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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LXVI.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

Nos. I to IV, and Extra No. — 1897.

(With 38 Plates.)

EDITED BY THE

jloNOF^ARY I LO LOGICAL ^SECRETARY.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1897.

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CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENG/l,

Vol. LXVI, Part I. for 1897.

No. 1, (issued 1st May, 1897).

Page.

Numismatic Notes and Novelties ( Ancient and Mediaeval India) . — By

Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S. (With Plate I.) ... ... 1

Meghegvara Inscription of Svapnegvara JDeva of Orissa. — By

Nagendra Natha Vasu, Editor of Vigvakoca ... ... 11

Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem by Tilok Has, —

contributed by William Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Service 24

The Antiquity of the poet Ndgari Das and his concubine Basik

Bihdri alias Bani Thani. — By Pandit Mohan lal Vishnulal

Pandia, M.A.S.B., M.R.A.S., M.G.V.S., etc., late Prime

Minister of the Partabgarh State in Bdjputdnd ... ... 63

Upagupta , the Fourth Buddhist Patriarch, and High Priest of Agbka.

— By L. A. Waddell, LL.D. ... ... ... 76

No. 2, (issued 16th July, 1897).

Ancient Countries in Eastern India. — By F. E. Pargiter, Esq., B.A.,

C.S. (With Plate II.) ... ... ... ... 85

The Gauliati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala of Prdgjyotisa in

Asdm. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. (With Plates III- V.) 113

No. 3, (issued 30th September, 1897).

On some New or Bare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins, No. IV. — By

Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. (With Plate VI.) ... 133

Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken in the Western and

Southern Parts of the Panjab. — By the Rev. Trevor Bomford,

M.A., C.M.S., Multan ... ... ... ... 146

Separation of Banswara from Hungarpur State in Rajputana. — By

Pandit Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandia, M.R.A.S., M.A.S.B.,

M.G.V.S., and late Prime Minister of Pratabgarh ... 164

IV

Contents.

The Bakhtidri Hills , an itinerary of the road from Isfahan to

Shushtar. — By Richard Burn

On the Kdqmiri Consonantal System. — By G. A. Grierson, C.I.E.,

Ph.D., I.C.S. ... ... ... ...

A Comparative Vocabulary of the Gondl and Kolami Languages . —

By Captain Wolseley Haig, Offg. Deputy Commissioner , Wun

District , Berar

The Story of the Prodigal Son, translated into the Kurlcu Language .

— By Rev. John Drake, Missionary to the Kurkus, Ellichpur ,

Berar. [ Communicated by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E.,

I.C.S.] ... ... ... ... ...

Notes on the Vernacular Dialects spoken in the District of Sdran. —

By Girindranath Dutt, Superintendent , Baj Hatwd.

[ Communicated by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S.]

Page.

170

180

185

192

J94

No. 4, (issued 31st December, 1897).

Three further Collections of Ancient Manuscripts from Central Asia.

—By A. E. Rudolf Hoernle, C.I.E., Ph.D. (With Plates

VII-XXX.) ... ... ... ... ... 213

Notes on Coins of Native States. — By A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, Ph.D.,

C.I.E. (With Plates XXXI-XXXIV.) ... ... 261

The Bajraygarh Mint and Coins. — By Richard Burn, I.C.S. (With

Plate XXXIY.) ... ... ... ... 275

The Nowgong Copper-plate Grant of Balavarman of Prdgjyotisa in

As dm. — By Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle, C.I.E. (With Plates

XXXV-XXXVII.) ... ... ... ... 285

Numismatic Notes and Novelties , No. II. Ancient and Mediaeval

India.— By Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S. (With Plate XXXVIII.) 298

Notes on Palm-leaf MSS. in the Library of His Excellency the

Maharaja of Nepal. — By Pandit Hara Prasad Shastri, Pro -

fessor of Sanskrit , Presidency College ... ... ... 310

Notes on the language and literature of Orissa, Parts I and II. — By

Babu M. M. Chakravarti, Deputy Magistrate, Jajpur , District

Cuttack ... ... ... ... ... 317

Index ... ... ... ... ... , ,, 349

Extra No. (issued 15th November, 1897).

The History of the Khojas of Eastern Turkistan summarised from

the Tazkira -i-Khiudjagan of Muhammad Sddiq Kdshghari. —

By the late Robert Berkeley Shaw.— -Edited with Introduc¬

tion and Notes by N. Elias ... ... ... i_vij

and 1-67.

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LXVI, Part I.

for 1897.

(p. 1 ff.). Numismatic Novelties.

(p. 85 ff.). Map to illustrate paper on “ An¬

cient Countries in Eastern

India.”

(p. 113 ff.). Copper-plate grant of Indrapala

Yarma Deva of Pragjyotisa,

(undated).

(p. 133 ff.). Some New or Rare Hindu and

Muhammadan Coins.

(p. 213 ff.). Fragments of Central Asian

Manuscripts.

(p. 225 ff.). Specimens of the Godfrey

Manuscripts, from Kuchar,

Central Asia.

(p. 237 ff.). Specimens of the MacartneyMa-

nuscripts, from Central Asia.

(p. 225 ff.). Facsimile Alphabet of the

Godfrey Manuscripts.

(p. 261 ff., Coins of Native States.

and p. 275 ff.).

(p. 285 ff.). The Nowgong Copper-plate of

Bala Yarman.

(p. 298 ff.). Numismatic Novelties.

ERRATUM:

On page 11, heading of N. N. Yasu’s article, dele: (With Plate II.)

„ „ 85, „ F. E. Pargiter’s article,

read : (With Plate II.) for (With Map II.)

T)

ERRATA.

by the District Revenue Officers together

with their clerks, ”/or “ viz. the account¬

ants, traders, and other (common) people

of the District.”

ERRATUM.

Journal Asiatic Society op Bengal, Part I.

No. 1, for 1897, page 5.

In “Numismatic Notes and Novelties.”

Line 11 from top, for “ one-fourth ” read “ one-eighth.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1897.

Numismatic Notes and Novelties ( Ancient and Mediaeval India). — By

Vincent A. Smith, I. C. S.

(With Plate I.)

L

IXDO-BACTRIAlSh

Theophilus,

L Club type.

Square, copper, thick ; diameter *75. Wt. 117 grains. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Bust of king to r., apparently bare-headed, in high relief. BASIAERS

AIKAloY OEo[0IAoY]

Rev. In field, upright club (as in Menander’s coin, B. M. Cat., p. 50, PI. XII,

6), and a small square. KharosthI legend, Maharajasa ,[ dhramiJcasa ] 2'heuphilasa.

Some of the letters are peculiar in form.

This coin is a novelty, and at present unique. The only specimens

of the coinage of Theophilus hitherto known are the two described in

B. M. Cat., p. 167 ( Supplement ), PI. XXXI, 3* 4, which were in

Cunningham’s cabinet. Of these, the silver coin, which is circular, has

a bust resembling that of the coin now described, and on the reverse,

Herakles crowning himself. The copper coin, like the new discovery,

is square, but has on obverse the bust of bearded Herakles with club on

shoulder, and for reverse device a cornucopiae.

The specimen of the cornucopiae type in the Lahore Museum

( Cat Part III, 21), is “ not genuine.”

J, i. 1

2

V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. [No. 1,

Azfls.

II. Horseman and Pallas type.

Copper, narrow, oblong, ’85 long, '45 broad. Wfc. 47 gr. [Rawlins.}

* 1*

Remarkable for its shape, which makes the coin look at first siglit

like a fragment, and for the distinct Brahmi, or old Nagari, legend on

the obverse. The legend appears to be intended for mahardjdtiraja.

The ma (at r. lower corner), and ti raja are plainly legible.

Gardner ( B . M. Cat., p. 90), when describing the corrupt semi-

barbarous, billon coins of Azes, with horseman obverse, and tnrreted

personification of city reverse, has the note : — “ On most of these is

an appearance of various Indian [scil. Brahmi] letters in the obverse

field which are not here inserted, it being doubtful whether they are

not mere blunders,”

On the coin now described the Brahmi legend runs round the

margin, and is intended as the equivalent of the Kharosthi legend on

the reverse, which includes rajasa Ayasa. I cannot read the word preced¬

ing rajasa.

A rudely executed coin. The metal seems to be copper, without

admixture of silver.

II.

IMPERIAL KUSAN.

III. Kaniska.

Large, thick, copper, diameter '95. Wt. 246 gr. [Rawlins.]

This coin resembles that depicted in B. M. Cat., PI. XXVII, 5,

but here only three characters are visible, and they look like Semitic

characters. Probably, like the partly similar characters on the B. M.

specimen, they are to be read from outside as [N]ANA. But the

characters on this coin have lost all resemblance to Greek letters, and it

is therefore worth while to reproduce them.

IV. Huvjska.

Gold dinar. Diameter '8. Wt. 110 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. The ordinary B form, that is to say, bust of king to 1. with jewelled

helmet, of pointed shape. (See Num. Cliron. for 1892, p. 98.)

Rev. Throned goddess (Ardokhso).

This coin is remarkable only by reason of its reverse. The

goddesses on the reverse of Huviska’s coins are ordinarily standing. The

only instance of a seated goddess reverse yet published is that of Nano

seated on a lion ( Num . Chron. for 1892, PI.

XII

XXII

The coin now published presents, I think, the earliest example of

the throned goddess device, which continued to be used by Samudra

Gupta and by Candra Gupta II, in his early issues.

1897.] V. A. Smith. — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 3

The throne, or state chair, was a foreigu innovation. A cross-

legged attitude is that natural to a native of India.

Y. HUVI!SKA.

Copper, diameter *8. Wt. 51 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. King squatted cross-legged (G- obverse of Cunningliam, Num. Chron. for

1892, PI. _LX_ \ as in B. M. Cat., PI. XXIX, 6. Legend lost.

XIX, /

i Rev. Goddess (Laksmi or Ardokhso), pa lotus .seat, with remains of Sanskrit

legend in Brahml (Nagari) characters round margin. The syllables yapra are

legible on right margin.

The coin is interesting both for the device and legend of the reverse,

which have not been met with before in connection with any of the

obverse devices used by Huviska. The B. M. coins with similar obverse

have a standing deity on the reverse. No coin of Huviska with a

legend in Brahml letters has previously been discovered.

#

VI.1 Huviska.

Large copper, diameter 11. Wt. 195 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Elephant rider. Legend lost.

Rev. A tall male figure (? Hercules) to r, resting with r. hand ,on (?) club, and

grasping with 1. hand the tip of a bow, standing on end with the string turned

inwards.

Behind figure a trident, and outside bow on r. margin an imperfect legend in

Nagarl (Brahmi) characters, which look like ganaga, or gataga.

A very curious coin, the reverse device being quite unknown in the

Huviska series. It became a favourite obverse devipe in the Gupta

coinage. The unread legend is also remarkable.

III.

LATER GREAT KTJSANS.

In the Numismatic Chronicle for 1893, Cunningham discusses the

coinage of the Later Great Kusans, as if it were an exclusively gold

coinage.

1 [Another specimen of this coin exists in the Indian Museum Collection in

Calcutta. See Ind. Mas. Cat., Yol. IY, p. 47, No. 13339, and plate 1Y. Unfortu¬

nately the photographs of both coins are nearly unrecognizable. The Calcutta

specimen is the better one. The obverse very closely resembles that of No. 2 on

Plate XXIX of the British Museum Catalogue. It shows the letters NOPA (of the

legend Tcenorano) in exactly the same position as on the B. M. C. specimen The

letters on the reverse are distinct enough, and are either garahha or gadakha. Mr.

Rodgers’ reading is quite wrong ; there are only three letters. The figure on the

reverse seems to be three-headed, and to represent Qiva. I can see no “ trident

behind figure,” but there is a monogram in the field, above the proper right arm

of the figure, not clearly recognizable, but may be Huviska’ s four-pronged emblem,

Ed..]

4

V. A. Smitli — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

[No. 1,

The coins of Class A, which claim to be issued in the names of

Kaniska and Yasu [Deva] (op. cit ., p. 120) are certainly ordinarily in

gold, but I have seen a fine brass example, nearly identical with

Cunningham’s No. 16, which Mr. Rawlins procured from Chitral.

Concerning Class B, Cunningham observes that “ the coins of this

class are chiefly of gold. Some of the copper specimens are undoubtedly

ancient forgeries, from which the gilding has worn off.”

In reality the brass coinage of this class was extensive, aud numer¬

ous specimens have recently passed through my hands. The only

copper specimens which I have seen are two. Of these one is in the pos¬

session of Mr. D. Ernst of Bombay, which is probably an example of

Cunningham’s No. 2 ( Sita , Bha, Sdka) ; and the second, a good specimen

of Cunningham’s No. 5 (Saya, Bha , Sdka) is in my collection,

I either possess or have seen brass examples of the following types

out of the 13 enumerated by Cunningham.

With regard to the above names I may note that the name under

the king’s arm on No. 9, presumably the name of the local ruler, which

Cunningham reads as Peraya , is really either Peyasa , or Perayasa.

Good specimens show the final sa very distinctly.

My brass specimen of No. 10 has Kirada or Kerada under the king’s

arm, but has Kasa [na] and Si or $e in the right and left positions

respectively, instead of Cunningham’s Gadahara and Kapan. The

reverse character on my coin is peculiar, and is not either the Ghasa or

Yasa of Cunningham. (See J. A. S. B ., Yol. LXIII, Part I, p. 182.)

The reading of the r. legend on No. 12, as Pakallidlii is really very

uncertain, but the monogram is open to various readings, and

Cunningham’s is as good as any. On No. 13, the king’s name seems to

me to be Basana , or Bdsana, and not as read by Cunningham,

The coinage in question also occurs in silver.

Mr. Rawlins has a thin specimen of Cunningham’s No. 9, ( Bhu ,

Saha), in silver, with (?) Vi in 1. position instead of Te. He also has

an unmistakably silver specimen, of thick, dumpy fabric, of No. 13

(Basana, Nu, Pakallidhi).

Mr. L. White King, I. C.S., possesses an unmistakeable silver example

of No. 12 (Bhadra, Pakallidhi), and a second which is mainly of silver,

but is slightly yellowish in colour, and may possibly be intended for

1897.] V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 5

very base gold. The Bodleian coins, Nos. 741-746 (Bhadra, etc.), also

appear to he of silver.

It thus appears that at present Cunningham’s 13 types are known

to occur in the following metals : —

Gold. Silver. Brass . Copper.

Nos. 1-13. Nos. 9, 12, Nos. 2, 9, 10, 12, Nos. 2

and 13. and 13. and 5.

The gold coins of the Later Great Kusans, Class B, described and

figured by Cunningham are all of the full dinar size.

VII. This is a beautiful specimen, in Mr. Rawlins’ possession, of a

minute gold coin of Pa Saha, apparently one-fourth of a dinar

(diameter *55, wt. 16 gr.), which corresponds to Cunningham’s No. 8

of Pra Saha , except that in* the new coin the sign for r is wanting.

Mr. L. White King found Cherat in the Peshawar District a very

good hunting ground for the Later Kusan coins, and Mr. Rawlins

seems able to obtain them readily in the Jhelam District.

The most interesting discovery of Mr. Rawlins in this department

is the coin now to be described.

VIII. Brass, medium thickness, well executed, diameter *8. Wt. 62 gr.

[Rawlins.]

IX

Obv. Basana, Hu, Palcalhdlii, exactly as No. 13 of Plate in Num. Chron.

for 1893.

XIII

Rev. Flaming altar, without attendants, as in No. 89 of Plate > ibid.

When I first saw a drawing of this coin combining a common

Kus^n obverse with a rare Sassanian reverse, I thought it must be a

dealer’s forgery. But Mr. Rawlins informs me that he obtained it

thickly covered with dirt, under circumstances which preclude all sus¬

picion. It is certainly not, as I at first suspected, a dealer’s forgery.

It is possible, as a friend suggests, that the fire-altar reverse may have

been double-struck over the ordinary throned goddess reverse, and he

fancied that he could see traces of the original impression, but I

am not able to verify the conjecture, though it is probably correct.

The coin, as we now have it, is certainly ancient and genuine, and

forms an interesting link between the Kusan and Sassanian coinages.

It seems to be the numismatic memorial of the fact that King

Hormazd II of Persia (A. D. 301-310), who called himself “ King

of the Kusans,” married a daughter of the Kusan king of Kabul, who

was sent to his court with costly presents and a splendid escort.

Probably, as Cunningham suggests, the matrimonial alliance was the

Y. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. [No. 1,

result of a defeat of the Kn saris by the Persians, and was accompanied

by cession of territory along the Oxus.1

Our coin, therefore, cannot be earlier than the reign of Hormazd II,

and inasmuch as the altar on the reverse is nearly identical with

that on a coin of Hormazd’s successor, Shahpur (Sapor) II, and also

closely resembles that on a coin of Hormazd himself ( Num . Chron. for

1893, PL

XIII

IY ’

8, 9) ; the conclusion seems justifiable that the date

of this curious piece cannot be very far from A. D. 310.

In this manner the date of the Kusan king Basana is approximately

fixed, and a definite starting point is obtained for the calculation of the

chronology of the Later Great Kusan coinage.

The 13 types enumerated by Cunningham (op. cit., p, 124) do not

I think, range over a very long period. The coins of King Sita, which

he ranks as No. 2, certainly come early in the series, because they are

well executed, and occasionally show traces of Greek letters. They may

be dated about A. D. 250. Cunningham places the Basana coins last

in the series, and he is probably right. Several of the princes whose

names are preserved were probably contemporary in neighbouring pro¬

vinces, the names of which may possibly, as Cunningham suggests, be

recorded in the right hand legends of the coins, namely Saka, or Saka

(both forms occur), (?) Gadahara, or (?) Gadakhara, and (?) Pakalhdhi

or ( ?) Pakandhi.

IY.

KAfMIR, AND WHITE HUN.

IX. Tu[njIna ?]

Copper, diameter '85. Wt. 96 gr. [Rawlins ]

Obv. King standing to L, sacrificing, dressed in Kusan style in long-tailed

coat and leggings, grasping in 1. hand a trident with bent prongs. Near 1. margin

the legend $ Qri Tu [njma.~\

Rev. Goddess seated on lotus, delinenated in a peculiar way. In r. field

far

jaya. On extreme 1. margin Kidara.

This is a perfect specimen in brilliant condition of the very rare

coin figured in Coins of Med. India, Ple/te III, 1. Cunningham read the

name as Turyamana, and treated it as a variant of Toramana. But Dr.

Stein demurs, and rightly, to this reading. It seems impossible to

1 The fact of the marriage is taken from Cunningham (Num. Chron. for 1893,

pp. 169, 170, 177), who cites Khondemir , Rehatsek’s translation, 11, 340. I have not

been -able to verify the reference.

i897.] V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 7

get Cunningham’s reading out of the letters. Dr. Stein suggests

Tunjlna, which was another name of Ranaditya, to whom Cunningham

(Cows of Med. India , p. 39) assigns the approximate date A. D. 580.

I cannot read the conjunct character with certainty.

These coins differ widely from the coins of Toramana ( Coins of Med .

India , PL III, 2), on which the king is depicted as wearing frilled

breeches, and the reverse differs considerably in detail. The general

appearance of the Toramana coins is quite different. The contrast is

much more conspicuous, when the original coins are examined than

it is in the plate.

X.

Narendra.

Wheel type.

Copper, thin, diameter ‘92. Wt. 50’5 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Sassanian bust to r., with legend in front of face,

jayatu <frl Narendra (imperfect in this specimen).

Rev. Ornamental wheel or sun with border occupying whole surface.

The commoner type of Narendra’s coins has a Sassanian fire-altar

with attendants on reverse (Cunningham, Num. Chron. for 1894, p. 286,

PI

IX

XI

,12).

Cunningham had 9 specimens of that type, and Mr.

Rawlins has a fine one. Cunningham notes that “ a poor specimen

with the king’s head has an ornamental wheel on reverse,” but he does

not figure this wheel type. The reverse of the specimen now figured,

the best of four belonging to Mr. Rawlins, is in good condition. Mr.

Rawlins has a fifth specimen in poor condition, with the king’s bust to 1.

XI. Mihirakula.

Copper, moderately thick, diameter *95. Wt. 104 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. King standing to front, dressed in Kusan style, and holding trident in

r. hand. Legend on 1. margin, Sahi ; on r. margin Mihircikulay

the first two characters of the name being indistinct.

Rev. Blurred and indistinct representation of horseman to r. with his r. arm

raised. Probably double-struck on a * seated Laksmi 5 device.

The -hula form of the name is here, as in many other instances,

associated with the prefix Sahi. Fleet and Cunningham were mistaken

in supposing that the - gula form of the name is always associated with

the prefix Sahi, and the -hula form with the prefix Cri.

This coin now published differs both in obv. and rev. from any coin

previously known. The style of the obverse recalls that of the large

Yaudheya coins.

8 Y. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties . [No. 1,

V.

COINS OF PATHANKOT (ODUMBARA.)

XII. Thin copper, circular ; diameter '65. Wt. 27 gr. [Rawlins.]

1. ObV. Building, with railing at foot, and high roof with projecting eaves,

apparently of thatch, supported on four pillars. Legend to 1. in large early charac¬

ters in relief, purusa, but the third character is doubtful, as there is no cross-

bar.

Rev. Tree with horizontal branches ( ? deodar) in railing, with snake below.

XIII. Weight 34 gr. [Rawlins.]

2. Obv. Building similar to that of No. 1, but with six pillars, and the coin

being in somewhat more perfect condition, the long spike on the top of the roof is

visible. The legend differs. It looks like [ ? ] ?jrf^TT. q [ bha ] yu ta jd. pa.

The pictures of buildings on these coins obviously connect them

with the rare coins from Patliankot bearing the legend Odumbara ,

which have been described by Cunningham. Two silver coins of the

series are known, and are hemidrachms related to and associated with

the hemidrachms of Zoilus. The one figured in Coins of Ancient India ,

PI. IV, I, has the Kharostln legend Mahadevasa rajha Dhara Ghosasa

Odumbarisa , and across field Visvamitra.

Cunningham’s specimen was found in the Patliankot District; the

other specimen (said by him to be in the Lahore Museum), was found

near Juala Mukhi, in company with 3 silver pieces of the Kunindas,

and 28 Philopator hemidrachms of Apollodotus II. The date is thus

indicated as being approximately B. C. 100 — A. D. 100.

The seven copper pieces known to Cunningham were all found at

Patliankot. Their legend is also in Kharostln, and includes the word

Odumbara I

Rodgers describes seven similar coins from Patliankot as in his collec-

tion, which is now in the Lahore Museum ( Catal. of Lahore Museum Coins ,

Part III, p. 151,) and notes that “ there are many other coins from

Patliankot in the collection, but they are mostly fragmentary and illegi¬

ble.”

He does not give readings of the imperfect legends on the coins

catalogued. I presume they are in Kharostln characters. All these coins,

like Cunningham’s, are square or oblong. The weights range from 20

to 32 grains.

1 Cunningham variously states the number of these coins as 5 ( Coins of Ancient

India, p. 67) ; as 6 ( Reports , Yol. v, p. 154) ; and as 7 ( Coins of Ancient India, loc.

cit. and Reports, Yol. xiv, p. 136). They were found along with coins of Zoilus,

Yonones, Gondophares, Kaui?ka, and Huviska.

1897.] y. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 9

Mr. Rodgers once showed me a thin circular brass coin, diameter

•65, which had on obverse a two-storied building ( ? temple), and a worn

legend, perhaps in B rah mi (Nagarl) characters, and, on reverse, tree in

railing, with Kharosthi legend, which I did not read.

Prinsep ( Thomas , PI. XIX, 7) gives a drawing of a large circular

copper coin from Behat near Sabaranpur, which exhibits the character¬

istic high-roofed building, and traces of letters, probably in the Brahmi

alphabet, like those now described. The buildings shown on the coins

have a considerable resemblance to the store-houses, or granaries,

depicted on the Sohgaura copper-plate from the Gorakhpur District

( Proc.j A. S. B. for 1894, p. 84, Plate I), though the Sohgaura struc¬

tures have double roofs.

The coins now published may be safely ascribed to the Odumbara

tribe of Karjgra, and dated somewhere about the beginning of the

Christian era.

VI.

XIY. SAURASTRA (? ARJUNA).

Silver hemidrachm, thick ; diameter *55. Wt. 45*5 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Bust to r., much defaced.

Rev. Svastika in centre. Legend round margin in characters similar to those

of the eai'lier Saurastran coins, but difficult to read. It looks like ipc['R]^I5T

The legend seems to include the name of Arjuna, and the

word putrasa, the genitive of putra , * a son.’

The coin certainly seems to belong to the Saurashtran series, but

no other example of the svastika reverse device is known, and the legend

seems to be different from that on any published coin. No Raja Arjuna

appears to be known.

VII.

XV. A NORTHERN SATRAP.

Circular, thick, copper ; diameter ‘65. Wt. 78’ 5 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Horse to r. grazing. Marginal Kharosthi legend, read from outside

... mahachatrapasa.

Rev. Female to front, with r. hand raised, and 1. on hip, standing in a rectan¬

gular frame, of which the right post springs from a railing. A crenellated ornament

on top of frame.

The horse connects this unpublished coin with the coins of the

Satraps Hagana and Hagamasa. ( Coins of Anc. India , p. 87). But

the horse on those coins is to 1., and the legend is in Brahmi characters.

J. i. 2

10

V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

[No. 1,

VII L

XVI. UNCERTAIN.

Thin copper coin ; diameter *65. Wt 30 5 gr. [Rawlins.]

Obv. Elephant charging to 1. marginal legend ... ... rujpava apparently,

which is unintelligible. I oannot read the characters preceding rfipa.

Rev. Goddess seated, perhaps on lion. Remains of legend on r. margin.

Like all Mr. Rawlins’ coins, this was collected in the Jhelam Dis¬

trict I cannot guess to whom it should be assigned. The characters

seem to be of early date, probably not later than A. D. 500, and possibly

much earlier.

1897.] N. N. Vasu — Meyhegvara Inscription of Svapneqvara Deva. 11

Meghegvara Inscription of Svapnegvara JDeva of Orissa. — By

NagSndua Natha Vasu, Editor of Vi^ako^a.

(With Plate II).

[Read January 1897.]

The inscription of which I give an account to the Society this night,

is engraved on a large slab in the western wall of the court-yard of the

famous temple of Anauta-Vasudeva in Bhuvane9vara. Just on the right

side of this slab is another, bearing inscriptions in eulogy of Bhatta

Bhavadeva. Dr. Rajendra Lala writes about these two slabs as follows : —

‘ There are existing two large slabs stuck on the western wall of

the court-yard (of Anauta-Vasudeva), bearing Sanskrit inscriptions.

One of these was originally intended for the temple of Brahme9vara,

and the other for that of Atlanta and Vasudeva. Both of them had

been removed from their proper places by General Stewart, and

deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal at about the

early part of this century. When Major (then Lieutenant) Kittoe

visited Bhuvan^vara in 1838, the priests complained bitterly of the

sacrilege, and he suggested the restitution of the stones. The Society

readily permitted this, but in replacing them, through some mistake or

other, the Major selected the outer wall of this temple for both of them,

instead of their respective places. Before making the restitution, James

Prinsep published transcripts and translations of both the records in the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.’1

I went personally to inspect these two slabs, and made rubbings of

both. Both the slabs now lie at the identical spot where Dr. Rajendra

Lala saw them. I was assured by the old Pandas of the temple that

they remained at that very spot from before the time of the Doctor’s in¬

spection, without suffering a change of place or alteration of any kind.

It is, indeed, surprising that there is no conformity at all of the

Brahme9vara inscription described by the learned Doctor with the

inscription I inspected. In fact, there is no Brahm^vara inscription at

1 Dr. Mitra’s Antiquities of Orissa, Yol. II, p. 84.

12 N. N. Vasu — Meghegvara Inscription of Svapnegvara Deva. [No. 1,

all in the temple. I am quite at a loss to determine liow he identified

this with the Brahm©9vara slab.

As far as I am aware nobody has yet deciphered the inscription

under notice.

This inscription was made under the older of Svapnegvara Deva,

the founder of the temple of Meghegvara. The following occurs to¬

wards the end of the inscription : —

1 The poet Udatana has by his ( Svapne9VAba’s) command composed

hymns, ever delightful to the learned in consequence of their sweet

collocation of words and plentiful figures of speech (Y, 33.) Can-

dradhavala, the son of Dhavala YIra, wrote this eulogy in letters

resembling gems upon this slab on the door of Meghegvara (Y, 35.)

Qivakara, a Sutradhara , engraved these letters like unto a garland of

gems on this stone-slab (Y, 36)/

It appears, General Stewart had taken away this slab from its

proper place in the temple of Meghegvara. Subsequently Major Kittoe,

yielding to the entreaties of the Pandas, placed it in its present posi¬

tion along with the inscribed slab of Ananta- Vasudeva. As to the

Brahmcgvara inscription noted above, I made a most searching enquiry

for it about the temples of Ananla-Yasudeva and Brahmegvara, with¬

out being able lo find out any trace of it anywhere.

This Meghegvara slab measuring 3' 8f " by 1' 9", is incised with

great neatness and care, and the letters are in a state of almost perfect

preservation. The size of the letters is § ".

The characters may be described as Bangali of the Kutila type of

the 12th century, similar to the inscription of Ananta-Yasudeva, and

very near to the characters of the copper-plate grant of Nrsimha Deva II

with a somewhat archaic look. As in most other inscriptions of Bengal,

Behar and Orissa, of that period, we find here no distinction between

the letters b and v ; besides it may be noted that the superscript sign

of r is invariably placed on the doubled consonants gg, nn, e.g., in

margga line 22, sampurnna , line 23 ; and ll is sometimes used for Z,

in llalata and llaksml , line 2. Instead of the anusvara, we have the

dental nasal in Vansottansa, line 3, and the nasal rj in varjge , line 6 ; and

the dental sibilant is used for the palatal sibilant in vansa , line 3 ;

and the palatal for the dental, in grotah , line 1.

The language of the inscription is high-flown Sanskrit. Excepting

the introductory blessing, the whole of the inscription is in verse.

The inscription opens with an invocation of the god £'iva, Candra

(the moon), and of the sage Gautama. It then relates : —

‘ In that family of Gautama was born a prince (named) Dvaradeva,

worthy of respect by the learned, the ornament of the world, possessed

1897.] N. N. Yasu — Meghegvara Inscription of Svapnegvara Bern. 13

of prosperity and great virtue, stable, like the goddess Laksmi in the

midst of the churning of the sea, in belabouring the enemy, whose good

deeds like a creeper surrounded the earth, under whoso influence the

renown of the enemy was obscured as beneath the rays of the sun the

petals of the lily close (V, 3). From this Dvaradeva, descended

Muladeva, the crown of his family, holding the foremost place among

the learned, putting an end to the prosperity of the enemy, smiling

as the moon, and blooming on the creeper of renown (Y, 4). From

him was descended Ahirama, a mass of virtue, the object of

adoration, the resting place of kindness and justice of whom un¬

measured fame has sprung up in the same way as the moon rises

on the udayacata (Y, 5). His descendants were many in number,

among whom was a son Svapneqvara and a daughter Surama, the

former resembling the moon, and the latter the goddess of prosperity.

Of them one became the ornament of the world and the stay of

all people, and the other the alleviator of the heat of poverty,

as Laksmi is (in cooling the mind) of Cintamaui (Yisnu) (Y, 6).

There was a celebrated king named Codagai^ga, the flower of the lunar

dynasty, adorned with the several faculties beginning with anima.

(Y, 6). After* that king of kings had adorned the abode of Indra his

bountiful son, the illustrious Rajaraja, began to rule the world (Y, 10).

That best of men married Surama dev! ( Y, J3). That king who was the

ornament of royal families, after a happy career, had his younger brother

AniyajjkabhIma installed on the throne (Y, 14). When the king of

the Gaqga family set about the conquest of the different quarters,

Svapne^vara deva himself did more service than a host of Cahirayga,

He dealt such mighty blows on his enemies with his sharpened weapons,

that from the blood gushing out of their wounds eight oceans were

formed (Y, 18). He built this temple of Meghe^vara, the Lord of

Kailapa, high as a mountain, with materials at great cost (Y, 22).

The stone-built wall of (that) conqueror is so lofty that it appears to

be ready to check the movements of the clouds (Y, 24). (Ladies) with

eyes like those of the deer, the effulgence of the diamonds on whose

bracelets brightens everything at the time of their dancing, were en¬

gaged for the service of the conqueror of Tripura (Qiva) ( Y, 25). He

has laid out a beautiful park in the abode of Meghe^vara (Y, 26). The

friend of that Lord of men had a beautiful tank, full of sweet water,

excavated at the abode of Megbe^vara. This tank, when looked at,

appears to be a brother of the ocean (Y, 28). That conqueror, celebrated

for his many achievements, had a beautiful mandapa erected by the side

of the tank. Here people sought refuge from the inclemency of the

hot weather (Y, 29). Having built the temple of 19a, he set up the

14 N. N. Vasu — Meghegvara Inscription of 8 vapnegvar a Deva. [No. 1,

god Visnu along with the Sudarqana- cakra (the beautiful looking

discus), in it (Y, 32)/

From the inscription on this slab, we get traces of two royal

dynasties, viz.: —

In the Gautama-gotra.

Rajaputra Dvaradeva

i

Muladeva

.i

Aliirama

In the Lunar dynasty.

Maharaja Codagaqga.

I

rzT~* - ; —

Rajaraja Aniyaijkabhima.

f - - 'N

Svapnegvara Surama

(the queen-in-chief of Rajaraja).

Various petty kings, it appears, reigned at different places in Orissa

about the time of the rise of the kings of the Gaqga dynasty. Prince

Dvaradeva is apparently one of them. The fact of none of those who

cam© after Dvaradeva having enjoyed the royal or any other title of

equal honour seems to point to the fact that they did not rule as inde¬

pendent kings, but were probably commanders of armies or Mahasdman-

tUdhipatis. Rajaraja, the son of Codagaisga the conqueror of Orissa, was

married to SuramadevT, the sister of SvAPNEgvARA. Probably by means

of this connection, Svapnegvara succeeded in gaining such a high posi¬

tion in the court of the Gaqga king. We know from the 18th verse,

4 that Svapnegvara himself did more service than a host of Caturagga.’

He was looked upon as Mahasdmantddliipati or the Commander-in-Chief

of the forces of the Gaqga king. The large temple of Meghegvara

is the work of this Svapnegvara Deva.

None of the antiquarians of Orissa has referred to this celebrated

temple, though it easily comes to the notice of every pilgrim of

Bhuvanegvara. Dr. Rajendra Lala has mentioned a Meghakunda from

the Yatra-paddhati of Bhuvanegvara. He has made no reference at all

to this celebrated temple of Meghegvara. But the merits of Meghegvara

are described in the Ekamra-purana, the Svarnadri-mahodaya and many

other works. Here is the mythical account on the origin of Megheg¬

vara as related in the Ekamra-purana, Ch. 38: — 1

‘ (Parvati) with her eyes beaming with joy, said with a smile.

1 Our past history, although frequently called to mind, cannot give me

much delight. O Brahma, thou art possessed of all knowledge. My

salutation to you, who are Prajapati (literally the lord of the created

1897,] N. N. Vasu — Meghegvara Inscription of Smpnegvara Deva. 15

beings), who are the incarnation of wisdom, and versed in all the

Qastras. I have a desire to hear, O Brahma, the connection we have

with the sacred place of Svarnakuta. Knowing that Rsis have an un¬

swerving devotion to God, sitting down for a while in meditation,

Brahma spoke the following words in reply : —

‘ Eight wise clouds wishing for the success of their desires pre¬

sented themselves before India with folded arms, and spoke the follow¬

ing words ; —

‘ We intend to go to a place called Ekamraka to worship (Jiva.

We shall with your permission, bathe in the sacred tirtlui of

Vindudbhava. Sages say, ‘the merits of actions done here become

everlasting.’ We intend to build a palace and a temple of fiva with

your permission. Kindly give us therefore our desired boon.’ Hear¬

ing this Indra spoke, ‘ 0, Virtuous clouds, depart soon and perform

your religious rites according to your wishes.’ The clouds, commanded

by Indra, gladly departed for that sacred place, accompanied by

V^vakarman. When the clouds had got to the place, they looked

around and selected the site in the H.-E. direction, 1,750 fathoms from

Kalpavrksa. They then thus spoke to V^vakarman : —

‘ O Vi^akarman, the site has been selected ; be so kind as to act

up to our desire. Then V^vakarman personally collected stones from a

hill and built the high and beautiful palace, having a ditch around it,

the entrance gate, the gopura, and the homakunda. Then the clouds,

who were proficient in the Civa-tautras, consecrated the temple. These

eight clouds are respectively celebrated as Parjanya, Plavana, Anjana,

Vamana, Sampatti, Drona, Jimuta and Atimarsana. Then thinking it

imprudent to lose time they began to conciliate the god f iva by gifts,

worship, austerities and sacrifice.

1 Then fiva being highly propitiated appeared at the place and

thus spoke to them : —

‘ I have appeared in the capacity of a giver of boon. Ask for the

boon you intend to have. The clouds being highly glad to see Maliadeva

personally present said, — ‘ O god, if you have been satisfied with us

and. have got the best favour to bestow, then we pray for your presence

in this place which has been well set up. Fulfil our desire by granting

us this boon.’ To this Maliadeva replied, — ‘ 1 shall remain here in the

name of Megilp vara (the Lord of clouds). This lake (now Vindusa-

gara) of limpid and dear water will be a source of pleasure to me. Its

waters will wash off all sins.”... The clouds on hearing this made

obeisance to Maliadeva and departed for heaven.’1

The famous temple of Meghe^vara is situated at a distance of 100

i The similar account is related in the Svarnadri-mahodaya, Ch.18.

16 N. N. Yasu — Meghepvarci Inscription of Svapnegvara Veva. [No. 1,

yards to the east of the site of Bhaskare^vara, mentioned by Dr. Rajendra

Lala, in the northern part of the Bhuvane^ara Ksetra. It is built of

basalt stone. Its former beauty has not yet departed, but with the de¬

cline of the worship (ceremony) here, its beauty is nowadays on the

wane. The artistic skill displayed by the temple seems to place it in the

12th century A. D. There is a tank to the north of the temple as men¬

tioned in the inscription under notice (Y, 28). The people of that place

generally speak of a village of Brahmapura, which was originally situat¬

ed near the temple of Megli§9vara. This village is mentioned also in the

early settlement records. In the 31st verse of the present inscription

this village is recorded to have been given to the Brabmanas by

Svapneqvara deva. There is no trace left of it save the abodes of a

few husbandmen. The temple of Bralimecvara and Brahmakunda is

not far off.

wifrrfrsfa n

*rt ii

^ *5TI*rt «w ||

fat I

qrr ^Tf?rw ^Ygfa^Tfa h

ararenc i

It

^istr ^ tor i

’snwr: fafe^wr: ^rr^r^i

wiw Jifaiam: trspnifr I

fa^tswfa-’ WfR II

W ^fi<T |

W %% Riftf^TOp II

vi N

fasfTJiTfpr tt*ss ffarrf *rwlfa?rR u

fi^mfa^rr ii

^T^*r t faw«nrr i

* *

«£5(T ^^•fTTI^^T II

^tT<3K| ^ (?) l

1897.] N. N. Vasu — Meghegvara Inscription of S vap negvava-deva.

17

^t5t% ii

$t*r *rV*iwsifa*iTTO*j i

<3fW II

<n*TTW#ta frwaf ^p4 ^ i

ii

n*mt f^s^ fM i

fPI fafV^I f¥W*P*rfa^J % |

*3^*3 ^faswr: u

vJ

^ W^ft *WTOHT I

^Wlfrl^ <WT ^"Wt If

^€4 ^ ifro^r: WWV' *«Tp*pia?i«rsB^ I

Wr^TT? ^€?n: sfiT^rTT *TO*fS*r: II

^3T*j % ^|Wt t I

^rew=nnftafr; n

gcrr1? «JI^T5T W i

^Trefwfw ?X ^^frn^rf: ||

inft ^T^T =f 2T rHJ I

V3i^r *r: ii

*TST^: gsnTSHWWrftf: I

wr 3T%¥rrsr *rt«t ii

sreinwT ^ i

*ri^t «n^r hr ii

WWR[ facST ^<TS3 II

^R-RpRTSF^ ifiT*T^: I

%^K: f*R: II

?;f H ^<3T *T^Tf^f<T2W I”

I ^ J s

( WRgW V* ^*<ajT*?: t )

J. i. 3

18 N. N. Vastt — Meghecvara Inscription of S vapuepvara-deva. [No, 1,

Meghecvara Inscription of Svapne^vara-deva.

Text *

L. l. II fsr^T^T II

^TOcT-

M 4 V

^rfan1 2 ^jabr^tfgcrr TOftrcsNJt ftcT ^fer i

Wf TTS^S^cTTf cT F^IcfT-

«T^5tcTT2€l5^?rfT^J-4TNcT: HTig 3= fl [1]

N* J

L. 2. 3 *<* ifcf TI^fcT

i§«ff ^rtfar swt i

^faTcf *T || [2]

5cf^^ TT5^** ^fecT^T

3TTCT 5rfcT^T^f^

L. 3. ^ftwajT^TOft: i

f Tlcrf^ H : sfMt ^TK%W' II [3]

Nl S

sftf&T-

L- 4# ^tf%cTT*T-

SW^facT^ft Si^F || [4]

8cTWcT ^TfT^#T[-

&s

f^rsrNr-

# From impressions and rubbing's, made by me.

1 Metre, Qardula-vikrldita

2 Head ^p?f; |

j>

8 Metre. Vasanta-tilaka,

♦ Read ^it? 1

6 Metre, Srag-dhara.

® Metre, Malinl.

T This letter is very obscure,

8 Metre, Srag-dhara.

1897.] N. N. Vasu — Meghegvara Inscription of Svapnepvara-deva.

L. 5. • II

*tw gw =ej *rrarw*rr l

^ncraHisnw ?i^rann?;^t^T^jT sm-

^Tfers^ncsrrctnro ^JTcft f^riroffli^;^ a

105ra’5'TfcTf%ft2^ft’-

L. 6. fers^rftnTS'ftesFrra'rR'rej! i

i i

^fsre^^PrnixFsmfflr-

^ftnnf^Ssr ^snif: n

^sft *n^rew<E% fw*; i

V ^jpmjZW'FdM ^TjgTfT-

L. 7. sn *n#t-

3T5TP giWS f%W VI-JcTI^nfw Tn^T^fif

^stcrUr *ig ^r^;: xfsrgsri ^"TT^ «HU?T I

*f*?rfa ^ftr jtt sr^st fsrfar^rftef^n-

*rat i irftTR^rf5?! nfe: HcTT: f-

«\ ©V. ^

L. 8. ^S’sifaitT’r a

V

,2crf^sr fansrarTWR1

N

^iwtgqvrT^'f^^rafta!^:

*kmT*mfer: ufaff hot* h

L. 9. [?t] fiTif-fw^ii i

’ffc^tsTpra^Tcj- wsiJjsn

^f'Ki •fli'?,''fl%% a

CX

9 Metre, Qardula-vikridita. 11 Metre, Qardula-vikridita.

1° Metre, Puspitagra. IS Metre, Vasanta-tilaka.

*3 Metre, Srag-dhara.

20 N. N. Vasu— M eghegvara Inscription of Svapnepvara- dev a. [No. 1,

gfcrar I

L. 1 0. snnfa-

^TTcT || [12]

15%*fiTFf ^*TT K^^T^-cft

g*rn ftr^mr *tct

WtcTcT^TWf^fH^Vt’ *iTcTTf^ || [13]

L. 11.

w?t pVw f*rc! ^ tj*\t i

ii [ 1 4]

15*t ^rr^T^^T#xrfcr:

X|(?ff^f%fcTm^H\NRT^5 ^^TfC^TTlT^-

L. 12. |

^TJUTcT ii [15]

15t «fW?Nf f^^TTc^ wft«jrT>0 *r iTlT^T

f^pjTf^TO vnm ^TcT^ 3TT^ ^ I

>J

L. 13.

■* v»

^fV»ft^nc^tf*RHi*(JiT^B giiraipf h [16]

issfTcTT 3JT^HT«I^T-

wt17^ *rafa ^tNct 18 ^ iftfir tnrr sfNrtf i

TOfa^T^fcT?# ^q^^fcTT ^cfl^T-

ftvSTT^J ^P8fcT

1+ Metre, Maliui. 16 Metre, Vasanta-tilaka.

1$ Metre, Qardula-vikridita. n Obscure.

18 Obscure.

1897.] N. N. Yasn — Me ghee, vtara Inscription of Svapnegvara-deva.

L. 14. [w] ^ stT^^rac^^Ti! ||

*ny*rfyyt

f*S3Jni yyjTcr « Wt I

€^n^yfyf*tf*ycrrey nwi«ftiwn*HtPrfy: 11

19«i#%5rT: yfinc-

L. 15. [y] y:,'yt^ yw ^tfe-

jfNtsrrei [f?=g-] ^^20 *r ys^TanysrTsyt l

fWfi%5fl' yrfjirfrg'ym^cn y*r ttsjt

orftR-^^ftT II

*ftf8w fer^ I

six T^T^xf^ ^ ^ q ||

TjRR-

L. 17. ^t-

R'^olcit

^■1 ^

urer^t fyr«cr 3rareltw,y<: n

S1^ffsv y strait Tfcnrer^’a w fjrfx-

sffanai TTftyfacfts^fsrett hw yifr^t-

J

L. 18. . I

parents tpcroy^rasiTsf

fttsfNtf 3JTW?;: BTrftOT^ fw* n

-"*x fspifant

19 Metre, Mandaki’anta. Some aksaras of this are illegible.

*° Metre, Anustubh.

SI Metre, Qardula-vikridita.

*S Metre, Harini.

22 N. N. Vasu —Mtghe^vara Inscription of SvnpnBgvara-deva.

cT^J **

src*!J-

L. 19. t ^r faphngpc^n II

^rflrsm i

TR CTTW J?JIT^T5 II

w %^sr-

L. 20. ?:^j

jfefTfinrft-^l^TT^^T'iT J3.1* c# ||

-55^iffiT^aR^f^'f'55crt<=k'<r«^cT

ii^ih?1fT€t5Rf«cTftrRraT snr^t i

L. 21, pst-

ST^rPterfs: |

26ssjar^ 'rmur#

# N

TOffr^TOf^ftfa Tf^HcT sftcf^ |

^TfOTTOaRfir *net

^5iTT§i^r

L. 22, ^ ii

5rrc^3Rft%cre snresrt: js’spsr:27

^ ft^TRfsripf wnwcrap*; |

*TW 5rf*RT ^TTf^cft' II

26^TCT W^T*TT^T: TTfzr Tffa c^TJTTi ETfcT-

28 Metre, Mandakranta. 25 Metre, Qikharirn.

24 Metre, Malini, 2(J Metre, Qardula-yikrldita.

27 Read I

[No. 1,

[29]

1897.1 N. N, Vasu — Mecjbefvara Inscription of Svapnegvara-deva.

L. 23. S*

sftqr ‘ trfcT itjtc ft*rar* 1

f3m% ^T3TOJfa ^ ||

~*^TKTg%[%t *RT-

xm f33Tmfa^f^3^raR i

s» s»

^TI- 7K ^T fo¬

il. 24. crwjgvKsrcW^st-

«\

*T3 ^ *ER<l?rf% ||

^ Cv

"CJcf 5T?^finS

e\

^iwfRcr ^ fkm-

TTmwTFr* ^ ii

so^333\ f3^T^T?5reifep3 ^ifa^F

L. 25. ^**rcterT i

3ilTS f^W^fafciTTfcdt-

irfcT^cT^T ^T 3W WTf^cRTpWT 11

3 1 q ^T33^>RT^Rt

*113^13^ ^IIT *TT3^3T^3faff |

3iwr *033: crt^ci^-

L 26. m 3rt%

cTT3cT f^U3^f¥T XX^m^m p3W ||

II

32ftfa WaftecTra: * ^^3^: STilfSlffrC 3f* I

^^T^T5TT^Tf^fW%^^3Sr^T^ II

33^rSITC: fs*33i I

f3^1§T3 fi^Rf ^TWpTOlffnr II

23 Metre, Qardula-viki'idita,

29 Metre, Upajati.

3^ Metre, Hariri.

