PREFACE.

WE have the pleasure of closing this sixth volume of our

Journal with an unexpected announcement :—the last steam

packet has brought out instructions from the Honorable Court

of Directors to the Government of India to ‘‘ subscribe in their

name for Forty copies of the Journal of the Asiatic Society

from the commencement of its publication !” We forbear to

comment upon an act of liberality by which we shall personally

be such a gainer, but which we have neither directly nor indi-

rectly solicited. We can easily imagine to whose friendly infla-

ence we are indebted for it, and we hope he will accept our ac-

knowledgments. Our principal difficulty will be how to meet

the wishes of the court ; for of our early volumes not a volume is

now to be procured! We must seriously consider the expedi-

ency of a reprint, for we have even heard it whispered that an

American edition was in contemplation, and such a thing can-

not be deemed impossible when we find the Philadelphians

undertaking to rival us of Calcutta in printing (and that with-

out government support) a Cochinchinese dictionary* !

Of local support we have lost nothing by the measure we re-

luctantly adopted at the beginning of the year, of raising the

price of the journal from one to one and a half rupee per num-

ber. Our list is fuller than ever, and our balance sheet ofa

much more promising aspect.

*M. P. Sr. Duponceau thus writes to M. Jacquer of Paris: “J'ai

maintenant le plaisir de vous informer que la Société philosophique Ameri-

caine vient d’ordonner I’ impression 4 ses frais dex deux vocabulaires

donnés 4 Mr. Wuire par le R. de Morrong, ils vont étre publiés dans un

volume des memoires de son comité d’ histoire et de literature, etant trop

volumineux pour faire partie de ses Transactions philosophiques.

vi Preface.

PAYMENTS. RECEIPTS.

Rs. As. P. Rs. As. P.

To balance due ist January, 1,304 2 11 |By collections this year, .. 3,455 2 8

To printer’s bills for 1836, pd.5,248 15 0 |Bydistribution to ae 1,293 0 0

To engravings and litho- bers of the As. Society, J

graphs, oe ac -- 910 0 0 {By shop sales, a5 sc 280 13 6

To expence of circulation, 421 11 9 {By sales in England, 50 415 6 O

To postage ditto, te 48 3 O/]Bybalancedue, .. -. 2,488 10 6

7,933 0 8 : 7,933 0 8

————

Bills for 1837 due say, .. 6,000 0 0 jCollections due by Asiatic

Add former balance, -. 2,488 10 64 Soc. and subs. in the 7,139 7 5

———— | three Presidencies,

The deficiency, supposing all to be recoverable, is 1,349 13 1,

or almost precisely what it was last year; so that our present

price exactly pays the expenses of publication.

The bulk of the volume has gone increasing at the usual rate,

and instead of eight hundred pages, we have now risen to eleven

hundred, with sixty plates ; too much to be conveniently bound

up in one volume. We have therefore provided separate title

pages to enable those, who so prefer, to divide the annual volume

into two parts with an index, common to both, at the conclusion

of the second part.

The prominent subject of public discussion (to imitate the

order of preceding prefaces) as far as the Asiatic Society is

concerned, has been THE MUSEUM,—the memorial to the local

government—now under reference to the Court of Directors,—

suggesting that the Society’s collection of antiquities and natura]

history should form the nucleus of an extensive national esta-

blishment, in the present day almost ‘an essential engine of

education, instructive alike to the uninformed, who admires the

wonders of nature through the eye alone, and to the refined

student who seeks in these repositories what it would be quite

out of his power to procure with his own means.” It is to be

hoped that this appeal to the court will not share the fate of

the oriental publication memorial of 1835, which is still unac-

knowledged ; but that we shall soon have an answer embracing

the united objects of the Society’s solicitude, and enabling her

to advance boldly in her schemes to secure for herself, and for

the British name the glory of placing ‘India physical, moral,

and historical, upon the records of literature. What could be

adduced asa more convincing ‘ argumentum’ (ad ignorantiam

dare we say ?) than the fact that at this moment a French gen-

Preface. Vii

tleman of fortune well grounded in Sanskrit and other oriental

studies at Paris, is come to Calcutta, ‘ about to retrace the steps

of the French naturalists Duvaucen and JacauremontT in the

interest of the antiquarian, as they travelled in that of the phy-

sical sciences.’ He contemplates exploring Gaur, Patiliputra,

Magadha, Mithila, Kasi, Ayudhya, Nipal, Kemaon,the Panjab

Affyhanistan, Tibet ; then the Jain provinces, as they may be

called, of Marwar and Malwa, and finally the cave antiquities

of Western India*.

We wish M. THEROULDE every success, we proffer him every

aid; yet we do sonot without a blush that any thing should be

left for a foreigner to explore ! India, however, is large enough

for us all to run over without jostling, and we cannot allow that

inactivity is at the present moment a reproach against our Socie-

ty or our governors. Wehaveexpeditionsin Cashmir, Sinde, Bho-

tén, Ava, Maulmain, all well provided with scientific adjuncts,

and contributing to our maps, our cabinets, and our commerce.

Our Societies were never more vigorous. The Agricultural of

Caleutta is become exceedingly active. The Geographical of

Bombay has opened the field with an interesting volume and a

journal of proceedings ; and in science we have to boast of the

brilliant progress of experiment and magnetic discovery due to

one whom we should be happy at having enlisted among our

own members. With his colleagues of the Medical College,

* We cannot omit to notice here another laudable demonstration of the

greater honor that awaits literary merit at Paris than in London—making

full allowance for the proverbial truth that a prophet must seek honor out

of his own country. We have just learnt that the French Government

has ordered a gold medal to be struck for, and the decoration of the

Legion of Honour to be bestowed on Mr. B. H. Hopeson, in return for the

valuable donation of Sanskrit manuscripts presented by him to the Asiatic

Society of Paris,—and in token of their appreciation of the great services

he has rendered to oriental literature. Neither in this case is the reward

blindly given, nor the present disregarded ; for we know that the Sanskrit

scholars of Paris have already dipped profoundly into the contents of the

Nipalese Buddhist volumes, and in a short time we may expect a full

analysis of them. Asa comment on this announcement we may add that

similar donations more extensive and more valuable were long since pre-

sented by the same party to the Royal Asiatic Society and to the College

of Fort William, and that (with exception of the Tibetan portion so well

analysed by M. Csoma) they remain as yet sealed books.

Vill Preface.

Professor O’SHaucHNnessy has drawn off to their own valuable

publication, the subjects of chemical and physical interest to

which we should otherwise have felt ourselves blameable in not

offering a conspicuous place. While far different occupations

have prevented our passing in review the very promising disco-

veries in this novel and enticing science, to which their public

exhibition has now familiarized the society of Calcutta, the

sight of models of magnetic motors and explosive engines worked

by gas and spark, both generated by galvanism alone, leads us

to suggestthat mechanics and the arts should have been includ-

ed among the proper objects of our projected national museum.

An Adelaide gallery would do more to improve the native mind

for invention than all the English printed works we would

place before them.

But we are as usual wandering from the legitimate objects of

a preface. Our own attention has been principally taken up this

last year with Inscriptions. Without the knowledge necessary

to read and criticise them thoroughly, we have nevertheless

made a fortunate acquisition in palzeography which has served as

the key to a large series of ancient writings hitherto concealed

from our knowledge. We cannot consent to quit the pursuit

until we shall have satiated our curiosity by a scrutiny of all

these records—records as Dr. Mixt says, ‘‘ which are all but

certainly established to belong to and to illustrate a most clas-

sical and important part of the history of this country.” In

our hasty and undigested mode of publication, we are doubtless

open to continual corrections and change of views: as a talented

and amusing satire on our present predilection for old stones

and old coins, in the Meerut Magazine describes it,—‘if not

satisfied with one account our readers have only to wait for the

next journal to find it discarded and another adopted, as in the

ease of the Bactro-pehlevi alphabet.’

The learned M. E. Burnour in a most interesting article in-

serted in the Journal des Savans for June,* says, alluding to the

Burmese inscription at Gaya published first in the journal, and

* On thegrand work of the Chinese Buddhist traveller For Kove Kr,

lately published at the expense of the French Government, through the

labour of three successive editors MM. Remusat, Kuaprotu and Lanp-

russe. Alas! when shall we in India have an opportunity of seeing these

works at any tolerable period after their publication ?>—Ep.

Preface. — ie

afterwards more completely commented upon by Colonel Bur-

NeY,—* il faut le dired Phonneur des membres de la Société

Asiatique du Bengale, le zele qui les anime pour l’etude des anti-

quités del’ Inde est si soutenu et si heureusement secondé par la

plus belle position dans laquelle une réunion de savants ne soit

jamais trouvée, que les monuments et les textes quils mettent

chaque jour enlumiéresesuccéedentavecunerapidité que la critique

peut a peine suivre.” While they are taken up with an object

once published, we are republishing or revising or adding more

matured illustration to it. Some may call this system an in-

convenient waste of space and tax on readers, who are entitled

to have their repast served up in the most complete style at once,

and should not be tantalized with fresh yet immature morceaux

from month to month. We, however, think the plan adopted is

most suitable to an ephemeral journal, which collects materials

and builds up the best structure for immediate accommodation,

although it may be soon destined to be knocked down again and

replaced by a more polished and classical edifice :—dirwit edifi-

cat ; mutat quadrata rotundis,—may still be said of our jour-

nal, without imputing capricious motives to our habit of demoli-

tion. We build not fanciful theories, but rather collect good

stones for others to fashion, and unless we advertize them from

the first, with some hint of their applicability, how should archi-

tects be invited to inspect and convert them tothe “benefit and

pleasure of mankind ?”—hitasukhaya manusinam,—as the

stone pillars at Delhiand Allahabad quaintly express the object

of their erection.

Connected with the subject of these remarks we would fain

in this place give insertion (and we will do so hereafter) to a

valuable series of criticisms on the matter of our last volume

contained in M. Jacauer’s correspondence. It is just what

we most desire. With the aid of an index, such additional

information and correction is as good as if incorporated with the

text, to the reader who in future days wishes to ferret out all

that has been done on a particular subject ; and we would have

all our contributors and readers bear in mind that our journal,

though it has long changed iis title, does not pretend to have

changed its original character of being a mere collection of

‘* Gleanings.”

Calcutta, 1st January, 1838.

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MEMBERS

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 183%,

[To whom the Journal is forwarded at the Society’s cost.]

The Right Honorable George Lord AUCKLAND, Governor General, &c. &c, &c.

The Honorable Sir Charles Theophilus Mretcaure, Bt. K. C. B.

The Honorable Sir Edward Ryan, Chief Justice, President, (2 copies.)

The Right Rev. Lord Bishop of Calcutta.

The Honorable Sir H. FANE, Commander-in-Chief.

The Honorable T. B. MACAULAY.

The Honorable Col. W. Morrison,

The Honorable Sir J. P. GRant, Vice-President.

H. T. Prinsep, Esq. Vice-President.

W. H. MAcNAGHTEN, Esq. Vice-President.

Adam, W. Calcutta.

Anbury, Col. Sir Thos. C. B. Engineers.

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Blundell, E. A. Moulmein.

Briggs, Col. J.

Bruce, W. Calcutta.

Bignell, M. A. Calcutta.

Burney, Lieut. Col. R. Europe.

, H. Europe.

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Burnes, Capt. A. Cashmir.

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—_—_—

xii

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Robinson, F.

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Xili

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XiV

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Stevenson, Dr. W. care of Fraser, Mc-

Donald and Co.

, Dr. W. Lucknow.

Sewell, Capt. Calcutta.

Sadyah Mission, Assam.

Tandy, H. Agra.

Subscribers.

Thomas, E. T. Almora. —

Thomson, Capt. J. Engrs. Calcutta.

, Capt. G. Engrs. Delhi.

Thoresby, Capt. C. Jeypore.

Thornton, J. Azimgurh.

Tickell, Col. R. Engrs. Calcutta.

Tremenhere, Lieut. G. B. Engrs. care of

Bagshaw and Co.

Trotter, R. Kishnaghur.

Turner, T. J. Futteyghur.

Wells, F. O. Agra.

Western, Lieut. J. R. Engrs. Chundowry.

White, Rev. E. care of Turner, Stopford

and Co.

Wilkinson, L. Bhopal.

-——., Captain T. Hazareebagh.

Wise, J. P. Dacca.

——, Dr. T. A. care of T. Ostell.

Woodburn, Dr. D. Sheerghattee.

Wroughton, Capt. Muttra.

Subscribers at Madras, &c.

Baikie, Dr. Neelgherries.

Balfour, Lieut. Madras.

Bannister, Dr. W. ditto.

Braddock, Lieut. J. ditto.

Caldewell, John, Trevendrum.

Cullen, Col. W. ditto.

Campbell Lieut. J. 21st Regt. N. I. Mad-

ras.

Ditmas, Lieut T. Combaconum.

Derville, Major, Madras.

Fleming, H. S. Madras.

Fraser, Col. J. S. ditto.

Frith, Lieut. Col. Arty. ditto.

Gantz, Rev. A. ditto.

Gilchrist, Dr. W. Vizianagram.

Hyderabad Book Society.

Harper, Rev. H.

Madras Asiatic Society.

Madras Club, Madras.

Monteith, Lieut. Col. Engrs. ditto.

Mouat, Dr. J. Bangalore.

Pharoah, J. O. B. Madras.

Robert, Digby, 36th Regt. N. I. ditto.

Thomson, J. care of Line and Co. ditto.

Taylor, T. I., H. C. Astronomer, ditto.

Underwood, Capt. G. A. Engrs.

Subscribers at Bombay, &c.

Awdry, Sir J. Bombay.

Bombay Asiatic Society, ditto.

Burns, Dr. A. Kaira.

Chambers, R. C. Surat.

Jervis, Capt. Thos. Ootacamund.

Fulljames, Capt. Goga.

McLennan, Dr. J. Bombay.

Noton, B. ditto.

Pottinger, Col. Bhooj.

Rugghonauth Hurry Chundjee, Bombay,

Shrecrostra Wassoodewjee, ditto.

Smyttan, Dr. Geo. ditto,

Borradaile, H. care of Ritchie, Stewart Shortreede, Lieut. R. Poona.

and Co.

Heddle, Dr. F. Bombay.

Hebbert, Lieut. G. W. Surat.

Law, J. S. Belgaum.

Malvery, J. J. Bombay.

Moorhead, C. Mohabaleshur Hills.

Stewart, G. A. Bombay.

Sutherland, Hon’ble J. ditto.

Twemlow, Capt. G. Aurungabad.

Wathen, W. H. Bombay.

Wilson, Rev. J. ditto.

Stevenson, Rev. Dr. ditto.

Periodical Publications with which the Journal is interchanged.

The Philosophical Magazine of London and Edinburgh.

Prof. Jameson’s Annals of Philosophy.

The Atheneum.

The London Asiatic Journal, W. H. Allen and Co.

Journal Asiatique de Paris.

Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia.

The Chinese Repository.

Dr. Coles’s Quarterly Journal of the Madras Auxiliary Asiatic Society.

The Monthly Journal, edited by S. Smith and Co.

The United Service Journal, edited by J. H. Stocqueler, Esq.

The Calcutta Christian Observer.

The Bombay Oriental Christian Spectator.

The Asiatic Society subscribes for 12 copies of the Journal, of which 10 copies are

distributed to the following Societies.

The Royal Society of London. The Royal Society of Edinburgh.

The Antiquarian Society. The Zoological Society, ditto.

The Royal Asiatic Society. The Geological Society, ditto.

The Asiatic Society of Paris. The American Literary Society.

The Natural History Society of Mauritius. The Literary Society of Batavia.

Presentation Copies by the Editor.

Sir J. W. Herschell, Cape of Good Hope.

The Right Hon'ble Sir R. W. Horton, Governor of Ceylon.

C. Masson, Esq. Kabul.

The Sadiya Mission.

C. Brownlow, Esq.

Dr. Harlan, Philadelphia.

Eug. Burnouf, Esq.

Eug. Jacquet, Esq.

The University of Bonn (Proff. Schlegel and Lassen.)

The Baron von Hammer, Purgstall, Vienna,

V. Lair, Esq. Secretary to the Caen Society.

Professor H. H. Wilson, Librarian to the Hon’ble E. I. Company.

The British Museum. The Academy of Bordeaux.

‘The Royal Institution. The Medical and Physical Society, Cal.

The Society of Arts. The Agri. and Horticultural Society,

The Natural History Society of Geneva. Calcutta.

Subscribers in England.

[No correct list of the English subscribers can be given, as their names are not

specified in the Agent’s accounts of distribution. ]

Sir Charles Grey. Miss Prinsep.

G. Swinton, Esq. Prof. Macaire.

Prof. J. F. Royle. Dr. Swiney.

W. Wilson Saunders, Esq. Lieut. Burt, Eng.

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CONTENTS.

No. 61.—JANUARY. Page

{.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the Bhitari Lat, with

critical and historical remarks. By the Rev. W. H. Mill, D. D., Principal

of Bishop’s College, Vice-President, &c. &c. as se

IiI.—Alphabets of the Tai language. By the Rev. N. rowhh Missionary in

Assam, .. a ae ae p

1II.—Remarks on ‘ee Silkworms and Silks of Assam. By Mr. Thomas Biton:

Sub-Asst. Nowgong, 30 ais

TV.—On the indigenous Silkworms‘of India. By T. W. aren, M. D. Mem-

ber of the Medical Faculties at the Universities in Prague and Pavia, Mem-

ber of the Entom. Society in Paris, &c. He sc tt

V.—Concerning certain interesting Phenomena manifested in individuals born

blind, and in those having little or no recollection of that sense, on their

being restored to sight at various periods of life. By F. H. Brett, Esq.

Med. Service, oA ar a6

VI.—™Memorandum of the progress “of inking a Well in the mune of Cuaiagde!

near the foot of the Hills. By Mr. William Dawe, Conductor, Delhi

Canal Department, “5 : Se a0

VII.—The History of Labong for the Native Beco consulted by Dr. D.

Richardson, forming an Appendix to his journals published in the preced-

ing volume, St ee os

VIII.—Suggestions on the Sites of Steen and se Altars of Alexander, hele

an extract from Notes of a Journey from Lahore to Karychee, made in

1830. By C. Masson, a, si ais S5

1X.—Chinese Account of India. Translated from the Wan-héen-t’hung-kaou,

or ‘ Deep Researches into Ancient Monuments ;’ by Ma-twanlin ; book

338, fol. 14, .. DC sie ee ne

X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Siciete, Ar sc ce

XI.—Meteorological Register, .. s. i Se 35 ee ale

No. 62.—FEBRUARY.

I,—Singular narrative of the Armenian king Arsaces and his contemporary

Sapor, king of Persia; extracted from the Armenian chronicles. By

Johannes Avdall, Esq. M. ALS... x0 3¢ SE

1J,—Translation of an Inscription on a stone in the Asiatic Society? s Museum,

marked No. 2. By Captain G. T. Marshall, Examiner in the College of

Fort William, .. : os

iiI.—On the explanation of the aid? Seythic legends of the Baberiais Coins,

through the medium of the Celtic. By Dr. J. Swiney, .. P

1V.—On three new Genera or sub-Genera of long-legged Thrushes, with ‘tee

scriptions of their species. By. B. H. Hodgson, Esq. ee ;

V.—Description of three new species of Woodpecker. By B. H. Rladeaan,

Esq. .. Sc ate ah of

Vi.—Indication of a new Genus of Incessorial Birds. By B. H. Hodgson

Esq. ee ee oe si

VIil.—Nest of the Bengal Vulture, (Vultur Bengalensis ;) with Spndeetlintae on

the power of scent ascribed to the Vulture tribe. By Lieut. J. Hutton, ..

717

112

XVill Contents.

Page

VIII.—Notes taken at the post-mortem examination of a Musk Deer. By A. ‘

Campbell, Esq., Nipal Residency, June 24, 1834, .. -- 118

1X.—Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China, focether with the

journals and routes of three different Embassies sent to Pekin by the king

of Ava; taken from Burmese documents. By Lieutenant-Colonel H.

Burney, Resident in Ava, .. oe oe ae -. 121

X.—Notice on Balantium, agenus of the Pteropodous Mollusca ; 4 with the cha-

racters of a new species inhabiting the Southern Indian Ocean. By W. H.

Benson, Esq. B.C. 8S. .. . 6 ie se ag EO

XI.—Additional fragments of the Sionehetine as é av ss Loe

XII.—Note on the Hotspring of Lohand Khad. By Capt. C. M. Wade,.. .. 153

XIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, .. .. dc a6 ot «w. 154

XIV.—Meteorological Register, .. 58 Cor eto BOOM) Goworwlod) Gao oo LEO

No. 63.—MARCH.

I,—Remarks on M. Schlegel’s objections to the restored editions of the Alif

Leilah, or Arabian Nights’ Entertainments. By Henry Torrens, Esq.

B. A, and of the Inner Temple, B.C. S. be - 161

1I.—Journal of Captain C. M. Wade’s voyage from Lodiana to Mithankot Sy

the river Satlaj, on his Mission to Lahdér and Bahawalpur in 1832-33. By

Lieut. F. Mackeson, 14th Regt. N.I. .. e; be -- 169

IJ].—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, .. 60 ae we218

I1V.—Note on a Specimen of the Bos Gaurus. By Dr. George Evans, Curator

of the Medical College, os oo 7223

V.—Memorandum on the Gaur AnH ih ‘Bt Assistant Surgeon J. T. Pearson,

Cur. Mus. Asiatic Society, . So ae 228

VI.—On a new Genus of the Sylviade, “with dedeipith of three new Species.

By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident in Nipal, ee Sc . 230

VII.—Note on the occurrence of Fossil Bones in the Sewalik Range, datweea

of Hardwar. By H. Falconer, M. D., Superintendent Botanical Garden,

Seharanpur, - oe - 233

VIti.—Report progress ne the Boring Byperiment f in Fort William. By Major

T. M. Taylor, 5th Cav. ee 45 ac “ic .. 234

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, oe sic Sree)

X.—Meteorological Register, AG 50 ac «. 245

No. 64.—APRIL.

1.—Abstract of the Journal of a Route travelled by Capt. S. F. Hannay, of

the 40th Regiment Native Infantry, from the Capital of Ava to the Amber

Mines of the Hikong valley on the South-east frontier of Assam. By

Capt. R. Boileau Pemberton, 44th Regt. N. I. be a6 -. 245

-IJ.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. By Jas. Prinsep, Sec. &c. eS

I11.—Specimens of Hindu Coins descended from the Parthian type, and of the

Ancient Coins of Ceylon. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. ‘6 -. 288

IV.—Cn the Revolution of the Seasons, (continued from Vol. IV. p. 257.)

By the Rev. R. Everest, Ne ar ar -- 303

V.—On the Climate of Darjiling, us ae «. 308

VI.—Note on the Genera Oxygyrus and Bellefophun: By W. H. Benson, Esq.

B.C.S. . a0 ae op ols

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, 40 be ae eoly

VILI.—Meteorological Register, he 3b ae oe 324

Contents. xix

No. 65.—MAY. Page

I.—Journal of a visit to the Mishmee hills in Assam. By Wm Griffith, M.D.

Madras Medical Establishment, 325

II.—Corrected Estimate of the risk of life to Civil Servants of the Bengll ite

sidency. By H. T. Prinsep, Esq. Sec. to Govt. &c. ste -» 341

IIlI.—A Grammar of the Sindhi language, dedicated to the Right Honorable

Sir Robert Grant, Governor of Bombay. By W. H. Wathen, Esq. Be GL

IV.—On additional fossil species of the order Quadrumana from the Sewalik

Hills. By H. Falconer, M. D. and Captain P. T. Cautley, ar +. 354

V.—On some new Genera of Raptores, with remarks on the old genera. By

B. H. Hodgson, Esq. ate n 0 -- Jol

VI.—Observations of the Magnetic Dip and 1neehaty ne Madras. By T,G.

Taylor, Esq. H. C. Astronomer, -. 374

VII.—The Legends of the Saurashtra group of bite abuibhered: By James

Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. “2 a a ce swelizd

VII.—On the Properties ascribed in Native medical works to the Acacia re a-

bica. By Lewis Da Costa, Esq. He as Sr -. 392

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, °- do -. 397

X.—Meteorological Register, sie oe ae ». 404

No. 66.—JUNE,

I.—Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China, together with the

journals and routes of three different Embassies sent to Pekin by the king

of Ava: taken from Burmese documents. By Lieutenant-Colonel H, Bur-

ney, Resident in Ava, se Ac +. 405

1I.—Note on the Facsimiles of idacuaman poe Sanchi near Bhilsa, taken for

the Society by Captain Ed. Smith, Engineers ; and on the drawings of the

Buddhist monument presented by Captain W. Murray, at the meeting of

the 7th June. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. sia ». 451

IIlI.—Notice of a Colossal Alto-Relievo, known by the name of Mata Koonr

situated near Kussia Tannah, in Pergunnah Sidowa, Eastern Division of

Gorakhpur District. By D. Liston, Esq. a ae «2 477

1V.—Translation of one of the Granthas, or sacred books, of the Dadupanthi

Sect. By Lieut. G. R. Siddons, 1st Light Cay., Second in command, 3rd

Local Horse, Neemuch, ‘ ee - 460

V.—Notice of new Sites of Fossil fence in the Nerbadds Valley. By Dr. G

G. Spilsbury. Pl. XXX. ate ata aA -. 487

VI.—New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes,

ie ee o. 489

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, a4 a +» 490

VIIIl.—Meteorological Register, Se oe 4c eee) 18)

No. 67.—JULY.

I,—An Examination of the Péli Buddhistical Annals, By the Hon’ble George

Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil Service, os 3 2. 601

II. ~On the ‘‘ Indian Boa,’”’ ‘* Python Tigris.’’ By Lieut. T. Hatton: Bie) O26

I11.—Notice of a skull (fragment) of a gigantic fossil Batrachian. By Dr. T

Cantor, Ae ee 5 IGE

TV.—Some account of the Wars between essa and China, together with the

journals and routes of three different Embassies sent to Pekin by the King

of Ava: taken from Burmese documents. By Lieutenant-Colonel H.

Burney, Resident in Ava, are ae .. 542

V.—On a new genus of the Plantigrades. By B, H. Hodgson, Esq. -. 560

xx Contents.

Page

VI.—Interpretation of the most ancient of the inscriptions on the pillar called

the 14t of Feroz Shah, near Delhi, and of the Allahabad, Radhia and Mat-

tiah pillar, or lat, inseriptions which agree therewith. By James Prinsep,

Sec. As. Soc. &c. ate -- 566

VII.—Abstract of a Meteorological Register nastlh at the Cashanaean Residency

for 1837. By A. Campbell, Esq. M. D. Nipal Residency, 3 -- 610

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, a he «. G12

1X.—Miscellaneous : 5

1.—Proportion of rain for different lunar periods at Kandy, Island of

Ceylon, =5 . 618

2.—Memorandum of fis fall of the jn reste at niaee during the severe

Hurricane, on the 5th and 6th August, 1835, BS s- ». 619

3.—Award of medals by the Geological Society of London, cae Br ee

X.—Meteorological Register, ae a6 ae ». 620

No. 68.—AUGUST.

I.—History of the Gurha Mundala Rajas. By Captain W. H. Sleeman, Com-

missioner for the suppression of Thuggee in the Nerbudda provinces, sa. 621

II.—Account of the Ruins and Site of old Mandaviin Raepur, and legend of

Vikramaditya’s Sonin Cutch. By Lieut. W. Postans, Bombay Engineers, 648

III.—Catalogue of Geological Specimens from Kemaon presented to the Asia-

tic Society. By Dr. J. McClelland, *. 653

IV-—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, ttthograplied by Fainies” Prinsep, Sec.

As. Soc. &c. ae OS

V.—Note on the Primary language of the Buddhist writings. By B. H. Hodg-

son, Esq. Resident in Nipal, ts : ao -- 652

V!,—Geometric Tortoises, ‘‘ Testudo Geometrica.’’ By Lieut. T. Hutton, 37th

Native Infantry, : or -. 689

Vil. —Barometrical etvatiind taken on a journey from Katmandhu to Go-

sainsthéan, a ‘place of pilgrimage in the mountains of Nipal, by Chhedi

Lohar, a smith in the employ of Captain Robinson, late commanding the

Escort of the Resident in Nipal, ah 696

VI1I.—Meteorological Register kept at Darjiling for the months of ‘ae May,

June, and July, 1837. By Dr. H. Chapman, jp ai -. 700

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Sccicty, 5 36 sic -. 704

X.—Tribute of the Pandits to the Rev. Dr. Mare. ae 30 -» 710

X1.—Meteorological Register, ate ate ate aa gal

No. 69.—SEPTEM BER.

I.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 2. a the Hon’ble

4 George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, .. .. ss are! 7S

II.—Note on the Geography cf Cochin China, by the Right Rev. Fhe Tonks,

Bishop of Isauropolis, Vicar Apostolic of Cochin China, Hon, Mem.

As. Soc. oe f Rome 7/3

Il11.—On the Bibos, Gauri Gan or Gaurikés Ga of the indian forests. By B.

H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident in Nepal, ce Sol ks

1V.—Extracts translated from the Granthas or sacred novice of the ‘Dadupanthé

Sect. By Lieutenant G. R. Siddons, 1st Light Cavalry, Second in com-

mand, 3rd Local Horse, Neemuch, Ps sts bo vist)

V.—History of the Rajas of Orissa, from the reign of Réja Yudhistira, trans-

lated from the Vansayali. By the late Andrew Stirling, Esq. C. S. -» 756

Contents. XXI

Page

Vi.—Some account of the valley of Kashmir, Ghazni, and K4bul; ina letter

from G. J. Vigne, Esq. dated Bunderpore, on the Wuler lake, Kashmir,

June 16, 1837, sts -. 766

VII.—Account of an Inscription found iy Mr. H, ‘s. Banlderdoas in sitho Neigh-

bourhood of Bareilly. By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. 3. eae ify]

VIII.—Section of the strata passed through in an experimental Hering at the

town of Gogah, on the Gujerat peninsula, Gulphof Cambay. By Lieute-

nant George Fulljames, ‘ ee ee -- 786

IX.—Note on the black and lacie Floriken of gale By Lieutenant

George Fulljames, = nic os Ard -- 789

X.—Further elucidation of the lat or Silasthambha inscriptions from various

sources. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. sie oe ee ». 790

XI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, a oe ee os ee 497

X1I.—Meteorological Register, 46 A ee -» 804

No. 70.—OCTOBER.

I.—Extracts from the Mohit, (the Ocean,) a Turkish work on Navigation in

the Indian Seas. Translated and communicated by Joseph Von Hammer,

Baron Purgstall, Aulic Counsellor, and Prof. Orient. Lang. at Vienna,

Hon. Memb. As. Soc. &c. &e. .. es s we) S05

II.—Observations upon the past and present condition of ‘Oujein or Ujjayani.

By Lieutenant Edward Conolly, 6th Light Cavalry, oe plot gie=tor MOUS

I1I.—Account of the Tooth relic of Ceylon, supposed to be atiated to in the

opening passage of the Feroz lat inscription. By the Hon’ble George Tur-

nour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, .. 4 Sie Be 5. 856

IV.—Facsimiles of ancient inscriptions, lithographed by James Prinsep, Sec.

As. Soc. &c. &c. me cc = 3 ote -. 869

V.—Meteorological Register kept at Darjiling for Abadest; 1837. By Dr. H.

Chapman, 53 -. 888

VI.—Abstract of Bieter reineival Teamiotes kept at the Cathmanda, Residency for

July and August, 1837. By A. Campbell, Esq. ie Residency, .. .. 889

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, .. : no -- 890

VIII.—Meteorological Register, aNcacr 4noe voce «- 900

No. 71.—NOVEMBER.

I,—Journal of a Trip to the Burenda Pass in 1836. By Lieut. Thomas Hut-

ton, 37th Regiment, Native Infantry, ee oe - 901

Ii.—Discovery of the Rekha Ganita, a translation of the Elements of Euclid

into Sanskrit by Samrat Jagannatha, under the orders of Raja Siw4i Jaya

Sinha of Jaipur. By Lancelot Wilkinson, Esq. C. S. Resident at Bhopal, 938

III.—Observations of the Tides at Chittagong made in conformity with the

Circular of the Asiatic Society. By Lieut. H. Siddons, Engineers, -» 949

1V.—Translation of a Servitude-Bond granted by a Cultivator over his Fami-

ly, and of a Deed of Sale of two slaves. By D. Liston, Esq. Gorakhpur,.. 950

V.—Note on the Malay Woodpecker. By Dr. William Bland, Surgeon of

H.M. S. Wolf, od : oe se 952

VI.—Notes on the Musical insteoacnts and motediicen and other Rusted

ments of the Nipalese. By A. Campbell, Esq. M. D. Surgeon attached

to the Residency at Katmandhu, ae 5 «- 653

VII.—Note on the Facsimiles of the various Teeriiida'a on the aden column

at Allahabad, retaken by Captain Edward Smith, Engineers. By James

Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc, &c. &e. oe AE vs -» 963

XXL Contents.

Page

VIII.—Interpretation of the Ahom extract published as Plate IV. of the

January number of the present volume. By Major F. Jenkins, Commis-

sioner in Assam, Ss “ oe co se -. 980

IX.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Speier. 50 oe ee +» 984

X.—Meteorological Register, 0 ale se ao “fe -. 988

No. 72.—DECEMBER.

I.—Abstract Journal of an Expedition to Kiang Hung on the Chinese Frontier

starting from Moulmein on the 13th December, 1836. By Lieut. T. E.

MacLeod, Assistant to the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces,

with a route map, ste . «. 989

II.—Abstract Journal of an expedition era Moghacin to Ava through the

Kareen country, between December 1836 and June 1837. By D. Richardson,

Esq. Surgeon to the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, -. 1005

11I.—Comparison of Indo-Chinese Languages by the Rev. N. Brown, American

Missionary stationed at Sadiya at the north-eastern extremity of Assam,.. 1023

IV.—Specimens of Buddhist Inscriptions,with symbols, from the west of India,

By Colonel W. H. Sykes, Hon. Mem., As. Soc. ae r -- 1038

V.—Further notes on the inscriptions onthe columns at Delhi, ‘Makoto,

Betiah, &c. By the Hon’ble George Turnour, Esq. of the Ceylon Civil

Service, as 50 aie : 50 -. 1049

VI.—Account and drawing of two Burmese Bells now lanes in a Hindu temple

in Upper India. By Capt. R. Wroughton, Revenue Surveyor, Agradivision, 1064

VII.—Note on Inscription at Udayagiri and Khandgiri in Cuttack, in the lat

character. By Jas. Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c. as ale LOP2

VIII.—Memorandum regarding specimens from Seoni Ghapanss Pi. LVI.

By D. W. McLeod, Esq. : a oe ee -- 1091

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Soeiete et re 5a Ae -» 1092

X.— Meteorological Register, se 5c ae aA -- 1100

ERRATA.

IN No. 26, (vou. II.) or THE JOURNAL.

89, 26, for ‘the first specimens,’ read ‘ the finest.’

93, 29, read ‘No. 17 Lymnea,.... (mihi)—limosa ?’

523, 2, for ‘knee,’ read ‘ neck.’

IN THE JOURNAL FOR 1836.

733, 7, from bottom, read ‘granular matter, the fovilla, and bursts if the im-

mersion is somewhat protracted.’

812, 21, dele the proposed name Cyananthus, which is already appropriated in

Dr. WALyrcu’s catalogue.

829, 3, from pottom, for ‘ interesting,’ read ‘ intimate.’

Page line

348, 6, after ‘ to this’ insert ‘ day.’

350, 44, for ‘2,3. Hunda,’ read ‘ 2, Hunda.’

377, 3, from below, for ‘ a,’ read ‘ an.’

384, 9, from below, for ‘ general,’ read ‘ generic.’

386, 22, after written insert semicolon.

387, 4, from below, foré us 2 read ¢ 29900”

392, 4, for ‘ unexpected,’ read ‘ unsuspected.’

391, 12, for‘ Denavagri,’ read ‘ Devanagari.’

460, 35, for EL a read Biles

467, 19, for ‘ Parthia,’ read ‘ Bactria.’

468, 21, for ‘ the Sanchi,’ ead ‘ at Sanchi.’

The vowel mark e has been broken off under the press in a great many passages

of the Sanskrit readings of the Delhi inscription in the July number, particularly in

the word mé.

581, 7, after ‘ by,’ insert ‘ the.’

583, 5, of notes, for ‘ nimitat,’ read ‘ nimita.’

584, 12, ditto dele‘ m’ after ‘ esa.’

585, 9, ditto for ‘ june,’ read ‘ jane.’

—— 20, ditto for ‘ participlelar,’ read ‘ participular.’

594, 25, ditto for ‘ adopting,’ read ‘ adapting.’

695, 12, ditto for ‘ nacshatras,’ read ‘ nacshatric.’

603, 11, ditto for ‘ dhara,’ read ‘ adhara.’

604, 4, ditto for ‘ neat,’ read ‘ next.’

608, 6, ditto for ‘ you,’ read ‘ thou.’

—19, ditto for ‘ Kahgur,’ read ‘ Kahgyur.’

676, 7, for ‘this powerful,’ read ‘ his powerful,’

— 3, from below, for ‘ ayantaliyam,’ read ‘ anantaliyam.’

766, 29, for ‘24° 134,’ read ‘ 24 miles: 133.’

779, 2, and 5, for ‘ is,’ read ‘ are.’

791, 8, for ‘Chadaguttassa,’ read ‘ Chandaguttassa.’

— 17, for ‘leases,’ read ‘ leaves.’

794, 7, after quarter, insert full point.

— 3, from bottom, for ‘very,’ read ‘ verb.’

795, 30, for ‘ papey,’ read ‘ paper.’

— last line, for‘ qa@’ read‘ qe,’

87 1 ‘ rie s 2 read ¢ \<{%} ».%? and in the transla-

76, ’ Sor hkl (x2 eiate SS) (92 Ot - ;

tion, line 14, for ‘wap,’ read ‘ WALD,’ (or WALR,) and for ‘ Monday,’

read ‘ Tuesday.’

884, 7, for * qarfx,’ reads faarfc.’

13, for * BTAraceyy,” reed * TAT ATRY.’

19, for « Faratfy,’ read « fargnfe.’

976, 3, for ‘ aRa,’ read ‘ aRS.’

4, for « wa, read <« <1.

6, for * qat,’ read « aa.’

13, for afeatiaaaal, read « meanaaaar.’

977, 18, for « areaqcur,’ read « aac.’

942, [The extract from the Rekha Ganita differs very materially from the copy in

the College here, and the following passage in page 944, after the word wafa in

line 7 is required to complete the explanation of the figure:

afetuafaat: tajicaty dacafyaia wafa gare aac

The rest are additions to the preface which it is less necessary to correct. ]

a ri

Pie ; i

ea au a

We Area Y

Ph ahek oe gah hus

2 Sool ai

atl egiccebeta ovine y 337 Rab

ie: ay gta ay ha

piacere

i hee i

Pipa Pad reente

Spa ae ine Siemon gamenitiey Een

1 lode 6d emanpa dies sili’ roe i) Fesinahinlaathihia é

Dah,

;

if By

Cru a

ae a '

‘ tb Nae Une esh et ' Ao tuner

i at a Aye yh, We Sn A

bik CAD as oti 1 as

LIST OF PLATES.

Plate I. (XXXII. of vol. V.) Bhitari Lat Beat eck to face page 1

Il. Alphabets of the Tai language, ..........scsscessscessseeeseees 19

III. Specimen of the Khamti writing, ........... ccescccsssereeseee 20

IV. Specimen of the Ahom language,..... ....ccsccsecececercseeee tbidew

V. The Eria silkworm of Assam, Piestsifa dguthea, piers wavewee ee

VI. The Moonga silkworm of ditto, Saturnia Assamensii,...... 30

VII. Facsimiles of an inscription in the Asiatic Society’s

Museum, translated by Captain Marshall, ........... Pave Pe MEMS. sh As 89

VIII. Occiput of the Sivatherium, ....0....sccscccssecncosesesevcsease 152

IX. Lower jaw of the same fossil ansingly: Dre AMEE RO 6. otuton 152

X. Inscription of Dipaldinna at Amardvati, .............ceseceee 218

XI. Another inscription from the same place, ..............ss60086 222

XII. Fossil shells of the Chéri range in Cutch, ........sssceeeeeneee 159

XIIf. Alphabet of the Amardvati character, ...........ss.seeseeee8 222

XIV. XV. Indo-Sassanian Coins, ....... eg besactonsecanstesd ooOS

XVI. Head of the Bos Gaurus (?) or eats seetastieswee tees) ae

XVII. Facsimile of Museum Inscription, No. 6, eee 280

XVIII. Fossil bone brought up in the boring in ee William ;

head of the Bos Gaurus (museum) ; and fossil quadrumanous tooth,... 236

moi. Map of Captain Hannay’s route, ..c....0cscccssenccaricoeceesce 245

XX. Ceylon Coins, ........ .. oe tee ccnececevccereessceescsece vo 298

XXI. Diagram of moon’s geebeation ; polaber mycterizans, and

fossil bone from Fort boring, ....... No Wasisrelsbaneasactneeceeoeioiesee Ok

XXII. Sindhi and Multani diphabecsy. wesisedasviaansaeninaeedseciessa econ tay 352

XXIII. Fossil Qaudrumana of the Sewéliks, ............scscsesecseeees 360

XXIV. Legends on Saurashtra coins, <2... sereceseescccesccsscvesecceres 382

XXV. Principal Inscription at Sanchi, ..........cccsescssovecsscoeceees 454

XXVI. Second Inscription from the same place,. ...... .s.csseeceeeee 458

XXVII. Various smaller ditto in the Lat character, ..........00.0000. 460

Pea Vill: View of the Samchi Monument, 1... ..:c.ccccercs ove cocescosss 462

XXIX. Details of the Architecture of ditto, ........sccccscccesceccsces 452

XXX. Fossil fore-leg of an elephant from Jabalpur, ................ 488

XXXI. Head of a fossil Batrachian, .......... as sreeiaseieh eds) AO

XXXII. Inscription in Hala eee, ad. a Kalinjer ieeariniticin, senstas 665

XXXIII. Gumsar copper-plate Grant, snccaataaluwlcbsmentevhiae asm nesanees HOG

XXXIV. r ny ( 672

XXXV. (Inscriptions from the Caves near Gaya, ...seecsseseerer< 676

aXXvVI. § °V 676

XXV1

XXXVIT.

XXXVIII.

List of Plates.

Inscription on a fragment of rock at Singapur,

The Testudo geometrica,... sdeccPo:

Osteology of the Bibos, or Gane Gan:

Restoration of the Allahabad pillar, .. ....ssseeccersseee eeeee

Bareilly inscription, .s..6...0ccedscoseccscsessssceseseee

Delhi lat inscription, “Beene

Town of Oujein, and atatenalace.

Facsimile of Multai copper-plate Grant,

Ditto of Epitaph on an Arabic tombstone,

Ditto of an Inscription from Cabul,

Sketch of the Khaiber Tope, ..... .....

Inscription in As. Soc. Museum, from Calne

eececeesoves

Map of Capt. McLeod’s route to Zimmay, .......06 seeeeoeee

Diagrams of the Rekhé Ganita, .. .... 0 ....cscseeseseeccseeeres

Burmese Bells, ...... .....+.

Map to illustrate geology a Sbonii Jabiliptiel vicdaaieaee ade

Inscriptions from the Sainhadri caves,

Udayagiri Inscriptions, ........ cha deeeeec ose

Inscription No. 2 of the Allahabba sill fi i BOREAS eter

Various fragments Of ditto,..........ccssscvesessseccesseceeees

Inscription on the Khandgiri tHe aise ee hets

Journ. As. Soe. ; Vat Heal

| Inseriplion on thc BHITARI LAT.H on See Ghatifpur aAéstricl.

see Plate XXX fo elcva

eM ATES Re YOMUMATINZ ALZINOSAZA eee EYP

“yag ul ersseunaaF MIs ALYY LT) RLAIMIAY HES Ty us ve,

UTE FUCHS UA, UETREHIIAM UAW 22 Roefuray 2s EU

UA 28 UAPECTEANUZLTWAS WAAAY LAME ZS SALTY EAS UL BRIO

UIRTHAFULTEIE ASSN YAS URAL LAL F UBZHZATBUARUIS

| (pecQunredr ES*ueyayysy” ANS UAURANS WANA Ls LYAUA suum:

| UFEMAGULAH UBS cus HOAUR NRahy | NHRPUML QUAY EATS ARYY

| WAALS IAL ADT FLU UAY BAAR WAV T al AMA Raul

| ale AAP U ws UY AZS UAenZY AaigQu Tas u WRB LaYSe 1uy¥ye

Roan ng RoqueguRar 4 ka al 4 EE PA By % AA rUpeusydyg a Fay, OLY |

He FNEERINA RT AUDI UPR aAAUlIsMNTY ULE ANA YTUR UT,

AY? BAuTs1z71 AUER DU AUNT AMA UTA see usu guaeany |

AYqegut zene wawruskaul gra rinyay HATAFYZATM SY le :

LET, 334 BUR TpU MAPAUABAIAR RIRBUF ALA, F GRLOAN ASRS, |

TAAZAT TIARA SLINAUL ULL Y AY AUP ANUAZS THFUA LUAPAY,

FAUNAS, WQUrsr EIGAUIN TEGO UALR GL ARIS AANGWTEGR: te

he SMUYSMUAYEZM MUL” ZULALALAR LAST Ar 2

DAP e

| WNSAlE EEG TER 3 Busnynyaqure Huy yx BIN war y AUS, ely

AAAAAA MANUAL? SIU MRS ZN YG Ug eu yas TR YI

Lt.A. Cunningham des. A Prinses lth;

Actual size of the sculplured LeL£ers.

| Aue

Printed atthe orventab Lith’ Press. Celeutta

JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. hake Mee vieey: 1837.

I.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the Bhitdéri Lat,

with critical and historical remarks. By the Rev. W. H. Mut,

D. D., Principal of Bishop’s College, Vice-President, &c. &c.

The discovery in the Ghazipur district, of a pillar with an inscrip-

tion bearing the same royal names and genealogy as No. 2 on that

of Allahabad, and continuing the series downward by three or four

generations from SamupRA-GuprA, the principal subject of panegyric

in both, might be expected to furnish valuable supplementary infor-

mation on points which that monument left in obscurity. What was

the seat and extent of the empire of this Gupta dynasty, and what

was the precise place which the acts and events there described bore

in the general history of Northern India in the ages that followed

the great eras of VicramApirya and SALIvAHANA,—are points on

which we might hope to gain more light by a document of this length,

than from any others which the progress of antiquarian discovery has

yet produced.

The actual information obtained from this inscription, though not

altogether destitute of new and interesting particulars relating to the

state of India at the time of these kings, as I hope to shew in the few

historical remarks subjoined to the reading and translation, is yet far

from affording the desired satisfaction on the principal points just men-

tioned. Except the bare point of succession, and some adventures rather

alluded to than related in verses of a somewhat obscure style of compo-

sition, the information of a directly historical nature extends little

beyond what is obtained from the numismatic researches so ably and

indefatigably conducted by our Secretary. Whether a more complete

2 Restoration and Translation (Jaw.

transcript would much increase our information from this source,

may also be doubted. Lieutenant Cunnineuam, to whose zeal and

activity the inquirers into Indian antiquities are so deeply indebted,

states that he made the transcript of this Bhitari inseription under

very serious disadvantages: but I am not disposed to attribute to

any imperfections arising from this cause, the whole or even the

greater part of the errors discoverable in the inseription as now exhi-

bited. Some are certainly chargeable on the sculptor who formed

the letters on the pillar, unfaithfully representing the remembered or

written archetype before him: and these errors are of sufficient mag-

nitude to induce the probable belief, that others occasioning more

perplexity in the deciphering, may have arisen from the same source.

' From whatever source, however, they proceed, they are capable of

being completely detected and amended in all the earlier part of the

inscription : viz. the introduction, and the laudatory verses that follow ;

but when the verse suddenly ceases or changes, and that in the midst

of the stanza, as it does about the middle of the 14th Ime on the

pillar,—it is impossible to say how far errors of the same kind with

those before found and corrected, (such as this sudden cessation itself

seems to indicate) may have produced the general unintelligibility of

the document until we come to its last line, the 19th. With the

exception of those four nes and a half, the rest, notwithstanding the

indistinctness of many of the letters (indicated by the frequent double

readings and oecasional lacune in Lieutenant CunnineHam’s pencil

eopy), and the more serious difficulty arising from the positive errors

above mentioned, may be interpreted with sufficient confidence.

That I may not, however, seem to be gratuitously imputing error

to an unknown artist more than twelve centuries dead, with a view to

screen the want of skill or accuracy in his living transcribers and

interpreters,—I am bound to make good the charge in question in

detail, and in a manner that may bring conviction to the mind

of every competent scholar. The substitution of w for @ in the

word qalaaa: (cohibitis-affectibus-viri) in the 6th line, is certainly

the mistake of the.graver, not of his copyist: as is also the equally

evident substitution in the following line of the trisyllable yfgat

prithti for its synonyme Wet prithvé (the earth) ; where the latter

word of two long syllables is indispensably required by the measure

of the verse, indicated as it is by all the preceding and subsequent

words in a manner not to be mistaken. These words in their

written forms in the ancient character, are too unlike what are

severally substituted for them to make this the possible error of a

European copyist unacquainted with Sanscrit,—while they are pre-e

1837.] of the Inscription on the Bhitdrt Lat. 3

cisely such mistakes as a Hindu superficially acquainted with that

language might most easily commit, if uninspected, in a work like

this : the former arising from an ignorant confusion of two words of

similar sound, but wholly different etymology as well as meaning,—

the latter from total inattention to the rules of metrical harmony.

Now the existence of two such glaring errors of the sculptor, uncor-

rected, renders it highly probable that we should impute to him

a large proportion, if not the whole, of the seven following equally

manifest errors, (which might in their own nature, the first especially,

be as easily committed by the European tracer of a facsimile.)

1. We have in line 8, at the close of the first metrical stanza, one

@ instead of two in the words @a@w nanartta required to close the

verse in the Mdanint measure

vv Vv 88 UUme or OU ass eer rae ee

“with no room whatever in the facsimile for the missing letter.

2. We have in the beginning of line 10, the syllables f¥a with not

the least space between them—though it is absolutely certain that a @

ought to be there, no other syllable making a word with the syllables

gfufz preceding, viz. the word pranthita from the close of the 9th

line. |

3. Again in line 10, we have in the facsimile ¢& where the measure

cannot possibly admit more than the latter of these two syllables,

viz. the long € in yea.

4. We have in line 12, the syllables nufefafetir without the least

interval in the facsimile between the first and second of them,—

though the first is the penultimate of a connected and well defined

stanza, and the four following are as evidently the beginning of

another: the verse thus requiring, as does the sense independently of

the verse, the syllable @ to close the former stanza with the word

suddham.

5. We have in line 13, the syllables 4: fst in close juxta-posi-

tion, not only contrary to the rules of sandhi, which in verse

are carefully observed, but the former appearing from the preced-

ing syllables to be the penultimate of a Mdnini line, while the latter

appears equally from the following ones to be the ¢hird syllable

of the next: so that there are absolutely required three syllables for

which there is no space whatever in the facsimile ; viz. either 3Ifag

which I have supplied, or something equivalent, to close one line of

the stanza and begin the next.

6. There is no adequate space for the seven syllables required to

be supplied at the beginning of the 14th line on the pillar to com-

B 2

4 Restoration and Translation [JAaNn.

mence the second line of the stanza there, though the continuance

of the same measure is so clearly marked by what precedes and what

immediately follows: and

7. What is still more strange, that measure closes with the second

line of the stanza; what follows being as irreducible to metre as to

good sense.

With these nine specimens of most evident error in as many

lines of the inscription, the two last errors implying the skipping of

several syllables at once,—and closed with the fact that there is no

integral number of Médnini stanzas of four lines, but 55 only from

their commencement in the 7th line of the pillar,—the grounds of

conjectural emendation were too slight for its probable application,

when the guide of metre was wanting. Accordingly from the 14th

to the last line of the pillar, which supplied a stanza in the ordinary

Anustubh measure, (a space constituting about one quarter of the

inscription,) I have been content to groupe together those syllables

which formed connected meanings, leaving the rest in which no such

connexion appeared, uncopied: and abandoning, with respect to

them, a task so much resembling that which the Chaldean king

imposed on his magicians,—that of supplying the dream as well as

the interpretation.

After this explanation, I proceed to exhibit the text, together with

an English version of those three quarters of the inscription which are

sufficiently intelligible, beginning with the seven lines of prose, that

declare the genealogy and the succession. ,

Line of

the Lat.

i + Wei facsSt yleatastat ee aqeetuata

2. [=] afeamatate THIRUG ATR [eat] + aaga

UH: FAWAT 2 TART fecmacuze & <IAAGATTT

he SIT AAATATAR * ABCastes aru re

AIST aATAT aT [faz] fathers

4, Heleat Far[ear] « qara ABUTS

axa Taeafee stat HEleaiaa cara wat]

5, weuface + + UcAATaaT He aaT TTA

WY TAU A Gal ABSA 2 HASTE: Wa

6. « [ [Aas TARTRATE ufwaae

7, AeeraTaaa: Grew: Yfedtudewat « [aie] za

qaqaedy

1837.]

LY.

12.

13.

pO.

of the Inscription on the Bhitdri Lat.

(feu jo fsraeat: qatar: aetat

[f<|uta a RAAT WHAAAAT |

yfuateaa [attfaatjara: qeaTA:

azfeaufeara Sz feafalay

a faeaanctat atadtefrattt

tfaqausarat famam qaT |

ufafenafaart Awa Fa aait

2 atuaafatsratat Grae At 2 Wes |

ufafeaal gata: jefaurayeat

faatraqragiasatarads |

fafoasaaatat (aja atare atat

ScaagAA aaafast alert |

tatrracanits 2 wafuat TTAATE

VALHAUATAL WM! WS |

facaqala ames vgtaed

afcaaaaae stad aa ais] i

fefa fafa oftag[ et ]gatt aaa:

fuafe feaqal[a]- favat[atjaaalt l

qaarstatratai feared: Rice

feq|fatautcdteatat Alaa |

wafegfes wan caal waat[a

« ecatacaal| waiacacsfaT |

faufacwueriqaala feaafiattaae aaraa

UAT fafera: ufafea * a ------- qatar

PARTIC MTHSIaRLA + WEIMLIAWE

qafau: tisigacarfeatyg Geyidt --~=+ 0 ~

Saati Pe ea a eee wag nifea:

+ aaaaaay CaTARCIMAT: ATAMATA: - - - -

dad iad afifaat cars arte: |

VAUISIITH F Aa GaaTwis | =fa |

Translation.

Of the liberator of the greatest kings, incomparable on the earth,—by

whom loads of forest timber are collected for the holocaustic service of

Inpra, Varuna and Yama by the completion of sacrifices bearing the

flavour of the waters of all the four circumambient oceans,—whose glory

reaches to the firmament,—who on every side bestows liberally as the

6 Restoration and Translation (Jan.

golden-sided mountain (Meru),—by whom Meru himself might be borne

aloft in the piercing talons of his mighty arm,—the great grandson of the

great king Gupra,—grandson of the great king GuatotKacHa,—son of the

great king, the sovereign of kings, CuanpRa-eurTa,—maternal grandson

of Liccnavi,—born of the great goddess-like Cuma’ra-pb’vi,—the great

king, the sovereign of kings, SamupRa-eupra,—

Of him, when the accepted son was pronounced to be the son of De’vi,

daughter of Mawa’pairyva, the incomparable worshipper of the supreme

Buagcavat (Crisuna), the great king, the sovereign of kings, Coanpra-

eupTa,—then his son, before addicted to illiberality, and a man of great

parsimony, was purified by the waters of destiny. Such was the excellent

blessedness of the worshipper of the supreme Buaeavat, the great king,

the sovereign of kings, Cuma’ra-cupta, celebrated for his mildness of

disposition, and of subdued passions united to accumulated fame,—a

blessedness pervading even the forests and desert lands.

Verse.

Having well surmounted the calamities that oppressed the earth, the

chief and unique hero of the Gupta race, of face like a lotus, displays the

glory of conquest : even he, by name Scanpa-ceupra of distinguished and

spotless renown,—who in the spirit of his own dreadful deeds danced

in the fierce dance, (S1va-like after his vengeance for Srra’s death.)

Possessed of a clear insight into the profound wisdom of the Tantras,

with aspirit of unceasing silence (on their incommunicable mysteries—

and in accordance with their precept and discipline) mangling the flesh of

the refractory in successive victories;—he by whom their challenge to

battle being accepted and answered, forms a splendid spectacle in every

quarter of the earth,—is declared even by alien princes to be one whose

mind could not be shaken by sudden and unexpected calamity.

For afterwards by him to whom the keeping of his treasure was com-

mitted,—the boundary which was given as a sacred deposit, and worthy

to be extended to the extremities of the earth—was treacherously taken

away, and the prosperity of the family removed from it,—(even by him

the minister aforesaid) coveting the wealth of that family, having previ-

ously professed much attachment in words, but destitute of the light (of

truth), and followed by calamitous defection.

Yet (having conquered) the land, his left foot was fixed there on a

throne yet untrodden by mortals, and having obtained excellent room,

and laid by his weapons, he reposed from war on his (inaccessible) moun-

tain. His pure and noble exploits, the exploits of a man of unspotted

fame, although long opposed by the kings of the excellent seven hills, are

now sung even by them.

In every region did men surround that young prince, when his father

had gone to heaven, as one who had attained most illustrious prosperity :

whom his father’s brother and the other chiefs did first (thus surround,

hailing him) as their new sovereign, in the midst of the joy of conquest,

with tears in their eyes,

1837.) of the Inscription on the Bhitdré Lat. 7

May he who is like Crisuna still obeying his mother Ds'vaxi, after

his foes are vanquished, he of golden rays, with mercy protect this my

design.

Whatever prince in this place perpetually worships this sacred image,

is considered by Rupra (Siva) himself as one whose understanding is

ennobled and rendered praise-worthy by this affectionate devotion, even in

the land of Arua (InpRa) and the other celestials.

Remarks on the above Inscription.

The parentage of SamupRa-Gupta son of CHANDRA-GUPTA, witch

closed the Allahabad inscription, forms in nearly the same words the

beginning of the present; and his panegyric which pervaded the

earlier monument, is the leading subject in the prose part of this.

The first new fact is the designation of his son and successor,

CuanprRA-Gurra the second: whom it seemed most obvious on the

first reading of the names* to identify with the expected son and

heir of the 18th line of the pillar of Allahabad, the offspring of

SamuDRA-Gvupra and his principal queen the daughter of the proud

princess Sanudricd. This identification, however, is removed by

the terms of the inscription itself: this son does not succeed by right

of primogeniture, but as peculiarly selected (parigrihita) on account |

of his eminent virtues from the rest of the family or families of the

polygamist king, and is the offspring not of Sanu&rica’s daughter,

but of the daughter of a prince named Mandpaitya. The son and

successor of Cuanpra-Gupra II. is CumAra-eupta, who is represented

as having been a very unprincely character at the time of his father’s

adoption as heir to the throne; but having been disciplined by some

unnamed fortune, becomes on his own accession to the throne,

an emulator of the mild virtues and the Vaishnava devotion of his

parent. The next king is Scanpa-cupra, who may be most pro-

bably supposed to be the son of his immediate predecessor CumARra-

Gupta: but on this point, the verse which here takes the place of

the more narrative prose, is unfortunately silent. We only hear of

his distinguished fame as a warrior: and that his piety, congenial

with his acts, does not take the same turn with that of his two

nearest predecessors, of devotion to VisHnu the Preserver, but attach-

ed itself to the opposite system now so prevalent in this part of

India, the deep, mysterious and sanguinary system of the Tantras.

After the conquest and slaughter of many opposing kings, we hear

* See p. 644 of volume V.

8 Historical Remarks [Jan.

of his eventual triumph over a more formidable enemy than all, a

treacherous minister, who for a time succeeds in dispossessing him

of his kingdom. After vanquishing, however, the rival monarchs of

the seven hills, and resting peacefully on his laurels in his inacces-

sible mountain throne, (localities which carry us away from the

immediate vicinity of the Ganges, but whether towards the north or

Central India we have no means of determining,) this worthy wor-

shipper of Stva and Durea ascends to heaven: and his brother

and the other chiefs, with mingled feelings of grief and affectionate

allegiance, proclaim his young child the heir to his father’s crown

and conquests. This youth is described as obedient to the queen

dowager his mother, as was Crisuna to his mother De/vax1’; but

the part of the inscription that proceeds to speak of him is con-

fused and unintelligible; neither does he appear to be once named ;

unless we conceive some letters of line 18 to give his name thus:

MauEsa-prITA-GuPTA, (the Gupta attached to Siva, or beloved by Siva.)

He is probably the Manenpra-cupta whose name occurs in several

of the newly discovered coins of this dynasty.

The royal family of the Guptas, therefore, as adapted to the time

of this inscription, stands as follows; the Arabic numerals denoting

sovereigns, or those to whom the prefix Mahardja Adhiraja belongs,

in the order of their succession.

Gupta, a Raja of the Solar line.

LiggHAVI,

GHATOTKACHA, ditto ditto, whose daughter was

1. CoHanpra-GuptTa I. —&—Cuma/’ra-pEvi’, MaAna’-DAITYA,

queen consort. whose daughter was

2 ———— De’vr’,,

one of the queens of

SAMUDRA-GUPTA.

2. SAMUDRA-GUPTA,

3. CHANDRA-Gupra JI.

4. CUMA’RA-GUPTA,

whose son probably was

5. SCANDA-GUPTA,

6. A young prince (MAHENDRA-GUPTA ?)

a minor at the date of this inscription.

1837.] on the Inscription of the Bhitari Lat. 3

One remarkable fact, learnt solely from this inscription, is the

prevalence at the time of the Gupta dynasty, of the two opposite

sectarian forms of later Hindu worship: that of the exclusive devo-

tees of Visunu on the one hand, whose favorite authority is the

celebrated poem (probably inserted among the Puranas by the com-

paratively recent grammarian VopEDEvaA) called the Srimad Bhigavata:

and that of the worshippersof Siva and his female energies on the other,

whose text books are those singular compounds of Cabalistic mys-

tery, licentiousness and blood, the Agamas or Tantras.—The princes

Cuanpra-Gupta and Cuma/ra-GupTa are expressly commemorated as

belonging to the former class, and Scanpa-cupta as an adherent of the

latter. And here I must recall an observation that I hazarded when

commenting on the Allahabad inscription, (J.A.S. vol. iii.p. 268,) that

the worship of the Saktis, with its existing mysteries and orgies, was

most probably unknown in India at the date of that monument. The

terms in which that species of devotion is spoken of about a century

after, in the second* of the metrical stanzas in the present Bhitdré

inscription, shews that the same system was even then dominant, and

sufficiently powerful and seducing to enlist kings among its votaries.

And while this (if I am correct in supposing the age of the Gupta

dynasty to be somewhere between the Ist and 9th centuries of our

era), may be among the earliest authentic notices of that mode of

worshipping Baarrava and C&xi’,—the mention of it at all furnishes

an additional proof to my mind of the impossibility} of referring these

monuments to the earlier age of CHanpra-cupta Maurya, or that

of ALEXANDER the Great, and the century immediately following.

A far more plausible hypothesis is the identification of this Gupta

dynasty, with that which is mentioned in the prophetico-historical

part of the Vishnu-Purana, (Book iv. chap. 24,) as arising in this

precise tract of country, contemporaneously with other dynasties in

different parts of India, during the turbulent period that followed

the extinction of the last race of Indian sovereigns that reigned in

Magadha, and the irruption of Sacz and other foreign tribes from

the north-west. The dominion of the Guptas is there said to include

the great city of Praydga on the confluence of the Ganges and Jumna,

where their principal monument is now found, as well as the yet more

sacred city of Mathura on the latter river, and the less known names

of Padmdvati and Kdnti-puri, (probably near the site of our present

Cawnpore:) it is also described as extending down the Ganges to

* See Note A. + See Note B.

10 Historical Remarks (Jan.

Magadha or Behar, where one VisvA-sPHATIKA (or VisvA-sPpHuRSI, of

the old race of Magadha sovereigns) had extirpated the existing race

of Xattriyas, and set up other low castes, together with Brahmans, in

their stead ; as I read in two MSS. copies* of the Vishnu-Purana, the

words of which are

anya ¢ feaanfeadst 2 araivatcata aadas

ufee areata cist wufsata | sarenfaaasadtaan

Te wget aaqat waa Tata Aa WATS

Haga, Aare |

«In the country of Magadha, one named Visva-sPHATIKA Shall form

and set up in the kingdom other castes, the Kaivarttas, Yadus, Pulin-

das, and Brahmans: and thus having abolished all the races of Xattri-

yas, shall the nine Nagas, and in Padmdvatt, Kdnti-puri, Mathura, and

on the Ganges from Praydga, shall the Magadhas and the Guptas

rule over the people belonging to Magadha.” \

All these new sets of kings, with the Natshadhas in Calinga, &c. and

the more barbarous races elsewhere, are represented in the Purana

as ferocious, rapacious and tyrannical men, of little knowledge and no

principle, whose rise and progress and fall are to be equally sudden

and extraordinary, short-lived, and only nominal observers of religion.

The people under their sway, and through the contact of foreign

races, will gradually fall into that neglect of caste and other religious

observances, that reference of all things to worldly riches and conse-

quent impiety and unrighteousness, that will prepare the way for

the tenth and last incarnation of Visunu as Katx.’ to restore all

things. Thus, soon after the account of their Guptas, close the

prophetic announcements of Pardsara to Marrreya of what was

to befal the world after him, and with them the 4th Book of the

Vishnu- Purana.

It is true, that according to the chronology of the Purana, as set

down minutely in that chapter, we should have the commence-

* Thé valuable English abstract and partial translation of this Purana (as of

the others) deposited in the Asiatic Society’s Library by Professor H. H. Wit-

son,—is silent on the latter point, the association of the Guptas with Maga-

dhas, and their dominion in Behar: relating their possession of those four cities

in the Dodb, Padmdvatt, Kdnti-purt, Mathura, and Praydga, as altogether uncon.

nected with the affairs of Magadha, and the extirpation of the Xattriyas from

that country, with which they are distinctly blended in the Sanscrit passage

as given above.

For the further testimony of the Srimad-Bhagavata, see Note C.

1837.] on the Inscription of the Bhitért Lat. 7

ment of the reign of these Guptas posterior to SANDRAcoTTAS, and

consequently to ALExaNpDER the Great, by (1387 +112 + 45 4+ 456 +.

1399 + 300 + 186 =) 2635 years,—and therefore as really future

to us as to the prophetic Muni and his hearer. But setting aside all

other considerations, it is only the four first of the seven component

periods of this sum that will appear to an attentive inspection of the

Pur4na itself, to be entitled to the least attention: viz. the spaces as-

signed respectively to the Maurya, the Sanga, the Kanva and Andhra

dynasties of Hindu sovereigns in Magadha: of which the name of

each individual king is set down, their several numbers’ 10, 10, 4

and 30 agreeing perfectly with the durations assigned to each race*.

But the fifth and sixth periods of 1399 and 300 years have no such

catalogues of kings accompanying them, but only a statement that

in the former there should rule in succession seven kings of the

Abbhra caste, 10 Gardabhiras, 16 Saka or Scythian kings, 8 Yavana

or Grecian, 14 Tushara, 13 Munda, and 1] Mauna kings: and in the

latter period of three centuries, Paura and 11 other unnamed sove-

reigns. This enumeration, strongly indicative of the disturbed and

semi-barbarous condition of affairs, which caused the suspension of all

the ancient records,—and in which synchronous dynasties might

easily be mis-stated as successive ones, and the sum of years readily

palmed on the Hindu reader, to enhance the antiquity of the classical

and heroic ages of the country,—is succeeded, in the last period

immediately preceding the rise of the Guptas, by something more

resembling the records of earlier times. As this list, occupying

the seventh period above mentioned of 186 years, has not yet been

published,—(that of Hamitton in the corresponding period being

somewhat different and much more confused,) | will here set it down

from my MS. of the Vishnu-Purana.

* These may all be seen, as they stand in this and other Puranas, in p. 100

of Mr. J. Prtnsrp’s Useful Tables. The accuracy of these lists is strongly con-

firmed by the collateral testimony of the Chinese travellers in India in the 5th

century, whose relation is published in the London Asiatic Journal of July last.

Their king of Kapila, Yun-Gan, Beloved of the Moon, whose ambassador sent

presents to China A. D. 428, is (not CHANDRA/NANDA, as the learned translator

of that work suspected, but) Cuanpra-sri’, the king immediately preceding

Puvomarcais, the last of the Andhra dynasty at Magadha,— who was reigning

at this precise time. ‘This removes the hope entertained by Mr. J. Prinsep,

(to whom I am indebted for the communication of this paper) and myself, that

this might prove to be the Coanpra-cuprta of the inscription, and makes the

latter posterior to him by probably three or four centuries.

c 2

12 Historical Remarks (Jan.

Vinpuya-sacti from Kilakila, who adopts the manners of

the Yavanas, whose son is

PURANJAYA,

RA’MA-CHANDRA,

DHARMA.

VANGARA, (Wils. VAR/ANGA.)

KRITANANDANA, (who has 4 sons.)

SUKHINANDI, NANDIYASAS, SisuHA, PRAVIRA.

who has 13 sons.

After whom came 4 Bahukas or Bactrians, 3 Puspamitras, 13 Yadu-

mitras, 7 Mekalas; and in Kausala or Oude, 9 Naishadhas.

_ Thus the account of this dynasty, which Hamitron calls the Bah-

lic or Bactrian one, terminates in a confusion worse confounded than

that from which it emerged. And this statement in the Vishnu-

Purana is immediately followed by the passage above quoted respect-

ing the Magadhas and Guptas.

Allowing, however, the least possible duration to the confused

periods that followed the subversion of the Andhra dynasty in the

middle of the fifth century after Christ, it is scarcely possible to fix

the subjects of our present inquiry, the Guptas, higher than the age

of CHARLEMAGNE in Europe, if we suppose them identical with the

Guptas of the Purana.

Notes A.

The insertion among the praises of the 5th king Scanpa-aupta, of

the epithet ‘“‘ a mangler of the flesh of the refractory,’ (avinama-pala-

sdtd,) and that in close juxta-position with the attributes of peculiar

wisdom, and adherence to a mysterious system of Cabalistic theo-

logy,;—may appear surprising to persons who have either considered

but slightly the genius and tendencies of idolatry, or are unacquaint-

ed with this peculiar form of it. To shew how perfectly natural is

the juxta-position in the present instance, I cannot give a more

generally intelligible proof than in the picture drawn in the metaphy-

sical drama Prabodha-chandra-udaya, of a votary of this same Tantric

discipline, under the name of Sa-uMA-sIDDHANTA,—i, e. says the

1837.] on the Inscription of the Bhitdrt Ldt. 13

commentator, a professor of the science of Siva BuarrAva in con-

junction with Uma his consort.—I will give the original Sanscrit and

Pracrit (the latter spoken by the Buddhist, being his own Pali,—the

former by the other two speakers) with a different version from that

of Dr. Taytor, distinguishing prose and verse exactly as in the

original: premising, that the ingenious author does not intend to

give any exaggeration or caricature, but simply to exhibit a model of

an existing mode of belief and practice in his time: such as may be

traced also, under certain modifications even now; after centuries of

Mahomedan and Christian rule have interfered with the free exercise

of such homicidal worship.

aa: ofanfa Grafeara: arataaequie| eT ee:

(uftara] achat aaa:

WAUAG a SHITAATAA: |

quits FMB STUAT

sufaafaaiiadtaera |

ayaa: | wat aifasae yfsar mete ata yfea

[sue] wa aretha sgapeag ad ate Ta

SIGATRE |

AUR: | BC AUUH AH AIACTATAATYTT |

afeenrarertranttargatasaseat

GB TARTAR AGUA A A UTTAIT |

aa wrasrenretarseat Tae TT

zat a qeamecafatae at FET WTA: |

faa | [wat frara] TH IE HST STRUT AAAAT |

aq| ataraa afaari Bel Brcuraattaat aatfa fauraant

Tal TATA |

Hat | [Aare] AU aT yaw Afra WRITIT RAT

aga we farsa a fas wae naaaifetafaraa

sadtrat serafearasfeatarat waar wardtefa:,

qwalAate aH afeare |

ElCeCgLsas As BLITSAT ES

faafa weat aaatai wafy wate |

aanaadiaargat fara adtfaat

HIT VAS BARA Qa fratia aa

14 Historical Remarks [Jan.

ay | wa aaifes wetsra Hatha gars wearer Stas

zagra fefas faurssit fata |

AUT) BU wa qacty asat tyaifaan cattaute aca

avait FT Ses | WBA

VAMLIITARC STA AH THAIS

ATH LISS ITEC WaT |

<ul aft sausataRaa

qua vateat ufuefaarta |

[xfa esaqaefa |]

In Act III.

To them, enter Soma-SippHanra in the guise of a Kapalika (or man of skulls),

with a sword in his hand.

Soma-Sid. (walking about.)

With goodly necklace deck’d of bones of men,

Haunting the tombs, from cups of human skull

Eating and quaffing,—ever I behold

With eyes that Meditation’s salve hath clear’d,

The world of diverse jarring elements

Composed, but still all one with the Supreme.

Buddhist. This man professes the rule of a KApdlika. I will ask him what it

is.—(Going up to him.) O, ho! you with the bone and skull necklace, what

are your notions of happiness and salvation ?

Soma-Sid. Wretch of a Buddhist! Well; hear what is our religion.

With flesh of men, with brain and fat well smear’d,

We make our grim burnt-offering,—break our fast

From cups of holy Brahman’s skull,—and ever

With gurgling drops of blood that plenteous stream

From hard throats quickly cut, by us is worshipped

With human offerings meet, our God, dread BHAIRAVA.

Bréhman Mendicant, (stopping his ears.) Buddhist, Buddhist, what think you

of this? O horrible discipline !

Buddhist. Sacred Arhata! some awful sinner has surely deceived that man.

Soma-Siddhanta (in a rage). Aha‘!—sinner that thou art,—vilest of heretics,

with thy shaven erown, drest like the lowest outcasts, uncombed one, away

with thee! Is not the blessed husband of Buavawnt the sole cause of the

creation, preservation, and destruction of the fourteen worlds, and his power

established by the fullest demonstration of the Védant? Let us yet shew

even you the magnificence of this religion.

I call at will the best of gods, great Hart,

And Hara’s self and BkRaunmMa,—I restrain

With my sole voice the course of stars that wander

In heaven’s bright vault ; the earth with all its load

Of mountains, fields and cities, I at will

1837.] on the Inscription of the Bhitari Lat. 15

Reduce once more to water—and behold

I drink it up.

Buddhist. Alas! poor Kap4lika, this is just what I said. You have been de-

ceived by some juggler, spreading out false images before you.

Soma-Siddhanta. What, again, thou sinner ! Dost thou dare to call the great

Mauesvara a juggler? This thy malignity must not be forgiven. Lo, therefore,

With foaming floods of gore that gush amain

From throat well severed with this sabre’s edge,

I make my sacrifice to him that calls

With beat of drum the hosts of creatures after him,

Dread Srva—and with these rich ruddy streams

Delight his consort well, Boavant.

(Draws his sword.)

[How the hand of the Tantric zealot is arrested from smiting the unfortunate

Buddhist,—how he then enters on a psychological defence of his opinions,—

how he is then joined by SrappwH4a’ (or Faith !) in the character of a Kapalini,

who by her blandishments leads both the Brahman mendicant and the Buddhist, to

deport themselves like Tantrists,—and how they all then join Soma-SipDHANTA

in a meditative dance ;—all this and other wonders may be found by the curious

in the drama above cited. ]

Note B.

In once more expressing the opinion, that the Gupta dynasty of our

present monuments is posterior to the Christian era, Iam by no means

insensible to the new light that Mr. Turnour has thrown on the history

of SANDRACOTTUS in the extracts he has given from a learned commen-

tary on the Mahd-wanso, pp. Ixxi—1xxxii. of his very interesting pre-

face to that great historical work. That some of my objections to

the identity of the two Caanpra-Gupras are removed, or at least

greatly weakened, I freely admit: there certainly appears ancient

Buddhist authority (for such is apparently the Atta-kathd or Astata-

kathad of the Uttara-vihara priests alleged by the commentator) for

making the Mauryas a branch of the Solar race; utterly inadmissible

as is the etymology assigned for that name in the Tika (p. Ixxvi.) as

well as for the name of Sisun&Ga, ancestor of the Nandas, (pp. Ixxii.

Ixxii.) It is also very remarkable, in relation to this subject, that

the latter prince is there represented as the son of a Liccuavi Raja,

that being apparently the name of a distinguished family in Magadha :

Lic¢HAvi being also the name, in the inscriptions of Allahabad and

Bhitdri, of the father-in-law of our Cuanpra-cupra I. and maternal

grand-father of Samupra-cupTa. Nevertheless, there still appear

to me insurmountable objections to identifying Samupra-Gupra with

Vinpvu-sdrA, the son and successor of CHaANpRA-GueTaA Maurya on

the Magadha throne. while a still more evident impossibility is now

added of identifying his son, the Vaishnava Cuanpra-curta II. of our

present monument, with Asoca, son of VinpusAra, the zealous ad-

16 Historical Remarks, &c. [Jan.

herent and propagator of Buddhism, not only in his own dominions

of Magadha, but the north, east, and south, as far as Ceylon. It is

needless to pursue the discrepancy of the genealogies further: the

Vaishnava CumAra-Gurta and the Saivya and Saktya worshipper,

Scanpa-acupta, have nothing in common with the Buddhist descen-

dants and successors of Duarmdsoca. Is it not also very possible

that with a view to exalt the immediate ancestry of that most revered

prince, the priests of the favored religion may have introduced this ac-

count of the Moriya family, as an offspring of the Solar race,—so dis-

crepant from that which other Indian accounts, as well as Greek and

Roman, give of its origin? That the Buddhist priests, notwithstanding

their hostility to caste, are not insensible to considerations of this kind,

is evident from the care with which, in the Mahd-wanso and elsewhere,

they inculcate the undoubted royal descent of Gautama BuppHa.

Norz C.

The passage above quoted from the Vishnu-Purana seems to have

been somewhat differently read by the more modern author of the

Srimad-Bhdgavata,—who here as elsewhere, is apparently only trans-

ferring into his own more polished and elaborate verse, the records

found in the older Purdnic legends. By him the term Gupta, instead

of being a proper name, is made an epithet of the earth as ruled or

protected (for so the scholiast SripHara has explained it) by the

VIsvVA-SPHATIKA above mentioned, who is here called Visva-sPHURJI.

The close agreement, as well as occasional discrepancy, of the two

authorities, will be easily seen from the following extract (Bhdgavata,

Book xii. chap. 1.)

atrarat a afaat feats: qoae

qwaucia au WaT ARAL | Re |

iS e

Isaatasr auataata sate |

Aaa AAAS UMsTat aa WE |

_artaawsaa wat data AfeaT | RQ wv

“ Visva-SPHURJI, another PurANgaYA, (i. €. says the scholiast, the

best of the descendants of PuRANJAYA or Ripunsaya, who was king of

Magadha, B. C. 900.) shall create new barbarian castes, the Pulindas,

Yadus and Madras. This ill-minded warrior shall make the greatest part

of his subjects to be un-brahmanical, (or lower than sudras)—and hay-

ing exterminated the Xattriyas, he shall, in the city of Padmavati,

and on the Ganges, as far as Praydga, derive tribute from the pro-

tected earth,”

1837.] Alphabets of the Tai language. 17

The words Waaaratsaiy are explained here by the scholiast to de-

scribe the situation of the king’s metropolis Padmdvaiti, as being situ-

ated in the Ganges above Prayaga, or, as he words it, between Allahabad

and Haridvér. But this explanation is quite inapplicable to the same

words as they stand in the Vishnu-Purana, where they immediately

follow the mention of Mathurd, and where the mention of Magadha

following induces me to interpret the words “on the Ganges below

Praydga’ or between Allahabad and the sea.

1I].—Alphabets of the Tat language. By the Rev. N. Brown, Mis-

sionary in Assam.

[We are indebted to Capt. F. Jenxrns, Political Agent in Assam,

for kindly engaging Mr. Brown to throw light upon the Ahom and

Khamti alphabets, of which it may be remembered Capt. JENKINS

two years ago presented to the Society some manuscript volumes then

undecipherable for the want of this indispensable key. The Ahom let-

ters are stated to be copied from an old book in the author’s possession.

The brief notice of the language itself, (Mr. Brown writes to Capt. J.)

was gathered from a pandit of the Jorhdth Raja, whom he employed

as teacher fora few months. He did not seem to possess a very

perfect knowledge of the Ahom language, and he stated that the

same was true of the Ahoms in general, who for the most part have

lost all knowledge of their original tongue.

Captain Jenxins thinks there can be little doubt that the Ahom

rajas came into Assam from the eastward about the beginning of the

thirteenth century ; and that the immediate cause of their emigra-

tion is to be sought for in the breaking up of the Chinese empire by

the Moguls,—for at the epoch when Cuuxapua had fixed himself in

Assam, Kusuat Kuan had just established himself in China. We may

confidently hope that after a little longer residence at Sadiyd, Mr.

Brown, who is rapidly extending his acquaintance with the different

branches of the Shydn language will be induced to favor us with a

sketch of the contents of the old dhom chronicles, which, we are given

to understand, certainly exist in Assam, and of which the volume

transmitted by Capt. Jenkins may be a portion.

Capt. Jenkins alludes to a curious fact, communicated by Mr.

Brown, which should be a further inducement to examine their books ;

namely, that no trace of Buddhism is to be found in the religion of

the Ahoms. This is a remarkable deviation from the circumstances

18 Alphabets of the Tai anguage. [JAN.

of the other Shydn families whose literature is but a direct trans-

lation of Burmese Buddhism, as their alphabets, the Shyan,Khamti,

Laos, &c., are seen to be mere modifications of the Burmese or Pali

alphabet.

This fact would seem to argue that the emigration of the Ahoms

from their own country Siam, had taken place prior to the introduc-

tion of the Buddhist religion into that country—but how can this be

reconciled with the date of CaukapHa ?—Ep. ]

The Language of the Ahoms.

The Ahom is’a branch of the Tai language, which is spoken, with

some variations, by the Khamtis, the Shyans, the Laos, and the Sia-

mese, all of whom designate themselves by the general appellation of

Tai. Among the Ahoms, or that portion of the Tai race inhabiting

Assdm, the language is nearly extinct, being cultivated only by the

priests, as the ancient language of their religion; while their vernacu-

lar and common dialect, as well as that of the people, is Assamese.

As the Ahoms once ruled over Assdm, it is somewhat surprising that

more traces of their language are not to be found in the present dialect

of the Assamese, which contains very few words of Tai origin.

As might naturally be expected, the Ahoms, from disuse of their

original tongue, have lost many of its peculiar sounds. In conformity .

with the pronunciation of the Assamese, they give to w the sound of 6;

and y, they pronounce as j or z. The sound of the French uw, which is so

common in the Tai, they change sometimes to @ and sometimes to /.

The intonations of their original tongue they have entirely lost; one

reason of this undoubtedly is, that these intonations were never express-

ed by the Ahomsin writing. The same is at present the case with the

Khamtis and Shy4ns, who have no characters expressive of their in-

tonations, having, like the Ahoms, adopted the Burman alphabet,

which is inadequate to meet the wants of the Tai language in this re-

spect. The Siamese characters, on the contrary, represent the tones

with the greatest precision.

It is, however, remarkable that the language of the Ahoms as

pronounced by the priests, corresponds to the Siamese with much

greater exactness in some respects, than any of the Shyan dialects

spoken between dssdm and Siam.

1. The sound of 8, frequent in the Siamese and Laos, is converted

into m by all the Shyans, while the Ahoms have preserved the

regular 6. é

2. The Siamese d is changed by the Shy4ans to J, and by the Kham-

tis to n, but the Ahoms give it its correct pronunciation.

3. The same is true of the letter 7, which the Shyans change to h.

anar % wee ‘a

ye ? RN

= ‘ re PA

“of ve q - =, Lee wa 4

Y ee

- th. * .

r ) Ld ay |

54} tr)

ae. in

yp ‘a

; a | +

. i "ha » f

oie rae % wrx |

‘ F

& 3 “us eB : ak

> 7 v ‘ aan y «

Sedge bas

‘e re se rd

s :

~~ . if ™* ‘ ~

‘a Pr 7 ‘a wo

we Mi

7 re

ok a & '

?: /

67 fe, :

K ee we , ‘

i — 4

Lin

eA “. , i

pie € (3 - 4 ; oir

é + J

j way > he 1 M4

= ; ited | tee bat

y ~ kx “

od {

we | ai he >.

Sean rch |: Sade!

—<

Deer SAAvTR 5 ft ae ag fa

ao Sin ND: ehh de S oe

« te, y" 5 ,

- Pipa Mee lig cm. | lt oe emt mp ye me NES ‘P< = - aM

" a i Lf i

, ¥ . a, i

ee ae a 5 s a ae

Journ .as. Soc.

;

Burma

ccm DO BSBBZLOO™Z

| Khamict

,SS8eo0gEe

3 ae S 3 res

eHEc Ex

as SS

“y)

owe

nm 6

3 NG hes

oven Meats

SURI A

mM Nis 51 oY

S hh sth

oO i

30 ee om

@reud vf 0

o2 @ ¢ dom

&) a ih ds} op

adloan

dhl ag

™ 3

Wal. WV. PEL.

2ls

| Leos

So 303 S | Shyan

8.332 3 3

A tphabets of ve TAL ban ge

ay they)

(men)

(nor)

ki (french

three

Yar-

teties) j

& (Ahom Inseréepkion vfan 1 Assam Rupee.

SLEW ROT WIS NN CO AeR

& wt of: B: <o

Ftinscpe TeMheg .

> (note) 4

1837.) Alphabets of the Tai language. 19

4. Where double consonants, as K/, pl, kr, &c. occur at the com-

mencement of a word, as they frequently do in Siamese, the Shy4ns

and Khamtis, as well as the Laos, soften the pronunciation by omit-

ting the second consonant; but it is preserved by the Ahoms. I will

illustrate each of these remarks by a few examples.

Siamese. Léos. Shydn. Khamitt. Ahom.

1. Ba ba ma ma ba a shoulder,

Ban ban min man ban a village.

Bin bin min min bin to fly.

Bo bo mo mo bo a well.

2. Di di lf ni di good,

Deng deng leng neng deng red.

Doi doi loi noi doi a mountain.

Diu dau lau nau dau a star.

Diian diin liin niin din the moon.

3. Rak rakorhak hak hak rak to love.

Rai rai hai hai rai bad.

Ron ron hon hon rou hot.

Ra ra ha ha ra to know.

Riia ri hu hi ra a boat.

Riian riin hiin hiin ran a house.

4, Pla pa pa pa pla a fish.

Klai kai kai kai klai distant.

Kliia ki kit kit kla salt.

Pliiak pik pik pik plak a husk.

From these circumstances we may conclude that the Siamese and

Ahom dialects afford a more correct specimen of the original Tai lan-

guage, than either the Laos, Khamti, or Shyan ; for it is improbable,

if the original forms had been simple and easy of enunciation,

that they would have been exchanged for others more difficult; but it

is perfectly natural that difficult forms should be exchanged for others

more simple.

Explanation of the Table.

It is probable that all the alphabets of the Tai, (if we except the

Siamese,) were formed from the Burman. The column of Burman

‘letters is merely added for the purpose of comparison. The Ahom,

Khamti, and Shydn alphabets each contain eighteen letters, but

this number is quite inadequate to express the various sounds of these

languages. The Laos alphabet is more perfect: it contains fewer

letters, however, than the Siamese. In the above table we observe

that the Laos alphabet contains, to some extent, two distinct charac-

ters for each letter of the Ahom and Shydn; one denoting the rising,

and the other the falling tone*. The rising-toned letters are set first

_ ® The second column of the Ldos consonants embrace the second order or

the softer sound of each class of the Indian alphabets, g gh ; jjh; d dh; b bh,

‘&c.: the gh only is formed differently from the same letter of the Burman

alphabet. We have inserted these letters in the Roman column on the above

p?2

20 Alphabets of the Tai language. [Jan.

in the column ; those on the right hand have the falling tone. Seve-

ral of the falling-toned letters have no corresponding character for

the opposite intonation ; when it is required to express this, an h is

written above the letter, which raises its tone; thus, Q ng, Q on,

o> m, QD I, &c. Asimilar plan is adopted in the Siamese, where

the high-toned , is prefixed to other consonants for the purpose of

raising their tone.

The pronunciation of the fourth letter in the table is not uniform ;

the Siamese give it the sound of ch, the Laos nearly the same, while

all the Shyans pronounce it as st. The next letter, chh, is confound-

ed by the Shy4ns with s. The character for ph is used, by the

Ahoms and Shy4ns, to express both the aspirated p and the sound of

Ff; the Khamtis for the most part confound these two sounds. The

Ahoms use the same character for both d and 7; and also for } and

w; but the latter sound is changed to that of b, whenever it occurs

at the beginning of a word.

In the table of vowels we also find the sounds represented more

fully by the Laos than by the northern tribes ; though the Laos are

still behind the Siamese in expressing the niceties of the language.

The sounds resembling the French u and eu, or the German ii and 6, are

written alike by the Shyans, though they are perfectly distinguished

in pronunciation ; as also the sounds of ai and di; au and du; eu and

iu. The sound ait, which is. very common among the Shyans and

Khamtis, does not occur in the Laos. Its place is supplied by ai.

The long ¢ final of the Shyans is generally pronounced da or va by:

the Laos and Siamese. The Shy4n character given in the table is

that used in the neighborhood of Ava ; it is the same, with very slight

variations, as that used by the Shyans of Mégaung.

Norts. At the foot of the alphabetical scheme, lithographed from

Mr. Brown’s manuscript, we have inserted the Ahom legend of an

Assamese rupee, said to be of Coaxrapwasa Srnua, who repulsed

AvRANGZEB’s general, and whose reign commenced in 1621*. The

sculptured letters differ considerably in form from the written ones,

and there is too much uncertainty for us to attempt applying the

Roman: character to it, without a native at hand to correct the reading.

We have also given in the two following plates, facsimiles ona

reduced scale of the commencement of the manuscript volumes in the

grounds ; but the pronunciation must of course, under the author’s explana.

tion, be restricted to the sounds of the first column & kh; ch chh; t ths p ph,

&c.; with the rising or falling intonations respectively.—Ep.

* See page 118 of Chronological Appendix.

JournalAs. Soc. Yet VILL.

Specumen of the Khamti character.

froma manuscrept of /0 pages, in the Asiatec Socretys library.

” {ES @) OD 300)) 2 2 0)GON» So Neha » Ww gro, Sormghegy nageady

ee oes et oegoepod,

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Bee i, are ep ont Peet

— cejepveleene 5 ay pranenmomng:

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Printed at he Orventlah Lith Pres. Gileutta.

wournalAs. Soc . VolVW PLIV. .

Specimen of the Ahom, or Assam, Character.

fro: a memuscrifl volume presenled to the Socrely by Capl'FJenkins.

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exh Oars PECL Way 6 bx wh v1

Za thom Albphabel prefived to the same volume.

QO wren ies YLsd Bsns ane WN es UO] wd

wl P| 4 Rls VU) -e VW pie OY be UO we

DY me oad Ws ele? Wl Wve on =

bog os mi Hee Gv G5 G5 Go Pb

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(AUN?) pe I -Tg a Yb-Metis-ran -ko-lak - fahe a feat MUL TAR sfpacmi leu

SB inseps Lith ag.

1837.} Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 2t

Khamti and Ahom characters, above alluded to as presented by

Captain Jenxins. The former commences with an invocation to

Buddha in the Pali language and Burmese character, but there are

several grammatical errors committed by the Khamti copyist—the line

should run

$6O20D009 990 OGOD2 aE)}O0CGOD7 093300 9) 3900503

MOOOQOO GEC CO

Namotassa bhagavato arahato sammé sambuddhassa itfjayatu sabba mangalam.

Praise to the divine object of worship, the omniscient Buddha; through

whom may all happiness conquer,

We hope that Mr. Brown will enable us to insert a translation of

the Khamti and Ahom texts in a future page.—Eb.

III.—Remarks on the Silk Worms and Silks of Assam. By Mr. Tuomas

a Hueon, Sub. Asst. Nowgong.

[Communicated by Capt. F. Jenkins, Pol. Agent in Assam.]

The following worms producing silk are found in Assam. The

mulberry worm (large and small), the eria, the mooga, or moonga,

the kontkuri, the deo mooga, and the haumpottonee. The five last

are indigenous to the country, but there are no reasons to suppose that

the first is likewise so. The mulberry is scarce, and none is found in

the wildstate. The time of the introduction could be, perhaps, ascer-

tained in some of the Assamese booronjees or chronicles—(which I

was unable to procure immediately to ascertain the point); some of

them extending several centuries back—as the Assamese got reli-

gious instructors from Bengal, it is very probable they also got from

there the mulberry tree and worm. The use of the silk being con-

fined to the raja and grandees, and the rearing of the worm to one

caste, are additional proofs that its introduction did not precede that

of Hinduism—the joogees (the caste alluded to) must evidently have

come up with it; the Assamese refuse to rear the silk worm, but not

having this objection to the other worms would be one proof of the

latter being indigenous, were it doubtful.

Mulberry worm.—The management of these worms in Assam is

nearly similar to what it is in Bengal. They are reared within doors,

and require the same care and attention as are bestowed on them

there ; a separate hut is used, which is fitted with bamboo stages with

a passage between them and the outer wall—these huts are built

north and south with a single door on the east side; this is generally

the case, but by no means a fixed rule amongst the Assamese ; only

one female of the family goes into the house, and previous to doing

22 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [Jan.

it alway washes her hands and feet. With the Assamese the idea

prevails as in other parts, that the eye of the stranger is hurtful—

their account of this is, that the worms, fancying the stranger is criti-

cising them, get sulky, abstain from food and die. .

The large and small mulberry worms are reared in Assam. I will

describe the rearing of those which produce only one bund a year,

(the larger,) they being more in use than the others in this district.

Tt will be sufficient to shew how far the process assimilates to that

followed in Bengal and other parts. The moths are made to deposit

their eggs on pieces of cloth—these are packed up with the house-

hold clothing ; when the time of hatching approaches (December),

they are taken out and exposed to the air; when the worms are

hatched they are fed the first three or four days on the tender leaves

cut up, in new earthen pots; then on a bambootray. After the first

moulting they are removed to the mutchang (machin) or stages. When

they are about beginning to spin, they are put on bamboo trays fitted

up with pieces of matting fixed perpendicularly at intervals of two

inches: these in the first afternoon are exposed for half an hour to

the side where the sun is shining, and afterwards hung up in the

house. After leaving as many as are required for breeding, those that

are to be wound off, after having been exposed to the sun for three

or four days, are put over a slow fire in an earthen vase full of

water. One person winds off the silk with an instrument made of

three pieces of stick joined together thus, the perpendicular one is

held at one end with the right hand, and the left directs

the thread over the cross bars—taking care in doing this

to make it rub against the fore-arm to twist it—whilst an-

other person attends to the fire and the putting on new

cocoons. When a sufficient quantity for a skein has thus

accumulated it is taken off the cross bars.

There are hardly any plantations of mulberry in Assam, on such

a scale as to be worth mentioning; a few men of rank have small

patches of it, sufficient to produce silk for their own use ;—the few

ryuts that sell the silk generally have not more than a seer to dis-

pose of in the year,—the produce of a few plants: round their huts

or in the hedges of their fields. The leaves are not sold as in Bengal,

and when aryut’s own supply fails, he obtains it from neighbors

who have a few trees merely for the fruit. The worms are reared

by joogees alone, people of an inferior caste :—those of the highest

can cultivate the plant and do all the out-of-door work—but none

but a joogee can, without degradation, attend to the worms or touch

the silk whilst reeling. As the same prejudice does not exist in Ben-

——

Jour As. Soc The Lruw Silke worm and moth VoL VIFLV

Ch Tludson de. Kasinith Scudf.

1837.) Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 23

gal, it must have been kept up purposely by the despotic rulers of

the country, after mulberry cultivators were introduced, to ensure the

use of the silk being confined to themselves and their courtiers—a

selfishness which may be observed in many of their rules and pro-

hibitions: this alone would have been a bar to the extension of the

cultivation of the mulberry in Assam, were there not already greater

facilities of obtaining silk from the mooga and eria worms. No

mention is made of silk in the returns of the Hydra chowkey, I do

not think half a maund of it altogether is exported in any shape—

the price of it is eight or ten rupees a seer, but it is not readily procur-

able. Mr. Scort, a few years ago, introduced from Rungpoor, reelers,

reels and plants of the morus alba, and established a factory at

Darang, with a view to extend the culture of mulberry silk, and im-

prove the reeling of the mooga. Several causes rendered the expe-

riment abortive, the want of European superintendence and Mr.

Scorr’s untimely death being the principal ones*.

Hria silk.i—The eria worm and moth differ from ‘the mulberry

worm and moth in every respect, as will be better understood by the

accompanying drawings and insects: like it, however, it goes through

four different moultings, but its sickness in doing it lasts only

twenty-four hours ; the last stage takes eight days, the others four.

The duration of its life varies according to seasons: in summer. it is

shorter, and the produce both greater and better; at ‘this season,

from its birth to the time it begins its cocoon, twenty to twenty-four

days expire, in fifteen more the moth comes forth, the eggs are laid

in three days, and in five they are hatched, making the total duration

of a breed forty-three to forty-seven days: in winter it is nearly two

months; the number of breeds in the year are reckoned at seven.

This worm is, like the mulberry worm, reared entirely within doors :

it is fed principally on the hera or palma-christi leaves, it eats the

mulberry leaf also but is said to prefer the former; when the palma-

christi leaves fail, they are also fed on those of several other trees

known in this part of Assam by the following names :—

1. Kossool.

2. Hindoo gass.

3. Meekeerdal.

* From the opinions given by several merchants of Calcuééa on samples of

Assam mulberry silk, reeled on Italian reels from worms properly fed and at-

_tended to, I am led to believe this province exceedingly favorable to the produc-

tion of very superior silk.—The samples sent down would have fetched the highest

prices in the Calcutta market, and they were got up under the unfavorable cir-

‘eumstances of a rude experiment.—F, Junxins,

24 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [Jan.

4. Okonnee.

5. Gomarree.

. Litta Pakoree.

7. Borzonolly.

The worms thrive best and produce most when entirely fed on the

palma-christi—it is the only plant which is cultivated purposely for

it, there is hardly one ryut who has not a small patch of it near his

house or on the hedges of his fields—it requires little or no culture

—the ground is turned up a little with the hoe and the seeds thrown

in without ploughing; whilst the plant is young it is weeded once or

twice, but it is afterwards left to itself. The plant is renewed every

three years. On the leaves of Nos. 1 and 2, worms can be reared

entirely, but they do not thrive well upon it, many die even after hav-

ing begun the cocoons, and the few of these that are got are small

and yield but little. These and the others are only used in the fourth or

fifth stage when they are considered to answer quite as well as the

palma-christi leaves. The kossool (No. 1) alone can be given alternate-

ly with the palma-christi. The whole of these trees are found in the

forests, but not cultivated.

To breed from, the Assamese select cocoons from those which

have been begun in the largest number on the same day—generally

the second or third day after cocoons have begun to be formed—those

that contain males being distinguished by a more pointed end. These

cocoons are put in a closed basket and hung up in the house out of

reach of rats and insects. When the moths come forth they are allow-

ed to move about in the basket for twenty-four hours; after which the

females, (known only by the larger body) are tied to long reeds or canes,

twenty or twenty-five to each, and these are hung up in the house.

The eggs that have been laid the first three days amounting to about

two hundred are alone kept, they are tied in a piece of cloth and sus-

pended to the roof until a few begin to hatch—these eggsare white, and

the size of turnip seed; when a few of the worms are hatched, the

cloths are put on small bamboo platters hung up in the house, in which

they are fed with tender leaves; after the second moulting they are

removed to bunches of leaves suspended above the ground, under

them upon the ground a mat is laid to receive them when they fall ;

when they have ceased feeding they are thrown into baskets full of

dry leaves, amongst which they form their cocoons, two or three

being often found joined together.

The caterpillar is at first about a quarter of an inch in length, and ap-

pears nearly black ; as it increases in size it becomes of an orange color,

with six black spots on each of the twelve rings which form its body.

1637.) Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 25

The head, claws and holders are black; after the second moulting

they change to an orange color, that of the body gradually becomes

lighter, in some approaching to white, in others to green, and the

black spots gradually become the color of the body; after the fourth

and last moulting the color is a dirty white or a dark green : the white

caterpillars invariably spin red silk, the green ones white. On attaining

its full size the worm is about three and half inches long: unlike the

mooga caterpillar, its colors are uniform and dull, the breathing holes

are marked by a black mark—the moles have become the color of the

body, they have increased to Jong fleshy points, without the sharp

prickles the Mooga worm has ; the body has a few short hairs, hardly

perceptible.

In four days the cocoons are complete; after the selection for the

next breed is made, they are exposed to the sun for two or three days

to destroy the vitality of the chrysalis. The hill tribes settled in the

plains are very fond of eating the chrysalis—they perforate the cocoons

the third day to get them, they do the same with the mooga and sell

few cocoons imperforated.

The cocoons are put over a slow fire in a solution of potash, when

the silk comes easily off: they are taken out and the water slightly

pressed out: they are then taken one by one, loosened at one end and

the cocoon put over the thumb of the left hand, with the right they

draw it out nearly the thickness of twine, reducing any inequality by

rubbing it between the index and thumb; in this way new cocoons

are joinedon. The thread is allowed to accumulate in heaps of a quarter

of aseer: it is afterwards exposed to the sun or near the fire to

dry ; it is then made into skeins with two sticks tied at one end and

opening like a pair of compasses: it is then ready to be wove unless

it has to be dyed.

The dyes used are lac, munjeet and indigo, and the process of dy-

ing is as follows.

Red Dye.—The lac after having been exposed to the sun to render

it brittle, is ground and sieved as fine as possible: it is steeped twelve

hours in water, after which the thread is thrown in with the leaves of

a tree, called by the Assamese Litakoo—(Pierardia sapida? F. J.)

When it has absorbed most of this mixture, it is taken out, put over

two cross sticks, and shaken a short time to detach the threads well

from each other: it is dried in the sun and the same process again

gone through twice. When it is wished to increase the brightness of

the color, itis again dyed with munjeet: the Jatteris dried in the sun

and ground in the same way, it is steeped for forty-eight hours; the

threads are put in and boiled in the same way, but with the leaves of a

26 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [Jan.

different tree (the Koh): the thread is dried in the sun, and is ready for

use. Nearly the same process is gone through for the blue : instead

of the common indigo, they sometimes use the Room, which plant is,

I believe, Ruellia callosa—also the leaves of a very large tree found

in the forests, called by them Ooriam. The thread is wove as cotton.

The different prices of the cloths and their use will be found in an

annexed table; their clothes are mostly used for house consumption, a

few are bartered with the Bhotias and other hill tribes. Large quan-

tities were formerly exported to Lassa by merchants, known in De-

rung as the ‘‘ Kampa Bhotias,’’—the quantity they used to take away,

was very considerable, but in the latter years of the Assam raja’s rule,

’ from the disorganized state of the country, the number of merchants

gradually deereased ; three years ago only two came after a long in-

terval, one of them died, and I believe the trade has not again been

revived: those two merchants complained that they could no more

procure the cloths suited to their markets. No exports of it are men-

tioned in the returns of the Hydra-chowkey. The quantity the country

is capable of exporting under an improved management would be very

large, for it forms at present the dress of the poorer classes at all

seasons, and is used by the highest for winter wear.

I have been unable yet to ascertain the quantity of this silk obtain-

able from one aere of land, no man can tell me the extent of his plan-

tation, or even the quantity of Eria thread he got in a year beyond

this, that he had enough for the use of his family ; every ryut has a

few plants round his house or farming hedges—which would at most

amount to the twentieth part of an acre; so that for this to afford

clothing for a family the produce must be very large indeed.

Mooga Silk.—Although the mooga moth can be reared in houses, it

is fed and thrives best in the open air and on the trees. ‘The trees

which afford it food are known in Assam by the following names :—

1. Addakoory.

. Champa, (Michelia.}

. Soom.

. Kontooloa.

. Digluttee, (Tetranthera diglottica, Ham.)

. Pattee shoonda, (Laurus obtusifolia, ‘‘ Roxs.’’)

7. Sonhalloo, (Tetranthera macrophylla, ‘“‘ Roxs.’’)

Silk from No. 1. Addakoory—The Addakoory, the worms fed on

which produce the Mazankoory mooga, is a middle-sized tree, used for

rearing worms only when under four years. It sprouts up where

forests have been cleared up for the cultivation of rice or cotton. The

worms that are put on the tree.on the first year of their appearance

Den Bb c bo

1837.] Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 27

above the ground produce the best silk. The second year the crops are

inferior in quality and quantity, and the third it is little if at all

superior to the common mooga. The Mazankoory silk is nearly white,

and its value fifty per cent. above that of the common fawn-colored.

The tending of the worms on this tree is much more laborious than

on any of the others: young trees only being used, they have to be

constantly removed to fresh ones: the smoothness of the bark also

renders it necessary to help them in moving from branch to branch.

This tree is more abundant in Upper than in Lower Assam—last year

it was for the first time found to exist in the forests of the Morung,

on the eastern boundary of this district: the Upper Assamese who are

settled throughout this district (they form one-fourth or one-fifth of

our population here), have never met with it in any other place.

No. 2. Champa.—The Champa is found, as the Addakoory, where

forests have been cleared: the silk of the worms fed on it is called

*< Champa pootia mooga.”’ It is held in the same estimation as the

“« Mazankoory ;” 1 do not know whether it is also used when young —

the tree is not met with in Lower Assam.

No. 3. Soom.—The Soom is found principally in the forests of the

plains and in the villages, where the plantations of this tree are very ex-

tensive. It attains a large size and yields three crops of leaves in the

year : the silk produced by it is of a light fawn color, and estimated

next to the Mazankoory: the plantations are most abundant in the

eastern half of this district.

No. 4. Kontooloa.—This is a large tree found both in the hills and

the plains—also a few in the villages: the leaves are too hard for

young worms: they are reared on the preceding (No. 3), till the

third moulting, and then put on this tree; by which process the silk

obtained is stronger than that from worms reared entirely om. the

Soom. :

No. 5. Digluttee.—A tree of a small size not much used on that

account: the silk equal to that obtained from No. 3.

No. 6. Pattee shoonda.—Middle-sized tree, found principally in

forests—few to be met with in the villages of Lower Assam—used

when the leaves of No. 3 are done.

No. 7. Sonhalloo.—The Sonhalloo is found in the forests of the hills

and plains, where it attains a very large size: it is also found in the

villages, where in six years it attains its full growth (thirty feet) ; it is

very abundant in the western portion of this district. Rara, Jumna,

Mookh, Jyntea, and the valley of Dhurmpoor—at the latter place,

-where the hill tribes of Mikirs and Kachdris clear dense forests for

the cultivation of rice and cotton, numbers of the plants spring up

z 2

28 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [JaNn.

spontaneously. After three or four years when the land getting

poorer requires more tillage and the use of the plough, these tribes

who only use the kar, or hoe, remove to new forests and leave behind

them plantations of these trees, which they have used during the

short period they have remained. To them, the ryuts of the more settled

parts resort in the spring to rear up worms: the silk of the Son-

halloo-fed worm is considered inferior to the preceding—more I be-

lieve from its darker color than any other cause.

There are generally five breeds of mooga worms in the year, they

are named after the months at which they generally occur.

1. Jarooa, in January and February.

2. Jeytooa, in May and June.

3. Aharooa, in June and July.

4. Bhodia, in August and September.

5. Khotia, in October and November.

The first and last are the best crops as to quality and quantity. Nos.

3 and 4 yield so little and so inferior a silk, that they may be said to

be merely for the purpose of continuing the breed. Were the Assa-

mese acquainted with the process of retarding the hatching of the

eggs as is practised in China, in regard to the mulberry silk-worm,

they would, I think, find it more advantageous to have only three or

four crops. |

The same rule is followed in the selection of cocoons to breed from

as in the Hria. They are put in a closed basket suspended from the

roof: the moths as they come forth having room to move about, after

a day the females (known only by their larger body). are taken out

and tied to small wisps of thatching grass, taken always from over the

hearth—its darkened color being thought more acceptable to the

moth. If out of a batch there should be but few males, the wisps with

the females tied to them are exposed outside at night: the males

thrown away in the neighbourhood find their way to them: these

wisps are hung on a string tied across the house to keep them from

the lizards and rats. The eggs Jaid during the first three days (about

250) are the only ones thought worth the keeping: those laid on the

two or three subsequent days are said to produce weak worms. The

wisps are taken out morning and evening, and exposed to the side

where the sun is shining: ten days after the laying of the eggs, a few

of them are hatched: the wisps are then hung up to the tree, the

young worms finding their way to the leaves—care must be taken

that the ants have been destroyed, their bite proving fatal to the

worm in its early stages. To effect this they rub the trunk of the

tree with molasses and tie to it fish and dead toads. When large

1837.) Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 29

numbers have been attracted to one place they destroy them with fire ;

this they do several times previously to the worms being put on; the

ground under the trees must be kept clear of jungle to make it easy

to find the worms that fall down—young trees are preferable until

the second moulting.

To prevent the worms coming to the ground, fresh plantain leaves

are tied round the trunk, over the slippery surface of which they can-

not crawl. They are removed to fresh trees on bamboo platters tied

to long poles.

Bats, owls, rats, are very destructive at night: in the day the

worms require to be constantly watched—crows and other birds being

so fond of them, that they lie in wait in the neighbouring trees.

An old lady’s doze over her morning “ canee”’ (opium), however short,

is sure to be fatal to several worms—the goolail which is always at

hand often punishes the thief, but the mischief is done.

Numbers are destroyed in the more advanced stages by the sting

of wasps—and by the ichneumon insect which deposits its eggs in their

body. These are hatched when the cocoon is half formed: they per-

forate it at the side and the chrysalis is found dead: the worms which

have thus been stung are known by black marks on their body. Were

the people more careful in their management, this would be of little

consequence: by making these worms spin apart, the cocoon being

formed before the chrysalis is killed, the silk could be saved.

The worms thrive best in dry weather: but a very hot sunny day

proves fatal to many at the time of moulting. At these periods rain is

very favorable, thunder storms do not injure them as they do the

mulberry worm ; continual heavy-rains, (which are rarer in Assam than

in Bengal) are hurtful by throwing them down—showers, however

heavy, cause no great damage, they taking shelter under the leaves

with perfect safety. The worms during their moultings remain on

the branches, but when about beginning to spin they come down the

trunk, the plantain leaves preventing their going further down they

are collected in baskets, which are afterwards put under bunches of

dry leaves suspended from the roof—they crawl up into these and

form their cocoons—as with the Eria several are often joined together.

The silk of these they spin instead of winding: above the plantain

leaf a roll of grass is tied for those that come down during the night

to begin spinning in—after four days the selection of cocoons for the

next breed is made and the rest wound off.

The total duration of a breed varies from sixty to seventy days.

The period is thus divided—four moultings, with one day’s illness

Sean CAC) Pal sy) PLE. Pee PY AS POP BPODE Ya) BE ee 20

30 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [Jan.

From fourth moulting to beginning of cocoon,.............. 10

dri: the eeeaan se cies Bisley cot danny. owkll. ade. Qe

As A MmOtRy A Shee e). aes sla dan Tek tect. adage aie

Hatehimeperiheier ass. o... ce lowes Seve. Plena s a

On being hatched the worm is about a quarter of an inch long, it

appears composed of alternate black and yellow rings; as it increases

in size the former are distinguished, as six black moles, in regular

lines on each of the twelve rings which form its body. The colors

gradually alter as it progresses, that. of the body becoming lighter,

the moles sky-blue, then red with a bright. gold-colored rmg round

each. When full grown the worm is above four inches long; its

colors are most brilliant and varied in shades: the body appears

transparent and is of a very light yellow or dark green color, with a

brown and a yellow streak at the sides; in the latter the breathing

holes are distinguished by a black speck: the moles are red and have

each four sharp prickles and a few black hairs: the head and claws are

of a light brown, the holders green and covered with short black

hair; the last pair have a black ring on the outside. On being tapped

with the finger the body renders a hollow sound; by the sound it

is ascertained whether they have come down for want of leaves on the

tree, or from their having ceased feeding.

The chrysalis not being soon killed by exposure to the sun, when

they have many cocoons they put them on stages, cover them up

with leaves and burn grass under them; the cocoons are then boiled

for about an hour in a solution of the potash made from the dried

stalks of rice, they are then taken out and laid on cloth folded over

to keep them warm; from this they are taken. as required and thrown

in hot water (not over the fire) after the floss has been removed with

‘the hand. The instrument used for winding off the silk is the coarsest

imaginable: a thick bamboo about three feet long is split in two, and

the pieces driven equally in the ground two feet apart: over the

interior projection of one of the knots is laid a stick, to which is fixed,

a little on one side, a round piece of plank about one foot in diameter

—the rotary motion is given by jerking this axle, on which the thread

rolls itself: in front of the vessel holding the cocoons a stick is

fixed horizontally for the thread to travel upon. ‘Two persons are

employed—one attending the cocoons, the other jerks the axle with

the right hand and with the same hand directs the thread up the left

forearm, so that it is twisted in coming down again towards the hand ;

‘the left hand directs the thread over the axle. Fifteen cocoons is the

Tour: As. Soe.

Vol VIPL.VI

| Lhe Joree Silk. moth

Bombyx religuos

Mo onga Silk worm

- by meron.

and moth

—_

Sica re rtp ieee ea oa

: an Oi TO

aree prea

(

CK. Hudson C les

Ka. math: wo) y uf

Rr ia

a) re

aes

Geyer

‘

tthe er

;

’

1837.] Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 31

smallest number they can wind off in one thread, twenty the number

generally; even the last is often broken from the coarseness of the

instrument used, although the fibre is much stouter than that of the

mulberry silk. When nearly a quarter of a seer has accumulated on

the axle, it is dried in the sun and made into skeins of one or two

rupees weight. This is done with a small bamboo frame set in

motion by the common spinning machine of the country: if it has to

be dyed the same process is followed as with the Hria. The cloths

usually made of mooga and their use will be found in the annexed

table: besides those, I have seen it used as the warp with cotton,

and the cloth so made is a little lighter color than nankin and much

stronger ; but this is seldom done, from the trouble of spinning the

cotton fine enough. Cotton twist adapted to that purpose would, I

think, meet a ready market.

The exact quantity of silk which an acre of mooga trees can produce

could not be ascertained without atrial. Fifty thousand cocoons per

acre*, which makes upwards of twelve seers, are considered by the

Assamese a good yearly return. Sixty rupees the value of twelve seers

must be a very profitable one, for there is little labor or expense to the

ryut in making or keeping up a plantation : whilst the trees are young,

the ground is available for cultivation besides rearing worms ; sugar-

cane, rice, pulse, &c. are cultivated with benefit rather than injury to the

young trees. The tax is fourteen annas the acre in this district. The

great value of the mooga is, that it enables the weaker members of a

family to contribute as much as the most robust to the welfare of the

whole. Besides attending to the worms most of them weave, spin or

make baskets, while watching them.

From causes which I have been unable to ascertain, and of which

the natives are ignorant, the mooga some years failed so complete-

ly in particular districts that none was left to continue the breed.

There being very few weekly Aauts or markets to resort to, to procure

cocoons for breeding from the more fortunate people of other districts,

a failure of this kind in one place is sensibly felt for two or three

years after in the production. The time of the ryut, who has at most

half or a quarter of an acre of mooga trees, is too valuable to allow of

his being absent for a month and more, going from village to village,

and house to house to find out the people who have cocoons for sale.

This last season in our Jumna-mikh (Cachar) pergunnah the mooga

* An Assamese Poorah of land is a little more than an English statute acre,

and such lands hitherto have not been taxed, or at a very low rate, if cultivated

with other crops besides the mooga.

32 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. [Jan.

was a complete failure; there are no worms on the trees now, from

inability to procure cocoons, although there was a very abundant crop

in two pergunnahs at the opposite end of the district.

The mooga plantations are principally round the ryuts’ houses, and

are included in house-lands. By this year’s measurement of the

Barree lands in the three divisions of the Nowgong zillah where the

land tax obtains, the quantity in actual occupation (exclusive of those

which being unclaimed have reverted to the state) amounts to 5350

acres: the proportion of mooga plantations is upwards of one-fourth or

1337 acres. In the five other divisions of the same zillah, which are

three times the area, and have more than double the population, but

of which we have no accurate measurements, I will only venture

to estimate the quantity of mooga plantations at half that of the other

three or about 600 acres, but on this low calculation there would bea

total of 2000 acres for Nowgong. Estimating the plantations of the

Derung and Kamrip zillahs at only 1500 acres each, there would be

a total of 5000 acres of those plantations in Lower Assam, exclusive

of what the forests contain of them: this quantity is capable of pro-

ducing in one year 1500 maunds. In Upper Assam 1 understand the

plantations are more extensive than ours.

4. Kontkirt Mooga.—This worm feeds on many trees besides the

‘“mooga trees ;”

and the seemul, (Bombar heptaphyllum,) but not in great quantities.

The worms, moths and cocoons are considerably larger than any of the

others ; indeed the cocoon is the size of a fowl’s egg. Several Assa-

mese told me they had vainly attempted to domesticate them; the

it is found oftener on the bair, (Zizyphus jujuba,)

eggs have been hatched, but after observing the worms for a few days

on the trees they have at once disappeared. They attributed this to

its being a ‘‘ dewang”’ or spirit; the real cause may probably be its

being fond of changing its food, and gifted with greater locomotive

powers than the generality of the silk-worms. I have been told by

some Bengalees that it is found in Bengal in the wild state on the

’ it is there reeled

off like the mulberry silk and much valued for fishing lines, but not

wove, probably from its scarcity. The fibre is stronger than that of

“bair’ as in Assam, and called ‘‘ Gootee-poka;’

the mooga and of a lighter color.

5. Deo Mooga.—I accidentally became acquainted with this worm,

which is very little known to the natives and entirely in the wild state.

Three years ago being employed in Jumna-miukh (Cachar), I had

occasion to take some bearings, for which purpose I had a white cloth

put up on a large “ Bur” tree, (Ficus Indica ;) the year after, being

near the same spof, the ryuts came and told me that two months after

1837.] Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 33

{ left (April), they observed that the tree had lost all its foliage, they

went to it and found in the surrounding grass and dry leaves, a large

number of small cocoons; these they spun like the eria out of curio-

sity and used it with the latter. They took no further notice of suc-

ceeding breeds, finding the thing of little present use. I lost a few

cocoons which I procured at the time, but have lately seen both the

worm and the coceon, the former is quite different from any other; it

is more active, its length is under 24 inches, the body very slender

in proportion to its length, the color reddish and glazed. I could

not observe them more particularly, as they were brought to me

one evening at dusk: I put them in a box, with the intention of exa-

mining them the next morning, but they disappeared during the night,

although it was open very little to admit the air. The moth is very

much like that of the mulberry, so is the cocoon also in appearance,

color and size; I have questioned many of the natives about this

worm, but none had ever seen it before—their opinion of it is that it is

a “dewang” (spirit) brought there by the prismater compass and the

white flay—this made them call it de mooga.

The haumpottenee, a caterpiller very common in Assam (and else-

where perhaps), may also be mentioned as one of the varieties of the

species, although it forms but a very imperfect cocoon: it feeds on

most leaves. I have had no opportunity yet of observing it myself ;

but am told by the natives that it goes through similar stages to the

others; the worm is about two inches long, of a brown color and

covered with hair, the moth of the same color as the mooga moth

but only half the size; the cocoon has this peculiarity, that it is quite

transparent, so that the chrysalis can be seen inside ; at one end of it

a small opening is left—the cocoon is of a yellow color—it can be

spun like the eria cocoon, but the Assamese do not use it, on account

of its silk causing a severe itching in wearing.

I have questioned several Bengalees settled in Assam and who have

been at Midnapur, regarding the identity of the mooga and tussur ;

they say that the worm is the same, but that at the latter place they

are fed on a different tree: the point could be better ascertained by a

comparison with the drawings and preserved worms which accompany

these remarks. The Burmese envoys who have just left Assam told me

that the mooga was unknown in their country previous to the conquest

of Assam ; but that it had since been introduced by the Assamese who

were carried off and settled in the Burmese territory : the Cacharis also

admit that it is not many years since it was introduced into Cachar,

{south of the hills.) In Cooch Behar both it and the eria are almost

unknown to this day; the prevailing opinion amongst the natives of

34 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. (Jan.

these parts is, that both species (mooga and eria) are indigenous to

Upper Assam and were introduced from thence. It has always appeared

to me that the production of these silks is greater as one advances to

the east—it is to this day procurable more abundantly in Upper

Assam than any where else, especially in the district of Lukinpoor on

the north bank of the Burkampootur.

Little eria is exported, but the mooga forms one of the principal

exports of Assam; the average of the quantity passed at Gowalpara

during the two last years that duties were levied, was two hundred and

fifty-seven maunds, valued at fifty-six thousand and fifty-four rupees: it

leaves the country principally in the shape of. thread. Most of it

going to Berhampoor, it is probable that the cloths made from it pass

under the name of tussur; the latter as far as I recollect, appears to

have less gloss. The Hydra chowkey returns comprise only the

products exported by water. The total quantity that leaves the pro-

vince may, I think, be estimated at upwards of three hundred maunds,

for mooga forms also a portion of the traffic with Silhet (across the

hills) the Cassyas, Bhotias, and other hill tribes. The Assamese gene-

rally keeping more for their own use than they sell, the total quantity

produced in the province may be reckoned at six or seven hundred

maunds. It has been in great demand in Bengal, for within the last

few years, although the production has been greater from the more

settled state of the country, the price has risen 20 per cent. When I

first arrived in this district, it could be obtained without difficulty from

the ryuts at three and a half to four rupees the seer ; now it is difficult

to procure it at five rupees. The competition is so great, that the

traders pay for it in advance, not as with other products, to get it at

a lower rate, but merely to secure their getting it. This competition

is also owing to the greater number of small traders who resort to the

province since the abolition of chowkeys—which may have caused a rise

on the price of the product in Assam without a corresponding increase

in the exports. ,

No gradual improvement can be traced in the mode of rearing the

several worms or winding their silk—it is now what it was a century

ago, there being no European speculators in Assam, nor it being pro-

bable that when any venture so far they would readily risk the capi-

tal in quite a new branch of industry. This important product of the

country is likely to remain for years unimproved, unless the subject

should again be taken up by. Government. The small factory set up

by the late Mr. Scorr, to which I have before alluded, was kept up

too short a time to have had any perceptible effect. Mr. Scott’s

declining health and numerous duties never allowed him to give it a

1837.]} Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 35

moment’s personal attention, nor could his assistant do it, having then

the same work to do which now employs several officers ; the factory

was therefore left entirely under the direction of natives. These, to

add to their own importance, rather increased, than alleviated the

fears that the Assamese, (who had labored under so many restrictions,)

naturally entertained of imitating or using any thing pertaining or

appropriated to the ‘‘ Raja;” such a presumption in the good old times

might have cost a man his ears or his nose. The residence of

European officers in different parts of the country having undeceived

the people as to those restrictions, there would be now great facilities

in introducing improvements—although the ryuts individually have

not the means of getting reeling machines, however simple and cheap,

they would, as with sugar-mills, club together to obtain them, were

it only shewn to them that there was any advantage, in the use of

them. Mooga thread is every day increasing in value; I have marked

its rise from three rupees eight annas, to five rupees in the short space

of three years ; in Gowalpara it sells at six rupees eight annas or seven

rupees; in Dacca and Moorshedabad at eight rupees. This is, I believe,

not more than thirty per cent. below mulberry silk in Calcutta ; the

primitive process of the Assamese which I have described will, perhaps,

shew a possibility of this difference being made up by superior man-

agement. The mooga silk could be used in colored fabrics, being easily

dyed. In its.natural fawn color it stands washing much better than

silk, keeping gloss and color to the last; the natives bleach it with a

solution of the potash made from plantain trees, this they also use in

washing their cloths, both cotton and silk : soap was unknown previous

to the British occupation of the country.

Another object of great interest, which might become of great

importance to this province, is, to ascertain the possibility of rendering

the erta marketable in some shape or other ; the way of preparing it

(already described,) is such that the cloth made of it when new looks

as rough as “ taut’ (or gunny) ; it is only by repeated washings that it

attains a softness of feel and gloss which approach that of silk. It is

highly improbable that amongst the natives, repeated trials should not

have been made of reeling instead of spinning these cocoons, but

from their failing it would be wrong to lay it down as an impossibi-

lity: they have merely tried it as other cocoons and given it up when

they found that the fibre “ did not come,’’ as one of them told me.

I had it tried before me with a few cocoons, but with the greatest

care the fibre could not be drawn off beyond a few yards without

breaking, the cause of this appeared to me to be a greater adhesive-

ness in the fibre than with other cocoons, it was drawn off with difi-

F 2

36 Remarks on the Silks of Assam. (Jan.

culty and with a crackling noise—until it brought several layers with

it, from which it could not be detached without breaking, some thing

may perhaps be hereafter found to reduce that adhesiveness. It is, I

think, unlikely that the worm should spin in a different way from all

others, allowing this to be the case, great improvements could be

made in the spinning, by, no doubt, the introduction of the process in

practice in Europe to spin perforated cocoons, from its cheapness it

would perhaps be advantageously used with wool—especially in stock-

ings, it would add softness and gloss without taking from the warmth,

the cocoons costing only one rupee, the thread two rupees per seer.

Although I have been unable to form an estimate of the land taken

up on the cultivation of the ‘‘ hera’” or palma-christi, a very rough one

could be made of the total quantity of erta silk produced by referring

to the population; it being the daily wear of the poor, and besides,

being used by every class in winter. The population is reckoned at

455,000*, therefore estimating the yearly consumption of each indi-

vidual at the lowest, the total quantity produced would be upwards of

1000 maunds, most of this could be exported if it acquired the least

additional value by better management, and be replaced by other

manufactures and by an increase in the growth of cotton. The pro-

duct would keep pace with any increase of demand, for there is hardly

a house in the country where these worms are not reared.

Being acquainted only with central Assam and this district in par-

ticular, Upper Assam, the Moamariya country, the Bhotan territories

in the plains are left out of these remarks and estimatest. Although

the population assimilates, m many respects they may differ in their

different processes. J have used as few local terms as I could except

with regard to the tree and plants whose botanical name I have not

been able to ascertain.

P.S. In the within Mr. Hucown has said nothing of another silk

worm which was lately discovered on a pipul tree (F. religiosa)—and of

the moth of which a drawing accompanies with three or four cocoons,

a chrysalis andtwo moths. This looks very like the mulberry moth,

but I am not able to say whether itis or not. The silk looks very fine

* By the statistical report of 1835,—Kamroop district, ........... 280,000

SHAT CUG ss cles so cictoa Satsio sis ae lr ee eisisie leis lsa.c's «sales sin else oie ep ieteeeene

MOMS OTR GILG E: bb conc hope pobodocuIchionponb oD ooiotogidocsdoios Sl vu

+ The population of Upper Assam is estimated at, .........+e+++-- 220,000

Moamariya,...... BE REST MNa si Me Seren bia dele vette Pele tee, severe s a CeO RU UG

270,000

Toolaram’s country, Jyuntia,......

Bhotan territory in the plains,........ sea mo. entimate, 3a eyer/made,

1837.) Remarks on the Silks of Assam. 37

and it may be considered a curiosity even if it be the produce of a

mulberry worm, for the question arises on what was the worm fed ?—if

on the F. religiosa, it is, I believe, a discovery, that the silk worm

would feed on the Jeaf of any tree but the mulberry ; if the worm is

distinct from the Bombyx mori it is a still greater curiosity.

Mr. Hueon has been unable to determine whether the worm now

alluded to, is the same as the deo mooga mentioned within: he is in-

clined to think not from the color of the cocoons and the slight obser-

vations he was able to make on the latter; but from both feeding on

the leaves of two trees so nearly allied, I should suppose it likely that

the worms were identical. It would be a discovery of some import-

ance to find worms affording any tolerable silk that fed on these

species of Ficus which are so abundant here.—F. Jenxrns.

List of the Cloths made in Assam of Mooga and Eria Silks.

Price of| Cost of

Cloth. Cubits. | | —— Remarks.

Seer./Chk.|/R. A. P.|R. A. P.JR. A. P.

Mooga. 3

Soorias,....| 7 by 14; 0 Garp aay oMorrst oan 120 :

Diteeats..16 2 101 | O15 \e O06 ol 50.8 o| | Dhoties.

Mekla, -.ec| 5 5, 12/0 ara te 4 OOF 2) Ol G 0 Petticoats.

RUhtay cto es 122) 5, TE O § |}2 8 010 4 OO} 2 12 OScarfs.

Gaursha, ../ 8 ,, 1 0 2 }010 0; 0 3 O} 011 O;}Worn as turbans or

round the waist.

Joonta Bor

Cappor,..|12 ,, 23} 1 0 |2 0 0|0 6 OO} 2 6 O/Made of the floss and

worn in winter.

Eria.

Bor Cappor,/16 by3]} 1 8 |}3 0 0}0 8 0} 3 8 O/Worn in winter and

used as a blanket, al-

so made into coats.

Meklas,....| 5 5, 2 0 6 0 12 0/0 2 0} 0 14 0

Rhia,....../10 ,, 13} 0 | 8 1/1 0 oo 2 of 1 2 of $ Used only by the

Gaursha, ..| 8 ,, 3| 0 4108 010 2 olo10 o poorer class.

Memorandum upon the specimens of Silk, and Silkworm from Assam,

by W. Prinsep, Esq.

The mooga or tussur cocoons, are very fine, particularly those fed

from the soom and the sohaloo trees which are superior to the pro-

duce of the jungles about Bankoora.

The thread from these worms, is quite equal to that which is used

in the best China tussur cloths.

The specimens of cloth wove from these threads, are not equal,

however, either to the Bengal tussur cloth, nor to the China cloth of the

same description.

The erta cocoon, thread, and cloth are all new to us: I have never

seen them in Bengal, except now and then a few pieces of the cloth

38 . On the indigenous Silkworms of India. (Jan.

imported from Rungpur ; it appears to be more cottony than the tussur,

and to make a web warmer and softer than the tussur cloth, but it is

not so strong. .

The cocoons called haumpottonee are unknown to us in Bengal, and

appear to be of small value both as to quantity and texture: moreover

I imagine it would be very difficult to reel them into thread.

The deo mooga cocoons are very small but are fine and soft, and

when fresh would yield, 1 doubt not, a very delicate white thread : they

are smaller than our désee (country) cocoon.

The specimen of country worm silk is very fair, and if dressed

would be quite equal to our Patna thread, from which korahs and

other silk piece goods are made.

The specimen of iron reel (or station method) is very good, indeed,

equal to our best native filature letter A: the thread is even, soft, sound

and remarkably strong, so that it may be well ranked with our best

second quality from the filatures of Bengal.

IV.—On the indigenous Silkworms of India. By T. W. Heurur,

M.D. Member of the Medical Faculties at the Universities in Prague

and Pavia, Member of the Entom. Society in Paris, &c.

[Read at the Meeting of the 4th December. ]

Silk was in all times an article of the greatest importance throughout

the ancient world.

China gained its celebrity in the classical time of the ancients, as

the mother-country of that mysterious texture, which it manufactured

from time immemorial, with a high degree of perfection, and called

se or ser; whence all India and its eastern unknown boundaries

derived the name Serira.

It made the satraps of the western world, the rulers of Rome and

the emperors of Byzani, envious of its possession, and the home

brought golden fleece of the fabulous Argonautes, was perhaps

nothing else than the precious web of the Bombykia.

The emperor JusTIN1aNus got an insight into the secret by two

adventurous Persian monks, who brought the eggs of the Chinese

silkworm in a hollow bamboo cane, safe over the icy chains of the

Himdlaya, the barren plains of Bokhara, and the ruggy mountains

of Persia, to the distant eastern capital. He considered it a point of

great importance to reserve to himself the monopoly of such a pre-

cious article, though master of the riches of his vast empire.

1887.] - On the indigenous Silkworms of India. 39

The Sicilians in the time of Roger the first, became a wealthy

people by its introduction into Palermo—the Venetians were enabled

by the trade of silk chiefly, to build their immortal maritime bulwark,

and in our days the introduction and manufacture of silkworms is

a source of unlimited riches to the countries of Hurope, where it is

cultivated on a large scale.

To elucidate this it may be observed, that France alone exported

in the year 1820, wrought silk to the value of more than 123 millions

of francs.

The importation of raw and worked silk into England, amounted to

4,547,812 pounds in the year 1828, of which about 1,500,000 pounds

were brought from Bengal, 3,047,000 pounds were, therefore, brought

from foreign countries, chiefly Italy and Turkey.

The northern parts of Europe and chiefly England are less suited

for its cultivation on account of climate.

Great Britain, France and Germany, finding by experience, that the

demand is constantly greater than the supply, resorted to different

substitutes. é

Different substances presenting analogies to that beautiful filament

were examined. The spider’s web was tried in France, first by Mr.

Bon: but Mr. Reaumur found that the war-like propensities of the

Arachnide hindered their being reared in great numbers, and this

enterprize has been in our days entirely abandoned.

Men resorted to the Mollusca and found that the maritime pinna

gives a filament like silk, having the power to produce a viscid matter

which it spins round the body. A beautiful and very durable silk

was produced from it, the Byssus of the ancients, but it was always

dearer than the common silk of the Bombyz mori, and though to

this day caps, gloves and stockings are woven from it in Calabria in

Sicily (I saw myself a considerable manufacture of it in Palermo),

it will probably remain for ever a matter of curiosity rather than an

article of general use.

In Germany endeavours have been made in the time of Rosset, and

recently in Styria, to make silk from the cocoons of the Saturnia pyri,

a moth which is common in Austria and in the subalpine parts of

the Tyrol and Switzerland: but hitherto the experiments have been too

few; more partitularly, as I heard, on account of the delicate cater-

pillar, which dies if not fed with the greatest promptitude with the

under leaves of different kinds of pear trees.

A discovery, therefore, which promises to prove not so abortive as

those now quoted, must be of the greatest importance.

The vast provinces of India are rivalled in variety, preciousness

40 On the indigenous Silkworms of India. (Jan.

and perfection of their productions, only by those of the celestial

empire. Now inthe hands of an enlightened benevolent government,

they will probably surpass it ina short time, when its natural resources,

daily more conspicuous, shall be discovered, examined, and brought

in to general use. ;

As in China, so in India, silk has been produced since time imme-

morial ; not the silk of the later introduced mulberry caterpillar, but

the silk from various indigenous cocoons, which are found only and

exclusively here.

The first notice of these, but only in a cursory way, has been given

by the father of Indian botany, Dr. Roxsureu, in the Transactions

of the Linnean Society, vol. vii.

He there mentioned only two species, the Phalena (Altacus) (Saturnia)

paphia and Phalena cynthia. Since that time no further attention has

been paid to this subject except that Dr. Bucnanan, in his description

of the district of Dinajpur, says, that another silkworm is reared on

the castor oil plant for the domestic use of the natives.

From the moment of my arrival in India, I had paid an unremitted

zealous attention to the productions of Botany and Zoology, and had

been so happy to identify in the course of two months, two other species

of the genus Saturnia which yield silk, one from Silhet the other

from Bankoora. Just at this time Mr. James Prinsmp received from

Captain Jenxins in Assam, a memoir by Mr. Hucown on the silk-

worms of that newly acquired, remarkable province, establishing six

different kinds of silkworm: the cocoons of four of which are now

transformed into silk by the inhabitants of Assam, and to my great

joy and surprise, I found that three of them are different from the

well-known Bombyx mori, and from the two other indigenous which

are worked in Bengal. _

These recent discoveries merit particular attention. India has thus

the internal means of providing the whole of Europe with a material

which would rival cotton and woollen cloth, and would be preferred

in many cases to both, if brought within the reach of every one by a

lower price: and an unlimited resource of riches and revenue might

be opened under proper management.

May it be now permitted to me to go through the numerous differ-

ent species of India which actually produce silk of which seven kinds

have never been mentioned before.

1. Bombyx mori, the mulberry silkworm, which has been probably

introduced as the mulberry seems to be an acclimated plant, is too

well known to deserve a particular mention.

2. The wild silkworm of the Central provinces, being described

1837.] On the indigenous Silkworms of India. 41

as a moth not larger than the Bombyx mori. I could not yet procure

specimens of it : probably there are several species of Bombyx confused,

as the silk, which sometimes comes in trade, varies. considerably.

3. The Joree silkworm, Bombyx religiose, mihi.—I am sorry to

say that the specimens of this interesting moth have been destroyed

on their way from Assam to Calcutta, so that I am obliged. to make

a superficial description from the accompanying drawing, (Pl. VI.)

excluding a diagnostical analysis.

Genus, Bombyz.

Length about 14 of an inch.

Antenne, pectinated.

Head, small, covered.

Eyes, very large, brownish black.

Palpi, unknown.

Thorax, subquadrate, covered with thick brownish grey hair, with a

black band separating the abdomen from the thorax.

Abdomen, represented as having eight segments ?

Legs, unknown.

Wings, upper wings very short (in ¢ imperfect) triangular, with

the acute angle outward. The interior side emarginated. Of a light

grey color which darkens towards the extremity.

An interrupted whitish band on the lower margin with a large

whitish speck towards the ends.

Lower wings uniformly brown.

The cocoon of this silkworm shows the finest filament, and has

very much silky lustre. It is exceedingly smooth to the touch and

very different from the cocoon of the mulberry tree.

This discovery of Capt. Jenx1ns is very interesting, as it yields a

silk if not superior yet certainly equal to that of Bombyx mort.

It lives upon the pipul tree, (Ficus religiosa.) Its general intro-

duction would be very easy, as the pipul tree grows abundantly over

all India.

Specimens of cocoons sent a second time by Captain Jznx1ns, con-

vince me that the Joree and Deo-mooga are the same species.

4. Saturnia Silhetica, mihi. (Longitudo pollices novem, sive lineas

108 alarum superiorum expansarum.)

Diagnosis. Pectinicornis, alis superioribus apice recurvata falcatis,

inferioribus oblongis. Alis superioribus maculis duabus fenestralibus,

interna triangulari magna alter4 externa multé minori oblong4, in-

ferioribus macula eddem una versus corpus triangulari magna. Colore

cinamomeis lineis variegater albidis in medio ad marginem externam

flavis.

42 On the indigenous Silkworms of India. [Fan.

Eggs, larva, and chrysalis, unknown.

Imago. Description.

Head, projecting with a crest of yellow hairs.

Eyes, middle-sized, light brown.

Antenne, pectinated, about five lines broad, yellow.

Palpi, four, not covering the inner vermilar, brownish colored.

Mouth, hidden, without proboscis.

Thorax, obovate, clothed in a velvet-like purplish fine hair of the

same color as the wings.

Abdomen, very short, clothed with much finer and lighter hair than

the thorax.

Legs, hairy, yellow, equal.

Tarsi, moderately incurved.

Wings, horizontal expanded, with strong ramifications of the central

rnuscles and tendons.—Superior pair of a cinnamon color. The end

much curved, the upper margin with a beautiful velvet-like grey belt.

Fan edges very much concave, the exterior extremity of a beautiful

rose color. The inferior margin darker yellow, with an undulating

narrow thread-like black line, losing itself towards the exterior ex-

tremity. In the centre is the eye, peculiar to all saturnie, with micace-

ous transparency, triangular, with the sharp angle towards the body,

another small oblong transparent point behind it, both with a dark

brownish margin round it. Inferior or second pair, in point of distribu-

tion of colors the same ; in form, much more convex, oblong. The hair

very thick and long towards the body, and more particularly towards

the point of insertion. The black line is not undulated, but follows

the shape of the wing, and has at each side of the projecting tendons

two black oblong spots, circumscribed with light yellow.

Habitat in the Cassia mountains in Silhet and Dacca, where its

large cocoons are spun to silk. A particular description of the pro-

cess is wanted.

5. A still larger Saturnia, one of the greatest moths in existence,

measuring ten inches from the end of one wing to the other, observed

by J. W. Grant, Esq. in Chirra Punjee, seen in the possession of

the late Dr. James Cuarx. I have not yet seen the animal.

6. Saturnia Paphia, Linn. Syst. Nat. 2, p. 809, 4. Phalena

Mylitta, Drury, vol. ii. t. 5, f. 1, Mar. Roxs. Trans. Linn, Soc. vol.

vil. p. 33.

The Tusseh Silkworm.

It is the most common in use of the native silkworms. The cloth

so commonly worn by Europeans also in this country, comes from

this species; J. W. Grant, Esq. had the kindness to procure me, in

1837.] On the indigenous Silkworms of India. 43

the month of September, more than 3000 cocoons, which I permitted

to slip out, and had ample opportunity of studying them.

Micuart Atkinson, Esq. from Jangypur says, that this species

cannot be domesticated, because the moths take flight, before the

females are fecundated. This is against my experience: I kept them

under a musquito curtain to prevent their evasion, there they were

impregnated readily by the males, and deposited every where many

thousand eggs, and the young caterpillars issued the tenth day.

Therefore the fear entertained of the difficulty in this respect seems

to be easily overcome.

Hitherto has this silkworm never been reared, but millions of

cocoons are annually collected in the jungles and brought to the

silk factories near Calcutta, for instance Dhaniakhali ; but the principal

place of their manufacture is at Bhagelpur. In other parts as at

Jangypur the people gather them from the trees and transplant

them on the Assem tree, (Terminalia alata, Roxs.) which growing

near the houses enables them easily to watch the caterpillars, which

are eagerly searched out and devoured in the day time by crows, and

at night by bats, &c.

The natives distinguish two varieties, the bughy and the jaroo, but

they are the same species.

They feed most commonly in the wild state on the bair tree,

(Zizyphus jujuba,) but like also and indeed prefer the Terminalia alata

and Bomba heptaphyllum.

This is the same moth which is also found sometimes in Assam and

which Mr. Hueon calls Kontkuré mooga.

Though it was known in Europe by the publications of Dr. Rox-

spurGH and Dr. Bucuanan, that the Tusseh and Arrindy silkworms

are existing and indigenous, yet, strange enough, it was hitherto

unknown, (at least with us on the continent,) that for some years past,

their silk was only in small quantity exported to Hngland; this

silk having been considered as an inferior quality to that produced

by Bombyx mori. The question of the possibility of acclimation of

these larve in other congenial climates has ex ipso never been raised.

7. Another Saturnia distinct from all others (alis inferioribus in

caudam desinentibus) ; it resembles some species which I saw brought

from Seva,? Java.

I could only procure the wings of this remarkable insect.

The moth comes from the neighborhood of Comercolly.

8. Saturnia Assamensis, (mihi.)—Long. alar. sup. extensarum 60

—65 linear.

G 2

44 On the indigenous Silkworms of India. {Jan.

Diagn. Pectinicornis, alis superioribus apice acutis subfaleatis, in

inferioribus subtriangularibus maculis duabus subcircularibus non

diaphanis luteis. Color lateritis—luteus, nebulis sparsis obscuris lineis

semicircularibus versus corpus duabus albis fascia albida brunnea

versus marginem inferiorem.

Eggs, larva, and chrysalis, not seen living, but recognizable in the

accompanying drawing. (See Moonga moth, Plate VI.)

Head, not projecting, with a tuft of reddish yellow hair.

Eyes, ordinary dark-brown.

Antenne, pectinated in @, broader than usual in Saturnie.

Palpi, four, covering the mouth which is invisible.

Thorax, square, half oblong, clothed near the head in a silverish grey

color, forming a continuity of that in the upper margin of the superior

wings, the behind part of the color of the wings.

Abdomen, more than two-thirds of the breadth of both wings in their

natural position, likewise of the color of the wings. .

Legs, slender, hairy, yellow, short. .

Tarsi, slight and incurved.

Wings, horizontally expanded, with a strong tendon directing the

membrane of the upper wings in their upper margin. :

Both pairs of a dark yellow somewhat reddish color. The end in

the male much curved, the upper margin half from the body, of a

silver grey color. The exterior extremity scarcely differently marked ;

a brown slightly undulated band, accompanied on both sides by a white

line, extends across the wings more than two-thirds below their

insertion on the thorax. Several brown nubecule are to be observed

between the divisions of each tendon. Two semilunar white lines are

to be observed on the upper wings, and are absolutely on the lower

ones towards the abdomen; the interior larger, inwards curved; the

other shorter, outward bound. The two specks on the wings, peculiar

to Saturnia, are almost semicircular, but not micaceous, diaphanous ;

but likewise clothed with yellow squame of a darker line (more in ¢)

with a brown margin on the inner side. Through this distinguishing

peculiarity this insect seems to make a transit to a next genus, though

the drawing of the larva represents completely a saturnia caterpillar.

The cocoon of a yellow brown color differs in appearance from all

the others.

We are indebted for the discovery of this very interesting insect

to Captain Jenxrns and Mr. Hueon. Its particulars are extensively

described in Mr. Huaon’s memorandum. This: species has never

been mentioned before, though the fabrication of silk from it seems to

be very common amongst the Assamese.

1837.] On the indigenous Silkworms of India. 4

9. Phalena Cynthia, Drury, 2, t. 6,f. 2. Cram. 4, t. 39, f. 4.

Roxs. Linn. Trans. vol. vii. p. 42. Bucwanan,

Desc. Dinajpur, p. 214.

_ (BucHanan quotes it as Phalena Penelope unde ?)

The Arrindy Arria, or Eria silkworm (Pl. V.) is reared over a great

part of Hindustan, but more extensively in the districts of Dindjpur and

Rangpur, in houses, in a domesticated state, and feeds chiefly on the

leaves of Ricinus communis.

The silk of this species has hitherto never been wound off, but

people were obliged to spin it like cotton.

“It gives a cloth of seemingly loose coarse texture, but of incre-

dible durability ; the life of one person being seldom sufficient to

wear out a garment made of it, so that the same piece descends from

mother to daughter.” —(Atkinson’s letter to Roxburgh.)

It is so productive as to give sometimes 12 broods of spun silk in the

course of the year. The worm grows rapidly, and offers no difficulty

whatever for an extensive speculation.

On account of the double profit which would be derived from the

same area of land cultivating it with castor-oil plant, which produces

oil and feeds the worm, an extensive cultivation of this species would

be highly recommendable; and if also the cloth is of the coarsest

nature, it is, on the other hand, very valuable on account of its durabi-

lity. May it not be particularly well adapted to mix it in certain

textures with cotton ?

It is likewise an inhabitant of Assam, and Mr. Hugon’s observations

about this species form an interesting paragraph in his memorandum.

10. Saturnia (?) trifenestrata, mihi.—Longitudo lineas 24—28.

Diagnosis. 9 obscure castaneo brunnea versus finem albido adspersa,

linea transversali albidd, alis superioribus ad marginem externam

fenestris tribus transparentibus linea diagonali versuscorpuscurrentibus.

f luteus linea brunneda transversali transversé super alas currente,

alz superiores margine externo fuscescentes.

Fags, whitish-yellow ; indented 1 line on the longer circumference.

Larva, unknown.

Chrysalis, unknown, (damaged.)

Cocoon, yellow, in a network, transparent, so that the cocoon in the

inside is to be seen, of a remarkable silky lustre.

Imago. 9 of an uniform brown color; towards the end of the wings

the like with white flower powdered. An obsolete whitish line runs

transversely. The most remarkable in this insect are three glass eyes

on the upper wings, beginning from the tendon of the insertion lower

than the middle of the wing, and running one behind the other inwards

46 On the indigenous Silkworms of India. [Jan.

towards the extremity of the body. The first looks like two, which

run together, the second is the smallest.

ft of a uniform yellow color, only the outward margin of the

wings is brownish, and a transversal line turns over the wings. The

glass eyes are wanted, one of the three is a vestige, instead of the

two others are two brown spots to be observed.

In those specimens which I saw were gradual transitions from dark

brown to light yellow in different individuals to be observed, but

always were the females much darker.

This is likewise a valuable discovery of Captain Jenxins in Assam,

where it lives on the soon tree, but seems to be not much used.

11. Henry Creiecaton, Esq. of Malda, mentions another silk-

worm :—

‘‘There is a cocoon produced wild upon the mango tree, which

the people of Malda gather and mix with Arrindy cocoons in spinning.”

This species seems to have remained hitherto unobserved.

There is no doubt, that in India exist some more insects, which

furnish this precious material. The repeated and so often frustrated

endeavours of ingenious men in Europe would certainly find in India

an ample and highly remunerating field in this branch of speculation.

It would be very interesting to collect all moths which form cocoons,

amounting, to judge by analogy, probably to upward of 150 species,

to watch their natural economy, and to send specimens of each cocoon

to Europe, to be there attentively examined.

Many have made the objection that the silk of the Indian species

is much inferior.

This is yet an undecided question. The mulberry silkworm dege-

nerates if not properly attended to. What has been done to raise the

indigenous species from the state of their natural inferiority? Very

much depends upon the cultivation of the worms in houses; 2, the

method of feeding them, selecting that vegetable substance, not which

gratifies the best their taste, but which contributes to form a finer

cocoon; and 3, from the first chemical operations employed before

the working of the rough material. But even if the raw material

would not be capable of a higher degree of cultivation, the demand

for it would, notwithstanding, never cease in Hurope. All silk pro-

duced in Hindustan has hitherto found a ready and profitable market

in Calcutta, and the demand is always greater than the supply.

And that really the roughest stuff of the Arrindy silkworm is appre-

ciated in England, may I be permitted to conclude the present article

with the following fact.

1837.] Phenomena on restoring sight to the blind. 47

Mr. Jonn Guass, the Surgeon of Baglipur, sent, in the beginning

of this century, some of the Arrindy silk home, and he wrote:

««T understand that some manufacturers to whom it was shown seem-

ed to think that we had been deceiving them by our accounts of the

shawls being made from the wool of a goat, and that this silk if sent

home would be made into shawls equal to any manufactured in

India.” ,

This will be sufficient to show the importance of this article, and

that it merits highly the attention of the paternal Government of

India, and of all patriotic institutions, particularly of the Asiatic

Society in Calcutta, which has done hitherto so much for the promo-

tion of science and knowledge, and consequently for the welfare of

all nations.

V.—Concerning certain interesting Phenomena manifested in individuals

born blind, and in those having little or no recollection of that sense,

on their being restored to sight at various periods of life. By

F. H. Brett, Esq. Med. Serv.

When the profound and discerning Mr. Locks in his Essay on the

Human Understanding asserted that ideas were not innate, he meant,

no doubt, that so far as the mind’s intercourse, in its present condition,

with all objects submitted to it was concerned, its noble faculties were

destined to be educated only by its legitimate objects of excitation

through the medium of the senses appointed for that purpose. His

eccentric comparisons of the mind to a dark room, a blank sheet of

paper, &c., meant in reality nothing further.

It occasionally happens that in the course of very extensive prac-

tice we have opportunities of illustrating this, in cases of restoration

to sight of persons born blind, and also in cases of individuals who

have known and distinguished colors; and “ then (as Mr. Locks

expresses it) cataracts shut the windows,” andif restored to sight many

years afterwards, they are in precisely the same situation as though

they had never seen before, having not the slightest recollection or

idea of colors any more than the individuals born blind. All is to be

acquired ‘‘ de novo.”

I will particularize the following from amongst several which have

occurred to me, as they may probably appear interesting to the Society

when divested of all purely professional or surgical detail, which have

already indeed been communicated to the profession.

No. 1.—The following is illustrative of the fact of all ideas of objects

and colors having to be acquired, as well as a verification of the problem

48 On restoration of sight to persons born blind. (Jan.

contained in the 8th Section of the 2nd Book of Mr. Locke in his

chapter on Perception. ‘‘ Suppose a man born blind, and now adult,

and taught by the touch to distinguish between a cube and a sphere

of the same metal, and suppose the cube and the sphere placed on a

table, and the blind man be made to see; (quere: whether by his

sight before he touched them he could now distinguish and tell which

is the globe and which the cube ?) to which the acute and judicious

proposer answered—No.”

A pandit, 18 years of age, native of Saugor, was born blind ; his

mother states that she had kept him in a dark room until the 10th

day of her confinement, when on taking him to the door and expos-

ing his eyes to the light, she discovered the pearly appearance of the

pupils peculiar to cataract, and that he has always been blind. He

is intelligent and cheerful, and has been in the habit of finding his

way about Saugor and the adjoining country for many years, fre-

quently singing, of which he is very fond. He had little or no incli-

nation to undergo the operation,—at least not sufficient to overcome

the fear which he entertained. He could perceive the light, and had

acquired the habit of rotating the head constantly in progression in

a regular and curious manner to the right and left, with a view, I

imagine, of admitting the light to the retina obliquely between the

circumference of the cataract and the under edge of his iris. It was

« long time before his relations could persuade him to submit to an

operation. He had requested to be taken to me some months previ-

ous ; was gratified at being told that he might be made to see like other

people; but the slight inconvenience attending the introduction of a

few drops of the solution of belladonna into the lids, and my holding

the lids to try how they should be supported, annoyed him—and he

said he would much sooner go home and eat his dinner. ‘‘ What do

I want with being restored to sight ?”’ His mother likewise expressed

her disbelief as to a person born blind being made to see. The prin-

cipal pandit of the muhallah at length overruled the objections. The

operation was performed on the 28th of August. He complained of

but little pain, and indeed there was scarcely any inflammation what-

ever produced by the operation. He immediately became conscious

of a considerable increase of light.

The eye-balls, as in all cases of congenital cataract, moved about

without any control, which, together with a very prominent brow and

much spasmodic action of the lids, offered some obstacles. So little

irritation had occurred, that I operated on the 30th August on the left

eye, which resembled the former operation in every particular. No

inflammation followed, but the right eye had become inflamed, in

1837.) On restoration of sight to persons born blind. 49

consequence of which his eyes remained bandaged for several days,

and it became necessary to bleed him. He expressed himself as

sensible of a remarkable change having taken place: the light was

most distressing to him, and continued so for some time. On the

eighth day the absorption had proceeded very satisfactorily : several

substances of various colors were presented to him. He could not

recognize any of them, until he had made himself acquainted with

them by the sense of touch. He brought them very close to his

eyes, moving his head in his accustomed peculiar manner. What-

ever he attempted to reach, he always missed his aim. He ex-

pressed himself as highly gratified, and confident that he would see

and know every thing, but did not like too much interrogation. On

the 12th day he came to me again. The eye-balls were no longer

rolled in their former vacant manner. He had acquired the power

of directing the left eye, which had been most instructed, on objects ;

the right eye, from inflammation, having remained bandaged. A lady

shewed him her shawl: he said it was red, which was correct; but did

not know what it was, until examined by the hand. The platform in

front of the house was recognized as green, and his mother said he

had been examining many things at home. The absorption of the

cataract has proceeded, leaving two-thirds of the pupil of the left eye

quite clear; some inflammation still in the right. He said he was

no longer afraid of me, and that he would submit to any thing I

recommended. On the 16th of September he walked from the town

to see me, accompanied by his mother. He had gained much infor-

mation during his absence. The pupil of the left eye had become

almost entirely clear. He said he had seen a great number of trees

on the road, the lake, and a buggy passing by. He had made himself

acquainted with several things. What is this?—A lota. This ?—A

pawn leaf. Which answers were correct. A small hooka was shewn

him: he touched it, and was told what it was ; several things were

then presented to him and the hooka was again brought. He observ-

ed, “I cannot tell; you have submitted so many things to me, that

I am confused, and forget their names.” He felt it and then exclaim-

ed, it is the same hooka. Presently it was shewn him a third time ;

he recognized it after having carefully viewed it from top to bottom

without touching. He observed a book, remarking that it was

red; but he knew not that it was a book until told so. It was

presented to him a few minutes afterwards, and he recognized

both the color and the book. He said he was extremely happy and

gratified with all he saw. He followed me with his eyes as I moved

about the room, and pointed out the different positions I took. He

50 On restoration of sight to persons born blind. (Jan.

recognized distinctly the features of his mother’s face. She hid it

under her chadder; he laughed, and observed that she had done so,

and turned his face away. He said, ‘‘I can see every thing ; all I want

more, is time to learn what they all are; and when I can walk about

the town, I shall be quite satisfied.” He could not ascertain whether

any thing was round or square, smooth or rough. He distinguished

the following : some partridges, the cage and the cup containing the

water. The color of their plumage he correctly stated; also the

windows, the fields, the sky, a child in arms, &c. On the 7th he

again came to see me. He pointed out every feature in his mother’s

face, her hair, the color of her dress, the different distances and posi-

tions which she purposely took, and when changing places with

another woman, selected her out. He stated that if I would bring

the red book I shewed him yesterday, he would recognize it. I

accordingly brought him a red morocco box much resembling the

book, but smaller; he said it was the book! At this period his

knowledge of the shapes of bodies and their sizes was very imperfect,

especially the latter. He directed his hand straight to whatever things

were now presented before him. The last time | saw him, a small

ivory looking-glass, a paper-cutter, and a cut jelly-glass, were placed

on the ground; they were shifted and changed, and he distinguished

each respectively. He was much amused and laughed heartily. I

gave him the looking-glass, in which he noticed his face, and said it

was like other people’s, achchha.

It will appear, therefore, that his judgment of distances, colors,

notions, and positions, was very considerable. That of size and form

was to be acquired more tardily.

From this period I quitted Saugor, and have heard nothing further

of him. ,

No. 2.—The next is a similar instance of an individual who had

never seen before,—a Brahman boy of 10 years of age, residing at the

Kherie Pass, near the Dehra valley.

A few days after the first operation when the bandages were re-

moved, the principal circumstance worthy of note was the confusion

and embarrassment of the mind, arising from new and unaccustomed

impressions and the dazzling influence of light.

On the seventh day he had acquired some voluntary power over

the ball of the eye, being able to steady it somewhat, and fix it on any

object he wished to discern, but only for a few moments. He had

after repeated practice acquired a knowledge of most colors, but it was

not until the twenty-sixth day from the first operation that he could

be said to have a tolerable acquaintance with the visible world. Dur-

1837.] On restoration of sight to persons born blind. 51

ing this period, when the absence of pain and inflammation permitted,

(for it was necessary for him to undergo several operations,) the ban-

dages were removed before and after sunset, and his attention was

directed to men sometimes standing, sometimes moving’; also to the

tent, sky, trees and their foliage, animals of different kinds, the

colors and figures and motions of which he was able in time to dis-

cern.

There was no correspondence, however, for a long while between

the sight and touch, neither did he for several days direct his eyes

straight to objects so as to examine them minutely. At night he

would contemplate the stars, and the flame of a candle, and the fea-

tures of my face, &c. Debility, the necessary result of the treatment,

&c. in a delicate frame, was one cause of the slowness of progress. As

he gained strength by an improved diet, his vision greatly improved.

He was observed to take up various objects and notice them ; latterly

I was in the habit of calling him into my tent when at breakfast. He

noticed the cups and saucers and their patterns ; chintz on the canvas;

and he observed attentively a hooka, describing the bell (cut glass) as

bright; noticed the snake, and mouth-piece (silver), and saw dis-

tinctly the smoke ascending.

On the 20th of December he walked several yards without assist-

ance. A lady gave him a colored chintz cap, with which he was

much pleased, and he distinguished on it the colors of green and

red, and the white ground. As his new sense could scarcely be said

to have been exercised more than fourteen days, further observations

could not be made as to his judgment of distances, positions, forms,

and motions.

No. 3.—A similar result, as far as phenomena, occurred in a boy of 12

years of age, though his acquirements were more rapid, from his natural

mental intelligence being superior to the former cases: the cause

of his blindness was disease after birth from the small-pox. The nature

of the operation being the formation of an artificial pupil at the outer

corner of the eye, it is unnecessary to repeat the details which are so

similar to the preceding, and though he had seen for some weeks of

his early existence, of course he had to acquire all ‘ de novo.”

No. 4.—There are others who have been restored to sight who

had lost it at a more advanced period of life—say five or six years of

age and upwards, and when restored exhibit peculiar phenomena

more or less interesting in proportion to the degree of remembrance

they may possess of their former vision, And this was particularly

remarkable in a young man of 25 years of age, the brother of the

boy mentioned in case No. 2, who had become blind when only 5 years

H 2

52 Section of the Strata (Jan.

old; and which is remarkably interesting in a physiological point of

view, as shewing the power of the retina to preserve its susceptibility

to light for twenty years, though not the only case recorded. There

was certainly in this case a great approximation to the phenomena

manifested in congenital blindness, but there was not that marked

ignorance in recognising objects at first sight, nor that palpable

want of correspondence between the touch and sight, but both existed

to some extent. It was also curious that he should become blind

after five years of the same disease with which his brother was born

blind.

I recollect restoring a man, aged 35 years, who had been blind for

a period of twelve years from the venereal disease, causing closure of

the pupils. This man, after an operation for artificial pupil, recognis-

ed, of course, every thing perfectly the moment he was permitted to

look about him, and still enjoys a very tolerable share of vision at

Cawnpore.

