CORNELL UNIVERSlTYLiBRARY

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JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

• VOL LXX.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I and II, and Extra Nos. I and II. — 1901.)

EDITED BY THE

jiONORARY j^HILOLOGICAL ^SECRETARY.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers^and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1901.

$

4

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A. \ if S'/

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CONTENTS

OP THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXX, Part I.— 1901.

No. 1. Page •

Abii-l-FazV s account of the Multan Sirkar in the Third Book of the

Ain-i- Akbari. — By E. D. Maclagan, C.S. ... ... 1

Notes on the Sasi Dialect. —?y Rev. T. Grahame Bailey, B.D.,

M.A., Wazirabad ... ... ... ... 7

On the antiquity and traditions of the Jami ‘ Masjid and the Rauza

of Hazrat Mauland Muhammad Arab , at Sailkupd , Sub-Division

Jhenidah , District Jessore . — By MaulavI ‘Abdul Walt, Sub-

Registrar of Sailkupd ... ... ... ... 15

Supplement to Note on Vaisali and other places mentioned by the

Buddhist pilgrims. (With Plates I and II). — By W. Hoey,

Esq., Litt. D. ... ... ... ... 29

The Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazaribagh . — By Nundolal

Dey, Munsif Tamluk ... ... ... ... 31

No. 2.

A Revision of the Symbols on the lKarshapana> Coinage , described in

Vol. LIXj J.A.S.B.j 1890 , Part J, No. 3 , and Descriptions

of many additional Symbols. — By W. Theobald, M.N.S.L. 38

On the symbols and devices met with on Copper Coins of Ancient

India , both those cast in moulds and those struck with diesf from

Taxila , Ujain , Eran , Benares , and other contemporary Mints . —

By W. Theobald, M.N.S.L. ... ... ... 64

Index to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal , Vol. LXX ,

Part I (Nos. 1 and 2), 1901 ... ... ... 89

iv

Contents.

Extra No. 1.

Page .

.4 Report on the British Collection of Antiquities from Central Asia .

Part II. ( With 13 Facsimile Plates, 3 Tables, and 6

Woodcuts). — By A. F. Rudolf Hoeknle, C.I.E., Ph. D.

( Tiihingen ) : —

Introductory remarks ... ... ... ... 1

Section III. — Manuscripts ... ... ... ... 6

Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects ... 42

Appendix to Part II ... ... ... ... 1

Supplement to Part II ... ... ... ... 1

Errata in Part I ... ... ... ... ... 7

Extra No. 2.

Sketch of Ladakhi Grammar, in co-operation with other Moravian

Missionaries, compiled by A. H. Francke, Moravian Mis¬

sionary : —

Introduction ... ... ... ... ...

Grammar

Appendix ... ••• ... ... ...

1

9

47

LIST OF PLATES

ISSUED WITH

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXX, Part I.— 1901.

Plate I : Copperplate Inscription of Jayadityadeva II.

Plate II : Map of Country between Kanauj and Gaya.

For a List of Plates, Tables, and Woodcuts, issued with

Extra No. 1, see ‘ List of Illustrations ’ in that number.

ERRATA.

Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc., in Journal As. Soc. Beng.,

Vol. LXIX, Pt. I.

ERRATA.

Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, etc., in Journal As. Soc. Beng.,

Yol. LXIX, Pt. I.

i' - - i ^cjo

h • ' % 4 -«p n

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

— «c*3S—

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. 1. — 1901.

Abu-l-FazV s account of the Multan Sirkar in the Third Hook of the

Ain-i-Akbari. — By E. D. Maclagan, C.S.

[Read December, 1900.]

Abu-1-Fazl in the Third Book of the Ain-i-Akbari describes among

other provinces the Suba of Multan (pp. 325 to 336 of Jarrett’s

Translation, Vol. II). This Suba was divided into 3 Sirkars one of

which, the Sirkar of Multan, includes the present British district of

that name. Having been stationed in that district for some years I

venture to make a few suggestions regarding certain difficulties which

present themselves in Abu-1- Fazl’s description of the Sirkar.

In commencing to describe the Suba Abu-1-Fazl gives an account

of the rivers which flow through ifc ; he says : —

1 The Bihat joins the Cinab near the province of Shor and after

a course of 27 kos they unite with the Ravi near Zafarpur

aud the three flowing collectively in one stream for 60 kos

enter the Indus near Uc. Within 12 kos of Firozpur, the

Biah joins the Satlaj which then bears several names, viz.,

Har, Hari, Dand, Nurni, and in the neighbourhood of

Multan, confluent with the former four, their accumulated

waters unite.’

The difficulties of this passage are fully considered in Col. Jarrett’s

note and I regret to say I can throw little light on the matter.

Presuming the Jihlam aud Cinab to have then met near Trimwu Ghat

(their present meeting place) the measurement of 27 kos (or say 54

J. b l

1

2 E. D. Maclagan — Abud-FazV s account of the Multan Sirhar. [No. 1,

miles, see Jarrett Ain. II. 166 n) locates the junction with the Ravi not

far from the present point of junction and this although the Ravi is

known to have run at a later date, or at least to have had an alterna¬

tive course, past Multan and to have joined the Cinab south of that

city. There is now no trace of any village in the Multan district which

can be identified with Abu-l-FazTs Zafarpur.

As regards the still more mysterious sentence about the Bias and

Satlaj rivers I may note that in the tract lying between the old bed of

the Bias in the Multan district and the present bed of the Satlaj there

are numerous meandering depressions which no doubt represent the

courses of parts of one or both these rivers. Among the names by which

these depressions are known are Viliari and Bhitari which are no doubt

the counterparts of the Eari or Har-hari of our text. The word

Dhandh is applied in this and other Panjab districts to any depression

through which a liver or its branch is liable to flow, and in some places

the word Wahind or Wend is used in the same sense ( e.g ., in the name

of a village, Wahind Sarmanl — the word being connected with tvahan

to flow). Another word applied to the old depressions in Multan is Nai

( e.g ., Sukh-nai, Sidh-nai), and the Nurni of Abu-1-Fazl should perhaps

be read as ‘ Nur-nai.’ Depressions of the nature described are also

known as ‘ wTalas ’ or ‘ walls.’

The Sirkar of Multan contained five separate tracts, viz. : —

(i) Bet Jalandhar Duab, between the Bias and Satlaj.

(ii) Bari Duab, between the Bias and Ravi.

(iii) Ricnau Duab, between the Ravi and Cinab.

(iv) Sindh Sagar Duab, between the Cinab and Indus.

(v) Birun-i-Panjnad, outside the Five Rivers.

The reading of the word ‘ Bet ’ in ‘ Bet Jalandhar Duab * is

doubtful, see Jarrett II. 315 n2 It is said that in old documents the

phrase is ‘Bast’ or ‘ Bist ’ ‘Jalandhar Duab;’ but this is not among

the variants quoted by Blochmann (vernac. p. 550). Bist is said to be a

contraction for ‘ Bias-Satlaj,’ after the manner of ‘Bari’ ‘Ricnau,’ &c.

The mahals of the Bet Jalandhar Duab and the castes inhabiting

them are given as follows by Jarrett. I have added remarks and sug¬

gestions against each : —

Mahals. Castes. Remarks.

Adamwahan ... Hasar ... ... This village is now held by Sayyids, blit is said

iii the settlement records to have been founded

by one Adam, a Cannar by tribe. The word

Hasar ( ) must be an error for Cannar

( 3*^ )• The Cannars are still a well-known

tribe in this neighbourhood, and own land in this

village.

3 901 . ] E. D. Maclagan — Abu-l-FazV s account of the Multan Sirkar. 3

Mahals. Castes.

Jalalabad ... Bliim ...

Dunya pur ... Uki, Ranu

C

Raj pur ... Junab

Sliergarh ... Kachi, Junah,

Bikanah, Malah

Fathpur ... Junah

Kahror ... Junali

Khaibuldl ... Jat and another

name illegible

[Bl.^» jA**-

Remarks.

This village lies ten miles north of Lodhran :

there is an old mosque here and remains of the

old town. BliTm is probably a mistake for

‘ TaliTm : 5 the Tahlms being still found in all

parts of the Multan district, but now chiefly in

the south-west of the Kabirwala Tahsil. Tradi¬

tion however ascribes the foundation of this

village to one Jalal Malitam and it is just

possible that ‘ Bhim ’ here thus stands for

* Mahtam,’ but in other instances (see below) it

is almost certainly a misreading for ‘ Taliim.’

A well-known town in the Lodhran Tahsil.

The tribe referred to is probably that of the

Utheras, a common tribe in this Tahsil, though

no longer owning land round Dunyapur. Possibly

the cognate tribe of the Nuns is also included

so that the names of the tribes would read :

‘Uthera, Nun.’

Rajapur, some 3 miles north of Lodhran, is

indicated; and by Junali is meant ‘Joyali,’ a

very important tribe along the Satlaj. There

are still Joyas in the village, though they ascribe

their immigration to the last century.

This is a village about 5 miles north of Mails!,

found in the time of the Emperor Slier Shah and

still showing ruins of its former prosperity. The

Each! are certainly Khichi, a tribe of Rajputs

still holding a good deal of land in the neighbour¬

hood. Junalis = Joyas (see above). Bikanah, (v.

1. Bhanah, etc.), I cannot identify: the Wigamals

and Sarganas, tribes of this Tahsil, suggest

themselves. The Malah may refer merely to the

boatman caste, but there are none of this tribe

now in the neighbourhood of Sliergarh.

A big brick-built village, afterwards the head

of a pargana : and, according to tradition, founded

by the Joyas. It lies about 9 miles south of

Mails!.

A municipal town, lying half way between

Lodhran and Mails!. The Joyalis still hold a fair

amount of land in this neighbourhood.

Kliai, now a heap of ruined mounds, lies about

15 miles north of Mails! : there are local tradi¬

tions as to its extreme prosperity in the days

when it received canal irrigation from the Bias.

It was called Khai-buldi from one Buld!, a

Biloch, who is said to have founded it. The

4 E. D. Maclagan — Ahu-l-Fazl's account of the Multan Sirlcar. [No. 1,

Mahals. Castes. Remarks.

tribe referred to may be ‘ Jat Mitru,’ the Hitrii

Jats being tbe chief tribe now in that neighbour¬

hood but the traditional date of the Mitru immig¬

ration is after Akbar’s time. Or the doubtful

name may be read ‘ Sauru,’ the Saurus being

a tribe in possession of land in the neighbour¬

hood.

Gkalii Kliarah Kalu, Jat ... This refers doubtless to the tract near the

present junction of the Cinab and the Gharali

(as the lower Satlaj is locally called), which is

inhabited, mainly, by the Ghallu tribe of Jats

and its off shoots. The malial would thus be

‘ Ghallu Gliarah,’ and the tribe * Ghallu Jat.*

Similarly as regards the Bari Duab : —

Islampur

Isma'ilpur

Multan Town ...

Tulambah

Bhlm, Maral ...

Maral

Bhlm,

Sbaikhzada

Sohu ...

I have been told by a peasant that Islam¬

pur was the old name for Gardezpur in the

Shuja’abad Tahsil ; but the Marrals have left no

traces of their power so far south and I expect

the Islampur is near Kasba (in the south of the

Multan Tahsil) which is the present headquarters

of the Marral tribe. The Islampur ‘ topa ’ is

still spoken of as a measure of capacity in the

Shuja'abad Tahsil.

Site unknown. I have been told verbally how¬

ever that this place lay near Kotll Nijabat, some

12 miles east of Shuja'abad : and this is not

unlikely.

The vernac. is ‘ Bulda Multan ’ and this term is

applied in all Imperial sanads, etc., to the tract

round the city (chiefly to the north and east)

not to the city itself. The Sliaiklizadas are the

Quraishls who held charge of the famous shrines

of Balia-ul-Haqq and Eukn-i-‘Alam.

This is Tulambah on the Ravi in the Kablr-

wala Tahsil and the tribe referred to is that of

Villages of the ...

pargauali of

Caukhandl

Suburban dis- Bhlm ...

trict of Multan

Villages of the

parganah of

Khatpur

the ‘ Sahus,’ still very prevalent in those parts.

Caukhandl itself was in the Ricnau Duab

(see below).

The vernac. is ‘Havel! Sliakr.’ The Havel!

parganah of Imperial times seems to have stretch¬

ed along the Cinab river north of Multan, and

this is now the chief habitat of the Tahlm tribe

in the district.

Khatpur was in the Ricnau Duab (seejbelow).

1901.] E. D. Maclagan — Abu-bFazV s account of the Multan Sirkar. 5

Mahals. Castes.

Villages of the

parganali of

Deg Ravi

ShalTalampur

Villages of the

parganah of

Khai-buldi

Matilah

Remarks.

This parganah was in the Ricnau Duab (sec

below).

Site unknown. I have been told verbally by

native informants that this lay somewhere in the

south-east of the Multan Tahsil.

This is the Khai-buldi referred to on page 3.

This should probably be read as * Metla ’ and

held to refer to some part of the country held by

the Metla Jats who are now scattered about in

the north and east of the Multan Tahsil.

The Ricnau Duab : —

I raj pur and Kharal

Deg Ravi

Caukliandi ... ditto.

Khatpur ... Jat, Sindha ...

Dalibhati . . . Kharal

Kalba ... ... Jatj Soliu

This mahal lay in the Montgomery district

apparently between the Deg and Ravi rivers.

The Kharrals are still a powerful tribe on the

Ravi.

ditto. ditto.

There is an insignificant village of this name a

few miles west of Sarai Siddhii, through which

the Ravi now runs. As it is called Khatpur

Sandlia, from the Jat tribe of Sandhas, there is

little reason to doubt its representing the village

of the text.

Not identified. The place was probably in the

Montgomery district and the latter end of the

name is probably ‘ Bliatti,’ and refers to the

tribe of that name.

This should be read * Kulambah.’ In later

Imperial times the parganah north of the Ravi

was known as Kulambah and that to the south

as Tulambah. The tribe in possession was that

of the Sahu Jats already mentioned under

Tulambah (p. 4).

The Sindh Sagar Duab : —

Villages of . See under Bari Duab (p. 4).

Islampur

Rangpur ... Jat ... ... This is a well-known village near the Cinfib

north of Muzaffargarli.

#

Raipur Kanki... Bliirn ... ... We should probably read * Raipur Kanakke.’

There is a village called Amlrpur Kanakke on

the west bank of the Cinab.

Miscellaneous ...... . .

villages

(The Indus it must be remembered was much nearer to the Cinab then than it

is now, hence the small number of mahals of the Duab.)

f> E» D. Maclagan — Abu-l-FazV s account of t lie Multan SirJcar. [No. 1,

Beyond the Five Rivers : —

The mahals of this tract need not be mentioned in detail as they

are nearly all outside the present Multan district. It will be noticed

however from the list that the Indus flowed north of Sitpur in the

Muzaffargarh district and that the Cinab apparently joined the Satlaj

some miles to the east of the present point of junction. The village of

RaprI, about 8 miles west of Jalalpur Pirwala, which now lies slightly

to the east of the Cinab, then lay on the west. The ‘Majloli Ghazipur’

of the text may be the present Ghazipur in Tahsil Shuja‘abad, but if so

the river Cinab must have run very much to the east of its present

course. There is moreover a tradition that the present Ghazipur

(which is a large brick village, once the headquarters of a Sikh

parganah) was founded in the last century by the Nawwabs of Dera

Ghazi Khan. The list of mahals also includes a place called Ubaorah,

and if this is the village of that name lying immediately south of

Jalalpur Pirwala, the Cinab must have then cut off a very considerable

tract of country which now lies on its eastern bank.

1901,]

T. G. Bailey — Notes on the Sasi Dialect ,

7

Notes on the SUsi Dialect. — By Rev. T. Grahame Bailey, B.D., M.A.,

Wazirabad.

[Read January, 1900.]

‘ Sasi ’ is the name given by Panjabis to one of the criminal tribes

of the Panjab. The Sisls are a deeply interesting people. Sunk low

in the scale of civilisation, addicted by nature and education to criminal

habits, clinging to traditional beliefs peculiarly their own, living in the

midst of, yet holding aloof from, other races, they invite the attention

of students of ethnology and students of comparative religion alike.

But their linguistic interest is paramount. Being criminals they con¬

ceal their language with scrupulous and extraordinary care. Many

are the stories they tell of Panjabis and Europeans, who attempting to

become conversant with their speech, relinquished the project in des¬

pair, being baffled at the unforeseen magnitude of the task they had

undertaken. Such stories are, needless to say, exaggerations.

The StlsI Dialect may be subdivided into two, the main dialect,

and the criminal variation. While the former will certainly repay time

spent on it by students of language, the chief interest lies undoubtedly

in the latter. Here we have the remarkable phenomenon of a dialect

which owes its origin to deliberate fabrication for the purpose of aiding

and abetting crime. Siisls themselves are unaware of its source ; yet in

the presence of strangers they unconsciously use a dialect which is not

a natural growth but a conscious manufacture. So much has this

become new part of themselves that S^sls from any district in the

Panjab will speak the same dialect and be ignorant of the fact that

what they call this language is originally a conscious imposture, a

deliberate fraud, a carefully laid plot to keep in natural darkness deeds

which would not bear the light.

The main dialect is used by all S^sls, both children and adults,

in ordinary conversation. It closely resembles Panjabi, though some¬

times more like Urdu, and if spoken with a clear and deliberate enun¬

ciation, might be partially understood by a Panjabi. The criminal

variation is absolutely unintelligible except to the initiated. Even

8

[No. 1,

T. G. Bailey — Notes on the SUsi Dialect.

SUsi children understand it very imperfectly. It is used in speaking

in the presence of aliens. In the grammatical notes below I have

indicated words belonging to this variation by the word ‘ criminal ’ in

parentheses. The fact, above alluded to, that the Sasi dialect resem¬

bles, sometimes Panjabi and sometimes Urdu, is worthy of attention.

The 1st and 2nd pers. pron. give a good example of this. The singular

is closely allied to Panjabi, but the plural is even more closely allied

to Urdu. All Sftsis can speak Panjabi, but do so with an accent and

intonation peculiar to themselves.

Main Dialect .

Pronunciation: Vowel sounds are the same as in Panjabi. Conso¬

nants vary only in so far as they extend the use of the guttural ly

pronounced aspirates. In Panjabi initial bli, gh, jli, dh, dh, have a

pronunciation entirely distinct from that which they receive in Urdu.

In S§isi we find in addition to these mh and nh, of mhara==hamara,

and nliara = sara (crimiual), cf. Panjabi nherni. This peculiar guttural

sound is traceable, as in Panjabi, iu vowels, but here no rule can be laid

down. Experience alone will bring accuracy.

Grammar, greatly resembles Panjabi and Urdu.

Noun, Scheme of Declension.

Thus, bhukal, dog (criminal), kiita, dog (ordinary, cf. kutta).

Gen. bhukala — ga, — ge, — gi, — gi5. \ { kutte ka ke ki (Sing.)

kute — ga, „ „ „ ) (. ki, pi. Urdu.

Dat. bhukala I „

> gu = kutte ko.

kute J

Abl. bhukala, kute tho = kutte se.

Loc, bhukala, kute bich = kutte me.

Ag. bhukal! kute = kutte ne.

9

1901.]

T. Gr. Bailey — Notes on the S %si Dialect.

Similarly the same postpositions may be affixed to the plural

endings as in the diagram, and so with other nouns, as kanaju, grain,

(m.) bageli, eight-anna bit (f.), ban, sister (f.) Sing, bana (obi.) ban§

(ag.) PI. bans (nom.) bane (obi.) bane orB (ag.).

Adjectives.

Masculine. Feminine.

Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural .

Nom. bhaira bhaire bhairl bhairlf ) = Panjabi bhnira.

Obi. bhaire bhair© bhairla bhairi© ‘

Adjectives ending in a consonant are indeclinable.

Pronouns, Personal, Fh\st Person.

Third Ter son.

J. i. ‘2

10

T. Gr. Bailey — Notes on the Sds't Dialect.

Interrogative.

[No. 1,

Sisi lias a peculiar pronoun, tiarga, without a parallel in Panjabi

or Urdu. It means ‘ the tiling or subject under discussion/ and is used

to prevent a stranger’s knowing what is being talked. It has a number

of significations and quite baffles the uninitiated.

It should be noted that while in Urdu we have three 2nd Pers.

Pronouns used in addressing a single person — tu, turn, ap — and in

Panjabi two — tft tusf, — in Sasi there is only one — tau. I have always

been addressed by Salsis in the 2nd Sing. Of course in speaking Urdu

and Panjabi they conform to the usages of those languages.

Sasi

Urdu

Sasi

Panjabi sa, si si se, san san, siS.

Dutna, eat (criminal) dut-ta, dutia,

Aorist. D fit — e — e — e — § — o — e.

Future. — aggri — atjgra — agra — Sgre — agre — aqgre [Fern.

arjgri, &c., agria, &c.]

Imperf. dut, duti§ (polite ) ; plur. duto.

Cond. Past, diitta (fern, duttl) dutte (fern, dut till).

Prest. dut-tS hai (fern. — ti hai, &c , plur. dut — te Ii5, &c.

Imperf. — t! siyyt, &c.

Past, dut- is (fern. — 1), plur. — e (fem. — iai).

Similarly hona, hota, huwwa, fut. hogra.

jana jatta, gaya (geawa) jigra.

Passive. Similar to Panjabi liau maria jUgra (fem. marl jlgri)

= I shall be killed.

Singular.

Masculine. Feminine.

siyyS siyyi

Third.

hai

hai.

Plural.

Masculine. Feminine,

siyye siyyiS

Verb, Auxiliary, Present Tense.

3901.]

11

T. Gr. Bailey — Notes on the Sasi Dialect.

The Panjabi passive form is also found. Kahida hai = akhida hai =

it is said. When the root of a verb is prefixed to another verb, the root

usually adds — i, e.g., marl jatta = marjata, kuli nliodaggra ( criminal ) =

Panj. karchad§>ga = I shall finish off.

Adverbs, call for little notice.

ethi = Panj. iththe, here ; othi = 5ththe, there ; kare = kiththe, where ?

jare = jiththe, where; ida==istarah, thus; eth8 = ithth8, hence; otho =

otlitho, thence; eth8 tikar = ithth8 tikar, thus far; nff = udhar, thither;

bhalak = bhaj ke, to-morrow.

Bhi = phir, then, a second time, is very characteristic of Sasi. It

is so constantly used and is so gutturally enunciated that Panjabis

sneeringly employ ‘bill bln karna ’ or ‘bhi bhi re re karna ’ to signify

the talking of a S^si, thus they will say “what were you doing among

those who say ‘bhi bhi re re ? ’ ” meaning “What business had you

among the Slsis ? ”

aije = hsS, yes; iwwiyo or iwke = now, quickly.

Prepositions, generally as in Panjabi.

ghara ge agge = ghar de agge, before the house.

The Urdu se, from, is th8 ; but when se is used in comparison of

adjectives, &c., it becomes saththa in SUsi, e.g., sari saththa bhaira =

sab se kliarab.

Interjections.

The most noticeable is ‘ duliai re!' or criminally ‘duhangire!’

to express surprise or horror. The common word for sal am is dua hoti

(du‘a hoti).

Criminal Variation.

This is a thought out and deliberate attempt of surpassing interest

to disguise the ordinary dialect. S^sis call it Farsi, Persian, and many

really believe that it is connected with Persian. Of course this is

erroneous. One of the chief difficulties in deciphering (so to speak)

the Slsi dialect is the existence of these two varieties side by side.

The criminal variety is marked by two distinct features, (1) a number

of words not found in the other, (2) a series of semi-systematic changes

of already existing words. These changes vary, the same word being

sometimes changed, sometimes unchanged, sometimes changed in one

way, sometimes changed in another.

Subjoined is a list of the principal changes,

s changed to d, nab = sab (sahib) ; nat = sat, seven,

s ,, nh, nbara = sara, all.

12

[No. 1,

T. G. Bailey — Notes on the SUsi Dialect.

Changes formed by additions of letters, sometimes with vowel

change.

b prefixed to vowels, bek=*ek, bun = un, bea = ea, bethl = ethi.

k „ ,, kodmi = admi, man ; kdth = ath, eight ; kodha =

adha, half ; kundar = andar.

kli prefixed to consonants, kharaju = rajl=raz!, satisfied; khaditha =

ditlia = Panj. diththa, Urdu dekha, seen,

dha ,, ,, dha ban = ban ==bahin (Urdu) sister ; dha-

gal = gala, neck.

Verbs whose roots end in a vowel have sometimes p inserted after

the root : —

depna = dena, give ; lepna = lena, take ; liopna = liona, be.

Verbs whose roots end in ah, change ah to aug.

Kaugna, = kahna, say ; raugna = rahna, remain ; ana, come, and jana,

go, become asarna and jasarna, respectively.

jana has two criminal past participles, one regular jasarna, one

gauga, formed from gay a on the analogy of kaugna, raugna, &c.

g is added in mharga = mhara = hamara, our ; tuarga== tuara = your ;

merga = mera, my ; terga = tera, thy; kihrga = kihra, who? jihfga =

jihra, who, cf. Pune dialect sara, our; suara, your; mhara, my; tuara,

thy.

I have noticed occasionally peculiar double changes.

khadepaqra = depagra = deqra = detlga, I shall give; khajihrga =

jihrga = jihra, who.

Special words : — It is almost impossible to distinguish between

criminal and ordinary special words.

bora, boy

bori, girl

bhauta, brother

ban, sister

bhatani, woman

kajja .

khet j ’ Ja*

goliya -j

nokli j ’ cul,r“

baut, thief

barml, wife

kini, khatri

cawal, rascal

bhukal ^

kuti j > d°K

1901.]

13

T, Or. Bailey — Notes on the ScLsi Dialed.

t'inda, pig

lalsi, cow

khimat, buffalo

chabra, be-goat

lauda, ox

kudra, liorse

timi, food

kliisu, corn

cai, water

tasli, bread, food

cipra, piece of cloth

dhula, =gur, coarse- sugar

khaula, house

nad, village

pirl, oil

sarband, arrangement

lalli, night, cf. Arabic lail

\

laba

balrni > , rupee

khupna ’

khat, bed

bai = bat, matter

raiqk, meat

konna, one anna

dhormi, two anna bit

chaugli, four ,, ,,

bagelT, eight „ ,,

guluba, tobacco

burkna

togna

:na ) .

> , huqqa

a )

pauni, shoe

bind!, ear-drop

gedi, Panj. jhamnx

retna, lose

dlmna

1a ) ’

eat

dutna

gumana = hide cf. Persian

gum

nunjna, sleep

thaugkna, sit

khlmna, weep

15hna, beat, cf. Kashmiri

layun

t5gna, drink

bei

kulna, cup kar-

na, keep quiet

gum

naththi

kulna, do

lugna, die

&c., &c.

I close witli a rather free rendering of the parable of the Prodigal

Son in Criminal Sssl, a strange combination truly. I have written

below the lines a literal translation into Urdu.

“ Bek kodml siyya, buske dhor bore siyye, khika bora

ek admi tha (si) uske do larke the, cliota (nikka) larka

apne dhabap tg kaugne lagga bha! jihrga kundra bic hope buska

apne bap se kahne laga ki . jo andar mi hai uska

k5dha hissa manU dep. Bun kaugia lepilep, bhi bun lepi

adha hissa mujhko de. Usne kaha lele, pliir usne le

liyya. Nhi bull turl gauga te nhare balue nhare naise

liya. Phir wuh cala (tur) gay a, aur sare rupaie sare paise

nharab krill nhode. Nhi bara jhukha khatang hopia. Buske

kharab kar chore. Phir bara bhukha tang liua. Uske

nas kuch nahl raugia; nhi buh tundl ga khanaukar hop!

pas kuch nahi raha ; phir wuh suaro ka naukar ho

gauga, par jhukha lugi gauga. Ts apne khadila bic nhocia

gay a, par bhukha mar gay a. Tab apne dil me soca

merge dhabapte nas kitne khanaukar hope te buh dutia kulte;

mere bap-ke pas kitne naukar hai aur wuh khaya karte ;

te manu nahl khadepagra ? Hau buske nas turl jasragra.

aur mujhko nahi dega P MaT uske pas cala jaBga.

Jad buh kha turi gauga buske khabap te busko naukhia te

Jab wuh cala gaya uske bap ne usko dekha aur

bara kliimia te busko dbagal lai lepia: buske naste baril

bara roya aur usko gale laga liya : uske waste bari

14

[No. 1,

T. Gr. Bailey — Notes on the Sasi Dialect.

nhonil nboniS pushaka leasriS te buske naste raiijk kuli depia.

sohni sohni poshaki leae aur uske waste gosbt kar diya.

Buska dhabara bora nari tawia; bun kaugia bau terge nas

IJska bara larka sar para; usne kaba maT tere pas

khroj raugta, ria, tai mans kuch nalii depia. Dhabap te

roz rabta raba, tune mujliko kuch nalii diya. Bap ne

kaugia kbajihrge merge bopaT balue naise terge liopal ; kliika

kaha jo mere bai rupaie paise teie liai ; chota

b5ra lugi gauga siyya, biwke kbaji wi tawia, gawaci

larka mar gaya tba, ab ji bill para, kho (gawac)

gauga siyya biwke khalabi tawia.

gaya tba ab mil (labh) para.

1901.] Maulavl ‘Abdul Wall — Jdmi ‘ Masjid at Sailhipd.

15

On the antiquity and traditions of the Jdmi ‘ Masjid and the Rauza of

Hazrat Maulana. Muhammad ‘Arab, at Sailkupa , Sub-Division

Jhenidah, District Jessore. — By MaulavI ‘Abdul WalT, Sub-Registrar

of Sailkupd .

[ Read March, 1899. ]

On my arrival at Sailkfipa 1 in 1891, it struck me that the Mauza‘

was remarkable in many respects : it contained an old mosque, said <o

be in existence from long centuries; a maqbira (tomb) of a Muham-'

madan saint, commonly called “ Maulana Sahib,” and of a Wazir.

Vague traditions regarding the Masjid, and the life of the saint, were

current, but none — Hindus and Musalmans — could tell anything for

certain about them. Even the khadims were miserably ill-informed.

After a long time, while searching for old Farmans, Sanads, Parwanas,

Fatwas, Kablnnamas, and other documents, in the possession of certain

families, I was able to form — with the help of certain old residents of

the village — a tolerably correct idea about the antiquity and traditions of

Mauza‘ Sailkupa, and its ancient mosque. It wns, however, with con¬

siderable difficulty and questionings that I came to know of the

existence of these old deeds, and with still more entreaties, I had access

to them. Owing to the want of education and culture, the Muham¬

madans of the day do not trouble themselves about the relics of old

things left by their ancestors. They only care for such documents that

may be required by the Law Courts — from the period of resumption of

stipendiary lands and grants.

The Mauza‘ Sailkupa, within Jhenidah Sub-Division, is prettily

situated on the left bank of the river Kumar, ten miles north of

Jhenidah. It is one of the principal trading places of Jessore. A

Thana was established here in 1863, 2 and a Sub-Registry Office in 1875,

1 The Mauza* is spelt in various ways : Salkopa, Sailkupa, Saulkupa, or as in

Persian deeds SolkSpa. The etymology is very uncertain. Sail, Saul, or Sal = a

kind of fish, K5pa or Kupa = vvell, i.e., well, or hollow place for Sail fish. The popu¬

lation of the village according to the census of 1891 was 4128.

2 The part north of the River Kumar belonged to Pabna District before 1863.

16

Maulavl ‘Abdul Wall — Jd mi1 Masjid at Sailkupa.

[No. 1,

It has an old bazar , a Zamindari Kachari, formerly belonging to the

Te-ani Raja of Mabmudshahl Pargana, &c., but subsequently a

masouary building was erected by Babu Guruprasad Nandi, a

Taluqdar, and now from several years the Narail Babus’ Kachari is

located therein.

An indigo factory, with a two-storeyed house has been pulled

down. The Kumar, since about 50 years, has shifted a good deal, and

several houses have been swept away. The site of the old Bazar —

which was on the south of the present one — with three rows of shops,

have gradually disappeared. A 'permit ghat, called Pahca-chatra ghat,

with an office, close to Qazi-para Khal have also gone. The village is

divided into Mahalla’s. The quarter in which the mosque with tfilaL

(tank) and the Rauza of the Maulana Sahib are situated is called

Dargah-para or Masjid-para. One Mahalla is called Nagarpara (town)

inhabited mostly by tradesmen, and £ahas ; another quarter is called

Khalisa-para (or Government Khas lands).1

Murshid Qull Khan in 1722 completed his Kamil Jama ‘ tumdri (or

complete rent roll) and divided Bengal into Sarkars, Caklas, and

Parganas. On the establishment of the British Administration,

Divisions, Zilas, and Parganas, &c,, were substituted. Of the old

Divisions, Pargana has survived. While examining old deeds, I found

that Qasba (town) Sailkiipa was lying in Sarkar Mahmudabad, Pargana

Tara ujiyal, Muzaf Suba-i-Jannatu-l-Bilad Bangfila2 (heaven of

countries, Bengal). The present Zamindari Kachari of Mahmiidshahi

Pargana, &c., (incorrectly called Muhammadshahi) is still styled

“ Cakla Kachari,” and the several Parganas which constituted the

Cakla are briefly called Mahmudshdhi WaghairaliuJ

The Jami‘ Masjid is situated in the centre of the Mauza‘, which was

Sailkupa was one of the places from which price lists were sent to the Collector of

Jessore as early as 1790 A.D. J. Westland, Report, p. 209.

1 The following idols have been established at Sailkupa by pious Hindus :

SiddheQvarl Krsna-Balaram, and Ram-G5pal. The last named pair of idols are

very famous, and have endowments of rent-free-lands.

* Mahmud Shahl and Tara-ujiyal are mentioned among the Parganas of Sarkar

Mahmudabad in the Am-i-AJclciri : Yol. II, p. 133, Jarrett.

8 Madhav Bhattacaryya of Ulla (near Naldanga) was Court-Pandit of Sultan

Husain Shah from whom he got five villages. His descendants, the Rajas of

Naldanga, got from time to time several Parganas, about 34 or 35, which they had

intact, till the estate became, to a great extent, lost to the family. Their Cakla

Kachari was close to the Sub-Divisional head-quarter at Jhenidah (extracted from a

Vernacular paper, also vide Report on the District of Jessore, its Antiquities, its

Ilistoxy and its Commerce by J. Westland, Esq., Second Ed. 1874, pp. 42-49, but

the information given in the Report is incomplete).

17

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall —Jdimi1 Masjid at Sailkupa,

formerly called town, and measures inside 31£ feet by 21 feet. The

wall is a massive one, 5^ feet thick. The building may be divided into

two blocks lengthwise, eastern, and western, each of which contains

three cupolas or domes of conical shape 21 feet high from the floor,

which go up to the utmost height of the roof, supported by arches, 12

feet high on two stone pillars beneath, not more than 1J feet square and

6 feet high. Where the arch springs, which support the cupola above,

there is a sort of capital. These two stone pillars are posted in the

middle of the building at an equal distance from the walls, and from

each other, in such a position that between them they support the

whole edifice; the two cupolas or domes remain on both aisles of them,

east and west ; the remaining two domes are in the middle of these two

pillars, also east and west, — thus making up six domes or cupolas. On

the western wall, a mimbar or pulpit, and several curved mihrabs or

arches, with spaces to keep ciragh , &c., are still to be seen ; but they are

in a bad state of preservation. Inside, the mosque is rectangular,

outside, the walls on the east and west are projected outwards, and look

like a huge Rahil fish. The cornices on all sides are very beautiful and

well planned. Over the top of the entrance or facade the space appears

to be raised, the bricks of which are carved and ornamented, but broken

and fading away. There are oblong spaces designed to receive

epigraphs which have never been inscribed. There are six small door¬

ways, besides the main entrance — two on the north, two on the south,

and two on the east, on either sides of the main entrance. The height

on the outside from the ground is 18 feet, less by 3 feet, than the

cupolas.

The materials with which the Masjid is built are burnt bricks and

cliunam of shells or kauri . It appears to me a work of considerable

skill. There is a piece of stone lying on the ground. This stone, and

the two pillars, mentioned, are of the same colour and quality.

As to the origin of the Masjid (called in Imperial Farmans Masjid -

i-J&mi1 or Cathedral mosque), it is stated that King Nasir Shah, son of

Husain Shah, of Bengal, while travelling from Gaur on his way to

Dacca (?) came to Mauza‘ Sailkupa. With Nasir Shah were Hazrat

Maulana Muhammad ‘Arab, a renowned Darvish, and Murskid

(spiritual guide) of the King ; Hakim Khan, a Path an ; Saiyid Shah

‘Abdu-l-Qadir-i-Baghdadi ; and a Faqir. The Maulana on seeing the

village was very much delighted and said “ I like this place, I will

inhabit here.” The above-mentioned three persons who were the

disciples of the Maulana wished also to remain with their Murshid at

Sailkupa. Nasir Shah consented to this, and left his Wazir Shah ‘All

in the service of his pir. The King granted a few Bigahs of Idkhiraj

J. i. 3

18 Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jfimi1 Masjid at SailkupH. [No. 1,

lands, and was pleased to call the Mauza‘ “ Nasirpur,” after his own

name. 1 * * * * *

; •' The above is the substance of a dastavlz (attested by several

persons) which the descendants of Shall ‘Abdu-l-Qadir-i-Baghdadi sub¬

mitted about a century ago, when the stipendiary lands in their

possession were threatened to be resumed, and enquiries were instituted

as to their title.8

The further particulars about the mosque are these : — when the

King left Sailkupa, he directed that a Masjid should be built, and a

tank excavated for the Maulaua, to supervise which the Wazir, or

Minister, remained behind. Shah ‘All (for that was the name of the

Wazir, or a high official, as I think he was) commenced building a

Masjid, and digging a tdlab ; but unfortunately Hazrat Maulaua

Muhammad ‘Arab died when the work was in progress. The Wazir

built a Maqbira over the grave of the Maulana, and soon after he too

died — a small tomb was build for him on the west of the Maqbira of the

Maulana Sahib.

• •

They say that Maulana Muhammad ‘Arab was from Baghdad ; and

was very much venerated for his sanctity. He lived, curiously enough,

on a wall, where food used to be sent to him by means of cliinka (made

l Old men still remember the Mauza* being called Nasirpiir specially by Faqirs.

A Nasirpuri man was considered to be a very clever fellow. If a Sailkupaite ever

said a witty thing, “0, he is a Nasirpuri” was the remark of the other persons,

present. The Mauza‘ is no doubt a very ancient one. Its narrow galis, congested

population of tradesmen and others point out that it was a flourishing city centuries

ago — before the British rule. Only royal mosques, established in towns or cities,

where there may be a Muhammadan Judge (Qazi) are termed Jami‘, or Cathedral

mosques. It is very probable that Sailkupa was the seat of a Nawab or Faujdar.

It is said that there were 50 Munshis and Maulavis in it, until a comparatively

recent time. Sailkupa men call the other villages Bhar, and their inhabitants Bharo

(rustics). The latter call Sailkupa nagar (town).

8 In another paper the applicants wrote that there was a fight in 1149 B.S.

between the Zamindars of Mahmudshahi and RIjshahl. The soldiers of the former

being defeated came flying to Sailkupa and were pursued by the soldiers of the

latter, who set fire to, and pillaged, the houses of Qasba Sailkfipa. The royal Fur¬

mans, &c., were then burnt down. This event is supported by Mr. J. Westland

(Report, p. 44), who says that Raja Raghu Dev Ray of Naldanga (Zamindar of

Mahmudshahl) was deprived of his Zamindari for disobeying the summons of the

Nawab of Murshidabad, which was bestowed upon Raja Ram Kant Roy of Nat5r (in

Rajshahi). This occurred in 1144 B.S. (1737 A.D.), but three years later the Nawab

restored it to the family. There is some confusion of dates. The Raja’s property

was restored, and he was well treated at the recommendation of Mir Ghulam

Darvish Cousin of Mulla Khairu-l-Islam of Sailkupa, who was, it is said, at

Murshidabad, on his way from Delhi to Sailkupa,

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jdmi1 Masjid at Sailkupa . -19

of twisted ropes) but none ever had seen him eating it. The King

hearing of his sanctity went to see him. The saint being told that the

King was coming to meet him, said to the wall upon which he was, —

“ Badshali jab ate hai, diwar tu bhi kuch age barh.” The wall moved

on. The King being convinced of his sanctity, became a disciple of

the saint, who spoke to the King that he wished to go to a Mauza‘ called

Sailkupa. After a long search, they came to Sailkupa and landed.

Having carefully examined the place, the Maulana Sahib said, “ this is

my destination, I will not stir from here.” After his arrival, many

Muhammadan families came to, and settled in, the village.

Historically I kuow nothing who the saint “ Muhammad ‘Arab ”

was, but it is very probable that h6 came with Nasir Shah, at whose

command the Cathedral mosque— the silent spectator of a by-gone age

— was built. Nasir Shah (as stated above) was the son and successor

of Husain Shah ; but in history, he is called Nusrat Shah or Na§ib

Shah, who reigned after his father. I had, therefore, some doubt,

at first, as to the authenticity of the contents of the aforemen¬

tioned dastdviz , but recent researches based on numismatic and

epigraphical evidences have established the fact that the son and

successor of the great Husain Shah was called Nasiruddin Nusrat Shah

(who may briefly be called Nasir Shah, as I have done in this paper).1

Another oral tradition, which I heard from an old man— descended

from a very ancient family of Sailkupa — says that the Masjid is the

work of Husain Sbah, who was a powerful monarch, and renowned

throughout Bengal for his charities, and benevolent acts. The Ta‘dads

of the rent-free lands granted — in recognition of their former claims —

to the descendants of Shah ‘Abdu-l-Q.adir-i- Baghdadi, by the British

Court, also bear the name of Husain Shah as the donor. It is, therefore,

very probable that Nasir Shah came to Sailkupa with his spiritual

guide, while Husain Shah was reigning.

The brick-built tombs of the Maulana Sahib, and the Wazir Shall

‘Ali, are at a distance of about 35 feet, east of the mosque. The big

tank on the north of the Masjid and the llauza, which, it is said, had

l Sultan ‘A la’uddin Husain Shah reigned from A.H. 899 — 925 = A.D. 14 93- 1518.

His sou who calls himself on all his coins and inscriptions hitherto discovered,

^UaLJl I y\ fj Lj^Jf ^j|

«•

i.c., ‘ the Sultan son of the Sultan Nasirud-Dnnyii wad-DIn Abu-1. Muzaffar Nusrat

Shah, sou of Husain Shah the Sultan, Al-Husaini,’ reigned from A.H. 925 —

939 = A.D. 1518 — 1532. The dates given in the Riyazus-Salatln, and other Histories,

are generally incorrect. .

20

Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall— Jami1 Masjid at Sailkupa. [No. 1,

a masonary ghat or steps, is silted up. There is still to be seen the

foundation of a pakka wall which was intended to go round the mosque

and the Rauza. The traces of a Bhandar-Khaua, as well as

(whatever it may mean) as stated in several Imperial Parwanas, have

well-nigh vanished. The Jami‘ Masjid is now in ruins. Neither it,

nor the Rauza has any inscription. It appears that the work was

suddeuly stopped, before it was finished.

The common folk of Sailkupa know little about the early history

of the Masjid. They are, however, fond of telling beautiful stories

regarding the — what they call, ‘ roofless 5 1 3 * 5 * — mosque, the stone pillars, and

the black stone lying close by. The mosque, they say, was made in one

night, by some supernatural agent, who after having built the masjids,

at both the Panduas (Bara Pandua near Maldah, and Chota Pandua

in the Hugli District) and other places, commenced building the

Sailkupa mosque. Very early in the morning, while it was dark,

and the work was nearly completed, sounds of grinding cird (prepared

of rice) by gayals, or cirkutis by means of DJienki — a sign of the

approaching dawn — were heard, and the work was left half done.

The above story is an old one and I have heard it told in other

places. It only means that the mosque is very old, beyond the memory

of any living man, and that all traces of its origin are lost. This

tradition rightly says that the work was left in an unfinished state, as

surely it was.8

The alleged descendants of the disciples who originally came with

the Maulana Sahib, except those of the Faqzrz (that became extinct

some four years ago) still survive, but they cannot correctly trace up

their descent, and compared with other prominent residents of the

Mauza‘, have held rather very inferior positions.

It is popularly believed that a boastful man cannot lift the black

stone, but one, with humility and faith, would do so. Women are

admitted into the mosque, who rub their breasts to the stone-pillars for

the preservation of children about to be born, or for the recovery of

diseases.

1 As the domes are of conical shape and very high, and till lately covered with

rubbish and vegetation, the report, that the mosque had no roof and in spite of it

the rain-water did not fall within it, found credence among the credulous.

3 The mosque was partially repaired in 1896-97 by the writer, but abandoned

for want of support and co-operation of the local Mnsalmans. The Rauza of

Maulana Sahib, and that of the Wazir, were repaired by MunshI Qaimud-Din, in

1889.

5 It is said that the name of the Fuqir was Caudan Sikka, but this I could not

find in any of the documents examined by me.

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jami1 Masjid at Sailkupa. 21

Appendix. .

Of the many prominent residents of Sailkiipa in* the last century,

Saiyid Shall Abu ‘Ubaidullah alias Mir Ghulam Darvish was one. He

went to Dehli, and acquired several Farmans and Sanads from Emperor

Shah ‘A lam ( A.H. 1173-1221 = A.D. J759-1806) and other high

officials. Some of these are briefly noted below, and one transcribed

in full except the Schedule attached thereto. They show how matters

stood a century and more ago uuder the dual form of Government — of

the puppet Emperor, and his all-powerful officials, on the one side, and

the pushing East India Company, on the other.