31 Metre, Srag-dhara.

82 Metre, Ary a.

33 Metre, Anu?tubh.

24 W. Irvine — Nadir Shdh and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. I,

Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem by TiloK Disr contri¬

buted by William Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Service.

[ Read February, 1897.]

The poem of which I send a transcript, transliteration and transla¬

tion, accompanied by some notes, was found last year (1895) among the

books of the late Mufti Sultan Hasan Iflian of Bareli (Rohilkhand ).

Access to these books was obtained by my agent, Maulvi ‘Abdu-l-‘Azizf

through the good offices of C. Rustomjee, Esq., C. S., at that time

Judge of the district.

In the exemplar found at Bareli the verses are wrongly placed,

being given in the following order, 1-6, 77-93, 7-76, 94—103. This

mistake I have corrected. The numbering gives 103 verses, but

apparently they ought to be reckoned as one hundred and five. Verse

No. 7, as it has eight lines, ought, I fancy, to be counted as two verses

of four lines each ; and the Dohard, No. 103, is given as one verse of

four lines, whereas Dohard meaning ‘ a couplet/ the four lines;

form properly two couplets. After making this correction, I find the

kinds of metre used are : — 52 Dohard (104 lines), 11 Sorathd (22 lines),

1 Kabit Dohard (2 lines), 18 Kabit (17 x4 and 1 x2, 70 lines), 2 Savaiyd

Kabit ( 8 lines), 9 Savaiyd (36 lines), 9 Aril (36 lines), 3 Chaupdi

(12 lines), giving a total of 105 verses and 290 lines.

Our copy is in the Persian character, as was perhaps to be expected

owing to the Muhammadan source from which it has been obtained. I

have made further enquiry, but no Nagari original is now forthcoming.

But we may assume that the work was originally written down by the

author, as all other Hindi poems are, in the Nagari character. The

free use of purely Persian and Arabic words (suggested, no doubt, by

the nature of the subject), is to be noticed, making of this poem an

early specimen of the Hindi mixed with Persian, which the late Raja

Shiva Parshad advocated as the true literary language (see Grierson,

“Modern Vernacular Literature,” 1889, No. 699, p. 148).

I know nothing of the author beyond his name, Tilok Das, which

appears in the last line of verse 7. The work is not dated and no

patron is named. But since verse 103 contains a mention of Nadir

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem, 25

Shah’s death in 1160 H. (May 1747), the poem cannot he earlier

than that year, and judging from internal evidence, such as the number

of real names and events given with tolerable correctness, I think it

would be safe to give as the latest probable limit of composition a

period of ten or fifteen years from 1 747. The poem is not likely,

in my opinion, to be later than 1757-1760 A.D.

From the place at which the work is found we may assume that

the author was a native of Rohilkhand. The language, of which

the grammatical forms seem to be somewhat unstable, appears to me

to show affinities both to the dialect of the upper part of the Ganges-

Jamna, duaba and to that of the country between Farrukhabad and

Qannauj, the latter called by Kellogg, I think, Kanauji. I am more

or less familiar with both these dialects, and the language of the

poem contains something of both. I suppose it should be classed as

written in the Braj variety of the Hindi tongue.

As for the matter of the poem, it must be confessed that it is of

no historical value, although, if no other account of Nadir Shah’s

invasion had come down to us, this might have been otherwise. We

might then have been forced to construct out of such materials a

history of what really happened. The result would, I think, have

been that the outlines of the story would have come out fairly true to

fact, but in details there would have been equal redundancy and defect.

The story of the faqir’s second sight would have been at once rejected

by any critic : while he would have mourned over the absence of

reasons for the sudden collapse of the Moghul defence, or for the

apparently unprovoked slaughter of the unoffending inhabitants of

Dihli. In short, this poem shows us how rapidly in the East, even in

modern history, fact and fiction are blended. We see, as it were, myth

in the making.

I am no judge of the technical merits of the work as poetry, but

it seems to me to present a brisk, lively and interesting narrative, far

from devoid of local colour, and at times exceedingly graphic. The

poet assumes as a matter of common knowledge that Nadir Shah was

invited into India by Nizamu-l-mulk. The true solution of this

question is one of the most difficult problems presented to us in the

history of that period. The accusation was current at a very early

date (see Fraser’s “History of Nadir Shah,” published in 1741, pp. 69

and 129, and Rustam ‘All’s Tar iJch-i- Hindi, written in 1154 H. (1741-2)

[B. Museum, Oriental MS. No. 1628, folio 281 b].) The author of

Nisdlah-i-Muhammad Shah , however (B. M. Or. 180, foil. 106 b, 107 b),

who wrote between 1161 H. and 1167 H. (1748-1754), puts all the

blame upon Sa‘adat Khan, Burhanu-l-mulk, Nazim of Audh. But

J. i. 4

26 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and 'Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. IT

Jonas Hanway’s judicious remarks (“ Revolutions of Persia,” 3rd edi¬

tion, 1762, II, 352) convey the wisest and safest opinion on this very

disputable point. “ It seems to me highly probable that Nadir did not

“ stand in need of such instruments for the execution of his ambitious

“ designs. ’’ In short, Nadir Shah could not look on himself as the

world-conqueror that he wished to be, a veritable equal of Changez and

Taimur, without an invasion of Hindustan, and, as I hold, such an inva¬

sion was inevitable, invitation or no invitation.

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II, Transliteration.

Doliara.

1. Sri Ganpat Gores ke Gdbind caran manae, '

Ahwal Shall Nadir kaliS, jagat kabit banae.

2. Muhammad Shall Badshali Dill! ka jo sar mor

Bahut khuslii tha, * aish krora bat na dr.

3. Bandobast mulk ka sop-diya jo Shah

Ghftzi Khan Wazlr j5 sab-hi karat nibah.

4. Majlis Rae Diwan kd sar-daftar to jan,

Muklitar-kar sab fauj ka Khan D aur an man*

5. Nizamn-l-mnlk amir tha, topan ka sard ar,

Bandobast sab jang ka usi ke tha ikhtivar.

6. Turrali Baz Khan surma n, bara bosh ka dhani,

Hikmat ko jo hakim tha, ‘Alwi nam yah gharii.

Kabit.

7. Malkah Zamani jo us ki begam thi, tis ke bas ho-gae Shah

apara,

Wah suratmand jo khub thi, niano candar ko diat wahi

ujiyara.

Sabh raj samaj kd kaj joi, tab ko na bosh rahi ghar-bara,

Ab dekli dasa j5 nares laklid maud eandar cakor ki prit nahara.

Kabit.

Sharab aur kabab khan a, ‘ami rah diwana, dekh mastana, jo

‘atai sabh awalii,

Dholki, tambura, sar, ben kd bajaw! baj, deklio maliaraj, sabh

Shah ko sun awl.

Jabai kkush hue Shah tabai kare be parwah hira, moti, la‘I,

sab mig ke liyawe,

Kab kahat liai Tilok Das or na kachu as, Shah ko bana hai

rag, or na pahawahe.

Savaiya.

8. Prit ki rit kachu nahi rakhat jat na pat, na nalil kal garo,

Prem ke nem kahil nahi diat laj, na kan lagiyo sabh kaharo.

Len phiyo sonshah mah Muhammad Shah ko rup rah

mat waro,

Ak rag aur rang bina nahi pahawat, ‘ asliiq ho-rahiyo Shah

aparo.

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 37

Doliara.

9. R5z athwe Shall ho sab-lh karat salarn,

Ap apni qa’idah awat raliat madam.

10. Amir Nizam n-l-mulk jo gya Shall ke pas,

Dekhat hi hasi kari, jail ke apna das.

Kabit.

11. Dekh5 tnm awat hai boznah ke cal jaisi^khub khush rang sabz

pagri at saji hai,

Dekh ke anokhi cal kliar khar has tabae be-hal, juti ki awaz

kliub pat pat kar baji hai ;

Hukm kiya Radshah bahnt log awat hain, aise cal kisii ke

na mere dil lagi hai,

Amir hai, baro hai, siyiw boznah ke sliakl mano, dekh dil

khushi hot, bundan kar pagi hai.

12. Amir hai, bar5 hai, siySw boznah ke shakl jano, dekhat

khush hot, jabh mauo susrat hai,

Aur jo amir awl aisi chab na pawl, cham chain kar calat cal

mano atrat hai,

Dekhie parbin sajan sohat darg khub anjan, bhajan ke takor

jaisi adhak thankat hai.

Aiso-hi amir yah Nizamu-l-mulk nam jabh, sabh amiran

sartaj jo kaliat hai.

Aril.

13. Suniyo jabai yah bacan zabani Shah ki,

tJchali cliati andar ag juwah ki,

Ghar ki taraf wall liatiyo Nizamu-l-mulk j5,

Thapiyo man mah krodli, lagiyo tab zakhm so.

Cliaupai.

14. Tab yah bliakh sunai bat, “Jo kucli hukm kiya so sat,

“ Jo k5i din jiwat rahS, isi ag s§ chati dh5H.

15. “ Sabh gungre qila‘h ke jano, tap tap kare boznah mano,

“ So phal janam mero hi tabai, tapat b5znah qila‘h ml jabai. ”

10. Tab a kar mandar-sandar me, nij hath si pati likhi jo banal ;

“ Turn shah jo Nadir nadir lio aur fauj rah turn pai ghat-chai,

“Yah Dilli ka taklit jo khali para, turn ko is ki likhi hi me

bar ai,

“ Ham naukar hai, turn malik lio, is k5 turn a kar liyo sam-

pliai.”

38 W. Irvine — 'Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

Dohara.

17. Baliut pati likli die Amiru-l-mulk Nizam,

Ek bat ke karan bhaya j5 namak-haram. *

18. Li qasid pati, caliyo Nadir Shah ke pas,

Nizamu-l-mulk amir, jo rahiyo shall ka das.

Kabit.

19. Shah suni bat na samat ris kliai, tithe Balkh Bukhara, di.

naqara, ae jan ke,

Kabul aur Pashaur zor pari th5r thor, Gajni Qandahare jori

as man ke,

Cliariyo Nadir Shah lini fauj be-parwah, Iran mulk s8p diya

Nek Khan jan ke,

Utare daiyao Sindh, Panjab mulk kiya banda, lakha rupai

lie karl khan pan ke.

Savaiya.

20. Tab Zakariya Khan subali Labor ne soc kari apne man malii,

Yah fauj barl jo Durraniyan ki, is ke sam aur naki jag mahi

Cun kahawat liai, “ adam ko kar dam nak mi,'’ na sak kare

man malii,

Is-ka jo ‘ilaj kare koi aj, rahe tab laj nahl ham mahi.

Dohara.

21. Hath jor binti kari Surat Singh, Diwan,

“ Hukm hoe, main jat hn., sab bidh hoe iman.”

Soratlia.

22. To boliyo sartaj, subali jo Labor ka,

“ Turn bin yah kaj aur kisu se na sapare.”

Dohara.

23. Rukhsat kiya diwan ko, baliu tuhfah die sath,

Nadir Shah ko ja mila, don§ bandhe hath.

Savaiya.

21. Nadir Shall bara badshah, nahl kachii cah bina badshahl

hai,

Sabh fauj jadal qatal bani, aur susthir rakh§ sabh jang ke

ahi,

Tab ‘arz kari jo Muhammad IQian, “ Yah hazir hai diwan jo

ae hai,

“ Nij gat joi thartharat, soi bin is tuhfah qabul ho ya nahi.”

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi 'poem. 39

Soratha.

25. Hukm kiya tab Shah, tuhfah sabhi utliai,

Toshakci pali jae, Khan Muhammad sop die.

Dohara.

26. Nadir Shah ne puchiyo : “ Sun, diwan sajan,

“ Khan Bahadur larahgo ke kachu soc nidan P ”

27. Kari ‘arz diwan ne, bahu binti kar jor,

“ Ai qiblah ! jan bakhshie, kirpa karo par yah mor.

Kabit.

28. “ Baro hai, bahadur hai, janat sabh jagat dan ko des ml par-

saddh sor jang ko jo dhani hai,

“ Khan ho Bahadur, bahu-awar, siun rakhi fauj jang ko samaj

bahu bat sabai bani hai,

“ Ek-hi qasur ta me ab hai, wah par ghat karH, bina ek, sahib,

sab aur ciz thani hai,

“Larta be-sak, ya mai nek hS, na jhuth hot, sahib, jo tumare

aur ya tai an bani hai.

Savaiya.

29. 11 Bam sudasht sudasht sabai, jab Bam kudasht sudasht na koi,

“Yahi tai atak rahiyo man thatliak, na katak kare tumre

sam kol,

“ Jab, sahib, hai tumre bal, ap so ek hai, sahib, aur na koi,

“ Yahi tai lOian Bahadur turn pah bahu binti kini hai soi.”

Dohara.

30. Sun batan diwan ke, Shah bhayo auand,

Choriyo Shah Lah5r, chor die sab bandh.

31. IDian Bahadur ja miliyo age Nadir Shah.

Lie tnhfah bahu mulk ke, nazar kie badshah.

32. Liitan lage Lahor ko Mughul, Pathan, Amir,

Bahu daulat ko lut kar, sahu kie faqir.

Kabit.

* 33. Tab hi diwan j5 hai bare sujan so hi IOian bahuman ke kare

laiq sabh jan-ke,

Tahi pukar kin ra‘yat sabh lut lin shahr jo anup ho to suno

pahiwan-ke

Campat aur Lakhpat, Dawad, Khan ke diwan, so Shah jiu ke

pas gae binti bahu than-ke,

Lut lio shahr sablii, nam hi Labor abai, jo kadaj rok hoe ‘arz

• man man-ke.

40 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah avd Muhammad Shfth, a Hindi, 'poem. [No. 1,

Doliara.

34. cArz-beg ne jae bio ‘arz Shall be pas,

Par sun, utar kacbu na kiyo, liukm qaid bhayo tas.

Savaiya Kabit.

35. Tab dera Labor se kuc kiyo aur ra‘yat lilt lig tah sari,

Sun jargB bbag gayo jo Adinah Beg Khan caliy5 chor ke

faujdari,

Jae lukiyo so pahar me Khan kiyo so aman bhai babii yari,

Sabb raja pahar ke mitr kie tin se bhayo qaul-qarar becari.

Doliara.

36. Lutan lage Patban sab sbahr Jalandhar ae,

Babu danlat ko lut-kar tarpat jo bbai again.

Kabit.

37. Jab sbahr Jalandhar lut Ilya tab bliabar bbai so Adinab Beo-,

Tis-ne kacbu soc karl man mall dbob lie khan jar aur tegb,

Kar jor Bisambhar Das kabiyo, “ bam ko bakbsh.5 yah sundar

tegb,

“ Turn liukm karo, bam jawat bain, yah Nadir Sbab bara bai

beg.” '

Kabit. .

38. Khan-ho sujan kab, li Sun-ho, diwan piyare, tumre to bas yah

kam na awe-go,

“ Wah t5 Sbab Nadir, bahadur, parsiddb, ta ke dhagali jae

kacbu kabi na pawah-go.”

Tabbi diwan kabi, “ Sun-ho, sujan Khan ! namak-baram bam

kaise jabai kabawali-go ?

“Is jo pa-au ab fauj-b8 leja-au, sabb phal bani milS, nahl

sis kat liyawab-go !”

Kabit Doliara.

39. Babu parsann hue Khan, dina jo babut incam,

Bidan kin diwan ko, janiyo puran kam.

Savaiya.

40. Tab ap diwan sawar bhayo, aur fauj cnrbe babii tai sang jae,

Pan ae-ke jngat kari tinliS aur dekbi sipab sabb Nadir

Shake,

Tin se baliu mel kiyo tabai, pan le-gayo Nadir Sbab pnb take,

Sbab Wall aur Muhammad Kb an kiyo bahuman diwan jo abe.

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah, and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem. 41

Dohara.

41. Nadir Shah puchiyo, “ Kaho IQian ki bat,

“ Sun, diwan sujan, tl sabh bidh hi ko sarat.”

42. ‘Arz kari diwan ne, bahu binti kar jor,

“ Khan ap ke kirpa kar bahut hi khiishl par yah mor.

Kabit.

43. “ Paliar ke shikar ml jo bahut hi khushi hai, wa ko dekh ke

faqiran k5 jo bar5 hi bilaa hai,

“ Yahi tai atak rahiy5 Khan hi sujan, jag kare bahu dan aur

bandagi parkas hai,

“Yahi tai mai aiyo ab fauj-hl li-yay5 sab ek lakh rupai de

pathayo turn pas hai,

“ Aur joi tuhfe mai-ne baja gini ap k5 jo laiq ho, qabul kijijo

tas hai.”

Dohara.

44. Hukm hua tab shah ka, tuhfe kie qabul,

Khiishi bhai diwan, parjan, hosh ka mul.

45. Diwan, sujan, fahaman, ‘arz kari kar jor,

“ Lut liya tha qila‘h, sabh shalir Jalandhar or.

46. “ Shahan ko parwah 11a kachu mal ke jan,

“Jo ra’yat aur fauj ham sabai ap ke man.

47. “ Ham hazir hai, turn shah ji jo kachu karo so saz,

“ Jahis pathao jafc hai, tanak na kari awaz.”

Savaiya.

48. Hukm kiya tab Shah j5 Nadir, “ Jo hamri hi sipah bulae,

“Jo asbab ho, tan yah sabh die-ke, diwan rasid likhae.”

Turat-hi jae diwan sujan ne ‘ arz kari, bahu bat banae ;

Tab-hi parwiina likhae dio, turn Khan diiaba ke bic sopiie.

Dohapa.

49. Bahu upman diwan ke likhe j5 Nadir Shah,

Dera apna kuc kar, Satlaj likhiyo athah.

50. Parwana le qasid gayo khan sahib ke pas,

Sunat kan umagiyo, bhur bliayo sva-tah hulas.

51. Ae shahr Jalandhar ml as thathi kare nawab,

Bahut dilasa tah kino bhor bhai wah ab.

J. i. 6

42 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and MiihaYnmad Shah, a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

Arii.

52. Darya un-par jo shalir base Sarhand tl » ay

Lnt liya wall shahr, jo bahui buland tha,

Barak kos me shahr abad ho cuka,

Nadir Shall ke lut, shahr sabli hua muka.

Aril.

53. Jae utaiiyo wall shah jo Nadir khet ml,

Panipat maqam kiya as Iiaibat si,

Khabar sunte hi ek amir jo

Kliau Dam an Khan nam tis separsiddh so.

Dohara.

54. Sabh cali shatranj ke, jo koi kars bicar,

Jite-gd, lii-sak, wall kadai na awe liar.

55. Ek cal s§ bhul kar, bazi hari jan,

Mithi bat hi phul ke, jab hakar bakhan.

Aril.

56. Suni khabar jab Muhammad Shah ne,

Nadir Shah jd ayo Dilll, wah hits! ;

Khan Dauran Khan ko hukm hua, “ Ab jah to,

Kaisa larta dekliiyo Nadir Shah ko.”

Kabifc.

57. Caledirg-pal, bliu-pal, bhu-mandal ke, cale waeh-kaeh, aur cale

rao rana jo,

Cale mandle bakantli h8 ko, kalpie rah lete, plierat sis tanak,

harakli joriyo jana jo,

Byakul dal miliyo, qatal kiyd dal shalian k5, khet tai jae liyo

hai Nawab Khan Khan an jo,

Kab kahat hai Til ok Das, kaha to karS bakhan, phag caliyd

badshah-i-jang Khan Khan an jo.

58. Dilli dal-badal umag-umag ae, “ ‘ All ” dini hai duhai,

“ dono 6 mahmand ” ki,

Nau sai assi aswar pahar khaichiyo nan lakhan ko, barsiyo

hai sur sudh, phtili hai basant ki,

Kar binan kar lari, sis bina dhar lari, Sahib bic rakhi hai

ap Bhagwant ji,

Saie badshalie ke sipahi karl, “Bah, bah, Khan Khan an,

khub lariyd, bakhshish bhai ap ki.

1897.] W, Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem. 43

59. Cataka car ciran, samundar sabh bharan, daliak, dhul, dharan,

ko Mer sis an kg.

Kaman kar-karan, damani-dut haran, dhas ban pharan, bliyd

bulwan ke,

Sata-kg jan caran, cuke nararan, Mugliai lage maratf, na

mSge khan pan ke,

Ara-kg rodai pliagan, sata ke kar jagan, tara ke tlr lagan,

nishani Khan Kli m an ke.

60. Dodi lagan bajan, mirdangi dliol sajan, torhi nlshan gajan,

suphirB phukan ke,

Topo ki goli “ganan,” zamburg jangi “ sanan,” topak “ kar-

karan,” g u ware gan ban ke,

Damak dal dhokan, tamak tij cokan, ghao mol rokau, lukan

Baghwan ke,

Ara-ke rodai pliagan, sata ke kar jagan, tara ke tlr lagan,

insham Khan Khanan ke.

61. Jigar plior rali-giyo gun nalii karat, kabur te rah nalii, man

nalii liyat, tej nalii rah at, pann kalia bhayo,

Sundar padmani purakh rakh na kara rat sunat sarg zor tak

kiyo Khan Khanan, bairam, ball, jadg krodh kar tang kiyo.

Dohara.

j

62. Pic kos piche hatiyo dera kiyo Nadir Shah,

Likha Nizamu-l-mulk ko, liar gag j5 sipali.

Kabit.

63. “Io ko jo bulayo turn Kabul se, ayo ham kon kaj kina, ja tai

laj ham dhariyo hai,

“ Ek hi amir ayo, karak karak dhayo, jang kiyo Khan

Dauran, mo-sg na sahariyo hai,

il Aise amir bahu hot bad^iahan pah, ek hi larai mg to aisi

nkalavo hai,

“ Ta tg mai ag kar wilayat se kharab bhayo ; namak-haram,

turn khat kytl patliayo hai ? ”

Dohara.

64. Amir Nizamu-l-mulk ng likhiyo jawab banae,

Pauj luiti is taraf ko, jang ek na pae.

65. Dilli takht jo shah ka, tumha mubarik hoi,

Laj rahi meii tabai janega sab koi.

66. Jab hat kar ayo Khan Dauran jan,

Diya palita top ko fauj iirae man.

44 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. 7,

Soratha.

67. Dilli tai panj kos, topo ka laralaga,

Udi jae tabh lios, jo deklie us pal ko.

Aril.

68. Sakkai iirai fauj Nizamu-l-mulk no,

Khan Dauran ke lat udi tab falak md,

Nezah pakri hath cala aswar so,

Jae takht ke pas gira be- tab ko.

69. Jab sudli pae ap shah tab puchiyo,

“ Kaisa jang jo deldia Nadir Shall ko ? ”

Tab boliyo Khan, “ Suno, shall, ek bat turn,

“ J5 jivvat rahS, subh calunga sath turn,

70. “ Nadir Shah kacku ciz nahi lio,

“ Kaie larai khub, jang m§ bhagiyo,

“ Tam ko milna khub, jang na kijiyo

“ Harhan gkar md be-itifaq na ko ao jiiiyo.”

71. Blior bkal mar gayo nawab amir jo,

Miliyo Muhammad Shall jae ke Shah ko,

Dilli pahtickiyo Shall jo Nadir akhie,

Gyara sai iky a wan sank chaupya kahie.

72. Hukm ldya tab ba-zan zabani ap ne,

Qatal hui tab Dilli, anut na janie,

Ek din ta sara qatal jab lid cuki,

Hukm kiya to, “ Bas ! ” kkalq tablii baci.

Doliara.

73. Nadir Skak ne puchiyo, “ Kalid, Muhammad Shah,

“ Bahu daulat turn pak sune, us ka kali d jo thak.”

Soratha.

74. Tab boliyd badshah, “ Mujh ko kuck sambal na,

“ Diwan jo Majlis us kd sabai sambhal hai.”

Doliara.

75. Dastak bkai diwan par rupaiyak pane bazar,

Rdz lilio diwan lai, hazir karo darbar,

76. Jae ke sipahi kahe “ Sun-bo, diwan, shah aes jo bkai hama

dilio rozak ke,

“Pancon liazar rupai dinho, an sabh badshah pas calo, is ko

man ke.”

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem. 45

Tab-ln diwan sun razinamak kiyo, tin rupaiyah die calo sath,

Nadir Shah jau ke,

Jae-ke salam kini, age shah man lini, puchiyS “ He diwan !

turn kah5 bat than ke,

77. “ Bhai jo Muhammad Shah ko darb hai atkah tum-ko ma‘lum

hai, s5 kaho bat sack ki,

“ J5 kadaj jhuth b5liyo, abhi teri kan kholti, mar dalS jan

tai, na jano bat kaj ki.”

Tabai diwan kakiy6, “ Bhed nahi, jae liyo, bins dekhi kaghaz

ki, jano bat pap ki,

“ Ais cuha-au ap tin din socS, tabh pachi ta-ke, kaliS jawab

bat ap ki.”

Soratha.

78. Diwan jo Majlis Rae, namak-halal qadim,

Kalie bat samjliae, “ Suno, Shah Nadir j5 turn.”

Dohara.

79. Hukm hua, tab shah ka, “ Tin roz ke jan,

“ Kaghaz sabh hazir karo, tabai kusal ko man.”

80. Gayo diwan sujan ghar me pan s5ci bat,

Biii sa-ci boli abh kadlii na hai kusarat.

81. Namak jo kliayo shah ka bahii muddat tak jan,

Apni khas zaban ta'i kya anuiau bakhan ?

Soratha.

82. R5z tisri ah, diwan jo Majlis soi gayo,

Andar ghar ke jae, kliae katare mar gayo.

83. lOiabar bhai jab shall, baliu s5ci man mah tabai,

Mard jo laiq ah, maran lage namak-parwar sabai.

Dohara.

84. Bahu binti kin! tabai Shah Muhammad jan,

Nadir Shah ko bkakiye Shah jo, “ Sun5, mihman,

Savaiya.

85. “ Ap ke ba-daulat jo raj karS, yah maran lage joi mard-hi

jan5,

44 J5 tumre dil me upje pan tali karo, hamie sar mano,”

Tab Nadir Shah kahiy5 “ Sun, Shah ! karo to libas joi ham

tlian5,

“ Turn ko bakhshn. sabh raj-sauiaj yah Dilll se A tak laghai-

yat mano.”

46 W. Irvine —'-No/dit* Shah and J\lii7jciiwni(id Shah , a TLindi poem. [^No. 1,

Dohara.

86. Tabai jo Muhammad Shah ne kiya libas jo aur,

Khalqa topi pain* kar, bhya, Durrani taur,

87. P^c roz biti, jabai adlii rat ke jan,

Don5 shah cale gae sail* jo Dilili man.

Soratha.

88. Ek al-mast faqir rahta tha ek kiiti me,

Ta ko dekh sarir Nadir Shah puchiyo.

Savaiya.

89. “ Turn salik li5 aur malik ho, karamat dekhao ham a apni.”

Tab dekh faqir kahiyo, “Turn, Nadir Shah, dekhao kachu

apni.”

Tab Nadir Shfih kahiyo “ Aikli mic dekh joi cahat ho thapni.”

Aikli mic lini to faqir dekha khub fauj jo Nadir Shall khani.

Doliara.

90. Dilli se Atak tak fauj j5 Nadir Shah,

Hathyar pahr kar liai, kharl ‘umdali baui sipali.

Savaiya.

91.

Tab kli5l ke akh faqir kahiyo, “ Ab deklio, acambha dekha-

u abai,

“ Turn mic ke akh dekho.” To Shiili ne mild ke dekliiyo

tabai,

Joi fauj faqir ne deklii kliari, ta ke sar kate gae sabai,

Tab Shall kahiyo hai, “ Faqir ! karo turn mihr ke nazar abai.”

Soratha.

92. Kiya j5 qaul faqir t§ “ Cahiye kusarat kon,

“ Mat karo zarra na dher, cale jao Kabul abhi.

Savaiya.

#

93. Tab Nadir Shah bfilae sipah ko hukm diya, “Turn kuc karo,”

Joi la‘l juwahir khub pakhiye ta ap lie sol sis dhariyo,

PSc moti katae jarao bana, qabzah talvvar ka khub kiyo.

Daliu daulat le kar lad lie, asbab jo khub tha sang liy5.

-1897.] W. Irtirie — NaiUf Shall and ffltih&Mnt&d Shah, a Hindi poem. 47

Dohara,

94. ‘Ulwi nam hakim pan begam ko lena sath,

Nadir Shall se puchiyo shah jo bandhe hath.

95. “ Yah hakim mar jae rSste hi mg jan,

“ Dhup lagi, ag pari, is ko dushman man.”

96. Chor diya tas k5, tabai cala jo Nadir Shah.

Rava-ravi aya cariya Jamna lanka thah,

97. Amr Singh sardar ko qaid kiya tab jan,

Patiyala ka sardar aur mulk thawah man.

98. J5 ‘ anrat bhau khub till mano camkafc pahan

Bahut bandhi kini tabai, Mughal. Amir, Pathan.

99. Satlaj ke patan jabai puchiyo Nadir Shah.

‘Arz kari sardar pan khalaat chutl athah.

100. Die khitab Raja ka Amr Singh ko jan,

Chor die khalqat sabai, Raja kiya aman.

Soratha.

101. PahSchiyd jab Labor, ae miliyo umrae sabh

Balint bhayo tah slior, khalqat ko jo bizab tlia.

102. Sabai chor die band, Lakhpat aur Campat, Dawad,

Bhayo jo bahut anand, Nadir Shah jo neki jo sunie.

Dohara.

103. Chor die khalqat sabai, Kabul pah tidily o Shah,

Sanh gyara sau sath tak kiya jo raj nibah, .

Manzil Fathabad ml adhi rat so jan,

Qatl kiya badshah k5 Amir Muhammad Khart.

Ill, Translation.

The Story of Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah.

1. Having worshipped the feet of Ganpat and Gobind,

I indite an epic on the deeds of Nadir.

2. Muhammad Shah, king of Dihli, who was our ruler,

Was fond of pleasure, delighted only in numberless enjoyments.

3. The rule of the kingdom had the king confided

To Ghazi Khan, his Wiizir, who fulfilled all the duties.

4. Know that Majlis Rae, the dhvan, was chief official ;

Understand, Khan Dauran had power over all the army.

5. Nizamu-l-mulk, a noble, commanded the artillery;

All the orders for war were under his control.

48 W. Irvine — . Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

6. Turrah-baz Khan, a hero, richly endowed with wisdom,

The physician who prescribed was called ‘Ulvvi.

7. Malikah Zamani, his queen, was idolized by the king ;

So lovely was she, you might say the moon drew its light from

her face.

All business, public and private, was neglected.

See the state of the king, he gazed full of love like the cakor

at the moon ;

They ate roast-meat, drank wine, were mad with opium. Seeing

him drunk, they all came for largess.

Drums, guitars, fiddles, flutes were plaj-ed. Behold, good sir,

the king listened to every kind of music.

When pleased, the king heeded not his acts, sent for diamonds,

pearls, and rubies to adorn her.

Til5k Das sings this song, hopes for nought, has made a tune

for the king, and that is all.

8. The ways of love preserve neither house nor name nor tran¬

quillity ;

Love has no constraint nor shame, no obedience to any one.

Having tasted of the cup, Muhammad Shah was drunk from

her beauty.

Never without song or dance, theking was beyond measure in love.

9. Once a week all men did homage to the king,

Each in his own fashion always used to come.

10. When the noble, Nizamu-l-mulk, came before the king,

# On seeing him the king forthwith laughed, looking on him as

his servant :

11. “Look you, how with a monkey’s gait he comes, adorned with

a nice, pretty-coloured, green turban.”

Seeing his strange gait, they burst into hoarse laughter. His

shoes sounded nicely “ thump, thump.”

The king declared, “Many come, but no one’s walk has so de¬

lighted me.

“ A great noble, he looks like a black monkey ; on seeing him

my heart o’erflows with joy.

12. “ He is noble and great, he looks like a black monkey ; to see

him is a pleasure, know this is my delight,

“ No other noble is so lovely, he goes tinkle-tinkle, his gait is a

joy to behold.

“ See, clever one, the shining of the lamp-black on his eyes, he

sounds like drum-beating, how he jingles as he goes,

“ Such is this noble, named Nizamu-l-mulk, he who is called

the greatest of all the nobles.”

1807.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 49

13. When he heard this speech from the lips of the king,

A flame of fire leapt up within his breast.

He went to his house, this Nizamu-l-mulk ;

Anger beat in his mind, it hurt like a wound.

14. Then spoke he aloud these words,

“ The king’s commands are truth,

“ If I live a little longer

“Of this fire I will cleanse my breast.

15. “ When on all the battlements of the fort

“ The monkeys leap hither and thither,

“ Then will my life reach its fruition,

“ When the monkeys bound into the fort.”

16. Then entering his dwelling, with his own hand he prepared a

letter :

“ You are Shah Nadir, the all-powerful, you have a formidable

army,

“This throne of Dihli is vacant, this greatness has been re¬

corded as yours,

“ I am your humble servant, yon are my lord, come and take

possession.”

17. A long letter was written by the noble Nizamu-l-mulk,

Having by reason of one word become untrue to his salt.

18. The post runner took the letter, went to Nadir Shah,

From noble Nizamu-l-mulk, the servant of the Shah.

19. The Shah listened to nothing, but fell into a rage, quitted Balkh

and Bukhara, arrived with drums beating.

Ruin fell on Kabul, Pasliawar and other places ; Ghazni and

Qandahar submitted,

Nadir Shah led on his army never heeding ; the realm of Iran

was made over to Nek Khan.

He descended the river of Sindh, enslaved the Panjab country,

took lakhs for his sustenance.

20. Then reflected Zakarlya Khan, Governor of Labor, in his mind,

“ This great host of Hurranls, there is not its equal in the

world ;

“ As the saying is ‘ it would bring the breath into a man’s

nose of this there is no doubt.

“ Whoever may be able to cope with it, I have not the

capacity.”

21. Joining his hands, Surat Singh, Hi wan, made petition,

“If ordered I will go, in some way make peace.”

22. Then spoke the ruler of Lahor province,

“ By none other than you can this work be completed.”

J. i. 7

50 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem [No, 1,

/

23. The Diwan was sent off, taking many presents with him.

Before Nadir Shah he appeared, both hands joined.

24. “ Nadir Shah a great king with no greed but sovereignty,

Makes his army fight, and stands firm in every battle.”

Then petitioned Muhammad Khan, “ Here is this Diwan who

lias come ;

“ His whole body trembles ; are these presents accepted or

not P ”

25. Then the Shah gave this order, “ Take up the presents I”

Khan Muhammad took them, and delivered them to the ward¬

robe-keeper.

26. Nadir Shah asked, “ Listen, you clever Diwan !

“ Has Khan Bahadur the least intention of fighting ? ”

27. The Diwan replied respectfully, with many invocations,

“ O polestar of the world ! grant life, bestow on me this

grace !

28. “ He is great and brave, he holds all earthly gifts, the whole

country knows he is rich in all required for war.

“ lOian Bahadur is very powerful, has a good army and all

things ready ;

“ He has one defect, one thing is wanting ; except that, my

lord, everything else is at hand.

“He would fight, without a doubt (I am a true man and no

liar), my lord, if it had been any other than yourself.

29. “When Ram is friendly, all are friendly ; Ram adverse, there

are no friends ;

“On this he stuck, this was his hindrance, no army could

equal yours.

“ When, my lord, one has your strength, there is but one lord

and none other ;

“Therefore has Khan Bahadur made to you these many en¬

treaties.”

30. Having heard the Diwan, the Shah was pleased.

The Shah quitted Labor, released all the captives.

31. Khan Bahadur went and presented himself to Nadir Shah.

Taking gifts from many lands, he laid them before the Shah.

32. Plundering began in Labor by Mughul, Pathan and noble.

Much wealth was plundered, bankers were turned into paupers.

33. Then the Diwan, who was very clever, and the respected Khan

did what was for the good of all.

They cried aloud, “ All the people are plundered, the incompar¬

able city [to suno paliiwdn ke ?”]

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Sheik and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 51

Campat and Lakhpat, Dawad, tlie Khan’s diwans, went to the

Shah and made many protestations,

14 All Labor city is plundered, now only the name is left, this

should now be stopped.” Again and again they prayed.

34. The ‘Aiv-beg went and made petition to the Shall ;

But hearing he auswered naught ; they were ordered to prison.

35. Then camp was struck at Lahor, all the people were plundered.

Hearing this, the chief men fled ; Adinah Beg bolted from his

district ;

He hid himself in the hills *, the Khan made overtures greatly

terrified.

He made friends of all the hill rajas, entered with them into

covenants.

36. Then began the Pathans to rob the whole town of Jalandhar,

Much wealth they gathered and were contented.

37. When Jalandhar had been harried, Adinah Beg learnt it.

He began to think of plans, cleaned his swords and daggers.

Bisambhar Das petitioned, “ Give me this lovely sword,

** If you pass the order, I go at once ; this Nadir Shah is a

great lord.”

38. The clever Khan said, “ Listen, O Diwan, my friend, this

work, to be plain, will not prosper with you.

“ He is king Nadir, a hero, famous, he will in no way succumb

to deceit.”

Then said the Diwan, “Hear, 0 Khan, how can you in any

case style me untrue to my salt.

“ If now I am given troops, I will start and gain the fruit ;

if not, you may behead me.”

39. The Khan was much delighted, gave many rewards,

Gave the Diwan leave to start, bearing full instructions.

40. Then the Diwan mounted, many troopers mounted and fol¬

lowed.

Then using clever devices, he saw all the army of Nadir Shah,

Made good friends with them. After that he was taken to Nadir

Shah.

Shall Wall and Muhammad Khan announced the Di wan’s

arrival.

41. Nadir Shah asked, “ State the Khan’s message,

Hear, clever Diwan, give details of the whole affair.”

42. The Diwan made his statement with many protestations,

“ If you have mercy on the Khan, he will be highly pleased

with me.

52 W. Irvine — Nadir Shall and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem, [No. 1,

43. “ He is very fond of hunting in the hills, he has much

delight in visiting the holy men there,

“ There the Khan lingered, and prayed, and gave many pre¬

sents,

“ Thus I have come with troops, and have brought for you

one lakh of rupees,

11 Also presents of value, thought worthy of you $ be so good

as to accept them.”

44. Then the Shah gave his order, the presents were accepted.

The Diwan was happy, that clever one, that root of wisdom.

45. The Diwan clever and full of understanding, then petitioned

with joined hands, ,

“ They have plundered the whole fort and city of Jalandhar.

46. “ Know that kings should have no regard for wealth.

“ On this people, on this army, on every one look as your own.

47. “ We are ready, Lord King, for whatever you direct,

“ Wherever you choose to send us, we breathe not a sound.”

48. Order then was made by Shah Nadir, “ Call back the soldiers,

“ Whatever goods there are, give all to the Diwan, and take

a receipt.”

Forthwith the clever Diwan made prayer with many words.

Then a patent was written making over the Duaba to the Khan.

49. Nadir Shah having written much praise of the Diwan,

Marched off, and raised his tents on the Sutlaj bank.

50. The messenger took the order, went to the Khan Sahib,

Hearing it, his ears stood up with joy, in his mind he was

highly delighted.

51. The Nawab came to Jalandhar town, after making these pre¬

texts,

He took his ease, was very resplendent.

52. On the further side of the river lay Sarhind town.

The city was plundered, a very high city,

The habitations thereof covered twelve kos.

From Nadir Shali’s plundering silence fell on that city.

53. Then went that Shah, called Nadir, to the battle field,

Made Panipat his resting place in greatest state.

On hearing this, there came one warrior and noble,

Khan Dauran is the name by which he is renowned.

54. All the moves at chess, if one reflects well,

Will be won without fail, never will a player be defeated ;

55. But know the game as lost, if one move be thoughtless :

Soft words flourish, when bawling overturns.

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 53

56. When Muhammad Shah was told,

“Nadir Shah is come to Dihli,” he laughed.

Khan Dauran was told, “ Now go thou ;

“I will see how you fight with Nadir Shall.”

57. The lord of forts, the chief of many countries set out, crowds

followed him, with him went the princes,

Went towards the realm of death, took the road to grief, throw¬

ing their heads from side to side, know them to be full of

joy.

In a mass they met the army, slaughtered the Shah’s troops ;

thus has the field been taken by Nawab Khan Khanan.

Tilok Das writes a poem, but words cannot express it, how

hastened on that king of war, that lord of lords.

58. The mighty host of Dilli came leaping and bounding with cries

of “ God, the Faith, the Faith, and Muhammad,”

Nine hundred troopers stood like a hill against nine lakhs, per¬

fect valour was poured out, yellow flowers sprang forth,

Hand fought without hands, bodies fought without heads, the

leader was upheld in the midst by Holy Bhagwau,

All the royal soldiers cry, “ Bravo ! Khan Khanan ! you have

fought well, the victory is due to you.”

59. Limbs split with a crash, all the oceans fill, heat and dust

collect, rise to the head of mount Meru,

The bows crackle, the lightning-messengers seize, with a whish

the rockets whirl, io affray the strong man,

They strike and take life, thousands miss, the Mugliuls begin

to die without calling for betel leaf,

The bowstrings are drawn with a hiss, the hand lays hold and

sets in motion, the arrows resound as they strike their target,

the Lord of Lords.

60. Drum-beating began to sound, short drums, long drums, my

beloved, trumpets, nishan, horns, brazen trumpets blew,

The cannon boom, the war-swivels whistle, the matchlocks

rattle, the rockets scream,

The army bows low before the blaze, abandons its pride and

yields, deep wounds stop them, they behold Bhagwan,

The bow strings are drawn with a hiss, the hand lays hold

and sets in motion, the arrows resound as they strike their

target, the Lord of Lords.

61. They lay with their vitals cut open, they had no advantage, the

graves were filled up, one cannot count them, no vigour was

left, they may be likened to air,

54 W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah, a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

Lovely women could not save their husbands for 'their love,

blood flowed fast from heads, when the Lord of Lords, the

champion and strong man, raging, girded his loins tightly.

62. Retiring a distance of five kos Nadir Shah encamped,

Wrote to Nizamu-l-mulk, his men having been defeated,

63. “ You have called me from Kabul, for what end did I come, to

be thus disgraced,

“ One noble only came, he rushed with great speed, Khan

Dauran fought, you did not aid me,

“ Many such nobles must be with the king, from the attack

of one I have been made uneasy,

“Thus have I come from Wilayat to be defeated. Unfaithful

man, why sent you the letter ?”

64. Nizamu-l-mulk, the noble, made up and wrote an answer,

“ If the army comes this way,, be certain of meeting no one,

65. “ Congratulations to you on getting the king’s throne at Dilili.

“ The shame put upon me, then will it be known to all.

66. “ Know that when he returns, Khan Dauran will be attacked,

“ Know that the match will be put to the guns, his army will

be dispersed.”

67. Five kos from Dilili was ranged the line of guns,

A man lost his wits, when he saw that barrier.

68. Nizamu-l-mulk blew up all the army,

Khan Dauran ’s men like a pillar rose into the sky,

Seizing their lances, the horsemen used them,

Then went and fell worn-out before the throne.

69. When the king learnt this, he asked,

“What sort of fight have you shown to Nadir Shah ? ”

Then spoke the Khan, “ Hear, O king, a word from me !

“ If I live, to-morrow I will start along wflth you.

70. “Nadir Shah has proved a thing of nought,

“ When well fought with, he fled from battle,

“ But better for you to visit him, do not fight,

“ When there is strife within a house, no victory can be won.”

71. When the morn came the noble Amir died.

Muhammad Shah went forth and visited the Shah.

When the Shall Nadir had reached Dilili,

The end of year eleven fifty-one (1151) had come.

72. Then gave he the order with his own lips.

Then was Dilili slaughtered, know it was there only,

In one day till sunset the slaughter was ended.

When he said “Enough !” then were the people spared.

1897.1 W. Irvine — Nadir Shall and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 55

-J -

73. Nadir Shall enquired, “ Listen, Muhammad Shah !

“ 1 heard you had much wealth, tell the place where it is.’*

74. The king spoke, “ I have no recollection,

“ The Diwan called Majlis, he has all the details/’

75. A written order issued to the Diwan for five thousand rupees,

“ Take them daily from the Diwan, bring him to darbar .”

76. The sepoys went and said, “ Hear, O Diwan, he who is king of

the age, has given us a daily allowance,

“ Give us every one of the five thousand rupees, come to the

king, obey the order.”

Forthwith the Diwan took an acquittance and gave the rupees,

and went with the men from fear of Nadir Shah.

He went and made obeisance before the Shah. He asked,

“ Are you the Diwan, speak, be careful of your words,

77. “ The store-house of Brother Muhammad Shah’s boundless

wealth is known to you, now tell the truth.

“ If in the least you speak lies, at once I will open your ears,

will kill you outright, such words will not avail you.”

Then said the Diwan, “ I have not the details, I will fetch them,

without seeing the papers my reply would be wrong,

“ I will have search made, will reflect for three days, after that

I will answer your lordship’s question.”

78. The Diwan called Majlis, an ancient loyal servant,

Spoke, having understood, “ Hear, O king Nadir!”

79. Then the Shah’s order was, “You have three days,

“ Bring all the papers, know this is your only safety.”

80. The well-minded Diwan went to his house, then thought it out,

“Unless the truth be now told, there will be no salvation.

81. “ Know, that for many a day having eaten the king’s salt,

With his own very tongue how make revelation”

82. When the third day came, Majlis, the Diwan,

Went into his house, stabbed himself with a dagger and died.’

83. When report was made to the king, he thought much in his

mind; -y .

“ The men of worth begin to die, all true to their salt.”

84. Know, that then Muhammad Shah urgently entreated ;

The king spoke to Nadir Shah, “ Listen, my guest,

85. “ Behold, those true men by whose help I rule, begin to die,

“ Do whatever arises in your heart, and be it on my head.”

Then said Nadir Shah, “ List, O king, apparel j^ourself like me,

“ Behold, then will I grant you this realm from Dihli to

Atak.”

W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

86. Then did Muhammad Shah change his raiment,

Put on a coat and light cap, turned himself into a Durrani.

87. Know, after five days had passed, at midnight,

Behold both kings went forth to visit Dihli.

88. One Almast, a holy recluse, lived in a house.

Seeing his body, Nadir Shah enquired,

89. “ You are an ascetic and holy man, show me your miracles.”

Then the faqir looked and said, “ Nadir Shah, first display

your own.”

Then Nadir Shah said, “ Shut your eyes, behold whatever yon

like.”

Shutting his eyes the faqir saw a fine army with Nadir Shah.

90. From Dihli to Atak was that army of Nadir Shah,

Standing fully armed, a splendid array.

91. Opening his eyes then said the faqir, “Behold, I will now

show wonders,

“ Shut your eyes and look ! ” Then when the Shah had closed

them, he saw

The soldiers the faqir had seen arrayed, all lying headless.

Then said the Shah, “ Holy man ! look favourably on me.”

