■ \

: : i

•• ' • f

r 4 v : •

^ " ' Vl •' L i

Jfielii museum of •Natural iijisturu

LIBRARY

(Chtrnyu

JFrnm - - - -

yplii

I

\

/

i •

i .

-

%

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

*

VOL. LXXI.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I and II, and Extra Nos. I and II, — 1902.)

EDITED BY THE

jdONORARY j^HILOLOGICAL jS ECRETARY,

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted; and it will die away, if Jhsy %hal] erjtirjely t ease.” SiR Wm, Jones.

■* 0 o _ .1 © j> . * 4 V I) , U

' ^ ■ o o i J i .O'),

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE '

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1902.

J

t

i *

i t « 4 « t t

* •

c :

*

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXXI, Part I (Nos. 1 and 2). — 1902.

No. 1. Page,

Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur, — By S. C. Hill ... I

The Secret Words of the Cuhras. — By Revd. T. Grahame Bailey,

B.D., M.A., Wazirdbad ... ... ... ... 14

Three documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text ,

Translations and Notes. — By The Late Dr. Karl Marx, Mora¬

vian Missionary at Leh, Ladak ... ... : ... 21

Trilokndth. — By J. Ph. Vogel ... ... ... 35

Notes on two Coins of the Sunga Dynasty. — By Col. C. E. Shepherd. 42

A short notice of a Persian Ms. on Gaur. — By H. Beveridge ... 44

A short note on the Khoajs of Turkestan,— By H. Beveridge ... 45

A short note on the date of the death of Nur Qutb ‘ Alam . — By

H. Beveridge ... ... ... ... 46

The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. — By Major H. G. Raverty. 47

Bablian. — By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri ... 61

Note on a find of copper coins in the Wun District , Bardr, — By

Major Wolseley Haig, First Assistant Resident , Haidarabad.

( With Plates I and II ) ... ... ... ... 63

No. 2.

Notes on the Dialect of the Kangra Valley , with Glossary of ivords

peculiar to the Kangra District. — By the late Edward O’Brien,

Deputy Commissioner of Kangra

A contribution to the History of Western Bundelkhand — By C. A.

Silberrad, I.C.S., B.A., B.Sc.

Faqir Khayr-ud-Din Muhammad , the Historian of Shah lAlam. — By

E. Denison Ross, Ph.D.

Y

71

99

• • •

i * •

• • •

136

iv

Contents.

Page.

The Licchavi race of ancient India . — By Satis Chandra VidyIbhu-

sana, M.A., M.R.A.S. ... ... ... ... 142

Vrdtya and Samkara Theories of Caste. — By Satis Chandra Vidya-

bhusana, M.A., M.R.A.S. ... ... ... 149

Index to Journal , Vol. LXXI , Part I (Nos. 1 and 2) ... 175

Extra No. 1.

Notes on the Bashgali (Kafir) Language , compiled by

Davidson, C.B., I.S.C : —

Table of Contents ...

System of Transliteration

Preface

Grammar

Sentences — English- Bashgali ...

Appendices

Colonel J.

• • • •

l-m

v

... vii-xiii

... 1-66

...67-164

165-195

Extra No. 2.

Tin ' ee Episodes from the old Bengali Poem “ Candifi translated into

English. — By E. B. Cowell, M.A., Professor of Sanskrit, and

Fellow of Corpus Christi College in the University of Cam¬

bridge

Preface ... ... ... ... ...

The Old Bengali Poem Gandi I

Bo. do. II

Bo. do. IT I

• • •

\

v-viii

1-14

15-33

34-46

• t •

• • •

# • •

LIST OF PLATES

ISSUED WITH

JOURNAL, Vol. LXXI, Part I.— 1902.

Plates I and II : Copper Coins in the Wun District, Barar.

ERRATA.

'Errata.

vii

Errata.

Yin

Page 128, line 28 : for ‘ Panari * read 1 Panari.’

130, note

131

n

132

yy '

3

4:

5:

1

4

7

1

2

3

5

6

7

133, Zt7*e

,, note

134, line 29

„ note 6

135, line 2

‘ note 168 ’ rea^ ‘ note 1 above.’

‘ page 23 ’ read ‘ p. 117.’

‘ note 169’ read ‘ note 2 above.*

‘(1288 A.D.) * read ‘(1288 A.D.) j but this is of very

doubtful authenticity.’

‘ note 151 * read * note 5, p. 127.’

‘ S. of Gwalior ’ read ‘ S. of Guna.*

‘ p. 37,’ read ‘ p. 129.’

‘ note 180’ read ‘ note 8, p. 131.’

‘ note 152 ’

‘ note 137 ’

* Kali Dun * ,, ‘ Kala Dunr.’

,, ‘ note 2, p. 130.’

„ ‘ Banpur.’

‘ note 7, p. 125.’

„ ‘ note 6, p. 127.’

„ ‘ note 9, p. 125.’

yy

‘ note 169 ’

‘ Banpur ’

‘ note 135 ’

‘ Guduwal ’

>)

>>

‘ GudawaV

Editor’s Note.

To pp. 42 and 43 : —

Mr. R. Burn has kindly pointed out to me that the coins of Dhruva Mitra and

Rudra Gupta described on pp. 42 and 43, have already been published in Cunning¬

ham’s Coins of Ancient India, Plate VII, 1 and 2.

To pp. 47-60 : —

The peculiar transliteration and spelling of Oriental words adopted by Major

Raverty in his paper on the Invention of Chess and Backgammon, pp. 47-60, has

been retained at the author’s special request.

Postscript to Mr. Theobald's paper ( Vol . LXX, Part I, No. 2 , p. 38, 1901.)

Since writing the above I have acquired a silver ‘ Purana ’ with the figure of a

Rhinoceros on it. This animal will therefore remain on the list of animals on those

coins.

I find too that, by some inadvertence, the Rhinoceros has been excluded from

the list of animals found on copper coins, though I had already figured it in my paper

(J.A.S.B., 1890, Part I, p. 217, fig. 14), which figure was from a copper coin of tJjain.

The Rhinoceros may therefore be inserted in the list on p. 71 as 55 A., that being

its proper place among animals.

Under orders of the Council the following system of transli¬

teration will be adopted for the future in all publications of the Society.

Authors of papers for the Journal , Pt. I, are particularly requested to

adhere to it in their contributions.

A. FOR THE DEVANAGARl ALPHABET, AND FOR ALL

ALPHABETS RELATED TO IT.

^ a ,

In the above the virdma has been omitted for the sake of clearness.

In Modern Vernaculars only; may be represented by r, and 3T

by rh.

Avagraha is to be represented by an apostrophe, thus so ’pi.

Visarga is represented by k , Jilivamuliya by h, and UpadhmdnJya by A.

Anusvdra is represented by m, thus samsarga , and anundsiha by the

sign ~ over the letter nasalized, thus a, ci, and so on. The uddtta

accent is represented by the sign ' and the svarita by A. Thus,

agnih, janita , Wi leva, Imnya . The anudatta accent may be

represented by '. Thus, ^ te dvardhanta.

B. FOR PERSIAN (INCLUDING- ARABIC WORDS IN

PERSIAN) AND HINDUSTANI.

Vowels.

Consonants. Sounds only found m

Hindustani.

o'

Jt

ai

an

£ kb

a d

b Z

J V

J *

j zh

4J*» S

ijt sh

V*5 ?

O* ?

Je t

£ Z

•»

go dh

3 d

*3 dh

J V

*j rh

o f

(3 q

^ k

^ g

J 1

(* ra

O n

■<5^ kh

8’h

vj when representing animasika in Deva

Nagari, by ~ on the preceding vowel

w ( or rarely v)

A h

y

Hamzah f (where necessary) *

The J of the article J\ in Arabic words should be assimilated

before the solar letters ; and the vowel u which often precedes the article

and absorbs its vowel should remain attached to the word to which it

belongs. Thus — JUS[ Iqbalu-d-daulah.

Tanwin may be rendered by w-e. g., ittijaqan . Alif-i maqsurah should

be rendered by a.

Final 8 need not be written in Persian and Hindustani words

but should be written in Arabic words.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. 1.— 1902.

Account of late Maharaja Nublcissen Bahadur. — By S. 0. Hill, Esq.

[ Read 5th March, 1902. ]

A few months ago Mr. N. N. Gliose published a most interesting

Memoir of Maharaja Nubkissen. Amongst the documents consulted for

the compilation of this Memoir was “ An Account of the late Maharaja

Nublcissen Bahadur , required and delivered to A. Sterling , Esq., Persian

Secretary to Government , on the 30 th April , 1825.”

Maharaja Nubkissen died on the 22ud November, 1797, and the

above Account is said to have been written by Maharaja Sir Radha

Kanta Deb Bahadur, K.O.S.I. It may therefore be taken as an authen¬

tic narrative of some of the leading events in the life of the celebrated

Diwan of the Honourable East India Company. I have been permitted

to publish it in the Journal of the Asiatic Society by the courtesy of

Raja Binay Krishna, a descendant of Nubkissen and therefore the

hereditary friend of the British Government whose power his ancestor

assisted to establish.

This all too short Account should be extremely interesting to the

historical student not only because the early history of the British connec¬

tion with India is attracting so much attention at the present moment

but because the proper understanding of Hindu character depends

largely upon our being able to obtain side-lights illustrative of it as it

J, 1. 1

it

2 S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur. [No. 1*

appeared before the mantle of European customs and language began

to obscure its features from European eyes. If anything is evident

from a consideration of this Account it is that the Hindu of Bengal, in

all the essentials of character, is unchanged and unchangeable.

In the first place the apparent resignation of the Hindu to “ the

'powers that be ” does not imply the death of his national and religious

feelings. In 1756 the Hindus were looking for a deliverer. A French¬

man, resident in Chandernagore at the time of the capture of Calcutta

by Siraj-ud-daula, wrote to Paris that the people of the country “ hug¬

ged themselves in the expectation that the English would defeat the

Nabob and deliver them from his cruelty and oppression.” In fact it

was the intrigues of the Hindu merchants and bankers at the Murshida-

bad Darbar that brought about the rupture between the English and

the Nawab, and, when they saw their new allies beaten, the Hindus

with a loyalty not often ascribed to them, took every opportunity of pro¬

tecting them from the Nawab’s vengeance. Their action was none the

less effectual because it bent to the storm and was secret.

The Hindu has always been fond of what may be called u political

speculation,” and clever young men of this reputedly timorous race have

always been prepared to risk life and property by lending a helping

hand to brave men in adversity on what appears an almost impossible

chance of recovery. Nothing could have appeared more hopeless than

the condition of the English at Fulta, yet Nubkissen thought it wise to

urge his relations to save these apparent outcasts from starvation.

It is not the Hindu only who worships the great Goddess Chance,

but the Hindu delights in recalling the influence of trifling incidents

upon the careers of great men. Nubkissen walked in a certain street

on a certain day, and so became the Company’s Diwan.

Finally as an illustration of Asiatic reserve and Asiatic love of

dramatic effect one may notice the disclosure of Nubkissen’s rank. A

man of high birth, he accepts a post, which, though lucrative and

probably honourable amongst his fellow-countrymen, gives him no posi¬

tion commensurate in the eyes of his European employers with his real

rank. It is disclosed by an enemy in a way which is intended to mortify

as well as damage him, but, owing to the lucky accident of Clive’s intui"

tive knowledge of Asiatic character, the disclosure only adds to his

honour and confirms his position.

I have vainly searched the records of the Government of India for

evidence of Nubkissen’s having assisted the English at Fulta, but the

accounts of what happened at Fulta are extremely meagre and, though

the secret supply of provisions by natives under cover of night is

mentioned, the names of these natives are not given. This is no reason

1902.] S. 0. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur .

3

for doubting the family tradition,1 for it is certain that Nubkissen’s

friends were influential people at Fulta, and it was only the inhabitants

of the immediate neighbourhood who could hope to correspond with the

English without attracting the notice of the Nawab’s spies. How this

brought him to the notice of Lord (then Colonel) Clive is explained in

a note by Babu Nilmani Mukerjea, late Principal of the Sanskrit College,

Calcutta, which I append to the Account.

S. Charles Hill,

Officer in charge of the Records of the Govt, of India.

January 14 th, 1902,

Account of the late Muharaja Nubkissen Bahadur required by and deliv¬

ered to A , Sterling , Esq., Persian Secretary to Government on the

30 th April , 1825.

As an account of this family from its first founder and his im¬

mediate descendants would contain an immoderate length of detail (they

having held respectable situations under the former sovereigns of Ben¬

gal) I will begin with his eighteenth descendant named Daveedas Muj-

mooadar; this individual was appointed Kanoongoe of Pergnnnah

Mooragacha, &c., in the District of 24-Pergunnahs, where he resided

having removed his dwelling-house from his native village of Cansona,

near Moorshidabad. On the demise of Daveedas Mujmooadar his sons

Sahasracsha Mujmooadar and Rucminikant Byabaherta presented them¬

selves to Nowwab Mahabutgunge 2 at Moorshidabad, who was pleased

to appoint the former to his late father’s office, and the latter a Manager

»

of the Estate Casubram Roy Chowdhoory then minor Zemindar of

Pergunnah Mooragacha, &c. After the death of Rucminikant Byabaherta

his son Rameswar Byabaherta having succeeded his father, paid into

the Nowwab’s Treasury the Revenues of the above Pergunnah amounting

to more than the former settlement, in consequence of which Casubram

Roy having attained to full age confined Rams wor Byabaherta in his own

house, on account of which Ramcliurn Byabaherta (son of Rameswor

Byabaherta) went to Moorshidabad and introduced himself to the

Royrayn3 Chain Roy and delivered in writing in the Nowwab’s Record

1 The Rev. J. Long, as Mr. Ghose points out, mentions Nubkissen’s assistance

of the English as an undoubted fact. Governor Verelst in his “ View of the English

Government in Bengal ” writes : “Nubkissen is a native Hindu, who had been

extremely zealous in the English cause during the troubles preceding Meer Jaffer’s

elevation to the subahdarry.” This, I think, is as near as we can get to a complete

confirmation of the family tradition.

2 Mahabat Jang or Alawardi Khan, Nawab of Bengal.

3 Rayrayan. A title bestowed by the Muhammadans on Hindu noblemen.

4 S. 0. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nuhkissen Bahadur. [No. 1,

an additional Tahud or agreement for the sum of 50,000 Rupees for the

Pergunnah of Mooragacha, and was appointed Ohdadar or Revenue

farmer for that Pergunnah, and obtained the release of his father from

confinement and revenged on Casubram Roy by imprisoning him and

paid in sums to the Nowwab’s Sircar over and above the Tahood executed

by him and afterwards quitted his abode in Pergunnah Mooragacha and

built a house at Govindpore in Calcutta where he having left his

family proceeded to Moorshidabad, and presented himself to the above-

mentioned Nowwab and Royrayn, and was appointed Salt Agent and

Collector of Hidgelle, Tumlook, Mohisadub, &c., and discharged his

duties to the great benefit and entire satisfaction of his superiors.

In the meantime Nowwab Muniruddeeri Khan, brother of the

Subadar of Arcat, having quarrelled with his brother came to Nowwab

Mahabutgunge, Subadar of Bengal, who showed him much respect and

nominated him Subadar of the Province of Cuttack and also appointed

Ramchurn Byabaherta Dewan of that Province and sent them with a

considerable force for preventing the incursions of the Mahrattas. They

accordingly arrived at Midnapore to suppress the Pindaras, and from

thence marched towards Cuttack, but their Army was at a great distance

excepting a few people of their retinue who accompanied them when a

number of Pindaras consisting of about 400 Horsemen, suddenly fell upon

them from the woods, and plundered and cut off the Nowwab and Dewan

with their attendants who fought them with great bravery.

At that time Dewan Ramchurn had three infant sons, viz., Ram-

sundra Deb the eldest, Manickchandra Deb the second, and Nobocrishna

•j>

Deb the youngest. They were very much distressed at the loss 1 of

their father, and their paternal property by the death of Fukher Tojjar at

Hooghly in whose hands the same had been deposited. Their mother

defrayed the expense of their maintenance, education and marriage

with her own money and built a new house at Govindpore in consequence

of the old premises having been encroached on by the River. Sometime

since that Fort William was erected at Govindpore, after the residences

of Individuals of that village having been removed, they received from the

Hon’ble Company 10 Biggahs of ground in Arpooly 2 and 5,000 Rupees

for buildings in lieu of their dwelling-house at Govindpore. The ground

received in Exchange at Arpooly not being sufficient for habitation

Ramsundra Deb purchased a house, formerly belonging to Ramsunker

Gliose, at Sootanooty in Calcutta with the above money after which

1 Fakhretujjar, i.e., the pride of merchants. This name is mentioned in a letter

from Mr. John Young, Prussian Agent at Chandernagore, dated July 10th, 1756.

8 Arpooly in Calcutta.

5

1902.] S. 0. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur.

Nobocrishna Deb bought more grounds and built suitable buildings, and

resided there with bis numerous family and relatives. When Ramsun-

dra Deb became fit for business, he at first did the duties of Aumeen

or Supervisor of Punchcote commonly called Punchet 1 and other places

and supported his family for some years.

In the year 1756 all the nobles and principal persons of the Pro¬

vinces of Bengal and Behar were dissatisfied with the tyrannical con¬

duct of Nowwab Seraj-ud-dowlah, whereupon Rajah Rajbnllabha 2 (who

was a Yiadya by caste of Dacca) fled from Moorshidabad and took re¬

fuge at Calcutta, in consequence of which the Nowwab issued a Per-

wannah to Mr. Drake then Governor of Calcutta, directing him to

seize and send the Rajah to him but Mr. Drake without complying

with this requisition answered the Perwannah stating that he would

make the Rajah pay immediately if the Nowwab had any demands

against him, on sending particulars of the same, upon which the

Nowwab was very much incensed at Mr. Drake, and wrote him another

Perwannah threatening him that if he did not deliver up the Rajah on

receipt of the Perwannah he would send his Troops to seize the Rajah

and to drive out the English from Bengal, in consequence of which Mr.

Drake and other English gentlemen were thrown into perplexity, they

not having sufficient force to repel the enemy when Rajah Rajbullabha

assured them that all the Sirdars who were dissatisfied with the

Nowwab would never fight the English and accordingly all the Ministers

and Sirdars of the Nowwab joined together and sent a Persian Letter

from Moorshidabad to Mr. Drake, by a Hurcarah3 who delivered it with

the instruction that it was a Letter which contained a secrecy and

should not be read nor replied to by the agency of any Musulman

Moonshee but that a Hindu should be employed for that purpose, for

which reason Mr. Drake without shewing that Letter to the Company’s

Moonshee Tajuddeen, ordered his Hurcarahs to search for and bring a

Hindu Moonshee from Calcutta.

On that very day Nobocrishna Deb was gone to Burrah Bazar in

the afternoon, when one of the Hurcarahs of Mr. Drake knowing by

inquiry that he was acquainted with the Persian language took him to

Mr. Drake to whom Nobocrishna Deb read the Persian Letter and

explained the contents thereof and wrote an answer to it, although he

was then a youth attending school, yet he executed this arduous task,

by the superior mental faculties he was endowed with and thereby met

1 Panelist in the Manbhura District.

2 The English account is that Rajbalav’s son Krishna Das took refuge at

C alcutta with all his father’s treasures.

3 Harkara, one who does every business. Here a messenger or spy.

6 S. C. Hill— Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur. [No. 1,

with the highest approbation of Government who were pleased to

appoint him to the office of a Moonshee of the East India Company and

granted him a Palankeen with Bearers for his conveyance and 200

Rupees for Dress.

After the above the Nowwab Seraj-ud-dowlah attacked Calcutta

with a grand Army in June 1756, and the English having but a small

force did not engage in hostilities, and the Governor and most other

English gentlemen retired to Madras1 on board of ships and the rest

were imprisoned in the Black-hole, and all the inhabitants of Calcutta

fled to different places. The Nowwab having taken Calcutta, named it

Alinugur and dominated one Rajah Manickchunder Governor of Ali-

nugur, and returned to Moorshidabad. Mr. Drake and the former

members of Council having arrived at Madras brought Colonel Clive

on board of one of Admiral Watson’s fleet who landed with his force

at Fulta (otherwise Colpy) 2 within six months and took the Forts of

Budge Budge, Tana Magooa, and Aligur 3 (which was built and so named

by Manickchunder) and defeated the Nowwab’s Army and surprised

Rajah Manickchunder who was then amusing himself at Nautches and

caused him to flee to Moorshidabad and took possession of Calcutta, in

January 1757, when Moonshee Nobocrishna waited upon Colonel Clive,

and resumed his Office.

Subsequently in 1757 Nowwab4 Seraj-ud-dowlah attacked Calcutta

again, and encamped in Amirchund’s garden called Hulsy Baug

whereupon Colonel Clive deputed Moonshee Nobocrishna with an

Engineer Officer under the pretence of making proposals of peace and

sending presents to the Nowwab and his attendants. The above two

Officers of English Government brought with them in writing a particu¬

lar account of their encampment and Colonel Clive marched his force

up to the Nowwab’s Camp at the end of the night and blew up the

Nowwab’s Tent and those of his Sirdars by the first fire from Cannon, the

Nowwab however saved his life by having prudently removed to another

Tent during the night and so escaped with the loss of the greatest part of

his Troops and battle and Colonel Clive followed him to Plassey where

he fought a dreadful battle with the Nowwab’s Commander-in-Chief

1 The English retired only to Fulta where they were reinforced from Madras.

2 Colpy or Kalpi, about 20 miles below Fulta.

3 Tanna Muckwa in Rennell’s Map. Hunter’s Gazetteer says : — “ An old port on

the Hughli River, opposite Fort Aligarh in Garden Reach, an old suburb in

Calcutta.” It is said that the old Fort of Tanna was on the site of the house occu¬

pied by the Superintendent of the Botanical Gardens.

4 Better known as Omichand, the great banker, who threatened to betray

Clive and the English to Seraj-ud-dowlah and was himself outwitted.

J 902.] S. 0. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nuhkisscn Bahadur .

7

Meer Mudun 1 and slew him, and totally defeated and dispersed the

Nowwab’s Troops.

Another account says that the above successful attack on the Gamp

of Nowvvab Seraj-ud-dowlah, induced him in February 1757 to conclude

a treaty to the greatest advantage of the English but scarcely had this

contest terminated when news was received of a War having been declared

between England and France and the reduction of the French power be¬

came an object of importance to the English. Nowwab Seraj-ud-dowlah

informed the Council of Calcutta that if hostilities were carried into his

country by the English, he would assist the French with all his power*

However after a vigorous assault, C hander nagore was taken by the Eng.

lish and the Nowwab having shown marks of displeasure at this event it

was resolved to depose him by supporting Mir Jafer Aly Khan (who had

married the sister of Aliverdy Khan Seraj-ud-dowlah’s predecessor).

This was followed by a decisive action on the Plains of Plassey in which

the Nowwab’s Troops were routed in every direction and he was obliged

to fly from his Capital in the disguise of a Faquir and was brought to

Moorshidabad and beheaded by Meer Jafer’s eldest son.2

Jafer Aly Khan from Letters having passed between him and

Moonshee Nobocrishna did not give battle, but formed an alliance with

Colonel Clive who took possession of Moorshidabad and declared Jafer

Aly Khan to be the lawful Nowwab of Bengal. With the sanction of

Colonel Clive Moonshee Noboocrishna 3 settled the terms of the Sooba-

darv agreement with Nowwab Jafer Ali Khan, and made arrangements

for conducting the affairs of the Provinces in concurrence with the Naib

Soobadar Nowwab Moozufferjung and fixed an annual Nizamut allowance

at 18,00,000 Rupees and the expenses of the Soobadary, &c., at 7,00,000

Rupees making in all 25 lacks of Rupees (some say 24 lacks) and

returned to Calcutta with Colonel Clive, and was crowned with the

highest esteem and regard of that gentleman for his faithful discharge

of the important public duties intrusted to him, after which Colonel

Clive proceeded to England assuring Moonshee Nobocrishna that he

would return soon with the appointment 4 to a distinguished situation.

In the year 1761 Mr. Yansittart, being appointed Governor of

1 The only faithfnl general of Seraj-ud-dowlah. The Hindus claim him as ori¬

ginally a Hindu, which is inconsistent, I believe, with the title of Mir Seraj-ud-

dowlah was present at the battle and fled when he heard Mir Madan was killed.

2 Miran, himself killed by lightning about three years later.

8 The official accounts say that Mir Jafer employed Jagat Seth as his Agent

with the English.

* Mr. Henry Vansittart was Governor, from July 27th, 1760, to November

1764.

8

S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur . [No. 1,

Calcutta, nominated Ramchurun Roy as his Dewau and sent for Nowwab

Jafer Aly Khan aud Nowwab Mozufferjung from Moorshidabad to

Calcutta on account of some faults that they had committed and

displaced them from the Musnnd and instated Nowwab Kassim Aly Khan

Soobadar in their stead. Shortly after Kassim Aly Khan removed his

seat from Moorshidabad to Monghyr and treacherously killed all the

English gentlemen of Moorshidabad, Patna, Cassimbazar, &c , and also

inhumanly destroyed almost all the nobles of Bengal, namely, Royrayn

Ommed Roy, Maharajah Ramnarain,1 Rajah Rajbullabha with his son

and Jugut Sate with his brother and others, excepting Nowwab Jafer Aly

Khan, Nowwab Muzufferjung and Moharaja Doollu Charan who were

then in Calcutta.

Afterwards Major Adams2 went to war against Kassim Aly Khan,

accompanied with force 3 and Moonshee Nobocrishna and fought a

signal battle at Oady Nullah, for four days successively (some say nine

days) and defeated Kassim Aly Khan’s Troops and gained victory over

him pursuing him across the Nullah, he however fled to Nowwab Shaja-ud-

Dowlah at Lucknow. Moonshee Nobocrishna having been employed

for three days in the execution of the orders of Major Adam fell sick

in consequence of the extreme fatigue and was confined in his Tent on

the fourth day when the plundering soldiers of the Nowwab robbed

his Tent and attempted to cut him off, but he ran away, and jumped into

the Nullah and swam it over and saved his life by joining the British

Army. Major Adams having been most arduously employed in this war,

was taken dangerously ill, for which reason Moonshee Nobocrishna and

Mr. Skinner were bringing him to Calcutta in a boat but this meritorious

officer unfortunately died near Calcutta.

In 1765 Lord Clive being appointed Governor-General of India

with unlimited powers arrived at Calcutta on the 3rd May and Mr.

Vansittart embarked for Europe previously to that without seeing his

Lordship, in consequence of the calamities occasioned by his nomination

of Kassim Aly Khan Soobadar of Bengal. Lord Clive was pleased to

employ Moonshee Nobocrishna confidentially as before and after consult¬

ing him reinstated Nowwab Jaffer Aly Khan Soobadar and Mozufferjung

Naib Soobadar, after which Moonshee Nobocrishna accompanied Lord

Clive as far as Allahabad (some say Delhi) and concluded a treaty with

his Majesty Shah Alum, and his Highness Nowwab Shaja-ud-Dowlah

to the satisfaction of his Lordship, and obtained from his Majesty

on the 2nd Showal 1179 Higeree (A.D. 1765) a dignity of Munsub

1 Raja Ram Narain, Deputy Governor of Bihar.

2 i.e., Ma}or Adams.

3 2ud August, 17G3.

9

1902.] S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur.

Punjhuzaree,1 three thousand Suwars or Horsemen Title of Rajah

Bahadoor Palky Jhalerdar Toogh, Nukarah, &c., and also from his

Highness valuable Khelats and other marks of honor and on the same

day a Munsub of one thousand five hundred Suwar and Title of Roy

were conferred on the above mentioned two eldest brothers of Rajah

Nobocrishna, who then proceeded with his Lordship to Benares and

Azeemabad and consecrated an Image of the Deity Shiva in the Temple

of Visweswora, and effected the settlement of the Province of Benares

with Moharaja Bulvant Singh and that of the Province of Behar with

Moharaja Setab Roy and came back to Calcutta with his Lordship.

One day as Lord Clive was engaged in the Council Chamber in

consultation on the subject of rewarding the useful services rendered

by Rajah Nobocrishna Bahadoor, a Persian Letter in answer to that of

Lord Clive arrived from the Soobadar of Arcat, and his Lordship

desired Rajah Nobocrishna to read and explain that Letter and he,

finding the contents thereof to be adverse to his interests, remained

silent for a moment but was obliged to interpret it on being urged by

his Lordship. The substance of it was as follows : “ It is my wish also

that the war with English Company being ended and a treaty concluded

with them, both the Powers continue in good terms, but Rajah Nobo-

crishna (who manages the Company’s affairs, being the son of Dewan.

Ramchurn, the associate of my enemy Mouneeruddeen Khan) will

obstruct the intended negotiation for which reason it is needless to make

mention of Peace during the continuance of Rajah Nobocrishna.”

The subject of the above Letter being explained to Lord Clive,

he desired Rajah Nobocrishna to await in a room adjoining the Council

Chamber for a moment who thereupon was alarmed at the probability

of his dismissal, but on the contrary, his Lordship having consulted

with the Council, called Rajah Nobocrishna and said thus : “Why did

you not inform me so long that you were of such a noble family P The

Company have derived great benefit from your services and laborious

undertakings. Not knowing the rank of your descent we could not

show you the respect due to it. From this day, we appoint you Dewan to

the Hon’ble Company and the title and Robe of Honor, &c., shall be

conferred upon you shortly.”

In the 1180 Higeree (A.D. 1766) Lord Clive was pleased to get a

Furman or Mandate from his Majesty Shah Alum granting Rajah Nobo¬

crishna Bahadoor a dignity of Munsub Shush Huzary,2 3 Four thousand

1 Munsub Punjhuzaree, a title bestowed with a kkilat of 5,000 rupees value

Palhy Jhalerdar Tope , a fringed and covered palankeen. Nulcarah, the right to have

a kettle drum.

3 i.e., 6,000.

J. i. 2

10 S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja NulJcissen Bahadur. [Ho. 1,

Suwar, and Title of Moharajah and to bestow upon him a gold Medal

with a Persian Inscription, as a Testimonial to all India of the regard

which Lord Clive and tbe Hon’ble Company had for his faithful and

honest services, and a Khelat of ten Parcha 1 with Precious Garland

of Pearls, Cliowkurah, Jeggah, Sirpech, Murussa, &c. ; and also Shield,

Sword, Elephant, Horse, Jhalerdar Palky, Assa, Sotta, Bullum, Clioury,

Morechul, Ghury, &c., and allowed him a Guard of Sepoys to watch

his Gate and fixed to him a monthly salary of 2,000 Rupees, upon

which Moharajah Nobocrishna Bahadoor thankfully represented to

Lord Clive that through his Lordship’s benevolence he was not

under the necessity of receiving from the Hon’ble Company such a

large sum per mensem but that a monthly allowance of Rupees 200

might be fixed hereditarily to preserve the character of his family ;

and his Lordship accordingly complied with his representation and

kindly handed him to his conveyance on an Elephant and the Moharajah

came home in a grand procession scattering Rupees all about him and

received the sum of 200 Rupees every month from the General Treasury

during his life-time, but it was stopped after his death.

In the year 1767 Lord Clive gave the charge of Government to

Mr. Varelst 3 and proceeded to England and Moharaja Hobocrishna

Bahadoor continued in the capacity of political Dewan to the Hon’ble

Company and discharged every part of his duties to the utmost satisfac¬

tion of Mr. Varelst. At that time the old mother of the Moharaja died

and he performed _her Sraddha or obsequies at such an immense sum

of money that no Sraddha of the kind has before or after been made

by any person. On hearing this, the Members of the Council informed

Mr. Varelst that Moharaja Hobocrishna having expended all his money

in the celebration of his mother’s funeral rites, distributed in alms

many Lacs of Rupees belonging to the Hon’ble Company’s Treasury in

his charge. After the completion of the Sraddha when the Moharaja

went to visit Mr. Varelst, he told him in jest saying : “ I am informed that

you lost your sense and have expended the whole of your wealth as well

as several Lacs of Rupees belonging to the Company’s Treasury in the

•

1 i.e., of ten pieces. The Khilat or dress of honour was compared of different

pieces and the number of the latter was graduated in accordance with the honour

intended to be bestowed. Chow Kurah , a four cornered cap. Jeggah , a feather on

the Serypaith , which is a bund clasping the forehead. Murussa, a turban, .dssa, a

straight silver staff. Sotta , a shorter silver rod with a bent handle. Bullum, an

arrow. Chowry, a silver rod with a horse-tail attached. Morechul, a silver rod with

peacock feathers. Ghury , a kind of plate which was supposed to break when poisoned

food was placed upon it. These were manufactured at Ghore, near Candahar.

s Mr. Harry Varelst was Governor, from January 29th, 1767, to December, 1769.

11

1902,] S. 0. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubhissen Bahadur.

performance of your mother’s obsequies.” Moharaja Nobocrishna, as

soon as he heard the above, locked up the Treasury (then called Money

Godown) and left the key on the table of Mr. Varelst, soliciting bim

to remove his doubts by sending for the person who accused him

together with one of the Members of the Council and desiring them to

examine and receive the Cash in Balance at the Treasury, upon which

Mr. Varelst endeavoured to pacify the Moharaja by using expressions

of politeness and wished him to depart in the temper he came, hut

the Moharaja said that if the Cash at the Treasury was not examined

such measure would degrade his character. Mr. Varelst said to the

Moharaja : “ I am well acquainted with your character and conduct,

there is no doubt but the Cash is in the Treasury ; ” notwithstanding

which, the Maharaja replied saying : “ As long as the Cash shall

remain unexamined the imputation both on you and me shall increase.”

Finding the Moharaja inflexible, Mr. Varelst sent a Counsellor to the

Treasury who examined the Cash account and found a surplus of 7,00,000

Rupees belonging to the Moharaja and apprized Mr. Varelst of it, who

was very much ashamed, apologized and delivered back the key of

the Treasury to the Moharaja, but the Moharaja declined receiving

the key saying, when you were informed of the embezzlement on my part,

you could disgrace me immediately by summoning and detaining me

until you had examined and received the Company’s Treasure, but, instead

of doing so, you have kindly preserved my character. In your absence

no other Governor will do me so much favour, for which reason I think it

proper to resign to you all the high and important offices of the Hon’ble

Company, which I have the honour to hold and not to do service any

more from this day.

On the next day, Moharaja Nobocrishna Bahadoor removed all

the public offices which he had in his house to Mr. Varelst, namely,

Moonshee Dufter (Persian Secretary’s Office), Aruz Beguy Duf ter (Office

of the Individual presenting all Petitions and representing such as may

have been made verbally), Tuhseel Dufter of 24-Pergunnahs, Collector

Office of the District of 24-Pergunnahs, Maul Adaulut of 24-Pergunnahs

(Financial Court of that district), Cutchery of Jota Mala (a tribunal

trying causes relative to tribe or caste), &c., and remained unemployed,

devoting the remainder of his days to Religion and preparing himself

for future life.

Moharaja Nobocrishna Bahadoor presented a valuable spot of

ground for the erection of Saint John’s Church, the present cathedral,

without accepting the sum of 45,000 Rupees offered by the Council for

the same and constructed a Highway known by the name of Rajah’s Jan-

gal or Dike from Behala near Calcutta to Coolpy — about 16 coss in

12 S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur. [No. 1,

length — at his own expense of upwards of one Lac of Rupees conformably

to the wish of Lord Clive and constructed a wide road leading to his

dwelling-house, called Rajah Nobocrishna’s Street, by purchasing grounds

at a considerable costand paved and repaired it at his own expense during

his existence, and rendered great assistance in establishing House Tax

in Calcutta and obtained a Talookdary Grant for Mowza Sootanooty,

Bagbazar and Hogulcoondy in 1778 from the Hon’ble Company in ex¬

change for Mouza Nowparah, &c., belonging to him, whereby most part

of the respectable and opulent native gentlemen of Calcutta became his

tenants, and made a settlement for the District of Burdwan in 1780

and preserved the sources of Government Revenue as well as the Estate

of Moharajah Dheraj Tejchunder Bahadoor during his minority. He

supported and assisted his numerous kindred and relations as well as

respectable Cooleens or individuals of eminent descent and Pundits or

learned men of Bengal of renown and encouraged all kinds of Arts and

Sciences and gratified the wishes of Actors, Dancers and Singers from

different parts of the World. He was the leader of fashion and model

of imitation to the native community of this Metropolis and received

the first reverence as well as Chaplet and Sandal before others at any

Assembly he or his family was present agreeably to the Hindu custom.

His house was honoured with the presence of almost all the former

Nowwabs, Soobadars, Royrayns, Governor and Rajahs. He died on

the 22nd November, 1797, leaving a large Estate, both real and personal,

amounting to one crore of Rupees more or less, and two legal heirs

or representatives, viz. :

1st, Baboo Gopeemohun Deb, who was third son of Moharajah Nobo-

crishna’s eldest brother — Ramsundra Deb, and adopted by the Moha¬

rajah for his son, agreeably to the Hindu Law, and 2nd, Moharaja

Rajcrislma Bahadoor, who was born some years after the adoption and

died on the 19th of August, 1823. Gopeemohun Deb has only one son

named Radhakant Deb (who is the Author of the Bengalee Spelling

Book, and Sanscrit Dictionary, entitled Sabda Calpa Druma and a Dir¬

ector of the Vidyalaya or Hindu College, Member of the Calcutta School

Book Society, Secretary and Member of the Calcutta School Society and

Vice-President of the Agricultural Society). Maharaja Rajcrishna has

left eight sons, of whom Baboo Sivacrishna Deb is the eldest.

Note by Babu Nilmani Mukerjea , dated 24<th July , 1899.

“ About 30 years ago, when I visited the English School at Sarisa,

near Diamond Harbour as Deputy Inspector of Schools, I met somv

members of the Bose family of that village, and our conversation turned

on one occasion upon the antecedents of Maharaja Nabakrishna Deb. I

13

1902. J S. C. Hill — Account of late Maharaja Nubhissen Bahadur.

was informed that the mother of Nabakrishna had come of the Saris a

Bose family and that young Nabakrishna used to visit his maternal

uncle’s house now and then.

“ When Colonel Clive halted at Fulta on the Hughli, on his expedition

to re-capture Calcutta from Nowab Sirajoodowla, he was put to great

trouble for want of provisions. Nabakrishna was then staying with his

maternal uncles at Sarisa. Having received news of Clive’s difficulties,

he began to collect rice, ghee, live stock, &c., and succeeded in getting a

decent supply through the interest of the Bose family, who possessed

great influence in that part. Young Nabakrishna had then a presenti¬

ment that he would make or mar his fortune, though his relatives were

not very sanguine about the success of his adventure ; they had then

misgivings and endeavoured to dissuade him at first, but he was not a

man to be deterred from an undertaking on which he had his heart.

“ He then started for Fulta which lay about 6 miles from Sarisa

presented himself before Clive who was struck by his pre-possessing

appearance and resourcefulness, and accepted whatever provision he had

brought with great joy. Nabakrishna followed the expedition up the

river, and rendered useful service to his employer Clive by bringing pro¬

visions as far as Budge-Budge, where Manickchand, the Nowwab’s Gover¬

nor of the local Fort, showed some fight. Since that time, Nabakrishna

who was well-versed in Persian, the lingua-Franca of India at that time,

and had a smattering of English, was employed by Clive as his Munshee

and rose step by step into high favour, till at last in 1765, when the Em¬

peror of Delhi conferred the Dewani of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, on the

East India Company, he played a prominent part by acting as inter¬

preter between Clive and the Emperor, for which he was eminently

fitted on account of his knowledge of Persian and English.”

14

T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Guliras.

[No. 1,

The Secret Words of the Guliras . — By Rev. T. Geahame Bailey, B.D.,

M.A., Wazlrabad.

[ Read 8th January, 1902.]

Like other tribes, which from the practice of generations, have become

addicted to evil deeds, the Cuhras have a secret vocabulary which

greatly facilitates the commission of crime and equally hinders its detec¬

tion. In their case the special words are connected chiefly, on the one

hand with thieving and house-breaking, and, on the other, with the

eating of cattle which have been found dead, and consequently with the

means employed to ensure a moderately good supply of such dead

animals. Throughout this article the secret words will be in italics.

Without a knowledge of these words one cannot become thoroughly

acquainted with the Cuhras or with their ways of thought and action.

In order to get right to the heart of things let us accompany an expedi¬

tion which has as its object the plundering of some rich man’s house.

Some churm (thief), who always keeps his eyes open has discovered

a huddh (house), belonging to some RarJca (Hindu) or Ghir bald Musal-

man). He seeks out another Kdla (thief) from among his own people,

the Rujgge (Cuhras), or he may find an obliging Bhatu (Sasi) ready to

help him. Having painted in glowing colours the richness of the house

in bhivite (rupees) and bagele (do.) and harjiye (paise) and thele (a

kind of ornament), he says ‘ calo gul lalye (let us break into the

house). We shall follow these men, as on a dark moonless night

they set out. Having reached the house they produce their tombu

(iron instrument for house-breaking, an oriental jemmy) and set to

work. They take the precaution of placing by their side several cliihare

or clods of earth with which to assail any unwelcome intruder. The

hole is finally made and the thief leaving outside his harJcl, stick, and

paintrl or cdJchal (shoes), and telling his litara (confidant) to keep a

sharp look out, enters the house. If he finds no one inside he will ven¬

ture to light a ghasdi (match). Suddenly a small clod of earth

drops near the house-breaker ; this is the neold (piece of earth thrown

as a warning of impending danger). He looks round in alarm and hears

15

1902.] T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Cuhras.

the whispered words “ kajja camda I ” (a jat is looking). This inter¬

ruption in his gaimi (thieving) he feels to be most inopportune. He feels

still more ill at ease when he bears another hoarse whisper “ thip ja

(hide yourself) palwe lioja ” (get to one side). He calls back “ kaipkar

kar (throw a clod of earth) loth lai su ” (beat him or kill him) and

emerges from the house. The neodl (theft) has not prospered. The

two thieves flee by different ways to their homes, and next day discuss

with great astonishment, bordering on incredulity, a report which has got

abroad that a kajjd has been attacked by two Cuhra churm (thieves)

who were engaged in Idlll (robbery) and has almost lug gay a (died).

An account given me of an event which took place in a town in which

I was staying will serve as an introduction to the subject of cattle

poisoning and carrion eating.

“ Aj ik ithtlie dahdl sohwi te tomi Kausi lug gai. Te kise

To-day a here very fine and fat cow died and someone

Rdrlcea de kol police nukar kitl bhai Rid wiccB

to-the-Hindus having-gone accusation made that out of the Cuhras

kise j& tiarl sairt, ja lanjl marl, j§ kise tart;

someone either poison gave or poisoned-iron-point smote or in some way

nal gcind ditti. Te Rarkea kathdyd si bhai asi na inha; lift

killed. and the Hindu said that we neither to-tliem

khanjara tilmn deage te na inhs nff llpra sairdge

the carrion to eat will give and not to them the skin will give.

Each company of Cuhras is supposed to possess at least one

rukhm. or cattle poisoner. It is his business to arrange for the poison¬

ing of suitable animals. He charges six annas for a cow and eight

annas for a buffalo. The poison is made up into little balls, white, and

black, and green, the black and green being more potent. One tola

put into the food of a cow is sufficient to cause death in 24 hours,

but a buffalo requires two tolas. They say that ahorse will not take food

with the poison in it. For this reason they kill horses with poisoned

sharp-pointed instruments, which are made in two sizes ; the smaller

can be concealed in the hand and is called a lanjl, the larger is a short

stick with the poisoned iron point affixed to the end, and is called

chaggi.

It is extremely hard to get Cuhras to admit any knowledge of

these practices or even of the secret wTords. After speaking to a con¬

siderable number of the people I have come to the conclusion that

a fair proportion of them are genuinely ignorant of the less common

words of their vocabulary. Militating somewhat against this is the

fact that they, one and all, delight in the songs sung by their giyanis,

which contain a proportion of secret words. There is little doubt

16

T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Cuhrds. [No. 1,

that this Pashto, as they call their special phraseology is better known

in some places than in others, and in all cases it is extremely probable

that those men are best acquainted with it who habitually give them¬

selves up to criminal pursuits. The Sasis call their own specially

secret dialect Farsi. It is hardly necessary to point out that in neither

case is there any connection with Pashto or Persian.

Unlike the Sasis the Culiras have no grammar of their own. They

use ordinary Panjabi, inserting, when there is need for secrecy, their

private words which others will not understand. If it be objected that

their hidden vocabulary is too meagre to allow them much freedom in this

exercise, it may be answered that the subjects in connection with

which they desire secrecy are very limited, and it is wonderful how

far it is possible, even with a few unknown words, to mystify the un¬

initiated.

Sometimes to disguise an ordinary word the letter ‘ m ’ is inserted*

Thus a little boy said to me-“ uh Kutrd Ghirbalia de shamul polia je ”

— that boy (to the) Musalmans’ school gone has.” Here ‘ skamul ’ is

used for ‘skul.’

One of my informants amusingly but forcibly illustrated the un¬

willingness with which Cuhras will tell strangers anything about their

argot. He confided in me only when all doors were shut, and even

then the slightest sound used to make him start and look round to find

out if anyone was listening or watching.

The following song, which sings the delights of carrion eating, will

give some idea of the verse current among these people.

1. Maddar Pir pahari carhia

Khilqat mattha tekdi.

2. Sundl Mai akkar bhanne

Culhede wicc letdi.

3. Gicll Mai jhand khalare

DandS wallo wekhdi.

1. Lo ! St.1 Thigh has risen on

high 2

The people bow their heads.

2. Mother Cutlet3 twists and turns,

I’ the fireplace as she lies.

3. Mother knee joint’s grizzling4

now,

And looking towards the teeth.

1 Observe the canonisation in the first couplet and the dignity accorded in the

second and third.

8 i.e., has been elevated to the cooking pot.

3 Akkar bhanna means to stretch as in yawning, hence to walk stiffly and proudly.

Here it refers to twisting under the action of the fire. For sundi and gicll see

vocabulary.

4 Jhand khalarna, used of hair standing on end, here of splitting up and separa-

ion of meat.

J902.]

17

T. G. Bailey- — The Secret Words of the Cuhras.

4. Ilia jhurmat pa lia

K§> bahn banere

•

5. Jat jo puchda Culirie

Gbar ki bai tere.

6. Caudliri nikke di gand bai

Wadde de phere.

7. Mat bbarasi cbaddiS

• • • •

Cubri pbere cauphere.

8. Bhanni b5i saindki

Cubri bhanyiS6 phere.

9. Patl b5i taiggni

Walpain. cauphere.

10. Kbalo meiio kurmo7

Kohll de here.

11. Chaili de wicc sukde,

Khurdambe 8 here.

4. Kites have formed a circle

round,

Crows sit upon the roof.

5. Asks the farmer ‘ Cubri, say

what is there in thy house P ’

6. “ The younger son’s engage¬

ment, Sir,1

The marriage of the elder.”

7. The pot sends forth a savoury

steam,

The Cubri bustles round.

8. Broken is her vessel now

She hands round2 marriage

food.

9. Torn also is the Cuhrl’s skirt,

Round and round she goes.

10. “ Eat away my3 hearties all

Fragments from the breast.”

11. In the basket, see, are drying

Fat 4 delicious morsels.”

Another pair of couplets relate a practical joke played by a Cuhra.

Ghut ghatke gandar baddha

Otte thabba parali da

Kajje de hatth maT de toria

Tatta tatta tari da.

The bundle bound I tight and

fast ( i.e bundle of carrion).

On top a bunch of rice stalks

placed (to bide the carrion).

By a farmer’s hand I sent it home.

Hot and ready for soup.

“ Here we have an Oriental version of “ beautiful soup, so rich

and green, waiting in a hot tureen.” The farmer must have been a

Hindu to account for the Cuhra’s glee at getting him to carry the

carrion.

1 The Cuhri (female of Cuhra) displays a facility in saying the thing which is not.

i BhanyiE, food given on the occasion of a marriage ; the host gives it expecting

to receive as much or more when he in turn is guest at a marriage feast. The deli¬

cate humour of comparing the joys of eating carrion to the rejoicings at a wedding

will be appreciated.

s The fathers of the girl and boy to be married are ‘ Kurm ’ to each other. Here

‘ Kurm ’ (pi.) includes all the guests who have come with the ‘ Kurm. ’

^ A fat-tailed sheep is called ‘dumba;’ ‘ Khurdnmba’ means ‘ full of fat,’ rich

like the tail of a ‘ dumba.’

J. i. 3

18

T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Guhrds.

[No. 1,

The following refers again to a carrion feast —

Lai lal kandln laya.

Citte da dega carhida.

Ghar sade thana lattlia.

Wagyara nalif chutkari da.

The red is thrown to the wall

(red = the blood of the dead

animal).

The white is placed in the pot

( white = the flesh).

In our house there’s a thana to-day

(referring to the congregation

of kites and crows watching

the carrion).

There’s no time even for labour

that’s forced.

There’s a fifth line to this rhyme, but it has an obscene meaning.

The following vocabulary will be of some interest. The connec¬

tion between the Cuhra words and those of Qasais, Gamblers, and

Sisls is worth noting.

VOCABULARY.

Stealing.

ehikdra , clod of earth.

ccimnd , watch (used also by gam¬

blers in general).

chajpelnd , hide.

churm , thief.

gul launa , break through a house

(san marna).

gaimi , theft (cf, Qasai argot

gaimbi, theft, gaimba, thief).

kald, thief.

kuddh, house.

kaiTjkar karna , strike with a clod

of earth.

kdrki , stick.

Idlli launa, steal ( ? cf. Slsi lalli,

night, Arabic lail).

litard, confidant.

neold , throwing earth to warn

thief.

neodl, theft.

paintrl, shoes (left outside), cf.

S§si pauni.

thijpnd , hide oneself.

tombd , weapon for breaking into a

house.

Poisoning.

chaggi, a short stick with poison¬

ing iron point affixed.

dhdrki, knife.

gand dend , kill.

goli, poison ball.

lanji, a small chaggi (see above)

which may be concealed in

the hand.

rukhm, professional poisoner.

tidrl, poison.

thirnd, poison.

Human Beings .

bliatd, SIsi cf, Sisi bhattu.

ghirbald, Musalman.

kajjd , Jat used also for Europeans

and others (a word used by

Sasis).

1 9

T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Cuhras.

1 902.]

Icutra , boy (kutri, girl).

rarka , Hindu.

tdmi, feminine of Ghirbala.

rurjgay rednd and re, all Cuhra.

Animals,

ardli, buffalo.

bad , pig (used also by other

Panjabis).

cae’Ze, little goat, kid.

kaUsz, cow.

klianjala , buffalo.

kurmd, horse.

kortd, ^

khutringd , j donkey.

rewalj dog.

Hoot? eating , efc.

dhzmd, gur (S§si dhula).

p«Zs, lassi.

hundak , food.

kundndj eat.

mitkd , gur.

nibal, ghi.

nirkd, water.

pakhsat, food, roti.

tilmnd, eat.

Carrion , efc.

anjdla, heart.

dndrd , entrails.

6afZ?, fat remains.

bukkd, part of the side.

caura , thigh.

cut, lower half upper fore leg.

dzthd, carrion.

ghe) a, part of entrails.

glianeri, upper part of side.

<?ecZe, flesh round kneejoint.

jannu , upper half lower hind leg.

jagar, carrion.

kaund , back of neck.

&awd, upper half, upper hind leg.

kangi, part of lumbar vertebrae.

khdnjard , carrion.

khurard , flesh on front part of lower

half of leg.

kohlz, breast.

lipra skin, cloth (in Qasai’s argot

lippi = skin).

lukrd, the part along the spine.

maddar , thigh.

mord, pieces of breast.

minj, fat.

miny , brain.

murkan , part of shoulder.

nedri, fat.

patri, lumber vertebrae,

pofa, round about anus.

phar , shoulder.

patthd , small of back.

ruler d , part of side.

sundi , an oblong narrow slice of

meat.

snrkayg, lower half of lower leg.

tikiyd , upper half, upper fore leg.

totzd, upper half, lower fore leg.

golu, lower half, upper hind leg.

fan, soup (connected writh Urdu

tar, wet).

Zds, soup.

General.

almni — kind of cow = sickness.

dbrna , come, arrive (c/. SUsi asrna,

Qasai aparna, Panj. apnrna.

burkndy huqqa (used also by Slsi).

bei kill, keep quiet (‘ shut up,’ used

also by Sisis.' See kulna).

bagela , money, rupee (c/. Sis!

bagell = eight anna bit).

bliimtd , rupee (used by gamblers

in general).

20

[No. 1,

T. G. Bailey — The Secret Words of the Guhras.

dlidndd , evil, worthless, bad.

glicisai , lucifer match.

harjiya , paisa, pice.

kcithdnd , say. It is noteworthy

that the Panjabi words gal,

katth, bat (all meaning 4 word ’

4 matter ’) have a verb formed

from each of them. But

while batana is used in Pan-

jabi proper, kathana is used

among by Cuhras, and galana

is found among hill people

in the direction of Camba.

hulna, do (used also by Sasis).

hermnd, kill.

haurud , liuqqa.

hohd, intrigue.

othndy beat, kill (SsEs! lolina, Kash¬

miri layun, cf. Urdu lagana,

Panjabi launa).

lugnd , die (used by SSsis).

neparnd, seize (Panj. naparna,

napna).

nuharna accuse.

nukar , accusation.

poind, come, go.

palwd, side (cf. Urdu pahlu).

pachihlca, bad, ugly.

sairna, give.

sohivd , fine, fat.

tomd, fine fat.

theld , ornament worn round neck,

telnd, give.

ielnl, turban.

1902.]

Karl Mar x — History of Ladakh.

21

Three Documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text , Trans¬

lation and Notes. — By the late Da. Karl Marx, Moravian Missionary

at Leh, Ladak .

[Read 4th December, 1901.]

Introductory remark by the Rev. Professor Gustaf Dalman, D.D.,

Ph.D., Leipzig, Germany.

Under the above title, in Vol. LX, of this Journal, pp. 97-135, and VoL

LXIII, pp. 94-107, translations and partly texts have been published

from three manuscripts, once in the hands of the late Dr. Karl Marx.

But the main part of the third document (called C-MS.) was still wanting.

Now I am so happy to be able to put even this end of the history of

Ladakh before the readers of this Journal. Mrs. Theodora A. Tranche,

of Leh, sister-in-law of Dr. Karl Marx, has completed the work by

giving the translation of G-MS. from the point, where the history of

Ladakh was left in the last publication. The whole of C-MS. is pre¬

ceding this translation.*

English translation. — By Mrs. Theodora A. Francke.

Then the Wazir on his way back left the Ladakhi boundaries.

During winter the Ladakhi king and his ministers made the following

bad plan : “We shall not keep to our former promise, according to

which we are to send taxes, but we shall begin war (send soldiers) ! ”

* In Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. II, February 1902,

p. 30, my name is mentioned in connection with the publication of the late Dr.

Marx’s three Documents relating to the History of Ladakh ! This is a greater honor

than I deserve. Our thanks for this publication are entirely due to Dr. Marx.

Even as regards the third MS. (C-MS.) published in this number of the journal, the

preparation of the Tibetan text is his own. The language of C-MS. is not exact¬

ly that described in my Ladakhi grammar, ante, Yol. LXX, part I, Extra Yol. 1901.

The language of my grammar is that of daily life whilst that of C-MS. is the

style of modern Ladakhi letter-writing, which leans more or less towards the

classical language. Because a summary of the first part of C-MS. has already

been given in Yol. LXIII, mostly on pages 106 and 107, the accompanying transla¬

tion gives only the second part of C.-MS.

A. H. Francke.

t

22

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 1,

Next year the Wazir quite suddenly, coming through Balldar

arrived in Zangsfcar. Then he went through Kharnag and Shang with

his soldiers and arrived at Leh before anybody knew of it.

The (old) king’s son, the king Ghogsprul, went through Drang tse

and Wamle to Spiti ; one or two months later Ghogsprul died there.

ChogspruV s first wife’s sou was Jigsmed-choskyi-senge-migyurkunga-

nambar-gyalwai-Llia.

The second wife’s son, who is now living at Mashro, was Stan-shrung-

yurgyal.

Then the Wazir sent the (old) king Dondrub-Namgyal out of the

castle, took all the treasures and riches and ordered the Leh minister

Ngorub-Standzin to be proclaimed king. He also built the old kila (fort)

at Skara near Leh and made the Tanadhar Magna and Janda-Sing

captains. There he left altogether 250 men.

Ngorub-Standzin the Raja had to issue all orders and to send the

taxes, amounting to 18,000 Rupees, without fail to the Maharaja. The

Wazir himself and the other soldiers took the father-king, Bangkhapa

and other noblemen, about 20-30, along with them to fight against

Baltistan.

After having fought against the Baltis he (the Wazir) took all

Baltistan and returned home. He sent the father-king back to Leh

together with the Ladakhi noblemen.

The noble father-king was seized by small-pox in Baltistan and

half-way back he died. His body was burned (given to the fire) at

Stock.

Then the Raja Ngorub-Standzin reigned for three to four years*

He sent the taxes to Jammu ; but as he did not agree with Magna , the

Tanadhar , the latter wrote, calumniating him, to the Wazir.

Therefore after four years the Wazir came again to Leh with his

soldiers ; he sent the Raja out of the castle and said, that the taxes

had not been paid satisfactorily, and that he would punish him severely.

“Now I am going to make war with Tibet, and you will have to go

with me !” But when the Raja replied : “I would rather die than go ! ”

The Wazir became very angry and imprisoned the Raja in the fort.

Noble young Sodnam, Sgolam Khan of Ghushod , the minister of

Basgo and many other Ladakhi noblemen he took along with him up

to Ngari-sgorsum to the war.

He (the Wazir) made the Tanadhar Miya responsible for the

Grovernment (all the orders) of Ladakh and Meta Basti Ram was sent

to fight against Rutog with five hundred soldiers. Basti Ram fought

against Rutog and took it.

The Wazir went off with seven thousand men through Gar. He

1902.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

23

fought and gradually got as far as Parangs. At a place called Parangs -

toyo the Wazir threw up trenches. At the same time the Tibetaus

also arrived at Purangs. In the castle of Parangs called Bagla there

were about one hundred and fifty Dogras, Against those the Tibetans

fought and killed several ; some had to flee, and when the Tibetans

attacked the castle, they took it.

Then the Wazir fought several times during a month and a half in

a desultory way. One day, after that time, the Tibetan warriors, with

their officers and all fighting men, made a desperate (not caring for

death or life) attack at daybreak on the Wazir’s trenches.

About noon one of the Tibetan bullets hit the Wazir’s left shoulder

and the Wazir fell down from his horse (on the ground). The Wazir

still held a sword in his right hand. The Tibetans knowing that the

Wazir had been hit (by a bullet), not minding their lives (speak of

dying), attacked the Wazir’s trenches. Then one of the Tibetan

horsemen ran to the Wazir and meeting him, pointed his spear at (the

borders of) the Wazir’s heart, thrust the spear and the Wazir died.

When the sun was near setting, the Wazir’s trench was destroyed.

They (the Tibetans) killed as many Dogras as they could and took as

many prisoners as possible. Many of the Dogras fled, firing backwards

towards the Tibetans (hereto).

Then when the Tibetans had taken some men prisoners, they went

back to their own camp. The next morning the Tibetans sent to Lhasa

by a post all the details about the Wazir’s death and how his head (and

neck) had been cut off and so on.

On the following day, the Tibetans imprisoned all whom they had

seized, among them the Ladakhi minister of Basgo , the young noble

Sodnams , the noble Sgolamkhan of Ghushod , besides 18 men and 30 Dogra

officers and men. One hundred Tibetans accompanied them on their

way towards Tibet.

The Tibetan army went as far as Gar with its General to try the

prisoners. After one month they went back to Tibet. One officer with

300 soldiers remained at Gar for one year.

The Dogras who had fled arrived at Leh; so did those who were in

Putog , when they heard of the Wazir’s death.

After one or two years the LadaJchis rebelled against the Dogras ,

summoning for war Lower and Upper Ladakh , Nubra , Baltistan and

Khapulu . All these together sent about two thousand five hundred

soldiers. They blockaded the kila and the Ghaon (fort) at Leh. In the

kila (fort) there was the Tanadhar Magna , and about 50 Dogras, and in

the Ghaon fort there was a Komidhan and about 300 Dogra soldiers.

The Ladakhis made their trenches surrounding the two forts.

24

Karl Marx — History of Ladakli.

[No. 1,

For one month, they had only little fighting. Then there arrived a

Tibetan, called Pishi, who was the head of the bowmen, together with

about 100 men, to assist the Ladahhis. He took up his quarters in the

Leh- castle.

After that, there arrived from Kashmir Dewan Harichand and the

Wazir Ratun, together with about 7,000 men, marching towards Ladakh.

When people at Leh heard that the Dewan and the army had

reached Khalatse , they all held a council and agreed on fleeing, because

Dewan Harichand had so many soldiers, cannons, etc., with him.

The king and minister and the chief of the bowmen fled in the

direction of the upper Indus valley, together with one hundred men.

The Ladakhi soldiers fled to their own villages.

After two days the Dewan and the Wazir arrived at Leh with their

men. They destroyed all the idols that were in the castle and monastery,

not leaving even a single one.

The king, the minister and the men, accompanying them, had reached

Drangtse-lungs-Yogma.

The day after this, more soldiers from Tibet arrived at Lungs-yogma,

together with the minister Ragasha and Zurkhang , chief of the bowmen,

accompanied by 3,000 men. When they all were assembled, they digged

trenches.

The Dewan and the Wazir also took their men with them and going-

north, arrived at Dorkhug.

There the Tibetans heard a rumour (about their arrival). Then

the chief of the bowmen, Zurkhang, together with one thousand soldiers,

went and fought against the Dogras at Dorkhug.

During the first battle on the plateau of Dorkhug about 30 Dogras

were killed, and Zurkhang , the head of the bowmen, returned to

Lungsyogma ; then the Dewan and the soldiers also went to Lungs-

Yogma.

There were two hills on either side of the water. The Deiuan and the

Wazir divided their army and had their camps on these two hills. As the

Tibetans had made their trenches on the plateau, there was no fighting

until the Tibetans came out from behind their walls.

The Dewan and the Wazir with their men, working in turns,

dammed up the water in the valley. As the Tibetans could not remain

in the middle of the water, they were obliged to come out from their

trenches and flee ; so, they were conquered.

Then the Dogras seized all those Tibetans that were left and took

them to Leh.

The Tibetan minister Ragasha, and some of the army who waited,

were killed by the Dogras.

1902.]

25

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

The minister Zurkhang and the chief of the bowmen, called Pishi

both were also seized and taken to Leh.

The Tibetans and Dogras lived in peace (good order) without any

war ever since ; the annual trade going on as before according to the

contract made (with the Dogras).

The Tibetan minister Zurkhang and Pishi , the head of the bowmen,

then went back both being the leaders of the Tibetan army.

The Dewan Harichand re-installed all the Tibetan ministers and

promised to establish again the Ladakhi king and queen with their

court.

From Gangsri in Tibet there used to be given several men as

servants to the Ladakhi king which he (the king) gave into the hands

of the Dewan Harichand and the Wazir, and then went to his castle.

Not to a single nobleman the power, which he had possessed during

the old king’s reign, was left. But the Dewan Harichand and the Wazir

said : “ Only the minister Bigdzin, who was the servant of the late Wazir

Zorawar , who died at Purangs , shall remain for ever, what he was before :

the servant of the Government !” and transmitted to him all the Govern¬

ment work of Ladakh.

Then the Dewan and the Wazir both took the Ladakhi noblemen,

among whom there were the Leh minister Ngorub Standzin , Ajo Gonpo,

Lhadagtsering-stobgyes , along with them and returned to Jammu.

In Ladakh they left the minister Rigdzin and Magna the Tanadhar s

together with the soldiers in the kila fort.

I think, it is all true, which has been said, from the first page to

this.

*

J, i. 4

26

[No. 1,

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh .

^yjrrj o| |

^•qfjqq| |^'

NO

§-qcqpq'i"$*4$q^ppq -^ijq • qa, • • qsqpi ' q^

l^qp^-q'jqpi | f -q-qyq j^'l^rq-q^l^^q-i:^-

| q'^^rq’^'i’q'^q'gc^-ljc'q'sjcrq'q^ |

^•qqq-q-^q’^ ' ^q’piq'q ' qsq^q • njc, ' pip-fip^q’

NO "V5

5jq| ^q^'li'g'qg'^q^q'l ^^•^•q-gq-^-q^sp^-gq'

NsO

q^appppj qcp-qqsq-|^q^-q^q^g-5:=T|-q^qqj-^-q-

Cs

qipipi | pc^qq-^-p3pprqqqp^g'q'q’qgqq-!) |

^qp-qppp-q-qpp'l^-q-^q-q^-^ qp-qp-ajq-qjqq-qq | q-

^qq^ppp • <^'$q‘f^*%!Tp'5p ’ W^q ■ qwqq'pq-

qc ip-qq-p | i g-qp-q-pip-lipq-q'^prqpqp'q'qsq-'g'

qgl^p-qg'^q'^p'-^^^q-qq-^-s-qcri'q • ^qjq;^ • • q*

^ NJ>

qq qp-gq-|^-^'qq-gq,q^3j-Qp-^-q|qq-3jq ] qqpq=rf

qqq vT^lqpq ■^l'q,q^|^-gc;q-|q-^-| ^q|-|}-^^-

pq-?fqq"qq'p'4q^qq^qqq^q 1 I §pr|5j qpqqqpq-

pfq’J-qqq'q'q'liqpqpqq'qq-^^q'^^^q | f'apfq'gq^'

\3

gq^’qp^'q^'^qp-qq-qqq <p ^|p-|^-qq-5pprq-

^prq^'gq ; ] qqq^qq-jTpij ^^ppq-^qpr

Iq-pq-pq cqqiqq-q-jqq-q^ppi^q ] ^q-qwgqj-qs^-

\; no

1902.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh .

27

•v'®' CN

q§jq*r^ |

\3

afc-srq-fp | i

gq qqgqyg q^-^q-qi^sq^^gc-^q-q^q’^qi-q^si-si

Nd >0 N^> NO

j yjq-gq-

crq-^^Tj-gq-q^'g-^^q-qS^ •ig-iq-arqy gq-iqq] • qepj |

N3 >o

^ q^q^’l^q’ wi^’q^^ I I |q l^-q^-gq-q^-qq-

''O

q^qX^^qi'qS^-gq'q-aq^^q-q-^-qjlqi-q'lq'q^ j gq-

-O N^> ^ S5 Si)

q^^-^q|*(q;^q-qq-=r]a£r|^-^ | gprD^'g

'V?

