ajf^A^s j . |

No. 23. JR. 125 ; 15 grains.

Jj y»j | a*^ | Allii/I A) til

v*e j a1^ j AlJf

jf'ty) | . , j AS!**

Samrqand, 755 H. My cabinet.

| ^Ua-LJi

*»

a£1x> aJJ| txl^. |

U^A

.. |

^,^4-a. j

1891.] E. E. Oliver— The Goins of the Chaghatai Mughals.

15

No. 24. Ml. 1'2; 124 grains. Utrar, 752 H. My cabinet.

| a£Lo aU( | ] J^bJf

. I var i j! y1 I .

No. 25. Ml. 1*25 ; 118 grains. Utrar. My cabinet.

US' I j A^l/O ijj| (Mat |

. ^1*4 . . . 1*> J .

Ditto. Samr-Utrar. My cabinet.

j\y\ | &Ui j ^bj.j j l

j*,.* Oo j j Ml/O

ts^ I j*“ I . I .

No. 26. jR. 1 ’25 ; 122 grains. Bukhara. 756 H. My cabinet.

| j ... | 3/1 | aJl | K | ... | JaWt

vai | tjl±/ | a/Ji J | j <3iS/.<j j j ^ A>J.-c <Xl

. | . | j+* I

No. 27. Ml. T25 ; 123 grains. Bukhara. My cabinet.

Ijls? — ^yb Abf <MA | ^tA ^bjj | JjlaJf JbLJ

] aC* | aCJLo cp

No. 28. Ml. 1'25 ; 122 grains. Kash, 753—4 H. My cabinet.

I v&r M)| »ylA [ (Jii j U)f ^IbJLdl

CLo

• • •

-^S T ! . I . I ls9

M

No. 29. Ml. 1 ‘25 ; J 26 grains. Kash. My cabinet.

y i ... ^

Ditto. Soghd. Count Stronganoff.

| J^W( | t>t t>*J| | | ^A

AUl ^ MA j . ,.(^)b}j |

BUAYAN. ? Selduz. After Buyan Qnli was murdered in 760 H.

and the puppet Timur Shah set up, there was something like general

anarchy, various Amirs seizing provinces and asserting their inde¬

pendence. The whole of Mawara-un-Nahr was seized by an Amir whose

16 E. E. Oliver — The Coins of the Chaghatdi Mughals . [No. 1, 1891.]

name is generally written Bayan Seldiiz eA*, spelled “ Biaun

Suldoze” in White’s Institutes of Timur. He seems to have governed in

a way, though a dissipated hard-drinking Amir, and to have been put to

death by Tughlaq Timur Khan (ruling in Eastern Turkistan) circa 764

H. It seems possible that the two following coins may be his.

No. 30. JR. 1 25 ; 121 grains. Madinatn-l-rijal Tarmaz, 764 H. My

cabinet.

| JL^)| | aCw | |

Ditto. ? Bukhara. 7xx H. Mr. L. White King.

@ L>... I f*! I j 40-o~Of | J^...

Doubtful coins.

Al. 9. (? Dua.) Badakhshan. 69(4) H. Count Stronganoff.

&JJ t J M)| J ( *3) SJ ^ ^ l

<Xj ^

No. 31. JR. 1'2; 120 grains. Mahmu[dabad], x27 H. Mr. Rodgers.

. ¥ | ...l- rv Ji | [4J.£]_ sO<gKt>- I [>jU*]

No. 32. JR 1'2; 124 grams. Samrqand, 753 H. Mr. L. W. King.

v«r | *¥* | [<Df ^ac!j] |

Ditto. Without mint, 754 H. Ditto.

In these two coins and in some others, Buyan Quli calls himself

Nasiru-d-din.

KATLAGH KHWAJA, the son of Dua, who with his father invaded

India, and appears to have been at Jalandhar 696, as far as Delhi

697-8, and Lahore 701 H. (See Zia-ud-din Barni, and D’Ohsson’s

account.) His copper coins, like the two following, are not uncommon in

India.

No. 33. JR. '6 ; 53 grains.

. . .-*» | . . *5P I . . • y

No. 34. JR. ‘6 ; 52 grains.

¥ |

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY LITERATURE, &e.

No. II.— 1891.

Report on the Boria or LaJcha Medi Stupa near Junagadh. — By Henry

Cousens, M. R. A. S., Archceological Surveyor of Western India.

{With a Plate.)

On the 27th of January, 1889, I received a demi-official from the

Director-General, Archaeological Survey, enclosing a cutting from the

Morning Post in which was given a short account of the opening of a

stupa near Junagadh, Kathiawad, by Mr. J. M. Campbell, 0. S.,

directing me to take immediate steps to ascertain what was being done.

On the same day I wrote to Rao Bahadur Haridas Viharidas, Divan

of Junagadh, and in reply was told that Mr. Campbell had, during the

Christmas holidays, commenced the excavation of the stupa in cpiestion,

and had left instructions with them for its continuance. I then wrote

to Mr. Campbell (letter No. 12 of 31st January 1889) asking him what

had been done, and what was still doing, and received from him a state¬

ment of all that had been done up to that time. In his note accompany¬

ing it, he said that, should anything be found, he would be immediately

informed, and would try to return to Junagadh for a few days. On

the night of the 15th instant, I received a telegram from the Assistant

Divan of Junagadh from, which I understood that a ‘ find ’ had been

made. The Assistant Divan, Mr. Ardesir, wrote me at the same time,

but the letter did not reach me then, as I started early next day.

At Dhola Junction I met Mr. Campbell, and we went together to Juna¬

gadh. The next morning we went out to the stupa. But before des¬

cribing the ‘ find,’ I will try and describe the position and surrounding

of the stupa.

18 H. Cousens — Report on the Boria or Lahha Medi Stupa. [No. 2,

At the foot of the southern slopes of Girnar whose precipitous

cliffs rise a short distance to the east of Junagadh, is a small secluded

valley — an amphitheatre among the hills — almost entirely surrounded by

the latter. It is about six miles from Junagadh, and the only path to it

leads for some distance along the course of the river, past the celebrated

Asoka Rock, and crossing an intervening spur, debouches at once into it.

It is thickly wooded, and the bush and scrub, with a good sprinkling of

larger trees, climb the hill sides to near their summits. At every turn

in the path, lovely glimpses of the surrounding scenery are seen through

the foliage, and many a charming view is further enhanced by its vivid

reflection in an occasional pool in the watercourses crossed in the way.

The great rugged sides of Gfirnar, with its everlasting rocks, kissed by

the lingering rays of the rosy sunset, and begirdled with a cloak of

varied tinted foliage, now fading into the softest pearly greys, is a pic¬

ture one loves to linger before. Around us, beside this old patriarch

among hills, we have in the soath-east the heights of Gadesing, crowned

by its ruined fort, on the south-west Datar-no-dongar, with the hills

of Makhan Kundi, Taktakgiyo, Sazadiari, and Pavandhoda between,

and the low pass on the eastern slopes of Girnar known as Surya-kund-

ki-godi. In the middle of this beautiful valley, then, thus cut off from

the outside world, upon a rocky knoll, stands the great mound known

as the Boria Stupa or the Lakha Medi (the abode of Lakha). The

ground on every side between it and the western edge of the valley is

strewn with fragments of bricks, and here and there are small mounds

which look much like the remains of little stupas. Directly eastward

of the big stupa , and on the eastern edge of the valley, is the small

temple of Bor Devi, so called from the Bor trees which surround it.

On our arrival at the stupa we found that a relic casket had been

unearthed. The digging that led to its discovery is described in Mr.

Campbell’s notes attached, from which it would appear that the depth

of the casket from the summit of the mound was 39 feet. During the

excavation the top of the mound had been cut off to a depth of 22 feet,

and a trench 20 feet wide at the top had been driven from the east

straight into the centre. The sides and floor of the cutting shew, that

the whole stupa was built of close horizontal layers of good brickwork

in herring-bone bond, and it is a solid compact mass. The bricks are

of the old Buddhist type, measuring 18" X 15" X 3". Whatever the

state of the upper portion, which has been cleared away, may have

been, the lower part now standing is solid enough to allow a perpen¬

dicular cutting to be carried down without fear of the sides falling in.

During the excavation various slabs and fragments of sculptured

stone (Junagadh freestone) were met with, most of them having been

19

1891. j H. Cousens — Report on the Boria or Lalcha Medi Stiipa.

found about tlie vertical axis of the mound. They were numbered as

found, but owing to no plans or sections having been plotted as the work

progressed, there was some little doubt as to the positions of some few

fragments. The two great heavy rail slabs were no doubt placed in

the positions in which they were found for the purpose of the better

securing the relics from any burrowing thief. The others were probab¬

ly put in without any special purpose.

Before describing these fragments it will be as well to revert to the

relics. See Plate V. On our arrival at the mound on Monday, the 18th

February, we entered the trench and found the stone coffer, with its lid

upon it, standing on one side (west) of its original bed. As far as could

be seen, it had been placed in the vertical axis of the mound, and, from

measurements taken by me, and the statement that it was at a depth of

39 feet from the original top, I conclude that it occupied a position in the

centre of that axis. On finding the box, Mr. Ardesir had it lifted to one

side to see if there was anything beneath it, but he kept its bed undis¬

turbed so that we could see how it was placed. From the discovery

until we arrived a day or two had elapsed, during which time the coffer

had been left standing in the trench under a guard, but had not been

sealed or otherwise made fast. This outer receptacle consists of two

blocks of white free stone, one upon the other, the upper serving as a

covering to the lower. The block had been placed, so far as I could see

by the marking of the bed, with its sides facing the cardinal points.

Upon lifting off the upper slab we found a small circular well in the

upper side of the lower stone, closed by a thin circular slab which rested

upon a shoulder inside round the top of the well. On lifting out this

little cover, whose top was flush with the top of the slab, we found inside

a small stone pot with lid. The shape of the lower part of this is that of

a shallow bowl, while the upper, or lid, was like an inverted saucer with a

lip on its underside. This pot was very nearly as big round as the

well in which it was placed, and it was with some little difficulty got

out. The bowl or the lower part of the pot is perfectly plain, but the

top has, by way of ornament six concentric grooved circles. The

material out of which it is made is a dull red claystone, and the whole has

been turned very neatly upon the lathe. This is evident from the cir¬

cles, where the tool in its progress round has very slightly chipped or

serrated the edge of the circles. A curious thing about this pot, and

which will be noticed again presently, is that the lid does not fit the

bowl, being too big for it, its lip overlapping and resting on the inner

edge of the bowl instead of dropping into it. Within the well, sur¬

rounding this pot, was found a small quantity of gritty powder.

In the stone pot was found a little copper pot in two parts like

20

H. Cousens — Report on the Boria or LaTclia Medi Stupa. [No. 2,

tlie last — bowl and lid. Thus far had the pot been opened by Mr

Ardesir before our arrival. The copper pot being encrusted with green

verdigris was not so easily opened, and the further opening of the ves¬

sels was entrusted to me. To open the copper pot, I had to insert the

blade of my penknife between the lid and the bowl, and by gentle

leverage force the former off. The general shape of the copper pot

is that of the stone one, being slightly rounder. But it has an addition

of a little drum-like protuberance forming a kind of handle to the lid.

When the copper pot was opened a silver pot of the same shape was found

within, while underneath it, and between it and the sides of the copper

pot, was a dry brittle substance covered with verdigris. This, on close

inspection, has the appearance of compressed vegetable matter, bearing

the impress of the silver pot on it. It looks as if some green (moist)

grass-like vegetable had been put in, and the silver box added and pressed

down upon it. Its moisture had greatly corroded the inside of the copper

vessel up to a line above the junction of the lid. Beyond this, the interior

of the dome of the lid was not corroded, being apparently protected by

the intervening silver box, and this part had a purplish metallic sheen

which is probably the result of fire when beating out and shaping the lid.

The corrosion had eaten a considerable hole in one side of the bot¬

tom of the bowl.

The silver box was quite bright. The only difference between this

and the copper one being in the shape of the knob on the top which has

a narrower waist at its junction with the top of the dome of the lid.

This, on being opened, revealed a bright little gold box. Between the

two was a small quantity of very light knobbly brown stuff which on

close examination and under a low power microscope appeared to have a

distinctly fibrous texture. To me it appeared to be a mouldy or fungus

vegetable matter.

Great interest and curiosity now centred round the opening of the

gold box, and the lid was removed amidst much speculation as to its

contents. Its shape differed from the others only in the shape of the

knob on the lid which was here conical. In the box we found the relic

and a few grains of coaly grit, accompanied by the usual five offerings,

in this case comprising an aquamarine (?) bead, a ruby, a sapphire, an

emerald, and a small piece of dry twig or white coral with a smaller chip

of the same. The relic upon close examination seems to be a small chip

of stone that has been under the action of fire. It is a flake about f of

an inch long by \ of an inch broad, of a dull yellowish drab colour with

darker smoky stains. Its surface is cracked all over as if by fire.

Under the microscope the surface appears to be covered with fine

grains of sand of various hues and dimensions. A lower power shews

1891.] H. Cousens — 'Report on the Boria or Lahha Medi Stupa. 21

the surface as blocks of rock with the rifts or fissures (the cracks) filled

with gravel. It is most certainly not bone, nor does it appear to be burnt

clay, unless it has been burnt into hard stone ware. The gritty substance

under the microscope looks like lumps of coal of various sizes, and to the

naked eye as a few grains of different sized gunpowder. The bead

which is the largest jewel, is in cross section triangular with rounded

corners, one side being much longer than the other two, which, themselves,

are unequal. The bead, in its length, has thus three faces. The hole has

been drilled from both ends, which is evident from the meeting in the

centre not being quite true. It is transparent, with a slightly, but deci¬

ded, green tinge, and Mr. Campbell thinks it an aquamarine. It may

be crystal. The ruby, which is ruby-coloured by reflected light, is of

the colour of strong tea by transmitted light. It is in the shape of a

very flat cone, the diameter of its base being about of an inch. The

sapphire is a deep blue by reflected, but a lighter blue by transmitted

light, while the emerald is light opaque green. These two stones are

smaller than the ruby, the emerald being the smallest. Now we come

to the last article, which has all the appearance of a piece of dried twig,

though perhaps a trifle heavy for such. It is about f inch long and

nearly inch in diameter. The outside is covered with fine parallel

lines or scoring, running with the length of the substance, and on it are

one or two eyes where leaves or small branches may have been attached.

It is of an uniform grey tint. The fractured ends or sections do not,

however, shew any woody texture, but is more solid looking. In the

five offerings made to images, and at the consecration of Hindu temples,

the coral always forms a fifth with jewels, but then it is generally the

red coral. It is not unlikely that this may be a piece of coral too, but

of the white kind. The nature of the bead requires a professional

opinion to decide. The usual five offerings in Hindu shrines are — a dia¬

mond, a ruby, an emerald, a pearl, and a piece of coral.

The relic boxes were carefully examined, but no trace of inscription

or of single letters could be found, nor has any coin been discovered.

We are thus still without any clue to the age of the stupa, unless we get

it in the fragments of sculptured stones which may yet be excavated.

On the 20th the relic boxes and the contents of the small gold box were

photographed full size.

The excavation is still being continued, and when we left the mound

on the evening of the 19th, a well had been sunk in the brick work to a

depth of 8 feet below the centre of the position, where the coffer stood ;

but without anything more being found.

The sculptured stones that had been found are themselves full of in¬

terest, and if the remaining portions of the structure of which these form

22 H. Cousens — "Report on the Boria or Bakha Medi Stupa. [No. 2,

part can be discovered, the trouble and expense in getting at them will be

amply repaid. The top member of the Tee or triple umbrella is a

huge heavy slab one foot two inches thick. The edges round are

broken away, but one image mortise remains at one corner, 3 feet 4

inches from the centre. The centre of the slab is pierced with a

large round hole, 1 foot 3| inches in diameter, to receive the stem

of the umbrella. Three-fourths of the entire rim of the great um¬

brella were found, and they all piece together remarkably well, and

give a diameter of 10 feet and a thickness of 1 foot. Four fragments of

the four supporting images (one of each) have also been found, and the

tenons under their feet correspond with the mortise in the top of the

Tee. In the lower edge of the umbrella rim are the corresponding

mortises to receive the tops of the images. The underside of the umbrella

is slightly hollowed out. The whole was originally in one piece, but as

yet the central parts and the remaining fragments of the rim have not

been found. Nearly half the collar, however, with portions of the two

upper ones, of different thickness, have been excavated. The holes in

these decrease in size. Portion of a smaller figure, probably from the

second tier, has been recovered. In the top of the big umbrella are

four mortises immediatly above those below, but near the centre, for

the feet of these upper images. In the edge of the umbrella small

holes are drilled through half way, between the images and about

§ inch diameter, apparently intended for hangings or the sticks of small

flags. There are many other fragments and slabs whose original use

cannot as yet be definitely determined, but in addition to these are the

fragments of two lengths of rail slab, 8 feet 3 inches by 3 feet 5| inches.

These have long tongues at either end to fit into long mortises in some

supports not yet found. The surface is carved into uprights with

three bands of rail running through them. On the upright struts are

incised central circles with a half circle at top and bottom. The length

of these slabs is the length of a side of the original polygonal railing

round a stupa or structural dagoba.

The question which now requires solution is, whether the triple

umbrella was an erection over a previous stupa or over a structural

dagoba. That it was never erected over the present stupa is self-evi¬

dent from the positions in which the fragments were found. If a larger

stupa existed on this spot, it is very unlikely that it would have been

pulled down and rebuilt. It would have been repaired if necessary

or an outer casing added. It is my opinion that a structural dagoba

existed probably on this spot before the stupa , and the triple umbrella

being so top-heavy fell and was smashed as we find it ; and in this

was enshrined the present relics. Finding how unstable this arrange-

23

1891. j H, Cousens —Report on the Boria or Lakha Medi Stupa.

ment was, the Buddhist determined to build the present stupa, and the

fragments of the old dagoba, which had to a certain extent become

sanctified by its use as a relic receptacle, were buried in the mound.

I should thus not be surprised, if the bulk of this original structure be

found at the ground level, being thrown in to help to get the required

height for the relic coffer.

It has been decided to carry on the excavation to the rock ; and I

estimate that there are 35 to 40 feet of brick work between the position

of the coffer and the foundation. I have advised that a well be continued

down through the centre, a sloping approach being made to it from the

east along the present cutting. Then, if necessary, the cutting east

and west might be carried straight through the mound down to the

foundation. If nothing is found, then it will be needless to demolish

the mound in the chance of finding anything in the two halves. If, on

the contrary, my suppositions are correct, and the remains of some struc¬

tural dagoba be found scattered throagh the mound then nothing is

left for it but to clear away the whole.

At a point in the mound at about 4 feet from the coffer, and on the

same level, was found a handful of broken chips. These were the

fragments of a pot of exactly the same material as the stone pot con¬

taining the relics, and on piecing some of the fragments around the lip

of the cover of the latter they were found to lie evenly to it and to have

exactly the same curve. I have already mentioned the little trouble we

had in getting the stone-pot out of the well, which was a good deel deeper

than it, there being hardly enough room round about it to get the

fingers in. The inference I draw from this is, that the original bowl, of

which the present lid was its cover, is now represented by these fragments.

The accident probably happened thus. After enclosing the copper box

within the stone pot, the latter was being let down into the well, when,

from the small diameter of the latter the priest’s fingers slipped from the

bowl to the lid. The bowl fell into the well and got broken while the

lid remained in his fingers. The fragments were then taken out and

cast aside, and a new bowl obtained which did not quite fit the lid. The

immense pressure of the mass of brick work above reduced the fragments

to chips as we find them. But the amount of these is quite sufficient

to build up a complete bowl as large as the whole one.

It is curious that no heads of images have as yet been found.

I have not been able to revisit the stupa since my first visit, but

have been informed that nothing of any consequence was found upon

further excavation.

24

W. H. P. Driver — The Koroas.

[No. 2,

Notes on some Bolarian Tribes. No. II.* — By W. H. P. Driver.

The Koroas.

Habitat . — Koroas are to be found scattered over various parts of

Chutiya Nagpur, from Palamu in the north down to the most south¬

western of the Native States. They are in various stages of civilisation,

from the Birhor- Koroa of the jungles to the cultivator on the plains

who prefers to call himself a ‘ Kisan.’

In Palamu they call themselves Korea-Mundas rather than Koroas,

and in Sirguja and Jaspur they like to be called Paharias, the name

Koroa being looked upon as a term of reproach.

Language. — As usual when branches of any tribe become isolated,

the Koroas in different districts have various dialects, and the following

are a few samples of differences between the Baroai and Manipat

Koroas.

Traditional and Conjectural History. — The Koroas like other wild

tribes know little of their own history, but they have traditions about

the Mahadeo Hills, and the same fiction as the Asurs about their

origin, viz., that they are sprung from scarecrows. Their traditions also

connect them in a distant way with the Korkus, Kurs, Saonts, Asurs

and Beonarias.

When these aborigenes were driven south by the Aryans they appear

to have been generally known amongst themselves as Kors, their word

for man. The more eastern branch of the Kolarian race was in those

# [Continued from Yol. LYII, p. 7, of 1888. Ed.]

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver^— The Koroas.

25

days evidently known as Horo. To this day the members of the eastern

branch can be distinguished by the use of H, where those of the

western branch use the letter K. From the remains of brick and stone

temples, it would appear that in ancient times small communities of

Aryans used to settle amongst these aboriginal tribes, perhaps at first

as conquerors, but afterwards on a more familiar footing, until with

the lapse of time they became absorbed in the Kolarian population.

Traces of mixed blood are plain enough amongst the population of this

part of the country at the present day.

Authentic history. — The earliest historical fact we have in connection

with the Koroas is, that in 1818 A. D., when Sirguja and Jashpur

were ceded to the British by Appa Sahib, the Koroas, under a chief

named Manawar Sing, were at war with the Raja of Sirguja. Then

in 1857 the Koroas of Sirguja went into open rebellion against the

British Government, and one of their chiefs Dharam Sing was hanged

after we regained the country. Again in the beginning of 1884 this

same tribe (probably owing to scarcity) took to highway robbery and

murder. The ring-leader on this occasion was one Katra, and he and

three others, named Bandhan, Jitu and Ledra, were tried and hanged at

Ranchi. Of the others implicated, two more, Dunde and Punea, were

transported, and another Bandan received five years’ imprisonment. It

is said that in years when the hill Koroas crops were scarce, they

used to pay a visit to the Raja in a large body, armed with their terrible

bows, arrows and battle-axes. The Raja in those days was only too

glad to get rid of them by ordering a general subscription for their

benefit. Alas ! now, gone are the days of “ the good old rule, the

simple plan,” and the British are here to maintain law and order.

Divisions. — The Koroas are divided into several sub-tribes, the

Paharia or Bor-koroas, the Birinjia-koroas, the Birhor-koroas, the

Koraku-koroas, and the Koria-mundas. All live amongst the hills and

jungles and speak dialects of the Kolarian language. The Dand-koroas

or Dih-koroas and the Agaria-koroas live on the low lands, and speak

only a dialect of Hindi.

Food. — In the way of food, Koroas of the hills can eat goats, pigs,

fowls, cows and buffaloes, but not snakes, or frogs or lizards. Only

Birhor-koroas can eat monkeys. They all eat various jungle products,

and many of them know of the medicinal properties of herbs, roots &c.,

to be found in their jungles. The following are the names of a few

such medicines, viz., Churaphal, Getlii, Bhourmali, Barkajeri, Harra-

plial, &c.

Religion. — Koroas employ three kinds of priests, who must, however,

all be Koroas. The Pahan-Baiga is the head priest, the ‘ Pujar ’ is his

D

26

W. H. P. D river — The Koroas.

[No. 2,

assistant, and the Dewar is the consulting priest. They also have

Ojhas, Dains and Motis, i. e ., wizardsy witches, and sorcerers, who deal

with various kinds of spirits, and work on the superstitions of the

people. The mediumistic powers of such people are supposed to be

innate. Koroas worship the sun. Once a year in the month of Novem¬

ber, the religious-minded Koroa goes out by himself, before dawn, to

meet the rising sun, and without the assistance of a priest, he offers

up a sacrifice of a white cock, upon an open field. The priests offer

their sacrifices under the Sarna of sal trees, which is to be found near

every village. Darha and Darkin are worshipped in the Sarna, and the

hinduised Koroas of the plains worship Kali in a temple. A red or

spotted cock is offered to Darha and a red hen to Darhin, and to these

are added a little ‘ Handia ’ or native rice beer, which the soul of the

Koroa loves. There is also a Paht Deota or hill god who eats red cocks.

On occasions of distress the Baiga offers an oblation of milk to Kali.

The goodwill of ‘ Arha Burhi ’ (their ancestors) is invoked on any

occasions of moment.

Festivals. — At the ‘ Fhagna ’ festival, in March, a * simal ' (cotton

tree) branch is planted on the east side of the village, straw is tied

on the top of it, and then set fire to. After drinking and dancing

round this, the Baiga cuts off the top with a lbalua * (battle-axe). He

then takes and sticks it over his own door, and offers a sacrifice of a

spotted fowl, and some bread made of rice flour. This festival lasts for

twTo days, and they dance the ‘ Tharia ’ and ‘ Jhumta. The ‘ Sarhul 9

festival, in April, lasts four days, a red cock and hen are sacrificed

and they dance the Jhumta and Chandrani. Once a year, in the month

of July, the Pahan sacrifices to Kali a ‘khassi/ goat which the whole

village subscribes for. At the ‘ Nowa ’ or first crop festival in Septem¬

ber, the dances are Chandrani and Desoari, and only a hen is sacrificed

by the Pahan, but after the harvesting is over, every Koroa household

offers a thanksgiving sacrifice of a red and white hen to ancestors.

The ‘ Sohorai ’ or cow festival, in September, lasts four days, and two

red cocks are the proper sacrifice on this occasion. At the ‘ Dassain,’

in October, the Diwan of Khuria sacrifices a * khassi ’ goat. The

Karma festival, in October, lasts two days. The villagers cut a branch

of a karam tree, plant it in the middle of the ‘ akkra,’ or dancing-

ground, and drink and dance round it. At this the Chandrani is the

proper dance.

Marriage ceremonies. — Although Koroas do not marry until they are

grown up, their marriages are often arranged by parents. The would-

be-husband has always a say in the matter, and in his eyes, working-

capabilities are the chief beauty in a wife. Koroas are divided into

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Koroas.

27

several families, each of which is known by its ‘gotor,’ and no two

people of the same gotor are allowed to marry. The gotor stands for

our surname. An orthodox marriage is conducted as follows. First the

betrothal is formally gone through by the parents of the bridegroom,

taking to the parents of the bride two ‘kalsis’ of ‘ daru ’ or native

liquor made from the ‘ mahwa,’ and settling the price of the girl, which

is generally about Rs. 5. The young man goes with his parents next

time and takes besides the Rs. 5, a ‘ khassi ’ goat, a piece of cloth

for his intended, and another for his future mother-in-law. On the

wedding-day a feast is given at the house of the bridegroom’s father to

which all relatives and friends are invited, and a party of the bride¬

groom’s fiiends go and bring the bride. A person called an ‘ aguait*

arranges all the ceremonies. The clothes of the bride and bridegroom

which have previously been dyed yellow are tied together by the

‘ Lokundis,’ who must be unmarried people. The ‘ Lokundis ’ are the

bridesmaids and bestmen. The bridegroom then puts ‘ sindur ’ on the

bride’s forehead, and the ‘ aguait ’ throws a fist-full of uncooked rice

on the ground. The happy pair then go and salaam, to their parents

and to the assembled company. They then seat themselves between

their parents, and the husband puts bangles on his wife’s wrists, and

anklets on her feet. The company then begin to eat and drink, and

afterwards the young people commence their dancing, which is kept up

all night. The next morning, after a final drink, all the party go

and bathe, and then leave the happy couple to their own devices.

Marriage customs . — A Koroa can marry a second wife, if he has no

children by his first, or if his first wife leaves him, or if he is divorced

from her. If his wife leaves him, he can get back her price, from her

parents or guardians, and this is as good as a divorce. Widows can

remarry, and a man who marries a widow or divorcee is called a ‘ Biyahur.’

If a man leaves his wife without a cause, she can call a ‘ panchayat,’

and have him find Rs. 5. When young people marry without their

parents’ leave, it is called a ‘ Dhuku.’ The relatives then hold a

‘ panchayat,’ and make the young man give a ‘ khassi ’ goat and two

‘ kalsis ’ of ‘ daru,’ for their benefit.

Birth customs . — For about a week or ten days after a birth, the

mother is considered unclean. Children are named a month after they

are born. They are only named after their grandparents, when the

mother dreams of a visit from the said ancestors. If a girl is to be born,

the woman dreams that either her own or her husband’s mother came

with offerings of ‘ tarpat ’ earrings or beads ; but if a boy is expected,

she dreams that either her own or her husband’s father came with an

offering of a ‘ dibi ’ or a ‘ batua ’ (small brass pots for eating out of).

28

[No. 2,

W, H. P. Driver — The Pahariya-Kharias .

The child is then called its grandparents’ ‘ aotar,’ and is named after

the said ancestor. A big feast is always given at a christening. Boys

are preferred to girls.

Young people. — Boys are burnt on the forearms, when they are about

ten years of age, but girls are not tattooed like Mundas, Kharias and

Uraons. Property descends only to male heirs. Every large village has

its Dhamkuria or bachelor’s quarters, for boys who are too old to live

with their parents. Girls stay with their parents until they get married.

The dancing-ground is usually an open space in front of the Dham¬

kuria. Young people enjoy considerable freedom until they are married.

There are no old maids amongst Koroas. Children take the ‘ gotor ’ of

their father.

Death Customs. — When great persons die their remains are conveyed

to the banks of a river and burnt by their relatives. Ordinary people are

buried and large stones are placed over their graves. When the Pahan

Pujar or Dewar die, their remains are burnt and buried in their own

fields. Ten days after a death, the nearest relatives give a big dinner.

When a pregnant woman dies, her ghost haunts its relatives and

has to be turned out of the village with the assistance of the Baiga.

Appearance. — In appearance the Koroas of Jashpur, Sirguja and

Barowai are usually very black with flat square faces, and matted locks.

Physically they are short but very strongly made.

The Pahariyd-Kharias.

Habitat. — The Pahariya-Kharias have little to boast off: in the way of

history, and those in the south-west have the same tradition as the

Kharias of Lohardagga, viz., that they came from ‘ Roides ’ and ‘ Kharia-

ghat.’ They are found scattered on the hills in the south of Manblium,

in various parts of Singbhum and Kionjhar, and on the borders of Gang-

pur and Raigarh, and (as their name implies) they are exclusively hill

men. At the foot of the hills in the thickest jungles are found the Perai-

Kharias, who are said to have been outcasted by the hill men, and with

them are also found the Makria-Kharias, both these tribes being gross

feeders. The Makria-Kharias eat monkeys, and thus stand in the same

position to the Kharias as the Birhors to the Mundas. It is most proba¬

ble that in ancient times all the Kolarian tribes ate monkeys.

Language. — There is a difference in the language of the hill and

plains of one word in twelve, and the following are a few examples : —

English. Dlains-Kharia. Hill-Kharia.

Cloth ... Lutui ... Sirak.

Fever ... Ghorna ... Tonor.

Flesh ... Mas ... Kumang.

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver— The Pahariya-Kharias.

29

Divisions. — There are two tribes of hill Kharias, the ‘ Pahariya ’ and

the ‘ Neosa.’ The Pahariyas are the more civilized, being more fastidious

as to their food, and wearing cloth, while Neosas are said to eat cows, and

animals that have died of disease, and most of them wear only leaves.

Neither of these tribes can speak any language but their own, but

it is only with difficulty that they can understand each other.

Food. — Pahariya-Kharias eat buffaloes, sheep, goats, pigs, fowls, &c.,

but not cows, tigers, snakes, lizards, &c.

Religious Festivals. — In religious ideas the Pahariya-Kharias are

wonderfully advanced. They worship the Sun, ‘ Giring Puja,’ every

two or three years, in the months of June or July, the head of every

family doing his own puja, on a bare rock, and offering a white cock,

a white goat, or a white pig, according to his circumstances. Every

village has its priest, or ‘ Kalo,’ who must be a Kharia, and his

sacrifices are to be made at the ‘ Sarna ’ or Jangkorbo. In February

there are three festivals. At the ‘ Phagun ’ festival each household offers

its own sacrifice. At the Jangko festival, the Kalo offers a sacrifice for the

whole village. This festival is kept in honour of the Mahua and Mango,

which fruits are then in season. Then there is the ‘ Lamlam,’ or hunting

festival, at which the Kalo again officiates for the whole village. At all

these festivals the ‘ Tharia ’ is the fashionable dance. In June each

household offers its ‘ khidori ’ sacrifice. In September the ‘ Kalo ’

offers the 1 kadoleta ’ sacrifice, at the cutting of the upland crops.

At the ‘ Karam ’ festival, in September, the young people of both

sexes offer sacrifices at the akhra, or dancing place. In October the

‘ Kalo ’ offers a sacrifice at the ‘ Kharra Puja,’ of a brown khassi goat, and

three cocks and one hen of different colours. The ‘ Bandai ’ festival is

kept in October, and at this they dance the c Jadura.’ They dance, the

‘Desaoli’ in May and June and the ‘ Jadura ’ in October, November

and December. In the months of February and September each house-

30 W. H. P. Driver — The Pahariya-Kharias. [No. 2,

hold offers a sacrifice to its ancestors, who are supposed to act as guardian

angels to their living relatives.

Demons. — It is the ‘ Kalo’s ’ duty also to keep an eye on the various

malignant spirits that haunt every Kharia village, and to propitiate

them when necessary. The following are the most common of such evil

spirits : The ‘ Pahto-Dubo ’ or horse demon. The ‘ Dorbo-Dubo ’ or ele¬

phant demon. The ‘ Gorea-Dubo ’ or fire demon. The ‘ Raksa-Dnbo ’

has a man’s body with big protruding teeth, and he carries a rod with

a noose at the end of it, for catching people with, a big basket to put

them into, and a hatchet to kill them with. He can only be appeased by

the offering of a ram. Then comes the ‘ Gumi-Dubo,’ whose proper

sacrifice is a cow. When sacrificing to these demons, the priest kills the

animal, whatever it may be, and runs away. The other evilly disposed

spirits are the ghosts of women who have died while pregnant, called

‘ Churil-Dubos’, and the ghosts of people who have met with violent

deaths, called ‘ Jianth-Muahs.’ These sometimes go about screaming or

crying at night, and they inhabit large trees by the roadside, and

pounce down on people who do not offer sacrifices. They frighten and

sometimes kill the unfortunate wayfarer. The 1 Pahariya-Kharias ’ also

personally offer sacrifices to the ‘ Baranda-Dubo ’ who lives in ant-hills.

The sacrifice for this demon may be a buffalo, a ram, or a pig.

Good Spirits. — All the gods of the Kharias, however, are not evil.

There are two great good spirits named Dhowlagir and Mainagir, and

these have several spiritual apostles, who do their bidding. Three

of the said apostles, known to my informant, were named ‘ Deogan-

Guru,’ £ Lugu-Guru,’ and ‘ Mado-Mantri. Some ‘ Pahariya-Kharias

known as ‘ Deonra-Lebus ’ or ‘ Metis ’, can invoke the above mentioned

good spirits, but only for good purposes. The ceremony is as follows :

The ‘ Deonra-Lebu ’ takes a ‘ samu. ’ or bamboo fan, in which he puts

some rice, and he places a small light in front of him. He then be¬

gins to rub his hand over the rice, and to invoke the good spirits with

the following chant —

“ Come, come along, on the road I will make you sacrifices.

“ Here I stand, your priest, cause the sick man to be set free, and I will give

you sacrifices.

“ Keep me (as your Deonra Lebu), and at the head of the waterfall I will

make your sacrifices.

“ Make the sick man stand up, walk and work, and then will I give you sacri¬

fices.”

If the sick man recovers, the ‘ Deonra-Lebu ’ knows that Dhowlagir

and Mainagir have granted his prayer, and he gives his sacrifices accord¬

ing to promise.

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Pahariy d-Kharias.

31

Witches. — But should the person die, and there be the slightest

suspicion of the existence of a wizard or whitch in their midst, the

Deonra-Lebu again calls the good spirits to his assistance, and sees the

wizard’s or witch’s face in the light that is set before him. He

then tells the ‘ He,’ or head of the village, who calls up all the

villagers and explains the circumstances. The unfortunate wizard or

witch is then turned out of the village, with much bad language and

rough treatment. If any resistance is offered, the offensive person

is beaten and sometimes killed outright.

Marriage customs. — ‘ Pahariya-Kharias ’ only marry when they come

of age, and widows or divorcees are allowed to remarry. They may

marry two or more wives, but very few ever do so. They must,

however, only marry with other Pahariya-Kharias, and the parties to

the marriage must be of different ‘ gotors ’ or septs. The following are

a few such septs, viz., ‘ kiro ’ tiger, ‘ dungdung ’ eel, ‘ bilung ’ salt,

‘ baa ’ dhan, ‘ kerketa’ a bird, ‘ soreng’ stone, ‘ kulu ’ tortoise, &c.

Pahariya-Kharias have no ‘ dhamkuria ’ or bachelor’s hall, but they

have an ‘ akhra ’ or place for dancing. Marriages take place at the

home of the bridegroom, outside of the house. The groom has to pay

the girl’s father a present, called ‘ gining.’ This is not paid in money but

in cattle. A fair price for a wife is two buffaloes, or seven heads of cattle.

All friends and relatives are invited to the marriage feast. The brides¬

maids anoint with oil the heads of both bride and bridegroom. The

bridegroom then puts sindur on the forehead of his bride, and she returns

the compliment. The best man then splashes them both with water,

and the ceremony is complete. The happy couple are then carried about,

by two strong men, to receive the congratulations of the company.

After this the party sits down to eat and drink, and the rest of the

night is spent by the young people in dancing, and by the elders in

drinking. Next morning they all go and bathe together, in the nearest

river or pond. When a man cannot afford to have a ceremonious marriage,

he marries without ceremony, and this is called a ‘ dhuku ’ marriage.

If married people cannot agree, they are at liberty to separate and to

remarry with others if they choose.

Regarding children. — All property descends to male heirs. After

child-birth the mother is considered unclean for six days, and du¬

ring this time she must live and eat in a separate room by herself.

The child is named when it is a month old. To find an auspicious

name, grains of rice are thrown into a bowl of water, as each name is

called, when all the grains come together at the bottom of the bowl,

the last mentioned is the proper name. When boys reach the age

of 8 or 10 years, they have their forearms burnt. Girls at about the same

W. H. P, Driver — The Sohors.

32

[No. 2,

age are tattooed (by £ Malar ’ women) on tlieir foreheads and temples,

never elsewhere.

Regarding the dead. — The rich burn and the poor bury their dead.

Dead people turn into ghosts, and these live chiefly near their burial-

grounds. When a person is dying, all the ghosts in the neighbourhood get

round his deathbed, and dance and make merry, for a new £ muah ’ or

ghost is about to be born to them. People on the eve of death can see

such ghosts, and then they know their time has come. The ghosts

of people who die a natural death are quite happy, and do not molest

the living.

The Sohors or Savaras.

History and traditional references. — The Savaras (a numerous sec¬

tion of the Kolarian race) are the southernmost of any of the abori¬

ginal tribes who still speak a Kolarian language, and they have

maintained their distinctive title from very ancient times. There

is an inscription cut on the rock at Girnar in Gujerat from which

we learn that Rudra Dama (one of the Sail kings about 300 B. 0.)

conquered the Savaras and other wild tribes ; and the Savaras are

also referred to in the Puranas as a wild tribe in the south-east.

Ptolemy mentions the Sabarae, and Pliny speaks of a tribe of Suari.

Martin in his History and Antiquities of Eastern India, says that a

large tribe of Siviras are traditionally reported to have existed and

flourished in Shahabad and Bihar contemporaneously with the Cheros,

but there are none in those districts now. However S herring in

his £< Tribes and Castes of India” states that a tribe of £ Seoris ’

who were in former times much mixed up with the Bhars, Cheros,

Kols and Kharwars, were once established in Ghazipur and Mirzapur,

and that a few are now to be found in Central India. ££ These people

much resemble the Gipsies of Europe. Their women wear a tartan

dress and offen have a kind of horn projecting from the forehead as an

ornament. They live in light and easily-moved booths made of grass

and reeds, are fond of intoxicating drinks, and eat the flesh of swine

and oxen. They procure wives for their young men by kidnapping

female children, and live principally by jugglery, coining false money

and theft.”

Mythological and Historical references. — It is difficult to say whether

these £ Seoris ’ are a branch of the Savaras of the south or not. A Maha-

bharata legend says that the Savaras were created from the excrement

of the wonder-working cow ££ Nandini,” which belonged to the hermit

‘Vasishtha,’ who employed them to punish a Kshattriya king named

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Sobors.

33

“ Visva-Mittra ” tlie son of Gadhi, king of Kanauj. From this legend

it might be inferred that the Brahmans employed an army of Savaras,

(whom they imported from the south) as mercenary soldiers to fight on

their side against the Rajputs of Kanauj. These Savara soldiers would

naturally leave their wives behind, and this would account for their

almost total extinction, and for the necessity for their young men to pro¬

cure wives from other tribes. The Cheros and Kharwars with whom

the Savaras were associated are still very numerous and prolific in

Mirzapur, Sirguja, Palamu and other neighbouring districts.

Geographical Distribution. — In Sambalpur, Orissa and Ganjam the

Savaras are found in various stages of civilisation and adopting various

languages and customs according to their surroundings. In Ganjam

they speak a mixture of the Kolarian and Dravidian languages and are

known as Sonds, Sowras, Jara Savaras, Luda- Savaras, Arisa-Savaras and

Tekkati- Savaras. In the Native States of Orissa and in parts of

Sambalpur they speak dialects of Uriya and are divided into the fol¬

lowing sub-tribes, viz., —

Divisions. — Sowras or Saondas, very hinduised cultivators. Taalas,

very hinduised cultivators. Bentkars, hinduised, and weavers by

trade. Ludhas, hinduised, and blacksmiths and ironsmiths by trade.

Kella- Sobors or Potor-pinda-Sobor, the men are musicians and the

women dancing-girls. It is said that in former times their women only

wore leaves.

Sub-division of Sobors. — The purest representatives of the race call

themselves Sobors, and speak a dialect of the Kolarian language which

could be understood in Cliutiya Nagpur. These people are only to be

found in the most jungly parts of the Native States of Orissa and

Sambalpur, and a few are also found in Gangpur one of the southern

tributary states of Chutiya Nagpur, and the following notes only refer

to these Sobors.

They are divided into three sub- tribes, viz., —

1. Pardhea or Jara-Sobors are cultivators and shikaris. They,

are sometimes known as ‘ Kurus.’ They eat pigs, fowls, goats, fish &c.,

but not cows, buffaloes, tigers, lizards &c.

2. Potkota- Sobors, boat and string-makers and cultivators. They

can eat the same animals as the Pardheas and also buffaloes, but cows

are forbidden.

3. Bassu- Sobors are chiefly cultivators. They can eat the same

as the Pardheas and also sliell-fish.

These sub-tribes cannot intermarry or eat together, but they dance,

drink and otherwise fraternize quite freely.

E

34

W. H. P. Driver — The Sobers.

[No. 2,

Septs and Totems. — They are divided into numerous septs of which

the following are a few, viz., —

Saram,

Murmu,

Barhia,

G uinclia,

Ir-tirki,

Nag,

Sua,

Toro,

Hemroiu,

sambar cannot eat.

nilgai do.

wild pig do.

tree mice do.

guinea-pig do.

cobra cannot kill,

parrot cannot kill or eat.

lizzard do.

a bird do.

Pardhan, a title, the man who reinstates into caste.

Bisual, a title, the man who officiates at deaths.

Nega, a title, headman of a village.

Bhui or Bohi, those who carry palkis.

No two people of the same sept can intermarry. The wife belongs

to the sept of her husband after marriage, and male and female children

belong to the same sept as the father.

Religions Festivals. — The Sobors who retain their aboriginal customs

have priests of their own tribe, who sacrifice goats, fowls, pigs &c. at

the village ‘ dimur ’ or spirit-grove. The head priest is called ‘ Turi ’

or ‘ Jhankor ’ and his assistant the ‘ Lengena,’ and these offer sacrifices

at the following festivals, viz., —

to sacrifice to numerous gods, of which the following are a few. Gorom-

poti, village god. Bonera, hill god. Bons-poti, jungle god. Panch-

konda and Peta-bulia, outside gods. Ludha and Ludni, Kandi-bent,

Pagura-bent, and Pardhia-bent are household gods. Debi, Mahadeo,

Mahabir, Bura-Bhim, Bhogia Bura-Deo are all great gods. Satbohoni

and Jolkomoni are water nymphs, and the following are demons of

1891.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Sobors.

35

sorts, Rnkas, Bodru, Kalka, Rui bonga, Podmasini Temasini, Bhandar-

gohoria, Churguri, Horli-pat and Kondra-pat.

Dances and Music. — Sobors have the following dances ; viz., —

Jadura

Karma

Khedapar

Jatra

Kalanga

Biha

Sndni

Konkor

Kheldi

Dond

men and women together,

do.

do.

do.

do.

do. at weddings,

only women,

do.

single woman of Kela Sobor tribe,

danced by single man carrying bells on a stick.

They use the following musical instruments : Lepur, Champ, Bet-

bari. The Kela- Sobors use the Khonjini or Ghurka, a peculiar instru¬

ment which emits groans and grunts.

Wedding customs. — The uncivilised Sobors do not marry until

grown up and the price of a wife is usually Rs. 5. Widows and di¬

vorcees can remarry, and a divorce is effected by returning the price

paid for the wife. The marriage takes place at the man’s house, and the

bride is borne to the wedding on the backs of the bridesmaids. The

bridegroom has to give a cloth to the bride, her mother and younger

brother. At weddings Sobors do not dance the war-dance of Chutiya

Nagpur, but have a peculiar wedding dance of their own. The prepara¬

tions for the wedding party are very much the same as in Chutiya

Nagpur.

Marriage customs. — They have the usual ‘ Mandua-tand.’ Branches

of ‘ Mahua ’ and ‘ Sargi ’ are planted on the altar, which consists of a four-

cornered mound of earth, at each of the corners of which are placed

water-pots with lights in them, a string being passed round the lot.

The ceremony commences by the happy couple holding each other’s

little fingers and marching seven times round the ‘ Chouuda ’ or altar,

the woman going in front. The two being then seated together, the

bridegroom puts a spot of £ sindur ’ on the bride’s forehead with his

right hand little finger, and she returns the compliment in exactly the

same manner. The bridesmaids then draw near and tie the clothes of

the pair together. After this they make the bride promise never to leave

her husband, and (as it were to certify to the contract) put a big broad

mark of ‘ sindur ’ on the bride, reaching from the crown of her head to

the tip of her nose. The happy pair then retire into a house prepared

for them, while the rest of the party sit down to dinner. After dinner

dancing and drinking are commenced and usually carried on until next

36

W. H. P. Driver — The Sohors.

[No. 2,

morning. Parly in the morning the bridesmaids appear to wash the

feet of the newly-married couple, the man receiving their attentions first.

Sohors are permitted to marry as many wives as they choose, but

do not usually have more than one.

Customs relating to children. — After childbirth the mother is consi¬

dered unclean from six months to a year, and the husband has to live and

eat apart from his wife, not even being allowed to drink water from her

hands ; and if there are no female relatives in the house, he has to do

all the cooking. To effect a purification an official called ‘ Pardhan ’ has

to give some drinking water first to the mother and then to the father,

and finally to drink some himself, each one drinking out of his or her

own hand. Just previous to this ceremeny the mother has to bathe.

Before the purification, neither the father nor the mother can eat

meat. After the purification they have a big dinner to which relatives

and friends are invited. In Chutiya Nagpur the ‘ Pardhans ’ are a sub¬

tribe of the Kheroars or Bhogtas. The Sobors do not usually burn

‘ sika ’ marks on the boy’s fore-arms, as is customary amongst the

aboriginal tribes of Chutiya Nagpur. Girls are tattooed chiefly on the

biceps. The Kol custom of tattooing on the forehead is practised by a

few ; but I noticed only old women with these marks, and I therefore

presume the custom is dying out. The tattooing is done by the women

of the Temna or brass-working caste. Amongst Sobors all property

descends to male heirs only. The ‘ Dhamkuria ’ or bachelor’s hall of

Chutiya Nagpur villages is not known amongst the Sobors. The Sobors

usually bury their dead and put stones over the graves. The clothes,

ornaments and sometimes the weapons of the deceased are buried with

them. They believe in the existence of the spirits of the dead and also

that they haunt their own homes ; therefore at meals it is customary to

put aside a pinch of food and some liquor to show the spirits they are

not forgotten. Sobors are very superstitious ; they believe in sorcery,

and people suspected of practising the black art are hated, feared and

often ill-treated. A grim sect of these people, known as ‘ Bisuals,’ are

the officials whose duty it is to offer sacrifices to the dead. They get

paid for their services, and the office is hereditary, so that the Bisuals

will doubtless become a sub-tribe in time, just as the Baigas have done

amongst the aboriginal tribes in the Western Native States of Chutiya

Nagpur. The Bisual sacrifice consists of rice and the gum of the Sarai

tree.