92. Then spoke the faqir, “ If you wish to be preserved,

“ Delay not one moment, at once set out for Kabul.”

93. Then Nadir Shah sent for his men, ordered them to march.

What rubies and stones were best, he took and put on his

head,

Five pearls were cut and mounted to make a lovely swordhilt,

Much wealth was laden, all of value was carried away.

94. The doctor called ‘ Ulwi and a princess were to be taken

away;

The king spoke to Nadir Shah with joined hands:

95. “ Be sure this doctor will die on the journey,

“ The hot sun and the heat are his deadly enemies.”

96. Having released him, Nadir Shah departed.

Going on his way, he came to the side of the Jamna.

97. Know, that he made a captive of Amr Singh ;

Know, that he was chief and ruler of Patiala.

98. The good-looking women, who attracted them,

They made slaves of, did the Mughuls, and nobles, and Pathans.

99. When Nadir Shah reached the towns near the Sutlaj,

The chiefs petitioned, then were the people released.

100. Know, that the title of Raja was given to Amr Singh.

He released all the people, pardoned the raja.

1897.] W. Irvine — Nctdir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 57

101. When he reached Labor, all the nobles attended,

There was much noise, ranch oppression on the people.

102. All the bonds were undone of Lakhpat and Oampat, Dawad.

Nadir Shah was much pleased on learning their good qualities.

103. All the people were released, the Shah reached Kabul.

Up to the year eleven hundred and sixty he ruled.

At the camp of Fathabad, at the hour of midnight,

The emperor was slain by the noble, Muhammad Khan.

Notes.

3. Ghdzi Khan. — This title did not belong to Qamru-d-din Khan,

rtimadu-d-daulah, the chief minister, but is no doubt adopt¬

ed owing to the difficulty of getting the true names into the

line.

4. Majlis Uae. — Rae Majlis Rae, Brahman, the diwan of rtimadu-

d-daulah Qamru-d-dm Khan, being oppressed in the troubles

raised by Nadir Shah, took his own life at Sliahjahanabad

in the end of Muharram 1152 H. ( Tarlkh-i-Mtihammadi ).

The 29th Muharram=8th May, 1739, but for the exact date

see note to verse 82.

4. Khan Daurdn. — Khwajah Muhammad ‘ Asim, first Ashraf Khan,

then Samsamu-d-daulali, Amiru-l-umara, Khan Dauran,

Bahadur, Mansur Jang, son of Khwajah Qasim, Naqshbandl,

was wounded on the 15th Zu-l-qa‘dah 1151 H. (23rd Febru¬

ary, 1739), in a battle with Nadir Shah. He died on the

19th of the same month (27th February), aged 68 years,

( T-i-Mhdi ).

5. Nizamu-Lmulk’s appointment as Mir Atash could only have

been a recent one. On his last visit to Court he reached

Dihli on the 16th Rabi‘ I, 1150 H. (13th July, 1737). Five

days afterwards, on the 21st Rabi‘ I, 1150 H. (18th July,

1737 ) Mhd. Muqim, entitled Muqimu-d-din Khan, ddroahah

of the TopJchanah . died at Sliahjahanabad. aged about 70

years (T-i-Mhdi) . It was to this man that Nizamu-l-mulk

must have succeeded. At the moment, I can find no authority

for his having become Mir Atash, but the statement is, I

think, correct.

6. Turrah-bdz Khan. — Khwajah Muznffar, entitled Zafar Khan.

Bahadur, Rustam Jang, Ba-wafa, son of Khwajah ‘ Abdu-1-

qadir of Panipat, died in 1148 H. (1735-6), (T-i-Mhdi.)

Turrah-baz was a nickname, due to the way in which this

J. i. 8

58 W\ Trvine — Nfidir Shah and Muhammad ShSh, a Hindi poem. [No. 1,

noble and his men wore their turbans, the protruding end

being likened to a falcon’s crest (turrah-i-baz) . The populace

knew him as Turrah-baz Khan.

6. ‘TJlwl Khan. — Mirza Muhammad Hashim, second son of Hakim

Hadi, was born at Shiraz in Muharram 1080 H. (June 16G9).

He emigrated to India in 1111 H. (1699-1700), and died at

Shahjalianabad on the 5th Rajab 1162 H. (20th June,

1749.) Bayan-i-ivaqli , my copy of the text, 196. Gladwin,

218, has the 29tli Rajab.

7. Malikah ZamcLrii, daughter of Farrukhsiyar, married to Muham¬

mad Shah in 1135 H. (1722), Beale, 237. Francklin, “ Shah

Aulum,” 205, says she died in 1203. H. 1(788-9).

11. This story of Nizamu-l-mulk’s having been likened to a monkey

was in circulation at a very early date. Fraser, p. 68, who

wrote as early as 1742, attributes it to Khan Dauran and his

friends. They are supposed to have said, “ Observe how

the Deccan monkey dances ; ” and he places the event after

Nizamu-l-mulk’s last return to Dihli, which happened in

July 1737. Hanway, another contemporary writer, II, 351,

says Khan Dauran, styled Nizamu-l-mulk, a maimuncl “ a

quack doctor or cheat ; ” but this word must be the same as

that in Steingass, 1864, maimiinbaz, “ a leader of performing

monkeys, ” from maimun , baboon, ape, monkey.

19. Nadir Shah stormed Qandahar on the 3rd Zu-l-Hijjah 1150 H.

(23rd March, 1738), “ The Compleat History “of Thamas

Kouli Kan... written in French and rendered into English...”

12 mo., London, n. d. (about 1745), Fart II, p. 5. He

started from Qandahar for Kabul on the 8th Muharram

1151 H. (27th May, 1738), Anand Ram, Mukhlis, in Elliot,

VIII, 77, (Jonas Hanway, II, 357, “ middle of year”). He

arrived at Kabul about the end of Safar 1151 H. (29th = l7th

June, 1738), Anand Ram, 1. c. (Hanway, II, 357, “month

of June.” He left Kabul against the Safis, 12th RabF, II,

1151 H. (29th July, 1738), Raverty, “Notes,” 106, (founded

on the Nadirnamah ), and see a letter from Nadir Shah in

“ Compleat History,” part II, p. 27. He returned to Kabul

and moved to Gandamak 20th Jumadi I, 1151 H. (4th

September, 1738), Raverty, 1. c. He reached Jalalabad,

20th Jamadi, II, (4th October, 1738), id. 110. The defeat

of Nasir Khan, governor of Kabul, took place on the Indian

side of the Khaibar, 13th Sha‘ban 1151 H. (25th Novem¬

ber, 1738), Elliot, VIII, 78, and Nadir Shah’s own letter

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 59

of 14th Sha‘ban, “ Compleat History,” part II, 27, written

from same place between Jamrud and Pasha war.

20. Zakariya Khan , usually called Khan Bahadur, was Saifu-

d-daulah, Z. K., Bahadur, Daler Jang, son of Saifu-d-daulah,

‘AbdU'S-Samad Khan, Bahadur, Daler Jang. He succeeded

his father in 1150 H. (1737) as subahdar of Lah5r and

Multan. He died on the 12th or 13th JamadI II, 1158 H.

(Uth or 12th July, 1745), aged about 56 years ( T-i-Mhdi).

20. Ndk m§ dam and , to be at the last gasp.

20. Zakariya, Khan formed a camp on the Ravi outside Lahor

on the 17th Ramazan 1751 H. (28th December, 1738),

Elliot, VIII, 79. Nadir Shah was at Pul-i-Shah Daulah,

some miles north-west of Lahor, on the 9th Shawwal (19th

January, 1739), and reached the Shalihmar garden east of

Lah5r on the next day. There was some fighting that day

and again on the 11th. An agreement was then patched up.

24 and 40 Muhammad Khan , or 25, Khan Muhammad. This man

is most probably the M. K. “ Beglar-begl” who brought the

third letter addressed by Nadir Shah to Muhammad Shah,

see $ahifah-i-iqbal, B. Museum, Oriental Ms. 3281, fol. 71

a, 72 6, 73 a, 74 h.

31. Zakariya Khan visited Nadir Shah on the 11th and 12th

Shawwal (21st, 22nd January, 1739), Elliot, VIII, 80.

33. Gampat and Lakhpat. I do not know the meaning of the

epithet appended to their names, which I read Dawad or

Ndwad. It occurs again in verse 102 with the alternative

form of Dudah. I take it to be the name of some branch of

the Khatrl caste, but I cannot find it in Ibbetson, “ Panjab

Ethnology.” According to B. M. Or. M. 2043, fol. 5 la,

Lakhpat Rae was diwdn to Zakariya Khan, subahdar of

LahSr, and Campat was his brother. The same work,

fol. 50a, asserts that Dalpat, son of Lakhpat Rae, was seized

as a hostage by Nadir Shah.

35. Adlnah Beg Khan , a Hindu convert of the Arain caste,

was born at Sarakpur Patti near Lahor. When Nadir Shah

took Lahor, this man was faujdar of Sultanpur in the

Jalandhar dudba (B. M. Or. 2043, fol. 50a). A. B. K.

died in Muharram 1172 H. (3rd September — 2nd October,

1758), while faujdar of Sirhind, ( T-i-Mhdi ,) year 1172. His

tomb is at Khanpur near Hoshyarpur (Beale, 34).

37. According to B. M. Or. 2043, fol. 50a, the diwdn of A. B. K. was

Bhawanl Das, Dher, a caste which, according to Ibbetson,

60 W. Irvine — Nadir Shcih and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi jpoem. [No. 1,

para. 605 (Dher), is on a par socially with the camars. But

T see that Rieu, “ Catalogue of the Persian MSS,” copying

from one of the manuscripts of the Khulasatu-t-tawdrihh.

styles its author Sujan Rae Dhir ; and as we, know that he

was a Khatri, the epithet may denote here a sub-division

of the Khatri caste. I do not find the word, however,

in Tawarikh-i-qaum-i-hhatriyan by Amin Cand (Dihli, Fauq

Kashi Press).

40. Muhammad Khan, see ante, 24 (3). Shah Wall was, I think,

the chief minister of Ahmad Shah, Durrani, and not of

Nadir Shah. There seems some mistake here.

52. Sirhind. — Nadir Shah reached Sirhind about the 7th Zu-l-qa‘dah

(15th February, 1739), Grhulam ‘All Khan Muqaddamah-i-

Shcih 1 Alam-namah, B. M. Addl. 24,028, fol. 595.

53. Panipat. — Nadir Shah’s last march, before the fighting with

the imperial army, was made on the 15th Zu-l-qa‘dah (23rd

February, 1739), Elliot, VIII, 81. His last camp was

at ‘Azimabad Talawari (or Taraori), between 9 and 10

miles N.-W. of Karnal. Panipat is altogether a mistake.

It lies about 26 miles south of Karnal, the place where

Muhammad Shah was encamped, and Nadir Shah could

not have passed beyond the emperor’s position without a

pitched battle.

53. J£hcin Vaurdn , see note to verse 4. His attack was made on

the day that Nadir Sfiah had moved his camp from Talawari

nearer to Karnal, namely on the 15th Zu-l-qa‘dah (23rd

February, 1739), Elliot VIII, 81, Fraser, 156.

58. All dini duhai dono d mahmand he. — The perversion does

not seem greater than we find in our own early writers, for

instance, at Baksar (October 1764) : “ Our seapoys gave

the enemy a ding or huzza,” Caraccioli, “ Clive,” I, 59, and

Orme writes of “ ding Mahomed,” “ Military Transactions,”

II, 339.

58. Khan Kh an an, that is Khan Dauran.

59. Nararan. — As I can make nothing of this word, I read

liazdrdn , thousands. [Perhaps a barbarous plural of nar

‘man.’ Ed.].

60. Nishdn. — From its position in the line, I take this to be some

kind of musical instrument ; and supher I suppose to be

a corruption of nafir.

62. This retreat and the letter to Nizamu-l-mulk are both, I should

say, unhistorical.

1897.] W. Irvine — Nadir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Hindi poem. 61

66. The distance of five kos from Dihli is quite impossible, seeing

they were all, Nizamu-l-mulk included, some seventy miles

north of Dihli at this time.

68. There is no foundation for saying that Nizamu-l-mulk attacked

Klian Dauran’s men, though the two nobles were, no doubt,

on very bad terms and intensely jealous of each other.

71. Khan Dauran died on the 19th Zu-l-qa‘dah (27th February,

1739).

71. Muhammad Shah’s first visit to Nadir Shah in his camp took

place on the 20th (28th February, 1739), Fraser, 162.

71. Nadir Shah’s entry into the palace at Dihli took place on the

9th Zu-l-Hijjah, 1 351 H. (19th March, 1739), that is, twenty

days before the end of the Hijri year 1151.

72. This general slaughter lasted from 8 a.m. to 3 p.m. of the 11th

Zu-l-Hijjah (21st March, 1739), Elliot, VIII, 88, Fraser, 181.

82. Majlis Rae, Brahman, was diwan to the wazir, Qamru-d-din

Khan, see back note to verse 4. Fraser, 199, says that on

the 6tli Muharram 1152 H. (14th April, 1739), his ear was

cut off in open darbar. He committed suicide on the 1 2th

(20th April, 1739).

86. I know not what truth there is in this story of Muhammad

Shah adopting Persian attire, but Anand Ram, Mukhlis, tells

us, Mirdtu-l-Istildh , B. M. Or. 1813, fol. 108a, that in 1157

H., after Nadir’s invasion, Persian customs were copied by

the fashionable youth of Dihli. He refers especially to a

fashion of carrying a stick called a khundi.

88-92. I think that I have seen this marvellous story told in prose

somewhere, but I cannot find the reference to it at present.

96. ‘Ulwi Khan was not released, see his story in the Bayan-i-

wdqi ‘ of Khwajah ‘Abdu-l-Karim, Kashmiri, and trans¬

lation thereof by F. Gladwin, Calcutta, 1788. The ^akim

was not allowed to leave, until the 16th Rabi‘ II, 1154 H.

(30th June, 1741), Gladwin, 95. He went from Kazwin to

Mecca, and finally reached Dihli again on the 10th Jamadi

II, 1156 H. (31st July, 1743), having come from Jeddah

by sea to Chandernagore.

97. Amr Singh. Buta Shah, Tarikh-i- Panjab, places him in the

time of Ahmad Shah, Durrani, about 1761, and speaks of

the title of Maharaja being conferred by this later invader.

103. Nadir Shah reached Kabul on the 1st Ramazan, 1152 H. (1st

December, 1739), Gladwin, 13.

103. The Bayan-i-waqi‘1 Gladwin, 166, calls the place Qujun, not

62 W. Irvine — Nddir Shah and Muhammad Shah , a Kindi poem. [No. 1,

Fathabad, and locates it three stages from Mashhad. An

anonymous history of Nadir Shah, lately received by me

from India, names Fathabad, two farsakh’s from Khyushan,

as the place of assassination. Qujun and Khyushan are

no doubt the Koochan of Keith Johnston’s Royal Atlas,

about 100 miles north-west of Mashhad. Ernst Beer, “ Das

Tarikh-i-Zendije” (Leiden, 1888), XIY, spells the name

Khabushan , and this in popular use became Khujcin } and

finally Quchan.

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet N&gari Das .

63

The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das and his concubine Rasik Bihari alias

Bani Thant. — By Pandit MShanlal Yishnulal Pandia, M.A.S.B.,

M.R.A.S., M.G.Y.S., &c. Late Brime Minister of the Partdbgarh

State in Rdjputand.

(Read February 1897.)

It is generally believed by the native vernacular scholars of our

country, that there lived in Braj four Bhasha poets bearing the name

Nagari Das. The first of them is said to be a disciple of Yallabhacarya,

the second, the successor of Svami Hari-das, the third, the follower of the

Go svami Hit Harbans sect, and the fourth is one who is noticed by Dr.

Grierson in his well-known work ‘the Modern Yernacular Literature of

Hindustan ’ and Qivasimh in his ‘ Saroj ’ and Babu Radha-kysna Das of

Benares in his little brochure the 4 Life of Nagari Das.’

Leaving the first three Nagari Das for some other occasion, I take

this opportunity to give a more extended notice of the fourth, who

is well-known as a good poet, and also of his concubine, poetess Rasik

Bihari alias Bani Thani, who is still known to the public as some male

poet. In the present paper, I have to endeavour to establish satisfac¬

torily the antiquity of this couple of poetic talents.

For the sake of easy reference, I give the following summary of the

enquiries of the previous researchers : —

(I) Dr. Grierson has the following notice in his work ‘ the Modern

Yernacular Literature of Hindustan,’ at Nos. 95 and 638, pages 33 and

138: — “The poet Nagar, b. 1591 A.D. Haj. Possibly the same as a

Nagari Das mentioned in the preface to Rag.”

And in the same work at Nos. 405 and 638, pages 101 and 138, he

says : — “ Rasik Bihari, b. 1723 A.D. Rag.”

Both notices are taken from f ivasimh’s work, as quoted below.

(II) pivasimh, in his Hindi work ‘Saroj,’ has the following

notices at pages 441 and 491 respectively : —

\\ 5rrjnc Jr ^-» n if 55 % Rfftri % 11

VSR 11

rDpr ftvTft v8'5* 11

64

M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. 1,

And he quotes the following specimens of Nagari Das’ metrical

composition.

(1) *ntt jpg i

samT-^t wr 35% tw flfcr jpsitt % jtw i

cTT ^ JTTJR. % fJT tITc^T ^TfcT €t *tN if xnl I

gfa ft?n zzz ert grfr gbr f^t n

e- '>»

i.e., Seeing the darkness of the very dark night of Bhad8 clouds

are showering a slight mizzle, fyama-ji1 (sitting) in her lofty attic

contentedly sings after the manner of Malar.2 Then the eyes of

Nagara, looking, like (those of) Cataka, 3 at Svati4 from a distance,

get intensely delighted.

The wind pitifully unveils her face, and the lightning kindly illu¬

minates it.

(2) Jiifa iret5?)- % srra1 f^rue% *tt jtt*% jttj% i

jk 3fTK si ftvt ^ jprra 3^15;% i

wfjr IT ^gT TIT Trt tftfcT 3prff%vt I

xttt ?rr zw ttjit ttk fsrf% ttIwt stfWf n

i.e., Do not utter these piercing words and do not sing love, but sing

the Holi songs. Do not throw Biras5 under pretext of throwing the ball,

but throw the bags of Grulal6 in a straightforward manner. The men

are clever and vicious, they will perceive it ; hence suppress the frolics

of this heart-felt love. Being afraid, 0 Nagara! I fall at thy feet.

Ah ! Do not fling these jeers at me.

(3) %t TTTTxrfcT Tt to Tt I

JI^T ifsr TTTTt T?gW*t I

5SJJ2cr-tniT f^Wm TUHC % fsiT %3fr Z I

Wr « TfTt 5% ^rfr Eft *rtct w gw 3fnf: n

i.e., The Yedas have sung the praises of the Devas and Ramapati

and also of both the worlds. They have over-praised Chaturbhuja

(Visnu) who holds in his four hands a conch shell, discus, club, and

1 Wife of Krisna. 3 The Indian Cuckoo.

2 Songs of rainy season. 4 The star Arcturus.

6 A betel-leaf made up with a preparation of the areca nut, spices and chunam, &c.

8 A farinacious powder dyed red, which the Hindus throw on each other during

the indecent festivities and drunken frolics of the Hdll.

65

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagarl Das.

lotus. The drinking of nectar and sitting in the car of the gods is

not pleasing to the heart of Nagara. When there is not H5ll in Svarga

or Vaikuntha (heaven), then our getting the mere Thakurai (or chief-

ship) there, would be of no use.

(Ill) Babu Radha-krsna Das, in his ‘ Nagari-das-ji ka Jlwan

Chari tra,’ says : —

(1) twtt tjsj % to imm

twin; ( ktshttott ) awn 3 *msnj w

% ftps $ i Page 5.

i.e., The fourth ISTagari Das-jl, the hero of our work, was Maharaja

Jasyant Simh-ji, kingof Krsnagarh (Rajputana) alias pri Hagari Das-ji.

He was a disciple of Mahaprabhu Vallabhacarya’s sect.

(2) *t«T % xrfw^TT SKST 5ft ffrai ^TT *TTW ‘ ’

% I W if <RT | page p).

i.e., The first of all his works, which has been found, is entitled the

Vihara Candrika. It was composed in Samvat 1788.

(3) cT^TpI ^tf^r eft ff eft

fm **r w fr ^ %

^iT *TWcT % 3TJPHT HTpT^ I Page 10.

i.e., Even if we accept it to be the first work, then there is no

doubt that his age at this time was not less than twenty years. Hence

the year of his birth should be taken to have been about 1768.

(4) trig Sr ‘ spr-wg-gsiggr ’ stsj ^tott fsra grr gmg

ssg?: sr* i % rft|> gn grit nrf fnwt gfe

% ’STJTHJT ggcf Ijg TTT^t eft

gg €t rrrit i Page 22.

i.e.. He has composed his work, Vana-jana-pra^amsa in Magha of

Samvat 1819, as we have stated above. And no work, composed after

it, has yet been found. Thus, if we take his birth to have been in

Samvat 1768 and his death in 1819, then it proves that he lived to an

age of about 51 years.

(5) <t?t % 5Nr &i$k)

f%*H WW ^ 3ft 33 33HC I Page 16.

* i.e., There (at Brindaban) he visited yri Bagke Bihari-ji, the god

J. i. 9

66 M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. 1,

worshipped by Swami pri Haridas-ji, and composed several verses bear¬

ing the poetic name Rasik Bihari.

Now, first of all, it is worth consideration whether the poet Nagari

Das who is the subject of this paper, and Nagar, noticed by Dr.

Grierson and the author of the Saroj, is the same, or someone else,

his name-sake. I believe, he is tl\e same poet, because I have been

able to identify the above mentioned specimens of the poet’s metrical

composition in the manuscript in my possession, which contains 57

works of this Nagari Das. They are identified thus : —

A. There is an incomplete work in the manuscript in my posses¬

sion at No. 38, and page 192, entitled Barkha ke kavitta, which contains

eight kavittas only. The first specimen of the fivasimh Saroj is to

be found there, at No. 7, wdth slight differences in its reading. It reads

thus : —

wt! Prat 'ir'Cf mcmt i

^jfm % ^rnrft ^ jfTcr nf? Hi? i

m % fen ffdf'' wi ^ dn tf ml i

nV urn 'fife erc mn 'fife munt ffe fet§il 11 ® o

The great difference in the above reading is the word Mohan in¬

stead of the name of the poet Nagar in the third line.

B. There is a complete work in the MS. at No. 35, and page 184,

entitled the Hori ke kavitta, containing 19 kavittas in all. The second

specimen is found there, at No. 19, the reading of which is as

follows : —

jit« iraWt % mlf femsfe ssg n msfe ms:l 'rtfem i

life arcin' *r ffeT msmen ^ pnm mm??! imferai1 i

gx; xigr 'sfe mVn ml* KTt few stfe 'fiwtfem l

mn 'id wt ^d sn mmt fi" nfe mfeim itfwm n \<j. n

In this also the word hhdvate occurs instead of the name of the

poet Nagar in the fourth line.

0. And there is another complete work, called the Phaga Bihara,

in my MS. at No. 41, and page 256, in which the third specimen of the

Saroj is mentioned at No. 8, as a Savaiya. The following is a reading

thereof : —

^nfe % n mnife % nm mife 'fitft nmf; I

w wi xiifi urn si* w wggw wt mfemir i

67

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das.

SrecHTR fwTJrfa *qffe ifcft ^fTt ?T#t ^ 5T WT3[ I

^3T TUt %I JtT'rTtft *T?T ^ *RT SfftT || *= ||

The latter part of the third line greatly differs in reading from

that of the specimen. In this work the poet has signed only the conclud¬

ing stanzas, No. 43, 45, 46 and 48 yvith the name of Nagariya, Nagar,

Nagari and Nagari Das and the rest are without his poetic name.

Haying made the identification of our poet's metrical compositions,

I now proceed to show the result of my independent researches. I have

spared no trouble in checking my inquiries by reference to the Krsna¬

garh State, in Rajputana, of which the poet was really a ruling

Chief. Krsnagarh is a petty Native State under the Jaipur Resi¬

dency. And the Rathaur clan which rules over it, is an offshoot of

the illustrious House of Jodhpur. The founder of the State was

Maharaj Krsna-simli, second son of Maharaja Udaya-simh of Jodhpur.

Our poet, Nagari Das, was the eighth in descent from the founder

of the Krsnagarh State. He was the third son of Maharaja Raja-simh.

His royal name was Maharaja Sisvat-simh, and the Vaisnava appel¬

lation was Nagari Das. He has signed his verses by his poetic

names, such as Nagar, Nagariya, Nagari, and Nagari Das, &c. Babu

Radha-krsna Das, in his Hindi hook, wrongly names him Maharaja

Jasvant-simh of Krsnagarh. For, he is generally known throughout

Rajputana as Maharaja Ssvat-simh of Krsnagarh, and we find this

name in all the biographical treatises of the Krsnagarh family extant

in Rajputana. The genealogical table on page 68 will show that there

had been no such ruling chief as Jasvant-simh in the Krsnagarh family

from its commencement.

He (Nagari Das) was born in Vikrama Samvat 1756 on the 12th of

Pausa Vadi = 1699 A.D., was installed on the throne mV. S. 1805 on the

15th of Vah^akha £h.di=1748 A.D., and placing his son Sardar-simh upon

the Gndi on the 10th Alvina £udi of V. S. 1814 = 1757 A.D., retired to

lead the life of a Vaisnava devotee at Brindaban, and finally died

there on the 3rd Bhadrapada (J!ukla of V. S. 1821 = 1764 A.D., thus

living to an age of 64 years 8 months and 6 days. When these dates

have been confirmed by the Darbar’s office of Krsnagarh, I do not see

any reason why we should believe Samvat 1648 = 1591 A.D. of the

Saroj and that conjectured by Babu Radha-krsna Das of Benares to be

the date of our poet.

The poet’s exploits of his early days are thus related in the memo¬

randum received by me from the Krsnagarh State: —

(1.) In the V. S. year 1766, when he was only ten years old, he was

once coming back from the Imperial Darbar at Dehli. In the way he

68

M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. ly

Genealogical Table of the Krsnagarh Family :

I. Maharaja Krsna-simh

I •

II. Maharaja Sahas-mal

Bh ar-mal

III. Maharaja IV. Maharaja Hari-simh

Jagr-mal-simh

j Rup-siihh adopted

( by No. IV

V. Maharaja Rup-siihh

VI. Maharaja Man-simh

VII. Maharaja Raja-simh

who had five sons

VIII. Maharaja SSvat-simh

Bahadur-simh, ^

the Usurper }

IX. Maharaja Sardar-simh

X. Maharaja Birad-simh

XI. Maharaja Partap-simh

XII. Maharaja Kalyan-sirhh

XIII. Maharaja Mokham-simh

XIV. Maharaja Prithi-simh

Birad-simh

adopted by

No. IX

Bagh-siihh

XV. Maharaja fardul-simh

69

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagciri Das.

met a rabid elephant, who in his fury defied all control of the Mahauts

(drivers) who were loudly warning people to get out of the way. But lie

did not care a bit about it, and undauntedly faced the infuriated animal,

which rushed upon him, but was driven back by a stroke of bis sword

upon the trunk. The picture representing this scene is kept at the

Krsnagarh Darbar, together with a photograph of it.

(2.) In V. S. 1769, when 13 years old, he received some wounds in

slaying Hara Jaita-simh of Bundi.

(3.) In 1771 V. S., at a grand dancing party in which were present

his father Maharaja Raja- simli, Maharaja Bhima-simh of K5ta, Maharaja

Gaja-simh of ffivapur, and Maharaja Gopala-simh of Bhadoriya, &c., a

venemous serpent somehow made its way into his jama (garments). He

did not cause excitement by revealing the fact, but simply crushed out

the fangs of the reptile, and leaving the hall on some excuse, threw it

off at some distance. This was afterwards told by his servants. He

was at this time only fifteen years old.

(4.) In Y. S. 1774, an expedition conducted by the Maharajas of

Jaypur and Kota, &c., was sent by the Emperor against the Chief of

Thun, and although fighting continued for some time, it was not conquered.

Afterwards the poet was sent there. He no sooner reached the place,

than he stormed the fortress, and the gate of it was broken open by his

elephant.

(5.) When he was only twenty years old, he alone killed a lion

while hunting.

(6.) In 1792 Y. S. when the Dakhani Malar went from Gujarat

into Marvar, the poet did not pay him any tribute, though there was

a deal of fighting between them. Thereupon Baji-rav said to Malar the

following couplet : —

Cm a Trarc JiCt i

m ^ 5CT3 % ?rNcT SfTcT II

i.e., ‘ Thus said Bajl-rava to Malar — All other Ravas are sirnpl vRavas

in name, but S^vat’s case is too deep to be fathomed ’ (he., he is. a really

powerful prince).

It is said, the old father of our poet, Maharaja Raja-simh, had

entrusted him with the administration of the state, a few years previous

to his death. Accordingly Nagari Das, then the Maharaja Kumar

SSvat-sirhh, managed the affairs with great prudence and kept uninter¬

rupted tranquillity during this period, until his father died. When,

in 1804 Y. S., he was attending the Imperial Court at Dehli, his old

father died suddenly at Krsnagarh. So he was formally installed

there by the Emperor Ahmad Shah on the 5th Vah^akha fudi, of

Y. S. 1805, to the Chiefship of Krsnagarh. Having assumed for-

70

M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. 1,

mally the royal title, he prepared to march to the capital, but in the

meantime he received the unhappy intelligence that his younger

brother Bahadur-simh had usurped the throne. Thereupon he was

sent to his principality with a small imperial force by the Emperor.

On his return, a desperate fight took place between the two brothers,

but Bahadur-simh could not be subdued. Being utterly routed he

returned to Dehli and tried all he could to obtain fresh military

assistance from the Emperor. But as Bahadur-simh had secured the

aid of the Maharaja of Marvar, and the Emperor himself was too weak

a ruler at that time to side with him, so he declined. Being greatly

disheartened, he left Dehli and came to Braj and lived there. From

this place he again endeavoured his utmost to gain the favour of the

Mahrathas, and after a short time he sent his son Sardar-simh with their

army into Rajputana. Thus Sardar-simh, by the co-operation of the

Mahrathas, regained the Raj of Krsnagarh. Then, in V. S. 1814, he

proceeded to his capital and having placed his son, Sardar Simb, upon

the throne, on the 10th Acvina <pudi, he finally returned to Brindaban

_ o

to devote himself to the duties of asceticism. What a pity it is, that

our poet’s reign has been both unhappy and troublesome, from the

beginning to the end !

The following is a complete list of the poet’s Hindi works. I have

very carefully compared it with the one received from the Krsnagarh

State. All the works can be had from the State Library at Krsnagarh.

The first fifty-seven works mentioned in the list 1 have with me. And

the last two, namely, Baina-bilas and Gupta-ras-prak^a are not avail¬

able even at Krsnagarh.

List of Works.

country of dating their works, the poet has dated some of his important

works. I give here a list of those which I have seen and read in chro¬

nological order, and trust that it may be useful in many cases : —

I. Manoratha-manjari, dated A9vina Yadi 14th, Tuesday, Vikrama

Sam vat 1780=1723 A.D.

'frn ii ’TWcr i

II. Rasika-ratnavali, dated Bhad8 Qudi 1st, Tuesday, Y. S.

1782 = 1725 A.D.

TtTT II ^TlY 3ZJJ-3R |

5% ^Tl%T *PtT ||

III. Bihara-caudrika, dated Silvan, Y. S. 1788 = 1731JA.D,

II *RR If I

72 M. Y. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. 1,

IV. Nikunja-vilasa, dated Y. S. 1794 = 1737 A.D.

Y. Kali-bairaga-balli, dated Savan, Y. S. 1795 = 1738 A.D.

^T>fT ii safivT w ^fcicT irre i

q?t, qRt srTJT^tTre n

YI. Bhakti-sara, dated Savan Yadi 2nd, Thursday, Y. S. 1799 =

1742 A.D.

iPffqnn ii gig Tt^f} urn i «wt ttr i

^ - 5^ A

^cf^T *T faWcT, tsf srN ||

ssntrg' 5»t *ptT HSfi 5t*r i

fq^t Pra jr wuft i

qTJRRTO *T ^TTW TO TTlA II

VIT. Parayan-bidhi-prakas, dated Savan, Y. S. 1799= 1742 A.D.

^TTT || *TtB: ^ ^f^rr ^5t *n*T |

trnCT*PT 1 f%*rt II

YIII. Braja-sara, dated Posa £udi 9th, Sunday, Y. S. 1799 = 1742

A.D.

*ft?T || *RR « fiWTsrt, fr« f |

Aft ^TTJtrt?T^ W 7J2J iR-*nr ||

IX. G6pi-prema-praka9a — dated Jetha fukla, Y. S. 1800 = 1743

A.D.

ii *rq?r ssihtj; *r tjw % ath i

jftft gw sram w, fwt snufhre 11

X. Braja-baikuntha-tula, dated tlie Basant-day, t.e., Magha (^ukla

5th, which is called Yasanta-pancaml, Y. S. 1801 = 1744 A.D.

ThT ii *fqci ^sw w ^ i;qr, f^r sre=rr ®tr nre i

iiTIRRR ||

XI. Bbakti-maga-dipika, dated Kvara Krsna 3rd, Thursday,

V. S. 1802 = 1745 A.D., at Uup-nagar (former capital of Krsnagarh

State).

fh?T II *m?r SRT f If, fjIT cTt^t JR-qR |

fqfq II

73

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das.

XII. Phaga-bihara, dated Madhu Krsna Paksa, V. S. 1808 = 1751

A.D., on the banks of the river Gaijga.

ll wfe ^re^w 1 p, w w wiw i

jjsi Jiif-crf? ferr srurcfew n

XIII. Jugala-bhakti-binod, dated Magha, V. S. 1808 = 1751 A.D.,

at Kamat.

ii *w^w w?t wz vfe ?fe nrsr imrw i

fjra-flftR-jpr mu vw, fert ^niRfew n

5snT3i vtctfr, Uwz fen wfc i

crrf usi wt, v^fwvt <?te n

XIV. Bana-binod, dated Madhu and Krsna Paksa, V. S. 1809 =

1752 A.D.

sftVT 11 WBET ^I3R W 1 ng, fiSJ-xr^r WV BTW I

nn fertv nra vsj *r? fvnt wfetetw n

XV. Bal-binod — dated A9vin Ciikla 6th, Tuesday, V. S. 1809 =

1752 A.D.

t(vt ll ^v^w wv ^ *ra, wiw ag^fsr jjg-git i

fetfv gvi-nvr ^ ?t s? feme u

XVI. Tirth-ananda, dated Magha, V. S. 1810 = 1753 A.D., at

Brindaban.

3f?T || W1W UV^W Wet W ^t, few mVW 3IW |

W3I ctfennWE m?, mttefetW II

XVII. Sujan-anand, dated at Barsana in the Mathura District,

V. S. 1810 = 1753 A.D.

xftft || WWW m3/tW Wet 5T ?W, SHCWT^ % W |

T13I S-imtH^ W, fevt mmCt 3TW ||

XVIII. Bana-jana-pra9amsa, dated Magha, V. S. 1819= 1762 A.D.

3lVT || Wet 3W 3T 33, wsfef BTW 1 WtW I

33 33-STWsg HSI 3V, fett 3TJlft-3re II

It is clear that the poet was a staunch follower of the Vallabha-

earyan sect of the Vaisnavas. So, all his works on religions subjects

are pervaded by a spirit of the doctrines peculiar to that sect. They are

written in the erotic style of poetry, representing his passionate adora-

J. i. 10

74 M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Das. [No. I,

tiou of Radha and Krsna. There are only two of his works,

named the Pada-prasagga-mala and Tlrth-ananda, from which we can

extract a few threads of historical value. In the former he gives the

legends of the previous Yaisnava saints in connection with their metrical

compositions, and in the latter an account of his own pious ramblings in

and beyond Braj is related.

It is still wrongly believed by the vernacular poets of our country

that the verses, bearing the poetic name Rasik Bihari, which are found

here and there in the works of this poet, are either of his own composi¬

tion, or of some other male poet. During the long period of my ser¬

vices in Rajputana, I have been able to make out that there was a

concubine of this poet, named Ban! Thanl ( i . e., elaborately adorned or

decked out). She was a poetess and signed her composition by the

aforesaid poetic name. In support of this my discovery, I think it

necessary to quote here the following text of a passage of the Hindi

memorandum received by me from the Krsnagarh State : —

5!=ft KfaW-faVrft % safari cTJfT TR ^sr *nf?faf %

ttisjf if BT ^5T *nf?%T THJcfT'T «rfat Vt I

5TW =?f 'JJT I W it 3ifacTT 3HT7T % I Tfaraf-faflCt

35T vftJT V I sf?T JTsRT5! tja? if

5«f % tf? «tt 3\fa?r fait# 3# ^fa tfan fait# V n

i.e ., ‘The Kavittas and Padas, bearing the poetic name Rasik

Bihari, which are found in the works of this gentleman (Nagari Das),

are (the compositions) of his Khavasa or Pasavana (i.e., concubine).

Her name was Bani Than!. She also wrote very beautiful poetry

and used to sign her verses with the poetic name of Rasik Bihari. Where

Maharaja £rl Nagari Das-jl has introduced her padas or kavittas in

his works, he has mentioned her name emblematically as An Kavi

(or ‘ another poet ’).’

I am still trying my best to find out the real name of this woman,

because I do not believe ‘ Bani Than! ’ to be her true name. I think it

to be what they call in English a sobriquet. It is said that this

woman remained faithful and devoted to her lover even in the days of

• his adversity. It is evident from the following verses of the poet

which occur in the Tirthanand, that she was with him, when he visited

the shrine of Barjke Biliarl-jl at Brindaban in his pilgrimage through

the Braj : —

*

WfT ii ffa?Ttfa faras fa? Kt-wns i

kh faf*rt kh ftjw ||

75

1897.] M. V. Pandia — The Antiquity of the poet Nagari Tils.

II <TV? tR JTT% «W'TH I

Tfa^-fsmtr ?t ^ vftji ii

i.e ‘She became a lively sensuous maiden with the deity Biliarl-lal,

and drank with her eyes the excellent juice of the sugar-cane of divine

beauty. On this occasion we both sang there the verses, bearing the

poetic name of Rasik Bihari.’

‘ The following verses, occurring in the Utsava-mala, are a specimen

of her metrical composition : —

JTf^T ff* sstTst Klf fttt ft I

TOT #51 3T1 ^iTT-^t SfiM Tft *T3JT3 5r TVt 'ft II

3jf?cT^ «TTfc JJ51T5T jitI" ain't cpr ^0 ft I

5^ ^5lff ff 5T^ HTT^t# ft tl

i.e ., ‘ To-day there is the merry-making of Holi in the bowery palace

In playing Phaga (or frolics of Holi) the edges of the shawls of the

Bana-Bani (i.e., bride and bridegroom ) were tied together. The women,

in pleasure, blow up Gulal powder and sing abusive songs on both

sides. The bridegroom is the beautiful Rasik Bihari, and the bride is

Naval-Kisori, (i.e,, the beautiful young maiden).’

76

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

[No. 1,

Upcigupta, the Fourth Buddhist Patriarch , and High Priest of Agoka. —

By L. A. Waddell, LL.D.

[Read March, 1897.]

The name of Upagupta occurs incidentally in the scriptures and

commentaries of the so-called Northern or Mahayana Buddhists, as the

patronymic of the fourth member of the series of patriarchs of the

Buddhist Church, in direct succession from the epoch of fakya Muni’s

death.1 He is also referred to therein, as being the converter and spiritual

adviser of the great emperor A^oka ; 2 and it is in this respect, as the

alleged inspirer of Acjoka’s great missionary movement, which led to

Buddhism becoming a power in the world, that Upagupta claims our

special notice. Of such importance is he considered, that his coming is

alleged to have been predicted by both Buddha himself 3 and by his

favourite disciple Ananda.4 And of him Taranatha, the Tibetan

historian, writes : 1 since the death of the Guide (Buddha) no man has

been born who has done so much good to living beings as this man.’5

In the scanty references to Upagupta by European writers it is

generally stated that “he is not known to the Southern school of

Buddhism.” 6 This statement, however, is probably not strictly true.

For, I find that a great Buddhist arahat of the same name, and appa¬

rently this identical person, is well known to the Burmese. The

circumstances, however, under which he is known to them are peculiar.

Although he is one of the most popular of the Buddhist Saints in

Burma, and a special festival is held in his honor every year, as will

1 Rockhill’s Life of the Buddha, and the early history of his Order, 170 ; and

the Chinese lists by Edkins, Chinese Buddhism, pp. 6-7, etc. ; Lassen’s Ind. Alterth, ■

II, 1201 ; also Beal and Eitel and my Buddhism of Tibet, p. 8.

2 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II, 88. Burnouf’s Introduction du Buddhisme Indien, pp. 118,

197, 336, 378.

3 Burnouf’s Intro., 336. Taranatha’s Hist, of Indian Buddhism, fol. 12.

4 Rockhill’s Life, Sfc., 164.

5 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, I, 182, n. 48.

8 Taranatha’s op. cit., fol, 12.

1897.]

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

77

presently be described, and bis name is familiar to all the monks as well

as the laity ; still the former could not point out to me any reference to

him in their scriptures, either ancient or modern. The fact seems to be

that Upagupta is not now an orthodox character in Burma, and his

traditional worship or veneration is probably a survival of the Mahay ana

form of Buddhism, which prevailed in medsevial times in both Burma

and Ceylon. But why he should be regarded as unorthodox by the

puritan modern Sthaviras or the so-called Southern Buddhists, is remark¬

able, seeing that Upagupta was himself a Sthavira and the leader of the

Sthavira sect of primitive Buddhists, who followed the simple ethics of

the original Vinaya code. Perhaps it may have been owing to his having

been credited with disreputable magic powers, while he had not like his

great wizard prototype, Maudgalyayana, (‘ Mogalli ’) the saving fortune

of being a personal follower of the Buddha.

In this connection it is noteworthy that Upagupta holds in most of

the Northern chronicles, the identical position in regard to A^oka which

the relatively vague and less trustworthy Ceylonese traditions ascribe

to 1 2 * 4 Mogalliputta Tissa ’ (Maudgalyiputra Tisya), a name which is

unknown to the Northern authorities. So it is perhaps worth consider¬

ing whether this latter name may not be merely a title of Upagupta,

and formed possibly by fusing the names of the two chief disciples of

the Buddha, Maudgalyi-putra,1 and Upatisya (or fariputrn), to bring

him, as the grpat patron monk of Ceylon, as near as possible to (^akya

Muni himself.

However this may be, as Upagupta seems a personage of consider¬

able historical importance, I propose here to string together the notices

of his life which I have gleaned from various sources.

Legendary versions of his life are to be found in the Tibetan

in the 3rd and 4th chapters of Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in

India f and in the 47th chapter of the Mongolian Hsarj-Blun. 3 Tara-

natha, a Tibetan who never visited India and who wrote less than

three centuries ago, makes Upagupta precede A^oka by about one

generation, but the much more trustworthy Chinese traveller Hiuen

Tsiang in common with the Nepalese accounts4 state that Upagupta

was the chief monk and adviser of A9oka at Pataliputra. In the

1 He is often so-called, e.g , Beal’s Si-yu-lci, I, 39, 40, 59, 61, 108, 180, 183, 187, 235 ;

II, 6, 7, 9, 175 et seq. Also in colloquial Tibetan where his name is shortened into

‘ Mongal-pn and Mohngal-pu’; while Qariputra is called ‘ Shari-pu.’ Conf. also

Csoma’s Analysis of the Kah-gyur, &c., in Vol. XX. of Asiatic Researches, pp. 49, 52.

2 Translated into German by Schiefner.

$ Translated into German by I. Schmidt as ‘ Der Weise und der Thor.’

4 See preceding footnote No. 2.

L. A. Waddell — Upaguptcc\

[No. 1,

following biographical account the details wliere not otherwise stated

are taken from the original Tibetan text of Taranatlia.

Upagupta is said to have been the son of one Gupta, a perfume-

seller1 of Benares,2 3 4 * (or ‘Chali’8 or Mathura;41; and he entered the

Buddhist order at the age of seventeen,6 “ one hundred years after the

Nirvana of the Blessed one (Qfikya Muni).”6 This date is given

according to the same generally consistent chronology of the Northern

Buddhists which also places the great A9oka at one hundred years after

the Nirvana,7 and which knows of no second A^oka or the Kala^oka

of Ceylonese tradition.

He was converted by the arahat Ya^as or Yasheka, who seems to

be the same as the president of the council of Vaicali, which as both

northern and southern accounts agree was held one hundred and ten

years after the Nirvana.

Tin ee years after entering the order, he attained Arahatship, of

an exceptionally high order, becoming ‘ a Buddha without the marks ,’

(Alaksanak5 Buddhah) ;8 and he converted many to the faith.

Succeeding to the patriarchate of the Buddhist Church on the

death of (Janavasika, the third patriarch, in Campa (Bhagalpur) “he

crossed the sunken Ganges (or * the Bargal river ’) to Yideha (Bettiah)

in western Tirahuti (Tirhut) and went to the monastery erected by

the householder Vasusara.” After a short stay there he proceeded to

Mt. Gandlia9 10 II where he made many converts. Thence he went to

“Mathura in the north-west of the Middle Country” and resided at

the monastery on the top of Mount ‘ Shir a ’ (Qira or U^ira or Uru-

munda L0 or Murundha u) founded during the time of the patriarch

(Janavasika, by the two chief merchants of the place Nata and Bhatta.12

While here, he converted crowds of people who had been beguiled

1 Rockhill’s Life, Sfc ., p. 164. Burnouf’s Intro., p. 336. Sckiefner, his trans¬

lation of Taranatha has omitted the word Gupta which occurs in the Tibetan text.

2 Der Weise und der Tlvor., 47 chap.

3 So a Chinese gentleman reads for me the Chinese word in Eitel’s Dictionary ,

p. 187, and which Mr. Eitel renders ‘ Pataliputra.’

4 Burnouf’s Intro., 336.

6 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, I, p. 182 n.

8 Rock hill's Life, 8fc., p. 164. Baniyo Naujio’s History of Japanese Buddhist

Sects, 24.

I Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II, 85, and Burnouf’s Intro., 330.

8 Cf. also Burnonf’s Intro., 337 and n. 1 : Rockhill’s Life, 8fc., 164.

9 Or Gandhara, or Gandamadana.

10 Conf. also Burnouf’s Intro., 337.

II Rockhill’s Life, ffc , 164.

12 Conf. also Rockhill and Burnouf as above.

1897.]

79

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

by Mara in the shape of a dancer with attendants male and female.

Upagupta overcomes these by magical means bestowing on them

garlands which he turns into clinging corpses, from which he sets them

free only on condition that they cease their wicked ways. In this

regard it is curious to find that dancing girls are the subject of some

very fine sculptures which were found at an ancient Buddhist site at

Mathura.1 2 A slightly different and more dramatic version of this

personal contest with Mara is given by Acvaghosa as an Avadana ?

According to this version “Mara found Upagupta lost in meditation

and placed a wreath of flowers on his head. On returning to con¬

sciousness and finding himself thus crowned, he entered again into

Samadhi to see who had done the deed. Finding it was Mara, he

caused a dead body to fasten itself round Mara’s neck. No power in

heaven or earth could disentangle it. Finally Mara returned to

Upagupta, confessed his fault and prayed him to free him from the

corpse. Upagupta consented on the condition that he (Mara) would

exhibit himself under the form of Buddha 4 with all his marks.’ Mara

does so and Upagupta overpowered by the magnificence of the supposed

Buddha falls down before him in worship. The tableau then closes

amid a terrific storm.”