1. This Parwana was written on the 16th Ramazan, the 9th year

of the Julus (Regnal year). It runs thus: —

y*

The Seal :

jjj Jt

- I | vd #JR

Text : ’

ilbJ| CaIa. j Jla. 0U^.A5 ^(j«>aaLc

|^U iif.j &R.C AajIj AftJUI-o olijf £,c

^ v£? ^ ^

•V ^ ^ »• *

JJppj^^A/o jl Ait^. &*h.$ tȣj ^ Ax*J jjtsPj?

laa jjbj i— >-^-^3 a^j! j yi

LTi))* *bl ‘HP5 pi »’A v-^i *f^f «JjUc j

^5/0 ^taJjy h ca^£ lb ^;W| »«>jj 0f ±yjji y

tpldf & 1+-*^ j^h«A/0 v-A^fj CUaa>J .

w •» f ^

.? j 1/C ^Kap v_jb ^R/C «l^k. £A,w

22 Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jami‘ Masjid at Sailkupa. [No. 1,

j*J»b J J AJL4*iJ| (JUx*» fjic ob©t>2k.

f' '

a.clh/0 ^y-'f ^ i5^|«W jjlf <^3

C^-A/O

) J obvj'iA &Jf oJA|<X>0 ^ Uj

^U/O ^tiX) (^*3^1 J BJaKa^J.* (^ic Jbo ^C

^mIsj hhj ^ ,>aj H«v.3 ^ ^. jb ai«*»J ^ £j^+xj

* ;?

J'«w*jA tj>X 2f^-a»^y) f ^jl4^-'\j3 lj anj| ^jl-gu^O i_

ad** tJ^LJl ^tArfj ^A^j1^ iXiifa t^Alki ^as:^3

*•

* (i-A/O oJb ^3jXJ c5^*/0

( Sr fj£ )

$[) ^1 &£-) J<i^J>vj^ jLs^i jj^vib l^ft/O

a^p"*'0 o.jtlai. J Ovobo| ^ OoJy i_*«Aho ^hwJJlj ^bcjj

i,XS\^ isl*jk< o^^jt &*•& jfji^J f^iXJ

^•d+Xat/C Jffcij ,}lh)| cl^ vjbdW ^bT jjb-^y tjb <xl^c

^1-C !«»[<< t>*v ^_^CJ^k3 « ^.sXVao ^3 ^ii. J ^Jcb i^l^f<X/0 £•&£

•• t »

(jr*^j* J f {j£^ <^s * .J >^tr^ LS* } viAJj'Cjll ^ ^x^Aidt ch*-^

jji&jo J6j<* AftJbu/c jfjty &*/c ^Ia ^ a)^j if,*

K;y^ aa^ai jl ^j'i &*kte j j ^c\^\ *tx} ^ j gls.^ j

aJd| «>XXC ^j| s>J.^j ib^f 0,b£5Jtj ^>^9

^33 31 ^ilajj jt+t t

^a)A ^jb«i./Ai/o j*lij &£ ^3 ^ <^1*69 au<£k^ ^*3 aiAJ^f y

iJ*’!jj'$ {*^3 Jt£> )y.y° \\ (Jjjlla^ &jl (jjJ &$ dyM ks**»£

* *

ai> ^iAi ;b> bkj j J-.3 b

# bj <i>wj^ij aSof Ja ^ i>l^.b ^jf ^b

The word on the top stands foi* aJJ| ^a 11 He is God, &c.” Then

a little below to the left occur “ Maulana Muhammad ‘Arab — may his

secrets be sanctified.” In the next line similarly removed a little

towards the left (certain words of which cannot be deciphered) occurs

the name of “ Saiyid Hasan Ragh l&di ” part of the last word italicised

2.3

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jam i5, Masjid at Sailkupa.

is obliterated. Saijid Hasan was the person to whom Mir Ghulam

Darvish (the donee) traced his descent.

Then occur the following names and titles of the Minister in the

seal affixed to the right side of the paper, the name of the Emperor

occurring on the top : — “ Waziru-l-Mamalik Jumlatu-l-Mulk Madaru-1-

Muham 1‘timadu-d-Daula Asaf Jah Burhanu-l-Mulk Shujau-d-Daula

Abul-Mansur Khan Bahadur Safdar-Jaug Yar-i-Wafadar Sipali-Salar

Fidvi-i-Badshah-i-Ghazi Shah ‘Alam— — 1 175 A.H.

Next comes the document itself, in which occur the following : — •

The Mutasaddis (officials), present and future— of Sirkar Mahmuda-

bad, within the heaven of countries, Bangala (Bengal) are hereby

informed, that under the Sanads of His Imperial Majesty dated the

3rd year of the lucky reign “ the posts of Mutawalli (donee), Imam (one

who conducts the service), Khatib (the reader of sermon) of the Masjid-

i-Jami‘, and the Rauza-i-Munawwara (the illuminated sepulchre) of the

Qudwatu-s-Salikin (foremost of the Salihs) the Hazrafc (here the space

is left blank out of respect to the Maulana, as his name occurs on the

top), with —

The waqf properties pertaining thereto, situated in the Qasba (or

town) of Sailkupa, Pargana Taraujiyal, of the aforesaid Sirkar, are : —

four Khar-muhras (or shells) per shop ;

a handful of all sorts of grains, &c., from every package (?) that

are imported to every ganj, gola, ghat, and hat, with —

nawara (revenue of Nawara Mahal ?) within the Jurisdiction of

the above Sarkar.

Also 52 Bigahs of land ( Kasrl ?), and a khanabari (place for

dwelling purposes) within the said Qasba and other villages of the

aforesaid Pargana, were granted to Saiyid Shah Abu ‘ Ubaidullah,

better known as Mir Ghulam Darvish, Husaini, Qadiri, one of the

descendants of Zubdatu-l-‘Arifin (one of the selected ‘Arifs), the Hazrat

(blank, name on the top) as Aima-i-Madad-i-Ma‘ash (the aima tenure of

Madad-i-Ma‘ash 1 description) ... not for any services to be rendered,

&c., &c. - .

Now a fresh Farman dated 11th Jumadi-us-Sani, the 8th year of

the Julus, conferring rights and privileges enumerated, to the above

referred gentleman, and ousting- Nazimu-l-Islam son of Khairu-1-

Islam (who has no Sanad from the Huzur or His Majesty) has been

issued. [The officials are then enjoined to enable the donee to get the

above duties, except the Imperial revenue, &c., &c.].

1 The royal grants in land called Madad-i-Ma‘iish were given as subsistence

allowances to respectable Musalman families who used to devote themselves to the

service of God, and who were of limited means. — 'Atn-uJikbari,

24

Manlavl ‘Abdul Wall — J&mi1 Masjid at Sailkupa. [No. 1,

The endorsement on the other side of the deed gives a precis of the

application by the Wakil of the Darvish (meaning Mir Ghulam

Darvish), and directions to send a communication to the officials of the

Khalisa-i-Sharifa (holy crown lands) with a schedule of the property

and other titles and privileges, also two Bigahs of land close to the

Rauza for building a Qoncj-house (gharial khana), and a khdnqah.

2. This is the copy of a Parwana of the above description issued

by the said Minister on the 12th Rajab of the 4th year of the Julus of

Emperor Shall ‘Alam, and therefore of a previous date. The copy is

sealed by the seal of

ojUc £,JJf ^

The Parwana is addressed to the officials of Pargana Taraujiyal, Sirkar

Mahmudabad. It directs : —

3J& & ^ <y*b] J pi** Jt J* {Sjb

“ •• * ** ••

p &X/Vi *U rv &*>yj<

)\j* y 3 (5^

y** <3^ y ^b)

!»>^l )yx'° ^♦ar/0

3 {Sjb jj ^<^1)1 1^1

• • ••

0^0 9

<3^ LS)b'° 1

^ M

. ij ,,S^ }(ff jA^ . . ajLv.if ^^ybo

It appears from the august daftar that... and 40 Bigahs of land

under the Parwana of the aforesaid daftar dated 27th Jumadi-us-Sani,

4th year of Julus, under the seal of Maulavi ‘Aqibat Mahmiid, the

Sadru-s-Sudur,1 have been given to the above-referred gentleman (Mir

G.D.), accordingly it is written by command (of His Majesty) that they

(the officials of Pargana Taraujiyal) should keep intact and maintain

as before the. ..and 40 Bigahs of Banjar land 8... as Madad-i-Ma‘ash of

<t m* ■ .

1 Sadrs were the highest Law Officers, who were in charge of all lands devoted

to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes. Sadru-s-Sudur = Head of the Sadrs, or

Administrator-General. (Translation of the Am by Prof. Blochmann). Probably

Maulavi ‘Aqibat Mahmud was the title of Abu Sa‘id Muhammad Mahmud. His son

too was Sadru-s-Sndur. His grandson is Maulavi ‘Abdu-l-Qadir of Silhat (Sylhet).

Tazkira-i-‘Ulama-i-Hind by Rahman ‘All (Newal Kisor Press, Lakhnau, 1891.

pp. 128-129).

8 Banjar is that land which may be cultivated after an interval of five or

more years, Am-i-Aklari , Yol. I, p. 207.

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jdmi ‘ Masjid at Sailkiipd.

25

the said Darvish and his heirs, and for the expenses of the Talaba

(students), &c., &c.

On the back are endorsed the purport of the petition and other

directions, as in the previous Parwana.

3. This is a paper in which Mir Ghulam Darvish as Mutavvalli of

“ Rauza-i-Munawwara ” points out to the Sadat and Mashaikh of

Sailkupa that the Jami‘ Masjid and the tomb of the saint are now in

a dilapidated state, owing to the inability and poverty, &c., &c. ; and

the students, servants, wayfarers, and others, are, therefore, in distress.

Then follow details of other necessities. This document is attested by a

large number of Muhammadans (about 65) and is dated 1174 A.H.

No signature is in Bengali.

[There can be very little doubt that this paper was used to get the

royal grants.]

4. Copy of a Parwana dated 8th Zil-Qa‘da, 1168 A.H. hearing the

seal of —

cXUl

* i

in which Kishen Dev Ray, Zamindar of Pargana Taraujiyal, &c., is

informed that Saiyid Bakhsh-ullah. who is descended from Saiyid Shah

‘Abdu-l-Qadir-i-Baghdadi, and is Mutawalli of the tomb of the Maulana

Sahib, did not receive his fee of Rs. 2 for the expenses of the

(both the ‘Ids) last year through the delinquency of the residents,

and the Zamindar is directed to realize this sum

5. This is a Sanad, dated 1179A.H. = the 7th year of Shah

‘Alam’s reign, sealed by iS)^

appointing Mir Saifullah as Khadim of the Masjid, and of the astana

(tomb) in consideration of the claims of his predecessors to the same.

In this deed Mir G\D. says that the office of tauliyat and Khitabat, &c.,

of the mosque and the holy Mazar has always remained in his (G.D.’s)

family, and these duties have never been delegated to any one else.

[ Considering the terms of the previous paper (4) where Bakh-

shullah (son of Saifullah) is mentioned as Mutawalli , the contention of

G.D. appears to be unsupported.]

J. i. 4

26 Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jamic Masjid at Sailkupa. [No. 1,

6. Copy of a nuvishta (letter) signed by Kishen Dev, Caudhuri or

Zamindar of Pargana Mahmudshahi, &c., dated 15tb Shawwal, 1174

A.H. = 1 1 tli Ckait, 1168 B.S. addressed to Ram Narayan Siqdar, Kar-

machari (officer) of Mauza‘ Devtala (a village close to Sailkupa, where

was located a Kachari at the time). It runs: — that Mir Talibuddin

and Mir Ghulam Darvish had disputes as to the Ciraghi (tenure) of

Sailkupa and Devtala. G.D. procured from His Majesty Sanads and

Parwanas sealed by the seal of Sadru-s-Sudur. According to these,

and a Sanad of the Naib-i-Qazi, and nuvishta of myself, G.D. got pos¬

session thereof. Subsequently Mir T. too procured a nuvishta. Both

have met. According to His Majesty’s Sanad Mir G.D. should get the

possession.

7. In June 1842 a case under Regulation II of 1819 (popularly

called Doem Qanun) was decided by Mr. Francis Lowth, Special

Deputy Collector of Jessore. Government was plaintiff, Mir Qiyamud-

din, and after him Mir Talibuddin (and others) were defendants. The

suit was instituted on 7th March, 1837 A.D.

Under a Bubakar, dated 19th Feb., 1839, Bansi Badan Majumdar

was appointed Amin for the measurement of the Lakhiraj property of

Mir Qiyamuddln and Mir Talibuddin of Sailkupa. On his arrival

Mufizuddin alias Cand Miyan presented a Farman of Emperor Shah

‘A lam granting to Mir Ghuhim Darvish thirty thousand bigahs of rent-

free land as Madad-i-Ma‘ash, situated thus : —

North : The river Garai,

South : The Kumar,

East: Sankor Jola (a silted-up water channel),

West : Pitamvarir nala.

He also contended that Mir T.’s lands were included within the land of

the grant, and claimed as heir of G.D. the property — which was in

possession of various persons. Cand also presented the boundaries of

956 bigahs out of the entire Estate.

The filing of this Imperial Farman produced great commotion.

The Amin reported the matter, upon which 14 more Amins, each with a

Piyada and two rasan-girs (rope-holders) were sent out for the mea¬

surement of the land included in the Farman.1

Krishna Dev Dev Ray (of Naldanga), Zamindar of the Parganas,

Radha Caran Ray, Zamindar of Narail, and Mir Haidar ‘Ali — as heir

of T. (deceased) and others, entered protests. Mir Haidar ‘All applied

that his ancestors came originally from Baghdad, and acquired 777

1 In 1840 A.D.

1901.] Maulavi ‘Abdul Wall — Jdmic Masjid at Sailkupa.

27

bigahs of lakhiraj land at Sailkupa, and remained in possession thereof.

T. was the nephew ( of his grandfather — Mir ‘All Riza. T. filed

his Ta‘dad in 1202 B.S. and became dispossessed from the greater part

of his property. After his death, Mir Ghulam Nabi, father of Haidar,

being unable to get possession of the property, gave it in ijara to Brij

Kis5r Nandi (father of Guru Nandi), and from him Haidar was getting

the rent. ,

Radha Caran went so far as to call the Farman a forgery, and the

case was decided accordingly. The Farman was dated in the 10th year

of the Julus of Emperor Shah ‘Alam and the 12th of Nawab Sadru-s-

Sudur corresponding with 1184 A. H. = 1175 B.S. The Diwani was

granted to the East India Company in 1172 B.S. = 1766 A.D., so the

Farman was dated three years after that grant. Had it been genuine it

would have received the sanction (Manzuri) of the Company, and entered

in official records, as it was necessary in all such grants made subse¬

quent to 1766. Neither G.D. nor his successors were in possession of

the property. Haidar got a decree for 100 bigahs and 4 kattas, as sole

heir of T. whose possession was proved.

This Farman was never returned. The particulars are extracted

from an official Faisila of suits No. 1014 and 1015 of 1842. 1

A careful perusal of the papers above noted shows that Mir Ghulam

Darvish imposed himself upon the Court, and the easily-gained officials,

and by mispresentations acquired his Sauads, Farmans, and Parwauas.

His profession that his ancestors were always in the enjoyment of the

mangement of the Masjid-i-Jami‘, the Rau^a of the Maulana Muhammad

‘Arab Sahib, and the properties thereof, are not only untrue, but also

his claim that he was descended from the illustrious “ Saiyid Hasan

Baghdadi.” was doubted. Mulla Khairu-l-Islam. and his son Nazimu-

1 The Amin on his arrival at Sailkupa acted in a high-handed manner, forcibly

summoning such persons as were interested in the matter, and demanding large

sums as bribe ; to this the villagers protested. The Amin reported falsely that his

piyada was seized and beaten, and his Capras taken away. The villagers too lodged

counter charges of corruption and extortion on the part of the Amin. After en¬

quiry the Amin was worsted. The commotion thus produced had its comical side, a

Musalman poetestar composed a long Sari or rhapsody which used to be long sung.

The following lines are from it: —

“Bamsi Badan name ami khyati rakhibd

Guru Nandir int bhaqge Camd Miyar bati libo

Majar Doem Qanun, turn! dekhale

Loker eto sarabengo (?; ”

[ I will keep prominent my name of Bansi Badan ; will pull down Guru Nandi’s

bricks (house), and carry them to Cand Miyau’s. Thou oomic doem Qanun!

(Regulation 11), thou hast shown us so much of&man’s fool’s-errand. ]

28

Maulavi ‘Abdul Wali — Jami<‘ Masjid at Sailkupd. [No. 1,

1-Islam were powerful rivals, and they stoutly opposed the claim. So

did Mir Talibuddin. Mir Ghulam Darvish’s claim on thirty thousand

bigahs of land under the Imperial Farman, and the subsequent events

under the Regulation II of 1819 are an episode in the history of the

Mauza‘ not easily to be forgotten. But whatever the decision of the

Special Deputy Collector, the Farman was a genuine one — never doubted

even by the formidable rivals of his day.1

Mir G.D. built a Kachari, somewhere close to the present Police

station at Sailkupa, but before many months had elapsed, a messenger

is said to have come on boat, and induced G.D. to accompany him to

the Nawab or Emperor. Since then Mir G.D. has not been heard of,

or his claims been put forth — till a comparatively recent date by one,

who was in no way related to him, and when there was neither Emperor

nor Nawab to decide the fate of the country.

*

1 Under Regulations XIX and XXVII of 1793, and II of 1819 various sorts of

rent*free land and other tenements were resumed. Sec. 18 of the last named Reg.

laid down that no Farman of the Emperor of Dehli, nor any Sanad or Parwana of

any Vazir, Nawab, or Raja shall be considered valid ground for title, unless such

deeds could be verified from official records, aud their genuineness attested by

living witnesses.

u

1901.]

W. Hoey — Supplement to Note on Vaisali.

29

Supplement to Note on Vaisali and other places mentioned hy the

Buddhist pilgrims. — By W. Hoey, Esq., Litt. D.

(With Plates I and II.)

[Read January, 1901.]

[This paper is an additional Note to the article by the same author on the

identification of Kusinara, Vaisali and other places mentioned by the Chinese

pilgrims, published in this Journal, Vol. LXIX, 1900, Part I, pp. 74 ff. A map

illustrating the same, and a facsimile plate of the Inscription of Jayadityadeva II.

( see l.c., p. 88 f.) are issued together with it. — Ed.']

In October 1899, just before leaving India, I paid a visit to Sewan

and some other places in the Chupra district, which seemed to me to

invite examination. The result I desire to append to the article al¬

ready submitted to the Society.

The first place to which I would call attention is Titaria, west of

Sewan, between the Daha and Sondi rivers. It is remarkable for a

very bold and massive stupa, which is visible from a great distance.

An obvious derivation suggests what this locality will probably prove

to be. It would not require much reflection to recall the word titar

(Sansc. tittiri), meaning a partridge. Now, in Hwen Thsang’s Record

we find it said that, beside the great brick vihara, in which was the

figure representing the Nirvana, and its adjacent stupa with the pillar

bearing a note of that fact, there was another stupa, built to commemo¬

rate the bird which plunged into the water and flying up shook its

wings over a forest fire to extinguish it. Mr. Beal has rendered the

Chinese word used to denote the bird by * pheasant,’ but this may be

an error, or indeed the pilgrim may have been in error. The pheasant

is not known in the plains of India, as far as my knowledge goes, but

the partridge and the sand-grouse, both known as titar, do occur : and

I venture to think that Titaria is the place referred to by Hwen Thsang.

In that case the huge stupa in its neighbourhood would probably be

that before which stood the pillar recording the fact of the Nirvana.

I was not able to go to the stupa myself for the country round was

flooded after the rains.

30 W. Hoey — Supplement to Note on Vaisali. [No. 1,

Coming from Sewan west by the road to Partabpur Factory, one

crosses the Daha (Sondi) and then the Satnar Nala, and leaving

Titaria on the south, goes on to the Sondi. The people call the Satnar

Nala also Satnariya Nali and say that in bygone days it was the stream

at which suttees took place. It seems to me that the name

may have some connection with the seven (sapta) princes who were

prepared to fight with the Mallas for the relics of Buddha, had not

Drona intervened and divided them. Bhata-pokhar (Sansc. bhakta-

puskara) may be the place where the relics were divided. At that

place there are brick remains, probably of a stupa.

There are remains at Gosopali not far from the Satnar Nala.

There is also farther on towards the Sonda a village called Malpali or

Nandpali, supposed to be an old site.

In view of these observations I wish to withdraw the derivation

suggested by me for Sewan, as (Javayana, the place where the bier

rested, and to say that Kusinara is not Sewan itself. Indeed, it occurs

to me that Sewan may be no other than the word denoting boundary

and mean the spot where one left the Vaisali territory when crossing

over the river to the Kusinara kingdom.

The second place which I wish to bring to notice is Don Buzurg,

or simply Don, a large village lying seven miles south of Mairwa, a

station on the Bengal North-Western Railway line. The village site

is a range of high ground composed of massive bricks, extensive and

of undoubted antiquity. Close up to this site is a huge mound, dis¬

tinctive in outline and character, bare, timeworn and rugged. It is

called Drona’s Mound. When I inquired who this Drona was, I was

told that he was a great Muni, the Dronacarya, who in ancient days

taught the kings of the countries round about the use of arms. There

seems to me to be here a confusion of the Drona who was the tutor of the

Kuru and Pandu princes, with the Drona of Buddhist history, who

far from teaching the use of arms, interposed to prevent the resort to

arms and divided the relics of Buddha to the seven claimants. The

mound is one which should be examined.

As I have now left India, I trust some one will thoroughly examine

the sites which I have indicated, for I feel sure that the result will be

a help in the cause of research as far as the identification of Buddhist

sites in India is concerned.

1901.]

N. Dey — Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazaribagh .

31

The Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazarihagh . — By Nundolal Dey,

Munsif , Tamluk.

[ Read April, 1901.]

[This paper was received by the Society in December, 1900. In the meantime

Dr. M. A. Stein has published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXX, 1901, March,

p. 90 if. a much more complete and accurate account on the Kaluha Hill, incorporat¬

ing the results of a visit paid by him to this site in October, 1899. Notwithstanding

this, the article by Babu Nundolal Dey is published here, as he has the credit of

having first attempted to give a complete account of this site of antiquarian interest,

of which previously only little was known. But for all the details in his paper, the

reader should at the same time consult Dr. Stein’s article, above referred to. — Ed.]

The Kaluha hill was visited by me on the 21st April, 1899. The

Kaluha-pEhar, properly so called, forms the western boundary of a

secluded and romantic valley situated on tlie eastern bank of the

Lilajan river. It is situated in the district of Hazaribagh about 26 miles

to the south of Buddha- Graya, and 16 miles to the north of Chatra, and

6 miles from the Jori out-post of the Huntarganj Thana. The nearest

village from tbe hill is Dantar at the distance of about a mile and a

half. The valley is surrounded by hills on all sides, and is accessible

only by two paths, one leading from the eastern side and the other from

the western, that is, from the side of the Lilajan river. The eastern

path is the easier of the two, though it passes through boulders of rocks

and blocks of stones, as it takes a winding course over the hills, whereas

the other path from the Lilajan side passes over the steep side of the

rock. Though all the hills surrounding the valley are known by the

name of the Kaluha hills, yet the name of Kaluha-pahar, properly so

called, is confined only to the range on the western side of the valley.

My present remarks relate only to this western range, as the pilgrims

and visitors do not see the other parts of the valley.

From the entrance over the eastern hill of the valley to the top of

the western range or Kaluha-pahar , it takes more than an hour to go.

The intermediate space is dotted with small hills, knolls and low

plateaus which add to the picturesqueness and grandeur of the whole

32

N. Dey — Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazaribagh . [No. 1,

scenery. The western hill is the highest of all the hills that surround

the valley ; and the narrow path takes a winding course over the dizzy

height of the steep rock amidst boulders which, from the entrance to

the top of the hill, are marked with vermillion so that one may not lose

his way. But the hill can be ascended by means of a dooli , as I did,

if proper arrangement be made beforehand of men to take it up.

As the top of the western hill is approached, figures of Buddha in

the conventional form of meditation are seen sculptured here and there

on the rock. Just on the top of the hill, at the termination of the path,

there is a narrow doorway in good order, 4 cubits in length, situated in

the centre of a wall of hewn stones, which connect on either side the

high precipices which form the natural wall of the place. Thus it will

be seen that if the door, as there was evidently one before in the door¬

way, be closed, it would shut out all ingress into the top of the hill,

except by the entrance on the western side of the hill which I mentioned

before. The eastern doorway leads to a level landing-place which was

evidently the court-yard of some building now in ruins, and the build¬

ing is said to have been the residence of JEtaja Virata of the Mahabharata.

There is no artificial wall on the northern side of this range, as the

towering precipitous rocks on this side form the natural wall ; but on the

western side overlooking the Lilajan, there are vestiges of walls of similar

hewn stones filling up the interstices between high rocks, thus forming a

continuous line of wall. There is a similar doorway, as above described,

five cubits in length in the wall on this side also ; and I have not the

slightest doubt that formerly there was a flight of steps from this door¬

way leading down to the river Lilajan which laved the side of the hill

before, though it has now receded a little further to the west. There

are remains also of a similar stone wall on the southern side of this

range.

The enclosure thus formed is more than one-fourth of a mile in

length from north to south, and about one thousand paces in breadth

from east to west. I speak of the measurements by guess only. This

enclosure is divided in the middle by a deep ravine which has got its

declivity from the north to the south. Though the ravine is now dry,

yet on the northern side, notwithstanding its declivity to the south,

the water has scooped out for itself a hollow resting place forming a

beautiful pond about 200 cubits in length, overgrown with lotus plants

and other water-weeds. The temple of Kule9varl is situated on the

hill on the western side of the ravine, and on the eastern side of the

ravine there is a wide plateau running up to the eastern border of the

Kaluha-pahar, rising in two tiers. This western hill and the plateau

on the two sides of the ravine extend only to a short distance to the

33

• 1901.] N. Dey — Kaluhci Hill in the District of Hazaribagh.

south from the southern border of the pond ; and at the southern side

and on the southern portion of the enclosure there are other detached

hills of which I shall speak hereafter.

Though the enclosure above described forms a natural stronghold,

yet I did not find the remains of any fortress within it, excepting the

slight trace of a battlement on the south-eastern wall. On the north¬

western side of the hill situated on the western side of the ravine, and

not far from the western doorway above described overlooking the

Lilajan river, is the temple of the goddess Kule^vari which means the

Lady of the Kula mountain. It is a small homely square building

facing east with a dome surmounting it : it consists only of two small

rooms, and in the inner room the image of the goddess is placed in a

niche in the central part of the western wall. The image of Kule^ari

is the image of the fourhanded Durga in her Mahisa-viardini form

and it is one cubit in height. Two fairs are held here every year in the

months of Caitra and Alvina, when, I understand, people from Gaya,

Benares, Mirzapur and Chapra come to visit the shrine.

Just outside the temple at its northern side below a Pipal tree

(Ficus religiosa), I found some dozen figures of Buddha in the medita¬

tive posture, but they are all in a mutilated condition, though they

can be distinctly recognised as figures of Buddha. A small piece

of stone among them contains a sculpture of the birth of Buddha in

the lower compartment and his death in the upper, but the figures have

become so much mutilated and obliterated that they can hardly be

recognised. There were also two fragments of a frieze with small

images of Buddha carved upon them. The Pandas told me that

formerly many such figures in the meditative attitude abounded the

place, but they have been taken away gradually by the persons who

visit the shrine.

At a short distance to the south of the temple of Kulepvaii and

on the same hill, is a small low cell facing west formed by two boulders

of rock with a stone slab on the top of them. One must creep inside

the cell to get a view of the image there. It contains an image which

is worshipped as the image of Bhairoji. But on close inspection it was

found to be the Jaina image of Parpvanatha in the posture of meditation

with the usual row of snake-heads on the top of the head. I could

not make out whether the image was of white or black stone, as a

thick coating of black paint has been laid upon it to make it appear

glossy and shiny. Just in front of this cell and at a distance of only

1| cubits, is the back of another low small cell similarly formed ; it

contains a stone image of Buddha in the same contemplative attitude :

the face has been mutilated, and the broken part has been smeared

J, 1. 5

34 N. Dey — Kaltiha Hill in the District of HazaribagTi. [No. 1,

with vermillion. But the hanging lobe of the ear and the matted top-

knot on the head and other indications are sufficient to identify it with

the image of Buddha. This image is not worshipped notwithstanding

the vermillion paint, and the Pandas told me if I liked I could remove

it, indicating that they did not care for the image at all.

From this hill to the opposite side to the plateau, the dry bed of

the ravine should be crossed. On coming to the slope of the plateau, one

meets with a small cavern, the circular mouth of which is one cubit in

diameter and three or four cubits in depth with little or no water in it :

this is called the Surya-kunda or Patala-Gahga. On the side of it is an

ima°*e of Buddha. At a short distance from it, there are some figures

of Buddha grouped together in one place. But it is evident that they

are not in situ , and all of them are mutilated in some part of the bod}'

or other.

At a very short distance higher up on the north-eastern side in the

sanie tier of the plateau, is a small temple (10 cubits by 10 cubits)

with a domed top, standing on a rectangular terrace about two cubits in

height from the ground. The temple faces north and it consists of the

sanctum only. In the centre of the southern wall, there is a niche

which contains a broken image of Buddha covered with heaps of small

stones. The head, the arms and the trunk were broken : the arms

were missing, but when I joined the head and portions of the trunk to

the pedestal over which were the hands in the meditative posture upon

the cross-legs, they made up an entire figure of Buddha. I was given

to understand that whoever visits this temple throws a stone at the

image. This is very significant. If it ever be proved that the temples

and other buildings of the Buddhist period of this place have been

destroyed, — and the destruction was not brought about by any natural

causes, — it was certainly owing to Hindu hatred and not to Moslem

bigotry.

On the north-west of this temple, there is a brick plinth of an

oblong building called the Baithak , 27 cubits in length from north to

south by 10 cubits in breadth from east to west. It was evidently a

large hall, as I did not find any sign of a partition-wall ; but at the

same time I did not find any indication of cells on any side.

Higher up on the same plateau but in the upper tier, there are the

remains of a brick building (12 cubits by 10 cubits), which appeared

to me to be a temple, which faced west as is clear from the flight of

steps that led into it, but there was evidently a door also on the

northern side. Just to the north of this building I found nine mortices

on the surface of the level rock placed in three rows, indicating that

there was a wooden frame-work which evidently served as a nave to the

1901.] N. Dey — Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazuribagh. 35

temple. Behind this building and extending almost up to the eastern

border of the western range, there is a brick plinth of an oblong build¬

ing called the Scibha-Baithak , which is 58 cubits in length by 18 cubits

in breadth. I could not find here also any vestige within of a partition

wall or cells on any side. At a distance of about 50 eubits to the

north-east of the Sabha-Baithak there are the remains of another oblono*

c3

plinth, 21 cubits by 12 cubits. The whole of this upper tier is called

Mnrud-Mdruz , Within the space enclosed by the mortices, there are

several lines of an inscription engraved on the surface of the rock in

Sanskrit, but so much obliterated by exposure as to have become nearly

illegible. But it is clear that the commencing word is “ Samvat,”

though I could not make out the date. It is said that at this place

Virata’s daughter Uttara was married.

To the north of the Mdrud-Marut and at the nortli-eastein corner

of this range which I have called the western range of the valley, there

is a precipitous rock which sharply rises against the sky. This is

Called the Akdgalocana : it is the highest peak in the whole range.

In the central part of the Akdgalocana , there are 10 seated figures of

Buddha carved in one place on the rock ; each figure has got the figure

of a woman on either side with chowry in hand. There are inscriptions

in Sanskrit on the top of this row of figures, and I think some of the

letters are fairly legible, aud I could read some of them, though I could

not make out any sense from them: a competent antiquarian, however,

would I suppose be able to decipher them. Immediately below

this row, there is a row of carved animals as elephants, horses and

lions. A little further on there are five seated figures of Dhyani Buddhas

and five standing figures of Buddhas or Bodhisattvas carved in another

place on the rock in one row, and there are inscriptions above and

below the standing figures and between them, I could make out the

figures “ 22 ” though I could not read the two preceding figures after

the word “ Samvat.” Below this row, there are figures of animals as

above described in one row:

I am quite sure that a competent antiquarian would yet be able to

make out the dates of these inscriptions from the inscriptions them¬

selves, though many of the letters have worn off and become illegible.

I could not, on account of my weak health, get upon the top of this

hill ( Akagalocana ), but I have been told by those who have visited the

peak that a little further up from the rows of figures above described,

there are the remains of a brick chamber 18 cubits in length by 12

cubits in breadth, the bricks of which are of very large size. If this be

so, there can be no doubt about the antiquity of the place. On the top

of this hill beyond a narrow perpendicular fissure which has severed the

36 N. Dey — Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazaribagh . [No. 1,

hill into two parts, there are two impressions of feet — evidently of

Buddha — carved on a boulder which could be seen from below.

On the southern side of the enclosure, that is to the south of the

hill on which the temple of Kule^ari and the cell of Bhaironath are

situated, and to the south of the hollow trough forming the pond, there

is a hill on the side of the Lilajan, on which are to be seen tiie remains

of a colonnaded hall. On the south-eastern side of this hill, there is

another detached hill called the Satgharwd, which is remarkable for its

very curious boulders and cells. There can be no doubt that at some

very remote period this hill was subjected to a very severe earthquake

which shivered it into fragments, and which caused the fissure on the

top of the Akagalocana on the northern side of the range. The huge

boulders that are scattered about with boulders on their tops form very

excellent cells where persons can live with convenience, and the cool

breeze that blows through them during the hottest part of the day,

induces the visitor to have his mid-day siesta here.

It will be remarked that excepting the image of Kule^vari, I did

not come across the image of a single deity belonging to the Hindu

Pantheon. The place is entirely Buddhistic. It is my strong convic¬

tion that Kaluha-pabar is the Makula Parvata of the Burmese annals of

Buddhism. Buddha is said to have passed his sixth Wasso (or rainy -

season retirement) on the Makula mountain (see Bigandet’s Life or

Legend of Gaudama) . Kaluha is simply a contraction and corruption of

Makula , the letter ( Ma ) of *T«j^r ( Makula ) having dropped by lapse

of time, and the word Kula changed into Kaluha according to the

guttural pronunciation of the people of the district. The word Kula,

however, still exists in the name of the goddess Kule^vari (Kula-fi

i^vari) which means, as I have stated, the Lady of the Mountain Kula.

Its propinquity to Buddba-Gaya and perhaps its situation near the

ancient road to Rajagrha or Qravasti which was often visited by

Buddha, might possibly have led him to select this secluded spot as a

fit place for passing the customary rainy-season retirement on the sixth

year after attaining the Buddhahood. I have been told that a few

years ago, when the dispute about the Buddha-Gaya temple was going

on, the Burmese tried unsuccessfully to get a lease of the hill from the

Pandas and the proprietor. But I cannot vouchsafe for the truth of

this statement. The known sanctity of the place as being the tem¬

porary residence of Buddha and its natural strong position, perhaps, led a

neighbouring chieftain professing the Buddhist faith to fix his residence

here at a later period. There can be no doubt, however, that the

Brahmins appropriated this sacred place of the Buddhists and set up an

image of Durga, perhaps after the expulsion of Buddhism. They either

Journ a, u, As. Soc. Beng., Vou . LXX, 1901.

Photogravure.

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, June 131

COPPERPLATE INSCRIPTION OF JAYADITYADEVA H.

( Journxil,As.Soc.Bmg.,Yol.LKll,l900,Pag& 88 ff.J

Journal. As. Soc., Bengal, Vol. LXX, 1901.

Plate II.

MAP OF COUNTRY

BETWEEN

KANAUJ AND GAYA

TO ILLUSTRATE

(1) — The Route probably taken by Buddha when he fled

from home;

(2) — That probably taken by him when he left Pataliputra

on his last journey; and

(3) — Some of the places mentioned by Chinese Pilgrims.

Scale 1 Inch = 16 Miles. W. HOEV.

? continuous red, line shows No. (1) ami the dotted red line No. (%) .

■

'

■

37

1901.] N. Dey — Kalnha Hill in the District of Hazarihagh.

deliberately concocted the story that the place was the site of Raja

Virata’s palace in order to conceal its Buddhistic origin, or they were

led to the belief by the five figures of Buddha, either seated or stand¬

ing, carved on the hill of Akagalocana, which they took to be the

images of the five Pandavas who had taken refuge in the court of

Virata.

I feel quite confident that if proper measures be taken for the

exploration of this place and the decipherment of the inscriptions before

they get further obliterated by a competent antiquarian, it wrould not

only elucidate the name of the place and fix the date of the sculptures

and buildings, but throw much light upon many matters which are yet

hazy and doubtful.

38

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[No. 2,

A Revision of the Symbols on the 1 Karshapana' Coinage, described in

Vol. LIX, 1890, Part I, No. 3, and Descriptions of many

additional symbols. — By W. Theobald, M.N.S.L.

[Read December, 1899.]

In my previous paper on the symbols met with on the earliest

Indian coinage, the ‘Puranas’ or ‘Karshapanas’ proper, I had

followed the example set by Thomas and Sir A. Cunningham in draw¬

ing no fixed line between the above earlier symbols and those met with

on the later coinages of Ujain and Eran, but the publication of the

“ Coins of Ancient India ” has rendered it expedient and practicable

to distinguish between the symbols of the earlier and later coinages,

although many of the earlier symbols have survived and re-appear on

the coins of more local and modern issues. The revision, therefore,

which I now propose to make, consists mainly in the removal from my

first list, of all symbols which are not known to occur on the early

‘ Karshapanas,’ with a few others which are mere duplicates, uninten¬

tionally inserted or erroneously identified. The following symbols have

been removed from the list.

No. 37 a Rhinoceros and 45 a Panther ; both these identifications

of Thomas I regard as erroneous.

Nos. 253 and 284, duplicates of other numbers.

No. 57, on later coins of the Kunindas.

Nos. 67, 75, 140, 161, 187, 188, 305, of doubtful identification.

Nos. 236, 241, from coins found at Wai.

No. 258, a Cappadocian symbol.

Nos. 259 to 277 inclusive, Scottish symbols.

Nos. 37, 62, 110, 129, 140, 154, 167, 173, 195, 202, 203 204

206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217, 219, 220, 221, 223, 226*

227, 228, 232, 235, 237, 238, 243 and 251, all on coins of Eran or

Ujain, making a total of 65 symbols to be deducted from the 312, leav¬

ing a total of genuine symbols of the older coinage, of 247. All above

that number in the present paper are additions now made to the list.

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

39

A few remarks will not be out of place here on some erroneous

identifications of Indian animals made by previous writers, through

unfamiliarity with Zoology and its technicalities ; for example, an ani¬

mal possessed of a long tail and crescentic, unbranched horns, cannot

by any Zoologist be correctly described as a ‘Deer.’ This very error

is made in J. As. Soc. Ben. for 1838, page 1051, PI. XXXII, figs. 2,

3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, which all represent specimens of silver and copper

coins of Amoglia-bhuti. On the obverse of these coins an animal is seen

turned to the right. In the letter press this animal is termed a ‘ deer ’

and this error has been religiously perpetuated down to the present

day.

In “ The Coins of Ancient India ” two excellent figures are given

of two very perfect silver coins, the animal being termed a ‘ Deer ’ on

p. 72. As these plates are photographs it is as well to consider them

carefully, as they are to all intents and purposes as accurate for refer¬

ring to, as the coins themselves. In both figures the animal displays a

long bushy tail, and a pair of unbranched crescent-shaped horns, both

of which characters absolutely prohibit its being considered a ‘ deer ’

whilst the second, fig. (No. 2), displays the rounded forehead and an

exaggerated attempt to represent the moist ‘ muffle ’ which indicates

pretty clearly that the animal is a buffalo. In 1841 Professor Wilson

described the animal as a Stag in Ariana Antiqua, p. 415. In 1865 Mr.

Thomas described the animal as a sacred deer, with “ curiously curved

horns and a “ bushy tail” in the J. As. Soc. Ben., p. 65. In 1875 Babu

Rajendralala Mitra described the animal as a “ curiously antlered

deer ” in J. As. Soc. Ben., p. 82, despite the fact that nothing approach¬

ing an ‘ antler ’ is seen about the animal, and lastly Mr. Rodgers des¬

cribes the animal as a ‘ deer ’ in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian

Museum, p. 9.

Of course all this unanimity of error arose from not one of the above

writers possessing any clear notions of the technical points which separate

the Cervine from the Bubaline section of Ruminants, or those possess¬

ing deciduous horns from those whose horns are carried on a bony core.

Another Zoological error Mr. Thomas made, was in confounding the

buffalo, with the elegant little ‘ Chikara ’ (Gazella bennettii) or ‘ ravine

deer ’ as it is erroneously named by Anglo-Indians, (it being a Gazelle

and no deer), when he described the helmet of the King (Huvishka)

as guarded by buffalos’ horns : see Jainism, PI. II, fig. 16. This pecu¬

liar head-dress has not been figured either by Sir A. Cunningham, or

in the British Museum1 Catalogue of Coins of the Scythic Kings.

1 Note. — With respect to the note to page 145, some doubt may, I think, be

entertained, whether the coin quoted to support the contention of the object in the

40

[No. 2,

W. Theobald — Karsliapana Coinage.

Cunningham in his paper on the coins of the Kushaus (Nam. Chron.

Vol, XU, PI. IX), figures and describes four types of the Obverses of

the gold coins of Huvishka, A. B. C. B. My collection contains speci¬

mens of B and C , only, but it also contains two specimens of the type

described by Thomas, with horns on the helmet of the King, which is

unnoticed in the other works quoted, though I make little doubt the

type exists in both collections. The type is similar to JB with a

pointed and tliickljT-jewelled helmet, but the helmet is crossed by what

Thomas describes as buffalos ’ horns, but which I regard as those of

the elegant Indian Gazelle (Gazella bennettii ;) united in front of the

helmet by their bases, and carried up, and backwards, their tips appear¬

ing clear of the head behind, and pointing upwards. Two Gazelles’

horns thus adjusted and suitably mounted would not only form an

artistic ornament, but serve also as an efficient guard against a sword

cut. The idea, however, of encumbering a man’s head, by way either of

ornament or defence, with a clumsy pair of buffalo horns is preposterous.

In 1858 The Honorable Walter Elliot published his Numismatic

Gleanings in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, wherein

a number of Punch-marked coins are figured, many of which were

reproduced with scant acknowledgment by Thomas in Numismata

Orientalia, Part I, in 1874. Some of Mr. Elliot’s remarks require

notice. At page 229 we read “ A dog, always in the same form, with

his forelegs half crouching as if in play, is found on figs. 8, 11, 12,

13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 26,” that is on eleven coins selected for

figuring. Now in only one of these figures, ( Fig. 8 ) is there the

slightest connection indicated between the ‘ dog ’ and the ‘ Stupa ’ or

‘ Chaitya ’ whereon it is most usually represented as standing. In

fig. 8, only, is a single chamber of the ‘ Chaitya ’ discernible under the

dog’s hind legs, whereas in my own collection, the association of the

dog and Stupa is seen in no less than nine coins ; and the only explan¬

ation that occurs to me is, that the artist, not understanding the

significance of the little hemispherical marks under the dog’s legs,

omitted them, in some instances at least, as unintelligible and unim¬

portant. Then again on p. 230 Walter Elliot describes the ‘Taurine’

or “ ball and crescent ” as associated in figs. 19 and 27 with a “ plough.”

Now Thomas in N.O. fig. 9, reproduces these figures, with a slight

King’s hand being an ear of corn, does anything of the sort, as a similar coin in my

possession displays traces of riugs beneath the object in question, which is usually

regarded as an iron-bound mace. Neither the figure 9 of PI. XXYIII, nor my own

coin suggests to me an “ ear of corn ; ” the design might be clearer, but I think it

probably represents a bird, such as a falcon, in the attitude of crouching, before

taking flight from the King’s hand, or the mace whereon it is perched.

41

1901.] W. Theobald — Karsliapana Coinage.

variation and without any reference to Elliot’s paper. In Elliot’s figures

the upright object which I regard as a hammer (No. 299 of this paper)

is represented as having on one side a broad oblong head, and a sharp

adze-like cutting edge on the other, with a small bamboo handle passing

through it, as is usual with Indian hammers to this day. This ‘ head ’

is altered in Thomas’ figures, and shows a curved outline which does

not belong to it, as though to support its claim to be considered as a

plough. It is true that at p. 61, Thomas places a note of interrogation

after the word “ ploughs,” but the alteration made in Elliot’s figures is

undoubted, especially as regards fig. 19.

At p. 230, Elliot remarks “ The uppermost arch of the 1 Cliaitya ’

is often surmounted by a ball and crescent.” This, I am convinced, is

a slip of the pen for “ a crescent ” only, as the “ ball and crescent ” or

‘ Taurine ’ symbol is never, so far as I know, found imposed on the

‘ Cliaitya,’ where the crescent is usually present. Again on p. 230, Elliot

remarks “ The tree sacred to Buddha is seen on figs. 9, 13, 18 and 26.”

The tree on fig. 9 is a sacred tree with a railing below, and may be

intended for the sal ( ‘ Thiyali ’ of the Burmese, or the Shorea obtusa,

Wall, which they hold sacred) beneath which Buddha was born. This

symbol is No. 302 of this paper. The tree, however on figs. 13 and

18 and probably on 26 is quite different and may represent the cocoa-nut

palm, Symbol No. 301 of this paper.