ViI.—Memorandum of the progress of sinking a Well in the bunds of

Chandpur, near the foot of the Hills. By Mr. Witu1am Dawe, Con-

ductor, Delhi Canal Department.

In sinking wells through the soils, without and within the lower

range of hills, I have seen repeated failures owing to the usual mode

adopted in digging for the water, (i. e. with perpendicular sides ;) and

as I was only about 400 yards from a branch of the Jumna, the level

of its water about 14 feet below the surface of the top of the pro-

posed well, I calculated upon finding water at 20 feet deep at the

utmost. I therefore commenced digging 42 feet diameter, contracting

as I sunk, and this admitted of leaving a couple of winding steps to

bring up the contents by basket loads, in preference to being drawn

up with a drag-rope, (which method could not well be adopted, the top

excavation being so wide.) At the depth of 24 feet I was appre-

hensive that the work would have been a failure, owing to the vast

accumulation of heavy boulders, from 4 to 10 maunds weight, which

I had no purchase to get up. This obstacle was got over by the

simple method of expending one for every step of the winding road-

way, always taking the precaution of letting the boulders sufficiently

into the bank to prevent the possibility of their falling down on the

work-people below. By this method down as deep as 37 feet the

boulders were expended as we came on them, and as the soil there

had a more favorable appearance for working, and there was a proba-

bility of soon getting water, and the space had become so contracted,

1837.) at Chandpur, on the Delhi Canal. 53

I was obliged to commence sinking perpendicular, which was carried

on till we at length found water at 72 feet deep. The boulders

found in the latter part of the work were only few, but they were of

the largest size, and those were got rid off by excavating recesses

in the sides and depositing them therein. The above excavation down

to 72 feet was completed for 120 sicca rupees.

Part of the cylinder having been built, it was sunk in June, where

I found the water had sunk 7 feet 6 inches lower. We sunk further

14 feet, when we got toa bed of clear pebbles, and bedded the well

ring on small boulders, with 6 feet 6 inches water ; and as the driest

season has arrived, we may expect always to have a plentiful supply

of good water from a total depth of 86 feet below the surface.

MeEMorRANDUM OF THE SOIL IN THE CHANDPUR WELL.

Feet 1. Clayey soil.

2to 7. Light soil, consisting of clay and sand, the proportion of

sand increasing with the depth.

8. A vein of sand.

9to 11. Sand with slight mixture of clay.

12 to 14. Fine sand.

15, River sand.

16. Coarse river sand.

if. Ditto ditto, with gravel and small boulders.

18. Large gravel and boulders.

19 to 25. Ditto ditto, some of the boulders very large.

26 to 27, Ditto ditto, large boulders, with a mixture of clay.

28 to 30. Ditto ditto, with a layer of immense boulders.

31 to 32. Ditto ditto, and small boulders through which a spring

of water has passed, shewn by the stones being without

a particle of sand mixed with them.

33 to 36. Large gravel with large boulders.

37. A vein of old spring, as above.

38. Gravel with small boulders.

39. A vein of river sand with a mixture of small stones.

40 to 41. Gravel with large boulders.

42 to 46. Large gravel with small boulders.

47 to 48. A vein of old spring—small boulders.

49 to 54. Gravel with large boulders.

55 to 56. Vein of river sand, slightly mixed with gravel.

57 to 64. Gravel with small boulders.

65 to 66. A vein of fine river sand.

67 to 6¥. Gravel with no boulders.

54 Section of a Well at Chandpur. (Jan.

70 to 72. Vein of fine river sand—(water found here).

73 to 76. Fine sand, with a mixture of clean gravel.

77 to 79. Gravel with a mixture of yellow sand.

80 to 83. Clear fine river sand.

84 to 86. A bed of clean pebbles, and the well ring bedded on

small boulders. :

N.B. The water sunk while the cylinder was being built to 79-6.

Note by Lieutenant W. E. Baxer, Engineers, Assistant Superintendant

of Canals.

The situation of this well is close to the southern base of the outer

range of hills, where they fall away into the valley of the Jumna, a

branch of which now occupied as the bed of the Delhi canal, passes

within a short distance of it. The strata, of which the section is

thus exhibited, are evidently the deposits of a stream, having, for the

greater part of the time, at least as strong a fall and as rapid a cur-

rent as the Jumna at the same spot now has—and they are precisely

what might now be forming in the Jumna, were that river raising its

bed—even the strata of small rounded stones, in which Mr. Dawe

has attributed the removal of sand and smaller gravel to the action

of formerly existing springs, have their representatives in the numer-

ous shingle banks of the Jumna.

The most striking circumstance, however, illustrated by Mr. Dawz’s

observations, is the impermeability of these river deposits to the

water of the neighboring channel, the stream of which is never dry.

This circumstance was even more strongly exemplified in the same

vicinity—at the village of Rayanwalla—where, within the inclosure of

the canal chowkey, and not 60 yards distant from the water’s edge, it

was desired to sink a well to supply clear water to such of the esta-

blishment as remained there during the rainy season, when the

river water is turbid and unwholesome. The shaft was of small dia-

meter, as water was confidently expected at but little below the level

of that in the canal: no trace of it, however, was met with to the

depth of 60 feet—when, from the smallness of the shaft, it became

dangerous to proceed further; the attempt was therefore abandoned

and the shaft filled up again. The strata pierced through on this occa-

sion consisted of large and small boulders, gravel and sand materials,

of which we find it impossible to form a dry bund, even where the

difference of level is only 2 or 3 feet—while here, the excavation must

have gone at least 50 feet below the canal level. ;

In apparent contradiction to this, is a well known fact, connected

with the rivers flowing through the northern parts of Rohilkhand into

1837.] The History of Labong. 58

the Ganges. I mean the disappearance from the surface, near where

they leave the outer range of hills, and then again emerging at the

distance of 10 or 12 miles lower down; thus shewing the complete

permeability of the gravel beds through which they must be supposed

to trickle—and that this is in some measure the case in the Jumna

also, is rendered probable by a circumstance which came under our

observation in the great drought of 1833-34.

In order to supply the excessive demand for water for irrigation, it

became necessary to throw a gravel bund right across the Jumna—

just below the head of the canal; and at this very period, as appears

from a record kept in the Executive Engineer’s Office at Agra, a slight

diminution only of the waters of the Jumna at that place was -

observable.

VIl.—The History of Labong from the Native Records consulted by

Dr. D. Ricuarpson, forming an Appendix to his journals published

in the preceding volume*.

The annals of Labong reach backvto the same remote and fabulous

period as those of the neighboring nations. In the year 1118, (A.

D. 574,) after GaupamaAw had obtained nib-ban, or eternal rest, two

holy men, Waruoo-pay-waf and Tuxa-panpa, (having first buried a

shell with the spiral turned the reverse way,) by prayers and holiness

raised from out the earth the walls, gates, and ramparts, and sunk the

fosse of Labong. They marked the site of the pagoda, and during

two years employed themselves in calling together the people from

the surrounding forests and small villages. In 1120 they raised to

the throne Rama or ZamMA-Day-wWE, daughter of the king of Chanda-

pur (or, Wintian, the capital of Saroarata-ty-ne), and widow of a

prince of Cambodia. She had twin sons, Mananta-yaTtua. The elder

succeeded her in Labong, received the common title of ‘‘ Sen-Bur

Sueen,” or Lord of the White Elephant, for having caught one of that

color. AINDAWARAJA, the younger, built and reigned in Lagon. In

Labong (the Magadharrame of which is Hart-zoune ZayatyNe) from

Rama-Day-we to ApUTzA-woon-THA, who built the pagoda (assein

dayd) there reigned 35 kings, and from AputzA-woon-THA to Benya-

THEOHA 19; in all 54 kings reigned in Labong. Bunya-MEN-YzEA,

called in Ava History Dotana Burnya-Tso-MEN-yEA, the son of

Bunya-THoona, succeeded him, and reigned ten years in Labong,

* We have already quoted from this document in manuscript; see Appendix

General Tables, page 135,—Ep.

+ Vasu-deva?—Eb.

56 The History of Labong. (Jan.

three in Kim-yea, five in Wen-congkan. In 651* he crossed the

Thaluen river, and married a daughter of Tooorna Tuoma, king of

Pegu, with whom he received in dower four hundred Taliens or Peguers

and their wives, the town Yain Salen and its dependencies, and returned

to his country; and on Thursday the full moon of Kasong, (May,)

656, at midnight, founded Zama-pada-pur-there-nagara-nawara-raza-

tani, or Zimmay, measuring from east to west five hundred talsf,

from north to south four hundred and fifty tals; built his palace of

Zayaboungme ; reigned thirty-seven years; in 623 died, aged eighty,

and was succeeded by his son Nearuren-Pootcnoo, who in 695 was

succeeded by his son Tso-TcHomTA-yuNG ; and he in the same year by

his son Na-tcHoon-Tarcune ; and hein

698 by his son Nca-THENPOO; and he was succeeded in

707 by his son Tso-KANPEW; he in

709 by his son Tso-Boa-you ; and he in

731 by his son Goona ; and he in

739 by his son-in-law GnatHenmia ; and he in

742 by his son Taamsi; and in

782 his son Tso-Brenya succeeded; and in

817 his son Tso-nEaT succeeded ; and in

825 his son Benya TsorueEz, called also There-tha-da-matilanka-seek-

ka-wa-te-ya-za ; in

865 his son Tso-mMyNEAE succeeded ; and in

899 his son Benya Tsay ; in

904 his son Tso-myYNE; in :

906 his daughter Zaua-paBa, called also There-thadama-maha-day-we.

920 Sen-BuE-MYA-SHEEN, king of Pegue, took the town, but allowed

the queen to enjoy the revenues with the royal title till her death,

when he gave the town and revenue to his son Narata-tso, the

myo-tsa, (literally, town-eater: the person who enjoys the revenue

of a town amongst the Burmese is so called). Sarawapt, in the

* To account for the discrepance in the dates of Labong and Zimmay, it is to

be stated that the common era has been twice altered ; once 624 years after the

death of Gaupamau, by THERE Mouneparti, king of There; Kit-TaRA,

who dropped 622 years, and commenced from 2. The second alteration was

made by THENGARET, king of Pagan, in the seventeenth year of his reign, 562

years from the reign of Taterg MouneDARI, who dropped 550 years, and again

commenced with 2. Labong was founded 1118 years after the death of

GAUDAMAH ; and Zimmay 656 years after the alteration of TarnGaReEtT, or

1838 years of the death of GauDAMAH ; giving a period of 720 years to 54

kings, and average of thirteen years and some odd months and days to each

reign. (See Chron. Appendix, page 84.— Eb.)

+ The tals, is seven cubits.

1837.) On the site of the Altars of Alexander. 57

year 990, after the death of Sen-sus-mya Sueren, the chief of

Moung-nam, rebelled in Zimmay and shook off the Peguan authority ;

and in 992, THa-pan-pama-yaza, the grandson of Sen-BUE-MyYA-

SHEEN retook it. 1125, Tso-oung recovered its independence, which

it enjoyed only a short time, when it was taken by Sun-pun-sHEEN,

king of Ava, son of the great Atompra. 1136, Brenya-sa-Ban,

and Kaweena, the eldest brother of the present Chow-tchee-weet of

Labong, who was Myo-tsa of Lagon, rose against Tua-pan-Menpev,

called by the Shans Bogoung-bue, (a white-headed chief.) The Go-

vernor of Zimmay under SEN-BUE-sHEEN again prevailed and trans-

ferred their allegiance to Bankok, to which they have continued sub-

ject ever since. Kaweseta had six brothers, three others of whom

have received from the king of Bankok the title of ‘“ Chow-tcha-

Weet,” or ‘‘ Lord of Life,’’ one of the many titles he himself enjoys,

and the other three have been Chows Moungs of the other towns.

The present Chow-tcha-Weet, who is now seventy-two years of

age, is the youngest and last of the seven brothers. He has five

children by his first chief wife, viz. the wife of Cuow Hova of La-

bong ; the wife of a chief who is at Bankok ; Cxow Rasa Boot, the

eldest son; another daughter who is deranged, but quiet and inoffen-

sive. Cuow Hova of Labong will probably succeed to the zazabo-

lenoe. He is certainly, from his intelligence and habits of application

to business, incomparably best fitted to do so. But it is the opinion

of the northern Tsoboas that the Coow Houa of Zimmay, who is even

now little inclined to submit to the old Tsoboa’s authority, will not

quietly acquiesce, and that at the death of the present Tsoboa there

will be some bloodshed in the country.

SS a a

VIII.—Suggestions on the Sites of Sangala and the Altars of Alexander;

being an extract from Notes of a Journey from Lahore to Karichee,

made in 1830. By C. Masson.

«At length after a long march we arrived at Hurreepah, having

passed the whole road through close jungle. East of it was an

abundance of luxuriant grass, where, with many others, I went to

allow-my nag to graze. On rejoining the party, I found it encamped

in front of the village and an old ruinous castle attached to it. Behind

us was a large circular mound or eminence, and to the west was an

irregular rocky height crowned with remains of buildings, shewing

fragments of walls, with niches inthem. This elevation was undoubt-

edly a natural object ; the former, being of simple earth, was probably

artificial. On going to examine the remains we found two immense

58 On the site of Sangala (Jan.

circular stones with large perforations, which we were told were

once worn round the ancles by a celebrated fakeer, who resided here,

and who among other proofs of mortification and sanctity, accustom-

ed himself to eat earth and other strange substances. Between our en-

campment and this natural height was a small space of jungle, in which

are a few pipal trees in the last stage of existence. The old fort, an

erection of other days, is built with burnt bricks ; its walls and towers

are very high, and its extent considerable, but time has made evident

ravages in its defences: its bulwarks have in many places tumbled

down, and it is nolonger occupied. Surrounding the north-east angle

of the fort, isa smallswamp. We were cautioned by the inhabitants,

that we should be much annoyed by aspecies of gnat, called muckah,

which swarm by night in these jungles during the rainy months, but

which we had not hitherto seen. To avoid these, we decamped towards

evening, and fixed ourselves on the summit of the. circular artificial

mound before mentioned.

It was impossible to look upon the prospect of the fort and swamp

before us, and beneath our feet, upon the ground on which we stood,

without feeling the “conviction that we were beholding the fort and

lake of Sangala, and that we stood on the eminence protected by the

triple lines of chariots, and defended by the Kathi, before they al-

lowed themselves to be shut up in their fortress.

The evidence of ARRIAN is very minute as to this place, and he fur-

nishes excellent data which cannot be mistaken in their application.

While ALEXANDER was proceeding to occupy the kingdom, abandon-

ed by its monarch the second Porus, he received intelligence that the

Kathei, the most warlike of the Indian nations in those parts, in

confederacy with others, probably the Malli and Oxydrace, had col-

lected their forces, and resolved to oppose his progress, if toward

them directed. As the occupation of an undefended country present-

ed no field for achievement or glory, he dispatched Hrpuestion to

effeet its settlement, and marched direct against the Kathei. At the

period of receiving tidings of the hostile attitude of these Indians,

ALExANDER had crossed the Acesines, and was marching towards

Lahore, if we credit the inference that this city represents the capita,

of the fugitive Porus. He diverged to the south, and having crossed

the Hydraotes or Ravi, on the first day arrived at Pimprama (pos-

sibly Pind Brahma, Brahma’s or the Brabman’s village) at which he

halted the second, and on the third'reached Sangala, which Arrian

describes as a city witha fort built of brick, at one extremity of which

was a lake, not containing much water. He farther informs us that

ALEXANDER found the Kathzi drawn up on the summit of an eminence

1837.] and the Altars of Alexander. 59

opposite their fort, which was not very high or difficult of access ; this

they had fortified with a triple row of chariots and waggons, placing

their tents in the middle. AuexanpeR successively stormed the

barriers of wheeled carriages, and the Kathei sought refuge within

the walls of their fortress. Around this he then drew an intrench-

ment, except at the point where the lake intervened, the bank of which

he secured by lines of waggons he had captured, and there stationed

a strong division of troops under Pro.emy to intercept the flight of

the garrison, which he naturally concluded, when driven to extremi-

ty, would attempt to escape that way—the depth of water, in what

ArRRIAN calls a lake (or it may be his translator) being, as he himself

assures us, inconsiderable. ALExaNnpDER having completed his line of

circumvallation and other precautionary measures, advanced his

engines to the assault of the walls. The terrified garrison, as antici-

pated, by night attempted to pass the lake; their progress was inter-

cepted, and they were driven back with immense slaughter. The

operations of the siege continuing, the towers of the fort were over-

thrown by mines, and it was finally carried by assault.

In the present Hurreepahk we are able to recognize every feature

which Aragian so distinctly points out—the fort built of brick, the lake,

or rather swamp of water, and the eminence or mound opposite the

fort—this last is wonderfully convenient for the mode of defence

the Kathzi adopted, from the gentle slope of its sides. Moreover,

a trench still exists between the mound and the fort and parallel there-

to, which may plausibly enough be ascribed to the line of circumval-

lation raised by the Macedonian engineers.

With respect to the present fort, however ancient it may be, it is

not of course the identical one that was besieged by ALexanper,

and which Arrian ‘informs us was razed to the ground—but in all

probability it occupies the precise site, and may be built with the

materials of the one sacrificed to Grecian resentment.

It is necessary to state with regard to Hurreepah, that native tra-

dition assigns to the spot the commencement of a large city, which

extended as far as Chichee Wautnee, twelve coss southward—the

period of its existence so remote, that it is not known whether the

Hindu or Muhammedan religion was then professed—and that it was

destroyed by an immediate visitation of Divine anger, excited by the

crimes of the sovereign, who appropriated to himself the wives of his

subjects. The eminence, so often noted, is covered with fragments

of bricks and earthen-ware, as is the entire neighborhood of the

place. Accident prevented me from observing if any remains of

buildings were discernible in the next march we made to Chichee

60 On the site of Sangala, &c. (Jan.

Wutnee, as we travelled by night—but I conclude not, as nearly the

whole road led through marshes.

The identification of Arr1An’s Sangala would not be merely curious

as a point of illustrative geography, but of importance as directing

us to the spot where ALEXANDER’s operations ceased on the banks

of the Hyphasis, and affording a better clue than we were hitherto

acquainted with for the detection of the site of the famous altars

erected by the illustrious Greek as lasting monuments of his progress

and victories. Various have been the inferences drawn as to. the

position of these celebrated structures—but I] hesitate not to suggest

that they were erected on the banks of the modern Gharra, composed

of the united streams of the Beyah and Sutlej, and at that point or

nearly where a direct line drawn from Hurreepah would meet the

river,—that is, (if there be faith in modern maps,) in that portion

of it which divides the Sikh and Bhawelpur territories. Arritan

describes Sangala as two marches from the Hyphasis, and Hurreepah

is distant from the Gharra eighteen or twenty coss (27 or 30 miles).

It is impossible not to admire the correctuess of Arrtan in his rela-

tion of ALEXANDER’s progress in the Panjab, and I feel confident,

that had I been fortunate to have had him for a companion when a

wanderer in that country, the vestiges of his altars, if any remain,

might have been detected. Puiny and, I believe, Srrapo, have placed

them on the eastern bank of the Hyphasis: this, if correct, will not

affect general circumstances of locality.

The ancient name Sangala appears a composition of sang and

killah*, or literally, the stone fort, and figuratively applied to any strong

fort, owing to position, construction or otherwise, without reference

to the materials of which it may be built. The modern name denotes

in Hindi, the green town, and would seem to refer to the luxuriant

pastures to be found east of it.

The learned Wiirorp has accused Arrian of confounding Sangala

with Salgeda, which he says still exists near Calanore, and agreeing mi-

nutely with the historian’s description. Sangala-he describes as situate

in a forest, and sixty miles west by north of Lahore. Hurreepah is also

situate in a forest, or intense jungle of small trees and bushes, but

is south-west of Lahore, and ata somewhat greater distance than sixty

miles. The fortress of Sangala, so particularly described by Arrian,

must clearly by deduction have been south of Lahore, and, as it was

only two marches from the Hyphasis, could never have been the

Sangala of Wivrorp to the north-west of Lahore.

* This derivation from Persian and Arabic is, we fear, hardly admissible.—Ep,

1837.} Chinese Account of India. 61

This site deserves farther attention, as we find that Sungala was,

subsequent to its destruction by Aumxanpsr, re-edified under the

name of Euthydemia, in honor of the father of the reviver—but who

this reviver of Sangala may have been, whether Demurrivs, Manan

per, or AppoLttopotus, has not been determined by the few who

have bestowed attention on this obscure but highly interesting por-

tion of ancient history.

1X.—Chinese Account of India. Translated from the Wan-héen..t’hung-kaou,

or * Deep Researches into Ancient Monuments ;” by Ma-twan-lin ; book

338, fol. 14.

[The great interest which now prevails respecting the middle age of Indian

history, persuades us to transfer to our pages the following article from the

London Asiatic Journal for July, August, 1836. The author or translator's

name is not given.—Ep. ]

Téen-choo (or India) was known in the time of the latter Hans; the

country was then called the kingdom of Shin-too*.

Note of the Chinese Editor.

[Chang-kéen, when first sent (B C. 126) into Ta-hea (or Bactriana),

saw stems of bamboos, as in the Shoo country (modern province of Sze-

chuen). He inquired how they obtained these bamboos; some men of

Ta-hea replied: ‘‘ Our merchants procure them in the markets of the

kingdom of Shin-too, which is Téen-choo. Some call this kingdom Mo-

kea-tot ; others name it Po-lo-mun (country of the brahmans) ; it is

situated to the south of the Tsung-ling{ (or Blue Mountains), distant

some thousands of /e to the south-east of the Yué-che§ (Massagetz, or

Indo-Scythians).

This country is about 30,000 square /e || in extent ; it is divided inter-

nally into five, Indias; the first is termed Middle or Central India; the

second Eastern India; the third Southern India; the fourth Western

India; and the fifth Northern India. Each of these divisions of the terri-

tory contains several thousands of /e; and fortified cities, surrounded with

walls, and towns of the second order, are placed a few hundred /e apart.

Southern India is bounded by the Great Sea (the Gulf of Bengal);

Northern India is situated opposite to the Snowy Mountains{ ; on the

* In Sanscrit fay, Sindhé, Hindustan. Tt Aare Magadha.

t A cchain of mountains to the north of Cashmere, which separates Eastern Tur-

kestan, or Little Bucharia, from Great Bucharia,

§ M. Rr/musar has given a translation of Ma-twan-lin’s account of the Yué-che

in his Nouv. Mélanges Asiat. t. i. p. 220.

|| According to Dr. Ketiy (Orient. Metrol., p. 64), 200 le are equal to one degree

of the meridian = 69°166 English miles ; whence 30,000 le will give about 10,375

English miles.‘

{| Seue-shan, an exact translation of the Sanerit feqtma Himdlaya, ‘ abode

of snow,’ or rather Feqreqafafe Aimdlaygiri, ‘mountain whereon the snow rests.’

This division of India must include the modern Cashmere, the description of which,

by Masv’d1, the Arabian historian, coincides in a striking manner with that of the

Chinese author: ‘‘ The kingdom of Cashmere,’’ be says, ‘‘ which forms part of

India, is surrounded with very high mountains ; it contains a prodigious number of

towns and villages ; it can be entered only by a single pass, which is closed bya

gate.”’

62 Chinese Account of India. [Jan.

four sides, there are mountains sloping to the south, and a valley which

crosses them forms the gate (or entrance) of the kingdom. Eastern India

is bounded un the east by the Great Sea, as well as by Fuonan (Pegu) and

Lin-e (Siam), which are separated only by alittle sea. Western India

adjoins Ke-pin (Cophenes) and Po-sze (Persia)* ; Central India is

situated in the middle of the four other divisions of India. ‘

All these kingdoms had kings in the time of the Han dynasty. There

is besides the kingdom of Yuen-too, which is distant from Chang-gant

9,800 /e ; it is 2,800 /e from the residence of the Governor-general of the

Chinese provinces in Central Asiat{. To the south it adjoins the Blue

Mountains ; to the north its frontiers are contiguous to those of the

Woo-sun.

Yan-sze-koo has stated that Yuen-too is no other than Shin-too ; and

Shin-too is Téen-choo; there is no difference but in the pronunciation .

more or less strong. |

From the kingdom called Kaou-foo§ of the Yué-che, going to the west

and south, as far as the Western Sea (the Indian Ocean) ; to the east, as

far as Pan-ke; all these countries form the territory of Shin-too. It has

a number of fortified towns ; in about a hundred, commandants reside.

There are also different kingdoms; ten of them have kings. There is,

however, little difference between them, and the whole have the collective

denomination of Shin-too,

Note of the Chinese Ed'tor.

[The narrative of Foo-nan states: “ The kingdom of She-wei (Kapila)

belongs to that of Kea-she|| in India, which some call the kingdom of

Pho-lo.nae, and others the kingdom of Sze (or) She-pho-lo-na-sze.”

Choo-fa-wei, in his Fuh-kw6-ke (Memoir on the kingdoms of Fuh, or

Buddha), states that the kingdom of Pho-lo-nae (or Benares) is situated

1,480 de south of the kingdom of Kea-wei-lo-wei (or Kapila). In the ac-

count of the kingdom of Ching-le by She-fa, it is said: ‘‘ Few oxen are

killed in this kingdom ; the sheep of the country are black ; their horns,

which are slender and apart, may be four feet long ; one is killed about

every ten days, but if any of these sheep happen to die of disease, the

inhabitants use the blood of bullocks. These animals live a long time ;

* See for an account of these countries by Ma-twan-lin, the translation by M.

“Re/Musat, Nouv. Mél. Asiat. t. i. pp. 205 and 248.

t Capital of the Hans, situated in Shen-se; now Se-gan-foo.

t This position of the kingdom of Yuen-too affords reason to think that it may

be the same as that of Shin-too. Itis only in the transcription of the Sanscrit

word Sindhu, the name of the Indus and of the countries bathed by that river, that

there is a slight difference. The proximity of the Woo-sun, however, suggests that

Yuen-too must comprehend the country in which modern Badakshan is situated.

§ The following account of this kingdom is given by Ma-twan-lin elsewhere

(b. 338, f. 27): ‘* The kingdom of Kaou-foo was known in the time of the Hans.

It is situated to the south-east of the great Yué-che (Massagete). It is likewise

a considerable state. Their manners resemble those of the inhabitants of India,

and they are gentle and humane. They carry on much commerce. India, Cophenes,

and the country of the Ase, are three kingdoms which are conquered by force and

ee by weakness,’? The latter expressions are borrowed from the Taou-tth-king of

aou-tsze.

\| aret Kdst or Kashi ‘ splendid,’ epithet of the sacred city of Benares, called

acuagqy Varanast or qrupay Varandst. The latter denomination is represented

as closely as is permitted by the monosyllabic language of the Chinese (which wants

the articulation ra) by Pho-lo-nae: the Sanscrit q v having so often the sound o¢

‘qb, that they are not distinguished from each other in Bengali writing: Sze (or)

She-pho-lo-na-sze is also a faithful transcript of syqcurat Sré Varandst, ‘ the

holy, the fortunate Benares.’

1837.] Chinese Account of India. 63

the people of this country likewise are very long-lived, Their kings

commonly reign a hundred years, and tle bullocks live as long as the

men. This kingdom is a dependency of India.” ]

The royal residence overlooks the river Hang or Gang (Ganges)* which

some call Kea-pih-le. Here is situated the mountain Ling-tseaou ; called

in the language of the Hoo-yu country, Ke-too-keu: it is a green rock,

the head (or summit) of which resembles that of the bird tseaou.

Note of the Chinese Editor.

[Choo-fa-wei says, in his Fuzh-kwd-ke, that this mountain is situated to

the south of Mo-kéé.tet, which is also a kingdom dependent on India. |

At the period{ when all these kingdoms belonged to the Yué-che, the

latter put their kings to death and substituted military chiefs. They en-

joined all their people to practise the doctrine of Fuh-tco (Buddha) ; not

to kill living creatures ; to abstain from wine ; and to conform entirely to

the manners and customs of the inhabitants of the country, which is low

and damp, and the temperature very hot. This kingdom is traversed by

large rivers ; the people fight upon elephants ; they are of a feeble con-

stitution compared with the Yué-che.

The emperor Woo.te, of the Hans (B. C. 142 to 87), sent an expedition

of about ten persons, by the west and south, in search of Shin-too. All

information having been refused to the persons composing this expedition,

they could not reach the country§. Under Ho-te (A. D. 89 to 106), seve-

ral ambassadors from that country came to offer tribute||. The western

* In Sanscrit yy Ganga ; this river, in sacred writings, bears also the name of

afta Kapila, and more commonly afqeuyr<y Kapiladhdrd.

+ auy Magadha, the southern portion of the modern Bahar.

t+ This important epoch in the history of India may he fixed with precision by

means of Chinese historians; and itis not one of the least advantages derivable

from the study of the writers of this nation. Ma-twan-lin, in his account of the

Great Yué-che, or Indo-Scythians (book 338, fol. 2), states that the Chinese gene-

ral Chang-kéen was sent as an ambassador to the Yué-che, by the emperor Woo-te

(B. C. 126), and that, about 100 years after, a prince of this nation, who possessed

one of the five governments of the country of the Dahz, subjected the Getes in Co-

phenes, and that Téen-choo, or India, was again subjugated by the Yué-che. This

other conquest of India by the Scythians must be placed, therefore, about the year

B.C. 26. Ma-twan-lin adds, that these Yué-che, having become rich and powerful

(by these conquests), remained in this state till the time of the latter Hans, who

began to reign A. D. 222. It results from hence that the Scythians (or Yué-che)

must have been masters of Western India from about B.C. 26 till A. D. 222, that is,

for a space of 248 years. The first invasion of I:dia by the Yué-che, or Scythians,

must have taken place before the reign of Vicramaditya, whose celebrated era, which

begins fifty-six years before ours, originated from the complete defeat of the Sey-

thian armies by this Indian prince ; an event which deserved to be thus immorta-

lized. See Indian Algebra, by Mr. COLEBROOKE, (Preface, p. 43,) and Lassen, De

Pentapotamid Indicé Commentatio, p. 56. ‘he first of these learned Indianists,

from whom we are sure of deriving information, whenever we are engaged in the

investigation of a great philological, scientific, and philosophical question respecting

India, cites an ancient scholiast on Varéha Mihira, who thus explains the word

** saka’’ employed by this astronomer to denote the Samvat era: ‘‘ epoch when the

barbarian kings named Saka (the Sace) were defeated by VICRAMA’DITYA.”’

§ This same emperor gained some trifling particulars respecting Shin-too, or

India, by his general) Chang-kéen, whom he had sent to the Yué-che, which are

preserved by the historian Sze-ma-tséen, in his Sze-ke (book 123, fols. 6 and 7),

where it is stated that Shin-too is situated to the east of Ta-hea, the capital of

which was the city of Lan-she.

‘|| At this period, Chica was still considered as the paramount state of all the

half-civilized nations inhabiting Central Asia. It is not, therefore, surprising, that

the chiefs of India subject to the Yué-che, or Scythians, should have thought of

sending ambassadors to China, in search of means of delivering their country from

64 Chinese Account of India. [Jan.

vountries (subjected to the Chinese) then revolted, and separated from

the empire.

In the second of the years Yun-he of Hwan-te (A.D. 159) strangers

often came by the way of Jih-nan (‘south of the sun;’ Tonquin and

Cochin-China), to offerpresents. ;

A tradition of this time relates that the emperor Ming-te (A. D. 58 to

76), having dreamed that he saw a man of gold, very large, whose head

and neck shone with prodigious brightness, interrogated his ministers on

the subject. One of them told him that, in the western region (se-fung),

was a spirit (shin), whose name was Fuh ; that his statue was six feet high,

and his color that of gold. The emperor, upon this, despatched ambas-

sadors to India to learn the laws and doctrine of Fuh, and to bring to

China his portrait painted, as well as some of his statues.. The king of

Tsoo (a petty feudatory kingdom of China), named Ying, was the first

who believed in this false doctrine (of Fuh) ; hence it was that other per-

sons in the Middle Empire adopted it.

Thereupon, Hwan-te (A. D. 147 to 167) imbibed a great partiality for

the shin (spirits or genii); he sacrificed repeatedly to Fih-too and to

Laou-tsze. The people of China gradually adopted (this new religion) :

its followers augmented greatly.

In the time of the How and Tsin dynasties (A. D. 222 to 280), no new

relation took place between India and China; it was not till the period of

the Woo dynasty, that the king of Foo-nan, named Fan-chan, sent one of

his relations, named Soo-wih, as ambassador to India. On quitting Foo-

nan, the embassy returned by the mouth of the Taou-keaou-le*, continu-

ing its route by sea in the great bay (or gulf of Martaban), in a north-

westerly direction ; it then entered the bay (of Bengal), which they cross-

ed, and coasted the frontiers of several kingdoms. In about a year it was

able to reach the mouth of the river of India, and ascended the river

7,000 de, when it arrived at itsdestination. The king of India, astonished

at the sight of the strangers, exclaimed: ‘the sea-coast is very far off ;

how could these men get here?” He commanded that the ambassador

should be shown the interior of the kingdom, and with this view he ap-

pointed as guides to attend him, two strangers of the same race as the

Chinese, and he supplied Soo-wih (the ambassador) with provisions for

his journey, and presents for Fan-chan, king of Foo-nan, consisting of

Scythian horses, and four pieces of valuable woollen stuffs.

During this time, the Woo dynasty§ despatched an officer of the second

rank, named Kang-tae, as ambassador to Foo-nan, where he saw foreign

guides of the same nation as the Chinese. To all the questions he put to

them, concerning the manners and customs of the people of India, they

answered him as follows: ‘‘ The doctrine of Fuh is that which is in vogue

in this kingdom. ‘The population is very numerous ; the soil rich and

barbarians, by the aid of the Chinese armies, which could oblige their revolted

subjects to return to their duty. Thus we may easily explain facts apparently so

improbable,

* The Irrawaddy, in the Burman empire.

+ Literally : ‘‘ in consequence, as attendants or guides (he had given to him) two

men, foreigners, of the same species as the Sung.’’ By Sung-jin, ‘men of Sung,’

Ma-twan-lin designates the Chinese, who were so called in his time; he wrote

under the Sung dynasty, in the latter part of the thirteenth century. The sense

which [sea chin has received is that which it bears in the phraseology of the Le-ke,

cited by the dictionary of Kang-he, in explaining this character.

. Pe FE Sze-pei.

§ One of the three dynasties which reigned simultaneously over three divisions of

the Chinese empire: it subsisted from A, D. 222 to 280.

1837.] Chinese Account of India. 65

fertile. The king who rules here has the title of Maou-Inn* ; the suburbs

of the fortified city in which he resided are watered by rivulets, which

flow on all sides, and fill the deep ditches surrounding the city. Below it

flows the great river (the Ganges). All the palaces are covered with

sculptured inscriptions, and other ornaments in relief. A winding street

forms a market, a /e in length. The dwelling-honses have several storiest.

Bells and drums are their instruments of music, and the dress of the peo-

ple is adorned with fragrant flowers. They travel by land and by water ;

their commercial] transactions are considerable, in jewels and other valua-

ble articles of luxury, and every thing which the heart can desire is pro-

curable here. On every side, to the right and to the left, you behold only

agreeable and seductive objects ; the houses are overshadowed by foliage,

and cooled by the motion of waters of all kinds. There are sixteen great

kingdoms which are remote from India; some distant 2,000 le ; others

3,000. All these kingdoms honor and respect India, which they regard as

laced between heaven and earth.”

The fifth of the years yuen-kea of Wan-te, of the Sungs (A. D. 428),

the king of the kingdom of Kea-pih-le (Kapila) in India, named Yué-gae

(‘beloved of the moon’t), sent an ambassador to him to present him with

letters of submission (peaou), and to offer diamonds, valuable rings,

bracelets, as well as other ornaments of worked gold, and two parrots, one

red and the other white.

The second of the years tae-she of Ming-te (A. D. 466), an ambassador

came to offer tribute. This ambassador had the rank of lieutenant-gene-

ral of the army.

Note of the Chinese Editor.

[The eighteenth of the years yuen-kea (A. D. 441), the king of the king-

dom of Soo-mo-le sent an ambassador to offer the products of his country.

The second of the years heaou-kéen, of the emperor Heaou-wov (A. D. 455),

the king of the kingdom of Kin-to-le§ sent a superior officer to offer gold

coin and precious vases. On the first of the years yuen-wei, of Fei-te

(A. D. 473), the kingdom of Pho-le (?) sent an ambassador to offer tribute.

All these kingdoms practised the doctrine of Fuh. ]

In the beginning of the years téen-kéen of the dynasty Leang (A. D.

502), the king of India, named Keu-to, sent his great officer, named

Choo-lo-ta, to present letters of submission, and to offer vases of crystal,

perfumes of all sorts, precious talismans, and other articles of this kind.

This kingdom (India) is traversed by great rivers||. The spring or

* This title must be the Chinese transcription of q=yxu Mahdrana; there can

be no doubt in respect to the first syllable, maha (in composition) ‘ great ;’ but the

Sanscrit word represented by lun (or run, ran) is less certain. At all events, this

must be a king of India whose reign corresponded with this date, between A. D. 222

and 280.

+ This is the case at Benares, where many of the houses have seven or eight

stories; and the numerous temples and public edifices are covered with sculptures

and bas-reliefs.

t In Sanscrit, Chandrakdnta, ‘ well beloved of the moon,’ a name also given to

a precious stone ; or rather it would be Chandrananda, ‘ joy or delight of the moon,’

cited in the fifth table of the Ayeen Akberi, in the history of Cashmere. [Dr. MILL

suggests that this monarch is Chandrasri. See p. 100 of Genealogical Appendix.

—Ep

§ The Gandari of Herodotus and Strabo ? In Sanscrit qayfe Gandhari, or aa

-@andhara.

\| ‘* Kwé lin ta keang,”' literally, ‘ the kingdom overlooks great rivers.’

66 Chinese Account of India. [Jan.

source, Sin-taou*, issues from mount Kwan-lunt ; its waters then divide

into five streams, and form what are termed the affluents of the Ganges

(ming Gang shwuy). ‘Their waters are sweet and beautiful, and at the

bottom of their bed they deposit areal salt, the color of which is as white

as that of the essence of the water (shwuy tsing ).

In the time of Seuen-woo, of the dynasty of the latter Wei (A. D. 500

to 516), South India sent an ambassador to offer as presents some horses

of a fine breed. This ambassador stated that the kingdom produced lions,

leopards, panthers, camels, rhinoceroses, and elephants ; that there was

a species of pearl there, called ho-tse, similar to tale (yun-moo), the co-

lor of which was yellowish red (tse, ‘ reddish blue’) ; if it is divided, it

disperses like the wings of the cricket; if it is heaped up, on the other

hand, it becomes compact, like threads of silk strongly woven. There

were diamonds resembling amethysts (tse-shih-ying). When purified a

hundred times in the fire, without melting, this diamond is used to cut

jasper (yu stone). There were also tortoise-shell (tue-mei), gold (kin),

copper (tung), iron (té), lead (yuen ), tin (seth ), fine muslins embroi-

dered with gold and silvery ; there are also a variety of odoriferous plants,

yuth-kin, sugar-canes, and all kinds of products; honey-bread (or solid

honey§), pepper, ginger, and black salt.

On the west, India carries on a considerable commerce by sea with Ta-

tsin (the Roman empire), the An-se (or Ase, Syrians) ; some of the In-

dians come as far as Foo-nan and Keaou-che (Tonquin), to traffic in coral

necklaces and pear|s of inferior quality (or which only resemble pearls —

san-kan). ‘These merchants are accustomed to dispense with hooks of

accounts (in their commercial transactions). Teeth (elephants’ or rhino-

ceros’ ?) and shells form their articles of exchange. ‘They have men very

skilful in magical arts|]. The greatest mark of respect which a wife can

show towards her husband is to kiss his feet and embrace his knees: this

is the most energetic and persuasive demonstration of the interior senti-

ments. In their houses, they have young girls who dance and sing with

much skill]. Their king and his ministers (ta-chin, ministers about the

sovereign) have a vast number of silk dresses and fine woollen fabrics.

* These curious details, the exactitude of which may excite surprise, prove that

the Chinese historians were better informed than might be expected of facts and

circumstances concerning Central and Western Asia. We are indebted to Mr.

CoLEBROOKE for the means of ascertaining the accuracy of the Chinese writer. In

fact, the Chinese words Sin-taouw are but the transcription of the Sanscrit word

tat Std, the name of one of the sources of, the Ganges. Ina memoir on the

sources of this river, this illustrious and profound Indian scholar cites the following

passage from the astronomer BHA’sKaRA ACHA/RYA: ‘‘ The holy stream which ~

escapes from the foot of VISHNU, descends from the abode of VisHNuU on Mount

Meru (the Kwan-lun), whence it divides into four currents, and passing through the

air, it reaches the lakes on the summit of the mountains which sustain them. Under the

name of Sétd, this river joins the Bhadréswa ; as the Alakanandd, it enters Bharata-

varsha (Hindustan); as the Chackshu, it proceeds to Ketumala, and as the Bhadra,

it goes to the Kuru of the north.’’—Siddhdnta-Sirdmani; Bhavana-Kosha, 37 and 38.

+ Mount Meru. ‘‘ The Hindus say that the Ganges falls from heaven upon its

summit, and thence descends in four currents; the southern branch is the Ganges

of India ; the northern branch, which flows into Turkey, is the Bhadrasamaé ; the

eastern branch is the Sit4, and the western is the Chakshu, or Oxus.’’—WILSON,

Sanscrit Dict., 2nd edit., Art. Meru, The name Meru is the Mepos of the Greeks.

=~ These are, no doubt, the fine brocades, embroidered with gold and silver, for

which Benares is still so celebrated, which continue to constitute an extensive arti-

cle of commerce throughout India, and which European industry, however success-

ful its efforts to imitate the products of the East, has not yet been able to rival.

§ Shth-meih, ‘ stone-honey.’

17 XIE

q These are, no doubt, the nautch-girls.

1837.] Chinese Account of India. 67

He dresses his hair on the top of his head* (like the Chinese women),

and the rest of the hair he cuts, to make it short. Married men also cut

their hair, and pierce their ears, to hang valuable rings in them. The

general practice is to walk on foot. The color of their dress is mostly

white. The Indians are timid in battle ; their weapons are the bow and

arrows, and shield; they have also (like the Chinese) flying or winged

laddersf ; and, according as the ground will permit, they follow the rules

of the wooden oxen and rolling horsest. They have a written character

and a literature, and they are well versed in astronomy or the science of

the heavens, in that of numbers, and in astrology. All the men study the

instructive books denominated Sezhthan, written on the leaves of the tree

pei-to, intended to preserve a record of things§.

Yang-te, of the Suy dynasty (A. D. 605 to 616), wishing to know the

western countries (Se-yu), sent Pei-too to endeavour to determine the

boundaries of the kingdoms of Se-fan (ancient Tibet). This envoy tra-

versed many countries, but did not penetrate to India, believing that the

emperor had some animosity against the king of this country, whose

family was of the race of Ke-le-he, or Cha-le||: at this period there

were no troubles, no revolts in his kingdom.

The grain sowed in the marshy soils ripens four times a year{. The

barley, which grows the highest, exceeds the height of acamel. The

women wear ornaments of gold and silver on their head, and necklaces of

pearls. The dead are burnt, and the ashes of their bodies are collected

and deposited in a place set apart; or they throw them into a waste spot,

and sometimes cast them into a river: in this manner, funeral ceremonies

with cakes of flesh of birds, wild animals, fish and tortoises, are dispensed

with.

Those who exeite revolts and foment rebellions are punished with

death ; slight crimes are expiated by money. A person who has no filial

duty (or fails in duty towards his parents), suffers mutilation of hands,

feet, nose, ears, and is exiled beyond the frontiers. There is a written

character and a literature (in this country); the study of astronomical

sciences has made great progress there; there are astronomical books in

* To form the qa jatd. See the laws of MENU, book ii. v. 219, &c.

+ Fe-te; this is a scaling-ladder, of which a representation may be seen in the

Art Militaire Chinois, figs. 48 and 49.

t Muh-meaou, and lew-ma. These are machines of war, of which we know not

the form.

§ The following is the Chinese text of this important passage :—

Ai CE SE HN IS

See eh AZ fy Se Va

The two Chinese characters (2nd and 3rd of 2nd line) seth-than are a transcription of the

Sanscrit worg faa Siddhdnta, which signifies ‘ established truth,’ ‘demonstrable

conclusion,’ and which forms the titles of many scientific books, as the Stéirya-Sid-

dhdnta, a celebrated-treatise on astronomy ; the Brahma Siddhdnta ; the Siddhdnta

Kaumudi, &c. The leaves of trees, pei-to, (7, 8, of line 2) are the olas, on which most

of the Sanscrit MSS. are written, especially those in Telinga characters which come

from Southern India. Pei-to may be the transcription of yg}q plta, ‘ yellow,’ or

ataa pitaka, the Sanscrit name of the aloe, the leaves of which are well adapted

to the purpose indicated by the Chinese author, especially for writing traced with a

style.

|| Thatis, the royaland military caste of Kshatriyas ; afaasifa Kshattriya jati.

§ Taou, ‘grain that is planted amongst water; the paddy of the southern re-

gions.’— Morrison’s Dict.

K 2

68 Chinese Account of India. {Jan.

the Fan (or Sanscrit) language ; leaves of the pei-to are used to preserve

a record of things*.

There is a spot in this kingdom, where are said to be, and where are

pointed out, ancient vestiges of the foot of Fuh (or Buddha) ; in their

creed, the followers of this religion affirm that these vestiges of Buddha

really exist. They relate that, by carefully reciting certain prayers, they

may acquire the shape of dragons, and rise into the clouds.

In the years woo tih, of the Tang dynasty (A. D. 618 to 627), there were

great troubles in the kingdom. The king, She-lo-ye-tof, made war and

fought battles such as had never been seen before. The elephants were not

unsaddled in their rapid marches ; the soldiers quitted not their shields,

because this king had formed the project of uniting the four Indias under

his rule. All the provinces which faced the north submitted to him.

At this same period of the Tang dynasty, a zealous follower of Futh-too

(Buddha), surnamed Heuen-chwang, arrived in this kingdom (of India).

She-lo-ye-to caused him to enter his presencé, and said to him: “ Your

country has produced holy (great) men. The king of Tsin{, who has

routed the armies of his enemies, ought to be well satisfied ; he may be

compared to me ; tell me what sort of man he is?” Heuen-chwang re-

plied by vaunting the exploits of Tae-tsung, who had put down revolt

and reduced the four nations of barbarians to submission to him. The

Indian prince, full of fire and energy, was highly satisfied with this recital,

and observed: “‘ I will send (an embassy) to the court of the emperor of

the East.’

In fact, in the 15th of the years ching kwan (A. D. 642), ambassadors

from the king of the country called Mo-kea-to (Magadha) came to offer

books to the emperor (‘l'ae-tsung), who directed that an officer of cavalry

of inferior rank, named Leang-hwae-king, should go at a prescribed time

to assure the (king of India) of the peace and harmony which subsisted

between them. She-lo-ye-to, surprised, inquired of the men of the king.

dom (Indians), saying: ‘‘ From the time of antiquity to the present day,

have ambassadors from Mo-ho-chin-tan§ come into our kingdom?” They

all replied : ‘‘ None have hitherto come; what is termed the kingdom of

the Middle, is Mo-ho-chin-tan.” Whereupon, the king, going to meet the

ambassador, bent his knee in token of obedience and respect (md-pae) to

receive the letter (chaou-shoo) of the emperor of China, which he placed

on the top of his head. Ambassadors (from the-king of Magadha) came

again, and directly, to the court. An imperial order directed an assistant.

* This is a repetition of what has been before said; but, as the object of Ma-

twan-lin was to combine all the ancient documents and all the attthorities known

to him, which could tend to establish a fact, we only see in this a fresh proof of

the exactness of the various Chinese accounts. Some of the Sanscrit astronomical

treatises were translated into Chinese under the Tang dynasty.

t This proper name might be intended to represent the Sanscrit =}cfeq Sri-

rahita. It remains to be seen whether a king of this name reigned in India at this

period. [May it not rather be assimilated to the Siladitya who reigned in Saurash-

tra in the 6th century? See M. Jacquet’s remarks in the last volume.—Ep.]

{ Tsin is the name of the dynasty which reigned over China from B.C. 249 to 202,

during which the Chinese power caused it to be known for the first time in Central

and Western Asia, its conquests being extended to the Caspian Sea and Bengal, in

the reign of Tsin-she-hwang-te, the celebrated Burner of the Books. The name of

this dynasty has formed that of China, in Sanscrit =Ya China, which occurs in

the Laws of MEND, book x. sl. 44, and therefore at a date anterior to the third cen-

tury before our era, which may be easily explained in referring the name of China

to the period of the foundation of the kingdom of Tsin in the western province of

Shen-se, about B. C. 1000.

§ In Sanserit, Mahd-China, ‘ great China;’ in the modern dialects of India,

Maha-Chin-stan, ‘the country of great China,’

-1837.] Chinese Account of India. 69

of the department of war, named Le, to take cognizance of the letter of

submission (brought by the Indian ambassadors), and to make a report

upon it. The ministers reconducted the ambassadors without the city,

and it was ordered that in the capital perfume should be burnt as they

went along.

She-lo-ye-to, surrounded by his ministers, received, with his face turn-

ed to the east, the imperial document (chaou-shoo ) ; he again sent a pre-

sent of pearls of fire (ho-choo_), yzh-kin plants, and the tree poo-te*.

The 22nd year, of the same period (i. e. A. D.648), the emperor of China

sent a superior officer, named Wang-heuen-tse, as ambassador into this

kingdom (of Magadha), in order that the principles of humanity and jus-

tice, which had been diffused in that country, should have a protector and

representative there. But before his arrival, She-lo-ye-to was dead ; the

people of the kingdom had revolted, and the minister (of the deceased

king), named Na-foo-te-o-lo-na-shun, had taken his place. He sent troops

to oppose the entry of Heuen-tse (the Chinese ambassador) ; under these

circumstances, the latter took with him some tens of cavalry, and attack-

ed the troops (of the usurper), but could not vanquish them, and his little

force was exterminated ; and the result was, that the tribute received

(by the Chinese ambassadors) in the different kingdoms (he had visited)

was taken. Heuen-tse retired alone, with all expedition, to the western

frontiers of Too-fan (Tibet) ; and he ordered (keaou-chaou) the neigh-

boring kingdoms to furnish him with troopst. Too-fan sent him 1,000

armed men; Néé-po-lot furnished 7,000 cavalry. Heuen-tse, after or-

ganizing his force, advanced to give battle as far as the city of T’oo-poo-

ho-lo§, which he took by assault in three days. He caused 3,000 persons

to be beheaded, and 10,000 were drowned in the river. O-lo-na-shun

escaped into the kingdom of Wei. He there rallied his dispersed troops

and returned to the charge. The (Chinese) general made him prisoner,

with 1,000 men, whom he beheaded. ‘The remainder of the people retired

with the king’s wives to the banks of the river Kan-to-wei||.. The huma-

nity of the Chinese general (sze-jin{) attacked them, and created a great

disorder amongst this population. He likewise captured the concubines

and children of the king, as well as other prisoners, men and women, to

the number of 12,000, besides animals of all kinds, amounting to 20,000.

* The words poo-te are probably the transcription of the name of a tree in Sans-

erit, perhaps the vata, a sacred tree employed in religious ceremonies, and of which

mention is often made in Sanscrit poetry. What confirms this conjecture is the

following passage in Kang-he’s dictionary, under the character poo: ‘‘ poo-te is the

name of a tree which grows in the kingdom of Mo-kea-to (Magadha).’’ The same

dictionary adds, that in the books of Fuh, it is said, ‘‘ Poo-te-sa-to (Bodhisattva)

signifies the essence of what is manifest, declared ; by abbreviation, we say ‘ Poo-

sa.’’’ The term Bodhisattva, in Sanscrit, signifies literally, ‘ truth of intelligence :’

it is the name given to certain Buddhist patriarchs, who have raised themselves to

the state of divine sanctification.

+ This authoritative demand, if it be not introduced here, as the facts, indeed,

show, to gratify Chinese vanity, would denote that, at this period, Tibet was alrea-

ay dependent upon the Chinese empire as well as several other neighbouring king-

oms.

1 Nepéla, or Nepal: see the account given by Ma-twan-lin (book 335, fol. 14),

in the translation by M. Re/musat, Nouv. Mél. Asiat. t.i. p. 193.

§ Too (the first character) may be read cha, or tsa. If it be read cha, the pro-

nunciation of. the epoch in question, Cha-poo-ho-lo would be an exact transcription

of Champaran, a city placed by Abul-Fazil in Bahar, the ancient kingdom of Maga-

dha, and probably the same as Chapra, on the Ganges, higher up than Patna; for

Chapra is but a variation of Champaran, as the latter is likewise of Champaranagora.

|| This is no doubt the Godaver1, which falls into the Gulf of Bengal, to the east-

ward of Masulipatam.

| The humanity is, at the least, a singular expression to be used in these circum-

stances; yet the text admits of no other sense.

70 Chinese Account of India. (Jan.

He subjected 580 cities and towns, and his power grew so formidable, that

the king of the kingdom of eastern India, named She.keaou-mo*, sent

him 30,000 oxen and horses to feed and mount his army, as well as bows,

sabres, precious collars, and cords of silk. The kingdom of Kea-m6-loot

furnished different articles, with a chart of the country{, amongst which

was a portrait of Laou-tsze.

Heuen-tse took with him O-lo-na-shun, to present him to the emperor

(as a vanquished enemy). There had been an imperial order, which pre..

scribed that the ancestors should be informed hereof, in the temple dedi-

cated to them; and Heuen-tse was elevated, at the court, above the ma-

gistrates (ta-foo) of all ranks.

In his travels, the Chinese ambassador had encountered a doctor named

Na-lo-urh-po-so-mei§, who told him that he was 200 years old, and _pos-

sessed the recipe of immortality. The emperor|| (having learned this

intelligence) immediately quitted the hall of audience, in order to de-

spatch an envoy in search of the philosophical stone (tan). He directed

the president of the ministry of war to furnish the envoy with all the ne-

cessary instructions and provisions to enable him to prosecute his journey.

This envoy traversed “ the world” on horseback, to collect supernatural

drugs, as well as the most rare and extraordinary stones. He travelled

over all the kingdoms of the Po-lo-mun (Brahmans), in the country called

the Waters of Pan-cha-fa{, which (waters) come from the midst of cal-

careous rocks ( shth-kew, ‘ stone-mortar,’ or ‘ rock’), where are elephants

and men of stone to guard them. The waters are of seven different spe«

cies; one is hot, another very cold (or frozen, Jing). Plants and wood

may be consumed in it ; gold and steel may be fused in it ; and a person

who dips his hand into it will have it entirely burnt off. This water is

poured into vases by means of skulls of camels, which turn round. There

is also a tree there, called tsoo-/ae-/o, the leaves of which are like varnish

or blacking. It grows upon the top of scarped and desert mountains.

Enormous serpents guard it ; and those who wander in the neighborhood

cannot approach it. A person who wishes to gather the leaves employs

different arrows to strike the branches of the tree; the leaves then fall.

A multitude of birds also take the leaves into their beaks, and carry them

a great way: it is necessary, in like manner, to direct arrows against them,

to obtain these leaves. There are other curiosities in this country of the

same kind.

* Sri-kumd4ra?

+ This kingdom must be that of Kama-rfipa, mentioned in the Sanscrit inscrip-

tion on the column of Allahabad, and which formed the western part of the kingdom

of Assam, on the frontiers of Tibet. The syllable kd is well represented by kea, as

ma is by mo, and ré by loo; the last syllable pa is not transcribed, It is worthy of

remark, that it is a general law of transcription from Sanscrit into Chinese, that

the short a should be represented in the latter by o.

t This curious circumstance is a ground for thinking (for it is not a mere conjec-

ture), that there existed, and perhaps still exist, in India, native geographical charts

and works on geography; but all these articles must have undergone the fate of

the royal archives, where they were carefully preserved and concealed from the eager

eyes of European conquerors.

§ The first two words of this transcription represent faithfully the Sanserit word

@z “ara, ‘man,’ which enters into the composition of many proper names; but

the Sanscrit value of the other four syllables is more difficult to determine.

|| Tae-tsung, who reigned from A. D. 626 to 649. ‘

{ This is a very exact transcription of the Persian word wold Panjab, the

‘ five waters,’ or ‘five rivers’ (in Sanscrit Panchananda), which is the designation

given to a large and fertile province of India. The last syllable fa, in the Chinese

transcription, represents the more faithfully the syllable 4b, inasmuch as the conso-

nants composing it are two labials very often taken one for the other.

1837.] Chinese Account of India. 71

The drug (of immortality) could not be found or verified by this envoy,

who, being recalled, could not proceed further, and returned and died at

Chang-gan (the capital).

In the time of Kaou-tsung (A. D. 650 to 684), a Loo-kea-ye-to*, of the

country of Woo-chaf, in eastern India, came likewise to offer homage at

the court of the emperor, giving himself out as a possessor of the recipe

of immortality, and as being able to transform himself into lieutenant

general of armies.

In the third of the years kéen-fungt (A.D. 667), the Five Indias (or

five kingdoms of India) sent ambassadors to the court of the emperor. In

the years kae-yuen (A. D. 713 to 742), an ambassador from Central India

proceeded three times as far as the extremity of southern India, and came

only once to offer birds of five colors that could talk§. He applied for

aid against the Ta-she|| (or Arabs) and the Too-fan (or Tibetans), offer-

ing to take the command of the auxiliary troops. The Emperor Heuen-

tsung (who reigned from A. D. 713 to 756) conferred upon him the rank

of general-in-chief. The Indian ambassadors said to him: ‘‘ the Fan (or

Tibetan) barbarians are captivated only by clothes and equipments. Em-

peror! I must have a long, silk, embroidered robe, a leathern belt decora-

ted with gold, and a bag in the shape of a fish.” All these articles were

ordered by the emperor.

Northern India also sent an embassy to the court of the emperor.

At the close of the years kan.yuen (about A. D. 756), the bank of the

river (Ho-/ung, the Ganges?) gave way and disappeared.

The third of the years kwang-shun, of the modern Chows (A. D. 953)

a Sa-mun{ (priest of Buddha), of western India, with several priests of

his religion, representing sixteen different tribes or nations (of India),

brought tribute, amongst which were some horses of the country.

The third of the years kan-tth, of the Sung dynasty (A. D. 966), a Bud-

dhist priest of Tsang-chow, named Taou-yuen, who had returned from

the western countries (Se-yu), had brought from thence a portion of

* That is, a wm\qrafaa Lékdyatika, or follower of the atheistical system of

philosophy founded by Charwaka, entitled Lékdyata (see Mr. COLEBROOKE’S Essays

on the Philosophy of the Hindus). The suffix ka, which forms collective names in

Sanscrit, is represented in Chinese by the character che, which serves in like manner

to form adjectives and collective names in Chinese.

+ A kingdom situated near the mouths of the Ganges.

* There is an error here in the text; the years kéen-fung were only two, 666

and 667.

§ These were of course parrots.

|| Ta-she, ‘ great eaters,’ (rather tdzt, Arabian, J. P.) is the name by which the

Chinese designate the Arabs. This curious passage throws great light on this

obscure period of Indian history, and confirms a fact hitherto scarcely noticed,

but which has been asserted by two Arabian authors, ALMAKIN and ABULFEDA,

namely, the invasion of India by the Arabs at the beginning of the eighth cen-

tury. ‘‘ MAHOMED BEN CASSIM,”’ says the former, in his history of the Sarrasins,

** took India; he obtained possession of the countries adjoining the Sind (Indus),

gave battle to DAHAR, who was king of them, vanquished him, made him prisoner,

and put him to death.’’ The other, in his Musulman Annals, translated by REISKE,

says: ‘‘ MAHOMED BEN CassiM overrun India as conqueror.’’ But the following

is a passage, curious imanother respect, concerning the same fact; it is taken from

the History of the Empire of the Khalifs, translated from Tabari (Turkish edition),

for a knowledge of which we are indebted to M. RetnanpD: ‘‘ This same year, 87

(A. D. 709) was gloriously terminated by the defeat of 200,000 barbarians, who had

entered the country of the Musulmans, commanded by BEGHABOON, nephew of the

emperor of China. The Musulmans confessed that they owed this important victo-

ry to the protection of God.”’

§ This Indian title is more frequently written Sha-mun (with different characters) ;

it is a close transcription of the Sanscrit Samdna, (rather, Sramana. J, P.)

72 Chinese Account of India. (Jan.

the body of Fuh*, vases of crystal, and Sanscrit writings on leaves of

Pei-to, to the number of forty, which he presented to the emperor.

Taou-yuen returned to the western countries (of Asia) in the years

téen-fuh (A. D. 943 to 944) ; he was twelve years on his travels, wander-

ing in the Five Zin-too for six years. The Five Zin-too (divisions of

India) are the same as Téen-choot (India). He brought back an abun-

dance of books, to understand the use of which he exerted all his efforts.

The emperor Tae-tsoo (who reigned from A. D. 950 to 953) summoned

him into his presence, for the purpose of interrogating him respecting

the manners and customs of the nations amongst whom he had travelled ;

the height of the mountains, and extent of the rivers. He answered all

the questions one by one. For four years, a priest of Buddha, he dedi-

cated all his cares to one hundred and fifty-seven persons. On his re-

turn to the palace, he said he had been desirous of returning into the

western countries in search of the books of Fuh (or Buddha) ; that he

had found some of them where he had travelled, in the provinces of Kan-

sha, Se-soo, and others; that these provinces (chow) produced tortoises,

herbs, and woods, in great abundance, the export of which yielded the

revenue of the kingdom. Moreover, he passed beyond the kingdom of

Poo-loo-sha and of Kea-she-met. Orders were everywhere given that

guides should be provided him on his route.

After the years kae-paou (about A. D. 969), a Buddhist priest of In-

dia brought some Sanscrit books (or Indian presents$), and envoys

continued to bring them from thence. During the winter of the eighth

year, the son of the king of Eastern India, named Jang-kéé-kwang-lo (?)

came to court to bring tribute. The king of the kingdom of the Law in

India|] happening to die, his eldest son succeeded him ; all the other

sons of the deceased king quitted their royal abode, and became priests

of Buddha, and returned no more to reside in their native kingdom.

One of the sons of this Indian king, named Man-choo-she-le{], came

into the kingdom of the Middle (China) as a Buddhist priest. The

Emperor Tae-tsoo ordered that he should be provided with an apart-

ment in the palace of his ministers of state, that he should be well treat-

ed whilst he remained in the capital, and that he should have as much

money ashe required. The body of Buddhist priests conceived a jealousy

against him ; and being unable to repel the false accusations, of which

he was the object, he requested permission to return to his native king-

dom, which was granted by the emperor, who published a proclamation

on the subject. Man-choo-she-le, at first, was much alarmed at their

intrigues; but when all the Buddhist priests knew the meaning of the

® Tyh-Fuh-shay-le-yth : the characters shay-le are the transcription of the Sans-

erit word ge{t Sharira, ‘ body,’ or woes Shdririn, ‘ corporeal.’ Dr. Morrti-

SON, in his Dictionary (Vol. I. Part i. p. 530), states on an authority unknown to us,

but apparently to be relied on: ‘‘ Shay-le-ta, a Pagoda, raised over certain relics or

pearly ashes of Buddha ; these, it is said, are contained in a gold box; if, on being

opened, they exhibit a dingy appearance, it is deemed a bad omen; ifa red ap-

pearance, a good omen.’’ : .

+ Another transcription of the Sanscrit fa Sindhw, the river Indus, whence

yj an and Arabic name of India. ‘

ue TR oees the kingdoms of Purusha and Cashmere. See Ma-twau-lin, book

335 fol. 15, and M. Re’mMuSAT’s translation, Nouv. Meélanges Asiat. t. 1. p. 196.

§ Che-fan-lae, ‘Presents from Che-fan.’ It is not said in the text what was

the nature of the articles brought; but it is fair to presume, that they were Bud-

dhist books in Sanscrit, which were subsequently translated into Chinese. :

| Téen-choo-che-f2-kw6, ‘* the onan the Law of India;’ apparently the king-

‘the Law of Buddha, i. e. Magadha. . ;

at a sine AWal Manjusri, a term which denotes a Buddhist saint.

1837.) Chinese Account of India. 73

imperial proclamation, they were disconcerted in their projects. The

Buddhist priest prolonged his stay for a few months, and then departed.

He said that it was his intention to embark on the southern sea (perhaps

at Canton), in a merchant vessel, to return to his own country. It is not

known where he eventually went.

On the 7th of the years tae-fing-hing-kwé (‘ the kingdom in great peace

and prosperity’), equivalent to A. D. 983, a Buddhist priest of E-chow,

named Kwang-yuen, returned from India ; he brought from thence a let-

ter from the king, Moo-se-nang*, to the emperor (of China). The em-

peror ordered that an Indian Buddhist priest should translate the letter,

and acquaint him with the contents of it. The letter was to this effect ;

** T have lately learned, that in the kingdom of Che-na, there existed a

king, most illustrious, most holy, most enlightened ; whose majesty and

person subsist in themselves and by themselves. I blush every moment

at my unfortunate position, which hinders me from visiting your court,

in order to pay my respects to you in person. Remote as I am, I can

only cherish, with hope, a regard for Che-nat ; whether you are standing

or sitting, in motion or at rest, (i. e. in all circumstances of life,) I invoke

ten thousand felicities on your holy persont.”

Kwang-yuen also brought certain rare drugs, diamonds, talismans, amu-

lets, to obtain good fortune, and secure the bearer against danger, as well as

holy images of She-kea§, vestments without sleeves, called kea-sha, some-

times worn by the priests of Buddha in the exercise of their functions,

and various articles used by the hand in eating, which he desired to be hum-

bly offered to the august emperor of China, “ wishing him all kinds of

happiness ; a long life; that he might always be guided in the ‘ right

way ;’ and that all his wishes might be fulfilled: in the middle of the

ocean of life and of death, most of those who cross it are engulphed||.”

Kwang-yuen then presented to the emperor, in person, a portion (or

reliques) of the body of She-kea. He likewise translated and explain-

ed the entire contents of the letter, brought by a Buddhist priest,

from the same kingdom (India) ; the expressions and sentiments are the

same as in that of Moo-se-nang. ‘The bearer of this document learned

that it was from the kingdom of Woo-téen-nang (or Woo-chin-nang) ;

that this kingdom belonged to Yin-too, of the north ; that in twelve days,

from the west, you arrive at the kingdom of Khan-to-lo (Candahar) ;

twenty days further to the west, you reach the kingdom of Nang-go-lo-

ho-lo ; ten days further to the west, you come to the kingdom of Lan-po;

twelve days more to the west, is the kingdom of Go-je-nang ; and further

to the west, that of Po-sze (Persia) ; after reaching the western sea

(the Persian gulph), from northern Yin-too, in 120 days’ journey, you

arrive at the Central Yin-tov ; from thence to the westward, at the dis-

* In Sanscrit, Mahd-Sinha, ‘ Great Lion,’ an epithet often given to Indian kings

or, perhaps, rather the transcription of Madhu-Sinha, the name of a king of Ben-

gal, mentioned in the Ayeen Akberi. We shall make here but one observation re-

specting the law of transcription of foreign names in Chinese, for the benefit of

those who have not studied the language; namely, that the Chinese nasal termi-

nation ang has the same value as the anuswara in Sanscrit, or the labial q m at the

endof words. It is, therefore, equivalent to the Sanscrit accusative : a termination

which has become general in the dialect of the south of India.

+ The first of the two characters which express this name (and which is an ac-

curate representation of the Sanscrit qYaq China) is differently written in two

‘places ; both are pronounced Che.

{ This letter has been cited by Dr. Morrsion, in his View of China, but from a

different author ; from Ma-wan-lin.

§ Shdkya-muni, patronymic name of Buddha.

|| This, we believe, to be the exact sense of this Buddhist phraseology.

44 Chinese Account of India. [Jan.

tance of three ching*, is the kingdom of Ho-lo-wei ; still further to the

west, in twelve days’ journey, you reach the kingdom of Kea-lo-na-keu-

je (Karana?) and in twelve days’ journey more to the west, you come

to the kingdom of Mo-lo-wei (Malwa ; in Sanscrit Md/ava) ; further to

the west, twenty days’ journey, is the kingdom of Woo-jan-ne (Oujein

or, Sanscrit Ujjayani). In another twenty-five days’ journey still to the

west, you visit the kingdom of Lo-lo; and forty days’ journey further to

the west, the kingdom of Soo-lo-to (Surat); in eleven days’ journey further

to the west, you get to the Western sea. This makes in the whole a six

moons’ journey from Central Yin-too. When at Southern Yin-too, in

ninety days’ journey to the west, you arrive at the kingdom of Kung

kea-na ; and in one day further to the west, you come to the sea. From

Southern Yin-too, in six months’ journey to the south, you reach the

South Sea (the sea of China). .This was what was related by the Indian

envoy.

The eighth year (983), a priest of Buddha, master of the lawt, came

from India, bringing books. In traversing part of the island of Suma-

traf, he met with the Buddhist priests Me-mo-lo, Che-le-yoo-poo-to ; he

charged them (as superior priests?) with a letter, which he wished to

transmit to the kingdom of the Middle, with a great number of trans.

lated books. The emperor caused them to come to court to gratify his

curiosity. The master of the law of Buddha (fd) again met with some

mendicant Buddhists, wearing vestments without sleeves, and valuable

head-dresses in the form of serpents§. He returned with them on their

journey to India. A letter of recommendation (peaou) was given him, to

enable him to traverse the kingdom of Tibet, with letters of credence,

delivered by the emperor, to present to the king of the kingdom of San-

fuh-tsi or Sumatra. From this remote country he proceeded to the so-

vereign (choo) of the kingdom of Go-koo-lo, and that of the kingdom of

Sze-ma-kié-mang-ko-lan (the Mongul empire ?), He recommended Tan.

lo to the king of the Western Heaven||, and his son formed the design

of sending him, by his means, works on the spirits and genii.

In the years yung-he (984 to 988), a Buddhist priest of Wei-chow,

named Tsoo-hwan, returning from the western countries of Asia (Se-yw),

with another Buddhist priest from a distant country, named Mih-tan-lo,

where he had been presented to the king of Northern Yin-too, seated

on a throne of diamonds, and named Na-lan-to, brought some books.

There was besides a Brahman priest, named Yung-she (‘ eternal age’),

and a Persian infidel (gae-taow), named O-le-yan, who came together

to the capital. Yung-she said that his native country was called Le. It

was ascertained that the family name of the king of this kingdom was

Ya-lo-woo-te ; that his first name was O-jih-ne-fo ; that he wore a yellow

dress, and had on his head a cap of gold, adorned with seven precious

gems. When he goes out, he mounts an elephant ; he is preceded by

couriers, with musical instruments on their shoulders ; the crowd rush

into the temple of Fuh, where he distributes gifts to the poor, and suc-

* The European Chinese dictionaries do not give the value of this itinerary mea-

sure. In the Dictionary of Kang-he, it is stated to be a measure of distance, but no

equivalent is stated.

+ Sang-fa; in Sanscrit, Sangha and Dharma (the priest, or religious meeting),

and the law.

+ San-fuh-tsi.

§ ‘* Valuable head-dresses (or caps), in the form of serpents,’’ are, doubtless,

the shawls which the modern Muhammadans, as well as the Hindus, wrap round

their heads.

|| Dsan-tan-lo-se-téen-wang.

1837.) Chinese Account of India. 75

cour to those who need it. His concubine was named Mo-ho-ne ; she

wore a red dress, adorned with gold filagree work. She goes out but

once a year, and distributes gifts freely. People flock to attend the king

and his concubine, and raise shouts of joy as they pass. ‘There are four

ministers to administer all the affairs of the kingdom, who are irremova-

ble. The five kinds of grain and the six kinds of edible fruit, are the

same as the Chinese. They use copper money for purposes of commerce.

They have a literature and books, which are long and are rolled up as in

China, except that the leaves are not pierced and attached one to another.

From their kingdom, six months’ journey to the East, you arrive at

the kingdom of the Ta-she (Arab) ; in two moons more, you get to Se-

chow (the Western Isle) ; in three moons more, you arrive at Hea-chow

(the Isle of Summer). O-le-yan says, that the king of his native coun-

try was entitled Ath-yth (Black-dress) ; that his family name was Chang,

and his first name Le-moo; that he wore silk dresses, embroidered and

painted in different colors ; that he wore each only two or three days,

resuming them once. The kingdom has nine ministers, irremovable, who

direct state affairs. Commerce is carried on by barter, no money being

used.

From this kingdom, six months’ journey to the East, you arrive at the

country of the Brahmans™*.

The second of the years che-taou (996), some Buddhist priests from In-

dia, who arrived in ships as far as the mouth of the river (che-gan), bring-

ing to the emperor a brass bell and a copper bell, a statue of Fuht, and

some Fun (Indian) books, written upon leaves of the pei-to tree, the

language of which isnot understood.

The third and ninth of the year téen shing (1025 to 1031), some Bud-

dhist priests of Western Yin-too, lovers of wisdom, knowledge, sincerity,

and other virtues of this kind}, brought Fan books § as presents, revered

as canonical. The emperor gave to each a piece of yellow stuff, to wrap

round the body, in the form of a band.

The second moon of the fifth year some Sang-fi, to the number of five,

denominated ‘ fortunate’ and ‘ happy,’ and by other epithets of the same

nature, brought presents of Fan books. The emperor gave them pieces

of yellow stuff to make trailing robes for them. .

The third of the years king-yew (1036), nine Buddhist priests, called

‘the virtuous,’ ‘ the exalted,’ &c., brought as tribute, Fan books and

bones of Fuh, with teeth; copper, and statues of Poo-sa (Boddhisatwas) :

the emperor gave them caps and bands.

[To be continued. |

* Here ends the first narrative of the Yuen-keen-luy-han.

+ This traffic in images of Buddha continues to the present day, as may be proved

by the well-known circumstance of the large stone statue seized on its way down

the river from Patna, at the breaking out of the Burmese war, and restored from

the museum, wherein it was deposited, only three years ago. It would be curious

to ascertain whether any Buddhist images in China bear the Ndgari inscription ye

dharma hétu, &c., like those dug up at Tagoung in Ava.—ED.

t These are translations of Sanscrit Buddha epithets.

§ Fan-shoo-king, ‘ classical Indian books.’

76 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [JAn.

X.—Proceedings ofthe Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 1st February, 1837.

The Rev. Dr. Minn, Vice-President, in the chair.

Mr. J. Curnin, Captain F. Jenkins, Mr. Grores Hii, and Mr. Rica-

arp Wa.ker, Captain Enwarp Sanpers, Babus Ra’mna’tH Tagore and

PrasanNakuMAR Tacore, proposed at the last meeting, were ballotted

for, and duly elected Members of the Asiatic Society.

Mr. J. Mit, and Mr. W. Cracrort, were proposed by Mr. J. Prinszp,

seconded by Dr. Mit.

~ Mr. P. A. Larr, proposed at the last meeting, was, upon the favorable

report of the Committee of Papers, elected an Honorary Member of the

Society.

The following letter from Sir AtexanpeR JonnstTon, Chairman of the

Committee of Correspondence, Royal Asiatic Society, was read.

Royal Asiatic Society, Grafton Street, Bond Street, June, 1836.

My Lorps anp GENTLEMEN,

The vast extent, fertility, and populousness of our Indian possessions, are

known, in a general way, to all the world. A glance, indeed, at the map will shew

that their extremes of latitude may, without exaggeration, be indicated by the

distance from Gibraltar to the farthest point of Scotland; and that the measure

of their extent, from west to east, will be nearly found in a line drawn from the

Bay of Biscay to the Black Sea. Lying between the 5th and 31st degree of north

latitude, with almost every conceivable variety of position and exposure, they

present a range of soil and climate greatly exceeding that which is to be found

within the bounds of Europe. They embrace, in truth, the utmost limits of

vegetable life, from the burning heat of the desert to the point of perpetual

congelation : presenting, in one quarter, the loftiest mountains in the world; and,

in another, vast alluvial plains, intersected by the natural channels of many

noble rivers, with a corresponding variety of productions belonging both to

tropical and northern regions. Not Jess than eighty millions of people are sub-

ject to the dominion of England: already they produce (though with imperfect

skill) most of the articles which form the great staples of the import trade of

this country, as materials of its manufacture, or as the objects of comfort and

luxury to the great body of its inhabitants, of which cotton, silk, indigo, sugar,

coffee, and tobacco, may be mentioned as pre-eminent ; and they offer an assur-

ed prospect of an almost boundless market for the produce of English manufac-

turing skill, if the capabilities of their country be drawn forth, and their indus-

try be duly instructed, directed, and fostered.

- But though these general truths be readily acknowledged, their practical

application is very imperfectly understood. Few men in England really know

what India does or can produce, with sufficient precision, at least, to justify

commercial speculation. Few in India know what England requires ; and none

of the lights of modern science having been applied to the agriculture of the

former country, its productive powers have, as yet, been very imperfectly deve-

loped.

Bolieritg that the interests of both countries may be very importantly pro-

moted by an interchange of knowledge, and especially by communicating to

India the information and stimulus which are alone wanting to the full deve-

lopment of its vast resources, it has been resolved by the Royal Asiatic Society,

to constitute a distinct Section, for the following, and other similar purposes ;

provided the necessary funds can be raised for giving adequate effect to the

design.

lst. The examination of the natural and agricultural products of India,

available for the purposes of commerce and art.

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 77

2ndly. Inquiry into the causes of the general inferiority of the staple articles

of Indian commerce.

3rdly. The introduction of new articles and processes from analogous climates

in other parts of the world.

The Committee of Correspondence of the Royal Asiatic Society beg leave to

bring the circumstance to your notice; trusting, confidently, on your zealous

support of a measure, calculated to promote objects alike interesting to the

patriot and the philanthropist.

Of the means of support, the most acceptable would, of course, be such an

accession of new members, European or Asiatic, as would at once provide the

necessary funds, and as would afford the requisite contribution of knowledge and

experience in the various branches of inquiry to which the’labors of the Sec-

tion are to be directed. But the Society will be most happy to receive the

tender of the aid (whether in knowledge or funds) of affiliated Societies, pursu-

ing the same beneficial objects, or any other co-operation or assistance which

you may have the goodness to offer.

For the fuller explanation of the scheme in question, the Committee direct

me to transmit to you the accompanying priated papers; and [ shall be happy

to afford you any further information in my power, in regard to it, that you

may require.

T have tke honor to be,

My Lords and Gentlemen,

Your most obedient humble servant,

ALEXANDER JOHNSTON,

Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence, R. A. S.

To the President, Vice- Presidents and Members of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Resolved, that a portion of the papers be made over to the Agricultural

Society, and that general circulation be given to the Royal Asiatic Socie.

ty’s prospectus.

A letter from Mr. AnexanprerR VaTTemore, addressed to the Governor

General of India, was read, proposing to negociate a general system of

exchanges of duplicates between the various libraries and museums of the

world.

Resolved, that copies of the library catalogue now printing be furnished

to Mr. Vatremorp, in furtherance of his laudable design.

The following protest from members of the Society residing in the

interior was communicated by Colonel J. Corvin.

Dissentient.

It appears to us that in a society constituted as the Asiatic Society of Ben-

gal is, the existence of a fund vested in Government Securities is absolutely

necessary for the permanence of the foundation.

We consider that such funds are intended to be reserved for cases of extreme

emergency, and that the interest only of such funds should be carried to the

current expenses of the Society.

We also consider that any infringement of a law upon which the Society’s

existence may be said to depend, is injurious not only to the Society itself asa

body, but to the interests of the members individually ; and may be drawn in

as a precedent for further encroachments, leading to the ultimate dissolution

of the Society.

For these reasons, we dissent from the resolution passed at the meeting of

the Society of the 4th May, 1836, continuing the services of a Curator at two

hundred rupees per mensem; the account current shewing a deficiency of

rupees 571-0-1, and the payment of the Curator’s salary being proposed to be

made out of the vested funds of Mr. Bruce. Further, in adverting to the

Secretary’s remark, ‘‘ that M. Boucuez, the assistant and working Curator,

would be competent to set up all new specimens and preserve the present col-

78 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [ Jan.

lection,’’ we see no necessity, under the present difficulties of the Society, of

retaining the higher appointment.

Northern Doad,

14th Dec. 1836 ; P. F. Cautity, Capt. Arty.

H. Fatconer, M. D.

W.M. Duranp, Lieut. Engrs.

W. #E. Baker, Lieut. Engrs.

and, Calcutta, |, ALEXANDER COLVIN.

26th Jan. 1837. JoHNn Coxtvin, Lieut.-Col. Engrs.

After discussion it was agreed that the protest could not affect the

resolution passed by the’Society in May, 1836, but that it would very

‘properly become matter of consideration at the expiration of the annual

term for which the museum grant was then confirmed.

The Secretary read correspondence with Mr. Lane respecting the pub-

lication of his Anglo-Burmese Dictionary under the Society’s auspices.

He had written to Colonel Burney for the manuscript, which would

immediately be put in hand.

A statistical paper having been communicated by Mr. H. Watters,

that gentleman was requested to join the Committee lately appointed for

that object, to which he assented.

Library.

The following books were presented.

Bulletin de la Societé de Geographie, tome 5—by the Geographical Society of

Paris.

Journal Asiatique for April, May, and June, 1836—dy the Asiatic Society of

Paris.

Shams-ul hindisah, a mathematical work, compiled by the Naw4b Saumsoor

Oomra at Hyderabad—presented by the author through Mr. C. Trench.

An Australian Grammar, comprehending the principles and natural rules of

the language as spoken by the Aborigines, by L. E. TareEtkeLp—4Sy the author

through Mr. Cracroft.

A collection of examples on the Integral Calculus, by Mr. H. Suort, Queen’s

College, Cambridge—presented by Mr. H. Horneman.

A dissertation on the soil and agriculture of Penang, by Major JAmMes Low

—by the author.

The first No. of the Medical and Physical Society’s Journal—by the Society.

The following books were received from the booksellers :

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, England, Vol. 6th.

, Greece, Vol. 3rd.

Analecta Arabica, Part [.

Institutiones Juris Mohammedani circa Bellum contra eos qui ab Islamo-sunt

alieni, by Ern, Frip. Car. Rosenmu ier, Leipsig, 1825. »

Y King, Antiquissimus Sinarum Liber ex Latina Interpretatione , P. Regis

aliorumque, &c. ; by Professor Jutius Méat. Fee

Baghavat Gita, translated into German, by C. R. G. Perpmr, Leipsig, 1834.

Taberistanensis, id est Abu Dschaferi Mohammed Ben Dscherir Ettaberf An-

nales Regum Atque Legatorum Dei; by J. G. L. Rosencarren, Vol. Ist, Ber-

lin, 1831.

Physical.

The fossil bones from the Pervim island, presented by Lieut. GEoraE

Furusames, Bombay Engineers, were laid on the table for inspection.

This very valuable acquisition comprises many jaws of the mastodon in fine

preservation—also jaws or teeth of the hippopotamus, elephant, rhinoceros, a

larger animal assimilating thereto (lophiodon ?), mastodon, sow, anthracothe-

rium (?) deer, ox, &c., the femur of anelephant as large as that from the Nerbudda,

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 79

and much exceeding in size, as was remarked by Colonel Cotvin, any that had

been found in the Sewalik range, many vertebre and unidentified bones and

horns, tortoise fragments, and a peculiarly perfect saurian head. The special

thanks of the Society were voted to Lieutenant Futtsames for his magnificent

donation.

[We shall take an early opportunity of lithographing some of the most curious

of these specimens.—ED. }

Lieutenant FuttyAmes mentions that he is now employed in sinking a bore

at Gogo, about five miles from Perim. It has been already carried to 250 feet :—

the last 150 through an immense bed of blue clay, containing pyrites and

shells, resembling the muscle :—the deepest bed of sandstone was thirty feet,

but it differed essentially from the bone stratum of Pe*im.

A skeleton of the common hog (sus serofu,) was presented by Dr. A.

R. Jackson, mounted in the museum.

Mr. Wixntram Cracrorr presented to the Society a large variety of

objects of Natural History, collected by himself during his residence in

New South Wales and Van Dieman’s Land; accompanied with an illus-

trative notice.

* This collection contained three volumes of a hortus siccus of the chief indi-

genous plants of these colonies—a rich series of ornithology and concho-

logy—and specimens of the fossil shells, fossil wood, and minerals of which the

islands present so many fertile deposits; ores of lead, copper, and iron, have

been discovered, but are not yet worked, and coal is plentiful.

[The author’s notes will be inserted hereafter.—EHp.]

Dr. G. Evans exhibited to the meeting a very large skull of an animal

generally considered to be the Bison of Indian forests, which he recog-

nized as the Gaur (Bos gaurus), and distinguished from the skull so

named in the museum.

(The note, outline, and arguments pro and con shall have early insertion.]

It was moved by Sir Benzamin Matxwy, seconded by Colonel Coxvin,

and carried unanimously,

That, with reference to the rapid increase of the museum, particularly

in the department of fossil geology, and to the limited funds at the

Society's disposal, the subscription of individual members shall be in-

vited for the preparation of cabinets and other improvements connected

with this highly important branch of the Society’s researches, and that the

Secretary do circulate a notice to this effect to members of the Society.

[The sum subscribed by members present is inserted on the cover notice, to

which the attention of members is invited.—Ep.]

The following notice, dated Sthor, 17th January, was recorded in hopes

of eliciting further observations of the same phenomenon.

At Bersia, Lat. 23° 38’. Long. 77° 30’, on January 11th, at 6h 00m, a meteor

appeared near 8 Andromede, and not far from the Zenith ; it went down to the

westward, occupying 2 or 3 seconds in its flight, and inclining a little to the left ;

at about 30° of altitude it burst into a globe of light little inferior to the sun in

size and brightness ; and then disappeared, leaving behind a long train of smoke

which continued visible for many minutes, like a thin cloud enlightened by the

sun’s rays; at about 6h 5m a faint rumbling sound was heard like the distant

discharge of artillery. The appearance was nearly the same at Sihor, though

distant 36 miles S. S. W.

Should this meteor have been noticed at Mhow or Ajmtr, the place over which

it burst may be determined, and probably a meteoric stone discovered.—W. S, J.

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JOURNAL

TEE .ASIATIC SOCIET Y.

No. 62.—February, 1837.

1.—Singular narrative of the Armenian king Arsaczs and his contem-

porary Sapor, king of Persia; extracted from the Armenian chroni-

cles. By Jouannes Avpatt, Esq. M. A. S.

Arsaces the second, son of Tiran, wielded the sceptre of royalty

in Armenia in the middle of the fourth century. He was contempo-

rary with the Persian king Sapor, surnamed the long-lived, with

whom he closed a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive. Both

were descendants of the Arsacipaz, and thus stood related to each

other by the ties of consanguinity. Distrustful of the sincerity of

the friendship of Arsaces, Sapor took the precaution of securing it

by the obligation of a solemn oath. He feared a formidable enemy

in the person of the emperor of Greece, and it was his policy to devise

every means in his power to alienate from him the good-will of the

king of Armenia. In vain Arsaczs assured him of his continued at-

tachment. Saror sent for the Armenian priests of the church of

Ctesiphon, the head of whom was called Mari. Arsaczs was induced

to swear by the Gospel in their presence, to keep inviolate the profes-

sion of his alliance and friendship to the king of Persia.

ArsAcss was a valiant, but fickle king. His bravery could only be

equalled by the degree of perfidy he displayed in his intercourse with

the people over whom he ruled, and with his avowed allies. Cruelty

and treachery were the principal characteristics by which his acts

were distinguished. For a while he continued firm in the observance

82 Narrative of the Armenian king {Frs.

of his friendship towards Sapor, of which he afforded him a proof by

co-operating with him in an expedition against the emperor of Greece.

But, by the intrigues of one of his courtiers called Anpovk, the good

feeling and affection that existed between the two potentates, were

changed into the deadliest enmity and hatred. Arsacres waged war

with Sapor for thirty years, and fortune invariably crowned- his

operations with success. He owed many of his conquests to the

skill, experience and intrepidity of the Armenian general Vasak,

who, though of a diminutive size, on all occasions inspired the Ar-

menian troops with courage, and created terror and dismay in the

Persian ranks.

Flushed with suceess, and being naturally cruel, he ordered the

principal Armenian satraps to be butchered in cold blood, and their

estates and property confiscated. These and similar atrocities made

him unpopular with his army, and estranged the hearts of the Arme-

nian people from their monarch. Wearied by repeated hostilities,

and harrassed by eontimued carnage, Sapor addressed friendly letters

to ARSACES, inviting him to go to Persia, and expressing his readi-

ness to conclude peace with him. Arsacss, however reluctant to

desist from the continuance of war, was induced to accept his offer,

and, in signifying his acquiescence, sent him suitable presents. But,

Saror far from wishing to renew his friendship, endeavoured to

decoy Arsaczs and to annihilate the kingdom of Armenia. Faustus

of Byzantium, who wrote a history of Armenia extending to the close

of the fourth century, narrates a singularly romantic story about the

visit of Arsaces to the Persian king, and his subsequent adventures

in Persia. The work of this historian was first published in Con-

stantinople in the year 17380, and latterly by the Mechitharistice

Society of Venice in 1832. I shall here give a translation of the

narrative.

«Then Sapor, king of Persia, sent another deputation to ArsacEs,

king of Armenia, expressing a desire to effeet a reconciliation. ‘ hE?

said he, ‘ we are willing to be hereafter on terms of peace with each

other, this wish can only be realised by a visit to me on your part.

I shall be to you as a father, and you asa son tome. Should you,

however, be unwilling to accept of my proposal, then I must con-

clude that you are still inimically disposed towards me.’ ARsacEs

was apprehensive of visiting the king of Persia, without demanding

the obligation of a solemn oath from him, Hereupon, Sapor ordered

a little salt to be brought to him, and according to the practice pre-

valent in Persia, sealed it with a ring bearing the impress of a wild

boar, and sent it to Arsacgs. He also intimated, that in case the

1837.] Arsaces, and Sapor the king of Persia. 83

king of Armenia disbelieved his oath by refusing to accede to his

wishes, then that refusal would be considered as a signal for the

commencement of hostilities.

‘« By the intreaties of the Armenian people, Arsaczs was induced

to acquiesce, and nolens volens resolved to pay a visit to Sapor. Ac-

companied by his faithful general Vasak, he proceeded to Persia, and

was conducted into the royal palace. Savor no sooner saw them,

than he ordered them to be placed under guards and treated as pri-

soners. He spoke to the Armenian king with contempt, and looked

upon him as a slave. Arsaces expressed his regret for the past,

and stood as a guilty man before him, who directed him to be kept

under the strictest surveillance.

“Then Saror sent for astrologers and magicians, and communi-

cated with them about his royal prisoner. ‘I have,’ said he, ‘ on

several occasions manifested affection towards Arsaces, king of

Armenia, but he has returned my kindness with ingratitude and con-

tempt. I have entered into a.treaty of peace with him, which he

swore to keep inviolate by that sacred volume of the Christian reli-

gion, which they call the Gospel. He violated that oath. I had

contemplated to be uniformly kind and friendly to him, but he abused

the confidence of my friendship. I ordered the Armenian priests of

Ctesiphon to be summoned to my presence, from a supposition that

they had deceitfully administered an oath to Arsacus, and afterwards

instigated him to a violation of that oath. I considered them guilty

of a heinous crime, but was assured by the high priest called

Mart, of their having performed the task of adjuration in a just and

becoming manner. It was also mentioned, that if the Armenian

king acted contrary to that solemn obligation, the Gospel, by which

he had sworn, would drag him to my feet. I could not, howeyer,

persuade myself to believe what Mari and his colleagues asserted.

I ordered seventy of them to be slaughtered in one pit, and put their

followers to the sword. The Gospel, by which Arsaczs had sworn,

and which is the fundamental rule of the Christian religion, I desired

to be tied with chains and kept in my treasury. But, now I call to

recollection the assertion of Mars, who intreated me to spare their

lives, and assured me that the very Gospel would bring the perjurer

to my feet. The prediction of that priest has been fully verified. It

is now upwards of thirty years that Arsacss unceasingly waged war

with the Persians, and on all occasions proved victorious. Now, he has

surrendered himself to us of his own accord! Could I assure myself

of his friendship and allegiance in future, I should allow him to depart

in peace to Armenia, loaded with honors and valuable presents.’

M 2

84 Narrative of the Armenian king (Fes.

‘The astrologers and magicians required time for the consideration

of the question proposed to them by Sarpor. On the following day

they assembled at the royal palace and said, ‘Since the Armenian

king Arsaces has come to you of his own accord, we desire to know

how he speaks to you, how he behaves in your presence, and what

does he think of himself?’ Sapor replied, ‘ He considers himself as

one of my servants, and lies prostrate in the dust at my feet.’ The

astrologers and magicians advised him how to act. ‘ Do what we

say, replied they: ‘ keep Arsaczs and his general here in confine-

ment, and send messengers to Armenia, with instructions to bring

from that country two loads of earth and a large pitcher of water.

Get the half of the floor of the royal pavilion strewed with the earth

of Armenia, and holding the Armenian king by the hand, walk over

that part of the ground covered with the earth of Persia, and confer

with him on a subject. After which, tread with him over the earth

brought from Armenia, and put him some questions. Thus you will

be enabled to ascertain from his address and replies whether he will

continue firm in his allegiance and friendship to you, after your

allowing him to depart to Armenia. Should he, however, assume an

overbearing attitude while treading on the Armenian earth, then be

assured of the renewal of his hatred and enmity towards you, and of

the commencement of fresh hostilities immediately after his return to

his native soil.’

“The king of Persia adopted the suggestions of the astrologers

and magicians. He despatched messengers to Armenia with drome-

daries, for the purpose of bringing a quantity of earth and water

from that country, and trying therewith the proposed experiment.

In course of a few days the orders of Saror were put into execution.

He then ordered the half of the floor of his royal pavilion to be

strewed with the earth, and sprinkled with the water brought from

Armenia, and the other half to be covered with the earth of Persia.

He desired Arsacus, king of Armenia, to be brought before him apart

from other individuals, and began to walk with him hand in hand.

While going to and fro over the Persian earth, Saror asks, ‘ why did

you become my enemy, Arsaczs, king of Armenia? Ihave looked

upon you as my son, and contemplated to form an alliance with you

by effecting a marriage between you and my daughter, and thus to

take you into my adoption. But you have armed yourself against

me, and of your own free will treated me as a foe, by waging war

with the Persians for upwards of thirty years.’

«« Arsaczs replied, ‘ I have transgressed the law of friendship, and

must confess my fault. It was I that routed your enemies, and put

1837.] Arsaces, and Sapor the king of Persia. 85

them to flight, in the hope of being honored by you with rewards.

But those, who had plotted my ruin, endeavoured to estrange my

heart from you, and to create dissensions between us. The oath,

administered to me by Marti, has conducted me to your presence,

and here I stand before you! Iam your servant, professing submis-

sion to you. Treat me as you choose, or kill me. I am a guilty man,

and your despicable slave.’

““Sapor the king holding him by the hand, received his justi-

fication, and conducted him to that part of the ground covered with

the Armenian earth. No sooner had they began to walk there, than

Arsaces changed the tone of his voice, and had recourse to vehement

and insolent language. ‘Thou wicked slave,’ said Arsacns, ‘ stand

aloof from me! Thou hast usurped the throne of thy lords and

masters! I must punish you for the wrongs you have done to my

ancestors, and the death of the king Arrevan* must be revenged on

you! Thou hast robbed me of my crown and country, but these

must be restored to me, and your audacity shall not be allowed to

remain unpunished !’

«The king of Persia hearing this, began to walk again with

Arsaces on the Persian earth. The Armenian king then renewed

the profession of his submission, expressed his regret for what he had

said, and, on his knees, retracted all his expressions. - But when he

was conducted again to the Armenian earth, he became more insolent

than before; and on his returning to the Persian earth, he repented

of his temerity. From morning to evening many similar experiments

were tried by Sapor, the result whereof appeared only to be a mani-

festation of alternate feelings of insolence and repentance in the con-

duct of ArsAcgs.

«« Evening came on, and the hour fixed for supper approached. It

was usual with the king of Persia to entertain ARsacgs on a sofa,

placed next to his own throne. But on the present occasion the

customary rule was not adhered to. Precedence was given to the

other royal guests residing within the court of Persia. Arsacrs was

allowed to occupy the last seat, on the Armenian earth. He pre-

served silence for a while, burning with indignation and a desire of

revenge. At last he stood on his legs and addressed Sapor thus:

‘The throne on which thou sittest belongs to me. Abandon that

seat instantly. My nation have a just claim to it. Should you,

however, persist in your injustice, you may be sure of meeting with

* ARTEVAN was a king of Persia, whom ArpAsuir the Sasanian put to death,

and usurped his throne.—Vide Whiston’s Latin translation of ihe history of

Moses Khorenensis, Book II, Chap. \xx.

86 Narrative of the Armenian king [Fas.

a merited retribution from my hands immediately after my return

to Armenia.

‘‘Hereupon, Sapor ordered Arsacrs to be put in chains, and

driven to the castle of oblivion in Khujistan. Here he directed him

to be kept in strict and perpetual confinement until his death. On

the following day he summoned to his presence Vasax Mamiconran,

the famous Armenian general, and heaped on him torrents of abuse.

He took advantage of his diminutive size, and addressed him in a

contemptuous manner. ‘Thou little fox,’ said he, ‘ remember that it

was you that devastated our country for the last thirty years, by

putting innumerable Persians to the sword! I will make you

die the death of a fox!’ To which Vasax replied, ‘ However

diminutive I may appear in your eye, | am sure you have not

as yet had a personal experience of my mighty arms. I have

hitherto acted as a lion, though now you call me by the contemptible

appellation of a fox! But, while I was Vasax, I was like a giant.

f fixed my right foot on one mountain, and my left on another. The

right mountain was levelled to the ground by the pressure of my

right foot, and the left mountain sunk under the weight of my left.’

Sapor desired to know who were personified by these two mountains,

that, were represented to tremble under the power of the Armenian

general. ‘One of these mountains,’ replied Vasax, ‘signifies the

king of Persia, and the other the emperor of Greece. As long as

we were not forsaken by the Almighty I held both the potentates in

awe and subjection. While we obeyed the laws of the Gospel and

followed the paternal advice of our spiritual head, Nrerses the Great*,

we knew how to dictate and counsel you. But God has withheld

from us the favor of his protection, and we are plunged into the pit

with open eyes. J am now in your hands. Treat me as you choose.’

Hereupon the king of Persia ordered the Armenian general Vasaxk

to be cruelly butchered, his skin to be flayed and filled with hay, and

carried to the castle of oblivion, where the king Arsacges was im-

prisoned.”’

Here ends this singularly romantic narrative of Fausrus. The

castle of oblivion, it must be remembered, was a place of solitary

confinement in Khujistan, intended for prisoners of rank and distinc-

* [pest Yr pubu Niersts the Great was one of the pontiffs of Armenia, and

great-grandson of St. Gregory the Illuminator. He built upwards of two

thousand convents, monasteries and hospitals in Armenia, and was consequently

called by the appellation of the Coy Architect. He was poisoned by Pap,

the son and successor of ARSAczs, and was buried in the village of Thiln.

1837.] Arsaces, and Sapor the king of Persia. 87

tion. The wretched inmates of this dreary habitation were by the

Jaw of the land considered politically dead. Even the bare mention

of their names was strictly prohibited, uider the pain of a similarly

rigorous imprisonment. Sapor owed a debt of gratitude to the

faithful steward of Arsacrs, called Dirasramatn, who had once saved

the life of the former from imminent danger in the din and confu-

sion of a battle. ‘J am willing,” said the Persian king, “to make

you a recompense for your disinterested services to me. You are,

therefore, at liberty to ask any reward you choose, and your request

shall be readily granted.” Dirasramatn expressed his burning desire

once to see his royal master. ‘‘ I have no other wish,” said he, “save

that of being permitted to visit Arsaczs, and to spend a day of mer-

riment with him, released from his chains.’” Sapor was unwilling

to yield to the wishes of his benefactor, but in consideration of his

strong claim on his generosity, allowed him to proceed to the castle

of oblivion, under the escort of a trusty guard, and bearing with him

a royal mandate sealed with the signet of the court of Persia.

DikAsTAMATN, on his arrival in the castle of oblivion, burst into

tears and fell at the feet of Arsaces. He untied the chains of his

royal master, washed his head, cleaned and anointed his body with

odoriferous oil, invested him with costly robes, seated him on a

throne, placed before him rare delicacies, and standing near him on

his legs, acted the part of a cup-bearer. Affected by an immoderate

use of wine, the king of Armenia gave vent to his inward grief, and

began to groan from the pangs of his heart, by contrasting his former

grandeur and happiness with his present servitude and misery. The

knife, placed on the cloth, he thrust into his breast, and thus ended

his miserable life in despair. Dirastamatwn seeing this, dislodged

the fatal weapon from the breast of Arsacus, and therewith put an

end to his own existence.

This narrative of the condemnation and subsequent banishment of

Arsacrs, by the machinations of magicians and astrologers, is fully

noticed by Procopius, in the fifth chapter of the first book of his

history relative to the Persian war, probably borrowed from the

historical work of Faustus, extant in the Armenian language. But

Puotius, the celebrated Greek Patriarch, who wrote an abridgment

of the history of Procorius, considered this story as a mere piece

of romance or fable, and as such it will be viewed by the learned of

the present age.

88 Translation of an Inscription, Ne. 2, (Fup.

I1.—Translation of an Inscription on a stone in the Asiatic Society’s

Museum, marked No. 2. By Captain G. T. Marsnaru, Heaminer in

the College of Fort William.

[In pursuance of our intention of making known all the inscriptions and

ancient records within our reach, along with facsimiles of the characters in

which they are written, we now proceed with our review of the unedited blocks

in the Society’s possession. Captain Marsuaut has kindly undertaken the

task of translation in this case, and, as the letters are in perfect preservation

and in the well-formed type of the Gaur alphabet, we have thoucht it unnecessary

to insert more than a specimen of the beginning of the inscription, the full size

of the original, in Plate VII. The allusion to the Gaur dynasty affords a clue

to the date of the document, and on the obscure, half-defaced line at the termi-

nation of the 24th line, we think the words W4q ¥ are clearly visible, re-

ferring doubtless to the same Gaurian epoch which has been remarked in so

many other similar menuments, and therefore placing the document in the 10th

or 11th century. We cannot discover by whom the stone was presented to the

Society. On the back of it are half cut Hindu images.—Ep.]

This inscription is without date; but the form of the letters and

the names of persons mentioned will probably render the fixing of its

age an easy matter to those conversant withsuch subjects. It was

composed by a pandit named Sri’ Vacuaspati, in praise of a

brahman of rank and learning, styled BHatra Sri’ Buava-pEva

and his family—and it would appear that the slab on which it is

engraved, must have been affixed to some temple of which Buava-

DEVA was the founder. The individuals of this family, whose names

are given, are, 1. S4varna Mont, the root of the gotra or line.—2.

Buava-pEvA Ist, a descendant of the above, whose elder and younger

brothers were Maud-peva and Arrandsa.—8. RaTHANGA, son of the

above, who had seven younger brothers.—4. AryAnea, son of the

above.—5. Bupua, son of the above, surnamed Spuurira.—6. Anpr-

pEvA, son of the above.—7. GovarpDHANA, son of the above, whose

mother’s name was Drevax1'.—8. Buava-peva 2nd, son of the above,

surnamed BALA-VALABHI'-BHUJANGA, whose mother’s name was

S<ncoxkA, and who was minister to Raja HartvarmMMa-pEva and his

son. The inscription possesses considerable interest in a literary

point of view. It is written in verses of various metres, from the

Anushtup of eight syllables in each pdda or half line, to the Sragdhard

of 21 syllables. The style is ambitious, and abounds in those mytho-

logical allusions and double meanings in which the Hindu poets so

much delight. The execution proves the author to have been no

ordinary composer.

“DL a bs day ee cine hee 4, Wo

aa St enh tre eh A 7 .

sa a 2 i. “a ae

) i be Le ey id 7

Ay) ee iy VR a ar

Ne = «sham ae aN ee »

Pile ESATO, Se Le

TL SER A ates Sethe dot

oo) eee pha: =e ra ,

~ es : oe ed eo 5

i ¥ ee gy me Naa

ee Ie “

Fy vor ‘4 ¥

“a

% ~

‘

pee

‘

—

4 vs b: 4

‘ ’ re :

F iy 9

wy P ” * * gh? okey - Te A: -—” te, ‘ . ~

AMS —s* “ LS ae Pas hes 2 Keg :

Se as cat ,

oo a = Rd

be i, .

f A

yA $

y ‘

A ? 1 A é

‘ : é F ‘

i Sil

" x n

€ ‘ f w * 8D

i iy > . =

i ; \

? }

' a 7

we ae

‘i i k

ie x

RS i),

sped

ty 5 r

7 7

eer | on. ep

oo ps eo be

. ;

UsRWReeh WER M

2 IPR Ne ohe eRe le oliele

a Dike slelie a BHR Ue RIB ¥)

| SJIRRERAVSSPRLRABR

JESUS Mae aleelP LS2 ligle rfl

enYl og sy 2Y2 wo worgdasoeut we fo o73t

3 aia

1837.] in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. 89

Transcript of the Inscription in the modern Deva-ndgart character.

Sil AA ANas AGe ara i

1 WeMAERAIRIgAIsAAligaa azar ufefegara: |

agquamtan qaaafsata qveaduefsive wie:

Fara a: |

2 Talaaeceacutfaate aweaa TAA WAT Tete |

qatta wgnacaquuufeantaeaf caanatys

aur |

3 aie aadetafe qe Tatat Bawa wena

avata We UIA Wa aA |

mwa fraafas eae aaa aa: fess

zq aaTaay ef crotfss: |

4anea fafa evasas: wiermaaaecfesstls

ast |

a Ota a qlee: aCe gual qalaa: GUlay VaEIZ

qa l

5 adariaafe: ate <tatty arragfaa |

wa xq frqraasaa: Tawa WAST: |

6 WUAATAAY ASS aS RAAT: |

a ae Tayeartafeeecartea |

7 a Wad Trees Sefeteeriease

aS TAATASNA IAA TAT CUFT |

S cugicay wast ata Wha aAeietcfa

aaa afta: |

waa: wfea xfa arat feta ffx vara

HAMAAE LF TUTY TAT |

Transcript of the Inscription, No. 2, [Fxs.

ARIAS aA TARA AAA AW HAS ART AS |

sienfetaxfa oo caxatfeafiteraa «| yaqaacs

¥tcar: |

atl aycrausasnfastaataa: 3a: |

aad agumaasyafyfaas |

a taataaad aa feat qaaqarcaa aes |

acadintaasitaiad We WaSIag_ awa |

quate gt aarg a afar <crafsat 7 aaa 7

aufearat | |

a qua agudly atadiy gar wee fasraraqd

az Il

aq taqectay aaa: vaat Tat!

agHAARAIca Tal a wfeataare |

aet wafrraaiafiatate: a Sat efestia: st

wataglieya MAT ATT |

anfarafa caqusacsfad aaa serafatear fa

RTT Kha Ald TATRA |

agizfauctia anfandt faaacaed fsa a

aceadt feraat atarara fa |

anmizaa faafaarn fener ayfistafaitasa

aaqat aa fauatadt y

aaantnataa ght wat tis ayafaaa ef

TAS: |

qaet wife we w cuAlfrqatam aeanaTag

wait

ANA AML AAIMICY wy gat fretaws wary

geatraaraa start |

1837.) in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. 91

AAITAPAIASA PAA ATAAVYM MAI: UTITCVT

aTRUaAaaATat Get AAT: ||

18 wea Ah: eqeefenerat HATA CUatst TAs

foqufycaet cae: |

aeraaiatd: safestsater fac xfs sug: waitet

afae uta suate

19 agracata attafa aedies werattanefa atfa

watta |

Beuegia WIT AHE HaTaeMP TA HATH: |

20 waleatacqeretmMagatraigaeTt agin mica

Tasaaeat ALS: |

Tamaqua: wretafearsewantiz

TwvaAaAT TIAMAT |

21 fearnaaafaattanizem featgavefrat aaefe

as |

HU Be vasa waste UIMIGE a eqewyenar

aCe | .

qruamreaneaty aefqaaraat ware cfaarfraaaya sy: |

24 men faxncaqiryaara: a@ufsatfaradna

AAAS |

Q3 atatararauta: a wa facfaar Fa agrandtter ast

ware age cfafacaaal a aad aaifa |

fa wat dfs wat aanafiameadias meaaraa

creaacnefay wadiefedtawaaa t

oA TQ U_ aTaMasay Kfa AH ASA TA |

Ataraaita aysaarafacataa Ae

nN 2

‘92 Transcript of the Inscription, No. 2, (Fre.

25 SelIgeysMaMaret faye fraetes Aaa |

A aa WARY RIAA ALAA ay Ap: |

26 UGIAAIMY BWNFIWMUTAWAweAAg WaT

UTACCaA TAT LAI AA: |

aaratte sane: ufcacaratftsraryatae ers tatas

ATAU LSTA:

Q7 Fad WAT WaaaRqurey we Te: Sates

peanfqaucits: ufasifaa: |

aoeteiatrra dead wadamnfe

srataettanetafsas: |

28 aa urn wa feucectafeaea afsast: sitart

strana “fcfea fated faenceatar: |

faa a aaa frafe feaqa Sereahfaararst Rare a1

faara asafa fate ae aaa Tait |

29 waifanawata aa fame a fat WatzErAce |

mogarrnreti sant fare aa fers Szfaar: |

30 Taw adsl bhi a bit >

nd ate 21 MIXHMANST |

qmagem Sa feud: aie aaitaa ATT: Af

agar astantatera: |

31 MMT a By sae TUN we ait AeA

afweeeSqraarat |

aq afesfaatafrarentarita arvefautrargaate

ATU at VATS

32 afua faquare: dfs warcart @ wa fafeatat

aa faerquts |

1837.] in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. 93

fursrateanrsgtasaaa 9 ofyacfafarsearaearer

a3 qaqa fiaguct fenfoaa sitervafaatert at

wate |

ware afract qatiaticaret seafas TaaATTT |

eeoeseeocgeserece®

34 gufafed aaa TH UCT WEMAITTT |i

Translation.

Om! Salutation to (KrisHna) the adorable son of Vasu-prva !

Verse 1. May Hart (Visunvu), who, desiring to embrace (Sara-

SwATl’) with his body stamped with the impress of the leavest, of

the jar-like bosom of the warmly embraced Kamatd (Laxsumtr/), was

bantered thus, “ Perish not this fresh garland of flowers,” by the

goddess of speech (Saraswati’)—prosper you !—2. O goddess of

speech! since thou hast been daily worshipped from my childhood,

let it now yield fruit—be propitious! I am speaking the excellent

words of the praises of the family of Buarra Buava-prva. Take

thy station on the tip of my tongue !—3. The learned brahmans who

were born in the exalted and continuous line of S{varna Mount, a

hundred villages, lands held by royal grants, became their abode.

Among these truly Siddhala alone, the famed, the chief of villages,

the decoration of the beauty of Rdrhdt, is the ornament of the

regions of Aryd-vartta||, (the holy land.)—4. Here this family§ hath

happily spread, with excellent sprouts, honored, with firmly compacted

roots, whose glory is promoted by brahmans{, arrived at the extre-

* From hence to the end of the 24th line there are evident traces of letters,

but they are illegible. (See opening remark: the missing sentence consists of

nothing more than the month (illegible) and the year, ‘‘ Samvat 32’’ distinctly

visible.— Ep.)

+ Alluding to the ancient Hindu custom of the females adorning the face and

person with colored pigments, such as saffron, sandal, &c.

t That part of Bengal which lies on the west of the Ganges.

§ Literally, the country where holy men are constantly produced ; bounded,

according to Manu, by the eastern and western seas, and by the mountains

_Himdélaya and Vindhya, (Manu, C. ii. v. 22nd.)

|| The word @ also means “‘ the bamboo,”’ and the poet throughout this verse

uses such double-meaning epithets as may be made applicable to both senses.

q In applying this epithet to the bamboo, the word fast literally, ‘‘ twice-born’’

would be rendered *‘ birds’’—first born in the egg, and secondly produced from it.

94 Translation of an Inscription, No, 2, (Fes.

mities of the branches (of the vedas) loudly reciting (those scrip-

tures), not knotty, not crooked, upright, handsome—proportioned,

exalted above all.—5. Buava-prEva appeared, the jewel of the crest

of that line, a giver of tribute* like the sun, the producer of science

and mystic formula, like Boava (Suiva.)—6. He was born between

two brothers, an older and a younger (named) Mand-peva and Atta-

HASA; just as VisHnu is between Braum< and Si1va.—7. He obtain-

ed from the king of Gaura a grant embracing the choice land of the

territory set apart at Srf Hastini (Hastint-purf). Moreover, he saw

his eight sons, RaruHAnaa, &c. like the eight forms of MaugssHat

(Siva).—8. From Rarusnea sprung Atyana@a, like the moon from

the ocean of milk, the delighter of men, the abode of the undivided

god of love. His son Bupua, the lustre of whose wisdom was

resplendent, was as famed in every quarter by the name of SpHuRITA,

as the planet Saumya (Budha or Mercury).—9. From him arose

Sri’ A’pi-pEva, the sole seed of the prosperity of his family, the

principal root of the great tree of unfeigned manliness, like the god

A’p1-mv’RTTI (VISHNU), wishing with a mortal form to adorn this

earth.—10. Who was minister during the stability of the fortune of

the kingdom of the raja of Banga, the pure, the great counsellor,

the great minister, the profitable, the disposer of peace and war.—

11. He (A‘p1-pEva) begat a son, GovaRDHANA, conceived in the womb

of Drvax1’, equal to (preserve) the stability of the world, wedded to

Saraswati’, wonderful in the worlds.—12. Who advancing in fields

of battle, and in the assemblies of the possessors of divine truth, both

his territories and the art of speaking, by the deeds of his arm and

the cunning of his eloquence, made his name justly applicable to his

character in two senses of the wordt.—138. He took to wife SANGoKA,

the venerable, the virtuous daughter of a brahman of the race of

Vandya Ghati§, the jewel of women.—14. In her, announcing his

* The word here rendered “ tribute” looks most like fa @¥ in the original ;

but that reading makes no sense. It is here translated as if it were AMR for

ACY (TC and @ being interchangeable), which word meaning also a ‘‘ ray of

light,’’ the resemblance to the sun may, by a play on the word, be established.

It appeared, on first observation, not unlike HITT ; but on considering the

metre, this reading proved inadmissible. The measure of this verse is the

Ary of 30 instants in the first line and 27 in the second.

+ The eight forms of MaueswA, viz. water, fire, the instituter of a sacrifice,

the moon, the sun, the ether, the earth and air, are enumerated in the intro-

ductory benediction of the Drama of SAKUNTALA.

+ Govardhana means ‘‘increaser of land or territory,’’ and ‘* promoter of

speech or eloquence.”’ WT “the earth, speech,” and 4@4@ “‘increasing.’'

§ Name of a family of Radhiya brahmans.

1837.] in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. 95

own birth by a vision, was conceived, by this Kashyapa of the earth,

the god Hart, in the form of Sri’ Buava-preva, on whose hands

are beheld marked two lotuses, within whose breast the kaustubha

(the jewel of Krisuna) is, from outward appearances, known to be

deposited.—15. By whom, placing Laxsumy’ in his right shoulder,

the earth in the force of his counsel, Saraswartr in the tip of his

tongue, the bird Nagantaka (Garuda) in the body of his enemies,

and the discus in the soles of his feet; these his symbols were, for

the sake of concealing that divine and primeval body, perverted.—

16. Assisted by the force of whose (Buava-pEva’s) counsel, that

conqueror in virtue Harr VAarmMaA-pEvA long exercised dominion.

In the reign of his son also, Laxsumr’, like a firm Kalpalata (a tree

of heaven, bestowing all desires) followed the path of his (Buava-

pEva’s) policy.—17. Of whom the worthy, the high-minded, the

possessor of Kama.4, the pardoning, the sea of virtues, the undis-

turbed in mind, and ocean-souled—the qualities, such as recti-

tude, greatness, kindness, purity, depth, firmness, and determination,

almost transcending the bounds of speech, greatly delight (the

world).—18. Who is proclaimed to be Parameshwar (the Supreme

Lord) on earth, by the following assembly of the Shaktis (energies

of the Deity), viz. his fame (a form of) the great Gauri’—his arm

graceful as a climbing plant, and terrific with the quivering sword

(a form of) Cuannr’, delighting in war and smeared with the blood

of enemies in the field of battle—his person (a form of) the great

Laxsumi’—and lastly, that naturally graceful eloquence.—19. Before

whose most powerful brahminical splendor the faint solar luminary

enacts the part of a young fire-fly. Before the high aspiring body

of whose fame the snowy mountain (the Himalaya) is truly as high

as one’s knee.—20. This personage, a specimen of those who know

the unity of Breanna, a creator of wonders in already existing science,

an evident discerner of the profound virtues of the words of philoso-

phers, a sage, another jar-born saint (Acastya Mun1) to the sea*

of Buddhism, skilful at annihilating the opinions of heretics and

cavillers, displays the qualities of Sarvasna (the omniscientt) upon

earth.—21. Who, seeing across the ocean of spiritual knowledge,

mystical learning, and the science of computation ; being a producer

of all wonders in worldly sciences ; and being himself the inventor

and promulgator of a new system of Astrology, has evidently become

another Vara/HA{.—22. He, by composing a proper and excellent

* Alluding to the legend of AGAsrya Mouni’s swallowing the ocean in a fit

of anger. AGASTYA is said to have been born in a water-jar.

+ Also a title of the deified saints of the Buddhists.

} Vara’Ha MiaqiRA, a great astronomer, and one of the nine learned men

styled A4CA “ the nine gems.’’

96 Translation of an Inscription, No. 2, [Fes.

work, rendered blind (useless) in the paths of the science of law, the

old expositions ; and also, by making clear with his commentary the

verses of the Munis on that subject, entirely removed every doubt

regarding lawful actions.—23.* By whom truly that aid in spiritual

knowledge, in which a thousand arguments like the rays of the sun

endure not darkness, was composed according to the rules prescribed

by the learned. What need of many words! this sage is unrivalled

in the following branches of knowledge; viz. the Sdma-veda to its

utmost extent, all the arts of poets, sacred science, the Ayur-veda

(science of medicine), the Astra-veda (science of arms), &c.—24. By

whom, indeed, is his name BALA-VALABHI’-BHUJANGAT not honored ?

—it is with extasy heard, described, and proclaimed even by Mimdngsd

(sacred science) herself.—25. Who (Buava-pgva), bringing to life

a whole world by means of his mystical incantations, which resemble

the morning clang of instruments breaking the night of unconscious-

ness caused by the bite of a fanged and rabid serpent, has become

an unequalled Mrityunsaya (conqueror of Death, a name of Srva),

in sporting with poison, another Niva-KanruHa, (blue-throat{, another

epithet of S1va.)—26. By whom was formed in Rarha, in the arid

boundaries of land bordering a village situated on a wild road, a

reservoir of water which fills the water-jars, the desires and the

minds of travellers sunk in fatigue ; and of which the beds of lotuses

are abandoned by the bees fascinated by the reflected shadows of the

lotus-like faces of beauteous damsels who have bathed on its banks.—

27. By him this stone (image of) the adorable Narayana (VisHNv),

by which the face of the earth is adorned, was fixed like a bridge for

crossing the ocean of material existence. Which, being the dark-

blue frontal mark of the moon-like face of the eastern quarter, is to

the earth (as it were) a lotus used sportively for an ear-ring, the

Parijdta § tree of this world, the bestower of completion of designs.—

28. By him was erected this splendid temple, whose glory is exalted

in emulation of the mountain of (Stva), the destroyer of Tripura,

and which like Hart (VisHnv), is distinguished by the mark called

* This verse is in the Sragdhar&é metre of 21 syllables in each p4da or half line.

+The meaning of this surname is not apparent: it is compounded of three

words, 414 ‘‘ young, ignorant,’’ &c. @AaAl “the frame of a thatch, a turret ;’’

also I believe the name of a city and a dynasty, and wy ‘¢a snake, an adul-

terer.”

+ Siva is said to have swallowed the poison produced among other things,

at the churning of the ocean ; the only effect it produced on the god was a blue

mark on his throat, whence this epithet. This verse celebrates BHAVA-DEVA'S

excellent knowledge of antidotes.

§ The name of a celestial tree which grants all desires.

1837.) in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. 97

Srt Vatsa*, and by the trembling discus. Which (temple) having

overcome Vaijayanta, (the palace of Inpra,) waves out a flag in the

sky. Beholding the beauty of which temple, Grrisna (Siva) no

longer desires Karr4sa.—29. He (Buava-prva), placed in that house

of VisHNU, in the innermost sanctuaries, the images of Narayana,

Ananta, and Nrarstneana, as the vedas in the mouths of BkranmMs.—

30. He gave to this (temple, an) offering to Harit a hundred dam-

sels, with eyes like those of a young deer, who are mistaken for

celestial dancers sojourning on the earth, who with a glance restore

to life Kama, although he was burnt up by Uera-prik, (fiery-eye, i. e.

Siva,) who are the prison-houses of the impassioned, the abode of

melody, dalliance, and beauty united.—31. He truly made in front

of the temple a pool, which is a market of purity alone, the water of

which is pure and sparkling as an emerald, which, displaying under

the form of a reflection in the water, the exact scene of VisHNu’s

deceiving the Hydraj, appears most splendid.—32. He on all sides

of the temple formed an excellent garden, the quintessence of the

earth, the vessel into which the delight of all eyes distils, the place

of repose of ANANGa (the god of Love) wearied with the conquest of

the three worlds.—33. This eulogium was composed by his dear

friend, the learned Sri’ Vacuasvati, the chief of Brahmans. Let

this golden zone, like a beautiful form of fame, remain on the loins

of this pure edifice until the destruction of the world!

Cee OP AeA) eee a eee [in the year 32.]

This eulogium is upon Buatta Sri’ Baava-pEva, surnamed

BALa-VALABH1'-BHUJANGA.

* A peculiar mark on the breast of VisHnv, said to be a curl of hair twisting

to the right.

+ The compound word {CHIT here translated “ an offering to Hart,’’ has

given much trouble ; and the sense at last adopted does not appear very satis-

factory. The word &¥Y4 is not found in Dictionaries: it is substituted by a

grammatical rule, for aur « understanding ;’’ but only when compounded with

a negative, or with > G A™, or BY. The meaning here given is thus

arrived at, the word @¥ is given in WILSon as meaning ‘‘ an offering,’’ and is

derived from the root Hy by adding the affix 44: it has therefore been supposed

that this word aaa may be formed by affixing WY 7_to the same root, with the

same meaning.

t Referring to the story of KrisHNa’s conquering the one hundred and ten-

headed serpent Kaliya in the river Yamund near Vrinddvana,

98 On the Celtic interpretation [Fes.

III.—On the explanation of the Indo-Scythic legends of the Bactrian

Coins, through the medium of the Celtic. By Dr. J. Swiney.

{ In a letter to tne Editor.]

Aware how much the Journal has forwarded the successful pursuit

of Indian antiquities, I might have chosen to address its Editor solely

on that account. I deem him, however, to have further claim to

precedence in having been the first to decipher the ancient character,

so recently brought to light by the discovery of what have been

styled Bactrian coins, for want, perhaps, of a better name. I shall

proceed then to offer you a few observations upon two or three of

these coins, the legends of which have as yet been unexplained—

premising, that in a path so untrodden, every new aid, from whatever

source it may proceed, (providing it have antiquity on its side,) must

be welcomed in the pursuit.

It is with this view, if I mistake not, that you have sought to

adapt the Zend to the Sanscrit of the present day—and that the

Parisian Secretary has chosen for his guide the ancient Syriac, to

which, in all probability, he had recourse, from the frequent occur-

rence of the word Malka*, both on coins and inscriptions. The key I

propose is the Celtic—a name given to a language now only known

by its remains, preserved to us by various hordes of men settled in

Europe, it is true, but for whom the learned of every age have claimed

an eastern descent and high antiquity. What advantages the Celtic

may possess over the Zend and the Syriac in unravelling Bactrian terms,

remains to be proved: it will be admitted, however, by the examples

I am about to give, that something more than a verbal coincidence

of terms has been ascertained. The first coin I shall notice, and

which indeed was used as the touchstone of the system, (after read-

ing that the word “ Pisergird” was as good Welch as it was Persian,)

is that of Colonel Stacy, given in your November number :—on this

is seen the usual device of the god Lunus, with the Greek letters

AOH, instead of mao: it was immediately discovered that the Welch

dictionary gave Lioer, the moon; which led to a reference to the

great ‘‘ Vocabulaire Celtique of M. Buxurt,” which gave Loer

Lune ; and on consulting what the author says on the value of letters

in Celtic, the following notice was found :—‘‘ R placée ou omise indif-

feremment 4 la fin du mot—exemple: Dwr = Dw = eau.” All this

proving satisfactory, another legend was tried by the same test—

namely, the ‘‘ OAAO”’ upon coins of the naked running figure, so com-

mon among the Bactrian series. Here the Celtique renders Oad and

oed,—age, temps, adding etas, Latin; giving every reason to believe

* On the contrary, M. Jacquet reads the word for king, not malka, but

mtrva, the equivalent in Syriac, we believe, for ‘‘ dominus.’’—Ep.

1837.] of the Indo-Scythic Coin legends. 99

that the figure is no other than Kronos. Hitherto, if I mistake not,

this device has been identified with Hercules in his character of ‘* The

Sun” running his course ; and thus we find in Anrnon’s edition of

Lemprikre’s Classical Dictionary, Art. Hercules, Bactrian and Par-

thian coins expressly mentioned having figures of the Pheenician

Hercules*; the word “ fugiens” of Vireix’s description of the god

Saturnus, might have, however, suggested him as the personage meant

in his character of Kronos ; and, indeed, the former is to be met with

in some illustrations of the god, much in the same nude and running

attitude as that in which he is seen upon the coins. Vircm says—

‘* Primus ab zethereo venit Saturnus Olympo,

Arma Jovis fugiens et regnis exul ademptis.’’

On looking over the Vocabulary given in the Zendavesta, ‘* Ved-

na” is given as Pehlevi for tems—this seems the same (perhaps in the

genitive case) as “‘ oed” of the Celtic Vocabulaire.

Another remark may be considered to be called for on this coin.

M. Bornovur, as noticed already in the Journal, alludes to the pecu-

liarity of the Zend words ending with “ 0” final; and thus it may be

observed that the OAD of the book becomes OADO on the coin, as

NAN of the book becomes NANO of the coin.

Again, the legend that runs through whole series of these old coins

is RAO NANO RAO, accompanied, 1 believe, in some instances, with

a Greek translation on the opposite side of the coin of BACIAENC BACI-

Agzant. This left no doubt of the meaning of the phrase, being equiva-

lent to Malkan Malka of another series—still the word NANA was

not made out very satisfactorily; whereas the Celtique Vocabulary

has ‘‘ na, nan article du genitif;” thus word for word—king of kings.

With regard to Rao, there is no difficulty—“Ro-ard” being given as

“« supreme souverain”’ precisely in the same sense as “ard” is found

on the coins—ex. gr. “ ard-okro,” ‘* sol supremust.”

* The remark in LemMerizre doubtless alludes to the reverse of the coins of

EvurHypeMus. Those of Herma#us and some other of the new names would

equally bear out the expression, without including the OAAO reverse, which cer-

tainly has as much analogy to Buddha or Woden, as OKPO has to Arka, &c.—Ep.

+ The title rao is substituted for dasileus, and rao nano rao for basileus basileén,

on precisely similar coins, but we do not know of any instance in which they

occur together.— Ep.

~ The explanation of nano, as a genitive affix before rao, is perhaps the most

plausible of these Celtic elucidations—but the Vocabulaire does not call nan

the particle of the genitive, but the article of that case ; and we find in ‘* Prircu-

ARD’s Celtic nations’’ in the declension of az bard, a poet, the nominative plural,

na baird; genitive, na mbhard; dative, 0 na bardaibh, &c. So that, in the

Erse dialect at least, na is the general article in the plural, as is an in th

singular. See observations on this word in Vol. III. p. 448.—Eb.

o 2

100 Celtic interpretation of Indo-Scythic Coins. [Frs.

The cwrnp of the coins, according to my book, should be kada-dao,

signifying Sauveur, Defenseur, which accords well with P11".

The “eyes seems to read rarao—that is, tres grand, from ‘“‘ ra—

grand,” duplicated, and therefore perhaps the vowel is repeated

PAIL; or ‘ra, grand,” and “ re, pour le superlatif;” thus, ‘‘ bras

elevé ;” ‘‘ re-bras, fort elévé.”’ Vide Celt. Vocab.

Another coincidence and to conclude. A coin of Lysias has on

the Grcek side anIkKHTOs—literally, “ not-vanquished.” On the op-

posite side of the coin is the native legend which you have rendered

‘ apatilo,” for which the Vocabulaire gives‘ ap, sans’’—“ atela,

combat, confusion.”

The instances of “ ap” being used for ‘‘ sans,’”’ or for the Greek

“‘ @ privatil”’ in the Celtic, are numerous, and the Zendavesta gives the

f: lowing three instances: ‘ apos—aposan—(ap—sans ; os—petite)—

qui est sans enfans ;” ‘‘ apetiare—sans mal ;” ‘‘ apotkar—qui ne parle.

pas, (ap—sans ; padkar—paroles.”’) Vide Pehlevi Vocab.

All this may appear to us very new, shut out as we are from access.

to numerous glosses to be found mouldering on the shelves of every

national library in Europe ; but we shall cease to be surprised when

we read that the author professes to have drawn his material from

such sources as “ les restes del’ancien Indien, de l’ancien Persan, &c.

It remains, however, to be regretted that the vocabulary is not

easier of being consulted by the reader, and still more that no refer-

ences are given to incividual passages ; for in one place, at least, he

cites a word as belonging to the Bactrian language.

Norn.—We have with pleasure inserted Dr. Swiney’s Celtic il-

lustrations, although we hardly think it was necessary to go so far

north for an explanation of our Indo-Scythic legends, when the San-

scrit, in most cases at least, furnishes as close an agreement: and the

connection of the Celtic with the latter has been traced by philologists

with as much plausibility, as the more obvious derivation from the

same source of the Greek, Latin, Teutonic and other European funda-

mental languages. Had Dr. Swiney fallen upon the following passage

in Grirritn’s Animal Kingdom, order Ruminantia, page 411, which

has by chance just met our eye, he might have found in it a wonderful

support of his theory :—-** The cow is repeatedly a mystical type of the

earth in the systems of ancient Greece, or a form of BuavaAni with

the Hindus, and still more marked in the lunar arkite worship of the

* The coincidence here with the reverses on the inferior

Kadphises type of coins which bear the taurine figure surmounted by

the word OKPO, is sufficiently striking: yet we cannot imagine in it

more than an accidental similarity of words—so far, indeed, not fortuit-

Celtic nation.’

1837.] On three new Genera or sub-Genera of Thrushes. 108

ous that the Celtic worship of the celestial bodies may be traced in

a general way to the ancient Mythos of Central Asia, whence the peo-

ple themselves may have originally emanated, but from which they

had been disconnected for ages anterior to the time of Junius Casar,.

and a fortiori long before our Indo-Scythic coins were struck.

The Jegend of Col. Stacy’s last coin, AOH, has given rise to a variety

of conjectures :—the possessor supposes it a date,—but the only way

in which it could be thus read, as Capt. ConninGHaM points out, is.

by supposing a to stand for aveaBayros, as on the Egyptian coins,

A OH anno 78. For ourselves we still maintain that, as the obverse

legend is evidently amere jumble of the title BACIAEQNC BACIAEQN,

there can be no hesitation in pronouncing aoH a similar jumble of

HAIOC, rather than of any other of the known reverses, which, it will be

remembered, do not appear until the Greek titles of the king give way

to the indigenous appellation RAO, Qn receiving the Journal des

Savans, we searched through M. Raout Dz Rocuette’s papers on the

Honighberger and Ventura collections with avidity, ts see how he would

read these curious legends, and were at first mortified by finding that he

dismissed them as ‘“ letters apparently resembling Greek’’—then, as

fit topics for ‘‘ Indiunistes—being out of the department of his own

studies.” Inthe number, for Mai 1836, however, we are happy to find

that our own readings of Okro, nanaia, mao, &c. are confirmed by the

learned German Professor of Gottingen, M. K. Orr. Miitter ; to whom.

M. R. De Rocaette awards the merit of reading a gold coin of

Kanerkes in the French cabinet which he had left untouched ;—‘* le

revers, APAOKPO semble ne pouvoir s’expliquer, comme l’a proposé

aussi tres ingénieusement M. Kk. Orr. MiituEr, que par le mot Sanscrit

OKPO combiné avec une seconde racine Sanskrite.”’—Eb.

IV.—On three new Genera or sub-Genera of long-legged Thrushes, with

descriptions of their species. By B. H. Hopeson, Esq.

Meruiip&, Crateropovine ; Aipunemia ? Tesia, nobis ; Tee-see of

the Nipalese.

Bill shorter than the head, straight, and with the nares* perfectly

Cincline. Wings very feeble, and quite round. Tail nearly obsolete.

Ricius and capistrum smooth. ‘Tarsi very high, slender, and quite

smooth. ‘Toes and nails meruline, slender, and compressed.

Ist Species. Cyaniventer; Dblue-bvellied, nobis. Above, medial

grass green: below, slaty blue: bill, horn color: legs, fleshy grey:

iris, brown : 33 inches long by 54 wide : weight + of an oz. : sexes alike.

* In Aipunemia the covering of the nares is corneous: in Testa, it is pure

membrane. Inthe former, again, the tarsal scales are apparent; whilst in

Tesia there is no trace of them,

102 On three new Genera or sub-Genera of Thrushes. [ Fas.

2nd Species. Flaviventer ; yellow-bellied, nobis. Above, grass

green: below, full yellow: mask covering the face and ears, bright

chestnut: bill, dusky above, fleshy below: legs, fleshy white: iris

brown: size of the last: sexes alike.

3rd Species. Albiventer, nobis. Above, olive brown, dotted with

buff; below, white, each plume being largely marked in the centre

with dusky-brown: bill, dusky horn with a fleshy base: legs, brown:

iris, brown: 443 inches by 73, and 3 oz. in weight: tarsi rather lower

and stouter, and bill rather stouter than in the preceding species,

which are the typical ones.

4th Species. Rujfiventer, nobis. Above, olive brown, as in the

last, but less dotted: below, rufous picked out with dusky, as in Al-

biventer: legs, fleshy brown: Dill dusky horn: iris, brown: size of

the last, from which this species differs only (but permanently) by

the ruddy ground color of the inferior surface.

Remark. These little birds have a very strong muscular stomach,

and feed on hard grass seeds and hard minute insects. They pro-

cure their food entirely on the ground, and live in woods exclusively.

They are almost equally common in the central and lower hilly

regions : in the northern I have not found them.

Crateroropinz. Genus Larvivora, nobis.

Bill equal to head, subcylindric, straight and slender; at base

rather broader than high, and gradually narrowed ; ridge consider-

ably keeled: upper mandible rather longer than the lower, and

vaguely inclined and notched. :

Rictal and nuchal hairs small and feeble. Wings, tail, and nares

as in Turdus, but the two former somewhat less developed.

Tarsi elevate, slender, nearly smooth: toes, all of them, compress-

ed; lateral fores and hind sub-equal; exterior fore connected to

the first joint. Nails, moderately arched and rather acute.

Ist Species. L. Cyana; blue Larvivora, nobis. Above, full blue :

below, bright rusty, paler and albescent towards the vent and under

tail-coverts: thighs, blue with white cross bars: cheeks, black ; su-

perciliary line, white: bill, dusky horn: legs, fleshy grey: iris,

brown: 6 inches long by 94 wide, and 1% oz. in weight: sexes alike.

2nd Species. L. Brunnea ; brown Larvivora, nobis. Above, brown:

cheeks and sides, rusty: below, white: bill, dusky horn: legs, fleshy

grey; iris, brown: sexes alike: size of the last.

Remark. These birds differ conspicuously from Testa (Swainson’s

Aipunemia ?) by stronger wings and tail, by their less cylindric and

less entire bill, and by their open meruline nares. They have much

of the aspect of the Sylviade, but are essentially terrestrial. Do they

not constitute the oriental type of the American Drymophile ? and do

1837.] On three new Genera or sub-Genera of Thrushes. 103

they not serve, in a remarkable manner, to connect the Meruline and

the Crateropodine ?

They are common to all the three regions of Nipdl, and never quit

the woods. They perch freely, but are usually on the ground. Their

stomachs are feebler than in Tesia, and they do not take seeds or

gravel. From the number of insect nests and larve found in their

stomachs, I have called the genus Larvwora.

Crateropopins. Paludicola, nobis. Syimya of the Nipalese.

Habitat central and lower regions.

Character :—Bill scarcely longer than the head, stout, hard, entire,

much higher than broad, sub-arcuated throughout, with both tips in-

clined downwards and obtuse. Tomie, beyond the nares, deeply

locked, trenchant and scarpt internally.

Nares, meruline, but nearly or wholly hid by setaceous plumuli.

Rictus, smooth. Frontal and chin plumes rather rigid. Wings, feeble,

rounded and bowed; primaries and tertiaries equal; fifth and sixth

quills longest and sub-equal; the three first conspicuously gradated.

Tail short, square, and bowed, not feeble. Tarsi very elevate, slender,

nearly or quite smooth. Toes compressed and meruline; outer fore

connected beyond the joint, hind sub-equal to inner fore, considerably

less than the central fore, not depressed. Nails straightened and

blunt; hind largest. Knees nude, tibie plumose. _

Remark. ‘These birds never quit the forests, and usually adhere to

those parts of them which abound in thick low brush-wood. They

seldom perch save at night, and then only on low bushes. They feed

principally in swamps and rills, upon the hard insects proper

to such sites. Berries and seeds they seldom or never touch:

and the sand occasionally met with in their stomachs is proba-

bly taken unintentionally. Their tongue and intestines resemble

those of the Thrushes proper, with only a considerable increase

in the length of the intestinal canal, which is sometimes 30 inches

long. They fly so ill and are so stupid that I have seen them taken

byasingle man. They are much allied in manners and in structure

to the Myotherine Pitte, but they appear to me, upon the whole,

to belong to the Crateropodine*, though I apprehend that the details

of that sub-family call for much further investigation on the part of

its able institutor, who, I am persuaded, will discover that Cinclosoma

and Pomatorhinus constitute large and independent groups or genera,

distinguished by marked peculiarities both of habits and of structure.

Species new. Paludicola Nipalensis, nobis.

Body, wings and tail, superiorly dark obscure green, shaded with

* RicwHarpson’s North American birds, page 156. At page 488, Mr. Swain-

SON is disposed to make Cinclosoma and Pomatorhinus sub-genera of Crateropus !

104 Description of three new species of Woodpecker. [Frs.

rufous brown: quills and tail feathers more saturate: wing coverts

with large buff drops at the end of each plume: remiges and rectrices,

internally dusky: the 4 or 5 first quills of the wings paled at their

bases on the inner web: lining of wings, mixed buff and dusky: fore-

head, face, neck, and body, below, brownish rusty, picked out on the

under tail-coverts with blackish, and deepened on the thighs and

sides into fulvous brown: nape and dorsal neck, dull azure or ver-

diter blue : chin frequently hoary : behind each ear a triangular black

spot, united anteally by a gular band of the same hue: iris, brown;

bill, dusky above, fleshy towards the commissure and inferior base :

legs, ruddy flesh color: nails, horny white: size 9 to 10 inches by

15, and 5 to 6 oz. in weight.

N. B. Sexes essentially alike, but the female paler; her gular

band broken or interrupted; and her wing coverts frequently un-

spotted. The males, too, want these spots, except when they are

in full plumage: the bright brownish rusty hue of their forehead

cheeks, and body below, fades to a fulvous or dull fawn color in

winter: and the tail coverts are then immaculate. The lower belly

and vent are paler than the breast, and frequently albescent.

V.—Description of three new species of Woodpecker.

By B. H. Hopeson, Esq.

Humsotpr asserts and Swainson repeats that there are no such

forests, or native tenants of the forest, as those of the New World.

But he who has tracked the wild elephant and bison through the

colo-sal avenues of the Saul (Shorea Rodusta), or the Ghéral and

Jharal*, through those of the Deoddr (Pinus Deodara) of India, may

perhaps be permiited to doubt this. If the forests of America are

‘lofty and interminable,’ so are those of the sub-Himalayan moun-

tains, from the skirts of the Gangetic plain to the very edge of the

perennial snows. The zoological treasures of India may be less

celebrated than those of America—curent quia vate sacro—but it is by

no means probable that they are Jess worthy of celebration. Swain-

s0N’s observation, above referred to, has reference more especially to

the Woodpecker tribe ; inrespect to which he avers that the pre-emi-

nently typical species are exclusively American. But this is a mis-

take: the sub-Himéalayan forests afford several such species, one of

which rather exceeds, than falls short of, the famous ivory bill (Picus

principalis) of America. My collection of Nipalese Woodpeckers

already embraces 16 species, which exhibit every known modification

of form. I propose at present to describe the most powerful and the

* Capra Quadrimammis, nobis, and antelope Goral.—HaRDWICKE.

1837.) Description of three new species of Woodpecker. 105

feeblest of these, as well as one intermediate species ; beginning with

the largest and ending with the least.

Pictanz. Genus Picus Auctorum, sub-genus Picus, Swainson.

Species new. Picus Sultaneus, Royal Indian Woodpecker, nobis.

This noble bird, facile princeps among the oriental Woodpeckers,

and second to none in the world in size, strength, and typical attributes,

is 15 inches long by 23 wide, with a weight of from 8 to 9 ounces.

Form. Bill 24 inches long, a third longer than the head; at base

higher than broad ; the ridges sharp and straight; the sides strongly

angulated; the tip perfectly wedged: extremely powerful and hard

throughout: great lateral angle of the maxilla, extending centrally

from the base three-fourths to the tip, where it is taken up by two

smaller angles proceeding ascendantly to the cuneate point, and

serving as ribs to fortify it*: lower mandible with the sides subangu-

lated after the manner of the upper; its point similarly wedged, but

with only one terminal rib instead of two. Nares, elliptic, lateral,

closed superiorly by the ledge of the great lateral angle of the bill;

vaguely membraned, and more or less free from the nuchal tuft of

plumes: orbits, nude: head, large and broad with a pointed crest:

neck, slender and uncrested : tarsi longer than the anteal, shorter

than the posteal, outer toe: the latter toe conspicuously the long-

est: the grasp extremely oblique, with the two hinder toes direct-

ed laterally outwards, and capable of being brought to the front.

Talons very falcate, acute, and angulated beneath near the tips:

wings, medial, reaching’ nearly to the centre of the tail: Sth quill

longest: 4th and 6th sub-equal to it: Ist, three inches, and 2nd, one

inch less the-5th: primaries plus the tertiaries, one inch. Tail, ex-

tremely strong, moderately wedged : the six central feathers with the

shafts bent inwards, and the webs very spinous; the laterals similar

but less strong ; the tips of the whole bifurcate.

Color. Top of the head and lower back, carmine: upper back

and wings, externally golden yellow: band from the eyes round the

forehead, ruddy brown: neck, from the eyes, laterally, black; an-

teally and posteally, white, with five black gular stripes on the anteal

aspect: breast black with large central drops of white, more or less

brunescent: rest of the body below, and lining of the wings, white,

transversely barred with black: rectrices and their upper coverts, pure

* In no other species have I noticed more than one sub-terminal lateral

angle; nor is there avy other, with the power this possesses, of directing the

whole of the toes to the front. The better to shew the pre-eminence of this

species, I will add to my paper the description of another belonging to the same

sub-genus. See Pyrrhotis in the sequel.

106 Description of three new species of Woodpecker. [Fes.

black: wings internally, and the primaries wholly, blackish, with

3, 4, or 5 ovoid white spots, ranged barwise across the inner webs of

all the feathers :—Female, the same ; save that her cap is black, with a

white drop on each plume: bill and legs slaty, with a greenish or yel-

lowish smear: nails dusky: iris, carmine in the male, orange-red in

the female: orbitar skin, green in both: 15 inches long by 23 wide,

and 8 to 9 oz, in weight.

N. B. The young at first resemble the female, and the males do not

assume their perfect plumage till the second or third year. Black is

the prevalent under-color of the species, and may be seen, unmixed,

beneath the carmine crest of the males, and mixed with white, dis-

posed barwise, beneath the carmine of their lower backs. This spe-

cies breeds once a year, in May. It moults also but once, between

June and October, both inclusive. There is another Nipalese species

scarcely distinguishable from this by colors, and which has been

confounded with it by those who venture to describe from one or two

dried specimens. The two species differ, however, toto celo in all

typical and characteristic respects.

Sub-genus Dryoromus. Species new: Flavigula, yellow throat,

nobis.

Form. Bill 12 inch, a fourth longer than the head; at base as

broad as high, and soft in the lower mandible; the ridges scarcely

straight or acute; and the tips very imperfectly wedged: great

lateral angles of the maxilla, short and raised to the level of the cul-

men, giving the latter towards the base of the bill a character of

flatness and breadth observable in no other sub-genus : nares shaped

as in the preceding, but unprotected above by a corneous ledge, and

usually quite hid by the nuchal tuft: orbits, nude: head, less broad

and not crested: neck fuller, shorter, and, with the nape, crested

posteally : tarsus rather longer than the anteal outer toe, which is

distinctly larger than the posteal one: the grasp almost direct ; and

the two posterior toes wholly incapable of being brought to the front,

or even of acting laterally : talons powerful as in the last and similarly

angulated beneath: wings and tail with the general characters of the

last; only rather more elongated and the latter feebler: 5th quill

longest: Ist, 34, and 2nd, 14 inches less the 5th: primaries plus ter-

tiaries 14 to 15 inch: tail much pointed and conspicuously wedged.

Color. Above brilliant parrot-green, duller on the top of the head,

and merged in brown on the forehead: back of the neck, glossy

silken yellow: chin and throat, pale greenish yellow: neck, to the

front and sides, black green, picked out with pure white, which co-

1837.] Description of three new species of Woodpecker. 107

lor occupies the bases of the plumes: body below, slaty grey with

a green smear: wings internally, and the primaries wholly, igneous

cinnamon, with five or six blackish cross bars occupying both webs of

the primaries, but the inner webs only of the secondaries and terti-

aries: tips of the primaries, black brown: rectrices, pure black : lin-

ing of the wings, whitish with black bars—the ground color tinged

with the proximate lines: the bill, white with a plumbeous base:

feet, plumbeous or slaty blue: orbitar skin, green: sexes alike: im-

mature birds have the chin and throat brown like the forehead: 14

inches long by 21 wide, and 6 to 7 ounces in weight.

Younxina*,

Genus or sub-genus new. Vivia, nobis. Wee-wee of the Nipalese.

Geueric character :—

Bill shorter than the head, straight, conical and acuminated : tip

of the upper mandible, sub-wedged—of the lower, pointed.

Nares rounded, and hid by the nuchal tufts. Wings to middle of

tail; Ist quill and sub-bastard, 2nd long, Sth longest; all entire:

primaries longer than tertiaries, } inch.

Tail medial, soft, 12+, the six centrals, even: the six laterals,

extremely gradated: tongue and feet picine ; the anterior and pos-

terior outer toes equal to each other and to the tarsus.

Species new. V. Nipalensis ; Nipalese Vivia, nobis.

Form, has been accurately described in the generic character.

Color. Above, greenish yellow, darker and duller on the head,

dorsal neck, and ears: below, white, tinged with yellow, and ocellat-

ed from the chin to the breast—cross-barred thence to the tail, with

black: two white lines down each side the head and neck, from the

bill to the shoulders, enclosing the eyes and ears between them:

frontal zone, pale and yellow : rectrices, the two central, black on one

web, white on the other ; the four next wholly black ; the rest paled on

the outer webs and tips: wings, dusky brown internally, and void of

bars ; towards the base paled: males with a chesnut forehead, dotted

with black: females witha saturate green forehead, concolorous with

the upper surface of the head and neck: sexes of same size: 4 inches

long by 73 wide, and 4 an ounce in weight.

Remarks. These singular little birds are clearly distinguishable

from the genus Yunz (Auctorum) by their Picine tongue and by the

* With the general reader no apology will be necessary for describing the

following little bird as a Woodpecker. The Yunwxine sub-family can hardly

boast a generally-admitted independence.

+ All the 12 are ranged in regular series, without any sign of the anomalous

disposition noticeable in the extreme laterals of all the Piciane.

ep 2

108 Description of three new species of Woodpecker. (Fre.

structure of their wings, which also assimilates them with several of

the smaller species of Woodpeckers. Whether they ought to be

ranged under the genus Picummus of Tammincx, I have no means of

ascertaining. I leave my proposed new genus or sub-genus to the

discretion of the skilful, who have access to the libraries and museums

of Europe. .

Prerana*,

Sub-genus Picus, Swainson. Species new. Pyrrhotis; crimson-

eared, nobis. ;

Form. Bill two inches long, a third longer than the head: ex-

tremely powerful and hard throughout: at base higher than broad :

the ridges sharp and straight: the sides strongly angulated: the tips

perfectly wedged: great lateral angle of the maxilla extending cen~

trally three-fourths to the tip, where it is taken up by a single cuneat-

ing angle: lower mandible not angulated like the upper in its body,

but similarly so towards its cuneate point: nares and head as in Sul-

taneus, but the latter not crested: neck neither elongated nor slender ;

void of crest: tarsi sub-equal to the anteal outer toe, which is rather

larger than, or equal to, the posteal one: grasp rather oblique, the

posteal toes being directed obliquely outwards, but incapable of rever-

sion to the front: talons powerful, but only sub-angulated beneath :

wings medial, reaching to middle of tail, gradated and formed, as in

Sultaneus : tail rather short, very moderately wedged ; in structure

similar to that of Sultaneus : orbits nude.

Color and size. Wings, lower back, and tail, dark cinnamoneous

‘or chesnut red, transversely banded with black throughout ; head,

neck, and upper back, brown, merged more or less in dark vinous

red; the forehead and chin paler, and greyish: the breast and body

below, black brown, with narrow chesnut bars on the thigh and tail-

coverts : behind each ear a brilliant crimson spot : bill, bright yel-

low : orbitar skin, dusky green : iris, brown: legs, dark slaty, smeared

with green or yellow: nails, dusky horn: sexes alike: 12 inches

long by 18 wide ; and 5 to 6 oz. in weight.

Remark. Though I have ranged this bird under Swarnson’s sub-

genus Pieus, the curious reader will observe that it does not wholly

answer the definition of the group. It belongs, in fact, by its bill to

Picus—by its feet to Chrysoptilus: and, strictly speaking, stands

midway between the two sub-genera. The two exterior toes are,

as nearly as may be, equal; but the bill is neither depressed nor are

the great lateral angles of the maxilla unequal. My principal motive

* See the note on Sultaneus for the cause of this addendum,

1837.] Description of three new species of Woodpecker. 109

in adding it to this paper is (as already stated) to afford an object of

comparison with the kingly species which is first described under the

oriental imperial style of Su/taneus.

And, now that I have exceeded the limits originally proposed, J

may as well add the description of another species forming a complete

dink between the three and four-toed Piciane.

Genus Matacotornus?

Sub-genus ?

Species new. ~Melanochrysos ; golden and black Woodpecker, nobis.

Form. Bill 14 inches long, scarcely one-fifth longer than the

head, at base as high as broad, neither compressed nor depressed ;

ridge arcuated and acute, but not carinated; great lateral angles ob- —

solete ; tips faintly cuneated.

Nares, elliptic, void of corneous ledge above, more or less denuded

of plumes. Wings medial, to middle of tail: 1st quill, sub-bastard ;

2nd, long; 4,5, and 6, sub-equal, and longest. Tail, medial, equally

gradated throughout, straight, rather feeble ; tips of all its feathers

pointed, or evanescently forked: tarsi, longer than the anteal outer

toe, which is conspicuously larger than the posteal: the inner, small

but perfect, and furnished with a perfect nail: grasp not oblique :

orbits nude: head with a full soft crest, more or less pointed at the

occiput: neck simple*.

Color and size. Chin, throat, abdominal aspect of the neck and

the breast, black: neck, posteally, black : lores, cheeks and lateral:

aspect of neck, white: ears, black, in a broad stripe from the eyes:

upper back and wings, golden yellow : shoulders, dusky : lower back,

tail-coverts above, and tail, black : wings internally, the same+ body

below, white: cap, in the males, bright sanguine; in the females,

black, with white streaks: bill, slaty black: iris, brown: orbitar

skin, dusky green: legs, clearish green: talons, dusky : 114 to 12 inches

by 18: 45 ounces.

Remarks, This species in size, colors and characters, bears much

resemblance to the Picus Shorii of Goutn’s work, in which, however,

the fourth digit is nailless and obsolete, the rump, crimson, and the

neck and belly, as in our Sultaneus.

I have other species serving to unite the 3 and 4-toed Wood-

peckers by an insensible gradation. These species are closely con-

nected with the well known Picus Viridis and Picus Canus of Europe.

* The tips of the lesser quills offer no peculiarity of structure, either in this

or the preceding species.

110 Indication of a new Genus of Insessorial Birds. (Fess.

VI.—Indication of a new Genus of Insessorial Birds.

By B. H. Hopneson, Esq.

Conrrostres. LamproTornina& ? DentirosTRES, CRATEROPODINE ?

LerotricHaNnas?

Genus Cu’t1A, nobis.

In the suite of specimens of Nipalese birds forwarded by me, three

years ago, to the Zoological Society of London, were three or four of

the subject of the present article.

They were marked in the imperfect list obligingly returned to me,

as a ‘‘new form nearly allied to Pastor.” But, if Pastor Roseus be

the type of that genus, I confess I cannot perceive much resemblance

to our bird: and, if a strong arched compressed bill, united with

gradated wings and very strong feet, be the marks of the Crateropo-

ding, to that sub-family, I conceive our bird should be referred, un-

less the sub-scansorial and guasi-Parian character of its feet do not

rather affine it with the Letotrichane. And, certainly, its wings, tail,

and feet have no small resemblance to those of Péeruthius, though its

bill be totally different and formed very much upon the Timalian model.

‘The true station of our bird can only be determined by a more

accurate knowledge of its habits and economy, than I now possess,

applied to better and fuller information than I have any means of

here acquiring, respecting the general affinities and analogies of the

Insessores.

What adds to my difficulty in attempting to class the bird accord-

ing to the Sturnine relations suggested to me, is, that the so called

Pastor Trallii (very abundant in Nipal) is, in my judgment, a typical

Oriole, whilst the Lamprotornis Spilopterus (also common here) is not

easily referable to Temmincx’s genus Lamprotornis, and belongs, I

shrewdly suspect, to the Brachypodine of Swainson. Without further

preface I shall now attempt to characterise our bird as the type of a

new genus, but with the necessary prolixity resulting from hesitation

as to its family and sub-family.

Curta, nobis.

Khatya (quasi-pedatus) of the Nipalese.

Bill, equal to the head, or less, at base as high as broad, arched

and compressed throughout, strong, obtuse, and nearly or quite entire.

Culmen considerably carinated between the nares, but not much

produced among the soft and simple frontal plumes.

Tomie, erect, rather obtuse, and near to the palate. Nares, rather

forward, implumose, large, the aperture broad-lunate, lateral, shaded

above by alargish nude sub-arched scale. Gape, moderate and nearly

1837.] Indication of a new Genus of Insessorial Birds. V1}

smooth. Plumage, soft, simple and discomposed. Wings and tail,

short and firm. 5th alar quill usually longest; two first strongly,

two next trivially, and both sub-equally, gradated up to the 5th. Tail,

quadrate, firm, with very long coverts. Tarsi, sub-elevate, very strong,

and nearly smooth. Anteal toes basally nect, the outer as far as the

joint; lateral fores sub-equal; central not elongated ; hind very

large, sub-depressed, and exceeding either of the lateral fores. Nails

compressed, large, strong, falcate and acute. Tongue, simple, sub-

cartilaginous, with bifid tip. Type, Cvutia Nipalensis, nobis. Nos.

254-5 of the specimens and drawings apud Zoological Society of

London. In order to illustrate the affinities of our bird, I proceed to

compare it with Pastor Roseus and with Lamprotornis Spilopterus.

In Pastor Roseus, as in all the typical Pastors in my possession, the

bill is longer than the head, straight, conico-cylindric, and softish

towards the base. Its base is angulated, and the plumes of its head

carried forwards to the anteal end of the nares, are pointed, glossed

and elongated. The ample and pointed wings have the Ist quill

rudimentary, the 2nd long, and sub-equal to the 3rd, which is always

the longest. The tarsi are considerably lengthened and heavily scaled.

The toes have the laterals equal ; the hind rather less, and the central

fore considerably elongated. The outer fore toe has a basal con-

nexion ; the inner none. The nails, though large and by no means

blunt, are neither curved nor acuminated in any special or significant

degree. In Lamprotornis Spilopterus the wings are precisely similar

to those of Pastor Roseus. The bill of Lamprotornis—which is scarcely

longer than the head, uniformly sub-arched and not angulated—so far

agrees with that of our Citia. But its base is depressed, whilst for-

wards it has only a slight compression and sub-cylindric outline. It

is, besides, sharply pointed, saliently notched, and its,trenchant fine

tomiz are deeply interlocked.

Carry these peculiarities a little further and you have the bill of

Chloropsis, the birds of which genus further agree with Lamprotornis

Spilopterus almost entirely in the nature of their food, and the struc-

ture of their tongues-and stomachs.

On the other hand, the harder, blunter, more solid and compressed

bill of Catia, united as it is with a simple tongue, a subtriturating

stomach, and a diet consisting of hard seeds and hard insects, would

affine our bird to Pomatorhinus and its allies, but for the scansorial

feet. In Lamprotornis Spilopterus the nares are still round and short,

though there be somewhat more approach to a nude, membranous

tect than in Pastor Roseus. In Lamprotornis, the lower tarsi, rather

than the structure of the feet, seem to indicate less terrestrial habits

112 Nest of the Bengal Vulture. [Frs.

than those of Ciiia: for, in the former, the anteal digits are freer,

and the lateral ones shorter in proportion to the central and to the

hind one, than in the latter; whilst the nails have rather less than

more of the Parian attributes. Lastly, the pointed and burnished

feathers on the head of Lamprotornis Spilopterus are wholly wanting

in our bird. In Spilopterus they seem to intimate relationship with

the Stares. Nor is the intimation unrequired by those who claim

such fellowship for this bird, in as much as its habits and essential

structure savour more contrast than similitude with the Sturnide.

As for our Ciutia, amidst all its anomalies (so to speak, with refer-

ence to one’s own ignorance) of structure, there is certainly some-

thing Sturnine in its aspect; and by certain peculiarities of its feet

and wings, as well as by its variegated plumage, it bears some resem-

blance to Sturnella, a genus “ leading directly to the true Starlings.”

Species new. C. Nipalensis, nobis; Nipalese Cutia, nobis. Habitat,

central and northern regions; adheres to the forests, feeding on hard

insects and on seeds. Gregarious and arboreal.

Color and size. Male, above, brilliant rusty yellow, with jet-black

remiges and rectrices. Cap, and a large apert central portion of the

wings slaty; the former confined all round, by a black band pro-

ceeding through the eyes from the nares. Below, from chin to legs,

pure white; from legs inclusively to tail-coverts, flavescent: the

flanks broadly cross-barred with black: a spot of the same hue at the

base of the maxilla: most at the alar quills and the lateral tail fea-

thers, tipped with white: lining of wings, and wings internally and

basally, albescent: bill, above blackish, below plumbeous : legs orange

yellow : iris, brown: 7 to 73 inches long by 103 to 11 wide: bill 74 :

tarsus 1,°;: central toe 33, hind ,;. The female isa trifle less in

size. Her mantle is variegated by longitudinal black drops: and her

cheek band is brown instead of black, especially on the ears.

VII.— Nest of the Bengal Vulture, (Vultur Bengalensis ;) with obser-

servations on the power of scent ascribed to the Vulture tribe. By

Lieutenant J. Hurron.

On the 8th December, 1833, I found four vultures’ nests in a large

barkat tree, near the village of Futtehgurh, on the road from Nee-

much to Mhow. These nests were of great thickness, and were con-

structed of small branches and twigs, mixed with dead leaves; three

of them contained each one egg, of a large size, and quite white. The

fourth nest was occupied by a solitary young one, just hatched, and

1837.] Nest of the Bengal Vulture. 113

thinly clad, or rather sprinkled over with a short down of an ashy

color. Near this tree were two others, on each of which were three

or four similar nests, but as they were difficult of access, I did not

ascertain their contents.

Deeming the little one too young to take from the nest, I ordered

my servant, who had climbed the tree, to leave it there, intending to

take it, if not flown, on my return from Mhow, whither I was then

proceeding. On the 21st of the same month I returned to the spot,

and finding the bird still in the nest, made a prize of it and bore it

away to my tent. The old vultures offered not the slightest resistance,

but sat stupidly watching the robbery we were committing.

On offering the young vulture raw meat, it fed greedily, and gave

me reason to believe that it would be no difficult task to rear it, since

it proved willing enough to feed.