At Mathura, both Hiuen Tsiang and Taranatha mention a large

cave into which Upagupta was in the habit of throwing a chip of wood

to register the number of individuals who attained Arahatship through

him, until the cave ultimately became filled with the chips.

From Mathura he proceeded to Aparanta 3 (Sindh), during the

reign of a king called Mahendra and his son 4 Chamasha,’ and there the

inhabitants of Bagal erected for him a retreat in 4 the grove of the

duck-herd,’ which was called 4 the Sapghdrdma of the Buck’ _ this

certainly does not seem to be the Kukkutarama or monastery of the

Cock, as Schiefner translates.4 Hiuen Tsiang also states that

44 Upagupta the great Arahat frequently sojourned in this kingdom

(Sindh),” 5 a country which, he notes, was famous for its salt. And as

1 Archael. Survey of India Repts. Yol. XVII, Plate XXXI. The sculptures

represent dancing girls dancing on dwarfs, which have been supposed to symbolize

Energy acting on Matter.

2 Beal’s Fo-sho-hing-tsano-king, p. XII (Sacred Bks. of East), and in Si-yu-ki

I, p. 182

3 Tiiranatha op. cit.

4 This place was in Aparanta in the extreme west of India, while the Kukkut¬

arama was in Pataliputra. Conf. Schiefner’s translation of Taranatha’s History

p. 18. The Tibetan word is ‘ bya-gag ’ which according to Jaeschke’s Dictionary

is the name of a species of water-bird or duck. And mv MS. Tibeto-Sanskrit

Dictionary gives the Sanskrit equivalent as Bakah, and the feminine as Nukuli.

5 Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II, 273.

80

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

[No. 1,

the word Sindh means in Sanskrit ‘ Sea-salt ’ it is possible that the

Burmese legend which makes Upagnpta reside in the salt sea, may have

its origin in a too literal translation of this word. Hmen Tsiang records

that “ the places where he (Upagnpta) stopped (in his explaining the

Law and convincing and guiding men) and the traces he left are all

commemorated by the building of Sayghdramas or the erection of stupas.

These buildings are seen everywhere.” *

He visited ‘ Kha-clihe ’ (Kashmir), in a miraculous manner, says a

Tibetan account,1 2 and there he erected “ the long stone.” This seems a

reference to his planting of an Agoka-pillar. During his three months

stay in that country, he preached the law, worked many miracles, and

amid lightning and earthquakes he descended to the watery palace of

the Naga dragon-king of the lake of Kha-chhe, and afterwards “ dis¬

appeared into the sky.”

At Pataliputra, his hermitage was, as in Mathura, on a hill which is

described by Hiuen Tsiang as “ a little mountain. In the crags and

surrounding valleys there are several tens of stone dwellings which

Acoka Raja made for Upagupta and other arahats by the intervention

of the genii.” 3 The ruins of this artificial hill now form the Clioti

Paliarl or ‘ small hill ’ to the south of Patna, as was identified by me

some years ago;4 and this identification has been confirmed by the

excavation of the ruined tower by its side, as described by the great

.■ Chinese pilgrim. A^ka’s conversion to Buddhism according to the

Chinese account was effected by Upagupta, who also, it is stated, advised

the erection of monasteries and stupa's all over India. Amongst the

first of these monasteries was the Kukkutarama or ‘ Garden of the

Cock,’ erected to the south-east of the city and capable of holding a

thousand monks.5 This building was the scene of the dialogues

reported in the Divyavadana , in the Mahayana Sutra entitled the Guna

Karanda Vyulia, purporting to have been held between A^oka and

Upagupta, and translated in part by Burnouf.6 A Tibetan version also

is said to exist.

4

Upagupta’s first visit to A^oka, is made in the Indian Divyavadana

to come some time after A9oka’s conversion, and his erection of relic-

stupas. But it is Upagupta who is associated with A95ka in the latter’s

pilgrimages to the sacred Buddhist spots, and his marking of them by the

1 Idem.

2 A MS. extract from the Tibetan translation of the Kalacakra (Tib. ’Dus-’khor.)

3 Beal’s Si-yu-Tci, II, .

4 Preliminary Report on the Ruins of Pataliputra. Calcutta, 1892, p. 15.

6 Beal’s 8i-yu-lci, II, 88.

6 Burnouf ’s Intro., pp. 338, et seq.

1897.]

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

81

magnificent monuments which later tradition ascribes to the agency of

the genii. Interesting details are also given of the manner in which A^oka

made these pilgrimages. It is related,1 how A^oka at the instance of

Ya^as, the elder, invites Upagupta who was at Mathura to come to his

assistance at Pataliputra, and the king provides the boats for this long

river journey. On his arrival, A^oka receives him with the highest

honours and exclaims : “ You who resemble the Master ! You who

are the sole eye of the universe, and the chief interpreter (of the Law)

be my refuge Sir, and give me your commands ! I shall eagerly hasten,

accomplished sage, to obey thy voice ! 5 The sage replied ‘ 0 great

king, Bhagavat, the Venerable Tathagata, the perfect and complete

Buddha has entrusted to me as well as to you the depository of the

Law. Let us make every effort to preserve that which the Guide of

beings has transmitted to us, when he was in the midst of his disciples.’

* * *. Then (the king) falling at the feet of the Sthavira

Upagupta cried out, ‘ This 0 Sthavira, is my wish : I wish to visit,

honour , and marie by a sign for the benefit of remote posterity all the spots

where the Blessed Buddha has sojourned.’ ‘ Very good, 0 great king,’

replied the Sthavira, ‘ this thought of thine is good. I will go this

day to show you the spots where the blessed Buddha sojourned’2

#*****.“ Then the king equipped with an army of the

four bodies of troops, took perfumes, flowers and garlands, and set out

in the company of the Sthavira Upagupta. The latter began by con¬

ducting the king to the garden of Lumbini. Then extending his right

hand he said to him : ‘ Here 0 great king, was the Bhagavat born'

And he added ‘ Here (at this site), excellent to see, should be the first

monument consecrated in honour of the Buddha ’ #*######.

The king after giving a hundred thousand (golden coins) to the people

of the country raised a stupa and retired.” 3

How it is remarkable that the words here used are almost the

identical words which A<j5ka himself uttered at this place, as inscribed

on his edicLpillar which has just been found by Dr. Fiihrer in the

place which was first indicated by me, 4 and by me also were made the

arrangements for the recovery of this lost site. This inscription on the

A95ka-edict-pillar at the actual birth-place of the Buddha is translated

by Dr. Biililer in the Times of the 25th ultimo (January), as recording

1 Burnouf’s Intro., p. 337.

2 Burnouf’s Intro., p. 340.

8 Idem., p. 342.

* See my article sent to this Sooiety on the 11th May, 1896, entitled a Tibetan

Quide-book to the site of Buddha's birth and death, and afterwards published in more

detail in the Englishman of 1st June, 1896.

J. I. 11

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta,

[Ho. 1,

82

that “king Piyadasi (A95ka), twenty years after liis accession (literally

‘ anointing ’) himself came to this very spot and there worshipped

saying ‘ Here was the Buddha, the pakya ascetic born,’ and that he

erected this stone pillar which records that ‘ Here the Venerable One

was born.’ ”

Thus it would almost appear as if A^oka had merely repeated the

words put into his mouth by Upagupta. However this may be, this

remarkable coincidence seems to strengthen materially the historical

value of this part of the somewhat legendary Divyavadana , which in

spite of the internal evidence of its having been composed much later

than the epoch of A^oka, still Btirnouf had already considered it to be

semi-historical. 1

This A^oka-legend goes on to relate how Upagnpta conducted the

king to most of the chief sites hallowed by Buddha and his chief

disciples. Amongst these latter, especial prominence is given to Maud¬

galyayana with whom as has been mentioned Upagupta seems possibly

to have had his name associated. Certainly the following reference to

Maudgalyayana invests him with much the same attributes as those

ascribed to Upagupta at Mathura and Kashmir; and these are also

mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang2 and others,3 The Avaddna says : —

“ The Sthavira Upagupta showing afterwards the stupa of the

Sthavira Maha Maudgalyayana thus spoke, ‘ Here, 0 great king, is the

stupa of (the remains of) the great Maudgalyayana ; you ought to

honour it.’ ‘What are the merits of this sage,’ queried the king. The

Sthavira replied ‘ He has been designated by "Bhagavat as the chief of

those who possessed supernatural power, because with the great toe of

his right foot he shook Vaijayanta, the palace of Cakra, the Indra of

the gods. He converted the two Naga kings Handa and Upananda.’

And he uttered this verse : ‘It is necessary to honour, all that one can,

Kolita (i e., Maudgalyayana) the foremost of Brahmans, # # * *.

Who in this world could surpass the ocean of power of this sage in the

perfect Intelligence — he who has conquered the serpents, those famous

beings, so difficult to subdue ? ’ The king having given a hundred

thousand (golden pieces) for the stupa of the, great Maudgalyayana4

exclaimed with hands joined in respect, ‘ I honour with bended head the

celebrated Maudgalyayana, the foremost of sages, gifted with super¬

natural power, who has freed himself from birth, old age, sorrow and

pain.”’6

1 Bnrnouf’s Intro., 378 n. 2 Beal’s Si-yu-Jci, II, 176.

S Conf. my Buddhism of Tibet, pp. 98-99; t

4 This A<jdka Stupa was visited by. Hiuen Tsiang (Beal’s Si-yn-ki, II, 175.)

Burnonf’s Intro., p. 348. . .. .

.1897.]

L. A. Waddell — Tfpagupta.

As to Upagnpta’s death, accounts differ. Some state that he died 1

and that this event occurred at Mathura ; 2 but I find no reference to his

relic-stupas. The Japanese legend relates, 3 that “ there was an

earthquake and he transcended (or crossed over ;)” or it may read, “ he

went to ‘ Slnn-tam.’ ” The Burmese tradition seems to make him yet

alive like Mahakasyapa and a few other Arahats by getting outside the

circle of re-births. His personal entity or Sattva while it still

retained a body has by mystical means become liberated from the

influence of Avidya and the operation of the Causal Nexus, and in this

way. by his supernatural power or Rcldhi, he has secured immortality. 4 *

The residence in the sea, allotted to this immortalized Upagupta,

as a sort of king of the Naga or dragon-spirits, could be explained by

his reputation for supernatural power and his special association with

Sindh or ‘ sea-salt,’ his coming to A£5ka by boat, and the connexion of

his name with the conquest of Naga-kings. 6 And A9oka himself is also

credited with having become reborn as a Naga. A slightly different and

more humourous version of the legend of the popular Burmese saint, is

given by Mr. Scott in his charming book on the Burmese. He relates 6

that ‘ Oopagoli ’ is condemned to existence as a water-god through

having in his previous existence “ carried off the clothes of a bather, and

for this mischievous pleasantry is condemned to remain in his present

quarters till Areemadehya (Maitreya) the next Buddha shall come.

Then he will be set free and entering the Thenga ( Sarjgha ) will become

a Rah an and attain Neh’ban (Nirvana). He is a favourite subject

for pictures, which represent him sitting under his brazen roof or on the

stump of a tree, eating out of an alms-bowl which he carries in his

firms. Sometimes he is depicted gazing sideways up to the skies, where

he seeks a place that is not polluted by corpses.”7 This version, how¬

ever, does not indicate why ‘ Oopagoli ’ should be worshipped with such

zeal by Burmese Buddhists ; while the version given me by a learned

Barman, as above noted, relates that the hero is a great AraJiat who

by his magical powrer has secured long life or immortality, and can

confer luck.

The Burmese festival in honour of this ‘ Upagu,’ resembles some-

1 Eitel’s Diet., p. 187.

2 Taranatha, fol. 11.

5 Butsu dso dsni, p. 151,

* Conf. my Buddhism of Tibet, p. 120.

6 Burnoufs Intro., p. 338. And his doings at Kashmir as above related.

The Burman, his Life and Notions, by Sway Yoe, I, 272.

7 This reference to corpses may be compared with the Mathura incidents in his

biography.

84

L. A. Waddell — Upagupta.

[No. 1,

wliat the feast in honour of the great Indian Naga king, Mahakala,

the 4 Dai Koko ’ of the Japanese Buddhists who also celebrated this

festival in a somewhat similar manner, a leading feature of which is

the treasure-boat of the Naga dragon-spirits.1

It is held on the last day of the Buddhist Lent or Varsa (Was),

at the end of the rainy season, about October. All the houses are

ablaze with lamps and nearly every Burman builds a tiny boat,

decorates it with flowers, illuminates it and then launches it on the

river, with music, and the prayer that it may be carried on to 4 Upagu/

and bring back to them the luck-giving saint — a procedure which recalls

the incident of A9oka sending boats to bring Upagupta, the saintly

interpreter of the Law, which confers religious fortune. The effect

of this miniature flotilla is often very fine. A thousand tiny specks

of light dancing on the dark bosom of the waters. During the night

all eagerly expect to have the good fortune of a visit from the ‘Upagu ’

somewhat like the visit of Santa Claus (St. Nicholas) on Christmas

eve ; for those who are thus favoured are endowed with long life and

good luck. On such occasions many clandestinely sprinkle water on

their door steps for good luck in pretence that the water-god has paid

them a visit. Such seems to be the popular hero-worship in Burma,

now-a-days, accorded to the great High Priest of A9oka.

1 W. Anderson’s Catalogue of Chinese and Japanese paintings in the British

Museum, p. 38.

J.897,] F. E. Pargiier — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

85

Ancient Countries in Eastern India. — By F. E. Pargiter, Esq., B. A., C. S.

(With Map II.)*

[ Read March, 1897. ]

The countries into which Eastern India was divided in anciejit

times consisted of four groups, (1) Magadha, Vidgha and the small

kingdom of Vai^all ; (2) Aijga, Varjga, Kaliijga, Pundra and Sulima,

with Odra and Tama-lipta ; (3) Prag-jyotisa and the Kiratas; and (4)

IJtkala. The last three groups are always recognized in Sanskrit

writings, and were without doubt based on real ethnological differences ;

but Magadha and Videha denoted territory rather than races, for these

countries in their conditions resembled those to their west in Madhya-

de9a, viz., Kosala and Ka^i, and their inhabitants appear, especially in

Magadha, to have been a mixture of the Aryas with earlier races, as in

Madhya>deca, the chief difference being that the earlier races do not

seem to have been so completely subjugated and incorporated by the

Aryas as in Madhya^d^a.

I propose in this paper to collect and examine all the passages of

any importance, that 1 have beeu able to find, bearing on these countries,

and to determine their position as exactly as possible. In a map illus¬

trating the paper on “ Ancient Cedi, Matsya and Karusa ” in this

Journal, Vol. LXIV, Part T, No. 3, 1895, I have shown nearly all these

countries in the positions which I proposed in the notes to the Transla¬

tion of the Markandeya Purana, cantos lvii and lviii ; but on fuller and

more careful consideration I have been led to modify those views some¬

what, especially with regard to Pundra, and would offer the present paper

as a revised contribution to the ancient geography of Eastern India.

Most of the passages cited here are taken from that vast store¬

house of information, the Maha-Bharata, and therefore in giving the

references I have dropped the name of the book for the sake of con¬

venience and specified the Parvans only. For passages cited from other

books the references have been given in full, and the Ramayana is

quoted according to Gorresio’s Edition.

* It is not free from blemishes; e.g.: for Modagiri read Moddgiri; for Tr-srotas

read Tri-srotas ; &c.

J. i. 12

86

F, E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

Magadha.

Magadha is too well known to call for much notice here. It com¬

prised the modern districts of Patna, Gaya and Shahabad. Its ancient

capital was Giri-vraja (Sabha-p., xx. 798-800; Hari-V., cxvii. 6598;

and Ramayana, Adi-k., xxxv. 1-9), which Cunningham has identified

with the modern Giryek on the Pancana river about 36 miles north¬

east of Gaya (Arch. Surv. Repts., I. 16 and plate iii). Raja-grha

appears to have been another name of the capital (Adi-p., cxiii. 4451-2 ;

and A^vamedh.-p., Ixxxii. 2435-63), but Cunningham identifies it with

the modern Raj-gir about six miles west of Giryek (Arch. Snrv. Repts.,

I. 20 and plate iii). The people were called Magadhas and Maga-

dhas.

Magadha appears to have been the arena of many early conflicts.

Its oldest name is said to have been Kikata, which occurs in Rg.-Y.,

iii. 5314 (Muir’s Sansk. Texts, II. 362-3). In the Ramayana, Y^va-

mitra gives the youthful Rama an account of Magadha and the coun¬

tries near it. He says its old name was Yasu; Ku^a, a great king who

was sprang from Brahma, had four sons who established four kingdoms,

(l) Kuca^va at Kau^cvi (or, Kuy-amba at Kau9ambi, according to

another reading), (2) Ku9anabha at Mahodaya or Kanyakubja, (3)

Amurtnrajas in Prag-jyotisa, and (4) Yasu at Giri-vraja (Adi-k., xxxv.

1-10 and 35). This story professes to hand down what occurred

several generations before Rama’s time, but presents many difficulties,

and clashes in some of its details with the next event that I now cite.

According to the Maha-Bharata, at a later time about half way

between Rama’s age and that of the Pandavas, Yasu Upari-cara, king

of Cedi, conquered Magadha and established his son Yrhad-ratha as

king over it (see paper on “Ancient Cedi, Matsya and Karusa ” men¬

tioned above).

The later history of Magadha is well-known, and it played the

leading part in Buddhism.

Yideha.

Videha derived its name from Mathava the Yidegha who colonized

it according to the pata-P. Brahmana (I. iv. 1). The passage runs

thus, briefly, according to Dr. Eggeling’s translation. “ Mathava, the

(kiug of) Yidegha, carried Agni Yai9vanara in his mouth. The Rsi

Gotama Rahugana was his family priest. When addressed (by the

latter) he made no answer to him, fearing lest Agni might fall from

his mouth. [The priest continued to invoke Agni, and at length Agni

Yaiyvanara flashed forth from the king’s mouth and fell down on the

earth,] Mathava the Yidegha was at that time on the river Sarasvati.

87

1897.] F* E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India .

He (Agni) thence went burning along this earth towards the east ;

and Gotama Rahugana and the Videgha Mathava followed after him

as lie was burning along. He burnt over (dried up) all these rivers.

Now that (river) which is called Sada-nira flows from the northern

(Himalaya) mountain; that one he did not burn over. That one the

brahmans did not cross in former times, thinking it has not been burnt

over by Agni Vai9vanara. Now-a-days, however, there are many

brahmans to the east of it. At that time it (the land east of the

Sada-nira) was very uncultivated, very marshy, because it had not been

tasted by Agni Va^vanara. Now-a-days, however, it is very cultivated,

for the brahmans have caused (Agni) to taste it through sacrifices.

Even in late summer that (river), as it were, rages along ; so cold is it,

not having been burnt over by Agni Va^vanara. Mathava the Videgha

then said (to Agni), ‘Where am I to' abide?’ ‘To the east of this

river be thy abode ! ’ said he. Even now this river forms the boundary

of the Kosalas and Videhas ; for these are the Mathavas.”

Sada-nira means “the river that is always full of water.” Sayana

says it is the river Karatoya, the modern Kurattee which flows through

the Bogra district ; and Dr. Muir (Sansk. Texts, II. 419-422) and Dr.

Eggeling (see note in his edition) prefer to identify it with the

Gandaki' the modern Gandak. Sayana’s explanation must be mis¬

taken, because there can be no doubt Videha could never have been

east of the Kurattee. Nor can the river be well identified with the

Gandaki, because they are mentioned as distinct rivers in Sabha-p.,

xix. 794. This passage is noticed by Dr. Muir. Though it is hardly

intelligible in its description of the route taken by Krsna, Arjuna and

Bliima in going from the Kurus to Magadha, unless they took a zigzag

course eastward, south-westward and again eastward, in order to avert

suspicion before finally making for Magadha ; still it indicates plainly

that the Gandaki and Sada-nira were different rivers. Moreover the

Gandaki flows through the country which has always been considered

to be Videha, and could not therefore have been its western boundary.

It seems then that the Sada-nira must lie further to the west, and

it should probably be identified with the Rapti. I have not been able

to find any Sanskrit name for the Rapti. Lassen calls it the Ajita-vati

(Ind. Alt., Map), but this name is not in the dictionary, nor have I met

with it anywhere. This identification then fills up a blank and agrees

with the well-known situation of Videha. It offers also an explana¬

tion of the marshy nature of ancient Videha, viz ., the Gandak flows

through the middle of the country, it has always been liable to shift

its course greatly, its numerous channels intersect the country, and its

floods would have rendered the soil extremely marshy.

88 E. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India . [No. 2,

A further consideration of the facts will, I think, throw some

light on this passage from the £’ata-P. Bralimana. Videha in ancient

times must, like most other parts of India, have been more or less

covered by forest, the remains of which survive at the present day

along the foot of the Himalayas in the tract called the Terai, and was

no doubt inhabited by aboriginal tribes such as inhabit the Terai now.

The deadly malaria of such a forest is well-known, and only such tribes

have been able to live in its climate. To this must be added the effect,

which periodic floods from the Gandak during the rainy season must

have produced in the rank vegetation of such a region. Very swampy

and uncultivable would be moderate expressions to apply to it. No

Arya could have ventured within it, and the only way in which

Aryas could have colonized it was by felling and burning the forest down

wholesale, and opening out the soil to the purifying rays of the sun.

That is what (it seems to be implied) Mathava must have done.

Prof. Weber considers Agni Vai£vanara to be a personification of

the sacrificial worship of the brahmans, and Dr. Muir and Dr. Eggeling

appear to acquiesce in this interpretation ( loc . cit .) ; but I venture to

submit that the wide import of the epithet Agni Vaigvdnara , “the fire

that burns for all men,” hardly expresses the narrow view that the

brahmans would have of their own peculiar sacrificial fire. May it

not rather mean “fire which is the common property of all men,” that

is, not sacrificial fire, but fire in its ordinary every-day uses as applied

to human wants P It seems to me a distinction is implied between the

Agni Va^vanara that Mathava himself had and the sacrificial fire of the

brahmans.

The explanation suggested here, regarding Agni Vai^vanara’s going

burning along the ground and his tasting and improving the soil,

pourtrays with poetical force, how the fire seized on the forests and

raged along devouring them with its flames, and how it licked and

scorched the pestilential soil, and so laid the marshy ground bare to

the sun’s parching heat.1 The races who preceded the Aryas ap¬

pear to have been forest tribes. Agni must have cleared away the

primeval forests from the Sarasvati to the Sada-nira, and there the

course of the colonizing Aryas stopped, until (as seems implied)

Mathava carried Agni onto the east of the latter river. It seems highly

1 It is in the light of this explanation that I would interpret the curious

statement in Sabha-p., xxix. 1078, which Dr. Muir notices (loc. cit.), that Bhima in

his conquest of Eastern India went to a jalddbhava country bordering on Himavat

(tato Himavatah jpdrqvam, samabhyetya jalodbhavam) . In such a connexion

jalddbhava surely cannot mean “ of aqueous or oceanic origin/’ but might well mean

“reclaimed from swamp.’*

89

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India .

probable tbe forest tribes were not acquainted with fire. They shun

the bright life of the open country, and would have retreated terrified

and silent into the depths of the forest ; and it is noteworthy that no

mention is made of any fighting before Mathava established himself

there.

It has pleased the brahmans in this passage to ascribe the improve¬

ment in the land to their sacrifices, but the passage implies, as Prof.

Weber observes, that they did not venture across the Sada-nira till

Mathava with his devouring fire had cleansed the ground before them.

I would therefore suggest that we have here described how Mathava,

with no doubt his comrades, burnt the forest down and began cultivating

the land, and how the brahmans, finding the new tract developing into

a good land, followed afterwards and soon appropriated the merit to

themselves and their sacrifices. I venture to commend this explanation

to those who know the country.

Videha then comprised the country from Gorakhpur on the Rapti

to Darbhanga, with Kosala on the west and Aqga on the east. On the

north it approached the hills, and on the south it was bounded by the

small kingdom of Va^ali. Its capital was called Mithila ((Janti-p.,

cccxxvii. 12233-8; and Ramay., Adi-k., xlix, 9-16) ; and this name often

designated the country itself, especially in the Ramayana. The people

were called Videlias, Vaidehakas and also Mithilas (Vana-p., ccliii.

15243). Its kings traced their descent from Nimi (Ramay., Adi-k.,

lxxiii. 2-12) and were generally called Janaka, which seems to have

been the ordinary royal title (Vana-p., cxxxiii. 10637). They were

often highly educated (^anti-p., cccxxvii. 122J5-25; Kansitaki Up., iv.

1 ; Brliad-Aran. Up., II. i. 1, and IV. i. and ii.). Cunningham says the

capital was Janakpur, which is now a small town just within the Nepal

border, north of where the Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts meet

(Arch. Surv. Repts., XVI. 34, and map), but I have not met this name

in Sanskrit works, and it is not in the dictionary.

The Kingdom op Vai^alL

Between Magadha and Videha lay a small kingdom on the north

side of the Ganges, with its capital at Vai^ali, for Vi^vamitra, when

taking the youthful Rama from the slaughter of Tadaka in the Shaba-

bad district to Mithila, stopped at Vai^ali on the way. Their route

appears from the Ramayana to have been as follows : crossing the R.

f ona or Sone from the Shahabad district and travelling north-east they

reached the Ganges near the site of the present city Patna (Adi-k.,

xxxvii. J-7) ; and then crossing the Ganges by boat, and travelling

northwards towards Mithila the whole of one day, they reached Va^ali

90

F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

at evening (id., xlvi. 5-11 ; xlviii. 21-25; and xlix. 1-8). This agrees

with the situation of the modern town Besarh, 27 miles north and a little

east of Patna, which Cunningham has identified with Yai^ali (Arch.

Surv. Repts., I. 55, and XYI. 6 and 34).

No name appears to be given to this country and it plays a very

small part in Sanskrit writings. Its kings claimed descent ’from

Iksvaku, the founder of the Solar dynasty of Ayodhya, and called them¬

selves all Iksvakus (Ramay., Adi-k., xlviii. 13-20). In the Buddhist

writings the country is called Vrji (Mahavamsa, early chapters ; and

Arch. Surv. Repts., XVI. 34), but this name is not in the Sanskrit

dictionary nor have I met with it in any Sanskrit work. It played

however an important part in early Buddhist history, for Buddha is

said to have announced his approaching Nirvana at Va^all, and the

second Buddhist Synod was held there.

The Second Group of Five Nations.

The Aqgas, Vaqgas, Kaliqgas, Pundras and Suhmas were habitual¬

ly classed together, and the first two, with the third often added, are

generally found linked together, partly no doubt because they were

neighbouring nations, but chiefly it seems because the names made a

jingle. They are stated in the legends and genealogies to have been

the descendants of five brothers of the same names, Ai;ga, Vaijga,

Kaliqga, Pundra and Suhma, who were the sons of king Bali’s queen

Sudesna by the rsi Dirgha-tamas or Dirgha-tapas. The accounts vary

somewhat, but agree in this — that the rsi (who had been blind from

his birth in consequence of a curse) was abandoned on a raft in the

Ganges, was carried down the stream and was rescued by king Bali,

and that Bali who wanted children commissioned his queen and the

rsi to raise up offspring for him. The story is told with much circum¬

stantial detail, as if it was a well known event, and it is said these five

sons were called “ Baleya-ksetra” and even a Baleya brahmans,” though

Bali himself is called a Danava ( Adi-p., civ. 4179-4221 ; Hari-V., xxxi.

1682-97; Matsya Pur., xlviii. 23-78; and Visnu Pur., iv. 18). Bali is

styled “king of the East,” and is shown in the genealogies as a descend¬

ant of Titiksu, king of the East; but Titiksu’s descent is uncertain for

the Hari-Vam^a traces it from Puru king of Madhya or the Middle

region (xxxi.), and the Visnu and Matsya Puranas from Anu, king of

the East (e. g ., Matsya Pur., xlviii).

Statements, like this one regarding these five brothers, that a cer¬

tain person was the progenitor of a certain people, occur frequently in

Sanskrit genealogies and legends. They do not invite ready belief, and

their meaning is a matter of uncertainty and difficulty, but looked at in

91

1897.] F. E. Par gi ter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

the light of history they may admit of one probable interpretation. It

is a trite saying that history repeats itself, and certainly one feature

that appears in all ages of Indian history is the course of conquest. A

handful of strangers have invaded a part of the country, conquered the

old inhabitants and established themselves in it, their leader as king

and themselves as the aristocratic class; and the contest has rarely

been an internecine one, unless religion or patriotism has been involved

in it. The earliest struggles, in which the Aryas fought their way into

India, seem to have been rendered fiercer by the strong religious and social

differences between them and the aboriginal races ; but after the time

when the Aryas established themselves in Madhya *de9a, and universal re¬

spect was accorded to them because of their chivalry and prestige, it is

hard to find traces of a fierce struggle between them and the aborigines

except in the story of Rama and Ravana. The Aryas, being the domi¬

nant race, considered themselves, and were esteemed by the other

nations, as the elite of India. Those nations gradually imitated them

and adopted their customs. What happened then between the Aryas

and aborigines may no doubt be compared to what is happening now

between the English and the natives in South Africa.

Rsis and ascetics exerted a strong influence towards extending the

Aryan supremacy. They wandered through every country in ancient India,

and established themselves in every spot, where the bracing air of the

hills or the cool temperature of a well-watered shady wood attracted

them and induced them to linger. In this way they became pioneers

of the religion and civilization of the Aryas, and afford a strange paral¬

lel to the part which Christian missionaries have played in extending

British influence over barbarous countries. Where the ascetics were

received with favour and reverence, they soon brought the people of

their new country more or less effectually within the pale of Aryan-

ism, as in the case of the rsi Dlrgha-tamas ; but where they were harassed

or cut off, their sufferings and complaints brought retribution on the

offending nation, as in Rama’s slaughter of the so-called Raksasas in

Jana-sthana on the Godavari, which is commemorated in simple and

grateful terms in Drona-p., lix. 2226-7 ; and no doubt to somewhat

similar incidents must be assigned the frequent yet vague mention of

wars in which kings aided the gods against the demons.

In the same direction tended ancient sentiments regarding marriage.

In early times the rules restricting inter-marriage between different

classes were very easy, if indeed it can be said there were any definite

prohibitions of that kind.- The Maha-Bharata is full of instances of

mixed unions, which were manifestly regarded at the time as involving

no slur or stain, and the rsi Dirgba-tamas is said to have bestowed his

92 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India, [No. 2,

favours freely and indiscriminately, and to have left a numerous pro¬

geny of various ranks in Aijga and Magadha, not only without incur¬

ring any reprobation but even with emphatic approval and blessing

from Surabhi (Matsya Pur., xlviii. 60-63 and 79-84 ; and also Sabha-p.,

xx. 802 with Adi-p., civ. 4193-4216). The result of such prnctices

must have been an infusion of Aryan blood into the populace and the

growth of classes, which (like the Eurasians of the present day) would

have sought to connect themselves more with the Aryan aristocracy

than with their aboriginal kindred ; and it would not be an altogether

unreasonable and extravagant assertion to say that, in countries where

an extensive blending of that sort occurred, the people were descended

from the invading leader who founded a new dynasty or territorial

sovereignty.

Looked at in this way the story may therefore possibly be true

that five brothers Aijga, Vaijga, Kaliijga, Pundra and Suhma may

have conquered five countries, established five kingdoms, and given

their names to their countries and the inhabitants ; but it cannot be

pushed beyond this, nor can they have been the progenitors of the

bulk of the people, because the genealogies make king Loma-pada,

who was the contemporary of Da^a-ratha and Rama, only the fifth

or sixth descendant of Aijga ; and because it is impossible that the

country of Aijga could have been uninhabited before Agga’s time, or

that his descendants could have extirpated the previous inhabitants or

filled the country themselves in so short a time.

There is, however, one serious objection to this explanation, viz.,

there is no mention that these countries had any other names prior to

the age of these five brothers, and they bear the same names in the

earliest allusions. The two most prominent of these countries in the

most ancient times were Agga and Kaligga, and the earliest references

to them occur, I believe, in the marriages of kings of the Lunar dynasty

with princesses of these countries ( e.g ., Adi-p., xcv. 3772-80). From

the general tenor of the old stories, and according to the genealogies if

they are traced downward from Puru or Anu, it appears incontestable

that those kings belonged to a prior time (e.g., see the two lines of

Rceyu and Kakseyu in Hari-V., xxxi. and xxxii. ) ; but if the genealogies

are reckoned upwards from the Pandavas’ time, this inference is much

weakened, so that it does not seem absolutely impossible the founding of

Aijga and Kaligga may have been earlier than those kings, and thus the

difficulty might disappear. Otherwise it may be, supposing there is

truth in this story of the five brothers, that, if Agga was really the

later name, it superseded the ancient name so completely that it was

substituted for the ancient name in the genealogies ; for it seems a

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in 'Eastern India. 93

reasonable supposition that (apart from the deliberate fabrication of

genealogies for the purpose of gratifying vanity, ambition or religions

arrogance) all ancient genealogies and legends would be gradually

modified by the substitution of current words in lieu of obsolete words,

in order to render them intelligible to new generations and without any

intention to falsify them.

The estimation in which these five nations were held by the

brahmans of Madhya-de^a varied remarkably. The curious harangue

in which Karna abused (Jalya, king of Madra, and (Jalya’s retort

(Karna-p., xl.-xlv. ) disclose some strange and inconsistent remarks on

the composition and character of various races in India, which no

doubt represent the handiwork of different authors and ages.

(^alya asserts that it was the custom in Agga to abandon the sick

and sell one’s wife and children ( xlv. 2112); and in one passage it is

said that the Kalirjgas should be shunned as unrighteous, together with

certain other people picked here and there out of Southern and Western

India (xliv. 2066-7). Yet in other passages it is said — the Aggakas

(Aggas) and Magadhas when old live according to the rules of righteous¬

ness which they have learnt (xlv. 2101) ; and Paundras, Kaliggas and

Magadhas are held up to honour along with the people of Madhya-de^a

as being conversant with eternal righteousness (xlv. 2084-5).

Originally these nations did not belong to the Aryan stock ; they

appear to have been mlecchas. The story of the five brothers no doubt

indicates that these nations were brought within the Aryan pale, yet

they did not rank high, for even at the time of the Great War the Agga

prince is styled a mleccha (Karna-p., xxii. 877 and 880), and if such a

term could be applied to him, when Agga was the foremost of these

nations, it is certain the others must have been in a lower plight. The

elevation of the Aijgas, Kaliggas and Paundras to the same degree of

esteem, which the nations of Madhya-de^a enjoyed, must be a later deve¬

lopment, and be the sign of some marked change which passed over

Northern India. The alteration is mcst marked in the estimation of

the Kaliggas. Does it represent the opinion of the age when Brahmanism

hard-pushed by Buddhism found a refuge in Orissa ?

The Aitarej'a Bralimana says the Paundras, the Andhras and cer¬

tain rude tribes in Central India are most degraded ; they were Vi^va-

mitra’s descendants and were reduced to that state by his curse (vii. 3.

18). Manu says, the Paundrakas, Odras and Dravidas and various

well-known nations on the northern and north-western confines of India

were ksattriyas and sank gradually to the rank of £udras by reason of

the neglect of sacred rites and the absence of brahmans (x. 43-4.)

J. i. 13

94

F E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. *2,

These statements seem to represent an intermediate opinion of doctri¬

naire speculation, or the dogmatism of a late and ignorant period.

We may now consider the position of these five countries and their

extent.

Anga.

The position of Agga is well-known and requires only a few

remarks. It was at all times closely connected with Magadha. The

kings of Agga and Vagga used to frequent Dirgha-tamas’ or Gautama’s

dwelling at Giri-vraja (Sabha-p., xx. 802-4; and the passages cited

above regarding Dirgha-tamas ; and Qanti-p., cccxliii. 13183-5). The

famous king Agga Vrhad-ratha sacrificed on Mt. Visnupada, which

appears to be a hill at Gaya (fanti-p., xxix. 924-31). Jarasandha king

of Magadha bestowed the city MalinI, the capital of the Aggas, on

Karna as a fief (id., v). It adjoined Magadha on the east as appears

from the description of Bhima’s conquests in the Eastern region, which

is quoted here as it will serve to elucidate the position of the other

eastern nations considered in this paper.

Marching from Magadha, Bhirna conquered Karna (king of Agga)

in battle and brought him into subjection. Then he vanquished the

kings who dwelt in the hills. Next he slew a very powerful king in

battle at Modagiri. Then he conquered Vasudeva, the mighty king of

Pundra, and the valiant king who dwelt in Kau^ikl -kaccha, both

powerful heroes, both fierce in prowess. He attacked the king of

Vagga. Conquering Samudra-sena and king Candra-sena (who appear

to have been kings of Vagga), and the Tamralipta king and the lord

of Karvata, he vanquished also the lord of the Suhmas, and those who

dwell beside the sea, and all the tribes (ffanai) of Mlecchas. Then he

went to Lauhitya. He made all the kings, who dwell in the marshy tracts

near the sea (sa gardnupa) , pay tribute (Sabha-p., xxix. 1094-1100).

This description appears unusually clear and natural. Marching

from the Patna and . Gaya districts Bhirna met and defeated Karna on

the western limits of Agga, that is, in the west of the Monghyr or

Mungir district ; then turning aside and subduing the petty kings in

the northern part of Chutia Nagpur, he marched on eastward to

MSdagiri. Lassen has identified Modagiri with the modern town of

Monghyr or Mungir ; this is extremely probable both from the resem¬

blance of the names and from the situation and natural features of

the town. Modagiri or (nasalized, as so frequently happens in Indian

vernaculars) Mondagiri might easily be corrupted into Mungir. The

king of this place would then have been one of Karna’s vassals.

The capital was called MalinI or Malina at first, and this name

was superseded by that of Campa bestowed on the city in honour (it

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

95

is said) of Loma-pada’s great grandson, king Campa (Canti-p., v. 134-5 ;

Hari-V., xxxi. 1699-1700 ; and Matsya Pur., xlviii. 97) ; but the latter

name is often used indiscriminately in regard to time, and the city is

called Campa in an account of Loma-pada’s reign (Ramay., Adi-k.,

xvii. 23). It was situated on the Ganges (Vana-p., lxxxv. 8156 ; and

cccvii. 17150-51), and is identified with the modern town of Bhagalpur.

Cunningham says Mudgala-puri, Mudgala^rama and Mudga-giri

were the old names of Mungir ; and an earlier name was Kasta-harana-

parvata (Arch. Surv. Repts., XV. 15 and 18) Madgurakas are men¬

tioned as a people in Eastern India (Matsya Pur., cxiii. 44), and Muda-

karas (Markand.Pur., lvii. 42) ; probably the correct reading should be

Mudagiras. The Mudgalas are cursorily mentioned in Drona-p., xi. 397.

Xone of these names, however, can well be older than Modagiri in the

Maha-Bharata.

«

Aijga therefore comprised the modern districts of Bhagalpur and

Monghyr, and also extended northwards up the river Kau^ki, the

modern Kosi, and included the western portion of the district of Purnia.

For it was on that river that Ka^yapa Vibhandaka had his hermitage,

there his son Rsyat^rijga was brought up in the strictest seclusion, and

from there the young rsi was beguiled by a courtesan of MalinI into a

boat and brought down the river to the capital (Vana-p., cx. 9990-10080 ;

and Ramay., Adi-k., viii. and ix.). The forest in which Rsya^’gga lived

is said to have bordered on Agga (Adi-k., ix. 55-61), and the whole of

this quaint story implies that he was living within the territory of

Arjga, for no embassage was sent to any other king for permission to

bring him away, as when Da^a-ratha paid a special visit to Loma-pada

to invite the rsi’s attendance at Ayodhya to perform the sacrifice which

was to bless the king with a son (id., x. 14-23).

The tract near Campa was called Suta-visaya, “ the land of bards

or charioteers.” It was there that Karna, Kunti’s illegitimate son, was

adopted and brought up by the Suta Adhi-ratha (Adi-p., lxvii.

2764-83, and cxi. ; and Vana-p., cccvii. 17150-51, and cccviii).

Arjga was a kingdom from very early times, for it is said that

Ariha, the eighth descendant from Puru, married Apgi or Apgl, and

his fifth descendant who bore the same name married Apgeji, both

presumably Apga princesses (Adi-p., xcv. 3772 and 3777). And Vasu-

homa is mentioned as king of Apga contemporary with the great

Mandhatr, one of the early kings of the Solar race, and is eulogized

in high terms (panti-p., cxxii). Passages such as these present diffi¬

culties as noticed above, and are also open to distrust as being fabrica¬

tions of a later age, but there are these considerations in favour of their

genuineness and authenticity, namely, that in all countries and especi-

96 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

ally in ancient times genealogies have been esteemed matters of very

great importance and kept up with jealous pride, and that Aijga lay at

first outside the Aryan pale, so that no honour could be gained by

alleging false alliances with its princes who were prior to the time of

Aijga. In Jarasandha’s time, Agga appears to have been an appanage

of Magadha, and it was through his favour that Karna gained it as

his kingdom (Sabha-p., xxix. 1090-93; Vana-p., ccxlv. 15052; and

Oanti-p., v. 134-5).

The ancient history of Aijga appears to consist of two periods,

first, the age before the eponymous king Aijga, and secondly that which

he inaugurated. In the former age the country must have belonged

to a pre- Aryan race and dynasty, and their rule must have ended with

king Bali. Although his lineage is traced up to Anu or Pn.ru, sons of

Yayati, so as to connect it with the royal Aryan lines of North India,

yet he is called a Danava (Matsya Pur., xlviii. 60), and it was no

doubt a remembrance of its old non-Aryan stock that led to the appli¬

cation of the opprobrious term Mleccha to the Aijga prince who joined

in the Great war (Karna-p., xxii. 877 and 880).

The second period no doubt represents the change when the country

passed under the influence of the Aryas, as they extended their dominion

eastward. It has been mentioned already that Da9a-ratha’s contemporary

Loma-pada was fifth or sixth in descent from Aijga, hence the beginning

of this period may be placed some six generations prior to Hama’s time.

There was a close friendship between Loma-pada and Da9a-ratha, so

genuine that the latter is said to have given his daughter Canta in

adoption to the former (Ramay., Adi-k., x. 1-10, and 23-27). The

connexion between Ayodliya and Aijga at that time is shewn in such

detail and referred to so often, that it appears to be a real historical

fact ; and it is corroborated incidentally in a remarkable manner in the

enumeration of the kings and princes who were invited to attend Da9a-

ratha’s sacrifice (id., xii. 18-24). That list differs surprisingly from

similar lists in the Maha-Bliarata, which describe all the kings and

princes through the length and breadth of India, who assembled at

Draupadi’s svayam-vara (Adi-p., clxxxvi. and clxxxvii.), at the opening

of the Pandavas’ Court (Sabha-p. , iv.), and at the Raja-suya sacrifice

(id., xxxiii.). The Ramayana list is short and is noteworthy as much

for its omissions as for its contents ; it mentions the kings of Mithila

(North Behar), K^i (Benares), Kekaya (North Pan jab) and Aijga,

and then in general terms those of the East (pracya), of Sind ha

(North Sindh) and Sauvira (West Panjab), of Su-rastra (Gujarat) and

of the Dekhan, and “ whatever other kings were particularly friendly ”

(Adi-k., xii. 18-24). Madhyani^a is ignored with the exception of

97

3897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India .

Ka^i ; and the connexions of Kosala and Ayodhya were closest with

Kaci, Mithila and Aqga, and after them with, the distant kingdoms of

the Punjab and Western India.

The Aitareya Brahmana says that Aijga was inaugurated with the

Mahabhiseka ceremony by Udamaya son of Atri, and in consequence

conquered the whole earth ; and that Aqga gave him a thousand ele¬

phants in the country Avacatnuka (viii. 4, 22). This passage probably

refers to Aqga Vrhad-ratha, one of the sixteen famous kings (fanti-p.,

xxix. 924-31) who seems to be the same as Dharma-ratha, the great

grandson of Aijga, from the special allusion to Mt. Visnu-pada (Hari-

V., xxxi. 1693-5) ; but I have not met the name Avacatnuka elsewhere,

nor is it in the dictionary.

Vanga.

Vaqga or Baijga is often mentioned and its people were called

Vaijgas and Vaqgeyas ; but the allusions seldom yield any clear inform¬

ation. As shewn in the description of Bhima’s conquests in the

Eastern region quoted above, it lay beyond Aijga, to the south-east, and

was the original of the modern Bengal.

The only definite information occurs in a passage in the Raghu-

Varii^a which of course belongs to a comparatively late date (iv. 36

and 37). The Vaqgas are described there as essentially a boating

people, using boats for all purposes of life (nau sddhana), and as grow¬

ing rice for their staple crop, which they uprooted when seedlings and

transplanted into their fields, as they do to this day. Raghu planted

his columns of victory in the islands of the Ganges delta, ganga-sroto*

ntaresu. It is difficult to say at what rate land has been forming in the

delta, yet it is clear from this description that, apart from its extent

sea- ward, the delta must have different greatly from its present condi¬

tion 1200 or 1500 years ago. The rivers which traverse it now are

partially silted up, but at that time they must have been wide and free-

flowing streams, dividing the lands into numerous distinct islands ; in

fact, the condition .of the whole delta then must have been very much

like what the extreme south-eastern portion is now.

Vaqga must have comprised the modern districts of Murshidabad,

Nadia, Jessor, and parts of Rajshahi, Pabna and Faridpur.

Vaqga occupied a much lower position than Aqga or Kaliqga ; I

have found no mention of any marriages between its princes or princesses

and the royal families of North India. Its kings are spoken of in general

terms and names are seldom mentioned. A prince Candra-sena, son of

Samudra-sena, attended Draupadi’s svayam-vara (Adi-p., clxxxvi.

6991), and it appears probable on comparing this passage with the de¬

scription of Bhiaia’s conquests quoted above, that these two persons

98

F. E. Pargiter—*- Ancient Countries in Eastern Lidia . [No. 2,

were princes of Yapga. It seems likely that this Samudra-sena is the

kino- of the same name who was famed as far as the confines of the sea

O

(id., lxvii. 2690). No capital appears to he even alluded to.

Kalinga.

Kaligga is generally ranked third in this five-fold group of countries,

but resembled Aijga in being a settled kingdom with a capital, and in

having a longer history than the rest.

The fullest and clearest information is given in a passage of the

Raghu-Yari^a (iv. 38-43) describing Raghu’s conquests. After con¬

quering the Yaqgas, Raghu crossed the Kapi^a (or Karabha, according

to another reading) by bridging it with his elephants, and took the road

pointed out by the Utkala kings towards Kaliqga. He planted his own

splendour on the summit of Mount Mahendra as a mah.au t strikes his

iron hook into the head of an unruly elephant. The Kalipga king with

an array of elephants attacked him, but Raghu withstanding the storm

of arrows defeated his foes there (at Mt. Mahendra). His soldiers made

open spaces for revelry and quaffed fermented cocoa-nut juice out of

betel-leaves. Observing the rules of fair warfare, he took from the lord

of Mahendra his glory but not his territory.

Lassen has identified the R. Kapi^a with the modern Subarna-rekha,

on the confines of the Midnapur and Balasore districts (Ind. Alt., Map),

but I venture to suggest that the Kapi^a is the modern Cossye or

Kansai, which flows a little further north through Midnapur. The

name Kansai is said to be modified from Kamsavatl, but I do not know

on what authority, nor have I met with this name anywhere, nor is it

in the dictionary. Kansai or Kamsai may easily be a corruption of

Kop^a-vati ; names of this form are not uncommon, e.g., Amara-vati,

Utpala-vatl.