^ ^ X-

qq-^ j fp

qyajcYsfc-qsi | gq'sj$rg-qp<3f3p-gpq qp;-q-fr^-qar<3p |

gq-ifqqq^'^q^'J^^'^’g’sj'q^’f j gqwqq-fr

>o ^

0q-qq|-q?,q-^q-|1j-cfgq •qc^rq-qj^-arg^c; •

q-gq-Q^q-ap | i^-qjqg-q^q-qcrrq-ggc-gqf^ I g’q-gjffc-

i'-||g-qq-q]|^-0^0r^gc:-crl'5-’^rg ' qgg *

(q^-qj^cq^ i |aj-qisq]'0'S;q’(q-qf^’gx'qrT[(g,^q]’qs^'pq'=Ti|^’

i qq]g-^q]'<3jq'q'TjaN’q^'^’qj^q]^,ijg,q^-g^q^'

gar^q pqql^q^j^q-^ljq-q’gc^q-qq'li'^'q'gg^'

28

Karl Mar x — History of Ladakh.

[No. 1,

ikjt;-5]-q^c-q«,-^=T]'^-^c;-q3^-§^-53=r|’y?c;^ ] j <g'a*/fjsr(q-

1 1 SP1'"

^c«^F]'5r,ssw ■^cysj’ST]^ ^'^w^'qs^’Kfc^'Sj^ j

fpr^ qfjq^i i ^q^g-aq-ara^q-fi

■N3

aq-fr^’qq-qq-fjq^-qfjq^’R i ini^^-q^q^^q^’^^’gq'

^ si> -NT ^ S3

q^q^-^-n^^ | | ^•^•0q-qr!q-g^q^-ij^q^,?rq-^-g-

V ^

=R-or5pp^j$J 1 i^c-gnrcf ^^aV^ 3^'^' I

ig-i^-^5j • a^j • 0aj-£fa]-^r(q5l-

fw^ g*i ! I

S3

5-^-q-q^^-3^-0aj-cfq-s:c:-5=i|-g^-^q-| ^'q_- ^rqq-|ic-

q-q^qi^-^-af^-q^-^qq-^’^^q'^-qrrj-^-ar^-^qi-^-

\D

j ^■'^•q^-cfg^-q^-ig-a^-^qi'^^q-q^-

''O

spq*J]'$fc| * } ^'^’2j-S3;-or^=rj?r J-^-5i(3^^-^-|^-qq|-

sfc^-q^q

ajS! J ^•^qq-qj^c;-0^-(£^-^-aj-5I-q|^-qq-qiqq'5i-qrT|q-q«1-

N5 ^ ^

qS^^Sfe^-api | ^^•^q-5J-«5^-q^-|(q-^q|q^ | |0aj-

1902.]

Karl Marx — History of Laclalch.

29

V? X?

|-q-!7]5£Tl-^^'^-q^!T|^-^-^Sq|-^q-gc;^ | qig-fjq-J-gq’

so NO >0

• 3=^ • jp- qq-

' so X5 '

gq'qq^q gq-^q-q^^’^^C^jq-cfq^-^C'

q^-gq qqp 1 | ^•^•g-iq-g^-gq-cf^-gq-^- jq-qpq-

^•qq’f ' \ gq-qq'§jq-|^cf

^•gq-q^oi-a^-gq’^g^^-g-q-q^^ j qq-q-q'|-spr

gq-q^-fql^^q^'^q^q] | ^•^•|q^gq-q^-^q-|q-q-

S3 S3 ^

ql^qr^I I qg-sp^q^q E^y^q-gl^^q^-qqf 3^-^ |

^qg^-l^q-^q'qgqpqsq-^-qOT | q-R-qqrgq-q^-

qyj-gq-cfgqq ^qq^yfo-q-e-q-q^q | Bfqqqqqqq-

S3 S3 S3 ^

^fcqg-qTqg^q^g-qqqqq-E-qqgq’g-gq | \ ig'Sqqjq’

^ S3

^q^-q^qq-qq-q-q-^q'if^q'qc-p-q^q-g^-iqq-li-^qi-^i-l-

q^R'^q'jgq^q 1 gq-y^-q-^qg-gq^ | qaq-gqqq;-

cqq^qq^qq^qq-q-qaqq- §q-qqj-qq cqq-g-q- gq-cf

3rq-jqq-q-fq-qgq^qq-gqq|q3q-q^q j | q-q-gq-qf

qSg'q'gq^ 'tqq^ • qgqq • qf qq • sjq-^q-qqq-yqq • qq-q*

>0 \5

-s^" — s -V CN* -s^

gqq^q-gq^g-^-q-q-gq j j ^q-q^qq-qjq-q^^'q-

CNCN -s^ Os <?s

gqq-q^-qq^'gq-q'gq-^q-j ^q^-q-^qq-^cq^q-g^

NO ^

^•q-qq-qg^'^-aj^q^q-q'l-q-^q-q^aj-gq-sc^q-lq-g-

30

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 1,

3^-0! | nfq^'l^-^c-g-av

^sTj-fr^CqS^or^Sfe^-aj^ j */|-qp*,'^-qq-^ J Q^qq-sj-

egq-iq'^-eB^q-Sjq-cfq^^ I

\3

| | q jtq^-^'^-^q-lj-^aq-qq-q^^^'a^-

j*F51 | i^q^q^i j §-^yqif

aiq-p^ | q-^q^-|^^q-=t|^-^q-(q^=fj^-0-5=T]-S:q|^q-q:

jzfy^] ^•^•5;^-2q-q]^-q^q=q-|^ | nj^q|^-0-^ ’Tjq-

no xp

£|q^-6^q-tq-q^'^q-<3j’^-iq-pq]-qT|q | | yjq-yryq?ry.qq-q-

^q^-fr«rq ^q’q^^'^'spj q^q^-ai-q^^ j q^-y*,q-

^q-g^q^C-qs^-^q-a^aj-^^-^q-q^*^ |

^ x=

^q-^-qfjqsi | ] tqq-g-qqyJfaq-q^-cri^i-^-g’a^'g^'^ai-

V

Spq^q | | q^-^^^4q^-qq-q^-q^-^=T]'li-cqq-g^q-^

q|q^!'^ j ^•qq-^-q-qpq-q-|5q-q^^q=T|-^-|^^q-q]|^-q0-

^q-y^-q^ | ^(q-q^-q^^q^-q^-^r^q'q'^'s^’q^^ |

sqj-^-a^rrj-q qpq-q-q^-q^qqj-cgq^-^-q^-q-aj-^q |

^•^^•q^-|-q'|^q'=r||^'§-5:q-(q-(g-ai;^q-^q-^^c^q'

q'jCSl | ^•^•|’q-§^q-^]|^wq^c;-| ^•OT|'(q-q^^q=i|*

^^•0^-^r]-q-q-^-q^q'Tl^q3i^q^qq|-^q-yp1y5]-§--^]q-

1902.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

31

cs CV

Cn -V

*^’| g a^-

lp| -^n-rf q'g’fCj ^q-iqc-g-3q-§*r<qq| qpj$r^aj-i|-p=v

V S3 no

^ vfg-q-^ | q^-q-^^'^-g-a^'0j-^-5!^-c\qq|-q^-^^ <3^ |

q^-q^-e-^5jcr]-3q]-§j^’^c;’p^’yg'f^-^^-q0=r]^-q • spig-

' NO NO NO ^

no ^ N3 ^

^•^*^'3q-^]^-aj'p^*ai-ig’3*;'0*^3q=q'^^-a5cq j fjcq-qspgq-

. NO

^•q^J qaq-£]q-^-qgq'! |

NO

gqpajq] | \ ^tq-^c;-|5j-q-qg-q^^-^-g*a^-4(q^q^qf fi-

NO

| w^rlsr

^•^^^wq=cq^*li’^qi w^qprq,qtf ^Pi’l^ | f'f'

q?Tq^q^! I ^•^•q,iT^rq3Tp^^cq5^-q-^-q5rq0^5fq^qi.

?IC'q^q3j-qpiq]^q^qq|' fqs^jjw§^S( | g’^’qcpqp

1 qpgqj^-q^piqqp

q^qj I y>jq-qq-q-qqq|^qgj^q-^q| £^p^q^q|-g^q|3q-

NO

arwfcsr^ j ^'^•|'q*^3^’^rT|’^'q^'(q’|q-q=ri'?fc'| *pq]*

NO

CV CN

^•^^•qgpq-^q^'^q^qi 5^ ' q 5^ ' gj' ’qrqp 3q|-^^popq|

3==

NO NO

CN CN Cv

^C’l | ^q-q-^-qqpr^qq'gq-q-qgjq^ j J g-g^-^-q^-^-

^•^•^rq^qi'^-^'q^pqqi-^^q^r^q-^'^rqljq^ | | ^

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 1,

aj^'U^q-q^SFi’g^aj^ | 1 'g&ryp

q^q | |§’q'<^^ '^'^'ef '

qwlfc'q'g-q^ST^q *T^-3jq-|j'^-^C'|ei]-^-qar^'li-

q-^'q | ^•q'qqqq^-^w^srqq

•s

s^q-gq-qq-^ J |'q-q|iq]-qj-qq-q-^^q^qqq^-q^ | | q g*

\5

^'^a^q^qq-gq -qwj • gqqprqgi^Wq'q • q]q • qqq-

^^•ai-Sfq^r^i-^q-qpq-^-q^q]^ I I g^-p'§q-sp|$r3j$rq-

No >0 ^

<g^-5/-5<rcq (g-aq-q-|^-=T|^-q5^-^n]-q-^c;-g=r|-q^-^-

q'?-^-q|jqq | |

N3

apjj q-^-gq^q^-gq^-Irgq ^q-q-iq^rq-ufc-qq \ aq-

” NO ~

Ili^q-^-q-Jl^^q^-^^-q-qa’^'^q'qs^'q-qq-qq-gqi^'

qqq | ^q^^q^cqqq^qpqq | qjpjy*iq|sr

N3

?fq-q^C- q-g^’a ' qqllpq ’ q5^I • ^q-^-qgq^ * 3^\ |

N N3

qp^q-^-q^q^’§-^q^q'S]^^'^^q^q 3=T] -njc; ■ aprsj^

Cv Cv, *VC\ *n—

qij=T]^ | | q^^^-^q-g^^q-q^q^-gq-s^-gc^-tqttj-qq-

qgq^I | | ^•I^'q-OT-arq^-q^q=r|-|3:-qT|^|^-qqq^q-

ra,

q^^qaj’fq-pqqlq-^q-qs^-^q-q'^q'g^ ' ^q-gq^i'Kq-

-*3

1902.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

33

3^-qgjq^ | |

<Vfl ! I’SR'

g^-pqi'^-q|q^ ] |

\D ^5

^q5j*^-pc-^C| ^iq=^'i5'^c:'g£:q'cr|S=r|-qs^i"‘^,-p=q"g-^TC’^'^c;*

f^q'q^q^’^ } ^•psrj'£]C;-a)-^q-^^-qj5q|-?fc;-q^-|jc;-q’

Kfq| wifej | S’(3<^'^'Sl3qcri'^'^sqq^r;5ic;q^' ^cq •

^ 1 ; ^wvqsj |

->0

^^■^^q'^'^^'ij^’q^q'^ruT^q^ ] ^w§^%<3}$r

a^q-twg^ | 1 5-5j^(g-3^qi|^-g^,5:^^g^-^'liq-qq<-

^•5g-fq-^-qrT|q]-q^-^-^-q|q | j qg-q^gq^^W^'

ggn]’g-(^gq|-q^3q-^q-q^ | g5J=l|-^’^|'5p]"B'^il^qj^'gc;-

XD no N5> N3 *

q^ | q^^'qsq | |

cv cv

qi^TSF^q^ i

^qp^sr^qsrq^ i

q]|^-gq-qgc;-^-|q'g-q|q^ | | ^'^•qg-q-gq-^c;-q-ci]|^-

s?

^•^•g-qaq-ga]-^;^ | ^q-5f^g-q^^*q^-afgq]-q-

>o

gq =T](^cqj^-5g-g^-^-qg-g-q'T|^|3j-^-pq'gc-^-gq5j-

N3

q-^-^|^-g-q]yq3^-qg-gsiP]-^^'qg-(q’g^-fq=r]'?rq-| 1 1-^-

J, i. 5

34

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 1,

s» ^ -w1 ra, q

g-3q-=f|^-^-iqq|-^-q^-^-|q-^ljqq’^-qq^ | | ^jsror^qpr

q-gq-pq^-gq’^-jp^qi ^3^-q • cqc • ^qq-£p*qq -g*r^|

qq-^^-^paj-g-g-Sq-Tq-g^^^q^ Y]-q-^c-^q-pq-q ' airs-

^ * r\

tj-qq]q-q5:^q^yr]-q-cq5j-qq^qi |

'o v> sj

\2 Na

^•5-?q-|q^-0^-q3^-p^r^3qr^-^-|!^-SF|-q|^| ar^qpr

q^-Sf,

qpi'SF|q^q-q:(q-^^qriq'q^^ | ilj-^'iq-qq,;^’

^•qq-^q| |

1902.]

J. PL. Vogel — Triloknath.

35

Triloknath. — By J. Ph. Vogel, Fsq.

[Read 8th January, 1902.]

In the course of a summer-tour in the Kangra District I had the

opportunity of making some notes, which may help to elucidate the

connection between the Bodhisattva Avalokite9vara and the brah-

manical god f iva.

An endeavour has been made to explain the former as the

Buddhist counterpart of the Hindu deity Brahma, chiefly on account

of iconographical observations.1 This connection however seems a

priori highly improbable, considering the place occupied by these

deities in the Pantheon of both Religions. The Bodhisattva in its

origin the vague creation of monastic contemplation — in order to obtain

so prominent a place in the Mahayana system, must have assumed the

shape and attributes of the much -honoured and beloved pi va, not of

Brahma, himself merely the personification of an abstract conception,

who by his passiveness never appealed to the popular imagination.

The close relation between Avalokite9vara and Qiva has lately been

vindicated by M. A. Foucher.2 The following facts connected with

the name of Triloknath will, I believe, corroborate the same view.

One of the most famous tirthas of the Western Himalayas is

Triloknath, situated on the left bank of the Candrabhaga river, some

thirty-two miles below the junction of its constituents, Candra and

Bhaga. Though geographically belonging to Patau, which is the name

of the lower part of Lahul, the place has been included in the territory

of Camba. Its inaccessibility, no doubt, enhances greatly the merit

resulting from a pilgrimage. Moorcroft 3 when passing through

Lahul on his way to Bukhara met “ two half-starved Hindu fakirs : one

of them had come from Chapra, the other from Ougein : both were

going on a pilgrimage to Triloknath.”4

1 L. A. Waddell in J.R.A.S., 1894, p. 57 sqq.

2 Etude sur l’iconographie Bouddhique de l’Inde Paris, 1900, p. 172 sq.

s Travels, I, p. 193 sq.

4 Kangra Gazetteer, Part III, p. 18. It is therefore strange to find that only

three pages further on in the same volume the word Triloknath is said to indicate;

36

J. PL. Vogel — Triloknath.

[No 1,

Since the construction of the Central Asian trade road the number

of pilgrims must have considerably increased. When travelling in

Kullu one often meets sddhus , who after visiting the hot springs of

Manikarn in the Parbati valley, cross the Rotang-pass and wander

down “ the wild and willowed shore ” of Bhaga and Candrabhaga in

order to reach the celebrated tirtha. When I visited the place on the

17th August it happened that the annual meld was just going on. So

I had a good opportunity of satisfying myself that the deity of this

place is equally honoured by the Buddhists of Lahul, Ladakh and

Basahir as by the Hindus of Camba, Kullu and other parts. The

variety of type and dress displayed by the numerous pilgrims would be

highly interesting to the ethnologist. Though their devoutness is of

at somewhat peculiar sort, manifesting itself chiefly in dancing and

drinking, the question rises : Who is the devatd , who attracts

people so different in race and religion to his remote and inaccessible

shrine P

It has already been stated by the Rev. Mr. Heyde, late of the

Moravian Mission at Kyelang, that the Triloknath of the Candrabhaga

valley is no other than the Bodhisattva Avalokite^vara.

An inspection of his image fully confirmed this statement. The

position of the legs (mahdrdjct-lzld) at once suggests a Bodhisattva?

though it is noticeable that not the right but the left leg is hanging

down. The six arms have the following mudras and laksanas : R.

upper abhaya , R. middle aksamdld, R. lower vara , L. upper trigula, L-

middle (resting in lap) sarpa, L. lower mangalakaldga . The number of

arms, their position and attributes seem rather exceptional, if compared

with the Nepalese miniatures, discussed so ably by M. Foucher. The

absence of the padm a especially would almost raise a doubt as to its

identity with Avalokite9vara. But from the same author it appears

that the number of arms is anything but fixed and that six-armed

images of Avalokita are not unknown.1 Moreover, there is the

varamudra, a main characteristic of this Bodhisativa, whilst the snake

also occurs among the attributes of one of M. Foucher’s miniatures

(PI. IV, 6). To remove all doubt it will only be necessary to state that

the image of Triloknath in its mukuta shows a cross-legged figure : the

Dhyani-buddha Amitabha. The image is of white marble, a material,

which I did not find used anywhere else in the Kullu sub-division,

“the Hindu Trinity’* and explained as “the three lords of the world.” The Hindu

Trinity occupies a larger place in the imagination of the West than in the religious

belief of India. Sanskrit Trilokanatha of course can only mean “ Lord of the three

worlds.”

1 Foucher, l.c., p., 97 sqq. Cf. Waddell, 1 c,, pp. 58 and 79 No. 12.

37

1902.] J. Pli. Vogel — Trilohnath.

though miniature images of painted marble are occasionally met with in

Lahul.

It is a curious circumstance, that the abode of the Bodliisattva is a

regular ' gihhar a temple of moderate size, said to be founded by the

Pandavas ! This tradition it has in common with every ancient shrine

in the District. It simply indicates the antiquity of the building and

the fact that its origin is unknown. Of one shrine, which is supposed

to be older than the others, not the foundation, but the restoration is

attributed to the Dharmaraja and his brothers. It is that of

y valamuklil.

As to the Triloknath temple the sanctum is combined with a plain

oblong structure, covered by a wooden sloping roof with gilt pinnacles.

A similar combination is regularly found with Visnu temples in the

Kullu. valley.

In that part of Lahul which is known as Patan the transition

between Lamaism and Hinduism is gradual, but this is by no means the

case on the Kullu side. Here the mid-Himalayan range marks a very

distinct boundary between the two religions. Any one who has crossed

the Rotang-pass must have been struck by the contrast in climate,

scenery and population, between the Candra and the Upper Bias

valley.

It has been asserted and seems generally accepted by the European

inhabitants that Buddhism was once prevalent in Kullu. Captain

Harcourt in his in many respects valuable book1 on the sub-division,

which for some years was committed to his charge, is of the same

opinion. The arguments, on which his conviction is based, are the

frequent occurrence of the Buddhistical wheel on temples besides the

effigies of Buddhistical animals, birds and snakes, and the ceremony of

“the swinging rope.” As to the first I may remark that locally the

ornament referred to is mostly explained as representing the sun and

moon, and shows more resemblance to a conventional padma than any¬

thing else. But even if it were meant to be the calcra it should be borne

in mind, that the wheel is by no means a purely Buddhistic emblem.2

As to the curious ceremony of a man sliding down a rope stretched from

the top of a precipice, it is practised at Nirmand on the Satlaj.3 But

this place though for political purposes included in Kullu does not

belong to the valley geographically. It was witnessed, Captain Harcourt

says, by one of Major Montgomerie’s pandits in Potala fort outside

1 Kooloo, Lahoul and Spiti (London, 1871), p. 205 sq.

2 Grunwedel. Buddhistische Kunst in Indien (Berlin, 1900), p. 6.

8 Harcourt, l.c., p. 318 sqq.

38

J. Ph. Vogel — Trilokncith.

[No. 1,

Lhasa, but this alone is no reason for styling it Buddhistic. At the

utmost it might be called lamaistic, and in that case we ought probably

to look upon it as a part of the aboriginal worship, certainly not as an

ingredient of the “ thin varnish of Mahayana Buddhism.”1 For in other

non-Buddhist tracts of the Himalaya the ceremony of the swinging rope

appears to exist. Moorcroft3 found it practised at Srinagar, the capital

of Garwal.

The most plausible explanation I can offer is, that it is a survival

of human sacrifices, the prevalence of which in former times in Kullu

and Lahul is indicated by popular tradition.3 But in this peculiar case

the victim instead of being actually killed, had to undergo a risk that

endangered his life. An offering was thus made to the deity who might

decline or accept the sacrifice according to her divine pleasure. In 1856

the latter happened, i.e ., the man was killed and since then the practice

has been prohibited. I am given to understand, however, that the

ceremony still takes place, but on such a small scale that the man’s life

is not imperilled. If my hypothesis be true, it offers a curious instance

of the tenacity of religious customs, which are still preserved after

having entirely lost their original significance.

I have digressed on this subject, because during a stay of nearly

two months in Kullu, I did not meet with any real traces of Buddhism,

such as topes, images, inscriptions or even popular traditions. There is

one exception only, which is of special interest for my present subject,

viz., an image of Avalokita, known as Triloknath, at Kalat on the Bias.

In three places in the Kullu valley there are hot springs : at

Manikarn on the Parbati, a tributary of the Bias, at Basisht opposite

Manali and at Kalat, halfway between this place and Katrain. In each

of these spots the phenomenon has been connected with popular wor¬

ship. Manikarn is the chief tirtlia of Kullu, now a centre of Visnu

bhakti , though originally as appears from the Mdhatmya belonging to

Qivaism. Basisht has received its name from the Bsi Vasistha, the Saint

being worshipped as the guru of Rama, who has a stone gikhara in the

same place. At Kalat there is a plain village-temple, dedicated to

Kapila Muni. When Vasistha was carrying the precious water from

Manikarn to the place, which was destined to bear his name, he

passed Kapila, who ceasing his tapas for a moment snatched from him a

few drops and thus gave its origin to the hot spring at Kalat.

The image of Kapila Muni is made of astadhatu. This circum¬

stance deserves notice, because nearly all metal images, which I found

1 Waddell : Lamaism, p. 30.

8 Travels, I, p. 17.

3 Harcourt, l.c., p. 325. Kangra Gazetteer, Part III, p. 17.

1902.]

39

J. Ph. Vogel — Triloknath.

in Kullu, belong to Visnu- worship, aud for this reason, are of a com.,

paratively recent date, both having been introduced in the seventeenth

century under patronage of the Kullu Rajas. The shrine of Kapila

contained some more images of the same material : Ramcandar, Sita

Caturbhuj, Radha and Hanuman.

But besides, there was a small image-slab, much effaced and appa¬

rently, of considerable age. It showed a six-armed figure, but its attri¬

butes were unrecognisable. Only the vara-mudra of the lower right

hand was plainly visible, while in one of the left hands there was some¬

thing like a staff, which might have been either a trident or a snake.

The asana was exactly like that of the Avalokitas of Lahul. Moreover,

there was a second figure in dhyana-mudra on the head. The pujarls

had never noticed the latter and when it was pointed out to them, they

declared it to be Laksmi ! The image itself, however, they knew by

the name of Triloknath and admitted that it represented the same deity

as that worshipped in Lahul. It seems highly probable, that Avalokita

was originally the main object of worship at Kalat and was superseded

by the Brahmanical Muni, who still grants him a subordinate place in

his shrine. The material of the image in any case tends to show that

it was not imported but belongs to the spot.

The same curious mixture of Hinduism and Lamaism as is found

at Triloknath in the Candrabhaga valley, is met with in Rawalsar, the

famous tirtha of Mandi, the hill-State stretching along the middle

course of the Bias. Here in an absolutely Hindu country we find

Padmasambhava,1 the founder of Buddhism in Tibet, worshipped not

only by Lamas who have their own Gan-pa here, but equally by Brah¬

mans, who call him Rsi Lomaga and even possess a Mahatmya, in which

the local legend is given in its Brahmanic version. But for my present

subject it is of more interest, that in Mandi Town we meet again

with the name Triloknath, but here to indicate — fiva. The prepon¬

derance of fivaism in Mandi is the more striking, when entering the

State from the Kullu side, where Visnuism, though by no means the

popular worship — has been made the State-religion by its Rulers of the

seventeenth century. In Mandi f iva is worshipped under his well-known

symbol, the linga , but besides the images of Qiva Pancavaktra or Pahcd-

nana are remarkably numerous. It is worthy of notice, that the five

faces of this deity are not placed in one row as is mostly the case

with polycephalic statues but in such a way, that the fourth face is on

the reverse side of the slab which is otherwise quite plain and the

fifth on the top of the image-slab. Thus when seen in front only

1 Not Padma Pani as given in the Gazetteer, Fart III, p. 18.

40

J. Ph. Vogel — Triloknath. [No. 1,

three faces are visible. I may also note that according to a local

purohita the five faces of Mahadeva indicate the five Dhyanas.

The images of Civa Pancavaktra without exception are ten-armed

in accordance with the number of faces. The attributes and mudras are

rather divergent and not always easy to identify. The following belong

to three different images in Mandi Town : —

As a rule the devata is represented seated on its vdhana the bull

Nandi , while Parvati’s vdhana the lion is standing behind it, the head

turned in the opposite direction.

It will not escape notice that the attributes of Civa Pancavaktra

are partly the same as those of Triloknath-Avalokite9vara. Snake

trident and vessel are common to all images. Also the rosary which

may be conjectured to have occupied the fifth right hand of the first

described image. Even the vara and abhayamudras occur though not

regularly. The occurrence of the rosary and vessel as attributes of

Civa considerably weakens one of the chief arguments in favour of the

connection between Brahma and Avalokita, viz., the similarity of their

attributes. I have only to add that in one of the oldest temples of

Mandi situated on the right bank of the Bias Civa Pancavaktra is

worshipped under no other name than Triloknath.

Now travelling down the Bias-valley into Kangra proper, again

the name Triloknath is met to designate a village (also called Trilok-

pur) and tirtha, about two miles east from Kotla. This shrine “ is not

a building, but a naturally formed cave. Water charged with mineral

matter, dropping from the roof, has at the far end of the cave produced

two large stalactites and stalagmites, which meeting midway now form

1902.]

J. Ph. Vogel — Triloknath.

41

two pillars. The roof and floor of the rest of the building are covered

with masses of stalactite and stalagmite.”1 Besides these numberless

svayambhii lingas there is in the centre of the cave, as chief object of

worship, a linga of white marble, which is pancavaktra and thus forms

a link between the linga and the image just described.

The substance of the present paper may be briefly stated thus :

that in the Candrabhaga valley and also on the southern side of the

mid-Himalayan range on the upper Bias Triloknath is the name by

which the Bodkisattva Avalokitegvara is indicated, while along the

lower course of the Bias river the same name is assigned to £iva, repre¬

sented either as a linga or as a five-faced statue, which in its attributes

shows a marked resemblance to some of Avalokita’s images.

1 C. J. Rodgers. Revised List of Objects of Archaeological interest in the

Punjab (Lahore, 1891), p. 43.

i

J, L 6

42

0. E. Shepherd — Notes on two Goins of the Sunga Dynasty. [No. 1,

Nptes on two Goins of the Sang a Dynasty. — By Col. C. E. Shepherd.

[ Read 6th November, 1901. ]

- v’ %

In Vol. XLIX, Part I of 3880 of the Journal of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal are two papers on coins of the Snnga dynasty, one by

Mr. A. C. Carlleyle describing some coins of the dynasty collected by

H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., C.I.E., F.S.A., etc., and a second paper by

Mr. Rivett-Carnac himself giving a farther description of such coins.

In neither paper, however, is mention made of Dhruva Mitra or Rndra

Gupta made as belonging to this dynasty. I send two casts showing

one coin of each of these Kings.

The three symbols above the name are identical with those on the

coins of Agni, Bhumi and Phaguni Mitra in the papers above alluded to so

that Dhruva Mitra and Rudra Gupta undoubtedly belonged to the same

dynasty ; the style of the coins is similar, the name and symbols of the

obverse having evidently been struck with a square die and the reverse

has the Buddhist much the same as that shewn in some of the coins in

Plates VII and VIII of the papers above alluded to. These two coins

were obtained at a village near Ramanagar from the ruined site of

Ahichhatra. A more detailed description is as follows : — -

Dhruva Mitra.

Coin of medium size, and of mixed metal having a brassy lustre

with however two spots of coppery colour showing on the reverse side, as

if the metals were not thoroughly mixed. The coin has two splits, one

very slight, made most likely during process of manufacture.

Obverse . — Square depression with the three symbols in line above,

and name below.

1902.] 0. E. Shepherd— Notes on two Goins of the Sunga Dynasty. 43

Reverse. — Buddhist railing with traces of uprights at each end and

an upright in the centre but what is at the top of this is undecipher¬

able.

Rudra Gupta.

Coin of same medium size, also of mixed metal, but the mixture not

uniform, the copper more largely predominating in one half the coin.

Obverse. — Square depression with the three symbols in line above

and name below.

Reverse. — Buddhist railing, on the left corner an upright ending in

a trident, in the centre an upright rather higher than the left-hand

one and having a ... near the top, on the right traces of an upright but

too deleted to decipher.

Both these coins I believe to be rare.

44

H. Beveridge-— A short Notice of a Persian MS. on Gaur. [No. 1,

A short Notice of a Persian MS. on Gaur . — By H. Beveridge, Esq.

[ Read 6fch November, 1901.]

The attention of students of the history of Bengal is hereby drawn

to a thin folio in the India Office Library, p. 1541, No. 2841 of

Dr. Ethe’s catalogue. It is an account of the buildings and inscriptions

at Rajmalial Gaur and Panduah, and it also has a chapter containing a

list of the rulers of Bengal from the days of Laksmana Sena. It is the

result of local investigations made by Shy am Prasad in November and

December, 1810, when he visited Gaur, etc., in attendance on

Major Francklin. The report was drawn up for Major Francklin and

appears to be the source of the information given in Francklin’s Journal

of which good use has been made by Mrs. Ravenshaw and Mr. Grote in

Ravenshaw’s Gaur. Most, if not all, the inscriptions quoted in the

notes to that work are to be found in Shyam Prasad’s report. The latter

does not contain much that is new about Gaur or Panduah, but as it is a

very small work — only thirty-two pages of Persian, and is our

earliest topography of Gaur, I beg to suggest that it should be published

in our Society’s Journal. For this purpose it would be advisable to

borrow the original from the India Office. Shvam Prasad tells one story

about Firuz Shah’s Minar which is new. He says that the builder was

one Plrlr and that when Firuz Shah visited the Minar after its comple¬

tion Plrir said to him that he could have made a still finer column.

This enraged the King, who said : “ Why didn’t you then ? ” and had

him toppled down from the summit.

In Ravenshaw’s Gaur, p. 53, the inscription on the tomb of a child is

given. This is also given by Shyam Prasad, and it is interesting to

observe that the child must have been the son of the Tahir Muhammad

who wrote the Rauzat-Tahirin. Tahir Muhammad’s work shows

unusual knowledge of Bengal, and this inscription helps us to understand

how he got his information. In the list of the Kings of Beugal we find

Shyam Prasad giving Qadir Sen as the original name of Sultan Jalal-

ud-din whom he calls the son of Kashi, or (Kasi) Rai. It may be

remembered that Buchanan, who got his information from Francklin, also

gives Qadir Sen as Jalal-ud-din’s name.

The really new part of Shyam Prasad’s report seems to be his first

chapter which gives an account of Rajmahal. So far as I know the

particulars he gives have not been recorded elsewhere, though there is

an account of Rajmahal in Buchanan.

1902.]

H. Beveridge — The Khojas of Eastern Turkistan.

45

The Khojas of Eastern Turkistan. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., I.C.S.,

retired.

[Read August, 1901.]

Mr. Key Elias remarks in the preface to his account of the Khojas,

published in the supplement to our Society’s Journal for 1897, that

Mr. R. B. Shaw appears to have used another book besides Muhammad

Sadiq’s, but that he has been unable to find it. Had that excellent

man been alive, he would have been pleased to learn that the missing

manuscript is almost certainly in the Oxford Indian Institute. It

appears to be one of two Persian MSS. which were presented to the

Institute in December 1880 by General Younghusband who is a

connexion of Mr. Shaw. Both of these MSS. give the genealogy of

the Khojas and describe the coming of Kamalu-d-din Majnun from

Medina to Farghana, &c., but the one which best corresponds to the

“ other book ” of Mr. Shaw is a well- written octavo bearing the Insti¬

tute-library number 294. It is called the Anisu-t-talibin (Friend of

inquirers), and appears to have been written by Shah(P) Mahmud son

of Mirza Fazil Jaras about 1049 A.H. It is divided into two

parts, one giving the history of All and sundry Imams and the other

describing the Khojas. It describes Makhdum-i-A‘azim and gives his

proper name as Maulana Ahmad Khwajagi Kasani. Compare Mr. Elias’

note, p. 5 of the Introduction where he says that the name Ahmad

Khwaja has evidently been taken by Mr. Shaw from the “ other book,”

for it is not mentioned by M. Sadiq.

The other MS. is called Jama-al-Maqamat (collection of assem¬

blies) and bears the Institute-library number 309. The author appears

to be Abu-al-baqa, son of Khwaja Bahau-d-din, and grandson of

Makhdum A‘azim, and also nephew of Princess Mahim. He appears

to have resided in Yarkand and to have been in the service of Hazrat

• •

Khwaja Jalian. He records the death of a Yulbars Khan and appears

to have composed his book in the beginning of 1026 A.H., though the

copy was made in 1030 or 1040. The book is an elaborate biography

of Makhdum A‘azim and is divided into three chapters. The first gives

an account of the material and spiritual descent of the Makhdum ; the

second records his sayings, and the third, which is much the longest,

gives an immense number of his miracles. I could not find that any

of them were interesting except one relating to Babar, and which gives

the circumstances under which he composed a quatrain quoted by Abul

Fazl, and another, the last in the book, which records the reformation

of an opium-eater of thirty years’ standing. The author says in his

46

H. Beveridge—Dafe of the Death of Nur Quth ‘ Aalam . [No. 1*

preface that anecdotes and conversations of the Makhdum had been

recorded by his disciples Hafiz Ibrahim and MullI Qasim Katib, but

that they had not been gathered into one place. Hence the title of his

work. Apparently the author was ordered to compose his work by

Maulana Dost, a disciple of the Makhdum. The MS. is a small, thick

octavo well- written and well preserved. Both MSS. describe Kamalu-

d-din Majnun’s marriage with the daughter of Sultan Iliq Mazi of Far^

ghana, the birth of Burhaual-maujidin, and his succeeding his father,

in-law on the throne. Their accounts correspond with the beginning

of Mr. Shaw’s epitome p. 31, l.c., and they are probably the sources

of M. Sadiq’s book which was written in 1768. The Anlsu-t-talibin

calls Sultan lliq Mazi the grandson of Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan

which is also Mr. Shaw’s statement. It may interest students of

Central Asian history to know that Mr. Shaw’s English papers, and

also his MS. of Muhammad Sadiq Kashghari (in Turk!) are in the

Oriental department of the British Museum. In the same press in the

Institute-library which contains the two MSS. above described there is

a shelf full of TurkI MSS. One of them is a history and another is a

biography of Hazrat Afaq.1 These MSS. also were presented by

General Younghusband. The Shaw papers in the British Museum were

presented by Mrs. Younghusband.

A See appendix to Shaw’s epitome, l.o. and Dr. Bellew’s history of Kashghar,

Yarkand Report, p. 176.

A short Note on the Date of the Death of Nur Quth 1 Aalam. — By

H. Beveridge, Esq.

[Read 6th November, 1901.]

In a note published in the J.A.S.B. for 1892, Part I, p. 124, I

stated that a book in the possession of the guardian of Nur Qutb’s

throne at Pandua was said to give 7 Zi-l-qada 818 as the date of the

Saint’s death. Lately I have found this date confirmed by the Mirat-al-

asrar, B.M. MS. Or., 216, which on p. 4796 gives the date as 30 Zi-l-

qada 818 and also gives the same chronogram “ Nur hufir shud .” This

is interesting for the Mirat-al-asrar was written in 1045 A.H.

(1635 A.D.) and the difference in the day of the month seems to show

that the guardian’s book and the Mirat are independent authorities. The

Mirat has a long biography of the Saint, and another of his father.

1902.] H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon . 47

The Invention of Chess and Backgammon . — By Major H. G. Raverty,

[Received 2nd April, 1902. Read in March, 1902.]

There appears to be much uncertainty regarding the origin of the

game of chess. One who has written on the subject asserts, that

“ The date of its inception no one has discovered, and the question

remains to this day a vexed one. Periodically something turns up to

bury all former suppositions in the matter, and the day of its birth is

put back a few thousand years.”

A German Professor however is said to have “ discovered from the

last excavations on the pyramids of Sakkara, a wall painting in which

an Egyptian king, Teta, is represented playing chess with a high

official.” This monarch is stated to have reigned about 3,700 B.C. ;

while another Professor corrects this chronology, and puts it back

some six centuries to 3,300 B.C. ; so that, according to this last surmise,

the game of chess is very old indeed, and must have been known in

the once mysterious land of Mizraim only about 5,205 years ago. But

all this is absurd.

The game of chess is mentioned in Sanskrit literature, and may be

found in some stanzas occurring in the writings of two Kash-miri

authors, Ratna-kara and Rud-rata, the first of whom lived in the first

half of the ninth century A.D., and the other in the second half, and

in their writings the game is called “ Chaturanga , or the Four

Membered (Army).”

Abu Rihan, the Beruni or Foreigner, as he is called (the “ Alberu-

ni ” of Europeans — at is merely the Arabic article answering to ‘ the ’),

who wrote in the reign of Sultan Mas’ud of Ghaznih, says it was well-

known in his time, early in the eleventh century A.D. — 1030 to

1038.

But the earliest mention of the game in Sanskrit writings, as far

as we know, is in the first half of the seventh century A.D., in a work

entitled “ Harsha-karita ” said to be the earliest attempt at historical

romance in that language, which was translated by Professor

48 H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. J,

E. B. Cowell of Cambridge a few years since ; but cbess is only referred

to therein as known in Hind, not the time of its inception.

I shall now proceed to show how, when, and why it was invented.

Among the events of the year 353 H., which commenced on the

1st of August, 946, of the Christian era, just nine hundred and fifty-five

years ago, the death is recorded of Abu-Bikr Muhammad, known as

Sul-us-Suli, or Sul, who was a native of a place called Suli. He was a

man of vast erudition, and proficient in most of the sciences and learn¬

ing then cultivated, including chronology and the traditions of the

prophet, Muhammad, and was the author of several works. He was

moreover, the greatest chess-player then known, and was famous as

such throughout the Musalman countries. His skill and proficiency in

this game, in consequence, became a proverb ; and when anyone

attained great skill therein, people used to say : “So-and-so is a per¬

fect Sul at chess,” or “ He is as proficient as Sul before him.”

On this account an idea arose among some persons, that Sul was

himself the inventor of the game ; but this was totally incorrect. It

was invented by the sage, Sahsih or Sihssih, or Sis as it is written by

different foreign, i.e. non-Hindi, authorities — but it is a Musalman cor¬

ruption of the purely Hindi name of Sahasi, son of JDahir, whose

family, in after years, became rulers of Sind, and which Sahasi

was also known under the by-name of Laj-Laj. He is said to

have invented it for a Rai or Rajah of the territory of Sind,

named Bhalit, by some called Baghil, who was famous under the name

or title of Sherarn. The reason of its invention is said to have been

because Ard-shir, son of Babak, of the Sasanian dynasty of Iran-Zamiu,

or the ancient Persian empire, had invented, long before, the game of

Nard or Backgammon.

Ard-shir Babakan having invented it, the game was also some¬

times called Nard-i-shir, after him. He devised a chequered cloth

(both it and chess are still played throughout the East, on a chequered

cloth, which folds up, instead of on a board, as with us) containing

twelve divisions or compartments according to the twelve solar months

of the Persian year and the muhrahs or counters with which Nard was

played, corresponded with the number of days of the lunar month of

the Fire-Worshippers or Ancient Persians ; and one half of the counters

were white and the other half black, because one half the month has

moonlight nights, and the other half dark ones. The moves from one

division or space to another he likened to the decrees of destiny, which

vary and change, are turned and inverted, in the life of every human

being, the fate of each one differing from that of another.

So, after this game of Nard or Backgammon had been invented,

49

1902.] H. G. Raverly — - The Invention of Chess and Backgammon.

it was received with the utmost interest and delight ; and after it had

become generally known, the people of Fars (Persia proper) used to

make a great boast of it, and to exult over those of Sind adjoining

them. On this account the ruler of Sind is said to have sent for the

sage Sahsih (Sahasi) and to have commanded him to try and invent

some other game, which should entirely surpass this boasted Persian

game of Nard , but to be also played like it, on a chequered cloth, and

which among the wise, should be considered much more intellectual,

and to require much greater skill, and far deeper thought, to play

successfully.

But some centuries elapsed between the time of Ard-shir Babakan,

who was the first monarch of the fourth or Sasanian dynasty of ancient

Persia, and that of Nuh-shirwan, who was the first of the fifth or

Akasirah dynasty, and in whose reign the Rai or ruler of Sind is said

to have sent him a set of chess-men, and a chequered cloth to play it

on, as presently to be related.

In the Sindi, as well as in the Hindi dilects, the name of this game

is said to be derived from the Sanskrit word Chaturan, signifying

* artful,’ ‘ cunning,’ and also ‘ variegated,’ ‘ bi-coloured,’ ‘ tesselated,’

1 chequered ’ ; which is said to refer to the several members, pieces, or

component parts, a mere figure of speech referring to the elephant, the

horse, the chariot, and the foot soldier, common man, or pawn. The

Persians rejected the short u in the word, and called it Shat rang, while

the ’Arabs styled the game Shatranj. 1

The statement regarding its invention, contained in a famous old

book, entitled “ Nafayis-ul-Funun,” or “ Precious Things in Science,”

is as follows.

Sahsih (Sahasi), also known as Laj-Laj, son of Dakir, which latter

was one of the ancient rulers of Sind (and the last of the Rais or

1 An amusing scene occurred on one occasion with reference to the pronuncia¬

tion of the name of chess, at a Court of Requests at Poonah in 1851 of which I

was a member, when the Assistant Bazar-Master, who acted as Interpreter to the

Court, mistook the word Shatranar — Chess — for Shatranj I — a Carpet. A native, one

of the professed chess players, had made a claim on a young Queen’s officer totally

ignorant of the language, for money lost to him while playing chess, and which the

Interpreter rendered, “ money , the price of a carpet .” When the President was

about to give the claim in the native’s favour— and the Interpreter had had ample

time to correct his mistake, had he known of it — I ventured to observe that the

Interpreter had made “ a slight mistake,” and that the claim was not for a carpet,

but for money lost at chess, and which, on being again asked, the native confessed.

On this the President, a hot old Colonel, thundered out to the claimant : “ Get

away you insolent rascal ! I have a great mind to order you a flogging, coming

here and taking up the time of the Court with your gambling claims ! ”

J. i. 7

50 H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. 1,

kings of Sind, wlio fell in battle fighting against the ’Arabs, when

they subdued that territory in 94 H. — 712-13 A.D. — , was also called

Dahir), was the inventor of the game. Two reasons are given why it

was invented. One is, and apparently the most authentic one, that

among the ancient rulers of Sind, Rai Bhalit, 1 by some called Rai

Bagh il, who was very warlike, and who was never contented unless

leading his troops against some one, and carrying on wars against his

neighbours, at last became afflicted with some painful disorder which

precluded him from sitting a horse, or on an elephant ; and as he was

passionately fond of military operations, and “ setting squadrons on the

field,” he assembled together the sages, and all the most sagacious and

ingenious persons of his court and of Sind, and addressed them,

saving : “ As you are all aware that I am afflicted with this complaint,

I desire that you would devise some contrivance, whereby, without

being obliged to sit on horse-back or on an elephant, I may still be able

to occupy myself in (the semblance of) warfare ; so that I may divert

my thoughts from brooding over this disorder afflicting me, and thereby

obtain some relief.”

Salisili (Sahasi), otherwise Laj-Laj, son of Dahir, then came

forward, and having made his obeisance, represented, saying : “ I have

in my possession an expedient whereby this difficulty may be solved

and remedied, and the Rai obtain the alleviation he seeks.” Thus

saying, he arose, and having gone to his own dwelling, he soon returned,

bringing along with him the game of chess complete, a cloth to play it

upon, and the chess-men, all of which he had invented. The other wise

men there assembled greatly applauded Sahsih for his invention, and

considered that nard or backgammon was not to be compared with it ;

while Rai Bhalit, was so transported with delight, that he declared to

Sahsih, saying : “ Demand of me, O sage whatever thou mayest

desire, and I will grant it unto thee.”

Sahsih, thanking the king, replied : “ If the Rai shall be pleased to

grant what I ask for, well and good, otherwise it is as he may please to

command. I merely ask that a single grain of wheat may be placed on

the first square of the chess-cloth, and doubled every time on each

1 Al-Mas’udl who wrote the “ Muruj-uz Zahab wa Ma’adln-ul— Janahir — ”

“ Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems” — and described the state of the countries

of the east and the west, about 332-33 H. (945 A.D.), in his 7th Chapter, records,

that Dab-Shalim, one of the kings of Sind, who wrote the famous book, “ Kalilah

and Darnnah,” was succeeded by another king named Bhalit, who reigned 80 years ;

and other winters, including the “ Gardaizi,” state that, in his time, the book in

question, and the game of chess and the means of playing it, were despatched to

Nuh-shirwan, as mentioned farther on.

1902.] H. G. Raverty— The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. 51

succeeding one. For example ; on the first square one grain of wheat

on the second two, on the third, four, and on the fourth, eight, and so

on ; and when the number of squares on the cloth shall have been

computed after this manner, be pleased, 0 Rail to command that that

quantity of wheat be made over to me.”

When Rai Bhalit heard this, as he supposed, modest request, he

exclaimed to those present in his assembly, in the most contemptuous

manner: “I was desirous of bestowing upon him something of great

value, and he has instead, merely asked for the most insignificant and

paltry thing possible ! ” To this Sahsih replied : “This is the request

that I desire to make, if the Rai shall be pleased to grant it, I do not

desire anything more, and shall be quite satisfied with that.” The Rai,

who imagined he had gone out of iiis wits, commanded that what he had

asked for should be given to him. But when the revenue officials

began to make their computation, in order to carry out the Rai’s

commands, they, in a great fright, despatched one of their number to

his presence, who represented saying : “ In the whole of our country

such a quantity of wheat cannot be obtained as would be required to

carry out the Rai’s commands respecting Sahsih.” When Rai Bhalit

heard this statement, he was filled with amazement, and could not

credit it ; and he commanded that all the revenue officials should be

summoned before him, and show how they arrived at, as he conceived,

such an absurd conclusion.

When the revenue officials, with very long faces, appeared before

him, he required them to show how they made out that there was such

difficulty, nay impossibility, in complying with what Sahsih had asked

for; and what they thought it would be advisable to do under the

circumstances. They replied, that if the wheat produce of the whole

world could be collected together, it would not come up to the quantity

required to carry out the Ra^’s command. On hearing this, Bhalit was

still more amazed than before, and lie felt certain that they could not

be speaking the truth ; and he commanded that they should proceed to

prove their statement clearly and fully. A number of arithmeticians

accordingly assembled together for the purpose; and after making their

calculations, declared that it was beyond the power of anyone to comply

with Sahsih’s request. The way in which they proceeded to prove this

was, that, having placed one grain of wheat on the first square, and

doubling the number each time, when they reached the sixteenth, it was

proved that the quantity then amounted to 32,760 grains of wheat,

which is equal to 5 sers ; 1 and when the nineteenth square was reached,

1 A weight varying from one pound to one pound fourteen ounces in different

parts.

52 g H. G. Raverty— The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [Bo. \i

a mann was required, which, is equal to 40 sers. Going on calculating

in this nanner by the time they came to the fortieth square, the quan¬

tity required was 2,970,152 manns, which the revenue officials computed

to be the produce of one city with its dependent lands and Tillages,

according to the revenue custom in those parts ; and they then began to

calculate by cities. For the fiftieth square it was found that the pro¬

duce of 1,024 such cities would be required ; for the sixtieth square, the

produce of 1,048,576 cities ; and for the sixty-fourth or last square,

16,777,216 cities! But, taking the surface of the whole earth into

account, if there should be one city on every square mile even, there

would not be sufficient to furnish the quantity of wheat required to

carry out the promise given to Sahsih, much less the cities and their

lands and villages contained in the Rai’s dominions. Hearing this

astonishing statement, Rai Bhalit turned his face towards Sahsih and

exclaimed : “ O sage ! thy genius and sagacity in inventing this game

of chess are as nothing compared with the astonishing kind of reward

which thou hast chosen for it.”

As it was found thus to be impossible to comply with Sahsih ’s

request, whether he received or accepted auy other reward, the chroni¬

clers do not say. Be this as it may, Rai Bhalit used to be constantly

occupied in playing the game up to the time of his death. When this

took place, there was no heir to succeed him on the throne, save his wife,

who was then pregnant by him. Consequently, his widow, in concert

with the chief men of the country, proceeded to administer its affairs

until the period arrived for her being delivered ; and she gave birth to

a male child. She gave him the name — not a title here — of Shah ; and

used to devote herself to his bringing up, and to his education. During

his childhood and early youth, she continued as before to carry on the

affairs of the country; and when Shah grew up, he, inheriting his late

father’s warlike spirit, began to undertake military expeditions ; and he

brought the whole of his father’s territories, some of which had been

seized by enemies during his minority, completely under his sway. In

whatever direction he turned his arms he used to be successful, until

after some time had passed away, in one of his more distant expeditions,

he was dangerously wounded in an encounter, and died of his wounds.

There was no one about the court who could venture to break this

sad news to his mother, and acquaint her with the fate of her son, until

one of the chief men, who was a proficient in the game of chess, which

her late husband, Rai Bhalit, used so much to delight in, agreed to

acquaint her. When he reached the presence of the Rani, he found her

in a state of great anxiety and despondency, and her mind much disturbed

on account of the prolonged absence of her son. Although he was well

1902.] H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. 53

aware of the reason, he inquired of her the cause of her affliction,

and the disturbed state of her mind, waiting for an opportunity to

acquaint her with her son’s fate. She replied : “ lb is now a long time

that no news has been received of Shah, my son, and nothing appears to

be known as to the cause thereof, or what may have befallen him ; and

this surely is enough to make his mother’s heart sad.” The great man

replied, saying: “ It should be known to the Rani, that from the hard¬

ships and dangers attending distant expeditions there is no remedy, and

no avoiding them, nor the anxieties, uncertainties, and reverses attendant

on the exercise of sovereign power, and the conduct of military affairs.”

He then managed to lead the conversation to the invention of the game

of chess for the amusement and diversion of the late Rai, her husbmd,

which interested her so much, that she requested him to go at once and

bring the chess-men and the cloth to play it on, and teach her how the

game was played. He did so accordingly ; and he continued to teach

her for some days, in such wise that she soon gained some expertness

therein, while, at the same time, it diverted her mind from constantly

brooding over the non-receipt of authentic tidings of her son.

She was one day engaged in playing the game with this great man,

and was winning, the superiority being on her side, when all at once she

called for the Shah or King ; and as her opponent’s Shah had no move

left on the board or cloth, she exclaimed: “ Shah mat,” which, literally,

means, “ Shah is undone,” “ overthrown,” or “ destroyed.” The great

man, now finding the opportunity he sought, replied : “ May the life of

the Rani be prolonged, but it is now some time that this very mishap

occurred to Shah, her son, as is here shown; and no one dared to break

the sad news ; but now it has been pronounced from her own lips.’’

The truth now flashed upon her, and the fate of her son she thus learnt

by means of the game of chess ; and though she was greatly distressed,

as may naturally be conceived, the delicate manner in which it was

imparted, tended, in some measure, to alleviate her affliction and sorrow,

and to enable her to resign herself to the inevitable and irrevocable.

There is, however, another account respecting the manner in which

the news of her son’s death was imparted to the Raul, as I before men¬

tioned. It is, that when Rai Bhalit found his end approaching, he

named his only son, Gau, then a mere boy, his successor, and soon after

died. On account of his youth he was then incapable of being intrusted

to carry on the affairs of government, and, consequently, the chief men

of the kingdom held counsel together, and deemed it advisable to confer

the government on the late Rai’s brother, Gau’s uncle, who was named

Dambir, and made him Regent, until such time as Gau should be cap¬

able of assuming the reins of authority.

54 H. G-. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. 1,

As soon as Darabir became firmly established in possession, and

affairs had assumed a settled state, he married the widow of his late

brother, the mother of Gan; and she in due course of time bore him a

son, who wras named Talchand. Not long after Darabir also died, and

the twice widowed mother of these two sons by her two husbands, was

left to administer the affairs of the country, until her eldest son should

be capable of doing so, and she accordingly assumed the reins of

Government. But as her two sons grew up, rivalry arose between

them, which continued to increase, until, at last, when they had attained

near unto man’s estate and years of discretion, they began openly to

quarrel for the possession of the sovereignty. Notwithstanding that

their partizans and supporters and well-wishers endeavoured to pacify

them, and bring about a reconciliation between the rivals, their efforts

were of no avail, and, at last, the two brothers came to an open rup¬

ture, and hostilities ensued between them. Having mustered their

followers, they come to an encounter, during which, the forces of

Talchand took to flight, leaving him on the field among his adversaries.

He was mounted on an elephant, and was unable to get out of the

melee , and manfully stood his ground. His brother’s forces had so

completely surrounded him, indeed, that his elephant could not move

one way or other, and his escape was entirely cut off ; and in this help¬

less state he died of pride and chagrin. His mother was overwhelmed

with grief at his loss, and would not be comforted ; and it was with

great difficulty that she could be prevented from ascending the funeral

pyre with the corpse of her son, Talchand.

Gau, her eldest, sent a message to his mother, in order to clear

himself from the supposition that he had caused his brother to be put

to death, and at the same time, besought her to abandon the idea of des¬

troying herself; that he had had nothing to do with his brother’s death,

which had happened in the manner related above. Gau then directed

the sages of Sind to adopt some means of demonstrating to his mother

how Talchand was situated at the time of his death ; and this one of

them succeeded in doing by means of the game of chess, in which he

had managed to interest her. He took the chess-men and chequered

cloth, and showed her how the game was played. In the course of the

game the Shah Badshah, or Shah, the King, on the board or cloth,

became shashdar, or unable to move, and the Foot-men, the Elephant

(the Bishop of Europeans), the Horse-man (the Knight or Chevalier),

and the Wazir or Queen, surrounded the Shah Badshah or King, on

all sides, when the players exclaimed : “ Shah mat ” or 11 Shah,

the King, is undone or destroyed,” and having no move left, and no

means of flight or retreat, he perished accordingly, and the game was won.

1902,] H. G-. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. 55

The wise men who were present daring the playing of the game,

now succeeded in showing the Rani that this game represented the

situation and positions of Gau and his brother, Talchand, on the

occasion of the latter’s death, after being deserted by his followers,

and being left on the field completely surrounded by his opponents ;

that Gau himself never moved from his position in the slightest degree ;

but that his forces had made Talchand “ shashdar ” or unable to move ;

and that Talchand, finding himself in this position, out of his great

pride, and the chagrin at the helpless state he found himself in, died,

and thus became “ Shah Mat ” or undone — Check-mated.

The Rani thus became convinced as to the cause and manner of her

son Talchand’s death ; and she was satisfied in her mind that Gau had

not slain his brother. She now learnt the game, and began herself to

play it ; and whenever the “ Shah Mat ” came about, she would melt

into tears at the remembrance of her son’s fate ; and Gau now became

ruler of the country.

It is from these words “ Shah Mat,” that the words “ Check Mate”

are derived, showing how words in the course of ages, handed down,

too, from one race of people to another, become vitiated. The word

“ Mat ” is derived from the ‘Arabic mdta , “ he is dead ” ; and is used in

Persian to signify ‘ conquered ’; ‘ subjected,’ ‘ reduced to the last extre¬

mity,’ etc. Both Shah and Badshah mean a king or sovereign, but

the former word is given as a name to a man, as well as being used as

a title, but the latter very rarely so, as in the title and names of the

famous Saljuk sovereign, Sultan Malik Shah, all three words being of

the same meaning ; but the first is his title, and the latter his name,

Malik Shah. The word “ Rukh,” likewise, which Europeans call the

Rook or Castle, has various meanings, one of which is the name of the

fabulous bird of the “ Arabian Nights,” and other eastern romances

and traditions (but vitiated into “ Roc ”), and after which word, “ Rukh,”

eastern lexicographers say, one of the pieces in chess was named.

It remains now to be mentioned how and in what manner the game

of chess was first introduced into Iran-Zamin or the ancient Persian

empire.

That part of western Hind or India lying nearest to Persia, which

at present constitutes the province of Sind, and the southern part of

the country of the Panj Ab or Five Rivers, at the period in question,

and for a long time after, was well peopled, and in a flourishing condi¬

tion. The Mihran of Sind, the great river known as the Great Mihran,

or Hakra, or Wahindah, and now known as “ the Lost River of the

Indian Desert,” or more correctly, the Dried up Hakra, flowed through

the middle of the country and fertilized it. The Sindhu, or Indus of

56 H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. 1,

the Greeks, was at that period hut a tributary of the Mihran or Hakra

and united with the Panj Ab or Five Rivers, giving name to the

present territory so called, three days’ journey below, or to the south¬

ward of Multan. Sind had at a very early period, formed part of the

empire of the Persians ; and in the time of the Kaianian, or third

Persian dynasty, in the reign of Gushtasif, Bahman, his grandson, and

subsequent successor, led an army into Sind and Western India. He

reduced Sind completely, and some portion of India adjoining it ; and

in the district of Sind known as Budah, he founded a city, which he

named after himself, Bahman-Abad or Bahman-Nih, which the people

of Sind, in their dialect, call Bahman-No, or Bahman’s City — abad and

nili both meaning a city in the ancient Persian. The ruins of this

city of Bahman still remain ; but English writers, under the erroneous

idea that the name must refer to the Sanskrit word Brahman, and

unacquainted with the past history of those parts, have turned it into

Brahman-abad — a purely Sanskrit name with a purely Persian termina¬

tion, a wholly impossible combination.

Bahman, known as “ Diraz Dast,” or “ the Long Armed,” is the

Longimanus of the Greek writers. He is entitled Kai Ard-shir, who

married Hadassah or Esther, the Isra’ili, a direct descendant of Talut

• * * •• ••

or Saul, king of Isra’il ; and to Bahman, the Israelis owed their delivery

from captivity.1

Thus in the time of Nuh-shirwan, the first monarch of the fifth or

Akasira (the plural of Kisra) dynasty, known as “ The Just,” the

territory of the rulers of Sind extended into the northern Panj Ab of

the present day, to the then southern boundary of the Kash-mir king¬

dom, which then extended over the whole of the alpine Panj Ab and

beyond; on the east it adjoined Hajput-anah ; northwest to the

Khwajah Amaran range ; and west over great part of Mukran. The

then rulers of Sind were not under the direct control of the Persians ;

but they acknowledged the supremacy of the Persian monarchs, and

paid a small tribute in virtue thereof.

Shortly after Nuh-shirwan had reached his capital, Istakhur of

Fars or Persia proper, on his return from an expedition against the

Khakan of the Turks, an envoy reached his court from the Rai of Sind

bringing presents for the Kisra, Nuh-shirwan, including several

elephants ; and among other curious things, a set of chess-men, and a

cloth on which to play the game. The envoy also brought a message

from his sovereign, the Rai of Sind, to the effect that, if the sages of

the Kisra, Nuh-shirwan’s court could discover how this game was

1 See my “ Mihran of Sind,” in the “ Journal,” Yol. LXI., Part III. for 1892,

and “ Extra Number,” for 1895.

57

1902.] H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon.

played, which game one of the sages of Sind had invented, he would

be ready to give up his territory and his treasures to him ; but, if they

could not, it would be unworthy in him to acknowledge Nuh-shirwan’s

superiority, or pay tribute to him in future ; and it would be unjust

and unbecoming in him, the Kisra, under such circumstances, to

entertain the idea of enforcing it by invading his territory ; and further,

in case any of the Kisra’s wise men had invented any thing of the

kind, that he would be pleased to send it to him.” This message,

therefore, was equivalent to a wager, that he would stake his territory

and wealth against Nuh-shlrwan’s claim to suzerainty over Sind and

the extortion of tribute, and that the sages of Persia could not dis¬

cover how the game of chess should be played ; but, in this, the Rai of

Sind was “ Check Mated ” at his own game, as will presently appear.

I must here retrace my steps for a moment, to refer to the famous

Minister of Huh-shirwan, the sage, Buzur Jamhir.

One night in the early part of his reign, Nuh-shirwan had a

dream, which greatly disturbed him. He beheld himself seated on the

throne, with a goblet of wine in his hand, and was about to quaff some

of its contents when a hog, which was seated at his side unperceived,

snatched the goblet out of his hand, and drank of the contents. He

caused the wise men of his court to be summoned to his presence ; and

when they were assembled he related to them his horrid dream, and

requested that they would interpret its meaning to him. All were at

a loss to explain it, until after a short time, one of the Mubids or

Priests of the Grabrs or Fire Worshippers, brought to Nuh-shirwan’s

presence, a young man, a native of Marw of Khurasan, who had lately

been studying at Balkh, where was the great Atish-Kadah or Temple

of the Grabrs, who was named Abuzur Jamhir, or Buzur Jamhir, to

interpret the monarch’s dream, which still disturbed him greatly.

The dream having been told him, he, after some consideration, explain¬

ed it. He said: “In the Kisra’s haram (vul. “harem”) — which

contained upwards of one hundred ladies, the sisters and daughters of

kings and petty rulers — there is one lady, the daughter of the Malik

or king of Chaje (the ancient name of Farghanah) of Turkistan; and

along with her, in the disguise of a slave girl, there is a youth, and he

is on terms of intimacy with her.” This interpretation amazed all

present ; and Nuh-shirwan commanded that investigation should at

once be made, and that all the ladies and female attendants of the

haram should be brought before him one by one ; and the young man,

the Khwajah, Buzur Jamhir, was in attendance. He detected the

youth disguised as a female slave ; and he, along with his paramour,

was forthwith put to death.

J. i. 8

58 H. G. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. 1,

From that time forth, the favour of Nuh-ghirwan was bestowed

upon the young Khwajah. whose esteem he acquired, and who rose to

high rank, soon becoming his chief minister. At last, according to the

chronicler, Abu-l-Fazl-i-Baihaki, who wrote about the year 450 H.

(1058 A.D.), Buzur Jamliir fell into disfavour, because he abandoned

the faith of Zurtusht (vul. “Zoroaster”), and became a convert to

Christianity. Null- shir wan cast him into prison in consequence ; and

notwithstanding the tortures to which he was subjected by “ The Just ’*

monarch — in this instance sufficiently Unjust — to get him to recant, he

would not do so. He held out, and eventually became blind, and totally

so, as it was supposed, from the tortures to which he had been sub¬

jected ; but others say he was blinded by Niih-shir wan’s command.

To return to the envoy from the ruler of Sind, and the game of chess.

Nuh-shirwan, and the learned men of his court, never having seen

anything of the kind before, were, of course, quite unable to understand

the game, and were at a loss to explain it. At this time Buzur Jamhir

had been deprived of his sight, which Nuh-shirwan is said to have

greatly regretted when too late ; but the sage was still in confinement.

He was now sent for ; and when he entered the presence of Nuh-shirwan

the latter expressed his regret for what had been done. Buzur Jamhir

replied : “ When a king becomes angry with a servant, it behoveth him

to deprive the servant of something or other, in order that, should his

sovereign subsequently relent, and show compassion towards his servant,

he may be able to restore it to him again ; but the blessing of sight

cannot be thus restored when once destroyed.” Nuh-shirwan was quite

abashed at these words, and felt completely humbled ; and the sage

continuing, said : “ But through the auspicious fortune of the king, my

sovereign, a little sight still remains in his servant’s eyes.” Having

expressed his delight at hearing these words from the mouth of the sage

and returning thanks to Heaven that he was not totally blind, Nuh-

shirwan had the envoy from the Rai of Sind called in ; and when he

entered, the chess-men and the cloth were produced for Buzur Jamhir

to look at, and to discover, if he could, how the game was played.

Buzur Jamhir, after examining the chess-men, said to the envoy ;

“ Come along with me that I may play a game with thee.” The envoy

accompanied him accordingly ; aud ranging one half the chess-men on

the cloth, he waited to see what Buzur Jamhir would do. He ranged

his chess-men exactly after the same manner ; and the Sindi envoy

commencing to move, Buzur Jamhir followed him in his moves. He

lost the first game, but improved on the second, which was a drawn

game, and beat the Rai’s envoy in the third, and checkmated him !

The sage subsequently, in the retirement of his prison, improved

59

1902.] H. Gr. Raverty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon.

upon the game of Nard or Backgammon. He did not invent it, as some

have supposed ; for it had been known long before, as I have already

shown. Bat, in former times, before Buzur Jamhir improved upon it,

the dice were but two, on each of which were fifteen marks or dots,

which being added up made thirty, and the game was single. Buzur

Jamhir added one dice more, and five other mansubahs or points, as now

used ; and when he had completed his improvements, a complete set was

despatched to the ruler of Sind, as he had requested. What the upshot

of the Rai’s challenge was respecting the game of chess has not been

recorded.

The names of the seven mansubahs or points in Nard or Back¬

gammon, as improved by the sage, Buzur Jamhir, are, 1. Kad, which

means quantity. 2. Ziydd , increase or growth. 3. Satarcih, veil,

curtain, star or fortune. 4. Hazaran, thousands. 5. Khanah-gir,

holder or possessor of the house or compartment. 6. Taivil , long

prolix, tall; and 7. Mansubah, plan, project, scheme, or game.