I was much astonished to see the little progress it had made in

growth and plumage, since I discovered it, a period of thirteen days,

in which time most of the smaller birds would have been nearly ready

to leave the nest; whilst my gluttonous friend had not even the

smallest symptom of a feather. The whole bird was clothed witha

light cinereous down, except on the neck, where it was partly bare,

being in patches. The lore and round the eyes naked and livid ;

the eyes small and irides dark; cere and beak, black; legs and feet

leaden black ; claws black. It had no power to stand on its legs,

owing to the great weight of the body.

After feeding, or when hungry, it emitted a fractious peevish cry,

like a sleepy child.

I placed it in a basket with some straw to keep it warm, and thus

took it to Neemuch.

When about three weeks old, the pale cinereous down with which

it had at first been clothed, gave place to a down of a much darker

eclor, the head alone retaining its first clothing. Ata month old, or

rather thirty-three days from the time I first discovered it, the prime

- and secondary quills, greater wing coverts, scapulars, tail feathers, and

a few feathers on the upper part of the back near the neck, made their

appearance, but their growth was extremely slow, being very little ad-

vanced four or five days after. The bird was still unable to stand, for,

although his strength had increased, the weight and increase of bulk of

the body still rendered his legs of no use. Once or twice on placing

him on the ground, he swallowed several large stones, about the size

of a sparrow’s egg, and these I found voided three days afterwards in

the basket which served him for a nest. In a week’s time the prime

134 Nest of the Bengal Vulture. [Fas

quills grew to an inch and a half long. The size of the body increased

rapidly, and the bird supported itself on the knee joints, but could

not yet stand at forty days old.

Its appetite became now no easy matter to satisfy, a pound of

flesh at a meal being thought nothing of. At six weeks old the

ruff round the neck was clearly discernible, and the quills of the wings

were about three inches long. The top and hind part of the head

began also to lose the soft thick down which had hitherto clothed it,

and presented a naked bluish skin.

On the 20th January it stood upright fore the first time, being

about forty-three or forty-four days old.

At two months old, the back, shoulders, wings, lower part of the

neck above, rump and tail were clothed with dark brown feathers,

approaching to black; the thighs were still only clothed with down,

as also the sides and belly. The ruff was thickly formed and com-

posed of very narrow brown feathers; the breast partly clothed with

narrow pendant feathers of a lighter brown and with the shaft whitish.

Head closely covered with a fine soft woolly down of an ashy

whiteness, which had again sprung up. Crop covered with pale

brownish down. Legs greyish lead color.

}t was now so tame, as to become a perfect nuisance ; for no sooner

did it see any person, thanit ran towards them screaming and flap-

ping its long wings, with the head bent low, and neck drawn in to-

wards the body, often pecking at the feet of the person thus inter-

cepted. Many were the thumps and kicks the luckless bird received

from the servants, who most cordially detested him, as their bare

feet were often assailed and cut with the sharp blows of his curved

beak. Still, through good and evil, he remained with us, roosting at

night sometimes on the top of my bungalow, and at other times

wandering to some of the neighbors. Often did I wish that he would

take unto himself the wings of the morn and flee away; for he never

entered the house without making it so offensive as to be scarcely

bearable. Yet, having brought the evil upon myself, I was bound

to bear it with patience, and at length when I almost began to despair

of ever getting rid of him, he deserted his usual haunts on the 10th

May, being then five months old, and, I am happy to say, I saw him

no more.

I once shot a pair of adult birds, male and female, which were

sitting with many others of the same kind, seemingly half gorged,

over the carcass of a dead cow ;—the ball passed through the head

of the female, into the neck of the male, and thus afforded me a good

opportunity of examining them together.

1837.] Nest of the Bengal Vulture. 115

The plumage of the male is dark brown above, deepest on the

wings and tail; under parts of a lighter shade of brown, the shaft and

middle of each feather being dashed with a dirty white, or buff co-

lored streak ;—head and neck of a dirty livid color, and destitute

of feathers, but scattered over with short hairs ; at the bottom of the

neck a ruff of long, narrow and pointed feathers ; the crop covered

over with short brown feathers, and slightly overhanging the breast.

Bill strong and black at the end, but paler at the base; nostrils

lateral; irides dark hazel; legs thick and blackish; claws black and

strong and not much hooked.

Length 2 feet 75 inches ; breadth 7 feet 54 inches.

The female in length was 3 feet 1 inch, and in breadth 7 feet 73

inches ;—the plumage above is much lighter, being of a buff or pale

fawn-colored brown; under parts of a dirty white ; irides dark hazel;

bill strong and dark at the end, but of a greenish livid color at the

base ;—the claws are longer and more hooked than in the male.

The native name is Giddh.

This is the Bengal Vulture (Vuliux Bengalensis) of authors ;—it

is gregarious to the full extent of the word, not only flying and feed-

ing in flocks, but also building its nests in company.

The male bird above described, rather exceeds the size given by

Laruam and Colonel Syxzs.

In Lovpon’s Magazine of Natural History is a long dispute

between Mr. Waterton, the author of ‘‘ Wanderings in South Ame-

rica,’ and Aupuson, the American Ornithologist, respecting the re-

markable powers of smell so long ascribed to the Vulture tribe.

The latter gentleman, backed by several friends, maintains that sight

alone conducts the Vulture to his prey, and he relates a number of

experiments which he tried in America relative to this subject. Mr.

Waterton, on the other hand, ridicules these experiments, and brings

forward much to invalidate them, and in favor of the old notion. It

had perhaps, however, been better if these gentlemen had borne in

mind the saying ‘‘ medio tutissimus ibis,’ and allowed due weight to

both these senses combined.

The view which either party takes of the subject, will be gathered

best from Mr. Wartsrton’s own words, which | transcribe from the

39th No. of the Magazine :—

*‘ The American philosophers have signed a solemn certificate that

they feel assured that the two species of vultures which inhabit the

United States, are guided to their food altogether through their sense

of sight and not that of smell :—I, (Waterton) on the contrary, say

Q 2

116 Nest of the Bengal Vulture. [Fzs.

that all vultures can find their food through the medium of their olfac-

tory nerves, though it be imperceptible to the eye.”’

This is said with reference to an article in No. 38 of the same

Magazine, signed by several scientific men in America, stating it to

be their opinion, ‘“‘ that they (the vultures) devour fresh as well as

putrid food of any kind, and that they are guided to their food alto-

gether through their sense of sight and not that of smell.”

On this subject it appears to me that the parties, like the dispu-

tants in the fable of the Chamelion, ‘‘ both are right and both are

wrong,” as I think may be shewn from the arguments on either side,

and also from an experiment I made myself at Neemuch. Mr. Warsr-

TON affirms that the vultures of the United States never feed on

other than putrid carcasses, while his opponents declare that they feed

alike on fresh and putrid substances.

Our Indian Vultures decidedly feed as readily on a recently de-

ceased animal, as on a putrifying one, and I have repeatedly seen

flocks of the Bengal vultures at Neemuch squabbling over the carcass

of a camel or an ox, which had not been dead more than a few hours,

and which was as yet perfectly fresh.

Sight alone in these cases guided them to their prey. The young

bird above described was always fed with fresh raw meat.

This does not, however, by any means prove that the vulture is

deficient in the powers of smelling carrion. The effluvium from

any decomposing body, being, as Mr. Warerron observes, lighter

than common air, naturally rises on high, and a flock of vultures

soaring above, and coming in contact with a tainted current, receive

warning that a banquet awaits them on earth, causing them to search

about in every direction for the desired object, in the same manner

as a dog would do.

It often happens that an animal dies in some thick covert where

the vultures cannot discover it, until the vapour arising from the de-

composing body warns them that food is near, and excites them to:a

closer search. Thus, having caught the tainted current of air, the

bird wheels round and round in decreasing circles as the scent grows

stronger, until at length it alights on some tall tree near the spot,

or perhaps on the ground, casting its piercing glances on all sides, in

the hope of discovering the savoury morsel, which, if perceived, is

instantly attacked ‘‘ tooth and nail.”

It may very possibly happen, however, that the vulture after hav-

ing followed the attractive odour to the regions of earth, may yet be

unable to discover the object from which it proceeds, and after having

in vain endeavoured to bless his longing sight, and still more longing

1837.] Nest of the Bengal Vulture. 117

appetite with the rich and tantalizing morsel, be compelled reluctantly

to quit the perfumed spot.

Thus the faculties of sight and scent are both necessary to enable

the vulture to discover its prey,—sometimes singly, as when it is

fresh,—sometimes combined, as when it is decayed and hidden.

Thus 1 should pronounce the power of scent in these birds, although

strongly developed, to be in aid of sight, and it may be deemed a

secondary and auxiliary means of discovering food.

The following experiment I tried at Neemuch. A recently killed

dog was encased in a coarse canvas bag, and hung up ina large bar-

kat tree, so that no bird soaring above could possibly see it. On the

morning after, I went to reconnoitre, and saw a number of vultures

sitting on the upper branches of the tree, and on some of the neigh-

boring ones, of which there might be about a dozen. These birds

were not, however, attracted to the spot by any effluvium from the

dog, as it was still quite fresh,—but they had resorted there to roost

the evening before, and had not as yet aroused themselves from their

lethargy.

On the fourth day I again repaired to the spot and found about

twenty vultures sitting on the tree, all of them being on that side,

directly over the body of the dog, which had now become very offen-

sive ;—there were also several vultures soaring aloft in wide circles

above the tree, one of them every now and then descending and

alighting. Not one bird was to be seen on any of the neighboring

trees,—nor on any part of the chosen tree, excepting that immedi-

ately over the carcass. That these birds were not roosting, is proved

from the hour of the day being eleven ;—and besides on the morning

that I saw them at roost, they were scattered over the whole top of

the tree, which is an enormous barkat or banyan tree,—as well as on

some of the adjoining ones, while on this forenoon they were confined

to the tree, and also the one portion of the tree in which the putrid

carcass of the dog was concealed.

I therefore conjecture that the smell of the decomposing body had

mounted on high, and the vultures wheeling above had come in con-

tact with the savoury vapour, soaring round in wide circles in hope

of espying the object from which the scent that told of prey pro-

ceeded.

Seeing nothing below, but still smelling the putrid carcass, they

had gradually narrowed their flight, until they alighted on the iden-

tical tree in which lay the hidden banquet. Thus I conclude that the

powers of scent in these birds has been ascribed to them, in truth, and

that it is this faculty’ which gives them notice of the prey awaiting

them and induces them to search with keen and eager glances over

118 Anatomical Notes [Fup.

the earth, until the eye rests on the precise spot. It is therefore their

acute faculty of scent, combined with their keenness of vision, which

directs the vulture tribe to their prey.

Thus I think I have shewn that the three points in dispute, re-

specting the vultures of the United States are not applicable either to

the Indian or Bengal vultures*, both of which are gregarious, both

feed on fresh as well as putrid substances, and both discover their

prey by the combined faculties of scent and sight.

—_——

VIII.—Notes taken at the post-mortem examination of a Musk Deer.

By A. Campseun, Esq., Nipdl Residency, June 24, 1834.

{Addressed to J. T. Pearson, Esq., Curator, Asiatic Society.]

I have the pleasure to send you, for the museum of the Asiatic

Society, a very perfect skin (head and feet included) of the Thibetan

Musk Deer, as well as of the Wah of the Bhotiahs, Ailurus Ful-

gens of the zoologists, and hope they may reach you in the same

perfect state they are now in. The musk has been a full grown male,

and alarge one too. The natives of Nipd/ make a marked distinction

between the Trans-Himdlayan animal, and the Cacharya one, or that

which inhabits the country along the foot of the snows on this side of

the great snowy mountains; ranking the musk of the former much

higher than that of the latter variety. The specimen now sent is of the

Trans- Himalayan animal. The notes appended are of the Cis-Himdlayan

one. Through the kindness of Mr. Honeson, I have had opportunities

of examining specimens of both animals, but without observing any

important difference between them. The musk pod of the Thibetan

animal is covered with short close hair, while that of the Cachar one

is clothed with very long hair, and hangs more loosely from the

belly. I believe the musk of both, when unadulterated, to be much

alike, and that the superficial value attached to the Thibetan animals’

produce, arises from the circumstance of its being less frequently

impregnated with foreign substances, for the purpose of increasing

its weight and bulk, than the Cachar article. The pods, as they are

found in the market, whether Thibetan or Cacharya, vary a good deal

in appearance, and hence the general division of them above noted

is subdivided: the thinner skinned ones being called Kdghazt, or

papery, the thicker skinned ones Ganauta.

* Indian Vulture, Vultur Indicus.—Bengal Vulture, Vultur Bengalensis.

Of the habits of the Pondicherry Vulture (V. Ponticerianus) I know little.

They are generally seen singly or in pairs,—never I believe in flocks. (?) Do they

in the East, hold the place and habits of the king of the Vultures of the West?

1837.] ; on the Musk Deer of Nipdi. 119

You will readily observe that the anatomical notes are very incom-

plete, and that they have been copied ‘‘ in the rough” as made at the

dissection; but their accuracy, and the interesting nature of the

animal they appertain to, may nevertheless render them acceptable

to the curious in such matters.

A musk deer (Cacharya) male, mature.—Length from vent to

occiput 2 feet 24 inches: occiput to snout 7 inches: tail a mere

rudiment, 14 inch long, terminating in a tuft of hair like a shaving

brush. The anus surrounded by a ring of soft hairs, the skin under

which is perforated by innumerable small pores secreting an abomi-

nably offensive stuff; pressure brings out the stuff liquid, like

melted honey. Scrotum round, and naked; space between it and

anus naked, also for a small space towards the groins. Penis 34

inches long, terminating in the musk bag, which is in this animal

globular, a little flattened on the surface towards the ground—lZ

inch in diameter either way, and thickly covered with long hairs ;

it is pendent from the belly, not like the Bhofzah musk deer examined

last year, in which it was bound up to the abdominal parietes. At

the centre of the musk bag is a circular hole, large enough to admit

a lead pencil; its edges are naked and moist. At the posterior

margin of this hole is the orifice of the penis. The penis is, in fact,

terminated by the musk bag, which might be called correctly the

preputial bag. The bag is composed of two distinct membranes,

apparently unconnected with one another, except at the margin of

the circular external hole. The external membrane is vascular and

strong, the internal one is silvery, shining, and not vascular: it

resembles the retina of the eye, as it is seen on dissecting the eye

from without. The inner membrane which forms the cavity of the

bag is lined internally with a few scattered hairs. The musk is soft,

of a reddish brown color, and granular: its appearance and con-

sistence is precisely that of moist ginger-bread. Around the margin

of the hole of the bag is a circle of small glandular-looking bodies,

more numerous towards the side of the penis, (the posterior margin.)

The flesh of the animal is dark red, and not of musky smell. Bladder

very large, 6 inches long, 24 broad. The liver flat, one lobe only,

with a cleft in its margin at the attachment of the central ligament.

Length of liver from left to right 64 inches, from anterior to inferior

aspect 35 inches thick: at its extreme right one inch, at its extreme

left half aninch. Gall-bladder oval-shaped, pendulous from right half

of liver, three inches long, 2} in diameter. The gall duct penetrates

the intestine 2} inches from the pylorus of last or fourth stomach.

Spleen thin, four inches long, 2} broad. Kidneys unilobed, not sul-

120 Anatomical Notes, &c. [Frs.

cated on their surface, 14 inch long, one inch broad. Stomachs four,

in all respects ruminant. The large bag, or first stomach, mean

length 8 inches, breadth 6inches. Entire length of intestines 40

feet. From the pylorus to cecum 28 feet, from cecum to vent 12

feet. One cecum i3 inches long, and 2 inches in diameter. The

small intestines, which are round and thread-like, as well as the larger

ones, are very thin coated; average diameter of large ones near the

rectum 2 inches. Right lung the larger, three-lobed; left lung

three-lobed also, a small centre lobe of which lies below the apex of

the heart. Heart 3 inches long, 2 in diameter.

Another Musk Deer, May 28, 1835.

No branches from the arch of the aorta. The ascending aorta one

inch from the arch, gives off, first, a common trunk, immediately

divided into the left subclavian and left vertebral—second, 24 inches

higher: it (the aorta) divides into two branches; viz. the right

cephalic, and the common trunk of the right subclavian and right

vertebral.

The os hyoides is formed of a small centre body and two horns,

each of the two pieces having a posteriorly directed process for inser-

tion into the head of the thyroid cartilage. The cornua are articulated

with a small process of the temporal bone below the meatus audito-

rius. The larynx one inch long. The trachea to the first branch

given off, (which is on the right side) eight inches long: one inch

further on it divides at once into four branches, the first branch goes

to the highest of the four lobes of the right lung. The cartilaginous

rings of the trachea incomplete behind.

Dimensions of the ““ Wah” of the Bhotiahs.

Ailurus Fulgens, or male, mature.

From snout to tip of tail, 374 inches.

From the sole of fore foot to superior crest of scapula, 93 ins.

From foramen magnum to snout, taken with callipers, 54 inches.

Length of tail 6 inches.

From first cervical vertebra, to first vertebra of the tail, 163 inches.

Greatest circumference of head round the angle of the jaw, 10 ins.

Length of humerus, 5 inches.

Length of fore-arm, 43 inches.

From wrist to tip of middle finger, 23 inches.

Length of femur, 44 inches.

Length of tibia, and fibula, 55 inches.

From heel to tip of middle toe, 44 inches.

Girth round lower part of thorax, 12 inches.

From anterior edge of the orbit to tip of snout, 14 inches.

From external opening of the ear to the tip of the nose, 34 ins.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Barmah and China. 121

IX.—Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China, together

with the journals and routes of three different Embassies sent to Pekin

by the King of Ava; taken from Burmese documents. By Lieutenant-

Colonel H. Burney, Resident in Ava.

The chronicles of the kings of Prome, Pagan, and Ava, which are

comprised in 38 volumes, and brought down to the year 1823, contain

accounts of several disputes and wars between those sovereigns and

the emperors of China. Tagaung, the original seat of empire on the

Eréwadi, is said to have been destroyed by the Tartars and Chinese

before the birth of Christ. In the reign of Puyvu’-zé-pr’, the third

king of Pagan, who reigned between A. D. 166 and 241, the Chinese

are said to have invaded his kingdom with an immense army, over

which that king obtained a great victory ata place called Ké-thim-0f ;

but neither the date nor the cause of this war is given. The 42nd

king of Pagan, ANOra-THx Mene:-z6, who reigned between A. D.

1017 and 1059, invaded China,—in what year is not mentioned,—for

the purpose of obtaining possession of one of Gaupama’s teeth ;

which is said, however, to have refused to quit China. This king

had a meeting with the emperor of China, and the two sovereigns

lived together for three months, but at what place is not mentioned.

During ANORrA-THA-2z0’s residence in China, the emperor daily sup-

plied him with food dressed in various gold and silver vessels, which,

on the departure of the king, he is said to have delivered to the

emperor of China’s religious teacher, with directions to dress food

in them daily, and make offerings of it to Gaupama’s tooth. This

proceeding induced many succeeding emperors of China to demand

the presentation of the same kind of vessels from the kings of Pagan

and Ava, as tokens of their tributary subjection to China. In the

year 1281, during the reign of Nara-rui-Ha-pape’, the 52nd king

of Pagan, the emperor of China sent a mission to demand such gold

and silver vessels as tribute ; but the king having put to death the

whole of the mission, a powerful Chinese army invaded the kingdom

of Pagan, took the capital in 1284, and followed the king, who had

fled to Bassein, as far as a place on the Hrdwadi below Prome called

Taroup-mé, or Chinese point, which is still to be seen. The Chinese

army was then obliged to retire in consequence of a want of supplies ;

but in the year 1300, Kyé-zu4, the son of the above-mentioned king

of Pagan, having been treacherously delivered by his queen into the

hands of three noblemen, brothers, who resided at Myen-zain, a town

lying to the southward of Ava, and who forced the king to become

a priest and assumed the sovereignty themselves, another Chinese

122 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Fxs.

army came down and invested Myen-zain, for the purpose of assisting

and re-establishing the king Kyé-zud. The rebel nobles applied for

advice to a priest, who recommended them, apparently as a taunt,

to consult tumblers and rope-dancers. Some of that profession were,

however, sent for, and they, whilst exhibiting their feats before the

three nobles, repeated as customary words of no meaning, a sentence

like the following: ‘‘ There can be no dispute when no matter for

dispute remains.” The nobles seized upon these words, and apply-

- ing them to their own case, observed, If king Kyé-zvu4 is killed, the

royal line, which the Chinese have come to restore, will be extinct.

Accordingly, they cut off the king’s head and showed it to the

Chinese, who then proposed to retire, if the nobles would send some

presents to their emperor. ‘The nobles agreed, but upon condition

that the Chinese army should first dig a canal; and the Chinese

generals, to shew the immense numbers of their army, dug in one

day, between sunrise and sunset, a canal 4900 cubits long, 14 broad

and 14 deep, which canal near Myen-zain is still in existence*. The

Burmese chronicles further state, that the little pieces of skin, which

the spades and other instruments the Chinese used when digging

this canal had peeled off their hands and feet, being afterwards

collected, were found to measure ten baskets full, well pressed down !

In the reign of king Kyé-zv4, the nine Shan towns on the frontiers

of China, Maing-mé, Ho-tha, La-tha, &c. are said to have been sepa-

rated from the empire of Pagan.

In the year 1412, during the reign of Men:-caune, the first king

of Ava, the Shan chief of Thein-ni, whose father had been defeated

and killed that year when marching with a force to attack Ava, invit-

ed the Chinese to come and aid him against the Burmese, whilst

they were besieging the city of Thein-n¢. The king of Ava’s son, who

commanded the Burmese army, hearing of the approach of the

Chinese, advanced and lay in wait for them in a wood, from which,

as soon as the Chinese came up, the Burmese sallied forth and

attacked them, and destroyed nearly the whole of their army. In

the following year, during the same king of Ava’s reign, and whilst

almost the whole of the Burmese army were absent engaged in a

war with the Talains in lower Pegu, another Chinese army entered

the kingdom of Ava, and actually invested the capital, demanding

the liberation of the families of two Shan chiefs, the lords or gover-

nors of Maun-toun and Mé-kay. These chiefs having committed

some aggression near Myedu, a town in the king of Ava’s dominions,

* It is called Theng-dué-myaung, and communicates with the Zé river, and is

used for the irrigation of paddy lands.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 128

a Burmese army had gone and attacked and defeated them. They

had escaped into China, but their families had been captured and

brought to dva. The king of Ava refused to surrender the families

of the chiefs, and the Chinese general, after besieging Ava for a

month, found his army so much distressed from want of provisions,

that he was induced to send in to the king a proposition, to have the

dispute between the two nations decided by single combat between

two horsemen, one to be selected on either side. The king agreed,

and selected as his champion a Talain prisoner named THA-MEIN-

PARAN. The combat took place outside of Ava in view of the Chinese

army and of the inhabitants of Ava who lined its walls. The Talain

killed the Chinese, and, decapitating him, carried the head to the king.

The Chinese army then raised the siege, and retreated into China,

without the families of the Shan chiefs.

In the year 1442, during the reign of Buuren-Narapant, also

called Du-pa-yOuN-pay-aka, king of Ava, the Chinese again sent a

mission to demand vessels of gold and silver, which they declared

Anora-t'HA-z6, king of Pagan, had presented as tribute. On the

king refusing, the Chinese again invaded the kingdom in the year

1443, and now demanded, that THé-nGANn-sua, the Shan chief of

Mo-gaung, should be surrendered to them. This person, together with

an extensive kingdom belonging to him, had been conquered by the

Burmese in 1442, and the Chinese, who styled him the chief of

Maing:-mé, apparently from the circumstance of a territory of that

name on the Shwe-li river having been comprised within his domini-

ons, are stated to have been at war with him for several years, when

the Burmese conquered him. The king of Ava advanced with a

strong force above Ava to oppose the Chinese, and drove them back

to Mé:-win*, The Chinese again invaded Ava in the year 1445, and

the king again proceeded up the Hrdwadito oppose them with a

large force; but before the two armies met, some of the Burmese

officers persuaded their king, that as the Chinese would never desist

invading his dominions until Tué-NGaNn-BuA was surrendered to them,

it would be better to comply with their wishes. The king then

returned to Ava with his army, and on the Chinese following and

investing the city, he agreed to surrender Tud-n@an-Bud, but upon

condition that the Chinese army should first go and bring under

subjection Ya-m?-theng, a town lying to the southward of Ava, which

was then in a state of rebellion. The Chinese consented, and after

taking Ya-mi-theng and delivering it over to a Burmese force which

had accompanied them, they returned to Ava, when Tu6-nGAN-Buk

* Chinese, Long-tchuen,

R 2

124 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Fas.

killed himself by poison. The king, however, sent his body to the

Chinese, who are said, after embowelling it and putting a spit through

it and roasting it dry, to have taken it with them to China.

In the same king of Ava’s reign, in the year 1449, the Chinese

made an unsuccessful attempt to take possession of Mo--gaung and

Mz:-nhyin, which were at that time considered as portions of the

Burmese Empire, and the king is said to have made a very handsome

present in silver to the then Tsd:-swan of Mé:-gaung named Tuo-

KYEIN-BUA, and his younger brother Tué-pour-svud, for defeating

the Chinese invading army.

In the year 1477, in the reign of Mank-Tuar’-HA-THU -YA, king of

Ava, a Talain champion who had lately received the title of THamsin-

PARAN, Offered, if his master the king of Pegu would entrust him with

40,000 men and a favorite elephant, to march beyond Ava to Khan-ti

on the frontiers of China, and there set up an iron post as the boun-

dary of the Talain empire. The king of Pegu acquiesced, and Tna-

MEIN-PARAN succeeded in reaching Khan-t/ and marking the boun-

dary ; but on his return towards Pegu, he was attacked near Ya-mi-

theng by a Burmese force, defeated and taken prisoner to 4va. The

emperor of China, as soon as he heard of THa-mMEIN-PARAN’s pro-

ceeding, sent a force to remove the boundary mark, and the Chinese

general, after effecting this object, sent a mission to the king of

Ava, to demand gold and silver cooking vessels as before. The king

refused, but agreed, on a proposition again made by the Chinese,

that the right of China to those tributary tokens should be decided

by a single combat between two horsemen, one to be selected by

either nation. The king accordingly selected as his champion the

Talain prisoner, THA-MEIN-PARAN, who defeated the Chinese cham-

pion, and the Chinese army again retreated to China. A strong

suspicion as to the veracity of the Burmese historian will be excited,

when it is known that not only this dispute also between China and

Ava was decided by single combat, but the name and description of

the Burmese champion were the same on this occasion as in that

before related, in the annals of the king Mewn:-caune the first.

In the year 1562, TsHEn-Byvu’-my4-yzn, (lord of many white ele.

phants,) the great king of Pegu, after conquering Ava, Mo:-gaung, Zen-

may, Thein-nit, &c. sent a large army to the frontiers of China, and

took possession of the nine Shan towns (K6-Shan-py or K6-pyi-daung),

Maing-m6*, Tsi-guen, Hé-tha, Ld-thé, Mé-nd, Tsan-dé, Mé:-wun,

* The Shans, who use the Burmese character, write Maing, but pronounce

the combination Ming, which is their term for a town and province. The

Burmese, hence, derive the words which they apply to Shan towns, Main,

Maing, and Mo.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 125

Kaing:-mak ; and Maing:-Lyin or Maing:-Ly, all of which, with the

exception of Kaing-mah, are now, and apparently were at that time,

under the dominion of China. The chief of Mé:-meit, then subject to

Pegu, had complained, that the inhabitants of those nine Shan towns

had committed some aggression on his territory, and the emperor of

China, it is said, declined to assist those towns when attacked by the

king of Pegu’s army, because they had been once subject to the kings

of Pagan. The Pegu army, after conquering the country, built monas-

teries and pagodas, and established the Buddhist religion there in its

purity.

In the year 1601, Nyaune Mezn:-para’4, king of Ava, after re-build-

ing the city, and re-establishing the kingdom of Ava, which the

Peguers had destroyed, proceeded with a large force against the

Ts6:-buah of Ba-mé*, who had taken advantage of the downfal of the

extensive Pegu empire left by TsHEN-BYU’-MYA-YEN, and set himself

up as an independent chief. On the approach of the king, the chief

of Ba-mé called Tué-ts1n, fled to Yunan, and the king after taking

Ba-m6é, advanced beyond Maing-Tein, and sent his son, the heir

apparent, close to Yunan with a message to the Chinese governor,

threatening to attack him if he refused to surrender the fugitive

chief. The governor made a reference to the emperor of China, who

directed the chief to be surrendered, observing, that he was a subject

of Ava, and that if the Chinese protected him their territory would

be disquieted. The chief of Ba-mé was killed in an attempt to make

his escape, but his corpse with his wife and children was sent to the

prince of Ava by the governor of Yunan, and taken to the king, who

appointed another Tsé:-buah of Ba-mé, and returned to Ava. Some

Burmese historians state, that the fugitive chief of Ba-mé took poison

and killed himself; but the account above given is taken from the

edition of the Royal Chronicles, revised under the orders of the present

king of Ava. .

In the year 1658, during the reign of Mreno:-yu’-yYANDA-MEIT, also

called Nea-pat-payaka, king of Ava, Youn-un1' (Du Hatps’s Yone-

tix), who had been set up as emperor in the southern provinces of

China, having been attacked by the Tartars from the north, came

down to Md¢:-myia (Chinese Theng-ye-chow), and sent a message to

the Tsd:-buah of Ba-mé, saying that he would reside at Ba-mé and

present 100 visst of gold to the king of Ava. The Tsé:-buah replied,

* The Burmese write this name Ban-mé, although they pronounce it Ba-mé.

Ban in the Siamese and Yin Shan languages, and Mdn in most of the other

Shan dialects, means a village. Some of the Shans call this place Man-mé, and

others Kat-mdi.

tT A vies is a Burmese weight equal to about 3§ English pounds.

126 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Fes.

that he dare not forward such a message to Ava, and Youn-uur’ then

offered to become a subject of the king of Ava. The Tsé:-buah made

a reference to Ava, and the king ordered him to allow Youn-.ur’

and his followers to come in, upon condition that they relinquished

their arms, and to forward them to Ava. Youn-iui’ then came in

with upwards of sixty of his nobles, including the governor of Maing-

Tsii or Yunan, and 600 horsemen, and the whole were forwarded to

Ava, and a spot of ground in the opposite town of Tsagain was allot-

ted to them. The Burmese chronicles, however, create an impres-

sion, that Youn-.uv desired to carve out a new kingdom for himself

in Burmah,—and state, that before coming into Ba-mé, he ordered a

large army which was still under his orders, to march after him

towards Ava by two different routes, one portion by Mo:-meit, and

the other by Thein-nf and Mé-né*. Shortly after Youn-.u1’ reached

Ava, accounts were received that a large force belonging to him was

attacking the Burmese territory near M0é:-meit, and when questioned

by the Burmese, Youn-.Lur said, that his generals were not aware

of his having become a subject of the king of Ava, but that he would

write a letter, by showing which the Chinese generals would desist.

The king of Ava, however, preferred marching a force against the

Chinese, who defeated it, as also a second force, and then came down

and attacked the city of Ava. Some of the exterior fortifications

were carried, and the Chinese penetrated to the southward, set fire

to the monasteries and houses, and desolated a large tract of country

in that direction. They then returned to the assault of the city, but

were repulsed with much loss; and a heavy fire being kept up

against them from the guns on the walls, which were served by a

foreigner named Mi-THarv Karan (Mr. Corron ?) and a party of

native Christians, a shot killed a man of rank among the Chinese,

who then retreated from before Ava, and proceeded towards Mé.-né

and joined the other portion of Youn-Lu1’s army, which had been

ordered to march down by Thein-ni and Mo-né. The king then

repaired the fortifications of Ava, and summoned to his assistance his

two brothers, the chiefs of Taung-nguv and Prome. The Chinese army

when united again advanced from Mo-né, and succeeded, notwith-

standing many attempts made by the Burmese to stop and check

* In the account of the journey of certain Chinese from Siam to China by

land, given in the Ist vol. of Du Ha ps, it is stated, that when the Tartars

made themselves masters of China, ‘‘a great number of Chinese fugitives from

the province.of Yunan dispossessed their neighbours of their land, and settled

there themselves, and the inhabitants of Kamarett (a Shan town on the fron-

tiers of China) were forced to abandon their city.’’

1837.} Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 127°

them, in again investing Ava, which they besieged for several months.

The families and property of many of the Burmese troops being out-

side of the city, were seized by the Chinese and maltreated or

destroyed; and this circumstance, joined to a great scarcity of pro-

visions, created much sorrow and suffering among the besieged. The

troops had neither rice nor money to purchase it, and on applying

to the king, he observed that they had received their grants of paddy

land for their services, and that he had no rice to give them ; at the

same time he stationed some of his women at the palace-gate with

rice for sale. The commanders of the troops at last complained

against the king to his younger brother, the prince of Prome, who,

in the month of May 1661, entered the palace, seized the king and

his family, and assumed the sovereignty with the title of “‘ Meng-yé-

gy6-gaung.” The dethroned king and his family were, shortly after,

sent to the Khyen-duen river and drowned, and hence he is also

styled in history Ye-gyd-meng, or the king thrown into the water.

As soon as MENG-yx’-Gy6-GauNnG took the reins of government, the

affairs of the Burmese began to prosper. He succeeded in several

successive attacks on the Chinese besieging force in different direc-

tions, and at last, as the Chinese suffered severely from these attacks

and from an epidemic disease, they, one night in the month of

November, 1661, evacuated their entrenchments before Ava and fled,

leaving most of their baggage and property.

Shortly after, the king of Ava was advised not to allow Youn-Lu1’

and all his Chinese followers to reside together at Tsagain, but to

make the latter take the oath of allegiance and then disperse them in

different parts of the country. The king ordered all the Chinese,

with the exception of Youn-uHl/ and the governor of Yunan, to be

sworn ; but when the Burmese officers summoned the Chinese to

' attend at the pagoda where the oath was to be administered, they

refused to come unless the governor of Yunan accompanied them.

He was accordingly invited also, and on coming to the pagoda and

seeing many Burmese troops in attendance, he imagined that it was

their intention to put the Chinese to death. He and several of the

Chinese suddenly snatched the swords out of the hands of some of

the soldiers and attacked them, killing many of the Burmese ; who,

however, at last mounted the enclosure walls of the pagoda, and

fired down upon the Chinese, until many of them were killed and the

remainder submitted. But as soon as the king of Ava heard of this

affair, he ordered the whole of the Chinese, with the exception of

Youn-.u1’, to be put to death.

In the month of December, 1661, the Tartars marched down a force

128 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. ([Fus.

of 20,000 men, under AIn-THI’-wene, the governor of Yunan, which

took post at Aung-peng-lay, and sent a mission to the king of Ava,

demanding Youn-.u1’, and threatening, on refusal, to attack Ava.

The king summoned a council of his officers, and observing that in

the reign of king Du-pa-yoéuN-payaKa, TH6-NGAN-BUA had been

surrendered to the Chinese, and in the reign of king Naa-pat-paya-

KA they had been made to surrender the Ts6:-buah of Ba-mé to the

Burmese, gave it as his opinion, that these two precedents would

justify his now delivering Youn-tui’ to the Tartars. One of the

Burniese officers expressed his entire concurrence in his Majesty’s

opinion ; adding, that the Tartars were very powerful, and that the

Burmese troops and inhabitants were suffering much from their war

with the Chinese. Youn-1u1’with his sons and grandsons were accord-

ingly, on the 15th January, 1662, forwarded to the Tartar camp, and

delivered over to the Tartar general. He, however, sent another

mission to demand the person of the Chinese governor of Yunan, but

the king of Ava having replied, that he had executed that governor

for ingratitude and treachery, the Tartar camp broke up on the 22nd

January and returned to China. The mutual surrender of fugitives

of every description is now an established principle in the relations

between the two kingdoms, and the Chinese are said to enclose care-

fully in a large cage and forward to Ava, any Burmese fugitives

required by the king of Ava.

For a full century after Youn-tu1 was surrendered, the Chinese

and Burmese appear to have continued in peace, but at last, in the

year 1765, in the reign of TsHun-Byvu’-yEn*, king of Ava, the second

son of ALom-PRA, another war broke out between the two nations;

and as this war is the last which has occurred between them, and is

often referred to by the Burmese with pride and exultation, and as its

details are recorded with some minuteness, and are really calculated

to give European nations a more favorable opinion of Burmese courage

and military skill, I shall endeavour to make a free translation of the

account of it, which is contained in the 29th and 30th volumes of the

Chronicles of the kings of Ava.

The causes of that war are said to have been these: a Chinese

named Léui’ came to Ba-mé and Kaung-totin, with 3 or 406 oxen

laden with silk and other merchandize, and applied to the Ba-mé

authorities for permission to construct a bridge to the north of the

village of Ndanbd, in order to enable him to cross the Tdpeng river.

The Ba-mé officers observed, that they must submit the application to

the ministers at Ava; and Léu1 considering this answer as equivalent

* Lord of the white elephant, and Symzs’s Shem-buan.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 129

to a refusal, was impertinent and disrespectful. The Ba-mé officers

suspecting from Léur’s manner, language, and appearance, that he

was not a common merchant, but some Chinese officer of rank, seized

and sent him to Ava with a report of his conduct. He was confined

at Ava in the usual manner; but after a full inquiry and examina-

tion, nothing of political importance transpiring, he was sent back to

Ba-mé6, with orders that he should be allowed to trade as usual, and

that if he really wished to construct a bridge, which however appear-

ed to the ministers to be only an idle boast on his part, he should be

permitted to do so wherever he pleased. On his return to Ba-mdé, he

declared that some of his goods which had been detained there when

he was sent to Ava, were missing or destroyed, and insisted upon

compensation. The Ba-mé officers replied, that when he proceeded to

Ava he took only five or six of his men, leaving all the rest in charge

of his goods, and that if there really was any deficiency, he must look

for it among his own people, and not among the Burmese. Léxy’

left Ba-mé much dissatisfied, and on his arrival at Mé-myin, he com-

plained to the Chinese governor there, that Chinese traders were ill

treated by the Ba-mé officers, whohad also sought pretences for accusing

him and destroying his merchandise.—He then went to ‘Maing-Tsi,

and preferred the same complaint to the Tséuntu, or governor general,

there. The Tsountu observed, that he would wait a little and see if

any thing else occurred, to prove the truth of Lént’s statement, that

Chinese were ill used in the Burmese dominions, and not permitted

to trade according to established custom. About the same time, an

affray took place between some Burmese and a Chinese caravan of

upwards of 2000 ponies with one Létarv as their chief, which had

come to Kyatng-toun and put up to the north of that town at the great

bazar of Kat-thwah. The Burmese had bought some goods on credit,

and refused payment when demanded by the Chinese. In this affray

a Chinese was killed, and the Tséd:buah being absent at Ava at the

time, Léra’r1’ applied to the subordinate Burmese officers for justice,

according to Chinese custom. These officers decided, that the man

who had committed the murder should, agreeably to Burmese custom,

pay the price of a life,—namely, 300 ticals. LérArt’ refused money,

and insisted upon the man being delivered over to the Chinese; but

the Burmese officers replied that such was not their law, and then

proposed that the man who had committed the murder should be

put to death. Léra’rr’ declared that this would not satisfy them, and

returned to China with some of the principal traders, and complained

to the Tséuntu of Yunan*. That officer being urged, at the same time,

* Within the last six years two cases of accidental homicide occurred at Ava,

130 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Frs.

by the ex-Tsé:buah’s of Ba-mé, Theinni, Kyaing-town and other subjects

of Ava, who had taken refuge in China, to invade the Burmése domi-

nions, made such a report of the abovementioned circumstances to the

emperor of China, as to induce his majesty to order an army to march

and take possession of Kyatng-town. The Tsounti put up a writing

on the bank of the Td/é river containing these words : ‘‘ Deliver a man

to us in the room of our man who was killed, or we will attack you;”

and shortly after, a Chinese army under a general named Y1/N-TaA/-

LO YE’, consisting of 50,000 foot and 10,000 horse, advanced and in-

vested Kyaing-toun. The Tsd:buah of Kyaing-toéa at the same time

revolted and joined the Chinese.

On TsHEn-byvu’-YEN, the king of Ava, hearing of this invasion, he

dispatched, on the 28th of December, 1765, eleven divisions of troops,

consisting of 20,000 foot, 200 war elephants, and 2,000 horse, under

general Let-w'-wWaNG-Dé-MHU’ Ng-my6-Ts1'-THU, to relieve Kyatng-

toun. The Burmese general, on approaching that place, contrived to

send in some men in disguise, and arrange a combined attack on the

Chinese besieging force. Their cavalry, which was numerous, was

charged by the Burmese with elephants, and the Chinese being

defeated, retired to the bank of the Talé river, where they took post

behind some mud-works which they threw up. The Burmese general

again attacked them and drove them to the bank of the Mé-khaung

or great Cambodia river, where the Chinese army again took post;

but they were attacked here also, their general Yi/n-Ta-16-yvz’ killed,

and their army driven back to China with much loss, and in great

‘disorder. The Burmese army then returned to Ava, where they

arrived on the 8th April, 1766. Tui’N-wi’-sudu and D6-payd, the

Tsé:buahs of Kyaing-touin and Lii-ta-tshay-nhit-panad sent excuses,

stating that they had been forced to join the Chinese; but the king

of Ava disbelieved them.

In January, 1767, intelligence was received by the king of Ava

that another Chinese army, consisting of 250,000 foot and 25,000

horse, had entered the Burmese dominions, and that on their arrival

on or near Shyd-mue-lown mountain, to the westward of the Mé-khaung

of a Burmese killing a Chinaman ; and on both occasions, the Chinese residents

successfully used their influence with the Burmese prince, MeNn-raa-Gy1'H, to

have the Burmese executed. Nothing would satisfy the Chinese but the death

of the individuals who had slain their countrymen.

* The Let-wé-weng-do-mh& is the officer in command of the northern en-

trance to the palace. The words mean literally, ‘‘ left-hand royal entrance

chief,’’ and the dé, or royal, is often omitted. Thisis Symus’s Ledougmee, and

‘¢ the governor of the north gate’’ of some of our officers.

1837.) Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 181

river, a part of the army, consisting of 150,000 foot and 15,000

horse, under general Yi/N-rsu’-TA-yENG, was detached by the route of

Nuay-leit near Mé-wiin against Bamé. His Majesty had before,

anticipating the return of the Chinese, ordered Kaung-toun to be

reinforced and filled with provisions, so as to enable it to hold out

under its governor BALA-MEN-DEN, and now directed that two armies

should proceed from Ava, one by water up the Erdwadi to Ba-mé

under the Let-wn’-wENnc-muv’, and the other by the land route to

the westward of that river, under the Win-gyih Maué-rtsi’-THv’,

who should be joined by all the force he might find at Ms-gaung,

Mé-nhyen and other towns in that neighbourhood, and then march

by the Tsandé (Sdnta*) route, and attack the Chinese. On the 30th

January, 1768, the Wun-gyih marched with 22 divisions, consisting

of 20,000 foot, 2,000 horse, and 200 war elephants ; and on the 4th

February, the water force, under the Let-ws/-weNnG-p6-MHv’, con-

sisting of 11 divisions, 15,000 men, and with 300 boats carrying

guns and jinjals, proceeded up the Erdwadi towards Ba-mé.

From Shyd-mue-loan mountain another portion of the Chinese

army, consisting of 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot, under general

TsnEne-td-L6-ye marched by the Tsandd route against Mo-gaung. A

body of 5,000 horse and 50,000 foot also took post on Thinzd-nuay-

Jein mountain, whilst the force under general Yi’N-Tsv’-TA-YENG,

when it reached Ba-mé, stockaded itself along the bank of the river

at the spot where the mart is held.

The governor of Kaung-toun, not having sufficient force to go out

and attack the Chinese, employed himself in repairing the old and

constructing new defences, &c. about that town. The Chinese, leav-

ing 3,000 horse and 30,000 foot with three generals to defend their

stockade at Ba-mé, advanced with 70,000 foot and 7,000 horse under

general Tsu’-T4-ynne@ himself, and invested Kaung-town, which they

assaulted with scaling ladders, axes, choppers, hooks and ropes ;_ but

the garrison, as previously arranged, met the assailants, not only

with a heavy fire of cannon and musketry, but with large boilers of

hot dammer and molten lead, and long pieces of heavy timber, which

they let fall upon them. The Chinese were driven back with great

loss, declaring that the besieged were not men, but natsf or inferior

celestial beings. The~ Chinese then stockaded themselves around

Kaung-toza at a distance of more than 140 cubits.

The Let-we’-wENG-Muv’, or Burmese general, commanding the

* The Burmese pronounce Tsanta as Tsandd.

+ The Burmese nat is the same as the Hindu Devah, and most of the Bur-

mese nats are taken from the Hindu Mythology.

s 2

132 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Frs.

water force from 4va, on arriving at the mouth of the Nat-myet-nha

above the town of Shuegi, stopped to allow all his boats to come

up, and determined, in the meantime, to throw into Kaung-totin a

supply of ammunition. He selected three officers who volunteered

to perform this service with three fast-pulling boats. The Chinese

had only three boats, which they had constructed on their arrival at

Ba-mé. ‘The Burmese volunteers succeeded at daybreak one morn-

ing to pass through the Chinese besieging force stationed to the

westward of Kaung-toun, and entered that town with the supply of

ammunition, as well as with presents of dresses and money, which

the king of dva had sent to the governor. On the same night the

Chinese force made another unsuccessful attack. The governor

arranged with the Burmese volunteers a plan of operations,—namely,

that the water force from Ava should first go and attack the Chinese

posted at Ba-mé, and then fall on the rear of the force besieging

Kaung-toun, from which the governor should at the same time make

a sortie... The volunteers again at day-break passed through the

Chinese force stationed to the north-west of the town, and rejoined

the water force. The general of that force, entirely approving of the

governor of Kaung-tozn’s plan of operations, now moved his fleet of

boats close along the western bank of the Hrdwadi to Ba-mé, and

then, landing his soldiers under a heavy fire from his boats, he

stormed and carried all the Chinese stockades. The Chinese general

before Kaung-toun, Tsu'-1k-ynnG, dispatched upwards of 1,000 horse

in support of Ba-mé, but the Burmese general placed 2,000 troops

to prevent the Chinese crossing the Len-ban-gya river, and Tsu’-14-

YyeNnG recalled them.

The Burmese general then selected three bold and trusty men to

pass through the Chinese force before Kaung-touwn at night, and

report to the governor the fall of Ba-mé, and the intention of the

Burmese general to attack on a certain day the besieging force. On

the appointed day, the Burmese general, leaving one division of his

force at Ba-méd, marched with the remaining nine divisions, and

attacked the Chinese before Kaung-tozn, and at the same time the

garrison of Kaung-toun sallied out. The Chinese, although greatly

superior in numbers, were much disheartened at the loss of their

stockades at Ba-mé, and after three days’ fighting, the whole of the

Chinese works before Kaung-toun also were taken. Ten of their

generals and more than 10,000 men were killed, and the Chinese, —

after setting fire to the boats which they had been building, closed

round their general Tsu’-rA-yENne, and, taking him up, fled to their

force on Thin-zd-nuay-lein mountain. The Burmese followed the

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 13%

Chinese, and, driving them out of their stockades on that mountain,

pursued them as far as Mé:win, taking a great quantity of arms,

prisoners and horses.

The land force of 22 divisions, which marched from Ava under the

Wiin-gyth Mané-rsi’-Tuv’, having arrived at Mé-gaung, after repair-

ing the defences of that town, and leaving a sufficient garrison in it,

proceeded to meet the Chinese army, which was advancing by the

Santa* route. On crossing the Kat-kyo-waing-mé, the Win-gyih

heard that the Chinese army were near Lizé mountain, and sent a

small party in advance to reconnoitre. This party before it came to

Lizé fell in with a party of 1,000 horse, which the Chinese general

TsHENG-TA-LO-yE had also sent in advance, for the same purpose of

reconnoitring, and the Burmese, drawing the Chinese into a narrow

pass between two mountains, where their horse could not form line,

attacked aud defeated them. Judging, however, from this reconnoi-

tring party only consisting of 1,000 horse, that. the Chinese army

must be of great force, the Burmese party stopped on the bank of

the Ndn-nyent river, and sent some scouts on in advance. These

returned with the intelligence, that, on ascending the top of a moun-

tain and climbing some trees, they had seen the Chinese army, which

amounted to about 20,000 horse, and 100,000 foot. The Wun-gyith

then appointed six divisions of his army to proceed with celerity by

the right, and six by the left, round each side of the Lizé mountain,

whilst with the remaining ten divisions, he advanced by the centre

route slowly, and occasionally firing cannon. The Chinese general

hearing of the approach of the Burmese, left one-third of his army

to take care of his stockades in Lizé, and with the remainder advanced

to meet the Burmese, and took post on the eastern bank of the Ndn-

nyen river. The Burmese force under the Witn-gyih came up and

joined the reconnoitring party on the western bank of the same river,

whilst the right’ and left wings, which had reached Lizé by marching

round the rear of the Chinese main army, suddenly attacked and

carried the stockades there. The Chinese in those stockades believ-

ing that the principal portion of their own force was in front of them,

were completely taken by surprise, and fled and joined their army

under general TsHenG-TA-L6-yEn'” These wings of the Burmese army

then fell in with another Chinese force, which was coming from

China with a convoy of provisions to their army, and took possession

* The distance between Mod-gaung and Santa is said to be only five or six

days’ journey.

+ For the Shan word Ném, water and small river, the Burmese always write

Nan.

134 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. ([F xx.

of the whole of the horses, mules and provisions. The Burmese

generals reported their successes to their commander in chief, the

Wiin gvih, by a swift horseman, and proposed that their force should

now fall on the rear of the Chinese army stationed on the east bank

of the Ndn-nyen, whilst the Wun-gyih attacked it in front. The

Win-gyih sent the messenger back approving of the plan of attack,

and fixing the day on which it should take place. On the appointed

day, the two wings of the Burmese army fell on the rear of the

Chinese on two different points, whilst the Wan-gyih crossed the

Nan-nyen and attacked them in front with the main army. The

Chinese generals seeing their army placed between two fires, retreat-

ed and took post at a spot beyond the Lizé mountain; but the Win-

gyih here again attacked them, and completely routed their army,

100,000 men of which fled to Santa and there threw up new works.

The Wun-gyih halted his army at Maing:ld, in order to recruit it.

The Win-gyih having been taken unwell, the king of Ava recalled

him, and appointed the Lrt-ws'-wene-p6-muv’, who was in com-

mand of the Ba-m6é water force, to go and relieve the Wan-gyih,

and with orders to attack and destroy the Chinese army, and then

take possession of the eight Shan towns, Hothi, Latha, Mond, Tsandd,

Maing:mé, Tsi-guen, Kaing-mah, and Mé:win. The Lut-wz’-wene-

pé-mHv’ proceeded with his ten divisions from Ba-mé and joined the

Win-gyih’s army at Maing:/d, and soon after advanced and attacked

the Chinese force at Santa under general TsHenG-TA-1Lé6-yxn’, which

had been suffering much from want of provisions, the inhabitants of

the eight Shan towns having refused to comply with the Chinese

general’s requisitions, declaring that they were subjects of the king

of Ava, and afraid to assist the Chinese. The Chinese were forced

to retreat, and the Burmese pursued them as far as Yunan, taking a

multitude of prisoners, horses, arms, &c. The Let-wn’-wEnc-MHU’

after taking possession of the eight Shan towns, which had hereto-

fore thrown off their allegiance to Ava, joined another Burmese

general, the Win-gyih Maud Tut'-Ha-THvu’Ra, who had been sent

with an army by the route of Ld-ta-tshay-nhit-pand. The two gene-

rals attacked another Chinese force of upwards of 50,000 men, which

was posted on a high mountain to the north-east of Theinni, and one-

third only of these Chinese escaped into their own country. The

Let-ws'-WENG-p6é-mHvu’ and the Wun-gyih Mané Tui'-A-THU'RA

having completed his Majesty’s service, then returned, with the

prisoners, guns, &c. which they had taken, to Ava, where they

arrived on the 21st May, 1767.

In the month of November, 1767, another Chinese army, consist-

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 135

ing of 60,000 horse and 600,000 foot, under the emperor of China’s

son-in-law, Myenc-Kuovu’n-yv’, and his brotherTsu’-TA LO-yn’, enter-

ed the Burmese dominions by the Theinnt route, accompanied by the

ex-Tsé:buah of that place, Nca-aune-puon ; 100,000 men were sent

at the same time against Ba-mé by the Thinzd-nuay-lein route. On

‘this Chinese army attacking Theinnt, the governor and other officers

evacuated the place with most of the inhabitants. ‘The Chinese

general, Myenc-Kuov’n-yx’ then advanced with 30,000 horse and

300,000 foot by the Thibé road, whilst the other general, Tsu’-TA-16-

ye’, having placed a garrison with the ex-Ts6:buah in Theinnt, con-

structed to the south-west of that town, some extensive stockades,

in which he took post with 20,000 horse and 200,000 foot, and

made arrangements for forwarding supplies of provisions to that

portion of their army which was in advance. When a report of this

intelligence was received at Ava from the Tsé:buah of Thibd, the king

appointed 30 divisions, consisting of 30 war elephants, 3,000 horse

and 30,000 foot, under the command of the Wiin-gyih Mana Ts1’-rTuv’,

to go and meet the Chinese army advancing by Theinné and Thibé.

This army marched from Ava on the 24th December, 1767. Two

days after, another army of 20 divisions, 200 war elephants, 2,000

horse, and 20,000 men, under the Win-gyih Maud Tut’na-THUv’Ra,

marched by Shwe-zd-yan*, up Nyaung-ben-gyth and Pé-gy6, towards

the rear of the advancing Chinese army, in order, after intercepting

their communications with Theinnt and cutting off their supplies, to

attack the Chinese in the rear. Four days after a third army, con-

sisting of 200 war elephants, 2,000 horse and 1,000 men, was detach-

- ed under the command of the Let-wnr’-wkeNne-p6-mHv’, with orders

to advance by the Mémeit road, and attack the rear of a Chinese

force which was advancing by that roadf.

On the Wan-gyih Mans Tsv-THv’ arriving at Ban-gyft beyond

Thibot, he sent forward seven divisions of his army which fell in

with the Chinese and were driven back. The Wiin-gyih then advanced

with his whole army, and made an attack on the outposts of the

Chinese force, which were posted on Gout§ mountain to the westward

of Thivé, for the purpose of drawing the enemy out; but the Chinese

* A pagoda at Paleit a village on the Myet-ngay, six or seven miles to the S.

E. of Ava.

+ This is the campaign of which Symes has given some account in p. 69, &c.

of the introduction to his embassy.

t Symes’s Peengee and Chibo.

§ Symes’s Goup-toung-taung is a hill or mountain in Burmese, and Gout

mountain is near Thibé, and not Bamé.

136 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Fus.

general assailing the Wiuin-gyih with an immense superiority of force,

the Burmese were defeated with loss, and driven back in great dis-

order. Three regiments were taken prisoners, being unable to extri-

cate themselves from the midst of the Chinese army, which they had

penetrated in a charge. The Wiun-gyih collected his troops and

retired, thinking only of defending himself. The Chinese general

pursued the Burmese with increased confidence, until the advance of

his army reached Bout-thek-kay-byen. The Win-gyih sent notice to

Ava, that every attempt which the Burmese had made to stop the

Chinese had failed; that they had penetrated as far as Bout-thek-kay-

byen; and that he had taken post at Lowéngd-byen-gyth. When this

intelligence reached Ava on the 9th March, 1768, the whole of the

ministers and officers were much alarmed, and advised his Majesty

to fortify the city, and make preparations for receiving the Chinese,

who were but two or three days’ journey distant. The king abused

his officers, and declared that if the Chinese came, he and the four

princes, his brothers, alone would meet and destroy them.

The Wiin-gyih Maud Tu1’-wa-THU’RA, who was ordered to proceed

with his force to the rear of the Chinese army and cut off their sup-

plies, sent a strong detachment in advance under the Tsit-ké-gyih*,

TEIN-GYA’;-MEN:GAUNG, to reconnoitre. This officer reported, that

the Chinese were advancing in great force, and that he would stockade

himself and oppose them. The Win-gyih fearing to divide his force,

ordered the Tsit-ké-gyih to fall back, but the latter, being of opinion

that his retreating from the immediate vicinity of the enemy would

encourage them, and make them believe that the Burmese force was

inconsiderable, urged the Win-gyih to advance, and threw up a

stockade with large bamboos. The Chinese came up at night and

repeatedly attacked this stockade, but without success. As soon as

the Wun-gyih learnt the Tsit-ké-gyih’s determination to make a

stand, he pushed on with the rest of his force, which accelerated its

pace on hearing the sound of cannon and musketry, and the moment

it reached the Tsit-ké-gyih’s stockade, attacked the Chinese with

great impetuosity. The Chinese were defeated and forced to retire,

and after the Burmese army had recruited a little, the Wan-gyih

followed the enemy, and attacked and drove them out of Ld-shi or

La-shyé, where they had stockaded themselves; and again out of

Kyu Shyé, until they took shelter in Theinnt. The Win-gyih followed

and took post on the bank of the Ndn-beng or Nédn-peng river to the

south-east of Theinni, sending three divisions of his army under

TEIN-GyYA':MEN:GAUNG to the west of the Salueen river at the Kuon-

* Lieutenant-General in war.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 137

lown-da:gu ford, with orders to stop and cut off a convoy of provi-

sions which was coming to the Chinese. This service was success-

fully performed, and the Chinese general Tsu’-ra’-16-yr’ and other

officers finding their own supplies intercepted, were unable to spare

any for their army which was in advance under MyEnG-Kkoun-YeE’

The Chinese near Theinni were soon in great distress from a scarcity

of provisions, and too uneasy to come out and attack the Burmese.

Hearing a report also, that Trincya’:MEN:GAUNG was coming to

attack them with 1,000 musth elephants, the whole Chinese camp were

watching the clouds*. At this time, the Let-wé-weng-mht, who

had marched by the Mo:mett road, arrived with his ten divisions,

and joined the Witn-gyih Maua’ Tur'Ha-THvu’ra before Theinni.

The Let-wé-weng-mht proposed to the Wiun-gyih to let him march

on at once with 30 divisions, and fall on the rear of the Chinese

advanced force near Thibé; but the Win-gyih was of opinion, that

the Chinese near Theinnf should first be disposed of, and believing

that the town of Theinnt, in which Shans and Chinese were inter-

mingled, could be more easily carried than the Chinese works outside

under their general Tsu'-Ta’-Lé-yn’, the Win-gyih stormed Theinni

with three divisions of 10,000 men each, and captured it with the

whole of the Chinese magazines. The ex-Tsé:buah, several Chinese

officers of rank, and as many of the garrison as could escape, fled

into the Chinese entrenchments beyond the town, but nearly 2 or

3,000 Shans and Chinese were killed.

The Win-gyih Mauna’ Tui’Ha-THv’RA then made arrangements for

depriving the Chinese camp of their supply of water, and posted

divisions of his army in aline along the Nda-beng river, from the

south of Theinnt from Kyaxk Koun on that river to the east of the

town, covering at the same time the Ndn-tu river, and planting troops

at every road or passage leading down to the points at which the

Chinese used to come and take water. The Chinese army soon began

to experience great distress, no provisions being able to reach them

from the rear, as well as being in want of water; and when the

Win-gyih ascertained this fact through some prisoners who had

come over to the Burmese in search of water, he attacked the Chinese

entrenchments at three points with more than 30 divisions and

captured them. The emperor of China’s brother, Tsvu’-TA-16-yv¥’,

finding the army unmanageable, cut his throat with his own sword

and died. The Chinese fled pursued by the Burmese, who took a

great many prisoners, together with arms, elephants and horses, and

* Tein in the Burmese language means cloud, and akyd, or in composition

gy4, means between. This is Symes’s Tengia Boo.

138 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Frs.

killed more than they could number. The Chinese generals Yau’k-an,

Kue’-wa, Pan-tTHE, Yi’/N-TsouN-ye’, Yi/N-TA-y1’, and Kugn-L6-ye’

were also taken prisoners with their chargers.

The Wiin-gyth Mans TuiHa-tHv/ra then, leaving a strong garri-

son in Theinnt, advanced against the Chinese army under Myene-

KoUN-yrE’. The other Win-gyth, Mana Tsi’-rHv’, who had posted

himself on Lowngd-byen-gyth, learning by the return of the messen-

ger whom he had sent to Ava, that his majesty was highly displeas-

ed with him, determined to make another attack on the Chinese, and,

marching round the rear of Thown:zay, attacked them with three

divisions on both flanks and centre, but owing to the great force of

the enemy, the Burmese were repulsed, and succeeded only in killing

10 or 20,000 men. The Win-gyih rallied his troops, and after

recruiting them a little, arranged another attack. He sent 4,000

men secretly at night to the rear of the Chinese army round their

right and left flanks, with orders to be concealed during the night,

and at day-break to fall upon the right and left wings of the enemy ;

whilst the Witn-gyih, on hearing the sound of their attack, would

advance with the rest of the army in three divisions, and attack the ©

Chinese in front. This attack succeeded completely ; and the weapons

of the Burmese were so smeared with the blood of the Chinese, that

they could not hold them. The Chinese had before suffered greatly

from want of provisions, and their general, now believing that the

Burmese from Theinnt had arrived in his rear, deemed it prudent to

fall back with the whole of his 30 divisions of 10,000 men each.

The Wiun-gyih continued to attack the retreating enemy, and the

whole of the woods and hills were covered with the dead bodies of

the Chinese. The Chinese general Myrnc-xoun-yw,, collecting

as many of his men as he could, retired by Taung-bain, avoiding the

road to Theinni, and on arriving at Maing-yown and Maing-yin,

took post-on the top of a hill. The Wun-gyih Mand Tsi’-rxv’ in

the pursuit of the Chinese met the other Win-gyih Maud Tui’na-

THU’RA advancing with his force, at Naung-66 to the westward of

Lé-shyé. The two armies united and marched towards the Chinese

general at Maing-youn and Maing-:yin, but as soon as he heard of

their approach, he fled into China. The two Win-gyih’s finding the

Chinese had retired, and that the king’s service was completed,

returned with all their prisoners, arms, &c. to dua, where they arriv-

ed on the 17th March, 1768.

The Chinese force of upwards of 100,000 men which had marched

against. Ba-mé by the Thinzd-nuay-lein road, repeatedly attacked that

place, which was so skilfully defended by Buta Mzn:pzn, that they

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 189

could not carry it, and after losing a great many men, and suffering

much from scarcity of provisions, they heard of the flight of the

large Chinese army under the king’s brother and son-in-law, and

immediately raised the siege of Ba-mé, and fled to China.

For more than twelve months there was a cessation of hostilities

between the two countries, owing apparently to a communication

sent from Ava to China by eight Chinese prisoners, who were released

for that purpose. But about the end of 1769, intelligence was receiv-

ed from Ba-mé, that another Chinese army of 50,000 horse and 500,000

foot was marching against the Burmese dominions under three

generals, THu'-Koun-ym, Axoun-yn’, and Yvon-Kxoun-yr’. On

the 21st October, the king of Ava sent a force of 100 war elephants,

1,200 cavalry and 12,000 foot under the Amyauk-win*, Ne Myo’:-

THI'HA-THU’, to Mé:gaung, by the route to the westward of the

Erdwadi. Three days after, another force amounting to 52,000 men

under the Win-gyih Mauna Tui’Ha-rHv’RA proceeded by water to

Ba-mé ; and in another three days, two more divisions proceeded with

the cavalry and elephants under the Mé:meit Tsé:buah and Kyé-

den:yaza, by the road to the eastward of the Hrdwadi.

The three Chinese generals, on reaching Yéy/ mountain to the

north of the ZLizé, detached 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot under

the Kyen-ngan officer, Tsuxnc-ra’-yi’N, to advance by the Mo:-

gaung road, and cutting timber and planks in the most con-

venient spots, brought them to the bank of the Erdwadi, and left

the general Lé-r4-rx’ with 10,000 carpenters and sawyers, to con-

struct large boatst. The main army then marched on towards Ba-

m6, and after throwing up very extensive stockades at Shue-nyaung-

beng, twelve miles to the east of Kaung-tozn, and leaving 100,000

foot and 10,000 horse to defend them under YuoNn-Koun-yYeE’, the

rest of the army, amounting to 30,000 horse and 300,000 foot, under

the other two principal generals and ten officers of high rank, advanced

and invested Kaung-tozn towards the land side. 500 boats also, as

soon as they were built in the upper part of the Erdwadt, were brought

down and placed with 50,000 men under Yi-TA-y1'N, the governor

of Tha-kyeng, so as to invest Kaung-toxn on the river face. Kaung-

town was repeatedly attacked by the Chinese by land and water, but

its governor, Buna Men:prn, defended it so bravely and skilfully,

that the Chinese were obliged at last to confine their operations to

* Chief of artillery ; Symes’s Amion-mee.

+ This statement is opposed to Mr. Gurziarr’s opinion, derived from the

Chinese accounts of this war, that some navigable river from China falls into

the Erdéwadi, and that the Chinese army brought boats with them by that means.

7 2

140 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. ([Frs.

keeping up an incessant fire against the place, from the positions

occupied by their land and water force.

As soon as the Win-gyih Maud Tu1’'HA-THUv’RA, who was advan-

cing with the water force from Ava, heard that the Chinese were

closely besieging Kaung-tot%n, he ordered Tsa'n-LHA-6yI'H, DHaMMA-

vk, Brn Un and Suvuz-paune-neay with four war-boats and all

the boats which had joined him from the different towns on his route

from Ava, to proceed with expedition before the rest of the army,

and endeavour to throw into Kaung-toun a supply of ammunition and

provisions. ‘These four officers attacked the Chinese boats in front

of Kaung-toun, and after defeating and driving them off, and captur-

ing many, succeeded in relieving Kaung-town. Tsa’N-LHA-GyYI‘/H then

stockaded himself with 5,000 men in the rear of the Chinese besieg-

ing force, on a spot to the south of Kaung-toun, and north of the

mouth of the Tstn-gan or Tsin-khan river, whilst Duammatd and

Bint4 Un with their boats, and the Chinese boats, which they had

captured, took post near the island of Kyun-dé on the side of the

Erdwadi, opposite to that on which Kaung-toun stands. The Chinese

water force returned to its former position in front of Kaung-toun,

and 40 or 50,000 Chinese made an attack on Tsa’N-LHA-GYI‘H’S

stockade, but being unable to carry it took post round it.

‘The Win-gyih being joined at Tagaung and Malt by the elephants

and cavalry which had marched from Ava by the eastern route,

detached 100 war elephants, 1,000 horse and 10,000 men under the

Let-wé-weng-mhii with orders to proceed to M6:meit, and after

putting that place in a state of defence, to watch the state of affairs

and seize any opportunity which might offer for attacking the Chinese

army. The Win-gyih himself then advanced with his boats, and on

arriving near Kaung-totin, took post near the island opposite that

place, towards the western bank of the Hrdwadi. He then ordered

1,500 horse and 15,000 foot, under the Shye-weng-mhu* and Tein-

gy4:men:gaung, to cross over and land on the eastern side of the Erda-

wadt, and, marching round the rear of Moya on the north bank of

the Len-ban-gya, to attack any convoy of supplies and provisions

which might be coming to the enemy from China, and afterwards fall

on the rear of the Chinese army.

The force which marched from Ava to Mé.:gaung under the Amyauk-

win, after placing Mo.gaung in a state of defence, advanced to meet

the Chinese army coming in that direction. Learning from his scouts

* ‘Commanding the eastern entrance into the palace,’’ to which honorable

post this officer, who had so much distinguished himself in the preceding

campaigns, appears to have been elevated.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 141

that the Chinese force of 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot under general

TsHENG-TA-1L6-Yn’, which had been detached towards Mé.:gaung, had

halted on the east bank of the Hrdwadi, near Naung-td-16 island,

above Kat-kyo-wain-mé, in order to construct a bridge over the

river, which is narrow there, the Amyauk-wiun rapidly advanced with

his whole force and took post near Peng-thdh, an island lying near

the west bank, and above and below it along the river, whence he

prevented the Chinese from building their bridge or crossing the

Erdawadt.

The Shye-weng-dé-mhii, having crossed the Hrdwad?é river with

his 15,000 men, and_ landed at the landing-place of the Ba-mé mart,

marched round the north of the Len-ban-gya stream and cut off the

supplies of the Chinese, capturing every convoy of men, horses and

mules which was approaching by the Maing:tein road, and then

turned round to attack the rear of the Chinese army; whilst the

Let-wé-weng-mhii, who had been detached to Mé:meit, having put

that town in a state of defence and placed in it a strong garrison

with its Tsé:buah, was advancing towards Kaung-town with his ten

divisions. The Chinese generals, Tuu’-Koun-yn’ and AKoun-yYvP’,

hearing that the Shye-weng-mhti and Let-wé-weng-mht were ad-

vancing in two directions from the rear to attack them, sent out a

force of 5,000 horse and 50,000 foot under Y6-rA4-y1'n, the governor

of Lhyin-yin, to meet the Let-wé-weng-mhi, and another force of

the same strength under K6-rA-y1'n, to meet the Shye-weng-mhiu.

As the Let-wé-weng-mhu was advancing from Mé:meit and had

crossed to the northward of the Tsin-khan river, he fell in with

5,000 Chinese horse which were preceding the Chinese general

Y6-rA-y1’n, and immediately attacked them with 100 elephants and

2,000 musqueteers and broke them. He then sent against the right

and left flanks of the Chinese force 500 Cassay and 500 Burmese

horse, whilst he himself penetrated into the very centre of the Chinese

force with the rest of his ten divisions. The Chinese were complete-

ly defeated and driven back with great loss, and the Let-wé-weng-

mhu halted his force, and took post on the north bank of the Tsin-

khan river.

The Shye-weng-mhi also fell in with the Chinese force sent

against him at a spot beyond the Ndn-ma-bué river, to the eastward

of the great Chinese stockade at Shue-nyaung-beng, and, dividing his

force into three portions of five divisions each, received the Chinese

attack. The Chinese horse advanced with great impetuosity, but

being received by the fire of 3,000 musqueteers from the Burmese

right and left wings, they were driven back with the loss of 5 or

142 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Fus.

600 men. The whole Burmese force then advanced and attacked the

Chinese, and forced them to fall back to their great stockade at

Shue-nyaung-beng with a heavy loss. This stockade being as large

and extensive as a city, the Shye-weng-mhu halted and took post

on the east side of the Nin-ma-bué river.

On the Let-wé-weng-mht then sending out a party of 100 horse

to open a communication with the Shye-weng-mhu, the latter report-

ed that all the supplies of the enemy had been intercepted, and

their communication with the rear cut off, and proposed that the

two Burmese forces should make a combined attack on the great

Chinese stockades at Shue-nyaung-beng, as, after capturing them, the

Chinese army before Kaung-tot%n would be enclosed like fish in a net.

The Let-wé-weng-mhu on receiving this proposition, summoned

all his officers, and after praising it to them, advanced with the whole

of his ten divisions and joined the Shye-weng-mhiti’s force before

the great Chinese stockades at Shue-nyaung-beng. <A plan of attack

being then arranged, the Chinese stockades were stormed at four

points, to the east by six regiments under the Shye-weng-mhit, to

the south by six regiments under Men:ngay-bala, to the west by

seven regiments under the Let-wé-weng-mhu, and to the north by

six regiments under the Lain-bé6*. Some of the Burmese entered

by ladders, whilst others entered by the openings which were made

by elephants employed to butt against and throw down the gates and

timbers. Although the Chinese with their general and the whole

of their officers received the Burmese on the top of their works, and

maintained a heavy fire, the Burmese, urged on by their generals,

the Shye-weng-mhu and Let-wé-weng-mhu, succeeded in enter-

ing the works, when the whole of the Chinese rushed out of the

western face, and joined the army which was before Kaung-totn

under their generals Tuu’-KouN-vYxE’ and Axoun-yr. The Burmese

generals having captured the Chinese entrenchments at Shuwe-nyaung-

beng, with an immense quantity of guns, jinjals, muskets and

ammunition, and horses and mules, placed a garrison of 5,000 men

in charge of these stockades. The Let-wé-weng-mhi with ten

divisions then proceeded and took post at Nauwng-byit on the north

bank of the Ts‘n-khan river, four miles to the south-east of Kaung-

totin ; whilst the Shye-weng-mht with ten regiments took post on

the bank of the Len-ban-gya river, opposite to Mé:yu village, and

eight miles distant from Kaung-toiin.

The Wdn-gyih then sent eight divisions of his fleet under the

Mux-xua-ra’-B6 and seven other officers to attack the Chinese boats

* Officer of Lain, a town and district near Rangoon.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 143

which were blockading Kaung-town. This attack succeeded ; but the

Burmese having returned to the Wiun-gyih with the boats and guns

they had captured, the Chinese fleet rallied and resumed the block-

ade. The eight divisions of the Burmese fleet, as soon as they had

refitted and repaired, again attacked the Chinese fleet, and after a

severe engagement, forced the crews to jump on shore, and leave all

their boats, guns, &c. of which the Burmese took possession. The

Wun-gyih’s army then opened a communication with the garrison

of Kaung-town, and the Win-gyih sent 10 regiments under Men: yu’-

ZEYA-GyO to cross the Hrdwadi below Kaung-totén to the eastward,

and post themselves along the 7’sin-khan river to the south-east of

that town, so as to communicate with Naung-byit, where the Let-

wé-weng-mhuti was stockaded. The Wun-gyih also sent ten regi-

ments under Mun:yu’-YAN-NAUNG to cross the Erawadi above Kaung-

town, and to place themselves along the Len-ban-gya river to the

north of that town, so as to communicate with Moyz%, where the

Shye-weng-mhu was posted. The Wutn-gyih also, in order to

induce the Chinese to believe that strong reinforcements were daily

joining him, made large parties of men, elephants and horses cross

over every day from the west to the east bank of the Hrdwad¢, and

at night brought them all secretly back again to the west.

The Chinese generals Tuv’-Koun-ye’ and Axoun-ypr’, then sum-

moned all their officers, and after describing the defeats which both

their land and water forces had so repeatedly sustained, and the

severe sufferings which their army was experiencing from the want

of every kind of supplies, which the Burmese had intercepted, and

observing that even if they succeeded in an attempt to force the

Burmese armies around them, the Chinese troops would be unable

to go far, owing to the scarcity of provisions, the Chinese generals

proposed to depute a mission to the Burmese camp, in order to open

a negotiation for peace, and for a passage for their army to China.

This proposition being unanimously approved of, the Chinese generals

addressed the following letter to the Burmese commander-in-chief :—

“The generals Tuu/-Koun-ye’, AKOoUN-yuE, and YUON-KOUN-YE’

to the (Burmese) general. When we three, who were appointed to

march to Ava by three different routes, were about to commence

our march in the year 1129, (1767-8,) the (Burmese) general sent

eight Chinese with a letter, stating that all sentient beings desired

rest. We therefore delayed our march a year. Even now, we

should be happy only to see our dispute settled, which it will not

be for years, if we go on fighting. We are not come, because we

want the Burmese dominions. If the sun-descended king (of Ava)

144 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [F xs.

sends presents, as was the former custom, in the 16th year of the

emperor of China’s reign, we shall send presents in return. Our

master the emperor’s orders are: ‘Fight, if they fight; or make

peace, if they make peace.’ We three generals, desirous of settling

this dispute, have come with a moderate force only. In our Chinese

country we are not accustomed to say more than one word, and are

used to speak with truth and sincerity only. The present war has

arisen from the circumstance of the Tsé:buahs of Theinni, Bd-mé,

Mé:gaung, and Kyaing:yotn having come and invited us. We will

deliver up the Tsd:buahs, subjects of the sun-descended king, who

are now in China. Let them be restored to their former towns and

situations. And after the (Burmese) general has delivered up to us

all the Chinese officers and soldiers who are in his hands, let him

submit to the sun-descended king and great lord of righteousness,

and we will also submit to our master, the emperor and lord of

righteousness, that the two great countries may continue on the

same terms as they always were before ; that all sentient beings may

be at rest; that there may be no war; and that the gold and silver

road may be opened.”

The Kue-chow-b6* coming to the advance of the Burmese army

with the foregoing letter on the 3rd December, 1769, the Win-gyih

sent out some officers with a Chinese interpreter to meet the bearer

of the letter. One of the Burmese officers, hearing that the object

of the letter was to open a negotiation for peace, told the Kue-chow-

bo, that in order to establish an important precedent, such negotia-

tion ought to take place on the boundary line between Ava and China.

The Kue-chow-bé replied, ‘‘ Very true, but only say where the boun-

dary is.” The Burmese asked, if Buddhist pagodas were not built in

the towns of Hod-thd, Ld-thd, Mond, Tsandd, Kaing:mah, Khani?, and

Khan-nyen ? The Kue-chow-bo said that they were built, and that

they are still in existence. The Burmese rejoined, the Chinese do

not build or worship Buddhist pagodas, but the Burmese do; such

buildings are erected throughout the king of Ava’s dominions, and

their existence in Ho-thd, Ld-tha, and the other towns, is a convincing

proof of those places belonging to the king of dva. The Chinese

army ought therefore first to retreat beyond those towns, to the

boundary of the Chinese empire at Mé:mytn and Kyeng-thi. (Kyang-si ?)

The Kue-chow-b6 then asked, if there is not such a place as Ta-roup-

m6 (Chinese point) in the king of Ava’s dominions; and on being

* That is, ‘‘ The officer of Kue-chow city ;’’ but this name is generally written

in Burmese history, Kue-tsue-bé.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 145

answered that there is, below the city of Prome,—he asked, if the

Burmese history and ancient records do not mention, that in a former

king of Pagan’s time, a Chinese army invaded the country and

marched along the Hrdéwadt as far as that place, which was thence

ealled Taroup-mé ;—and on again being answered in the affirmative,

he observed, an army under the son, brother, and son-in-law of

TsHEN-ByU’-MYA:YEN, king of Pegu, only came as far as those towns

of H6-thi, La-thd, &c. during the reign of that king, and built those

pagodas ;—but if you refer to the spot only to which an army may

have happened to reach, the Burmese army ought, on the same _prin-

ciple, to retreat as far as Turoup-mé*. The letter from the Chinese

generals was then taken in to the Win-gyih, who, after reading a

translation of it which was made, sent word that all his officers had

not yet joined him, and that the Kue-chow-bé must come again in

four or five days.

The Win-gyih summoned thirty of his principal officers and con-

sulted with them as to the answer which should be made to the

letter from the Chinese generals. They all recommended that no

terms should be given ;—but the Win-gyih observed, that whenever

the Chinese had heretofore erred and attacked Ava, the Burmese

kings restrained their feelings and granted them peace, recollecting

the long friendship which had existed between the two countries ;—

that even if the Chinese force then before them were entirely destroy-

ed, the empire of China would still possess abundance of troops and

population ;—that if the Burmese refused to grant terms to the

Chinese, when asked by them, and cut them to pieces, such a pro-

ceeding would be recollected for many successive generations with

feelings of animosity and desire of revenge on their part, and the

inhabitants of both countries would continue deprived of peace and

quiet. For these reasons, the Win-gyih gave it as his opinion, that

terms ought to be granted to the Chinese,—and declared, that if the

king of Ava disapproved of the measure, he would take the whole

responsibility of it upon himself. The other officers acquiesced, and

the Win-gyih then addressed a long reply to the Chinese generals,

recapitulating the causes and events of the war, and concluding with

an inquiry, whether the Chinese generals desired to settle the dispute

by arms or by negotiation. The Chinese generals Tuvu’-KouN-Y¥E’

and Axoun-yrw’, (the latter here stated to be the emperor of China’s

son,) next sent a long letter addressed to the king of Ava, closing

* The ground on which the Burmese claimed Hé-thd, Ld-thd, &c. is precisely ~

the same as that on which the Burmese of the present day founded their right

to Kubo valley, Manipur, and even to Chitiagong and Dacca.

146 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Fs.

with a request, that officers of rank and intelligence on each side,

should meet and settle all points of difference; and with this condi-

tion, that the ‘Chinese army should not retire until after the Burmese

army was withdrawn; for, as the Chinese generals said, if we retreat

first, we are afraid the Burmese army may follow and attack us, as

was done at Theinnt. This letter was brought to the outposts of the

Burmese camp by the Kue-chow-bé and the interpreter Nea-myat-

THUON-AUNG, on the 10th December, 1769. The Burmese officers

who came out and met him, at first refused to take the letter, observ-

ing that the business must be discussed with them; that the king of

Ava ought not to be addressed; and that, in fact, they dare not

forward any such letter to him. The Kue-chow-bé assured the

Burmese, that the person who had written the letter from the

Chinese generals had made a mistake through ignorance, and that

the letter was intended for the Burmese generals and officers. The

Kue-chow-b6 further proposed, that if the Burmese really desired to

make peace, they should permit the Chinese army to retire freely to

a suitable situation, at which the negotiation might be concluded;

and displayed great anxiety for peace as soon as possible. The

Burmese officers sent him back with a promise only to report all he

had said to their general.

The Kue-chow-bé returned to the Burmese camp on the 12th of

December, when the Win-gyih delivered to him a letter for the

Chinese generals, expressing his willingness to negotiate a peace.

The moment the Chinese generals understood the contents, they sent

the Kue-chow-bé back to the Wun-gyith, to beg of him to fix the

day on which certain officers of the two armies should meet and

discuss the matter. The Win-gvyih appointed the following day.

On the 13th December, 1769, fourteen Burmese and thirteen

Chinese officers of rank met in a large shed, which was erected for

the purpose at the south-east angle of the town of Kaung-towén. On

the part of the Chinese the Kue-chow-bé was the principal speaker,

and on that of the Burmese, the Witin-dauk Ng-my6-MAHA-THURA.

The Burmese demanded, that the Tsd:buahs of Theinnt, Ba-mé, and

M6:gaung should be immediately made over to them. The Chinese

said, that these T'sé:buahs were not in their camp, and affirmed with

an oath, that they should be forwarded to Theinni and surrendered

to the Burmese there, within six months from that date. The follow-

ing treaty was then written on white paper with ink, and a copy

delivered by the Chinese to the Burmese :—

‘““ Wednesday, 13th December, 1769, in the temporary building to

the south-east of the town of Kaung-toun. His Excellency the general

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 147

of the lord who rules over a multitude of umbrella-wearing chiefs

in the great western kingdom, the sun-descended king of Ava, and

master of the golden palace, having appointed, [here follow the names

and titles of the 14 Burmese officers,) and the generals of the

master of the golden palace of China, who rules over a multitude of

- umbrella-wearing chiefs in the great eastern kingdom, having appoint-

ed, [here follow the names and titles of the 13 Chinese officers, ]

they assembled in the large building, erected in a proper manner

with seven roofs to the south-east of the town of Kaung-todn, on the

13th December, 1769, to negotiate peace and friendship between the

two great countries, and that the gold and silver road should be

established agreeably to former custom. The trvops of the sun-

descended king and master of the golden palace of Ava, and those

of the master of the golden palace of China, were drawn up in front

of each other when this negotiation took place; and after its conclu-

sion, each party made presents to the other, agreeably to former

custom, and retired. All men, the subjects of the sun-descended

king and master of the golden palace of Ava, who may be in any

part of the dominions of the master of the golden palace of China,

shall be treated according to former custom. Peace and friendship

being established between the two great countries, they shall become

one, like two pieces of gold united into one; and suitably to the

establishment of the gold and silver road, as well as agreeably to

former custom, the princes and officers of each country shall move

their respective sovereigns to transmit and exchange affectionate

letters on gold, once every ten years.”

The Burmese negotiators, after receiving the above treaty, applied

to the Chinese to make over to them such boats as the Chinese still

appear to have had near Kaung-toun. The Chinese promised to

deliver the same after they had been employed in bringing up their

stores to Ba-mé; but the boats were burnt on the same day by the

Chinese generals, and some difference of opinion afterwards took

place about them. Presents being exchanged between the Chinese

and Burmese generals, and some sent by the Chinese to the king of

Ava, the Chinese army began their march towards China on Monday,

the i8th December, followed at a distance of a jinjal shot by the

Burmese divisions under the Let-wé-weng-mhi and Shye-weng-

mht, until the Chinese reached the boundary of their country, when

the Burmese returned to Ba-mé and Kaung-touwn. At the same time,

the Chinese commanders-in-chief having sent the necessary orders

to that portion of their army which had marched towards Mo:gaung,

that force also retired into China.

u 2

148 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Fue.

The Chinese armies having suffered long from want of provisions,

those men only who were able-bodied succeeded in reaching China,

and the forests and mountains were filled with countless numbers

who died on the route from starvation.

When the officer, whom the Win-gyih sent with a report of the

peace which had been concluded with the Chinese, and with a large

quantity of silks and satins that had been received from the Chinese

generals as presents for his majesty, arrived at Ava, the king dis-

approved of the conduct of the general and officers, for allowing the

Chinese army to escape; refused to accept the presents, and ordered

that the wives of the general and other chief officers should be placed

with the Chinese presents on their heads, in front of the western

gateway of the palace; and notwithstanding that the wife of the

general-in-chief was a sister of the principal queen, she and the wives

of the other officers were exhibited for three days at the appointed

place, with the bundles of Chinese silks and satins on their heads.

The Wiun-gyih and other officers hearing how highly the king was

displeased, were afraid to return to Ava immediately, and determined

to go first and attack Manipur, the Tsé:buah of which, they heard,

had been fortifying himself again. In January, 1770, therefore, the

Burmese army crossed to the westward of the Erdwadi at Kaung-toin,

and marched to Manipur, and although the Ts6:buah of that place made

arrangements for checking the progress of the invaders at every defile

and narrow pass, the Burmese army succeeded in penetrating to the

capital, when the Tsé:buah fled with his family and as many of his

adherents as he could, and concealed themselves in jungles and high

hills. The Burmese army seized the whole of the population and

property they found in the country, with the princess of Mueyen,

Tuonké, and princes Hx'mé and Tsanpa-yo’-Kay, and brought them

to Ava, where they arrived on the 23rd of March, 1770.

The king, still displeased at the Chinese army having been allowed

to escape into China, refused to see the Wtin-gyih and other officers

of the Burmese army, and ordered them to be removed out of his

kingdom into’some other territory. They were conveyed to the

eastern side of the Mytt-ngay, which joins the Hrdwadi near the north-

east angle of the city of Ava; and two other Wiin-gyths were also

ordered by the king to be taken to the same place, for having pre-

sumed to speak to his majesty in favor of the general and other

officers. About a month after, the king forgave the whole of them,

and allowed them to return to dva.

The Chinese generals, Tou’-Kovu’n-yn’ and Axoun-ye’, returned

and reported to the emperor of China, that having made peace with

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 149

the Burmese at Kaung-town upon these conditions ; namely, that the

Tsé:buahs of Theinni, Ba-mé and Mé:gaung, subjects of the king of

Ava, should be surrendered at Theinni ; that all the Chinese officers

and soldiers taken prisoners by the Burmese in the years 1765, 1766,

1767, and 1769, should be given up; and that ambassadors should

be sent by both sovereigns once in ten years, the armies of both

nations had retired; and that two officers, the Kue-chow-bé and

Kyi/n:mewn:T1 Tu na, had much distinguished themselves. The empe-

ror of China was greatly pleased and desired to promote those officers ;

but two of the imperial kinsmen, H&4-rd-yi/n and Tsur’n-tT&-yi'Nn,

with two Tartar nobles, the governors of Ats\-kyain and Maing:thin,

submitted that they should first be allowed to go down to Mé:myin

and see how far the statements of the Kue-chow-b6é were founded in

truth. These four individuals accordingly came down to Mé:myin

and sent a letter to the Burmese governor of Kaung-toxn, in charge

of a subordinate officer and upwards of fifty men; but the governor

finding from a translation of the letter, that its contents were very

unfriendly, seized and confined the whole of the Chinese mission. A

report of the Burmese governor’s proceeding was immediately for-

warded to the emperor of China at Pekin, who ordered the Kue-chow-

bé to go down himself and see how the matter could he settled.

The Kue-chow-bé6-came down to Mé:win with upwards of 1,000

soldiers, and sent a very civil letter to the governor of Kaung-toun,

requesting him to release the Chinese party he had confined, and to

send back with them the letter which had been addressed to him by

the governors of Atsi-kyain and Maing:thin, by order of H&-r4-y1'/N

and Tsui'n-rA-y'n. The governor of Kaung-totm immediately

complied with this request; and on the Kue-chow-bé perusing the

letter, which had been sent to Kaung-town, and finding its contents

to be not only uncivil, but warlike and threatening, he forwarded it

to Pekin. The emperor was exceedingly angry, and ordered H&-14-

yin and TsHin-TA-yI’N, with the two Tartar nobles who had written

the letter, to be sent up to Pekin in irons. H<A-rX-y1'n died on the

road, but on the arrival of the other three individuals at Pekin, the

emperor ordered them to be executed. In the same year, in October,

1770, the caravans of Chinese merchants came down as befvre to

Ba-mé, Kaung-tou%n, and other places in the Burmese dominions.

(To be continued.)

150 Notice on Balantium. [Fes.

X.—Notice on Balantium, a genus of the Pteropodous Mollusca; with

the characters of a new species inhabiting the Southern Indian Ocean.

By W. H. Bznson, Esq. B.C. S.

In Vol. iv. J. A. S., page 176, I enumerated the genera of Ptero-

poda met with in my voyage from England, and noticed, under No.

11, a new perforate genus a'lied to Cleodora, which I marked as very

rare, in consequence of the specimen which fell to my net having

been the only one seen during the passage.

On looking over the plates of Lamarckian genera of Testacea given

in the old series of the London Quarterly Journal of Science, Vol. XV.

I met wiith a figure, No. 107, Plate VII., which bore a very near re-

semblance to the shell from which I intended to draw the characters of

a new genus; and on reference to the letter-press, page 220, I found

a note which had theretofore escaped my notice, containing the

characters of the genus Balantium, which the anonymous translator

proposed to establish in order to receive a shell taken by Mr. Crancu,

in Captain Tuckgy’s expedition to the Congo, and preserved with

another shell, apparently of the same genus, in the British Museum. —

The writer assigned the shell provisionally to the family of Hyaleana,

merely from the strong analogy which the substance of the shell-bore

to that of Hyalea, until an opportunity should occur of obtaining

more accurate information regarding a species so interesting. That

opportunity has partly occurred to me, and I am enabled, by the

discovery of a second allied species, to confirm, from an inspection of

the animal, the correctness of the writer’s conjecture regarding the

location of the genus in the order Péeropoda. The following is the

description of Balantium recurvum, as given in Brande’s Journal.

‘«« Shell transparent, very thin and fragile, hyaline, corneous, hasti-

form: apex recurved ; open at both ends ; superior aperture dilated,

sharp-edged ; inferior round, very minute; sides acute ; superior disk

undulated; inferior rounded; numerous transverse grooves on both

sides.”

The new species differs from the description in having no re-

curved termination to the shell, or at least the bend is so incon-

spicuous, as to be of no value as a character; the terminal aperture

is also larger in proportion, being, in my specimen, nearly 0.05 of an

inch in diameter. It has on one face three radiating longitudinal

ribs, (one central and broadest, and two lateral.) The lateral margins

are more regular than in B. recurvum, are destitute of the grooves

which cross the shell transversely, and are provided with a groove

running the whole length of their truncated edge, whence it happens

1837.] Notice on Balantium. 151

that they are bicarinate, instead of presenting a single edge or keel.

The other face has only one. broad central elevation, which expands

gradually, and in proportion to the increase in width of the shell,

towards the superior aperture. My shell is shorter in proportion

than B. recurvum. 1 propose to describe it as

Batantium BicarINATuUM.

Testa compress sub-triangulari hastiformi, faciebus utrisque trans-

verse sulcatis, superiori triradiataé, radiis convexis, approximatis ad

marginem superiorem provectum undulas tres formantibus ; facie

inferiore medio convex4, abbreviaté; marginibus lateralibus levibus

unisulcatis, sub-bicarinatis.

Long. 0.65, Lat. 0.5 poll.

Habitat in Oceano Indico Australi, pon procul ab insulis Amster-

dam et Sancti Pauli dictis.

I took the shell on the night of the 28th November, 1834, in S.

lat. 36° 30’, and E. long. 75° 30’, in company with Janthina exigua

and another small flat spired species, Cleodore, Hyalea, a small Cepha-

lopode of the genus Cranchia, an independent floating Anatifera, and

a crustaceous marine Centipede. With-+the exception of a protrusion

of a small portion of the Molluscum at the apex, the animal was very

similar to that of Cleodora, but having been crowded with too many

specimens in spirits of insufficient strength, it decayed, and was no

longer recognizable, when I had an opportunity of substituting a

stronger preservative liquor.

I observe that De Ferussac, in his enumeration of the species of

Pteropoda, contained in No. 262 of the Bulletin des Sciences, has refer-

red B. recurvum to the genus Cleodora, as C. Balantium. As the only

habitat given by him is Congo, it is evident that he was possessed of

no information in addition to that contained in the Journal of Science,

and that he had arbitrarily assumed the specimen to be defective in

the apex. The discovery of another species with a similarly perfo-

rated extremity, and a like flattened form, should cause us to hesitate

before blotting out the genus indicated by the writer in the Journal

of the Royal Institution. Nothing but the discovery of an imperfo-

rate specimen should now permit its annexation to Cleodora, between

which and Hyalea it appears to supply a void. The parts of Pelagian

shells which are most subject to injury are the delicate edges of the

apertures, not the imperforate apices, which even in the tender spinous

terminations of the Creszdes and Cleodore, are always met with in a

perfect state. Cuvieria forms no exception to the rule, as, in that

genus, the spinous termination is cut off by a diaphragm, and the

derelict portion, therefore, follows the ordinary rule observable in

152 Additional fragments of the Sivatherium. [Fes.

truncated shells. The terminal volute of Carinuria is also liable to

decadence, but nc perforation is visible in the injured part.

I think that the preceding observations will tend to uphold the

claim of Balantium to rank as one of the prominent types of form,

which, for convenience’ sake, are termed genera, and that it is de-

sirable that the anonymous institutor of it should claim his proper-

ty, in order that we may know to whom we should rightly attribute

its first indication.

The other species noticed in the Journal of Science, as preserved in

the British Museum, would appear, from the figure referred to in Par-

Kinson’s Introduction, to be a Cleodora which we met in a tract of the

Indian Ocean contained between the parallels of 30° south and 3°

north, and the meridians 86° and 92° east; but Parxinson’s figure

does no justice to the form of that truly elegant and delicate shell.

X1.—Additional fragments of the Sivatherium.

Before Colonel Cotvin’s departure for Europe, we requested permis-

sion to take a cast of the beautifully preserved lower jaw of the Sivathe-

rium which he exhibited at the Government House scientific party in

January last. In further token of his zeal for science, and of his ever-

readiness to oblige, he has, even in the hurry of embarkation, favored us

with the accompanying lithographic drawings of the same jaw, and of

the larger fragment of the occiput also on its way to adorn some ca-

binet of fossil osteology inhis native land. This fragment is the more

valuable on account of its being perfect in the parts deficient in Dr.

Fauconrr’s specimen published in the Asiatic Researches, vol. xix.*

We subjoin the Colonel’s note explanatory of the drawings, (Plates

VII. IX.)

«7 herewith send you two plates of the Sivatherium, one of the por-

tion of the head 1 was fortunate in having brought in from the lower

hills below and west of Ndhan just before I left Dadupur. It arrived

encumbered with a good deal of hard sandstone matrix, most of which

l had cleared away. This specimen is valuable, though it has no

teeth, from having the occiput very entire, and from its proving the

accuracy of Dr. Fauconer’s assumption, founded on examination of

the original head, that the animal had four horns with bony cores, as

this has the offset of one of the back branched horns very clearly

marked; suitable to which ] may mention that Captain CauTLey

has found in his collection a large flat horn. In this Plate, fig. 1

* See Journal Asiatic Society, vol. v. January.

Jour: 48: Soe. Voi V1. PL. WUE

SIVATHERIUM

Ocegqnut

SS y \ ny

\: Mile SS :

AGO

“ \ \ \

vat

VPA

Z ZZ

EC SF

N Minis) ) = Lt

STH

Scicle. Jb" Natural sizw.

Printed at le oriental Lidb Press, Cal culta,

SIVATHERIUM

lover Jae.

NY \ ————

sVar= "JMU

SNS

J VA on

SHIN

pe! an “ih

tla lt

f » Y > n P : ‘a ;

Ve i F 2) , Hy j Wd me: | ‘Yi!

( Ny “4 ~ pay | i J Bef }) q \ ‘hy I i ‘

= ae 1 HT pie hh il i, {fs ) ( | { ® :

SS eee, it, i Vf fa i 7 \ rn

ae : Wy

‘ =

| yt

2 oF

. 2 ‘

o* F -~

Niger ’

if 5) 4

el ane

1837.] Note on the Hotspring of Lohand Khad. 153

represents a front view of my fragment; fig. 2, a side view of the

same, showing the setting on of the new horn, and the rise of the

front one over the eye; fig. 3 is a view of the occiput :—the whole

appear partly distorted from occurrence of a shift. For the left lower

jaw of the Sivatherium, delineated in the 2nd Plate, I am indebted te

Conductor W. Dawe, of the Canal Department, for whom it was

brought in, inclosed in a mass of similar sandstone, from near the

sources of the Sombe river, north of Dddipur and east of Ndhan,

shortly before [ came away. It is a very perfect and beautiful speci-

men, with its molars, four in number, almost quite entire, and is the

specimen which you have moulded.

Fig. 1 is of the outside of the left lower jaw.

Fig. 2, ditto crown of the teeth, in which I have endeavoured to

be accurate in drawing the flexures of the enamel.

Fig. 3 is of the inside of the same jaw.

In fig. 1 I have hardly had the jaw perpendicular when drawing it,

as it does not sufficiently express the great height of the inner range

of the molars over their outer edge, which a cross section would have

better shown; but as the specimen is gone on board, I cannot now

make it.”

XII.—Note on the Hotspring of Lohand Khad. By Capt.C. M. Wanz.

Near the village of Bhasra and the source of the Lohand Khad, (a

rivulet, which flows into the Satlaj from below the ridge on which

the fort of Chamba is situated,) there is a mineral spring, the water

of which has a strong saline taste, and is said to be very efficacious

in cases of goitre, dropsy, and rheumatism. Many people are in the

habit of resorting to it from the neighbouring country annually in

the months of May and June, December and January, to drink its

water, both for the cure of these complaints, and to benefit by the

salutary effect it is supposed generally to have on the constitution.

A course of seven days is considered sufficient to affect the patient

with its peculiar qualities. It is drank early in the morning and at

meals, and has a slightly aperient quality. While drinking the water

it is necessary, in the opinion of the natives, to observe a strict regi-

men, eating nothing but dry wheaten cakes kneaded with the water of

the spring, and occasionally a few grains of black pepper. When the

actual course of drinking is over, abstinence from salt in any form is

enjoined for the seven following days. During the hot months it is

visited chiefly by those who are affected by goitres. In the cold

months it is found to be beneficial in scrofulous complaints, as well

154 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Fex.

as dropsy and rheumatism. When taken for rheumatic affections the

body is said at first to swell and to subside after the water has been

drunk the regulated time. Persons of wealth, and those who are not

able to proceed to the spring, send for the water from a distance at the

proper season, in order to go through a course of it. There are no

habitations near the spring of a permanent description. Those who

resort to it, generally amounting to two or three hundred at a time,

erect temporary sheds for themselves while they remain. The soil is

argillaceous, of a reddish blue tint. Though situated near the source

of the Lohand Khad, there appears to be no connection between the

spring and that rivulet, excepting in the rainy season, when the inun-

dation is stated to impair the efficacy of the water, and neutralise its

saline taste. The dimensions of the spring are about three feet broad

and five deep. It is immediately on the frontier of the haldir and Han-—

dar territories. Lohand Khad forms the boundary between these two

States, and flows into the Saélaj near Kiralpur in the valley of Mak-

howal above the town of Ropur. No sacred character seems to be

attached to the spring any more than the reverence with which the

Hindus are accustomed to regard these phenomena of nature in all

situations. It does not appear to be frequented by any pilgrims, who

are led to it from religious motives alone. The Khalir raja attempted

some years ago to levy a tax on those who come to drink the water,

but was diverted from his purpose by the advice of Captain Murray,

to whose authority he was subject, for his possessions on the left

bank of the Sailaj.

[The analysis of this and numerous other specimens of water will

be given hereafter.—J. P.]

XIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 1st March, 1837.

W. H. Macnacuten, Esq., Vice-President, in the chair.

Messrs. J. M. Mint and W. Cracrorr, proposed at the last meeting,

were ballotted for, and duly elected Members of the Society.

H. Torrens, Esq. was proposed by Mr. H. T. Pruvsnp, seconded by

Mr. MacnaGuten.

Col. Hezeta, proposed by Major Taytor, second by the Secretary.

Mr. W. Srorm, proposed by Mr. Bett, seconded by Dr. WatticH.

The Secretary proposed the Bishop of Cochin-China as an Honorary

Member, seconded by Mr. W. H. Macnacuten ;—referred to the Com-

mittee of Papers.

Read a letter from Captain H. Harxness, Secretary to the Royal

Asiatic Society, acknowledging the receipt of oriental works published

by the Society. i

Read a letter from H, T. Prinsep, Esq. Secretary to the Government

of India, General Department, communicating the following extract from

a Letter, No. 15, of 1836, from the Honorable the Court of Directors, dated

the 14th September, 1836.

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 155

Para. 4. We learn from the Journal of the Asiatic Society that you have

recently transferred tne European portion of the Books of the Library of the

College of Fort William to a Public Library in Calcutta, and the Oriental

Works to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. We observe that this measure is made

dependent upon our sanction, but as we are not aware of the reasons which

recommended such a distribution, we refrain at present from issuing any direc-

tions upon the subject. With regard to the manuscripts, however, it is probable

that the collection comprizes many copies of several of the works or duplicates

of those previously in the possession of the Asiatic Society ; and we direct that

in all such cases two copies be forwarded to us without awaiting the receipt of

our decision upon the arrangement which you have made for the distribution of

the contents of the College Library. We, at the same time, desire that you cause

to be prepared and forwarded to us by the first opportunity, a list of the several

works, both European and Oriental, which are included in the arrangement now

referred to. :

Ordered,—that a list be prepared of the works included:in the Court’s

requisition, and that the manuscripts in question be separated for trans-

mission home through the Government.

The Secretary noted the sale of 2,000 Rupees Company’s Paper with

which the Printer’s bill had been discharged.

Read a letter from Monsieur S. L. Laporte, Secretary to the Linnean

Society at Bordeaux, proposing a mutual correspondence and interchange

of objects of natural history, which M. Laporre also offers to individual

members from his own rich collection of Zoology.

Read a letter from Professor Orum. Frank of Munich, acknowledging

the receipt of Oriental works published by the Society, and suggesting a

list of some of the principal Sanserit works which it would be desirable

to undertake, on the completion of those now in hand.

, Mr. E. V. Irwin presented on the part of the author, a duplicate of

the Chronological hypothesis signed Veriras, which was received from

Yan Dieman’s Land some months ago.

Library.

Dr. Watticn presented a continuation of the Meteorological Register

kept at the Mauritius, by M. Jutes Dessarpins.

Mr. D. O. Dyas Sompre presented a finely illuminated copy of the

Gulistan, supposed to have been copied for the emperor AURANGZEB at

Biipir, and lately belonging to the Begum Sompre’s library.

Read a letter from J. Beni, Esq., Secretary to the Agricultural and

Horticultural Society of Calcutta, forwarding for presentation a copy of

the 3rd vol. of its Transactions. ;

Mr. Jonannes AvpALL presented a map of Armenia, published at

Venice, in 1778.

Notice Historique sur Coarxtes TELFAIR, Esq. late President of the Societé

of Natural Histoire of Mauritius, by M. Jutien Dessaroiws, Secretary to the

Society—presented by the author.

Narrative of the wreck of the Lady Munro on the isle of Amsterdam in 1835,

—by Dr. M’Cosh.

The following books were received from the booksellers :

Buckland’s Bridgwater Treatise, Geology and Mineralogy, Vols. I. and II.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia: Foreign Statesman, Vol. 3rd.

The following works translated and published by Mr. Lewis Da Costa,

were presented on his part by Mr. Georee Hitt.

4 vols. 4to. Elements of General History, in Hindastanf.

1 vol. ditto, The Book of Common Prayer, in Persian.

1 ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, in Hindfstani.

1 ditto, 8vo. ditto, ditte, ditto, ditto.

1 ditto, ditto, ditto, Abstract, ditto, ditto.

1 ditto, 4to, The Penal Code, in Persian.

1 ditto, ditto, Regulations of Distress, Replevin and Sale, &c. of Lands, do.

156 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Fz.

Museum.

Mr. Dyas Somsre presented to the Society, through Dr. Buruint, the

sword of her late Highness Begum Somsre, which she had worn from the

hae 1778 to the day of her death, and which was always kept by her bed-

side. ;

A collection of models of the human hand and foot in plaister of Paris,

was presented on the part of Mr. C. W. Smiru.

Dr. Wisg, Principal of HughliCollege, intimated that he was desi-

rous of forming a museum in connection with the Haghli College, and

would be happy to receive any duplicates which the Society might be

able to spare.

The following memorandum and proposition were submitted by Cap-

tain CuNNINGHAM :—

‘* Having been engaged during the past month in arranging the coins in the

Cabinet of the Asiatic Society, I beg to submit to the Members of the Society

the following observations upon their collection.

1. The collection of coins belonging to the Asiatic Society is so exceedingly

meagre in every series of coius that would be of use to the historian and to the

antiquary, and, at the same time, the individual specimens are so very poor in

point of preservation, that the whole number of coins, which have been many

years in collection, is scarcely deserving of the name of a Cabinet. To prove

the meagreness of the collection, I need but to subjoin a list of the coins now

in the Cabinet of the Society, in which the only really valuable specimen is a

gold coin of MAHENDRA Gupta.

List of the Coins in the Society’s Cabinet, with their value..

Co.’s Rs.

1 Gold coin of MAHENDRA GUPTA, .........cc- 5b aued, ae ORs OU

52 Dekkany gold hoons ; some small, others minutely small,...... 60

7 Modern gold coins, chiefly Nipdlese, ...... ......e2eeceeeeess 20

42 Indo-Scythic coins, including some rudely executed base gold

(ty ARE ES Aa AO eA ih oe AMOI eso SAIGOIOD CIE Doo 26s. eal

26 Grecian, Arsakian and Sassanidan, ......cccccecccevccsscorsse OU

30 Masalman and Nipalese silver coins, Buclocacomoc. sclly

227 Miasalman pice, all exceedingly common, excepta Mahmud, .. 11

281 Dekkany pice—mostly modern and wanting inscriptions—nearly

worthless,.. 0000 ceseececnserons dS elee os alsreefeie se oft (ye

115 small silver coins—punch marks and Varaha series, all bad, .... 25

NoGy Chinesepand nhapanese, cmerscsrel steps) icicielohelenae cielclcre |<) dercisteia stelerenamiste 5.

25 Continentalisilver COMB say 2 e\ 6 0% Seine vicieps sunpvanele ob = cusiver stele sent oe

ZAMORA COMMIS scteicie'sioieisious eye icles deleieralepclaisisl sisi aitiels ine, ofeleiey sie te inteanremenli

2, Itis a fact, which must be known to most of the Members, that the Socie-

ty’s collection has not been incrased during the last two or even three years by

the addition of a single coin; or, in other words, that since private individuals

have commenced the collection of coins, there have been few, if any, pre-

sented to the Society’s Museum: most persons finding more pleasure in

obliging a friend, by presenting to him any coins that they may pick up, than

in displaying their public zeal by making a donation of them to the Society. I

therefore beg to propose,— :

As the Society’s Cabinet has not been increased during the last three years

by the donetion of a single coin, and, as from the number of private individuals

now collecting coins, there is but little likelihood of any donations being made

for the future, , 3 t

That the Society do either increase their collection of coins by purchasing

such as may offer from time to time, in order that their Cabinet, at present

nearly valueless, may be useful to the Antiquary in the elucidation of doubtful

points in history,—

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 157

Or, that the Society do sell their present incomplete collection to the highest

bidder, and apply the proceeds either to furnishing the Museum with subjects

more generally interesting or with furniture indispensably necessary.’’

The general opinion of the Meeting was adverse to the sale of the

Society’s Cabinet, its preservation being no source of expense ; and

it was to be hoped opportunities might occur of rendering it more

important and rich.

Mr. Bev submitted the following communication on the subject of

the statistical inquiries suggested by the Royal Asiatic Society. The

author was thanked by the Chairman for his offer to draw up a series of

papers on staple products of India, and his note was ordered to be made

over to the Statistical Committee.

To James Prinsep, Esq.

Secretary, Asiatic Society.

Sir,

I have read with much satisfaction a pamphlet presented at the last Meeting

of this Society, containing a highly interesting paper drawn up by the Right

Honorable Hott Mscxenzir, and Joun Forses Roy te, Esq, ‘‘ having for its

object the formation of a Committee of Agriculture and Trade in relation to

the East.’’ ;

Conceiving, with advertence to the circular, which accompanied this pam-

phlet, from the Right Honorable Sir ALexanpDER JoHNsTON, Chairman of the

Committee of Correspondence of the Royal Asiatic Society, that any informa-

tion derived from authentic sources, however incomplete, will be acceptable, I

feel desirous to becoine a humble laborer in a field in which I have, from my

arrival in India (16 years) felt peculiar interest ; by submitting to the Society,

for transmission to the Committee of Correspondence in England, if approved

and deemed worthy, the results of information I have endeavoured faithfully to

collect on the varions productions of India.

It may be deemed presumption in me to propose to myself this task, in the

face of so serious an imputation as is borne on the circular in question ; viz.

‘« Few in India know what England requires ; and none of the lights of modern

science having been applied to the agriculture of the former country (India), its

productive powers have, as yet, been very imperfectly developed.”

However undeniable this position is, I hope it may be conceded that there are

those in India who are equally ready to impart the little information they do

possess on the subject which is to engage the attention of the Committee of

Correspondence, as the members of that Committee can possibly be to collect and

arrange it.

Impressed with the importance of, and great advantage likely to be derived

from, a share of public attention being paid to Statistics in this country, I en-

deavoured to draw notice to the project of forming a Society, by a communica-

tion which appeared in the India Gazette of the 15th or 16th of August, 1834,

under the signature of ‘‘ A Friend to Improvement ;”’ and I now rejoice that,

although I failed in attracting attention to the scheme, the matter has been

recently taken up by an able Committee of this Society, for the purpose of

collecting and condensing statistical information generally.

I mention this circumstance only that I may not be thought to write for

writing’s sake, or to offer suggestions and make promises that are frequently

made on the impulse of the moment when any new scheme is adopted, without

due deliberation, or without thoroughly understanding the nature of the obliga-

tion. I have studied the subject long, and the longer my reflections are brought

to bear on Indian Statistics, so much the greater is my desire to be of the least

service in endeavoring to develope the resources of this country. And the only

excuse I can venture to offer for having been so long a silent and useless observer,

is the fact experience has taught me, that to pudlish information of utility at

one’s own expense in India, is a serious and losing affair; while, to throw away

information, or give it to those who do not appreciate it, is an equally unprofit-

able task.

‘A depository has now been opened for the reception of all useful communica.

tions by the formation of two Committees almost simultaneously, for the same

purpose, and these at a distance of some 13,000 miles from each other,—a coin-

158 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Frs.

cidence which ought to convince the most sceptical of the demand for informa-

tion, by no means scarce, but which, for the reasons J have stated, has been

kept back by some, scattered to the winds by others, or carefully locked up in

Government offices ; and now in the year 1837, when any question in political

economy is agitated, there is notin all {ndia a book of general reference. What

is the consequence? A question that in England would be settled in a month,

requires in India at least a year to collect data on which to frame a report.

Now, the least advantage that may be expected from the labors of these

Committees, will be a ready reference to all matters relating to political econo-

my, and a sure guide to future legislation. Instead of groping in the dark, and

seeking information from numerous and doubtful sources, it would be found

carefully collected and condensed from the best authorities at one and the same

oint.

: So grand a design could not be compassed by any one individual, even were

his whole time and attention devoted to its accomplishment, and life ten times

its present span. Butin the hands of a Committee there is no reason to appre-

hend failure, and I think, that as soon as the objects of the Committee are

sufficiently explained and made known, there are many who will willingly and

zealously contribute all they can to the general fund.

Without taking up more of the Society’s time, (and I beg pardon for this

intrusion,) I may merely add that I shall be glad to undertake a series of essays

on the principal productions of India. For example, I would begin with ‘‘ Cot-

ton,’’ which, as Mr. Hott MacKENZItE justly observes, ‘‘ had become almost a

necessary of life to a large proportion of our manufacturers; and it was fear-

ful to think how much we depended for it on a single source of supply.’’

Without meaning to question the accuracy of this argument, I think I could,

without much difficulty, shew, that the English manufacturer is not so en-

tirely dependent on a single source, as it is generally supposed; for these

deductions were drawn from what India has produced—not from what India

can and may produce.

2. I would endeavour to point out the obstacles that have existed to improving

an article now of such vast commercial importance ; and how these obstacles

can be best removed.

3. What the capabilities of this country are, supposing political events com-

pelled the British manufacturer to depend for supplies of cotton on India alone.

4. The average prices of ‘Indian cotton in the English market for the last

twenty years, contrasted with those of American and other foreign grown cotton.

5. That India is capable, under ordinary care and encouragement, of main-

taining a successful competition in the British market with any foreign country.

6. ‘The probable quantity of land in India formerly occupied by cotton,

which has been thrown out of cultivation, by the great influx of British Twist,

and the extent to which this cultivation may be brought back by introducing a

superior stapie and improved mode of culture.

These remarks would be founded on sound calculations deduced from tabular

statements, as well as actual experiment, and not on theoretical argumentation.

Cotton, as I have said, would be the subject of my first essay—which would

be followed by a similar statistical view of our Indian Silk trade. Sugar would

thirdly engage my attention, and so on until the list of staples had been com-

leted.

, From these I should descend into the hitherto less explored, though not less

{nteresting regions of agriculture, and try to discover whether there are not

many productions now left entirely to nature, that could not, with a little atten-

tion, be rescued from unmerited oblivion, and brought to form a valuable addi-

tion to the Materia Medica, and to the present list of exportable products.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

Caleutta, 23rd February, 1837. Joun BELL.

Physical.

A very large stuffed specimen of the Ornithorynchus paradoxus was

presented by Mr. EK. V. Irwin.

A letter from Lieutenant N. Vicary, dated Sydney, 28th October,

1836, announced his having dispatched, under care of Captain Davinson,

of the Lady Kennaway, a box containing a series of the fossil shells of

New South Wales.

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Captain Epwarp H. Harris, Commodore on the Surat station, pres

sented a box of fossil bones from the Perim island in the Gulf of Cambay,

which he had procured after much difficulty expressly for the Society.

Among these are several very perfect bones—an alligator’s head differing

from that sent by Lieutenant FuLLJAMES—a buffalo’s horn—a very large ver-

tebra—a well preserved mastodon’s tooth in iron-sand conglomerate—and

numerous other fragments.

Captain A. Burnes’ series of the geology and fossil conchology of the

Chari range in Cutch, arrived since last meeting, was laid on the table.

‘“« These specimens’”’ (Captain BurNEs writes) ‘* are duplicates of what I for-

warded to the.Geological Society of London about six menths ago. Professor

Lye. had cursorily looked over them, and a friend writes of some others

which had been sent from the same spot : ‘ Mr. LonspALE is decidedly of opinion

that the fossils are much more different specifically from European secondary

fossils, than those reeeived from Cutch a few years ago.’’’

The principal varieties of these shells, are sketched in the accompanying plate,

(ix.) but it is impossible, from the imperfection of most of them in essential

parts, to name them with accuracy.

From the Chari hills, fig. 4, a large buccinum (?) 8 inches long ;—ammonites

of several species (1, 2,) enclosed in wacken balls,—sometimes mineralized with

a fine red ochre; belemnites, 3, occurring with and inelosed in bivalves 11, 12,

14 ;—ostrea, two varieties, 9 and 10. From Wagne, east of Bhooj, the same

shelly conglomerate, containing a variety of bivalves, 11, 15 and 16; pecten 16

and 17 (area ?) with large ammonites, &c. From Liseput, the principal shells

are nummulites 5, 6, 7,—some curiously curved in a saddle form ;—and small

egg-shaped radiata, 9, pentacrinites ?

The geological matrix of the Chari and Wagne specimens is a yellow ochre-

ous limestone similar to the lithographic stone from Jesulmir: one specimen

has much the appearance of oolite. Also crystallized sulphate of lime, vesicu-

lar basalt with zeolites and green earth, septarium iron clay, iron sand, and

fossil wood.

From Hyderabad ; gypsum cryst. compact sandstone and lias (?).

Wara Vechia; granular granite, passing into sandstone hasalt— ddécom-

posed felspar.

Balmer, south of Jesulmitr; sienite lithomargic conglomerate, white

porcelain clay, red ochre balls.

Liseput ; light clayey limestone—and porous basalt.

Paccham island ; sandstone and coarse pebbly conglomerate, yellow lime-

stone and gypsum, as before.

Naitra; a basaltic grit.

Tramlow, six miles N. W. of Bhooj ; iron pyrites.

Toomra ; porous red iron clay.

Angier ; hillocks of wacken pebbly conglomerate, same as from Mujjul ;

and close-grained basalt from a cone 200 feet high.

Dharniyo ; iron veins in sand, worked as an ore; fossil trunk of a tree

found in the soil.

Mhur ; lithomarge, yellow clay, iron conglomerate.

Badra; continuation of the yellow limestone, with pectens and cythe-

ria ?—(16).

Romie ; low hillocks of a porous light grey volcanic tuffa.

The volcanic field of this province deserves a minute examination—and it is

much to be regretted that Captain Burnes did not favor the Society with sec-

tions and maps of the country to elucidate his specimens. This enterprising

officer is again employed on a mission to Sinde, whence we shall doubtless soon

hear of fresh researches and discoveries.

Dr. Pearson read a memorandum on the gaur and gayal, in justification

of the name given to the specimen of the former in the Society’s museum.

[This note and Mr. Evan’s, read at the last meeting, will be published im

our next,—Ep.]

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JOURNAL

ee AS LA TTLEC.. sO CA EVE Y.

No. 63.—March, 1837.

T.—Remarks on M. Scueceu’s objections to the restored editions of

the Alif Leilah, or Arabian Nights’ Entertainments. By Hunry

Torrens, Esq. B. A. and of the Inner Temple, B. C. S.

At the time of the purchase of the Macan MS. by Mr. Brown-

Low, several of the most distinguished Arabic scholars in this part

of India registered in this journal their opinion of its value. The

style of the language was declared to be singularly pure, the narra-

tive spirited and graphic, and the collection of stories enriched with

many tales either perfectly new to European readers, or else given

in a form very different from that under which they have been hither-

to known, garbled and abridged by the carelessness of translators, .

or by imperfection of the MSS. whence they were translated. Since

the publication of the opinions above alluded to, a letter addressed

by Mons. Dr Scuuecst to Mons. le Baron De Sacy, upon the subject

ofthe thousand and one nights, has excited some attention in Calcutta,

with reference especially to the supposed excellence of the Macan .

MS. Mons. De Scuuece. has asserted of these celebrated tales .

generally, that many, if not most of them, are plagiarized from a-:

Sanscrit original, and that others are ‘‘intercalated” stories, taking

their rise in neither India nor Arabia. Hence he concludes that the

greater the number of tales, the more frequent the plagiaries and

intercalations ; and such being the case, ‘‘we may be assured,” he

says, ‘‘ that the most voluminous edition of the thousand and one

nights will be the worst.”” Without stopping to weigh the soundness

of this line of argument, based on a petitio principii, and inducing a

most inconclusive conclusion, it is worth while (the attack being so

Sweeping) to assume the validity of this reasoning, and prove the

162 Remarks on the Alif Leilah. {Marcu,

strength of Mons. Dg ScutxaeEv’s position by examining the instances

with which he supports it. If his conclusion be a true one, then the

Macan MS. must be the worst instead of the best form of the

thousand and one nights hitherto discovered, for it is ‘‘the most

voluminous :” the first five nights in this MS. for instance, contain

the matter of the first seventeen nights of GaLLANp’s edition, and an

additional tale, entirely new, besides. In deference to so celebrated

a .literatist as Mons. ScuLEGEL, it is proper to consider what he

advances attentively, and, keeping strictly to the letter of his argu-

ments, to refute them, if possible, by their own assertions. It will not

be perhaps difficult to show that the critic’s reasons for the adoption

of the above opinion are remarkable rather for ingenuity than sound-

ness, or to prove by demonstration that the new tales of a ‘‘ most

voluminous” edition may bear not only the stamp of originality,

but also strong internal evidence that they are indigenous to Arabia.

Mons. DreScutecen supposes that the tales of the thousand and

one nights could never have been popular with Mussulmans, owing

to the multitude of supernatural beings of different kinds crowded

into them, there being, he says, ‘‘ scarcely another step hence to the

doctrine of polytheism.” In expressing this opinion, Mons. De S.

has entirely forgotten the extreme superstition of the followers

of the Prophet with respect to the existence of jinns, (both believers

and accursed,) ghols, ufreets, and many other classes of imaginary

beings, each distinguished by some peculiarity of character and

habits. These are introduced in multitudes in the tales in accordance

with the ordinary Arab superstitions which obtain most credit with

the most bigoted Mussulmans. They are introduced with most

liberality in some of the tales abounding especially in the expressions

of religious feeling, and the believing spirits invariably make use of

the ordinary devotional phrases so constantly in the mouth of an

Arab. They are introduced not on the dignus vindice nodus principle

as what Mons. Dz S. calls “ semi-deities ;” they take part in the action

of the story, and from their stupidity are the butts of the superior

intelligence of men, So far from showing marks of transmutation

to an Arab shape from a heathen original, they appear to be them-

selves the surest proofs of the Arabian extraction of the stories they

figure in. Mons. DeS.’s determination to prove the Indian origin of

many of the tales has led him to the singular supposition that a

people whose manners they faithfully depict, and whose superstitions

they embody, that a people whose very language bears testimony to

their passion for fiction, (the same word being employed in Arabic

1837.] Remarks on the Alif Leilah. 163

to express conversation and the relation of stories) would neglect such

tales even though indigenous to their fatherland because the excess

of supernatural agency in them savoured of “‘ polytheism !”

With reference, however, to the objection by Mons. Dz S. on the

point of plagiarised tales, and his attempt to prove the plagiary by

anachronisms, an expression in the storv of the fisherman and the

jinn in the Macan MS. may be cited, not inopportunely, as giving

some index to the date at which it was originally composed. The

jinn is described as having been shut in a jar for ‘‘ one thousand and

eight hundred years’ from the time of Sonomon, the son of Davin.

Now this tale with one of Mons. De S.’s “‘ semi-deities”’ in it, whom

he supposes importations into Arabia from an idolatrous source, and

abominations in the eyes of orthodox Mussulmans, was by the above

account composed during the third century of the Hejira, at the very

height of Mussulman orthodoxy.

Arguing on the supposition of the transmutation of most of the

tales from heathen originals, Mons. De S. proceeds to point out how

the Koran might have been introduced instead of the Vedas, and the

name of Haroun ut RasHEED made to supersede that of Vicrama-

DITYA; and with reference to the introduction of that Khalif’s name,

he cites the expression in the commencement of the thousand and

one nights, “ the chronicles of the Sassanians” as constituting a

palpable anachronism. Now the expression quoted does not exist

in the Macan MS.: the words are a king among kings descended from

the dynasty of Sassan ; and the mention of Islamism among descendants

from Sassanian princes does not appear to be in any way anachro-

nous. Again, Mons. Dr S. has ingeniously discovered in the four

colors of the fish, (vide the tale of the fisherman) who in their

natural shape were a population of Christians, Jews, Mussulmans,

and Idolaters, a type of the four castes of the Hindoos ; for, says he,

‘the metamorphosis in the original was brought about by a jeu de

mots; varna in the Sanscrit signifying colour as well as caste.” This

will hardly hold good when we look to the Arabic wherein special

mention is made of the different religions of the men transmuted into

fish of different colors. Now the Hindus have, it is true, four prin-

cipal castes, but their religion is acommon ouc. Another instance

on which much stress is laid by Mons. Dz S. of the internal evidence

of an Indian extraction offered by the tales is cited from the tale of

the king and the physician. The position is this. 1. The king is

poisoned bya MS. 2. Some Indian. MS. are saturated with a solu-

tion of orpiment to protect them from insects. 3. No other MSS. are

xy 2

164 Remarks on the Alif Leilah. (Marcr,

so saturated. 4. This was, therefore, an Indian MS. thus prepared.

5. This was, therefore, an Indian king. 6. This was, therefore, an

Indian story. The answer to this somewhat illogical sorties is—1.

That an Indian king turning over an Indian MS. would not, as did

the king in the story, have exposed himself to the chance of being

poisoned. 2. That the supposition of the MS. being an ordinary

‘Indian MS. would utterly take away the moral of the tale. 3. That

(asthe tale tells us) the supposed MS. was no MS. at all, for ‘‘ the king

turned over six leaves, and looked upon them, and found nothing

written upon them,” which induces a further search inte the book,

and a more certain death in consequence. But perhaps a literal

translation of the latter part of the story from the Arabic of the

Macan MS. will best show the futility of Mons. De S.’s argument,

the moral of the tale being the retribution inflicted by the victim on

the oppressor by means of the knowledge he is in the commencement

said to possess of ‘‘ all modes of healing, and of hurting.”

Extract from the Story of the Physician and the King.

‘And after this the executioner stepped forward, and rolled his eyes

fiercely, and drew his sword, and said, ‘Give the werd;’ and the physi-

cian wept, and said to the king, ‘Spare me, spare me, for the love of

God, and kill me not, or God will kill thee,’ and commenced extempora-

‘neously reciting,

‘If I live no man I'll profit; if I perish curse for me

All the good, when I’m no more, with every curse of infamy.

‘I was kindly ; others cruel; they were prosperous; I lost all ;

And benevolence hath made me master of a ruined hall*.’

Then said the physician to the king, ‘ This is the return I meet from you;

you return me the reward of the crocodile.’ Then said the king, ‘ And

what is the tale of the crecodile?’ The physician replied, ‘ It is not possi-

ble for me to tell it, and I in this state ; and as God is with you, spare

me as God will spare you.’ So then the physician wept with exceeding

weeping, and certain of the king’s private attendants arose, and said, ‘ Oh!

king, grant us the life of this physician, for we have not seen him com-

mit one fault towards you, and we have not seen him save as healing you

from your disease, which baffled all physicians and men of science.’ Then

said the king to them, ‘ You know not the cause of my putting to death

this physician and this it is, that if I spare him, surely I myself am doomed

sid Greg) pail dente! 3!

wy bea Ke Us day yp earl oye

ae \s i) a 5 cl! I5 esa)

1837.] Remarks on the Alif Leilah. 165

to death without a doubt, for by healing me of the disease which I had

by something held in the hand, surely it is possible he may slay me with

something given me to smell ; hence I fear lest he Kill me, and take a

bribe for doing it ; since he is a spy, and has come hither for no end but

to compass my death; so there is no help for it,—die he must, and after

that I shall be assured of my own life.’ Then said the physician, ‘ Spare

me, spare me, for the love of God, and kill me not, or God will kill you.’

Now when the physician, Oh ufreet, knew for certain that the king would

put him to death without a doubt, he said to him, ‘ Oh king, if there is

no help for it, but that I must die, then grant me a space that I may go

down to my house, and appoint my people and my kindred where they

may bury me, and that I may relieve my soul from its obligations, and

distribute my books of medicine. And I have a book, rarest of the rare ;

I offer it to you as an offering ; keep it as treasure in your treasury.’

Then said the king to the physician, ‘ What is in this book?’ He replied,

‘ Things countless beyond the power of computation ; and as a small por-

tion of the secrets that are in it, if you directly after you cut off my head

open three leaves of it, and read three lines of the page on your left hand,

then the head will speak with you, and give you answers to every ques-

tion which you ask it.’ So the king wondered with exceeding wonder and

shrugged with satisfaction and said, ‘ Oh physician, what! directly I cut

off your head will you speak to me?’ He answered, ‘ Even so, O king.’

So replied the king, ‘ This is a strange matter,’ and forthwith sent him

away closely surrounded by a guard ; and the physician went down to his

house, and performed all his obligations on that day, and on the next day

he went up to the king’s hall of audience ; and the umeers and ministers

and chamberlains and deputies in office and the supporters of the state

went up also, the whole of them, and the presence chamber was as a flow-

er bed of the garden: and lo! the physician came up into the presence

chamber and stood before the king surrounded by guards, and with him

he had an old volume, and a bottle for holding antimony, and in it a powder :

and he sat down and said, ‘ Give me a charger,’ and they gave him a

charger ; and he poured the powder upon it, and spread it out, and said,

‘Oh king, take this book and open it not until you have cut off my head,

and immediately you have cut it off, place it on this charger, and order its

being thrown upon that powder, and directly you have done that, the blood

will stop flowing ; then open the book.’ So the king gave orders for the

cutting off the physician’s head and took the book; and the executioner

arose, and struck the physician’s neck with the sword, and placed the head

in the middle of the charger, and threw it upon the powder, then the blood

stopped flowing, and the physician Dooban opened his eyes, and said,

‘Open the book, O king ;’ so the king opened the book, and found the

leaves stuck together, so he put his finger to his mouth, and moistened it

with his tongue and opened the first leaf, and the second, and the third,

and each leaf did not open but with much trouble ; so the king turned over

six leaves and looked upon them, and found nothing written upon them.

166 Remarks on the Alif Leilah. [Marcn,

Then said the king, ‘ O physician, there is nothing written upon these ;’

and the physician replied, ‘ Turn over more still;’ so he turned over three

more, and there had but a short space elapsed before the drugs penetrated

his system at one time and on the instant, for the book was poisoned, and

forthwith the king began to be convulsed, and cried out, and said, ‘ The

poison has penetrated me,’ and the head of the physician Dooban began

to repeat extemporaneously,

‘ They issued savage mandates, but not long

Survived they in their cruelty, for lo!

’Twas but a little, and the mandate was not.

Had they done justice, justice were done them—

But they did ill, and evil was their portion ;

And fortune turned against them, strongly armed

With acts of woe and trouble. Thus they passed hence,

And the mute eloquence of their condition

Repeated to them, ‘‘ This is your reward.—

Blame not the retribution!’’ ’

(So goes the tale) ; so when the physician’s head finished its speech, the

king fell down on the instant a dead corpse.”

The above extract will give some idea of the literal style of a tale

so popular under GaLLaNp’s paraphrase, but expressed in the Macan

MS. (as will be observed on comparison) much more in detail, and

more graphically.

There remains now but to allude to Mons. Ds Scutacuy’s remain-

ing assertion, that the more voluminous the edition of the thousand

and one nights the worse will it be. The best reply to this will be

the citation of anew tale forming part of the recital of the fourth

night in the Macan MS. It offers a fair occasion for the formation

of a judgment on Mons. Dz S.’s sweeping assertion, for it has never

been found save in this voluminous edition, and is now translated of

course for the first time.

The Story of the King Sundabad.

“It is said that there was a king among the kings of Fars, who was fond

of sport, and of exercise, and of hunting, andof trapping game, and he had

always a certain hawk near him, which he let not be separated from him

by night nor by day; and all night long he had it sitting on his hand, and

whenever he rose up to hunt he took the bird with him. And he made

for it a cup of gold hung round its neck, to give it to drink out of. Now

it fell out as the king was sitting, behold the chief falconer began to say,

‘ Oh! king of the age, these are the days for going forth to hunt.’ Then

the king ordered that they should set forth, and took the hawk on his

hand ; and they journeyed till they arrived at an open plain, and they

1837.] Remarks on the Alif Leilah. 167

struck out the circle for the battu, and forthwith a doe antelope came

within the circle. Then said the king, ‘Over whose head the antelope

shall leap and get away, that man will I kill.” Then they narrowed the

circle of the battu about it, and, behold, the antelope came before the

king’s station and stood firm on its hind legs, and gathered in its fore feet

to its breast, as if about to kiss the earth before the king; so the king

bowed his head in acknowledgment to the antelope; then it bounded

over his head, and took the way of the desert. Now it happened that

the king saw his attendants winking and pointing at him, so he said, ‘ Ho!

vuzeer, what are my attendants saying?’ ‘The vuzeer replied, ‘ They

say you proclaimed that over the head of whomsoever the antelope should

leap, that man shall be put to death.” Then said the king, ‘ By the life

of my head, surely I will follow her up till I reach her ;’ so the king set

forth in pursuit of the antelope, and gave not over following her till she

reached a hill among the mountains. Then the antelope made as she

would cross a ravine, so the king cast off his hawk at her; and the bird

drove its talons into her eyes, to blind and bewilder her, and the king

threw his mace at her and struck her so as to roll her over. ‘Then he dis-

mounted, and cut her throat and flayed her, and hung the carcass to the

pummel of his saddle. Now it was the time for the mid-day sleep, and

the plain was parched and dry, nor was water to be met with in it ; and

the king was thirsty, and his horse also; so he went about searching for

water, and he saw a tree dropping water, as it were clarified butter.

Now the king wore gloves of the hide of a beast of prey, and he took the

cup from the hawk’s neck, and filled it with that water, and set down the

water before the bird, and lo! the hawk struck the cup with its talons,

and overturned it. So the king took the cup a second time, and caught

the drops of water as they were falling until he filled it, for he thought

the hawk was thirsty ; so he set the cup before it, but she struck it with

her talons and upset it. Then the king was annoyed with the hawk, and

got up a third time, and filled the cup, and put it before his horse, but the

hawk overturned it with its wings; then said the king, ‘ The Lord take

you, you unluckiest of birds! you keep me from drinking, and keep

yourself from drinking, and keep the horse from drinking!” So he struck

the hawk with his sword, and cut off its wing, but the hawk began lifting

up its head, and saying by signs, ‘ Look at what is beneath the tree.’

Then the king lifted up his eyes, and saw below the tree a young snake,

@ poisonous one, and this which was dropping from the tree was its poison.

Then the king repented him of having cut off the hawk’s wing, and arose

and mounted his horse and went, taking with him the antelope’s carcass

until he arrived at his tent within the hour, and he gave the antelope to

the cook, and said to him, ‘Take, and make this ready.’ So the king

sat down in his chair, and the hawk on his hand, and the bird struggled

gaspingly, and died. Then the king cried out, wailing and lamenting for

having slain the hawk, and it was the cause of saving him from death !

And this is what occurred in the story of the king Sundabad.”

168 Remarks on the Alif Leilah. [Marcw,

The above short tale is valuable as answering more than one of

Mons. De S.’s arguments. It contains instances of the same power

of description and habit of close observation which form the princi-

pal charm of the known tales. Any one who has been in the custom

of watching the antelope, or observing the natural motions of the

hawk, will recognise the action of the one and the other faithfully

described in the attitudes common to them when scared or excited.

The mention too of hawking the antelope proves the story to be purely

Arabian: no other nation but the Arab using the hawk against large

animals. The Persian hawks the hare, but only the Arab flies his

bird at the antelope. Thus then, so far from the additions to the “‘ most

voluminous” edition being the cause of its deterioration, as unnatu-

rally adapted from foreign sources to Arab manners, the very first

of those additions is found to be a spirited tale describing graphically

and naturally the progress of passion, (excited originally by a trifle,

and ending in the blind commission of an act of ingratitude) and

giving indisputable evidence of an Arab origin.

The judgment of those infinitely better qualified than myself to

pronounce on the merits of the Macan MS. is, it is submitted,

fully supported by the result of this brief inquiry. The translation

having been made literally from the Arabic, this will account for a

singularity of expression which may be displeasing to most readers.

In undertaking to introduce the new tales to the English reader, I

would be glad to avail myself of opinions upon the expediency of

holding to this style of translation, or adopting one more consonant

with European idioms.

[Norre.—As far as we may be allowed to be capable of judging on such a

point, we think our correspondent’s style of expression is particularly felicitous

and suitable to the work, of which we are happy to see this public acknowledg-

ment of his having undertaken the translation.

We had rather that the stories should retain the terseness, the simplicity, the

very turns of expression as well as of idea so peculiar to the language as to the

literature of Arabia, than that they should be dressed up in the uncongenial dis-

guise of modern idiom however elegant. There is at the same time nothing, in

the style adopted, repugnant to our ears, already familiar from childhood with the

oriental phraseology of the translated scriptures:—but, on the contrary, the

total foreignness and antiquity of the incidents and reflections, and the admixture

of the supernatural, now discarded from our own works of fiction, seem to acquire

support and harmony from a corresponding style of diction. We need only refer

the reader to the parallel passages quoted in the Minute on the Macan MS. by

Dr. Mixt (vol. V. page 598) to prove the great superiority of tone and keeping,

as an artist would say, in the strict dry nervous copy of the original, as con-

trasted with the smoothened, mannerized, and totally Frenchified, though in many

respects pleasing, picture of M. Tresutizen.—Eb. |]

.1837.} Survey of the Satlaj river. 169

T—Journal of CaptainC. M. Wansr’s voyage from Lodiana to Mithan-

kot by the river Satlaj, on his Mission to Lahér and Bahdéwulpur in

1832-33. By Lieut. F. Macxsson, 14th Regt. N. J.

On the 8th December, after some days spent in constructing

temporary locks on the nala, and here and there widening and deep-

ening its channel, the boats arrived at its mouth and entered the

river Sat/aj about a mile above the village of Waillipura.

Our fleet consisted of eight boats, three built by Captain Wapz at

Lodiana for the accommodation of the mission, after the model of

those used on the river Ravé ; one of a similar construction, the property

of Lodiana merchants, also built at Lodzana ; two common Satlaj ferry

boats, belonging to Lodiana baniahs; and two small boats with oars,

for the convenience of communicating with the shore and taking the

bearings of the reaches of the river.

_ The Ravi boats are flat-bottomed, and nearly square fore and aft,

with the prow and stern slightly raised: those built at Lodiana varied

in length from fifty to fifty-five feet, and in breadth from eleven to

twelve feet, having a depth of two and a half to two and three quar-

ters feet. They drew, when not laden, from ten to fifteen inches water,

and going down the stream in the actual state of the river were capa-

ble of carrying from two hundred and fifty to three hundred maunds.

The ferry boats in use in this part of the Satl/aj are not much better

than rafts, from which they differ littlein appearance. They are very

broad at the stern, and terminate in a point at the prow, which is carried

up high into the air. Although calculated for no other purpose, they are

well adapted to the transport of hackeries and cattle across the river ;

the side planks being low, laden hackeries are easily lifted over them

into the boats; or the ground at the ghat is raised to a level with

them, and the time lost in embarkation and disembarkation is com-

paratively trifling. Accidents to cattle can seldom occur, as they are

able to step into the boats without difficulty, and no space being

lost in cross beams or partitions, a great number can be accommodated

at a time.

Wallipura is a small village, containing from thirty to forty mud

hovels: it belongs to Sirdar Farren Sincu ALawatia. We remained

there on the 9th in expectation of the arrival of a party of Maha-raja

Rangi't Sinau’s irregular horse, which was to escort the boats along

the left bank of the river.

_ The breadth of the river at this point, where not intersected by

sand banks, measured two hundred and fifty yards. The deep channel

170 Journal of a voyage from [Marca,

under the left banks gave from fourteen to fifteen feet water, which

decreased to seven and six feet within twenty yards of the shore,

beyond which it was extremely shallow.

From Ropur, where the Satlaj enters the plains to where it is joined

by the Lodiana nala, it may be said to have run a course of near fifty

miles. At Ropur its bed consists of large smooth pebbles mixed with

a slimy mud; after leaving that place it runs over a loose sandy soil

through a flat country, and during this part of its course the present

left bank is generally low. There is a high bank passing close under

Chamkaur, Balolpur, Mdchiwdra kum, and Lediana, which points out

the old channel. This is now pretty nearly the course of the small

nala, which rises in the marshy ground between Ropur and Chamkaur,

and enters the Saélaj a litle above Wallipura. ‘The slip of land between

it and the present channel of the Satlaj varies in breadth from eight

to two miles and less: it is low and much intersected with zalas,

most of which are without water during the greater part of the year ;

but their beds and banks retain a degree of moisture when the rest

of the country is parched and dried up, and afford an abundant

supply of grass of a good quality within a convenient distance from

the cantonment of the troops.

The right bank from Kopur downwards is generally high and the

face of the country elevated, sloping gradually from the hills, which

recede northwards, towards the river, near which it is much broken

and cut up by ravines. On both sides the country is tolerably open and

free from heavy jungle, but on the right sparingly cultivated. Water

is found much nearer the surface on the left than on the right bank,

and cultivation is more uniform. ‘There is a tract of grass jungle on

both sides of the river near Chamkaur: it forms excellent pasture for

buffaloes which are numerous and particularly large. Wild hogs are

sometimes found in this vicinity : they come from the hills on the

opposite side, and swim the river at night to feed on the sugar-cane.

The tamarisk jungle is seen in small quantities near the river at

Talore, and even higher up, but never grows to any considerable

height, and is thin and straggling : the soil left by the overflowing of

the river in which it chiefly grows, does not appear to have acquired

that richness which it is said to possess at a greater distance from the

river's source.

During the cold weather when at its lowest, the Satlaj is fordable

in many places between Ropur and Lodiana, and even to its junction

with the Béas ; but it can no where be forded in a direct line; it is

necessary to follow the shoals or sand banks, which make the passage

1837.]° Lodiana-to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 171

circuitous and tedious; and owing to the numerous quicksands, it must

always be considered an affair of danger for bodies of troops to

attempt. As the sands are constantly shifting, the fords also are

liable to change.

I am not aware of the exact number of boats between Ropur and

Lodiana. The principal ghats or ferries are those opposite to Rihon,

Mdchiwéra aud Fabor ; the two first lie in the route from Jagadri on

the Jumna to Amriisir, and a considerable traffic passes by them.

There may be sixteen boats at Rahon and eight at Machiwdra. The

ghat at Fabor has upwards of fourteen, and is also much frequented,

lying in the direct route from Ambala through Lodiana to Amritsir

or Lahér. There is also a ghat at Kirana, which may have eight

boats, and another near Ropur which has four. Besides the boats at

the ghats there are a few scattered here and there at the different

villages on the banks of the river belonging to the zemindars, and

used by them for the convenience of crossing to and fro, and trans-

porting grain and firewood.

On the morning of the 10th we left Wallipura. The river was

swollen and muddy from rain, which had fallen higher up during the

two previous days, and which somewhat increased the rapidity of

the current. As near as I could judge from the rate at which people

were walking on the bank, it must have averaged near three miles in

the hour. Our boats kept chiefly in the shallow water for the con-

venience of using the pole to push them along; they are furnished

with oars, but the Sat/aj and Ravi boatmen seem to be unaccustomed

to their use ; and the oars are so very clumsy and unwieldy, that they

would require at least four persons to each to serve them with effect.

_ Leaving Wallipura the deep channel runs under the left bank for

upwards of a mile, when the river separates into three branches ; the

main one, which we followed, running under the right bank to Dhd-

dhara, near which the three branches again unite and form an unin-

terrupted channel 400 yards broad. On our left we passed the ghat

of Talwandi, where there were ten boats similar to those already

described. Judging from the number of people we saw crossing, it

must be a considerable thoroughfare; a small traffic passes by this

route from Jhajraon and the Milk Rohie to Doab bist Jalimdar.

After passing Talwandi the deep channel again crosses over to the

left bank, and on approaching near to Bhundri, makes a long sweep

in towards the left, running close under that village.

_ The country on our left to-day was low and uncultivated, subject

to inundation, and consisted chiefly of pasture land; that on our

172 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

right appeared high. There were fields of stubble and patches cover-

ed with the cotton plant. We passed one inlet from the river on:

the right, and a jhart jungle extending a short distance on the bank,

but low and thin. We stopped at Bhundri, estimated distance from

Wallipura four kos. This village, like the rest which we passed to-

day, is hardly deserving of remark: it contains a small paka mosque,

which is in much danger of being destroyed by the river. The

dwelling houses, of which there may be 100, are all of mud, either

thatched or with kacha terraced roofs. It has two baniahs’ shops.

The inhabitants are chiefly Mussalman zemindars. Bhundri and

Khanpur, Wazir ke Gaur, villages in the neighbourhood, are inha-

bited by a caste of Putial Rajputs, who claim descent from Rajas.

Hosprdt and JaarAu. Their ancestors were converted to Islamism

some five centuries ago by Hazrar Sudn Kardt Cuisatt, one of

the descendants of Hazrat Sunk Farin, the famous saint of Pak

Patan. His relics are deposited somewhere between the villages of

Talward and Sheikh Chishti under the shade of a grove of babul trees :

there is his khangah or shrine, which the surrounding inhabitants visit

in great crowds on certain days of the year to pay him the honors’

due to a saint.

The Patials retain many of their Hindu customs, especially the

ceremonials at births and marriages, in which the Brahmin priest often

assists and claims the usual fees.

They intermarry only among themselves, it being thought a disgrace

to give their daughters in marriage to a person of different caste or

descent.

The Jats, Gujars, Harnis, Arrains, who chiefly compose the pea-:

santry of the country from above Lodiana down to Firozpur, all claim

descent more or less remote from a Rajput stock. They are generally

ill-looking, tall and thin, but with large bones and sinewy limbs.

The usual dress of the better sort is a blue-colored dhéti, tied some-

what differently from the common mode, reaching down nearly to

the ankles, and seeming to embarrass their motions in walking. With

this they wear a large cotton chadder or sheet, which is either flung:

in double folds over the shoulder and across the breast, or used to

cover the whole body; it is exchanged for a blanket in the cold

weather. The turban is of cotton, either plain or dyed blue, and tied

sometimes Sikh fashion in a high ¢opf, and sometimes in loose folds,

leaving great part of the head uncovered. The coarse cotton cloth

which forms their ordinary wear is a home manufacture. The poorer

among them are little troubled with clothing of any description.

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 178

Their women share in the labour of the field, and perform all the

menial and laborious offices about the house. They fetch water from

the wells, prepare the cakes of cow-dung (opla) for fuel, and cleanse

and plaister their mud hovels and chabitras, while the husbands are

smoking their pipes, or employed in making rope of the minjh grass

and repairing their implements of husbandry. Disputes among them

are referred to a panch or council of the Chaudries (elders of the village),

or to arbitrators chosen by the parties. The men are addicted to the

use of bhang: are turbulent, quarrelsome, revengeful, and careless of

the shedding of blood. Their prevailing vice is petty thieving.

Female infanticide is practised, but is not very common among

these tribes.

After the decline of the Dehli empire, the whole tract of country

from Ropur down to Mamdot on the left bank of the Satlaj, fell a

prey to Rat Aumap Mouwsy, one of the numerous adventurers who

rose to a temporary consequence in those days. When Rangi’r Sineu

crossed the Satlaj in 1808, and took Jagrion, the portion of this

extensive territory which still remained in the possession of Rat

Aumanp’s family was subjected to that conqueror, and Jagraon and

its dependencies were bestowed by him in jaghir on Sirdar Fatrren

Sincu ALAwa..a, under whose rule they still continue. His terri-

tory joins that of the Jhind raja near Lodiana, and reaches with few

interruptions to within a short distance of Firozpur. It is ill culti-

vated and almost destitute of wood, which is no where used for fuel

by the villagers. Jagrdon, the Ddr-ul amal, is about 10 miles inland

from Bhundri.

On the 1lth we left Bhundri. For two miles beyond this place

the left bank of the river is excessively high; the deep channel runs

rapidly under it, undermining large fragments of the soil, which con-

tinued falling as we passed, and raised large waves on the river.

After passing the villages of Khat and Gursian, the deep channel

crosses over to the right bank, leaving the villages of Talwdra and

Sheikh Chishti far away to the left, at the extremity of a wide tract of

sand. Further on, at the same distance from us, we passed Bhamdl

and Sdl/ampur, when the river again doubled round a point, and the

deep channel brought us under the village of Sidhuan on the left

bank.

To-day the river was devious and winding in its. course, much

intersected with sand-banks, which from a distance appeared to stretch

quite across the channel and threaten a serious obstacle to further

progress. The shoals were numerous, appearing to cross each other

174 : Journal of a voyage from (Marcn,

in all directions; insomuch, that it required great care and attention

to steer clear of them. None but an experienced eye could distin-

guish from a long distance what the boatmen call ‘‘kacha’”’ from

“‘ paka-jal.”’ A villager who accompanied us from Bhundri pointed

to a number of temporary huts on the left bank near that place, the

inhabitants of which had, in his memory, removed no less than three

times from one bank to the other, in consequence of the river

changing its course and undermining its banks. Abounding as it

does with shoals and sand-banks, and running over a loose soil

through a flat country, this frequent change in its channel is the less

surprising: it generally occurs after the rains, when its waters are

swollen and impregnated with earthy particles. The prevalence for

a length of time of a particular wind occasions the choaking up of

the old channel, which the waters leave on subsiding, to pursue a

new direction.

The country to-day differed little in its features from that we had

passed the day before. At this season there are no crops standing,

and, save in the vicinity of villages where a few garden vegetables

give an appearance of verdure, the whole has an unvaried arid aspect.

Trees are only seen near the villages, and those generally of the

common bér, with here and there a pipal. The jhdn is met with

only in small patches, low and straggling. There was a great improve-

ment observable in the soil of the banks of the river, especially that

of the right bank, which exhibited strata of a rich red clay with

mould of a darker color beneath. During the first part of our

course after leaving Bhundri, the current was rapid, running under

the high bank at the rate of four miles an hour; as we approached

the end of our journey it became sluggish, scarcely averaging a mile

and a half. We had a depth in some places of eighteen and twenty

feet, and in others not more than four: in the deepest part this occur-

red where there were‘many channels, and we might not have been

in the deepest, although we always chose those which in appearance

promised to have the greatest body of water.

In passing Sidhuan I observed immense flocks of wild geese feed-

ing on the sand-banks, and close to them an alligator, the first I have

seen on the river, though they are said to have been found as high

up as Ropur, and small ones are sometimes caught in the zala near

Lodiana. Perhaps the coldness of the weather may account for my

not having hitherto seen them in greater numbers. There appear to

be few wild ducks or teal. The jal kawd, which we call the black

diver, is common.

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 175

We came to about a mile beyond Sidhuan ; estimated distance from

Bhundri eight kos.

There is a ghat at Stdhuan. It is in the road to Ropur, in the

Doab bist Jalimdar, and has ten boats, but the traffic by this route is

inconsiderable. The duties are levied by the officers of Maha-raja

Rangi’rt Sines and Sirdar Fatren Sinew ALawa za, on either side

respectively. The village of Sidhuan is large, but has no bazar;

contains from two hundred to two hundred and fifty mud and paka

dwelling houses ; with three baniahs’ shops or hattis which supplied

our people with food.

On the 12th we left Sidhuan. The channel continued under the

left bank for upwards of two miles, when it passed the village of

Shaffipura, and, crossing over to the right with considerable winding,

brought us in the fourth reach nearly opposite to Tikara; there divid-

ing into two branches, the smaller one ran directly under that town,

while the larger struck off to the right towards Kannian and Bhaggian.

Tihara is the site of extensive ruins, which shew that it was once a

place of some consequence; native authorities mention its being

inhabited so long ago as the time of the Persian SecanpeR SuHd4n’s

expedition. The ruins now standing are of more modern date. It

has suffered great damages from the inroads of the river. The pre-

sent dwelling houses of the inhabitants are of mud, and mingle dis-

agreeably with the half dilapidated but substantial brick walls of its

former buildings. In the time of the Dehli emperors, it was attached

to the Suba of Lahér. It was taken from the descendants of Rat

Aumap Mong (after they had been driven from Mamdot by the Pathan

family of Kusur) by Ransi'r Sineu, and given by him in jaghir to

Fatren Sinco Atawauta. The soil in the vicinity is good, and

there are a number of fine paka wells, but little cultivation. The

zemindars are Arrdins, more commonly called Mollies, to the eastward ;

a class who seldom engage in cultivation on a large scale.

About six miles beyond Tihara is the village of Tariwala, opposite

to which the right branch of the river again divides, the main stream

making an immense circuit to the north-west, and leaving an island

of three or four miles in breadth between it and the left channel

which ran under Jihara. Night overtook us before we arrived at the

junction of the three branches, and we were obliged to stop opposite

to a village on the right bank called Ramé-ke. We were separated

from our land party, and Ramé-ke could furnish no provision for our

boatmen and camp-followers. From Sidhuan to Ramé-ke fourteen

kos.

176 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

On the following morning, the 13th, we continued our journey,

having previously sent on one of the boats at an early hour to pur-

chase provisions. At Talwandi we came up with our advanced party ;

they had been able, with much difficulty, to procure a rupee’s worth

of drad from that village. There is a ferry, but I saw only one boat-

After leaving Talwandi the river makes a very sudden turn to the

right, round a point which we had much difficulty in weathering ; and

when this was accomplished, our boats drifted to the opposite shore

and grounded on the sand-banks. A mile or more beyond this the

three branches unite, and from the point of their junction to the ghat

of Miane and Rerd the river runs in a straight uninterrupted channel,

confined by moderately high banks, and presenting in front, as far as

the eye could reach, an unbroken surface of water. It is here a fine

stream passing by Punidn where the river is again broken by shoals

and sand-banks. The next reach brought us near Fadtehpur, from

whence, leaving Jhdnidn on the left, the deep channel crosses over to

the right bank, and in the next sweep to the left under Mahdrdj-wala.

The banks to-day were studded with villages at a distance of a

kos, more or less, from the river. Those in the district of Dharam-

kot belong to Maha-raja Ransi’t Sinau, who has a small detachment

of cavalry there and a fort ;. those in the Fattehgarh district are held

by Suer Sincu Banpeicu, a thanadar under the Maha-raja, and

the rest by Sirdar Farren Sincu Avawatta. In some the authority

is divided, half the village belonging to the khalsa and half to the

jaghirdér. They are all small and thinly inhabited.

We stopped at Mahdrdj-wdla ; estimated distance from Ramé-ke ie

kos by the river.

This village is inthe Fattehgarh district, now held by Suer Sineu

Bunpetcu asthanadar. The landsare khdlisa (or rent-free). Fatteh-

garh and the neighbouring country formerly belonged to Tara Sincu

Guatsa of Kang on the other side. Like most of the Sikh Sirdars,

this person rose from an obscure origin to sudden, but, in his case, tem-

porary power. He was originally a common shepherd, and acquired the

name of ‘‘ Ghaiba’”’ (or wonderful) in his boyhood, from the circum-

stance of his having constructed a rude bridge of rope over the river

Weh, which falls into the Satlaj below Andrisa, and across which he

was in the habit of driving his sheep to graze on the opposite bank

where the pasture was of a better quality. He joined the camp of the

Lahér chief, who was just then entering on his career of conquest,

as a needy soldier, and after serving a campaign returned laden with

spoil which he disposed of in collecting a few followers. With these

1837.) Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 177

he commenced a system of depredations on the country. Many needy

adventurers flocked to him, till by degrees he found himself at the

head of a formidable band; he then raised the standard of indepen-

dence, proclaimed himself a Sirdar or chief, and commenced adding

to his small patrimony by preying upon the weaker of his neighbors.

Village after village submitted to his rule, till, by fraud and force, he

became master of a large tract of country on both sides of the river.

He had scarcely time, however, to enjoy his good fortune, when the

extent of his territory attracted the notice of the Lahdér chief, who did

not long want a pretext to dispossess him. The whole of his ill

acquired possessions fell into the hands of the Mah4-raja, by whem

Fattehgarh was confirmed in jdghir to Hari Sineu, the same person

who had held it under Tard Sincu Guarsa. At a'subsequent period

Harri Sineu became disaffected toward the Lahkvr chief, aud in 1825-

26 was one among the Sirdars who openly threw off their allegiance

to him, and, in virtue of their possessions on the left bank of the

Saitlaj, claimed the protection of the British Government, whom they

wished to acknowledge as lord paramount. The others were Sirdar

Fatren Sincu Axuawauta, Sirdar Curr Sines of Kot Kapara, and

Qurus-v’-p1In Kua’n Kasaria, the Pathan chief, whose family are

now in possession of Mamdot. It was not thought expedient to comply

with their wishes, and they were directed to return to their allegiance

to the Khalsa Ji. Sirdar Hart Sinen dying soon after, the territory

of Fattehgarh was taken possession of by the Lahdér chief, and has since

continued to be khdilsa land.

On the 14th we left Mahdraj-wdla. The river pursues a very

winding course from this place till it passes between Mundhidla on

the right and Wala Kali Raon on the left hand; from thence it runs

in a straight direction past Asappura Tibbi and Pipal on the right,

and Malha Jungh Lilu-wdla and Tibbi Kusainé-wadla on the left.

These villages are all small and insignificant, averaging from thirty to

sixty mud hovels.

The current to-day was so sluggish and the wind so foul, that where

the deep channel rar under high banks we had recourse to the track-

ing rope. There was too great a depth of water to admit of using

the bamboo, and where the banks were unfavorable to tracking we

had recourse to the oar. The boatmen only used one at a time, and

that alone required the services of more than half the crew; the rest

were occupied at the stern oar (which is used for a rudder) in coun-

teracting the efforts of the rowers. We made but little way by these

175 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

means, and the boatmen seemed very glad to abandon the oar for the

rope where the banks admitted of tracking..

After passing the village of Pipal we came in sight of the right

bank of the Bedh or Beds, stretching across the horizon from N. E. to

S. W.. It is very high, and has a commanding appearance contrasted

with the flat country which it overlooks. Before arriving at the

junction of the Beds and Satlaj we passed a small river on our right,

near the village of Andrisa. This was the Wenh: it measured in

breadth at the mouth forty yards, but was much narrower a little

higher up, and had a depth of 12 feet. The Wenh rises in the hills

which recede northwards from Beldspur at a place called Ghar Shan-

kar, and in its course through the Doub Bist Jalindar, passes between

Phagwdra and Jalindar ; from thence southward to Dakni kd Sarai,

and south-west to Nakodir. From Nakodir its direction is west to

near Sultdnpur, when it turns to the south and enters the Satlaj

below Andrisa. The length of its course may be roughly stated at

sixty kos; its bed is never quite dry, but it has very little water

during the months of January, February, and the early part of March.

The Beds joins the Satlaj about two kas below Andrisa. It has

by no means so large a body of water at the junction as the latter

river, but its current is stronger and water clearer. The high bank

which was visible from Pzpal,is more than a mile from the present chan-

nel. After meeting, the two rivers are split into numerous channels,

divided by shoals and sand-banks. The Satlaj throws off one large

and a number of smaller branches to the left, but its main channel

continues its course under the right bank past the ghat of Hari-ke,

carrying with it the water of the Beds. The large branch to the left

runs under a high bank past the village of Bhidan-wdla. The ghat

at Hari-ke is near three miles below the present junction of the two

rivers. The village itself and chhdoxi are on the top of the high bank

at a distance of a mile anda half across the sand from the ghat.

Rangit Sineu has always a party of horse from one to two hundred

strong stationed at this place. From the 14th to the 28th December

the boats were detained at Bhidan-wala in expectation of the arrival

of the mission from Lahdr. During this time I had ample opportu-

nity of judging of the extent of traffic passing by this ghat. Thirty-

two boats with three men to each were unceasingly employed from

morn tonight in transporting loaded hackeries and beasts of burthen

of every description across the rivers. I observed little difference on

one day from another—it was a scene of constant activity and

bustle.

1837.) Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 179

The passage of the ghat generally occupied from fifteen to twenty

minutes,

Nearly the whole of the trade of Affghadnistdn, Kashmir and the

Panjab with Hindustdn, and by Bombay and Calcutta with Europe,

passes by this ghat. Independent of the foreign trade, it is a great

commercial thoroughfare for the interchange of the productions of

the countries more immediately on the banks of the river Satlaj.

The Mulk Réhi from the neighborhood of Farid koth, Ropur koth,

‘&c. sends by this route the immense quantities of grain which it

supplies to Lahdr and Amritsir. Lighter articles, the bafta and fine

cloth for pagris, manufactured in the Doab Bist Jalindar at Rahon,

Phagwdra and Hushiarpur, which are in greater demand in the upper

part of Hindustan, pass also by this route.

I was unable to ascertain the average amount of daily collections

at the ghat, from the circumstance that the duty of great part of the

merchandize which passes is not levied till its arrival at Amritsir,

and merely pays for a rowdna in crossing the river. It is the same

with merchandize coming from Amritsir, which is taxed before leav-

ing that place; this refers to the right bank of the river.

The following list, obtained from the ghat munshi, shews the rate

of collection on the left bank.