This passage shows that Kalixjga lay southward of Yaijga beyond the

R. Kapi^a, and stretched southward so as to include Mount Mahendra.

The Mahendra Mountains were one of the seven chief ranges of India,

and are the northern portion of the Eastern Ghats above the R. Godavari,

and the hills near Ganjam are still called Mahindra. It is not stated

that the Kap^a was the northern limit of Kaliqga ; rather the above

passage suggests that Utkala jutted in between this river and Kalipga,

and that Raghu secured the help and guidance of the Utkala kings in

order to reach Kaliqga. The northern limit of Kaliijga was approxi¬

mately the river Yaitarani, the modern Bytarni; for the Mab a- B h arata,

describing the Pandavas’ pilgrimage to all the tlrthas, says — After

bathing at the junction of the Ganges and the sea, they travelled along

the sea-coast towards the Kaliijgas, and reached that people and the

R. Yaitarani about the same time ; its northern bank is spoken of as

99

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

greatly frequented by f$is (Vana-p., cxiv. 10096-10107). On its bank

was Viraja-tlrtha, the later Biraja-ksetra, the modern Jajpur (id.,

lxxxv. 8148).

Kaligga therefore comprised modern Orissa about as far north as

the modern town Bhadrak in the Balasore district, and the sea-coast

southward as far as Vizagapatam ; it does not appear to have reached

as far as the Godavari, because this river is never connected with

Kaligga in any passage as far as I am aware. Its limits inland are not

clear. Kaligga as a settled country appears to have consisted properly

of the plain between the Eastern Ghats and the sea, yet its monarchs

seem to have exercised a kind of suzerainty over the aboriginal tribes

which inhabited the hilly tracts far inland, for the Amara-kantaka hills,

in which the Narmada rises, are said to be in the western part of*

Kaligga (Kurina Pur., II. xxxix. 9). Lassen places Kaligga along the

inner side of the Eastern Ghats from the Vizagapatam district south-

westward as far as the Karnul district.

The capital is called Raja-pura, which however simply means

“ capital” (^!anti-p., iv). In the Raghu-Vamga it is placed on the sea-

coast, and the palace is described as being so near the sea, that the windows

looked out on the sea, and the deep roar of the waves drowned the bray

of trumpets (vi. 56). This description can only apply to Kalingapatam,

and that town was no doubt the capital in Kalidasa’s time. Kalinga¬

patam and Chicacole (said to be corrupted from Qri-kakola) are reputed

to be the two ancient capitals, and the latter is said to be the more

ancient (Arch. Surv. of S. India, by R. Sewell, I. 2 and 7), but I have

not met the name (^ri-kakola anywhere, nor is it in the dictionary.

The people were called Kaligga, Kaligga and Kaliggaka ; and

“ all the Kaliggas ” are spoken of as if they were a numerous people

(Bhisma-p., xvii. 668; and lxxi. 3132). Their kingdom dates back to

very early times. Three famous kings are named, Ksema, Agra-tirtha

and Kuhara (Adi-p., lxvii. 2701), and their princesses married two of

the early kings of the Lunar dynasty (id., xcv. 3775 and 3780).

Duryodhana moreover attended a svayam-vara held by a Kaligga

princess, and carried her off with Karna’s help (Canti-p., iv). Krsna is

said to have crashed the Kaliggas in a pitched battle at a place called

Dantakura (Udyoga-p., xlvii. 1883) ; it is not clear wdiere that place

was, bat it may be noticed that Rama Jamadagnya slew the ksattriyas

and the haters of the brahmans and Dantakrura (Drona-p., lxx.

2430-31).

PUNDRA AND PAUNDRA.

• « • •

The Pundras dwelt in the Eastern region as stated in the descrip¬

tion of Bhima’s Eastern conquests quoted above, though they are also

100

F. E. Par gi ter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2y

assigned sometimes to the Southern region ( e.g ., Markanel. Pnr., lvii.45)/

The name occurs in various other forms, Pundraka (Sabha-p , iv. 119),

Paundra (Adi-p., clxxxvii. 7020), Paundraka (id., clxxxvi. 6992 ; and

Sahha-p., xxxiii. 1270) and Paundrika (Sahha-p., li. 1872). Tliese names

are used sometimes as if equivalent, thus, “ Famous in the world is the

mighty king among the Vaijgas, Pundras and It i rata s, named the

Paundraka Vasudeva ” (id., xiii. 584), and yet a distinction is made

between Paundras and Pundras, for they are mentioned separately in the

list of peoples in India (Bliisma-p., ix. 358 and 365), and Pundras,-

Pundrakas and Paundrikas are all mentioned in one passage ( Sabha-p. »

li. 1872-4).

This distinction appears also in the list of kings who attended the

opening of the Pandavas’ Court. Among them are mentioned “ Apga

and Vapga with Pundraka, the two kings of Panda and Udra (Pandodra*

rajau) with Andhraka” (id., iv. 119). The reading Panda here seems

to be a mistake for Paundra, because there is no passage, that 1 know

of, which alludes to any country or people called Panda in Eastern

India, and because the reading Paundra occurs in the same combination

in the list of kings who attended Yudhisthira’s raja-suya sacrifice, viz.,

sa-paundrodran, “with Paundras and Udras ” (Vana-p., li. 1988). It

seems clear then that there was a distinction between Pundras and

Pundrakas on the one hand, and Paundras, Paundrakas and Paundrikas

on the other ; and yet the two people appear to have been but two

branches of the same nation, for the Paundraka Vasudeva was king of

the Pundras as stated in the quotation from Sabha-p., xiii. 584 above.

This inference is corroborated in the further passages which are now

cited to elucidate their position.

Lassen places Pundra in the northern half of the modern Chntia'

Nagpur, and does not show Paundra as separate. The passages that I

have found which give indications of the position of Pundra and

Paundra are these. I will consider Paundra first.

In the two passages last quoted the Paundras are linked with the

Udras, and the second runs thus — “With Baijgas and Aijgas ( sa-bay -

gaygan), with Paundras and Udras (sa-paundrodran) , with Colas, Dravi-

das and Andhrakas (sa-cdla-drcividandhrakan) These three groups

denote real territorial proximity. The Colas, Dravidas and Andhrakas

occupied the whole of the east coast of the Dekhan ; the Aijgas and

Vaqgas were near each other; hence it seems certain, the Paundras and

Udras were neighbours also. The Paundras and Audras are placed

together in the Bhisma-p. list (ix. 365). Udra, as will be seen further

on, was in the extreme west of West Bengal. Again the Paundras are

grouped along with the Utkalas, Mekalas, Kaliggas and Andliras

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. 101

(Drona-p., iv. 122). The Utkalas were in Chutia Nagpur and the Orissa

Tributary States. The Mekalas were the inhabitants of the Mekala

hills, the modern Mekal hills, which bound Chattisgarh on the west and

north. Kaligga has been already defined. Andhra, which is an old

name of the Telingas and Telugus, comprised the eastern portion of the

Nizam’s Dominions and the southern portion of the Central Provinces.

The Paundras therefore were connected with the races situated west and

south-west of Bengal proper.

The grouping of the Pundras was markedly different. In the first

passage cited (Sabha-p., xiii. 584), they are linked with Vaggas and

Kiratas. Kirata was the general name of all the tribes of Mongolian

affinity which inhabited the hilly regions from the Panjab to Assam and

Chittagong, as will be shewn further on. The Pundras are grouped

with the Aggas and Vaggas in Sabha-p., iv. 119 cited above. There are

other passages which yield no definite information, such as Adi-p., cxiii.

4453; Sabha-p., li. 1872-4, and A9vamedh.-p., lxxxii. 2435-65; but the

inference appears to be that the Pundras occupied some intermediate

position between the Aggas and Vaijgas and the Himalayas.

From these conclusions we may proceed to consider the description

of Bhima’s Eastern expedition (Sabha-p., xxix. 1094-1100) which has

been quoted above in relation to Agga. As already remarked, it appears

unusually clear and natural. Beyond the Monghyr and Bhagalpur

districts reigned two kings who are spoken of together in the dual

number as if closely connected. One is called Vasudeva the mighty

king of Pundra, but Vasudeva is generally spoken of as the king of

Paundra, see for instance, besides the passages cited already, Sabha-p.,

xxxiii. 1270, and Hari-V., cxvii. 6580-84, and 6606-8. The other kino-

is not named, but Kau^iki-kaccha where he reigned means the land

bordering on the R. Kau^iki, that is on the east side, because Agga lay

on the west side ; and stretching east of that river is a high tract of

stiff red clay known as the Barind. This agrees with the position which

has been already indicated for Pundra. Hence it seems unmistakable

that the joint kings of Pundra and Paundra are meant. Vasudeva was

properly king of Paundra, but being the chief is spoken of as lord both

of Pundra and Paundra, and the other would have been king of Pundra

proper. Beyond these kings lay Vagga, says the passage.

From all these results it follow's that Paundra must have lain on

the south side of the Ganges, and Pundra on the north side, between

Agga and Vagga. Paundra must have comprised the modern districts

of the Santal Parganas and Birbhum and the north portion of the

Hazaribagh district; and Pundra the district of Maldah, the portion of

Purnia east of the R. Kosi, and part of Dinajpur and Rajshahi.

J. i. 14

102

F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in 'Eastern India. [No. 2,

From their name, the Paundras were presumably an offshoot of the

Pundras ; hence it would seem probable that, after the Pundras estab¬

lished themselves in the above-mentioned region north of the Ganges,

a branch of them must have crossed that river, pushed their way into

the hilly tract of the Santal Parganas and its outskirts, and formed a

sister kingdom under the name of Paundras.

SUHMA AND TaMALIPTA.

The last of the five kindred nations was Suhma. It is mentioned

last, but was well-known and was grouped oftenest with Pundra.

The evidence to fix its position is clear.

In the account of Bhima’s Eastern conquests (Sabha-p., xxix) which

has been often cited above, the Suhmas and Pra-suhmas are mentioned

between Videlia and Magadha (1089-91), and again Tamra-lipta,

Karvata., Suhma and the sea-coast are named in close succession after

Vaijga (1097-99). In the account of Raghu’s conquests it is said —

“ marching east and subduing various countries, Raghu reached the

neighbourhood of the sea which was dark with forests of tallier palms

( tali-vana), and the Suhmas submitted to him ” (Raghu- V., iv. 34-35 ).

Lastly it is stated plainly in the Da^a-kumara-carita that Damalipta is

a city among the Suhmas (Story of Mitra-gupta).

Damalipta is the same as Tamalipta. The Tamaliptas were a

well-known people and are often mentioned. This name is written in

various ways, viz., Tamra-lipta, Tamra-liptaka, Tamolipti, Tamalika,

and Tamalini. Prof. Sir M. Monier- Williams treats Tama-lipta (q. v.)

as the proper form of the name, and the others as variations, which

seemingly sought to read meanings into it. Tamra-lipta is, I believe,

the form most commonly met with in Sanskrit writings. Their capital

was called Tamra-lipta, Tamra-lipti, or Tamra-liptika, and this name

has been corrupted into the modern Tamluk, which is a well-known

town near the mouth of the R. Rupnarayan in Midnapur.

From these data it appears that Suhma must have comprised the

modern districts of Hooghly, Howrah, Bankura and Bardhwan, and the

eastern portion of Midnapur. The first of the above allusions to the

Suhmas and Pra-suhmas seems to be an error, for there do not appear

to be any other references to such people close to Videha and Magadha.

Perhaps the reading should be £onas and Pra-c5nas, which would mean

people living near the river £ona, the modern Sone; and this suggestion

may be compared with the name Canavatyas which occurs along with

Aqgas, Vai3gas, Pundras and Gayas (Sabha-p., li. 1872), and which

seems to be a mistake for fonavatyas, as it is not in the dictionary and

I have not met with it elsewhere.

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. 103

According to tlie passage cited from the Da9a-kumara-carita, Tama'

lipta or Tamra-lipta was part of the Suhma territory, but Tamra-lipta

is frequently alluded to as if it were a country by itself, e.g., Adi-p.,

clxxxvi. 6993 ; Sabha-p.,li. 1874; Bliisma-p., ix. 364; Drona-p., lxx. 2436

and Karna-p., xxii. 863. It would have comprised the modern district

of Howrah and the eastern part of Midnapur. In fact Tamra-lipta

appears to occur oftener than Suhma, and this is perhaps because the

town Tamra-lipta was a famous sea-port, especially during the centuries

of Buddhist activity.

Another name, which was equivalent to or was included within

Tamalipta, is Vela-kula, “the stream-bank,” or better perhaps, “the

sea-shore.” It is said to be the same as the modern town Birkul, which

is on the coast in the extreme south of the Midnapur district.

Udra or Odra.

• •

The Udras have been mentioned above in conjunction with the

Paundras ; otherwise they are, I believe, rarely alluded to in Sanskrit

writings. They are also called Odras (Sabha-p., 1. 1843), and Audrns

(Bhisma-p., ix. 365), and they are also presumably the Udliras of

Bliisma-p., 1. 2084, and the Audras of A 9vamedh.-p., Ixxxiii. 2476-7. They

have given their name to modem Orissa, i.e., Odra-de9a, and Lassen

places them in his map more or less conterminous with Orissa, but this

cannot have been their position, because it lias been shewn that Kaliqga

comprised all Orissa except the narrow northern part of the Balasore

district, and because the Udras play a very insignificant part in the

early accounts of Eastern India, quite incompatible with the supposition

that they inhabited the fine extensive plain of Orissa ; and also because

Orissa has not always meant what it denotes now.

The IJriya or Odiya language is spoken throughout Orissa and the

Ganjam district, in the northern part of the Vizagapatam district and

along the south-eastern limits of Chattisgarh (Maltby’s Uriya Grammar,

Preface) — a peculiarly curved area. A territory of such size and such

a shape could hardly have been the ancient home of any tribe, much

less of so small a tribe as the Udras appear to have been. The allusions

to Kaliijga leave no doubt about its position, and it will be seen that

the Utkalas, who were more important in old times than the Udras,

probably occupied the northern part of the Balasore district ; hence it

seems impossible the Udras can have inhabited any part of Orissa. In

the last century Orissa included the tract of country between the rivers

Riipnarayan and Subarna-reklia, which flow through the Midnapur

district (see Bengal Administration Report, 1872-73, p. 40) ; that tract

is now part of thy Midnapur district and is considered part of Bengal

proper.

104 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

These considerations give, I think, an indication where tlie Udra

territory was in ancient times. The eastern part of Midnapur be¬

longed to Tamalipta and Suhma, hence there remains only the western

part of that district which no other nation appears to have occupied ;

and if to this be added the modern district of Manbhum, the eastern

part of Singlibhum, and perhaps the southern portion of Bankura, a

well-defined tract is obtained, which no other tribe appears to have

owned and which bordered on Paundra. I would suggest that this must

have been Udra in ancient times.

If this be a reasonable inference, it discloses how an insignificant

early tribe developed and spread during the confusion which prevailed

in the dark times of medieval Indian history. I would suggest that the

Udras must have pushed southward, over-run the whole of Orissa and

Ganjam, and driven the Kaliggas downward into the Yizagapatam

district, till their further course was checked by the Dravidian powers

on the south ; then they must have turned westward and forced their

way round into the southern portion of Chattisgarh.

Prag-jyotisa.

Prag-jy5tisa was a famous kingdom in ancient times and is often

mentioned in the Maha-Bharata. The references to it are however

rather perplexing, for in some passages it is styled a Mlecclia kingdom,

in others a Danava or Asura kingdom, and in others again the allusions

seem mixed. These passages may be taken in order.

Prag-jyotisa is placed in the North region (Vana-p., ccliii. 15240-42),

but was also considered to be in the Eastern region (Markand. Pur.,

lvii. 44). In the account of Arjuna’s conquests it is placed in North

India and his course is described thus. After conquering all the kings

who dwelt in £akala-dvipa and in the seven dvipas, Arjuna advanced

to Prag-jy5tisa. Bhaga-datta was the great king there, and Arjuna

had a great comflict with him. The Prag-jyotisa king was surrounded

with Kiratas and Cinas and many other soldiers who dwelt in the

marshy regions near the sea, and after a battle lasting eight days

submitted amicably to Arjuna. From there Arjuna marched to the

North region governed by Kuvera and conquered Antar-giri and Vahir-

giri and Upa-giri (Sabha-p., xxv. 999-1012). Similarly in the descrip¬

tion of Karna’s conquests it is said he conquered Bhaga-datta and

ascended Himavat (Vana-p., ccliii. 15241).

The three names Upa-giri, Antar-giri and Vahir-giri in this place

can only denote different tracts in the Himalayas, viz., the southern

slopes, the middle valleys and the further region on the north respec¬

tively. Bhaga-datta is called ^ailalaya, “ dwelling among the moun¬

tains ” (Stri'p., xxiii. 644). It is stated in the foregoing passage and

105

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

again in Udyoga-p., xviii. 584-5, that his army was composed of Kiratas

and Cinas. The Kiratas, as will be explained, were the Himalayan

tribes of .Mongolian affinity, and the Cinas were the Chinese ; as they

formed his army, they were his close neighbours. Hence it is clear

that Prag-jyotisa lay in the north-east of India and touched the Hima¬

layas.

But as stated in the above passage from Sabha-p., Bhaga-datta

drew part of his troops also from the people who dwelt in the marshy

regions near the sea, sagaranupa (see also Karna-p., v. 104-5) ; and

when he attended Yudhisthira’s raja-suya sacrifice, he was accompanied

by all the Mlecchas who lived in the marshy regions near the sea

(Sablia-p., xxxiii. 1268-9). This word can only mean the low alluvial

tracts and islands east of Vai]ga, around the mouth of the R. Brahma¬

putra. That tract was peopled by Mlecchas as mentioned in the de¬

scription of Bhima’s Eastern conquests quoted above. It is also stated

definitely that Bhaga-datta dwelt at the Eastern Ocean (Udyoga-p.,

iii. 74). The Bralima-putra till last century flowed round the south

side of the Garo hills, and then southward through the districts of

Maimansingh and Dacca (Major Rennell’s Atlas, 1781). Presumably

therefore Prag-jyotisa stretched southward along both sides of that

river as far as the delta, or even perhaps as far as the sea itself.

Lassen places Prag-jyotisa north of the R. Ldhita or Brahma-putra

in Bhutan, but this position does not satisfy the conditions already

mentioned. It is implied in the Raghu-Vam9a that Prag-jyotisa lay

east of that river, for, when Ragliu returning from Himavat crossed

the river, the Prag-jyotisa king trembled (iv. 81); but I venture to

think that Kalidasa cannot have been entirely right in this allusion to

distant geography, because if he is right the whole of North Bengal

must be assigned to Pundra, there being no other people of note men¬

tioned who could have occupied all that territory. Pundra, however,

hardly plays as important a part in the ancient stories as the possession

of so rich and extensive a kingdom would have warranted, and Prag-

jyotisa on the other hand would be relegated to hilly tracts of small

fertility east of the old course of the Brahma-putra, whereas the

allusions indicate that Bhaga-datta was a wealthy and powerful

monarch. But see page 112.

Bhaga-datta is called a “ warrior-king ” and “ the mighty king of

the Mlecchas ” (Sabha-p., 1. 1834), and is seldom mentioned wdthout

some complimentary epithet. He alone of the northern kings is allowed

to have maintained a long and equal contest with Arjuna (Udyoga-p.,

clxvi. 5805-6). He is dignified with the title “ £iva’s friend,” and

esteemed “ not inferior to pakra in battle ” ( Sabha-p., „xxv. 1005 and see

106 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

Karna-p., v. 104). He is also called specially “ the friend of Panda ”

{ibid., 1008), and is referred to in terms of respect and kindliness by

Krsna when addressing Yudhisthira — “ Bhaga-datta is thy father’s aged

friend ; he was noted for his deference to thy father in word and deed,

and he is mentally bound by affection and devoted to thee like a father ”

(id., xiii. 579-80). His Cina and Kirata troops glittered as with gold —

iasya cinaih kirataig ca kahcanair iva sanivrtani babliau balam — unless

the allusion be to their yellow complexions (Udy5ga-p., xviii. 584-5).

For these reasons it seems that Prag-jyotisa must have comprised

the country along both sides of the Bralima-putra from the Himalayas

down to Tippera, that is the modern districts of Jalpaigori, Cooch

Beliar, Goalpara, Rangpur, Bogra, Maimansingh, Dacca, Tippera, and

part of Pabna and also probably part of the east of Nepal. Strictly

speaking, the southern portion of Prag-jyotisa as thus defined would

have fallen within the Eastern region and would have included Lauhitya

mentioned in the description of Bliima’s conquests there quoted above,

that is, the country beside the R. Lohita or Brahma-putra ; but if

Lauhitya was only a portion of the Prag-jyotisa realm, and the strength

of that realm lay, as it appears it did, in the north, it was natural to

treat Prag-jyotisa as situated in the Northern region.

The region assigned to Prag-jyotisa bordered on forests and hills

where elephants still abound, and where a hardy race of ponies still

exists; and the allusions to it notice this. Thus Bhaga-datta is de¬

scribed as “ the best wielder of the elephant-liook ” among the kings

assembled on the Pauravas’ side in the Great War, and as “ skilful with

the chariot ” (Udyoga-p., clxvi. 5804) ; and it would seem from this

that in ancient days kings did not consider it unbecoming to excel in

the manege of elephants. He gave as presents to Yudhisthira “ horses of

noble breed, swift as the wind, an iron vessel, and swords with fine

ivory hilts” (Sabha-p., 1. 1885-6). The description of the horses is, of

course, exaggerated according to our ideas, for the best horses in ancient

India could not well have exceeded what we should call galloways, and

the majority of them could not have been more than ponies.

No name is given to the capital in this class of passages but it is

called Prag-jyotisa in the other classes. The people were Mlecchas as

indicated in some of the foregoing quotations ; and this word, no

doubt means here people of Mongolian affinity.

The second and third classes of passages occur, I believe, only in

connexion with Krsna and relate to an attack which he is said to have

made on Prag-jyotisa. In the second class may be quoted first a part of

Krsna’s denunciation of (J^u-pala — “ Ci9u-pala, knowing that we had

gone to the Prag-jyotisa city, set fire to Dvaraka” ( Sabha-p. ? xlvii.

J 07

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in 'Eastern India.

1567). This almost belongs to the first class, but the idea is developed

in a speech by Arjuna in praise of Krsna — “ Thou didst destroy Mura’s

fetters ( maurava para ) and slay Nisunda and Naraka; thou didst

render the path to the Prag-jyotisa city safe again ” (Yana-p., xii. 488).

Here we see the country Prag-jyotisa described in the first class of

passages disappears and becomes a city, Krsna becomes a hero and con¬

queror, and the suggestion comes in that the people were demons.

This suggestion is fully developed in the third class of passages,

and the laudation of Krsna grows fulsome and hyperbolical as address¬

ed to a divine personage. Thus Arjuna praising him says — There was

a very strong fortress-city called Prag-jy5tisa belonging to the Asuras ;

and Bhauma Naraka carried off Aditi’s two jewelled ear-rings there;

the gods could not cope with him, and therefore invoked Krsna’s help

to slay the Dasyus ; Krsna severed six thousand fetters (para), slew

Bhauma Naraka and Mura, and recovered the ear-rings (Udy5ga-p.,

xlvii. 1887-92). Yisnu prophesying about his incarnations says — -

While dwelling at Dvaraka as Krsna, I shall slay Naraka Bhauma,

who did wrong to Aditi, and also Maru and Pitha the Danava, and

destroy the charming Prag-jyotisa city filled with all kinds of wealth

(fanti-p., cccxli. 12954-6). Yidura says — Naraka and the Danavas

tried to seize Krsna, when he went to Prag-jyotisa, and failed (Udyoga-p.,

cxxix. 4408-9J.

This class of allusions occurs especially in the Hari-Yamca. It

is said there — Krsna went to the Prag-jyotisa city and killed the

Danava Naraka in the sea, samudra-madhye (clxxiv. 9790). Narada

speaking of Krsna’s exploits says — The two Danavas Maya and Tara

delighted in Bhauma Naraka’s city Prag-jyotisa (lv. 3116-7). It is

said Naraka Bhauma, king of the Danavas, seized Tvastr’s daughter

Ka^eru ; he was king of Prag-jyotisa ; he made a fine city Mani-

parvata for the Gandharva maidens and Apsarases, whom he carried off,

upon the Alaka towards his own country of Muru — Alakdydm muroh

sva-visayam prati ( cxxi. 6791-6801). The Alaka seems to be the river

Alaka-nanda, one of the eastern sources of the Ganges, but Muru

seems to be generally the name of a Danava prince. The climax of

marvel is perhaps reached in the continuation of that story in Hari-Y.,

cxxi to cxxiii, where Kisna’s exploits are described at great length —

how at Indra’s request he rode on Garuda from Dvaraka to the Prag-

jyotisa city, how he fought in a superhuman battle with Naraka’s four

wardens (dvdra-pdla), with the hosts of Daityas, Danavas and Kaksasas

and finally with Naraka, and slew them all, how he captured the city

with its fabulous riches, and how the Earth gave up Aditi’s ear-rings

which Naraka had carried off. It was through this great victory that

Krsna gained his wonderful bow farqga (Udyoga-p., clvib 5353-8).

108 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in 'Eastern India. [No. 2,

To the same class of passages belongs the allusion in a doubtful

verse of the Ramayana, where Prag-jyotisa is mistakenly placed in the

Western region — “A city made of gold called Prag-jyotisa is there ; in it

dwells the evil-souled Danava called Naraka ” (Gorresio’s Edition,

Annotations to Kisk-k., xliii).

The difference which has taken place in the aspect of Prag-jyotisa

from the first to the last of these passages is most striking. We have

no longer a prosperous Mleccha kingdom of barbaric splendour, but a

nation of Asuras and Danavas ; no longer the noble and imposing figure

of the warrior-king Bhaga-datta, the ally and friend of the Kurus, and

the friend of (Jiva, but malignant demon-kings Naraka and Muru, who

were the foes of the gods and with whom the divine hero Krsna could

have nothing but internecine war. There can be, no doubt, that this

change marks very clearly the development of the Krsna legend, from

his rise as a new chieftain of great vigour and capacity to his deifica¬

tion as an incarnation of Visnu.

There is only one other passage of importance that I am aware of,

viz., Ramay., Adi-k., xxxv. 1-9, which has been quoted above in con¬

nexion with Magadha. It says Prag-jyotisa was founded by Amurta-

rajas, a son of a great king Ku^a, who was apparently an Arya king in

Madhya-de9a. It does not agree with any allusion that I have found,

and can hardly be reconciled with any of the passages already

discussed.

A few words may be added about Kama-rupa, which is the modern

district of Kamrup or Gauliati in Assam. The Kama-rupas were not

an ancient nation, for their name does not occur, as far as I am aware,

in the Maha-Bharata or Ramayana or any early Sanskrit work ; in fact

they are rarely mentioned. They seem therefore to have sprung up

only in medieval times, and to have developed as Prag-jyotisa had

dwindled into a small state. Thus they are mentioned in the Raghu-

Vari^a (iv. 83-84), where it is said Raghu conquered them after the

Prag-jyotisas, so that they were distinct from the latter. In ancient

times their territory was probably included within Prag-jyotisa.

The Kiratas.

The word Kirata is, no doubt, the same as the modern names Kirati

and Kiranti, which mean “ a native of the Kirant-des or mountainous

country lying between the Dud-Kosi and the Karki rivers in Nepal.

The term includes the Khambu, Limbu and Yakha tribes; and the

Danuar, Hayu and Thami also claim to be Kiranti ; ” but their claim

is disputed by the first three tribes which are superior (Risley’s Castes

and Tribes of Bengal, I. 490). But formerly they had a much larger

109

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

range, or their name was used in a comprehensive way, for ifc was

applied to tribes inhabiting the Himalaya range and its southern slopes

from the Panjab to Assam and Chittagong.

Arjuna in the course of his conquests in the Northern region en¬

countered Kiratas in the army of Bhaga-datta king of Prag-jyotisa

( Sabha-p., xxv. 1002 ; and see other passages cited below). Bhima,

after vanquishing Videha in his Eastern expedition, proceeded from

there against the Kiratas (id., xxix. 1089) ; and they were even further

to the east (id., xiii. 584). They are spoken of as dwelling in the

marshy regions near the sea ( sagaranupa-vasin ) under Bhaga-datta’s

rule (Karna-p., v. 104-5), that is, as explained in discussing Prag-jyo¬

tisa, in the low lands around the mouth of the Brahma-putra, so that

they occupied all the eastern bounds of Bengal. Moreover Nakula in

his Western expedition is said in general terms to have encountered

Kiratas along with Palilavas (Persians), Barbaras, Yavanas (Greeks), and

Qakas (Scythians), (Sabha-p., xxxi. 1199) ; and they are classed with

those and other north-western nations (fanti-p., lxv. 2429, and ccvii.

7560 ; and Vana-p., li. 1990).

The Kiratas formed a series of allied yet distinct tribes or clans,

for the Kiratas are mentioned twice in the Bhisma-P. list (ix. 858 and

364), and again “all the Kiratas ” are mentioned (ibid., 376) ; and it is

almost impossible that tribes so wide-spread could have been homogene¬

ous. They were also intermixed with similar hill tribes called Tan-

ganas and Pulindas, and all appear to have lived together amicably

(Vana-p., cxl. 10863-6). They dwelt in the fastnesses of Himavat

(Drona-p., iv. 121 ; and Raghu-Vam^a, iv. 76), and their chief territory

was among the ranges of Kailasa, Mandara and Haima, that is, the

region around lake Manasa, the modern Manasaro war lakes (Anu9as.-p.,

xix. 1434 ; Vana-p., cxxxix. and cxl). It was there that the great king

Su-bahu resided, who is called king of the Pulindas (ibid.) and also

king of the Kiratas (Vana-p., clxxvii. 12349).

In that region they formed a settled kingdom and had a city ( ibid.

12350). Eastwards they were also organized into chieftainships, for

Bhima conquered seven kings of the Kiratas on the confines of Videha

(Sabha-p., xxix. 1089). But the various tribes differed much in material

condition, for some were civilized and open to friendly intercourse

(Vana-p., cxl. 10865-6 ; and Udyoga-p., lxiii. 2470), and others were

clad in skins, lived on fruit and roots and were cruel (Sabha-p., li.

1865). Their women were used as slaves, for large numbers of Kirata

slave-girls are said to have been presented to Yudhisthira (ibid. 1867).

The Ramayana describes the Kiratas as wearing thick top-knots

(Kisk.-k., xl. 30). They were looked upon with comprehensive disap-

J. i. 15

110 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

proval, for they are called wicked and are said to have followed evil

customs (fanti-p., ccvii. 7560-61). Manu declares they were ksattriyas

and became degraded because of the extinction of sacred rites and the

absence of brahmaus (x. 43 and 44) ; but this appears to be the opinion

of a rather late age, for there does not seem to be any indication that

the Kiratas ever set much store by those privileges.

Considering their position and their affinities, it seems clear the

Kiratas were tribes of the Mongolian family.

Utkala.

The Utkalas were well-known, though not mentioned often in

the Maha-Bharata. They are linked with the Mekalas (Bhisma-p.,

ix. 348 ; Drona-p., iv. 122 ; and Ramay., Kisk.-k., xli. 14), and with the

Mekalas and Kaliqgas (Karna-p., xxii. 882). The position of Kalirjga

has been explained. The Mekalas inhabited the Mekal hills in the

west and north of Chattisgarh. The Utkalas must therefore have

occupied an intermediate position. From the passage quoted from the

Raghu-Vam^a with reference to Kaliqga, it appears the Utkala terri¬

tory stretched nearly as far as the R. Kap^a or Cossye in Midnapur ;

that passage does not mean it reached that river, for it was only after

he crossed that river that Raghu had occasion to accept the guidance

of the Utkala kings. From these data and the positions assigned to

Paundra and Odra, it may be inferred that Utkala comprised the hilly

tracts from Balasore to Lohardaga and Sarguja.

The Utkalas were a hill tribe of rude habits. They stood by

themselves and were not considered to have any close affinities with

the races around them, except probably the Mekalas, because their

origin was thrown back to the fabulous times of Ua (Hari-V., x.

631-2) ; hence they seem to have been an aboriginal race. According

to the Raghu-Vari^a which speaks of the Utkala kings ( loc . cit.), they

must have consisted of a number of clans, each governed by its own

chieftain.

Various derivations have been suggested of the name Utkala,

but it is worthy of note that Utkala and Mekala are linked together

as if the two words possessed some element in common. These two

tribes must apparently from their situation have been Kolarian tribes.

Can it be that the termination in both names is to be identified with

the word Kol ?

General Remarks.

In conclusion some conjectures may be put forward which the

foregoing results tend to suggest.

Ill

1897.] F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India.

The character of the four groups of nations may be summed up

thus. Magadha, Videha and Yai^ali seem to have been the outposts

of Aryan conquest and colonization. Aqga, Vapga, Kaligga, Pundra

and Suhma with Tamalipta and Odra were kindred nations, which

were not of Aryan stock and were not subjugated by the Aryas, but

passed under Aryan influences and became Aryanized. Prag-jyotisa

was a nation of Mongolian extraction. Utkala was a congeries of

Kolarian tribes occupying the hilly tracts where they are still

found.

I venture to suggest that we have here the results of the immigra¬

tion of four different races.

The Utkalas, being so-called aboriginal tribes, must of course have

come into this region first ; and their position among hills also suggests

the same inference. They must have been driven into the hills by later

invaders.

Next probably came the Aqgas and their kindred nations. It seems

most probable that they entered India from the Bay of Bengal, for

their condition does not agree with the theory, that they were in the

Ganges plain before and were driven eastward by the advancing Aryas.

What happened in North America illustrates what we should expect to

find, when one race invades and conquers others and takes possession of

their territory on a large scale. As the pale-faces multiplied and forced

their way westward, each tribe of Red Indians was broken and flung on

the tribes behind it, and the tribes became involved in seething confu¬

sion. But nothing of that kind is to be perceived in the accounts of

Aqga and its kindred nations. On the other hand their possession of

all the Ganges delta, their extension up the Ganges basin narrowing at

their furthest limit, their spread along the Orissa sea-board, their occu¬

pation of the plains and their slight penetration into the hills — all these

facts suggest that these nations came from the sea, settled on the sea-

coast and gradually carved out kingdoms inland. And if their names

are not really derived from the alleged eponymous brothers but per¬

petuate original appellations, no doubt the termination of the names

Aqga, Vapga and Kaliqga contains some common meaning.

Third came the invasion of the Prag-jy5tisas. This seems the

most probable order, because they did not push their way so far into

India as the Aqgas, &c., and because all the accounts make them out

to have been a powerful nation from the earliest times, which would

hardly have been their condition, if they had preceded the Apgas, &c ,

and been driven back towards the hills by them. They must have

descended from the Mongolian table-lands through the passes along the

north-east. They held a strong position in ancient times, but gra-

112 F. E. Pargiter — Ancient Countries in Eastern India. [No. 2,

dually disappeared so completely that no trace of their name, which

is a singular one, seems to be discoverable. If, however, Kalidasa is

right in the passage quoted in page 105, it indicates how Prag-jyotisa

was dwindling away in his time. Pressed by the Pundras on the west,

by the Vaqgas on the south, by the new Kama-rupason the north-east,

and probably by fresh Mongolian tribes on the north, the Prag-jyotisas

were forced to retreat to the east side of the Brahma- putra, into the

Garo and Khasi hills and into the district of Sylhet ; and it is probably

in that direction that the kingdom must have perished.

v Lastly came the invasion of the Aryas into Eastern India. Their

conquering vigour seems to have spent itself by the time they sub¬

dued Videha and Magadha, for they had already passed through many

generations in the plains of North India, and the enervating climate

and easy conditions of life had surely, if slowly, modified the constitu¬

tion which their ancestors had acquired in colder and hardier climes.

1897 ] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhafi Copper -plate Grant of Indrapala.

113

The Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala of Pragjyotisa in

Asdrn.1 — By Dr. A. F. Rcjdolf Hoernle.

(With Plates III-V.)

This grant was given to me by Mr. E. A. Gait, C.S., in September

1893. It is the property of a Mandat ( patwdrl ) named Dhairjyanatli,

and was found some thirty years ago by that man’s relation Tanuram

Deka (deceased), while breaking up for cultivation a piece of high land

in the village Bar Panara, Mauza Pati Darrang, District Kamrup.

The grant consists of three copper-plates, which are joined together

by a massive, pear-shaped ring. The ring passes through circular holes,

in the middle of the narrower side of the plates ; and attached to it is

the king’s seal.

Each plate measures 9| by 6 inches. They were originally about

| of an inch thick, but they (especially the third) are now worn quite thin

along their margins. The obverse of the first plate and reverse of the

last plate are blank. The inscription, accordingly, covers only four sides

of the plates. The first inscribed side bears 14 lines, the second and

third, 15 lines each, and the fourth side has only 9 lines. The letters

are as a rule j of an inch long. They are clearly cut, though not very

deep, and are very fairly legible, except just along the margins, where

the metal is very much worn.

The seal is heart-shaped, measuring 4| by 3 inches. Its area is

divided into two parts, by a ledge running across it, about \ of an inch

high. In the triangular space, above the ledge, is placed the figure of an

elephant, showing in very high relief every line and feature of its great

bulk en face. The figure measures from the back ground to the edge of

the frontal bone three-quarters of an inch. In the semi-circular com¬

partment, below the ledge, is the inscription of the king’s name, in

letters of a size slightly larger than in the grant. Round the edge of

the seal runs a raised rim, nearly one inch in height, very little

1 On the three Plates read Indrapala for Mahendrapfda.

114

Dr. Hoernle- — Gauhafi Copper -plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

higher than the figure of the elephant, which is protected thereby.

The whole looks just like a heart-shaped box, without a lid.

The language of the grant is Sanskrit. The formal part of the

grant, describing the locality and its perquisites and boundaries, is in

prose, viz., lines 3-11 on the reverse of the second plate, and lines

1-9 on the obverse of the third plate. The remainder, detailing the

genealogy of the donor and of the donee, is in verse.

The execution of the inscription is very slovenly and inaccurate.

Not unfrequently one or two aksaras are omitted e.g., 1,16s kiva for

kitava, 1,4 6 anta for ananta, 1,116 sajjair for sasujjair , 1,106 bhdri

for bhdrahari, and elsewhere. Sometimes single letters are omitted.

e.g., 1,106 laksmah for laksmyah, II, 3a. samvadha for sambaddlid, 11,5 a

savvd for sarvvd, and elsewhere. Once an aksara is repeated, viz., to,

in 1,146 and II, la; similarly there is a duplicate u in III, 8a and

III, 9a ; and there is a superfluous y in vannyatye in II, 3a, and a

superfluous r in dhumrair for dhumair in II, 5a. Many more such

inaccuracies of the scribe or the engraver are noted in the footnotes

to the transliteration. Curiosities are abhavata for abhavat in II, 9a,

kalatravdnam for kalatravan II, 9a and II, 10a, avan for abliavan or

rather for abJiiin, 11,16, paksasta for paksastha in 11,66, rakarana for

sakarana in 11,76 (see footnote 11 to the translation), vaksena for

vakrena in III, 3a, and the obscure, and probably blundered, daksi

pdttau in III, 8a (see footnote 18 to the translation). Other anomalies of

spelling may be due to provincial usage. Such are the occasional

confusion of sibilants,2 3 as in amusya for amusya in II, la, esa for esd

in 11,156, kasl for kdsl in III, 5a, atidisyate for atidigyate in II, 3a,

and elsewhere ; also the ligature of m with v, instead of anusvara

with v, or m with 6 ; e.g., amvu for am bu in II, 5a, prablirtinam-

vinivdrita for prabhrtindm vinivdrita in 11,116, and elsewhere ; and

the confusion of v and 6 as in Vrahma for Brahma in 1,66, II, la and

vabhuva for babhuva in II, 11a, and of n for n, as in taragginindih for

taraqginindm in II, 14a. Similarly due to provincial usage are occasional

prakriticisms or vernacularisms, as virjja for vlryya in 1,146, jagas

for yagas in II, la, Pragjyotisa for Pragjyotisa in 11,36 ; perhaps also

dydcarasya for arydcarasya in 11,136, and the omission of final t in

asi for dsit in 11,26, and of final visarga before an initial p and s, as

in khatvdrjga for khatvdrjgah in 1,16, Pati for Patih in II, 10a, and

elsewhere.

2 This means Plate I, line 1, reverse, a = obverse, 6 =*= reverse. And so on, in

all references.

3 The confusion of sibilants, as Mr. Gait informs me, has reached its climax

in modern Assamese, which uses s indiscriminately for s, s and g.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrap&la. 115

From the palseographic point of view the following particulars are

worth noting. The y (guttural nasal) is formed with a ringlet, which is

usually placed oil the line (as in kha\vayga 1,16, Gaygd 1,26, brahmdyga

1,66, bhujayga 1,66, payka 1,76, atitaraygini II, 14a, tuyge 11,16), but

twice it appears above the line, resembling the anusvara (viz., in payka

I, 56, and aykura 1,86). It is not attached to the body of the letter, as is

now the case in the modern Bengali «.

An r preceding a consonant is formed throughout above the line.

A final consonant is indicated either by the usual sign of the

virama , or a special modified form of the letter is used. Thus we have

the virama with final t in asit 1,56, and abhavat II, 2a, and with final n

in yasmin II, 12a. In these cases the virama- stroke is placed a little

to the left of the foot of the consonant, and detached from it, the letter

itself being of the usual size. More frequent, however, is the use of a

special form for final t , n and m ; viz., for t it is the sign fj, made of

somewhat smaller size than the surrounding letters ; for n it is the

sign Sb> and for m the sign ^ , both made of the same size as the sur¬

rounding letters. Thus t in asit 11,116; n in valiyan 1,136, janapadan

II, 76, prabhrtin 11,86, and sarvvdn 11,86; min mudraml,7b, sambha-

vam II, 9a, param II, 15a, bhavatdm 11,96 and iyam 11,96. It is worthy

of note, that all these special final letters also occur in the Badal

pillar inscription of the time of Narayana Pala, an excellent

facsimile of which has been published by Professor Kielhorn in the

Epigraphia Indica , Yol. II, p. 160. Thus the same final t occurs

there in Jeincit, line 24, the final n in grimdn, 1. 8 and 12, sampitdn and

nidhin, 1. 13, and final m in amalam 1. 28. The final m appears to have

been suspected by Professor Kielhorn, as he has enclosed it in brackets,

but it is quite correct. A slightly different final form of t is more fre¬

quent, and occurs in vidhivat, 1. 11, abliavat, 1. 17, avadat, 1. 21, vyavrnot,

1. 25, and asmat , 1. 28. The origin of the curious form of the final n is in

this wise : the virama was attached to the middle of the right hand

side of the perpendicular stroke of n, as clearly seen in the Badal plate

priman, 1. 8, 12 ; next the head-loop was added, as in our plate, to

enable the whole letter to be drawn by one stroke of the pen. The

latter, therefore, is a more cursive form.

The anuswara is formed by a dot or ringlet, which is either placed

above the line (as usually), or on the line. The latter is seen in san-

nilhidm 1,76, vijayindm 1,146, tam II, 13a, svarggam II, 15a, sam 11,96,

vampa III, 4a.

The sign of avagraha occurs four times; viz., in 'tipavito 11,116,

’gesha 11,146, ’ stame 11,156, also in III, la after kulam where it is out

116

Dr. Hoernle — Gauhafi Copper-plate Grant of Indrapctla. [No. 2,

of place, and where it may have been intended for the special sign of

the final m which it resembles.

The grant is not dated ; but an estimate of its age may be made

from its palaeographic characters. It presents a good example of the

North-Eastern Nagari, at a time shortly preceding the establishment

of the modern Bangali. For the determination of the evolution of the

latter, the y and r are specially serviceable as test letters. In Bangali

the forms of r and v are practically identical ; and, as above noticed?

the ringlet which forms part of y, is there attached to the body of the

letter. The transition period from North-Eastern Nagari to Bangali may

be fixed as about 1050-1200 A. D. Two inscriptions of this transitional

period are the Doopara Stone Inscription of the Bengal king Vijaya

Sena, about 1180-1190 A. D., and the copper-plate grant of Yaidya

Deva, king of Kamarupa, about 1142 A. D. Both inscriptions show

the characteristic form of r ( = m) ; and the Deopara inscription

is the first to show the nasal y with ringlet attached to the body of the

letter.4 * In our grant, the form of r is still the old one ; and the position

of the ringlet, as a mark of y, is still quite unsettled. Altogether

the appearance of the writing in it is much older; and it may,

therefore, with some probability, be referred to about the middle of the

11th century A. D. (say, 1050 A. D,). This conclusion is confirmed by

a comparison of the initial forms of the vowel i, In our grant it is

made by a circumflex surmounting two ringlets placed side by side

(thus oo ) ; while in the inscriptions of Yaidya Deva and Yijaya Sena

the circumflex is far more complicated.

In connexion with this, I may mention, that I have in my hands

a copper-plate grant of Ratnapala, lately sent to me by Mr. Gait.6

Ratnapala, as will be noticed presently, was the grandfather of the

Indrapala of the Gauhati grant. He appears to have had a rather long

reign ; he outlived his son Purandarapala, and was succeeded by his

grandson Indrapala. His plate may be placed about 50 years earlier.

In conformity herewith, the palaeographic characters of his grant are

decidedly older than those of the Indrapala grant. Thus the con¬

sonant hh which, on the later grant, has practically the same form as in

the modern Bangali, shows in the Ratnapala grant the older post-gupta

form. Further the nasal y is formed without any ringlet, according to

the older fashion.

The present grant professes to be one of Indrapala, king of Prag-

jyotisa. His father is said to have been Purandarapala, his grandfather

4 For further particulars, see Professor Biihler’s “ Indian Palaeography ” in the

Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Alterthumslcunde.

6 This will shortly he published by me in this Journal.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. 117

Ratnapala, and his great-grandfather Brahmapala. Purandarapala,,

however, appears to have died during the reign of Ratnapala, the latter

being succeeded directly by his grandson Indrapala. This is quite

clear from the recital in the actual grant (see 2nd plate, reverse, lines 4

and 5) ; but the circumstance would seem to have been fully explained

in the 17th verse which unfortunately is mutilated beyond restoration.

The death of the father (Purandarapala) and the transmission of the

throne to the grandchild (Indrapala) is, however, indicated in the

existing remains of the verse.

Beyond Brahmapala the ancestry is carried, in direct line, though

after an undefined interval, through Vajradatta and Bhagadatta to

Naraka, who would seem (in verse 6j to be indicated as the founder of

the town of Pragjyotisa. Naraka is said to have been the son of the

god Hari, by the goddess Earth.6

The total ancestry, accordingly stands thus : —

1, Hari.

2, Naraka, founder of Pragjyotisa, son of No. 1.

3, Bhagadatta, son of No. 2.

4, Yajradatta, son of No. 3.

5, Undefined interval.

6, Brahmapala of the line of No. 4.

7, Ratnapala, son of No. 6.

8, Purandarapala, son of No. 7 (died as prince).

9, Indrapala, son of No. 8 (succeeded his grandfather Ratna¬

pala).

The first two names on this list are those of well-known mythical

personages. The third and fourth may have some claim to be regarded

as having a historical existence. Vajradatta is said to have belonged

(v. 8) to the Kaumra dynasty. No dynasty of this name is otherwise

known. Mr. E. A. Gait, who is the best authority on old Asam

history, writes to me :

“ I do not know anything about the Kaumra dynasty, mentioned in verse 8.