Language. — The following list of words showrs where the Sobor and

Saonda differ most from other Kolarian languages.

-rgyal-po and TJg-tad , a Dialogue. 37

Hd-shang -rgyal-po and TJg-tad , a Dialogue. From the Tibetan.

By Karl Marx, Missionary at Leh, Ladakh .

(Once upon a time) there was a king named Ha-shang, who did

naught but sin. (Now), had this king died, he would have gone to

perdition ; Chom-dan-das, however, had mercy upon him, and transformed

himself into a minister called Ug-tad.1 After he had come into the

presence of the king and performed his obeisance, (the king) accepted

him as his minister.

(it so happened, that) the king had two wives. Now, the king

raised his second wife2 to (the rank of) the first and gave her the

golden crown. The first wife3, being jealous, threw the Chhang4-cup

at the king. The king resented this and gave the command to TJg-tad :

£ Go and kill5 this woman!’ TJg-tad replied: ‘ It is not right to kill

the queen for an offence so trifling.’ The king (again) said : 1 If you

will not kill the queen, I shall kill you !’

Then TJg-tad conducted the queen to a grave-yard, and after having

made her over to the care of the hobgoblins,6 he made a sign to her

meaning: ‘don’t be afraid,’ and left her.

Thereupon he returned to the king. The king asked : ‘ Have (you)

killed (her) ?’ The minister said : ‘ (Yes, I) have killed (her).’ ‘ Very

well,’ said he.

1

2

8 iarar

4 <3S>^’ the beer of Ladakh and Tibet.

5 ‘ Kill and come ’ Nyoppfcf

6

38 Karl Marx — Ha-shang-rgyal-po mid Ug-tad, a Dialogue. [No. 2,

‘ Ug-tad,’ the king (then) continued, ‘ your erudition is consider¬

able, and your parts are good. (Tell me then) : amongst acts perform¬

ed by human beings, which are well (done) ?’

The minister said : ‘ If you do not consider accomplishments of

little account ; (this is) well (done) ;

‘ if you do not look upon learning as being a fraud ; (this is) well

(done) ;

‘ if a rich man keeps his wealth under control,1 (this is) well (done) ;

‘ if a poor man curbs his tongue; (this is) well (done) ;

‘if a women subdues (her own) body ; (this is) well (done) ;

‘if the Tsun-pa2 fulfils the disciplinary statutes3; (this is) well

(done) ;

‘if the Ngags-pa4 keeps the vows5 ; (this is) well (doue) ;

‘ if the king can govern ; (this is) well (done) ;

‘if a man rises above bad report6; (this is) well (done) ;

‘ if a sick man conforms with tlie rules of diet7 ; (this is) well

(done) ;

‘ if all (men) always were successful; (this would be) well ;

‘ Brothers are good companions ;

‘ one's own relatives make good governors ;

‘ father and mother are dear to the heart ;

‘a wife is pleasant to give one food ;

‘a neighbour is nearer than a relative at a distance ;

‘ on-foot is swifter than a weak horse ;

‘ vegetables are sweeter than a porridge made of bad grain ;

‘there’s more pleasure in being a spinster, than in having a husband

with an evil countenance.'

1 In this and the following 8 sentences, the original always has to be

able, etc.

2 Priest, Reverend.

8

4 Magician.

s ■ytrlci'

6 Orig. Jasclike, Diet s. v. leaves the meaning, which is defined by

Csoma as given in the text, still doubtful. In Ladakh the word is entirely un¬

known.

7 Tibetan dietary rules forbid under circumstsnces meat (esp. of goats), sour

milk, onions, clihang, anything sour, salt, vegetables, cold water, unless after its

having been boiled previously ; sleep during daytime is also strictly forbidden to

any patient.

1891.] Karl Marx — Ild-shang-rgyal-po and Ug-tad, a Dialogue. 39

Upon this the king considered : “ A wife is pleasant to give one

food,’ this is truly said ; ‘ there is more pleasure in being a spinster,

than in having a husband with an evil countenance,’ is true likewise.

Such has been said unto me. ‘ Again he thought; ‘ Ug-tad (probably)

did not kill the queen,’ so he said to Ug-tad ; ‘ for the sake of

one single offence, to command you : “ kill the queen ! ” was not right ;

therefore, if the queen is not dead, I will make over my reign to you,

(if) you go and bring1 her (here).’

Ug-tad said : ‘ To raise a person from the dead, and to come and

bring her (back), is a thing unheard of.’

The king said: ‘Is there any means of bringing her to life

again ?’

TJg -tad said: ‘ None that I have. Had Your Majesty2 not ordered

me to kill her, I would not have dared to look at the queen [MS. writh

my eyes] ; much less would I have dared to put her to death. If, for

instance, you leave a3 hatchet without a handle in an empty riverbed,

then (surely) no wood will be cut. And I, just as little, have any

means of bringing her to life again. I, too, was no party in her execu¬

tion ; it was Your Majesty,4 who put her to death.’

The king said : ‘ As it seems evident, that the queen is not dead,

bring her here5 !’

Ug-tad said: ‘ She is dead. This is very much like the stories of

the dove and of the hoopoe in times gone by.

‘ There once were two doves, a married couple, who, in autumn,

hid some fine barley in a hole. In winter it dried up and grew less

(in bulk). The husband (noticing this) said: ‘Wife, thou hast eaten

it !’ and struck his wife with his bill and killed her. After spring had

gone by, however, the hole was full again, and now the dove husband

said : ‘ (Indeed,) thou hast not eaten it, stand up !’ But his wife being

dead, a few maggots only came out.

‘Also a hoopoe-couple once found seven peas. In order to eat

(them some other time), they dug with their bills (in the ground) and

hid (the peas) in the furrow. But the furrow closed up, and they

o

1 Orig. briflg and come.

_ -v

2 Orig. the king.

_> c\

3 MS. adds ? b sharp, but its entire omission seems an

improvement.

4 IQTUSV3N’

* dyorw

40 Karl Marx — Hd-shang-rgyal-po and TJg-tad , a Dialogue. [No. 2,

could not find (the peas). (Then) the husband said: ‘ Thou hast eaten

them !’ and killed his wife. Next summer, for every pea one flower

sprang up, and the hoopoe said : ‘ Last year’s peas, all seven, this year

have brought forth the flower Ha-lo, and now many peas will grow.

So thou shouldest stand up ! don’t be long ! arise ! ’ But on lifting her

up with his bill, a few maggots (only) came forth.

‘ Similarly, Your Majesty,1 after having destroyed the queen, said

(tome):’ Ug-tad, you are (a) superior (person),2 go and bring back3

the queen ! ’ But I say4 : ‘ I never committed any mean offence6, I

never did a sinful act, I never took an unlawful wife, it was not I who

killed the wife in question, and she being dead, there is no hope of

her ever returning. (As it is), Your Majesty is (undoubtedly) my

superior6.’

The king said : ‘ Ug-tad, you should not tell falsehoods, but go and

fetch (my) queen !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Falsehoods there are many indeed :

‘ to say : there are five horses flying about, is a falsehood ;

‘ to say : ants go to parched wheat, is a falsehood ;

‘ to say : fish have their hearts in their heads, is a falsehood ;

‘ to say : to a male a boy is born, is a falsehood.’

The king said : ‘You are talking absurdities.’

TJg-tad said : ‘ Absurdities there are many indeed :

‘ (to say :) winter is naturally getting hot, is absurd ;

‘ (to say :) summer is naturally getting cold, is absurd ;

‘ to reject the advice of a loving friend and listen to the flatteries of

an enemy who hates you, is very absurd.’

The king said again : ‘ You are a disgustingly foul (fellow) !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Disgustingly foul there are many indeed :

‘ the archer’s collar is foul ;

‘ the tongue of a man digesting is foul.’

The king again said : ‘ You are hankering after disease !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Hankering after disease, there are many indeed :

1 f),QT*r 3rd, i. e.y 2nd person.

~\r

8 §yor^V

4 3rd, i.e. ,1st person.

5 4yi§vqaTQ ;<vT i. e., a work of small dimensions.

0

1891.] Karl Marx — Ha-shang-rgyal-po and Ug-tad, a Dialogue. 41

‘ if a man, not ill, takes drugs, lie is fond of disease ;

‘ if a sick man can’t submit to regime, lie is fond of disease ;

‘ if in winter, a man puts on thin clothes, he is fond of disease ;

‘ if in summer, a man sits down on damp ground, he is fond of

disease.’

The king said : ‘You want to destroy yourself !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Wanting to destroy themselves, there are many

indeed :

‘ one going to combat without armour, wants to destroy himself ;

‘ one climbing a steep rock, wants to destroy himself ;

‘ one crossing a raging torrent, wants to destroy himself.’

Again the king said : ‘ You wish to die.’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Wishing to die there are many indeed :

‘ one walking over a glacier in summer, wishes to die ;

‘ one climbing a tree in winter, wishes to die ;

‘ a fat sheep in autumn, running into a village, wishes to die ;

1 if a bad man is passionate, he wishes to die.’

Again the king said : ‘You are in error !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Erring there are many indeed :

‘ if a man does not guard himself against disease, he is erring, for

there is a risk of his being attacked himself ;

‘ if a man does not guard against cattle-disease, he is erring, for

there is a risk of his own cattle-yard being made empty ;

‘ if a man robs another man’s wife from his bosom, he is errmo\

for there is a risk of himself being killed through the chastisements of

the other ;

‘ if a man takes oaths on things good and evil, he is erring, for there

is a risk of his posterity being (suddenly) cut off ;

‘ if a woman deserts her husband and makes love to another, she

is erring.’

The king again said : ‘ Your power of speech is terrific.’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Terrific are many things indeed :

‘ the earth giving way, would terrify the hare ;

‘the heavens breaking down, would terrify the duck ;

‘ the thing-ril1 is terrified by the swamp drying up ;

‘ the child, . 2 having come, is terrified.’

Again the king said : ‘You can’t keep within bounds !’

Ug-tad said : ‘ Immoderate are many indeed :

‘ if a poor man has become rich, he will be immoderate in boast¬

ing;

F

1 Name of a Tibetan bird not known.

2 An omission in MS.

42

Karl Marx — Hd-shang-rgyal-po and Tig-fad , a Dialogue. [No. 2,

‘ if a bad companion has been indulging in slander, he (afterwards)

will be immoderate in hypocrisy ;

‘ if a vulgar person1 has conceived a great hatred, he will be

immoderate in the use of violent language.’

Again the king said : ‘ You are (one of those fellows saying :) if

only I could, I would be glad.’

Ug-tad said : * Glad if they could, there are many indeed :

‘ if one could (avert) the calamities connected with riches, one

would be glad ;

‘ if one could (command) the vigour of a country, one would be

glad ;

1 if one could (endure) the talk3 of a wife, one would be glad ;

‘ if a champion could keep peace,3 one would be glad.’

Again the king said : £ (But) you are saying, 1 can’t !’

Ug-tad said : £ Not able (to do a thing,) there are many indeed :

‘ one vanquished cannot boast ;

‘ many (at once) cannot govern a country ;

‘ a rich man has no control over his wealth ,*

1 a poor man has no control over his stomach.’

The king again said : ‘ You don’t know shame !’

Ug-tad said : £ Knowing no shame, there are many indeed :

‘ dress knows no shame ; (still) there should be moderation in

dress4 ;

£ sleep knows no shame ; (still) there should be moderation in

sleeping ;

£ the stomach knows no shame ; (still) there should be moderation

in eating ;

£ carnal desire6 knows no shame ; (still) there should be modera¬

tion in cohabitation6.’

Again the king said : ‘ It is possible to prolong the queen’s life 1’

1 a low mouth.

s

s to the meaning of treaty, peace is unhesita-

-v£> -O -*

tingly and invariably given by my Tibetan assistants ; the c Ge-sar’ (MS.) uses it

-v

frequently in the same sense, e. g.> £ a treaty of five years duration/ in : QJT

(§«V’WW) — i. e., keep, endure would be more accurate.

4 It should be worn neither too long nor too short.

& cf. the use of the German Wollust.

6 VgN’iy : ‘ having done it ; enough.*

43

1891. ] Karl Marx — Hd-sJumg-rgyal-po and Ug-tad, a Dialogue.

Ug-tad said : ‘ If it is possible to prolong the queen’s life ; what is

to be done, if she is dead ?

4 (Still if you want) to prolong life, there are (means) many indeed :

‘ if (you) cure a sick man, (you) prolong (his) life ;

‘ if (you) reconcile men quarrelling, (you) prolong (their) lives ;

4 if (you) give armour to men fighting, (you) prolong (their) lives ;

4 if (you) point out (to the stranger) the precipice and the water¬

course, (you) prolong (his) life.’

Again the king said : ‘ If it is true, that you killed the queen,

then death would seem easy to me.’

Ug -tad said : 4 Death seems easy to many indeed :

4 if a man’s family, elder and younger brothers, all have perished at

the hands of men, death (seems) easy to him ;

4 if one has incurred the contempt of one’s equals, death (seems)

easy to him ;

4 if one is unable to fulfil one’s obligations towards friends and

relatives, death seems easy to him1 ;

4 if one’s opponent in betting has left no pledge,9 death seems

easy.’

Again the king said : 4 Although you never learnt all this, — how do

you know it ?’

Ug-tad said : 4 Things known, though never learnt, such there are

many indeed :

4 weeping one knows, though one never learnt it ;

4 eating one knows, though one never learnt it ;

4 lust one knows, though one never learnt it ;

4 sin one knows, though one never learnt it.’

Again the king said : 4 Although I was taught, yet I do not know

it.’

Ug-tad said : 4 Things taught, but not comprehended, there are

many indeed :

4 though you teach the lake where to go backward, yet it will not

comprehend it ;

4 though you teach the glacier to float downhill, yet it will not com¬

prehend it ;

4 though you teach the water (how to tie) a knot, yet it will not com¬

prehend it ;

translation somewhat

doubtful. The translation given in the text is in accordance with the explanation

given by Tibetans.

translation as given is, I think,

the one most appropriate. °

44 Karl Marx — Ha-shang-rgyal-po and Ug-tad, a Dialogue. [No. 2,

‘ though you teach millet seed building, yet it will not comprehend

it.’

Again the king said : ‘ That you should know all this, is most

wonderful !’

Ug-tad said : * Things most wonderful, there are many indeed :

‘ that the holy Chhos1 should be preached and expressed in words,

is a most wonderful thing ;

‘ Sin renounced and virtue accomplished, is a most wonderful thing ;

‘ Sitting idle and yet to complete (one’s redemption) is a most won¬

derful thing ;

‘ wealth and property heaped up and its crumbling away, is a most

wonderful thing.

‘ Unseen and gracious Lha !

Unseen and terrible phantom2 !

Untasted yet wished-for delight,3 !

Never partaken of, though sweet nectar !

Clouds undressed yet warm !

Bright sun and moon are without support !’

Upon this the king Ha-shang, not knowing what else he should say,

remained silent, and Ug-tad continued : ‘ Oh, great king ! If you wish

for elevation, attend to things that are low.

If you covet happiness, leave aside the causal connexion.

If you covet things near, traverse what is distant.

If you covet victory, put up with defeat.

If you covet wisdom, cultivate your mind.

If you covet Tsun-pa-ship, keep the ordinances.

If you wish for rest, feed your dog.

If you covet learning, leave the 1 Chapter4.'

If you want joy, do the Chhos.’

(Ug-tad) having said this, the king believed and asked : ‘ Ug-tad,

how must the Chhos be done ?’

The minister said : ‘ The Lama patron-saint6 must be worshipped

~\r

1 3S *V' doctrine

2 QV

3 a^y*K]<vr

4 = chapter, no donbt, refers to the ‘seven

chapters,’ the most elementary hook in Lamaistic religious literature.

CS

6 Every one of the different Lamaistic sects professes adherence to

one such patron saint ; notably in Ld : the Sa-skya-pas to Tsan, m. (monastery at Ma-

sho), the Ge-ldan-pas to Dol-ma, f. (monasteries at » Tikse, Spi-tuk, Sang-kar, Li-kir)

1891.] Karl Marx — Ha -shang-rgyal-po and TJg-tad , a Dialogue. 45

like a Lha. Tlie vow must be held like one’s own body. Hearing,

thinking must be developed so as to equal the border of the heavens.

Thoughts must be meditated upon like the oceans. £ Oh king ! trust a

loving friend ! Cohabitation gives no satisfaction ; hence do not allow

carnal passion to gush forth like a torrent.

‘ Of spiteful enemies there will be no end ; therefore do not allow

hatred to burn like a fire.

‘ Though this be the period of dullness and error, do not allow

ignorance to advance like darkness.

‘ There should be no talk of one’s own attainments ; hence do not

allow pride to be born like a mountain.

‘ Other people’s want being loss to one’s self, do not allow envy to

whirl like a cyclone.

‘ The doing of works never will cease ; take up, then, the burden of

suffering.

‘ Of worldly goods enough, is a thing unknown ; cut asunder,

therefore, the knot of avarice.

‘ There exists no measure to indicate the time of one’s death ; hence

exert yourself to be pious.

‘ There is no telling, when death will draw nigh ; therefore don’t

put off (striving after) virtue until the morrow.

‘ A small sin even is visited with a heavy penalty ; therefore do not

commit sin at all.

‘ All men at the first were equal ; pay attention therefore to other

people’s dying and not dying.

‘ When another (person) dies, do not mourn at his corpse ; thyself

also must die.

‘ Nothing else is of use ; seize hold of the Chhos, for it is of use in

the end.’

The king believed and said : ‘ Father and mother, though searched

never found ! Fire and water, needful morn and even alike ! Wife

though absent, yet to be found !

Needful in the end is the holy Chhos !’

Ug-tad (again) said : ‘ If you of your own accord have come to

believe in the Chhos, then body and intellect1 both are annihilated by

the mind.2 These and the vanities3 that are destroyed in the end, are

the Di-gung-pas to Ab-chi £. (monast. at : Sgang-ngon, Yn-ru, Sliang.), the Dug-pas

to Gon-po. m. (monast. at He-mis, Tchem-re, Stag-na.), the Rgyud-pas to Tsono--Kh-

pa. m. (monast. at Ri-rdzong). All these patrons are said to have been great teachers

and saints, either male or female.

1 w*r ’r 8 svgV

46

S. C. Das —Life of Atisa> [No. 2,

(all) illusions. If you know the inner sense,1 then there remains no¬

thing that could be called death. Virtue or vice, whatever has been

done in times gone by, what kind of lives have been led, let their foot¬

steps be your guides. Dear friend ! do what is said in the holy doc¬

trine.2 Death being certain, do the holy Clilios. As there is no intelli¬

gence of our being exempt from death, be diligent and make haste.

There is no profit in anything, but strain every nerve and seize hold of

the Chhos. (The doctrine of) cause and effect3 (in the moral world)

being true, (accomplish41) virtue and renounce sin. Even at the risk

of your life, don’t throw aside the performance of the moral law. The

state of metempsychosis causes weariness to the soul ; having left

behind the round of transmigrations and cast away suffering, happiness

will spring forth.

‘ On love and compassion a loving heart for ever meditates.

‘ All — vanity and the inner sense, the two truths take to heart.’2

In such manner did (Ug-tad) teach (the king) many things. There¬

after in order to stablish him in the faith, he (sent word) to the queen,

formerly hidden, (saying) : ‘ The king - ■ -

Life of Atisa (Dipamkara STijnana). — By Babu Sarat Chandra Das,

C. I. E.

Lha Lama Yes’e hod, king of Tibet, who held his court at Tholin in

/v

Nali-ri was a devout Buddhist. He ruled peacefully over his country for

many years. About the year 1025 A. D., he founded the monastery of

Thoding at Tholin (the lofty place). With a view to introduce pure and

undefiled Buddhist monachism in Tibet, he selected seven intelligent lads,

each ten years old, and carefully trained them up in Tibetan. Then, with

the consent of their parents, he admitted them into the sacerdotal order.

When these lads advanced in their study of the sacred books and became

* nyv

8 ira^v

4 MS. ‘throw away both virtue and sin,’ seems not to be in

accord with the tenor of the previous exhortations ; we prefer to insert

fulfil. '<6

6

1891.]

47

S. C. Das — Life of Atisa.

initiated in the practice of monastic discipline, he appointed two novice¬

monks ( S'ramanera ) to attend to each of them, and thereby increased the

strength of his institution to twenty-one. Not satisfied with the Buddhist

teachers of Tibet, whose cult had become greatly debased by the ad¬

mixture of Tantrik and Pon mysticism, he sent these young monks to

Kashmir, Magadha and other places of India where pure Buddhism still

prevailed, with a view to their studying the philosophy of Ananda Garbha

of Kashmir and the code of monastic discipline. He commanded them to

invite to Tibet, if possible, the renowned Kashmirian Pandit Ratna Vajra

and Dhannapala (the Buddhist hierarch of Magadha) and other holy men

whose acquaintance they might make during their sojourn in India. He

also instructed them to ascertain if there were any other pandits who, when

invited, would be useful to the cause of Buddhist reformation in Tibet.

Accordingly they proceeded to India in search of knowledge and holy

men, bidding a long farewell to their native country. Though the king

succeeded in getting the services of thirteen Indian pandits, it is said,

that out of the twenty-one monks whom he had sent to India, nineteen died

there from heat, fever, snake-bite and other causes. Rinchhen frssan-

po, the great Lochava, and Legs pa/ii S'erab were the only surviv-

ers who had the good luck of returning to Tibet crowned with success.

They studied Sanskrit under some of the eminent Sanskrit scholars of

India and acquired great proficiency in the Buddhist literature. Bear¬

ing in mind the instructions of their royal master, they visited Vikrama¬

sila to inquire of the STamanas if there was a saintly scholar in their midst

who, when invited to Tibet, would be useful to the reformation of Bud¬

dhism. There they heard of Dipamkara S'rijnana, whose spiritual attain¬

ments and learning were of a superior order, and who then occupied the

first position among the Buddhist scholars of Magadha. They were also

told that he was, in fact, the second Sarvajna of the school of 500 Ar-

hats which is commonly called the Mahdsangika. The Lochavas, how¬

ever, did not venture to ask him to visit Tibet, being told that any such

proposal would be premature at this time, if not absurd. On their return

to Tibet they submitted an account of their experiences in India, and also

of the condition of the Buddhist church of Magadha.

Greatly desirous of seeing the renowned sage of Magadha, the

king commanded jRgya-tson-gru senge, a native of Tag-tslial in Tsang

to proceed to Vikramasila, taking with him one hundred attendants

and a large quantity of gold. After encountering immense hardships

and privations in the journey, the traveller reached Magadha. Arrived

at Vikramasila, he presented to Dipamkara the king’s letter with

a large piece of bar gold as a present from his sovereign and begged him

to honour his country with a visit. Hearing this, Dipamkara replied : —

48

[No. 2,

S. C. Das — Life of Atisa.

“ Then it seems to me that my going to Tibet would be due to two causes : —

first, the desire of amassing gold, and second, the wish of gaining saint¬

hood by the loving of others, but I must say that I have no necessity for

gold nor any anxiety for the second.” So saying he declined to accept the

present. At this unexpected reply Gya-tson wept bitterly in his pre¬

sence, wiping his tears with a corner of his sacerdotal robe. He

explained to the sage that he was come from the country of Himavat

thus far to Vikramasila, suffering immense privations, spending much

treasure and suffering the loss of many of his companions who died of

heat, fever, snake-bite and other causes in the journey, and at last lie

had to go back to his sovereign depressed at heart and disappointed in

his hopes. Dipamkara sympathized with him and tried to console him.

On his return to Tibet the Locliava explained to his royal master

the circumstances of the failure of his mission and returned the presents.

Thinking that it was hopeless to bring Dipamkara to Tibet, the king again

commanded the Locliava to proceed to Vikramasila to invite the scholar

who was second to Dipamkara in learning and moral purity. At this

time Nag-tsho, a young monk of Gung-thah, met Gya-tson and begged to

be his pupil, but the Locliava desired him to wait till his return from

Magadha. He proceeded to India with five attendants and a small

quantity of gold, barely enough to meet the expenses of his journey to

Vikramasila.

At the same time king Llia Lama started for the frontier for the

purpose of collecting gold. When he arrived to the south of Purang, he

was attacked by the troops of the Raja of Garlog (Garwal P) and made a

prisoner. The Tibetan force that was despatched from Tholing by the

king’s sons failed to defeat the enemy, and Chanchhub Hod, his nephew

opened negotiations with the Raja of Garlog who agreed to release the

king on two conditions : — that either the king became a vassal of his

and embraced his creed, or that he paid a ransom consisting of solid gold

of the size and shape of the captive king’s person. The second condition

being more agreeable to Lha Lama than the first, his two sons and

nephew Chahclihub Hod sent officers to collect gold from their subjects

in Tsang, U, Kliam and the nine minor provinces called the Lin-gu.

The gold that was collected and brought for ransoming the king did

not satisfy the heretic Indian chief. It is said that when melted

and cast to form a statue of the captive king, the gold fell short of the

quantity that would be necessary to make its head. Seeing that it was

impossible to satisfy the greed for gold of the Garlog Raja and despair¬

ing of his release, Lha Lama advised his sons and nephew to make consi¬

derable religious offerings at Tlioding and Lhasa and also to repair the

monastery of Sam-ye for his moral benefit. He impressed in their

49

1891.] S. C. Das — Life of Atis a.

minds the importance of inviting to Tibet a scholarly Indian pandit like

Dipamkara for reforming the degenerate Buddhism of his country.

But bis sons and Chanchhub, being anxious for his release, went back

to Tibet to collect more gold. In the meantime Lha Lama died in con¬

finement.

When the news of Lha Lama’s death reached Tholing, Chanchhub

made religious offerings at Thoding and Lhasa, and, with a view to give

effect to his royal uncle’s long-cherished desire of life, charged ISTag-

tsho Lochava of Gun- than with the mission of going to Vikramasila

in search of Gya-tson and also for inviting an Indian pandit to Tibet.

Addressing the Lochava, he said : — “ You know how degenerate tho Bud¬

dhism of Tibet has become, how mixed are the religious practices here

with the heretic cult of the red and blue robe Tantriks ; the late king in

his anxiety to reform our religion, thrice sent messengers to Magadha to

bring the sage Dipamkara S'rijnana to Tibet. Gya-tson-senge has not

come back, and it is not known if he is still living. You are also aware

of the calamities which befell my royal uncle, and that cost him his life.

Go, therefore, to Vikramasila, if possible, again to invite the renowned

sage of Magadha to our benighted country, bnt if he still declines to come,

invite the pandit who is second to him in learning and holiness.” At

first, the young Lochava, who was only twenty-seven years old, hesitated

to take so difficult a charge upon himself, bnt the king having insisted on

his going to India, of which place he had some experience, he agreed,

though very reluctantly, to proceed to Magadha. The king gave him

leave to equip himself for the journey with one hundred attendants and

to furnish him with a large quantity of gold, but the Lochava would

take with him only four attendants and a small quantity of gold. On

his arrival at Vikramasila he met with Gya-tson, who was then prosecut¬

ing his studies under one of the learned pandits of the grand monastery.

With the help of Gya-tson, who had by his long residence at Vikramasila

and other Buddhist places of Magadha, learnt much of the ways and

manners of the people of Magadha, the young Lochava became introduced

to the principal personages of Vikramasila. He resided in the monastery

for some time as a pupil of the abbot Sthavira Ratnakara, and with his

assistance he succeeded in inducing Dipamkara to visit Tibet.

Dipamkara was born A. D. 980 in the royal family of Gaur at Vikram-

anipur in Bangala, a country lying to the east of Vajrasana (Gaya).

His father called Dge-v&hi dpaZ in Tibetan, i. e., “Kalyana Shi” and his

mother Prabhavati gave him the name of Chandragarbha, and sent him

while very young to the sage Jetari an Avadhut adept for his education

Under Jetari he studied the five kinds of minor sciences, and thereby

paved his way for the study of philosophy and religion.

G

50

S. C. Das — 1 Afe of Atisa.

[No. 2,

Growing in age lie acquired proficiency in the three pit alias of the four

classes of theHinayanaS'ravakas,in the Vaiseshika philosophy, in the three

pitalcas of the Mahayana doctrine, the high metaphysics of the Madhya-

mika and Yogacharya schools and the four classes of Tantras. Having

acquired the reputation of being a great pandit in the S'astras of the

Tirthikas which he studied till the twenty-fifth year of his age, he defeated

a learned Brahman in Logic. Then, preferring the practice of religion to

the ease and pleasures of this world, he commenced the study of the me¬

ditative science of the Buddhists which consists of the Trisiksha or the

three studies — morality, meditation and divine learning — , and for this pur¬

pose he went to the vihdra of Krishnagiri to receive his lessonsfrom Rahula

Gupta. Here he was given the secret name of Guhyajnana Vajra, and

initiated in the mysteries of esoteric Buddhism. At the age of nineteen

he took the sacred vows from S'ila Rakshitathe Mahasarpgika Acharya of

Odantapuri who gave him the name of Dipamkara STijnana. At the age

of thirty-one lie was ordained in the highest order of Bhikshu and also

given the vows of a Bodliisattva by Dliarma Rakshita. He received

lessons in metaphysics from several eminent Buddhist philosopher's

of Magadha. Lastly, reflecting on the theory of u the evolution of

all matters from voidity ” he acquired what is called the u far-seeing

wisdom.”

On account of these divers attainments which moved his mind va¬

riously in different directions, he resolved to go to Acharya Cliaudrakirti

the High Priest of Suvarnadvipa Accordingly in the company of some

merchants he embarked for Suvarnadvipa in a large boat. The voyage

was long and tedious, extending over thirteen months during which the

travellers were overtaken by fearful storms. At this time Suvarnadvipa

was the head quarter of Buddhism in the East, and its High Priest was

considered as the greatest scholar of his age. Dipamkara resided here

for a period of twelve years in order to completely master the pure

teachings of the Buddha of which the key was alone possessed by the

High Priest. He returned to India accompanied by some merchants in

a sailing vessel visiting Tamradvipa and the island of forests on his way.

Returning to Magadha he sought the company of eminent sages, such

as S'anti, Naropanta, Kusala, Avadhuti Tombhi and others.

The Buddhists of Magadha now acknowledged him as their chief

and unanimously declared him to be the “ Dharmapala ” or the hier¬

arch of Magadha. During his residence at the shrine of Malia Bodhi

at Vajrasana he thrice defeated the Tirtliika heretics in religious contro¬

versy, and thereby maintained the superiority of Buddhism over all other

religions in Magadha. At the request of king Nyaya Pala he accepted

the post of High Priest of Vikramasila. At this time Magadha was in-

1891.]

51

S. C. Das — Life of Atisa,

vaded by the king of Karnya (probably Kanauj). Nyaya Pala’s armies

suffered several defeats at the hand of the enemies who advanced near

the capital. The Magadha king sued for peace, and a treaty was signed

by which friendship was established between the two kingdoms. In this

treaty Dipamkara took an active part. It was he who reconciled the

king of Karnya to Nyaya Pala.

He visited Tibet in the year 1038 A. D., accompanied by his bro¬

ther Viryachandra, Raja Bhumi-Samga, and Nag-tsho Lochava. The

king of Tibet gave him a most cordial reception and commanded his

people to receive his teachings with profound veneration. Finding that

Dipamkara was the best and wisest of the Indian pandits whom he and

his father had ever asked to visit Tibet, the king out of reverence for his

deep learning and purity of morals gave him the name of Jovo Atisa (the

Supreme Lord who has surpassed all). Arrived at Tholing Dipamkara

preached the profound doctrine of the Mahayana doctrine and wrote

several works on the principles and cult of the general and esoteric

branches of Buddhism among which Bodhipatha Pradipa is pre-eminent.

In short he revived the practice of the pure Mahayana doctrine b y shew¬

ing the right way to the ignorant and misguided Lamas of Tibet, who

had all become Tantriks. He cleared the Buddhism of Tibet of its fo¬

reign and heretic elements which had completely tarnished it, and restored

to it its former purity and splendour. Under his guidance the Lamas

of Tibet discovered what is called the “ real and sure path of the exalted

excellence.” After a residence of thirteen years which was distributed over

the different parts of Tibet, during which he assiduously devoted himself

to the propagation of pure Buddhism, enjoying uninterruptedly the good

will and veneration of the people, Atisa died at Netliang near Lhasa at

the age of seventy-three in the year 1053 A. D. He is remembered with

deep veneration all over high Asia or wherever the Buddhism of Tibet

prevails. He was the spiritual guide and teacher of iTBromton the

founder of the first grand hierarchy of Tibet.

Dipamkara wrote several works and delivered upwards of one hun¬

dred discourses on the Mahayana Buddhism. The following names of

his works occur in mdo of Rstan hgjm\

( Bodhipatha pradipa.

2.

3.

C Charya samgraha pradipa.

( Satya dvayavatara.

52

[No. 2,

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

S. C. DaS — Life of Ah's a.

( Madbyamopadesa.

Sangraba-garbba.

Ifcxfqsrq’

Vi

( Hridaya niscbita.

\ ffc'sf C^'q^Wq'

v <7 "\

■NS

C Bodbisattva manyavali.

1 C-q-

C Bodbisattva karmddimargavatara.

S' aranagatadesa.

iq^-^q-q^q-

( Mabayanapatha sadbana varna samgraba.

NS VS

| Mabayanapatha sadbana samgraba.

j^-q'S3i7qS;^-0'|q'gq^%yq^^rq‘

( Sutrartba samucbcbayopadesa.

ns ^

( Dasakusala karma pada desa.

( ^•^•q’q§ai'(q^'^-q?J-q^-q-

( Karma Vibliamga.

]q^"^-q^|yq-

( Samadbi sambbara parivarta.

3 CV *V CN^ Cs Cv “v

C Lokottaramgasaptaka vidhi.

( Guru Kriyakrama.

1891.]

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim, fyc.

53

18. i

( Chittotpada samvara vidhi krama.

Cv? c\

19.

C S'iksha samuchchaya abhi samaya.

This was delivered by S'ri Dharmapala the king of Suvarnadvipa to

Dipamkara and Kamala.

( Yimala ratna lekhana.

20. < CV -v CN cv - - CN cv

This last is an epistle addressed by Dipamkara to Nyayapala, the

king of Magadlia.

Place and River -Names in the Darjiling District and Sikhim. — By L. A.

Waddell, M. B.

Facility for finding etymology of names in this area. — The manner in

which place-names are assigned in Sikhim, Eastern Nepal and Western

Bhotan, and also in Southern Tibet, can be ascertained with unusual

facility and certainty by a local review of place-names in the Darjiling

district, Native Sikhim and British Bhotan, owing to the great majority

of the villages therein, having been founded within the present genera¬

tion by migrant Sikhimites and Bhotiyas and immigrant Nepalis and

Tibetans, under the Government policy of quickly peopling these hither¬

to sparsely populated tracts; so that the reasons for the special nomen¬

clature of such new sites and villages are still currently known by the

villagers. And, the etymology of many of the river-names and older

place-names can be more or less readily traced owing to the still existing-

presence of the race of Lepchas — believed to be the autochthones of

the area. The relative simplicity of the subsequent ethnic elements, all

of which are still represented, also tends to simplify the problem.

Desirability of fixing the Lepcha etymology as the language is becoming

extinct. — The present time, too, seems specially indicated for investi¬

gating this subject, from the fact that the Lepcha, though still a living

language, is fast becoming extinct ; and no vocabulary of the language

having been published*, the names which the Lepcha race has given to

* Mr. Hodgson published ( Essays , London reprint, 1874) a short list of Lepcha

words, and several words are to be found scattered through Colonel Main waring’ s

Grammar of the Bong ( Lepcha ) Language ; but these are quite insufficient for the

present enquiry.

54 L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim , Sfc. [No. 2,

tlie rivers and the mountains and other sites in Sikhim, although re¬

maining as ethnological landmarks, might, through much longer delay,

prove wholly unintelligible, through their meaning becoming lost.

In my attempt to fix the etymology of some of these Lepcha names,

I have to confess to the difficulty of the task in the absence of any voca¬

bulary ; but I have spared no pains in the endeavour to trace the exact

meaning of the various roots by the help of the few more- intelligent

Lepchas available (of literate Lepchas there are now none), and by local

enquiry at most of the several spots during the past two or three years.

Ethnic history of Sikhim. — A reference to the ethnic history of

Sikhim itself is necessary in essaying the discovery of the system

adopted by its inhabitants in naming places within its area. And first of

all as to the limits and position of Sikhim.

Sikhim defined. — Sikhim forms a narrow oblong tract in the south¬

eastern Himalayas and sub-Himalayas, wedged in between Nepal on the

west and Bhotan on the east, and bounded on the north by Tibet and

on the south by the plains of Bengal. Its position is peculiarly isolated,

it being separated from Nepal and Bhotan by high wall-like ridges,

from Tibet by the snows, and from Bengal by the dreaded Tarai jungle.

Darjiling district defined. — The Darjiling District consists mainly

of ‘British Sikhim/ i. e., the southern third of Sikhim, including the

Sikhim Tarai (or Morang), the plains skirting the foot of the hills. To

this tract was added, as a result of the Bhotan war of 1862, a slice of

the hilly portion of western Bhotan from the Tista eastwards : the

remainder of ‘ British Bhotan ’ is the tarai- tract known as the ‘ Dwars ’

and a strip of hill territory in the neighbourhood of the British frontier-

posts of Buxa and Dewangiri, which for administrative purposes are

included in the Jalpaiguri District and Asam,

The Lejpchas. — As above stated, the Lepchas are believed to be the

aborigines of Sikhim. Their own tradition, which, is very vague,

credits them with having entered Sikhim about 500 years ago.* As,

however, they preserve the tradition of a great local deluge, f it is

probable that their entry was much earlier than this. The peculiarly

* Col. Mainwaring in Introduction to Grammar, p. x.

f This tradition is a somewhat circumstantial account of the flooding of the

country by the Great Rangit river, quarrelling with its spouse the Tista and refusing

to go with her to the plains. The waters rose as high as ‘ Rangli Rangliot ’ (q. v.),

i. e., over 4000 feet above the present level of the river, and even Mt. Mainom the

sister of Tendong was submerged, Tendong saving the inhabitants only by raising

himself above the waters. The quarrel was ultimately mended and the pent-up

waters fell. There are so many side- stories bearing on this great deluge, that it is

almost certain that a great local flood actually happened here, by a vast landslip (vol¬

canic or otherwise } damming up the waters for a time.

55

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikkim , SfC.

isolated position of Sikkim and its inkospitable nature can account for

its comparatively late occupation. The term 4 Lepcha ’ is, like the current

name for their country (viz. Sikkim), of Nepali origin and uncertain

meaning.* * * § The Lepchas call themselves Bong which in their vernacular

means a 4 squatter ’ or 4 care-taker, ’f and the country they call 4 Ne

Idyang ’ or 4 the country of caves/ i. e ., for shelter. By the Bhotiyas

(Tibetans) they are called Mom-bo (Mon-po) and Mo-ri (Mon-riks), i. e.,

4 Inhabitants of the Mon Valleys ’ and 4 Mon tribe \ The Lepchas seem

to have preceded the Bhotan Bhotiyas in the trans- Tista (British

Bhotan) portion of the Darjiling District, as most of the mountain and

river-names there are of Lepcha origin.

The 4 Sikkim- Bhotiyas ’ or 4 SiJcliim-Tibetans .’ — The next ethnic

element was an influx of Tibetans from the Tsang province of Tibet

immediately to the north of Sikkim. The date of this immigration is

fairly well known — it occurred about 400 years ago.J These Tibetans

promptly usurped the sovereignty and became the dominant race, and the

present 4 raja ’ of Sikhim is about the 10th or 11th of this series of

Tibetan chiefs. The routes by which they entered are still called 4 the great

pass’ (La-chhen), and 4 the short pass (La-chhung). Although they inter-

marriedfreely with the Lepchas and still do so to a considerable extent, they

awarded, them a very low social position ; and so unfashionable and effete

has the Lepcha race now become that the Lepchas seek self-effacement by

intermarriage with Bhotiyas and Limbus, and so are fast contributing to

the speedy extinction of their own race. These Tibetans of Sikhim are by

the Nepalis called Sikhim Bhotiyas. It is desirable here to define the

terms 4 Bhotiya ’ and Bhotan as they are frequently confused and mis¬

understood. The native name of Tibet is written Bod and pronounced

Rot. The Sanskrit form of this word was Bhot,§ and its inhabitants

by all the Sanskritic speaking races of India are called Bliotiya (also

written Bhutiya ) which is synonymous with Tibetan — 4 Tibet,’ the cur¬

rent European form, being believed to be merely the Persian or Tartar

* The Nepalis pronounced the word ‘Lapche’ which is the true pronunciation.

It is said to be a contemptuous term, and is possibly derived from the Parbatiya lab

+ che = 4 the vile speakers.’ The Lepchas, unlike the Limbus and other neighbour¬

ing tribes of apparently cognate origin did not adopt the Parbatiya language.

f And their explanation is, that they were originally given this country by God

to take care of. It is unlikely that this name is derived from the Tibetan rong, 4 a

valley,’ as the word does not seem exotic. It is probably related to their legend of

Mount Ten-dong, q. v.

J Mainwaring, loc. cit., p. x.

§ Hodgson believes that the Tibetans derived the name of their country from

the Sanskrit appellation through the early Indian Buddhist missionaries. — The

Language fyc. of Nepal and Tibet, p. 22. This, however, is doubtful.

56

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikkim, Sfc. [No. 2,

form of tlie same word Pot * The country generally known in India as

Bhotanf was so called by the Bengalis in the belief that it was ‘ the

end of Bhot,’ which is the literal meaning of the full Sanskrit form of

the word, viz., ‘ Bhotanta.’ The natives of Bhotan as well as of Tibet

proper are also by Hindus called Bhotiyas as being inhabitants of

Bhot. It is therefore to be remembered that the terms Bhotiya and

Tibetan are synonymous, the various divisions being designated by pre¬

fixing the name of the country in which the Bhotiyas are now settled,

e. g., Sikhim-Bhotiya, Nepali- Bhotiya, Bhotan or Dharma-Bhotiya,

Tibetan and Chinese Bhotiyas.

The Limbus. — More peaceful intruders were the LimbusJ a Mon¬

goloid race from the adjoining hills on the west. These like the

Si kliim Bhotiyas intermarried, and still do so, to a considerable extent

with the Lepchas. They, however, had a superior civilization and

formed settled abodes. Latterly, they have generally given up Buddhism

in favour of a rough form of Hinduism, and have adopted the dress and

to a large extent the dialect (Parbatiya) of the Nepali highlanders.

The Nepalis or ‘ Pahariyas .’§ — These three tribes, viz., the Lepchas,

* E. Coleborne in J. R. G. S ., Vol. I, Supp., I, p. 98, says “ A Tibetan arriving in

Ta-chien-ln from Lhasa on being asked from what country he has come will often

reply ‘from Ten Peu’, meaning from High or Upper Tibet. Perhaps Ten Penis

the source of our Tibet.” The word should properly be spelt To-pot, which fairly

approximates to our ‘ Tibet.’ L. A. W.

f The natives and all Tibetans call this country ‘Dak-pa’ (/ibrng-pa) which

literally means ‘ the thunderer,’ evidently, it seems to me, on account of the unusual

amount of thunder experienced here; as the mountains of the greater part of the

tract receive the full force of the monsoon from the top of the Bay of Bengal.

The Lamas on the other hand assert that the name is derived from the Duk-pa sect of

Lama and implies the worship of the thunderbolt which is so peculiar to Bhotan

Lamaism : the name of thunderbolt, however, is ‘ dorje ’ not ‘ duk,' and the name

may more probably be merely a result of the worship of the (for Tibetans) striking

and somewhat mystic natural phenomenon (thunder characteristic of this area.

And this view is supported by the vernacular history of Bhotan — the ‘ Namtharkyi

Nag-wang-ten-dsin Nam-gyal ’ — which translates the title ‘ hbrug-pa’ ( i . e. Dukpa)

into Sanskrit as megha-swara or ‘ cloud-voice.’

X So called by the Nepalis ; they call themselves Yak-thumba (or Yak-herds), and

the Lepchas and Bhotiyas call them Tshong (which in the vernacular means ‘ a)

merchant’ ; and the Limbus were and still are the chief cattle-merchants and butchers

in Sikhim, and cattle was the chief form of exotic merchandise until the British

occupation.)

§ It is to be noted that the term ‘ Parbatiya’, a Sanskritic word having an

identical meaning, viz., ‘ of or belonging to the hills’, is in practice restricted to

the language, a Hindi dialecc spoken by the Pahariyas. And the title of 'pahdriyd is

confined to those hillmen only who profess Hinduism, and this usually of a most lax

type.

57

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim, Sfc.

Bhotiyas and Limbus, formed the population of Sikhim ; and tliis

simplicity of ethnic constitution remained undisturbed (except for a

brief incursion of Ghorkhas about the beginning of the present century,

the intruders, however, being soon expelled by the British) until the

British occupation of Darjiling as a Sanitarium. This latter event,

which took place in 1837 was speedily followed by a large addition to

the population, consisting mainly of Nepali or ‘ Pahdriyd ’ (Hindi for

‘ hill-man ’)* settlers from Eastern Nepal. f This great influx of Nepalis

during the past few decades, although comprising very numerous and

distinct tribes, (viz., Newars, Kiranti, Murmi, Gurung, Mangar or Magar

Khas &c., all more or less Mongoloid in type and until recently each

speaking widely different dialects) is from a linguistic point of view

practically homogenous, from the great majority of these tribes having

adopted the Sanskritie ‘ Parbatiya ’ dialect along with the Hindu

ceremonial of their Gorkhali rulers.

The Bhotan Bhotiyas or Duk-pa. — The portion of Bhotan annexed

to the Darjiling district in 1882 had previously contained only a very

few settlements of Bhotan Bhotiyas (or ‘ Du/c-pa,) and Lepchas. This

tract being also thrown open to emigrants, a large portion was soon

occupied by Nepalis, and a not inconsiderable number of refugees from

independent Bhotan, and a few Tibetan Bhotiyas or Po-pa.

Simplicity of the linguistic elements. — Linguistically then, there

may be considered to be, and to have been, only three generically

distinct languages prevalent among the settled inhabitants of Sikhim

and the Darjiling district, viz., the (1) Lepclia (or Rong-ring) with

# So sparsely was Sikhim populated that Dr. Campbell estimated (‘ The

Oriental ’ January, 1874, p. 13) that, at the British occupation of Darjiling, the popu¬

lation of Native Sikhim was not more than 5 to the square mile : in the proportion

of Lepchas 3,000, Bhotiyas 2, 000, and Limbus 2,000. While in the southern third

of Sikhim forming the Darjiling Hill Tract the total population amounted only to

about 100 ! In 1849 the population of the latter area had, by attracting settlers

from Nepal, Sikhim and Bhotan, increased to about 10,000, and the Census of 1881

showed the population of the Darjiling district, including the added strip of Bhutan

to the east of the Tista, to amount to 155,645, and the 1891 Census brings the

number over 200,000. The population is still increasing, and Native Sikhim also

shares in this increase, although at a much less rapid rate.

f The Gorklias, now the ruling race of Nepal, derive their name immediately

from the town of Gorkha which is about 60 miles W. N. W. from Katmandu

(Oldfield’s ‘ Nipal,’ Yol. I), and which formed the first location of their Baj put

ancestors in the Himalayas ; but this place-name is in its turn derived from the

eponymous deity of the now royal family, viz., Gorakhanath, who seems to be a

form of S'iva (Cunningham’s Anc. Geog., p. 165). Only a small proportion of the

members of our so-called ‘Gorkha5 regiments are really Gorkhas, the majority are

Mangar, Gurung, Kiranti, &c.

H

58 L. A. Waddell — Place and River-names in Silchim, 8fc. [No. 2,

■which may be included the Limbu dialect which seems structurally

allied to it, (2) the Tibetan or Bhotiya, including its Sikhimite and

Bhotan dialects, and (3) the Sanskritic dialect (Parbatiya) of the

Nepali Pahariyas. All these linguistic elements are represented in the

local names of the area here discussed ; and in addition, in the Tarai

is a slight Bengali (Sanskritic) element of recent introduction ; and in

the hill-tract are several English names designating settlements con¬

nected with colonization and British enterprise in the tea-industry, e. g.,

Hope-town, Bloom-field, Bannock-burn, Birch-hill, &c., but too few to

merit special notice.

Plurality of Place-names. — The oldest names are found to be of

Lepcha origin. The Lepchas from their wild forest life are ‘ born *

naturalists, possessing a name for nearly every natural product, animal

or vegetable, whether of economic value or not. Hence they readily

gave discriminating names to the chief mountains, rivers and sites in

their neighbourhood. A few of these old names still survive in places

where the Lepchas no longer are present. The Bhotiyas, on settling

in Sikhim, bestowed their own names on many of the already named sites,

partly perhaps from the fact that the meaning of the Lepcha name was

not evident, and partly to express their contempt for the Lepohas. Thus,

many of the hills and rivers possess two names, viz., a Lepcha name and

a Bhotiya (Tibetan) name, e. g , the Riot Ting and Rang-nyu Ting of the

Lepchas are the Di/c-chhu, and Tsang-chhu of the Bhotiyas ; and the Kong-

lo cliu and Na-tam chu of the Lepchas are called Kang-chhen-dzo-nga

and Kabur by the Bhotiyas. And since the influx of Nepalis a third

synonym in the Parbatiya dialect of Hindi has been added in several in¬

stances for rivers, mountains and already named sites, e. g., Tista and

Jalapahar are the current Pahariya names for the Lepcha Rang-nyu

TJng and Kang -got hlo ; but such Nepali synonyms usually are merely

corruptions of the Lepcha or Bhotiya names, e. g., the Rd-do of the

Lepchas, Chumi-chhen of the Tibetans and Am-bi-oJc of the Bhotan

Bhotiyas are corrupted by the Nepalis into Ladhoma , Simik chi and

Ambeh respectively.