Bera camel loaded with grainy i... ose we welt tose ccsede OF SO

eee tei dititigh With Salts jodie: staid slasydavwaiee viemoredie tects umieide xO 5d oO

For ditto ditto with gund shakar, 2. ccs cccccoscsssescceness O 7 6

For ditto ditto with shakartari and first kind of kirana,........ 3 0 0

MOELONGEO GILGO: WIE CLOUD, 2.0 c.c'nc.cie vis cic vieisnce cc sie 411 0

For a large ¢dri gdrt, loaded with any deeel pata of artinies: ex-

MMPUMNE, crasseccs ce ct'scecccccsctotsenesscsuecsocens” 6d Lo

For a gért load of grain to merchants, ........cesceceeseeeee 1 5 9

For ditto to brahmans, to fagirs and bhais, .....0 cece cece cece 013 0

Marmicitto.fola JNaAUnd) Of, COATSC, AZ ONGs (le cnjes wa vepesicle oejee fede Oi Lie

Me ELOstO A MAUR Of PUSAMINA, a0 sine geisimscreaide reodsine ae 4 J O

For ditto to a maund of opium and indigo, .................. 2 0 0

Moramtoto a donkey load Of grain; .. cc accesecscoscsocssvee O L “3

For ditto to a bullock or pony load padi Scie bowen ii bene tial af)

For ditto to a garé load of salt, . GET te Salt Oe PVs

At Jéné-gill, 12 miles elon: reas ke, the cane ve eams of the

Beds and Satlaj are called the Ghara, but known to the natives by

the name Nai. Between Hari-ke and Firozpur are the ghats of Hdmad-

wdla and Talle-wdla: the former has twelve, and the latter ten boats.

Part of the trade of the Panjab with Hindustdn, and a small portion of

that from Khorasdnand Affghdnistin which enters the Panjdb at Dera

Ismael Khdn, crosses the Satla at these ghats. The roads by which the

2a 2

180 Journal of a vayage from (Marcu,

trade passes from them and from Hari-ke are much infested by rob-

bers. In the immediate vicinity are the Dogri and Jat zemindars who

are notorious for their thieving propensities. From Hari-ke, and

lower down the river, to Lahér and Amritsir, the Akalis; and from

Firozpur and Hari-ke to Ambalah, the country of the Sodhie Sahebs

has to be passed. The merchants engaged in this trade contract with

the owners of the camels and garis for the safe conduct of their goods

to their place of destination, and these latter make their own arrange-

ments with the disorderly tribes whose territory they have to pass

through; the escort, one of their number, is generally sufficient to

ensure safety.

Below Hari-ke on the left bank of the river a tract of heavy grass

jungle extends for several miles—it is here and there interspersed

with the jhau; and there are numerous inlets and creeks from the

river which insulate great portions of it. The islands thus formed

are covered with the thickest jungles; those of the jhau, which is

strong and elastic, are almost impervious to horsemen, while those

covered with grass rising to the height of twelve and fourteen feet,

are cut into deep ravines and contain large pitfalls. Tigers are

found in these jungles. I went out in pursuit of them with Sirdars

Ratan Sineu, Guirga Rea, and a large number of his followers

mounted on horseback. The Sirdar gave strict orders to his men

not to use their matchlocks, and I anticipated the novel gratification

of seeing a tiger attacked and killed sword in hand. The traces of

them were innumerable. Every nala we crossed presented fresh foot

marks; and though not so fortunate as to encounter any, we must

have been following close upon them the whole day. The ground is

unfavorable to the sport both for horsemen and elephants, owing to

the number of daldals and quick-sands.

On the 8rd of January at Firozpur. The fort which is distant

about three miles from the river was built by Sultan Feroz III.

nephew to the emperor Gutas-v’-pin (TucHLax), and who reigned

from A. D. 1851 to 1387. It is an irregular building, of no strength,

and having little means of defence. The interior is filled up with

soil to half the height of the outer walls, and crowded with paltry

brick houses and mud hovels separated only by alleys about six feet

wide. The present possessor of the fort and adjacent territory is

Rént LacumMan Kaur, widow of Duana SincH.

Nosduv Sineu, the brother of Gusar Sineu, one of the joint

Sikh rulers of Lahdér, was the first among the Sikhs who conquered

and held this territory. From him it descended to his son Gur

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 18)

Baxusu Sineu, who added to it large possessions on both sides of

the river. On the death of Gur Baxusu Srnau, his four sons divid-

ed the territory between them, and the fort and adjacent lands fell to

the share of Daana Sineu before mentioned. Duana Sineu dying

without male issue, his three surviving brothers put in their claim to

the estate, but the widow Lacuman Kaur referred her cause to the

Political Agent at Ambala, and it was ultimately decided in her favor

by a reference to the Shaster law.

The Kaggar river, from which Firoz Sudu III. dug a canal to the

Kerah, is said to have emptied itself into the Satlaj near Firozpur.

We found no trace of it. If the Kaggar be understood to be the

same river with the Gaggar which ran between Ambidla and Sarhind,

and afterwards received another river from Shahabad and the Saras-

wati from Thanesar, there must be some mistake in supposing that it

ever joined the Satlaj near Firozpur. The old course of the Gaggar

is well known; after reaching the Bhatnér frontier it went by the

name of Sétre, and its direction through the desert to near Dilawen,

where it was lost in the sands, may be traced by the forts of Surat-

garh,. Chehdrgarh, Phulra \st, Phulra 2nd, Mojhgarh, Marrath, Ruk-

kanpur, which were built on its banks. This channel has long ago

been filled up with sand, and it is only here and there at long inter-

vals that any traces of it remain.

From the 8rd to the 12th of January we were detained at Firozpur,

surveying the boundary of the Sirdarni’s little territory. We found

it very ill defined and disputed on every side. Of the country we

saw, not more than one-thirtieth part was under cultivation; the rest

was either entirely barren or covered with alow straggling brush-

wood of no value. There was a large tract of karil and jhand jungle,

and I also heard of a forest of stsu at some distance, but did not visit

the spot to ascertain the fact.

In the jhand and karil jungles, which I traversed in following the

Firozpur boundaries, I observed several sites of towns and villages,

anda great number of fine paka wells, now half filled with rubbish

and fallen to decay, but which sufficiently prove that the country

was formerly thickly inhabited. It has suffered much from the

misrule which has long prevailed. The petty states by which it is

surrounded are so promiscuously interwoven in their limits that it

would be difficult to point to one among them which is not at vari-

ance with all the rest as to its boundaries. To this circumstance

must be mainly attributed the immense quantity of waste land which

meets the eye in every direction; for no sooner does one party

182 Journal of a voyage from [Marcu,

attempt to reclaim a portion from the desert, than the rest interfere

to dispute their right to the soil, As we receded southward from

the river, the sand assumed that undulating appearance which is

described as characteristic of the skirts of the Indian desert, small

mounds occurring at intervals, the soil of which was hard and covered

with thorn and brushwood. The wells at a distance from the river

were of considerable depth; but the territory, as was once the case,

might be made independent of them and fertilized at very little

expense. The dry bed of a nala called the Swkrif traverses it in

various directions, and it would only require a canal a mile in length

to let into it the waters of the Satlaj near Tihara.

The zemindars are Jats and Dogres (also a caste of converted

Hindus); they are chiefly engaged in pastoral pursuits, rearing large

herds of buffaloes, on the sale of the ghee and milk of which they depend

for subsistence. It is probable they have been driven to this life by

the unsettled state of the country, which precludes in a great measure

all agricultural employment; it does not appear that they are from

remote time a pastoral people. The country, as I before observed,

bears marks of having been much more generally cultivated at an

earlier period; and though the present race have become addicted to

predatory habits, arising from the circumstances of their situation

under petty authorities at variance with each other, it would not be

difficult, under a better ordered government, to give them a taste for

more peaceful and industrious occupations. At present they are

miserably low in the scale of civilization, and the feuds existing

among them, which are fomented rather than suppressed by their

rulers, are not unfrequently the cause of bloodshed. The faith they

profess is the Muhammedan, but they are grossly ignorant on the

subject of their religion, and do not pay much attention to the out-

ward forms of it. The Koran is little consulted. The elders of the

village decide most of their differences, and the parties not abiding

by their decision are left to seek their own redress.

In the detection of theft and other offences, the practice of chewing

rice and immersing the head under water, and other equally infallible

tests, are commonly resorted to. Every species of torture is put in

practice by the authorities to obtain forced confessions.

There is little difference observable in the appearance of the -

peasantry here from the same class in the vicinity of Lodiana ; but

beyond Firozpur the Dogre caste are distinguished by a greater swar-

thiness of complexion and harsher features. They are also more

dirty in their dress and persons, and many among them go bare

1837.] Lodiané to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 183

headed. The Hindu merchants, from the command which they have

of money, exercise a preponderating influence in the internal manage-

ment of the Firozpur domain. The ryuts, from their extreme poverty,

are forced to mortgage their crops to provide themselves with seed

and the necessary implements of husbandry. Money is advanced at

an enormous rate of interest, the lowest in the most favorable seasons

being half an anna per month for every rupee; but the necessities

of the people are such, they are now frequently obliged to pay 14

anna per month, and compound interest is charged after three months.

The cattle and even the ploughs (which resemble those used to the

eastward), are the property of merchants. It requires three pairs of bul-

locks to work a well during twelve hours of the day, and the quantity

of ground cultivated is fifty kacha bigahs. The poor from the neigh-

boring territories bordering on the desert resort to the banks of the

river to cultivate the autumnal crops and earn a bare subsistence,

but their attachment to the desert in preference to the climate near

the river prevents their settling.

On the afternoon of the 11th we took leave of the Sirdarni and

started next morning for Mamdot. A mile beyond Firozpur the river

divides into two branches, the deep channel continuing under the left

bank running separate for more than a mile; they again unite, and

soon after splitting again unite at a short distance above the ghat of

Bare-ke. Bare-ke is in the direct road from Firozpur through Kasur

to Lahér, from which it is distant thirty kos. It is the nearest point

of approach of the Satlaj to that city. There are only four boats at

the ghat, which is not a very considerable thoroughfare.

The boats here are quite different from those higher up on the

Satlaj. They are flat-bottomed, but have high sides, and both ends

are pointed ; they measure about thirty feet in length by ten in breadth,

with a depth of two and a half to three feet, and are very strongly

built : the waste is partitioned by heavy beams running across, which

give strength to the sides. The poop and forecastle are planked.

Altogether there is an appearance of lightness and hardiness about

them which makes them as much surpass the Rav? boats as those do

the craft in use higher up the Satlaj. The mode of propelling them

is somewhat the same as sculling. An immense oar is lashed to the

stern, the arm of which usually consists of two, or three joined pieces

of wood, and is curved in such a manner that the end or handle

stretches horizontally over the poop, where one, two, or three persons

are placed to work it to and fro. It serves both to propel and direct

the boat in its progress.

184 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

Near the village of Kilcha, where a small nala enters the Satlaj

from the south, we were met by the headman of the Pathan chief of

Mamdot. He was attended by a small party of Pathan horsemen

armed with bows and arrows for the chace. They were all equipped

and well mounted, and distinguished by a soldierly bearing. They

escorted us along the bank, occasionally flying a hawk or discharging

an arrow at the black partridge, which their progress through the

jhau and cultivation disturbed from their hiding places.

The soil on the left bank was a rich loam, the deposit of the river ;

when dry it is much split into fissures, and riding over it rendered

exceedingly disagreeable, if not dangerous, and where moist it is

barely capable of supporting the weight of a horseman.

Between the villages of Kandi-ke on the left and Chawdla on the

right bank, we passed another ghat, where there were four boats of

the kind last described. The country partially cultivated on both

sides, and the river broad and uninterrupted in itschannel. After

passing Futtuéwala we saw no villages near the banks for a distance

of five kos, the jhau jungle in most places obstructing the view.

The river again intersected with sand-banks and banks low.

We halted below Mamdot ; estimated distance from Firozpur 114

kos.

The fort is distant two miles from the present channel of the river.

(In the rainy season the river runs within half a mile of its walls.)

It is a square with a round tower at each corner and one in the centre

of each face. To the east and west are gateways. The outward

walls are of burnt bricks fifty feet high, and ten thick, of paka and

kacha. The interior space is filled up with the soil from the outward

moat, and rises to half the height of the walls : the whole is crowded

with houses, separated only by narrow alleys barely two yards in

width. The towers command an extensive view of the surrounding

flat country.

The present possessors of the fort and adjoining territory are a

Pathan family, formerly masters of Kasur and other large possessions

on the opposite side of the river. The old fort, on the side of which

the present one was raised, is said to have been built in the time of

Mounamnep SuAu III. the son of the Guias-vu’-pin Tucuuak SHAH.

In the reign of Axsar and his successors it was attached to the

sirkar of Debdlpur in the Stitbah of Multdn. After the decline of

the Delhi empire it was destroyed by the Dogre zemindars to prevent

its being used as a stronghold by the marauding Seiks; but soon

after, when the Lahér province and the greater part of the Bawuni

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river, 185

of Sarhind fell into the possession of these adventurers, Sopnd Sineu

Kvuanera, one of the three joint rulers of Lahér, overran the country

and bestowed it in jdghir on one of his followers, Kavu’r Sineu

Tuoca. ‘This person repaired the fort and held undisputed possession

for a long period; he extended his territory as far as the Bahdwalpur

and Khai frontier, but owing to some measures highly offensive to

his Mussalman subjects the Dogres, they rose against him and he

was compelled to flee for assistance to Sopna Stren. Sosnk Sincu

sent a force with him and reinstated him. The Dogres again rebelled

and calledin Rar Aumep Munsu to their aid; but it not being in his

power to assist them at that time, they were obliged to effect a

reconciliation with Kapu’r Sineu, who continued in possession. At

a subsequent period Rar Aumep Mungu expelled Kapu’r Sinau from

the country and established himself at Mamdot. He razed to the

ground the remains of the old fort, and built the present one on its

site: it remained the seat of authority under him for upwards of nine

years. At his death he was succeeded by his son Rar In14s, on whose

death shortly after without issue, the Dogre zemindars, fearing a

return of their old enemies the Sikhs, sent a deputation to wait on

Nizam-vu’-pin Kun, and Qurus-v’-p1In Kuan, the Pathan chiefs of

Kasur, and to invite them to come and take possession of the fort.

Accordingly the retainers of Rat Iui4s’s family were expelled, and

Qutus-v’-p1n KuAn and his family formally reinstated as their rulers.

Niz&m-vu’-p1n Kun and Qurus-v’-p1n Ku&n had been troublesome

enemies to Maha-raja Ransit Sineu, during the time they held posses-

sion of Kasur, and had resisted by every means in their power, and by

inciting others to resist, the ambitious designs of that chief. He made

repeated attacks upon their forts, in all of which he was repulsed ; at

length, finding force unavailing, he had recourse to other measures, and

by bribes and artifices succeeded in sowing dissension in the family of

NizAm-v’-pin Ku&n, and instilling treachery into the minds of his

kinsmen and followers, two of whom basely murdered their chief in

his sleep at Kasur. His brother Qurus-v’-pin, who was absent at

the time, returned and surrounded the fort, but failed to secure the

traitors. Suspecting all alike, he withdrew his confidence from his

own kinsmen and committed the custody of his forts to a family of

Syeds. He then entered into negotiations with the ruler of Lahdr,

in the course of which Sair-v’-pin Suu, one of the Syeds above-

mentioned, was won over by the Maha-raja and betrayed the trust

reposed in him by Qurus-v’-piw. The Syeds under his orders deli-

vered up to the Maha-raja’s officers all the forts in their custody.

186 Journal of a voyage from [Marcn,

The widow of Nizm-v’-p1n was leagued with the Maha-raja against

QutTusB-v -piN, who, unable to stand his ground, came to the resolution

to abandon Kasur and his possessions north of the Satlaj, and soon

after retired to Mamdot. There he remained in undisputed possession

till the Maha-r4ja crossed the river in 1808-9, when, seeing that

resistance was useless, he wisely conciliated his enemy by a voluntary

submission. The Maha-raja confirmed him in the possession of Mam-

dot on the usual condition of military service, and he continued to

furnish a quota of two hundred horse for the service of the state.

Qurus-v’-pIn KuAn died about a year ago at Lahér ; he had always

been anxious to throw off his allegiance to the Maha-raja and be taken

under the protection of the British Government. In 1826 he openly

sought the protection of Captain Murray, Political Agent at Ambdla,

but on that occasion was, after some correspondence, directed to return

to his allegiance to the Lahdr Raja.

The present possessor of the jaghir is JAMAL-U’-p1n Kuan, the son

of Qurus-v’-pin Kudn. He was not at Mamdot when the Mission

passed, but his younger brother, a fine lad of about fourteen years of

age, paid us a visit, which we returned. The interior economy of

their establishment showed a thorough disregard of the conveniences

of life. Men and horses-were indiscriminately huddled together in

the different court-yards inside the fort, and of the two the horses

were perhaps the better lodged.

Hawking and hunting the deer seem to be the great occupation

and business of their lives. At our interview with the young chief,

the subject of merchandize on the river happened to be introduced,

and some questions were asked as to the relative price of grain at

Mamdot and lower down the river, at which the whole assembly

stared with unfeigned astonishment, and referred us for an answer to

_our questions to some baniahs who were sitting at one corner of the

house tops when our interview took place.

The Mamdot territory extends upwards of thirty kos along the

banks of the river, and varies in breadth from fifteen to seven miles.

It has been much improved since it came into the possession of the

present family both in its productions and population.

From Lodiana to Mamdot there is little difference of soil and

produce. The ground near the river becomes harder and richer.

As you leave Lodiana and approach Firozpur the light sand dis-

appears. In the autumn are sown géhun, nakhud, chola, kangani,

munj, barrera, massan and jo-chana, which are reaped in the spring,

or during April and May. The garden vegetables of that season

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 187

are benghan, kire, chulai sdg, tarkakril, tarbuze, karbuze, khurja chaka.

Tobacco is also grown in small quantities. In the spring and as

late as June are sown nai shakar or sugar-cane, mdki, jaar, mdash,

mung, moth, kanjad or til, bajra, pambzar ; and the vegetables are

turnips, carrots, spinach, sohd, gandana or leck, ganddlon kad sag,

karam kd sig, onions. If rain falls plentifully in January, they have

an intermediate harvest of coarse rice and other small grains, which

is reaped in June. Above the Mamdot territory the ground requires

much manure to render it productive, but below it commences what

is called the Serad country, where the overflowings of the river leave

a rich deposit, which requires but one turn of the plough to yield a

plentiful harvest, and where wells are little used for purposes of agri-

culture. Gram is not grown in any quantity below Mamdot, and the

sugar-cane totally disappears.

On the 14th we started from Mamdot. The banks of the river in

some places higher than we have hitherto anywhere observed them.

The land is here irrigated by means of kdhrez or water-courses ; pits

are dug close on the banks of the river, and water let into them by

channels dug through the banks and raised from them by the Persian

wheel.

We passed a few temporary hamlets near the river, but villages

were at a distance, and distinguishable only by the clump of trees by

which they were surrounded. Opposite the village of Bdbul-ke was a

ghat with two boats.

The jhau jungle on both sides of the river high and thick, but

parched up. At sun-set we came to on the right bank near the

village of Kagge-ke, where was a remarkably fine pipal tree. Estimated

distance from Mamdot 114 kos. Our land party halted at Mohan-ke

on the left bank, about three kos from the river, as it is said to be a

larger place than Mamdot.

On the 15th we arrived at Bagge-ke, estimated distance by the

river 10 kos. Villages at a distance from the banks, which were for

the most part covered with jhau jungle and the kana reed. Now and

then a small patch of cultivation intervened.

The channel much intersected by sand-banks : winding in the river

inconsiderable. We passed one ghat, at which there were two boats.

On the 16th at Ladhu-ke, estimated distance by the river 73 kos.

At the village of Johad-ke, the only one close on the banks, there

were two boats and a number of the temporary wells or kdhrez before

described. I observed one where the water was conveyed over a

sand-bank across the bed of the river for the distance of half a mile,

2 B 2

188 Journal of a voyage from [Manrcu,

and was then raised by a well and Persian wheel to a higher bank,

over which another channel conducted the water to the permanent

banks of the river. Here the same apparatus raised the water to a

level with the country to be irrigated.

The river increasing in breadth and more winding than yesterday ;

the banks occasionally twelve and fourteen feet high, and covered to

the water’s edge by heavy jhau and grass jungle, which are likely to

prove embarrassing to boats tracking up the river.

On the 17th we arrived at Jagveré, estimated distance 155 kos.

About four kos beyond Ladhu-ke we passed the boundary of the

Mamdot territory opposite to Kallandir-ke, and, a kos further on, en-

tered that of Nawab Baudwat Kudn, opposite Rana-waita. Between

these places there is a dense forest of the jhaw which rises to the

height of twenty and more feet, and is almost impenetrable. The

zemindars of these parts find it a secure refuge from the oppressive

demands of their rulers. The little cultivation they engage in depends

much on the course of the river. They have no settled habitations,

but wherever the banks of the river afford facility for digging their

temporary wells, they erect their hamlets of grass and kana reed, and

commence cultivating. A slight change in the course of the river

often obliges them to remove to a more favorable spot, and it rarely

happens that the same people cultivate the same fields for three

seasons together.

We passed the ruins of a village, Watter Shah, on the right bank,

where there was a ghat with two boats. Opposite the village of

Azmut-ke we were met by the officer in charge of the Khan’s frontier

district, Utua Bacuaya, the nephew of the Khan’s Vizier, a sufficient-

ly mean-looking personage, and who, in dress and manner, led us to

draw no very favorable conclusions as to the style of the Bahdwalpur

court. He was attended by a handful of ill-mounted and dirty-look-

ing horsemen, whose sombre and uncombed appearance formed a

striking contrast to the gayer equipments of our Pathan friends.

Winding in the river considerable. In a few places where confined

by high banks, we had an uninterrupted deep channel averaging seven

hundred yards in breadth.

At Jagveré we found Nawab Guutsm Q&pir Kun, the mehman-

dar sent on the part of Ban&wat Kuan to attend us to Bahdwalpur,

and who had been waiting our arrival at this barren spot for the last

three months. On the morning of the 18th he paid us a visit, and

we were introduced to a corpulent, good-humoured, baniah-looking

person, whose manners, if not highly polished, were frank and

Ree fee

1837.] — Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 189

unaffected. He was richly dressed in cloth of khimkdb, with a hand-

some lingt for a turban, and wore a superb shawl for a kamarband ;

but the whole was in bad taste, and his attendants were as wretched-

ly shabby and mean as he was fine. The Nawab spoke a very intel-

ligible Hindustani, but the language of his followers was quite foreign

to us. It differs from Hindustani, not so much perhaps radically as

in the termination of the words, and the peculiar tone and manner in

which it is spoken, which is drawling and nasal, much more disagree-

able to the ear than the Panjabi of the bawling Sikhs. We were

better pleased with the boatmen of the Bahawalpur boats than with

any one we saw in this train of our new acquaintances. Their manners

contrasted favorably with the rude specimens we brought with us

from Lodiana. They have much the appearance of a sea-faring people

—much of the alacrity and briskness which we admire in our own

sailors.

The Bahdwalpur boats are strongly built, but clumsy. In shape

they are square fore and aft ; the poop and forecastle are planked, and

the former raised very high, so that the person steering is able to

look over the chappared apartment which is in midship. The rudder

is of curious and unhandy build, but has great power. The largest

of the boats there measured eighty feet in length and about three

feet in depth. They are all furnished with a square sail and masts —

which strike; and have two oars of immense size, the largest requir-

ing six and seven hands to ply each of them.

On the 19th at Bunga Jawdn-ke, estimated distance 72 kos. On

starting from Assap-wdla we were greeted with the novel and pleasing

sound of a sailor’s cheer from the crews of the Bahawalpur boats.

Each boat’s crew, as their boat left its moorings and dipped oars into

the water, gave out a long pealing sound, which was responded to by

all the rest in succession. The ery, as near as I could distinguish

the words, was ‘‘ Bham, Baha al Hai.” (Baha al Hai is the name of

a patron saint of the boatmen of this country and on the Indus.)

The boatmen stand to their oars, and every muscle of the body is

brought into play in the motions which they go through. When the

oars are dipped deep into the water, the outside men are frequently

suspended from the handles which they drag down by their weight

till the opposite ends or shafts are disengaged from the water. I

should say there is more exercise with less fatigue in this than in our

method of rowing. The rowers keep good time.

We had to contend against a strong wind, which prevented our

making much progress to-day. We passed only two or three villages

190 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

on the right bank. We left the district of Assap-wdla (which begins

from Rana-watta) and entered that of Gurjiana or Fattehgarh about

four kos before we arrived at Bunga Jawédn-ke.

The country from Rana-watta to Gurjiana was formerly taken pos-

session of by Larna Sina, one of the joint rulers of Lahér. Maha-

raja Rangit Sineu subsequently took it from Curt Sineu, the son

of Lamina Sineu. It was afterwards held by Baar Lax Sineu, and

taken from him by Qurus-v’-p1n Kuan, who annexed it to the Mam-

dot territory. About three years ago, BandAwuu Kuén, called bard

Bauawut Ku&y, in distinction to the present Khan, conquered it from

QutuB-v’-pin Ku&n, since which time it has remained annexed to

the Bahkdwalpur territory.

The country increasing in wildness and the jungles thicker the

further we proceed.

On the 20th to Chine, estimated distance seven kos. The villages

at a distance from the river. On the right bank heavy jungle nearly

the whole way. We came down a noble sheet of water to-day, where

the river ran without a curve for some miles between moderately high

banks.

On the 21st to Bachian-wdla, estimated distance eight kos. We

passed a few temporary hamlets on the river side, but the jhau jungle

prevailed with little interruption on both banks throughout the jour-

ney. The banks high and the channel less intersected by sand-banks

than usual. We left the district of Gurjiana, and entered that of

Musdferan-wala, about two kos before we arrived off Bachian-wala.

A few bricks of an enormous size were picked up at a village on

the way down, (Bhardm-ke.) They had been taken from some ruins

laid open by the river about three months previously. The ruins

were described by the villagers as the remains of the wall and turret

of a fort sunk more than six feet below the present surface of the

surrounding country. They said that the marks remained in the

banks where the bricks had been washed away, that by digging other

parts of the ruin would be found more perfect. It was determined

to visit the place on our return from Bahawalpur. The bricks were

marked with three curved lines in the shape of a horse-shoe, and from

that circumstance referred by the Hindus of our party to the period

of the Treta Yug.

On the following day, the 22nd, we crossed the river and went to

Pdkpatan, distant about eight miles from our boats and about five from

the nearest point of the river. It is approached from a perfectly level

and open plain of four miles in extent, and, seen from that distance,

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 191

has the appearance of a citadel perched on the summit of a lofty

eminence. It is built on the thae or site of the ancient fort of Aj-

wadin or Ajodin, and is a place of great sanctity, having been the

residence for a number of years of the celebrated Mussalman saint

Shekh Farip-v’-p1y, to which circumstance it owes its present name

of Pdkpatan, or the ferry of purity. Under its former name of

Ajwadin it is celebrated as the spot near which the Sat/aj has been so

often passed by Mussalman conquerors in their invasions of Hindu-

stin. In A. D. 997 Ajwadin was taken and plundered by Sultan NAsir-

u’-DIN SaBacCTAGI'N ; but accounts vary as to whether he crossed the

Satlaj in that expedition: in some he is stated to have extended his

ravages as far as Bhainér, the capital of the Bhatti country. In A. D.

1001, Sultan Manamep Guaznavtl, the renowned son and successor

of Sasactaci'N, forded the Satlaj in the vicinity of Ajwadin and

plundered Bhatnér. In his subsequent numerous invasions of Hindu-

stdn he followed this route more than once,

In A. D. 1079 Sultan Isrduim crossed the Satlaj at this point in

his second Indian expedition. After the Ghaznian dynasty, Sultan

Mauamep Guorr,, called SHandB-v’-D1Nn, passed by this route and by

Bhatnér when he took Asi (or Hans) in his battles with raja Prrnaura.

In A. D. 1397-8 the conqueror Amir Timovr in his invasion of Hin-

dustan, after laying in ruins Débalpur and Ajwadin, proceeded across

the river with part of his forces and destroyed Bhatnér, whither the

inhabitants of the two former towns had fled for protection.

Close under the town to the north is the dry bed of a river which

they call the Dandi, propably the Dond mentioned by Major Ren-

NELL. Four kos more to the north is another dry bed of a river

which they call the Sohag ; and beyond this about ten kos from Pdk-

patan is the old bed of the Beds, which, separating from the Satly

below Hari-ke, formerly ran close under Kasur and did not again

join that river till within twenty miles of Neh. In the time of Akzar,

the Dodb Bist Jalindar extended to Hamadpur Dar Behli, fifteen kos

above Neh.

To the south of Pdakpatan in coming from our boats we crossed

a nala which had a very high bank; its bed was in some places dry,

in others it had one and half feet of water. I inquired of the villagers

if they had any particular name for it, but they said not ; neither did

they know any thing about the Harari Narnay or Qoud mentioned by

Major Rennett. The ground between this nala and the Satlaj was

low, covered with thick jungle of the tamarisk and patches of fine-

looking wheat, It is no doubt overflowed in the rainy season, when

192 Journal of a voyage from [Marcu,

the breadth of the river from the bank of this nala to the opposite

high bank must be more than four miles.

We remained at Pakpatan till the 26th, making arrangements for

reducing to order the predatory tribes of that neighborhood.

On the 23rd we visited the shrine of Hazrat Shekh Farm SuaxKar-

GaNnJ* in the town of Pakpatan. We had to ascend more than forty

feet to the top of the mound on which the town is built. The ground

sounded hollow to our horses’ hoofs as we threaded through numerous

narrow streets and alleys, many of which were lined with miserable

objects of charity, among whom here and there might be seen females

enveloped in the burkhd, pretended descendants of the Prophet, who

importuned for alms with a perseverance which we found it difficult

to resist. After descending again by a flight of steps to a level with

the surrounding country, we were conducted into a small square paved

court surrounded by the lofty brick walls of the adjacent houses. In

the centre of this stood the magbard, a plain insignificant building,

having one small apartment, in which was the grave of the saint

covered with faded drapery. There were two doors to this apartment,

one to the north and one to the east. That to the east, called the

“‘ door of Paradise,” is never opened but on the fifth day of the

sacred Moharam, when numbers of pilgrims, both Hindus and Mus-

salmans, come to visit the shrine, and all who pass through this door-

way are considered saved from the fines of perdition. The door-way

is about two feet wide, and cannot be passed without stooping, and the

apartment itself is not capable of containing thirty people crowded

together: yet such is the care which the saint takes of his votaries

on these occasions, that no accident or loss of life has ever been known

to occur. A superlative heaven is allotted to those who are first to

enter the tomb on the day mentioned. The rush for precedence may,

therefore, be better imagined than described. The crowd of pilgrims

is said to be immense, and as they egress from the sacred door-way,

after having rubbed their foreheads on the foot of the saint’s grave,

the air resounds with their shouts of Farip! Farip! Several relics

were shewn to us, among which the most curious was, a round flat

piece of wood of the size and shape of an Indian’s bread or chapati.

In the long fasts which the saint imposed on himself, he is said to

have solaced his hunger by gnawing this hard substance.

There is a couplet very common throughout the Panjab which has

reference to this story.

The ancestors of Shekh Farrp-v’-p1n first came to Multan in the

* See some account of the same saint by Munshi Monun’ La’r in the last |

gap clumic.— Ep.

1837.) Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 193

train of Brnram Suu, of the Ghaznavi family, and continued to fill

situations of trust and emolument in that province, until it fell into

the hands of Sultén Manamep Gavrin, (SHana’s-v’-pin.) When

Hazrat Jaua’L-v’-p1IN, the father of Shekh Farin, fled to Chdwe

Miishaikh, a village on the banks of the Sat/aj, where he lived the life

of a hermit, practised great austerities and became celebrated for his

great sanctity. At this place Hazrat Shekh Farip-vu’-p1n was born 3

he was sent for his education to Multan, and afterwards spent many

years in travel. At Multan he became celebrated as a Saheb Kardamat,

or worker of miracles, and many ridiculous stories are told of his

performances. Among others it is related that whenever he felt

hungry he would throw into his mouth a handtul of dust or pebbles

which immediately became sugar. He practised similar metamor-

phoses on the goods of other people, and turned so many things into

sugar that he was universally known, and is so to this day, by the

affix to his name of Shakar-ganj. Hazrat Shekh Farip-v’-pin

SwHakarGANy and his posterity were chiefly instrumental in con-

verting to Islamism the numerous different tribes of Jats and Gujur

or Gickers, descendants of the Rajput shepherds, who so often fought

bravely against the invading armies of the north. The descendants

of Baba Shekh Farip are supposed to have inherited from him the

power of performing miracles, and several of them became celebrated

throughout Hindustdn for their sanctity. At Agra, Sikru, and Dehli

their shrines witness to the respect in which their memory is held by

the Mussalman population. Axsar SuHAa owed to the prayers, we

are told, of one of the family (Shekh Nur-vu’-pin, or Nigr-vu’-pin) the

birth of his son JrnANarr. In the early attempt of the Sikhs to lay

waste the country between Multdn and Lahér, one of the descendants

of Shekh Farip-v’-pin at Pdkpatan placed himself at the head of a

number of converts, Jat peasantry, and kept his ground so well against

these marauders that they thought it advisable to come to an amicable

arrangement with him ; and, in a treaty which he concluded with one

of their chiefs, he was allowed to enjoy in independence the revenues

of Pakpatan and several villages attached to it. Ata later period,

when the Sikhs became united under one chief, the Shekh-zadas were

despoiled of their possessions. The Maha-r4ja now allows them one

thousand rupees a year for their maintenance, derived from the town

duties of Pdkpatan ; besides which, they have a fourth share in four

small villages in the neighborhood.

On the 27thito Toba Sddit, in the district of Musa-firan-wdla, esti-

“mated distance nine kos.

2¢

194 Journal of a voyage from (Marca,

On the 28th to Aké-ke, in the district of Cusim-ke, estimated dis-

tance nine kos.

On the 29th to Dola, where we entered the district of Jheddo, es-

timated distance seven kos.

On the 30th we passed through the districts of Jheddo and Shih

Farid, and entered the Hasilpur district about two miles before we

came to our halting place at noon, estimated distance nine kos.

On the 31st we halted at noon.

On the Ist of February at Palra, estimated distance 81 kos. The

face of the country varies little in appearance, being day after day the

same succession of tamarisk jungle, the deep green of which is now here

and there relieved by a shrub resembling the willow in leaf and color,

which the natives call jhat, and from the root of which the miswaks

or tooth-cleaners are commonly made. From Rédnd-watti near the

Mamdot and Bahdwalpur frontier the signs of cultivation gradually

disappear ; and near Pukpatan the country becomes extremely wild; we

lose all trace of habitations near the river, save, par hazard, a few

temporary grass hamlets. After entering the Hdsilpur district an

improvement is perceptible. We again see the Persian wheel at

work, and the banks of the river occasionally lined with a wonder-

gazing populace. The canals and water-courses increase in number

as we progress onwards. Those we have hitherto seen vary in breadth

at their mouths from ten to twenty yards, and are at present dry, being

much above the level of the river, but from early in May to the end

of September they serve to irrigate the country to the distance in

some instances of thirty miles from its banks. Smaller branches are

cut in every direction from the main canals, so that the whole country

is covered with them, and travelling in that season rendered disagree-

able and difficult.

During our journey of the last two or three days we have been

pleasingly reminded of having entered a Mussalman country by the

strict attention every where paid to the time of prayer. In the open

fields, where a minute before the air has resounded with the voice of

labour, every thing is suddenly hushed,—the shrieking Persian wheel

is at rest, the cattle are freed from the yoke, and the peasants may be

seen ranged together in small parties on their mats of the palm tree,

going through their forms of devotion with an air of the greatest

decorum. The sight struck us from its frequent occurrence.

Of the tribes which inhabit along the banks of the river from Firoz-

pur to Bahdwalpur, those in the neighborhood of Pdkpatan and below

that place, are said to be the most wild and disorderly and the most

1837. | Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 195

addicted to predatory habits. The Dogre and Dogre Badela are

chiefly confined to the Mamdot territory and higher up. At Loadi-ke,

below Mamdot they are succeeded by the Wattu Karral Chishti and

other branches of the Jat tribes, descendants of the Rajput shepherds,

who formerly inhabited the country on the Ravi between Multun and

Lahkér, These people still lead a wandering pastoral life, seldom

building anything but temporary sheds, and may fairly challenge the

name applied to them of ‘‘ khdna badash.”” They are a race inured to

every hardship, ill fed and worse clothed, but capable of enduring

great fatigue under every privation. They are much celebrated fur

the length and rapidity of their journeys on foot in their nightly

excursions to carry off cattle from neighboring territories. Nothing

in their appearance would indicate their possessing a superior share

of physical strength or activity; they are tall spare men, generally

ill made, and without any great shew of bone or muscle. If their

hardiness of constitution is any where perceptible, it is in their harsh

swarthy features, which though not pleasing are manly.

These tribes, even in the best days of the Mogul empire, were

never brought into any proper subjection or made to feel the influence

of a well-ordered government. They continued embroiled in feuds

among themselves, in the settlement of which the arms of autho-

rity seldom interposed. A system of sdlahang, or retaliation, than

which nothing can be conceived more productive of crime and gene-

ral disorder, has prevailed among them from time immemorial. This

system authorizes the redressing an injury not only on the person

or property of the injurer, but on any of his relations, friends or neigh-

bors whom chance may throw into the power of the injured party; con-

sequently a few disorderly persons have it in their power to involve the

whole country in their quarrels. The original cause of their feud is

generally a dispute as to the right of pasture, or a few buffaloes may

have strayed from the herds of one village to those of another. This

leads to reprisals, in which blood is sometimes shed, and blood calls

for blood long after the original cause of dispute has ceased to be

remembered. If this was the state of affairs when the country on

both sides of the river was under one authority, we may judge of what

it must be now that the river separates two hostile powers.

The system of sdlahang which was before confined to villages near

each other, now extends along the whole line of the opposite banks of

the river. Instead of a few buffaloes stealthily abstracted during the

night by ten or twelves herdsmen, villages are now openly attacked

and plundered at noon-day by gangs of from one hundred to two

2c 2

196 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

hundred desperate freebooters acting under acknowledged Sir-kurde,

(leaders.) The river affords them an easy means of escape, and, owing

to the existing relations of one of the powers with our Government,

prevents their being pursued by the authorities of the opposite side.

This security from punishment would of itself be sufficient encourage-

ment to their predatory habits, but they are moreover instigated and

abetted by the petty district officers of their own governments,

who share in the spoils without incurring any of the danger of their

enterprises.

Female infanticide prevails generally among these tribes. Mothers

appear to have little affection for their offspring and little respect for

their marriage tie, if one may judge by the frequency with which it is

violated. A wife leaving the protection of her husband and abscond-

ing with another man, is frequently claimed and restored by the inter-

vention of the authorities after an absence of nine or ten years, and

any children she may have borne to her paramour in her absence, are

equally divided between him and her lawful husband.

On the 2nd February at Tufiere, estimated distance 114 kos. The

banks of the river low, and the river perceptibly diminished in breadth.

We passed a town on the right bank hidden in a deep and extensive

grove of palm trees; the cupola of a mosque peeping through the

foliage, and a few solitary palms standing far apart, thrown out from

an horizon lighted by a brilliant sunset, reminded us forcibly of

Bengal scenery.

The country on the left to-day was more open, the river excessively

winding.

On the 3rd to Durpur near Khairpur, estimated distance #02 kos.

The country on the right was well cultivated and apparently rich,

dotted with clumps of the beautiful palm tree, and the banks of the

river abounding in temporary wells and water courses ;—-+that on the

left was low and barren and covered with a very thin jungle of the

tamarisk, the river extremely winding in its course.

Early in the day we were met by Sarrara’z Kuan, and ata later hour

by Mir MonammMep Qarm and Munammep D&rm, native gentlemen of

the Khan’s household and relations of the Khan’s Vizier. One of these

gentlemen, although holding the responsible appointment of Mir

Bakhshi, is said to be quite uneducated and ignorant of his letters;

but we found him more polished in his manners than the generality

of those we had met.

About half way on our journey we passed the road to Mailsian, a

town on the right bank, the former capital of Bana’wau Kukn’s terri-

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 197

tory on that side. It once boasted a very strong fort, but from the

time this territory was first threatened by the Siekhs it became the

policy of the Bahdwalpur government to destroy all their forts and

garhis, and this among the rest was razed to the ground.

As we approached Khairpur we came in sight of the Rohi (or desert),

and were for some time quite at a loss to conjecture what object it

was which skirted the horizon for many miles. The sand-hills rise

abruptly from the plain which intervene between the desert and the

river, and from a distance the intervals between them are not percep-

tible. Seen from our boats, they formed a distinct and well defined out-

line resembling an unbroken chain of low hills. The Roi runs in the

shape of a promontory directly up to the town of Khairpur, which is.

about a mile distant from the present channel of the river: in the

rainy season the town only intervenes between the sand of the desert

and the waters of the Sat/aj7. When we visited it, we ascended from

one of the streets directly on a steep hill of sand and found ourselves

fairly in the desert surrounded by sand-hills and the debris of houses,

walls and huts more than half buried under them. The desert

encroaches on the town every year, and many of the present inhabi-

tants remember the time when Khairpur was distant at least two

miles from the nearest point of it. The houses are chiefly of unburnt

bricks, and the round domes of the mosque are also built of the same

material. It is said to be very durable, but the secret of its durability

lies more in the paucity of rain which falls in this country. The town

has a tolerable bazar, and contains 400 shops of all descriptions; it

was formerly a place of considerable traffic, but has fallen off since the

time of the great Bana’wat Kudn. Small kajilas occasionally arrive

here from Hédnsi and Hissdr across the desert, and the tobacco grown

in this vicinity and in the Hdsilpur district is exported by this route

in large quantities to Delhi, where it is not unfrequently sold as Multdn

tobacco.

The only pakd building in the town is a large mosque now in

ruins ; it is ornamented with painted tiles to represent enamel, but too

little remains to give anv idea of the effect of this style of ornament

when in perfect preservation. In the neighborhood are the ruins of

several mud forts, formerly the seat of Déudputra chiefs of the Keharani

branch of the tribe, who arrived in this country sometime before the

Pirjani branch, of which the present Khan is the head. They were

engaged in constant feuds with the 2nd Bandwat Kuan, and made

several attempts to subvert his power, but were unsuccessful, and at

last forfeited their own possessions in the struggle. The only surviving

198 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

member of this family is now a fugitive at the court of the Bikdnir

raja.

The morning of the 4th being a halt, we made a short excursion

into the desert with the intention of looking for floricans and antelopes :

the former, as well as the leek and bustard, are very numerous where

the desert approaches near to the river ; but they are much more fre-

quently put up in the stunted tamarisk bushes which crown the sand

hills within the skirts of the desert, than in the tamarisk coppices

nearer the river. After crossing the first ridge of sand-hills, the

highest of which might measure sixty feet, we came in sight of a

level plain of hard soil extremely bare, with only here and there a

small mound of shifting sand, and extending for several miles till the

eye was arrested by what appeared to be a ridge similar to the one

on which we stood. One could have fancied that this tract had

recently been usurped from the river by the desert. We learned from

the people with us that the whole of it is usually cultivated after a

favorable rainy season, when it produces plentiful crops of the smaller

kind of grain on which the inhabitants of this country chiefly subsist.

Owing to the unusual drought of the last five years, it had remained

a waste. The ridge on which we stood was the site of what had

been an extensive town now buried many feet under the sand ;—the

soil between the sand hillocks was covered with particles of burnt

brick, and I was able to trace the ruins of houses for upwards of a

mile along the ridge. These have, no doubt, arrested the sand in its

progress when it is carried in volumes by the south-west monsoon

towards the river, and may account for the high and very abrupt

appearance of the skirts of the desert at this point.

After a short walk in the sand, rendered disagreeable by a dread-

fully scorching sun, we returned towards our boats. The Daudputras

who accompanied us as guides were highly amused at our style of

sporting, which they termed jarida-tor, and only becoming a shikari by

profession. We were little less amused at their strange jargon and —

at the readiness of their sporting equipments. Their weapon is the ~

rifle with the curved stock common throughout Affghdnistdn and the

countries west of the Jndus. The length of the barrel varies, but is

never much longer than that of our musket. They have a great con-

tempt for our use of small shot and for small game, which they only

pursue with the hawk. The flesh of the hog-deer and antelope is

esteemed a great dainty. In pursuit of the latter a Daudputran will

take his provisions for three days, mount his camel, and sally forth

in the hottest season ; when, to use their own expression, ‘‘ to face the

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 199

desert is to face death.” In these excursions he sometimes remains

out as long as five days, wandering about after the tracks of the deer,

until his supply of water is exhausted; when, if he has not been suc-

cessful, he makes for the nearest pool and takes his chance of the

deer coming to drink. These pools are not of frequent occurrence in

the desert, and none but a person acquainted with every stump bush

and hillock, and every feature of the ground, could attempt to go in

search of them. That many of the shikdris have this intimate know-

ledge of the desert, is proverbial :—‘‘ they know it better than the

scholar his book, or the Hafiz his Koran ;” and their knowledge is

the more astonishing when we consider the narrow and minute obser-

vation which it implies. So much do the sand-hills resemble each

other, that a common observer might be removed to fifty different

stations in the course of the day and fancy every one the same.

The prohibitions to shooting game which are strictly enforced in

the Naw4b’s preserves and jungles near the river, do not apply to the

desert, where the shikdris are at liberty to roam at large; and the

knowledge they acquire of its localities is highly prized by their chief.

They are sometimes lost, but casualties of this kind are attributed to

a stroke of the sun, or to exhaustion from want of water, or to the

bite of a reptile called the flying-snake, (said to be numerous,) rather

than to their losing their way. The stars assist to guide them when,

as is often the case, they travel by night.

One of our guides proved himself a good marksman by taking off

the head of a carrion kite with a ball from his rifle at fifty yards; he

brought the bird up to us and observed that “that was the manner

in which his master would serve the kafir Sikhs, if we would allow

him to cross the river.” The Khan, it would appear, finds it politic

to impress his subjects with the idea, that nothing but a fear of the

displeasure of the British Government has hitherto prevented his

taking steps to recover his lost dominions ;—while they on their part

assure their chief, that but for this fear they would conquer the coun-

try to-morrow, and not leave a light burning from the Indus to Lahr.

The familiar manner in which our guides spoke of the former pos-

sessors of the old forts and gardens about Khairpur as we passed

through, struck me as highly characteristic of the primitive state of

society of the people. Their greatest chiefs they designated by their

simple surnames. In speaking of the Khan, they called him simple

Bandwat Ku&n or Khanh, never adding any affix of respect. Every

garden or fort we passed had its anecdote of the feuds that had

existed between the Keharani and Pirjani branches of the tribe. Much

200 Journal of a voyage from [Marcu,

was said about the ‘‘ bahddurz”’ of the fallen chiefs, the devoted cou-

rage of their adherents, and the time which a few resolute men had

kept the second BawAwau Kusw and his whole army at bay. The

knowledge possessed by our guides of these affairs seemed to be inti-

mate; and could I have understood clearly all that they said, I might

during our walk have learnt the whole history of the tribe. On their

first settlement in the country, the Daudputras, to add consequence

to their name, as well as to increase their power, are said not to have

been very scrupulous how they swelled their numbers, and people of

all descriptions were admitted into their tribe.

The opinion I formed of the lower orders from what I saw to-day

was not very favorable. One cannot be long in their society without

being struck with the absence of that urbanity which is so universal

among all orders in Hindustdn. With each other they appear to be

on easy terms, using little ceremony. With strangers they are either

rough and betray a suspicion and distrust in their manner, or their

courteousness is awkward and descends to servility. One of our

guides, whose garments would hardly have gained him admittance

into any gentleman’s gateway, gave me to understand that he was no

common person, but one who lived in the Khan’s presence. I should

not have believed him but for an anecdote which I heard of one of

the former chiefs soon after my return to camp, and which was to

the effect ‘‘ that the first BasAwat Kuan would have given a severe

bastinado to any person who had dared to come to his darbar in

new or clean clothes.’”’ The person who related this anecdote to me,

lamented the degeneracy of the present ruler, ‘‘ who has brought

himself,” said he, ‘‘ to look upon clean clothes without aversion, and,

what is worse, allows his prime minister to ride in a bali or a bullock

carriage, for which last innovation he will one day be sorely visited.”

We remained at Darpur on the 5th. This place is pleasantly situ-

ated at about half a mile from the present channel of the river. A

fine piece of grass turf sprinkled with dwarfish palm extends from it

down to the banks of the river. The fort of Darpur is still in good

preservation, but has not been occupied since the family was dispos-

sessed by the second BanAwat Kuan. It is of mud and paka bricks,

in form a square, with turrets at the angles; the outer walls enclose

an aria of nine hundred square yards. Near the fort are the lines of

one of the Kh&n’s disciplined battalions, stationed here under the com-

mand of a half-caste Portuguese; their uniform was a blue coat with

scarlet facings, flaming scarlet shakos, with brass ornaments. They

were drawn out to receive us on the day of our arrival Evening had

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 201

closed in before we arrived, and they burnt blue lights, the effect of

which with their salute was good, but so much cannot be said for the

stunning noise of their barbarous drums and fifes which accompanied

it. The battalion mustered about three hundred firelocks ; besides

these, there were two small pieces of artillery with a few gulandaz

dressed in red pagris, brown vests, and blue cossack paijgmas. They

were very cleanly in appearance, and I was told that the whole of the

Khan’s troops had been newly clothed in anticipation of the arrival of

the mission.

On the 6th to Goth Nur Muhammad ; estimated distance by the river

83 kos. The Khairpur district extended for two-thirds of the way,

when we entered that of Goth Nur Muhammad. In consequence of the

unusual drought of the last four years, and the floods from the river

having inclined to the right bank, the districts from Khairpur to the

eastern frontier now barely pay the expenses of collecting the revenue,

Throughout this extensive tract of country, embracing a length of

more than one hundred kos, there are only three officers in authority

for the collection of revenue and the preservation of order. One is at

Khairpur, one at Goth Qdim Rats, twelves miles beyond, and the

other moves alternately from Gurjidna to Mubdrakpur, but resides

chiefly at the latter place. In harvest time, mutsaddis or muharirs

are dispatched from Ahmadpur to collect the revenue in these parts,

but they never remain long. So little authority does the Nawab

possess over the districts east of Mdbdrakpur, that he may be said to

levy rather an occasional tribute from them than any fixed revenue.

The property of the zemindars consists chiefly of cattle, and is conse-

quently moveable; and as the Nawab finds it more troublesome than

advantageous to be continually sending large forces to overawe them,

they frequently escape two or more seasons successively without

paying any thing to his treasury, either by crossing to the opposite

side of the river, or concealing themselves and their cattle for a time

in the large tracts of jungle which every where abound. Once in two

or three years a force is sent, when, if the zemindars refuse to come

in and pay their rents, their houses and the little land they cultivate

are laid waste, and all their cattle that can be found seized and car-

ried off. They are at liberty to release them on paying what is called

the ‘‘ ¢rinn?” or tax for pasturage, and the arrears of their tribute in

kind. The amount of this varies with the means which the govern-

ment officers have of enforcing, or the ryats of resisting the demand.

A tax is also levied from them, commonly designated and known

among them as the “ theft licence,’’ with a view, perhaps, of eradicat-

202 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

ing their propensity to thieving, but which most probably encourages

the habit. As it is a tax openly paid by the principal Rath or Jat

zemindars to the Nawab, free-booting is in a measure countenanced

and rendered honorable by it. The present Nawab, I am told, has

never hitherto visited the country to the east of Mdabdrakpur, from a

dislike to trust himself among these tribes.

The river diminishing in breadth and the banks low; country more

open on both sides, but still presenting large tracts of heavy jhau

jungle.

We lost sight of the Desert soon after leaving Darpur. The scenery

near Goth Nur Muhammad is rather pleasing from the number of palm

trees in its neighborhood; here also are ruined forts and a few ruins

of paka bricked houses, the former residence of chiefs of other

branches of the Ddudputra tribe.

On the 7th to Dera Bakd, near which the district of Goth Nur

Muhammad terminates. The villages are more substantial, and the coun-

try more open and better cultivated as we proceed. The people also

appear to be less rude, and not so scantily clothed as we found them

in the frontier district. The revenues are collected regularly and with

little trouble.

On the 8th to Bakarpur, the ghat opposite to Bahdwalpur ; estimated

distance by the river 45 kos. The river narrowed extremely during

the two last days’ journey. The banks have become very low and the

current sluggish, running about 14 miles in the hour. The country is

well cultivated on both banks of the river, the people are more engag-

ed in agricultural pursuits, and herds of cattle are less numerous than

they were above Khairpur.

From the 8th to the 25th of February the Mission remained at

Bahawalpur, employed in negotiation with the Nawab. The town of

Bahdwalpur, the most populous in the Khan’s dominions, is situated

about two miles south-east of the present channel of the river; during

the floods a branch of the river runs close under its walls and the

intervening space, at present a moist sand covered with low strag-

gling jhau, is then one sheet of water. At the present season only

the beaten tracks to the ghat are passable on horseback and the rest

is quagmire. The walls of the town enclose a number of gardens,

and from the river the only signs of buildings we could descry through

the trees were the minarets of the large mosque. The approach to

the town from the river is by a number of narrow lanes separating

gardens, in which the bed-mushk, the apple and orange tree, the

mulberry, and rose bushes are seen in great profusion, <A bridge of

1837.] . Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 203

one arch built of burnt bricks conducts over an insignificant moat to

the Multdn gate by which we entered the city. On the day of our

visit to the Naw4b, the tops of the houses in the streets were crowded

with spectators, who observed a profound silence as we passed: this

was so remarkable that I cannot but think particular orders must

have been given on the subject, as the same circumstances attracted

the notice of the Honorable M. Expuinstonse and his party on their

passage through Bahdwalpur in their Mission to Cdbul. We passed

through a long narrow street which forms the principal bazar, and it

appeared well inhabited; the other parts of the town betray a decreas-

ing population. Many houses are empty and in ruins. It now con-

tains 2,025 shops of all descriptions. The number of its inhabitants

may be estimated at 20,000. The second BanAwat Kun always

spent some months of the year at this place, but since his death it

has been quite deserted by the court, and other causes have not been

wanting to account for its diminished importance. Before the Nawab

relinquished his territory on the opposite side of the river, the greatest

portion of his revenue, which he receives in kind, was collected here,

as also the indigo and rice for exportation. Thisis no longer the case,

and the trade of Affghdnistdn with Central India, to which it chiefly

owed its flourishing condition, has both fallen off in quantity, and no

longer pursues so exclusively as formerly the route by Bahdwalpur.

The decreasing income of the present Nawab and his father has

compelled them to levy arbitrary contributions from the merchants,

who have deserted the place in consequence. The Amritsar, Shikar-

pur and Mdrwar mercantile houses have still their agents here, but

comparatively little business is transacted between them. A’a& RaFri,

a Jew, who had formerly a house at Derd Ghazt Khan, and is connect-

ed with the Jews of Bokhdra and Kaub Chand Shikdrpurt, are the

most wealthy merchants at the place. Bahdwalpur still maintains its

celebrity for the manufacture of silk cloth or lungs and gulbadans,

which latter are of a superior texture, and more lasting than those of

Amritsar or Benares. The quantity exported is not very great, and

chiefly to Sindh. Rifle barrels are also made of very superior work-

manship both at Khairpur, Bahdwalpur and Khdnpur, but the hand-

somest are made only to order, and to be sent in presents to Sindh,

Lahér and other places.

The inhabitants of Bahdwalpur and of the few other towns in the

Bahawalpur territory, are chiefly Hindus, and these in appearance the

very outcasts of their race, dirty, squalid and miserable. Though

they are tolerated in the practice of their religion, and have a high

2p 2

204 Journal of a voyage from [Maxrcu,

priest or gusdin who enjoys some consideration with the Naw4b, they

are looked down upon by their Mussalman fellow subjects with the

utmost contempt, and subjected to every kind of oppression. Some

few of them enjoy offices of trust near the Nawab and the other great

men of his court, but this they owe to the indolence and ignorance

of their masters, which quite unfits them for the tiresome details of

business.

On the 25th we again started in our boats from the Bindra-wdla

ghat at Bahdwalpur to proceed to the junction of the five rivers of

the Panjab with the Indus at Mithankot.

We arrived sometime after nightfall at Nahur-wali; estimated

distance from Bahawalpur 114 kos. The banks of the river were

exceedingly low almost throughout our journey, and the river still

diminishing in size, not measuring more in some places than 150

yards across. The current not averaging 15 miles an hour. There

were numerous sand-banks, and the river, saving that it is deeper, is

more insignificant in appearance here than at any part of its course

from Ropur downwards. The numerous canals which are cut from

below Khairpur might account for this, but very few of them are fed

from the river in the cold weather.

The country on both sides of the river was tolerably open, and

cultivation more general, with fewer tracts of the jhau jungle. The

inhabitants on both sides of the river are chiefly of Jat origin, mixed

with a few Daudputras and Baloches ; they are not generally addicted

to predatory habits, but the dismemberment of the Khan’s dominions

has involved them in the general disorder which now prevails.

On the 26th to Mahabatpur ; estimated distance by the river 3

kos. At about two miles from Nahur-wali we came to a heavy

jhau jungle on the left bank, one of the Nawab’s preserves or hunt-

ing seats, where he had proposed that we should take our leave of

him. We joined him towards the afternoon, and after witnessing the

slaughter of a few hog-deer returned to our boats, with the promise

to hunt with him again on the following day.

On the 27th we passed the day in hunting with the Naw4b. The

following is a description of his mode of following that pastime.

The jungles in which the game is preserved, are divided and tra-

versed in their whole extent by strong hedges made of twisted boughs

of the jhau running at acute or at right angles with each other in

the form of a funnel, into which the game is driven. The hedges are

not made to join at the apex of the triangles, but a space is there

left open and cleared of jungle in which the ambuscades are formed.

1837.) Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 205

These ambuscades resemble in their relative positions an inverted

funnel, the mouth of which joins that into which the game is driven.

The Nawab occupies the first place in front of the opening; ata

‘short distance behind him, branching out to right and left, are two

more ambuscades not far apart; behind these are others farther apart,

and so on with the rest, which are so arranged that the sportsmen

fire clear of each other. The ambuscades are formed of small hedges

of the jhau high enough to conceal a person when seated on the

ground: in the very high jungles platforms of eight and ten feet

high are used for the same purpose.

When the tract of jungle is circular, it is first surrounded by a very

high fence of the jhau, between which and the jungle a space is. left

for aroad; then from the circumference fences are drawn towards

the centre like the radii of a circle; the centre is freed from jungle

and left open for the formation of the ambuscades. A number of

dogs of all sizes and breeds, and from three to four hundred sawdrs,

according to the extent of line they have to cover, are then sent into

the jungles from the outside, and close their ranks as they approach

the narrow end of the enclosed space, hooting and shouting to drive

the game before them. The Nawab and his courtiers meanwhile

lounge at their ease in their ambuscades. Conversation is carried on,

at first freely, but as the beaters draw near, in whispers only. A

crackling of the jungle or a waving of the grass is sufficient to put

every one on the alert—the hand is instinctively directed towards

the trigger, and you are prepared for tiger, deer, hog, or any thing

that may make its appearance. The eye is strained to bursting to

catch the moment of the beast’s leaving the jungle, when, whatever he

is, he will assuredly give a spring on finding himself in the open space,

At last he bursts cover, and the object of your fond anticipations

proves to be nothing more than a jackal; but before you have time

to recover from your vexation at having your nerves unstrung by so

unworthy a beast, and before you have time to brace them again, the

jungle again crackles, the boughs break—you catch a glimpse of some-

thing bounding through the grass, and out springs a fine buck deer

with his head low and haunches hard pressed by the hounds. He

either stops for an instant amazed, or he has passed you before you

can raise your gun to your shoulder: in either case you miss. At the

report of your gun he stamps the ground in disdain and bounds on

to fall a prey to some cooler sportsman among the twenty or thirty

who send their balls whizzing after him. The Naw4b has as many

as eight or nine rifles loaded and placed before him, and he uses them

206 Journal of a voyage from [Marcu,

so quickly and efficaciously, that unless the game comes very thickly,

it is a bad day’s sport for those who are permitted only to shoot after

him. Dinner is always cooked at his hunting seat and sent out into

the jungle for him, and served at noon. Several of his musdhibs

(courtiers) partake of the meal with him, and inferior fare is distri-

buted to the whole of his attendants. Even down to the saises and

grass-cutters no man is allowed to remain hungry. After dinner all

indulge in a siesta, and then to the sport again. Where the jungle

is very extensive and not well enclosed, and the efforts of the horse-

men are baffled by the game doubling round them, it is not unusual

on a windy day to set fire to it. This is a sight to be witnessed.

The sport is very exciting while it lasts, but the pauses during the

time spent by the beaters in driving the game towards the ambus-

cades are tedious. The Nawab and his minister frequently occupy

these intervals in reading the Kordn.

The Nawa4b’s hunting seats are mere temporary hamlets, the sides

of which are formed of the kana reed, and the roofs thatched over

with grass. <A large enclosure is set apart for the Nawab himself,

which is surrounded with a strong and high fence of the jhau, making

it quite private. This enclosure varies from two to three hundred

yards square; at different angles of it are a place for his daftar-

khdnd or secretaries, a place for his cook-room, and a place for his

huntsmen or shikdris. He has sometimes an under-room attached to

his own bungalow in the rear. In front of the bungalow is a rude

chabutra, raised from the ground about two feet, on mud pillars, and

covered with an awning or canopy of cloth under which he holds his

darbar and receives the reports of shikdris, who are sent out in all

directions to bring tidings of game. In front of the chabutra his

horses are picketed. His minister and two or three others of the

most consideration about him have separate hamlets prepared for

them, but the rest of his followers rough it in the open air. Canvas

tents are very little used even by the wealthier classes.

On the 28th we arrived opposite to Mirpur ; estimated distance by

the river 10 kos. As we approached the end of our day’s journey the

river became broader. There were still fewer tracts of jungle to-day,

and the country rich and well cultivated, with many substantial-look-

ing villages on either side.

March the Ist. We arrived at Makhanbeld, the ghat opposite to

the town of Uch ; estimated distance by the river 16 kos.

The river increased to-day to a fine broad stream ; it was joined by

an inlet from the Chindb river soon after we left Mirpur, and for the

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Satlaj river. 207

last twelve miles, before its junction with the Chindd,,it ran in a toler-

ably straight course, forming a fine body of water. There was one

considerable winding near Shirna Buchri. The Chindb joins the

Ghira a little above Makhanbeld, and these streams run together for

a considerable distance without appearing to mix their waters. The

line marked by the opposite color of the two streams is very distinct.

The red-colored water of the Chindb and Ravi is prized by the people

here much above that of the Ghdra. The Nawab when residing at

Ahmadpur or Diliwar sends to this ghat for a weekly supply for his

household, which is conveyed on hackeries in large brass vessels.

The breadth of the Panjnad at Makhanbela in the present season

is perhaps under 900 yards, but during the rains it is sometimes six

miles across from Uch to the opposite side.

The country on the left continued well cultivated and open. On

the right we had the dry bed of Beah and several creeks of the Chindb,

forming islands covered with heavy jhau jungle and apparently pas-

ture land. Numerous herds of buffaloes were grazing near the bank.

In the afternoon we went to visit Uch, from which we were distant

about three miles ; the road was through a good deal of jhau jungle

and over the beds of inlets of the river which scarcely supported our

horses. The Uch Bokhdrian is situated on the banks of the river,

and was formerly the seat of a Hindu principality, which extended to

near Mulidn. The town itself was then called Walhaur. Towards

the latter end of the reign of Ipra’n1’m Ist of the Gaznavi dynasty

in 1105, a number of wandering Musalman devotees took up their

abode there, and were tolerated by the ruling prince, Raja SHam

SuAp, from the apparently harmless austerity of their lives. Among

the number of these devotees was Shekh Syzp Jau4z, who was gifted

with the power of performing miracles, by which many were conviny

ced of the truth of his doctrines.

Raja Suam SuwAp was one of the first of his converts, and giving

up all worldly affairs, he made over his territorial possessions to the

Pir for the support of his followers. One or two others also deserve

to be mentioned, as they gave their name to the towns now compre-

hended under the general name of Uch Bokhdérian. Among these was

a chief of the tribe of zemind4rs called Ldlds, who inhabited the coun-

try in the neighborhood. On the conversion of their chief the Ldlds

followed his example, and on his death built a sepulchre to his

memory, round which they formed habitations; hence the Uch of

Lalas, the Uch of the Moghuls, and the Uch of the Jumals, were also

named by the Pir after two of his favorite disciples, who died of the

austerities which they practised, and were buried there.

508 Journal of a voyage from [Marcu,

We visited the tomb of the Pir Shekh Syup Jat4: Boxna’rr’.

The interior of the building was curious ; the roof was supported by

more than thirty arches resting on four colonades of wooden carved

pillars; there were a great many graves and some relics from distant

countries. Amongst these were the preserved spinal bones of several

saw-fish. The pilgrims who go to Mecca from Aff;hanistdn and the

Derajat by passing down the Indus, frequently come thus far out of

their way from Mithankot to visit the shrine of Shekh Syzp Ja-

La‘L, and implore his intercession for the safety of their journey. A

descendant of this Pir is still living at Uch, but the lands formerly

belonging to the family which enabled them to live in a style of

splendour and comparative refinement among a barbarous people, have

long since been usurped, first by the nazims of Multan, and since

then by the Daudputra chiefs. They have now barely sufficient for

their support; their influence over the common people is, notwith-

standing, very considerable, and they are generally respected.

From Uch Bhokhdrian we proceeded to the Uch of the Gilanis, which

appears to have been formerly joined to it, but is now distant about

half a mile; on our way we passed through large topes of date trees.

Hazrat Shekh Musammap Guos Jiva’/n1’, round whose shrine this

town was built, and after whom it was named, was descended from

Hazrat Shekh Aspput Qdpir Jina’ni’ Baaupsni’, and came to Uch

about the year A. D. 1394. The Daudputras have continued to be

his murids and the murids of his successors from the time of their

first leaving Shikdrpur.

This Pir’s family had considerable assignments of lands in the

vicinity of Uch before the arrival in the country of the Daudputras,

and up to the time of the 2nd Bana’wat Kuan their territory and

wealth had continued increasing, and Maxpum Gane Buxsu, who was

then the Pir Marshid, was second only in influence to the Khan, and

kept in his pay a considerable standing force; he built a fort at

Uch and surrounded the town witha wall. His son, alsonamed Max-

pum Gane Baxss, headed a revolt of the Daudputra tribes against the

second Bana’waL Kua'n in 1799, and releasing Ban&wau Kua’'n’s

son, Muspxrax Kna’n, from confinement, set him in opposition to his

father. The Khan besieged him in the town of Uch, destroyed the

fort, and laid the town in ruins, and obliged the Pir with his son to

flee to the territory of the Amirs of Sindh. The lands belonging to

the Pir’s family were on that occasion forteited to the state, and have

never been restored. A few years since a grandson of this Pir returned

from the Sindh country to take up his abode at Uch, and six or eight

wells have been allowed by the present Khan for his subsistence.

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by the Sailaj river. 209

On the 2nd March to opposite Nuérwald ; estimated distance 10 kos.

We came to on the right bank of the river about three miles below

Sitpur, and went in the afternoon to see that town. It is surrounded

by an extensive grove of palm trees, and is celebrated for its dates

and mangoes, which it produces in great abundance. The site is very

elevated, and its name indicates its having formerly been a Hindu

town. The old buildings are all of burnt brick and lofty, the streets

dreadfully narrow and filthy, the country round it is pretty, but must

be very unhealthy during the hot months, when it is entirely over-

flowed, leaving no means of communication saving by boats. It was

formerly thickly inhabited, but now the half of the houses are in

ruins, and it may have about 200 shops of all descriptions. The

inhabitants of the town are chiefly Hindus,—those of the country,

round, Jats and Beloches. Cattle are numerous, and the zemindars,

both Jats and Beloches, predatory in their habits. Sitpur is said to

have been formerly on the right bank of the main stream of the Indus

which fell into the Panjnad iramediately above it: it is now about 10

miles on the left side of the main stream, but during the hot weather

the whole intervening space is one sheet of water. It is recorded that

gisids, messengers with letters, were formerly in the habit of leaving

Multan or Dera Ghazi Khan in the morning, mounted on an inflated

oxhide, and reaching Sitpur and Ouch by the rivers Chindb and Indus

at noon. This mode of conveying letters is still sometimes-adopted

between Derd Ghazi Khan and Shikdrpur, and during the height of

the floods is very expeditious.

On the 3rd to Chdvan ; estimated distance 12 kos. The country on

both sides appeared very rich, but without any great variety of foliage.

On the 4th we arrived at Mithankot on the right bank of the

Indus ; estimated distance 10 kos. The rapidity of the current increas-

ed very much as we approached the junction of the two rivers. The

Panjnad all the way from Ouch is a beautiful stream, and, with the

exception of one or twv windings, runs straight to the south-west.

On the 7th of March the Mission left Mithankot to return by a new

route through the Panjab to Lodiana. The boats were left under my

charge to prepare for their return voyage up the river, with the

exception of those belonging to the Lodiana merchants, which con-

tinued their voyage to Shikdrpur.

210

Journal of a voyage from

[Marc

From Lodiana to Bahdiwalpur by the rivers Satlaj and Ghar a.

Villages on the left bank.

P a

‘Ss Names of |Q oa E

as| Villages. mm Caste. i)

S 214 3

g& z\< E

| <li KS

Dec

9th. |Lodiana,

Réjpara, ..{1 | #/Réin, ..|J.R.

Be Haibuwal,.. | z|Ranghar|ditto.

<g|Baranhara, |23).. |ditto, Reus:

“4 2|Salempar, ..|13| dditto, ..(F.S. A.

= ~|Ghanspar,..| 4'-- |Gdjar,.. \ditto.

Hanbar,..-.]1 | S\ditto, .. \ditto.

Wallipura,. . 15] 4lditto, .. |ditto.

10th|Baniawaéla, | 4'.. (ditto, .. |ditto.

Wallipar,

a | (purana,)..| 4)-- jditto, .. |ditto.

= |Talvandi, z|--|ditto, .. |ditto.

+ {Aliwal, ....]1$} Zditto, .. |ditto.

Bhundri, -»| $)-- |RAipat

Piliab.|ditto.

11thiKoth,......|..|-- |Gajar,.. |ditto.

Gursian, ..{1 |..|ditto, ..|ditto.

Tarivara, -.| 4| 3 ditto, .. |ditto.

. |Shekh

2 Chishti, ..| 3) 1/Chishteajditto.

“4 |Bhamél,....|13} 1|/Rajpat, |ditto.

® {Salempar,..|13} 1)Rain, .. {ditto.

Sidhuan, ..|1 | 1|J4t, .. |ditto.

12th'Shafipard, |1 | J Réjpat, |ditto.

Abbupfr, ..| 3/1 |Rain, .. ditto.

Malsian, 3| Zlditto, .. {ditto.

Harbuwal, .. |13} #/Ranghar|M.R.K.

Balla-ke, ../1 | 4/Gujar,.. |ditto.

Baghé-ke, .. |15} 4/ditto, .. |ditto.

Baché-ke

(barri,) 1 | $lditto, ../K. 8S. B.

Ghura, ig} giditto, .. /ditto.

Bune cess: 13} S\ditto, .. ditto.

Burj Bara,..|15| g|ditto, .. ditto.

Sanghi-wala| 3{ 4|/Dogres, ;R. 8.

Sadare-wald,| 4) 7/Gijar,.. ditto.

Bhunari, 3| z/Harni &

Rain,.. |ditto.

Bi. Soon oc 3| z\Jat, ..|\ditto.

Dahdhara,.. |] Dogres, |ditto.

Koth,. ....|i4 rs Gijar,.. \ditto.

Gursiom, .. ilo” ditto, .. |ditto.

Villages on the right bank.

Gugg,...... |23)1 |Gujar,.. {ditto.

Hujra, .|2 | Zlditto, .. |ditto.

A Ghat, ....|12)..|ditto, .. |ditto.

Sudhpar, ..| 3] 3|/R4in, .. {ditto.

Maddipar,../1 |1 |ditto, .. ditto.

Purjion

Beharépar, |1 |1 |ditto, .. |ditto,

v 3 i

a ans

a, a Fi

a &| Names of |G aS

cafe ~|sle 3

n= aS n

a ae =

4 <5 5

Villages on the left bank.

“poked . : .. Jat kheir|/F. S. A.

2 |Tihdra, .. . Rain, .. |ditto.

= Pos 3 tT ‘ditto, .. |ditto.

| pe |Laddiwalé “) 4Géjar,..|D. & K.

2.2 | B.-ke.

+~>|Tariwalé, ..|! |1 ‘ditto, .. ditto.

“ Ei Bhore, jie (e«(24|.\. Gittoyi. ope

Chahaur, Z| Z ditto, .. |ditto.

Bhedanw4la,; $1 ditto, .. |ditto.

Bassian,....|l x Tite. . |ditto.

Kamalpara, | | 4% Gdjar,.. |ditto.

Picha-ke, ..| 3 3 ditto, .. |ditto.

Sungalli, ..| 3| £ditto, .. \ditto.

Abdul Rah-

13th} man,...... 1 |..,Gajar, .|K.S. B.

Miana Guzr,|2 | 3 Mallah, |D.

Pipl, enveeere 1 |1 |Géjar,.. jditto.

tare Ismailpar, .. 1 | 4ditto, .|F.

pe eattehpar,..|1 | ditto, .. \ditto.

c¢ a|Jhanean, ..|2 | 4 Jat,.... |ditto.

aie) Jhabelan -

Ee Walfige sce oe 1 | Z\Jhabeil, \ditto.

M aharéjwa-

‘4 -- {1 |..|J&t Mah

14), .. ditto.

14th! Mandi, ....| 43|..|Jat,.... |ditto.

Wira Kali Jat Kali

Raon, ..--!3 |..| R&on, |ditto.

Malhé Jang,|1 |..|Naipal, jditto.

Laéluwala, 1 |..|ditto, .. (ditto.

Tibbi Hus-

SEMI, wee ciel| ole (AGL, ore OUULO.

Villages on the vighi bank.

Kanmén Jat,

Kannean2nd,

Bhagian,

Thammiwa-

ig esta

Amir Shih,

Qasimw ala,

Rampira, ..

Kanjarawa-

la,

Abdulpur, ..

Bajaur, ..

Saleptr,...

Bamanian,..

Yahirpur, ..

Ramé-ké,

Eien

Rie IH DIN

3°

Rain, ..(R. S.

Z ditto, ..|ditto.

..|ditto, ..}ditto.

K.S. B.

ditto.

~ TGICEOs. ere

Seyads,

4|Gujar,..

.{ditto, ..

.}Rain, ..

.. ditto, oe

ve Jat,.

ditto.

. |ditto.

H a/Réin, . .. |ditto,

ditto, ..|ditto.

.. |ditto.

. ditto.

. |ditto,

Z{ditto, .

N. B.--R. S. stands for Ranjit Sing. F.S.A. for Fateh Sing Adena: K. S. B.

for Kotshah Bundh-ke.

D. for Dharmkot.

J.R. for Jindh R4jé. M.R.K. for Mai Rapéo Kakar.

1837.] Lodiana te Mithankot by Satlaj river. 211

o 3 & 8

tn Ss oo g

s 8 g 2

n ag d |@y 2 3 a

% | Names of [4 = a) Se Names of Q a)

=| Villages. Caste. =) 4 | Villages. |——| Caste. x)

es |Z S + rg +/z 3

= | a n oo ~|S nD

a& =| ‘OES =| =

o ie 3 o sll =

4 << lm re = < SS

Patti cis s:< Flealdats... es |e Ss B: Mattar Ba

Talwandi, 3|..jditto, ..|D. bul-ke, ....{12|../Dogre, |Mamdot.

BEDH,: cies 1 |..{|ditto, ..|Loian. Madu-ke, ..|13}..|ditto, ..|ditto.

Punedn, ....} ZZ ditto, .. |ditto. Baje-ke,.. #|.. |ditto, ..\ditto.

Jaggaptra, | 4| 4/Rain, ..{ditto. Mahitam, #|.. |Mahitam|ditto.

Kamalpuré, | 3! 4\J4t San- Baje-ke 2nd,}1 | %/Dogre, |ditto.

du,....|ditto. DullaMohan-

Kakar...... 1 [1$'J4t Ka- ke,....+...[1 | 2\ditto, .. lditto.

kar, ..(K.-K.S:

Kang,......|1 | ZJ&t Villagse on the right bank.

Kang, |K. S.W

Kusalghur, |1 ditto, ..|ditto Andresa,....{1 {1 |J&t.....(F. S. A.

wara,..|L. Chamba,....| $1 |ditto, ..|A.-ka.

Mandhidla, |3 | 1|J4t,....{ditto. .. Kamboh, ..| 31 |ditto, .. |ditto.

Usafpura, ..]13! Z'ditto, ..|R. S. S. Kirrian, ....| $1 |ditto, -.. |ditto.

Tibbi,......{1 |..(Réin, ../F. S. A. Harri-kePat-

Pippal, ..../2 | Z/ditto, ..]A. ditt. Aged 41 |ditto, ..|ditto.

INakki, «./). fli)! (Jat,....51/Fs S: A. Talli, . -{1 |1¢/AsulJ&t,|Kastr.

Gandhar

Singhwala, | 3 1Z|/Mixed, |ditto.

Fatta-kew4- | :

Villages on the left bank. Vays fesse ceil I) Rain, -eiditto.

Kujian , $ lz ditto, .. ditto.

Manniiwala, )1 | 3/Machi, (F.S. A. Ch&ri wala, | 31 |ditto, ..{ditto.

Singhi-ke,..]1 |..|ditto, ../ditto. Kilcha, ....{) j1 |Bhatti

— °|Bheda wala, |1 |..|Do.Mul- Sult4n Chu- JAt Chi-

lds, -<. |ditto. Miata eras 1Z1 | na;,.. {ditto.

+ ee Dogre Mathianwal4} |..|Dogre, |ditto.

Jan.| ilehaGolém! 3) 3| Bah- Wasti Seide- es

12th : loche, |F. ke,........{1 |13/R4in, .. |ditto.

Bahek Bodle-

Kilcha, ....|2 | 4/ditto, ..|Mamdot. ke,......../15,13/Boddle, /ditto.

Kande ke,.. |13; 3|Dogre WaAsti Pattri-}

Bah- Os rts sae | 2) 3 Jat,. .. |ditto.

loche,. ..|ditto. Ratnia wald,) 3)14/Rain, .. /ditto.

Kande ke Thulti Jos-

2nd, ......|1 |1Z/ditto, .. |ditto. ke,,....-..| 3/1 |Dogre, j|ditto.

Bahak Bodle Is Doburji,.... |2 |14/ditto, ..| Khudian

Khuda,....]1 |1 |Bodle Pattar ke, ..| 3 14[ditto, ..|ditto.

Bakhsh Fagir, |ditto. Sahite ke, ..| £1 |ditto, ..} litto.

Khan-ke,.. Khimi Jallq-

Farid Khdn ke, ....../1Z1 |ditto, ..|Mahmke

a 1 {1 |Kahur Piré Jallu-ke| 3 3/ditto, .. {ditto.

s Patton, |ditto. Dhing-ke, ..]1 |1 |ditto, ..|ditto.

g |Rahmuke,. |13/17|Dogre,.. {ditto. Mujahna -ke,| | 3/ditto, ..| litto.

ne |Lakmir-ke, | 4/1 {ditto, .. ditto. Dhurji, .... |1 | #ditto, ..|ditto.

= |Mamdot, 1 |1 |Mixed

Cast, .. {ditto.

Jan.|Vehre, ....| 4} #|Dogre,.. {ditto. Villages on the left bank.

14th Wasti Kheire

Beyeecawred 4 Alditto, ..|ditto. [114 |W4sti Lakhi-|

Wasti Muja- kos.| Mohan-ke | 7/2 |Dogre, |Mamdot.

had-ke, 4| Zditto, .. \ditto. Mohan-ke,..| 73 |ditto, .. ditto.

Matam, . |14\15 M4htam, ditto. 15th Khuggé-ke, | 7/2 |ditto, .. ditto.

N. B.—K. S. B. for Karak Singh Budulep. K. K.S., for Khuwar Karak Singh,

R.S.S. for Raja Seochet Singh. A. for Akhalian.

Singh’s widow. F.D.K. for Fateh Diakhan’s jagir .

F, for Firozpur,

K.S. W. Karri

212 Journal of a voyage from [Marcy,

o 13 © 3

b» I bp I

Ss Bue £ peels

mM. n “ te n =

“. 2| Names of Aw & % £| Names of |4 g &

ae elz eR oe 2/3 5

a8 {= cf as =| "a

o f= i= ve a

4 aj= 5 fF. bet he a

Toje-ke,....| 3/1Z/Dogre, |Mamdot Warii iene nth 4| 4|Dogre

Rukna_ Bo- Kara, .

dela,......| #19/Bodeld |ditto. Mahitum, ..| 3, 1|Mahi-

Shekh Bo- tam, .. ditto.

dela,.. ....| $/\$iditto, ..|ditto. Shah baz-ke,| 4] 1/Dogre, |ditto.

Rulla Keire- Dogre Sandar-ke,..|17/]3/Watta, |A. D.-ke

ke, ......{! |1 |Bodela. |ditto. Jada Vazed-

Rehma ke,|1Z/.. |ditto,.. |ditto.

o Kheire-ke, | 3|1 |Dogre, (ditto. Bagge, 2 /2 |Jarril

S |Dulle-ke, ..| 4/1 ditto, .. \ditto. Jat, .. |ditto.

““ |Middha,....| 4|1Z|ditto, .. \ditto. Vazid-ke, .. {14,2 |Watta, |ditto.

a |Pire-ke, $2 ditto, .. |ditto. Khewah Va-

Dhandhi, ..|iZ/23iditto, .. jditto. zid-ke, ..../1 |1Z/ditto, .. \ditto.

Shabaz-ke, a ditto, .. |ditto. Gujar-~ Va-

Bagghe-ke, |! |23iditto, .. ditto. zid-ke, .. .{13/13/ditto, .. ditto.

16th|}Sadar Alam- Pahulwan

ka,| Z/23\ditto. .. |ditto. Lado-ke,..|1 |1 |Watt&, |Atari.

Kari Bagge- | bikes lunes

LuddG-ke,.. 7\24\ditto, .. ditto. wats Bhike-

Lammochur, | 3|23!ditto, .. /ditto. Tees Saisie: teres #1 |ditto, .. |ditto.

Keah,......}1 |i4/Bodela, |ditto.

Bahak Mo-

han-ke,.... 17/3 ditto, .. |ditto. Villages on the left bank.

Bahak Ja-

i mal-ke,....]1 |14|ditto, .. ditto. Gagan-ke, ..|2 | 3|Joyié ..{A.

S@ |Bahak Sak- Sabhan- oad 14|2 |WattG, |ditto.

BY ke-ke, .... [13/14 |ditto, .. |ditto. Mohamad-ke}12#/2 |ditto, .. ditto.

mm |Lado-ke, ..| 4{1 |Walta, |ditto. Kandar-ke, |3 | 4|Karral, |ditto.

Bahak Lash- Asafwala, 1 |7#/Chisii, |D. U.

kar, ...... |1}/23/Bodle,.. |ditto. Jacvere,.... 3 |..|Watta, |A.

17th|Bodle-ke, .. 19th| Lakhe-ke,..|1 | 4/Bhatti

Bahak Kal- 4 Faqirs,|ditto.

landar-ke, |1 }1 |ditto, ..|K. B. 2 {Amru-ke, .. 2 2) Wattus, ditto.

mt |Peropi, ....{I |1 |Karrol, |F.

Villages onthe right bank. Bunga Ja-

van-ka,....|3 |3 |Pathdn, |G.

Bahbul-ke,.. {1 | #]Dogre, |M.-ke. /20th|Bahak Qa-

Mahmun-ke,| 7/17/ditto, ..|D. U. landar,.. } 1 | 3|Bodle,.. |Gtrjiané

. |Khugge-ke, |1 |.. |ditto, ..|ditto. 4 |Bedle-ke;

wd Panj Girain, |1 | 3/Dogre, jditto. a wakkul, } 2 | Siditto, ..|ditto.

= |Lakke-ke, ..| 3/14|Faqir Bodle-ke,

Butter,|K. Gaddho-ke, |24) 3)Watta, |ditto.

Jat, ..|ditto. Chuni, | 3|..|Chuni, |ditto.

Dogre, |ditto. Kélu-ke, 1 | $ ditto. .. |ditto.

Sarwan-ke, |1 |13|/Bhambé4,|ditto- 2 |Jassu-ke, ..{1 |..|ditto, .. ditto.

Khanne-ke, 25. Bhugge- “4 |Shurf Ali |

ke Do- ie | Shah, ..../13)..|Seyad, |ditto.

gre, .. |ditto. Bharam-ke, 13}: ‘ lWattd, ditto.

Khane-ke Magi, |. sates 1 |.. |ditto, ..|M, W.

2nd, 3|1 ditto, .. |ditto. Bachianwala, .{ditto, .. |ditto.

Pira-ke,.... #1 |ditto, .. ditto. 27th|Jewaya Be-

Nur Moha- Lochs. .saee 3] $/Beloch, |ditto,

Dogre, |ditto. Chakko-ke, | 14\14\ditto, .. |ditto.

N.B.—K. B. stands for Killa Bumiwala.

D. V. for Dérn! Umal.

Fattehghar.

G. for Gurjoriana.

K. for Kangpur.

A. for Asafwala, M.-ke for Mahm-ke.

A. D. K., for Atari Dhundhia-ke.

M. W. Musafran wilds

F. for

1837.] Lodiana to Mithankot by Satlaj river. 218

o 3 o 3

oo i} oD ad

s a, , s Fe

. nM (ie Q wn 3

= Names of [4 2 & =2| Names of 6 g §

av| Villages. |——| Caste. a) 2| Villages. |——| Caste. 3

tee = 3 fee bad I cs

ga g/8 — |e. Ae =

RS <\5 ie <5 ps

Pir Sikandar,|1 |1 |Chishti, |Q-ke.

Villages on the right bank. Aku-ke,... /14]..|Sullieré, ;ditto.

29th|Nihal-ke, ..{1 | 4/ditto, ..|ditto.

Wasti Az- Bahadur-ke, | 3] Ziditto, .. ditto.

mat-ke,....| 3/1 /Watt6, |C. Husain-ke, | §].. ditto, .. |ditto.

Walli Shah, | 3/1 |Bodle,.. |ditto. Ballii-ke, ..|1 {1 ditto, .. ditto.

Mahar, ..../2 {1 |Mahar, |ditto. | |Johad-ke,..|1 | Z'ditto, .. |ditto.

Thakkar 2nd,| 3/2 |ditto, ..|ditto. [ae | li,.... ditto.

Wasti Ban- S |Fattahna...! $1 |Déudpo-

Kakke, ....|1 [2 |ditto, .. ditto. Ditto,......| Z{1 |Futtah-

WastiKhaja- nu, .. |ditto.

nea: ares 23/1 |ditto, ..|ditto, Jaddi-ke, ..| 4}1 |Jaddi

Wasti Dari- Jat, ..|ditto.

in Oe SRC Z\1 \ditto, ..|L. W.H. Vazid Shah, | 3|1 |Khuggi, jditto,

Durraj-ke,..|3 | 3|/Karral, |ditto. Dulla,......| 4\1 'R&in, .. |Jhada,

Bodle,...... 2 ¥\Bodle,.. ditto.

Zinde-ke, ..|2 |2 |Karral, |L-ke. Villages on the right bank.

Mauni-ke,.. |3 |2 /WattG, {ditto.

Kale-ke,....]1 {1 |ditto, .. ditto. Munar, ..-..|2 |1 |ditto, .. ditto.

Malli-ke, ../2 |..|ditto, ../P. P. BhGléut,....| $/i4/Joyie, ..|B. T.-ke

Malli-ke 2nd,|23].. |ditto, .. |ditto. Qilla.

Ahalu-ke, ..|? | 3lditto, .. \ditto. INGOTS in 5. 15 a « 2 |14/Savad, {ditto.

Mahmi-ke, |13| #ditto, ../K. K. Feroza, ....{1 |2 |Sullwu, jditto,

Malkani, ../13] #/ditto, ...|K.K-ke. ‘Vibbi Khan-

|Packa Bira- wala,......]3 |2 |Langah,jditto.

ham-ka, ..|23}1 |ditto, ..jditto. Lakho-ke,..|5 |..|Sullieré,|K.K-ke,

Ditto 2nd,..| #|.. |ditto, .. |ditto,

Villages on the left bank. Lakhu-ke,..|1 }.. |ditto, ..|ditto.

Julyeri,.. ..|1 |.. jditto, ..|B-ke.

2 |Lalle-ke, ../1 |..|Joyie of

“4 Mari, ditto.

a |Bah&dur-ke, | $| Zditto, ..|ditto. Villages on the left bank.

Chave-ke

Gazar, ....|1 | 3/ditto, ..|ditto. [3oth|WAsti Maul-

2sth|Bhaura, ....|1 |..|Udhieré,/ditto. [9 Bunga Jiwan,| #| }ditto, .. ditto.

Jhandu WaAsti Jiwan,} 4|i |Joyie,.. |ditto.

Khén, .. .| 3|..|do. Wat-jditto. Jee {Kala Shah, | #| 3/Sayad, |ditto.

ta,..../ditto. Nar Sh&h,../2 | 4iditto, .. ditto.

Jahén Kh&n,| $| Z/Abneri, |ditto. Wasti Umar

Sher Maha- Beloch-ke, | 4|1 |ditto, .. ditto.

mad,......| 4| |/Udhuri, {ditto. Kora Bhitna)1 |13|Bhutna,|ditto.

Sh&h ud din,} 4| Z]/Bodla,.. |ditto. Jafar Shah, | 4/3 |Sayad, |S. F.

Tugieri, .... {14/1 |Udhieré,| ditto. Shahar Suk-

Kot Qéim ka,....+.-.| 3/2 |Luckou-

= Khan, ....| % 3|Lungah,|Q-ke, Ey casa sia) Lan

& |Mari Babul- WAsti_ Sial-

oO ke,........| 3|13|Karral, |ditto. Gs ites s ae wre JO Sal, ee MAES

Bunga Janu- Gil Shéh,..{1 |1 |Sayad, |H.

Meath cSecce;s 4)13|Pathan, jditto. 10 ee 4|Nuni, .. |ditto.

Bunga Rami- Feb. Koré Sh&h, |3 | 4/Sayad, |ditto.

-eeee| Jl¥ditto, .. \ditto.

Ist. Mojh Mahar,| 3} 4) Luch-

| veri, .. |ditto.

L. W. H. for Lukhe Wattii-ke

) ta

Masta-ke, ..|1 |14'Sullieré,|ditto.

N. B.—C. for Chinnan. M-ke for Maruf-ke.

Haveli. L-ke for Lukhe-ke. P. P. for Pak Pattan. K. K. for Kot Kapird.

K. K-ke for Kot Kabfile-ke. M. for MGs&frow walé. Q-ke for Qésim-ke. B. T-ke

for Bah4walgarh Tibbi-ke Qilla. B-ke for Baddura-ke. S. F, for Shahur Farid. H.

for Hasilpur.

214 Journal of a voyage from Marc;

o 3 © 3

i) a &0 I

E a. | Ms a

. 6 - a

ne ©) Names of [6.8 & * 2| Names of |Q 9 §

3 3| Villages. Caste. 3 [2S] Villages. |——| Caste. =)

Sa qs |S so Sey Rosary sS

& m|S Q 8D =| 8 n

as q|s —& S65 |S c

ss {5 5S a <\= 5

Mehrabpur, | 3) 4|Luch-

ao veri, .|H. Villages on the left bank.

s |Kallar-wah, | 2/1 |ditto, .. ‘ditto.

~« |Boland Shaéh,|14| 3|Bodle,.. |ditto. 3rd|Sirdarpur, .. |2 |2 |Joyce,.. |Tufuri.

tra, ..|ditto. Lal-ke Jok, |1 |..|ditte, .. ditto.

‘Kore Shah, |1 | Z|Sayad, jditto. Jok dtsra,..|1 |1 |Daudpo-

Palra, ..| 3} #{Daudpo- tra and

tra, ..|ditto. 2 Jats, .. |ditto.

Khana- “« |Ghans Joyia,| 4] Ziditto, .. \ditto.

ru,....|ditto. #2 |Jam4&l Joyia,| 4} 3 ditto, ..{ditto.

Ghafiré, ../2 |1 |Daulta- Muttali, 3{1 ditto, .. ditto.

ee na,.... |ditto. Pipalli, .,....<\l! Slee ‘ditto, .. {ditto.

& |Bhadourn,..|1 |1 |ditto, .. |ditto. Sher Maha-

we |Khairpur mad Khan,| 3).. ditto, . |ditto.

= Chota, ..{2 |..|Daudpo- 2nd Mattali, | 4|.. eit . |Khairpur

ELA, te |GLCCO. Durpur,....{1 4 ditto, ..|ditto.

Narpur, ..|1 }1 |Mixed, |ditto. 6th |Wasti Mowl- |

Tufieri, ..! 3} Z!Tufieri, Iditto. vi-ke, ....|) | 3 Mixed, |ditto.

; Wagé, ....| 4| 5 Wagi,.. ditto.

Villages on the right bank. Gamu walur,| 7] Zditto, ..|ditte.

Goth Bahut-

Khokar, ..|17)23)Khokar,|B-ke. dite ee a 1 |1 Daéudpo-

Wasti Rahim | tra, .. ditto.

Shah, ..{143}1 |Sayad, ditto. K4lé Ahul, |1 | % Andu, .. ditto.

Salderi, ....| 4)1Z|Salderi, |ditto. Mithi de |

LakaSalderi,|1 | ?/ditto, ..|ditto. Goth, ....| 4] % Sayad,.. ditto.

Kora Bhat- Gouhan,....{1 | 4 Beloch, |ditto.

118 Reaeenee 3| 3|/Bhutnéa, lditto. Goth Morad

Wasti Ha- 2| Khan, ....| 3/13 Déudpo-

kam-ke, ..|13| 3|Karral, jditto. i? tra, ..|G.N.M.

M4rai Khan we/Goth Ali yar

Umar Gurja,|1 jl |ditto, .. ditto. Bhundi, ....| 3/14 ditto, .. {ditto.

Léldeh, 2 |4 |ditto, ..|ditto. Goth Ndr

Fodar, ....|1 |3 |Jat, .. ditto. Mahamad, |1 | |Daudpo-

Arrain, ....| 3/3 |Rain, -../\ditto. | tra, ..|ditto.

Laldeh, ....| 3/2 Daulté-

na,..-. |ditto. Villages on the right bank.

Badura, ....| 3|1#iditto, .. |ditto.

Kahur, ....| 4/24/Faqir,.. |ditto. Pir Im4m {

Shada, #|23|Daulté - Din, ......{1 |..|Sayads, | Malsién.

Pilea. alert isn Malik Wa-

Bahar Karm hun,.. ....|2 {2 |Wasseir,|ditto.

Allé Shah, |2 | 3/ditto, .. ditto. Azimpur, . .. {2 |..|Beloch, |ditto.

Kala Shah, /13]-. |Sayad,.. |ditto. Ahmadpur, | Z..|Of Be-

Hassan loch ori-

Shah, ....{1 |1 |Kdakari, |ditto. gin, ..|ditto.

Karmpur, |! |3 |Wasseir,|ditto. Qazi Maha-

Moze Was- mad,......| 4/1 |ditto, .. |ditto.

seir, ....-.-|2 |..|ditto, .. /ditto. Morédpur,.. fl |.. {ditto, .. |ditto.

Dhalluan. ..| 3}1 |Bhubbi, |ditto. Ghauspur,.. {1 |..|Mixed

2nd Wasseir,|1 | 4|/Wasseir,|ditto. tribes

Khangarh,..|1 |{3|Bhabbi, |I. S. and Jat,|ditto.

Khénpur, ..!1 /3 \Rain, ..'Malsian. Fattehpur,, {J | Ziditto, ..\ditto.

N. B.—B. for Badhourn. I. S. for Im4m Sh4h. G.N. M. for Goth N&ar

Mahamad.

Lodiana to Mithankot by Satlaj river, 215

1837.)

re 3 o 8

op a oo r=

s Ss c iS $ x

nw e nn

ie Names of |[Q 9 8 = Names of |Q 3 &

a3| Villages. Caste. S [2s] Villages. Caste. 3

ao aI n | M n

8 s ae = as a & e

4 <5 5 | <|5 5

Kadirpur, ..| 4/14/Mixed Dera Backa,| 4] 3|Beloch, |D. B.

tribes Sth. |Dera Gul di,| 3/1 ditto, ..|N.

and Jat, Malsidn. Bilgani,....| Z/1 jditto, .. |ditto.

Chela Wa- Mir Qasim

hun, Se asi ditto? <2 ditto. Shah, ....]1 |1 |Karwar,|ditto.

Kutabpur, ..|2 |] |ditto, .. ‘ditto. a |Mujal, ....{1 | 3|/Majal,. |ditto.

Bahadur, ..|1 |] |Wage,..|K. & |Kasra, ..../1 }1 |Kasra, |ditto.

Wasti Mirt- na |Ahsam, ....| 3/1 j/Ahsam, |ditto.

inert. se 1 {1 |Mohar, {ditto. * |Gidpura, ..} Z)1 |Joyce,.. ditto.

Shéh Abu Rattani,.... | #1 |/D&udpo-

Zalim,..°..{/1 (1 |Usra | tra, .. |ditto.

Jat, .. |ditto. Békarpur, ..| #1 |Channur/B.

Dera Lalle-

€, .. -..--{1%|1 |Beloch, j{ditto. Villages on the right bank.

Wasti Hasil

Beloch,....| <|.-|ditto, .. |ditto. : Moze Dera

Dost Maha- Delawar,..{1 |1 |Beloch, |Kehore.

mad-ke, ..|1 |1 |Daudpo- Wigha Mal, | 2] #/Wig

tra, .. |ditto. Mal, .. /ditto.

Moze Vazir Gal Mulhana} 3) #|Mulhani'ditto.

Beloch, ..| %| $,Beloch, jditto. Bahadur,.. | 4] 4|/Wigh, .. /ditto.

Moze Alia | Sukar, Z| 4|\Seekar, |ditto.

vs eee | S| ditto, .. ditto. ° Gy CAR bee 4| 7/ Kal, .. |ditto.

Phul, Z)..|Phul, .. jditto.

Villages on the left bank. Jans, .\..)... 1 |..|Waggan ditto..

AhurWahun,|13|.. |ditto, .. |ditto..

7th.|Goth Shah Daudpo- Kotli Murad

Mahamad, | 4| $| tra, ..|G.N.M. Adie S403 3|..|Beloch, |ditto.

GothRistam Wieark. ois: z|.. |Chattie, !ditto.

Khan, ....| 3] 4ditto, .. |ditto. Gul4am Ma-

Do. Ibrahim hamad,... Fl . |\Chawan, ditto.

2 Khan, ....| 4| 4)ditto, .. ditto. Moze Kut-

S |WAsti Jindt,} 3] 4|Khad- tabae. 2% .| 3|.. |Daulta-

~ dun, .. |ditto. na, ..|Kehore.

% |Jhulam,....| $/1 |Jhulan, |ditto. Ahsam, ....| 3| 3/Ahsam, (ditto.

Shahar Bad- Hasilw4ld4, .|1 | 4/Kansa, (ditto.

da,........| %| $|Beloch, |ditto. Nierwdhan, |1 |1 |ditto, ..!ditto.

sha, .. |ditto. Wasti Be-

Phul,.. ....| 3] 4/Phul, .. |ditto. loch-ke,.. | 2|..|Beloch, |S.

Mor4d Ali,..| 4} </ditto, .. ditto. Jhok Taka, | 4/1 |ditto, .. Iditto.

Moze Ram, | 4} 4/Rain, .. |ditto. Stikri,..,.../2 |2 |Chan-..

Lala Wasti, | 4) 4/Sarruke,/ditto. nur, .. |ditto, -

MadAlla yar, 4| 4|Daudpo- Guze Lahun-

i | ‘tra, «ditto. wala, ../1 11 ditto, ..|ditto,

From Bahiéwalpur to Mithankot by the Rivers Gharra, Panjnad and

Indus.

Villages on the left bank.

Feb.Goth Bajin | 3 Bulakiwali, |1 |I4/ditto, ..|L.

Goth Maulla| 4, 4 Dandpo- “3 |Bhuchar, ..| Zig#lditto, ..|S. M.

Ghanni, .. tra Gu- = Daudpo-

sani, ..|ditto. Goth,Ghanni tra pir-

Jawarwali, |..| #,J4tChun Khan, -...| 3} 3 jant, .. |ditto.

nar, ..|L. Rowtana, ..|..| 4/Koliar

Khanawali, | 3} #/ditto, .. |ditto. Jat, ..|ditto.

N. B.—K. for Kutabpur. D. B. for Dera Backa. N. for Nezinovah. B, for Bahé«

walpur. 5S. for Sird4rwah. L. for Lallapur. S. M. for Sirah Mustie.

> 2 2

216 Journal of a voyage from (Marcu,

rf B} © 3

bo q &o a

s al. . | g .

° a Qn g

«S| Names of (5 2 8 [2s Names of [AS 3

s. AB Ss Paris! oe

a0 | 2 Pes z(s a

Ba els be as a)/< =

o =| 3 CB) r= =

J aie > i] tie =

Sammu& Sat- Koliar Othwal,....{1 | 3|Sarru

LBstos oc cecal lot: S] Dats oo | Sol. J&t, Kotla.

WaAsti Mu- Gurwan Motthi, ....|1 {1 |Sarru,.. |ditto.

habbat-ke, |! |! | J&t, .. |ditto.

Bhaddi, ....| #1 |Uttera Kotla Cha-|13/1 |Motha

Jat, ..|Kutab. KAR) 5 csroyere J&t, .. ditto.

Eesan, ....|} | 3{|Mutha MozaSultan,|13/ 2iditto, ..|ditto.

J&t, ..|ditto. Goth Qadir-

Aman Shéh, | 3} 4/ditto, .. ditto. bakhsh, 1 | Z/ditto, ..|ditto.

Naharwali, | 4} #/Ghallor Kotla Shah Kaniun

Jat, ..{|K. D. Rupul, 1 | 3| J&, .. ditto.

- |Kot Dada Gallu KikkarwA4li, |1 | $)ditto, . |ditto.

&: | Gallu, ....| 3] 2] Jat, ../M Wasti Sher-

& |Muhabbat- D4udpo- kexts | /Goriya, |ditto.

2 pur, ...:..| 9)!_| ‘tra, .. Iditto, Wasti Hu-

S |Abdullapur, |..| #Jovce sain-ke, ..| 3| 3/Jubul,.. ditto.

i Jat, .. |ditto. Batton, .... |2 |! |Khine-

Guzr Banh, |..| 4{ditto, .. ditto. von, .. ditto.

Khokar,....|..| 4{ditto, .. |ditto. Jhitthew4l4, |2 ) Fiditto, ..|ditto.

Bhamm@, ..|-.} 4|ditto, .. |ditto. Murun

Mallikwall, |..| 4/ditto, ..{ditto. Jindlé,..../2 | Fditto, ..[ditto.

Mallik Si- Pathana, ..|1 | Z/ditto, ..|ditto.

kandar,....|..| 4/ditto. .. Iditto. Wasti Bhari-

Galld,......| 2} 4/Gallé ke,......+-/1 | ¥Ghallu, |ditto.

Jat, ..|ditto. F

Pipli kanjan- Villages on the left bank.

Key tsces ts 3| Zditto, .. |ditto.

Alliw&hun, |..| ijditto, A. Kandwé4la,.. {13/1 |Ghallu

Phagwara,..| 4| l/ditto, .. lditto. Jét, ..|A.

Uthwal,....|..| ajditto, .. Iditto. Ghallu, ..|-.| s{ditto, .. |ditto.

Kabbul,....|..| 4(ditto, .. Iditto. Behli Wahél-

ke, ..| 3] Zditto, .. |ditto.

Jundwadda, | 3| 4/ditto, .. |ditto.

WastiShakar

Villages on the right bank. Khan, ..| 3] 4{ditto, ..|ditto.

a4 |{smailpur,..| 2] Z/ditto, ..|ditto.

Miani, ....)..| 2|J&t S |W4sti Maha- Daudpo-

Tuhi,../A. W. o mad Khan,|! tra, ..|ditto.

Wasti Ab4d- J4tChun ™~ {Goth Kheir

ke,........{i | 3] nar, .. |ditto. Khbén, | 4\ditto, .. |ditto.

Kikri,......|1 | d}ditto, .. ditto. Goth A’lam

Wasti Tse- Koliar Khén-ke,..| #| 2/Ghallu, |ditto.

key...:2.++|1 | 3} J&t, «. {ditto. Jhangra, ..|! | 4/ditto, ..|Jhangra.

Do. Gholam Kissamw4lé,| 4|! |Husain

Mahamad, | 3} 3iditto, .. ditto. | Jat, .. [ditto.

Badhi, . ..| 4] 4iditto, .. ditto. Moza Dahar,|! | 2/ditto, .. |ditto.

Kallar wah, {1 | 3|Pucka- Mirpur, ..| 4) 2|Khukki,|ditto.

war, .. |ditto. Kirree, $2 |ditto, .. |ditto.

Baghowali, |1 | !|/Koliar JuméwAli, 4|2 |Beloch, |ditto.

Jat, .. jditto. Kot Im&m

Batta Kotla,| 3! 3iditto, ../K. Din, 4|* |ditto, .. |ditto.

Sodra, ....| 3} !|Daudpo- Moza Bakar,| 4| 2|litto, .. |ditto.

tra, ..|ditto. Bakra, .... 1 |/Punnu

Hyatpur, ..|..} 3/Koliar Jét, ..|Bukru.

Jat, .. |ditto. Jiendw4'd,..|2 |] |Beloch, ditto.

Wisti Bij- Chunhan, ..| 7'2 |Kohile, |ditto.

Yaruka Rutta Guzr Mak-

chack, ....| 4| 4] J&t, ..|Kotla. hanbela, ..} 3/1 |Beloch, {ditto.

N. B.—K. D. for Kot Dada. M. for Mubérikpur. A, for Alliwdhun. A. W. for

Adam Wahan-ke. K. for Khan wah.

Names of |

Villages. |—— | Caste,

Z\ditto, .. ditto.

4|Khunb, |{ditto.

4|Ghalla4, |ditto.

Jabeil, |ditto.

4/Ghalla, |ditto.

ditto, ..|ditto.

ditto, .. |ditto.

ee)

: en

oy &

Pet BY tale toe fey

Puckawar, |!3/ Z{ditto, ..{ditto.

Hditto, .. |ditto.

Skirance, ..{14} diditto, .. |ditto.

1 | Z\ditto, .. |ditto.

ditto, ..|ditto.

ditto, .. \ditto.

Z\ditto, ..|ditto.

Z\ditto, .. |ditto.

Arra, .. fl [iZ}ditto, .. ditto.

Jabeil, 1 | alditto, .. |ditto.

Ubhawa4ri,.. 2/1 |ditto, ..Iditto,

Saiful, .. Jia] Z}ditto, .. /ditto.

Suleiman, .. |!

4| 3\ditto, ..|ditto.

Lb . .

2) a|ditto, .. |ditto.

S/ditto, .. ditto.

ditto, .. lditto.

Langéh, K.

Z/Hindu, ditto.

Rukh,.. \ditto.

ditto, .. ditto.

mur, .. ditto.

Chunjan_ ditto.

ditto, . . |ditto.

Punnu, \Ghalluan

Mulun, lditto.

Mongh, ....

Es 3 oe ss 12

Villages on the left bank.

Moza LAl, .. |2 |2

Mahamad

Kh&n, ..../2 {2

Wasti Dur-

Beloch, {Uch.

ditto, .. |ditto.

Dargoch

gochree, ..|2 |2 | ree, .. |ditto.

Mi TAN, ooo eo 2/2 |Mun- ae

echarri ditto.

litto,

SJhallan,....|t Jl |Jhullan,

4 ditto.

att ile ieitto 7"...

N. B.—U. for Udhawara. K. for Khanbela.

Lodiana to Mithankot by Satlaj river. 217

i>)

— « .

pore a

Names of |4 £ 2

Villages. |——| Caste. a3)

(5 a

alc a

Sale| s

<= -_— >

WOT Sy sites 1 ]1 |Malung,|Uch.

Khori,......|--{1 |Bhuttan,|ditto.

wla,......|+-\2 jditto, .. {ditto.

TANI ae o-0,6 f° 2 |Phirande|ditto.

Moza Abid, |..{1 |ditto, .. ditto.

3 Mullah, |ditto.

Jhoki Jafar |

Shah-ke, = ditto, .. |ditto.

Hontah,,. ..|! Mullah, ditto.

Wagwar,|ditto.

1 |/Unnar, (ditto.

1 |Chuvounjditto.

Chuvoun, ..|-.

1 |Dabar, |Sheidané

2 \Wagu,.. |ditto.

i23 Samaka,|S-ka, .

2 Kehul,.. {ditto.

2 |Mahar, {ditto.

. {14 Chachar,!G.

Villages on the right bank.

Moza Hass

Mass, ....|1 |2 |Beloch, |Ghalluaén

Mahamad

Kh n, ....|1 |1 |ditto, .. |ditto.

SAawanwali, |) |1 |Mullah, |ditto.

Sitpur, 2 |1 jditto, ..|Sitpdar.

Jhullan, 1 {2 |Jhullan, ditto.

Khangarh,..|1 {1 |Hatta@, |ditto.

TaYy sc eee soe tl) | bhattars||ditto.

Indre, .. |ditto.

Mahamad... 3/1 |Purrai, |ditto.

Moza Pann&, 2 |i |Pannd, {ditto.

Thoba, ....|../i |Utteru, |ditto.

Wasti Nan-

dan, ......|+./1 |Shullan, |ditto.

Wasti Sone-!

ke,......-.|../l |Bhuttur, |ditto.

Mud Lash-

kari, ...... --|) |Jhullan, ditto.

Dohar, ....| 3}! |Dahar, |B.E.-ka.

Dhaka, .... 14/23 Hindu, | Dhako.

Lang, «s+. #113 ilLang, ditto.

Chattar, .... {1 id Thattar, ditto.

Beloch

Gopang ditto.

Wasti Ya-

randi,.3 o.2. il 12

Dost Maha-

mad Khan, | 3 ?3/ditto, .. ditto.

thambir, ..| 4) #|Mehar, ditto.

Sot Mithan, |3 2 |Beloch, |M.

S.-ka for Samti-ka. G. for Ghanse

ur. B. E-ka for Benth Es4-ka. M. for Mithankot.

‘

218 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (Marcu,

I1I.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions ; continued from page 97.

In the library of the Asiatic Society are ten manuscript volumes of

drawings of sculpture, images, architecture and inscriptions, forming

part of the celebrated collection of the late Colonel Macxenziz. The

greater portion of these are as yet unknown and undescribed. None of

the series, as far as we can ascertain, have been published, nor are

we aware of any attempt having been made to decypher the inscrip-

tions. It is greatly to be wished that the whole of these interesting

documents could be digested in some convenient arrangement and

made accessible to the learned world, especially now that the inven-

tion of lithography offers a cheap and expeditious means of effecting

such an object. We were in hopes of combining their publication in

the form of a volume or two of plates, with the digest of the Mac-

KENZIE manuscripts, which, at the recommendation of the Society, the

Government has lately entrusted to the Rev. W. Taytor at Madras,

the author of “‘ Oriental Historical manuscripts.” As a specimen of the

contents of these curious volumes, Captain Cunninecuam has kindly

favored me with the two lithographs numbered as Plates X. and XI.

He has selected the two longest inscriptions from the volume, No. 18,

entitled ‘‘ Antiquities at Amardvati,” a town in the Berdr province,

situated on the Kistna river to the west of Ndgpur.

The volume in question contains a multitude of very beautiful draw-

ings of the elaborate sculpture for which the ruins at that place are

so remarkable. One of the slabs of stone, depicted among the rest,

now forms a principal ornament of the Society’s museum, and the

execution of the lively scene it represents has been frequently and

deservedly admired. The majority of the sculptures of Amardavati

seem to belong to a magnificent dehgopa or Buddhist shrine ; but there

is an admixture towards the end of the volume of objects of the linga

worship. An accurate map of the town is prefixed, whence it appears

that the ruined dehgopa whence therelics are taken was on a mound

of 150 feet diameter, now converted into a tank. It is called Dipal-

dinna, (translated by Colonel Mackernziz ‘‘ the mound of lights,’’)

which so resembles the name of a similar place of Buddhist celebrity

in Ceylon (Dambadinna) that we imagined, on seeing the inscription from

the east side of the gateway (Pl. X.), some mistake must have been

committed ; for on comparing the characters with Plate XXVIII. of

the Journ. As. Soc. vol. v. p. 554, their perfect identity with the Cey-

lonese type of old Nagari was manifest: indeed the three initial let-

ters appear to form the same word ‘‘ mujike”.. . and the same combi-

eae

QA AMS

Lapa > yet uy

45 t+ +4 ALOSR

XABIA U ae

X ree tov 2 MLW

1837.] > Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 219

nation there recognized as ‘‘ Mahardja”’.:.. drew Captain Cunnina-

HAM’S attention while copying the penultimate line of the present

inscription. No doubt the whole of this class of cave and chaitya in-

scriptions are intimately connected, and refer to the same age; and

however illegible now, they will ultimately yield to the persevering

progress of antiquarian research.

The second inscription, occupying the two sides of Plate XI. is

altogether of a different class, although the book states it to have

been procured from the same town, Amardvati. In Witson’s catalogue

of the Macxenziz MSS. vol. ii. page xxvii. we find notice of a “ report

of the progress of Anand Rao (one of the Colonel’s travelling collec-

tors) on his journey in the Dharanikota, Amardvatt, and Bender dis-

tricts in the Telugu country for the year 1817.’ This would, doubt-

less, afford all the requisite information respecting the discovery and

position of the fragment, were the report in our possession; but it

seems to have been sent to England with the bulk of the manuscripts,

and thence probably it has found its way to Madras. Should this be

the case we shall not appeal in vain to the Editor of the Madras~

Literary Journal to supply us with any extract that may throw light

on the subject.

The stone is noted down as 5 feet long by 17 inches in width.

It is in very good preservation, as far as it goes, but the loss of the

left half of the summit, and the fracture at the lowermost line, render

it doubtful how much of the text may have preceded or followed that

which remains.

The character has much resemblance to that of some of the cave

inscriptions at Mahdbalipur and other places to the westward; the

essential portion of each letter also assimilates very closely to the

alphabets of the Chattisgarh and Seont inscriptions, and this has served

as the key by which I have effected the transcription of the whole.

It is worthy of remark, that in this alphabet, which we may aptly

denominate the Andhra character from its locality, may be traced the

gradual transition from the more simple Devanagari of Northern India,

(No. 2 of Allahabad, Gaya and Guzerat) to the complicated or florid

writing of the Southern Peninsula. On comparing it with the Hala

Canara, or ancient Carnatic, the letters n, t, y,r, 1, kh, th, dh, bh, which

may be regarded in some degree as test letters, because they have un-

dergone more variation than others in the modern writing of differemt

provinces, are nearly identical. There is also an incipient loop in the

lower line of many of the letters which becomes afterwards more

developed in the west and south. The Telinga or Telugu character

220 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (Marcu,

is one step further removed, but it springs directly from the Hala

Canara, and retains many of the Andhra letters still unchanged, par-

ticularly the dk and th. Inthe accompanying plate (xii.) we have

thought it worth while to exhibit these resemblances, and point out

the peculiarities noted, that no means may be neglected of facilitating

the examination of other inscriptions that may link on naturally at

either end of this fragment of the chain of our Indian paleography.

After having made the transcript according to the assumed value

of each letter, it was revised and corrected in all doubtful points by

reading it over with Ma’puora’y* pandit, the aged librarian of the

Sanskrit college, who, from having been with Colonel Mackenzim, is

better versed in the varieties of the Nagari alphabets than any pandit

in Calcutta. Where the context did not make sense, the letters were

carefully analyzed and all possible variations of each letter suggested,

until the true or most probable reading was apprehended. Although

some few doubtful passages remained, and many orthographical errors

were detected, the context was sufficiently intelligible, and satis-

factory. In some’ few instances (as in- lines 6, 8, and 17) the distin-

guishing stroke or dot of the letter 2 has been omitted either by the

sculptor or by the transcriber. The omission can be supplied without

hesitation, as no other letter occurs at all similar in form. The cross

of the «in lines 7 and 8 is also wanting.

For the translation we are indebted to the Rev. Mr. Yarss, whose

critical knowledge of the Sanskrit enables him to give it the correct

grammatical construction which might evade an oral interpreter de-

pending upon a vernacular explanation by the pandits.

Transcript of the Amardvatt Inscription.

1... F aa wafa zac a ..

2... LUT AT ATSATACAT At WiITaT

3 .. wfcrreata fractyaeara aaa

cartel ara favarfiretares fia..

5 tifa ma faaraa TIAA Caray...

6 wut ufa qicafa Tawa Gata cat

* It was Ma’pnora’y who aided Captain Troyer in the Allahabad inscrip-

tion, J. A. S. vol. ii.

1837.) Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 221

7 om aaa WraraaatsacMTy: fir (aT)

8 agunatuara fuer stat ataatfia

9 y Gtawaacras wa Feata feqarant (4)

10 qeaucTaa ataata aTaH

11 wags Aue qeTaTetana tea

12 yfacaat ufcateat afaag xfs W....

13 ATatfeay TAA TUTHAT TT A

14 Sarat fueatan Teecaran cates

15 qerata alfa cafaaa uf<atcafa....

16 (XT) Al AIAHICT AST ASTHTLIfH: T....

1? qrqafear ey Wires TTHMTTT GT...

18 qaaTTET WretTaatat wig | Ulagfe ..

19 SAAT Aalaaral TataagT | Va

20 fafaat nusfaaancairata Tea

The few alterations found necessary by Mr. Yates will be best

understood from the insertion of his reading at length : we may however

here notice one or two peculiarities or faults of orthography remark-

ed by the pandits. The r of Wa in line 8 is written thus, yta@q:—

the word UES, friend, in line 14, is written Surhhad with a double h,

and the r superposed :—The anuswara is often replaced by the © at

length: the # is a compound letter formed by suffixing w to &; oad

the @ is in like manner formed by the union of the @ and the 9, as

is observable in other old alphabets, proving that these anomalies to

the otherwise beautiful and perfect arrangement of the Sanskrit alpha-

bet, are of comparatively modern introduction.

The purport of the mscription refers, in all probability, to the

foundation and endowment of some Buddhistic institution by the

monarch of the day. His name cannot be extracted from the passage,

extant. It is evident, therefore, that history will gain nothing by the

222 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Marcu,

document ;—nor can any of the loose chronicles of the Hindu dy-

nasties of Telinga or the Carnatic be expected to throw much light upon

the period when Amardvati was subject to their hated opponents, the

followers of the Buddhist creed.

Modified Transcript by the Rev. W. Yatxs.

amrafata weTat YCACUATANSHYTT F1 WaTaA F

afturaay gat fowara waar BT |

wa faaafedaraan waa cfs atarafaaaa ares!

BAAR asyUsfaae Ufa A aay |

GIy laa lay: Whayvagy: sauagy: yw aaa

wa afaare fare ara: | ‘

Teafaay Saad Tea |

vamaeara fary aH TarMITSTE ae Via ae

qUqaya sare reer fata az sfawresy ofcata afaaal|

Sfa wateae wT aa Guu: weraa frerraa GR_raa

Safesasryiaarfcuy am | aq ufcaraaia css: Gases

war weary: Varaeqey Wess |

ain wad Quasaywa weg safat War |

QA y VHA TAF STAT: CAAT WIA |

WaQracwy Ir aaaaa CA fades UIA |

Translation.

(Two words omitted here as belonging to something before).

By the virtuous man who relieves the guest and the brah-

man, and who is kind to parents, the fear of necessary food ought

not to be entertained. He who experiences disappointment near a

king feasting with even the mild opposers of virtue, ought not to

abide there, nor ought he to abide where injustice is practised. We

ought to give to all. Food ought to be given to the laborers who

are virtuous. Three-fold gain should be given to the speaker of truth.

Place is not to be given to the disputer of Buddhism. Two-fold gain

should be given to the teacher of religion. To the good king tribute

must be paid monthly with flowers and perfumes, and on the full

moon in the month Vaishakha he ought in particular to be presented

with the jar. My virtue and that of my ancestors is for the salvation

‘ sarin

: | Mra BI =

hae’ oe ;

Pi votogeyag Ly

| i ne ASAPH a

AYSeteNS Tg Ger dey.

saareireereali

“SHEER OMA IE

- UC Wee L Snuay

ia Poa aed

sj 8c sa atpsataye 8 0 |

if PTR I

hs spelgesy a ga

- Regaap aioalypaly

Pqaufe irae ye

Hratasanipyares ae

verobiasng Shas

<STS

ValVl £0. Xi.

Journ. As.Sec .

: Compa

SKS

ele 26.09 208

y eburyar

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v TAC UDD

o Soeugery.

2 VPpngolarr

| al fd He

he Am aravali characte;

are

DPPUIDLIAKL

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| Loy eae ag i

Leguias

wy ab VSN

gutturals

Hae oC A Bp 8

amo Fo og oO ol

He OF Se Sats. Lao

<x A

sibclan?ts

Zw anwyewh

Oe 1 Oe

Zr] mdr +S

dee "*2 cA? Al

Je-aynycaza

He oS

pelatials

ocends

SH Qe

Comp

HO wt

Ja Ep

LQLutlial and mredcald vowels.

léinguals

Printed ak lhe triental Lith® Press. Caliculte,

vowels ee

ve §

Dd a8 Bb 2 REN

Jy gers

Dd CVU. ) aes

aa al: Cataofaeate

was & to ott

TSS YH aC DG ot ot HOSE -

la leads

cle nia Zs

ran E

7M SK4WBIER FS OTBwowWS WEBEL te BB Y7608

HOS eI B RW FMB WIG 9 SKYGNnwF SSD:

CV Svs roman ora dasa

Fw 086 of ano A ie

Buovo Scano0ed YaQen 8B

Herm Dts

A Lrinscep “Wh.

aeeet ae te

& vides Yan ‘ag

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v7 ae

1837.) Note on a Specimen of the Bos Gaurus. 223

of murderers of husbands, murderers of fathers, and murderers of

friends, and of those who have committed great sins against the gods

and brahmans. The kings that do not regard this kingdom preserv-

ing religion of Buppua, shall by it be cut off with all their family and

perish in a flaming fire. May this very excellent religion of the people

resembling a tree, remain in heaven for ever, and may people in all

directions through its remaining, be happy as long as the sea conti-

nues to be agitated by marine monsters... ..

IV.—Note on a Specimen of the Bos Gaurus. By Dr. Grorce Evans,

2 Curator of the Medical College.

{We are indebted to Lieut. G. Apsort, 15th N. I. for the faithful lithographic

representation of this skull in Pl. XVI.—Ep.]

As I have reason to believe that very little is known of the Gaur

(Bos Gaurus), or the animal generally considered by our Indian

sportsmen as the Bison of the Indian forests and jungles, and think-

ing it might prove interesting, I have sent for the inspection of the

Members of the Asiatic Society, who may be present at the next

ensuing meeting, an exceedingly fine cranium of one of these very

rare animals, which has recently been presented to me by a gentle-

man residing in the Sambhalpur district.

For want of good and select specimens of heads of the genus Bos,

Iam unable to offer any valuable remarks drawn from comparative

observation of the osteological structure, so as to determine with ana-

tomical precision whether it actually belongs to the Bisontine or Tau-

rine group of the genus. I am, however, inclined to assign it to the

latter, or otherwise to consider it as an intermediate species connect-

ing the two divisions with each other ; and what would seem to favor

this intermedial arrangement, is its differing from both in some very

essential points, and again corresponding with each in many of its

generic relations.

In the present specimen, which is that of an old male, the forehead

is deeply concave, broader than high, (taking the middle of the

orbits as the base,) having a strong scabrous arched crista at the

summit of the head, where it joins the parietal bone, to which it is

firmly accreted: from this and the lateral parts of the frontal bone, a

little above the declension of the orbits, proceed strong, thick-set and

gently recurvent horns, the points turning towards the face. The

orbits are remarkable for their lateral projection from the body of the

242

924 Note on a Specimen of the Bos Gaurus. (Marc,

os frontis, in which respect the animal bears a marked resemblance

to the Cervine race, as also by the pointed form of the nose, both

which tend to give a peculiar character and wedge-like form to the

head and face. There is also a deviation in the sudden termination of

the full labial bones in their progress to the ossa nasi, which I do not

observe in the heads of any of such of the domestic species as I have

had an opportunity of examining; or even in those of the several

buffaloes in my possession, their attachment being exclusively con-

fined to the superior maxillary bones, without having any connection

with those of the nose, which latter are large, broad and well arched,

affording a very extensive chamber for the free passage of air, and also

for the full expansion of the organ of smell. From this conformation

I make no doubt that the animal is capable of enduring long-continued ~

exertion: is possessed of exquisite scent, and that the intonations

of the voice are thereby rendered deep, hollow and sonorous. In short,

the whole formation of the head of this colossal bull appears to corre-

spond with that of the fossil Urus found in different parts of Europe,

and it unquestionably displays a vast extent of power to defend and

assault, combined with great personal courage and precision in attack ;

and I have no doubt that he must often prove a most formidable

antagonist to the tiger, the wild buffalo, and other tenants of his

geographical range.

In looking over the different crania in the Society’s museum, I find

an imperfect skull (merely horns and forehead) marked ‘‘Gaur,”’ which

agrees with my specimen only in the shape of the horns, but the

forehead is rounded as in the buffalo, and not cristated as in my

specimen, which I look upon to be the true Gaur (Bos Gaurus) con-

fined to the more sequestered and elevated tracts of Central India:

and the above mentioned, that of the Gayal (B. Gaveus), wanting the

occipital ridge, and dispersed more about the mountainous districts of

the eastern provinces, unless indeed it prove to be the female of the

one here described: but the propriety of classing even this and the

Yak (Bos Poephagus) with the Bisons, may be questioned if external

similitude has alone led to the arrangement. The only true standard for

settling their mutual affinities and establishing their right to be includ-

ed under the one or the other of the artificial divisions, which the dif-

ference observable in animals of the same genus, constituting varie-

ties, has compelled naturalists to resort to, would be a strict inquiry

into their individual osteological peculiarities, placing those under

the Bisontine group, which, corresponding pretty generally in their

external characters with each other, have, like the American Bison

Tourn. As. Soe Vol WZ. PLIXVW

LEA bbelt teh.

1837.] Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. 225

(B. Americanus), the type of the existing species, fifteen pairs of ribs—

those with fourteen pairs, the intermediate link, to which the two

above varieties and the Ydk would most probably belong—and those

with only thirteen pairs should be considered as the true Taurine

which would include all our domestic kine.

Measurement of the Gaur’s head (B. Gaurus) compared with the up-

country bullock and the wild buffaloe.

Up-count. |Wild male

Gaur. | Bullock. | Buffaloe.

Bt ioe cht. o toe a hite | Ine

Length of the head from the tip of the nose to

PTTETSUMNILE NOL CHE, CEISCA ss oc o/ein sisters «:elspersiw enjaisie Vo ese 2 O20n 2 0.0

Breadth of the occipital ridge between the roots

THLE GE e bcos EIOCO.O HOCICLEOO SOI OURCAIT 0 10.5 7.5 5.0

across the forehead at the greatest projec-

BIOMVOM MME QLOIESy) | i=) <!e)e5e oles «se sof ols alee Soin ele 10.0 S12 10.5

at the narrowest part of the forehead,. 8.5 6.4 8.2

Depth of the occipital plane, from the great

foramen to the top of the CLISt ata eaelel etter heleiete 9.0 4.2 6.0

of the superior maxilla from its junction

with the nose of the alveolar edge of the molar

ROOEB oo we nse ie nse 10 0s msleiairieisieine vejee sic 5.7 5.5 7.0

Breadth of the nasal fossa, .... sai ee eee a7 2.7 3.5

Height of do. from the palatine bone, Sah eieta\e. s\eyers 3.5 3.0 3.3

Length of the horn at its greatest curvature, Meio oy wiOss 10.7 ?

Circumference at its base, ..........escces ae renee 2 Fail >

V.—Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. By Assistant Surgeon J. T.

Puarson, Cur. Mus. Asiatic Society.

At the last meeting of the Society a paper was read, purporting rg

be a notice on the head of the Gaur, by Mr. Evans. In that paper the

author stated that he went into the Museum of the Society and found

a specimen, consisting of the horns and part of the skull of a bovine

animal, marked “‘ Bos Gaur,’ but which in reality belonged to the

Gayal, another large animal of the same group, a native of the forests

of Chittagong. It may be in the recollection of some of the members

here present, that, as the specimen in the Museum was labelled by

myself, 1 felt called upon to give my reasons for thinking it part of

the Gaur, and not of the Gayal ; whilst that exhibited by Mr. Evans

was perhaps the head of the latter animal, or a specimen of the other

sex of the former. I have since been able to consult several authors

on the same subject, and of collecting some information which I pur-

pose to lay before you.

The first account of the Gaur I have met with is in the Memoirs of the

Museum of Natural History by M. Guorrroy Sarnr Hiaire; being

a translation of a notice by Major Roucusepes, sent by that gentle-

226 Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. (Marcu,

man to M. Euae’ng Dessassayns, son of the Governor of the French

possessions in India, and by him to M,. Gsorrroy Saint Hinatrz.

In this paper the only passage that bears upon the point in question,

the form of the forehead, is the following, which I have retranslated,

but which you will also shortly hear in the original :—‘ Its head has

almost all the characters of that of our domestic bull, but the frontal

bone appears more projecting and more elevated.”

The next account is a more satisfactory one, contained in a paper

by Dr. Toomas Srewarr Traizt in the 11th volume of the Edin-

burgh Philosophical Journal; drawn up from a MS. journal of the

same hunting-party mentioned in that furnished by Major Roveu-

sepce to M. Grorrroy Saint Hixarrg, which took place at Myn Pat

in Sergijah ; and from the personal explanations of Captain Rocsrs,

who was of that party, and who is stated to have paid considerable

attention to the quadrupeds of India. You recollect the remarkable

concavity of the forehead of Mr. Evans’s specimen, and will be able to

satisfy yourselves if that concavity accords with the projecting fron-

tal bone spoken of above, and with the following description by Dr.

TraILt. He says—‘‘ The form of the Gaur is not so lengthened as

that of the Urnu. Its back is strongly arched, so as to form a pretty

uniform curve, from the nose to the origin of the tail, when the ani-

mal stands still. This appearance is partly owing to the curved form

of the nose and forehead, and still more to a remarkable ridge, of no

freat thickness, which rises six or seven inches above the general

line of the back, from the last of the cervical, to beyond the middle of

the dorsal vertebre, from which it is gradually lost in the outline of

the back.” Now it is evident the above language could not be ap-

plied to an animal with a concave forehead, like that in Mr. Evans’s

specimen; where the concavity instead of being but little below the

rest of the bone, as it is in the domestic cow, made, as you saw, a

deep fossa, forming a very remarkable feature; and which could not

belong to an animal whose form exhibited along the back ‘ a pretty

uniform curve from the nose to the origin of the tail,” and which

‘‘ appearance is partly owing to the curved form of the nose and

forehead :”’ for a concave forehead, like that in Mr. Evans’s specimen,

would break the uniformity of the curve, instead of help to form it.

Again, Dr. TraiLL apparently in the very phrase, translated by

M. Grorrroy Saint Hixarre, says:—‘ The character of the head

differs little from that of the domestic bull, excepting that the outline

of the face is more curved, the os frontis more solid and projecting.”

This, no doubt, was also the case in the Society’s specimen of the face,

1837.) Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. 227

as it is of the forehead. But in Mr. Evans's specimen, so far from the

face being more curved and the forehead more projecting, the face is

quite straight and the forehead deeply concave. We may, therefore,

safely conclude, that Dr. TRarLu’s Gaur and Mr. Evans’s wore a very

different appearance.

But the specimen in the Museum was marked as objected to by

Mr. Evans, on the authority of a paper, and figure of the horns and

part of the skull, published by Major-General Harpwicxg, in the 3rd

volume of the Zoological Journal. General Harpwicks states, that,

“‘as no drawing of the animal has yet been given to the public, to

my knowledge, I am induced to offer to the Zoological Journal, for

publication, a figure taken from a pair of horns of the Gaur killed, I

believe, by the same hunting party described by Captain RopGers,

and presented to me by the principal member of the party, the late

Major Roveusepes.” This proves the source from whence General

Harpwicxe obtained his specimen to be beyond dispute. And as he

is a first authority upon Indian Zoology, and had Dr. Tratuu’s paper

before him, it is not likely he would have omitted any errors in the

description of the forehead and horns, had there been such to notice.

So far, therefore, the chain of evidence is complete. M. Grorrroy

Saint Hinaire described the Gaur from a MS. by Major Roucu-

sepcr; Dr. Traixu did the same from a MS. supplied by an officer

of the same party, (perhaps a copy of the same paper,) and from the

remarks of Captain Roperrs who had paid much attention to Indian

quadrupeds ; and Major-General Harpwicxe publishes a drawing

of the very head and horns, which were described in the above-men-

tioned manuscript, as those of the specimen killed in their party.

This leaves no possibility of a doubt as to General Harpwicxu’s spe-

cimen having been the Gaur ; and his drawing in the Zoological Jour-

nal which I have the pleasure now of exhibiting, looks as if taken from

this very identical specimen in your museum*. For both the specimen

and the drawing shew the same rotundity of forehead, the same gentle

convexity on the top of the head, between the horns, (and not a bold

elevated crest or ridge, as in Mr. Evans’s specimen,) and the same pro-

portionate size and curvature of horns. And I am sure on making the

comparison you will think me fully borne out in concluding that the

specimen I have marked, and General Harpwicke has described, were

both, or neither, belonging to the Gaur. But if you think we are

mistaken, you must also hold the conjecture of Mr. Evans, that this

animal, which I have shewn to be identical with General Harp-

* See the copy of Harpwicke’s sketch in Pl. XVII.—Eb.

228 Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. (Marcu,

wickn’s, is not the Gaur, be of more value than the positive assertion

of Major Roveusrepce who killed his specimen in its native woods,

and sent its spoils to that eminent zoologist*.

It next remains to determine what species it is to which the skull

exhibited by Mr. Evans belongs ;—a matter far more difficult than

to prove the label correct upon the other. It is possible that it be-

longed to the Gaur, but to a specimen of a different sex from that in

the museum, and that described in the Zoological Journal ; that the

differences, however strongly marked, may be merely sexual. But,

as Mr. Evans has stated, there is another animal of this country,

called the Gayal, the Bos frontalis of naturalists, with some of whose

characters it seems to agree.

The Gayal was mentioned so early as the year 1790 in an account

of the mountaineers of Tiprah, published that year in the Researches

of this Society, and there called the cattle of the mountains. There

are two sorts, a tame and wild variety; the former of which was

then an essential article among that people at their feasts, whether of

a warlike, civil or religious nature. But Mr. CoLesBrooxr, who

published a description of it in the 8th volume of the Researches,

appears to think it had been noticed by Knox in his historical rela-

tion of Ceylon; and imperfectly described by Captain Turner in his

journey through Butdn. Mr. CoLeBrooxn’s paper is compiled from

accounts of the Gayal drawn up by Drs. Roxsureu and BucHanan,

and Messrs. Exniorr, Macran, Birp and Dicx. The only mention

made in this paper of the forehead of the Gayal is by Dr. Bucuanan,

as follows:—‘ The head at the upper part is very broad and flat,

and is contracted suddenly towards the nose, which is naked like

‘ that of the common cow. From the upper angles of the forehead

* There is also another account of the Gaur by Major Hamritron Situ,

but apparently that gentleman never saw the animal, and has compiled his re-

marks from the foregoing descriptions. He thinks it possible that ‘‘ Pliny’s

Aithiopian bull with blue eyes might refer to this species ;’’ (Plin. 1. 8. c. 21;)

whose description is thus given by Dr. Poinemon Houuanp, in his translation

of the works of that author, a book almost as great a curiosity as the animals

he describes: —‘‘ But the most fell and cruell of all others of that country be

the wild buls of the forrest, greater than’ our common field buls, most swift, of

colour brended, their eyes grey or blewish” (colore fuluos cculis ceruleis) ; ‘‘ their

hair growing contrary ; their mouth wide and reaching to the ears: their hornes

likewise hardly moveable ; their hide as hard as a flint, checking the dent of any

weapon whatsoever, and cannot be pierced: all other wild beasts they chase

and hunt, themselves cannot be taken but in pitfalls: in this their wildness and

_ rage they dy and never become tame.’’

1837.] Memorandum on the Gaur and Gayal. 229

proceed two thick, short, horizontal processes of bone, which are

covered with hair. On these are placed the horns, which are smooth,

shorter than the head, and lie nearly in the plane of the forehead.

They diverge outwardly, and turn up with a gentle curve. At the

base they are very thick, and are slightly compressed, the flat sides

being toward the front and the tail. The edge next the ear is rather

the thinnest, so that a transverse section would be somewhat ovate.

Toward their tips the horns are rounded, and end in a sharp point.”

Here the flatness and breadth of the forehead, and the sudden con-

traction towards the nose, correspond pretty exactly with those pecu-

liarities in Mr. Evaws’s specimen; but nothing can be made of

the description of the horns, &c.; the whole having evidently been

taken from the tame variety of this ‘‘ cattle of the mountains.” And

there is no part of any animal which undergoes greater changes by

domestication than the horns of the Ruminantia.

In the seventh volume of the Linnean Transactions there is also a

description of the Gayal by Mr. Aytmer Bourke Lampert, accom-

panied by aplate, but which also was taken from the domestic variety.

The last account published of the Gayalis in the afore-mentioned

paper inthe Zoological Journal by General Harpwicxs. It is accom-

panied by a plate of the head and horns of the Asseel Gayal, or True

Gayal. General Harpwicks says-—“ Of the Gayal (Bos Gayeus) of

Co.rsrooke, eighth volume of the Asiatic Researches, there appears

to be more than one species. The provinces of Chittagong and

Sylhet produce the wild, or as the natives term it, the Assee/ Gayal,

and the domesticated one. The former is considered an untameable

animal, extremely fierce, and not to be taken alive. It rarely quits

the mountainous tract of the S. E. frontier, and never mixes with

the Gobbah, or village Gayal of the plains. I succeeded in obtaining

the skin, with the head of the Asseel Gayal, which is deposited in the

museum of the Honorable the East Indian Company, in Leadenhall

Street, and from which the drawing was taken, which accompanies

that of the horns of the Gaur.”

On refering to the above-mentioned drawing you will perceive the

same general appearance of face as the specimen of Mr. Evans

exhibited ; the same flatness of forehead, which in the skull is probably

a concave surface ; the same marked ridge between the horns; and

the same projection of the orbits, and sudden contraction of face

towards the nose, to which he drew your attention in his paper.

Having thus laid before you all the authorities I have been able to

collect, I think you will consider that I have proved my position,

230 On a new Genus of the Sylviade, [Marcx,

that, the horns and frontal bone in your museum are those of the

Gaur. I have also shewn that some of the characters of the Asseel

Gayal are possessed by Mr. Evans’s specimen. But I feel that with

the limited knowledge we still possess, it would be impossible in me

to assert, or even to form a conjecture, that it really belonged to that

animal.

In conclusion I must observe, that it but little redounds to the

honor of Indian sportsmen, or I fear also of this Society, that we

have not specimens both of the skins and skeletons mounted in our

museum, to enable us to determine to which species a specimen

belongs, of two of the largest ruminating animals known; natives of

a country of which we have had interrupted possession for more than

fifty years.

VI.— On a new Genus of the Sylviade, with description of three new

Species. By B. H. Hopeson, Esqg., Resident in Nipal.

Sytviapz#? Genus new. Yuurna, nobis. Yuhin of the Nipalese.

Bill equal to the head, slender, acute, depressed as far as nares ;

gradually compressed beyond: maxilla, cut out to centre by nasal

fossx, convex beyond, subarcuated, and gently inclined at tip, with

two or three sharp teeth on either side: mandibula, straight, entire,

equal to maxilla, pointed. Tomie of both, trenchant, scarpt and

lockt throughout: nares large, the aperture lunated and lineated by

a nude incumbent soft membrane. Tongue sub-equal to bill, carti-

laginous, deeply-forked and the prongs filamentous and convolved.

Wings medial, round-acuminate, firm, lst quill small, 5th usually

longest. Tail short, firm, square. ‘Tarsi stout, finely scaled, longer

than any toe. ‘Toes short, exterior connected to the joint, interior

basally ; laterals and hind sub-equal ; last very stout and depressed.

Nails, falcate, strong, suddenly pointed; anteriors sub-equal; hind

much the largest. Head crested. Rictus slightly bristled, not wide.

Habitat central and northern regions: food, viscid strong berries,

and small scaly insects, such as harbour among foliage. It is the

opinion of Mr. Vieors that these singular little birds serve to con-

nect the Sylviade with the Certhiade. In the structure of the bill

and tongue, and even of the feet and wings, they remind me of the

genus Sibza (nobis), and of others of the Philedonian thrushes of

Cuvirr—a group, the contents of which have been referred at random

to the Tennirostral Meliphagide, and (in part at least) to the long-

legged division of the thrushes. These are high matters of classifi-

1837.] the Yuhin of the Nipalese. 231

cation which may perchance be settled with an approach to accuracy

some fifty years hence, provided our investigations meanwhile be

carried into the general structure and prevalent habits of species—

and be not confined, as now, to closet dissertations on dried skins.

The genus I now propose, as well as its location, are both provi-

sional—my knowledge of the structure and habits of the species

being confessedly incomplete; and the directions of the books within

my reach being better calculated to misguide than to guide.

These little birds, so far as I have yet ascertained, adhere exclu-

sively to the wild uplands; prefer the lower and more umbrageous

to the higher and barer trees; and seem to procure no portion of

their food from the ground. They are usually found in small flocks ;

and have a monotonous feeble monosyllabic note. They eat viscid

strong berries and fruits, and many kinds of insects, chiefly of the

scaled sort. Their intestines are about the length of their body

(from the tip of the bill to the tip of the tail), furnished with grain-

like ceeca, near the lower end, and of nearly uniform diameter. Their

stomach has the muscular coat of very moderate sub-equal thickness :

and the lining neither very tough nor much grooved. Three species

are known to me, in all of which the sexes resemble each other. I

now proceed to a summary description of them, premising that the

two first are typical, the last much less so.

Species Ist. Yuhina gularis ; spotted-throated Yuhin, nobis.

Above, with the tertiaries and tail feathers, obscure olive brown:

cap, darker and purer brown: ears, chin, throat and breast, obscure

rufous wood brown; the chin and throat spotted with blackish, and

bounded laterally by a longitudinal stripe of the same hue: rest of body

below, bright orange rusty: primaries and secondaries black, the former

with a narrow edging of hoary, and the latter with a broad one of

orange: lining of the wings and inner margin of quills towards their

bases, albescent: tail dusky internally: legs deep orange: Dill fleshy

brown with dusky culmen: iris brown: head with a full soft mobile

and sub-recurved crest: size 64 by 82 inches, and 3 oz., bill +4 inch,

tarsus /4, central toe ,, hind toe ,%.

Species 2nd. Yuhina occipitalis. Rusty-naped Yuhin, nobis.

Above, with the whole tertiaries and outer webs of the larger

remiges and of all the rectrices, dull obscure olive brown: top of the

head and back of neck dull slaty with hoary stripes: the nape, bright

rusty: ears, chin, abdominal neck and the breast, vinous buff: a

blackish stripe or moustache behind the gape: belly, rump and un-

dertail coverts, deep rusty: remiges and rectrices, internally dusky

2H 2

232 On a new Genus of the Sylviada, [Marc#,

inner basal margins of the quills pale buff: lining of the wings,

white: legs, orange: bill fleshy red: iris brown: head with a full

soft crest, as in the preceding: size 54 by 74 inches, and £ oz. in

weight : bill +3 of inch: tarsus +3, central toe 4, hind ,y.

Species 3rd. Yuhina ? flavicollis. Yellow-necked Yuhin, nobis.

Above, obscure brown, with a slaty tinge: cap pure rich brown:

cheeks and nape paler: back of the neck, rusty yellow, continued in

a collar round the sides and front of the neck and thence spread over

the lower surface of the body and diluted often to white: chin and

throat, white: moustache dark brown: remiges and rectrices, inter-

nally, dusky: the primaries edged externally with white on the outer

webs; and all paled internally on the inner, as in both the preceding

species : lining of wings, white : sides of body, shaded with brown-

ish: legs yellowish fleshy grey: bill fleshy brown: iris brown:

head crested as in both the preceding species: bill shorter, less acu-

minated, and furnished with only one salient process on each side the

tip of the upper mandible of the bill. Size 54 by 74 inches, and less

than 3 an oz. in weight.

The following is a detail of the dimensions of a fine male specimen

of the Yuhina Gularis ; and which may serve to indicate the pro-

portions of all the three species.

Inches.

Tipp iE G0, iyy Ba cee et ce pce eee ee wz 6

5 BUSH Ly TYAN FR ay ee De ea a a Re PS Rees) bese ee waee OF%

pee TON Ogee ee mc re ee oer eters cote errand eee reece

ditto breadth Of, 2 cick cenccerence cero coder enrtcncnet sme crdeerse | Oats

ELxpanse! OF Wines, 0 SS rarer nee om ba ov eleeetdet eke e na eee ee

Rarsus; 22945 £22 Lee Oe iia st ee pe perry es ee tO

’ €

Ceninaltoejc ates se eae ee ee ee OS

} 7.

And; nails <Uinan tence eeieaselsaip nanan ee OMS

l 6

Ri lt Og woes sestase casieedgcnetins Loace oak Senne at ones lonetnd oh Shomer deme

> T@

d nail 5

TSEC Sey re ene ERP Om) Sve eae NEN See SOR ee mee Oy ae SAPS 3

3 rey i z

Weight, 302.

Emendata in preceding ornithological papers.

Vol. V. page 777. Indication of a new genus of Fatconip#; viz, Bdza.

Generic character. For ‘‘ acropodia wholly reticulate,”’ read ‘‘ acropodia whol-

ly scutellate.”’

On three new Genera of the Long-legged Thrushes.

Generic character of Larvivora. For ‘‘ nuchal bristles,’’ read ‘‘ nareal bristles.”

Vol. VI. p. 102, 1. 26. Description ofa new form of Meruline Birds ; viz. Sibia.

Generic character. For ‘‘ nuchal bristles,’’ read ‘‘ xareal bristles.”’

1837.] Discovery of Fossil Bones, East of Hardwar. 233

VII.— Note on the occurrence of Fossil Bones in the Sewalik Range,

eastward of Hardwar. By H. Fauconmr, M. D., Superintendent

Botanical Garden, Seharanpur.

[See Proceedings As. Soc, 5th April.]

The Sewalik fossils have hitherto been found chiefly on the tract

between the Jumna and Sutlej, and more sparingly in the clay marl

between the Jumna and Ganges. There is no apparent reason why

they should not be found in abundance in the protraction of the

range which stretches eastward of the Ganges behind Rohilkhand and

Oude. But it is of some interest to ascertain the fact in unexplored

parts of the range, where they do exist, and where they do not. The

fossils mentioned in the following list have been collected near

Hardwar and in the low hills eastward of the Ganges, which skirt

the province of Kemaon. The list contains nothing new: but it

proves the occurrence of fossils where they had not been found be-

fore, and increases the probability of finding them still further to

the eastward :

Mastodon Elephantoides—molars.

Rhinoceros—wolars.

Hippopotamus Sivalensis—molars and tusks.

Hog—fragments of jaws with teeth.

Horse—wmolars.

Ox—teeth and other bones.

Deer of several sizes—jaws, teeth, astragali, horns, &c.

Crocodiles—Garial, | several fragments of jaws, teeth, and buckler

Magar, plates.

Tortoises—Emys,

Trionyxz, >numerous fragments.

Testudo,

Coprolites.

This list comprises a large part of the species found westward of

the Jumna. The specimens are generally broken up into small pieces,

greatly more so than in the Nahan tract. The largest fossil procured

has been the plastron of a testudo 17 inches long. The bones are

found in three states of fossilization, exactly resembling those from

the westward of the Jumna ; viz.

lst. The ‘“ soft’ fossil; the animal matter removed, but the

earthy constituents of the bones unaltered, and slowly soluble in

diluted muriatic acid: occurring in beds of clay, and the cavities of

the bones filled with the matrix. The specimens of this variety are

very few.

234 Report Progress of the Boring [Marcu,

2nd. The “ hard’ fossil, with a silicious or calcareous impreg-

nation: the animal matter and earthy constituents entirely removed :

occurring in sandstone matrix.

3rd. The “‘ black” fossil, like the last, but impregnated with hy-

drate of iron: occurring in sandstone, or ina calcareo-argillace-

ous matrix.

No shells have yet been brought in.

VIII.—Report Progress of the Boring Experiment in Fort William.

By Major T. M. Taytor, 5th Cav.

[Read at the Meeting Asiatic Society, 5th April.]

The immediate superintendence of the boring experiment having,

in consequence of my removal from Fort William, passed into other

hands, J think it necessary to acquaint the Society with the progress

that has been made since I had the honor to submit to them a note on

the subject in June last. (See Proceedings As. Soc. vol. V. p. 374.)

At that time a depth of 175 feet had been attained by the borer,

which then worked in a coarse sharp sand mixed with pieces of

quartz and felspar, and from the little progress made, it was supposed

a bed of gravel or shingle had been reached. This supposition, how-

ever, proved erroneous; for after some delay the work advanced,

until, the borer having gained 1784 feet, and the tubes being forced

down to 1802 feet, they were observed soon after to have sunk by

their own weight, and thenceforward up to the present time they

have continued so to sink, maintaining a depth generally a few feet

in advance of the auger.

It is remarkable that, although it was frequently tried, it was sel-

dom found practicable to force the tubes down more than an inch or

two at atime; yet, shortly after the removal of the pressure, amount-

ing, possibly, to twenty tons, they would sometimes descend six inches

or even a foot by their own gravity.

With a trifling variation in the color and fineness of the sand the

stratum remained the same, until clay was found at 1983 feet, but

this stratum was not more than five feet in thickness; five feet of

sand then occurred, and after it another layer of clay. At 212 feet

a bed of sand was entered, which has been penetrated to a depth of

131 feet, without reaching its termination.

Long ere this the work would have been carried to the utmost

depth for which tubing of the diameter in use has been provided,

had it not been for two accidents, each of which was of so serious a

1837.] - Experiment in Fort William. 235

character as threatened to put a final stop to the work. The first

was occasioned by the separation of a part of the borer containing a

valve, when at the bottom of the well; and the second by the auger

becoming jammed with a brazen plumb which had been lost in the

bore sometime before, in such a way that the application of no force

that the rods could sustain sufficed to move the implement in any

direction. The force that was applied may be conceived when it is

stated that it was sufficient to raise the whole line cf tubing bodily

in the bore.

Keeping the tubes in position, the rods, by the application of a

screw, were at length forcibly torn from the auger a little below the

screw which joined them ; after which, as in the former case, the valve

worm auger was broken off by the jumper, and the instrument brought

up by the catching in the socket.

The success in overcoming these disasters must be mainly attri-

buted to the zeal and perseverance of the sappers employed on the

work: in the latter, however, they were guided by the able instruc-

tions of Captain J. THomson, who suggested the measures to be

adopted, and supplied from his own stores some of the machinery

to carry them into effect*.

When my superintendence ceased, (10th March,) the tubes had

sunk to the depth of 343 feet, and the borer penetrated to 336 feet.

The sand still continued to rise in the manner described in my former

paper. It varies occasionally in color and substance, and latterly

some pieces of felspar and lumps of indurated clay or sand have been

picked out of the sand brought up. Specimens accompany this paper.

The supply of English tubing of the requisite character is very

nearly exhausted, but an attempt will be made to cast some in Cal-

cutta: if it fails, the experiment must necessarily be suspended until

an indent that has been sent home be answered.

Note by the Secretary.

As a postscript to the above Report, I have now to announce a

most curious and unexpected discovery, communicated to me this

very morning by Colonel Mactgop, the Engineer officer, who has

succeeded to the charge of the experiment hitherto so successfully

conducted by Major Taytor.

On a former occasion the Society was shewn metallic iron reduced

from ore extracted from a depth of 150 feet, and sharp angular

* To guard as far as possible against breaking the rods by the force applied

to extract them, Capt. T. connected his screw with the rod-head, through the

intervention of a rod of somewhat smaller section which would consequently

give way before any injury could happen to the borer.—Eb.

236 Report Progress of Boring [Marcu,

quartz and felspar from 175 feet ;—but here is something which will

excite much more surprise—a FOSSIL BONE brought up by the auger

from a depth of 350 feet below the surface of Calcutta !

When it is considered how many million chances there were against

an auger only a few inches in diameter, impinging upon the precise

spot where a bone lay in the understratum,—the risk, too, of such a

fragile object being ground to atoms by the tool, or pushed aside,

and missed,—it may be regarded as the most extraordinary good for-

tune that the relic should not only have been met with but brought

up entangled in the valve of the scoop without the slightest injury!

The bone is the fractured lower half of a humerus of some small ani-

mal like a dog: it resembles the drawing of the corresponding bone

of the hyena in Cuvier, but it is impossible precisely to identify it

for want of skeletons for comparison.

The interior is filled with the micaceous sand in which it was im-

bedded, and scales of the same adhere to the exterior surface, as is

shewn in the accompanying sketch, (see Plate XVIII.) The bone

is not thoroughly fossilized, for when heated by the blow-pipe

it becomes slightly charred and emits a perceptible odour :—but the

animal matter left is exceedingly small, and the whole loss on heat-

ing a portion to a white heat was only 7 per cent., the greater part

being moisture from the hydrate of iron with which it is impreg-

nated. The greater part of the phosphate of lime remains with a

proportion of carbonate: the specific gravity is 2.63, just the same

as that of a fine specimen of polished ferruginous odontolite from

the Himalaya: it requires the heat of an oxygen blow-pipe to fuse

a fragment per se on platina foil.

Of the relative age of this deposit, compared with that of the Se-

walik and Nerbudda fossils, it is impossible to form any exact con-

clusions, but it is worth while to recapitulate briefly the conditions

under which each are found.

The continuous stratum of lower sand in which our bone was buried at

a depth of a hundred and fifty feet, may be regarded as the gradual

deposit at the mouth of a primeval river : the excess of mica contained

in it would seem to indicate its derivation from a gneiss or schistose

source, such, indeed, as the present Himalayan or Vindyan range

might still furnish. It was evidently anterior to the general and ex-

tensive alluvial deposits of the yellow kankary clay which entirely

cover, or rather form, the Gangetic plain, and which the auger in Fort

William had passed through before it attained the depth of 100 feet.

Now the fossil bones of the Jamna were also found under the kankar

clays of the Dodb, 150 feet below the surface, so that in this respect

LVI. PAV.

Journal As. Soc. Vo

Fossil Bone from Lhe Sand , 30 feck below Lhe Jler face, Cale

Brought up by the auger, April 1837.

aclial Scgze.

Bos Gaeurus of Hardwicke

Original in As. Soc. Mus,

Scale finch fo afoc€.

FosstL Quadrumanous Canine,

/ Le ey

Sumatran /

Orang Olang PA

0 BAxtl 123)

1837. | Experiment in Fort William. 237

the situation of the two is similar enough. The calcareous infiltra-

tion which has consolidated the sand and gravel of the Sewalik and

Nerbudda matrix has been wanting here, and perhaps from its greater

distance from the hills alone, the sand here is in a much more com-

minuted state :—geologically speaking, however, the whole of the

fossils may belong to the same period of alluvial deposit—or, in

other words, to an indefinitely distant epoch of the present system of

quiescent operations in land and flood, whose gradual action has sub-

sequently accumulated the superjacent beds of clay, abounding in

minute fresh-water shells, extending for thousands of square miles

—and again over them towards the delta of the Ganges, other more

recent and extensive beds of blue clays, colored with vegetable debris

and containing imbedded peat and wood, by which they are identi-

fied with the existing soil of the Sunderban forests. The mind is

lost in contemplating the immense periods which such a deposit

would demand at the hardly visible rate of present accumulation :—

yet there are other causes of wonder in the several beds of coarse

granitic angular gravel and nodular or pea iron ore which have been

traversed by the auger before reaching the fluviatile sand beneath,

These may indicate the volcanic upheavement and subsequently gra-

dual decay of granitic and ferruginous hills, pending the progressive

deposit of the alluvium, concerning which, however, we can know

nothing certain, and need not therefore lose ourselves in conjectures.

In like manner it might be advanced that the whole of the clayey strata

were deposited in fresh water as the saliferous sand and sandstone of

Upper India has been in salt water—and that the animals whose

exuvie are now brought to light at so many points, were the inhabi-

tants of the borders of a prodigious bason. In the upper beds of blue

clay penetrated in digging tanks and canals, bones have occasionally

been met with (see the note on those found at Dumdum in Vol. IL.,

page 649), but unfortunately none have been preserved. The occur-

rence of the remains of quadrupeds at one or two distant points of the

series is sufficient to establish the conclusion that their existence has

been .coeval with the whole deposit; while the sharp unworn angles

of the fort bone prove that the animal to which it belonged had lived

and died in the immediate neighborhood.

In the accompanying sketch I have attempted to delineate of full

size, Colonel Macteon’s fossil bone, which may be designated without

hesitation one of the most precious rarities ever deposited in the

Museum of the Asiatic Society.

de P.

238 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Marca,

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, 5th April, 1837.

The Hon’ble Sir Enwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Mr. Henry Torrens, Colonel Josepn pe Hezera, and Mr. Srorm

were unanimously elected Members. ;

The Right Reverend Jean Louis, Bishop of Isauropolis and Vicar

Apostolic of Cochin-China, was, on the favorable report of the Committee

of Papers, unanimously elected an Honorary Member.

Colonel D. Mactzop, Chief Engineer, and Captain S. F. Hannay, were

proposed by Captain Pemperron, seconded, the former by Major Taytor,

the latter by the Secretary.

Mr. M. A. Bienenn was proposed by the Rev. Dr. Minn, seconded by

Mr. Dosss.

Dr. W. Gnrirrirn proposed by the Secretary, seconded by Mr. W. Sprir.

An estimate for the repair of the Society's premises was submitted, but

it was resolved to postpone such repairs as were not urgent until next

ear. be

f An estimate for the repair of Sir W. Jones’s monument was submitted

by Messrs. Lueweiyn and Co. amounting to Rs. 191; also deferred.

Library.

The Secretary reported that, in obedience to the instructions of Govern

ment, he had selected and packed, for transmission to the Honorable Court

of Directors, the duplicates of the Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian manu-

scripts, transferred from the College Library.

The following books were presented.

A grammar of the Sindhi language—by the author, H. Wathen, Esq., Chief Secre-

tary to the Bombay Government.

Dispatches of the Marquis WELLESLEY, 2 vols.—presented by Government through

the Sec. General Department.

A descriptive and illustrated catalogue of the Anatomical Museum of the Royal

College of Surgeons in London—by the College.

President’s address to the Geological Society, 1836, (copies for distribution)—by

C. Lyell, Esq. :

Scientific Memoirs selected from the Foreign Journals, a new periodical, Vol. I.

Part I.—by Richard Taylor, Esq. the Editor.

The Madras As. Soc. Quarterly Journal, January, 1837—hy the Society.

The Indian Medical Journal, and Scientific Review—by Dr. Corhyn.

Meteorological Registers to March—by the Surveyor General.

Museum of Antiquities.

The Honorable F. SHore presented two pieces of sculpture brought

from the Gound country on the Nerbudda. One, an erect image of Bud-

dha, surmounted by an arch of celestial attendants; the other, an image

of Vishnu in the form of a snake intertwined with Lakshmi as Naga kunya.

Major Coventry delivered, on the part of Colonel Stacy, an accurate

cast of a curious piece of ancient sculpture discovered by this indefatiga-

ble antiquarian in the neighborhood of Mainpdri, and conjectured by

him to be of a mixed Grecian and Buddhist style.

‘s | have the pleasure to submit a drawing on a scale of one-eighth, of a Sculpture

on white marbie, which I found at the village of Prow or Pirow, about 12 kos W.

of Mainpirt. It was lying on the ground, where I conclude from the mound, the

original temple had stood. Finding so much of Grecian style in the ornamental

parts, I resolved to purchase it, if possible ; but after several months, having failed

in my endeavours to induce the people to part with it, I sent a kalassi to take a cast.

Jn his hurry to finish his work and return to his family, he took off the composition

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 239

before it was quite dry, and consequently bent the cast. Into this, on its arrival,

I cast one with clay, prepared by a native potter; and the sketch is taken fron

that, by my native draftsman; with this difference—that the enclosed sketch shews

the sculpture as on the marble, with the borders ina straight line. I shall have the

pleasure of offering the clay cast to the acceptance of the Society. It islready pack-

ed, and shall be forwarded by the first opportunity. The drawing I beg may be re-

turned. This Buddo-Grecian sculpture will, I think, be acknowledged as one more

lent in support of the opinion urged in the concluding part of the sixth paper of your

September number, 1836.”’

[We hope to present a drawing of the cast shortly,—Ep.]