The Arabian prophet, Muhammad, was born in the fortieth year of

the reign of the Kisra, Nuh-shirwan ; and the historian, Abu-l-Fazl-i-

Baihaki, previously quoted, who states that Buzur Jamhir had become

a Christian, says, that the sage, shortly after these events, died from

the effects of the ill-treatment he had been subjected to; and that a

year after his death, Nuh-shirwan himself, “ departed to the Fire-

Temple below,” after a reign of forty-seven years, when Muhammad

was in his seventh year, 576 A.D. He died a natural death, and was

never deposed, as Gibbon tells us; but his son and successor, Hurmuz,

was.

The pieces in the game of chess were, at first, wooden figures

having the human form ; and what is known now as the King, was then

called Shah Badshah, from Shah son of Rai Bhallt. The Castle or Tower

of the present was then styled the Rukh, after that fabulous bird, as

before mentioned ; the Bishop of the present day, was then the Fil or Pil

(f and p are permutable) or Elephant, and was sometimes called the

Camel ; the Knight or Chevalier was known as the Faras, or Asp,

signifying a Horse; the Queen was styled Farz, or Farzin, or Farzl, or

Farzan, and also Wazir or Minister; and the Pawn or Foot-soldier or

Common Man, was called Piyadah as those words signify. “ Shashdar ”

means “ Confounded,” “Distressed,” “Astonished,” “Useless for a

square,” “ Tied up ; ” and “ Shah Mat,” as before mentioned, means

“ Shah Badshah, or Shah, the King, is reduced to the last extremity,

conquered,” etc.

The names used in India differ somewhat, most of them being

derived from the Sanskrit langunge.

60 H. Gf. Raver ty — The Invention of Chess and Backgammon. [No. 1,

The wise and accomplished Khalifah. Al-Mamun, son of Harun-

ar-Rashid, composed some lines on chess, which literally are as

follow : —

“Upon a square of red-dressed leather,

Two friends, for generosity well-known,

Re-call war to mind, and thereon stratagems invent.

Without the guiltiness of shedding blood therein,

This assaults that, and that assails this ;

And the eye of vigilance sleepeth not.

Behold the ingenious foes ! how skilfully they move

Between two hosts, without banner or drum.”

1902.] Mahamahopadliyaya Haraprasad Shastri — Balkan.

61

Balkan --By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri.

[Read 5th March, 1902.]

There are ia Beliar and in Benares a class of men known as

Babhans or Bhui-hars. Their position in Hindu society is extremely

anomalous. They claim to be Brahmans but no good Brahmans such

as the Kanojia and Sarayupariya treat them on equal terms. They

would neither inter-marry with them nor eat with them. On seeing a

Brahman a babliana makes his obeisance, saying : “ Paon lagi ,M (I touch

your foot), the Brahman does not nod in return but pronounces a benedic¬

tion as he would do to an inferior caste.

The high position attained by some members of this class, such as

the Maharajas of Hatna, Tikari, Betia, and in the North-Western Pro¬

vinces of Benares has raised them in the estimation of the Hindus,

and some of them now claim to be Brahmans and profess to be stu¬

dents of Yajurveda. But the professors of other Vedas too are not

rare.

The anomalous position held by these has long attracted the atten¬

tion of scholars. The Pandits think that they are Murdka-bhisiktas a

class between Brahmans and Ksatriyas. So they bow to the Brahmans

and Brahmans pronounce benediction on them. They offer a curious

problem to these engaged in the investigation of castes and occupations

of Indian people.

I was struck the other day to find in the Asoka inscriptions, the

term Babhan used several times as a corruption of the word brahman a

in the pillar inscriptions. In one place it is used with the Aji vikas a

well-known sect of ascetics in ancient India whom Kei identifies with the

Bhagavatas. In another place it is used in connection with the f ramanas,

Buddhist monks.

Now the question is, why is the Asoka corruption, i.e., Buddhist

Corruption, of the word Brahman be the proper name of a peculiar

class of men who claim to be Brahmans, whose claim is not admitted by

Brahmans ?

In Hindu Sanskrit works we often hear of Brahmana f ramanas,

62

Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri — Babhan, [No.

i.e ., those who were Brahmans once bat had became ^ramanas and lost

their Brahmanhood, but still they are called Brahmans.

From these two facts I have been led to conclude that the Babhans

were Brahman- Buddhists who lost their caste and position in Hindu

Society, but on the destruction of Buddhism are again trying, though

unconsciously, to regain the old position they enjoyed 2,000 years ago.

Leaving the safe ground of philology if I am permitted to speculate

a little, I believe I have got the derivation of the word Bhumi-haraka.

After the fall of Buddhism these Babhans misappropriated the rich

monastic lands and from that fact they are called Bhumi-harakas. The

word Bhumi-harak is not a Sanskrit word. It is not to be found in

any Sanskrit Dictionary. It is a Sanskritized form of the Hindi word

Bliumi-hara, the misappropriator of land.

The geographical distribution of the class (Babhan) favours the

theory of their Buddhistic origin. They are to be found in western

Bihar and eastern Ko9ala countries where Buddhism originated and

lingered longest.

63

1902.] Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wnn District , Barar.

Note on a find of Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar. — By

Major Wolseley Haig, First Assistant Resident , Haidardbad.

(With Plates I and II.)

[Read 5th March, 1902.]

In 1900 some labourers working in a field at Dhanaj in the Darwha

Ta‘alluq of the Wun District found a number of copper coins buried

under the soil. The matter was reported and 1,227 coins were recovered.

I have examined these coins and find that they are, with a few excep¬

tions, coins of the later Mughal emperors from the Elicpur mint. The

following descriptive catalogue of them forms a supplement to the late

Mr. Rodgers’ paper on Mughal copper coins published in Vol. LX1V

(Part I) of the Society’s Journal. There are a few Dakani coins which

will be specially noticed.

I. The first coin which I shall notice is the most interesting, and,

I believe, the rarest in the find. It is a copper coin of Kalimu’llah

Shah, the last Sultan of the Bahmani dynasty. This Sultan ascended

the throne in 1525 A.D., and died in 1527 without ever having really

reigned, being for a considerable part of the interval between his

accession and his death a fugitive. His coins are not, however, so

rare as might be supposed, as money was, I believe, minted in his name

even after his death. Muhammad Aziz Mirza of Haidarabad has some

specimens of this coin in his collection, and I have one.

I have illustrated this coin (pi. I, No. 1). I read the inscriptions

on the coin as follows —

II. The second coin which I have illustrated is one of which I

have not been able to decipher the inscriptions. From the appearance

and style of the coin I think it must be attributed to one of the later

Qutb Shahi Sultans of Gulkunda. I form this opinion from the

arrangement of the words on the reverse, (pi. I, No. 2).

64 Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar. [Ho. 1,

III. Ho. 3, pi. I, Ho. 8, pi. I and Ho. 22, pi. II are illustrations of

what I believe to be specimens of the same coin. I am unable to

give a satisfactory reading of the inscriptions. The words are

legible on the obverse and on two specimens the name of the mint town

( ) preceded apparently by appears on the reverse. After

comparing these coins with other specimens in the collection of the

Rev. H. B. Hyde I attribute them to Sultan ‘Abdu-‘llah Qutb Shah,

the fifth Sultan of the Qutb Shahi dynasty.

IV. Ho. 4, pi. I, is an illustration of a copper coin of Jahangir.

On the obverse nothing but the Emperor’s title is legible. On the

reverse what I take to be the name of the mint appears, but I am unable

to decipher it.

V. There are two Mughal copper coins of the Surat mint. One is

of the same type as Hos. 67 and 68, pi. XVII, J.A.S.B., part I,

Vol. LXIY. These coins, though illustrated, were not described by

Mr. Rodgers. I do not know to which Emperor they are to be

ascribed.

YI. The next Surat coin is one of Shah Jahan, struck in the

eleventh year of his reign. This coin is of the same type as Ho. 32,

pi. XIY, J.A.S.B., part I, Yol. LXIY. I need not therefore illustrate it.

VII. Ho. 5, pi. I, is a coin of Aurangzib ‘Alamglr I, struck at the

Elicpur mint. The execution of the die of this coin is very rude. The

“ teeth ” of the letter <j« are separated from one another, as is sometimes

the case in the copper coins of the later Mughals. The date of the coin

is A.H. 1114, and my reading of the inscriptions is as follows —

VIII, (1). Ho. 12, pi. I, is a dated coin of Aurangzib ‘Alamglr I,

from the Elicpur mint. The date is A.H. 1112. There are three coins

of this type. I have illustrated the best specimen. I read the inscrip¬

tions as follows —

) U o*

S ( A ^ l j

H I r

65

1902.] Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar.

(2) . No. 11, pi. I, is also a dated coin of ‘Alamglr I, from the

Elicpur mint. Though it bears the same date as the coins mentioned

in the last paragraph the type is somewhat different. I have therefore

illustrated it. The inscriptions are as follows—

(j4 )(J[*

( I ) I I r jf-pe ££*

(3) . No. 18, pi. II, is an illustration of another dated coin of

Aurangzib ‘Alamgir I, from the Elicpur mint. There are two coins of

this type. The unit in the date on the coin illustrated is not clearly

legible. I take to be t. The coin not illustrated bears the date 1114.

_ *

I read the inscriptions as follows —

(4). There are 253 coins of the Elicpur mint which I attribute to

Aurangzib ‘Alamglr I. They are undated and the only title or name

which appears on them is The style of the inscriptions leads me

to ascribe them to Aurangzib rather than to ‘Azizu-’d-dln ‘Alamglr IT.

These coins which are illustrated in Nos. 19 and 20 (pi. II) are of two

types. In No. 19 the title is divided thus U, while in the other it is

IX. (1). No. 14, pi. I, is a coin of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I, bearing

the date 1122. It is also described, if my reading is correct, as having

been struck at the Elicpur mint in the third year of the reign. Shah

J. i. 9

66 AYolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun .District , Bar or. [Ho. 1,

‘Alam Bahadur succeeded his father in A H. 1118 so that the third

year of his reign would begin in 1120. It may be that the reign was

sometimes reckoned from the date on which Shah ‘Alam overcame his

brother, Kam Bakhsh (Zi-1-Qa‘dali 3, A.H. 1120), or from the date

of his victory over his brother Muhammad A‘zam Shah in A.H. 1119,

in which case the third year of the reign would have extended into

1122. I read the inscriptions as follows —

V ' V y

f IP X

Under the of there is an ornament.

(2). Ho. 15, pi. II, is another coin of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I, of

the Elicpur mint, bearing the date 1120. The inscriptions are as

follows —

al£ jjxJit r

fir*

Under the last two letters of lAlam there appears to be an orna¬

ment similar to that on the coin last mentioned. The figure 2, repre¬

senting the year of the reign is clearly legible on the reverse of this

coin, which follows the ordinary reckoning of the years of the reign

of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur.

(3). Uos. 9 and 10, pi. I, are two coins of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I,

both of the Elicpur mint but of slightly different types. No. 9 is

dated 1121. There is no date on No. 10. The inscriptions on the

reverse of the coins are differently arranged. There were four of

these coins in the find, two of each type. I read the inscriptions as

follows —

(4) There are seven coins of Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I, all of the Elicpur

mint and all dated 1121. These coins are similar in type to the coin

illustrated (No. 52 ) in plate XY, Yol. LXIY, Part I, of the Journal,

and there is no need for me to illustrate them here. *

1902.] Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar. G7

X. (1). There are sixteen dated coins of Muhammad Shah, all

of the Elicpur mint and all practically of the same type. The only

variation is that the date appears in one example (1141) above the

in the word while in the other fifteen coins the date is immediately

below that letter. Of these coins fourteen bear the date 1139 and two

the date 1141. The year of the reign appears on the reverse of seven

of those bearing the former date and one of those bearing the latter.

No. 6, pi. I, is an illustration of one of these coins. The inscriptions

are as follows —

(2). No. 13, pi. I, is another coin of Muhammad Shah, dated the

twenty-third year of the reign. This is a coin of the Elicpur mint but

differs slightly from the coins mentioned in the preceding para¬

graph. There are two coins of this type, the other being dated in the

nineteenth year of the reign. The inscriptions are as follows —

XI. No. 7, pi. I, is a coin of Ahmad Shah the son and successor of

Muhammad Shah. There are 48 coins of this type, all undated and

68 Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar. [No. I,

all from tlie Elicpur mint. These coins so much resemble those

of Muhammad Shah that they can be distinguished from them only

by the tail of the alify the first letter of or by the £ in being

unconnected with any previous letter. I have chosen the best specimen

for illustration. The inscriptions are as follows —

XII. There are 23 coins attributable either to Muhammad Shah

or to Ahmad Shah. They are similar in type to Nos. 6, 7 and 13,

pi. I, but bear no date. The inscriptions on these coins are incomplete

and it is impossible to say to which reign they belong. The name is

either or but it is impossible to say which.

XIII. No. 16> pi. II, is an illustration of a dated coin of ‘Afclzu-d-

dln ‘Alarngir II. There are four of these coins, all of the Elicpur

mint. Two bear the date 1172 one bears the date 1173 and the unit

in the date on the fourth is not clearly legible, but is either 2 or 3,

The inscriptions are as follows —

(2). No. 21, pi. II, is a coin of Shah ‘Alamll, of the Elicpur mint.

There are seven of these coins on which the year of the reign is legible

and seventy-four coins] exactly similar to them in type, except that

1902.] Wolseley Haig — Copper Coins in the Wun District , Barar. 69

the year of the reign is either wanting or illegible. The inscriptions

are as follows —

sift

V

jlw Ixw

XV. There are 734 coins the inscriptions on which are either

imperfect or illegible, so that it is impossible to assign them to any

Emperor, but they are all copper coins of the later Mughals from the

Elicpur mint.

The Dhanaj find contains, I think, a fairly complete collection of

Mughal copper coins from the Elicpur mint. I am not aware when

that mint was established but there are no Elicpur coins in the find

earlier than the reign of Aurangzib. There are also no coins of the

reigns of Jahandar Shah, Farrukhsiyar, Rafi‘u-d-darajat and Rafiu-d-

daulah. It is probable that none of these Emperors except, perhaps,

Farrukhsiyar, coined at Elicpur.

I!

U*J

a

Postscript to Mr. Theobald'1 s paper ( Vol . LXX, Part /, No. 2 , p. 38> 1901.)

Since writing the above I have acquired a silver ‘ Purana ’ with

the figure of a Rhinoceros on it. This animal will therefore remain on

the list of animals on those coins.

I find too that by some inadvertence, the Rhinoceros has been

excluded from the list of animals found on copper coins, though I had

already figured it in my paper (J.A.S.B., 1890., Part I, p. 217, fig. 14)

which figure was from a copper coin of Ujain. The Rhinoceros may

therefore be inserted in the list on p. 71 as 55 A., that being its proper

place among animals

%

I

t

a

\

¥

J^urnaljAs. Soc. Beng.Vol. LXX1, 1902

PLATE I.

SOL 50 grs.

Wolseley Hai£ del.

Litti. by S . C M on chi x .

OOP PER COINS in THE TON DISTRICT, BARAR.

Journal, As. Soc.Beng\ Yol. LXXIJ902

PLATE H.

2841 grs.

285. 50 grs.

287

grs.

292 grs.

Wolseley Haig- del.

L iih. "by A . G . C LowdB ary.

COPPER COINS IN THE WUN DISTRICT, BARAR.

•i

I

, it

c

l

i

V

I

f

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.-PLISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. 2-1902-

Notes on the Dialect of the Kangra Valley, with Glossary of icords

'peculiar to the Kangra District. — By the late Edward O’Brien

Deputy Commissioner of Kangra.

}

Nominative

Accusative

Dative

Agent

Ablative

Locative

Nominative )

Agent j

Accusative ^

Dative j

Ablative

Genitive

Locative

a

}j

))

Personal Pronouns.

Singular.

Main, “ I .

... Minjo, “ me, to me.;

... ... Main, t( by me.

... ... Minjo te, “from me.

{Minjo rich, “ in me.

Minjo upar, “ on me. ”

Plural.

... ... Assan, “ we.”

... ... Assail jo, “ us, to us. ”

Assart tea, “ from us.”

r *Mhdra

... ... < Mhdre

(^Mhari

i Assail rich, “ in us.”

\ Assart upar, “ on us.”

“our, ours.”

The second Personal Pronoun is declined as follows

Singular.

Nominative ... ... Tu, “ thou/

33

Dative 1

Accusative J

Agent

Ablative

33

Tijo,u thee, to thee.

... Tain, “ by thee.”

... lijo tea, “ from thee.”

* This is li ke the Marwari forms of Hindi, cf. Mdncdri,,,Mhdrot “ our, ours,’’

72

The Proximate Demonstrative Pronoun is declined as follows

Singular.

Nominative

Accusative

Dative

Agent

Ablative

Genitive

Locative

}

( Eh, “ this, lie/’

\ Eh, “this.”

a

Nominative

Accusative

Dative

Agent

Ablative

Genitive

Locative

}

... Is jo, “ this, to this/

... Ini, “ by this.”

... Is te , “ from this.”

... Is da, etc., “ of this.”

Is rich, “ in this.”

Plural.

. . . Eh, “ these, they.”

Ind jo, “ these, to these.”

... Ina ne, “by these.”

... Ina tea, “ from these.”

... Ina da, “ of these.”

Ina rich, “ in these.”

Example.

Eh sach galande je asd jie nardsd mare.

They say this true, that the hopeful lives, the hopeless dies.—

Kdngra Proverb.

The Interrogative Pronoun Kyd “ what ? ” is declined as

follows : —

Plural.

Nominative . Kyd, “ what ? ”

Accusative } . Kai0' ” for wllat ? ”

1902.] E. O’Brien — Notes on Kangra Oialecl. 73

Ablative ... ... Kes tea , “ from wbat ? ”

Locative ... ... Kes vich, C{ in wbat ? ”

Example.

Rati dehandhne da kyd phal paed.

Janghdn dd nur guae Ram »

Of wandering on foot at night what fruit did yon get ?

You spoiled the splendour (literally, light) of your legs, Oh

11am ! — Marriage Song.

Plural.

))

Nominative

Dative

Accusative

Ablative

ive}

Genitive

. . . Kun , “ who ? 33

... Kindn jo “ whom ” (i to whom ? 33

... Kindn tea , ct from whom ? ”

C Kindn da ]

... < Kindn di > “ of whom ? 33

Agent

Kindn de J

Kin art, “ by whom ? ”

Terci mungict dupattd kini rangi ditd.

By whom was your green dupatta dyed ? — Marriage

(Kdngra) .

Remote Demonstrative Pronoun Oh (s that,” “ she, ” " he, ” "it.”

Singular. Plural .

Nominative . Oh, “ he ” ... Oh, “ they.”

Dative ... \ jjsj0 “liim, to him” Unan jo, "them, to them.”

Accusative i J J

Agent ... Uni, " by him ” Unan, “ by them.”

( Us da *) f Unan da

Genitive ..A Us di £ “ of him” Unan da £■ “ of them.”

( Us d& ) ' TT™ A An ^

( Unan de

# Kini is also in use for the agent.

74

[No. 2,

E. O’Brien — Notes on Kangra Dialect.

Correlative Pronoun Sell.

Singular. Plural.

Nominative ..Seh l( that, the same/’

Dative ...\ m- ■

Accusative J J

Agent ... Tim...

I J is da . . • ...

Genitive ... < Tis di

L Tis de

Seh.

Tin an jo.

Tinan.

Tindfi da.

Tinan di.

Tinan de.

Relative Pronoun Jo.

Singular.

Plural.

Nominative

Dative

A ccusative

Agent

Genitive

Ablative

...Jo, “ who, which ” ... Jo, “ who, which.”

j Jis jo, “ to whom, to which.” Jinhan and Jinhan jo.

...Jini, “ by whom ” ... Jinhan , “ by whom.”

...Jis da, “of whom” ...Jinhan da, of whom.

...Jis tea, “ from whom.” Jinhan tea, “ from whom.”

Examples.

Seh apni mail da bard ladla he.

He is a great darling of his mother.

Tis di junasa bari laraki he.

His wife is very quarrelsome.

Main vakil bhi hitd ,

nahin hitd.

Tini dhavve mare , kichh uttar tini bhi

I engaged a vakil. He consumed (my) money, (but) he did

not even make any answer.

Jinhan musadidh da bal, tinhdn bhare peril pal.

Those who have the assistance of the officials, have their

grain receptacles (peril pal ) full.

Jinhan jo, Rajea , tera trdn.

Those to whom, Oh Raja, is your help.

Tinhdn de ghar na khan na manje ban.

To their houses is neither food nor strings for their beds.

Pronominal Adjectives of kind.

Adehd, “ such,” “ like this,” Hindi, Aisd.

Tadeha , “ such,” “ like that,” „ Waisd.

J adehd, “ like which,” “ as,” „ Jaisd .

Kadehd , “ like what,” “ how/’ ,, Kaisa*

1902,]

75

E. O’Brien— Notes on Kdngra Dialect.

Examples.

Adehd guar koi mere dehhne vich nahih aea t.

No fool like this came within my experience (within my

seeing) .*

Seh sahab hadehd he.

What is that sahib like ?

J adehd agld thd tadeha hi lie.

As the former was like that exactly is he.

Auxiliary verb Rond, “ to be.”

Present.

Singular.

Maiii hdh,“ I am.”

Tic he, “you are.”

Oh he, “ he is. ”

Plural.

Assdh hah, “ we are ” (hu).

Tussdn hah, “ you are ” (hu) .

Seh hcih, “ they are ” (hin),

Future.

Main hongha, “I will be. ” Assdh honghe, “ we will be ” (bhole).

Tu hongha, “thou wilt be. ” Tussdn honghe, “you will be ” (bhole).

Sehhongha, “ he will be. ” Seh honghe , “ they will be ” (bhole).

The past tha, “ was, ” is like Hindi.

Aj mere boti Teaman pichhe he rahi gae hah

To-day myk^fn servants have remained behind. {Kdngra).

Tussdn aj hal hia pahrde hah ?

What are you reading nowadays ?

Eh Rajput halhe hdh.

These are low Rajputs. — {Kdngra).

Kasora ri wife bari khundar he.

Kasora’s daughter is very handsome. — {Gddi of Dharamsdla),

Athdhun te pahile jo sahib thu so hhara thu.

The sahib who was before him, he was good.

Pronominal Adverbs of direction like idhar “ hither, v udhar

“thither ,” jidhar “whither,” tidhar “thither,” hidhar “ whither,”

seem to be wanting in Jandari.t

* This would be in Gadi : — Mha gowar mere herne ma 11a a

No fool like this came within my seeing.

(Observe — “ herna,” to see ,

“ ma ” for manj , in,

‘‘ a,!’ 3rd singular past tense of dndt “ to

come ”=dyd).

f Jandar or Jhandar is the term used by the Gaddis for the country net included

in their country, the Gadderan. [It literally means ‘ cotton-clothed,5 i.e., the people

not dressod in woollen garments like the Gaddis.]

76

[No. 2,

E. O’Brien— Notes gu Eangra Dialect.

)>

Pronominal Adverb op Manner.

Proximate Demonstrative . Relative.

Than, “ thus Jihan, “ as.

Correlative. Interrogative.

Tilt an, “so.” Kihdn, “how ? ”

Adverbs op Time.

Agdhah, “ before, ” (Hindi age), also aged.

Aj, “ to-day/’ as in Panjabi.

Kal, “ to-morrow, yesterday. ”

Parson, “ the day before yesterday, or tbe day after to¬

morrow.”

Chauth, “ tbe fourth day past or future, counting to-day as

tbe first dav, tomorrow or yesterday as tbe second, &c.

Panjoth, “ tbe fifth day.”

Chioth, “ the sixth day.”

Pachahah, “ after, afterwards.”

Phiri , again.”

Bhiagd , “ in tbe morning.”

Bdramhdr, “ repeatedly.

Kadi kaddi “ sometimes, rarely.”

Nit, “ continually, always.”

Pdpi lok Paharie path ar jin h an de chit.

Ang malod kadi kaddi, nain malod nit.

Tbe mountain people are wretches, whose hearts are stone.

They join bodies rarely, they are always joining eyes. — Song ,

Hun, “ now. ”

Adverbs op Place.

Nere, “ near.”

Par, “ over, across.”

Udr, “ this side, ” udr-par.

Wdl , “ to, towards.” Tahsilddre wdl jd, “ go to the Tabsil-

dar. ”

Aresi paresi, “on both sides,” “ all around.” (Hindi —

ds pds).

Pdrdhan, “ on that side.” (Hindi — Pa re).

TJrdhdn, “ on this side.” (Hindi — Tire).

Andar , “ within.” and hdhar, “ without,” are as in Hindi.

Agdhah, “ before.”

Pachdhnh, “ behind.”

Taithe, Tahthi, “ there.”

Taithi Gddi saite gala hatd kari.

There with a G-adi I talked.— (Dharamsala),

Handard, “ elsewhere.” So apni zami/i chaddi handara na

gahnde,“ they abandoningtheirlaud do not go elsewhere.”

1902.]

77

E. O’Brien — Notes on Kdngra Dialed.

Pronominal Adverbs op Time.

Proximate Demonstrative. Remote Demonstrative . Relative.

Hun , ibhen . u now,” Then. Jdlu , “ when.”

Correlative. Interrogative.

Tdluy “ then.” ... Kdlii, cc when.”

Pronominal Adverbs of Place.

Proximate Demonstrative. Remote Demonstrative. Relative.

Itlw, “ here.” Othu, u there.” Jithu, “ where.”

Ithe (Kutlehr i.

Correlative. Interrogative.

Titl'd , “ there.” Kuthii, <c where ? ”

Tail he, “ there.” — (Gadi).

Marriage Song.

Rati da handhnd jo chhadi deh, Eahnd.

Hun hoed gharhdri, Ram.

Agen tu thd, Kahnd, hdlu gudlu.

Hun hoed gharhdri , Ram.

Give up wandering at night, Oh Kahna !

Now you have become a married man, Oh Ram !

Before you were, Oh Kahna ! a ploughman and a cowherd ! 9

Now you have become a married man, Oh Ram !

Mahridn dd sang chhadi, chhaddi deh, Kahna.

Hun hoed gharhdri, Ram.

Abandon, abandon the society of Gujar women, Kahna.

Now von have become a married man ! Oh Ram !

Mahar is a Gujar and Mahari a Gujar-woman.

The Numerals.

SONGS.

Songs sung by women at weddings of Brahmans, Rajputs and

Khatri in Kangra—

7S

E. O’Brien — Notes on Edngra Dialect. [No. 2 }

Assdti bachhdi kali karnalri ji,

Kuramen bachhdi sutranji ji ;

Tussdn ai baho angane

We have spread black blankets ji',

The opposite party in marriage (Kuram) have spread carpets

• /

3! ;

Come you and sit down in the courtyard.

[ Note. — In marriage parties the bride’s family are “ kurame ”

to the bridegroom’s party and the bridegroom’s party are “ kurams ”

to the bride’s. There is no English word which expresses the relation¬

ship.]

Ki tussah mnngde tukra,

Muchrd hi tussdii sari de bhukhe the.

•

Assail niangde kurame did ddrid,

Lei chubdre baithe the.

Question. — What morsel do you want ?

A piece, or are you hungry for the whole ?

Answer. — We want the wdfe of the Kuram,

They took her and were sittiugin the upper storey.

Generosity.

Mali Sdli sakke bhai,

Thikria ri cldl bandi ;

Chalande gidar tire lae.

Sdli balandd bhujji khdni ;

Mali balandd kdni lisse ha ;

Kdni jo pujdni.

Mali and Sali were two own brothers,

They cooked a dish of dal ;

They shot a running jackal with an arrow.

Sail says “ Let’s eat it fried

Mali says “ The one-eyed woman is ill ;

“ Let’s take it to the one-eyed woman.”

Song on Raja Sausar Chand, Ivatoch Rajput of Kangra, marry¬

ing a pretty Gaddi woman whom he saw herding her

cows. — (Dharamsala) —

Gaddi chare bakridh ,

Gaddin chare gde ;

Gharrd bhaje sapi'idn,

Binnd khddhe gde.

Her jawan ruia ,

Raja Gaddin bidhe.

1902.] E. O’Brien— Notes on Kangra Dialect . 7’

The Gaddi was grazing his goats;

The Gaddi woman was grazing her cows ;

Her gliarra was broken on the rocks,

The cows ate the pad (worn between the head and the jar on it).

Seeing her young face,

The Baja married the Gaddin.

Jhandae Song.

J. He. — Pussi, pus-si ,

Kajo russi,

Lahula gid mandnd ;

Chal pussi bhctt hhdna.

She. — Jana jurdnd,

Main nahin an da.

2. Puni nahin muhdi ;

Tand nahin trutdi ;

Sas nahin akhdi

Jo pdnie jo j and.

The ball of wool never comes to an end.

The thread never breaks;

My mother-in-law never says

“ Go for water.5, ’

Sahnu Mali’s Song.

Gaddi song—

(1) . Suhi, suhi pagri na lain ,

(2) . Malta, Sdhnud bo !

(3) . Manhu balaleje lilari,

( 4) . Ba t i ri j hinj a n manga n i,

(5) . Mdlid Sahnud bo !

(6) . Pith teri hater a hhalric ?

(7) . Lcdid Tundid bo !

(8) . Pete hase-rd halaru ?

(9) . Sdlid Tundid bo!

(lOj. Pete malUra halaru.

(11) . Sdlid Tundid bo !

(12) . Kugti-rd tekd na lend ,

(13) . Mdlid Sdhnud bo !

(14) . Kdldy hald, dagld na land,

(15) . Mdlid Sahnud bo !

(16) . Manhu balaleje hd Tehaddr,

(17) . Mdlid Sahnud bo !

(1) . A red, red pagri do not put on,

(2) . Oh Mali Sahnu !

BO

E. O’Brien— Notes on Kang r a Dialect.

[No. 2,

(3) , People will say you are a dyer ;

(4) . Bring rice of Bhati.

(5) . Oh Mali Sahuu !

(6) . OB, what is the skin on your back (full) ?

(7) . Oh Lala Tunci !

(8) . In your womb whose child is there ?

(9) . Oh Sail Tundi !

(10) . In your womb is Mali’s child,

(11) . Oh Sail Tundi.

(12) . Do not take the farm of Kugti,

(13) . Oh Mali Sahnu !

(14) . A black, black coat do not put on,

(15) . Oh Mali Sahnu !

(16) . People will sav he is a farmer,

(17) . Oh Mali Sab nil !

(Note. — (2), “Mali Sahnu,” (7), Laid T undid,” (S) “Sail Tundi.”

Mali, LdJd and Sali are the names of the persons.

Sdhnu and Tundi are the names of their castes.

(3), “ Balale ” is the 3rd person plural, future tense,

from balna, “ to say.”

Het , s. f., remembrance, memory. “ Abe het ai min jo,” no re¬

membrance came to me.

The wooing of Sambhda

1. Sambhud merd muriyddd nat !

2. Sambhud clherd (1 2) liaildi. (x)

3. Dherd hoi Idi ho merijdn !

4. Sambhud dherd hoi Idi.

5. Kanaka (3) ri roti , ghiu, dull,

6. Sambhud khdi kari jd,

7. Khdi karijd bo merijdn !

8. Dohar dindi (4) bachhdi,

9. Sambhud soi kari (x) jd,

10. Soi karijd merijdn!

11. Sambhud soi kari jd.

12. Kdldjind (3 6), clord (^) hachhi ('), choli (8)

13. Ammd inert ! Sambhud , ayd bo.

1. Oh Sambhu, my first dancer !

2. Oh Sambhu ! be slow (he., stay here).

3. Be slow, my life !

4. Oh Sambhu be slow.

5. Bread of wheat, ghi and dal,

6. Oh Sambhu 1 eat before yon go : (literally “ having eateu

81

1902. ]

E. O’Brien — Notes on Eangra Dialect.

10.

1!.

12,

13.

7. Eat before you go, my life !

8. I am spreading a shawl.

9. Oh Sambhu, sleep before you go : (literally u having slept

go.”)

Sleep before you go, my life !

Oh Sambhu ! sleep before you go,

(With) a black like girdle (and) a white frock,

Oh mother! my Sambhu has come.

Note?.— [l). “ Hoi lai,” “ khai kari,” and ff soi kari ” are the

conjunctive participles from the verbs “ hona,”

aklianaJJ and “ son a ” respectively. In Hindi

these forms would be ‘f ho karke,” “ kha

karke ” and “ so karke.”

c: Dhera” is the Hindi and Panjabi “dhira,” <: slow,”

whence comes “ dhitaj,” “slowness,” “ dhirtai, ”

“ patience ” and other derivatives.

“ Kanaka,” The short a at the end of “ kanak” is

added to nouns ending in a consonant to prepare

them for receiving the case affix rd.

Hindi ” is the present participle feminine, from

“ dinda,” “ to give. ”

Jina ” is the pronominal adjective of similarity and

corresponds to “ jaisa ” in Hindi.

“ Dora ” is the* cord of black wool the Gaddi

winds round his waist. Gaddi women also wear

it, and the “ flora” is used as a binder by women

after child-birth.

(7) . “ Hachhi ” is the feminine of the adjective “liachha,”

f white.”

(8) . “ Choli ”is the capacious woollen frock worn by Gaddi

men and women. It is secured round the waist

by the “dora.” The “ choli ” comes down to the

knees on men and to the ankles on women. The

“ dord ” round the waist makes a large body in

the “ chola ” above the waist. The body is called

the “ kliokh, ” and forms a receptacle for very

miscellaneous articles, such as a number of

newly born lambs, bread, and wool for spinning.

I3!-

(*)-

(4).

n

(•).

(c

a

The Gaddi girl’s choice of a husband.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Td buclhru jo na deni, chachud, deni, chachud.

Sojrs chunde rand bholiho.

Td chdkard jo nadeni , chachud, deni , chachud.

Hah •pdnde ttthijdnde ho.

Td dur-desi jo na deni, chachud, deni, chachud .

82

E. O’Brien — Notes on Kangra Dialect.

[ No. 2,

6. Goru chug ande jo deni ho.

7. Td roji jo na deni , chachud, deni, chachud.

8. Sajre chunde rand gahli ho.

9. Bhede charande jo deni, chachud, deni, chachud.

10. Khokh hhare leld mas ho.

11. Bhedd de puhdla nu jo deni, chachud, deni, chachud.

12. Pithi jo deld cholii ho.

1. To an old man do notgive me, father, do not give me, father.

2. I shall be a widow while my hair is (still) freshly done.

3. To a servant do not give me, father, do not give me, father.

4. A call comes — He gets up and goes (and leaves me) .

5. To one who lives far away do not give me father, do not

give me, father.

6. To one who grazes a herd of cattle give me.

7. To a sick man do not give me, father, do not give me, father.

8. I shall become a widow while my hair is (still) freshly done.

9. To a herder of sheep give me, father, give me, father.

10. He will bring me his pocket full of meat.

11. To a tender of sheep give me, father, give me, father.

12. He will give me a frock for my back.

Notes. — In translating this song all the “tas ’’andall the “ hos ”

should be omitted. They are without meaniug.

“ Jo ” in the first, third, fifth, sixth, seventh, ninth, eleventh,

and twelfth lines is the sign of the dative case.

“ Ohach ” in Gadi and “ chdchu ” in the valleys of Kfingra

is a common word “ father. ”

The meaning of the second and eighth lines is — “If you marry

me to an old or a sick man I shall be a widow before my hair, which

was done for my wedding, is ruffled,” i.e., I shall be a widow before

my wedding dress is worn out.

“ Bholi ” in the second line is the feminine third person singular

future, from “ bhona,” “ to be. ”

“ Goru ” in the sixth line means a herd of horned cattle.

“ Khokh ” in the tenth line is the body of a Gaddi’s frock which

is made into a pocket by the frock being tightly bound at the waist

with a woollen rope called “ dora,” which passes several times round

the waist. The “ khokh ” is used to carry miscellaneous articles.

The wearer’s dinner may be seen in it or even half a dozen new* born

lambs or kids.

“ Gahli ” in the eighth line is the feminine third person singular

future, from “ gahnd,” “ to go,” “ to become. ”

“ Lela ” in the tenth line is third person singular future, from

“ lena,” “ to bring*. ”

“ Held ” iu the twelfth line is third person singular future, from

“ dena, ” “ to give. ”

1902.]

83

E. O’Brien — Notes on Kangra Dialed.

“ Cholu ” is tlie woollen frock worn by both Gaddi men and

women. It is made very capacious and loose, secured round the

waist with a black woollen cord called “ dor4. ” The “ cholu ” comes

half down the thigh on men and to the ankles on women.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

18.

14.

1.

2.

3.

4.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

The Song of Raja Gopi Chand.

Chanan chauki bo rupijhanydh Raja Gopi Chand nahde.

Td amar bhold bo aghnd chdndi hargd, thendi bund kathoh de.

Td chhaje bo baithi matd Nain Banti nain bhari , bhari roe.

Td phiri uparhun dekhe Rdjd Gopi Cliand , td mdtd Nain

Banti roe.

Td kuni hi diti, mdtd, tijo galian ? Kuni bole mande bol,

Td nahin bo diti, beta , minjo galian, na bole mande bol.

Td kuni bo herd, mdtd, mande nain? Us de naindn kadhdfi .

Td na bo herd minjo, beta, mande nain, na koi galian de.

Td jaisi kdyd, beta, terari taisibawal tere.

Td jal bat matidn ho gian hid bhasaman dheri.

Td sikh deii, mdtd., meri pdie umar kdyd.

Td jog dhidya Rdje Bharthari , pdi umar kdyd.

Td jog bo dhidnd mo, mdtd, meri pdni umar kdyd.

Td jog bo dhidya Rdje Gopi Chande pdi umar kdyd.

On a seat of sandal wood, with silver ewers, Raja Gopi Chand

was bathing’.

“ The heaven is clear like silver, whence do the cold drops

O 5 5 *

come r

Sitting in the balcony his mother, Nain Banti, W’as weeping

bitterly.

Then again Raja Gopi Chandlooked up. His mother Nain

Banti was weeping.

He. — “ Who gave, mother, to you abuse ? Who spoke evil

words ? ”

She. — “ Neither was given, son, to me abuse : nor "were

spoken evil words.”

He. — “ Then who looked (at you), mother, with evil eyes ?

His eyes I will tea-rout. ”

She. — “ No one looked at me? son, with evil eyes, nor gave

me abuse.

(“It was thinking that) as your body is, so was your

father’s.”

tc He was burned and became clay. He became a heap of

ashes. ”

He. — “ Then give me advice, mother, make my body

immortal. ”

She. — R4ja Bharthari became an ascetic. He made his

body immortal. ”

E. O’Brien-— Notes on Kctngra Dialect. [No. 2,

IB. Be. — I should become an ascetic, mother. I should make

my body immortal.

14. So Baja Gopi Chand became an ascetic. He made his body

immortal.

1.

2.

3.

4.

v •

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

A Song.

Nahla di tdh Jati Lubano jo chhali, chhali puchhdi.

Td dubld tun hit gune hoid ho.

(A Jati of the valley chaffing, chaffing, a Lubana asks).

She. — For what reason have you become lean ?

Td eh tan bo tutu , bo gorie, Jami'id dd hdld ho.

Tail ditje bo tail tuti balri prit ho.

Re. — First, oh fair one, the Jammu revenue is deficient

( i.e ., I cannot pay the revenue).

Secondly, the love of a girl is broken off [i.e., I have

been jilted).

Tdh dhedu b did deni hah Lubdnudh.

Bhari deni hdh Jammu dh de hale ho.

Tdh navvi, navvi Idni hdn prit ho.

She.-— Then you must sell your ear-rings and nose-ring,

Lubana.

You must pay in full the Jammu revenue.

Then you must get a new, new love.

Td pahile bo tdh hale bo Lubdnudh dhedu bald deni hdh.

D uj e ha le math di j anj iri ho.

She. — Then at the first instalment, Lubana, you must sell

you ear-rings and nose-ring.

And at the second instalment the forehead chain.

Td ammd bajhuh rahni hdh, Lubdnudh.

Bdpu bdjliun rahni hdh.

Tudh bajhuh dhun bo mddhuni ho.

She. — Then you must remain without mother,

You must remain without father.

Without thee I am silent [i.e., sad).

Lubdna,

A Song.

Uchi, uchi marhia merd sri thdkar sondd ;

Ttddhd bail jhuldndi hdn ,

85

1902.] E. O’Brien — Notes on Kangra Dialect.

Krishna.— Td tu kajo ruthi ruthi meri Rukmani Rddhd ;

Tudh bin nindr na aundi hail ,

Mu gori moch.ru ncihi hdn.

Krishna. — Td tu mat ruthih, ruthin meri Bukmawi R

Rddhd jo mochru le dena hail.

Radhd ;

On a high, high. eminence my Lord God is sleeping ;

Radb& is fanning a breeze.

Krishna. — Why are you pouting, pouting, my Rukmani liadha ?

"Without you sleep does not come.

Rddhd. — My younger sisters-in-law (have) shoes, my elder

sisters-in-law (have) shoes;

I fair-complexioned (have) no shoes ;

(To me fair is no shoe, literally).

Krishna. — Do not pout, pout, my Rukmani Kadba !

To Radha I will give shoes.

(Literally' — To Radha shoes are to give).

A Ditty.

Khasam marie

Dal bal karie.

Khind lute...

If a husband die.

If a blanket is torn,

Todi pane...

Ambar tute...

Kid sind. . .

Y dr mare ...

Put on a patch.

If heaven splits,

How can one sew it ?

If a lover die,

Kia jma ...

How can one live ?

86

E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kangra District.

[No. 2,

Glossary of Words peculiar to the Kangra District .

Aj (aj), to-day.

Akhoka, adj., of this year, akho, as in e: akhoki clikali parok,

chkali tliaun khari liin/’ “ this year’s maize is [lit, are) better thau

last year’s.”

Ala, a bird’s nest. “ Kas pakkrue da ala liai ? ” (Of wkat bird is

that tke nest ?)

Alhia = Amaltas. (Lambagraon).

Ambar, sky.

Amri, hdrdni land, cf. otar.

Andarwar, tke court-yard of one or more kouses. (Saloli).

Ang, relationship. (Skalipur). “ Taksildare kane tis da ang

kai,” (ke is related to tke Tahsildar).

Angujka, “not kiddeu,” “ known.” (Salok).

Ankkia, trouble : “ Mitr dusman ankkia de waqat packkane,”

(Friend and enemy are distinguisked at tke time of difficulty).

(Kangra).

Apan, but.

Ate, and.

Aunda, drain , a small drain cut across a field to drain it (=

ckalra).

Awan, awana, tke court-yard of a house. (Hamirpur).

Backalna, destroy, injure. (Kangra).

Badhna, to cut= Yadkna. (Bandla).

Bagar, a kind of grass, used for fodder and for ropes, Andropa-

gon involutus and Ercophorum cornosum (Stewart) ; cf. gao-dhan

mala.

Bagur, s. f., air, wind. (Kutlekar).

Bakri, year.

Gr. Baku, fore-quarter of a skeep. (Dkarmsala).

Bai, a covered spring. “ At tke bai is tke camp of Harjala,”

Also a woman’s nipple. (Garli song).

* Words to whieh G. is prefixed are peculiar to the Qddi dialed.

1902. ]

E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kan gr a District.

Baj, ploughed land. (Kaloha).

Bajhi, “ except.”

Bajog, loss.

Bajrothi, hard, strong, used of hard, round stones in a river¬

bed as opposed to the soft sandstone of the cliffs ; cf. kasaral.

(Baragraon).

Bakhan, ease, comfort.

Balad, in the south of the District, i, e., in Hamirpur and Dera,

Cl balad ” is used foF bullock. In Palampur, Kangra, and Nurpur

dand is used.

Balna, tell, speak.

Banj, excommunication. “ Tujjo banj pa dita” (I have ex¬

communicated you).

Banna (=Samalu) Vitex negundo, Stewart, 166.

Baran, subst. masc. or verb, rain or to rain.

Baruthi, the court-yard of a house=cZaZdn, cf. awan. (Hamirpur)

Barsara (spelt barsala), rainy season.

Basa, a hamlet when high up on a hill.

Basah, trust.

Basand, ploughed land^taraddadi. (G-arli).

Basdi, a hamlet. (Ku (debar).

Basinda, a hamlet.

Basunti, Adhatoda Vctsica, Stewart, 164.

Bat, a road.

Bat, s. f. egg.

G. B&t, wind, as in “ bara bat jalura ” (‘a great wind is blowing ’)

Bat, upper millstone. Thali, under millstone. (Bhawarna.

Batra, 1J times, of interest. (Kutlehar).

Batti, a measure = two sers pakka.

Baura, sown.

Behand, capable of cultivation (cf. behan).

Beis (=bido,) a willow. Stewart, 206 — 8.

Bekanu, a wether.

Bera, a cluster of houses, a hamlet. (Dhatwdl).

Betari, wife.

Bhajna, be broken, as in (< had bhaji-go,” (the bone was broken)

Bhakrari, a mallet for crushing clods.

88 E. O’Brien - Glossary on Kangra District, [ No. J*,

Bhalel, fibre made from tlie bark of the dhaman tree. (Baragrdon).

Bhangan, the name of a fish : (Bhadpur), Bids.

Bh'inna, break.

Bhanor, see darohla.

G. Bharakli, s. f. hunger.

Bharaufa, a clod-crusher. (Nadaunti).

Bhedu, a sheep generally, also a ram.

Bher, an ewe.

Bheth, a precipice. (Alampur).

u Bhitan dei dea,” shat the door (lit., the planks, used here

as a door).

Bhukran, a clod-crusher. (Dera).

G. Biar, wind, as in “ bari biar jaluri” (a great wind is blowing).

Bido, see beis.

Bij, lightning when it strikes (it is said), while bijli = the flash.

Bilangan, a clothes’ horse, a stick suspended by two ropes from

the eaves of a house,

Bir a ridge between fields. (Daro).

Birla, broad.

Biul, see dhaman.

Boglu, a Gaddi’s purse of untanned skin.

Bohar, the upper storey in an agriculturist’s house. (Sujanpur).

Buhla, adj., low, depressed. (Nagrota),

G. Bujazu, tinder.

Bun, udv., below, as in “bun gich top” (go down aud search).

Chach, father.

Chakona, square.

Chalca = aunda, qu.vide. (Malan).

Chamal, the plant which children call “ -Jack-in-the-box ”

(Garli).

Cliamba, Michelia campaca, Stewart, 5.

Ghamra, skin (of cattle).

Ghamri, skin (of a man),

Chatrati, mahser, cf. kaklaru, (Dera Sujanpur) .

Chhalu, a lamb.

Chharola, a stile.

1902.] E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kangra District . 89

Chhiri, wood.

Chhopa, vaccination.

Chhu, the six-sided cactus.

Chhu-nali, water-cress.

Chhubba, the rope with which a load of grass is tied.

Chhumb, a stack of maize. (Kutlehar).

Chirindi, ? maple.

Chirna, to split.

Choi, a stream, a torrent.

Chorna, to strip, to skin.

Clioii, a stream, — “ Is jiminia ki tre clioii lagde, tap nan bans ; 9i

(to this land three streams are attached, there are nine months

for the water ). (Kangra).

Chunchal, a sort of blackbird with a blue tinted plumage in the

sun.

Chura, parched rice.

G. Churiat5, hind quarter of a sheep. (Dharmsala).

Dah, courtship, as in “ meri dah karni (make love to me)

Dadhuni, hive.

Daguld, grape-vine, and Dliura, grape.

Dand, tooth.

Danga, a stone wall.

Dangu, a scorpion.

Darohla, the multicomb, domesticated tree-bee ; cf. bhanor, the

unicomb, wild tree-bee.

Dera, crooked, as “ fieri lakri ” (a crooked stick).

Dhaman=Biul ( Gar via oppoaiti folia, Stewart, 27).

Dhak-dhak, little by little.

Dharirna, to drag.

Dhera, sun.

Dhera, day ( = dhiara) .

Dhi n gar a, Hiud. arhar, a kind of pulse, Cajanus Iudicus.

(Ram garb)

Dliiotrn, a daughter’s son.

Dhirna, to drag. (Chaumnkha).

Dhiu, a tree with large leaves ; bears a fruit. Artocarpus inte -

grifoliu. (Lodhvvan).

90

[ No.

E. O’Brien— Glossary on Kangra District .

Dliiu, daughter.

Dlior, bullock.

Dhura, vide Dagula.

G. Dina, to cross (a pass, river, etc).

Dolna, to tremble.

Pond, a wood-pigeon.

Dote, to-morrow.

Dudhar, a hut in the cultivated laud for the purpose of being

near the fields.

Etki, this time, now.

Ga, cow.

Gabe, between.

Gadi, a sheaf of rice. (Saloh).

G. Gahna, to go.

Galana, to speak.

Gao-dhan mala, a rope of bagar grass and mango leaves sus¬

pended across the path to a cowshed to avert cattle-disease. (Bara-

graon).

Gappi, chatterer, flatterer, as in “ Katochari di parol,

Ghalakari jo ata, Gappiarijo Chole (i. e. chawal ”), (at the doorway

ofa Katoch helpers get flour, flatterers get rice). — Proverb.

Gar, fort.

Garaka, a clap of thunder.

Garju, thunder.

Garna, Carissa diffusa, Stewart, 42, very like karaunda, which

is Carissa carandas .

G. Gaula, langur.

Ghfilak, helper.

Ghalna, to help.

Ghalki, help.

G. Gharangar, saddle of a sheep. (Dharmsala).

Ghirini, the bird which makes bottle-shaped nests. (Saloh).

Gharu, a precipice.

Ghuara, a stack of rice-straw. Kangra.

Gid, the name of a fish, (Bhadpur), Bias.

Gidli, name of a fish. (Dera and Sujanpur).

God, an eel-like fish, Mestacemblus armatus. (Dera and Sujan-

1902. ]

E. O’Brien— Glossary on Kangra District.

Gobru, son.

Goya, white, fair (of people) .

Goru, a herd of cattle, as in u tere goru kate tahar hin ? ” (how

many head are there in your herd ?)

Gotar, tribe (restricted to the descendants of one ancestor).

Gra, town.

Gulu, a cob of maize from which the grain has been picked.

Gulu, a cob of maize with the grains on. (Lodhwan),

Gurln, the sweet viscous matter deposited by insects on the

leaves and flowers of the mango in spring. (Rajhun).

G. Hachha, white (of things and animals),

Hakhar, eye.

Hakhi, a glance.

“ Duhl janie di hakhi lagi,” (the glance of two lovers met)

(Garli song).

Hand, ploughing the standing crop of rice “ Hand Har mahine

hunghe” (the rice will be ploughed in Har), cf. ur.

Hath, hand.

Hath-lopa, groping— karn a, to grope. (Kangra).

Hatiara, a wretch, a murderer.

Hera, shikar.

Hi, yesterday, as in “ Hi aun kachari jo na go,” (yesterday 1

to kutcherry did not go).

Hiun, snow.

Hiund, Hiunda, winter, as (c akhoke hiunda manj tusso apni

bahra bakri katlii charni hin ? ” (where will you graze your sheep

and goats this wdnter ?) (Dharmsala).

Hiunwat, snow-blindness.

Iji, mother.

It, a brick.

G. Jabara, an old man.

Jalara and palla, names of blights.

Jalu, when.

Jangla, yoke. (Bhawarna).

Jani-mani, Nolens volens.

Japhlota, croton tree, Jatropha curcas (Stewart’s Punjab

Plants, page 196). (Kangra).

c c « t <

c c C( t.C c

C c ' i

c r c ( »

Jar,

come).

E O’Brien—- Glossary on Kangra District. [ No. j>,

fever, as in “ jar khit ichhura La ” (fever and ague have

G. Jeli, hard.

Jhauntu, axe.

Jhota, a male buffalo.

Jhumb = a stack of Indian corn. (Lambagraon) . cf. chhumb.

Jilha, dumb, (Kangra).

Junas, a wife. (Hamirpur).

Ka, crow, pi. ka (apparently, (i mate ka hin ”) (there are many

crows).

Kahla, quarrel.

KajOj why ? (Garli).

Kak. uncle, -i, aunt (■ father’s younger brother or his wife =

p atria).

Kakiaru, mahser ( = chatrati.) (Dera and Sujanpur).

Kakri, cucumber.

Kalbelan, the time between sunset and dark, evening.

Kama!, Bottler a tinctoria , Stewart, 197. The red powder

which forms on the capsules is called hamild and is used for dye,

worms and itch.

Kan, ear.

G. Kanda, a flock, (Dharmsala) as iu “ tussere kande manj

ketari bahra bakri hin ?” (how many sheep and goats are there iu

your flock) ?

Kanda, a thorn.

Kandi, water beetle.

Kanduha, a hedgehog. (Baragraon).

Kaniar, (Kotla-Nurpur) = Amaltas, Stewart, 62.

Kanonian, parched Indian corn.

Kaphl, tinder (=bujazu).

Karal = Kachuar. (Kangra) .

Karara, hard.

Karkara, iris, with broad leaves and purple bluish flowers

(Triuud, Dharmsala).

Kas, a stack of rice, square or oblong (Saloh) ; cf. kunu.

(Saloh).

Kasakra, a crab. (Dehlu in Mandi).

1902.]

E. O’Brien— Glossary on Kangra District.

93

Kasar, swarm.

Kasaral, soft, used of tlie soft sandstone which is rapidly worn

into tracks by the feet of men or cattle (Baragraon) ; cf. kasari,

and bajrothi.

Kasari, sick. (Baragraon).

Kasmal, Berberis aristata. Rasot is made of the root of the

kasmal.

Kaur, a weed with a yellow flower (Lodhwan), observed in

fields, generally in February and March.

Kawar-gandal, a plant of the aloe kind, ? Aloe perfoliata,

Stewart, 232.

Kendu, Deospyros montana , right bank of Bias.

G. Khadna, call.

Khadu, a ram.

Khakhiar, the name of a fish, in Urdu Mabaser. (Bhadnui cr

Bi4s) .

Khaktu, a chip, splinter.

Khalah, locust.

Khal-dara, resin of the chii ( Pinus longifolia) , Darini.

Khalri, skin (of a sheep or goat).

G. Khanda, a flock.

Khara, good.

Gf. Kharal, hair.

Kharat, loss.

Khari, basket.

Khareru, foot and mouth disease ; (also called bara-rog).

Khatta, sour.

Khaulira, father-in-law.

G-. Khetla, a porcupine (=sehli).

Khili, land fallen out of cultivation.

Khil-sal, rent for uncultivated land.

Khila, cold.

Khikharna, to teach.

G. Khokha, the receptacle above the dora.

Khuchna, to have sexual intercourse with.

Khuchind, pass, verb, from foregoing.

Khuka, dry.

94

[No. '4,

E. O'Brien — Glossary on Kangra District.

Khukli, puff-ball, Stewart, 268.

Khunni, name of a fish. (Bias).

Ki and jo, dative affixes, as in “ Debi Chand here ki chalia,''

(Devi Chand went to shoot).

Ivichh, something =kuchh.

Kira, snake.

Kiu, common benn. (Lodhwan).

Koehbi, or kochpi (Dadh), a large landing net. (Kfingra).

G. Kod, a fair.

Kokra, blue rock pigeon (Mundhi) ; ( vide parara).

Kothla, a clod-crusher. (Kangra).

Kuale, kual, slope. (Bangar).

Kukrele-da-tha, a stack of maize stalks. (Saloh).

Kukriala, maize-stalks without the cobs. (Lanj).

Kuli, girl.

Kunu, a stack of rice, round with a peaked top, cf kas

(Saloh).

Kundh, a large stack of wheat.

Kundla, a stack of grass.

Kupah, cotton.

Kurka, name of a fish. (Dera and Sujfinpur).

Kutar, dog.

Kut-phat, land cultivated after an interval of 2 or 3 years

(Lanj),

Laha, s. m., a landslip.

Lahar, land in which rice is not grown.

Lahr, a ram used for breeding.

Laira, Sawan.

Lak, waist, u Mera lak dole (my waist swings,”)

Lana, fine or smooth, as “ pitha lana ha ” (the flour is fine).

Le, thistle. (Lodhwan).

Lindak, tail of cattle only. (Baragraon).

G. Linguni, a sheep's tail (cf . lingti, in Kuluhi) .

G. Lodha, blood, of an animal.

Lo, light, as in “ lo kar,” (make a light).

Loda, inoculation.

1902.] E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kdngra District. £5

Lunj, wages for picking cotton. (Tira in Kutlehar).

Lurna, fall.

Mahe, buffalo.

Mach, a kind of toothless rake, made with a curved blade and

a handle, for levelling muddy land.

Makhar, a swarm of bees.

Makhir, honey.

Mana, flying fox. (Sujanpur Tira), = mail chan. (Kotla).

Maran, Ulmus campestris. Stewart, 210. (Nagar in Kula).

Masarin, potentilla. (Triund, Dharmsala).

Mata, .too much, excess.

Megh, rain.

G. Molua, to meet, to be joined, to be procured, as in (i minjo

Nurpur manj ik dhar mola ha,” (I have got a range iu Nurpur).

Mugi, a square receptacle made of mud and straw.

Muh, mouth.

Muncl, head.

Munakh. husband.

Na, name.

Nacharohi, the fourth day.

Nagar, town.

Nakaraj, the day before the day before yesterday.

Nal, river.

Naund, a masonry tank as in “ Thural ka naund."’

Napilna, to wring, (clothes, &c.).

Nar, stone.

Nilri, blue jay. (Malan).

Niman, slow.

Oban, an umbrella of leaves on a bamboo frame (=pohru at

Darini). (Hamirpur).

Osna, descend.

Otar, bardni land, cf. amri.

Pahu, tenant.

Pakhrua, a bird.

Palla, s eejalara.

Pansara, Wendlandia exserta , Stewart, 17.

Pararu, a small st ack of wheat.

96

[No. 2,

E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kcingra District.

Paraj, the day before yesterday.

Paran, foot.

Parara, blue rock pigeon (Mundhi), vide Kokra.

Pariala, Erythrina arborescens. A tree with large leaves, thorns,

and knotted (?) bark. At Pundar in Nurpur I saw some vrandering

tribe making broad bands of this wood, which they made up in rolls

and used for making the hoops of sieves.

Parohi, the day after to-morrow.

Parol, s. f ., the gateway of a house.

Parora or Porora. Tree with long pointed glabrous leaves.

Patar, leaf.

Patha, name of a fish. (Kangra).

Patrla, father's younger brother, and Patrer, -i, his children.

Patru, a water-plant with leaves like sorrel. (Lodhwan).

Per-bhari, lit. heavy-footed, “ pregnant."

Peru, a large basket consisting of a cylinder with narrowing

mouth and a hole near the bottom for taking out the grain stored

in it.

Phatu, a shingle for roofing (Darini).

Phuka, life, soul, as in “ Parmesar ki kripa mere ghar vich char

phiike hain " (by the favour of God the re are four persons in my

house) .

Piche, behind.

Pipal, red pepper. (Hamirpur).

Pirna, to get ready, as in “ piro meri pa Ike,” (get ready my

palanquin). (Song).

Piula, vellow.

* V 1

Prabhu, red bear (Kotin Kohar Sowar).

Pragra, light, as in “ pragra pa," (make a light).

Prasan, thread as it is spun, i.e,3 as from wrool it becomes thread

and is wound upon the spindle.

Pugna, to arrive.

Putki, prep, and adv., up, above, upon, as in f,'puthi mat gdche,”

(do not go up).

Bana, queen bee.

Bidhi, spur of a mountain. (Eihlu).

Bukli, tree.

Burhu, s. m. fixed rent = P. Chahota.

1902.] E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kdnqra District. 97

Saliensar paen, Asparagus racemosus, Stewart, 233. (?= thousand

root).

Saklina, unladen, empty.

Sakoi, drought, “ Is baras sakoi bari hai, bun assail thelu pa

clene/’’ of. thelu.

Samalu, see Banna.

Sandh, a bull.

c Ghirthni rand ni, Jhota s£ndh ni.5 A Ghirthni cannot become

a widow anymore than a male buffalo can become a bull. — Prov erb.

Sandh, a standing place in shade for cattle.

Sangra, narrow.

Sapar, a cliff, or rock.

Sat, cold, cool.

S a th a, always.

G. Sathri, a bundle of rice, cut but not yet tied. (Saloh) .

Sauka, the state of having a rival wife. “ Sauke par jana main

ne manzur nahin kid,” (I did not consent to go on the condition of

being a rival wife), Hansu vs. Mt. Koko.

Se, the functions of a barber, a shave. (Kangra) .

Sehli, a porcupine. Punjabi, seh ; in Gddi, Kheila. Sansk, ?

Sel, bark-fibre. (Baragraon).

Sik, lead.

Sinna, wet.

Sirigna, ground-bee.

Sit, (Gadi, khit) ague.

Sitak, bark of a tree. (Baragraon).

So, placenta.

Soa, slight rain. (Rajhuu).

Sotna, to glean, sweep, or collect by sweeping. (Lanj).

Sukaman, a parasitical plant. I have onlp seen it growing on

mango trees. Fleshy leaves. I cannot trace it in Stewart. (Nurpur).

Sunan, needle.

Sup, a winnowing basket of bamboo. Ohhaj is a winnowing*

basket made of the till of kina grass. Sup in Urdu, see Fallon, sub.

voce.

Sutrajan, marigold. (Hamirpur).

Tahar, a head (of cattle). ( Dharmsdla) .

Talu, then.

98

[ No. 2,

E. O’Brien — Glossary on Kdngra District.

Tan, a machan.

Tap, see under thelu.

Tarpandi, crooked (morally).

Taste, trouble, annoyance, (in Gadi, taste), as in “ maina tusso

saite takrar kari-leo, tussa roz roz min jo kajo taste dinde ha ? ”

(I made a promise with you, why do you daily give me trouble ?)

(Dharmsala Gadi).

Tail, father’s elder brother, fern, tei, and tair, -i, are bis

children.

G\ Taula quick (also Jandri).

Taundi, s. f., hot season. (Garli).

Thairte, a deposit, “ yih meri thainahai,” (this is to be kept for

me).

Thak, s. f., an obstacle.

Thale, prep., below,

Tbali, nether millstone. (Bkavrarna).

v

Thelu, a flat piece of wood placed in a water-course to make the

flow of water even in order to divide it equally amongst the smaller

channels by means of pieces of wood {tap) fixed in the thelu.

Thil, snail.

Thula, thick.

G-. Thungar, parched grain.

Trarnba, copper.

Trikh, thirst.

Tuka, a cob of maize without the grain. (Lodhwan).

G. Tundi, sheep’s trotter, cf. thuduin Kuluhi.

Undrar, a hamlet.

Uns&n, a spindle held in the hand. (Dharmsala Gadi.)

fjr, planting rice by hand, “ assan naden ur bhi-lei-chhadia,”

(we have planted the rice by hand in the marshes), cf. hand.

Usflhal, fr. osna, a descent.

Usina, ascend, as in “ muhun thon 11 a 11 usindha, matha matha

ildn ” (by me it cannot be ascended, I will come slowly). (Dharmsala

Gadi) ; cf. osnfl.

1902.] C. A. Silberrad— History of Western Bundelkhand .

99

A Contribution to the History of Western Bundelkhand. — By C. A.

SiLBERRAD, I.C.S. J B.A., B.Sc.

[Received 7th May 1902. Read May, 1902.]

The following is a translation of the first third of a History and

Geography of Bundelkhand by Diwan Bijhe Bahadur Mazbut Singh,

Bundela Thakur of Nanora in the Bans! pargana of the Lalitpur

sub-division of the Jhansi district. The author is a leading durbari of the

sub-division and one of the chief Bundelas of the Jhansi district, and a

remarkably intelligent gentleman. He is the present head of the

family of the Jakhlon Thakurs whose fortunes he traces. The tract

with which this portion of the history is concerned is the Lalitpur sub¬

division, the Orchha state and the Chanderi pargana of Gwalior, to¬

gether with some of the neighbouring territories. It gives a fairly

clear and concise account of the rise of the Bundelas and their doings

in this tract. The history goes on to give an account of Panna and the

rest of Eastern Bundelkhand but this portion is little more than an

abstract of the Chatharprakash, a translation of the whole of which

forms the bulk of Pogson’s ‘ Bundelas.’ The second part of the book

is entitled i Geography’ and gives brief descriptions of the states and

districts of Bundelkhand, containing little or nothing new ; and also

lists of the animal, vegetable and mineral products of Bundelkhand,

which are interesting as giving the local names of many things that are

quite unknown to Watts’ ‘ Dictionary of Economic Products,’ and which

I hope to be able to identify.

The portion, the translation of which forms this paper gives an

account of some events of, it is true, mainly local interest, but which I

do not remember having seen elsewhere related. The notes added will,

I think, enable most of the localities to be identified. All dates are

according to the Christian era unless otherwise specified.

The first translation was done by Khwaja Muhammad Zafar, Sub-

Deputy Inspector of Schools at Lalitpur, and my acknowledgments are

due to him for the performance of a tedious task. This translation was

revised by myself, and I have discussed doubtful points with the author.

J. i. 14

100 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

A Portion of the History of Bundelkhand. — By Diwan Bijhe Bahadur

Mazbut Singh.

Several vrorks on the history of Bundelkhand are already in

existence. But not one of them can claim to be so comprehensive as to

contain a sketch treating of the geography of the -whole of Bundelkhand as

-well as showing the revenue and population of all parts of the province.

Nor do any of the existing works contain genealogical tables

showing the names of all the Bundela Rajas and Chiefs and tracing

their lines of descent and exhibiting the causes which led to the separa¬

tion of the various families from the original stock.

Nor again is there any information forthcoming as to the extent of

the entire province; and as to what portions of it are occupied by the

Bundelas arid by the Chiefs of other tribes, respectively, and what

portions are under the direct control of the British Government.

Lastly, other historians have on many doubtful points, contented

themselves with the suggestions of their own ingenuity.

It was with a view to supply these wants that at the instance of

Major John Liston, Deputy Commissioner of Lalitpur, I Diwan Bijhe

Bahadur Mazbut Singh, Bundela Thakur and Jagirdar, undertook to

prepare this history of Bundelkhand with the assistance of Mr. Quinton,

Commissioner of Jhansi, and the Political Agent, Bundelkhand States.