Orthography employed. — A few words here are necessary regarding

the orthography employed. The current English forms (in maps &c.)

of spelling geographical names in this area, as elsewhere, are usually

most incorrect and unsystematic : the spelling and pronunciation dis¬

agree at every turn, and are out of keeping with the native form, which

is the only true one. The system adopted in this paper is the pre¬

cise method of Sir W. Jones as recognized by the Society, and now

generally followed for philological purposes. To adapt it to the compli¬

cated vowel-sounds and semi-silent final consonants of the Tibetan, and

59

1891.] L. A. Waddell —Place and J River-names in SiJchim , Sfc.

the peculiarity that such words are not pronounced directly as they are

spelt, the following modifications generally following De Koros’ system

have been introduced : — In transliteration all the words are fully spelt

(and not as in Jaschke’s method which seems to me too contracted and

symbolic), and the silent letters are put in italics. Diacritical marks

are only used in the alternative spelling which gives the pronuncia¬

tion : the letter 6 has an aw sound like the aw in law and awful , it

literally represents the spelling in the written form ; the vowel sound

e is as in French, and 6 and il are as in German ; a subscribed dot to a

final consonant indicates that it is almost silent. The following Tibetan

letters are transliterated thus : —

X = ch. %j = ph. z; = ng.

db <= chh. £ = tsh. = ny.

= th. q = zh. = n.

and the nasal n is represented as n. The Lepcha words are spelt

phonetically — their vowel sounds are so very complex and the lan¬

guage so decidedly tonic in character, that it is frequently almost

impossible to express the exact sound in writing even by compound

diphthongs.

Division of the names. — In detailing the etymologies of the local

names it is convenient to arrange these in groups according to their

Lepcha, Tibetan and Pahariya origin ; and also to divide the place-

names into names of mountains, passes, gompas (monasteries) and

village or ordinary place-names.

THE RIVER-NAMES.

Of Lepcha origin , the majority. — In so mountainous countries as

Sikhim and British Bhotan the rivers are very numerous. Most of the

river-names in Sikhim proper are known only by their Lepcha names to

both Bhotiyas, Pahariyas and the English. The Lepchas have no special

word for ‘ river,’ but employ instead the word for water, viz., ung in a

variety of combinations. The Bhotiyas in adopting the Lepcha river-

names substitute for the Lepcha suffix ung, the suffix chhu which has an

identical meaning. While the Pahariyas substitute Jchola (which in

Parbatiya literally signifies ‘ a valley ’) or nadi the ordinary Hindi

name for rivers. Thus the Rang-nyet tmg of the Lepchas is the Rang-

nyit chhu of the Bhotiyas, the Rang-git nadi of the Pahariyas and the

Rungeet river of the English.

Lepcha River-names .

The majority of the Lepcha names for rivers contain the prefix Rang

60

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-names in Sikkim , 8fc. [Ko. 2,

which conveys the sense of extension or length* and is to be met with

in other words, e. g., Rang-gan = a steep ascent, &c. The following

are instances of river-names with this prefix.

Rang-nyet ung = Rang , extended, 4 nyet, two 4 ung, water = ‘ the

two extended waters.’ There are two rivers of this name,

viz., the Rang-nyet ung mo, ‘the mother, or greater Rangit ’

and the Rang-nyet ung kap or ‘ the young, or lesser Rangit,’ and

they form ‘ the two ’ principal rivers of Sikhim proper. (The

Tista, which is of course larger, arises beyond Sikhim).

Rang-fo ung = Rang 4 fo, muddy brown 4 ung = ‘ the muddy

brown extended water.’ A rivulet arising in the reddish

lateritic soil of the low outer hills, and tributary to the Tista

near Sivok.

Rang-zo ung = Rang 4 zo, precipitous or semi-vertical + ung —

‘ the precipitous river.’ A torrent tributary of the Tista.

Rang-rong ung = Rang 4 rong, splashing. A tributary of the

Tista in Sikhim descending throughout greater part of its

length over boulders and precipices.

Rang-po ung = Rang 4 po, to shift or wander.

Rang-glo ung = Rang 4 glo, to fall.

Rang-GUK ung = Rang 4 guk, narrow and constricted.

Rang-non-UNG — • Rang 4 non, to go straight.

Rang-fok ung =» Rang 4 fok, to be incised deeply.

Rang-nyu ung = Rang 4 nyu — queen, ‘the queen river ’ ac it — the

Tista — is the Spouse of the great Rangit. Nyu is also said to

be a contraction for nang-yu, i. e., ‘ straight-going.’ Where

the Tista receives the Great Rangit, the chief river of Sikhim,

which joins it at a right angle, the Tista continues in its

straight unaltered course, its direction being unaffected by

this great accession of waters, hence is attributed its Lepcha

name. It is more likely, however, that it is so-called on account

of its straight arrow-like course after leaving the hills, in contra¬

distinction to the other great effluent river of Sikhim (the

Mahaldi) which means ‘ the bent moving water ’. Another

possible derivation is from a-nyung — deep ; the Tista being

the deepest river in Sikhim and always unfordable.

Other river names containing this prefix are Rang-bi (= bik, to

tear asunder), Rang-mo, Rang-li and Rang-fap, &c.

A few of the rivers share the prefix ra in common

* Another possible, though not very probable, derivation is from Dang =» to

run, i e., + ung = running waters ; d is frequently converted into r by the Lepchas

—but this particular word in the colloquial is not subject to such change.

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Tlace and River-names in Sikhim, tyc. 61

Ra-thong ung = Ra, surging and tumultuous advance, 4 thong,

to swallow or drink up. The main source of the Rangit, and

a glacier-fed rapid torrent subject to sudden and destructive

flood.

Ra-do ung = Ra, (as above) -4- do, a lake. The river arises from

a small lake called ‘ Kala pokh'ri ’, or tbe black lake ’ by the

Nepalis and TJng -Do by the Lepchas.

Ra-mith ung — Ra mith, dust or grit. Arises in the lower

slopes below Birch Hill and is turbid.

Ra-mom ung ( Pahariya ‘ Ra-nhtm ’) = Ra 4 (?) Mong, a demon,

the name of the lake — Mong -do — whence this river rises,

beyond Phallut. (As an alternative derivation mom — incom¬

plete, somewhat, in the sense of the Latin sub).

Other rivers are named : — •

Ro-lo ung = Rol, tortuous.

Ri-li-ung = Ril, to revolve or turn round.

Ri-ri ung = Ri-ri, swift or rapid.

Ri-yot ung = Rh, rapid 4 yot, let loose, or unlimited. An extremely

rapid river called by the Bhotiyas the DiJc-chhu (q. v.).

Ri-shi ung = Ri, 4* ? shiap, whirling. A rapid mountain torrent.

Re-ing ung (‘ Raing ’ of map) = Re-ing, to spread out, or be shallow.

A shallow and broadish rivulet in the outer hills near Sivok.

Ma-hal-di ung (corrupted by Bengalis and Pahariyas into 1 Mahanadi ’

or ‘ Mahananda ’) = Ma-hal, bent or curved 4 di to move. This

river, as seen from the hills, takes a very sudden bent to the

right on reaching the plains ; and seems so-called in contrast to

the Rang-nyu Ung, i. e., ‘the straight river,’ the Lepcha name

for the other great effluent river of Sikhim, viz., * the Tista

Bhotiya River-names.

The Sikhim-Bhotiyas exhibit much poverty of invention in naming

their rivers. When not directly borrowing the Lepcha name, which is

the rule, they usually name the stream after the mountain whence it

arises, or after the chief village or pass near which it flows. For

example : —

La-chhen chhu S3 Op la, a pass 4- chhen, great 4 chhu,

water : ‘ the water of the great pass.’

La-chrung chhu = la 4 chhung, small 4 chhu : 1 the water of

the small pass.’

Ri-tse chhu = Ri-tse, the name of the hill 4 chhu.

Rong-li chhu = Rong-li, a Lepcha’s house 4 chhu. At the ford or

bridge over this river was encountered the first Lepcha’s house

on the way from Tibet.

62

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-names in Sikhim , fyc. [No. 2,

As a result of this loose style of nomenclature, the same river pos¬

sesses different names at different parts of its course, e. g ., the Lachhung

is called the ‘Yum-thang chhu’ and ‘ Home chhu ’ opposite these two

villages.

Exceptions to this practice are had in the following amongst

others : —

r

Dik-chhu = W dig (pr. tik or dik), staggering or reeling 4- chhu.

A snow-fed stream which in a rocky bed descends about 10,000

feet in a course of about twelve miles.

CS

Ri'-ze chhu ( Ang . Rishi) X* ri a mountain -f ^zar (pr. ze) a

torrent. A mountain torrent crossed on the way from Tibet.

Tsang-chhu = gdsang, pure -f chhu: ‘the pure water’ — the

Bhotiya name of the Tista, deriving the name from its pro¬

perty possessed in common with all large rivers of tending to

become quickly purified from defilement.

Le-ti chhu = ST sle, to twist or plait -f- Tikhrifr (pr. ti), to

twist or coil.

-V „ AT

Ro-ro chhu = -X.E1’^S1T rok-rok, black or gloomy.

Lakes are neither large nor numerous in this area, but such as do

exist have usually mythological names and are believed to be

the spouses of the hills in the neighbourhood. A small lake

on Lebong Spur which was filled up last year in preparing the

Station polo-ground was called Me-long tsho or ‘ the mirror-

lake ’. Another lake valley is called Chhu lonk-yo, said to mean

* a spoon of water ’.

Nepali ( Parbatiya ) River-names.

The Pahariyas have accepted the Lepcha and Bhotiya names for

the rivers within the hills, but have usually contorted these names by

mispronunciation to an almost unrecognizable extent : e. g ., the ‘ Ra-do *

and the ‘ Kale ’ of the Lepchas have become the Ladlioma and Kulhait

of the Pahariyas.

The small hill streamlets are called by them jhora from the Skt.

WK, jhara, & cascade or water-fall, from the root jha, to waste. These

jhoras are individualized by being named after the adjoining village, or

the special use they are put to, e. g ., Dhobi-jhora ( H . vtf5! dhobi , a

washerman) = ‘ the washerman’s stream ’ ; Kak jhora ( H . kak a

crow) * the crow’s brook ’, near the municipality rubbish-heap at

Darjiling, where crows and kites congregate. When a hill-stream is

subject to very sudden and violent outbursts, it is called P aglet jhora

(R. qjl^rr, pagla insane or mad) ‘ the mad stream,* on account of its

furious and erratic behaviour.

63

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and River-names in Sihhim , Sfc.

As regards the effluent rivers which debouch on the plains, the

Paharias have accepted the current Bengali names for these, viz. : —

Tista. The Sanskrit form of the name is Tri-srota ( Skt . -f*

= ‘ the three currents.’ The Tista, until the year 1787 A. D.,

when it suddenly forsook its old bed and opened for itself

a new channel, on emerging from the hills divided into three

portions named the Atrai, the Purnabhadra and the Karotoya

rivers, which each followed independent courses to the Ganges

and the Brahmaputra respectively. The name is of very old

application, being mentioned as the Tri-srota in the Puranas ;

and as this name well described its leading physical feature in

the plains, and under the Prakrit rules the r of compound

consonants is dropped in ordinary speech, thus forming

‘ Tisota ’ or ‘ Tista ’ — this seems to be its true etymology. An

alternative etymology might be suggested, viz., Skt. Sg,

trish ta — ‘ harshly sounding ’ ; but in the deltaic portion of its

course this is not a character of its slow-flowing waters, and

the literate Bengalis had no access to its course within the

hills.

Mahananda. This is the Bengali corruption of the Lepcha name

Mahal-di, which name, as already shown, describes the most

obvious feature of this river suddenly bending away to the

right. The letters l and n are always interchangeable in

speech, but after having made this interchange, as no plausible

interpretation could be put on such a word, the Bengalis, and

following them the Pahariyas, usually pronounce it ‘ Mahdnadi

i. e., ‘ the great river,’ although its size does not warrant such

a title.

Balasan or Balason is the Bengali name for the plains-portion of

the Rishi Chhu of the Sikhimites. It is believed to be derived

from the Bengali 3tf^, bdli (H. balu) sand, -f sona ,

gold, with reference to its extensive bed of yellowish sand.

Mech or Minch, the remaining morang (tarai) river (excepting

the Clienga) is said to be so named from being the western

boundary of the tribe, called by Bengalis Mecli and by them¬

selves Bodo — the semi-aborigines of the morang.

THE MOUNTAIN-NAMES.

The mountain names are mainly of Lepcha and Bhotiya origin.

The names of the snow-clad peaks are almost wholly Bhotiya (Tibetan) ;

as the Lepchas affect the lower levels and the valleys ; while the

Bhotiyas usually keep to the cooler heights, and were brought into

64

L.A. Waddell — Place and River-names in Sikkim , Sfc. [No. 2,

constant relation with the higher peaks and passes in their commercial

and religious intercourse with transnivean Tibet. The Pahariyas have

no name for the individual snow-peaks, but call them collectively

* Himal ’ from Skt. hima snow, -f* alaya, house = ‘ abode of

snow ; ’ or ‘ Dhaula giri, Skt. -f- f^rfr ‘ white mountain ’ (= ‘ Mont

Blanc.’)

Lepcha names of Mountains.

Shin-shel hlo (Ang. Senchul) = Shin , cloud and mist-enveloped

-4* shel, to be wet or dank hlo , a mountain = ‘ the damp

misty hill.’ This mountain overlooking the plains receives

the full force of the monsoon and is cloud-capped for the

greater part of the year, so as to have been abandoned as a

military site for the very qualities designated by its Lepcha

name.

Ma-hal-di ram = Mahaldi , name of river above described, -f ram,

the source or fountain-head = ‘ the head of the Mahaldi ’

river.

Sa-thong hlo (Ang. Sitong) = Sa-thong , a tiger -f hlo, a hill =

i tiger-hill.’ A hill near Kursiong overlooking the tarai and

still frequented by tigers.

Kung-GOL hlo, the Lepcha name for Jalapaha.r = Rung, a tree

-h gol, fallen or upset. The appearance from above is that of

a prostrate tree : Birch Hill and Lebong Spurs being the main

branches, and the smaller spurs the branchlets.

Fok-lut (Ang. Phallut) = Fok to be excoriated or denuded +

lut, an elevation or peak. This peak is so called on account of

its top being bare of forest (being above the limit of trees),

giving the appearance of being stripped or peeled of forest.

Sing-le hlo (Ang. Singlelah) = Sing-le, a kind of alpine Alder

(Alnus vel Betula , sp.). A steep mountain on the Nepal

frontier beyond Phallut crowned by Alder trees.

Tun-dong or Tun-rong (Ang. Tendong) = Tun, to heap or raise

up -4* rong, a horn ; also Tung rong, = a ladder. A sub-

conical mountain, which tradition asserts arose like a horn

from amid a local deluge, and so enabled the Lepchas to escape

being drowned. Their tribal name of Rong may perhaps be

associated with this legend.

Ma-nom (Ang. Mainom) = Ma, mother + nom. sister. ‘ The elder

sister ’ of Tendong.

Sa-bar kam (Ang. Subarkum) = Sa-bar, the musk-deer, -4- kam,

an overhanging rock. Formerly a favourite haunt of musk-deer,

between Sandukfu and Phallut.

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and Piver-Names in Sikhim, 65

Kong-lo Chu = Kong , highest or pre-eminent + Id, a screen or

curtain + chu, snow and rocky mountain : ‘ the highest curtain

of the snows.’ The Lepcha name for Kangclihen-dso-nga (Ang.

Kanchinjunga) which is worshipped as a god.

Nan -TAM chu = Nan, level -f tam cut away, truncated (also tdm a

plain) -f chu. The Lepcha name for Kabru or Kabar : describ¬

ing the peculiar truncated appearance of that mountain as seen

from the greater part of Sikhim proper.

Pan-dim chu = Pan-dim, a king’s minister (derived from pa-no a

king). A high sub-conical peak, which is considered to be an

attendant on the god ‘ Kanchinjunga.’

Ta-sing blu = Tasing, ? . + blii, a ridge.

Bhotiya Mountain-names.

Kang-Chhen dso-nga (Ang. Kanchinjunga) = ^l^^T gangs, snow +

cfe3}’ chhen, great + *I«Vwdso(i, a repository or ledge -f-

Znga, five = ‘the five repositories of the great snows,’ refvirring

to the 5 peaks of this, the second highest mountain in the world,

which is an object of worship to both Bhotiyas and Lepchas.

Fyum-gang = Fyum a kind of bambu ( Thamnocalamus , sp.) -j-

sgang, a ridge. Hooker noted* the appropriateness of this

name.

-V ~v T C.

Chumo-hla-ei = F jomo, a lady -f lila, god -f N' ri, a

mountain = ‘the goddess mountain.’

Kang-chhen gyao (Ang. Kancliinjow) = Kang-chhen + rgya-

wo, pr. gya-o, bearded, with reference to its monster icicles.

San-duk-phu. This is interpreted by Lama Ugyen Gyatsho, whom

I consulted regarding several of the Tibetan names, as

6sam, meditation -f grup, to obtain -f phu,

a height = ‘ the height or cave on which wishes by meditation

will be obtained.’ This mountain, however, is not called ‘ Sam-

dup-pliu,’ nor has it reputed sanctity or any sacred spot. I believe

that the name is derived from rtsa, a plant -f- due*,

poison + phu = ‘ the height of the poison plant.’ Here aconite

and poisonous rhododendron are so abundant that all the sheep

and cattle are muzzled while crossing this mountain ; and it

is a peculiarity of the Sikhim and Tsang dialect of Tibetan that

a final n is frequently introduced as an affix to the first syllable

# Him. Journ. II, p. 198,

I

66

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim , fyc [No. 2,

where absent in the written Tibetan* ; thus tsa-duk becomes

tsan-duk.

Nar-seng = T sna, a nose -f seng, uplifted. ‘ The uplifted

nose,’ descriptive of the appearance of the mountain as seen

from lower Sikhim.

Fa-li-lung = pha-li, a large shield + lung, wind =

1 the shield of the winds.’ This high ridge tends to shield

lower Sikhim from the S. W. monsoon.

Ri-nak ( Ang . Rhenock) = 5.’ rl, a hill + 3)E] nag, black. The

soil of this hill is a very black humus.

c\ ^

RI-tse {Ang. Rishi) = A’ ri -f rtse, summit = ‘ the hill top ; ’

the path leads over the top of the hill.

Chhorten-gang = mclihod rten, a chaitya -f sgang = ‘ the chaitya

ridge.’

Po-ga gang = Po-ga, the sal tree + sgang = ‘ the ridge of sal trees ’.

c\ r

Ri-SUM = M n -f #sum, three = ‘ the three hills’; at this

site three ridges unite.

Ri-zhap {Ang. Rishap) = X’ n + zhaps, a foot = a site at

foot of the Himalayas.

Lung-thu {Ang. Lingtu) = 31^’ lung, a mountainous valley -f SIX’

thur, a steep descent. This mountain presents an unusually

steep descent to the valleys. Many of the Bhotiyas call this

hill Lung-tong i. e., ‘ the deserted mountain valley.’

Pang-ka-sha-ri {Ang. Pankhasari) = spang, pasture + ^TjQ’

ka-sha, a kind of grass + ri. ‘ ka-sha pasture-land.’

Da -LING = mdah, an arrow + pling. A subconical (arrow¬

head like) hill. Formerly a strong frontier fort of the Bhotanese.

Bar-nya {Ang. Barmi) = 7ibar, burned + #nyah, a

neck : * the burned saddle or spur ’.

Pahdriyd Mountain-Names.

The Pahariyas generally accept the Lepcha and Bhotiya mountain-

names. Amongst the exceptions are the following : —

* Examples of this in Sikhimite are : — min-da , a gnn, for the Tibetan me-dah.

min-tok, a flower „ „ me-tok.

mingo , not wanted „ „ mi-go.

gydm, fat „ „ gyak.

And in Tsang-pa dialect of Tibetan an n is frequently inserted where the

following syllable has, as in this case, an initial d ; e. g. : —

gan-de (= good) spelt dga-tde.

tshan-de (= hot) „ tska-Me.

67

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and Biver-Names in Sikkim, Sfc .

Jala pahar = H. Jala , burned -4- pahar, a hill. ‘ The burned hill.*

This accounts in part for the presently bare condition of this

hill.

GIdha pahar = H. Gidh, a vulture -f pahar. ‘ The vulture’s hill. ’

Here great numbers of vultures infest the rocky cliffs over¬

looking the plains.

THE PASS NAMES.

The names of the mountain passes are all of Tibetan origin. The

term la, or pass is often loosely applied to the mountain itself. Th e

following list comprises most of the passes : —

Dong-khya la ( Ang . Donkia) = /dbrong (pr. dong), the wild

yak + 15*1 V khyagrs, frozen -4* Q]T la = ‘the frozen yak pass.*

A herd of wild yaks, in attempting to spend the night in this

pass (18,100 feet high), were frozen to death.

cs

Si-bu la = NO] ’S’ siZ-bu, cold. ‘ The cold pass ’ — the greater part

of the way is under snow.

Thang-kar la (Ang. Tanka) = 5]c;T tliang, a field + eZkar,

white. This pass presents a field-like expanse of snow, all the

year round.

at

Jo-la (Ang. Chola) = F’, lord. ‘ The lordly pass,’ said to be so

called on account of its height and difficult approach. An

alternative etymology is mtsho, a lake. Numerous lakes

are in this pass.

Ya k la = yyag, the yak ( Bos grunniens). The pass for

herds of yaks into eastern Sikhim.

Yum-tsho la = yum respectful title for ‘ mother ’ + mtsho.

‘ The lake of our (holy) mother,’ — a nymph who is worshipped

here.

Ri-SHiK la (Ang. Rishi) = ri, mountain -f shik, slipping or falling.

The pass has appearance of a landslip.

Yak chho la = yak + ychhor, tired. A steep pass — a stage

for ‘ tired ’ laden yaks proceeding above Lachhung.

Dse-lep (Ang. Jelep) = lovely + QJW, level. ‘ The lovely

level pass ’, with reference to its ease and patency.

Nak-po or Na-ko la = nagpo, black. An unsnowed pass.

Ku-phu (Ang. Kupup) = kku, the body especially of a saint -f-

phu, a summit. Tradition relates that the saint Guru Rim-

bochlie (Padma Sambhava ) rested here, in passing to Tibet.

08

L. A, Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim, 8fc. [Wo. 2,

Tuk-la (. Ang . Tukola) = ytug, to tear or pluck off . Tradition

states that the Pass was created by Guru Rimbochhe tearing

off a portion of the rock to hurl at a demon who infested a lake

in the vicinity to the annoyance of passengers.

Du-la = 6dud (pr. du) a demon. ‘ The devil’s pass

'■O

Ku-chak la (Ang. Quiche) is said to be derived from ku a lock, or

hug crooked = ‘ the locked pass.’ It is a difficult snow-locked

pass.

~\T

Ro-bang la (Ang. Rabong) = X.* ro, a carcase + bang, a

grave. In the pass is an old mendong grave-cairn.

La-chhen = la + chhen, ‘ the great pass.’ The longest pass into

Sikhim from the Tsang province of Tibet.

La-chhung = la + chhung, small. * The short pass ’ from Tsang

into Sikhim.

NAMES OF GOMPAS OR MONASTERIES.

Sikhim having derived its Buddhism and civilization from Tibet, its

monasteries mostly bear Tibetan names and these usually of an ideal or

mystic nature. The word dgon-pa, pronounced gompa literally

means ‘ a hermitage,’ and the oldest monasteries were, and many of them

(e. g., Dub-de, Sang-nga-chho-ling, Pema-yang-tse, &c.,) still are situ¬

ated in solitary places ; but around some of the others, villages

have gradually sprung up, and those of the most recent ones have

been founded within villages from which they take their name, which

in such cases is usually of Lepcha origin, e. g ., Ram-tek, Ling-tarn.

Dub-de = sgrub (pr. ‘dub,’) a hermit’s cell + ST sde, a

place. ‘ The place of the hermit’s cell ’ — the oldest monastery

in Sikhim founded by the pioneer missionary Hla-tsun Chhen-bo.

Sang-nga-chho-ling (Ang. Sangacliiling) </sang, secret or

occult, 4- ^^IN’ sugars, spell or magic + dbN’ chhos reli-

C\

gion + ajcy gling, a place. ‘The place of the occult mystic

religion.’ A. catholic Buddhist monastery open to all classes,

including deformed persons, nuns, Lepchas and Limbus.

Pema-yang-tse (Ang. Pemiongchi) = MV padma (pr. ‘pema’)

a lotus + yang, perfect or pure + rtse, the highest

‘ the monastery of the sublime perfect lotus ( -born one, i. e.,

Padma Sambhava) .’ A monastery open only to pure, celibate, #

# This condition is now satisfied by disallowing the residence of priests’ wives

within the precincts of the monastic establishment.

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sifchim, Sfc. 69

and undeformed monks (= Tasang) and especially associated

with Guru Rimbochhe who is worshipped here.

Ta-ka Tashi-ding ( Ang . Tashiding) = brag (= tag,) a rock

+ ^*1^’ dkar, white + 6kra-shis ( pr . ta-shi) glory

cs

4- Zding, a soaring up or elevation. ‘ The gompa of the

elevated glorious white rock.’ The site, a bold high promon¬

tory at the junction of and between the Great Rangit and

Ratong rivers, is believed to have been miraculously raised up

by Guru Rimbochhe, and amongst other traces a broad longi¬

tudinal white streak in the rock is pointed out as being the

shadow of that saint.

~v

Pho-dang (Ang. Padung) = pho-Zdang, a sloping ridge ;

such is the site of this gompa and the usual spelling of the

name. As, however, this is the ‘ chapel-royal ’ of the raja, it

seems possible that the name may be pho-dang =

palace, ‘ the gompa of the palace.’

La-brang (La-brang) = 5T bla, a contraction of lama or high-priest

+ brang, a dwelling. Here is the chief monk’s dwelling,

N. B. — This is one of the very few words in which hr is lite¬

rally pronounced as spelt. ^

Dorje-ling (Ang. Darjeeling) = ^T’^' rdo-rje ‘the precious stone 5

or ecclesiastical sceptre, emblematic of the thunder-bolt of Sekra

c\

(Indra or Jupiter) -f ajCJ pling, a place. The monastery from

which Darjiling takes its name, and the ruins of which are still

visible on Observatory hill, was a branch of the Dorjeling, usually

curtailed into Do -ling (Ang. Dalling) monastery in native

Sikliim ; and to distinguish it from its parent monastery, it

was termed Wang-dil Dorje-ling dwang, power +

bdu.s, accumulated or concentrated) on account of its excellent

situation, and powerful possibilities.

De-thang = Be, a kind of tree (Daphne papyraceae , Wal.) from

the bark of which ropes and paper are made -+• 8^’ tliang, a

meadow = ‘ the gompa of the Be meadow.’ Here these trees are

abundant.

■v

Ri-Gon (Ang. Ringim) = ri 4* dgon, a hermitage = ‘ the

hermitage hill.’ It is situated near the top of the hill.

■v

To-lung = rdo, a stone 4- 31^’ lung, a valley. This valley is

remarkably rocky, and avalanches of stones are constantly

falling in showers.

N

En-CHE = SH3)' dwen, (pr. en), a solitary place 4- fclie, a tongue,

A monastery on a tongue-shaped spur.

70

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim, Sfc. [No. 2,

Phe'n-zang = phan, bliss or profit + 6zang, excellent.

The monastery of ‘ excellent bliss/

Kha-CKo-pal-ei ( Ang . Ketsuperi) = mkhah, heaven -f |)V

syyod (pr. cho) to accomplish or reach + ^QT e^pal, noble -f ri

= the monastery of ‘ the noble mountain of the Garuda (a

messenger of the gods) ’ or ‘ of reaching heaven.’

M k _ni = 3Tj&’ ma-ni, a tablet inscribed with ‘ Om mani &c.,’ a

mendong. ‘ The gompa of the mendong ’ : here the gompa was

erected near an old mendong.

~\r

Se-non = Se, a sloping ridge + non, depressed. Situation on

a depressed sloping ridge. It is also spelt gzigs (pr. si) seer

AT

or beholder, -f mnon, to suppress ; and in this regard it

is alleged that here Padma Sambliava beheld the local demons

underneath and kept them under.

Yang-gang = yang, perfect, also lucky + sgang, a ridge.

‘ The monastery of the lucky ridge.’

a

Lhun-tse = gp* lhun, lofty + rtse, summit. ‘ The monastery

of the lofty summit.’

Nam-tse = rnam, a division or district -f rtse. ‘ Lofty divi¬

sion ’ one of the subdivisions of Native Sikhim, on the flank

of Tendong. It is probable that this is a Lepcha name from

tsii = ‘ Seat of Government,’ as the site is a very old Lepcha

one.

Tsun-thang (. Ang . Cheungtham) = htsun, a queen ; also

4 respected one,’ i. e., a lama or monk; also marriage -f 515’

thang, a meadow. This gompa is situated overlooking a mea¬

dow at the junction of the Lachhen and Lachhung rivers. It

may mean ‘the meadow of marriage (of the two rivers),’ or

‘the meadow of the lamas,’ or ‘ the meadow of the lady ’ — its

c -VA ^

full name as found in manuscript being ' XYdSY<95T

‘ 6tsun-mo rin-chhen thang,’ implies that the lamas would have

the monastery derive its name from ‘the precious Lady- (pig)’

whose image is prominently displayed within the gompa,

Rab-ling (Ang. Pawling) = A^T rab, excellent or high + gling, a

place. This monastery is situated on a high cliffy ridge.

Nub-ling (Ang. Nobling) = nub, the west -f gling = ‘ The

-o

gompa of the western place or country.’ It lies on the western

border of Sikhim.

De-kyi-ling (Ang. Dikiling) ^TY SiY Me-skyk?, happiness +

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and Fiver-Names in Sikhim , 8fc.

71

</ling =- ‘ The place of happiness.’ It is a rich arable site with

extensive marwa cnltivation.

Rin-CHHEN-pung ( Ang . Ringkingpung) = rin-chhen, precious -f

pung, a heap or knoll, ‘ The precious knoll.’ The soil is rich

and fertile.

For names of other monasteries see under the heading of Village -

names.

VILLAGE AND OTHER PLACE-NAMES.

Lepcha Place-names.

When the place-name indicates the site of a village the suffix kyung

or kyong = ‘ village,’ is added ; and for a site without any existing

village lay-ang = ‘ a place or tract ’ is added.

Ali-bong (Ang. Lebong spur) = a-li a tongue + a-bong, mouth.

A tongue-\ike spur of land below Darjiling.

Pa-dam-tam (Ang. Badamtam) = Pa-dam, a large species of bam-

bu (Dendrocalamus Hamiltonii, N. et A.) from which water-

vessels (‘ chongas’) and marwa jugs ‘pa-hip’ are made: it

grows only below 4,000 feet + tam, a contraction for par -t dm,

a level spot. ‘ The padam-h&mbu bank: ’ here formerly was

a forest, the nearest to Darjiling, of this kind of bambu which

is in much demand.

Yokri-eong = Yokri, India-rubber tree (Ficus elastica) here abun¬

dant + bong , (= Tibetan ) a stump or foundation, hence

also a residential site. A village founded among (the stumps

of felled or simply among) ‘ rubber ’ trees.

Kanki-bong = Kanki, the ‘ padma ’ tree (Prunus puddum , Roxb.)

here abundant + bong.

Kung-bong = Rung, a (any) tree -f bong.

Kol-bong = Kol, a walnut tree, here abundant + bong.

Po-bong = Po, a large kind of bambu -f bong.

Nak-gri (Ang. Nagri) = Nak, straight -f gri, a high stockaded fort.

Tung-sung = a stockade.

Nam-fok = fat + hollow, ‘ the fat hollow.’

Nam-tsu (Ang. ‘Namchi’) = Nam fat + tsii, Government. ‘The

Government of the fat site.’

Pa-zok (Ang. ‘Pashok’) = ‘jungle.’ Here the dense sub-tropical

‘jungle’ or forest of the Tista valley commences.

Sana-da (Ang. ‘ Sonadah ’) = Sana , a bear + da, a lair = ‘ the

bear’s lair.’ Bears are still in the neighbourhood.

Tsong-kyung = Tsong, the Limbu tribe + kyung , a village. A

village founded and still mainly inhabited by Limbus.

72 L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikkim, Sfc. [No. 2,

Rang-muk = Rang + muh , weeds. An old extensive clearing, now

a tea-garden.

Rang-lot (Any Rangliot) = Rang -f lot , to return. This is the

limit from which the Rangit flood waters returned.

Mahl-man-dap = Mahi, (a corruption of Bengali mahisk , a

buffalo, 4- man , flesh + dap to obtain. A site of a market

overlooking the tarai, to which buffaloes were brought up from

Bengal and slaughtered for retail of their flesh.

Tak-vor (Ang. ‘Tukvar’) = Talc , a hook-thread -f vor , a fishhook:

the land is curved somewhat like this, and the local Lepcha

tradition asserts this origin for the name.

Shing-tam = Shing , a garden + tarn, a level spot.

Song-Khani = Song , copper, + khdni, Hindi and Parbatiya for a

mine. A village where copper ore is mined.

Gok = narrow and difficult (of access) : an old military post on a

narrow promontory between the Great and Little Rangit and

Ramam rivers.

Rong-li = Rong , Lepcha -f li , a house.

Jing-hlam or Zhing-hlam = zhing , weak, or poor soil -f Ulam ,

sloping. ‘ The sterile slope.’ The soil of this locality has a

sterile reputation.

Sallo-kung = Sallo , name of a kind of tree -f kung, tree.

Ung-lap = Ting, water -f lap, a well. Here is a well, a most un¬

usual feature in Lepcha villages, where the usual water-supply

is from brooks.

Kalon-pong (. Ang . c Kalimpong ’) = Kd-ldn, a king’s minister (a

term borrowed from the Tibetan + pong, a stockade. This

was formerly the stockaded headquarters of a Kalon.

Su-VOK {Ang. ‘ Sivok ’) = su or su-e , a breeze or rush of cool air +

vok, concentrated. The mouth of the gorge whence the Tista

debouches into plains, and along which a strong breeze is ever

present.

TsONG-TONG {Ang. 1 Chongtong ’) = ? Tsong , an arrow + tong, a

resting place. An arrow-head-shaped site at junction of two

rivers, at an acute angle.

Long-song = Long, a stone + song, resounding. A rocky site in

the resounding gorge of Tista opposite junction with Great

Rangit.

Pa-kyong = Pa, a kind of cane + Jciyong, village.

Ling-tam = Ling, a slope, or hill side + tarn, level spot. A mix¬

ture of slope and level.

Ting-kap = Ting, a plain -fi hap, little. An unusually (for

Sikhim) large meadow.

73

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and Biver-Names in SiTchim , 8fc.

Rab-den-tsi = Bap , a collection + a-den, highest sect of Lepchas

+ tsil, law or government. This was the original seat of the Lep-

cha pa-no (raja) before the influx of the Tibetan Barfungmos.

Payong-kang = Payong , a species of bambu ( Gephalostachyum

capitatum, Munro) from which arrows are made + hang, a

ridge.

Pashen-bong = P ashen , a tree-fern (. Alsophila latehrosa, Hk.) -f

bong. Tree-ferns are here numerous.

Silim ( Ang . Selim) = a kind of tree ( Terminalia chebula, Retz.)

abundant at this site, the seeds of which are eaten.

Sum (Soom) = a tree ( Phyllanthus emblicaf Roxb.) the fruit of

which is eaten.

Sirim-pung = iSirim, Limbu name for a species of wild citrus +

pung the Limbu form of bong.

Hang-ma-fung = Hang-md, Limbu name for a kind of tree with

perfumed flowers 4- fung , a flower.

Ram-tek = Bam, god + tekt gone. Local tradition states that

the name was given to the site last occupied by their (Lepcha)

chief on his deposition by the Bhotiyas, to express their mis¬

fortune.

Yuk-SAM = Yuk, ‘a superior’ hence a lama -f sam, three. The

place of meeting of ‘ the three lamas ’ to choose a raja for the

Lepchas.

BHOTIYA PLACE-NAMES.

■v

Gang-thok (Ang. Guntok) = sgang, a ridge + 61*1* thok,

a peak, an eminence. ‘ The eminent ridge.’

Kar-thok = dkar, white + thok, ‘ The white eminence.’

Yang-thang = ^1^' ^yang, a precipice -f thang, a field, ‘ the field

of the precipice.’ — A huge cliff overhangs this meadow-site.

Zam-dang (Ang. Samdong) = zam, a bridge + hbrang,

a halting place, stage or dwelling.

Mo-me = solitary, a site (circa 16,000 feet) at the last bridge below

the Donkya pass.

Na-thang (Ang. Gnatong) = nak, black (or nags, forest) + thang.

‘ The black meadow,’ — the first meadow on this side of the

Jelep pass ; it is black with pines.

Lh^-ba (Ang. Labah) = lhafes-pa, windy. A breezy site.

-v

Ojak-kha (Ang. Iche) = 9’ O, the previous name of the village

+ jag-kha, broken. So called after the road had been

cut through it, dividing it into two parts.

K

74 L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in SiJchim, fyc. [No. 2,

Chhum-naga, = chkum, water + naga, a grassy bank.

Nak-tshal ( Ang . Naxal) = nags, forest -f <^QT tshal, a bunt¬

ing grove.

Bar-fung = Tibar, burned, 4- phung, a collection or

heap or knoll. ‘ The collection of burned sites or jungle clear¬

ings.’ The oldest Bhotiya division in Sikhim.

Am-bi-ok = am-bi , a demon’s shrine + Q^P og, below. A site below

the shrine.

Dam-thang = 5J*T gram {pr. dam) mud + thang, a marshy

muddy meadow.

o

BiC-KHYiM = ba, a kind of bambu used for making mats +

khyim, a house. A house of bambu matting — a halting stage

on Tendong hill.

Ming-machhen = Ming-ma , a kind of bambu + ckken, large.

Sedong-chhen = Sedong, name of a tree ( Albizzia , sp.) 4- ckken ,

large. Here a halting stage for travellers at a large Sedong

tree, an uncommon tree in Sikhim.

Pha-dom chhen = pkd-dom , a clearing -f ckken . A largish clear¬

ing in jungle forming a halting place.

Do-lep-chhen = rdo, a stone + QIW leb, level or flat 4- ckken.

A halting stage at ‘ a big flat stone.’

Chhum-mik chhen = ckhu-mik , a spring 4- ckken , big. Here is a

large spring.

Kyo-shing {Ang, Keuzing) = Kyo wheat 4- siting , field. ‘ The

wheat field.’

-v* T -V

Tono-to = stong, a valley 4- stod, upper. A division of

Sikhim comprising an upper valley.

Pd-DANG {Ang. Pedong) = po or po-ga, a kind of cypress, also a Sal

tree, of the gum of which incense is made 4- Tibrang, {pr.

dang) a halting-place. ‘ The halting-place at the Po tree.’

Pa-zam-kha {Ang. Buxa) = ri spa, cane 4~ zam, a bridge 4*

(* kha, mouth. Name of a site at 1 the mouth of the cane-

bridge ’ leading into Bhutan.

PAHAR1YA' AND BENGALI PLACE-NAMES.

(P = Pakariya, B = Bengali and H = Hindi.)

Lapche-jagat = P. Lapcke the Lepcha 4- jagat , a toll-bar. A

village on the Nepal frontier where the Lepchas levied toll on

the Nepali imports into Sikhim.

Sungri-tanr = P. Sungar , a pig 4" tanr, a jungle clearing. A

halting stage of the Nepali pig-drivers on their way to Sikhim,

75

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place and River~Names in Sikkim, fyc.

Sing-bung dera = Sing-lung , Limbu for tree-stump 4- dera P. and

Hindustani for camp. A wood-cutter’s camp.

Chilauni = P. Ghilauni, a kind of tree with perfumed blossoms

( Schima Wallichii) ; here abundant.

Kainjalia = P. Kainjal, a kind of tree (Bischoffia Javanica, Bl.) ;

here abundant.

Takta-bas = P. taktd , a plank 4- has, a habitation. A

wood-cutter’s village in jungle where planks were stored for

transit to Darjiling.

Chuna-bati = P. chuna , lime + lati , a lamp. A lime-kiln

is here.

Chaila-dura = P. chaild, blocks of fire-wood -f- dura , a hut. A

settlement of cutters of fire -wood.

Bhotiya-basti = Bhotiya + basti , a residence. The Bhotiyas’

village.

Batasi = P. ^T?TBCT bdtasi , windy. A breezy site.

Shepi = P. skepi, to be wet or moist. A new village in a

forest clearing where unusually dense dew falls.

Mati-ghara = P. iTTft matt, mud -f ^ ghara , a house. The first

mud-house met with at the foot of the hills (the houses in the

hills being built of stone or wood).

Nuna-mati = P. nuna, salt -4- mdti , earth. Here is a ‘salt-lick.’

Chete-dhara = P. cheten, a Buddhist chaitya + TfK, dhara, a

ridge. Here on the ridge is a chaitya.

Gumti = P. a turn of the road. Site in the angle of a turn of the

road.

Pul-bazar = Hindust. pul, a bridge + P. and H. bazar , a

permanent market. A market at bridge over Little Rangit.

J or-pokhri = P. jor, a pair 4- pokhri , a small pond.

Here are two small ponds.

Sukha-pokhri = P. suTchd , dry 4* pokhri. A small semi-dry

pond.

Kala-pokhri P. = kola. , black 4- pokhri. A small pond

with dark peaty water.

Bahman-pokhri = B. Bahman, a Brahman + pokhri = ‘ The Brah¬

man’s tank.’

Jor-BANGALa = P. jor, a pair + langald , the Bangala (Bengali)

style of a European’s house. Formerly there were only * two

bungalows ’ here.

Lamba-dhara = P. lambd , long 4- dhara. Here a long ridge.

Lama-gaon = Lama , superior monk 4- ganw, a village. For¬

merly a lama’s residence.

76

L. A. Waddell — Place and River-Names in Sikhim, fyc. [No. 2,

Sipahi-dura ( Ang . Sepoy-dura) = Sipahi, a native soldier + P.

dura. The ‘ lines ’ of the pioneer Sepoys now disbanded.

Kua-pani = P. kua, a well 4- pani, water. No stream

near, hence villagers had to dig a well, an unusual source of

water-supply in the hills.

Goru-bathan = P. Jlfa goru , a cow + bdthdn , from Skt. TO

has to dwell 4- sthdn , a place. A grazing station.

Simana = P. €tTO, simana , a boundary. A village on the Nepal

frontier line.

Pani-ghata = P. pdini, water, 4- glidta , a ferry or ford. The

ford over Balasan at foot of hills.

Pathar-GHAta = H. pdtliar , a stone 4” ghdta , a ferry. The

ferry on the Mahananda where stones are gathered for road-

metal.

Sili-guri = P. and Skt. fro*, a stone 4- P. guri from Skt. garhi ,

a small fort. ‘ The stone fort.’ The furthest out site from

the hills where stones are locally available for building.

Tarai = P. and H. TOW, tardi , a swamp, or marshy tract.

Tariyana (Ang. Tirihana) = a form of above.

Dwar (Ang. Dwar) H. B. and Skt. dwdr, a door, or passage.

‘ The door or entry (to the hills).’ The broad shallow valleys

leading from plains into the hills.

Kaman, the ordinary name used among the hill- coolies for tea-gardens.

It seems to be the Parbatiya word meaning ‘ to earn money,’

from the same root as the H. kamdnd ‘ to work for hire.’

Sanyasi-than = Sanyasi, a religious mendicant 4* B. sjprj than, ‘ the

place, usually a shrine. Here it is a Sanyasi’s hut.

Dawai-pani = B. and H. dawai medicinal 4- pdni = ‘ Mineral

spring.’ Here is a chalybeate spring.

Bagh-dokra = B. bdgh, a tiger + dokra , roaring. A village

in the Tarai in a locality infested by tigers.

BairagI-bhita = B. and H. Bairdgi, a religious mendicant 4- bhita,

a plot of land. c The mendicant’s plot.’

Dangar-bhita = B. and H. Ddngar , a hill-man 4- bhita. Here a

settlement of some Uraon hill-men.

HathI-duba = H. and B. hdthi , an elephant 4- TO ddba, to im-

merse. A marshy tract which elephants could not cross.

Raja-jhar = H. and B. Raja 4- jhar, a jungle. ‘ The king’s

forest.’

Ghora-mara = H. and B. ghord, a horse 4- mara, killed. A

local tradition states that a horse was killed here by a tiger.

Bhainsi-mari = H. and B. TO bainsa , a buffalo 4- mari, killing.

77

1891.] L. A. Waddell — Place ancl River-Names in Sikhim , Sfc.

Mahish-mari = B. mahish , buffalo + mdri.

Ga'i-bari ( Ang . Gayabari) gde or gdi , cow + bari, a habita¬

tion = cow-shed.

Sal-bari = B. and H. sal, the valuable timber tree ( Shorea robusta)

4- bari = ‘ The Sal-grove.’

A'lu — , Am — , Champa — , Kamla — , Phul-bari = B. and H. dlu, a

yam or potatoe, am, mango, champa, the champak-tree, kamld

(the citron) tree, phul, a flower + bari, a habitation — hence

as regards vegetables, a grove or garden.

Sukna = B. ^eff*TT suicna , dry. A dry site in Tarai on plateau at

base of a spur where water-level is relatively low.

The general import or meaning of the names.

The above lists of names with their etymological definitions, although

not exhaustive, suffice to show the manner in which place and river-

names are assigned in this area. The great majority of the names are

given by illiterate persons, so that grammatical accuracy is not always to

be expected. The names, as to their meaning, may be generally classed

as descriptive ; a few are mythological and religious, but these are

chiefly confined to monastery names ; and the personal designations

perpetuating the names of tbe founders of villages are found almost

exclusively amongst the Pahariya settlements.

Names mostly descriptive . — The descriptive names predominate, and

these usually well express some very obvious physical feature of the

site or river, e. g., of rivers, an especial tortuosity, steepness, impetuosity,

shallowness or otherwise of a course or channel ; of mountains, their

shape, appearance &c. ; of village sites, the stony, precipitous, meadow- *

like character, quality of soil, jungle-product, conspicuous tree &c.

Names of the country. — In naming the country, both the Lepchas

and Bhotiyas characterized the most striking feature of the country,

each from their own respective point of view. The Lepchas, a roving

forest-people, even still living largely on jungle-products and sleeping

under rocks for shelter, called this country Ne-layang or ‘the country of

caves,’ while the Bhotiyas, a much more pastoral and agricultural race,

who came from across the Himalayas, where rice is highly prized as

■v

food, but not there growable, called the country /ibras-Zjongs,

pronounced De-jong# or ‘ the rice-country,’ as rice is abundantly cultiva¬

ted in Sikhim. These Sikhim Bhotiyas in the course of the three or four

sf -\r

# As de is a form of demo 3T = good, although the name of the country is

not spelt in this way, it is occasionally called ‘ Demo-jong,’ i. e.} ‘ the happy or good

country.’

78

L. A. Waddell — Place and Biver-Names in Sikhim, , fyc. [No. 2,

centuries which have elapsed since migrating from Tibet, have acquired*

a dialect which differs in many ways, but chiefly in pronunciation, from

the polite speech now prevalent at Lhasa. One feature of this difference

is the tendency, shared in common with the Tsang-pa Bhotiyas of Nepal,

and already noticed, to insert a final n where such does not appear

in Tibetan, The country has thus come vulgarly to be called D£n-jong,

instead of De-jong, and the people generally call themselves Den-jong-

pa, i. e., 1 the people of Den-jong.’ And the Lepchas in accepting the

name imposed by their conquerors usually pronounce it Ren-jong — r

being with them frequently interchangeable with the letter d.

The etymology of the modern name of ‘ Sikhim * is not at all so

clear. It is generally alleged by the Lepchas and Bhotiyas to be a

Parbatiya name, applied to the country by the conquering Gorkhas.