Passing now to the consideration of the Symbols on Punch-marked

coins, Thomas in his Essay on Ancient Indian weights, in Numismata

Orientalia, on p. 61, enumerates among the animals figured as symbols,

“ Deer,” “ Rhinoceri,” and “ Panthers.” As regards the Rhinoceros

-

the evidence is very insufficient. The first figure on the sixth line ( 5

bis), which is regarded by Thomas as a Rhinoceros, is repeated on page

62 in more detail, and is there clearly seen to be intended for a bovine

animal, as the outline of the die is notched, to correspond with the

hump, as is always the case where a bovine occurs on these coins, and

the only figure I have ever seen which might claim to represent a Rhi¬

noceros, was on a round copper coin of Ujain (?). The Rhinoceros,

therefore, must be deleted from the list of animals represented on these

coins. As regards the Bull too on these coins, it always seems to be

made to face to the right, and the two figures in Num.-Orieut., Plate I,

which face to the left, are in my opinion heads of elephants, drawn

vertically, and whose tusks are thus converted into horns :

In the same Plate there are four figures numbered 6, which at

p. 61. Thomas describes" as “Panthers, &c.” Now of these four

figures the first is probably a dog No. 25 of the present paper, and the

remaining three figures are goats No. 19 of my list, and curiously

42

W. Theobald — Karshapanci Coinage.

[No. 2,

enough neither fox nor goat is included by Thomas in his Plate by

name, though neither are rare on the coins, while so far as I am aware

the ‘ Panther ’ is never represented. As from an examination of good

specimens of these three figures regarded by Thomas as representing

“ the Panther of Bacchus “ with his vine ” (p. 59, Num. -Orient. ) it is

certain that the animal was provided with straight horns, the Panther

must also be struck out of the animals which occur on the coins. The

“ vine ” is there, but the animal has horns, and is really a goat.

The next instance of erroneous identification to be recorded is from

the Catalogue of Coins of the Indian Museum by Mr. Rodgers. Here

No. 7532 figured on PI. II, fig. 1, is described as a horseman. Now

neither horse nor horseman occur on any early Punch-marked silver

coins, and the figure in question can be easily identified from the Plate

as a humped Bull to the right with a Taurine in front of it, identical

with No. 29, fig. 16, of my former paper, or No. 12 of my present list..

A similar figure to the last on No. 7542, PI. II, fig. 2 is also misnamed

an elephant, which is the more curious as on both the above figures the

hump is distinctly visible. Another rather amusing mistake is made

with No. 7544, PI. II, fig 3, where the common symbol of a peacock

perched on a ‘ Stupa’ is described as a very small horse : The import¬

ance of correcting such an error lies in the fact that the horse is an

animal wholly absent (so far as I know) from these coins. On Nos.

7539, 7543 and 7545, a ‘ deer’ is recorded, but as no figures are given,

1 am unable to suggest the correct attribution, though ‘ deer ’ I am

confident is wrong.

Lastly, I must not permit any personal considerations preventing

my inserting my own name among my illustrious predecessors in error,

and I must, therefore, declare that my identification of the gangetic

crocodile seizing a ‘ liilsa ’ was an error, which a reference to the

original drawing of Walter Elliot’s fig. 24 has enabled me to correct.

In N.O. fig. 7 the tail of neither animal is given, but in the figure of

Walter Elliot the bifurcated tail of a fish is clearly seen and hence I

conclude a porpoise (Platanista) is intended, and I presume when the

chance offers, a porpoise eats fish, as well as the crocodile. The

incident was moreover long anterior to Buddhism and is made use of

in Hesiod’s description of the ‘ Shield of Herackles.’

A SEA VIEW.

“ There was seen of mighty Ocean, safely fenced a spacious bay,

“ All of purest tin its waters, smooth, as though a river, lay :

“ Many a dolphin there was sporting, there was chasing shoals of fish,

“ Which for safety fled before them, some on that side, some on this ;

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

43

“ And two dolphins, all of silver, half emerging from the flood,

“ Crunched between their jaws the fishes, as though formed of flesh

and blood.”

Shield of Herakles. 207, 213.

In some parts of this paper I have applied the term ‘ Thyrsos * to

objects seen on these coins. I am, of course, aware that the ‘ Thyrsos ’

proper is a wand or staff ending in a ‘pine-cone,’ but I think the term

may be extended for want of a better, to any symbolic staff, with an

enlarged apex, excluding the ‘ hasta pura ’ which though common on

the gold Scytliic coins is not met with on the silver ‘ puranas ’ or copper

coins.

In the list of symbols now given, which occur on the silver

Karshapanas (round or square) the first column contains the number

of the symbol in the present list ; the second column, the number and

figure of the symbol in my previous paper, and the following are the

abbreviations used: —

N. 0. — Thomas’ Essay on Ancient Indian Weights in the Numis-

mata Orientalia, 1874.

A. I. = Cunningham’s “ Coins of Ancient India.”

The numbers in brackets are the ‘ series numbers ’ of coins, when

in my own cabinet.

O. and _R., for Obverse and Reverse symbols respectively.

B. M. = British Museum.

A. C. — Cabinet of Sir A. Cunningham.

N.G. and W.M 7.= Walter Elliot, Numismatic Gleanings, Madras

Journal of Literature and Science, 1858.

One male and two female figures. A. I., PI I

11. (8). ’

Figure with three dots above.

Figure with five dots above.

Figure with water-pot in left hand.

Plumed warrior with tall Club in left hand and

water-pot in right. Cat. Coins, Ind. Mus No

12374, PI. II, p. 7. (115). ’

Figure, perhaps Agni.

Hand, in a square area. A.I., PI. I, fig. 12. (6).

Elephant to right. A. I., Pi. I, fig. 5. (2).

Elephant to left. W.E., Pi. YU, figs. (Obv.) 14,

(Rsv.) 13.

Elephant to right, margined with ‘ Taurines.’ N.O.

Humped Bull to right. (1).

Do. with ‘ Taurine ’ in front. (87, 41 ) Cat. Coins

Indian Mus., No. 7532.

Do. with ‘Taurine’ in front, reversed. (11).

Do. with ‘ Fish ’ in front and above rump, in an

oblong area.

(94).

44

W. Theobald — Karshcvpana Coinage.

[No. 2,

1901.]

YV. Theobald — Karshcipana Coinage.

45

J. if 7

46

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[No. 2,

1901.]

47

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

48

W. Theobald — Karsliapana Coinage ,

[No. 2,

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

49

50

W. Theobald — Karshapava Coinage.

[No. 2,

1901.]

W. Th eobald — Karshapana Coinage.

51

* (67, 77, both coins of rude execution ).

52

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[No. 2,

W. Theobnld — KarsJiapcina Coinage.

53

1901.]

J. i. 8

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[N o. 2,

54

W. Theobald — Karshajpana Coinage.

55

1901.]

Three spheres, united into a cluster by three short

stalks, (54). This symbol is really compounded

of three Numbers 165 symmetrically united.

Spear-head between ‘ Taurines,’ N.O., the last three

figures on the penultimate line. These figures

suspiciously resemble No. 252 of the present

paper, but if correctly drawn they must be differ¬

ent as there is no trace of a spear-head on the

coins examined by me, but the support is distinctly

a handle.

Three ‘Thyrsi’ standing on a rectangular base.

(62).

A sphere in an incused area, bounded by three seg¬

ments of circles, concave exteriorly and with a

small crescent within the cusps of each segment.

(67).

Six equal and similar spheres round a central one,

in a circular area. (67).

Some branched object. (Unsymmetrical) with two

‘ Taurines ’ below. (70).

A spear-head (?) with open centre, resting on an

inverted crescent for a base. (74).

An irregular pentagon in a square incused area.

(73). A small punchmark.

A central sphere surrounded by five crescents with

five dots between the ‘ cusps ’ which point out¬

wards, and five intervening dots as well, the whole

in a circular area. (77 ). The coin is one of rude

fabi’ic.

Two upright branches, the left-hand one regularly,

the right-hand one irregularly trifid, in a trape¬

zoidal area. (79).

A bent, unsymmetrical branch in an oval area.

(80). .

May be intended for a rude human figure. (80).

‘ Taurine ’ in an oval area. (83, 100).

Lingum-yoni and crescent attached. (83).

Two parallel strokes each in a lenticular area, which

areas coalesce at the side. On a coin the pro¬

perty of Mr. Blackett.

A central ‘ Thyrsos ’ carrying two transverse bars,

each supporting a short thyrsiform object on

either side of the central support ; the whole in a

tall triangular area. (108).

Tree like No. 253 but with spatulate apex. (118).

‘ Taurine ’ with straight ‘ cusps.’ N.O., tenth figure

on last line.

Four symbols No. 296, the eight straight ‘ cusps ’

forming spokes of a wheel, in a circular area.

(135).

A variant of No. 126, the terminal elements of

which present the usual form of a fish with a pair

of lateral fins on either side. (136).

A moneyer’s hammer between two ‘ Taurines,’ W.E.,

PI. VIII, figs. 19 and 27. This is the implement

termed a “ plough ” by Thomas. N.O., fig. 9.

A five-pronged harrow. The prongs are round above

and with three points below. W.E., Pi. VIII, fig.

27.

56

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[No. ‘2,

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage .

57

58 W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage. [No. 2,

POSTCRIPT.

Afc page 266 of my former paper I mentioned the ‘ Swastika’ as a

symbol found on the silver ‘ Karshapanas.’ This is an error into which

I fell by accepting the authority of Thomas, who figures it in his

plate of symbols N.O. on the last line, and without considering that

Thomas made no distinction between the symbols of the silver Karsha¬

panas, and those impressed on the copper coins of a distinctly different

monetary value. It is tolerably certain that the ‘ Puranas ’ were a silver

currency only ; the few specimens known in copper having been made

with the intention of plating them with silver. This is proved by the

majority of such pieces still retaining traces of the silver which once

covered them. How this was effected I cannot say, but the process

was most dexterously carried out and the result a most perfect imitation

of a silver coin. A specimen in my collection exemplifies this, as

the thin covering of silver maintains the most perfect adhesion to

the base metal, which shows through it by wear at different places.

Neither was the process confined to these coins, as I have an excellent

example of the same fraud in a hemi drachma of Menander; a Bull

and Horseman coin of Samanta Deva of Kabul, and two Indo-Sassanian

coins of different types. The weight of these spurious copper

* Puranas ’ is about 45 grains, and as the silver could hardly have

weighed less than ten grains, the coin when new, would by its

appearance and weight have disarmed suspicion. On three of these

copper coins before me (which with a number of other coins were lent

me for examination by Dr. Codrington) there occur the following

symbols of the present list, and no symbol whatever not found habitually

on the silver coins; Nos. 12, 15, 72, 85, 99, 126, 140, 163, 164 ; but it

is their light weight when worn which betrays their real character.

Symbols on other silver coins than the ‘ Karshapanas ’ or ‘ Puranas ’

PROPER, WHETHER STRUCK WITH ‘PUNCHES’ OR ORDINARY DIES.

It may be as well to notice here some symbols and devices which

though occurring on coins, in some cases of an entirely different class

from the ‘Puranas’ are yet related to the symbolism of the better

known and earlier issues. The coins in question fall naturally into

local groups from their ‘ findspots, Saharanpur, Mathura, Wai, and

the Konkan.’ The Saharanpur coins of the ‘ Kunindas,’ are described

in “The Coins of Ancient India,” page 70, and the silver coin of the

tribe supplies us with numerous symbols, some new, and some merely

variants of forms met with on the early ‘ Puranas.’

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karsliapcina Coinage.

59

SAHARANPUR COINS.

2

3

.

4

5

6

8

9

10

11

O.

0.

O.

0.-

0.

0.

E.

R.

R.

R.

A Buffalo. This animal occupies the centre of the obverse, aricl

(as already remarked) has always been incorrectly described

as a Deer. In some coins the ear is distinctly seen A. I., IV,

fig. 2, while in others it is omitted.

A female figure with the head turned towards the Buffalo, and in

some cases displaying the hair done up into a prodigious ‘ bun ’

at the back of the head, as seen in No. 1, symbol of this paper,

on the ‘ Puranas.’ This figure is clad in trousers, baggy above

and tight below, such as are worn by women in the Punjaub

at the present day.

A pair of Cobras, erect on their tails and facing each other.

A. I., V, figs. 1 and 2. A variant of this symbol is seen on the

coins of the Odumbaras, A. I., IV, fig. 14. It was these snakes

which betrayed Mr. Thomas into the strange mistake of des¬

cribing the animal above which they occur, as a deer with

curiously twisted horns ! On all well-preserved coins, however,

whether silver or copper, there is no connection between the

snakes, and the head of the animal above which they occur.

This assertion is verified by PL XIX, of Thomas’s Prinsep’s

Indian Antiquities and Pi. XLIV, figs. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 and 8. Not

only do these figures support this view, but figs. 9 and 10 of

the same plate absolutely refute the notion of their being

horns, by displaying the crescentic bubaline horns as usual,

but without the Cobra emblem above. It is strange the well-

known sacred emblem of a pair of snakes never seems to have

occurred to any of the describers of this coin, some of whom

must probably have been familiar with the lines of the poet.

“ Pinge duos angues, pueri, sacer est locus, extra

Mejite.” Persius. Sat. I, 113.

“ Paint up two snakes; the spot, boys, is sacred, and if you “ want

to commit a nuisance, you must go outside.”

Sir A. Cunningham (A.I., V., figs. 1 and 2, p. 72) contents himself

with styling these snakes “a Buddhist symbol,” without being

more explicit, or in any way alluding to the mistakes of previous

describers. The symbol also occurs by itself on the reverse

of a coin figured by Thomas. (T.P., XIX, fig. 6) so that it is

difficult to understand how the real significance of the symbol

came to be se overlooked.

A variously shaped emblem on a sort of handle in the woman’s

right hand ; either a cruciform objectwith three dots (A.I., V,

fig. 1), or a flower (A.I., V, fig. 2). The first is a symbol commonly

carried by Vishnu, on later coins.; see Sir W. Elliot, N.O., PI. Ill,

fig. 105.

A square figure supportings a T. In some coins, probably from

inferior execution, the figure is rather trapezoidal than square.

A ‘ Stupa ’ of three chambers supporting a T. This T. is of course

a later variant of the ‘ Chattra’ (No. 70). This symbol is placed

below the belly of the buffalo but is omitted on some coins.

A six chambered ‘ Stupa’ surmounted by a T. A. I., V, fig. 1.

A ‘ Triratna ’ above the last.

A tree, on the right of the ‘ Stupa,’ with three tiers of horizontal

branches, with a railing below. This tree is in all probability

intended to represent the Deodar of the adjoining hills, though

in a very conventional manner.

Below the ‘ Stupa ’ is a line, which is usually regarded as a snake.

The line is sometimes very zig-zag, and in some later coins is

seen duplicated in which case the rippling of water is what is

60 W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage. [No. 2,

The chief innovation on these coins is the substitution of a T. for

a Chattra (No. 70) and the curved stem of the Food altar or receptacle

(No. 148).

With regard to my identification of No. 10 with the Deodar, a few

words may be said. The same type of tree occurs on some of the coins

of the Yaudheyas, A I., VI, fig. 9, where it is described (p. 78), as the

“ Bodhi tree.” Now my reason for the above identification is that the

peculiar horizontal branches spreading out from the trunk, very faith¬

fully convey the idea of the Himalayan Cedar, rather than any other

tree, though in a conventional manner. It was moreover a tree which

must have been familiar to the inhabitants of the districts bordering

the Sutlej, many of whom must have entered the hills for business or

devotional purposes and have been struck with the noble trees of that

species which covered the hills ; the importance moreover attaching

to the tree is proved by one of the names of Siva, being ‘ Kedare^vara ’

or ‘ Lord of Cedars.’

According to Sir Emerson Tennent, the ‘Bodhi tree’ of Ceylon

was the ‘ Pipal ’ (Ficus religiosa) which is not among those capable of

identification on the coins; On the coins of the ‘ Audumbaras ’ two

perfectly distinct trees are identified by Sir A. Cunningham as the

Audumbara Fig tree (Ficus glomerata), namely, A.I., IV, figs. J

and 2 and No. 255 of this paper. It would seem therefore that

Sir A. Cunningham applied the term ‘ Bodhi tree ’ indiscriminately

to any tree depicted on a Buddhist coin, and this raises the question

whether any attempt was made on the coins to represent any parti¬

cular species of tree. Now without wishing to imply that every

type of tree represented on the coins was intended to represent a

separate species, still I think a limited number of trees may be identi¬

fied both on the coins and Sculptures. First comes the Deodar on the

coins of the Kunindas and Yaudheyas. Then the Vine is easily to be

1901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

61

recognised on the copper coins of Taxila. A. I., XT, fig. 9, where vine

tendrils and grape clusters form the bottom line of symbols on the

coin. If the vine occurs on the 4 Puranas ’ (as I believe to be the case)

it is in the highly conventional form of grapes adhering to an upright

stem; this attribution is largely helped out by the presence of a goat,

and by the fact that there is no other fruit which can be suggested

with greater probability. The cocoa-nut palm may or may not be

intended by symbol No. 301 ; one argument in favour thereof being,

that the symbol seems unknown on coins from the Punjaub, and is

restricted to coins from Southern India, that palm being only found on

the sea coast. The Mango (Magnifera indica) is not represented on the

coins, but is clearly seen on the sculptures of Barhut Stupa (A. I.,

Frontispiece).

MATHURA COINS.

62

W. Theobald — Karshapana Coinage.

[No. 2,

28

29

0.

O.

Karsha, Karsha and half- Karsha pieces, bat there are few

symbols on them.

A variant of the ‘ Taurine ’ in Dr. Codrington’s opinion, fig. 64 :

the right hand figure.

A quadrefoil object ; fig. 64; the left hand figures.

A curious symbol which may be described as a sphere within a

ring, from which two small spheres are suspended, each by two

lines or bands. The Reverse of all is blank.

COINS FROM THE KONKAN.

The silver coins figured on the same plate as the above by Sir W.

Elliot (fig, 61) are of an entirely different type and as they

weigh only a trifle over fourteen grains, are quarter-Karsha

pieces. I have described some of them in the Jour. As. Soc.

Bengal for 1894, Part I, No. 2, from which I now extract the

following symbols.

A twelve-rayed sun, the rays being long and equal to the radius

of the disk, whence they issue as sharply tapering rays. This

symbol only occurs on one of my coins (2103), and seems to

have been cut on the same die as the other symbols, which

intentionally seem to overlie it ; if this is not so, it is the older

impression.

A humped Bull, walking to the 1., the horns forming a crescent on

the top of the head. Beneath the Ball is a solid square mound,

or ‘ chabufcra,’ and below it an oblong object representing a

tank twice as long as broad, and not quite as broad as the

square above.

A small ‘ Triskelis ’ revolving to the 1., over the Bull’s rump.

An upright Staff in front of the Bull.

On either side of the ‘ chabutra ’ (on some coins) is a ‘ Taurine’

laid horizontally, with the cusps directed from it. (2102).

Behind the ‘ Triskelis ’ on the right is a small ‘ Swastika,’ re¬

volving to the left.

Between the ‘Swastika’ and the ‘ Taurine ' on some coins is a

small lined square.

On the left of the Triskelis is a dot in a circle. (2103).

A variant of No. 126 formed of four tricuspid * Taurines,’ that is

each, Taurine has a median prong between the ‘ cusps ’ with

four dots between the ‘ Taurines.’ N.O., 11, fig. 61, figured by

Sir W. Elliot. (2102).

A rude ‘ Stupa ’ of three tiers, with a crescent above and a Tau¬

rine at the side.

Some branching, cactus-like plant.

A Hare within a circle, round which are some letters, one of which

resembles the Gandharian * ri.’ (Dr. Codrington).

INDEX OF THE MORE IMPORTANT SYMBOLS.

J 901.]

W. Theobald — Karshapanci Coinage.

63

‘ Chattra’ or umbrella

Dog

Doubtful Symbols ...

Dot or Sphere

Elephant to right ...

Elephant to left

Fish

‘ Food receptacle ’ ...

Fox or Jackal

Frog

Goat and Vine

Hare

Human forms and dwellings .,

Invertebrata

Kid ... ... . .

Lamp

Lingum

Miscellaneous

Otter peering about

‘Owl heads’

Peacock on Stupa ...

Porpoise

Praying wheel

Rat ... ...

‘ Stupa ’ or ‘ Chaitya ’

‘Taurine’

‘ Thyrsos ’

‘ Triratna ’

‘ Trisul ’

Triskelis

Trees and shrubs

Turtle ...

Various animals

Weighing machine ...

Wheels and stars ...

70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86,

87, 88, 121, 123, 127, 129, 248, 305, 316, 307.

25, 307, 315.

54, 55, 59, 132, 167, 171, 174, 181, 186, 203, 201,

206, 213, 215, 217, 221, 230, 290, 299, 304.

61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 152, 154, 156, 157, 165, 178,

180, 184, 205, 218, 227, 228, 232, 233, 234, 237,

240, 243, 244, 245, 250.

8, 10.

9.

41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 81, 86,

88, 126, 130, 135, 136, 150, 151, 219, 298, 317.

148, 169, 191, 311, 313.

26, 27, 60, 89, 183.

39, 40.

19, 314.

17, 18, 21, 58, 179.

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 56, 57, 164.

52.

20.

75, 82, 83, 101, 104, 105, 112.

96, 125, 137, 246, 247, 292.

85, 131, 138, 144, 149, 168, 169, 170, 176, 177,

189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200,

201, 202, 207, 208, 209, 212, 220, 222, 225, 226,

231, 238, 249, 274, 276, 293, 300, 310, 318, 320,

321, 323, 325.

24.

69, 76, 221.

30.

31.

252.

23.

25, 30, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 135.

10, 12, 13, 21, 25, 36, 39, 49, 63, 77, 80, 83, 88, 89,

94, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 1L3,

114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 127, 128,

129, 133, 134, 136, 139, 145, 148, 156, 158, 173,

185, 187, 188, 197, 237, 240, 241, 245, 251, 291,

296, 297, 307, 310.

122, 124, 147, 166, 172, 294. 47, 48.

95.

223 277.

87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 114, 155, 159, 196, 248.

235. 236, 239, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259,

260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269,

270, 271, 272, 273, 288, 289, 295, 301, 302, 306,

312, 319, 324.

35, 36, 37.

22, 28, 38.

163.

115, 128, 140, 141, 142, 143, 153, 175, 210, 211,

214, 216, 221, 229, 235, 242, 275, 303, 308, 309.

64

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

On the symbols and devices met with on Copper Coins of Ancient

India , both those cast in moulds and those struck with dies , from

Taxila, Ujain , Eran , Benares and other contemporary Mints. — By

W. Theobald, M.N.S., London.

[Read December, 1889.]

The unit of the most ancient copper currency in India, was the

Pana of 144 grains with its divisions and multiples as below. (Coins

of Ancient India, p. 59).

NAMES, VALUE, AND WEIGHT OF THE COPPER COINS OF

ANCIENT INDIA.

(a) The two-cowrie piece was described by me in the Jour. As.

Soc. Bengal for 1891. The three-quarter of a Pana piece (6) is not

mentioned by Sir A. Cunningham, but I have a piece (3288) identical

in type with fig. 9, PI. II, Coins of Ancient India, and which weighs

104 grains, and must therefore be a three-quarters of a Pana. A large

copper piece of Eran, (c) in the possession of Mr. Blackett weighs 347

grains, which is sufficiently close to the theoretical weight of 360 grains

to show that it represents two and a half Panas. This, the owner has

kindly allowed me to describe.

65

1901.] W. Theobald —Copper Corns of Ancient India.

Copper, square, cut from a ribbon seven-eighths of an inch broad,

and a trifle more than an eighth in thickness. Weight 347 grains,

showing a deficiency of but thirteen grains from the theoretical weight

of a two-and-a-half Pana piece. The coin is of neat execution and but

slightly worn. On the Obverse are five symbols, separately impressed

with a punch.

(a) A ‘ Stupa ’ of three chambers with a crescent above.

( b ) A sixteen-petalled lotus flower, Jour. As. Soc. Ben., Vol, VII,

PI. LXI, fig. 5, where this emblem is borne on the head of

a staff in a man’s hand, on a round coin of Ujain, and it also

occurs on a square coin of Eran now in the B.M. from the

Cunningham collection.

(c) A central sphere supporting three ‘ Chattras ’ and three ‘ Tau¬

rines.’

(d) Two similar symbols of doubtful meaning, within an oval area.

This symbol may be a variant of the ‘ vine ’ as seen on the

coins of Taxila (A. I., II, fig. 9) on which the curling tendrils

and clusters of grapes can be easily made out. In the pre¬

sent coin this is not the case but the symbol may have been

unintelligently copied by the artist from an imperfect exam¬

ple of the Taxila coin.

( e ) The last symbol is only partially preserved, and would seem to

be an extreme variant of the ‘ triskelis ’ of a novel character.

It consists of a central boss and ring round it, outside of

which are three elongate curved bodies, the tapering end or

head directed to the left, whilst the other end is abruptly

truncate or hamate and bent upwards and backwards as

though to represent the tail of a fish. If this idea is correct

the symbol probably represents three dolphins, as seen on

many Greek coins.

These five symbols are all that can be made out on the Obverse.

On the Reverse are —

(/) An hour-glass-shaped body not quite equally divided into an

upper and lower portion, the latter being slightly the larger

and terminating below in a short median and symmetrical stem.

(</) Immediately below is a remarkable figure, which may be des¬

cribed as the segment of a wheel, pendant from a ring

surrounding a small central opening. The segment is nearly

the quarter of a circle; the spokes are four in number and

separated by three triangular interspaces. The symbol re¬

calls one of the Egyptian emblems of Deity, known as the

‘ Tail of the Sacred Vulture,’ wherein is embodied the

66

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India. [No. 2,

Assyrian conception of the Male Triad united to the Mono-

gynous Mother.

( h ) At one corner is a portion of a sixteen-petalled Lotus.

( i ) A liook-shaped mark counter-struck over the lotus seems to

represent a portion of some other symbol of which no more

now remains.

There is little doubt that if private collections were searched many

more coins of this sort would be discovered, and new symbols added to

the following list, which must therefore be considered as a first attempt

only to enumerate the symbols on the early copper coins, as differentiated

from those found on silver pieces.

The materials whereon the following results are based are 1st.

The collection of coins in the British Museum, wherein is now deposited

the cabinet of Sir A. Cunningham, as well as those of earlier collectors,

Colonel Stacey, Major Hay, Dr. Swiney, Messrs. Masson, Grant,

Thomas, the old India House collection, and others. 2nd. A small

collection of my own. 3rd. A small collection lent me for examination

by Dr. O. Codrington, partly his own and partly belonging to the

Royal Asiatic Society. The following books have also been searched for

figures of coins : — Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua, Sir Walter Elliot’s ‘ Numis¬

matic Gleanings ’ in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science

for 1858, Prinsep’s ‘ Indian Antiquities,’ edited by Edward Thomas,

‘Ancient Indian Weights,’ by Thomas in Numismata Orientalia, The

‘Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,’ ‘ Catalogue of the Coins of

the Indian Museum,’ by C. J. Rodgers, ‘ The Coins of Southern India,’

by Sir Walter Elliot in Numismata Orientalia and last but not least

the ‘ Coins of Ancient India,’ by Sir A. Cunningham.

The following abbreviations are used : —

A. A. Professor Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua.

N.O. Ancient Indian weights by E. Thomas, in Numismata

Orientalia.

T. P. James Prinsep, edited by Thomas.

E.N.O. Sir Walter Elliot’s Coins of Southern India, in Numis¬

mata Orientalia.

N.G. Elliot’s Numismatic Gleanings. Madras Journal of Liter¬

ature and Science, 1857-8.

J.B. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

A.I. Coins of Ancient India by Sir A. Cunningham.

A.C. Sf Collection of Sir A. Cunningham and the British Museum

B. M. respectively.

G.I.M . Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian Museum.

O.SfU. Obverse and Reverse. S. Square Coin.

1901.1 W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India. 67

The first column contains the number of the symbol in the present

list; the second column the number corresponding with the numbers

and figures of my previous paper on punch-marked symbols ; the third

column, states whether the symbol is on the Obverse or Reverse.

As the verbal description of a symbol can never give so clear an

idea of it, as a figure, I have as a rule given a reference to where the

symbol has been figured, when such has been the case, and for con¬

venience of reference have endeavoured to group the symbols together

according to their character, adding the class of coins on which they

occur.

FIGURES, MYTHOLOGICAL OR HUMAN.

68

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

• • • • • •

22

B.

R.

R.

0.

R.

R.

0.

R.

R.

0.

0.

Demophoon, among cultivators in the Homeric

hymn to Demeter ; or in a word ‘ Prithi * really

stands for Bhumi. Sometimes the ‘Nag’ has six

heads instead of five. J.B., XLTX, VII, fig. 10.

A similar figure on the coins of Agni Mitra

may not improbably represent Agni. A. I., VII,

fig. 13.

A seated figure on a railed base, probably intended

for India. A. I., VII, fig. 19.

Figure within a shrine (Indra?) A. I., VII, fig. 20.

A similar figure to the last, but with four arms,

probably represents Vishnu. A. I., VII, fig. 21.

A female full length figure counterstruck so as to

obliterate the upper line of symbols on coins of

Bhanu Mitra, Agni Mitra, and Surya Mitra. A. I.,

VII, fig. 8. J.B., XLIX, VII, figs. 2, 4, 5, 6.

A seated female figure (inadvertently described in

the text (p. 83) as standing). A. I., VII, fig. 11.

These seven figures are all on coins of Panchana.

Standing figure with snaky legs, probably Scythes

the autochthonous ruler of Scythia. (S)., J.B.,

VII, LX, fig. 1. The description on p. 1053 con¬

tains no reference to the ‘ snaky legs.’

A standing figure, with right hand upraised and hold¬

ing up a snake. T.P., XLIV, fig. 23, and A. I.,

VIII, fig. 4, on satrap coins of Mathura.

A seated female figure, lustrated by an Elephant

on the left. If there was another elephant on

the right it does not show in the plate. T.P.,

XXXI, fig. 21. The coin is described as of copper,

silvered.

A seated female lustrated by a pair of elephants.

N.G., X, fig. 68.

The same device occurs on coins of Eran. (S). A. I.,

XI, fig. 14, also on coins of Ujain. (S)., J.B.,

VII, LXI, fig. 3. In this figure a horse is figured

in the left hand corner, but a duplicate specimen

in the Cabinet of the Royal Asiatic Society enables

me to express the strong conviction that the animal

is really one of a pair of Elephants.

A standing female figure lustrated by two Elephants.

A.I., V, fig. 9. Kosambi. This figure is described

in the text (p. 74) as the Goddess Lakshmi, and

where the figure is seated, no doubt Lakshmi is

intended, but on a Buddhist coin, the figure is far

more likely to be intended for Queen Maya, who

gave birth to Buddha standing, and was then ac¬

cording to the legend miraculously refreshed by two

streams of water poured over her from heaven.

The artist has represented this as performed by two

celestial Elephants.

I may here draw attention to a piece of sculpture

from the ‘ Potowar,’ figured in J.B., V, XX, p. 471.

Here in addition to the two Elephants, two female

attendants are standing near, each with a ‘ chatti *

of water in her hand and it is noteworthy that a

pair of humped Bulls cower beneath the Elephants

in a wholly inferior position. The influence of

Greek art has evidently not been lost with regard

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

69

to the pose of the Elephant on the copper coins, as

compared with the rude form the Elephants display

on the silver ‘ Pnranas,’ which conventional forms

entirely disappear on later mintages.

?he same design is seen on Satrap coins of Mathura.

A.I., VIII, fig. 4.

L standing female figure between two trees, with

railings, the trees forming a canopy overhead.

This figure is probably intended for Queen Maya

about to give birth to Buddha. T.P., XX, fig. 49.

A lead coin.

L seated female figure with the right hand on the

hip though the text describes it as ‘ held up ’

(p. 116). A. I., XIII, fig. 2.

laja seated with the right leg over the edge of the

throne. A. I., XIII, fig. 3.

laja seated with right hand on knee. A. I., XIII,

fig. 14.

Raja seated, with right hand holding a flower.

A.I., XIII, fig. 15. These four coins are from

Nepal.

Standing male figure holding a standard in his right

hand. J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 5. Ujain.

Standing figure with arms akimbo. Ujain. (491).

Standing figure (Siva) with three heads. Ujain.

(493). J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 26.

A seated figure wish arms akimbo. J.B., VII, LXI,

fig. 18. Ujain.

A standing male figure, counterstruck on Reverse.

J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 13. Ujain.

A male and female figure both standing side by side.

(S). Ujain. B.M.

A plumed warrior to right, holding a club in left

hand and a water-pot in the right. (S). Ujain.

These coins average 22 grains, and on two of them

two fish in a tank, facing each other, seem to form

part of the die. They are in the Cabinet of the

Royal Asiatic Society.

A plumed warrior to right with a club in right

hand and a water-pot in the left. A. I., X, fig. 3.

Ujain.

The plumed warrior is a ‘punch* device and Ujain

is one of the few mints which issued ‘ punch-

marked* coins proper. The majority of Ujain

coins are however die- struck, e.g ., all those figured

on A.I., X, and the same may be said of Eran

coins. A. I., XI.

A plumed warrior to left, in an oval area. (S). The

‘ torso ’ of the figure is pretty distinct, but the

narrow compass of the die leaves no room for the

club or water-pot as in the previous figures. All

these coins have the Benares or ‘ cotton-bale ’ sym¬

bol on the reverse, and average 36 grains, on some

80 coins. On one larger coin of 57 grains the

figure is counterstruck over the figure of the Sun.

Benares district.

A human hand. J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 2. Ujain.

A kneeling figure to left. J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 16.

Ujain.

J. i. 10

70 W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India, [No. 2,

FIGURES OF ANIMALS.

The animals on the coins are not numerous. At the head of the

list stands the Elephant, but not in the form represented on the

silver ‘ Puranas.’ After the Elephant comes the humped bull, the

Lion, the Horse and the Buffalo. Among birds the Peacock and Cock

and perhaps the ‘whistling’ teal or ‘cotton’ teal. Among reptiles

the Cobra and a harmless snake or two ; one or two species of river

turtle and a frog, and among fish, the dolphin (on one coin perhaps)

and two or three undefined species. Conspicuously absent on the

copper coins are the dog, goat and civet-cat, so frequently seen on the

silver ‘ Puranas ; ’ also the monkey and crocodile ; the former, as

Honuman appearing on the later coinages of Southern India, while the

Crocodile appears on some Pandhyan coins. E.N.O., IV, fig. 143.

As regards the Horse the remarks of Sir W. Elliot seem to me to be not

a little tinged with error and misleading. “ The association of the horse

with military operations has at all times, and in all countries caused it to

be emblazoned as a distinguishing mark of warlike nations. Although not

peculiar to the Buddhists, it wa£ a favorite symbol, and occurs on many

coins of the period of their ascendancy.” (N.G., p. 246). The horse has

of course always been regarded as emblematic of war. So Virgil makes

Anchises exclaim when he sees horses grazing on the shore of Italy —

“ Bellum, O terra hospita portas ;

“ Bello armantur equi, bellum htec armenta minatur.”

JEneid III, 539.

But it may be remarked that the ‘horseman’ so common on Greek

and Scythian coins, is almost, if not wholly absent on Indian mintages

of the class I am describing, and surely on a Buddhist coin, the horse

would not be intended to convey or embody any warlike sentiment.

On a Buddhist coin the reference would rather be to Siddhartha’s

famous steed Kanthaka.

“ Look ! if I touch thy flank

“ And cry, ‘ On Kantaka,’ let whirlwinds lag

“ Behind thy course ! Be fire and air, my horse !

“ To stead thy Lord; so shalt thou share with him

“ The greatness of this deed which helps the world.”

The Light of Asia. Book IV.

THE ELEPHANT.

O. Elephant to r. or 1. with a ‘stupa* over the rump.

(Sj. A.I., III, figs. 1, 2 and 3. (S).

O. 1 Elephant, full front. A. I., Ill, fig. 5. (S). These

are all Taxilacoins.

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

71

1901.]

72

W. Theobald — Copper Goins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

As with the Elephant, so also with the Bull, the conventional Bull

of the silver ‘ Puranas ’ seems never to have been reproduced on the

copper coins. We miss, too, Siva and his Bull, so familiar a reverse on

the Scythic copper coins.

79

80

81

82

83

84

0.

0.

R.

R.

0.

R.

THE LION.

A Lion to right before No. 214. T.P., XIX, fig. 20.

A Lion to left before No. 214. T.P., XX, fig. 34.

A.I., I, fig. 27. Both the above are cast coins.

A Lion to right. A.I., III, fig. 1. (S).

A Lion to left. A. I., Ill, fig, 2. (S). Both these

coins are from Taxila.

A Lion to left. A. I., XIII, fig. 1. I prefer to consider

this the obverse as the king’s name occurs thereon.

A Lion to left with crescent above. A.I., XIII,

fig. 6.

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Goins of Ancient India.

73

74 W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India. [No. 2,

1901.] W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India. 75

TREES.

The trees represented on these coins fall naturally into seven prin¬

cipal groups.

1. Trees with ‘ paddle-shaped ’ or more or less cordate branches.

2. Trees with simple or compound trifoliate or tricuspid branches.

3. Trees with upright tapering pinnate stems ; but unbranched.

4. Trees with horizontal spreading branches, the uppermost some¬

times being the biggest.

5. Palms.

, 6. Unsymmetrically branched trees.

7. Thorny stems or simple branches.

These trees may or may not be surrounded below by railed bases or

mounds; with three to five (or more) upright divisions or “rails ” and

two or three (or more) horizontal tiers ; and these bases may be

adorned at their corners by either ‘ Chattras ’ or ‘ Taurines ’ placed

either on the top corners of the base, or on either side of the base

below.

It is not too much, I think, to assume that each of the above types

of trees was intended to represent a particular sort of tree, but to

identify the tree is a matter of extreme difficulty. On the coins of the

Odumbaras (A. I., IV, fig. 2) we may perhaps be justified in referring

the tree represented thereon to the ‘ Odumbara ’ fig tree ( Ficus glome-

rata) whence the tribal name is derived, but assuredly there is nothing

to guide us to that conclusion, on the coin itself. In like manner,

where a tree is represented as springing up from the summit of a

‘Stupa’ the top of which is more or less dilapidated, to make way for

it, we may safely infer, from the known habits of the Pipal tree

(Ficus religiosa) that the Pipal tree is intended, without other dis¬

tinguishing marks to guide us. In different parts of India, Ceylon

and Burma, different Trees would probably be selected to adorn the

76

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India. [No. 2,

vicinity of monasteries or Pagodas, foremost among which would be

the Amherstia, the Durian, the Jack, the Mango, the Jonesia, the

Borassus and Corypha Palms, the 1 Banian * and many others, valued

for the sake of their flowers, fruit or shade, but the species readily

cognizable on the coins are but few. On the coins of Kunindas, the

Cedar may be fairly made out, the character of the tree being its

spreading branches at right angles to the trunk, and whether the

‘ Cedar of Lebanon ’ or its closely allied form the ‘ Deodar ’ of the

Himalayas, the tree is universally accepted as a type of sanctity,

beauty and strength. The Fan-palm too, there is no mistaking whether

the ‘ Corjpha ’ is intended or the commoner and more generally dis¬

tributed, Barassus or Fan-palm of Bengal ; and herein I think Mr. V.

Smith verges on inaccuracy in calling the ‘ Tal * palm of India a

‘Corypha.’ The ‘Corypha’ is a fan-palm, which having flowered,

dies, whereas ‘ the Tal ’ of India is a ‘ Borassus ’ which goes on flower¬

ing year after year, the former tree being planted for ornament,

whereas it is the Borassus which is universally cultivated for its fruit

and sap.

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

77

J. i. 11

78

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

79

80

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

81

1901.]

Variant of the last with three plain spokes replacing

the ‘ Tanrines.’ N.G., VII, fig. 5^.

A crescent supporting a T. T.P., XX, fig. 48.

Kunindas. (447).

In the coin figured in A. I., V, fig. 5, a ‘ Swastika’ re¬

places this symbol under the Buffalo’s belly.

A wheel of four spokes, surrounded exteriorly by

sixteen cone-shaped rays or flames. N.G., X,

fig. 83.

A six-spoked wheel surrounded by sixteen balls.

T.P., XXXIV, fig. 18. A variant with fourteen

balls is figured in Num. Chron., Series III, Vol.

XIV, PI. IX, figs. 16 and 17. (767).

A small crescent on forehead of Siva. Kunindas.

A. I., V. fig. 5. Not mentioned in the text but on a

coin in my cabinet. (447). One of Siva’s epi¬

thets was Chandra-sekhara or Moon-crested.

A fivefold square or pachymerous cross. T.P., XIX,

fig: 17. A. I., II, figs. 15 and 16. Taxila.

(S). T.P., XIX, fig. 18. A. A., XXII, No 167. This

symbol is the equivalent of five squares, that is a

central square with a similar square erected on

each face. It is a very sacred object to worship¬

pers of Siva, the five-faced (pancanana), and on a

small square group of brass figures occupies one

corner, whilst in the centre the Lingam-yoni is sur¬

rounded by the ‘ Sun ’ ‘ Moon,’ the bull ‘ Nandi ’ the

five-headed ‘ llngum ’ ‘ Ganesh,’ ‘ Parbati ’ and a rim

pierced by a cow’s mouth to allow the water of

sacrifice to escape by. One figure is broken away,

hence my acquiring the specimen in the bazaar as

old brass.

A fivefold square (as above) with a ‘chattra’ im¬

planted on each face. T.P., XX, fig. 41. A cast

coin.

A sphere surrounded by four ‘Taurines’ with cusps

directed outward ; within a five-fold square with a

circle containing a cross in each outer angle. (S).

Eran. A.C.

A food-altar in its simplest form, a horizontal slab

of stone or wood resting on an arched support.

J.B., LXVI, p. 299. This symbol is to the r. of a

‘ stupa ’ on both Obverse and Reverse, in the figure,

but on a coin in my cabinet it occurs on the left

also. My coin weighs 39 grains. (1, 019).

A food-altar (with or without a ‘Taurine’) with

‘ loops ’ to r., and standing on a railed base. (S).

A food-altar with ‘loops’ to r. (S). A.I., XI, fig. 8.

Eran.

T.P., XLIV, fig. 7, (no loops) on coins of the

Kunindas.

(S). J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 23. Ujain.

A variant with a bifid curved support. T.P., XLIV,

fig. 8.

On a railed base, no loops. J.B., VII, LX, fig. 2.

On a tall staff. T.P., XX, fig. 36. A.I., I, fig. 27.

A cast coin.

(S). A. I., I, fig. 28.

82

[No. 2,

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

A. A., XV, fig. 32. This and the last are cast coins.

In N.O., p. 61. This symbol is called a ‘ magic for¬

mula.’ It occurs with several variations on both

silver and copper coins. Its essential feature is

that of a flower-pot-shaped receptacle, with or

without loops or ears at the side. This I consider

represents a begging-bowl, the loops being the

bands supporting the bowl round the Monk’s neck.

To avoid the sin of luring birds to their doom from

cats or dogs, the charitable monk placed the rem¬

nants of his food on a raised pole or altar that his

gift might not lead living creatures into danger.

This at least is an intelligible explanation of a

highly popular Buddhist symbol, free from the

absurdity of calling it a ‘ magic formula.’

Food-altar protected by a pointed palisade, over

which a dog is looking. (S). A. I., II, fig. 5.

Taxila.

This remarkable symbol gives support to the above

view. The pointed stakes clearly are intended to

prevent access to the food-receptacle behind them.

(930).

A Trisul with axe attached on the left, occupying

field. A. I., XIII, fig. 12. Nepal.

A.I., V, fig. 4. Kunindas.

A ‘ Trisul.’ T.P., XIX, fig. 17.

This is a very archaic and instructive form of the

‘ Trisul ’ and the symbols on the coin are both

Hindu and Buddhist. In the centre of the symbol

rises a spear-headed shaft or lingum, wherein we

can also recognise the ‘ Thyrsos,’ and on either side,

by way of supporters, are two erect, but sharply

reflexed bodies, in which it is not difficult to trace

an early form of the cobras which appear on later

coins.

On the reverse of the same coin is a ‘ Trisul ’ stand¬

ing in a circle, or it may be described as a tricuspid

‘ Taurine ’ with the median prong prolonged down¬

wards. It merely needs this central prong to be

carried still lower to produce the ‘ Caduceus.’

The ‘ Caduceus.’ (S). A.T., XI, fig. 3. Eran. This

is a very rare symbol, but occurs in combination

with a cross on other coins of Eran as a Reverse

symbol. A. I., XI, fig. 20.

A ‘ Trisul’ covering the whole field. T.P., IV, fig. 5.

Variant of a ‘Trisul’ with a long cross-bar and an

additional prong at each end. J.B., VII, LX, fig.

20. Mathura.

A ‘Trisul’ above altar of three horizontal strokes.

J.B., VII, LX, fig. 26. Mathura.

A variant of a ‘ Trisul,’ with a tall median prong

above, and a ring below with a small lateral loop

on either side. T.P., XXXIV, fig. 24. Ayodhya.

A variant of the last with a segment of a circle in

place of the ring below. T.P., XXXIV, fig. 25.

A ‘Trisul’ standing on a railed base. A.I., VII,

figs. 1, 2, 3. Panchala.