It is intended that the book shall summarize all the narratives of

events chronicled by writers of various generations best acquainted

with the Bundela families. Abstracts and extracts from the following

works will also find place in the work : — “ History of India ” (Hiudi) ;

“ Vishan Parana'’ (Hindi); “ Kawi Paria ” (Hindi); Varsingh

Charitra (Hindi); Chhatra Prakash (Hindi); “ Bundel Charitra ”

(Hiudi); “Geography of the Central Provinces”; Krishn Narain’s

“History” (Urdu); “ Wakiat-i-Bundelkhand ” (Urdu); “Imperial

Gazetteer of Bundelkhand.”

Besides this I am a native of this part of the Provinces and

am myself c-losely connected with the Bundela dynasties, and have

received my legends from my ancestors, and have seen many old writings

and inscriptions on buildings, etc. ; my account may therefore be relied on.

In India as the majority of men know Hindi I have compiled this

work in that language that it may be the more easily read. It is

divided into two parts (1) History, and (2) Geography.

Bundelkhand is the portion of India bounded on the north by the

Jamna, the south by the Narbada, the east by the Tons and the west by

the Kali Sindh. During the period when Raja Udhisthira was reign¬

ing in India, Sisupal was the Raja of Bundelkhand and the country

was then called Cheu-Desh. For several generations Sisupal and his

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

J01

sons ruled over it; but later it fell into the hands of Raja Karam of

Oudh. This Raja erected a building at Kalinjar and removed the city

of Chanderi 1 from its site in the time of Sisupal to the foot of Geru

hill and dug a tank called Parmeshwar. He built a fort at Greru hill

and made it a military station. At a distance of about seven miles

from modern Chanderi ruins of temples, etc., still indicate the site of

the Chanderi of the time of Sisupal these are known as Burhi (old)

Chanderi.1 In a history edited by Munshi Krishn Naraiu it is mentioned

that the kingdom of Raja Karam extended from Oudh to Mau Mand-

sowar8 and for several generations the Rajas of this dynasty ruled over

it. Somi, the last Raja of this line, left his kingdom and fled to Kachh

and Bhuj. . Jamna Deva — succeeded him and became king of Chen-desh.

There is a legend that the marks of the hoofs of his horse are to be seen

on stones in Chandpur,3 Chandrapur4 * and Sironj 6 * ; the only founda¬

tion of truth probably being that he was Raja of this part of the

country and made Chanderi his capital. He claimed supremacy over

all the countries from the Jamna to the Narbada, and from the Chambal

to the Tons. About this time Bharat Raja of Ujjain conquered Central

India, but soon after becoming an ascetic was succeeded by his brother

Bikram, who from that date assumed as one of his titles, Raja of Chen-

desh. He was a powerful and wise monarch and is said to have ruled

over the whole of India. Chen-desh was the centre of his domain, and

his kingdom was known as Madh-desh or the Central region.

It is clear from the Yishnu-purana that Nag-banshi Kshattris were

ruling over the land from the Jamna to the Narbada and from the

Chambal to the Ken. But it is impossible to determine the exact dates

of their reigns. The “ Imperial Gazetteer ” gives the following dates : —

0 Raja Bhim-nagar. 100 Brahapat.

25 Khar j or. 125 Nagendra.

50 Dharamwats. 150 Biaghranaga.

75 Asank danamar. 175 Basunag.6

1 In Gwalior 18 miles west of Lalitpnr. Old Chanderi is eight miles N.-W. of

modern Chanderi and its numerous ruins are almost buried in jungle.

2 Near Ujjain.

3 An almost deserted village in pargana Balabehat (district Jhansi) 16 miles

S.S.-W. of Lalitpur). There are numerous ruins of Chandel buildings (temples,

horses, etc.,) for an account of which see Babu Chandar Mukarji’s “ Report on the

Antiquities of Lalitpur.”

4 In pargana Dogaha (district Sagar), 20 miles N.-E. of Sagar.

3 A considerable town in Tonk, about 32 miles S. of W. of Bina Railway Station

on the I.M. Railway.

® The names in this list are spelt slightly differently. (See “Gazetteer"

N.-W.P., Yol. I, p. 3).

102

C. A, Silberrad — History of Western BundelTchand. [No. 2,

In 215 Devanag, the last King of this dynasty, ascended the throne.

Iu his reign Toraman, the general of Raja Gopal, who was a Kachhwaha

by race invaded Eran 1 in 243 and conquered all countries from Bhopal

to Eran. Toraman’s son subdued Gwalior at the same time. In 358

Devanag abdicated and went to Narwar2 and was succeeded by Sursen,

who was a descendant of Toraman. He (Sursen) built the famous fort

of Gwalior in 285.

An ascetic told him that his descendants would govern the king¬

dom for 400 generations. Gwalior has been a capital since that time.

The descendants of Sursen ruled over Central India for a long time.

In 593 the Raja of Kanouj invaded the kingdom and conquered the

whole except the cities of Gwalior, Chanderi and Narwar. But the

Kachhwahas soon recovered their authority. But in the meantime

Thakur Chandh succeeded in seizing several villages near Mahoba.3

The descendants of this Thakur were called the Chandels.

The 84th and last Raja of the Kachhwaha dynasty was Tej-karan

whom Dhandeva the historian calls Krishn Narain. About 933 the

Paribar dynasty rose into importance and invaded and conquered

Gwalior. Krishn Narain or Tej-karan left the capital and went to

Dhundhar,4 but his descendants removed their residence to Narwar

and Indurki.6

The first King of the Parihar dynasty was Vajradama, who sub¬

dued Central India. Meanwhile the Chandels of Mahoba were gaining

power. Vajradama was followed successively by Raja Kirat, Raja

Bhuvanpal I and Raja Padhpal. In 1093 Bhuvanpal II succeeded

Mahipal who, in 1 161 was succeeded by Raja Madhusudan, but even

before his accession the Chandels had got possession of the whole

kingdom except Gwalior, which after his death fell into the hands of

Toraar Thakurs in 1232. The events connected with Chandib and his

descendants will now be chronicled. It has already been mentioned

that during the reign of the Kachhwaha Thakurs Chandib got posses¬

sion of Mahoba and Kanouj, and while Kings of the Parihar dynasty

were reigning his descendants over-ran the whole kingdom.

After the death of Chandib his son Wakipat 6 assumed the title of

1 In Sagar district (pargana Khemlasa), on the Bina river, 6 miles S. of Bina

Eailway Station (I.M. Railway). (For an account of the ruins here see Cunning¬

ham’s Archaeological Reports).

2 In Gwalior on the Sindh river 40 miles S -W. of Gwalior.

8 One of the chief seats of Chandel rule in Hamirpur district.

4 Near Jaipur.

5 32 miles W. N.-W. of Jalaun in Gwalior State.

» . *

8 Probably identical with Yakpati,

103

1902,] 0. A. Silberrad- — History of Western Bnndelkhand.

Raja and annexed Ajegarh. His son Bijai conquered Chatharpur,*

Man,1 2 * Chanderi, etc., and was succeeded in order by Jaso-Dharm Deva,

Bijaipal, and Kirat-Yaram. The last King Kirat-Yaram, wrested Panna

and Shahgarh s from the Gonds. After Kirat-Yaram, Jaya-Yarma,

Solakshan and Prithur-Yarma ascended the throne in succession. In

11 18 Govind-Chand succeeded Prithwi-Yarma and subdued the whole

of Central India subverting the Parihar dynasty which at that time

retained possession of Gwalior and a few other villages only.

Nar-Yaram succeeded in 1163 and was followed in 1167 by Parmol.

In 1209 Narhar succeeded, in whose reign the Gonds, Lodhis, Ahirs and

others rose and divided the kingdom, and the dynasty was consequently

enfeebled. The last King was Bhoj-Yaram, grandson of Parmol, whose

reign was a continual struggle with rebels, by whom he was sometimes

defeated and whom he at others subdued. During his nominal reign

Bir Bundela rose into power and got possession of Mau,4 * Mahoni,6 Kalpi

and Kalinjar. He repeatedly defeated Bhoj-Yarma and finally over-,

threw the Chandel dynasty.

Several buildings of the time of the Chandels are still found in

Kalinjar, Mahoba, Deogarh e and Madanpur 7 bearing inscriptions in

Hindi.

After the overthrow of the Chandel dynasty that of the Bundelas

was established. It is said that long before this Gharwar Kshattris,

who were Suraj-bansis by descent ruled in Kashi (Benares). The last

King of Gharwar was Chait-karan whom Krishn-narain calls Birbhadr.

In the Bundel-Charita it is stated that the total revenue of his kingdom

was one crore of rupees.

Birbhadr had five sons : — (1) Ishri, also called Raj Singh, (2)

Hansraj, (3) Mohan, (4) Man, and (5) Jagdas or Pancham. The last

was his father’s favourite. In his lifetime the Raja divided his king¬

dom among his five sons giving half to the four elder, and half to

1 Probably the capital of the State in the Bnndelkhand Agency of that name.

8 Probably the town 10 miles N.-W. of Chatharpnr.

8 A town in the Sagar district (pargana Shahgarh) 40 miles N.-E. of Sagar.

* Said by the author to be probably Mau-Ranipur in the pargana of that name

(district Jhansi), 40 miles E. of Jhansi, but I am rather inclined to believe it is the

Mau mentioned in note 14.

6 As to this place I am not sure, there is a Mahoni in Gwalior adjoining a Mau

in Jalaun district on the Pahnj 23 miles S.-W. of Jalaun Town.

® In pargana Balabehat (district Jhansi) 19 miles S.-W. of Lalitpur, on the

Betwa, for an account of the ruins, see Cunningham’s Archaeological Reports and

Babu Chandar Mukarji’s Report on the Antiquities of Lalitpur.

7 In pargana Maraura (district Jhansi) 36 miles S.-E. of Lalitpur — for an

account of its Antiquities, see the works quoted in note.

104 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

Pancham, a division wliicTi not unnaturally caused ill-feeling between

Panckam and liis elder brothers, with the result that on the death of

the Raja in 1170 Pancham was expelled and his dominion equally

divided among the four brothers.

On the loss of his kingdom and wealth, he was in great distress,

and he went to Bindhachal,1 where on the first of Sawan Sambat 1228

(1171 A.D.) in order to gain a victory over his brothers and recover his

kingdom he practised the most severe asceticism in honour of the

goddess Bindliasni or Durga. For several days lie took neither food

nor water and continually chanted prayers; but without avail, on the

eighth day, however, he sat within a circle of fire and on the ninth day

standing on one leg prayed to the goddess, but still without avail. On

the last day he resolved to offer his head to the goddess as a sacrifice,

but before this consummation was reached the goddess cried : “ Thou

wilt enjoy the happiness of a King.” Pancham asked her to appear

before him end to give him some sign that he would defeat his brothers

and regain his kingdom. The goddess gave no answer. Pancham

resumed his religious chants, took his sword and tried to cut his throat,

but the goddess thereupon appeared and cried : “ Victory, Victory, Thou

wilt be victorious and become Raja of a kingdom, and thy descendants

will rule over Central India.” When Pancham was about to behead

himself and the goddess saw that a drop of blood fell from the cut to

the ground, she cried : “ Budit or Bundela (a drop) ” and blessed him

saying that his descendants would be called Bundelas hereafter, and

then disappeared, Pancham collected a force, defeated his brothers,

seized the kingdom and made Benares his Eastern Capital. The

descendants of Pancham’s four brothers are still called Gahrwar

Thakurs.

Pancham was blessed with a son and according to the direction of

the goddess, named him Bir-Bundela. It is said that during the reign

of Bir Bundela, Shahab-ud-din Ghori invaded India and decisively

defeated Jai Chand Raja of Kanouj about 1195. Munshi Krishn Narain

mentions in his book that in compliance with the orders of his father

Bir Bundela fought a battle with Tatar Khan Afghan, in which 72

officers of the Khan’s force were wounded ; Bir Bundela himself shot

300 men with his own bow. This defeat actually stopped the Khan’s

further advance. It may therefore be inferred that it was in the time

of Pancham that Shahab-ud-din Ghori conquered India.

In 1214 Bir Bundela ascended the throne on the death of his father,

who had reigued 49 years. He was able to extend his sway over several

neighbouring kingdoms to the West, North and South. In 1231 he

1 The famous shrine five miles West of Mirzapur.

105

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bimdelkhand.

subdued Kalpi and Mahon i and after defeating Bhoj Yarara Chandel

annexed Kalin jar. Bir Bundela gained a complete victory over the

Gharwars of Marra 1 and extended his conquests to Rewa, Oudh and

the Doab. These conquests are related in detail in the Bundela

Charitr.

He was succeeded by Karan-Tirfch, who married the daughter of

Nimrana Chauhan. Karan-Tirth obtained his name in consequence of

having built a tirth or temple, which is still esteemed one of the famous

temples of Benares. He offered Kashi or Benares to the Brahmans,

His son Arjun Pal came to Mahoni in 1313 ; and Toar of Gwalior gave

him his daughter in marriage. From the Kabpriya and Kharsingh-

Cliaritr it appears that he was the first Raja wlio made Mahoni his

capital and ruled over Kalpi, Mau, Mahoni, and Kalinjar. He had

three sons:— (1) Birbal, (2) Sohanpal, and (3) Dayapal The Imperial

Gazetteer8 states that in 1263 Raja Arjunpal sent his son Sohanpal to

Kateragarh8 and that the fort was surrendered to him ; on his death he

was succeeded by his eldest son Birbal. He gave a few villages to Sohan¬

pal who had married the daughter of a Dhandera of Ganeshkhera.*

Sohanpal not being satisfied with his share of the inheritance went to

Naga the Kanghar Raja of Kurar,5 with 45 sepoys and 13 sowars. In

the Bundel-Charitr it is related that he asked Naga to help him in

taking his share from his brother ; this Naga promised to do on condi¬

tion that he would eat, drink, and inter-marry with him ; Sohanpal was

very much enraged at this suggestion and was about to leave Kurar, but

hearing of his intention Naga formed a plot to forcibly detain him, and

compel him to accede to these proposals. Sohanpal hearing thereof fled

from the court, and went to Mukatman Chauhan, who was a descendant

of Dhandera Deva and commanded 4,000 men on behalf of Naga. Him

he requested to assist him against his brother, but Mukatman refused

saying that he would remaiu neutral.

After this Sohanpal, leaving his small force behind, went alone

successively to the Salingars, Chauhans and Kachhwahas, and told his

story to them. But none of them offered to assist him. However a

Panwar Thakur, named Panpal, Jagirdar of Karhara,6 offered assistance

and the two conspired to remove Raja Naga by stratagem from his

f .

1 This the author says is in the Mirzapur district near its Western border.

8 Gazetteer of N.-W.P. I, 20.

8 Better known as Katera, the seat of a jagirdar and titular Raja in pargana

Mau (Jhansi district) 26 miles S.-E. of Jhansi.

* In Gwalior 16 miles W. of Jhansi.

8 In Orchha 20 miles E. N.-E. of Jhansi.

* In Gwalior 27 miles W. of Jhansi.

106

G. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundellchand. [No. 2,

kingdom, which was worth 13 lakhs. It was agreed that Sohanpa

should go to Kurar and pretend to accept Raja Naga’s conditions of

inter-marriage, etc., and invite the Raja and his relatives to his house.

Solianpal went to Kurar and did as agreed on. After a time Raja

Naga, with his brothers and ministers, came to Sohanpal’s house, where¬

upon Panpal arrived with 300 Kshattris, and as soon as Raja Naga and

his followers had sat down to eat Panpal Panwar and Solianpal Bundela

fell upon and slaughtered all the Kanghar chiefs, and immediately

seized the fort of Kurar.

In this way on Wednesday the 2nd of Kartik Sambat 1345 (1288

A,D.) Solianpal became Raja of Kurar, and appointed Panpal and

Mukatman as ministers. He said to them : — “ As no Kshattri in the

time of my distress gave me help except you no other save yourselves

shall marry into my family.”1

Accordingly he gave his daughter in marriage to Panpal and as

dowry a village named Itaura8, to his younger brother Dayapal as a

jagir of one lakh. From this time the Kshattris were divided into

three different classes of Bundelas, Panwars and Dhanderas. The total

revenue of the whole Bundela territory was 26 lakhs of which half was

possessed by Bir-Bal and the rest by Sohanpal.

Sohanpal had two sons, Sahjendra and Ram, of whom the elder

Sakjendra succeeded him in 1299. He also had two sons, Nanak Deva

and Saunak Deva, of whom the former succeeded in 1326. His sons were

Prithwi Raj and Indra Raj of whom Prithwi Raj succeeded in 1360.

Prithwi Raj framed good laws for his subjects, subdued the Bundelas

of Birbal’s and Dayapal’s families and performed a “ yag ” named

Maheshri s in Kurar. He was blessed with two sons, Madnipal * and

Kisab. . In 1400 Madnipal succeeded and left three sons named Arjun

Deva, Mai and Bhimsen. On his death in 1443 the eldest Arjun Deva

succeeded. The “ Kabpriya ” speaks highly of him as having had read

y ^ * . * *

1 The account of the origin of the Bundelas and the overthrow of the Kanghar

Raja of Kurar here given, is very different from, and much more creditable to the

Bundelas than that given in the Gazetteer of the N.-W.P. (T, 20), whence it would

. appear that the overthrow of the Kanghars preceded the origin of the Bundelas.

The account given in Crookes “ Tribes and Castes ” (II, 163) is intermediate between

the two, but would seem to be certainly incorrect as regards the mention of a Raja

of Panna, as Panna was first made the seat of a Raja by Chatharsal about 1675 A.D.

At this time that part of the country was in the hands of the Gonds.

2 In pargana Jhansi, 13 miles E. N.-E. of Jhansi.

3 A sacrifice of goats to Mahadeo after certain preliminary offerings and

ceremonies.

4 According to the Gazetteer N.-W.P. (I. 21). Ram Chand was the son of

Prithwi Raj and Madnipal his son.

107

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

to him the four Vedas and the religions Puranas, and offered 16

Mahadan 1 2 to Brahmans. He had two sons named Malkhan and Satrsal*

In 1475 Malkhan succeeded his father and showed himself a powerful

and wise prince. In 1482 he fought with Bahlol Lodi,8 and dying in

1507 left eight sons, Partap-Rudr, Sah, Jait, Jogajit, Baryar Singh,

Bhao Singh, Kharagsen, and Birchand, of whom the eldest Partap-

Rudr succeeded to the throne. He annexed part of the kingdom of

Ibrahim Lodi3 yielding a revenue of 1J crores, Ibrahim being engaged

in a struggle with Babar. On Babar’s becoming emperor and return¬

ing in 1514 4 * after conquering the kingdom of Medni Rai Raja of

Chanderi he only succeeded in recovering Kalpi from Partap-Rudr, and

appointed him to rule the rest of his kingdom. On the 13th Baisakh

1587 Sambat (1531 A.D. ) he founded the city of Orehha, and made it a

military station. He was a famous hunter, and it is related that after

reigning 24 years he met his death in this way ; one day while

hunting the jungles near Orc-hha he heard a cow cry out in pain, and

going to see what had happened found that it had been seized by a

lion. He fired but missed, and finding it impossible to reload, attacked

the animal with a sword and succeeded in killing it, but not before it

had so mauled him that he only survived long enough to reach his

palace (1531).

He left nine sons by his three wives, of whom the eldest Bliarti-

Chand succeeded him. The second brother Madhkur Sah, lived with

him and assisted in the administration. The third brother Udiajit got

Mahoba. The fourth Amau Das received Patori,6 the fifth Pragdas

obtained Haraspur,6 the sixth Durgadas, Durgapur,7 the seventh

Chandandas, Katera,8 the eighth Ghansamdas, Maigawan,9 and Bharat-

Rai, Kurar.

Raja Bhartichand built the beautiful temple of Chaturbhuj-

Bhagwan in Orehha.

1 The author tells me this is any great gift. A Mahadan of gold is not less than

32 mashas, ( i.e . 214 grs. or about £2-0-0) ; an elephant, a maiden, a complete house,

all one’s possessions, are other examples. — (This would seem to imply a very much

higher value of gold than at present). - - -

2 Reigned 1451-1488.

3 1517-1526.

* 1514 Keane (History of India I. 102) gives 1527 A.D. for this event.

6 The author caunot tell me where this is and thinks it probably an error.

8 In Pargana Bansi (Jhansi district) 16 miles N. of Lalitpur. There are here

two large Chandel tanks, (one ruined).

1 In Datia, 6 miles S. of Datia.

8 See note 23.

9 In Orehha 11 miles S.-E. of Man-Ranipur.

J. i. 15

]08 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 1,

In 1544 Sher Sh5h,1 having temporarily defeated Hutnaynn and

thus become Emperor of Delhi, attempted the conquest of Bundel¬

khand. In accordance with the order of the Raja, Madhkur Sah with

5000 selected cavalry attacked the enemy’s forces, and though he

suffered heavily succeeded in getting possession of the enemy’s standard,

and so steadily harassed his army that be was forced to retire.

The Emperor Sher Shah beseiged Kalinjar and annexed the neigh¬

bouring country. Daring the siege the Imperial Magazine caught fire

and exploded, killing the Emperor. In 1545 his son Selim Shah ascended

the throne and in his reign Bhartichand took Kalinjar. This success

of the Bundela Chief Selim Shah was compelled to overlook as he was

at that time engaged in a contest with Humayun and also with his own

brothers. He had indeed once sent a small detachment from Grwalior,

which was compelled to retire without even crossing the Sindh. Bharti¬

chand extended his kingdom till it stretched from the Tons to the

Sindh and from the Jamna to the Narbada, and yielded a revenue of

two crores. From about this time this part of India was known as

Bundelkhand — the country of the Bundelas.

In 1551 Bhartichand performed Bajpai-yug2 * at Tongaran.8 As

he had no son he was succeeded on his death in 1552 by his next

brother Madhkur Sah, who proved a wise and pious prince, learned in

the Shastras and laws. He was specially a follower of the two-handed

Narsingh-Bkagwan whom he worshipped morning and evening. He

was also a man of great valour and simplicity, often riding out un¬

attended. His love of justice was such that however important the

question at issue might be he would not utter judgment without first

consulting the code of Manu. The Delhi Emperor attacked him on

several occasions but without success ; these attacks were during

Akbar’s minority conducted with insufficient forces ; when he however

succeeded to full power he sent a large and well-equipped army under

Niamat. Khan. The Raja advanced as far as Baroni 4 and there met

the Imperial army, a severe engagement followed resulting in the

retirement of Niamat Khan. Akbar then sent Ali Kuli Khan with a

second force. To meet this Madhkur Sah despatched his 'eldest son

1 Assumed the Empire of Delhi 1542, and was killed at the siege of Kalinjar

1545.

2 This the author tells me may be offered to any deity ; it lasts for 21 days

during each of which various ceremonies and offerings are performed culminating in

a sacrifice of 21 goats on the 21st day and the gift of various things including seven

elephants.

8 Close to Orchha.

4 In Datia, 5 miles W. of Datia town.

109

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

Ram Sah with an army of 36,000. The armies met at Bhanrer,1 * and

Ali Kuli Khan was repulsed and so much harassed that he retired

leaving horses and equipage which fell to the Bundelas. His father

was so pleased at the generalship displayed by Ram Sah in this cam¬

paign that he increased his powers. Akbar made a third attempt to

subdue the Bundelas, sending 3am Kuli Khan who however was like¬

wise defeated at Chelra.8 After this battle the Raja appointed his

second son Horal-Rao Commander-in-Chief, and his third son Dulhar-

Rao governor of the fort and treasury of Orchha. His fourth and

fifth sons Ratansen and Indarjit respectively he made ministers of Ram

Sah. His four remaining sons Saikh Partab Rao, Har Singh Deva, Bir-

singh Deva and Satrjit being still quite young continued their education.

In 1568 another unsuccessful invasion of Bundelkhand was made by

Sheikh Kuli Khan, a general of Akbar. But in 1574 the Emperor

sent Seiyid Muhammad Bara at the head of a larger and better

equipped force to conquer Bundelkhand. This the Raja’s eldest sou

advanced to meet and a battle was fought on the Sindh, in which

Rarnsah was defeated and compelled to retire to Orchha followed by

the Imperial army. The Raja himself then marched out of Orchha

and another battle was fought, wherein in spite of the valour displayed

by the Raja, and his sons and brothers, the Bundelas suffered defeat.

The Raja’s brother Aman Das was killed, and Orchha surrendered.

This disaster was followed by the loss of all his territory from Gwalior

to Sironj. But nevertheless he succeeded in recovering his power to

some extent, and in driving the Muhammadans from Orchha and

Karhara 3 and making himself master of Bundelkhand proper. Akbar

was not content with his partial success, and in 1633 sent a large army

under Sadik Khan by way of Narwar. Madli Kur Sah collected 50,000

men and marched towards Karhara when he engaged the invaders.

In the battle the Bundelas were defeated with the loss of 7,000 of

their number, and Horal Rao son of the Raja was among the slain,

and his brothers Pragdas and Durgadas were wounded. As a result

Orchha was recovered by the Emperor. Previous to this invasion the

Kachhwaha Governors of Rampura 4 * and Lahir* had made an alliance

with Sadik Khan ; but in spite of this the Raja laid siege to Orchha

in 1636 in the course of which siege his son Satrjit was killed. Raja

Biharimal’s brother Raja Raj Singh Kachhwaha was at this time in

1 In Gwalior, 19 miles E. N.-E. of Datia town.

* Said to be in Datia State.

3 See note 26.

* In Pargana Madhogarh (Jalaun district) 18 miles N.-W. of Jalaun.

6 In Pargana Indurkhi (Gwalior) 25 miles W. of Jalaun,

110 C. A. Silberrad— History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

the camp of Sadik Khan. The Emperor sent an order through him

re-insf-atmg Madhkur-Sah, who thus returned to Orchha and governed

the country again. But this policy of lenience proved a failure as

regards the interests of the Emperor and soon after Akbar was obliged

to send another expedition under Seiyid Raju Bara Khan.' The Raja

despatched Indarjit to meet it and he succeeded in defeating the

Muhammadans who were driven back. In 1584 Prince Mirza Murad him¬

self, the Khan Khanam Wazir, Raja Durga, Raja Jagannath and Raja

Ram Chandar renewed the attack. It is related in Firishta’s history

that when the Prince arrived near Orchha, Madhkur Sah opposed him at

the head of 50,000 men. The engagement which followed lasted 9

hours, and in it 5,000 Bundelas and 1,200 Sawars were killed and

Ram Sah, Ratan Sen and Indarjit, three sons of the Raja wounded.

His whole force fled but the Raja refused to retire, and with 300 horse¬

men armour-clad, charged the left flank of the Imperial army where

Murad was commanding in person. He succeeded in wounding Murad

so that he fell from his horse and lost his arms ; Madhkur Sah said to

him “ Why are you lying on the ground ? Get up, take your weapons

and fight.” The prince answered, “ Why do you not kill me now you

have the chance ? ” The Raja replied, “ I am a Kshattri, it is contrary

to the custom of Kshattris to kill a weaponless man.” Murad was so

struck at this that he exclaimed, “ I pardon you.” The Raja said “ I

will make peace if you promise to restore my kingdom to me.” Murad

replied. “ Such part of the kingdom as has been in your possession up

to this date shall be restored to you and a sanad to this effect shall be

given to you, but you will have to accept conditions.” The battle

then ceased ; and the Raja entertained the Emperor’s army for several

days and showed great hospitality. Murad gave him a sanad bestow¬

ing on him the kingdom on condition that he should assist the Emperor

with 7,000 Sawars when the latter required them for war. After this

the Imperial army advanced towards the Deccan to invade the

dominions of Chand Bibi (generally known as Chand Sultana).8

Madhkur Sah entrusted his kingdom to his eldest son Ram Sah,

and to his grandson Bhupal Rao he gave Chainpur 1 2 3 in Jagir; the latter

was the son of Horal Rao the Raja’s second son, who had been killed in

battle. Bhupal Rao founded Bhupal which was called after his

name.

1 Doubtless identical with the ‘ Seiyid Eaja of Barha, of Gazetteer, N.-W.P. I,

556.

2 Of Ahmadnagar.

8 Said by the author to be in Bhnpal near the Narbada, S. of Sagar town and

S.-E of Bhupal.

Ill

1902*] C* A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

Dulhar Rao tbe third son of Madhkur Sab received Shivnptiri 1 in

Jagir; tbe favourite son Ratan Sen, Ghor-Jhamai 2 tbe fifth Indarjit,

Nad-kachuwa ;3 the sixth Partap Rao, Kiinch ; the seventh Har Singh,

Bhasneh ;4 the eighth Birsingh Deva Baroui.5 Madhkur Sab during

his whole life only once visited the Emperor, on all other occasions on

which he was summoned he sent his son Ratn Sen with 7,000 Sawars.

His total revenue was two crores and ten lakhs. After a reign of 38

years he died in 1583 6 having attained the age of 80 years.

At the time of his death his eldest son Ram Sah was at the court

of the Emperor at Delhi ; the Emperor after condoling with him bestowed

upon him the kingdom of his deceased father. The other members of

the family who considered that they had rights to parts of the dominion

brought forward their claims and two years passed before these were

all settled. Finally such of them as had acquired their rights under

Madhkur Sah were continued them and their names and lands se¬

parately entered in the records. They were not entirely independent

however, as the Raja enjoyed certain rights of supremacy as head of

the family. The names of the sub-divisions are as follows : — (1) of the

Kachhwahas Rampura (2) Raghubansis Patua Kachai 7 (3) Gonds

Bilahra8 (4) Dangis, Garb Pahra® (5) Panwars Konahra, (6) Gonds

Bari;10 besides these grants he gave to the Dhanderas Sahabad,11 and to

the Gantum clan Garhakota.18 Lastly Bihat, 13 Beona 14 Kathera and

Mahewa16 were given in jagir to four Bundela Thakurs.

Besides these estates of the brothers of the Raja and the four

jagirs just mentioned, Kalpi and Bhanrer were given to Abdullah and

Hasan Khan respectively. They were jointly bound to provide a total

force of 7,000 Sawars for the Emperor in time of war. There were

in this way altogether 22 sharers in the kingdom.

1 Better known at Sipri.

3 In Sagar district, some 27 miles S. E. of Sagar.

s In Gwalior 5 miles N.-E. of Pichhar and 27 S.-W. of Jhansi.

4 In pargana Garotka (Jhansi district) 36 miles E. N.-E. of Jhansi.

6 See note 42.

8 The Gazetteer N.-W.P. (I, 556) gives 1593.

1 The state in the Baghelkhand Agency S.-E. of Kalinjar.

8 In Sagar district, 13 miles S. of Sagar.

8 In Sagar district 6 miles N. N.-W. of Sagar.

1° Said by the author to be near Cheripur (note 50).

0- Said by the author to be between Guna and Narwar, in Gwalior.

12 In Sagar district, 26 miles E. of Sagar.

18 The Jagir of that name on the borders of Jhansi and Hamirpur, (not of

course as bounded at present).

1* Said to be in Jalaun district.

1& Said by the author to be near Kalinjar.

112 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundeikhand. [No. 2,

In 1592 Birsingli Deva raised an insurrection, in which he was

assisted by Indarjit and Partab Rao. They wrested Bhanrer and

Pawain 1 from Hasan Klian, Karbara and Berchha 2 from Harduar

Panwar, and Irichh 3 from Abdullah. On learning of this Akbar des¬

patched Daulat Khan, whom Ram Sah joined. The Raja reduced Bir-

singh Deva to terms and brought him to Daulat Khan, and then returned

to Orchha, while Daulat Khan went on to the Deccan accompanied by

Birsingli Deva and the Raja’s eldest son Sangram Sah. But before

long Birsingli Deva on the pretence of hunting returned to his home

in Baroni against the orders of the Imperial Commander. Daulat

Khan marched after him, but on seeing that he was assisted by Bhu-

pal Rao, Partap Rao and Indarjit, abandoned the idea. Shortly after

this Akbar arrived at Harwar by way of Gwalior, and directed Raja

Ram Sah to either present before himself Birsingh Deva and Indarjit,

who had in the interval stormed the forts of Harwar and Gwalior,

or punish them severely himself. Ram Sah with the aid of the

Kachh walias and Pathans went to Baroni, and after a few days’

resistance succeeded in expelling Birsingh Deva thence. In this

contest however Jugrup Kachh waha a man of some note, was

killed. As soon as Ram Sail withdrew Birsingh Deva recovered

possession of Baroni. But he very soon left it finding it not a safe

place for him so long as Akbar and Ram Sah were his enemies. He

accordingly went to Prayag to see Selim (known as Jehangir after

his accession). He was a son of Akbar and at that time Siibadar of

Allahabad and in revolt against his father. Selim received him with

great favour and directed him to murder Abul-Fazl, who was then

returning from the Deccan. This he accordingly did, and on the 9th

Katik 1660 4 (A D. 1603) killed the famous minister, midway between

Narwar and Antri.5 Akbar was greatly enraged at the murder, aud

sent many chiefs under Tirpur Kshattri with a powerful force to

capture Birsingh Deva; this force he ordered Sangram Sah the son of

Ram Sah to accompany. Birsiugh Deva was besieged in the fort of

Irichh, but after a few days’ resistance, fled by night and went to

Prayag. Selim received him with great favour and promised to make

him Raja of the whole of Bundeikhand as soon as he should ascend the

throne. Birsingh Deva lived for a short time in Prayag, and then

returned to Bundeikhand, were joining with Sangram Salt he openly

1 Probably in Gwalior on the Sindh river 15 miles N,-W. of Datia,

2 Probably in Gwalior between Paohhor, Narwar and Bharwar.

8 In pargana Motli (Jhansi district) 39 miles N.-E. of Jhansi.

4 Keane (History of India, I, 141) gives 13th August 1602.

6 11 miles S.-E. of Gwalior.

113

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

revolted and expelled Hasan Khan from Bhanrer and Kharag Rao

from Lachura.1 The brother of Kharag Rao, who had been killed at

the time of his expulsion, appealed to the Emperor, who ordered

Indarjit to proceed with a powerful army, promising to give him the

whole of Bundelkhand if he should defeat Birsingh Deva and Ram-

Sah. Indarjit begged that the Emperor himself should accompany

the force, and would have obeyed the Imperial order, but that he was

unwilling to ruin his eldest brother and make himself master of the

kingdom. The Emperor dismissed him and sent Tirpur Kshattri with

a large army to Orchha. When tlie general reached Gwalior, Raj

Singh and Ram Singh Kachhwahas, the Bhadoriya Raja,2 the Cliauhan

Raja and the Jats3 joined his camp. As soon as the army reached

Datia, Hasan Khan and Khwaja Abdullah joined it. In 1602 on the

bank of the Betwa close to Orchha the conflict took place. The battle

lasted several days between the Bundelas under Sangram Sah, Indarjit

Partap Rao and Birsingh Deva on the one side, and the Imperial

army on the other. Sangram Sah was killed, but the Bundelas were

victorious. Indarjit being specially distinguished for his gallant conduct

in taking the enemy’s standards. Raj Singh Kuclihwaha who was

with Tirpur’s force, was wounded and captured by Birsingh Deva,

but Ram Sah sent him back to the Emperor’s army with respect and

honour. Tirpur Kshattri, after remaining quiet a few days at Bharer,

collected a fresh army there ; but in the meantime Akbar had died and

Selim had succeeded assuming the title of Jehangir. In 1604 4 he

summoned Birsingh Deva, who with Bharat Sah the grandson of Ram

Sah and Indarjit went to Delhi. The Emperor bestowed on him the

title of Maharaja and gave him a sanad appointing him ruler of the

whole of Bundelkhand. The three returned to Irichh and Birsingh

Deva offered his companions his condolences on the loss of their

dominions. After this Indarjit went on an expedition with the

Emperor’s forces, and told Ram Sah of Birsingh Deva’s ap¬

pointment ; he straightway went to Irichh where Birsingh Deva

received him as he had always hitherto done ; but a misunder¬

standing soon occurred and Ram Sah returned to Orchha and

both parties prepared for war. By the order of Jehangir, Khwaja

Abdullah Jagirdar of Kalpi, and Haidar Khan came to the assistance

of Birsingh Deva, who was also joined by Partap Rao and the

1 Now known aa Ghat Lachura, 11 miles N.-E. of Mau-Ranipnr in Jhansi

district.

2 The ancestor of the present Bhadoria Raja of the Agra district.

8 Of Gohad, ancestors of the present Raja of Dholpur.

4 This is obviously a mistake, as Jahangir succeeded in 1605.

114 C. A. Silberrad— -History of Western Bundelkh'and. [No. 2,

Bundelas of Kathera. Birsingh Deva marched towards Orchha where

be was opposed by Ram Sail’s forces under Bhupal Rao and Indarjit,

In the battle that ensued Indarjit was wounded and the army of

Orchha struck with panic fled. Bhupal Rao with a small detachment

forced his way into the fort, and continued to assist Ram Sah. Nego^

tiations were opened and Ram Sah agreed to meet Khwaja Abdullah,

who, however, treacherously made him prisoner and carried him to

Delhi, where the Emperor received him with respect, but in order to

stop further quarrels kept him captive for several years. By 1604 !

Birsingh Deva was supreme throughout the whole of Bundelkhand

having reduced all the 22 chiefs who had participated in the kingdom.

In 1608 after the Emperor had firmly established his power he released

Ram Sah and bestowed on him the Jagir of Bar 8 yielding a revenue

of three lakhs. The kingdom of Birsingh Deva contained 81 par-

ganas and 12,500 villages ; the total revenue was two crores. Accord¬

ing to the Bundelkband-Charite it was bounded on the North by the

Jamna, on the South by the Narbada, on the West by the Chambal,

and on the East by the Tons.

Birsingh Deva was well acquainted with the Dharam Shashtra

and laws generally. He was mindful of the sin he had committed in

usurping his brother’s kingdom, and feeling great remorse, in peni¬

tence made nine pilgrimages, and offered innumerable sacrifices. In

Bindraban alone he presented 81 maunds of gold, a gift remembered

to the present day. At Datia he built a grand palace at a cost of

Rs. 36,90,980, which is still a notable structure. On one occasion

by order of the Emperor, he attacked and overcame the Rajas of Rewa

and Narwar. In 1613 he erected a temple in Bindraban at a cost of

30 lakhs. He performed the Taraian Birt,3 and listened for seven

days to the recitation of the Maha-purana. He was famed for his

strict justice; in this connection it is told of him that one day his

eldest son Jagat Deva when hunting, allowed his hound to kill a

Brahma-chari or hermit. On hearing thereof the Raja summoned his

son to him, and put him to death for having caused the death of an

innocent devotee.

He constructed the famous tanks of Bir Sagar4 and Barwa Sagar 6

* ... • * • • .

1 Almost certainly wrong, see preceding note.

* In pargana Banpur (Jhansi district) 17 miles N.-E. of Lalitpur. The ruins of

a fort and palace and several Muhbaras still mark this former seat of rule.

8 This is a penance which consists in fasting by day for a month, only eating

when the stars are visible.

4 In Orchha, 12 miles S. S.-E. of Orchha town.

6 In Jhansi district, 12 miles E. of Jhansi.

1902 ] 0. A. Silberrad— History of Western Bundelkhand. 11|>

and many others — in all 52. About 1682 when Shahjahan ascended the

throne of Delhi, Birsingh Deva again revolted. The Emperor’s forces

defeated him and captured Orchha. He then with 10,000 Sawars com¬

menced a guerilla war in which he was well seconded by Jujhar Singh

and his own sons and brothers. After a year of this the Emperor

restored the kingdom to the Bundelas, but offered it to Jujhar Singh.

The Raja had ten sons : — (1) Har Deva, (2) Paliar Singh, (3) Bhagwan

Rao, (4) Kish or Singh, (5) Tursi Das, (6) Rai Singh, (7) Krishn Das,

(8) Partap Singh, (9) Madho Singh, and (10) Chandar Bhan. He

gave them respectively jagirs as follows: — (1) Taraoli,1 (2) Tehri,2

(3) Khargapur,3 (4) Semra,4 (5) Palera,6 (6) Baragaon,6 (7) Chir-

gaon,7 (8) Kunch, (9) Jaitpur,8 (10) Kakarbai.9 Each jagir was of

such a size as to yield a revenue of one lakh. ;

In the spring of 1627 Birsingh Deva died and was succeeded by

Jujhar Singh, who distrusted all the Bundelas and made some alter¬

ations and reductions in the Jagirs. His brother Chan darbhan entered

the service of the Emperor and was apppointed a Commander of 800

sawars and 1,500 foot. About 1631 Jujhar Singh in accordance with an

order of the Emperor, went to Choragarh to fight on his behalf, amd

left his brother Har Deva at Orchha in charge of the kingdom. On his

return, suspecting an intrigue between his wife and Har Deva, he

questioned her, the Rani replied, “ as he is your brother I love him, there

is nothing else between us.” The Raja said, “if you are true obey me

and poison him.” The Rani obeyed, but felt such remorse that she

poisoned herself too. The Raja mourned her death deeply, and in

1632 performed the ceremony of Agmarshanyug to purge himself of

the sin of murdering his brother. Munshi Harnarain, an historian,

says that Har Deva after his death, appeared as a spirit and revealed to

many that Jujhar Singh had poisoned him to prevent his succession,

being himself childless. As soon as Shahjahan heard of this he issued

a proclamation directing altars to be erected in honour of Har Deva and

the dethronement of Jujhar Singh. Baki Khan was directed to enforce

this order and went to Orchha with a strong force, but was defeated

1 In Orchha, 27 miles E. N.-E. of Jhansi.

2 The present capital of Orchha state.; : ' : ' ’ t

8 In Orchha 20 miles E of Tehri.

4 In Orchha, 14 miles S. of Orchha.

5 In Orchha, 18 miles S.-E. of Mau-Ranipur.

8 In pargana Jhansi, nine miles E. N.-E. of Jhansi. .

, 7 In pargana Moth (Jhansi distinct) 17 miles N.-E, of Jhansi, ,

8 The former state of that name west of Mahoba now part of the H amir pur

district. t ,

9 In pargana Garotha (Jhansi district) 50 pailes N.-E. of Jhansi.

116

C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand . [No. 2,

and returned to Delhi. In 1633 Shabjahan despatched Muhabbat

Khan from Agra, Khan Jahan,1 from the Deccan and Khwaja Abdul¬

lah from Prayag. These three armies converged on Orchha, and a

severe conflict took place in which Salivahan the son of Champat Rai

Jagirdar of Mahewa was killed. In the night after the battle when

both armies were in their camps, Champat Rai took with him a body

of Jujhar Singh’s troops and unexpectedly fell upon the enemy. Baki

Khan and Shabar Khan the general were both killed, but in spite of

the loss of their leaders the Imperial army gallantly opposed the Raja’s

forces and succeeded in separating the Raja from his allies ; finally

Jujhar Singh was completely defeated and fled to the Deccan, but fell

ill and died in Gondwana. Champat Rai continued a guerilla warfare,

while the Imperial army returned to Delhi, and in 1635 the whole of

Bundelkhand except Datia and Chanderi was annexed. For six years no

one was appointed Raja of Orchha, and during the anarchy consequent

thereon Champat Rai continued to ravage the country ; he collected many

of the late Raja’s army, possessed himself of Orchha, plundered Sironj,

captured Bhilsa and defeated the Subadar of Ujjain. In short he

ravaged the country from Jhansi to Mahewa. In 1633 Shahjahan

sent an expedition commanded by Muhammad Shah, Wali Bahadur

Khan, Nausher Khan, and Abdullah Khan. Champat Rai was be¬

sieged in the fort of Orchha, and after a gallant resistance was defeat¬

ed and his brother Pahar Singh was sent for from Dhamoni 2 * and set

up in his place. He was not however entrusted with the whole of

Bundelkhand, but only with such a portion of it as yielded a revenue

of 60 lakhs, for Datia and Chanderi had long before this been annexed

and made over to other rulers. Besides these two, several other small

states were retained. Champat Rai succeeded however in escaping from

the besieged fort, and continued his ravages as before.

Pahar Singh had two sons Sujan Singh and Indraman. In 1651

Sujan Singh was installed as Raja on the death of his father. The

famous tank at Arjars was constructed in his time. The Imperial

Gazetteer states that the town of Ranipur,4 which is close to Mau, was

1 There would seem to be some mistake here, as the only Khan Jalian ap¬

parently known at this time was Khan Jahan Lodi, who revolted but was defeated

and killed in 1631.

2 In Sagar district, 25 miles N. of Sagar. This was later the most important

seat of Muhammadan rule in South-Western Bundelkhand, and there are fine ruins

of a very extensive fort externally somewhat of the style of that at Agra, and also

ruins of a large walled town. The place now is almost entirely uninhabited and

over-grown with jungle.

8 Half in Jhansi and half in Orchha, 18 miles E. S.-E. of Jhansi.

4 According to the Gazetteer it was founded by his mother, the Rani Hiradeva

11?

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

built by him. He left no heir, and the kingdom passed to his brother

Indraman. The latter died after three years in 1673, and his son

Jaswant Singh succeeded him, but died in 1686, leaving the throne to

his son Bhagwant Singh a minor. The widow of Indraman, Rani Raj

Kunwar, was appointed regent. In 1688, Bhagwant Singh died child¬

less ; and accordingly Aghota Singh the son of Bijhe Sah was summoned

from Baragaon in 1689 to be adopted. He was sent to Aurangzeb who

approved the adoption and solemnly nominated him. Aghota Singh was

a brave, hardworking and wise prince. About 1708 Balajil Marhatta

invaded Bundelkhand and defeated Kamar Ali Khan who had been

despatched by the Emperor to oppose him. Thereupon Shahjahan 8

ordered Aghota Singh to march against the Marhatta leader. The

latter was slain in the first battle, and the army returned to the Deccan.

In 1715 Aghota Singh constructed the statue of a man in gold, and

presented it to Brahmans. He was then blessed with a child who was

named Prithwi Singh. On one occasion Aghota Singh accompanied

Bahadur Shah tlie Mughal Emperor, to the Pan jab and distinguished

himself by gaining a victory over the Sikhs.5 In his time the power of

the Mughal Emperors began to decline, and the Marhattas rose into

importance, and repeated attacks were made by them on Delhi. In

1735 Malhar Rao Holkar with 100,000 men marched from the Deccan.

Aghota Singh with the Raja of Datia and other of his relatives opposed

him, and a disastrous conflict took place near Jhansi. On both sides

the killed and wounded numbered about 9,000, but Malhar Rao and his

chiefs were slain,4 and in consequence the army was disheartened and

returned. Two months after this conflict in the middle of 1735, Aghota

Singh died and was succeeded by Prithwi Singh. During his reign

all his brothers and relatives turned against him and Rajendragir who

had charge of the fort of Jhansi revolted and took possession of Jhansi

and Moth.6 On the other side the country was ravaged by Gujars and

Kangars. On the death of Prithwi Singh he was succeeded by his

grandson Sanwant Singh. In 1748 Sahu 6 sent an expedition under

in 1678 (Gazetteer N.-W. P., I. 573). There is an inexplicable error in the date

somewhere.

1 Presumably, Balaji Visvanath first Peshwa ; it is probably meant that an

invasion was made at his orders.

* This is obviously a mistake, and probably Bahadur Shah (1707 — 12) is meant.

5 This was probably the expedition commanded by Munian Khan (1710).

4 This is arrogating too much to the Bundelas, Malhar Rao Holkar was not

slain, but was merely checked in 1736 by Saadat Ali Khan Subadar of Oudh.

5 The N.-W. pargana of Jhansi district.

® Maharaja of the Marhattas. This event happened in 1742, According to

Gazetteer N.-W. P. (I. 30).

118 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

Naru Shankar, who defeated the Rnja and overthrew his kingdom.

At that time the total revenue was Rs. 24,54,264. One-third of the

territory including the seven parganas of Pachhor, Karhara, Moth,

Garotha, Garwai,1 Mau, and Jhansi, was annexed by the Marhattas.

Tlie revenue of the ceded portions amounted to eight lakhs. The

Marhattas made Jhansi the head-quarters of the territory and Sheo

Rao Bhao was apppointed Governor. The Sanyasis 2 * were totally

overthrown. Sanwant Singh ruled for eight years over the remaining

part of his kingdom, aud then died without heirs. His widow s adopted

Hati Singh, a grandson of Aghota Singh. In 1767 a quarrel occurred

between Hati Singh and the Rani. The army and the ministers siding

with the Rani, Hati Singh fled to Datia, where Indarjlt received him

with respect and gave him a handsome allowance. The Rani after

taking Tehri, adopted Pajan Singh the son of Lachman Singh ; but in

1772 quarrelled with him also, and Pajan Singh went to Tehri and

lived there for one year and a half, while the Rani continued to rule

the country. In 1774 disgusted with this world, Pajan Singh re¬

tired to Chitrakot, and devoted himself to religious exercises. The

Rani in the same year then installed Man Singh the son of Am-

resh of Mohangarh.4 These continual changes in the selection of a

ruler gave Vislin Singh 5 the opportunity to annex Amra 6 and

other villages yielding a total revenue of one lakh. The Rani

quarrelled with Alan Singh as she had done with his predecessors ; and

he retired to Raj gar h. In 1775 Kunwar Bhartichand, the great

grandson of Aghota Singh, was adopted. After ruling three years he

fell ill and died in 1778. During his illness he had solemnly nomi-

. - x

nated his brother Bikramajit as his successor. The state was now

rapidly declining, there was great disunion between the various members

of the family and the treasury was empty. The troops refused to

perform their duties owing to their pay being in arrears. Bikramajit

sold pargana Barwa Sagar to the Subadar of Jhansi, and was thus

able to pay the troops. He overthrew the Rajas of Taraoli, Mohangarh,

1 Now forma the N.-E. part of pargana Jhansi in the Jhansi district.

2 The author elsewhere states that when Birsingh Deva founded Jhansi fort

he garrisoned it with Sanyasis, whose successors these will probably have been.

As to militant Sanyasis in Bundelkhand, compare the fact (quoted in Crooke’s

“ Castes,” IV. 276) that 2,000 Sanyasis attacked Col. Goddard in his march through

Bundelkhand (1778).

8 Named Mahendra Rani.

*• In Orchha, 20 miles N.-W. of Tehri.

5 Then Raja of Samthar. . A _ . . . i'i : - , :

5 In Samthar, 26 miles N.-E. of Jhansi. . -L v -

1902.] 0. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. 119

Semra, Palera, and Jiron,1 and annexed their territories. He dis¬

tributed large sums to sink wells and dig tanks. On one occasion

he engaged the Gwalior troops, and so utterly defeated them that it

is said that not a man survived to tell the tale. After a long and

successful reign of 56 years he died at Tehri leaving no heir.2 In

1834 his brother Mathura Das was installed, who was succeeded in

1840 by his adopted son Sujan Singh, who also died heirless. In 1853

Hamir Singh was adopted and placed on the throne. He was a

debauchee and left no heir; and consequently on his death his brother

Partap Singh succeeded, and is still reigning.

Jagir of Khanya- Dana.

The second son of Aghota Singh the Raja of Orchha, was Amresh.

He with the help of the Peshwa’s force obtained Mobangarh 3 as his

share in 1735. He had three sons, Maharaj Deva, Man Singh, and

Nannegir ; Man Singh was adopted by Mahendra Rani,4 * and ascended

the throne of Orchha, while Maharaj Deva succeeded to Mohangarh,

and a jagir worth one lakh. After the death of Man Singh his suc¬

cessor Bikramajlt attempted to crush Maharaj Deva, who, leaving

Mohangarh went to Khanya Dana. His son and successor Jawahir

Singh negotiated a treaty with the British Government in 1808. He

had two sons Pirthipal and Bijhe Bahadur. In 1844 Mardan Singh

Raja of Banpur6 made Pirthipal Singh a Raja in his kingdom; but he

was not recognised by the British Government or the Raja of Orchha.

Pirthipal Singh was succeeded by Gopal Singh in 1863. He left two

sons named Chitthar Singh and Mardan Singh. In 1869 Gopal Singh

died and was succeeded by Chitthar Singh. In 1877 at a grand

Durbar held in honour of the Prince of Wales the title of Rao Raja

was conferred on him. Chitthar Singh is still in possession of Khanya

Dana, but has lately changed his name to Durga Singh.

Datia State.

In 1625 Maharaja Birsingh Deva seated Jujhar Singh on the

throne of Orchha, and distributed jagirs to his remaining ten sons, so

1 In Orchha, 17 miles S. of Orchha town.

S Raja Bikramajlt entered into treaty with the British in 1812.

3 See note 102. Elsewhere the author states that Aghota Singh bestowed this

jagir on his son in 1703, and that the Peshwa assisted him against Bikramajlt of

Orchha and gave him a sanad for Khanya-Dana in 1751, the two accounts are not

necessarily discrepant.-

4 Widow of Sanwant Singh Raja of Orchha,

3 See p. 37.

120 C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2»

that each son got an estate of one lakh as his share. At that time

Bhagwan Rai with two of his sons was at the Emperor’s Court as the

representative of his father Birsingh Deva. His other two sons

Dhurmangad and Sakhat Singh were at Orchha ; Birsingh Deva

entrusted the list in which the share of Bhagwan Rai was recorded

to Dhurmangad. This Dhurmangad was very brave and warlike. It is

related of him that after swimning a river he met a lion on the bank

which he killed with one blow of his fist. As soon as he received the

list showing to what estate his father was entitled he went to Palera 1

and properly administered the country. Har Deva and his nine brothers

also took possession of their respective jagirs. When Bhagwan Rai

heard of this he returned with the Emperor’s permission to Orchha,

and asked his father saying, “ What order have you for me ? ” The old

Raja replied “Nothing, I have already distributed the kingdom among

your brothers and you and given a separate list showing each one’s

share. The details of your share are with your son Dhurmangad Singh,

go and take it from him.” Bhagwan Rai not liking to quarrel with his

son, asked his father to grant him the grand palace of Datia, four

courtiers and 300 horsemen. The Raja did so, and gave him the palace

and with it the secret treasure buried there. In 1626 Bhagwan Rai

went to Datia with his two sons, Prithwi Raj and Sabhkaran. On the

death of Birsingh Deva he possessed himself of Baroni, which had

been allotted for the maintenance of his father. He ruled 21 years

and died in 1647. But the Gazetteer (of N.-W.P., I. p. 557) states

that in 1640 Bhagwan Rai and his brother Beni Das were killed by a

Rajput in battle. In any case on the death of Bhagwan Rai his

two sons Prithwi Raj and Sabhkaran went to Delhi, and peti¬

tioned the Emperor to continue to them their father’s jagir. But

the Emperor was then engaged in despatching an expedition to the west,

and could not attend to them. Accordingly the two brothers accom¬

panied the expedition so as to please the Emperor by their valour and

gallantry. At the very beginning of the battle the two young warriors

charged the enemy at the head of 300 horse. The Imperial forces

supporting them vigorously finally gained a complete victory. Prithwi

Raj was killed in the battle and Sabhkaran being wounded returned to

Delhi. The Emperor was so pleased with his conduct that he offered

him a jagir of 12 lakhs out of the kingdom of Orchha. On hearing

this the widow of Prithwi Raj came to the capital, and begged the

Emperor to do something for her son Chatharsal. The Emperor will¬

ingly offered Chatharsal Baroni with a revenue of Rs. 1,25,000 in jagir.

From that time Sabhkaran was a jagirdar of 12 lakhs and Chatharsal

i See note 84.

121

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

of 1J. Sabhkaran fought 22 battles for the Emperor, and died in 1684.

He was succeeded by Rao Dalpat Rao, who built a fort in Datia. In

1707 there was a quarrel between Azam Shah and Bahadur Shah.1

On Azam’s side were only 22 Rajas, while all the remaining Rajas

of India were on that of Bahadur Shah. The latter marched from

Delhi to attack Agra. Rao Dalpat Rao was in command 2 of Azam’s

Shah’s force and advanced with the 22 Rajas to oppose the enemy’s

army. The battle took place at Jaju a village close to Agra. The

struggle was severe and each side lost 21,000 men, amongst whom was

Rao Dalpat Rao, who had bravely maintained his position till his

death. It is said that one day he had shot 400 arrows. He left three

sons Bhartichand, Ram Chandar, and Prithwi Singh. Of these Rao

Bhartichand succeeded his father in 1708. He died in 1711 and

was succeeded by his younger brother Ram Chandar. He was very

strong and well-versed in astronomy and literature. At the time of

his succession his son Ram Singh was a full grown man. The Raja

quarrelled with him and exiled him. He accordingly took up his

abode in Chanderi. During his exile he maintained himself by sell¬

ing his furniture, ornaments, etc. After a short time he was blessed

with a son whom he named Guman Singh. He, at the age of twenty,

had a son named Indarjit. The horoscope of this child was sent to

Ram Chandar, who was then at Delhi. He scrutinized it and pre¬

dicted that all the forefathers of the child would die within the

year, but that the child would be pious and prosperous. Ramchandar

paid little heed to the prediction, and threw the horoscope into the

fire. But the misfortunes foretold soon began to appear. Not long

after this he was ordered by the Emperor Muhammad Shah 3 to subdue

Bhagwan Rao Khichhi. Ram Chandar offered 108 cows and a maund

of gold to Brahmans and set out with 1,000 horse. He was then 95

years of age but still wore his helmet and armour and could strike a

mighty blow. The battle took place at Korajahanabad. Just before

the battle he was reinforced by 7,000 men from Datia. Riding on his

elephant he commenced the attack, and succeeded in driving the enemy

from the field to the gate of the fortress, but being struck by a bullet

fell dead in the howdah. A Tbakur who was seated by him had the

presence of mind and courage to put on the helmet of the deceased

Raja, and ordered the army to advance. The troops stormed the fort

and set up their standard on it. Bhagwran Rao Khichhi wfith a hand¬

ful of men escaped by another road. After the victory the army

1 The quarrel as to the succession on the death of Aurangzeb.

* The commander was Zulfikar, commander of the army of the Deccan.

I 1719—1748.

122

C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2-

performed the funeral ceremonies and returned to Delhi. Bahadur

Shah greatly mourned the death of the old warrior, and sent for his

son to bestow on him a khilat and suitable rewards, but he was unable

to come on account of illness. Within two years Ram Singh and

G uman Singh also died, and the Rani of Ram Singh in 1746 installed

Indarjit who was then a minor. She constructed the Sita . tal in

Datia. The Mughal power was now rapidly declining. In 1748 Nam-

Shankar 1 marched from the Deccan to invade Bundelkhand. The

Raja was still but a mere child and the Mahratta general forced his

ministers to surrender him pargana Bbanrer. Pargana Alampur 2 was

at the same time given to Holkar. About 1819 Indarjit bestowed a

jagir of 1| lakhs in Samthar on Debi Dhar Rajdliar, and at the same

time much alms; he also heard the recitation of IS Puranas. He built

the town of Indargarh 3 naming it after himself. He died in 1752 and

his son Satarjit succeeded him. In 1788 when Mahajit Singh was

going from the Deccan to Delhi, he met Satarjit on his way, and such

a friendship sprung up between them that they treated each other as

brothers. In 1793 Pundit Gopal Rao invaded Bundelkhand at Maha-

daji Sindhia’s order, which however was approved by the Emperor

Shah Alam. He first attacked Datia on the 13th Phagun (March 1794)

•

with 12 companies of infantry, 8,000 horse and 96 guns. The Raja

came out from Datia with 10,000 foot and 30 guns. In three days 700

men and eight chiefs of the Raja, and 7,000 men of Gopal Rao were

killed or wounded. The Peshwa’s general at Jhansi, Sheo Rao Bhao,

persuaded the Raja to purchase peace by promising the Pundit to

present him with something which he said in reality he would not

have to pay. At the same time he advised Gopal Rao to retire, which

he said he could do without loss of glory. Both parties acted upon his

advice, and fighting ceased, and Sindhia’s general returned to the

Deccan. In 1797 Sindhia4 again sent a force of 20,000 foot and 50

guns under Ambhaji Inglia. This army reached Bhanrer and in the

month of Phagun (March 1798) overcame and killed 200 horse and foot

and five officers who held Kanjoli6 on behalf of the Raja ; the artillery

was also captured. In Cheit (April) he besieged the Raja’s son who

was in the fort of Seonrha6 with a garrison of 12,000 men. For eight

months the firing was incessant. Finally Sindhia’s force attempted to

1 See p. 24.

8 This pargana consists of several isolated portions imbedded in Gwalior terri¬

tory a short distance west of Jalaun district ; and is still held by Holkar,

2 In Datia, 12 miles N. N.-E. of Datia town.

4 This must be Danlat Rao Sindhia, as Mahadaji Sindhia had died in 1794.

2 A place in the neighbourhood of Indargarh.

« In Datia on the Sindh River, 40 miles N,-E, of Datia.

123

1902.] C. A. SilbeiTad — History of Western Bundelkhtind.

storm the fortress. The garri soft after firgt pouring a volley into the

attackers, sallied out and drove them baok a mile or so. Both sides lost

some 6,000 men, but Ambaji abandoned the siege and retired towards

the Kachhwaha country.1 In 1800 Bali Rao came with 16 battalions

of infantry, 7,000 horse and 80 guns. A severe conflict took place at

Bilahri.® Raja Satarjit,8 Raja Jai Singh, Raja Durjan Sal, Diwan

Chithar Singh of Jakhlon,4 Rao Dalil Singh, Jargoji Lakhpoji,6 and

other Bundela chiefs advanced with 4,000 men to oppose him. But

defeat or victory is in the hands of Providence, Raja Jai Singh, Diwan

Chithar Singh and Dalil Singh were beaten off and withdrew to their

respective dwellings, and Durjan Sal retreated to Bhaurer. But

Satarjit and Jargoji Lakhpoji continued to stoutly oppose Sindhia’s

forces close to Seonrha, where they were joined by Lai Sah and many

other Kachhwahas. Durjan Sal returned from Bhanrer. Finally

another battle was fought and Bali Rao defeated.

In 1801 Daulat Rao Sindliia sent an army of 5,000 horse, four

battalions of infantry and 18 guns under Piru Sah 6 to reinforce Bali

Rao. As soon as he got near Seonrha the Bundelas attacked him at

the pass (ghati). After twelve hours’ fighting the Raja’s force yielded

and fled in all directions. But Satarjit with his 30 selected horsemen

charged the left flank of the enemy’s army, and wounded Piru Sail

with his spear. But one of the chiefs of Sindhia’s force gave him a

severe cut on the head with his sword, which would have caused him to

fall from his horse had he not been caught by Wali Panwar, and with

the help of Rohaz Khan and other troopers carried off safely into the

fort. The Raja died the same evening and his funeral ceremonies were

performed. He was succeeded by Parichat,

In consequence of the death of General Piru, Sindhia’s army

retreated and in 3802 a treaty of peace was concluded with Sindhia.

Parichat was a great statesman and beloved by both his subjects and

his army ; but he had no heir. One day he found a child in the jungle

whom he adopted and named Bijhe Bahadur, and on his death on the

3rd Magh 1893 (A.D. 1839) this son succeeded him. Bijhe Bahadur

fought with Sindhia at Daboh,7 but soon after becoming insane died

1 i. e., the present Jalaun district.

8 10 miles W. of Datia in Gwalior.

8 Called Chatharsal in Gazetteer , N.-W.P., I. 409.

* In pargana Lalitpnr, Jhansi district, 11 miles S.-W. of Lalitpur.

8 Probably identical with Lakheva-dada.

8 Better known as M. Perron.

1 The chief town of the pargana of that name in Gwalior, 30 miles W. S.-W.

of Jalaun.

J. i. 17

124

C. A. SilbeiTad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

on the 8th Katik 1914 (October 1857 A.D.) Bhagwan Singh the son

of Diwan Mahewaran Singh was adopted and succeeded on the 3rd

Aghan (December). He is still in possession of the Raj, and has

received the title of Lokendra Maharaja from the British Govern¬

ment.

Chauderi State.

Madhkur Sah’s eldest son Ram Sah was the Raja of Orchha, but

his brother Birsingh Deva dethroned him by order of the Emperor

Jahangir in 1604.1 Ram Sah continued to resist for some time but

was finally captured and brought before the Emperor by Abdullah

Khan in 1605.1 He was received and treated with respect, but to avoid

chance of future disturbances the Emperor detained him in Delhi as

a State prisoner. Meantime Birsingh Deva made himself the master

of all Bundelkhand. During the absence of Ram Sah, his grandson

Bharat Sah and other numerous relations continued in arms and

succeeded in seizing Patheri. After several days’ fighting Birsingh

Deva regained it, but Bbarat Sah was far from being finally subdued,

and captured Dhamoni shortly after. In 1608 the Emperor released

Ram Sail and gave him in jagir Bar8 and the surrounding country

valued at three lakhs. He made Bar his capital and collected all his

relations there. He had eleven sons and seven grandsons ; his eleven

sons were (1) Sangram Sah (2) Hari Das ; (3) Bithul Das; (4) Mohan

Rao ; (5) Tirbhuan Rao; (6) Sujan Rao ; (7) Bhawat Rao ; (8) Mukat-

man; (9) Balbhadr ; (10) Makund, and (11) Kunwarju. Of these the

eldest Sangram Sah had been killed long before in the battle of

Orchha, The remaining ten sons, and seven sons of Sangram Sah

came to Bar and settled there. Sangram Sah’s sons were (1) Bharat

Sah, (2) Krishn Rao, (3) Rup, (4) Kirat, (5) Dharu; (6) Chandar

Hans ; (7) Man, So large a family was maintained by a territory yield¬

ing but three lakhs per annum. In 1612 Ram Sah died and his

grandson Bharat Sah succeeded him. In 1616 Bbarat Sah defeated

Godaram, who was governor of Chanderi on behalf of the king of the

Deccan and seized the town. In the same year he met Mirza Shah

Jahan on his way to the Deccan under the orders of the Emperor, and

told him the story of the storming of Chanderi, at which Shah Jahan

was pleased and granted him a sanad.

Bharat Sah built the present fort of Talbehat in 1618, and divided

l See note 74, the dates are obviously a year or two too early.

8 See note 76.

125

1902.] 0. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bwidellchand.

his kingdom into four parts : — Dudhai,1 Haraspur,2 Golakot 8 and

Kangarh.4 At that time his dominion was valued at 9 lakhs, of

which he gave shares to his brothers : — to Krishn Rao several villages

in Bansi 6 yielding a revenue of Rs. 75,000, he built the fort which

still exists there, and also Raor in Lalitpur city, which includes a fine

well6 and is now occupied by the Municipal School; to Diwan Rup

villages in pargana Bijrotha 7 worth Rs. 12,000 ; to Diwan Kirat,

Kakarua8 with a revenue of Rs. 12,000, to Chandar Hans Jamandana 9

valued at Rs. 10,000 ; to Diwan Dharu, Karesra 10 worth Rs. 12,000 in

jagir ; and to Diwan Man, Baroda 11 with a revenue of Rs. 4,000.