As the great majority of the Parbatiya words are derived almost direct¬

ly from the Sanskrit, I venture to suggest that the most probable deriva¬

tion is from the Sanskrit Sikhin = crested : this would charac¬

terize the leading feature of the approach from the Nepal side — a long

high ridge, with Kanchinjunga 28,000 feet and Kabur 22,000 feet in

its middle, separates this country from the Gorkha territory ; and being

shut off from Bhotan by another high ridge, the intervening narrow

tract which constitutes Sikhim presents within itself an unusual number

of ridges (crests) running more or less in N. to S. direction, transverse

to the vista from Nepal. f

Many of the place-names merely denote halting places or stages

presenting a rock- shelter or a clearing in the jungle with water-supply

near, and occasionally pasture. These sites, being on lines of commu¬

nication and always near a water-supply, occasionally develop into

villages. These names were probably given by Tibetan merchants

or other travellers such as priests or monks. The process of such name¬

giving might arise through a pioneer merchant or other traveller,

narrating the stages of his journey into ‘ the rice country ’ (Dejong) and

his successors adopting his stages and nomenclature. Such a traveller

might be supposed as saying that, on crossing ‘ the level track pass ’

* In some instances the difference appears due to preservation of ancient forms

of speech rather than a new development, or corrupt dialect.

t This name is not at all likely to be related to Skt. Wfi, seTc , to wet or moisten,

for the climate of Sikhim does not appear to be more moist than that of the ad¬

joining portion of Eastern Nepal. Nor does the conjecture seem tenable that it is a

Parbatiya translation of one of the vulgar forms of the Bhotiya name for the

country, viz., ‘ Demo-jong * or ‘ the happy country ’ from sukhi, happy ; as the

name is never spelt or pronounced with u, and the country was, and still is, a mos t

inhospitable one.

79

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript.

(Je-lep-la), lie passed the ‘ Saints’ mount ’ (Kuphu) and ‘ the Guru’s

defile ** and reached ‘ the black meadow ’ (Na-thang) where he halted.

Next day he proceeded down ‘ the steep descent’ (Lung-thu), past ‘ the

big clearing’ (Phadom chhen), to the large Sedong tree’ (Sedong

chhen). Next day, continuing the descent, he crossed ‘ the water (chhu)

at ‘ the Lepcha’s house (Rong-li) and ascended to ‘ the big flat stone ’

(Dd-lep chhen) where he halted. The following day he crossed ‘ the

black hill ’ (Ri-nak) and ‘ the mountain torrent ’ (Ri-ze chhu), and as¬

cended to ‘the Po-tree halting place ’ (Po-dang). Next day continuing

his march, he lunched at ‘the big spring’ (Chhu-mik chhen), and

crossing the ridge at the junction of ‘ the three hills’ (Ri sum),

reached ‘ the Kalon’s stockade or ‘ pong ’ as the Lepchas call it (Kalon-

pong), &c., &c.

The Pahariyas and Bengalis are addicted to giving a personal name

to their villages ; this is perhaps inevitable where the area, as is usual

in such cases, is thickly populated, and presents no striking natural

features. The Pahariyas share with Europeans the tendency to trans¬

plant to their adopted home, names taken from their old country,

although these possess no local appropriateness in their new application.

On the date of the Bower Manuscript . — By A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.

The Bower manuscript was exhibited to the Society at the two

meetings in November, 1890 and April, 1891. I call it the “ Bower

MS.,” in order that Lieutenant Bower, to whose enterprise the learned

world owes the preservation of the manuscript, may receive the honour

due to him. Some account of the locality and circumstances of its

finding will be found in the Society’s Proceedings for November, 1890 ;

and a preliminary account of the manuscript and its contents was

published by me in the Proceedings for April, 1891. Since then I have

spent a long summer vacation in carefully examining the whole manu¬

script, and, with the exception of a few leaves, I have read and trans¬

cribed the whole. I have every reason to hope that the Bengal

Government, with its usual liberality in such matters, will enable me to

publish a complete edition of the manuscript which I am now pre¬

paring.

This paper had been written (in Darjiling, in May), when I received

(in July), through the kindness of Professor Biihler in Vienna, an

advance copy of his noticef of the specimen pages of the Bower MS.,

* Vide detailed definitions at p. 60.

f To be published apparently in the Vienna Oriental Journal.

80 A. F, R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

which were published in the November Proceedings. It was particularly

gratifying to me to find that, reading the manuscript, he in Vienna

and I in Calcutta, at about the same point of time, we independently

arrived at essentially the same conclusions, both with regard to the age

and the contents of the manuscript. Such a coincidence most distinctly

makes for the truth of our conclusions.

The substance of the paper which I now publish on the age of the

Bower MS., and which I promised in the April Proceedings , was originally

intended by me to form a part of the introduction to my edition of the

manuscript. But seeing the interest which the manuscript has already

excited in Europe, I publish it now in anticipation, and hope similarly to

publish portions of the manuscript, with translations, from time to time.

I may state here briefly the result of my detailed examination of

the manuscript. It consists of not less than five distinct portions.

The first portion consists of 31 leaves. It contains the medical work

of which I have published the commencement in the April Proceedings ,

and two pages of which are figured in the upper parts of the two plates

accompanying the November and April Proceedings. I shall designate it

by the letter A.

The second portion, to be called B, which immediately follows the

first portion, consists of five leaves, and forms a sort of collection of

proverbial sayings. A specimen of it is figured in the lower part (No.

II) of the plate in the April Proceedings.

The third portion, C, consisting of four leaves, contains the story

of how a charm against snake-bite was given by Buddha to Ananda while

he was staying in Jetavana, the garden of Anathapinda. A specimen

of this portion is figured in the lower part of the plate in the November

Proceedings.

The fourth portion, D, consists of six leaves. It is preserved in a

rather unsatisfactory condition, and appears to contain a similar collec¬

tion of proverbial sayings as the second portion, B.

The fifth portion, E, which also consists of five leaves, contains the

commencement of another medical treatise. It appears to be — so far

as I can judge at present — a fragment of a larger work.

Besides these five connected portions, there appear to be a few

detached leaves, quite unconnected with one another and with those

larger portions.

Of the fourth and fifth portions no specimens have been published,

but the fifth is written in the same style as the first portion. The fourth

portion is written in an exceedingly slovenly and hurried hand, much

resembling that of the third portion, but written far more slovenly. It

may possibly represent the handwriting of a fourth scribe ; though, on

81

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript.

the whole, I am disposed to believe that there are really only three

distinct styles of writing represented in the entire manuscript. The

first is that of the first and fifth portions (A and E) ; they are so nearly

alike, that I believe them to be of the same scribe. The second is that

of the second portion (B), which is a fine, ornamental writing. It must

be ascribed to a distinct scribe. The third is that of the third and

fourth portions (C and D), which seem to me to differ more in the

manner than in the character of writing, and may not improbably be

due to the same scribe, thongh a different person from the scribes of

AE and B.

I come now to the question of the age of the MS. Here the first

points to be settled are the locality and class to which the characters of

the MS. belong. Mr. Fleet has clearly shown, in his Volume III of the

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum on the Gupta Inscriptions,* that, irre¬

spective of varieties, there existed, at the time of the Gupta period, two

very distinct classes of the ancient Nagari alphabet, the North Indian and

the South Indian (see Fleet, pp. 3, 4). The test letter for these two

great classes is the character for m, which in the Southern alphabets

retains its old form , resembling the figure 8, while in the Northern

alphabets that old form has been displaced by a square cursive form rJ.

Tried by this test, it is at once seen that the alphabet of our MS. be¬

longs to the Northern class. Throughout the MS. the square form V is

used exclusively. It is particularly distinct in the portions C and D ; in

ABE the left hand curved line in drawn rather more straight.

The Northern class of alphabets, however, is again divided into two

great sections, which, though their areas overlap to a certain extent,

may be broadly, and for practical purposes sufficiently, distinguished as

the Western and Eastern sections. The test letter in this case is the

cerebral sibilant sha. In the North-Eastern alphabet its form is while

in the North-Western alphabet its form is U .f Examples of the

former alphabet we have on the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra

Gupta, of about 400 A. D. (Fleet, pp. 1, 6), the Kuhaun pillar inscrip¬

tion of Skanda Gupta, of 460 A. D. (Fleet, p. 65), and others in Mr.

Fleet’s volume. * The same alphabet is shown to perfection in the

* All subsequent references to “ Fleet ” refer to this work.

f At the same time the Indian N. E. alphabet has the form for the dental

sa , the two forms of sha and sa being very little distinct from one another. The

Indian N. W. alphabet has for sa which is also used by the Nepalese variety

of the N. E. alphabet.

t The following Nos. in Mr. Fleet’s volume belong to this class: Nos. 1, 6, 7

8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 64, 66, 68, 69; occasionally the Western form is used in con-

juncts, such as hsha , sh( a.

L

82 A, F. R, Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript . [No. 2,

Nepalese inscriptions, Nos. 1 to 10 and No. 12, published in the Indian

Antiquary , vol. IX, p. 163; also in the Nepalese inscriptions Nos. 1 and

2, in Mr. Bendall’s Journey in Nepal, pp. 72, 74. On the other hand,

the other Nepalese inscriptions in vol, IX of the Indian Antiquary ,

Nos. 11, 13, 14, 15, and in Mr. Bendall’s Journey , Nos. 3 to 6, exhibit

the North-Western alphabet. The latter alphabet is also to be seen

in all the Nepalese MSS , described in Mr. Bendall’s Catalogue of

Buddhist Sanskrit MSS., including the two oldest, Nos. 1049 and 1702.

Examples of the North-Western alphabet in Mr. Fleet’s volume are

the Mathura stone inscription of Chandra Gupta, of about 400 A. D.,

the Indor plate of Skanda Gupta, of 565 A. D., and others.* Also

the Toramana inscription in the Bpigraphia Indica , Vol. I, p. 238, and

the Nepalese inscriptions above mentioned.

In both the North-Eastern and North-Western sections there are

divisions into varieties, some of which Mr. Fleet has noticed. However

for my present purpose, there is no need to enter into any consideration

of these. But the distinction of the two great sections is very marked,

and can never be missed when once pointed out.

There is one point, worthy of notice, with regard to these two great

Northern divisions. It is this, that in India proper the North-Eastern

alphabet gradually came to be entirely displaced by the North-Western

alphabet, in comparatively very early times. This displacement must

have been in progress during the earlier part of the sixth century A. D.,

and must have been completed about 580 A. D. For in 588 A. D. we

already find inscriptions in Bodhgaya (of Mahanaman, Fleet, p. 274)

which show an exclusive North-Western character ; and there is not a

single inscription known (so far as I am aware) about and after 600

A. D. which shows the distinctive marks of the old North-Eastern alpha¬

bet. Outside of India proper, that is in Nepal, the North-Eastern al¬

phabet maintained its ground for about three centuries longer ; for the

inscription, No. 4 in the Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, dated in 854 A. D.,

still shows the use of that alphabet. This survival is accounted for by

the fact, that the North-Western alphabet made its way into Nepal,

apparently, about a century later than into Eastern India proper. For

the earliest known inscription, in that alphabet, is No. 11 in the Indian

Antiquary, vol. IX, which is dated in 653 A. D. For the purpose of ma¬

nuscript writing, as distinguished from documentary inscription, the

North-Western alphabet probably made its way into Nepal very much

earlier, as shown by Mr. Bendall’s old MS. No. 1049, if (as I think it may

well be) it is dated in 252 of the Gupta Era, that is, in 571 A. D.

* The following Nos. belong to this class : Nos. 4, 10, 16, 19, 20, 22 — 37, 42, 43,

46—54, 58—61, 63, 65, 67, 70—72, 74, 76.

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. 83

Now the Bower MS. is distinctly written throughout in the North-

Western alphabet. This is an important point and must be kept in view

throughout the following enquiry. The age of our MS. must be judged

solely by the facts as disclosed by the circumstances of the North

Western alphabet. No conclusion that can be drawn from circum¬

stances connected with the South Indian or the North-Eastern alphabets

may be applied to the determination of the age of our MS. For it

stands to reason, that no scribe, who was habituated to write in the

North Western alphabet, would in any writing of his habitually introduce

any peculiarity of the South Indian or North Eastern alphabets, with

which he was not familiar.

Having premised this much, I proceed to the consideration of the

points that appear to me to afford the means of determining approxi¬

mately the date of the Bower MS*

Among the existing varieties of the North-Western alphabet, there

is one which has most nearly retained its ancient character. This is

the so-called S'arada alphabet, which is still current in Kashmir and

the adjacent Sub-Himalayan provinces, such as the Chamba and

Kangra valleys. The most striking point of difference between the

S'arada alphabet and its more ancient parent, the original North-Western

alphahet, is the sign for the letter ya. The S'arada alphabet uses the

modern cursive form if, while the original North-Western alphabet

employed the more ancient tridental form cJ/. This is the test letter by

which any inscription or manuscript written in the S'arada characters

may be at once distinguished from any inscription or manuscript written

in the more ancient North-Western alphabet. The latter I shall, for the

sake of convenience, briefly distinguish as the Gupta alphabet. The

oldest MS. in the S'arada characters, of the existence of which we know,

is the so-called Horiuzi MS., of which Professor Biihler has published an

account and illustrative plates, in Volume I, Part III of the Anecdota

Oxoniensia.* According to him, “ it is certain that this MS. cannot

date later than the first half of the sixth century A. D.” (ibid., p. 64).

It employs throughout the modern cursive form of ya. On the other

hand, the Bower MS., though showing in the writing of parts A and E,

in many respects, a very decided resemblance to the S'arada characters,

employs in the portions BCD exclusively, in AE almost exclusively, the

older tridental form of the letter ya. It follows, therefore, that the

Bower MS. is not written in the S’arada alphabet, but in the more ancient

* “ S'arada ” is the name of a small group of alphabets, the varieties of which

differ a little according to locality (Kashmir, Chamba, etc.) or period or material

of writing, etc. ; but the essential unity of the group is well known, and it is usual

to call it S'arada.

84 A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

Gupta alphabet. The general similarity of its letters to the Sarada

probably shows, that the locality of its writing was somewhere in the

extreme North-West of India, but its use of the ancient tridental form

of YA shows that its date must be antecedent to the elaboration of the Sarada

form of the North- Western alphabet. When this event took place, I shall

now attempt to show.

The old form (though not quite the oldest which was of the letter

ya was cXf or cJV • It was made by two separate movements of the hand,

one for drawing the left-hand perpendicular, the other for drawing the

remaining portion of the letter. The next step was an attempt to draw

the letter with one movement of the hand. This led to the contrivance

of the form rdU , by which the end of the left-hand crook or loop was

brought forward to the point of junction of the perpendicular and hori¬

zontal portions of the letter. It was now possible to draw the letter with

one stroke of the pen, beginning with the top of the left-hand perpendi¬

cular, downwards ; then round the loop, from left to right, to the bottom

of the perpendicular ; than finishing with the right-hand crook or angle.

This change was clearly due to the convenience of cursive writing. But

the tendency of cursive writing to quickness and economy of effort very

soon led to a further change, which produced the form , by sever¬

ing the point of junction. This was the final form of the process ; it is

still essentially the modern cursive form. The intermediate form ,

as I shall presently show, only existed for a comparatively very short

time, and is essentially a mere transitional form.

It is a well-accepted fact that cursive forms first make their appear¬

ance in manuscript writing, and may be, and generally are, in use in

MS. writing some time before they are introduced in the inscribing of

documents on stone, copper or other material. Such documents are of

a conservative nature ; they have a tendency to preserve old forms, after

they have long disappeared from ordinary MS. writing. The common

or exclusive use, in an ordinary MS., of a distinctly archaic form is,

therefore, a safe means of determining its age.

The old form of the letter ya was once current in all the alphabets of

India. In all of them it gradually became displaced by some cursive form.

But this displacement did not take place in all of them at the same point

of time. In the South Indian alphabet it survived, at least in inscrip¬

tions, down to the twelfth century A. D.* The North-Eastern alphabet,

# In the old Kanarese, where it much resembles the later Nepalese form with

the ringlet attached to the left prong (see p. 85). See, e. g., the Eastern Chalukya

inscription of 1134 A. D., in the Ind. Ant., vol. XIV, p. 50, or the Kakatiya inscrip¬

tion of 1162 A. D., ibid, XI, p. 9. It has now passed into the various modern

cursive forms of the South-Indian alphabets.

1891.] A. F. JEt. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. 85

as I have already remarked, was, in India proper , as early as the middle of

the sixth century, superseded by the North-Western alphabet ; but in

Nepal it survived about three centuries longer, and there, with it, the

old form of ya survived, at least in inscriptions, down to the middle of

the nineth century A. D. It should be noted, however, that the old form

of ya , in the shape in which it survived in Nepal, is somewhat different

from the old form in its original shape, as it was once current in the

North Indian alphabets. Its original shape is that of a sort of trident,

of which the left-hand prong makes a curve or even a loop, thus c JX

or o In the Nepalese shape, the curve or loop, is replaced by a

ringlet which is poised on the top of the left-hand prong, thus .*

The difference is marked, and the two shapes can be very easily distin¬

guished from each other.

The North-Western alphabet is the first to discard the use of the

old form of ya. From it, as I shall presently show, the old form dis¬

appeared, even in inscriptions, as early as the end of the sixth century

A. D. ; and from cursive writing in that alphabet, according to the well-

known rule, above stated, it must have disappeared much earlier. There

is an obvious conclusion, which is suggested by these facts ; it is, that

the invention , so to speak , of the cursive form of YA took place in the North-

West of India, somewhere within the area in which the North-Western

alphabet was current.

The first document from which the use of the old form has

entirely disappeared is the long Bodhgaya inscription of Mahanaman of

588 A. D. (Fleet, p. 274). It uses exclusively the transitional form,

with one or two exceptions in which the modern form itself is used.f In

another short Bodhgaya inscription of Mahanaman, of about the same

date (Fleet, p. 278), the modern form is used exclusively. In fact, after

600 A. D., there is no inscription known, which shows any trace of the sur¬

vival of the old form. In all of them the cursive form of ya is fully estab¬

lished in exclusive use ; thus in the Lakkha Mandal inscription of about

600 A. D. ( Epigr . Ind., vol. I, p. 10), £ the Madhuban inscription of Harsha,

of 631 A. D. (ibid., p. 67), the Aphsad and Shahpur inscriptions of Aditya-

sena, of about 672 A. D. (Fleet, pp. 200, 208), the Deo Baranark inscription

of Jivita Gupta, of (about) 725 A. D. (Fleet, p. 213), the Sarnath inscrip¬

tion of Prakataditya of somewhere in the seventh century (Fleet, p.

284). To these may be added the evidence of those Nepalese inscrip-

* See, e. g., the inscription No. 8, in the Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 171.

t The transitional form is here used with a somewhat modified and more

ornate shape.

£ The intermediate forms occurs twice in this inscription, in yena, 11. 6 and 11,

curiously enough, with the vowel e, on which see page 89.

86 A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

tions, which are not written in the North-Eastern or proper Nepalese

alphabet, but in the North-Western characters ; thus the Gaidbara

inscription of 688 A. D. (see Mr. Bendall’s Journey in Nepal , p. 77), the

Jaisi inscription of 751 A. D. (ibid., p. 79), the inscription of S'iva

Deva, of 748 A. D., another of 750 A. D., and the inscription of Jaya-

deva, of 758 A. D. (see Indian Antiquary , vol. IX, pp. 176-78). In all

these inscriptions the modern cursive form is used exclusively.

Another piece of evidence, in the same direction, is the Tibetan

tradition respecting the introduction of the Northern Indian alphabet

into Tibet (see Journal , Asiatic Society of Bengal , vol. LVII, pp. 41 ff.).

It is said that these characters were introduced into Tibet by the sage

Sambhota, who brought them fromMagadha, where he had resided from

A. D. 630-650. These characters are known in Tibet as the “ Wartu”

characters of Magadha ; their forms, as traditionally preserved in Tibet,

may be seen in Plate I of the Journal (ibidem) ; and it will be seen that

among these the letter ya has the cursive form. This shows that at the

time of Sambhota’s visit to Magadha, in the second quarter of the

seventh century A. D., the cursive from of ya was in current use in

North India.*

I am not aware of the existence of a single dated inscription in North

India , written in the North - Western alphabet , which indubitably proves any

use , still less the exclusive or almost exclusive use of the old form of Y A,

after 600 A. D. It follows from this evidence that, since the old form

of ya had entirely disappeared from inscriptions, from the end of the

sixth century (say from about 580 A. D.), it must have disappeared

from the cursive writing of ordinary manuscripts long before. Accord¬

ingly a manuscript, like the Bower MS., in which the old form is still

used almost exclusively, must be placed long before the end of the

sixth century, and much nearer the beginning of it.

This conclusion is fully supported by the evidence of all the ancient

dated (or practically dated) MSS. that are, as yet, known to exist. The

oldest is the Horiuzi MS. The date of its writing has been shown by

Professor Biihler to be somewhere in the middle of the sixth century,

* The “Wartu” characters exhibit in all test points the characteristics of the

North-Western alphabet. This shows, what I have already observed (supra, p. 82),

that the North-Eastern alphabet, which was once current in Magadha, was there in

very early times displaced by the North-Western alphabet. It is said, however,

that Sambhota only “partly” adopted the “Wartu” characters for his Tibetan

alphabet ( Journal , ibid., p. 41). This explains the fact that the “Wartu” or

cursive form of ya does not appear in that alphabet. For the letter ya that sage

appears to have drawn on the North-Eastern alphabet, which he must have known

from Nepal, where (as I have shown) it maintained its ground from two to three

centuries longer than in Magadha.

1891.] A, F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Boiver Manuscript. 87

that is, between 520 and 577 A. D. (see Anec. Oxon., p. 63 ff.). It ex¬

hibits throughout the exclusive use of the cursive form of ya, thus showing

that this cursive form was fully established for MS. writing in the middle of

the sixth century A. B. The next oldest MSS. are two, described as

Nos. 1049 and 1702 by Mr. Bendall in his Catalogue of Buddhist MSS.

in the Cambridge Library , p. XXXIX. One of them is dated Samvat

252, which Mr. Bendall takes to be in terms of the Harsha era and to be

equal to 857 A. D. For my part, I can see no valid objection, on paleo¬

graphic grounds, to understanding the date in terms of the G upta era, and

as equal to 571 A. D. I do not notice any such material difference

between the writing of the Horiuzi MS. and the two Cambridge MSS.,

as to account for a supposed interval of three centuries. Any how, both

Cambridge MSS. exhibit the exclusive use of the cursive form of ya.

The conclusion appears to me inevitable, that any MS. which shows,

as the Bower MS. does , the exclusive use of the old form, or which shows an

uniform absence of the use of the cursive form, cannot possibly be placed

later than 550 A. D., and in all probability is very much older. The only

question is, whether there are any indications in the Bower MS. that

render it possible to fix its date somewhat more definitely.

Here the following facts are to be observed. The first appearance

of the modern cursive form of ya in any inscription is met with in the

Bijagadh inscription of Vishnu Vardhana, of 371 A. D. (Fleet, p. 252),

in sreyo, line 4 (if the plate can be trusted) ; and it is to be noted that

it is used in junction with the vowel o. The old form, however, is

more usual, as in ndmadheyena, 1. 3, and abhivriddhaye, 1. 4, in both

cases with the vowel e. The first appearance of the transitional cursive

form is met with about a century later (see below), but there can be

no doubt that, though in the existing inscriptions, the first appearance

of the modern form happens to be earlier, that form, as compared with

the transitional form of the letter, is of later development.* Probably

there was no great interval between the development of the two forms.

In any case, the invention (so to speak) of the transitional form and,

with it, the first beginnings of the modern form of ya, may, thus far, be

placed at about 350 A. D.

The actual first appearance of the transitional form occurs in the

Indor copperplate inscription of Skanda Gupta, of 465 A. D. (Fleet,

p. 68), in the words abhivriddhaye, 1. 4, and upayojyam, 1. 7, in both

cases with the vowels e and o. Side by side, the old form occurs in

yogam, 1. 9, yo 1. 11, abhivriddhaye , 1. 8. Other instances occur in the

Karitalai inscription of Jayanatha, of 493 A. D. (Fleet, p. 117), in

# A similar case, with regard to the development of the letter m, is noted by

My. Fleet in his volume on the Gupta inscriptions, p. 3, footnote,

88 A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the fioiver Manuscript. [No. 2,

ahhivriddhaye , 1. 7, and chhreyo, 1. 15, here also with the vowels e

and o ; and side by side with the old form in ye , 1. 10, lopayet , 1. 12,

prdyena , 1. 16, yo , 1. 20. Another instance occurs in the Khoh inscrip¬

tion of Jayanatha, of 496 A. D. (Fleet, p. 121), in the word ahhivrid -

dliaye , 1. 8, again with the vowel e, and side by side with the older form

in pratyayopanayam , 1. 11, and prdyena , 1. 17. A very clear instance is

in the Tusam inscription, of about 500 A. D. (Fleet, p. 269), in yoga -

charyya, 1. 3, again with the vowel o, and side by side with the old form

in upayojyam , 1. 6.* Another clear instance occurs in the Jaunpur

inscription of I'svaravarman, of about 520 A. D. (Fleet, p. 228), in

anvavaye , 1. 2, again with the vowel e. So again in the Mandasor

inscription of Yasodharman, of about 530 A. D. (Fleet, p. 149), in yo , 1. 4,

again with the vowel o, and side by side with the old form in pddayor,

1. 5. Similarly in the Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman as Vishnu-

vardhana, of 533 A. D. (Fleet, p. 150), in yena , 1. 8, again with the

vowel e, and side by side with the old form in hhurayo , 1. 8,t yena , 1. 8,

13, yo , 1. 17, 18. Likewise in the Khoh inscription of S'arvanatha, of

533 A. D. (Fleet, p. 135), in nyayena , 1. 13, ye, 1. 16, and pratyayot-

pannaha , 1. 9, again with the vowels e and o , and side by side with the

old form in lopayet , 1. 18, grdmayor, 1. 7, yo, l. 25, ye, 1. 27, etc. These

are all the instances of the occurrence of the transitional form that I

have been able to discover among the 43 (Gupta) inscriptions in the

North-Western alphabet, published by Mr. Fleet.

Contemporary with them are the following instances of the use of

the modern cursive form. In the Maghgawan inscription of Hastin, of

510 A. D. (Fleet, p. 106), it occurs in the words chhreyo , 1. 14, yo, 1. 16,

paniyeshu , 1. 17, ye, 1. 18, again with the vowels e and o, and side by side

with the old form in the words anvayopabhogyas, 1. 10, yo, 1. 11, ahay o,

1. 18. J The transitional form also occurs in the word ahhivriddhaye,

1. 7.

Now as to the conclusions that follow from the above statistics,

note, in the first place, the extreme rarity of the transitional and full

cursive forms, as well as the peculiar circumstances under which alone

they occur. And here mark the following four points.

(1) They occur only in a small proportion of inscriptions. Of course,

the only inscriptions with which we are here concerned are those

that use more or less exclusively the old form. Those that already use

* This instance was also noticed by Mr. Fleet (p. 270, footnote 4). It is the

identical form that occurs in the Bower MS.

f This is a very good instance for comparison, because in hhurayo yena the

two forms stand in immediate juxtaposition.

X In these cases the peculiarity of the form is also noted by Mr. Fleet, p. 106.

89

1891.] A. F, R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript .

the transitional or modern cursive forms exclusively are outside the

question ; so are, of course, all those that are not written in some

variety or other of the North-Western alphabet. Now there are 34

inscriptions of the former description in Mr. Fleet’s Volume III of

the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. To these may be added a few

others, such as the Toramana inscription in the Epigraphia Indica , vol. I,

p. 238, and the Kumdra Gupta seal in the Journal , Asiatic Society of

Bengal, vol. LVIII, p. 88. Among these there are only ten inscrip¬

tions, a little more than one-fourth , that exhibit the occasional use

of the transitional and modern cursive forms at all. The rest use

exclusively the old form.

(2) The transitional and full cursive forms occur , in that one-fourth

of inscriptions, exclusively in connection ivith the vowels E or 0.# With

all other vowels, i. e,f in every other case, the old form is used.

(3) Even in connection with the vowels E and 0, the transitional and

modem cursive forms are not obligatary , but optional. In fact, even with

those vowels, the old form is used more commonly than the transi¬

tional and modern cursive forms. On the whole the former is used

twice as often as the latter.

(4) Of the two cursive forms , the transitional and the modern , the

former is used much more frequently than the latter (viz., transitional :

modern = 13 : 4).

In the second place, note that the period during which the sporadic

use of the transitional and modern cursive forms occurs, is a comparatively

well defined and short one. Its termini, so far as the evidence of the

available inscriptions goes, are from 371 A. D. to 533 A. D., or in round

numbers from 370 to 540 A. D., i. e., 170 years. Or, if we omit the

very early case of the Bijagadh inscription, of 371 A. D., as perhaps of

a suspicious character, because it stands by itself, separated by an

interval of about 100 years from all others, the transition period extends

from about 470 to 540 A. D., that is, 70 years. Antecedently to this

period, we find the old form of ya in undisputed possession of the field,

and subsequent to it, the cursive form of ya is in equally undisputed

possession.

Now it appears to me, that from these facts there is but one conclu¬

sion, to which one is irresistibly driven. It is this, that there is here dis¬

closed to us evidence of the actual point in time, when the invention, so

to speak, of the cursive form of ya was made, or, to speak more precisely,

the application of it to the non-conjunct ya. For to suit the case of the

conjunct or under-written ya, the cursive form had been long before

# Probably it would also be used with the vowels ai and au ; though no instance

happens to occur in the existing inscriptions,

M

90 A. F. R, Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

invented and exclusively employed. But to the non-conjunct ya, it only

began to be applied about 470 A. D. At first it was only applied

tentatively and hesitatingly in those cases in which the non-conjunct

ya carried the vowels e or o (or ai or au ). But the convenience of the

cursive form soon carried everything before it, and displaced the old

form entirely about 540 A. D. In all probably this process commenced ,

in the case of manuscript writing , earlier than in that of documentary

inscription, perhaps already about 400 A. B., and terminated proportion¬

ately earlier , perhaps about 500 A. B. On the other hand, in document¬

ary inscription the process began later and ended later. Here the use

of the old form may have lingered on to about 600 A. D. ; but from that

date, as already shown from the evidence of existing dated inscriptions,

the use of the cursive form of ya enjoyed an undisputed possession of

the field.

Accordingly for practical purposes, the rule may be laid down, that

any inscription in the North-Western Indian alphabet which show's the

more or less exclusive use of the old form of YA must date from before 600

A. B., while any inscription showing an exclusive use of the cursive form of

YA must date from after 600 A. B.

With regard to manuscripts the same rule must hold good, with

this modification, that the termini must be put back by about 50 (or it

may be 100) years ; that is, a MS. showing the exclusive use of the

cursive form of YA must date from after 550 or perhaps 500 A. B., while

a MS. showing the more or less exclusive use of the old form of YA must

date from before 550 or 500 A. B., and a MS. showing the exclusive use of

the old form of YA must date from before 450 A. B.

That this rule, as deduced from the above collected facts, is correct

is proved by the Horiuzi MS. This MS. uses the cursive form of ya

exclusively, and, as shown by Professor Biihler, it certainly dates from

some time between 520 and 577 A. D.

This rule further proves that the elaboration of the so-called S'arada

alphabet may be placed about 500 A. D. For it possesses the cursive

form of ya. Hence it follows that any manuscript and a fortiori any

inscription , written in the S'arada characters must certainly be later

than 500 A. B. ; though as the S'arada characters, with slight modifica¬

tions, are used up to the present day in Kashmir and the adjacent

regions, a mere consideration of the form of the cursive ya is insufficient

to fix with any approximation the date of such a manuscript or inscrip¬

tion in any particular year after that epoch.

Now let us see the bearing of the results of the above enquiry on

the question of the age of the Bower MS.

(1) It is to be noticed that the old form of YA is used almost ex-

91

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript.

clusively throughout the MS. Indeed, in the second, third and fourth

portions it is used exclusively, and it is only in the first and fifth por¬

tions, that the transitional form occasionally occurs.

(2) This transitional form is never used , except when carrying the

vowels E or AT or 0 or A TJ.

(3) Even with those vowels, the use of the transitional form is optional ;

though on the whole, it is more usual than that of the old form.

(4) Of the two forms of the cursive YA, the transitional and the

modern, the former is used almost exclusively ; the modern cursive form

occurring only in a few isolated cases.

The following examples are all taken from the two published

plates ; and I have only to remark, that the pages, figured on the two

plates, are very fair specimens of the whole manuscript.

The transitional cursive form is to be seen on Plate I, No. I,* in

yoga , 1. 1, yoga, 1. 2 twice, yoganam, 1. 3, trayodasam, 1. 5, Jcalpayet, 1. 9 ;

again on Plate III, upper page, in jivaniyo, 1. 2, payo, 1. 4, jivaniyais-

cha, 1. 4, lepayet , 1. 4, vimisrayet, 1. 6, prayojayet , 1. 6, avagahayet, 1. 6,

yo..., 1. 6, lehayet, 1. 8, prayojayet, 1. 11. Note that it is always used

with the vowels e or ai or o .

There is only one instance of the modern cursive form ; it occurs in

the akshara yet of prayojayet in Plate III, upper page, in line 11. Here

we have the transitional and the modern cursive forms side by side in one

word, the former form being used in the akshara yo, the latter in the

akshara yet. A similar instructive example of the use, side by side,

of the old and the transitional forms, we have ibidem in prayojayet , in

line 6, where the old form is seen in the akshara yet, while the transi¬

tional form occurs in the akshara yo.

Of the old form there are the following instances. On Plate I, No.

I, we have it in churnnayet, 1. 10, and on Plate III, upper page, in upakal-

payet, 1. 2, # * yet, 1. 3, prayojayet, 1. 6, lehayet, 1. 8, pdyayet , 1. 9. Note

here again, that all these instances are with the vowel e. Of the old

form with the vowel o there is no instance in the figured pages ; but I

have noticed a few cases in other parts of the manuscript. Of course, I

exclude here, as being beside the precise point in question, all instances

of the use of the old form in combination with any other vowel, only

remarking, that it is used uniformly with all other vowels.

To sum up, the examination of the two specimen pages shows :

ad Nos. 1 and 2, that the old form is used exclusively, except with the

vowels e, ai, o and auf ; ad No. 3, that out of 23 instances, in which the

* Plate I is in the April Proceedings 1891, and Plate III in the November

Proceedings, 1890.

f Of an there is no instance in the figured pages, but I have met with a few in

other pages of the manuscript.

92

A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

letter y is combined with the vowels e or ai or o, the cursive (transitional

and modern) form is used in 17, while the old form is used in 6 ; that

is, the former is used about three times as often as the latter ; ad No. 4,

that out of 17 instances of the use of the transitional and modern cursive

forms, the former is used 16 times, while the latter occurs only once ;

i . e.f that the transitional form is used almost exclusively.

Now comparing the case of the Bower MS. with that of the Gupta

inscriptions, the result is this, that the two cases, while fully agreeing

in the main points, differ only in one particular, namely, that the cursive

(transitional or modern) form is used in the manuscript rather more

frequently than the old form (viz., cursive: old *= 3 : 1), while in the

inscriptions the old form is used rather more frequently than the

cursive form (viz.} cursive: old = 1: 2). This, however, is nothing

more than may be expected, if we consider that on the one side we

have a case of ordinary manuscript writing, on the other one of docu¬

mentary inscription, and remember that (as Professor Biihler says, in

Epigraphia Indica, p. 68) “ everywhere in India the epigraphic alpha¬

bets are in many details retrograde and lag behind the literary ones.”

One thing, however, is clearly brought out by the evidence above

set out, that the writing of the Bower MS. must be placed within that

period, which, as we have seen, is marked out by that evidence as the

period of transition from the use of the old rigid form of ya to the use of

the (still existing) cursive form ; that is, for manuscript writing,

within the period from about 400 to 500 A. D., or the fifth century.

It is true that in the second, third and fourth portions of the Bower

MS., the old form is used exclusively. There is no trace whatsoever of

either the transitional or the modern cursive forms. Judgingby this cir¬

cumstance only, we should have to place the MS. still earlier, somewhere

before the fifth century A, D. But this would certainly seem to be

wrong with regard to the second portion. For the fact, that this portion

was written after the first, seems to be clearly proved by the circum¬

stance that it commences on the reverse of a leaf, on the obverse of

which we have the ending of the first portion. Properly considered,

however, that circumstance only tends to confirm the conclusion that

the main portion (ABE) of the Bower MS. was written during the

transitional period. For it is only natural to suppose that during that

period, some scribes had already more or less adopted the new fashion of

cursive writing, while others, more conservative, adhered to the older

fashion. On the whole, therefore, considering that the portions A and

E of the MS. appear to manifest a decided tendency to a free use of

the transitional form, it will probably be safer to place the date of the

main portion of the MS. nearer to the end, than the beginning of the transit

93

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript.

tion period , that is to say , in the second half of the fifth century (say, about

475 A. D.). The portions C and D , however , may he referred to the com¬

mencement of that period (say 425 A. D. or even earlier).

This result will probably be startling to most of my readers. There

exists, — and I admit, hitherto not without reason — a pretty general

tendency to discredit any claim to great age on the part of any Indian

manuscript. I used to incline to the same opinion, and the present

result was an unexpected one to myself. But I do not see, how the

force of the evidence can be gainsaid.

Let us see what the objections are. In the first place it is said,

that the material of the MS. — birch bark — is of a nature too weak and

flimsy, to permit us to believe that it could endure for such a length of

time. This argument has been already well answered by Mr. Bendall

in his Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS.} p. XVII tf., and by Professor

Biihler in the Anecdota Oxoniensia , vol. I, part III, p. 63 ff. No

a-priori rule will apply ; all depends on the circumstances under which

a MS. may have been preserved ; and the argument, from the nature of

the material, will not stand for one moment against positive arguments

from epigraphic history. According to Lieut. Bower’s account, the

MS. “ had been dug out of the foot of one of the curious old erections

just outside a subterranean city near Kuchar.” These erections are

described as being generally about 50 or 60 feet high, in shape like a

huge cottage loaf ; built solid of sun-dried bricks with layers of beams

now crumbling away.” I suppose it cannot be doubted that these erec¬

tions are Buddhist stupas. Such stupas often contain a chamber enclos¬

ing relics and other objects ; these chambers are generally near the

level of the ground or “ at the foot ” (as it is said) of the erection, and

they are often dug into by persons who search for hidden treasures.

In this way the MS. was probably dug out, perhaps not long before it

was made over to Lieut. Bower, In such a, practically air-tight,

chamber there is no reason why a birch bark MS. should not endure for

any length of time.

Another objection is that the characters used in a MS. are no guide

to its age. It is said that “ characters of the Gupta type have been

used in very late times, and indeed are in use to the present day all

along the region from which the Bower MS. comes.” The characters

which are here meant, are those used in the Kashmir, Chamba and

Kangra valleys. They are those which are commonly known by the

name “ S'arada characters. These, as already remarked, are a variety

of the North-Western alphabet, and are that variety which has, more

than any other, preserved the shapes of its anciont parent, the North-

Western Gupta alphabet. Now it is not quite correct to say, that

94 A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2,

the S'arada alphabet has not changed ; it is quite possible to dis¬

tinguish the modern form of the S'arada from its more ancient form.

But what is really important is this, that the S'arada alphabet, so

far as we have any dated evidence, never possessed, at any period of its

existence, the old (Gupta) form of the consonant YA. It always possessed

exclusively the modern cursive form of that letter. I maintain, that

there exists not a single dated MS. or inscription, written in any

variety of the S'arada alphabet, which does not show the exclusive use

of the cursive form. This being so, it follows that any conclusions,

drawn from facts connected with the S'arada alphabet, have no applica¬

tion to a MS., which shows the almost exclusive use of the old (Gupta)

form of ya, and which, therefore, is not written in the S'arada characters.

Now, what conclusions can be drawn from the facts connected with the

S'arada alphabet ? Its exclusive use of the cursive ya shows that its

elaboration is to be dated on this side of 500 A. D. But as it has but

little changed the shape of its letters since the date of its inception, it

follows, that any undated MS. or inscription written in the S'arada al¬

phabet must be placed after 500 A. D., but may be placed almost at any

time after that epoch. That is really all that can be intended by the

principle that the S'arada characters are no guide as to age. More the

principle will not bear, and it clearly is not applicable to a MS. which

is not written in the S'arada characters, but in a form of alphabet more

archaic and very possibly the parent of the S'arada. With the proviso,

now explained, I fully agree with Professor Kielhorn’s remark, made

with reference to a Chamba Grant (in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII,

p. 7) that “ it would be impossible to determine the age, even approxi¬

mately, from its characters,” these characters being, as Professor Kiel-

horn explains, the well-known S'arada. Judging from these characters,

all that one could say would be that the grant may date from any time

after 500 A. D., which, of course, would be a futile proposition.

The main argument for the age of the Bower MS. is the preserva¬

tion in it of the old form of ya. No objection can be raised on the

ground that the old form was preserved much longer in the South-

Indian and the North-Eastern Indian (Nepalese) alphabets. As these

alphabets differ from the North-Western Indian, which is used in our

MS., any conclusions, drawn from the circumstances of those alpha¬

bets, have no applicability to our MS. It stands to reason that no

scribe, used to his own North-Western Indian alphabet, would, in

writing a MS., think of introducing the old form of a letter, which did

not exist any more in his own alphabet, from another alphabet, un¬

familiar to him, in which it did still exist.

95

1891.] A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript .

P. S. — Since writing most of the above remarks I have, as already

stated, read and transcribed nearly the whole of the manuscript. I

have carefully noted every occurrence of the aksharas ye, yo , yai, and yau.

In the portions BCD I have found the cursive form (either transi¬

tional or modern) used not once. The aksharas yai and yau never occur ;

the akshara ye occurs 19 times (B 4, C 13, D 2), always with the old

form of ya. The akshara yo occurs 9 times (B 7, D 2), again always

with the old form.

In the portions A and E, the case stands thus : there are altogether

333 cases of the occurrence of those aksharas, viz., 202 of ye, 1 25 of yo,

4 of yai and 2 of yau. In every case of yai and yau the transitional

form is used. With ye and yo the transitional form is used 227 times,

and the modern form 16 times. The transitional form occurs 117

times with ye, 110 times with yo, 4 times with yai, and twice with yau.

The modern form occurs 12 times with ye, and 4 times with yo. Alto¬

gether the cursive form occurs 249 times. The old form occurs 73 times

with ye and 11 times with yo. The following table exhibits this :

Now with regard to point No. 3 (see p. 89), there being 233

cursive forms to 84 old ones among a total of 333 cases, the proportion

of cursive to old forms is as 3 to 1. With regard to the point No.

4, there being 233 transitional to 16 modern forms among a total of 249

cases, the proportion of transitional to modern forms is as (about) 15 to 1.

In both cases, it will be seen, the evidence of the entire manuscript most

accurately bears out the evidence of the specimen pages (see p. 91) and

thus confirms my conclusions based on the latter. I may add with regard

to the points Nos. 1 and 2, that in the portions A and E, the cursive

(transitional or modern) form never occurs in any other akshara but those

four: ye, yo, yai, yau. With the aksharas ya, yd, yi, yi, yu, yu, in every

case, without any exception, the old form cXf is used. The occurrence

of these six aksharas, especially of ya and yd is very frequent, and this

fact all the more accentuates the striking circumstance that the cursive

form is only employed with the vowels e, o, ai, and au. There must

have been some reason for this peculiarity, — perhaps one of mere

96 A. F. R. Hoernle — On the date of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 2, 1891.]

convenience of writing, though I cannot suggest any satisfactory one.

I should note, that the vowels e , o, ai , and au are drawn, both with the

old and the cursive forms, in every possible variety : entirely side-

marked, half side and half top-marked, and entirely top-marked. The

cause of the peculiarity, therefore, cannot well have had any connection

with the form of the vowels.

I would suggest that similar statistical enquiries should be made

with reference to some other leading letters ; e. g., m , sh, the sub-scribed

y, the super-scribed r ; also with regard to the numeral symbols. I have

little doubt but that from such statistics may result some further useful

land- marks for the determination of dates of writing. I hope to

pursue the enquiry myself, so far as leisure from official duties will

permit me.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I. -HISTORY LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1891.

Three Documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text , Transla¬

tion and Notes. — By the late Dr. Karl Marx, Moravian Missionary

at Leh , Ladakh .*

Introduction.

The late lamented Emil von Sclilagintweit , Ph. D., etc., in 1866

in the ‘ Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften,

I. 01., X. Bd,, III. Abth.,’ under the title of ‘ Die Konige von Tibet,’

published for the first time the text and translation, with notes and

commentaries, etc. of the so-called ‘ Ladakh- Gralrabs.* This little book

contained, after an introductory chapter, firstly, the genealogy of the

S'akyas ; secondly, a brief history of the kings of Tibet (Yar-lung), and

thirdly, a history of the kings of Ladakh. Now for the present it is not

my intention to examine at all the first and second of these three

divisions, but my remarks refer solely to the third and last, viz ., the

history of the kings of Ladakh, commencing at page 23a of the Tibetan

text, and at pp. 62, 854 of the translation.

The Tibetan text was obtained for his brother Emil by Hermann

von Schlagintweit-Sakiinlunski, when on a visit to Leh, in 1856. It

was a copy specially prepared for him, executed by three Lamas, but

not until valuable presents had been given to the Raja. It apparently

* [The author of this paper died, before he could revise the proofs. It is now

printed, as received from him. The press-corrections of the Tibetan portion have

been kindly made by Babu S. Oh. Das, C. I. E. Ed.]

N

98 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh . [No. 3,

was written in TJ-clmn characters ; consequently in all those cases,

when certain U-med letters are apt to be confounded, it may be taken

for granted that, as compared with U-med MSS., preference must be

given to Schlagintweit’s edition, as being founded on an U-chan MS.

On the other hand, any MS., specially prepared by a native of Ladakh for

a foreigner, is apt to be less reliable than others of independent origin,

for the reason, — which would especially be true regarding historical

documents — that the copyist will have a tendency to slightly alter the

text, in the interest of his master, religion or country, suppressing such

facts as may seem derogatory to their fame, and substituting for phrases

liable to be misunderstood others of a legs equivocal character. As to

Schlagintweit’s edition it must be admitted, that the Lamas, who wrote

the copy for his brother, did not give way to any such tendency until

they reached the 6th line of folio 30a : be it that they wished to suppress

certain facts contained in the sequel, or that they were of opinion, that

the ‘ merit ’ of the presents extended no further : certain it is, that beyond

this point, the text is merely a meaningless jumble of words, culled at

random from the original and put together in such a way, that only a

careful examination of the text by one who knew the language could

reveal the fraud. These two and a half pages, therefore, which are sup¬

posed to embrace the history of about two centuries, are really not fit for

translation, and the attempt can only conduce to results totally mislead¬

ing. All the other parts of the MS. seems to have been done fairly well.

There are mistakes in spelling, and here and there an omission or an

addition of a word or phrase that did not belong to the original, but,

on the whole, the MS. seems to have been better than many one sees

here. The pages of this Journal, however, are, I fear, not the fit place

to enumerate and discuss in detail all the various errors in writing that

occur in the MS. The new Tibetan text, herewith published, will, to

any one interested, clearly show where and how, in my opinion,

Schlagintweit’s text ought to be corrected ; and to explain the reason

why I dissent from his opinion, would, in a MS. of comparatively so

little classical value as the ‘ Ladakh Gyalrabs ’, be sheer waste of

time.

Schlagintweit’s translation I would much prefer to pass over in

silence, but as, for a new translation, there would be no raison d'etre

whatever, if his translation were at all adequate, I am compelled to state

my opinion regarding it. It is as follows :

Considering that, in the first place, his Tibetan text left much to

be desired ; — that, secondly, in 1866 the Standard-Repository of the

language of western Tibet, viz., the Dictionary of Aug. Heinrich Jaschke

had not yet been published, and that therefore the meaning of many

99

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

words and idiomatic expressions witli which we now are familiar were

still undetermined ; — that, thirdly, Sclilagintweit was not in a po¬

sition, by constant intercourse with natives of Ladakh, to test for

himself the accuracy of the conclusions he arrived at ; — that, fourthly,

he, being at a distance, could not possibly have that knowledge of the

country and people, which a sojourn in the country itself only confers ; —

and, finally, that to him even no map of western Tibet, and of

Ladakh probably none more full than Montgomerie’s route map of 1864,

was available : — considering all these drawbacks, his translation, no

doubt, was all that at that time could be accomplished. The amount of

acumen and learning he expended upon it was so great, that the result

certainly ought to have been of the first order.

Still, in the light of the present day, and with materials at hand

that, no doubt, would have excited Schlagintweit’s envy, it must be

said that his translation can no longer be left unchallenged. Not only

does he himself admit that there remain a considerable number of

obscure passages, which he was unable to solve and which admit of a

solution now ; — but also, where he is confident to have divined the

right meaning, his translation either remains so mysterious, as to

be little more intelligible than the original Tibetan, or it is, from some

misunderstanding or other, erroneous. Throughout the whole ‘ History

of the Kings of Ladakh ’ there are, indeed, very few sentences, that at

all give a correct idea of the meaning intended ; most of it is either in

part or totally wrong. I may say, that had his translation lent itself to

being corrected and translated into English, I probably would have used

it. But this was not the case. I had to discard it entirely and build

entirely afresh on new ground.

In proof of this assertion I probably again ought to discuss in full,

where and in what respects my translation differs from his, and show

cause why I consider mine an improvement upon his. This, however,

could again only be done, if I had an unlimited space at my disposal.

Hence, as to the ‘ where ’ and ‘ how ’ we differ, I must again refer any

one interested to the pages of the two translations themselves. He

will, probably, find it difficult to reconcile the two, and possibly not

understand that the original text, after all, should be almost identical.