With reference to your hopes of finding other specimens of the ‘‘ Silenus Sculp-

ture’ at Muttra, I fear they will end in disappointment, for I have most minutely

examined every hole and corner. Indo-Scythie coins are found constantly and in

great numbers. I propose sending you a statement of those most common in India

to contrast with that of Mr. Masson at Cabulin the 57th number, page 547, 1836.

A notice and drawings of a colossal alte-relievo, called Mata kunr,

near Kdsia Théna, in the eastern division of the Gorakhpur district, were

forwarded by Mr. D. Liston.

Received by the Herefordshire from Bombay, a series of facsimiles of

the inscriptions at Girnar, (Girinagar,) very beautifully copied under

Mr. Wartuen’s superintendence from the original facsimiles lately taken

by the Rev. Dr. Wixson, President Bombay As. Soc. for transmission to

M. Jacourr of Paris.

These most valuable copies, occupying eight folios of 6 and 8 feet in length,

comprise inscriptions in the three or four distinct characters now familiar to us.

They are mostly in a good state of preservation, and one in the No. 2 l4th character

seems capable of being decyphered without much difficulty. The Rev. Dr. Mini

was requested to undertake the examination of this important document.

Mr. WATHEN writes, that he has lately visited the caves of Kanéri in Salsette, and

has had the inscriptions taken down by an experienced hand :—they seem to be in

the character of the ‘‘ Prescott’’ coins (of Saurashtra and Cutch). The caves area

collections of Buddhist temples, and there has been a large city on the mountain

above. There are also the remains ofa pillar similar to those of Anuradhapura in

Ceylon, and a number of tanks cut in the solid rock, which are evidence of a large

population besides the priests of the temple. ‘‘ I explored the mountain until I

eame to one cave in which a dehgopa ‘had been built of large blue stones, and the

remains of the chhatra which touched the top of the cave are still visible. Some one,

however, has been digging down into it, and I fear the relics have been carried off.

1 however intend to have it re-examined.”” _

Literary Communications.

The Rev. Mr. Yates submitted a critical notice of the Sanskrit poem,

entitled the Naishadha of Srt Harsna, of which the first volume was

lately published by the Society with the tika of Pram Cuanp Pandit.

Captain Ousexey, Sec. College Fort William, submitted, through the

Secretary, a letter from Lieut.-Col. Francxu, M. R. A. S., regarding a

proposal made by him to the Oriental Translation Committee of the Royal

Asiatic Society, for the translation of some works from the ancient clas-

sics, and some of the best English authors into the languages of the East.

{Much of the Colonel’s proposal has been already accomplished in this country:

—we have even now before us a bold prospectus for a version of the Iliad in Ben-

g&li by Greecechunder, with a sample of the first book rendered line for line from

Pope. We have Gay’s Fables—Rasselas—and the Percy Anecdotes. Maps, too,

aod works of Science, as Marcet’s Natural Philosophy, Hutton, and Euclid,—not

to omit the Persian edition of Marcus Antoninus by the Baron Von HAMMER. Any

additions to this rising oriental library which England can furnish will of course be

acceptable, and it is gratifying to see the influence of a contemporary of Sir Wi-

LIAM JONES directed to so useful a project.—Ep. |

Extract of a letter from Major Dixon, Political Agent in Mhairwar,

was read, stating that in compliance with the Society’s wish he had with

Pa oap-

240 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. fMarcu,

Col. Aves, made inquiries relative to the supposed existence of an extens

‘sive Buddhist library at Jesalmer.

The only work of which they could learn was entitled ‘‘ Bauddh mat Jain marg

grantha,’’ of which the R&ja would willingly allow a copy to be madeif desired.

Although nothing either very ancient or of historical value could be expected under

such a title, the Society deemed it on all accounts desirable to secure a copy of this

manuscript, and accepted Major Drxon’s and Col. ALVEs’ obliging offer.

The Government, through Mr. W. H. Macnacuren, Sec. Pol. Dept.

presented a copy of a Journal of Captain C. M. Wanpe’s expedition down

the Satlaj, drawn up by Lieutenant F. Macxeson.

{This paper is printed in the present number. |

Also, the Journal of a visit to the Mishmi Hills in Upper Assam, by

Dr. W. Grirrita.

Captain Pemserton presented his abstract of the journal of a route

travelled by Captain S. F. Hannay from Ava to the amber mines of the

Hikon valley on the south frontier of Assam, with a protracted map of

the route.

Mr. C. B. Greenntaw presented, on the part of the author, a memoir

on the inhabitants of the Maldive islands, by Lieutenant Youne, I. N. of

the ship Benares, lately employed on the survey of these islands.

Physical and Museum Natural History.

The collection of fossil shells from Harper’s Hill and Stony Creek in

New South Wales, forwarded by Lieutenant Vicary, had arrived.

[Lieutenant Vicary’s note shall be published when sketches of these shells, and

the connected groupe from Van Dieman’s Land, presented by Mr. W. Cracrort,

ean be lithographed. |

A mounted specimen of the slow-paced Lemur, (Loris Gracilis,) pre-

sented by Mr. Brut.

A specimen of the large Paradise Bird, ( Paradisea Major, ) presented

by Nawab Tunawur June.

A stuffed specimen of the common Pelican, (Pelecanus Onocrotulus, )

presented by Dr. F. P. Srrone.

A specimen of the head, vertebrz and caudal fin of a large species of

hammer-headed Shark, ( Zygena ?) presented by Roserr Rose, Esq.

This specimen is 93 feet in length. It was found ashore in a bay at Bérkél in

the district of Midndpur, and the rest of its body eaten.

Two bottles of insects from Assam, presented by Captain JEnxkns.

Two skins of the Yak, (Bos Grunniens,) presented by C. Harpine,

Esq., who also sent for inspection a specimen of the skin of the Hill’ Fox,

(Vulpes Montana.)

Mr. J. T. Pearson exhibited two living specimens of the young of the

Felis Kutds.

Extract of a letter from Lieut. Corin Mackenzie (Malacca) was read,

apprizing the Secretary of his having at last succeeded in obtaining a

tapir for the Society.

It was a fine young female, and had been taken with great difficulty alive : it would

be sent up by the first opportunity with every precaution ; the expence, including

freight, would perhaps amount to 220 rupees.

Dr. H. Fatconer transmitted a memoir on some additional fossil species

of the order Quadrumana, discovered in the Sewalik hills.

[We shall give insertion to this interesting paper in our next. ]

Also a notice of the occurrence of fossil bones eastward of Hardwar

( Hari-dwéra.)

{Printed in the present number.] |

Dr. H. Fauconer gives the following account of a very extraordinary

elastic sandstone :—

‘‘T have lately had sent to me to look at by Captain McNacurTen, of

Karndl, a specimen of rock which has surprised me beyond measure. It is a slab

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 241

of sandstone 14 inches long by 53 wide and 2 inches thick, and looks like a long

brick. It exactly in appearance resembles the building sandstone used at Agra. It

is flexible and ELASTIC in every direction!! If you place it flat on a table, and press

the hand on one end and raise the other, you can bend it to a certain extent, and

see the undulations moving along to the fixed end. If you seize it by both ends,

one in each hand, and make an action as if you intended breaking it, you can see

and feel it bend like a piece of whale-bone, but of course in an infinitely smaller

degree, and the undulations are observed propagated from end to end. If you tap

it on the side with the finger as you would a massak of water, it yields pretty much

in the same fashion, propagates an undulation and instantly recovers its form. If

you pressit at the sides it gets narrower, and if you pull at the ends it elongates !!

but always recovers its original form. Is there any account on record of so extra-

ordinary a sandstone? Should there not, I may send you some notes aboutit. It

is not known where the specimen came from.”’ H. F.

The fossils dispatched by Dr. Spitspury had been brought down by the

Honorable Mr. Snore, but had been sent in the first instance to Dr. Row

at Barrackpur.

Dr. SpitsBuRY notices that the beautiful meteor remarked at Bersia, (see Proc.

February,) was also seen at Baitul, at Hoshangabdd and Jabalpur.

A letter from Mr. W. Dawe announced the dispatch ofa fresh selec-

tion of fossils (including a lower jaw of the Sivatherium) for the Society's

Museum in three chests, which left Karnd/ 10th March.

Read a letter from Lieutenant T. Hurron, proposing exchanges of fresh-

water shells with the Society, for mutual benefit of cabinets.

The Curator explained that he had already effected the object desired.

A continuation of the Rev, R. Everest’s notes on the Revolutions of

the Seasons was received.

This part of the author’s researches is accompanied by diagrams of the prices of

grain in different years, whence an estimate is derived of the amount of rain.

A note on the genera Owygyrus and Bellerophon was received from Mr.

W. H. Benson.

The following Meteorological notes were communicated by Major

Davinson, Engrs. from Lacknau. They seem to confirm the theory lately

started of the prevalence of these asteroids in the opposite parts of the

earth’s orbit traversed in November and May.

1. On board the ship Northumberland, Captain Pore, proceeding from England to

India in 1834, a pale star was visible for at least five days*, during sunshine. It

was first discovered by Captain H. TIMMINGs, of the Bengal Horse Artillery, and

was seen by all the crew and passengers of the ship. (Lat. long. unknown.)

2. At Assirgarh in April or May, 1823, I was lying awake on my bed at about 12

or 1 o’clock, when I was startled by a brilliant light advancing from the east end of

a long narrow veranda. I waited a few seconds, expecting to see some of my fami-

ly or servants bearing a candle, when (I presume as the meteor passed over my

bungalow), I looked out in the compound, and observed the individual shadows of a

tall Jamun tree, cast vertically on the ground—a circumstance I had never seen in

the brightest sunshine. Not a breath of air, noran audible sound. Conversing with

Col. RicHARDS, commandant, I found that he had seen the glare, and that subse-

quently it had been reported to him that an immense number of stones had fallen

from the sky, about twenty miles to the west of the fortress, in a forest, inhabited

by Bhils. No inquiries were ever made.

3. While the Sappers and Miners were marching from Cawnpur on Bhartpur,

(about November, 1824,) at 4in the morning a meteor was seen by the officers of

the Engineers rising in the North: it ascended from the horizon to an elevation of

about 65°, and remained there in an obscure group of fixed stars for upwards of 25

minutes. On its first reaching the cluster, its light was very distinct, but it gradu-

ally melted away, until the eye could only detect its situation by the increased

brightness of the spot, on making a sweep over that part of the heavens.

4, At Assirgarh fortress, during the rainy season, I often observed an insect

formed like the common centipede, (Scolopendra electrica?) which at night used to

leave a glowing fiery trace of its progress ; and on one occasion, I had the curiosity

to rub my fingers on the track, which was unctuous, and on smelling them found the

strong and almost suffocating stench of burning phosphorus. C.J. Cc. D.

* This may haye been the planet Venus ?—Ep,

242 Proceedings of the Asiutic Saciety. [Mancn,

Major Tayior submitted a Report (which was read) of the progress

of the experimental Boring in Fort William up to the period of his resign-

ing charge in consequence of his change of appointment.

[ Printed in the present No. page 234. ]

The Secretary stated that he had to bring to the notice of the

Society a most unexpected sequel to Major Tayzor’s operations. Almost

the first withdrawal of the auger by Colonel D. Macueon, Engrs., who suc-

ceeded in charge of the experiment, brought up a relic well calculated

to reward the skill and labor of all his predecessors—a rossi, BONE from

a depth of 350 feet below the surfuce of Calcutta! which Col. M. presented

for deposit in the Society’s Museum.

[See separate note appended to the report. ]

Dr. B. Burr, 4th Regt. N. J., forwarded for the inspection of the

Society, specimens of silk cloth dyed from the leaves of the teak tree,

one yellow, the other olive. The following information on the subject of

Dr. Burr's discovery of this cheap and durable dye is extracted from his

letter to the Secretary, dated Berhampur, 4th March :—

‘‘ These properties of the leaves of the teak tree I accidentally discovered about

five years ago, when I purchased the Honorable Company’s teak plantation at

Bauleah, since cut down ; but I had not an opportunity till lately of trying the effects

of various mordants on it, when Mr. LAIDLAy, an expert practical chemist, was

kind enough to assist me with his experience in the art of dyeing.

‘« The leaves at all seasons of the year contain the dye, but during the rains and cold

weather, when their vegetation is most vigorous, they contain a greater quantity of

it. They also retain it when dried for any length of time, so as to admit of its being

exported to Europe, and I am sanguine enough in thinking it will become, ‘when

known there, a valuable article of trade with the mother-country.

‘¢The experiments have as yet been tried with silk cloth alone, and with two mor-

dants only, alum and acetate of iron, and the result is very satisfactory, the colors

produced being permanent, and can be extracted from the leaf either by boiling or

steeping in cold water. I have as yet unsuccessfully tried to obtain the dye in its

pure state : its quantity, however, in the leaves and stalks of the leaves, as compared

with other vegetable dyes, is very considerable.

‘The piece of yellow silk sent was steeped in a saturated solution of alum for twelve

hours, afterwards washed and dried, and then steeped in a cold decoction of the leaves

for about three hours. The decoction was prepared from the green leaves and boil-

ed for three hours, but the coloring matter may be extracted in much less time.

The olive colors were obtained from the same piece of silk in its yellow state, steeped

in acetate of iron for two or three hours. These colors may be varied, by more or

less steeping in the dye liquor, from the most delicate straw color to the brightest

yellow and olive green. Twelve of the leaves dried weighed three ounces and were

boiled for an hour in two and a half quarts of water, one and a half quarts of liquor

fit for dyeing was obtained on straining it, sufficient to dye several yards of cloth of

the brightest yellow. From this some idea may be formed of the quantity of coloring

matter in the leaf. :

‘¢ Another property this dye contains superior to similar dyes used in this country, is

that its color does not run or mix with other colors when printed on the same cloth.

‘‘] intend making a few experiments with it on cotton, and may hereafter com-

municate the result.’’

A subsequent letter adds the following information :—

“* Since forwarding the communication regarding the dye of the teak tree leaf, the

following results of several experiments made with it deserve notice.

‘‘ The dye exists in the substance of the leaf, not in its stalks, as I at one time

supposed. Alcohol extracts both the dye and the green coloring matter of the leaf.

Water, hot or cold, extracts the dye alone. Soda, potash, the muriate of tin, and an

astringent flower used by the natives in dying, called dhyephi!, decompose this dye.

Liquor ammonia changes the yellow imparted to cloth to a snuff brown. Soap mixed

with the decoction heightens the yellow color, but impairs the natural brilliancy of

the silk. The acetate of iron produces from a dark slate color to every shade of

green and olive, according to its strength and time of steeping. Boiling the leaves

for an hour or two destroys the color; this I am inclined to think arises from some

of the leaves being carbonized by the heat of the vessel.—The most simple and easy

way of extracting the dye is as follows. Take two gallons of water to one pound of

the dry leaves ; bring it slowly to the boiling point in a copper or earthen vessel ; allow

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 243

it to cool, and then strain. About 1} gallons of liquor will be obtained, a sufficient

quantity to dye a full piece of silk handkerchiefs 7 yards by 1 yard. The decoction

thus prepared is of a dark brown color, has a peculiar smell not unlike that of senna

leaves. If kept for six or eight hours it ferments, becomes lighter in color, but still

retains the yellow dye which it imparts to silk after six or eight days, perhaps much

Jonger, but the color is scarcely so brilliant as when the decoction is fresh.

‘*The acetate of alumina is a stronger mordant for this dye than the saturated

solution of alum, and is therefore preferable in printing. When the cloth has been

prepared with the mordants for dyeing and put into the decoction, the liquor ought

to be heated to about 150°, as at this temperature the process goes ou more rapidly

than when cold. From 20 minutes to half an hour’s steeping will be sufficient

to impart fo the cloth the brightest yellow. Boiling the cloth in the liquor injures

the color.”’

It was resolved that the specimens should be submitted to those who

are best acquainted with dyes in Calcutta, and eventually sent to the

London Society of Arts.

The discovery of a new site of coal in Upper Assam was announced in

a letter from Lieut. H. Breer, dated Pachora hills, 28th February.

‘* Knowing the interest you take in all matters connected with science, &c., I beg

to acquaint you that Dr. GriFFiTH and myself, whilst exploring the banks of the

Namrip river, about nine miles E. 8. E. from its junction with the Bore Dihing, in

the Singpho country, have been fortunate enough to discover a most valuable seam

of coal in the bank of the river; the upper seam was about 3 feet in depth, the

centre one 9 feet, and a lower one of 3. We followed the seam up a small water-

course to the south, which it crossed at an angle of 45°, and must have reached the

surface a very short distance beyond, but we could not exactly determine this point.

The general direction was from W. 5 N. to E, 5 S. the dip being towards the south.

‘* We loaded a small boat with this coal and sent it down to our camp for trial,

when it was found to be an extremely good coal, burning with a strong flame and

heat, and very lasting, but from the smell, containing a great quantity of sulphure-

ous matter. It does not burn entirely away, but makes a large portion of cinder,

and is, I should say, a very valuable description of coal.

‘* T have preserved some of the pieces which I dug out from the lower part of the

centre seam, which I will take an early opportunity of forwarding to you on my re-

turn. Major WHITE also discovered several wells of Petroleum close to our camp on

the Namriép river, which emit considerable quantities of that oil, but which have

hitherto been unknown to Europeans, and apparently almost unused by the neigh-

boring Singphos. I have got several specimens of rocks and earth from these wells,

which I shall also be happy to send you, should you require them.

‘Tron would also have been found, but the weather during our stay was so bad as

to prevent our making further or more distant research.

‘* This coal, though distant, might easily be made available for purposes of steaming

on the Burhamputra, as small canoes carrying from 1 to 10 maunds, could take

down the coal at all seasons to the Bore Dihing, where it could be reshipped, and

sent down that river to Jorhath, or tp Karam and Noa Dihing to Sadiya. We

are now at the foot of the pass to the Burman territories waiting for the mission,

which is said to be coming to settle some boundary questions, but though we have

been here since the 25th, no tidings have been received of them, and at this sea-

son ; we shall, from the constant rain, be lucky to escape back to Sadiya, about 12

marches, without sickness.’’

The Namriép coal is of various quality, from a genuine lignite of woody fibre pass-

ing into true coal as it descends. Two specimens gave the following composition.

Fibrous Lignite. Compact Coal,

Volatile matter, including water, 48.9 39.9

Carbon or coak, 47.7 58.1

Ash, red ochreous, 3.4 grey earthy 2.0

100 100

Specific gravity, 1,312 1.244

J.P

In forwarding Lieut. Biaen’a specimens, Captain Jenxtns notices the

discovery of another site of coal in the Dyung, a naddi of Central Kachar,

a new locality calculated to prove highly valuable from its accessibility.

The specimen represents a jet coal of fine rich glossy texture, spec. grav.

1.220. With it are associated iren sand and pyrites.

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JOURNAL

Pet ASTATIC: SOCTET Y.

No. 64.—April, 1837.

1.— Abstract of the Journal of a Route travelled by Capt. S. F. Hannay,

of the 40th Regiment Native Infantry, from the Capital of Ava to the

Amber Mines of the Hiikong valley on the South-east frontier of

Assam. By Capt. R. BorteAu PEmMBerton, 44th Regt. N. I.

[With a Route Map of the country north of Ava.]

From the termination of the Burmese war to the present period

the spirit of inquiry has never slept, and the most strenuous exertions

have been made by the officers employed on the eastern frontier to

extend our geographical knowledge to countries scarcely known but

by name, and to acquire some accurate information regarding the

manners, customs, and languages of the various races of men by

whom they are inhabited.

The researches of Captains Beprorp, Witcox, and Nevrvitis, and

of Lieut. Bururon in Assam, dispelled the mist which had previously

rested on the whole of the eastern portion of that magnificent valley ;

and the general direction and aspect of its mountain barriers, the

‘courses and relative size of its rivers, the habits of the innumerable

tribes who dwell on the rugged summits of its mountains, or on the

alluvial plains at their base, were then first made the subject of de-

scription, founded, not on the vague reports of half-civilized savages,

but on the personal investigations of men, whose scientific attainments

enabled them to fix with precision the geographical site of every

locality they visited. The journey of Witcox and Burtrton to the

sources of the Jrawadi river had proved the absence of communi-

cation between it and the great Tsanpo of Thibet, but they were

unable to prosecute their examination further east; and though their

researches had extended to a point not more than twenty miles dis-

246 Captain Hannay’s Route (Aprit,

tant from the meridian on which the labors of the Jesuit Mission-

aries in Yunan had been abruptly terminated, the intervening space,

and great valley of the Jrawadr still remained closed against them,

and every attempt to enter either, from Assam or Manipir, was

defeated by the jealous vigilance of the Burmese authorities.

It is generally known that the course of the lower portion of the

Jrawadi river, or that part extending from Rangin to Ava, had been

delineated by Lieut. Woop of the Engineers, who accompanied Cap-

tain Symrs on his embassy to that Court; and that the features of

the surrounding country, the size of the towns, its natural produc-

tions and population, had at the same time been investigated by the

accurate Bucuanan. Charts of this portion of the river, extending

to Monchabu, the capital of the great ALompra, had at a far earlier

period been constructed, but the surveys were avowedly made ina

manner not calculated to inspire much confidence in their accuracy ;

and the attention of Europe was first extensively drawn to this field

of inquiry by the publication of Symes, whose exaggerated views of

the civilization, power and resources of the Burmese empire were

generally adopted, while the more accurate estimates of his successor

Coxe were treated with comparative disregard.

In the very infancy of our intercourse with the Burman empire,

and when the most persevering attempts were made to obtain settle-

ments at various points of the coast, the more remote stations on the

upper portion of the Jrawadi river were not forgotten; and Bamu

or Bamo was even then known as the emporium of a trade between

the Burmese and Chinese, in which our aspiring merchants were

most anxious to share. It is asserted that, at the commencement of

the 17th century, factories were established in that neighborhood,

but the permission to remain was shortly afterwards withdrawn, and

the information which it is supposed was then obtained of the sur-

rounding country has never been rescued from oblivion :—this is the

less to be regretted as the loss has been fully compensated by the

results of recent research; and the journey of Captain Hannay, of

the 40th Regiment Native Infantry, from Ava up the Lrawadi river,

to the frontier towns of Bamo and Mogaung, has at length rendered

this hitherto inaccessible region almost as well known to us as the

more southern districts, through which this noble river directs its

course. Many geographical points of extreme interest have been

determined by the personal observation and inquiries of this merito-

rious officer. Bamo has for the first time become accurately known

from the same source—much valuable information has been gained

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 247

respecting the trade carried on between Ava and China in this remote

corner of the Burman empire—the habits and localities of some of the

principal tribes occupying the mountainous tracts bordering on wes-

tern Yunan have been successfully investigated—the position of the

very remarkable valley of Hikong has been determined—the Pyen-

dwen or amber mines have for the first time been examined by the

eye of European intelligence—the latitudes of the principal towns be-

tween Ava and Miinykhong have been ascertained by astronomical

observation with a degree of accuracy sufficient for every purpose of

practical utility, and they may now be regarded as established points,

from whence inquiry can radiate in every direction with a confidence

which the most zealous and enlightened investigators have been hi-

therto unable to feel in prosecuting their researches, from the want

of a few previously well-determined positions at which to commence

or terminate their inquiries.

To an act of aggression on the part of a Singpho tributary of Ava

against a chieftain of the same clan residing under our protection,

are we indebted for the opportunity of acquiring the information now

gained, and the feud of two insignificant borderers may prove the

immediate cause of a more intimate communication than had ever

previously existed between our recently acquired possessions in Assam

and the northern provinces of the Burman empire.

The Bisa and Dupha Gaums are the heads of two clans of Sing-

phos, occupying the northern and southern faces of the chain of

mountains, which forms a lofty barrier between Ava and Assam. The

former chieftain, on our conquest of the latter country, tendered his

submission and was admitted within the pale of that feudatory depen-

dence which many other tribes of the same clan had been equally

anxious to enter ;—he was uniformly treated by the local authorities

with great consideration, and was located at the northern foot of the

Patkot pass leading from Assam to the Hikong valley. Between this

chieftain and the Dupha Gaum a feud had existed long previous to

our assumption of the sovereignty of the country; and the latter, at

the close of the year 1835, headed a party, which crossing the

mountains from the Burmese province of Hikong, entered Bisa, the

residence of the chief of that clan, and after ravaging and plundering

the village, sealed their atrocity with the indiscriminate murder of

all the inhabitants that fell into their hands. The circumstances were

made known to the British Resident at the Court of Ava; inquiry

was demanded, and security required against the recurrence of simi-

lar acts of aggression. A deputation from the capital was ordered

2K 2

248 Captain Hannay’s Route : {Aprin,

to the Burmese frontier for the purpose of instituting the necessary

investigation, and Colonel Burney, the enlightened representative of

British interests at that court, failed not to avail himself of the op-

portunity thus unexpectedly afforded, of attaching an officer to the

mission; and Captain Hannay, who then commanded his escort, was

selected for the duty. :

The party, consisting of the newly appointed Burmah governor

of Mogaung, of Captain Hannay and several Burmese officers of

inferior rank, with a military escort, left Ava on the 22nd of

November, 1835, in a fleet of 34 boats of various sizes, for a part

of the country which had been uniformly closed against strangers

with the most jealous vigilance. ‘‘ No foreigners,” says Captain

Hawnay, ‘‘ except the Chinese, are allowed to navigate the Irawadt

above the choki of Tsampaynago, situated about seventy miles above

Ava; and no native of the country even is permitted to proceed

above that post, excepting under a special license from the Govern-

ment. The trade to the north of dva is entirely in the hands of the

Chinese, and the individuals of that nation residing at Ava have

always been vigilant in trying to prevent any interference with their

monopoly.”

The mission was detained the two following days near the former

capital of Amarapura, to complete the quota of troops by which it was

to be accompanied, and whose discipline, when they did join, was

very soon found to be on a par with their honesty.

“They work their own boats,’ says Captain Hannay, “ some of

which are covered in, and others are quite open. Their musquets

(if they deserve the name) are ranged here and there throughout the

boat, and are never cleared either from rust or dust, and wet or dry

they are left without any covering. Each man carries a canvass bag,

which is a receptacle for all sorts of things, including a few bambi

cartridges. He wears a black Shan jacket and a head dress or

goung-boung of red cotton handkerchief, and thus equipped he isa

complete Burmah militia man. They appear on further acquaintance

to be better humoured than I at first thought them, but they are sad

plunderers, and I pity the owners of the fields of pumkins or beans

they come across. I have remarked that whatever a Burman boat-

man eats in addition to his rice, is generally stolen.”

Except at Kugyih, where there are said to be several Christian

villages, of which, however, no satisfactory information could be

obtained, the progress of the mission was unmarked by any circum-

stance of interest, until its arrival at Yedan, where they entered the

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 249

first kyouk-dwen, or rocky defile, through which the river directs its

course. Lower down, the extreme breadth of the stream had varied

from one to two anda half miles, but here its width was contracted

to less than a quarter of a mile, with a porportionate increase in the

depth and velocity of the current. During the rainy season of the

year, boats shoot through these narrow passes with terrific velocity,

and the numerous eddies caused by the projecting rocks, add greatly

to the danger of the passage. In this part of their course, the

mission frequently met large rafts of bambts descending from the

Shieli river, and upon them, small baskets of pickled tea, brought

from the hills to the south-east of that river. This tea was said to

be manufactured by a race called Pualong Paon, who are under

Momeit. At Tsingi, Captain Hannay saw three native Chinese

from Thengyicha or Mounyen, and several others in the service of

the noblemen of the court, had accompanied the expedition from Ava

with the view of proceeding to the Kyouk Tsein, or Serpentine mines

near the sources of the U’rié river, west of the Jrawadi. On the

30th of November the party left the village of Yedan Yua, where a

perceptible change takes place in the character of the country and

river. ‘‘ The latter,” says Captain Hannay, ‘from covering an ex-

tent of miles is sometimes confined within a limit of 150 yards, with-

out rapids or torrents, as I had expected, but almost as still as

a lake. In some places its depth is very great being upwards of 10

fathoms. It winds through beautiful jungle, in which the pipal,

simal trees, and bambis, are conspicuous, and it has, generally

speaking, a rocky bed and banks, which last rise to a considerable

height, and composed of sandstone, which varies from dark to a

white and yellow color.” At the next stage, or Thihadophya,

Captain Hannay mentions a very remarkable instance of the tameness

of the fish, which are not allowed to be killed, and are found

from about a mile below the village to an equal distance above.

«« Tf rice is thrown into the water from the boat, a dozen fish, some

of them as much as three and four feet long, come to the surface, and

not only eat the rice, but open their mouths for you to put it in, and

they will allow you to pat them on the head, which I and some of

my followers actually did. Some of these fish are apparently of the

same species as those called in India guru and réta: indeed the

Hindus who are with me called them by these names. The breadth of

head is remarkable, and the mouth very large; they have no teeth,—

at least so the people told me, whom I saw feeling their mouths,”

This spectacle, strange as it must have appeared, was hardly more so |

250 Captain Hannay’s Route [Aprit,

than the adventure of the following morning, when Captain Hannay

‘‘was awoke by the boatmen calling to the fish to participate in

their meal.”

On the Ist of December the expedition arrived at Tsampaynago,

which has been before mentioned as the limit, beyond which, even na-

tives of the country are not permitted to proceed without an express

order from the Government. ‘The custom-house or thana is on the

right bank of the river, and Malé my which is close to it, con-

tains about 800 houses with many very handsome gilded temples.

The Myothagyi or deputy governor of the town, is also the cus-

tom officer, and a tax of 15 ticals per boat is levied on the Chinese

coming from Bamo. Old Tsampaynago myo is situated at the mouth

of a small river which flows from Mogout and Kyatpen, and falls into

the Jrawact immediately opposite the modern choki of that name.

The sites of Mogout and Kyatpen, where some of the finest rubies of the

kingdom are obtained, were pointed out to Captain Hannay as lying

in a direction N. 80° E. of Tsampaynago, and about 30 or 40

miles distant, immediately behind a very conspicuous peak called

Shueti Toung, which he estimated at 3,000 feet high. The Madara

river, as well as that of Tsampaynago, flows from the same mine-

ral district which must greatly facilitate communication with it. The

inhabitants of the country were unwilling or afraid to communicate any

information regarding these secluded spots, and their exact locality is

still a subject of conjecture. The mines are described as in a very

swampy situation, and surrounded at a trifling distance by lofty hills.

The three places at which the gems are principally sought, are

Mogout, Kyatpen and Loungthé, and the principal miners are Kathays or

Manipuris, with a few Chinese and Shans. The other most celebrat-

ed spot is Momeit, the site of which Bucuanan found some difficulty

in determining, but which Captain Hannay learnt was not more

than two or three days’ journey, or between 20 or 30 miles north

of Mogout and Kyatpen. While at this place Captain Hannay says,

‘‘they heard the people who were cutting bambius in the hills, roll-

ing bundles of them down the face of the steep. Having made a road

by felling the trees, the woodmen allow bundles of 150 and 200 bam-

biis to find their way to the bottom, which they do with a noise that

is heard at the distance of eight miles. They are then floated down

the small river into the Jrawadi, but this operation can only be

effected during the rains.” The party now began to feel the cold

excessively, and its severity was greatly heightened by a strong

northerly wind, which seldom subsided until the afternoon, and was

particularly keen in the narrow passes or kyouk-dwens.

1837.] from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 251

Tagoung My, which was reached on the 5th of December, is an

object of peculiar interest, @s it is said to have been built by a king

from Western India, whose descendants afterwards founded the king-

doms of Prome, Pagan and Ava. Captain Hannay found the walls of

the old fort dwindled away to a mere mound, and hardly discernible

from the jungle with which they were covered ; but adds, ‘‘ that enough

is still seen to convince one that such a place did formerly exist.

The fort has evidently been parallel with the river, and is on the left

bank which is high and composed of sandstone. About half a mile

inland, the remains of the inner walls run north and south, with an

opening or gap to the east, in which there is an appearance of a con-

siderable ditch, which I was told is filled with water in the height

of the rains. The whole has more the appearance of an old brick

fort, than any thing I have seen in Burmah, and I should say it had

been built by a people different from the present race of Burmans.”

About a mile to the south of Tagoung are the extensive ruins of

Pagan, which stretch as far as the eye can reach, and here Captain

Hannay discovered impressions of Hindu Buddhist images, stamped

upon a peculiar kind of brick composition (terra cotta), and with in-

scriptions which he imagined to be written in some variety of the

Deva-nagri character. The Burmese on the spot were unable to

explain their nature or origin, and the learning of an aged priest

proved equally incompetent to the task of deciphering them :—they

were subsequently, however, submitted to some Burman antiquarians

at the capital, by the Resident, whose paper on the subject and a

drawing of the images appeared in the 41st No. of the Journal of the

Asiatic Society.

At Shwezt-goung, a large pagoda among the ruins of Tagoung,

Captain Hannay obtained an extensive view of the subjacent coun-

try, and more accurate information of the site of the celebrated mines

of Momeit than had been practicable at an earlier period of his voy-

age. From these accounts it appears that the locality which is said

to produce the finest rubies in the kingdom, is about forty-five or

fifty miles east of Tagoung My, from whence it can be reached by a

foot traveller in three or four days, and by a Jaden bullock in ten.

A drove of these animals was just about to leave Tagoung for Momeit

on Captain Hannay’s arrival, and from the owners he learnt ‘ that

after selling their ngapee (potted fish) at Momeit, Mogout and Kyat-

pen, they proceeded to tne country of the Palongs, which bounds

the district of Momeit on the east, and purchase tea, both pickled

and formed into balls, a part of which is brought to dua.” The fish,

252 Captain Hannay’s Route [APRiL,

which apparently forms the staple of the trade, is said to be of a

remarkably fine description, and is dried in a manner peculiar to

Tagoung.

On the left bank of the river, between Henga-myo and Tagoung,

the teak tree first begins to appear, and at Kyundoung on the opposite

side, it is said, that timber is found sufficiently large to form a boat

from a single tree; it grows principally on the western face of the

hills, at whose eastern base Kyundoung stands. <A delay of two days

at this village enabled Captain Hannay to ascend to the summit of

the first range of hills, by the road which leads across them to the

valley of the Mu river: he found it a well-beaten track and great

thoroughfare, by which the inhabitants of the country as far west as

Wantha My, are accustomed to convey their supplies of fish, salt

~and oil from Kyundoung, a place apparently of some trade: the bazar

contained 50 shops which were large and supplied with British piece

goods, uncleaned cotton, silk, and cotton Burman dresses, coarse

white cloth and other articles of country manufacture. ‘‘ Besides

these,” adds Captain Hannay, “I saw three Chinese shops, where

spirits and pork were sold. The streets were crowded with people

from the interior, who had come to make purchases, and amongst

them were several Kadis, a race of people of a different origin from

the Burmahs, and scattered over the tract of country between this

and Mogaung. They are most numerous in the districts of Manli

and Mankat situated on the Meza river* which comes from the north

and west, and runs between the Kyundoung range and that called

the Thegyain range, still seven or eight miles north of our present

position. Rice, being the staple of the country, is an article of barter,

and is sent in considerable quantities to dua. Cotton, brought from

the interior, is also an article of barter, and a good deal of it is sent

to Bamo, but a part of it is made into cloth on the spot, as I saw

several looms at work. Yellow and red cotton handkerchiefs of

British manufacture sell here for two ticals a piece, which is about

100 per cent. beyond the price at Ava.”

To this point of their progress, no diminution in the volume of the

Trawadi was perceptible, and the channels proved sufficiently deep

for the passage of large boats, from which we may infer that all the

principal feeders or affluents, which pour their tributary streams into

the Jrawadf were still further north, and had not yet been reached.

The first of any importance noticed is, the Shue lf khyoung -on the

left bank, the northern branch of which flows from the Chinese fron-

* A small stream not more than fifty yards broad, with but little water.

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 253

tier town of Santa-fa, called by the Burmahs Mola Santa, anda

southern branch from Momeit, the site of the celebrated ruby mines

already noticed: the confluence of these streams is represented as

occurring at the village of Laha about 40 miles from the Jrawadé.

Neither branch can be of any magnitude, for Captain Hannay remarks

that at the point of junction with the Jrawadé, the breadth of the

Shuéli is not more than 300 yards, and that it contained but little

water,—a satisfactory proof that, this stream can have no connexion

with the Tsanpo of Thibet.

At Yebouk yiia, a day’s journey above the Shué khyoung, two boats

passed the party with Chinese in them from Bamo. ‘They work

their boats which are of the Burman round-shaped flat-bottomed de-

scription, and seem to be of a tolerable size, as there must have been

at least twenty men in each. These boats are particularly well

adapted for the navigation of the Jrawadi, as they do not draw more

than 18 inches of water.”

On the 13th of December the party reached Katha, a town of some

extent on the right bank of the river, containing about 400 houses,

and a population whose numbers appear to be annually increased by

large parties who come from the interior, and take up a temporary

abode on the right bank of the river, and on the numerous islands

and shoals in its bed, for the purpose of fishing and traffic: at the

close of the season they return to their respective homes in time for the

resumption of agricultural labour, and a traveller ignorant of this no-

made custom, which appears to be very general in the upper part of

the Irawadt, would form an exaggerated estimate of the population of

the towns and villages in which they are thus temporarily congregat-

ed. ‘The bazar of Katha was well supplied with good native vege-

tables of various sorts, fresh andsalt fish, pork sold by Chinamen, dried

cocoanuts, sugar-cane, and rice from the coarsest to the best quality,

the latter selling at 15 ticals a hundred baskets.”” Captain Hannay

also saw a small quantity of stick lac in the bazar, but it was dear, and

of a description very inferior, to that which is procurable at Rangiin,

and is brought from the Shan territory east of Ava. Even at this

remote spot there was a ‘tolerable display’ of British piece goods,

but not nearly to the extent noticed at Kyundoung. Captain Hannay

mentions a Kyoung or monastery recently erected by the Myothagi

of Katha, as one of the most remarkable objects of the place. ‘It

is a large wooden building covered with beautiful carved work, and

situated near the river. The grounds surrounding it are extensive,

and yery tastefully laid out with fruit trees and flowery shrubs,

254 Captain Hannay’s Route , (Apriz,

amongst which I saw the Chinese rose in great plentv.” The river

is here confined by lofty banks not more than two furlongs apart, but

the stream is very deep, and the spot appears to be a particularly

favorable one for obtaining a good section of the river, the velocity

of which at Wegyth, a village above Katha, Captain HANNay estimat-

ed at one mile and a half an hour, with an average depth of 18 feet,

This would give a discharge of about 52,272 cubic feet per second,

while that of the Ganges at the same season may be assumed on

RunnELL’s authority at 80,000 feet per second, giving for both a

proportion of 1 to 1.53. No satisfactory comparison can, however,

be yet instituted between these magnificent rivers, for up to the pre-

sent moment we are without a single section of the Jrawadt, which

could be safely assumed as the basis of a calculation sufficiently accu-

rate for such a purpose.

At Kyouk-gyih, which the party reached on the 17th, they. had

fairly entered the remarkable curve in the Jrawadf which had been

previously represented in all our sketches of the river, and served, in

the absence of more accurate information, as a point of reference,

generally well known to the Burmahs and Shans. Here there is

a ledge of rocks, over which the stream passes with so great a degree

of rapidity, as to render it very difficult of navigation during the rains.

The rocks are serpentine and the sand collected amongst them appear-

ed to be a mixture of small garnets and iron sand. The right bank

of the river, for two miles below Kyouk-gyih, is composed of small

round stones and sand, and Captain Hannay was told that the natives

wash the soil for gold.

No circumstance throughout this voyage afforded a more gratifying

proof of the friendly feeling generally of the Burmese authorities, than

the attentions which Captain Hannay received at every place at which

they halted. Houses were erected for his accommodation at the various

stages of the route, differing in no respect from those intended for the

Mytwin of Mogoung; presents of fruit, rice, and vegetables were

daily made to himself and followers, and the supposed tedium of his

evenings was relieved by a band of singers and dancers, who are found

at almost every town and village in the Burman empire. At Kyouk-

gyih, these attentions were shewn to a very remarkable degree by the

Woon of Munyen, “‘ whose civility,” says Captain Hannay, “ was the

subject of conversation with every one in the fleet.

“« Every individual has received sufficient rice and fish for two days’

supply, and my boat was filled by him with all sorts of provisions,

enough certainly to last myself and my followers for a week.” The

i837.) from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 255

house of this liberal Woon, Captain Hannay describes ‘as a very

neat and comfortable dwelling, with/a remarkably clean compound, in

which there is a garden laid out with a great deal of taste, and, besides

many articles of costly Burman household furniture, he has a number

of very fine muskets and other arms.” The party had now approach-

ed within a comparatively short distance of Bamo, and the vicinity of

this celebrated mart was shewn, in more numerous villages than had

been seen for several preceding days. From Shuegt Myvi to Balet,

a distance of three miles, the houses appeared to extend in an unin-

terrupted line, and Aywiin do, the name of a celebrated island in the

river, covered with 100 pagodas, is most conveniently situated be-

tween these towns, the inhabitants of which hold their principal festi-

vals upon it, at particular seasons of the year.

Near this spot, is the entrance to the second kyouk-dwen, the

scenery of which appears to be very magnificent, and is thus describ-

ed by Captain Hannay. ‘The river passes directly through the

hills, which rise perpendicularly on both sides to the height of 400

feet; they are rocky, and of irregular and singular forms, having at

the same time a sufficient number of trees on them to render the

scenery very striking. One part of the range, on the right bank,

rises as perpendicularly as a wall to the height of 500 feet, forming a

grand and terrific precipice. This kyouk-duen extends for four miles,

and the hills which form it, are throughout of a rocky nature. The

upper part of them appeared to be sandstone, resting on a base of

blue-colored limestone, mixed with veins of beautiful white marble ;

and at one spot I saw large masses of compact and foliated primitive

limestone, along with calcareous spar in large pieces.”

Koung-toun, which the mission reached on the 20th, is said to con-

tain about 200 houses, and is noted for the defence made by its Bur-

mese garrison, against a large invading force of Chinese during the

last war between these two nations. A ditch surrounds the town, and

the remains of a brick redoubt, loop-holed for arrows or musquetry are

still perceptible encircling a pagoda. ‘“ This is now all that is to be

seen,” adds Captain Hannay, “ of the old fortification, but the town

is still surrounded by a double palisade of bambus with sharp stakes

placed between them.” These defences are intended for the protec-

tion of the inhabitants against the Kakhyens, a tribe occupying the

hills to the east, who frequently come down in small bodies for the

purpose of carrying.off cattle. Captain Hannay saw a great number

of this tribe at Koungtoun, where they barter their rice and cotton

for salt and gnapee, (potted fish) and describes. them, with. few

2L2

256 Captain Hannay’s Route (Apri,

exceptions, as perfect savages in their appearance ; their cast of coun-

tenance forms a singular exception to the general rule, for it is not at

all Tartar in its shape, but they have, on the contrary, ‘‘ long faces

and straight noses, with a very disagreeable expression about the eyes,

which was rendered still more so by their lanky black hair being

brought over the forehead so as entirely to cover it, and then cut

straight across on a line with the eyebrows. These people, though

surrounded by Shans, Burmese and Chinese, are so totally different

from either, that it is difficult to imagine from whence they have had

their origin.”

On the 20th of December the fleet moored at a village about five

miles below Bamo, which being a town of great importance, and the

residence of an officer inferior in rank to the Mogoung Woon, some

previous arrangements were necessary to enable the latter to land with

the eclat due to his rank. On reaching the town late on the following

day, they found the left bank on which it stands so precipitous, that

they were compelled to cross to the opposite side of the river, anda

feeling of jealousy having arisen between the two Woons of Mogoung

and Bamo, the former resumed his journey on the 22nd, which com-

pelled Captain Hannay to defer the inquiries he was so anxious to

make until his return in April, when he found the people far more

communicative than they had ventured to be in the presence of

the Mogoung Woon. The information obtained on both occasions will

be more advantageously shewn in a connected form than in the de-

tached portions in which it necessarily appears in his journal, and

Captain Hanwnay’s first remark’ solves a difficulty, which, like the

Adria of ancient history, has proved a stumbling block to modern in-

vestigation. In the course of inquiry into the sites of the principal

towns on the Jrawadi river, that of Bamo naturally held a very pro-

minent place, and some of the native Shans, who were questioned on

the subject affirmed that it was on the bank of the Jrawadi river,

while others, whose opportunities of acquiring information had been

equally good, positively denied this statement, and fixed its position

on the left bank of a small stream which flows into the Jrawadt, about

a mile above the present town. Captain Hawnwnay reconciles the

conflicting statements, briefly but satisfactorily, in the following

remark :—-

«‘—T find that this is a modern town erected on the banks of the

Trawadi, for the convenience of water carriage between it and Ava,

The old Shan town of Manmo, or Bamo, is situated two days journey

up the Tapan river, which falls into the Jrawadit about a mile above

1887.] Jrom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 257

the new town of Bamo or Zee-theet-zeit, or new mart landing-

place.”

‘This modern town,” says Captain Hannay, “ is situated on high

unequal ground, and the bank towards the river is from 40 to 50 feet

in height, and composed of clay. With the exception of Ava and

Rangiin it is the largest place I have seen in Burmah, and, not except-

ing these places, I certainly think it the most interesting. The novel-

ty of so large a fleet as ours passing up (and no doubt, having heard

that a European officer was of the party) had attracted a great crowd

of people to the river side, and on landing, I felt as if I were almost in

a civilized land again, when I found myself amongst fair complexion-

ed people, wearing jackets and trowsers, after being accustomed to the

harsh features and party-colored dress of the Burmans. The people

I saw were Chinese from the province of Yunan, and Shans from the

Shan provinces subject to China. Bamo is said to contain 1500 houses,

but including several villages which join it, I should say it contained

2000 at least, 200 of which are inhabited by Chinese. Besides the

permanent population of Bamo, there are always a great number of

strangers there, Chinese, Shans, and Kakhyens, who either come to

make purchases or to be hired as workmen. There are also a great

number of Assamese both in the town and in the villages immediately

connected with it, amongst whom are several members of the Tapan or

Assam Raja’s family. Bamo is the jaghire of the Tapan Raja’s sister,

who is one of the ladies of the king of Ava.

“The inhabitants of this district live in large comfortable houses,

which are thatched with grass, and walls made of reeds. They are

generally railed in, and all the villages have bambi palisades sur-

rounding them. The Palongs of the Chinese frontier are, I am told,

remarkably industrious. They are good dyers, carpenters and black-

smiths, and all the dhas or swords used in this part of the country

are made by them.” ‘1 received,” adds Captain Hannay, “great

attention from the Mytwin of Bamo, and also from the head Chinese

there; they sent me tea, sugar, dried fruits, and vegetables, for

which I, of course, made a suitable return. The annual caravan

from China had not arrived, and the supply of Chinese articles in the

shops was very small.”

The people of Bamo were so strongly impressed with the idea

that Captain Hannay’s only object was to find a road by which Bri-

tish troops might penetrate to China, that he found it extremely dif-

ficult to obtain any information from them regarding the routes into

that country. The Chinese themselves, however, proved more com-

258 Captain Hannay’s Route [Apnii,,

municative, and from them he learnt the existence of several passes

from Bamo into Yunan ; but as one of these presents far greater faci-

lities of transit than the others, it is generally adopted for commercial

intercourse, and the mode of carrying it on is thus described. ‘“ At

the distance of two miles* above Bumo the mouth of the Taping or Ta-

pan river is situated. This river has a direction N. 70 E. for about

two days’ journey, when it cuts through the Kakhyen range, and

under these hills, old Bamo, or Manmo, is situated. To the latter

place the Chinese take their merchandise from modern Bamo by

water, and then proceed overland to the choki or ken of Loatlong near

Mowan, which they reach in three days, and from thence to Mounyen

or Tengyechew in the province of Yunan, at which place they arrive in

eight or nine days. The road from Bamo to Loailong is through the

hills, which are inhabited by Kakhyens and Palongs, after which it

passes through the country of the Shans, called by the Burmans,

Kopyi-doung. The road is described as being very good, and quite a

thoroughfare. The Tapan Khyoung is not navigable for large boats,

in consequence of which the Chinese use two canoes tied together,

with a platform over them, for the transport of their merchandise to

Manme or old Bamo, and for the remainder of the journey it is carried

on ponies or mules.”

This description of the size of the Tapan Khyoung, which is also

ealled by the Shans Numtaping, completely sets at 1est the keenly

agitated question of its identity with the Tsanpo of Thibet, and the

theory of Kuaproru, (who, on the authority of Chinese writers, calls it

the Pinglankhyoung, and maintains it to be the prolongation of the

Tsanpo) is shewn to have no better foundation than his unauthorized

change in the position assigned to the latter river, in that part of its

course which passes through Thibet. Captain Hannay describes the

Taping as not more than 150 yards broad, and with only sufficient

water to float a small boat. The Singphos affirm that it is a branch

of the Shueli Khyoung (the Lungshué kiang of the Chinese) from

which it separates above Momein, but the accuracy of this report ap-

pears highly questionable.

The principal article of trade, which is cotton, is entirely in the

hands of the Chinese, who arrive at Bamo in the months of Decem-

ber and January. The greater part of their imports is taken to Ava,

as neither the natives of Mogaung nor Bamo could afford to purchase

them. ‘* What they dispose of here,” says Captain Hannay, “ are

copper pots, carpets and warm jackets.” These articles are also

* In another place it is mentioned as only one mile above Bamo.

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 259

taken all over the Burman territories, as far west as the Khyendwen.

There are several cotton godowns here, belonging to the Chinese, and

there are constantly residing in the town 500 of these people, which,

with the numerous arrivals from different parts of the country, gives

the place a very business-like appearance, and there is of course a

good bazar.’’ There is a very neat temple built by the Chinese of

Bamo, which Captain Hannay visited, and was most politely received

by the officiating priest. ‘On entering his house,” says Captain

Hannay, “he rose to meet me, saluted me in the English fashion,

asked me to sit down, and ordered his people to bring me tea; after

which he sent a person with me to shew me the curiosities of the

temple. Most of the figures were carved on wood, and different from

what I have generally seen in Chinese temples; one of them repre-

sented the Nursinga of the Hindus. The Chinese of Bamo, although

different from the maritime Chinese, in language and features, have

still the same idea of neatness and comfort, and their manners and

mode of living appear to be much the same.”

“Their temple and all the houses, which are not temporary, are

substantially built of bricks stained blue; the streets are paved with

the same material, and the grounds of the temple are surrounded by

a neat brick wall covered with tiles.” ‘‘ Besides the trade carried on

at Bamo by the Chinese, the Shans, Palongs, and Singphos under

China, are great purchasers of salt, gnapee, dried fish, and rice, but

particularly salt, which is in constant demand; and to procure it,

numbers of the above named people come to Bamo, Sambaungya and

Kountoung. The salt which sells here for twenty ticals of silver for

100 vis, or 28 rupees for 150 seers, is brought principally from Shein-

maga above Ava, and from Manbé, which is situated two marches

west of Katha. The Shans here are distinguished by their fair com-

plexions and broad good-tempered faces. They wear turbans and trow-

sers of light blue cotton cloth; they greatly resemble the Chinese,

and from living so near that nation, many of them speak the Yunan-

Chinese language. They inhabit the country to the east of Bamo,

and their principal towns are Hotha, Latha, Santa, Sanla, Moongsye,

Moong-woon, Moong-man, Moong-la, and Moong-tye. The people are

generally designated Shan Taroup or Chinese Shans.”

«Although the Palongs speak the Shan, their own native lan-

guage is a distinct one. The men, though small in stature, are athle-

tic and remarkably well made. Flat noses and grey eyes are very

common amongst them. They wear their hair tied in a knot on the

right side of the head, and dress in a turban, jacket, and trowsers, of

260 Captain Hannay’s Route (Aprit,

dark blue cloth.. They are a hill people, and live in the tract of

country situated between Burmah and China, but those to the east of

Bamo pay no revenue to either country, and are governed by their

own Tsobuas. The Singpho traders I saw at Bamo were very differ-

ent from those under Burmah, and according to their proximity to

either Shans or Chinese, they assimilate to one or other in dress and

language.”

“The whole of these people,’ says Captain Hannay, ‘“ pay for

every thing they require in silver; and were it not for the restrictions

in Burmah on the exportation of silver, | think an intelligent British

merchant would find it very profitable to settle at Bamo ; as, besides

the easy intercourse with China, it is surrounded by numerous and

industrious tribes, who would, no doubt, soon acquire a taste for Bri-

tish manufactures, which are at present quite unknown to them.”

The revenue of the district is estimated by Captain Hannay at three

lakhs of rupees per annum; and headds, “If appearance of comfort

may be taken as a proof of its prosperity, the inhabitants of Bamo

shew it in their dress and houses. | have seen more gold and silver

ornaments worn here than in any town in Burmah.”

On leaving Bamo, the appearance of the country became much

more hilly, and great precautions were taken to guard against sur-

prise by the Kakhyens, who inhabited the different ranges in the

vicinity of the river.

At Hakan the escort was reinforced by 150 soldiers from Bamo, and

a number of families who were proceeding up the river, joined the

fleet to enjoy the protection afforded by so large a convoy. The

Shans who composed the quota from Bamo were a remarkably fine

set of men from the banks of the Tapan Khyoung, and formed a

striking contrast, in dress and appearance, to the miserable escort

which had accompanied the party from Ava.

At the village of Thaphan-beng they entered the third Kyouk-dwen

from which a very beautiful view is obtained of the fertile valley of

Bamo, bounded on the east by the Kakhyen hills, which are cultivated

to their summits. Serpentine and limestone were the principal rocks

found in this defile, as well as the preceding one; and as the river

was here in some places not more than 80 yards broad, with a depth

of 30 feet, and its rise is in the rains 50 feet above the present level,

the rush of waters must at that season be terrific. The natives, indeed,

declared, that the roar at that time was so great, as to prevent them

from hearing each other speak, and that the defile could only then be

traversed on rafts: now, however, it coursed gently along with an

almost imperceptible motion.

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 261

At Thabyebeng-yiia they found a new race of people called Phwons,

who described themselves as having originally come from a country

to the north-east, called Motoung Maolong, the precise situation of

which could not be ascertained. Their native language, which they

speak only in intercourse with each other, differs altogether from the

Shan and Burmese, but they have no written character. There appear

to be two tribes of this race, distinguished by the Burmahs as the

great and small :—the former are found only at Tshenbo and in the

vicinity of the third Kyouk-dwen, while the inferior tribe is scattered

all over the country: the only difference apparently between them

consists in some trifling varieties in the dialects they speak. Their

extensive cultivation proved their agricultural industry, and four

Chinese Shans were constantly employed in manufacturing their im-

plements of husbandry. Their houses were of a construction totally

different from any that had been previously seen, and consisted of a

long thatched roof rounded at the ends and reaching almost to the

ground. Inside of this and at the height of eight or ten feet from

the ground, the different apartments are formed, the walls of which

are made of mat.

“From the outward appearance of these houses,” says Captain

Hannay, “it would be difficult to imagine that they were habitations,

but inside they are very comfortable, and from the great thickness

and peculiar form of the roof, the inmates cannot be much affected

either by heat or cold.”” The same description of house is built by the

Shans occupying the valley of Kubo, and it is probable that the

Phwons have adopted this style of building from some tribe of that

widely scattered nation.

On the 26th the fleet reached a part of the Jrawadt, which is consi-

dered the most dangerous point in its navigation. It is called Pusk@,

and the stream is there confined to a breadth of 30 yards, but

with no less than nine fathoms of depth in the centre. The rocks

bore every appearance of fierce and irregular volcanic action, varying

in color “‘from brown, yellow, red and green, to a jet black which

shone like a looking glass.” The strata also presented a scene of

great confusion, some being vertical, some horizontal, and others

twisted; ‘‘the whole having exactly the appearance of having been

poured out from a furnace.”

The navigation of the Lvawadi river up to this point had been un-

marked by difficulties of any magnitude, and, with the exception of the

passes through the Kyouk-dwens, the channel appears to have afforded,

even at that season of the year, an abundant supply of water for the

262 Captain Hannay’s Route [Aprin,

largest class of boats, which ply between Ava and Bamo: above the

village of Namhet, however, they first met a succession of rapids ex-

tending for a mile and a half, which were even then considered danger-

ous; and Captain Hannay remarks, that he had seldom seen in the

worst season, and worst part of the Ganges, a stronger current, or more

turbulent water than at the rapids of Shuégyain-man, a short distance

above the village of Namheé.

On the arrival of the fleet at Tshenbo, which is about 10 miles below

the mouth of the Mogaung river, the boats by which the party had

been conveyed from Ava were exchanged for others of a smaller

description, better adapted for the navigation of so small and tortuous

a river as that of Mogaung. The one prepared for Captain Hannay’s

accommodation was of the kind called by the Burmese ‘“‘ loung :” it

was paddled by 25 men, and formed of a single tree, with the addition

of a plank 10 inches broad, all round the upper part of it.

Before quitting Tshenbo, Captain Hannay had a visit from the head

priest, whose curiosity to obtain some knowledge of European customs

and habits could only be satisfied by the display of the contents of

his trunks, and the sight of his watch, sextant, and thermometer ; all

of which he was permitted to examine by Captain Hannay, who

regrets that he had not brought some missionary tracts with him from

Ava “ to give this inquisitive priest some idea of the Christian religion.”

Tshenbo, on the authority of this priest, is said to have been formerly

a principal city of the Phwon tribe, who were dispossessed of it, about

sixty years ago, by the Burmahs.

On the last day of December the mission reached the mouth of the

Mogaung river, which Captain Hannay ascertained by observation to

be in latitude 24° 56” 53”. Here they were to quit the Irawadt, which,

says Captain Hannay “is still a fine river flowing in a reach from the

eastward halfa mile broad, at the rate of two miles an hour, and with

a depth varying from three fathoms in the centre to two at the edge.”

The Mogaung river on which the town of the same name is situated, is

not more than 100 yards wide, and the navigation is impeded by asuc-

cession of rapids over which thestream rushes with considerable velocity.

The smallest boat in the fleet was an hour and a half getting over the

first of these obstacles, and the Shan boatmen, who are thoroughly ac-

quainted with the character of the river, “pull their boats close to the

rocky points, and then, using all their strength, shoot across to the op-

posite side before the force of the stream had time to throw them on the

rocks.’’ The Burmah boatmen adopted the apparently easier method

of pulling their boats up along the edge of the stream, but this proved

1837.) Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 263

both difficult and dangerous, one boat being upset and a man drowned.

The banks of the river were covered with a dense and impervious jun-

gle, which extended nearly the whole way to Mogaung, and no village

served to beguile the wearisome monotony of this portion of the jour-

ney, until they reached Akouktoung, a small hamlet on the right bank

inhabited by Phwons and Shans. Here they met a chief of the Lap-

hae Singphos, who had taken up his residence in this village with a .

few followers, in consequence of a feud with some neighbouring tribes

in his own country to the north. Between Akouk-yua and Tapoh (the

next village seen) the bed of the river is filled with rocks and rapids,

which render the navigation exceedingly dangerous, the stream shoot-

ing over them with such velocity as frequently to rise above the bow

of the boat, which, in case of unskilful management, would be instant-

ly upset. The way in which the Phwons and Shans overcome these

difficulties, formed a striking contrast to the conduct of the Burmah

and Kathay boatmen. The former working together with life and

spirit, still paid the strictest attention to the orders given by the head

boatman ; while the latter ‘“‘ who think,” says Captain Hannay, ‘ that

nothing can be done without noise, obey no one, as they all talk at

once, and use the most abusive language to each other.” He thinks

the Phwons and Shans greatly superior to the Burmahs or Kathays,—

meaning by the latter those Manipuris resident in Ava, who are Bur-

mans in every thing but origin.

After passing the last rapids at Tapoh the river expands in breadth

to 200 yards; the stream flows with a gentle current, and ‘the bed is

composed of round stones which are mostly quartz. Amongst them,

however there are found massive pieces of pure crystal stone, partak-

ing of the nature of talc, and also pieces of indurated clay of different

colors. The banks are alluvial on the surface, but towards the base

and near the edge of the river the soil becomes gravelly, and in some

places has a stratum of beautiful bright yellow-colored clay inter-

secting it.”

On the 5th of January the party disembarked from their boats, and

as the Myo-win was to be installed in his new government, the land-

ing was effected with considerable state. ‘‘ Arrangements,” says

Captain Hannay, “had been made for our reception, and on first

landing we entered a temporary house where some religious ceremony

was performed, part of which was the Myo-win supplicating the

spirits of three brothers who are buried here, and who founded the

Shan provinces of Khanti, Assam, and Mogaung, to preserve him from

all evil. After which ceremony he dressed himself in his robe of state,

‘2M 2

264 Captain Hannay’s Route [Aprin,

and he and I proceeded hand in hand through a street of Burman

soldiers, who were posted from the landing place to the Myo-win’s

house, a distance of nearly a mile : we were preceded by the Myo-wiin’s

people carrying spears, gilt chattas, &c. and at intervals during our

walk, a man in‘a very tolerable voice, chaunted our praises, and the

cause of our coming to Mogaung. Several women also joined the

procession, carrying offerings of flowers and giving us their good

wishes.” Cc

The Myo-wtin appears to have lost no time in availing himself of the

advantages of his situation, for on the very day after landing, he

commenced a system of unsparing taxation, to enable him to pay for

his appointment. A rapid succession of governors within a very few

years, all influenced by the same principle, had already reduced the

inhabitants of Mogaung to a state closely bordering on extreme pover-

ty, and the distress occasioned by the exactions now practised was

bitterly complained of by the wretched victims of such heartless

extortion. The Shan inhabitants of the town were employed by the

Burmese officers to enforce this excessive payment of tribute from

the Singphos and Kakhyens of the surrounding hills, which had led

to much ill-will on the part of the latter, by whom they are stigma-

tised ‘‘ as the dogs of the Burmans.”’

«The town of Mogaung,” says Captain Hannay, “is situated at

the junction of the Namyeen or Namyang, and the Mogaung or Num-

kong rivers, and extends about a mile from east to west along the

bank of the last named river, the west end of the town being bounded

by the Namyeen khyoung, which comes from the district of Monyeen

in a direction S. 43 W. The town of Mogaung, strictly speaking, is

confined within what is now only the remains of a timber stockade.

Outside of this, however, there are several houses, and within a

short distance afew small villages are scattered about, but even

including all these, there are not more than 300 houses. Those with-

in the stockade are inhabited by Shans, and those outside by Bur-

mans, Phwons, Assamese and a few Chinese. The latter to the

number of 50 reside here, and are under the authority of a Thoogyee

of their own nation ;—they derive a profit from their countrymen

who come annually in considerable numbers to purchase serpentine.

Amongst them I saw both blacksmiths and carpenters, and, for the

first time since leaving Gangetic India, I saw the operation perform-

ed of shoeing horses. The Shans, inside the stockade, reside in

large houses, such as'1 formerly described having seen amongst the

Phwons ;—the Burmans and others live in the same description of

1837.] from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 265

houses as are to be seen in every part of Burmah proper, but all bear

signs of great poverty; andif it were not for the Chinese, whose

quarter of the town looks business-like and comfortable, I should say

that Mogaung is decidedly the poorest-looking town I have seen

since leaving Ava. There is no regular bazar, all supplies being

brought from a distance, and the market people are, with few ex-

ceptions, Kakhyens and Assamese from the neighbouring villages.”

The arrival at so remote a spot of a European officer was soon

bruited abroad, and Captain Hannay’s time was fully occupied in

answering innumerable questions put to him by a crowd of visitors,

who examined his sextant with great care, under the firm conviction

that, by looking through it, he was enabled to perceive what was go-

ing on in distant countries ;—nor would they believe that the card of

his compass was not floating on water, until, to satisfy them, he had

taken it to pieces. The paucity of inhabitants and poverty of the

town plainly indicated the absence of extensive trade, and Captain

Hannay learnt, that, including the profits derived from the sale of

serpentine, the revenues of the town and neighbouring villages did

not amount to more than 30,000 rupees per annum, and the Burmah

authorities can only enforce the payment of tribute from the Shans

of Khanti, and the Singphos of Payendwen, by the presence of an

armed force. In their last attempt on the latter, a Burmah force of

1000 men was detached from Mogaung, of whom 900 were destroyed ;

and for ten years they had been held in salutary dread by the Bur-

mah governors of the frontier. During his stay at Mogaung, Cap-

tain Hannay obtained specimens of the green stone, called by the

Burmah’s kyouk-tsein, and by the Chinese yueesh*, and which he

supposes to be nephrite. ‘The Chinese,” he says, ‘‘ choose pieces

which, although shewing a rough and dingy-colored exterior, have a

considerable interior lustre, and very often contain spots and veins of

a beautiful bright apple-green. These are carefully cut out, and

made into ring stones, and other ornaments, which are worn as

charms. The large masses are manufactured by them into bracelets,

rings, and drinking cups, the latter being much in use amongst them,

from the idea that the stone possesses medicinal virtues. All the

* Monsieur Apex Re’musat, in the second part of his history of Khotan, is

said by Kiraprotu (Mem. Rel. a1’ Asié, tome 2, p. 299) to have entered into

avery learned disquisition proving the identity of the yu or yueesh of the

Chinese with the jasper of the ancients.—R. B. P.

The yu is a silicious mineral, colored with less intensity but passing into

heliotrope. Itis therefore prase rather than jade or nephrite.—Eb,

266 Captain Hannay’s Route (Aprit,

yueesh taken away by the Chinese is brought from a spot five marches

to the north-west of Mogaung, but it is found in several other parts

of the country, although of an inferior quality. Serpentine and lime-

stone are the prevailing formations of the base of the highest ranges

of hills throughout this part of the country. Steatite is also abun-

dant in the bed of the Jrawadi below the valley of Khanti.”

One very important object of Captain Hannay’s mission was to

cross the Patkoi mountains into Assam, and on hisarrival at Mogaung

he waited some days in considerable anxiety for the Kakhyen porters,

who were to convey his baggage and supplies during the remaining

portion of the journey :—he soon found, however, that the authority

of the Burmans when unenforced by the presence of a large military

detachment, was held in the most sovereign contempt by these hardy

mountaineers, and after many fruitless attempts to induce the Mogaung

woun to allow him to proceed with even a small party, he was con-

strained to limit his further researches to the Hukong valley and amber

mines. _ Repeated remonstrances were necessary to induce the gover-

nor to proceed even so far, and it was not until the 19th of the month

that an advanced guard crossed the river, and fired a feu de joie, after

performing the ceremony of sacrificing a baffaloe to the Nhatgyee

(or spirits of the three brother Tsaubuas of Mogaung), without which

no expedition ever marches from the town. Even then, the dogged:

obstinacy of the governor induced him to delay his departure, and it

was not until Captain Hannay threatened that he would instantly

return to Ava if there were any longer delay, that the wily diploma-

tist could be induced to move.

On the 22nd they crossed the river, and the camp was formed on

the northern bank, in strict accordance with Burmese custom. Cap-

tain Hannay’s tent (a common sepoy’s p4l) was the admiration of

every one but its owner, who now for the first time marched with an

undisciplined rabble. ‘‘ The soldiers’ huts,” says Capt. Hannay,

‘are composed of branches of trees and grass, and if they wish to

be particular, they cover them with a piece of cloth, which is gene-

rally some old article of dress. The Myo-wun’s station is in the cen-

tre of the camp, and in front of him are his own immediate followers,

whose huts are formed into a street marked by a double line of spears.

At the head of this street the flags are placed, and also the two small

cannons (one-pounders), which are sent with the force, I believe, for

the purpose of firing three rounds morning and evening, to frighten

the neighbouring Kakhyens, and which ceremony, I suspect, will be

gone through with as much gravity, as if it would have the desired

1837.) from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 267

effect. My position is in front and a little to the left of the Myo-

wiin, and we are completely surrounded by the soldiers, whose huts

are in distinct lines, the men of each district keeping together.”

On the 22nd they at length set out, and the style of march was as

little in accordance with the military experience of our traveller, as

the previous encampment. ‘* The men, to the number of 800, march

in single file, and each man occupies a space of six feet, being oblig-

ed to carry a bangy containing his provisions, cooking pots, &c.

besides his musket, which is tied to the bangv stick. This is the

most common mode of marching, but some of them carry their pro-

visions in baskets, which they strap across their forehead and shoul-

ders, leaving their hands free to carry their muskets ; but as to using

them it is out of the question, andI should say the whole party are

quite at the mercy of any tribe who choose to make a sudden attack

upon them.” On reaching the encamping ground, however, these

men gave proof how well they were adapted to this mode of travelling,

for in an hour after their arrival, every individual had constructed a

eomfortable hut for himself, and was busily engaged cooking the

’ rice, which, with the addition of a few leaves plucked from certain

shrubs in the jungle, forms the diet of the Burman soldier on the line

of march.

The tract of country through which the party passed on the first

two days was hilly, and abounded in a variety of fine forest trees ;

but on approaching Numpoung, the second encampment, the country

became more open, and the pathway led through a forest of very

fine teak trees. The principal rivers all flowed from the Shuédoung-

gyi range of hills on the east of their route, and are at this season

of the year mere mountain torrents, with so little water in them, that

the path frequently passes over their rocky beds. The whole route

from Mogaung to the Hikong valley, may be described generally

as passing between defiles, bounded by the inferior spurs of the

Shuédoung-gyi range on the east, and numerous irregular hills on

the west; these defiles form the natural channels of numerous

streams, which, flowing from the heights above, and struggling

amidst masses and boulders of detached rock, make their way even-

tually to the larger stream of the Numkong, which unites with the

Namyen at Mogaung. The only traces of inhabitants perceptible in

the greater part of this route were a few cleared spots on the hills in

the vicinity of some scattered Kakhyen villages, and a few fishing

stakes in the mountain streams. Near the mouth of the Numsing

Khyoung the party met with a few Kakhyen huts, which appear to

268 Captain Hannay’s Route [ApRIL,

have been constructed by that tribe, during their fishing excursions ;

and at Tsadozout, an island in the bed of the Mogaung river, on

which the force encamped on the 28th of January, they passed the

sites of two Kakhyen villages, and found the ground completely

strewed with graves for a considerable distance, the probable result

of some endemic disease which induced the survivors to desert the

spot. The finest lemon and citron trees, Captain Hannay had ever

seen, were found here, and the tea plant was also very plentiful—the

leaf is large, and resembles that sold in Ava as pickled tea; the soil

in which it grew most luxuriantly is described as of a “ reddish-co-

lored clay.’’ Thus far, a considerable portion of the route had passed

either directly over the bed of the Mogaung river or along its banks ;

but at Tsadozout, they crossed it for the last time, and at this spot it

is described as a mere hill stream with a ‘‘ bed composed of rolled

pieces of sienite and serpentine, with scales of mica in it.” The

navigation of the river even for small canoes ceases below this spot,

and those which had accompanied the party with supplies were left,

from inability, to convey them further.

About four miles north of Tsadozout “ the road ascends about 100

feet, and passes over a hilly tract, which seems to run across from

the hills on the east to those on the west, and is called by the natives

Tsambi-toung, (the Mount Samé of the maps.) This transverse ridge

evidently forms the southern limit of the Hukong valley, and streams

flow from it both to the north and south; the former making their

way to the Khyendwen, and the latter to the Mogaung river.

“« Tsambi-toung,” says Captain Hannay, ‘is covered with noble

trees, many of which, I think, are s4l, and are of immense height and

circumference. The tea-plant is also plentiful, besides a great variety

of shrubs which are quite new to me. The rays of the sun seem

never to penetrate to the soil of Tsamba-toung ; it may therefore be

easily imagined how damp and disagreeable it is, more particularly

as there is a peculiar and offensive smell from a poisonous plant

which grows in great abundance in this jungle, and the natives tell

me that cattle die almost immediately after eating it.”

On the 30th the party descended from the encampment on the

northern face of this ridge, to the Singpho village of Walobhiim, and

finally encamped on the left bank of the Edtkhyoung, about three

furlongs distant from Meinkhwon or Muiingkhtim, the capital of the

Hiikong valley, ‘“‘ where,” says Captain Hannay, “ our journey

must end for the present; as, besides having no provisions, the men

composing the force are so completely worn out with fatigue, that EF

1837.] from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 269

am certain they could not proceed further without a halt of some

days.” This interval Captain Hannay assiduously employed in col-

lecting information regarding the valley, which had from a very

early period been an object of great geographical interest, as the site

of the Payendwen or amber mines, and at no very remote era proba-

bly formed the bed of an alpine lake, which, like that of the Manipur

valley, has been subsequently raised to its present level by long con-

tinued alluvial deposits, and detritus, from the hills which encircle it

on every side. The tendency of every such deposition is to raise the

level of the water, and facilitate its drainage, until it becomes so

shallow, that evaporation suffices to complete the process, and render

the soil a fit abode for future races of men. The numerous and ex-

tensive lakes in the mountainous regions of Thibet and Tartary are

doubtless undergoing a similar change, and no great stretch of ima-

gination is necessary to anticipate the period when they will become

the sites of extensive towns and villages, and present a striking con-

trast to the rugged magnificence and solitary grandeur of the snowy

regions which surround them.

“The valley of Hékong or Payendwen,” says Captain Hannay,

*‘ is an extensive plain, bounded on all sides by hills; its extent from

east to north-west being at least 50 miles, and varying in breadth

from 45 to 15 miles, the broadest part being to the east. The hills

bounding the valley to the east are a continuation of the Shuédoung-

gyi range, which is high, commences at Mogaung, and seems to run

in a direction of N. 15 E.” The principal river of the valley is the

Numtunaee or Khyendwen, which flows from the Shuédoung-gyf range,

and after receiving the contributions of numerous small streams quits

the valley at its north-western corner, and again enters the defiles of

the hills, beyond which its course is no longer perceptible. On the

western side of the valley there are but few villages, and these thinly

inhabited, the capital itself containing not more than thirty houses ;

but the north and eastern sides are said to be very populous, the houses

in those quarters being estimated at not less than 3000, nearly all of

which are situated on the banks of the Towang and Debee rivers. All

the low hills stretching from the western foot of the Shuédoung range

were under cultivation, and the population is said to extend across to

the banks of the Jrawadt, in numbers sufficient to enable the Singphos

when necessary to assemble a force of nine or ten thousand men.

«With the exception,” says Captain Hannay, “ of the village of

Meinkhwon, which has a Shan population, the whole of the inhabi-

tants of the valley are Singphos and their Assamese slaves. Of the

2.N

270 Captain Hannay’s Route [APRit,

former, the larger proportion is composed of the Mrip and Tisan

tribes, with a few of the Laphai clan, who are still regarded as

strangers by the more ancient colonists, and can hardly be viewed

but with hostile feelings, as this tribe have frequently ravaged

Meinkhwon within the last six years, and were guilty of the still

greater atrocity of burning a priest alive in his kyoung or monastery.

Formerly, the population was entirely Shan, and previous to the

invasion of Assam by the Burmese, the town of Meinkhwon contained

1500 houses, and was governed by the chief of Mogaung. From

that period, the exactions of the Burmese officers have led to exten-

sive emigration, and to avoid the oppression to which they were

hourly exposed, the Shans have sought an asylum in the remote glens

and valleys on the banks of the Khyendwen, and the Singphos among

the recesses of the mountains at the eastern extremity of the valley.

This state of affairs has led to general anarchy, and feuds are con-

stantly arising between the different tribes, which the quarrel of the

Beesa and Dupha Gaums has greatly contributed to exasperate. No

circumstance is more likely to check these feuds, and reclaim the

scattered population of the valley, than the establishment of a profit-

able commercial intercourse with the more equitably governed valley

of Assam, with which communication is now becoming more intimate

than at any previous period.

Of the mineral productions of the Hikong valley, enumerated by

Captain Hannay, the principal are salt, gold, and amber : the former,

he informs us, is procured “‘ both on the north and south sides of the

valley, and the waters of the Namtwonkok and Edi rivers are quite

brackish from the numerous salt springs in their beds.—Gold is found

in most of the rivers, both in grains and in pieces the size of a large

pea. The rivers which produce it in greatest quantity and of the

best quality are the Kapdép and the Namkwén: the sand of the

former is not worked for this mineral, I am told, but large pits are

dug on its banks, where the gold is found, as above mentioned.

Besides the amber, which is found in the Payen-toung, or amber

mine hills, there is another place on the east side of the valley called

Kotah-bhim, where it exists in great quantities, but I am informed

that the spot is considered sacred by the Singphos, who will not

allow the amber to be taken away, although it is of an inferior descrip-

tion.” Specimens of coal, were also found by Captain Hannay in

the beds of the Nambhyi and Edi rivers; and he learnt from the

natives that, in the Numtarong, a great quantity of fossil wood was

procurable.

1837.] From Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 271

In its relation to Assam and China, the trade of the Hiikong valley

naturally attracted a share of Captain Hannay’s attention, and from

his account it appears that ‘‘ the only traffic of any consequence carried

on in this valley is with the amber, which the Singphos sell to a few

Chinese, Chinese-Shans, and Chinese Singphos, who find their way

here annually. The price of the common or mixed amber is 25 ticals

a vis or four rupees per one and a half seer: but the best kind and what

is fit for ornaments, is expensive, varying in price according to its

color and transparency*.”

“The Chinese sometimes pay in silver for the amber, but they also

bring with them warm jackets, carpets, straw hats, copper pots, and

opium, which they give in exchange for it. They also barter their

merchandize for ivory and gold dust, but only in small quantities.

A few individuals from the Burman territories likewise come here,

with cloths of their own manufacture, and also a small quantity of

British piece goods for sale. But as they are obliged on their way

hither to pass through the country of the most uncivilized of the

Kakhyen tribes, they seldom venture to come. The greatest part

therefore of British and Burman manufactures which are used in this

valley, are brought from Mogaung by Singpho merchants. But I

understand that within the last few years, several of them have gone

to Assam with gold dust, ivory, and alittle silver, for which they receive

in return muskets, cloths, spirits, and opium. The following is a list

of British piece goods now selling at Meinkhwon—common book-muslin

used as head dresses, 14 rupees a piece; coarse broad cloth worn as

shawls, 22 yards long, 18 rupees each; good cotton handkerchiefs, 4

rupees a pair; and coarse ones, 25 rupees apair. These are the prices

of goods bought at Ava, but what similar articles from Assam may cost,

I cannot ascertain. The broad cloth, however, that I have seen from the

latter place is of a very superior quality. The merchants who come to

this valley from the Burman territories are natives of Yo, and the man

who is now selling goods here has frequently visited Calcutta. The

dress worn by the Singphos of this valley is similar to that of the Shans

and Burmans of Mogaung, but they frequently wear jackets of red

camlet, or different velvets which they ornament with buttons, and

those who can afford it wear a broad-cloth shawl. The arms in com-

mon use amongst them are the du (or short sword) and spear. The

women wear neat jackets of dark coarse cotton cloth, and their tha-

mines or petticoats are full and fastened round the waist with a band,

being altogether a much more modest dress than that worn by the

* Specimens in matrice are deposited in the Society’s Museum.—Ep,

QIN Zz

272 Captain Hannay’s Route [Apriz,

Burman women. Those who are married, wear their hair tied on the

crown of the head like the men, but the younger ones wear theirs

tied close to the back of the neck, and fastened with silver pins—both

married and single wear white muslin turbans. The ornaments ge-

nerally worn by them are amber ear-rings, silver bracelets, and neck-

laces of beads, a good deal resembling coral, but of a yellowish color,

‘and these are so much prized by them that they sell here for their

weight in gold.”

During his stay at Hikong, Captain Hannay was visited by many

Singphos from the borders of China, from whom he learnt that the

Sginmaekha river rises in the mountains bounding the plain of Khanti

to the north, and is inclosed on the east by the Goulang-sigong moun-

tains, which they consider the boundary between Burmah and China.

This river is, on the same authority, pronounced not to be navigable

even for canoes, and the most satisfactory confirmation is afforded of

the accounts of Captain Witcox*. Several smaller streams fall into

the Sginmaekha from the Shuédoung-gyi hills on the west, and the

name of Siting is given to the tract of country through which they

flow. In this district goldis very plentiful, and it is found, says Cap-

tain Hannay, ‘“ over the whole tract of mountainous country, above the

Sginmaekha. The Chinese visit this locality for the purpose of

procuring the gold, and give in exchange for it, warm clothing, car-

pets and opium.”

Of the several routes by which communication is kept up between

the inhabitants of Hukong and the countries around, the principal

appear to be, one leading across the Shuédoung-gyf range to the

eastern Singphos ; a second, called the Lye-gnep-bhiim road, winds

round the base of the mountain of that name, and leads in sixteen

days to Miinglang, the capital of the Khanti country, which was

visited by Captain Witcox.

The most important ,one, however, with reference to trade, lies

in a south-east direction from the Hékong valley, from which the

district of Kakyo-wainmo is not more than eight days’ march distant.

By this route the Chinese frequently travel, and it affords a very

satisfactory proof that intercourse may be held direct with China,

without the necessity of following the circuitous route by Mogaung.

* Although Captain Witcox (As. Res. vol. xvii. p. 463), relying on the ac-

counts given by Singphos of this river, appears to have formed rather an exag-

gerated estimate of its size, his conjectures as to the position of its sources are

fully verified by the statements made to Captain Ilannay.—R. B. P.

1837.] Srom Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 273

Among the several races of people inhabiting the valleys through

which the principal rivers flow, the Khantis or Khumptis hold a very

conspicuous rank: they are represented as a fine, brave, and hardy

race of men, and are held in great apprehension by the Burmahs, who,

about three years ago, attempted to raise revenue amongst them: the

force detached on this duty, however, met with such determined

resistance, that it was compelled to return, and no subsequent attempt

has been made on their independence. They are in constant commu-

nication with the Khunitngs, a wild tribe inhabiting the mountains

to the north and east, from whom they procure silver andiron. ‘‘ The

former is found in a mine, said to be situated on the northern side of

the mountains, to the north-east of Khanii.”’ All the information

Captain Hannay could obtain led him to suppose that this mine was

worked by people subject to China, and from the description given, he

thinks they are Lamas, or people of Thibet. The part of the Chinese

territories north-east of Khanti is known at Hikong by the name of

Mingfan*, and the Khantis have no communication with it but through

the Khunings.

From Meingkhwon, Captain Hannay obtained a view of the hill,

near which lie the sources of the Uru river, one of the principal afflu-

ents of the Ningthit or Khyendwen: it bore south 35° west from

Meingkhwon, and was about 25 miles distant. It is in the vicinity of

this spot that the most celebrated mines of serpentine are situated,

and their position is thus described by Captain Hannay.

** A line drawn from Mogaung in a direction of N. 55 W. and another

from Meingkhwon N. 25 W. will give the position of the serpentine

mine district. The Chinese frequently proceed to the mines by water

for two days’ journey up the Mogaung river, to a village called Kam-

mein, at which place a small stream called Hngdau-khyoung, falls into

the Mogaung river. From thence a road leads along the Engdau-

khyoung to a lake several miles in circumference called Engdau-gyf,

and to the north of this lake eight or nine miles distant are the ser-

pentine mines. The tract of country in which the serpentine is found

extending 18 or 20 miles.” There is, however, another more direct

* In the second volume of Du Haxpe’s ‘‘ China,” p. 385, the Pare Regis

thus describes the tribe by which this tract of country is inhabited, and its geo-

graphical site :

‘The most powerful among the Tartar Lamas are those called by the Chinese

Moongfan, who possess a wide territory in Tibet, north of Li Kyang-li-fu,

between the rivers Kincha-kyang and Vu-lyangho. This country was ceded to

them by Usancuery (whom the Manchews made king of Yunan) to engage them

in bis interest.’’—R, B. P.

274 Captain Hannuy’s Route [ApRin,

route from Kam-mien which runs in a north-westerly direction. The

whole tract of country is hilly, and several hot and salt springs are

reported to exist near the Hngdau-gy?t lake, which is said to cover what

was once the site of a large Shan town called Tumansye. The natives

affirm that it was destroyed by an earthquake, and from the description

given of a hill in the vicinity, the catastrophe may have been produc-

ed by the immediate agency of volcanic action.

On the 21st of March, Captain Hannay visited the amber mines,

and his description is the first that has ever been given of the locality

from whence the Burmans obtain this mineral.

‘We set out at 8 o’clock,” he says, ‘“‘in the morning, and re-

turned at 2 p. m. To the foot of the hills the direction is about

south 25 west, and the distance three miles, the last mile being

through a thick grass jungle, after which there is an ascent of one

hundred feet, where there is a sort of temple, at which the natives, on

visiting the mines, make offerings to the ngats or spirits. Abouta

hundred yards from this place, the marks of pits, where amber had been

formerly dug for, are visible, but this side of the hill is now deserted,

and we proceeded three miles further on to the place where the people

are now employed in digging, and where the amber is most plentiful.

The last three miles of our road led through a dense small tree jungle,

and the pits and holes were so numerous that it was with difficulty

we got on. The whole tract is a successsion of small hillocks, the

highest of which rise abruptly to the height of fifty feet, and amongst

various shrubs which cover these hillocks the tea plant is very plen-

tiful. The soil throughout is a reddish and yellow colored clay,

and the earth in those pits, which had been for sometime exposed to

the air, had asmellof coal tar ; whilst in those which had been recently

opened, the soil had a fine aromatic smell. The pits vary from six

to fifteen feet in depth, being, generally speaking, three feet square,

and the soil is so stiff that it does not require propping up.”

“I have no doubt,” Captain Hannay adds, ‘that my being

accompanied by several Burmese officers, caused the people to secrete

all the good amber they had found. For although they were at work

in ten pits, I did not see a piece of amber worth having. The people

employed in digging were a few Singphos from the borders of China

and of this valley. On making inquiry regarding the cause of the

alleged scarcity of amber, I-was told that, want of people to dig for

it was the principal cause; but I should think the inefficiency of the

tools they use was the most plausible reason :—their only implements

being a bambi sharpened at one end, and a small wooden shovel.”

1837.) from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 275

“The most favorable spots for digging are on such spaces on the

sides of the small hillocks as are free from jungle, and I am told that

the deeper the pits are dug, the finer the amber ; and that that kind

which is of a bright pale yellow, is only got at the depth of forty feet

under ground.”

A few days subsequent to this examination of the amber mines,

Captain Hannay visited the Numtunaee or Khyendwen, which flows

through the valley about five miles north of Meingkhwon in this part

of its course ; and at this season of the year the stream, as might

have been anticipated, is small, but in the rains Captain Hannay

estimates that its breadth must be 300 yards from bank to bank, and it

is navigable throughout the year for large canoes. An island in the

centre of the bed was covered with the skeletons of large fish, which

had been destroyed by the poisonous quality of the fallen leaves of

overhanging trees :-—the natives eat the fish so killed with impunity.

After waiting several days at Meingkhwon, in anticipation of the

return of some messengers who had been sent into Assam, and suf-

fering extreme inconvenience from the difficulty of procuring adequate

supplies for the force, the Myo-wiin began seriously to think of

returning to Mogaung. All expectation of prosecuting the journey into

Assam had been relinquished, and the Dupha Gaum having volunta-

rily come into the camp, was received by the Burman governor with

a civility and distinction, extorted by his apprehension of the numer-

ous Singphos ready to support their redoubtable chieftain, whose

influence is said to extend to the frontiers of China. On the first of

April the ceremony was performed of swearing in the different Tso-

buas (tributary chiefs) to keep the peace, which is thus described by

Captain Hannay.

«© The ceremony commenced by killing a buffaloe, which was effected

with several strokes of a mallet, and the flesh of the animal was cut

up to be cooked for the occasion. Each Tsobua then presented his

sword and spear to the spirits of the three brother Tsobuas of Mo-

gaung, who are supposed to accompany the governor of the above

named place, and to inhabit three small huts which are erected on

the edge of the camp. Offerings of rice, meat, &c. were made to these

ngats or spirits, and on this being done, each person concerned in taking

the oath received a small portion of rice in his hand; and in a kneel-

ing posture, with his hands clasped above his head, heard the oaths

read both in the Shan and Burmese languages. After this, the paper

on which the oaths were written was burned to ashes, and mixed with

water, when a cup full of the mixture was given to each of the Tsobuas

276 Captain Hannay’s Route [Aprin,

to drink, who, before doing so, repeated an assurance that they would

keep the oath, and the ceremony was concluded by the chiefs all sitting

down together and eating out of the same dish.’’ The chieftains to

whom this oath of forbearance was administered were the Thogyee of

Meingkhwon, a Shan—the Dupha Gaum, a Tesan Singpho—the Pan-

wah Tsobua, a Laphaee Singpho—the Sitingyen Gaum, and Weng-

_keng-moung, Mirip Singphos—and Tare-poung-noung, a Tesan Sing-

pho,—all of whom, by this act, virtually acknowledged the supre-

macy of the Burman authorities, and their own subjection to the king-

dom of Ava.

The new governor having succeeded by threats and the practice of

every art of extortion, in raising as large a sum as it was possible to

collect from the inhabitants of the valley and surrounding hills, an-

nounced his intention of returning to Mogaung ; and on the 5th of

April no intelligence having been received from Assam, Captain

Hannay left Meingkhwon on his return to Ava, with a very favorable

impression of the Singphos he had seen, who appear to possess great

capabilities of improvement, and whose worst qualities are represented

as the natural result of the oppressive system of government under

which they live. One of their chieftains in conversation with Cap-

tain Hannay furnished a clue to the estimation in which they held

the paramount authorities around them by the following remark.

“The British,” he said, ‘‘ are honourable, and so are the Chinese.

Among the Burmans you might possibly find one in a hundred, who,

if well paid, would do justice to those under him. The Shans of

Mogaung,” he added “‘ are the dogs of the Burmans, and the Assamese

are worse than either, being the most dangerous back-biting race in

existence.”

On the 12th of April, Captam Hannay reached Mogaung, and some

boats arriving shortly afterwards from the serpentine mines, he

availed himself of so favorable an opportunity of acquiring some

additional information regarding that interesting locality. He found

the boats laden with masses of the stone so large, as to require three

men to lift them. The owners of the boats were respectable Chinese

Musalmans, who were extremely civil, and readily answered all the

questions put to them by Captain Hannay, who learnt ‘that, al-

though the greater number of Chinese come by the route of Santa

and Tali, still they are only the poorer classes who do so: the weal-

thier people come by Bamo, which is both the safest and the best

route. The total number of Chinese and Chinese Shans who have

this year visited the mines is 480.”

1837.] from Ava to the Frontier of Assam. 277

«« T have made every inquiry,” adds Captain Hannay, ‘‘ regarding

the duties levied on these people, both on their arrival here and on

their purchasing the serpentine, and I am inclined to think that there

is not much regularity in the taxes, a great deal depending on the

value of the presents made to the head-man. Formerly, the Chinese

were not allowed to go to the mines, but I understand the following is

now the system carried on in this business.

« At particular seasons of the year, there are about 1000 men em-

ployed in digging for serpentine: they are Burmahs, Shans, Chinese-

Shans, and Singphos. These people each pay a quarter of a tical a

month, for being allowed to dig at the mines, and the produce of their

labour is considered their own.

«The Chinese who come for the serpentine, on their arrival at

Mogaung, each pay a tax of from 1} to 2% ticals of silver, for permis-

sion to proceed to the mines, and 1} ticals a month during their

stay there. Another duty is levied on the boats or ponies employed

in carrying away the Serpentine, but this tax varies according to

circumstances ; and on the return of the Chinese to Mogaung, the ser-

pentine is appraised and a tax of 10 per cent. taken on its value. The

last duty levied is a quarter of a tical from every individual, on his

arrival at the village of Tapo, and there the Chinese deliver up all

the certificates they have had, granting them permission to proceed

to the mines.”

On the 9th of April, no intelligence having been received of the

messengers sent into Assam, Captain Hannay determined to return

to Ava, and, embarking on a small boat, he reached Bamo in eight

days, and arrived at dva on the Ist of May. The time occupied in

returning from Metngkhwon to Ava was only eighteen days, while

the journey to that frontier post was not completed in less than forty-

six of actual travelling,—a very striking proof of the extreme difficulty

of estimating the distance between remote points, by the number of

days occupied in passing from one to the other, unless the circum-

stances under which the journey was made are particularly described.

That portion of the route between Meingkhwon and Beesa in Assam,

which Captain Hannay was prevented visiting, will probably in a

short time be as well known as the territory he has already so suc-

cessfully explored, and the researches in which he is now engaged,

extending from Beesa in Assam to Meingkhwon in the Hiikong valley,

will complete the examination of a line of country not surpassed in

interest by any, which our existing relations with the empire of

Ava have afforded us an opportunity of visiting. His Jabours have

278 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Aprit,

filled the void necessarily left in the researches of Witcox, Buruton,

and Brprorp, and have greatly contributed to dispel the doubt and

uncertainty, which they had not the opportunity of removing.

While the officers of the Bengal Presidency have been thus success-

fully engaged in geographical inquiries on the north of Ava, the

south and western districts have been explored with equal zeal and

intelligence by those of the Madras Presidency; and the spirit of

honorable competition, which has already stimulated the researches

of Drs. Rtcnarpson and Bayrre.p, and Lieutenant Macusop, with

such marked advantage, bids fair, in a comparatively short time, to

render the whole empire of Ava better known than the most san-

guine could have ventured to anticipate. Did the results of such

journies and investigations tend only to an increase of our geogra-

phical knowledge, they would even then be most valuable :- but to

suppose that the consequences of this intercourse between intelligence

and ignorance are so limited, is to take a most inadequate view of the

subject : the confidence inspired by the visits and conduct of a single

individual*, has already opened a communication between Yunan and

Maulmein, and the caravans of China have commenced their annual

visits tothe British settlements on the coast: the journey of Captain

Hannay will in all probability lead to a similar result between

Assam and the northern districts of Yunan ; and the time may not be

very distant, when British merchants located at Bamo, will, by their

superior energy and resources, extend its now restricted trade to sur-

rounding countries, and pave the way for ameliorating the- condition

and enlightening the ignorance of their numerous inhabitants.

Il.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. By Jas. Prinszp, Sec. &c.

[Continued from page 223.]

The subject selected for this month’s illustration is a slab of dark

stone, marked No. 6 in the Society’s museum. Nothing is there re-

corded of its origin; but the character in which it is cut, (as may be

seen by the lithographed specimen in Pl. XVII.) is the same as that

published in February (Pl. VII.) from a similar stone of a somewhat

smaller size; and which publication has led, in rather a singular

manner, tothe discovery of the source whence both were derived.

Lieut. Krrros, as I have before mentioned, was lately requested on

the part of the Society to re-examine the inscription on the Khandgiri

* Dr. Rrcwarpson of Madras.—R. B. P.

1837.] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 279

rock, published in Strrutine’s memoir on Cuttack (As. Res. XV.) In

doing this, he came most unexpectedly upon a number of highly curi-

ous ancient temples and inscriptions, of which he hastened to make

drawings and facsimiles. He found himself impeded and foiled by

the brahmans of the spot, who even went so far as to abstract one of

the copies which had cost him the most labour. Upon seeking the

cause of so unusual a want of courtesy, the priests told him how

their images and relics had been carried off by former antiquaries,

and pointed out whence the commemorative slab had been actually

cut out from the temples of Ananda Basu deva at Bhubaneswar by a

late Colonel Sahib. The dimensions of the slab and the subject

of invocation tallied so exactly with the inscription translated by

Captain Marsaatt, that Lieut. Kirroz wrote to me on the subject,

and on referring to the list of donations at the end of the ele-

venth volume of Researches, I find General Stewart set down as

the donor of “ two slabs with inscriptions from Bhubaneswar in

Orissa.”

There was nothing in the first of the two whence we could guess its

Jocality ; the person noted as the founder of the temple being a pri-

vate individual, named Buarra Sri’ Boava-peEva; but in the slab, now

confidently conjectured to be its companion, we have a raja’s name

and ancestry which ought to afford a better clue.

This king appears in the 15th verse as AntyANKA Burma, the

brother of ‘‘ an excellent man” who had come to the throne through

marriage with Surama’, the daughter of Aurrama, whose parentage

is nameless, and recorded only as ‘‘ the ornament of their race.”

On referring to Sriruine’s catalogue of the princes of Orissa*,

we find this very person, under the name of AnancA Burm Dzo,

ascending the Gajapati throne, out of the direct line, in 1174 A. D.

He was one of the most illustrious princes of the Gangavansa line,

the Firoz of his day, for the number and variety of the public works

he erected. ‘‘ Having unfortunately incurred the guilt of killing a

br4hman, motives of superstition prompted him to construct nume-

rous temples as an expiation for his offence ;” and probably this of

Bhubaneswara was one of them. The date of raja ANaAnGa Burma also

agrees closely with what was assumed from the style of the alphabet,

and the ““Samvat 32” of the Basu-deva slab. It will hence become

a question, whether these figures are, in all cases, to be referred to a

Cuttack era, or whether the same Deva-Nagari alphabet was in use

* See Useful Tables, page 113; or As. Res. XV. 269.

202

280 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Aprin,

from Shekavati* to Benares, Dinajpur, and Orissa, in the 12th century,

while each prince had then an era of his own.

The writer, Upayana, whose poetic style is more than usually

florid and inflated, is, I am told by the pandits, an author of a work

on logic entitled the quarafa kusaménjali, which is in much repute

in the schools. We have a copy in the Society’s library.

Iam once more indebted to the Reverend Mr. Yarns for under-

taking the translation of this very lengthy document. It was

previously transcribed without difficulty by the Society’s pandit.

The only letter which was remarked as unusual in form, is the <

of <f@, at the end of the fourth line of the lithograph. It bearsa

strong resemblance to the corresponding letter of the Amardvati and

more southern alphabets.

I cannot conclude these preliminary remarks without animadverting

upon the ruthless spoliation which is often carried on by soidisant

antiquaries, to the direct perversion of the true object of research—

the preservation of ancient monuments, and their employment to

elucidate the history of the country. The facts told by these two

Bhubaneswara stones were utterly unintelligible, until accident pomted

out whence they had come—and the local history of the temples was

or would have been equally lost in another generation. It is to be

hoped therefore that the Asiatic Society will hasten to restore them

to their former positions. Such an act will contribute tenfold to the

true objects of our institution by the confidence it will inspire in the

minds of the people who now watch our explorers with jealousy, and

withhold valuable information, lest it should only yield to fresh acts of

plunder and demolitiont.

Transcript in modern Deva-Nagari.

we faara) fagafayenrestaafaiesreasagimed

Sraranasitiaa: vasa: fre sata) wat Uscaaa-

ga fa aretiea wae areas arpcedtacafcemtara:

UTS QI

* See the Marsha inscription, in nearly the same character, Vol. IV. 361.

‘+ Since writing the above, I am happy to perceive that the Society has de-

termined on the immediate restitution of the two slabs through Lieut. KiTToE,

who has been requested to explain that their removal was the act of an indi-

vidual, and would never have had their sanction, unless they had been assured

that the objects were going to decay, or held in no estimation where they

were.

‘RRPWASOzE SU Bayley

este ebl es Db RIGYLEM)

sJoBIEELs)P tsslePPSlsiev

ICV CALs IB Msg] USL

PeenyEQie Wlg)ztele et

unas I00'sS eY7 U7 GN Uu0mI2e/I1LdISUT fo ZrAMAIUBAIULWO? a¥7, fo AD IAWMAISIC

yh ok 3 et

Naar Wie lars ee

A? h

te nite

fee

WA aR teats, St Ratan

; ‘Regrets. nt Sr

: ae . fet wp

cad Oy et at , ‘os fe A ith ca

Ye ee of Jj +, at.

4 eh

Aly Soci Ath eee

¥ ; em ‘ 7 sf ;

: y : wl ae) ’ i ees i

_ ie PRaAa Ne - + Ni 3 oe ae ee

“ge 4 Ligh y aN oneal i in a PA, "a a al ?

be ar : inet cs is x aes pee we:

Ce ad we eee Beep eee ‘ ee o

Vy : ae 4 J

He sha wye

‘ Ter

* £ é

, Wy

Pe Fl al

: RO - >

' ‘

1837. ] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 181i

avd waeactayee watquafacts sateufrara

TAT | 2 awEuaMcifaral site itaaafa

afaseaa i RI

qe cre: aaafrsdiaes ufwarai Are qa.

ula wfarasafyaaaaaasht | Star walfiaataata-

AIT MATZ WE EHS ATT ATA LTT WE RCATSTL

STWR A

anata frardnidearmicaaiaatataatseeasrcaihy

Cea | cfraatianeian ae aaa es faaaat AIS:

HATH |i 8

AWA VORLALAATTAT ATA MA WALATATL TA! BTA

dicufefaranycaseats| = -_ ae Teaafra

azaens Sarasenas wef eqecaaaiiaas

wa AT I

AMIARTA SHAM aaa hat AMAIA ATA

SLalSat DW APUTEAT | TH Wlastawara aAAycAat-

ATAMA CHCA AA Haa Fara seyeg ti €

aazufatacizatfecagfarette ca Tauteny | wat

tafiattatnastafacfuarfeanaas BAF: | © |

araratfrgcretheacateae = CTT

fatysraagd frat) ad domntece fara ag

aMaaeeansgatanad waht Wath |

tart: FaaE faq aati cfiaaratafa eid fi a |-

ao uaa wits wage | aafa Sfrarawa sae fafea

Aeferaee: ofeqeatea wfea Far aA |<. |

ater qoecudfaaaaart ca eqarafaaaraate: |

282 Fucsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Aprin,

aaa: SMescisreate: vfedt ware

Nod

walaatac sierra cucgay wa gs AHTaATAy

Tenqcatcgicuy fase) = feaigtfaasrqerfeafca

MRI: WHAT Yat WHETAR aAcasaye Mcgata-

ata AR

cuafa af fraares ware afareieusa Gass

qaqa, wafre afsart afearenuyafats qcefe:

ageutteta Sia | 2 I

Titel yRarTAA BUMeA Casa arqvarwcsaat

awafntrcaigenes | yaw gar trae eget aaa

TASS a: TUT ATALTUCY ALS sratfaat Hag | V2 |

aa atafase afsarnamemenatas fac

@ Ua! Fautst Aaauaaaifage craefatyaaner-

Strays 18s Il

a sarafasitasf: aataraiut: sufafata-

TTA aATR AA CAAT | TaTAy aazaeaadaat

ACDETLAH WHILAA: TARAS TAH? BATT | V4 Il

= ats fre ga wewiate a al eta BTS

fafayawaTEl Sd Aa eu) cafes fesasaa

ce TEqcyAcauiagsch fag WAABT

Wee |

Ha AFA WC IAAT Amecadt-

q afecrsetifa: wet stfta) afarta aafearefasa

aa wat awa wadtst wa featy weqaael TI ETEzAT

WAS y

1837.) Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 283

sufefanarieratag wears WaTy-

aufiaae: Saracarwad| stawssa wa faasana

datacentre a iareaa eral satanttate: | USI

a@ica ufataadvda aH afafec Tosw fusaqees

waa yaver| ferret ucfufcarqgar Ga wat

afea saute guftate foame aa 1 te |

werafaraaftarent wameat aweufraanedta

SlILATAET | Re |

RATA Saar Aas grater iat SwCAs (eA a SI

fash TH ATZTINATT | BicateTaastyatfycaat Faafa

AMAIA His Mes WHUCSCUTaGT weretats i Rr |

afarEausessreahregeatah Saray TAT

ZAG SHACUIAA | VAULT THataaaTs Fear

UTaSt Chas: Ta SHAAMTT AGE |) RR |

eats agers eeucaes wea faredreut uftufa

AVRIL ATE BT) cea wewTAITaET

aaapact aga fared weas: waar fa | 22 |

ze faster mestausfataa aaycadicaaat

frtagiattaa| afeaatataeneivates we 3 wow

famgat aa faaaqcaat | Re |

wat Fatquacion feqraaaa: weaafayraatrw

wa dfaua, sae aaaafafafifavaadree cut

feaqqtafas Ga ateat SATs | RY Ii

BIAAY WA da Hagquy wy fLaqguacusa fay |

afacannteaee erat az fem fasta ara Se REI

sate aTaRece Praga rameaagr ena fara fafeat

284 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. {Arrin,

aa aaa | at Toney wnfenreareafafes qextaaa

Taufrefe vaafrafa: || 29

VaR weeaca4cafcaars was wahlcaaafaatty

ead Way wage: | waerse gurcerefi act ararfaw:

Srccaaiafa qeqcyufsa AaACVTTT || 2X |

GTaeaaaad AAI wera: wa fry

qafmMaeey | | Uitgorenrarfeartasvarer<ei

SUTTAl ata: Atha asaag afat SrafAray AW: | Re |

aut areata: ufe afte agrat sfaqe wear: eeqar’

ufagene ay fara) aat seretat feaqefaerer ofa

fen fac aatufi a ufca: Safaaer: | 20 |

mcrae ceufaqeats wut: aera fawafa

equigascalars wala | <a Ta Aet aarfeaawgteay

YAATEAAEATAT VT FT ATTAT HARTA | BV I

¢ vafrsfgatss vrei areas | Tens

alfaa ca famcralcrs: aeaa a famt: 1 82 4

sequatawgiewaTttatatadt gafsaucare: wate

emaatett | wfatucfan aw fautaugtaefcuatac-

Saal Waratat warfuaaitaat || 33 |

qt sateerquin wufwaferat aaeaireaaa ara

grag ueifeayciwyer arias away | arrat aaeteifax

ATTA TRUM Fae aaa orareatdl Saat cst-

atay fra | 32 N

lst) ffm wanitcare: a weuae: yufefas we

ALaTALAaTAa fa issiw FaQC|le | VY

esate frame: eeuiageaet | froara frag Tar

MataTTAE | FE |

1837.) Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 285

Translation by the Rev. Wm. Yares.

1. Salutation to Suiva. The row of skulls (on Ka’s1’) are dancing over

Suiva*, being made alive by the stream of nectar flowing from the bright

flame of the eye in his shining forehead. Seeing this, the moon thinking

one Réhu had become many, took refuge in the fortress of Gangé amidst

the wood of Surva’s thick hair: may that moon preserve you.

2. “Who is this that from the pride of the eye in his forehead

subdues all the world?” May that Gaurama, the chief of sages, who in

thus addressing Suiva with detraction, transferred the brightness of his

eye into his own foot, live for ever.

3. The prince of his family was the ornament of the world which is

the birth-place ef all, revered by the learned, the seat of virtue, and glori-

ous as the mountain that churned the mighty ocean. He was glorious:

the whole earth was overspread with the creeper of his fame, and he was

the eradicator of the white lily of his enemies’ glory, which was withered

by his powerful rays.

4. He was the ornament of all his race; by him the boisterous host of

all opposers was defeated. Hence he outshone the moon, and laid the

beautiful spreading creeper of his jasmine-like fame prostrate in the

dust. He was the first and chief of all.

5. From this source of virtue sprung Aumrama, worthy of praise, the

possessor of ethical skill, who by his unbounded glory was like the moun-

tain on which the full moon rises. When he exerted himself in the virtue

of liberality, the triumphant banners of his pure and shining honor were

resplendent before the palaces of the three worlds.

6. From Anirama were born two individuals, a son and a daughter,

like the moon and Laxsum1’ from the sea, and they were fitly named

Swapneswara and Surama’. The one, as an ornament of the world, was

the possessor of all virtues ; and the other, as the destroyer of the disease

poverty, was like the goddess of wealth.

7. He became the glory of his race, and, like Sarva, distinguished by

endless good qualities. His lotus-like feet rested on a footstool enlight-

ened by gems in the crowns of prostrate kings.

8. When the disk of the glorious sun was shining on the sea of dust

excited by the hoofs of his galloping steeds, and setting to opposing kings,

then fortune accompanied with companions from all sides, and adorned

with the pearls of elephants slain, met him in the midst of the field of

battle according to appointment.

9. ‘*Ho! ye young and aged, shall famine ever come to you? am I

prepared to offer sacrifice only for the gratification of the eaters of flesh ?”

Hearing these his words, the evil spirits around filled all their granaries

with the flesh of enemies slain in battle.

* Suiva is here supposed to be prostrate and Ka/x1’ standing on his breast.

He has three eyes, one in his forehead with the crescent of the moon.

CoP

286 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Aprit,

10. From him who resembled Inpra, was born a generous son possess-

ed of an arm strong enough to sustain the weight of universal government,

This glorious monarch, Sri’ Rasaragsa, then governed the world.

11. The servants of Inpra were all confused, one laying hold on the

tail and another on the proboscis, were dragging on shore his elephant,

which, while sporting in the water, had fallen into the mud that had been

collected in the heavenly river from the abundant dust raised by the hoofs

of the spirited steeds of this king.

12. Ifso many enemies had not indeed been constantly killed in battle

by this king having an arm like Visnnu, then, in this iron age, in which

wickedness so much abounds, how could Branuma’ have formed so many

gods* P

13. Surama’, which is another word for the goddess Rama’ or Laxsumi,

and who was also called ANTAHPURA-SUNDARI’, was the glory of all jewels.

She, assimilating quickly with the excellent man whom she married, gave

away mountains of gold, and became renowned, and the sole envy of

kings.

14, This distinguished king, after enjoying for a long period-all the

pleasures of the Kali-yuga or iron age, and becoming old, anointed to the

kingly office, his younger brother Antyanka-Bui’ma, at whose feet other

kings bowed.

15. This AnryanxKa- Buima was a renowned monarch, a famous emper-

or, thesupreme ruler over opposing kings, who yet did not seize upon their

wives. This moon of men, with strength like InpRa’s, having obtained

the sea-girt circle of the earth, soon made it like the circular discus held

in his hand.

16. Oh, Ananrat, what say you? The great weight sustained by the

tortoise you know is insignificant, but the weight sustained by the glory

of the king of the three Kalingas I know not. Hear this! When this

king delights to go forth to victory, half the earth rises to heaven in the

form of dust excited by the strokes of the hoofs of his fleet steeds.

17. Fortune herself springing from the sea of contest, holding in her

hand a sword bright as the king of serpents, and desiring the love of many,

like the faithless woman produced by the mountain Mandara, remains

constantly with this renowned king: the proof of which is furnished in

this, that the moon of his fame is still always shining}.

18. Like the famous Swapneswara, he went forth to complete the

conquest of the world, and was himself alone greater than the complete

armies of the kings descended from Ganea’ with all their bright weapons,

* Tt is supposed that those who die in battle are saved: in these words, the

doctrine of Apotheosis, as believed by the Greeks and Romans, is distinctly avowed.

+ Ananta is the serpent on whose head the earth is supposed to rest: he sups

ports the tortoise that bears the earth,

t+ The moon and Lakshmi or fortune are supposed to have been produced by the

gods at the churning of the ocean, and to have a common origin and end.

1837.] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 287

He was the divine treasury of justice, and formed a new ocean by the

bleod flowing from the foes slain by his bright arms.

19. \\ He was the lord of Lakshmt* ; the opposer of Bait ; the beloved

friend of the herdsmen ; the never-failing one in all his undertakings ; the

Vishwaksena by whom the deluged world was raised; and the real Vish.

wambhara by his virtuous deeds in life.

20. The earth, the mother of all creatures, was nourished by the

streams of his benevolence, and enriched with abundance of corn and

wealth.

21. Ifhis fame is bright as the necklace-like river Mandékini, where

united with the breast of the Kai/ésa and Himdlaya mountains, then where

is Sutva, ascending to the top of the Chandra-shikhara mountain, if he

does not remove the stains from that moon, whose smiling face is bright

with light as the white jasmine or froth of the ocean ?

22. This other great mountain Kai/ésa, abounding with pure nectar,

was made a palace by Suiva’s expending the wealth of this Inpra-like

king, whose feet were rendered glorious by the rainbow, or reflection of

the rays from the gems on the heads of the obedient Surs and Asurs.

23. Sumeru, with the residence of the gods, was injured by the hoofs

of this king’s horses, also the eastern mountains, and the western peaks

were touched by Varanit: so the venerable Suiva, seeking after fresh

places, and having no settled temple, at last gained, with the king of

Lanké, this unparalleled mountainous habitation.

24. By this victorious one inclosures were formed so high as to ob.

struct by their elevation the movements of the clouds. And here virtue

by Saiva’s interposition, for fear of the aggression of the sea of wicked-

ness, took refuge.

25. The women, the glance of whose eyes was all-subduing as a man.

tra, and the motion of whose feet made the three worlds motionless ; and

whose lamp or light was formed by their bracelets and jewels when they

began to dance—these deer-eyed ones were given by this king to Suiva.

26, By him a garden was made like IypRa’s, shining bright with the

farina from the full-blown flowers, and constantly watered by the distillae

tion of the juice of flowers, as by the sportive engine of Ka’mapgvat.

27. ‘The star-like marks on the heads. of the elephants that are furious

in the spring, are nothing more than the dice spots of the sly Ka’maprva

set in crystal. ‘Phere the white is made triumphant by the humming

bees covered with farina frem the scattered Mowers, which. are the pearls

of the necklace of the wood.

* This and the following are metaphors: the meaning is, that he was like tlie

persons mentioned.

+ Varani means the western horizon, and also spirituous liquor, by the touch of

which a person or thing is defiled.

t Cupid.

2P 2

288 Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. [Apriz,

28. By this kind king an immense pond was cut near his InprRa-like

palace. It was in size like the sea; its water was clearer than the autum.

nal sky, more purifying than the waters of the Ganges, more deep than

the heart of the profound casuist, more cold than the rays of the moon,

and more delicious to the taste than nectar.

29. By this victorious one an open temple was built, and it was the

delight of the eyes ; the moon-light of the white lily, the mind ; the splen-

did workshop of the celestial artist Visawakarma, the beautiful fort of

those afraid of being seized by heat, and the way of him who covets fame.

30. Houses with water were on every road, tanks in every city, lamps

full and splendid in every temple, sheds for reading the Vedas, &c, in

every direction, the ornaments of the bréhman cities. Sacrifices too and

bridges were conspicuous in all directions,

31. By him was given with pleasure to the preserving brahmans, for

residence, a city of Brauma’, one nearly equal of VrisHaspatt, and one of

Suiva, and one of the venerable Vispnu. There the serpent wickedness

was withered by the crackling smoke, the sign of sacrifices commenced.

32. The famous SananpAka, the most venerable of brahmans, remained

near this palace. This chief of teachers was in appearance like Visunu,

and differed nothing from him.

33. The poet Upavana, by the king’s command, wrote this (eulogy)

which resembles a fine woman, always charming in the motions of her

handsome feet, with harmonious sounds in her throat, adorned with orma-

ments, and coming with pleasure to my resting place.

34. As long as the moon and its rays, the earth and its supporter, the

lotus and Lakshmi, Gangé, and the supporter of Himdlaya, the sea and its

waves, words and their meaning, abide together in the world, so long the

palace and fame of this king will ever shine through the three worlds.

35. SACHANDRA-DHABALA, the son of DHavaLA-DHIVA, wrote this ex-

cellent inscription on a slab in jewel-like letters over the door of this

Inpra-like king.

36. The best artist engraved these well arranged words, which resem-

ble pearls, on a stone-slab.

Iil.—Swecimens of Hindu Coins descended from the Parthian type, and

of the Ancient Coins of Ceylon. By James Prinser, Sec. As. Soc.

Among the coins extracted from the Manikyala tope were two that

excited more than ordinary curiosity from their having marginal in-

scriptions in Sanscrit characters around a device in all other respects

of the Sassanian type. The inscription (which will be found in Plate

XXI. of vol. III. also p. 439) baffled all attempts to decypher it.

The repetition of the word Sr? left little doubt of its language being

Jour. As. Soc.

Indo -Sassanian Coins

Ny Nee: 7 \

Zen ©)

)

iil

[iii

i ary,

r en Le ae

B= we TA) |

Vol. pee

‘

, iy ie

° eh al

a ‘

Jour. As. Soe. : Vol. VI. PL XV.

Indo - Sassanian Cins.

i wa

1837.] Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. 289

Sanscrit, but neither with the aid of modern nor ancient alphabets

could the sentence be made out. The individual letters seemed to be

Afefafacacurecufact Mafefawacaaie :

Shortly afterwards, among the coins procured for me by Krera’mar

Aut, another instance of the mixture of legends was discovered (Vol.

III. Pl. XXV. p. 439); and here the name was clearly atayeaq Sri

Vasudeva, either denoting the god Krisuna, or the Indian monarch

of that name alluded to in the Persian histories. Mr. Masson’s last

memoir containing one or two coins of the same class, led to a fresh

scrutiny of our respective cabinets, whence with Capt. CuNNINGHAM’s

aid I have now assembled a tolerable group of Indo-Sassanian speci-

mens, for inspection at least, though it will be difficult to say much

about them.

The distinctive characters of the Sassanian or Parthian coins are,

the fire-altar reverse, the peculiar head-dress of the king with flowing

fillets,—sometimes the latter attached to the shoulders,—and a legend

in the Pehlevi character. There is, however, as Mr. Masson has

pointed out in a memoir published in this Journal*, a marked

difference between our coins, (called by Top “ of a Parthian dynasty

unknown to history,’’) and the genuine series of Persia proper.

Sassanian coins, of the type common to Persia, are never found at

Beghram, according to Masson, although they are brought for sale in

abundance to the bazar of Cdbul. Two exceptions, however, are

noted,—one, an extensive series of small copper coins having a

crowned head on the obverse, with a name in the same character as

that on fig. 3, greatly resembling the corrupted Greek of the dete-

riorated Nanorao group—the commonest inscription can be exactly

represented by the English type pogopo- One of this group, sup-

posed by Mr. Masson to bear the Bamidn name, was depicted in his

note on the antiquities of that place in Vol. V. On the reverse of

all these is the fire-altar without supporters, ‘‘ demonstrating, at least,”

as Mr. Masson writes, ‘‘ that they were adorers of Mithra; while

from the numbers in which these coins occur at Beghram, it may be

further inferred that they were current there, and that the sovereigns

they commemorate ruled there: although the difficulty then presents

itself to determine at what period to introduce their sway, with the

mass of Greek and Indo-Scythic coins before us. The coins them-

selves, however numerous, may be reduced into three series with

reference to the nature of the head-dress. The first class bearing a

helmet, the second a crown with a ball above it, and the third a

* Note on the Bémian antiquities, vol. V. p. 711.

290 Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. [Arriz,

tripartite crown surmounted by an arch of jewels.” All these head-

dresses, it must be remarked, are met with in the regular Sassanians

of Persia, and it may therefore be possible that they were but a

provincial coinage of the same dynasty. It was under. this impres-

sion that I omitted to engrave the figures of these coins, reserving them

for a Sassanian series,—although some of them would have served

remarkably well as the precursors or prototypes of the copper coins

about to be described in Plate XV.

The second exception noted by our countryman at Cddul is the

Indo-Sassanian group, figs. 8,5 and 6, of Plate XIV. ‘The strongly

marked Indian features of the busts, and their plentiful occurrence at

“Beghram, especially of their copper money, prove these princes to:

have ruled here. The heads are remarkable for the bulls’ (or buffaloes’)

skulls around them,—some having four or five of these ornaments,

but in general one only surmounts the cap. The legend is in a peculiar

and unknown type. The reverse is distinguished by the wheel. over

the heads of the altar defenders.” A great many of the type No. 5

were extracted from the principal tope of Hiddah near Jelalabad.

(See Vol. V. p. 28.)

Mr. Masson (J. A. S. Vol. V. 711) refers them to the Kidnién

dynasty of Persian historians, to whom he would also attribute the

Bamidn antiquities. He cannot of course here allude to the early

branch, which includes Cyrus, CamsBysses and Darius Hystapss, for

it is verye vident that the coins before us cannot equal, much less

surpass, in antiquity the celebrated daric archers of Spartan notoriety.

He must rather speak of their far descendants, to whom the present

independent chiefs of Setstan still proudly trace their origin. This

race under the name of Tajik claims proprietary right to the soil,

though encroached upon by the Afghans on all sides, and at Bamidn they

are found inhabiting the very caves and temples constructed by their

infidel progenitors.

As to the probable date of these coins then, little more can be conjec-

tured than that they were contemporaneous with the Sassanian dynasty

in Persia, viz. between the third and sixth centuries. Their frequent

discovery in the Panjab topes, accompanied with the Indo-Scythics

having Greek legends, should give them a claim to the earlier period ;

but as far as the fire-worship is concerned, we learn from Prick’s

Muhammadan history, that ‘‘ as late as the reign of Masav’p, son of

Sultan Maumu'd of Ghizni (A. D. 1034), a race, supposed to be the

Yemnant of the ancient Persian stock, submitted to his arms,” who had

doubtless maintained their national faith to that time unchanged.

1837.) Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. 291

The intimate relation between the worshippers of Mirara and

the followers of the Vedas, is established by the affinity of the

language in which the books of Zoroaster are recorded, with the

Sanskrit. The learned restorer of this ancient text indeed cites some

reasons for giving priority to the Zend as a language, and he

finds many occasions of interpreting the verbal obscurities of the

Vedas from analogies in the latter. I cannot refrain in this place

from noticing, in allusion to Mr. Masson’s location of the Kaianians,

a passage in M. Burnour’s most elaborate Commentaire sur le Yacaa,

just received ‘from Paris, bearing upon this point, and leading to

the unexpected conclusion that the Kaianians of Persia and the Sur-

yavansas of India, are the same, or have a common origin. The

word kai prefered to so many names (as Kaiumars, Kaikobad, Kai-

kaous, Kaikbosru, &c.) having the same signification as the Sanskrit

kavi, afa, “the Sun.” Against such a hypothesis, however, M.

Burnour confesses that the Gujerati translator of the Yuena, Nurto-

SINGHA, renders the word cs kai, simply by the Sanscrit equivalent

for “king.” I give the passage at length, as of first importance in

a discussion on a mixed Indo-Sassanian coinage.

«« Je n’ai pu, jusq’a present, determiner si les Kaianiens ou les rois

dont le nom est precédé de ké (en Zend Kavi) sont les rois soleil ou des

rois descendant du soleil; en d’autres termes, si le titre de soleil a été joint

au nom de chacun de ces rois, uniquement pour indiquer la splendure

de leur puissance, ou bien si le chef de cette dynastie a passé pour de-

scendre du soleil, et s’il a laissé ce titre & ses successeurs, comme cela

a eu lieu dans |’ Inde pour les Suryavanca. Je ne veux pas ajouter une

hypothése étymologique aux traditions fabuleuses dont les Parses ont

mélé l’histoire de ces rois; mais il serait interessant de retrouver la

ferme Zende du nom du premier des Kaianiens, de Kobdd ss, nom

dans lequel on decouvrirait peut-étre le mot kavi (nom. kavd et kava),

soleil. Si Kobdd pouvait signifier “le soleil” ou “ fils du soleil,” la

question que nous posions tout a l’heure serait résolue, et les autres

_ Kaianiens n’auraient recu le titre de kavi (ké) que parce que la tradition

les regardait comme issus d’un fils du soleil. Je remarquerai encore,

sans attacher tontefois beaucoup d’ importance a ce rapprochement,

qu’on trouve dans l’histoige heroique de l’Inde plusieurs rois du nom

de kavi, et notamment un fils de Priyavrata, roid’ Antarvédi. Hamit-

Ton dans |’ index de ses Genealogies of ithe Hindus cité quatre person-

nages de ce nom, sans parler de deux autres rois, dans le nom

desquels figure ce méme titre de kavi*. Enfin M. Rosen a cité un

* Gen. Hindus, page 77, on trouve dans le Rik et dans le Yadjourvéda, un roi

nommé Cavasha, (CoLeBROOKE, As, Res. VIII, 399;) et ce qui peut faire penser

292 Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. [Aprit,

vers extrait d’un hymne du Rigvéda, dans lequel les mots vicdm

kavim, voisins du composé vigpatim, doivent peut-étre se traduire

plutot par hominum regem que par agricolarum vatem.’’—[Commen-

taire sur le Yacna, chapitre I. p. 455.)

I now proceed to particularize the coins inserted in my plate.

Indo-Sassanian Coins, Plate XIV.

Fig. \, a silver coin in my cabinet of an unique type :—Obverse

the prince on horse-back, head disproportionate in dimensions. On

the horse’s neck is a flower vase*, which is probably supported by the

man’s left arm; on the margin are some indistinct Pehlevi characters

and on the field a monogram, resembling the Nagari letter @. The

device on the reverse is nearly obliterated.

Fig. 2, a copper coin, also unique: it escaped my detection among

a number of old Bokhara Musalm4n coins, or it should have appeared

along with the bull and horseman or Rajput series of December, 1835.

It seems to link this curious outline group with the full-faced Sassa-

nians of VasupEvA, &c.; for on the border of the obverse are Pehlevi

letters. The features of the supposed face are barely admissible as

such even on the lowest estimate of native art. The horse on the

reverse is more palpable, but it seems more like a toghreh or flourish

of Persian letters, than ever. It is also reversed in position, and has

no Nagari legend.

The coins of this genus, although we have found them connected

with Delhi sovereigns and Malwa rajas at one end of the series,

evidently reach at the other to the brahmanical rulers of the Panjab,

and probably Cdbul.’ They are procured much more abundantly

at the latter place (and on the site of Tawrila according to M. Court)

than in any part of India. Some of them exhibit on their reverse

the style of Arabic now known to belong to the Ghaznavi Sultans,

while others agree rather with the Ghori type, and contain known

names of that dynasty. |

Fig. 3, a silver coin in my cabinet, K. A. Several of the same

nature are depicted by Masson as noticed above. The execution is

very bold and the preservation equally good. <A double blow has,

however, confused the impression on the reverse.

The head-dress or helmet is surmounted by the head of a buf-

falo, in imitation perhaps of Mgnanpgr’s elephant trophy. The

two wings common on the Sassanian cap are still preserved. The

a quelque monarque Bactrien, c’est que ce Kavacha est pére de Tura, dont le

nom rappelle le Touran. Mais je ne crois pas, pour cela, que Kavacha puisse

étre identifié avec le mot Zend et Sanscrit havi.

* Perhaps the Kdmacumbha or vase of abundance, of Tod. Ann. Raj. I. 603.

1837.] Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins, 293

prince wears a profusion of pearls and handsome earrings. In

front of his face is a legend in an unknown character, which can, how-

ever, be almost exactly represented by N&gari numerals, thus

2180280 %. None of the pure Pehlevi is to be seen on either face,

but on the shoulder in the corner is something like a Nagari ¥, which

is probably an m, not a bh. The fire-altar of the reverse is remarkable

from the two wheels or chakras over the officiating priests. We shall

see more of these again as we descend.

Fig. 4. is a silver coin in Dr. Swiney’s possession : it is of inferior

“workmanship, the features beginning to be cut in outline. A dimi-

nutive figure (female) in front of the face holds a flower or cornuco_

pia :—just above can be discerned two small Sanskrit letters yt prati

or pratd ... which suffice to ally the coin with our present group.

The two succeeding figures are from Masson’s drawings, some of

which have already appeared in lithography. Fig. 5 represents rather

a numerous class of the same type as fig. 3. The letter of the legend

is sometimes omitted, andthe o becomesa wm ; but without examining

the coins themselves, it would be unsafe to argue on such differences.

No. 4 represents a variation of the monogram, it may be an old

form of W

Fig. 6, is an interesting coin, similar to my Vasudeva, and the Mani-

Ayala coins in some respects, but hardly so far advanced towards Hin-

duism, inasmuch as the fire-altar is retained, and the full marginal

legend on both sides is in the unknown character, while the Nagari

occupies only a secondary place on the field. This name, too, is, as it

stands in Masson’s drawing, wholly uncertain, with exception of the

initial Sri Va... It may be Maetayg.. a.

We now arrive at a class of coins of considerable interest as well

to the history of India, as to the science of numismatics ; for the gra-

dual manner in which the nature of their device has been developed

is as much a matter of curiosity, as the unexpected conclusion to which

they lead respecting the immediate prevalence of the same Sassanian

(or ignicolist) rule in Upper India, while the foregoing coins only

prove the mixture of Hinduism with the religion of Bactria.

Colonel Top has repeated an observation of Dr. CLarxs, the

traveller, that ‘““by a proper attention to the vestiges of ancient

superstition, we are sometimes enabled to refer a whole people to their

original ancestors, with as much, if not more certainty, than by

observations made upon their language, because the superstition

is engrafted upon the stock, but the language is liable to change.”

In some respects the conyerse of this proposition would be better

294 Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. [Aprit,

suited to the circumstances of India, where we have long had irre-

fragable proof of the alternate predominance of the Buddhist and

Brahmanical faith among people using the same language ; and now

we are obtaining equally strong testimony of the engrafting of the

fire-worship upon the same local stock. The extensive spread of this

worship in the north-west is ‘supported by the traditionary origin of

the Agnicula or fire-worshipping races, whence were derived some of

the principal families of the Rajplts.—Indeed, some have imagined

the whole of the Surya-vansis, or sun-descended, to have been of

Mithraic origin, and the Jndu-vansts to have been essentially Bud-

dhists*. Numismatology will gradually throw light upon all these

speculations, but at present all we can attempt to elucidate is the

important fact of another large series of Hindu coins, (namely, that

bearing the legend at watfeacte Srimad ddi vardha,) having directly

emanated from a Sassanian source. I say another, because the Saurash-

tra coins, and the Chauka-dikas their descendants, have been already

proved to possess the Sassanian fire-altar for their reverse. The sects

of the Surya-panthis, and the Mors who are known as fire-worshippers

at Benares, have not perhaps received the attention they merit from

the antiquarian ;—but even now the solar worship has a predomi-

nance in the Hindu pantheon of most of the Mdrwdr principalities.

Colonel Top thus describes the observances sacred to this luminary

at Udayapur (the city of the rising sun) :—‘‘ The sun has here univer-

sal precedence; his portal (Swrya-pol) is the chief entrance to the city;

his name gives dignity to the chief apartment or hal: (Surya-mahal) of

the palace; and from the balcony of the sun (Suwrya-gokra) the

descendant of RAma shews himself in the dark monsoon as the sun’s

representative. A huge painted sun of gypsum in high relief with

gilded rays, adorns the hall of audience, and in front of it is the throne.

As already mentioned, the sacred standard bears his image, as does

that Scythic part of the regalia called the changi, a disc of black felt

or ostrich feathers, with a plate of gold to represent the sun in its

centre, borne upona pole. The royal parasol is termed kirnia, in

allusion to its shape like a ray (carnat) of the orb.” Many other

quotations from the same author might be adduced in proof of the

strong Mithraic tinge of Hinduism in modern Rdjputdna : and, in fact,

the Muhammadan historians tell us that the fire-worship in Gujerat

was only finally uprooted in the time of Ana-vu’p1n’s incursions into

the Dekhan.

* Annals of Rajasthan, I. 63. See also preceding remarks.

+ Can this have any connection with the title korano of our coins?

1837.] Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. 295

Fifteen years ago Colonel CauLFieLp sent me two coins dug up at

Kota, where he was then Resident, which were engraved in Pl. III. of

the Asiatic Researches, XVII. as fig. 65. It seemed then perfectly

hopeless to attempt a guess at their nature—but now we can pro-

nounce precisely the meaning of every rude mark they contain—the

fire-altar and its attendant priests, and the bust of the prince on the

obverse. Colonel Stacy’s collection has furnished the chief links of

this investigation, but it is to Captain CuNNINGHAM’s examination of it

and careful analysis of the numerous small silver Vardhas of our several

cabinets that we are indebted for the knowledge of the balusters,

parallelograms and dots being all resolvable into the same fire-altar

and its attendants. Indeed s@ long ago as January 1836, he wrote

me from Benares his conjectures that this series was descended from

the Parthian coins.

From the selection he had assorted to trace out and illustrate this

curious fact, I have been obliged to restrict myself to such as my

plate would contain; giving the preference to those that exhibit well

defined letters on some part of the field.

Fig. 7, silver. Col. Stacy. Obverse, the Sassanian head in its de-

generated state, or cut in outline: the hair is represented by a mere

ball, the ear by a curve, &c.; the two stiffened muslin lappets rise

from each shoulder as in figs. 3 and 5, and would be utterly unintel-

ligible but for the light thus afforded. Above the head is the Sanskrit ~

Xt (resembling the Gaur or Bengali form) and in front of the mouth

the letter 4 which is most probably a ¥ or bf. On the reverse

of this coin the fire-altar is very discernible, and it is instructive

to study the configuration of the two supporters, the flame, and the

altar itself, so as to be able to follow out the subsequent bar-

barization they were doomed to undergo. Thus in fig. 8 (Col.

Stacy) they lose a little more :—in 9 (ditto) the two breast dots and

the curve of the arm separating them from the body are barely

traceable. In Col. Sracy’s copper coins 11] and 12, the engraver has

collocated the various dots and lines without any regard to their intent

or symmetry. Then in 13, 14, which are precisely similar to the

class engraved in figs. 17, 19, 20, Pl. L. vol. IV., the fire altar is

transformed into a kind of spear-head, or the central shaft taken out and

supplanted by the old Nagari letter ay m; but the side figures, where

the die permits of it, can still be readily made out. These general

remarks will save the necessity of describing the reverse of each coin

in detail. There are equally grotesque varieties in the contour of the

face on the obverse, which none but an experienced eye could trace :

2Q2

296 Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. [Aprriz,

for instance, in figs. 11, 13, and 14, where the eye, nose, lips and

chin resolve themselves into elementary dots, very like those on the

Saurashtra coins.

Fig. 9 has the letters *ffut or 3tery Sri Ladha . .

Fig. 10, a small copper coin belonging to Dr. Swinery, is in a far

superior style, with the exception perhaps of an unaccountable sub-

stitution of the chakra for the head of the attendant at the altar!

Can thus it denote the Sun himself? There are letters in front of the

face tee .... Sri Dat... or some such name.

In figs. 11 and 12 (which latter gives the lower portion of the same

die), there are more letters than usual :—enclosed in a circle on the

cap or crown the letter s - then in front of the nose the usual Qi, and

below it the 3 or A of the same alphabet.

In the lower series (13, 14,) the shoulders and hand are generally

replaced by letters. On some the context seems to make 3ifaq7.. Sri

Vigra (ha) ; on others # Ar... Sri Yo, and atfy.. Sri Pi... Noneare

complete enough to give us a cognate name.

Having conducted this line of Indo-Sassanians down to its amalga-

mation in the Vardha series of my former plate, we may recede, once

more, back to the period when the Indian artists could exccute a less

imperfect copy of the Grecian or Sassanian portrait-die.

Figs. 15, 16 of this plate, and 6 of the ensuing one, are types of a

distinct group of copper coins, plentiful in the Swiney and Sracy

cabinets. The appendage to the shoulder decides the Sassanian

origin, and the wheel on the reverse seems to be borrowed from

the emblem above the fire-altar. I incline to think it the solar effigy,

rather than the symbol of a Chakravartti, or ruler of universal domi-

nion. It is probable that this common emblem is still preserved

in the sun of the Ujjain and Indore coins of the present day. There is

the appearance of a letter in front of the face, but ill defined. On the

opposite side, however, the two large letters under the wheel are most

distinctly @1<, ora, the meaning of which remains a mystery. They

are not in the same alphabet as that of the preceding coins, but of the

more ancient Jd¢h character which accords so far with the comparative

superiority of the engraving.

Plate XV.

Figs. 1, 2, 3, from Colonel Stacy’s drawings, and 4, 5, from Dr.

SwINEy’s coins, are closely allied to the series just described: the

Indian bull only being brought on the reverse, generally with the re-

tention of the chakra under his feet or on his haunches. The name

in front of the raja’s face in figs. 3 and 4 contains several recogniza-

1837.] Specimens of Indo-Sassanian Coins. 297

ble letters; on fig. 5 they are still more distinct, 7 T¥t @ it may

possibly be intended for Ft awrcrsit Sri Mahdrdja, leaving us still

in the dark for a name.

On the reverse of fig. 4, under the bull, are the letters fastqy qa

vijaya vag...aform that will be found more developed in another

branch of this curious series below.

In the next variety, figs. 7 and §, of which Dr. Swivey boasts the

largest supply, the Sassanian head is no longer retained, but the

chakra remains coupled with a kind of cross which may be read as

the syllable ku of the old alphabet. The bull of the reverse is now

accompanied by an attendant exactly in the fashion of the inferior

Kadphises or OKPO group of the Mithraic coins.

In the succeeding variety, figs. 9, and 10 (Swiney), the chakra

gives place to the trident (of Sava ?) and the bull takes an attitude

of repose 4 la Nandi. The letters Tteraa Vidi sagu or Vedesagu are

bounded by the marginal dots, and must therefore be complete, how-

ever unintelligible. Were there room for a final ¥ we might con-

jecturally read faeuan Videsagupta, ‘cherished by foreigners ;”

which would tally with the notion of a Parthian interloper.

In fig. 11 (which I also engraved in the Kadphises plate of vol.

III.) the trident has the letters € tri, as if for trisula.

In figs. 12 and 138 the symbol is more like the original fire-altar :—

to the former are adjoined the letters e¥, or perhaps &% Rudra, a

name of SHiva.

In figs. 14, 15, (Sracy,) and 16, (Swiney,) the standing figure has

quitted the bull to take the chief post on the obverse—the marginal

inscription of 14 commences with tis and the last letter is @.

In figs. 17, 18, (Swiney,) the bull is again replaced by the chakra,

with two Sanskrit letters ¥q or ¢—sense unknown.

And now we advance or perhaps it would be more correct to say

retrograde to a much more satisfactory group, forming as it were a

link between these Indo-Sassanians, and what have been called the

Buddhist coins.

The specimens of this series, christened the ‘‘ cock and bull” by Co-

lonel Stacy, and first made known by him, were deficient in preserva-

tion; but Mr. Trecear of Juanpir has since been fortunate enough to

procure aconsiderable quantity of various sizes with the epigraph

beautifully distinct. They were found in company with copper coins

of the Gupta series, which are in the same style both as to the letters

and their horizontal situation in what is called the ewergue of western

numismatics. As pointed out by Mr. Trecxar, there are three varia-

298 Specimens of Ceylon Coins. [Apriz,

tions in the reading. On 20 and the coin below it; wufaaa

Satya mitasa. On the fine coins figs. 21, 22; wafaaa Saya mitasa.

And on Nos. 19, 28, 24 and 25 ; fasrafa#ay Vijaya mitasa. The varia-

ble portion of these, sutya, saya, and vijaya, are evidently epithets, the

p‘rfect, the true, the victorious,—but the name to which they are ap-

plied, mztasa, whether of a person or thing, is unfortunately only open to

conjecture. From the analogy of the okro bull, and the evident descent

that has been traced in these plates toa Mithraic origin, I feel strongly

inclined to read the word faa@ “ mitrasya, of the true, the victorious

sun,” the Mithras.— Mitra has also the signification ‘‘ ally,” if it be

preferred to confine the title to a mundane ruler.

If the possessive termination be not made out, the terminal s may

possibly be used in place of the visarga.

In figure 22, the trilingual symbol brings us directly to the extensive

and oldest of our Hindu series. Of these we have, thanks to Mr. Trz-

GEAR and Col. Stacy, enough to fill another plate or two, but they

must be kept distinct; while to close the present plate more consis-

tently, I have inserted in figs. 26, 27, two small silver coins found by

Capt. Burnes at old Mandivt or Raipur in Cutch, having Sassanian

heads, and reverses respectively corresponding to figs. 7 and 12.

The little copper piece 28, from the same place, has the Nagari

letters BY wta Sré Bhima ; the last letter uncertain.

To balance these I have selected three copper coins of Dr. SwinEyY’s

store, on account of théir having the chakra or the bull for obverse.

On No. 31 we can read the titles 41 .... wWaretst Sri. . . Mahdraja ;

the name as usual provokingly obscure! Dr.S. reads it ganapatt.

Plate XX. Ceylon Coins.

After wading through the doubtful maze of obscurity exemplified by

the foregoing coins, where we have almost in vain sought a feeble

landmark to guide us even as to the race or the country whence

they sprung, it is quite a relief to fall upon a series of coins possess-

ed of their true and legitimate value as unequivocal evidence of the

truth of history.

The peculiar coins of ancient Ceylon have been long known to

collectors : they have been frequently described and depicted in books,

and the characters they bear identified as Deva-Nagari, but little more.

Marsprn and Witson, as will be seen below, were quite at fault in

regard to them, and so might we all have remained had not the

Hon’ble Mr. G. Turnovur published his Epitome of the Ceylon History

from the Buddhist Chronicles. Upon my publishing in vol. IV. a

sketch of the coin which ranks first in the present plate, and suggest-

Jour. As.Soc._ ) Vol. VI PLXX.

ven

y: rpg

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fin

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(0), are \; Ki SGA ai me

Qe in SOS S Ware oa Ce ys

> ” lf b ‘- rm WWW a) AY

}

1837.] Specimens of Ceylon Coins. 299

ing the reading Sri Maydtraya Malla, I remarked that, although princes

of this family name were common in Nepal, I could find none in the

Ceylon list to correspond. This observation elicited the following

note from Mr. Turnour, which in justice to his sagacious and correct

prediction ought to have been published long ago.

«* Note on Hindu Coin, fig. 22, of Pl. L. vol. 1V.—In your valuable

paper in the Dec. Journal, on Hindu Coins, you say that the name of

Malla does not appear in my Catalogue. He is doubtless identical

with Sahassa Mallowa in my epitome published in the Almanac of

1833. In the translation No. 6 of the inscription published in 1834,

you will also find him called Sahasa Malla. That inscription contains

a date, which led to an important correction in my chronological table

explained at page 176. He commenced his reign in A. D. 1200.

His being a member of the Kalinga royal family—his boastful visits

to India:—and Dambodinia (which you have called Dipaldinna) be-

coming the capital in about 30 years after his reign, where the for-

mer similar coins were found ;—all tend to shew that the coin in

question may be safely given to him. You will observe also by the

inscription that his title was Sirri Sangaba Kalinga Wijaya bahu,

surnamed Sahasa Malla.

Kandy, 17th March, 1836. GrorGe Turnovr.”

There was no other Malla in the list, and therefore the assignment

was probable, but I laid little stress on it from the total variance of

the rest of the name. In August, 1836, Captain Orp, of Candy, sent

me impressions of the coins he had met with, and pointed out that

the first letter of the third line was not formed like F but open like @.

To pursue the train of small causes leading to an important result,

when lithographing the Delhi inscription of the 10th century in vol.

V. page 726, the very first letter ¥ struck me as resembling in the

squareness of its form, J] the Ceylonese letter I had before mistaken

for y. The enigma was thus in a moment solved, and every subse-

quent reading, (for coins of this prince are exceedingly common com-

pared with others,) has confirmed the reading Magwana Sré mat

Sdhasa Malla, in accordance with Mr. Turnour’s conjecture. In

some few specimens the ¢ of mat is either omitted through ignorance,

or worn away; but in general it is quite distinct. _MarspEn’s read-

ing was Hal eat aa Maya daya malla.

The ice once broken, it became comparatively easy to find owners

for all the other specimens either published in former notices, or ex-

isting unpublished in cabinets on the island.

Capt. Orb, not content with sending me drawings of those in his

300 Specimens of Ceylon Coins. [ApRiL,

possession, kindly transmitted the coins themselves, allowing me to

retain the duplicates. Mr. Turnour also generously presented me

some coins lately dug up in the ruins of the old city of Montollee by

Mr. Girrorp, Assistant Surveyor General. So that, including the

gold coin sent me six years ago by Sir W. Horron himself, and the

coins in the Society’s Cabinets from Dipaldinna (which are of the same

class precisely), I am now in a condition to issue a full plate of this

type, preserving a degree of chronological order in their arrangement.

The device on all these coins is the same; a rude standing figure or

r4ja on the obverse, holding a flower in the left hand, and an instrument

of warfare in the right. The skirts of the dress are rudely depicted

on either side of the body, and the fold of the dhoti falls between

his legs, which being taken for a tail, has led some to call him Hanv-

MAN, but I think without reason: there are 5 dots and a flower to the

right. On the reverse the same figure is more rudely depicted in a

sitting attitude. The mode of expressing the face is altogether

unique in the history of perverted art.

Fig. 1, the gold coin sent me by Sir W. Horron, has the inscrip-

tion BY Sawye Sri Lankéswara on the side of the seated raja.

This name Il presume to be the minister Lokaiswara of Mr. Tur-

nour’s table, who usurped the throne during the Sholean subjection

in the eleventh century, (A. D. 1060 ;) but he is not included among

the regular sovereigns, and the coin may therefore belong to another

usurper of the same name who drove out the queen LinAvati’ in A. D.

1215, and reigned for a year. The Ceylon ministers seem partial to

the name: one is called LANKANATH.

Fig. 2, a copper coin, copied from Marspesn, but found also in

Mr. Lizar’s drawings, though I have not seen the actual coin. The

name is 3t fasiry ats Sri Vijaya bahu. (Marspen makes the last

word We gada, erroneously.)

There are several princes in the list of this name: the first and

most celebrated was proclaimed in his infancy in the interregnum

above alluded to, A. D. 1071, and reigned for fifty years. He expel-

Jed the Sholians from the island and re-established the Buddhist supre-

macy.

Fig. 3, a copper coin, given to me by Capt. Orp. One is engraved

in the Researches, and is doubtingly interpreted Sri Rama ndth by

Mr. Witson. From many examples, however, it is clearly 3 WaIwAAaTS

Sri Pardkrama bahu. The first of this name was crowned at Pollonna-

rowe, A. D. 1153, and sustained for 33 years the most martial enter-

prizing and glorious reign in Singhalese history.

1837.} Specimens of Ceylon Coins. 301

Fig. 4. Among the coins dug up at Montollee were several small ones

of the same prince. Sri Pardkrama bdhu fills the field of the reverse.

Fig. 5. This coin, one of the new acquisitions, has the name Ft CIS

wSraraat Sr? Raja Lildvatt, another celebrated person in Singhalese

history. She was the widow of the Pardxrama just named; married

Kirti, the minister of one of his successors, not of the royal line, who

was put aside, and the kingdom governed in her name from A. D..

1202 until she was deposed by SsuHasa Matta. She was twice after-

wards restored.

Fig. 6, of Sri mat Sahasa Malla, has already been described. The

date assigned to this prince in the table is 1205 A. D. or 1748:

A. B.; a date confirmed by a rock inscription at Pollonarowe, trans-

lated and published in the Ceylon Almanac for 1834, page 190. He

again was deposed by his minister- Nikanea, and was succeeded

in 1213 by

Fig. 7, Tt wa! Sri Dharma Asoka deva, a prince of a very

imposing Buddhistic name, who was placed on the throne at the age:

of three months, but of whom nothing further is said. The portrait

would lead us to suppose him of mature age.

Fig. 8. We here pass over a period of turbulence and continual inva-

sions from Chola, Pandia and Kalinga, and arrive at a coin of Pra aAR

ats Sri Bhawdneka béhu, who seized the throne on his brother’s as-

sassination by a minister in A. D. 1303. In his reign the Pandian

general, Arrya Cuaxravartri’ took Yapahu, the capital, and carried

off the Dalada relic so much prized by the Buddhists of Ceylon.

Fig. 9. We now come to a name of less certainty than the fore-.

going, and possibly not belonging to the island, for itis one of a

large quantity of coins found by Col. Macxrnziz at Dipaldinna or

Amarévait, on the continent of India,—a name so similar to the Damba-

dinia, where many of the Ceylon coins were discovered, that, seeing the

coins were identical, I supposed at first the places must be so likewise.

The uppermost letter is cut off. The next two below are decidedly

&, and under the arm we find {and tr. The most legitimate con-

text would be 4t (a) ST UTHT Sri Gaja Raja, (A. D. 1127,) but thea

is hardly allowable.

There are many small coins (10 and 11) from the same place,

reading like it the same indefinite title tist rdja, to which no better.

place can be assigned.

Fig. 12. Here again is a common variety of the Dipaldinna series,

which was thought utterly hopeless, until Mr. Turnour favored me

with drawings of Mr. Lizar’s collection. Two of these (figs. 13 and

14) exhibit a new type of reverse, the Indian bull Nandi, which may

302 Specimens of Ceylon Coins. [Avrit,

possibly betoken a temporary change in the national religion. The

legend beneath I immediately recognized as identical with the flourish

on figure 12, turning the latter sideways to read it. What it may be,

is a more difficult question. ‘The first letter bears a striking analogy

to the vowel e of the Southern alphabets—but if so, by what alphabet

is the remainder to be interpreted ? for it may be equivocally read bétya,

benya, chétya, and perhaps Chanda or Nanda. The last alone is the

name of a great conqueror in the Cholian and other Southern annals,

but it would be wrong to build upon so vague an assumption. It is,

at any rate, probable that the bull device is a subsequent introduction,

because we find it continued into the Hala Canara coins below.

Fig. 15, of the Society’s cabinet, a thick well preserved coin, has

a device one step less recognizable as a human figure on the obverse,

but the bull very neatly executed on the reverse, and in front of him

the Nagari letters q¥ vi, as if of Vira bahu, 1398 ? |

Figs. 20, 21. In these the upright figure has quite disappeared, or

is dwindled to a mere sceptre : leaving space around for the insertion

of a legend in the old Canarese character, of which an alphabet was

given in my last number. It is, unluckily, not complete, but the Ca-

nara letters.. da cha... raya are very distinct.

But before touching such modern specimens, I should perhaps

have noticed a few other genuine old coins; some, as fig. 16, having

a bull and two fish; others, as fig. 24, having a singha and four dots.

They were all dug up at Montollee with the rest.

These symbolical coins without names agree in every respect with

the numerous class of Buddhist coins found in India, and fellows to

them may be pointed out among the Amardvait coins, as figs. 17, 19,

of the bull kind, the reverse plain or uncertain; one much resem-

bling a ship; and fig. 25, a prettily executed brass coin of a horse.

One fragment, fig. 18, of the sitting bull, from Montollee, has the

letters 4Yat . . aq in the Na4gari character on the reverse.

The two very small coins, 22, 23, retain some of the Ceylon sym-

bols—the anchor-shaped weapon (of HanumAn ?) in particular; but

to show how cautious we must be in receiving as equally old, all the

coins found buried together in the same locality, I have given as the

finale to this plate, one of the Montollee specimens, fig. 26, which,

however mystified by the ignorance of the die-engraver, I cannot

interpret otherwise than as an old Dutch paisa, stamped on both sides

+ St. or one-eighth of a stiver! A Seringapatam paisa with xx. casH

(written invertedly, Hsacxx.) has often puzzled amateur collectors in

the same manner.

1837.] On the Revolution of the Seasons. 303

IV.—On the Revolution of the Seasons, (continued from Vol. IV.

p. 257.) By the Rev. R. Everzsr.

A correspondence between certain atmospheric phenomena, and

certain positions of the moon, similar to what we have attempted to

trace in the preceding papers, has been observed before in various

ways, by others, and, in a degree, in all ages. But the objection may

be fairly urged to such attempts, that, if we examine the supposed

correspondence closer, no regular succession of phenomena can be

made out. No state of the atmosphere can be expected to return of

a certainty upon the recurrence of the assumed cause: nor, in such

cases, can any probable circumstance be assigned, which might be

supposed to have counteracted its operation. We may remark, how-

ever, upon this, that no two cases are precisely similar ; one of the

principal conditions of the problem, viz. the heating surface of the

earth, never remaining the same, owing to the changes continually

brought about in it, both by natural agents, and by the hand of man.

Nor can the effect of this last be deemed unimportant, if we consider

the many common processes, such as the felling of forests, ploughing,

reaping, and irrigating, which are going on, at all times, more or less,

over large tracts of country? Let us suppose it possible that a local

irregularity of some kind might interrupt the operation of the cause—

say (for instance) to such a degree, that the shower, which should

have fallen with us, fell 5, or 50, or 500 miles distant from us; then,

if, instead of the results of a single rain-guage or a single barometer,

we could measure the amount of effect produced over an extensive

surface of the earth, we might the more reasonably hope to obtain

some approximation towards a regular succession of phenomena, in

proportion as we were thus enabled to obyiate the effects of disturb-

ing causes. It occurred from this, that, in a country where the har-

vest depended almost entirely upon the quantity of rain that fell, the

prices of grain in past years (the averages being taken as extensively

as possible) might indicate, though imperfectly, a regular succession

of the seasons, as far as drought and moisture were concerned ; pro-

vided, of course, that such a regular succession had actually taken

place.

This idea may appear so strange to many, especially to those who

are not acquainted with the interior of India, that it may be as well to

give it a little further consideration.

It must be familiar to every one that parts of the ancient world,

such as Egypt and Judea, were subject at different times to famines

2R 2

304 On the Revolution of the Seasons. (Apri,

consequent upon drought. These are not uncommon at the pre-

sent day in low latitudes. In Australia, for instance, ‘ frightful

droughts occur in cycles of 9 or 10 years,’—(see Westminster Review,

No. 45, July 1835, p. 223, and again p. 224 ;) and that such always

have occurred in India, the history of the country abundantly shews.

Perhaps the most remarkable one upon record is that which took place

in Bengal in the year 1770. (See Mruu’s History for the particulars

of this.) Now we have in the Ist vol. of the Gleanings, a list of the

prices of different kinds of grain at Chinsurah in Bengal, from which

we find that, in that year, rice was so dear that only 3 seers of it were

sold for 1 rupee. If we examine this list further, we shall see that

from the year 1733, the years of scarcity, or minimum quantity, and

the intervals between them, were as follow :—

Years...) (OD. ap,- LIZ. pe hd LOus on LA OG. Ore

Intervals. 0 UO... FC ape is ara

If we add to the upper line, 1826, we have altogether 5 intervals

of between 18 and 19 years for the recurrence of scarcities in Bengal.

From 1733 to 1826 is 93 years, which divided by 5 gives 18% years.

There are some, but faint, traces of scarcities intermediate to these.

We must remember that 18% years is very nearly the duration of the

Lunar Cycle.

Having proceeded thus far, we next ascertained by inquiry the

dates of the principal scarcities that had occurred in the upper pro-

vinces within the memory of man. They are—

1782-3—1792-3—1802-3—1812-13—18i9-20—1826—1832-3.

It will be observed that the recurrences here are nearly twice as

frequent as in the former case.

The year 1829 being the year of minimum declination, the years

corresponding to it in the previous cycles will be 1811 and 1792;

and 1820 being the year of maximum declination, the years corre-

sponding to it in the previous cyles will be 1802 and 1783. Thus we

have a scarcity in each year of maxmium declination, besides another

on, or close upon, the year of minimum declination, and in the case

of 1829 a double one, viz. 1826 and 1832. We shall revert to this

presently.

On obtaining one or two lists of the prices of corn, it was found, as

might be expected, that these were the years when the least quantity

was sold for a given sum ; and that, intervening, about midway, were

years of extraordinary plenty, when the greatest abundance every

where prevailed. So that it appeared as if the prices would form a

curve of which the maxima and minima recurred at fixed intervals of

Journ. As.Soc | Vol VL: PLXXT

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1837.} On the Revolution of the Seasons. 305

nearly 9 years. Still, on considering the many causes, both natural as

well as produced by human means, which must operate in determin-

ing the price of corn, we could not believe it probable that the indica-

tion of one; or even of a few lists, were to be depended upon. To

obviate, therefore, local irregularities of every kind, it was thought

necessary to procure lists of prices from as many places as possible,—

lists specifying in detail the prices of four of the principal varieties of

corn grown in the neighbourhood (two of the summer, and two of the

winter crops), and, as in the Chinsurah list in the Gleanings, the num-

ber of seers sold for one rupee was to be mentioned in each case.

Lists of this sort were obtained from twenty-two of the principal

towns within 200 miles on each side of Delhi, Lodiana, and Hansi ;

Bareilly and Agra being the extremes. They all agree very nearly in the

principal maxima and minima, and, as they were furnished by differ-

ent persons who had no communication with each other, their joint

result cannot well be ascribed to the errors of copyists, or, indeed, to

incorrectness of any kind. The average of all these was taken (four

kinds of corn at each place) for each year; the mean price for the

season being thus settled by 88 items.

The series thus obtained we shall call our north-west line. Three

lists (four kinds of corn in each) were obtained from Bengal, and the

average of them taken for the Bengal line. Two lists (also four kinds

of corn) were obtained from the neighbourhood of Benares, and the

average of them taken for the Benares line. The average, then, of the

three lines thus formed was taken for a general line.

To connect the variations in this general line with the declination of

the moon, we must have recourse to the supposition that the varia-

tion is for a series of years direct with the declination, and then for a

series, inverse with it,—a supposition for which no reason can be

assigned, but which will appear the less improbable, if we recollect a

circumstance stated in a previous paper, viz. that the variations of

the barometer, either in excess or defect of the mean, increased with

the increase of declination.

This connection, or assumed connection, may be most readily shewn

thus. Let us first trace upon paper the progress of the moon in de-

clination in different years in this manner. Draw a number of verti-

cal lines at equal intervals (Plate XXII.) to represent the years in suc-

cession from 1810 to 1835 (both inclusive). Take out of the Nautical

Almanack the highest declination to be found in the month of July in

each year, and mark that height upon the vertical line corresponding

to the year at any fixed rate, (as 0.1 inch) for each degree that it is above

306 On the Revolution of the Seasons. [Aprit,

18°. When you have marked all the heights, join them, and you have

the upper, or continuous line, fig. 1. The lower or dotted line in

fig. 1, where it separates from the upper,—is formed from it, by sub-

stituting for the increments, equal decrements, so as to be exactly the

inverse of it. Where this lower line again changes to a continuous

one, it runs parallel (or varies directly) with the upper one, and

again, where it changes to a dotted one, becomes the inverse of it.

It is this lower line, partly direct, partly inverse with the upper, that

appears to be the type of the variation of the seasons. As a proof of

this, we subjoin below (fig. 2) the general average line of variation

in the prices of corn during the same period. This line was thus

formed. The three principal lines, the north-west, the Benares, and

the Bengal, were first formed from the average of the different lists.

When the maximum and minimum number in each line within

the last 85 years (since 1750), were noted, and the difference

between them reckoned as the whole amount of variation. This

amount was divided into 1000 parts, and, for the actual number

in each line, the proportionate parts of the variation were sub-

stituted. The average was then taken of the 3 lines, and this is

the line expressed in fig. 2, which is there traced upon the paper at

the rate of ‘020 parts of variation for ,',th of an inch. The lowest line

(fig. 3) is the general average, simply taken, of the principal lines,

without any previous division of the variation into centesimal parts.

A fourth, or southern line, was in this case included in the average,

having been formed from prices at Jubulpoor (two kinds of corn), at

Bhopaul (three kinds of corn), at Indore (two kinds of corn). But as the

country in that direction was during part of the time the seat of war,

and has been generally subject to unsettled government, and more-

over the returns are not numerous, no great dependance can be placed

upon it. In fact, the indications given by the north-west series are

much more to be relied on than those of the others, owing to the

more extensive induction.

In the last paper on this subject we noticed that there were certain

years in which, about the solstices, the perigee of the moon fell on

the same day with her maximum declination, either north or south,

and that these were commonly extreme years, both of drought and

moisture. These years are marked thus in the Chart N.* and S.*

according as the declination is north or south, and it would appear

on referring to the figures that these are usually the extreme years

both of plenty and scarcity. They appear also to be the periods at

which the variation changes from direct to inverse.

1837.] On the Revolution of the Seasons. 307

The maxima and minima by the Calcutta rain-guage since 1820, are

1823 1826 1832 1835.

‘+ = ms +

These results do not differ from those afforded by the average of

corn prices (figs. 2 and 3), more than the prices obtained from any one

place differ from the general average. The results of registers kept

in other places ‘do not show so good an agreement ; but the three prin-

cipal ones we can refer to are those of Macao, Madras and Bombay ; all

places on the sea-coast, where rain seems to fall more irregularly than

elsewhere. If it be asked, why, with the anomalies that still exist in

the lines (figs. 2, and 3), we have presumed the upper line (fig. 1) to

be the type of them, we answer that that line was formed after seeing

the three or four lists of corn prices that first came to hand, and

that every successive list received helped to approximate them more

closely ; the inference, therefore, is only fair, that still further lists

obtained would diminish the irregularities at present existing, though

we could not hope to obtain an exact parallelism, unless we were

previously enabled to apply corrections for the many other causes

that must affect the prices of corn. If we refer to the line (fig. 1)

which we have assumed as the type of the variation, we shall per-

ceive that on each side of the year 1829 a small inverse, or dotted

piece exists: on looking back over the lists of prices, some of which

extend as far back as 1700, I do not think that this small inverse

piece is interpolated or intercalated, if I may so call it, oftener than

every third cycle. With this exception, the variation appears to be

direct for about 9 years, and then inverse for the same period. Thus

from 1815 backwards, the variations are 9 years directly to 1806—

9 years inversely to 1797—-9 years directly to 1788, and 9 years in-

versely to 1779. Then from 1779 a variation is inserted similar to

that between 1836 and 1823, upto 1767 or 1766; and again backward

from that, periodical curves of 9 years in duration appear to occur as

before. On this I shall crave permission to speak more hereafter,

when, by the obtaining further lists of prices from different places, I

may be enabled to correct those which I at present possess. For

this reason I have refrained from carrying the. present investigation

further back than 1806. I beg at the same time to return my grate-

ful thanks to those who have already assisted me with lists of prices.

On looking over the lists it appeared that in those from particular quar-

ters the maxima and minima occurred a year or two too soon, in other

places a year or two too late for the supposition. To elucidate this,

the lines, figs. 4, 5, 6, and 7, were drawn. Of these, fig. 5 is the type,

308 On the Climate of Darjiling. {Aprin,

being the same as the lower line, fig. 1. Fig. 4, or the Bengal line,

appears to have its maxima and minima, generally speaking, somewhat

earlier than the fictitious line :—fig. 6, or the north-west line, has them

somewhat too late, and fig. 7, or the southern line, still later. A fact

somewhat analogous to this is observed in Europe where the varia-

tions of the barometer are said to take place on the shore of the

Atlantic a day and a half earlier than at St. Petersburgh; but in

neither case is the difference regular. However, all the information

of every kind that I can gather on the subject would lead to the

belief that the changes generally do take place earlier towards the

northern and eastern, parts of the country, later towards the south-

ern and western. I am speaking, of course, of Northern India, having

as yet no lists from the south of the Nerbudda.