After Bharat Sah, Debi Singh ascended the throne at the age of

16. 18 He was renowned in astronomy, medicine, literature, and the law

(Dharmshastra) and was at the same time an excellent shot. In 1665

he accompanied an expedition which was sent by the Emperor to

subdue Kabul. There he lost 15,000 horse, and his Diwan Udebhan,13

but ultimately the Imperial army was victorious. The Emperor being

pleased with him granted him the following parganas in Bundel-

khand : — Garola, Khemlasa, Rahatgarh, Etawah, Basoda, Udepur,

Bersia, Bhilsa, Sironj and Malthon.14 With this addition the revenue

of the kingdom of Chanderi totalled Rs. 24,00,000.

1 In pargana Balabehat (Jhansi district) 19 miles S. of Lalitpur. There are a

large number of Chandel ruins and a large Chandel tank here. For description see

Mukarji’s “ Report on the Antiquities of Lalitpur ” and Cunningham’s “ Archaeo¬

logical Reports.”

2 See note 35.

3 An old deserted fort lying East of Isagarh in Gwalior.

4 On the Betwa in Gwalior, 23 miles S.-W. of Lalitpur.

6 In pargana Bansi (Jhansi district) 12 miles, N. of Lalitpur.

6 The well is a large baoli on which is an inscription dated 1628 A .D.

1 A large village in Talbehat pargana (Jhansi district) 19 miles N. of Lalitpur,

still held by his descendants.

8 In Lalitpur pargana (Jhansi district) 3 miles S. W. of Lalitpur ; the descendant

of the original grantee has recently been sold up.

9 Jamandana Kalan, in Lalitpur pargana (Jhansi district) 12 miles S. by W.

of Lalitpur. Still held by his descendants.

Karesra Kalan, pargana Talbehat, (Jhansi district) 28 miles N. of Lalitpur.

Still held by his descendants.

U Baroda Dang, pargana Banpur (Jhansi district) 18 miles N. N.-E. of Lalitpur.

Still held by his descendants.

1* In 1646.

18 An ancestor of the author.

1* This tract forms the S.-W. of the Sagar district and the native territory

adjoining it.

Garola, Khemlasa, Etawah and Malthon are now in Tahsil Khorai Sagar district.

Ralyttgarh is in Sagar Tahsil, Sagar district.

126

0. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

In 1679 Debi Singh fought successfully in Bengal 1 constructed the

Singh Sagar lake and founded the village of Singhpur. The tank and

village are both near Chanderi and still in existence. He built the

Singh bagh in Talbehat which still exists but in ruins. Debi Singh

died in 1717 at the age of 87, leaving three sons, Sahju, Senapati and

Durag Singh. They all went to Delhi that the Emperor might select

the successor, Bhanu the priest, who was at that time regent, recom¬

mended Sahju as being the eldest son, but Aurangzeb suspecting his

choice sent for Rao Gomat and Rao Hada the two generals of the late

Raja and asked them who was the lawful heir. They said that Sahju

was an illegitimate son, Senapati a grandson whom the deceased Raja

had adopted, and that Durag Singh alone was born from the Rani.

The Emperor accordingly nominated Durag Singh as successor. He

gave pargana Kanjia 2 to Sahju with the title of Raja. To Senapati

he gave Bhangarh 3 with several other villages worth in all about

Rs. 12,000 per annum. But Durag Singh was made suzerain over

both. While making these grants Aurangzeb retained Bersia for

himself and appointed Dost Muhammad, who had recovered Malwa for

the Emperor from the Mahrattas, its Superintendent. This is the

man who subsequently established the kingdom of Bhupal.

In 1728 Raja Durag Singh defeated Bagha Banjhara.4 In 1732

Sankar Rao came from the Deccan with 10,000 horse to attack

Chanderi. But the Raja defeated and killed him at the Singhpur pass,

and plundered his cavalry.

On the death of Durag Singh his son Durjan Singh succeeded in

Basoda and Udepur, are South of Bina, the former a station on the I. M. By.

Bersia the most Western part of Bhupal,

1 At the orders of the Emperor.

2 Till 1861 part of Gwalior, then exchanged for pargana Chanderi and other

territory, and now forming the N.-W. corner of Khorai Tahsil (Sagar district).

8 In Khorai tahsil (Sagar district) 20 miles N. N.-W. of Khorai.

4 The story of Bagha, and of some clan of the Banjaras is thus related by the

author. “A Raja of Asanagar near Bikanir was bitten by a snake and Jati a

Jaini Guru promised him recovery if he and his people turned Jains ; this he agreed

to do and recovered. But some of his subjects refused to obey his orders to become

Jains and left his state resolving henceforward to have no settled abode lest they

should be again forced to do as they had just done ; they thus became Banjaras.

Bagha was the son or grandson of the leader of these secessionists, and is said to

have had 2,000 armed followers and 12,000 head of cattle. Hitherto these Banja¬

ras had paid dues, etc. on entering different states, but Bagha and his followers

refused to do so, and though on several occasions attacked by the Imperial troops

had been unsuccessful till this oocasion. But the legends of Bagha are numerous :

the criminal fraternity of the Sanorias have a legend that the first grant of 12

villages in Lalitpur and Orohha was for killing this same Bagha.

127

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bitndelkhand.

1733.1 In his time Govind Bundela2 of Sugar seized Garola, Malthon,

Khemlasa and Rahatgarh. In 1735 Malhar Rao invaded Bundelkhand

with, an army of 100,000 and defeating Dnrjan Singh, annexed Bhilsa,

Sironj, Udepur, and Basoda, and erected a fort on the boundary, which

he called after his own name Malhargarh.3

Dnrjan Singh left four sons, Man Singh, Zorawal Singh, Suba Sahib

and Dhiraj Singh. Of these Man Singh succeeded him. During his

reign 4 Pandit Naru Sankar came from the Deccan, and annexed half

the country comprising Mungaoli, Sahrai, Piprai,6 Kanjia and Isagarh.

Man Singh gave Pali 6 to his brother Zorawal Singh, Bamori 7 to Suba

Sahib, and Banpur 8 to Dhiraj Singh. He had two sons Anrudh Singh

and Hati Singh. Man Singh built the fort of Mahroni,9 and dying

in 1760 was succeeded by Anrudh Singh. Rao Hati Singh, who lived

with him, acted as his deputy rather than as a minister. In 1775

Anrudh Singh died, leaving a son named Ram Chandar, who was only

a boy, at the time. Hati Singh did not place Ram Chandar on the

throne, but himself ruled the country as regent. The Rani suspecting

Hati Singh’s intentions, fled one night with the boy and 50 sawars to

1 The dates given here for the accession of the Rajas of Chanderi are very

different from those in the Gazetteer N.-W. P. (I. 350 et seq). They are : —

According to the According to the

Raja.

Debi Singh

Dnraj Singh

Dnrjan Singh

Man Singh

Anrnd Singh

Gazetteer.

1646—1663

1663—1687

1687—1733

1733—1746

1746—1774

author.

—1717

... 1717—1733

... ... 1733—

... ... — 1760

... ... 1760—1774

I have not so far been able to explain the discrepancy.

8 Better known as Govind Pundit, the Mahratta leader who assisted Chathar

Sal when nearly overwhelmed by the Muhammadans, and whom Chathar Sal reward¬

ed with one-third of his kingdom. — (1731 J. Ancestor of the Rajas of Jalaun, Jhansi

and Gursarai.

3 In Gwalior on the Betwa on the Western border of the Sagar district.

4 Probably 1748 (see p. 24).

3 Sahrai and Piprai are both near Mungaoli in that part of Gwalior which

borders the N.-W. portion of Sagar district.

• In pargana Balabehat (Jhansi district) 15 miles S. of Lalitpur, still held by

his descendants.

1 Bamori Kalan, pargana Lalitpur, district Jhansi, 7 miles S. S.-W. of Lalitpur.

His descendants have lost possession of the village.

8 In the pargana of that name (Jhansi district) 22 miles E. of Lalitpur. Dhiraj

Singh’s descendants no longer hold it, but possess in jagir Gadiana (10 miles N.-E.

of Lalitpur) and a few other villages.

8 Head-quarters of the tahsil of that name in the Jhansi district, 23 miles

E. S.-E. of Lalitpur.

128

C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

Achalgarh,1 and took up her abode at Chaudhri Klrat Singh’s house.

He immediately sent a letter to Jakhlon whence Diwan Dhurmangad

Singh started with 500 men and arrived at Achalgarh. In addition to

his own men he collected 50 horse from among the Zamindars and

100 sepoys of the Chaudhri’s. Thus with 100 horse and 600 foot

behind him he reached Chandheri, and set up Ram Chandar in the

presence of Hati Singh. Kirat Singh was made regent and Dhurman¬

gad Singh Commander-in-Chief. Hati Singh withdrew to the fort of

Talbehat, and prepared to fight. After a while Ram Chandar’s force

arrived there and a conflict ensued which lasted several months. Ulti¬

mately Ram Chandar proved victorious and gave 16 villages including

Masora2 to Hati Singh. In 1778 Ram Chandar was firmly seated on

the throne. In 1783 he put to death Hati Singh and a Brahman of

Talbehat ; remorse however came upon him, and he was so much

afraid of their spirits which haunted him, that he made pilgrimages to

all the shrines of India, but all without avail. Finally he visited

Ajudhya, where, finding a refuge from his fears he spent the remainder

of his days. During his absence from the kingdom one of his relatives

named Devaju Panwar, collected a portion of the revenue and sent it

to the Raja for his maintenance.

Meantime 3 Abha Sahib sent an expedition under Morupanth

from Sagar to overthrow the kingdom of Chanderi. There marched

out to meet the Marhattas of the Bundelas Rao Umrao Singh of Raj-

wara4 with 2,000 men, Diwan Chithar Singh of Jakhlon with 1,500,

the Chaudhri of Achalgarh with 1,000, and Durjan Sal Khichhi with

500 horse ; these all assembled at Lalitpur. A battle was fought

between Lalitpur and Panari 6 which lasted the whole day, 500 men of

Chithar Singh’s were killed, and he himself wounded. The battle was

indecisive and both parties returned to their homes.

Raja Ram Chandar had four sons Parjapal, Mur Pahlad, Bawan-

pal and Chithar Singh. In 1802 he appointed Parjapal to succeed him

and sent him from Ajudhia to Chanderi. He subjugated all the

Bundelas, but was killed in the battle of Rajwara.6 He was succeeded

by Mur Pahlad. In his time a Frenchman named Jean Baptiste Filose,

1 In Gwalior, 10 miles N. of Mnngaoli.

2 Masora Kliurd, 3 miles, S.-E. of Lalitpur.

8 1787.

* 3 miles, N.-E. of Lalitpur.

8 A village 2 miles, N.-E. of Lalitpur.

8 Sc. the battle just mentioned. In the Gazetteer (I. 351). Parjapal is said

to have been murdered, but the author tells me he, when young, met survivors from

the battle who relate that Parjapal was wounded in the battle and survived it 15

or 20 days dying in Lalitpur where a Mukbara in his honour stands now.

129

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bun delkhand.''

who was a general of Sindhia’s attacked Chanderi in 1811. On his

way to Chanderi he conquered the jagirdars of Geora,1 Bansi, Kotra,2

Nanora,3 4 * Barwar,* Rajwara, Mahroni, Jakhlon, Deogarh, etc., and

arrived at the capital. Raja Mur Pahlad fled to Jhansi. But Diwan

Bakht Singh and Kunwar Umrao Singh his two brothers, together

with the jagirdars of Jakhlon, held the fort for three months. At

last through the treachery of a Thakur of Silgan 6 * 8 it fell into the hands

of Jean Baptiste Filose. Talbehat was next attacked and captured

after a siege of three months. In 1812 Sindhia’s general gave 31

villages 6 to Mur Pahlad, and reduced the remainder of the kingdom

of Chanderi to submission. In 1828 all the Bundelas together with

the Raja determined to overthrow the sovereignty of Sindhia, and

sent a Yakil to the Agent to the Governor-General of India in Banda

with a complaint that Sindhia was forcibly depriving them of their

kingdom. In 1830 Col. Filose came from Gwalior and the Mir

Munshi from Banda to reconcile the two parties. It was settled by

treaty that one-third of the kingdom, valued at Rs. 1,65,631 per annum

should be retained by Raja Mur Pahlad, and the remaining two-thirds

be given over to Sindhia. From that date Mur Pahlad was known as

Raja of Banpur. After his death his son Mardan Singh succeeded him

in 1842. He [rebelled in the mutiny and his territory] was [confis¬

cated and himself] granted a pension of Rs. 9,600 per annum. At

present his grandson Kir we Singh residing in Datia, receives a pension

of Rs. 500 per month.

Sangram Sah the son of Raja Ram Sail had seven sons. The

reign of Krishn Rao one of these seven sons, will now be described. In

1612, when Maharaja Ram Sah died in Bar his grandson Bharat Sah

succeeded him. Krishn Rao was the son of the first Rani, but being

younger than his step-brother, was passed over for the throne, and

appointed to assist in the administration at head-quarters. As soon as

Chanderi fell into the hands of Bharat Sah he distributed “ Haks ” —

( rights, estates) to his brothers. But Krishn Rao refused to take his

‘hak’ and came to Lalitpur under pretence of collecting revenue.

From Lalitpur he sent a representative to Shahjahan petitioning him to

1 Pargana Talbehat, Jhansi district, 33 miles N. N.-E. of Lalitpur.

2 21 miles N. N.-W. of Lalitpur.

8 On the Betwa 18 miles N.-W. of Lalitpur.

4 6 miles W. N.-W. of Lalitpur.

6 3 miles N.-W. of Lalitpur; the man’s name was Bndh Singh, not of Chanderi

as stated in the Gazetteer (I. 35‘2). The author tells me he actually met him in

his youth.

8 The chief of which was Kelgawan 23 miles N.-E, of Lalitpur.

130

C. A. Si'lberrad — History of; Western Bundelkhand, [No. 2,

grant him the ‘hak’ to which he was entitled as son of the first Rani.

The Emperor ordered Bharat Sah to give him one-eighth part of the

kingdom. He accordingly granted his brother a jagir of Rs. 75,000 in

Bansi together with Raor and a garden in Lalitpur city. The ten uncles

and four brothers of Bharat Sah, who had been made separate share¬

holders in the kingdom were made subject to Krishn Rao. From this

time the descendants of Krishn Rao have been known as the “ Bansi-

walas.” They were entitled to take their seats on the right hand in

Durbar, and were invested with the right of installing the Raja. Krishn

Rao built a fort in Bansi and a well in Raor, where is now the Lalitpur

Municipal School. He had three sons Bishan Rai, Udebhan and

Dalip Narain, and died in 1643 when he was succeeded by Bishan Rai.

Udebhan accompanied Debi Singh (Raja of Chanderi) to Kabul with an

expedition sent by the Emperor of Delhi, and was killed there with 50

horsemen. As a remuneration the Emperor gave his son Makund Singh

the title of Diwan, and presented him with a horse and two swords in

addition to 58 villages in pargana Etawah.* Makund Singh kept this

jagir separate from that which had been granted him by his grand¬

father Krishn Rao. His uncle Bishan Rai was annoyed at this and con¬

fiscated his ‘ hak * ; Makund Singh complained against him to Maharaja

Debi Sigh, and the discussion continued for some years, until finally in

1683 it was agreed that the petitioner should get villages worth

Rs. 27,000 from the jagir.1 2

Diwan Makund Singh had two sons, Dal Singh and Naraingir ; to

the former he gave pargana Etawah, and to the latter the Bansi villages

After having done this he went to Delhi, and accompanied the Imperial-

army commanded by Subharam to Kandahar where he was killed in

1760. Maharaja Debi Singh gave the title of Diwan to Dal Singh and

Naraingir and confirmed them as jagirdars of Etawah and Datia respec¬

tively.3

In 1735 Malhar Rao Holkar4 S came from the Deccan and killed

Dal Singh. His son Dhan Singh then left Etawah and went to Datia.6

In 1737 Abulfazl, an Imperial general, attacked Chanderi and a battle

was fought at Datia in which Diwan Nai aingir and 300 sepoys were

slain. After his death his son Dhurmangad Singh succeeded him.

1 Now part of Khorai Tahsil in Sagar district.

2 These villages lay in the S.-W. of Lalitpur sub-division, around Jakhlon,

Deogarh and Datia, at which last named is a ruined fort on the Betwa three miles

above Deogarh.

S See note 168.

* See page 23.

b Near Deogarh (note 169).

1902.]

lai

0. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

The latter had six sons, Bakht Singh, Umrao Singh, Chithar Singh

Udiajit, Nirpat Singh, and Rajagir.

• Dhurmangad Singh took great interest in improving the jagir, and

also in religions matters. During his life he entrusted the whole of the

affairs of the jagir to Ohitbar Singh and Bakht Singh, making Jakhlon

the chief place in his jagir ; but himself left his family and retired into

the Sidh-Gupha1 with two or three men and became a devotee. Shortly

after this he died (in 1794) and his sons divided the jagir between them.

Ghithar Singh and Udiajit received 14 shares and Diwan Bakht Singh

and Umrao Singh one share only. Diwan Bakht Singh built a fort at

Nanora while Kunwar Umrao Singh and Udiajit erected forts at Baroda*

and Dudhai respectively, both of which are now in ruins. Ghithar

Singh also built a fort at Chapra,8 and a temple to Ganesh in Jakhjon*

He was both war-like and fortunate. In 1785 he wrested Sahrai,4

Isagarh, Sarai 6 Chachonra6 etc., in all 12 parganas, from the Peshwa.

The annual revenue of the 12 parganas was not less than 7 lakhs. He

had an escort of 50 horsemen, and 1,500 sepoys who always attended

him. On several occasions he helped the Rajas of Panna, Datia, Dhol-

pur, Bajranggarh 7 etc. It was he who repulsed the formidable attack

of Morupanth of Sagar in 1787 and saved the kingdom of Chanderi. In

1807, Udiajit died and Chithar Singh in 1808. His brother Diwan Bakht

Singh outlived him. In 1781 Dadu Baba of Malhargarh, who was one

of the Peshwa’s governors, unsuccessfully attacked Piprai.8 In 1795

Sindhia’s army with a strong force of artillery came from Pirghat9 to

attack Piprai, but was repulsed by Bakht Singh. In 1800 Bali Rao, a

general of the Peshwa, with 12,000 men attacked Jakhlon ; the battle

lasted the whole day. By evening Diwan Chithar Singh arrived from

Deogarli and in the next day peace was negotiated and Bali Rao went to

Tori.10

9

1 A cave in the cliff under the fort at Deogarh over-looking the Betwa, it con¬

tains a rock cut inscription recording that Sohanpal took Kurar in Sambat 1345

(1288 A.D.).

2 Baroda Swami, 3 miles E. of Nanora, still held by the descendants of Kunwar

Umrao Singh.

8 8 miles S. S.-W. of Chanderi.

4 See note 151.

6 Is Nai Sarai in Gwalior 26 miles N.-E. of Guna.

6 In Gwalior 38 miles S.-W. of Guna.

1 Now in Gwalior 6 miles S. of Gwalior.

8 This Piprai is in pargana Balabehat (Jhansi district) 19 miles S. by W. of

Lalitpur.

9 On the Narain river in the extreme south of pargana Balabehat.

1° In Gwalior 5 miles N.-E. of Mungaoli and 7 miles S.-W, of Deogarh.

J, i. 18

132 Q. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. 2,

In the beginningof 1812 Sindhia’s general Colonel Filose, with eight

battalions and 200 horse attacked Chanderi. Maharaja Mur Palilad

being unable to defend it fled to Jhansi, and Diwan Baklit Singh and

Umrao Singh opposed him. At first the general besieged the fort of

Nanora whence Bakht Singh and Umrao Singh, after bravely maintain¬

ing their position with the help of 60 sepoys for eight days, fled.

Colonel Filose attacked Jakhlon a second time in 1812. Diwan Bakht

Singh maintained a resistance the whole day, and in the evening re¬

treated to Deogarh. After eight days the colonel followed him there*

and after three more days fighting drove Bakht Singh to Chanderi*

Mur Pahlad then fled to Jhansi leaving his fort to be defended by

Bakht Singh. The siege was carried on for several weeks but in the end

through the treachery of a Thakur 1 the town was surrendered. Bakht

Singh and Umrao Singh held out in the fort of Chanderi till provisions

ran short, when they fled to Piprai 8 Sindhia’s general followed them

there but being defeated, on the same day went to Pali,3 and halted

there with his army. Another battle was fought at Dudhai and the

colonel was beaten off. He then returned to Lalitpur and leaving two

companies there started to Talbehat. In 1813 Diwan Bakht Singh

attacked Lalitpur and after driving out Sindhia’s troops plundered the

town. As soon as he heard of the expected return of Colonel Filose he

marched out and opposed him at Tenta,41 but being defeated went to

Nanora and after a short time to Jamandana 6 and there cut up 200 of

Sindhia’s Sawars. In 1814 a skirmish took place at Amrodh 6 and the

golonel was compelled to retire with the loss of four companies. In the

same year Bakht Singh fell ill ; a vakil was sent and a peace concluded

by which the colonel granted him his former jagir. The Diwan died

soon after at Teh in, and was succeeded in the jagir by his son Diwan

Gambhlr Singh aged 13, with his uncle Umrao Singh as guardian. In

1821 Siam Rao was appointed governor of the district on behalf of

Sindhia. He confiscated the muafi in Malhargarh, which yielded an

annual income of Rs. 1,300. Diwan Bahadur Gambhir Singh marched out

to oppose the confiscation, and encountered Slam Rao at the head of a small

force. The fight lasted six hours and resulted in the repulse of Siam

Rao, who withdrew to Malhargarh ; Diwan Bahadur was however wound¬

ed. After this a series of small fights ensued between him and Sindhia's

1 See p. 37.

3 See note 180.

8 See note 152.

* 16 miles N. of Lalitpur.

& Jamandana Kalan. See note 137.

• Said by the author to be near Pachhor in Gwalior. ,

133

1902.] C. A. Silberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

forces, full details of which caunofc be given in order ; they will accord¬

ingly be merely summarized. On one occasion Siam Rao came to P&£&-

sari,1 whence being defeated, he retired. On another occasion he attacked

the village of Pali, and after 15 days’ fighting was repulsed. He once

besieged the fort of Nanora, and captured it in 15 days ; but a few days

later there was another fight at Kali Dun 8 in which he was defeated

and driven back. He was then superseded by Madho Rao, but the new

Governor was defeated at Bikrampur,8 and forced to retreat. Soon

after he unsuccessfully attacked Diwan Bahadur at Bhuchera,4 but was

driven off to a distance of four miles. He was next repulsed at Khand.*

After this another of Sindhia’s officers Lachman Rao attacked Nanora,

* v ' r ~ ' , " ■ • * « . :

and an engagement occurred which lasted for 15 days. Another battle

tva& fought at Galiora,6 and Diwan Gambir Singh, being defeated, fled

to Datia.7 Lachman Rao again came at the head of two companies and

500 horse, and Diwan Bahadur with several Bundela chiefs opposed

him ; fighting lasted eight days ; both sides lost 500 men and Sindhia’s

army withdrew to Lalitpur. Finally a treaty was concluded by which

the ‘liak’ was restored, and Diwan Bahadur secured the treatment to

which he considered himself entitled on the occasion of an interview.

In addition to this Diwan Bahadur had fights with several other Rajas

and jagirdars : — the Rao of Rajwara, Raja of Orchha, Rao of Khanya-

dana, jagirdar of Murwari,8 jagirdar of Gora,9 and the jagirdar of

Kisalwaus.10 As early as 1813 he had fought Colonel Filose at Garha-

kota. In 1828 he dug a tank at Jakhlon.

In 1829, when Bikramajit Raja of Orchha wished to regain Chanderi

by paying the charges of the Gwalior Contingent, he appointed his son

Mardan Singh commander of his army, and Umrao Singh of Rajwara,

and Umrao Singh of Jakhlon as his advisers Diwan Gambhir Singh

was made a general and Bakshi Bakht Singh of Talbehat was put in

charge of the cavalry. The campaign began by an attempt on the part

of Bakshi Bakht Singh to storm Mahroni, but in this he was prevented

by the arrival of a force of Sindhia’s with two light guns, and accord-

***?'! . ^ . f * * - . «

1 On the W. bank of the Betwa opposite Deogarh.

8 In the Balabehat pargana a few miles S.-E, of Dudhai.

* In Gwalior 4 miles S.-E. of Chanderi.

4 23 miles N.N.-E. of Lalitpur.

* A rocky hill N. of Bhuchera.

6 In Gwalior 3 miles N.-W. of Isagarh.

7 See note 169.

8 9 miles N.-W. of Lalitpur.

9 In Gwalior 9 miles N. N.-EJ. of Chanderi.

1° The author cannot say where this is, beyond that it is riot the f&salwiritf on

the Betwa 17 miles N.-W. of Lalitpur.

134 C. A. Silfcerradr — History of Western Bundelkhand. [No. -2,

ingly retired to Khiria,1 but not' before Tilok Singh of Gurha 2 had

been killed in the fighting.- Sindhia’s troops did not follow them to

Khiria as it was in Orchha territory. After this Diwan Bahadur Gambhir

Singh with a large body of Thakurs plundered Kalyanpura,3 and was

only persuaded not to advance to Lalitpur by a handsome present from

the bankers of that town. Diwan Bahadur accordingly left Lalitpur

and marched north encamping on the bank of the Kherar nadi at

Burenro,4 near Jakhora. A detachment of one company of foot, one of

artillery and one of cavalry arrived at Sirsi.5 Diwan Bahadur Singh

met them at the head of 1,000 foot. As soon as Mardan Singh heard of

this he went to his assistance, and by two hours after sunrise Sindhia’s

force was defeated and fled into Sirsi. The Bundela army went to

Talbehat, and attacked the fort, cannonading continuing day and night.

But when Sindhia’s force from Lalitpur had joined that from Sirsi and

both pressed the Bundelas, they left Talbehat and retired to Bijrotha.6

At this time an order was received from the Agent to the Governor-

General that fighting was to stop, and the matter to be left for the

decision of the Supreme Government.

* In 1812 Colonel Filose from Gwalior, the Mir Munshi from the

Agency and Nanneju Thakur from Tehri met at Sindwaha,7 and there

the Batota treaty was framed. Diwan Bahadur Gambhir Singh and

Kunwar CJmrao Singh were allowed to retain possession of their pre¬

vious shares. In 1838 the fort at Nanora which had been destroyed

by the colonel, was rebuilt. In 1839 Diwan Bahadur Gambhir Singh

died, and was succeeded in the jagir in the same year on Chait B. 11

by his son Diwan Bijhe Bahadur Dalip Singh. He was a skilful rider,

wise, a good scholar in the Shastras, and devoted himself to the worship

of Gopalji. He died at Banpur in 1905 on Magh S. 11 (1849) and was

succeeded by Diwan Bijhe Bahadur Mazbut Singh (the author of this

book). Till 1863 he was a child, but early in 1864 edited the Bind-

prakash in Hindi, a book which contains extracts from all the Shastras

and Puranas, and which is of great use to scholars of the Yeda. In

1865 he rebuilt the fort at Nanora, which had been destroyed by

1 In Orchha, 4 miles N.-E. of Mahroni.

8 6 miles E. of Mahroni.

8 In pargana Lalitpur (Jhansi district) 8 miles E. of Lalitpur.

* A small village on the Kherar Nadi 2 miles N. of Jakhora which is 17 miles

N. N.-W. of Lalitpur.

8 4 miles S. S.-E. of Jakhora.

* See note 135.

7 18 miles S.-E. of Lalitpur; there are here the tombs of some members of the

family of Major Alexander, a French officer serving in Sindhia’s army, and whose

descendants hold the neighbouring village of Jaria in jagir.

135

1^02.] C. A. Siiberrad — History of Western Bundelkhand.

Sind hia’s force. In 1868 lie constructed a tank in Karrana1 and more

recently another smaller one in Guduwal.4 In 1874 he began a garden

in Jakhlon which still exists, and which with God’s help shall be im¬

proved. In 1876 he edited a manual named Nitchandar in very simple

Hindi, which can be used by all religions. *

1 In Gwalior 6 miles S. of Chanderi.

3 On the Betwa, 11 miles W. of Lalitpnr.

♦

136

E. D. Ross — Historian of Shah lAlam. • [No. 2,

Faqir Khayr-ud-Din Muhammad , the Historian of Shah ‘ Alam . — By

E. Denison Ross, Ph.D.

Our information with regard to the historian Faqir Khayr-ud-Dln

Muhammad Ilahabadi is principally derived from what he himself tells

ns in the course of his works. Of these, so far as I am aware, three

only have hitherto been known to scholars, namely: 1. The ‘ Ihrat -

Nama , or “ Book of Warning” described in Rieu’s Catalogue of the

Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, Yol. Ill, p. 946, and in Sir

H. Elliot’s History of India, Yol. YIII, pp. 237-254. 2. The Jaunpur-

Ncima , a History of Jaunpur, described by Rieu loc. cit. Yol. I, p. 311 ;

3. The Balwant-Ndma, described by Sir H. Elliot loc. cit. Yol. YIII,

p. 416, which is another title for the Tuhfa-i-Tdza , translated, by

F. Curwen and printed by the Allahabad Government Press, 1875.

Of the first of these works the late Dr. Chas. Rieu wrote as follows:

“ The lIbrat-Nama is the fullest and most accurate account we possess

of the chequered career and troubled times of Shah ‘Alam, and it

has all the value of contemporary record, penned by one who had

taken an active share in some of the principal transactions of the

period, and was personally acquainted with the most prominent actors

on the scene.”

The Jaunpur-Nama contains the history of the town of Jaunpur

from the middle of the 14th century down to the time of Akbar. It

was written for Mr. Abraham Willard, as was also the Tuhfa-BTaza (or

Bahuant-Nama), which contains an account of the Rajas of Benares.

The details concerning their author which we derive from these

works are very meagre, and only cover a period of about eight years.

There is, however, another work by Faqir Khayr-ud-Din in the Library

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal which throws much new light on the

author and his personality. This little book, which only comprises 45

folios, is called by the vague title of Tazkirat-ul-'Ulama or “ Lives of the

Learned” and is divided into three fasls and a khatima.

1902.1

E. D. Boss — Historian of Shah ‘ Alam .

»

187

Fasl I. Contains a short sketch of the history of Jaunpur.

Fasl II. Notices of eminent men. This section contains quotations

from such well-known works as the Tarikh-i- Firuz-shahi and the

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri.

Fasl III. An account of the Foundation of the Madrasah of

Jaunpur, and the methods adopted for bringing together in that city

students and scholars.

Khdtima. Concerning the author.

It is this Khdtima or “conclusion” which contains the fresh light

on our author to which I have referred, and which forms the staple of

the present article. In it Khayr-ud-Din also gives a complete list of his

works up to the time of writing, that is A.D. 1801 (A.H. 1216). The

list is a long one, amounting to upwards of 30 works, and concerning

most branches of Mohammedan lore. It is strange that so few of them

should have reached posterity. Of all these works, the one whose dis¬

appearance (or perhaps non-appearance, for he speaks of it as incom¬

plete) is to be most regretted is the Kitab-l-lAlam-Ashub,“ A History of

Hindustan from the time of the advent of the great King of Iran down

to the time of Amir-ul-tTmara Mirza Najaf Khan.”

I have decided to print the text of this Khatima and in this place

merely to sum up the principal events in the author’s career which are

to be derived from the available sources above enumerated.

Faqir Khayr-ud-Dln Muhammad was born in Allahabad in A.D.

1751. He began his studies at the age of eleven, and completed his.

course in five years, under the instruction of Sayyid Muhammad Husayn

Musavl of Aurangabad, who was held in the highest esteem, we are

told, by rich and poor in Allahabad. In A.D. 1771 his master died,

and Khayr-ud-Dln proceeded to Jaunpur to study under Maulana

Muhammad ‘Askari, with whom he read many works. In Jaunpur he

also gave lessons and began at his time to write books. At the end

of sixteen months he returned to Allahabad, where he began to teach

in his own Madrasah. Shortly after this, however, in A.D. 1772, the

district of Allahabad was placed by the “Great Sahibs,” under the

charge of Nawwab Shuja‘-ud-Dawla, who confiscated the stipends and

endowments of all teachers and shaykhs: and Khayr-ud-Din was conse¬

quently compelled to close his Madrasah. He threw himself on the

mercy of the “Great Sahibs” who took him into their employ and

charged him with important duties. The next twenty years of his life

he seems to have spent partly in the service of Shah ‘Alam, partly in

the employ of various English and native officials, and partly in teach¬

ing in Allahabad or Benares. In 1783-4 we find him employed as con¬

fidential agent by Mr. James Anderson, the British Resident in the camp

138

[No, 2.

R. D. Ross — Historian of Shah ‘ Alam .

of Scindhia. In 1785, owing to a severe illness, he took leave of Mr.

Anderson and returned to Allahabad. “He then attached himself to

the fortunes of the Shahzada Jahandar Shah, the eldest son of Shah-

jalian, whom he assisted in his attempt to seize upon the Delhi Govern¬

ment, and by whom he was treated, according to his own statement, as

the most trusted friend and adviser. ”L

In A.D. 1787 he proceeded to Lucknow : and after some time again

returned to Allahabad. In 1793 his then master, Mr. Trevis, was ap¬

pointed Judge of Jaunpur, and Khayr-ud-Din accompanied him thither*

After few months, however, Mr. Trevis was transferred to the Appelate

Court at Benares, and was succeeded in Jaunpur by Mr. Abraham

Willard, whose service Khayr-ud-Din now entered. There is, however*

a discrepency in the dates here, for the Jaunpw-Nama says that Mr.

Willard was appointed in 1796, whereas according to the Tazkirat-

ul-‘Ulama he must have succeeded to the Judgeship of Jaunpur in 1793

or 1794.

Khayr-ud-Din spent the last years of his life in Jaunpur, in the

enjoyment of a Government Pension granted in recognition of his faith¬

ful services in negotiation with the Mahrattas.

He died about the year A.D. 1827.

The following is the complete text of the Khatima : —

^ -Aj y 8^

1 J uio'ikA j\ 9Xm

w **

i&s j tslA j tv* ^ Lsy*y°

* « * H

ji bjt y&jS f y )\y£i Au*

0 y j \ fj ^***£ {Jl+f j iXcJ ^JLj U*4

Sibjj j^yi* JSiUxA Ae iSj

aLa ^JLp ^ j£* y LS)y^y^ ty*^ ^ \j3 vur

^Islk \J\L. j^\y^\ btyj* cuyc^L jj \j J^Vl y ci ^fj

dj~> Jjy*&° j ejWlfe AP ^ ^ 5to(Al*»| AU|*lio

Ai.w»*u * ji y jy^y^ 31 ^bc ^

. r - * • r . * . , k

1 Rieu loc. cit. Vol. Ill, p. 946, from the ‘ Ibrat-Nama. ^

1002.] E. D. Hoss — Historian of Shah lAlam. 13$

i_'f y$ {*)fcSLkflp

p\.c {^/.xJLb la^/J> \xi fj (Sb^&Jl £)li:!tuA/0 J i^-'V

d*.$'jj j*V*j yA jx fli <XU*»tLjj v-ja-wo e.»-»i

Mtxf’£ ^XsxJ*o d *3u5j jl 1-^.dAJ ) dA.vjla^ J ^f (M^ |

^ tXsw jj.<Lo %x+c J d*f Ij J5^ ^

■ *

^5 55^*0*.^ J$L& ^-'<^/c 3

t , ^ .. j ^

cs'Lh j-J j c;^ sjb j*tx| oJp v!y fy^y*

lp> \+*&° iy**t jl *j? aljf*J| jt JUXjj ‘ir*0 J-iH^

<sbf*Ji ji yu c^f J* j* cjfy* cj&i

vsy?* ** ytyfe <-^f^ crij^t wJs j

jfy~+< &iy/M j^SL>0-fx*A^j j tjL^Us j i^yyc (^)(jjL^«#^ ««■

d*^>’^ d**O.XS"? o^< ^Jt ^ ^LvjjJ U.UJ '&\S* iS \J**)j*

Jji't* -* fcfMi <**>> uy^ <^I >M *'■* **+ **•-*)} T j>{W^ *!>**

# ^ # <Sxjf J. vclj ^ (Jldcw (J-^i A-*'** tVi>,<£

*5}^ O^P j O.*^) <^l/£/,*> lj j\ djl>) ^ (x t—

1>J^J j) (Ju^t 2 ^t^-vi) (.jj'jUcSJ jffy ^Jt^liaij| UAvg Aj ilJ |

3 y j^jy^ ^ k—

* » * <>jjT Jj^ L> b J^ ^-5

tXw Ajb d.y^ ...^J 4,5^ <^w l -^T L^f

H

(^m l^J v.^X*««^j Sxfij^cx.

^sHU. U^bLL J^xi vlia. j ‘-ftiSk*5 J-^ ^a>

&a\ji j fS^\ &J\jj ys* J dAafcfAxjj er*1^ O^^lpjO

v»>j_ygj ^ (j^^-^0 |^ip j<i ^ ^ y ji Ax»w^ j j

j&\ysJ\ d»T ^ ^ j Lr^0 ^>'j3 J c5^***b j ^i«» ot iyA>

Ae ilAsi ji ixj)} ci)U^iU> j ^jlj ojUp j& ti/f A*^y> j o;Uc ji

C5^3 ^ ^ ^xa. j ^Jii^ftJu »Lii)lck laj^ illwc ^ (J*Ck a]Awo j

fjlj* ojL;^ ji uA&xf | c>T £• ^ j*1p j.3 j tij^f ^5j

V^U d^jlc &x)j£ y> d^-P AJ| j j

i3jt+«uJt v£*J‘^ah j*1p j&j obj\j&] ijAyi j &&j J& j

iyjL«yi^xi. vjtf. j t*^^t py* c-;^ j |*^Jj ^aj py^ j^j

\) .-^UiVi *j** *-^y^ d>uo^t {px* j ^1^! j *y±*»jj

j. i. 19

140 E, D. Ross — Historian of Shah * Alam . [No. 2,

jijj lSJU< i*)UJe>U fo+ejl

OlJjAA ^ J &)iSp4J >^.VowJ ^_cUig j\

J$l& ^ Oti^-<& j^k)

%Z+f £j j ^_jcLi ki^'M,«>J AftJi i*/f jiij pi^+3 cJixHj L5**J^ *£*f*£j$ fcl&iO pilp

c.a«w»~* cA-'lkl^ vSa«Lo| ^Ia^j j &v*»*^ j }]}*]

j v— >|^A O^ajLc) (^Itk^j J^-'l^ )& pii^+* t-ftjJO &)j&J\ imA^ v_-t yy.jj v— »ty)

P dyS v~^ 'rAt~S Ml»j J j&s Cyt/°

\j A>J|jj^j^J^0 (^xix^+Jl ^Jlsr*0 t^Utf’ £j,5^ ^L)^ pl+A

^kc^l ol»P (.5^^ OjIaaj 2^ lS>J JuitfUi CA^l$* j\ (** ^

SSa^m^) VyAAtX^J p«lp i^U>|)^ J^G 2 ii^«A pO ^,v.~k J

V1^ yt* J (*^ )* J ls4^ uaIjA v^ly j ^.y &*) cX?

(^Uacj^AA ^vJsXo* ^\J&j j O^ks?4** ^ o^l*^£ O^^a* ^aaIst^ jAJL»A*Cfc*0 (^U«oJ3«m*

dJ*»y Ji^ LA^t J Jj+*\ J v^ J LS**^3 Oj^ji

&JJJ 'f UaIa**^<XXA ^*JJL*/C pl*A ^A^-frA^kC p»Hp k_Lis" 2

ciullj Ojk*A cA^ jjfO jj*\Jl jY> | ot*j tj ^f^j| ^Uc^i zLiab

&/cl> 1^1> AC e-tv^ 2 o^wf ji ^JjJyO JftAXvj fi j4,jj^.lj w^ 3>b

j4^ f J 3'^f J j\ C^ki^i (^tjUa:^ lAjIjS j pip fclw o^kL* Jlyk.|

j &cG Jjiy** <_jli$" j i)jf cAvX«A) o.*0 &£ / yjV^ j

* * * H

c^o j &£\*$ ^ ^ -? e;UkG oil yu c'Asr*

vfy p*^i <s5^'jl^tt»!3tdjjj^ ^

v1^ j yy** jyib^ ^ ^ j y***

j j[jJ\jf jLa^ J p^^t j ^Y (jrt^.|j o il^^xL».v<wo */ctj

»•

caT J y ^‘)C) idJJ^ JJ& caT

J J*SK (jf J^AftA tbjf eA'JajJU <^1x^.1^ ^jOo^A ^ ^ vrOo’^.Xj(i

^tOft+XJ (^j| »5^^^d>lk 13 O-^A caT t^ty p^> <^»| ^5"* (ijA. jj

ilt ^ o>m| 2^^ lLt1^ ca^j (V^J* IrHJ l^ &h'A. ca^°T oJUi

^ uaT ^ j\ caT jlkc Aa <^j^j t •* Tn^y l > <u^c

e;lA^<i«AA i^s'5 (^XlU^O J.yc| cA^t^J CiA^p^ vAAj'tX^ o^AP fyL* ^

^ j\s vS^P^i) LA^J" cA^tky-t 0 y *XjIw»Uj AJIaJ) pf^ ^jLSJ) pjJaP ^Rx^'f^A |*i«A^

qUw» •% 2 (Jjl>nj^ t^j^'^A yf &0 \j oIajJIa j oIaaa^aa iijiijoi

M

-f olAjjf * * ^1*^ 1*^3 fj CA^^Vf ) ^jf

E. D. Ross — Historian of Shah lAlanU

m

1902.] _ _ _____ _ v _ ........

\jC &<U Jf djf fa ** faj

^5>b j} ic***) ji tJb <**a cJlj ^

Sjs*. J Sails*. \j &*airf\ ^/ola. cJfaJ} ^Jlj (^i\ Cj'jGiA | u.^

^ Jf fj &+HjjSsC C^U>0 ^«U.5^ J>j) ^ JS* J J* <sbj O^T*

u

i^j^X\/0 (JhAg 55^jb (f xC&sO j ^jj^X&'C Jii <iofjfa <- i 0»/C^ibsk

• CaJJ * * ^

fj l>c ijj ^5^-av/o (Jri>f 4jh»u Oa**| ^j! ijoj* t^bifjf _p e^'w

!j faj CiX) &lsl£k+J Owf b^. da. Ow*»t )J ^ “*x> ^faf Om*A3^o aJ j

^ «yx) ^ ^A^Jl^AwO [^j9 j&J j C)i£ ^Ij^*"*! J l_j J^AXvjU

&+Cj£ ji Olfa 31 j; oiJU c-*%* e^t J */ L$5'xjf ^ vi'Jsib*'

^jIIk ^ ^«*x£ lJo Vm>A j f_J^£j <X\.** ^A+bo *'* f*)&> **Jj1j* *k^

n ^

J& Lfj^^ 8t>jjl<* j£> j\y& ^-i-w J^jVt p&dj-Lj

# jijfa L-AJj-W J 4_.'U.%i»^|f

142

S. 0. Vid y a films an a— Licchavi race of ancient India. [No. 2,

t <

« i

5. > .

f

.. t u

• ' i

The Licchavi race of ancient India . — By Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana,

M.A., M.R.A.S.

Since time immemorial, India has been hospitable to foreign races.

In the Mahabharata and Puranas we read

Word'^LicchavT8 war^^e races entering India from outside,

getting admittance into Hindu Society, and

vbeing absorbed in one or other of the four great castes of the Indiaii

people. In this paper, I shall give an account of a raoe that came into

our country, in about the 8th century B.C., and gradually identified it¬

self with the Ksatriya or military caste of Northern India. This race

is called Licchavi. The Pali chroniclers have so designated it. In the

Brahmanic Sanskrit works the race has been called Nicchivi. The

Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra1 of the Northern Buddhists designates it as Lit-

savi. In the ancient inscriptions the variant form Licchivi is found

sometimes to have been used, while the Tibetan authors have occasion¬

ally named it as Li-tsa-byi.

In the well-known Hindu Socio-religious institute called Manu-

samhita the Nicchivis have been reckoned

among the Vratya Ksatriyas. Manu says : 2

“ From the Vratya Ksatriyas are born the

following, viz.: Jhalla, Malla, Nicchivi, Nata, Karana, Khasa and

Dravida.”

Now let us examine the meaning of the word Vratya used by Manu.

The word Vratya has been defined in the Hindu 9astras as signifying

one who has lost caste through non-observance of the ten principal

Hindu ceremonies (samskaras) especially of investiture with the sacred

thread. This definition of the word Vratya shows that the Licchavis,

though included in the Ksatriya caste, did not in the time of Manu wear

sacred threads nor observe any of the ten principal rites enjoined in the

Brahmanic yastras. In fact they were even then regarded as foreig¬

ners, and as such did not conform themselves to the rules of Hindu

1 Suvarna-prabhasa Sutra, chap II.

2 M anusarphita, chap. X, verse 22.

The Origin of the Lic¬

chavi race.

143

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Licchavi race of ancient India.

'Society. They were however even then regarded as a respectable

people. In the Jataka 1 of the Sutta-pitaka, which is a most ancient Pali

canonical work of the Buddhists, we read of a barber’s son, who desired

to marry a Licchavi girl, but was severely reproached by his father for

setting his mind on such forbidden fruit as a high-born lady of the

Licchavis. - ;

Sahang Setsen, in his history of the Eastern Mongols, says that the

S'akya race was divided into three sections, viz., S'akya the great, S'akya

the Licchavi, and S'akya the mountaineer. Alexander Csoma de Koros

has recorded the same triple division of the S'akya race from Tibetan

sources, and has said that S'akya is identical with Scythian. The Lic¬

chavis must on this supposition be regarded as a branch of the Scythian

race. • •

Samuel Beal2 observes that the scene found at Sanchi (in the Bhupal

State) probably refers to the Stupa raised by the Licchavis over their

share of the relics of Buddha. The appearance of the men shows they

were a northern race ; their hair and flowing hair-bands and musical in¬

struments agree, according to Beal, with the account given of the people

of Ku-che. It is stated both in the Pali and Northern Buddhist books

that the Licchavis were distinguished for their bright-coloured and

variegated dresses and equipages. All the evidence seems, in the opinion

of Beal, to point to these people being a branch of the Yue-chi.

I am inclined to believe that the Licchavis came into India imme¬

diately from Nisibis, which was, according to Ptolemy, one of the most

notable towns of Aria (near modern Herat). In the Manusaiphita, the

Licchavis are called Nicchibis which, in my opinion, correspond exactly

to the Nisibis 3 of Ptolemy. The northern parts of Aria were, according

to him, possessed by a people called Nisaioi or Nisibi. I further sup¬

pose that the same race has been called by Arrian as Nysaioi. Arrian 4

observes that the Nysaioi were not an Indian race but descendants of

those who came into India with Dionysos. The district in which he

planted his colony he named Nysaia, after Mount Nysa, and the city

itself Nysa. These stories about Dionysos are of course but fictions of

the poets. Nysa the so-called birth-place of the wine-god has, however,

been identified by M. de St. Martin with the existing village called

Nysatta on the northern bank of the rivers of Kabul. Wilson identifies

it with, Nissa north of Elburz mountains, between Asterabad and Meshd.

1 Sigala Jataka of the Pali Jataka, edited by Dr. Fausboll, Yol. If.

2 Beal’s Buddhistic Records, Yol. II, p. 67.

8 McCrindle’s Ptolemy, pp. 263, 267, 306, 308, 309, 324, 328. ,

4 McCrindle’s Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian,

pp. 178-79. - ; 0 '

144

S. C. Vidyabliusana— Licchavi race of ancient India . [No. 2,

This place, he adds, ought to be of Median or Persian foundation, since the

nomenclature is Iranian, the name of Nysa or Nisaya, which figures in

the cosmogonic geography Of the Zend A vesta, being one which is far

spread in the countries of ancient Iran. Megasthenes in the 4th cen¬

tury B.C. found in India a race called Nesei. This, I believe, was the

same as Nicchibi or Licchavi.

Looking at the celebrated canonical Pali’ scripture, called Maha-

The Licchavis regard- Parinrt>bana Sutta, supposed to have been

ed as enemies by the rehearsed in the first Buddhist council in

Ruler of India. 543 B.C., we obtain an interesting account of

the Licchavis and seven other cognate clans, unitedly called Vajjis. The

Licchavis are there represented as living in Vaisall corresponding to the

modern village of Besarh, in the Muzaffarpur district. In the first chapter

of the work, we find that the great Monarch Ajata-gatru, of Magadha,

(Behar), the then paramount ruler of India, builds a fort at Patali-grama

and sends two of his Brahmana ministers to consult Buddha, as to the

feasibility of subduing or driving out the Licchavis and other Vajjian

tribes. Buddha replies to them, saying that so long as the several clans

of the Vajjis remained united, they would be invincible. However, in

the course of three years (?.e., in 540 B.C.) the aforesaid monarch, Ajata-

gatru, brought about such a disunion among the several clans that they

became very easily conquered. In chap. VI of the afore-mentioned

Mabaparinibbana Sutta we find the Licchavis claiming and actually

receiving one-eighth part of the relics of Buddha’s body. It was in

543 B.C. that Buddha entered Nirvana, and it was in the same year that

the relics of his body became distributed among the Licchavis of Vaisali,

Mallas of Kuslnagara, and others. One of the most interesting facts to

be noticed in connection with this episode is that the Licchavis are des¬

cribed there as claiming Ksatriyaship. They are stated there as sending

messengers to Kuslnara, saying: “ Bhagavan Buddha was a Ksatriya,

we, too, are Ksatriyas, so we, too, deserve a part of the relics of Bhagavan’s

body.” Auother interesting fact to be noticed is that the Licchavis had,

at the time, a republican form of government j they had then no kings,

but simply obeyed the orders of their elders.

In theMahavamsa, the well-known Pali chronicle of Ceylon, compil¬

ed in 431 A.D., we find the descendants of

ruTing^ove^IndiaT^8^ ^e af°resa^ Ajata-gatru reigning in Maga¬

dha up to the year 471 B C. It was in this

year that a member of the Licchavi race was installed in the sovereignty

of Magadha. It is a curious fact, of Indian history, that the Licchavis,

who were looked down as outcastes up to the year 540 B.C., succeeded,

so soon as iu 471 B.C., to see one of their members elected monarch iu

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Licchavi race of ancient India . 145

the capital city of Magadha. In spite of all efforts on the part of

Ajata-^atru and his successors, against the Licchavis, the latter held

their own in India, and succeeded in securing the good feelings of the

people here. This member of the Licchavi race, who was elected sover¬

eign over Magadha, is named S'isunaga, the founder of a dynasty called

S'isunaga. He is stated in the Mahavamsa to have at first been Prime-

minister to King Naga-dasaka, the last royal descendant of Ajata-fatru.

There are several atthakathas, or Pali commentaries, on the Mahavamsa

preserved in the ancient monasteries of Ceylon. In the atthakatha of

the priests of the Uttara-Vihara of Anuradhapura it is recorded that

S'isunaga was a great statesman, and belonged to a very respectable

family of the Licchavis. He reigned in Magadha for eighteen years.

His son Kalasoka reigned twenty-eight years. Kalasoka had ten sons,

who ruled the empire for twenty-two years. It was during the conjoint

administration of the sons of Kalasoka that the Nanda dynasty became

powerful in India, and usurped the sovereignty of Magadha. This is

a very brief account of the S'isunaga dynasty, supplied by the cele¬

brated Pali Mahavamsa of Ceylon. The Visnupurana of the Hindus

gives a slightly different account. We have found that, according

to the Mahavamsa, the S'isunaga kings reigned for only 68 years,

from 471 B.C. to 403 B.C. But according to the Visnupurana (Book

IV, Chap. XXIV) they ruled over Magadha for 362 years, beginning

their reigns a little earlier than at the date fixed by the Maha-

vamsa. It is scarcely desirable to enter here into any controversy on

the subject, but I must say that though the members of the Licchavi

race exercised sovereignty over Magadha for a short period only, they

left a distinguishable mark in the religious and political history of

India. In the Manu-Samhita we have seen that the Licchavis did

The Licchavis leaving not strictly obserre tbe BraLmanio rites-

a distinguishable mark Ttie Mabapanmbbana Sutta, on the other

in the religious history hand, describes them as devotees to Buddha

of India. and ^-g re}|gion jn the well-kno.wn Divya-

vadana (Chaps. Ill and XI) of the Buddhists of the Northern School we

.find the Licchavis faithfully serving Buddha on special occasions. In

the Cullavagga of the Vinaya-pitaka, and in the Mahavamsa, we find that,

though followers of Buddha, they did not observe the Buddhistic disci¬

pline to the letter. It was they who in 443 B.C., having declared some

ten indulgences as being allowable to priesthood, brought about the first

schism in the Buddhist Church known as the Mahasamgiti heresy. Ten

thousand Licchavi priests received on this occasion the penalty of

degradation. In spite of all these, we must acknowledge the Licchavis

to be the wisest and most learned representatives of the Buddhist

146

S. C. Vidyabhusana — Licchavi race of ancient India . [No. 2,

community of old. In the celebrated canonical Pali scripture, called

Amguttara-nikaya (Book III) we read of two Licchavi youths named

Abhaya and Pandita-Kumaraka holding very high metaphysical discus¬

sions with Ananda, while in the Mahavamsa (Chap. XCIX) the Licchavi

princes of Vaisali are mentioned as being the typical examples of those

who live in peace and harmony. The famous Buddhaghosa of the 5th

century A.D., in his Pali commentary on the Dhammapada (Chap. XYI,

verse 7), cites an anecdote in which Buddha is made to hold a very high

spiritual conversation with the Licchavi priests of Vaisali.

The political influence which the Licchavis attained in India did not

m-. ^ _ jj _ cease with the termination of their sov-

The political ana so¬

cial influences of the ereignty in Magadha. It is true they were

Licchavis. succeeded by kings of the Nanda dynasty,

but the people continued to respect them as rulers. The Buddhist

works, of both the Northern and Southern Schools, have uniformly

designated them as Kumaras, Kumara being a hereditary title of the

Licchavis. Now the word Kumara is a synonym for Baja-putra and

signifies a prince. In the Gaya copperplate Inscription of Samudra-

Gupta, we find that, in about 320 B.C., the celebrated Indian emperor,

Chandra Gupta, married Kumara-devi, who was daughter of a Licchavi

prince.1 “ That the Licchavis were then at least of equal rank and power

with the early Guptas is shown by the pride in this alliance manifested

by the latter.”

It is curious that kings of Nepal, Tibet, Ladak and Mongolia, too,

trace their descent from the Licchavis. In

the^Licchavi r^c©110^1 accordance with the Vamsavali of Nepal, and

the inscriptions published in the Indian

Antiquary (Vols. IX, XIII, and XIV), we find that the Licchavis

gradually attained such a great power and honour in Nepal that they

became regarded there as a branch of the Surya-vamsa or solar race.

The Nepal kings carry their descent from the sun and come down to

Dasaratha. After Dasaratha there are said to have been eight kings in

lineal succession, and then there was the illustrious Licchavi. After

Licchavi there were some kings and then was born the illustrious king

Supuspa. The 24th in descent from him was Java-deva I, who has been

treated by Bhagavan Lai Indraji as the first historical member of the

Licchavi family and the founder of the Nepal branch of it. After Jaya-

deva I there were eleven kings and then came Vrsa-deva, Samkara-deva,

Dharma-deva, Mana-deva,Mahi-deva, and Vasanta-deva. It is unnecessary

to enumerate here the numerous kings who succeeded Vasanta-deva.

r ' ■ ' - " ■ ' : * ') )

C • ; - * -* •

1 Dr. Fleet, Inscriptions of the early Gupta Kings, p. 256.

1902.] S. 0. Vidyabhusana — Licchavi race of ancient India. 147

But it is essential to state here that all the kings, succeeding Jaya-deva

I, belonged to the Licchavi race. Jayadeva I reigned in Nepal about

330-355 A.D. There was intermarriage existing among the Licchavi

families of Nepal and the ruling families of Magadha, Gauda, etc. The

inscriptions present us with several instances of double government in

Nepal. Thus Am9u-varma and Vrsa-deva were simultaneously ruling

in two different places of Nepal. Am^u-varma, who, according to the

Chinese pilgrim, Hwen-thsang, belonged to the Licchavi race, reigned in

Nepal 635-650 A.D. That the Licchavi tribe was one of great antiquity

and power, in the direction of Nepal, is shown by the writings of Fa-hian

and Hwen-thsang, which connect them with events that preceded the

Nirvana of Buddha. The Licchavi conquest of Nepal is assigned to

0 - c

Newarit, whose age is unknown. Nothing need be said here about the

Licchavi rulers of Nepal descending from the sun. All the powerful

rulers of India have claimed their descent from either of the two myth-

Jcal personages named the Sun and the Moon. I consider Surya-vamSa

and Candra-vamsa as terms of compliment, which were rightly bestowed

on the ruling families of India and outside. If there is any honour

indicated by the term Surya-vamsa, that honour was pre-eminently

deserved by the Licchavi rulers of India and Nepal, and it is not at all

surprising that they actually received it.

The first king in Tibet was Nya-khri-tsan-po who, according to the

Tibetan books, belonged to the Licchavi race.

the Licchavi race?' °h °f The 27th in descent from hira was Lha-tho-

tho-ri, and the 32nd was Sran-tsan-gam-po.

This last King, who reigned in Tibet, in 627 A.D., had two principal

wives — one being taken from China and the other being the daughter of

Amsu-varma, the Licchavi king of Nepal.

The rulers of Mongolia and Ladak do likewise claim descent from

the Licchavi race. But so many changes have taken place iu the ruling

families of Nepal, Tibet, Mongolia, Ladak, etc., that it is at present

impossible to trace unmixed Licchavi blood in the people of those

countries.

Nothing is definitely known to us of the fates of the Indian branch

of the Licchavi race that lived in the early

the ificchlivfrace?11011 °f centuries of Christ. With the revival of

Brahmanism in India, in the 7th century

A.D., there occurred a thorough re-organization of ancient castes. The

Licchavi kingdom of Vaisali began probably to accept Brahmanism

at this time, and we are not surprised to read the records of Chinese

pilgrims (such as those of Hwen-thsang), who say that in the 7th century

A.D., Buddhism was on its decline in VaiSali and heretical doctrines

J. i. 20.

148 S. 0. Vidyabhusana — Licchavi race of ancient India. [No. 2,

were much prevailing there. Since the 7th century A.D. there have

taken place in India so many reconstructions of the ancient castes, made

partly on the principle of ethnological, partly philological, partly socio¬

religions and partly political and other divisions that it is at present

impossible to discover a single drop of Licchavi blood in India, without

the help of chemical analysis. It has already been said that Vai^ali, in

which the Licchavis lived in ancient days, corresponds to modern Basarh

in the Muzaffurpur district. They gradually dispersed over different

places in the districts of Goruckpore, Shahabad, Champaron, etc. It is

therefore not altogether improbable that some of the people of the military

caste of these districts may bear some remote relationship to the Liccha¬

vis of old. Writers of Indian history have not yet made even mention

of the Licchavi race in their respective works. The present paper of

mine, though extremely meagre, will, I hope, serve to draw the attention

of scholars to the investigation of the history of this once most powerful

race of India.

J } { ’ ^ -i '*J

%

2902.] S. C. Vidyabhtisana — Vratya and Samkara Theories of Caste » 149

■' n * r ■ • « n- » • <* « f*

c ; ^ - - ' • ■ ■ 4 - Ov . ..*«.• . :f.-: ( ' r: i • 1

° . ' * ■ • ;

The Vratya and Samkara Theories of Caste.— By Satis Chandra Vidta-

bhusana, M.A., M.R.A.S.

No institution has exercised a greater influence upon the interests

of mankind than that of caste. There was caste among the Egyptians,

Colchians, Iberians, Medes, Persians and Etrureans ; and in the New

World it was found among the Peruvians and Mexicans. It existed

among the earliest Attic tribes and Spartans whose trades and occupa¬

tions were almost all hereditary. The laws of caste also prevailed

among the Saxons. It is, however, in India that the caste system has

reached its highest development, while in most other countries it

has gradually ceased to exist. In India there is a permanent separa¬

tion of classes with hereditary professions assigned to each, and the

most ancient documents regarding the origin of caste are to be found

here. As the subject is being scientifically investigated by the

Director of Indian Ethnography, I shall in the following pages give only

a very brief outline of Vratya and Saipkara castes making only an

incidental mention of the original castes.

I. Original Castes.

According the Hindu Q^stras, castes may be classified as (1) mula

(original), (2) vratya (fallen), and (3) saipkara (mixed). In India

there are four original castes, viz. : Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vai^ya, and

(Judra. Manu# says : —

“The Brahmana, the Ksatriya, and the Vai$ya castes are the

twice-born ones, but the fourth, the (Judra, has one birth only ; there is

no fifth caste.”

The duties enjoined on the four castes are thus stated by

Va^isthat : —

* nnun: i

■i ‘ v s> ‘ Jy ' ' v , • .i • ■ •• • rf - •

^5^ 355T g \ • i «) I

150 S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vratyci and Samlcara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

“ The Brahmana must study, teach, offer sacrifice, act as a priest,

and give and accept gifts. The Ksatriya should study, offer sacrifice,

give gifts, and govern and protect people. The Vai9ya should study,

offer sacrifice, give gifts and should cultivate lands, conduct trade, tend

cattle and may adopt the profession of usury. The fudra should only

serve the aforementioned three castes.”

According to the Rigveda * these castes sprang from Brahma the

Supreme Being, in the following way : —

“ The Brahmana was his mouth, the arms were made Ksatriya, his

thighs were what is called Yai^ya, and the (Judra sprang from his legs.”

. Seven Dvip as.

These four castes existed in six out of the seven dvipas that were

known to the ancient Hindus. In the Visnupurana f we read : —

i TTfraaiT

ii ( aian*: ) n

«" ' , ^ ' * * ' ’ ^1 f ; ^ ■ • r . '

* sn^prts^j

W n ( \* 1 1® i v*. ) n

t sre-ffa: i

Vi

Ijut nai 33*0^ htjw i

arafwn: il ( ftwfrra ^ i ^ 1 1) n

1

anaj^i: ftPisn ^ i

n (faapTTO R i ^ 1 Vs) n

sn^pim wjt n (faan^wi ^ 1 s m)i

fH-ffo! |

• *fw gfum: I I

J 902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana— Vratya and SamJcara Theories of Caste. 151

“In Jambu-dvipa (India) there live Brahm ana, Ksatriya, Yai^ya,

and pudra. In Plaksa-dvipa these four castes are named, respectively,

Arya, Kura, Viviri^a, and Bhavin. In Qalmala-dvipa they are desig¬

nated as Kapila, Aruna, Pita, and Krsna respectively. In Knfa-dvipa

they are called, respectively, Damin, f usmin, Sneha, andMandeha. The

Pu§kara, Puskala, Dhanya, andTispa castes (that represent, respectively,

the Brahmaua, Ksatriya, Yai9ya, and piidra) inhabit the dvipa called

Kraunca. In faka-dvipa the Brahmana, Ksatriya, Yai9ya, and fudra

are, respectively, named as Maga, Ma9aka, Manasa, and Mandaga. In

the seventh, called Puskara-dvipa, there is no superiority or inferiority

among men.”

Arya. — In the above we have found that the Brahmanas called

Ary as lived in Plaksa-dvipa, probably identified with Ariana (the land of

the Arii). Aria (bounded on the north by Margiane and a part of

Baktriane, on the west by Parthia and Karmanian desert, on the south

by Drangiane, and on the west by Paropanisadai) was a small province

included in Ariana, which comprehended nearly the whole of ancient

Persia.

Damin, etc. — The Damins were the Brahmanas of Ku9a-dvipa

(probably identical with Serike mentioned by Greek writers and in¬

habited by Damnai and other tribes), palmala-dvipa in which the

Kapila Brahmanas, and Kraunca-dvipa in which the Puskara Brahmanas

lived cannot be identified with accuracy.

I do not know whether there is any particular class of Brahmanas

snUJOTs y » i s I #

wN-fto i

alburn ^rfw ami: y (faair$x:ra g i 8 hi*) y

mar-fta: i

*

jyjtT ar^rw’if^t asiw % i

niroi 'tax: g « ifaajSKTur a. i 8 i «») y

isaiK-ata: i

saafraa a ctwrai <fhraTwraupn: i

n a axat a a ushfi; n (gjSrtpcT® ss sp) y

152 S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrcttya and Samkara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

that are specially designated as Ary a in India, and whether the Aiyar

Brahmanas of Madras have anything to do with the Arya Brahmanas

of Plaksa-dvipa. The Kapila Brahmanas that live in Surat, Broach,

Jambusar, etc., cannot also with any degree of certainty be identified

with the Brahmanas of that name that lived in palmala-dvipa. I have

also got no document to identify the Poskarana Brahmanas of Marwar,

Gujerat, Bikauir, Bamgarh, etc., with the ancient Puskara Brahmanas of

Kraunca-dvipa. But fortunately for us the Maga Brahmanas that

lived in paka-dvipa can, with a pretty accuracy, be identified with the

Brahmans of that name that live in Behar and other provinces of India.

Saka-dvipi Brahmana.

Maga was the name of the Brahmanas of paka-dvipa. In the

Samba and Bhavisya Puranas the Magas are described as a class of

Brahmanas who descended from the disc of the Sun. In the Puranas*

• •

the name Maga is thus derived : —

“ The blessed Sun-god is called Ma, and these Brahmanas in virtue

of their worshipping Ma are called Ma-ga.”

Regarding the origin of the Maga Brahmanas we find in the

Puranas (such as Samba and Bhavisya) an interesting story, the sub¬

stance of which is given here : Priyavrata, son of Svayambhuva Manu,

was monarch over seven dvipas. After his death his son Bhavya

became king of paka-dvipa. He constructed a golden image of the

Sun and also built a temple for the idol. But as there were no Brah¬

manas competent to consecrate the idol he prayed to the Sun-god

himself for doing the work. Then the Sun became absorbed in deep

meditation and eight Brahmanas suddenly issued out of his body.