Still another variant is seen on the same plate, a

symmetrical trillingual emblem with upright and

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

83

84

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

A central sphere within a ring, surrounded by four

pairs of rings juxtaposed sideways, with the right

or left of each ring armed with an out-curving

spur, at the periphery. (S). A. I , XI, fig. 17.

Eran.

An ornate variant of the ‘ Thunderbolt ’ symbol. A

c entral sphere within a ring, surrounded by four

‘ triratnas ’ or tricuspid symbols, the central prong

being the longest and the outer cusps each support-

ing a crescent. (S). Ujain. Cabinet of the Royal

As. Society.

A square of four balls, two vertical, two horizontal.

J.B., VII, LX, fig. 16. Mathura.

Four balls in a square. J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 19. A

similar object is probably intended on fig. 8.

A cluster of seven spheres, equal and equidistant.

J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 19. Ujain. This is essentially

the same as the silver symbols, figs. 155 and 157 of

my former paper.

Some object, having a handle below and concave

sides. ( S). J.B., VII, LX, fig. 28. Can this be

meant for a ‘ dorje * or ‘ praying wheel ? ’

The ‘Cotton-bale’ symbol. N.G., VI, fig. 5J, where

it accompanies the Ujain symbol, Catalogue of the

Coins of the Indian Museum, Part III. (5). Nos.

10,014 and 12,374.

This symbol according to Sir A. Cunningham. A. I.,

p. 56, is found on coins from the Benares province.

In my paper (fig. 136) it is very badly figured. In

N.O., fig. 16, it is erroneously figured to make it

look like a ‘Cadncens’ and at p. 61, is included

among ‘ Magic formulae.’

The figures above from the Indian Museum are silver

coins, but on several copper coins (S) belonging to

the Boy. As. Society and in my own cabinet the

symbol occurs on both Obverse and Reverse of the

same coin. These coins average 33 grains and

are \ Panas, and are the only punch-marked copper

coins I know of the same character as the silver

Puranas ^nd with many of the same devices on

them. Sir Walter Elliot says the same thing “A

single example (fig. 5£) of the same kind of money

in copper was found among a quantity of Buddhist

coins from Ujain. This is the only example we

have met with of a true punch coin in baser metal ”

N.G., p. 228. Ujain, Eran and Benares would

therefore seem to be the only mints which issued

true copper ‘ pnnch-coins.’

A ‘ Triratna.’ T.P., XLIV, fig. 8. Kunindas. On

these coins it occurs above the Stupa.

A single example only is known to me of this symbol

on a silver Parana, in my cabinet, No. 95 of the

first part of this paper.

A variant also occurs on Panchala coins. J.B.,

XLIX, XVI, figs. 3 and 5.

And on Ayodhya coins. A. I., IX, fig. 8.

And on Yaudheya coins. A. I., VI, fig. 3 (deleted in

plate above Elephant’s head). (457).

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India .

85

J. i. 12

86

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

[No. 2,

274

275

276

109

244

116

218

277

278

279

280

281

282

283

284

58

56

285

286

287

288

289

290

291

292

293

R.

0.

0.

R.

R.

R.

0.

0.

O.

R.

R.

O.

R.

R.

0.

R.

R.

R.

R.

0.

R.

A variant of this ambiguous symbol is on the Reverse

of a Punch-marked coin, in the cabinet of the Royal

Asiatic Society.

Two crescents with either convex surfaces touching.

Not uncommon on coins from Benares with symbol

of ‘ plumed warrior.’

An object that Sir Walter Elliot calls an Altar.

N.G., p. 247. To me it is more suggestive of

either an oil-mill or a rice-husking mortar. Above

it is a horizontal stroke representing the ‘ pestle ’

used in either case. N.G., XI, fig. 97.

Four balls in a cirele. N.G., XI, fig. 103.

Two rings, separated by an indistinct upright object.

N.G., X, fig. 67.

A variant of a Stupa, within three lined squares.

N.G., IX, fig. 53.

A heraldic Lion or ‘ Griffin.’ On some coins figured

by Sir Walter Elliot, a Griffin seems to take the

place of the sublunary Lion. N.G., IX, figs. 48,

50, 52, 61, 62.

An upright sword. N.G., IX, 50.

An upright pointed staff, with three diminishing

cross-bars. N.G., IX, fig. 50.

Three triple umbrellas or Chattras, produced above

into a point, within a rayed circle. N.G., IX,

fig. 48.

Bow and arrow. N.G., IX, fig. 61.

Bow and arrow. A.I , XII, fig. 6. An Andhra

symbol.

A bow within a ring surrounded by seven inverted

crescents. N.G., X, fig. 84.

Sun on left, crescent on right, separate by a Y-shaped

ornament with an inverted crescent below and sur¬

mounted by ‘ Taurine,’ with a pair of dots above

and below. N.G., IX, fig. 56.

Sir Walter Elliot describes the central object as a

“sword of the peculiar short form so often repre¬

sented on Hindoo sculptures.” (p. 239). I can see

not the remotest resemblance to a sword, the object

possessing neither handle nor point.

A sun (wheel) on a pole with a crescent above. N.G.,

IX, fig. 61.

A ‘ Ratth’ or Idol car. N.G., IX, fig. 62.

An upright dagger-shaped object occupying the

field, and resting on a beaded base. N.G., IX,

fig. 60.

A Cordate area partitioned into four divisions. (S).

NG., X, fig 63.

Is it possible that the ‘ Bale-mark’ of the E.I.C. can

be borrowed from this device ?

A ring within a ring, with fourteen crescentic rays

radiating from the periphery. N.G., X, fig. 86.

A two masted ship. N.G., X, fig. 74. Reverse

symbol No. 236, E.N.O., II, fig. 45. Andhyas.

A boat or ‘dng-out’ laden with produce (?) with a

curbed line below to signify water, all within a

ring surrounded by eighteen radiating oval objects.

N.G., X, fig. 89.

1901.]

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India.

87

Plan of a Lamasarai with ‘ Stupa’ in courtyard. (S).

AJ., II, fig. 12. (439). I am not sure if the

object in the centre does not rather represent a

tree, possibly Cupressus sempervirens cultivated in

India in gardens for its freshness and beauty.

Plan of building, with three forked objects, either

trees or Trisuls, whereof the middle one is tallest,

and supports an umbrella. N.G., XI, fig. 102.

Sir Walter Elliot calls the side objects “ladders”

but it seems preferable to consider them as the

plan of the dwellings of the priests, whether Hindu

or Buddhist.

A Y-shaped object with curved sides and a cross-bar.

(S). J.B., VII, LXI, fig. 24. Ujain.

Symbol d of the piece of Eran described in this

paper.

Symbol/

Symbol g

Symbol i

ditto.

ditto.

ditto.

INDEX OF THE SYMBOLS ON THE COPPER AND LEAD COINAGE

OF ANCIENT INDIA.

88

W. Theobald — Copper Coins of Ancient India .

[No. 2,

Ship or boat

!6iva ...

Solar wheel, sun

Spheres

Steelyard

Stupas

Swastika

Sword

Taurine

Teal

Trees

Triratna

Trisul

Trisul and axe

Twin-spheres

Ujain symbol

‘ Yulture’s tail ’

r star

292, 293.

2.

183 to 191, 204, 287.

199, 200, 213, 255, 277.

153.

154 to 169, 279.

170, 171, 172.

281.

173 to 182, 205, 206.

94.

113 to 130, 133, 134.

258.

223, 224, 226 to 232.

222.

263.

236 to 246.

299.

INDEX

TO THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXX, Part I. (Nos. 1 and 2 ). — 1901.

^Abdu-l-Qadir-i- Baghdadi, 1.

‘Abdul Wall, Maulavi, article by, on

the antiqnity and traditions of the

Jami‘ Masjid, &c., at Sailkupa, 15 ff.

Abu ‘Ubaidullah, Sayyid Shah, 21, 23.

Adam wahan, mahal, 2.

Ain-i-Akbari, account of the Multan

Sirkar, 1 ff.

Akaqa-locana, on Kaluha Hill, 35.

‘All Riza, Mir, 27.

Bailey, Rev., T. Grahame, article

by, on the SSsi Dialect, 7 ff.

Bakhsh-ullah, Sayyid, 25.

Bari Duab, 2, 4.

Bet Jalandhar Duab, 2.

Bhlm, caste, 3, 4, 5.

Bihat, river , 1 .

Bikanah, caste , 3.

Birds as coin symbol, 73.

Birun -i-Paninad, 2, 6.

Boats as coin symbol, 78.

Buddha, relics of, 30.

Buffalo as coin symbol, 73.

Bull, humped, or cow as coin symbol, 72.

Oaducens, coin symbol, 78.

Caukhandi, pargana , 4, 5.

Cinab, river , 1.

Coins, Ancient Indian Copper, symbols

on, 64 ff.

- , * Karshapana,’ symbols, on, 38 ff.

Crescent, coin symbol, 78.

Cross, coin symbol, 78.

Balibhati, mahal , 5.

Dand, river, 1.

Deg Ravi, pargana , 5,

Don Buzurg, §0.

Drona’s Mound, 30.

Dunvapur, mahal, 3.

Jcilephant as coin symbol, 70.

F athpur, mahal , 3.

Figures, mythological or human, as coin

symbols, 67.

Fish as coin symbol, 73.

Flowers as coin symbol, 77.

Food-altar as coin symbol, 78.

Ghalu Kharah, mahal, 4.

Ghulam Darvish, Mir, 21 ff.

Gosopali, ancient site, 30.

EEaidar ‘All, Mir, 26.

Har, river, 1.

Hari, river, 1.

Hasar, caste, 2.

Hoey, W., article by, supplement to

Note on Vaisali and other places men¬

tioned by the Buddhist pilgrims, 29 ff.

Honuman as coin symbol, 73.

Horse as coin symbol, 71.

Indus, 1 ff.

Irajpur, mahal , 5.

Mampur, mahal, 4, 5.

Isma'ilpur, mahal, 4.

Jalalabad, mahal, 3.

Jat, caste, 3, 4, 5.

Junah, caste, 3.

90

Jndex.

Kachl, caste, 3.

Kahror, mahal, 3.

Kalba, mahal , 5.

Kalii, caste, 4.

Kaluha Hill, account of, 31 ff.

Khaibuldl, mahal, 3, 5.

Kharal, caste, 5.

Khatpur, pargana, 4, 5.

Kuletjvarl, goddess, temple of, 32.

- , image of, 33.

Lion as coin symbol, 72.

IVEaclagan, ED., article by, on Abu-

l-Fazl’s account of the Multan Sirkar

in the Third Book of the Ain-i-Akbari,

1 ff.

Makula Parvata, of Burmese annals,

identity of, 36.

Malah, caste, 3.

Mallas, seven princes prepared to fight

with, for relics of Buddha, 30.

Malpali, ancient site, 30.

Maral, caste, 4.

Marud-Marui, on Kaluha Hill, 35.

Matllah, mahal, 5.

Muhammad ‘Arab, Rauza of, 15 ff.

- , account off, 17 ff.

Multan, Sirkar, Abu-l-Fazl’s account of,

1 ff.

- , Suburban District of, 4.

- , Town, mahal , 4.

Nandpali, see Malpali.

Nundolal Dey, article by, on the

Kaluha Hill in the District of Hazari-

bagh, 31 ff.

Nurnl, river, 1.

Nusrat Shah, k. of Bengal, 17 ff.

Rangpur, mahal , 5.

Ranu, caste, 3.

Ravi, river, 1.

Ricnau Duab, 2, 5.

Rivers and canals as coin symbol, 78.

Sabhd-Baithalc, on Kaluha Hill, 35.

Saifullah, Mir, 25.

Snilkupa, Jami‘ Masjid at, 15 ff.

SSsi Dialect, 7 ff. •

Satlaj, 1.

Satnar Nala, 30.

Sewan, 30.

Shah'alampur, mahal, 5.

Shaikzada, caste, 4.

Shergarh, mahal, 3.

Shujau-d-Daula, Nawab, farman by, 21,

23.

Sindha, caste, 5.

Sindh Sagar Duab, 2, 5.

Sohu, caste, 4, 5.

Sun, coin symbol.

Suryakutida, on Kaluha Hill, 34.

Star, coin symbol, 78.

Steelyard, coin symbol, 78.

Stupa, coin symbol 78.

Swastika, coin symbol, 78.

Talibuddln, Mir, 26, 28.

Saurine, coin symbol, 78.

Theobald, W., article by, on a revision

of the symbols on the ‘Karshapana’

coinage, &c., 38 ff.

- , article by, on the

symbols and devices met with on Cop¬

per Coins of Ancient India, &c., 64 ff.

Titaria, 29.

Trees as coin symbol, 75.

Triratna as coin symbol, 78.

Trisul as coin symbol, 78.

Tulambah, mahal, 4.

Par^vanatha, image of, on Kaluha Hill,

33.

Pdtula-Ganga, or Kaluha Hill, 34.

Uo, 1.

Ukl, caste, 3.

yamuddln, Mir, 26.

aisali, note on, 29 ff.

Raipur Kanki, mahal, 5.

Raj pur, mahal, 3.

"\ATheel as coin symbol, 78,

F rontiepifcf

CINERARY URN

FROM YOTKAN, A VILLAGE OF THE

BORAZAN TRACT, NEAR KHOTAN.

( Restored.)

ORIGINAL SIZE, ABOUT 11x13"

A REPORT

ON THE

BRITISH COLLECTION OF ANTIQUITIES

FROM

CENTRAL ASIA

WITH

THIRTEEN FACSIMILE PLATES, THREE TABLES

AXD

SIX WOODCUTS

PART XI

BY

A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, C.I.E.,

Ph.D. (Tubingen).

Extra- Namier 1 to the Journal of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal , Vol . LXX , Fart 1 , 1901

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.

1902.

CONTENTS.

Page

Introductory Remarks ... ... ... ... ... j

Section III. — Manuscripts ... ... ... ... ... 6

I. Group ... ... ... ... ... ib,

(a) Sanskrit ... ... ... ... ... 16

(b) Unknown Language .. ... ... ... is

II. Group ... ... ... ... ... 21

(а) Chinese ... ... ... ... ... 21

(б) Persian ... ... ... ... ... 26

(c) Uigur (?)... ... ... ... ... 29

(d) Brahml ... ... ... „s ... 30

Section IV. — Pottery, Terracottas, Miscellaneous Objects ... - ... 42

Appendix to Part II. — Transcript of W.eber MS,, Part IX, and Macartney

MS., Set I, with two Indexes ... ... ... ,,, \

Supplement to Part I ... ... ... ... ... 1

Errata in Part I ... ... ... ... ... ... 7

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plate I.

Plate II.

Plate III.

Plate IV.

Plate V.

Plate VI.

Plate VII.

Plate VIII.

Plate IX.

Plate X.

Plate XI.

Plate XI I.

Plate XIII.

Manuscript Codices (fabricated).

Manuscript Books (Potliis).

Manuscript Documents (Chinese).

Manuscript Documents (Chinese).

Manuscript Documents (Persian, Uigur).

Manuscript Documents (Brahmi).

Manuscript Documents (Brahmi).

Fragments of Pottery.

Fragments of Pottery.

Terracotta Figures.

Terracotta Figures.

Graeco-Buddhist Art Objects.

Miscellaneous Objects.

Table I. Formula of Blockprint, Set IV.

Table II. Comparative Table of Gupta Letters.

Table III. Alphabet of Brahmi Documents.

Woodcut, No. I on page 4.

„ No. 2 „ 22.

,, No, 3 „ 36.

,, No. 4 „ 42.

,, No. 5 ,, 43.

,, No. 6 „ 1 of Appendix.

Frontispiece. Cinerary urn from Yotkan, a village of the Borazan

Tract, near Khotan.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

Extra-Number 1. — 1901.

A Report on the British Collection of Antiquities from Central Asia. — By

A. F. Rudolf Hoeenle, C.I.E., Ph.D.

(With 3 Tables and 13 Plates.)

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

The Second Part of my Report deals with the manuscripts, pottery,

terracottas, and other miscellaneous objects of the British Collection.

When the First Part, treating of the coins and block-prints was issued

early in 1899, the question of forgery was still an open one. In the

concluding remarks of my Introduction (p. xxxii) I pointed out how

desirable it was that it should be investigated on the spot by an European

explorer. Dr. Stein’s archaeological expedition to Eastern Turkestan

was at that time already being organised ; and the Second Part of this

Report has purposely been delayed in order to profit by the results of his

investigations. His tour has now been brought to a successful conclusion.

A full account of its results will have to be looked for in Dr. Stein’s own

report. But the communications which I received from him, partly by

letters written in the course of his travels and partly verbally since his

return from Turkestan in July, 1901, enable me, with his concurrence, to

indicate here briefly some of the results so far as they have a direct

2 Dr. Hoemle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

bearing on the question of the genuineness of the objects comprised in

the British Collection.1

* By means of his own explorations of ancient sites in the Khotan

region, and by his local enquiries, Dr. Stein has obtained definite proof

that all “ blockprints ” and all the manuscripts in “ unknown characters ”

procured from Khotan since 1895 are modern fabrications of Islam

Akhun and a few others working with him. The fact of these block-

prints and manuscripts being modern forgeries was first established by

independent evidence, and subsequently received confirmation by the

full confession which the forger himself, in April last, made to Dr. Stein.

Islam Akhun, on the same occasion, furnished detailed information as to

the methods and means employed in preparing his forgeries.*

Of these manuscripts in “ unknown characters ” it has now become

unnecessary to publish detailed descriptions. Those whom it may

interest may see specimen pages of two such codices, published in Plate 8

of M. D. Klementz’s report on the Russian Expedition to Turfan.2

Several codices of that class are in the British collection. Other

specimens of fabricated manuscripts may be seen in Plates XI-XX

which accompany my paper on “ Three Further Collections of Ancient

Manuscripts from Central Asia” in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Yol. LXVI (1897).

* Islam A kh fin’s account of the places where the finds are said

to have been made is an invention. These places (see Introduction,

pp. xvi-xxii) either do not exist, or exhibit physical conditions in which

the survival of ancient manuscripts appears highly improbable.^ As to

Aq Sapil, I believe that the interpretation of the present appearance of

the place in the letter quoted on pp. xiv-xvi cannot be sustained. On

the other hand, Dandan Uiliq is the genuine site of an ancient sand-

buried settlement. It is very probable that many of the genuine manu¬

scripts comprised in the Collection were originally obtained from there.

For * Dr. Stein, in the course of the explorations of which a brief

preliminary account has been given by him in the Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Society, for April, 1901, 3 excavated there a considerable number

of manuscripts of a very similar description, all written either in Brahmi

or Chinese characters.*

As regards the coins and seals, shown in Plates I— III of the First

Part of this Report, as well as the objects shown in Plate XIX, there is

1 Statements based on Dr. Stein’s communications and embodied in these Intro¬

ductory Remarks are enclosed between asterisks.

2 In Nachrichten uber die von der kaiserlichen Akadamie der Wissenschaften zu

St. Petersburg im Jdhre 1898 ausgerustete Expedition nach Turfan, Heft I.

f> Iu Art. XII, Archaeological Work about Khotan.

1901.]

Introductory Remarks.

3

no reason to doubt tlieir genuineness. This also applies to the objects

shown in Plate IV, except No. 1 and Nos. 3-11, which were used in the

binding of blockprints, and for that reason are of a questionable

character. Among the objects shown in Plate XIX are numerous

miniature terracotta figures. Others of a similar kind, but of larger size,

are shown in Plates X and XI accompanying this Part of the Report.

These as well as the fragments of pottery now described and figured are

genuine. They were all obtained from the ancient site hitherto desig¬

nated as “ Borazan ” (Introd., pp. xii-xiv), but the real name of which, as

Dr. Stein has shown, is “ Yotkan, a village of the Borazan tract.” Some

details as to the conditions in which antiques have been preserved at

that site, will be found recorded in his preliminary account already quoted.

It may be noted here that an attempt indeed was made to fabricate

also entire pieces of pottery. The result, however, was too grotesque

to deceive. Early in 1898 I received the photographs of two complete

jars, the fabrication of which there was no difficulty in detecting when

compared with genuine fragments. From some of the latter, shown in

Plate VIII, the “ Funeral jar ” which forms the frontispiece of Part I,

is reconstructed.

* Respecting the objects in metal, stone, or wood, while some prove

themselves by their appearance to be undoubted products of the ancient

Buddhist civilization of Eastern Turkestan, in the case of others their

age and provenance is quite uncertain. Objects of this kind collect in

the bazars of Khotan and other towns in Eastern Turkestan, and the

statements of the Natives regarding them are quite unreliable.* To this

category belong the two horsemen referred to on page xx of the Intro¬

duction, and equally uncertain is the age and provenance of the skull

there mentioned.

* There is good reason to believe that certain wood carvings, among

them the box purchased at Khotan by Captain Deasy and published in

the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for April, 1900, 4 have to be

added to the list of articles from Islam A kh un’s factory.* A curious

resemblance, however, may be noted, of the figures carved on the box,

to some mud and metal figures, shown in Plate XIII, Nos. 1 1-13, the

genuineness of which there seems no reason to question. Assuming

the spuriousness of the box, such genuine figures may have served the

carver as models.

* The fabrication of manuscripts seems to have commenced early

in 1895. After about two years it was abandoned in favour of the

easier method of manufacturing blockprints. The forged manuscripts

4 In Art. XIV, On an ancient bloclcprint from Khotan.

4

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

are distinguished from the genuine finds not only by their “ unknown

characters,” but also by their paper, wbicli is modern in substance, and

in colour and condition shows evidence of having been artificially mani¬

pulated.* The fabricated manuscript books are distinguished also by

their peculiar binding after the manner of Codices, like the blockprints.

All the genuine manuscript books of the Collection observe the form of

the Indian Pot hi ; and all the genuine scripts belong to known types,

such as Brahmi, Kharosthl, Chinese, Uigur, Persian. All these are

represented in our Collection of manuscripts and coins.

The earliest fabrications of manuscripts were evidently executed

with much care and ingenuity. Genuine manuscripts seem to have been

imitated : otherwise it is impossible to explain the production of manu¬

scripts which could deceive the eye of expert scholars by their resem¬

blance to Pahlavi or Brahmi.6 In four of the earliest manuscripts,

Brahmi letters and letter-groups are imitated, greatly resembling those

which are seen in Pothi No. I of Set II (see p. 18). The subjoined

Woodcut shows facsimiles of the word ma-lkye-r as imitated from the

Pothi in which it occurs very frequently.

No. 1.

No. 1 is taken from the Pothi, Nos. 2 and 3 from two of the four

fabricated Codices above referred to, and No. 4 occurs in the formula of

the IYth Set of Blockprints (see Part I, p. 85 and Plate XII i. It was

the latter formula which furnished me with the first distinct evidence of

fabrication. This formula, as it stands in the blockprints, appears to be

written in a species of “ unknown character.” Comparing it, early in

1901, with the Brahmi writing in the Codices, it suggested itself to me

to examine the formula in a mirror, when it became at once apparent

that it was written in precisely the same character as the codices, only

the writing was reversed in print. In Table I the formula is shown in

6 Thus, Dr. E. West who very kindly examined a manuscript book of 56 leaves

( /f x 5|") which seemed to imitate Pahlavi writing, writes to me (July, 1901) : “I

find that the Pahlavi words I have collected form one-twelfth of your large MS.,

contain 13, out of 15, Pahlavi letters, and represent 27 out of the 33 known Pahlavi

sounds. So that a twefth part of the MS. has supplied five-sixths of the Pahlavi

alphabet and sounds. But it has not supplied a single intelligible clause of a

sentence.” /

Lli

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1901.] Introductory Remarks. 5

both positions. It was now obvious that whoever prepared the block,

wrote the text on it in vertical lines in the ordinary position, and

engraved it in that position, oblivions of the fact that as a consequence,

in printing off the block the text would come out reversed and be illegi¬

ble. Such carelessness would hardly have occurred to one who under¬

stood the script and its language. The same conclusion is suggested by

the inexplicable separation of the elements of the word ma-lkye-r

which are found as ISTos. 43, 48 and 51 in the fourth line. Moreover

most of the letters of the formula have no resemblance whatever to

Brahim characters. The written codices which were the first products

of Islam Akhun’s workshop) were done with far greater care, and though

also largely interspersed with “ unknown characters ” might have con¬

tinued to suggest genuineness, if the fraud had not been definitely

exposed through the personal investigations of Dr. Stein, to whom finally

Islam Akhun made a full confession. In Plate I, No. 1, is shown one of

the most curious specimens of an early fabricated codex. It is that which

was contained in the bag said to have been dug out with the skull resting

upon it (Introd., p. xx). The leaves are cut in the shape of a round-

bottomed, narrow-necked bottle, with a long pendant lip. They are held

together by a small tubular copper-peg which passes through the neck.

The leaf shown in the Plate is the last of the inscribed leaves of the

codex. The word malkyer is seen in the middle of the second line. A

very nearly corresponding version of the text occurs on the final inscribed

leaves of other two codices which are also shown in Plate I, Nos. 2 and 3,

and where the word malkyer appears in a corresponding place in the

second line. Specimen pages of the two latter codices are also shown in

Plate XVIII, XIX and XX of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897). Another version of the same text stands

on a leaf of the codex shown ibidem , Plate XVII. Here the word mal¬

kyer occurs, e.g., on the page marked “ II. Obverse,” in the middle of

the bottom-line.

6

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Section III.— MANUSCRIPTS.

Tlie manuscripts, comprised in the British Collection, fall into two

groups, which may conveniently be distinguished as Pothis, or books

done up in the Indian fashion, and Documents consisting of single sheets.

Number.

Findplaee.

First Group. Pothis.

Altogether there are thirteen Pothis in the Collection. None of

them is complete, and of most of them no

more than a few leaves or fragments of leaves

exist. The only exceptions are Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I and No. 1 of Set

II, of which 25, 17, 17 leaves respectively survive. These three Pothis

belong to the Macartney MSS. They, as well as some other Pothis?

belonging to the Godfrey MSS., have been already described by me in

the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LXYI for 1897 ;

but for the sake of completeness and some additional information, since

obtained, they will be here briefly re-described.

Three of the Pothis, viz., the Macartney MSS., Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I

and No. 1 of Set II, are said to have been

found in the identical Stupa near Kuchar in

which also the Bower MSS. and the Weber MSS. were discovered. Their

discovery has been related in the Introduction, pp. x-xii. In corrobora¬

tion of the existence of a possible deposit chamber from which they were

dug out, I may now add that, as Dr. Stein informs me in a letter, written

from Yarkand (24th September 1900), he found, about 20 miles N.-E. of

Kashghar, in a place called Khannui, a “ remarkably well preserved

Stupa with its Vihara,” in which “ a cutting made a long time ago had

laid bare a square chamber and shaft inside.” Native testimony, how¬

ever, as Dr. Stein has since verbally explained to me, even if honestly

given, is very unreliable ; and it is by no means certain that, even if the

stupa near Kuchar contained a chamber, the manuscripts were found in

it. Still from their appearance which shows no sign of the action of

sand on them, it seems clear that they must have been preserved in some

receptacle ; and there seems, therefore, in this particular case, no suffi¬

cient reason to discredit the native report of their having been dug out

from the chamber of a stupa (see Introd., p. xi). The case is different

with regard to the other Pothis. They show distinct signs of the action

of sand on them ; and they must have come from a sand-buried site.

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts .

7

As to the identity of this site nothing certain is known. Some (Set I,

Nos. 3, 5, Set II, Nos. 4, 5, 6) are said to have been found in “ an old

buried town in the vicinity of Kuchar” (Introd., pp. viii, ix). Of the

rest, all that is known is that they were found “ somewhere in the Takla

Makan.” Seeing that similar manuscripts were found by Dr. Stein in

the sand-buried houses of Dandan Uiliq, N.E. of Khotan in the Takla

Makan, it is not improbable that the Pothis in question also originally

came from that place.

A Pothi consists of a number of leaves, cut of a practically uniform

. . oblong shape, generally enclosed between two

DOQQltlODt 1 -i i Till* • . •

wooden boards, and held m position or

“ bound ” by a string which passes through a hole drilled through the

whole pile. This fashion of making up a book is peculiar to India.

In all Pothis, existing or surviving in India, the hole is placed in the

middle of the pile of leaves ; or there are two holes, at equal distances

from the margin, in the middle of the right and left halves of the pile.

On the other hand, in the Pothis from Central Asia there is only one

hole, which is invariably in the middle of the left half of the pile (see

Plate II, figs. 1, 4, 5). There are reasons to believe that this was also

the practice in India in very early times. In the old Indian copper-plate

grants, the copper leaves are strung together on a copper-ring which

passes through a hole close to the left margin of the leaves. The

practice of incising records on metal plates is a very ancient one in

India : instances of such records on gold plates are already mentioned

in the Jataka book (see Professor Biililer’s Palaeography in the Cyclopaedia

of Indo-Aryan Research, p. 90). The practice was afterwards trans¬

ferred to manuscript books, when the latter came into vogue. But

owing to the fragile nature of their material (palm-leaf or birch-bark)

the hole was naturally placed further away from the margin, about the

middle of the left half of the leaves. This may be seen in the Bower

MSS. which is written on birch-bark, and Part II of which belongs to

the earlier part of the 5th century A.D. Somewhat later, the practice

arose, for the greater safety of the leaves, to make two holes at corres¬

ponding distances from the right and left margin. The earliest examples

of this practice are presented in the Horiuzi MS. (see Anecdota Oxoni-

ensia, Yol. I, Part III, Plate I), and in the two Nepalese manuscripts

of the Cambridge Collection, Nos. 1702 and 1049 (Mr. Bendall’s Cata¬

logue, Plate I, figs. 1 and 2), all of which belong to the 6th century A.D.

Still later arose the practice of replacing the two holes by one hole in

the middle of the leaves. The existence of this practice is recorded

by Alberuni in the 11th century, who says (Professor Sachau’s Trans¬

lation of Alberuni’s India, Yol. I, p. 171), that “the Indians bind a book

8

Dr. Hoernl e — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Wooden Boards.

of palm-leaves together by a cord on which they are arranged, the cord

going through all the leaves by a hole in the middle of each.” The hole

was not at first in the exact middle, but — probably a modified survival

of the ancient practice — slightly more to the left, as seen, e.g., in the

Nepalese manuscript No. XXI (Palseographical Society) which is dated

in 1015 A.D. Still later, and at the present day, the hole appears in

the exact middle of the leaves. The peculiar position of the string-hole

in the Central Asian Pothis, therefore, points pro tanto to a very early

date for the introduction of the Indian fashion of book-making into

Eastern Turkestan, and for those Pothis themselves. As to the wooden

covering boards, only those of one Pothi, No. 1 of Set I, are included

in the British Collection. Of another Pothi,

No. 2 of Set I, one of the wooden covers exists,

but it belongs to the Weber MSS. collection, which also includes a

portion of that particular manuscript : the other cover is missing (see

my Report on the Weber MSS. in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Yol. LXII (1893), pp. 2, 5, 32). One of the covers of Part I

of the Weber MSS. (see ibidem , pp. 2, 9), as well as the two covers of

the Bower MSS. also exist. Seeing that the Bower MSS., the Weber

MSS. and the Macartney MSS. are said to be proceeds of the same find

(Introd., pp. x-xii), it seems not improbable that the covers of all the

manuscripts comprised in the find were originally found, though only

those above enumerated have been obtained from the finders.

All the Pothis are written on paper. The paper is soft, and of a

whitish colour. The only exception is the

Pothi, No. 3 of Set II, the paper of which is

hard and stiff, and of an orange colour. It is clearly coloured artificially,

and its rigidity may be due to that cause. The whitish colour of the

other paper is, no doubt, its natural colour. Regarding the material

of which the paper is made, I can offer no opinion. Not possessing the

requisite technical knowledge myself, I have submitted specimens for de¬

termination to Hof rath Professor J. Wiesner, of the University of Vienna,

who will publish a report of his investigation when it is finished. In

the meantime I am informed by him that the papers of the Pothis differ

in one point : that of Pothis Nos. 4, 5, 7 of Set I, and No. 3 of Set II,

is sized or loaded with starch. On the other hand, he could not detect

any trace of starch in the paper of the Pothis Nos. 1, 2, 3, of Set I, and

Nos. 1, 2 of Set II, though this does not prove absolutely that no starch

was used in its preparation.1 There is also another difference which I

have noticed myself. Some of the papers exhibit parallel waterlines,

Paper.

1 No. 6 of Set I and Nos. 4, 5, 6 of Set II have not been examined by him.

Section III. Manuscripts.

9

1901.] ........

showing that the sheets of this paper were made in “ moulds ” or frames

with an open bottom ; while others do not show any waterlines, and

evidently were made in moulds with a comparatively solid bottom. In the

latter, the bottom would seem to have been made with a piece of coarse

cloth stretched across the frame. In the former, parallel lines of string, or

wire, or bamboo fibre must have been stretched across the bottom of the

frame, &s shown by the waterlines in the paper. The strings were fixed

very close to one another ; for in the paper there are about 14 waterlines

to an inch. To judge from the absence of any corresponding waterlines,

the moulds do not seem to have been provided with any transverse

supporting strings or wires. Pothis Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I, and No. 1

of Set II, are written on paper without waterlines, while the paper of

all the others shows them. It is possible that on further enquiry,

the two points of difference here noted may yield a test of age.

For the present, the information on both points is insufficient for

the purpose. As Professors Wiesner and Karabacek have shown

( Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer , 1887), the

Arabs, who learned the art of paper-making from the Chinese in Samar¬

kand in 751 A.D., knew, in the 9th century, the practice both of loading

the pulp with starch and making paper in open-bottomed moulds. They

used moulds with and without transverse supporting strings or wires ;

and the paper, made in their moulds, shows 15 waterlines to an inch (or

6 to a centimetre). There is no reason, so far as I know, to believe that

they were the inventors of either of those two practices. The presump¬

tion is rather the other way ; for the British Collection possesses two

Chinese documents, dated 768 and 786 A.D. (see below, p. 22), both

of which are written on sheets of paper showing waterlines as well as

the presence of starch. So far, all the Pothis may be anterior to the

8th century A.D. ; some of them, as will be shown presently, are certainly

several centuries older. In any case, the method of making paper in

solid-bottomed moulds is cruder and more primitive than that of making

it in open-bottomed ones. Accordingly Pothis written on paper without

waterlines, i.e., made by the former method, are pro tanto likely to be

older than those written on paper with waterlines. To the former class

belong three Pothis, Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I, and No. I of Set II, which

are said to have been dug out from the Kuchar stupa ; to the latter

belong all the others. Judging by this test, the Pothis of the Kuchar

stupa are older than the rest. A further peculiarity of the Pothis

of the Kuchar stupa is that their leaves are

Coating. covered with a more or less thick smooth

coating (of chalk ?) on which the letters are traced. It is of a white

colour and particularly noticeable in the case of No. 2 of Set I. In

J. i. 2

10

Dr. Hoemle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Shape and Size.

the case of No. 1 of Set I, it is discoloured and has assumed a dun

colour. As the paper of these Pothis is not starched, the coating may

perhaps have been intended to prevent the ink from running. In many

places it has peeled off, and with it the writing has disappeared. The

letters appear to have been traced with some kind of pen, probably

the Indian reed-pen, not the Chinese brush. This is suggested by the

shai'p angles and clean-cut lines of the letters, which is particularly

noticeable in the Pothis, Nos. 3-7 of Set I and Nos. 3-5 of Set II.

(See Plate II, fig. 3.)

In the shape and size of the leaves of the Pothis there is much

variation ; but they all agree in being decidedly

oblong. In this particular, they clearly imi¬

tate the Indian palm-leaf. In India two kinds of material were used

for book-writing, the leaves of the Corypha palm ( Corypha umbraculifera)

and the inner bark of the birch tree ( Betula utilis), both in a prepared state.

Palm-leaf was the common material, employed everywhere throughout

India : its shape, a decided narrow oblong, was determined by the shape

of the segments or strips of the natural leaf. Birch-bark was only used

in the extreme North-West of India, concurrently with palm-leaf ; and its

shape was that of large, squarish sheets.2 Seeing that the paper was

made in large squarish sheets (see below, p. 23), and that a narrow

oblong is a less convenient shape for a writing material than a squarish

sheet, it is obvious that the practice of cutting up paper into narrow

oblongs must have been determined by people who were accustomed to

the Indian use of palm- leaves. As the Bower MSS. show, even birch-

bark was occasionally treated in this way and cut up into oblongs after

the model of the Corypha-leaf. The normal size of paper Pothis is

about 2 (or 2|) by 12 (or 14) inches ; see Nos. 3 and 4 of Set I, and

Nos. 2 and 3 of Set II (Plate II, fig. 4) ; and this is also the normal

size of a palm-leaf Pothi. But paper, being cut out from very large

sheets, naturally permitted a much greater variation in shape and size

than the natural palm-leaf. Hence we have Pothis as small as 2 x 5 or

2| x 8 inches ; see Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II. On the

other hand, there must have been also Pothis of enormous size, as shown

by No. 5 of Set I, which appears to have had leaves about 11 inches

broad and proportionately long, and by No. 7 of Set I, the leaves of

which were 4f inches broad and probably about 20 inches long. In both

cases the length can only be conjectured ; but a fair idea of the size of

such an enormous manuscript is afforded by the Petrovsky MS., which,

2 See my Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper and BirchbarJc in Journal,

Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. LXIX, p. 93 ff. (1900).

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

11

Characters.

according to the photographic specimen published by Professor S. von

Oldenburg in the Transactions of the Imperial Russian Archaeological

Society, Vol. VII, pp. 81, 82 (1892), measures about 31- x 19| inches.

All the Pothis are written in Br&hmi characters, but of two

different types. One is an upright type, the

other is slanting. The latter occurs only in

two Pothis, viz. , No. 2 of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II. The difference of

the two types is not so well seen in single letters, as in a whole page ;

compare figs. 1 and 2 of Plate II. There are also some specific dif¬

ferences in the formation of certain letters, especially in the forms of the

vowels u, a (initial) and i and e (medial) and the consonants k, m and y.

They may be seen in columns 21 and 22 of Table II ; and they are fully-

explained in my Reports in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Vol. LXII (1893), pp. 4, 5 and Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 3-5, 45. The

slanting type of Brahmi has, so far as I know, never been observed in

India : it appears to be a special Central Asian modification of the

erect type which is proper to India. In India this type of the Brahmi

is known as the Gupta script, so named after the Imperial Gupta dynasty

which ruled in Northern India about 319-530 A.D., and during whose

rule, principally, it was current. Its period may be said to comprise

roughly four centuries, from 300 to 700 A.D. From the fact that

Pothis written in both, the upright and slanting, types were found in the

Kuchar Stupa, it is clear that they were contemporary styles of writing.

It seems to me that the fact of the co-existence of the two types may be

best explained by assuming that the Pothis in the erect script were

written by Natives of India, Buddhist propagandists who had migrated

to Central Asia, while the slanting script was evolved by such Natives

of Eastern Turkestan as had become converts to Buddhism.

With regard to the upright type of Gupta, three distinct varieties

can be distinguished. I believe the distinction

Their Varieties. , , , £

to be a mark ot a dirterence m age. The earlier

variety, shown in Columns 7-12 of Table II, is found in Pothi No. 1 of

Set I (Macartney MSS., No. 2) ; also in the Bower MSS., and in the

Weber MSS., Parts I, II, III, (see Plate I, figs. 1-3 in Journal, Asiatic

Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII of 1893), all of which belong to the Kuchar

stupa find. A later variety, shown in Column 18, is found only in the

Pothi No. 6 of Set II ; and another later variety, shown in Columns

16 and 17, is found in the remainder of the Pothis of the two Sets.

Both these later varieties are quite unknown in India. • They also share

with the Central Asian slanting type the peculiar formation of the medial

vowels i and e. Moreover the second of the two later varieties is marked

by a curious angularity and absence of cursiveness, which suggests that

12

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

the script did not come naturally to the writer but was employed, so to

speak, artificially as a calligraphic imitation of Indian models. This is

particularly striking in the case of the letter tha ; compare No. 9 in

Col. 17 with Col. 6. The forms of the letters e and the initial long i

(No. 4 in Col. 17 and No. 3 in Col. 16) point in the same direction. The

latter occurs occasionally (in the proportion of 1 : 8) as an alternative by

the side of the more usual Indian form consisting of three ringlets (No. 3,

in Col. 17), and is made by combining the sign of length of the f-vowel

with the body of the a- vowel. The letter e is made by a similar com¬

bination. These peculiar forms of e and i are also found in the ordinary

Tibetan script which originated in the middle of the 7th century A.D.

For these reasons, I believe, the two later varieties to be peculiar scripts

of Eastern Turkestan. I also believe them to belong to much the same

period of time, and the variety, shown in Col. 18, to be the cursive script

of the period, while the variety, shown in Cols. 16 and 17, is an artificial

imitation of Indian models for calligraphic purposes. The same cursive

script is also found in a series of Brahmi documents, which are described in

Group II (p. 32). It is shown in Column 19, and possesses the same

peculiar form of the initial i-y owel. The form of the letter ma of this

cursive script (No. 13 in Cols. 18, 19) should be particularly noticed : it

is quite different from the ordinary form, but closely allied to the Central

Asian forms, shown in Cols. 20-22. In this connection it may also be

noticed that the Central Asian Gupta script retains the three -pronged

form of ya, and the long-limbed form of la (Nos. 14 and 16 in Cols. 16-22)*

In the Indian Gupta these two forms began to disappear in the 6th

century, and to be replaced by the two-pronged or boot-shaped form of ya

and the short-limbed form of la (see Professor Buhler’s Indian Palaeo¬

graphy, pp. 45, 48).

Of the slanting type of Gupta, also, some varieties can be dis¬

tinguished. Only one of them, however, (see Cols. 21, 22) is represented

in the British Collection, in Pothis No. 2 of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II.

Another, perhaps later, variety, distinguished by its form of the letter

ma (the second form of No. 13 in Column 22), is found in a few

fragments published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Yol. LXVI (1897), pp. 213 ff., Plate I, fig. x. A variety*

intermediate between the upright and slanting, is found in the Weber

MSS-, Parts IY, Y, YIII, published ibidem , Yol. LXII (1893), pp. 22 ff.,

and shown in Column 20.

The Pothis are written in two different languages : Sanskrit and

another, which has not, as yet, been identified,

anguage. Accordingly I have divided them, for the

purpose of this Report, into two Sets. The first Set comprises seven

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

13

Pothis, all written in Sanskrit, not exactly of the classic, but of

the so-called “mixed” type. The second Set consists of six Pothis,

written in the unknown language. My impression, from the general

character of the language, is that its identity has to he looked for in

the direction of the monosyllabic Tibetan rather than of the Turki or

Mongol languages. A curious point about it, as presented in these

Pothis, is that it is largely intermixed with Sanskrit words, strangely

misspelled. These words are mostly technical terms, medical or reli¬

gious ; and this fact seems to indicate that the works in which they

occur may be translations of Sanskrit originals into the language of the

country in which they were found.

None of the Pothis is dated. Their age, however, can be estimated

with much probability from palseographic and

other considerations. They are all written

in one form or other of the Gupta script, and the period of this script

is included roughly between 300 and 700 A.D. Three of the Pothis,

viz., Nos. 1 and 2 of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II, are said to have been found

in the Kuchar stupa, together with the Weber MSS. and the Bower MSS.

These, therefore, may be taken to be practically of the same age. The

date of the Bower MSS. it is possible to fix with tolerable certainty ; for

they are all written in the Indian (not the Central Asian) type of the

Gupta script, doubtless, by Natives of India ; and their age, therefore,

is determined by the well-known facts of Indian palaeography. I have

explained the argument fully in a paper published in the Journal of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LX (1891), pp. 79 ft. It is briefly this:

the Gupta script of North-Western India has two signs for the consonant

y, a three-pronged and a two-pronged or rather boot-shaped one (compare

No. 14 in Columns 1 and 6 of Table II). Of these the boot-shaped

sign is a later cursive development of the three-pronged one. There is

also an intermediate cursive form, in which there is a line across the

instep of the boot-shaped form (see No. 14 in Cols. 4 and 14, and the

lower sign in Col. 12). This form was a transitional one which appears

to have been current only during a very short period. This period, so

far as epigraphic writing is concerned, extended from about 460-540

A.D. Epigraphical records avoided the use of contemporary new¬

fangled cursive forms : they naturally preferred to use only the older

forms, sanctioned by long usage and, therefore, well-known to every

reader ; cursive forms were only admitted, when they had acquired the

sanction of a fair amount of literary usage. Epigraphic writing thus

lags behind literary writing : the interval, of course, may vary ; but a

generation or two of writers, say about 50 years, may fairly represent it.

For Pothi-writing, therefore, the period of the use of the transitional

14

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

form of y would be tlie 5th century A.D. Accordingly, Pothis which

use exclusively the old three-pronged form of y may be placed before the

5th century ; and Pothis which use exclusively the modern boot-shaped

form of y fall after the 5th century. Of course, the form of y is not the

only test ; the forms of other letters must also be taken into account ;

but in a general way, the y-test is a convenient and fairly safe one. In the

present case, the result yielded by this test is sufficiently well confirmed

by a comparison of the forms of the other letters shown in Table II.

Parts I — III of the Bower MSS. show the use of the old and transi¬

tional forms of y in the proportion of 1 : 3, while Parts IV-VII, which

are written in a different hand, use only the old three-pronged form.