I have not endeavoured to connect the appearances observed with

the position of the moon, unaware of the difficulties which attend

such a supposition, but because I was at a loss to find one which

would account for the phenomena better. As to the appearances

themselves, the variations in the price of corn and their recurrences,

they of course will rest upon better or worse evidence in proportion

as the multiplication of lists from different parts of the country con-

firm, or not, the indications they afford. From the nature of the sub-

ject, much accuracy in the conclusions cannot be hoped for : neverthe-

less by perseverance some truths may be elicited, which may serve to

direct philosophical research, and perhaps to give us some insight

into what is likely to happen for the future, in the absence of all

better information.

V.—On the Climate of Darjitling.

We make an exception to our general rule of not inserting meteoro-

logical registers except in abstract, in favor of the following six

months’ diary kept by Doctor Cuapman at the new station of Darjt-

ling in the Sikkim portion of the Sub-Himdlayan range, because it is

very important that every information should be made public in regard

to the climate of a place selected, or at least proposed, as a sanatarium

for the recruiting of exhausted Beng4li constitutions, more accessible

than the far western hills of Simla and Masiri, or the eastern station

of Chirra Punji.

Before Doctor Cuapman started on his official deputation to Dar-

jiling, his instruments were carefully compared with the standards

registered in this Journal. He was particularly requested to attend to

the wet-bulb depression, as compared with the dew point ; and to the

1837.) On the Climate of Darjiling. 309

boiling point of water, as compared with the barometric indications.

As his thermometer for the latter object was only divided to 2°,

we have since despatched a new one of greater sensibility, whence we

hope soon to obtain valuable data for the correction of the usual

tables for the measurement of heights by the thermometer. The dew

points noted are curious, sometimes higher than the wet bulb or

evaporation point. Can this arise from an error in the Danrgxt’s hygro-

meter ? We have always found a little iced water added drop by

drop to a little common water in a highly polished gilded silver cup,

the most trust-worthy mode of taking the dew point. It can be de-

pended on to the tenth of a degree.

Upon the strength of our observations in the December Journal we

may, with confidence, calculate the altitude of Titalya, and Darjéling

from the three months’ observations of October, December, and Janu-

ary*. Thus applying the constant correction of—.004 to Dr.

Cuarman’s Bar. A, we have

Altitude

Corrected heights of the Barometer at 83a.M. Caleutta. Titalya. deduced.

mean temperature of air 75°, .............0+++- 29.894 29.626 ft, 259.7

eee, CULO; G49. 5 6.0... c eco cccnes es =| 29.815, 29.514 293.5

a vedege altitude of Titalya, ft. 275.0

For Darjiling the data are more numerous :

Altitude.

Calcutta. Darjiling. calculated.

Barom. Temp. Barom. Temp. Seet.

Dec. 1836, obs. 9 A. M. 30.098 68.0 23.367 44.6 6925.1

Ditto, ———— 5 P.M. 29.989 Way 23.298 47.6 6973.1

Jan. 1837, obs. 9 a. M. 30.073 68. 23.322 42.1 6942.2

Ditto, —————_ 5 p. .. 29.970 che 23.247 43.4 6989.9

Mean altitude by 120 obs. of the Barometer, ft. 6957.5

The altitude of Darjiling hill by two observations of Capt. Hersert,

published with his report in the Gleanings of Science, is 7218 feet, or

250 feet higher than Dr. Cuyapman’s house. The altitude deducible

from the thermometric indication of boiling water is only 6648.5

but little confidence is to be placed in the latter without a very

accurate instrument. It is to be remarked also, that the barometric

measure will shew a much closer agreement when not corrected by

the multiplier for the assumed mean temperature of the stratum of

air between the two stations, Unconnected they stand thus: 6595.8,

6578.4, 6624.6, and 6619.2; the maximum discrepancy from the

mean 6604.5 being only 26 feet. A numerous series of barometrical

results from similar tables will enable us to forma more correct appre-

ciation of the influence of variations of temperature on the formula.

N.B. The barometric heights above stated have been all reduced to,32°.

* We have since received the registers for February and March, which we in-

sert, deferring observations till the series is completed.

[Aprin,

On the Climate of Darjiling.

310

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316 Note on the Oxygyrus and Bellerophon. [ApRiL,

VI.—Note on the Genera Oxygyrus and Bellerophon. By W. H.

Benson, Esq. B. C. S.

When I described the Pelagian genus Oxygyrus in the 4th volume

of the Journal, from specimens taken on the surface of the Indian and

Southern Atlantic oceans, it did not occur to me to search for cognate

genera in any other order than that in which the characters of the

animal showed its place to be; still less did I expect to find any fossil

shell allied to it; but recent consideration of the recorded characters

of the fossil genus Bellerophon of MontrFort, which was placed by that

author among the Polythalamous Cephalopodes, and was subsequently

removed by Derrance, on account of the absence of septa, to the

neighbourhood of Argonauta among the Monothalamous Octopoda,

suggests the opinion that this shell is improperly associated with the

Cephalopoda, and that its real station is among the Nucleobranchous

Gasteropoda, with Atlanta and Oxygyrus, to the latter of which genera

it appears to be intimately related.

The manner in which the umbilicated species of Bellerophon are

convoluted, the acute keel which is observable in some species, and

the sinus which indents that keel within the aperture, are characters

which denote the affinity of the two genera; while the prolongation

of the lips on either side beyond the umbilicus, and the shelly texture

of Bellerophon, contrasted with the absence of any prolongation of

the lips, the subcorneous nature of the habitation of Oxygyrus, and

the sudden truncation of its partial keel, form sufficiently prominent

characters to distinguish them as generic groups.

That no recent species of Bellerophon has hitherto been discovered,

may be possibly owing to the Pelagian habits of the genus, and the

paucity of observers of the interesting Oceanic Testacea. Without

specimens I am unable to decide on a point on which Rane and

DrerraNceE are at issue; the former stating, in his Manuel, that the

shell of Bellerophon is thin; whereas, in the first volume of the

Zoological Journal, Durrance contrasts the great thickness of that

shell with the thinness of that of Argonauta. Even supposing the

latter statement to be correct, weight will not be considered likely to

interfere with the Pelagian habits conjecturally attributed to the

genus, it being now well ascertained that the ponderous Nautilus

Pompilius ascends to the surface of the ocean with as little difficulty

as the lightest of the naked Cephalapoda.

P. S.—In vol. 4, p. 175, there is a misprint in regard to the loca-

lity of Owygyrus. 29° 30° S. lat. should be 39° 30’ S. lat. The

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 317

erroneous locality is possessed of a temperate climate, whereas the real

one is occasionally subject to the invasion of fields of ice, and therefore

more strongly contrasted with the observed habitats in the vicinity

of the line, and in the Bay of Bengal.

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,

Wednesday Evening, 3rd May, 1837.

The Hon’ble Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Colonel D. Macueop, Engrs. M. A. Bienewx, Esq. Capt. S. F. Hannay,

and Dr. W. Grirrirn, were elected Members of the Society.

Dr. J. Swiney and Lieut. M. Kirroz, 6th N. I. were proposed by the

Secretary, seconded by Capt. Cunnineuam.

Professor O’SHAua@HNEssY, proposed by Dr. Corsyn, seconded by Sir

E. Ryan.

G. W. Bacon, Esq. C. S. proposed by Dr. Fatconer, seconded by Mr.

MacnaGHtTen.

Francis Ropinson, Esq. C. S. Futiehgurh, proposed by Captain

Forses, seconded by Mr. Macnacaren.

The Bishop of Cochin-China returned thanks for his election.

Read extract of a letter from Major Troyer, the Society’s Agent at

Paris, proposing that honorary membership should be conferred on Baron

Scuinuine of Cronstadt, the Mongolian and Tibetan scholar.

[Referred to the Committee of Papers. ]

Major TROYER mentions that M. GuizorT, Minister of Public Instruction, is about

to sanction a yearly grant of about 2,000 francs, for procuring copies of Sanskrit

manuscripts from Calcutta. The study of the Oriental languages is increasing fast

on the Continent, and a fresh supply of our publications indented for on London has

been immediately disposed of, Capt. TRoyrr’s French translation of the Rdja

Tarangini would not issue from the press under a year, on account of the difficulties

of printing the Sanskrit text.

Read a letter from the Secretary to Government, General Department,

directing the packages of Oriental books to be sent to the Export Ware-

house-keeper, and passing the bill for their package, Rs. 17.

The Secretary reported the death of Beuapur, the pensioned furash of

the Museum, who had been on the establishment since Sir Wiiitam

Jones's time. He was with his wife burnt to death in one of the late

dreadful conflagrations.

The account current of the Society with Messrs. Morrts, Dawe and

Co. shewed a balance of £75 18 1 in favor, after paying the arrears due

to the Oriental Translation Fund.

A letter from N. Caruistz, Sec. Antiquarian Society, dated November,

1836, acknowledged the receipt of the Journal for 1835.

318 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, [Aprit,

Library.

The following books were presented.

Two copies of the Address by Earl Srannore to the Medico-Botanical

Society, January 1836, received from that Society through the Govern-

ment.

Voyage autour du Monde: the Experimental Voyage of the French cor.

vette Favorite in 1830-32, by Capt. Laptace,—presented by M. Fortune’

Evpoux, Med. Officer and Naturalist of the Frigate Lu Bonite.

The Quarterly Journal of the Calcutta Medical and Physical Society,

Nos. I and II.—presented by the Editors, Professors Goodeve and O’ Shaugh-

NESSY.

From the Booksellers ; Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, Literary Men, 1.

Meteorological Journal for March,—by the Surveyor General.

Antiquities,

Read the following letter from Lieut Marxuam Krrvror, 6th N. I.

dated 2nd April, announcing that in compliance with the Society’s desire

he had visited Khandgirt, in order to re-examine the inscription published

by the late Mr. Stirutne.

‘« Agreeably to the request contained in your letter of the 20th ultimo, of which I

have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, I proceeded on Monday last to Bovanes-

war and Khandgiri, and examined the inscription given by STiRLING in vol. XV. page

313 of the Asiatic Researches, I found that only part of the inscription is given,

and that, too, appears faulty. I was unable to attempt a facsimile, not being provid-

ed with scaffolding or ladders, which are indispensably necessary for that purpose.

I shall therefore again visit Khandgii? in the course of a few days, when I hope to be

enabled to furnish a detailed account of the place and of the remarkably curious

caves and sculpture existing there.

‘¢ The inscription is immediately over a tolerably large cave on the southern face of

the hill; unfortunately a great part of it is obliterated : I am, however, in hopes of

making out a number of the apparently lost letters by a method I adopt of casting

different degrees of shade on the surface, and which I have found to assist greatly

in deciphering those of which there is the least shadow remaining. : :

‘+ 7 did not rest with observing this cave, as I saw no reazon why others more ex-

tensive should not possess like inscriptions ; in this conjecture I was not altogether

mistaken : for I found almost all, large or small, to have more or less writing, some

only having one word of six or eight letters (probably the names of the originators

of these hermitages), others, sentences. I discovered no less than 14, of 13 of which I

enclose copies: of these, four are apparently Sanskrit, one (a name) in a new cha-

racter, and the rest in the column character. ’ :

‘<7 have further great pleasure in announcing the discovery of the most voluminous

inscription in the column character I have ever heard of: it was shown to me by the

same ascetic who had assisted me before.

‘¢It is on a lowrocky hill under a high and isolated one, a mile to the west of the

Pooree road, and near Piplee at the N. W. corner of the famous tank named Konsla-

gung: it is called ‘ Aswastuma.’ There is neither road nor path to this extraordinary

piece of antiquity. After climbing the rock through thorns and thicket, I came of a

sudden on a small terrace open on three sides with a perpendicular scarp on the 4th

or west, from the face of which projects the front half of an elephant of elegant work-

manship, four feet high: the whole is cut out of the solid rock. On the northern face

beneath the terrace, the rock is chiselled smooth for a space of near 14 feet by 10 feet,

and an inscription neatly cut covers the whole space. It is divided apparently into

four paragraphs, two of about 36 lines each, a third of about 20, and a fourth of 93

lines, encircled by a deep cut frame or line, evidently to distinguish it from the other

inscription. I took a facsimile of it, as well as of 19 lines of the centre paragraph:

this took me a whole day to perform. Ishall copy the remainder on my return

thither before going to Khandgiri, as I consider it of far more importance than the

one there, a very sma!] part of it being obliterated. A number of new letters occur,

and variations of those already known. I am preparing a list of all, which I shall lay

before the Society together with all the facsimiles when finished,”’

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 319

Lieut. K1rror had met with obstructions in his inquiries from a mistrust of the

resident brAhmans, which he found to originate in their temples having been robbed

some years ago of slabs containing inscriptions, by some officer ; and he strongly

urged the justice of restoring any such that might have come into the Society’s

possession. One he suspected, fromits dimensions, was the identical one publish-

ed in the Journal for February.

The Secretary stated that on examination he found this to be the case, as a second

inscription of precisely the same character, now under publication, contained the name

of the Rajaof Orissa, who founded Bhubaneswar temple. The Meeting resolved una-

nimously, that the slabs should be restored, and that Lieutenant Kirror had their

warmest thanks for the suggestion,

Read a letter from Lieutenant Sar, Engineers, dated Allahabad, in

April, forwarding a facsimile taken on cloth and paper of an inscription

at Kalinjer, situated at the entrance of a temple of Mahadeva.

The greater part of this inscription being obliterated, it will be impossible to make

any profitable use of the facsimile, but it has been so far useful as to enable us to

ascertain that another large slab in the Museum in the same peculiar character,

must be the one stated to have been brought from the same fort and presented by

General STEWART.

‘* The inscription,’’ Lieutenant SALE writes, ‘‘ is cut on black marble; portions

of it are effaced by former clumsy attempts to take copies, which have destroyed the

letters. The date appears to be only about 700 years back, and the text contains

the name of a certain rfja by name PARMA’LIK. The resident brahmans givea

curious tradition of the origin of the palace and fortifications of Kalinjer, attributing

them to the virtues of a mineral spring which cured a réja in the Satya yuga froma

loathsome cutaneous disorder.”’

The Secretary exhibited Mr. Vincent Trecrar’s splendid collection

of the Gupra gold coins, which had been intrusted to him for the purpose

by the proprietor, whose zeal in this line of research had been attended

with remarkable success.

The box contained 40 gold coins of the series—principally of CHANDRA, SAMUDRA,

KuMARA, SKANDA and MAHENDRA GupTAS: also the new Vicramdditya type, and

the celebrated ARDOKRO coin.

Lieutenant Kirror had just added a new name to the same list from a coinin the

possession of an officer at Pooree. It bears the title Bdladitya, and a name not yet

well deciphended, NARA, perhaps intended for NARAYANA GUPTA.

Physical,

The following observations on the declination and inclination of the

magnetic needle made at Diamond Harbour, were obligingly communicated

to the Society by the chief hydrographer of the French corvette La Bo-

nite, Captain Var~uant, during her sojourn here.

The instruments used were of extreme delicacy, with a contrivance for changing the

agate of suspension which is found to be worn away by the platina point on which

it revolves. The poles of the magnets are changed at every observation so as to

remove all index error.

It will be seen that gradual change has taken place since the observations of. M.

BLOSSVILLE and Colonel Hop@son, published in the As. Res. Vol. XVIII. On

referring also to experiments made at Benares some years ago, the same fact is con-

firmed. The following table embraces an abstract of the whole of the observations.

Declination, or Magnetic variation.

o '

1813, Mean of Maj. HopGson’s obs. in N. West.Provinces,..... 0 41 East.

1821, March, observations at Benares, by J. PRINSEP, ........ 0 53 do

Wa ag Nae wee’ 5x o2 dongs Miia lncala ns a a ae Is) dior

TAS WERE ON Sy suleroyinratelsi shall GHETOSS eye's ote 3/2 OLGEO, rsh e aiched Unie ita ghee

1827, November, at Calcutta, by Captain FABRE, ............ 2),.38 54 do.

: by Surveyor General, .......... 2 28 36 do

1828, February, ditto, by GibLOn Sie ei as. nina eh 2-4) 16 do.

1829, June, ditto, by ditto, Saas Cekeaes 2.24 30 do.

1837, 14th April, at Diamond Harbour, La Bonite, 4 needles, .. 3 37 E

272

320 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Aprit,

Inclination, or dip.

1827, November, at Calcutta, by M. BLOSSVILLE,...-.....+.-- 26 32 38 N.

1832, February, ditto,” by J. PRINSEP,-.sjeccscesusnse)) 20) 42m ot Ne

1837, April, at Diamond Harbour, mean of four observations, by

direct and indirect methods*, with two instruments, ........... 26 39. 4N.

The Secretary noticed that the bill drawn from Malacca on account of

the Tapir, had been presented and accepted for Rs. 226 12—but the animal

had not yet made his appearance. .

M. CuHevauier, mineralogist of the corvette La Bonite, requested the

Society’s acceptance of a series of Geological specimens frem Corsica.

Lieutenant Kittoxr presented specimens of the rocks in Cuttack :—also

a snake (Coluber mycterizans ?) in spirits ; thus described by the donor:—

‘¢ The snake was killed by a sipdhi in the hilly country west of Cuttack. It occur-

red to me that I had read of a similar reptile, and on referring to the Journal of the

A. S. for April, 1835, page 217, I found the description (given there by Lieut. Caut-

LEY) of one found near the Sewakk hills; mine, however, differs very materially in

some points, though it answers nearer to the description given of the ‘‘ snouted snake’?

in his note extracted from the Encyclopedia Britannica, as will be seen on comparing

the following detail :—

Ut eaastihs

Extreme length of the reptile, 2.0. ona ts os cues sneaitmes coca ceca 4 11 §

Circumference of the thickest part of body, ........cessecccesevee 0 2 ;%

Wittorofible Meeks iso cet pepe Siotachesoleinlel=jeinte vi Soros aioynretaiiers piaialeie torehieitors Omer al

Breadth of the widest part of the head, ......cserescecscecreerees Onis Ons

Length Of ditto... . 00sec cess eens cesses cesses ae reccserecererences OF. =

Projection of the upper jaw or snout, ............ so revallarane/chs)ceeyehstoree 0 oO;

Length from snout to the vent, «.....-.0..-eeeee d ajcle ole aloieiwivie a oje'st Br 2e

Ditto vent to end of the tail,.. ....... sis: b sina abebeitorede\ s sweets Juve Vapeiiese nels 1 9 &

Abdominal platesiOT SCaless. -\. \eleic) cle ect ee vim vleie cielo s'a'e)el ala) «'alols e/alelel aan maoy)

Subcaudal to extremity of tail, 2... 10.0050. 0. cece cece ce nn ses nveal 200

The eye yellow, oval shape, with black horizontal pupil. Color, upper half grass-

green, under half pea-green: has a white line on either side 1.16th of an inch wide for

whole length, except towards the extremity of the tail, which is very sharp pointed.

The lower jaws when the mouth is closed are even or nearly so with the upper, but

when open, expand to near double the width. It has double rows of teeth in both the

upper and lower jaws, and several in the upper, much larger than the rest, having

the appearance of fangs. Its motion is described as that of rapid bounds, moving also

swiftly on the leaves and branches of trees : the present specimen, however, was killed

in the sandy bed of the Mahdnaddi, near a bush, while in the act of catching a bird.

See Plate XXIII.”’

Lieut. Kirroz in another note mentions the discovery of extensive

coal beds in Ungool and Hindoee, near the Kursooa and Byturnee rivers.

The existence of the mineral at these places had before been made known

to the Europeans, and specimens had been produced. Lieut. Kirrox was anxi-

ous to visit and survey the locality, that he might report in further detail, as, if

conveniently situated for water carriage down the Mahdnaddt, the coal might be

made available for steamers touching at Pooree. The coal and iron mines are

together.

Letter from Professor Royze inclosing Prospectus of the London

Caoutchoue Company, and inviting the Society’s attention to this new

commercial product, which might be cultivated to any extent on the Silhet

frontier and in lower Assam.

The present supply, from Para chiefly, is many thousand tons less than the demand

for home consumption. The mode of gathering the juice for export followed at Para

is approved of, but the Company or Patentees recommend in lieu of the clay balls,

that wooden cylinders about the size of a quart bottle should be used. First dipped

into clay water, they are immersed in the crude juice and hung up to dry; the dip-

ping is thus repeated until a layer of Caoutchouc 4 an inch thick covers the cylinder

* The indirect method is by taking the dip out of the meridian, and reducing it

thereto by a simple calculation ; the agreement is very close.

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 321

about 6 inches high—-this cup (shaped like a tumbler) is then drawn off and the

cylinder used again.

The preference given to the solid clean rubber is doubtless consequent on the dis-

covery of a very cheap solvent of Caoutchouc in the volatile coal-oil, which is collect-

ed in large quantities at the gas-works. When rectified it resembles in lightness

and extreme volatility the distilled mineral naphtha, with which itis probably

identical. The Caoutchouc dissolved in this menstruum, and spread in a coat be-

tween two folds of silk or cloth, regains its solid and elastic form without injury.

Might not the naphtha springs of Assam be thus turned to account to introduce the

manufacture at once there, with the durable silks of the valley as a basis? Professor

Roy.e remarks, that all the trees on which the silk-worm feeds are found to contain

the Caoutchouc principle, which is supposed to be essential to the production of the

cocoon,

The splendid fossils from Dr. Sprsssury of Jabalpir, had arrived and

were exhibited.

They consisted of the humerus and cubitus of an elephant, upwards of 15 feet in

height ; also a portion of the pelvis of the same animal ; a very perfect elephant’s head,

ferruginized, of a smaller size, and the head and horns of a buffalo of large size.

Dr. SPILsBuRY pointed out no less than five new sites of fossils in the Nerbudda

valley, two of them due to the zealous search of Major OusELEY. His note along

with sketches of the fossils shall appear in our next.

A paper on anew genera of Raptores, one on a new species of Scolopacide,

and one on a new genus of the Plantigrades with a drawing, were received

from B. H. Hopeson, Esq.

A second fossil bone was exhibited and presented by Major Taytor,

brought up from the Fort boring at a depth of 362 feet below the surface,

A drawing of this fragment is given in Plate XXII. : it appears to be a fragment

of the scutellum or shell of a turtle—much resembling some of the fragments found

so plentifully among the Jumna, the Siwdlik and the Ava fossils. It is mineralized

just to the same extent as the bone exhibited at last meeting ; sp. gr. 2°5, loss by

heating red 10 per cent. A recent fragment found at the Sandheads by Dr. CaAnToR,

which had lost all its inflammable animal matter, had a sp. gr. 1°66.

The following specimens of natural history were presented.

A collection of shells, and two snakes preserved in spirits; by Mr,

Fetx, Indian Navy.

A collection of shells, by Lieutenant Monrruou, I. N.

A specimen of Squilla Mantis, by Lieutenant Monrniov, I. N.

A specimen of the Indian Sucking-fish (Echeneis Indica), and a foetus of

aspecies of ovi-viviparous shark preserved in spirits, by the Hon’ble Colo.

nel Morison, in the name of Mr. W. Ewin, Branch Pilot.

To the foetus of the shark the yolk bag is still attached by the’ funis. Colonel

Morison states that a shark was caught at the Sandheads on the 8th of January

last, which when opened was found to contain 17 young ones all marked and spotted

like the present specimen, which was one of them, although the mother was of the

bluish grey and white color, common to most species of the genus. The Indian

Sucking-fish (Echenets Indica) was found attached to her body.

Mr. J. T. Pearson exhibited to the Meeting specimens of the larvee,

pupa and imago of the Lamia Rubus. Fas. and a log of the horse-radish

tree, from which he extracted them.

Mr. PEARSON states, that having observed a tree at Howrah nearly dead from

the ravages of insects, he purchased it, and on examination found it pierced in all

directions with holes from 4 to # of an inch in diameter, perfectly round, and more

or less filled with a substance resembling coarse saw-dust. These holes were made

by the large, long, square-shaped apodal larve of the Lamia Rubus ; and on the tree

being kept about two months, the perfect insects began to appear, which led to an

examination of the interior, and the discovery of many specimens in the image state,

and that of the pupa exhibited to the Society. Mr. PEARSON mentioned, that, as

appears by the last part published of the Transactions of the Entomological Society,

Capt. W. SaunpDERs, who paid much attention to Indian Entomology, had never

een able to meet with the pupa of Lamia Rubus : therefore it may be new to science.

322 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Apriz,

The change from the larva to the pupa in this species appears to take place about

half way between the bark and centre of the tree ; and on changing from the pupa

to the imago state, the perfect insect works its way out, by eating with its strong

mandibles a circular hole, about the same size as that made by the larve in the

interior of the tree. The general direction of the passages made by the larve is

perpendicular ; while that of the exit of the imago is horizontal—the shortest way

in fact to the air.

The second experimental year of the Curatorship having expired, Dr.

Pearson read the subjoined report on the operations of the Museum for

the past year.

Report on the Museum of the Asiatic Society, by the Curator,—May 1837.

At the conclusion of the term of my charge of the Museum last year I stated the

improvements that had been made; and how much it was to be desired that it should

not be allowed to fall back into the state in which I found it twelve months before.

Iam now again called upon to report progress, and to request your attention to

form some arrangement by which the evils I then deprecated may be averted, and an

improved method adopted, if you wish to alter that which has been followed for the

past two years.

The present state of your Museum may be mentioned ina few words. The arrange-

ments of last year have been followed out, by improving the appearance of the

apartments and by matting the floors ; while by free ventilation the dampness, from

which so much inconvenience was formerly experienced, has altogether disappeared.

No enemy now remains indeed but the dust, which does much mischief by settling

upon the specimens, and giving a dingy appearance to them ; as well as by frequent

leaning being required, and the inevitable injury to which they are in consequence

exposed.

Improvements have also been made in the cabinets. They have been all glazed

and made ready for the reception of specimens, save one, which is nearly completed.

The subscription now on foot for this part of the Museum will render it all that can

be wished.

A great number of specimens have been presented during the year ; but owing to

the insufficient means taken by their presenters to preserve them, only a portion

could be made available to the purposes of the science. I may here state that, pre-

parations, whether of skins or of insects, which have not been preserved by arsenical

soap, or by some preparation of arsenic, are not proof against the attacks of insects

in this country ; even the so much vaunted solution of corrosive sublimate in spirits

of wine is, as I have found after a fair trial, to be almost useless. But of the speci-

mens presented, there have been mounted two hundred and thirty birds, ten of which

are of large size; twenty-eight mammalia, and sixteen reptiles ; eight skeletons

have been prepared and articulated in the Museum ; viz. those of the Orang-outang,

the cow, the ass, hog, adjutant, two terrapins and aturtle. These are complete, with

the exception of the first ; and those who know by experience the labour of preparing

and afterwards of joining together, or articulating as it is technically termed, the

bones of a skeleton especially in this country, will be able to appreciate the labours of

Mr. Boucuez, to whom the praise of executing the manual part of them belongs. The

bones of the Orang-outang were presented by Mr. Fritu, but the hands and feet

having been unfortunately lost, they were restored in wood from those of the Sumatran

gigantic ape in the Museum.

Besides the articulated skeletons there have been presented twenty-two other

osteological specimens ; consisting of the skulls of mammalia and birds, the jaw of

a whale and the legs of the Emeu.

The other specimens consist of a few reptiles and fishes, and a considerable num-

ber of insects and shells.

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 323

Independent of the above, Mr. Hopeson of Nipal sent a series of upwards of

eighty well preserved skins of birds, with the intention of their being placed in the

Museum, as the originals from which some of the plates of his forthcoming great

work have been taken; but circumstances having rendered it desirable to send

them for the examination of a naturalist of eminence in England, they were, on his

promising speedily to replace them, delivered over, by directions from the Secretary,

for transmission there.

With regard to the financial arrangements, the Secretary did not think himself

empowered to advance for contingencies any sum beyond that voted by the Society.

But that sum being nearly absorbed by the salaries of Mr. BoucHez and his

nephew, who is employed to assist him, I have paid the remainder of the charges

myself; and in this manner expended Co.’s Rs. 138 15 6, more than I have received.

A few words may be expected from me as to the future management of the

Museum. Much has been urged against expending the funds of the Society for this

purpose; and a strong protest on the same side, signed by five Members, has also

been givenin. So far as my own feelings are in question, I shall be happy to yield

to this or any other view of the subject taken by the majority. Although I do not

agree with those who think money ill expended, which is expended upon an object

that contributes to further the pursuits of any considerable portion of the Society.

And my respect for the protest would not have been less had it been signed by the

older Members of the Society, instead of by those who had been elected only two

or three months before the proceedings took place, against which they thought

proper to protest ; who mistook the mere lodgment of money in public securities

for a vested fund; and who had not, I believe, any one of them, ever seen the Museum

previous to, or since the new arrangements were made! Under these circumstances I

am not inclined to allow much weight to the protest, nor to sacrifice our Museum in

Accordance with the views of the protestors. It is true, a substitute for a Curator

has been proposed in a committee, each member of which should undertake a par-

ticular department ; and as a body assisting with their advice, and superintending

the operations of the Curator, such a committee would be of great service; but as an

executive engine, a committee is always worse than useless, and I anticipate nothing

but failure in the scheme. If your Curator is not a paid and responsible officer, you

will, in effect, have no Curator at all; and if you have no Curator, you will have no

Museum ; while I am sure a Museum is, in the present direction of men’s minds to-

wards natural history, essential to the well-being, if not even to the existence of the

Society. If our own funds cannot support our Museum as it should be supported,

we ought to apply to the Goverment to assist us ; when, judging from the liberal

views of science taken by the present Governor General, and the anxiety he has

evinced to encourage that of natural history in particular ; coupled with the fact

that the Court of Directors have ever been the patrons of zoological pursuits ; there

is little fear of our making the application in vain. I think the advantages of adopt-

ing this plan would be great and manifold; our Museum would be placed ona

vigorous and permanent footing ; and be the means of enhancing the prosperity of

our institution, and of conferring no light benefit upon the public: while we should

soon be able to wipe off the reproach so repeatedly and justly thrown upon the name

of Englishmen in the East,—of leaving to distant nations the task and the honor o¢

gleaning in our own field the treasures of natural history, which we ourselves are

indifferent and too ignorant to reap.

J, T. PEARSON.

Resolved, that the Report be referred to the Committee of Papers for

the purpose of drafting such arrangement as the Society’s funds may

permit for the maintenance of the Museum of natural history on the most

efficient footing.

VIII.—Meteorological Register.

324

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JOURNAL

meer AD LA TYCO SO CTE TY:

No. 65.—May, 1837.

1.—Journal of a visit to the Mishmee hills in Assam. By Wo. Grir-

ritH, M. D. Madras Medical Establishment.

{In a letter to Captain F. JENKINS, Political Agent, N. E. Frontier; communi-

cated by Government to the Asiatic Society, the 5th April, 1837.]

In pursuance of my intention of visiting the Mishmee hills, as soon

as the season was sufficiently advanced, I left this station on the 15th

October, and proceeded up the Brahmapitra, or Lohit, to the mouth

of the Karam Pdnee, which we reached on the third day. I thence

ascended this river, which is a mere mountain stream, for a similar

period, at the expiration of which I had reached its extreme navi-

gable point at that season of the year, even for the small boats which

ITemployed. At Chonpéra the rapids of the Brahmapztra commence,

and thence they increase rapidly in frequency and violence ; so much

so, that the river is only navigable for small boats one day’s journey

above the mouth of the Karam. No villages exist on the great river,

the extreme banks of which are clothed with heavy tree jungle. It

is much subdivided by islets formed of accumulations of sand and

boulders: these islets being either scantily covered by coarse species

of sugar, or tree jungle, or grass and tree jungle. The Karam isa

considerable stream, consisting of a succession of rapids; its banks

are clothed with very heavy tree jungle, among which the simul*,

udalt, and a species of alder occupy conspicuous places. On the

second day of its ascent we reached.the Kamptee village Palampan,

situated about a mile inland in a southerly direction ; it is small and

@f no consequence, although the Raja is of high rank.

* Bombax heptaphyllum. + Sterculia sp.

326 Journal of a visit to (May,

At this village my attention was first directed to a very valuable na-

tive dye, the room of the Assamese; with this dye all the deep blue

cloths so much used by the Kamptees and Singphos are prepared. What

is more curious, it belongs to a family (Acanthacea), the constituents of

which are generally devoid of all valuable properties—it is a species of

Ruellia, and is a plant highly worthy of attention. Leaving the boats,

I proceeded up the Karam, the general direction of which is about

E. S. E., and after a tedious march of five hours over small boulders,

reached the first Mishmee village on the route. This village is called

Jingsha, deriving its name, as appears to be always the case, from the

Gam: it is about six miles from the foot of the hills—it is small, the

number of houses not exceeding ten, and possesses apparently very

few khets. The Gam is a man of inferior note. After a halt of two

days to enable my people to bring up the provisions, &c., I left for

Brahma-kind, which, from Captain Witcox’s description, I imagined

to be the usual route to the interior. Brahma-kind lies to the E. N.

E. of Jingsha, from which place it is distant by the path, which is very

circuitous, about twelve miles. The route at first follows another bed

of the Karam to the S. W., thence ascending the Dat Pidnee to the

eastward, thence diverging to the north through a heavy tree jungle,

and after traversing this for about an hour ending at the kind, to

which place the descent is steep, but short. Of this celebrated place

much has been said, but no description at all answers to it, as it

exists now. ‘The scenery is bold, the hills on either side of the river

being very steep but of no great height, and the kind, or reservoir

itself is totally lost in the contemplation of the immensely deep bed

of the river and the gigantic rocks visible in every direction. The

extreme width of the bed of the river is certainly upwards of one

hundred yards, but of this only the left half is occupied by the stream.

The kuind is contemptible, and unless the attention were especially di-

rected to it, would quite escape observation. The Deo Pdnee is a

paltry attempt at a waterfall. The course of the river is slow and

sufficiently tranquil, but to the eastward there is a violent rapid

ending about sixty yards from the kind itself. This reservoir owes

its existence to the projection of two rocks into the Lohit; at this

season it contains but little water. The fuqeer’s rock is a huge mass

perforated near its summit ; its extreme apex is accessible, but with

difficulty ; it does not represent Gothic spires, this appearance, so far

as I know, being limited to shell-limestone. At this romantic spot

I staid three days, paying particular attention to the vegetation of the

place, which presents some curious features, of which the most

1837.} the Mishmee hills in Assam. 327

remarkable is the existence of a species of maple and one of rue: the

former being an inhabitant of Nipal. the latter of considerable eleva-

tions on the Khasiya ranges. I was met here by Taran Gam, the

chief of the kénd, who claims all the offerings invariably made to the

deity by every native visitor of whatever rank or religion he may be.

After examining the adjoining hills, over which the route pursued

by Lieutenant Witcox lay, I was convinced of the impracticability of

proceeding, at least with the usual description of Assamese coolies.

I was therefore compelled to retrace my steps to Jingsha, having pre-

viously arranged with Taran Gam for guides to shew me the usual

route. At Jingsha I was delayed for several days in bringing up rice,

which had been kindly forwarded from Sadiyd by Lieutenant Miuiar,

and without which I knew it would be impossible to visit the interior.

From Jingsha I proceeded up the Karam in an easterly direction,

diverging thence up the Kussing Pdnee ina N. E. direction, thence

skirting the foot of the hills, through remarkably heavy bamboo

jungle. After a long march we descended a low hill to the Lat Pdnee, but

at a higher point than any previously visited. The following day I

commenced the ascent, passing during the day a small Mishmee village

without a name, and halting on the slope of a hill in heavy tree jungle.

Commencing our march early next morning, we ascended and descend-

ed several considerable hills, and at noon reached Deeling, the Dilling

of Captain Wiicox. This is a small village consisting of a few

houses, scattered in various directions, and opposite to it on the great

mountain Thumathaya is another called Yeu: there is about this place

a good deal of cultivation. It was here that I came upon the route

previously followed by Captain Wiicox. This I followed as far as

GHALoow’s: itis correctly described in that officer’s memoir on Assam

and the neighbouring countries. Our halts were as follows :—on the

third day the bed of the Loft ; on the fourth at the mouth of the Lung ;

on the fifth at GHatoom’s, whose village has been removed to the

banks of the Lohit, and at a distance of about one hour’s march in

advance from the old site. From GuHatoom’s J proceeded to Kurosna’s,

whose village is on the north bank of the Lohit. I crossed the river,

which is here about forty yards wide, and as usual deep and tolerably

rapid, on a bamboo raft, no one but the Mishmees venturing by the

suspension canes, which are here stretched over a space of about

eighty yards, and at a formidable height from the stream. From

KuosHa’s I proceeded to Praimsona’s, whose village is at a much

higher elevation than any of the others: but Primsone was unfortu-

nately absent. This was the extreme point to which I was enabled

2u2

328 Journal af a visit to (May,

to proceed, and after waiting three days for the arrival of the chief,

I returned to Knosua’s, where I met with Primsone, who had just

returned from a visit to Trusone, a chief whose village is far in

the interior.

I had thus become acquainted with all the influential chiefs near our

frontier, and by all I was received in a friendly and hospitable manner.

In accordance with my original intentions, my attention was in the

first place directed towards ascertaining whether the tea exists in this

direction or not, and, as I have already informed you, I have every

reason to think that the plant is unknown on these hills. From what

I have seen of the tea on the plains, J am disposed to believe that the

comparative want of soil, due to the great inclination of all the

eminences, is an insuperable objection to its existence.

As I before observed to you, during my stay at Jingsha my curiosity

had been excited by reports of an incursion of a considerable force of

Lamas into the Mishmee country. It hence became, having once

established a footing in the country, a matter of paramount import-

ance to proceed farther into the interior, and, if possible, to effect a

junction with these highly interesting people; but all my attempts to

gain this point proved completely futile; no bribes, no promises

would induce any of the chiefs to give me guides, even to the first

Mishmee village belonging to the Meyhoo tribe. I was hence com-

pelled to content myself for the present, with obtaining as much

information as possible relative to the above report, and I at length

succeeded in gaining the following certainly rather meagre account.

The quarrel, asusual, originated about a marriage settlement between

two chiefs of the Meyhoo and Taeen tribes : it soon ended in both parties

coming to blows. The Meyhoo chief, Root1ne, to enable him at once

to overpower his enemies, and to strike at once at the root of their

power, called in the assistance of the Lamas. From this country a

force of seventy men armed with matchlocks made an invasion, and, as

was to be expected, the Taeen Mishmees were beaten at every point and

lost about twenty men. The affair seem to have come to a close about

September last, when the Lamas returned to their own country.

Where it occurred I could gain no precise information, but it must

have been several days’ journey in advance of the villages I visited.

It was owing to the unsettled state of the country, resulting from

this feud, that I could gain no guides from the Digaroos, without whose

assistance in this most difficult country, I need scarcely say, that all

attempts to advance would have been made in vain. These people

very plausibly said, if we give you guides, who is to protect us

1837.} the Mishmee hills in Assam. $29

from the vengeance of the Meyhoos when you are gone, and who is to

insure us from a second invasion of the Lamas? Another thing to be

considered is the influence even then exercised over the Mishmees

near our boundaries by the Singphos connected with the Dupha Gam;

but from the renewal of the intercourse with our frontier station,

there is every reason for believing that this influence is ere this nearly

destroyed.

I was, after various attempts, reluctantly obliged to give up the

affair, although I am by no means certain that, had I known of the de-

lay that would take place before I met Captain Hannay, a longer so-

journ in the hills would not have been attended with success. I returned

by the same route, halting at Deeling to enable me to ascend the great

mountain Thumathaya, on the top of which I passed one night, and the

ascent of which in every respect amply repaid me for all difficulties

incurred. On my return I visited Tapan Gam’s* village, where I met

several Singphos, who were engaged in the late troubles on the side

of the Dupha, and which is reported to be the favorite haunts of

a famous Singpho dacoit, Cuu’n Yu’Ne ; thence I returned to Jingsha.

Nature of the country. The country traversed during the above

journey consisted of a series of ascents and descents, as must always

evidently be the case where the route follows the course of a consi-

derable river; for difficulty it cannot well be surpassed, this again

depending on the proximity of the route to the Lohit. The only

comparatively easy portion is that between Daf Pdnee and the place

where we descended to the bed of the large river. The hills are

invariably characterised by excessive steepness, and as the greater

portion of the route winds round these eminences at some height

above their bases, the marching is excessively fatiguing and difficult,

to say nothing of its danger. In very many places a false step would

be attended with fatal consequences; in one place in particular,

upwards of an hour was consumed in traversing a sheer precipice at a

height of at least one hundred feet above the foaming bed of the Lohit ;

the only support being derived from the roots and stumps of trees

and shrubs, and the angular nature of the face of the rock, which is,

1 believe, grey carbonate of lime:

Paths. The paths are of the very worst imaginable description,

always excessively narrow and overgrown by jungles in all directions.

In very steep places the descent is assisted by hanging canes, which

afford good support. No attempt is ever made at clearing them of

* This chief is not worthy of any encouragement. He would feel this the more, owing

to the proximity of his village to our boundary and its easiness of access.

330 Journal of a visit to [May,

any obstruction: indeed the natives seem to think that the more diffi-

cult the paths the better, a great-r security being thus obtained from

foreign invasion. Better paths do exist, and there is one in particular

on the north of the Lohif, which is that commonly used by the

Mishmees when carrying cattle back from the plains to their homes.

But it was my fortune to be shown the very worst, although I

escaped the cliff above alluded to by following on my return another

but very circuitous route. Up to Guatoom’s old site the hiils are nearly

entirely clothed with dense tree jungle, the points of some being

covered with a coarse grass; thence every step towards the eastward

is accompanied by a most material improvement, the hills presenting

a very pleasing and varied surface, and being only clothed with tree

jungle towards their bases. The extreme summits of the loftiest are

naked and rugged.

Rivers and Torrents. The torrents which are passed between the foot

of the hills and GuHatoow’s are the Tussoo (Diss of Wttcox), which

separates Thumathaya from Deeling, the Lung and the O. Of these the

Lung is the only one not fordable ; the Mishmees cross it by suspension

canes. I preferred constructing a rude bridge, which, as the torrent

is divided by huge boulders, was neither a difficult nor a very tedious

affair. The Tid-ding, which is of considerable size, is on the right

bank of the river. The rills are frequent, especially towards the foot of

the hills. I saw only one waterfall of any magnitude near the Tussoo :

the body of water is not great, but the height of the fall is certainly one

hundred feet. The Lofit itself beyond the Lung is of no great size,

the average breadth of the stream at that season being from forty to

fifty yards. At Guatoom’s its depth did not appear to exceed thirty

feet. It is a curious fact, its temperature is lower than that of any of its

tributaries. Although I have not seen the Dibong, judging from the

comparatively small size of the Lofit, the probability is much in favor

ef the former carrying off the waters of the Tsan-poo.—PRimsonG in-

deed informed me that the Lofhit above the Ghaloom Pdnee (Ghaloom

Thee of Wiucox) is an insignificant mountain stream.

Altitude of Mountains. Of the height of the various ridges sur-

mounted I can give no idea: the only thermometer I had was

unfortunately broken before my arrival at the kind. The high-

est I visited was Lampiang-thaya; the next in height Thumathaya:

on both these snow occasionally collects during thecold months. The

western face of the latter is completely bare towards its summit, the

eastern being covered with tree jungle. Of the former, the upper

third is completely naked ; and two efforts to complete its ascent were

fruitless.

1837.] the Mishmee hills in Assam. 331

Geology. Of the geology of these hills I am unfortunately incompe-

tent to judge; nor was I ever enabled to make a satisfactory collection,

owing to the impossibility of procuring additional carriage.

Zoology. The subjects presented by the animal kingdom are cers

tainly not extensive either in number of species or of individuals. I

observed no wild quadrupeds except monkeys and an occasional

squirrel; no tigers exist, but bears are represented as tolerably

numerous. he number of birds which 1 succeeded in procuring

barely amounted to species.

Botany. Of the botany it is not my intention here to give an

extended account. It is sufficient to state that it appears to have

similar features with other portions of the Sub-Himdlayan ranges.

I did not reach the region of fir trees, but I could plainly distinguish

by the telescope the existence of very extensive forests on the loftier

ranges to the eastward. ‘The families that have the most numerous

representatives are Composite, Urticee, Balsaminee, Cyathandiacee,

Acanthacee, Graminee and Filices. The most interesting, chiefly from

the indicating elevation, or from their being usually associated with

climates similar to that of northern Europe, are Ranunculacee, includ-

ing that valuable drug the Mishmee-Teeta, and the celebrated poison

Bee. Fumareacee, Violaciea, Camelliacee, Hamamelidia, including the

Bucklandia and Sedgwickia, Gentianee, Vacciniacee, Campanulacee,

Thymalee, Juglandee, Cupulifere. The most unique plants is a new

genus of Raffleseuacea, like its gigantic neighbour of the Malayan

Archipelago, a parasite, on the root of a species of vine.

The natives of this portion of the range are divided into two tribes,

Taeen or Digaroo and Meyhoo, these last tracing their descent from

the Dibong Mishmees who are always known by the term crop-haired.

The Meyhoo, however, like the Taeens, preserve their hair, wearing

it generally tied in a knot on the crown of their head. The appear-

ance of both tribes is the same, but the language of the Meyhoos is

very distinct. They are perhaps the more powerful of the two; but

their most influential chiefs reside at a considerable distance from the

lower ranges. The only Meyhoos I met with are those at Deeling,

Yeu, a small village opposite Deeling but at a much higher elevation,

and Tupan. I need scarcely add that it was owing to the opposition

of this tribe that Captain Wuxcox failed in reaching Lama. The

Digaroos are ruled by three influential chiefs, who are brothers,

Darisonc, Kuossa, and Guatoom : of these, Drisone is the eldest and

the most powerful, but he resides far in the interior. Parmsone is

from a distant stock; and as the three brothers mentioned above are

332 Journal of a visit to (Mar,

all passed the prime of life, there is but little doubt that he will soon

become by far the most influential chief of his tribe. Both tribes

appear to intermarry. The Mishmees are a small, active, hardy race,

with the Tartar cast of features; they are excessively dirty, and have

not the reputation of being honest, although, so far as I know, they are

belied in this respect. Like other hill people, they are famous for the

muscular development of their legs :—in this last point the women

have generally the inferiority. They have no written language ;—

their clothing is inferior; it is, however, made of cotton, and is of

their own manufacture ;

that of the men consists of a mere jacket

and an apology for a dhoti,—that of the women is more copious, and

at any rate quite decent: they are very fond of ornaments, especially

beads, the quantities of which they wear is very often quite astonishing.

They appear to me certainly superior to the A’bors, of whom, however,

I have seen but few. Both sexes drink liquor, but they did not seem

to me to be so addicted to it as is generally the case with hill tribes :—

their usual drink is a fermented liquor made from rice called month ;

this, however, is far inferior to that of the Singphos, which is really

a pleasant drink.

Religion. Of their religion I could get no satisfactory information :—

every thing is ascribed to supernatural agency. Their invocations to

their deity are frequent, and seem generally to be made with the view

of filling their own stomachs with animal food. They live ina very

promiscuous manner, one hundred being occasionally accommodated in

asingle house. Their laws appear to be simple,—all grave crimes

being judged by an assembly of Gams, who are on such occasions

summoned from considerable distances. All crimes, including murder,

are punished by fines; but if the amount is not forthcoming, the

offender is cut up by the company assembled. But the crime of

adultery, provided it be committed against the consent of the husband,

is punished by death; and this severity may perhaps be necessary if

we take into account the way in which they live.

The men always go armed with knives, Lama swords, or Singpho

dhaos and lances ; and most of them carry cross-bows—the arrows for

these are short, made of bamboo, and on all serious occasions are

invariably poisoned with bee. When on fighting expeditions, they use

shields, made of leather, which are covered towards the centre with

the quills of the porcupine. Their lances are made use only for

thrusting : the shafts are made either from the wood of the lawn

(Caryota ureas) or that of another species of palma juce—they are

tipped with an iron spike, and are of great use in the ascent of hills.

1837.) the Mishmee hills in Assam. 333

The lance heads are of their own manufacture and of very soft iron.

They have latterly become acquainted with fire-arms, and the chiefs

have mostly each a firelock of Lama construction.

Their implements of husbandry are very few and rude. They have

no metal utensils of their own manufacture,—all their cooking being

carried on in square capacious stone vessels, which answer their

purpose very well. The population is certainly scanty, and may be

estimated as follows :—

AU ig ih ati ctelo aac we aden 61 het wining sae aie Bat o wl sine winnie » is) gm 50

MT ses SR ha, Saban, nielfalo. 6, mk julia: s/0la ane si. s ty SiS iy Rattan mokeinibint Set sis 80

NINES TAREE WCU ale as ain ia, di cink. cin Va! anmsol dla ain, SON) wh leg «xsi Mamaia 80

Rec OOMA Ss ele cre a otcvencislie.sue avainso oys\0is\ uals, 1e,eta).as6 Sisal@. erence encss 80

DEMHEUM geinmls see seks ones ce nese wencebce chive seins ecrasa” - LUO

PMMASONE oud at ccd ek oe ee beet coeds se bebe bade cee be 70

460

This must be considered as a rough estimate, and probably is con-

siderably exaggerated. '

The number of villages among which the above population is

distributed is seven, but it must be remembered that there are two

other villages, namely, Meerisao and Rulings, close to the Khashas.

By far the greater number of villages appear to be located near the

banks of the Lohit ; I saw only one situated on the Leeng ; while on the

summits of Thumathaya, the villages Jingsha, Tapan, Deeling and Yeu

consist of several houses, none, however, exceeding ten in number ;

and Guatoom’s, Knasua’s and Primsone’s consist each of a single

house. The houses in the former case resemble a good deal those of

the Singphos, and are of variable size; in the latter case the house is

of enormous length, this depending on the rank of the possessor, and

capable of accommodating from eighty to one hundred and sixty

persons,—all are built on machauns, constructed almost entirely with

bamboo, divided into compartments and thatched with the leaf of a

marontaceous plant (arrow-root family) likewise found in Assam ; this

being again covered, at least in some instances, with the leaves of a

species of ratan. The leaf of the former answers its purpose admir-

ably both as to neatness and durability, and forms an excellent protec-

tion against the rain. Kuasua’s house is certainly one hundred and

sixty feet in length; it is divided into twenty apartments, all of which

open into a passage: generally it would appear on the right side of

the house as one enters, along which the skulls and jawbones of the

various cattle killed during the possessor’s life time are arranged. In

each apartment there is a square fire-place, consisting merely of earth,

2x :

334 Journal of a visit to (May,

about which the bamboos are cut away. As no exit for the smoke is

allowed, the air of the interior is dense and oppressive, and often

exceedingly painful to the eyes.

Domestic animals. Their live-stock consist chiefly of hogs, mathoons,

a noble animal intermediate between the bull and buffalo, and fowls.

Of these the hogs are the most common—they are easily procurable ;

but they are not at all disposed to part with the fowls, which they say

is the favorite food of the deity. I was hence frequently reduced to

eat pork, which seemed to me, no doubt, on account of its vile

feeding, very unwholesome. On my arrival at each village a hog was

killed as a matter of course, of which a portion was presented to me,

and a portion to my people. In one case only a young mathoon was

killed ; in all these cases, the flesh is immediately cut up and devoured

as soon as possible, Their cooking is very rude, chiefly consisting of

minces. Chowrie-tailed cows are only to be met with farther in the

interior.

Their dogs are of the ordinary pariah kind.’ Cats are uncommon.

Among the skulls ranged in their houses, those of several other

kinds of cattle occur, including the cows of the plains, and the buffa-

lo; the remainder are procured eutirely from Lama.

Cultivation. Their cultivation is scanty, apparently not sufficient to

supply even their wants, and carried on in a very rude way. The

most favorable places are of course selected, either on the slopes of

the hills or on the occasionally more level patches, and joining the

Lohit. The soil in almost all cases consists of a thin superstratum of

vegetable mould. Some of the villages are in possession of a good sort

of hill rice, but the chief cultivation is of bobasd*, goomdant or Indian

corn, khonee{ and two or three still inferior grains. The villages

situated at low elevations produce excellent yams and aloos of seve-

ral kinds. They are unacquainted with wheat, barley, &c.; nor

have they even taken the trouble to obtain potatoes. The capability

of the country up to the point to which I searched, is not great, but

thence the landscape is at once sufficient to convince one that the

improvement is rapid as one proceeds to the eastward.

Of kanee a small quantity is cultivated, chiefly however for sale to

the Singphos, although many of the natives are great opium eaters.

They cultivate a sufficient quantity of cotton for the manufacture of

their own clothing, but it seems to be of inferior quality. Tobacco is

in great request, still it does not seem to be regularly cultivated.

Both sexes, young and old, are determined smokers ; their pipes are

* Elentine caracana. + Tea woys. t Davaee sp.

1837,] the Mishmee hills in Assam. 335

chiefly of Singpho manufacture; the poor classes contenting them-

selves with those made from bamboo.

Granaries. Ishould have mentioned that the produce of their fields

is kept in small granaries, at some distance from their houses: and it

is a regulation calculated to prevent quarrels, that each wife, (for they

tolerate polygamy,) has her distinct granary. Their bridges have

been well described by Captain Wuitcox;—the passage of that at

Guatoom’s which is full seventy yards in length, occupying from two

to two and half minutes. The articles in the greatest request among

them are salt, woollen clothing, printed cottons, and glass beads of

various colors. Of the existence of salt, within their own boundaries

they are unaware: generally they have none. Occasionally they pro-

cure Lama rock-salt, which is (in bulk) of a reddish color, from being

mixed up with a red earthy substance somewhat aromatic. For these

they exchange cloths of their own making, and their three staple

articles, mishmee-teeta, bee, and geitheoon, which are, in fact, at present

the only valuable known products of the country,

With Lama they carry on an annual trade, which apparently takes

place on the borders of either country. In this case mishmee-teeta,

is the staple article of the Mishmees, and for it they obtain dhaos or

straight long swords of excellent metal and often of great length;

copp¢r pots of strong, but rough make, flints and steel, or rather steel

alone, which are really very neat and good; warm woollen caps,

coarse loose parti-colored woollen cloths, huge glass beads, generally

white or blue, various kind of cattle, in which Lama is represented as

abounding, and salts. I cannot say whether the Lamas furnish flints

with the steel implements for striking light ; the stone generally used

for this purpose by the Mishmees is the nodular production from

Thumathaya,—and this, although rather frangible, answers its purpose

very well ; with the Singphos they barter elephant’s teeth, these animals

being found im the lower ranges, for slaves, dhaws, and buffaloes.

With the Khamtees they appear to have little trade, although there

is aroute to the proper country of this people along the Ghaloom Piinee,

or Ghaloom Thee of Witcox’s chart; this route is, from the great

height of the hills to be crossed, only available during the hot

months.

With the inhabitants of the plains they carry on an annual trade,

which is now renewed after an interruption of two years, exchanging

cloths, Lama swords, spears, mishmee-teeta, bee, which is in very

great request, and gertheana much esteemed by the natives for its

peculiar and rather pleasant smell, for money (to which they begin to

oe Sar

$36 Journal of a visit to (May,

attach great value), cloths, salt and beads: when a sufficient sum of

money is procured, they lay it out in buffaloes and the country cattle.

Political relations. With reference to their political relations they

were all—at least all those near our frontier—active supporters of

the Dupha Gam, to whom they rendered very effectual assistance in

the erection of stockades, although they declined fighting. Formerly

the Raja of Assam exercised almost exclusive control over them,

entirely, as it appears, from making their most influential chiefs trifling

annual presents of one or two buffaloes. With our government their

intercourse has, as I before mentioned, been entirely interrupted during

the last two years ; at present, however, they appear inclined to pay all

proper respect to the Assamese authorities. From the active assist-

ance they rendered Dupha Gam, and in the second instance to put

an impediment in the way of the trade of slaves, it is obviously of

importance to keep them in this friendly state, and this would be best

done by adopting the plan followed during the times of the Rajas of

this portion of Assam; and with this view I would beg to direct your

attention to GuHALoom, Knosua, and Primsone: of these three,

Kwosua is perhaps possessed of the greatest influence, but he is

getting old and inactive. The same may be said of Guatoom, his

younger brother. The most active, ambitious, and enterprisimg man

is certainly Prrmsone, who is still young ; and as he evidently looks up

to the possession of the chief authority among the Gams, any favor

shewn to him would render him a steady friend. He is the only chief

I saw who is in the habit of visiting Lama. It was from materials

given by him that Captain Witcox drew up that portion of his map

which has reference to the course of the Lehit, and it is through him

alone that we may look forward to becoming acquainted with the

country of the Lamas. He is, in fact, far superior to all the rest in

talents and information, and, as a proof of his activity, he has just

returned from the Hookum territory, where he saw Captain Hannay,

and whither he had no doubt followed the Dupha Gam. So long

indeed as the Mishmees are in relation with the Singphos, so long will

there be a ready way in which to dispose of slaves by the Singphos,

a people on whom no dependence is to be placed. At the period of

my visit to Kaasna, I saw a slave who had been actually sold by

Singphos residing within our territory, within the last six months.

With the Dibong Mishmees they are, and always have been, engaged

in a war of extermination. Of this tribe, both Mooghoos and Digaroos

entertain the greatest fear: their inroads have caused the latter tribes

to forsake their haunts on the Digaroo mountains, and I am told that

1837.) the Mishmee hills in Assam. 337

at this time none are to be found to the westward of the Tid-ding.

With the Lamas, as I have before observed, they are at present at

rupture; and protection might be promised them against the inroads

of either people, such protection being chiefly limited to the loan of

old muskets and ammunition. Itis chiefly owing to their proximity

to the Lamas, that the country of the Mishmees, as being the most

feasible route thither in this direction, is worthy of attention. It is

obvious from all accounts that the Lamas are a very superior race, and

that they greatly resemble the Chinese. It would hence be highly

desirable to open a trade between Upper Assam and Lama, and to this

I really see no insurmountable objection. The great object to be first

attained is personal communication with these people, and I have every

reason to believe that through the influence and aid of Primsona, who

is well acquainted with them, that I should be able to accomplish this.

On this subject, however, I have already addressed you officially. —

Primsone, in the event of the non-consent of the other chiefs, has

promised to take the responsibility on himself, and as the route he has

promised to take me leads across the termination of the Himdlayas, and

ends in some distance from the southern extremity of the valley, in

which the inhabitants of this portion of Lama reside, he could neces-~

sarily act independently of them; almost all the Meyhoo chiefs, from

whom the chief opposition is to be apprehended, being located along

the Lohit to the westward of the junction of the Ghaloom Panee.

Having once gained access to the valley, a return could be effected

along the banks of the Lohit, so as to materially increase our know~

ledge of that river. From my knowledge of the Mishmees I am

confident that the slightest care would ensure me from any attempts

at treachery. Open hostilities they would never attempt, and as there

would be no crossing of any considerable river, no attempts could be

made, as they, the Meyhoos, appear to have intended in Captain

Witcox’s instance, on the party when subdivided. The hasty retreat

of this officer has been attended with unfortunate results in increasing

the fear which the Digaroos entertain for the Meyhoos.

With reference to my making the attempt, I can only say that sixty

maunds of rice are already lodged within the hills, and my orders are

only necessary to cause its transportation to the villages of Kuosna,

Guatoom, and Primsone. Thus one great obstacle in all hill expedi-

tions is already removed. Primsone has engaged to provide me with

men for the transports of my carriage and the necessary presents ;

thus I shall run but little risk from detention owing to the sickness or

laziness of coolies. In short, the only thing likely to interrupt my

338 Journal of a visit to [May,

progress will be sickness ; but having once reached Primsone’s, safety

would be perhaps insured. I speak here in allusion to the season, the

route being, from the great height of the mountains to be crossed, only

practicable during the rains. I shall close this portion of my letter

with a few remarks on the Lamas, for which I am indebted to

Primsone. He describes them as resembling the Chinese, whose

peculiar manner of wearing their hair they adopt ; the country is very

populous, the houses well built, and the people are well supplied with

grain, the staple one being rice. They are of a large stature, well

clothed, wearing Chinese trousers and shoes, navigating their rivers

by means of boats, and using horses, of which they possess three

varieties, as beasts of burthen. They possess in addition, no less than

seven kinds of cattle. They distil ardent spirits, and their manufactures,

which are numerous, are said to be very superior.

On my arrival at Jingsha, I determined on crossing the country

towards Beesa, having heard that tea existed in this direction,

Leaving Jingsha, I proceeded up the Karan to the east, thence diverg-

ing to the south along the now nearly dry bed of the Kampiee. During

the march I passed one small Singpho village, and in the evening

arrived at Onsa, the largest Singpho village I ever saw. On the

following day I left for Suttoon, and after a march of three hours halted

beyond Suttoon close to the head of the Tenga Pdnee. From this, on

the following day, I proceeded crossing the Tenga Pdnce, the course of

which I followed for some distance, thence diverging to the S. W.

towards the Minaboom range through excessively heavy bamboo

jungle. On reaching the Muttock Pdnee I ascended its dry bed for

some distance until we reached the hills. This range, along which I

proceeded some distance, is entirely sandstone, and in no part exceeds

five hundred feet in height; thence descended and arrived at the

Meerep Panee, in the bed of which we halted. The next day carried

me after a long march to Beesa, the course first laving down the Meerep

Pdnee, thence to the westward and through a very low and uninterest-

ing and nearly uninhabited country. We emerged from the jungle about

a mile and a half above Beesa, to which place our course lay along the

nearly dry bed of the formerly larger now small Dihing. ‘This river,

which up to last year drained a great portion of the Singpho country

on this side of the Patkaye range, is now nearly dry, its waters having

taken a new course into the Kamroop, and thence into the Booree

Dihing. It is now only navigable for small boats as far as the

Degaloo Goham’s village, which is but a short distance from its

mouth,

1837.) the Mishmee hills in Assam. 339

The valley occupied by the Khakoo Singphos, which I had thus

crossed, is bounded to the N. E. by the Mishmee mountains, and to the

S. W. by the Mimboom range; it is of a triangular form, and not of

any great extent: it is drained by the Tenga Pdnee. The whole valley

is comparatively high, and may be considered as a low table land : itis

incomparably the finest part of our territory inhabited by Singphos,

that I have yet seen: between Jtusa and Luttora, I passed, although it

was a short march, five large villages ; and whatever the case may be

with the other portions of our Singpho territory, this valley is very

populous and highly flourishing. Luttora is a village of no great size ;

formerly Luttora Gam was the chief of the whole valley, but his

followers, since the affair of the Dupha Gam, have divided them-

selves between Itusa and Ittanshantan Gams who are friendly to our

Government.

From Itusa Gam I met great attention ; from Luttora Gam, until

lately an avowed enemy to our Government, I received a visit, being

the first he ever paid to any officer. He made the usual professions of

submission ; but on my telling him that he should send in his submis-

sion to the officers at Sadiyd, he replied very quietly, that he must

first communicate with the Dupha Gam. (Latterly I understand that

he has sent his submission in to the Political Agent.) He was attended

with a considerable number of men armed with lances and dhaos. He

is a large, rufhanly-looking man, nearly blind, and for a Singpho very

dirty. He was attended with an adherent of the Dupha Gam, who had

just returned from Hookum. This man descanted on the general satis-

faction given to the chiefs about Hookum by the presents of Captain

Hannay, and he said that all the chiefs had agreed to bury the re-

membrance of all former feuds in oblivion.

The chief cultivation of the valley is that of ahoo dhan, the fields of

which are numerous and extensive.

The manners of the Khakhoos are the same as those of the other

Singphos; they are represented, however, as excelling these in treachery

and cruelty. I met with no opposition on the journey, although I was

attended by only sixteen Donaniers ; and although, as I have since as-

certained, my adoption of this route caused great offence to the chiefs»

one of whom sent a letter of remonstrance to the officers at Sadiyd.

They have a great number of Assamese slaves, and there is but little

doubt that the practice of slave-selling still exists among them. In fact

a Donanier from Chykwas was actually obliged to place himself under

my protection. None of the villages are stockaded. Luttora is ona

strong site, being built on a steep eminence nearly surrounded by two

340 Journal of a visit to the Mishmee hills in Assam. [May,

small streams; and as the ascent is steep, although not great, it is

difficult of access, and might be well defended.

I gained no clue to the actual existence of the tea, although the

yellow soil was not unfrequent towards the head of the Tenga Pdnee.

The Minaboom range, as I have above observed, is of no considerable

height; it is covered with tree jungle, among which occurs a species

of dammai, amagnolea, and one or two species of oak.

On arriving at Beesa I heard that Mr. Bruce was at Fingree, and

as that gentleman had previously expressed a wish that I should give

my opinion on his mode of tea culture, 1 immediately determined

on proceeding thither: with this view I left for Rapoo, which I reached

in two ordinary marches. There visited the tea, and then left for

Rapoodoo. Here also I visited the tea, which is abundant, appearing

to me the best of that produced in the Singpho territory ;—the soil is

precisely the same, in all its external characters, as that of the other

tea localities.

The tea plant being certainly adapted to some degree of shade, the

free exposure to the sun seems wrong in principle, evidently producing

a degree of coarseness in the leaves, totally incompatible, I presume,

with the production of fine flavored teas.

From this place I proceeded through heavy jungle, uninhabited

except by elephants, for two days, literally cutting my way where the

tracks of the elephants were not available owing to their direction.

Our course being determined by that of the Dibora, on the evening

of the second day we arrived at Choakree Ting in the Muttock country,

and halted on the Rolea Pdnee. The third day, after a very long

march of nearly twenty miles, carried me close to Ranga gurrah. On

reaching this I found that Major Wau1re was expected daily, but that

Mr. Bruce had already returned to Sadiyd.

I had the pleasure of accompanying Major Wuire three days after

my arrival to Tingree, from which place we returned direct to

Sadiyd, the march occupying three days.

The greater part of Muttock which I had thus an opportunity of

seeing may be characterised as capable of producing tea, the soil

being in almost every instance of that yellow color, hitherto found to

be so characteristic of the tea localities. To this the only exceptions

exist in the swampy ravines, which are occasionally of great extent.

The better portions consist of rather high plains, covered with tall

coarse grasses, and intersected here and there with narrow strips of

jungle. It may be considered as a comparatively open country ;—the

villages are numerous, and the people satisfied. Altogether Muttock

1837.] Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. $41

may be considered as a well-governed flourishing district. But on

this point I need not detain you, as the nature of the district is suffi-

ciently well known.

The villages passed between Beesa and Muttock are few ; the first is

a small temporary village occupied by Nagas, about ten miles from

Beesa. The next is Dhompoan, a large Singpho village, half way

between the Naga village, and Rapoo, Rusoo; and, lastly, Rupddoo.

Between this and Choakri Ting no villages occur.

II.—Corrected Estimate of the risk of life to Civil Servants of the

Bengal Presidency. By H.T. Prinsep, Esq. Sec. to Govt. &c.

In the number of this Journal for July, 1832, some Tables were

published showing the risk of life amongst Civil Servants on the

Bengal Establishment, and in a short article the principles were

explained upon which the tables had been framed. The method

adopted in that article for computing the risks of life in the Civil

Service of the Bengal Presidency has met the entire approbation of the

most able actuaries in England, and the tables have not only been

adopted as affording the best estimate forthcoming of the chances of

life amongst persons in good circumstances in the climate of India, but

attempts have likewise been made to apply the same method of compu-

tation to other services. Amongst others, Mr. Curnin has, we under-

stand, successfully computed tables framed on the same principles for

the Military Services of all the three Presidencies of India, from the

year 1765 to the present date,—a work of immense labour, the results

of which we have seen in abstract, and lament that the publication of

them has been so long delayed. As our Civil Service tables have

thus acquired an importance, as well from the use made of them by

insurance offices, as from the application of the principle to the

construction of other tables, we have deemed it necessary, now that

another lustrum of five years has passed since they were framed, to

republish them, completed to the close of 1836, and to draw attention

a second time to the method adopted in their construction. We will not

conceal that a principal motive with us for taking this trouble is that

we have discovered some errors in the Tables of 1832, and therefore

are anxious to supercede it for practical use by supplying one

more accurate. We are glad also to avail ourselves of the opportunity

to point the attention of public officers and persons of intelligence at

other Presidencies to the expediency of keeping registers and framing

similar tables for the different services with which they may be con-

2¥

342 Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. [May,

nected. Ina very valuable paper drawn up by Mr. Grairrita Daviss

for the Bombay Civil Fund, a form of register is given, which, if duly

kept, will afford the means of constructing accurate tables for any.

purposes framed precisely upon our principle, and this table may be

adopted for a regiment or for any number of persons circumstanced

alike—that is, when in a condition to yield a fair average of casualties,

just as well as for a service constituted like the Civil Services of the

different Presidencies. The only thing to be attended to is, that in

like manner as a separate page in the service registers ought to be

set apart for the nominations of Civil Servants for each year, because,

forf acility of computation, we assume them to be of persons of the

same average age, so a separate page must be assigned to persons of

the same age when the register is formed for the purpose of obtain-

ing the risks of life amongst persons promiscuously selected, and not

of uniform or nearly corresponding ages.

As it is of importance that this should be well understood, and

because we wish to inculcate the expediency oi framing tables of the

same kind not only for his Majesty’s and for the Native regiments,

but likewise for the natives of cities and towns in different parts of

India, we shall devote a few words toa little further explanation of the

registers we recommend to be kept. The following is the form into

which any number of names upon which it is desired to obtain life

results of any kind may be entered, taking care only, as before pointed

out, that those entered in the same page are always of the same age

at the time of first registry.

Page 14.

Age 23, Ist year. 2nd. 3rd. 4th. 5th. 6th. ‘7th. Sth. Oth. 10th. S&e.

A. ] 1 1 1 ] Va?

B. poy fel 1 t 1 1 3 died

Cc. S2lounh 1 1 1 1 mar.|1 Hones) 1 1

D. 1 1 % died. son

4 4 13% 3 3 23 1 1 1 1

Page 16

Age 25

E. ; 1 1 4 died.

F. : 1 1 L 1 at

G, ° ] 1 1 1 ] 1 ] 1 1 1

H. o- 1 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 1

4 4 3% 3 24 2 2 2 2 2

Now if one hundred names of soldiers were entered in the first

column as having come into the country at the age of 23, though

every one of them came, perhaps in a different year, still the register

for as many years as it may extend in respect to these persons,

* Discharged. + Returned to England.

1837.] Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. 343

giving in each the fact of the individual having outlived that year or

not, or any other circumstance or event, must afford the means of

computing the different accidents of life for every age that may be

reached by the persons so registered, and the results of one page may

be combined with those of any other by adding the sum at the bottom

of the page to the proper column with reference to age of such other

page, and by taking out of the whole the number of deaths or of mar-

riages or of the births of children, male or female, or of any other ac-

cident of life that may be recorded in the column to compare with the

sum of the lives of the age in both pages or of as many pages as may

be brought into the computation.

We presume that every insurance office keeps registers framed upon

this principle, but we wish to see them extended to the Army and

likewise to some thousands of natives in towns and in the interior,

with a view to obtaining the materials for computing the risks and

accidents of life amongst these classes at different ages, in respect to

which we are at present without any materials for framing a table or

estimate of any kind.

The tables given in Captain Henprrson’s article upon the subject

of the value of life in India, published in the last volume of the

Researches of the Asiatic Society, though framed with great labour,

are defective in this point*. They afford general averages of the value

of life amongst certain classes, but not of the value of life at each year

of age, which is a most essential circumstance ; and for insurance offices

or for institutions which deal in annuities, the risks with reference to

age are the main and most important, if not the only, matter for

consideration.

It is to be observed that it will not be possible to frame registers

retrospectively for any class of persons, unless from peculiar circum-

stances a given number of names with the age of each individual can

be entered for any specific past date, and these can be followed out

in all their circumstances to the date of the formation of the regis-

ters. This is the principle upon which the previous and present

tables have been framed for the Bengal Civil Service, and upon which

similar tables have been made for the Army. The nominations of

each year to the different services being fixed and known, and the

* Capt. DeHaviLanp’s tables for the Madras army are an exception to this

remark, as they are framed by years of service on our principle, but the results of

the first years of the series give ratios of deaths for those years which cast a

doubt on the accuracy of the whole table. Mr. Gorpon’s army table is of too

old a date to be useful.

2x2

344 Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. {[May,

power existing of tracing almost every nominee, the registers have

been made up for past years as completely and accurately as if the

nominees of the present year were to be followed prospectively through

their career of service to the time of their deaths or retirements. The

same principle may perhaps be adopted in framing regimental regis-

ters retrospectively for privates and non-commissioned officers,

because each individual can similarly be traced, and his age at the

time of enlistment or of arrival in India will be on the regimental

rolls; but no materials will be any where forthcoming from which to

do the same for any class of natives, unless it be for the tenants of

the different jails during the period of their confinement for debt or

under criminal sentences.

Having premised the above remarks on the general applicability of

the method of computation adopted for ascertainment of the risks of

life amongst Bengal Civil Servants, it remains to give the amended

table, framed from the registers prepared in the Seeretary’s office at

Calcutta for the Bengal Service from 1790 to 1836. The number of

individuals of the class whose names are registered, and who have

given to our table a first year of life, is now very nearly 1000*, and

the average of the first five years is consequently framed on a total

of 4525 lives. To the end of the 20th year the number of annual

lives now exceeds 300, and the five years’ averages are upon numbers

exceeding two thousand; the yearly numbers diminish to 100 at the

end of the 30th year, only affording for the five years’ average of that

period of life as many as 660 lives. For the succeeding five years

the average is reduced to actual casualties upon 299 lives, and after

that the numbers are too small to afford any data that can be felied

upon.

To the corrected estimate now given of the risks of life in the

Bengal Civil Service, we have added a column for retirements, in or-

der that the curious in Europe may build ingenious speculations

thereupon. It is mortifying to observe that the total number of these

* The registered nominations are 1003, but this includes the nominees of 1836

who have not yet given us a first year of life. The following test of the accura-

ey of our table may be satisfactory.

Nominees from 1790 to 3lst Dec. 1836, ......cceccececcccce 1003

Deaths wlitahles ics. csttas ete se Mavele eters # cies ofalle everebelecevetetepyesoce™ Yoo

Deaths in year of nomination, not included in the table,.. ..... 8

RETEMENtE AE IM TAD. TE se ce cs cases bus kere eee cee caine yee

Remains on the Civil List lst January, 1837, deducting the

Chain Servants oi suctse sre 'o’ © ajove. cxceinyhi sbecaiunyeiatatobe otetsibekicalioia 483

1837.) Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. 345

does not equal one half of the deaths, but this statement we would re-

mark is not framed to show the chance an individual entering the Ben-

gal Civil Service has of retiring with afortune. For the exhibition of

that result a very different table must be prepared, framed on the

principle of following out the nominations of those particular years of

which all the nominees are expended by death or retirement. There

are four years in this predicament, the results of which give the fol-

lowing ratios of deaths to retirements.

ncn eee Ear Uy ng gnnO I Inne enn EIS ene eee

Deaths. Retirements.

Nominations. Before In or after Before In or after

20th year. 20th year. 20th year. 20th year.

1790 19 8 3 2 6

1792 18 5 2 2 9

1794 26 12 6 5 4

1798 32 8 8 6 10

95 33 18 15 29

51 44

From this it would appear that out of ninety-five Bengal nomina-

tions the deaths are 51, or more than half; the retirements are

44, of which 15 occurring before the 20th year cannot be considered

as retirements with fortunes made in India. Twenty-nine, however, out

of 95, or somewhat less than one-third, is the proportion of retirements

with fortune afforded by the results of these four years.

To return, however, to the life tables: we have not thought it worth

while to publish on this occasion the extended tables in which the

results of each individual year have been combined for the formation

of the corrected general result now exhibited. These exist tegether

with elaborate registers with the name of every Bengal Civil Servant

inscribed ready to be referred to by any person desirous of looking

further into the detail. We explained fully in the article of July, 1832,

the method we had followed in extracting and combining these

results, and it would be an unnecessary repetition therefore to follow

the process of computation again through each of the stages. We

- conclude with expressing our desire that the present table may super-

cede altogether Table III. of the article of July, 1832, and we vouch for

its superior and, we believe, perfect accuracy. The quinquennial

percentage is carried only to the thirteenth year of residence or 49th

of life. The results of the remaining years are gathered into our per-

centage for the whole. -

846 Estimate of Life in the Civil Service. [May,

Amended Table for shewing the risks of life in the Bengal Civil Service,

founded on the actual casualties upon the nominations made to that

Se vce from 1790 to 1836, the first year being computed from the

lst January, after the year of nomination.

GH &

re » %|Percentage

; — | Age. | Number of Servants. |Deaths. | $/ rate of Retirements.

& | = © >| deaths in actual.

, | &~*! 10,000.

! 20 975 19 2

2 vy [ 933% 22 : 3 :

3 92. |. 4595.4... 9062 18 | 490 199 7 $26

4 23 1 8744 19 | 4 Bibs)

5 24 [ 8353 12 || ae

6 95 | 790% 10 eka

7 26 754% 17 4

6 27 34542 4 6945 17 72 208 3, tat

9 28 | 638 20 || 4

yo | 29 L 577% Bo lal Baud

i 30 f 545 6 a

12 31 | 5193 14 | 1a |

13 32 24693 { 489 8 | }41 166 2 \13

14 33 | 468 a | ey

15 34 L 448 8 |j |

16 35 ( 424 6 71 6 71

17 | 36 | *403 9 }| a)

18 3 1879 { 3763 TL | \44 234 7 $24

19 38 [Sat 10 1] 2

20 | 39 | 3243 | 7 |

21 40 { 293% 11/4 9

92 41 fo 27k) 10 |) 6

93 42 12143 4{ 239 10 | bas 354 6 33

24 A3 [ 216 S06 a

25 44 196 7 J 10 }

26 45 f 1673 hoa) oF

27 46 | 148 Ty a |

28 47 660% 4 129 3 24 363 8 $31

29 48 | 21145 ly 1

30 | 49 { 1013 3 fy) 5 J

31) | 50 [ 88% aul 9 }

32 51 me Ae7e 1 5

33 52 299 <4 573 3 5

34 53 | 473 6 1 20

35 54 i otse 2 i) |

14 | J

36 55 f 32% u 1

37 56 } 243 1 | 5

38 57 109 { 193 ] 1

39 58 I 1745 0 +21 486 ] &

40 59 ao 0 | 0

41 60 (eee: i ry

42 61 | 5 0 1)

43 62 95 4 5 0 0

44 63 | 3 0 0 3

45 | 64 four! 3 1 0 |

L 5

1837.] A Grammar of the Sindhi language. 347

III.—A Grammar of the Sindhi language, dedicated to the Right Honor-

able Sir Ropert Grant, Governor of Bombay. By W. H. Warnen,

Esq.

It has been often paradoxically asserted, that those who have the

most to do, contrive also to have the most leisure. The maxim will

admit of as easy illustration in India as elsewhere, and may be support-

ed by the highest examples, if it be conceded that the office of Secretary,

or Minister, to an Indian Government requires a full allotment of time,

an ample share of mental and mechanical exertion; for the Secre-

tariat of either Presidency may be regarded as the fountain head of

authorship on all Indian subjects, literary, political or historical. We

need not recapitulate digests of law, Hindu and Musulman; narratives

of campaigns ; schemes of fiscal administration, which may naturally

enough emanate from such sources ; but in pure literature, editorship

of oriental publications, and translations therefrom, our Secretaries

have ever occupied the foremost rank.

The present production of the Chief Secretary at Bombay is only a

fresh instance of the talent and industry which in India is sure to

win the reward of high appointment ; but it is deserving of more than

usual encomium, being a work of sheer labour and troublesome

compilation, unsweetened with the associations of the annalist

depicting events on which the fate of empires rested ;—unenlivened

by the ingenuities of antiquarian speculation or the romance of

mythologic fiction. His has been a dry labour of utility, not of love,

“to facilitate the intercourse of Europeans with the inhabitants of

Sindh and the adventurous merchants of Shikdrpur and Multan.” It

is a sequel to the famous Indus-navigation treaty ;—one better calcu-

lated to effect a mutual understanding than the diplomatist’s negocia-

tion with its uncompromising tariff! That it serves as a faithful

interpreter, we have at this moment the best testimony to offer in

a letter from an officer now travelling on the Jndus, who says, ‘‘ The

Sindhi grammar does not contain a mistake, and I have never found

myself at a loss, with a knowledge of its contents.” It may seem

extraordinary that such a work should have been wholly compiled at

a distance from, and by one who has, we believe, never visited, the

country ; but this is explained by the constant resort of the Sindbis to

Bombay, where for the last 20 or 30 years at least 10,000 persons, the

greater part of the population of Tutta, have become domiciled, speak-

ing and writing their own tongue.

The Sindhi language is spoken “through the whole province of

Sindh, and is said to be understood as far north as the territories of

348 A Grammar of the Sindhi language. (May,

Bana'wat Kuan, the Derdjat, and Miltén ; it prevails westward in

Cuich-Gandava, Shdl, Mastiing and Pishin ; eastward in Cutch it is

spoken with some slight variations in formation and accent.”

May we not venture to extend these boundaries, if not of the precise

idiom, at least of the connected dialects of the Sindhi language ?—

Have not the words Sindhi and Hindi a common origin, the permuta-

tion of the 2 and s being nothing more in fact than the same difference

of dialect which is preserved to this in the twin names of the river,

Sinde and Indus ? ‘This at least is one of the most plausible theories

of the origin of the name of India, and it is supported by innumerable

examples of Zend and Persian words, in which the aspirate has taken

the place of the Sanscrit sibilant.

The commercial celebrity of the Hindus in all ages attaches with

undiminished force to the Sindh and Marwdr merchant of the present

day. They have their branch ‘othis not only throughout Upper India,

but in Calcutta, Bombay, and wherever commerce is active. Theirs

may be said to be the very language and archetype of hoondee circu-

lation—the monopoly of banking business throughout the country.

“‘The adventurous nations of Shikdrpur and Miiltdn are spread in

colonies throughout the whole of the extensive provinces of Central

Asia, and form the chief medium for commercial transactions in those

countries. They are to be found in Russia, at Astrakhdn, through

Baluchistan and Seistdn, as well as at Hirdt, and Bokhdra : they pos-

sess political influence occasionally with the chiefs of those countries,

from their command of capital, and their frequently taking farms of

the revenues. Travellers starting from Shikdrpur or Miiltdn (add

Bombay, Calcutta, or Benares) might from them obtain bills of exchange

on Russia, Persia, Khordsdn, and Central Asia.”

The neighbouring province of Gujerat is equally celebrated for its

early commercial enterprize. We learn from Hamittown, that the

numerous tribes of banyas, named banyans by the English, are indi-

genous to this part of India, whence they have travelled to all parts

of the continent, and formed settlements, ‘‘ where their descendants

continue to speak and write the Gujerdti tongue, which may be pro-

nounced the grand mercantile language of Indian marts*.”

For the foreign commerce of India the mouths of the Jndus pro-

bably held long precedence to Gujerat, Cambay, and Baroach, the

Barugaza of Arrsan, which, more distant from Arabia and the Persian

Gulph, would require a more advanced knowledge and boldness of

navigation. Indeed it is a curious fact, that Patala, the seaport on

* HamiI_ton’s Hindostan, I. 612.

1837.] A Grammar of the Sindhi language. 349

the Indus, still famous in AtExanpeER’s time, should no longer be

mentioned by the author of the Periplus, in whose time Minagara

(Mahi Nagar ?) had become the capital of the country.

Patala, in further support of our argument that Sindh was one

focus of Jndian civilization and colonization, is accounted by the

Hindus the seat of government of the very founder of the Solar races,

the Rajpits of modern India ; Mr. Csoma K6r6s extracts the fol-

lowing particulars regarding it from the Tibetan authorities.

** Potala or Potalaka (Tib. By 'QR4 gru-hdsin, or vulgo kru-dsin,

boat-receiver, a haven or port) is the name of an ancient city at the

mouth of the Indus river, the residence of Ixw&xu and his descen-

cants of the Suryavamsa. Four young princes (who afterwards were

surnamed Sua’xya) being banished from that city by their father,

took refuge in Kosala on the banks of the Bhagirathi river (in the

modern province of Rohilkhand) and built the city of Capilavastu.

The residence of the Dalai Lama at Lassa (built about the middle of

the 12th century) is likewise called Potala, LH, because Curn-

REZIK (gar LA SIASN) the patron of the Tibetians, the spiritual son

of AmITABHA, is said to have resided at Potala in ancient India, and

to have visited Tibet from that place*.”

The Sindhian origin of the Rajput tribes derives no inconsiderable

support from the evidence of the grammar and vocabulary before

us. Here we find the mass of the language (excluding of course the

Persian infusion) merely a little different in spelling and inflexion from

the Brijbhakd or pure Hindi of Upper India ; while there is a strong ar-

gument that the Sindhi is the elder of the two, in the more regular and

elaborate inflexions of its cases and tenses; and particularly in the

complete conjugation of the auxiliary verbs huwan and thiyan, to be,

of which, in the Hindi, we find but a single tense of the latter}, and a

few tenses and a present and past participle of the former, extant.

Although we cannot attempt to enter upon a critical examination of

the grammar, which would indeed require a knowlege of Sanskrit, and

perhaps Zend in addition to the vernacular, we feel it impossible to

resist inserting these two verbs, as well for the important part they

enact in modern dialects, as for the philological interest of these almost

universal auxiliaries, particularly in regard to the pronominal affixes,

elsewhere become nearly obsolete. The infinitives, like the Persian

and Sanskrit, terminate in an,

* Csoma’s MSS. Seethe Observations of M. Burnour in the preceding num-

ber, page 291.

+ Or rather, none at all in the Hindi; for thd thé thi belong to the Hinds-

sthdnt or Urdu.

2.2

350

A Grammar of the Sindhé language.

Conjugation of the Sindhi ausiliary verbs, to be.

T,hivyan (S. Ml, or Bf?)

Infinitive. Ho-wan (

Sanskrit root q-)

(May,

Indicative. S. 1. Awn &hiyan Iam. Caret

Ist Present. 2. Tun 4hin

3. Hu ahe

P. 1. Asin Shiyun

2. Ain &h:yo

3. Hui &hin

2nd Present. S. 1. Huwin-thho JIambeing. T Jhiyén t.ho (fem. thi)

2. Huen-t,ho ' T ,hiyen t.ho

3. Hoe-t,ho T,hiye t, ho

P. 1. Ho,un-thé T, hiyun thé

2. Ho, *o-thd T,hiyo tha

3. Ho, wan-thd ; T,hiyan tha

ist Imperfect.S. 1.m. Hos fem. Huis m. T,he thiyos f. T,he t,his

2. Ho,en Hoen T, he t,hiyen T,he t, ‘hien

3. Ho Hui T,he t,hiyo T, het, hii

P.1. Hua sun Huyun sun T het shiya sun T. he thiyasun

2, Hua Huyun Tyhe t shiya The thiya

3. Hua Huyun T he t,hiya T. jhe thiyun

2nd Imperfect. 1. Hundo-hos,&c. Hundihuis T,hindo hos, &c. T,hindi husi

(m. Plural Hund4) (masc, plur. Thinds

Perfect. Caret. . 1. Thiyos Thiis

2. Thiyen Thien

3. Thiyo Thi

P. 1. Thiya sun Thii sun

2. Thiya Thiya

3. Thiya Thiyun

Preterperfect. Caret. s. 1. Thiyo 4hiy4n Thif, &c.

2. ahen

3. 4he

P. 1. Thiy& éhiyun

Pr &hiyo

3. Shin

Pluperfect. Caret. S. 1. T,hiyo hos Thi. huis

Oe hoen — huen

3. ho — hui

P. 1. Thiy4ahasun Thiyunhasun

Ps hua Thiya hud

3. hud Thiyun huyun

Future. S. 1. Hundos T,hindos Thindis

2. Hunden T,hinden Thinden

3. Hundo T,hindo Thindi

P. 1. Hund4sun T,hinda sun Thindi sun

2,3. Hundé T ,hinda Thindiyun

Subjunctive. 3. Hunda T’hinda,

Present. S. 1. Huan I may be. m. Thindo hundos

2. Hoen —— den

3. Hoe — do

P. 1. Ho,un Thinda hunda sun

2. Ho,o hunda

3. Hon hundaé

Perfect. by adding je, if, S. 1. Thiyo hundos

to the indicative. 2; — den &c.

Future. I may, or will be. 8. 1. Thiyan P. 1. Thiyun

2. Thiyen 2. Thiyo

3. Thiye 3. Thiyan

Imperative. S. 2. Ho-tun S. 2. Thi-tun

P. 2. Howo-ain P. 2. Thiyo-ain

Participle present. Hundar, being. T,hindar

past. Thiyal — .

perfect. having been. Thi, Thai, Thi kare

Thai kare

1837.] A Grammar of the Sindht language. 351

In a similar manner is conjugated Wanjan (H. jana) to go, used as

the auxiliary of the passive of other verbs: wendo, going—wayo (H.

gaya) gone: wanj-tun, go thou.

The personal pronouns awan, tun, and their plurals asin, tawin, ap-

proach nearly to the Sanskrit akam, twam ; asmdn, yusmdn (obj.) : but

for the third personal pronouns, as in Hindi, the demonstratives he

and hu (H. yih and wuh) are employed, in lieu of the Sanskrit seh, si,

tat ; in bhdka, sing. At, ar; plur. @, faa. In the declensions of nouns

we miss the ka-ke-ki to which Timur’s soldiery professed such an abhor-

rence, but it is merely softened into jo-7é-jr-jd. Of these, however, we

find traces in the Hindi pronominal inflexions mujhé, tujhé, which seem

to be identical with mun-jo and to-jo of the Sindhi. This attix may be

the adjectival or possessive @ ya of the Sanskrit : and analogies of both

might be pointed out in Greek, as in the nearly synonimous BaciAc-ia

and BaoiAi-ka. One example of declension will suffice :—

Mars, a man,

Singular. Plural.

Nom. Acc. Voc. Mars, a man, oh man. Mars, men, oh men.

Gen. Marsa-jo-ji-jé-ji. Marsana-jo, &c.

Dat. Mérsa-khe. Marsana-khe.

Abl. Méarsa-khon, Marsana-khon.

When the nominative ends in the vowel o the plural is in d; the

feminine takes un in the pural, as zd/ a woman, zdlun.

We do not quarrel with the author for romanizing his grammar, as it

is principally intended for European students; but we are inclined to

cavil at the employment of the Persian alphabet in conjunction with the

Roman rather than the Nagari, which would certainly conform with

more facility to the palatials, dentals, and aspirates of the Indian

- family : qaul faml wi expresses more elegantly as well as more

precisely, Buchhri billt khon (from a bad cat) than eS el Logs?

It is a curious circumstance that most of the masculine “substantives

and adjectives terminate in 6 ; a peculiarity also remarked in the Zend

language, and strikingly exemplified on all the legends of our Bactrian

and Indo-Scythic coins, whether in the Greek or in the Pehlevi charac-

ter. The extensive vocabulary attached to the grammar may there-

fore perhaps prove of use in decyphering these ancient relics ; though

more might be expected from a scrutiny of the language of the

soi-disant descendants of the Kaidnian in the Kohistdén. We recom-

mend M. Masson to collect vocabularies from these people and from

the Sidhposhes.

One of the most singular anomalies of the Sindhi language, is the

arrangement of its alphabet, which differs totally from the perfect

classification followed throughout the peninsula. The author makes

222

852 A Grammar of the Sindht language. (May,

no remarks on the subject further than that “‘ with one or two excep-

tions the letters are merely represented by ciphers, combinations of

numbers, and fractional parts: for example ||| (¢ths) for n ; 8 (4) for

ch; &c. &e.!”

Having on a former occasion noticed the singular application of the

Arabic numerals to the alphabet of the Maldive islands, we were struck

with the apparent similarity of the process here pointed out at the

opposite extremity of India; but a closer examination removed most

of the analogy by shewing that the Sindhi and Mdltdat letters, although

strikingly similar in form to the common numerals, were all deducible

from the elements of the ordinary Deva-Nagari symbols, and that they

are, in fact, but one step removed from the Marwdré and Mehajant of

our mercantile class. This we have endeavoured to shew in the ac-

companying lithographic table (XXIT.) (being always happy to add to

our catalogue of Indian alphabets !). The Mdrwart (which does not

differ essentially from the Bendrast) we have added on the authority of

gom4shtas residing in Calcutta; but it must be remembered that these

written characters are peculiar to the mercantile class, and that the

learned of Mdrwdr and Sindh, as of other places, use the Deva-Nagari

forms. As to the arrangement of their alphabet given by our author on

the authority of merchants, it seems to be nothing more nor less than

a couple of memoria-techaica lines contrived to comprehend the whole

of the letters combined with their most usual vowel sounds ; so that in

ordinary writing the merchants may dispense with the application of

the mdtras or vowel-marks. The inconvenience of this omission is not

much felt in the limited scope of mercantile correspondence, and in

the drafting of hoondees, where the same sentences are constantly

repeated. Indeed the first memorial line of the Sindht and Multdni

alphabets,

GaAHVAAATIAUTATeTA AE,

pronounced, Puja saldmati howen ghani Bhai Tek Chand, (with vowels)

generally forms the opening (mutato nomine) of every mehajan’s epis-

tle, as may be seen in the example given by our author*. It may be

translated ‘‘ Prayer (or 1 pray) that health may be abundant to brother

Ték Chand.” The continuation is as follows :

SHTHAYTASAYSFAaaHvIgs

pronounced, chha ba randth yde rh gajan khatri pha dhait.

* The meaning of the specimen of hoondee endorsement lithographed at the foot of

the plate is “one half (being) rupees twenty-five, double fifty, to be paid in full.”

+ We have ventured to alter one or two of the letters conjecturally, which in the

\ithographed plate copied from the grammar, are repeated, while those we have substi-

Journ. As. Soc Vol Vl. FLAX

Marrvari A lphabeé , with and wilhoult malras

S7i data dhanke subhawe bala mahe khago § patang

Ad ghee dadh yu Uchare chhuth

an Jhapang

Sindhi or Khudawads Alphabet.

ghhle® HOV WW TCAD

BF a ae ee Sa a ge

a &

ES Ss Z Tr. Zz he

Ww gh IU a A % t & ch a

OS UV1 SM YARYZHEE

Sa ae ae oh i ae

he Se le e adh eT ae 8 Ce IP ae

Miuliani or S arac Alphabet.

YNSXNGHSUMNZS CATH

NE a a a, ga n lho Z & Eka

($4ase A a ale he i le

7 2° e aL. o ae: 7 kA GD fb a 2

Fuya ana horen ghant bhat Lek Chand

Chhatra nal rae dh gejenckhalri pha Lie ,

MRNWRNZGSEMINGTCAS FH

E UALS 07 29 2 BUR HYMVS

Coun ler stgn of a Sinkhi hunde.

SAUCKH VHF IIA N NEM YU WUE LLL

Meme uf cye fpanswch Le hin ja bine rujriya parjah fura bhare devne.

A Lringep hitheg

e “ee 4

i ie

i om

1 ‘ .

ates

1837.) A Grammar of the Sindht language. 353

This second line has probably a meaning also, but not a single

word of it can be found in the vocabulary ; nor can the natives be

persuaded to divulge it, whether from superstitious prejudice or from

ignorance ; it may be merely a nonsense verse embodying the rest of

the letters. CHaprana’tH Rar sounds like aname or title.

‘The Mdrwdri alphabet contains two poetical lines almost as unin-

telligible as those of Sindh. As written by our informant a gomashta

in one of the banking houses, and lithographed in Plate XXII. with the

‘vowel marks, they abound in errors, nor could we obtain from him any

inkling of their meaning. By dint of persevering inquiry, and aided

by the Hindi and the Sanskrit dictionaries, we have restored what

seems to be the right reading of the text as follows:

Tl Slat VAR VATS Sra HTS GT FS

WE Us HS Sa VIA Ay wi

or in Roman characters, (differing from the version in the Plate,)

Sri data dhanko sabhéw, béla moh khaga ghatang.

At putha, jar dhayo; Uchari, chattan jhapang.

which, translated as literally as the idiom will allow, is

“‘ Charity (1) of riches is the natural fruit ; to me boy, oh god, (2) may it be so.

Reading attained, ignorance is dispelled (3); by good enunciation (4), wisdom (5)

instantly (6), (is attained).”

(1.) 3tzrat masculine, a charitable man. waaT to wealth, Wura

is natural. (2.) @a, the sun, a deity, (Wixson’s Dict.) might lead

to the supposition that the couplet was invented while the people were

sun-worshippers! 8& ghatang, may it happen. (3) @at from Stat

to break down, destroy. (4) Yau for YT pronunciation, utterance.

(5) gam a corruption from Faq intelligence, wisdom. (6) WW

synonymous with #4 jhap, instantaneously.

At the bottom of the same plate we have inserted the Sindhé al-

phabet as written by their gomashtas in Calcutta; because some

of the letters vary from the Bombay form; and both differ some-

what from a genuine Sindhi alphabet procured by Lieut. Lexcn at

Mithyani on the Indus, which we did not receive in time to insert in

the plate. The principal variations are in the aspirated letters kh,

gh, ph, andh; 7 and y are expressed by the same character, which is

formed as number 2 of the Méltdnit alphabet. The letter a is also

expressed by 2 which accounts for its absence in the memorial line.

Our author notices the curious custom of affixing certain numbers,

92) or 744 ; and Ul or 14 to the commencement of all hoondees and

written documents, as not yet satisfactorily explained. Our readers

tuted are there omitted: We have been guidedin doing so by the analogy of the forms

of the letters to the Négari elements.

354 Discovery of three new species (May,

will remember the rather whimsical definition of the first of the two

symbols by Col. Top, from a traditionary record of the 743 maunds of

zindrs taken from the necks of the slaughtered Rajptits at AxBEr’s

sack of Chitor*. But, to say nothing of the far too modern date of

introduction thus argued, and of its inapplicability to countries beyond

the desert ; a more general and simple origin may be traced for it in

the mysterious invocation ¥f Om, prefixed by the orthodox to all docu-

ments. In the inscriptions published in Plates VII. and XVII. this

word is written %3|| which differs little from the 98j| above. The

triune symbol is often represented by & alone, which with the proso-

dial mark || would be read as “ one and ahalf.”’

But we are devoting too much space to a subject of minor import-

ance :nor is the alphabet new; for we find the type (at least of the

Miltdnt alphabet), have been Jong since cut and used at the Serampore

press. We cannot conclude without making known a promise of a

valuable addition to Mr. Watuen’s labours by Lieut. Lescu, in the

shape of a Balochy, and Bardhut vocabulary. We shall soon thus have

at our command all the cognate dialects of India to place in the hands

of some future giant philologist who may undertake to unravel the

tangled skein, and shew which are the primitive tongues of the abori-.

gines of our hills and plains, and whence and when came the infusions

of foreign vocables which now predominate in Indian speech.

eR.

IV.—On additional fossil species of the order QuapruMANA from. the

Sewélik Hills. By H. Faucongr, Esq. M. D., and Captain P. T.

CautLey.

In the November number of the Journal, vol. 5, p. 739, Messrs.

Baker and Duranr have announced, in the discovery of a quadru-

manous animal, one of the most interesting results that has followed on

the researches into the fossil remains of the Sewa/tk Hills. The specimen

which they have figured and described comprises the right half of the

upper jaw, with the series of molars complete ; and they infer that it

belonged to a very large species. In the course of last rains we

* “« Wiarked on the banker’s letter in Rajasthan : it is the strongest of seals, for ‘ the

sin of the slaughter of Chitor’ is thereby invoked on all who violate a letter under the

safeguard’of this mysterious number.”—Tod’s Rdjasthdn, 1. 329.

~ 1837.) of fossil Quadrumana in the Sewdliks. 355

detected in our collection an astragalus, which we referred to a

quadrumanous animal. The specimen isan entire bone, free from any

matrix and in a fine state of preservation from having been partly mine-

ralized with hydrate of iron. It corresponds exactly in size with the

astragalus of the Semnopithecus Entellus or Langoor, and the details of

form are so much alike ia both, that measurement by the callipers was

required to ascertain the points of difference. We have forwarded

the specimen with a notice to the Geological Society of London, after

keeping it some months in reserve, having been diffident about resting

the first announcement of fossil Quadrumana on any thing less

decisive than the cranium or teeth. .

This astragalus in conjunction with Messrs. Baker and Duranp’s

specimen, satisfied us of the existence of at least two distinct fossil

Quadrumana in the Sewaltk Hills. We have lately become possessed

of several fragments, more or less perfect, belonging to the lower jaws

of two species, both smaller than Messrs. Baxcr and Durawnp’s

fossil. These we shall now proceed to notice.

The principal specimen is represented in fig. 1. It consists of both

sides of the lower jaw; a great portion of the right half is entire with

the whole series of molars ; the left half is broken off to the rear of the

antepenultimate molar. The two middle incisors are present, and

also the left canine broken across at its upper third. The right canine

and the lateral incisors had dropt out leaving but the alveoli. The

molars of the left side are destroyed down to the level of the jaw.

The right ramus is wanting in more than half its width, together with

the articulating and coronoid processes, and a portion of the margin

at the angle of the jawis gone. The specimen is a black fossil, and

strongly ferruginous ; the specific gravity about 2.70. It was encased

in a matrix of hard sandstone, part of which is still left adhering

to it.

The jaw had belonged to an extremely old animal. The last molar

is worn down so as to have lost every trace of its points, and the three

teeth in advance of it have been reduced to hollowed-out discs,

encircled by the external plate of enamel. The muscular hollow on the

ramus for the insertion of the temporal muscle is very marked, being

.35 inches deep upon a width of .55.

The dimensions contrasted with those of the Langoor or Semnopi-

thecus Entellus and the common Indian monkey or Pithecus Rhesus,

are as follow :—

356 Discovery of three new species

—

= i he ges

: eee =o

Dimensions of the lower Jaw. aed onl fey a ws

eS Me Ties om

Bae “(fea Shea alias

inches, |iuches. |inches.

1. Extreme length from the anterior margin

of the ramus to the middle incisors, ...-.. | 3.6 2.85 | 2°5 A 3,2

2. Extreme length of jaw ; (calculated in

thie’ FOSS) My. so cteiecie ce vet etel elstelehetetelsiclele ol (Ono 4, 3.6 4 3.02

3. Height of jaw, under the 2nd molar mea-

sured to the margin of the alveoli,........ | 1.35 | 1.05 sha) Wee koe Bia

5. Depth of symphisis, .....e.+ee.ceeeeee | 1.9 1.4 1.1 4 3.

6. Space occupied by the molars,.......... | 2.3 1.9 1.5 4 3.3

7. Interval between the Ist molars, ...... ad 9 wo $65); | den 332

8. Antero posterior diameter of the canine,.. 5 A As) A V3.2

9. Width of jaw behind the chin under the

PGUIAO A Baga tGudioo co Colon ooosbU oo od obn ls Mol} IL ts 95 48.7

As in all other tribes of animals in which the species are very nu-

merous, and closely allied in organization, it is next to impossible to

distinguish an individual species in the Quadrumana from a solitary

bone. In the fossil, too, the effects of age have worn off those marks.

in the teeth, by which an approximation to the subgenus might be

made. It very closely resembles the Semnopithecus Entellus in form,

and comparative dimensions generally. The differences observable

are slight. The symphisis is proportionally a little deeper than in

FEintellus, and the height of the body of the jaw somewhat greater.

The chin, however, is considerably more compressed laterally under

the second molar than in the Eniedlus, and the first molar more elong-

ated and salient. So much of the canine as remains, has exactly the

same form as in the Entellus, and its proportional size is fully as great.

As shown by the dimensions, the jaw is much larger than in the full

grown Entellus: in the former the length would have been about 5.3

inches, while in the latter it is exactly 4 inches. The fossil was a

species of smaller size than the animal to which the specimen described

by Messrs. Baxer and Duranp belonged, but less so than it exceeds

the Hntellus.

Our limited means for comparison, restricted to two living species,

besides the imperfection of the fossil, and the few characters which it

supplies, do not admit of affirming whether it belongs to an existing or

extinct species; but the analogy of the ascertained number of extinct

species among the Sewdltk fossil mammalia, makes it more probable

that this monkey is an extinct one than otherwise. There is no doubt

1837.) of fossil Quadrumana in the Sewdliks. 357

about its differing specifically from the two Indian species with which

we have compared it.

The next specimen is shown in fig. 5. It is a fragment of the

body of the right side of the lower jaw containing the four rear

molars. The teeth are beautifully perfect. It had belonged to an

adult although not an aged animal, the last molar having the points a

little worn, while the anterior teeth are considerably so. The dimen-

sions, taken along with age, at once prove that it belonged to a differ-

ent and smaller species than the fossil first noticed.

The dimensions are as follow :— :

— 4 —= F

omy |o 2 a

OTe eve 8 a

‘ ‘ ” ka ag

Dimensions of the lower Jaw. = = eS a

ee nes a5 3

= ENISE w cs o

S24 ( no | ee 23

gH O|ER S|] EH Sa

, o =

LQ = 73) As

inches. |jinches. jinches.

1. Length of space occupied by the four rear

BOMPTAMS) » 3) <5 ais; is {aclased): pds 1.7 | 1.48 1.25

9. Height of jaw at the third molar,. ...... | .95 Tet 9

The length of jaw, therefore, estimated from the space occupied by

the teeth, would be 4 inches, while in the larger fossil it is 5.3 inches;

a difference much teo great to be dependent merely on varieties of one

species. Besides we have another fragment, also belonging to the

right side of the lower jaw, and containing the last molar which agrees

exactly in size with the corresponding tooth in the figured specimen.

This goes to prove the size to have been constant. The fossil,

although corresponding precisely in the space occupied by the four

rear molars with the Hnéedius, has less height of jaw. There is fur-

ther a difference in the teeth. In the Hntel/us the heel of the rear

molar is a simple flattened oblique surfaced tubercle, rather sharp at

the inside. In the fossil, the heel in both fragments is bifid at the

inside. The same structure is observable in the heel of the rear molar

of the common Indian monkey P, rhesus. It is therefore probable that

the fossil was a Pithecus also. It was considerably larger, however,

than the common monkey, and the jaw is more flattened, deeper, and

its lower edge much sharper than in the latter. This difference in

size and form indicates the species to have been different.

It would appear, therefore, that there are three known species of

fossil Quadrumana from the Sewdlik hills: the first a very large

species discovered by Messrs. Baxer and Duranp ; the second a large

species also, but smaller than the first, and considerably larger than

358 Discovery of three new species (Mar,

_ the Entellus; the third, of the size of the Entellus, and probably a

Pithecus ; and further that two of the three at least, and most proba-

bly the third also, belonged to the types of the existing monkeys of

the old Continent, in having but five molars, and not to the Sapajans

of America.

There are at present upwards of 150 described species of existing

Quadrumana ; and as the three fossil ones all belonged to the larger

sized monkeys, it is probable that there are several more Sewdltk

species to be discovered. We have some specimens of detached teeth.

of large size, which we conjucture to be quadrumanous; but their

detached state make this conjecture extremely doubtful.

Besides the interest attaching to the first discovery in the fossil

state of animals so nearly approaching man in their organization, as

the Quadrumana, the fact is more especially interesting in the Sewaltk

species, from the fossils with which they are associated. The same

beds or different beds of the same formation, from which the Qua-

drumana came, have yielded species of the camel and antelope, and the

Anoplotherium posterogenium, (nob.) ; the first two belonging to genera

which are now coexistent with man, and the last to a genus charac-

teristic of the oldest tertiary beds in Europe. The facts yielded by

the Reptilian orders are still more interesting. Two of the fossil

crocodiles of the Sewidliks are identical, without even ranging into

varieties, with the Crocodilus biporcatus and Leptorynchus Gangeticus

which now inhabit in countless numbers, the rivers of India; while the

Testudinata are represented by the Megalochelys Sivalensis (nob.), a

tortoise of enormous dimensions which holds in its order the same

rank that the Jguanodon and Megalosaurus do among the Saurians.

This huge reptile (the Megalochelys)—certainly the most remarkable of

all the animals which the Sewdlfks have yielded—from its size carries

the imagination back to the era of gigantic Saurians. We have leg

bones derived from it, with corresponding fragments of the shell,

larger than the bones in the Indian unicorned Rhinoceros!

There is, therefore, in the Sewaltk fossils, a mixture in the same

formation of the types of all ages, from the existing up to that of the

chalk ; and all coexistent with Quadrumana.

P. S. Since the above remarks were put together, we have been

led to analyse the character presented by a specimen in our collection

which we had conjectured to be quadrumanous. The examination proves

it to be so incontestibly. The specimen is represented in figs. A, B,

and C, of Pl. XVIII. Itis the extra-alveolar portion of the left, canine

of the upper jaw of a very large species. The identification rests upon

two vertical facets of wear, one on the anterior surface, the other on the

1837,] of fossil Quadrumana in the Sewdliks. 859

inner and posterior side, and the proof is this. The anterior facet 5

has been caused by the habitual abrasion of the upper canine against

the rear surface of the lower one, which overlaps it, when the

jaws are closed or inaction. This facet would prove nothing by itself,

as it is common to all aged animals in the carnivora and other tribes

in which the upper and lower canines have their surfaces in contact.

The second facet c must have been caused by the wear of the inner

and rear surface of the canine against the outer surface of the first molar

of the lower jaw. But to admit of such contact, this molar must have

been contiguous with the lower canine, without any blank space inter-

vening ; for if there was not this contiguity the upper canine could

not touch the lower first molar, and consequently not wear against it.

Now, this continuity of the series of molars and canines without a

diasteme or blank interval, is only found, throughout the whole ani-

mal kingdom*, in man, the Quadrumana, and the Anoplotherium. The

fossil canine must therefore have belonged to one of these. It were

needless to point out its difference from the human canine, which does

not rise above the level of the molars. In all the species of Anoplothe-

rium described by Cuvier, the canines, while in a contiguous series with

the molars, do not project higher than these, being rudimentary as

in man. Of the Sewdlik species, Anoplotherium posterogenium, (nob.)

we have not yet seen the canines; but it is very improbable, and per-

haps impossible, that the fossil could belong to it. For if this species

had a salient canine, it must have been separated from the molars by

an interval as in the other Puehydermata ; otherwise the jaws would get

locked by the canines and molars, and the lateral motion required by

the structure of the teeth, and its herbivorous habit, would be im-

practicable ; and if there was this interval, the upper canine could not

have the posterior facet of wear. The fossil canine must therefore

have belonged to a quadrumanous animal. This inference is further

borne out by the detrition of the fossil exactly corresponding with

that of the canines of old monkeys.

The dimensions are :—

Length of the fragment of canine, ........+5+4.. 1.75 inches.

Antero-posterior diameter at the base, ........++.. 8

TEMANSVEVSE) GIClO, ctoieisrals,(o & eles lee leleiialaislehevsles cise oe of

Width of the anterior facet of wear, .......c.e0. 6

The two diameters are greater than those of the canine of the Suma-

tra Orang-otang described by Dr. Crarxe Asstt as having been 74

* Cuvier Ossemens fossil, tome 3, p. 15.

t+ Asiatic Researches, vol. 15, p. 498,

3A 2

360 Discovery of fossil Quadrumana in the Sewdliks. [Ma¥,

feet high. The Cynocephali have large and stout canines, more so

comparatively than the other Quadrumana. But to what section of the

tribe our fossil belonged, we have not a conjecture to offer. We may

remark, however, that the tooth is not channelled on three sides at the

base, as in the Hntellus. Does the fossil belong to the same species, as

the jaw discovered by Messrs. Baker and Duranp, or toa larger one?

Nore. We have sketched Dr. Fatconur’s highly curious fossil tooth

in position with the lower jaw of the Sumatran Orang-otang from

the Society’s Museum, in figure C of Pil. XVIII. There is a third

facet of wear at the lower extremity d which, on reference, we find

Dr. Fatconer attributes like ¢ to attrition against the first molar,

being observable, he says, in many aged animals. The worn surfaces e

and d are uniformly polished, and have evidently originated from

attrition against a tooth ; but with regard to the principal facet b, we

confess we have a degree of scepticism, which can only be removed by

a certainty that the fossil had been seen extracted from the matrix.

In the first place, the great extent of the worn surface and its perfect

flatness could hardly be caused by attrition against the lower canine .

which should produce a curvature measured by the length of the jaw as

radius. Inthe next place, the enamel of the tooth is less worn than

the interior and softer part of the fossil: and thirdly, on examination

with a magnifier, numerous scratches are visible in divers directions :

all these indicating that the facet may have been produced on the

fossil, by grinding it on a file, or some hard flat surface. On shewing

the fossil to Mapuusupana, the medical pandit of the Hindu College,

he at once pronounced that the tooth had been ground down to be used

in medicine, being a sovereign specific in the native pharmacopeia.

This circumstance need not necessarily affect the question, for it is

probable that the native druggist would commence his rubbing on the

natural plane, if any presented itself to his choice: but Dr. Fatconer

and Capt. CautLry, to whom we have returned the fossil with a com-

munication of our doubts, assure us in reply that the fossil tooth was

brought in along with a large collection, so that there is every

jmprobability of its having been in possession of a native druggist.

At any rate it is not on the front wear that they so much rest their

argument of its origin, as on the posterior abrasion which could on-

ly happen in the jaw of a quadrumanous animal. In fact they have

recent quadrumana shewing precisely similar wear on a small scale,

and no other head wiil do so. We find only one exception in the

Society’s museum, viz. the tapir, whose right upper incisor (or non-

salient canine) falling between the two lower ones is worn nearly in

the fashion of the fossil: but it is less elongated.—Eb.

Jour at. Soc FOSSit

Kol

QUADRUMANA Wie PLM,

SEWALIK HILLS

“AY Fie d

Be o) \ ‘ Foccit

i, 4, 2 y : én

» Dy Vi 5 Ds

Va? Nagieree a gy)

. ] : sie i

Y | fe a 7

se A Li

oss ‘=

‘se

RRs

7 >

-. 5

TALE

Foul. pp aa

6 eet

SRR

= Sad NSS ws

1837.] On some new Genera of Raptores. “él

V.—On some new Genera of Raptores, with remarks on the old genera.

By B. H. Honeson, Esq.

I have the honor tosubmit, herewith, some original and amended

generic characters of new forms of Raptores which have been described

particularly in various numbers of your Journal. Those who are best

acquainted with the present state of classification in regard to the

Falconide and Strigide will, I apprehend, be most ready to make

allowance for any possible imperfections cleaving to these characters.

Family Fatconip#. Sub-family Aquitiya. Genus Nisaétus, nob.

Bill short*, at base as high as broad, distinguished by compression

without feebleness, strongly festooned. Nares large, vertical, elliptic,

angulated, and wholly lateral in exposure. Wings short, firm ; 5th

quill longest. Tail long, firm, and square. Tarsi elevate, but not

feeble, wholly feathered.

Digits elongated, nervous; the inner fore and the hind highly

developed.

Acropodia reticulate with three or four scales next each talon,

Talons immense, very unequal, strong and acute. Head usually

crested.

Types, N. Pulcher, No. 680; N. Nipalensis, No. 9; N. Pallidus

No. 8; N. Grandis, No. 7, nobis.

Habits. Preys on jungle fowl, partridges, hares: watches from a

lofty perch, usually pouncing on its game when near it; sometimes

pursues with energy on the wing; flight direct; does not seize on the

wing. Habitat, saul forest, Tarai, and lesser hills. Not migratory;

size rather large. Connects the most typical hawks with the most

typical eagles. Digits and talons pre-eminently raptorial.

Fatconinz. Genus Baza, nob.

Bill as in Jerav, but somewhat longer and more compressed before

the cere. Upper mandible with two long sharp teeth on either side,

close to each other and to the hook, and directed forwards. Lower

mandible with three or four smaller teeth correspondent to the above.

Orbits and lores thickly and softly plumed. WNares transverse, rimi-

form, with the cere behind them membranous and free. Legs and

feet short and thick. Tarsi half plumed, coarsely reticulate, longer

than any digit. Toes cleft and depressed : the laterals subequal; the

inner longer than the outer; the hind large. Acropodia wholly

* Short with reference to the sub-family : and so of all the generic terms sub-

sequently employed; for instance, ears small and simple, in reference to scops,

as a genus of the sub-typical group of Slrigide.

362 Qn some new Genera of Raptores. (May,

scaled. Talons sub-equal, acute, wings long, broad-webbed, sub-equal

to the tail; 3rd quill longest; notch of the inner web remoter than

in /alco or in Jerav. Head crested.

Type, Baza Syama*, nob. No. 657. Habitat, lower region of hills:

size small; make robust: habits insectivorous.

Affinities various with Cyminais, Harpagus, Ierax and Pernist. Not

known to Indian falconers. Station in Vicor’s arrangement, at the

head of the Falconine, between Harpagus and Ieraz.

Srricipz, Aberrant group. Sw.

Disc and conch evanescent: ears simple. Sub-family of the eagle

owls, or Aétoglaucine, nob.

Egrets conspicuous : great size and strength. Sub-diurnal questing.

A very strong elongated bill. Eminently raptorial feet, and ample

gradated wings, equal or nearly so to the medial square tail.

Genus Huhia, nob.

Bill equal to the head, basally straightened beyond the cere,

suddenly hooked, very strong, festooned, with trenchant scarpt tomiz.

Nares ovoid, transverse, partially exposed. Wings sub-equal to the

tail: 4th and 5th quills sub-equal and longest. Tarsi short, immense-

ly stout, thickly plumed. Toes very strong, hirsutely plumose, par-

tially denuded and scaled; the exterior antagonising but not versa-

tile. Talons immense, acute, very unequal; the inner fore conspi-

cuously largest ; and hind equal to the outer fore.

Type, Huhia Nipalensis, nob. No. 54}. Habitat, all three regions

of the hills. Habits subdiurnal and mammalivorous.

Genus Cultrunguis, nob.

Bill equal to head, straightened as far as the cere, gradually curved

beyond it, moderately compressed, strong. Wares elliptic, partially

exposed. Wings unpectenated, equal to the tail; 4th quill longest.

Tarsi sub-elevate, strong, compressed, partially or wholly nude,

reticulate. Toes long, nervous, compressed, reticulate, with three or

four scales next each talon; the anterior digits sub-equal ; the hind

large. Soles of the feet aculeated. Talons sub-equal, compressed,

strong, cultrated below$.

* Syama, in Sanskrit, means black-blue.

+ L should rather say, affinities with Harpagus and Ierav. Analogies with

Cymindis and Pernis. Our bird is, unquestionably, a Falconine type—which

Cymindis and Pernis are not.

t+ N. B. The numbers refer to the series of specimens and drawings in

London.

§ Unde nomen genericum: the strong and nearly equal talons are sloped

from a round back or culmen to an inferior edge,which is as sharp as a knife, and

1837.] On some new Genera of Raptores. 363

Types, C. Flavipes et C. Nigripes, nob. Nos. 55 and 56. Habitat,

the lower region of the hills. Habits diurnal and piscivorous. Size

large.

Remarks. In my judgment, Huhiia is the equivalent of Aguila, and

Cultrunguis of Pandion, among the diurnal Raptores, which are, no

doubt, represented by the nocturnal Raptores in nature, though not

yet in our systems. Those systems wholly want a Strigine sub-family

answering to the Aquiline.

The section, therefore, standing at the head of my two genera must

be understood as resting on no better authority than my own. It is

probable that the evanescent character of the disc and conch with the

absence of the operculum, belong to the hawk and falcon owls as well

as to eagle owls; and that the contradistinctive marks of the latter

must be sought, in their great size, their prolonged but strong bill,

their formidable legs, feet and talons, their ample gradated wings, and

their medial and even tails. All these marks, not less than the former

ones, characterise our Huhia and Cultrunguis : whereas our Ninoz,

which is small, and has its bill, wings and tail formed on the

Falconine model, is yet equally distingushed with Huhéa and Cul-

trunguis, by evanescent disc and conch, and perfectly simple small

ears. Hence my impression of the very great prevalence of the latter

characters, which seem to extend over all the aberrant sub-families of

the Strigide, accompanied by egrets in the eagle owls, but not so in

the hawk and falcon owls—witness Noctua and Ninor. The presence

or absence of egrets cannot be taken as a primary mark of the aberrant

group; for to it Huhia and Cultrunguis unquestionably belong, and

both these types are egretted. Whether the egrets even constitute a

secondary or sub-family mark of this group, may be doubted: but, at

present, this would seem to be the case, and in conformity with this

notion I have inserted egrets as one of the sub-family marks. There

is no uniting accuracy with precision in generic characters, so long

as we want family and sub-family characters. How then to charac-

terise our Ninoxv ?—a falconine type in its own circle of the Strigide,

and as expressly equivalent to the lesser insectivorous falcons, as

Cultrunguis is to Pandion. When recently defining Ninor I begun

with, ‘ bill, disc, conch and feet, as in Noctua,’ considering that genus

—which is so remarkable in the family for its firm plumage and short

wings as well as for the absence of those pre-eminently Strigine

is eminently calculated, with the aid of the spinous sole of the foot, to clutch

the bodies of fish. No analogy can be more beautiful than that of Cultrunguis

to Pandion. :

364 On some new Genera of Raptores. [May,

characters, the great disc and operculated ears—as a conspicuous

type. Yet hardly three months elapsed when I received from England

a systematic work from which Noctua is wholly expunged! Noctua,

however, will, 1 think, retain its place, characterised in the aberrant

group of the owls by short wings and firm plumage, and ‘eading

through Surnia to our Ninoz, which I believeto be the least Strigine

bird on record. Let us now attempt to define it, asa genus belong-

ing to the aberrant group of the Strzgid@, characterised as before.

Genus Ninoz, nob.

Bill short, arched from the base. Nares round, anteal, apert,

tumid. General contour with the character of the plumage, extremely

‘Falconine. Wings long, firm, unpectenated, sub-equal to the tail:

8rd quill longest; Ist and 2nd very moderately gradated. Tail long,

firm, even. Tarsi plumose, rather short. Toes medial, depressed,

bordered, rigidly hirsute; laterals equal, hind compressed. Head

smooth, small, and only Strigine in the size and position of the eye.

Type, Ninox Nipalensis, nob. No. 657

Habitat, central and lower hills. Habits, subdiurnal and insectivor-

ous.

Mr. Swarnson appears to have laid undue stress on the egrets of

the owls, which seem to me but little more influential than the

analogous crests of the Falconide, and more especially of the Aquiline.

Disc and conch evanescent, and ears simple, are the marks of the

aberrant group, taken as a whole. Egrets, added to great size, ample

gradated wings, and a medial even tail, with powerful legs and feet

and talons, seem to me the subordinate signs of the détoglaucine or

aquiline sub-family of that group. Of the Falcoglaucine or sub-family

typifying the Falconine, the first glimpse appears to be afforded by our

Ninox, which has quite the proportions and aspect of many of the

lesser insectivorous Falcons. Long and firm wings and tail—the

latter even; andthe former but slightly gradated; and both, in a

word, adapted for strong flight—would seem to be necessary characters

of this sub-family, and they are, at all events, characters eminently

conspicuous in our Ninox. Between the wings of Ninow and those of

Strix or Otus there is just the same sort of difference as exists between

the wings of Falco and those of Buteo, or of Milvus—I mean as to

suitableness for vigorous flight, and expressly without special reference

to the technical form of the wing.

The following comparative measurements of Baza, a small insecti-

vorous Falcon, and of Ninoz, a small insectivorous Falconine owl, can

scarcely fail to, excite interest. The measures are given in English

feet and inches.

1837.) On some new Genera of Raptores. 365

Baza Ninoz.

Total length, ss ae ae van oar Ae ORS LO

Length of bill, straight, to gape, oe -- 00f 00%

Basal height of bill, extreme, ”... we 0 0? 0 0g

Basal width of bill, extreme, te we 0073 oOofg

Head straight, from gape to occiput, at ote, Oo 34 0 14

Length of tail, ea nee ae Ae OGG 06

_ Tarsus, from inner salient angle above, to the sole, 0 14 0 14

Length of central digit, from extreme base to supe- 1

rior insertion of the talon, ; pits oy bem

Length of exterior digit, a — 0013 oot

Length of interior digit, “ei = - lessiZ 0 02§

Length of hind digit, ... ee eve bec cee ONO Ls TO: OF

Straight length of central talon, te ods set? OO Sy TOL055

Ditto ditto exterior ditto, oh Wie ost) O08 WO IO Se

Ditto ditto interior ditto, Cahh jase ave 7/00 Perr .0 078

Ditto ditto hind ditto, <3 ws -- OOF; 00%

Expanse of wings, re alt a sage Dan 2 44

Length of a closed wing, a ang we 0 93 0 93

Longer diameter of opening of ear, ae - 008; 0 035

Diameter of the eye, : - a -- 00.5 0 0%

Weight of the birds, oe ee . -- %0z. 7 oz.

To render this singular parallelism complete, I may add, that both

birds are mature males of their respective species ; that the females are

scarcely larger and not at all different in aspect; that both are emi-

nently conspicuous for the zsessorial character of their feet, the digits

of which are cleft to their origins, the soles quite flat and somewhat

bordered; the anterior laterals of equal strength and size, and the

central of the same thickness, and of very moderate excess of length.

Wings and tail could not, in a Strigine bird, be more Falgonine than

those of Ninox ; and hence these organs are almost precisely similar,

both in form and proportion, to the same organs in Baza, which,

though a Falconine bird, deviates widely from the restricted or generic

type*. Upon the whole, the only material differences of these birds

are the inferior strength of the thumb with its talon, and the superior

size of the eye, in Ninoz—both differences eminently interesting, in as

much as none are more universally and distinctly referable to the

respective habits and exigencies of the two families of the nocturnal

and diurnal Rapiores.

* Peregrinus, Icelandicus, &c. I exclude Tinnunculus, &c., under the separate

sub-generic title of Falcula.

3 8B

366 On some new Genera of Raptores. [May,

-Mr. Swarnson, in treating of the Falconide and Strigide, has seen

perpetual reason to deplore the errors of systematic works.

In truth, it is hardly too much to say that the majority of recorded

species are no species at all; and the majority of recorded genera

insufficient or inaccurate.

The old species, described by color only, and when classification

was in its infancy, cannct now be really appreciated except by personal

examination. Norcan any words of condemnation be too strong for

the modern practice of inserting these species, without such examina-

tion, under the strict subdivisions elaborated by recent science.

Such insertion must be made haphazard, and nothing is more

common than to find one species registered in half a dozen genéra,

none of which suit it, or, if so, only by accident! For systematic

writers now to rely on dried skins, is sufficiently objectionable: but

their reliance on the old book descriptions is perfectly monstrous. _

Mr. Swainson—clarum et venerabile nomen—has acknowledged with

unusual explicitness that the examination of fresh subjects is, very

' generally, an indispensable condition of accuracy, and that, for all

the higher purposes of science, an acquaintance with habits, as well

as with structure, is required. Will it, then, be credited that, with

almost all our recorded species calling for revision, and with our

classification labouring, in vain, to advance per rudem indigestamque

molem specierum, there is no sense on the part of Zoological associa-

tions at home of the necessity of any thing more than the collection

of dried skins?

Such, however, is the fact; upon which I forbear, at present, from

any comments, returning gladly to Mr. Swarnson—whom any one

would be proud to assist, if able; and, as I have some little practical

experience of raptorial birds, and of the value of the generic charac-

ters assigned to them in books, I shall indicate what I conceive to

be the diagnostics of some received genera.

Aquitinz. Genus Pandion.

Bill and head compressed. Gape narrow. Bill moderate, extremely

rounded on the ridge, highly festooned; tomiz scarpt and very

trenchant. Brow not salient. Lores and cere almost nude. WNares

rimiform, subtransverse, with the cere behind them membranous

and free. Legs and feet spiculated, strong, compressed, nude, and

reticulate. Toes nervous, cleft; the outer versatile with oblique grasp ;

the hind, very mobile. Talons highly falcated, nearly equal, compress-

ed, rounded below. Wings exceedingly long, surpassing the tail ; 3rd

quill longest. Instances, P. Vulgaris, P. Indicus, nob. No. 715.

1837.] On some new Genera of Raptores. 367

Hautartus. Sub-genus of Pandion ?

Contradistinguished by a long bill, much more compressed on the

ridge ; by shorter, rounder wings, never surpassing and seldom equal-

ing the tail, and which have the 4th and 5th quills sub-equal and long-

est ; by wide, transverse nares of irregular form; by scaled tarsi and

toes, in which moreover the spinous aculcation of Pandion is less de-

veloped, and the exterior and hind toes are less mobile; and, lastly,

by talons less compressed and less rounded below—sometimes squar-

ed.

Types. Halietus Ichthyetus Horsfieldit, Plumbeus et Albipes, nob.

Nos. 10 and 3.

The bill of Halietus is always longer and sharper on the culmen

than in Pandion; but in some species, its cutting edge is as highly

festooned as in Pandion ; in others, it isas level as in Aquila; in some

again the wings are considerably shorter than the tail; in others,

equal to it.

Instances of the former peculiarities, Ichthyetus et Plumbeus ; of the

latter, Albipes. Halietus is further distinguished from Pandion by a

nude salient brow: but both genera are alike remarkable for the

compression of the bill and head, as compared with Aquila, and also

for the smallness of the gape.

The very long unfestooned bill of Albipes is accompanied. by a wider

gape, by wings equal to the tail, by great size, and by talons perfectly

squared below.

If Ichthyetus, then, be the type of Halietus—and no doubt it is—

then Albipes is a separate type bearing the same relation to Aquila, as

Ichthyetus to Pandion, and connecting Aquila, through Halietus, with

Pandion. This type I have provisionally named Cuncuma, from its

“native name. Itis a fisher, but not exclusively so; and is remarkable,

like the bird of Washington, for its theftuous propensities*.

Pandion is the king of fishers, and a more beautiful instance of the

adaptation of structure to habits than this genus exhibits, is not to be

found in the whole circle of ornithology. The rimiform nares may be

* T make no allusion to birds which I am not personally familiar with ; but I

suspect that the American bird adverted to has a very strict resemblance to our

Albipes, a resemblance including habits, size, and structure. If this be the

case, it may be ranged by the side of A/bipes under the sub-genus Cuncuma, of

which the following are the characters. Bill long and void of festoon. Wings

equal to the tail. Talons squared below. Size very great. There is a beautiful

gradation of characters in these sub-genera, and a correspondent modification of

manners, by means of which the type of the fishing eagles is linked with the type

of the mammalivorous eagles,

oe BE 2

368 On some new Genera of Raptores. (May,

closed by the lax membrane behind them so as to exclude the water :

the compressed, spiculated, free toes, of which the outer fore may be

turned quite back, and the hind almost forward, aided by the com-

pressed cylindric and highly curved talons, are the very weapons to

take fish with; whilst the immense wings enable the bird to quit his

own element with impunity, and to bear off, from the bosom of the

waters, fish of far greater weight than himself. Falcons trained to

duck-hunting dare not suffer the water to touch their plumage, always

quitting their grasp if the quarry can near it in the struggle. But

Pandion will plunge dauntlessly into the deep, and will strike fish so

large that they sometimes carry him under and destroy him, though

he has nothing to forbear from a fish twice his own weight. In India

the birds of this genus are not migratory: they breed in lofty trees

overhanging large lakes, laying their eggs in April, May; and rearing

two young, which usually quit the nest in June, July. The white-

footed Cuncum (Halietus Albipes) (which is a vastly larger bird)

frequently robs the Indian Pandion of his spoil, just as the white,

headed species of the West does the Pandion of that region. Those

who have classed the Brahmani Cheel of India (Halietus Pandicerianus)

with the fishing eagles, may be safely said to know as little of the

structure, as of the habits of that paltry Milvine bird; or else of the

group with which they have associated it. True, Pandicerianus has.

a festooned bill* : but its feet are those of Buteo or of Milvus, without

a trace of the peculiar structure of those organs. in the piscatory

eagles. Its chief food is insects, and its manner of questing similar

to that of Circus. Itfeeds freely on dead fish and on other carrion in

winter.

STRIGIDE.

Typical group. Disc and conch immense. Ears large and operculated.

Sub-genus Sériz.

Bill longer than the head, straightened, shallow, feeble, with the

* The armed bill, however, insisted on as a pre-eminent mark of the Raptores,

bas as much reference to insectivorous habits as to more noble ones. And

whenever the tooth or festoon of the bill is, however highly developed, rather

sharp than strong, insectivorous habits may be safely inferred. These sharp

processes of the bill remind one of the peculiar character of the teeth in the

lesser insectivorous carnivora, such as /erpestes. Here also there is high

development without concomitant strength: and if we look through the typical

sub-family of the diurnal Rapiores, we shall find the dentation of the bill most

developed, in one sense, among the lesser insectivorous genera, such as our Baza

Elanas, as well as the Brahmant Cheel, may be cited to prove that a festooned

bill does not, per se, imply noble habits.

1837.) On some new Genera of Raptores. 869

maxilla cut out by large nasal fosse. Nares longitudinal and lunated.

Valve of the ear definite, tetragonal. Wings long, feeble, exceeding

the short and feeble tail; 2nd quill longest. Tarsi long, slender,

partially implumose. External toe basally connected as in Falco.

Central talon pectinated.

Type, S. Flammea.

Orus.

Head more or less egretted. Bill short, wholly arched on the

culmen, high and deep at the base. Valve of the ear indefinite,

confluent with the immense valvular disc, the opposite sides of which

are connected over the ear passage by a membranous ligament.

Wings long, feeble, scarcely or not at all exceeding the tail; 2nd

quill longest; Ist strongly notched near the tip. Tarsi and toes short

and plumose.

Types, Otus Vulgaris et Brachyotus.

Sub-typical group.

Disc and conch medial, perfect. Ears smaller, operculated.

Genus Scoprs.

Bill short, arched from the base, nostrils round, tumid. Head

egretted. Ears simple, small*. Wings medial, sub-equal to the tail:

3rd and 4th quills sub-equal and longest. Toes feeble, nude, sub-

depressed. Plumage soft and vermiculated. Size small. Habits

insectivorous and nocturnal.

Instances. Scops Sunia, Scops Lettiat, Scops Pennata, nob. Nos.

64, 66, 721, respectively.

Aberrant group.

Disc and conch evanescent. Ears small and simple.

Noctua.

Bill short, arched from the base. Nostrils round, very tumid,.

sometimes tubular. Head smooth. Toes hairy, feeble, and sub-

depressed. Wings short, scarcely exceeding the base of the tail; 4th

quill longest. ‘Tail slightly elongated, rounded. Plumage firm and

lineated. Size small. Insectivorous and noctural.

Instances. N. Cuculoides, Goutp; N. Auribarbis; N. Tarayensis ;

N. Perlineata ; N. Tubiger, nob. Nos. 67, 63. 707, 486, respectively.

* Small and simple with reference tothe group. The ears are, in fact, nearly

twice as large as in the proximate genus Noctua, which I have ranged in the

aberrant group.

+ Scops Lettia is possibly the Asio auctorum: but there is no safe quoting of

species from books. Asio has been made a Scops, an Otus, or any thing else,

at the discretion of the discreet /

370 On some new Genera of Raptores. [May,

Scops seems to me to stand on the confines of the sub-typical group,

leading to Noctua as among the first of the aberrant group. One is

egretted, the other not; one has the plumage characteristically soft

and lax, the other has the plumage, including the alar and caudal

feathers, a good deal firmer. The wings of one scarcely surpass the

base of the tail, those of the other reach nearly to its tip.

The disc of the one is nearly perfect, and the ears comparatively

large, though simple. The disc of the other is very imperfect, and

the ears much smaller. So also the eye and head*. The one has

nude toes, and the other hirsute one. Lastly, a very maculate vest

seems as common with Scops, as a lineated garb with Noctua. The

size of both is small; both have an Otine bill with feeble feet; and

both are nocturnal and insectivorous.

The above characters of known genera are, of course, mere

suggestions, as emanating from one who has neither museum nor

library at command. But, if practical experience be of any worth,

they are suggestions which the skilful may take much advantage of,

I suspect that plumage very soft, moderately soft, and more or less

hardened or firm, might be ascribed, respectively, to the typical,

sub-typical, and aberrant groups of the Sirigide with safety and

advantage.

I have great doubts as to the position of our Urrua and Bulaca.

By the elongation and strength of the bill they are affined to the eagle

owls; but the high development of the disc and conch, though far

short of Otus, yet seems to indicate the position of these birds to be

the sub-typical group. Though very similar in structure and size, one

has the egrets, as well as subdiurnal habits and pale iris of Ozus; but

in this (Urrua) the valve of the ear is evanescent: whilst the other

(Bulaca) with the smooth head and valved ear, has also the nocturnal

habits and dark iris of Strtz. The size of both is greater than that

of either of these genera. In Scops the size and character of the disc

and conch are very similar to those of Urrua: but the former is a

small nocturnal and insectivorous bird ; the latter, a large, semi-diurnal

and mammalivorous one. Bulaca again, with something of the aspect,

and with entirely the manners, of Striz, is sundered from Sfriz,

toto coelo, by the strength of its bill, the high gradation of its wings,

* The relative volume of the head amongst Strigine birds is more apparent

than real. It is caused by the immense quantity of plumes protecting the conch

when the ear has much of the peculiar family structure; and consequently this

‘feature is quite as noticeable in Ofus as in Strix ; because in the former genus

«the ear is even more signally Strigine than in the latter.

1837.] On some new Genera of Raptores. 371

and the superior length and firmness of its tail, as well as by its short

and strong legs. In the last respect there is a close resemblance on

the part of Bulaca to Otus ; but the conch and disc are not half the

size that they are in Otus ; the conch is oval, and the definite form of

the ear-valve is quite opposed to the character of this organ in Otus,

agreeing more closely with Strir. The long and feeble wings and

short and feeble tails of Striv and of Otus, are characters peculiarly

their own: and they are united with, in the former, a bill so long and

feeble, and, in the other, a bill so short and arched, that there is no

mistaking the combination of these attributes in either genus. I know

no Strigine type at all agreeing with Szriz in the character of the bill,

taking its feebleness and length together. But, it isa grievous mistake

to suppose, with Cuvirr, that Strix alone exhibits either elongation

or straightness in this member: for, not only our Huhia and Cultrun-

guis have a long and straightened bill; but these characters are

distinctly, though less, developed in Urrua and in Bulaca.

The otine form of the rostrum (short, thick, and wholly curved) no

doubt is very prevalent among the Sirigide; since it is possessed in

common by Otus, Bubo, Scops, Noctua, and Ninoz. But the tumidity

of the nares in the three last is not foundim the first : and Nino (not

to mention its smooth head, divested of all Strigine characteristics

save the size of the eye) is sundered wholly from Otus by its firm

plumage, and by the length and strength of both wings and tail. In

Otus the tail, though longer, is as feeble as in Striv; and in both

these genera the wings, though long, have all the flimsiness proper

to the family.

Noctua, by its firm plumage (including wings and tail) as well as by

its depressed perching hairy feet, its evanescent disc, simple small ears,

smooth head, and short arched bill with tumid round nares, makes the

nearest approach to our Ninox. But shortness in the wing is the

pre-eminent attribute of Noctua, whilst the very opposite is that of

Ninox. In Surnie the wings appear to be rather short, and the tail,

though long, is extremely wedged. In Ninow alone have we wings

and tail formed upon the Falconine model. And these peculiarities,

taken in connexion with feet in which the insessorial character prevails

almost over the Raptorial—just as it does in many of the little insecti-

vorous Falcons—constitute our Ninow a signal type. Our Cultrunguis

is equally conspicuous by its Pandionic feet and habits ; and our Huhiia

by its combination of aquiline attributes—the chief of which are pre-

eminent size and strength, and a bill uniting length and straightness

with enormous power. I am quite certain that both these birds’

372 On some new Genera of Raptores. [May,

represent the sub-family of the eagles, in the aberrant group of the

Strigide ; and not merely so, but precisely, Aguila and Pandion. But

as to the situation of Urrua and Bulaca, or as to their analogies, I am

quite ata loss. Taking, however, as my guide the medial size of the

disc and conch, \ shall class them, for the present, in the sub-typical

group, characterised as before; and the following generic characters

may, I hope, serve to make them understood, in themselves and in

their relations.

STRIGIDA.

Sub-typical group.

Genus Urrua, nob.

Bill sub-equal to the head, somewhat elongated, scarcely arched

from the base, compressed, strong. Nares ovoid, transverse. Wings

and tail somewhat elongated: wings moderately gradated, 3rd and

4th quills sub-equal and longest. ‘Tail not bowed, even. Tarsi and

toes plumose. Tarsi elevate, not feeble. Head egretted. Ears scarce-

ly valved, oval, traversed bya membranous thong. Size considerable.

Habits sub-diurnal. Dwells frequently in holes on steep bank-sides.

Type, Urrua Cavearea, nob. No. 57.

Genus Buxaca, nob.

Bill sub-equal to the head, somewhat elongated, scarcely arched

from the base, compressed, strong. Nares elliptic, transverse, tumid.

Wings conspicuously gradated ; considerably shorter than the tail;

5th and 6th quills longest and sub-equal. ‘Tail sufficiently elongated,

bowed. Conch ovoid. Legs and feet, short, strong, plumose. Head

smooth. Habits nocturnal. Size considerable. ’

Type, Bulaca Newarensis, nob. No. 59.

It is quite out of the question to range Urrua with Otus, because of

the greatly inferior size of the disc and conch ; or with Bubo, because

of the length of the legs ; or with either, because the bill is decidedly,

though not conspicuously, elongated and straightened. Equally im-

possible is it to range Bulaca with Strix or with Otus ; because its disc,

though perfect, is not larger than in Urrua; because its bill is (like

that of Urrua) stronger and shorter than that of Striz, longer and less

arched than that of O¢us ; and because its wings have characters quite

opposite to those of either genus.

Urrua has the sub-diurnal habits, the pale iris and the egrets of

Otus ; Bulaca, the nocturnal habits, the dark iris, and the smooth head

of Striz. In both the orifice of the ear is oval, but large (1,3; inch

long). In Bulaca it has a large distinct valve: in Urrua, scarcely any.

_ Inneither is there any appearance of the long circular denuded line

1837.) On some new Genera of Raptores. 373

defining the course of the disc in Strix and Otus, and seeming, as it

were, to lay bare the whole head.

This organ, both in size and character, is essentially mediate in

these birds, between the typical structure as seen in Strix and Otus ;

and the aberrant structure, as exhibited in Noctua, Ninox, Huhéa,

and Cultrunguis.

The following comparative measurements, in English inches, may

help the curious to appreciate the value of those perplexing but

necessary terms, Jong and short, as applied to bills, tails, and legs.

Length ofthe of the of the

of the bird. tail. tarsus. bill.

EES, cannes adtadidea a dans sclategie Anis 144 54 3i 13

Le ele tatansaniidadades> 143 6 2 14

WR gcc aalsstslians an Sader mseies sam 22 93 3} 1Z

Bulaca, .......06.000. peaks Ae 22 93 23 1Z

SCOPS,......eeceee Ponnduerneseecaduants 94 33 15 2

IE oo wave vecctosatienesascce devious 94 4 11 Z

PUG a ~ dnsnesdsacows es Ntddentencesare Le 6 1 z

MMs: ci cedadecesisdeccrseossecsesce OO 12 3t 25,

Cultrunguis, ........-.s0000: Re eie Se 92 33 ok

P. S. Since the above paper was composed, I have received, from

the lower hills, a fine specimen of the Strix Coromandra of Latuam.

With the size it has all the characters too, of our Urrua, except in the

legs, the tarsi being lower, and the toes scopine but stronger. The

opening of the ear is about one inch, long, ovoid, and not valvular,

though ‘the membranous edge be more or less free all round it. y{

know nothing yet of the Aadifs of this bird. If they agree with those

of Urrua, it may form a species of this genus or sub-genus ; and its

toes are not absolutely nude, though nearly so. But it seems to be

an osculant species leading to Scops. The wings and tail are both

somewhat elongated, and sufficiently firm, though the general plumage

be remarkably soft. The wings are not much short of the tail, and

they have the 3rd quill longest, the 4th nearly as long; the first and

second, moderately gradated. The toes, which are longish and not

feeble, are remarkable for a softly papillose and flattish sole. To the

external one there is a vague basal membrane ; and the hind is stronger

than usual. The talons are sufficiently elongated and acute; the inner

and central, the outer and hind, being respectively equal.

The nostrils are nearly round and somewhat tumid: the bill, like

that of Urrua and Bulaca, combines strength with a tendency to

elongation and straightness, not noticeable in Otus. My bird isa

mature female, 21 inches long, of which the bill is 13, and the tail 94,

the tarsus is 23, and the central toe 1 Z.

374 Observations of the Magnetic [May,

VI.— Observations of the Magnetic Dip and Intensity at Madras. By

T. G. Taytor, Esq. H. C. Astronomer.

Notwithstanding the value which has of late years been attached to

observations of the Magnetic Dip and Intensity, 1 may, I believe, safely

state, that the whole of British India has failed to put on recorda

single good set of experiments to this end. With a view to supply

this deficiency for Madras, I have availed myself of the loan of a very

excellent dipping needle, the property of Captain Drinxwatrr, of

His Majesty’s ship Conway ; and of two magnetic intensity needles

which were brought out by the same officer, and are the property of

Captain James CrarkE Ross, R. N. The dipping needle, which was

constructed on purpose for the Conway, differs, I believe, in no respect

from the ordinary construction, save that it is one of the best instru-

ments I have met with, and, as far as I can see, absolutely faultless.

The observations for Dip are as follows.

Observations for Dip made at the Madras Observatory, situated in Long.

5h. 21m. 75.8 East of Greenwich, and Lat. 13° 4' 8”. 8 N. on the

26th April, 1837.

With Needle marked No. |

Face of Instrument E 2st.

No. A, B. No. A. B.

] 721/267 72) 287 2 62 16’ 6° 147

2. fon 8) Titel: 4 6 12 6 8

5 Inverted the axis, 7 24 RR NZ 6 6) 4 6 8

7 FIZ SG ee 8 6 16 6 22

Reversed the Poles.

9 7228 fim 22 10 6 34 6.238

11 7 2, {oe BT 12 6 16 6 21

13 Jaw lG 7. 24 14 Oesot 6 28

15 7 26 Leo, 91 6,27. 6) 3e

Mean; 7° 2170” 7° 18’ 37” 6° 18/ 37” 6° 21’ 30”

Needle marked No. 2.

1 da al 420 2 I 22 6 38

3 7 Val 72 42 4 7 8 6 58

5 Inverted the axis, 7 42 5 25 6 A aes 6 14

7 7 30 7 30 8 6 45 6 55

Reversed the Poles.

9 Ta DA ii 6 2 6 0 6 21

tl 7 26 if 4 4 6 10 6 28

13 6 34 6 44 6 6 15 6 0

15 6 34 6 43 8 O23 6 4

Mean, 7 190 7 1145 6 34 45 6 3445

And taking the general mean, we get the true Dip

with Needle No. 1 6 49 56 No.

ditto ditto Te 655 4

Mean, 6 52 30

1837.) Dip and Intensity at Madras. 375

N. B. The numbers 1, 2, 3, &c. exhibit the order in which the ob-

servations were made. During the present century, I cannot find

that any observations for Dip have been made at Madras, but there

is one result on record dated 1775, when Asrrcromsisz found it to be

5° 15’ N.; if this result can be trusted, it would appear that the Dip

is on the increase at the rate of 1’ 34” in a year.

With regard to the needles employed for the magnetic intensity, it

may be necessary to state, that they are constructed after the model of

that of Professor Hanstren. The needles are cylinders, 24 inches long

and .3 inch in diameter, save that the ends are abruptly sharpened to a

point ; these needles are freely suspended on their centres by a few fila-

ments of unspun silk, which are hooked on toa brass stirrup, moveable

upon the needle; by which means a perfect adjustment to horizontality

can be effected ; the needle thus suspended is enclosed in a rectangular

glass box immediately over a divided circle, from which the arc of

vibration can be read off and the number of oscillations counted.

The zero of measure here employed, is the time of performing 100

vibrations at a temperature of 60°, commencing with an are of 20°

and ending at from 2° to 4°.—If these measures could be observed to

ultimate accuracy, it would be worth while to reduce the times of

vibration under these circumstances to the times of describing an in-

finitely small arc, as has been done by Hanstesn, and on account of

buoyancy, to a vacuum ; but since such is not the case, the result will

be obtained to all useful accuracy by supposing the correction common

to each set of observations, by which the reductions, which are rather

operose, are avoided : the reduction to a temperature of 60° is effected

by applying the correction, 0,00017 ¢. (where ¢ represents the time

of performing 100 vibrations) ;—a formula which is derived from ex-

periment. The two needles used in the following observations are dis-

tinguished from one another by a sign X on one of them. This needle

in London at atemperature of 60° performed 100 vibrations in 442,76

seconds of mean time, whereas the other needle performed 100 vi-

brations under the same circumstances in 461,96 seconds; the former

needle is further distinguished from the latter from its having been

long in use in England, and as having exhibited a remarkable degree

of steadiness in its magnetism during the late magnetical experiments

instituted in Ireland under the auspices of the British Association ;

added to which, these needles are calculated to excite a more than

ordinary degree of interest from the circumstance of their having

been employed by Sir Joun Ross in the perilous North Polar Expedi-

tion, from which he has lately so fortunately returned. The observa-

tions at Madras are as follows.

3c 2

376 Observations of the Magnetic [Mar,

No. 3, Private mark X.

1837. Arc. Ther. Vib. Mean Time. Interv. Mean Int.

he m. Ss. Ss. &.

April 30th. 20° 0 88.0 1 0 43 49.4

io 45 et 48 51.3 202-2 301.57

gg era 53 53.1 301.5

A) Oe 58 54.1 301.0 | Cor for temp. 1.43

F . 300.14

notherset.20 0 88.0 1 1 1 49.0

ey OL idea sry pate 301.60

is pe een 11 52.6 301.4 F ai

AUT s97%8, \oeus08 16 253.8 301.2, ,} COT: 102 tome: F-2a

0 0 87.0 1 0 45 37.7 ee

May 3rd,. 62 7. 5 37.

* 12,458 1 16! 50 4073 f 302.5 301.97

3.30 2h oOn 55 42.1 301.9

So Oh Mies eat ead 1 0 43.6 303.5 | Cot for temp. 1.38

300.59

No. 3, not marked.

, he ™. Se Se Ss.

April 26th. 20° 0” 85.2 1 3. AUNTIE

To eee wee 48 171 311.0 fy 310.70

G) SO OUT 53 27.5 310.4 | CoF-tor temp. 1.31

0 87.8 1 1 2 ee, eee

April 30th. 20 5. 17.

4 Teast BATON - 30 99.4 } 3121 311.50

rie | oom 5 35 40.7. 311.3

4 087.3 3901 40 51.8 311.1 | CO": for temp. 1.40

310.10

or we have for the time of performing 100 vibrations at the tem-

perature of 60° Fahrenheit at Madras.

Needle 3, & Needle 3.

Ss. Ss.

300.14 : 309.39

17 310.10

Mean, 300.30 Mean, 309.74

If 4 and h’ represent the magnetic intensities at any two places,

and T and T’ the times of performing 100 vibrations at those places,

ne ie ( Te <2

[eigen vie. T )

applying this, the horizontal magnetic intensity for Madras (that at

London being assumed=1.) becomes

then we have

By Needle No. 3, X 2,1738

Ditto ditto No. 3, 2,2245

1837.] Dip and Intensity at Madras. 377

“With a view to compare theory with practice, we might now com-

pute the number of oscillations which No. 3 x ought to make at

Madras from the observed number in London; thus, assuming the

Dip for London to be 69° 10’ N. the formula becomes

{3 + sec, 469° 10) }4 : {3 + sec. (6° 52750") Ve, : 462,76) :

performing the computation T = 344,87 differing to the amount

of 44,57 seconds from the observations. This difference between

theory and observation, is but one of many instances which have from

time to time occurred in the infant state of a science. Observation

has led us toa theory, and then again has shewn the incompleteness

of such theory. In the case of Magnetism, we have long since been

prepared to expect that local causes might considerably interfere with

its established laws; since one station (the island of Teneriffe) has

already exhibited some singular anomalies, both in respect to the Dip

and Intensity. Under these circumstances it is much to be wished

that observations could be multiplied in various parts of India, where-

by the law of variation from theory may be detected ;—and how is

this to be accomplished? My answer is ready:—Let any gentleman

who is disposed to undertake a set of magnetic intensity experiments

signify his intentions; and I shall have great pleasure in forwarding

to him, free of expense, a magnetised and compared needle, provided

that I am favored with a copy of the results. In anticipation that

there will be several gentlemen disposed to forward this inquiry, I am

now preparing several needles for use. All that is necessary is, that

the person applying for a needle should be in possession of a good,clock

or chronometer, and has the means of ascertaining its daily rate.

Madras Observatory, 9th May, 1837.

Note.—We shall be most happy to promote the author’s views by

making a series of experiments with his needles in Calcutta, and then

distributing them to friends in the interior. Of the dip we havea

few records, (see Proc. As. Soc. for May.) Major B. Buaxz also

brought from England an adjusted intensity needle, but we have not

yet been favored with his observations.—Ep.

VI.—The sae of the Saurashira group ‘of Coins deciphered. By

James Prinsep, Sec, As. Soc.

Those who would deprecate the study of old coins asa useless and

uninteresting waste of time and ingenuity,—and there are such we fear

even among the readers of this journal,—frequently mistake the means

378 Legends of the Saurashtra group [May,

for the end, and suppose us to be enamoured of the very defects of the

barbarous specimens of ancient art we seek out with such ardour,

rather than give us credit for being impelled by the desire of

looking through them at the history of the times they faintly but

certainly pourtray. Twice has our small band of collectors been

enabled to oppose a triumphant reply to such sceptics even with the

unpromising materials of purely Indian relics, without counting the

splendid: but more natural harvest in ancient Baciria. The dynasty

of the Guptas in central and eastern India, and that of the Buddhist

rajas of Ceylon, form two unequivocal lines of history developed, oy

confirmed, by the unlying evidence of coins. I am now happy in

being able to produce athird series for the west of India, equally well

filled as to names, and of greater interest than either of the previous

discoveries, on several accounts, as will presently be manifest.

I have given the name of Sawrashtra series to the coins depicted in

Plate XLIX. of Vol. IV. because they have principally been found at

Mandivee, Puragarh, Bhoj, and other ancient towns in Cutch, Cattywar,

and Guzerat, the Surastrene of the Greeks, which comprehended from

the Sindh or Indus to Barugdza (Baroach) on the confines of Ariake, or

India Proper, and which cannot but be identical with the Saurashtra,

of Sanskrit authorities*. The specimens before me when engraving

the plate alluded to, were not very distinct, and I could not then make

out more than a few of the letters, which were seen at once to belong

to a peculiar form of ancient Nagari.

Success in other quarters brought me back to the promising field of

Saurashtra, made more promising by the accession of some fresh coins

from Mr. Wartnern of Bombay, and Captain Burnes, whereon the

legends were more complete.

While thus engaged, I received from Captain Harkness, Sec. Roy.

As. Soc. along with a copy of the Society’s Journal, No. VI. (which

also contains a notice by Professor Wiusen of one coin of this group,

but without deciphermentt) a couple of beautifully executed plates of

a fine collection of these same coins in the possession of Mr. Stevart,

who made a tour through India a few years since. The plates appear

to have been executed in Italy; and as no explanation oceurs, I

* See preceding note on the birth place of Ixwaxu, page 349.

t+ Professor Witson has inadvertently assumed in his note, on my authority,

that these coins are known by the name of Gadhia paisa, or ass-money. It was

not to this description, but to a very degenerate descendant of the Indo-Parthian

coinage, generally of copper, that Captain Burnes stated the name to be

applied.— (See my former paper, Jour. Vol. III. p. 687.)

1837.] of Coins deciphered. 379

presume they have been circulated to the various Oriental Societies in

hopes of getting the legends deciphered. Encouraged and aided by

this accession of materials, I proceeded, according to the plan that

succeeded so well with the Bactro-Pehlevi inscriptions, to separate and

analyse the conformable portion or the titles common to all the coins,

and afterwards to classify the unconformable portion, which of course

would include the proper names.

In this manner I was soon fortunate enough to discover a key to the

whole in the value of one or two anomalous looking letters which had

hitherto deceived me by their resemblance to members of other ancient

Sanskrit alphabets. I must acknowledge some assistance from Mr.

_ Waruen’s Sindhi grammar, where having found the absence of vowel

marks in the modern alphabet of the country, I was not unprepared to find

the same omission in the more ancient one. Another preparatory step

was derived from the Treczar legends of last month’s plate, ending in

Mitasa, which I venturedto construe as the corrupted or Pali mode of ex-

pressing the Sanskrit possessive case Mitrasya, A similar xy was perceiv-

ed following zy, or putra, which left little doubt that the word was

qaqa, for wae“ of the son,’’ which, by the idiom of the language,

would be the final word of the sentence, and would require all the pre-

ceding members of it to be in the genitive case.

The letter — (or ) occurred in the body of one or two of the legends

in its simple state, whereas in the initial word, which could not but be

rdja, it was prolonged below, shewing that another letter was sub-

joined, while sometimes the visarga followed it.—This could be no-

wise explained but by supposing it the possessive case of UIST, or UH:

rdjneh, the double letter being not at that early date replaced by a

compound symbol.

The same observation will apply to all the other double letters, mz,

tr, dr, sv, shv, which are in this alphabet made by the subjunction of

the second letter without diminution. Hence the peculiar elongation

of many of the letters, which was at first thought characteristic of the

whole alphabet, but it turns out to belong only to the letter r, which

is thus distinguished from the x, 7, and h.

The second word of the title Lread HaHq, for Bfan~E Kritrimasya,

genitive of Kritrima; which is translated in Wi1son’s dictionary

“made, factitious, an adopted son (for Kritrima putra).’—The latter

sense was inadmissible, because it so happened that the name of the

actual father was in every case inserted, and the same title was also ap-

plied to him. The only manner, therefore, in which the term could

be rendered was by ‘‘ elected” —*‘ adopted’””—by the people, or by the

380 Legends of the Saurashtra group (Mar,

feudal chiefs of the country; a designation entirely new in Indian

numismatics, and leading toa highly interesting train of reflection, to

which I must presently recur. Sometimes the epithet Mahd is

afixed—not to raja, but to Kritrima, as Rdja maha Kritrima, the

‘great or special elected king’—as if in these cases he had been

the unanimous choice of his people, while in the others he was

installed merely by the stronger party in the state.

In every instance but one, the raja is stated to be the son of a raja;

and it is quite natural to expect that a prince, unless he were very

unpopular, would have influence to secure the succession in his own

family. In the case forming the exception to this rule, the raja is the

son of a Swdmin or Swami, a general term for brahman or religious

person. I have therefore placed him at the head of the line, although

it does not follow that in an elective government the regular succes-

sion may not have been set aside in favor of an influential commoner.

Among all the coins hitherto examined nine varieties only have

been discovered. Of these several can be traced from father to son

in regular succession.—Others again spring from the same father,

as if brothershad succeeded, in default of heirs direct, or from voluntary

supercession ; but we know that in Indian families the same names

frequently recur in the same order of filiation; so that unless ac-

companied by a date it is quite impossible to decide whether the

individuals are the same in every case of similar names.

The features on the obverse might serve as a guide in many cases,

for they (as 1 have before remarked) are executed with a skill and

delicacy quite Grecian ; but it will be seen below that I doubt their

representing the individual named on the reverse.

I have lithographed in Plate XXIV. the several varieties of legend,

as corrected and classified, after careful examination of Mr. Srzvarr’s

plates, with all the coins in our respective cabinets, as well as the

sketches I have been favored with of others by Mr. Waruen. I have not

time to engrave the coins themselves, of which indeed the former plate

will give a clear idea, for they are all the same in size and appearance,

varying a little in the countenance of the prince. Their average weight

is about thirty grains, agreeing in this respect with the korees mention-

ed by Hamitton as struck in Cutch, four to a rupee, by the Raos and

Jams of Noanagar, with Hindui characters*.

Legend, No. 1. Of this there are four examples in Mr. Stevart’s

plate. I had one from Mr. Warnenf, which passed into Captain

CunNINGHAmM's possession by exchange.—Adding the matras or vowels,

* HaMILTON’s Hindostan, I. 654, + Found by Captain Prescott in Guzerat.

1837.] of Coins deciphered. 381

and correcting the possessive termination, the legend will be in modern

character,

ts faa wey afa sazayqag

Rajna kritrimasya Rudra Sahasya, Swami Janadama-putrasya.

in English, ‘ (coin) of the elected king Rupra SAu, son of SwXmr Jana-

pama. The letter beginning the word Swdmi in the majority of Mr.

Srevarv’s figures, is an ¥, in lieu of a@. In one of his, and in mine

(or rather Captain Prescorr’s coin), the orthography is correct.

There may be a little doubt about the n in Janadama, which is rather

indistinct, but I think the dot at the foot of the line decisive.

Legend, No. 2. Of this there are likewise four coins engraved. We

have none in Calcutta. The words run:

UH Aare Waa TH alaaw wee aq

Rajna kritrimasya Agadamna, rajna kritrimasya Rudra Séh putrasya.