Immediately after birth they addressed the Sun as father and devoted

themselves to the study of the Vedas and Upanishads. Thereafter the

Sun-god asked the king to make over the temple to the charge of these

Brahmanas, who became worshippers of the Sun. On account of their

worshipping Ma (the Sun) they became styled Ma-ga.

Their migration to India is thus described : Once Samba, the son

of Bhagavan prl-Krsna, became overtaken by leprosy. Finding no

other means of averting the evil he approached Narada and mournfully

related to him the particulars of his disease. Narada advised him to

worship Mitra (the Sun). Accordingly he built a golden statue of the

\8B V ) |

1902 ] S. 0. Vidyabhusana — Vratya and Sa7nkara Theories of Caste. 153

Sun and a temple for it. He used to offer worship to the statue every¬

day. By the grace of Mitra, Samba became cured of his leprosy. The

place in which he worshipped the Sun was called Mitra- van a (the Sun-

grove) in the Punjab. Then Samba became desirous of consecrating

the temple and continuing worship of the Sun. Finding that the Brah¬

manas in India were incompetent to do the work, Samba consulted with

Narada and Gaura-mukha about the matter. They advised him to

bring Brahmanas from f aka-dvipa for worship of the Sun. Accord¬

ingly, with the consent of his father, Samba proceeded to (Jaka-dvipa

riding on Garuda. There were eighteen principal families of Maga in

(Jaka-dvlpa. At the earnest request of Samba, members of all these

families came to Jambu-dvipa (India) and settled in a city built by

Samba called Samba-pura (Multan). The temple of the Sun was

entrusted to them. They consecrated and offered daily worship to the

statue. In the seventh century A.D., Hwen-thsang saw in Multan a

magnificent temple with a golden statue of the Sun richly adorned, to

which kings of all parts of India sent offerings. From Multan the

Magas came to Magadha and gradually scattered themselves all over

India. The celebrated astronomer, Varahamihir, who was aS'aka-dvipi

Brahmana,* was one of the nine gems in the court of Vikramaditya.

• ? * i * - f * r - • —

v , ' ■ ■ • Ct f * » * .« • - ■* ‘ — ' .- _

Maga and Magi. . „

According to the celebrated Greek geographer Ptolemyf there

lived in India in the second century A.D. a class of Brahmanas called

Brakhmanai Magoi. The country occupied by these Brahmanas was

about the Upper Kaveri, and extended from Mount Bettigo eastward as

far as the Batai. According to Mr. J. Campbell Brakhmanai Magoi of

Ptolemy meant ‘ sons of Brahmanas,’ that is, Canarese Brahmans,

whose forefathers married women of the country, the word Magoi repre¬

senting the Canarese Maga , 4 a son.’ Lassen supposed that Ptolemy, by

adding Magoi to the name of these Brahmanas, meant to imply either

that they were a colony of Persian priests settled in India, or that they

were Brahmanas who had adopted the tenets of the Magi; and expresses

his surprise that Ptolemy should have been led into making such an

unwarrantable supposition.

In my humble opinion the Brakhmanai Magoi mentioned by Ptolemy

were the same as the Maga Brahmanas mentioned in the Puranas. The

word Magos was a very honourable title, being equivalent to “ Venerable ”

* Vide Utpala’8 commentary on the Yrihat-Saiphita, and also Dr. Kern’s preface

to his edition of the book.

t McCrindle’s Ptolemy, p. 170.

154 S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrdtya and Sarnhara Theories of Caste . [No. 2,

or “ Doctor.” It was given by the Akkadians, tlie primitive inhabitants

of Chaldea, to their wisemen, whoso learning was chiefly in what we

now call astrology and magical arts. The word is found in cuneiform

inscriptions. It was adopted by the Semitic inhabitants of Babylon,

and from them by the Medians, Persians, and Greeks. The question

as to why the Brahmans of (Jaka-dvipa were designated Maga has been

and may still be answered in many different ways. Some scholars have

identified the faka-dvlpi Brahmans called Maga with the Median priest¬

hood called Magi. I am inclined to suppose that the word Maga was a

mere title of honour bestowed upon the Brahmans of f aka-dvipa under

circumstances purely political. It is known to most of us that the title

Majumddr (or Majmu-dftr ) borne by some very respectable classes of the

Hindus is a Mahomedan word (composed of Arabic Majmu and Persian

suffix ddr) signifying a record-keeper. I would in the same way believe

that the Brahmans in the north-western frontier of India got the desig¬

nation Maga from the Persian or other foreign rulers.* It is a well-

known fact that the Indian Brahmans have been designated by Greek-

writers as Sophists. Are not Maga and Sophist identical in meaning P

Position of Saka-dvipa.

Now it is necessary to add here a few words about the probable

modern site of faka-dvipa. Qaka-dvipa may with pretty accuracy

be identified with Sogdiana ; at any rate the latter was included in

the former. The river lhsuy that according to the Visnupurana

(Book II Chapter IV) flowed through paka-dvipa, is, in my opinion,

identical with the Oxus that according to Ptolemy separated Sogdiana

from Baktriana. The name Sogdianaf exists to this day, being

preserved in Soghd, which designates the country lying along the

river Kohik from Bokhara eastward to Samarkand. The records of

Alexander’s expedition give much information regarding this country,

for the Macedonian troops were engaged for the better part of three

years in effecting its subjugation.

The Mahabharataf helps us in determining more exactly the site

# Referring to the Indian people living beyond the Indus, Arrian in his Indika

(McCrindle p. 179) observes: —

“ They were in old times subject to the Assyrians, then after a period of Median

rule submitted to the Persians, and paid to Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, the tribute

from their land which Cyrus had imposed.”

t McCrindle’s Ptolemy, p. 277.

t •pax i

wsrex TKJtrew n si u

1902. J S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrtttya and Satnkara Theories of Caste. 155

of the original home of the Maga Brahmans. In the Bhisma-parva,

Chapter XI, we find that in Qaka-dvipa the Brahmans lived in the

province of Mriga (Mrga), Ksatriyas in Masaka, Valyas in Manasa,

and the pudras jn Mandaga. Mriga mentioned in the Mahabharata

is undoubtedly a Sanskrit name for Margiane mentioned by Greek

writers. Pliny says (lib. vi c. xvi) that Margiane was noted for its

sunny skies and vines grew there in abundance. It lay confronting a

tract of country in Parthia, in which Alexander had built Alexandria.

The ancient city of Margiane * is represented by modern Mery.

Saka-dvipi Ksatriya.

The province called Matiaka of f aka-dvipa, described in the Maha¬

bharata as inhabited by Ksatriyas, was no doubt the same as Maisoka (in

Byrkania) mentioned by Ptolemy. f

The Ksatriyas of Masaka (in (Jaka-dvipa) referred probably to the

Massagetai that lived in Margiana, Sogdiana and Sakai, etc. The

Massagetai are mentioned by Herodotus (lib. i, c. cciv.), who says that

they inhabited a great portion of the vast plain that extended eastward

from the Kaspian. He then relates how Cyrus lost his life in a bloody

fight against them and their queen Tomyris. Alexander came into

collision with their wandering hordes during the campaign of Sogdiana

as Arrian relates (Anab. lib. iv cc. xvi, xvii).

Antiquity of S'aka-dvipa.

It should also be noted here that Marakand (ifTaRVl), now called

Samarakand, which was the metropolis of Sogdiana (f aka-dvipa), was

jzjtt i

g a if

«5ihrR?WFHg?fiT: «

i as n

( flvwrccr, «rcmr:) 11

* McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 264.

f Arrian in his Indika (second century A.D.) observes : —

“In the dominions of the Assakenoi there is a great city called Massaka (pro¬

bably the same as Maisoka, Masaka, or Massoi), the seat of the sovereign power

which controls the whole realm ” (McCrindle, p. 180).

J. i. 21

156 S. C. Yidyabhusana — Vratya and Samlcara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

well known to the ancient Hindus. In the Yedic literature mention has

been made of countries that lay even far off from Samarkand and Merv.

In the Rigveda (7 — 18 — 19) we find mention of Yaksu, which is probably

identical with the Oxus. In 10 — 34 — 1 of the Rigveda mention has

been made of the mountain called Mujavat, where Soma plants grew

abundantly and at the foot of which lay (according to the Matsys-

purana, chap. 120 — 19) the lake called Sailoda, from which sprang the

river also called Sailoda. This river is the same as Silis marked on

geographical maps as Jaxartes (ukert Geographie der Griechen and

Romer, vol. iii, 21, p. 238), which falls into the sea of Aral. In the

Ramayana * we find that the people called Uttara-Kuru lived on both

banks of the river Sailoda. The Uttra-Kurus, mentioned by Ptolemy

as Ottorokorrlrai in Eastern Turkestan, have been described in the

Aitareya-Brahmana of the Rigvedaf thus : —

“ In the north, on the other side of the Himalayas, there are the

countries called Uttara-Kuru and Uttava-Madra. The people living

there use ablution for attaining Brahmahood. The people who make

religious bathing in this way are called Yiraj.”

In the above we have found that the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, which

flowed respectively through the southern and northern extremities of

Sogdiana (Qaka-dvipa), were actually mentioned in the Rigveda — the

oldest document of the Hindus. While frequent mentions have been

made in the Yedic literature of the people who performed sacrifices, etc.,

round the Caspian Sea and Sogdiana, we do not there come across a

single passage making even the slightest allusion to the people of

southern or middle India. It is an undeniable fact that the forefathers

of the Brahmanas came from the North-West, settled themselves in

Brahmavarta (the Punjab), and gradually migrated towards the south.

I therefore would conclude that the faka-dvipi Brahmans are the

* cf g fSrepn i

srePft eft?: uarT’i?rf% % \

SRTOTHfetW- II

( faffefiJKmiTrs, 83 I 3S ) II

+ fcfsi % % ^ HT«n swirt

II ( sflirw, *= I \8 ) n

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrtitya and SamJcara Theories of Caste. 157

remnants of the most ancient Brahmans* that chanted the hymns of the

Vedas and Upanisads in the land of Ary as in the North-West. The

designation Maga (wise) acquired by them from Persian or other

foreign rulers does not in any way detract the sanctity of these noble

Brahmans of old.

In the Puranas paka-dvipi Brahmans have been described as wor¬

shippers of the Sun. There is nothing strange in this description. All

true Brahmans are worshippers of the Sun. I give here a translation of

the Vedic hymn called Gdyatri, f which is obligatory on all best Brah¬

mans of India to recite every day. It runs thus

“ I adore that excellent lustre of the Sun-god that sends us in¬

telligence.”

Graha-vipra.

On the authority of the Brahmayamala { (chap, xiv) some

* Referring to the region comprising Sogdiana and Bactriana, Heeren (Asiatic

Nations, 2nd edition, Vol. I, p. 424) writes : —

“ It stood on the borders of the gold country, ‘in the road of the confluence of

nations,’ according to an expression of the zend-avesta ; and the conjecture that in

this part of the world the human race made its first advance in civilization, seems

highly probable.”

t ’jam ■ylwfv i

fyht vt srate^Tcj; # ii ( mm ) n

t ^ mnfir- wrerfth ^ I

5?Tfh% thl I

II

irisnt: femqfhici: i

atvrrh fhfvfhaT *113% ii

smffpit that 3^1% fhfwrcm: i

hbl%TiT ^ fh2T% II

hh: <3VT«ITVt JtVtVj I

EfiftlW arprfhv: II

( St^TVWsT, TTS5T ) II

15'8 S. C. Yidyabhusana — Vratya and Samltara Theories of Casie. [No. 2,

scholars* have asserted that the Graha-vipras (whose occupation consists

in the science of planets) belong to a certain branch of the S'aka-dvipi

Brahmans. The Kula-panji (family-record) of a certain class of Graha-

vipras does, in fact, corroborate the assertion. Jyotis ^astra (the science

of time and planets) is indeed regarded in the Suryya-siddhanta as

having been first propounded by a person f who descended from the

disc of the Sun (£aka-dvipi Brahmana?). On the other hand, I should

add here that the ancestors of other Graha-vipras J were the same as

those of other classes of Brahmans in India. Referring to the Indian

Brahmans, who are designated as Sophists, Arrian § (in the second

century A. D.) observes : —

“To this class the knowledge of divination among the Indians is

exclusively restricted, and none but a Sophist is allowed to practise that

art.”

II. Yratya Castes.

In the previous section we have fonnd that each of the four original

castes had to observe certain religions rites enjoined on it by pastras.

Those members of the first three castes who would not observe these

rites, specially those who failed to invest themselves with the sacred

thread at the proper time, had to be degraded from their community.

These unfortunate members were called Vratyas or fallen. Vratya is thus

defined to be a Brahmana, Ksatriya or Yai^ya who has lost caste through

non-observance of gastric rites. In the Manu-samhitaj| the word Yratya

is thus defined : —

“ Those children whom the twice-born beget on wives of equal

caste, but who, not fulfilling their sacred duties, are excluded from the

Savitrl (investiture with the sacred thread), one must designate by the

appellation Yratyas.”

* In this connection vide Mahiunahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Sastri in the Pro¬

ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, December 1901, and Babu Nagendra

Nath Yasu in Banger Jatiya Itihasa.

*r^T’ ^ ii ( \ I ^ ) H

X The Sarajupari Graha-vipras came to Bengal from Ondh (vide their Kula-

pnnji).

§ McOrindle’s Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 209.

man vfa n

( \c i ) n

1902.] S. C. Vidyiibhusana — Vrdtya and SamJcara Theories of Caste. 159

In the Vedic literature, however, the word Vrdtya bears a wider

signification. There we find that all people — whether natives of India

or foreigners — who were not within the pale of Brahmanic civilization

were also included among the Vratyas. In the Tandya Mahabrahmana

of the Samaveda (chapter 17, section 4) the Kausitakis # have been spe¬

cially noted as Vrdtya and Yajndvahirna. The 17th chapter of the

Tandya Mahabrahmana of the Samaveda f begins with the description

of the following myth regarding the Vratyas : —

“ When the Devas ascended to Svarga some of their fellow-brethren

still wandered on earth as Vratyas. These latter being afterwards

desirous of joining their fortunate brethren, came to the spot whence

they had ascended to Svarga, but owing to their ignorance of the hymn

(Vedic), they could not accomplish their object. The Devas, sympathis¬

ing with their less fortunate brethren, asked Maruts to teach them the

necessary hymn. The Vratya Devas, having thus learnt the hymn

called Sodaga with the metre called Anustuhh , ascended subsequently to

Svarga.”

The above, I think, is a mere allegorical way of describing how

foreigners became from time to time incorporated in the society of

Brahmans by learning the Vedic practices.

I have already referred to the fact that most parts of Central and

Western Asia were known to the Hindus. In the 5th Book of the

Atharva-veda J we further find that to the Brahmans of ancient India*

* t . 5T

f* II ^ II (cTTO£I*rfT5n^piI va | 8 I ^ ) II

f % ^5r wNhj *n*r'€raf srroi

cf ^ cthj

^rwTf^fcr ^cf wrW crcff ^ ?r cmre-

cicft ^ ^ cnsro-

\ n ( cTBm-^TmT^ir v®** tow ) n

t W W T^i: |

\\ % 11

ssj ii \ b ii *i\v0 n

160 S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vratya and Sainkara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

Q-andharis, Mujavants, (Judras, Mahavrsas and Vahlikas in the North-

West were not less known than the Angas and Magadhas in the east.

In the 15th Book of the Atharva-veda called Vratya-kanda* the

Vratyas have been greatly extolled. Thus we read : —

“He, in whose house a learned Vratya puts up for a single night,

acquires mastery over all the pious people of this world. He, in whose

house he resides for two nights, becomes chief among all the pious

people of the sky. He earns all the virtues of heaven, in whose house a

learned Vratya resides for three nights. He is certainly destined to be

supreme among the virtuous of the virtuous, in whose house the learned

Vratya becomes guest for four nights. He will certainly gain immeasur¬

able virtue, in whose house the Vratya will live for innumerable

nights.”

The Vratya Kandaf of the Atharvaveda ends thus : —

“I bow down to the Vratya in the west by day aud to the Vratya

in the east by night.”

Magadhas or the people of Behar have been repeatedly mentioned

in the Vratya Kanda. As the Vratya people referred to in the Vedic

literature cannot, owing to distance of time, be identified with the

people of modern India I shall illustrate my theory of the Vratya

castes by references to the Manusamhita, &c., the present recensions of

which were, according to scholars, prepared about the 1st century A.D.

* ^ strar 11 \ n

Sr Bftreri wax xsfarrcnSta wxw it * if '

stwt fetTfrX ^fcT n ^ ||

Sr xswfVw tot t a u

Sr tot ^fprrrerpR 11 < n

cr^ fSr^ u ® n

Sr TOfii tot n « g

cr^ (Srpt wTr*rtnrfx;f«cn n 1 u

tot TjvNrrerpfa Sprm*! n \» g

vi afro, h sugarra) n

t ^r xrtsft vrv *r»ft tot^ 11 ^ n (\v. I =) »

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vratya and Satnkara Theories of Caste. 161

Manu affords us a pretty long list of the Vratya people. In his list

of Vratya Brahmans* we find the following people : —

Vratya Brahmana. — “ From the Vratya Brahmana spring the wicked

Bhrjja Kantaka, the Avantya, the Vatadhana, the Puspadha, and the

paikha. ”

In reality these people were distinctly foreign or aboriginal races.

Avantya. — Referred to in Baudhayana (1, 2, 13) was probably the

name of the Brahmana inhabitants of Avanti (Ujjain). The probable

reason of the Avantyas being designated Vratyas is that they were

greatly influenced by Buddhism. Avanti, which formed the western

part of the great kingdom of Malwa, was ruled by the eldest sons of the

Buddhist emperors of Magadha. Thus Asoka, who was emperor of

Magadha, had at first been ruler of Avanti. So also was Asoka’s son

Mahinda prince of Avanti. It is a well-known fact that the priests of

Avanti took a prominent part in the great second Buddhist convocation

about 443 B.O. In fact, Brahmanism did not properly flourish in Avanti

until about 71 B.C., when it declared independence of Malava. We can

therefore fairly conjecture that the inhabitants of Avanti were called

Vratyas, owing to their leaning towards Buddhism. «

Vdta-dhana. — Enumerated among the northern tribes, is probably the

same as Vethadina or Vetha-dipa described in the canonical Pali works.

Accordiug to the Maha-parinibbana-sutta the Brahmanas of Vetha-dipa

were devotees to Buddha and his religion. In chap. VI of the work

it is distinctly stated that, on the demise of Buddha in 543 B.C., the

Brahmanas of Vetha-dipa claimed and actually received 8th part of the

relics of his body on which they built a great stupa. Vetha-dipa was

situated in or near the district of Sahabad. We can thus well imagine

why the Vata-dhanas or Brahmanas of Vetha-dipa were called Vratyas.

Vratya-Ksatriya. — Among the Vratya-Ksatriyas f Manu includes

mang g firmer i

s ^ ii ii

farm ^rfire siram i

Jim sfT^jun^i^’r =3 II 8^ ii

(ng*rfw, \° »

102 S. 0. Vidyabliusana — Vrcitya and SatnJcara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

the Jhalla, the Malla, the Nicchivi, the Nata, the Karana, the Khasa, and

Dravida. He further says : “ In consequence of the omission of sacred

rites and of their not consulting Brahmanas, the following Ksatriyas

have gradually sunk in this world to the condition of £udras ; viz., the

Paundrakas, the Audras, the Dravidas, the Kambojas, the Yavanas, the

(Jakas, the Paradas, the Pahlavas, the Cinas, the Kiratas, and the Dara-

das.”

It is scarcely necessary for me to observe here that most of the

tribes mentioned by Manu as Vratya Ksatriyas were foreigners. A few

there are who were aborigines of India. Regarding each of these tribes

a short note is added below : —

Jhalla. — This tribe still lives in Northern India under the name of

Jhal.

Malla. — The Mallas were a Buddhist people that, according to the

Mahaparinibbana-sutta, lived in Pava and Kusinara in the district of

Goruckpore. Megasthenes and Pliny mention them as Malli, * * * § in whose

country was mount Mallus, bounded by the Ganges.

Nicchivi. — The same as Licchavis, who, according to the Mahapari¬

nibbana-sutta, lived in Vaisali (moden Basarh) in the district of Muz-

zaffarpore. They were powerful in the 5th century B.C. Samuel Beal is

inclined to identify them with a branch of the Yue-chi race f that lived

in the western border of China. But I think the Nicchivi s were the

same as Nisibis or Nysaioi mentioned by Ptolemy and Arrian. They

lived in Nysa, or Nissa north of Elburz mountains, between Asterabad

and Meshd. In the 4th century B.C., Megasthenes saw in India a race

called Nesei (probably the same as Nisibi, Nicchivi, or Licchavi). In

the Ballala-charita chap. XVIII, the Nicchivis have been regarded as

pure Ksatrayas and designated as Nikubhas.

Nata. — The Nats,J who, according to Wilson, correspond in their

habits with the Gipsies of Europe, live in the districts of Bhagalpore,

Gazipore, Oudh, Marwar, Kattywar, &c. The Natas were, I think, a

branch of the nomadic people of Sakai (in Central Asia).

Karana. — The Karanas were probably the same as the people of

Khaurana who, according to Ptolemy, lived in Skythia in Central Asia.

The word Korano that is found inscribed on old coins is probably the

same as Karana. According to Samuel Beal§ Korana and Kushana are

* McCrindle’s Megasthenes, p. 135.

t Beal’s Buddhistic Records, Yol. II, p. 67.

I S herring’s Hindu Tribes and Castes, Yol. I, p. 387, and Yol. II, p. 227.

§ Kanishka was king of the Ynei-chi, and the rise of his dynasty is placed by

Chinese authors in the 1st century B.C. On his coins he is styled in the corrupt

1902,] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Yratya and Samkara Theories of Caste . 163

only different forms of the same word. Now the Kushana tribe, to

which King Kanishka belonged, has been designated by Chinese authors

as Kwei-sliwang, which was a branch of the very powerful race called

by Chinese writers as Yuechi that lived in Central Asia on the Chinese

borders. It is therefore not altogether improbable that Karana, Korana

Kushana, Kwei-shwang, and Khaurana were names of one and the same

tribe that lived in Central Asia.

_ >. ■ ■ w • . ^ f .

Now Karana is the name of a well-known Indian caste. People

belonging to that caste live in various parts of India, occupying social

position below the Rajputs.

The people called Karana also live in the eastern hills of Assam, in

Burma, and Siam.

Khasa. — The Khasas came from Kasia (Kashgar F ) in Skythia (in

Central Asia) and settled in large numbers in the Upper Punjab, where

they were, according to the Buddhist chronicles of Ceylon, subdued by

Asoka about 260 B.C. They were chief among the mountain tribes that,

according to the Rajatarangini, bordered on Kasmira.

McCrindle observes : —

“ Baber knows also that a people of the name of Khas is indigenous

to the high valleys in the neighbourhood of the eastern Hindu-Koh ;

and with every reason, we attach to this indigenous people the origin of

the name of Kashgar, which is twice reproduced in the geography (of

Ptolemy) of these high regions.*

The Khasas live in great number in Northern India under the name

of Khas or Khasiya. Referring to the Khasiyas, Rev. Mr. Sherringf

observes: —

“ This is an extensive tribe of Rajputs inhabiting the hill country

of Garhwal, Kumaon, and Dehra Dun. Their right to the rank of

Rajputs is questioned by some Hindus . The natives of

Kumaon look upon the Khasiyas as the oldest inhabitants of the pro¬

vince. ”

Dravida. — The Dravidians of Southern India, consisting of innumer¬

able tribes of diverse social positions, have been collectively designated

as Ksatriyas (Yratya) in as much as they were noted for their valour

even before the rise of the Andhra, Chola, Pandya, and other dynasties.

Greek legends as Kanyski Korano, and in the Baetrian Pali legends and Mani Kyala

inscription he is called Kanishka the Kushana, or “of the Gushana family ’’ con¬

necting him with the tribe called by Chinese Kwei-shwang. Korano and Kushana

are only different forms of the same word. (Beal’s Records, Yol. I, p. 56, note.)

* McCrindle’s Ptolemy, p. 304.

t Sherring’s Hindu Castes and Tribes, Yol. I, pp. 242-43,

J. i. 22

164 S. 0* Vidyabhusana — Vratija and Satnkara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

■ PaundraTca. — The ancient people of Pundra-bardhana correspond-'

ing to modern Dinajpur and Maldah in Northern Bengal. The worst

specimens of the Paundrakas still live in Northern Bengal under the

» • «$ ? » * »

name of Piido.

Aucjra. — The people of Orissa.

Kamboja. — The Kambojas were the people that inhabited the Hindu

Kush mountain, which separates the Giljit valley from Balkh.

Yavana. — Probably the Bactrian Greeks. The Yavanas are men¬

tioned in the Mahabharata (Sabhaparva, Chap. 32) and Visnupurana,

etc.

CaJca. — The people of Sakai bounded on the west by Sogdiana, on

the north and east by Skytliia, and on the south by Imaos (Boloor

chain). According to Ptolemy* the country of Sakai was inhabited by

nomads. They had no towns, but dwelt in woods and caves. The

principal tribes living in Sakai were (1) Karatai, (2) Komaroi, (3) Ko-

medai, (4) Massagetai, (5) Grynaioi Skythai, (6) Toornai, (7) Byltai,

etc. .

Parada. — Paradas were probably the people of Paradene in Ged-

rosia (Baluchistan).

Pahlava. — Probably the people of Parthia. They are mentioned in

the Mahabharata (Sabhaparva, Chap. 32). In the Visnu-puranaf they

are described as a Vratya Ksatriya race conquered by Sagara and sent¬

enced by him to wear beards. The Yallabhi gowalas of the present

day may perhaps be traced to the pastoral tribes of the Pahlavas.

1 Chia. — The people of China. - •

Kirata. — The Kiratas are a flat-faced people (decisively Mongolian

in appearance) that are very numerous in Sikkim, east Nepal, Darjeel¬

ing, etc. According to Ptolemy Kirrhadia or the residence of the

Kiratas lay in the eas-fe-north-east frontier of India notably in modern

'Tipperah. But in reality Kirrhadia included Sylhet, Assam, Kooch

Behar and Rungpore too. McCrindleJ observes : —

“ Although the Kirata, long before the time in which he. (Ptolemy)

lived, had wandered from their northern fatherland to the Himalaya

and thence spread themselves to the regions on the Brahmaputra, still

it is not to be believed that they should have possessed themselves of ter¬

ritory so far south as Caturgrama (Chittagong), and a part of Arakan.

We can therefore be scarcely mistaken if we consider the inhabitants

of this territory at that time as a people belonging to further India, and

# McCrindle’s Ptolemy, pp. 283-84.

+ Wilson’s Visnapurana, p. 375. ,

X McCrindle’s Ptolemy, p. 193,

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhiisana — Vratya and Sainhara Theories of Caste. 165

in fact as tribal relatives of Tamerai, who possessed the mountain re¬

gion tliafc lay back in the interior . . . , ■ ’ * *

Darada. — The Daradas, mentioned in the Makabharata and Raja-1

tarar^gini, were the people of Dardistan. They inhabited the moun¬

tain region which lay to the east of the Lambatai and of Souasteneg and

to the north of the uppermost part of the course of the Indus along

the north-west frontier of Kasmira. McCrindle* observes : — ' :

“ This was the region made so famous by the story of the gold-dig¬

ging ants first published to the west by Herodotus (lib. iii, ccii) and

afterwards repeated by Megasthenes, while version of it is to be found

in Strabo (lib xv, ci 44), and in Arrian’s Indika (sec. 15) and also in

Pliny (lib. vi, cxxi and lib. xi, cxxxvi).”

Vratya Vaigya. — Referring to the Vratya Vai^yas Manu says : —

“From the Vratya Vai$ya caste are born Sudhanvan, Carya,

Karusa, Vijanman, Maitra and Satvata.”

Nothing is known about the people mentioned here. A little that

is known about Karusa is noted below.

Karusa— The people called Karusa are mentioned in the Visnu*

purana (Book II, Chap. III). In the Mahabharata we find that King of

Karusaf attended the sablia of Yudhisthira. Some identify Karusa

with a part of the district of Shahabad, but I think the people called

Karusa were the same as Calissae that, according to Megasthenes

(McCrindle, p. 137), lived beyond the Granges.];

From the above it is evident that the people of Parthia, Paradene,

Balkh, Sakai, Skythia, Serike, China, JDardistan, Nepal, Sikkim, Behar,

Orissa, Northern Bengal, Southern India, Kirrhadia, etc., have all been

called Vratyns or non-observers of Vedic rites. In fact the foreigners

and aborigines who were not followers of Brahmanism -were called

Vratyas.

_

* McCrindle’s Ptolemy, p. 107.

X Mr. Pargiter observes : —

Karusa, therefore, was a liilly country and lay south of Kasi and Vatsa between

Cedi on the west and Magadha on the east, and enclosing the Kaimur hills, which

are part of the Vindhyas ; that is, it comprised all the hilly country of which Rewa

is the centre, from about the river Ken on the west to the confines of Yihar on the

. * --

east. It would have touched Chedi on its north-west and Dasarna on its west

(Jou nal, A. S. B., Part I of 1895, p. 255-56.)

166* S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vratya and Samkara Theories of Caste. [No. 2

Vratya- stoma.— In the first paragraph of this section the distinc¬

tion between a pure caste and a Vratya caste has already been indicat¬

ed. It now remains to give a short account of the sacrifice by which a

Vratya could be admitted into a pure caste. In the Tandya-panca-

vim9a Brahmana of the Samaveda this sacrifice called Vratya-stoma

has been described at length. It is of various kinds, of which two may

be mentioned here. The first, called Hina-vrdti/a , was a sacrifice that

was performed for the conversion of the unfranchised people, and the

second, called Gara-gir , was that for the re-admission of the degraded

ones.

The people called Hina-vratyas* are thus described in the Tandya-

Mahabrahmana : “Verily tlie Hina-vratyas are those who wander on

earth as Vratyas do not practise Brahmacaryya, do not till land, nor

carry on trade.”

The Gara-girsf (lit. ‘swallowers of poison’) are thus described:

“ Those are called Gara-gir who eat the food to be eaten by

Brahmanas, who though not abused complain of being abused, who

punish those not deserving punishment, and who though not initiated

speak the language of the initiated.”

In the Tandya-Mahabrahmana of the Samaveda and prauta-Sutra

of Latyayana it is stated that the Vratya householder who wishes to

perform the Vratya-stomaJ should secure a turban, a whip, a small

* 'Ct’TT 3T 3 urai 'iff *1

Sift 3 3T ?ctcT D

* S

x ii \ i ■ •

3313 liTWfti 33ftf . II «. II

ftugjflTiaro® i,3 i xj »

Vide in this connection Rajaram Ram Krishtia Bhagavat’s article named “ A

chapter from the Tandya-Brahmana ” in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX of 1895-97.

£ Hefted 3)5!! IT 3T3T:

^eft JTT3: II \8 ||

I \) ||

3g3n3Trft 3mgyTi?tci^3i i % ?Tfl3t 3 i ft? ftmft

sift’nft n *tsi

11 ry 11 xy 1 \ \ni: ■

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhu§ana — Vratya and Satnkara Theories of Caste. 167

bow (without arrows), a chariot (with boards), a cloth (with black

borders), two pieces of woollen garment, a silver coin, a pair of black

slioes (with ears), thirty-three cows, etc.

As soon as the sacrifice is performed he should give these things to

his old brethren who still remain Vratyas or to a contemptuous Brah-

mana of the province of Bihar (Brahma-bandhu Magadhadesiyaya). It

is further stated that there should be at least thirty- three Vratyas for

performing this sacrifice. When such a sacrifice was performed the

Vratyas, having secured the rights and privileges of the twice-born

castes, might afterwards learn the Vedas, perform sacrifices, receive

presents and dine with Brahmanas without being required to submit to

penance. This is a very brief account of the Vratya theory. It is,

however, necessary to add here a few words about the “ contemptuous

Brahmans” of Vihara (Magadha) who used to accept the gifts given by

Vratyas. I suppose these Brahmanas are now-a-days called Agra-

danis.

Agradani Brahmana. — According to the Brahmavaivarta Purana

the Agradanis are a class of degraded Brahmanas who receive presents

or take things previously offered to the dead. In the present days the

Agradani Brahmanas receive in the Preta fraddha or obsequious cere¬

mony such presents as sofas, wooden shoes, calves, gold pieces, sesamum

seeds, &c. They also receive all gifts in the Prayascitta (or the ceremony

for expiation of sins). How, this Prayscitta is nothing but a Vratya-

stoma. I am therefore inclined to believe that the Agradani Brahmans

of the present day are descendants of those Brahmans of Viliar (Brahma-

bandhu Magadhadesiya) who used to accept gifts from the Vratyas in the

days of composition of the Tandya-Mahabrahmana and Latyayana fkauta-

Sutra.

It is very difficult to say at what period the Vratya-stoma became

stopped in India. Perhaps the real truth is that it was never stopped.

It still continues in a modified shape under the name of Prayascitta.

But thq rigidity of the Hindu society of modern times forms a strong

contrast to the flexibility of that of the ancient days. Social exclu¬

siveness perhaps commenced in India with the Mahomedan invasion of

the country in the 9th century A.D. ; for, even as late as about the 7th

century A.D. the Huns and other foreigners had been incorporated in

the Hindu society and ranked as Ksatriyas.

si

cr%?j=i jjshjit nr? n n

(*nnT*J’ft*r = i <0 I! ;

168 S C. Vidyabhnsnna — Vratya and SamJcara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

r III. * Sahara Castes. '

4 ■ ; • •• .

In later Sanskrit works the word Vratya is very seldom found.

The term that repeatedly occurs here is SamJcara. It is thus defined by

Manu* : —

u By adultery committed by persons of different castes, by marriages

with women who ought not to be married, and by neglect of the duties

prescribed by S'astras, are produced children who are called Varna -

SamJcara (or simply SamJcara)

Thus, according to tradition, Samkara signifies those castes that are

said to have been produced by a mixture of different castes. As the

mixture can take place in innumerable ways the number of mixed castes

is unlimited. Thus the four original castes by intermarriage can give rise

to twelve mixed castes. These twelve by mixture among themselves

and with the four origiual castes may produce hundreds of other castes.

In this way the mixed castes may be multiplied infinite-fold. This is a

very brief statement of the traditional theory. My own theory about

the Samkara is quite different. In my opinion, the Vratya and other

people, having entered the hierarchy of Brahmanas, were called Samkara.

The Samkaras were, in fact, the people (foreigners or aborigines) who

entered the Brahmanic society at a comparatively late time. Let me

illustrate my theory by reference to the Samkara castes mentioned in

the Manusamhita (Book X). The Samkara castes which, according to

Mann, were produced from parents of different castes are shown below

with a short note of mine appended to some of them : —

AmbastJia — is, according to Manu, son of a Brahmana father and

Vaisya mother. But in all probability the Ambastha is identical with

the tribe called Ambautai that, according to Ptolemy, lived in paropani-

sadai (in Ariana) in the eastern part of the Hindu Kush mountain.

Lassen thinks that these Ambautai may have been connected in some way

with the Ambastai that lived round the country of Bettigoi. The locality

of the Ambastai is quite uncertain. In Tule’s map they are placed doubt¬

fully to the south of the sources of the Mahanadi of Orissa. According to

McCrindlef the Ambastai represent the Ambastha of Sanskrit, a people

mentioned in the Epics, where it is said that they fought with the club

for a weapon. In the time of Alexander tribes of Ambastkas lived in the

Punjab (McCrindle’s Megasthenes, p. 149).

Nisada. — According to Manu, son of a Brahmana father and Sudra

mother. But in reality Xisada was-the name of an aboriginal people of

sriitsr n ^3 n (Rgtrrrm \° i

f McCrindle’s Ptolemy, pp. 160-161.

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrdtya and Satnkara Theories of Caste. 169

India mentioned in the Nirukta (3-8). In the Latyayana-frauta- Sutra

(8-2-8) mention has been made of Nisada-qramas (villages possessed by

Nisadas). In the Ramayana (Ayodhya kanda 50) we find that Guha,

the lord of Nisadas, who reigned in Sringaverapura was so pious that

he showed hospitality to Ramachandra during his exile in the forest.

Some say Sringaverapura lay in Berar ; others think it was situated in

the neighbourhood of the district of Mirzapore, while a third class of

scholars identifiy it with Sungroor.

Pdrasava. — Same as Nisada.

Ugra (Aguri). — Son of a Ksatriya father and S'udra mother.

Avrita. — According to Manu, son of a Brahmana father and Ugra

mother. Avrta is perhaps the same as Abaortse that, according to

Megasthenes, lived beyond the Indus towards the Caucasus. McCrindle

(Megasthenes, p. 149) observes : —

“The Afghan tribe of the Afridis may perhaps represent the Ab-

aortae. ”

Abhira. — According to Manu, son of a Brahmana father and Am.

basth a mother. In reality the Abhiras (the Ahirs of common speech)

were the pastoral tribes that inhabited the lower districts of the north¬

west as far as Sindh. The country of the Abhiras was called Abiria (in

Indo-Scythia) that lay to the east of the Indus above where it bifurcates

to form the delta. Some scholars maintain that Abiria was the same as

Ophir of the Christian Scriptures.* According to the Visnupurana (Book

IV, Chap. 24) the Abhiras conquered Magadha and reigned there for

several years.

Suta. — According to Manu, son of a Ksatriya father and Brahmana

mother. But Suta was perhaps the same as Setrn that, according to

Megasthenes, lived in the neighbourhood of Dardistan.

Vaidehaka. — According to Manu, son of a Vai£ya father and Brah¬

mana mother. But Vaidehakas were perhaps a tribe of the aborigines

of Videha (Darbhanga).

Cancldla. — According to Manu, son of a S'udra father and Brahmana

mother. This was in reality the name of the ferocious aborigines of India

Magadha. — According to Manu, son of a Ksatriya mother and

Vai9ya father. This was probably an aboriginal tribe of Behar.

Ksattri. — According to Manu, son of a S'udra father and Ksatriya

mother. But according to Greek writersf the people that held the

territory comprised between the Hydraotes (Ravi) and the Hyphasis

(Biyas) were the Kathaioi (or Ksatriaioi) whose capital was Sangala.

'The name is still found spread over an immense area in the north-west

of India, under forms slightly variant. A tribe of the Ksattris named

? . - ' - =■ - * ■ -

♦ McCcindle’s Ptolemy, p. 140.

f McCrindle’s Ptolemy, pp. 157-58.

170 S. C. Yidyabhusana — Vratya and Samkara Theories of Caste. [No. 2,

Kathis, issuing from tlie lower parts of the Punjab, established them¬

selves in Surastra, and gave the name of Kathiabad to the great penin¬

sula of Gujerat.

Ayogava. — According to Manu, son of a S'udra father and Faisya

mother.

Dhigvana. — According to Manu, son of a Brahmana father and

Ayogava mother.

Pukkasa. — According to Manu, son of a Nisada father and S'udra

mother.

KuhJcutaka . — Son of a Sudra father and Nisada mother.

Kvapaka. — Son of a Ksatri father and Ugra mother.

Vena. — Son of a Yaidehaka father’and Ambastha mother.

• • • • .*

Sairandhra. — Son of a Dasyu father and Ayogava mother.

Maitreyaka. — Son of a Vaidelia father and Ayogava mother.

Kaivarta. — According to Manu, son of a Nisada father and Ayogava

mother. But the Kaivartas were perhaps a tribe of the original inhabit¬

ants of Bengal, etc. In the Baraayana (Ayodhyakanda 83) they are des¬

cribed as moving in cow-carts and (in the Ayodhyakanda 84) as posses¬

sors of five hundred boats.

Margava. — The same as Kaivarta.

Baca. — The same as Kaivarta.

Kdrdvara. — Son of a Nisada father and Yaideha mother.

Andhra. — According to Manu, son of a Yaidehaka father and Kara-

vara mother. The Andhras were perhaps the same as Andharae mentioned

by Megasthenes as living near the upper Narmada (McCrindle, p. 138).

Meda. — Son of a Yaidehaka father and Nisada mother.*

P dndusopaka. — Son of a Candida father and Yaideha mother.

Ahindaka. — Son of a Nisada father and Yaideha mother.

• • •

Sapdka. — Son of Candala father and Pukkasa mother.

Antydvasdyin. — Son of Candala father and Nisada mother.

In the above we have found that the so-called mixed (Samkara)

castes are not mixtures of different castes, but are [integral races of

people whose ancestors were either aboriginal inhabitants of India or

intruders from outside. I may also cite here a few instances of castes that

had previously been regarded asYratyas, but in later days were reckoned as

Samkaras. We have already seen that the Karana, Paundraka, Malla,

&c., were regarded by Manu as Yratya Ksatriyas. But in later Sanskrit

* The Monghyr inscription, which belongs to the earlier part of the 8th

century, also names the Meda as a low tribe of this region (Asiatic Researches,

Vol. I, p. 126, Calcutta, 1788), and, what is remarkable, their name is found joined

to that of the Andhra, precisely as in the text of Manu (McCrindle’s MegastheneS>

pp. 133-134). v

1902.] S. C. Vidyabhusana — Vrdtya and SamTcara Theories of Caste. 171

■works they have been regarded as mixed castes. Thus in the Brahma¬

vaivarta Purana ths Karana is mentioned as having been born of a

Vai^ya father and S'udra mother, the Paundraka from a Vai£ya father

and (Jundi mother, and the Malla from a Leta father and Tibara mother.

The Bharjjakantakas, who, we have seen, were regarded by Manu as

Vratya Brahmanas, have been described in the Gautama Samhita

(Chap. IV) as a mixed caste born from a Brahmana father and Vai9ya

mother. The Yavanas, who.were regarded by Manu as Vratya Ksatriyas,

have been described in the Gautama- Samhita as a mixed caste born

from a Ksatriya father and S'udra mother. The Kirata mentioned in

the Manusamhita as Vratya Ksatriya has been described in the Ballala-

charita as a mixed caste born from a Vaijya father and Brahmana mother.

Sarcika — The Sarakas returned in the Government Census as a Jain

or Buddhist sect have been mentioned in the Brahma-Vaivarta Purana as

a Hindu caste born of a Jola father and Weaver mother. In reality the

Sarakas are immigrants from Serike (in Central Asia). The Jain sect

called Saraogie is perhaps identical with the people called Sorgae* that,

according to Megasthenes (in the 4th century B.C.), occupied a tract of

country lying above the confluence of the Indus with the stream of the

combined rivers of the Punjab. According to Jain accounts, Saraogies

are descendants of those Rajputs and Valyas who were converted to

Jainism by Acharyya Jina-sena in Khandela (north of Jaipur) in the

year 643 after Mahavlra, i.e., in 116 A.D. Sorgae therefore in the 2nd

century A.D. advanced as far south as Jaipur. I do not find any

intimate relation between the Saraogies and Sarakas. However, both

might perhaps have come from Serike (in Central Asia), one through

the north-western frontier and the other through the north-eastern.

Kaiwarta , fyc. — The Kols, who are evidently an aboriginal wild people

of India, have been designated in the Brahmavaivarta Purana as a mixed

caste born of a Leta father and Tibara mother. The Kaivartas, who were

perhaps the original (and once very powerful) inhabitants of Bengal, have,

we have seen, been described in the Manusamhita as a mixed caste born

from a Nisada father and Ayogava mother, but in the Brahmavaivarta

Purana as that born from a Ksatriya father and Vai9ya mother. The

Andhra, Choi a, and Pandya tribes of the Dravidian people became in

course of time reckoned as pure Ksatriyas. The Tamila tribe of Dravida

made several inroads iuto Ceylon, and the 5th century A.D. five Tamila

kings successively reigned in the island. The Tamils came towards the

north, too, and the Tambuli caste of Bengal was perhaps formed by them.

I think I need not cite any more examples to establish my theory of

Samkara castes

* McCrindle’g Megasthenes, p. 149.

J. i. 23

172 S. C. Y idyabhugana — Vrfttya and Satnkara Theories of Caste-. [No. 2,

Origin of Sa?nkara Castes, — It should be observed here that in the

primitive stage of the Hindu society, when the foreigners and aborigines

first came in contact with each other, intermarriage among different

castes did perhaps prevail. The Brahmana could marry girls of all the

four castes, the Ksatriya of three castes, the Yaigya of two castes, and

the S'udra of his own caste only. The children born of parents of

different castes generally got the rank of their father. Manu* diseusses

the point thus : — * ; - -~

“ 69. As good seed, springing up in good soil, turns out perfectly

well, even so the son of an Aryan by an Aryan woman is worthy of all

the sacraments.

“70. Some sages declare the seed to be more important, and others

the field ; and again others assert that the seed and the field are equally

important ; but the legal decision on this point is as follows : —

“ 71. Seed sown on barren ground perishes in it ; a fertile field also,

in which no good seed is sown, will remain barren.

“72. As through the power of the seed, sons born of animals be¬

came sages who are honoured and praised, hence the seed is declared to

be more important.”

Regarding the distribution of assets among the sons born of wives

of different castes, Manuf lays down : — •

“Let the son of the Brahman! wife take three shares of the estate,

the son of the Ksatriya two, the son of the Ya^ya a share and a half,

and the son of the S'udra may take one share.”

Intermarriage is of two kinds : Anuloma and Pratiloma. The

former is that in which a man of a higher caste marries a woman of a

lower caste, and the latter is quite reverse of the former. Manu’s laws

concern themselves with anulomaja children. There is no definite law

regarding the pratiloma j a children. They get the rank of either of the

parents according to expediency. Thus, the Anulomaja and Pratilomaja

children did not constitute the Samkara castes, but became absorbed in

one or other of the Lour original castes.

The anuloma marriage sanctioned by Manu and other lawgivers

prevailed at a time when each of the four original castes possessed the

power of assimilating in itself people of the other castes ; nay, all people

— foreigners or aborigines. In course of time the four original castes,

having lost this power of assimilation, became stereotyped.' At that

stage the foreigners and aborigines had to perform the purificatory

ceremony called Yratya-stoma before they could get admittance into

society of Brahmana, Ksatriya, or Yai9ya. The four castes which had

* G. Buhler’s Manusamhita, Book X (translated in S.B.E. series).

f G. Buhler’s Manusamhita, Book IX.

1902.] S. C. Yidyabhusana — Vratija and Samkara Theories of Gaste. 173

in the beginning been living organisms became by and by dead crystals,

and there came a time when even the Vratya-stoma became insufficient

for the incorporation of outsiders. At this stage each tribe of unfran¬

chised people, after being admitted into the Hindu society, formed a

caste of its own. In this way innumerable castes (wrongly called

Sarnkara or mixed) became formed. In the present age of civilization

the so-called Samkara castes are in their turn tending towards mergence

in the four original castes and each man is trying to trace his descent

from the earliest Brahmana, Ksatriya, Yai^ya, or fudra forefather. It

is probable that in course of time the entire Hindu population of India

will be absorbed in the four original castes for whom alone duties, etc.,

were prescribed by S'astras. But the defect of the matter lies in the

fact that the fourfold classification of castes does not completely suit

the present condition of the Hindu society.

From what we have found here it is evident that the traditional

Samkara process of birth exists in mere theories, but does not corre¬

spond to actual facts. No caste ever came into existence in the way

presupposed by the traditional theory. I do not include here among the

Samkaras those people who in the early stage of the Hindu society

were born from parents of different castes ; for, they did not contitute

a fifth caste, but used to become incorporated in the caste of their father.

It is, however, undeniable that even in the present day there are some

rare instances of the father and mother being of different castes, but in

those cases the children get the rank of either of the parents. In

Darjeeling I met with several instances in which the Brahmaua father

and Chatri mother gave birth to children that were Chatris, but I never

met with a single instance in which a Brahmana father and Chatri

mother gave birth to a child that produced a third caste. Though the

Samkara process of birth is an absolute myth, it must be admitted

that the theory of Samkara castes expounded in the Brahmanic

Sastras is indeed very grand. The Brahmana legislators by

tracing the four original castes from the different limbs of

Brahma the Supreme Being and then deriving all other castes from a

mixture of the four thoroughly established the unity and common

footing of all the members of the Hindu society. All castes, from

Brahmans to Chandalas, are shown to be directly or indirectly

connected with the Supreme Being and the gradations of honour

existing among the members of different castes are also duly maintained.

But it should be obseryed here that the Yratya theory was very much

simpler, for it assumed only four classes of people. The Yratya people,

having performed the Y ratya-stoma, could freely mix with members of

the four pure and original castes on terms of equality.

■

. -

-

« .

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXXI, Pabt I, Nos. 1 and 2. — 1902.

C Abdullah Qutb Shah, coin of, 64.

Abha Singh, chief, 128.

Abhira, people, 169.

Abu Bakr Muhammad, 48.

Abul-Fazl, murder of, 112.

Adams, Major, 8.

Aghota Singh, chief, 117.

Agradani Brahmana, 167.

Ahindaka, people, 170.

Ahmad Shah Bahadur, coins of, 67 ff.

Aja G-onpo, Leh minister, 25.

Akbar, wars of, in Bundelkhand, 108 ff.

‘Alamgir II, coin of, 68.

‘All Kuli Khan, general of Akbar, 108 ff .

Aliuagar, name given to Calcutta, 6.

Ambastha, people , 168.

Amirchund, 6.

Andhra, people, 170.

Anisu-t-talibin, history of Khojas of

Eastern Turkestan, 45.

Antyava9ayin, people, 170.

Anurudh Singh, chief, 127.

Ardashir, invented nard or backgammon,

48.

Arjun Deva, chief, 107.

Audra, people, 164.

Aurangzeb, coins of, 64 ff.

Avalokite9vara, Hindu counterpart of,

35.

- , image of, 36.

- , worship of, in Kalat,

39.

Avantya, people, 161.

Avrta, people, 169.

Ayogava, people, 170.

Babar, invasion of Bundelkhand by. 107.

Babhan caste, origin of, 61 ff.

Backgammon, invention of, 47 ff.

Bahlol Lodi, wars of, in Bundelkhand,

107.

Bailey, Rev. T, Grahame, article

by, on secret words of the Cuhras,

14 ff.

Basisht, tirtha, 38.

Beveridge, H., article by, on a Persian

MS. on G-aur, 44.

- , article by, on the Khojas

of Eastern Turkestan, 45 ff.

- — , article by, on the date of

the death of Nur Qatb ‘Alam, 46.

B hag wan Rai, chief, 120.

Bhagwant Singh, chief, 117.

Bhalit, raja of Sindh, 48 ff.

Bharat Sah, chirf, 113, 124.

Bhartichand, chief, 107 ff.

Bhoj-Varam, king, 103.

Bhuihdr, origin of word, 62.

Bhupal Rao, chief, 110.

Bhuvanpal, chief, 102.

Bijai, chief, 103.

Bijhe Bahadur Mazbut Singh, account

by, on history of Western Bundel¬

khand, 99 ff.

Bikramjlt, chief, 133.

BIrbal, chief, 105.

BIrbhadr, chief, 193.

BIr-Bundela, chief, 104.

Birsingh Deva, chief, 109 ff.

Brakhmanoi ITagoi, meaning of, 153 ff.

Bnlvant Singh, Maharaja, 9.

Bundelas, dynasty of, 103.

Bundelkhand, Western, history of, 99 ff.

aka, people, 164.

Qaka-dvipa, country, 154.

Qakadvipi Brahmanas, 152.

Qlakya race, divisions of, 143.

176

Index.

Candala, 169.

Caste, Vratya and Samkara theories of,

149 ff.

Casnbram Roy Chowdhry, 3.

Chain Roy, Rayrayan, 3.

Chait-karan, see Birbhadr.

Champat Rai, chief, 116.

Chandels of Mahoba, 162.

Chanderi State, history of, 124 f£.

Chandlb, Kachhwdha chief, 120.

Cbatharsal, chief, 120.

Chech mate , origin of, 55.

Chess, invention of, 47 ££.

Chogsprul, Tibetan king, 22.

(f igunaga, Licchavi king of Magadha, 145.

Cina, people, 164.

Qiva, images of, in Mandi, 39,

Clive, Colonel, 6 ff.

Coin of ‘ Abdullah Qutb Shah, 64.

- Ahmad Shah Bahadur, 67 ff.

- ‘ Alamgir II, 68.

■ - ■■■— Aurangzeb, 64 ff.

- Dhruva Mitra (Snnga), 42.

- Jahangir, 64.

- — Kalimullah Shah (Bahmani), 63.

- Moghul copper from Surat, 64.

- Muhammad Shah, 67.

- Qutbshahi Sultans of Golkonda,

63.

- Rudra Gupta (Snnga), 43.

- Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I., 65 ff.

■ - Shah ‘Alam II., 68.

- Shahjahan, 64.

Cuhras, secret words of, 14 ff*

Qvapaka, people , 170,

[Dalp&t Rao, chief, 121.

Darada, people, 165.

Dasa, people, 170.

Datia State, history of, 119 ff.

Daulat Khan, general of Akbar, 112.

Daveedas Mujmooadar, 3.

Dayapal, king, 105.

Debi Singh, chief, 125.

Dhigvana, people, 170.

Dhruva Mitra (Sunga), coin of, 42.

Dhurmangad, chief, 120.

Dondrab-Namgyal, Tibetan king, 22.

Doollu Charan, Maharaja, 8.

Drake, Mr., Governor of Calcutta, 5,

Dravida, people, 163.

Dulhar Rao, chief, 109 ff.

Durag Singh, chief, 126.

Durjan Singh, chief, 126,

Elicpur Mint, Moghul copper coins

from, 64 ff.

Filose, Jean Baptist, French general in

Sindhias army , 128 ff.

Firuz Shah, Minar of, at Gaur, story of,

44.

Franck©, Mrs. Theodora A.,

translation by, of a document relat¬

ing to history of Ladakh, 21 ff.

Francklin, Major, source of his account

on Gaur, 44.

Fukher Tojjar, merchant at Hooghly , 4.

Garagir , meaning of, 166.

Garliwar Kshattrls, 103.

Gaur, account of, in Persian MS., 44,

Gopeemohun Deb, Baboo, 12.

Govind Chand, king, 103.

Grahavipras, meaning of, 157 ff.

Haig, Major Wolseley, article by,

on a find of copper coins in the Wun

District, Barar, 63 ff.

Haraprasad Shastri, article by, on

Babhan, 61 ff.

Harichand, Dewan, 24.

Hati Singh, chief, 127.

Hill, S. C., article by, on the late

Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur, 1 ff.

Hinavratya, meaning of, 166.

Horal Rao, chief, 109 ff.

Human sacrifices, prevalance of, in Kul-

lu and Lahul, 38.

Ibrahim Lodi, 107.

Indrajit, chief, 108 ff.

Indraman, chief, 116 ff.

J afer Aly Khan, Mir, 7 ff.

Jagat Seth, 7 note, 8.

Jahangir, coin of, 64.

- , wars of, in Bundelkhand, 112 ff.

Jalaluddin Muhammad, king of Bengal,

original name of, 44.

Jam Kuli Khan, general of Akbar, 109.

Jam‘u-1-Maqamat, work on Khojas of

Eastern Turkestan, 45 ff.

Janda Sing, captain, 22.

Jaswant Singh, chief, 117.

Jaxartes, mention of, in Sanskiut litera¬

ture, 156.

Jhalla, people, 162.

Jigsmed - choskyi - senge -^migyurkunga-

nambar-gyalwai-Lha, Tibetan prince,

22.

Jujhar Singh, chief, 115.

Index.

1 77

E^aohliwaha dynasty, 102.

Kaivarta, 170, 171.

Kalat, tirtha, 38.

Kalimullah Shah (Bahmani), coin of,

63.

Kamboja, people, 164.

Kangra Valley, dialect of, 70 ff.

Kapila Muni, image of, at Salat, 38.

Karana, people, 162.

Karan-Tirth, chief, 105.

Kara vara, people, 170.

Karusa, people, 165.

Kassim Aly Khan, Nawab, 8.

Khairnddin Muhammmad FaqTr, histo¬

rian of Shah ‘Alam, account of, 136 ff.

Khanya-Dana, jaghir, 119.

Khojas of Eastern Turkestan, works on,

45 ff.

Kirat Raja, chief, 102.

KIrat Varam, chief, 103.

Khasa, people, 163.

Kirata, people, 164.

Ksattri, people, 169.

Kukkutaka, people, 170.

Kullu, Buddhism in, 37.

Laj-Laj, see Sahasi.

Lhadagtsering-stobgyes, Leh minister, 25.

Liccliavi race, account of, 142 ff.

JVEaQaka, country, 155.

Madhkur Sah, chief, 108 ff.

Maga and Magi, 153 ff.

Magadha, country, 145.

Magadha, people, 169.

Mahabatjang, Subadar of Bengal, 3, 4.

Maitreyaka, people, 170.

Malhar Rao Holkar, chief, 117.

Malla, people, 162.

Manikarn, tlrtha, 38.

Manikchandra Deb, 4.

Margava, people, 170.

Marx, Dr. Karl, article by, on three

documents relating to the history of

Ladakh, 21 ff.

Meda, people, 170.

Meer Jafer, see Jafer Aly Khan.

Meer Mudun, general of Sirajuddaulah,

7.

Meta Basti Ram, 22 ff.

Muhammad Bara, Sayyed, general of

AJcbar, 109.

Muhammad Shah, copper coins of, from

Eiicpur Mint, 67.

Muniruddeen Khan, Nawab, 4.

Murad, prince, 110.

Mur Pahlad, chief, 128.

Nafais -ul-funun, on invention of chess,

49 ff.

Naga, Kanghar raja of Kur dr, 105 ff.

Nard, see backgammon.

Nar-Yaram, chief, 103.

Nata, people, 162.

Nepal, Licchavi rule over, 146.

Ngorub Standzin, minister and kina of

Leh, 22, 25.

Niamat Khan, general of AJcbar, 108.

Nicchivi, people, same as Licchavi, 142,

162.

Nisada, people, 168.

Nubkissen, Maharaja Bahadur, account

of, 1 ff.

Nur Qutb ‘Alam, date of death of, 46.

Nysaioi, identification of, 143.

Omichund, see Amirchund.

Orcha, foundation of, 107.

Oxus, Vedic name of, 156.

O’Brien, Edward, article by, on

the Dialect of the Kangra Valley, 70 ff .

P adhpal, chief, 102.

Padmasambhava, worship of, in Rawal-

sar, 39.

Pahar Singh, chirf, 117.

Pahlava, people, 164.

Pancham, chief, 103 ff.

Pandusopaka, people, 170.

Panpal, jaghirdar, 105 ff.

Parada, people, 164.

Parasava, people , 164.

Parihar dynasty, 102.

Parjapal, chief, 128.

Parmol, chief, 103.

Partab Rao, chief, 109 ff.

Paundraka, people, 164.

Persia, introduction of chess into, 55 ff.

Piru, builder of Minar at Gaur, 44.

Pishi, head of Tibetan bowmen, 25.

Prithwi Raj, chief, 120.

Prithwi-Varma, chief, 103.

Pukkasa, people, 170.

Q,utb§hahi Sultans of Golkanda, coin of,

63.

Radhakant Deb, 12.

Ragasha, Tibetan minister, 24.

Raja’s Jangal or Dike, highway, 11.

Rajbullabha, Raja, 5, 8.

Rajcrishna Bahadur, Maharaja, 12,

Ramchurn Byabaherta, 3, 4.

Ramesvar Byabaherta, 3.

Ramnarain, Maharaja, 8,

178

Index.

Ram Sah, chief , 109.

Ramsundra Deb, 4.

Ratan Sen, chief , 109 ff.

Katun, wazir, 24.

Raverty, Major H. G., article by,

on the invention of chess and back¬

gammon, 47 ff.

Rawalsar, tirtha, 39.

Rigdzin, Tibetan minister , 25.

Book or castle, origin of, 55.

Rope, practice of sliding down, 37.

Ross, Dr. E. Denison, article by, on

Faqir Khairuddln Muhammad, the

Historian of Shah ‘Alam, 136 ff.

Rucminikant Byabaherta, 3.

Rudra Gupta (Sunga), coin of, 43.

Sabhkaran, chief, 120.

Sadik Khan, general of Akbar, 109.

Sahasi, son of Dahir, chess invented by

48 ff.

Sahasracsha Mujmooadar, 3.

Sahsih, see Sahasi.

Sairandhra, people, 170.

Salim Shah, s.o. Sher Shah, 108.

Samarkand, 155.

Sarpkara of caste, 149 ff., 168.

Sangram Sah, chief, 112.

Sanwant Singh, chief, 117 ff.

Sapaka, people, 170.

Saraka, people, 171.

Stisis, people, 16.

Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana,

article by, on the Licchavi race of

Ancient India, 142 ff.

- , article by, on the Yratya and

Saipkara Theories of Caste, 149 ff.

Setab Roy, Maharaja, 9.

Sgolam Khan of Chushad, Tibetan noble¬

man, 22 ff.

Shah ‘Alam Bahadur I., copper coins of,

from Elicpur Mint, 65 ff .

1 ■, expedition of, to the Panjab,

117. -

Shah ‘Alam II., copper coin of, from

Blicpur Mint, 68.

Shahjahan, coin of, 64.

- , wars of, in Bundelkhand,115.

Shaw, R. B., papers of, on Eastern

Turkestan, 46.

Sheikh Kuli Khan, general of Akbar, 109.

Shepherd, Col. E.C., article by, on

two coins of the Sunga dynasty, 42 ff.

Sher Shah, wars of, in Bundelkhand, 108.

Shuja‘u-d-daula. Nawdb, 8.

Shyam Prasad, author of Persian account

on Gaur, 44.

Silberrad, C. A., article by, on the

history of Western Bundelkhand.

Siraju-d-daula, Nawdb, 5 ff.

Sivacrishna Deb, Baboo, 12.

Skinner, Mr., 8.

Sodnam, Tibetan nobleman, 22 ff.

Sohanpal, chief, 105.

Stan-shrung-yurgyal, Tibetan prince , 22.

Sujan Singh, chief, 116.

Sul-us-SulI, see Abu Bakr Muhammad.

Sunga dynasty, coins of, 42 ff.

Surat Mint, Moghul copper coins from,

64.

Sursen, chief, 102.

Suta, people , 169.

Tahir Muhammad, author of Rauzatu-t-

Tahirln, 44.

Tanadhar Magna, captain, 22.

Tanadhar Miya, captain, 22 ff.

Tazkiratu-l-Ulama, by Faqir Khairud¬

din Muhammad, account of, 136 ff.

Tejchauder Bahadur, Maharaja of Burd-

wan, 12.

Tej-karan Krishn Narain, chief, 102.

Temple of Chaturbhuj in Orcha, 107.

Tibet, Licchavi branch in, 147.

Tipur Kshattrl, chief, 112 ff.

Tomar family, 102.

Toramana, king, 102.

Triloknath, tirtha, account of, 35 ff., 40.

- , name now given to statue of

Avalokite<jvara, 36.

— — - , to do. of £hva, 39,

TJgra, people, 169.

"Vaidehaka, people, 169.

Yajradama, chief, 102.

Yansittart, Mr. Henry, Governor of Ben¬

gal, 7.

Yarelst, Mr., Governor of Bengal, 10.

Yatadhana, people, 161.

Yena, people, 170.

Vogel, J. Ph., article by, on Trilok¬

nath, 35 ff.

Vratya, meaning of, 142, 149.

Yratya castes, 158.

Yratya-stoma, 166.

Wakipat, Kacchwaha chief, 102.

Watson, Admiral, 6 ff.

"Yavana, people, 164.

IZorawar, wazir, 25.

Zurkhang, Tibetan minister , 24.

NOTES

ON THE

BASHGALI (KAFIR) LANGUAGE.

COMPILED BY

COLONEL J. DAVIDSON, C.B., I.S.C.

[Published as Extra No. 1 to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Voh LXXI ; Part I, 1902.1

CALCUTTA:

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT

PRINTING, INDIA,

AND

PUBLISHED BY THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET,

190$.

CALCUTTA :

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PRINTING OFFICE,

8, HASTINGS STREET.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION

PREFACE .

GRAMMAR ....

Para.

1. The Article

Chapter I. — Article.

Chapter II. — Substantives.

2. The Substantive

3. Gender, natural . .

4. Gender : examples of feminine

6. Gender : various opinions regarding

6. States of declension

7. Nominatives, singular and plural

8. Oblique cases ....

9. Nominative and Agent

10. Agent case : doubts concerning the use of

11. Agent : samples showing it is not used

12. Agent : difficulty in determining any rule regarding its

13. Genitive . .

14. Dative, Locative, Ablative

15. Accusative, Objective

16. Vocative

17. Nominative, Plural

18. Inflected cases, Plural

19. Declension. Examples

Chapter III. — Adjectives.

20. Adjective, place of .

21. Inflection . . •

22. Examples showing inflection

23. Examples of inflection

24. Adjectives. Noun of Agency of Verbs

25. Adjectives of similitude . . .

26. Degree of comparison *. the Comparative

27. Degree of comparison : the Superlative

ise

PAGE

V

• • • • •

Til —Till

1-66

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

11

Table of Contents.

Chapter IY. — Pronouns.

Para.

28. Personal ....

29. Demonstrative . . .

30. Pronominal Suffixes $

31. Examples of Pronominal Suffixes

32. The above Pronominal Suffixes not used with

Future Tenses

33. Eeflexive .

34. Possessive

35. Interrogative

36. Relative

37. Indefinite

Chapter V. — Verbs

38. Description

39. Infinitive

40. 'Verbal Substantive

41. Participle, present

42. Participle, past

43. Indicative, present

44. Future

45. Imperfect

46. Past, indefinite

47. Pluperfect

48. Imperative

49. Conditional

50. Interrogative

51. A form of gerund

52. Skeleton form of conjugation

53. Transitive and causal

54. Examples of conjugation

55. Irregular verb “ To come

56. “ To be able ”

57. “ To have ” •

58. Passive

Chapter VI.— Indeclinables

59. Adverbs of time . •

60* Adverbs of place • • . • .

61. Adjectives and adverbs of quantity . ,

62. Adverbs of similitude . *

5resent anc

PAGE

10

11

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

58

59

60

61

Table op Contents.

111

Para.

63. Post-positions and prepositions . . ,

64. Conjunctions .......

65. Interjections .......

Chapter VII. — Numerals, etc.