As the last page of Part III, and the first page of Part IV, are written

on the same leaf, occupying the obverse and reverse of it respectively, it

follows that all the Parts are contemporary. It further follows that the

Bower MSS. must have been written at a time when the use of the

transitional form of y had not yet found general acceptance among liter¬

ary men. Accordingly they must be referred to a time not later than

the middle of the 5th century A.D. The other Pothis, viz., the Weber

MSS. and the Macartney MSS., having been found in the Kuchar stupa

together with the Bower MSS., must belong to nearly the same period.

Hence Pothi, No. 1 of Set I, which is written in the Indian type of the

Gupta script, but never uses the transitional form of y, must be dated

early in the 5th century, and may possibly go back to the latter part of

the 4th century (see the evidence in the Journal, Asiatic Society Bengal,

Vol. LXVI, pp. 245-247). The Pothis, No. 2 of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II,

which are written in the Central Asian type of Gupta, must also belong

to the 5th century. The two-ringleted form of y (see No. 14 in Cols. 21

and 22 of Table II) which they use can only be viewed as having

originated from the old three-pronged form : the boot-shaped form of y

could not have produced it. The script of those two Pothis is a Central

Asian modification of the contemporary Indian Gupta script. The inter¬

mediate stage — the Indian Gupta in the process of transition to the

Central Asian — is exhibited in Part V of the Weber MSS. (see Column

20 of Table II ; also Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII (1893),

Plate II, fig. 1). The transition can clearly be seen by comparing

the forms of m and y, in Columns 20-22 of Table II. The North-

Indian transitional form of y of the 5th century, and the modern boot¬

shaped form of y, which originated in the 6th century, never obtained

a footing in Central Asia, as little as it penetrated into Tibet or into

Southern India. The Bower MSS. found in Eastern Turkestan are only

an apparent exception. For as their material — birch-bark — shows, those

manuscripts were really written in India (probably Kashmir or Udyana)

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

15

and imported into Eastern Turkestan. All the Pothis which were written

in Eastern Turkestan itself are written on paper ; and it appears probable

that those written in the Indian variety of the Gupta script, such as No. 1

of Set I, were written by Natives of India who had settled in Eastern

Turkestan, while those written in the Central Asian variety, such as No. 2

of Set I, and No. 1 of Set II, were written by Natives of that country.

As regards the Pothis, Nos. 3-6 of Set I, and Nos. 2-5 of Set II, I

am disposed to ascribe them to a somewhat later age. They show the

Indian upright Gupta script, but written in a curiously angular and

artificial style : it is the calligraphy of epigraphical records applied to

book-writing. The curious triangular form of tha and the wavy form of

medial e first appear in Indian epigraphical writing in the 7th century

(see Nos. 8 and 14 in Column 6 of Table II), and in Indian literary

writing towards the end of the 6th century (see Nos. 8 and 14 in Col. 15).

The peculiar composite forms of the initial i and e (No. 3 in Col. 16, and

No. 4 in Col. 17) also belong to the 7th century. Accordingly it is to the

7th centuiy that I am inclined to attribute the Pothis in question. The

contemporary cursive style, I believe, appears in the fragment of Pothi

No. 7 of Set I. It is shown in Column 16 of Table II and in figure 3 of

Plate II.

To a still later period I would ascribe the Pothi No. 6 of Set II. It

exhibits a much more developed cursive form of the upright Indian Gupta,

as established in Central Asia. Unfortunately only a fragment of one

leaf exists, and that in a rather bad condition. Its letters are shown in

Column 18 of Table II and fig. 5 of Plate II. Essentially the same cursive

script, however, is found in the series of Brahmi documents which will be

described in Group II (p. 32) ; and its letters are shown in Column 19

and fier. 6 of Plate II. These documents seem to have been found

together with some Chinese documents dated in the latter half of the 8th

centuiy ; and it is to this period that I would, accordingly, ascribe the

Pothi No. 6 of Set II.

Two points which bear on the question of the age of the Pothis

have already been discussed in the para¬

graphs on the “ stringhole ” and on “paper.”

The bearings on it of the course of the political history of Central Asia

remain to be briefly considered. All the Pothis, so far as I know, are

Buddhistic. Western Turkestan was occupied by the Muhammadans

in the course of the 8th century. In 751 A.D. Samarkand was con¬

quered by the Arabs. From that time Buddhist intercommunication

between India and Central Asia practically ceased : it had previously

been gradually declining. U-kong, a Chinese Buddhist monk, visited

India in 753 A.D., and Prajna, an Indian Buddhist monk, visited China

Evidence of History.

16

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

in 782 A. D., both travelling through Central Asia. But these are solitary

instances. In the 9th and 10th centuries Muhammadanism overran

Eastern Turkestan ; and Buddhist culture fell into rapid decline. That

under these circumstances, such a knowledge and practice of the Indian

script as to produce manuscripts of the perfect calligraphy shown in

our Pothis should have continued to exist among tHe Buddhists of

Eastern Turkestan is extremely improbable.

First Set.

This Set comprises seven Pothis, all written in Sanskrit.

No. 1. Pothi. (Plate II, fig. 1).

Belongs to M. 1. Fully described and figured by me (as Set II)

in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol LXYI (1897),

p. 244, plate x. Incomplete both in size and number of leaves. Maxi¬

mum existing size 2|*4§"; original, about 2|x5". Number of lines

on page, 9 or 10. Leaves mutilated on the right : stringhole on the left :

existing 25, numbered from 20 to 44, on the reverse pages, as shown by

the way the leaves adhered to one another. Enclosing boards of wood

preserved; size, 5§x2J"; stringhole at If" from left edge; inner sur¬

faces flat, outer, slightly convex and polished. Paper, same as in No. 1,

but discoloured (dirty orange) and rotten from damp. Writing much

damaged through surface-coating peeling off or causing leaves to stick

together. Findplace, stupa near Kuchar where it is said to have been

dug out together with the Bower MSS., and Weber MSS. (Introd.,

pp. x, xi). Script, Indian upright Gupta characters. Language, mixed

Sanskrit prose and verse ($loka). Subject, medical or semi-medical

treatise, divided into adhyayas or chapters. Age, early 5th or late

4th century A.D.

No. 2. Pothi. (Plate II, fig. 2).

Belongs to M. 1. Fully described and figured by me (as Set I) in

the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LXVI (1897), pp.

237, 241, plates ix and x. Incomplete, both in size and number of

leaves. Existing size, 2§" x 5", original, 2| x 7f ". Number of lines

on page, 6. Average number of aksaras, or letters, in a line, 22 ; missing,

about 12; total about 34. Leaves mutilated on the left, and hence

stringhole and leaf-numbers lost. Commencing and concluding leaves

missing ; existing number, 17 ; in the Petrovski Collection, in St. Peters -

burg, 8 ; in the Weber Collection in my own possession, 7 ; total 32

leaves. (But see Professor S. v. Oldenburg’s remarks in the Records

of the Oriental Transactions of the Imperial Russian Archaeological

Society, Yol. XII, page 034). Paper, primitive without waterlines and

1901. J

Section III. Manuscripts.

17

starch-loading ; of whitish colour. Writing, much obliterated through

peeling off of surface coating of paper. Findplace, same as of No. 1.

Script, Central Asian slanting type of Gupta characters. Language,

mixed Sanskrit prose. Subject, Buddha’s discourse with the Maha-

yaksa Manibhadra, whose story is briefly told in the Samyutta Nikaya

(Pali Text Society, Part I, p. 203). Age, 5th century A.D.

No. 3. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 1. Described (not quite correctly) and figured in

Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LXYI (1897), pp. 227, 231?

plates ii and iii. A mere fragment of the book, only two complete leaves

and two small pieces of a third, surviving. Size, 11 x2|". Number of

lines on page, 5, with about 27-30 aksaras in a line. Stringhole at 2|/r

from left edge, within a circle of •§-" diameter. Leaves numbered 9 and

11 (not 19 and 11 as stated in the Journal) on the obverse pages. Paper,

very similar to that of the Chinese and Brahml documents (see Group

II, p. 32), of whitish colour, and with waterlines, about 14 to an inch,

running parallel with length of leaf and in same direction as writing.

Find-place, said to be “ old buried city in vicinity of Kuchar ” but perhaps

Dandan Uiliq (see p. 31). Script, upright Gupta characters of the Central

Asian calligraphic variety. Language, mixed Sanskrit prose. Subject?

dharanis or incantations, divided into sutras, as follows : sutras 72-80 on

leaf 9, and 90-93 on leaf 11. On leaf 10, there must have stood sutras

81-89. As the fragmentary leaf commences a page with sutra 41, and

as there stood, on the average, eight sutras on a leaf, it follows that the

fragmentary leaf must be the 5th, and must have borne sutras 41-48.

Age, probably 7th century A.D.

No. 4. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 7, T. 1, and M. 3. A mere fragment of the book,

consisting of four more or less complete leaves, and five small pieces of

three or four leaves. Probable full size, 2^-x ll£'\ Number of lines on

page, 4, with about 21-27 aksaras in a line. Stringhole at 2f " from left

edge, within a circle of diameter. Two leaves numbered 8 and 27,

but uncertain whether on obverse or reverse pages. Paper, as in No. 3,

but with waterlines about 13 to an inch, running parallel to longer side

of leaf, in all but three of the small pieces in which they number 16 to

an inch and run parallel to the shorter side and across the writing. Find-

place, probably, the same as of No. 3. Script, and language, as in No. 3.

Subject, apparently the same as in No. 1. Age, as of No. 3.

No. 5. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 1. Described and figured by me in Journal, Asiatic

J. i. 3

18

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 228, 233, and plate iv, No. 3. A

mere fragment, 3§ x 5J'', of a very large leaf, numbered 90 on left margin,

but unknown whether on obverse or reverse page. Leaf -numbers, as

a rule, stand in or near the middle of the margin, and, as in this case,

the number 90 stands close to the torn upper edge, it is probable that

the existing breadth (51") is only about one-half of the original size

which should have been about 11 inches. The leaf must have had a

corresponding length, but there is no means of determining it. The

Pothi must have been a very large one, both with respect to size and

number of leaves. Stringhole must have been in missing portion.

Existing number of lines on page, 7 ; probable full number 14. Letters,

very large, J-f". Paper, as in No. 3, but with 13 waterlines to an

inch. Findplace, script and language, as of No. 3. Subject, not

determinable. Age, as of No. 3.

\

No. 6. Pothi. *

Belongs to M. 3. Only two very small irregular pieces (1 x 3" and

1 x l^v) of one or two leaves. Original size of leaf unknown. Portions

of two lines on one, and of three lines on the other fragment. In all

other respects, the same as No. 3.

No. 7. Pothi. (Plate II, fig. 3).

Belongs to M. 10. A mere fragment, out of the middle of a very

large leaf, inscribed on both sides with 9 lines of writing. The still

existing full breadth is 4f"; full length, unknown; surviving length,

6j". Paper, same as in No. 3. Findplace, unknown. Script, ordinary

or cursive variety of Central Asian upright Gupta characters. Lan¬

guage, mixed Sanskrit. Subject, apparently a Buddhist sutra. Age,

probably 7th century A.D. The following is a transcript of what is

legible on the figured page.

1.1 va ‘ sarvva-dharmam Buddha-laksana (9unye) x sarvva-vi

1. 4 bhadante=ti * ayusmam n=Subhuti

1. 5 prajna-paramita yax xna: sambodhi manasi karai

1. 6 sad-dhetos=tatha hi subhuto tena bodhisatve

1. 7 s=tatha hi x ^unyataya

1. 8 s=tatha hi (sa pratyati) £unya

1. 9 kathayana

Second Set.

This Set comprises six Pothis, all written in a language, not yet

identified.

No. 1. Pothi.

Belongs to M. 1. Fully described and figured by me (under Set I)

1901.]

19

Section III. Manuscripts. .

in Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII (1893), p. 34 ff., and

plate iii, figs. 3-5. It is the missing portion of Part IX of the Weber

MSS., which previously had not been recognized by me but supposed to

belong to Xo. 1 of Set I. It comprises 17 leaves ; in Part IX, there are

25 leaves ; the total thus amounts to 42 leaves. The finder (see Intro¬

duction, p. x) appears to have divided it into two parts, one of which

he gave to Mr. Weber, the other, to Mr. Macartney. It is not probable,

that, for this purpose, he picked out the leaves separately ; he probably

simply divided the bundle of leaves into two portions, each consisting of

a number of consecutive leaves. This being so, and leaves 7-10 and

30-38 occurring in the Weber Collection, while leaves 22-29 are

included in the Macartney Collection, it follows that the 17 leaves of the

latter collection probably comprise the leaves 13-29, while the 25 leaves

of the Weber Collection are made up of the initial portion 1-12 and

the final portion 30-42. Unfortunately, the Pothi is preserved in a very

indifferent condition. The leaves are partially mutilated on three sides

though sufficient remains to determine their full size, which is 2% x 51-

inches. Number of lines on page, 6 ; the top-lines, chiefly, being

damaged. The writing is much obliterated, owing to the gypsum coat¬

ing of the leaves being greatly damaged. In many places the coating

of one leaf, with the letters on it, adheres to the next leaf, and on care¬

fully rubbing off the gypsum, the letters underneath it become visible^

though in an inverted position and crossing the letters of the writing on

the next leaf. With some trouble, it is possible to distinguish and read

the two lines of writing overlying one another. A complete transcript

(in Roman) of this manuscript, with indexes, is given in an Appendix to

this Report. The leaf-numbers are on the left margin of the reverse

pages, the following being, more or less completely, preserved : 22, 24,

26, 27, 29. Paper, findplace and script, the same as in Xo. 2 of Set I.

Language, not identified, but largely intermixed with strings of Sanskrit

names of medical drugs, strangely misspelt. Hence it is not improbable

that the work may be an ancient translation into a Central Asian dialect,

of some Indian medical treatise. Age, 5th century A.D.

Xo. 2. Pothi. (Plate II, fig. 4).

Belongs to C. 7 and M. 3. A mere fragment of a book, consisting

of three nearly complete leaves, one half-leaf, and eight small pieces.

Size of full leaf, 2| x 11TV" Number of lines on page, 5, with about

21-28 aksaras in a line. Stringhole at 2f " from left edge, within a

circle of diameter. On one leaf, in left upper corner, there are two

concentric circles, not inscribed, of If" and If" diameter, possibly

marking the commencement of a chapter. One of the complete leaves

20 Dr. Hoernle — A ntiquities* from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

is numbered 1 on left margin of reverse page, with blank obverse,

being the initial leaf of the book ; numbers of others missing. Paper,

as in No. 3 of Set I, but waterlines running parallel with short side in

leaf 1 and in the eight small pieces. Eindplace, unknown. Script,

the same as in No. 3 of Set I. Language, not identified, inter¬

mixed with Sanskrit religious terms. Subject, probably Buddhist

dharanis or “ incantations.” Initial leaf apparently commences with

om siddham, the former word represented by a large flourish, the latter

indicated by traces of s and dh. Age, same as No. 3 of Set I.

No. 3. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 7. A mere fragment of the book, consisting of one

complete leaf, and the larger portion of another, numbered 9 and 10

respectively on the left margin of the obverse pages. Size of full leaf,

2| x 14^". Number of lines on page, 5, with 32 or 33 aksaras in a line.

Stringhole at about 3£" from the left edge, within a circle of yf" dia¬

meter. On leaf 9, in left lower corner of reverse page, two concentric

circles, not inscribed, of If" and If" diameter respectively (as in No. 2).

Paper, stiff, of yellowish colour, with faint waterlines, about 11 to an

inch, running parallel to long side of leaf and direction of writing.

Eindplace, unknown. Script, as in No. 3 of Set I. Language and

subject, as in No. 2 of Set II. Age, probably 7th century A.D.

No. 4. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 1. Described and figured by me in Journal, Asiatic

Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 228, 234, and plate iv, fig. 5.

Only a fragment of one leaf : full breadth extant 3§" ; full length

unknown; existing length, 6"; apparently from middle of leaf; for

no stringhole visible. Number of lines on page, 5. Paper, as in No. 3

of Set I, but waterlines parallel to short side of leaf, and transverse to

writing. Findplace, script, and subject, also the same as in No. 3 of Set I ;

but language, as in No. 2 of Set II. Age, probably 7th century A.D.

No. 5. Pothi.

Belongs to G. 1. One of the two fragments referred to by me in

Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897), pp. 228, 229.

The leaf to which it belongs — the only one surviving — must be the last,

seeing that one page is blank, and the stringhole is on the left side.

Breadth complete, 2 ; full length unknown, but probably about 7" ;

existing length, 4f". Stringhole, within a circle of f" diameter, at

about 1|- 1 from existing left edge ; on this side only a very narrow

strip, with the leaf -number, can be lost, the main loss being on the right

side. Number of lines on page, 5 ; writing almost illegible. Paper, as

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

21

in No. 3 of Set I, but very thin, and with waterlines parallel to short

side of leaf. Findplace, script, language, subject and age, as in No. 4

of Set II.

No. 6. Pothi. (Plate II, fig. 5).

Belongs to G. 1. The other of the two fragments referred to in the

preceding No., and a parallel case in almost every respect. The leaf to

which it belongs — the only surviving-one of the book — must be the last,

as one page is blank, and the stringhole is on the left side. Breadth

complete, 2^-' ' ; full length unknown, but probably about 6 inches ; exist¬

ing length 3f ". Stringhole, within a circle of f" diameter, at about 1|"

from existing left edge ; possibly not more than right and left margin,

with leaf-number, missing. Number of lines on page, 5 ; writing almost

illegible. Paper, exactly as in No. 5 of Set II. Script, later cursive

variety of Central Asian upright Gupta ; but very much obliterated.

Language and subject, unknown. Age, probably 8th century A.D.

Second Group. Documents.

The documents of the collection may be divided into two classes,

according as they are written in a known or in an unknown language.

First Class. Documents in a Known Language.

First Set. Chinese Documents. (Plates III and IY).

This Set comprises three complete sheets and nine fragments of

paper, inscribed on one side with writing in

Number, Script and Chinese

characters, and, therefore, in vertical

Language. lines or columns, running from right to left.

The characters are the ordinary Chinese, but in two different hands :

the book-hand or kyai-shu, and the cursive or tsao-shu. The style of the

writing according to Mr. Macartney, resembles that of the period of the

T’ang dynasty, that is, 618-907 A.D. ; and this is confirmed by the actual

dates recorded in two of the documents (Nos. 1 and 3), as well as by the

circumstance, that some of the characters are more or less obsolete. The

language is Chinese, but archaisms as well as more or less extensive

mutilations of the documents offer serious obstacles to accurate transla¬

tions. Mr. G. Macartney, Special Assistant for Chinese Affairs to the

Resident in Kashmir, in Kashghar, and Mr. L. C. Hopkins, H.B.M.’s

Consul in Chifu, have very kindly supplied me with translations of

some of them, and Professor F. Hirth in Munich, and M.M. U. Wogihara

and R. Watanabe with some others. I hope their publication in full may

be undertaken by some Chinese scholar. Here I must limit myself to

indicating their general purport.

22

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Find-place.

Nothing definite is known regarding tlieir exact find-place. Two

fragments, Nos. 4 and 10, which were received

by Captain Godfrey from some Pathan traders,

are said to have been dug np, together with the Pothis Nos. 3 and 5

of Set I and Nos. 4, 5, 6 of Set II, “ near some old buried city

in the vicinity of Kuchar.” All the other documents were obtained

by Mr. Macartney from a Khotan trader, Badrnddin, who either

could not or would not give any information regarding their find-place.

There is, however,

No. 2.

some reason to be¬

lieve that they may

> 2i 1 J • 0 have come from

Dandan Uiliq (see

p below, p. 31). The

.jrijffLl * \J three complete docu-

Jft i ments name the place

toy'll w^ere they were

J (f\\ m written, but unfor-

f ^ W * tunately, the first

of its two letters

being obsolete, it

cannot at present be fully read. Full-size facsimiles of the two letters,

as seen in the three documents, are shown in the marginal woodcut No. 2.

Mr. Macartney and his Chinese Literate read it Lee-Sieh. Mr. Hopkins

also reads it Lieli-sieh or Li-sieh, but he adds, that not only the sound

of the first character is doubtful, but “ the second character may re¬

present an older sound sia, tsia, zia, tsa, tse , and the whole word might

be Lizia or Litsa or Lid] a A From the document No. 1 it is certain

that the place, whatever it was, was situated in the Chinese province

of the “Six Cities” ( Liu-Clieng ) or, by its Turki name, Alti Shahr ,

that is, in the country now commonly known as Eastern or Chinese

Turkestan. The Six Cities probably are Kuchar, Aksu, Ush-Turfan,

Kashghar, Yarkand, and Khotan, with their respective territories.3

S A slightly different enumeration is given by Mr. N. Elias in the Translation of

the Tarikhi Rashidi, p. 51. There Yangi Hissar is substituted for Kuchar, which,

as said on p. 53, “was usually a dependency of Aksu.’’ The enumeration may have

varied at different times, or with different informants. Mr. Elias’ enumeration is

based on a statement of Dr. Bellew’s in the “ Report of the Yarkand Mission in

1873,” p. 185. That Report, however, on page 33, refers also to another enumera¬

tion Alti Shahri Khutan or “ Six Cities of Khutan,” so called “ from the six towns

composing it, viz., Ilchi, Karakash, Yurungkash, Chira, Kirya, and Naya.” In any

case, as our document shows, Alti Shahr or “ Six Cities” is not a modeim term, as

Mr. Elias ( l.c ., p. 51, footnote : “ it belongs to the present century ”) seems to have

inferred from the statements of the Report, but goes back to a very ancient date.

Section III. Manuscripts.

23

1901.]

All the manuscripts appear to be official documents of a public or

_ ^ , _ , private character. They seem to have belonged

Purport and Date. f \ , . . .

'■ to the registry ot some local or sub-provincial

office of the Chinese Government of the province of the “ Six Cities ” or

Eastern Turkestan. Thus one of the complete documents (No. 1) is a

letter from a local officer to his Superior, requesting instructions re¬

garding the collection of certain taxes : it is dated in the 3rd year of the

Tali period, i.e ., in 768 A.D. It is not the original dispatch, but merely

the office copy or draft, as shown by the large office stamp imprinted on

it. This circumstance may account for the absence of any seal, which

would probably be borne by the original. Another (No. 2) is a requisi¬

tion order to a military officer for the supply of certain articles. This is

not fully dated ; the year is not mentioned, but only the day and month.

The third complete document (No. 3) records a private transaction, being

the deed of a loan of money, and is fully dated in the 7th year of the Chin-

chung period, i.e., m 786 A.D. This, as well as the Tali period, belong

to the reign of the "Tang dynasty, which extended from 618 to 907 A.D.

The fragments appear to be official receipts of taxes paid, or requisition

orders for the supply of various articles. In one of the fragments (No.

4) there occur some letters of the cursive Brahmi script, in which the

.Brahmi documents of Set I, of the Second Class are written. This circum¬

stance proves that the latter set and the Chinese set of documents belong

to the same period of time, viz., the second half of the 8th century A.D.

The material on which the documents are written, is water-lined

paper of the same quality as that of the Pothis

Paper. Nos. 5 and g 0f ge^ u . an(j ag Tees

with the circumstance that on palasographic grounds Pothi No. 6

must be referred to the 8th century A.D. (seepage 15). It is a very

thin, coarse paper, of uneven texture, and whitish color. The water-

lines form a network, being 13 or 14 to an inch in one direction,

crossed at right angles by others in intervals of from § to 1". Evidently,

the paper was made in a mould with a network bottom. On this an

imperfectly prepared pulp was laid rather unevenly ; for the paper shows

great inequalities, thicker patches alternating with thin ones. In the

thick patches, long fibres of the material can be clearly distinguished.

What this material was, I am unable to say : specimens have been sub¬

mitted, for determination, to Hofrath Professor J. Wiesner in Vienna.

According to him loading with starch was used in the manufacture of

the paper.4 To judge from the dimensions of the documents, the size of

the mould, and accordingly of a full sheet of paper, appears to have been

4 The dated documents show au appreciable amount of starch ; in some of the

fragments no starch could be discovered.

24

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

about 16 x 12 inches. The closely spaced water-lines run parallel to the

longer side, while the writing runs across them, and parallel to the

widely-spaced transverse water-lines. The surface of the paper is rough :

polishing it or coating it was not practised. The writing was done with

a brush : the ink appears to have been the so-called China or Indian ink.

No. 1. Document. (Plate III).

Belongs to M. 9. Size, 15| x lli", or a full sheet of paper. Lower

right-hand corner torn off, also some portions of upper edge ; otherwise

complete. Writing arranged in 14 columns, six of them more or less

mutilated, in ordinary Chinese book-hand, though interspersed writh a

few cursive characters. At the end, in left-hand lower corner, the office

stamp hsing , meaning “approved,” is imprinted, in a very large cha¬

racter, 2j" high ; while all the written characters are from \ to f " high.

The document is dated “ the 23rd day of the 3rd month of the 3rd

year of the Tali period,” equivalent to A. D. 768. It is an official letter

addressed by Tien Ch’eng-hsien, apparently the officer in charge of

Li-sieh or Litse to his superior officer, Ah-mo-chih Wei-chih, the In¬

specting Superintendent of the Six Cities. Ah-mo-chih is said, by

Air. Macartney, to be not Chinese, but probably a Chinese trans¬

literation of a native word. The following appears to be the substance

of the letter : Tien Ch’eng-hsien reports that he has received a petition

from the people of Li-tse regarding the payment of their grain-tax.

He explains that owing to the frequent depredations of bandits they

are suffering great distress. Accordingly he proposes a postponement

of the collection of the tax, and requests the sanction thereof by the

Inspecting Superintendent.

No. 2. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size 5f x Ilf", or about one-third of a full sheet

(such as No. 1) cut breadthwise. Becord, complete. Writing arranged

in six columns, parallel to the long side, in the book-hand. No office

stamp. Dated only on “the 23rd day of the 12th month,” without

mention of any year, from the Li-sieh (Litse) camp. Purport, order

addressed to Yang Chin-ching, the military commandant of the camp,

to requisition a skin to re-cover a drum, and feathers to re-fit arrows.

No. 3. Document. (Plate IV).

Belongs to M. 9. Size, 13£ x lli", being nearly a full sheet. Com¬

plete, with exception of one-half of first column or about 7 characters.

Writing arranged in 12 columns, parallel to short side, in cursive cha¬

racters ; hence partially undeciphered. No office stamp. Dated twice,

at beginning and end, “on the 5th day of the 7th month of the 7th

year of the period Chien-chung,” corresponding to A.D. 786. Purport ;

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

25

record of the loan of 15,000 cash, on the security of a house and a

person. Signature, the marks of the borrower (Sumenti, aged 39) and

his surety (Ngan, aged 30), being three dashes (==) and two crosses

respectively. Place of transaction, apparently a village (name not deci¬

phered) near Li-sieh (Litse).

ISTo. 4. Document.

Belongs to Gr. 1. Described and figured by me in the Journal of

the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LXYI (1897), p. 230, Plate viii.

No. 16. Said to have been dug out from a buried town near Kuchar,

Size, 5| x 2£". Oblong slip, torn at top; on other sides complete.

Writing, in three columns, parallel to long side, in book-hand. Between

first and second column, near the top, three Brahmi letters % ro-

lau-de , running parallel to columns, but to be read horizontally, from

left to right, of the same cursive type as in the Brahmi documents of

Set I, in Class II and in the Pothi No. 6 of Set II. Purport, certificate

of payment of taxes. Date, “ the 26th day of the month . ; ”

rest mutilated. Mr. Macartney (letter, 28th October, 1897), states

that the Chinese characters “ resemble what is known as the writing of

the Yen family of the T’ang dynasty (618-907 A.D.), but that the

style of Chinese writing rarely offers a clue to age.” The two

circumstances of the occurrence of the cursive Brahmi script by the

side of the Chinese, and of the general resemblance, in externals, of

No. 4 to the dated Nos. 1 and 3 practically seem to fix the date of

No. 4 as some year in the latter half of the 8th century A.D.

No. 5. Document.

Belongs to M. 3. Size, 6| x 3J" ; an oblong slip, rather damaged on

two sides, but otherwise apparently complete. Writing, in two columns,

parallel to long side, in book-hand. Purport, apparently notice of certain

articles, sent to a person called O-Ion.

No. 6. Document.

Belongs to M. 3. Fragment. Size, originally 4x4|", now 4x2§",

a blank portion having been sent to Professor J. Wiesner of Yienna, to

be tested. Writing, in one column, mutilated at top and bottom, in book-

hand, but slightly cursive. Purport, apparently a receipt or order for

certain goods.

No. 7. Document.

Belongs to M. 3, Size, 3J X 2|", a much torn fragment, apparently

from the bottom of sheet, with remains of bottom of three columns

of writing, in a somewhat cursive book-hand. Purport, apparently

certificate of payment of grain-tax for military use.

J. i. 4

26

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

No. 8. Document.

Belongs to M. 3. Size, 7 x 2f ", a much torn fragment from middle

of sheet, with remains of two columns of writing, in book-hand ; one in

small characters ; the other to the left and, therefore, at the end of the

document, consisting apparently of two very large characters, about 2f

inches high, probably an office-stamp. Purport, illegible. Paper, rather

thicker than in preceding Nos., but water-lined.

No. 9. Document.

Belongs to M. 3. Size, 6| x 1|", a very irregularly torn fragment

from middle of sheet, of same paper as No. 8, and possibly another

portion of the same document. Writing, remains of two columns, in

book-hand. Purport, apparently military requisition order.

No. IQ. Document.

Belongs to Gr. 1. Described and figured by me in Journal, Asiatic

Society of Bengal, Vol. LXYI (1897), p. 230, Plate viii, No. 17. Said to

have been dug up from a buried town near Kuchar. Size, about 5"

square, being the right-hand upper corner, torn off a larger sheet. Paper

thicker and coarser than that of any preceding No., but also water-lined.

Writing, top of three columns ; also traces, on the right, of a fourth

column ; the beginning and bottom of text wanting. Purport, not intel¬

ligible.

Nos. 11 and 12. Documents.

Belong to M. 3. Sizes, 4 x 2" and 1 j >; f ". Two small and very

irregular fragments from middle of sheet ; of same paper as No. 10, and

possibly belonging to the same document. On No. 11 indistinct traces of

two columns of writing ; on No. 12 only one character ; all in book-

hand. Purport, illegible.

>

Second Set. Persian Documents.

This Set comprises four paper documents, all incomplete, two being

, _ , only very small fragments. They were pro-

Number, Find-place ,, , , * , \ ,

and Condition cured by Mr. Macartney from Khotan, but

their exact find-place is not known. They

were received with a large number of others, in the same condition as,

the Godfrey MSS. (see Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LXIII

p. 226), forming crumbled up lumps of waste paper, and required very

careful unfolding and smoothing-out. When this was done, they were

found to be records written, some in Persian, others apparently in

Uigur (see infra, Set I of Class II).

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

27

The paper on which they are written was also made, like that of the

Paper Chinese and Brahml documents, in moulds

with a network bottom ; for it has water-lines,

13 or 14 to an inch, with transverse lines, about If" apart. It is also of

whitish colour ; but it has a very different texture. While the other

paper is extremely thin and comparatively hard, this is somewhat thicker,

and of an extremely soft and frail quality, resembling thin, loose flannel :

it must have been made of other material, though what this was has

not yet been determined by Hofrath Professor J. Wiesner, to whom

specimens have been submitted. He has, however, found that, unlike

the paper of the Chinese dated documents, no loading with starch was

used in its manufacture. The paper shows transverse marks of fracture*

as if the documents had been folded into narrow folds, about 1-lf" wide.

In its present condition, the paper is so flossy that it is difficult to see how

it could be written on with any hard instrument such as a reed-pen, unless

originally it was of a firmer texture, or the writing was done with a soft

brush. The writing is all on one side of the paper, except in one of the

fragments (No. 4) which shows it on both sides. It also runs invariably

transverse to the close-spaced water-lines.

The documents have been examined by the Rev. D. S. Margoliouth,

Laudian Professor of Arabic in Oxford, who has kindly undertaken

to publish them in extenso in some Oriental

Script, Language, journal.

They are written in the Naskhi

Date and Purport. , ,

character, and m Persian language ; and ac¬

cording to Professor Margoliouth, they are the earliest specimens of

writing of that kind in prose. One of them (No. 1) is dated in H. 401,

equivalent to A.D. 1010-11 ; and to judge from their close resemblance to

one another and their common provenance , it is probable that they all

belong to the earlier half of the 11th century A.D. Two of the docu¬

ments are certainly, and one of the fragments probably, deeds recording

sales of land : the purport of the other fragments cannot be determined.

No. 1. Document. (Plate V, fig. 1.)

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 16 § x 6f", the length being complete : as a

comparison with the Document No. 2, which possesses the full breadth,

shows, the entire sheet must have measured 16f x Ilf " . Accordingly

a strip, about 3§" wide, is lost on the left side : top, bottom, and

(practically) right side are intact. Inscribed, only on one side, with

16 lines, running parallel to the narrow edges.

The document purports to be the record of the sale of certain land

at Almatah, a village in Nikotanj ( ^ 4th line) to

Yahya son of Ayub. It is dated in words, Hijrah 401, equivalent to

28

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

A.D. 1010-11(^^1 c-O JL> 0 12th line). Seven

witnesses are named : (1) Zakariyya, son of Likokongi, (his mark) + + ;

(2) Hasan, son of Likokongi, mark lost ; (3) Ya^qub, son of Sirkuwa

Sipasi, (mark) + ; (4) Omar, son of Qela‘ Sipasi, mark lost ; (5) Mahmud,

son of Qela‘ Sipasi, (mark) -f ; (6) — , son of Qela‘ Sipasi, (mark) + ; (7) — ,

son of Kara, (mark) 0 . Their names are Arabic, indicating that they

were Muhammadans : their fathers’ names are Turki (readings uncertain),

and they are described as members of the Sipasi ( ), a non-Islami-

♦*

tic, sect. All seven were illiterate persons, as shown by their affixing'

their marks in lieu of signing their names.

The date of the document refers it to the reign of the great Yilik

Khan, alias Hazrat Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan, who is said to have

lived H. 333-429 (A.D. 944-1037 ) to the age of 96 years. Three silver

coins of his (dated 1003, 6, 7) are in the British Collection and are

described in Part I, page 29. He was the founder of a very extensive,

but short-lived, Uigur kingdom, with its capital at Kashghar. In his

time, the first permanent introduction of the Islam into Eastern

Turkestan took place. Tradition says that his father Tangri Kadir

Bughra Khan was still an “ idolater ” ; so was his uncle and immediate

predecessor, Harun Bughra Khan. He himself is said to have adopted

the Islam when he was twelve years old, and to have been the first

convert to Muhammadanism in Eastern Turkestan.6 This is precisely

the religious state of things disclosed by the signatures to the contract.

The document, further, proves the existence of the Sipasi sect in

Eastern Turkestan as early as the beginning of the 11th century. The

Dabistan contains a long account of the history of the sect and its

tenets. It is said to be a survival of the old Iranian religion. Its home,

accordingly, should be Western Turkestan, whence it might easily spread

into Eastern Turkestan. It also spread into India where the author of

the Dabistan says he met one of its leaders, Azar Kaivan, in Patna, early

in the 17th century. The claim to antiquity of the sect, as well as of

its sacred book, the Dasatir, which has been much questioned, would

seem to receive considerable support from the present document.

No. 2. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 8| x 11 2*, being the complete lower half of

the sheet. Inscribed with ten lines of Naskhi writing, which, however,

in some parts is almost illegible owing to the damaged state of the

exceedingly frail paper. It is also a deed of sale of land, the details of

which, together with the date, are partly illegible, partly lost with the

upper portion of the document. The extant lower part gives the names

6 See Sir T. D. Forsyth’s Report on a Mission to Yarkand in 1873, pp. 122 ff.

29

1901.] Section III. Manuscripts.

and marks of the witnesses. The date must be much the same as that

of No. 1.

No. 3. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 2 x 3". A fragment, being the lower right-

hand corner of the sheet, with remains of five or six lines. Purport,

probably deed of sale of land, similar to Nos. 1 and 2.

No. 4. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 2 x If". A small fragment, from the

lower edge of the sheet, inscribed on each of the two sides with the

remains of two lines of writing in Naskhi characters. Purport un¬

certain ; perhaps a letter.

Script and Language.

Second Class. Documents in an Unknown Language.

First Set. Uigur Documents. (Plate V).

This Set comprises 24 specimens. All, except one (No. 1), are

_. _ . incomplete ; many are very small fragments.

Condition aTd Pap!?! The^ were obtained from tbe same Place and

in the same condition as the Persian documents.

Their paper is also of the same kind ; very soft, water-lines are rather

faintly visible ; there are also the same marks of fracture, indicating

folding or transverse water-lines.

The writing on them runs in horizontal lines, from the right to the

left, and seems to be in the Uigur character.

In that case, probably the language also is

Uigur ; but this point must wait for further enquiry. The writing,

which varies much in size, in different specimens, is, as a rule, found

only on one side of the paper ; but one large piece, and a number of

very small fragments, all possibly belonging to the same document,

are inscribed on both sides.

Seeing that they were found mixed up with the Persian documents

of the 11th century A.D., it is probable that

a e and Purport. they are referable to the same date. For the

same reason it is also probable that they are documents of a similar

kind. On one of them the names and marks of illiterate witnesses

can be seen (Plate Y, fig. 3) ; and this probably is a similar deed of

sale of land. Some seem to bear counter- signatures or office-marks in

Arabic (Plate Y, fig. 2).

No. 1. Document. (Plate Y, fig. 2).

Belongs to M. 10. Size, about 6" square. Complete. Inscribed,

on one side only, with six lines of writing in small characters. At

30

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

the bottom apparently an Arabic counter- signature. As shown by the

transverse marks of fracture in the paper, the document may have been

originally folded up in eight narrow folds, about f " wide. Purport,

unknown.

No. 2. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 7f x 4J". Irregular fragment ; complete

at bottom. Inscribed, only on one side, with eight mutilated lines of small

writing, followed by a 9th line in Arabic characters. Purport unknown.

No. 3. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, about 6 " square. Fragment, being the

right-hand lower corner of sheet. Inscribed, on one side only, with

six mutilated lines of large writing. Purport, unknown.

No. 4. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 7^x3£". Yery irregular fragment, from

middle of sheet. Inscribed, on one side only, with 8 mutilated lines of

large writing. Purport, unknown.

No. 5. Document. (Plate Y, fig. 3).

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 5 x 2|". Fragment ; left-hand lower

comer of sheet. Inscribed, only on one side, with nine mutilated lines

of large and small writing ; also with a cross ( -f ) and a crossed

circle (©), being the marks of two illiterate witnesses. Purport,

probably a record of some sale.

Nos. 6-12. Documents.

Belong to M. 10. Yery small and very irregular fragments, from

middle of several sheets, inscribed with remains of large (Plate Y,

fig. 4), and small writing, some of them, possibly, being portions of the

previously described numbers.

No. 13. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size, 7 x 3". Fragment, complete on left, but

irregularly tom on the other sides. Inscribed, on both sides, with eleven

or twelve mutilated lines of small writing, running in opposite directions

on the two sides. Purport, unknown.

Nos. 14-24. Documents.

Belong to M. 10. Minute fragments of very irregular shape.

Inscribed on both sides with traces of small writing. All of them,

perhaps, portions of No. 13.

Second Set. Brahmi Documents. (Plates YI and YII).

This Set comprises 69 specimens. Among them there are thirteen,

sheets, which are entire or nearly so, and of which one belongs to M. 3,

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

31

Findplace.

eight to M. 9, one to M. 10, and three to G. 1. The remaining’ 56 "are

Number and fragments, mostly, from G. 1, and varying in

Condition size ^rom minu4e pieces to half sheets. All

those belonging to Gr. 1 were received by me in

crumbled lumps of waste paper, and required very careful opening-up

and flattening-out, as described in the Journal of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal, Yol. XYI (1897), p. 226.

Regarding their findplace there is some uncertainty. Those belong¬

ing to M. 3, M. 9 and M. 10 were procured

from a Khotan trader Badruddln, who could

or would give no information respecting their provenance. From the

same trader the Chinese documents belonging to M. 3 and M. 9 were

procured. On the other hand, the Brahmi documents belonging to

G. 1 are said to have been dug up “ near some old buried city in the

vicinity of Kuchar ” ( Introd ., p. ix) ; and from the same locality are

said to have come the fragmentary Pothis (Nos. 3 and 5 of Set I, and

Nos. 4, 5, 6 of Set II) and the two fragments of Chinese documents

which belong to G. 1. One of those Pothis (No. 6 of Set II) is written

in the same Brahmi script as the Brahmi documents ; and the whole of

these documents and Pothis are written on the same kind of paper.

Seeing that some manuscripts, written on the same kind of paper and

in the same scripts were dug up by Dr. Stein in Dandan Uiliq, it seems

not improbable that the whole of the manuscripts above enumerated

really came from that sand-buried old site. That, in any case, the

whole of the Brahmi documents came from the same locality, and even

belonged to the same community, seems to be clearly proved by the fact

that the same names of persons (see below, p. 33) reappear in different

documents.

Most of the complete documents are fully dated (see below, p. 35) ;

but unfortunately the key to the system of dating is, as yet unknown.

Hence we are reduced to estimating their age from indirect evidence.

On paleeographical grounds, as explained ante , p. 15, it is probable

that the approximate date of the Brahmi

script, as seen in the documents, is the 8th

century A.D. This attribution is confirmed by the circumstance that a

short remark in the same Brahmi script is seen in one of the Chinese

documents (No. 4), which were found together with the Brahmi

Documents, while on the other hand two other Chinese documents

(Nos. 1 and 3), which evidently belong to the same find, are actually

dated in the latter half of the 8th century (768 and 786 A.D.) It

seems certain, therefore, that the documents were written about that time,

and that the species of Brahmi script which is seen in them, was then

32

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Script.

the prevalent cursive style of writing among a certain class of people in

Eastern Turkestan.

The material on which the documents are written is exactly the

same kind of thin, coarse, whitish, water-lined

aper an n ing. paper as that 0f the Chinese documents. It

is also very similar to that of certain Pothis, especially Nos. 5 and 6 of

Set II. The water-lines are, longitudinally, 13 or 14 to an inch ;

transverse water-lines are mostly absent ; only on three (Nos. 1, 3, 9)

of the complete sheets any distinct traces of them can be seen, f to 1"

apart. The size of the mould must have been about 16 x 12", the

greatest dimensions of sheets, either way, actually measured being 15

and 11^ inches. Professor Wiesner’s tests have revealed no trace of

loading with starch. The writing always runs parallel to the shorter

side and therefore, across the close-spaced water-lines. It is also, as a

rule, confined to one side of the paper ; only a few fragments (Nos. 28,

29, 48, 50) have a few letters on the reverse. A brush and China ink

seems to have been used in writing.

The script of the documents is a species of cursive Brahmi. Its

affinities and date have been discussed in con¬

nection with the Pothis, and are illustrated

by Table II, where the letters of the script are shown in column 19.

Its approximate date is probably the 8th century A.D. Two varieties

of hand can be distinguished in the document, one with rounded, the

other with angular forms. A specimen of the latter is shown on

plate VII., fig. 2. The former may be seen in Plates II, fig. 6, VI, and

VII, fig. 1. In the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI

(1897), Plates xxi-xxiv, I published a Table of the alphabet of the script.

Further investigation has shown that it is not correct in several

particulars : the signs for ta and ma had been wrongly identified as bha

and rja, and the existence of some special signs in the form of a hook or

a curve had not been recognized : there are also some minor errors ; e.g.

in identifying some forms of the vowels o and i which nearly resemble

each other. Accordingly a revised alphabet is now given in Table III,

which also now shows the full system of numeral figures.

The language of the documents has not yet been identified ; but one

point seems to be certain, that it is different

from the unknown language of the Pothis of

Set II ; e.g., none of the characteristic conjunct consonants of the latter

occur in the Brahmi documents. Only a few of the words or phrases

have, as yet, been determined, but these seem to prove clearly that the

language of the documents is an Indo-Iranian dialect, having affinities

both with Persian and the Indian Vernaculars, in addition to pecularities

Language.

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

33

of its own which connect it with the dialects of the Western Highlands of

Central Asia. To me it appears that it has its nearest congeners in the

so-called Ghalchah dialects of the Pamir, the Sariq-qoli, Shighni,

Wakhi. Munjani, Sanglichi. For an account of these may be consulted

Dr. Grierson’s ‘‘Languages of the North-Western Frontier,” in the

Linguistic Survey of India, where also references to other authorities

will be found.

In the phonetics of the language the most striking point is that it

possesses no sonant aspirates (gh,jh, dh , dh , bh) : the guttural y, as a

non-conjunct,6 is also absent. With these exceptions, to judge by the

alphabetic system, it seems to possess all the ordinary sounds of the

Sanskrit phonetic system, including the cerebrals, the three sibilants

s, g and s, the four nasals h, n , m, n , and the anusvara. The palatal

nasal h (initial as well as medial) and the cerebral nasal n (only

medial) do not occur often, and, as a rule, only in names (e.g.,

Puhadatto , Raliaja) or technical terms (e.g., ksdna) which are sugges¬

tive of an Indian origin. The exact force of the palatal and cerebral

sibilants is uncertain ; thus we have gumdasa ‘ sixteen ’ for Sanskrit

sodaga , and sausa or ssausa ‘ six ’ corresponding to Shighni khhaushkh

and Wakhi shadh or shaz. Moreover the existence of peculiar dialecting

sounds seem to be indicated by the occurrence in the script of a special

sign, consisting in a subscript curve or hook, which is found with

certain words and letters, and even with these not uniformly, and the

exact signification of which I have not been able to discover.? The

quality of the vowels seems to be rather undefined. Thus o and i

are often confounded ; e.g., the word homi, as spelled in the documents

Nos. 2, 9, 10, appears as himo in Nos. 1 and 4, and as himi in No. 18.