And also, as to the ‘why’ and ‘wherefore,’ I find myself under a

necessity to abstain from any discussion, because if once gone into, it

would be necessary to rewrite almost the whole of his and my own trans¬

lation, and to analyze nearly every sentence. All I can do, therefore,

is to submit my translation, without any special defence, to the judg¬

ment of Tibetan scholars and abide their verdict. I trust, however,

that they will find it not so very difficult to discover, why I had definite¬

ly to set aside Schlagintweit’s translation and attempted a new one.

100 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

And even those, who do not know Tibetan and hence are not in a

position to determine every point of difference for themselves, will

readily discover that, after all, the subject has gained a little in lucidity,

and that the history of Ladakh, as far as it is contained within these

pages, is no longer a chain of insoluble mysteries, but a coherent and

intelligent, though simple and brief account of the past. This criterion

is available to any one and is, probably, the best in any case.

The fresh material at my disposal consists of three different manu¬

scripts. All of them are written in the U-med character.

A-MS. is a small book in 16mo., bound in leather and well kept.

It contains, on 109 leaves, 1st, a cosmogony and cosmology in outline ;

2nd, the genealogy of the S'akyas ; 3rd, a history of the kings of Tibet

(Yar-lung) ; 4tli, a history of the kings of Ladakh down to king

Senge-nam-gyal (XXII). Throughout, it is most neatly written with

comparatively few mistakes. As it was not originally written for an

outsider, but for the private use of its owner, its text may safely be

supposed not to have been altered on purpose. The history of the

kings of Ladakh down to Senge-nam-gyal fills 20 leaves. It forms

the basis of the Tibetan text, now published.

B-MS. are four loose leaves in folio, very old looking, very much

worn at the edges and corners, and torn in some places. It commences

with the history of the second (Nam-gyal) dynasty of Ladakh kings

(compare translation, p. 123), and gives a comparatively full account of

the history of Ladakh down to the Dogra invasion. This MS. is very badly

written, so much so, that even Ladakhis find it difficult to read ; still in

point of excellence it ranks next to A, and the information it contains re¬

garding the decline of the Ladakh empire (since De-ldan-nam-gyal, XXIII)

is especially valuable. In order to avoid trespassing too much upon

valuable space, I amalgamated the preceding and overlapping portions

of B with the corresponding portion of A ; that is to say, the portion of

B containing the history of the Ladakh kings from Dags-pa-bum to

Senge-nam-gyal inclusive, which coincides almost exactly with the corre¬

sponding portion of A, I do not purpose publishing separately, but it is

embodied in A-MS., though any new matter contained in it is con¬

scientiously preserved and specially marked there. My next publica¬

tion will, therefore, have to commence with the successor of Senge-nam-

gyal, that is, De-ldan-nam-gyal. It will have for its basis the rest of

B-MS. with such additions as may be derived from O-MS.

C-MS. consists of two parts. The first part was specially prepared

by command of the Wazir of Ladakh. Consequently all the vices,

inherent in such MSS. as hinted at above, are manifest in it. It consists

of 23 folio leaves. It is very carelessly written, and the text is very

101

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

incomplete. It is much inferior to either A or B. It is obvious in

several places that alterations were introduced on purpose, and the

principle underlying this practice can easily be discovered : it is, to

avoid, in the first place, the miraculous, secondly, anything that may

be offensive to the Dogra reader, and thirdly, all that may throw an

unfavourable light on the Royal family. Still, there are a few passages

preserved in it that are new ; and they will be found introduced in

their proper places and specially marked in A and B. This MS. covers

the entire history of the kings of Tibet (Yar-lung) and of Ladakh to close

upon the Dogra invasion. It also contains an interlinear translation

into Urdu, but written in Tibetan (U-med) characters.

The second part of O-MS., was prepared for me at my special

request by the writer of the first part, who is the head of one of the

ancient families that presided over important functions under the old

regime. As I am not an official personage, I think, I need not appre¬

hend that he withheld the truth from me. In this portion he almost

exclusively relates the events of the Dogra wars and the fall of the

Ladakh empire. As his own father was mixed up to some extent with

these painful affairs, it is to him a kind of family history as well. The

very fact that he tells it at all and without any embellishing touches,

goes far to prove his veracity in this case ; and as the whole narrative

does not contain one word derogatory to the conquerors, but a long

tale of ignominy and shame to the losing, i. e., his own, side, I

think the character of the writer is fully established thereby. I, there¬

fore, purpose giving this part of the MS. separately under the title

of C-MS. It consists of about 6 folio leaves. Its language is the

modern Ladakh book-language, and this fact alone should render it

particularly interesting to students of the Tibetan language.

It will appear from these remarks, that all the three manuscripts

were arranged by me so as to form one consecutive whole, containing

as full an account of the history of Ladakh, as, for the present, it is

possible to give.

As none of these documents, however, from a literary point of

view, is really of classical value, I did not hesitate to introduce such

corrections in the spelling of words, as were necessary to render them

as readable as possible. The spelling uniformly adopted is that of

Jaschke’s Dictionary. Only in C-MS. I shall preserve the original

orthography, wherever it is accounted for by Ladakh usage.

As to my own translation it is superfluous te say, that I attempted

to give as true and faithful a rendering of the original in English as I

could ; and I hope and trust, that mistakes are few and far between.

On the other hand, 1 may say, that it has been my aim throughout to

102 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of LadaJch. [No. 3,

present it in such a form as will make it acceptable to English readers.

If, after all, the wording seems clumsy and of little fluency, — I can

only say that I ‘ tried my best.’ As the English language is a foreign

idiom to me, I think, that in this respect I am entitled to a certain

amount of forbearance. Somehow, it seems to me, that to combine, in

a translation, faithfulness to a Tibetan original with fluency in English

is particularly difficult.

Apart from my own observations and special studies, I had to rely

greatly upon the assistance of natives of Ladakh. Information derived

from this source has, however, in every case been carefully sifted and

compared with statements by other persons. As to works by European

authors, Jaschke’s Dictionary was found invaluable. Koeppen’s ‘ Reli¬

gion des Buddha ’ and £ Lamaistische Hierarchie ’ was a great help in

many places. Sir Monier Williams’ ‘Buddhism’ (1890) sometimes

proved useful. E. von Schlagintweit’s £ Buddhism in Tibet (1863) is,

I fear, not more reliable than his ‘ Konige von Tibet’ (1866). Cun¬

ningham’s ‘Ladakh,’ I regret to say, was not accessible here, nor was

Wassiljew’s ‘ Buddhismus.’ Drew’s ‘Northern Barrier of India’ and

his map are referred to on several occasions. Other maps used were the

map of the Government Survey for Ladakh etc., and one sheet (SE)

of the ‘ Map of Turkestan ’ (in four sheets, 1882). No maps relating to

Central Tibet were available here.

In romanizing Tibetan names, I adopted, for the sake of its sim¬

plicity, Jaschke’s system as set forth in his useful ‘ Tibetan and English

Dictionary ’ (Kyelang, 1866), with one or two exceptions, viz., h as

indicating an aspirate, I replaced by an apostrophe, (e. g., for chh , ths,

etc., I wrote ch\ t’s, etc.) ; instead of shr , I used sh, and g indicates the

soft guttural g (in the Comparative Large Dictionary y), d, t, t, sh

represent the cerebral class of consonants. The vowels invariably have

the Italian sound. This system of transliteration very nearly corresponds

with the ordinary Ladakh pronunciation of Tibetan. It widely differs,

as is well known, from the Lhasa pronunciation, but has the advant¬

age of representing more accurately the spelling of Tibetan words, and

of simplicity.

As I am not acquainted with Sanskrit, I had to rely upon the

authorities adduced for any information derived from Sanskrit sources.

A small contingent of new Tibetan words and phrases will also be

formed embodied and explained in these pages.

The notes appended at the end of the translation will, I trust, be

found useful.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 103

A.

Tibetan Text.

q^^-fqj^pqqpq-qjf ^ | j^rf •q-^-^-^-S%qj-

apjq-q^qrq^j pq-sfs,q|-q |

>o

q-qJl w^’q^iwp*. | ^pq-^qqilfqpqpr

gcapi 1

V

gq|^-^-|fq-q-^s-^[ ^wr^n^K'^’sM ] ^'(^q'smq'qspv

'O V

|np 1 g^Sf w«r^ir

v

^•gq-g^'Siq-cfq^q^Sjq^ [ ^•cqq'q-^'q^'^ |

^•q^^q-q^qi^-^'^j-^^-0-qg^q^-^ j fj^W*£p=i]a;

\5

^g'^-lq-q^'q^-gq-q-pq- jq^'q-q | SJ^gsrgtr^q

j gq^rqpr^ } 5icff\-%-^-q|^-«q-

n=r]-yq^q-^ } §q-fpwq(^p-qgq*r?fj j

arg^pqq-0-qqp | q^-q-qTj-^rqSp | irq^-p^^pq-

q^q’Wj ^•^•5j^-=ri^q-q-5jq^S:^-?f?F,-q]3jq-|! ^-qpqq-g-

q3j^?aq qqp-^-qq-cqq | pqq^-srj^^q]-^ J -fp^lppr

qp| q]qq-p'aN9fp-qp§^-qlpppq-q'| | ^w§’^T«pqq|

gq-qwqp-p’q^qq'ai-qpfq^ | 3jq-p'<lp’q'£| l=rq|q|-q-.33j-y^’

? ^Qri’*W I

104 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

q^-q-qTj-^-^-a] | | |^c;-qs^-q-ni'5jc;^-^ |

"VJ

aC^Tj^^sq fj^j |'|q|^q-

qs^-q-ai'^q^^ |

gc'f'T^swryiOk5 1 ^•^•^%5^’q'^i ijprzfa^v^rg |

\3

V \5

=r]^q'^ | sjq-^rfrqJ 1 ^■^qg'^'^’aq'q'Si^q'oi'^af*

NJ >0 N5 NO

^■^•sr^w;q-aiv|

^ "N3 \2 1

"V S3

yarq Jq | ^C^’f^wy^^^cq ^sraprjjjsfcrqa^j

N? >o ' S3

^^•|^^J-q-?Fj^-qqi'[5q^cqg'^q-q^'^-5^-^ | y *r

s^>

! Hpi^'sT

S3

^r-Sj-^q-^-q-^-(^qs;-^'S^ j ^q-§q^’*’qy<2£jc;,qc;-| wp1

\2 \o

N3> <> s*»

gor^^gnr^q

gq-sf^-^q]-q]-!3fai'^-qq^p^|=t|^ j ^^"qW&rp'aiT

“scv

«*T«r«l ^'5|^’«^ET§^q yy*pr^a>yr

9

Vv

|

^’aW'SCOT’W^r^Q I

3

M’aw’erti’sj'Qf i

v5

$'*V3W*n{ I

^3j'ioj’^ i

v i

c

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating' to the history of Ladakh. 105

3^Xi't'sr*FI c^’lc-qa;^ | Jq^sr^rq’q^-oj-

ND ^ \5 \D

q^WT?fj J -§q'

N5

3orZf^-^^^ygcrTO^afc^^q^-^S|'q^q|?ra^ j

'O ^ >0 NP

N^>

ar?f!]^rq^-q5-c\gars:c-|

V

'Sp

Spry&jv^tf'l gq-q'-^'^’ojj ^•g^cTsi'^-q^-p-fq-

3t •§*/*! CSC'S^-q-lp^-^ | sj^aj-^sCJjpRp-q^^r

^1 ^ NP

?T| ^•5J^-%|'=r|^=T^| Jfq-cf^'laip-^^-qg-S'-

|'ssp| gp^-q-pqq-pl^ | gp^-pgsi'^-|(q-(q-?p|^-q-aj-

SJC^-51^'^ | g-q-gp-l^r^'p^p-qp-pr-^-'fq^-^ I

Jq-q^q^-q-^-^qjC'BfqJpqp^-^pc-f pcw^'

V v

9 i a nl’vwsffi i

5 ( 3f iOT ) Sohl. «=*’ 'JJWF’SMQt I

v* i ■s ?j'*5i'lQi'g-i«i i

v sj'aw’iw^q i l $'*5>'it,“ii*i',jj i e $'&'9j“i<v’<?g»ri? (

106 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh . [No. 3,

\3

qj-^r*-q^! | ^WI]'

'O

i §'^%0’4q‘a* !

ajC-^pcq^-^-q-q^ |

i*. I ^^q'l^-q^'^-^-giq-jfi-^-q'^-q-qi gq-cf^r

^•aTqj'or^j-gfc-q^1 ^t^-q^iprapi ] -^cr^-q-^^r

q-<q | |^^’^r3'^^q||^^-|q-q^^q'‘|;q3c:'^^^rq^-sq'§j-

^q^-ra=i|-ai^|gq^-qqi-i''qqm • q^qijq-^q • &• 5f*^ q -g- gar

qj^-urqjjj^api | t^^^qc^&raaj |

\5

pq’^l^'^q-^q^'ljq’^ j ^T^^ppr

-6 N^> X>

q-^rg-q'D^-q-q | j^qj^C'^gs-q^ | ggnrqj^flrsaj'fjqj'

>o >o ^

^8T!jjc;'»FjSqpr«Ps| gar^3(fc*i| |

v

^Cria^-^q-q ] g-gqj q^| Sj^j

q^l ^-gq-qif^-gq-qq] gq-ifqi^'^-g'qq-^^^-q^rq-

N5

sj^l S'SF^fsr J^'^r^l^q-q^ |

^qq-Jq-^-q^^q-^^tfi-q^qq^q I ^q^q-g-^-q-q-fq|q-

\2

CV , “S CS “s •*v~' V <XCS

^^w^q’^y^^r^j'^g-fi’sp-q-q^qpr^ | ^sj*r

"X. ^

V

cscv

S’qprswpfl'i gq-q-^'^i ^’^r^q-aq-q j

9 srgVw&pSfSli

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 107

f j ^•|gq,^-Hw-=T]3r^'|gq-q5r

qg^j 3j5i,5ip^ig£T]-^^§c;T«:^ | §frg^ifaj3S*^?fapr

q^gggg'qj

V N3>

| J ^g^gg*/

g^-q^oj | ^•si*l-|'™ | qg^^w*5g*r§|ygi iq*r

V

g^y ’q§ 1 rewq$| Sgrqygi ^^sja^aarSfJvji

N^> N»3

gtqg’psrqygi ggw^g^rqgyqggygqq'£!c,£f*y| qcy

v

qcag^j 3iwg^c-|ptg2R|

aaj-q-gf j gq-cj-g^igg’q-ni-g^gg^q'sg-tMgq^i gq'q-

Ns ^

gcq|pr^ I Ig-foi-cfgg^-^-^-^'^g^Ig-giaj j

yqurSI] ^q-q^-^'S^-^’qq-^-siq^S^'jq^^i qg-

5j^'^%fgqq-^-fiqgc-| qg'%%3qgf^| ^gqcgq*

gq-g^'^q^gq-|'^q'ggB-*-qgg-yTgq-q j ^'q-qg-g^q-

gq-gDf g-q-y^-q^I | ^W™| ggrqjgg-fjq-q^j-

^ 'O N^>

^Cq5?T^-a]C5i-|ggq(Sjg-gj |

^q^q-qg^qj geqgrjc^gqgqgcy^qygcsrW} $jq’

cs •^-'•s

•v *V

g^'qg^gggy&’qsi I g<^g-q-§gqq-pc;-g-|- gga&-

* More correctly : ^X/SJ'^TMV’gM I

9 I

3 \

108 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladalch. [No. 3,

ev

^ N"'" '\3 NO

5I^,5l^-5=r|^'Cif!^-5i^| *fsjpq-

-o 'o ->o \2

Saj-^tprt’sf^q 1^'0'WS^'0’’ W

^Cj >o

q$q ^q-5ircfq^| ^-0-

f ( ^•i^^pc-q^r

1 ) wq^-

N£»

^■qq^qj ^t^*rq^|gnrqw^I| q^q-gq-g-q^-q'

N5 >0

q^T]SJ| I °\^V

q^j-q^q? | |5j’5j | 3aJ^'Si'^P?''^cTa!'cI^'^'

>0 \5 \) no no

y^'olj-piq *rg| ^j'§wjj ^| qw^^^^-qi^l

''O NO

**pfc’*q I ^'«3j 1 SR-R I qj-a^arsfrjsrqpi qnp^c^jq j q^-

a^j ! ^%3Kcfq^wr?q

(q-5jq^-qi^aj-^ |

"V>

^•^•q|^-^5iq|'5I^-q^ J ^q | gfq^q

g*§cq I =ri'qj-oj-?r=ri^-q-qiq^5^|yq^ | ^g£^-a^s|-ajq

2^i ^q'i^^w'^! P'^'l^'^^'^'jq^!

* From MS. B only.

9 iw^i '

t (read Hq'^V) |

109

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

gc'^-q-qfl^-jq-^q'q'q | ^q-q-q^qq-g^-q^q^srq’

1 i qpq^qq'q'*f <&r

v ^

q<5jq]-^ | qq-^q^ws^q%3^'q’%^ 3'^^rgnr^-

^•Q^q-q-q | BfqW^qq^srqg 1

Sq’sfqfi

NO

gg^^gqq-qqq-g^-q-^q’q | Jq^^'i^'^pN'iq |

V

| fr^qsrgsr

no

5IRq-p | | ^•q-?T=r|^-^-^q-ai^=r],q^t | ^«r^8;

no

^q^'^y^ypq'qi^r^ j qcq-jqgjq^qijq-qqq-s^

1 sfcw^'gwaqq^ | gq'sf

^•q^qqqi^q'qj j

no

| Jq-q^q^qqr^-

NO

] s-qq-qq^-aq-q^-g-^q-qq'^q'

5r wS^q*1 1 g^Swg^

N5 V No

qq-qq j ^c-0q'^-^^q-q-qq-g^q=ri;*q,q^q^=r| j pqq-

qjwfgwaprepf | ^^ciq-gq^qq-s^-p-qq-q^^q j

* Sohi’s. MS. (p-^aj') ^C5V^qQ-q^a'§<V’*lvq’<5['gc;<v |

t Schl.’s MS. here adds QsfqASW'Wl'ViN I

-O

9 QFw^iw^«rSQf i

110 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

| ^£rp^W5|fiI5l | r-ror^q'srqrTp I sij^r

Ns

oiq|iqc;'^5|^'®^’q^q|-3j9i j ^JW«tsF;

^3^-^'gorBj-q^5ji,'^ar^ | ( q^g^-qg-£q'If q'B^-qq-

NS

NO ^ I

^’^'5a,'F^’nr ( ^' )*qq ' ^'q ’ *F^ ' ^ ^ 'F^'q'

NS NS NS

NS

NS NS NS

^c-^'^sq^-qg^y^-q-^qg^-qi^q-q | p-^q'c^^-aiq-^-

NS

*N/^

^gvsje&wsjc ] g^F^aw^y*^'

NS NS

3^i *^^'5q4c:^T'5 ^

NS NS

| or^gstj'

NS ^

^q^q-qs^sjc'^-jar^-ai'^qc’q^^t gai-jp-gl^-

n^c^i ^ q-^rgq-sr -| ^'^1

NS cn NS

qgq^q-gq0j^g^ggq*T(q j ^c-cfq^-g-S:q]-^qq-5]-qrr|-0-

NS

qgq-q^qg-||q-qg-a]grq | qgg^r^r-sg^g | gc^csr

3^-0-q^-q-^q-q^- qq^'gg'lg^ ■ gp • s^/ qq-ggqpj-q-q |

* This Word is torn off in the MS. I give the word which, according to popular

belief, would be the correct rendering.

f This entire passage is omitted in all the MSS. but B, neither is it contained

in Schl.’s edition.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of LadaJch. Ill

| ^wsrfN'p-pr

|fq* *r^| gq-§-5i^'5iq^a=T|y

^ NO NS ' ' NS

if pqq-yq^-q-q | ^c^qc^-far^CI q^’Q^sr^ar

sr||*rajgc;?j |

V NO

ia^-qp^qj ^'SF^!

NS so NO >NS

*pfcj s^ajj ^=T]j §-§| |jir^,q | sq-^i sjc-eiarlpj^rq^'

qfW ^swr^%qq

NS ^ NS

NS NS

=^'G$ C’lPl^^'^’aq^-^siwq^q^^ | f^vtj=r|-

t*T§ 1 ^q^'irq-q^^-q^q^r^-^^q-^--q^-c]rn^-

NO

q^^&q-^-njq

g^FI s«fc*^j sp^q gft^q ^q g-Sar

^^■3^f'3^=tlS'C'5J^:q^-gq'^cq garq^^-qjSS-

NS NS

^<q ! j y^-gq-Jq-l^asi-q-q^q i

NS NS 1

^•q|^-^q|-q-^q| ^q-^](^q-*^j|q?l | ^pqj^p-or

9 <V£'^ I

*1

# Schl.’s edition and MS. B have both q*icr which may also be correct.

112 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

| arg^F

Sfpq'jq^ | j g-qjq j

Ns NO

| tqq-J-

NO

^qrp^-1q]^-(q-qq-^’£T]^-3C^-5'3 5W*r *p|i;*3f . qjg • qc^jj-

^ NO

3 wsq'qp^qsr^f 1 gswSi’^’g^g-q^i 3^'q%

NO

Ipgq^q^ 1 q^q 1 qq-q-f a^qq-

3^-^qq 1 0-q^rivi' ^^•q-siq^-q^ | Joj-q^j gq-^-q-

^^•q’q^^l q](?i^q^q^-q-qq^3q-0-^|-qti qp

£^'§tF^i’frsf^i ^'Ip^p^^F0*! =n*fc-§-

>0 N2 no

aqsrafc-qq ^'fR^'^'l gq^-^^q-'Tj'^'^-qg'^r j q-q?r

>0 \>

g-q-qf^j g-^-3TqS;-^C^-q3^| g^-qj'^^q-qj-^

qq p^’g'W^q'Bfgq'i ( . ^TO^w?P|?rfli'

NO

fqrnq qj-qgq^q j og*qi *gq ^'|!

i,-q-s[q^-sq'q’q3'aN^'^c'^'cis^'3'^'qT't !) ^F'^rw

N3 '

* MS. A has Vf x fF*l I

f MS. B, i. e., gQ’g'^T has |

X Passage in B only ; the first word is illegible.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 113

j q^v^q

^ | | cqq^|^-f nrqq

\5 NJ>

'Co

qq'q^fpw

^WgaTTSI 5-qg ’ q - oj - g - «r ^tq ’ IC^-

s^q^-q wic'gq'q^g*. | c^-§q’§^3jc;*rq*ai j

xr

^q'^’S''^qq'^'3(q,g^y^-3c,q5|'^q^’4<3i,q'^q^'^’!3q'|

Sfi^rqs? j

^ \3 >0

\5 >0

*q^fr-<5=T|*l | ^^-qs^srqy 3^ j fK’^^WfeWaj’

^'^’Ifl^^-iSjq^-^-q^^ | §^-q0-%[^q^-2pnte-*j’

V N5

q^q^^l*r%t

<2prq I f prapj | *j|afc-^ 1 g-^R-api f ^v

(Sjq5}-=T]q-iq^5j^'zi|^ | ^^•q^q-q-^-^-J-q^’^aj j

j |rqq gp-aii j qq-^^r

^q-?fl]^-0’^-q-q^-^ | 2T|^^cq-ak^-=T|^-qy-qs^ •

* This sentence seems incomplete.

+ From B only, it is not free from Ladakh provincialisms, and probobly some¬

what defective.

x A

J Schl.’s edition gives the names of the monasteries:

ste’i £qs=a*i'sr*«i i «jjr<r=qy*3j i

114

Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of LadaTch . [No. 3,

^'5^% (qq’cfq^qq |)

\5 >0

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A.

Translation.

This (Lde-pal-k’or-tsan’s)1 2 * * sons were: Shid-lde-nyi-ma-gon and

Ta-shis-tsegs-pafi ), these two. Slcyid-lde-nyi-ma-gon , when on his way to

1 The Gyal-rabs-sal-wai-me-long (Gyalr. s. m.) MS. in my possession further

explains, that Lde-pal-k’or-tsan (Gyalr. s. m. Ie-pal°) was the son of Od-slmng, the

legitimate son of Lang-dar-ma. Od-shung’s claim to the throne was contested by

Yum-stan, the suppositious son of the ‘ great ’ queen (the first wife), Od-slmng

being the true son of the ‘ lesser ’ queen (second wife).

2 Skyid-lde0 and Ta-shis'*, the one the son of the ‘ great the other of the ‘ lesser ’

wife of Lde-pal°, were both robbed of all their possessions in Tibet proper by Yum-

stan, and fled to ‘ Nga-rigs 5 ( i . e., Nga-ris-kor-sum). From Skyid-lde0 the kings of

‘ Nga-rigs ’ derive their pedigree j from Ta-shis0, the chiefs of Yar-lung (Gyalr.

115

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

Upper Nga-ris — Tibet proper being in a state of revolution3 — and ac¬

companied by a hundred horsemen under the leadership4 of Bal-ma-zug-

tsan, K’ong-mo-nyag-pa (and) A-ka-wadzra, these three, (happened to

be in so straitened circumstances) that he had nothing to eat but eggs

and fish. Now (his servants) brought him (this dish) covered with a

napkin. From this it has come to be a custom with the kings of Tibet

to use the (so-called) ‘ Giant’s Napkin.’5 Eventually he arrived at

Ra-lai-gyud.6 He built K’ar-mar6 in the Horse-year,7 Tse-sho-gya-ri8

in the Sheep-year. He caused many villages and hamlets9 to be built

throughout the broad valleys of Dam and Lag.10 Mar-yul11 he left

undisturbed.

s. m.). — The word Lde, in this and other names, Koeppen (II, 52) assumes to be

identical with lte-wa, ‘ navel, umbilicus, centre.’ I find, however, that wherever

lte-wa has the meaning of ‘ navel ’ etc., it is never spelt lde, so that I feel inclined

to search for another meaning of lde.

3 Schl’s ed. has: IcpofEpfi)' A MS. (^CpQjeper Gyalr. s. m. |5apQjEl’ET A

learned Lama, Ta-shis-stan-p’el (f Dec. 1890), informed me that in his opinion

cs ~\r cs '

giJpQjEj’E) should be substituted. As to the meaning, there can be no doubt, that

it is as given in the translation.

‘ one hundred horsemen, whereof the

most prominent were the three etc.’ Similar phrases occur frequently throughout

these documents, also relating to weapons and turquois (p. 123), monasteries (Schl’s

ed., p. 30a), etc.

3 With the Rajas of Ladakh it is still in use under the name of Sang-K’ebs

(cpvc; [*zpvf) ‘ cover of the hidden thing.’

3 Said to be a Steppe-district inhabited by nomads, beyond Ru-t’og ; near it

the ruins of an old castle, called K’ar-mar, still exist.

7 These definitions of years without the number of the cycle of 60 are quite

useless. Relating to human beings, the name of the year, in which they were born,

usually suffices to determine their age, as their appearance and features clearly

enough indicate through liow many cycles of twelve years they may have lived.

But relating to cities etc., after the lapse of centuries, no such corroborative evidence

usually is available, and hence the name of the year alone is no clue to their age.

8 Not known.

9 Several of the places, designated by this term and mentioned

here, still exist and may be inspected any day. It must be said that they are not

‘ towns,’ but merely ‘ hamlets.’

1° Not known. In the Upper Sutlej valley (map of Turkestan, 4 sheets, 1882)

I find, however, the names Dam and Luk, — could they have any connection with

the places referred to here ?

It Mar-yul and Mang-yul, (according to Ta-shis-stan-p’el, derived from a word

me-ru, meaning ‘bare rocks’) includes Upper and Lower Ladakh, Nub-ra (comp,

page 122), Zangs-kar etc.

116

Karl Marx — Documents relating to tlie history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

At that time, of Mar-yul Upper Ladakh12 was held by the descen¬

dants of Ge-sar,13 whilst Lower (Ladakh) was split up into various in¬

dependent principalities.

At that time Ge-shes-tsan1* (was sent) to Pu-rang, where he asked

and obtained the hand of Do-za-k’or-skyong. He married her and she

bore him three sons. He now built the palatial residence of Nyi-zungs16

12 the Persian transliteration of the word QJT is certainly not

warranted by the pronunciation of the word in Ladakh itself, where everybody

says ‘ La-daq’, but I am informed by the Rev. J. Weber of Pu in Kunawar, that in

that district the terminal -E]<V’ is invariably pronounced like or ch in ‘ loch

this may account for the transliteration in Persian. The boundary between Upper

and Lower Ladakh is the plateau between Basgo and Saspola (Survey Map : Bazgo

and Saspul).

13 Ge-sar, the name of a fabulous king of Tibet, or more correctly of the ‘ Ling- ’

people (qJCT)j and champion of the Lamaistic faith. He is not in any way con¬

nected with the kings of Tibet properly so called, and in the annals of these kings,

so far as they are contained in the Gyalr. s. m , he is referred to only once, viz.,

as one of the suitors of Kong-go, the Chinese princess, who afterwards became the

O _ ^ V

wife of Shong-tsan-gam-po (chap. 13 : ^T^OT^'). His wars against

the Iang, Hor and the Chinese form the subject of an elaborate epic, the epic of

Tibet. The parts relating to the Iang- and Hor- wars are printed and published,

but the story of the war against the Chinese, I am told, is kept secret, lest the

Chinaman should be too much offended by its publication. The narrative itself is

not in metre, but in prose, but there is only very little of it, as compared with

the number of speeches, songs etc. which are in metre. The ‘ Iang-war 5 is in

the K’ams dialect, and for this reason difficult to read to us in Ladakh. The ‘ Hor-

war ’ is much easier. The epic is popular throughout Tibet, but people in Pnrig

are said to know more of it than anyone else. In Ladakh the Bhe-da (professional

musicians) do much towards its preservation, by rehearsing portions of it on festive

occasions, to which they are invited to provide the musical part of the entertainment.

Consequently most of the people are familiar with the names of the chief heroes

and the general drift of the story, and indeed, if interrogated regarding it, will

grow quite enthusiastic in their praises of the same The Mongol version of the

story (Translation into German by I. J. Schmidt, 1839) is very different from the

Tibetan version, inasmuch as it dwells mainly on the exploits of Ge-sar when a boy

and young man. Still, it is possible, that the war against the Khans of Shiraighol

and the‘Hor-war’ may be identical as to their subject-matter. — In a house at

L eh, belonging to one of the old Ka-lon (State-minister) families, illustrations . of

the story of Ge-sar may still be seen painted on the wall all round one of the rooms.

—My own small collection of Tibetan MSS. includes parts of the ‘ Iang- * and ‘ Hor-

wars.’

Translation doubtful. It depends upon the exact meaning of Ge-shes*tsan.

13 Said to be in Pu-rang.

117

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

along with the city,16 and then conquered Hga-ris-skor-sum17 complete¬

ly. He ruled in accordance with the Faith.

His three sons were : Llia-ch’en-pal-gyi-gon,18 Ta-shis-gon, the

second, Lde-tsug-gon, the youngest. He gave to each of these three

sons a separate kingdom,19 viz., to (I) Pal-gyi-gon : his dominions were

Mar-yul, the inhabitants using black bows, in the east, Ru-t’og and the

gold mine of Gog,20 nearer this way Lde-cli’og-kar-po,21 at the frontier

Ra-wa-mar-po,22 Wam-le23 and to the top of the pass of the Yi-mig-

rock ;24 to the west, the foot of the Kashmir pass26 from the cavernous

stone26 upwards hither;27 to the north,23 to the gold mine of Gog : all

the districts included (within these limits). To Ta-shis-gon, (his)

16 iOJ'V does not necessarily mean a large city, bnt rather a village connect¬

ed with a royal palace (e. g., Ting-gang, now Ting-mo-gang, near Nyur-la, is called a

bnt is merely a village.)

17 Nga-ris-kor-sum usually includes the districts of Ru-t’og, Gu-ge and Pu-rang

only. Here, however, it seems to include all Ladakh, Zangs-kar etc. as well.

15 Lha-ch’en is an epithet usually applied to the eldest son only, and may mean

‘ the heir-apparent ’ ; it is not a component part of the name, as it may be omit¬

ted (see 3 lines further down). It droped out of use from the time of Ts’e-wang-nam-

gyal (XX). (Comp. Lha-gchig = ‘ princess.’)

19 All the three kings are included under the term (Gyalr. s. m.) : *jy<jp

the three Lords of the Uplands.’

20 Gog, not known. East and North seem to be quarters of heaven not definitely

fixed in Ladakh geography. Here, Gog may be east or north j at some other

place Ngam-ring is said to be east or north of Ladakh. Now Ngam-ring is known

to be a place on the road to Lhasa, 21 marches this side of this city, and hence

cannot possibly be to the north, but is to the west of Ladakh. An explanation, how

this confusion came about, I am at a loss to give.

21 Q]Vlr sakl to be by Ta-shis-stan-p’el = |jy|5' ‘ of the district lower

down.’ Lde-ch’og-kar-po = Dem-ch’og of the maps (Turk.). Near the frontier and

on the river Indus.

22 Not known.

23 Wam-le = Han-le, famous for its magnificent Lamasery (picture in Cunning¬

ham, Ladakh).

24 = Imis-La (map of Turk.), at the foot of which the Han-le stream has its

source.

25 i. e., the Zoji-la or Zoji-bal.

26 Not known.

27 To Ladakh people : ‘ going in the direction of Lha-sa ’ is ‘ going up,’ ‘ coming

away from there ’ is equal to ‘ going down .’ (Comp, the word nby in Hebrew.)

Hence 3JYd&y always means, ‘away from Lha-sa, down to here’ = ‘downwards

hither;’ ^Yd&y and gdj’d&y : ‘going from Purig or any place west of Ladakh,

Lha-sa direction, as far as Ladakh ’ *= ‘ upwards hither.’

23 See note 20.

118 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

second (son), he gave : Gu-ge, Pu-rang, Tse,29 etc. To Lde-tsug-gon,

(bis) youngest (son), be gave : Zangs-kar-go-sum,30 Spi-ti, Spi-lchogs,31

etc.

Pal-gyi-gon, the eldest, bad two sons : (II) Do-GON and Ch’os-gon.

The son of Do-gon was : (III) Lha-ch’en-dags-pa-lde.

His son was: (IV) Lha-ch’en-jang-ch’ub-sem-pa.

His son was : (Y) Lha-cii’en-gyal-po. As to the reign of this king :

he built the Lamasery of Lu-k’yil32 and caused a brotherhood of Lamas33 to

settle down (there). He provided for a long time, with untiring (zeal),

the recluses34 that lived in the neighbourhood of the Kailasa and the

three lakes"6 with the necessaries of life ; when they were numerous

(there were) about five hundred, when few, one hundred.

His son was : (VI) Lha-ch’en-ut- pa-la. As to the reign of this

king : after having united the forces of Upper and Lower Ladakh he in¬

vaded Nyung-ti.36 Tbe king of Nung-ti bound himself by oath, so long as

the glaciers of the Kailasa will not melt away, or the Manasarovar lake37

dry up, to pay tribute and dues38 (to the king of Ladakh), (viz.) Dzo39

29 Not known.

3° Go-sum, ‘ 3 doors,’ may refer to the 3 valleys that join at the central part of

Zangs-kar.

31 Spi-ti, well-known distinct within British territory. As to Spi-lchogs I would

venture to suggest, that Lahoul may be meant by this term. This district would

have well rounded off his dominions and would have been the connecting link

between Zangs-kar and Spi-ti. B MS., however, relating to the present century,

has Gar-zlia, the usual Tibetan name for Lahoul.

32 Sclil.’s ed. and mlgo : Li-kyir (Survey Map : Likir), a village on the upper road

from Leh, or rather from Bazgo, to Nyurla (Snurla) and Ka-la-tse (Khalsi). This

name would suggest (as well as the name of Lama-ynrru, Yurru being = Yung-dung

= Svastika) that, as in Tibet so also in Ladakh, the Bon religion at one time was

prevalent, of which the worship of the Lu (Nagas) and of the Yung-dung, and the

idea of a Bon, i. e., summum bonum, seems to have formed the most important

elements. (This is borne out by the contents of a volume on the Bon religion,

which was recently placed at my disposal).

33 but = Lamasery.

34 Z4’ ‘ those who exert themselves to obtain *4' (Arhatship).’

"■si)

35 The maps know of two lakes only. But there is a possibility that the

Kailasa counts as one and, with the 2 lakes, makes up 3 separate places.

36 Nyung-ti = Kullu, Capital : Snltanpur.

37 Viz., the Ma-p’am lake, the more easterly one of the two.

33 Tib. in Jaschke’s Dictionary, but the MSS. and Schl.’s cd. unanimously

write U’

39 Well-known cross-breed botween yak and cow.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 119

and iron, etc. This treaty remained in force till this day.40 He also

subjected Lo-wo,41 (and the country) from Pu-rang downwards hither;

in the south the country of l)e-shang to the place, where the water is

fiery;42 to the west, from Ra-gan-deng-sliing (and) Stag-k’u-ts’ur43 up¬

wards hither ; to the north, from Ka-shus4S upwards. (They all) paid

an annual tribute and attended the Darbar.44

His son was : (VII) Lha-Ch’en-nag-lug. This king built the

palace45 at Wan-la,46 in the Tiger-year, K’a-la-tse47 in the Dragon-year.

His sons were : (VIII) Lha-ch’en-ge-bhe and Ge-bum.

His son was : (IX) Lha-ch’en-jo-ldor.

His son : (X) Ta-shis-gon.

[His son : Lha-gyal.]48

This king caused a copy to be written of the Gyud-do-rje-tse-mo,49

and of the Ngan-song-jong wai-gyud50 and of the Gyud-bum,51 all in

gold.

His son was : (XI) Lha-ch’en-jo-pal. This king performed royal,

40 Some twenty years ago the tax-collector of the king of Ladakh, still used to

visit Lahoul and probably Kullu, although the two districts then already were under

British rule.

41 Not known.

42 Not known, although people pretend to know well that a lake exists, called

by them T’so Padma-chan, to which the passage is said to refer. It is supposed to

be in British territory. The Sham-bha-la-pai Lam-yig contains the following

passage: ‘At the city of the king Da-ya-tse of Pu-rang, in consequence of water

striking against coal, at night the coal is seen burning. It is said of this coal and

water, that they have the peculiarity that the water, if introduced into the stomach

of man or beast, turns into stone.’ What to make of this, I cannot divine, but it

seems certain that the phenomenon referred to here is the same as that alluded to in

the passage.

43 Not known.

44 Tib.

45 usually translated by ‘palace;’ I feel inclined to prefer ‘fort’ or

‘ castle.’

46 One march off the Kashmir road, near Ka-la-tse and Lama-yurru. (Survey

Map: Wanbah.)

47 At the bridge crossing the Indus (Kashmir road). Map of Turkistan and

Survey : Khalchi ; Drew : Khalsi.

43 Mentioned in Schl.’s ed. only. Doubtful.

49 ‘ Treatise of the Vajra-point.’

50 ‘ Treatise on the Removal of Going to Perdition.’

51 ‘ 100,000 — Treatise.’ With the two first-mentioned treatises I am not ac¬

quainted. The Gyud-bum consists of 12 vols. (in the ordinary printed edition), but

I have also seen very fine written volumes, one, e. y., on indigo-tinted paper with

letters in gold. The contents seem to be disquisitions on the Mahayana philosophy.

120

Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladahh. [No. 3,

as well as clerical duties (to such perfection) that he arrived at the

end52 (of his transmigrations).

His son was: (XII) Lha-ch’en-ngos-dub. During the reign of this

king the usage of novices going to Us-Tsang was first introduced. He

also repaired the colleges that had been built by his ancestors ; but more

important than this : he laid down before the Prince of the Faith, the

Lord of the three Worlds,63 gold, silver, copper, coral-beads, pearls, etc.,

all (presents numbering) one hundred. He also caused to be copied641

the Ka-gyur twice and the Sang-ngags-kyi-skyil-k’or66 many times.

His son was : (XIII) Lha-ch’en-gyal-bu-rin-Ch’en.

His son was : (XIV) Lha-ch’en-shes-rab. As to the reign of

this king : having built the hamlet Seng-ge-sgang on the top of the so-

called Hang-tse-mo (-rock), he made it a dependency of the Chang

castle of Sa-bu66 in Mar-yul.

His son was: (XV) Lha-ch’en-t’i-tsug-lde. This king built (one

row of) ch’ortens (numbering) one hundred and eight67 at Leh,63 and two

(rows of) 108 at Sa-bu.

His two sons were: (XVI) Lha-ch’en-dags-bem-lde and Dags-pa-bum.

Dags-bum-lde held Leh etc. He erected, for the sake of his repu¬

tation with posterity,69 the Red College60 and a Buddha Maitreya, the

62 I. e., ‘ as a transcendent virtue, Paramita.’ L e‘> the ordinary

63 = Buddha, i. e., his image, probably the so-called Io-wo.

54 most closely agrees with the German: ‘ stiften, stif t, stiftnng ’ ;

an exact equivalent in English I have not been able to discover.

65 ‘Wheel of Dharani’ (‘secret spells’)) a kind of book of which there exists a

great variety.

66 Village six miles SE. of Leh, off the main valley. (Survey Map : Sobu.)

The Hang-tse-mo is a rock well known there. The castle is in ruins.

67 108, a sacred number. 108 is also the number of beads of the

ordinary rosary of Lamaists, (for other examples see Sir Monier Williams’ book on

Buddhism, second edition, page 383). I find in G. H. Schubert’s Sternkunde (1832)

the observation, that in India 4,320 lunar years constituted one sacred period, the

first of which terminated about the commencement of our era. It may be divided

into 4 periods of 1080, equal to two Phoenix periods of 540 years.’ As 108 is a

constituent of all these figures, it may be supposed to be in some way connected

with them. The rows of ch’ortens referred to here usually consist of ch’ortens

not higher than 2 or 3 feet, and resemble low walls built at random anywhere

across the desert.

63 3JQP sometimes I adopt the usual spelling of the ‘ Postal Guide.’

69 gEJ =* ‘for the sake of his reputation with posterity,’ German:

‘ Nachruhm.’

60 Probably the one on the Nam-gyal-tse-mo at Leh.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 121

Lord, in size (such as he will be) in his eightieh year.61 On his right

and left there were a Manjusri and a Vajrapani, each one story high.

He caused to be painted all fresco pictures, representations of the de¬

parted Buddhas, of the preserver of the universe,62 and of all his own

private deities. He also built a triple temple (one surmounting the

other) on the pattern of (the one at) T’o-ling.63 As a symbol of the

Word,64 he caused a copy to be written of the Zungs-bum-ch’en-mo65

and of the Kon-ch’og-tsegs-pa lang-kar sliegs-pa66 and some others.

As a symbol of the Spirit : some fatality having occurred at Leh, he

built over the Teu67 ser-po (‘ Yellow Crag ’) completely, outside in

the shape of a cli’orten, inside containing 108 temple-shrines. The

ch’orten is called : Teu Ta-shis-od-t’o.68 Again, in the lower part of

the valley of Leh, there is a crag resembling an elephant. The king

caused to settle down on this rock a brotherhood of four Lamas.69

Having done all this, he said : ‘ If I die now, it matters not.’

61 I. e., in a sitting posture about 20 or 25 feet high.

62 Tib. probably Maitreya (?).

63 Tib. pronounced To’-lding, on the Upper Sutlej. (Map of Turkistan :

Totlingmat, ‘ mat ’ = ‘ the lower ’ i. e. lower part of the city.’ The Sham-bha-la-pai

Lam-yig contains a reference to this temple : “ it had been built (A. D. 954 Schl.) by

the Lo-tsa-wa Rin-zang-po. The Hor (Turks ?) burnt it down, but at some later

date it was rebuilt, and now, in its lowest compartment, it contains the ‘ Cycle of

the Collection of Secrets’.” Adolph von Schlagintweit visited it; see ‘Results

of a Scientific Mission.’

64 cg^lNI = ‘body, word and spirit,’ or in common parlance : QJ*Vr-

cs "V

and mystically expressed by the formula have each their

own special 1)3) T or symbols ; * the image,’ ‘the Scriptures’ ;

‘the Ch’orten.’ They represent a kind of triad, corresponding to the

c three Holies,’ *• e., the Buddha, the Law and the Order of Monks,

■v

(comp. Sir Monier Williams, p. 175.) But there may be, just as

is not without some underlying idea of a Supreme Being, ruling over all, some

other more obscure and deeper meaning embodied in these symbols.

66 « The great 100,000 of Dharani.’

66 ‘ How the three Holies came to Ceylon’ — ‘ tsegs-pa ’ i. e. pro-

bably ‘ threefold, triple, three one above the other.’

67 Tibetan * crag.’

63 This ch’orten ‘ Brilliant good fortune,’ still exists, though in a dilapidated

condition, about two miles up the Leh valley from the British Joint-Commissioner’s

compound.

69 Also still extant at the suburb of Leh called Ska-ra, near the Kil’a.

Q

122 Karl Marx — Docimients relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

(At that time it came to pass that) the Omniscient of the period of

degeneration, the great Tsong-k’a-pa, Lobzang Dags-pa,70 having in his

possession a T’se-pag-med71 about as long as a finger joint, which had

originated from the blood of his nose, entrusted the same to two as¬

cetics, and said, ‘ Give it either to the one called Dags-pa or to the one

called Lde.’ When the two arrived in Mar-yul, the one called Dags-pa

was in Nub-ra. They went into his presence, but he did not deign to

look at them with so much as one eye. So they went on to Leh. On

the morrow the king gave command : ‘ At to-day’s Darbar, whosoever

attends, be it ascetics, or Bhe-cla,72 or Mon,73 or Ti-slii,74 he should not

be refused admittance.’ Now when the two ascetics came into his

presence, the king rose and went to meet the two ascetics. The two

ascetics made over the present, and the king was delighted with it.

Taking the precious law of Buddha for his pattern,75 he built the

Lamasery of Spe-t’ub,76 though in reality he did not build it, but it

came into existence by a miracle. Having built it, he caused many

brotherhoods of Lamas to settle down (in the country) .

His son was (XVII) Lo-dos-ch’og-ldan. As to the reign of this

king : from Gu-ge were brought : 18 coats of mail,77 the most excellent

70 Lo-bzang ( = pron. Lobzang) Dags-pa is Tsong-k’a-pa’s spiritual name (comp.

Koeppen II, p. 118).

71 ‘ Time without measure,’ ‘Eternity,’ an epithet of Gautama Buddha.

72 Bhe-da : professional musicians of low caste, Muhammadans, of Balti extrac¬

tion. They, as well as the other low caste inhabitants of Ladakh, now may possess

fields and houses.

73 Mon : joiners and carpenters by profession, also of low caste, though not

quite so low as the Bhe-da. They probably are remnants of the tribes of aborigines,

but at one time occupied the hill districts of the Himalayas. Though Buddhists,

the zamindars keep apart from them, and any zammdar who would marry a Mon¬

maiden would by doing so lose caste.

74 Ti-shi : another low caste, shoemakers by profession. They also are

Buddhists.

75 This probably means : ‘ he adopted the reformed doctrines of Tsong-k’a-pa.*

Tib.: pf- ‘to imitate.’

76 Lamasery and village, on the river Indus, five miles south-west of Leh. The

Lamas belong to the Ge-ldan-pa order of Lamas. The Lamasery has an incarnated

Lama (Sku-shog : b MS.). It is vulgarly called Spi-t’ug (Survey Map:

Pittuk.) Other Lamaseries of the Ge-ldan-pa order in Ladakh are T’ik-se (Survey

Map: Tikzay), Sang-kar (a Leh suburb), Li-kir, Ri-dzong and many small ones.

N B. Although the ‘ Order ’ primarily refers to the Lamas, yet every family

or house in the country is affiliated since time immemorial to one or

other of the Lamaseries, and hence is attached to the respective Order of Lamas

as a kind of lay-dependency, and worships the same tutelary deity

77 Names given to weapons eto. are very common in Tibetan literature. They

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh, 123

of their number being the Mu-t’ab-zil-pa,78 the Ma-moi-mun-Dib,79 the

T’ab-clTung ka-ru80 (and) the Lha-t’ab-kar-po ;81 18 swords, amongst

them being the Nam-k’a-t’ag-ldag,82 the Dong-tse-rings83 (and) the

Log-mar-me-sad ;84 15 knives, whereof the best were : the Dud-di-nag-

po8B (and) the Dam-di-zlung-gyad ;86 15 turquois, the best of these were :

the Lha-yu-od-ldan87 (and) the Lha-yu-kar-po ;88 20 saddles, amongst

them the Ga-ma-ji-t’i-stengs89 (and) the Ta-shis-od-ldan.90 (Also)

ponies (viz.), 50 gray ones, 50 isabel, 20 black, 30 piebald ; also 20 young

yak-cows and twenty liglit-brown yak-bulls, besides sheep, etc. ; in

short (they brought) tribute, revenue and presents in vast quantities.

Having conquered Nga-ris-skor-sum as well, (his dominions) grew

much in extent.

Lha-ch’en-dags-pa-bum had ruled over Rab-stan-lha-tse,91 Te-ya,92

etc. He built the royal city of Ting-gang.93

His son was : Lha-clTen-bha-ra.

His son was : (XVIII) Lha-ch’en-bha-gan. This king was very

fond of fighting. He and the Shel94 people having formed an alliance,

they deposed and subjected the sons of the king of Leh, Dags-bum-lde,

(viz.), Lo-dos-ch’og-ldan, Dung-pa-a-li and Lab-stan-dar-gyas.

present a serious obstacle in reading, e. g., the Ge-sar epic. Schl. also, in this

passage, failed to recognize the fact that it chiefly consists of proper names.