66. Numerals, cardinals . , , , ,

67. Numerals, ordinals .....

68. Duplication .......

69. Distributives .......

70. Fractions, etc. ......

Chapter VIII. — Miscellaneous.

71. Weights and measures .....

72. Divisions of the day .....

73. Cardinal Points ....*,

74. Days of the week, and months of the year .

PAGE

61

62

63

64

61

65

SENTENCES— ENGLISH-BASHGALl

67—164

APPENDICES —

I.— List of the most important authors consulted on the sub¬

ject of the language of the Kafirs, and brief remarks

thereon ........ 165 — 184

II. — The Story of Nathan and David as in 2 Samuel xii, 1 to

6, in Persian, Pushto, Badakhshl, Khowar and Bashgali

Kafir . ..... . . 185 — 187

III. — A list of 20 words in eighteen languages, several being

adjacent to Kafiristan ...... 188

XY. _ The Lord’s Prayer rendered in the Bolor (Kafir) language

(Terentief) and remarks on the Bolor country . . 189—192

V. — Samples of prayers, etc., used by Kafirs .... 193 — 195

SYSTEM OE TRANSLITERATION ADOPTED.

- ♦ -

A. — Persian or Hindustani Letters,

5.— Vowel Sounds.

a as in America.

a „ „ father.

a „ „ fall.

e „ ,, French etait.

e „ ,y mate.

i >> >» pin.

i >, » pique.

u „ „ bull.

u „ the oo in fool.

o „ „ first o in promote.

6 „ ,, second o in promote.

If a vowel is nasalised, as in the Hindustani word for {i in ” or

the French word “bon,” the sign is placed over the nasalised vowel.

In quotations from different authors, their system of transliteration

has not generally been changed.

Where a consonant is doubled it is pronounced with greater force.

PREFACE.

T the latter end of my two years’ duty in Chitral, in

March 1898, I prepared, during the short periods of

leisure at my disposal, a vocabulary of 1,744 sentences from

English into the Bashgali Kafir dialect and portions of a

short grammar, with the aid of two of the most intelli¬

gent Kafirs of Kamdesh and the Bashgal Yalley who

could be obtained, viz., Slier Malik and Gul Mir (a man

with at least one alias), both of whom are well known

to Sir George Robertson.

The services of Taman Khan, an intelligent Chitrall,

were secured to assist in these translations. No bond fide

Kafir, conversant with either Urdu, Persian or Pushto,

or in fact any language except his own and a little Chitrall,

was available. Both the Kafirs employed knew a few

words of, but could not converse at all readily in, Urdu,

and had a very useful knowledge of Chitrall. Taman

Khan understood Urdu and Persian well.

Before commencing this task I had studied the

Khowar or language of Chitral. As the Kafirs mix more

freely with Chitralls than with any other race, those

residing in the eastern portion of Kafiristan pick up a

certain amount of the Chitrall language, and several of

their idioms — (in the Bashgali dialect at all events) — are

identical with those of the Chitrall or Khowar. Every

one of the sentences now published [except 12 taken from

other sources marked (^[)] was taken down by me per¬

sonally ; some were frequently gone over, on successive

days, to insure as much accuracy as possible.

Vlll

Preface.

The Kafir dialects are not written. There are no Kafir

books, and it is generally said there are no rock inscrip¬

tions in the country which would help to throw any light

on the origin of the language. It would be interesting

to find the rock inscription, ordered to be set up by

the Emperor Timur, referred to in Appendix I, if it is

in existence.* Sir George Robertson (1S96) and Dr. Wolff

(1861) mention a rumour that some rock inscriptions

exist in the country, and Colonel Gardner states he saw

some about 1826 A.D. The popular Kafir sentiment regard-

ing writing and reading will be found recorded in sentence

No. 1129. The Kafirs, however, have a legend that, at

one period of their race, they practised reading and writing.

It seems desirable that the language, as it is now

used, should be mastered, for the Afghan rule must result

in its becoming largely modified.

As a consequence of the conversion of the Kafirs to

Mahomedanism, which will take place to a large extent

within a few years, very many of their manners, customs,

and religious and social ceremonies will undergo a great

change. Indeed it is hardly too much to predict that, as

no written records exist of the Kafir languages, in a few

* Since the above was printed The Life of Abdur Rahman, Amir of Afghanis¬

tan, G.C.B., G.U.S.I.,” edited by Mir Muushi Sultan Mahomed Khan, London,

1900, has been published.

The following is an extract from pages 291, 292 : —

« I intend to make the Port of Kullum (which is situated in the heart of

Kafiristan in the most impregnable part of the country, owing to its strong posi¬

tion) the military station for the main body of my army on the northern frontier.

“ It will be interesting to mv readers to hear a stone was found at the gate of

the Port of Kullu m, on which these words were engraved : —

“The Great Mogul Emperor Timour was the first Muslim conqueror who van »

quished the country of this unruly people up to this point, but could not take

Kullum, owing to its difficult position.”

Preface.

IX

years, the new rulers of the country will have swept into

oblivion the very names of some of their ceremonies, deities,

and customs, so that these will he lost to all possibility of

research. Thus the Persian words roza, fast; Jchudd, God ;

bihisht , Heaven ; duzaJch . Hell, have been grafted into the

language, and are largely used.

It is believed that the Bashgali dialect, with minor

modifications, is understood by most of the Siahposh

Kafirs.

The people of Kafiristan do not generally speak of

themselves, nor of their language, as Kafir, They are

known amongst themselves as belonging to certain clans

or valleys, such as Bashgali , “a man who resides in the

valley of Bashgal ” ; Waigull , “ a man of the Waigul

district,” and the language they speak is also similarly

designated.

It is very hard, if not impossible, to render by English

letters the correct pronunciation of many of the words,

especially some of the nasal sounds. Sir Alexander

Burnes gave his opinion that it was impossible for an

Englishman to pronounce some of the Kafir sounds.

Among the most difficult to pronounce are some of the

second persons plural of the future, imperative, and con¬

ditional of several verbs.*

It is impossible that this collection of sentences and

grammar can be free from mistakes, as, in some cases,

* If it is thought by an European critic that the spelling herein adopted in words

such as drgr , mristh, prelr, is defective, it may be mentioned that, according to

the Oriental notions of orthography, all words like “ stick,” “ stamp,” “ string ” are in

need of a vowel. According to their notions the proper spelling would be, “istick ,"

“ ishtamp “ ishtring ” ; the initial “ i ” appearing to them as indispensable, as some

vowel appears, to our Western perceptions, desirable, in the three Kafir words above

quoted.

Preface.

x

possibly the Kafirs did not exactly understand the

nature of a sentence, the translation of which was desired,

as well as for the following reason : Sometimes a sentence,

of which the Kafir translation was needed, would be

carefully explained to the Kafirs by the Chitrali

employed, and apparently well understood. One of them

would give his rendering. The other would frequently

object, stating it would not be so spoken in his village,

etc,, etc. Thereupon a heated altercation would arise,

lasting a long time, without any agreement being arrived

at. In such cases the rendering which seemed more likely

to be correct has been accepted. From these sentences,

and from many others taken down, but not printed, a

short Bashgali Grammar has been prepared.

The language will be seen to resemble Urdu in con¬

struction. It has many Persian and Sanskrit words.

In the following pages the transliteration is that laid

down for the Linguistic Survey, Government of India,

1898. Our letters, however, appear unfitted to represent

certain Kafir sounds.

If the language appears a simple one, owing to the

brevity of its grammar, and sterile as to the number of

words, it may be remarked that, as is the case in Chitrali,

the idioms are extremely numerous. It would probably

take any person a considerable time, under the most

favourable circumstances, to speak the language idiomati¬

cally correct.

The leisure at my disposal did not permit of my

making the grammar more complete than it is, the mate¬

rial for preparing these papers bei ug collected during the

intervals of more important duties. Efforts were made,

without success, to elucidate many principles of grammar

Preface,

XI

other than those now produced. It was impossible to

obtain from the Kafirs employed, with any degree of cer¬

tainty, information regarding many points on which it was

sought. As I am not a linguist, it seemed to me that the

leisure available for this work would be utilised better in

procuring a large number of sentences on every day topics

and in simple form, than in endeavouring to solve gram¬

matical intricacies which, with men such as the Kafirs,

might have taken up a great deal of time with possibly

very small result.

The amount of time taken up and the difficulties and

disappointments experienced in endeavouring to elicit

grammatical and other linguistic information, from such

very unsophisticated men as are the Kafirs, are described

in Surgeon-Major Bellew’s lecture at the United Service

Institution, India, 1879 ; Dr. Leitner’s similar lecture

of 1879; Dr. Leitner’s “ Dardistan ” (1877); and Sir

George Robertson’s “ Kafirs of the Hindukush.” Dr.

Leitner’s opinion was that the difficulties in the way of

finding out the rules of Kafir grammar were insuperable.

Dr. Trumpp in his article in the Royal Asiatic Society

Journal, 1862, remarks on the absence of aspirates in the

Kafir language. Sir G. Robertson informs me he tried to

teach some Kafirs to pronounce a few English words, such

as “happy,” “hard,” but found it impossible. In my

vocabulary of sentences a few Will be found.

As is the case in some other languages, notably Turk¬

ish, the attention paid by the Kafirs to certain intricate

rules of euphony, which must be puzzling to any one not

born in the country, is very remarkable.

Sir G. Robertson, in his manuscript notes, remarks on

the great difficulty experienced owing to the apparently

Preface.

• •

Xll

erratic way in which the Kafirs inflect words for the sake of

euphony, “ which they must have at all hazards, eliding

words, adding suffixes and affixes, and cutting off syllables

whenever there is a difficulty of pronunciation. They try

to make the smallest possible number of words express their

meaning. They express their meaning to a great extent

by gesture, intonation of the voice, and laying particular

stress on some syllable, or word in a sentence/’

The same word will not always be found spelt in an

uniform way in my collection. Many letters are inter¬

changeable, thus z = ds or ts, as zim, dslm , tslm , snow ;

j = zh or ch, as maajli manchly man ; jarlm , zhdrlm9 I

will kill. Letters are often transposed, as bagram , bar-

gam ; katrawor , kartawor ; brdbur , barabar , borbur. In

words such as pshtarak the p is often dispensed with.

For the sake of euphony or scansion, words undergo a

great variety of changes, thus, “ a man ” may be manjl9

manchl , nwsh , mochi and even munshl ; “ very much ’’may

be bluk , biluky biliuk , bilu ah : 46 good, ” or cc well,” is le ,

less , lesst9 lessta . Short vowels are sometimes lengthened,

and long ones shortened ; sometimes a syllable is dropped,

and at other times one is inserted, thus, “female”

may be stri, shtrl , Marl , Marl , iMrl ; “to-day” may

be pshtarak, shtarcik, shtak> stak , stag ; “for the sake of,”

duga , ga9 tka , ke9 de; for “he,” or “it is,” there are at

least ten words, and for “ he, ” or “ it becomes,” at least six

words.

In very many words I found it impossible to decide

whether the vowels should be long or short, whether cer¬

tain vowels should be nasalised or not, and whether, in

certain words, the r and t should be hard or not. Great

varieties of pronunciation were met with.

The same difficulty was experienced by Azimullah, a

good Persian scholar, mentioned on page 165, Appendix I.

It has been stated in London newspapers that the

easiest route for an army attempting to invade India from

the North of the Hindu Kush would traverse the centre

of Kaflristan ; it may, therefore, be desirable that, for mili¬

tary reasons alone, something regarding the language of

the country should be known.

I have to acknowledge my great obligations to Dr.

Grierson, C.I.E., Indian Civil Service, for much assist¬

ance kindly given me in preparing these papers, and for

placing a great many documents at my disposal.

Gr R A. M M A. R •

♦

(I) ARTICLE.

1. There is no Article in the BaalLgali corresponding with our

Indefinite Article; when desirable the cardinal eo, one, can be used.

(II) SUBSTANTIVES.

2. The Substantive has two genders, masculine and feminine, but

the rules regarding gender are not universally followed. Whether the

varieties of gender are natural only, or grammatical as well, I cannot

state positively.

Some Nouns which appear feminine are as follows : —

Adjectives ending in a, l, m, n, r, used with the above words, also

tenses of verbs ending in l or a, undergo certain changes. This is not,

however, universally the case. Some sentences of the vocabulary will

be found to contradict this rule. They are, however, all recorded exactly as

rendered, at the time, by the Kafirs employed to translate.

3. The use of neo, nah3 male, and ishtri , female, is very common to

indicate natural gender, as neo ushp , horse ; ishtri ushp, mare.

B

o

f\J

Bashgali Grammar

[4-

4. The following examples show that a feminine seems recognised

mancM-e ushp brl,

ishtrz mri ,

shtale Vhunzti mrll,

mari perongi ,

m bra jugur dwri,

A man took a horse.

A woman has died.

Perhaps the Queen will die.

The stick is broken.

My brother took a wife.

In the above instances the terminal of the Verb has been changed

from a to t to agree with the feminine Noun. Two examples contradict¬

ing the above are in the sentences, namely—

ushp mm, The horse died.

gao mm, The cow died.

5. Dr. Trumpp was doubtful whether Nouns and Adjectives had

any gender ; he says “ so much is clear that the terminations of

Adjectives do not change according to the gender of Substantives.”

Sir George Robertson says he is uncertain whether any feminine is

really recognised, but he is sure that some changes are made in Adjectives

in connection with the Substantive which they qualify, perhaps only for

the sake of euphony.

6. The Substantive has the following states in declension : —

(i) The Subject, viz., Nominative or Agent.

(ii) Genitive (of), dative (to), ablative (from, etc.), locative

(in, etc.) .

(iii) Accusative.

(iv) Vocative.

7. The Nominative singular and plural are often identical.

8. The Oblique cases are formed by adding certain post-positions

(see para. 63) to the inflected cases.

9. The Nominative or Agent precedes the Accusative and Verb;

as tos't pitr to latri psetai, thy father lost thy property.

10. Whether the Bashgali (like the Arabic and Sanskrit) recognises

the Agent (instrumental) case or no, in sentences where transitive Verbs

are used in the Past Tenses, or whether it follows the Persian construc¬

tion, is not clear. By the Agent * form, is meant the idiomatic inversion

of the sentence, by which the Verb is rendered passively, and agrees in

* The Agent case is the case with ne in Urdu, when the post-position ko is not

used with the Noun, which is the object.

11]

Substantives— Declension.

S

gender with the real object, if any, the object (accusative) becoming the

subject and being rendered in the Nominative. When no Nominative is

expressed the Verb is impersonally in the singular masculine form. Thus

“ he killed the horse ” would become “ the horse was killed by him.”

Dr, Trumpp came to the conclusion that the Agent was used in

the dialect of which he wrote ; that in the singular it was not inflected

(being identical with the Nominative) ; and that in the plural it took

the termination d. Dr. Grierson thinks the Agent is used in Bashgali.

I applied very many test sentences and sometimes found it apparently

used and at other times not. The following* sentences seem to show the

Agent is used : — *

1 . id bra jugur awn,

2. %hl mare last urr brit f

3. manohi-e id ushp bn,

4. manchie wish ptess,

5. ots host susnl awarl ,

My brother took a wife.

A kite took off: my partridge.

A man took off my horse.

The man gave medicine.

I brought a handkerchief .

The following seem to show that the Agent is not used, or, at all

events, the Agent is the same as the Nominative

»

mehar band krissd, The ruler has imprisoned him.

marir jawdr idrd, The boy has eaten Indian corn.

Aoghdni digarpilingl kress, The Afghans have done injury.

mehar shtri awariss, The ruler took a wife.

11. 3£han Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan,! who has made some transla¬

tions into Bashgali, informs me he thinks the Agent is not used. He has

favoured me with translations of the following test sentences

Thou hast made my cloth dirty, Tu ista basend mul krd.

She has cooked my food, Ashe igd buti hard.

Who has caught the thieves ? Shtar ku w anemia, ?

We have caught one thief, JSma e shtar wanemia .

He has washed my dirty cloth, Aske ista mul basena nigd.

* The following examples occur in Sir G. Robertson’s manuscript papers : manchi

uzhur duga jugur awfi, the man has brought a woman for medicine, and Utah ano

aivrd, Utah has brought ghi.

■f In another instance, viz., zhl mare davniti gwd, the kite haying caught (it)

went, zhi mare is masculine, and, if so, in example 2 brl seems to agree with urr.

X His transliteration differs from mine in some words. 1

b 2

4

BashgalI Grammar,

[12-

He has cleaned my gun,

Who has given yon medicine ?

I hear your speech now,

I yesterday heard yonr speech,

Yon yesterday said some words to

Chanlu,

When yon arrived yesterday I had

not eaten my food,

My brother had killed his danghter

when I arrived,

My danghter had eaten the fruit

when Mirak came yesterday,

He fired two gnns,

Yon men have brought good wood,

Thon hast killed my cock,

The father killed his own son,

The father is killing his own son,

Tbe horse has eaten all the grass.

The horse is eating the grass,

Ashe ista tapka sagdya.

To ge ddriu ku ptesesh ?

O tu vari ishtrak kar tenum.

I tu vari dus sangdisi.

Bus GhSlu ta tu kai mdr nazush

ba.

Tu dus preishtS i yash na

yaressi.

0 parimdd ista bra askesta jus

jar is si.

Dus Mirak dzitta ista ju kach-

wech yarissi.

Aske du tapka barkstara,

Shd manchiS le dao averestai.

Tu ista nai-kakak jar id.

Tot amu pitras jaria.

Tot amu pitf jar ana.

Ushpe sundi yus yarissi.

TJshpe yus yuno.

12. In mentioning the difficulty of ascertaining, for a certainty,

whether the Agent form is used or not, it may he noted that there are

many parts of India where the Agent form is not understood, and not

used by the country folk, who are very far more advanced in grammatical

notions than are the Kafirs.

13. The genitive has often no suffix,* being recognised merely by

apposition, the Noun, which is in the genitive, being placed before that

which governs it ; as —

Mirak amu, The house of Mirak.

Ushp kudum , The work of a horse (grooming).

Sometimes the suffix i, e, ie, st, est, es or s is applied, as ma,ncJii*estt of

a man ; mehr'st patti, letter of the Ruler.

* Kafirs often dispense with suffixes and post-positions when the meaning is

quite clear without them.

-18]

Substantives — Declension.

o

Sometimes the Chitrali form of genitive is used, adding o to the

Nominative, as —

sirkdro, of Government. bidzo, of heart.

tottio , of father. wu-o, of sister-in-law.

A common form of Genitive is to add wd to certain compound

words, such as al bidz-wd, of great heart (generous) ; digar zira-iod , of had

heart ; shtal warz-wd, of true word ; lattrz-wd, (man) of property ;

drushtz-ivd, (man) of poverty ; kdno-wd, (a place) of trees, (shady) ;

le bidz-wd, (man) of good intention.

Where we use a Genitive the Kafirs often use a Dative ; thus, in place

of “ a horse’s bridle ” it is very usual to say “ horse-to bridle.”

14. The Dative, Locative, and Ablative are formed by adding the

suffixes d , e, z, or o, together with td, ste , mesh or some other of the post¬

positions mentioned in para. 63. The Ablative is sometimes formed

by adding d to the Nominative, as eo gujard, in one day ; tarwochd,

with a sword; or a, as, peshdnia, on (your) forehead; dushtd , on (your)

hand. In the Dative, the suffix td is often dispensed with. Sometimes the

suffixes d, e, etc., are not used, or short vowels are used in place of long

ones.

15. The Accusative or Objective is often the same as the Nominative.

Some words add a, e , e , or, (as in Khowar,) o for the Accusative, or change

the terminal, if a short vowel, into e or o , as—

16. The Vocative is usually formed by adding d or o to the Nomina¬

tive, as tott-d , father ! Sometimes it is the same as the Nominative,

some Interjection, such as he, preceding it.

17. The Nominative plural is often the same as that of the singular,

but sometimes an, en , in, or an, is added.

IS. The inflected cases plural (as in the Chitrali) end in an or on or on.

6

Bashgali Grammar

Examples.

Ushp, horse.

22]

Adjectives.

7

(III) ADJECTIVES.

20. The Adjective ordinarily precedes the Noun, as dl wott, big

stone ; if used as a predicate, it follows, as td totb bra sang digar ess, your

clan is all bad,

21. It sometimes undergoes inflection of case- to correspond with its

Substantive as shl sium, an old carpet ; siume kale td, in an old fort.

22. Several Adjectives were recorded by me as ending in l, m, n, r,

such as dl, big; sium, old; shinglr, pretty, and, when in company

with certain Substantives, adding a, e, l, presumably for the purpose of

gender. Adjectives ending in d change the d to l for the feminine, or,

at all events, occasionally, for the sake of euphony.

Vhe following are examples

dl niosh ,

big man.

digr manchi, bad man,

t drgr lu, long root.

drgr wan, long story.

kazhtr waki, white lamb.

dl kazhlr'wott , large white

stone.

shinglr,

pretty.

dill jparr,

kartl dill ushp,

alia amu,

digri putt,*

drgrl ushp,

drgrl argru ,

kazhlrl gdo,

kazhlra ushp ,

kazhlrl darl,

kazhlrl zhu,

shinglr a dare -

stdn ,

I shu shinglra ess ,

shinglra brunz,

shinglra basnd,

shinglra pish,

big apple,

long, big horse,

big house.

bad road,

long horse,

long log.

O O

white cow.

white horse,

white beard,

white hair.

pretty garden.

rose is pretty,

pretty lawn,

pretty clothes,

pretty flowers.

wishtr taman, wide trousers, wishtrl pmtt, wide roacL

* The Adjective qualifying putt is sometimes masculine.

It has been suggested to me that the first r is pronounced like the Sanskri

vowel r.

8

Bashgali Grammar.

[23—

C Mil burl, wet (uncooked) bread.

Ml bhlm, wet ground. < Mia yus , wet (green) grass.

[.zhila dar, wet (green) wood.

The following instances are contrary to the above rule : —

bra shingord assd, the brother is handsome.

ushp shigil assd, the horse is fast.

Possibly the rule, as in Khowar, is that males are Masculine and natural

females Feminine, and all others Neuter, but, whatever rule may be made

out, there appear examples to show that it is not regularly followed.

23. Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan has obliged me with translations

of the following thirteen sentences to test the existence of inflections

of Adjectives to agree with Substantives. Certain Adjectives which I

found to end in Ir in the Nominative Masculine Singular, end, in his

translation, in era ; and the word cil, big, is rendered by him as ola*

Words like kazhera, when used to qualify Nouns naturally feminine

(such as cow, mare), generally change their termination in these examples

into i, but all other Adjectives ending in n, a, k, undergo no change.

Thy beard is white,

My hair is white,

My daughter is not pretty,

My bull is white,

My cow is white,

My mare is white,

My horse is white,

Our horses are all white,

Take the saddles off all the

white horses,

All your horses are very fat,

That little girl is very dirty,

That big boy is dirty,

All our mares are very fat,

tus dari kazhera assa.

ista dru kazhera assa.

ista ju vizheri n'aza.

nj

ista azhe kazhera assa.

ista gd kazheri assa.

zv _

ista ishtri ushpa kazheri assa.

ru

ista ushpa kazhera assa.

imdsta ushpa sundi kazhera ashta.

sundi kazhera ushpa, da zina

waksha.

shasta sundi ushpa biliuk karta

ashta.

aske parmenstuk juk biliuk mulchun

bissa.

aske ola dri mulchun azia. •

imdsta sundi ishtri ushpa biliuk

karta ashta.

* If he is right, a portion of my para. 22 is wrong. In Sir G. Robertson’s

manuscript collection there are many adjectives ending in l , m, n, r, as ka&hir,

shatram , damttil, etc.

— 27]

Adjectives.

24. Many Adjectives are formed from the Nonn of Agency of the

Verb, as follows : —

1. less kudum kul,

2. ividarl,

3. pott zarl ,

4. zidn karol ,

good work doing, industrious,

fearing, timid, cowardly,

road knowing, guiding,

loss-making, destructive, malicious,

5. Idlu kul,

6. less ushp pH sir nishel,

7. tanvocke toil,

8. pputt lattri rangal

harmful.

song making, singing.

on a horse good sitting, equestrian.

sword beating.

on road property taking, highway

(ngal ?),

robber.

The above can be used as Substantives or Adjectives : thus No. 2 is

either timid or a coward ; No. 3 is guiding or a guide ; No. 7 sword smiting

or an executioner.

25. Adjectives formed in English from a Substantive, by adding y or

ly , such as foxlike, foxy, etc., are formed in Bashgali by adding to the

Substantive either ohdr, or ay Hr , or agyur, pirstha, purstha , prishtha, as —

krul , dog ; krul chor,

doglike.

Degrees op Comparison.

26. The Comparative is formed by using the Positive together with

f\j

the Ablative case (post-position td, ste) of the Noun to which it refers,

as—

Mirak drgr manohl asset, Mirak is a tall man.

Mirak Chain td drgr azz, Mirak is more tall than Chanlu.

tu kur id kure ta, dl ess , Your ass is bigger than mine.

r\j

emd manchi pachan wan id Our men are braver than the enemy.

damtol aslit,

ind se po se ste kachwach This year fruit is scarcer than last

chagh ess ,

year.

27. The Superlative is formed by using a Noun of multitude or

quantity with the Positive, as, Bastl sundl manchion td damtol azz, BastI

is the most powerful of all men,

10

Bashgal! Grammar.

[28—

(IV) PRONOUNS.

28. Personal Pronouns.

nj • CS ™

I, id, ots.

Thon, tu.

The Personal Pronouns, which we use with Verbs, are omitted by Kafirs.

In the Dative and Accusative they are almost always understood. In the

vocabulary of sentences they have been more often. inserted than would be

the case colloquially.

Ots, o, I, I.

Singular.

Plural .

Til, thou.

-31]

Pronominal Suffixes. 1 '

Ikia, ikia, iky a, aska, aki, iye, ize, lie, that.

Both ina (this) and. ahid (that), if used with words ending in m, are

liable to take that terminal, as, indm bagrdm, (in) that village.

30. In addition to the ordinary Pronouns of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd

person, as above declined, certain pronominal suffixes, that is to say, letters

or syllables, affixed at the end of words, take the value of Pronouns and are

used instead of our Possessives, as—

totti, my father. pitran's, his sons.

tott-chi, thy father. pit r ess, his son.

tott’s * his father.

31. The following are samples of pronominal suffixes used with Tran¬

sits e Verbs in the Past Tenses, or sometimes with Intransitives : —

ia tv. e tang pta' sh^

T tu e tang dd bar si ’ gh.

.v

tu i shod? hard ’sh,

/v

ots til du ivor gijji hard ' sh ,

i t u ic ina sh,

hut tu % shod r hard' sh., hut

dl n’finosa sh,

I gave thee one rupee.

I lent one rupee to thee.

I made thee my servant.

I twice have told thee.

I have beaten thee.

Ever since I made thee my ser¬

vant I never have beaten thee.

tu ots n’ptd’i n,

tii idst duga osk harsa’xn,

tu ia digri ushp hai ptds'xn. ?

tu id td “ e tang prelom”

hras' m.

Thou gavest not to me.

Thou hast looked out for me.

Why gavest thou a bad horse to

me ?

Thou to me hast promised “I

will give one rupee.’ *

* See foot-note to sentence 726.

BashgalI Grammar.

[31-

-35]

Possessive and Interrogative Pronouns.

13

32. In the Present or Future Tense of a Transitive Verb, terminals

are not used with it to indicate the Pronouns which may be the object,

thus : —

ots aside vinom , vilom ,

ots tu vinom , vilom,

tu ? vinj, vilosh,

tu ikie vinn, vild,

ikia tu vinn, vild,

ikia i vinn, vild ,

I beat or shall beat him.

I beat or shall beat yon.

Thon beatest or wilt beat me.

Thou beatest or wilt beat him.

He beats or will beat thee.

He beats or will beat me.

In the above instances, the Verb follows the examples of terminations

given for the ordinary conjugation of the Indicative Present and Future.

33. The Reflexive Pronoun which answers to the English word “self,”

as in “ himself,” is yot zara or yot zara, and is used thus : —

id yot zara, I myself.

tu yot zara, thou thyself.

( tott ) yot zara, (my father)

himself.

emu yot zara, we ourselves.

slid yot zara, you yourselves.

amnd yot zara, they themselves.

Sometimes mi is used, as Mirak mi kra, Mirak himself made.

34.

Possessive Pronouns.

35.

His own,

Your own,

Their own,

amo, amo’st.

yo’st.

amshio’st .

Interrogative Pronouns.

Who, which, what P kachi ?

How many ? chi, die, chuk, chok ?

Nom.

Gen.

Dat.

Acc.

Ku, kachi, kett, who ?

Singular.

ku, kdclii', kett.

ku, kd’st, ku’st, kdwo.

ku td.

ku.

Agent (?) kachi, ku.

Abl. ka mesh.

Yog. -

Plural.

kachi.

ku’st, kd’st.

kett td.

kachi.

kett mdsh.

14

BashgalI Grammar.

[36-

Relative Pronouns.

36. Relative Pronouns are hardly nsed.

Verbal Participles, which are used where we should nse Relative Pro¬

nouns, seem to contain the Relative Pronoun, e.g., Where is the man

who took the news ? Where is the news-taking man ? shu awel mcch

korar ess ? That is the odour of a dog which has died (of a dead dog),

ihi mrisht hrui digar gun azz.

Some Relative Pronouns are hai, whoever, whatever; hetta ( manclii )

(the man), who.

Indefinite Pronouns.

37. The following are some Indefinite Pronouns : — -

so many,

not any.

one each,

by myself,

so much.

some.

41]

Verbs.

15

(V) VERBS.

•38. Verbs are Neuter, Active, and Passive.

They have two Numbers, Singular and Plural. They are generally

placed at the end of a sentence. They have four Moods, viz. : —

Infinitive, Indicative, Imperative, and Conditional.

39. The Infinitive appears always to end in sth (or stha or st or sta),

as, awesth, to bring; yosth, to eat; lushtisth, to burn or be frost-bitten.

If stha or sta * is thet terminal, not sth, the a is very short, hardly dis¬

cernible, and is always elided if the word following it commences with a

vowel. In the following it is taken for granted that the Infinitive ends

in sth. By rejecting the above termination a root is obtained (which

has often been borrowed from various languages) from which the several

Tenses are formed. If the root ends in a way which will render the

affixes hard to pronounce, it undergoes some slight change, as lushtisth

to burn, root, lusht, which, in some of the cases, becomes luzh.

40. The Infinitive is very often used as a Verbal Substantive. It is

then inflected in the Singular- — (it is not used in the Plural) — by a

long a, (which answers to dugd, tka, for the sake of), being added, as

yosthd, for the sake of eating, nizhisthd bon giats, fetch us a seat

for the sake of sitting on ; and by adding e or l and using one of the

many post-positions given in para. 63, as lunishtl m&sh, by the fall¬

ing. It can be used in the following way : ikie visth ass, it is (appropriate)

to punish him.

41. The Participle Present, or Active Participle, or Derivative Sub¬

stantive, or Noun of Agency, e.g., “ doing,” is formed from the root by

adding n or l, as, (good work) doing (man), (le kudum ) kul ( manchl ),

nishin , sitting. It may also be used in the Future or Past Tense, as,

“ the man who sang, or is singing, or is about to sing ” are represented

by “ song-making,” lain kul. It takes the place of a Relative Pronoun,

as, “ the man wffio took the news has come,” shu awel manchl dyo. It

can be used as an Adjective, as, song-making (man), lain kul, or a

song maker, singer ; ushp wetsu amchol , horse’s shoe fastening (farrier).

When used as an Adjective, it changes gender, to agree with the Sub¬

stantive which it qualifies, as, piltil-l ushp, a falling horse.

* In Sir G. Robertson’s manuscript collection the Infinitives end in sta , but he is

“doubtful whether they are really Infinitives or a form of ‘from eating,’ ‘.from

going/ etc.”

16

.Bash gal" Grammar,

[42—

42. The Participle Past or Conjunctive Participle — (having eaten) —

is nsnally formed from the root by adding atz, etz, ztz, ott, uti, or

tz or dz only, as, nishztz, having sat, yu-ti , having eaten, achun-dz, having

run, wanam-dz , having caught. It is used as tbe equivalent of a Verb

followed by a Conjunction, as burl yutl gwd, having eaten food he went,

or, he ate his food and went, or, as soon as he had eaten his food he went.

The termination is sometimes ta, ta.

48. The Indicative Present-— (I am doing) — is formed from the root by

adding (together with a consonant or a vowel, for euphony, if necessary)

nam or nom, tarn or thum, or am ; as, kunam, I am doing, widartam or

ividaram, I fear.

It is often used in a Future sense. Its terminals are—

Singular.

1. am.

2. nj, nch, ch, sh , njz,

nchz, etc.

3. nn, tt, ttett.

Plural.

mish , m&.

™ LZ oj /v

er, ur , or, ar, ir .

nt, nd, tt, ttett.

44. The Future— (I will or shall take) — is formed from the root by

adding lorn, as, awelom , I will take.

Its terminals * are—

Singular.

1. lorn.

2. losh.

3. la.

The terminal la becomes U when used with feminine nouns.

45. The Imperfect — (I was doing, I used to do, I would do, I would

have done)— is formed from the root by adding azzam or assam , pre¬

ceded, if necessary, by some consonant (n and r being favourites) for

euphony, as, I was doing, ku nazzam. Its terminals are —

Plural.

Singular.

azzamish.

1. azzam.

2. azzish.

3. azzz.

/v

azzar.

azzz.

46. Past Indefinite — (I made or have made)— is formed from the root

by adding a, or ah, or oh, or o (sometimes for euphony on), preceded, if

* I never heard the terminal lilc which Dr. Trumpp gives.

t The l is sometimes not pronounced ; sometimes the pronunciation is enlr,

onlr, unlrt if such a sound can be pronounced by Englishmen.

-61]

Verbs.

17

necessary for euphony, with a consonant, as awesth, to bring, root awe,

past awerd. When used with a feminine Substantive it changes its

termination to agree with it, as, the man died, manchi mrd ; the woman

died, isjitrl mri. Khan Sahib Abdnl Hakim Khan says he thinks there

is no form, such as “ he has eaten,” “ he has gone,” as the Bashgalis only

know the past in the sense “he ate, he went, etc.”

47. Pluperfect — (I had done) — is formed from the root by adding is&i,

as amjissi , I had put on clothes.

48. The second person singular of the Imperative is generally formed

from the root by adding a long vowel (preceded by a consonant, for

euphony, if necessary), as shiwe, sew thou ; namo, show thou ; Tcsht , do thou ;

id, eat. Where the root is a monosyllable ending in a long vowel, such as

pre, that becomes the Imperative. The remaining tenses of the Imperative

seem almost the same as the Future.

49. The Conditional — (if you do, when you shall do, when you

shall have done)— is formed by adding bd to the Present, Future, or Past :

as karbd, if I should do ; enji bd, if you go. Sometimes tan is used

in place of bd ; and, for sake of euphony, some slight change of letters, so

as not to clash with bd or tan, takes place.

50. The Interrogative is formed usually by adding di id, or some¬

times l, as —

tu purjitish-d ots shtar assum-d ? dost thou think I am a thief P

tu ettislii-d ? art thou going P

tu ko ptd’sh-i ? who gave thee ?

51. Phrases such as “ at the time of my going ” (a form of Gerund),

are rendered thus, i en da (ta).

0

18

BashgalT Grammar,

[52

52. The following are samples exemplifying the rules commencing

at paragraph 39 : —

53. Transitive Verbs are formed from Intransitives, and Causals from

Transitives, by lengthening the final vowel, or sometimes by inserting

a, e, i, o, o, before the termination sth, as —

piltisth,

amjisth,

pashisth ,

wistht

to fall.

to put on clothes,

to light,

to rest.

piltdosth,

amjosth,

pa skid sth,

wiasthy

to cause to fall,

to clothe,

to cause to light,

to cause to rest.

—54]

Verbs.

19

54. The following are samples of the conjugations of certain verbs.

Each was taken down separately from the men employed, after a number

of sentences had been worked out, showing the use of each Tense

Infinitive, esth, to be.

Indicative.

Present.

Singular. Plural.

1. adzum * assum')

r 1. azumish.

azzum. )

2. azzish, oshishA

assi , oshl,\ 2. azar.

ashl. y

3. asse, assid, assd,\ 3. hostk, aisjkt,

ass , azs, ezd ,

ashtJ

a%.

azzdj assett ess, I ista, assel,

essd, ai, asel. J etasal, asth.

After an adjective, the 3rd

person singular or plural is often

wai} d, or zd ; as, zor wai, are strong ;

sjpahi digar d, soldiers are bad ; cho

manchizd, how many men are there ?

“ Is not ” is often rendered n'ai,

“ This is it,” Inaz.

Imperfect.

* *

Singular. Plural.

1. azzum, assum. azzumish.

2. azzush. azar.

azzz) or azam ■

3. azzi, essz, ivds.

me. %.

n'aisi is commonly used for

“ was not.”

Imperative,

oshf be thou.

Conditional.

Singular.

1. ashimbd.

2. ashlbd.

3. azhibd.

Plural .

azumishbd.

az^rba.

azzaba . '

* Compare the Sanskrit of this tense asmi, asi, o.sti, smas, stha, santi.

20

BashgalI Grammar.

[54

Infinitive, busth, to become.

1. Part. Pres., bul.

2. „ Past, butz, butt, bztz, bitz, bissz.

* Does it become p botasald ?

It is well, lesta bald.

t Also bosarn, bosish , etc.

Verbs.

Singular,

1.

2, bo,

3. bd, bd, billie.

Imperative.

Plural,

bummd.

bur .

buld.

Conditional.

Singular. Plural 9

] . bimtd, bulazzamba. j bimistd, bomazztbd.

2. bishtd, bulazzishbd. birdd , bulazrbd,

3. bittd, bulazzibd, bulazh - : bittd, bulazzibd.

bd.

BashgalI Grammar.

Infinitive, esth, esth, or gusth, to go.*

1. Part. Pres. (?)

* It is believed some of the tenses are derived from esth and some from gusth.

— 54]

Veebs.

23

8.

Singular .

r.

2, jprets, i, ie.

3. dlciu

9.

Singular ,

1. gumbd.

2. gujbd.

3. gut) a, gaiebd.

Imperative.

Plural ,

emdj urn.

.ty

ier.

dl(Jrt

Conditional.

Plural .

gumistfod,

gurbd,

gubd .

24

BashgalI Grammar.

[54 —

Infinitive, kusth, korusth, to do or make.

1. Part. Pres., kul, karol .

2. „ Past, kusth, (?) katz , ktz.

3. Present —

Indicative.

Singular.

1. kunam, kotam, karonam,

kshdm , kom.

2. kunjz, kashz, kshonji.

3. kunn, kutt, kuttett, kolann,

kor.

Plural.

kummd.

kur.

kuttett , kund .

4. Future—

Singular.

Plural.

1. kulom , kalom, karolom.

2. kulosh.

3. kuld.

kummd.

kulr.

kula.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. kunazzam.

2. kunazzish.

3. kunazzz.

Plural .

kunazzamish,

kunazzar.

kunazzz .

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular .

i;

2- \kard, karo.

a

Plural.

kard , fea/o.

9 * .

7. Pluperfect—

Singular.

1. krissd, krissz,

2. krissd , krisjztai.

3., krissd , krishtai •

Plural .

krissd , krissz,

krissd i krishtai .

krissd, krishtai.

—54]

Verbs.

25

8.

Singular .

1.

2. hshi.

3. hula.

Imperative.

Plural.

hummd*

ru

hsjyir.

, hula.

9.

Conditional.

Singular.

1. harbd, hulaibu.

2. hulojbd, hunjzbd , hshovi

jzbd.

3. harbd.

Plural.

hummabdj (?).

hurbd (?).

hulaba {?).

26

Bashgal! Grammar.

[54

Infinitive,' mristh. to die.

1. Part. Pres., mrl (?).

2. „ Past, mristh.

Indicative.

3. Present—

Verbs-

27

—54]

8.

Singular.

1.

2. mre.

3. mrela.

9.

Singular.

1. mrambd.

2. mrojbd.

3. mrabd.

Imperative.

Plural.

mremd.

mrer, mrer,

mrela.

Conditional.

Plural.

mramizhbd.

mreba.

mxahd.

Bashgal! Grammar.

Infinitive, mizhosthj mijosth, to tell lies.

1. Part. Pres,, mijol.

2. „ Past, mijeti.

3. Present—

Singular.

1. mizhonam. -

2. mizhonji.

3. mizhonn.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. mizhdlam.

2. mizholash.

3. mizholi.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. mizhonazzam.

2. mizhonazzish.

3. mizhonazzf.

Indicative.

Plural ,

mizhomish.

mizhor .

mizhend .

Plural .

mizhomd.

mizholr .

mizhold.

Plural ,

. mizhonazzamish,

mizhdnazzar.

mizhonazzi.

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular.

1. mizhia' m.

2 . mizhia’ sh {?).

3. mizhia.

Plural.

mizhidmish (f).

mizhidr.

mizhia.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular.

1. mizhessiam .

2. mizhessi.

3. mizhestai.

Plural .

mizhessi ,

mizhessar.

mizhestai *

—54]

Verbs.

29

8.

Singular.

1.

2. mizho.

3. mizhdla.

Imperative.

Plv/ral.

mizhammd.

mizholdr.

mizhdla.

L)

2. > mizhetdn* (7).

3. )

]

mizhetdn (?).

# Probably in tbe few instances where the termination is shewn for the Con¬

ditional tense, there is also a form ending in ba, similar to those shown in the conju¬

gations of busth, esth , Tcusth, etc.

30

Bashgali Grammar.

[54—

Infinitive, lushtisth, to be frost bitten.

1. Part. Pres., lusktil (?).

2. „ Past, lusktztz.

3. Present—

Singular.

1. luzhenam.

2. luzhenj .

. 3. luzhenn.

4. Putnre—

Singular.

1. luzhenelom.

2. luzhenelosk.

3. luzhenelld.

Indicative.

Plural.

luzhemisk.

luzh&r.

luzhend.

Plural ,

luzhelema.

luzhdlr.

luzhenelld.

5. Imperfect—

Singular.

1. luzhenazzam.

2. luzhenazzisk.

3. luzhenazzz.

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular.

1. luzhengam.

2. luzhengask.

3. luzhenga.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular ,

1. luzhcngossam.

2. luzhengossisk.

3. luzhengossd.

Plural.

luzhenazzamish.

luzhenazzar.

luzhenazzz.

Plural.

luzhengdmish.

luzhengdr.

luzhenga.

Plural.

luzhengossamish .

luzhengussar.

luzhengusthai.

# The root is lusht or lush, the tenses being formed accordingly.

Verbs.

31

8.

Singular.

1.

2. luslie.

3. Imhenella.

Imperative.

Plural.

luzhelemd.

luzheler.

luzhenella.

9.

Singular.

1. lushtimtan.

2. lushtichtan.

3. lushtinntan.

Conditional.

Plural.

lushtemishtan (?),

lushtertan (f).

lushtinntan (?).

Bashgali Gkammar.

[54

32

Infinitive, nizhisth, nishisth, or nishisth, to sit.

1. Part. Pres., nishln, nishel.

2. „ Past, nishltl.

Verbs.

— 54]

8.

Imperative.

Singular .

1.

2. nizhe.

3. nizheld, nizhd.

Plural.

nizhernd.

nizhdlr.

nizheld. '

9.

Conditional.

Singular.

1. nizhelamba .

2. nizhelazhba.

3. nizhelaba.

Plural •

nizhelamishb d .

nizhdlrba.

nizhelaba.

D

34

Bash gal! Grammar.

[54

Infinitive, piltisth, to fall.

1. Part. Pres., piltil.

2. ,, Past, piltetz,

3. Present —

Singular .

1. piltenam.

2. piltanj.

3. piltann .

4. Future—

Singular .

1. piltilom.

2. piltilosh .

3. piltila.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. piltinassam.

2. piltinassish,

3. piltinassz .

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular .

1. piltid’ m.

2. piltid* sh •

3. piltid.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular .

1. piltissam .

2. piltissislii

3. piltissi\

Indicative.

Plural .

piltemd.

pilfer.

piltand.

Plural.

piltilemd ,

piltdlr,

piltila.

Plural.

piltinassamish ,

piltinassar,

piltinassi.

Plural .

piltidmish .

* piltiar .

piltid.

Plural.

piltissamish.

piltissar,

piltissi,

piltisfail

-54]

Verbs.

BashgalI Grammar.

[54

3fi

Infinitive, achunasth, to run.

1. Part. Pres., achunam.

2. „ Past, aohundi .

8. Present —

Singular .

1. achunam .

2. achunanj.

3. achunann.

Indicative.

Plural.

achunamish .

achUr.

achunand.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. achunlom.

2. achunlosh .

3. achunld.

Plural.

achulamma.

achunlr.

achunld.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. achunazzam.

2. achiinazzish.

3. achunazzi.

Plural.

achunazzamish.

achunazzar.

achunazzi.

6. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. achunia'm (?).

2. achunid’sh (/).

3. ocfamwi (/).

Plural.

achuniamish.

achuniar.

achunia.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular .

1. achunissam.

2. achunissish,

8, achunisst.

Plural.

achiinissamish .

achunissar.

aehunisti .

— 54]

Verbs.

8.

Singular.

1.

2. achurio.

3. achunld.

Imperative. .

Plural.

achulamma.

achunlar.

achunla.

9.

Singular.

1. achunambd.

2. achunashbd.

3. achiinabd.

Conditional.

Plural.

achiinamishbd.

achurbd.

achiinabd.

38

Bashgali Grammar

Infinitive, otisth,* utistil, to remain*

1. Part. Pres,, otin, utin.

2. „ Past, otiti, utHf

3. Present —

: Singular.

2. otinam.

2. otinj.

3. otinn,

4. Future —

Singular.

1. otilom.

2. otilosh.

3. otila.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. otinazzam.

2.. oiinazsish •

3. otinazzi.

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular.

1, otinid' m, uttd.

2, otinid' sh.

3, otinid.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular.

1. otinassam.

2. otinassish.

3. otinassi.

utta.

Indicative.

Plural.

.1 A . 10 - 1 i. v- - L-

otimmish .

otarl

otind.

Plural.

otimmdy otilamrnd

otilr.

otild.

Plural.

otinazzarnish ,

otinazzar .

otinazzi ,

Plural.

otinid rnish,

otir.

otinid •

Plural.

otinassam ish.

otinassar.

otinassi.

* Tie first letter throughout the verb is sometimes w.

t This is found in the sense of “that which remained ; the leavings/’

04]

Verbs.

8.

Singular.

1.

2. otz, otto,

3. otzld.

Imperative.

Plural,

otimmd.

otilar .

otzld.

9.

Singular.

1. otinambd.

2. otinazhbd.

3. otinaba.

Conditional.

Plural.

otinamizhbd.

otzrbd.

otinaba .

40

BashGxIl! Grammar.

[54 —

Infinitive, iasth, yosth, yusth, yusth, to eat.

yul .

yutij zhuti.

1. Part. Pres.

2. ,, Past

3. Present —

Singular.

1. yunam, aietam.

2. yunji, yucki.

3. yunn, yutt, yuttett .

4. Future —

Singular.

1. yulom.

2. yulosh.

3. yuld.

5. Imperfect—

Singular.

1. yunazzam*

2. yunazzish,

3. yiinazzi.

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular .

1. iyd, idra {?).

o -

2. wro. -

3. iard, iyd, iydsht.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular ,

1. idrissam.

2. id r is sis h.

3*— ’

. tanssz.

Indicative.

Plural.

varnish.

o —

yur.

yund, yutt , yuttett.

Plural.

yumd.

yulr.

Plural.

yunazzamish.

yunazzar.

yunazzi.

Plural,

idramisjk (?).

.y

tar.

idrd.

Plural.

idrissamish.

•y . ~

tartssar.

idrissz.

n as yulazzam,' etc.

* *n this tense the letter £ sometimes takes the place of

—54]

Verbs.

41

\

8.

Imperative.

Singular.

1.

2. id, dyu, yd, yu.

3. yuld.

Plural.

yuma.

yur.

yuld.

9.

Conditional.

Singular.

1. yunambd.

2. yunjbd.

3. yunaba.

Plural.

yumishbd.

yurbd.

y undab d.

42

Bashgal! Grammar.

Infinitive, ngusth, to take.

]. Part. Pres., ngal.

2. „ Past, ngdtl.

3. Present —

Singular.

1. ngdnam.

2. nganj .

3. ngann , ngatt.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. ngdlom.

2. ngdlosh.

3. ngdld.

5. Imperfect — ■

Singular.

1. ngdnazzam.

2. nganazzisji.

3. ngdnazzi.

6. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. ngutd! m.

2. ngutd’ sh.

3. ngutd.

%

7. Pluperfect—

Singular.

1. ngutiissam.

2. ngutussish.

3. ngutussl , ngutastai ,

Indicative.

Plural.

ngdmish >.

ngar.

ngand.

Plural.

ngdmd.

ngalr.

ngdld.

Plural.

ngdnazzamish .

ngdnazzar.

ngdnazzi.

Plural .

ngutamish .

ngiltar .

ngutd.

Plural.

ngutussamish.

ngutussdr.

ngutussi) ngUtasta

Verbs.

48

—54]

8.

Imperative.

Singular.

1.

2. ngd .

3. ngdla.

Plural.

ngdma.

ngar.

ngdla.

9.

Singular.

1. ngUtambd (?).

2. ngullazzibd (.?).

3. ngutabd.

Conditional.

Plural.

ngdmaba {?),

ngalrbd (?).

ngutabd.

44

BashgalI Grammar.

[54 —

Infinitive, presth, to give.

1. Part. Pres., prel (?).

2. „ Past, pretl.

3. Present —

Singular.

1. prenam.

2. prenjl.

3. prett, prenn.

4. Future —

Singular.

1 . prelom, prom.

2. prelosj%.

3. prela.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. prenazzam.

2. prenazzi sh.

3. prenazzi.

6. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. ptam.

2. pta'sh.

3. pta.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular.

1. ptdssiam-

2. ptassish.

3. ptdssi , ptustai .

Indicative,,

Plural.

prema.

prir.

prend.

Plural,

prema.

pr&lr.

prela.

Plural.

prenazzamish.

prenazzar .

prenazzi.

Plural,

p tarnish.

rsJ

ptar.

pta .

Plural.

ptassamish.

ptassar ;

ptassl, ptustai.

>54]

Verbs.

45

8.

Singular.

1.

2. pre*

3. prela.

Imperative.

Plural.

yprema.

jprelci.

prelr

9.

Singular.

1. prelomba.

2. preloshbd,

3. preldbd.

Conditional.

Plural.

prelomishbci.

.•v

jprelorba.

jpreldba.

I

40

BashgalI Grammar.

Infinitive, awesth, to bring*, to take.

1. Part. Pres., awel .

2. ,, Past, awiti .

*■ Awera or arwara , and pluperfect awarissam or arwarissam .

[54—*

54]

Vebbs.

47

8.

Singular.

1.

2. giats, gats.

3. aweld.

Imperative.

Plural.

awema.

gatsar.

aweld.

9.

Singular.

1. awarambd.

2. awarijba.

3. awctrabd.

Conditional.

Plural.

aivaramishbd.

awarerbd (0-

awarabd.

48

Bashgal! Grammar.

Infinitive, amjisth, to put on clothes.

amjil.

amjztz.

1. Part. Pres.

2. „ Past,

3. Present —

Singular.

1. amjinam.

2. amjinj.

3. amjitt , amjinn.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. awi j Horn.

2. amjilosh.

3. amjild.

5. Imperfect—

Singular.

1. amjinazzam.

2. amjinazzish.

3. amjinazzz.

5. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. amjia'm.

2. amjid' sh.

3. amjid.

7. Pluperfect—

Singular .

1. amjissim.

2. amjissish.

3. amjissz, amjistai»

Indicative.

Plural .

amjimish.

amjir .

amjind.

Plural .

amjimmd .

amjilr.

amjild.

| Plural.

| amjinazzamish .

amjinazzdr.

amjinazzz.

Plural.

amjid mis]i.

amjiar.

amjid .

Plural.

amjissimish.

amjissar.

amjissz, amjistai .

-54]

Verbs.

49

r

8.

Singular.

1.

2. amju.

3. amjila.

Imperative.

Plural.

amjimma .

amjilar.

amjila.

9.

Singular.

1. amjilambd.

2. amjiloshbd.

3. amjilabd.

Conditional.

Plural .

amajirnmabd

amjilrbd,

amjilabd .

£

50

BashgalI Grammar.

[54-

Inf i nitite, pshisth, to grind.

1. Part. Pres., pshil (?).

2. „ Past, pshltl.

3. Present —

Singular.

1. pshinarn.

2. psklnj.

3. pshinn.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. pshzlom.

2. psTtllosh.

3. p stela.

5. Imperfect —

Singular.

1. psjilnazzam.

2. ‘pshlnazzish.

3. pshlnazzt.

6. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. psha’m.

2. pshd’sh.

3. pslid.

7. Pluperfect —

Singular.

1. pshlssam.

2. pshissish.

3. pshlssl.

Indicative.

Plural.

psttmish.

pshir.

pshmd.

Plural.

pshlmci.

pshTlr.

psjilld.

Plural.

p shinazzamish.

psTmiazzar.

psliinazzi .

. Plural .

pshdmisk.

psliKr.

pslid.

Plural.

psjklssamisli.

pstessdr.

pshtssz.

—54]

Verbs.

51

8.

Singular.

1.

2. pshz.

3. pshzld.

9.

Singular.

1. psjilnambd.

2. pshisjibd (?).

3. pshibd.

Imperative.

Plural.

pshzmd.

psliilar.

pshtld.

Conditional.

Plural.

pshzmishbd.

ru - A

p slurb a.

pshibd.

E2

52

Bashgali Grammar.

[54-

Infinitive, wisth, or vlsth, to beat.

1. Part. Pres., toil.

2. ,, Past, witz.

54J

Verbs.

53

Singular.

1.

2. we.

3. we7a.

Imperative.

Plural.

wima.

wilor.

I we7&.

9.

Singular.

1. winambd.

2. winoshbd.

3. winabd .

Conditional.

Plural.

e

winami shbd (?)»

wirbd (?)•

winabd.

\

54

Bashgal! Grammar.

Infinitive, nizhosth, to cause to sit; to set.

1. Part;. Pres., nizhol {?).

2. ,, Past, nizhoti (?).

3. Present —

Singular.

1. nizhonam •

2. nizhonj.

3. nizhonn .

Indicative.

4*

Plural.

nizhomish .

nizhor.

nizhond.

4. Future —

Singular.

1. nizholom,

2. nizholosh.

3. ni ahold.

Plural.

nizholmd.

nizholr.

nizhold.

5. Imperfect —

Singular .

1. nizhonazzam .

2. nizhdnazzish.

3. nizhonazzl .

Plural.

nizhonazzamish .

nizhonazzar.

nizhonazzl.

6. Past Indefinite—

Singular.

1. nished'm.

2. nisheash.

3. nishea.

Plural.

nisjiedmish (7).

nisher.

nishea.

7. Pluperfect—

Singular.

1. nizhonassam.

2. nizhonassish .

3. nizhonassi.

Plural.

nizhonassamish.

nizhonassar.

nizhonassi.

[54—

Verbs.

Singular .

1.

2. nizhdo .

3. nizhald.

Imperative i

Plural .

nizhammd.

nizhor.

nizhald.

Singular.

1 . nizhdlezamba.

2. nizhdlezishba.

3. nizhdlezibd.

Conditional.

Plural .

nizhd l azamishbd.

nizhdlezrba ,

nizhdlezibd.

56

Ba&hgali Grammar.

[54 —

Infinitive, piltostb, to cause to fall j throw down.

1. Part. Pres., piltol (?).

2. „ Past, pilteiti.

3. Present—

Singular.

1. piltonam.

2. piltonanj .

3. pilionn .

4. Future—

Singular.

1. piltolom.

2. piltolosh ,

3. piltold.

5. Imperfect—

Singular .

1. piltonassam.

2. piltonassish .

3. v'iltonassi.

6. Past Indefinite —

Singular.

1. pilted^m.

2. pilted'sh.

3. jilted.

7. Pluperfect—

Singular.

1. piltossum.

2. piltossish.

3. piltossv, piltostai.

Indicative.

Plural.

piltoma.

• • —

piltor.

piltond.

Plural.

piltdlemmd.

piltolor.

piltold.

Plural.

piltdnassamish.

piltonassar.

piltonassi . .

Plural .

piltedmish .

piltedr.

pitted.

Plural.

piltossumish.

piltossar.

piltosst , piltostai .

Verbs.

57

Imperative.

Singular, j Plural.

1.

2. piltdo,

3. piltold.

pntomma.

piltolar.

piltold.

Singular.

1. piltombd.

2. piltoshbd .

3. piltobd.

Conditional.

Plural.

piltomabd (.?).

piltorbd (?).

piltolabd (?).

58

Bashgali Grammar.

[55 —

55. The following are some forms of a defective or irregular verb aosth

to come

56. “To be able,” bllsth, is used by adding it to the root of a verb,

supplemented by a letter for euphony if desired, as, to catch, damisth ; I

cannot catch, dam-en na battam.

I cannot enter,

I cannot pull,

you cannot run,

you can kill,

he cannot make,

thou wilt not be able to go,

I cannot go,

he cannot go,

we cannot see,

on na battam .

ksjkon na battam.

achun na banj.

jar bacha.

hon n’buttett.

npd balosh.

n’iam banam.

pilingen na batt.

emd war n'bammd.

57. “ To have ” is rendered thus : I have two horses, to me two horses

are, id du ushp asht. A form was , “ has,” is sometimes lieaid, as tapak

was, he has a gun ; dush n’wdsam, I have no blame. This word has many

parts which seem to come from an infinitive wdsth.

—58]

Verbs.

59

Passive.

58. The passive form of the verb is not very often used. The

following are samples : —

The last eight of the above were obtained by Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim

Khan.

60

BasbgalI Grammar.

[59

59.

afterwards,

(VI) INDECLINABLES.

Adverbs of Time.

{

ptior, ptiwar,

ptibar, or pdme.

e wor,

pare wdr.

kai wos ta.

pelik.

all together,

always,

at any time,

at last,

at what time P koz ?

back again, dz, wd.

before, sbaiye.

by night, radar.

daily, sang gujr

day after to- 1 oWn-<

morrow , J

"\

day before-. nMrS_

yesterday, J

each day ; \

daily; in > eogujrd.

a day, '

early, or Soon,

early morning

ever,

formerly,

henceforth,

60.

anywhere,

around,

back,

back again,

down hill,

• down stream,

downwards,

far,

in front,

{

sbangye.

kuid .

rv

kuz, km wds ta.

shangye zama-

ry

na ta.

pdmu.

hitherto,

immediately,

last year,

late,

never,

once,

rarely,

separate,

since when ?

some day or

• another,

Sometimes,

soon,

ten times,

to-day,

to-morrow,

twice,

two days

hence,

when ?

yesterday,

starak wzk. ,

sapp, zapp,

pd, po se.

dre.

kuz na.

e wdr.

achok woktd.

, i rv 2! 7 rv 2! ,_c

; kure kure, kure

kure, yonirikd.

kuz ste ?

}

{

kuz ivos ta.

kdchz , kuz kul.

zapp , achunam.

duts wdr.

starak , pstarak,

pshtarak, sbtak.

dalkid, dalkza.

du wdr.

achutt.

}

f kdste tar ,

v kai wokb ?

dus , dus.

{

kor.

p'banur.

Wd. .

dz.

brute , bum .

vinrenz.

wdr, wao, yur.

badur.

panoz, nasbtar

Adverbs of Place.

in front of,

wai .

here,

high up,

inside,

low down (a-i

valley), /

near,

outside,

somewhere,

mrgo,

anz , anio.

rv

oJiir.

attdr .

mr.

{

ture , tore,

t award, attkhi .

bar, beru .

kor.

— 63]

Indeclinables.

61

on this side (o£ *1 a

> 7/7 * •

a river, etc.)? J

on that (the

far) side (of a > pfy.

river, etc.,) J

this vray,

that tv ay,

61.

how much ?

this much,

so many,

so much,

ina por, anipor.

aki p or.

there,

np hill,

up to,

whence, .

whereabouts,

which way P

aki, akiye , hatt.

ru

atore.

kati.

kor ste .

kett.

korar ?

Adjectives and Adverbs of Quantity.

chi, chok, clink. C biluah. bilugh,

igiak. vei7 f biliuk.

azhik. to a small extent, acliok.

azhisto.

62.

alond,

certainly,

even,

forcibly,

for nothing,

how ?

like this,

like to,

londlv,

not,

otherwise,

perhaps,

63.

after,

Adverbs of

kdgrd.

buasht.

di.

kartd.

gid, gija.

kaikote, kdkti ?

ajik.

( agyur, purst,

( agur.

kotd.

na, nd, noh.

gia.

shtadd, ingol kd.

Similitude.

separately, (Ur kSr<

‘ J l Mr.

somewhat, a )

little, j achol< ■

slowly, by stealth, child d.

snrely,

therefore,

verily,

violently,

well,

wherefore ?

why ?

Post-positions and Prepositions.

behind,

between,

Sptiwar, ptior ,

Ubar .

aronnd, 'pachv.r, p’banur.

at the time of) .

(going), J (P'han9)

before, pW/iiok.

beyond,

by, in act of,

by reason of,

nashtonti.

ikie d-uga,

buasht.

kotd, kartd .

le, lesstaka.

kai dugd ?

{kyd, kai du

kyu, kaikote ?

(see “after.”)

p’minj, p’mich.

—

par.

mesh, Tin sh, mesh,

ta.

in front of (thee), (Hi) p’nisjiar.

62

Bashgali Grammar.

[64—

Post-positions and Prepositions — continued.

for sake of, /

from,

m,

in midst of,

instead of,

near to,

I dugd, sometimes

prononnced very

rapidly like tihd,

ha, ga ; sometimes

a is nsed as a

suffix to Infini¬

tives as yusthd,

for sake of eating.

y

ste, ste9 ste.

i h as a prefix, as

V b'bhim, in the

gronnd ; or p' or

pa,; td; suffix e;

/v y

me, mi.

p'mijhu.

piol.

chiwol , taware td.

of

*

td.

on, td.

on account of, ta.

outside of, be, begu, herd, bar .

/v

together with, td.

towards, pdr, ba (as a prefix).

under, pagior, pagur.

until, wlh.

upon, pagur, ta.

up to, wlh.

with (in com- ■) m9sh mish

pany), J

with (bv 1 ~

v \.y > ware, wra, wre .

means oi), ) * 7 * 7 '

with (by "1 mish, mesh.

means ot), ) ~ ~ ~

Conjunctions, etcetera.

The Kafirs appear to dispense with conjunctions as much as possible.

The construction of the language avoids them. Some seem borrowed from

the Chitrali.

yes. Although in an affirmative

reply to such a question as

“ Has Widing come ? ”,

“ yes ” is sometimes ren¬

dered by the Chitrali

word “ dl,” it is usual to

reply “ He has come ” or

“ Widing has come. ”

# The post-position ta is sometimes td or tar.

-66]

Numerals.

63

6 5, Interjections.

Movements of the hands, etc., are very largely used to express feelings

of surprise, annoyance, etc.

alas,

he silent,

bravo,

good-bye and

good luck,

)

hai hai ,

uteresta .

chiisht osh.

sham ash.

so enji.

for shame, thu thu.

have a care, tar a chi bo.

it is well ;

all right.

}

lesstd bala.

66. (YII) NUMERALS.

Cardinals.

1. e, eo, yut yd.

2. du, dm.

3. tre,

4. shto.

5. puch, pooh , poj.

6. shu.

7. suit.

8. usht.

9. non.

10. duts, dots.

11. yanits.

12. dits.

13. trits.

14. shtrits.

15. paohits.

16. shets.

17. sap its.

18. ashtits.

19.

20.

21.

30.

40.

50.

60.

70.

80.

90.

100.

200.

300.

400.

1000.

2000.

neits.

wit sly watsa.

witsi eo.

witsa duts.

du wit si*

du wit si duts.

tre wit si.

tre wit si duts.

shto wit si. f

shto witsi duts.

< poch witsi , but sometimes

1 sher is used.

duts witsi.

pachits witsi .

azdr.

t diu azdr je duts witsi

| (sometimes azdr is used ) .

push azdr.

The Kafirs, it will be seen, like the tribes of the Russian Caucasus, count

*

by twenties. f Sir George Robertson informs me that, in the high figures,

their counting is not only very rapid but remarkably accurate, in spite of

the apparent drawback.

* The following numerals, differing from the above, are in the Collection of the

Reverend Worthington Jukes, viz., 40, dust ; 60, tied ditus ; 60, chatwdts ; 70.

pachwdts ; 80, s&otsa ; 90, sudat ; 100, hus&uts.

Note a French similarity tf quatre vingt”

64

Bashgal! Grammar.

[67-

Ordinals.

67, The Ordinals are formed thus : —

panishr, first.

panishr ste ptibar, (?) second,

tre ptiwar, (?) third.

68. Duplication is expressed thus :

du e por, two-fold.

69. Distributive Numerals : —

yo narik, 7 Qne by one_

yo kure , j

yd dodun , two by two,

70. Fractions, etc. —

chill ai, quarter.

erangst,

witsl ptiwar, (?) twentieth.

pocli wit si ptiwar , (?) hundredth.

duts e por , ten-fold.

yo trd tre, three by three,

yd chashton, four by four,

tinch, half,

a pair.

(VIII) MISCELLANEOUS.

71. The following are some of the ordinary weights and measure¬

ments : —

manna,

kazhe,

shto kazhe ,

drisht,

niaro dusht ,

2 1 seers, (5 lbs.)

15 „ (30 lbs.)

60 „ (120 lbs.)

span.

elbow to end of

clenched fist.

e dusht ,

e giats,

e lambar

e potten ,

C elbow to end of

(. middle finger,

neck to ditto.

{from shoulder to

ditto,

a pace.

72. The following are divisions of the day : —

giirum ettd,

{

cock crow,

dawn.

ruch ba, daylight.

radhar ( rotar ) 1

brdbar , j

grish painjl, ^

midnight.

from 3 p.m.

till evening.

— 74]

Miscellaneous,

65

su ptl,

{

yazhl-wel,

grish-bd,

su tsdwen bibd

su puell,

time of the sun’s

appearance,

morning,

noon.

sunset.

su chunzli,

/v

se yur,

patramjuk,

i

{

sunrise.

evening twilight,

sun-down.

night.