No. 12, which throughout uses for both vowels but one sign, a kind of

double dot (properly a modification of the ordinary sign of the vowel

o, see Table II), spells it hdma.

With regard to the Vocabulary, I have succeeded in determining

a considerable number of words, either names, or terms, or numerals.

Some obviously suggest Indian, Persian or Ghalchah affinities, others

are peculiar. I may give a few examples. Indian names are : Puhadatto

(Skr.8 Punyadatta ), Suhadatto (Skr. Qubhadatta), Barmapuho (Skr.

Bharmapunya), Pharsapuho (Skr. Spargapunya), Budasamgo (Skr.

*

8 The anusvara in such words as samga, may represent a conjunct guttural nasal.

T An example of the use of the hook may be seen in the word si in Plate I,

fig. 6, line 1. The letters with which it is found are a, d, k, d, p, ph, b, g, s, h. In the

transcripts, given in the sequel, they are indicated by an apostrophe placed under them.

8 Sg. = Sanglichi ; M. = Munjani ; W. = Wakhi ; Sr. = Sariq-qoli ; Sh. - Shighni ;

Prs. =* Persian ; Ind. = Indian; Skr. =* Sanskrit ; Pr. “Prakrit,

J. i. 5

34

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia . [Bxtra ^No. I,

Buddhasayga) , Jsajsako (Skr. Ydjaka , Pr. Jdjaka ), Qilako (Skr. Qilaka. ),

Mahugri (Skr. Manjugri ), etc. Persian names are Mahvetari or Mah-

vittaro (Prs. Mihtar), ArsaZurii (Prs. Arslan?). Peculiar names are

IChattinai , Briydsi , Vikausa , etc. Terms signifying divisions of time

are fcsawo ‘cycle’ (Skr. ksana?)-, sali or saly a, ‘year’ (Prs. sdZ), mapfo

‘ month. ’ ( Sariqqoli raas£, Shighni ) ; peculiar is hada ‘ day.’ The name

of one of the months is Skarih-vari (Prs. Shahriwar , see below). Other

miscellaneous words, of a more or less certain meaning, are u ‘and’

(Wakhi u or o), khu ‘self’ (Sr. and Sg. fek), homi or homo auxi¬

liary verb (Wakhi hiimu), hamgusto ‘witness,’ vigto ‘become’ (Wakhi

wast) ; spa-ta ‘ our ’ (Wak]ji spa ? ). The numerals are as follows : —

1 (not observed).

2 do (Sg. du, M. do).

3 trai (Sg. trai , W. trui).

4 saspari (Sg. safor, Sr. tsavur).

5 pamji (Sg., W. panz, Sr., Sh.

pinj).

6 ssausa or sausa (Sh. khhaushkh ,

W. shaz).

20 hist a (W., Sr. hist, wist).

30 siyyam (W., Sr. s£).

80 saspari-histo (W., Sr. tsavur-

vist) .

100 se or sai or say a (Ind. sai, sau ).

7 (not observed).

8 hasta (Prs. hast, Sh. washkht).

9 no or nau (W., M. nau ).

10 dasa (Sg., Ind. das).

12 dodasau or dvadaso (Skr. dvd-

daga).

16 gumdasa or gumdaso (Skr. so-

claga).

500 pam-se.

1000 hsaro or hajsaro (W., Prs.

hazdr).

2000 dvi-hsdri.

3000 trai-hsari, etc.

Numerals are written in two ways : either in words or in figures.

When written in words, these are frequently abbreviated ; thus, pam for

pamji, and hsa for hsdro. The figure notation is the ancient Indian,

which possesses no cypher, but twenty figures ; viz., 9 for the units, 9

for the tens, one for hundred, and one for thousand (see Table III).

The multiples of hundred and thousand are expressed by ligatures of

the figures of those two numbers with the unit figures. Thus 13 is

expressed by the juxtaposition of the figure for 10 and the figure for

3 (10 + 3); 3750 is represented by the three figures for 3000, 700, 50;

similarly 8800 by the two figures for 8000 and 800 (see Table III).

Addition is made by post-positing, and multiplication by pre-positing a

unit figure or unit word. Thus 22 is histo-do (i.e., 20 + 2) ; 80 is saspari-

histo (i.e., 4 x 20) ; 300 is trai-se (i.e., 3 x 100).

With regard to other grammatical forms I have noticed the follow¬

ing inflexions : aro indicates the plural ; e.g., Dharmapuno hamgusto vigto

‘ Darmapuno has become witness ; ’ but Briydsi u Budagam hamgusti

vigtdro ‘ Briyasi and Budarin have become witnesses.’ Mye or cu and

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

35

i or e or ai indicate the locative (or oblique) case ; e.g., bista-mye salye

4 in the 20th year ’ ; dasa-mye hadai 4 on the 10th day ’ ; ssausa-cu salya

4 in the 6th year ’ ; Kaji 4 in the (month) Kaja .’

An interesting fact is that ten of the complete documents are fully

dated : also several of the fragments show mutilated dates. I have

succeeded in reading the dates, but the key to interpreting them is still

to be discovered. In its fullest form the date is seen in the following

opening passage of the document No. 8 (Plate VII, fig. 2).

17-mye hsdni ssausa-cu salya Naha mdQto 17-mye liadai ,

i.e., 4 in the 17th cycle, the sixth year, the month Naha, the 17th day.’

But hsdni is usually omitted, as in the opening passage of the

document No. 13 (Plate II, fig. 6).

bista-mye salye Kaji maqto dasa-mye hadai ,

i.e., ‘in the twentieth year, the month Kaji, the tenth day.’

The month’s name and the numbers are frequently post-posited, as

in the opening clause of the document No. 12.

sali 20 mdgto Ghvdtaja hadd 23-mye,

i.e., 4 in the year 20, the month Chvataja, the day 23.’

It will be noticed that the forms salya or salye and hadai are only

used when they follow the numeral qualified by mye ; otherwise sali and

hadd are used. This seems to point to the former being inflected forms.

Prom its position in the series, the term hadd (or hadai) can only mean

4 day.’ For the same reason hsdni should signify a larger period than a

year. Hence, I have provisionally translated it by 4 cycle.’ But there

are difficulties. Two hsdnas are named in the documents : the 17th and

the 19th ; and once the term hsani occurs without any number qualifying

it. In the latter case, as well as in that of the 19th hsana , the 20th year

is mentioned ; and the highest number of years mentioned in any document

is 22. It follows that none of the well-known cycles will fit in : the

12 years’ cycle is too short, and the 100 years’ and 60 years’ cycles are

too long. A double 12 years’ cycle might suit : from the 6th year of the

17th to the 20th year of the 19th cycle we should have (18 + 24 + 20 = )

62 years. So, after all, hsdni may signify something different : possibly

it may refer to the number of the register, or of a local division.

The months are always quoted by their names. I have observed

nine of these: (1) Sharh-vdri or Sharih-vari, (2) Gvataja; (3) Buhaja

(or Muhaja ), (4) Khahsdja or Khahsd , (5) Hamtyaji , (6) Nahaja or

Naha , (7) Jeri , (8) Kaja , (9) Pdhiji. Two others are mutilated :

* * hhaji , and # i * Ija. Of these names Sharih-vdri or Sharh-vdri is

evidently identical with the old Persian hsathra-vairya and the modern

Persian Sliahrivar , the sixth month of the year. No other name seems

to yield to a similar identification ; on the contrary Gvataja (or Gvata)

36

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

and Jeri rather suggest some connection with Sanskrit Caitra (March-

April) and Jyestha (Hindi Jeth , May-June).

Most of the dated documents have attached to them one or several

No. 3.

(in one case, No. 9, not less than twelve) names,

accompanied by two or three small vertical

strokes. (See Plates VI and VII.) From this it seems probable that they

are records, similar to the

Persian deeds of sale of

land (Nos. 1 and 2 of Set

II,), and the Chinese deed

of loan (No. 3 of Set I),

attested by the names and

marks of witnesses. Three

other complete documents

(Nos. 5, 6, 10; see also

No. 65) have no names and

marks of witnesses, but

stamps or signatures, not

yet deciphered, but ap¬

parently in Chinese ; shown

in the marginal Woodcut

No. 3. These, accordingly,

like some of the other Chinese 'documents (Nos. 1, 4, 8), may be requisi¬

tion orders or certificates of [payment of taxes, bearing Chinese office

stamps or signatures. As to the remaining complete documents and the

fragments, it may be presumed that their purport is similar.

(No. 1. Document. (Plate VI.)

*

Belongs to M. 9. Size, 13|rX lli", or nearly a full sheet. Record

complete, in 12 lines, running parallel to shorter side, about one inch

apart from one another, with about 28 or 30 letters in the line, in a

round hand. Bottom of sheet, from 2 to 3 inches, blank. Dated, at the

beginning, “on the 5th day of the month Skarh-varo, in the 17th year.”

Apparently consists of two parts : the first, comprising 9 lines, signed by

two persons Briyasi and Budarin ; then follows postscript, of 3 lines,

signed by one Punagam.

The following is a transcript of the document:

(1) Om sail 17 magto Skay'hvdro hada 5 hvam-no-nu-do-vi-ga-va-ham

tto-ha beda si pidako

(2) mye pracaina cud sldako na dau na-sti ksl-rii ki-ro vi ham-tsa ru

ci gam-kye jsa ci buro tva sa-

(3) li pyam tsa sta ksi-ru hi ra pajide sldako liedo pha ra ko ba ko

cam-do pajide u ci va vd

Section III. Manuscripts.

37

1901.]

(4) ra mam-ga-ra cam-ga ide tty dm Briyasi u Budagam chiySya tti do

sidako va-gva-ro-no-gto

(5) u vaha Briyasi cem-gam js{a)ro hamayo haudo khu vet nau ha

salye hi sai jsaro ttu sidako he-

(6) do u Briyasi hldo hamayo do u evai va da-sta pa mu hi tsl ttu tl

sidako yldo ru hi

(7) (sa)lu no nara dohimi-mye hada vl tardm mi ci va tram do ttlra

• si pldako pram-mam hi-

(8) (mo khu)-hd Briyasi hu Budagam liamgusti vigtdro

Briyasi \ ham | gu | sto

(9) tto huro vara hydm naya Budagam \ ham | gu | sto

(10) Puhagdm II ci vaha ru stam Briyasi jam plia himd de Budagam nl

ha chlydyl do si-

ill) Khaugyam II dako va-gvd-ro-no-gto Puhagdm | ham \ gu | sto

(12) Hatkam

No. 2. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size, ll|x8f", rather more than one-half of a

full sheet. Record complete, in 8 lines, parallel to longer side, with 17

letters in the line, in a large, round hand. Dated, at the beginning,

“on the 8th day of the month Cvataja, in the 11th year.” Signed by

one person, Punanjam.

No. 3. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size, 111x61", rather less than one-half a full

sheet ; upper left-hand corner torn away. Beginning of first three lines

slightly mutilated, otherwise record complete, in 7 lines, parallel to

longer side, with 27 or 28 letters in the line, in round hand. Dated, at

the beginning, “on the 22nd day of the month Kaja, in the 3rd (?)

year.” Signed by one person, Darmapuno.

No. 4. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size Ilf x ", rather less than one-half a full

sheet. Small piece, with two letters, in lower right-hand corner torn

off ; otherwise record complete, in 7 lines, parallel to longer side, with

24 letters in the line, in round hand. No date. Signed by one An jam.

No. 5. Document. (Plate VII, fig. 1.)

Belongs to M. 9. Size, lOf x 6f ", clean cut along the edges.

Record complete, in 6 lines parallel to longer side, with 23-30 letters in a

line, in round hand. Dated, apparently at the end, “ on the 10th day of the

month Jeri.” In place of usual signature, a large illegible Chinese stamp.

The following is a transcript of the document:

(1) Om ssau phvai Jivu hi tta pari

sidako vara u tty dm hvarh-

gahseta spdtd

38

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

(2) dfim vara cu pemmtnS thauna pudam da u tliauna ni hauddm da

vanau va mara ha ru sdm ma de u

(3) ha tto kam miiri ji std do-dasau hsdrya trai se ttydm muryau jsa

kfirii ha thaunako gvascam do

(4) trai se pam-saya pemminai yum jsa than gvascem di-rso chd khu

y

parau pvi rau tti mu-

(5) ri hadd ham-gi pu sa hauda ham-tsa hsam thi na khu gau jva na

ni da-gl dohi-mye

(6) ttdm Jeri 10-mye hadai ttd parau tsve (Stamp)

No. 6. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size 11 x 6J", but a narrow strip, about f-1" wide,

torn off along the left edge, mutilating one or two initial letters of each

line. Otherwise record complete, in 7 lines, parallel to longer side, with

24-26 letters in the line, in round hand. Dated, apparently at the end,

“ on the 6th day of the month Hamtyaji.” In the body, also, a mention

of the month Kaji. In place of usual signature, an illegible Chinese

stamp.

No. 7. Document.

Belongs to M. 9. Size 11 x 8". Apparently an unfinished document

consisting of one line and a half of writing in round hand. Neither

signature, nor stamp ; and dated, at the beginning, only “ in the month

Skarih-vari. A large piece is torn out of the lower blank portion of the

sheet.

No. 8. Document. (Plate VII, fig. 2).

Belongs to M. 9. Size 11 x6" ; clean cut along the edges ; rather

more than one-third of a sheet. Record complete, in 6 lines, parallel to

longer side, with 9-22 letters in the line, in an angular hand. Dated, at

the beginning, “ on the 17th day of the month Naha, in the 6th year, in

the 17th ksdna .” At the end, no signature, but two scrawls which

perhaps may represent some equivalent mark (see No. 12).

The following is a transcript of the document :

(1) Om 17-mye ksand sausa-cii salya Ndha mafia 17-mye hadai gah-

sata

(2) ja auya Cvatajo mdfiu thamga samau tam da hauda ka hvamda

ho- '

(3) mya 55 thamga ye pam-hsdro pam-se miira xe X Xy murahsdri

(4) sa to-na ham-khl ga-hsa-da hvam-da 7 mara mu namX X xpa jsa

(5) hau para do-rsa na x uu hvajh-dii dasau ham ha x % X 'd xa-

y

mya

(6) 55 || ^

1901.]

Section III. Manuscripts.

39

No. 9. Document.

Belongs to M. 10. Size 11 x 14§", being a full sheet, but a narrow

strip, about wide, torn off along the left edge, with 1-3 initial letters

of a few lines. Record practically complete, in 22 lines, parallel to

shorter side, with 21-23 letters in the line. Dated, at the beginning,

“ on the 23rd day of the month Skarih-vari, in the 22nd year.” Signed

by 12 witnesses, arranged in two columns, thus :

Briyyasi. Vikausa.

Punagam. Mupadatto.

Maiyadato. Jasamna.

Anjai. Arsoli.

fala.

Jsajsaki.

Phemkruki.

Mahvetari.

No. 10. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Size, 11 x9J ; a small blank piece, about l£x 1J",

torn out of left-hand edge. Record complete, in 11 lines, parallel to

longer side, with 16-19 letters in a line, in a large round hand, consisting

of two parts : the first part, of 8 lines, dated at the beginning, “ on the

20th day of the month Nahaja, in the 20th year,” and signed by a

witness Afonekule. The second part, of 3 lines, is also apparently dated

at the beginning, “in Jcsani (without any number), in the 20th year,

on the 26th day of the month ^ahaji,” and has only a small illegible

(Chinese ?) signature or mark.

No. 11. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Size ll^x7f. Two narrow tongues tom out of

the top and bottom of the sheet, causing the loss of a few letters ; other¬

wise record complete, in 8 lines, parallel to shorter side, with 27 to 29

letters in a line, in round hand. Ink very much faded, and writing very

difficult to read. Dated, at the beginning, “ on the 23rd day of the

month Khahsaja, in the 19th ksani ; ” no year. Also no signature of

witness, nor stamp. In the body of the record occur several names,

such as Jsajsako, Gaudako, Upadatto, Jigemdai, Jahsabudo, Irasamgo, etc.

No. 12. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, Yol. LXYI (1897), Plate Y. Size ll|x9"; but a

portion of the blank bottom of the sheet torn off. Record complete, in

8 lines, parallel to shorter side, with 26 or 28 letters to the line, in a

large semi-angular hand. Dated, at the beginning, “ on the 23rd day

of the month Cvataja, in the 20th year.” Signed by one Mamdrusa.

40

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

At the end, two scrawls, similar to those in No. 8. A revised reading is

herewith added : —

(1) Om soli 20 mdgtd Cvdtaja hada 20 3-mye hvam-nd-hdm-dd-vd-ga-

vd-ha/m dd kye ssau Vdkya-

(2) dattd gd-rya vd-dd pifakd-mye pracaina cd bugura Mamdrusd

na ram-dd ga-rye a vi mya

(3) gam rsa ku dai vi-ra trai ku ge rcu-rd vd-ga-ra pi ha ve murd

hsdra ttd bu-rd-mye gam kye hajsd-

(4) ram na u cd jsai puha-vd-rgd hi ya x x hd vd jsa Sanekuld hivi

ka da kd ttd-ha

(5) sa gam ha-khui bugura gd-ka-ra-kd-std i-dd khuai tti Mamdrusd

rcu-rd vd-^a-ra bur a

(6) i-hsgd na-te i-hsge-de mam-gd-da ra nd i-hsga-rya hdmd ti-ra sa

pi(daka) pram-

(7) via rib khu-hd Mamdrusd hamgusfd vdgta ttd burd va-ra by dm na-ya

bye Arsalam bye X,

(8) ha X ai bu X na da bye X da £2 Mamdru \ sd | ham(gusta \

vdgtd).

The letters connected with a hyphen form groups which occur also in

other documents.

No. 13. Document. (Plate II, fig. 6).

Belongs to M. 3. Size 15 x 9|", but a strip, perhaps 1-1|" wide,

torn off along the left edge, probably originally a full sheet. Record

complete, in 12 lines, parallel to shorter side, with 24-26 letters in the

line, in round hand. Dated, at the beginning, “on the tenth day of

the month Kaji, in the twentieth year.” Signed by 7 persons, arranged

in one column: Alttam, Phekruko, Hatkam, Mayadatto, Budapam,

Nuhadatto, Jsajsako. In Plate II, fig. 6, the two initial lines are shown.

They read as follows :

(1) [Om] bistamye salye Kaji mdgto dasamye hadai si par av a

(2) \_pidako-mye~\ pracaina cu a na hvd cai sai tto mure hd yitti bu-ru

No. 14. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Incomplete, lower half of sheet torn off ; size of

existing upper half, llx5|", damaged. Only two complete, and three

mutilated lines. Dated, at the beginning, “on the 10th day of the

month *i*ija, in the 5th year.” Signatures, if any, lost.

No. 15. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Incomplete ; right half and portion of blank

bottom torn away ; existing size 13| x 6|". Record consists of 11 lines,

parallel to shorter side, with about 13 01*^14 letters surviving in a line.

It is divided into four parts of 3, 4, 2, 2 lines respectively ; three of them

1901.]

41

Section III. — Manuscripts.

dated, the first “ in the 6tli year,” the third “ on the 29tli day of the

month Banaja or M.unaja, the fourth “ in the month Cvataja.” The

signatures, if there were any, are lost with the excised right half ; but

the following names occur in the text of the four entries : in No. 1,

Khattinai, in No. 2, Punagam and Phemkruko, in Nos. 3 and 4, Khattlnai

and Phemkruko.

No. 16. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Published by me in the Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, Yol. LXYI (1897), Plate vi, No. 9. Mutilated on

three sides, right, left, and bottom ; existing size 8| X 6". Record in

6 lines, parallel to shorter side. Date and signatures, if any, lost ; but

the month Nahaja, and the personal name Manu^ri occur in the text.

No. 17. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Published by me ibidem , Plate viii, No. 11.

Mutilated on two sides, left and top, being the larger portion of the

lower half of the document ; existing size 8 x Record, in 9 lines,

parallel to longer side, all more or less mutilated. It is divided into

several parts, of three of which fragments survive. The second part

comprises the (existing) lines 2-5 ; it begins with the mutilated date

“on the 13th day of the month . and ends with the name and

mark of one Nuhadato. The third part comprises lines 6-8 ; the date,

if any, is lost ; but it is signed by one Rammaki. Of the first part

only the concluding line (i.e., the existing first line) remains, showing

the two names palam and Phemkruko.

No. 18. Document.

Belongs to G. 1. Mutilated apparently on three sides, top, left, and

bottom; existing size, 7|x4|". Record in five more or less mutilated

lines, comprising two entries, of 2 and 3 lines respectively. Date of either,

if any, lost ; but the first signed by Mahvittaro, the second by Mar^oko.

Nos. 19-69. Documents.

All belong to G. 1, except Nos. 30, 55, 58, 59, 65, 68, which belong

to M. 3. All are small fragments of various sizes, not deserving any

detailed description. Specimens may be seen in the Journal Asiatic

Society Bengal, Yol. LXYI (1897), Plates iv, Nos. 6, 7, vi, No. 10,

vii, Nos. 12-15. The following points, however, may be noted. Nos.

28, 29, 48, 50 are peculiar in showing a few words inscribed on their

back; thus No. 48 has on the back the names of the two persons

Punagam and Phemkruki ; and No. 50 has a mutilated date “ on the

5th day of the month Paniji,” the year being lost. No. 65 shows a

small-sized elaborate (Chinese ?) mark or signature, similar to that on

No. 10. On No. 23 occurs the date “ on the 22nd day of the month

Cvataji ” ; and on No. 29 the mutilated name of the month x x hhaji.

J. i. 6

42

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Section IV.— POTTERY, TERRACOTTAS, MISCELLANEOUS

OBJECTS.

In the description of the objects dealt with in this Section, I mnst

limit myself to a simple classification and explanation of the illustra¬

tive Plates VIII-XIII. There is one point, however, which has struck

me, and which I should like to point out : the very curious analogies to

objects of Greek art of an early date. They will be referred to in con¬

nection with each Plate. I only state the facts, as noticed by me.

What conclusions they may justify, I must leave to experts to determine.

Plate VIII.

In this Plate fragments of a kind of decorated jar are shown. Its

probable appearance, when complete, is shown in the Frontispiece of

Part I, which is reconstructed from the fragments Nos. 1, 2, 7, 8, 14.

At the time when this was prepared, in 1899, the only uncertain point

was whether or not the jar was furnished with a foot. From various

indications I came to the conclusion that it probably had no foot, but

resembled in shape the well-known round-bottomed Indian ghara, (Sans¬

krit ghata), of which a plain miniature specimen is shown in No. 5. In

the meantime figures of two much better preserved specimens have been

published by Dr. Sven Hedin in his Burch Asiens Wusten , vol. II, p. 43.

These show that the jar in question was more probably furnished with

a foot, and possessed the shape shown in Woodcut No. IV, 1. With

this exception, the re-construction, is substantially correct. A revised

No. IV.

1

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects.

43

re-construction, however, with the foot, is now published with Part II.

The jar was furnished with three handles. This is proved by No. 7 which

shows the fractured bases of the three handles, equidistant from one

another. The fact is also clearly indicated in Dr. Sven Hedin’s figures.

In the case of the smaller jar, the neck and handles are missing, but the

three heads, on the shoulder of the jar, from which the three handles

sprang, are still there. His larger jar possesses the neck and one of the

handles, but from the arrangement of the decorations of the neck, it is

probable that originally it possessed three handles. The possession of

three handles seems to me to be a point specially worth noting. Three-

handled jars or vases are not at all uncommon in very early Greek art.

I have seen numerous specimens ( e.g ., in the British Museum, the

Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, and the Akademische Kunst Museum in

Bonn) from the Mycenian age and area, also from Cyprus. Some may be

seen figured in the MyJcenische Tongefasse of Furtwangler and Loschke,

Plates III, 10, VII, 42; also in their MyJcenische Vasen , Plates I, 1.3,

III, 19.20 IV, 26, etc. On the other hand, they are entirely absent from

the Classical Greek age and area,1 and only reappear at a comparatively

late date. The only three-handled vessels that I remember having seen

are certain Roman vases of the 2nd century A.D., in the Provincial

Museum in Bonn. N^. V.

1 I am referring here to true three-handled vessels, all the handles of which are

alike in form and position. False three-handled vessels do occur in classical Greek

44

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

The handles are made, in the form of animals or griffins (see Nos.

10, 11, J4), standing np and bending over the rim of the vessel, as seen

in No. 8. In the three-handled Mycenian vases, above referred to, the

handles, ordinarily are short curves attached to the shoulder of the vessel ;

see Woodcut No. V, 1.2. But examples of three handles rising from

the shoulder to the top of the neck (as in the Khotan jarsj do occasion¬

ally occur ; one is shown in the Mykenische Vasen, Plate VIII, No. 44.

(Woodcut No. V, 3). In the Roman vases a somewhat similar form of

handle is usual ; see Woodcut No. Y, 4. In these cases the handles are

plain ; but plain handles have been found also in Khotan, as in the

larger of the two jars of Dr. Sven Hedin (Woodcut No. IY, 1), where the

body is richly decorated in the usual way, while the handle is compara¬

tively plain. Handles imitating animal forms, the Khotanese fashion,

are extremely rare in Greek art. The only example I remember having

noticed is an Etrurian cantharus, figured in Ridgeway’s Early Age of

Greece, yo\. I, p. 67 (Woodcut No. IY, 2). It has only two handles,

but they terminate in ram’s heads which similarly bend over the rim of

the vessel.2 The case of the two-handled cup, ornamented with horses,

which is shown in Professor Furtwiingler’s Bronzen von Olympia , p. 96,

Plate XXXY, No. 671 (Woodcut No. Y, 5), is different. Here the

horses, which look over the rim, are not a constituent element of the

handles, but are full figures placed on the top of the handles, as mere

accessory ornaments. This kind of treatment of animal forms, however,

does not seem to be unknown to Khotanese art. The bird, shown in No.

12 and in Plate XIX of Part I, No. 50, probably served to adorn the

top of a plain handle ; or possibly it may have formed the handle of a

lid. It may be compared with the ornamental use of the dove in Greek

art, see the illustrations on pp. 100, 101, 102 of Tsountas and Manatt’s

Mycenian Age.

Among the miniatures, in Plate XIX of Part I, the same bird is

represented, in No. 49, nestled in a flower ; and in No. 70 a twin of them

is represented, provided with monkey’s heads and arms, playing on a lute.

art. In these one of the handles is vertical, while the others are horizontal, as in

the Hydrias called in Italian vasi a tre maniche. (See S. Birch’s History of Ancient

Pottery, new ed„ p. 364).

2 In Bronzen von Olympia, pp. 119, 120, Plate XLV, griffins from the Praenestian

find are shown, but, as Professor Furtwangler explains, these looked outwards, and

did not form proper handles, but were merely decorative ( as shown ibidem, PI. XLIX).

Similar is the case of certain early Cretan vases which are decorated with three

(equidistant) plastic female heads, looking outwards and being only false handles.

See Professor Furtwangler’s Beschreibung der Vasen Sammlung, p. 109, No. 983.

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects. 45

The decorations are of two kinds, either moulded or incised. The

moulded ones were invariably made in separate pieces and stuck on to

the jar before it was fired ( applique work). They separate easily enough

from the fragments of pottery, especially when saturated with salines,

and are found by themselves in large quantities. All the heads, shown

in Plate X, Xos. 1-18, are ornaments of this kind ; so also is the pillar

in Plate VIII, No. 3. Pillars in situ , with Corinthian arches and Bud¬

dhist railings are shown in No. 1. These show distinctly the type of

Graeco-Buddhist art, prevalent, in the earliest centuries of our era, in

the North-western frontier provinces of India. To the same type belong

the full and half figures, which form a very common decoration on the

jars ; see Nos. 2, 4, 7, also Plate IX, Nos. 1-6, 20-23. On the other

hand, the moulded ornaments on the fragment No. 22 of Plate IX

seems to me to show rather an Indo-Parthian type, suggested by the

half-figure wearing the torquis. Some moulded ornaments represent

conventional types of foliage or flower, beautifully executed ; see, e.g .,

No. 1, where it seems to form the moustache of the mask, and No. 13 ;

also Plate IX, Nos. 8, 9, 10, 15, 16. Very similar to No. 10 of Plate IX

is an ornament shown in Purtwangler’s Mykenische Vasen , Hiilfstafel B,

No. 4.

The incised decoration consists of various systems of lines, dots

and ringlets. In No. 1 these elements are arranged in the form of

garlands ; in Nos. 2, 4, 7 we have series of lines arranged horizontally

and vertically ; also series of ringlets arranged in a circle. A great

variety of other arrangements may be seen, e.g ., in Plate IX, Nos. 8, 11,

13-17.

With respect to size, the decorated jar varied greatly. The example,

of the body of which a portion is shown in No. 1 must have measured

about 13 xll inches, while the jar, of which No. 7 shows the neck and

upper part of the body, must have been very small and can have

measured only about 4x3 inches.3 On the other hand, the jar to the

neck of which the fragment, shown in Plate IX, No. 23, belonged, must

have been, to judge from the slightness of curvature of the piece, of very

large dimensions. Vessels of the latter size, to judge from the absence

of wheel marks on the fragments, appear to have been made entirely by

hand. The fragments of the small and medium-sized jars, however,

show distinct traces of having been turned on the wheel.

In addition to these decorated jars, there existed a great variety

of jugs and vases, single-handled and double-handled, of which some

show very artistic designs. A comparatively plain single-handled jug

3 So also Dr. Sven Hedin’s two jars, which, measure only about 4x3 and 3x2

inches.

46

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

is shown in No. 9, in full size. Another miniature plain jug of exqui¬

site shape and make is shown in No. 40 of Plate XIX of Part I, and

some more, of a more ornamental design, are in the same Plate, Nos. 21,

39, 44. The same Plate has also some fine double-handled vases in

Nos. 41, 42, 43, 45. All these are examples of miniatures. The collec¬

tion, apparently, contains no fragments of any similar vessel large

enough for actual use, except perhaps the handle, shown in Plate IX,

No. 19, which may have belonged to a real serviceable cup. But the

absence of fragments is no proof that they may not have existed.

All the vessels — jar, jugs, vases, cups — are made of burnt clay,

extremely hard, with no “ glaze,” but only a “ gloss.” Their colour varies

from a bright red to a very light red, apparently in proportion to the

length of exposure. Some pieces (e.g., Plates X, Nos. 20, 30, 37, 43 ;

XI, Nos. 20, 21 ; XIII, No. 27, Miniatures Nos. 47, 50) are quite whitish,

and apparently made of a different kind of clay ; for they are baked

quite as hard as the red pieces. In one case, No. 7 in Plate IX, the

fragment is almost black, due apparently to over-exposure ; and in this

case, there seems also to be real glazing. One fragment, No. 1 in

Plate X, which shows a grey colour, belonged to a vessel which ap¬

parently was made of a different material. None of the fragments,

included in the Collection, shows any trace of painting or colouring.4

Plate IX.

This Plate comprises a series of fragments, to illustrate the great

variety of moulded and incised ornament. No. 1 shows the half figure

of a Gandharva , bejewelled, holding a garland, and set in a lotus.

This is a very common representation, as may be seen by referring to

No. 23, also Nos. 2 and 4 of Plate VIII, and No. 2 of Plate XII.5 No. 2

shows a curiously dressed figure, suggesting our courtfool’s bell-attire.

No. 3 shows a rustic en face dressed in the Indian loin-cloth ( laggotl ), and

carrying on his head a jar, or some other load, which he steadies with

his right hand.6 * 8 No. 4 shows a turbaned and robed figure, playing

on a flute (ovpiy£ povoKaXafio s) or oboe (auA os). No. 5 shows a similar

figure, playing on a Pan’s pipe (ov/>iy£ 7roXvKaXa/j.os ) made of seven

4 See M. F. Grenard’s observations on Dutreuil de tthin’s collection in Mission

Scientific dans la Haute Asie 1890-1895, Part III, p. 108.

6 A mong Dr. Sven Hedin’s fragments there is a Gandharva who is represented

in a posture exactly similar to that of the monkeys shown in Plate X, Nos. 34 and

35. With his right hand he holds a cup to his mouth, while his left is veretrum

tenens. See below footnote 13.

8 One of Dr. Sven Hedin’s fragments shows a procession of similar rustics,

walking to left, through an arched colonnade.

47

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects.

reecls. No. 6 shows another figure, playing with a pair of cymbals, or

possibly a woman braiding her hair. Nos. 7-18 show a great variety

of line ornaments, accompanying, almost invariably, various forms of

faces or masks. Among them, there are rosettes (No. 11), garlands

(Nos. 14, 15), nets or circles of lines or dots (Nos. 16-18), wavy lines

(No. 11), rows of semicircles or arches (No. 11), etc. No. 19 shows

what probably was the handle of a cup.7 Nos. 20-23 show fragments

of the rim of three large vessels. The rim of one (No. 20) was adorned

with a series of full figures : two men, in laygott, wrestling ; a monkey

squatting on its haunches and holding a large vessel or melon ;8 an

elephant with upturned trunk, carrying two men who squat on its back,

facing one another; a dead bird hung neck upwards (P). Nos. 21 and

22 show the same fragment, inside and outside respectively. The former

is adorned with three rosettes, above a perforated ledge : the latter, with

a Buddhist railing, enclosing a decorated (conventional) cliaitya , and

the half figure of a man wearing a torquis. The rim, shown in No. 23,

was adorned with a series of ornamental arches, within them the usual

Gandharvas with garlands, in the triangular interstices small rosettes,

and above the whole a double circle of alternate beads and lines.

Plate X.

Nos. 1-19 of this Plate illustrate the great variety of heads, or

rather masks, used as ornaments. They all show traces of having

originally been attached to the sides of jars. They were moulded

separately and stuck on to the jar before it was baked ; and they come

off with comparative ease, especially from pieces saturated with salines.

Apparently they were used, as a rule, by themselves ; but occasionally,

as shown by a fragment in Dr. Sven Hedin’s collection, the head belonged

to a whole applique figure. Nos. 1 and 2 show pieces of the jar still

adhering to them. No. 7 shows the identical mask of which another

specimen is still adhering to the fragment of a jar in Plate IX, No. 17.

Some of the masks represent the faces of men, some with a moustache

(No. 2), others clean-shaven (No. 5), others with round beard (No. 6).

Nos. 7-9 show women’s faces ; some with earrings (Nos. 7, 8), others

with a sort of frill round them (No. 9). Some of the faces (Nos. 10-17)

are made to look canine or feline, with protruding tongue (No. 14), or

roaring with open mouth (No. 15), or showing the teeth (No. 16).

7 I have observed Mykenian cups with similar handles in the British and

Ashmolean Museums.

8 In his Beschreibung der Vasensammlung im Aquarium Professor Furtwangler

notices an early Greek vase from Nola, decorated with a sitting monkey who holds,

in front of him on his knees, a bulging krater.

48

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

No. 18 suggests a vampire ; still more so the mask seen in Plate VIII,

No. 13. No. 19 presents the distinct face of a monkey ; but it is more

probably the front piece of the head of a real figure of a monkey,

similar to the complete head shown in No. 21. There is a very striking

resemblance between the female masks (such as Nos. 7 and 14) and

the Gorgon’s head (with or without protruding tongue), as seen on early

Greek coins of the 6th to 4th centuries B.C., figured in the British

Museum Catalogue of Coins of Macedonia, pp. 83 if., and Eretria, pp. 119

if., plate xxii, Nos. 1-4, 6-10.9

Nos. 20-43 are full figures, made in the round. As a rule, these

figures are made in two portions, the front and back halves being cast

separately in distinct moulds, and afterwards joined together before

baking. The joint may be seen in No. 33, in the fracture of the arm.

Very often the halves come off at the joint, and are found separately.

In figures, like those of the camels (Nos. 20, 26-28) and others (Nos. 29-

31), of course, it is the two sides that are moulded separately.

The most commonly occurring figures apparently are those of

monkeys. They are represented in a great variety of postures and acts,

shown in Nos. 22-25 and 32-43. Such as embracing and kissing (No. 37,

also Plate XIX of Part I, Nos. 66, 67 ; compare also Plate XI, No. 22),

sitting or swinging on a bough and eating (Plate XIX, No. 51 ; in our

Plate, No. 43, where the bough has broken away ; so probably also in

Plate XIX, Nos. 52, 53 ; the object, lying across the lap, apparently a

pad, to be seen also in Plate XIX, Nos. 54, 61, is not clear) ; sitting,

kneeling, or squatting, and playing on some musical instrument (Nos. 24,

25, 34, 35, also Plate XIX, Nos. 34, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61) ; sitting medita¬

tively (No. 41 ; also Plate XIX, Nos. 32, 56, 65, 68, 74) ; sitting and

holding a stick or other object (No. 36 ; also Plate XIX, 64) ;10 wearing

a short tunic or a “ comforter” (Nos. 22, 39). In No. 40 the monkey

is represented with a goat’s head ; perhaps also in Nos. 23 and 38. On

the other hand, in Plate XIX, No. 70, twin monkeys, playing on a lute,

are represented with the body of birds. Often, especially when playing

musical instruments, they are represented ithiphallic (Nos. 23-25, 34, 35,

9 Compare also the similar mask of a youth with bull horns and ears, in Pro¬

fessor Furtwangler’s Bronzen von Olympia, Plate LXVIII, No. 1274.

1° Compare No. 1313 in Professor Furtwiingler’s Beschreibung der Vasensamm-

lung im Aquarium, which describes an archaic vessel, made in the form of “a tailless

ape, sitting on a stool, entirely covered with dots (to indicate hair), right hand on

the knee, left hand raised to face, as if wiping it.” See also Birch’s History of

Ancient Pottery (New Ed. 1873), p. 53, which describes Egyptian vases with handles

representing “apes seated and holding forepaws to their mouths.” Also Furtwang¬

ler’s Bronzen von Olympia, PI. IX, No. 81, showing “ squatting monkey with arms

encircling his drawn-up knees.”

49

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects.

also Plate XIX, Xos. 68, 73, compare Xo. 74). The body is often shown

covered with hair, indicated by incised dots or minute strokes (Xos. 33’

40, 41, also Plate XIX, Xos. 65, 66, 68, 73, 74, probably also Xos. 23,

36, and Plate XIX, Xos. 60, 64), but quite as often perfectly hairless

(Xos. 24, 25, 32, 37-39, 43, also Plate XIX, Xos. 51-59, 61-63, compare

especially Xo. 66 with Xo. 67). A common musical instrument is the

syrinx or Pan’s pipe, consisting of seven reeds, and being either of the

usual form of an irregular (Xo. 24), or of a regular (Xo. 25) tetragon.11

A kind of harp is seen in Xo. 34 of Plate XIX, a lute, ibidem , Xos. 55

and 70, a pair of cymbals, ibid., Xo. 60, a small Indian drum, ibid.,

Xo. 61, another kind of small drum, ibid., Xo. 54, a kind of wind in¬

strument, ibid., Xo. 58. 12 In Plate XIX, Xo. 56 a monkey is represented

hallooing through his hands, and ibidem, Xos. 52, 53, 57 whistling with

his fingers (unless the act of eating is intended). All this is very

suggestive of the earlier and coarser forms of the Greek Satyr and Pan,

with his hairy coat, in ithiphallic condition, playing on the syrinx.13

The aspect and habits of the monkeys readily lent them to such repre¬

sentations. It may be noted, also, that in the Atharva Veda the

musical Gandharvas sometimes appear in the form of monkeys, and

thus they are clearly related to the Greek Satyrs and Pans.14 In

Xos. 4-6 of Plate IX, probably performing Gandharvas are represented.

In Dr. Sven Hedin’s collection there is the fragment of a neck of a jar,

which shows a whole circle of Gandharvas performing on drums, harps,

syrinxes, etc. Xotewortliy is the existence of the syrinx on artware

of Eastern Turkestan. That instrument has never, so far as I am

aware, been observed in Indian art. In Xos. 20 and 26-28 we have

the two-humped Bactrian camel which is also seen in Xos. 15, 27, 28

of Plate XIX. The one-humped species is never represented (but sec

below on Plate XIII, Xo. 27). In Xos. 29 and 30 we have a horse

saddled and mounted. Xo. 31 shows a leopard.

11 Both kinds arc frequently seen on Greek vases in connection with Pan ; thus

the regular on Nos. 2900, 3164, 3239, 3240, 3243, 3258, the irregular on No. 4137

in Professor Furtwiingler’s Besclireibung der Vasen Sammlung in Aquarium (pp. 804,

874, 895, 896, 900, 912, 1042).

12 With No. 58 compare No. 1316 in Professor Furtwangler’s Besclireibung ,

representing “ an ape, with the left hand raised to the head, with the right holding

to the mouth a long, sausage-like object and eating it.”

13 For representations of ithiphallic satyrs, see the old Macedonian coins (of

the 5th cent. B.C.) in the British Museum Catalogue, pp. 77, 79, 216. With the satyr

vcrctrum tenens on pp. 78, 80, compare Nos. 34, 35 of our Plate. For a human figure

in the same posture, see above, footnote 5.

4 4 See Professor von Schroeder in Ncue Entdcclcungen Buddhistishcr Alterthumer

in Ost-Tur/cestan (Wiener Zeitung, 2nd and 3rd March, 1900),

J. i. 7

50

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities f rom Central Asia. [Extra Xo. 1,

Plate XI.

This Plate shows a number of heads and busts, male and female.

They are all made in the round, and cannot, therefore, have been intended

to decorate vessels, like the faces or masks, shown in Plate X ; but

whether any belonged to full figures, and what use they subserved is,

in many cases, not apparent. In the case of No. 16, the head is fixed,

with a wooden peg, on a small decorated pedestal, and the whole seems

to have formed a kind of knickknack, 2|- inches high. A similar pedestal,

found separately, is shown in Plate XIII, No. 8 (also in Plate IV, No. 13,

of Part I) ; and this fact proves that such “ knickknacks ” were not

uncommon. But other heads and busts or half-figures can hardly be

explained in this way. On the other hand, fragments of arms or legs

or trunks — such as one would expect to find, if any of the surviving

fragments belonged to full figures — there are none in the collection, and

they do not appear to be found. The large head, shown as No. 1, which

is hollow, with a round aperture on the top and in the neck, may have

formed the neck of a vessel, like some archaic vases found in Cyprus,

Rhodes and other places, and figured in Plate LXXXV of Louis Palma

di Cesnola’s Cypern (tr. by Ludw. Stern).

All these figures were made in two halves, front and back, in

separate moulds, and were afterwards joined together before baking.

Some, like Xos. 1, 5, 10, 12 are made hollow ; but most of the smaller

ones are solid ; e.g ., Xos. 3, 7, 8, 9, 13-21. The head was sometimes

made separately, and provided with a socket bolt (as seen in Xos. 8, 19)

with which it was fixed in an aperture between the shoulders. The

heads of the busts, Xos. 14 and 15, are fixed in this manner. There was

a great variety in the fashion of arranging the hair, of both men and

women ; also in dressing the beard. The coiffure of men is illustrated

by Xos. 1-14; of women, by Xos. 15-21, and 23-26. Xo. 22 shows a

man and woman in embrace ; compare their head-dress with those in

Xos. 9 and 19. Some male heads approach closely the female type, as

in Xo. 4. Others, as in Xos. 5 and 14, show a sectarian mark, in real life

probably painted, on the forehead. On the other hand, Xo. 13 seems to

indicate tattoo marks in the form of dotted circles, or they may be in¬

tended to indicate hair, as in Xos. 5 and 12. Xo. 14 shows a man wearing

an amulet, suspended from his neck ; but it is not clear what the object

may be which he is holding on his back. Xos. 15, 16, 17 show different

styles of female coiffure from the front and back. Xos. 18-21, 23, 24,

give the front view, and Xos. 25, 26, the back view of some others.

Xos. 15 and 18 also show the upper portion of different fashions of

female dress. Xo. 22 shows the head-covering, and jewelry (bracelet,

armlet, necklet, etc.), worn by men and women.

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects. 51

Plate XII.

This Plate comprises only antiques of a distinctly Buddhistic

character. No. 1 is a portion of a wooden board, measuring about

II* X 5| xf inches. Left side, top and bottom are entire ; on the right

side a portion is broken off. It is painted on both sides with sitting

figures of Buddha with aureole behind, done in the Indian style. The

hair is black in one figure, and blue in the other. Their drapery is in

reddish brown, and the nude parts in a pale carnation. The concentric

circles of the aureole are alternately reddish brown and yellow. The

outlines of the figures also are in reddish brown.

Nos. 2 and 3 are of painted stucco, measuring about 5| x 4" and

4 x 3" respectively. No. 2 represents an Apsaras ( or female Gandharva) ,

holding a garland, and rising out of a lotus.16 The lotus is red, the

figure white with black hair, the garland also white. No. 3 shows

Buddha, sitting, as usual, cross-legged with hands folded in the lap, on

a lotus pedestal, and against a double aureole of lotus leaves. The

Buddha is fully draped in blue, his hair and top-knot are black, face

and hands white. The inner aureole, immediately behind him, is red ;

the outer is blue, like the drapery. The pedestal is white.

Nos. 4 and 10 are Buddha heads of grey sandstone, much worn,

measuring about 4 x 2J and 8| x 5 inches respectively. (The smaller

head is also shown in full size in Plate IV, No. 19, of Part I). Peculiar

is the arrangement of the hair and top-knot, in the larger head, No. 10,

in concentric semicircles, arching over the forehead. I do not remember

having observed this peculiar arrangement elsewhere in any representa¬

tion of Buddha.