Coats of mail in Ladakh usually were either chain- armour or made of scales of

metal. At P’i-yang (Survey Map : Phayang) Lamasery a collection of such armour

is still shown to visitors.

73 ‘ The resplendent Devil-Coat-of-mail.’

79 ‘ Devil-Darkness.

80 ‘The little Coat-of-mail Heavy-weight’ (?).

81 ‘ White Deva Coat-of-mail.’

82 ‘ Licking blood off the sky.’

83 * Wild yak, long point.’

84* ‘ Killer of the red Lightning-flame.’

85 ‘ Black Devil-knife.’

86 ‘ Knife of 5 marks (seals) ’ (?).

87 ‘ Luminous Deva-Turquois.’

83 ‘ White Deva-Turquois.’

89 ‘Raised Glory-throne Saddle’ (?).

90 ‘ Good Fortune, light emitting.’

91 Proper name of the palace of Basgo (S. m. Bazgo), now in ruins.

92 Near Nyur-la (S. m. Snurla), but off the main valley to the North. Survey

Map : Jeah.

93 Close toJe-ya; Survey Map : Jemesgam. It is, according to our ideas, a

village. It is one of the prettiest villages in Ladakh.

94 Yulg. She, Survey map : Shay ; village ten miles SSE of Leh, on the right

bank of the° Indus. It has a palace of the Ladakh Raja (comp. B MS.)

124 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

His sons were : Llia-cli’en-lha-wang-nam-gyal96 and (XIX) Ta-shis-

nam-gyal, (these) two.

Lha-wang-nam-gyal had great bodily strength and was clever at

(any kind of) sport.96 But Ta-sliis-nam-gyal, the younger (of the two),

being very crafty, caused the prince’s eyes to be plucked out. Still,

lest the dynasty should die out, he gave him a wife and allowed him to

stay at Ling-snyed 97 His sons98 were: Lha-ch’en-ts’e-wang-nam-gyal,

Nam-gyal-gon-po, and Jam-yang-nam-gyal, (these) three were born.

These three sons grew very tall in stature, they grew taller within a

month, than what others grow in a year, and they grew taller within a

day, than what others grow within a month.

At that time the king Ta-sliis-nam-gyal reigned. This king con¬

quered (all the country) from Pu-rig" upwards and from Do-shod100

downwards hither. He brought (home) herds of ponies in inconceivable

numbers. He built the fort on the Nam-gyal-tse-mo101 of Leh and found¬

ed the hamlet of Ch’u-bhi.102 He fought against an invading force of

Turks, and killed many Turks. He erected a temple (dedicated) to the

(four) Lords103 on the Nam-gyal-tse-mo and laid the corpses of the Turks

55 Nam-gyal, and JC, 7 ^ QJ " T ‘ tlie quite victorious’ here occurs

for the first time as part of a name of a member of the royal family. It seems to

designate the new dynasty and remaines in use to this day.

56 Tibetan |J’#Q|T

57 Ling-shed (Survey Map: Linshot) in Zangs-kar, four marches south of Ka-

la-tse.

58 The sons of Lha-wang-nam-gyal, that is, of Ta-shis-nam-gyal, had no children.

They were brought to Leh, where they received their education (Ta-shis-shan-p’el).

59 District crossed by the Kashmir road from the Zoji-la to the Po-to-la. Capi¬

tals : Kargil (Thanadar) and Kartse. The inhabitants are partly Buddhists, partly

Shiah Muhammadans. They are a race distinct from either Baltis and Ladakhis.

They wear an upper garment of a dark-brown colour — by which they may be distin¬

guished from Ladakhis — and a small round skull-cap. The long locks of hair on the

temples, in fashion with Baltis, are not seen with Pu-rig men. They all but

monopolize the carrying-trade between Ladakh and Kashmir, ponies— though not a

very good breed — being their chief wealth.

1°° Name of a district about the 25th stage from here to Lhasa between Maryum

La and Chachu Sangpo (Map of Turkistan).

101 The ‘ Palace’ occupies the very summit of the precipitous rock (Nam-gyal-

tse-mo) at the foot of which the city of Leh is built. The ‘ Leh palace ’ is at a

lower level. Now some religious buildings only remain, the fort itself being in ruins.

102 Chu-bi : about a dozen of houses at the foot of the western declivity of the

Nam-gyal-tse-mo. The road to the top passes through it. (Survey Map: Chubbee.)

103 I. e., ‘ the four Great Kings (Maharajas),’ the Guardians of Buddhism ^comp.

Sir Monier Williams, p. 206.) The temple and images still remain (information by

Ta-shis-stan-p’el). — As to ‘Turks’: 5)1/ in Central Tibet means ‘Mongols/ in

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

125

under tlie feet of (the images of) the (four) Lords. Again, by building

the temple to the (four) Lords he obtained power over the demon that

turns back hostile armies.1041 He invited the veritable Buddha whose

name was Ch’os-je Ldan-ma from Di-k’ung (Lamasery)106, and then built

the Lamasery called Gang-ngon-ta-shis-ch’os-dzong.106 He made the

rule regarding the number of children that were to be sent by every

village to become Lamas,107 and introduced the doctrine of the Dub-

gyud.103 At the spot, where the Lamasery is seen (for the first time),

Ladakh, Turks of Central Asia. I am informed, however, that here exists a

people in Tibet itself, somewhere between Ladakh and Lhasa, and occupying a con¬

siderable tract of country, called by the same name.

104 This sentence occurs in B MS. only, where there is i. e.,

(see Jaschke, Diet.). I am not quite confident as to the correctness of my transla¬

tion here, but if Ej means ‘the hostile army,’ and not the army of the

country ‘ operating at the frontier ’ I think it could not be rendered differently.

105 Jt gives its name to a special Order of Lamas of the ‘ red’ persuasion. (Koep-

pen II, 78. — Schl.’s information — Buddhism in Tibet, p. 74,— as to this sect is in¬

correct.) The head of the lamasery of Di-k’ung is a Ch’os-je.

o

106 Proper name of the lamasery at P’i-yang eight miles west of

Leh, vulgarly called Sgangon Gon-pa.

107 Tib. ‘tax of children to be made Lamas.’ — Under the old

regime every family of more than one or two male children, had to give up one, not

the eldest however, to be made Lama. Now, of course, this tax is no longer com¬

pulsory, and hence the great falling off in the number of Lamas. The Lama-

child Tsun-ch’ung stays at home until his 8th year, wearing the red

garment and red or yellow cap from the first. Then he goes to a lamasery, or is

apprenticed to a Lama, in order to receive his primary education, until he reaches his

14th or 15th year, being all this time called Tsun-ch’uug. Then he goes

to Lhasa, where his studies get their finishing touch. After a sojourn there of

one or two years or longer, — now under the name of Ge-ts’ul — on passing

«o

an examination conducted by the Head Lama of the respective lamasery, he is

baptized and thereby made a Ge-long Then he usually returns to his

own country in order to perform there the functions of a village priest or to enter

one of the Lamaseries, where special duties await him.

K B. — There is an error prevalent regarding the dress of Lamas, which is pro¬

pagated even by Sir Monier Williams in his recent book on Buddhism, viz., that the

dress of Lamas of the ‘red’ persuasion is red, that of the ‘yellow ’ persuasion, yel¬

low. This is not so. The dress of both the ‘ red ’ and ‘ yellow ’ Lamas is red (with

the exception of one special order of Lamas belonging to the Ge-ldan-pa, who,

to my knowledge, only exist in Zangs-kar, whose dress also is yellow) ; but Lamas

of the ‘ red ’ persuasion also wear caps and scarfs round their waist red, whilst in

case of the ‘ yellow ’ Lamas these and these only are yellow.

L08 ‘ Treatise on Esoteric Doctrine.’

126 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

ho suspended a long prayer-flag. Whosoever, whether thief or liar,

in short, any one guilty of offence against the king’s palace or life,109 if

he escaped to this spot, should be rid of his crime. Again, he

presented to the Di-k’ung, Sa-skya,li0 Ge-lclau, Lha-sa (and) Sam-yas111

(lamaseries) cushions, gold- water, long prayer-flags, (tea for) tea gene¬

rals,112 (all) an hundred-wise, etc. He also caused a Ka-gyur and Stan-

gvur to be copied besides many other (religious) books and erected

many ch’ortens.

(He was succeeded by) the incarnate118 king (XX), T’se-wang-nam-

GYAL (who) was invited to assume the royal functions. He, when quite

a young man yet, already went to war. He conquered (all the country)

from Ngam-ring114 in the east downwards hither, (viz.,) Lo-wo, Pu-rang,

Gu-ge, etc. ; to the south (his conquests were) Dzum-lang115 audNyung-

ti ;116 in the west (they included) Shi-kar117 and K’a-(s)kar118. He also

said, he would make war against the Turks north (of Ladakh), but the

people of Nub-ra119 petitioned him and he desisted. He brought the

109 I. e., crimen Icesce majestatis , though in a wider sense than usually accepted.

110 Sa-skya, lamasery of ‘red’ Lamas. (Sir Monier Williama, p. 448.) It gives

its name to the Sa-skya-pa Order. This Order is represented in Ladakh by the

Masho Lamasery (South of the Indus, near He-mi).

HI Ge-ldan, Lha-sa and Sam-yas are lamaseries at or near Lhasa, belonging to

the ‘yellow ’ persuasion. As to Ge-ldan or Ga-ldan see Sir Monier Williams, 1. c., p.

441. — Lha-sa = La-dang + Te-wa-shung or q)

-O

/ ^

+ Jo-k’ang (F'PV = house of the Jo-wo). See Sir Monier Williams, 1. c.,

p. 440. — Sam-yas : id., p. 448.

112 Gold-water, — i. e., gold finely divided by prolonged trituration, suspended in

water, extensively used for gold-washing the images. ‘ Tea generals,’ see id., p. 330.

113 He is supposed to have been an incarnation of Ch’ag-na-do-ye ( Vajra-pani).

HI1 Ngam-ring: on the road from Lhasa to Ladakh, 21 marches this side of

Lhasa. It is likely, that the three districts Lo-wo, Pu-rang and Gu-ge here are

enumerated in succession, as they follow each other from east to west. Hence it

would appear, that Lo-wo is the most easterly part of Nga-ris-skor-sum.

11& Dzum-lang, not known. May be identical with Jumla (Map of Turkistan) in

Nepal.

116 Comp, note 36.

117 = Shi-gar, large village in Baltistan. (See Drew, Northern Barrier, p. 210).

118 K’a-(s)kar (Tib. preceding in Ladakh is frequently pro¬

nounced like s) may be Skardo. There certainly is a Kashkar (Chitral) further west,

but it is very improbable, that the Ladakh empire ever should have extended so far.

119 Trade with Chinese Turkistan is almost essential to the welfare of Nub-ra.

It is in Nub-ra, that all the caravans going to, or coming from, Yarkand obtain

their supplies for man aird beast. Consequently most grown-up people in Nub-ra

know the Turk! language fairly well.

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladahli. 127

rulers of all these (districts with him) as hostages120 and placed his own

representatives into (their) castles. All Mar-yul grew much in extent.

Gu-ge had to pay as tribute and dues annually 300 zho121 of gold, Ru-

t’og 260 zho of gold in addition to 100 three years’ sheep, one riding-

horse, 10 tanned skin-bags, and (the proceeds from the royal domains)

of K’ar-o-ldong and Zhing-dar-ch’en-dar-ch’ung,122 (indeed) from all

sides they brought in tribute and dues in inconceivable quantities.

The king then came to consider : £ My ancestors have, on the

pattern of the T’o-lings of Lha-sa and Gu-ge, placed the bones of the

Buddha-Elephant123 on the Tse-mo,12i but as the people do not go there

on pilgrimage, or in order to worship, or to offer up sacrifices, or perform

circumambulations, I will, instead, build a college and (in fact) estab¬

lish the doctrine of Buddha on a basis similar to what it was under my

ancestor Ral- pa- chan. 125 But as his work on earth126 was finished, he

died.

Upon this all the vassal-princes lifted up their heads. (XXI) Jam-

yang-nam-GYAL reigned. As to the reign of this king : two chiefs in

Pu-rig did not agree. He came with the Ladakh army to the assistance

of one of them, called Ts’e-ring-ma-lig. But the time had now come,

when the period of darkness should supervene, the period when royal

supremacy should well nigh be destroyed. The army of ’All Mir, captain

of the forces of Hang-gong127, broke forth. They met, and by dint of

120 ZXJPj’ r (Jaschke, Diet.) ; the MSS., however, are unanimous in writing gfH’ ;

pronunciation also : Ste-pa.

121 1 zho of gold is stated to weigh i tolah, equivalent to almost 3 grammes. Its

value in silver is said to correspond to about 15 to 18 Rupees This would agree

with the British guinea. — 1 zho of gold is a price charged, e. g., for large printed

volumes like the Do-mang, which may be had at Leh Lamasery, printed to order

for this price.

122 K’ar-o-ldong and Zhing-dar-ch’en-dar-ch’ung are said to be the names of two

estates near Ru-t’og (?).

123 Gautama Buddha in one of his births figures as an elephant. His bones are

supposed to be the relics referred to in this passage. They were destroyed by the

Baltis at the time of Jam-yang-n-gy. (Communication by Ta-shis-stan-p’el.)

124i Nam-gyal-tse-mo, compare notes 100 and 101.

125 Name of one of the ancient kings of Tibet. His proper name was : T’i-lde-

shong-tsan. His obsequiousness to the clergy rendered him odious to the people and

noblemen, and prepared the way for Lang-dar-ma, the apostate and suppressor of

Buddhism. He was murdered about 840 A. D., (compare Koeppen II. 72. The

Gyalr. s. m , in the last chapter of the book, contains a very full account of the

story. Compare also Schl.’s ed., page 206 and his translation, page 57.)

v, '"X

126 It would seem far-fetched to explain this by : ‘ the work

(karma) of a prior existence in their effects being exhausted’ as suggested by Schl.

127 Nang-gong = ‘ central and upper i. e. districts’ viz , of Baltistan. CMS.

replaces this term by ‘ Skardo.’

128 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladalch. [No. 3,

strategem, (ever) putting off (fighting) from one day to the next,123 (he

succeeded in holding them on), until all the passes and valleys were

blocked with snow, and the king with his army, wherever they went,

were compelled to surrender.129 All Ladakh was (soon) overrun by

Baltis, who burnt all the religious books with fire, threw others into

the water, destroyed all the colleges, whereupon they again returned to

their own country.

After this (it pleased) ’All Mir Sher Khan to give his daughter,

Gyal-k’a-t’un130 by name, who was an incarnation of the white Dol-ma, 131

to Jam-yang-nam-gyal to be his wife. After ho had sojourned there for

a little while, (it happened, that) ’All Mir (had a dream. He) dreamt

he saw emerging from the river below his castle a lion, which jumped132

and disappeared into (the body of) GyaLk’a-t’un. It was at the identi¬

cal time, that Gyal-k’a-t’un conceived. Now after ’All Mir had pre¬

pared a feast for all the soldiers, and Gyal-k’a-t’un had put on all her

jewels, he invited Jam-yang-nam-gyal to mount the throne and then

said: ‘ Yesterday I dreamt I saw a lion (emerging) from the river in

front (of the palace) and jumping at Gyal-k’a-t’un, he disappeared into

her body. At the very same time also Gyal-k’a-t’un conceived. Now

it is certain, she will give birth to a male child, whose name ye shall

call Senge-nam-gyal.’ Having said this, he gave (the king) leave with

the army of Ladakh to return home and to resume his royal functions.

She bore him two sons : Senge-nam-gyal and Nor-bu-nam-gyal,

(these) two.

At that time Jam-yang-nam-gyal bethought himself : ‘ Iu the first

instance, I went with my army to the assistance of T’se-ring-ma-lig of

Pu-rig ; the consequence was, that all Ladakh was laid waste. Now I

will employ any means that may serve towards the propagation of the

religion of Buddha, and make it spread. But as the religion of Buddha

for its propagation is entirely dependent upon the people, I will, on my

part, relieve them from all taxation, and treat them like my own chil¬

dren.’ (Having thus resolved,) he equalized rich and poor three times

128 Tib. ‘what day do you think, (we shall fight)?* Q *]' ‘it is

likely’ (Jaschke, Diet.).

129 Tib. *£10]' ‘ succumbed, lost, waned.’

130 according to Schlagintweit, a Tatar word, meaning ‘Lady of noble

birth.’ (See his translation, p. 75, note 1 )

"V" ~\T

131 For Dol-ma kar-mo, w mong-Tsaghan Dara-Eke, see Koeppen

II, 65.

132 Tib. ‘ a leap, bound.’

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakli.

129

Th is king united under liis sway (all tlie country) from Pu-rig

upwards, and from l)ang-tse13S downwards hither.

Ts’e-ring-gyal-mo, the daughter of Jig-sten-wang-cli’ug, whom he

had married before he took Gyal-k’a-t’un,134 also bore him two sons : Ngag-

wang-nam-gyal and Stan-dziu-nam-gyal. These two sons were sent to

Us-tsang in order to (lay down) before the precious Jo-wo :135 gold-water

and cushions ; at Das-spungs136 (and) Pa-lung :137 gold, silver, pearls,

coral- beads, amber, trident-banners,138 (tea for) tea generals, all numbering

one hundred ; at De-nam :139 long prayer-flags, — and (to act) as messen¬

gers to the Dug-pa Incarnation,1410 whom they were to invite (to

Ladakh).

For the sake of his reputation with posterity,1411 he caused a copy of

133 Dang-tse (Survey Map : Jankse), well-known village, east of Leii, on tke road

to the Pang-kong lake and Jang-ch’en-mo. The limits given here include less

territory than there had been under the kings of Ladakh at any other time.

134i Although polygamy is not common with Ladakhis, — polyandry being more

in vogue — yet no one objects, if a man, in case his first wife lias no children, takes

a second wife. The first wife is then called ‘ chan-ch’en,’ the second wife ‘ chan-

ch’ung ; ’ chan ma is said to mean : ‘ a woman who prepares the food ; 5 the spelling

of the word is uncertain.

T35 Jo-wo : I am informed, there are really three images called by this name, two

of them, the best known of all, are the Jo-wo Rin-po-ch’e and Jo-wo mi-skyod-do-

rje, both in the Jo-k’ang at Lhasa, one on a lower, the other on an upper plat¬

form ; the third, Jo-wo Shakya-mu-ne is the one at Pa-mo-ch’e. The Jo-wo mi-

) frorn Nepal (s. Gyalr.

s. m., chapter 12), the Jo-wo Shakya-mu-ne, on the other hand, by the queen Kong-jo

(V V \

which has nothing to do with Kon-ch’ogl from China (s. Gyalr. s. m.,

chapter 13). Where the Jo-wo rin-po-ch’e has come from, I do not know.

I33 A Ge-ldan-pa-lamasery (see Sir Monier Williams, 1. c., p. 442).

!37 Also written and once Q^j E]’ au important Lamasery of

-o

the Dug-pa Order, near Lhasa.

138 A long tuft of silk threads, suspended from a trident (K’a-tam-k’a or t’se-

sum) and supported on a pole. It may be carried about or placed on the roof of

~v

Lamaseries and palaces. Its Tibetan, name is not (Chab-dar, not

Chob-dar).

133 Lamasery (Ge-ldan-pa), two or three days’ journey west of Lhasa.

140 Probably an incarnation of Pal-je-shes-gon-po ( S ^ ^

the tutelary deity ( J of the Dug-pas.

141 Tib. i’MJG =

R

130 Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladalch. [No. 3,

tlie Gya-tog-ser-sum142 and of the Kar-gyud-ser-t’eiig143, in addition (to

other books), to be written in gold, silver, and copper. (Likewise) for

the sake of posthumous fame, he would have very much liked to rebuild

and present anew144 whatsoever had been destroyed by the Baltis, but

his life being short, he died (before he had been able to accomplish his

purpose) .

His son was the king of the Faith (XXII) Senge-nam-gyal.

From his childhood he was very strong and clever at wrestling,

running, jumping, shooting with (bow and) arrow as well as matchlock,145

and riding. In any kind of sport he was to be compared with Siddhar-

tha the son of S'uddhodana of olden time.

The king, when yet a youth, made war against the back-steppes of

Gu-ge. He carried away ponies, yaks, goats and sheep even so far as

from the northern slopes of the Kailasa, and (indeed) from everywhere

on earth. Some time later he made war against the central provinces

of Gu-ge also. Slia-wang and Zha-ye he allowed to be killed,146 and

he made all Ladakh to be full of yaks and sheep. He married the

Ru-shod princess1*7 Skal-zang-gyal-mo. He invited the king of Saints,143

143 is a religions

‘Trilogy’ consisting of the the

A/"

I and the | Frequently the last-named title is applied to

the whole, viz., Ser-od. (See Jaschke’s Diet., ‘ S. O.’) The Tog-zungs is in my

possession but as yet remains unexamined. — Although ‘ Trilogy ’ is a term applied to

dramatic productions only, yet considering that tripartite religious books are fre¬

quently met with in Tibetan ^literature, I think the term may be found useful.

143 Ta-shis-stan-p’el, — late Head-Lama of Stng-na Lamasery in Ladakh, and pro¬

bably the most learned Lama in the country — informed me, that this is a kind of

clerical genealogy, or a list containing the names of the chief Lamas of his own

order, the Kar-gyud-pa, from its very commencement. The Kar-gyud-pa, who

are supposed to derive their name from this genealogy (Kar-gyud, wgv )

are a subdivision of the Dug-pa order.

144 Tib. for ‘rebuild and present anew.*

!45 Tib. gjfll* (i. e., reading) = firearms.

146 As to Sha-wang and Zha-ye no information was available. Ta-shis-stan-p’el,

A'

however, was confident, that means ‘ to kill.’

t A^*

1-47 Ru-shod, an upland district (about 15,000 elevation) between Ladakh

and Lahoul and Spiti, usually called Rupshu (Drew) or Rukshu (Survey Map). The

present ‘queen’ of Ladakh is also a Rupshu-* princess.’

148 * Sidha,’ according to Sir Monier Williams (p. 536) seems to denote

the degree next to, and below Arhatship. This passage, however, properly refers to

Jainism. The word occurs again in the text 4 lines further down, where the eighty

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. 131

called Stag-ts’ang-ras-cli’en (to Ladakh). This Buddha,149 who had ob¬

tained the rainbow-body,150 had visited Hindustan, Orgyan,151 Kashmir,

etc., and had seen all the eighty saints153 face to face. In memory153 of his

father, he erected at Bab-go154 an (image of) Maitreya, made of copper

"V

(Pub-t’ob) are mentioned. The only ‘eighty’ referred to anywhere in

Buddhistic literature, are, I believe, the eighty ‘ Great Disciples, Mahairavakas ’ (M.

W.) They, indeed, were not supposed to have attained to Arhatship daring life, but

"V"

became Arhats at the moment of their death. Hence the or Siddha would

seem to be a ‘ candidate for Arhatship,’ one who ‘ will obtain ^ e*j perfection*

when he dies. Two characteristics of the Dub-t’ob, incidentally mentioned here,

also prove that between him and an Arhat-designate is very little difference. The

first is, that he is able to have intercourse with the eighty ‘Great Disciples,’ i. e.,

that ‘time’ to him is of no account. The second is : that he had obtained the

‘ Rainbow-Body,’ ‘a body, which (at death) vanishes out of sight,

not leaving any trace behind, just like the rainbow.’ Compare the Ladakh-Gyalrabs

(MS. in my possession, p. 67, and Schl’s. ‘ Konige von Tibet’, Tib. text, p. 14a)

C\

where there occurs a passage referring to the death of the seven f^f (T’i =

‘throne’) kings of Tibet : ‘they died X'WQT— i Schl. Q]

is an error in writing— and their Deva-body disappeared like the rainbow, leaving

no trace behind.’ This, of course, amounts to obtaining Parinirvana. Now as

according to Sir Monier Williams the third and highest degree of Arhatship is identi¬

cal with Supreme Buddhahood, it is no longer difficult to understand, how the two

characteristics referred to apply to the nor why Stag-ts’ang should be

styled in the same passage a i. e., a Buddha.— Stag-ts’ang is said to

be the author of the small book of travel, the ‘ Skam-

bha-la-pai Lam-yig, ’ referred to once or twice in these notes.

149 Tib. Comp, in German the words : ‘ der Verklarte, Yerklarung.

150 See note 148.

151 Sometimes Urgyan = Udyana.

152 See 148.

153 Tib. really has a much more profound meaning than

simply i in memory.’ I think, its primary meaning is : ‘to complete, what may be

supposed to have been the intention of the deceased person to do, but was left

undone ’ ; a secondary meaning would be : ‘to perform meritorious works on behalf

of the deceased person, so as to benefit him or her in the Bar-do purgatory,’ and

thirdly (once in C MS., distinctly so) : ‘ funeral rites and prayers read for the benefit

of the soul.’ _ (The litany used on such occasions is called, in the case of the Ge-ldan-pa,

( the way of removing obstacles, viz., in the road to a happy rebirth,’ and

is usually read for 49 days, (as Sir Monier Williams gives it).

154 Village on the river Indus, about fifteen miles west of Leh. (Survey Maps

Bazgo.) The temple and image still remain, whilst the palace is in ruins. The

place is well worth a visit.

132

Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

and gilt, in size (sucli as he will be) in his eightieth year, and adorned

with all kinds of precious stones. He introduced the great deities155 of

all Hindustan, east and west, and caused a copy of the Jams-ch’os,1 56

five divisions and five volumes, to be written. He appointed for the

duration of the (present) Skal-pa five Lamas to be in perpetual attendance

and to offer up sacrifices and keep the sacred lamps burning both day

and night. He put up sashes made of the most wonderful Chinese silks,

(and also) umbrellas,157 long prayer-flags, etc.

Again, in memory153 of his mother, he sent to be laid down at the

feet of the incarnation of P’ags-pa Rab-jor,159 the Paii-ch’en,160 the Banner

(lit. umbrella) of the Faith : golden earrings,161 silver earrings, amber

(pieces of) the size of apples 108, 162 smaller ones 108, coral-beads of the

size of fowl’s eggs 108, pearls of the size of Chinese peas 108 and smaller

onesa great many. At ...16s Lha-sa,164 Ta-t’ug165 and Sam-yas he offered

up sacrifices, everywhere one thousand. To the Ge(-ldan), Das(-spungs),

Se-ra, Dug-Ra-lung, Sa-skya and all the other Lamaseries, both great

and small, he made presents of (tea for) tea generals and other things,

all numbering one hundred, in plenty.

To the Saint stag-ts’ang-ras-ch’en, the same (as mentioned above),

156 Tib. I follow, in my translation, Ta-shis-stan-p’el’s explanation, but

still some misgivings as to its accuracy remain.

156 = ‘ Maitreya religion.’ I have not been able to obtain information regard¬

ing it.

157 Tib. ior*rl>y a crinoline-shaped kind of thing, but cylindrical, not coni¬

cal, in form, about 3 feet in height by 1 foot in width ; it consists of 2 or 3 hoops

with a covering of black woollen threads or of trimmings of calico. It is planted on

the roofs of lamaseries and palaces. Jaschke (Diet. ‘ trophy,’) apparently did not

recognize the umbrella.

168 See note 153.

159 Subhuti.

160 The Pan-ch’en rin-po-ch’e at Ta-shis-lhun-po. He is not usually supposed to

be an incarnation of Subhuti, but as he may be an incarnation of Amitablaa, of

Manjusri, of Yajra-pani and of Tsong-k’a-pa, there is no reason why he should

not be an incarnation of Subhuti as well. (Comp. Koeppen II, 127.— For Subhuti :

Koeppen I, 104, GOO and the recent publication of the Asiatic Society of Bengal : the

‘ Sher-Phyin.’ — )

101 Tib. large earrings of silver or gold, consisting of a ring about

two inches in diameter, on to which are strung, like beads, a large number of very

diminutive rings of silver or gold.

162 Comp, note 57.

163 Possibly one name wanting.

164 Comp note 111.

165 Lamasery at Lha-sa (Ge-ldan-pa).

133

1891.] Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh.

he gave, in the several districts that belonged to himself, estates166 as

well as sites for religions buildings,167 and Stag-ts’ang-ras-cli’en, during

the reigns of both the father Senge-nam-gyal and the son De-ldan nam-

gyal, the father then being in his decline and the son in his prime of

life,163 satisfactorily completed the Lamaseries at Wamle, Ta-shis-gang,169

He-mi,17° T’eg-ch’og,171 etc. Thus the Law of Buddha made good pro¬

gress. He governed over all his dominions according to the rule of the

ten virtues,173 and thus (it came to pass) concerning the kingdom of

this world, that the king was like the lion and the Lama like the tiger, 17S

and their (united) fame encompassed the face of the earth as ‘ the lord

and the Lama,174 sun and moon, a pair.’

After this, Senge-nam-gyal bethought himself: ‘(My) uncle Ts’e-

wang-nam-gyal (certainly) did rule (over all the country) as far as

Ngam-rings in the east (north), but he did not live long, and during

the reign of (my) father Jam-yang-nam-gyal all the vassal-princes

again rose (and made themselves independent).’175 So he again went to

166 Tib. ‘ a krst offering, earnest of land.’

167 Tib. ’ £}(£} ’ ‘ offering site.’

168 Tib. d/UV ‘ decline of life,’ j^Y ‘prime of life.’ This remark shows,

— supposing General A. Cunningham’s dates to be correct, — that Schlagintweit’s first

calculation (in ‘ Buddhism in Tibet,’ 1863) has probably more to commend it, than

the second one in ‘ Konige von Tibet,’ 1866. — In the former work he finds the dates

1644 as the date of the foundation of the He-mi lamasery, 1672 as the date of the

completion. In the latter, on the other hand, he gives 1604 as the date of the

foundation (under Jam-yang-nam-gyal), completion at 1644. — Frima facie, it seems

very improbable that Jam-yang-nam-gyal should have ventured upon building en¬

terprises on such a large scale, after the country had just recently been devastated

by a ruthless foe.

169 In Tibet about two marches from the frontier, on the river Indus. Map of

Turkistan : Tashigong.

170 Famous lamasery in Ladakh (Survey Map : Himis), about 18 miles SSE of

Leh. The ‘ Himis-fair ’ in summer is the chief attraction to sight-seers in Ladakh.

This lamasery is at present still the greatest land-owner in Ladakh, and its steward

one of the most influential persons in the country. The Lamas are of the Dug-po

order of the ‘ red ’ persuasion.

171 Sister-lamasery to He-mi, north of the Indus, in a valley which opens out

opposite Hemi. Che-de, vulg. Chem-re (Survey Map: Chim-ray) is the name of the

village, to which the lamasery belongs.

172 See Sir Monier Williams, 1. c., p. 128.

178 Allusion to their proper names : Senge = lion, Stag — tiger.

174 Tib. = Lama. ‘dispenser of alms’ (Jaschke,

Diet.) i. e., = Anglo-Saxon : hlaford = Lord.

175 The Tibetan text of this passage is not very clear.

134

Karl Marx — Documents relating to the history of Ladakh. [No. 3,

war (and came) as far as Ngam-rings.176 At Shi-ri-kar-mo177 (his army)

was routed. Upon this, there arrived an ambassador from Tibet, and

(it was agreed that) the frontier should remain as before, and that his

dominions should include all the country up to Us-tsang. On his re¬

turn journey he died at Wam-le.

Additions from C MS.

At Wam-le, God-yul, K’a-nag, Tsang-mar, Skyu-mar-nang, Me-ru,

Dar-tse173 the people, and elsewhere in Upper and Lower Ladakh through¬

out his dominions he (himself) gave to him for the duration of the

present skalpa, sites for religious purposes and estates. The great

saint Stag-ts’ang-ras-ch’en built not only the He-mi179 (Jang-ch’ub-sam-

ling180), Che-de (T’eg-cli’og180), Wam-le ( De-ch’en180), Ta'sliis-gang and

other Lamaseries, but also raised images and ch’ortens of gold, silver

and copper. He made the clergy very great.

In memory of his late father Jam-yang-nam-gyal, the king Senge-

nam-gyal erected at Bab-go an image of the Buddha Maitreya, made of

copper and gilt, three stories high, and adorned it with precious stones,

turquois, coral beads, etc. To the Pan-ch’en-rin-po-ch’e in Us (-Tsang)

he sent a present of gold and silver a large quantity, and pearls of the

size of Chinese peas 108, coral-beads of the size of fowl’s eggs 108,

amber, pieces of the size of apples 108, and other things.

To the great saint, Stag-ts’ang-ras-ch’en, the Supreme, he presented

100 ponies, 300 yaks, 100 cattle, 1,000 sheep, 1,000 goats, 1,000

(Ladakh) Rupees,181 100 zho gold, 3,000 loads of grain, one string of

pearls, one string of coral beads, one string of turquois, 25 matchlocks,

176 Comp, note 114. It is probably the has come to be a component

part of the name, hence : Iang-ngam°.

177 Name of a small lamasery on a rock on the right bank of the river Charta

Sangpo (map of Turkistan) 29° 30' N., 84° 50' E. of Greenwich. The difficulty of

crossing the river may to some extent account for the defeat of the Ladakh army.

(Comp. Koeppen II, 146 and note 1.)

178 Of these names God-yul is the name of the Han-le district. K’a-nag (Drew’s

map : Kharnak, Survey map : Khanuk ; vulg., K’ar-nak), a valley in Zangs-kar.

Tsang : abridged from Tsang-k’a, a hamlet near He-mi. Mar : abridged from Mar-

tse-lang (Drew : Marchalong, Survey map : Marsahing), near He-mi. Of the combi¬

nation Skyu-mar-nang : Skyu = Skew or Skio (Survey map) in the valley of Mark’a

in Zangskar, Mar stands for Mar-k’r (Drew and Survey : Markha) ; Nang probably a

hamlet in the same valley. — Me-ru ( = Miru, Survey map) on the Gya river, one

march south of He-mi. Dartse. ?

179 in brackets are given the proper names of the lamaseries ; the other names

properly belong to the villages.

Is0 Schl.’s edition.

181 1 Ladakh Rupee equal to £ Rupee British coinage.

135

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript .

25 spears, 25 swords, 15 coats of mail, 25 pieces of silk, 10 pieces of

brocade,182 25 pieces of gauze with and without a pattern,183 2 5 pieces of

broad gauze for ‘scarfs of blessing,’1811 and other presents in all past

comprehension.

Then he reared the Leh-ch’en-pal-K’ar186 (palace) of nine stories and

completed it within about three years.186 His own private utensils for re¬

ligious worship187 were all made of gold and silver and very numerous.

He also caused a kagyur to be copied (the writing) in gold, silver and

copper, and besides many other (religious) treatises and books.

I. — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf

Hoernle.

The portion of the Bower Manuscript which I publish in the follow¬

ing pages is that which I have marked in my paper “ On the Date of the

Bower MS.,”# as the fifth. I placed it there as the last portion of the

entire manuscript. That, however, was a mere matter of accident, this

portion happening to be the last that I examined. What position the

portion actually occupies in the entire MS., will have to be determined

hereafter, when I have concluded the more thorough examination of

the relic in which I am now engaged.

This portion of the manuscript is written on five leaves. They are

regularly numbered from 1 to 5, on the left-hand margin, on the

reverse sides of the leaves, in the old style of numeral figures. f On the

reverse of the third leaf, however, a little distance below the current

number 3, there are two other symbols which look like the number 51,

182 Tib. f 3j’f*W = Urdu :

183 Tib. = Silk-gauze with dots; the same without dots. The

A CN

two words combined =

184 Tib. UVTJC)T is the broad variety of this kind of loose gauze. For ‘ skarfs of

, blessing’ see Hue and Gabet’s Memoirs, Sir Monier Williams’ book, etc.

185 This is the palace of Leh, a conspicuous building immediately above the city.

186 Tib. QJ CT E)^3Tcomp. Jaschke’s Diet. sub voce C;' — meaning :

‘ the first half of the tenth month,’ hence here we probably ought to translate : ‘ the

first half of the third year.’

187 Tib. covers the meaning of this entire expression.

* See ante , p. 79.

t As shown in the Indian Antiquary , Yol. VI, p. 44, column 4.

136 Dr. Hoernle — A n instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

i. e., one symbol for 50 and just below it another for one. What this

means, I do not yet know ; but probably it refers to the numbering of

the verses.

The first leaf is only inscribed on the reverse side, the others, on

both sides.

With regard to the material on which this portion (as well as the

whole MS.) is written, I may notice some curious circumstances. One

of them has already been noticed in the Proceedings for November 1890

(p. 223), that of the leaves, “ some are in single thickness and others

from two to four thicknesses.” Of the five leaves of this portion, the

first four consist each of four layers of bark, while the last has only two

layers. Each layer is of extreme tenuity, almost transparent, and one

layer by itself would hardly be fit for writing material. The fifth leaf,

with its two layers, is still excessive^ thin. The several layers are not

glued together, but appear to be in their natural state of adhesion ;

with some little trouble, it would not be impossible to separate them.

Another point also has been already mentioned by Professor Bidder

in the Vienna Oriental Journal , Vol. V, pp. 103, 104, that the shape of

the leaves is different from that of all other birch bark MSS., hitherto

known. While the usual shape is nearly quarto, on which the lines of

writing run parallel to the narrower side, after the manner of European

books, in the Bower MS., the shape of the leaves is very decidedly

oblong, the lines of writing running parallel to the long side, after the

manner of the usual Indian paper or palm-leaf MSS. ( pothi ). The dimen¬

sions vary in the different parts of the Bower MS. In the part, which

I now publish, the leaves measure Ilf by 2J inches. In agreement

with this peculiarity is the further circumstance, that the leaves of the

Bower MS. were never bound or made up in a volume, as the Kashmirian

bircli-bark MSS. are. In the latter MSS. every two of the square leaves

above referred to form one sheet ; the sheet is folded in the middle, and

all the sheets, each making two leaves, are together done up in the form

of a volume, very much as European volumes are. The art of preparing

the bircli-bark leaves so as to admit of this folding and doing up into a

volume is now lost, — since the time of the introduction of the manufac¬

ture of paper into Kashmir under Akbar about 200 or 250 years ago.*

The leaves of the Bower MS. are all separate, and were held together

by a string passing through a hole in them. This hole, however, is

not in the middle of the leaf, but at the distance of 3| inches from the

margin, or at about \ of its length. In the ordinary Indian palm-leaf

MSS., the hole is in the middle of the leaf, or if the leaves are very

* See Prof. Biihler’s Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. in Kashmir in Journal,

Bombay As. Soc., Extra Number for 1877, pp. 29, 30.

1891.] Dr. Hoernlo — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. 137

long, there are two holes, at equal distances from the narrow margins.

The arrangement in the Bower MS. is one-sided and curious. The

CD

whole Bower MS. was enclosed between two wooden boards with holes

through which the string passed. In general appearance, therefore, the

manuscript resembles Indian MSS. rather than the old Kashmirian.

The third point is, that the leaves at the time they were written

on were already in a considerably damaged state. Of the third leaf a

considerable portion, on the right hand side, is torn out. That this

gap already existed at the time the scribe wrote his copy is clearly seen

from the fact, that his lines carefully extend to the margins of the gap.

There is no portion of the text of the manuscript wanting at this place,

as it might appear at first sight. This circumstance seems to suggest

the conclusion that at the place or at the time the scribe wrote, birch

bark, as a writing-material, was difficult to obtain ; and that he was

thus forced to employ even very damaged leaves. On the other hand,

it might be said that in that case he would not have wasted as many as

four thickness in one leaf. Most of the bark, however, used in the

leaves of the manuscript, is of a very inferior description ; it is in¬

tersected by numerous faults in its texture,* which, in most cases, would

prevent a separation of the layers in unlacerated portions of sufficient

dimensions to admit of being used as writing material. It appears to

me plain that, for some reason or other, the scribe was obliged to con¬

tent himself with material both of damaged condition and inferior

nature. The inferiority of his ‘ paper ’ is also shown by the fact, that

sometimes when he attempted to write across a fault, his letters would

not form, and he was obliged to abandon a half-finished letter and

trace it anew on the other side of the fault, thus leaving a more or less

extended gap in his line.fi Thus on fl. we have fl. 3 56

fl. 562 where the abandoned half-finished letters

are indicated by brackets. See also fl. 2afi.

One further point may be also noticed in this connection. The manu¬

script shows clear traces of a revision by another hand. In the Pro¬

ceedings for November 1890 (p. 223) it is stated that “ the writing is en¬

tirely in black ink.” This is undoubtedly correct ; still, occasionally,

letters occur in a very light (apparently faded) ink. A closer examina¬

tion shows, that in many cases these light-ink letters indicate corrections.

# Distinctly shown in the upper leaf of plate III in the Proceedings for Nov.

1890.

fi Compare leaf No. 1 on Plate I in Proceedings of April, 1891.

The large number refers to the leaf, the letter, to the side of the leaf (a =

obverse, b = reverse), the raised numeral, to the line. Thus 3a7 = 7tli line on

obverse side of 3rd leaf ; fl. = folio or leaf.

S

138 T)r. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

Thus on fl. 469 the original writing in black ink was me nu , which is

false, for me srinu ; here the akshara sri is inserted below, in the inter¬

linear space, in light-ink, and the proper place of insertion between me

and nu is marked by two minute strokes above those two aksharas.

Again on fl. 3 IA the original black writing was *Wt ; this is corrected

into OTtR'* ^f, the visarga being inserted and the top-stroke of the second

vowel 6 cancelled by two minute strokes, all in light in k. Similarly in

fl. sa-mustdm is corrected to sa-mustam. It might be supposed

that the original writer might have, on revision, made these corrections

himself. But this is not probable, — for two reasons : firstly, occasion¬

ally a letter in light ink is met with in the middle of a word, in the

ordinary line, showing that the original writer had left a blank which

was afterwards filled in by the re visor. Thus in fl. 3 67, ajarah, and

fl. 566, lavanopetair , the visarga and the akshara no respectively are

in light ink, while all the rest is in black. Secondly, occasionally

a correction was made by the original writer himself, and these correc¬

tions are in the same black ink as the rest of the writing ; thus

on fl. 5 a3 the original writer first wrote which he afterwards altered

to all in black ink. He still left another error, which the revisor

also did not notice, for the word should really be These observa¬

tions seem to suggest the conclusion, that the manuscript is a copy,

prepared somewhat inaccurately by a scribe and afterwards revised by

another person ; and that, in any case, it is not the autograph of the

composer of the work whoever he may have been. But neither did the

revisor do his work accurately, for he overlooked some palpable mistakes,

thus on fl. 3&l we have munir instead of munihhir ; here the akshara bhi

is omitted, but has not been supplied by the revisor, though the omission

is clearly indicated both by the sense and the metre of the verse. Other

similar errors I shall note further on.

With a small exception, the whole of the portion of the manuscript

now published is written in verse. The metres employed exhibit a

very great variety. They are the following : —

* I e , either pure Indravajra or various combinations of Indravajra and

Upendravajra.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript,

139

Altogether there are 19 metres with 129J verses between them.

Most of them, however, are represented by only one or two verses ; and

all of them, except the three first- named, occur exclusively in the intro¬

duction of the treatise. The arya metre, on the other hand, is not em¬

ployed in the introduction at all. The indravajra and sloka, which are

the most generally used metres, occur both in the introduction and in

the body of the work, though more frequently in the latter. In fact the

body of the work is, with the exception of the six arya verses, written

throughout either in slokas or indravajras.

The only prose portions are : a longer passage between the 35th and

36th verses, and a short remark between the 48th and 49th verses.

The work consists of two distinct portions. The first is a sort of

introduction which extends as far as the end of the 42nd verse, where

after a great variety (18) of metres, the first long series of slokas com¬

mences. It treats of the discovery and the various medical uses of

garlic ( lasuna ).

The second portion, which forms the body of the work, may be

described as a treatise on what in the Susruta (II, 12 and IV, 20) are

called the hshudra-roga or minor diseases. It commences with verse

43 ; and includes several sub-divisions which are generally indicated by

a change of metre.

The first sub-division extends to verse 50, and consists of eight slokas.

It lays down a series of general physiological rules.

140 Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

The second sub- division, down to verse 53a, written in two and

one-half arya verses, is a sort of appendix giving a prescription, not

intended for any particular disease, but to be used by healthy persons

for the preservation of health.

The third sub-division, down to verse 58, consisting of five slokas,

treats of the proportions and definitions of certain ingredients used in

the composition of drugs.

The fourth sub-division, down to verse 66, consisting also of eight

slokas, gives two (tonic) prescriptions, not intended against any parti¬

cular disease, but to be used by persons in a low state of health, for the

purpose of improving the general tone. The curious remark is here

added (verse 66) that these tonics should not be administered to any one

who has not a son or a disciple, nor to an enemy of the king, nor to any

law-breaker.

The fifth sub-division, down to verse 85a, composed in indravajras,

treats of the preparation and application of lotions ( dscliyotana ) for the

eye. It is marked off from the following sub-division by the interpolation

of an arya (verse 86), giving a direction as to the preparation of other

remedies, similar to the lotions, and a sloka (verse 87), introducing the

subject of plasters for the face (muhha-lepa) .

The sixth sub-division, down to verse 103, again composed in

indravajras, treats of the preparation and application of plasters for the

face (vadana-pralepa) . It is also marked off from the following sub¬

division by a sloka (verse 104), giving directions as to the size of those

plasters.

The seventh sub-division, in indravajras, down to verse 108, treats

of certain drugs which may be used either internally against general

disorders of the system or applied externally as pastes ( viddlaka ) to the

eyes. To this are added, in aryas (verses 109 and 110), some other

prescriptions for making such pastes or collyriums ( anjana ).

The eighth sub-division, down to verse 119, in slokas, explains the

causes of hair diseases and gives directions as to their treatment.

The nineth sub-division, down to verse 131a, also in slokas, treats

of remedies against various kinds of cough.

The two last-mentioned sub-divisions, which are both composed in

slokas, are marked off from each other by the interposition of the sign

©, which always indicates the end of a subject or chapter.

As there is no colophon, or the usual ending, containing the name

of the work and its author, it is doubtful whether the treatise contained

in this portion of the manuscript is preserved complete.

The language in which the treatise is written is Sanskrit. There

is, however, a noticeable difference in the Sanskrit of the narrative por

1891.] Dr, Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

141

tion of the introduction, and that of the rest of the work in which the

prescriptions are detailed. In the former the Sanskrit is comparatively

plain and correct, while in the latter it is very rugged and plentifully

marked with all those anomalies of orthography, grammar, prosody

and vocabulary which distinguish the early extra-scholastic Sanskrit of

the North-West of India. The versifying powers of the author were

evidently unequal to the management of the technical portion of the

work.

1 will now enumerate some of the more striking instances, that I

have noted down, to illustrate the different kinds of anomalies that

occur in the Sanskrit of the work. It might be objected that these

apparent anomalies are mere copyists errors ; and undoubtedly in a few

cases, they are such errors; thus in fl. 5a1 (verse 95) the MS. reading

ndsye Jcrita vidheya pralepdh is clearly a mere clerical error for ndsye

hrite etc. But in most cases the surrounding circumstances forbid such

an explanation, and show that the anomalies belong to the character of

the language. It is also to be observed that the whole of the manuscript

is very fairly free of clerical errors. I believe there are only about 17

cases which are certain to come under this description ; in a few others,

which I have also marked in my transliteration as false readings, it may

be doubtful whether they are really errors or anomalies or simply

slovenly writing. To the class of distinctly clerical errors belongs the

omission of two whole padas, as in fl. 368 (verse 55), or of a whole syllable,

as in fl. 3 bl munir for munibhir , fl. 2 cliha-madirdm for chhdta-madirdm ,

or of a letter, as in fl. 2 56 prayujan for prayumjan ; again the substitu¬

tion of a false word, as in fl. 3 b?j pushti for paJcti, or of a false akshara,

as in fl. 1 64 so tan for sit an or srotan, fl. 1 &6 dtithauviva for atithdviva,

fl. 25s idly anna for sdly anna ; or again a totally blundered word, as

in fl. 3 a1 Icdsyeshasno for hdsasvdsaghno. On the other hand doubtful

cases are such as fl. 3 a4 undiram for udirnam , fl. 3a6 astrdni for astrdni

which more probably are real anomalies of the language ; or such as fl. 1 64

sthitodupati for sthit endup ati, fl. 3a9 hr Hat as for hrisabhds , where we

have probably a correct letter written so slovenly as to resemble a

false letter.

But to return to the anomalies : there are first the irregularities of

orthography. The following are selected examples :

Doubling of consonants : preceding r : e. g., in fl. 2 b2 h-hridi , fl. 3 65

h-hriyd; or preceding y, in fl. 5 siddhyati and saddhyam.

Confusion : of sibilants : e. g., s for s , in fl. 4a8 kdsisa for hdsisa ; s

for sh , in fl. 2 bs hulmdsa for hulmdslia ; sh for s, in fl. 5 W shadi

for sa ti ; or n and n : in fl. 3uB hritdstrdni for kritdstrdni , fl. 458

sthaunaiyaha for sthauneyaha ; or of ri and ri, in fl. 366 mriyate

142

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

for mriyate, fl. 4a7 and 4a-9 sritani for sritani ; fl. 3a10 krimi for

krimi.