The name does not occur in any Buranji, PuthI, or tradition with which I am

acquainted. Might not the reading be Kaumdra ? The ruler of the country when

Hiuen Tsiang visited it, was Kumara Bhaskara Yarma."

The reading is certainly Kaumra , not Kaumdra , though as the

grant is full of errors of spelling, it is not impossible that the correct

name should be Kaumdra J Mr. Gait’s suggestion has a certain plausi¬

bility. The date of Hiuen Tsiang’s visit is 640 A.D. The date of our

grant is about the middle of the 11th century (c. 1050 A.D.), and,

® In this the copper-plate grants follow the Ydgini Tantra.

I Kaumdra , however, would not fit the metre.

J. i. 16

1.18 Dr. Hoernle — Gauhatl Copper-plate Grant of Indr apala. [No. 2,

accordingly, that of Brahmapala about 1000 A.D. There is thus an

interval of about 360 years between Hiuen Tsiang and Brahmapala ;

and it may have been somewhat longer. As will be shown presently,

between Vajradatta and Brahmapala there were twenty-one kings. At

the rate of 20 years for a reign, these kings would take up 420 years,

or at the rate of 15 years, 315 years. On the supposition, therefore,

that the “ Kaumra ” line took its name from Kumara Bhaskara of

Hiuen Tsiang’s time, it seems quite possible to accommodate Vajradatta,

who is said to have been of the Kaumra line, together with his twenty-

one successors in the interval between Hiuen Tsiang and Brahmapala.

But there is another interesting point in our genealogy, viz., a

curious discrepancy.

The usual Asam tradition is that Bhagadatta and Vajradatta were

brothers, both being the sons of Naraka, Bhagadatta apparently being

the elder of the two, and he it was that succeeded his father on the

throne of Pragjyotisa. See Mr. Gait’s paper on the Koch Kings of

Kdmarupa , in this Journal , Vol. LXII, p. 271. This account is borne

out by the Tejpur copper-plate grant of Vanamala published in this

Journal , Vol. IX, p. 766. According to it the genealogy runs thus :

1, Hari, the God.

2, Naraka, founder of Pragjyotisa, son of No. 1.

3, Bhagadatta and Vajradatta, sons of No. 2.

4, Undefined number of kings of the line of Bhagadatta.

5, Sahistambha, of a new line of an undefined number of

kings, ending with prl-Harisa.

6, Pralambha, said to be again of the line of Bhagadatta.

7, Harjara, son of No. 6.

8, Vanamala, son of No. 7.

On the other hand, the Gauhatl grant makes Vajradatta to be

the son of Bhagadatta ; and in this it is in agreement with the Now-

gong grant of Balavarman.8 The genealogy, as given in the latter,

runs as follows : —

1, Hari (called Upendra).

2, Naraka, founder of Pragjyotisa, son of No. 1,

3, Bhagadatta, son of No. 2.

4, Vajradatta, son of No. 3.

5, Undefined number of kings of his line.

6, Salastambha, of a new line.

7, Palaka, Vijaya and others, descendants of No. 6, occupying

an undefined interval.

8 This is another Asam coppcr-plate grant, brought to light by Mr. Gait,

which will be published by me in a subsequent paper.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. 119

8, Harjara, of a new litie.

9, Vanamala, son of No. 8.

10, Jayamala, son of No. 9.

11, Virabahu, son of No. 10.

12, Balavarman, son of No. 11.

With No. 8, Harjara, a new dynasty commences : but here the

Nowgong and Tejpur grants differ, the latter commencing this new

dynasty with Harjara’s father, Pralambha, whom the Nowgong grant

ignores. Moreover the Tejpur grant seems distinctly to make Pralambha

to belong to the (old, apparently restored) line of Bhagadatta. There

is, however, in the genealogical wording of both grants sufficient

looseness (probably intentional) to suggest the descensional connection

of both the Salastambha and Harjara (or Pralambha) lines with

Bhagadatta.

In another point also these two grants differ. The Tejpur grant

makes Bhagadatta to succeed his father Naraka, and omits all mention

as to the further fortunes of his brother Vajradatta. On the other

hand, the Nowgong grant makes Vajradatta to succeed his father

Bhagadatta.

This matter of the relation of the kings and dynasties to one another

is further complicated through the statements in the Ratnapala grant.

I have not as yet been able to thoroughly examine that grant, but so

much seems to be clear from it, that Vajradatta was a brother of

Bhagadatta (as against the Gauhati and Nowgong grants), and that

Vajradatta succeeded his brother Bhagadatta (as against the Tejpur

grant, which knows nothing about Vajradatta’s succession, and against

the Gauhati and Nowgong grants, which make him succeed his father

Bhagadatta). Further the Ratnapala grant fills up the undefined

interval, No. 5 of the Gauhati grant, by stating that after Vajradatta

a chief ( adhipati ) of the Mlecchas took possession of the kingdom,

and a line of twenty kings now followed, beginning with (Salastambha.

The twenty-first of this line was Tyaga-sidha, who had no sons, and

he was succeeded by Brahmapala, the father of Ratnapala. From this

account (if I have gathered it correctly) it would appear that the

Pala dynasty of Asam followed the kings Nos. 5-12 of the Nowgong

grant. The latter names eight kings, from (Salastambha down to Bala¬

varman. There may have been descendants of the Harjara line after

Balavarman, but, in any case, the grant allows a number of unnamed

kings under No. 7. There is no difficulty, therefore, in accounting for the

21 kings, who are said, by the Ratnapala grant, to have preceded Brah¬

mapala. On palceograpbic grounds, too, there is a probability of the

(Salastambha and Harjara lines having preceded the Pala dynasty.

120 Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper -plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

For paloeographically tlie Now gong grant is older than the Gauhati grant,

and very closely resembles the Ratnapala grant. Thus, it does not use

the ringlet of the nasal rj, and forms the consonant hh in the old fashion,

older even than in the Ratnapala plate. It also uses the same initial form

of the vowel i, as the latter plate, viz., a circumflex below two ringlets

placed side by side (ojd), while the Gauhati plate reverses that position.

Accordingly the Nowgong plate and its author must have preceded tho

Gauhati plate of Indrapala. Whence it follows that, though the plate,

pal geographically, might be of the same age as the Ratnapala plate, its

author king Balavarman must be placed before Ratnapala, and, there¬

fore, also before Brahmapala. Whence it further follows that the Harjara

line of kings must have preceded the Pala dynasty. For, to all

appearances, they ruled over the same country of which Pragjyotisa

was the capital.9

The Tejpur grant, being one of Vanamala, the great-grandfather of

Balavarman of the Nowgong grant, must be still older than the Pala

grants. Unfortunately it is not forthcoming, though Mr. Gait has

made a careful search for it. From the specimen, published in this

Journal , Yol. IX, the point of age is very difficult to determine, though

there is nothing in it to suggest its being younger than the Nowgong or

the Pala grants.

Unfortunately none of these Asam grants are dated. The palseo-

graphic guidance is, at best, uncertain and vague ; but as it is, I am

disposed to refer the Gauhati plate to (say) 1050 A. D., the Ratnapala

plate to (say) 1010 A.D., the Nowgong plate to (say) 975 A.D., and the

Tejpur plate of Vanamala to (say) 925 A.D.

Another puzzle is that both lines, of Harjara (or Pralambha) as well

as of the Palas, trace their descent up to Bhagadatta, as if they were

dynasties related to one another, and of the same tribe or race.

6 Pragjyotis-adhipa or ‘ lord of Pragjyotisa * is applied to all of them equally.

So far as the land-grants which I have seen are concerned, the name Pragjydtisa is

only applied to a town (pura), but not to a country. In the Nowgong grant Naraka

is said to have conquered (the country of) Kamarupa and to have taken up his

residence in the town ( pura ) of Pragjyotisa. There is nothing in the land-grants

to show that Pragjydtisa had ceased to be the capital of the country in the time of

either Balavarman or Indrapala; in fact, the title “lord of Pragjyotisa” rather

negatives that idea. At the same time, it would seem that Indrapala ordinarily

resided in the townlet ( nagari , see v. 19) ^ridurjaya, which was a strong fort;

while, according to the Nowgong grant, Balavarman appears to have ordinarily

resided in Haruppegvara, which is described as his paitamaha Jcataka or ‘ ancestral

camp.' I may add that, as Mr. Gait informs me, Pragjydtisa is represented by the

modern town of Gauhati ; and that the modern Kamriip is a district which forms

only a small part of the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa. See, however, ante , p. 104.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhatl Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. 121

They also use the same emblem on their seals, a full-figure elephant,

standing to the front. But the probability is that both dynasties are

those of aboriginal tribal chiefs, who, aggrandizing themselves, adopted

Hinduism and got invented for themselves a quasi Ksatriya descent.

All the genealogical details, therefore, before Brahmapala, f alastambha

and Pralambha (or Harjara) are unhistorical, the real lines commencing

with those names. The lineage of Bhagadatta seems to have been a

favorite one for the chiefs of Kamarupa to adopt. “ The so-called Rajas

of Rani,” as Mr. Gait informs us ( Journal , Yol. LXII, p. 272) also

“ claim to be descended from the lineage of Bhagadatta.”10

The preceding remarks, practically, dispose of the question of the

connection of the Palas of our grant with the Palas of the well-known great

Bihar and Bengal dynasty. On this subject, Mr. Gait writes to me as

follows : —

“ I do not think that there is any connection between the Pala kings, men¬

tioned in the Gauhatl grant and the great Pala dynasty of Bengal. The ins^

cription contains no reference to any known king of this dynasty ; and the Palas

in the copper-plate claim descent from Naraka and Bhagadatta, the mythical Hindu

progenitors of more than one of the royal families which formerly held sway m

Kamarupa. Moreover they are described as Lords of Pragjydtisa, which is not a

title claimed by any of the Pala kings of Bengal, although one of them — Deva

Pala — is said to have conquered Kamarupa. Lastly the title Pala is a very common

one not only amongst the kings of ancient Assam, but also of the Baro Bhuiyas

and others, e.g., of the Brahman to whom the land-grant mentioned in the plate

under discussion was made.”

I fully agree with Mr. Gait.

Besides the four Asam grants, referred to in the preceding remarks

(viz., the Gauhatl, Tejpur, Nowgong and Ratnapala grants), there is

known a fifth, viz., the Benares grant of Vaidyadeva, published by

Mr. Yenis in the Epigraphia Indica , Yol. II, p. 347. Yaidyadeva was

the prime minister of king Kumarapala, of the great Bihar dynasty,

who made his minister the tributary ruler of Kamarupa, in the place

of the original ruler who had rebelled. Kumara Pala does not appear

in the ordinary genealogical list of the Bihar Pala dynasty. That list

concludes with a king Yigraha Pala III. But as Kumara Pala’s own

genealogy begins with a Yigrahapala, as the grandfather, and gives

Rama Pala, as the father of Kumara Pala, Mr. Yenis, with much

probability, concludes the identity of the two Yigraha Palas, and thus

makes Kumara Pala to he the grandson of Yigraha Pala III. The

date of his grant is conjecturally fixed as 1142 A.D., placing it about

one century later than the Gauhatl grant, which agrees well enough

10 For modern instances of fictitious genealogies, see page 83 (§ 46) of Mr.

Gait’s Report on the Census of Asam, 1891.

122

Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

with the difference in the characters used in the two grants, though

they belong to two rather different varieties of Nagarl.

I may here state, that I possess a very excellently written and

illuminated copy of the Ashta Sahasrika Prajna Paramita.- It is dated

in the 15th year of the reign of Rama Pala, on the 17th day of the

dark half of Vai^akha.11 Unfortunately, as usual in Pala inscriptions,

there is no reference to any era. The letters are those of the MSS. Nos.

1464 and 1688, and the numerals those of Nos. 1643 and 1683 (in

Bendall’s Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in the Cambridge Uni¬

versity Library), all dating in the 11th century (1015-1065). Occasion¬

ally the letters resemble those of No. 1693, dated 1165 A.D. The

difference between the letters of these two sets is, on the whole,

infinitesimal. As Mahipala is supposed to have reigned up to 1060

A.D., Ramapala, third in descent from him, would, on the usual average

of a 20 years’ reign, have been on the throne, from about 1100 to 1120

or 1125, and this would well accord with the characters of my manus¬

cript of his reign. Kumara Pala might have followed him from about

1125 to 1145 A.D.

As to the localities mentioned in the grant I can offer no identi¬

fications ; indeed, I am not sure that I have understood all the terms

correctly. Mr. Gait has been good enough to depute an officer to make

local enquiries, but they have been unsuccessful. He says, however, that

“ It has been suggested to me by Babu Bholanath Das, Sub-Deputy

Collector, that the Hapyoma district may correspond to the Barama Tahsll,

and the hamlet of KasI may correspond to the three villages Nath Kuci, Nau

Kuci and Rana Kuci which aggregate some 5 square miles. A river flows to the

west of these villages which is now known as Timu (Ti or Di is the Kacharl word

for water or river, and is a common prefix in the names of rivers in Assam and

E. Bengal) which would perhaps be the Digumma of the inscription. As regards

the Makhi path on the East, it may be noted that there are two villages rather more

than a mile to the South of Rana Kuci which are known as Bar. Makhibaha and

Khudra Makhibaha respectively 1*, and it is possible that a road formerly led to

them along the eastern boundary of Nau Kuci and Rana Kuci. Adjoining Rana Kuci

to the S.-W. is the village of Ratanpur which may perhaps have some connection

with Ratnapala, but this may be only accidental as there are several Ratnapuras in

the province. There is, however, no trace now of any tank to the North of

Nau Kuci, nor of any embankment and pond to the North-East and South-West.

No worship is now performed at Makhibaha, but a Qraddha ceremony is performed

every year in commemoration of the death of one Gaurl Narayan Chaudharl’s

father. This is known as the Mdkhlbdhd-sabhd .”

11 See Dr. R. Mitra’s edition of that work in the Bibliotheca Indica, Introduc¬

tion, p. XXIII.

12 In order, however, to agree with the description in the grant, these two

villages should lie to the North of Rana Kuci. For the Makhi-path runs north-

2897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper -plate Grant of Indrapala. 123

TEXT.1

First Plate : Reverse.

1, Svastil 2 Kkatvarjga para9ur=v=vrsah 9a2i-kal=ety-adi 3 tvadiyam

maya sarvvasvam jitam=adya nama kiva4

2, pratyarppitam 5 te punah. [l] presya kevalam=astii me jala-vaka

Gaqg=eti Gaurl-gira f ambkor=dyutaka-

3, lajitasya jayati vrida-vinamram (drak ||[1 i|] 6 Jayati Pa^upati praj-

adkinatko makita-vapur-m-maki-

4, ma maka-varakak | iyam=api Bkagadatta-vatsa-mata Dkaranir

=anta7-naradkipa-pratistka II [2 ||] 8Yad-vari Rama-para-

. 5, 2or=n=nrpa-kantka-kanda-lavasya dkauta-gkana-lohita-paijkam=asit I

Laukitya ity=adkipatik saritam

6, sa esa Yrakm9-aqga-bkur=n=nudatu yak kali-kalmasani 10 l|[3 ||]

Yalgat-kkura ksubkita-bkima-bknjagga-sadma kalp-a-

7, vasana-dina-bkinna-samudra-mudram | patala-paqka-patal-odara-

saimillnam krod-a-

8, krtir=v=YasutIm11 Harir=ujjakara l| [4 II ] Daikstr-aqkur-oddkfta-

dkara-parirambka-garbka-sambkoga-sambkr-

9, ta-ras-alasa-manasasya | tasy=atmajo narapatir=n=Narak-abliidka-

nalji 9riman=abkud=bkavana-va-

10, ndita-pada-malak [ll 5 ||] Ratna-prabha-ruckiram=aspadam=eya

Laksmak12 pnny-opakantka-vilasad-vana-bkari13 [t]

11, Pragjyotisam puram^apara-yaqak 14 sajjair=v=vaksak-stkalam=pittir

=iv=aparam=adkyuvasa II [6 ll] Tasy=api

eastwards from the hamlet of Kasi. Of course, it might be suggested that that

path commenced at Makhibaha and ran in a northerly direction to the Knci villages

(or Kasi), and then continued in a north-easterly direction, along the side of the

land referred to in the grant, while its earlier portion (further south) did not touch

that land at all.

1 From the Original. In the photograph some of the compound letters do not

show entirely.

2 Metre : Qdrdula- Vikriditd. Read Tchatvdygah.

3 Here is a flaw in the Plate which makes the ak?ara appear dt.

4 Read Icitava. The metre shows that an aksara is omitted.

6 Read pratyarppitam.

8 Metre: Puspitdgrd. Read Pagupatih.

1 One aksara is omitted ; read ananta.

8 Metre of verses 3-8 : Vasanta-tilalca.

9 Read Brahma.

10 Read kalmasani.

11 One aksara is missing ; read Vasumatim.

12 Read LaJcsmydh.

13 • Here two aksaras are omitted : read bhdra-hdri.

14 One aksara omitted ; insert sa.

124

Dr. Hoernle — Gauhatl Copper-plate Grant of Indr apdla. [No. 2,

12, sunur=abhavad=Bhagadatta-na,ma vi9rama-bhumir=akhilasya pitur

-g=gmiasya I satv15-oddhrtah satata-

13, m=una-vale valiyan yah paksa-patam=akarot=ksata-vaira-paksa16

[|| 7 || ] Kaumr-anvay-onnati-pada-pra-

14, thita-pratisthah prthvl-bhujam vijayinam dhuri Vajradattah dor-

v-vajra-virjja 17-parito-18

Second Plate : Obverse.

1, t6sita-Vajrapanir=asId=aTnusyal9-musit-ari-ja9as80=tanujah 21 || [8 1| ]

22 Asm[i]n 23=eva nrp-anvaye narapatih fri-Vrahma9-

2, palo ’bhavat tatma 24 bhuvi Ratnapala iti ca khyatah ksat-arir=v=

va9i25 | asy=anargha-gun-akarasya mahima ra-

3, jnas=tu kim=vannyatye 26 yah 9laghyair=atidisyate 27 su-caritaih

Ramasya Krsnasya va II [9 ||] Samvadha28 vasudha su-

4, dha-dhavalitaih^ambhu-pratisth-aspadair=yasya 9rotriya-mandirani

vibhayair=n=nana-prakarair=api I yupair=yajna-

5, grh-ai)ganani havisam dhumrair 29=n=nabho-mandalam yatra-renu-

bhir=arnnay-amvu 30 yijaya-stambhai9=ca savva31 d^ah n [10 ll]

32 A-

6, sld=udara-kittir33=d=data bhokta 9ucih kala-kusalah [|] tasya Pu-

randarapalah sumih 9ura9=ca su-kavi-

7, 9=ca || [ 11 II ] Krtam=atikautukam=a-sakrn=mrgaya rasikena yena

samare’pi I ksana-viracita-

13 Read sattv.

16 Read paksah. &

17 Read vlryya.

18 Between pa and ri there is a gap in the original plate, apparently caused by

a flaw in the metal. Cancel the duplicate ak§ara to.

19 Read amusya.

20 Read yagas.

21 Read tanujah , metri causa.

22 Metre of verses 9 and 10 : Qardula-Vikriditd.

23 Read asmin-n-eva metri causa. The vowel i is obliterated by the hammering

of the rim.

24 Here one long aksara is omitted : perhaps read tat-sunur=

23 Read vagi.

25 Read Mm varnnyate or Mm=barnnyatd.

27 Read atidigyate.

23 Read sambaddhd, metri causa.

29 Read dhumair.

50 Read dmbu.

51 Read sarvva. , * •

32 Metre of verses 11 and 12 : Aryd.

Read Jelrttir .

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauliati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. 125

8, ^ara-panjara-vaddhai ripu-raja-^ddiilaih34 l| [12||] 35 Jamadagnya-

blmja-vikramaj=jita-prajya-rajya-nr-

9, pa-varhca-sambhavam [|] Durllabli=eti sa tu. loka-durllabham

prapya samyag=abhavata36 kalatrava-

10, nam37 || [13 ii] 38 Sac=iva Cakrasya fiva39 pambhfi Rati 4,0 Sma-

rasy-eva Harer=iva prlh [|] sa Robin-iva Ksanadakarasya

11, tasy=annrupa-pranaya vabhuva41 || [14 ll] 42Devah piacl pradipa4S

prakata-vasuraati-mandalah khandit-ari-

12, r=j=jatas=tabhya 44 jit-atma naya-vinavatam45-atrranlr=lndrapa-

lah | yasmin simhasana-sthe svayam=avani-bhr-

13, tarn vaddlia-sev-anjalinam=avarjjan=mauli-ratnaih phaKtam--iva

bha46 -kuttimam kiryamanaih || [15 ll] 33 Su-vi-

14, strtauam pada-vakya-tarkka-tantra-pravali-atitarapginlnaih 47 | yah

sarvva-vidya-saritam=a-gadliam=atita48=n=niraa-

15, gna9=ca gata£=ca param 11 [16 ||] 49Svarggam gate pitari yasya

yayah-^arlre [?] pautrasya putra-[w ]na[ — ^ ^-/]

Second Plate : Reverse.

1, [ — ^ - ] I [ - w ^ w w — ]na g u n - an ur u pam=a ty -

arppita svayam=avanE0=nija-rajya-laksmih ||[17 ll] Yasmin

=nrpe vinaya-yikrama-bhaji pga5L

2, samyag-vibhakta-catnr-acrama-yarnna-dbarmma | anandini52 caka-

la63-kamad«gba prajanam prthvl prthoh punar=iva prathit-oday

=asi54[ll 18 ll]

84 Head qdrddulaih.

88 Metre : Rathoddliatd.

Read abhcivat.

87 Read ha lair a van.

88 Metre : Indravajrd and Upendravajrd.

89 One aksara omitted : read (fiv-eva .

40 Read liatih.

41 Read babhiiva.

42 Metre: Sragdhard.

48 Read pradipah.

44 Read tdbhydih.

45 One aksara is omitted ; read vinayavatdm.

48 One aksara omitted : read sabhd.

47 Read dtitaraTjginindrii.

48 Read antar-n .

49 Metre of verses 17 and 18 : Vasantatilakd. Portions of this verse are illegible,

80 Mutilated for abhavan ; but read abhun, metri causa.

M Here one aksara is missing : perhaps read tuyge.

32 Read anandini.

ES Read sakala.

34 Read asit,

J. i. 17

126 Dr. Hoernle — Oauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

3, 8SKaid-turaga-ratna-purnna rajnas=tafiy=armrupa-giina-vasatih [|]

nrpati-ku66-dnrjjay=asm=nagarl prl-durjjaya nama H [19 n]

66 Pragjyo-

4, tis 67 - adbipaty - asamkbyat - apratibata - danda - ksapifc - a^e^a - ripu -

paksa - ^rl - varaha-parame^vara-paramabhattaraka-maharaj -ad-

bira-

5, ja-^rl - Ratnapala- varmma-de va- padanudhyata - parame^vara-para-

mabbattaraka-maharaj - adbiraja - 9rl-mad -Indrapala - varmma -

deva 68

6, ku^all fl Uttara-kule Hapyoma-visay-antabpati-Kasi-pataka-bbayi-

sa - bbumya - paksa - sta69 - dbanya - catu 60 - sahasr - otpattika - bhu-

man I

7, tatha-purvya-sanmpasthifca-yisaya-ra-karana6l-vyavabarika-prairm-

kha-janapadan raja-rajnl-ranak-adhikrtan=anya-62

8, pi rajanyaka-rajapiitra-rajavallabha-prabhrtm yatbakala-bbavino’pi

sarvvan manana-purvvakam samadi-

9, 9ati veditam=astu bhavatam bhumir=iyam | vastu-kedara-stbala-

jala-gopracar-avaskar-ady-upeta yatbasam-

10, stba sYa-sim-odde9a-paryanta basti-vandha-nauka-vandha-caud-

dbarana 6S- dandapa9 - oparikara - nana - nimitt - otkbetana - bas t y -

a9v-o-

11, stra-go-mabisi-jatika-pracara-prabbrtinam6i=vinivarita-sarvva-pida

9asani-krtya n 65Asit Ka9yapa-gotro ’tipavito 66 mi-

12, tra-vatsalah | yajurvvedl gun-adbaro Haripala ifci dyijab ll[l ||]

Siitab favarapal-akbyatah sadma66-yimatsarah | abhavad=

bbaya-

13, nisthasya66 dvijanma maninam 67=varab ||[2 ||] Saukbyayik=eti tasy

=abbut paricarya-sukha-prada | ay-acarasya6s s-acara patni gu-

&& Here one aksara is missing : read hula.

66 From here pro-e.

61 Read Prugjyotisd...

63 Read devah.

W Read stha.

Read catuh.

Read sa-karana.

83 One aksara is omitted : read anyan^a-

63 Read caurdddharana.

64 Read prabhrtindm vinivdrita.

66 Metre of verses 1-5 : Qldka.

86 The reading is doubtful.

61 Read maninam varah. Probably faulty for manninam.

63 Read dry-dcdrasya.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhatl Copper-plate Grant of Tndrapala. 127

14, navati sati II [3 ||] De^apala iti snigdha-vandhunam krta-palanah l

tabhyam jato dvijo ^esa-guna-ratna-nidhih sudhi69 [4||]

15, Qa9ani70-krtyabhur=esa71 tasmai duskara72-9asine I 73dvijaya datta

yattaya rajye ’stama-same maya II 4s II [5 ||]

Third Plate : Obverse.

1, Asya74sima purvvena kostha-makkhi-yana villa-purvvah krilamm75'

kuntavita-khambhava-satka-makuti-makklii-yana-hasl

2, ksetr-ali9=ca | purvva-daksinena tad-bhu | kuntavita-lakkhyava-

bhoga-KasI-pataka bhummyoh76 simni vrhad-alih | daksine-

3, na tad-bhu-slmni vrhad-alih I uttara-ga | pa9cima-ga-vaksena77

Svalpadyati-kaivarttanam bhoga-dirgha-kostlie78 bhu-

4, simni ksetr-ali I vam9a-stupa-trayan=ca | daksina-pa9oimena tad-

bhu-simni Digumma-nadi | uttara-ga-va-

5, krena tad-bhu-slmni s=aiva-nadi | purvva-ga | uttara-vakrena

kostha-Kasi 79-pataka bhu-slmni ksetr-ali I pa9cima-ga-va-

6, krena tad-bhu-slmni vastv-alih | pa9cimena Digumma-nadi

pa9cim-ottareua s=aiva=nadi

7, uttarena Tathagata-karit-Aditya-bhataraka "-satka-qasana-Bhavisa

bhu-slmni ksetr-a-

8, li-sthal-akhotaka-vrksa | pa9upati-karita-puskirinl81-daksi pattau83 I

ksetr-ali9=ca I u 8S-

9, uttara-purvvena tad-bhu i kostha makkhi-yana II villa-purvvalj

kulan=c=eti II & II

The Seal.

»

1, Svasti Pragjyotis-adhipati-ma-

2, haraj-adhiraja-9ri-ma-

3, d-Indrapala84-varmma-devah [||]

89 Read sudhlh.

70 Read qasani.

71 Read esd.

72 Read duskara.

73 This half-verse scans irregularly.

74 Read asyah.

Read kulam.

76 Read bhiimyah.

77 Read vakrena.

78 Reading uncertain ; perhaps kSnta.

79 Usually Kdst.

80 Read bhattaraka.

81 Read puskarini.

82 Perhaps read daksina-pdrQve.

83 Dele the duplicate u.

84 The vowel i is attached tp the Ipwer part of the ak?ara d.

128 Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper -'plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

Translation.

(First Plate : line 1) Flail !

(Verse 1.) “ Having won to-day the whole of thy property, (viz. )

club, axe, bull, crescent and the rest, oh gamester ! I return it to thee

again: only let me retain Graqga to serve me as a water-carrier.”1 At

this speech of Gauri, (Jambhu’s head bowed for shame at his defeat in

the game of dice. May he be glorious !

(2.) May Pa^upati be glorious, the lord of the creation, (who is)

the famous great Boar of a wonderful bodily form : and she also, the

Earth, who is the residence of innumerable kings, and the mother of

him (i.e.f Naraka), whose son is Bhagadatta.2

(3.) That king of rivers which is born of the body of Brahma

and is called Lauhitya (or bloody), because its waters were stained with

the copious blood ( loliita ) that was washed off Kama’s axe after it

had cut off heaps of necks of kings, — may it also wipe off your stains

(contracted) in this sinful age.3

(4.) Hari, in the shape of a boar, disturbing and frightening the

abode of the Snakes with his bounding hoofs, uplifted the Earth which

was stuck fast in the depths of the mire of the nether-world, after

having sunk in the seas cleft asunder on the day of universal dissolution.

(5.) Of him, whose mind was faint with pleasure obtained from

the embrace and sexual enjoyment of the Earth as she was borne up on

the points of his tusks, there came to be an excellent son, the king named

Naraka, the soles of whose feet were adored by all the world.

(6.) He, in boundless glory and with every circumstance of pomp,

held court in the town of Pragjycffisa, which was (to him) like a second

bosom of his father, and which, in its fine environment of delightfully

dense woods, appeared like Laksml’s seat brilliant with luminous jewels.

(7.) His son was Bhagadatta, full of goodness, who was the reposi¬

tory of all the virtues of his father, and, being strong himself, always

took the side of the weak.

(8.) His son was Vajradatta, who widely upheld, among the con¬

quering princes, the prestige of the Kaumra dynasty,

(Second Plate, obverse) in that he pleased Vajrapani by the

adamantine strength of his arms, and gathered fame by his raids on

his enemies.

♦

1 Gauri and Gaqga are the two wives of (yiva, and so they are jealous of each

other.

2 See below verses 5-7.

3 Lauhitya is another name of the river Brahmaputra. The story of its birth

is quoted in the new edition of the Qabdakalpadruma, from the Kalika Purana

(84th Adhy&ya of the Jamadagnya Upakhyana), under the word lauhitya . Amogka,

129

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala.

(9.) It was his dynasty, to which belonged king Brahmapala,

and his son Ratnapala who was known in the world as the mighty

crusher of enemies. How is it possible to describe the greatness of

this king, the possessor of priceless virtues, who emulated the renowned

good deeds of Kama or Krsna :

( 10.) Who studded the earth with white-washed temples enshrin¬

ing pambhu, the houses of learned men with, various kinds of wealth,

the sacrificial courtyards with immolating posts, the skies with the

smoke of burnt-offerings, the waters of the sea with the dust of his

marching armies, and all the quarters (of the earth) with the pillar-

monuments of his victories ?

(11.) His son was Purandarpala, a ruler of wide renown, liberal,

jovial, pious, and accomplished in all arts, a hero as well as a poet :

(12.) Who being passionately fond of tbe chase, gave more than

once extraordinary proofs of it by the way in which he captured hostile

kings, like tigers, in nettings of arrows improvised for the occasion.

(13.) He had the distinction of obtaining for wife the (princess)

Durlabha,4 such a one as is truly difficult to obtain in the world, who

was descended from the royal races of the extensive kingdoms conquered

by the victorious arms of Jamadagni’s son ( Paracurama).

(14.) As SacI is to fakra (or Indra), fiva (or Parvatl) to fambhu

(orCiva), Rati to Smara (the love-god), frl (or Lakshmi) to Hari

(or Visnu), and as RohinI is to Ksanadakara (or Candra, the moon), such

a loving wife was she to him.

(15.) Of them was born Indrapala, a king who kept a control over

himself, and was foremost among the just and righteous, who vanquished

(all) his enemies, and who like the light of the East (i.e., the sun)

illumined the ( whole) terrestrial globe : before whom, when he sat on

his throne, the mosaic floor of his audience-hall looked like a fruit-

covered tree by reason of the strewn-about jewels (that fell) from the

the wife of the sage Qantanu, was directed by her husband to conceive by the God

Brahma. Her progeny was born in the form of water, and placed by the sage

in the middle of four mountains, where it grew into a lake. In its waters Paracju-

rama cleansed himself from his sin of matricide, which done, be cut with his axe

a channel, through which the waters flowed into India in the form of a river.

The presumption is — though the story does not say so — that the lake and river are

called lauhitya * red,’ ‘ bloody,’ from Paracurama having washed off his bloody

stains in its waters. It may be noted, however, that, according to our legend, it

was the slaughter of the Ksatriya kings from which Paracurama cleansed

himself in the lake. According to the version of the Bhagavat Purina, Paracurama

formed a dreadful river with the blood of the slain K^atriyas, and afterwards he

cleansed himself in the Sarasvati, the river of Brahma (see J. Muir’s Sanskrit Textst

Vol. I, pp. 458, 459).

* The meaning of the name is ‘ difficult to obtain.’

130 Dr. Hoernle — Qauhati Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

crowns of the princes as they voluntarily stood reverently bowing (before

him) with joined hands :

(16.) Who dived into and passed across the deep and broad

streams of all knowledges, the dashing waves of which are the sciences of

words, sentences, arguments and doctrines.

(17.) After his father had gone to heaven in a halo of glory

of his grandchild the son .

(Second Plate: reverse) . the fortune of his own kingdom

was voluntarily delivered, in accordance with his virtues. B

(18.) During the righteous and victorious reign of this king, the

earth was happy and greatly flourishing, and became the cow that yields

all desires to men, as in the time of Prthu, because the laws of the

four gramas ( or periods of life) and of the four castes were observed in

their proper divisions.

(19.) This king had a residence of corresponding virtues,6 a town

full of elephants, horses, and jewels, and impregnable to (the attacks

of) any royal dynasty, whence it was named (M-Durjaya.

(Second Plate : line 4) The Paramegvara, Parama-bhattdralca , Mahd-

rajadhiraja , the illustrious Indrapala Varma-deva, who meditates at the

feet of the lord of Pragjyotisa, the illustrious Varahaf the Paramepvara ,

Parama-bhaftdraka , Malidruj-adhiraja , the illustrious Ratnapala Varma-

deva, who overthrew and inflicted punishment on all his innumerable

enemies,8 may he prosper !

(Line 6.) With reference to the land bearing four-thousand

(measures of) rice, and lying by the side of the land belonging to

the Bhavisa of the hamlet9 of Kasi, situated within the district 10 of

Hapyoma, in the northern part of the country, he sends his greetings

and commands to all who reside near the afore-said fields, viz., the

accountants,11 traders and other (common) people of the district, as well

6 This verse is mutilated and not intelligible, but from what follows below,

it appears that the verse stated that Purandarapala died without succeeding to the

throne, and that Ratnapala was followed on the throne by his grandchild Indrapala.

6 One would rather expect the reading gun-dnurupa. The name Durjaya means

‘difficult to conquer.’

I I.e., one who is a boar ( varuha ) like Visnu.

8 The reading is here rather obscure. Perhaps pratihata should be read

for apratihata.

9 On pataka, ‘hamlet/ see Indian Antiquary, Yol. XVIII, p. 135.

10 With reference to the term visaya or district, I may note that Mr. Gait

informs me that “ the local revenue officials, commonly known as Mauzadars are also

in parts still called Bisayas or Patgiris.”

II The word ra-lcarana of the original is faulty for sa-lcarana , which also occurs

in the Dharmapala grant, published by Mr. Batavyal in this Journal, Yol. LXIII for

1894, p. 57 (line 48) and p. 50, footnote 16. Karana is a synonym of Kayastha.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Gauhati Copper -plate Grant of Indrapala. 131

as those who hold the rank of Raja , Rdjnl, Ranaka , and others, such as

Raj any as, Rajaputras and Rajavallabhas,12 and all who may hold any rank

from time to time.

(Line 9). Be it known to you, that this land, together with its

houses, paddy-fields, dry land, water, cattle-pastures, refuse-lands, etc.,

of whatever kind it may be, inclusive of any place within its borders, and

freed from all worries on account of the fastening of elephants, the

fastening of boats, the searching for thieves, the inflicting of punish*

ments, the tenant’s taxes,13 the imposts for various causes, and the pastur¬

ing of animals such as elephants, horses, camels, cattle, and buffalos,

as set forth in this charter14 : —

(Line 11, verse 1.) There was a Yajurvedi brahman, named

Haripala of the Ka^yapa gotra, very pure,15 kind to friends, and pos¬

sessed of every virtue.

(2.) That excellent man had a son, called ^avarapala, who was

unambitious of position, a (truly) twice-born man and most highly

respected.

(3.) This noble man had a wife, called Saukhyayika, who was

well-conducted, virtuous and chaste, who gave pleasure (to her husband)

by her devotion (to him).

(4.) Of them was born the brahman Decapala, wise and full of

every virtue, and mindful of services done to him by his friends and

relations.

(5.) To that brahman, who is austere and observes difficult ordi¬

nances, that land, as set forth in this charter, is given by me in the

eighth' year of my reign.

(Third Plate : first line.) 16 Its boundaries (are as follows :) on the

east, there are the Makkhi-path 17 to the granary with the pond in front of

12 These terms signify various degrees of hereditary or official rank, and have

no exact equivalents in English. Baja is not a ‘ king.’ Bdjni is literally a ‘ queen.’

Buna, a prakritic form of raja , is a still existing title.

13 Upari-kara is a fiscal term : the rent or tax (kara) paid by an upari or tenant

who does not reside or has no occupancy-rights in the land. See Buhler’s remarks

in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, p. 66.

1* The sentence, which breaks off here, is resumed in verse 5, below.

13 The reading atipavito is not very satisfactory. The second aksara pa is in¬

distinct.

16 This statement of the boundaries is full of vernacular terms, which I do not

fully understand.

17 Tana also occurs repeatedly in the Dharmapala grant published by Mr. Bata-

vyal, who translates it with “water-course.” See ante, Vol. XLIII, pp. 49, 55

(lines 33, 38). Thus we have amra-ydna (1. 38) ‘the road (lined) with mango-trees.’

MaJckhi or mikkhi might be the same as the Hindi makki or makai ‘ Indian corn,’

132 Dr. Hoernle — Gauhatl Copper-plate Grant of Indrapala. [No. 2,

it, and an embankment, also the Has! of the Makkhi-patli (established)

by the still extant edict (engraved) on the Kuntavita pillar, and

the ridge of the fields. On the south-east of the land, there are the

hamlet of Kasl on the Kiintavifca Lakkhyava property, and, along the

boundary of the land, the big dike. On the south, along the boundary

of the land, is the big dike. At the bend to the north and west, there

are the big granary on the property of the Svalpadyati fishermen, and,

along the boundary of the land, the ridge of fields, also three clumps

of bamboos. On the south-west, along the boundary of the land,

there is the river Digumma. At the bend to the north, along the

boundary of the land, there is the same river. At the bend to the east

and the north, there are the granary belonging to the hamlet of Kasl,

and, along the boundary of the land, the ridge of the fields. At the bend

to the west, along the boundary of the land, there is a row of houses.

On the west, there is the river Digumma. On the north-west, there

is the same river. On the north, there are the Bbavisa with the

still existing. charter of the holy Aditya (or Sun-god) made by Tathagata,

and, along the boundary of the land, a walnut tree on a dry spot on

the ridge of the fields, on the south side18 of the tank made by Pa£upati>

as well as a ridge of fields. On the north-east of that land, there are the

granary, with the Makkhi-path and the pond in front of it, as well as

an embankment.

The Seal.

Hail ! The lord of Pragjyotisa, the Mabaraj-adhiraja, the illus¬

trious Indrapala Varma-deva.

‘ maize ’ ; hence makkhi-yana 1 the road lined with maize (-fields). But it may be

questioned whether maize was known in India in those early times. Or the true

reading might be makkhiydna-viUa-purva, ‘(the granary) with the pond of Mabhana in

front of it.’ MahTchiyana might be another form of malckhdna which is Euryale ferox.

I can make nothing satisfactory of dahsi pdttau. It may be a combined

error of the scribe and the engraver, and may be intended for daksina-'pdrq te. The

two aksaras ttau and qv£ are not altogether unlike one another.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Bare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

133

On some New or Bare Hi?idu and Muhammadan Coins. No. IV.1 — By

Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.

(With Plate VI.)

I. Bengal Coin.

A notice of “ a rare gold coin of Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Shah

of Bengal ” has been published by Mr. Richard Burn, in the Proceedings

of this Society for August 1896, p. 108. The coin is in Mr. Burn’s

possession. He writes to me as follows about its history : “ It was obtain¬

ed by me from the treasury of the Raja of Tamkuhi, an estate in the east

of the Kasra district. The Raja could give no information as to when it

came into the possession of his family. He is by caste a Buinhar, and

he has property in the Gaya district in Bengal. I think it may pro¬

bably have been received from there, as I have never come across any

other Bengal coins in the N.-YY. Provinces. It is a custom in the family

for each of the more important servants to present a nazr of a gold

mohur on the death of the head. The treasury, however, contained,

besides this, no coin older than the Murshidabad mohurs, struck by the

East India Company.” I fancy, it is unique, and therefore publish a

facsimile of it on Plate VI, Ho. 1. Its weight is 160 grains. Neither the

British Museum, nor any of the Museums in India possess a gold coin

of this type, though silver coins are fairly common.2 The latter are of

several varieties, differing in ornamentation and legends : the British

Museum possesses five varieties, of which variety A is figured in this

Journal , Vol. XLII (p.267), on Plate VIII, No. 4, also Marsden, PI.

XXXVII, No. DCCLXV, variety B, in the Br. Mus. Cat., PI. Ill,

No. 77 and this Journal , Vol. XLII, PI. VIII, No. 6, and variety D, in

this Journal, Vol. XLII, PI. VIII, No. 5. The present gold coin, in its

ornamentation, differs from any of these varieties. In its legends, it

1 For Nos I, II, and III, see ante, Yol. LYIII, of 1889, p. 30, Yol. LIX, of 1890,

p. 169, and Yol. LXII, of 1893, p. 230.

2 The British Museum possesses a gold coin of *a different (tuglm*) type, No. 81,

. in its Catalogue

J. i. 18

134 Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

[No. 3,

agrees with variety D of the British Museum, with the exception that,

while the silver coin has the kunyat Ahul Muzaffar , the gold coin has

Abul Mujahid .

Obv.

Rev.

Lozenge-shaped area.

Marginal sections illegible.

Lettered surface.

J*\ fc^'l [j]

»U b+s'0 A4l[ap|]

^UaJLJf

The obverse marginal sections probably contained the names of the

four Imams. Traces of ‘ All and Abu Bakr appear to be distinguishable ;

but possibly they might have contained the date of the coin.

Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Shah probably reigned from 817-835 H,

See ante , Yol. XLII, p. 266.

II. Moghul Coin.

This is a dam of Akbar of the Manikpur mint, noticed by Mr. R.

Burn, in the Proceedings for August 1896, p. 109. It weighs 325 grains,

and is dated 98* H. It was obtained by Mr. Burn from a Baniya in

the bazar of a village in the Farrukhabad district, where it was in

circulation. Information on the mint town will be found in Mr. Burn’s

note in the Proceedings. It is now figured on Plate VI, No. 2.

Ill, Coin of Timur.

This professes to be a gold coin of Amir Timur. It is the property

of the Chief Secretary of the Dliolpur State in Rajputana, and was

shown to me in March 1896, by Messrs. Cooke and Kelvey, Jewellers, of

Calcutta. I could learn nothing about its history, and I doubted its genu¬

ineness ; but I publish it both as a curiosity and to elicit the opinion of

numismatists. It weighs 210 grains. See Plate Vi, No. 3.

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

135

Ohv.

In circular area : —

JL

*D| lit 1)

aJJj

A-U| <Jj ^

drv ts'fj

M

aUJ|

Margin : — j

iS^V0 J J C5*3 J

•• ** w

The date appears to be 801 H. The unit figure one is not quite

distinct ; it has become attached to the first up-stroke of in Sultan.

The mint seems to be clearly enough Hisar.

The year 801 is that of Timur’s raid (jihad) into India. On the

17th December 1398, he captured Delhi. He advanced from Multan.

From thence the direct route would have been by Bhatner, Sirsa,

Hisar, Hansi, Rohtak to Delhi. The Ghaggar river, however, followed

a different course in those days. So Timur marched from Sirsa

(Sarsuti) by Fathabad, Tohara, Kaithal to Panipat, and thence to

Delhi. He thus left Hisar to the south of his route, at a distance of

about 30 miles from Fathabad. At that time Hisar was a new town

and fort; it had been founded, 44 years before, by the Delhi Emperor

Firuz Shah, in 1354 A. D. In Slier Shah’s time (947-952 H ) it became a

favourite mint ; but before him it has never been noticed as a mint

town. It is curious that Timur in the diary of his raid, makes no men¬

tion at all of the place and its fort, though he passed so very near it.3

There is a mint-town Hisar in Bukhara, of which two silver coins

are known, of the Shaibani line of kings.4 These kings followed the

Timurides. One of the last Timurides, Mas‘ud, was the ruling Gov¬

ernor of this Hisar in 872-873 H., but no coins of his struck in Hisar

appear to be known. This Hisar, of course, might have suited Timur ;

but the date of the present coin, 801 H., points to the Indian Hisar, near

which town Timur was in that year. Moreover the date and the general

style of the present coin point to India. Moreover, the letters of its legends,

8 See the diary of his raid in Sir H. M. Elliot’s History of India , Yol. Ill,

pp. 428-433.

4 See British Museum Catalogue, Yol. VII, Nos. 140, 141.

Rev.

In circular area : —

cjajf

jj+d I

A*l

jtjt h,ln J AxlvO

Margin : — * * * * #

136 Dr. Hoernle — Bare Hindu and Muhammadan Goins. [No. 3,

in the crudity of their formation, show a curious resemblance to the

coinage of the time of Timur’s raid. Mahmud Shah, the son of Muham¬

mad Shall and grandson of Firuz Shah, was the ruler of Delhi at that

time. He reigned from 795-815 H. The crude form of r in Muham -

mad on the obverse is especially noticeable, and is very much like that

on Mahmud’s coins.

There are some other curiosities and inaccuracies in the spelling.

Thus, j r of the first rasiil in the obverse legend is written across the ^ s ,

with the medial stroke of which it partially coincides. On the obverse

the name of Timur is mis-spelled Timur without the intermediate .

It is true that in Turk! the vowels may be short or long, but, in actual

use, I have never met with Timur spelled Timur.5 The title Kurkan is

spelled Kuban , the intermediate ) r being omitted. On the margin of the

reverse the imperial titles are given in the inverse order al-Alzam

as-Sultdn instead of as- Sultan al-Alzam. The preceding title, of which

only traces of the concluding letters ( far ?) remain, may have been Abul

Muzaffar : if so, the inversion of the order of the titles is complete.

Perhaps most curious of all is the fact that the proper name Timur

appears to be constructed with the article al , but see footnote 5.

Similar inaccuracies, however, though not in such an accumulation,

occur on undoubted coins of Timur. See, e. g ., the spelling of Alif Jj*»j

on coins Nos. 12, 19, 29, etc., in the British Museum Catalogue.

The accumulation of titles is a very unusual feature on Timur’s

genuine coins, on which he never applies the imperial titles to him¬

self. It is just possible, of course, that the missing portion of the

reverse marginal legend may have contained the name of the nominal

Sultan, Mahmud Khan, though the rule of the latter is usually said to

have terminated in 800H. The title al-Malik appears to be found

occasionally on Timur’s genuine coins, seeBr. Mus. Cat., Nos. 34 and 35.

Al-khaqan is not found on any of .them. It occurs apparently for the

first time, on coins of the Timuride Abdullah (854 H.). The title

Sahib Qirdn , also, is not found on any of Timur’s known genuine coins ;

but it is well-known that that title was given to Timur on his accession

to the Amirship in 771 H.