Nos. 6, 11 and 12 are carvings in black slate, and of very good

Graaco-Buddliist art, such as are well-known from the Indus regions.

They appear to be the oldest pieces in the collection, and probably do

not come originally from Eastern Turkestan. The drapery of the sitting

figure on the back of No. 1 1 is exceedingly good, and suggestive of pure

Greek art. No. 6 is the capital of a small Corinthian pillar, measuring

l^X 1 inches. The upper portion is divided into four sections, contain¬

ing representations, alternatively, of sitting and standing Buddhas.

No. 12 seems to be a portion of a small pilaster, If inches high, with

a flat, smooth back, while the front is carved with figures one above the

other. The upper one is a kneeling figure, with hands folded in adora¬

tion. Of the lower figure only the head remains. No. 11 is a piece of

16 In the Terracotta Room (comp. 34) of the British Museum, there is a Sicilian

plaque (of the 3rd-lst cent. B.C.)in the form of the bust of a winged boy rising

out of a lotus. This is the only instance of a similar object that I have ’noticed in

the British Museum or other collections.

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia.

[Extra No. 1,

KO

t)£

slate carved on both sides, and uncertain what it may have belonged to.

It measures about 3^-xlf inches. The front is carved in a series of

panels, containing Buddhistic scenes. The middle panel shows Buddha

in the witnessing attitude (right hand pointing downwards over the

right knee), surrounded by Mara’s host. The lower panel shows him

in the teaching attitude (right hand raised), surrounded by his disciples.

The upper panel is wholly broken off, together with the head of the

figure carved on the back. This figure, beautifully draped, is represented

sitting on a cushioned stool, the feet placed on a footstool and the right

elbow resting on the right knee, the head inclined forward and supported

by the right hand. Under the seat is seen a vase or water-vessel,

resembling the Indian surahi.

Nos. 5 and 7-9 are of copper or bronze. No. 5 is a piece which

appears to have served as the background to a separate figure of Buddha.

It represents an aureole made up of an arch formed of several minute

Buddhas, each sitting on a stalked lotus. Five of them are preserved ;

the total number probably was seven. They are shaped exactly like,

but only about half the size of, the Buddha figure of No. 7, which

is shown in full size. The latter has a knob on the back, showing

that it was once attached to an aureole, similar but larger than that seen

in No. 5. No. 9 shows a similar series of seven Buddhas, sitting in a

level row on the branches of a tree. The whole must have formed the

top ornament of some other object. No. 8 shows the usual figure of

Buddha, sitting cross-legged and with hands folded in the lap, fully

draped, and with a small circular nimbus behind the head. The figure

sits on what looks like the imitation of a carpet, and against a similar,

nearly circular, aureole-shaped carpet worked with wreaths, hung up

behind.

Plate XIII.

This Plate contains a number of miscellaneous objects, among

which Nos. 1-3 and 5-9 are of terracotta and come from Yotkan in the

Borazan tract near Khotan. Nos. 1-3 are the heads of a boar, a bull, and

a horse, and may have belonged originally to full figure animals ; or they

may have formed ornaments stuck on to the body of vases, like the

half-figures of horses springing from some sepulchral vases found in

Canusium, Calvi and Capua, and to be seen in the Terracotta Room of

the British Museum. No. 5 is a curious head, half man and half beast.

It is perforated through head, neck and mouth, and may have formed a

spout.16 This may also have been the case with No. 6, a large (2f x If")

16 In the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford there are two archaic vases from

Cyprus (of the Geometrical Period) which have spouts in the form of a bull’s head

and neck.

1901.] Section TV. — Tottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneous Objects. 53

well-formed phallus, which is perforated, and bears a small inscription

( ya-vu-du-pa-jd-a ) in Brahml characters of about the 5th century A.D.,

but in an unknown language. No. 7 which, at first sight, suggests a

seal-ring, belongs really (as shown by a specimen in Dr. Stein’s collec¬

tion, Preliminary Report, PI. I A) to a small, narrow-necked vase, of

which it forms the handle, being fixed to its shoulder, with tbe head of

the animal (cp. Plate X, No. 31) pointing downwards. Some three-

handled vases, shown in Professor Furtwangler’s Mykenisclne Vasen ,

Plates I, 1 ; V, 28 A, 28 B, are provided with exactly similar handles.

No. 8 shows top and bottom of a decorated pedestal of the kind of

“ knickknack ” already referred to in connection with Plate XI, No. 16.

No. 9 is a small object in tbe form of two small peacocks (2| x If"),

placed back to back, front and back of the piece being exactly alike ; the

feet, if there were any, are broken off. What use the object may have

subserved is not clear : perhaps it was also a “ knickknack.”

Nos. 4 and 11 show two very crude figures, animal and human,

made of sun-dried mud. I believe myself that they are modern fabrica¬

tions. They bear, on the forehead of No. 4 and the top of the head of

No. 11 the impression of a small oval stamp (like an Egyptian cartouche)

inscribed with four “ unknown ” characters. One of these characters

is quite clear, and is identical with No. 33 of fig. 1 in Table I (Formula

of Blockprints No. IY). Another is apparently the same as No. 3,

ibidem. The other two are not distinguishable. As a model for No. 11

may have served some figure like No. 12.

This figure, No. 12 as well as the objects shown in Nos. 13-15, 17-

20, 23-26 are apparently made of brass, or very light colored bronze.

They are thickly covered with verdigris. Though there is no particular

reason to doubt their genuineness, their age and provenance is quite

uncertain. This remark also applies to the remaining objects shown in

Plate XIII. The two horsemen, shown in Nos. 14 and 15 are those

referred to in the Introduction, p. xxi. The saddle-pad on which the

riders sit is real cloth, in a very rotten state. No. 17, a plain horse,

is hollow, as may be seen from the fracture in front. No. 18 appears to

represent a Garuda , holding a snake in its beak. The body of the snake

(on the left in the Plate) winds in a double circle, arranged so as to

form a socket for holding another object ; and the feet of the bird are

set on a small, semicircularly bent plate with which it could be fixed to

something else. No. 19, resembling the terracotta masks, is much

corroded, and the most antique looking of the lot. No. 20 shows the

arrowhead, referred to on page 67 of Part I of this Report.

Nos. 21, 22, 27, 29 and 30 are made of different kinds of minerals.

No. 21 appears to be a mould cut into a soft grey stone (soap-stone ?) ,

54

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia . [Extra No. 1.

In the middle a helmeted soldier is seen sitting on the ground, surrounded

by a zigzag line, outside which is seen a large face and some undecipher¬

able writing. The object, shown in No. 27, made of a soft white stone,

looks like a single-humped camel, but the completeness of it is doubtful.

No. 29 shows a curious object, made of a soft cream-coloured stone,

being a grotesque human twin figure, in which every part, except the

pair of feet, are duplicated. No. 30 is a pin (broken hair-pin ?) of

white jade. There are two such jade pins in the collection.

The two objects shown in Nos. 28 and 31 appear to be made of horn

The former represents a dragon (in the form of a spout?;, the latter

a pair of fishes (of the zodiac ?).

Plate IV of Part I.

No. 1 shows two sections of what appears to have been a large

circular embossed copper-plate, cut up into large quadrangular pieces.

Some of these were used as guards in the binding of some blockprint

books (see, e.g., No. VII on page 75 of Part I of this Report). Nos. 3,

4, 6-9, and 11 show some pieces of copper, similarly used. Some of

these (No. 3) imitate the genuine Urtuqi coin shown in No. 2 (same as

No. 20 in Plate I of Part I) and described on page 31 of Part I (see

also ibidem , p. 54). The genuineness of all these pieces of copper is

much open to suspicion.

The other objects, shown in Nos. 12-21 are, no doubt, genuine,

though with respect to some of them the age and provenance is quite

uncertain. Certainly ancient are the terracotta pedestal, No. 13 (see

above under Plate XI, No. 8), the stone head of Buddha, No. 19, and

the bronze Sitting Buddha, No. 15. The bronze objects, Nos. 20 and 21,

which are much corroded and sand-worn, are also antique. No. 21 shows

the front and back of a very curious human figure. The objects, shown in

Nos. 14 and 16 are made of a soft grey stone, and appear to be fragments

of a casket. The figure of a bird (goose?), No. 18, is made of brass

or pale bronze. It is provided with a knob or botton in the liollowed-

out interior, by which apparently it could be fixed to some other object.

Plate XIX of Part I.

This Plate shows a variety of miniature objects, most of which

have already been described. For Nos. 2-11, see Part I, Section I, pp.

37 If. ; and for the remainder, see the remarks on Plates VIII-X. The

objects shown in Nos. 1, 12-24, and 26 are of metal, mostly bronze ;

Nos. 21 and 22 seems to be of lead. No. 1 is a sort of sceptre surmounted

with a figure of Buddha, No. 18, the same with a closed fist ; Nos. 13

and 14 are two rosettes, No. 15 is a two-humped camel, perforated,

1901.] Section IV. — Pottery , Terracottas , Miscellaneoiis Objects. 55

perhaps to be worn as a trinket or amulet ; No. 17 a sitting lion (P) ;

No. 18 the head of some animal ; No. 19 a sitting Buddha ; No. 20 a

hand with a bird poised on two outstretched fingers ; No. 21, a jug ;

No. 22, a cock ; Nos. 23 and 24, apparently two vases.

No. 25 shows four perforated beads, made of different minerals.

Nos. 29-36 and 38 are objects made of various kinds of soft stone ;

No. 37, is of white agate. Nos. 39-74 are made of terracotta. No. 69

seems to be a monkey torso, and No. 71 a monkey mother carrying her

young slung on to her back. No. 70 is a curious twin figure, made up of

bird (the same as in Nos. 49, 50) and monkey. Every part is duplicated

except the pair of arms with which the twins play on a lute (the same

as in No 55).

APPENDIX.

Transliteration of

Weber MISS. Part IX and Macartney MSS., Set I.

(See pages 18 and 19 of my Report .)

Note : Many words and letter-groups repeat tliemselves frequently,

and thus afford a fairly safe means of restoring the text. Such resto¬

rations are not specially indicated. Restorations which are open to

doubt are enclosed in round brackets. Letters which have entirely

disappeared but are capable of restoration are shown in angular brackets.

Other lacunae are indicated by dots whose number corresponds to the

probable number of missing letters. With the help of the two Indexes

the restorations can be readily controlled.

. The text contains a certain number of new letters which are not

found in the ordinary Brahmi alphabet. They are shown in the sub-

joined list No. 6.

I ^ kha © kha ^ qa ^

I 2

II tha & thz

qa

i)2

III. KO pha 'tTphz ba 4} cl ha

I 2

IV. H sa ^ > shz.

} '

dhar

dha

V

r dhar £

VI la iGk'T' pal

tr

VII.

VIII

na

tsan

$ri ?r' f

ri

Xo. I, 1 is the ordinary Brahmi kli as in khadira fl. 19s for Sanskrit

khadira. Xo. I, 2 is seen, e.g ., m prapundari&//a fl. 103 for Sanskrit

prapundarika. The former is found exclusively, the latter, as a rule, in

Sanskritic words.

J. i. 8

2

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

No. J, 3 is a slightly modified form of the ordinary old Brahmi q,

as seen ( e.g .) in qeteni fl. 282 for Sanskrit khedeni, and in the letter-

group kaqi fl. 35s. It is preserved in the so-called khoq-seq or “ lion-

hearted ” characters of Tibet (10th century ; see Sarat Chander Das

in Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. LVII, 1889, Plate Y, b )

and in the Tibeto-Chinese Pa‘-sse-pa script (13th century). The

signification of the upward curve in No. I, 5, as seen (e.g.) in ljalya

fl. 423 is uncertain. Provisionally I take it to be a variant of the

mark in No. I, 4, seen (e.g.) in ijakarh fl. 12s, where it is the ordinary

Brahmi mark of the long vowel a. In the Transcript it is distinguished

by a. Both, Nos. I, 4 and I, 5 are very uncommon, and are found only

in non-Sanskritic letter- groups. No. I, 3 is found only exceptionally

in Sanskritic words.

No. II, 1 is the ordinary Brahmi th as in ruthir fl. 413 for Sanskrit

rudhira, and in sapatlia fl. 38* for (probably) Sanskrit ^apatha. No. II, 2

does not occur in any Sanskritic word, but may be seen, e.g., in the

letter-group f/mskemdhar fl. 26s. I take it to be related to th, as kh' is

to kh, and as ph to pli.

No. Ill, 1 is the ordinary Brahmi ph as {e.g.) in trphal fl. 66 for

Sanskrit trphalS. It is found only in Sanskritic words. No. Ill, 2 is

seen (e.g.) in phutsah fl. 385, a variant of ptsan fl. 4( and in ^aripAa fl.

8b for Sanskrit ^ariva. Nos. Ill, 3, III, 4 and III, 5, which have similar

forms, have been added for comparison. No. Ill, 5 is the ordinary

Brahmi dli, as in madliaMa fl. 12 for Sanskrit matliaka.

No. IY, 1 is the ordinary Brahmi s. Both it and No. IY, 2 are seen

in prativisa fl. 246 and prativis/m fl 285 for Sanskrit prativisa. No. IY,

2 also occurs in purnako.<d?a fl. 225 for Sanskrit purnako£a ; but other¬

wise it is confined to non-Sanskritic letter-groups.

The exact powrer of the four newr signs (Nos. I 2, II 2, III 2, IY 2)

is not known. They clearly indicate variants of the corresponding four

Sanskrit sounds, and suggest themselves to be, probably, spirants of the

respective classes (y p, f, sh).#

No. Y, 1, when occurring at the beginning of a word, represents the

ordinary Brahmi cerebral r vowel, as in rsabhafc7ta fl. 641*5 (cf. 13t) for

Sanskrit rsabhaka ; but at the end of a wrord it has consonantal force,

# On these new signs see, also, my paper on the Weber Manuscripts in the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXTI (1893), p. 1 ff., ancl a paper by

Professor Dr E. Leumann on “ Eine von den unbekannten Literatur-sprachen

Mittelasiens” in the Memoires de l’Academie Tmperialc dos Sciences de St. Petersbonrg

Serie VIII, tome IV (1900). The three signs Nos. Ill 2, III 5, IV 2 are wrongly

identified in these papers. The true identification of the sigu No. VI, 1 was first

suggested by Professor beiimanr) in the paper above named.

1901.]

Appendix.

3

either with the inherent vowel a (No. V, 1) or without it (No. Y, 2), as

seen ( e.g .) in kesara fl. 185 for Sanskrit keyara, and in yakkar 11. 314 for

Sanskrit yarkkara respectively. Attached to a consonant (No. V, 3),

it lias vocalic power, as in vrka fl. 333 for Sanskrit vrka.

No. VI, 1 probably expresses the cerebral 1 consonant with the

inherent vowel a, as in pratipala fl. 34'1 for Sanskrit pratibala, and No.

VI, 2 expresses the same without the inherent vowel, as in pippal fl.

214 for Sanskrit pippala. In the beginning of a word, No. VI, 1 may

have vocalic power, as in Ittsaune fl. 92. It occurs, in this way, in no

Sanskritic word.

The exact signification of the double dot, shown in Nos. VII, 1

and VII, 2 is uncertain. It occurs only with the inherent vowel a, and

would seem to indicate some modification of that vowel. A curious

exception is its occurrence with the vowel-less palatal consonants n and c,

as seen in the letter-groups jp^atsan fl. 385, natatah fl. II6, ktsef) fl. 142,

pelklh fl. 323, kauc fl. 14r I have transcribed it with a double dot.

With the exception of mancasta for Sanskrit manjistlia, it is found

only in non -Sanskritic letter-groups.

There are two forms of the short i vowel, shown in Nos. VIII, 1

and VIII, 2, and seen (e.g.) in pippal fl. 4F' and pzppfil fl. 272, both for

Sanskrit pippala. By way of comparison the long i is shown in No.

VIII, 3. The signification, if any, of the difference of the two forms

is unknown. The high-pitched form of i (No. VIII, 2) occurs only 35

times, divided almost equally between Sanskritic words and non-

Sanskritic letter-groups. The fact that both forms are found indifferently

in the same word (e.g., in pippal) seems to negative the suggestion of

any significance.

The numeral figures 1, 2, 3, which occur not unfrequently in the

text, seem to subserve the purpose of interpunctuation rather than of

indicating numbers or quantities. As a rule, they are placed after words

of Sanskritic origin, and thus serve to indicate (or italicise) such words ;

but they are occasionally found also in connection with non-Sanskritic

letter-groups, see, e.g., fl. 44> E.

The words, printed interlinearly in small type, represent the remains

of writing which, in an inverted position, cross and overlie the large-

print words in the line immediately above them. With the help of a

mirror, a practised eye can recognize them without much difficulty.

4

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [ Extra No. 1,

Leaf 1. Reverse.

1 [ma]hamedlia 1 (varatjga-tvaca) 2 £aileya Ich 1 akarn 1 spri kh 1

devadaru 1

2 [9irisa]-pu.s/ip7ia 1 pra(pnntariM) 1 a^akandk 1 yari ph 1 man-

casta 1 ^abara-lo-

3 [tr 1] veteni 1 nicitakamp7i 1 kincelle 1 pissau 1 erka-[ttse] . .

4 . . . [ki]rodh 1 pu[na]rna[_p7*a 1] (kakoti 1 ksi) [ra-kakoti 1] .

5 . . [ampr]ta-patr 1 bilamati 1 .

Leaf 2. Obverse.

3 . . . [a]rira7v7ia-ssana ta(notsi 1) arkrja-n(nai enme)[lya]-

4 [ttse ija](kte ) madlia7lr7i trau-yparc 1 kosnau po (kodh) tara77ia-sse

5 . (ijqa)]e se-ske se curnii keijiye ije-tts[a] kante shpJiarka-{shsha-

lle qa-)

6 . (ne kse se-ttsa lani) yama-s7is7*a-lona 1 kete ratre kra(keto-nta

ala-)

Reverse.

1 (shsh&m) ... la . ala-s7is7mm . skara . (dliatam 9a-)

1 kii 1 sa kre

2 (rkgasa) stal[l]a-s7ia-lle sa 7Aaskemdhar po kre ttauna sakna

. dh 11

3 . || (ji . i) spati 1 tejapati 1 piRba [1] . . (ra) . . ,

4 . . 9abara-lotr 1 sesa^ sa . £7iaskendliar)ll . , .

5 . u(mancista) .

karji trau-nta (qa) pa-tsi 1 tom (satke-nta)

Leaf 3. Obverse.

3 f . , spakairh yama-sT^a-llona X (mo-)tstsa ayne [ya]ma-s7is7m-lle

4 (p7iarsarem) n&kh=sh&m mluta-lle shkha-shsham (sinam pamo) i)a-

lya po-tstse

5 kar=tse II ljar miye-tsa ratre 1 sakapce 1 sarjayartli 1 . yeya kh 1

6 . . . (kutumnciZrfi 1 mi-tstsa tslani) yama-s7ia-lona (payro) . tha-

Reverse.

1 skemdbar II sakapce 1 9mur 1 ljetem 1 styoneyafcTi 1 tom tranma-

saj- 9ai-

2 Ieya7b7& 1 spri kh 1 takaru 1 gra9kai-ssa pyapyo 1 tsa pance*

ntha 1313a (ta 1)

3 . (rkarl ) payaceyaM 1 tamala-patr 1 qampatsake 1 se-

4 (me-yar^) ijar p7zaksa-lle pra-lle syalna ....

5 . . . (priya)ijku 1 arira^a- ssana-n77m gqata)

[tara]tfta-sse . na 1

(punarnava) .

6

(sata)

1901 ]

Appendix.

5

Leaf 4. Obverse.

2 . devadaru 1 sarjaratk 1 .

3 . . . madliuA;7ia 1 (dhu)rani 1 ^abara-lodr 1 .

4 . 1 malkijer trau 1 katso sonop7?a-lya 1 kuncidha-sse[salype] ma-

5 lkijer-sa £>7iaksa-lle 1 yamusai katsa muska-s/is/zath II pippa 1

katuka-ro-

6 lwni 1 , prativisa 1) tamala-padhar 1 a^vakandlia 1 9frisa-puspa 1 .

Reverse.

1 . . kurka77ia-ssz ptsaii 1 devadaru 1 nicitakamp7i 1 pissau 1 qe-

2 tene 1 tranmar kuticldha-sse salype 9a kh trau-nta malkijer- sa

^>7iaksalle

3 . nc 1 th^qa, te sa sanapa-tsi 1 pau-skem sa . na . . .

4 . , . vedene 1 kurkka£7/a-ssi [ptsan] 1 ka . . . . .

5 ...... . katuka-rolimi 1 .

Leaf 5. Obverse.

2 . malkijer te sa p7iaksa-lle . [y>7ia-]

3 (ksa-lle a)9ca-ssana te katma po naksem .

4 shshum || mancasta 1 9abara-lottar 1 tamala-pa(dhar ) [1 pi-] (ssau 1)

5 cijacka-sse mrestiqe ijar=sa ^?7iaksa-lle £>7iar9erim ntikh-sham 1 u

sudlia (tharqa)ne

6 . . . e er7;7ia-ttse yasonna kre miya 1 n£7ia qkandha pyapyo 1

(dliarta-)

Reverse.

1 (kur lo)nta-sse . ije (sa) triga-s7is7^a-lle Malka-nc=nilu(tpa l=le-

ya kh

2 (Metene 1) sya-lle (ije)re na7r7i=s7iam II kassu 1 takaru 1 a9vakan-

dba 1 apa-

3 marga 1 padlia 1 katuka*rohini 1 aiicam (vandlia) . . . (iicajl

4 . . a malkijer=sa . anmeqa ....

Leaf 6. Obverse.

2 . nicitakam^>7ia 1 nilotpal 1 . . , , . . .

3 . ( spri kh 1) parivelafc7i 1 kakori 1 ksira-kakori 1 [tarnala-]

4 pattr 1 amprta-pattr 1 medha 1 maliamedha 1 ji[va7c7ia 1] (rsabha- )

5 khdj 1 yarper 1 kiroAdi 1 erka-ttse sarjaratha 1 9arap7ia 1 mancasta

1 ve-

6 dene 1 pissau 1 priyaqgu 1 madliafr7i 1 v^ir 1 trphal 1 puiiarnap7*a

i na-

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia . [ Extra No. 1,

6

Reverse.

1 . . (1 ^aileyaM 1 kegfye)[ku]ncidha-sse salype malkrjer=sa phaik-

sa-lle .

2 (tstsa) . . (ka salle page) sa . . (stse) . (arkgiya-)

3 ( msi-shshn-Ue) II prapundari&7i 1 a9vakandha) . ...

4 . . . katuka-roliini 1 prativi[sa] .

5 . (malkge)[r=sa] .

Leaf 7. Obverse.

2 . . . [prapu]ndari/L7i 1 (a^vakandha 1 kirodh) .

medlia pmiarnap/ia

3 . (arkgi) cagam 1 i pissau 1 amprta-)pattr 1 kako[ti 1 ksira-]

triija-sle . nda

4 kakoti 1 veteni 1 madha&7i 1 kuntarjfc/ia 1 ^akkar 1 devadaru

5 kirodli 1 pilamatti 1 bidari 1 ksira-bidari 1 ^abara-lodr 1

6 ( ka) . 1 mlucku kuncidh 1 sesa th asiye malkger-sa shph&rka-

shshsL-lle

Reverse.

1 . . (thargana) [sta]lle-s7ia-lle 1 tuce pi ye-(tse-ttse ||) ....

2 9abara-lotr 1 prapundari£7i 1 kirodh 1 vetene 1 (kuntarA7m) [1 ca]-

qa[m]

3 madha kh 1 mancasta 1 ^qa^ko 1 (^ahcapo 1 pissau 1) kurka^Aa-

• •

4 [ssi] ptsaii sesa77i malkger=sa gagkarno p7iaksa-lle . .

5 . . . . le sa sonopTm-lle tumem satke-nta . .

[tri]ga-sle

6 . (ka pa la ta ka) .

su ka ra

Leaf 8. Obverse.

2 . dhar . . (su) . (se ktsen) .

3 . -Ilona thargana (sta)lla-s7m-lle 1 (pa )ge a (9ce) . . .

4 yoraim na&7i-s7iam sa gagkarna-tstsa spakiye kar=tse maka || ca-

5 rj am 1 padmaAdia 1 gyira 1 pissau 1 ^aripTia 1 mancasta 1 (kakori 1)

ksi-

6 (ra-kakori 1) ^akkiir 1 ( sa)runari(ju) 1 akaru 1 takaru 1 (rutelle)

Reverse.

1 sesa th kutumnci[7b7i] [kosanme) spakaim yama-slona ....

2 . (lie) arkgi [yama] -shshnm II 9abara-lodr 1 prapundariTc/^ 1 (ta-

mala-)

3 (patr 1 ke)leya/c7ia 1 nilutpal 1 pi(ssau 1 sesa th gar=sa)

4 . . p7mksa-lle mi-tstsa spakaim yama-slona 1 . . . .

5 . arira(Ma-ssana) .

1901.]

7

Appendix.

Leaf 9. Obverse.

2 . rya todli arkpa-nai enmelya-ttse .

kh'<\rth . no ka . tra

3 [1] le tu kh lttsau-ne sa spakaim yanja-slona (tak-pasno todh) II

4 tamala-pattr 1 a^vakandh 1 avamarga 1 yabara-lotr 1

5 (vedene 1) mancasta 1 devadaru 1 arkpi-9akkar 1 takaru 1 yirisa-

6 puspa 1 kirodb 1 ijata£/ia nta 1 fc^anarnata-n^a pkata 1 kutumn-

cikhn 1

Reverse.

1 (kosnau po) kodli satke-nta (ljasno todli) rimmakka-ssa pyapyo

(sa spa)[kaim ne]

2 tasa-lle 1 tarya traipo-ssai (mai)ki ne tasa-lle 1 tu kh ]ttsau-iie sa

spa-

3 kaim yama-slona 1 sa amarra . (spakiye) . . tsa-ssana

4 . . n&kh^sh&m .o . . par=nai 1 ( sa ) . rnusaka ....

5 . . (mancasta 1 nilotpal 1 prapundari/c7i 1 qavipha,) ....

6 . (prapundarR^ par=sa) .

Leaf 10. Obverse.

2 . II (mancasta 1 nilotpal 1) . .

3 [rimma]kka 1 tamala-patr 1 kar=(tse &7&anarnata-n7^a pkata 1 kn-)

4 ncidha-sse salype sa s7ip7mrkka-s7m-lle 1 par-sa (spakaim) yama-slo-

5 na ph&rqeri na,kh=sh&m || mame pi ypa-ttse traksirii 1 pissau-sse

kasaysa

6 (suA:7idb lkpar=pa) sT^Tmrkka-^^a-lle (yere-tsa-ssa vako 1 sukkara

. e .

Reverse.

1 . s7ip7iarkka-s7ia-lle 1 tharpana laiko asiye malkper=sa (su7cMh)

sfrp&arkka-

2 sJishsL-lle thziqq a [ke]te kosanme selaiko tuce pi ye-tse-ttse II [ma]-

3 iicasta 1 9abara-lodr 1 prapundari7c7m 1 (rimma 1) ^aiicapo 1

4 .e . [9a]kkar 1 spaitu 1 petene 1 ypiya (yakslye)

5 [platkare] th aqqa (kete 1 selaiko 1) .

Leaf 11. Obverse.

2 . lie 1 tumem tom satke-nta . 1 . . .

le pale

3 . . . (na)/c^=s^am || lotr 1 9abara-lotr 1 mancasta 1 prapu-

4 ndari kh 1 arkpi-9akkar 1 kirodh 1 platkare kete 1 a-

5 (siye) dharse-lle 1 selaiko arkpi yama-s7?arn II prapundarifcTi 1 tra-

6 (fcTmrn) . (mokra) . (natatan) ypac-trau 9akkar traMam pissau

tvakh&m

8

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra Xo. 1,

Reverse.

1 . (le ko ye-tse asvakandha 1 medha 1 prapunta-)

2 (rikha, 1 9abara-lotr 1 yakkar 1 manca)[sta] 1 getene 1 (su) . . .

(sna)

3 . . netmerh spaitu 1 pissau 1 .e . . . .dli (thuqca, kete)

4 [selaiko] jpftaryerim imkh-sJi3bm i| ama[la/r/i] 1 (nilotpal) 1 . .

5 . (nai) .e . e .

Leaf 12. Obverse.

2 . fma) . (dliar) . . . (gar) .

pyapya-ttse gelki

3 . . . . |a 1 pissau 1 £abara-lotr 1 kala .

4 (tran)mara 1 kante (shph&vka,) ga&Mh trau . . . p/iaksa-lle dharya,

kagi iesnth

5 .e-(sse)p7mksa-lya se ri-tsa ma-tsi gaksallo-n^a kellera ....

6 . lie ko .o .eg 1 (pippa)la-ssa . lsdliaga gadli 9ar tasa-llo-

.th tha<;ca kete selaiko ne yama-s/tstem n pippala

Reverse.

1 [na] . . . (th&qqsi kete ) . (gatre) rom p&asdli y>7iaksa-lle ....

2 (kete astare tumem snailyokai) madhaMa-nta 9a kh 1 ... .

ph&kssL-

3 Ilona 1 £/iakte gakarh tumem 9ci'rem) .... vacca-lle ga-

4 . . . tumem mo-tstsa r&(tthe) j>7iaksa-lya . . ma . .

Leaf 13. Obvei *se.

2 . traigo (ca)na-lle .

3 [sa]tke-nta-mpa ^aksa-lle .

4 madhuyasti 1 padmafc/ia ygarc=trau asiye malkger=sa [^ak-sa-]

5 lie se mastu-kar^ 9e$u ger posdham yama-s/^/^a-lle 1 todh mayi

6 . (thargana sa)go . . .e ttliap (ge)tene (su)77*a-s7w>7ia-lle 09a

Reverse.

1 . sa ^askendliar 1 smayamu 1 jivaA;7m 1 rsablia7r7i 1 medha 1

maha [medha]

2 kakoti 1 ksira-kakoti 1 mudgavarni 1 masavarni 1 ma(hcasta 1 ku)-

3 ncidha-sse salype asiye sgarapksa pTui(ksa-lle) ....

A ... . sekh thargana (sono)[jp7^a-lle] .

. rsabha7t’7& . .

9

1901.] Appendix.

Leaf 14. Obverse.

2 ... . (poke) ktsefi sanapa-tsi 1 (pren£7ie) ......

3 . . . tTmskendhar 1 || ( la khsh 1 pissau) . [9a-]

4 (kkar 1) ^mnr 1 (sacca-ssa) pi . ko 1 klepka I . . . [ypiya]

5 yaksiye 1 te (tailiji ) s7tp7iarkka-s7&s7ia-lle 1 krpkai-iine maiki salype

6 . . iioriya katso pa ’o-tstsa ta . te sa ^/iasdli satTia il pa . .

Reverse.

1 9kpa9ko 1 smur 1 krpk[ai]-nai (maiki) sa kauc 1 capke sa katso

sono[p7ia-]

2 lya 9ar katsa sa pala na-lle %a,ttha>-shsli£b-Yle capke te nau-ttse 77<a-

[skem-]

3 dliar || medha 1 mahamedba 1 kakoti 1 ksira-kakoti 1 . . .

4 . [1] rsablia kh 1 mudgavarni 1 ... 1 ma(nca8tii) .

5 . tami (sa)mma asiye mal(kper=sa) .

Leaf 15. Obverse.

3 . . 1 9atapuspa 1 caparfi madliu[yasti] . . . [apama-]

4 rga 1 su(hf) suratha 1 9irisa 1 koro9a . . . . ka 1 [seme-]

5 (jab)rth satke-nta ese pii(sne) ese robiiii (kete) satke-nta paltsa 1

6 .i . .e . (ta)ssa-lle (se) pisumatpTza po pisumatp/ia . .e .

Reverse.

1 (katuka-robim) 1 apamarga 1 a9vaka[ndba] 1 [tama]la-patr 1 [ko-

2 ( sdbe s& )tke-nta pasno todb takaru malkper=sa spakiye yamaf-sTa-

3 (lya sa) spakiye yama-sAa-lya sa S23aki(ye .ilia sa) . .

4 [ta]mala-patr 1 (mabisa) 1 prapurida(riMa) .....

Leaf 16. Obverse.

6 . [i] . Mn . .

Reverse.

2 . ssa . W . nlcli . . ttli& .

3 . . . . [sa]lype ^Tmksa-lle pra-lle .

4 . . . . po nafr/i=s7iam . .kira .

Leaf 17. Obverse.

2 . (kaska cpa) .

3 . pi pra-lle |j(jiva) [7c7ia] .

4 . (me)[dlia 1 ka] koti 1 ksira-kakoti 1 (madhaM) . . . .

5 . cz'tra .... no(ka . 1 ( ku.9a)nar kalkpe sa . . no(ka)

[majdhafcfc. . (n&lch = s/iam)

. . . .aye 1 dba . . . .an . . ra . . (seka sa) . . .

dkaka .e

J. i. 9

6

10

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [ Extra No. 1,

Reverse.

1 . . trau-nta li (paip 1 ijak=trau)-[nta] shpha, malkyer seme-yar77i

. . . [ku-]

2 ncidha-$se salype 1 nastu-kar7^ equ te ne kar=tse pSge sa s7rp7iatam

stsi

3 nastu-kar77ia-nta n esh 9palmem se cipa nidlia(rbe) II . W cipa(A;7ia)

4 . . . [pra]bati 1 kandari 1 (kiro7c7& l)[tama]la-[patr] . .

5 . (pippal 1 ) puna[map7ia] . . .

Leaf 18. Obverse.

2 . nca karj[i] .

3 . . . . lakh page yama-s7ia-lle .anem . . . || . . .

4 (a^ca sa'napa-lle-nta 1 II kutumncifc7i 1 s[u]mam 1 (sprifr7i) 1

tamala-pa-

5 (tr)l varagka-tvaca 1 nakunakhi 1 sakapce 1 sarjaratk 1 brlbera

1 rkga

6 . . (ma) (*ako) .e .e . . satke (kijancidlia-sse) salype ....

Reverse.

1 . 1 n(rasecanaTr») 1 akaru 1 suksmel 1 tamala-[patr 1] (q&vi]pli& 1

madbu) [yas] (ti)

2 (prapuntari&/& 1) nilutpal 1 viragfc/i 1 bribera 1 (9ariva parivela&7i

vara-)

3 (ijga-tva)ca 1 £arip7ia 1 salavarni 1 prgnavarni 1 musdba (vapa)

4 . .e . . ti 1 9atapari 1 liarenu .

5 . kesara 1 .e .e .

Leaf 19. Obverse.

2 . 1 (pr9na)[varni] . . .

3 . . . . qedba 1 kbadipa 1 tama[la-patr] .

4 ^aileya hh 1 nilutpal 1 prapuntariM 1 9§ri(p7ia 1 mus)dha 1 naga-

pa-

5 (tr 1 pissau 1 ^kija^ko 1 cautanii 1 barid[r]a 1 incurja 1 . . . 1

trpbala

6 ku^anar ( §eme-yar£/& keLj)iye kijancidba-sse salype [se]me * ma-

Re verse.

1 [lkge](r=sa) _p7uiksa-lle 1 II karunasari 1 (punarnap7ia medlia)

trpbal 1 (mlutpa] 1)

2 (pissau) 1 Qkxjagko 1 cautam 1 pisitaka-mantba 1 kurka77ia-ssi

ptsan tamala- ka

3 patr 1 seme-yar77i keijiye kuncidba-sse salype . mal-kqe-

4 (r=sa pT^aksa-lle se salype a(cala) suttba *ma . || . . . .

5 . kurka£7za-ssi ptsana .

CO fcO Crth^CObOf— 1 ^ io W Ci Crt >■£*■ CO

1901.] Appendix. 11

Leaf 20. Obverse.

2 . (bhrijkaraca 1 karunasari) .

. . [tama] la-pat r 1 masikani 1 (te curna) .

. . . i modha-sse yar=sa ^>7zaksa-lle 1 trpha] 3 puta-

[nake^i] tr . . .a 1 punarnapTza 1 kurka^a-ssi ptsan . . .

. (^i-ssa) tano 1) . e . . . .

Reverse.

. kye-ttse .

. . (ph)&khs/ia>-\y£L (yaykolma)-nhe ay(o) ... 1 ma . .

. . . . lie te(po senie-yar th ko)[sdhe] .

Leaf 21. Obverse.

. (77m-tsa) . (ko) . .

. . . . rinna 1 H rasa[n]ca(na) 1 bhr[ykaraca] ....

. . sittapTza 1 karunasari 1 cabara-lodbar 1 pm [taka-]

[mantha] . . (ka) . . . . ki . . .a .

Reverse.

(ntari/c7z 1 cay am 1 trauma r samtke-nta amala&7ia pi^tro-ntlia) . . .

. . kJm ku \ spakaim se) p7zaksa-lle keijiye kuncidha-sse (salype sa)

a^ce sonopTza-lya kar=tse maka 1 II cautam 1 (^kya^ko 1 nilutpal)

. . . . pippal 1 (pissau 1 kurka£7za-ssi ptsan se[sa£7z] . .

. tano 1 kodli (ll) sa(tke-nta yasno todh) . . .

Leaf 22. Obverse.

. (yka erka-ttse pra) . (.ar£7za) .

. . . tse kuni mo-tsa kalko yama .

. . £>7zaksa-lle 1 erkence pi kuficidha-tts(e salype . . .

5 . (lle-ttse) purnakosTza-nue 1 l|(nilutpal 1) . . taija

6 . malkijer=sa . elkije .e . . .

Reverse.

1 . lie erkence pz kuucidlia-ttse salype .

2 smarh pamos7z a-tstse luta-sse-hca II sumam 1 (spaitu) 1 kodli ypa-

ttse [tra-]

3 ksim mita-sse yar=sa s7yp7zarka-s7is7za-lle 1 pla[tkare th&qqsb ke]te

(lyra-1 t

4 [ttse] s7zp7iarka-s7zs7ia-lle 1 todh tom satke-nta (tarye) .

5 ... (mahcasta 1 prapuntari7tf7z 1) . „ .

12

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Leaf 23. Obverse.

2 . . . [mafica] (sta 1 pippa)l 1 (kuncldha-sse) .

3 . kuntarfc/ia 1 koclli tom po kodli (£7ia)skem(dhar) ....

4 lai)ko tucem ere nafe/i=skih II pissau 1 s(umam 1 ^aripfta) 1 maiica-

5 (sta 1 9a)kkar 1 platkare tli&qca, kete 1 selaiko ypiya yakslye plat-

kare

6 ^/ia9ca kete) 1 malkqer=sa s/ip/iarka-^/ia-lle (selaiko) || .(toke) . . . .

Reverse.

1 (le) . dhr .

2 [tama]la-(pa)tr 1 (9atapuspa 1) surasa-patr 1 (nicitakampfta 1)

puna-

3 [rna rpha 1] kusta ... 1 (pissau) 1 maiicasta 1 cautam 1 (ijetene 1)

4 , . . tuk 1 rasna 1 liribera 1 ku .

5 . (caga)la cipa/^a 1 rsa[bha&7ia] .

Leaf 24. Obverse.

2 . sa ku9anem satke-nta 1 (a9vakandha) . . . .

3 . . [ku]ncidlia-sse salype todh keijiye 1 .

4 . n . II takaru 1 a9vakandha 1 devadaru 1 prapuntari/t*7i 1

5 (9atapari ; 1 kakori 1 ksira-kakori 1 pippali 1 prativisa 1 ka-

6 '(ka *o) . . (maiicasta 1 musdha 1) . . (dhari) . . . (mi) . .

|| sa ne

Reverse.

1 . (erkence pi) . . . (vari ) .

2 . . . x 11 . la 3 bliargi 1 (a9vaka) [ndha] . . . .

3 . . . . fc/ia 1 atibala tamala-pa[tr] ... 1 (sprI&/&)

4 . . . liribera 1 sumam 1 nil(utpal) .

5 . iica vi -i 1 katu[ka-rohini] ....

Leaf 25. Obverse.

2 . (bhalataka 1 rsabha&fta) .

3 . . . . pr9navarni 1 .

4 . . suksmel payasya 1 jivanti 1 blialataka 1 . . (viraqka)

5 . . kabija 1 ( ancana-rasa) 1 (kanaka)-puspa 1 . 1 ka-

6 . ca . 1 (pippali) ....

|| dhuka . dhuka

Reverse.

1 . (nci rabi) . ri 1 ....... ,

2 . . nta sa(te)ra . (stu) II nicitakampa 1 . (katma) || a9vaka-

3 [ndba] . katma 3 katuka-robini 1 .

4 . . ( taka)ra 1 tamala-patr tr[au] ka .

5 . 1 prativisa 1 tr[au] . r th .

1901.]

Appendix.

13

Leaf 26. Obverse.

2 . u pa! lina) || ma[ncista] .

3 . . . . trau-nta 1 tarafTzu-sse (pyapyo) . . kha> .

seme

4 . I) lotr 1 caprasto 1 amprasto 1 priyapgu (kiintar/c^a tranmar)

ntha, ri

5 . . . yojar &/?a(nthe) ija/r/idh trau-nta 1 dharya kapi trau-nta

papa-tsi 1

6 . . . (tamala-padhar 1 a)karu 1 9aileya7^a 1 (pissau 1 man-

casta 1) . .

Reverse.

1 . th a (tri)/^ tom (kalka-ssa) . . . (dhar) . . .

2 . [sa]lype 1 pak=trau-nta se (salype) ^ancapo-tse 1 mi(sa) . pe

. . (tllSb)

3 . . sonop&a-lle 1 prakarya ne ^askemdhar 1 . pra-lle po

4 . . . . pipal 1 kurkat^a-ssi .

5 ....... .i parse ku . . 1 (ku) ....

Leaf 27. Obverse.

2 . (^kpa^ko enmelya-ttse i)a)[kte]

3 .... ye q&lcJi 1 trau-nta kuncidha-sse salype ma[lkper=sa].

4 . . . . (arkpi) maka yama-skm II l&lchsha, 1 [ma]ncista 1 incu-

5 [pa] . . 1 tecapati 1 kusta 1 (9ata)pari 1 prapuntariA*7?a 1 cabara-

lo-

6 (tr 1] . (.empa)ya .

Reverse.

1 . (malkper-sa katsa sana)pa-lle n a^vakandha 1 apa(marga ni-)

2 (citaka)mpTui 1 prapuntar^a mancasta 1 p^ppal 1 pissau 1 (snnf-

yer-ka- )

3 ( rna-nne) kuncidha-sse salype malkper=sa 1 nici(takamp^a) 1 a^va-

4 [kandha] (apa) marga 1 capam 1 tamala-patr 1 .e .

5 . . . [sa]lype malkper-sa pTzuksa-lle . .

6 . pissau 1 ma[ncasta]

Leaf 28. Obverse.

2 . (ku) . (lie) .

3 . a9vakandha 2 kuQanem 2 manota(ci) .... *(kuca)[nem]

4 9kpa9ko 2 devadaru 2 karocuki 1 tom (pyar) knpanerh prapu-

5 (ntarifcTia) kuganefm] 1 tamala-patr 1 praiivis/ia 1 petene 1 pip-

pal 1 ku-

6 [rka77m-ssi] ptsan (tom ku9anar) 1 keptye ku(ncidha-sse salype)

14 Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Reverse.

1 . (putanake^i 1 ta)karu 1 (devada)ru 1 prapunda-

2 [vilcha 1 9a]bara-lotr 1 madlia Jch 1 . ji getem 1 kaska pippal 1 pi-

3 [ssau] larodha 1 apamarga 1 tamala-patr 1 9kga9ko 1 enme-[lya]-

4 [ttse ija](kte) tom ku^anaj-a 1 kakori 1 ( ksira-kakori 1) . .

5 . . . [katuka]-(ro)lnni 1 ( prativi) [sa] .

Leaf 29. Obverse.

2 . [ypi](ya yaksi)[ye] .

3 . (ca)[tri]ga-sle 1 || tamala-patr 1 [9a](kka)[r] .

4 . . mancasta 1 apamarga 1 prapun d ari/cAa 1 udumba[ri]

5 . . (1) getene 1 kirodba 1 devadaru 1 pissau 1 nicitakamp7*a

6 . (kuncidha-sse) . . (§alype keijiye mat kijer=sa phak salle) .

Reverse.

1 . (rna katsa) sanapa-tsi shpha po (ne) kar=tse II kgarka^a-ssz* ptsaii

2 rsil 1 praliati rasna 1 mancista 1 devadaru kaska 1 la Wish 1 s[i]tta-

3 plia a9vakandha 1 prapuntari&7& 1 qailejaUi 1 dlia . . .e .

4 . dharani 1 § eme-javth sa(tke-nta) .

5 . ^pa-lle) .

Leaf 30. Obverse.

2 . [ma]lkger=sa .

3 (9akka)r pissau 1 vetene 1 (mancasta) .

4 . . .ese tsuga-sftsTia-lle tom tarya tsuga .

5 . thargana 1 thaqca ne katso 1 poke ktsena 1 arkgi page yama .

6 . (ske) II tamala-patr 1 varagga-tvaca 1 9aileyaM 1 (naladh 1

akaru)

Reverse.

1 (parive)la&7i 1 jivafrT^a 1 (rsapa^[Ma] 1 (rga) .

2 9abara-lotr 1 trpbal 1 prapun dariMa 1 manci(sta 1 pi)ssau me-

dhas

3 yarper sprU^a 1 getene 1 takaru 1 po (kusanar) kegiye

4 [kuncidha]-sse salype malkger=sa (p7iaksa-lle a9ce)[sonop7m lya]

5 . . . .o . . (le kete) .e sonop7ia-lya po

Leaf 31. Obverse.