‘Of the elected king Acapama, son of the elected king Rupra Sdu.’

The simple title, raja, of the father makes it probable that he is the

preceding prince, whose son therefore succeeded him under the same

system of election.

Legend, No. 3. Two coins in the Srevart collection :

us: afarg aitee: wea aay casey ye

Rajneh kritrimasya Vitra damneh, rajna mahé kritrimasya Dama Sdhasya putrasya.

‘Of the elected king Vi'rapama, son of the great elected king

Dama Sa’u.’

In these examples we have the correct orthography of the genitives

with one superfluous @ attached to the penultimate Sdka,—which

being connected with the word putrasya did not grammatically

require the affix. Dama Sa/’u, the father, is most probably a different

person from the Acapama of the last coin. His title is more impor-

tant, though that of his son again falls to the former level. We have

as yet no coins of Dama Sa’n himself, though by this happy in-

sertion of the ‘ fathers’ we obtain two names with each specimen.

Legend, No. 4. Four coins in Stevart’s plates—none in Calcutta :

UH aay way un afaay Ttca aq

‘Of the great elected king Rupra Sa/u, son of the elected king

| Vi RADAMA.’

Nothing invites remark in the orthography of this legend but the

insertion of the visarga in one place and its omission in another,

Rupra SAu is a direct descendant of the last raja.

Legend, No. 5. Two coins in the Srevarr list—two in my

cabinet, one in Captain CUNNINGHAM’S;

‘ 3D

382 Legends of the Saurashira group (May,

ust: alana fagquee cua aay ware ya

‘Of the elected king Viswa Su, son of the great elected king

Rupra SAu.’ :

Another regular succession. It is curious that the. visarga is not

inserted at random, but, where it has been once given, the engraver

seems to have considered it necessary to repeat it—as he does also to

conform to the modification of the letter 7 in raja.

Legend, No. 6. Three Srnvarr coins, one Painsxp (from Burnes’

collection), and one in Dr. Swiney’s cabinet :

twa waft shea UR aeahay wes FAW

‘ Of the great elected king Arrrpama, son of the great elected king

Rupra SAH.’

Here we have, in all probability, a second son of Rupra Sdu,

through failure of heirs male to Viswa Sku. I write Arri for

euphony as the most likely disposition of the vowels, none being

expressed but the initial a, which, as in the modern Sindhi, serves for

all vowels equally well.

Legend, No. 7. Including Nos. 9 to 12 of the Srnuarr plate ;

two in my cabinet, one in Captain CunnineHam’s, and one in Dr.

SwINeEyv’s : "

ua afaae frareive us agate wher gre

‘Of the elected king Viswa S&u, son of the great elected king

ATRIDAMA.”

This second Viswa is shorn of his father’s distinction, Mahd. He

does not appear to have left ason to take his place, being in the

same predicament (as far as our information goes) as his namesake

the son of RupRa.

Legend, No. 8. Three coins, 25, 26 and 27 of Sruvarrt, and two in

my series—one lately received from Mr. WaTHEN, and perfect in its

circle of letters :

cra az ates fears siey tra werafare case Jam

‘Of the great elected king Visaya Sdn, son of the great elected

king Dama Séu.’

This rdja is evidently out of place; being a son of Dama Savu, he

should have come before Vi’RADAMa, who hada son. I did not per-

ceive the mistake until after the plate was lithographed.

Legend No. 9. Of this there is only one specimen in the Strvarr

collection, to which Iam able to add two. Col. Ton’s plate in the Roy.

As. Soc. Trans. contains one. The inscription exceeds all the rest in

length :

Ua avaary Sawswisy Us avatar alae ga

ournalAs.dSac. Yol W. PLAY

Legends on the Cutch coins with the RD s symbol.

Jsgyyguayeeenype

Bap S58 SF"

eh > 2 ell lata Sf

Be a Nah

) TOF} VENT USER YI YETI US YR

Jb TYP R PES BAKE L WS YE Y

es abled ode SR ale

eR TY uAEw sy yy vigavuzy usypy

er 2D) Le}

Greck’ Sansercl

SAGE

Legends onthe obve) eer

FSF NORV Mlivitescren ....... in r “ey

22 2| New

8 a’ ig peeereree 9! OILCVACIIOL....: Hele ra sé

} 280/04

§ 32 cp cn anether “J oy MPA 5 _ ‘ - ;

.: 2A LIA 4

3 LOY TIVO ly X

<—soeere iNew a a

6 NTE RE “40 0] bu:

eo fANju

PASO EF Pierre : Pha 4 a

Cenlral synbol of-the Reverse es T ga

ETV a

Wx . fee

: 7 wd é

ws 2 os

SPris bh lith.

wv NSO

ree

Re ae Os sR

ee i

7 7 1 tig a { 4 a Pris, ae 2 re -- ie: ‘ "i is

, sha ol Coo, 5 hits Tee

ae aera eS = Gana OY ae

tei ahi aes m

; a es ae Age dt: Ms - M ian cea

ny EES

2 a i See dest A

1837.) of Coins deciphered. 338

‘Of the great elected king SwAm1 Rupra S&u, son of the great

elected king Swim1 Rupra Dama.’

These two names stand insulated from all the rest, and the only

test by which we can attempt to supply them with a fit position in the

list, is the form of the letter 3 which is decidedly of the earlier model.

These two kings may therefore come conveniently into the break

after AGADAMA, the second on our list.

We may now proceed to sum them up in the order thus conjectu-

rally determined.

Elected Sovereigns of Cutch, (Saurashtra ?)

' 1. Rupra S&zu, son of a private individual, SwXm1 JaANADAMA.

2. AcapaMA, his son.

(Here the connection is broken.)

3. SwAm1 Rupra Dama.

4. SwXmr Rupra S<u, his son.

(Here the connection is again broken.)

5. Dama SAu, of whom no coins are extant.

6. Visaya Su, his son.

7, Vi’RA Dama, another son of Dama S&u,

8. Rupra Su, son of Vi'ra.

9. Viswa Séu, son of Rupra.

10. Arripama, also son of Rupra.

11. Viswa SAu, son of ATRIDAMA.

Thus we have eleven kings, with only two breaks in the succession,

developed by this very interesting series of minute silver coins.

Eleven kings, at the usual average of eighteen years per reign, will run

through a space of just two centuries. Yet where need we seek for a

single trace of such a dynasty in any of the works of the Hindus,

when of the Guptas reigning in the central provinces the memory is

but faintly shadowed in some of the spurious Puranas? It would be

more unnatural to hope for any allusion to a remote kingdom of the

west like Cutch, in the books of the brahmans; and unless we can find

something to the purpose in the numerous inscriptions from Girnar

and Junagarh, we may, as far as the Hindus are concerned, but have

added a barren list of names to the numerous pedigrees already col-

lected by Top and others, with the advantage however, always consi-

derable, of their being entitled to perfect confidence.

From the Persian historians here and there may be picked up an

incidental notice, of great value, regarding the internal affairs of

India, but the names are so changed and confounded with titles that

it is sometimes hard to recognize them. One of these notices quoted

3D 2

384 ; Legends of the Saurashtra group [May,,.

by Colonel Porrinesr in his history of Sinde* seems to throw an im-

portant light upon the point before us. After noticing the utter absence

of any information on the dark age between the Macedonian expedition

and the incursions of the Musulmans, this author says—‘‘ The native

princes are not mentioned by name in all the manuscripts I have peru-

sed, until the time of the celebrated Kuoosroo (NoursHerwan) king

of Persiaf, who sent a large army and ravaged the western frontier of

Sasze R&sa’s dominions ; which are described, including his tributaries,

to have extended on the north to the present provinces of Kashmeer

and Kabool ; southward to Surat and the island now called Diu; west-

ward along the sea coast to Mukran, and eastward to the provinces of

Marwéar, Bikaneer, &c.”

Colonel Porrincer states that the rajas name was Suseer Sineu ;

but this may be the learned mode of expanding the original Sa-See into

a genuine Sanskrit name. He was killed and his country plundered,

but after the enemy had retired with their spoil, two princes of the

same dynasty succeeded and reigned with great vigour and equity,

repairing the forts of Sehwan, Moo, Oocha, Narain koth, &c., which

had fallen to decay under their peaceful progenitors. The second

prince, resigning himself to sensual pleasures, left the conduct of affairs

to his minister, during whose illness a young brahman of his office,

named Cuucu, having occasion to visit the king in the seraglio, was seen

and loved by the queen, and on the death of the king they married and

brought about a revolution which placed him on the throne. “Such,”

says the historian, ‘‘ was the close of the race of Raja Saszxz, which

had governed the kingdoms of Sinde for upwards of two thousand

years ; whose princes at one period received tribute from eleven

dependent kingdoms, and who had set the threats of the greatest

monarchs of the world at defiance.”

Now the word Sasee, the general name of the royal line, has a much

greater affinity with Saha (genitive, Sdiasa) than with Suszer Sinca—

and this name we find borne by seven out of the eleven princes whose

names have been thus fortunately preserved. Many other consi-

derations might be adduced in favor of their identity. A commercial

maritime kingdom seated in Saurashtra and at the mouth of the Indus,

would naturally extend its sway up the valley of that river and its

branches. From its wealth and liberal form of government, it would

be stable and powerful, especially under a tributary treaty (in general

* PortincEeR’s Travels in Beloochistan, p. 386.

+ NoursHERWAN flourished about the middle of the sixth century. He was

contemporary with the Roman Emperors Justinian and JusTIN.

1837.] _ . of Coins deciphered. 885

punctually performed) with the great monarch of Persia, the chief ene-

my capable of doing it injury. The antiquity assigned to this Sindian,

or early Indian kingdom, further agrees with the tradition of Ikswaku’s

residence, and the migration of his sons eastward, and with all we have

remarked (in a previous paper) regarding the origin of the commercial

classes throughout modern India.

But, if the dynasty of the Sdha or Sasee rajas, of which we may

now fix the termination towards the close of the sixth century, extended

backwards for two thousand years or even a quarter of that period, we

should find some mention of it by ALExanpER’s historian, or by his

namesake the commercial ArriaNn, who visited this very kingdom ia

the second century of our era. The elder Arrran affords but little to aid

us. In the descent of the Indus, some petty chiefs, as Musicanvs,

OxyKANus and SAmBus are encountered and overthrown; but we hear

of no paramount sovereignin Patalene. Indeed from the pains taken in

rendering Pattala more habitable by digging wells, and inviting back

the fleeing population, it might be argued that it could not have been a

place of much importance prior to ALEXANDER’S Visit.

The capital of the province had changed in the second Arrian’g

time, to Mindgara, ‘‘ the residence of a sovereign, whose power extended

as far as Barugdza in Guzerat. The government was in the hands of a

tribe of Parthians divided into two parties ; each party as it prevailed

chose a king out of its own body, and drove out the king of the

opposite faction : svvexas adAnaous éxdindvtwr* ,””

Dr. Vincent, the learned commentator on the Periplus, seems to

hesitate in believing this assertion of ARRIAN that the government of

the Sindh, Cutch and Guzerat province, was in the hands of a tribe of

the Parthians, ‘‘ BaotAévera: d¢ brd Napdwv—”” «« If,” says this author, “ the

governing power were Parthians, the distance is very great for them

to arrive at the Indus ; may we not, by the assistance of imagination,

suppose them to have been Affghans, whose inroads into India have been

frequent in allages. That the government was not Hindu is manifest,

and any tribe from the west might be confounded with Parthians. If we

suppose them to be Affghans, this is a primary conquest of that nation,

extending from the Indus to Guzerat, very similar to the invasions

of Maumu’p the Ghaznavidet.”—“ If” (we may here continue) for

Affghans in this passage, we substitute the Mithraic races of Seistan

and Ghazni, by whatever name they were known at the time, we find

confirmation of such a line of invasion both in Mr. Masson’s remarks—

in our Indo-Sassanian coins, andin ArrrAn ; for the fire worship would

* Vincent, P eriplus of the Erythrean sea, IJ, 385. + Periplus, II. 585.

386 Legends of the Saurashtra group (May,

be quite ground enough for his classing the ruling race under the

general term of Parthian*.

At any rate, as our author says, the ruling power was not then

Hindu; and therefore the dynasty of the Sdhas, in which we find the

genuine Hindu names of Rudra, Viswa, Vira and Vijaya could not yet

have sprung up. Thus we have a limit on either side, between the

third and the seventh century to assign to them, and we have names

enough to occupy one half of that space. The family name of SAu,

or Ssuv, is not Sanskritt, but it is very extensively used in the verna-

cular dialects. Half of the mahajans of Benares are named Saht, and

the epithet evidently implies ‘ merchants,’ for we find the same root in

the sahukdr (soucar) agent; souda, soudagar, trade, trader ; and perhaps

in the Persian word scod, interest. One branch of this western tribe

Sdh§ has been elevated to royalty in the present occupants of the throne

of Nipal : the Garkhdlis, who overturned the Malla line in 1768, hav-

ing confessedly migrated from Udayapir close upon the borders of our

supposed Sindian kingdom, and settled in the hilly district of Kemaon

about two centuries anterior to their conquest of Népal Proper.

The learned memoir of Professor Lassen on the Pentapotamia

furnishes us with a proof that the Sahs of Sinde and Guzerat were well

known at the time the seventh chapter of the Mahabharata was

written for, when describing with all the acrimony of those who had

suffered from their aggressions, the origin and habits of the Bahlics or

Bactrians of the Panjdb or Panchanada, in the 44th verse we find

the following words put into the mouth of Carna:

* By Parthians, according to Moses of Chorene, should be understood the

Pathavis, or Balhavis, or people of Pahla, Balha or Baicha, the Balika or Bahikha

of the Sanskrit, and the Bactria of the Greeks: whence were derived the Pehlevi

dynasty and Pehlevi writing of Persia; and the Palhawans of their more ancient

poetry. An explanation so comprehensive and simple, that it seems curious it

should ever have been disputed by the learned. Is it not also highly probable

that the Balabhi kings, and their capital the Balabhipura of Gujerat, should origi-

nally have referred toa Pahlavi dynasty holding or re-establishing their sway in

this province? The Sanskrit name of the town according to Top is Balika-pura,

and of the kings, Balika-rai. We must find their coins and decipher their in-

scriptions ere we shall be competent to enter more fully on the subject.

+ @z or ageq Saha deva is however the name of the youngest of the five

Pandava princes, and might be accepted by some etymologists as the original of

a patronymic, Sadhu. wae also signifies ‘‘ increase, addition;’? but @Tq is

generally looked upon as the root of Sdhu the mercantile name. :

t Gopat Das Sau, Goat Das Sau, &c. &e.

§ I perceive also in a manuscript just received from Captain SLeeMAN, that

the Sdhs frequently reigned at Garha Mandela.

1837.] of Coins deciphered. 387

FAST ARMA ALET ATA TTT: |

aufa fererater <fa war fagfeariii

which M. Lassen translates :

Prasthali, Madri, Gandh4&ri, Aratti profecto hatrones ;

Necnon Basates et SAuvIRI SINDHUID#: ita in universum vituperantur.

And in a note he alludes to a variation in the manuscript whence Dr.

Wixtson thus translated the same passage: ‘ The Prasthalas (perhaps

borderers) Madras, Gandh4ras, Arattas, Khosas, Basas, Atisindhus (or

those beyond the Sindhus), Sauviras, are all equally infamous.’—

“ Legit igitur aTaa:aur; Sed prestantiorem prebet lectionem Codex

Parisiens ; et Chasi huc non pertinent ; a Pentapotamia enim sunt alieni.

Basorum et Atisindhuidarum nomina ignota mihi sunt et in errorem

h. I. induci sese passus est doctissimus Anglus. Compositum nor ex

tribus, sed ex duobus tantum nominibus constat, Basati et Sindhu-

satvira. Posteriores laudantur Ram. I, XII, 25. ed. Schl. et alio

nomine appellati sunt Cumdlaca (Hem. ch. IV. 26.) Prius nomen

sepius in Bharatea reperi, ex. c. in hoc versu, ex libro sexto descripto :

Mac: Raf FI wractar q@aray!

Gandhari, Saddhales, orientales, montium incole atque Basates.”’

The Professor’s reading so entirely accords with the conditions of

our Sah or Sau fraternity that no doubt can be entertained of its being

correct; and we gain a very important step by learning the Sanskrit

mode of spelling the term G1, since we may thence hazard a new

interpretation of the word Saurashtra, as Sau-rashtra ‘the country of

the Sau tribe,’ a more close and plausible one than that hitherto

accepted of Saurya-rashtra the country of the sun-worshippers.

The 72nd couplet confirms such an interpretation by ascribing

precisely the same iniquities (theft, or perhaps commercial usury) to the

Saurashtrians, the vowel being only shortened for the sake of the verse.

SST SST SAT SPU SPAT ATSLHTAALT: GTBT:

Orientales servi sunt, meridionales turpes, Bahici latrones, Surashtri preedatores.

Commentators have uniformly supposed Surashtra to denote the

modern Surat, but this is an error; the name applies only to the

Surastréne of Protemy, and Surat, as I am assured by Mr. BorropaiLE

of the Bombay Civil Service, is comparatively a modern town;

and its name, now persianized into > gv Surat, was originally

Suryapur, the town of the Sun.

I waive all discussion here on the important bearing the above theo-

ry has on the age of the Mahabharat and of the Ramayana; either the

388 Legends of the Saurashtra group [May,

Sdhs of Sinde must be very old, or the passages of abuse and praise

in these poems must yield their claim to high antiquity. At any

rate a departure from strict oxthodoxy is established against the

tribe.

There are some other points in the reverse legend of the coins

‘before us that call for further explanation—first, of the word Kritrima.

The expression quoted above from Arrian indicates something of an

elective government even while the Parthians ruled at Minagara ; each

party as it acquired the ascendancy in the politics of the state ‘ chosing

a king out of its own body.’

Dr. Vincent supposes that the contending parties (the whigs and

tories of their day) were not both Parthians, but more probably Par.

thian and Indian. This view is nota little supported by the coin

evidence, and it is only necessary to imagine that the native influence

of a rich mercantile aristocracy at length prevailed and excluded the

Parthians altogether. Of these Parthians we see the remnant in the

Parsees so numerously located in Guzerat and Surat, and can easily

imagine, from their numbers and commercial enterprize, that they

must have been formidable rivals to the indigenous merchant-kings.

Something of this feudal system of government is visible to this day

in the fraternity of the jdrajahs or chiefs of Cattywar and Cutch. The

name jardjah might, without any unwarrantable license, be deduced

from sah-rdja, persianized to ja-rdja or local chieftain. In 1809 there

were twenty or more of these chiefs in Cutch alone able to furnish a

contingent of from two hundred to one thousand men*. In the

Guzerat peninsula the number must be much greater, since in 1807 there

were estimated to be five thousand two hundred families in which the

inhuman custom of female infanticide was regarded as a dignified

distinction of their caste!

In the names of these modern chieftains we can trace a few of our

list atra, visa, and vira : anda town called Damanagar, may have owed

its foundation to our prince of that name. The Jah-rdjahs and Catties

call themselves Hindus, but are very superficially acquainted with the

doctrines of their faith—the real objects of their worship are the Sun

gnd the Matha Assapurit the goddess of nature,—doubtless the

Nanaia of more classical Bactria. They are saidto impress the Solar

image on every written document. We are accordingly prepared to

find it on their ancient coinage, where it is seen on the right hand

side, the moon (matha for mds or mdh) being always in company on

the left.

* Hamitton’s Hindostan, I, 587. t+ Ditto, I, 637.

1837.] of Coins deciphered. 389

The central symbolI have had to explain so often and with so many

modifications, that I really feel it becomes more of an enigma the

more is said of it! It occurs on the Pantaleon Greek coins—on the

Indo-Scythic group—on the Behat Buddhist group—on similar coins

dug up in Ceylon—and here at the opposite extremity of India. It is

the Buddhist Chattya, the Mithraic flame,—mount Meru, mount Aboo!

—in fact, it is as yet unintelligible and the less said of it, the sooner

unsaid when the enigma shall be happily solved !

Legend of the obverse.

Having satisfactorily made out the contents of the inscription on

the reverse of the Saurashtra coins, I might have hoped to be equally

successful with the obverse ; but here I must confess myself quite foiled.

From the obverse die being somewhat larger than the other, it seldom

happens that a perfect legend can be met with; and by placing toge-

ther all the scraps from different samples, enough only can be restored

to shew: Ist, its general character; 2nd, to prove that it is not

Sanskrit ; and 3rd, that it contains two distinct styles of letter on

the opposite sides of the head; that on the right having a strong

resemblance to Greek, the other a fainter to Pehlevi; but both written

by an ignorant hand. The three or four Pehlevi letters are variable

and quite illegible; but the others, by combining the two first

examples in the plate, (No. 5, from my coin; 8, from Mr. Srevart,)

might be read vonones vasileus, allowing sufficient latitude for the

corruption of a century or two. Should my conjecture be admitted

even to the extent that the letters are Greek, we may safely attribute

their presence to the supremacy of the Arsacidan king of Persia, or,

looking farther back, to the offsets of the Bactrian kingdom in the

valley of the Jndus, where the Greek characters were still retained, as

proved by the coins of Koprs and Nongs, (or Vonones) Azzs, &c. ;

and we may conclude that his portrait, and not that of the tributary

raja, was allowed to grace the coinage of Saurashtra.

The sway of Demerrivs we know from Strago to have extended over

the delta of the Jndus, and the retrenchment of a single particle

from his text would make it include Saurashtra also. Speaking of

MeEnaANDER’s Indian possessions he says:

“Evye kai Tov “Trav (Tractw) di€8y mpds &w Kad wéexpt Tov Ioapou (“Iwudvov) mpo

free. Tauty yap avrds, rade Anutrpios "Evdvdhuov vios tod Baktplwy RaciAéws

ov udvoy Ge Martadnviy KarecxXov, aAAG Kat THs BAANS Tapadias TivTe TecoapidoTou

Kadouperny Kal THY SuyépTiBos BaciAciay.

On this important passage many have been the opinions expressed

by the learned. Bayer refers the third name (the first two being fixed

3 E

390 Similarity of Greek and Sanskrit letters. [May,

as the Hyphasis and Jumna) to the mouths of the Ganges: “ quam

Strabo, alteram oram maritimam nomine Tescapworov dicit ? nempe

nullam potuit, nisi que ad Gangis fluminis ostia ubi et Sryépridos

regnum.” M. Lassxrn, from whose Pentapotamia I have cited the

above extract, thinks that the word merely alludes to the coasts in the

neighbourhood of Pattalene, and he identifies Sigertis with the

Sanskrit Trigertd faaat in the province of Lahore. Manners places

the former in Guzerat: ‘‘ad oram maritimam, que hodie Guzerat,

olim nomine Sanskrit UST (Gurjara) appellata est, Teccapiooroy

regionem refert Mannertus, quod at veritatem haud dubie proxime

accedit, sed nil certius de hoc nomine invenio*.”’

Now by abstracting, as I said before, the twice repeated particle, te,

or by changing 7¢s, to the article Tov or ts, the whole obscurity of the

text disappears, and the BaciAca rns Zapiocrov kadovucvy stands forth as

the maritime kingdom of Saurashtra. This interpretation is surely

more natural than the extension of MeNANpDER’s rule to the extreme

east of India, merely to find another maritime delta and port for the

greco-latinized corruption of a name quasi Tessariostia /

But we dare not venture on any speculations in regard to Greek

names or affairs, lest we undergo castigation from the Hellénic critics of

Paris, who are surprised at our ignorance of authors, ancient and

modern, Greek and German, whose works we regret to say have never

yet visited the banks of the Ganges! We ‘ Indianistes’ must then

leave this investigation to M. Raout pg Rocuerttxs as being altogether,

to use his own words, “ hors du departement de nos etudes !”

Theré are still two series of Saurashtra coins to be examined, but

I have not yet wholly succeeded in deciphering them, and my readers

will doubtless rejoice at such an excuse for postponing their discus-

sion : | cannot, however, let pass the present opportunity of mention-

ing, as a highly curious circumstance, the very great similarity

between the old Sanskrit and the Greek character. Their striking

uniformity becomes more palpable the farther we retire into antiquity,

the older the monuments we have to decipher; so that even now,

while we are quite green in the study, we might almost dare to

advance (with the fear of M. Raout pre Rocuerts before us), that the

oldest Greek (that written like the Pheenician from right to left) was

nothing more than Sanskrit turned topsy turvy! A startling proposi-

tion this for those who have so long implicitly believed in Cadmus,

and the introduction from Myypt of what, perchance, never existed

there. Yet there is nothing very new nor very unnatural in the

* De Pentapotamia Indica Commentatio, C. Lasstenu, 51.

1837.] Similarity of Greek and Sanskrit letters. 391

hypothesis ; since the connection of the Greek with the Pheenician and

Samaritan alphabets, has been admitted as a strong evidence that

“the use of letters travelled progressively from Chaldea to Phenicia

and thence along the coasts of the Mediterranean* :” and the Greek

language is now so indisputably proved to be but a branch of the

Sanskrit stem, that it is not likely it should have separated from its

parent without carrying away some germs of the art of writing,

already perhaps brought to perfection by the followers of BrauMa.

But my arguments are not those of books, or learning, or even tradition,

but solely of graphic similitude, and ocular evidence.

The Greek letters are dressed by a line at the foot, in most cases, as

A,A,A,M, 0,1, &c. ;—the Devanagri are made even along the upper sur-

face of the letters, and in later ages a straight line has been introduced

at the top, from which the grammatic elements are suspended. The

Greek alphabet is devoid of all system and has had additions made

to it at various times. Some of these, as ¢x,v,o, are precisely those

which present the least resemblance to the Sanskrit forms.

I have placed my evidence at the bottom of plate XXIV. taking

my Greek type from the well-formed letters on coins, and from the

boustrophedon tablet of Sigeum.

- Of the vowels, A, I, O, and 7, present a striking conformity with the

vowels 4, £, and the semivowels 4 and 4 of the oldest Sanskrit

alphabets inverted. The vowel E is unconformable, and resembles

more the short « of the Zend. The long H is a later introduction and

appears to be merely the iteration of the short vowel 1, as w is of 00,

every one of the letters, excepting those of after invention, are repre-

sented with considerable exactness by the 4 (or double 4), 4, 4, 4,

UY, H, ST, a, 4,4,% &, a of the oldest Sanskrit alphabet, although

there is hardly a shadow of resemblance between any pair in their

-modern forms. The same precision cannot be expected in every case;

the B, A, ,A, M,N,1,P, T, require, like the vowels, to be viewed in an

inverted position: the r, and 2, remain unturned: the z, and x re.

quire to be partially turned.—The a and the n may be deemed

a little far-fetched; the pg taken from the double v, and the a from

the aspirated 4 may also be objected to; but taking a compre-

hensive view of the whole, it seems to me impossible that so con-

stant and so closea conformity of the alphabetical symbols of two

distant nations should exist without affording demonstration of a

common origin. Whether the priority is to be conceded to the Greeks,

* Pantographia, page 107.

32 2

392 Account of the Acacia Arabica {[May,

the Pelasgians, or the Hindus, is a question requiring great research,

and not less impartiality, to determine. The paleography of India is

now becoming daily a more interesting and important study, and it

connot fail to elicit disclosures hitherto unexpected on the connection

between the European and Asiatic alphabets.

VIII.—On the Properties ascribed in Native medical works to the Acacia

Arabica. By Lewis Da Costa, Esq.

At a time when the intended formation of a Pharmacopeia for

India has been publicly announced by the new Medical College, it is a

desideratum to know how the natives have treated the subject of me-

dicaments,—what of good their books contain,—what of error. Our

medical practice pays perhaps too little attention to vegetable reme-

dies, of which the Orientals possess an infinite variety, many inert,

but many active, and many also quite unknown to Europeans. I had

some intention of publishing a translation of the Mukhzun ool udweeyuh

by Moonummup Kuosru Ku&y, but there is no encouragement for

such an undertaking in India. 1 therefore think it the wiser course

in the first instance to publish a specimen by which the pharma-

copeist will be able to judge of the aid he might derive were the whole

work (collated with others) placed before him in an English transla-

tion. I use the Gilchrist orthography.

fs s

wheter] OoMMEGHEBLAN, Acacia ARaBica, commonly called Tuleh

{i The people of the desert name it Shuokeh-i-Misr yan pe

; ; , 5 ;

(Egyptian thorn), and Shuokeh-i- Arabia &do! yc! BS yd (Arabian thorn).

In Persian it is called Moogheelan w:*e ; and in Hindee, Keekur ,£$

! J

and Bubool ort.

A thorny plant, generally growing in forests and at the foot of mountains,

It is of two kinds, large and small, both resembling each other in appearance

and foliage. The first kind is smaller than an apple tree, and the branches

covered with thorns ; the trunk is hard and at first green tending to white, but

as it advances in age it assumes a blackish hue resembling the ebony Coe |

but tinged with red. The fruit, which is like a bean or bean pod, resembles

Baqla Vly and Khurnoob tig) (Phaseolus vulgaris and Carobs), and is flat,

and knotty ; the knots vary from five to nine in each bean, and within each knot

resides a seed in appearance like Turmis rey? (Egyptian Lupin), but flatter

and of a red color. The bean is variously called Quruz bys, Sunt bie,

Ghurub as and Usnat 8\s.2e. The pressed juice is called Ugagia Lasts)

(Acacia). The gum of a red and yellow semi-transparent color is called Sumugh-

1837.] Srom Native medical works. 393

i-Urbee aS id a (Gum Arabic). Itis said that between the bark and the

body a resinous substance is found resembling the gum, but which is not gum ;

when this substance is freed of a red fluid that resides in it and washed, it be-

comes very white, and when chewed like the Ik hl. (gum resembling

mastich), it discharges an odoriferous liquid and leaves an agreeable smell in the

mouth.

The second kind, called Sulum ele by the Arabs, is less thorny, and some-

times has no thorn at all, and the branches are very profuse; the trunk is

blacker than the first kind. The fruit, which is like a bean and called Quruz

43 is not knotty ; it contains from 9 to 31 flat seeds according to size, and is

of a deep violet color. Between each seed and around it a white coating is seen

and between this coating and the shell is lodged a mucilagenous and gummy

fluid of a deep yellow color. The blossoms of both the kinds are of a yellow

color and globular form, emitting an odoriferous scent. The leaves of both the

kinds are, in size and profusion, alike, and grow from a thin fibre by pairs in an

oblique direction, and are astringent to the taste. There grows in some places a

third kind of this plant, the branches of which are full of knots.

Character of all the parts. Cold and dry in the 2nd degree.

Medical Properties. Binding (restraining the discharge of redundant matter)

and repellant. A drink prepared of the juice of its blossoms is good for the

cure of palpitation from heat, and the horror, and for strengthening internal

organs, either taken by itself or with other proper medicine. The leaves are

deobstruent (opener of obstructions) and good for the stoppage of diarrhoea. If

fused by way of embrocation it strengthens laxed members. The tender green

leaves if steeped over night in water and exposed to the influence of the moon,

and the clear water taken off and drank in the morning, will cure excoriation of

the urinary duct and allay the smarting of urine (ardor urine). A powder pre-

pared of equal parts of the bark, the leaves, the blossoms and the gum, and from

% a drachm to | drachm taken regularly every morning, will thicken and retard

the semen, prevent involuntary discharge, &c. The young leaves with a little

white cummin seed, and one or two buds of pomegranate bruised and steeped in

water, and strained and heated, and a few (6 or 7) pebbles or shards well heated

and cooled in it (4 or 5 times), will prepare a liquid to prevent looseness in

children in the last stage of teething, which is a very trying and weakening sea-

son with them ; this might also be given to adults with good effect—the quantity

to be regulated according to strength and age.—A plaster prepared of green

leaves is good to fill up wounds and subside inflammation. A decoction made of

the leaves is givenfor the protusion of the anus and for drying the humidity of

the womb. Pressed juice of the leaves and fruit stops the flowing and spitting

of blood. The fruit boiled in water, and a piece of cloth soaked in it several

times will make a good Pessary. Of the beans a cerement is thus made—

split the beans and take the seeds out; rub briskly the inner part of the bean

upon a piece of new cloth, until the pulp and all the humidity is thoroughly

absorbed in the cloth, which when dried will become like cerement; of this

cerement stays are made and worn by women for several days on their bosom

to brace up and tighten fallen and slackened breasts. Bark of the trunk and of

394 Account of the Acacia Arabica {[May,

the branches is used for the stoppage of blood from fresh wounds. This forms

the principal ingredient of the oil of Shekh Sunnan. The bark of the tree

bruised and steeped in ten times the quantity of water and kept for two days,

and then boiled and the liquid reduced to one half the quantity, and then

strained off after rubbing the bark well in it, and kept in a china or a glass

vessel, will make an excellent wash for women to use during menstruation after

urine—-it serves to contract the vagina considerably. The fruit, leaves and bark

are good for tanning leather in lieu of Mazoo yie (gall-apple). The bark and

blossoms are principal ingredients in making molasses, and spirituous liquor

of the same.

The root and the bark are detergent. They make a good dentifrice for streng-

thening the gums g4J. A brush made of the thin sprigs is used for strengthen-

ing the teeth. The wood is used, in consequence of its extreme hardness and

solidity, in making wheels for carriages, and instruments for tillage and tent

pins. There is another kind of Oommigheelan, of which the leaves, fruit, color

and bark resemble the 2nd kind, but it has a very bad odour, and has great abun-

dance of blossoms. This kind, which generally grows in Bengal, is brought to

no kind of medical use whatever: the filament of its root, however, if taken to

a snake, will cause it to drop its head and make it languid.

Remarks. By the European physicians the gum is only used. They say ‘‘ that

gum exerts no action on the living system ; but is a simple demulcent, serving to

lubricate abraded surfaces, and involve acrid matters in the prime vie. In the

solid form it is scarcely ever given unless to sheathe the fauces, and allay the

trickling irritation which occasions the cough in catarrh and phthisis pulmo-

nalis ; in which case a piece of it is allowed to dissolve slowly in the mouth.

It is chiefly used in the state of mucilage.— London Dispensatory.

SGI Agaqia. A name given to the pressed juice of Quruz bs

and Quruz is the fruit of the Tuleh eF: from which the Gum Arabic is

obtained. This plantin Hindi is called Keekur $35, and the pressed

juice of the fruit Keekur ka rus Cy » 6 S25. By the Franks or Euro-

peans it is called Acacia.

Quality. That obtained from unripe fruit previous to its drying, is of a red

ruby color ; and when dried, it assumes a greenish hue mixed with red and black.

That obtained from fruit after itis ripe, is of a black color. The former kind

is always chosen for medicinal purposes ; it has an agreeable smell, of a mixture

of green and black color, and is weighty and hard.

Character. When unwashed coldin 1st, and dry in the Ist and 3rd degrees.

When washed cold and dry in the 2nd degree.

Medical properties. Drying, repelling, and binding als ee) i”,

It stops flow of blood from any part of the body el 353 3 also from the mouth,

Me.as It strengthens the stomach échx.o and the liver ds, and prevents

¢ = :

the flow of humours (by the nose) arising from heat Showed pi pale and

the dysentery Se! It is good, both internally and externally, im cases of

1837.] from Native medical works. 395

languor of the anus and of the womb pryptdarerlS pal, As ointment it

allays inflammation of the ophthalmia, strengthens the sight ya2¥, attenuates

the humours, and removes redness. It is introduced in medicines for the

cataract $ ab. If applied as ointment to inflammations arising from heat

|e Is), it attenuates and prevents the determination of the humours in that

direction. It !s good for the whitlow rsle, for the cracking of the skin

from cold, for the relaxation or weakness of the joints, and for the protrusion

ry $3 of the navel of children and the anus: and if applied to the hair, it

gives a fine black color; if used with myrtle leaves Shy Jy and red rose

> pw JS, it prevents flow of perspiration Gye ,)a!> and removes its bad odour :

applied to the body and the face (as a cosmetic), it improves the color of the

skin; with albumen ovi (white of egg), it is good for burns by fire, and prevents

blistering ; with Momeroghun wr (an ointment of thick consistence

made of different ingredients and bee’s wax), called in Arabic cs yrtt it is

also good for burns by fire and for the whitlow. If used as powder, it is efficaci-

ous in preventing flow of blood from any part of the body: if boiled in water,

and the liquid used as an embrocation on wearied or languid parts, it will

strengthen and prevent the determination of the humours that way. Used asa

clyster, it alleviates the excoriation of the intestines (eal and prevents flux

with occasional issue of blood eo nstis |, and strengthens the intestines

\wel, If used as an injection ita] to the womb, it absorbs Wad) morbid

secretions wly,b, > applied as pessary and suppository, it prevents the flowing

of blood, the protrusion of the anus and the womb, a) its languor and humi-

dity (flowing of watery humour). As plaster dec it is good for the protru-

sion of the pupil of the eye Bda¢ Sdel ys, for inflammations arising from heat

and erysipelas qe or role ~» (ignis sacer or St. Anthony’s fire) ; also

inflammation of the anus and the womb, and it strengthens weakness of the

liver: a solution of it in water preserves the hair and blackens it. Used with

the Gumherb ladon wo) and oil of roses SS yess it is efficacious in stopping

looseness in children. It creates obstructions 4, Its corrector is almond oil

pda, Dose up to 1 dirhem. Succedanea are lintel res and sandal.

wood (Joso same quantity as the Agagia. Some say the best is the juice of the

box-thorn Lear, in Hindi called gnu),

Agagqia is thus obtained :—Take the fruit of the tree when ripe, bruise, clean,

(percolate ?) and boil it on an easy fire until it obtains a thick consistence,

approaching to congelation, when pour it into moulds, and when settled it is fit

for use. Some introduce into it the juice of the leaves likewise. Some say that

396 Account of the Acacia Arabica. {May,

of the congelation is effected under the sun it is the best. The best method of

washing it is thus: Rub it well in water, and take that which gathers on the

surface and make lozenges of it.

It is worthy of knowing that Agagia is a compound of two essences, Luteef

wd) and Kuseof Was$ the finer and the grosser particles; the former

is burning, sharp, acrid, and penetrating ashe gliiste ts, and the latter

earthy, costive, and obstructive Sd pael5 6d)! . When Agagia is washed, the

finer particles evaporate, and the grosser or earthy particles remain ; consequent-

ly on some occasions, such as inflammations, the unwashed is used, and on other

occasions, such as the diseases of the eye, the washed is used.

Remarks. Egyptian thorn, Acacia, Mimosa Nilotica, exudes white Gum Ara-

bic. Juice of its pods is made into Acacia vera.

Acacia. The juice expressed from the pods of Mimosa Nilotica, inspissated

to dryness.— Gray’s Supplement to the Pharmacopeia,

cstr® e+ Sumucu or Sumeu, Arabic; Foogeemunoon, Greek ; Qamooz,

Syriac; Deenoon, Roomee; Ard, Persian; Uzdo, Sheerazee; Gond,

Hindi; Gum, English.

A fluid matter which exudes from the body of certain trees, and concretes and

dries up. The gum of each plant is described under that plant. By the word

Eo? Gum without any epithet is meant Gum Arabic, which is obtained from the

Oommegheelan (Moogheelan) plant. The best is of a light yellow color, clear,

transparent and bright SS} ated slo ; and when put in water and allowed

to rest in it for some time, it will not swell but completely dissolve, leaving no

residuum whatever ; a piece held in the mouth produces the same effect as the

above.

Character. Hotin a temperate degree, and dry in the 2nd degree. Jaleenoos

(Galen) says, hot in the 2nd degree.

Medical properties. It is viscous and demulcent sabe i. e. soothing the

chest, and is binding als, It (gives tone) strengthens the stomach and the in-

testines and preserves the bones ; prevents defluxion on the chest, cough, BS pab

and excoriation of the lungs, or peripnuemony a ep and harshness or sore-

ness of the throat GOD eg and the windpipe Bh yasds® Ara},

it clears the voice, and prevents the determination of morbid humours to the

chest Abpwya, Jp dlyoolyail, If a piece of it be held in the mouth and

suffered to dissolve gradually, or if it be taken in pills, or some proper medicines

it assists expectoration Linas. From 2 to 3 misqals, it is efficacious in diarrhcea

and abrasion of the intestines. Fried in oil of roses, it is good for sanguinary

discharges from all parts of the body, excepting from the womb, and in piles

cphaulgte It stops diarrhoea. If 1 misgal of the gum, well ground and mixed in 1

ougeah of fresh cow’s butter, be taken daily for three or seven days it will effectually

stop flow of blood from the mouth, the chest, the lungs a), and from all other

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Socict s. 397

internal organs cglblastacl excepting from the womb, and in piles. If taken

with fresh goat’s milk, it will have the same effect. With white of eggs (albumen

ovi), it is good for burns by fire: a solution of it with rose-water dropped 3

into the eyes affected with the ophthalmia, Sulag ($w cutaneous eruptions

in the eye-lids, and Juré y> itching, is highly beneficial in removing those

complaints. Itis injurious to excrementary discharges. Its corrector ela

is Kuseera } ans gum tragacanth, and (it is said) rose-water and sandal-wood,

Its succedaneum Jas is almond gum ploligse and myrtle seed ures.

—Mukhzun-ool Udweeyuh, by Moohummud Khasroo Khan.

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 7th June, 1837.

The Hon’ble Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Dr. J. Swiney, Lieut. M. Krrroz, Professor O’SHauennessy, G. W.

Bacon, and Francis Ropinson, Esqs. were elected Members of the Society.

Mr. Muir was proposed by Dr. Faxuconer, seconded by the Secretary.

M. F. Eypoux, Chev. Leg. Hon., Naturalist of the Bonite Corvette, soli-

cited through Professor Gooprve, the honor of being chosen a corre-

sponding Member. Referred to the Committee of Papers.

The following reply from Government was received to the reference

regarding the Mackenzie MSS.

To James Prinser, Esq.

Secretary to the Asiatie Society.

Sir,

With reference to your letter, dated 10th September, 1836, I am directed to

transmit to you the accompanying copy of a communication from the Govern-

ment of Fort St. George, and to state for the information of the Asiatic Society,

that the Right Honorable the Governor General of India in Council, has autho-

rized the Government of Fort St. George to expend a sum not exceeding 7,000

rupees, in order to obtain from the Rev. Mr. TayLor an examination and col-

lation of the manuscript works in the vernacular languages of India, collected

by the late Colonel Mackenzie, and the restoration of any that may be found

to deserve it. :

I am, Sir,

Your obedient servant,

Council Chamber, } H. T. PRInSEP,

10th May, 1837. Secy. to Govt.

Mr. Tavyuor estimates, that the preliminary collation and examination

of the manuscripts, including the restoration and copying of those injured,

decayed, or becoming illegible, as may appear desirable on investigation,

may occupy about a year; and half a year more is allotted for those at

Calcutta*. Of the whole he is to give an analysis, whence it will be

determined what shall be translated or published in original. He ven-

tures to anticipate “‘some results from the enlightened recommendation of

the Asiatic Society, that will justify their decision to the literary world,

and furnish an important addition to our knowledge of history, mytho-

logy, philosophy, ethics, and local customs, modes of thinking and other

habits of the people of South India.”

A letter from the Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Paris, M. E. Bur-

NOUF, communicating officially the grant of 1,500 francs per annum, for the

* We have none of the Tamul or Telinga MSS. in our library.

398 Proceédings of the Asiatic Society. [May,

purchase of Sanskrit MSS. on account of the French Government, and re-

questing the Calcutta Society to undertake the commission.

The following letter from Capt. Hanrxness, Sec. Roy. As. Soc. of London

was read.

Royal Asiatic Society’s House, 14, Grafton Street, Bond Street,

London, 24th January, 1837.

Sir,

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th of June

last, enclosing a bill on Messrs. Morris and Co. for £31 10s. the amount of

your Society’s subscription to the Oriental Translation Fund up to the year 1835,

inclusive.

With reference to the last paragraph of your letter, I am requested to say that,

as a body, the Oriental Translation Committee is precluded from taking any por-

tion of the Oriental works (texts) you are now publishing; as it could not,

consistently, with the objects of its institution, present them to its subscribers.

Several of the Members, however, have expressed their intention of becoming,

individually, subscribers to each edition, as completed ; and I hope, also, to

obtain a few subscribers from among the Members of the Royal Asiatic Society.

In the meanwhile I trust that the powerful advocacy which the cause received in

this country has been, long ere this, productive of much benefit. It was support-

ed by the united influence and exertions of the Royal Asiatic Society, and the

Oriental Translation Committee ; and the result was confidently understood to be,

that the Bengal Government was to be instructed, at least, to defray all the ex-

pense attending the publishing of the works which it had commenced to print,

but which it had transferred to your Society to complete.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

Oriental Translation Committee. H. Harkness, Secretary

The Secretary observed, that

Captain Harkness’ letter was the first official notice the Society had

received from London of the fate of their memorial, regarding Oriental publiea-

tions, sent home through the Government here, and in duplicate through the

Royal Asiatic Society, in 1835. It appeared that, from motives of delicacy, the

Council of the Royal Asiatic Society thought it right not to publish what had

been done in the Annual Review of its proceedings, while the subject was still

under consideration ; but that the favorable result of the application to the Court

of Directors being now generally known, they ventured to announce the success

of their intercession. He thought, therefore, that it behoved the Society to notice

the information they had long since possessed through the private correspondence

of their English agent.

The deputation appointed by the Royal Asiatic Society to wait upon the Chair-

man, and Deputy Chairman, and upon the President of the Board of Control,

consisted of the Right Honorable C. W. W. Wynn, President, Sir Gonz OvuszE-

LEY, Sir A. JoHNsTON, Sir G. Staunton, Vice-Presidents, and Professor

Witson. Mr. Wynn opened the interview in both instances, and stated the

case very clearly and sensibly, going into the general. question—the impolicy of

setting aside the native literature and institutions, and dwelling particularly on

the assistance sought for the abandoned Oriental publications. Professor WiL-

son also delivered a long address (the substance of which was published in the

form of two essays in the London Asiatic Journal). Sir Gorm OusrLry, and

Sir A. Jonnston, followed; and the high authorities replied in set speeches, ex-

pressing a disposition to favor the application without any pledge to the line

that the Court or the Board would pursue. The Court’s reply was understood

to be delayed through the lamented death of Mr. Mrxt, the historian of British

India who had been empowered to draw it up.

This then was the moment for the Society, to shew its gratitude to the distin-

guished individuals whose influence and talents had been so warmly exerted in

supporting their memorial. Professor Witson and Sir Gore OusELEY, were

already on the list of their Members; to them nothing more than their warmest

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 399

thanks could be proffered: but to the Right Honorable President of the Royal

Asiatic Society, to Sir ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, and to Sir G. SraAuNTON, were

due the highest compliment the Society was capable of paying.

He begged therefore to propose, that these gentlemen be elected honorary

Members, without the usual form of reference to the Committee of Papers, and

that letters of thanks be addressed to each for the cordial support they had given

to the cause of Oriental literature.

After a few objections on the score of departure from established form, and

want of full official information, the proposition was put from the chair and

carried Nem. Con.

A letter from Professor Rarwn, Secretary of the Royal Society of North-

ern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, acknowledged receipt of Asiatic Resear-

ches, xiii.—xviii., and forwarded the Society’ s Reports for 1836. One

addressed to the English Members, contains an account of Iceland from the

oldest Icelandic records.

Professor O. Franx of Munich acknowledged receipt of the Muhabhdé-

rat, vol. ii.

The Secretary of the Antiquarian Society, ditto of the xxth vol. As. Res.

The following Report of the Committee of Papers on the subject of the

Museum, was read :—

To James Prinsep, Esq.

Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Rengal.

Report of the Committee of Papers on the Museum Question.

The Committee having perused Dr. PEarson’s Report on the operations of

the Museum for the second experimental year, and having examined the state of

the objects of Natural History, acquired, set up, and arranged under his superin-

tendence, is of opinion that the Society is much indebted to his zeal and exer-

tions, and that the sum voted for the support of the Museum in May, 1835, and

renewed in May, 1836, has been well bestowed and profitably expended.

2. That nothing less than the actual demand for the Society’s income on other

objects imperatively necessary, such as the publication of its Researches, and the

repair of its premises, would warrant the withdrawal of support from a depart-

ment every day becoming of greater magnitude and importance; but that the

following estimate of the receipts and payments of the Society for the ensuing

twelve months, renders this continuance of the Museum establishment ou the

Society’s present means, inexpedient.

Estimated Receipts, for 1837-8.

Cash balance in the Bank of Bengal, . NORE RACH

Interest on the Papers deposited with the "Government Agent,. :6 463iy ps2 OED

Quarterly contributions, ............ce0: 0 ee cm eR ASC

Allowance from Government fay Oriental library... scctetis sel sae oso ono O

$,923 14 1

- Estimated Charges.

Arrears of Establishment for March and April, 1837,.. 563 11 0

The Museum allowance for April,.... .....++--+e0. oon) 2a Se

Subscription to Journ. As. Soc., for 1836, not yet paid,., 1,293 0 0

Establishment and charges for 12 months.. siete eee OOmLOLO

Subscription to the Journal Asiatic Society, for 1837, a7, We o00 0.0

Ditto to the Oriental Translation Fund in England, 10

guineas per AANUM,.. 2... ce seee eres ween ee ee ee cones 200 00

To printing 2nd part of the 19th ‘vol. As. Researches, 2,500 0 0

Cleaning and painting the house exclusive of any alte-

ration and repairs,..... ph ainlialare Chale) dial «aie oa aiid afstste dain'atala's, soma D0 0K, O} OF #109370! F084

———

Deficiency, Co.’s Rs... 1,446 23

without estimating even a reduced allowance for the maintenance of the Museum.

3. That, viewing the maintenance of the Museum as a national object, and cal-

culated to be of immense importance to science if placed upon a footing of effi-

ciency, with a professional Naturalist at the head, directing researches and

3c2

400 Proceedings of the Astatic Society. [May,

systematizing information obtained from various sources, both public and pri-

vate, in all the branches of physical science, but more par ticularly i in regard to

the Natural History of British India and Asia at large; it is incumbent on the

Society to make a full and urgent representation to Government on the subject,

and to solicit such support as is accorded in most other countries to similar

institutions of national and scientific utility.

That historical, antiquarian, and statistical researches, although they may not

demand so large an outlay as the prosecution of physical inquiries, merit equally

the Society’s attention, and the encouragement of Government, and should be in-

cluded in the proposed representation, and that therefore a yearly grant of

10,000 rupees should be solicited in aid generally of the objects of the institution.

4, That pending the application to Government for pecuniary assistance, it is

desirable to maintain the Museum on its present footing, and to retain the ser-

vices of Dr. Pearson as Curator, from month to month, until the question be

decided.

Epwarp RYAN,

Yor the Committee of Papers,

Proposed by Mr. W. Cracrort, seconded by Mr. E. Srrruine, and car-

ried unanimously, that the Report be adopted by the Society.

The Secretary then read draft of the proposed application to Govern.

ment, which was ordered to be circulated in the Committee of Papers and

forwarded without delay.

Library.

The following Books were presented.

Straker’s Catalogue of a collection of Oriental MSS. for sale in London.

Commentaire sur le Yacnal’un des Livres Religieux des Parses, par. M.

Eugene Burnouf, Membre de l'Institut, Professor de Sanscrit au College de

France, tome 1. Part Il.—dy the author.

Memoirs sur Deux Inscriptions Cuneiformes trouvées pres d'Hamadan et

qui font maintenant partie des papiers du Dt. Schulz, by ditto—ditto.

Memoire sur le Guacharo (Steatornis Caripensis) (Humboldt) par M, L’Her-

minier. D. M. P.—by M. Fortuné Eydoux through Professor Goodeve.

Ditto sur L’Dodo, autrement Dronte (Didus ineptus), par H. D. De Blain+

ville—ditto ditto.

Gita Govinda Jayadevae Poetae Indici Drama Lyricum, by Christianus Lassen

—presenied by the author. ‘

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. VI.—édy the Roy. As. Soe.

Census of the Armenian population of the city of Calcutta, by Johannes

Avdall, Esq.—dy the author.

The following books were received from the Oriental Translation Fund.

Harivansa, or Histoire de la Famille de Hari, par M. A. Langlois, tome 2.

Laili and Majnun, a Poem, from the original Persian, by James Atkinson, Esq.

The History of the Temple of Jerusalem, translated from the Arabic, with Notes

and Dissertations, by the Rev. James Reynolds, B. A.

Kan-ing p’ien, LeLivre des recompenses et des Peines en Chinois et en Francais,

par Stanislas Julien.

Chronique D’Abou-Djafar Mohammed Tabar, fils de Djarir fils d’Yezid, par

Louis Dubeux, tome }.

The following books were received from the Booksellers.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia— Russia, Vol. II.

—_____—_-—____— Reformation, Vol. II.

ns —Swainson’s Birds, Vol. I.

Wellesley’s Dispatches, Vols. 11. and IIT.

Correspondence of Clarendon and Rochester, and two vols. of Lardner’s Encly-

clopedia received from home at the charge of J. S. Sroprorp, Ksq. to replace

those lost by the wreck of a pinnace last year.

Baboo Ram Comut Sen presented a copy of the catalogue of the San-

skrit works in the College of Benares, for publication with the catalogue

of the Society’s books now in the press.

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 401

The Government of Bombay presented 5 copies of Lieutenant T. S.

Caress’ Survey Report of the Indus navigation below Hyderabad.

The Right Honorable the Governor General forwarded a copy of Pro-

fessor WHEWELL’s. Researches on the Tides, 6th series: with a request that

the Society would undertake to promote inquiries on the Indian coasts to

complete the theory of cotidal lines for the Bay of Bengal, towards which

the Government would be happy to contribute its aid.

This sixth series of Professor WHEWELL’S researches gives the results of an

extensive system of combined observations in Europe and America in June 1835,

which have produced a very material improvement in the map of the cotidal lines

before published.

The most curious and important branch of the investigation is that for deter-

mination of the diurnal inequality, or difference between the day and night

tide, which depends on the declination of the moon north or south of the equator.

The existence of this inequality has long been known, but its laws have been

misunderstood, and it has never been attended to in tide tables, though of ma-

terial importance in the navigation of river mouths and shallow seas,

It was resolved that a circular should be addressed to members and corre-

spondents of the Society residing on the coast stations, requesting their aid in

procuring data for the tides of the Indian Ocean, and furnishing a copy of

Professor WHEWELL’S instructions, printed in the Journal in 1833.

Mr. W. H. Macyacuren presented two works in the Marhatta and

Hindilanguages: the Siddhénta Siromani prakasa by Suswa’si Ba’pu, and

the Bhugola saro likhyate, by Sri Unkara Buat Joshi, written for the pur-

pose of explaining the correct system of astronomy to their countrymen.

Mr. MacnaGurTsEn also exhibited to the meeting two handsome silver em-

blematical inkstands, representing a jotishi pandit seated between two globes, ex-

pounding their use from the Siddhantas—and around the stand, richly em-

bossed, the twelve signs of the zodiac—a Sanskrit couplet on each expressing that

it was presented by the Governor General in Council in token of approbation of

the astronomical learning and zealous endeavours of the pandits to enlighten their

countrymen. The following extract of a letter from Mr. Wiixinson, Governor

General’s Agent at Bhilsa, describes what they had done to deserve so high a

compliment.

‘‘T had shortly before entertained in my private service a Siddhanti who pos-

sessed a higher degree of knowledge of his profession, and having had an oppor-

tunity of making myself whilst at Kota in some degree acquainted with the Hin-

du astronomical books, I had communicated a knowledge of them to my own

Shastri, by name Supuya’si’ Ba’ru, a man of wonderful acuteness, and intelli-

gence, and sound judgment, and to UNkARA Buat, one of the principal Joshis

of this part of Malwa. The arguments by which I had for the previous eight years

of our counexion in vain endeavored to impress on SuBpua’si’ Ba’pu a convic-

tion of the truth of the real size and shape of the earth and of other important

physical facts, now carried to his mind the clearest conviction when shewn to be

precisely the same as those of their own astronomical authors. His was the

master mind; and it exercised its influence over the minds of all the other pan-

dits. He was lost in admiration when he came fully to comprehend all the facts

resulting from the spherical form of the earth, and when the retrogressions

of the planets were shewn to be so naturally to be accounted for on the

theory of the earth’s annual motion, and when he reflected on the vastly

superior simplicity and credibility of tke supposition that the earth had

a diurnal motion, than that the sun and all the stars daily revolve round the

earth, he beeame a zealous defender of the system of Copernicus. He lamented

that his life had been spent in maintaining foolish fancies, and spoke with a bitter

indignation against all those of his predecessors who had contributed to the wil-

ful concealment of the truths that once had been acknowledged in the land.

‘‘Suspua’sr’ Ba’pu’s first care was how he was to enlighten the people of

Chanda and Nagpore, the land of his birth. At Bombay, Calcutta and Madras,

and at De/li and Agra, and here also, the truth he said must spread, but how will

the mid-land of Nagpore, visited by no travellers from foreign countries, accessi-

402 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [May,

ble to no ships from other islands, and maintaining no schools,—how will the eye

of its population be opened ? I recommended his embodying all the factshe had

learned in atreatise in Marhatha. Heimmediately undertook the work. 1 have

got it printed, and I now have the honor of submitting two copies of the work,

with a request that they may be presented to the Governor General of India.

‘Tt is a work which will bear the test of even a severe criticism. It is full of

philosophical reflections. From the different productions of different countries

mutually necessary he argues the intention of providence to unite all mankind

by commerce in the bonds of an interested affection. He hence infers the

restrictions laid on Hindus against travelling to foreign countries to be violent

and unnatural. He assails the folly of astrological predictions, and upholds the

wisdom and mercies of Providence in veiling the future from our curiosity, and

in keeping us all instant in our duties by an unfailing hope. He leaves

none of the numerous vulgar errors held by all Hindus in connection with his

subjects of geography and astronomy to pass without a complete and satis-

factory refutation.

‘“ Unxana Buat, who holds the next rank in talent and usefulness, has written

a free Hindi version of SupnHa’s1’ Ba’pu’s book on the Pauranic, Siddhaéntie

and Copernican systems.’’

Read aletter from Lieutenant Krrrox, stating that he had dispatched

a cart to Tumlook to take down the Bhubaneswar slabs, the restoration of

which had given the greatest satisfaction to the priests and people.

Lieutenant Kiros also forwarded copies of the principal inscription in

the old Lat character at Aswastuma near Dhoulee in Orissa, with a short

account of the caves and temples discovered there by himself and a

map of the place.

[fhis inscription will be seen to have arrived at a most fortunate moment. ]

Captain Sora, Engineers, forwarded accurate facsimiles of the inscrip-

tions at the Buddhist monument of Sanchi near Bhilsa; with a paper

describing their position ; and

Captain W. Murray presented some beautiful drawings of this very

curious mound, and of the highly ornamented stone sculpture of its gates

and frieze.

The Secretary read a note on the inscriptions, which had proved of

high interest from their enabling him to discover the long-sought alphabet

of the ancient Ld¢ character (or No. 1 of Al/ahabad)—and to read there-

with the inscriptions of Delhi, Allahabad, Bettiah, Girnar and Cuttack—

all intimately connected, as it turns out, in their origin, and in their

purport.

Lieutenant Kirror also presented facsimiles of a copper grant in three

plates dug up in the Gumsur country, of which the Secretary with the

aid of Kamana Kanr Pandit supplied a translation.

It relates to a grant of land by the Bhanja rajas to a brahman named Bhand-

reswara.—A lithograph will be published shortly.

The Honorable G. Turnour transmitted a paper on an examination of

the Pali Buddhistical Annals, including a translation of the Atthu kathdé

of BuppuacHoso, and a table of the Pitakattayan

This paper will appear, at as early a period as possible.

Major J. Speeman, communicated the first part of his History of the

Gurha Mundela Rajas.

We shall also hasten to lay this before our readers.

Lieutenant Sippons forwarded a translation of the commencement of

the Dadupauthi Grantha, with a promise to continue the same should

it prove acceptable.

Professor Wixison formerly intended to have done the same thing—the

translation of Dapvu’s moral instructions is highly interesting.

A list of the native tribes in Sinde and specimen of their language was

communicated by Captain ALexanperR Burnes from Bahawalpur.

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 403

Physical.

G. Locu, Esq. C. S. forwarded for presentation to the museum a second

collection of the butterflies and insects of Si/het.

Dr. T. Canror presented some fragments of bones perfectly fossilized,

extracted from the superficial clay at Rungafulla below Diumond Harbour.

In these bones the animal matter is entirely replaced by iron and carbonate

of lime, although they were imbedded in quite a modern alluvium. Their

discovery throws a new light either on the period required for fossilization, or

on the age of the alluvium.

Mr. W. I. Lewis of Malacca, presented the model of a Chinese double

bellows for the museum ; also some tin and gold ore.

The ‘Tapir sent up by Lieutenant Mackenzis had, with the Committee

of Papers’ sanction been made over to the Secretary, it being out of the

Society’s views to keep living animals.

Mr. B. H. Hopeson forwarded some beautiful Zoological drawings for

inspection on their way to Europe ; also two bottles of the snakes peculiar

to Nipal.

Lieutenant Hurron presented a notice of the Indian Boa Python Tigris.

A letter from Professor 8. Von prem Buscn, of Bremen, proposed

exchanges of land and fresh-water shells and other objects. Referred to

the Curator.

Dr. T. Cantor presented drawings and a notice of one of the fossils in

the Colvin collection which had been cleared from matrix for the purpose

of examination.

It proves to be the skull of a gigantic fossil Batrachian, and by comparison of

the relative measurements of the common frog, it must have belonged to an

animal of 40 inches in length !—a proportion between fossil and recent species

which has its parallel only in the neighbouring family of reptiles, the salamanders,

of which the specimen from the Oeningen schist known by the name of Homo

diluvii testis, measured three feet in length.

The following notice of a curious natural phenomenon observed in the

Red Sea was communicated by Captain A. Burnes from Buhdéwalpur.

Extract of a letter from Lieutenant Weustep of the Indian Navy, dated

Mount Sinai, September 26th, 1836.

‘You once expressed a wish to know something of the Djibbel Narkono or

sounding mountain, concerning which there has been so much doubt and discus-

sion in Europe. I visited it on my way here—it is situated on the sea shore

about eight miles from Tor. A solid slope of the finest drift sand extends

on the sea face from the base to the summit (about six hundred feet) at an angle

of about 40° with the horizon. This is encircled or rather semicircled, if the

term is allowable, by aridge of sandstone rocks rising up in the pointed pinnacle,

and presenting little surface adapted for forming an echo. It is remarkable that

there are several other slopes similar to this, but the sounding or rumbling, as it

kas been called, is confined to this alone. We dismounted from our camels, and

remained at the base while a Bedoin scrambled up. We did not hear the sound

until he had attained a considerable height. The sound then began rolling down,

and it commenced in a strain resembling the first faint notes of an Eolian harp, or

the fingers wetted and drawn over glass—increasing in loudness as the sand reached

the base, when it was almost equal to thunder. It caused the rock on which we

were seated to vibrate and our frightened camels (animals you know not easily

alarmed) to start off. I was perfectly astounded, as was Captain M and the

rest of the party. I had visited it before in the winter month, but the sound

was then so faint as to be barely evident, but now the scorching beat of the sun

had dried the sand and permitted it to roll down in large quantities. I cannot

now form the most remote conjecture as to the cause of it. We must not I find

now refer it to the sand falling into a hollow, that might produce a sound but

could never cause the prolonged vibrations, as it were of some huge harp string.

I shall not venture on any speculation, but, having carefully noted the facts, L

shall lay them, on my arrival in England, before some wiser head than my own,

and see if he can make any thing out of them,’’

Meteorological Register.

x.—

404

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JOURNAL

fk ASLATIC SOCTET Y.

No. 66.—June, 1837.

I.—Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China, together

with the journals and routes of three different Embassies sent to Pekin

by the King of Ava; taken from Burmese documents. By Lieutenant-

Colonel H. Burney, Resident in Ava.

[Continued from page 149.]

In the 30th No. of the Gleanings of Science I have given some

account of the Chinese caravans, which come principally from Theng-

ye-show and Tult-fi in Yunan, not only to Ava but to all the Shan

towns subject todva, Maing: Leng-gyth, Kyaing:totn, Theinni, Mé:né,

Thibé, &c., as well as to Zenmay and the Shan towns subject to

Stam. A party of Chinese also annually proceed from Santd-fi to

Mo:gaung and Payen-dueng for the purpose of procuring amber and

the noble serpentine, or the stone so much prized by the Chinese and

called by them Ya.

The emperor of China appears never to have surrendered the Tsé:-

buds of Theinni, Bamé and Mo.gaung agreeably to the terms of the

treaty of Bamé; nor canI finda notice of any correspondence be-

tween the sovereigns of the two countries until the reign of the pre-

sent king of Ava’s grandfather, Mew:paré:oyin, Symes’s MinpeE-

rAGEE. That monarch, shortly after he put his nephew to death and

seized the throne in the year 1781, appears to have deputed a small

party for the purpose of opening a commanication with China, but the

envoys were seized by the Chinese and sent up to the north of Pekin,

to the Tartar province of Quantong. In 1787, however, an embassy

came to Ava from China, and I will now give a free translation of the

journals and routes of three different embassies, which were sent to

406 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Junz,

Pekin by the late and present kings of Ava. But before giving these

translations it may be proper to explain the system which I have

adopted, for writing Burmese and Chinese names in the Roman

character.

I have followed, as far as I was able, Sir Wm. Jonzs’s system, ex-

cepting that I have used the prosodial long and short signs, instead

of the acute and grave accents, for denoting long and short vowels* ;

The Burmese have a very bad ear for discriminating new sounds, and,

unfortunately, their written character will not admit of their writing

or pronouncing many foreign words. They can write ing only as 2, in,

en or eng; ang as en or eng; ong as own, and f as ph, or bh. R,

they seldom sound but as y, and they use a soft thfors. A final

kg, oy t, is often scarcely sounded, if not entirely mute, and I denote

this by underlining such letter. The Burmese also change the sound

of the initial letter of the second or third syllables of compound and

derivative words, sounding b asp; kandk,hasg;t andt,h as d;

and ¢s and tsh, as z. But in copying Chinese names from the Bur-

mese, I have always given the legitimate sound of all such letters in

the Roman character. The Chinese, according to Du Haupz, have

an hf, so strong, that it is entirely guttural, and the Burmese envoys

apparently attempt to express this Chinese sound of h, by the double

consonant sh or shy of their own alphabet. The Burmese do not

sound the two letters which they have derived from the Devanagari

J, @, as cha and ch-ha, which the Siamese and Shans do, but as a

very hard s, and its aspirate, pronounced with the tip of the tongue

turned up against the roof of the mouth, and best expressed, in my

opinion, by ¢s and ish. The Chinese appear to have the same sounds,

expressed by Du Hatpz by the same Roman letters ¢s, and tsh; the

first of which, he observes, 1s pronounced asthe Italians pronounce the

word gratia. For the Burmese heavy accent, marked something like

our colon (8), and used to close a syllable, when ending in a vowel or

nasal consonant, with a very heavy aspirated sound, I have used two

points in the middle of a word, and the letter h, usually, at the close.

Our prosodial short mark will best express the Burmese accent mark-

ed as a point under a letter, and intended to give a syllable a very

short sound. All the Burmese envoys write the names of the Chinese

* Those accentual marks being best adapted for describing the peculiar high

and grave tones, in which the same letters are sounded in the Siamese and Shan

languages. [We have, however, for want of type been obliged to adhere to the

accented system—the absence of an accent denoting the short and its presence

the long sound.—Eb.]

1887.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 407

cities of the first second and third class in Burmese, as p,hu, or b,hu,

t,si, or tso, and shyen; but I have set down these names as they

usually appear in our maps of China, as fa, chow and hien.

The following table will show the power of the vowels as used

by me.

a, as in America.

4, as in father.

e, as In men.

é, broad as ey in they, or ay in mayor, or a in name.

i, as in pin.

i, as in police, or ee in feet, and a.

i, the same with a grave sound like e in me.

0, as in toto.

6, the same sound prolonged, or as in lone, sown.

6, broad as in groat.

6’, the same sound prolonged.

u, as in Italian, or like oo in foot.

&, the same sound prolonged, or 00 in mood.

The Siamese and Shan letter, which is sounded something like the

French letters eu, I mark, as the Catholic Missionaries in Siam have

long marked it, thus, u and u’.

ai, ) ach of these vowels is pronounced as when separates

a excepting that the sound of the second is a little more pro-

a longed than that of the first vowel. Kaing, Ka-ung, Ko-un,

uo, | mé-in, yu-on.

The letter ng is pronounced something like the same letters in the

French word magnanimité, but as a final, it is usually sounded as a

nasal x. When followed by the heavy accent I have usually express-

ed the g, in the Roman character.

The prosodial short sign is used to shorten the sound of some of

the above vowels and diphthongs.

According to the above system I have nearly completed a compara-

tive vocabulary of the Burmese, Siamese, Taung-thti and three Shan

dialects.

Of the towns and places in China mentioned by the Burmese envoys

in their journals and routes, I shall set down within brackets the pro-

per names of such as I can trace in Du Haupg,

In the year 1787, intelligence was brought to Ava, that an embassy

from the emperor of China had arrived at Theinni, and as the ceremony

of the public audience given to these ambassadors corresponds in

3G 2

408 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junz,

many points with that observed at the audience given by the present

king of Ava to the British Resident, on his first arrival at Ava in

1830, I extract a description of it from the 33rd volume of the Bur-

mese Chronicles :

“On Tuesday, the 3rd of April, 1787, the king of Ava (MEn:DARA:-

vin) received a report from the Ts6:buéh and officers of Theinni, that a

Chinese embassy, consisting of upwards of 300 men with E-rs16:vx’ as the

chief envoy, had arrived at Theinnt, with a letter on gold and costly pre-

sents from the emperor of China, for the purpose of establishing peace

and friendship between the two great countries. His Majesty ordered

the Chinese embassy to be conveyed to the capital (at that time Amara-

pura) by the road leading from Theinnt through Thibo, Maing:toun,

Maing:kaing, Yauk-zauk, Pwé-lha, and Yud:ngdn, down by the Nat-t,heit

pass and the road along the southern paddy lands ( Tawng-bhetlay ).—

The Chinese mission accordingly left Theinnt on Sunday, the 6th of May,

1787, and on reaching MVyaung-ni-beng (red pepul tree), embarked in

boats (on the Myit-ngay) and came to Yan-aung ghat at Amarapira,

where they landed and took possession of the buildings constructed for

their accommodation. The emperor of China’s letter was duly translated

on Tuesday, the 29th May ; and on Sunday, the 3rd of June, the embassy

was received by the king in the following manner :—

“ The streets and lanes of Amarapira having been ornamented, the offi-

cers of the Lhuot-t6 and Youn-d6*, dressed in their uniforms with ear-

rings, having taken their proper places within those buildings; the white

elephant, and Shue-wen, the elephant rode by the king, and other ele-

phants with all their trappings, on being drawn out, and the body guard

and other troops formed in front of the Lhuot-to and hall of audience, and

within the court-yard of the palace, the Chinese ambassadors were

brought from their house at the Yan-aung ghat in the following order :—

First, two officers with long rods ; then musqueteers to the right and left ;

then, seated upon an elephant, the king’s writer, YanpA-mEIT-GY6-pEN,

dressed in full uniform, bearing an octagon betel cup containing the em.

peror of China’s letter; next a sedan chair with the box containing the

images of Byamhé ; then a sedan chair with a box of royal presents ; then

another sedan chair with another box of presents ; then ten horses intend-

ed as presents; and then followed the principal Chinese ambassador,

E-1tsH6:ve’, mounted on an elephant with housings of scarlet broad cloth

edged with silk. After him came four of the junior envoys on horseback ;

and after them, the officers appointed to escort the mission.

“‘ The procession entered the Tset-shyen gateway on the western face of

the city, and stopped on reaching the Yotn-d6. The box bearing the

royal letter was deposited on a fine white mat with an ornamental border

spread in the verandah of that building, where the ambassadors also were

* The house in which the ministers of state assemble and the Court of justice.

1837.) Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 409

placed, the royal presents being arranged on each side. The princes of

the blood and the other great officers of state then passed into the palace

in state, surrounded by their respective suites and with all their insignia

of rank. Last of all passed the heir-apparent, the glorious A1in-ye-MENG.

When all was quiet the ambassadors, preceded by the royal letter and pre-

sents, were taken in, the ambassadors being made to stop and bow their

heads repeatedly along the whole road in the usual way*. The king’s

writer bearing the box containing the royal letter, stopped not far from

the eastern steps of the hall of audience, when a Than-do-zent went

down and took the letter up, and placed it on a white mat that was spread

for the purpose. The ambassadors ascended by the northern steps, and

took their seats at the appointed place ; whilst all the presents were put

down on the ground in front of the hall of audience. The whole being

assembled, the lord of many white elephants, the lord of life, and great

king of righteousness, wearing the Mahdé-muni crown of inestimable value,

and the principal queen, dressed in the Guana-matta-pa-kua jewel, sur-

rounded by all the other queens and concubines, came forth, and on the

U-gen folding doors being opened by the princesses, his majesty the king

and the principal queen took their seats on the Ththdéthana yizé throne. The

state drum, beat when his majesty comes out, was then struck three times

forcibly and three times gently, and the whole band played. When the

music ceased, the eight consecrating Brahmans performed the customary

ceremony of consecration, and the flowers and water presented by the

Brahmans, were received by Baune-p6-pyen and Nanpa-raen Khaya

in a gold cup ornamented with the nine precious stones.

“The Na:khan-d6t, Zeya Norar,ua, then brought to the king’s notice

seven images of Bup’pu which his Majesty was to give in charity. His

Majesty observed, ‘ Let the royal gift be suitably escorted and delivered ;’

which order was repeated by the Na:khan to the Shue-tait-wun, who

after ordering the royal drum to be beaten, conveyed the images out of

the hall of audience.

« The Than-d6-gan§, Mene-neay-rurnt, then came up the steps used by

the king, and kneeling at the usual place, read out a list of the royal

presents. The Na:khan-do, Kyv06-zua’n6-rat,HA’, next proceeded right in

front of his Majesty, and kneeling, read out from an ornamented book, the

following translation which had been made of the emperor of China’s letter.

‘ The elder brother, Up1’ Bua’||, (emperor of China, ) who rules over

the great kingdoms to the eastward and a multitude of umbrella-wearing

chiefs, addresses affectionately his younger brother, the lord of the white,

red and mottled elephants, who rules over the great kingdoms to the

westward and a multitude of umbrella-wearing chiefs, lord of the amber

* The British resident refused to make these obeisances.

+ Register of royal orders.

~ Royal hearer or reporter. § Receiver of royal mandates.

{| Udi, I am told, means east in the P&li language.

410 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. {June,

mines, the sun-descended king and master of the golden palace. The

ancestors of the two brothers have inherited and ruled in succession in

this Zabadipa island, lying to the southward of AZ/yen:mé mount, from the

first creation of the world ; and the two brothers are enjoying in the east-

ern and western great kingdoms, prosperity equal to that of the Thagy4a:-

Nat*, with very great glory, power, and authority. From the time even

of our ancestors there has been no enmity. The younger brother, the

sun-descended king, is an independent sovereign, receiving the homage

of great kingdoms, and ofan hundred umbrella-wearing chiefs. The elder

brother also is an independent sovereign, receiving the homage of great

kingdoms, and of an hundred umbrella-wearing chiefs. If the two brothers

enter into a permanent agreement and friendship, conformably to the union

which has subsisted between them uninterruptedly in former states of

existence, it will be like a nail driven in (as firm) to their posterity. The

elder brother, who possesses the great kingdoms, and the golden umbrella

and palace to the eastward, as well as his queen, sons, daughters, nobles,

officers, and the inhabitants of his country, are in the enjoyment of health,

peace, and happiness ; and he desires to learn, that his younger brother,

who possesses the great kingdoms and the golden umbrella and palace to

the westward, the master of the golden palace, as well as his queen, eldest

son, the heir-apparent, his other sons and daughters, nobles, officers, and

all the inhabitants of his country, are also in the enjoyment of health,

peace, and happiness.

‘For one reason, because friendship has existed from former states of

being ; and for another, because the elder loves the younger brother, he

sends, with a royal letter on gold, a piece of gold, and desires that two

pieces of gold may become like this one piece. It is now seventeen years

since the gold and silver road, and gold and silver bridge have not been

opened or traversed between the elder brother and younger brother, pur-

suant to the arrangement made in 1769, that ambassadors of rank should

pass between the two great countries, in order that a sincere friendship and

esteem might arise. When friendship has been established between the

two great countries, each must receive favors from the other. The elder

brother has in front of his palace and worships eight images of Byamua’t,

which it has been the custom to worship from the creation of the world ;

but loving the younger brother, and desiring that he should worship in

the same manner, the elder brother presents these images to the younger.

If the younger brother worships them, his glory and power will beas re-

splendent as the rising sun. The son of the lord of Kaing:mah, who wears

* This is the Chinese Tien, or Shang Tien, lord of heaven, and the same as

the Hindu god Jndra, one of whose names, Sugra, although written in Burmese

Thugrd, is pronounced Thagyd.

+ Byamha, written Bramha, is a being of the superior celestial regions of the

Buddhists.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 414

a red umbrella and is always near the person of the elder brother, is

sent to the younger brother with a royal letter on gold, and with the

following presents :—

Eight images of Byamhd, cast in gold.

Hight carpets.

Ten pieces of gold cloth.

Ten horses.

‘Let the younger brother, master of the golden palace, delay not after

the arrival of this ambassador in his presence, to appoint ambassadors on

his part, and send them with a royal letter on gold. When the son of

the lord of Kuing:mah returns to the elder brother, it will be the same as

if the royal countenance of the younger brother, the master of the golden

palace, has been seen.’

“ After the Na:khan-d6 Kyo-zua’No-rat.Ha’ had read out the above

royal letter, his Majesty said, ‘ E-rsa6: yr’, how many days were you

coming from the capital of China to Amarapira ?’? The Na:khan, Py6-

Gyin-muv’, repeated the question to the Chinese interpreter, who translat.

ed it tothe ambassador. The ambassador replied : ‘ Your Majesty’s slaves,

owing to your Majesty’s excellent virtues, were one hundred and sixty-

four days coming from the capital of China to your Majesty’s feet.’ This

answer was translated by the Chinese interpreter to the Na:khan.d6, who

submitted itto his Majesty. The king then said: ‘ E.rsuo: vn’, when

you quitted the capital of China, were my royal kinsman, the emperor of

China, and his queen and children, and relatives all in good health?’ The

question was communicated to the ambassador as before, and the ambas-

sador replied : ‘ When your Majesty’s slaves quitted the capital of China for

your Majesty’s feet, your Majesty’s royal kinsman, the emperor of China,

and his queen, and children, and relatives were all in good health ;’ which

answer was submitted to the king in the same manner as before. The king

then said : ‘ E-rsué: ve’, go back quickly ; the emperor of China will desire

to receive intelligence of every thing in this country.’ This order was

communicated as before to the ambassadors, who bowed down their heads.

The king then presented the principal ambassador, E-rsuo: yz, with five

hundred ticals, a silver cup weighing eleven ticals, a ruby ring weighing

one tical, and of the value of one hundred and fifty ticals, a horse with

saddle and bridle complete, ten cubits of scarlet broad cloth, five pieces

of cotton cloth, five pieces of handkerchief, one piece of chintz, two large

lacquered-ware boxes, and one small one. To each of the four junior am-

bassadors his Majesty presented at the same time three hundred ticals,

one silver cup weighing eleven ticals, one ruby ring weighing half a tical,

and of the value of one hundred ticals, five cubits of scarlet cloth, two

pieces of handkerchief, two pieces of chintz, a horse with saddle and bridle

complete, a carpet, one large lacquered-ware box, and two small ones.

when his Majesty enters the palace, was beaten, and his Majesty retired.

412 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. ([Junx,

The ambassadors were first conveyed from the hall of audience to the

eastern Youm, where they were made to stand until the princes and all

the nobles and officers passed to their respective houses* ; after which

they were taken to the house allotted for them, by the same route as that

by which they had been before brought.

“ On Sunday, the 10th June, 1787, his Majesty addressed the following

letter and presents to the emperor of China, and appointed Let-yvueE:eyvi/a

muvu’:, Ne-myo’:SHUE-DAUNG, THinacy6-GAUNG, and We.urua/ya, am-

bassadors on his part, to proceed to China in company with the Chinese

ambassadors.

‘ The protector of religion, the sun-descended king of righteousness,

bearing the name and title of Thirt pawara wizaya nanta yatha tiri bawa-

na ditiya dipadi pandita maha dhamma raja-dirdjat, owner of the white, red,

and mottled elephants, and proprietor of mines of gold, silver, rubies, and

amber, who rules over the great kingdoms and all the umbrella-wearing

chiefs of the westward, affectionately addresses the royal friend, the lord

of the golden palace, who rules over the great kingdoms and all the um-

brella-wearing chiefs to the eastward. No enmity having existed between

the two great eastern and western kingdoms from the first creation of

the world, and both being independent sovereigns who have possessed a

golden umbrella and palace from generation to generation, and the hom.

age of a multitude of umbrella-wearing chiefs, the royal friend deputed

the son of the lord of Katng:mah, who arrived at the great and golden

city of Amarapira on the 26th May, 1787. The royal letter and the

presents consisting of eight images of the A’battharat Byamha, ten car-

pets, ten pieces of gold cloth and ten horses, having been arranged in

front of the throne and hall of audience, his Majesty, attended by the

heir-apparent, his royal brothers and sons, and all his officers, came forth

and sat on the throne, and caused the royal letter to be read out. His

Majesty was exceedingly pleased to hear, that if a friendship like the

union which has always existed in former states of existence between the

kings of the two countries, and an agreement as fixed and permanent as

a nail driven in, be entered into, it would be to posterity from generation

to generation like two pieces of gold converted into one (as inseparable) ;

and also, that the royal friend, the lord of the golden palace himself and

his queen, royal children, and relatives and all his officers are in the enjoy-

ment of health. The royal friend, lord of the golden palace, who rules

* The British Resident returned at once to his own house from the hall of

audience.

+ The meaning of the Pdli words of this long title is thus rendered by the Bur-

mese :—‘‘ The illustrious, excellent and greatest conqueror, whose glory is bound-

less and substantial, who will rule over the three orders of beings with surpassing

power, the wise and great king of righteousness, the king of kings.’’

} Abatthara is the sixth of the 20 stages or stories of the superior celestial

regions.

1837.}] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 413

over a hundred umbrella-wearing chiefs to the westward, is also in the

enjoyment of health as well as his queen, heir-apparent, royal children,

and relatives, and all his officers. Friendship which had always existed in

former states of existence, is now become a royal friendship. When the

two great countries have established friendship, each must receive favors

from the other. The eight images of A’batthara Byamhé which were sent

with a desire that they might be worshipped by the royal friend, have

been placed in a proper and suitable manner in front of the palace, under

pyramidical buildings covered with gold and silver. Desire is also felt

that approbation be given to the merit of constantly upholding and pro-

tecting the religion of the deity (Gaupama), who is full of glory and power,

who can give relief to the kings of men, Nats, and Byamhds, who has no

equal in the three worlds, and who has been worshipped from generation

to generation by the sun-descended independent kings, that have ruled

ever the great kingdoms to the westward. Ne My6-Sauerpauneg, a noble-

man who is in the immediate service of the royal friend, and THina eyvé-

eaune and Wexurasa’ra have been appointed ambassadors to accompany

the son of the lord of Kuing:mah, and are deputed with a royal letter on

gold and with royal presents, consisting of four elephants, one hundred viss

weight of elephant’s teeth, an ivory helmet surmounted by a ruby, and

another encircled with rubies and surmounted by a sapphire, two ruby

rings, one sapphire ring, one viss weight of Mobye stone, one piece of

yellow broad cloth, one piece of green broad cloth, ten pieces of chintz,

ten pieces of handkerchief, ten carpets, one hundred books of gold leaf,

ene hundred books of silver leaf, ten viss weight of white perfume, four

large lacquered ware boxes, and fifty small lacquered-ware boxes. Let the

ambassadors return quickly and without delay, and when they return, it

will be as if the royal friend had been met, and conversed with.’ ”

On the return of these Burmese ambassadors from Pekin in the

beginning of the year 1789, they submitted a report of their proceed-

ings, of which report the following is a free translation :—

“ We left Aimarapéraon the 24th June, 1787, and in twelve days’ jour-

ney, on 6th July, arrived at the city of Theinni, where we stopped nine

days for the purpose of recruiting the elephants intended as presents for

the emperor of China. On the 16th July, we left Theinnt*, and in fifteen

days’ journey reached Kaing:mah, where we stopped more than five

months, and transmitted to the golden feet a report of certain discussions,

which took place between us and some Chinese officers there. On receiv-

ing his Majesty’s orders that we should proceed, we left Kaing:mah on the

12th January, 1788, amounting altogether to one hundred and twenty-five

men ; and on the 23rd arrived at the city of Shuen-/z, which the Shans call

Maing: Tsint. Here we met two officers, Tsotin-shue and Titayin, whom

the Tsotinti or Governor General of Yunan had deputed to meet us ; and

areport of our discussions with whom we forwarded to the golden feet.

* Shan name Ming Senvt. + Ming Chan,

2 H

414 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junes,

We had to wait again for more than five months, whilst the Tsotinta sent

a report of our arrival to Pekin. On the 25th June, 1788, the governor of

Maing: Tsan received a letter from the Tsounti, ordering him to let the

Burmese ambassadors advance ; and on the following day, attended by

the governor K,nua’-Ta’-L6:ve’ and interpreter Wu'n-tTsou’N-Ye’ with one

hundred men, we left Muing: Tsén, and on the Ist July reached the city

of Tathi (Tali ?), where the Tsoiinti came from Maing: Tsht (Yunan),

on the 12th July, to meet the royal letter and presents. On the 2lst

July, orders from the emperor of China reached the Tsounta, who informed

us, that he had received the imperial orders to allow the ambassadors to

proceed, and that the emperor had also ordered, that the envoys who had

come from the great western country, from the royal friend and lord of

the golden palace, should be conveyed to Pekin in fifty-one days ; and that

the l'sotintis, governors, Titis and officers, along the whole route, should

treat the ambassadors with every respect, and at the regular stages sup-

ply them with provisions, and entertain them with music, plays, &c. The

Tsotiata further said, that similar orders had been sent to all the other

officers along the route, and that he would prepare some presents for his

Majesty the king of Ava, which he desired we should forward by some

proper persons with a report of our proceedings. We accordingly sent

Danvurazaune:ve’ and Tser-yaN-NHAING to Amarapira with the Tsoun-

ti’s presents, and left Taihz on the 23rd July with thirty-seven men,

attended by Tauxrarr Hora'-to:ve’, Kuua’-ra-to:ve’, and the inter-

preter Wun-tsov’n-yr’.. In sevendays’ journey we reached the city of

Maing: Tshi (Yunan), where we stopped one day, and then continuing

our route, reached the city of Kwetso ( Kue-chow) in nine days’ journey,

on the 8th August, 1788. On the 12th we came to the city of Tsin-yuen-

Ja dependent on Kue-chow, where, on the following day, we embarked in

boats and dropped down the stream until the 20th, when we disembarked

at the landing place at Riyen or Yi-yen, and continued our route by land.

On the 22nd August, we came to the city of T'sheng-shyd-fa in the district

of Hindn, and in eight days’ journey more to the city of Wu-tsheng-fa in

the district of Hupé. On the 12th September, in thirteen days’ journey,

we came to the city of Tshi-chow, beyond the district of Héndn and in

that of Tsztlt (Peteheli). In seven more days, on the 19th September,

we reached Pauk-tin-fu, the principal city of Titi, and on the 23rd

reached the city of Luko Khyauk-ken*, six miles distant from the capital,

Pekin. The emperor not being there but at Yé:hét in Tartary, seven

days’ journey to the north-east of Pekin, we left the city of Luko Khyauk-

ken on the 14th, and in three days came to the boundary of Tartary to

the Ha-pé-khé fortt line of wall. In two days more we came to the

city of Lanphyzn-hien, where the chief of the chokey met us, and taking a

* Ken is a chokey in Burmese.

+ Du HAupe’s Gehol, and Sir G. STAUNTON’s Zhe-hol.

~ Dv HA.pn’s Coupe keon Fort ?

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 415

list of the presents, proceeded to make his report to the emperor of China.

The treasurer having come with the emperor’s orders for us to advance,

we entered Zhe-hol on the 29th September, 1787, and were lodged on a

high plain to the westward of the city.

* On the 30th September we proceeded by invitation to meet the Wan-

gyih H6-rsou’n-TENG*, who wears two peacock’s tail feathers with red on

the top of his head-dress, (red button on his cap,) and Kou’N-ye’-rav’ and

Tni-ra’-yin who wear two peacock’s feathers with a ruby on the top of

their head-dress. The Wun-gyih told us:—‘ Our master, the emperor,

is much pleased at the arrival of the ambassadors, and will receive the

_ royal letter and presents so soon as to-morrow, when the ambassadors also

will see him and be interrogated by himself. You must be in waiting at

6 o'clock to-morrow morning when the emperor comes out, and you must

bring the band of music, which he has heard you have with you.’ On the

following morning we were in attendance in front of the palace before the

emperor appeared. He came out about 7 o’clock, when the royal letter

and presents were delivered by us, and the Wan-gyih H6-rsovu’N-TENG and

Kovu’n-ve’-THv’ and Tni-Ta’-yin in the midst of all the officers of the Court.

The emperor spoke as follows in the Tartar language to the Win-gyih,

who repeated it inthe Chinese language to the interpreter, and he com-

municated it to us:—‘ The two great countries were always friends in

former times, and owing toa little difference which happened once, no

letters or presents have passed. But now, a mutual intercourse and good

understanding prevails, and friendship has been re-established. I am ex-

ceedingly glad to hear that my royal friend, the Lord of the golden palace,

fulfils his religious duties and cherishes all the inhabitants of the country

as if they were the children of his own bosom. Let the ambassadors sub-

mit all they have to say. —We replied, ‘ Your majesty’s slaves will sub-

mit to our royal master all your majesty’s orders; and communicate to

the Wan-gyih H6-rsou’N-rene, and to Koun’-ye’-THv’ all we have to

represent.’

«<The emperor then said, ‘ Let them convey to my royal friend, in order

that he may worship as I do, this Shikyd Muni image, the representative

of the Deity, which has always been worshipped in our palace,—this figure

of the Deity, embroidered in silk, and this Yu-yut jewel (sceptre ?) which

I always carry in my hand.’ The Wan-gyih H6-rsovu’n-rene and Kov’n-

YE'-THU’ brought and delivered the same to us. We then made our band

of music play before the emperor, who approved of it and said it was very

pleasant. After his majesty had conferred presents on different great and

subordinate officers, we were placed in the same line with the 48 princes

of Tartary, and allowed to see an entertainment, (Chinese play.)

* This is evidently the same person, who was the first minister of the empire

during Lord MacartNey’s embassy, and who is styled by Sir G, Sraunron,

‘* Hoo-choong-taung Colao.’’

oH 2

416 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junz;

“On the 38rd October we went again, and were placed in the same line as

before, and shown a complete entertainment. The emperor of Ching

seated us at atable, at which we ate and drank in company with the 48

princes of Turtary. We conversed with the Wun-gyih H6-1sou'n-TENG

and Kou’n-ve’.THU’ and THi-ra’-yin, and observed :—‘ Friendship has

now been established between our two royal masters. The great officers

on each side, bearing in mind the favors they have received from, and the

duty they owe to, their respective masters, have only to submit what they

may be satisfied will conduce to the permanent advantage of their royal

masters and their posterity. We, who have been deputed, will return as

quickly as possible, and in conformity with the qualifications required from

ambassadors”, will submit to our royal master every circumstance relating

to the emperor of China. ‘There are certain Shan Tso:buahs and their

followers, subjects of our master, and some men who were formerly deput-

ed, still remaining in this country. And the road on the frontier of the

two countries is much molested by bad men and criminals ;—if means are

adopted on both sides for putting an end to this evil, the two countries

will become like one, and the gold and silver road will be opened.’ The

Chinese officers replied :—‘ The observations of the ambassadors are very

correct. Our master, the emperor, is much pleased at having re-establish,

ed friendship with the Lord of the golden palace, who rules over the

western country. His majesty has given to the king of Ava an image of

him, who is without an equal, and is superior to the three races of beings,

(men, Nats, and Byumhds,) and who has been worshipped uninterruptedly

by all the emperor’s ancestors ; and he has permitted the ambassadors to

communicate, without reserve, all they may have to say. He has seated

the ambassadors also on the same line with his own relations, the 48

princes of Turtary, and repeatedly questioned, and spoken to them, All

the points you have represented will be properly settled. When we go

back from Zhehol (to Pekin), we will exert ourselves to have the whole

settled, and will submit that you may be speedily allowed to return.’

“On the following day we were invited to attend the emperor, who was

going to visit a monastery. We went early, and were desired by the

Wiin-gyih Ho-rsou’n-rene to wait on the road, and when we saw the

emperor coming out on horseback, to remark what a strong hale man hig

majesty must be, to be able to ride at 80 years of age without being fa.

tigued. We waited on the road accordingly, and on seeing the emperor,

spoke as we had been instructed. H06-rsou’n-rene asked what the ambas.

sadors had said, and when the interpreter translated our remarks into

Chinese, the Wan-gyib repeated it to the emperor.

‘The emperor, on going to the monastery, entered hy the southern

arched gateway, and came out by the western, and returned to the city -

by its southern gateway. Lu-va’-yin was appointed tv attend us and

shew us all the different images and temples. but all the different figures

* See a subsequent note for a list of these qualifications.

1837.} Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 417

shewn to us were representations only of our deity, and observing that

those varying in form were copied from various forms which Gaupama had

assumed when in this world, we bowed down and worshipped them. There

were seven monasteries. In that first shewn to us, there were 200 priests

dressed in yellow, and in another to the westward about 590.

«On the 6th October we were invited to an entertainment given in some

temporary buildings in a garden. We went before 6 o'clock, and the

emperor came about half past 7 in an open sedan chair. He was dressed

as follows:—On the top of his head-dress there was a pearl; on the four

sides of his silk dress there was the figure of a dragon, and round his

neck hung a string of pearls. He took his seat ona royal chair of the

form of a dragon, and about a cubit high, and the officers of his court pre-

sented to him cups of spirits and cups of milk. The Wdan-gyih H6-rsou n-

TENG and Kovu’n-ye’-THv' and Tui-ra’-vin stood on the right and left of

the emperor with swords in their hands. To the right and left were

placed tables with all kinds of cakes, and we sat down on the right hand

with the Wan-gyih H6-rsou’N-rene behind the chiefs of the 48 Tartar

countries, and ate and drank. After the soft music and dancing, which

were according to the Chinese, Tartar, and Kula fashions, the emperor

returned home. The silks and gold cloths, which had been arranged on

the left hand, were distrib uted in presents to the princes of Tartary, and

those on the right hand were distributed by the Wun-gyih Kou’n-yr’-THu™*

to us according to our respective ranks, and to the officers appointed to

take care of us. All kinds of curious cloths, &c. intended for presents to

the king of Ava, were also shewn and delivered to us.

** A little after 3 o'clock, on the afternoon of the same day, the emperor

of China again came out, and we saw an exhibition of tumblers on poles,

and fireworks, and then returned home.

‘The emperor having directed us on this last day to go to Pekin, we left

Zhehol on the 7th of October, and arrived at Pekin on the 12th October,

taking up our residence in some temporary buildings erected on a plain

within ihe southern gateway of the city, where we were attended and sup-

plied with provisions by the same men as before.

** On the 13th, the emperor having directed that the ambassadors should

be lodged near him, and that their provisions should be supplied from

within the palace, we moved, on the following day, and took up our resi.

dence on a royal plaint, near the road leading to the southward from the

western gateway of the wall surrounding the palace. On the 15th the

emperor came to Pekin, and we accompanied the Chinese officers to a tem-

porary building in the lake, where there is a palace, in order to receive his

majesty. On the morning of the 20th we attended the emperor, by invi-

* This officer was not a Wfn-gyih or First Minister of State, as will be seen in

the list of WGn-gyihs hereafter given, but the Burmese ambassadors repeatedly

given him this title.

t+ Apparently a plain on which princes encamp or live when they visit Pekin.

418 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Jump,

tation, to the garden situated within the same lake, and his majesty ordered

the Win-gyih Kou’n-ve’-Txav’ to take us round and shew us all the monaste.

ries, temples and gardens. We embarked ina boat with that officer and

rowed about the lake, and saw the different monasteries, &c. In two

monasteries situated on the top of a hill on the western side of the lake,

there were several images of the unequalled and most excellent deity,

surrounded by images of inspired disciples. We saw more than fifty priests

here also dressed in yellow cloth. ‘There were ten more monasteries on

the top and sides of a hill running from the westward of the hill before

mentioned to the north. They contained, besides many images of the

deity, a figure of the Mdn-Nat* with 1,000 arms, and figures of hermits

and priests in stone, and various paintings. A small hill and the garden

where a monastery is situated are joined by an arched brick bridge of 50

tast or 350 cubits. At the end of the lake nearest the city, there is an

octagon pyramidical building with three roofs covered with green tiles.

On the western sides, on the slope of a hill, there are two Buddhist

temples, and a monastery with three roofs; on the south-east a large

building with four roofs dedicated to a Nat; and on the north-east on

a level ground, stands the pyramidical building at which the emperor

stops. The lake is upwards of 400 tas from north to south, and upwards

of 300 tas from east to west, and in it there are five large vessels with

several boats. The emperor ordered that we should also be taken round

and shown all the monasteries within and without the city, and be allowed

to compare the books and writings, and see if they were similar to ours.

“« On examining the different monasteries, we saw some with images of the

deity (Gaupama), and priests dressed in yellow in attendance ; some with

people dressed in dark-colored caps and trowsers, whom the Chinese call

Ho: Shyengt ; and some with the ship country Kulas in attendance on the

image of Devadat§, which they worship. The books, writings and language

spoken in these monasteries were not like ours, and those who accom-

panied us took notes of all we said, and submitted the same to the emperor.

“On the 23rd October, when the emperor returned from the palace Jake

to the city, we received him in company with the Chinese officers outside of

the western gateway of the palace enclosure. Every day after the emperor

* The Hindu god of love and desire, Ka’mA, one of whose names, Ma/’Ra,

is written by the Burmese Mér, and pronounced Man.

+ A ¢ad is a measure of 7 cubits, anda royal cubit is equal to 19,5 English

inches.

+ Du Haupe says, the Bonzes, or priests of Fo, are called by the Chinese

Ho-shang, but the people here described may be of the sect of ‘* Lookiun,’’ men-

tioned by the same author as worshipping demons, and pretending to a know-

ledge of magic.

§ See in La Lovusere’s Historical Relation of Siam for some account of

THEVETAT, whom some Buddhists pretend to consider as the same person as

our Saviour. .

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 419

returned to the city, some of the palace officers wearing red on the top of

their head-dress and a peacock’s feather, brought to us from his majesty’s

table different kinds of meat and sweetmeats. On the 28th we joined the

Chinese officers in attendance on the emperor, and saw him offer his devo-

tions at a monastery within the palace enclosure. On the 29th we attended

the emperor, when he came out from the western gateway of the palace en-

closure, and proceeded to the garden in the lake, and on his return, he

stopped his sedan chair as he was coming out of the temporary building

erected for his accommodation on the royal plain, and giving us presents,

said: ‘ Let the ambassadors return on the ist of November, in order that

my royal friend may learn every thing.’ On the same day the Chinese

officers of rank summoned us to a spot on the royal plain to the eastward

of the palace enclosure, and gave us an entertainment, and delivered to

us the emperor of China’s letter. On the 31st, the Wan-gyih H6é-rsou/n-

TENG and Kovu’n-yw’-rav’, Tur’Ta’-yi’n, and Lu-ra’-yi'n, gave us differ.

ent presents ; and on the same day we went into the palace where the

Wian-gyih H6-rsov'n-1ENe was, and said to him, ‘ We were ordered to

return on the lst of November, and to-morrow we are to set out; but we

desire to receive an answer to the representation which we made at Zhehol.’

He replied, ‘ I have submitted to the emperor every word of your repre-

sentations, and his orders are :—The men who came to our country are

some of them afar off and some of them have disappeared or are dead,

and much delay and a long time will elapse in making the necessary

inquiries and examinations. When the snowy season arrives, the cold

willbe very great, and these ambassadors, who have been sent to us on

business relating to the country, had better return with all expedition.’

The Wan-gyih also said, ‘ The six men with Nea Tsi’r who were

formerly deputed, were taken to the province of Kuan-toin in Tartary,

but they were ordered to be brought back the moment you arrived here,

and as soon as they come, they shall be sent down to Yunan and forwarded

to you ;—and with respect to the T'sd-buah of Bumé, inquiry shall be made,

and he shall hereafter be surrendered. There is nothing difficult now that

our two masters have become friends, and the Tsotintti of Yunan has

already received full instructions on every subject.’

* On the Ist November, 1788, after seeing the emperor receive the ho-

mage of all his officers, which he does once a year on the last day of a

month seated on his throne, we took charge of the emperor’s letter, the

Shikya Muni image, and various costly presents, and left Pekin. We

came in a carriage with horses in 23 days’ journey from Pekin to the city

of Shyeng-yeng:hien in the district of Hapé, beyond the districts of Titi

and Hé-nén, when we embarked in boats, and came down the stream in 18

days, on the 12th December, to the city of Tsheng-tait-fa in the district

of Handn. ‘The route from thence by water being against the stream and

very difficult, we proceeded by land in covered sedan chairs, and arrived

at the city of Kue-chow on the 5th January, 1789. We left that city on

420 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (June,

the.6th and arrived at Yunan in 16 days, on the 21st January. The

Tsotinti had marched with a force of 10,000 men to attack the city of

Akyé, lying to the south-east of Yunan, where there there was a war, and

Tau-vi’n, the governor of Yunan, who received us, informed us that in

conformity with the application which we had submitted to the emperor,

the six men, Nea Us, Nea Lur-co, Nea Tsr’r-16, Nea Tsi‘t-x1’, Nea

Po-su’, and Nea Po-v1 subjects of the sun-descended king who were

formerly detained and sent to Turtary, had been recalled and had arrived

at Pekin on the 22nd December ; that orders had been received tu forward

them, and that the moment they reached Yunan, they should be sent to

the golden feet. He also said, ‘ Our two masters having become friends»

the two countries must be like one, and constant intercourse maintained

between them ;’—and added:—‘ The new year being close at hand, some

difficulty is felt in supplying you with the means of continuing your jour-

ney ; wait here, therefore, for a short time.’ We stopped at Yunan,

accordingly for four days ; and on the 26th of January left it, and in 21

days’ journey, on the 15th of February, arrived at Kaing:mah. The Ts6:-

buah of Kaing:mah also said, that he had received letters from the Tsoun-

ti of Yunan informing him, that the six men who had been sent to

Turtary were coming with all expedition for the purpose of being for-

warded to the golden feet. He also told us, that he had sent letters to

Muing: Tein and Theinni to have the temporary buildings and provisions

prepared for us, and requested us to give them a few days to have all in

readiness. We waited accordingly at MKaing:mah nine days, and on the

24th of February left it, and on the 4th March arrived at Theinni.”

Memorandum giving an account of the emperor of China and his sons and

officers, and a description of the appearance of his palace and of the city of

Pekin, (appended to the foregoing report of the Burmese envoys. )

“‘The age of the emperor is 78 years, of which he has reigned 53 years.

The principal of his nine queens is dead. He has five sons and two

daughters. The eldest son, Lu-yp’n, is 45 years of age. He has six

Win-gyihs, three ‘Tartars, H6-rsou'n-Tene, A-Tsou'n-peNe and Tau’-

TSOU N-DENG, and three Chinese, Wene-rsovu’N-DENG, Kyi’-rsou'N-DENG,

Luy6-tsov’N-pene. There are six great officers, one superintendant of

war, one treasurer, one superintendant of law and custom, one superin-

tendant of criminal affairs, and one superintendant of learning. There is

a general of the nine gates, named Ky6-mrr’n Ti’ru’.. A governor of the

city, named SHUENG-DENG-THU’, and another governor, who is also the

chief revenue officer of the city, named Pur’NG-sHENG.

“Thefts, murders or other public offences committed within the city are

taken cognizance of by the governors of the city ; but those committed in

the suburbs and outside of the city, are taken cognizance of by the

Tsdunta of T'stt-l2 from the city of Pauk-tin-chow. ‘The officers and sol-

diers do not hold districts and villages (in jaghir), but are paid monthly

salaries in money according to established rates, and agreeably to their

several ranks.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 421

* The emperor of China has always worshipped the image of the most

excellent deity (Gaupama), whom the Chinese call Shikya Muni; and

once a year he executes the sentences of criminals in the following

manner. ‘The emperor goes to a monastery at which there is an image of

the Tha-gyd Nat, and the names and acts of the criminals are proclaimed,

and written on slips of paper, which are burnt upon a horse and cow, and

these animals are then executed. This custom is always followed from a

belief, that these papers and the souls of these animals are sent up to the

Tha-gya Nat. Within the building covering the Wumein gateway of the

wall surrounding the palace enclosure, the figures of those men who have

gained victories in war, with the number of the victories, are written,

and on the outside of that gate there is a monastery in which different

emperors have had carved and placed, the figures of men who acquired,

renown, and of officers who were faithful or good soldiers ; and to this

place the emperor goes once a year and does honor. On the northern

bank of the lake, to the westward of the palace wall, the figures of the

three men, Mr-xou’n-ve’, Kua-ra-yi'n, and Tsmne-Ta-yin, who were

killed in the victories obtained in the year 1029 (A. D. 1767), are placed,

each under a separate pyramidal building. At the four angles of the

palace enclosure wall there is a pyramidal building, in which the armour

worn by soldiers, and swords, and spears are lodged. In the buildings at

the gateways of the outer city, guns, muskets, shot, and powder are lodged,

and constantly guarded by troops. Pekin is divided into two cities, the

southern and northern*® city. In the former there are seven gates, and

in the latter nine. The walls are 13 cubits high and 14 cubits thick. At

each of the gatewaysis a building on each side, and a double pair of folding

doors. There is a pyramidal building also at each of the four angles of

the wall. The ditch surrounding the wall is not lined at the sides, and is

about 70 cubits broad, with water let into it. The northern city is about

3500 cubits square, and the southern city about 4200 cubits square. The

line of walls inside of the northern city has no battlements, but is covered

on the top with yellow-colored tilest. It is 1750 cubits square, 10 cu-

bits high, and has six gateways at six different points. Inside of this last-

mentioned wall is the wall surrounding the palace enclosure ; and this is

upwards of 700 cubits on the eastern and western sides, and about 1050

cubits on the northern and southern sides. It is surrounded by a ditch

filled with water, seventy cubits broad and ten cubits deep, the sides of

which are faced with stone. This wall is fourteen cubits high and seven

cubits thick ; at the four angles there is a tower, and it has a gateway on

each of the four sides, and a double-roofed shed supported on ten posts

covers each gateway. There are three entrances at each gateway, and

the folding gates are covered with plates of iron fastened with nails. The

road within the walls of the palace enclosure is fourteen cubits broad and

* The Chinese and Tartar cities. t The external enclosure of the palace.

422 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (Jonz,

paved with stone. From a lake situated three taings* to the north-west

of the city of Pekin, water is brought into the ditch surrounding the wallg

of the palace enclosure by a canal, which also conducts it from the ditch

into the palace, and thence to the east of the city ; and there are stone

bridges over this canal. The southern side is the front of the palace. The

principal palace is surrounded by another wall, outside of which stands the

palace with the throne (hall of audience), which has a square roof fourteen

cubits high above the terrace, and the terrace stands six cubits above the

ground, and is paved with stone. About one hundred and forty cubits

distant from the hall of audience is another large building with a square

roof, and on one side of it is the gold treasury, and on the other the silver

treasury, with a line of other buildings. ‘I'o the left of these buildings,

and thirty-five cubits distant, are temporary buildings occupied by the

officers of the court, and a line of three buildings occupied by scholars or

students, literally ‘ people learning books.’” (The description of the build

ings within the palace enclosure continues for eight or ten lines farther,

but in so confused and vague a manner as to render it impossible to be

understood by any one but a person who has actually seen the place.)

‘“* When the emperor of China takes his seat on the throne, flags, chowries,

and satin umbrellas are arranged on his right and left hand, and the band

of music plays in a large building to the southward. On his right are the

military officers, and on his left the civil officers ; and they all, at a signal

given, bow their heads nine times. The emperor comes out of the palace

in the following manner:—He is seated ina sedan chair covered with

yellow satin, and preceded by upwards of fifty horsemen, twelve umbrellas

of yellow satin, each with three rows of fringe, twelve chowries and twelve

flags, upwards of twenty spears having the points sheathed, ten led horses

with saddles and bridles complete, and upwards of twenty horses with the

brothers and sons of the emperor dressed in yellow satin jackets, and

armed with bows and swords. Immediately in front of the emperor is

carried an umbrella of yellow satin with three rows of fringe, and having

the figure of a dragon worked upon it in gold thread, and upwards of an

hundred men in charge of the women (ennuchs) surround the emperor’s

chair. The band of music which plays when the emperor comes out or

enters the palace, consists of a pipe with six stops, two trumpets, a fiddle,

a lyre, and an alligator harp. The instruments used at Chinese historical

plays consist of a small gong, a large gong,a pair of large cymbals, two

trumpets, a drum, and a pipe.

“There are fifteen elephants at Pekin. The following are the prices

of articles in the bazar there. One and half ticals for a basket of rice ;

10 ticals for one hundred viss of salt; 125 ticals for one hundred viss

of cleaned cotton; 60 ticals for one hundred viss of oil ; 1 tical for a

basket of pyaung, grain (Madras Cholum); 14 ticals for a basket of

* Taing, or when compounded, pronounced daing, is a little more than two

English miles.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 423

millet. One thousand copper pice pass for 24 ticals; and these pice

are used in sales and purchases. Rice is cultivated and used ia the

provinces of Funan, Kie-chow, Hinin and Ha-kueng (Hugusng). But

there are no paddy lands; and pyaung, pulse, harley, and millet only

are cultivated and used in the provinces of Héndn and Tyitlz, and

about the cities of Zhehol and Taing. As far as Kae-chow the people

of the country wear their hair like the Burmese, all over the head. The

people to the north are very numerous, and there are a great many hills,

precipices and streams. In Hu-kueng people travel in boats, as there are

many lakes and streams in that province; and in Hondn and T'sit/i the

ground being natural and even, carriages are used. There ave no trees,

bamboos or ratans, and instead of fire-wood coal is used.

** We heard in China, that in the month of May or June in the year 1149

(A. D. 1787) the people of Tuik-wun having revolted and put to death the

governor and officers, the force first sent to subdue them under the gene-

ral Tswair-ra-vyin was defeated with great loss. That general was

executed by the emperor, and another general Tuu’-rHira-yin detached

against the rebels, whom he subdued in the month of April 1789, when

Mi-Kou'n-yr’s younger brother, Kuus-Koun-ye’, was appointed go-

vernor over the people with the office of T'sé-taik. The two leaders of

the Taik-wun rebels were decapitated, and their heads, together with the

head of the general Tswai’r TA’-y1'N, were suspended in the market place

of the great southern city.

“On the 23rd of August, 1788, about 9 o’clock at night, the Thi-tshuen

river rose and the water overflowed and drowned the whole city of Kyzn-

chow in the province of Hikueng. Upwards of ten thousand people were

destroyed, together with the wife and children of the governor, and the

second governor himself with all his family. On the receipt of this intelli-

gence at Pekin, the Wan-gyih A-rsou'N-TENG was dispatched with upwards

of two thousand viss of silver, to provide clothing, food and habitations for

such of the inhabitants of Kyzn-chow as remained, which service he per-

formed. Intelligence was also received from the people appointed to

guard, that an embryo Bud’dh had appeared at the city of T'hz-tsiin in the

Kulé country to the westward of Thz-tshuen, and that the people were

disputing and going to war about him. The general AunG-rsone-xyin

was appointed to go and attack them with the force in the city of Thz-

éshuen.

road we travelled in the provinces of Handn and Hupé, from the city of

Kyeng-chow included. The people also said, that when the walls of the

city of Thi-tshuen fell down and were being rebuilt, a prophetical writing

was found, which the nobleman, Kaou’t-mys'n, who first built the walls,

had placed there. The contents of this writing were:—‘ To the south

one thousand Taings will be destroyed by water. To the northward,

beyond the city of Shydn Shz, a stream of blood will flow. A great calamity

312

424 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junn,

will befall the chief and inhabitants of the city of Kueng-chow, whilst they

are asleep.’ People say, that what happened lately corresponds with

this prediction.

“The Tsountt of Kueng-town reported, that the uncle of the chief of

A’n-nén, a territory lying to the west of Kueng-touwn and near the Kueng-

tht (Kwang-si) and Yunan provinces, had revolted, and that the chief and

his family had fled and arrived at the city of Kueng-thz. The chief of

A'nndn having regularly sent presents and being a friend, it became ne-

cessary to assist him, and attack those who had molested him. The

Kueng-tht Tita, Yui-ra-vin, was appointed general, and a force of ten

thousand men, three thousand from Jueng-tht and seven thousand men

from Yunan under the Yunan Titt, was sent against the rebels.

Route of a Journey from the city of Amarapira to the city of Pekin,

travelled by a Mission deputed by ithe King of Ava to ihe Emperor of

China in the year 1787.—(Literally translated from the Burmese

official document.)

Lao} n 1 . o so x

. 2 \2 ts) | j2 (3 Is

* C ° wo g =) =

< + = n 2.

oe) =I o io) : | = fe) Fl

| = Rigid |> >

S 3 n 2{2 A a 7) & n n

& Bs l2laj@\, |2£!g |s)Under what Ju-

z Names of Places. esis > e el cana ao & || vrisdiction.

te ; ie

cae EO |e lnl 2/8 wee} [A

as Ble jas Sie-s/s 2|° sis

S 2S ps |SlSlS lS S| 2] 2].

Sa mOlS O1g}s LZHel6 e[6 Sjo

@ @ Bhs

A GS i jwiajoia 14 je ja

24th'Left the city of Amara-

Jan.{ ptira, and stopped at

1787| Phra-gyth, or large Ar-

ra-can image of Gau-

da-ma, -...e+eeeeeeee| « un 1 ee oe

25th|Slept in temporary build-

ings at the city of Kan-

Guy

YUM y varotasa mle\o\aloforels (oa) pei] mou) ape

26th|Slept at the za-yat, or

public building in the

village of Ouvn-lhut,....| .. | «.

27th|Slept in temporary build-

ings in the city of

Thotin-ZaYy, ..s0ee000-

26th'Slept at Thek-kay-byen

(plain of coarse grass)

and village of Ndn-mdé,| 2 | ..

29th|Slept at a halting place

in the jungle, on the

site of the old village of

Ban-gyt or Ban-kyt, ..| 1]...

30th|Slept at a halting place in

the jungle, on the site

of the old village of

Kywé-gotin, ......00

Ist |Slept at a za-yat in the

July! village of Bé-gyé, ....

2nd {Slept in some buildings

constructed for the am-

bassadors in the city of

T=D0,. ficesnctenccts) cs | oe [salenfes | Oy Dai ele lim

..{Under the city

of Thotin:zay,

top)

..\Under the city

of Thotn:zay.

lor)

.. Ditto.

—

colee lee 4 1 sae | are Ditto.

(os)

.. |Ditto.

for)

1837. ] Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. 425

cs 7) ‘ 5 vo Ea] a

: 22 ef | (2 E

s Bite wernie |S |

A = Blois! Ss (4 gia

° = mn bi S | a2 ~

5 Bis |£12i/21, (22/3 %/Under what Ju-

2 Names of Places. Soa e ic L/S). Pen b= risdiction.

3 EDI SlSlolegtad|& |4

S oa Flelel2els ele ole

§ 2 8 S35) |S 3/2 /S S/S

al Se] a eisSio 0] wom]

om BOE SfelelZh|s s/s Slo

a Gi wimjoja @Z iz ia

3rd {Slept in the village of

Thi-det, after crossing

the Méday MUGEN GIs siaistels 2 7) 1 .. Under TAébé.

4th|To the ¢é of the ambassa-

dors (temporary build-

ings constructed for

their accommodation)

on the bank of the

Naung-lé river,.......+] .. --| 6| 2] .. |..{Umder the city

5th;/To the ambassadors’ 1é of Theinné.

in the village of Ldshio,| 1 i Chea § . | Ditto.

6th}To ditto in the city of

PERN Ze ches tic wceiee sacs | ~ 1 2} 10 Ons.

16th/To the ambassadors’ 16 i in

the village of Teng-gdn,| .. vit a4 .|Ditto.

17thiTo ditto in the village of

Maing-puon, ........-- as 3 1 .|Ditto.

18tb|To ditto in the old village

Of NG-ti, ....2.+0e0e. 1 cP aes .|Under the city

1Sth)To ditto in the village of of Theinnt.

Ndn- lain, hy oiaotiate 3 Gla . |..|Ditto.

20th|To ditto in the village of

Peng-ngo, eienis)<(etntoinla & : Sel! 22itlee. Sle Ditto,

22nd|To ditto in the village of

Kuon-lotin, after cross-

ing the Salu-een river,} 2 5 3 .. |Ditto.

25th/To ditto in the village of ,

Pan: theng, ie ee 1a) 6 1|.. |..{|Ditto.

26th/To ditto in the village of

IPCNGQ=NUN,, <laj02 5 civiviee de BE 1) 4 Bl aoxles Debi

27th|Crossed the Ndn-phoung

or Ndn-baung river, the

boundary of Theinni ;

(Nam is water in the

Shan language,) .. ---| ., 2/.

Do. |Slept at the ambassadors’

7é at Peng-ma-khé, on

the bank of the Nédn-

Tein viver,....+.+++ as 1] 11] .. {..{Under the city of

28th/After crossing the Nén- Maing:Tein.

Tein river, slept at the

ambassadors’ 7¢é in the

village of Tsin-het,....} ., WHET 4 2] .. |../Under the city of

Kaing:mah,

30th/To the village of Khott-

oo Ri ee a ee Te 3/1 . |Ditto.

3ist/To the village of Maing:-

Keating, selee. Bes cclece SOS Hae beollne fb Ss I | 0%} |Ditto,

Ist |Slept at the monastery of

Aug! Béduen-gyth (great sil-

VOL MING,) Mle. a0 we oe Me 2 Pale ils. | Saloni aetes Ditto,

3rd |To the village of Mdn-bé

on the little hill of Luay- j

wun-bt%, (Luay, or ra- |

ther Ldéai, is a moun-

426 Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. [June

oe na |s : o |o |

A gi ie |3| 11 |e je

a a |S [6 uw 19

= 5 Bis Sh Para EE

E BS lelel\_ |Z2lg |ghonder what J

iw | w = o c) nader -

3 asl jelSjoje grag] ja

SE Sal see ale Sle ole

o no |r| 80 as ° °

a SSE SSS/Si2615e\53] 6

A Zim MiIIOIQ 14 iB |zZ

tain or hill in the Shan

language,)........0... Dales tl 4 .|Under the city of

4th|To the city of Kaing:mah, Kaing:mah.

a Tso-buah, subject to

both Ava and China, re- m.d.

sides here, ... Dla Mis. 8

12th|Left the city of Kaing:. -

Jan.| mak, and slept in the

31788 ambassadors’ #é in the

village of Wein-youk,..| 3 eS: 4 ase Ditto

13th|To the city of Maing-

Tha, aye) wis, 6 Pp ececce cee 3 ie 2 Olah. 5 1 styfah is

14th|To the city of Maing-

Yaung, --secsesseceee| 3]. 8] 4 .|In the Province

of Yunan and

under the city

of Shuenii.

18th/To the village of Maing :-

LCS He Se EP a SPR Sutras es $ | - didn >}. ittos

19th|To the halting-place of

Toun-dauk- -shue, a ee Dae 7 holes . |Ditto.

20th/To a monastery in the city

of Yutn-chow, called by

the Shans Maing:Yé,) 1].. | 1) 1 6 |] 3] .. |..|Ditte.

23rd|To a monastery in the city

of Shuén-li, called hy m.d.

Shans Maing: Chany aki) 3 tee 1G BES 9/5 2) 3

25th/From Maing:Chdanto the )

June! village of Tsi-kay, or

TSinKayg ccleleicinis oi ace |) 2 ||| | 2) 2 6 | 2] .. |..|Under Maing:-

Chan.

27th/To the village of Nyo-kay,

after crossing the iron

bridge over the Mé

khaung, or great Cam-

bodia river ; Deed

Lout-san-Kyang, Ditto.

2sth|To the village of Tshé-kay, F i ; i . a : ve Ditto.

29th|To the city of Modén-khud,| 3] .. | 4] 4 6 eu we de Ditto.

30th|To the village of Than-

Shyen-Ddn, ..0++seee. y os . Ditto.

ist|To the city of Td-thi o1 1g tio ‘

July} Td-yt. (Tali ?)....... 3].

23rd|Left Tn oo and stopped ‘he i eile

at the city of Tsd-chow,| , 5| 5 6/ 1] 4] 1/Under Ta-thi

24thiTo the city of Yut-nan- or Tayi.

ngay (little) after tra-

velling 2stages, ......| 3 ].. |15115/12/ 12 1 4/1

25th|After travelling 2 stagesto

the city of Kyen-ndn-chow,| 10 | .. |15}15/20| 19 1 4 }|.,{Ditto.

26th/'To the city of Tsh&-shyoun

(Tchou-hiung,) ......+. 1] .. {15/15} 6) 6 1 6 Ditto.

27th|Dined and relieved bearers

&c. at the city of Kueng-

totin-hien, ..scovesveee| 4]. {10,10} 6} 6}... | 4 |..|Ditto

1837. Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. 427

na) n ‘ = vo

z meee File |= (2

8 os fo) n q a, o

3 a 15 (6! ie |g

a J Blo is 2 ree a

° ° n o|o Y s r

Fe | & |2ialojq |2s ¢ |¢|Under what Ju-

£ Names of places. ss\e |e ei mee = risdiction.

= E eo Blo} 2)8 bo) = all le

Ss Qio eae a9 PS o,os ‘S

m2 SelwclelersiSeiCn 2/5

a Ole Olgye|a/ 2 |6o & 6 'Si6

= = 1 jamola la iz iz

27th/Slept at the village of

hye-tsé, widttule ates rt 5| 5] 6| 6 1 ees .|Under Ta-tht or

28th/Breakfasted and relieved Tayi.

bearers, &c. at the mig

of Lé-thotin-hien,. 5 1/9) 9} 71 7 4 |..|Ditto.

Do. |Slept in the village of

Shyd-kuon-hien, ......| 4 Gig at ele elehre«. cleo (autos

‘29th'Relieved bearers, &c. at

the city of An:lin-chow,| 7]... | 7 7| 8| 8 4 |..|Ditto.

To the city of Yui-nan-

gyih (great) called by

the Shans ip ans

NAIN Gis) 5 o/c << 1m whi Talize HOOT Zip. 2 |e ice

3lst|Slept at the village "of |

Yuir-lotin, after travel.

ling 2 stages (Yt-lotin-

tsan of other lists ?) 1|.. |10,10]/17) 17 | 1]... | 1}Under Yunan.

Ist|Relieved bearers, &c. at

Aug| the city ofMa-lotin-chow,

WAGELONG dV 5 abeyeisca s 2 v.che 2 Joj10} 8} 8&|.. 4 |.. |Ditto.

Slept at the city of Tsdn- :

yi-chow 5 | 1 {rojlo] 7} 7] 1 |, 4 |..|Ditto.

2nd/Slept in the ‘city ‘of Phyin-

yi-hien after travelling .

DiSATOR, Bah. och bdiale of 7 | .. [10/10/16] 16 1] 4 |..|Ditto.

3rd/Stopped in the village of

Lyé-kuon-totn after tra-

! velling 2 stages, ...... 6 12/12\13} 13 | 1 | .. |..|/In theprovince of

4th Stopped in the village of za Kiie-chow, (Koét-

Pé-shyd-tt after travel- cheon.)

ling 2 stages, ... 7 | 2. |10/10/12) 12 1] .. |..|Ditto.

5th Slept in the city of ‘Lan-

taing after crossing the :

Mauk-tso river, ...... 4 1] 7] 7] 6| 13 1 4 |..|Ditto.

6th'Stopped at the city of

Tsin-lin-chow, (Tchin- ;

ey ey eee ee 10 |.. | 6| 610] 10] 1] 4 |..|Ditto.

7th| Relieved bearers, &e. at

the city of An-tshtion-

St, where a Tit resides. :

(Ngan-chan ?) . 7|.. 16/6 6} 6|.. | 4 |..|Ditto.

Slept at the city of An- :

phyin-hien, ..... 12 |... |10)10' 8} 8 | 1] 4 |-.|Ditto.

8th/Relieved bearers at the :

city of Tshi-tshin,...... 3a. 4) 4/6) 6]-. 4 |..|Ditto.

Slept at the city of Kué- |

chow-where a Fi-yeng |

resides, (Koei-yang?)..| 3]. 6) 6) 17t * 7 pe 8

9th|Relieved bearers, &c. a | :

the city of Lodvnli, ....} 5 |. | 7] 7| 8} 8] -- 4 |..|Ditto.

Slept at the city of Kué- |

tinshieny .) ites ce peeve 5 a| sf 8} 8 | 1] 4 }..{Ditto.

10th|Slept at the city of Tshin- 4

a in- a ad pines 5 8} s]16} 16 | 1 | 4 |..|Ditto.

11th! Relieved bearers, &c.at the :

city of Tshodn-ngay-hien| 3| 1/4] 4) 4] 41]. | 2 |. {Ditto,

428 Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin.

[JunE,

a 2

= 3

s §

=I 2)

Cc °

g q

a Names of places, z

Ramee «6

Cc c a

ea r=

A =

11th| Relieved bearers, &c.again

at the city of Kyueng-

phyin-hién(Koang-ping?)| 2

Slept at the village of

Tshi-phytn-hien, . ....| 5

12th|Stopped at the city of

Tsin-Yueng-fu, (Tchin-

YOLEN) te katenae eae del eyo 5

13th}Embarked in boats andjmoun-

tains

dropped down thestreampassea

to the city of Tshi-

khyt-hien, where we

supped, .. 2.2... 2.00 10

Slept at the chokey village

of Yeng-Phyin,...--... 5

14th|Received provisions at the

city of Yui-phyin-hien,| 4

Ditto ditto at the city of

Khueng-chow, ......-.

Slept at the jungle of

Kueng-tovin under Yu-

eng-ts6-fl, ....+...-. 7

1Sth|Entertained by, and re-

ceived presents from, the

Governor of the city of

Yueng-tsd-fti, «2+... PL

Slept at the jungle village

of Shy4hé after travel-

ling 2 stages, ........ 10

16th|Received provisions at the

city of Khyeng-yeng-

hien (Khyay-ya-hien ?)| 3

Slept at the chokey village

Of Lian-tOUun, acs cee ooo 20

17th|}Received provisions at the

city of Shyin-Kyi-hien.| 10

Slept at the city of Lu-

hyi-hten,...0+s2ssecess 10

isth/Received provisions and

presents at the city of

Yuen-tsd-fu ( Shyeng-tsd

in other lists Tching-

ECHEOU, ) oo ve acere-ss se 10

Travelled that day and all

night, and received

breakfast at the city of

Tauk-shi-hien, ....+00-

19th] Received provisions & pre-

sents at the city of sheng

taik-ju%, where a Ti-ti

resides. (Ychang-te,)..| 3

at each place.

No. of gates in each

crossed.

[ae Rivers cross-

Taings.

No. of nights stopped

ed.

Small Rivers crossed.

Bridges crossed.

Distance in Burmese

Chokeys passed.

No. of Lakes.

Under what Ju-

risdiction.

. |In the province of

Kte-chow,(Kott-

cheon.)

- |Ditto.

Ditto.

.. |In Hu-kueng pro-

vince (Hot-qu-

ang) and district

of Hi-ndn, north

portion of How-

quang is called

Hou-nan.

. |Ditto.

. {In Hu-kueng pro-

vince and dis-

trict of Hé-nan.

.. | Ditto.

. | Ditto.

.. | Ditto.

. | Ditto.

1837. ]

Route of a Journey from Amaraptra to Pekin.

Names of places.

year.

Day of the month and

19th|Travelled all night and

Aug| stopped at the city Lu-

WENGEINER, dale ices sl

20th| Proceeded and disembark-

ed from the boats at the

landing place of Rt-yeng

or Yi-yeng,

Proceeded by

slept at the city of Tshi-

YENG-NIEN, 2.20 ro vcce ce

21st |Slept at the city of Ni-

yeng-hien, . 2s Segre eae

shyd- fs,

resides. (then). tcha ?)

23rd|Slept in the city of Shdn-

an-NAen,,. <->. «

24th| Slept in the village of Ta-

25th|Slept in the city of Yé-tsé-

fi. (Yo-tcheo ?).....-

26th|Slept in the village of

Kén-khé

gp Se eevevevese

27th|Relieved bearers at the

city of Bhi-khi-hien, or

Fi-khi-hien,

Slept at the city of Shin-

lin-hien,

2sth|Slept at the village of

TPOUN=KRG, (c's \s'.00 154

29th|Embarked in boats

slept in the middle ofa

LAKE, .cremrd $'s «

30th|Received presents

slept at the city of Wi-

isheng -fir, which is the

td lives. (Foutchang,)..

3lst|Landed and slept at the

village of Shy6-khd,....

Ist |Proceeded by land and

Sept| stopped at the village of

Yéng-tyeng, ......-

2nd Gane at the village of

Kueng-shue, ..+.+++-

a : ; oe a G-ne—

Beier | joo ls «|.

a |, |sisizig saints

g o|%|Q ° .

a [5 |alela 2s\2 |3s

= ([Sisisia |Sals jaa

Boia j2i5)> Peileset bey |

a¢ li 2/8 wae] JA

Glo ja|Pols BIS o/8 ais

2 el wslS/Sis|S e/a l elo

mO/8 Olgsa|el2h1o 815 S16

Zid |jmimlola |42 iA ia

ae ees 6) 6 1 3

3 oe, 6 6 .

° a. 8 1 2 |.

vis 1 9| 10 1 3

ae Le Were lo~ 120) 10 1 8

ee Sale 7 Gi 12 ] ea itncs

“= 3 | 4| 4] 6| 12 1] 3

2 4} 5) 5] 6| 12 1 4

2 1 |10)10\9 | 18 J. irat ||8

aie 5 bol St Sl) Gi lines 4

oe 4] 5| 5| 6| 6 1 4

ee 5| 5| 2) 14 1

. “ 55 2 1

ae 2 1 9

P ea 4 ]

whe 3 7 1 aa

429

Under what Ju-

risdiction.

.|In Hu-kueng pro-

vince and Dis-

trict of Hé-ndn.

. |Ditto.

.|Ditto.

. | Ditto.

Ditto.

. |Ditto.

. |In the province of

Hu-kueng (Hou-

quang) and dis-

trict of Hiipé

(north part of

Hou-quang pro-

vince, called

Hupé.)

430 Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. (Jung,

Names of places.

Day of the month and

year.

3rd/Slept at the city of Shyeng-

Sept} yéng-chow, where we

were presented with car-

riages to ride in, by the

Taouk=-tait, ..csccvees

Ath|Slept in a monastery in

the village of My'in-

Kyan Yt, weeee

5th Changed carriages, “&e. in

the city of Khyd-shdn-

liGiy Sas Choded ane ers

Slept at the city of Tshue-

phyin-hien, ...+..00+-

Hills and mountains

crossed.

——— |

6th Changed carriages, &c. at 7

the city of Shi-phyin-

IME, Bedogocb ap 450008

Slept at the city of Yeng-

ESHAN=NtEM cw ic10 so cares os

7th|Relieved -horses, &c. at

the city of Lein-yeng-

GCI Mee ntote eiaetoteteliate: sto sys

Slept at the city of Shui-

CHOW; Meret Sefelete siatane ote sacl

sth Relieved horses, &c. at the

city of Tsin- li- hien, ....

Slept at the city of Tsin-

chow, (Tching ?)....08 .

9th|Passed the city of Shin-

taik-hien, eater

Slept in the village of

Khdn-tshuan-yi, after

crossing the Whengh-é

river, (Hoang-ho,) ....

10th|Received provisions at the

city of Shyeng-yeng-hien,

Received presents and

slept at the city of We-

khue-ft, (OQuei-kiun ?)..

11th'Changed horses, &c. and ;

breakfasted at the city

of Khyi-hien, which has

a mud wall round it,

ae at the village of Ni-

ROGUE. raiatatale ooo) ctekale =ieh='s

12th posed ‘the city of Tan-yi-

TOW Gece Toe ola GO Omae

Received presents, and

changed horses, &c. at

the city of Tsdn-taik-fu,

(Tchang = )) cowitda bean

Slept in the city of Tshi-

ChOW, vensccccccconccs

na |e

a |o

o |a

= [ao

OM MOT ~ «ills

& io Io

n S1o]o

o n|2|2

mn| Nn

oO |e

> o|/o/|s

mee chee

Ralol 2

o 12/2

SOs |e | OP|

B0rs |"e |S "6

eS =e |

Se IN| \O

Taings.

No. of nights stopped

Distance in Burmese

1 |10)10/13} 13

1 {10)10} 8} 9

Sa eee asd eS)

ee I DONO

-- | 4] 4) 3) 3

JT jh Oln5) 3]. 3

2 {25)\p5)) (G) 26

Sse 6)) 0

sey ey A hy

. 10} 10

ee fee 4) 4

1 . en 6 6

. 1} 1} 6} 6

3} 3} 6) -6

3} 3)10| 5

4} 4/12) 6

3] 3] 4) 2

aaa Ole s

eh sD co oe

at each place.

No. of gates in each

city.

No. of Lakes.

. |-. |Ditts.

3 |..|Ditto.

3 |..|Ditto. -

4 |..|Ditto.

3 }..\Ditto.

3 |..|Ditto. s

4 |..|Ditto.

3 |.. |Ditto.

4 |.. |Ditto.

3 |.. |Ditto.

. |Ditto.

3 |..!Ditto.

6 | 3/Ditto.

2 |..|Ditto.

. |Ditto.

3 |..|Ditto.

8 |..|Ditto.

4 |..|In the province

2|Under what Ju-

risdiction.

mm | | pe

«(In Héndn “pro-

vince (Héndn).

of Tsit-li, (Tche-

li,orPe-tche-lir,)

ax 2

1837.] Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. 431

4 a ja |s a tos

& See in| te |e (2

3 SS ee tolt-| |: 1S le

a 3 SISIZIZ [a dn

S o |e eo} e\a °

g #8 15 |glala 2 |a cA Under what Ju-

> o/O|/s8 a oe) ad

) Names of places, oaols |2|s|ay7 Jw Ss Is visdiction.

re a3| jel lole glas|& Id

we Sl aE) Eee One

os wo S| Sper || bla] eg] o Plo RO

po = mH sae 3 = o|+ + oom .

ae mols Og ye] e/.2A156 8/5 8/6

Q Zit |jA|MIOIA |4 |Z |Z

13th|Stopped in the city of

Sept} Hé-tan-hien,..........| -. | .. | 2] 2/14] 7] 1] 4 |..)/In_ the province

of Tsit-li, (Tchelt

or Pe-tche-li.)

14th|Breakfasted at the city of

. Myéng-kueng-hien, ....| .. 11) 8| 4] .. 3 Ditto.

Passed the city of Tshd-

PEG AVISCN ore wale ahs oc Geos eo AARNE She te 4 |..|Ditto.

Received presents and din-

ed at the city of Shueng-

taik-fti, (Chun-te?)....} «. |... | 1] 1/10] 5] .. 4 |.. |Ditto.

Sleptin the city of Shyeng- ;

EAtK=RGCN can Metals cies AY ce lea Uni 43 1 3 Ditto.

15th Breakfasted at the city of

Ne-khyd-hien, ........| : 2) 2|12| 6 F 3 |..|Ditto.

Slept in the city of Pé-

Shydn-hien,.....eeee00. oa ee Scape), Geeess Ditto.

16th/Changed carriages, &c. at

the city of Tsdé-chow,

CECHA PY cc ccsccncwvces| os | s. |.3| 3/12) —O |] @s 4 |..|Ditto.

Slept in the city of Luéng-

TEAC SAG OOR Oe Gomer | Ree oe th 20} 10 Tee Ditto.

17th| Received presents at the ci-

ty of oe aia -ft,(Tching-

Mee oe cocdl oo | XAT 112] 6 Tee | O4 |. (Ditto.

Slept in “the village of

Tshein-tshin-phi, eictanitee Simos ily sy Sten ale = Dai are tee TEES

18th|Changed carriages, &c. at

the city of Tsin-ld-hien,| .. |... | 2] 2] 9] 4]... 3 |.. |Ditto.

Were entertained at the

city of Tsin-chow, (Ting?)| .. | .. | 2| 2} 6] 3] .. | 4 |--|Ditto.

Slept at the village of

Shin-potin- LENG,.+2+0+--| os | os | 1} 110} 5 1 . |--|Ditto.

19th|Changed carriages, &c.

and were entertained at

the city of Wiun-td-hien,| .. | .. | 3] 3] 6} 3] - 4 Ditto.

Dined in the village of ‘

Thuen-yiion-khyauk(Khy-

auk means six in Bur- ;

mese), Rnaieeieteicesuieielitieaitt eth els SAL. S| ee . |..{Ditto.

Slept in the city of Pauk-

tin-fti. where a Tséun-ti

resides, from whom we

received presents, (Pao-

LANG I )ign ciwkie ata oly o ole Heelies hibit 5| 5|14} 7] 2] §& |..|Aho called Tsét-

lie

21st |Breakfasted at the city of

An-shyd-hien, (Ngan ?)

(Ngan-shu in the lists of

other ambassadors,) ..| .. | .. | 2) 2/12] 6 4 |..|/Under Tsét-li.

Slept in the village of

Péhé, (Pé-khé in other

MISEBs Viieniwies e apseie.s grays Aoeehcd) 3113 6 Li} rowel. DItto,

22nd|Slept at the city of Tsd-

CHOW, ss ws cvcsvesecs os oe j 1) 1/15; 8 1| 4 |..)Ditto.

432 Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. [Junz,

n u oO Oo co] =

[=| q 7)

= a2 | & ¢ |e 13

s ee] Soe SiH Stale,

oe . e a

° = n aj | | 5 .

& Bis s\o j2 |. |S 8/8 |8|Under what

2 Names of places. wei |e FIC |S |= mo els I] Jurisdi

ile =|8 g|2.a|m | isdic-

Buse aei | Gla |2 18 hae | tion

ee a ae alo |S [sain Site la :

os no|@ .| =] a0 id Baloo PIS lS

bv ao) Og) Slo 1S |S 8/14] SI]

am mle} Sl Is 1.26 SiS Slo

A qi AIM iol |Z |B |4

23rd/Passed the city of Koun- ss

Sept] yi-tsheng, and stopped

at the city of Luké-

khyauk-ken,(Khyauk-ken

may mean 6 chokeys,

in Burmese,)..-...+..- oa || Gels 22) 12) 6 lal 4 |..{Under Tsft-

24th Slept at the village of lise

SOOO OM SECOND ODS atom Waa Seal) cannes st . |.. |Ditto.

25th| Passed the city of “Khyu-

Wit-tsOshiens sos oe sels es [es | 20} 10} 39) 19] .. 3 |..|Ditto.

Slept at the ty of Mi-

yuin, : i fe. | tbat Shoat fd | alse Ditter

26th; Breakfasted at ‘the ‘city of .

Shi-shyd-hien, ......+. As te CAS AREION Bele ee 3 |..|Ditto.

Slept near the line of wall

of Hupe-khé fort, (the

fort of Coupe-keou,)....| 3} os 3] 3] 4| 4| 1] .. |../Boundary of

27th|Slept in the village of Tartary.

ISCHEMIA Gre OR mene. o 8}... {11/11} 9) 9g 1 alll ee a

28th|Ditto at the city of Lén-

phin-hien, .......- CP pe ap Ue) Pee A a 1 4

29th|Arrived at the city of Yé-

hé, (Zhehol or Gehol,)..| 5 | .. Teel) eal ae: 8 6

7th|Left the city of Yé-ho,.. Beiliwck.e Pkevay Ureoialt: sell’ coat eerie pi

Oct. j

12th|Arrived at the great city

of Pela (PERU) yf 0 as) sig Leste tpee| ae | caf) see Pee abal Gee

35/493/493 944|1062' 109

No. of Stages travelled, ............. OB ob ob cic pial rstete ares terare - 150

INO RKO Sd chine CSGrc cin octun donbbade pobnauaD 6 4\4 Shacn cubs -- 1062

Noawof Cities: passeds \s.:: idan als\<e celele ave oearvetcln oiaeiercl cee See manere

INOS OMCMMER, sotcodoe ousodoasoone seccuc oh oec ss 995 HOO - 944

Niowof Smialltriversy (5.2. <ilesles asso 3% oe ce escltgeecotere wie tele take) T408

INOy OM GIEECR Aoeodeaosas coanc0one plele. aiaiealc.Meiotelatne a istevete aia. AOS

No. of nights stopped on the road,....... Big os meuecomctiocd., Lie)

Names of the Ambassadors,

NE-MYO-SHUE-DAUNG, THiHAGYS-GAUNG, WELUTHARA.

On the 7th September, 1790, the Tsé:buah of Ba-mé reported to

Mene-paré:Gyin, king of Ava, that several officers of high rank and

a Chinese embassy had arrived at Mé:win, with some valuable pre-

sents and three Chinese princesses for his majesty. The king ordered

the Tsé:buah to proceed immediately and escort the embassy to Ba-

m6, and on its arrival there, a special deputation, consisting of a

Wan-gyih and Win-dauk, with several ladies of rank, was sent with

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 433

suitable boats from the capital, to go and bring down the ladies and

ambassadors, who, on the 15th October, reached some buildings con-

structed for their accomodation, outside of the city of Amaraptra.

Three days after, the Chinese ladies were taken into the palace and

received by the king, and placed in some apartments specially con-

structed for them; and on the 20th October, the Chinese envoys

received a grand public audience, at which they delivered the presents

sent by the emperor, and were asked by the king the customary two

or three questions. At this audience the king placed the Chinese

ladies near himself within the elevated stage which forms the throne.

The three Chinese ladies, who appear to have been sisters, and are

called in the Burmese history Td-ku-ngyen, E-ku-ngyen, and Thdan-ki-

ngyen, received honorary titles, and the province of Taung-bain was

confered on them in jaghire. The envoys left Amarapira again for

China on the 1st November, 1790.

These Chinese ladies are called princesses, and a letter, of which I

possess a copy, was written for them in the Burmese language ad-

dressed to the emperor of China, styling him their grandfather, and

expressing great anxiety that he should become a true Buddhist. But

they were natives of Malong, a town in Yunan province, and their feet

were in a natural state. There is no doubt that they were women

of low rank, and that the whole was an imposition practised upon the

king of Ava’s amorous propensities by the Chinese viceroy of Yunan.

This was not the only occasion on which that king was imposed upon,

for women were also presented. to him as daughters of a king of

Ceylon and a king of Benares.

In the year 1792, Muna-pard:cyin prepared some valuable pre-

sents for the emperor of China and the Tsotn-tii of Yunan, and confer-

ring an honorary title on each: on the former that of Thiri tari pawara

maha naga thu-dhamma rdja-di-rdja*, despatched an embassy to China

with the presents, and the plates of gold set with rubies on which the

titles were engraved. The embassy, consisting of Ne-myé-MEN-THA-

NORA-THA, the Tsd:buah of Ba-mé; Nue-my6-NanpA-Gy6-THUY’, the

Ken-wtin or superintendant of chokeys; N&-myé6-NANDA-GyY6-DEN,

the Pad4-wiin, royal store-keeper or officer of the king’s treasury ; Txi-

HA-Gy6-zuA, the Than-dé-yan and Yaza-nanda, the Tara-na-khan, left

Amarapira for China on the 23rd of October, 1792. This is the

* The meaning of these Pdli words is thus given by the Burmese :— ‘‘ The

illustrious and excellent among the three orders of beings, of the great dragon

or snake-god race, the king of kings, who practises good works,’’

434 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junu,

embassy, a short account of whose route from Pekin was given by the

principal envoy, the Tsé:buah of Ba-mé, to Dr. (Bucuanan) Ha-

MILTON, when he accompanied Captain Symss to this country, and was

published by that gentleman in a paper in No. 5 of the Edinburgh

Philosophical Journal*.

On the 20th August, 1795, a Chinese embassy is again reported in

the Burmese Chronicles to have arrived at Amarapira with valuable

presents, &c. from the emperor of China. Captain Symxs saw this

embassy at Amarapira, and he considered it as a provincial deputation

only ;—but I conceive that none of the members of the Chinese em-

bassies which visit Ava ever come from Pekin. The letter on gold

and some of the presents appear to be sent down to the Viceroy of

Yunan, and he forwards them by some officers serving under him;

and these do not, even on their return, proceed beyond Yunan. The

Burmese envoys, when ‘they accompany the Chinese, are made to

believe that the emperor has conferred some additional rank and

employment on the latter, requiring their presence in Yunan, and

preventing their accompanying the Burmese mission to Pekin.

On the 22nd March, 1796, another embassy arrived at Amarapira

from China with presents and a letter from the emperor, and as I

possess a copy of this letter, and as its contents are curious, I annex a

translation of it.

‘¢ As darkness disappears through the rays of perfumed light, and as light is

received when the white rays of day-break appear after the third quarter of the

night ; so, when reflecting on the affairs of the kingdom and of sentient beings, a

good idea occurred (to me). In the beginning of the world the early emperors of

China, when they attained an advanced age, abandoned the throne to their sons

and retired to the wilderness. In the same manner (J) now propose to abdicate

in favor of (my) son. Among (my) ancestors the name of the son who was con-

sidered most worthy to succeed his father as king, was written and placed on the

* This Tsé:buah of Ba-mé brought, on this or on some subsequent occasion,

a large Chinese chop or seal from the emperor of China, purporting to confer on

the king of Ava the same power and authority as the emperor himself possessed,

over every part of the Chinese empire. This seal is still at Ava, and is said to

be of pure gold, weighing 3 viss or 10lbs. and of the form of a camel, with some

Chinese characters at the bottom. At the time it was brought to Avaa question

arose as to the propriety of retaining such a gift, as its acceptance might after-

wards be construed into an admission, that the king of Ava derived his power from

the emperor of China, or that the latter confirmed the former’s title to the throne

of Ava. The value of the gold, however, of which the seal was made, is said to

have decided the Burmese court in favor of keeping it. I can find: no notice of

this remarkable circumstance in the history of the late king’s reign, but the

details I have now given were communicated to me by good authority.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 435

canopy (over the throne), When You’n-tTs1’N (YONG-TCHING), my father, died,

the officers, agreeably to the document which he had written and left, raised me

to the throne. My grandfather Kan-sur (CANG-urI) reigned sixty-one years,

and my father You'Nn-tTs1'N thirteen years. The Thagyé and all the other Nats

having, day and night assisted me, I have reigned sixty-one years, and am now

eighty-six years of age; and although my sight and hearing are good, and my

physical strength is as complete as ever, I am become an old man. After search-

ing for a proper successor for a period of sixteen years agreeably to the custom

of the early kings, I found my eldest son Lu-yx’, and intended him to be king,

but in consequence of his death, my second son, SHi-wv’-yer’, will assume the

sovereignty with the title of Kya’-tin-weng, on the lst day of Tabawng in the

sixty-first year of (my) reign, and at a propitious moment calculated by the

astrologers. Sui-wvu’-ye’ is not an ordinary son; he is aman qualified to

conduct all the affairs of the kingdom. (Our) two countries have established a

true friendship, to continue to our son’s son, and are united like two pieces of

gold into one. Consider SH1-wvu’-yE! as (your) own younger brother, and as

(your) own son, and assist and look (after him).’’

Menc-parA:cyin sent a suitable reply to the above letter.

I cannot find in the Burmese Chronicles any further notice of Chi-

nese embassies in the reign of the late king, although one or two

more must have passed between 1796 and the date of his death in

1819. During the reign of the present king of Ava two missions, one

in 1823, and the other in 1833, have been sent to Pekin vid Ba-mé

and Yunan. Ihave pro¢ured copies of the routes and of most of the

reports submitted to the king by each. Both missions proceeded in

company with a Chinese embassy when it returned to Yunan from

Ava, and it will be seen that the route of both, with avery slight

deviation, was the same,—in as straight a line as possible from

Yunan province to Pekin.

The chief of the Burmese mission in 1823 was, on its return, ap-

pointed governor of Ba-mé, which office he still holds. Two or three

years ago, at my request, the ministers of Ava kindly made the sub-

ordinate Burmese envoys draw up an abstract of the report they had

sent in, and I now give a translation of it, preceded by the letters

from the emperor of China and king of Ava. The original report, of

~which I have since procured a copy, is too voluminous for me to

attempt to give a translation of it here, and, besides, it does not

possess any thing of interest to European readers beyond what this

abstract contains.

Letter from the Emperor of China to the king of Avain the year 1822.

Translation made in the Lhuot-té of the royal letter which was brought by

the emperor of China’s ambassadors, YAN-TA’-LO-yr’ and YENG-TSHENG-YE’,

and a copy of which was taken in a (Burmese black) book in the presence of a

436 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [June,

party of officers assembled in the conference held on the 10th April 1823, by

the interpreters Lé-sHur, Lé-tsHenc, NGa-sHUE-zEN, and NGA-SHUE-

MAUNG, superintended by the Chinese clerk.

‘¢ Elder brother THauKk Kvon, (Taou Kuane,) king of U’di, who, assisted by

the Tha-gya chief, rules over the great kingdoms and a multitude of umbrella-

wearing chiefs to the eastward, affectionately addresses younger brother, the

Sun-descended king, lord of the golden palace, lord of the Tshaddan, king of

elephants, master of many white elephants, and possessor of mines of gold,

silver, rubies, noble serpentine and amber, who rules over the great kingdoms

and a multitude of chiefs wearing umbrellas, and dwelling in palaces to the

westward.

‘“‘ The royal ancestors of elder and younger brother, assisted by the Tha-gyd

Nat, have uninterruptedly interchanged letters, and it is now two years since elder

brother succeeded to the throne on the departure to the Naé country of (his)

father. Once in the time of (our) royal ancestors in the year 1111 (A. D. 1749) ;

once in the time of (my) grandfather KuyENG-Lovu'N in the year 1140 (A. D.

1787) ; and once, in the time of (my) father Kya’-rsu1’n in the sixteenth year

of (his) reign, and in the time of younger brother’s grandfather ALAUNG MEne-

DARA/:GYI’H, ambassadors were mutually deputed ; and the gold and silver road

having been established and the two countries joined in a manner into one, the

poor people and (our) slaves have continued to trade together. It is now twelve .

years since any presents have been exchanged between younger and elder bro-

ther’s countries. Tsni’N-Ta’-yENG, the Tsofin-té of Maing:tshi, was directed to

transmit presents again in charge of YENG-TSHEN3-YE’, but the Tsoin-ti hav-

ing reported that the presents were not received, because they were unaccompa-

nied by a royal letter, YAN-TA’-LO-yE’ has also been commissioned to convey

the presents; and by the newly appointed Tsofin-t@, Myi’N-Ta’-yene, and

Shaya-we of the imperial guard, are sent a royal letter, two fur jackets lined

with yellow silk, 1 small Yenthain box, and 2 boxes containing glass tea-cups

with covers and saucers, for the purpose of being forwarded to younger brother,

together with the presents formerly sent, and a male and female /é* with saddles

complete. Let these ambassadors return without delay, and on their return, it

will be as if the countenance of younger brother, the Sun-descended king and

lord of the golden palace, has been seen.”’

Direction of the letter.

On the Ist December, 1822, in the second year of T,uAuK Kuown’s reign,

elder brother, T,aaux Kuown, king of Udi, has to represent to younger brother

the Sun-descended king.

King of Ava’s reply to the above letter.

17th June, 1823. The royal letter on gold leaf to be delivered to the king of

Gan-dé-la-yitf by Tsaru-pd-cyi’H (principal clerk or secretary) Ne-myo-

MEN:THA, and others, who are appojhted envoys to accompany the Chinese

ambassadors.

* This is a large description of mule, which the Burmese assert is prolific.

t+ This is the classical term for China. Taroup country is the common name.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 437

‘* The founder of the great golden city of Yatandpéra, Ava, lord of the Tsaddan*,

king of elephants, master“of many white elephants, possessor of mines of gold,

silver, rubies, amber and noble serpentine, the bearer of the title Thtri-pa-wara

thi-dhamma mahé rajd-di-réjat the sun-descended king, and great king of

righteousness, who rules over the kingdoms and a multitude of umbrella-wearing

chiefs to the westward, addresses T,HAUK Kvon, king of U’di, who rules over

the great kingdoms and a multitude of umbrella-wearing chiefs to the eastward.

‘‘ It is now thirty-five years since MENG-pARA’:GyI'H, the grandfather of

(your) royal friend, and founder of the great golden city of Amaraptra, and

KuYENG-LOoUN, the grandfather of T,aauk Kvon, king of U’di, having formed a

sincere and affectionate friendship, the inhabitants of the two countries have been

in the enjoyment of a happy and cordial intercourse and trade. In the 4th year of

(your) royal friend’s reign, and in the 2nd year of T,wauxK Kuown, king of Urdi’s

reign, on the 6th of April 1823, Yan-ta’-L0-vE’, YENG-TSHENG-YE’, Tsb-L6-

TsowN, Tou’N-LO-Tsov’N and La-tswEeNnG-y¥ arrived witha royal letter and

various presents, consisting of two fur jackets lined with yellow silk, 1 small

Yen-thain box, 1 box containing glass tea-cups with covers and saucers, 8

rolls of velvet, 39 rolls of satin, 30 pieces of figured silk, 8 rolls of gold net-

work, 190 glass tea-cups, 20 carpets, 15 paper boxes, 20 purses, 10 fans in

cases, 100 fans, 1 fur jacket lined with plum-colored silk, a male and female

1é, 2 Chinese horses, 1 large stone hill (imitation of a hill) with flowering shrubs

planted on it, 4 small stone hills with flowering shrubs planted on them, 1

thauk-zé tree bearing fruit, and 1 me-tsé tree bearing fruit (dwarf fruit-trees).

A public audience was granted to these ambassadors on the new year’s kadd, (beg-

pardon levee-day.)

‘‘ (Your) royal friend has appointed in return, NE-My6é-MEN:THA, who is

employed within the palace, Nara-ze-ya Nora-tHa’, Tai’-HA-TSI’-THU’

NérA-THA’, SHUE-DAUNG-THU’-YAN NORA-THA, SHUE-DAUNG-THU’-RA N6RA-

THA’-GYO-DEN, and Ya’za Néra-THA’-Gy6-GAUNG, to proceed as (his) ambas-

sadors with the following presents :—

‘‘ Three white marble images of the lord GAv-DA-MA, supreme over the three

races of beings, byamhds, nats and men, whom (your) royal friend unceasingly

adores in order to obtain meg and phé (qualities possessed by inspired disciples

of GaupaMa), and Neibban (the Buddhist heaven), and whose images are sent

from a desire that he should be worshipped ; 2 ivory mats for T,HauK Kuon, king

of U’di’s own use; 2 ivory boxes ; 2 ivory cushions; 2 pieces of yellow broad-

cloth ; 1 of green and 1 of scarlet; 10 pieces of Bilat chintz, 10 pieces of the

same with white borders; 10 carpets from the ship country, (country beyond

sea ;) 4 lacquered-ware boxes, each capable of holding half a basket, 50 lacquer-

ed-ware boxes, each capable of holding an eighth of a basket ; 3 viss of white

sandal-wood, and 3 of red; 100 bundles of gold leaf and 100 of silver leaf; 2

* According to the Burmese there were at one time in this world ten different

kinds of elephants, each rising above the other in strength, in a decimal ratio. The

lowest in the scale was the present common elephant, and the highest, which was

named Tsaddan and the king of elephants, was the present white elephant.

+ The meaning of this Pdli title is thus rendered by the Burmese: ‘‘ The illustri-

ous and excellent, and, througk good works, the great king of kings.’’

438 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junz,

ruby rings ; 2 sapphire rings ; 60 viss weight of noble serpentine ; 2 elephants’

teeth weighing 42 viss and 82 ticals ; 46 uncut rubies, 1 viss weight of Mobye

stone; 15 peacocks’ tail, with 3 male elephants and 2 female. Let these envoys

return without delay.’’

The king of Ava’s letter, besides not acknowledging the fraternity

claimed by the emperor of China, and styling him simply “ royal

friend,” has not the respectful particle “« dd” which is given in the

translation of the first part of the emperor’s letter.

“ Information obtained from Tui-wa-rtsi-rau’ Nora-raa’ and Ya’za

Nora-twa’-Gv6-caune, who accompanied the Tsa-re-gyih Ne-MY6-MEN?~

THA, When he was deputed as envoy to the Chinese city in the kingdom

of Gan-dé.la-yit, on examining them regarding the affairs and customs of

China, and the distances of the different halting places on the road.

“In the year 4185, (A. D. 1823,) on the arrival of Yan-Ta’-L6-ye’ and

Yene-TsHENG-YE’ with more than thirty other Chinese, and with a royal

letter and various cloths and presents from the emperor of China, who

desired to cultivate the same kind of friendship as had existed in the time

ef his grandfather and father, the king appointed the Tsa-re-gyih

Ne-MY6-MEN:THA and us as his envoys, to proceed and convey to the

residence of the emperor of China a royal letter on gold, and various

presents in return. We left the great and golden city of Ya-ta-nd-pi-ra

(Ava) on the 18th June, 1823, and in twenty-nine days arrived at the

city of Ba-mé, on the 17th July. On the road between Ava and Ba-mé,

there are many large cities and villages. On our arrival at Ba-mé, the

principal Chinese envoys, Yan-Ta'-L0-yr’ and YENG-TSHENG-YE’, dispatch.

ed aletter in the Chinese language to Hu’-ra’-1L6-yr’, the governor of

the city Mé:myin, informing him of our arrival at Ba-mé with a letter

on gold, and other things from the Burmese sun-descended king. The

governor of Ba-mé, also, sent orders by letters to the chiefs of the wild Ka.

khyens* residing on the hills and in the wood between the two countries

of Ava and China. We stopped at Ba-mé twenty-nine days, until the 14th

of August. We left Ba-mé on the 15th August, escorted by the N4é-k,han

(Nga-shaén), the city writer Nea-Bon, with two hundred followers, and by

four hundred Ka-khyens and their chiefs, making altogether six hundred

men. In six stages we reached the village and fortified chokey of Luay-

laing. On the road between Ba-mé and Luay-laing-ken there are many

cities and villagest. At Luay-laing-ken we found the men sent by the

governor of M6:myjin to receive us, and therefore sent back to their homes

the people from Ba-mé,and the Ka-khyens and their chiefs, who had

come as our escort. We left Luay-laing-ken with the men and the horses

that had been sent from M6:myin to receive us, and after travelling a

* Wild mountainous race on the frontiers of China.

tT This sentence must have been interpolated by the Burmese ministers, for the

country between Ba-mé and this chokey consists of hills and forests inhabited only

by the wild Ka-khyens.

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 439

distance of ten taings reached the city of Mé:win. In the villages lying

between Luay-laing-ken and M6:win, there are many pagodas and za-yats*,

In the monasteries to the eastward of the brick-house, in which the Ts6:-

buéh of Mé:wiin resides, there are many Yahanst, who have Then«

ganst, and other articles of use like the Burmese Ya-hans ; who adore the

three objects§ of worship ; observe the five commandments|{, and distin«

guish the ten greater and the ten lesser sins. We stopped at Mé:win

two days, and on leaving it reached the city of M6:myin in five stages.

A taing before reaching that city we met its governor, who was coming to

receive us, seated in a sedan chair, and having red umbrellas, and men

bearing muskets, swords, lances, and bows and arrows arranged on his right

and left. We entered the city of J46:myin with the governor, and were

accommodated in a brick-built house with a conference shed, on a space of

ground of 30 tas or 210 cubits in extent. We remained in this city eleven

days, occupied in preparing boxes, in which to pack up the royal presents.

The governor furnished the ambassadors with sedan chairs, and our fol-

lowers with horses, and just as we were about to take our departure, an

order from the emperor of Chinu was received, which was transmitted by

the Tsoain-ta of Yu-nan, and stated, that in consequence of the success-

ful services of the principal Chinese envoys who had come to Ava, Ts6-

LO-Tsou’N and Toun-L0.Tsou’N were appointed to a command of 3,000

soldiers each at M6:myin, where they were to remain, and Yan-vTa’-L6-YE’

was appointed to a similar command at Maing:tsht, where he was to

* Buildings erected for public accommodation.

+ Buddhist priests.

t Priest’s yellow cloak or garment.

§ Buddhist triad, Bupp#u, his precepts, and his disciples.

}j Not to kill, steal, commit adultery, use intoxicating substances, or utter

falsehoods.

¥ The ten greater sins are called lein, appearance or characteristic, because the

commission of them by a priest involves the forfeiture of his dress and condition.

They are,—ist. Taking the life of another. 2nd. Taking the property of another

without his permission. 3rd. Having sexual intercourse. 4th. Uttering falsehood

with the intention of injuring another. 5th. Using intoxicating substances. 6th.