Prakriticisms : omission of a final consonant: fl. 36s pushtyd for

pushtydh (abl. sing.) ; fl. 3 67 samd for samat (abl sing.) ; or

simplification of a double consonant : fl. 36 11 satalayos for sapta-

layos.

Use of the guttural nasal before s and h : fl. 169 and 2a7 ansu for

amsu.

Next morphological irregularities :

Peculiar inflexion: in declension: fl. 2 6U nrind for nra ; fl. 561

sahiyam from a base sahiya for sahiyas. In conjugation : fl. 269

pdyayita for pdyayeta * ; change of class : fl. 5 63 pratapyeb

(IV tb, rare, ‘to warm one’s self’) for pratapet ; atm. for

parasm. : fl. 26s srinushva (but fl. 3a9 srinu), fl. 4 62 vinivart-

tayeta for vinivarttayet.

Change of gender : neut. for masc. : fl. 362 utsdham (but fl. 3 63

utsdhah ), fl. 4a3 amaraddru ; masc. for neut. : fl. 36 11 limgas=cha ,

fl. 46s dschy otano vidheyah (but fl. 462 aschydtanam) ; fern, for

masc. : fl. 5a8 rddhrdm (but fl. 5al° rodhram) ; fern, for neut. :

fl. 5a10 ay 6 vighrishtdm f for vighrishtam.

Next syntactical irregularities :

Exchange of cases : acc. for nom. : fl. 5a6 daham rujdtm sa-ddhdm

sdmyanti for daha rujd sa-ddha ; nom. for acc. : fl. 5a2 murvvd-

pi go-mutra-yutam vadamti for mur warn- dpi ;J altogether the

acc. and nom. cases are used very promiscuously, see under

‘ abnormal concord.’ Instr. for nom. : fl. 26u nrind upakal-

payet for nd ; nom. for loc., fl. 5a5 vidrutas-cha vadana-pralcpe

for vidrute cha ; gen. for acc., fl. 169 mdlds=tat-parichdrakasya

janasya drdpayet for parichdrakam janam ; gen. for dat. : fl. 2a6

bhujdm prayojyo for bhugbhyah ; and loc. for dat. : fl. 4as rdja-

dvislite na ddtavyo for rdjadvishtaya.

Abnormal concord : incongruent cases : acc. and nom. : fl. 3a1

prasthdn deydh for prasthdh ; for other examples, see above.

Incongruent genders: masc. and neut. : fl. 3a9 gunani prochya-

mdnan (acc. pi.) for prochyamanani, fl. 462 esha sritas ... dschy d-

tanam for etat sritam, 4611 etdni misritd vd ; for other examples,

see above under ‘ change of gender.’

Abnormal construction : many of the verses containing prescriptions

# This, however, may be merely a case of slovenly writing of the vowel -mark,

t This may be clue to the mere exigencies of the metre which here requires a

long syllable.

X This, however, of course, would not have suited the metre.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment oj the Bower Manuscript.

143

are very halting* and defy every attempt at regular construc¬

tion. Thus in verse 36 (fl. 3a5) one would expect the accusa¬

tive of kudava in dependence on yumjydt ; one would also rather

expect kasasvdsa-vighnam vidam. Quite literally translated,

the construction seems to be this : “ Having crushed one

cleaned prastha of garlic, one should join it with one half-pala

of powdered triphala ; and of both clarified butter and oil one

kudava : this, when allowed to stand for ten days, they favour

as a remedial ‘ vida ’ against cough and asthma.5’ An other

striking example is the prescription in verses 67-69 ; there

is a wonderful mixture of accusatives and nominatives in verses

67 and 68 ; and the exact connection of dvabliyam tribhir is

doubtful. Verses, 75, 76, 91, 101 and others are equally diffi¬

cult to construe.

Peculiar words or meanings of words : the following I have not found

noted in any Sanskrit dictionary available to me :

agra-manas ‘ attentive ’ or ‘ intelligent ’, fl. 3a9.

agaja ‘ a kind of liquor ’, fl. 2b*.

abda ‘ mica ’ (syn. abhra ), fl. 1 64.

v / abhi-vi-ji , ‘ overcome ’, fl 3al, in abhivijitya.

abhtlu, some kind of eye-disease, fl. 4&6, 5a3, 5a5.

utkshita , ‘besmeared’, fl. 1 56.

udaka, ‘ water-animal fl. 5b6.

undtra, ‘ excellent ’, fl. 3a4, (perhaps a false reading).

upaldbha , ‘ resemblance ’, fl. 154.

ushita , ‘ allowed to stand ’, fl. 2 611 ; see vyushta.

krisa-bhas, ‘ appearing lean ’, fl. 3a9, (if correctly read).

khalita , ‘ bald ’, in a-khalita, fl. 5 58.

jivitu, ‘ life ’, fl. 366, (perhaps a false reading).

nikvatha , ‘ boiling ’, fl. 3a2.

nilika, some kind of eye-disease, fl. 5as.

pilpa, ‘ suppuration ’ (?), fl. 5a4 ; in sa-pilpam.

pra-sush, ‘ desiccate ’, fl. 4611, in prasdshya.

yashtihva, ‘ liquorice ’, fl. 5a8.

varttyd (fern.), ‘ bougie ’, fl. 3 58 (syn. vartti).

vida , ‘ paste ’ (?), fl. 3a6, (cf. vid&laka).

^ / vedh, ‘ pierce ’, fl 5 64, (cf. causal of vyadli).

vyushta , ‘ allowed to stand ’, fl. 2b7, 3a6, see ushita.

vyatimisra , ‘ mixed fl. 3a7.

shadi, a species of plant, fl. 5 b7, 5 bs, (cf. sati ).

sahiya , ‘fortified with’, ‘joined with ’, fl. 5a11, 5bl (cf. sahiyas ).

samsudana, * destroyer ’, fl. 3al°.

144

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript . [No. 3,

suviraja , ‘ fermented barley-water ’ or ‘kanji,’ fl. 2 bb, (syn. sau-

viraka).

sthaunaiyaka , a species of plant, fl. 463 (perhaps a false read¬

ing)-

Smarshmin , ‘ having a sound body fl. 3al (perhaps a false read¬

ing)-

Rare words : atho (for athd ), ‘ then fl. 4 6B.

at, ‘ afterwards fl. 4 63.

u (?), ‘ then ’, fl. 2 62.

ekadhyam, 1 together with fl. 2 66.

Marks of interpunctuation : a symbol, exactly like the old numeral figure

‘ one ’, occurs twice, apparently as a mark of interpunctuation, on

fl. 3 63 and 3 64. The same symbol is also used to indicate a blank

V

space at the beginning of the second and last lines on fl. 16.

In this connection, I may note, that the two signs of the Jihvamuliya

and Upadhmaniya never occur, at least, in this portion of the manuscript.

The introduction affords some curious historical information.

There were ten sages living together in the Himalayas : Atreya, Harita,

Parasara, Bhela, Ganga, S'ambavya, Susruta, Vasishtha, Karala and

Kapya. Once the attention of Susruta was attracted by a new plant,

— it was the lasuna or garlic — , and he went to ask information from

a Muni named Kasiraja. This Muni is then represented as giving to

Susruta all the medical information contained in the manuscript (see

verses 9, 39).

This narrative agrees in one leading point with the opening state¬

ment of the well-known work, known as the ‘ Susruta.’ There it is stated

that Susruta with other sages addressed the Kasiraja* Divodasa Dhan-

wantari in his (Himalayan) hermitage and obtained their instruction in

medicine from him. Of the companions of Susruta seven only are

named : Aupadhenava, Vaitarana, Aurabhra, Pauslikalavata, Karavirya,

Gopura and Raksliita.t None of these agrees with the names given in

our manuscript.

* This Kasiraja is usually understood to be a title “ king of Kasi (Benares)” ;

though, even then, it does not follow that “ the cultivation of medicine is by Susruta

himself expressly assigned to the city of Kasi (Benares) ” (see Weber’s History of In¬

dian Literature, p. 269) ; for Susruta learned his medicine from the Kasiraja while

the latter was living with other sages ‘ in l-etirement ’ ( dsrama ), which according to

the usual precedents must be understood to be in the Hiinfilayas. But from the way

in which the name Kasiraja is used in our ISIS., it seems clear that it is understood

os a proper name of a Muni. The names Divodasa and Dhanwantari do not occur at

all in the MS. *

t Three of them, Aupadhenava, Aurabhra and Paushkalavata, are again named

at the end of the fourth chapter.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

145

On the other hand some of the names mentioned in the introduc¬

tion to the other well-known Hindu work on medicine, known as the

‘ Charaka ’, agree with those in our manuscript. In that introduction it

is said that Atreya taught medicine to his six pupils : Agnivesa, Bhela,

Jatukarna, Parasara, Harita#, and Ksharapani. Four of these names

are identical : Atreya, Bhela, Parasara, and Harita, but in every other

respect the statements of the two authorities differ from one another.

According to the Charaka, Atreya was the teacher of Bhela, Parasara

and Harita, while according to our manuscript these four men were fellow-

students, and were taught by Kasiraja. In the Charaka, Susruta is

altogether omitted, while according to our manuscript, he was the most

prominent in the company of fellow-students and their mouthpiece. This,

of course, is explained by the fact, that the two works of Charaka and

Susruta, as we now have them, in the main represent two different schools

or rather departments of medical science — the former, medicine, the latter,

surgery. Of this assumed division there is no sign in our manuscript ;

nothing in its contents, though coming from Susruta, is connected with

surgery ; and in its introduction both Atreya, the fountain-head of the

Charaka, and Susruta are mentioned in company. But neither the Susruta

nor the Charaka, as we now have them, are original works ; they are clearly,

both of them, recensions (probably much modified) of earlier works.

The earlier work on which the Charaka Samhita is based was one

A

written by Agnivesa (said to have been a pupil of Atreya), and was pro¬

bably still exstant, as Dr. Dutt in his Hindu Materia Medica (p. vii)

shews, at the time of Vasfbhatta. That the work now called Susruta is

not the composition of Susruta himself, is shown by the opening saluta¬

tion in which Susruta himself, along with other divine personages, is

invoked. Of what sort the two original works were, we have perhaps

hardly sufficient right to conclude from their modern re-cast representa¬

tives. At the time of the composition of our manuscript, however, it is

clear, the original work of Susruta (the so-called vriddha Susruta ?)

already existed.

That neither of the two works, now known as the Charaka and the

Susruta, can be accepted as ancient and original compositions, has been

clearly shown by Dr. E. Haas, in his two Essays in the Journal of the

German Oriental Society (vol. XXX, p. 617, and vol. XXXI, p. 647).

The Susruta, especially, would seem to be a comparatively modern

compilation, somewhat loosely and unscientifically put together in the

manner of the Puranas. But Dr. Haas- goes much too far in his theory

of the origin of that work, which, though seriously put forward, reads

* Our MS. spells the name Harita, which is there guaranteed by the metre. I

may here mention that a Harita Samhita ( Atr&ya-muni-bh&shita ) has been edited by

Kaviraj Binod Lai Sen. (Calcutta, Ayurveda Press, 146 Lower Chitpore Road).

T

146

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript [No. 3,

much more like an elaborate joke. According to him the name Susruta is

only an Indian adaptation of the Arabic name Suqrat ( Js\yu» )} which

itself is a confusion with Buqrat (Tfyb), the Arabic corruption of the

Greek Hippokrates (ibid., p. 652). And in the name of the city of

Kasi (Benares), where (as Dr. Haas believes) the medical science is

said to have originated, he sees an adaptation of the name of the island

of Cos (kws), which was known to the Arabs to have been the native

land of Hippokrates (ibid., p. 654). Accordingly he holds, that the

Susruta was compiled somewhere between the 12th and 15th centuries

A. D., and is based on information supplied by Muhammadan physicians

(ibid., pp. 666, 667).

One of the main pillars of this theory is the opinion held by Dr.

Haas (and others), that according to the Susruta, Kasi-Benares is the

place where Hindu medical science took its origin (see ibid., pp. 627,

665, 654). This opinion is based on the statement, that “ Susruta and

his companions addressed the Kasiraja Divodasa Dhanvantari in his

Asrama Now even if it be right to take Kasiraja as a title (‘ king of

Kasi ’) of Divodasa Dhanvantari, it does not follow that the asrama,

where the instruction took place, was in or near Kasi. On the contrary,

all that we know of Indian habits suggests that the meaning of Susruta

is that when the “ king of Kasi ” communicated his instruction, he had

resigned his kingdom and retired into an Himalayan retreat, to study

and practice asceticism. This may be all invention, but it is just what

would be consonant with the ideas of a Hindu author. But it seems to

me, our manuscript renders it very improbable that Kasiraja is a title ;

it may have been so in the thoughts of the author of the modern Susruta,

but in our manuscript itself it seems to be used rather as the proper name

of a Muni. This takes aways all force from the argument based on a

supposed origin of the medical science in Benares.

But in his main principles, I am disposed to believe, Dr. Haas is

correct. He distinguishes between an earlier and a later period of the

literary cultivation of medical science among the Hindus (ibid., pp. 648,

650). The earlier period extends down to the arrival of the Arabs in

India, who brought with them the knowledge of Greek medicine. To

this period, Dr. Haas thinks, the Charaka may belong (ibid., p. 651)

as well as other treatises, no more now identifiable (ibid., pp. 628, 629,

657). Two of the earlier works of the second jDeriod Dr. Haas con¬

siders to be Vagbhatta’s Ashtanga-hridaya and the Madliava-nidana

(ibid., p. 649, 650). The Susruta, as already remarked, he places also

in the second period, but much later, after the 12th century. This may be

true, so far as the work, now known as the Susruta, is concerned ; but that

some Susruta existed already in the earlier period, is now indisputably

proved by our manuscript. It not only proves that a Susruta existed

147

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — -An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

in the earlier period, but that its existence is traceable back to (at

least) the fifth century A. D. ; and this fact lends very strong support to

the commonly held opinion that the Kitab-i-Susrud men¬

tioned by Ibn Abi Usaibi’ah (8th century A. D.), is really a ‘ book

Susruta But what particular Susruta it may have been, it would be,

at present, impossible to say.

Our manuscript, — at least in the portion, now published — shows

some affinities to both the Susruta and the Charaka. I have not yet been

able to subject these two works to a very careful examination with a view

to discover resemblances or identities. This, of course, is very desirable ;

and I hope to do so, as soon as I have more leisure. In the meantime

I may note here a few coincidences that I have noticed in the course

of a cursory glance through them. My references are to Pandit Jiva-

nanda’s editions ;* I regret, that no better editions are, at present,

available to me. For the English translation of Susruta I refer to

that by Doctors Uday Chand Dutt and Aughore Chunder Chatto-

padhya in the Bibliotheca Indica.

The only striking coincidence that I have noticed with regard t >

the Susruta is the prescription given in verses 60-66. It refers to ten

purgative pills (modaha) , one of which is te be taken daily on ten con¬

secutive days. A prescription, practically identical, occurs in Susruta’s

Sutrasthana, Chapt. 44, slokas 50, 51 (p. 166, and transl. p. 211). The

number of ingredients differs, but the principal ingredients are the same,

and the number of pills and days is also the same. Moreover the place in

the system where the prescription is introduced has some similarity. 1

have not been able to discover this particular prescription in the Charaka,

though perhaps it may be found in it.

With regard to the Charaka I have noticed the following coinci-

dences. In verses 121 and 122 there is a prescription against cough. The

first portion of this prescription exhibits a very close resemblance to

the first portion of a prescription occurring in the Chikitsita Sthana of

the Charaka, in its 20th chapter which deals with the treatment of

cough. It is at the bottom of page 735. I have not found this prescrip¬

tion in the Susruta. Another coincidence occurs in verse 66. Here we

have the direction that a certain medicine “ should not be adminis¬

tered to any one who has no sou nor disciple, nor should it be given to

an enemy of the king, nor to any other sinful liver.” A very similar

direction occurs in the Charaka, in the 8th chapter of the Vimana Sthana

(p. 296) :f “ medicines should never be administered to the king’s

* Also Dallana Mishra’s Commentary, the Nibandha Sangraha, published by

Jivananda Yidyasagara.

f Also quoted by Prof, von Roth in Journal, German Oriental Society, Vol.

XXVI, p. 418.

148 Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

enemies nor to the enemies of grandees ( mahdjana ), nor to any whose

habits are excentric, sinful or disagreeable, nor to any who will not obey

directions, etc., nor to such as are on the point of death, nor to women

whose husbands are absent or who have no protector.”* In the Charaka

this direction is a general one ; in our manuscript it appears to have re¬

ference to a particular prescription. I may note, however, that the

identical direction also occurs in the introduction to the first part of the

Bower MS., where it is given, not with reference to a particular remedy,

but, as in the Charaka, to medical assistance generally.

On the other hand, I have noticed some particulars in which the

views or rules of the Susruta and the Charaka appear to me to differ

considerably from those set forth in our manuscript. Thus in verses

43-50 the digestive faculty ( agni ) is made the basis of all vital condi¬

tions, the last of which is stated to be longevity (ay us), and the physi¬

cian is advised to direct his first enquiries to the state of the digestion

of his patient. In the Susruta, however, (chapt. 35, Sutrasthana, p. 126,

transl. p. 143) the physician is directed first of all to enquire into the

longevity ( dyus ) of his patient, and only if he is satisfied on this point,

he is to proceed to examine the patient’s digestion (agni). Again in

verse 43, food (alidra) is mentioned as the first item in a series, not as

being the first in the series of physiological states, but only because, as

explained in verse 44, food is that which sets the digestive faculty (agni),

the first of the vital functions, in activity. In the Susruta, however,

(cliapt. 46 in Sutrasthana, p. 192, transl., p. 248) a much more import¬

ant position is assigned to food (dhara) ; it is made the basis of every¬

thing, of strength (bala\ colour (varna) and vitality (djas). It would al¬

most seem as if the writer of the Susruta had misunderstood or exaggerat¬

ed the reason why ‘ food ’ is placed first in the series in our manuscript.

Again four kinds of digestion (agni) are distinguished : sama, vishama ,

tikshna aud manda. Now in verse 46 of our manuscript, the direction is

given, in case of vishama or irregular digestion, to take curdled milk,

clarified butter and the like. The same direction is also given in the

Susruta (chapt. 35 of the Sutrasthana, p. 131, transl., pp. 147, 148), but

with reference to too active ( tikshna ) digestion. Another instance are

the directions with reference to honey and urine. In our manuscript,

verse 58, the use of these substances is limited to the products of the

* The corresponding passage in the Susruta is much shorter. It occurs at the

end of the 2nd chapter of the Sutrasthana, and runs as follows : “ Hunters, fowlers,

outcasts and sinners (pupakarin) should not be treated.” (See p. 7, transl., p. 9)

There is not much resemblance here, except perhaps in the term pdpaMrin, for which

our Mb. has papcichci/'in. In the Ilarita Samhita the corresponding' passage is

entirely different : “ The Ayurveda should not be given indiscriminately to any one .

it may not be given to unbelievers, nor to fools, nor to the 1 ow.” See Binod Lai Sen’s

ed., p. 3.

149

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

honeybee and the cow respectively ; but in the Susruta there is no

such limitation, though bee’s honey is said to be the best and cow’s urine

is enjoined to be used in preference to that of other domestic animals ;

see chapt. 45 in the Sutrasthana, pp. 184, 191, transl., pp. 235, 246, 247.

There are some other substances, such as horn, hoof, etc., mentioned in

verse 58 ; and with reference to all of these the use is limited to products

of the cow. Similar, though not the same, substances are mentioned

in the Susruta, verse 12 of chapt. 37, Sutrasthana (p. 138, transl., p. 157),

but here again their use is not limited to products of the cow. For

another difference see footnote 71.

In the Charaka I have noticed the following instances of a differ-

ence. Both in our manuscript and in the Charaka three sorts of diseases

of the hair are mentioned : khdlitya ‘ baldness’, palita ‘ grey hair’, and

tdmrabdla or (in the Charaka) hari-loman ‘ red hair.’ As remedies our

manuscript prescribes (verses 117-119) : venesections, emetics, unguents,

hair-dyes and washings. The Charaka, on the other hand, directs the

use of nasyas or ‘ the application of medicated substances to the nose ’

(see Dutt’s Materia Medica, p. 17), unguents, and the applications of

plasters to the scalp and the face; see the Chikitsa Sthana, section on

baldness, pp. 798, 799.

On the whole, therefore, I cannot say that — so far — I have discover¬

ed any very striking connection of the Bower MS. with either the Susru¬

ta or the Charaka. It is different with the Chakradatta, or the Chikitsa

Sangraha, a compilation from various medical works made by Chakra-

panidatta. This appears to be a work, dating not later than from the 9tlr

or lOtli century (see Dr. Dutt, in his Met. Med., p. xi). My references are

to Kaviraj Pyari Mohan Sen-Gfupta’s edition. In this compilation

I have found several of the prescriptions of the Bower MS., in almost

identical words. Thus the prescription against cough, given in verse 123,

occurs as the last of a set of three prescriptions, quoted in the Chakra¬

datta, p. 210 (No. 2). The only difference is that the drugs are

enumerated in a different order in the first half-line of the sloka.

Again the prescription in verse 128 occurs in the Chakradatta on

p. 216 (No. 70), and this time, in perfectly identical form. Again

the prescription in verses 121 and 122, which I have already

mentioned as also occurring in the Charaka, is also found in the

Chakradatta, p. 210, as the second in the first set of two prescriptions.

The agreement, however, only extends to the first portion, given in verse *

121 ; and even here it is not very close. But this first portion, as given

in the Chakradatta, is identical with the first portion, as given in the

Charaka, on p. 735 (bottom). The second portion, as given in the Chak¬

radatta, differs from the versions, given in both the Charaka and in our

manuscript. I may add that the first prescription for cough, given in the

150 Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

Chakradatta, on p. 210 (commencing with vastukd vdyasi ddkam), occurs

in identical words in the Charaka, on p. 736 (middle), and that there is a

faint similarity in this prescription to that given in verse 120 of our

manuscript. It is evident, that some of the prescriptions in Chakrapani’s

compilation are taken from the Charaka; but I do not know whence he

derived the others, which are identical with some in our manuscript (verses

123, 128). Further, the prescription in verses 121, 122 (commencing with

gramydnupa) seems clearly to point to some connection between the me¬

dical work, contained in our manuscript and those in the Charaka and the

Chakradatta. It would be satisfactory to be able to discover what the

sources were on which Chakrapani drew for his compilation ; they are not

specified anywhere, I believe, in his book.

For the sake of completeness I may add that in the first portion of

the Bower MS., the introduction of which I have published in the

Proceedings for April, I have come across several prescriptions which,

in quite or almost identical terms, are incorporated in the Chakradatta.

There is another work which I have been able to examine cursorily

and which offers a few examples of coincidences. This is the Yangasena,

by an author of the same name. It appears to be a compilation from

different medical works, but professes to be a new recension of what was

formerly known as the Agasti Samhita.#

The formula for the purgative pills, in verses 60-63 of our manuscript,

which I have already noted as occurring in the Susruta, is to be found also

in the Yangasena, in one of its last chapters (the Virechana Adhikara),

on p. 1020 ; and it may be noted, that in our manuscript, the composition

of the formula is expressly ascribed to Agasti (in verse 64), whose work

the Yangasena professes to reproduce. f A very curious verbal agreement

occurs in verse 84 of our manuscript. Its first half-line (dschyotanam

mdnusha-dugdha yulctam etc.) is found identically as the second half-line

* This appears from the statement at tlie end of the book : Agasti-samhit^Syaiii

prdk=lchydtd maj-janmatas=tatah\ Gadddh ara-g ri he janma-labdhd me punah sninshrita ||

Vangasena iti ndmnu vikhydtas=tad-anantaram \ grantlio = ’ya7n sarvci-siddhdnta-sdrah

sighra-phala-dah 1 1 According to this statement Yangasena was a son of the (physi¬

cian) Gadadhara. The Yangasena has been published by N an dak u mar Gosvami, a

Baidya of Beri, District Rohtak, in 1889, at 57 Cotton Street, Calcutta. I owe the

loan of my copy to the kindness of Pandit Hara Prasada Shastri.

f The versions in the Yangasena and Susruta are practically identical ; but differ

a little from the version in our manuscript, see footnote to the translation. I have

noticed other coincidences between those two works. For example, the whole of

the remarks of the Yangasena on urine (pp. 1103, 1104) and a portion of its remarks

on liquors (p. 1103) are found verbally the same in Susruta I, 45 (p. 187, 191).

Again the prescription against pittdbhishy anda or opthalmia, given in Susruta YI, 10

(p. 680, verses 2 — 5), is found in the Yangasena in the chapter on eye-diseases,

p. 789, verses 86 — 88. In this case, though the ingredients are the same, they are

given in a different order.

151

1891. 1 Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the 'Bower Manuscript.

of a formula given in the Vangasena, on p. 788. The preceding

formulas, however, are entirely different,* and I have not been able to

trace the formula of our manuscript in the Vangasena, or vice versa.

I may also note, that the formula, given in verse 76 of our manuscript for

ophthalmia, shows a curious resemblance to that given in verses 107 and

108 of the Vangasena (p. 791). There is also some slight resemblance

between the formula, given in verses 70-72 of our manuscript, and that

in the Vangasena, verses 86, 87 (p. 789) and the corresponding verses

2-5 in the Susruta (pp. 680, 681). It would seem that the options per¬

mitted in the formulas of our manuscript (verses 67-74), are made up

into a large variety of distinct formulas in both the Vangasena and the

Susruta.

I may note, that neither opium nor mercury is mentioned in our

manuscript, though, as both drugs came into India -with the Muham¬

madans, that goes without saying. But it may be noticed that the MS.

mentions the riti-kusuma , or calx of brass, in one of its prescriptions, in

verse 109 (fl. 5 a11), the knowledge of which, as Professor Grarbe points

out in his Indische Miner alien (p 56), has been lost in India since

many centuries. Also some other drugs, now no longer available, occur,

such as the jivaka , medd, etc.

Perhaps the mention of lions end elephants and of the light com¬

plexion of the people in the introductory verses 6, 41, and the omission of

the winter in verse 92, should be noticed, as giving some indication

regarding the place of composition of the work.

With regard to the edition and translation, I should explain, that the

Nagari transcript gives the text as it stands in the MS., broken letters

or aksharas, of course, being printed in full ; but where the consonant

of a single akshara or a portion of a compound akshara was entirely

lost, the missing portion is represented by a blank type ( □ ) , to which the

extant portion of the akshara, whether vowel or consonant, is joined.

Aksharas, which are wholly wanting, are indicated by dots, — in numbers

equal to the missing aksharas. Aksharas which now are wanting, but

which were still exstant, when I first made my transcript, are enclosed

within straight brackets.

In the Roman transliteration, I have attempted to show clearly the

state of the original manuscript. Broken aksharas of the MS. text are

indicated by round brackets ; entirely missing portions are indicated

by as many lengths and shorts as were shown by the metres to have

existed. Occasionally, when it was practicable, I have made an attempt to

restore the text. In some cases, this was easy and the restoration ob-

* In the Vangasena the verse runs as follows : nimbasya patraih parilipya lodihram

sved-dgnind churnam-ath-dpi kallcam I dsehyotanam mdnusha-dugdha-misraip pitt-asra-

v at- dpaham=agryam=vMam.

152

Dr.Hoerule — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

vious, as the extant traces taken together with the metre and the context

indicated clearly enough what the missing letters must have been. All

such restorations, however, are invariably included within straight

brackets.

The translation is necessarily somewhat free here and there,

though always substantially faithful. I cannot feel certain, however,

that I have always grasped the right meaning ; the diction of the work

is too rugged, and my acquaintance with medicine, limited. I have

tried to obtain help, as far as I could, from Hindu practitioners. The

Sanskrit names of the drugs I have retained, except in those few

cases, where there are well-known English equivalents. In the case of

those Sanskrit names, whose identity is certain, I have added in

brackets their scientific equivalents ; but in some cases I could not feel

certain as to which plant or drug was really intended. I consulted

chiefly Dr. Dutt’s useful Hindu Materia Medica and Professor Garbe’s

Indische Mineralien ; also Dr. Watt’s Economic Products of India.

Transcript.

First Leaf : Reverse.

*

. □ . □ .

J C\ j

8 cTC^: I! ^ -5R-

'3 vi vi g

4 Sit tiWt sqw'fTT ii ^ngjrfccn:^*:-

® f’fret fir ^ ii

153

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

^ WSrfcT II

C\

£ f^=sTT¥f^: «gfraT: Stem: g%^: || ?|T TTW^rfta'f fttffag-

^fag^rfc: 3K: ejftraT^ft

J ^ *\

\ ° gfa^TDTSr: l^fcT: *f RTRDTT^ cf#j

3^T3cf || ^Dicf gRfsjcfR^T^ ^ 11V\ cT^? fx[%

W tWITT *RT^T: || 5p!^T<ft STRICT faf^fj cTW 3J^f«T

fcf^cp T^fcTHT *RTT?T^j a#f 3 ||

Second Leaf : Obverse.

\ st srggijimcra f^rgn ir^nn^m-

TqcT tTTHT Tn^nfyJmwftfflT: II '35H!I?;H[ft?ftjTl]^TSTir

.

R Tfs g ^ft^g^tcrr srstHfr? fNrgiiii-

HraTfa^m : ^bturmng 11 g gt% ^

^ z- g

N#

^ *TT% ^ Jl^

8 sftejft Rm^Tf^TfRI^fq ^ *3 WrlST ftTflligDW

si

^T«sra,^0nT^^<^isftgr5(^f^5ift H^T^TJnfsrwsgi-

f^fcT

fafgftff ct> it gg*r faftTsifg ^Tf^uicT ^ns ■

ARifgTT^ftci 'jrg^tg spi^fg gif??^ tH# gg-

$ ^ Her: 11 sro srsftHH^iniHHfq'g^jftsrw^sii rjrgifs-

' C\

^n?TH ^rj^srt^: gg'tsgt g ngr g hiv-

'Q % ^ II rSJ^Td ^Tf«€tfH4g*iHgfgeiT ^r’ft^'mgrs fug

wrsng g^rewerzgjraHfte’iiajgsTfeT ^rterr ^g^rasqfa^g-

RJTTW^-

u

154

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No 3,

« qijtqqtJTTi quit ctf^a.'sa^ssft ^jjjq q**ra ffnjqn^

qq II f’gf&spr cffcjirg qqixftqitq qxfqsqiciT: qxRi^jt qrjjq-

x§q fgftRqq^f fqffq: ^ftqflTqmer: 11 'smg^gg: gfqfsqfqHj:

v [gTf^]tjT5RfcTR55J qiqqf =3 asjgw?:^ q?icfqq qfqqqfe

gWf^qfR II f?q' fqqiqgifq qiy f ^q‘ Sirewat fq qxfat — ]

Second Leaf : Reverse.

\ fqqqx q f% qqfqqq mqr gfixq^fqqqTtqqTfq ??x 11 «-

cn^is • qjsiqifqth aj«: qqqxxxq tran^ra^q:

q xj^fq qar fq qx gfq x=qirqq; qifqs^: gqjqq: 11

iqxg^fqiqtfqxjf^cx^? xxi|q?rqi srfqgqwR q®i q^tfqfq . ..

^ %q>: fwi fqqfsifqXT II ?rfQ1gflif ^tanWS-

xjqRtcr ^texglqqt' squint xzlMx f qj-R1 gup

s °\ d ^

^ •

8 3iRW II fq%JRT^f^f 3T R*J

qftg qr stqqtfiqsf %ggwq qi qjcrf qjqx nqf xxqfq jjxnqqjTX-

<5«fs|5UJ fqq^RSfi qT q

q. wqfcr ggr nqjqjfNix;: 11 qjnqjq: ^xrfqqf fqqTrgiisr-

qrifqqrxx gqfqqi gfte^' fqqw xtr g^gx? j q $%q qrgf^q-

xxqjxsx gqrrfl^ ^ fqq-

4 fgqsjq xRfxg *rqqqfxq9t€t q r qn^qq^fq qx^xaf® 11

qjq qiRX^f mqf^rfqrex^fq^ ci^w x§§rqxf«twlxq%qi«i

^qqrsiq ||

V

« qqn'fifRJsfq q^fgqqgfHqxr ^tqf r qqrqreqfa-

flT^nifqfgfliqTcr qxqqraxqfqffcrl qxqqt aiXTirt *xgx qjqgf-

gsiqi-

189J.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. 155

srift: srfw«n^r ^jrofasrarrr^

C\ ^

£. twrqra^qeeT^fcqna^intqj&fwq^: eTfecn^eraTf® li

«i#: era erafq<qi»q qii© trer iqj cf qe qra?ftcr fes' qqc#-

C\

\° qqqrratj wr entqe afqffl^m h sra tejjqrafw eg«r

C\

faff ci *fa*T Xfftf^rsf T&rj ^ ^rfbnfaDT

^rfq- ^Tfcr ii farcr^faerr girk^urr ^tttt^i

.

Third Leaf : Obverse.

\ . . qfwqifq erffl^f qifq qg^e: xrasg fqfqeisTrqiqfir-

fqfqqx e%e p sren’^ifesfiraqscqra:

q fanigfrahraexTq qeg^ft sunrawet fireq: q? qgT-

fwmqfqe qi^fsi qqqfjqp

3 esftcf Wt q qt fcw etwxq s;fq

q’eq^T'fiqeq^nra: eefjqqT

8 eqfq qe qe%crq: ^aaefij *jt

^qqs gq^tq qisTcr:

1 qfc^efq cf JTqiqtqnejx^T sHT^tfq qq^ p gxa fqjt

qcfftrqqqr eqqrqw qqqiwffllqr^xra-

£ qf%$: efq^eieir g^iifq qqtra»{ qre^refqq'

fqggstfrt n 'feneffit wiqqjm qqqw:

^ J

® f<s ■seuqrtfqqera xqfqTe q;i#?nrt ^qjt^Tqjfqfipq:

era: g^Hitq fqf«qfr fras^ri n qxqtfqeieq fq^fq rfxrrq

*= qiqifqqqqifqftqq!fi! q qqsnx fpqfqqf% get gqqr:

^figfe: e qqq: ii eeigroge^rei gqqjei

SJ

f. Jraifq «e eeraq: gYsraiqi^jq uesra q?w n f

156

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

TTTffl?T:

\o cX=gtgt?I*igXSTOg-

ggTirexTW^gs ll ^rfai^^Jre^fggg^ffXEi^flgjfgi&n^t-

gstgxg

?X»T^ggg^lf?f»fgf4cX: frofftqnresNfr’ *fgfg?x: *«$■

fcftf’gg: ^iggsggxcf ^xgsrgsx: ^ftsrsrrt gx . *xx .

Third Leaf : Reverse.

^ .... 'S^'tT'iT «gxg*x gfSRfg g -^v- trca\%tg-

. gg^ x *g .... □ . □□ .

^ ?n>gwx?;*tjzwg "g nf^iN^ra^x^Trig-

g|gxfn«*rgx: gflfiJJsn^ yicig: gxg^x^XTjgxrf-

jgflRiJzr .

^ xxtixti w> Wgrt^a sftfggjr xuOn^t

jwxgftmr^' gCt^%<r vxg*xx»gx<5»T: sftajs *x t $^5: g^rtfscn

*. fgtm gxfggr ^rf«ft fgggx ^sgxfggxJT

si x

8 f^rcftBTJT XJT^TWTpT ^ g wq? f T*<k

g^Tcm^gftggiT ug^Jire ffxxx; fgTtgxgrig'fx: *r«n-

«xsg grtfugi ^fr fag^xffxfcx *xg-

* fir 'gxg -• h\^$ g ??g% fggtggiKxirg?:: fggir ?^jx-

gxs# «% ^gpg?: ??xft fiRUjTTJtg xxSV «|gsT%g

^Tuqjn ffngx

3 gixgf g^x^xxxgsricr^ « gngssqjr gx^t JTxsgxgfgr-

C\

jxggxxgx^ gyu^xzxgmxnf xfftfgggxxn: gtfsfftg jxx%g <j iraxft

wjrrex^wt ggax-

Si

si?;: gfaftr gtra^ ?WT gsftixi^cigg' fgfygg gg iRg:

g<g: gsNwxgt xxggfg?;: II .... 11 ©

• t • •

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — .4??, instalment of the Bower Manuscript. 157

« OT*i3fl®N

15m5RcTtq®§^5TT^n«iT^t5r^g ^

e. *rrift ^ €tf&r: sfsjrai bb*ttjt: gii-

m wrapi sft f^jp 3 jp ^jTfajctwsr ^ganug xniitr v-

\ o ^ sftf^ 1p*fP 5T5I *T?W gfygp^:«fairtBS?JreW =Ef

ir^f usfi^sgsi nv^t li

W Biy faTU^cT ^gff BliT^ «?yf<T n

g^Tfm<5r<ra*fN*JT

. . □ gfriTpRi W fW5JIT! Ii^tIN CTTTT

fastfcT^m^T gw

Fourth Leaf : Obverse.

^ .... [f?]n[tjx?^g ^urt^ng wr

=?f=r cNhdt m^Frrefa ^ragTaj fatgg

cTcf! ^T^T BISR]'-

* . □ jrafairs strst ^f^O^nct qrifjns'fl’w «4g«rt

•1

«rtgrnrt f^qrt JrftrPrfw* TOfirefsprTCFtf

^ ^R'fajTftFrifcn toto y^ier^ft iifimw <[*r

f%$ *r TO^ft % ^t ^ TOmfw ii i xfxr«j% *r^ *mi-

^JI^UT^T^ TOT «r-

8 % $ cTJT^Pfr^i^ ?j4r OTrat ^nr*ratf

tT ^rwgrtl f^^^TTfiff

■i, JTtIw ^ ^T^TT mf'Qci ^TctItoT^ WTt JTSDRTltW

3T *rlr^ Nf^RcH ^^^FsftcTJT TO3RT || ^T^vf V(-

i ^3^TTO^T*2<nFH STO^TT *TOJTT IfTO^T *TcTT xf

fiw^f ^ y^w^craisrt TO*mt

^TUT-

158

Dr. Hoerule — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 8,

'O crriT sreWCfar ^f%*;Tcrfcrffi

^ftfar cn% fwn cri *nx4*:

fw-

Si

■= t'tjt ^fyTj?n% x{ n 'ft^wTPr f%»rsrT lister siTcft-

<5^

op ^ ^ *

e ^fiit rr4" ^Tfit ’3^tjt % ^for <jT<r: afst% f^criPr

^tanipr ^Tgffflr airlift #u?i7r flvsmn?

\l

y^Tcr *rV: . im-

\° 37f%-

*n*t*itp ^fa^fw^pTT m <n^ct?*Tltf: ITfWa^ ^ri^^l^^cTif

W f^fcT *Nxr?i *Wr§T

^T Tt*TlfW3 d . □ .

Fourth Leaf : Reverse.

\ . TT’f^'t ii *nir*rerc>? fasra?: wt^^jcf

cgsTHTW ^T^ratfKTtrf^er^nT^ifa^ . nirsff ^ g tnft^^r

mm ■?fer w .

Si

R ^Tsrtf}*r 9iw^t fafmsi fqTdfsi^Tfli fafsrg=«%cr g suf

3ER?T ?=f^t ^tsfiiaPT ^5c?^siT5fI»T ^ffcT^: tsstcf-

«snrfpn®ffa’r sn*raw* ??t .

^ ^T5JT Jr$ Tre^nafftrg: f%5IT 3T ^T^rtcTsft

wnBUCHifire fljtir; afg^su ferns n ’a^ff^r ^gjTfar

5f^T f%% 311% . . ^r-

JI^T 31% 3T ¥ft|cr ?M*5S!TW ^JIcT II ^T5ff

f^rat ^fsrifipc wf%m%R3refiir ^jTsftfi'i’ mg^wggi

8

159

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Boiver Manuscript.

^ ^

y. top

\J > si

tram ^5im^ ^jtct ii ^^2xn^5n^iTonfzir^cnncj%qxff^-

C\ 'i

iNDj ^rsftcr^D

i SPfiW^tcT f%TETSR|| ^jg^Tft[Pfcn^^3r-

fasrrteTwtlk 3t3%tn*RW?r « m^tftmr

^ ^ 355 fini^r cmt^tn^i#aq^r fsr-

*TT^ 3?mi«T 3;*^ f[%SJf3slTTO

*= WF?*^ ^f^$«TTcTJlT fct*lT^ OT^$OT*JTO&TiWi^ 5RT*ff

^fa^CNUTTO5^!^ ^3ig^Tl\g!lfcT^T ^ToTT ^

S3 si

x<vv-

d *5tMto*i%w TOiffeg ^iRrtsqi li frofraif fef%cfT

s^TOT ^NltTf T5^ ^m '^NUTffiDT s^TJTfftffiT: firtfT-

\° SlXfe SffcsD ^ftTCI^WF ^WT^^T? Jr

^Pte<ra c^xra ^f3*-

^ . . . . 3f ^qgf^^R%qi5T ^cnf^T 3JTOI rat

faf^cR 3T ^WT<£JJTW ^T <*T

^4ms yfto

Fifth Leaf : Obverse.

^ . . . qstg sire ^ %& ’sfttt ^ 5 m ^ .

fqftii ^ mw SfiT fqirei Hf^iigSrqT: ^

JTHifir^T 3JTW

^ ...... 5T . npfi f *S g5C% ffti fwmTTS 55pR5TJJ%tTT: 0

Sjocif^jrsjT f^qrat SR^W 'CT'qm'f: gp<?«IS|%ins || 5Jo£tlfq jfftj^r-

gfft sfrgiq^

SI

^ g [3^H%qJT II 5% sjftlff 51 'site 5KTT<S5T *T %%cT cOrr

51 ‘qRJTcf Wt SctWiT =q yK%cf gsfi S%q q<^ 5Tg^: ^I»ftf -

^^tqsrf'snfq

160

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

8 5TJl' qiTBjfci =?9^B%mfp4S!

qii^ qqsrqqn. ii qftw f«cr> qcft yi fmx

^TOcf: Wfq: qx<9XXS crwf^wt fq^qfi: i'fT’a $q:

qqNfi: qrfqjjqTqrfqqq^ sraftnr q =3^ aqqata qpftl-

4 nsxfaqqfq ^tni^qr aqxnif fqqyta ynfqw qaixqrefa-

Cv '

qftlVtfqqT# fqqifjjjqi qW^T «qXll*T ft9TOm% fq g?5-

<qqW qn*qfqi qqft

® qqqqqtaxcr ^wrf«?qnT qrqrnTCcrpqf qqnsq yt^nOfirwf

■9 irgut qftlqqig qq qqfcr qsqfsqqqsiXqTq qixjq^i qgqnx>

q gx§%qT fqyfaq b^ibw fq*xxip xqiqqq . «%g qfq;-

?mi fqqrqx JHJniw fqcftqqi qirqqqftqi^ q’qxqfi.mgjq ^qqm

iqqqx snqqxqi-

£ qq^ Jwfiiqxq fqq^ Bi?ftirt] . . ifoq q q^qfaqi

qftqfqrqq^ wqgiftqx ixffcqx fqfn^ix ssiwq^gq: afq^x:

qiqirefqarfa .

V Btxnxx^ fq^xqwqqq qyqixqxwjjqTcsifq^jf^qT xft-

fqffqq yqq fqjquqtfq’f^myqxny^qx xqq Cf^rx: «jto-

i*q .. .

\\ ^iqf: yqqqxq-'?: qftqRqrqqiqqBq’ftxqi ftfaf

yBWJix: fqjp □ .

Fifth Leaf : Reverse.

\ nftqfgq q qftq fqq%=yqfqqx qqq’ftw qfqqfqsT-

qqft qq f =q q^xw . . . ii .

q. Htqwxq fqq^yq ^qqfaxxuqxqxq fqqqrtfinqgqjnrcr qq-

(qqnqrqfqq qw qw qqg axq® %jrqx qiqWiqT

q .

^ fqyfqqat qqft ^q'fq q sqsxt!sfqq:fan%q:,if*T*cr:

161

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Boiver Manuscript.

f%?n: »r prefer eTcr: %9n^w^srf5sraTs

....

8 ^«fcr gre?t u ftsbi Rifassr

*r afsj^jra *r ^wfgtrra^cr nTpstmfti%

■i qnnTftfiiRT ffcn vn't .... w5^-

Er?rr^%cr fhrafara faiw^sRHira^N ^ %®:*rsi’Hrehr

«tot R

i %®;Hf smi gfanpn fffiT: n © ii ^ngispsrqjnt-

stor^jt stpgtgtft

?wt! «gt: ^IT¬

'S ’sruufa: stj^f^rNura^irW jftgiTKRra: *tcrit

nj >* C\

^flfRKtnRrfq imffcr: qicRil% qjT W’f ^T W fn%?r

■9?JI%?! ^t*fi-

'= ^IsjjftrunjfsWTfRfa: %Tt ffcft JTTHcRH-

f?t*rur ftruift Tjgr ftcf

*TTC<RfTf?RT*i

<• wfa srau^r ,ag*ifjtf«t% ^ gsti-

f^RTrapt 'f TO^fjrtWIWTfRnj^twf^f^'a^: ^crawqfNTfq

V *ra<f ifgRifg tj fqiRi fqajflt-

^ gm ftiirra *firegg ii gsigsrararreNr »tt>#g^ w wg

\\ . O qRjqiRigg 5R?!?^Rf ^cT??J

wg sHNnrp sr*rr ctrc qiagrregg vz Rm

ggapr

^rlt^r^iTfinof gT<r*rerfJc qfa% «fajq: qtn f?g

SJTSfffa^'rR^

162

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript,

Transliteration.

[No. 3,

First Leaf : Reverse.

1 Om iDev-arshi-siddha-gana-kinnara-naga-yaksha-vidyadhar-adhyu-

shita-sanur=ananta-ratna(h) [|] punyas=tripishtapa-tal(-ambri)ta-

deva-ramyah[ - — — v./v-' — ]

2 n=udagrah II [1 Yatra sphutan-mani-sahasra-mayukha-jala-viksho-

bhitam dasasu dikshu bhayat=(pra)linam[|] chandr-6dra1 2-surya-

hutabhuh-nilay-abhisa[ii]ka[m] pr[a]vri[d-ni]-

3 sasv=api punar=n=na tamo bhyupaiti ||[2||] Yah sevyate muni-ganair=

anisam sa-sishyair=n=naikaih samit-kusa-phal-odaka-pushpa-has-

taih [|] svargg-aiiganabhir=api cba pravirnrishta-sakliah

4 kumjeshu yasya taravah kusum-arthinibhih n [3 II ] Yatra trilochana-

jata-mukut-aika-desa-nitya-sthit-6du-pati3-didhiti-sampray6gat [|]

sotan4 5=diva=pi himavat-sphatik-6palabham=abdai-6 7

5 ndukanta-manayah pravaram sravamtill[4 II ] Yasy=abda-mukta-jala-

dhauta-sila-taleshu kumjeshu naika-vidha-vi-gana-naditeshu [l]

ramyeshu pushpa-phala-da-druma-samka-

6 tesliu ratrau hutasana-vad=aushadhay6 jvalamnti6 || [5 II ] Chandr-

amsu- gaur atara-ke sara-bhara-bhridbhir = m att- ebb a-ruastaka-tata-

•CD • *

kshataj-otkshit-amsaih [|] simhaih sil-ochchaya-guha-vadana-

7 ttahasair=n=na ksbamyate mbudliara-vrinda-ravo pi yatra ||[6 l|] Tas-

min=girav=avani-mandala-manda-bbute sarvv-atithauv^iva jagad-

vibhava-pradanaih [|] sarvv-artu-pusbpa-plialavad-druma-ramya-

8 sanav=ete vidlmta-tamaso munayo vasamti || [7 ||] Atreya-Harita-

Parasara-Bliela-Gargga-S'ambavya-Susruta-Yasisbtba-Karala-Ka-

pyah [l] sarvv-aushadhi-rasa-gan8-akriti-virya-nama-

9 jijnasavah samuditab satasah pracheruh || [8 ||] 9Drisbtva patraii-

harita-baritair=indrauila-prakasaib kandaih kunda-spbatika-ku-

mud-endvansu-samkb-abbra-subbraib [|] utpann-astho

10 m [u]nim=upagatah Susrutah Kasirajam kinnv=etat=syad=atlia sa

bbag’avan^ba tasmai yathavat H[9 ||] 10Pur=amritam pramathitam

-asur-endrah svayam papau [|] tasya cliichchheda bhagavan=u-

1 Metre of verses 1 — 8 : Yasantatilaka.

2 Read §ndra.

3 Read Sndu-pati.

4 Read srotan or sttan.

5 Read abdd.

6 Rea,djvalantiovjvalamti.

7 Read dtithav = iva.

3 Read guna, as in verse 13.

9 Metre : Mandakranta.

1° Metre of verses 10 and 11 : S'ldka.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

163

1831.] I)r. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

11 ttamarngam Janarddanah H [10 1|] Kantha-nadi samasanna vicbcbbinne H

tasya murdhani [|] vindavah patita bhumav=adyam tasy=eha janraa

tu SI [11 ll]

Second Leaf : Obverse.