2 . (na) 77iaskemdliar po-tsi) .

3 [sa](tke)-nta H ktumnci7^ 1 a9vakandha 1 . [ku-]

4 ntarlcha 1 arkgi-9akkar 1 arkgi-kiroth 1 arkgi-getene 1 arkga-

5 nnai enme-lya-ttse gakte 1 gata7Aa-nta 1 kalaska . na-n77m gkata 1

6 (te po) seme-yar77i (kosdhe) gasno todh (rimmakka-ssa) pyapyo

(sa) spa-

1901.]

15

Appendix.

Reverse.

1 kiye (kger=se-ttse) 1 II trppal 1 rskarne 1 encu[ga-ne] ke .kh .

[ijaij]ko-

2 lma-nne ag&7iar te seme-yar77i kuiicidha-sse salype sa triga-sle

3 a9ne lupsa-lle 1 a-tstse ma-tsi ^askedliaj: 1 kar-tse 1 l| tr-

4 ppa] ayamati 1 smnaradha 1 (pragkaraca 1) .

5 . . [ma]l[kg]er=sa (p/iarksa-lle) pharsare-nth satke 1 II .

6 . (ija^a; .

Leaf 32. Obverse.

2 . . .1 . (ggaga) . (kane kenna)lyina-lle (malkger-sa) . . .

3 (nna) p^arsarem-ntTk pelkin II trphal 3 ( nicitaka) [mpha, 1 prapu-]

4 ntari kh 1 nilutpal 1 cautam 1 pissau 1 priyagku 1 kurka^a-ssi

5 ptsan 1 sumagandha-ssa tano Lprgkaraca 1 karunasari 1 puta-

6 (nake9i 1 tamala-patr 1) sakapce 1 kaska 1 9kga9ko 1 9aileya(/r/i 1

a9va-)

g&fc/i(dh) Reverse.

1 (kandh 1 kuralfi 1 smura 1 ) sarjaratha 1 (spri kh 1) . . k9a . . .

(aka) .ai .eke

2 .u.khumafcTia 1 rkarl 1 pyapya-ttse gelki 1 (encuga-ne ke-tse) 1 te

sse

3 seme-yar th satke-nta 1 skrena-ttse panuja (mluta)-s^a-llona-t pha-

4 k§a-lle samtke-nta-mpa skrena-ttse ka . . (la&7i) ....

pha,

5 (.er miye . (lyl)na-lya(ske ) kkau-ttsa ege .

Leaf 33. Obverse.

1 . th sa(tke) .

2 . (.u ksu smadba) . rtsa pera(th) II pippa(li) .

3 a . i . 1 vrka 1 saindhava 1 vaca a(jamoda) .

4 (kara) 1 citraka 1 masikani 1 te curna yama-s^a-lle 1 kunci-

5 [dha-sse §a]lype sa s/ip/iarka-^a-lle tumem pTmrge-ttsai malasa

yoka-lle

6 ........ . yo(ijarh pre-tsa t/iaskemtr) 1 II amalakh

Reverse.

1 (tran-nta-ttse 1 vgac-tran 1) tamalapatr trau 1 tom . . [ma] ( lykka-

9ke) [kkan-](ttsa)

2 na-lle 1 kuncidba-sse salype gak=trau-nta 1 malkger dbarya kaiji

trau-nta

3 gla-9kem pu gar=sa ^aksa-lle 1 a9ce sonqp7z,a-lya (ker.ipe) pa-

4 rera ma-tsi t/iaskedhar po kar=tse 1 II arkgi-(ge)[tene] . .

5 . . 1 pissau ... 1 (ypiya yaksiye platkare)[^a9ca kete]

6 . (rtha gaka) .

1

2

3

4

5

6

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

6

1

2

3

4

5

6

3

4

5

6

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Leaf 34. Obverse.

. (kar=tse I) ka) ..... .

. . . ija(yi) . ta 1 atjvakandha 1 (apamarga) .... *

tr 1 ^atapiisp/bi 1 pissau 1 kosdlie sa(tke-nta) qa[ltsa 1 nicita-]

ktamphsi 1 kuncidha-sse salype seme pake ma(lkger=sap/ui)ksa-lle

se salype f/m^ca ne sanapa-tsi 1 te no 9ar tsuga-sAa-lle 1 a^va-

[kandba] . 1 kuntar/c/m 1 pratipala 1 (kakotafc/m 1)

kerjiye

Reverse.

. . || . (gke-nnai) . k . rtse ke .i)a 1 .

le sa . ai . she kse

(pyapyo) qlliartakur 1 spaitu 1 . . yesmi . . ca . (pi) sa spakaim

sa

yama-sfta-lona Malka-nca laupa-tsi kar=tse || tamala-patr

yabara-lotr 1 madlia/./m 1 man cast a 1 asiye mrestlije .

. . (malkqer=sa) . . . (qsilch) . (le) .

Leaf 35. Obverse.

. . r . ul 1 .

. . . ca . . . kirodha 1 (takaru putana)[keyi] .

. y&Jch 1 apamarA/m 1 [deva]darn 1 [punarna-]

(ph a 1) spriA;Aa (juviphu 1 ksira-kakori 1 nicitakamp/m 1 .

.r.e . . salype .ai . . . . kuncidha-sse salype malkijer=sa ph&-

[ksa-lle] . [ka](tsa) sanapa-lle II takaru 1 sakapce 1 tamala-

crjacka . ntha, rpjata

Reverse.

patr 1 (parive)la/c/i 1 devadam 1 (sa)padb 1 n tr[plial] .

salype . . acpie

sse . . le encuija-iie ke-ttse 1 tsa pance-nf/iafijgata . ijkas)kath

trau-nta sijese-sse ijar 1 skaska 9kgarat-ske-tsf dliarya kaiji-tsi 1

[dba](rya) kayi malkqef 1 seka(sa .a p/mksa-lle musdha) . .

se salype

. . . . (ka) ... 1 cana .

. (shpJi&vka) .

Leaf 36. Obverse.

. . . (se)sa tha, 1 ese p&aksa-lle .

. llep/mrsarem-ni/m satke II pisitaka-mandha 1 (gandha) priya[ijgu]

. . . (1 lotr 1) nilutpal 1 motarte 1 kotriA;& 1 sittap/ia lte sa m(o)

. a-tstse luta-sAam mluta-lle (saA'/za-sAs/mm) n(ma-)

tha

1901.]

Appendix.

17

Reverse.

1 (ncasta 1 akaru 1 tamalapatr 1) . haridj* 1 (pissau 1 bala 1) prapunta

malkger-sa .... nt/ia . . . . r

2 ri kh 1 suksmel 1 (vi)rag&7i. 1 nilutpal 1 hj-bera 1 keleyafrft 1 pari-

3 velafcfra 1 varagga-tvaca 1 musdha 1 qar&pha 1 salavarni 1

4 pj-^navarni jivanti 1 devadaru 1 (^atavari 1) . . . .

5 . . .i 1 (9ata)[puspa] .... (ndlia) 1 pa . . 1 ke .a . . . .

Leaf 37. Obverse.

2 ... . (ya 1) . (satke-nta) . . [dkarya]

3 kag7 ka-llona kre mo-tsa a^ne ya[ma-s7iu-]lle ....

4 p7zarsare-nf7i satke H ^akkar 1 devadaru 1 §ancapo kuiicl-

5 dlia 1 traigo-ssai maiki sa s7zp7iarka-s7m-lle 1 platkare thaqca kete

1 selaiko

6 . .ai .e (nakh=sham) U \(akJisha) 1 sittap7ia 1 ka . i .

spakaim

Reverse.

1 (ko klegkarya) pissau (ysarna ya)ksiye 1 . kuncidlia-sse salype

sa shpha-

2 rka-s7is7ia-lle 1 yo-tsa triga-s7ia-lle 1 tumem katsa sa laupe yamu-

sai te sa

3 ka-tso malyakka 77iaskedkar maylarya l) a^vagandlia [1 apa-]

4 marga 1 takaru 1 prapuntari&7ia 1 mancasta 1 (nici) [takamp^a]

5 . . (tom sa te) [po §eme]-yar77z, kosdhe 1 (po) . .o .

6 . tkarg[ana] .

Leaf 38. Obverse.

1 . . • (ku) .

2 . . p^aksa-lle . (tasa-lle ma) .

3 nailiie^a || tamala-patr 1 varagga-[tva]ca .

4 sprlTcAa 1 takaru 1 smur 1 sesai7za (sapatha) vai(gra) manna 1 1|

• •

5 (trppal)l cautam[l]suma[gandha] kurka^a-sszpTiatsanaicarke 1 e-

6 (ncuga-nne ke-ttse) . . . kuth' (ma)dh ts(uga-s7iu-lle tumem) . .

sha-

Reverse.

1 (lie) . . . (yama-slona §eme-ya)r£7i sam (tke-nta kgancidlia-sse)

ca

salype

2 sa a9ne yama-sTia-lle 1 a-tse luta-sT^Aam p7mrsarem nalch^sham 1

arkgi 1 ca-

3 gam 1 prapuntarikTzu 1 pissau 1 9akkar 1 Manarnata-n^a gka' ta)

4 mlucku kuncidha 1 te po seme-yar£7t . ka .

5 . . lie 1 ye-tse[-ttse] i7mskedhar (sa spakiye ka) .

6 . (tha-ne) .

J. i. 10

18

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

Leaf 39. Obverse.

• •

3 . pissan (^kgapko) kurka^a-ss^ ptsa(n ka) .

4 . salype malkger=sa ^ftaksa-lle a9ca sanapa-lle 1 (kandari)

5 (prapunda)ri^a 1 katuka-roliini 1 a^vakandha 1 devadaru 1 pissaul

6 [get]e[n]e (1 apamarga 1 kosdbe po sariitke-nta todh) se-ske ta . . .e .

Reverse.

1 (ma)lkger=sa triga-s&a-llya spakiye 1 (pilkger=sa rigka-tsi sa

spakiye) nta

na spakaim

2 kakori 1 ksira-kakori 1 pitari 1 ksira-pitari 1 smnr 1 ysarfia ya-

3 ksiye 1 mi-tstsa slipharksi-shshsi-lle 1 krgka-nne yo-ttsa laupe ka-

4 (tsa) yamusai te sa ka-tsi prakara . (sna) .

5 . (takaru) 1 ya[rper] .

Leaf 40. Obverse.

2 . . 11 (arkga-rmai) .

3 . . tama[la]paty* 1 (parivelafc/i 1 mancasta 1) .

4 . (tom) satke-nta ku^anar 9eriye enmera (9kga9ko cautam)

5 (modha)-sse gar tana-sse gar 9as&/mth tran-nta 1 te (e)se pepa

ksormem a-

6 (siye i) .e (ne ta)sa-l[l]e ysa(rn)ai ne gadh nkancai ne ga(rn£7t

rkbe) .o .e.

Reverse.

1 . . . (ta)ssa-lle (ta)ya (kso)rmem ge(yam) isu&Mh (ko)-ttsa edha-

nta(rme ga-tstsa)

2 tliarga(na) sonop^a-lle 1 mena-mpa ene 9le tbargana th asken-

dbar=ne 1 p^ ka-

3 tma tbagkim yoraim po nahh-sham se ce salype sono(ptrpo) . .

4 [ka]gi kennarne ama(laA;/& 1) rgakca (yam=tsi) .

\

Leaf 41. Obverse.

2 . . . akaru . [pu-]

3 [na]rnapfra 1 ru(tbi)r 1 . . . palama(nta) . [kako-]

4 ri 1 ksira-kakori 1 medh 1 mabamedha 1 (mancasta 1) pri[yaggu]

5 takaru 1 apamarga 1 9abara-lotr 1 kirodb 1 . . a hh 1 parivela&/& 1

6 (sprlk&a 1 na)ladha 1 getene 1 nicitaka(mpfta 1 sarjaratha 1

seme-yar^)

* The syllable la is omitted in the original manuscript. &L

1901.]

19

Appendix.

Reverse.

1 (to) dli kegiye todh kuncidlia-s§e a?zye malkger=sa ta?sa-lle . .

2 ro-tstse (kai) pauke ktsen=tsa sanapa-lle 1 kar=tse maka keq-

karnna-fine || ( su- )

3 (rasa)-paddliar§, 1 tamalapatf 1 takaru 1 (spriftfta 1 ku)rka[^a-§§i]

4 . knija 1 (srnur 1 sarjara)tha 1 m(lucku kuncidha-s§e) . . .

Leaf 42. Obverse.

2 . . (nalyi te) .

3 . qa-llona 1 pi-ttsa montarug a-llona .

4 (ca)rsna-llona dhatka rom £>&asdh slagfe^a-llona tom samtke-nta

(gra-)

5 ttse katsa ne makga-s&s&a-llona 1 tumem qra-ttsai sra-(lle) 1 sari

skgaj- nge

6 . . (ne)ta (ma)lyaka ($ke kk)au-ttsa . qa(se pi)ye (.elina-lle) . .em

Reverse.

1 . (lkqar e .ije) slaqfe^a-lya ese satke-nta . (su^a)-s^a-lya spakaim

(ya)-

2 ma-slona a-tse luta-s&am mluta-lle s&kJi&sJishaim pT&arsarem na hh^

s/iam ija-lya po-

3 (tstse) kar=tse || putanake^i 1 karunasari 1 bhallata&^a 1 [pi-]

4 ( ppa)l 1 nilutpal 1 madha&fr 1 trppal 1 getene .

II tr

20

Dr, Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

I. Index of Sanskrit Terms.

(The large numbers refer to the leaves, the upper small numbers, to the

obverse, the lower small numbers, to the reverse pages. ( inv .) added to a

number refers to the interlinear print explained in the introductory

note.)

a

akaru (S. agaru) 86 18t 266 306

36l 41s

ajamoda (S. ajamoda) 33s

ancana-rasa ( S. an j ana-rasa) 25B

? ancamvandba (S. am9avanta)5s

atibala (S. atibala) 243

apamarga (S. apamarga) 52.3 153* 4

15j 27x 274 28s 294 343 373. 4 396

41 b, avamarga 91, apamarga 353

amalak7i (S. amalaka) 114 33s 404,

amalaMa 21t

ampj-ta-patr (S. ampta-patra) 16,

amprta-pattr 64 7s

a^amati (S. am9umati) 314

a9vakandba (S. a9vagandha)46 52

63 72 15l 24* 244 242 252 8 27t

273#4 283 29s 313 34* 34&.6 395,

a9vakandh l294326t, a9vagandba

37s, asvakandha 1 lx

a

arkgi (S. argbya) 62 73 82 llB 166

274 305 382 See tbe following,

arkgi-kirodh 31 4

arkgi-getene 314 334

arkiji~9akkar 9B ll4 314

•

1

incurja (S. incbuka or icchakap)

I95 274*6

u.

ndnmbari (S. udnmbarl) 294

y§abhafc&a (S. j-sabbaka) 64-5 235

252, rsapaMa 30t See rsabba&7i.

k

kakotafc^a (S. karkotaka) 346

katuka-robini (S. katuka-robini)

53 64 245 39B, katuka-robmi 4B-6

46 286, katuka-robim 151? katu-

karobini 253

kandari (S. kantari) 174 394

kanaka-puspa (S.kanaka-pnspi)25B

kabija (S. kapija or kapijya) 256

karunasari (S. kalanusari) 1 9X 203

214 32B 423

P kalka (S. kalka) 261? kalko 22s,

kalkije 17B, Malka 51? 343

? kasay(sa) (S. kasaya) 10B

kakori (S. kakoli) 63 8B 24B 284 392

413-4, kakoti 14 73 132 14s 174

kiiicelle (S. kinjalaor kinjalka ?) 13

kirodb (S. gilodya ?) l4 72 7B 72 96

ll4 41B, kirodha 29B 353, karodba

28s, kiroth 314, kivo/ch 6B 174

kutumnci&T^ ( S. kutumbika) 3 6 8A

184, kutumnciMa 96, ktumnciA;7i

3D

kuntarMa ( S. gnndraka) 74 72 264

313-4 346

kuraja (S. knrala) 32!

kusta (S. ku§tlia) 23s 275

keleya^A (S. kaliyaka) 362, keleya-

kha, So

1901.]

21

Appendix.

kesarft (S. ke9ara) 185

koro^a (S. go-roca) 154

ksira-kakori (S. ksira-kakoli) 63

86.6 2# 284 354 392 4 14, ksira-

kakoti 14 173-4 13a 14s 174

ksira-bidari (S. k§ira-yidari) 75,

ksira-pitari 392

kh

khadiya (S. khadira) 19s

hh

him lka, see kalka.

hhe tene (S. kliedini) 52 See qetene

g

gandha (S. gandha) 364, gandha 325

373 386

ijetene (S. khedini) 4L2 104 112 136

233 286 295 308 31* 396 416 424,

ijeteni 282, rjeteni 3L See hhe tene.

i)9ira (S. kslra) 85 See ksira.

c

? cagala (S. jagala) 236

caqam (S. caijga ?) 73 84*5 15s 21,

274 382>3

citraka (S. citraka) 33 4, citra 176

cipa7c7*a (S. jiyaka ?) 173 236, cipa

17g Seejlva&Aa.

curna (S. curna) 25, curna 203 334

3

jiya7i:7ia (S. jivaka) 64 131 173 30,

See cipa7cAa.

jivanti (S. jivanti) 254 364

t

takaru (S. tagara) 32 52 86 95 152

24* 254 28x 30g 352 356 374 384

395 415 4lg

tamala-patr (S. tamala-patra) 82>3

103 15x 174 184-5 193 203 232 28b

2 83 293 306 326 33x 34g 356, 36!

383 40s 41 g, tamala-pattr 63’4 94,

tamala-patr 3g 154 18x 192>g 24g

254, tamala-padhar 46 54 266

trphal (S. trpliala) 66 19, 204 323

35,, trpliala 19B, trplia] 302, trppal

31, 31g 4 38 5 424 ’

tejapati (S. tejavatl) 2g, tecapati

275

d

devadam (S. devadaru) 1, 43 4A 7*

96 244 284 28j 295 292 353 35A 364

374 396

dh

dharani (S. dharani) 294

dhurani (S. dhurani) 43

n

naku-nakhi (S. naku-nakhi ? ) 185

naladha (S. nalada) 416, naladh

306

nagapatr (S. nagapatra) 194-5

nicitakamp7ia (S. nica-kadamba) 6s

232 271#a 27g 296 323 343-4 354 374.

4 16, nicitakamp7i 13 4!, nicita-

kampa 252

nilutpal (S. nilotpala) 83 18a 194

21s 22b 244 324 365 362, mlutpal

19,, nilotpal 62 95 102 1 14, nilut-

pal 54

P

padma7r7?a (S. padmaka) 85 134

payasya (S. payasya) 254

patha (S. patha) 23

padba (S. patha) 53

parivelaZr7i (S. paripelava) 6s 182

35j 403, parivelaM 30,, 4l6, pari-

velaMa 362.3

pitari (S. vidari) 392 See bidari.

pippali (S. pippali) 245 332, pippali

256

pippal (S. pippala) 4B 175 214 232

285 282 423<4, pippal 272, pipal 264,

pippala 126 (inv.), pippala 126

22

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. ],

pilamatti (S. yilva-madhya or vilva-

patra ?) 7 6 See bilamati.

pigitaka-mantba (S. pi^itaka-man-

tha) 192 36*, pisitaka-mantba

2D-6

pissau (S. vi9va, vi^va, or p^u ?)

13 4, 66 7s 7 8 86 83 106 ll6 123 143

196 214 23* 233 266 272 276 282.3

296 303 302 32* 343 36, 383 39s 396.

putana-ke9i (S. putana-ke9i) 20*- 6

28, 35s 42s, putana-ke9i 32 B-6

punarnapTia (S. punarnava) 14 6672

(iny.) 175 202 232>3 412.3, punar-

naya 36

purnakosfta ( S. purnakopa or purna-

kosa) 226

pygkaraca (S. bhrijgarajaJ 32B,

pragkaraca 314 See bbjgkaraca.

pi^nayarni (S. pi^naparn!) 183 19 1

* 253 364

pratipala (S. pratibala) 346

pratiyisa (S. pratiyisa) 46 64 246

285, pratiyis&a 255 286

prapuntari/c/i (S. prapundarika) 12

18a 19* 2D, 225 24* 293 323-* 36L2,

prapuntari&^a 11]. 2 27B 284,5 374

383, prapuntaroMa 272, prapun-

dari kh 72 82 95 96 ll3-* ll6, pra-

pundarifcAa 103 ] 54 28i>2 29* 302,

prapnndarifc/i 63 72, prapundari-

lcheb 396

prabati (S. yfbati) 174 292

priyaggu (S. priyaqgu) 66 26* 36*

41*, priyaqku 35 32*

b

bidari (S. yidar'i, vidari, vidali) 76

See pitari

bilamati (S. vilya-madhya ? ) 15

See pilamatti.

bli

bbargi (S. bhargi) 242

bhallataMa (S. bballataka) 42g,

bbalataka 25 1 25*

bhpgkaraca (S. bbj-rjgaraja) 202 213

See prgkaraca

m

mancasta (S. manjistba) 6 6 8B 95 96

102 102.3 ll3 n2 132 144 403, man¬

casta 12 23* 23s 276 29* 344 374

41*, mancasta 5* 225 23*-B 266 272

303 366,, mancista 26 262 27* 292302

madbnMa (S. madbnka) 43

madbuyas$i (S. madbuyas^i) 13*

153 18,

-mantba (S. mantba) 192216, -man*

dba 36*

mabamedba (S. maliameda or

mabamedba) 1, 6* 13, 143 41*

See medba.

mabisa (S. mabi§a) 154

mancista, see mancasta.

madbakft (S. matbaka) 2* 66 7* 7S

17* 17B (iny.) 282 424, madba^a

122 34,

masikani (S. masika) 20s 33*

masayarni (S. masaparni) 132

mndgayarni (S. mudgaparn!) 132

14,

musdba (S. musta) 183 19* 363

medba (S. meda or medba) 6* 72

(iny.) 11, 13, 143, medb 41* See

mabamedba.

motarte (S. modadbya P) 36B

r

rasancana (S. rasanjana) 21s (18, ?)

rasna (S. rasna) 234 292

rutbip (S. rudbira) 413

rohini (S. robin!) 15B

? rkqa- (S. rksa-) 18B, rqa- 30,

rsabbafe/fc (S. ysabbaka) 13, 136 144

See rsabbaMa.

rsil (S. ra9ila) 292

1901.]

Appendix.

23

1

l&khsha, (S. lak?a) 27* 37s, la Wish 148

29s

lotr (S. lodhra) ll* 26* 365 See ?a-

bara-lotr.

v

vaca (S. vaca) 338

varaqga-tvaca (S. varaqga-tvaca)

lx 182#3 306 363 38s, vararjka-

tvaca 18B

viraqfcfr (S. viraqga) 182362, viraq-

ka 254

vi^r (S. va^ira) 68

vrka (S. vrka) 33s

veteni (S. vedini or vedliini) ls 74,

vetene 72 303, vedene 44 66-6 95

vai^ramanna (S. vai^ravana) 38*

9

9akkar (S. 9arkara) 74 86 104 ll6

112 143-4 23 6 303 314 374 383

9atapuspa (S. 9atapnspa) 153 232

366, 9atapnsp^a 34s

9abara-lotr (S. 9abara-lodbra ) 12 24

72 94 ll3 112 123 276*6 282 302 344

41 5, 9abara-lottar 54„ 9abara-

lodr 4s 7 6 82 9abara-lodbar 214

9ancapo (S. 9irii9apa ?) 73 103 262

374

9atapari (S. 9atavari) 184, 9atapari

24B 27B, 9atavari 364

9aripfta (S. 9ariva) 85 95 18s 194

234, 9ari ph 12, qhra,pha, 6B, qumpha,

363, 9ary?^a 354, q&ripheb 18x,

9iri§a-pu§pa (S. 9irisa-puspa) 9B-6,

9^risa-pnBpa 46, 9irisa-pus/zp^a 12

q&iley&kh ]* 31,g61 194 293 306 326,

9aileyafc7ia 268

9mur (S. 9amvara or samvara ?) 3X

]44, smur 14x 392 414, smura 32x,

smur 384

' •

s

sarjayartb, see sarjaratba.

sarjaratba (S. sarja-rasa) 6B 32t

416 414, sarjaratb 4a 185, sarjay-

artb 3 6

sapatba (S. 9apatba) 384

salavarni (S. 9alaparni) 183 363

sittapTi-a (S. sitabba or sitabbra)

214 292.3 376

suksmel (S. suksmaila) 181 254 362

sumagandba (S. somagandba) 32 5

38B

sumaradba (S. somarat) 314

sumam (S. soma) 184 222 234 244

suratba (S. surasa) 154 Cf. sarja-

ratba.

surasa-patr (S. surasa-patra) 232,

surasa-paddbara 412<3

saindbava (S. saindbava) 333

styoneya&/& (S. stbauneyaka) 3!

spri kh ( S. sprkka) lx 3g 63 184 243

32x, spri/^a 30s 354 384 416 413

b

baridra (S. baridra) 19B, haridr

36l

barenu (S. barenu) 184

bribera (S. brlvera) 186 182 234 244,

brbera 362

9ariva 182

9irisa (S. 9irlsa) 154

II. Index op Letter-groups.

( Groups marked with an asterisk are probably Sanskritic. See also head-

note to Index J.)

a * amprasto 264

acala 194 ariraftfta-ssana 2s 86, arira&Aa-gsana

(?) amarra 9g n£fta 36

24

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

arkqa-nnai 23 31*,B 402, arkija-fiai 93

ala-s/isAam 26A 2a

a9ca 18* 39*, a^ca-s^ana 5B See

a$ce.

asiye 7» 10t 11** 13* 133 145 344

40B’6, as/ye 41A

as tare 122

a

arjfc^ar 312

aihne 54

a-tstse 222 313 366, a-tse 422

ayo 203

a9ce 8b 213 304 333 See a9ca.

a9ne 3s 313 35A (inv.) 373 382

r

^fskarne 31x

1

lttsau-ne 9s 92

lsdha^a 126

e

ege 325

encuija-ne 311 322 352, encuija-nne

385*6

ene 402

enmeyS- 40*

enme-lya-ttse 23 9s 27* 283 31B

ere 23*

erka-ttse 13 66 228, er7c/m-ttse 56

erkence 224 22l 24A

e9a 136 172

ese 156 (bis) 36s 40B 42A

ai

aicarke 385

k

karji 26 (inv.) 12* 182 404, kaq7 37s,

kai)i 266 332 354, karji-tsi 353

katma 53 252 253 402>3

katso, see katso

F kane 323

kante 2 5

-karnna-nne 272>3 41 2

kar=tse 3B 103 17a 21s 29A 31s 334

343 41 2 425

*karocuki 28*

kalaska 31B

ka-llona 37s

#ka?ka (172 ?) 282 292 326

katsa 4B 142 27 1 29L 356 372 393.4 42B,

katsi 394, katso 4* 146 14A 306>

katso 373

-kar tli 135 172, -kar£7m 173

kalko 22s See Iudex I.

kalkije 175 See kijettse.

#kuqa 414

kuni 223, kun7 386

kuncldha 37*-5 384, kuncidh 76, kufl-

cidha-sse 4* 42 6t 103-* 132.3 17l<3

193 212 233 24s 273 273 286 296,

304 3l2 33*,b 332 34* 35B 37j 41p

414, kuncidha-ttse 22* 22L See

kijancidlia-sse

kurka^a-ssi 73.4 192 195 206 214 264

32* 413.4, kurka^a-ssi 4A 386 39s

kurkka^a-ssi 44 See kgarka^a

-ssi.

kn9anar 176 196 286 303 40*, ku9a-

nara 284

ku9anem 28s (bis) 28* 286, ki^anem

248

kri)kai-nne 14B, krijkai-nai 14A, krij-

ka-nne 393

keqiye 2B 212 24s 296 346 (inv.) 41A,

keij^ye 6A 286, kegiye 196 193

kei)karnna-nne 412

kete 26 102 106 11* 113 126 (inv.)

12, 128 15B 223 23B 236 30,33, 37B

ke-ttse 352 386

? kenna 328, kennarne 404

kellera 12B

#kot vikh 36B

kodk 2* 91 215 222 235 (bis)

kosanme 8j 102

kosdhe 15a.2 204 31a 3# 376 396

kosnau 2* 9A

kauc 14A

1901.]

Appendix .

25

kkau-ttsa 325 (33t ?) 426

kgancldka-sse 186 196 38t See kunci-

dha

kgarkatAa-ssz 29L See ku.rka£/za.

kge-ttse 202 See gettsa

kger=se-ttse 31 1 See ger, malkger?

pilkger.

ktsen 82 14*, ktsen=tsa 413, ktsena

305

kraketo-nta 26

kre 22 56 37s

klegka 14*, klegkarya 37L

ksu 332

ksormerh 405 40t

kh

*-khuma7i,7za 322

kh

Manama ta-nt/za 96 10b 38s

Manthe 26 6

kh&rth 9Z (inv.)

ga 54 106 34x

gaka 336

gaksallo-nt/za 125

gatai/za-nta 96 3 L 6

ijadk 126 406

gampatsake 33

gayi 342

gar 34 353 405 (bis), ijar=iiai 94 gar=

sa 53 83 96 10* 20* 22s 333

gar=miye 35

garn th 408

? garse 26°

? gala 142

galtsa 155 (34s ?)

ga9a 31ft

gase 426

gasno-todh 9s 9L 152 21 5 316

gakarh 123

ijakte 272 284 315

J. 1. 11

gak-trau-nta 17( 262 332

gaMdh-trau-nta 12* 265 326 (inv.)

gagkarno 74, gagkarna-tstsa 8*

gagkolma-nne 203 3 1 (

gapa-tsi 26 (inv.) 265

ga 25 146 (bis) ga-lya 3* 423, gd-

llona 42s

gi 144

gisumatp/za 156 gzsumatp/za 156

ge 5a, ge-ttsa 25 See kgettse

geyam 40A

ger 135. See kger, also pilkger,

malkger.

P gere 52

gelki 122 (inv.) 322

gkata 9s 103 315 383, ggata 32 35 356

(inv.) 352 See gkandlia.

gkandlia 56 See gkata.

? gkaskatli 352

gke-niiai 34j

ggale 2 5

gyar 28*

gra-ttse.223.4 42*'5

gra9kai-ssa 32 See glaykem.

gla-9kem 333

gren£/ze 142

c

ca 38x (inv.)

cagke 14! 142

cana 355

*caprasto 26*

carsna-llona 42*

cana-lle 132

ce 403

cepi 7j 102 22* 22! 24!

* cautam 192 213 233 32* 38* 40*

cant ana 195

cgackasse 55 356(inv.). See 9ga9ko

n

iioriya 146

nkancai 406

nge 426

26

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

-flea 53 182 222 246, -nca 343

-ncl 25,

-ne, -tine, 225 386 See lttsaune, eii-

cupaiie or enenpanne, karnnaniie,

krpkainiie, papkolma-nne.

-nai, -iinai, see krqkainai, pariiai,

pkennai, ysarnai.

dli

dhatka 424

dhartakur 56, 342

dharse-lle ll6

t

tak 93

tana-sse 405, tano-tsi 23

tami 146

taya 40,

taraf/ia-sse 24 36 (inv.) 263

tarya 92 304, tarye 224

tasa-lle 92 ( bis) 382 406, tasa-llona

126|, tassa-lle 156 40l 41,

tapa 226

tano 206 215 325

tuk 234

tu kh 9s 92

tuce 7, 102, tucem 234

tumem 75 ll2 122 123 124 335 372

386

te 5s 14» i4a 172 203 312 322 334 34B

405 422, te po 204 316, te ra 252

te sa 52 1 46 36B 372 394

tailrjl 145

tom 25 (inv.) 3, ll2 224 26, 284 286

284 304 33, 40* 424

todh 92 93 9, 152 215 224 243 316

396 41, (bis)

ttauna 22

traksim 105 222.3

tranmar 42 21, 264, tranmara 124,

tranmasar 3,

tra/c/iam ll6'6 ll6 (bis)

tri hh 26, 365

tripa-s/is/ialle 5,, triija-s/ialle 372,

tripa-s/iallya 39,,tripa-sle 7s (inv.)

7 5 (inv.), tripa-sle 293 312

traipo-ssai 92 375

tran 24 44 ll6 124 134 33,, tran-nta

25 (inv.) 42 17, 26s 26B 262 273 33,

33 2 ( bis) 353 405

tsa 32 352 See -tsa, -ttsa.

-tsa, -ttsa, see katsa, kkanttsa,

ljettsa, pittsa, pretsa, miyetsa,

yotsa, ritsa.

-tsa-ssa, see yeretsassa.

-tsa-ssana 93

-tsi, -ttsi, see kaj/itsi, katsi, papatsi,

tanotsi, patsi, matsi, yamtsi, rip-

katsi, lanpatsi, 9kparatsketsi,

sanapatsi.

tsupa 304, tsupa-sTia-lle 34B 386,

tsupa-s7is7ia-lle 304

-tse, -ttse 225 262 See enmelyattse,

er/c/iattse, kartse, kettse, kunci-,

dhattse, kpettse, prattse, nanttse,

pyapyatse, yetse, ypattse, settse,

skrenatse.

-tse-ttse, see yetsettse.

-ttsai, see p//arpettsai.

-tso, see katso.

-tstsa, 146 See papkarnatstsa,

mitstsa, motstsa.

-tstse, see atstse, potstse, rotstse.

tli

tliapkirii 40o

tharpana 83 136 134 305 376 402 (bis),

tharpana 10„ tharpane 55

tli

t/iakte 12-

O

tlmqqa 43 102 105 ll4 22g, th&qc a 113

126 (inv.) 235 236 305 335 345 375'

^askendliar 24 13, 14s ^/laskem-

dhar 22 36, 142> 3 263 312, 7/ias-

kedliar 313 334 37s 386, tlms-

keihtr 336, ^askendhar=ne 402

1901.]

Appendix.

dli

? dliatam 2t

dharya 124 26B 332 353 354 372

dliuka 256 (inv.)

n

na 31B 39l (inv.)

nakserh 53

nafckm 34 5B 5, 84 10B II3 114

164 17b (inv.) 234 376 382 403 422

? natataii ll6

nalyi 422

na-lle 142 332

nastu-kar^ 172, nastu-kar^a-nta

173 See mastukar^.

? nidharbe 17s

ne 9X 92 172 246 (inv.) 263 29t 30B

34B 406 (tris) 402 42b 426

netmem 113

nesb 17s

nailne£/ia 383

no 34B

noka 92 (inv.) 175 (bis)

nan-ttse 142

-nta 122 39j (inv.) See kraketonta,

ijatai/ianta, traunta, nastukar-

£/^anta, pijtronta, satkenta, sana-

pallenta.

-ntha, 56 264 (inv. ) 31B 356 (inv.)

36l (inv.) See ariraMassanan-

tha, Manarnatan^a, gaksallon-

th&, pancen^/z,a, ^/iarsaren^/i or

jp/iarsarerhn^a

P

#payaceyafo7i 33

payro 36

parnr/a 323

#palamanta 413

pa-le 112 (inv.), pa-lle 296 See

sanapalle.

pake 344

naiji 171? page 62 83 172 183 30B

pance-nMa 32 352

27

pamo 34, pamo sh 222

parera 333>4

palina 26a

pi ll 10B 102 17s 224 24l 402 426,

pi-ttsa 423, pi 22x

pilkger=sa 39L See malkger=sa

pi£tro-nta 21 1

pu 333

pepa 405

perath 332

pelkin 323

po 24 22 53 156 233 263 29x 303 305

316 334 384 396 403, po-tstse 34

poke 142 305, pauke 412

posdham 135

pauke, see poke,

pau-skem 43

ptsaii 4l 74 19220B 214 29t 393, ptsaii

32B, ptsana 195, y>/mtsan 385

pyapyo 32 56 9j 263 316 342, pyapya-

-tse 122 (inv.) 322

*prakara 394, prakarya 263

pra-lle 34 163 173 263

pre-tsa 336

platkare ll4 223 235 37B, platkare

235

ph

^aksa-lle 34 45 42 52 52'3 5B 6! 74

] 24 12x 13* 133 163 19] 194 20

212 224 276 296 304 323, 4 33s 344

355-6 354 36s 382, ^d/aksa-llona

122>8, y>7zarksa-lle 31 5, p/jaksa-

-lya 125 124, pliaikhsliix-Yya, 203

y>7/atsan, see ptsaii.

ydiarge-ttsai 335

pAar^eririi, see yiTiarsarem.

ydiarsarerh 34 382 42 2, y^arsarem-

n th 323, _p7iarsarerhn77ia 364, phax-

saren77i 315 374, jo/iai^erim 5B 114,

phsirgevi 10B

pb asdh 12! 146 424

28

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

m

makija-sT^Tia-llona 42°

ma-tsi 125

madh 386

* manotaci 28s

mame 105

malkper 44 52 17, 332 354, malk-

per=sa 4*-° 42 54 6, 65 76 74 10,

134 145 152 196, 193.4 22* 236 273

27, 273 276 296 302 315 322344 346

355 36 j(inv.) 394 39, 41, Seepilkper

malyakka 37s, malyaka 426, malyk-

ka 33,

mastu-kar77i 135 See nastukarfTt

maka 84 21 3 274 412

mayi 135

maylarya 37g

malasa 335

mita-sse 223

mi-tstsa 36 84 39s

miye 326, miye-tsa 35

misa 262

miya 56

* musaka 94

muska-sTisTiaih 45

mena-mpa 402

maiki 92 145 14, 375

mokra ll6

mo- 365, mo-tstsa 3s 124, mo-tsa 22s

373

modka-sse 20 405

montaru 423

-mpa, see menampa, satkentampa.

mrestlxje 55 344

mluta-lle 34 363 422, mluta-s7ia-llona

323 See luta.

mlucku 76 384 414

y

yaksiye 104 145 23° 292 37, 392>g

yari/i, see under seme.

* yai'per 65 303 396

yama 22s 305, yama-s/iam ll5 274,

yama-s7?s7mrh 82 126 (inv.), yama-

sTia-lle 18s 334 37s 382, yama-

s7is/ia-lle 3s 62>3 136, yama-s7ia-lya

152 s 153, yama-s7?s7ia-llona 33,

yama-s7zsAa-lona 26, yama-sTia-

lona 36 343, yama-slona 8, 84 9s

9g lO-3 42, >2

yasofina 56

yamusai 45 372 394

yam-tsi 404

ye 426, ye-tse-ttse 7, 102 385

yere-tsa-ssa 106

* - yeya kh 35

yesmi 342

yoka-lle 335

yoqam 336

yojar 265

yo-tsa 372, yo-ttsa 39g

yoraim 84 403

yparc 24 134, ygac ll6 33,

ypa-ttse 105 222

ypiya 104 235 292 336

ysarna 37, 392, ysarnai 406

r

ratre 26

*rasecanam 18, See rasancana in

Index I

r&hthe 124

ratre 35

ri-tsa 125

* rimma 103, rimmakka 103, rim-

makka-ssa 9, 316

rl 264 (inv.)

rigka-tsi 39,

? rutelle 86

ro-tstse 41 8

rom 12, 424

*rkarl 33 322

njakca 404

1901.]

Appendix.

* -lata 18s

lani 26

li 17x

lnta-sse-nca 222, luta-s/iam 366 422,

luta-sTis/mm 382. See mluta.

lupsa-lle 31s

le 75 11* (inv.) 1 lx 305 34a (inv.)

346

* -leyata 51

laiko 10x 234 See selaiko.

lonta-sse 5X

laupe 372 393, lanpa-tsi 34s

lkgar 42x, lkqar=qa 106

-lya, -Ilya, -lye, see qalya, trig-

asAallya, ^Ziaksalya, lyinalya

sutha1shalja, sonop^alya, slaij/cAa-

lya.

lya-ttse, see enmelyattse.

lyina-lle 322, lyina-lya 326

-lie 82 li2 126 225 282 36* 38x 385

See dharselle, tasalle, nalle,

palle, pralle, ^Aaksalle, mlntalle,

yamas/ialle, yokalle, lupsalle, ly-

inalle, vaccalle, qatthashshaMe,

sanapalle, sutlias^s^alle, sono-

phalle , syalle, sralle.

-lle-ttse 225

-lle-nta, see sanapallenta.

-lLona, -Iona 8s See kallona, qallo-

na, tasallona, y>/&aksallona, ya-

masAs/iallona or yamas/is/ialona,

slaqk/iallona.

v

vacca-lle 123

vari 24x

9

qakh 42 122 273 34&

9atA/ta-sAs/ia-lle 142

? ^arkqasa 2l>2

castaath 405

> •

29

9ar 142 345

-91-ssa 206

9eriye 40 4

^e^u 135

-9ke 33x 426, -9kem 33s See ske, ske.

* 9kqa9ko 14x 195 192 213 272 28*

283 326 393 404, 9qa9ko 73

9kqarat-ske-tsi 353

9cirem 123

~9tro 21x

9palmem 173

9le 402 See sle.

s

sago 136

samma 146

-salle,-sallona, — salya, see ^/mksalle,

etc. Compare sAalle, s/mllona,

s/mlya

salype 42 6X 104 133 163 172 186 196

193 194 212 224 22x 243 262 (bis)

273 273 275 286 296 304 312 335

332 344 345 355 (bis) 35x (inv.)

354 (inv.) 37x 394 403, salype 145

38x

sa 176

sukkara 106

sufcMli 106 10x 40x

seme 196 26s (iny.) 344, seme-yar^

33.4 17x 196 193 316 38j 3g4>

seme-yar^ 154-5 204 294 312 32s

37* 416

sesa th 24 76 748x 83 124 (inv.) 21 4,

sesaAfta 363 384

se-ske 2B 396

skara 2X

skaska 35s

ske 326 See Qke, ske.

sgarapksa 13s

stalla-s/m-lle 22 7X 8s

spakaim 33 8X 84 9s 92>3 104 21 2 342

376 (inv.) 39x (inv.) 42x, spakiye

84 93 316i, spakiye 152 153

30

Dr. Hoernle — Antiquities from Central Asia. [Extra No. 1,

*-spati 23

-sle, see trigasle and 9le

-slona, see yamaslona.

-ssa 126 206 26 1 326 See qragkaissa,

yeretsassa, rimmakTiassa, saccassa.

-ssana, 93 See arira/c/iassana, a9cas-

sana.

-ssana-n^a, see arira&Aassanan£7ia.

-ssi, see knrka£//assi.

-sse 106 322 (inv.) See knncidliasse,

cijackasse, tanasse tara^/iasse,

mitasse, modhasse, lontasse,

srjesesse.

-sse-nca, see lntasseiica.

-ssai, see trakgossai.

sh

-sh am, -shsh&m, see alas7is7jarh, na-

khsh&m, mnskas/is/iarh, yama-

sTiam or yamas^s/zam, lntas^am

or lutas/zsTiam, sa>khashsham.

-s7ialona, -$7is7ialona -s7iallona, shsha,-

llona, see makqasTis/jallona, mlu-

tas7iallona, yamasTialona or yam-

as7?s7iallona.

-sTialya, -s7iallya, see trlqas7iallya,

ph&khshajlya, su£7ias7ialya.

-s7ialle, -shsh&We, see trir)as7is7ialle,

yamas7ialle or yamas^sTialle, 9at-

thashsheAle , stallas^alle, s7?^7iarka-

sT^s^alle, etc., su£7ias7is7ialle.

she kse 34L (inv.)

shpha, 17t 29 L, slipli&-t&m 172

shph&rka, 124, shphsbrksi-shsh^-lle 25

7® 224 393, shph'2Lrk&-shsh&-\le

37L2, sT^arkka-sMa-lle 145,

s7ip7i-arkka-s7is7ia-lle 106 10i>2,

s7ip7i-arka-s7ia-lle 335 375, slipli&Y-

kka-s7*a-lle 104 lOj

s

sa 45 42 43 51 5A 54 6L 62 65 76 74 75

93 92 104 1 0L 134 14l (bis) 142 145

1 5S 175 172 19l 194 21* 22® 23®

24® .( inv.) 252 273 27x 273 275 29®

309 312 322 335 33s 3# 34® 34L

(inv.) 342 342 (inv.) 34B 35B 36x

(inv.) 375 37t 372 (bis) 382 394

39a (bis) 394 41t

#sakapce 3® 3X 18B 32® 35®

sakna 22

sacca-ssa 144

sata 36 (inv.)

sanapa-tsi 43 143 29^ 345, sanapa-lle

27x 356 394 41 2, sanapa-lle-nta 184

salype, see salype.

sa 84 93 94 I5S 31® 385 39A

sa7c7<a-s7is7iam 34 36® 422

satke 18® 315 364 374, satke-nta 75

152 215 294, satke-nta 25 (inv.) 9A

112 133 155 224 242 31s 32s

343 372 404 421? sarhtke-nta 21 1

38t 396 424, samtke-nta-mpa 324

sapadh 35t

sari 425

sn7^a-s7?s7ia-lle 136, su77ia-s7ia-lya 42L

#snliz 154

sukara 76 (inv.)

sudha 55

se 25 J25 135 15® 17, 194 2J2 262 345

354 (inv.) 403

seka 176 354

s ekh 134

se-ttse 3 1 x

selaiko 102 105 H5 114 23B 236 37®

sono 403, sonopAa-lya 44 141>2 213

304 305 333, sonop/?a-lle 75 263 402

-ske 25 30® 353 39®, -skem 43. See

9ke, ske.