Speaking in depreciation of BuppH. 7th. Speaking in depreciation of his precepts.

Sth. Speaking in depreciation of his disciples. 9th. Entertaining heretical doctrines,

10th. Having carnal connexion with female Ya-hans,

The ten lesser sins are called dén, penalty or punishment, because the commission

of them subjects the priest to certain penalties, such as having to bring a certain

number of baskets of sand or pots of water to the monastery. They are,—Ist.

Eating food after the sun has passed the meridian, 2nd. Hearing or seeing music,

singing or dancing. 3rd. Ornamenting the person and using perfumes. 4th. Sitting

on a higher or more honorable place than your religious teacher. 5th. Touching with

pleasure gold and silver. 6th. Striving from covetousness to prevent other priests

receiving charitable donations. 7th. Striving to render other priests discontented

so as to prevent their remaining in the monastery. Sth. Striving to prevent other

priests acquiring wisdom and virtue. 9th. Reviling and censuring other priests.

10th, Backbiting and exciting schisms and separation among priests.

oko

440 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junn,

remain. With Wuvo’n-Ta’-L0-vE’, whom the governor Hv’-Ta’'-16-veE’

appointed to take charge of us, and the Chinese interpreters Yene=

TSHENG-YE’, La-TSHENG-yeE’, and Ya-TsHENG-vE’ we left M6:myin, and

in four stages reached the river called by the Chinese Lozn-kyan and by

the Burmese Mé-khaung. 'To cross this river there are two iron chains,

each consisting of three chains twisted together and measuring about ten

fingers in diameter and 245 cubits long with hooks at the ends. These

‘being drawn over the stream, which is 140 cubits broad, and fixed to two

posts on each bank, a plank flooring is laid upon them, at the sides of

which flooring posts are let in, and the whole is covered by a roof. This

bridge is called an iron bridge and is 7 cubits broad. Thence in seven-

teen stages we reached the city of Maing:tsht, Here on a piece of

ground 175 cubits in extent, paved with bricks, a religious edifice is erect-

ed, in which is placed a gilded wooden image of Gaupama sitting cross-

legged on his throne. We were lodged in some brick-built houses to the-

south and north of this religious edifice. The Tsotn-ti lives in a brick

house of 70 cubits in extent. We remained here twenty days, and left it on

the 21st October, 1823, the Tsotin-ti of Maing: tshi having given to us, the

five ambassadors, sedan chairs with glasses at the sides, and horses to our

followers, with bearers and attendants for the whole of our party. In

twenty-four stages we reached the city of T'sein-shuon-fa where we stop-

ped a. day to prepare the boat in which we were to embark. ‘There were

ten boats for the Chinese and ten boats for us; and having obtained the

requisite number of boatmen and porters, we moved down the stream, and

in fifteen days reached the city of Tshan-taik-fz, where there are many

ships (junks) and boats. Between Tshan-taik-fa, and Tsein-shuonfi

there are many large towns and villages. We stopped a day at Tshan-

taik-fi, and then proceeded by land in thirty-seven stages to the T'seng-

tein-fu. This city is one taing square, and in the middle of it there are

four pagodas 40 or 50 cubits high, built in shape like the base of a Phodn~

gyih’s or Buddhist priest’s flag staff, and a large kyaung or monastery with

five roofs of green and red color, and with a winding staircase. In the

centre of this monastery there is a gilded image of a nat 25 cubits high,

standing upright and having Jotus leaves on its head, and within a hole

made between the eye-brows of this nat, we saw an image of Gav-pA-MA

sitting cross-legged and about eight fingers breadth in height. Between

Tshan-taik-fa and Tseng-tein-fa there are many large towns and villages.

After leaving T'seng-tein-fa we arrived in ten stages, on the 22nd January,

1824, at the city of Pékyin (Pekin) the residence of the king of China.

We left Bu-mé onthe 15th August, 1823, and arrived at the Chinese

capital on the 22nd January, 1824, being one hundred and sixty-one days,

or five (Burmese) months and twelve days.

** On arriving at-Pekin we were lodged at the brick-house, where it is

customary for all ambassadors to be accommodated, about 2,100 cubits

distant from the walls of the inner town, to the north-west of the palace

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 44}

within the large town. We think the walls of the outer* town are

about 20 cubits high and 14 thick, and those of the inner town 18 cubits

high and 103 thick—and the former are complete in parapets and plat-

forms. The walls of the large outer town are entirely of brick, and the

top of the walls of the inner town is covered with sheets of copper, on

which there is a coat of yellow paint. On the southern side of the large

town there is a large hog’s headt of brick work, extending from the south-

east angle to the north-east, and we entered by the Khén-shyi-mhein gate-

way of this hog’s head, and by the centre gateway of the great town called

Tsheng-mhein. We first went to the house of the Wun-gyih Li-pu’-ra’-

VENG, situated within the large town, and were requested by him to

deliver the royal letter; and on our doing so, he bowed his head down

respectfully and came forward to receive it. There is no Lhuot or Yoiin

(minister's council house or court house, in which it is customary for

ambassadors in Ava to deliver their letters). We were lodged in a brick.

house with a conference shed within the large town, and to the north-

west of the palace enclosure walls,

** The outer Jarge town may be about 14,000 cubits from north to south,

and about 6,300 cubits from east to west. The inner town may be about

4,200 cubits from north to south, and about 3,500 cubits from @ast to

west. There are twenty gates, and their names are—to the southward,

in the hog’s head, there is the Totn-byan-mhein gateway ; then, going to

the westward, the Shyd-ht-mhein, Shya-k6-mhein, Yotn:-tshein-mhein,

Nan-shyin-mhein, Khan-shyi-mhein,and lastlyto the south-west, the Shyin-

byan-mhein, altogether seven gateways. On the eastern face of the great

city, there are to the eastward, the Totin-tshein-mhein gateway, and to

its southward the Tshi-wa-mhein. On the southern face to the south-east,

the ‘I’shG-wein-mhein ; then, in the centre the Tsheng-mhein, and to the

south-west, Shytin-tsi-mhein. On the western face, to the south-west, the

Phyeng-ts6-mhein, and to the northward of it the Shyeng.tsi-mhein. On

the northern face, to the west, the T6-shyan-mhein, and the east, An-

t,hein-mhein, making sixteen gateways altogether in the large town. In

the inner town there is to the eastward To-wha-mhein, to the southward

T,ha-tseng-mhein, to the westward Shyin-wa-mhein, and to the north-

ward Ho-mhein gate, making four gateways in the inner town, and

twenty altogether in the two towns.

“The second and inner wall around the residence of the emperor of

China is surrounded by a moat with water and has towers and fortifications.

Its extent from north to south is 1,400 cubits, and from east to west

about 2,300 cubits, and it is 20 cubits high and 14 thick. The front of

* This appears to be ‘‘the Tartar city,’’ and by the ‘ inner town’’ I conceive

the external enclosure of the palace is meant.

+ This is the usual term for the bastion of a fort, but here it appears to be ap-

plied to the whole of that portion of Pekin called ‘ the Chinese city.”’

442 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [Junz,

the palace faces to the southward. In regard to the construction of the

palace, on a terrace of bricks 5 cubits high, 210 cubits long, and 140

broad, covered with plaster, posts are let in, surrounded by stones at

bottom, and on them transverse beams and rafters are placed, and a

double roof without a spire, covered with yellow Chinese tiles. The

sides of the palace are of plank painted with blue and red color. The

planks are not of teak-wood but of fir. The centre gateway on the suutb.

ern sides of the palace enclosure wall is arched, and is that used by the

emperor of China, and on each side of this gateway there are two smaller

entrances used by the ministers and officers. The centre gateway on the

northern face also is arched, and has smaller entrances on each side. The

western and eastern faces have the same kind of gateway and entrances.

‘* Whilst residing in the brick-house the five principal men of the Bur-

mese Mission were daily supplied at night and in the morning with rice,

salt, fish, nyd-pi, chillies, onions, greens, pork and fowls under the direc

tion of the Chinese officer Pan-rsHaine and his servants, Teng-tsani,

who watched us day and night. The thirty-two inferior people (of the

mission) also were daily supplied with rice and curries ready dressed.

* At 3 o'clock of the morning of the day of our arrival, five carriages

with 4 hoises were sent to us, and we were summoned by the Li-pi-té.

yeng Wing-gyih to attend on the emperor, who was coming out to see

the amusement on the ice. We proceeded accordingly, and joined Li-pd-

té-yeng on the outside of the gateway, on the northern face of the palace

enclosure wall. We got out of our carriage and waited with the Win.

gyih outside of the gateway for the appearance of the emperor. About

twenty-two minutes after we arrived, the sound of large gongs, bells and

trumpets announced the approach of the emperor, and shortly after he

made his appearance. Outside of the gateway there were two rows of

twenty men in each, waiting with large fans in their hands, and when the

emperor came out of the gate, these men stooped down and formed an

arch with their fans, but when the emperor had passed through this arch,

they did not follow him, but remained where they were.— With respect to

the ceremonial on this occasion of the emperor’s appearing abroad—in

front of his party there were four umbrellas of red, blue, green and black

colours, two on each side, on the right and left of the road 3 behind them

there were two rows of horsemen, twenty in each, armed with swords—

behind them, came two rows, six men in each, of officers of rank, who had

obtained two or three peacock’s feathers, armed with swords and dressed

in the fashion of the country. Behind them came two rows more, six in

each, of officers of rank, who had obtained two or three peacock’s feathers,

armed with bows and arrows. Seven cubits in front of the emperor and in

the middle of the road, a yellow umbrella was carried, and the emperor

followed, seated in a yellow sedan chair borne by eight men. Behind him

there were officers of rank armed with swords and bows and arrows, and

arranged in the same manner as those who preceded him. After the

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 443

emperor's party, his relatives, some in sedan chairs, some on horseback;

and some in carriages followed ;—and after them came the ministers and

officers, and a party of men in charge of the ladies of the palace (eunuchs).

On arriving at a lake situated more than 1050 cubits to the north-west of

the palace enclosure wall, on which the ice amusement was to take place,

and near which there was a garden with a small rocky hill, the emperor’s

sedan chair was set down at the side of the garden. In the lake measur-

ing about 700 cubits in extent, the top of the water consisted of hard

solid ice upwards of three cubits thick, and on this ice a target with a pole

15 cubits high was fixed. A hundred soldiers armed with bows and

arrows, and having plates of iron fixed with nails on their shoes, stood

with their feet close together and shot with arrows at the target. Some

hit the target and some not; but after discharging their arrows, they

moved forward, not as in walking, but with both feet close together,

suddenly to a distance of 140 or 210 cubits, and turned round and went

away. The emperor did not get out of his sedan chair, but had it placed

on the lake upon the ice, whence he looked on at the amusement. We

stood about 42 cubits distant from the emperor with the Toi-tshuon

(Si-chuen ?) Mahomedan ambassadors, but in front of them, having our

shoes on, and the official cap, dress and ear-rings which his majesty had

bestowed upon us. The emperor, we saw, was dressed in yellow-coloured

pantaloons anda fur jacket, and he returned to the palace from the ice

amusement at 7 o’clock, in the same order as before, and we also returned

to the ambassadors’ house.

“ On the 26th January we sent the royal presents under charge of Ya’za

Nora-tTHa’-Gy6-caune, and on the 30th we had an audience of the em-

peror in the front of the palace, in the Thaik-hé-teng* apartment. We

were asked if the Sun-descended king, the queen, royal family and

ministers were well and happy, and respectfully answered, that through

the grace of the three objects of worship, they were well and happy. We

were treated in the palace with sweetmeats and fruit, and then returned

home. On the 31st of the same month we again went to the palace on

the occasion of the emperor going out toa temple. On the Ist February

_ we were again admitted into the palace, and had an audience ; and again

on the 6th and 7th February ; and again on the 11th, when the emperor

was going out to the T'st-kwon-ké garden, situated about 700 cubits to the

west of the palace. A roll of red, blue, and yellow silk was given to each

of the five principal men of the mission, and we were treated with cakes

and sweet and sour fruit. On the 12th February we were again admitted,

when the emperor was going out to see fire-works of white and yellow

colours, resembling flowers and flags, let off in the Yue-mi-yengt garden to

the north-west of the palace. On the 12th a carriage with /é horses was

* Du HALpeE’s Tai-ho-tien, or hall of the Grand Union.

“ Sir G. STAUNTON’s gardens and pleasure grounds of ‘‘ Yucn-min-yuen.’’

444 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. (June,

sent, and we were invited by Li-pu’~ra-yENe to accompany the emperor,

when he was going out, and we went accordingly. We were accommo-

dated in a brick-house about 3500 cubits distant from the palace in the

Yuh-mi-yeng garden. On thenight of the 14th February we attended

the emperor in the Yue-mi-yeng garden, and saw the fire-works, and were

treated with sweetmeats and eatables and drinkables. On the 15th

February we went again, and were again treated with refreshments, and

on the night of the same day we went again, when fire-works were let off.

On the 19th February Li'-pu'-14-yene having sent word to us to request

leave to return, when we went before the emperor we submitted our

request. The emperor ordered, that suitable royal presents and gifts for

_ the ambassadors should be prepared and delivered, and the envoys allowed

to return ; and on the 20th we returned to our former residence within

the large city. The emperor of China proceeded from his palace in Pekin

to his palace in the city of Ye:hé (Zhehol) in Tartary on the 24th February.

On the 25th we went by desire of L1’-pu'-1Ta’-vENe to receive and take

away the royal presents, and on entering the palace the royal presents

and cloths were packed in boxes and delivered to us, under the direction

of Li'-pu'-ra’vene, and we received and took them away. Tenroll of

fine silk were given to each of us five principal men of the mission, and to

the subordinate persons five pieces of silk and five pieces of blue cotton

cloth. On the 27th February we went to Li'-pu’-Ta’-yene’s house to

take leave. L1'-pu’-ra’-yene having furnished us with five carriages and

men, we took our departure on the 29th February, 1824.

& Whenever the emperor came out of the palace or went to the Yue-mi-

yeng garden he was attended by two rows, two in each, of persons who

had obtained two or three peacock’s feathers, or who wore red on the tops

of their caps. ‘They used fur cushions or carpets spread on the floor.

‘‘ For the use of the emperor in the hot season, the ice on the lake to the

north-west of his palace enclosure is broken open, as we saw, with hatchet

and axes, &c., and pieces about three or four cubits thick and two or

three long, have a hole made at one end as is done by us to logs of timber

and are conveyed by ropes and put into the moat surrounding the palace

enclosure. This ice melts and becomes water in consequence of the heat

in the increasing moon of Ta-baung, ( March.)

“The emperor appoints seven different Tsoun-tus. The westward two,

to the southward three, and to the eastward two. There is no Tsoun-ti

appointed to the northward, where the kingdom joins to Tartary. There

are thirteen officers who exercise authority under one of the western

Tsoun-tis, The names of those who receive orders from the Titi, who

commands the soldiers under the T'souwn-tu, are Ti-taik, Kheng-taik, Shyin-

taik, Tadk-taik, Tshin-kyan, Yo-kyge, Tiui-tseng, Shyd-pe, Tsheng-tsoun,

Pé-tsoin, Wu-tsouin, and Lé-tsoun, making altogether thirteen military

officers. There are ten civil officers under the Tsowin-ta, and their names

are Pau’-raik who exercises authority over the revenue officers, sitting

1837.] Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. 448

on the left hand of the Tsoiin-tii and on an equality with him ; and under

Puv’-tarx and receiving orders from him, are, Pau’~-KHUENG, T's0-KBUENG,

Yene-tse, Yenc-TAuNG, Pan-tsHaine, Ta’-KAvUK-kovu'N ; SHYAUK-KAUK~

xou’N, ‘T'u’r6, and ‘T'ene@-Tsani, making ten great and small civil officers*,

The Tsotin-ti has authority over and issues orders equally to both classes

of officers. In the same manner as we have above described, the other

six Tsoun-tis exercise authority over the military and revenue officers.

With each Tsown-ti under the Ti.tu there are seven military officers, and

under each military officer there are 3,000 musqueteers, making 21,000

under the seven officers. Under the seven Tsotin-tiis, there are seven

Ti-tas, 49 military officers and 147,000 soldiers. When the soldiers are

to receive their monthly pay, orders are given to the Phi-taik, who brings

the money to the Tsoun-ti, and he delivers it to the chief of the soldiers,

to the Ti-tu, who distributes it amongst the soldiers, at the rate of three

ticals of Chinese silver a man per month. There are eight officers near the

person of the emperor, receiving and executing his orders. The Wan-gyih

(minister) L1-pu’-r4'-yENe, Li’-pu’-Ta’-yenc, Koun-pu'-Ta’-venc,Hv’-Ppu’-

Ta’-YENG, PYENG-PU -TA’-YENG, SHYENG-PU’-TA’-YENG, NUE-PU’-TA'-YENG,

and Kyom-se1n Ti-tu’. Li-pu’-ta-yene has a general control over the

affairs of the empire. L1'-pu'-1a’~yEne has authority over ambassadors and

persons who have come from a distance. Koun-pu’-ra’~yEene has authority

over all that relates to learned men and artificers. Hu’-pu'-Ta’-yEne has

authority over the revenue, cultivation of lands, and lists of the population

taken once in three years, Pyene-pu’-Ta’-yene has authority over carriages,

horses, and boats used for conveyance to different places, and he grants

orders with his seal whenever they are requiredt. Snuvene-pu’-Ta’-vENG

exercises authority over thieves, robbers, and all whose crimes are deserv-

ing of punishment. Nug-pu’-ra’-vene has charge of the palace, and all that

relates to it. Ky6.maein Ti-rvu’ has charge of the different gates of Pekin,

On the jackets worn by the military officers, on the breast and back,

there is the figure of a tiger ; and on the jackets worn by the civil officers,

on the breast and back, there is the figure of a bird. On the breast and

back of the jackets worn by the 147,000 Zé-tseng, (Chinese word for mus.

queteers ?) there is an inscription in the Chinese character. The civil

and military officers, according to their several talents, receive as a mark

of distinction, one, two or three peacock’s tails, There are not more

than three peacock’s tails ; but the mark of distinction above that number,

is to have the top of the head-dress colored red. The royal family

wear on the top of their head-dress three rows of rubies. When a

Chinese Tsotin-ti travels, there are five men on each side of the road in

front of him, carrying iron chains and howling like dogs{. ‘The officers

* The names of these civil and military officers vary much from those given in

Appendix 3 and 4 of Sir G. STAUNTON’s account of Lord MACARTN&Y’s embassy.

+ According to Du HALDE this officer has also the care of the troops,

t See Du Ha.pe’s Chapter on the Chinese form of Government,

446 Some account of the Wars between Burmah and China. [June,

under the Tsoun-ti are accompanied by six, four, or two men, according

to the respective rank of such officers. Whenever all these officers, ine

cluding the Tsoun-tiis, go abroad, a salute of three guns is fired, and at

every military post, of which there is one at every two miles on the read,

a salute of three guns is fired, when these officers arrive at those military

posts. The Tsotin-ti, Ti-tu, Ti-taik, Kheng-taik, Shyin-taik, Tauk-

taik with the civil officers Phii-taik, Phit-khueng, Tsd-khueng and Yeng-

tse, every night at 9 o’clock shut their doors, fire three guns, and

gotosleep. At dawn in the morning the doors of their houses are open-

ed, and a salute of three guns is fired. The Tsotin-ti, Ti-ta, Phi-taik

and all the other military and civil officers perform the public service on

monthly wages, paid agreeably to their respective ranks. In order that

the money of the poor may not be diminished, those who deserve flogging

are flogged, and those who deserve imprisonment are imprisoned, (mean-

ing that there are no fines.)

“In the empire of China there are no leaf palm, palmyra, mango, jack,

betelnut, plantain, tamarind, lime, guava, or custard-apple trees. The

trees which grow before you reach Pekin, in the neighbourhood of Mo:-

myin, Yu-nan and Kue-chow, are walnuts, chestnuts, pears, firs, wild pal-

myras, wild plantain trees, pumplemoos and oranges. In the city of

Pekin there are not any large trees or bamboos, or fire-wood for cooking,

as there are at Ava; there are fir trees only. Food is cooked with coal,

and there is a separate hill from which the coal is brought.

‘“‘ Between Ba-mé and the city of Pekin there are 120 stages, and a dis-

tance of 6,944,000 cubits. We halted in 59 cities and 59 villages, and

twice in the jungle, making altogether 120 stages. We left Ava for China

on the 18th June, 1823, and returned to Ava on the 14th March, 1825.”

Route of a journey from the city of Ava to the city of Pekin, travelled by

a Mission deputed by the King of Ava to the Emperor of China in the

year 1823.—(Literally translated from the Burmese official docu-

ment.)

* .

Date. Names of places. 2 Remarks.

18th June, (Left the city of Ava, and proceeded

1823. to the city of Ama-ra-pti-ra, where * The estimated distances

the mission stopped a day to com- are given in the Burmese

plete the equipment of their boats,) 3 | taing, equal to 2 miles 2933

20th. ......|Villages of Men-guon and Shyd- yds.; in round terms, two

yaung, 4} wiles or one coss.

21st ---.|Village of “Ngd- ‘bat- Khyaung ‘(river), 10

22nd. ......|Villages of Youin-pen and Ka-pyut,.. 10

23rd. ..-...|Chokey of Tsadm-bay-na-gd, where

the mission stopped two days, as

there was no wind, and the boat-

men were changed,........ teeees 8

26th. ...... |City of Kydn-nhydt, ...ceceseccess 9

27th. Coxree City of Ta-gaung, @oeoovesovrenvere 10

3M 2

1837.] Route of a Journey from Amaraptra to Pekin. 447

Date. Names of places. 5 Remarks.

28th June,..|Village of Thi-gyain, opposite to oe

town of Mya-daung, ......+.+ +. 9

20th. ......|Village of Zn, under Mya-daung,..| 8

30th. ....-.|Village of Ye-bout under city of Ka-

RIED yaa eialct et cla eens) go ion iain Sial pisses als 8

Ist July, .- Village of Kyauk-thoun, under the

city of Yen-gé or Yeng-khé,...... 7

Qnd._ .....| Village of Nga- lu-doun, under ditto,| 6

Brd. ..-.5. viipe of Zi:byti-goun, under Shue-

G1 eye e int Rae a ae aiee 4

4th. ..0.. Village of Shue-bovin-thd, under ditto,| 2

5th. ......|City of Shue-gt. Here, in conse-

quence of the stream running with

unusual violence over the rocks,

the mission durst not nee and

waited nine days, .... 2

14th. ......|Village of Nyaung-ben- tha, “under

PSSA Me laca ta ectels are: Batata’ cieve le 'e\e a0 Pen tet

Pee eeaes ce [CACY OL USIMROM: 2 p.csa asics wigs caans 2

16th. ......|Village of Len- PN ih ouppaite to

Kaung-totin, .... 4

17th. ......|City of Ba-mé, where “the mission

stopped 28 days, for answers to

petitions sent to the king at Ava,..| 2 |The Shan names are Kat-

mdi and Man-mé, and the

Chinese Tsin-kai.—B.

Travelled in J9 days, .... ...1112 |/Burmese Taings.

15th Augt. {Left Ba-mé, and halted at the vil-

lage of Tst-en or Tsin-eng, ......| 4

16th. ......|Ta-dd-gyth, (great bridge,) . 6 |The Shan nameis Khdé-léng,

meaning also great bridge

17th. ......|On the Ka-khyen hill village of Mha- or causeway.—B.

SUSENUE sein act a o\o ce oa. dvielatane oyerelty 6

18th. ......|On the Ka- Bhges hill village of Hé-

EOUM Sob ores sjo'sjes ve veSerccecoeses | «6.1\cne whan mame is Hd-tong,

ack Pia end of the paddy

fields. —B

19th. ......]On the Ka- Rigen hill village of

MRGING TAG, 0:0 msinws 19% 0 hat F yr 4 Bhp Shan name is Mung-

20th. ......|At the Luay-laing Ken-dat, or forti-

fied chokey of Luay-laing, ......| 4 |Frontier post between Ava

and China, which has a

Chinese garrison of 100

Lé-tseng, (Chinese word

Lé-chiong for soldiers.)

The Shan name is Loai-

leng, red hill.—B.

Travelled in six days,........| 30 |Burmese Taings.

Mtst. ......|City of Mé-wiin. Here the mission

stopped two days, in consequence

of beingefatigned, .a.ccesse0.c.cics 9 |The Shan name is Miing-wan,

and Chinese name Long-

tchuen.—B.

24th. ......|Shyan-mue-loun, Ken-dat, or fortified

chokey of that name,..........-.| 8 |Here is a Chinese garrison

of 1,000 Lé-tseng.

25th. ......|Village of Motin-totin,.....eee++++++| 8 ‘Shan name Montong.—B.

448

Date.

Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin.

Names of places.

26th Augt...|City of Main-tht or Main-di, where

the mission stopped aday,.......-

28th. ......|City of Md;myin, where the mis-

Sth Sept. ..

9th.

10th.

13th.

14th.

15th.

16th.

17th.

18th.

19th.

21st.

22nd.

23rd.

24th.

25th.

26th.

27th.

asth.

29th.

30th.

2ist Oct.

eeee

Ges 6 “6 «©

Qn. osesee

. | Ydn-byt-hien,..

, |City of Yit-nan, Maing: Tshi, the

... | Village of Pé-snue,....

sion stopped 12 days, in conse-

quence of the elephants intended

as a present from the king of Ava

to the emperor of China not having

come up, and in order to give them

a little rest after they joined,

Village of Kan-lan-isan, ........6:

Village of Pd-weng, .... wcsccoee-

.|Village of Phu-pyauk, after crossing

the Sa-lueen river, ......e0cee: 56

City of Wung-tsheng or Wunzen,

where the mission stopped a day to

receive some presents, .......+..

. {Village of Shyan-mu-hd,.......- pater

Village of Yan-pyen-hien, ....+.0...

.| Village of Shyan-leng-po, ....-.-.+.

evee e0ee ee ee ee ee

.| Village of Hé- kyan-po, odjbeos Aon eoe

.|City of Tsauk-chow, under Tal, . Sion

.|Village of Khown-hatk, ....s0+ee+s.

. | Village of P%-potin,....

. | Village of Shya-khyauk, ..2.....0-+-

. | Village of Li-hé,

.-. |City of Tshi-shyoun (Tchou- hiung),..

. |City of Kueng-toun-lien,

. |Village of Shay-tse,........-.

. |City of Lé-thoun-hien,

eeoeerosse oeeseecene

eoeeeseoee

eeeene

Village of Ld-ya-kuon, ,.-.e.ereee

City of An-leng-chow,.........00 «.

resi-

dence of the Tsoun-tu, where the

mission stopped 20 days waiting

for the elephants to come up, ....

Travelled in 26 days, ... ....

Left Yit-nan, and stopped at the

village of Wan-khyauk.....--

Village of Yan-lein,......

Village of Y%- lotin-tsan,

eeceeeseees

""" Ieity of Md-lodéin-chow (Malong),....

City of Shyd-yi- oy 8 ee we

. }Village of Pyeng- yeng-hien, ie cleo s

... | Village of Yi-za-khoun,....

: Village of Yo-kuon-teng-tsdn, ......

Village of Pé-shyan, ....++eseeeee.

Village Of A!-tii-eng,s..scecessneres

; City of La-taing,......+.+ raystens ore

ote Village Of Bd-koun,.... +000

. [City of Tsein-leng-chow,(Tchin-ning?)

e@ecece

Taings.

ee |

(Jung,

Remarks.

7 |Shan name of Méng-Ti, and

DAAWMMRIWNADDA

—=

203 |Burmese Taings.

aT QS sto sO 8ST

Chinese name Nan-ten.

Shan name Ming Myeng,

and Chinese name Theng-

ye-chow.

Shan name Kap-ndm-chan,

meaning Chan river bazar,

Shan name Pdwan, under

Miéing-khi-léng, near it.--B.

Shan name Phu-phyao.—B.

Shan name Yéng-sang, and

Chinese Yung-tchang-fi.—

Called Youn-byen-hien in ano-

ther journal.—B.

Called Khuon-leng-b% in ano-

ther journal.—B.

Between these two places

one day and stage are

omitted in two different co-

pies of the Envoy’s jour-

nal I have procured. In

the journal of asubsequent

mission, Y2t-nan-yi is set

down between these twa

stages. —B.

‘¢ This is the city of the three

Queens,’’ 3 Chinese ladies

sent to the late king of

Ava, MEN:DARA'GYI‘H,

and called princesses.

1837.] Route of a Journey from Amarapira to Pekin. 449

Date. Names of places. Remarks.

Taings.

4th. Nov. ..|City of An-shue-ft, (Ngan-chan?)..| 6

5th, ......|Village of Ngan-pyeng-hien,......-.| 8

Ct Mikio aa City of Tsheng-tsetn-hien,........-.| 6

7th. ......|City of Kue-chow, (Koei-yang ?) Here

the mission stopped a day to re-

ceive some presents, ....+..+2--.| 6

ET Mteias ee (LOUN= AREER ch Seo dewdaae hie nase e| a O

10th. ......|Village of Kue-tein-hien, ........+.| 7

llth. ..,...|Village of Lyd-yan-tsan, ......+.-. 6

12th. ......|Village of Sheng-pyeng-hien,...... 8

TAGNs ce vic oe |CLLY ‘OL aes ae culate (Koang-

MUNG) Weebl. at6335,5 a area etal eid

14th. .....|Village of Tsi- pyeng- SREEN a cacee oa cet e

15th, ......|City of Tsein-shuon-fu, (Tchin-yuen,)

where the mission stopped a day to

prepare and embark in boats,....| 7

Travelled in 25 days, ........|169 |Burmese Taings.

17th. ......]Left Tsein-shuon-fi by water and

proceeded down the stream to

Dsht-tshein-Meh,, os <sacasssenecss | 9

Feth. <.0.. 1 Village Of Ld-ytathan, - 00.6 28e esse} V3

19th. ......|Village of Pyan-shue,.......... eee) 20

BOCHE Uae teal CULV OL, NUON-ESO6fU st wens caecese eso 10

Qist. ......|Village of Tsotin-than, ......0..02.| 12

22nd. ......|City of Hotin-kyd-chow, ......+.004.] Il

Bands ces cs [City Of Ngan-kyaung-chow, nasae nec, OC

oath. ......|Village of Todvin-wiin-ld, .... 0.0.00 8

25th. ......|Village of Shi-wir-shithd, So redeneor 13

26th. ......|Village of Mé-tsein-ngé,. Sista; wjehereererad WG

27th. ......|City of Shyeng-tsd-fu, (Tehing-

REDCONGH ely s:-\eltl>'a tn «dws sje ieidiaa's creep eS

.. [Village of Kyay-tan, Ssh skorts ce ell

....| Village of Kaing-shyé, Distal diaret tate ey |e LO

30th. ... ..|Village of Tauk-shyti-hien,....... 12

Ist Dec, ..|City of Tshan-taik-fu, (Tchang-te,)

where the mission disembarked

from the boats, and stopped a

BY yee cscs cceceses coese eevcses| 9

Travelled in 15 days, ........]148 {Burmese Taings.

Srd. ......|Left Tshan-taik-fi, by land in lit-

ters or sedan chairs, and halted

BUTOHLIGR-1kAh,. ene cvevcscciesee | 6

4th. ......|Village of Tsi-khud-yi, ......+...-.| 6

Bue) ctacvicn (City Of LA-chow; ..cuise « RG. we 6

6th. ......|Village of Shue-leng-yi, ..........-.| 5

7th. ......|Village of Koun-gan-hien, ........-.| 8

8th. ......|Village of Tshuon-leng-ye,........+.|] 5

Sth. ......|City of Kyeng-tsd.fu, (Kin-tcheou,)..| 6

loth. ......|Village of Kyeng-yeng-ye, ..........| 9

llth. ......|City of Kyeng-mein-chow, (Kin-men,)| 9

12th. ......|Village of Leng-yan-ye, ......+.+.++| 12

13th. ...,..|Village of Yt-tshein-hien, ........+.] 9

14th. ......|City of Thuon-tsheng, where the mis-

sion stopped two days to prepare

carriages for prosecuting the jour-

ney, (Syang-yang?) ...ceseses] 9

Travelled in )2 days, ......: ‘sl. Burmese Taings.

450 Route of a Journey from Amaraptra to Pekin. [Junz,

Date. Names of places. 3 Remarks.

17th Dec. ..|Left Thuon-tsheng in carriages, and

stopped at the village of Lyd-

yeng-Yl, ....-. Mile On BbCr ashore je

sth. .. ...| Village of Theng- yé-hien, ae. sfateloiahonilh 1

19th. ......|Village of Leng-yeng-yi, ......+. 3 efeou]onO

20th. ......|City of Nan-yan-fi, (Nan-yang,).. 6

DSts) site cc) Milagelot PO=wuneyes ree none <ce00.50,| 0

22nd. ......|City of Yui-chow, (Yu?) . s.o.ee-.| 6

Osrds.ecseee Village of Kyd-shyeng, ..cserseceee| 9

24th. ......|Village of Shan-hien, ..c..sccerdeuet 9

25th. ......|City of Tshan-ké-shi, ........ axetefotecan ned

26th. ......| Village of Sheng-tseng-khyeng,......| 6

7th. seieie | City of Tseng-chow, ( Tching 2) sisters |) 20

Oth. cece Village of Shyeng-tsé-hien,.... ...- 6

Oi eAcead thin consequence of a storm the mis-

sion stopped on the bank of the

Witin-hé viver this day,........ i

30th. ......|Village of Khan-tshuon-yi, where the

mission stopped one day to enable

some of the party detained cross- a

ing the Whin-hé (Hoangho) river,

to come up, ..........6. coocceeed 5

Ist Jan.1824.| Village of Shyeng-shan-hien,........| 6

and. ......|City of We-khue-fu, (One-kuin,)......| 6

3rd. ......|Village of Yt-koun-hien,........ 12

4th. ... ..|City of Tshan-tay-fu, (Tehangte,).. 7 |‘* One of the male elephants

died here.’’

5th. ......|City of Tsdn-chow, 5 ......0c00ccael. 7

6th. ......|Village of Han-thdn-hien, ..........| 7 |‘‘ One of the male elephants

died here.”’

7th. ......[City of Yuon-tek-fu,(Chunte ?)......| 12

Sthy toe Village of Nein-sht-hien,.... .ecseee| 6

9th. ......| Village of Pd-shyé-hien,...........| 6 |‘! The female elephant died

here.’’

10th. ......|Village of Luon-tshdun-hien,........ | 12

llth, ......|City of Tseng-tein-fu, (Tching-ting,) | 6 |Here is an image of Gav-

C DAMA Sitting cross-legged,

placed in a Ta-zaung (4-

cornered religious edifice)

with five encircling grada-

12th. ......|Village of Tsheng-lu-hien,..........| 9 | tionsor stories.

13th. ......|City of Teng-chow, (Ting ?) ......+.| 6 |Five days’ j journey from this

place on Ts% or Wi-tait-

shan hill, we were told,

that there are two of GAU-

DAMA’S canine teeth, and

14th. ......|Village of Puon-tsheit- khy6, .....+.| 9 | eight other teeth.

15th. ......|City of Pauk-teng-fui, where the

mission stopped a day to receive

presents, (Pao-ting,) ......- 6 |Here the Tsoun-tu of Tsit-lé

17th. ......|Village of Ngan-shyt-hien, (Ngan y 5 | resides.

18th. ......| Village of Pe-khé, ........ .| 6

19th. ......|City of Tsue-chow, (Tso- tcheou,) . sfarvetail| nag

20th. ......|Village of Td-teng, ...... eisteis: 80, a\sivie}{-120

2ist. ......|Village of Tshan-shyen-teng,........| 6

22nd. ......|City of Pé-kytn (Pé-kin), where the

Udi-men (king of the east, emperor

of China) resides,.....00. 0 seee0. 5

Travelled in 35 days, ,......./247 |Burmese Taings.

Halted

81 days and travelled 140

days, altogether 221 days.

¥837.] Inscriptions from Sancht near Bhilsa. 451

On returning from Pekin the mission marched by land that portion of

the journey between Tshan-taik and Tsein-shuon, which they had be-

Fore gone by water.

Date. Names of places. Remarks.

| Taings.

17th April,.. |Left city of Tshan-taik-fu, and stop-

1824. | ped attheeight villages of Thuon-

PUTO OF CRBC OBIC SA COC ONC » ofp eie\oin

18th. ......|Village of Shen-kyd-yi, Sheboacrnect

19th. ......|Village of Tseng-feng-yi, ....+.2++

Othe 2. << Village of Kaik-teng-yt,.. crscrseee

IRs. eeieciee Village of Ma- EENG-Yt, vers eeeveees

22nd. ...... {City of Shyeng-tso. Mibih wnisee eae tae

23rd. ......|Village of Tshiion-khyt-yi, where the

mission stopped two math Sorelel sia

26th. ......| Village of Tshan-tan-yi,.. stein ele

27th. ......|Village of Haik-yudn-yi, strdecdacr

Meth sic, .% Village of Korin-byeng- suman acini

DOW: sere. oe (City Of YuGn-t50-fU, 2... 0ecccensss

30th. ......|Village of PYUN-YUly woesevereveees

Ist May, ..|City of Kudn-chow,....-.seeeeseere

2nd. ...... {Outside of a village in the jurisdic-

tion of Sheng-ylt-kue,....0.2+6 se. 6

3rd. .. ...|Village of Tsheng-khye-hien,.....++ 5

4th. ......|(City of Tsein-shuon-fu, .....- seperate

Js73 OTT

AAMADoOs0

Travelled in 16 days, ......+.|107 Tat dade Taings.

[To be continued.]

II.—WNote on the Facsimiles of Inscriptions from Sancht near Bhilsa,

taken for the Society by Captain Ev. Smiru, Engineers ; and on the

drawings of the Buddhist monument presented by Captain W. Murray,

at the meeting of the 7th June. By Jamus Prinszp, Sec. As. Soc.

All that I expressed a hope to see accomplished, when publishing

my former note* on the Bauddha monument of Sanchi, has at length

been done, and done in a most complete and satisfactory manner. We

have before the Society a revision of the inscription with which we

were but tantalized by Mr. Hopgson’s native transcript :—a collection

of the other scattered inscriptions alluded to by Captain Faun ;—and

pictorial illustrations of the monument itself and of its highly curious

architectural details. Let us now take a hasty glance at the results,

and see whether they have justified the earnestness of my appeal, and

the punctuality, care and talent in responding to it displayed by Cap-

tains E. Smita and W. Murray.

The chief inscription is restored by Captain Smirn’s facsimiles so

perfectly that every word can be read except where the stone is ac-

* Journal Asiatic Society, vol. ITI. p. 488.

452 Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions {Jonz,

tually cut away. It contains, as will be seen presently, and as M.

JacqurT was able to guess with infinite trouble from the former tran-

script, an allusion to Maharaja CuanpRA-cupta, with the advantage

wanting in other inscriptions of this great prince, of a legible date.

Moreover, it contains the name of the current coin of the period,

and leads to very curious conclusions in regard to the source of the

money of India at that time. A second inscription somewhat similar

to the first, which had escaped Mr. Honeson, has been brought to

light: and in addition to these a number of minor inscriptions in the

ancient lat character.

These apparently trivial fragments of rude writing have led to

even more important results than the others. They have instructed

us in the alphabet and the language of those ancient pillars and

rock-inscriptions which have been the wonder of the learned since

the days of Sir Witt1am Jones, and Iam already nearly prepared

to render to the Society an account of the writing on Sultaén Frroz’s

lat at Delhi*, with no little satisfaction that, as I was the first to

analyze those unknown symbols and shew their accordance with

the system of the Sanscrit alphabets in the application of the vowel-

marks, and in other points, so 1 should be now rewarded with the

completion of a discovery I then despaired of accomplishing for want

of a competent knowledge of the Sanscrit languaget.

As to Captain Murray’s beautiful drawings, I only regret that it is

impossible to do them justice in Calcutta. I have merely attempted

in the accompanying lithographic Plates XXVIII. and XXIX. to

give a reduced sketch, shewing the general outline of the building (of

which a rough plan was published with my former note), and the pecu-

liar form of the gateways, on one of which both the inscriptions were

found. Of them Captain Murray writes : ‘‘ The form of the gateways

is, as far as I know, perfectly unique, and however it may outrage all

the canons of architectural proportion, there is an according propriety

in it perfectly in keeping with the severe simplicity of the boundary

palisades and the massive grandeur of the lonely and mysterious

mound ; and its lightness is so combined with solidity and durability

that it is with a mixture of awe, and reverence, and admiration you

contemplate this unknown work of forgotten times.”

A native drawing of one of the sculptured compartments of the gates

was made public by Dr. Spitspury. It represented the procession

establishing the chaitya itself : a common subject on such monuments.

Others exhibit the worship of the sacred tree of BuppHa :—but the

* Vide infra. + Journal Asiatic Society, vol. III. p. 117.

Journ. As. Soc. . Vol VL PLXEXUM

Vorther Gate

——< RSTGX

se ae iy

\G 7 x yA

(SOW)

ye}

ae bails ah We. Hn

: mee ¥ ed N i a by ) a LD.)

eaentraeeree Joh i neta

WMarvay aes.

he UA nih

TLPrinsep GME.

Vol. VI. PIXXTLX. °

42La yags Gnu

7 2 O at A oO Z

oe rae = § Zu < 2 i ) S

in AZ e

Natit te theta:

vie erty ie Tag eet in ed

‘earls cae aE

‘ *

5 ee

D ae 4 post hi ate

sph Spake 4 ts ia AR? si Bel Dyes waa

2 a

ee sei —— r oa

& ad he, aio tt tela y * 3 om

1837.) From the Buddhist Tope at Sanchi near Bhilsa. 453

specimen selected by Captain Murray from one of the fallen gateways

is more interesting from the costume of the warriors, which is perfectly

Grecian. The banners also floating in the wind are extremely curious

from the symbol occupying the place of the eagle on them, which the

reader will instantly recognize as one of the monograms on the Buddhist

series of coins, particularly on the two supposed by Colonel Sracy to

bear Greek inscriptions*. ‘These banners,” Captain Murray writes,

“are common, aud the warriors bearing shields are in other places

attendant upon chariots and horses in triumphal or religious proces-

sions.”

An architect will admire the combination of elephants in the capital

of the northern gate. ‘‘ The teeth have been extracted or have drop-

ped out, but in all other parts of the building they seem to have been

carved in the block. Another capital is formed of a group of satyr’s

heads with long pointed ears and most ludicrous expressions of grief

or merriment.”

On a neighbouring hill are some very beautiful Jain temples in a

totally different style of architecture. Of these also Captain Murray

has favored the Society with a sketch, but it would be impossible to

do it justice in lithography. It would be well worthy of the Asiatic

Society to publish from time to time in England a volume of Hindu

architectural remains from the materials in its possession. To this

reference could be always made; and those who regarded only the

works of art would find a volume to their taste, kept distinct (like the

physical volume,) from the graver subjects of the Society’s Researches:

The following is Captain Smiru’s note accompanying the facsimiles

of the Sanchfinscriptions, taken by him at the request of Mr. L. Wit-

Kinson to whom I had written on the subject.

« All these inscriptions are found on the colonnade surrounding

the building, and generally on the elliptical pieces connecting the

square pillars. Though the inscriptions are numerous, [ observed but

three of any length, and of these two only from which I could hope to

get off clear impressions ; the third one was extremely obscure from

the causes which render indistinct even those which I have copied.

The cutting of most of the letters has originally been rough and

irregular, and the surface of the stones appears from the first to have

been but coarsely chiseled. Time has increased the irregularities of

surface, and added to it an extremely hard moss, which overspreads

the stones so completely as almost to conceal the letters from

observation. I make this last remark, because I have little doubt

* Journal Asiatic Society vol. III. p. 117.

3.N

454 Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions — (Junz,

that a search among the fallen columns would detect many inscrip-

tions besides those which my hurried visit allowed of my perceiving.

‘‘There is a striking difference, which I should mention, in the

execution of the inscriptions and of the sculpture with which the

gateways are covered. The sculpture has all been designed and

wrought with the greatest regularity and with uniform divisions into

compartments; but the inscriptions are coarsely cut, and are found

scattered without reference to the general design upon any stone that

the workman’s fancy seems to have led him to. So marked indeed

is the inferiority of style in the inscriptions, that it is difficult to

believe that they are the work of the same hands which produced the

sculpture ; and from their situation it is clear that they never formed

part of the design of the gates or colonnade on which they are

found. They have, on the contrary, more the appearance of being

the rude additions of a period later in date than the erection of the

building, and of one degenerated in taste and execution. Such are

the appearances, but they may still be deceptive, for the inscriptions

of the Allahabad column are by no means of the careful cutting that

might be expected on a pillar so regularly tapered and nicely polished.

The preceding remarks regarding the execution of the Sanch¢ in-

scriptions admit, however, of an exception, in that of the more perfect

inscription No. !; but though in this instance the cutting is clear

and well arranged, the inscription itself still seems an irregular

addition to the sculpture of the gate.

List of the Inscriptions.

‘No. 1. Inscription from the front of the eastern gate. One copy on cloth

two on paper.

At first this inscription appeared to me to be the same with that published in

the 34th No. of the Journal of the Society, but I soon perceived that it was

either altogether a different one, or that the engraved inscription had been

copied from an incorrect impression.

No. 2. Inscription from the side of the eastern gate. One copy on cloth;

two on paper.

No. 3. A line introduced on the border between two of the compartments of

sculpture on the eastern gate.

INos.4, 5; 6, 7508, 9, 10, 11, 12;.13, 14,°15, 16, 17, 18, 2951 20; ieee

23, 24, 25, are from different parts of the colonnade, on which they are dis-

posed without any regularity. They go to no greater length than a line or

two ; some are only of a few letters, Ep. SmirH.”’

Taking the facsimiles in the order in which they are numbered by

Captain Smritru himself, I will first describe the principal inscription,

which I have carefully lithographed in Plate XXV. It records a

money contribution and a grant of land by an agent of the ruling

Vol WV). AAXKE.

)

—

Yay Peasy sp

LzrnGeser yl Be

e Erb GeothnmCrkb ut ehh oiv.2vvute 2

eG tlyseeTe phe el rerake Lrg Ch y

‘abs Le E Gy C22 bem mYen w Lb ® VG ; Rep

Aly )

ve gby HPP ry 22@aghREeatrtn ott Ny: |

f€kelaly I[Sbelvsre efe0h eS ICIsM o¥ |

| Geel ag athe om vg gep@ zw Ren kL ie of |

| paloreBr' Grok re dh en Ory U Cur * rie

Ghr [nmegy peels Roarcylezexps on ‘4 XL |

‘Leer Ju ypu 7 2a /P2 Ag 4>/rf puro y70720 vo ury~z

“wSpIYT DayouUnY yo uw0IgqYI40SU7T qe [229180 au7 fo 277m 1b 2R7

—

1837.] Srom the Buddhist Tope at Sanchi near Bhilsa. 455

sovereign Cuanpracupta, for the embellishment of the edifice (or

perhaps for the erection of the ornamented gateway) and for the

support of certain priests, and their descendants for ever.

The value of a facsimile in preference to a copy made by the eye

was never more conspicuous than in the present instance. Turning

to the engraving of Mr. Hopeson’s copy in Vol. III. we find his artist

has totally omitted all the left hand portion of the inscription which

has been injured by the separation of a splinter in the stone! The initial

letter of each line, is, however, distinctly visible on the stone beyond

this flaw ; and as not more than four or five letters in each line are thus

destroyed, it is not very difficult to supply them, without endanger-

ing the sense. This has now been done by the Society’s pandit ; and

the only place at which he hesitated was in filling up the amount of

the donation in the seventh line, which may have been hundreds or

thousands or upwards, but could hardly have been units, in a display

of regal beneficence. The following is the text as restored by

Rama Govinpa, line for line from a transcript made by myself in the

modern character. I have endeavoured to add a literal translation.

Transcript of Sanchi Inscription No. 1, in modern Nagaré.

§ (weenfe) werfaerotesnfursawifrafsare aaga

B [aatat] aaatly aUQFaasaTaAas aly Aetisnls

U (an) Warsvesiciuafsasnfaasas Wasaga

fa (wafed)] vermaqyaaenciaafasaanaaa: SHIA

y [arfesrad] waeGa FasQale sas AIA PIAA aA HITS Ht

ay (exe) % Tacaeaueasat sive cafe wefaafay Star

ca (wawaye) qeaa awisnfyrsriasare cacti <a fF

sat [ARISTA] TY TTWITAT BaTs eal Aaa WaAIIT qe

ai ta [od] vatafed aa at gare a4 faa WHat CaET

aan [xfau] aq set gy uPeras aeaeT Vaasa VESTA

mafifa § B= wave fea |

PAtVS Adal?

Translation.

“To the all-respected Sramanas, the chief priests of the dvasath

ceremonial*, who by deep meditation have subdued their passions,

the champions (sword) of the virtues of their tribe ;—

* eqTqqy, a fire temple, or place where sacrificial fire is preserved (Wi.son’s

Dictionary) ; ‘also a particular religious observance.’ The latter is preferable, as

the fire-worship is unconnected with the Buddhist religion.

3N2

456 Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions (June,

The son of AmuxKa, the destroyer of his father’s enemies*, the

punisher of the oppressors of a desolated country, the winner of the

glorious flag of victory in many battles, daily by his good counsel

gaining the esteem of the worthy persons of the court, and obtaining

the gratification of every desire of his life through the favor of the

great emperor CHANDRAGUPTA ;—having made salutation to the eter-

nal gods and goddesses, has given a piece of ground purchased at the

legal rate ; also five temples, and twenty-five (thousand ?) dinars; (half

of which has been spent for the said purchase of the said ground,) as

an act of grace and benevolence of the great emperor CHaNpDRAGuPTA,

generally known among his subjects as Deva r4ja (or Indra).

As long as the sun aiid moon (shall endure,) so long shall these five

ascetics enjoy the jewel-adorned edifice, lighted with many lamps. For

endless ages after me and my descendants may the said ascetics enjoy

the precious building and the lamps. Whoso shall destroy the struc-

ture, his sin shallbe as great, yea five times as great as that of the

murderer of a brahman.—In the Samvat (or year of his reign ?) 3, (in

the month of) Bhddrapada, the tenth (day.)”

There are two or three points in this document, if I have rightly

interpreted it, of higk interest to the Indian antiquarian.

Ist. It teaches us that the current coin of the period was entitled

dinar, which we know to be at the present day the Persian name of a

gold coin, although it is evidently derived from the Roman denarius,

which was itself of silver; while the Persian dirhem (a silver coin) re-

presents the drachma, or dram weight, of the Greeks. The word €taiz

is otherwise derived in the Sanskrit dictionaries}, and it is used in books

for ornaments and seals of gold, but the weight allowed it of thirty-two

yatis, or sixty-four grains, agrees so closely with the Roman and

Greek unit of sixty grains, that its identity cannot be doubted,

especially when we have before us the actual gold coins of Cuanpra-

Gupta (didrachmas) weighing from 120 to 130 grains, and indubitably

copied from Greek originals in device as well as weight,

Qnd. Wehave a positive date to this inscription—but how shall we

readit? The day of the month is plain, “‘ Bhddrapada dik’ in letters,

the tenth (Sexa) of Bhddrapada (hod. Bhadoon.) Jt is in a form

somewhat different from ordinary inscription dates, which, if founded

on the luni-solar division of the year, necessarily allude to the light

* This epithet is doubtful : the pandit has supplied a letter a to make it intelligible

WUAFIA (A) Cia:

+ ata a pauper and to go—what is given to the poor! Wutson’s Dictionary.

1837.] Jrom the Buddhist Tope at Sanchi near Bhilsa. 457

or the dark half of the lunation, sudi or badi. Further, in them the

term Bhadra is generally employed for the name of the month, while

Bhddrapada is asually applied to the nacshatra or lunar asterism: I

cannot, however, insist on any inference hence, that this mode of rec-

koning was prevalent at the timeof our inscription,) because the final @

should be long, and the word purva or uitara should have been affixed

to distinguish which mansion of the name was intended ;) but only

that the shorter term Bhddra had not come into use for the month.

The year might be made the theme of still more prolific speculation.

Taking the letter 4 for Samvat, we have acircle inclosing a cross and

three horizontal dashes to the right, ® =. This might be plausibly

construed into 1000 and 3; or 403 ;—or one chakra of the Jovian or

Vrihaspati cycle of 60 years plus 3 years; and arguments might

be adduced in support of all these theories, with exception perhaps of

the last ; for by the Tibetan account the Jovian cycle was not intro-

duced into India earlier than the 9th century. But I rather prefer

what appears to me a more simple interpretation, viz. that ¥ @®

‘stand for Samvat, and= for three quarters,—this being the prac-

tical mode of expressing quarters in Indian numeration. Samvat we

find every day to be used in the oldest. inscriptions for the year of

reign,—and it is well known that the Hindus do not reckon a year until

itis passed. Supposing then that CuanpraGuptTa made this grant

through his agent the son of Amux«a, in the first year of his reign,

say in the tenth month, there would be no other way of expressing the

date in the Hindu system than by saying “‘# year (being elapsed).”

I offer this conjecture with diffidence, and invite the attention of

orientalists to the curious point, with full assurance that there is no

uncertainty in the reading of the facsimile, at this place.

The second inscription, which Captain Smiru states to be situated

on the side of the same, or eastern, gate-post, has evidently been cut

upon the stone after it was erected; as otherwise the precaution would

have been taken of smoothening and polishing the surface for the

better reception of the writing. It is, on the contrary, so slightly

scratched that in the three facsimiles thus carefully taken, it is hardly

possible in many places to distinguish between the letter marks

and the natural roughnesses of the stone. The lithograph of it

attempted in Plate XVI. was most impartially taken before any at-

tempt had been made to read it, and on comparing it with the tran-

script in modern Nagari, as subsequently modified and corrected,

many instances will be perceived in which my eye has been induced

* Captain CunnincHaM suggests 475, the ? being applicable rather to the century.

458 _ Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions [Jung,

to follow the wrong path among the net-work of scratches. With-

out the facsimiles themselves to pore over, it would have been im-

possible to have conquered the various difficulties presented by this

Tude inscription, and even with it the Society’s pandit, R’ma Govinpa,

deserves great praise for the plausible version he has enabled me to give

of it: for I have recompared his modifications with the original, and

find in almost every instance that they are borne out by the facsimile.

It is unnecessary to re-lithograph the document, as all those who will

take the trouble of comparing the two will see in what way my pen

has deviated from the correct trace, and it will serve as a good tes,

of the superiority of facsimiles to the best copies made under the

sole guidance of the eye.

The following then is RAma Govinpa’s restoration of the text.

like its precursor, it is in prose, and without any invocation: nor has

it any deprecation against the hand that should annul the good act

recorded ; but this is explained by the trifling nature of the gift, which

does not include any grant of land.

Second inscription at Sancht, see Plate XXVI.

apewiantasatatat §«oycaturfsasiterfaat ATaT

fracafee agaieentesiaetfaete | ESgaTaTae

qaqa fauadtat agamwaidine fagqahens

causifaaaat fad feaa darardaat fara hrad

cmaam: caweefe Aacaal su: Tel LAIT Fall Cay

euqgasy feat fest duag wsatefaay wassra

aefa ewe dy FAI Wasted Ta waTsHA

feaafeeaq tt: satafeaat: caaut wae

gmat aera fagaearar:

qeoaitan eteafaa sfafaa efa

AAT | eeeee

Translation.

‘‘ Thereby make known to all the assembled devotees offering up

prayers for the father and mother of HariswAmini, the eminent dis-

ciple of the wife possessing the dsan-siddh or seat of purity, in the

great and holy Vihara of Kakunada sphota (?), that for the prevention

of begging in the public roads, an alms-house for the indigent, and

vol VW. PUXXYL

Jour As. Soc.

oe}

f VE iy Aor.

py bd 3 ; Ps yy, ae fe q 2

bets

Ke 7

ae De o (EG Ge Arn ge nyV7 rove.

weeyen Shs % c .

a Ee BO ae en Bergan ezlaS bye vw

Bi bp Rath

ss Dabeates YePH bbe Ts Faz Case

‘4412 Povrrey vy

Yi 40; a in i

mE Bw)

y :$Pho2 % kage s

Arm lexagwnG tf Sbeug

WE 2inp rogzroPzevere Raf

Fe? (rum

urd? hey Ww PPLE R Sup? e Fy Gb ok ye

N rae & G pur

‘ DSDIVGT Baw

known Lie se fauveo yx AN Ped }

"O2YOUDEY aeotf * ZA 7077S THIS UT fo OP ALES DI

1837.] From the Buddhist Tope at Sancht near Bhilsa. 459

also one dinar, day by day, for charitable distribution*, and a lamp

shining like a jewel in the middle of the enclosure, are caused to be

providedt.

In the ratnagrihat also are deposited three dinars. With the in-

terest, of these three dinars in the ratnagriha or treasury of the

four Buddhas§ day by day three lamps are to be lighted. For the shrines

of the four Buddhas also is given a chakra|] of dinars, with the interest

of which in the four shrines in like manner the lamps of the four

Buddhas are to be kept lighted daily. And thus the beauty of all this

(sculpture) durable as the sun and moon has been designed (or repaired)

by HariswAmini,the disciple of the unchangeable sculpture-enshrined

Siddha bhdryya (or emancipated wife).

Samvat..?.. Sravan,.?.. Aditya.”

All we learn from this inscription is, that a female devotee, Hani-

‘SWAMINI the pupil of the defunct lady abbess, probably, of the convent

to which she belonged, either designed or repaired some of the basso-

relievos we so much admire in their fallen state ;—and we may thus

account for the chasteness and elegance of the sculpture, while we do

homage to the superior taste and imagination of the fairer sex. The

provision for applying the interest of the small sums deposited by the

same lady in the treasury of the Buddhist shrine to particular purposes,

seems to imply that the establishment mixed in secular matters, and

probably acted the part of bank to the surrounding district; in fact,

the priesthood then possessed all the knowledge, the power, and the

activity of the country, and we have adduced probable evidence on

other occasions of their exercising the privilege of fabricating coin.

* Literally, to be given to beggars seated within the enclosure holding their

hands out but not importuning passengers, as is to this day customary within

the precincts of the most frequented temples.

t+ The dsan here intended is probably the wooden carved platform on which

religious devotees reside in temples—using them at once as pulpits and as beds.

The expression rudhasvacchdsant siddh-bharyydyah seems to imply a wife who

had turned priestess, and who had died on her sacerdotal couch. Siddhdsan is a

seat so pire that the devotee sutting in it can, at will, be transported any where

thereon. Siddha. bharyya my also be a name.

} Jewel house, treasury, or perhaps the sanctum of the shrine.

§ There are four niches containing images of Buddha on the four sides of

the dehgopa.

\| Chakra signifies a heap or quantity, but it would hardly thus be indefinitely

used in such a place ; it may then also denote 60, the number of the Vrihaspati

chakra or cycle, or 12 for that of the sun: it is impossible to decide between

them.

460 Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions (June,

The date at the foot of this inscription is even more unintelligible

than that of No. l—not from obliteration, for the lines cut on the

stone are here quite distinct, but from our ignorance of the numerals

then employed :—the two or three figures following the word Samvat

bear no resemblance whatever either to the modern Hindi or to

the Cashmerian numerals. The month also is very dubious, and

the letters that follow it may also be numerals—it is barely possible to

read them as aditya (the sun) which on the system explained in Vol.

IV. page 1, may stand for 12—or it may denote the day, Sunday.

We are thus once more foiled in detecting the precise date of a record

which it would have been of the greatest service to fix: and we must

remain satisfied with the assurance that it was posterior to the erection

of the gate in the reign of CHANDRAGUPTA.

And now for inscriptions 3 to 25 of Captain Smrrn’s catalogue ;—

the detached fragments cut irregularly on the pillars or rail sur-

rounding the edifice, in the hitherto undeciphered character. I

have introduced the whole of them into Plate XXVII. exactly as I

find them in the facsimiles, except as to size, which in the original

varies. from one inch to two or three in the height of the letters.

There is also great variety in the style of the engraving, and a regular

progression in the form of the letters from the simple outline to the

more embellished type of the second alphabet of Allahabad ; (see No.

16). A more rigid search would doubtless have multiplied Captain

Smitu’s. specimens, but this would have been labour thrown away ;

for however valuable these scraps may have been in unlocking the

stores of knowledge contained in more important documents, they are

individually of very trifling importance.

In laying open a discovery of this nature, some little explanation is

generally expected of the means by which it has been attained. Like

most other inventions, when once found it appears extremely simple ;

and, as in most others, accident, rather than study, has had the merit of

solving the enigma which has so long baffled the learned.

While arranging and lithographing the numerous scraps of facsi-

miles, for Plate XX VII. I was struck at their all terminating with the

same two letters, 4 |*. Coupling this circumstance with their

extreme brevity and insulated position, which proved that they could

not be fragments of a continuous text, it immediately occurred that

they must record either obituary notices, or more probably the offer-

ings and presents of votaries, as is known to be the present custom in

Journ. As. Soe. Vol. V1. PO XXWIT.

Inscription s. from Sanchee.

_ DVLA GCE VISS? LOUVUSL OF

«BY Ld cQdN(+USASI

dOWtY os CYIIVY DW

LoOES I: se CRO SY pb

hOBEAULAE LAG UL Ebdex1 Shu d1:

rN OYAL Fw ot

*DUITALLE dhwhs-5 bb bt

met ALLAL UAC WEES

SEE LAB LSE A SNAU SL ME

MILAKY SL “di hb apse ot

«but bt bt LOE ¥A+L

erbodaua ,

MyTNase Sen

Serer "Adload

* LiDlW(Lb wSlvavpe

2 YOLUdd ELALSA LS

QOL fat EE

"FteLkLaubsLoe

°o

TI dS) at q qy " o1 [a ic U ee

riasep Mla,

s J 1 ya) SS S

oder! oe oY boda,

ot ee hj ‘

Hiekihudx

pape

1837.]} From the Buddhist Tope at Sancht near Bhilsa. 461

the Buddhist temples of Ava; where numerous dwajas or flag-staffs,

images, and small chaityas are crowded within the enclosure, surround-

ing the chief cupola, each bearing the name of the donor. The next

point noted was the frequent occurrence of the letter dy, already set

down incontestably as s, before the fina] word :—now this I had learnt

from the Saurashtra coins, deciphered only a day or two before, to be one

sign of the genitive case singular, being the ssa of the PAli, or sya of

the Sanscrit. ‘‘ Of so and so the gift,’”’ must then be the form of each

brief sentence; and the vowel @ and anuswara led to the speedy

recognition of the word ddnam, (gift,) teaching me the very two

letters, d and x, most different from known forms, and which had foiled

me most in my former attempts. Since 1834 also my acquaintance with

ancient alphabets had become so familiar that most of the remaining

letters in the present examples could be named at once on re-inspection.

In the course of a few minutes I thus became possessed of the whole

alphabet, which I tested by applying it to the inscription on the Delhi

column: but I will postpone my analysis of the alphabet until I have

prepared a fount of type for it, when I may bring forward my attempted

reading of the /d¢ inscriptions ; meanwhile, the following transcript in

Roman letters of the Sanchi gifts will shew the data on which I have

built my scheme, and will supply examples of most of the letters.

No. 3, the first in numerical order, is not one of the most legible,

the first two letters being indistinct. It seems to run thus:

Rarasa (or Karasa) néga piyasa, Achavade Sethisa dénam; ‘ The

gift of AcHvapd Serut’, the beloved of Karasa NAGA.’

No. 4 and No. 11 are identical ;—

Sdmanérasa Abeyakasa Sethinon danam ; ‘ The gift of Simann’ra and

ABEYAKA SE’TH.’

Sdmanéra is the title of a subordinate order of the Buddhist priest-

hood. Seth is evidently a family name ; and the same is now of common

occurrence among the Jains—witness JaGar Sx’ru, the millionaire of

Moorshedabad.

No. 5. Dhamdgalikasa méta danam ; ‘The gift of the mother of

(?) DHARMAGARIKA.”

In No. 6 the first letter is doubtful :-—

Gobavandgahapati nopati dhiyanusaya vesa mandataya danam ; ‘The -

gift of the cowherd AcRrapati, commonly called Nopattr, to the highly

ornamented (chaitya ?).’

No. 7 is also doubtful in the three first letters :—

Subhageyamsa aginikeya danam ; ‘ The gift of Sopuaceya the fireman,

(or black-smith.’)

3 0

462 Ancient Sculpture and Inscriptions [Jung,

Here we learn what is amply confirmed by other examples, that the

double consonants of the Sanscrit orthography are replaced by sepa-

rate consonants, each having the required vowel; e. g. agini for agni.

No. § is of a more complex character :—

Siharakhilasa paravatiyasa rudovaya ddnam ; ‘ The gift of Sri (or

Srvga) Raxuira, the hillman, to Rupova. ?’

No. 9 partially agrees with No. 6 :—

Gobavand gahapati nopatidhiyasa dénam ; ‘The gift of AGRAPATI and

Nopatr, the cowherds, so called. ?’

No. 10 is of the simplest construction :—

Vajajasa gémasa danam; ‘The gift of Vassa, or probably Vrisa

Grima,’ the population of a village in the province of Vrija, combining

to make their offering.

No. 12. Nadigatasa danam bhichhuno.

Here the caste, bhichuno, the beggar (bhikshu) seems to have been

added after the record, to distinguish the party, a ferryman, nadigata. ?

No.18. Arahagatdéya ddénam ; ‘The gift of ARAHaGaTé :’ this is also

a well-known title of the Buddhist hierarchy, arhata, or arhanta ; and

admitted, as in the instance before us, female devotees as well as male.

No. 14. Chirattyé bhichuntya ddénam; ‘The gift of Curratr’, the

poor woman.’

No. 15. Kddasa bhichuno danam ; ‘ The gift of K&pa, the poor man.’

No. 16 is in a different hand, more finished, and resembling the

No. 2 of Allahabad : it has also a more studied elegance of expression :

Isipdlitasa-cha, Sdmanasa-cha ddnam ; ‘ The gift both of Is1pAurz, (the

protected of God,) and of SAmana (the priest).’

No. 17 partakes rather of the form of an obituary notice :—

Sethino mata kaniya ; ‘ The Sethin’s deceased daughter

No. 18. Kédkenoye bhagavato pamdne rathi;...... ‘in testimony of

God’. . (the rest unintelligible). For kékénoye see note on insc. No. 1.

No. 20. Araha dinasa bhikhuno pakharayakasa dénam; ‘The gift

of the poor priest PAKHARAYAKA. ?”

No. 22. Rudu barayarayasa pidarakhitasa ddénam.

The names here are nearly illegible from the rudeness of the sculp-

ture. The first may be Rudra bharyya the wife of Rudra.

No. 23. Panthakasa bhichhuno ruganardtupa........ Budhapdlitasa

bhichhuno ddnam; ‘ The gift of Panruax, the poor man.... and of

BuppHaPA.it, the poor man.’

No. 25 is in very large characters :-—

Vajagato ddnam ; ‘The gift of Vriska4n,’ of which the genitive

termination will, by the Pd/i rules, be made by changing Gn into ato.

1837.] JSrom the Buddhist Tope at Sancht near Bhilsa. 463

No. 21 has been reserved for the last, because it contains a second

inscription in modern character :—the old writing is

Kékateyakasa dhama sivasa ddnam ; ‘ The gift of Kexarnyax Duar-

MASIVA.”

Under this in the modern Deva-nagari,

au Mala Sa yuafafaay Ra Sif Sdo Deva pranamati nityam.

‘ Ra (for Raja or Rao?) Sri Sao Deva for ever makes reverential

salutation.’

The same formula occurs on two other stones, and the form of the

letters would indicate that it has been introduced at a late period by

some rich traveller on his pilgrimage,—and, moreover, a merchant,

by his epithet Sod.

There is still one more short line in the old character, at the foot

of the Sanscrit inscription No. 1, of some importance from its posi-

tion, as it must evidently have been inserted after the latter, which

Captain Smiru assures us is the only formal well-executed inscription

likely to have been coeval with the structure of the edifice, or at least

of the stone gateway. The party who chose this conspicuous place

for cutting his name, did so, doubtless, from an ostentation, for which

he paid high! He rejoiced in the name of Darra Kaxavapa, the

-line reading, Datta Kalavadasa dénam ; which may perhaps be inter-

preted Dattakaravadasya ddnam, ‘the gift of Darraxaravana,’ (the

principal giver, of revenue. ?)

§ 2. Application of the alphabet to the Buddhist group of coins.

Having once become possessed of the master-key of this ancient

alphabet, I naturally hastened to apply it to all the other doors of

knowledge hitherto closed to our access. Foremost among these was

the series of coins conjecturally, and, as it now turns out, correctly

designated as the Buddhist series; and of these the beautiful coin

discovered by Lieutenant A. Conouty at Canowj, attracted the earliest

notice from the very perfect execution and preservation of the legend ;

(see Plate XXV. Vol. iil. p. 433). The reading of this coin was

now evident at firstsight, as | 5d dy Vippa dévasa; which converted

into its Sanscrit equivalent will be faseaey Vipra devasya, the

coin of Virra prva. On reference tothe Chronological Tables, we

find a Vipra in the Magadha line, the tenth in descent from JaRa-

SANDHA, allotted to the eleventh century before the Christian era!

Without laying claim to any such antiquity we may at least bespeak

our Vipra deva a place in the Indu vansa line of Magadha, and a de-

scent from the individual of the same name in the Pauranic lists.

3.0 2

464 | Application of the Sanchi alphabet (Junu,

Other coins depicted in former plates may, in a similar manner, be

read by the new alphabet.

The small bronze coins of Behat (fig. 5, Pl. XVIII. vol. III. and

fig. 16 of Pl. XXXIV. vol. 1V.) have the distinct legend ¥[- | € dy

in the square form of the same alphabet. The application of the word

mahdréjasa in the genitive, with no trace of a name, might almost

incline us to suppose that the title itself was here used as a name, and

that it designated the Maurasz, king of Awadh, of the Persian histo-

rians, who stands at the head of the third lunar dynasty of Inpra-

PRESTHA in the Rdjavali /

The only other coin of the group which contains the same title is

the silver decayed Behat coin, seen more perfect in General VenturRA’s

specimen, (fig. 16 of Pl. XXXIV. vol. 1V.) where may be read indis-

tinctly HY UDAU8SE| Eo +1 | cb Amapasdtasa mahirda. .

kunarasa.

On the bronze Behat coin (figs. 11, 12, of Pl. XVIII. vol. III.

and 3, 6, 9, of Pl. XXXIV. vol. IV.) though we have ten examples

to compare, the context is not much improved by the acquisition of

our new key: the letters are QQDI+1 Dd, asa dhana kanaya

dhaya ; (the second letter is more like p} bhu.)

Col. Stracy’s supposed Greek legends (figs. 2 and 3, of Pl. XXV.

vol. III.) may be read (as I anticipated vol. III. p. 433) invertedly,

db KG € LULA Yaga bijana puta (sa ?)

The larger copper coin, having a standing figure holding a trident

(fig. 4, Pl. XXV. vol. III.) has very distinctly the name of fF Ad Ad

.... Bhagavata cha (or sa). A raja of the name of Bhagavata appears

in the Magadha list, about the year 80 B. C.

On some of the circular copper coins we have fragments of alegend

f¥o---- dA Ub Bhamada.. . . vatapasa, quasi Bhimadeva tdpasya—

but the last word is the only one that can be confided in.

On a similar coin, of which Colonel Stacy has a dozen specimens

(No. 47, Pl. XXXV. vol. IV.) the name of | §4 { dy Rémadatasa

‘ of RXmapatra,’ is bounded by the lizard emblem of Behat.

These are the only two in the precise form of the lat character—the

other are more or less modified.

Another distinct group (that made known first by Mr. Sprers) from

Allahabad, (Pl. XXVI. figs. 12, 18, 14, 15, vol. III. page 448) can

be partially deciphered by the lat alphabet. Capt. Cunnineuam has

a fine specimen with the letters [ € D1 24 cy Raja Dhana devasya—

1887.] to the Buddhist group of ancient coins. 465

‘ of raja Dhana deva,’ a name not discoverable in the catalogues, though

purely Sanscrit. On three more of the same family we find | 4 dy

Navasa. On one it seems rather | J dy Narasa, both nava and nara

being known names. On another + | ¥ dy Kunamasa ; and on an-

other, probably, ¥ [- b k Mahépati, the great lord.

The bull coins of this last group are connected in type, and style

of legend, with the ‘‘ cock and bull series’ —on which we have lately

read, Satya mitasa, Saya mitasa, and Bijaya mitusa; so that we have

now a tolerably numerous descending series of coins to be classed to-

gether from the circumstance of their symbols, of their genitive ter-

mination, and their Pali dialect and character, as a Buddhist series,

when we come again to review what has been done within the last few

years in the nunismatology of India.

But the most interesting and striking application of the alphabets

to coins is certainly that, which has been already made (in anticipa-

tion, as it were, of my discovery) by Professor Lasssn, of Bonn, to

the very curious Bactrian coins of AcaTHoctss.

The first announcement of Professor Lassmn’s reading of this legend

was given in the Journal for 1836, page 723. He had adopted it on the

analogies of the Tibetan and P4li alphabets, both of which are connec-

ted with, or immediately derived from, the more ancient character of

the lats. The word read by him, raja, on some specimens seems to be

spelled ydja J,€ rather than J € Jdja, a corruption equally proba-

ble, and accordant with the Pali dialect in which the r is frequently

changed into y, or omitted altogether. I am, however, inclined to

adopt another reading, by supposing the Greek genitive case to have

been rendered as literally as possible into the Pali character ; thus

HAOtLE Agathuklayej for ayaboxAcws ; this has the advantage

of leaving the letters on the other side of the device for the title of rdja

of which indeed the letter € is legible.

I am the rather favorable to this view because on the corresponding

coin of PanraLEon, we likewise find both the second vowel of the

Greek represented by the Sanscrit semivowel, and the genitive case

imitated :—supplying the only letter wanting on Dry Swivey’s coin,

the initial p, of which there are traces in Masson’s drawing, the word

b' A vd°C Pantelewanta is by the help of our alphabet clearly made

out—the anuswara, which should follow the 4 being placed in the

belly of the letter instead of outside ; and the a being attached to the

centie instead of the top of the ( , where for the sake of uniformity

I am obliged to place it in type.

466 Application of the Sanchi alphabet [Junz,

The discovery of these two coins with Pali characters, is of inesti-

mable importance in confirming the antiquity of the alphabet ; as from

the style of AcaTHocuss’ coins he must necessarily be placed among

the earliest of the Bactrians, that is, at the very period embraced by

the reign of Asoxa the Buddhist monarch of Magadha.

On the other hand the legend throws light on the locality of Aga-

thocles’ rule, which instead of being, as assigned by M. Raoun pg

RocuEtte, in Haute Asie, must be brought down to the confines, at

least, of India Proper.

As however the opinions of this eminent classical antiquary are

entitled to the highest consideration, I take this opportunity of

making known to my readers the substance of his learned elucidation

of this obscure portion of history given in a note on two silver coins

of AcatHoctixEs, belonging to the cabinet of a rich amateur at

Petersburg, published in the Journal des Savans, 1834, p. 335.

‘In the imperfect accounts transmitted to us of the troubles occa-

sioned to the Seleucidan kingdom from the invasion of ProLemy

PuILADELPHuS, and of the loss of entire provinces after the reverses

of Anriocuus II. Theos, the foundation of the Arsacidan kingdom by

the defection of the brothers Arsaczs and Trripatss is an established

point, fixed to the vear 256 B.C. But the details of this event, bor-

rowed from Arrian’s “ Parthics,” have not yet been determined with

sufficient care, as to one important fact in the Bactrian history. From

the extracts of various works preserved in Puortivs, the defection of

the Parthians arose from an insult offered to the person of one of these

brothers by the Macedonian chief placed by Antiocuus II. in charge

of the regions of High Asia and named Phéréclés. The two princes

indignant at such an outrage are supposed to have revenged them-

selves with the blood of the satrap, and, supported by the people, to

have succeeded in shaking off the Macedonian yoke.

This short notice from Puotius has been corrupted by transcribers in

the name of the chief Péréclés, which modern critics have failed to cor-

rect by a passage in the Chronographia of Synczeutus, who had equally

under his eyes the original of ArRran and who declares expressly that

«« Arsaces and Tiripares, brothers, issue of the ancient king of Persia,

ARTAXERXES, exercised the authority of satraps in Bactria at the time

when AcatHocies the Macedonian was governor of Persia ; the which

AcGatHoctss, having attempted to commit on the person of the young

Trripates the assault before alluded to, fell a victim to the vengeance

of the brothers, whence resulted the defection of the country of the

Parthians and the birth of the Arsacidan kingdom.” AcaTHocLEs

1837.] to the Buddhist group of ancient coins. 467

is called by Syncrxius, “Enapxos Tis Mepouris, while Paortus calls

him (under an erroneous name) 2atpdrny abrijs Tis X@pas KaraotdyTa,

appointed by AnTiocuus TuxEos; so that no doubt whatever could

exist as to their identity, although until the discovery of the coins,

there was no third evidence whence the learned could decide be-

tween the two names. The presumption might have been in favor of

Aeatuocties, because among the body-guard of ALExanpDeR was found

an AnTyLocus, son of AcatTuoctEs, who by the prevailing custom of his

country would have named his son AcatuHoctss, after his own father.”

M. Raout vE Rocuerrx proceeds to identify this eparch of Persia

with Diopotus or Turoportus the founder of the Bactrian independency.

Supposing him to have seized the opportunity of striking the blow

during the confusion of ANriocaus’ war with Prouemy, and while he

was on deputation to the distant provinces of the Oxus,—that he was

at first chary of placing his own head on his coin, contenting himself

with a portrait of Baccuus,—and his panther on the reverse :—but

afterwards emboldened to adopt the full insignia of royalty. Thus

according to our author a singular shift of authorities took place—

Arsaces the satrap of Parthia quits that place and sets up for himself

in Persia, in consequence of the aggression of Dioporus (or AGATHO-

cxEs) king of Bactria who had originally been eparch of Persia :-—

both satraps becoming kings by this curious bouleversement. The

non-discovery of TuHropotus’ medals is certainly in favor of M.

Raout DE RocuHETTre’s argument, but the present fact of a Hindi legend

on his coin militates strongly against his kingdom being thrown ev-

clusively to the northward. By allowing it to include Parthia Proper,

or Seistan, and the provinces of the Indus, this difficulty would be got

rid of ; but still there will remain the anomaly of these Indian le-

gends being found only on Acatuocies and PaNTaLeon’s coins, while

those of MENnanpER, who is known to have possessed more of India

Proper, have only the Pehlevi reverse. AGaTuoctius’ rule must have

included a sect of Buddhists somewhere, for besides the letters we find

their peculiar symbol present on many of the panther coins. At any

rate we have certainty of the existence of our alphabet in the third

century before Christ, exactly as it exists on our Indian monuments,

which is all that on the present occasion it is relevant to insist on.

§ 3. Application of the alphabet to other inscriptions, particularly those

of the lats of Upper India.

Another convenient test by which the newly found alphabet can

be proved was the Rev. Mr. Sravenson’s facsimile of the Carli

inscriptions published in the 3rd volume of the Journal, p. 428. I

468 | Application of the Sanchi alphabet [Jung,

will take one of these, (the most distinct,) of which I have preserved

the type-metal cut, and underline it according to the supposed value

of each letter.

BETO GARYAUAHASALPUULOA STEN |

Mahérivisagotiputasa atimitarakasapi hdthatadara.

This is not a facsimile, therefore I dare not assume that it is accu-

rately rendered. I should myself incline to think that the final letter

was an | or 2, producing the word so often found at Sanchi,—danam ;

making it‘ the gift with his own hand (hasta danam) of Atri mitraka,

the son of the great Rdvisdgoti.’

But I advance this reading with doubt, and merely to invite the

attention of Mr. Stevenson himself to the revision of this and the

other Carié inscriptions with which he was so obliging as to favor me,

when we were as yet only on the threshold of the inquiry.

Again: It will be remembered that one of the inscriptions sent

down in facsimile last year by Mr. Hatuorne from Buddha-gaya*,

was in the lat character. It was found engraved on a pillar now form-

ing the stancheon of an upper story in the convent, but was supposed

formerly to have stood near the temple. On turning to my lithograph

of it in Plate XXXIII. of vol. V. I perceive the concluding word

ddnam exactly as the Sancht. The whole line, though very roughly

engraved, may be now easily read as

Wut + Ab 51° Ayalekuddangdye dinam ;

‘ The gift of (ee DANGA. If the ill-defined mark below the +-

be a O, the reading may be Buddagaye dinam, ‘ gift to BuppHa-GaYa.

The foregoing are, after all, but trifling ordeals for the new alpha-

bet, compared with the eaperimentum crucis of the Deéht lat inscrip-

tion, which the antiquarian reader will not be satisfied until he sees

performed in his presence. To this, then, I will now hasten, content-

ing myself with one or two sentences to demonstrate the perfect

applicability of the system, and reserving for a future occasion the full

interpretation of this strangely multiplied and important document,

which it would be hardly fair to expect to read off-hand, even though

it were written with entire orthographical precision, which a slight

inspection has proved by no means to be the case.

I cannot select a better example for our first scrutiny than the open-

ing sentence of the inscription. This 1 shewed in my former papers on

the subject to be repeated over and over again in all the lat inscriptions

* See Plate XXXIII. of Vol. V. and page 658.

1837.) to the No. 1 Inscriptions of the Lats. 469

of Upper India ; and the recent accessian of the Girzar inscription of

Gujerat, transmitted by Mr. Waruen, and of the Aswastuma inscrip-

tion of Cuttack executed with such fidelity by Lieutenant Kirrog, has

proved that it belongs equally to them, although in other respects both

these texts differ from those already known to us. Thus from the

very numerous examples of this passage, we have an opportunity of

observing all the variations it undergoes either from carelessness of

the sculptor, from grammatical license, or from mistakes of the

copyist. The most usual reading of the text, and the equivalent

according to my alphabet, are as follows:

WOLCL CLadVELS HC

Devanamapiya piyadasi léja hevam ahd.

Here we perceive at once that the language is the same as was

observed on the Bhilsa fragments,—not Sanskrit, but the vernacular

modification of it, which has been so fortunately preserved for us in

the Pali scriptures of Ceylon and Ava. Devdnam piya (oftener piye) piya-

dasi ldja, is precisely the Sanskrit, 2atai fraq fraefst <tstt, ‘ the lovely

raja Devdndmpriya ;’ or, with equal propriety, ‘the beloved of the

gods king Pryapass1 ;’ for either or both, may be the prince’s name.

_ Hevam ahd, (or rather evam ahd for the h belongs to the word ldja,)

I recognized at once as an old friend in the Palf version of the Bud-

dhist couplet ye dharmma, &c. so thoroughly investigated in the

Journal for March, 1835 : evam dha, ‘ thus spake.’

Many of the repetitions of this initial sentence abound in trifling

errors, especially in the vowel marks, and in the letters of nearly

similar form, as p and f. These it is not worth while to notice,

except as a caution against too implicitly following the text in other

places, where such slight alterations will restore intelligibility. But

Ratna Pauta the Pali scholar, whom I immediately invited to assist

me in reading the inscription, could critically take objections to other

inaccuracies which were repeated in every instance of the pillar text.

Thus the double s was wanting in dasi ; the nominative Jdja should be

written rdjd ; hevam, evam; and ahd, dha. Satisfied that these were

but the licenses of a loose vernacular orthography, as particularly

evinced by the interchange of the liquids 7 and r, I was little abashed

in finding the same errors on the Bakra and Betiah ats, and even

on the Cuttack cave inscription :—and it was with a degree of surprise

and joy proportionate to the absence of expectation, that on looking

over the Girnar version, I found all three of the grammatical errors

removed! The Girnar text is thus conceived :

3 P

470 Application of the Sancht alphabet

- = -] | Jom = it

adl*bULbbLed! ebS He

Devdnampiya Piyadasi raja evam aha.

Thus the anomalous use of the 7, the value of the vowel e, and

the identity of the language with the grammatical Pali, were explained

and confirmed. Other variations equally useful were extracted :—thus

in another part of the Girnar text the name was found in the in-

strumental case, Devdnampiyena Piyadasina ; ‘ by Devdnam-piya, the

beloved.’ Sometimes the name is contracted as at the conclusion of

the Delhi text, ‘ eta devdnampiya dha’ (for etam), ‘the foregoing spoke

the raja.’ In other places the name is Devdnampiyadasi, without the

second piya, and /déja or rdja is often omitted. But one of the most

important variations occurs again in the Girnar text; Devdnam piya

piya dasi rdja yasovakiti, where yasovdkiti, for yasa uvdcha iti*, ‘lo

this spake he,’ (or vakti, speaks) is substituted for the ordinary form,

evam cha.

Collecting together the above evidence, I think it will be admitted

that the initial sentence is satisfactorily determined}, and that it has

every appearance of being the declaratory formula of some royal edict;

or some profession of faith. The simplicity of the form reminds us of

the common expression in our own Scriptures—‘‘ Thus spake the pro-

phet ;” or in the proclamation of the Persian monarch— “‘ Thus saith

Cyrus, king of Persia.” There is none of that redundant and fulsome

hyperbole which we find in the Sanskrit grants and edicts of later

days.

I should have been inclined to expect from the extensive distribution

of the document over districts, never, as far as we know, governed bya

single Indian monarch, that it rather contained the doctrines of some

great reformer, such as SHéxya, to whom the epithets devdnampriya

priya-darsi might be applied. But not to mention the inapplicability

of the title rdja to such a person, the next sentence, which is also re-

peated several times, sets the matter of its royal authorship at rest.

This sentence follows the opening just described, on the north, south,

and west tablets of the De/At pillar in the form following :

OU sa | Jo Sts -,

we dhAddlddAls

Saddavisati vasa-abhisitena me, which Ratna Pau.a immediately

read as satta visati vasse abhisittena me, ‘ in the twenty-seventh year

_ ™® The P4li v¢k is the Sanskrit qjaq, synonimous with qq speech.

+ The Rev. Mr. Srevenson’s reading was satay fay ar aTsAe

which he translated, ‘‘ In the two ways (of wisdom and of works ?) with all speed

do I approach the resplendent receptacle of the ever-moving luminous radiance.’’

1837.] to the No. | Inscriptions of the Léts. 471

of my reign.’ The anomalous form of the second letter perplexed

me for some time, and it was only after collation with other readings

of the same passage that I became persuaded of its being a double d.

Thus I found sometimes dy | or sada, and once dy A sata, but gene-

rally dy ¢, the lower stroke seeming to imply duplication. That the

@ should be substituted for ¢¢ agreed with the observation by Messrs.

Burnovur and Lassxn of the frequent interchange of these letters in

their analysis of a Pali manuscript, the Boromat, from Ceylon. I have

also found in other parts of the inscription that the double dental ¢ is

as frequently rendered by the cerebral ¢ { , as by d 7.

That we are not mistaken in the interpretation of this passage we

have the most satisfactory proof in the commencement of the eastern

tablet, which perhaps ought to rank first, as it speaks of an earlier

date. The expression here is pnd fdyddy Y a oy" L8 Duwédasa

vasa abhisitena mé ; ‘In the twelfth year of my reign.’ It may be

perhaps objected that duwddasa is a very corrupt mode of writing

dwddasa, ‘twelve :’ the separation into two syllables of dwd, and the

substitution of the cerebral d being too great a latitude to sanction

unexplained. Here again, fortunately, other manuscripts come to our

aid. In the Cuttack inscription just received from Lieutenant Krrror

we find the dental d restored; and the undue collision of the two

short a’s grammatically corrected, thus :

2 a sd d 2 LY duwddasa vasdbhisitename*,

leaving the first error still uncorrected; but this again disappears

when we turn to the Girnar version, which seems generally to have

been executed with greater orthographical propriety. It is there,

(38th line)— af, aes

FedddddAL Pol eh LLOd

Dwadasavasabhisitena devinam daya piya thisa.

This is on other accounts a most important variation, because it

shews the value of the abbreviated pronoun mé (mama) ‘ of me,’ to have

been correctly rendered. The pronoun would in the present instance

be superfluous, because it is replaced by the name of the raja; which

has also two remarkable deviations from the common spelling—daya

for piya may be a fault in transcription, but it is also translatable.

The substitution of thisa for dasi, a change not so easily explained,

leads us to an inquiry who this potentate could have been, to spread

his edicts thus over the continent of India?

* The facsimile has Gbhisdtenam?,—a wistake, probably, in copying.

3 P2

472 Application of the Sanchi alphabet (June,

In all the Hindu genealogical tables with which I am acquainted, —

no prince can be discovered possessing this very remarkable namé. _

If there ever reigned such a monarch in India, his memory must.

have been swept away with every other record of the Buddhist dy-

nasties we know to have ruled in India unrecorded by fame: but if

any explanation can be afforded short of supposing such an entire

obliteration, and if it can be supported, moreover, by collateral facts,

we are bound to give it a preference rather than make darkness more

obscure by multiplying imaginary existences.

Such explanation can be satisfactorily supplied from the annals of a

neighbouring country, and this is the third occasion in which we have

been indebted to them for the elucidation of obscure occurrences in

India Proper. In Mr. Turnour’s epitome of Ceylonese History, then,

we are presented once, and once only, with the name of a king, Deve-

nipeatissa, as nearly identical with ours as possible, (especially the last

reading of the name,) and bearing, as Rarna Pauxa informs me, pre-

cisely the same derivation.

Drvent pEatissa succeeded his father on the throne of Ceylon in

the year of Buddha 236, or B. C. 307. One of his first acts is thus

related by Mr. Turnour :—

“He induced DuarmAsox4, a sovereign of the many kingdoms

into which Dambadiva (Jambudwipa, or India), was divided, and whose

capital was Pattilipatta, (Patna) to depute his son M1uinpv’ and his

daughter Saneamirré, with several other principal priests, to Anird-

dhapira for the purpose of introducing the religion of BuppHa. They

arrived in the year 237, the first of this reign and eighteenth of that

of DuarmAsoxA. They established Buddhism, propagating its doctrines

orally. The bo-tree was brought and planted at Anirddhapira on

the spot where the sacred trees of former Buppuas has stood. The

right jaw-bone of Buppua was obtained from Saxrava himself, and a

cup full of other relics from Duarmdsoxs. The king built the vihare

and ddgoba called Toohpaaraamaya, in which the jaw relic was deposit-

ed; sixty-eight rock temples with thirty-two priest’s chambers on

Mihintallai ; the Mahd vihare, the Issaramini vihare, the Satta chaitya

ddgoba, and the Issa-ramaya dégoba and vihare ; and formed the Issa

veva tank. Anus, the principal queen, and many inferior wives of

the king, assumed priesthood*,”

The age of the great AsoxA, the third or fourth in descent from

CHaANDRAGUPTA, is one of the well known epochs of the promulgation

of the Buddhist faith. It was also the most flourishing period of the

Ceylonese sovereignty then enriched by a commerce which has in

subsequent ages gradually passed into other channels. The monu-

* Turnour’s Epitome of Ceylonese History, Ceylon Almanac, 1833.

1837.] to the No. 1 Inscriptions of the Lats. 473

ments and rock excavations attributed to the ancient sovereigns of

Ceylon abound with inscriptions in a character not essentially differing

from these four on the continent of India. We have thus a strong

prima facie argument in favor of the hypothesis that Duv<nam-

PIYATISSA, the royal convert, caused, in his zeal, the dogmas of his

newly adopted faith to be promulgated far and wide at his expense.

It is true that, according to the Mahdvanst, the Buddhist doctrines

were not reduced to writing (i.e. in books) in Ceylon until 217

years, 10 months and 10 days after its oral promulgation by Minrnpé,

Asoxa’s brother, in the year above fixed,—or “* while VALAGAMABAHU,

the 21st sovereign of the Vijaya line, was still a disguised fugitive ;”

that is, about the year 90 B. C.; but this fact tells rather in favor

of other modes being previously used to make known, and to record

irrevocably the new rules of conduct; and we might easily cite a

more ancient and venerable example of thus fixing the law on tablets

of stone. But I have not yet shewn that such is the nature of our

inscription :—as yet, we are ignorant what happened in the twelfth

and the twenty-seventh year of king DrvANnampryanisa’s receiving

the holy unction, abhisheka. ‘To ascertain this, we must continue our

analysis one step further. On the south, east, and west sides of the

Deihé column, as well as in the body of the text, the text left unfinished

aboveis thusconcluded: °° D°§¥ J fF ab rb Aiyam dhammalipi likhe-

pitd, which may be exactly translated, ‘ This dharma-lipi, or writing of

the law, is caused to be written.’ All doubt as to the nature of the

document is thus removed, and we have the fullest confirmation of

the theory just broached. The variations of the reading are few—

HL" ayam is more correctly put for zyam in the Girnar version

(lipi being neuter in Pali, though feminine in Sanskrit) :—and in the

following sentence which winds up the Delhi inscription, we have

dhammalibi twice used for dhammalipi, exactly the license allowed in

Sanskrit, watafa and wafafy being synonimous: these seemingly

trivial variations are of great force in establishing the value of the

letters interchanged: :

Iya dhammalibi likhahépitdti eta Devénampiya ahd: ‘ Iyam dham-

ma libi ata atha silathabhdniva siladhakaniva tata kataviya ena esa chila-

thiti siya.’ Which seems to imply, though the precise meaning is not

yet well made out: ‘‘ Having caused to be engraven this dharmalibi,

Devdnamptya thus declared : ‘ This dharmalibi, in like manner as it is

now fixed upon enduring rock, so may all continue for ever in the

’” Silasthdpan, if long, would mean the establish-

performance of it.

Chila thiti siya, is evidently the San-

ment of Buddha’s doctrines.

skrit chiran sthiti siydt.

474 Analysis of the Alphabet derived (Jung,

The contents of the dharmalipi itself I must reserve for further exami-

nation with the aid of those who are more competent to analyze the

peculiarities of its phraseology. From the cursory view I have taken

of it with Rarna Pauxa, I may in some measure meet the curiosity of

the reader's inquiries, by stating that it treats of the fruits of virtue and

vicee—that it points out what animals are to be cherished and what are

not proper for food—what days, of the lunar month, are to be esteem-

ed holy, &c.; with much about the increase of virtue, but no mention

of the name of Buppna, Saaxys, or GAvtama—nor of any member

of the Hindu Pantheon. It is, however, quite impossible to say as yet

what are the contents of this genuine relic of antiquity,—perchance a

much more genuine relic of the Indian reformer than any of the

bones, teeth or hair of this sacred personage that have been preserved

in golden caskets or buried under stone pyramids in various spots!

But its chief recommendation is the philological value it possesses, of

higher authority even than all the books of Nipdl or Ceylon, in deter-—

mining the knotty dispute as to the language in which the reformed

religion of SHAKYyA was preached and spread so effectually among the

people. Itisnow evident that, as with the Kabirpanthis, the Dadupan-

this, the Sikhs, the Rémsanéhis, and all the sects who have appealed to

the common sense of the people against the learning and priestcraft of

the schools, the language of the appeal employed by the disciples of

Su&xya was the vernacular idiom of the day.

A few words, in conclusion regarding the alphabet, of which I

have had a fount prepared while this article was setting up for press.

There is a primitive simplicity in the form of every letter, which

stamps it at once as the original type whereon the more complicated

structure of the Sanskrit has been founded. If carefully analyzed,

each member of the alphabet will be found to contain the element of

the corresponding member, not only of the Deva-nagari, but of the

Canouj, the Pali, the Tibetan, the Hala Canara, and of all the deriva-

tives from the Sanskrit stock.

But this not all: simplification may be carried much farther by due

attention to the structure of the alphabet, as it existed even at this

early stage, and the genius of its construction, ab initio, may in some

measure be recognized and appreciated.

First, the aspirated letters appear to have been formed in most

cases by doubling the simple characters ; thus, 4 ché is the double of

th, is the same character with a dot as a distinguishing mark: (this

1837.] Srom the Buddhist Tope at Sancht near Bhilsa. 475

the inscriptions.) Again; ¢ dh,is only the letter | produced from

below—if doubled it would have been confounded with another letter,

(the 4.) The aspirated p |, is merely the |y p, with a slight mark,

sometimes put on the outside either right or left, but I cannot yet

affirm that this mark may not merely denote a duplication of the letter

rather than an aspiration—if indeed the terms were not originally

equivalent ; for we have just seen the doubling of the letter made to

denote its aspiration.

The kh seems formed from the g rather than the & :—the gf and jh

are missing as in Tibetan, and appear to be supplied by g and chh

respectively. 6 is anomalous, or it has been formed from the ¢ by

adding a downward stroke.

Again; there is a remarkable analogy of form in the semivowels

r,r,l,y,|, J, J, J. which tends to prove their having been framed

on a consistent principle :—the first r hardly ever occurs in the Delhi

inscription, but it is common in that from Girnar. The h |[,, is but

the J reversed: the rz so peculiar to the Sanskrit alphabet is formed

by adding the vowel 7 to the r thus, P.

As far as is yet known, there are only one n*, and one s: the nasals

and sibilants had not therefore been yet separated into classes ; for

the written Péli of 200 years later possesses at least the various n’s,

though it has but one s.

The four vowels, initials, have been discovered }},°+, >, L; 4, i, €, Ue

The second seems to be the skeleton of the third, as if denoting the

smallest possible vocal sound. Of the medial vowels it is needless to

speak, as their agreement in system with the old Nagari was long

since pointed out. The two long vowels { and 4, are produced by

doubling the short symbols. The visarga is of doubtful occurrence, but

the anuswara is constantly employed ; and when before m, as in D'&,

dhamma, it is equivalent to the duplication employed in the more

modern P4li writing. The following, then, is our alphabet, arranged

in the ordinary manner.

Gutturals. +7 A? kkh gghng ®FaAAS

Palatials. dbé&? ch chhj jhny ARARSA

Cerebrals. CO?7rG t th ddhn ZSoseuw

Dentals. AQ pDL ¢t th ddhn axteua

Labials. LbOd S&S p ph bbhm THAWA

Semivowels,gc.l, | VU&Ki dbyyr lush ALAA

Vowels. A. Poe ee CU OTe ey =

* I think the Girnar and Ceylon inscriptions will be found to have the other

nasals made by modification of the primary |. There are other letters in these

texts not found in the /é¢s of this side of India,

476 Analysis of the Ldt alphabet, No. 1. (June,

We might perhaps on contemplation of these forms go yet farther

into speculation on their origin.. Thus the g may be supposed to be

formed of the two strokes of the k, differently disposed : the 7, of the

two half curves of the ch superposed: the two d’s* are the same

letter turned right and left respectively ; and this principle, it may be

remarked, is to be met with in other scions of the Indian alphabet.

Thus in the Tibetan the z 4, a sound unknown to the Sanskrit, is

made by inverting the 7 R; the cerebral 2 ® by inverting the den-

tal 4 :—and the cerebral ¢, th,or €, B, by inversion of the dental ¢, th,

%} a.

The analogy between the ( and j is not so great in this alphabet

as in what we have imagined to be its successor, in which the essen-

tial part of the ¢, (L) is the ( placed downwards, ~. In the same

manner the connection of the labials, p and 8, is more visible in the old

Ceylonese, the Canouji, and even the Tibetan alphabets; the 6,

being merely the p x, closed atthe top: and insquare Pali|| and (J.

Thus when we come to examine the matter critically, we are insen-

sibly led to the reduction of the written characters to a comparatively

small number of elements,as ++, d,(, 7,1. U,4, |,4 andd;

besides the vowels }{, >, |. Or perhaps, in lieu of this arrangement,

it may be preferable to adopt one element as representative of each of

the seven classes of letters. We shall thus come to the very position

long ago advanced by Jamputus the traveller.

JAMBULUS was antecedent, says Dr. Vincent, to Diopérus; and

Driopérvs was contemporary with Auecustus. He made, or pretended

to have made, a voyage to Ceylon, and to have lived there seven years.

Nine facts mentioned by him as characteristic of the people of that

country, though doubted much in former days, have been confirmed

by later experience : a tenth fact the learned author of the Periplus

was obliged to leave for future inquiry,—namely, ‘‘ whether the parti-

culars of the alphabet of Ceylon may not have some allusion to truth :

for he says, ‘the characters are originally only seven, but by four

varying forms or combinations they become twenty-eightt.’ ”

It would be difficult to describe the conditions of the Indian alpha-

betical system more accurately than JamButus has done in this short

summary, which proves to be not only true in the general sense, of

the classification of the letters, but exact as to the origin and forma-

* It is worth observation that the dental d of the inscriptions corresponds in

form to the modern cerebral, and vice vers4.

t+ Vincent’s Periplus of the Erythrean Sea.

1837.) Account of a Buddhist image in-Gorakhpur. 477

tion of the symbols. As regards the discussion of the edict of Dav4-

NAMPIYATISSA, the testimony of JamButus is invaluable, because it

proves that written characters,—our written characters, were then in

use, (notwithstanding the Buddhist books were not made up till two

centuries later :)' and it establishes the credit of a much vituperated

individual, who has- been so lightly spoken of, that Witrorp endea-

vours tc identify him with Sindbad’ the sailor and other equally

marvellous travellers !

IlI.—Notice of. a Colossal Alto-Relievo, known by the name of Mata

Koonr, situated near Kussta Tannah, in Pergunnah Sidowa, Eastern

Division of Gorakhpur District. By D. Liston, Esq.

Should a traveller happen to encamp at: Kusséa, a village situated

about five kos from the Chapra boundary in the Gorakhpur district

and on the road joining the two stations, it may so happen that his

eye may alight on a pyramidal-looking mound of bricks about half'a

mile S. W. of the serai, over which spreads a magnificent banyan tree.

Should he be of an inquisitive turn, his natural inquiries will be, what

is it, and who has the fame of being its builder ?’ He will be informed

that it once belonged to Mata Koofr* ; a somewhat less ruined brick

pyramid with other brick mounds, about three-quarters of a mile to

the west of the object that first caught his observation, will probably

be pointed out as Mata Koonr’s fort ; and if it should be observed that

our traveller’s curiosity is thus excited, he will be told that Mata Koonr

himself lies petrified at but a short distance from his former place of

abode. A walk of about a couple of furlongs from the ruins, called the

fort, will bring our traveller to the side of a colossal alto-relievo of

very respectable execution, surrounded by much carved work, many

of the figures of which are well designed and cut, though others of

them are of an exaggerated and outré character ; but the features of

almost all the images, as well as those of the principal idol, he will find

have been destroyed with an unsparing hand, and with a care worthy

of a better object.

Not only have the countenances of the figures been defaced, but an

inscription, of which I send you the remaining lines as correctly as I

can copy them, seems at the same time to have been erased, or ground

out, the bigotry which prompted the one deed having doubtless also

instigated to the commission of the other more irreparable and lamen

able outrage. ;

* Mrita Kumara, the dead kum4ra (god of war).—Eb.

3 Q.

478 Account of Buddhist remains (Jung,

The inscription, of which No. 1 forms the remaining portion of the

two first and only lines left, seems to have occupied the whole of

what I may denominate the shield, if we consider the surrounding

carving as emblazonry, which it much resembles. Some additional

writing has also existed on each side of this scroll or shield on a sort

of cornice, but that on the left hand of the figure has been so com-

pletely obliterated that we can only now venture to assert that there

has been writing. Of the remains on the other side the letters given in

No. 2 may be considered as a careful attempt at a copy.

Mata Koonr is an object of worship in this vicinity, and that his

fame extends into neighbouring districts I had a proof in a pilgrim

from Bettiah pouring a vial of gangotrt water on his sacred head whilst

I was engaged with the sketch, of which I enclose acopy. The head,

too, bears marks of being periodically anointed by a serving brahmin

with ghee.

The enclosed sketch is to be considered as a plan of the design, and

was taken from actual measurement. It struck me as rather remark-

able in taking these measurements, that the results were generally in

complete inches and almost never in fractions of that unit.

The countenance is that of a young man: the chin well turned, the

forehead out of proportion, large. The appearance of the head seems

to have been given by the hair having been twisted into pyramidal

spirals.

Mata Koonr is supposed to be a divinity of considerable power,

Some years ago a lohar cut a piece from his left arm for the purpose

of making a whet-stone ; which sacrilege occasioned the death of him-

self and entire family—it is said by disease.

Tradition relates that Mata Koonr on the arrival of a Musulman

army to attack his fort, feeling himself unable to cope with the force

arrayed against him, caused his family and dependants to descend

into a well, and he himself having become a stone, lay down on the

mouth of it in order to conceal it from his enemy, and to ensure that

no disgrace should befal the objects of his affection. A few years

ago a gentleman, (name not now remembered,) caused the stone to be

removed from its site in order to ascertain whether it covered a well

or no, but none was found : the stone or pieces (for the stone has split

from end to end nearly in the middle) were not put back in their ori-

ginal position ;—a dry season followed, and the cultivators of the neigh-

bouring villages deeming that this was occasioned by the wrath of

Mata Koonr, came in a body and laid him again in the position which

he had been known to occupy for many preceding generations,

The stone is apparently a black clay-slate.

1837.) in the district of Gorakhpur. 479

I may mention that the appearance of the petals of the flower on

the sole of the fragment of the left foot (for one foot and one hand

are mutilated) would almost induce a belief that the statue was not

quite finished when subjected to the ruthless hand of the destroyer.

The other parts of the sculpture give an idea of its having been coms

pleted and finished with much care. The two figures of the eight-

armed goddess in particular seem to me very well designed and ex-

ecuted.

The group outside what may be termed the frame of the principal

figure consists of two stout male personages having each at his left

hand a figure of the same sex, but of not more than half the height.

The form next Mata Koonr seems of more than Herculean proportions,

and has apparently a flame or a glory about his head. His left hand

rests on the head of a goat, I think, without horns and with pendent

ears. The less robust figure has a disc with eight petals in each of

his hands, which are held up so that the discs appear over his shoul-

ders. He seems dressed in short drawers and short boots, whilst the

apparel of his stouter companion more resembles that usually worn in

the country.

The three aérial figures waving necklaces (?) over the eight-armed

goddess, occupy rather more space on the stone than they appear to

do in the sketch.

The waved line in the cornice over the head of Mata Koonr is in

the original an ornamental carving.

[Norz.—We have delayed the publication of this notice, with the

intention of lithographing the sketch; but although sufficient to

shew that the image is one of Buppua, surrounded with the smaller

compartments descriptive of various acts of his life, surmounted also

above by angels and gods, and below supported by the sinha and

elephant, it is not distinct enough for the pencil. The inscriptions

also are far too much abraded to be legible—but they probably con-

tain nothing more than the ordinary couplet. The Buddhist monument

to which the image belonged was probably connected with the /d¢ in

the same district described by Mr. Hopason in the Journal of the

Asiatic Society, vol. III. page 482. The name of that lat situated be-

tween the town of Bettiah and the Gandak is Mathia, evidently the

patronymic of Mata or Matha; Koonr, or Kunwar, is a corruption of

Kuméra, the youthful, or the god of war :——or it may be derived from

his adventure in the well, kutwa. Mata Kumdra might also be inter-

preted, ‘the defunct Kumara,” but in any case the vulgar appellation

has nothing to do with the original intention of the image.—Eb.]

3Q2

480 Extract and Translation of a Chapter [Junz,

{V.—Translation of one of the Granthas, or sacred books, of the Dadu-

pantht Sect. By Lieut. G. R. Stppons, Ist Light ‘Cav., second in

command 3rd Local Horse, Neemuch.

We cannot preface Lieut. Sippon’s specimen of ‘the contents of

the Dadupanthi Manual better than by extracting Professor W1Lson’s

account of this curious sect of anti-idolatrists, from the sixteenth

volume of the Asiatic Researches. Dr. Wiuson had intended to have

given a translation of a few passages, but his manuscript was unfor-

tunately mislaid. His notice of the sect was chiefly obtained from Lieut.-

Col. Smrru, and partly from verbal information at Benares where the

elder branch of the same dissenters, the Kabirpanthis, have a prin-

cipal establishment. Lieut. Sippons has enjoyed the advantage o

collecting his materials at the head-quarters of the sect.

“‘ The Dadupanthi is one of the indirect ramifications of the Rdmd-

nandi stock, and is always included amongst the Vishnava schisms: its

founder is said to have been a pupil of one of the Kabirpanthi teach-

ers, and to be the fifth in descent from RAMANAND; viz. 1, Kadir;

2, Kamdl ; 3, Jamal; 4, Bimal ; 5, Buddhan ; 6, Dadu. The worship

is addressed to R&ma, but it is restricted to the japa, or repetition of

his name, and the Rama intended is the deity as negatively describ-

ed in the Veddnta theology : temples and images are prohibited.

«‘ Dapvu was a cotton-cleaner by profession: he was born at dhme-

dabad, but in his twelfth year removed to Sambher in Ajmer: he

thence travelled to Kalydnpur, and next removed to Naraina, in his

thirty-seventh year, a place four kos from Sambher, and twenty from

Jaypur. When here he was admonished, by a voice from heaven, to

addict himself to a religious life, and he accordingly retired to Bahe-

ryana mountain, five kos from Naraina; where after some time he

disappeared, and no traces of him could be found. His followers

believed he was absorbed into the-deity. If the list of his religious

descent be accurate, he flourished about the year 1600, at the end of

Axssr’s reign, or in the beginning of that of Jenanoir. The fol-

lowers of Dapu wear no peculiar frontal mark nor md/é, but carry

a rosary, and are further distinguished by a peculiar sort of cap,—a

round white cap according to some, but according to others one with

four corners, and a flap hanging down behind; which it is essential

that each man should manufacture for himself.

“The Dadupunthis are of three classes: the Viraktas, who are

religious characters, who go bare-headed, and have but one garment

and one water-pot. The Ndgas who carry arms, which they are willing

to exercise for hire, and amongst the Hindu princes they have been

1837.] from the Granthas of the Dadupanthi Sect. 481

considered as good soldiers. The third class is that of the Bister-

dharis, who follow the occupations of ordinary life. A farther sub-

division exists in this sect, and the chief branches again form fifty-

two divisions, or thambas, the peculiarities of which have not been

ascertained. The Dadupanthis burn their dead at dawn, but their

religious members not unfrequently enjoin that their bodies after

death shall be thrown into some field or some wilderness, to be de-

voured by the beasts and birds of prey; as they say, that in a funeral

pile insect life is apt to be destroyed.

“The Dadupanthis are said to be very numerous in Marwar and

Ajmer: of the Naga class alone the raja of Jaypur is reported to

entertain as soldiers more than 10,000. The chief place of worship

is at Naraina, where the bed of Danu, and the collection of the texts

of the sect are preserved and worshipped. A small building on the

hill marks the place of his disappearance. A mela or fair is held

annually from the day of new moon to that of full moon in Phalgun,

(February-March,) at Naraina. The tenets of the sect are contained

in several Bhdshé works, in which it is said a vast number of passages

from the Kabir writings are inserted, and the general character of

which is certainly of a similar nature. The Dadupanthis maintain a

friendly intercourse with the followers of Kasi’x and are frequent

visitors at the Chaura, (at Benares.)”

frqrant BF |

SIZ ULH VLM AFRCVyTla| ATBAL THTAL TMV Fa! V1

ais Rarges TE AHRHT GIT) ATA HLA ae AS TSVATT 2)

SASHA AAG SCM AL AT FBC! Aceatiaweng garai wt

ars 12

Gre earer vical AesaTTUSIe | ecZsMlaaTacua THealeaTe |

argedaranareay weanarete | fecfraafasians Gx Tae

TEI4!

HCUSICACAGAT SAH RA GPa | PARSMATAS SATSATIANA | ¢ |

SIE waar aren aaa | Siferaraera | Saafacsoawrcay AC saa

avg 19)

SUA M AMAA Wag Va IK! arareafrecar facargy

AES)

482 Extract and Translation of a Chapter [Juns,

Sesfensawagrast safesatWas | vigalqrres TaTssatere &

FRUTNIGEA Ffaacedisiy | sacle uaretaa afacacciy | yo

gftaquufes TSCA | TISTAAS ATT SaMISHTMT | Ve |

aigfamiciaat dauwastia | ereciasantes Famiafasia | QR!

agfaanfagigag adh Parsaarsre | SUMATECHIAATSSISNE 182

aipiafaussreansimal vacsagrane| sacqafaadcufraraaaarar

WAT! Ve!

Gaqaya acy faazaregeMe | Has eaeasiafaraATANe | vw.

area aU rate gaa Tuas | afreateat iC UAT AATAT |

AAMATMIACIs Tass | Satheryacast eteaifeeSrsy (Vo

ZIZa aweafahaaar fafrazAaisia | ataradcfear qraaaae |

fececmaparfad ATUTTAT | ISHAITS ai TTRIGTATT | VE |

aqomaftaafed rst Seeraiers | pitaguafsse|r eae Bre |

alguizuataat Sansques | waraealastaat Annas A STI RVI

agfecnazrcreafaat fare day) Gre saa Vc MsT Sl aA STT CST |

RR |

uienfuafeadee asquadia| saaarafetaica Race

ala | R2)

eIeeaaetigcaal sralacaary! HIS FSCTMAG ATATS Ia VT |

Ie Aisiqwsaasesad egies Bes | ara aiearsrega sraaiz

ATS | RY

ALSAICAA SUATAUT | CARAAATCAT ( AIVATVTSUS | RE

UCLAACAATATT CHHTHTTT | SISAHATINVA BART FISTS | Ro!

QISHATATS RANG | SSAA | ee |

ZIGMISISSAT AAS la | Tarelefafasacraaras fraTT 1 REI

SITHASATAA CAST IVS | GaCawaaas wfararwagwrs 1301

SAEAFRIT TATA VIMAE! Weaaars ffaae qiafasiars 12a

STE RSqETRaTaraet fafeeyewara! cereefas Rafa ary

wa fT areal 1 R21

are(arixinadt fateemaet 1 gereefasfahae giraeary

WMT | R2 |

1837.] JSrom the Granthas of the Dadupanthi Sect. 483

apfeneqiarsate stafrcfierta! wleatifeqarces atAreT

Tayalag | 32 |

SIVA G ea HCH eaITa AialtaTSAy Vaasa |

BUA A wATs Me VE Vax! TWeaAecarsys sHeciacsis |! ve |

euegqaaus waaay | aefararsarac acafeasne |

qui yaasat Usiaaacre | esufaatcafSsasrensayre | ea

Wsarsawsraa wawwwices | raeataine sed Hlcaica ee

Fagfausiefcaiaes arqrndiat ca tinfraifaeniaar creates |

arqrafavieiaa faatisisicta | faanfefaticuqree Fema sare

regi

arefentadsiact sreaieterc! esas seaics TTB CATTC |

BR |

argeuiarcecen fafasiggreyl GIs URea fray |

SISSUA SSC AAA THA ANS | HHS GA GO STTSAGT Le |

SISSUG GSN ARAMA! Gastafenrs Beapsivtstal vy

SESUIMGSCSN BICASTS GS | SAAB STS BICASTGSNT | ve |

sgefrargers at areatece | wfeavufeafes efeaaarel vo |

gortictear quiefceitus | gra tiatliergy wraasng | es

YMA CHUM SHAT! aTafealeea sins eagicra ee |

SISAUNA HRA GIUIATVASNy | BWesadana ceacia

THE | Ye |

SIACA SAAT HCATSICHTS | ACATVaTH LAT Blafaacaryral wrt

HTS AAAS SATAN | PSDs HMSTAiA | Uz I

SFA CiaS Ufa HH SAT | TSVTTATSS ATT TTT AT! V2 |

Uayamenci atafaararaife | ergurtawes Ter waaife | ws |

RHA etal BVH SAST! TATA Sasa AgssH ATA | UH |

areareaatars afeaacrsie | aieafecaraise UfeafeertiT |

qrgeacsttaat fafrae sfawre | Sarequeaar afa eras are | Us |

uivaaetine wiswafatare | FeHeTgae afTergare | Vs

frarsearaesTT |

484 Extract and Translation of a Chapter (Jung,

Translation of the chapter on Faith.

1. Whatever Ra’ willeth, that, without the least difficulty, shall be ;

why, therefore, do ye kill yourselves with grief, when grief can avail

you nothing ?

2. Whatsoever hath been made, Gop made. Whatsoever is to be made,

God will make. Whatsoever is, Gop m:keth,—then why do any of ye

afflict yourselves?

3. Danv sayeth, Thou, oh Gop! art the author of all things which

have been made, and from thee will originate all things which are to be

made. Thou art the maker, and the cause of all things made. There is

none other but thee.

4. He is my Gop, who maketh all things perfect. Meditate upon him

in whose hands are life and death.

5. He is my Gop, who created heaven, earth, hell, and the interme-

diate space ; who is the beginning and end of all creation; and who pro-

videth for all.

6. I believe that Gop made man, and that he maketh every thing..

He is my friend. ,

7. Let faith in Gop characterize all your thoughts, words, and actions.

He who serveth Gon, places confidence in nothing else.

8. Ifthe remembrance of Gop be in your hearts, ye will be able to.

accomplish things which are impracticable. But those who seek the paths

of Gop are few!

9. He who understandeth how to render his calling sinless, shall be

happy in that calling, provided he be with Gop.

10. If he that perfecteth mankind, occupy a place in your hearts, .

you will experience his happiness inwardly. Ra’m is in every thing ; Ra'm>

is eternal.

11. Oh foolish one! Gop is not far from you. He is near you. You:

are ignorant, but he knoweth every thing, and is careful in bestowing.

12. Consideration and power belong to Gop, who is omniscient. Strive

to preserve Gop, and give heed to nothing else. .

13. Care can avail nothing ; it devoureth life: for those things have

existed which were ordained, those things shall happen which Gop-

Shall direct.

14. He who causeth the production of all living things, giveth to their

mouths milk, whilst yet in the stomach. They are placed amidst the fires

of the belly: nevertheless they remain unscorched.

15. Oh forget not, my brother, that Gop’s power is always with you. .

There is a formidable pass within you, and crowds of evil passions flock to -

it: therefore comprehend Gon.

16.. Commend the qualities which Gop possesseth. He gave you eyes,

speech, head, feet, mouth, ears, and hands, He is the lord of life and of!

the world.

1837.] Srom the Granthas of the Dadupanthi Sect. 485

17. Ye forget Gop, who was indefatigable in forming every thing, and

who keepeth every thing in order; ye destroy his doctrines. Remember

Gop, for he endued your body with life: remember that beloved one, who

placed you in the womb, reared and nourished you.

18. Preserve Gop in your hearts, and put faith into your minds, so

that by Gop’s power your expectations may be realized.

19. He taketh food and employment, and distributeth them. Gop is

near ; he is always with me.

20. In order that he may diffuse happiness, Gop becometh subservient

to all ; and although the knowledge of this is in the hearts of the foolish,

yet will they not praise his name,

21. Although the people every where stretch out their hands to Gop;

although his power is so extensive, yet is he sometimes subservient to all.

22. Oh Gop, thou art as it were exceeding riches ; thy regulations are

without compare, thou art the chief of every world, yet remainest invisible.

23. Dapv sayeth, I will become the sacrifice of the Godhead ; of

him who supporteth every thing ; of him who is able, in one moment, to

rear every description of animal, from a worm even to an elephant.

24. Take such food and raiment as it may please Gop to provide you

with. You require naught besides.

25. ‘Those men who are contented, eat of the morsel which is from

Gop. Oh disciple! why do you wish for other food, which resembles

carrion ?

26. He that partaketh of but one grain of the love of God, shall be

Yeleased from the sinfulness of all his doubts and actions. Who need cook,

or who need grind? Wherever ye cast your eyes, ye may see provisions.

27. Meditate on the nature of your bodies, which resemble earthen

vessels ; and put every thing away from them, which is not allied to God.

28. Dapu sayeth, I take for my spiritual food, the water and the

leaf of Ra’m. For the world I care not, but Gon’s love is unfathomable.

29. Whatever is the will of Gop, will assuredly happen ; therefore do

not destroy yourselves by anxiety, but listen.

30. What hope can those have elsewhere, even if they wandered over

the whole earth, who abandon Gop? oh foolish one! righteous men who

have meditated on this subject, advise you to abandon all things but Gop,

since all other things are affliction.

31. It willbe impossible for you to profit any thing, if you are not with

Gop, even if you were to wander from country to country ; therefore, oh

ignorant, abandon all other things, for they are affliction, and listen to the

voice of the holy.

32. Accept with patience the offering of truth, believing it to be true ;

fix your heart on Gop, and be humble as though you were dead.

-33. He who meditateth on the wisdom which is concealed, eateth his

morsel and is without desires. The holy praise his name, who hath

no illusion.

486 Extract from the Granthas of the Dadupanthis. (June,

34. Have no desires, but accept what circumstances may bring before

you ; because whatever Gop pleaseth to direct, can never be wrong.

35. Have no desires, but eat in faith and with meditation whatever

chances to fall in your way. Go not about, tearing from the tree, which

is invisible.

36. Have no desires, but take the food which chances to fall in your

way, believing it to be correct, because it cometh from Gop; as muchas

if it were a mouthful of atmosphere.

37. All things are exceeding sweet to those who love Gop; they would

never style them bitter, even if filled with poison ; on the contrary, they

would accept them, as if they were ambrosia.

38. Adversity is good, if on account of Gon ; but it is useless to pain

the body. Without Gon, the comforts of wealth are unprofitable.

39. He that believeth not in the one Gop, hath an unsettled mind; he

will be in sorrow, though in the possession of riches: but Gop is without

price. ‘

40. The mind which hath not faith, is fickle and unsettled, because,

not being fixed by any certainty, it changeth from one thing to another.

41. Whatever is to be, will be: therefore long not for grief nor for

joy, because by seeking the one, you may find the other. Forget not to

praise Gon.

42. Whatever is to be, will be: therefore neither wish for heaven nor

be apprehensive on account of hell. Whatever was ordained, is.

43. Whatever is to be, will be ; and that which Gop hath ordained can

neither be augmented nor decreased. Let your minds understand this.

44. Whatever is to be, will be; and nothing else can happen. Accept

that which is proper for you to receive, but nothing else.

45. Whatever Gop ordereth, shall happen, so why do ye vex yours

selves? Consider Gop as supreme over all ; he is the sight for you to behold.

46. Dapvu sayeth, Do unto me oh Gop! as thou thinkest best—I am

obedient to thee. My disciples! behold no other Gop ; go no where

but to him. 5

47. Iam satisfied of this, that your happiness will be in proportion te

your devotion. The heart of Dapu worshippeth Gop night and day.

48. Condemn nothing which the creator hath made. Those are his

holy servants who are satisfied with them.

49. We are not creators—the Creator is a distinct being ; he can make

whatever he desireth, but we can make nothing.

50. Kuprrra left Benarves and went to Mughor in search of Gon.

Ra’m met him without concealment, and his object was accomplished.

51. Dapvu sayeth, My earnings are Gop. He is my food and my sup=

porter ; by his spiritual sustenance, have all my members been nourished.

52. The five elements of my existence are contented with one food?

my mind is intoxicated ; hunger leaveth him who worshippeth no other

but Gon.

1837.) Sites of Fossil deposits in the Nerbudda Valley. 487

53. Gop is my clothing and my dwelling. He is my ruler, my body,

and my soul.

54. Gop ever fostereth his creatures ; even as a mother serveth her

offspring, and keepeth it from harm.

55. Oh Gop, thou who art the truth, grant me contentment, love,

devotion, and faith. Thy servant Dapv prayeth for true patience, and

that he may be devoted to thee.

V.—Notice of new Sites of Fossil deposits in the Nerbudda Valley. By

Dr. G. G. Spruspury. Pl. XXX.

[In a letter to the Sec., see Proceedings As. Soc. for May, p. 321.]

The last presentation I made to the museum was part of the os

innominatum of an elephant, which, judging by the size of the sockets,

was supposed to be of larger dimensions than the animal whose bones

were delineated in your August No. for 1834. The specimen was

picked up on the hill close to Jabalpur, on the site first brought to

notice by Captain Sterman, and whose discovery has been the parent

of the whole of my researches. This specimen was forwarded as being

the first that appeared to me of definite form sufficient to identify

the animal to which it belonged. Since this I have been over the

hill several times, but with the exception of one vertebra of the same

or similar sized animal, I have not been able to add more specimens

of sufficient size or determinate form to my collection ; though I doubt

not the hill is most rich in fossil remains from the quantity of frag-

ments of trees and bones strewed about. From a note of mine in

December last you were made aware that I was following up my in-

vestigations at Sagauni on the Omar Naddhi. These have now led to the

discovery of three new sites for the knowledge of which we are solely

indebted to Major Ousruzy, the principal Assistant of the district,

whose zeal in the prosecution of these most interesting discoveries,

and kindness in aiding and facilitating their conveyance to me will, I

have no doubt, be fully appreciated by the Society when the specimens

are presented, and which I trust will be before the termination of

March. I shall now proceed to give some description of the present

dispatch, consigned to my friend Dr. Row’s care, who will I know have

much pleasure in forwarding them to you.

Seven of the specimens are from my old site of Sagauni, and as I

before forwarded two femurs, the present must evidently have be-

longed to another animal of the same species. They consist of asacrum,

part of the os innominatum containing the socket, part of the os pubis,

3.R2

488 Sites of Fossil deposits in the Nerbudda Valley. — [Junx,

the symphisis being very distinct*, a femur (figs. 1, 2, see note) in two

pieces and a tibia (figs. 3,4) in as many. These constitute the

packages from Sagauni, and you will doubtless immediately recognize

the same formation and matrix as those first sent. Circumstances

not allowing of my visiting the place in person, I requested Major

OussLry, who was at that time at Narsinghpur, to visit the place and

have a shaft cut from top to bottom. While so employed, being accom-

panied by numerous patels of the neighbourhood, one of them in-

formed him that about two kos off, a giant’s head was projecting from

the bank near his village; and on visiting the place the splendid

upper jaw, that is now presented}, was excavated and sent in. This

also led to the discovery of the fossil Buffalo-head, (for I presume from

the size and setting on of the horns, that there will be no doubt as to

what animal it belongs,) together with four other fossil remains of

animals which I shall leave to the cognoscent to class. I have still

two specimens to forward, one a shoulder from Sagauni, the other

a nearly complete elephant’s head with exception of the lower jaw.

This last was the result of native intelligence, Major Ousm.ey being

informed that close to Rewanagar was a giant’s head, and that the

place or ravine in which it was deposited obtained the name of the

Dona’s khoh from this circumstance. This, however, with the shoulder

must await another opportunity, as they do not weigh less than five

maunds, and the fragments now brought to your notice are not less than

ten. Thus from Captain Stumman’s first discovery of a fossil deposit

near Jabalpur valley, and a slight notice of that fact in your Journal,

eleven sites (including Jabalpur and Hoshingabad) in the valley of

the Nerbudda have been brought to the notice of those interested in

geological pursuits, and with the valuable aid now afforded by my

new coadjutor Major Ousrxey, I trust to add to the number.

In conclusion I beg to send a sketch, shewing the locale of the new

sites.

Norre.—The dimensions of the huge fossil humerus and cubitus,

represented in the plate correspond so nearly with those of the femur

formerly extracted by Dr. Spiuspury from the same spot Sagauni,

that. we may safely allot them to the same animal, an elephant of

certainly more than fifteen feet high: and indeed our museum will

soon be able to put the animal together from the ponderous masses

* These fragments put together are represented in Plate XXX. figs. 5, 6.—Ep.

t+ A fine fossil, ferruginized—of a smaller size than the Sagauni elephant.

— Ep,

Journ.As. Soc. Vol VL. Pe XXX

Nerbudda fossil Llephant

a daa *3". 7 sp ——} = = ~ | a

ae = poomaees —-

a a ——7

—_ Sites A

—

i gs 4 ff

Shinsep aes. cb Lilh,

ok Cat

sie ‘ ee 7. u .

Ap Ho Get e

1837.] New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes. 489

Dr. S. has, at great trouble and expense, conveyed across country

from the Nerbudda to the Ganges for us. In the sketch of localities

joined to his note, it becomes evident that the whole alluvium

contains fossil remains ; and we may confidently leave its exploration

to the Doctor and his coadjutor Major OusrLry. We might expatiate

upon the gold medals awarded by the London Geological Society to

Messrs. Cauturny and Fatconer* as a stimulus to our discoverers, but

although it must be an encouragement to all to find their labors thus

appreciated at home, we should blush to put such rewards in the scale

against, or with, the disinterested love of science which has done so

much alone. We would suggest to Dr.S. not to confine himself to gigan-

tic specimens, but particularly to select from the mass of fragments,

teeth of all sorts: hitherto we have only had the horse, the elephant,

and the buffalo from Jabalpur, but doubtless there are as many other

animals associated with these as at Perim and elsewhere. We have

not time at present to lithograph the buffalo (an incontestable one it is)

but we reserve it with the less regret because we are expecting a

similar specimen from Mr. Dawre,—when all the heads can be arranged

together for comparison.—Eb.

VI.—New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes.

By B. H. Honeson, Esq.

In No. 32 of the Gleanings in Science, (the precursor of your Jour-

nal) for August, 1831, I gave a full and careful account of the

Woodcock and of the several Snipes of Nepal. But as no technical

names and characters were then affixed to these birdst, I may as well

attempt to supply the deficiency for the benefit of local inguirers,

who, I suspect, are hardly sufficiently alive to that legerdemain

of the closet-naturalist, whereby they are cheated of the whole

-merit of their labours by him who does no more than annex a few

words of doggrel Latin to the numerous facts painfully elaborated by

costly and continuous attention. How long assiduous local research

is to be deliberately deprived of those aids of library and museum

which it ought to be the chief duty of learned Societies at home to

furnish, I know not. But the candid will, in the meanwhile, make all

* We hope these medals will not be so tardy of arrival as those voted to

Captains Burnes and Conouty by the Paris Geographical Society which have

not yet made their appearance.—Ep.

t Those to whom it went, best know what is become of the paper I sent

home, with these names and characters affixed.

490 New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes. _ (Junz,

allowances for the necessary errors cleaving to attempts at technical

Zoology, in the want of such aids. Whilst the face of our land is

darkened with skin-hunters, deputed by learned Societies to incum-

ber science with ill-ascertained species, no English zoological associ-

ation has a single travelling naturalist* in India; nor has one such

body yet sought to invigorate local research, numerous as now are the

gentlemen in India with opportunities and inclination for observation

such as need but the appropriate aid of those bodies to render the

investigations of these gentlemen truly efficient towards all the

higher ends which the Societies in question are constituted to forward !

GRALLATORES.

ScoLopaciDz.

Genus Scotopax, Auctorum.

Species, new? Indicus, nobis.

Structure typical : aspect of the European type: size less, 14 inches

long by 24 between the wings, and 12 oz in weight: bill 3 inches: tail

34: wings about 17 inch less than the tail: Ist quill longest: tertials

about 1 inch less. Tarsus 12; central toe 14, hind 4}. Tail 12, soft,

uniform.

Remark. Found everywhere, in the higher mountains of India.

Colored like the European type, but asserted by competent judges

to be less in size. The size and proportions given will determine

this point. If both differ, the species must be distinct, and will form

an interesting instance of geographical equivalency without specific

identity—of which probably there are very many yet to be noted,

especially among the Rapfores, the waders, and the swimmers—

migrating birds which have, it is true, a wide range, but very appa-

rently (according to my experience), a limited one.,

Genus Gabuinaco, Auctorum.

Species, new: Nemoricola, nobis.

Large dark wood-haunting snipe, with full soft bowed wings : short-

ish tail of 16 to 18 feathers, whereof the 8 or 10 laterals are some-

what narrowed and hardened: large blue legs and feet, and belly

* The French, who are far quicker-witted than we Beotian islanders, have

had two such agents in India ever since I came to it. But the travelling natura-

list is in no condition to compete with the fixed local student, if the latter

receive the obvious helps from home. For many years past we have had great

and wealthy Zoological Societies in London, which, howéver, have not yet found

out that the phenomena of animate nature must be observed where they exist !

+ My method of measuring the tarsus and digits has been explained in the

Indian Journal of Science, No. VIII. for November 1836.

1837.) , New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes. 491

entirely barred: 124 inches long by 18 between the wings: bill 23,

tail 23: tarsus 12: central toe 13%: hind ;3: weight 7 oz.

Remarks. This interesting species forms by its size, its manners,

and some points of its structure, a link between the genera Scolopuxr

and Gallinago, but deviates from both towards Rhynchea, by the

feebleness of its soft, bowed and subgradated wings, which have the

2nd quill longest. I have set it down in my note book, as the type

of a new genus or subgenus, under the style of Nemoricola Nipa-

Zensis, but I forbear, for the present, from so naming it. Its general

structure is that of a snipe, but the bill is a woodcock’s, and the legs

and feet are larger than in Gallinago. It is shy, non-gregarious,

avoids the open cultivated country, and is only found in the haunts of

the woodcock, with this difference in its manners, as compared with

those of Scolopaz, that it is averse from the infertor of woods. The

wings are usually from 3 to 1 inch less than the tail, and the prime

and tertial quills are equal. ‘The tarsi differ from those of the com-

mon snipe in that the scales, posteally, are broken on the mesial line,

whereas they are entire in that bird.

2nd Species, new: Solitaria, nobis.

Large, pale, luteous-legged snipe, with small legs and feet, and

tail consisting of 20 plumes, whereof the 10 laterals are hardened

and narrow: 123 inches long by 20 in expanse: bill 22: tail 34:

tarsus 1,2: central toe 1,4: hind ~;: weight 64 oz.

Remarks. The general structure of this bird is perfectly typical,

(Gallinago), but it has shorter legs and feet than the ordinary snipe,

from which it further differs by the division of the tarsal scales, on

the posteal aspect. This is a point:of affinity with the last, with which

our present species agrees very closely iv. manners ; the two conduct-

ing one, without a sensible interval, from Scolopar to Gallinago. The

trivial name refers to the habits of the species: but the term, in

English, is usually applied by our sportsmen to the preceding bird

which is found in the Doons and Kaders near the hills, whereas the

present species never quits the hills. In our present subject the wing

has all the strength and acumination so characteristic of most of its

confamiliars. The tail also is firm and of good length. The tail

usually exceeds the wings by about half an inch, the tertials being

scarcely so long as the primes.

3rd Species, Biclavus, nobis.

Common Indian field snipe, with the lining of the wings perfectly

barred, and tail of 24 to 28 feathers, of which the 16 to 20 laterals

492 New species of Scolopacide, Indian Snipes. (Jung,

are narrowed almost to threads, and very rigid. 11 inches long by

17 wide, and 5 oz. in weight; bill 24: tail 24: tarsus 14: central toe

14, hind 75.

4th Species, Uniclavus, nobis.

Common Indian field snipe, with the lining of the wings faintly

barred, the bill long, and tail of 14 to 16 uniform plumes. 114

inches long by 17 wide*, and 5 ounces in weight: bill 23: tail 23:

tarsus 14: central toe 14, hind ;5.

Remarks. The two last species are the ordinary snipes of the

plains and hills: their general structure and aspect are quite typical,

but their size is less than that of their European analogue. The dif-

ferences noted in the two species are permanent, as I have proved by

the examination of numberless specimens of both sexes, and in all

stages of moult. Both the bill and the tail of Uniclavus are conspi-

cuously longer than those of Biclavus. In characterising these four

species of Gallinago, I have chosen purposely to rely on size, propor-

tions, and the structure of the tail—points which I have no doubt

will serve to fix my species without reference to colors, in/relation to

which it may be observed that the uniformity of aspect (except in our

Nemoricola, which has the woodcock bars below) is calculated only

to confuse those who are referred to it for specifical differences,

The expressions dark and pale, in the specific characters of Nemori-

cola and Solitaria, have careful reference to the average tone and

intensity of color in the type of Gallinago.

In Biclavus, the wings are seldom so much as an inch short of the

tail: whereas in Uniclavus, they are generally 14 at least. This is

caused by the superior length of the tail in the latter: for the wings

of both are of equal size, and 5 inches long from the bend of the

shoulder to the tip of the longest quill.

* The Rev. R. Everest, in 1825, killed a bird of this species, 123 inches long

and 7 oz in weight !! But monsters are abnormal ; and I take occasion to say that

all my sizes, weights and proportions in this paper are mean maxima, deduced

from numberless trials. I may add, that the sexual defferences are purposely

overlooked, having been found to be inappreciably small. The females, however,

are the larger ; and the males, the deeper toned in color. .

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 493

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,

Wednesday Evening, the 5th July, 1837. '

The Hon’ble Sir Enwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Mr, J. Murr, C. §., proposed by Captain Caut.ery, seconded by the

Secretary, at the last meeting, was elected a Member.

The Baron Scuinune, of Cronstudt, was, upon the favorable report of

the Committee of Papers, elected an Honorary Member.

Rustamsy Cowass1’, was proposed by Baboo Ra’m Comat Sen, seconded

by Sir E. Ryan.

Baboo Surr Cuurn Guosau, proposed by the Secretary, seconded by

Mr. Harz.

Captain Boere, proposed by Mr. Watters, seconded by Captain Pem-

BERTON.

Read a letter from Dr. J. Swinvy, acknowledging his election as a

Member.

Read the following correspondence regarding the museum, consequent

upon the resolution of the last meeting.

To the Right Honorable Georaer, Lord AUCKLAND, &c. &c. &c.

Governor General of India in Council.

My Lorp,

I have been requested by the Asiatic Society to become the organ of a respectful

representation to your Lordship in Council on a topic of great importance to the

interests of the Society, which was made the subject of a Resolution passed at a

general meeting held on the 7th instant.

I have now accordingly the honor to submit a copy of that Resolution, and with

every deference and respect to solicit for the prayer of it, the most favorable consi-

deration of your Lordship’s Government.

The Asiatic Society has been in existence for more than half a century. Founded by

the illustrious Sir W1LL1AM JONES, with the concurrence and support of the no less

illustrious WARREN HASTINGS, it has uniformly enjoyed the countenance and pro-

tection of the high officers placed at the head of the Indian administration, many of

whom have joined in its objects with more than the formal interest of nominal patrons,

and have contributed individually to its records of literature, or to its collection of

antiquities and of curious natural productions.

It would be quite superfluous to enumerate, in addressing the Society’s official

patron, the many eminent men whose names have adorned and still adorn its list of

members, or to recal the services they have severally rendered to science and to

literature ; but it is by no means to these alone that the Institution owes its efficiency,

its stability, and its reputation. Without the co-operation of the many, the talents and

abstract studies of the few would have been comparatively ineffectual ; and the learned

world in many cases would have been deprived of the chief benefit of their studies and

knowledge but for the combination which is so necessary to effect undertakings of

magnitude and expence, and for the stimulus which emulation, and publicity, and a

common interest never fail to excite.

Since its foundation the Asiatic Society has expended more than three lakhs of

rupees upon the prosecution and publication of its Reseaches in the languages, the

philosophy, the history, the geography, physical, and statistical of India; and there is

no branch of useful knowledge connected with this country that has not received

illustration through the judicious employment of its funds.

On one or two occasions the Society has received handsome donations from indivi-

duals, but it has never yet solicited or received public aid from the Government of the

country. In venturing therefore to propose a measure for which there was no prece-

dent in its history, the Committee of papers, with whom the suggestion originated,

deemed it incumbent on them to shew the Society at large the grounds upon which

they rested their recommendation: and the substance of the arguments they then

used I am now requested by the Society to lay before your Lordship in Council.

It is not from a declining Society that an appeal is made, to save it from impending

ruin or to enable it to support its expences on the same scale of efficiency as hereto-

fore. On the contrary, the Society never had a more flourishing list of contributing

Members, nor was it ever more actively engaged on the multiplied objects of its

attention. Indeed it would be difficult to mention any department in which its

duties have not materially increased within the last few years. .

494 . Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [June,

By the transfer of the Oriental publications from the Education Committee a very

important and responsible task has been thrown upon the Society, which it is most

anxious to perform with diligence and satisfaction to the increasing body of Oriental

scholars in Europe, who have expressed a common feeling and interest in its efficiency

and permanancy. .

By the transfer of the Oriental manuscripts and printed volumes from the College

of Fort William the Society’s library has been doubled, and the charge and respon-

sibility of its management proportionately increased. The Society cannot be insensible

of the obligation of making known its contents, of encouraging and providing accom-

modation for copyists, and of guarding property of increasing value. Thus the exten-

sion of the library has been attended with consequences which are felt in various

matters of detail that cannot well be described.

Literary publications have also sought the Society’s auspices in greater number

of late than heretofore; and the government has paid it the compliment of seeking

its advice and of following its suggestions in respect to many literary undertakings

for which the public patronage had been solicited.

The government of France has condescended to employ the Society as the medium

for procuring additions to the superb Oriental library of the French nation, and many

distinguished Orientalists of the Continent have solicited the same favor.

From all these sources the responsibility, the substantive existence of the Society

has derived strength and lustre ; but every enlargement of its connections and every

new field of its operations cannot but call for some additional expenditure or point

out some desideratum which the Society’s means are unable to provide ; and this must

be always more prominently felt where, from all the officers of the institution afford-

ing their services gratuitously, there is a reluctance in imposing new duties or ex-

pecting an increased devotion of their limited leisure.

But it is particularly in the physical branch of its labours—a vast field compre-

hending, according to the emphatic expression of Sir W1LLI1AM JONES, ‘‘ whatever

is produced by nature within the geographical limits of Asia,’’ that the Asiatic

Society feels itself most backward and deficient of means.

The rapid strides that have been made in physical inquiry throughout the world in

the present age, have been compassed only by national efforts. By these have the

schools of Paris been raised to the perfection of which they now boast, and her mu-

seums stored with most instructive and precious collections.

By the combinations of the wealthy, aided by a popular government is England

now beginning to rival her. A national museum is indeed throughout Europe become

an essential engine of education, instructive alike to the uninformed who admires

the wonders of nature through the eye alone, and to the refined student who seeks

in these repositories what it would be quite out of his power to procure with his own

means.

The Asiatic Society, or it may be allowable to say the metropolis of British India,

has had the germs of a national museum as it were planted in its bosom. As at

Paris a new era was opened in the history of its great museum, the Jardin des

Plantes, through the discoveries of extinct and wondrous animal forms exhumed

from the rocks on which the town was built, and which required all the adjuncts of

comparative anatomy for their investigation even by the master-hand of the great

CuvieER; so in Calcutta through the munificence of a few individuals and the deve-

lopment of fossil deposits in various parts of India hitherto unsuspected, we have

become possessed of the basis of a grand collection, and we have been driven to seek

recent specimens to elucidate them. Our desire has been warmly seconded by all

who have enjoyed the opportunity of contributing ; from China, from New South

Wales, from the Cape, and from every quarter of the Honorable Company’s posses-

sions, specimens of natural history, of mineralogy, and geology, have flowed in

faster than they could be accommodated, and the too little attention they have

received has alone prevented similar presentations from being much more numerous ;

for it is but reasonable to suppose thatof the stores continually dispatched to England

or the Continent, the Society would have received a larger share, had it done proper

honor to what it has received.

In May 1835, the Society resolved to try the experiment of appointing salaried

ofiicers to the charge of its museum. For two years economy in other departments

has enabled it to maintain this system, and the good eifects of the measure are visi-

ble to all who visit the rooms. Yet not being able to purchase more than a small

portion of the time of a competent naturalist, the bencfit has been comparatively

limited, and now at the very commencement of the experiment the state of the

Society’s funds will compel it to withhold further support from its incipient museum.

unless some fresh source of income be provided.

1837.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 493

These then, are the motives that have persuaded the Society of the propriety of

an appeal to the Ruling Power:—not to contribute to the ordinary wants and engage-

ments ofthe institution, but-to convert that institution into.a public and national

eoncern, by entrusting it with the foundation and superintendence of what has yet

to be formed for the instruction of our native fellow subjects; as much as for the

furtherance of science, —a public depository of the products of nature in India and the

surrounding countries properly preserved, properly arranged, and properly applied.

To effect such an object it is indispensable that the services of a professional natu-

_ralist of high attainments should be engaged, and that he should have at his com-

mand the means of working effectually, and of devoting his whole time to the em-

ployment..

What, it may be asked, will be the return-to government if the state undertake to

supply such an officer? To this question more than one satisfactory answer may

readily be given.

The Honorable Company have in’ Leadenhall Street a very valuable museum sup-

ported at considerable expense. To-that museum; ours would be a powerful auxili«

ary. Duplicates of every sort here colleeted-might be set apart for England. Again

the local government has scientific expeditions continually employed in- exploring

the country. Geograpbical, geodesical, and statistical information is: continu.

ally under collection without any office of.record, or officer of analysis, to whom it

ean be appropriately referred for digestion. Efforts-are continually misemployed for

want of proper direction, and opportunities are lost for want of proper instructions

that may be ever regretted by thescientific world. Again, the means of education

in the natural sciences would be improved or rather created by the formation of a

museum, the superintendent of which would always be able to devote a portion of

his time to demonstrations and lectures, either expected as a part of his duty, or

yielding a means of partial reimbursement.

But the Society feels that itis almost unbecoming to suppose that the Govern-

ment of a great country would ask for reasons to support the present application ;

for the encouragement given to botanical pursuits by the maintenance of two public

gardens at considerable charge, and the sums placed at the disposal of the agricultural

and horticultural societies and to- similar institutions, are so many evidences that

the Government have only to be convinced that the object is one of essential public

benefit, or calculated to promote scientific discovery, when the inclination to provide

the necessary support will not be wanting. The expenditure that has been bestowed

upon the theoretical admeasurement of the earth’s surface, for the elaborate deter=

mination of which the Honorable Company’s Government has been justly held up to

the admiration of the world, is an instance particularly in point. The Society.has ever

felt that the public grants to those and numerous other objects of a similar nature,

have been boons to itself, so far as they have promoted the researches contemplated,

in its original foundation; andif on this occasion it fails to impress upon Government

the claims of other branches of science and literature, all of which require and will

benefit by the establishment of a public museum, the Society will attribute it rather

to the weakness of the appeal made on its behalf than to the real weakness of its

cause.

_ Ihave only in conclusion, to explain that although the Society in the accompany-

ing resolution has ventured to name a specific sum which would probably be sufficient

for the objects which it has in view yet the members would leave it entirely to the

superior judgment of your Lordship in Council to determine what sum it would be

expedient to devote from the public finances towards the general futherance of the

Society’s objects; should it indeed appear to you that the application which I have

been requested to lay before Government, is based on sound and reasonable argu-

ments, and that it merits the consideration and support which I have ventured,. as

much from my own feelings as from my duty to the Society, to urge in its favor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Calcutta, 15th June, 1837. (Signed) EpWaRD RYAN,

President.

[For a copy of the Resolutions annexed see page 400. }

To the Honorable Sir E. Ryan, Knight.

President of the Asiatic Society.

HoNORABLE Sir,

The representation submitted by you on behalf of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta

has been considered by the Right Honorable the Governor General of India in

Council with the attention due to the importance of the objects for which the

assistance of Government is solicited, and to the character of the Society and of

those who have united in the resolution to make this appeal.

as 2

496 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Jong,

2. The Right Honorable the Governor General of Indiain Council fully admits

that the public of Europe and of Asia have incurred a heavy debt of gratitude to the

Society for the persevering and successful efforts it has made for more than halfa

century to develope the literary resources of Asia, and to ascertain and collect objects

of scientific and antiquarian interest. His Lordship in Council feels also, that al-

though the publication of these results, through the Researches of the Society and in

other works of wide circulation, has contributed largely to the advancement of general

science, and has given to the labours of its members all the utility that such diffusion

could impart, still, without a museum and library in which the products of art and

nature, and especially coins and other interesting remains of antiquity, might be

collected for the personal examination of the more curious; one important means

of deriving benefit from those labours must still be wanting.

3. His Lordship in Council is further sensible that the expense of establishing

such a museum, with its necessary adjuncts, cannot be expected in this country to

be met by voluntary contributions from the limited number of persons who take an

interest in such pursuits; and therefore, although the Society has already done

much towards preparing the ground for such an establishment, that it cannot be

maintained in the creditable and useful condition necessary for the attainment of the

objects desired, unless aided liberally by the Government, in like manner as similar

institutions in Europe are supported from the public treasury.

4. But although his Lordship in Council acknowledges all these claims on the

liberality of Government, he yet feels precluded from giving his immediate sanction

to the specific annual grant solicited by the Asiatic Society in this instance, without

previous reference to the Honorable the Court of Directors, to whom however it is

his intention, in forwarding your representation, to submit a strong recommendation

in its favor.

5. There are many circumstances which induce the Governor General in Council

to consider that the proposition submitted on this occasion is peculiarly one to be

decided by the home authorities, rather than by the Local Government. In the

first place, the Honorable Court of Directors are themselves at considerable expense

in keeping up a museum and library at the India house, and though his Lordship in

Council concurs with you in thinking that such institutions in Europe, however

perfect, do not supercede the necessity of providing similar in India likewise,—with

reference especially to the spirit of literary inquiry and scientific research which it

is desired to excite and encourage amongst the native youth of India; still the

fact that the Honorable Court have a separate institution of their own, points to

the propriety of making them the judges of its sufficiency or the contrary for Indian

purposes ; moreover, were the Government of India to sanction a specific anntal

grant for a museum and library in Calcutta under the management of your Society,

such a grant would reasonably be made a precedent for similar applications from

learned societies at other presidencies, and his Lordship in Council is not prepared

to decide without a reference to England upon the relative claims of such societies

with reference to the circumstances of the institutions themselves and of the pre-

sidencies and places where they may be established.

6. His Lordship in Council feels convinced that the Society may rely with con-

fidence on the liberal disposition of the Honorable Court and on its desire to pro-

mote and encourage objects of public utility, especially such as have a tendency to

advance knowledge and to extend the spirit of research, now peculiar to European

nations, to the population of the countries under their Government: his Lordship in

Council has therefore the less hesitation in referring the Asiatic Society’s present

representation to the decision of the home authorities.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Council Chamber, H.T. PRINSEP,

28th June, 1837. ; Secy. to Govt.

The Secretary then proposed, as the application to Government might

be considered for the present at least as having failed, that the museum

should he placed upon a reduced scale, retaining the services of the Messrs.

Bovcuez as assistant Curators, and profiting by the voluntary attend-

ance of Members who take an interest in the subject to supply the place

of a paid Superintendent. He recommended the fixing of two mornings in

the week at 6 a. m. as visiting mornings, which would obviate the incon-

venience of such attendance ; he thought a few minutes of co-operation

and instruction to the assistant who was acknowledged to be skilful in the

preparing and setting up of specimens, would suffice to maintain the

museum bran efficient state; and he would issue invitations to all natu-

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 497

ralists not in the Society, and foreigners visiting the place for scientific

objects, to join in these reunions.

After much discussion, the Lord Bishop proposed, seconded by Sir

B. Matxin, that as 200 rupees was the sum actually wanted to support the

museum in its present state, a second application should be made to

Government for a temporary grant of that amount, pending the reference

to the Hon’ble the Court of Directors.

Colonel Cautrienp proposed as an amendment, that in addition to

the 200 rupees for the establishment, the Society should request a further

monthly sum of 800 rupees to be expended on the collection of specimens

of natural history and other objects of scientific interest, the produce to

be made over to Government as a repayment of advances, in case of an

unfavorable reply from the Hon’ble Court.

The amendment having been put from the chair was carried by a large

majority.

Dr. D. Srewart, secretary of the Statistical Committee, communicated

the following letter from Government on the subjects of the committee’s

researches which were now progressing with vigour, although very speedy

or showy results were not yet to be expected. The following gentlemen

(Members of the Society) had by invitation been joined to the Committee :

Messrs. G. T. McCuintrocx, H. Prwpineroy, J. Curnty, J. Bignewn,

J. Bett, Baboos Prassonnocomar Tagore, and Rusomoy Durr.

To D. Stewart, Esq.

Sec. to the Statistical Committee of the As. Soc.

Sir,

Iam directed by the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal to acknowledge the

receipt of your letter of the 17th ultimo, and to request that you will inform the

Statistical Committee, that His Lordship has learnt with great satisfaction that

the Asiatic Society has directed its attention to a subject of the utmost importance,

for the details of which the Government has necessarily very little leisure.

The Governor will gladly permit the Committee to have access as they request to

any Statistical documents of value which are deposited in any of the public offices

and to make public such parts of their contents as may appear to deserve it.

The circular letter which you allude to, in your 3rd paragraph as having issued

(under date the 25th of April last) to the several commissioners in the Lower

Provinces, was merely a requisition upon the several functionaries of Government

in the Judicial and Revenue Departments for all the aid which they could afford to

the Medical officers employed in collecting Statistical information.

A copy of the instructions issued by the Medical Board to the officers under

their authority above-mentioned, is annexed for the information of the Statistical

Committee.

After perusing that paper in connexion with the circular from this Department above

referred to, the Statistical Committee will perhaps be able to point out in what

manner all the means employed or available may be so used in union or collaterally

as to produce the effects most beneficial to the general interests of knowledge.

The Committee are probably aware that a number of essays on subjects of

medical topography are in course of publication by the Medical Board.

I have, &c.

Fort William, (Signed) R. D. MANGLES,

6th June, 1837. Secy. tothe Govt. of Bengal.

Library.

The following books were presented :

The dispatches of the Marquis WELLESLEY, vol. III.—presented by the Hon'ble

Government of India.

Marathee Atlas containing nine maps by DapoBA PANDURING and NANA Na-

RAYUN—by the Author, through Mr. W. H. Wathen, Chief Sec. Bombay Government.

Moysis Chorenensis Historial Arminiacae Libri III. Armenian and Latin,

London, 1736, Edition Whistoni—by Mr. Elias Avdall, through Mr. J. Avdall.

Eusebii Pamphili Caesariensis Episcopi Chronicon Bipartium, Armenian and Latin

with Greek fragments, Venice, 1818, in 2 vols.—by ditto, ditto.

Meteorological Register for May, 1837—by the Surveyor General.

498 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Jong,

The Indian Review and Journal of Foreign Science and Arts for June and July

—by Dr. Corbyn.

A manuscript history of Juanpoor in Persian, lent for the purpose of being copied.

Also, the Tohfeh-Tazeh, or history of the present R&ja’s family of Benares —by

Captain A. Cunningham, Engrs.

STIRLING on the countries between Persia and India—presented by the Author.

Literary.

Mr. Secretary MacnacuTen forwarded on the part of the Right Hon’ble

the Governor General in Council, a MS. Grammar of the Brahuiky lan-

guage, prepared by Lieutenant R. Lrxca of the Bombay Engineers.

A note on the Ruins of old Mandivee in Cutch and a legend of VerseEr

the son of Vixramapitya, by Lieutenant J. Posrans, was communicated by

Mr. Wartuen, Chief Secretary, Bombay.

Read a letter from the Rev. Mr. Stevenson of Bombay, forwarding his

version of the lat alphabet and inscriptions.

Mr. STEVENSON has made known and lithographed his alphabet, and a portion of

the 1At inscription as read by him, in consequence of the announcement of the dis-

covery of the alphabet in Calcutta which had been communicated to Mr. WATHEN,

but which Mr. Stevenson honorably requested might not be shewn to him

until he had placed his own interpretation on record. The alphabet adopted by

him is essentially different from that obtained by the analysis of the Bhilsa

inscriptions, and in applying it to the Delhi l4t the author has imagined the lan-

guage of the Jatterto be Sanscrit: and he concludes the pillar to be ‘‘ a Jayastambha

or triumphal column erected by a sovereign of Marwér to celebrate his victories in

Hindustan,’’ results altogether at variance with those arrived at here.

The Secretary was induced by Mr. Srevenson’s communication to lay

before the Society the transcript and translation he had yet hardly com-

pleted of the Feroz lat inscription.

It will be seen in Article II. of the present No. that the inscription is in the Maga-

dhi language, and that it contains a series of edicts connected with the Buddhist

faith issued by DEVANAMPIYA PiyaDAsI, a king of Ceylon, who was converted

to Buddhism in the reign of DHARMA ASOKA about 300 years before Christ.

Captain 8. W. Bonuam, Dinapore, presented a very small cocoanut

obtained at Arvacan and considered a curiosity.

Mr. Hopeson presented a box of Nipal snakes.

Physical.

Mr. Seppines presented a piece of copper from the bottom of the ships

Guide or Wm. Wallace, lately struck by lightning while in dock.

A hole of 8 inches diameter was pierced through the copper, although hardly a

perceptible trace was left of the passage of the electric fluid through the plank in.

contact with it. The mast was shivered.

M. Denessrrt exhibited to the meeting the superb ichthyological col-

lection made by himself for his uncle at Paris, during a residence of a

few months in Calcutta.

Lord AvckLanp presented the skeleton of a mouse-deer (Moschus.

Javanicus ?) mounted in the museum.

The male and female of Satyra, presented by Dr. A. CampBe xt, also

three jungle fowl, Phasianus gallus, ditto.

Colonel D. M. Macueop Chief Engineer, presented a third fragment of

fossil bone (ferrugenous) brought up by the auger in the Fort from a depth

of 375 feet. He subsequently added the following particulars of the pro-

gress of the boring :—

Boring operations at Fort William, July 5th, 1837.

‘¢ The Chief Engineer has the satisfaction of stating that at leagth a stratum of

clay has been reached, at a depth of 380 feet, and that the auger having penetrated.

18 inches further has brought up blue clay mixed with a large quantity of apparently

decayed wood, a specimen of which accompanies ; the tubes have only gone down 377.

feet, but it is hoped that they may be forced downt hrough the remainder of the bed.

1837.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 499

‘of sand to the clay to-morrow, when by a cessation of the influx of sand the opera-

tion will proceed with much more rapidity.’’

The appearance of the clay is precisely that of the black peat-clay found at the

depth of 14 to 20 feet below the surface, and it must be thedebris of a similar

Sundarban tract formed anterior to the deposit of the 380 feet of superincumbent

sand and clays. The wood is highly charred, but by no means converted into coal.

Col. Macurop also presented a specimen of atwo-headed snake caught

alive at Moorshedabad.

Mr. W. T. Baxter, Branch-pilot, presented a specimen in spirits of

the sea-horse taken off Point Pulmiras.

Major Davinson, Engrs., described a species of fiying serpent which he

believed to be unknown to naturalists.

B. H. Hoveson, Esq. gave the following description of the Gauri Gau of

the Nipal forest.

‘* With infinite trouble and expense I have at length procured complete spoils

of both sexes of the Gauri Gau. The ribs are but 13 pair: the skulls of both male

and female are alike distinguished by enormous size, and by a broad, and long, and

flat forehead surmounted by a prodigious semicylindric crest. It is the spinous

processes of the dorsal vertibre only, that cause the extra ordinary elevation of the

fore-quarters, those of the cervical not being raised at all. The elevation extends

longitudinally from the first to the last pair of ribs, rising and falling suddenly, but

with the rise more abrupt than the fall. The extreme elevation is 14 inches above

the spinal column, and is reached by the third process from the anterior extremity.

Here, then is a singular animal; Bos as to the number of the ribs and as to the

general form of the cranium, but surely distinguished sufficiently from Bos, as a

separate subgeneric type, by the far greater size of the skull, the astonishing deve-

lopment of its frontal crest, and the no less remarkable development of the spinous

processes of the dorsal vertebre, which last osteological peculiarity gives the live

animal the appearance of a camel or camel-leopard if the head be concealed.

“*T call this type Bibos, a name that is equally good if it be supposed to indicate

an ox of unusual magnitude (quasi Bis and Bos) or an animal osculant between

Bison and Bos (quasi Bi—Bos). You remember my delineations of the skull com-

paratively with those of the tame and wild baffalo and tame ox. No one could look

atthem and suppose this animal a Bison, if the correctness of CUVIER’S view were

admitted: and, for my part, I have always regarded the Gauri Gau as a separate

link between Bos and Bison. Butit is only within the last week that, by procuring

complete skeletons of both sexes, I have satisfied myself of the fact. I have not the

least doubt that the Urus of the ancients (known to us only by fossil crania) was a

Bibos, that is, an animal of the same type as our living Indian wild bull of the

saul forest, and of other wilds. Whether my animal be the Gaurus or the Gavozus

of books, no soul can tell; for the sufficing reason that there is no adequate or ad-

missible account of either of the latter in books. Some-call these creatures bulls;

others call them Bisons :—what they really be, we know not; and therefore I shall

give my type a separate specific name or Subhemachalus.

‘* The Gauri Gau, then, of thesaul forestis Bibos Subhemachulus, nob., and type of

the new subgenus Bibos. The Society shall have a very full and particular account

of it presently ; meanwhile the osteological peculiarities already spoken of, stamp

our animal with a very striking character of novelty, whilst they give a singular

revived interest to whatever the classics have left us about their Urus.

*« The hair is as close and glossy as in Bos, only somewhat elongated and curled

on the forehead and knees: the colors are usually red or black or piebald, the tail

does not reach to the hock, in other words, is very short ; all structural peculiarities

fall into the subgeneric character: the specific character may be given in two words.

‘* Large wild Indian Bibos with close glossy hair, of a red or black color, ten feet

from snout to rump, and five and a half feet high at the shoulder, Gauri Gau of

Hinodus.”’

Dr. SprtsBury presented part of the fossil jaw of a horse, from Brimham

Ghat, discovered by Mr. Samira.

Also fossil shells of reversed whorls silicified, from Sao Kharn Ghat,

ten kos west of Baitool, similar exactly to those noticed by Dr. Voysey in

the Gewi/giri trap.

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