12

14

15

1 nNa bliaksbaya[m]ty=enam=atas=cba viprab sarira-sarnparkka-vinih-

sritatvat [|] gandb-ogratam=apy=ata eva cb=asya vadamti sastr-

adhigama-pravinah || 12 1| 1 2L avan a-rasa- viy ogad=abur=ena m rasu-

na(in)

2 lasuna iti tu sarpjna cb=asya loka-pratita [i] bahubhir=iha kim=

uktair=d=desa-bbasb-abliidbanaib srinu rasa-guna-viryany=asya

cb=aiv=opaydgat || [13 1|] 13Rase cba pake clia katuh pra-

3 dislitah pake tatba svadur=udahrito nyah141 [|] lagbus=cba gandbena

sa-durjjar-asra-viryena cb=osbnah pratbitas=cba vrishyah II [14 ||]

16Ambl-6sbna-sneba-bbavat=pavana-bala-barab

4 proktd muni-vrishaih 16madliuryat=:pitta17-bliavad=api clia sa rasataya

pitta-prasamanah [l ] auslinyat=taiksbnyat=katutvat=kapba-bala-

vijayi vidvadbbir=uditah sarvan=r6gan=nibanyad=iti

5 vidbi-vibito doslia-traya-liarah || [15 ||] 18Pavanarp vinili amty=api cb

=astbi-gatam kapham=apy=acbirad=uditaip samayet [|] janayed=

api cb=agni-balam prabalam bala-varnna-karab prava-

6 ras=cba matah || [16 1|] 19Atha babu-vidha-madya-maipsa-sarpir-yava- 17

godbuma-bliujarp sukb-atmakanam [|] ayam=ilia lasun-otsavah

prayojyo bima-kale cha madliau cba madlia-

7 ve cba || [17 ll] 20Tyajyarpte kaminibhir=jayana-samucbita yatra kancbi-

kalapah barah saityan=na vaksbas-tana-tata-yugal-apidanat=sam-

prayamti [| J kamta n=endv-ansu-jala-vyatikara-subbaga-barmya-

8 prislith-opabbogab kale tasmin= prayojyo by=aguru babu-matam

kumkum-arpkas=cba yatra II [18 ||] 2 ^army-agresbv^atlia tora-

18

19

Metre : Viparitakhanaki, alternate Indravajra (2nd pada) and Upendravajra

(1st, 3rd and 4th).

12 Metre : Mai ini.

13 Metre: Viparitakhyanaki, alternate Upendravajra (1st and 3rd padas), and

Indravajra (2nd and 4th padas).

14> Read anyaih.

13 Metre : Suvadana.

16 This pada does not scan ; there are also other difficulties ; see note to transla¬

tion ; it scans, if sa be omitted.

17 Perhaps read tikta.

13 Metre : Totaka.

19 Metre : Aupachchhandasika.

20 Metre : Sragdhara.

21 Metre : S'&rdulavikridita.

164

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

nesliu valabhi-dvareshu ch=avishkritah kand-adhya lasuna-srajo

virachayM=bhiiraaii

9 tath=aiv=archchanam [|] malas=tat-paricbarakasya cha janasy=aro-

payet=tan-mayir=ity=asy=aisha vidhir=j=janasya vihitah svalpo

vamanam=atah II [19 ||] 22Atha suddha-tannh suchir-v-vivi(kta)h

10 sura-yipran=pratipujya pavakam cha [|] lasunat = svarasam pat-

amta-putam prapived=ah.ni subha-grah-arksha-yukte |l[20 ||] ku-

davam kudavad=ath=api ch=ardham kndavam sardham=ato pi y=

ati[matram|]

20

21

Second Leaf : Reverse.

1 niyata na hi kachid=atra matra prapived=d6sha-bal-amayani drishtva

« [21#] 25sa-talavri[nta]-(vya)jan-anil(ai)h (subh)[ail(h) (pa)van- 22

tam=(e)na[m] samabh! i] (s)pris[e]ch=chhan[ai] (h) [|]

2 bkave(d=u)24 murchchha-pi vato pi va yadi spriset=tatah sita-jalaih

sa-chandanaih ||[22 ||] 25snra-tritiy-amsa-yimurchchhitasya gan- 23

dusham=ekam prapived=rasasya [|] purvvam gala-k-kr(i)d(i)-

y(i)[dhanaj-

3 hetoh stliitva mnhurttan=cha pivet=sa-sesham ||[23||] 26tasmin=jirnne 24

kskira-saly-anna27-blmk=syat kshir-ayojyo jamgalanam. rasair=v=

va [l] hridyair=yushaih samskritair=y=vaidalaii’=v=ya ynktah sne-

h ai r=m atray=ai ka m cha

4 kalam II [24 ||] 28piyen=mardyikani va madhu madhu-sam-amsacb= 25

chha29-madiram arisbtam sidhum va jagalam=agajam maireyam=

api va [l] ato nyad=va madyam bhavati gunavad=yat=tat=sa-sali-

lam pived=ekaikam va na

5 bhavati yatha madya-vyatikarah II [25 II ] 30a-madya-pah sukh-odakam 26

pivet=tath=ambla-kamcliikam [|] Tush-odakam suvirajam pivech

22 Metre of verses 20 and 21 : Aupachchhandasika.

23 Metre : Yamsasthavila. The verse is much mutilated, and has been restored

conjecturally with the aid of the metre. After chhanaih, the leaf must have been

broken off originally, before it was written on ; for as the metre shows, there can

have been no more writing in the first line.

24 The akshara du is not distinct ; possibly it might be ttu (bhavSt = tu).

25 Metre: Viparitakhyanaki, alternate Upendravajra (1st pada) and Indravajra

(2nd, 3rd and 4th padas).

26 Metre : S'alini.

27 Read sdly-anna.

23 Metre : Sudha.

29 As the metre shows, there is here one long syllable wanting. I would propose

to read ainsdch = chhdta, i. e., amsat = sdta (or perhaps sdnta or chhdta).

SO Metre : Pramanika.

1891.]

165

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Boiver Manuscript.

=cba mastu yach=clihubham (|| 26 li] 3lna gudena kathan-cliid= 27

enam=adyan=na tath=aman=cha jalam pive-

6 t=prayu j an33 [|] satatan=cha bhayed=ajirnna-samki na cha khaded=a-

bahuni vasarani II [27 ||] 33Atha kandan=cb=chhnbhan=cb=cblilaksh- 28

nan=pishtan34=sarpis=cba tat-samam [l] khajen=abhipramathy=

aitad=ekadhyam gtirita-bkajane ||[28 il]

7 Vyushtam da?abat=prabhriti bhaksbayed=bilva-sammitam [i] jirnne 29

cha rasa-kalp-6ktam=ahara-yidhim=ackaret [|| 29 II] dyay=apy= 30

etay^abhihitan kalpau pragra-harau may a [|] anay6r=yatnava-

8 n=n=asyat=kalp&n=anyan=ch=chhriniishya me II [30 ||] 35Kandan=ch= 31

chhahkh-abhan=apahrita-malan=saktu-kulmasa-chnkraih sarpis-

tailabhyam samita-yikritaih supa-mamsa-prakaraih [l] maudgais

=cb urnnair36=haritaka-yu-

9 tair=g = gandha-sauvarchchal-adhyair = adyat=samskarair=bahubhir=

aparaih sadhitan=y=etarani ||[31ll] S7Marnsaih sardham sadhayitv= 32

asya kandam putam hridyam tam rasam payayita [|] siddham

tat-yat=kshiram=asmai

10 pradadyad=yusham va syad=yaidalam tad-yimisram ||[32 ||] 38Atha 33

taila-sukta-sabitam lasunam nihitarp yaveshu parilipya mrida [l]

sthitam=ekam=abdam=upayujya narah s □ □ i □ e □ i □ [a]-39

11 n=api jahati gadan ||[33 ll] 40Tri-ratram=ushita tug=aurana-nrina41 34

yada syat=tada nrina=rdham=upakalpayel=las[una] [ — w - w

-][•]

31 Metre : Aupachchhandasika.

32 Read prayuipjan, as shown by the metre.

33 Metre of verses 28—30 : S'loka.

34 This is a curiosity ; the final n, which should be properly conjunct with the

initial s of sarpis, is attached to the head of the subscribed ta of pishta, because the

big akshara in the line, just above, interfered with the proper writing of the con¬

junct nsa.

33 Metre : Kusuraita-lat4-vellita.

36 Here, as the metre shows, one long syllable is wanting.

37 Metre : S'alini.

33 Metre : Pramitakshara.

39 Here five syllables are lost, which, as shown by the metre, should be w ^ ^ —

The first syllable must be either su or sa ; of the following three syllables the

vowels (i, e, i) are preserved ; of the 5th syllable the vowel must be k, to make up an

accusative plural, ending in an and agreeing with gaddn. The phrase should have

some such meaning as “obstinate” or “ long enduring ” (disease) j su-chire sthitdn

may be suggested.

40 Metre : Prithvi.

41 Read tug-drata-nrind (for tugd arata-nfind) (?)

166

[No. 3,

Dr. Hoernle — A n instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

Third Leaf : Obverse.

1 [v^-] (dadhi)-ghritani takkram=athav=api tad=brahmanah pray-

ujya vividhan=gadan=abhivijitya (smarslimi) bhavet II [34 II ]

42Prasthan = dvatrimsal = lasuna-rasatah 35

2 kinvam=ardh-ardham=asmat taila-prastho vyapagata-malah pisbta-

tah shat=cha deyah [|] dadyan=nikvathad=api cha kalasam mesha-

srimgyah

3 sa-sitam prasthau cha dvau pnnar=abhiharet=tatra pishtasya dhiman

[il 35 || ] 43iti sur=eyam pamcha-panch-ahad=rasa-varnna-gan- |

dhaih samanvita . £

4 bhavati tailam namatas=ch = edam=undiram44=atyartha-karmnkam

tailam=etad=yah surara.=api va purushah prayumjita yatnatah

5 pariharamti tam gad-anikany=ajau krit-astrani4B v-etare ll 46Pras- 36

tham pishtva sodhitam=ekam lasunanam yumjyach=churnnais=

traiphalair=ardha-

6 palikaih [|] sarpis-tailabhyam kudavas=ch=eti dasaha(m) vyushtam

kasa-svasa-vidam vighnam=usanti ||[36 ||] Hanyad=yukto nia(ru)ta- 37

gnlmam pavana-ghnaih

7 kushtham hanyad=y6jita-matram khadirena [l] kasyeshasno47 haya-

gandha-vyatimisrah svaryah proktas=ch=aisha vimisro madhu-

yashtya||[37 ||] 48nana-vidhan=esha nihamti rogan 38

8 nana-vidha-dravya-visesha-yuktah [l] na yamtrana kutra-chid=asti

kalpe yatlia prayuktah sukhibhih sa kalpah II [38 ||] 49Pasayana- 39

varasy=asya prayuktasya

9 gunani mat [|] samasatah prochyamanan=SusrntaiB0 gra-manah srinu ||

[ 39 ||] B,knshth-arochaka-giilma-kasa-krisataschitr62-agnisada- 40

prannt vat-asrigdara-sula-sosha-jathara-plihodar-arso-harah [|]

42 The metre of verse 35 is a mixture of alternate Kusumitalatavellita and

Mandakranta. I cannot discover its specific name.

43 The following appears to be prose, thought it consists of two parts, each of

thirty-nine syllables.

44 Read udirnam.

4B Read kritdstrdni.

46 Metre of verses 36 and 37 : Mattamayura or Maya. But the 2nd pada of

verse 36 does not scan and is short by one syllable ; also the 3rd pada of verse 37 is

disfigured by a clerical error.

47 Read Tcdsasvasaghno, as shown by the metre.

43 Metre: Akhyanakhi, a combination of Indravajra (first two padas) and Upen-

dravraja (last two padas).

49 Metre : S'loka.

B0 Read susrute.

B1 Metre of verses 40 and 41 : S'Ardulavikridita.

Ba Read krua-bhds-chitra ; t and bh are two consonants of very similar form.

167

1891.] Dr, Hoernle — An instalment of the Boiver Manuscript.

10 pakshaghjRadcatigraha-krimigad-odavartta-meh-apahah tandrl-pina-

sa-vahii-pnshta-pavanApasmara-samsudanah II [40 ||] sri-man=

venii-mndamga-valguminadas=tapt-agra-h(kaa-dyutir=m=medha-

dhi-balavan

11 s(u)-sarphata-tan(u)r=valyAdibhir=varjitah [|] nity-ots&ha-sn-tar-

dhibhih53 samuditaih sarvvair=d=dridliair=indriyaih jived=abda-

satam dridli-anala-balah strish(v)-akshayo va [pu](ma)[n] n 41 ||

Third Leaf : Reverse.

1 £4[v^W (lasnna)na[m] kalpa nkto may = ayam nranirB6==api cha

drishtah praktanair=evam=eva [l] pa['‘-'*-/ - ]pra-

yunkta[m] cha samyag = [\-> □ ri [vy] □ u □ y □ [ — v/ -

w - || 42 H ]

2 B6Ahara-pushti57-dhatunam samyam=arogyam=eva cha [|] pushtis=

tejas=tath=6tsaham=ayus=ch=aiY=agni-sambhavah [fl 43 ||] agnir=

ah ar a - mul as=tu p ak ti - mul as=ch a dhatavah [|] dhatu-samyat=tath

=ar 6 gyam=arogy [at]=pu[sh]t[i]-

3 r=uttama [||44||] pushtya tejas=tath=otsahah sarvvair=etais=cha jivi-

tam [l] praninam barddhate tasmad=agnim-adau parikshayet

[|| 45 || ] Dhatu-samyat=samah proktah68 sa vai sreshthah prakirt-

titah | B9visliame dadhikarp sarpih pived=va havnsh-adika(m}

4

5

[ll 46 ll]

snigdh-oshna vartayas=ch=eshtas=tatha pan-asanani cha [l] mande

tu lamghanam purvvam paschat=pachana-dipanam [ || 47 II

churnn-arishta-prayogas=cha hitah pitta-kaph-apahah [|] yatha-

satmyam prayoktavyam same gnan bhishajam=iti69 II 48 ||] Bhava-

ti ch=atra II B9Mande tikshne cha mriyate vin=opakaranair=n=narah

[|] vishame roga-bahulyam same jivech=chiram sukhi [|| 49 II ]

Tasmad=rogeshu sarvveshu. sarva-kaleshu buddliiman [|]B9 agni-

mula k=kriya

6 karya paschad=amaya-samtaye II [50 ||] 60Sva-rasena samkhapushpya

brahmi-maiidukaparnni-madhukaiiam [|] med h - arogya- bal - arthi

S3 Read su-vardhibhih.

34 Metre : Malini.

33 Read munibhir , as shown by the metre (of 15 instants) and the sense.

36 Metre of verses 43 — 50 : S'lSka.

37 Read pakti, as shown by the context in verse 44.

38 The text had originally prokto, which was afterwards corrected, in a lighter

ink, to proktah, a visarga being inserted and the vowel 6 cancelled by two strokes.

39 Here, and in three other places, the original has a mark of interpuuctuation,

resembling the ancient numeral figure one.

69 Metre of verses 51 — 53a : Ary&. See note 62.

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

168

Dr. Hoerule — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript [No. 3,

jivitu61-k&mak prayumjita [ll 51 1|] masena tn medkavi skan-m&sack 52

=ckkruta-dkaro bliavaty=a-

7 jarah [|] jivati varska-sakasram sama prayogack=ckata-dvayam vi-

dliivat [u 52 ll] evam paratak paratak prayumjamano bkavaty=a 53

jarak || .... II ©62 [ll 53 II ]

8 6SYavagu-kkada-yuskesku leka-cliurn-agadesku cka [|] gudik-amjana- 54

varttyasu dkuma-pratkamanesku641 cka [|| 54 ||] 66pntapaka-tar- 55

ppana-svedena-vaman-asckyotanesku cka [|| 55 ||]

9 anyeslm ck=apy=arniktesliu yatra bkago na kirttitak [l] dravyanam. 56

sama-bkagah syad=dvi-gune madkn-sarpiski [|| 56 ||] tri-gunam 57

tu gudam dadyat=sita-ckurnam ckatur-gunam [i ] peshyesku ya-

10 tra n=oddisktam dravan=tatra jalam matam [ll 57 ll] dadki-mutra- 58

payak'sarppi-roma-srirpga-sapkeslm cka [|] gavyarn prakalpayet

=sarvvam madkunam makskik-odbkavam ll [58 ||] Dadima-tva- 59

ckaya

11 (sa)rdkam katn-tailam yipackayet [|] karnnau bkag-osktkau limgas

=clia sarvva etena vardkati ll[59 ||] Ckitrak-ardka-palam nmlat= 60

trivrit-satalay6s=tatka [|]

12 dan(t)i-mu]acam karskam karskam pritkak=pritkak

[|| 60 ll] pippalyak saindkavack=ck=aiva tatlia kimgv-ambla- 61

vetasat [i] vimsatis=ck=abkaya-mukya

Fourth Leaf : Obverse.

1 [kj — — ] yipackayet [|| 61 ll] gudasy=askta-palat=samyak=knrvita 62

dasa-modakan [|] ekaikam bkakskayet=tasmad=dasame dasame

liani [|| 62 ll] doshanam paclian-artkaya jalam=usknam pived^anu 63

[|] virekamte tatah snatva satmya-

2 [m=an]n[am] prayojayet [ll 63 ll ] n=atra kas-ckit=parikaro vak-kaya- 64

manasam sada [|] sarvv-artuko narendranam vireko gasti-nirm-

61 Perhaps read jtvita-kumah.

62 This (circle with central dot) is the usual mart to denote the end of a subject.

On the corresponding place of the left hand margin there are two figures, the lower

of whicli is the numeral one, and the upper one is apparently 50 ; if so, the two

together would be 51, which would seem to refer to the counting of the verses,

though I count 52 or rather 52| verses up to this point. There are two points, how¬

ever, to be noted : first, the MS. inserts four dots, which seem to indicate a lacuna;

secondly, verse 51 is a regular arya of 30 and 27 instants, but verse 52 has two long

lines of 30 instants each, and the following half verse consists of a short line of 27

instants. Of verse 53 only one-half exists.

63 Metre of verses 54 — 66 : S'loka.

64 Read pradhamanGshu.

6& This verse is a fragment, two entire p&das being lost.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Boiver Manuscript.

169

70

71

mitah [|| 64 ||] jara-mrityu-pramathanah sarvv-&maya-vinasanah 65

[l] vrishyo rasayanas=ch=aiva

3 medli-arogy-abliivardhanah [|| 65 ll] n=aputraya prad&tavyo n=asi- 66

shy ay a kathan-chana [l] raja-dvishte na datavyo ye ch=anye

papa-charinah II [66 ||] 66Dve pamcha-mule madhukam guduchl 67

rasn=asvagandh=amaradaru patha [|] tvacham ba-

4 le dve tagaran=tilas=cha murvvain kiilatthan=naladam ghanan=cha

[ll 67 ||] punarnnavara venu-phala-tvacham cha jivamty=ath=ail= 68

aguru jivakas=cha [|] eranda-mulam sa-phala-praroham kuranda-

pushpani

5 mahauskadham cba [ll 68 ll] dvabhyam tribhir=v& kvathitam sa-toyam 69

=ajam payo gavyam=ath=avikam va [|] sa-saindhavam kim-chid

=atah sukk-aushnam=aschy6tanam vata-krite kshi-roge j| [69 |j]

D arby=utpal am pa-

6 dmaka-tumga-yasba-meda-mrinalam madhukam samamga [i] kaliya-

kam parppataka lata cha draksh^atha karshmarya-parushakam

cha [|| 70 ||] mulani gundra-nada-yetasanam sumgani cha67 pnsh-

pavatam trina-

7 ram [|] prapaundarikarn sa-kiratatiktam bhadrasriyam nimba-patola-

vasam [|| 71 ll] dvau trini v=aje payasi striya va sritauy=ath= 72

aschyotanam=uttamam syat [|] sa-sarkkaram makshika-sampra-

yuktam paitte kshi-

8 roge rudhir-atmake cha II [72 ll] Triny=ushanani triphala haridr[a]

kasisa-jati-grihadhuma-jatyah [|] laksh^atha damti suraso vacha

cha path=asvagandh=amaradaru ch=agryam [|| 73 ||] sa-katplial-

ail-asrura-kanta-

O • •

9 kari rodhram karanjam vrihatim svadamshtr&m [i] dve trini v=£b-

tah salile sritani koshn&ni karyani sa-saindhavani [|| 74 ||] aschy-

otanam sleshma-krite kshi-roge madhu-pragadham pravadamti

samtah [||] Parusha[k]-am[r]a-

10 taka-tintidika-vrikshambla-jamvv-amra-kapittha-kolaih [|| 75 ||] sa-

matulumgaii-atha dadim-amblair=madyaih payobliir=d=dadhi-

mastuna va [l] darvy-utpal-adyaih kvathitais=cha s-amblair=

aschyotanam saindhava-sam[prayuktam] [|| 76 ||]

11 ( — )nyasa-sit-oshna-kritam nihamti rakt-atmikam netra-rujam pra-

sahya [||] Samsargga-je sarvva-samutthite va hin-adhikatvam

prasamiksliya roge [|| 77 ll] kurvvi(ta) Dm— □rD^-v-y -

73

74

75

76

77

78

66 From liere down to verso 85a, the metre is, in various combinations, a mixture

of Indravajra and Upendravajra.

67 Kend vA.

W

170

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

Fourth Leaf : Reverse.

1 63 — paliar(i) vivijhah [||] Eranda-mulam sa-pbala-prarobam vijar-

jaram ksbira-yutam tv=ajanam H 78 ||] syad=vata-rakt-apaliam 79

=etad=agryam=ascbyotana[m sad]bb[i]sbaj(o) vada[m]t[i] || Pra-

paundar[i]ka[m] madliuka[m] haridra[n] cliha— ^ - —

- [II 79 «]

2 ascliyotanam sarkkaraya vimisram pitt-anil-arttim vinivarttayeta II 80

Natam svadamshtra-vribati-tvacban=cba briveram=ity=esba sri-

tas=tv=ajanam [|| 80 D] ksbir-odakaih saindliava-samprayuktam= 81

ascliyotanam vata-kapli-apabam sya(t) [ll] ( - w)

3 Darvya madhukarp clia mukbyam gavye payasy=at=kvatbitah striya

va [ll 81 || ] ascliyotano maruta-rakta-pitte sa-sarkkarah sad-bbi- 82

sliaja vidlieyah || Cburnnaui sukslimani pbala-trayasya badhva site

kslianma-pat-aika-dese [t| 82 ll] aje [payas]y[=am]- 83

4 ganaya69 jale va pariplutam sarvva-ruj-apabam syat || Darvvim hari-

dram tripbalam sa-mustam70 sa-sarkkaram maksbika-samprayuk-

tam [ || 83 ||] ascliyotanam nianiisha-dugdlia-yuktam pitt-asra-vat- 84

apaliani=agryam=uktam || Eranda-miilais=ta-

5 runaih sa-pattaih kalkair=atho shasbtika-tandulanam [|| 84 ||] gbrit- 85

aplutam sava-kara-praliptam purwena kalpena ruj-apaliam syat ||

[85 ||] 71Sveda-putapaka-nabana-tarppana-gliritapana-lepa-pari- 86

she k an [|] asebyotana-

6 nirddishtair=dravyair=etaih prakalpayita bhishak II [86 ||] 72Ritu- 87

V3^adhi-hit-abbiln-vyamga-nilika-nasanan [ |] visba-shotb-apaham.

=s=cb=aiva mukha-lepan=prachakshate n[87 ll] 73Tvak-ksliirinam74 88

chandana-padmakau clia gundram mri-

7 nalam gbana-valakau clia [|] mulam kusanam tagar-ailavalu talisa-

patram naladam tilas=clia [|| 88 ll] niasura-durvv-ama-yavam mri- 89

nalam rasas=cba yaslitimadbuk-otpalanam [|] saileya-must-aguru.

8 jbamakan=cba stliaunaiyak75-aila tagaram ti]as=cba [ll 89 ||] tvak- 90

patra-kusbtli-aguru jbamakan=cba mamsim harenum paripela-

63 Here four syllables appear to be omitted, for which I can discover no place

either at the bottom of the obverse, or at the top of the reverse of the fourth leaf.

69 The mutilated phrase must, I think, be pciyasy=ainganay& * in the milk of a

woman ’ ; though the correct form would be amgandyd ; the short a is probably due

to the exigencies of the metre.

70 The text originally had sa-mustdm, which by a later hand is corrected to

sa-mustam.

71- Metre: AryeL 72 Metre: S'loka.

73 Metre of verses 88 — 103 : either Indravajra, or some combination of Indravajra

and Upendravajra.

7A Read kshtrinim.

76 Read sthauniyaka.

1891.]

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

171

van=cha [f] yasbtihva-rodbr-aguru cbandanan=cba punarnnava

krislina-tila lata cba [ll 90 II ] ity=ardba-

9 rupair=v=vadana-pralepaih76 kalesliu gbarm-adishu samprayojyah76 |

nidarsita drishti-hita naranam d6sh-apahan=me srinu77 eb=ocbya-

manan [|| 91 ||] Vat-amaya-gbna jalad-agam-oktab pitt-a-

10 maya-(gbna)h saradi pradishtah [ij grlsbm-opadisbta rudhir-amaya-

gbnah kapb-amaya-ghnab kusimi-agam-oktah [|| 92 ||] Karppasa-

mulany=alatairL=nsira-kaliyaka ksliiravatain tvacbas=cba [|] blia-

drasri—

11 [ya] [ — '~'^]kam yav&s=cba vadamti varnyan=vadana-pralepan

[|| 93 ||] etani mutrena gavam prasosbya kol-ambla-mutraib salia

misrita ya [|] syur=m=matulumgasya rase yuta va sa-sarsbapah

soshya

Fifth Leaf : Obverse :

91

92

93

91

1 [w — - ]78 || 94 || - - w ^ — ^](k&su) kl[i]sbt(e) cba 95

dusbt[e] rudliire cba mukt[e] [|] (s)n[elie] v[i"|reke vividlie cba

nasye krita79 vidheyil vadana-pralepab [|| 95 ||] Tvak-patra-ma- qq

msi-nata-cbandanam cba manabsila vyagbra-

2 [nakbam]^ - (in)80 [l] • (amb)l(i)ka-knsbtb[am] surase baridre

visb-apahali syur=vadana-pralepah ||[96 ||] Murvv-asvagandha 97

tripbala karanjam sotli-apabah81 syur=vadana-pralepab || Muyy88=

api go-mutra-yntam yadamti sotb-apabam

3 [s]y[ad]=va(d)ana-pralepam ll [97 ||] Mnkbe praliptena liasen=na rud- 98

yat=svapnam na seveta tatlia na cb=adyat [l] n=agnau pratapyen=

na cba dbarayeta susbkam pralepam vadane mannshyah [|| 98 ||]

Abbilu-nilikam=ath=api 99

4 kusbtbam vyamgam sa-pilpam83 tilakam=s=clia jantoh [l] s&myamti sa-

dyo yadana-pralepad=drisbtis=cba baktran84=cba bhavet=prasan-

nam ||[99|l] Mnkbe pralipte basato snato va sleslima sa-cbhayuh85 iqq

76 Read praldp&h and samprayojydh.

77 The text originally had only nu ; the syllable sri was afterwards inserted

interlinearly in a lighter shade of ink.

78 Perhaps fill up with mukhS vidMyah.

70 Read Tcritd.

80 The lacuna may be filled up with harenum ; compare verses 105 and 106, where

also we have vyaghranakhuin and harSnum.

81 Read soth-dpahdh.

82 The letters look rather like myavvdpi. The fact is, the original writing was

muvvdpi, which was, rather clumsily, corrected to muvvdpi. But read mdrwdp

( murvvu api).

83 Or perhaps sa-pilpd.

841 Read vaktran = cha.

88 Read sa-vdyuh.

172

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Maunscript.

[No. 3,

5 svapatah prakopah [|] y&ty-&su tasni&cb=cbbiras6 virekab snebas=eba

dhiimas=cba punah prayojyab [|| 100 ||] Agni-pratapad=vidrutas 101

=cba jamtdr=dbrite cba sushke vadana-pralepe [i] abbilu-

6 purvvan=pravadamti rogam=s=tesbam yatb-oktam vidadbita santim

[|| 101 || ] Nakt-andha-taimirya-siro-rfcti-daliarn pitt-atmikam 102

cbaksbn-rujam sa-dabam [|] dosbas=tatba=nye pi mukba-tvacba-

stbali samyanti sadyo

7 vadana-pralepat [ll 102 ||] Aksbnor=v=vikare kapba-marutabhyam 103

nastah-krite pinasa-roginam cba [|] hanu-grabe sirsba-rujasu ch

=aiva vadamti varjyan=vadana-pralepau [|| 103 ||]86Amgulasya 104

cliatur-bbago

8 mukba-lepo vidhiyate [|] madhyamas=tn tribbagah syad=anty87

- \^ — bliavet [|| 104 ll] 88Yashtibva-rodbram tripbala mrina- 105

lain sit-opalam kamcbana-gairikan^cha [i] patra-tvag=el-aguru

devadaru punarnnava vyagbranakbam-

9 janafi^cba [|| 105 ||] manahsil-alam vribati-tvacban=cba mamsi- 106

bare[n]u[m pari]pelavam cba [l] sauvirakam gairika-katphalan=

cba syacb=cbbariva sarkkaraya vimisra [ll 106 ||] ity=ardba-rupais 107

=chaturah pradisbtab kaph-asra-pi(tt-anila)-

10 roga-santau. [|] vidalakais=tair=n=nayanam samantad-a pakshma-

mb]at=pradibed=bahir=Y=ya [ll 107 ll] Rodhran=cha kim-cbit=tu 108

gbritena digdbam=ayo yigbrisbtam-abliayam-atbo va [|] tvacham

vrihatyab samam=afijana[n=cba vida]-

11 lakah sarva-ruj-apahab syat [|| 108 ||] "Gairika-rasamjan-amjana- 109

manahsila-ritikusuma-sama-bhagab [l] isban-maricba-saliiya dvi-

gunam n 109 ll]

Fifth Leave : Reverse.

1 Maricba-kusume cha baritam yipacben=mridv-agnin£l, gbrita-sabiyam HO

[|] amjaua-vidalako yan=cha ku[r]vv (vakshyama) -

[ll 110 ||][90 - ^ - ^ I - w - v-y - 1| - w - Hi

'“'l]

2 prochyamanam nibodbata [l| 111 ||] Rasa-dosbad=vyavay acb = cha H2

pitta-sonita-dusbanat [|] bbavaty=akala-palitam vriddbasya jarasa

bbavet [|| 112 ||] Prayena slesbmala naryas-cbbaya sa [ — w— 113

w-i - ]'

Metre : S'loka.

£7 The verse might be thus completed: nntijar, = tv = ardh-Cmgulo = bhavSt.

88 Metre of verses 105 — 108: combinations of Indravajra and Upendravajra.

89 Metre of verses 109 and 110 : Ary a.

90 Metre of verses 111 — 131a: S'loka.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manascript.

173

3 nishevinyo rajo dnshtam srijamti clia [|| 113 II ] Prasanna-rakta- H4

pitt-oshma kesa-bhumir=atah striyah [?] na chyayamti tatah kesas

=tasmad = akhalitah striyah [n 114 it] Pamsam=at6 viparyase 115

rakta-pittam pradushya[te] [|] -

4 n = kesa-mulani khalatim kurnte sirah ll[115 ||] ISTishkesam tamra- 116

vala(n=cha) (kh)alityam yach=chir-otthitam91 [|] na tat=siddhyati

saddhyan=tn navam samyag=npacharet [l| 116 ll] Khalitya-palite ny

purvvam haliu so yedhayet=sirah [|]

5 dushta-sonita-suddhasya vaman-adi-kriya hita [|| 117 ll] yath-o92^ — ng

\J — paschach=chhuddha-k6shthah prayojayet [|] taila-yogam=

s=cha yiyidhan=kesa-ragam=s=tath=aiya clia [|| 118 ll] kesa-sam- 119

;jananam=s=ch=aiva tatha samyardhanani cha [|]

6 prakshalanas=cha kesanam yatha dosha-hara hitah II [119 ||] 0 (11)

Syadv-amhla-lavan-6petair=ghritair=maruta-kasinam [|] s-annair 120

=npachared=dhiman=kevalair=y=ya yatha-balam [|| 120 ll] Gramy- 12 1

anup-odaka-rasaih sa-gudaih sa-pa-

7 landubhih [|] ambla-smgdh-6shna-madhurair=bh6jya-g6dhuma-s(a)-

layah [|| 121 ||] snram sa-mandam gharm-ambu-rasan=ya=pi 122

prakamatah [l] yata-kase balm sneham sa-gudam ya payah pivet

[|| 122 ||] S'rimgayera-shadi-dra- 123

8 ksha-srimgi-pippali-bbarggihhih [|] gnda-taila-ynto leho hito maru-

takasinam [ || 1 23 || ] Pippali-marut-ajaji-shadi-pnshkara-chitrakaih 124

[|] sa-saindhayam=idam churnnam hitam maruta-kasinam [|| 124 ||]

9 Palani kyathayet-trimsat=kantakarya jal-adhake [1] chatnr-bhaga- 125

sthite pute dadyad=gnda-palany=age [il 125 ||] churnnair-n=nagara- 126

bhargy-ela-pippali-shadi-chitrakaih [|] ghrita-taila-palais=ch-api

10 (sa)my[n] (ta)m leha-yat=pachet [|| 126 ||] chatnrbhir-a ghanibha- 127

vach=chite cha dvi-palam madhu [|] pippali-pala-chiirnnam cha

datva lihyat=tu kasa-nnt II [127 ||] Dasamula-kashayena bharggi- 128

kalkam ghritam pachet [|]

11 [ — - — m93 yata-kasa-nut [|| 128 tl] Kantakarya 29

rasa-prasthe ghritasya kudayam pachet [1 ] punarnayayali kalkena

tat=param yata-kasa-nnt [|| 129 ||] Bharggi-kalkam ghritam ch= 130

atha pached=dadhni chatnr-gnne [|]

12 (y) [y]agh[r]i-rasa-dvi-gunitam vata-kasa-haram param [ll 130 ||

paittike sarppishah panam hitam syat=sa-yirechanam [|| 131 ||] 131

91 Or perhaps chhir-otthitam.

92 Supply perhaps yath-ochit-dsanam.

93 Supply daksha-tittiri-niryuM tat=parcim from the Chakradatta, formula 70 on

p. 216.

m

Dr. Hoornlo — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

Translation.

(Yerse 1.) — Om ! The summit of boundless wealth, inhabited by

companies of Devarshis and Siddhas, by Kinnaras, Nagas, Yakshas and

Yidyadharas, the holy pleasure-ground of the immortal1 gods that in¬

habit heaven, [aZZ] . overtopping;

(Yerse 2.) Where, scattered in every direction by reason of the

multitude of the rays of thousands of protuberant gems, and dissolved

by fear, darkness, being apprehensive of the abode of the Moon, Indra,

the Sun and Fire, does not venture to approach even in the nights of

the rainy season2 ;

(Yerse 3.) Which is incessantly worshipped by numerous com¬

panies of sages accompanied by their disciples, carrying wood, kusa-grass,

fruits, water and flowers ; in whose groves the trees have their branches

examined3 by the celestial maidens in quest of flowers ;

(Yerse 4.) Where, under the magic of the rays of their lord, the

moon, who has his permanent abiding-place on the crest of matted

hair of the Three-eyed-one (i. e., S'iva), the two gems, talc4 and the

moon-stone, even by day, let flow a mighty stream,5 just as if they were6

glacier-ice ;

(Yerse 5.) In whose beautiful groves, crowded with flower and

fruit bearing trees, resounding with the voices of swarms of various kinds

of birds, and having their rocky ground washed by the water emitted

from the talc7, the medicinal plants glow at night like sacrificial fires ;

1 The reading ambrita (for amrita) is doubtful. But I can make nothing better

of the mutilated letters.

2 The suggestion of the reading prdvrid-nisdsv — api I owe to the Pandit of the

Asiatic Society.

3 Or : touched.

4* The MS. reads abda , lit. ‘cloud.’ As this is a synonym of abhra, which means

both ‘ cloud ’ aud ‘ talc,’ I take abda also to mean ‘ talc.’ It is not given, with this

meaning, in any Sanskrit dictionary accessible to me ; but the context clearly re¬

quires two minerals which should be both transparent and of a whitish or bluish

white colour. Both talc and moonstone possess these qualities. The difficulty, how¬

ever, is that mica or talc is not exactly a mani or gem. Another difficulty is, that

both abda and indukdnta are said to have the moon for their lord. This is true of

the moon-stone, but I am not aware of its being ever ascribed to talc. Yet I do not

know what else abda could be but talc.

6 The MS. reading sotan gives no sense. I conjecture srotan, i. e. srotam

‘ current ’, accusative of srota , or sitan (i. e., sitam ) ‘ water.’

6 The original has upaldbham which, in this sense of ‘ resembling,’ has not yet

been noted in any Sanskrit dictionary. Literally it means ‘ catching up ’, ‘ reaching

up to ’.

7 The original has abda-mulcta, which admits of a double meaning : ‘ emitted from

talc ’ or ‘ pearl -like talc ’.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript.

175

(Verse 6.) Where the lions, with thick manes brighter than the

rays of the moon, and shoulders besmeared with the matter oozing from

the sides of the heads of elephants in rut, do not brook even the thun¬

der of masses of clouds, but roar with mouths like mountainous caverns ;

(Verse 7.) On that mountain, which is, as it were, the cream of

the whole earth and , through its gifts of the riches of the world, the

benefactor of all creatures , — on its summit, delightful with its trees bear¬

ing flowers and fruits at all seasons, there dwell the following Munis of

enlightened mind :

(Verse 8.) Atreya, Harita, Parasara, Bhela, Garga, S'ambavya

Susruta, Vasislitha, Karala and Kapya. Hundreds of times they used

to roam about, in company of one another, enquiring into the tastes,

properties,8 forms, powers and names of all medicinal plants.

(Verse 9.) Having observed a plant with leaves dark-blue like

sapphire, and with bulbs white like jasmin, crystal, the white lotus, moon-

rays, conch-shell or mica, and having his attention aroused thereby ,

Susruta approached the Muni Kasiraja with the enquiry, what it could be.

Then that holy man replied to him as follows :

(Verse 10 and 11.) “Of yore the lord of the Asuras himself drank

the forth-churned nectar; his head the holy Janardana (Vishnu) cut off.

(no The pharynx remained attached to the severed head ; from it drop

fell on the ground, and those were its {garlic s) first origin.

8 I propose to read guna (as in verse 13). The MS. reading gann yields no satis¬

factory sense. Guna refers to the five elements : earth, water, fire, air and ether,

which are the constituents of all material objects, and after which, according as one

or the other predominates in an object, the latter is named. See Susruta I, 41.

Virya or ‘power’ is that quality by which a drug produces its effect, According to

some, virya is of two kinds : heating and cooling ; others enumerate eight kinds :

ushma or heating, sita or cooling, snigdha or emmollient, ruksha or drying, visada or

clearing, pichchhila or lubricating, mridu or mild, and tikshna or sharp. Rasas or

‘ tastes ’ are said to be five : madhura or sweet, ambla or acid, katu or acrid, tikta or

bitter, kashdya or astringent, lavana or saline. See Susruta I, 40, 41, 42. The follow¬

ing table shows the reducing effects of the tiryas and rasas on the three humours

according to the Susruta : —

It will be observed that the effects mentioned in verse 15 agree with this tabic.

176

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

Second Leap : Obverse.

(Verse 12.) Hence Brahmans do not eat it, because of its having

originated from something connected with a living body ; its evil smell

also the learned in sacred lore declare to be due to the same cause.

(Verse 13.) Because of the absence of salty taste they call it

‘ Rasuna9 ; ’ and its designation of ‘ Lasuna ’ is well-known among the

people. What need to mention the many names by which it is called in

the languages of different countries ? Hear only its tastes, properties,

and powers on account of their importance for its medicinal use.

(Verse 14.) Its taste, when eaten as well as when digested, is de"

dared to be pungent ; but when digested its taste is said by others10 to be

sweet; it is of light digestion.11 as shown by its smell, and hot, as shown

by its blood-invigorating power, and it is famed as an aphrodisiac.

(Verse 15.) By the foremost Munis it has been declared to be, on

account of its sour, hot and oily nature, a means of reducing the

strength of the windy humour, and,12 on account of its sweet and bitter

nature, also to be, through its juiciness, a means of abating the bilious

humour. On account of its hot, sharp, and pungent nature it is

said by the learned to be a subduer of the strength of the phlegmatic

humour. It was appointed by the Creator a means of removing the

defects of these three humours13, in order that it should kill all diseases.

9 Rasuna, according to popular etymology, derived from rasa ‘ taste’ and Una

‘ without ’, which would properly produce rasona. Or the intended etymology may

be from ra (for la, abbreviation of lavana) ‘salt’ and silna ( = sxtnya) ‘ destitute of.’

1° I propose to read anyaih. The MS. reading any ah yields no satisfactory

sense.

H Digestion is said to be of two kinds : guru or heavy (or brisk) and laghu or

light (or sluggish). Drugs in which earth and water predominate (see note 8) cause

heavy, while drugs in which fire, air and ether predominate, cause light digestion.

In the latter urine and foeces are obstructed ( baddha-vinmhtra ), while in heavy

digestion they are abundant or loose ( srishta-vinmUtra ). Purgative drugs, accord¬

ingly, are said to contain an abundance of earth and water, while emetics have more

of air and fire. In light digestion the tendency is said to be upwards, in heavy,

downwards. See Susruta I, 40, 41.

12 The following line does not scan in the original, unless sa is omitted. I am

doubtful as to what is intended to be said. Sa-rasataya might also be read as one

word, but would mean the same : ‘ through its having juice’. Another difficulty is

pitta-bhdva. There is no taste called pitta, so far as I am aware. I have trans¬

lated ‘ bitter,’ taking pitta to be a clerical error for tikta.

13 Dosha, lit. ‘ defect ’, is a name for the three humours : vdta or vdyu or pavana

‘wind’, pitta ‘bile’ and kap ha or sleshman ‘phlegm’. They are called so, because

they are (as the Charaka, p. 254, explains) the ‘ weak points’ of the bodily system,

inherent in it by nature (prakriti-bhrita), but as natui'al constituent elements of the

body, they belong to the supports of the body ( saHr-opakaraka ), and only become

troublesome when they are in a state of derangement ( l ikyita ).

1891.] Dr. Hcernle — A n instalmnet of the Bower Manuscript. 177

(Yerse 16.) It kills also ttie windy humour when it has got into

the hones, and rectifies also the phlegmatic humour when it ( i . e., its

defect ) is not of any long standing ; it also greatly stimulates the

digestive power, and may be considered an excellent means for restoring

vital power1* and colour.

(Yerse 17.) Now by those who want to enjoy in comfort many

sorts of liquor, flesh, clarified butter, barley and wheat, the following

festival of the garlic is to be observed in the winter season as well as

in the months of Madhu and Madhava.16

(Yerse 18.) When trimmed girdles, fit for the conquest of men,

are given up by the women, and necklaces are not worn by (lit., do not

approach) them on account of the cold that distresses their bosoms, and

when the husbands do not enjoy themselves on the roofs of the houses

of their wives in the full light of the rays of the moon, at that time it

should be observed, also when Aguru (fragrant aloe) is highly priced

and things coloured with Kumkuma (saffron).

(Yerse 19.) Then on the house-tops, gate-ways and upper win¬

dows garlands of garlic richly set with its bulbs should be displayed,

and on the ground itself one should have worship performed. One

should also cause the people of one’s household to wear chaplets made

of the same ( garlic ). This is the procedure {for observing the festival)

appointed for the people ; it is short, as needed for the lower classes.16

(Yerse 20 — 27.) Now the first formula : with a cleaned body and

removed from light, after having worshipped the gods, brahmans and

fire, the patient should drink, on a day marked by an auspicious planet

or constellation, of the fresh juice of garlic, strained through a piece of

cloth: (21.) either one kudava17 or half a kudava or one and a half

kudava or even more ;

On bala or ‘vital power’ see Susruta I, 15. It is the resultant of the seven

dhatus or ‘ constituent elements of the body’, and is also called tSjas or ojas. See

verses 43-45.

16 That is in spring, of which Madhu or Chaitra (i. e., March — April) and Madhava

or Vaisakha (April — May) are the two first months.

16 I am not satisfied as to the correctness of the translation of the last sentence,

the original text of which is very obscure.

17 On this and other measures see Colebrooke’s Essays, vol. II, p. 533ff. A kudava

is said to be a cubic measure of either 3^ or 4 fingers ( angula ), holding 2 double hand¬

fuls ( prasriti , a quantity held in both hands by a man of common size). 4 kudavas

make one prastha, 4 prastlias make one ddhaka, and 4 ddhakas make one drona or

kalasa ; accordingly 64 kudavas = 1 Q prastlias = 1 kalasa. A kudava holds 4 palas>

a pala being a ‘ handful ’ (mushti) or half a prasriti, or 2 palas = 1 prasriti. As

measures of weight 2 told make 1 karsha, 4 karsha = l pala, 8 pala = 1 sdr, 2 sdr «=

1 prastha, 4 prastha = 1 ddhaka, 4 ddhaka = 1 drona. See Dr. Dutt’s Hindu Mat.

Med., p. 8.

x

178

Dr. Hoernle — An instalment of the Bower Manuscript. [No. 3,

(Second Leaf: Reverse).

there is here no fixed measure ; let him drink in proportion to the

strength of his humours and to his disease.18 (22.) While it is clarify¬

ing, he should slowly blow on it soft currents of air with fans made

of palm leaves ; and when it boils up or is being spoiled,19 he should

sprinkle it with cold water mixed with powder of sandal. (23.) Of

this decoction, fortified by one third part of spirit of rice, he should sip

a mouthful,20 and first stopping a moment to let it play in the throat,

lie should drink it together with the rest. (24.) When this is digested,

he may eat milk with rice ; or milk may be taken with the addition of

the broth of game or with dainty decoctions of pulses or with oleaginous

substances21 ; hut he should take these moderately and only once a day.

(25.) He may drink mardvika, or madhu, or madira and madhu in

equal parts, or arishta, or sidhu, or jagala, or agaja, or maireya,22 or

whatever other strong liquor there may be ; but he should drink these

with water, or one at a time, lest there be intoxication. (26.) If he is

not used to drinking liquors, he may drink warm water or sour kanchika ;

or he may drink tusliodaka or suviraja,23 or fresh whey. (27.) He

should never take it with treacle, nor should he ever drink unboiled

water, while using this prescription ; otherwise he will always be in

danger of indigestion, nor will he he able to eat properly for a few years.

(Yerses 28 and 29.) Now the second formula : Having crushed

small fresh bulbs of garlic , and, together with an equal quantity of

clarified butter, stirred them well with a churning-stick in a vessel used

for clarified butter, one may, after having let the mixture stand for ten

days or longer, eat it together with an equal quantity of bel-fruit ( Aegle

18 It might also be translated : ‘ in proportion to the state of his humours, his

vital power and his disease.’

19 Original murchchh&^pi vato pi yadi ; I do not know the exact meaning of

vata.

go Original gandusha, a term used with gargles ; see Dr. Dutt’s Mat. Med.,

p. 18.

21 Sneha, * oleaginous substance ’ is said to include the following : taila or oil,

ghrita or clarified butter, vasa or fat, and majjd or marrow.

22 Regarding the identity of these liquors see Dr. Dutt’s Hindu Mat. Med., pp.

13, 266, 272, 273, also Susruta I, 45 (transl., pp 239 — 243). The only variety that

I cannot identify is agaja. In the dictionaries it is said to be ‘ bitumen.’

23 The suviraja of the text is probably the same as what is called sauviraka in

Susruta I, 45. All three drinks are kinds of sour gruel, produced by the acetuous

fermentation of a decoction of different sorts of unhusked grain : tushodaka or tushdmbu

is made with the husks of a kind of pulse, suviraja or sauviraka, with un husked

barley, and kanchika or kdnjika or dhdnydmla with unhusked rice. On their pre¬

paration see Susruta I, 44 (transl., pp. 209, 210, 246) ; also Dutt’s Mat. Med , p. 12.

1891.] Dr. Hoernle — A n instalment of the Bower Manuscript. 179

marmelos) ; and when it is digested, one should observe the diet pre«

scribed in the case of the use of the decoction.24*

(Verse 30.) The two formulas, above set forth by me, are the

principal. If thou art not willing to make use of either, hear other for¬

mulas from my mouth.

(Verse 31.) The third formula. After cleaning bulbs of garlic

till they are as bright as a conch shell, they may be eaten with flour of

parched grain, kulmasa and chukra,25 well cooked with clarified butter

and oil, after the manner of broths and meats, accompanied with mashed

beans and green vegetables, well seasoned with some aromatic substance2^

and sonchal salt. Or they may be eaten prepared in many other ways*

Such others27 are as follows :

(Verse 32.) The fourth formula. Having boiled one and a half

bunches of stalks of garlic with meat, one may give this savoury broth

to drink, after it has clarified ; one may add to it an equal quantity of

boiled milk, either pure or mixed with a decoction of pulse.

(Verse 33.) How the fifth formula : garlic together with oil and

sukt-a25, placed in a quantity of barley, should be plastered round with

clay and allowed to stand for a year ; a person partaking of this will