A further difficulty is that Timur, on all his known genuine coins,

professes himself an orthodox Sunni Muhammadan : they bear the

Sunni form of the creed and only the names of the four orthodox

6 It is just possible that the alif in al-timur may belong to al-amir above, the alif

of which is not very clear, and that the apparent l of al-timur may be intended for

t. This would produce the ordinary spelling Timur without aDy article. Observe

a similar elongated form of t on the coins Nos. 27 and 30 in the British Museum

Catalogue.

137

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — - Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

Khalifahs. On the other hand, the present coin shows the Shi‘ah form

of the creed, together with the names of the twelve Imams. There is

the strongest evidence that Timur was a Shi‘ah,6 and if this gold piece

was made in India, the marks of the Shi'ah faith may have been put on

it to conciliate Timur.

Add to this that hitherto no gold coin of Timur, so far as I know,

has been discovered. Silver, copper and brass coins of his exist ; but

no gold coins have survived, if they ever existed. Moreover the weight

of the coin does not agree with the contemporary standard of Indian

gold coins.

All these circumstances inspire one with distrust. On the other

hand, it is difficult to account for a forgery. An imitator would ordinari¬

ly require a model to work with. The very difference of the present

coin from all known coins of Timur makes against a forgery. Then,

there is the curious resemblance, in the general style, to the contem¬

porary coins of India. Also the date and mint agree with the time

and circumstances of Timur’s transitory invasion of India. The piece is

probably not a coin at all, but may be a medal for commemoration or

presentation. This may account for its irregular weight.

IV. GrHAZNIH COINS.

In July 1896 a hoard of 739 Ghaznih coins were found near Ed-

wardsabad in the Bannu. district of the Panjab. A notice of the find is

published in the Proceedings for January, 1897. They were all coins of

Sabuktagin, who ruled from 366-387H. = 976-997 A.D., and most of them,

(718) belonged to the well-known variety, which is shown on Plate V,

No. 453, of the second volume of the British Museum Catalogue. This

variety has the name of Sabuktagin on the reverse, and the words

at-TdHyu li-l-ldhi on the obverse.

There is another variety of the same type of coin, which reverses

the position of those words : the name Sabuktagin is on the obverse,

and at-TdHyu li-l-ldhi on the reverse. This is very rare. I know only of

the existence of two specimens, one in the Indian Museum, No. 7847 in

i ts Catalogue, and the other in the India Office, from the Masson Collection,

noted in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, page 305.

In the Bannu find there were eight specimens of this variety.

There occurs a third variety, which shows the name of Sabuktagin

8 See Sir H. M. Elliot’s History of India , Yol. Ill, p. 393. The Tarikh-i-Timurl

shows the fact clearly. Thus it relates that Timur was one day sitting with

learned men of Halab. He asked them about their opinion regarding ‘Ali, Mawiyah

and Yazid. One of them whispered to his friend to be careful what he replied

because Timur was a Shi‘ah,

138

Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins. [No. 3,

on both sides, and omits the words at-Tdliyu li-l-ldhi altogether. This is

also very rare. I know only of the existence of one specimen ; it is in

the Lahore Museum, No. 11 (p. 24) of the second volume of the Museum

catalogue. In the Bannu find there were 13 specimens.

The British Museum, so far as I can discover, possesses no speci¬

mens of either of the two rare varieties. One of each has now been

given to it. The coin cabinets of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and of

Bombay, and]of the Museums in Madras, Lahore, Lucknow and Nagpur

have also been supplied with one specimen of each variety.

So far as I know, no facsimile of either of the two rarer varieties

has ever been published. Accordingly I do so now. Plate VI, No. 4

shows the second variety.

The margins on all the specimens of the find are almost entirely

clipped away, and do not offer sufficient traces to identify any mint or

date.

V. Early Indo-Scythian Coin (Kadphises II).

In the Proceedings for May, 1895, I published a notice of two coins

of Kadphises II, with new Kharosthi legends on the reverse, They be¬

longed to a hoard of 432 coins of Kadphises II and Kanishka, which

was found on the Kalka-Kasauli road in the Patiala State. With the

exception of those two, all the coins belonged to the ordinary, well-

139

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Bare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins .

known types. One of the two is too badly preserved, to deserve figur¬

ing ; very possibly its legend, after all, may be the ordinary one. But

the legend of the other is too distinct to be mistaken ; and, therefore,

I now publish a facsimile of it, on Plate VI, No. 6. The word apratihatasa

is quite distinctly legible on the right-hand side of the margin, where,

in the case of the ordinary legend, the words hima-kapigasa come in.

The Kharosthi letters of these two sets of words could not be mistaken

• •

for one another.

The full legend appears to have run as follows : —

[Ma] ha(rai)\Ja rojadliiraja] (sa tradata)sa apra(tihatasa) .

The aksaras, enclosed within angular brackets, are lost ; those

Within round brackets are more or less distinct ; the rest are quite clear.

The legend commences just to the right of f iva’s head, though ma

is lost. The ha of maharaja stands exactly over piva’s head. The tra of

tradatasa stands under f iva’s proper right foot. The heads of some

of the letters are worn away, thus rendering them, at first, doubtful ;

this is the case with data of tradatasa , and ti and ta of apratihatasa.

As the head of ti is lost, the letter might have been di. The vowel-

stroke of this letter has a rather unusual position, as it runs across the

perpendicular stroke of the consonant t (or d) instead of through to its

horizontal top-stroke. Moreover the horizontal bottom-stroke of ha

touches the foot of the letter ti (or di).

This is the first and, as yet, only coin of Kadphises II, on which

the epithet apratihata occurs. It occurs, however, on the coins of

Gondophares and Banjabala who must have been nearly contemporary

with Kadphises II. It also occurs, in the form apadihata , on the earlier

coins of Lysias, Artemidorus and Philoxenus,

The obverse is altogether the usual, wherefore it has not been

figured. The legend is almost entirely obliterated ; only a trace of

MErACO ( i.e ., pc yas ooppo) is just recognizable near the proper right

foot of the figure of Kadphises in its usual place.

VI. Indo-Bactrian Coins (Abdagases).

I take this opportunity of publishing facsimiles of the two Abda¬

gases coins, which have been noticed by me in the Proceedings for May

1895. See Plate VI, Nos. 7 and 8. The reverses only have been figured ;

the obverses do not differ from the usual type. As stated in the

Proceedings , these two copper coins were obtained from the Gaya bazar

with a number of others which offered nothing of interest.

The singularity of these two coins is that they are the first instance,

and the only one, hitherto discovered, of the Kharosthi script,/ running

from the left to the right.

I

\

140 Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins. [No. 3,

In addition to this, they show another minor peculiarity. On the

ordinary copper coins of Abdagases, as well as those of Gondophares

and other later Bactrian kings, the legend runs continuously all round

the margin, and is to be read from the inside of the coin. This, how¬

ever, is not the nsual arrangement on Bactrian coins. As a rule the legend

is not written continuonsly, but in two sections. The shorter section of

the Kharosthi legend (on the reverses), giving the name, commences ou

the lower right of the margin, and runs along the bottom of the coin,

from right to left, to the lower left of the margin ; and must be read

from the outside of the coin. The longer section commences on the

lower right of the margin, and runs up all round the top of the coin,

down to the lower left; and must be read from the inside of the coin.

Both sections, therefore, commence on the lower right of the margin,

and read from the right to the left, in diverging lines. The same arrange¬

ment holds good for the Greek legends (on the obverses) ; only in this

case, as Greek is read from the left to the right, the starting point of

the two sections is the lower left of the margin. Now on our new

Abdagases coins, there is a curious mixture of the Greek and Kharosthi

arrangements. The legend is written in two sections ; the shorter

section, giving the name, Avadagagasa , begins on the lower right, and

runs across to the lower left, and reads from the outside of the coin,

from the right to the left. This shorter section, therefore, follows the

usual system of writing and reading the Kharosthi script. But the

longer section commences on the left side, where the shorter section

ends, and then runs from the left to the right, round the upper part of

the margin, down to where the shorter section commences ; and it reads

from the inside of the coin. The longer section, therefore, reads from

the left to the right, like the Greek. In fact, that section is arranged

and reads like a Greek legend, while the shorter legend is arranged and

reads like a Kharosthi legend, though both sections are wrritten in

Kharosthi characters. In other respects the legend is the usual one, viz.: —

Longer section : Maharajasa tradatasa .

Shorter ditto : Avadagagasa .

It is the longer section, therefore, which shows the singularity,

above referred to, of a Kharosthi legend, reading from the left to the

right, after the fashion of the ordinary Indian Brahmi script. The

smaller section, on the other hand, shows the Kharosthi script in its

ordinary fashion of reading from the right to the left.

On No. 7 nearly the whole of the legend can be seen. The point of

junction of the two sections of the legend is on the left margin, just

opposite tjie middle of the back of the winged figure. Here (reading

from the \inside of the coin) the two aksaras maha are perfect and

1897.] Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

141

clear ; below tbem (reading from tbe outside of tlie coin) stand succes¬

sively 5a and pa, botli equally perfect and clear. Beyond pa, below the

feet of the figure, comes a fragment of ga. The next two letters vada

of the shorter section are quite gone ; but of the first letter a, a small

fraction is still visible. Again, of the longer section, above malui, there

come ra and ja, on the left and right side respectively of the bead of the

figure. The aksara ja is quite clear; but the horizontal headline of ra

is worn away ; and, moreover, it seems to have been turned the wroug

way ( r instead of 1 ), perhaps induced by the inversion of the direc¬

tion of the script. Then follow the letters sa and tra, both rather

crowded and mutilated. Next comes da, nearly perfect, and finally

come tasa, more or less mutilated. The legend, therefore stands thus:—

Malia(ra)ja(sa tra)da( tasa), ( A) [vada] (ga)pasa.

The angular brackets indicating lost, and the round brackets, muti¬

lated letters.

In No. 8, only the left portion of the legend is preserved ; viz., maha

of the longer, and gapasa of the shorter legend. On this specimen the

letter ga is in nearly perfect preservation.

It is a fortunate circumstance that the preserved portion happens

to contain just some of the most distinct letters of the Kharosthi alpha¬

bet. Most of the letters of that alphabet are, as a rule, most difficult to

identify. But this is never the case with the letters ma, sa, pa and ga,

and in a lesser degree with ha and ja. These six letters are just those best

preserved and quite distinct on both specimens. They together form

(as will be readily understood from the arrangement of the legend,

above explained) a continuous set of letters which make up, between

them, the beginning of the longer and the end of the shorter sections of

the legend. This set of letters is quite characteristic, and is sufficient

to show how the whole legend must have run, even when it is not

actually, or completely, extant.

VII. Gujarat Coins.

The coins of the Muhammadan “ Kings of Gujarat” are described in

the British Museum Catalogue, Coins of the Muhammadan States, pp. 132

ff., in this Journal, Yol. LVIII, for 1889, pp. 1 ff., and in Thomas’ Chroni¬

cles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, pp. 350 ff. There still remain, however,

many lacunae to fill up. Thus of Qutbu-d-din, the fourth Sultan, who

reigned from 855-863 H. = 1451-1458 A.D., no coin appears to have been

discovered hitherto ; none, certainly, has been either noticed or publish¬

ed. Not long ago, I had the good luck to discover two copper coins of

this Sultan, m fairly good condition, in a small collection which I was

J. i. 19

142 Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindii and Muhammadan Goins. [No. 3,

examining. They are now in my possession, by exchange. I publish

them in Plate VI, Nos. 9 and 10. They are varieties of two different

sizes.

No. 9. Weight 117 gr. Lettered surfaces. Date [8]5(6).

Obv.

•* •

Ja*)|

Rev.

[A>1

No. 10., Weight 77 gr. Lettered surfaces. Date 855.

Obv.

LW|

Rev.

^LkJLJ(

Ada

The date of No. 10, is nearly perfect; that of No. 9, is mutilated;

its unit’s figure may be either 6 or 5.

These two coins are historically noteworthy as they disclose the

regnal name of Qutbu-d-din, which appears to have bfeen hitherto un¬

known. It is Ahmad Shah, and he is therefore now to be counted as

the second of that name in the genealogical list, while he who hitherto

stood in it as Ahmad Shah II, reigning from 961-969 H = 1553-1561 A.D.,

must now be counted as the third Ahmad. I notice that the British

Museum Catalogue gives two copper coins of this Ahmad Shall III,

Nos. 435 and 436, on page 140. Neither of them are dated : nor are

they figured in the plates : from the latter circumstance I conclude that

they are not well enough preserved to be figured, and that their reverses,

in the original state, probably bore a date. Possibly it may now turn

out that they are really coins of Ahmad Shah II.

I may note that the coins of Ahmad ghah II, in type and execution,

show distinctly the character of the early Gujarat issues, as seen in the

coins of Ahmad Shah I, and Mahmud Shah I. A century later, in the

time of Ahmad Shah III, the coinage had considerably altered and

deteriorated. This maybe seen from his coins, published by Mr. Oliver,

in this Journal , Vol. LVIII, p. 11, Plate III, Nos. XXVI and XXVII.

They resemble, in this respect, the coins of his successor Muzaffar Shah

III, who reigned from 969-980 H. = 1561-1572 A.D. A copper coin of

the latter has been published by Mr. Oliver, ibidem , p. 11, Plate III,

No. XXXII. To these I add now two other coins of Muzaffar III, of

two different varieties.

Plate VI, No. 11, Weight 174 grains. Date 969.

1897. J

Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins.

143

Obv.

Rev.

Lettered surface.

Lrf I J

4>

*

m*U

J&J tjJl

In marginal circle.

jSda/Q

Plate VI, No. 12. Weight 174 grains. Date 96*.

Obv.

A

Rev.

SI*

jidaK

jJ|«

The complete legends of No. 12, would he : —

Obv. j txW|

Rev. s *1 * &IA fctk^&la/O

After Muzaffar III, the Gujarat coinage went on degenerating, and

now, in one of its most degenerate forms, makes the coinage of the

modern Native State of Navanagar, tributary to the State of Junagarh,

to which Muzaffar is said to have fled after his defeat by Akbar’s

generals (see ante , Vol. LVIII, p. 4). To this period belong the two

silver coins, dated 978 H., published by Mr. Oliver, ibidem, p. 11, Plate

III, Nos. XXIX and XXX. I may note that the date 78 has been

stereotyped on the whole series of these Navanagar coins, down to its

modern issue. I publish here a set of characteristic specimens.

Plate VI, No. 13. Weight 117 grains. Lettered surfaces. Date 78.

Obv. Rev.

ejlLLJt

VA

Jjl-W jhiaAi

Plate VI, No. 14.

Plate VI, No. 15.

l fragments.

o»— » '■*» I

etc. bJtiJf

Similar to No. 13.

Weight 149 grains. Lettered surfaces.

No date.

Obv.

Rev.

Illegible fragments.

It may be read qf?r or

or & IkL.

144 Dr. Hoernle — Bare Hindu and Muhammadan Goins. [No. 3,

Plate VI, No. 16. Modern issue, which adopts the type of No. 13.

Date 78. Weight 98 grains.

Obv. n)UaJLvo jSJok 78 (in corrupt spelling),

Bev. The usual legend etc., reduced to meaningless scrawls.

VIII. South-Indian Coins.

In November, 1896, I received 42 coins which had been found in

the district of Angul in Orissa. My report on them is published in

the April Proceedings for 1897. They consisted of 22 Bahmani silver

coins and 20 gold pieces. It is the latter, of specimens of which I now

publish facsimiles. Among the former there were no novelties, except¬

ing a slight new variety of the well-known type of Firuz Shah’s coin.

The only difference in this variety is in the form of the ^ j in Firtiz’s

title of Taju-d-din. In December, 1892, I received two more gold

pieces, found on the banks of the river Brahmini in the Tributary

State of Dhanakanal. See Proceedings for April, 1897.

Of the 20 gold pieces from Angul, 18 have small gold loops

attached, by which they were threaded on a piece of string, forming

probably a small necklet. They are very small, thin pieces of gold,

weighing, on the average, only 8 grains, though some weigh only 6'5

grains. Eighteen of them, as well as the two pieces from Dhenkanal,

are coins, “ locally (as I am informed) called boons.” In the Interna¬

tional Numismata Orient alia, Vol. I, “ Coins of Southern India,” by

Sir Walter Elliot, there is one coin, No. 93 on Plate III, which bears

some resemblance to the coins now described, but it is too imperfect for

identification.

The obverse of all these coins is alike. It shows the figure of a

recumbent bull to the right, with the conch shell in front, and another

emblem of varying form over the back. Only in one specimen, No. 28,

the bull is turned to the left. The reverse also is alike, with the

exception of one specimen. The usual type of the reverse shows a

kind of irregular oblong quadrangle, between two indistinct symbols.

Below the oblong are one or two numbers, and above it a short

legend of (apparently) three aksaras. This legend is in some cases

obliterated by the loop or worn away, though in most cases it may never

have existed at all. It is not very distinct, and seems to read crigaga ,

the meaning of which I do not know. It can best be seen on Plate I,

Nos. 22 and 29 ; also partially on No. 18. Its existence on Nos. 17, 19,

20 and 21, etc., is doubtful. Nos. 17, 18, 24,27, 28, 29, and 30 show different

varieties of the symbol over the bull. The numbers under the bull

are the following : 3 on No. 19, 4 on No. 20, 9 on No. 21, 13 on No. 18,

145

1897. j Dr. Hoernle — Rare Hindu and Muhammadan Coins .

19 on No. 27, 31 on No. 30, 33 on Nos. 17 and 28, 34 on Nos. 22 and 23,

and 44 on No. 29. Of these numbers, 3 occurs on 1 specimen, 4 on 2, 9

on 3, 13 and 19 on one each, 31 on six, 33 on three, 34 on two and 44

on one. They would seem to indicate years, but whether of a reign or

of an era, I do not know.

The single exception of the reverse, above referred to, is No. 29.

Here the oblong is wanting ; the legend QrJgaga, in rather large letters,

and the number 44, enclosed between two upright strokes, take up the

whole face of the reverse.

There remain Nos. 25 and 26. Both have loops and belonged to

the necklace, above noticed. I believe they are mere ornamental pieces,

though they may be struck from coin dies. No. 26 shows a rosette,

while No. 25 has the anthropoid figure of Garuda, standing to the

left. Neither of them are uncommon devices on South-Indian Coins

(see loco cit ., PI. II, 75, etc.). The reverse of both pieces is blank,

only showing the countersunk mark of the punch, used to punch out

the raised obverse device.

Since the publication of my report in the April Proceedings , I find

that coins of this kind have been described and figured by Dr. E.

Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXY, (December, 1896, received

by me, however, only in May, 1897), Plate II, Nos. 30-33. They

resemble my coins, Nos. 17-21, showing on the obverse the bull, and on

the reverse, the oblong with date. Dr. Hultzsch ascribes these coins to

King Anantavarman of Kalirjga, who ascended the throne in 1078 A.D.,

and added Orissa to his dominions. He also takes the oblong to be the

letter sa, an abbreviation of sa\_mvat] or ‘ year,’ and the numbers to signify

regnal years. If this is correct, my No. 29 would be of the 44th year

of Anantavarman, or the year 1121 A.D. As Anantavarman bore the

surname Cdda-garjga, I conjecture that the legend on the coins, Nos. 18,

22, 29, is intended for Cri-Ga\_m~\ga, and refers to the surname Coda-

gaijga. What Dr. Hultzsch takes to be a crescent over the head of the

bull, appears to me to be merely intended for the horns of the bull.

146 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken [No. 3,

Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken in the Western and Southern

Parts of the Panjab. — By the Rev. Trevor Bomford, M. A.,

C. M. S., Multan.

[Read March 1897.]

These have two forms.

A. The Direct. In this form they are found in nearly every

language which has retained any system for the conjugation of verbs,

and their usual mode of use is in connection with the root of a tense

to form the different persons. Except for the fact that there are one

or two peculiarities in their use in Western Panjabi, and one or two

unusual forms, it would hardly be necessary to mention them, but as it

is we will devote a short space to them.

Their forms are —

ah, aha, aha, ahe, iha.

In reference to these forms we would remark.

1. That in Sindhi a is the short nominative of 1st Pers. Pron.

Sing, and that the instrumental form of 1st Plur. is

as§ or asahe.

2. Their original forms were in Prakrit,

1st Sing, ami, 2nd Sing, asi, 3rd Sing, ai,

1st Plur. amo, 2nd Plur. aha, 3rd Plur. anti.

In their simplest form, they are used in the Shahpur district

to express the ideas “ I am,” “ Thou art,” &c., and Sir R. P. Burton gives

them in this shape to represent the present tense of the Substantive

verb in the extreme south of the Panjab.

They do not however, as a rule, stand alone, but are attached to

some other word or part of the root of a word.

1897.] in the Western and Southern Tarts of the Panjab.

147

(1) Thus they are attached to the root ‘h’ of the Substantive

verb to form its present tense as —

1st Pers. Sing. Hs or Mai hi, I am.

2nd

3rd

1st

He or Tu he,

He or Uh he,

Pers. Plur.

C Hai

(Hal

or

Assa hai,

Thou art.

He is.

We are.

2nd „ „ Ho or Tussa ho, You are.

3rd „ „ Hin or Uhe hin, They are.

It will be seen that the 1st Pers. Plur. has in this case another

form.

(2.) They are attached to nouns. In this case if the noun ends

in a vowel it contracts with the affix or disappears thus —

Zal mutt! hoi jliuge, Without a wife is any place a home,

jhuge = jhuga e.

Hik savi kunje, There is a grey crane,

kunje = kunj e.

Iwi apni ghinda matlabe, In this way he gets his purpose.

Here one would expect ‘ apni matlab ghinda (h)e.

Baikhari di ajab chale, The profession of Baikhars is wonderful.

Hik mail khatae, kliande sara sale, One month he earns wages —

he eats (lives on his earnings) the whole year.

3. They are attached to adjectives thus —

Iho kharabe, This is bad.

Uh cange, That is good.

Uhe can gin, They are good.

Thulha kapra handhda cange, Thick cloth wears well.

4. They are attached to present participles. Thus —

Karendi, I do.

'1 )

At first sight many would pronounce this merely a contraction for

karendahi, but I do not think that it is. The simple form of these exist¬

ed before the ‘ h ’ form, and further there is a slight difference in mean¬

ing for the shorter form has, in writings at all events, a more indefinite

meaning thus —

Aukhe velhe dost pakardin, — In times of difficulty friends are

useful. — Pakarde hin would be rather “ are being useful.”

5. The third person singular and plural at all events are found

with Transitive Past Participles —

Ka! Iho jihl kam kite, Who ever did such a deed as this.

Assi sare patte dasain, All details were given by us.

148 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spolcen [No. 3,

6. They are found (or some of them) with the Past tense of In¬

transitive Verbs. Thus —

Ay I, I came. Gii, I went.

Nikatthe, He came out. Nikatthin, They came out.

Here too in place of these common forms, we find one (if not two)

other forms representing the direct ( i.e ., Nominative) Pronoun.

(a) The first of these is the ending 4 us ’ representing the first

person pronoun (Singular).

So far I have only met it in a short story called the Four Fools

where it occurs some 15 times.

(1) In connection with the root ha (of the Past Tense of the

Substantive verb), thus —

Mai suta pia bans, I was sleeping.

(2) In connection with various Intransitive Past Participles,

Thus —

Nikatthus, I came out.

Mat bolius, I spoke.

Mai gius, I went.

(h.) The second of these is ti or § which represents the 2nd Pers.

Sing, as —

Kede gm, Whither didst thou go.

TS jayS, Thou wast born.

Jadan til unde sarnhne thill, When you were before him.

Til vi sakht dukh vie pin., You too have fallen into great trouble.

There is considerable difficulty in determining whether these

forms represent a direct, i.e., a Nominative, pronoun or whether they

are to be classed amongst the indirect pronominal affixes, which repre¬

sent an agent or dative. This uncertainty arises from the character

of the Past Participle of the Intransitive verb. This was I believe

originally a Passive Participle (just as those of Transitive verbs are

still), and as a Passive Participle when it took pronominal affixes it took

them in the indirect forms. Even when expressed independently of

the verb, they sometimes assume the same construction ; especially when

some other words intervene between the pronoun and the verb. Thus

we have such a phrase as “Un . . aya ” which is literally 44 By

him the act of coming was.”

They are, however, also found constructed as Active Participles, with

a true Nominative — not an Agent ; thus 4 U aya ’ He came : and they

are found with the direct affixes ; as 44 a -ya,” I came, and 44 ayin,” They

came. Under these circumstances it is not easy to decide in dealing

with rare forms whether such represent a Nominative or an Agent.

1897.] in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab. 149

Iri the case of the {s ’ form for the 1st person, I am nearly sure that

it represents a nominative for the following reasons

(1) It is generally accompanied by the full form of the pronoun,

thus — “ Mai baith rihus ” I remained seated.

It is true the full form of the pronoun is found also with the

indirect forms; as “Mai marium ” which literally is

“By me a beating was by me but they are rarely used

in this way, for the meaning of the final ‘ m ’ is well-

known, and the full form not prefixed.

(2) There is a clear and distinct form for the agent (or indirect

affix) of the 1st Person, viz., ‘ m ’ ; which is found in such

forms as “ Ayum ” “ Riham, ” and which has a form of its

own in connection with ‘ ha ’ viz., ‘ haim,’ It was by me.

The first of these reasons holds good of the 2nd Person form a or o,

but not the second (except that one friend gave me hafl, as the 2nd Pers.

Sing, form corresponding to haus, but he could give no examples) ; for

the Agent form for that is 51 or el, when attached to the Past Participles

of Transitive Verbs — and, further, these in proverbs or poetry some¬

times drop the ‘ i ’ which is the true representative of the 2nd person

singular. Thus “ Path dito kuwar lot,” You sent the girl. Therefore when

one finds such forms as o, 8, ft attached to the uncertain Intransitive

Verbs, it is impossible to say whether they represent an Agent form or a

Nominative form of the 2nd Person Singular Pronoun. I am inclined

however to think that, when we have o simply, it represents an Agent

(with of course a Nominative meaning), for it is the form sometimes

adopted by the Agent with Transitive Verbs, — but, when we have ft or

o, I should class it with the direct forms ; for the nasal (which is however

very uncertain in its coming and going) is a characteristic of the other

direct form viz. 8.

It is interesting to notice that * I came ’ may be expressed in four

different ways.

(1) Mai aya, (2) Ay§ or Ma! ayS, (3) Ayus or MaT §yus, (4) Ayum.

7. They are attached to the potential and future roots of verbs to

conjugate those tenses. The full pronoun may be also (and generally

is) expressed as well. Thus —

Potentials.

J. i. 20

150 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken [No. 3,

B. The Indirect form which they take to represent the Agent or

the Dative.

In this form they are not regularly used in Panjabi though an

occasional instance may be met with, but are found both in Sindhi and

Kazmin.

Sindhi uses them —

a) With nouns , but as a general rule only with such nouns as

have a personal relation to the speaker as,

Nenume, My eye.

Piuse, His father.

but we never find any suffix to represent the 1st Pers. Plural used

with nouns,

(2) With postpositions thus —

Kanime, to me.

and (3) extensively with verbs. Suffixes which properly belong to

nouns may also be attached to verbs.

Kaj^miri uses them only with verbs ; but here, again, we find the

curious exception of the 1st Person Plural, which is never found repre¬

sented by a suffix.

In the Western Panjab they were not used with nouns — unless

a case, which will be subsequently dealt with, may be reckoned as

such — but are used

(1) with every part of the verb, even in many cases when one

would more naturally expect them to be found with nouns,

and

(2) with negatives.

The forms they take are —

1st Pers. Sing. ‘ m *

2nd Pers. Sing. i

I

a

This is their form when represent¬

ing a Dative, or an Agent (when

they are joined to the root by a con¬

necting link which is either e or 6).

The long form a is only found after

the third Person Sing, of the

1897.]

in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab.

151

Future which ends in i and requires

this pronoun, if attached, to he

marked out by a stronger form than

the usual i (see examples later on.)

vl With the root of the past tense

v§ of the Substantive Verb.

Here ‘ v ’ is a connecting link.

6 This is the form taken with the

S Past Participles of Intransitive

Verbs, and rarely with Transitive

V erbs ,

3rd Pers. Sing. ‘ s ’

1st Pers. Plur. se This is joined to the root by a

connecting link,

o in the South of the country, ah

in Shahpur. See also the Substan¬

tive Verb.

word, when some other Agent is

suffixed. (See instances of double

suffixes).

The connecting link may be i or

a or o.

Being used for the Agent or the Dative, they carry a meaning of

“ by ” or “ to ” with, as is the case with the direct adjuncts, generally a

verbal meaning attached.

Thus ‘ m ’ means that something “ is by me ” or “ is to me.”

But they cannot stand alone, they must be attached to something.

To represent the bare fact that something “ is by (or to) me or thee

or him, &c„” they attach themselves, as do the direct forms for increased

emphasis, to some part of the Substantive Verb ; — to the root letter ‘ h ’

to represent the idea of ‘ is ’ and to the base ‘ha ’ to represent that of

‘ was ’ thus —

A. 1st Pers. Sing, h im 1st Pers. Plur. h isse

2nd „ „ h ei 2nd „ •„ h ivve or h ivlie

3rd „ „ h is 3rd „ „ h inbe

V.B.—'Of these the forms for 1st and 2nd Plur. are often used in

J 52 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spolcen [No. 3,

Of these the 1st and 2nd Singular, and the 1st and 2nd Plurals, are

extensively used for what should be the direct forms of the Past Ter.se

of the Substantive Verb, but are also used with their own peculiar

signification.

These two tenses (if we may call them so) are in very common use

in connection with the Past Participles of Transitive Verbs, to form the

Perfect and Pluperfect Tenses of such verbs. In this case they represent

the Agent and, often, the pronoun is fully written before the verb as

well as expressed in the Suffix : but they are often found, especially

when a Dative has to be expressed, independently of auy other verb.

Examples of 1st Person Singular.

1st Tense as Agent.

Mai kanak rihai him, By me wheat has been sown by me.

E sare zewar pate him, All these jewels have been worn by me.

1st Tense as Dative.

Itli tasalli tin gai him, So much comfort has come to me.

Du gal he taT kanfi puchaniE him, Two questions to be asked from

thee are to me.

2nd Tense as Agent.

Mai farmaish kiti haim, By me the order was given by me.

Taiyar kita liaim, Preparation was made by me.

Biyan jo sunia ham, The account which was heard by me.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Kujh accha na lagda haim, Nothing seemed good to me.

Tir lagge hue liaim dil kTI, The arrows went home to me to the heart.

Examples of 2nd Person Singular.

1st Tense as Agent.

Tai tarah badshah da suniha mai kn pahuncaya hei, As the

king’s message was delivered to me by thee.

Iku. suujata hei, To him has recognition been by thee.

1897.]

in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab.

153

1st Tense as Dative.

Hik galh hei, One word to thee.

Gurdish hei, Trouble is to thee.

2nd Tense as Agent.

E kanak kith! rihal havi, Where was this wheat sown by thee.

Til minnat kiti have, By thee a request was made by thee.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Yar ay a havi, Did thy lover come to thee.

Examples of 3rd Person Singular.

1st Tense as Agent.

Kanak mol glridl his, Wheat has been bought by him.

Kiya qusur kita, his, What crime has been done by him.

Occasionally the Substantive Verb instead of being merely re¬

presented by ‘ h ’ takes its own plural form to agree with the Nomina¬

tive, if that is plural : thus

AssakS ni‘amate ditti! hinnis, By him blessings have been

given to us.

Itli shai as saldl khoaya hinnis, So many things to eat

have been given to us by him.

1st Tense as Dative.

Bukhar his, Fever is to him.

DadhI sat lagl his, A severe blow was struck to him.

Ghairat dil vie aundi his, Jealousy is coming into the heart

to him, i. e., into his heart.

2nd Tense as Agent.

Jerha dinh muqarrar kita haus, The day which was ap¬

pointed by him.

Iho jibs bagh na sunia huya haus, Such a garden as this

had never been heard of by him.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Sabh kujh ghar vie haus, Everything was in the house to him.

Kahi shai di parwa na haus, Care about anything was not

to him.

Toie jo banhe vi rakh ditte! hamis, although female slaves

were appointed by me for him.

Occasionally instead of merely the root ha we find a modified

plural form, of the 3rd pers. plur. of the Past Tense, to agree with a

Nominative Plural. The full form is liai or linn, as

Jitle zewar hath lagde hanis, As many jewels as came into

the hand to him, i. e as came into his hand.

Bhil sari! kapre ute paundil hanis, Very many used to fall

iuto his clothes.

154 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken [No. 3,

Agent 1st Pers. Plur.

Ghidinse, We have received them.

Agent 2nd Pers. Plur.

Ghidinve, You have received them.

Examples of 1st Person Plural.

1st Tense as Agent.

Banaya hisse, It has been built by us.

Uldl qaid kar rakhia hisse, Imprisonment has been given

to him by us.

1st Tense as Dative.

IkH na chorawana hisse, It is impossible for us to desert him.

2nd Tense as Agent.

Koi kam na kita base, Nothing was done by us.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Jiw§ hukm ditta hase, As order was given to us.

Examples of 2nd Person Plural.

1st Tense as Agent.

E farmaya hivve, Has this been ordered by you.

E vi sahih farmaya hivve, This, too, was clearly ordered by you.

1st Tense as Dative.

Kith hivve Shahzada, Where is the prince for you, i.e .,

where is your prince.

2nd Tense as Agent.

Faqlr kS farmaya have, To the faqir an order was given by you.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Jiwe mai farmaya havl, As by me was ordered to you.

Examples of 3rd Person Plural.

1st Tense as Agent.

Farmaish kit! hinhe, An order was given by them.

1st Tense as Dative.

Tussle sare patte dasae hinhe, Have you told to them all the

details.

2nd Tense as Agent.

O

Nan dl shad! kiti hauke, A nominal wedding was gone

through by them.

2nd Tense as Dative.

Jitha faqlr hukm ditta hanlie, Where by the faqir the order

was given to them.

Jerhe velhe bhuk trai lagdi hanh§, When hunger and thirst

came to them.

1897.]

in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab.

155

II. Sometimes, when in connection with nouns, they dispense with

the ‘ li ’ ; and attach themselves directly to the noun : thus

Multan gharara At Multan a house is to me.

„ ghari „ „ „ „ thee.

„ gharus „ „ „ „ him.

„ ghar ahse „ „ „ „ us.

The following example of Indirect pronominal affixes with nouns

is from Shahpur.

Sing. 1 Kassim, I have fever Plur. 1 Kassisse, We have fever.

„ 2 Kassel, Thou hast fever. „ 2 Kassinehe, You have fever.

„ 3 Kassis, He has fever. ,, 3 Kassinne, They have fever.

Of course in these the literal meaning is Fever is to me, &c.

Such forms are more common towards Shahpur and at first sight

look like instances of Kouns with affixes. Thus “ Multan gharam ” looks

as if it might be My house is at Multan, hut this is not the case ; for we

cannot say “ Gharam dur he,” My house is far ; hut must say Meda

ghar dur he.

They are really instances of the fact that these endings, even with¬

out au ‘ h, ’ carry in themselves the idea of the verb.

III. They are attached to the Past Participles of Intransitive Verbs

either as Agents (for the Past Participles of Intransitive Verbs were

originally, as those of Transitive Verbs are now, Passive Participles),

or as Datives.

The ‘ m ’ form as Agent.

Un dl hath a gium, I came into his hand.

Zar zar ronam, I wept bitterly.

Jerhe velhe farigh thium, When I became at leisure.

Pia riham, I remained fallen.

The 1 m ’ form as Dative.

Sat jd laggium, The blow which was given to me.

But Ravi do carh juliam, My body has got up and gone to

the Ravi.

Hosh tliikane na rihum, Sense did not stand firm for me.

E dalil dil vie guzrium, This thought passed through my

mind.

2nd Person Singular.

Agents.

Ap na ayo, You did not come yourself.

Datives.

Tars na ayo, Did not pity come to thee.

Rahm na ayo, Ditto.

156 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken [No. 3,

3rd Person Singular.

Agents (rare).

Dbai piyus, He fell.

Datives (common).

Ala kann§ piyus, A voice fell on liis ears.

Kujh patta na laggus, No trace met him.

Jan vie jan ayus, Life came into his soul.

Ts gius sin kha, The whiteants ate it.

Koi khiyal dil vie na ayus, No thought came into his mind.

Kapri bha laggius, Fire caught his clothes.

Hik mahal vi nazar ayus, A palace too came into his sight.

N.B. — Many of the above look more like Genitives which have

Attached themselves to the verb instead of to their proper noun, but

Grammarians explain them as being Dativus Gommodi.

The First Person Plural.

(1) As Agent.

Uh kantl assa thi cukose, From to-day we have finished.

Dhruklose assS, We ran.

Ghartl nikath5se. We came out from the house.

Watan kanS be watau thiose, We became strangers to our

home country.

(2) As Dative.

Hik khiyal piose, A thought came to us.

The 2nd Person Plural,

a) As Agent.

Apni khushi vie lagge rihove, You remained engaged in

your own pleasure.

Kiyft giove, Wh}r did you go.

(2) As Dative.

Kith giove uh ja, Where has that place of yours gone.

The 3rd Person Plural.

(1) Agent.

Dil vie soconhe, They thought in their heart.

(2) Dative.

Yad ayonhe, Remembrance came to them.

N.B. — Those called Agents look like Nominatives with an Active

Past Participle, but

(1) When a Nominative is desired it is expressed by the direct

adjunct either with or without ‘ h ’ ; as —

Ay§, I came.

Ayeliin, They came.

(2) They have the same forms as the undisputable agents

attached to Transitive Verbs.

1897.]

m the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab.

157

IV. They are attached to the Past ( i.e ., Passive) Participle of

Transitive Verbs both as Agents and Datives.

Examples of-—

Sing. 1st Person as Agent.

E wa*da kitum, This promise was made by me.

Jo ca ghidium, Whatever was taken up by me.

Hal na puchium, The condition was not enquired by me.

Jadan an di shakal dithium, When his form was seen by me.

As Dative.

Un marium, By him a beating was given to me.

Sing. 2nd Person as Agent.

E sabh kujh taiyar kitoi, Has all this been got ready by

thee.

Faqir da suwal manoi, Has the faqir’s request been granted

by thee.

Jainda uj man kite!, Boasting about which has been to-day

made by thee.

Path dito kuwar kil, You sent the girl. (Here dito has

dropped the final * i ’ and has the Intransitive form.)

Us da kam kitoi, Hast thou done his business. Shahpur.

As Dative.

Sahiban mute! khatt. Sahiban has sent a letter to thee.

Us kam kitoi. Has he done thy business.

Ke hukm dheoi, What order was given to thee.

KaT sikhlaei, Who taught thee.

Sing. 3rd Pers. as Agent. (The commonest of all.)

Uha topi ca kitius, That hat was picked up by him.

Biyan kitus, A relation was made by him.

Hik shakhs kTI pathius, He sent a man.

J5 kujh bhanus so kujh kitus, Whatever he pleased he did.

Un kanS puchius, He asked from him.

As Dative.

Un di ma akhius, His mother said to him.

Marius yar, Her lover beat her.

Kitus mota, He fattened it.

Plural 1st Person.

As Agent.

Salah kitose, We took counsel.

As Dative.

Un mfiriose,

J. i, 21

By him a beating was given to us.

158 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spoken [No. 3,

Plural 2nd Person.

As Agent.

E patte kiwe dittovhe, How have you given these particulars.

Cu saza dittove, What punishment have you given.

As Dative,

Ke mareane, Who beat you (or them). Shahpur.

Towards Shahpur the 2nd Pers., Plur. while retaining its own

characteristic e, has adopted as its connecting link the letter i n ’ thus

identifying itself with the 3rd Pers. Plur., which there, as in Baliawal-

pur, is written ne.

3rd Pers. Plural.

As Agent.

Salah kitonhe, They took counsel.

Jerhe velhe zamin kll pationhe, When they dug up the

ground.

Muharl dihan kitonh§, The fishermen made a complaint.

E galh akh pathionh§, They sent and said this.

Tamasha dithonh§, They saw the tamasha.

As Dative.

Kai marionh§, Who beat them.

It will be noticed that there is sometimes a short ‘ i ’ before the

endings of 1st Singular and 3rd Sing, and Plur. This is easily

accounted for —

Past Participles are of two forms.

a. That of maria, contracted probably from marija.

These should have the i.

h. That of kita, the older form of Past Participle. These should

not prefix an i to the Pronoun ending.

But they sometimes do to assimilate their compound forms with

those of the other form. Sometimes too, I think to agree with a noun

feminine. And compounds of the first form occasionally drop the i.

IV. b. Past Participles of Transitive Verbs are found with two

suffixes. One to represent the Agent, the other the object.

a. Agent 1st Pers. Sing.

JutamT jora — pani layamT, By me the pair was yoked for

thee, the water was laid on by me for thee.

Rupae dittumis, The Rupees were given by me to him.

Rupae ditteimis, (Shahpur),

Rupae dittumve, The Rupees were given by me to you.

Rupae dittionum, The Rupees were given by me to them.

Or, in the Bar, Rupeie dittemu.

Cf. Kazmin dyutmas.

1897.] in the Western and Southern Parts of the Punjab. 159

b. Agent 3rd Person Singular.

Jitte zewar hath lagde hanis itte na lahionis, Though all

these jewels came to his hands, he did not take them.

Lahionis has its first syllable shortened.

Muhre kit bhuka sationis, As for the mohars he threw them

away.

Unhe de hath dhowionis, As for their hands he washed

them.

Shukrane khuda de kitonis, Thanks to Grod, he gave them.

N.B. — In the following the object is double.

Paqir panj car tuhar kadh karahe ditonis, The faqir

taking out 4 or 5 pieces gave them to him.

The following example has been given earlier, viz., when the pro¬

nouns with ‘ h ’ were given.

Tore jo banhe vi rakh dittia hamis, Although female slaves

too w'ere appointed by me for him.

Y. They may be met with attached, generally in the so-called

Dative sense, to any part of the verb.

Here we will take our examples not according to the persons of the

pronoun but according to the part of the verb.

a. The Infinitive.

Ashkele da babu he, ashkel kithail sikhan vanjanis , He is

the father of treachery. Where should he go to learn

treachery from.

b. The Imperative.

Vanjan deos, Let him go.

Dhrukis pukaris, Ttun after him and catch him.

c. The Potential.

1st Person with 2nd Pers. Sing. Aff.

Jiw§ akhaT, As I say to thee.

Matan khale di mar vi diwai.

Here in both examples the pronoun is inserted before the final nasal.

In example 2, too, the root is shortened.

1st Pers. with 3rd Pers. Sing. Af£.

Hal puch ghiniaus, Let me enquire about his condition.

E saza bhSi his ki hakkil diwais, This punishment is

enough for him that I drive him away.

2nd Pers. Sing, with 3rd Pers. Afi.

Til pitls sir kanfi, te mal pitesa vakh, You may lament him

(sitting) by his head. I will lament him apart.

J60 T, Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spohen [No. 3,

3rd Pers. Sing, with 1st Pers. Sing. Aff.

Tore mahina langh vanjim, Though a whole month pass

for me.

Nazar yar awim mata^, Perchance my lover may appear

to me

3rd Pers. Sing, with 2nd Pers. Aff.

IQiair howl, Blessing to thee.

Allah na anei, May God not bring to thee.

Satu powi, May paralysis fall on thee.

Putr uho jerha pakri, As for a son, that one who is useful

to thee.

Na doh began! gHh, mar! lat te bhani b§h, Don’t milk a

strange cow, lest she give you a kick and break your arm.

N.B. — The following seems to combine the 1st and 2nd Affixes with

the 3rd Pers. of the Potential.

Pir da pakhar howim, May the blessing of the saint be on

thee for my part.

3rd Pers. Sing, with 3rd Sing. Aff.

Jiwe jiwe nazdik pahunoda vanje, tiwe tiwe kujh rang nazar

aunda van j is, As she drew near, so some colour came into

his sight.

3rd Pers. Plur. with 2nd Sing. Aff.

Marini samjhende, May thy advisers die.

Kai dalill powini, May some excuses occur to thee.

Future 1st Pers. Sing, with 2nd Sing. Aff.

Hath bhan ghat sai, I will break your hand.

Hikho galh karesal, One thing I will do to thee.

Future 1st Pers. Sing, with 3rd Pers. Aff.

Nere awan na disanis, I will not let him come near.

Future 3rd Pers. Sing, with 1st Pers. Aff.

Visar na vesim, Forgetfulness will not come by me.

Future 3rd Pers. Sing, with 2nd Pers. Aff.

Koi bia waqt asia, Will a second opportunity come to thee.

Kita karaya lorh vasia, All you have done will be thrown

away for thee.

Laga dang na lahsia, This stain will not otherwise come off

for thee.

In these three the pronominal affix has been lengthened, coming

after a vowel the same as itself, and in the first two the root vowel has

been shortened.

Future 3rd Pers. Sing, with 2nd Pers. Plur. Aff.

Yaqin aslve, Assurance will come to you.

1897.] in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab. 1GI

Future 3rd Pers. Sing, with 3rd Plural, Aff.

STh khasoni, The tiger will eat them.

Future 1st Pers. Plur. with 3 Pers. Aff.

Sabh hal puch ghinsauis, We will enquire into his affairs.

Mai chik ghinsaffis, We will steal away his cattle.

In these forms a superfluous a has been inserted possibly to represent

a causative.

Present Participle Sing, with 3 Pers. Aff.

Biha pital da hondis, His hinder parts are of brass.

Dushman honda, t§; hon tai sara shahr uda ditta h5ndis, If

it were an enemy, then ere this all the city would have

been blown up by him.

Present Participle Sing, (as Present Tense) with 2 Sing. Aff.

Ha t^ jhuge kft bha. lendai, Otherwise I set fire to your hut.

Present Participle Sing, with 3rd Plur. Aff.

Jerhe velhe un da ma‘lum thindoni, When its real condition

became known to them.

Present Participle Plur. with 2nd Sing. Aff.

Yairl vasdei saure, Thy enemies dwell near.

Past Participle Fern. Plur. (Sindh! ending) with 3rd pers. sing. Aff.

U velhe itli pi§ pii giS is, At that time so many lice fell

on him.

Akkhi kanff hanjhn: nikal ayffis, From his eyes tears came

out.

VI. They are used with the negative. This use is not found either

in Ka9mirl or Sindhi. The root of the negative is either na or nS

(or nahi). The variety of forms taken by this when pronouns are

attached is very great, but the following are some of the most

common.

Multan.

1st Sing. Nimhe

2nd Sing. Nivi

3rd Sing. Nisi

Shdhpur.

Thai The Bar.

The form 1 st Pers. Nisi,

3rd Per. Nihaare given

by O’Brien as met by

him in the Multan

District.

Of the 3 forms given

for the 1st Sing, in

362 T. Bomford — Pronominal Adjuncts in the Language spolcen [No. 3 ,

Notes. — I expect the common Negative nahi originally represented

the Negative, with a 3rd Pers. Plur. affix either Nominative or Dative.

The form Nimhi is peculiar. When it is used direct as a Nomina¬

tive, it is almost the rule to express the pronoun, as well, in its Nomina¬

tive form (see examples). This is either for emphasis or because the

people are forgetting that the pronoun is expressed in the “ m, ”

though they have so far remembered it, that they never use this form

except with the 1st Pers. Sing.

Its origin is uncertain, but can be accounted for if the ordinary

form nahi did represent n inhe. Then nimhe might be resolved into

na m ihe.

Not I them do know.

Nimbi janda.

The only ones in common use round Multan are those for 1st Sing,

and 1st and 2nd Plur. and to them our examples will be confined.

a. They are used with a Nominative Sense. Thus —

1st Sing.

Mai nimhi janda, I do not know.

Nisi karenda, I am not doing anything.

Kujh ‘arz nimhe kar sagda. I can make no excuse.

1st Plur.

Kam nisse karende, We are not doing any work.

2nd Plur.

Nive (or Nivhe) jande, Do you not know.

b. They are used as Agents.

1st Sing.

Mai insan di bu nimbi singhl, By me a man was not so

much as smelt.

Hik nimhi ditta ghat, One short was not given by me.

1st Plur.

Nisse sunia, Not by us was it heard.

Ass§ koi nisse ditha, By us none was seen.

Saza nisse ditti, Punishment has not by us been given.

1897.]

in the Western and Southern Parts of the Panjab.

163

2nd Pers. Plur.

Mi sal nivhe suni, Has this proverb by you not been heard.

Jekar meda uth nivhe ditha, If my camel not by you was

seen.

€. They are used by Dative.

1st Pers. Sing.

Nimhe khatra jind da, To me is no fear of life.

Nimhe ruh katan te, To me is no heart for spinning.

1st Pers. Plur.

IhS kalha nisse maranS, Not for us is it to put him alone

to death.

Aje hukm nisse dhea, No order has been given to us.

Shahpur.

2nd Pers. Plur.

Iw§ nivhe karani, It is not for you to act in this way.

But only when the pronoun so expressed is the prominent object in

the sentence. We cannot say Un nisse akhia, He did not say to us.

164

M. V. Pandia — Separation of Banswara from

[■No. 3,

Separation of Banswara from Dungarpur State in Rajputana — By

Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandia, M.R.A.S., M.A.S.B., M.G.V.S.,

and late Prime Minister of Pratabgarh.

[Read November 1896.]

It is generally known that Banswara, Dungarpur, Partabgarh and

Udaipur States are at present under the Me war Residency. They are

all of the same Sisodia clan of Rajputs which claims to have descended

from Rama.

There are a good many amusing traditions being related in con¬

nection with the separation of Banswara from Dungarpur, but I give

place here only to what the author of the Rajputana Gazetteer has

written about it, taking his facts from some local chronicle, I believe.

In this quotation all the annals have been briefly related. He says : —

“ The Rawals of Banswara are a junior branch of that family of

the Sisodia clan of Rajputs which is now ruling in Dungarpur, from

which they separated about the year 1530. At that period, and for

many years previously, the whole country, which now comprises the

two states of Banswara and Dungarpur, was known as Bagar and was

under the dominion of the family of the Sisodias, which still hold

Dungarpur, though the Chief’s control over the lawless Bhils inhabiting

the wilder part of his territory was merely nominal. Udaisingh, who

came to power in A.D. 1509, had two sons, the elder named Prithviraj

and the younger, Jagmal. He himself marched under his kinsman

Rana Sanga of Citor, against the Emperor Babar, and was killed at the

great battle of Kanwa in 1528. After his death his territory was divid¬

ed between his two sons, and the descendants of the two families are

the present Chiefs of Dungarpur and Banswara. Whether this division

was made amicably or by force is not clear. There is a tradition that

Udaisingh ordered it to be made before he died. There is another

legend that Jagmalsingh, his son, was left for dead on the battle-field,

but recovered, and on returning to his country was disowned as an

impostor. Thereupon he took refuge in the hills to the north of the

present site of Banswara, and having collected a body of followers began

to make incursions into his father’s territory. This asylum is still

1897.]

Dungarpur State in Rajputana.

165

.Jagmir. It is related that Jagmal’s first acquisition of territory came

about in this way. In those days there resided to the east of the Mahi

river a powerful nobleman, who hardly deigned to acknowledge the

authority of the ruler of Dungarpur. His estate was known as that of

Kuanya. With him Jagmal speedily came into collision, and a pro¬

tracted feud ensued. After harassing each other for a number of years,

they at length, became reconciled, and on the death of the old Thakur

of Kuanya, Jagmal gained possession of his estate without opposition.

Having thus obtained a firm foothold, he turned his arms against the

Bhils, who held nearly the whole of the country now constituting Ban¬

swara. Where the town of Banswara now stands there was a large

Bhil pal or colony under a powerful chieftain named Wasna, and against

him Jagmal directed his principal attack. Wasna was killed during

the storming of his pal, his followers were routed, and his land passed

into the hands of his Rajput conquerors. The name Banswara is by

tradition said to be a corruption of Wasnawara.

Jagmal now transferred his residence to Banswara, whence he con¬

tinued his forays against Dungarpur and the Bhils. In Dungarpur,

Udaisingli had been succeeded by his elder son Prithviraj, and the two

brothers, finding their continual border war intolerable, agreed to abide

by the arbitration of the Raja of Dh&r as to the partition of their lands.

Accordingly in 1529, the river Mahi was fixed as the boundary between

the two states of Dungarpur and Banswara which since that date

have remained perfectly distinct and independent of one another.

Other records relate that the Chief of Bagar, Udaisingh, divided

his territory at his death between his two sons, Prithviraj and Jagmal.

There is little of note to be found in the history of Banswara till

in 1812, nearly three centuries after its foundation, the then Chief,

anxious to get rid of the supremacy of the Mahrattas, offered to

become tributary to the British Government. In 1818 a definite treaty

was made, and soon afterwards the tribute formerly paid to the Mah-

ratta Chief of Dhar was transferred to the British Government.”

But the Persian historians are quite clear on the doubtful points.

Farishta while relating the events of Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat

[see Appendix A] says : —

“ He (Sultan Bahadur Shah) struck the drum of intention towards

Mohrasa, and after reaching there, Khudawand Khan and other nobles

came and paid their respects (to him). Then, after repeated marches,

the King entered Bagar, and having taken possession of that country

as far as desirable, he established watch-stations at every place. Par-

suram Raja of Bagar had to present himself before the Sultan, and

his son, discovering the excellency of Islam, became a convert to Muham-

J. i. 22

163 M. V. Pandia — Separation of Banswara from [No. 3,

madanism. before Sultan Bahadur, and became one of the great men.

of the Court ; and Jagmal who was the brother of Parsuram with

his followers wandered amid mountains and deserts, and despairing of

his life went to Ratan Si, son of Rana Sanga, and made him a medium

to approach the king’s presence. By chance, the Sultan, while hunt¬

ing, arrived at Banswala. Ratan Si, son of Rana Sanga, as a token

of respect and humility sent ambassadors and craved pardon for the

faults of Jagmal. The Sultan, having accepted his request, called

Jagmal, and building a magnificent mosque at ‘ Ghat Karci, conferred

that village upon Prithvlraj and divided the remainder of Bagar be¬

tween Prithvlraj and Jagmal equally, and remained there for some

days hunting.”

Also the Mirat-i-Sikandari relates. [See Appendix B.]

“ Iu A.H. 937 (the Sultan Bahadur Shah) invaded Bagar in order

to conquer it, and when he reached Khanpur, which is situated on the

banks of the Mahandri, he ordered Khan A‘zam Asaf Khan and Khuda-

wand Khan Wazir to proceed at the head of the army to Bagar, and

the Sultan with a big army turned his attention towards visiting

Khambayat and Deo. He reached Khambayat on Muharram 20th.

Hence he reached Port Deo in a l}oat. He purchased for Government

the whole of the cargo which was in the ships. It is said that besides

other things there were 1,300 maunds of Rosewater. To the Romans

who had come with Mustafa Rumi, he showed a favour and established

for them in De5 a place of residence. He entrusted the management

of Port Deo to the care of Malik Toghai, son of Malik Ayyaz and he

himself went back to Khambayat. He reached Khambayat on the 5th

of Safar. He stopped there one day, and on the next started for

Muharnmadabad. He reached the latter city on the 27th of the same

month. Path Khan, Qutb KTian, and ‘Umar Khan Lodi, relations

of Sultan Bahlol, who had sought refuge with the Sultan during the

quarrels of the M u glial s, paid their respects to the Sultan. The very

first day three hundred dresses of gold cloths, fifty-five horses and

some lacs of Tinkas were bestowed on them for their expenses. After¬

wards he started for Bagar, and joining the army in the vicinity of

Mohrasa thence reached Bagar, after continual marching. Prithvlraj,

Raja of DCiugarpur, came and paid his respects at Sltal. The son of the

said Raja became a convert to Islam. Afterwards leaving the army

at the said place, he himself (Sultan Bahadur) started alone towards

Bansla for hunting, and went on hunting till Ghat Karel. Here the

ambassadors of Raja Ratan Si and of the Raja of Citor, named Dungar

Si and Jajar Si, came and paid their reverence and offered presents.

Afterwards the Sultan returned to the army and conferred the village

1897.]

Dungarpur State in Bajputana.

167

of Sital upon the newly converted Musalman, the son of Prithiraj,

and gave the one half of Bagar to Prithiraj and the other half to

Jagmal.”

Now we can fairly conclude that the account of the separation of

Banswara from Dungarpur given in the “Rajputana Gazetteer ” and

the “ Chiefs and Leading Families in Rajputana,” cannot be regarded

as strictly accurate in all its details.

The Persian Historians show that the division in two equal parts

was made by Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat in A.H. 937 (Yikrama

Sam vat 1587 and A.D. 1531) between the two sons of Maharawal

Udaisingh of Dungarpur, namely, Prithviraj, and Jagmal. The Rana

Ratan Si son of Rana Sanga of Citor had sent his two Wakils, Dungar Si

and Jajar Si, with presents to apologise for Jagmal’s faults. A son of

Prithviraj had embraced Muhammedanism before the Sultan, and the

village Sital was consequently conferred upon him. A magnificent

mosque at Ghat Karci was built by the Sultan. The country was at

that time known as Bagar and Banswara as Bansla.

I believe there are some errors in Farishta’s account, as it contains

in two places the wrong names of the Raja of Bagar as Parsuram.

There is one error more. Farishta has the reading ‘ Ghat Karci,’

which is at present the name of a town in the possession of the

Banswara Chief, and is close to the town of Banswara, but another copy

reads ‘ Khat Kara’ which is said to be in the Dungarpur territory.

I think the latter to be the most probable reading.

The village Sital, which was bestowed by the Sultan on the newly

converted Muslim son of Prithviraj, is at present in the possession of

the Dungarpur State. It must be left for further investigation, how

this village passed into the possession of Dungarpur Chief.

There is another point, the truth of which is also doubted by the

author of the Gazetteer. He says : — “ There is little of note to be

found in the history of Banswara till 1812, nearly three centuries after

its foundation.” But if we look at the Akbarnama and other Persian

histories, there are some facts worthy of note in connection with the

Muhammedan period in the history of Banswara : —

Firstly, that when Akbar leaving Ajm'ir in A.D. 1577 passed

through the Me war territory on his way to Malwa, Partap Singh, son

of Jagmal, showed submission to the Emperor, and he was awarded

the Mansab and other imperial favors in recognition of his due sub¬

mission and military services.

In 1591 A.D. Rawal Partab Singh’s grandson, XJgrasain, began to

plunder the imperial villages on the border. Thereupon the Malwa

Subadar, Mirza Shahrukh, attacked Bansvvara. The Rawal fled to the

168

M. V. Pandia — Separation of Banswara from

[No. 3,

hills and Mirza returned unsuccessful to his headquarters.

The next year Banswara was again attacked by the said Mirza.

The Rawal did not oppose him, hut offered presents for the Emperor,

and so peace was preserved.

In 1639 A.D. Samar Si, grandson of Ugrasain, having proceeded

to Delhi, presented to the Emperor thirty thousand rupees, in cash,

three elephants, one pan dan, i.e., betel-box and one Khan jar (sword).

He also received the Man§ab and other honors from the Emperor.

In ‘Alamgir’s time Maharawal ‘Ajab Singh, grandson of Samar Si,

made incursions on the border of the Udaipur territory, and the

Maliarana Amar Singh, consequently, wanted to punish him. But

Nawab Asad Khan, Wazir of the Emperor, mediated in the matter

and had the dispute peaceably settled.

APPENDIX A.

ftj* *4-

*“,vAAo J y fys*. O^La* b dy ^A J O ^kjSljo

\j jt A£ OmJ' 6[) Aj Aiij ^ A j]

y &} [j Aj J ^IhA CIaAJ^H/0

^IkA ISA jjli^ gdtiAji d?***) J j$t. j! ©A 6[j

lb JLc ^ y fj&a. Jjyd> 1^1

^ [) jrl) ^ b Ax*ai jf

# o4>|,> lap^f ^ o^sr? j ,3}*J o*««i ^lc

APPENDIX B.

ctjjLc

i >XuO ^,SvoJ jXJS1^* k£s+JjAJ AjI+AmO ^ lb j»>M3 A1a« j(3

^ (»jA w.4^'1 0»w| ( s1)^^ ujT

1897,] Dungarpur State in Bajputana. 169

j jtij tiiijS U^» tS dj$

^it£j ls:Jf y J dji OajUx^j jjLo pi~j jid j OjUi^ ;wj

t^jj2k. t tj &+& dj] 8<^T ^ &J 8»^A

<5^J j ^ I <1— ^1 UT ^jt ^ 2^^

^ ^y°j* Lr)lj 8^/of <^skjj /ftk«&/o ^ j

• •

pi)* )jj djf J <V°f ooUi^j 8 I/O ^sr^v aA o-jUa^j a^^i/o

JV Jj> ^ jwc jjf&so j|l/o Cw>o ^L'f<\^sX3 o^Jaj

d£ — l^J ^llal/w* c/)^t LS^ 'd'^' J — ** J '-r^J J (jj^ ^ — ** J

jflis:^ j<£+kjjj JjjkS &o.xa» <±iSlf iJj&‘ o Xdjjl ^jUaJLj *Uj <J*>o e>|^^ jd

_jC jS\*i ^\j\ &*j oA Jj) *&3 lJ.) i j

♦J'/o'f J1-1 jf ^ (J^ J^jb J *)}♦>

**\j J~* vij-^ jjJj&jZ gl)

{ji.j^'\ <5^^ ^i-«j ( ^ t&x ^f &*J

A^-fj ^ llij ^r.1^ 6 ^ ^yKj* '~-'*‘l_j£’

Cp*^***iv -5 ‘^‘'7^ ls4**^ ^ j ij** <^,h j

" ** M M

^lm*/0^j ^*»*J <^J lj cJx>^9 } (ij^T V-AJ^jA5 J^”f J|(> ^yUal^O jf

# Ojlif ^s-? fyJLaj J ^t; t5t5^ b^C- gb Utbv

]70

R. Burn — The Bakhtiari Hills.

[No. 3,

The Bakhtiari Hills , an itinerary of the road from Isfahan to Shush far . —

.% Richard Burn.

[Read November, 1896.]

My object in this note is merely to give a brief account of the

little-known route from Isfahan to Shushtar across the Bakhtiari

Hills. The present state of our knowledge of the curious people,

inhabiting the country has been fully discussed by Curzon,1 and a hasty

journey of fifteen days does not enable me to add much, except a precise

description of the stages. I may note that Major Sawyer of the

Intelligence Department has made extensive tours in the Bakhtiari

Hills, but his valuable report is at present treated as confidential by

the Government of India.

October 30th , 1894. Our caravan consisted of Mr. C. N. Seddon of

the Bombay C. S. and myself, one servant and two muleteers, with three

riding and three baggage mules. Leaving Julfa, the suburb of Isfahan

in which most of the Europeans live, at 9 a.m., our road took us

through a most fertile plain. At 2 p.m. we halted for breakfast by the

Bagh-i-Wahsh, where a mud wall alone marks the place where Shah

‘Abbas had his menagerie. Beyond this place, the land is low-lying

and produces excellent cotton, then being picked. It was 7 P M., before

we reached our halting place, the large village of Bistajan,2 where

the only lodging we could get was in a long cattle shed which we had

to share with our mules.

October 31st. This part of the Cahar Mahal is very beautiful.

The road at first lies close to the Zendarud, the river that flows past

Isfahan. It was fringed with canars, in all the glory of autumnal

tints, while rice and cotton were being harvested in the fields close by,

and the number of villages dotted here and there by the river attested

the fertility of the soil. Shortly after crossing the river, there is an

ascent of some hundred feet, and on passing the crest the view is the

1 Curzon, Persia II c. XXIV.

2 Stack, Six months in Persia, gives Bizgun in his map, I believe the name

means “ the twenty tamarisks (aj).”

1897.]

R. Burn — The Bakhtidri Hills.

171

usual treeless plain of Persia. A little farther on, however, is a stream,

and following it, we came to Kava Rukh, another village of considerable

size, having a sarai in w*hich we got a room. A Lur who had travelled

to both Teheran and Mashhad was staying in the sarai, and gave us his

views on things in general. According to him the Zill-as-Sultan has

now little influence, while Isfandiar Khan the present Ilbegi or junior

ruler of the Bakhtiaris is gaining in strength and popularity. He

asked many questions about India and England, and finally requested

us to take him with us, and on our demurring said that a Russian had

offered him a grove, land, and 4 tomans ( = Rs. 15) a month if he would

settle in Russian territory.

November 1st. Starting at 9 A.M., we marched through a very

large plain, which is well watered and highly cultivated. To the west

were two ranges of considerable hills, and beyond them was the snowy

summit of the Kuh-i-Rang, (12,500 feet). At 11-30 a. m., we reached

the village of Dih-i-Khurd, which I may note is not on the regular

route, the carvadar or muleteer having taken us there to pick up the

rest of his caravan. Passing through the village to look for a lodging,

we saw about 50 men taking leave of their friends before starting on

their pilgrimage to Karbala, a long journey and not free from danger.

Their friends kissed them on both cheeks, and then salamed, but

touched shoulders and chest also as if crossing themselves. The village

was extremely dirty, and the only public buildings it possessed, a mosque

and Imamzada, were mean and squalid. It was here we first saw the

cattle of which Chardin speaks.1 They are a sturdy breed, short¬

horned, and considerably larger than those of southern Persia. We

got a room in the house of a man who had been to Karachi with mules,

and was called Haji in consequence, though he had never been to Mecca.

The house was like an ordinary Indian house, with a porch, courtyard,

and living houses round it. In the courtyard was a frame on which

a pair of saddle-bags or khurjin were being woven.

November 2nd. The night was extremely cold, and when we began

our march at 9 A.M., the water-courses were still covered with ice.

Crossing the plain to the south and passing an Armenian village, with

the usual large cemetery by it, we reached the edge of the plain and

climbed a low ridge. In the valley beyond lies the village of Shamsa-

bad, in spring surrounded by standing corn, but at this season the only

green thing to be seen was fields of lucerne. We marched straight

down the valley and through the defile at the south end where the

little river is crossed by a stone bridge. The road lay for a short

1 Coronation of Solyman III King of Persia p. 147. “ This Province furnishes

Isfahan and the neighbouring parts with cotton.”

172

R. Burn — The Bakhtiarl Hills .

[No. 3,

distance along the stream in a very stony pass, and finally came out

in another valley where are two villages, the name of the principle one

being Khariji. Crossing the river again we skirted some high ground

and then passed over undulating hills rising gradually higher, and came

into sight of the massive ranges Zarda Kuh and Safid Kuh lying to

the west and south-west. In the centre of the next valley lay the

village of Shalamzar, 1 the halting place we should have reached the

day before. There were a few trees, and the whole valley is carefully

cultivated, but the only crop we saw was lucerne. The cemetery con¬

tained as usual three or four graves on which stood rudely carved leopards,

whether as a symbol of the .qualities of the deceased, or to scare away

wild beasts, is uncertain. There are no sarais on this road beyond

Kava Rukh, and it was with some difficulty that at last we got an

upper room. As usual a curious crowd watched all we did, and passed

us the qalian, but the tobacco was rank and strong. In return I handed

them a cigar, which was also handed round, but as they tried to

inhale the smoke nobody got very far with it.

November 3rd. We soon reached the foot of the hills on the

south-west of the valley and the climb was exceedingly steep. The

summit of the pass is 8,600' above the sea, and this is the highest point

on the road. On the other side the descent of 600' is extremely rough,

though but little engineering would be required to make it practicable

even for artillery. The valley in spring is covered with grass and

flowers, but at this season there was nothing but gorse. The road

followed the Thalweg till the stream turned north when we crossed

it and ascended the western hills. From the crest we saw the town

or large village of Naghun at our feet in the midst of cultivated fields

well watered by a stream. The descent was again very rough ; just

at the bottom of the hill was the house of the Ilbegi, rather a rude

structure built of stone, but possessing a high square tower like a

Norman Keep that could be strongly defended. The Ilbegi resides

here on his way from Cighakhur, the sardslr to Mai Amir, the garmsir.

At the time of our visit he was at Ardal, the residence of the Ilkhanl.

We sent in a letter of introduction from the Governor of Isfahan to

whom the Ilbegi is (nominally at any rate) subordinate, and a room

30' x 12' in a building close by was allotted to us, and the usual

“istiqbal ” of a sheep, a quantity of rice and clarified butter (raughan)

was sent. From our room we could see the snow-capped Kuh-i-Gerra to

the north-west. In the afternoon Haji All Quli Khan, brother of the

Ilbegi Isfandiar Khan, who is Sartip or general of the Bakhtiarl cavalry

in the Persian army, visited us. He was a most intelligent and pleasant

1 The place where turnips abound.

1897.]

R. Barn — The Bakhtiari Hills.

173

man, and conld read a little French. Daring my stay in Persia I only

met two Persians who knew any English. We asked the Sartip why

they preferred French, and he said that it was because more of the

Europeans, especially Russians and Germans, who visited Persia, knew

it. He expressed a high opinion of the English methods of Govern¬

ment, and said that if we held Persia the province of Arabistan would

be as fertile as Egypt. When the conversation came upon Afghanistan,

and what would happen there when the Amir dies he said “ Urus

‘ sauvage ’ ast, Inglis ‘ civilise.’ ” His view of the Russian adminis¬

tration in Central Asia was that though on the whole good, it was

needlessly cruel, and the people were treasuring up their wrongs, while

there was no freedom for Muslims to follow their religion, and Afghans

being a free people would resent this. A suggestion that in this

quality they resembled the Bakhtiaiis pleased him. He thought that

a struggle between the Russians and English was inevitable, but that

the battle ground would be Persian more especially if the Russians

tried an advance on Herat. A Sassanian coin and engraved seal were

presented to me by the Sartip.

November 4th. As we both had fever and ague we had to halt for the

day, most of which was spent in receiving visits. Major Sawyer appears

to have made a great impression on the people, and several men spoke

of him. The sons of Isfandiar Khan and the Sartip, each aged about

13 came to see us. Like most Persian boys they were very grave and

self-possessed, but seemed keen sportsmen ; they had learnt a little

French in Teheran. The other brothers of the Ilbegi whom we saw

did not appear such good specimens. One of them came both evenings,

and begged some brandy. We obtained a box of the sweetmeat called

‘ gez ’ here. It is prepared from the droppings of a tree also called

4 gez,’ a kind of tamarisk, extremely like, if not the same as, the Indian

farash.

November 5th. The Sartip told off a “tufangci” to accompany

us, and informed us that while we were in the hills we were the guests

of the Ilbegi. The road led down to a river called the Rua Rud, which

illustrates admirably the method of irrigation in these hills. It differs

from that in other parts of Persia, as the surface water is so plentiful

that the underground channels with qanats leading to the surface are

not necessary. On each side of the river the soil is terraced, the fields

as a rule being oval in shape, and rising one above another. At the

head of the valley a small canal takes out of the river on each side,

and water is taken from these as required. After fording the river

we began to ascend again. A curious flower, sometimes yellow and

sometimes purple, growing out of the stony ground with no leaves,

J. i. 23

174

R. Burn — The Bajchticirl Hills.

[No. 3,

and no stalk to speak of, was plentiful. There were also flowers re¬

sembling that called “Bachelor’s buttons ” in country places in England,

and hawthorn, now losing its leaves. The forest land also began here,

most of the trees being chestnuts or scrub oak.1 From the crest of

the Hill we had a fine view of the Kuh-i-Gerra with the Karun river

coming through a gorge to the north and flowing south. The track

as usual was very bad, and we slipped about a good deal before we

reached the collection of hovels forming the village of Dupulan.2 The

methods of our tufangci rather reminded me of a tahsill chaprasi, but

the only lodging he could get for us was in a stable.

November 6th. We bought some rugs of local manufacture, and

when I enquired for coins a man produced some brass forgeries of

ducats. There was no coherent inscription; but there were Roman

letters, some upside down and some sideways. Just below the village we

crossed a stream by a rickety wooden bridge with a flooring of brush¬

wood, and a little farther on crossed the Karun over the remains of a

stone bridge repaired with branches of trees. Ascending the hill we

caught up to a Persian travelling with a friend, and two or three tufangcis

all being armed with Martinis in good condition. After a little con¬

versation he asked us point blank to give him a present, and as we

refused, he left us. We halted for breakfast by a stream called the

Sardab, after which the road crosses an undulating plateau, almost bare of

trees, and hence called Pazhmurda.3 The edge of the plateau is about

7,500' and then came a steep descent of several hundred feet, at the

bottom of which was another stream, by the side of which were the

wdiite stones and heaps of rubbish marking the site of an encampment

of the Iliats who had left for the Garmslr. The place is called Gan-

dumkal, or the village of wheat, and it was surrounded by stubble.

The stream had dried up, and crossing the bed and a dip beyond we

ascended to a height of 7,550' by an easy climb. The road led south

along the crest and there was a magnificent gorge to our right, which

Ave finally reached by a tiring descent of 2,500'. The valley was very

beautiful with high well- wooded hills on either side, and a river flowing

through it. The autumnal tints were brilliant, and we passed many little

streams with wild vines clinging to the trees on their banks. As we

reached the village of Sarkhun, I heard a man call out “ Ai ! Farangi !

Inja barae shuma manzil nest” (Oh! Farangi! you can’t stay here),

the first and only instance of incivility we experienced in these hills.

1 The word balut is used for both. The Sartlp said that the trees were mostly

chestnut (ehataigne) not oak (chene).

2 = Two bridges,

S => Withered.

1897.]

R. Burn — The Balchtiarl Hills.

175

We got a room with great difficulty, and even then the bites of the

fleas with which it swarmed, the stamping of the mules, and the jingling

of their bells, and the talking of men outside kept us awake.

November 7th. Fording the river we w.ere involved in a thicket

of scrub oak, but finally found the track and ascended about 1,500'.

The road was easy and the scenery grand, in places almost park-like ;

in one place we saw the heap of stones and sticks with rags tied on

them marking the Qadamgah of some Imam. The country undulates,

but there is gradual descent with a slight rise at the west, on topping

which we saw the valley of the Bazuft. The descent was extremely

Steep and bad, and in places we had eveti. to lead the baggage mules

with great care. When we reached the bottom we found that the huts

were all deserted, and not a man was to be seen. The place is called

Pul-i-Tmarat, but we saw neither bridge nor building besides the usual

stone hovels. Our experiences at Sarkhun, however, had left us not dis¬

inclined for solitude, and we had the somewhat rare luxury in these

hills of a comfortable wash in the clear cool river. It was one of the

most beautiful valleys we had seen, the hills rising to the height of

about 1,000' almost from the water’s edge, while the river was about a

hundred yards wide, with a greenish tinge in the deeper parts. It

felt much warmer here.

November 8th. Ascending the valley for a short distance, we found

a ford by which we crossed, and soon after we struck west up a

defile, the road being extremely rugged. Before our halt for breakfast

we were pleased to come across an Iliat family on the march, whp

supplied us with bread. They were marching with their flocks and

herds, with their black tents packed on ponies and cattle. The ascent

was long, and the last mile or so was over almost bare, slippery rock,

but we again reached a stretch of the park-like country we had seen

before. From the edge of this we saw at our feet a large valley stretch¬

ing away to the west and north-west, with two or three villages in sight.

The descent to Dih-i-Diz, a large village, made us very hot. We were

hospitably received here, and spent the evening talking to the Khan’s

brother. On our asking for coins they told us they had some curios

(antiqi) and produced three bronzes, an Apollo and a Hercules about

18 in. each and a greyhound about 6 ins. long. I cannot say whether they

were genuine or not, but the price asked, 200 tomans or Rs. 700 was

beyond us. There can be no doubt that Alexander and his army passed

through these hills, but the spurious ducats had made us careful, and the

bronzes may have been fragments of modern candelabra. This village

is the Garmsir, and the whole valley is very fertile, producing most

crops but cotton. They grow figs, grapes, pomegranates, cherries and

[No. 3,

176 R. Burn — The BuJchtiari Hills.

tobacco. We got some dried figs pressed into a ball. They are small,

but of fine flavour.

November 9th. Our march lay by the side of a small stream we

had traced from its source. We saw a dead snake nearly 3' long soon

after starting, and on the road passed many pomegranate orchards with

the marks of Iliafc encampments, and saw several parties on their way to

the lower plains. After about ten miles we turned suddenly to the south¬

west and crossing a steep ridge a few hundred feet high we came upon

the Karun which is here a very swift deep river 60' to 80' wide flowing

between high rocky banks. The mules were unloaded, while the boat

on which we and our belongings were to be ferried across was prepared.

It consisted of a kind of lattice of boughs, about 8' square, under which

thirteen inflated goatskins were tied. A small boy with a bough five

feet long with a piece of wood about half the size of the top of a

bandbox tied across the end, sat on the front and paddled hard. The

stream swept it rapidly down, but we got into a back eddy and landed

safely, the mules being simply driven into the water and haviug to

swim across. Our halting place, Guda-i-Balutak 1 is close to the other

bank, and we got a room without difficulty. From Dupulan to this

place the huts are of the same description. One wall is the rock of

the hill side, the others being loose stones piled up, and roughly

plastered on the inside, while the roof is made of branches of trees,

barked but not shaped and covered with plaster, small stones and earth,

so that from outside it looks like the ordinary ground. In a large room

there may be one or two pieces of tree trunks as pillars. The houses

are in terraces, so that the roof of one row serves as the cattleyard

of the one above.

November 10th. The road lay north-west through the dry bed of a

river reminding one of the two kotals, the Plrzan and the Dukhtar on

the road between Bushlr and Shiraz. After a few miles we reached

a sort of ridge connecting the hills on either side. From the top we

saw a rather narrow valley with low hills on either side, and plunging

into it, found the descent rough, especially at the end, where we came

on two gorges branching north-west and north-by-east, there being

a ruined fort called the Qil‘a-i-Madar-i-Shak, the usual halting place at

the junction. We marched along the north-west gorge seeing numbers

of partridges in the ravines running down to it. After a mile or two

we turned west and came upon the wonderful causeway called the

Jadda-i-Atabak, about which so much controversy has taken place.8 It is

1 = The kernel of the acorn.

2 Ibn Batuta trans. by Rev. S. Lee, pp. 37, 38. Curzon, Persia II, p. 288. De

Bode, Travels in Luristan and Arabistan II, pp. 7-12.

R. Burn — The BaJchtiari Hills.

177

1897.]

about 10' wide, composed of large stories 8" to 9" in diameter, put to¬

gether so as to form a kind of large stair, each step beiug about 12' to

15' long and 6" to a foot high. In the course of time the stones have

become rounded and very slippery, and an ordinary track is preferable,

but the work is one that excites admiration. At the top we came on

a perfectly open tree-less plain, the forest ending here. At the end of

the plain was a steep descent of about 1,000' over the remains of the

causeway, and a succession of zig-zags of loose gravel. The view over

the plain of Mai Amir was very fine with the large lake Shat Band in

the north-west corner. From the foot Mai Amir itself is 6 or 7 miles,

but the road is perfectly level, and in spring the view must be lovely.

Mai Amir is a Garmsir, and consists now of a few thatched reed huts

on a mound, which appears to mark the site of an ancient city. To the

south-west is the shell of a new fort in course of construction, for this

is the winter dwelling of the Ilbegi. All spare huts were occupied by

the followers of the latter, who were accompanying his mother on a pil¬

grimage to Karbala, and we had to sleep in a field with the shelter of

one of the black tents used by the nomads. It consisted of eighteen

stripes of a coarse cloth made from goat hair, each 20' by one foot,

sewn together, supported by two 7' poles in the middle having a cross¬

piece between them about 4' 6" long. The front was held up by four

short poles and the back was tied down to pegs within a few inches of

the ground. Two of the lady’s grandchildren came to see us, one of

whom knew a little French. Owing to illness and the short time at our

disposal we were unable to explore the remains of the Shikaft-i-Sulaiman,

which have been fully described by de Bode,1 and Layard.2 It is to

be hoped that the French who have received a concession from the

Persian Government for exploration of its antiquities will not neglect

this mound.

November 11th. There are two roads from Mai Amir to Shushtar,

one by Qil‘a-i-Yul, the usual though longer, and that which we

followed which is shorter but more difficult. We crossed the plain to

the north-west corner skirting the lake, till we reached the village of

Mai Mustafa, a Garmsir of reed huts with remains of some of stone.

The road then turned south over slight elevations presenting no diffi¬

culties till we reached a stream on the banks of which were several

villages, of which Mai Saiyyidi, our halting place, was distinguished

by a white Imamzada and a ruined fort. The old Saiyyid or head man

of the place gave us a new hut to stay in. It was only 7' high in the

1 Travels II c XVII.

2 Early adventures (1894 edition) CVIII. Layard has published the >5uneiform

inscriptiou.

178

R. Burn — The BaJchtifiri Hills.

[No. 3,

middle with a door 3' high, and the caves came down still lower. All

the huts in the village were of the same kind of reeds cut in the river¬

bed close by, and thatched with similar reeds. The walls are smeared

with mud and straw (kah and gil) . Our host visited us after dinner and

apologised for not being able to give us anything but fowls.

November 12th. The muleteer greeted us with the cheerful news

that our march would be the worst of the whole way, and though he

had lied to us on almost every possible occasion hitherto, we found that

he was correct. For the first hour or two, we wandered up and down

a labyrinth of small hills with hardly a track. In several places we

passed over bare rock almost like the roof of a house, and once the

mule our servant was riding went down such a drop, that, without its

falling or even stumbling, it shot him over its head. We crossed

several streams full of fish, and then began a very bad steep ascent,

parts of which were the old causeway. The descent though not so bad

was very steep, and we were glad to reach the bottom, where we found

a few black tents by the stream ; the road lay down the Thalweg over

very rough and uneven ground, but when we had completed about 20

miles we came out on a comparatively level plain, and the last four miles

into Gugird1 were easy. A stream we passed, called the Ab-i-Shur, is

largely impregnated with sulphur, which caused it to smell badly. The

low range of hills to the south of the road is called Asmari, and an

Imamzada close by the road bears the name of Sultan Ibrahim. Gugird

contains 50 or 60 reed huts much larger and better made than the one

we had at Mai Saiyyidi. This is the limit of the Bakhtiarl rule, so our

tufangci took leave of us.

Noveviber 13tli. The march was over fairly level, but stony and

barren country. According to Curzon’s Map,2 we should have come to

two villages named Tembi and Dara Kul, but we could find no trace of

these. After marching about 25 miles we reached a slight elevation

covered with mules belonging to a caravan on the march to Mai Amir.

This place appeared to be the usual halting place and is called Labari.

Three miles away to the south-west, we could see a village called Rail

Dari. The only water we could get was brackish, and the mosquitoes

were the most vicious I have ever known, except perhaps those at Puzeh

near Persepolis. The only shelter we had was under a jujube bush.

November 14th. The rain and mosquitoes kept us awake most of

the night, and we made an early start at 5-30 a.m. The road was easy,

but every stream we passed was brackish, and about 10 a.m. I was

attacked by ague and fever. Distances in the plain of Persia are most

1 = Sulphur. According to Curzon the name is Giirgir = wild ass catcher.

2 Persia II p. 284.

2897.]

R. Burn — The Bakhtiarl Hills.

179

deceptive, and we were in sight of the two large domes of Shushtar for

three hours before we reached the town, and crossed the stone bridge

over the Ab-i-Gerger, that wonderful irrigation channel cut through the

rock. Shushtar and the Karun river from Shushtar to Muharrama

have been fully described by Curzon.1

The importance of the route I have described, lies in the fact that

by it Isfahan can be reached by a road journey of 250 miles instead of

the long road of 470 miles from Bushir via Shiraz, for steamers run on

the Karun from Basra to Ahwaz and from Ahwaz to Shushtar. Rough

as is the way, but little is needed to make the worst parts as easy as the

road from Shiraz to Bushir. Even without this improvement, if sarais

were built at the halting places caravans would quickly use the road.

As it is, the trade which Lynch Bros, are trying to develop, increases

but slowly.

TABLE OF DISTANCES.

F rom to

Miles. From to Miles.

248

These distances are if anything slightly under-estimated. Curzon

gives the distance as 260 miles. I have omitted the detour we made

from Kava Rukh to Dih-i-Khurd (7 miles), as it is out of the way.

1 Persia II c. XXV.

180 G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Consonantal System. [No. 3,

On the Kdgmlri Consonantal System. — By G. A. Grierson,

C.I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S.

[Read May, 1897.]

The Kih^nnri consonantal system is based on that in use in most

Aryan languages in India. It can be well represented by the (Jarada

Alphabet or by its congener the Devanagari.

Ka^mirl has discarded the aspirated soft consonants, gh, jh, dh , dh,

bh. When such sounds originally occurred tl»e corresponding un¬

aspirated sounds are substituted. Thus we have Ka^miri gerun

to surround, but Hindi iK*rr gher’na ; K9. bovi, he will be, cor¬

responding to the Sanskrit VsrfrT bhavati.

Ka^miri has developed a new class of modified palatal consonants,

viz., ^ tsa, w tsha, 5T za, and na. These are mostly direct modi¬

fications of original palatals. Thus —

Skr. K9.

^TT: corah , a thief.

tsur, a thief.

•C\' ’

calati, he goes. tsali, he will go.

chalayati, he deceives. tshali, he will deceive.

jalam , water. zal, water.

So also we have the Skr. utpadyate ; Pr. uppajjai ;

from which is derived the K9. 3rd pers. fut. wopazi , he will be

born.

These modified palatals are also developed as secondary forma¬

tions from dentals, followed by u-mdtrd, or by the semi-vowel y. Both

these sounds are palatal, for u-matrd represents an original long l.

Thus, take the base TI<T rat-, night. Its nominative plural is

formed by adding u-mdtrd , and is therefore rats™.

Again take the root hat-, spin. The feminine singular of its

Past Participle is formed by adding u-matrd , and is hats *. Its

1897.] Gr. A. Grierson — On the Kagmirl Consonantal System.

181

Aorist Participle is formed by adding sffa yov, and is kaisov , the y

first changing the t to is, and then being elided under a subsequent rule.

Again take the adjective fr«T tat*, hot. Its abstract noun is formed

by substituting -f i -f ar , i.e., yar, for the final ^ “ We

thus get taisar , heat, the y being elided as in the last case.

Similarly we have the base gR koth-, a hank, Nom. PI. kwaish* ;

the root wbth-, arise, Past Part., Fern. Sg., wwatsh *, Aorist

Participle woishov ; the adj. wathu , open, watshar ,

openness.

So, ^ grand-, a counting: Nom. PI. 4^" grant* ; */ ^ lad-,

I ^ l

build, Past Part., Fern. Sg., laz *, Aorist Part, lazov ;

* N v»

thadu, high, ijapc thazar , height.

Again ylran-, an anvil : Nom. PI. ylran * (usually

^ l

written Vira^) ; ran-, cook, Past Part., Fern. Sg., ran *

•e

(usually written ran) ; *R tan*, thin, ?RTT tanar , thinness.

Note that as in the last instances, a final ^ n *, is usually written

n , but this does not affect the pronunciation.

Note, also, that the letter *1 y is elided whenever it immediately

follows one of these modified palatals. It is, however, retained in a

few verbs. These are given in my List of Ka^miri verbs (/. A. S. B.,

for 1896, p. 308).

Besides the above, other instances of Palatalization occur. Thus, —

(i) Cerebrals become Palatals before x. h * y , but not before

i-matra, or u-matra. Thus —

Base pat-, a tablet : Nom. Sg. Fem., formed by adding u-matra ,

pat*, Ag. Sg. formed by adding \ i, pad ; Nom. PI. formed

A

by adding ya, pace.

Base kdth -, a stalk : Nom. Sg. Fem., hath * ; Ag. Sg. ^irfsp

A

kachi ; Nom. PI. kache.

Base w had-, great: Nom. PI., formed by adding i-mdtrd, bad*,

Nom. Sg. Fem. 4^ bad* ; Ag. Sg. Fem. baji; Nom. PI. Fem. TO

baje.

Again mot*, fat: Nom. PI. Masc. mwap ; mocyar

J. i. 21

182 G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Consonantal System. [No. 3,

fatness: iff? drothu, hard ; drdchyar, hardness : mondu, blunt ;

monjyar , bluntness.

Again, phat, split : Aorist Participle, phacybv, but

Past Part., Pem. Sg., 4^ phatu ; Nom. PI. Masc. phap.

A

math-, forgotten : Aorist Participle, wgfte manchydv ; but Past

Part., Fem. Sg., math Nom. PI. Masc. math *.

A

*y gand , bind: Aorist Participle, ganjyov ; but Past

Part., Fem. Sg., jtV gand » ; Nom. PI. Masc. jiffs' gand1.

A

(2) Gutturals become Palatals before u-matrd , and ?r y , but not

before ^ i or i-matra.

Thus, hatuku , a duck : Fem. Sg., formed by changing u-matrd

to u-matrd , batvc11.

i N A | I

hokhu , dry : Fem. hwach ® ; but Ag. Sg. Masc. hwakh * .*

*** ^ ^ •fi*

■^31 dytiqu, a ball of thread: Fem. ifw Ag. Sg. Masc. iffjr

- J a 5y

r. .

dig1.

Again fsr^i nyulcu, little : Abstract Noun, formed by adding spc yar,

nieyar , littleness. tryukhu , clever ; faspc trichyar cleverness :

4j sro</M, cheap, srojyar , cheapness.

Again, ^ tf/iafc, be weary: Past Part., Fem. Sg., w Mac*;

Aorist Part, sp^ft5* thacyov ; but Past Part., Masc. PL, formed by adding

t s thak\

J lekh , write: Past Part., Fem. Sg. Uch* ; Aorist Part.

i -4 A.

*ngfr«r lechyov ; Past Part., Masc. PI. likh1.

K dag , pound : Past Part., Fem. Sg. dag” ; Aorist Part.

I ^

dajybv ; Past Part., Masc. PL ^£jt dag1.

Exceptions are

i i

^ tsoku. sour: Fem. Uwak^ (vi, 10) ; isokyar, sourness

(iv, 48)'. i

khzikh “, speaking through the nose, fem. khukh * (vi, 10) ;

Abstr. Noun khnhhyar (iv, 48).

* - „ . • * • * .*>

(3) m i becomes j, when followed by u-matrd , or y. Thus,

1 These and similar references are to the Kagmiragabdamrta of Igvara-kaula.

1897.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmlri Consonantal System. 183

qjqi wal, a serpent’s hole : Nora. PI. qp»r waj*.

i -

q*tqi wolu, a large ring : Fern. q^ a small ring.

«fpgqr kumul «, delicate : kumujydr , delicateness.

fqr wiilu, fickle : sftsgT wdjyar , fickleness.

't l

v/ qiqf pal, protect : Past Part., Fem. Sg. qf^T pay *. But Masc.

i A

PI. qif

(4) * fc, becomes q p before u-matra , or q y. Thus, —

qiq 6a/i, the twelfth lunar day : Nom. PI. q{s£ ha g® ; qpq pah ,

ordure : Nom. PI. qjs^ pag*.

fqq hyuhu, like: Fem. Sg. higu ; Abstr. Noun higyar ,

^ . I

similarity, qrq tsohu, acrid ; Fem. Sg. isagu ; Abstr. Noun

tsagyar.

y/ fqq pih, pound: Past Part., Fem. Sg. fq^ pig? ; Aorist Part,

fq^ffa pigydv ; but Past Part., Masc. PI. fqf% pihi.

(5) W s shows a tendency to become q ish before u-matrd or q y.

In such a case, also, the q y is as usual elided. Thus, —

fTJT kUsu , youngest: Fem. Sg. §[q^ hUs*, or kui&h? ; Abstr.

Noun. Wqt kaisar, or kait^har.

y/ qq has , dwell: Past Part., Fem. Sg. 4^; has or (sometimes)

4*^ hatsh & ; Fem. PI. qq has « (for qqj base) or (rarely) qq hatsha.

y/ ^Tq Ids, be weary : Past Part., Fem. Sg. qiq lus * or qrq

c\N<^

svs.

©\

lutsh *. Fem. PI. qffq losa or qTTW lotsha.

Note that q y is usually elided after q s. This is specially the

case in transitive verbs. A list of verbs in which q y is not elided

is given in my article on Kg^miri verbs already alluded to, J. A. S. B.

for 1896, p. 308.

Finally, — in Kagmlri, no word can end in an unaspirated hard

consonant. If an unaspirated hard consonant falls at the end of a word,

it is aspirated. Thus, —

Base qq trak , a certain grain measure, Nom. Sg. qq trakh.

„ qfq?v ak, one, „ qq fikh.

qipq kats , glass, „ qniF katsh.

qf« kat , a ram, „ q*q katli.

hat , a hundred, „ qq hath.

jj

184 G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmirl Consonantal System. [No. 3,

Base TTrf rat , night, Nom. Sg. TTO rath.

„ + ft kar1l+t , done by thee, karuth.

„ ffT^T tap, heat, Nom. Sg. w P5 taph.

This aspiration does not occur if a final <r t, or ^ ti forms part

of a conjunct consonant. Thus, —

Base W sati, a tailor, Nom. Sg. W sais .

X «N ° N »N

„ mast, hair, „ mast.

This rule is commonly neglected when writing in the Persian

I . ”

character, in which, [for instance karuth is represented by o^.

1897.] W. Haig — Vocabulary of the Gondi and Kolami Languages. 185

A Comparative Vocabulary of the Gondi and Kdlami Languages. — By

Captain Wolseley Haig, Officiating Deputy Commissioner , Wun

District , Berar *

[Read July, 1897.]

The following short comparative vocabulary of Gondi and Kolami

represents the beginning of an unfortunately interrupted attempt to

study the K5lami language. The only comparative vocabulary of these

two languages to which I have had access is the long vocabulary con¬

tained in the “ Notes ” of the late Revd. S. Hislop, edited by Sir

Richard Temple when Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces.

Mr. Hislop’s vocabulary is copious and instructive, but labours under

more than one serious disadvantage. One of these is the complete

absence of any system in the representation of sounds by the Roman

character. Another is inaccuracy, the vocabulary containing in itself

evidence that it was never, as a whole, revised and corrected by Mr.

Hislop.

The Kdlams are an aboriginal tribe found in the Central Provinces

and in East Berar, more especially in the Wun District. They are

classed by Mr. Hislop and by Mr. Sherring (following him) as one of the

Gond Tribes. That they are a tribe of common origin with the Gonds

there can be no doubt, but inasmuch as they have, though interspersed in

the south-western portion of Goiidwana with the Gonds, preserved

certain distinctive customs, to say nothing of their language, which,

though allied to Gondi as may be seen from the vocabulary cannot be

understood by a Gond ; it is hardly safe to assert that they are a sub¬

division of the Gonds. Kolams differ considerably from Gonds in

appearance, and the Gonds, in Berar, at any rate, do not admit that they

are a Gond tribe, while the Kolams on the other hand shew no anxiety

to be considered so, but are rather inclined to repudiate the connection.

The Pradhans (called “ Pathau ” in Gondi), a tribe whose language is