73.

Cardinal Points.

North,

South,

/ (no word, unless “ to-

J wards the Great

J Bear,” prusht por,

V is used).

(no word).

East, sunrise way, su chunzli por.

r su puell por ,

West, sunset way, < su puesth por ,

^ su puettan por.

74. The following information is given by the Reverend Worthington

Jukes : —

Days of the Week.

cUlhar,

shpah ,

attrl ,

Sunday.

Monday.

Tuesday.

sad wcisci,

sawer wasa,

namdch wasa ,

agar ,

Saturday.

W ednesday .

Thursday.

Friday.

The Months.

There are twenty days in a month, and eighteen months (360 * days) in

a year.

* Mr. C. Rose, after making enquiries, says there are 380 days in a year, viz., 200

summer days and 180 winter days. There are seven days in a week, and Friday is a

day of rest.

F

66

BashgalI Grammar.

[74.

The Months — continued.

( 67 )

SENTENCES.

ENGLISH-BASHGALI.

1. He is a very able man. Ikld * biliuk damtol manchl ess.

2. Ckitral is above Broz (i.e., up Shdral Broza ta chir ess.

stream).

3. By an accident Mirak’s gun Mirak tapak bejar bar odsl Basti

went off and Basti was bit. td preptl. Basti mar a. Mirak

Basti died. It was not by

design that Mirak killed Basti.

4. My whole body aches much. I

cannot go.

5. The Charwelo also says his

head aches.

6. This year all the fruit is acid.

7. The dog is across the river.

8. My horse is very active.

9. This egg is addled .

10. By going there what advan¬

tage is there F

11. That man’s advice is not good.

12. My father is a good man : his

advice is good.

13. Break this wood with an adze.

14. Come after me.

15. Come after five days.

16. We three will go after four days.

17. Stay here. Come after ten

days.

18. In the early afternoon (noon to

3 p.m.) it is very hot : in

the late afternoon (3 p.m.

to evening) it is cool.

tin] bitl Basil n’jaria.

/v

Ids sundl jitt bilugh bradzott,

N’pd banom.

Ghdrwell dl ids sliai bradzott

kutt.

Ina se sundl kazhwa] cheno asht.

Kurl poh per’s.

la ushp bilugh damtol ess.

Ina aikun ( azhd ) pakkhel biss.

Akl gusthd kai od bd ?

Ikld manchl vari less ness.

Id tott le- manchl ess : ikl vari

less .

Ina, dar wo ski rnesh pett.

Id ptior (ptiwar, or tibar) ats.

Poch wos ptiwar ats.

Ema troi manchl shto wos ptiwar

emish.

Amo nishe. Buts wos ptiwar ats.

Grishbo bilugh tapi ess: grish-

painii shill d bd.

* As Kafirs use the fewest possible words to express their meaning, they would,

in talking to one another, omit many of the pronouns and post-positions which

have been given in these sentences.

F 2

68

English-Bashgali Sentences.

19. What is your father’s age ?

20. My father is considerably

aged .

21. To agree to my words is good

for you.

22. Agriculture is good for man,

23. I have no ailment.

24. My father has no ailment.

25. Silence ! my brother is aiming .

26. To-day the air is cold.

27. In my valley to-day there is

no air.

28. Alas ! my son is dead.

29. That sepoy is very alert.

30. This is the place where ducks

alight.

31. All my horses have died.

32. All we will go.

33. All the men have gone.

34. On that hill there is always

snow.

35. The Mehtar allowed it.

36. Do you allow me to depart P

37. I, having paid my respects to

the Mehtar, am allowed

(have got my leave) to de*

part, and am going.

38. Are you going alone ; or

does your brother go with

you?

39. My son will also go.

40. I don’t walk : I always ride.

41. This is amazing work.

42. Among them one is a thief.

43. To be angry is not good.

Totta ta chok se bissa ?

Id tott bilugh manjar ess.

Id warl waga : tu lestabald .

Ptul kudum karbo manchl lesta¬

bald.

Id bradzo n’assum.

Id tottia kai bradzo ness.

Chusht oshi / id brd tapik damitt.

P shtarak ( shtarak or shtak ) dumish-

tatt : shil ba.

Pma b’gul shtarak dumi n’ishtatt.

Hai hai ! id 'pitr mara.

Ind spahz bilugh damtol ess.

Jallai amnl nishittett.

Id ushjp sang mara.

Pma sang emish .

Manclu sang gawd.

Aske bado sundi zim ess.

Mehr mancMe vari damitt.

Id purugul boselld ?

Mehr saldm gaitl elom : puru

grosam.

Tu. parki afzoshd ; tu brd di afzio ?

Id ypitr dl afzio.

a

Ots pottm n’ aietam : sang usjipc

mdsh elom ,

Ind kudum le vari ass.

Amnio p’mich eo sh.tar ess .

Mashikr boh less noh.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

44. Don’t be angry : I will give

you bread.

45. Yesterday my father became

very angry.

46. If yon go, I will be angry.

47. I won’t go : don’t be angry.

48. My brother has gone : my

father is very angry .

49. My ankle is broken.

50. My brother has not come :

another man has come.

51. When he asked me, what

answer gavest thon ?

52. I gave answer “I am sick”

(my body aches), moreover

I answered “ Thon liest.”

53. Here there are many ants.

54. In winter ants don’t bite.

55. In spring ants bite much.

56. There are verily ants ; bnt they

don’t bite.

57. I am very anxious; my father

must die.

58. Is there (any) bhnsa (chopped

straw) there ?

59. Come here apart.

60. Does the enemy appear ?

61. This apple is sweet.

62. How many men are there in

this village ?

63. The Afghan soldiers are bad.

64. Why are they bad P

65. This year apricots are sour.

66. My loiver arm is broken.

67. On my upper arm is a boil,

68. In my armpit is a boil.

69. In the Afghan army there are

a hundred men.

Tu kaba na bo : ots buri prelom.

Dus tott biluah mashoghott.

Tu gujbd id burubiz bolam.

Ne elom : burubiz n'kshi.

Id bra gwd : ia tott bilugh burubiz

kutt.

Id grik pretang ess.

Ids bra n’aiyo : e var manchi aiyo.

Ind kuttdtom tu ka walach ?

0 waliosam “jitt bradzot.”

'V

0 walatom “ tu, larich.”

Amnl gu le asht.

Zawdr gu n'chagotitt.

/V

Wizdor^VL bilugh chagotitt.

Amnz buasht gu asht ; n’chagfitett.

Ots wushtatum ; tott marett ,

Hatt tus assa ?

Am parkie ats.

Mashubata warantam ?

•— • •

Ind parr aru & ess .

Indm bagrdm oho manohizd ?

Aoghdni spdhi digard.

Kyu digar essa ?

Did se sarren chinai ba.

Id dui petangawd.

last gotra td ponduk ba, ,

last kachkara ponduk bd .

AogAdnl sain ponj watsa manchi essd*

70

English-BashgalI Sentences.

70. Walk up and down around my

house.

71. The dog keeps watch around

my house.

72. Bring my bow and arrow.

73. If you eat arsenic , you will die.

74. Ascertain : have the coolies

come ?

75. I have ascertained : the coolies

have not come.

76. Go to that house ; ascertain

well.

77. The mount ain-ash wood is

strong.

78. Take away the fire ashes.

79. Bring so much ashes.

80. How much ashes shall I bring ?

What are you ashing ?

81. The asjpen tree wood is useless.

82. This ass is not good.

83. I have fallen; give me assist¬

ance v

84. Thou art giving me assistance ;

I will give thee a present.

85. Yesterday I gave thee much

bread. Atest thou it ?

86. I was very hungry, and ate it

all.

87. Thou art very foolish : why

atest thou all of it ?

88. Look ! the enemy makes an

attach (has come on) .

89. The dog attached me.

90. He is a quiet man : don’t attach

him.

91. Make an attempt to carry out

this intention.

92. You don’t make an attempt

to follow this up.

Ina p’amfi barela palgd.

Krui ina p'amu palangett ,

last dron shur giats.

Ska yulosb mrlosh.

Ai&hkshi : barwai awettett ?

Aish. kra : barwai n’afzia •

Ihid p'amu wigi aish kshi.

Titr dar dang ess.

Ango td assa gaie.

Azhih asse giats.

Ghuh asse awem ? Tu hai aish

kuch ?

Romen dar hai ud n’ess,

Ina kur less n’ess.

Ots lunissd ; id lesta hshi ,

(\) /V /V

. Tu id litra prechi ; ots tu gd lesta

hulom.

/V

Dus ots bilugh bor pta}sh . Tu

sundi iara ?

Id bilugh attd bissl sundi iya,

Tu bilugh charagh ess : hyd sundi

iyana tu ?

r\j

Aish hshi. Pachan wari afzio.

Krui id td atursia.

Naluso manchi ess : hai n’amnio.

Ina wari kutta kshe.

Tu ina wari nai kutt hoshi.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

93. In autumn the leaves fall.

94. Autumn is the time for reaping

wheat.

95. This year many avalanches

have come down.

96. In the spring many ( avalanches

of) stones fell.

97. That man is very avaricious .

98. Avoid tobacco.

99. Avoid meat five days; yon are

ill.

100. I await my son.

101. At the time for prayer awake

me.

102. My son is asleep : awake him.

103. My axe has become blunt.

{8haro por viyanya.

Shara bd katz erwema.

Ind se turus le dyd.

Wasut vott le afzid.

\

Ikzd manchz bilugh dang ess,

Tamkio lesta (?) kshz,

Poj wos ano lesta (?) kshz ; tu

bradso osish .

Ots id pitr aish kuttam.

Namdj bibd id betso.

Id pitr p Amiss : betso.

Id pets dura biss.

B

104. My back aches.

105. Go back ! bad man !

106. If you will come back, I shall

kill you.

107. You are tired: I shall give

you a back,

108. The Afghans are bad men.

109. In that bag is cloth.

110. Bring my bag here.

111. A thief has taken off my bag.

112. The coolies have brought my

baggage here.

113. That man is bald.

114. The polo ball is lost,

115. That man is bandy legged (?)

(limps).

116. On the bank of the river

there are many flowers.

117. The dog is barking : thieves

have come.

la td pti bradzott.

Tu digar manchz assish ! am ats J

Tu dl ats anjzbd, jdrlam.

Tu gatrd bissish : tu achu kalom.

Aoghdnz manchz digar asht,

Std pashtuga td lattrz asht ,

Id pashtuga anz gats.

Shtdro pashtug bra.

Anz banvai lattri arwristai.

Std manchz kurr ess.

ChkrI piz bid.

Std manchz kuttatt.

Ao tawarg pzsh le ai»

Kruz rattatt : shtar ayasar*

* This form is probably for euphony in connection with the word preceding it.

n

English-BashgalI Sentences.

118. This year wheat is bad ; barley

is good.

119. Make a basket for me.

120. I want a big basket.

121. Here last year there was a

battle.

122. The Badakhshi fights (makes

battle ) well.

123. My horse is a bay colour.

124. I see a beacon on the hill.

125. Light a beacon on that hill.

126. What is in the bird’s beak ?

127. Take care ! that beam is not

strong.

128. There are clouds. We cannot

see the constellation of the

Great Bear.

129. Are there bears in the forest ?

130. My foot pains: I cannot bear

it.

131. That man’s beard is become

white.

132. I am beaten : I will beat thee

to-morrow.

133. That bird is beautiful.

134. I am tired : get my bed ready.

135. I have brought a bed; there is

no bedding.

136. In Bumboreth there are many

bees.

137. Bees will sting. I am afraid

of them.

138. Go thou before, I will follow.

139. What does that man beg ?

140. He is not a bad man : he is a

beggar.

141. Sit behind me on the horse.

Ind se gum digara bd ; rits lesta

bd.

Id duge kawa kshe.

la dl kawa ud ess.

Ind pd e shuj biss.

Tdzhl shuj lesta kulai.

Ia ushup pilir ess.

Bado ango varion.

Ikld bado ango kshl.

Marangatse noshpa kai etsal ?

Tardchl bd ! Ikld argru less ness.

Ndru ess. Prusht n'warion butt.

Ba ben its asse ?

Id td kur bradzott : dor na butt .

St a manchl td dari kazhlra bissd.

Ots vina vina karesam : dalkie tu

vilom.

Ikld marangats shingar aiets.

Qatrd butl ayd sum : prusht

gaiets.

Prusht award ; ashtrith n’aiesht.

Mdmreth macherik le asht.

Maoherik aturshild : widerthum

Tu nashtar wai bo, ots piturai •

salam .

Ikld manchl kai aWeguta ?

Ikld manchl digar n’ess: naluZ

was.

Tu ushpa ta id ptiora nishe.

English- Bashgal! Sentences.

142. After eating food don’t belch.

143. I place no belief in him.

144. Thon liest ! I don’t believe

thee.

145. I have eaten too much : my

belly aches.

146. Broz is beloio (down stream

from) Chitral.

147. My walking stick is become

bent.

148. My father is here : and besides

him no one.

149. We have bhusa and besides

nothing else for horses.

150. Is the Afghan or Chitrall

soldier the better ?

151. Between Chitral and Broz

there is no village.

152. Beware ! the dog will bite you.

153. Beyond Drosh there is no cul¬

tivation.

154. The big dog is amiable ; the

small dog bites.

155. On the Shawal pass there are

no birds.

156. Give me a bit of meat.

157. Put a bit in my horse’s mouth.

158. The horse bites ; don’t go near.

159. The black horse fell yesterday.

160. Fetch me two blankets from the

house.

161. Bleed him from ^is forearm.

162. In the spring a strong wind

blew, and the fruit is

damaged.

163. The old man is blind.

164. My pugri has blood on it*

165. Spring has come the trees are

blossoming*

Yd zhuti pshuikbut rikshi.

O ikid warm iTpatitom.

Tu laraichi ! tu wan w’patitom.

Sho le iaro : ktol bradzott.

Bruz Shtrdlo std nlr ess.

Ids manui dur biss.

1a tott am ess .* wara kdch n'ess.

Bind td ushp duge tils ass : wara

n'aiesht.

Aoghdn spdhi lest ai na Bilian

lest ai ?

Shdral Bruz p’mij gram n'aiesht.

Taraichl bo ! krui aturshilon.

Bryus par kujlu n’aieshta.

Al krui less : far men krui atur¬

shilon.

Shdwalo bado marangats riaiesht.

Id duge achok bitd gats.

Id ush'p ashi lazhom giats.

Ushp anala ; tavarai n’ai.

Zhi ushjp dus luni.

Bamu stha id dugd du jil gaiets.

Ikid manchi dui td lui beksha.

Wazut damu biluah ushtia j

kazhwazh nadzia.

Purdik kar ess.

Ghadrd lui tajpola biss.

Wasut bid : amni siren pizh bdt

n

English- Bashgali Sentences.

166. Blow the fire hard.

167. The wind blows very fast.

168. JBlow out the light.

169. My knife has become blunt.

170. He is a very boastful man.

171. Take care ! there is a bog ahead

of yon.

172. My leg has a boil on it.

173. For making tea boil water.

174. There is a bone in my dog’s

month.

175. My bow is broken.

176. Give this box to the coolie.

177. What is this boy's age ?

178. That man has no brain: he is

foolish.

179. Break a branch of that tree.

180. In order to get some brass I

am going to Chitral.

181. The Government soldiers are

all brave.

182. Bravo ! don’t be tired !

183. Thy ass is braying lond;

listen ! all the asses are

braying.

184. Get bread for my coolies.

185. If yon won’t give me bread ,

I will die.

186. Do not break my box.

187. If yon break the wood, I shall

be very angry.

188. My box is broken (break).

189. My father has broken (break)

his leg.

190. If yon fall, yonr leg will

break, as yon are fat.

191. Go slow: let the horse take

breath.

192. The Charwelo gives bribes.

Angd kotd parchio.

Dumi le ishtett.

Ghirdah yase.

Id chaku dnrn hiss.

Ind mancht bilugh wishtawal ess.

(V »

Tardchtbo ! Yott (?) athalon.

Kur apsiss.

Chat ksht : do tipao.

Krut p'asht attiss.

I dron pettangus.

Ind sandnka manchte pre.

Ind marire major kai ess ?

Std mnsta ness : bdr ass.

Iki shtom chur petd.

Dara waietum : Shdrdl aietum.

Sarkdro spdht sang znr wai.

Shamash ! N’gatribola,

Tu kur bilugh rarra kntt : kor

ktt ! Sang kur rarra knttett.

la barwai duge yashl giats.

t\j # f\/

Tu i bor nprenjtba ots mrlom.

la adre n’pitzen kshe.

Tu ddr perinjiba ots kabd balom.

Id adr pitzep. biss.

Idst tott kur pett ons.

Tu lunelosh nanden petanlo, tu dl

ktol mancht assish.

GUlld ats : ushp shns kalon.

Ghdrwelt wara lettrl prett.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

75

193. Make bricks for my Louse.

194. My girl is a bride.

195. To make a bridge , get beams.

196. The bridge is broken.

197. In my country there are no

wooden bridges.

198. My horse’s bridle is broken.

199. Bring a broom, clean this

place.

200. Bring bread for me and fetch

grass for the horse.

201 . I fell ; my stick broke.

202. My arm is broken.

203. Thy brother has fever.

204. My brother is dead.

205. I brought one load of grass ; my

brother brought two loads.

206. My father is a very strong

man: he has brought three

loads of grass.

207. The woman is bringing a bas¬

ket, and the men have

brought stones.

208. The Charwelo is a brutal man*

209. My buck wheat is not ripe.

210. There are many bugs in this

bed.

211. Build a house for me here.

212. All my bulls have died.

Chanlu’s bull is very fat

this year.

213. On the ground I found a

flat bullet.

214. Many men are gathered for the

burial.

215. Burn that long stick.

216. Bury that corpse.

217. A bird is sitting in the bush.

Id amu dugd mrai puru kshi.

Id jul noi bazisna prelom.

Su tamu katl glats .

Su petang ess.

Emd gul td dao siu n’asht.

Id ushp td lazhom petang ess.

Skd giats, indnl jagd ska.

/%/

Id dugd bor gats ; ushp dugd yus

gats.

Ots piltam ; marl parengi.

Iasi dusht peronga.

Tu bra ontsatt.

Iasi bra mrd.

1 e bor yus a war a ; id si bra du bor

yus awara.

Idsl tott biluk karwa manchl ess :

troi bor yus awara.

Jugur kawd aivett , sai wott awara.

Ghdrwell mashu-wa manchl ess.

Id zhum n'piess.

Ind prushtl td guzr le asht.

Id duga anl amu kshi.

Ia ashu sang mrishtd. Chalu nah

ashu ind se bilugh kart ess.

rv

Ind bhlma td epol toch badul gol.

Bilugh manchl kanai dugd ayd .

Ikld drangai shtan lushe.

Ikld mrishta kana sate.

Esuli td marangats mshln ess ,

76 English-Bashgali Sentences.

218. This butter is not clean. Ind nuri shta n’biss,

219. Buy a rupee’s worth of cloth. B tang digri marl preti giats.

c

220. The white cow’s calf is dead.

221. Call the old man.

222. The camel is a bad animal.

223. My horse is very fat and can¬

not go.

224. You are a bad man : you take

no care.

225. Have a care ! don’t throw

down my load.

226. That man is very careless

(foolish).

227. In that village is there any

carpenter ?

228. The carrier has fallen into the

river.

229. I am tired ; I won’t carry a

load. Mirak will carry the

load of two men.

230. The cat has grown lazy and

won’t catch mice.

231. Catch that horse’s bridle.

232. All the cattle of this village

have died.

233. Put the big cauldron on the

tire.

234. What is the cause of your

anger ?

235. In that cave a dog is sitting.

236. Cease this work.

237. The ceiling of my house is

bad.

238. That is a celebrated carpenter.

239. The chaff (chopped straw) is

all bad from rain.

Ka skwi gdo uteer mar a,.

Purduka walo.

Shtur digar kor ess.

Id ushp biluah kartd hiss, n.’pd

bann.

Til digar manchi assish ; til kuduma

tin na kuch.

Til kushulwa kshi ! (Tarachl bo !)

id bor viar n’ilteo

Ikid manchi bilugh ber ess .

Iky a bagrom dao sella se ?

Barwai^)o-e lunis.

Gatrabissum ; bor n’awetum. Mirak

du manchion bor awela.

Pshiash beri biss ; mussu na

damitt.

Ikye ushpe lazhom dame.

Ina bragom gao sang mrd.

Al tol ango p'tsiru wate .

Tu ka kapd bosh ?

Patel karoh krui nishin ess.

Ind kuduma bekshi nishe.

Ina p’amu argru digri biss.

Bilugh le dao sell ess.

Sang tus agol td digri biss .

English-BashgalI Sentences.

77

240. The chain of my door is

broken.

241. Bring a chair for sitting on.

242. This cloth is not to my taste :

change it.

243. This charcoal is bad : it doesn’t

bnrn.

244. To-day I will give charity ,

perchance my father will

not die.

245. On my brother’s cheek is a

boil.

246. Bashgali Kafirs won’t eat

cheese.

247. This year all the cherries are

sour.

248. My chest aches.

249. My hen has ten chickens.

250. My child is very ill.

251. I have no chimney to my

house.

252. I fell; my chin is broken.

253. The Ghitrdli soldier is not a

bad man.

254. My chest is big ; that choga is

tight.

255. Here are two chogas : choose

one.

256. In my clan are many men.

257. There is no clay here to make

bricks.

258. Your hand is dirty ; clean it.

259. Thy father’s speech is clear.

260. That boy is very clever.

261. That cliff is bad: don’t go near.

262. About 3 p.m. we will climb

the hill.

263. I cannot climb this hill.

Id du ta chima petanguss.

Nizhistha bon giats.

Ina laiiri id shotik n’bd ; nmela

kshi,

Ind pe less n'asht : na parchitt.

Ots shtarak gano ; telam, shtald tott

n’mrld.

la bra naskor absiss.

Kata kilar n’yuld.

Ind se sang gilos chinosht.

Id zira bradzott.

Id istri kakok duts kur asht.

Id marir biluah bradzo asht.

Id p’amu dawok n’asjit.

Lunissam ; akli pror biss.

Bilian spdhz digar n’ai.

Ia dr wishtr ass ; shuga aron butt .

Am du shugd asht : eo gaie.

Emd tott bra le asht.

Am mrai kusth duga palol n'ess.

Tu dol mol biss ; dire.

Td tott ivarl less.

Std marir bilugh kashul ess.

Ikl shtl digar ess : atkhz niye.

Grish biznor um.

Ots ind bado n’ai iam banam.

78

English-BashgalI Sentences.

264. To make a cloah fetch some

black cloth. (IT)

265. Bring two clods of earth for me.

266. This cloth is very thick.

267. My clothes are dirty; wash

them.

268. There are many clouds ; per¬

haps it will rain.

269. Clean my coat.

270. Who has killed my cock ?

271. To-day the breeze is very cold.

272. This year there is no snow and

no cold ; it is quite warm.

273. On account of the snow my

feet are cold.

274. The sun is set: it has become

cold.

%

275. I have eaten too much and

have colic (i.e., my stomach

is swollen),

276. Collect the sepoys and coolies

to-morrow at dawn.

277. Sir ! the coolies are collected,

but the sepoys have not

come.

278. What is the colour of your

father’s horse ?

279. The asses, horses, and coolies

’ have all come.

280. The sepoys complain that the

Charwelo is a very cruel

man.

281. 1 considered the enemy had

fled.

282. Converse slowly ; say every

word separately.

283. Call a man to cook my food.

Budzun kusth duga zhi zapp gats.

Id duga du palelsht giats.

Ind zapp but ess.

Id bazisna mol bistai ; nizhe.

Naru but ess ; ingol kd agol bolan.

Ia shuga lesst kshi.

Idst nai kakkak ku jariss ?

Starak gujr bilugh duml yuds.

Starak se zim dl na ess, shilla

n ess ; top ess.

Zim-o-ta kur pitsenwa.

Su par lang bid : shilla bd.

Bilugh bon iar ; ktol apsiss.

t v

Spdhi barwai dalkiet attrl wasnao

(wasankro) (?).

Sdhibo ! barwai wasn westai spdhl

noh osth.

Tottchi ushpe kor kdsth ezz ?

Kur , ushp, barwai sang aya.

Spdhz kasettett ChdrweU bilugh

mashu oss.

'V

Ots wushtatasum mashu warl

mikid.

Chilld walo; pare wari kure kure

walo.

Id bun ash kurik e manchi oshti

giats.

English-BashgalI Sentences.

79

284. The coolie is fallen in the river :

he is drowned in the water.

285. I have no cord to fasten the

box.

286. This is a dry year : the corn is

dried np.

287. I saw a corpse in my field this

morning.

288. My brother is very corpulent,

and can't walk.

289. In my village there is my

brother’s cotton crop and no

one else’s.

290. I want medicine for my father ;

he coughs much.

291. Count the coolies : how many

are there ?

292. My country is very pretty ; it is

highland (cold).

293. My cousin has seven bulls.

294. Is your brother’s cow white or

black ?

295. My cowherd is a very bad man.

296. That crag is very steep : a horse

cannot go.

297. That boy got cramp in the

water owing to the cold.

298. He is a thief. See ! he is

creeping like a dog.

299. From the crest of the hill

Drosh appears in view.

300. Forgive my crime ; I am a

poor man.

301. My walking stick is crooked.

302. This year there is much rain;

my crop is spoiled.

303. On crossing the pass the wind

was very bad.

Barwai po-e luniss : do p’mich

pizbiti .

S andok giristh duga kanik naiesht.

Inti se damkol wti : gnm lushingwti.

Inlash ptul p'mich e manchi

mrisht waritilm.

la bra al ktol oss ; n'palangett.

la bagrom id hr do karbosh as]it ;

wtirti n'aiesht.

Ia tott duga ushu wagattam ; bilugh

kasitt.

Barwai gire : che manchi asht ?

Emd gol bilugh shingarl ass ; sMl

ass.

Totti pitr (F) sott ashu ai.

Tu brozhl gao ka skirl izhti, zhl azzti ?

Id gao patsa (psawai) bilugh digar

manchi ess.

Std kti ukar ess : ushp na batt.

Sta liliwak poi ta shille dur bit!

ass .

Shtar ess. Afr&hl ! krul chor shto-

knroett.

Bado shaie ste Dry us warantus.

Id vari (?) bakshio ; o garib assum.

last manol shkori hiss.

Starak se bilugh agol prett ; ptul

digar bti.

Bado ahai ta duml bilugh digar bti.

80

Engltsh-Bashgai,! Sentences.

304. In tills valley there are many

crows.

305. Yonr cock crows much.

306. The Commissariat babii is a

very cruel man,

307. My pony’s crupper is broken,

so he can’t go down hill.

308. A big stone came down and

crushed my leg.

309. Why does that small boy cry

out ?

310. Spring is the good time to

cultivate .

311. The Kafirs’ cultivation is cele¬

brated.

312. That man is very cunning (fox

class) .

313. Get me a metal cup to drink

water.

314. I am ill: therefore call a doctor

to cure me.

315. My custom is not to smoke

tobacco ; I take snuff.

316. Gut a stick for me with a

knife,

317. The soldier cut my leg off.

318. The Charwelo gave me an

order to cut your hand off. '

D

319. My father killed the Charwelo

with a dagger.

320. Daily bring me a little milk.

321. This ground is damp and not

fit for pitching (causing to

stand up) tents.

322. The men of this village dance

badly.

Ind gula ta korr le asht.

Tu nai kakkak hilugh kasitt.

Commissariat bdbu hilugh kart ess.

Id ushp ta prampor bradzi petan-

gess ; ia dugd ushp burn palangen

na batt.

Al vott atsitl iast kur periss.

Iky d par men marir kaido zhutt ?

Kruja shistha wosut less.

/v t

Kato kruzhi hilugh lesst ess.

Ikzd manchi iwraki ayur ess.

Pashku giats : do pinam.

Bradzo assum : id duga wokshhal

giats , aishkshi kom.

Tamkio kusth id chur n'ess ; nazor

kolum.

Id duga kato mesh manoi petan.

Spdhl idst kur petess.

Char well hukmptas'm tu dul petega.

Id tott Charwell kato vltl jion (?)

( jdrid ).

Sang gujr id dugd achok zu giats.

Ind bhlm zhil ess ; jilama wotasth

digar ess.

Ind bragom manchi not digara

kuttett.

■Engusii-BashgalI Sentences.

81

323. My father dances well.

324. That precipice is dangerous ,

don’t go near.

325. Owing to an eclipse of the

sun, it is dark.

326. My daughter's age is 13.

327. To-day I go to Chitral ; every

day I shall do a march.

328. The sun melts the snow by

day.

329. To-morrow at daylight let me

go.

330. My donkey is dead , my horse

is Uead', I can’t lift the load.

331. My uncle last year was very

ill : now he is become deaf.

332. The ford is deep ; we can’t

cross.

333. The charbu (Chitral! head

man of village) is a very

deep (fox class) man.

334. The Badakhshani army de¬

feated the Chitral army.

335. Our army, being defeated, fled.

336. That defile is good for fighting

the enemy in.

337. Go quickly : don’t make delay .

338. The village is far : don’t delay

here.

339. The coolies demur and say we

can’t carry loads.

340. The road is steep : we should

descend from the horses.

341. Your horse is falling : you had

better descend.

342. Let go ! this business is not

desirable for you.

343. The men of that village are

destitute.

Tott n5t lesta kutt.

Ind thurus dig*ar ess, tavaral n’ai.

Su garo yaristhe duga andhar hiss.

Id ju ter its biss.

Starak gujr Shdral azetum ; eo gujre

e ivos pott kalom.

Gujr zzmo su tip at.

Dalkid ruzh biba elom.

last kur mrissa, ushp dz mra ; bor

nga n'balam.

last jisthd poe biluah bradzo was •

starak asanga biss.

Atr guru ess : patren na bamish .

TJru bilugh vriki pirstha manch*

ess.

Tajz sarien Bilian sari psia.

__ /v

Emast sari gatra bit! mikid.

Ikzd aruni gol pachan war! shush

kustha less.

Achunam ie : dre n'kshz.

Gram badur ess ; pott dre n'kshl •

Barwai larettett : warz walettett bdr

n' awema.

Pott tchkur ess • usfhp td wawo

etsatl ema.

Tost ushp piltalz s wa osth lesta

bald.

Kudum nai kshz ! tu kai miok(?^

ness.

Ikzdbagrdm manchi biluah drushti-

wa asht ,

Q

82

English- Ba§h gal! Sentences.

344. Our enemy is very determined ,

and will not fly. Look !

they have fled,

345. That fellow is a regular devil.

346. Have you ever seen the devil ?

347. I have not seen the devil ; even

my father has not seen him.

348. In my country there is no dew

in the summer.

349. I have had.' diarrhoea three days.

350. If you have had diarrhoea

many days, you will surely

die.

351. The Charwelo has died: all

the men are very glad ;

my brother also died to-day.

352. Yesterday my horse fell on the

road and died.

353. There is a difference (quarrel)

between those two men.

354. Yesterday there was a differ¬

ence between me and my

brother.

355. Don’t take that road; it is

356. I ate a lot of rice early this

morning and it is not being

digested.

357. That boy’s clothes are very

dirty.

358. All the men of that village are

discontented.

359. I dislike that man.

360. At the time of my dismount¬

ing from my horse, I

slipped and fell.

361. My brother’s disposition is

very good.

Emd pachanwarl bilugh damtol

manchi asfft, n'mukettett ! Aish

ksM ! mikid.

Ikld manchi bilugh yush. ess.

Tu kul yush warainsd ?

(\j

Id yush n* warainsd ; tott dl n'wa -

rains.

Emd gol ta wizdor meh n}butt.

Troi wos butt id bazira padre u

prett.

Shtal latta wos bd padre u prett

tu nashtontl mrlosh .

Char well mriss : sang manchi

slidtinistd (?) • shtarak gujr idsl

bra dl mra.

Dus id ushp p'putt piltid mayia.

Amnl du manchi kilwarian asht.

Dus ia bra ia kila bissl.

Askd potta ta n’iye ; digar ess .

Puruchkdl bilugh butt iasht ; bru

afzia.

Askd marir basnd bilugh mul bistai.

Ikld bagram manchi sang kushan

n ’aiesht.

Ikld manchi id dugd digar ess.

Ushp ta wao atsatam, piltiosam,

luniosam.

\

Id brd dl bidi-tm assa.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

88

362. Why are these two men dis¬

puting ?

363. In this district are many cows.

364. Take this flour ; divide it

among yourselves.

365. In onr valley there is a diviner.

He is a very old man. He

is a true speaker. (^[)

366. Don’t do this business : it is

undesirable (not the cus¬

tom).

367. I fear I am dying : call a

doctor.

368. The dogs of that village are

very fierce.

369. Is your’s a male or a female

dog ?

370. You have put too large a load

on that donkey.

371. The thief broke one plank of

my door last night.

372. That man is a thief : I bave

no doubt of it ( i.e . besides

him no one else is the thief).

373. I have a doubt whether or not

he is a thief.

374. The coolies have gone down

(stream) .

375. Take down the load from the

horse’s back.

376. Get four coolies to drag the

beam.

377. My horse is very thirsty ; he

drinks much.

378. Don’t drink much water;

(otherwise) you won’t be

able to travel.

Amni du manchi kci kila kuttett ?

Inti b’gol bilugh gdo asht.

Inti bre ngti ; yti p'mich bata ksh&r.

Dmd b'gol e pshar ess • bilu ah

manjar ess ; shtal wart walann.

Inti kudum n’kshi ; clior n' ess.

O widerthum mrethum : wokshal

giats.

Ikiti bagrom krui bilugh digar ai.

Tost nah krui ya shtari ( ishtri )

krui ess ?

Ige kur e jpa pti bilugh bor kress.

Dus radar iast du bitil shtar

jpetiss .

Ikiti manchi shtar ess : wara shtar

n’asht.

Shtar ess adugosti , tinch n’ess.

Earwai vinreni ettett.

Usfi^pe jpa pti bor waoksho.

Shtowa manchian walo argru wa-

kshol.

last ushjo bilugh do * pig biss ;

bilugh do pitt.

Bilugh do na pi ; n’pti bilosh .

G 2

* Same idiom as in Chitrali.

84

English-Bashgali Sentences.

379. An ass has come to my field ;

drive him out.

380. No snow fell in the winter, so

there is a drought.

381. My cow fell in the river, and

is being drowned.

382. The Mehtar comes ! Beat a

drum.

383. My brother is a drunkard for

three years.

384. You have brought green wood ;

fetch dry wood.

385. I myself have seen that the

ducks have alighted on the

river.

386. In front of the Mehtar’s house

is a lot of dung on the road :

brush it away with a broom.

387. There is much dust on account

of the wind.

388. A dwarf has come to ask food.

389. Where do you dwell P Why

have you come here ?

390. Last year I dwelt in Kam-

desh ; this year I shall

dwell in Rambur.

391. I am poor ; my dwelling is

small.

392. That man has dyed his beard.

393. I have had dyspepsia for two

years.

394. I have eaten too much orial’s

flesh and have much

dysentery.

E

iE kur idst ptul p'mich adsa ; io

tarazho.

Ziwor zim n'ptd ; ikid dug a duma

se bd.

last gao po-e l uni, piz bia.

Mehar aiyo ! dott war.

Troi se biss idst bra tin pin.

Tu zhild dar aweshtai ; drl dar

gaiets.

Id w arid p anile jallai nishinistai.

Mehar p’amu td nirgo putt td ttsit

/V

bilugh ess: ska mesh ska.

Dumi shtett : pariss bilugh butt.

Or manchi aiyo ; burl aish kutt.

Tu kor gol td sach ? Ani kai

osh ?

Po Kamdesh assium; ina se Kunisht

alossam.

r\

Ots garib assum ; id amu achok ai.

Std manchi ddri zar korishtai.

Du se biss borl na bajit jarand.

Arorwe ano bilugh idro bilugh shur

lasett.

395. Give each coolie one rupee. Pare barwai idri tang pre.

396. An eagle came down from the Badiste zhi mare attl idst kakkak

sky, and caught my fowl wanamdi brd.

and took it off.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

85

397. Owing to cold, my ear pains.

398. To-morrow we will go very

early.

399. This year snow fell early , so it

is little.

400. There is a hollow here : fill it

np with earth.

401. Last night there was an earth¬

quake : I was much fright¬

ened.

402. To-morrow do we go east ,

(snn-rise way), or west

(sun-go- down way) ?

403. Yesterday we went east ; to¬

morrow we will go west.

404. Yesterday’s road was difficult ;

to-day’s is easy.

405. Before marching, to eat much

is not good.

406. It is five years since we have

had an eclipse of the sun

(since a shadow has eaten

the sun).

407. Don’t go near the edge of the

built up pari ; you will fall.

408. You don’t make au effort !

How can you learn ?

409. The Charwelo is angry be¬

cause the Kafirs won’t

produce eggs.

410. This man is a great thief ;

eject him out of the house.

411. That man is my elder brother.

412. That cauldron is empty : the

water leaks out.

413. Empty out the water of this

ewer.

414. Very well, Sir ! I have emptied

the water out,

Shille ta kor bradzott.

Dalkid ema kuiye ema.

Ina se zim kuiya ptd, id dugd zim

chak ptd.

Amo dudiem ess ; palol utushtl

parakshi.

/V

Bador indrish. pta : o bilugh wida -

ram.

Dalkie su chunzli por etimishd , nai

su pueli por etimishd ?

Dus su chunzli por garnish ; dalki'e

su pueli por ema.

Dus pott digar essi ; starak gujr

pott less.

Pilingstett td shaiye bilugh iasth

less ness.

Poj se bd su garo n’yariss.

U shti pachur pazhe n’ai ; piltilosjh.

Tu bibidi n’kshonjl ! Tu kdktl

zaronlosh ?

Katd azhao n’prend Chdrwell kapd

bitl.

lyl manchl bilugh shtar ess ; iye

p’amu ste nuksao.

Sta manchl idst jisht bra oss.

Ikld tol kar hiss ; do be afzid „

/"V

Ind pashku td do uchar kshi.

Sahib ! le ! ao uchar kpa.

86

English-Bashgali Sentence.

415. When yon have ended yonr work,

come to me.

416. Our men are few; the enemy’s

men are many.

417. Certainly, our men are few ; but

they are more energetic than

our enemy.

418. The English soldiers are very

good men.

419. I have eaten enough : it is not

good to eat more.

420. Why hast thou entered my

house ? I gave thee no

leave.

421. Tour entire clan is bad.

422. Get me a beam equal to this.

423. The enemy shut me in a house,

but I escaped.

424. I am bound, but I hope to escape

in the evening.

425. Every man of this village is a

thief.

426. The Charwelo is a very evil

man,

427. In this village there is not even

one ewer.

428. In our village my brother is

a thief, and except him no

one.

429. This cloak is not good; ex¬

change it.

430. Thou liest ! There is no excuse

for thee.

431. Stay thou here ! Expect me !

432. The right eye of my brother

aches.

Koi hudum pushaba id ta aets.

Emd manchi achoh aesth ; pachan-

wari le aesth.

Shtal, emd manchi achoh aesth ;

pachanwari td damtol aesth.

Prang spdhi bilugh le manchi asht.

Bes idrd : le idsth less ness.

Tu ha duga p’amu atta ga-s-ash ?

id huhm n’ptd.

Td tott bra sang digar asth.

Id duga ihid argru pristha argru

giats.

Pachan zuari p’amu atta attotiss :

bati mikiosam.

Attotinissam, bibidi bibd salhawar

mikalom.

Lid bagrdm sang manchi shtar ai.

Ohdrweli bilugh dagar manchi ess.

*

Ind bagrom p’mich eo di pashku

n’ai.

Emd bagrom p’mich ia brd shtar

ess, wara nai.

Ind shugd less n’ess ; nmela hshi.

Tu larechi ! tu hai nelus n’ess.

Tu ani oti / id aish kshi .

Id brao datzie achie bradzott.

English-Baisgal! Sentences.

8?

433. My brother’s eye-brow got Id brao tremchuk ache-patta lush-

burnt by the lamp. ingostai.

434. Lift up your eye-lid ; show your Ache-ktelik wdro ; ache oksh.

eye.

F

435. On that man's face is a black

mark, so big.

436. If our luck is bad, we shall

fail to climb the hill.

437. The Chitralis say that on

Tirich Mir there are many

fairies and nothing else.

438. The Mehtar’s falconer fell in

the water and died.

439. Take care ! If you fall into the

water, you will die.

440. That wall will fall, don’t

approach it.

441. Much rain has fallen this

year.

442. Last year much snow has fallen.

443. This year there is a quantity

of snow; to-day snow has

not fallen.

444. My dog has fallen into the

water.

445. In my country is a famine.

446. My brother is more famous

than that man.

447. From Chitral, both Shoghot

and Gairatli are equally far.

448. Sit near me ; don’t sit far off.

449. Chitral is near, Drosh is far.

450. In our village there is no

farrier (horse shoe-fastener).

451. Your horse is very fast; mine

is slow.

Sta man-chid muka td azhisto zhi

nisfhdn ess.

Shtald i nasib riazilaba, ashtre td

mve n’balem.

Bilian manchi walettett llissarmin

wutr (vetr) bilugh asht ward

n'aiesht.

Mehr marapsawai poi-e luneti

mrd.

Trdcht bo ! Tu poi etish td

mrlosh.

lye chd witlala, tore n'ai.

Starak p'se bilugh agol pta.

Pd bilugh zim zirnita.

Starak sa bilugh zlm ess ; star ah

gujar zim n pta.

Id krui poi gwa.

Id gul td bilugh att ess.

Id bra std manchi td bilugh

damtol le manchi ess.

Shdrdl ste Shogoi Qairath tick

badur asth.

Id taware nishe ; badur nnishi.

Shdrdl t award, Dry us badur ess.

Ema bagrom ushup wetsa amchoi

naiasth.

Tu ushp bilugh shatrami ess ; id

ushp n'pa balas.

>i * ?■*

88 English- Bashgali Sentences.

452. It is three years since I turned

Mnsalman ; I keep the fast.

453. The time is near for breaking

the fast.

454. My horse has become fat, and

can’t go.

455. My fate is bad ; yonr fate is

good.

456. My father and mother are

dead : I am left alone.

457. Ton are fatigued : I will give

yon a back.

458. Don’t flee to Badakhsh.an,

there is no fear.

459. I fear my enemy will kill me.

460. Why have they rnn away ?

They have rnn away from

fear of thieves.

461. My brother feigned dead, and

escaped by night.

462. My father fell on the road.

463. Thy father fell into the river.

464. The female is nsnally cleverer

than the male.

465. Fetch fonr men to make a

bridge.

466. I have fetched fonr men.

467. This year many men have died

of fever.

468. My father is very ill ; he has

fever.

469. Fever has had hold of me for

fonr days ; my body aches.

470. Last year very few men died

of fever.

471. The Ashrath valley men are

useless for fighting.

4s72, This year figs, apples, and

peaches are sonr.

Tre sa bet o muzalmdn bissam;

✓

pochetr ngdnam.

Pochetr peristh tur ess.

Id usfhjp kartab ess : jga n’batt.

last mink digar ess ; to mink lesst

ess.

/v

last tott nun mrd : ots jparkl ( kur )

edsam.

Tu gatraba assish : achu kulom.

Badakshd me na mugo, kd widegh

na ess .

''V

Ots widarnam pachan wan i jdrld.

Kaiko maikiya sar ? Shtar dugd

vidraiti mukid .

last brd mralogom (?) viz-

hom (?) radur mikios.

Iasi tott jpott piltia.

Tu tott baglo (b’gol-o ?) piltia.

Jugnr manchi todi bilugh ksliul ess.

Sui jpostho shtowa manchidn gaiets.

Id shtowa manchi awara.

Starak sa randsol bit l bilugh

manchi mrd.

Idsl tott bilugh bradzo ess ; unsatt,

Sh. to tv os bd ondsil l andsitl ; jidd

bradsonn.

Pd achok manchi randsol blti mrsl.

Asrett V gol manchi shoch kusth

duge digar ai.

Ind se ta kiwitt ,parr, t siren chinai .

English-Bashgali Sentences.

89

473. That man’s figure and my

brother’s figure are the

same.

474. Take this ewer, fill it with

water.

475. Your house is filthy ; of

course you will get ill.

476. I found (find) these clothes on

the road.

477. Thou art a very fine man.

478. I have nine fingers; you have

ten.

479. When you have finished work,

I will give you food.

480. Cut down two fir trees for mak¬

ing the bridge.

481. The fire is too much, subdue

it.

482. Make a fire-place in my house.

483. There is no fire .

484. For the purpose of making a

fire , fetch wood.

485. There is no firewood here ;

how can I make a fire ?

486. My soldiers are very firm and

will not flee.

487. This man came first ; that

man was second ; Mirak

Was third.

488. Our people consider fish unlaw¬

ful (as a dead thing) to eat.

489. This business is not fit for a

Mehtar.

490. The enemy’s men carry a very

big white fiag.

491. Th e flames of that fire have got

up very high.

492. This country is flat like a

hand.

Tkzd manchz wishirworh iast bra

wishirworh eo a sht.

Ind pashku ndtz ( ngdtz?) do para

ksh-i.

Tu amu mol ess ; fiitale tu bradzo -

wo bolass.

Am bazisnd potto wariam.

Til bilug h le manchz ess,

I non angur ai ; til td duts angur

ai.

Tu hoi kudum poishaba, anjz

prelom.

Su testh duge du rugana petti

giats.

Anga bilugh ess, waltz kshz,

T— 5

la p amu anga-kutan hshz.

Anga ness.

Anga hor dar apsio.

Anz watesth dar n’ai ; hdhtz angd

horn ( hulom ) ?

/V

Id spdlu bilugh zorawa ai, n’muheld.

Ind manchz panishar oss ; std manchi

ptiivar oss; Mirak troi ivostha

oss.

Emd manchz ao matsa yosth duge

mulddr ess huttett.

Ind kudum mehre less ness .

Pachan warl manchz bilugh dl

kashzr tuppdun wanamess .

Asha angd bas ublindz enn-

Ind watan dashpar purstha diwar

ess.

90

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

493. In thy house are many fleas ,

but in winter they don’t bite.

494. I am afraid of the Diwanbegl,

for that reason I am fleeing.

495. If I flee on the road, the Meh-

tar’s sepoy will catch me.

496. The enemy has fled.

497. In Ranbur there are no flies in

winter.

498. That man is floating on the

river (having inflated his

stomach).

499. A flock of my goats has come

on the hill.

500. From the melting of snow, the

river is in flood.

501. Having taken a load of wheat

and ground it, bring the

flour.

502. On the Gangalwatt pass the

flowers are pretty.

503. Last year my mare gave a foal .

504. This year my mare is not in

foal.

505. Bring fodder for my horse and

cow.

506. You go in front ; let him fol¬

low.

507. You stay here and get food

ready.

508. My brother is a very foolish

man.

509. Yesterday my foot was frost¬

bitten on the pass.

510. Do you want a foot man, or a

horse man P

511 . I heard the thief’s footfall .

512. For sake of my small child get

clothes.

To p’amu pakki biluah asht j ziwor

n'yuttett.

Diwanbegl ividarnam, giaktl muko-

nam.

Id p’pott mukinjeba mehr spdhi

wanameld.

Mashu wan mikia.

Zawor Mdmret tawarik n'aiesht.

Ikld manchl poie kfcol urktl nosh

k5r.

1 poshtre dizho dom titti afzid.

Ind zim wilitz gol ao bilugh afzia.

Fj bor gum ngdtl p shell bre giats.

Gdgra wott bado pagur putik shin-

gir ai .

Pd se iast ushpe ishtrl ushp karais.

Starak se ids ushp shall n' ess.

las ushp id gdo duge yus gats.

Tu nashtarwai bo ; ikl ptiwar

atsald.

Tu anlo nishe ; isha tyor kshl.

Id bra biluah chatta manchl ess.

Dus badu id kur lushtid.

Tu kuro manchl aish kuchid , ushp-

o-sir manchl aish kuchd ?

Shtare kur chut p’kor gawd.

last permenstuk parmire (mar ire)

duge basnd giats.

91

English- Bashgal! Sentences.

513. We won’t carry loads for

nothing.

514. Is a gun good or a sword ?

For me a gun is good.

515. Sir ! the soldiers are damaging

our crops. Forbid them.

516. I forbade them, but they don’t

obey (take counsel).

517. Turn him out of the house

with force.

518. Send me a guide to show me

the ford , for the water in

the river is quite low.

519. Come ! let us ford the river.

520. This man is not of my valley,

he is a foreigner.

521. On your forehead there is

blood. What has happened ?

522. On your horse’s forequarters

there is mud : make it clean.

523. Between Urguch and Ranbur

there is a very big forest.

524. I have forgotten the order

which the Mehtar gave me.

525. Thou art a very forgetting

man; don’t forget.

526. If I forget , may God give me

punishment.

527. The Chitral new fort is

stronger than the old fort.

528. How many foster brothers

have you P

529. That child is not my foster

child.

530. I have ten foster sisters.

531. Two Sahibs are coming; I am

sure they will want two

fowls .

rv

Fmd gijja bor n’ngdma.

Tap ah less ai tarwach less ai ? Id

duge tap ah less.

Sahib ! Spdhl ema ptul marmuri

^ huttett. N’kshlr kshi.

Ots amno td n’kshlr kra ; van

nwagattett .

Asha manchi karte p’amu ste tar-

zhart

Aotre (tur) warosth duge pott zdrl

no

i manchi namo, goloah ( goto

do) bilugh chdah ess.

Frets ! emu p’ aotre patrem.

Ind manchi emd b’gol manchi

n’ ess, wara manchi ess,

Tit p’mino loi nissis. Kai biss ?

Tit ushp ziritilia td shur tapol biss :

dire.

Argich Konisht p'mijhu al zsul

assd.

Asha hudum Mehr id td wilidsim

p’mishtia.

Tit bilugh p’mishtal manGhi assish ;

n’p’mishtal.

Shtald ots p’mishtalom Imrd bapdi

azhald.

Shdral noi kalo siume halo td lesst

ass.

Tu choh chir* bra host 1

Ihid parrnen idst chir pitr n’ai.

Id duts chir sits ai.

Du sahib pott td atsand; o purja -

nam dit kakkak ragand.

* Chitrali idiom.

92

English- Bashgali Sentences.

532. Last night a fox came and

took off all my fowls.

533. To-day it is not cold : water

will not freeze.

534. The water of the river is

frozen.

535. This fruit is stale ; get fresh

fruit.

536. That man is my friend; he is

not a thief.

537. To frighten him I said “ many

thieves have come ” ; only

one thief has come.

r.

538. All the frogs are dead from

cold, not one is left this

year.

539. I am blind, I can’t see; go

thou in front.

540. The frontier between Chitral

and Badakhshan is very

cold.

541. There is no hoar frost this year, 4

nor black frost.

542. There is a cold wind on the

pass; don’t go ! your ear

will be frost bitten.

543. What are you sulky about,

that you make frowns ?

544. Is that ewer full of water or

milk ?

545. All the men of my village are

assembled for the funeral of

my father.

Dus p’tramjuk wrigi attl sang

kakkak brd.

Starak shil n’ess : do she n’tila.

Ind gol td do she tin ess.

Std kazhwajh aim istai ; less kazh¬

wajh gyats.

Askd manchi iast suli azzd ; shtan

n’ess.

Ikld manchi widarosth duge gijjl

karsl u bilugh shtar osthd ” ; e

shtar haiss.

Shille td maruk sang mristai, ind

se eo dl n’asht.

Ots kar assum, n’wrantum ; iu

nashtar waibo.

Badakshd Shdrdl ste jo’mich sirta

shil ess.

rv

Ind se meh n’ess, she dl n’ess,.

Dado yuts duml ess ; tu n’ai ! tu

kor lushtila.

Tu kai kajpd bissish, miok andr

kriss ?

Ind pasblib td do pare karsd zu

pare karsd ?

Id totti kane duge id bagrdm

manchi sang ivasanristai.

546. All the boys of my village are Dmd bagram sang marir mishi

playing (making a game). kuttetti

English -Bashgali Sentences.

93

547. Two donkeys have come into

my garden and done much

harm.

548. The hill is very steep ; the

horse is gasping.

549. My forefathers have lived in

this village for four genera¬

tions. .

550. My grandfather was a very

generous man ( great heart

man).

551. The Aiyun men can’t make

gin (clarified butter).

552. The Afghan soldiers came and

took away four girls from

my village.

553. My horse’s girth has got loose ;

tighten it.

554. If you do well, I will give you

five rupees.

555. If you give me bread, I shall

be happy.

556. I have given him seven rupees.

557. The glacier is very bad this

year, we can’t cross it.

558. Buy for me (bring me having

given money) two looking

glasses from the bazar.

559. Go on! (horse), my horse is

very lazy.

560. To-morrow I will go to Chitral.

561. To-day you will go to Gairath.

562. The day after to-morrow we

will go to Shishi.

563. They will go to Broz.

564. Go thou to Chitral.

565. Let them go to Chitral.

I b’durestan du kur attl bilugh

najiss.

Ina do bilugh ukrl ess ; ushp

shuskett.

Emd tott wao ina bagrom shtowa

alo biss.

Id wao bilugh al bidi-wa manchl

assz •

Angar manchl ano tyor kon na

battet.

Aoghdni spahl osth emd bgrom ste

shtoiva juk bra.

Id ushp ta mushte jinjil biss •

wishte.

Tu le kudum karba poch tanga

prelom.

/v

Tu bor prenjiba ots kujhel balom.

Id iki sott tang pta.

Starak se inzarin bilugh digar ess ,

awl na bam.

B' bzdr ste marl preti du tare id

duge gats.

Prets ! ushp bilugh beru ass.

Dalkie ots Shdral elom.

Shtarak tu Gairath elosh.

Attrl emd Shishi emish.

Amna Broz enda.

Shdral i.

Shdral ella.

94

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

566. The babu has come to buy

goats, but my son’s goats are

all dead.

567. God is kind (great); perhaps

my father won’t die, I

think.

568. The War god is very good to

the Kafirs. (^[)

569. How long have you had goitre

(been goitred) ?

570. In my country is much iron,

but not gold.

571. That farrier is a very good

man.

57*2. The Chitrali houses are good.

573. In your country why do

women carry the household

goods , and men march empty

handed ?

'574. This gorge (tight valley) is a

good place to stop the

enemy.

575. I dislike the governor of this

country.

576. In my country it is not usual

to graft apples on pears.

577. Do peaches come from seed or

from grafting ?

578. Get one rupee’s worth of grain

for our horses.

579. My grandfather and grand¬

mother are both dead.

580. The grapes of my garden are

very big.

581. Bring green grass for my horse ;

he won’t eat hay (dry grass).

582. I am very grateful for the

kindness which you have

done me,

Babu gash mart preti ngusth dugci

aiyo, id pitr gash sang mrd.

Imra al ess • slit aid id tott n’mrld

washitam.

Kato manchi duge Gish bilugh le

asht.

Tu chi se hiss gur biti ?

Emd gul td chemu le asht, son

n’ai.

Ihid ushp watscl amchol manchi

bilugh damtol manchi ess.

Bilian amu lest ai.

Sha gul ta hai duge jugur trasu

lattri ngand, moch hai dugd

tsuid ettett ?

Pachanwari band husth duge ikid

arum gol lest ess.

hid watan ta nanwri ia duge digar

ess .

Id gul td parr je tong gita kosth

chur n’ess.

Aru atti mesh, botasald gitu karba

botasald ?

Eo tange pul ushpe dugd gats.

Wao wai sang mrd.

Id bdristdn dros ali pul ess.

Ia ushp dugd zhila yus gats ; dari

yus n’yutt.

Tu, bilugh mihrbdni harsam ; ots

bilugh shamash hutlam.

Englisb-Bashgali Sentences.

95

583. That boy goes towards his

father’s grave.

584. The traveller has brought his

horse to graze in my garden.

585. My donkey is great ; yonr don¬

key is greater than mine.

586. Yon are very greedy ; don’t eat

too much food.

587. Spring is come : all the trees

have become green.

588. My goats are grey ; my bro¬

ther’s goats are all black.

589. Why grievest thon P Thy

horse is ill, but to me hope

is he will not die.

590. Sir ! all night we have been

grinding com at the mill,

and the babn won’t give

ns a copper.

591. I know nothing abont horses ;

send for the groom.

592. The horse is dirty with sweat ;

groom him with a wisp.

593. My horse is rolling from side

to side on the ground and

groaning, perhaps he has a

pain in his belly.

594. This ground is very damp, and

not fit for standing np (erect¬

ing) tents.

595. My boy has grown big.

596. My crop grows well on the

gronnd this year.

597. Get a sharp man to guard my

property.

598. Mir Hamza is my guest ; it is

nnlawfnl to kill him.

599. My tooth is broken and my

gum is wollen.

Ikld marir totts pshin tapretann (?),

Wischio amu ushpe idst dristdn

marmari knsth dugd arward.

Id kur al ess ; tu kur id kure ta al

ess.

Tu bilugh al ktol-wa assish ; burl

shiren n’dyu.

Wosut bd : sang stum por bd.

Iagasli kazhir ess; brd-o gash sundi

zhl asht.

Tu kd dugd zhnchl ? tu ushp

bradsowai, id bare assabd

rimrll.

Saliib ! ema parochl pul p'apshd

pshissi, bdbu e paiz nprenn.

'V

O ushp kudum nzdrtam ; ushp

patso walo.

Ushp bilugh ashpd biss ; kshe mish

kshg.

Id ushp palol td uchpu palangett,

sjitart, o purjanam ushpe td

ktol bradzot.

Bhim bilugh zhil ess , jilamd uchai •

esth less ness.

Ia pitr al biss.

Starka se iast shir ptul ta warand.

Idst aspdp trachi bo dugd lesst

damtol manchl gaits.

Miramza idst wicha ess ; jdristh

less ness.

Id dutt petang ess • dodmoss apsiss.

96

English-BashgalI Sentences.

600. The Amir’s soldireshave come

and taken away all the

Kafir guns.

601. My country men make gun¬

powder here.

602. A gust of wind came and took

away all my clothes.

Kabul Amlro spdlii ay a Katost

tapak sang bra.

Ia watan td manchi am daru tyor

kuttett .

/v

Duml allangiti atsiti i sundi bas-

nd bra.

603. I don’t smoke tobacco ; it is

not the habit of my ances¬

tors.

604. From the hail of the heavens

my crops are damaged.

605. The hair of the head of my

father has become grey.

606. The goat’s hair is good for

making carpets.

607. This is a big apple; I’ll give

half to you, and half to

your son.

608. We are all tired ; we will halt

here.

609. In that hamlet there are ten

houses. The enemy is in

this hamlet.

610. Call a blacksmith ; tell him to

bring a hammer.

611. You are a fool, you don’t

know the difference between

right hand and left.

612. A thief cut off my hand.

613. Bring a handful of grain for

my horse.

614. I have brought two red hand¬

kerchiefs from Peshawnr.

615. The handle of my axe is

broken,

H

Tamkio nksholam ; tott it'do chor

ness.

Badist azhir atti dugd idst ptul

digr ba.

Totti she zhu kazhira bistai.

Gash zhu zho kusth duge lessta

buttett.

Ind all parr ess ; chillai tu prom ,

e chillai tu pitr prom.

Bmd sang gatrd bosamish ; amo

wasema.

Ikld bagrom dotsam amu ai. Ind

mashu bagram ess.

Bari walo ; samtonn aweld.

Tu chatta assish ; tu pachur dusht

ko dusht rizhartish .

Shtar iasi dui pet id.

last ushp dugd e gor pul gats.

Ots die zir host susnl Beshar ste

awarissi.

Id petdri don petangess.

English-BashgalI Sentences.

97

616. Hang my pugri on the branch

of that tree.

617. If yon are happy, I am con¬

tented; if yon are angry,

I am discontented.

618. This hill is very hard.

619. I fear thee ; thon art a

very hard man (of a bad

heart).

620. The Manlais don’t eat hare’s

flesh.

621. Is yonr harvest good this year ?

622. This year my harvest is not

good.

623. The harvest is very early this

year ; last year it was late.

624. My brother has a gnn.

625. The Bashgalls hate the Afghan

priests.

626. I have a sword bnt not a gun.

627. The Chitralis have not got a

gnn.

628. The Kafirs don’t keep hawks.

629. It is three months that my

cow is eating hay (dry

grass), so she has become

thin.

630. Bnl Khan hit me on the head

with a stick; it pains much.

631. Gumara is the head of our

clan.

632. The head man is very ill

and seems on the point of

dying, (f)

633. The horse’s headstall is broken ;

he is going loose in the

stable.

634. The manure has got in a big

heap here.

last sharr ikid kdna tsd ta bar-

pa chargo psa (?).

Tu kuzhan ashiba o di kuzhdn

/v

as sum ; tu kapd oshibd o di kapd

azzum.

Ind pashu bilugh dagar ess.

O vidarnom ; tu digar bidl-o man -

chi assish.

Maulai manchi rakus ano n’chash-

and.

Starak se td kati less tuid ?

Starak se idsi katl less nai.

Starak se gompok kuiye dya; po se

gompok dre dya.

Iasi brd tapik was.

Aoghani mulla kato ke (?) mish

ess.

Tarwaj wasam ; tapik na wasam.

Bilian tapik na wai.

Katci mare na umattett.

Tre mos biss id gdo dari yus yutt:

dadar biss.

JBulkhdn manoi mdsh iS pshai

wand’s ; biluah bradzott .

■ e\j rv

Gumara %d tott brd td nanwri ass.

Jasht bilugh bradso-wd ess; tyor

mrld.

JJshpe yangut petangd ; ushp amu

uchpo afzett .

Ani bilugh tsu ulett biss.

H

98

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

635. I heard the sound of a gun ;

didn’t you hear it ?

636. On the hearth are many ashes :

sweep them up with a

broom.

637. Inside this fort is much heat :

there is no wind.

638. Take away this ghi and heat

it, and then bring it back.

639. The coolies say our loads are

very heavy ; we cannot go.

640. Make a hedge of thorns around

my field.

641. Yesterday I walked much ;

my heeVs skin is come oil.

642. The Kafirs have never heard

of a Hell.

643. The Kafirs do not know (the

difference between) Heaven*

and Hell.

\

644. Give me help ; I am tired ; I

am done up ; I can't lift my

load.

645. All my fowls are hens, I have

not even one cock.

646. Get out ! Henceforth I won’t

see you at my house.

647. Pir Khan’s son is the hench¬

man (or food distributor) of

the Mehtar, and Mir Khan

is his cook.

648. Last year a herd of ibex was

herding on this hill tcp.

649. Come here. I’ll whisper some¬

thing (some word) to you.

Tapke wanistha id p’kor gwd : tu

p’kor n’gwa ?

Id postao assd le ass ; skd mesh

ska .

Kdlo ta atur tab le butt : dumi

ness.

Ano ngdti tapeti giats.

Barwai ivari kuttett emd bor gano

ai ; emd e na bam.

Id ptul pacliuretann watarawa (?)

kshir.

Dus b Hugh piling am ; iast kurkta

cham petangwd.

Kato td p’kor ngosd dsudsuk assd

kati.

Kata dsudsuk oje bihishte ( badiste )

n'zartett.

Id mesh puru kshl ; gatrd bosam;

f\J W ,

anlo wopsanasum ; id bor ngd

n’battam.

Id sang ishtrl kakkak aiesth ; e di

nai kakkak n* aiesth.

Brets ! Ie ! p’starak ste p’amu

nwrantam.

Pir Khan pitrs mehr buri churz

oje Mir Khan mehr ano kchdl

ess.

Pd se marish e dom ind bado p'khur

dom tiness.

Ani ats. Tu wan p’kor ajholam.

* It appears there are no words, except the evidently Persian words, for heaven

and hell.

In “Account of the Kingdom of Caubul ” ( Elphinstone) the words “ Burryle

boola ” and “Burry duggar boola ” are given for heaven and hell. Le bola means

“ is good,” and digar bola “ is bad,” In the Bashgali there is a word bare which

means “fate, hope, luck.”

English-Bashgali Sentences.

99

650. Flee by night ; hide in the day

time.

651. Let ns hide here; the enemy

shall not see ns.

652. Hide- me in snch a place that

the Charwelo shall not see

me.

653. This hill is high, bnt not very

steep. *

654. In the highlands it is always

cold ; down low it is hot.

655. This hill is not very stiff;

that mountain is very

steep.

656. I can carry your load down¬

hill, bnt cannot take it up¬

hill,

657. We have marched much, bnt,

np to now, the top of the

hill does not come in sight

(or we can’t see).

658. Hill-men are very powerful.

Men of the plains are very

small hearted.

659. On the other side of that white

hillock is my house.

660. The hilt of your sword is

so small I cannot clutch it.

661. The horse of him is lame. My

horse is lame and to-morrow

I shall hire.

662. On the hind^quarters of my

black horse are two white

spots.

663. My horse is lame: to-morrow

I shall hire another animal,

664. Hitherto I have had no ill-

Badhar mugd ; gajr chusht eshtim

aje.

Anl atta bamd; pachan wari

nvrela.

1 attkl atte kshi Ghdrwell n'vreld.

In do dargrin assid, urkrl n' assid.

Sareta^are wor shalla bond ; badure

tabl buttd ,

Ind ashtr dl n’ess ; ikld do bilugh

urkrl ess.

Ots tu bor brSle ngd balam, atore

ngd n’ balam.

Bilugh piliangsamish , pstarak wlh

do sh,ai n’waroins (wdr n’hamd) .

Ator manchi bilugh karwd asht ,

Badeore manchi parmenstuk zira

mesh asth.

Ige kazhlrl pit tibar id amu ess,

Tu trowoch might parmenstuk ,

damen n’battam.

Igie ushp hutdtt. Id ushp kutuss ;

dalkii ushp ngdlom.

Id zhl ushp ptibr td du kaffhlr profs

ess.

Id ushp kutdtt ; dalkid wdre ushp

wagalom.

Id starak wik kai bradzo na hiss.

ness.

100

Englisii-Bashgal! Sentences.

665. My horse doesn’t stand still ; I

can’t dismount. Hold him.

666. Take care ! There is a hole

in front of you : come

back.

667. The enemy are hidden in the

hollow : I have seen them

with my own eyes.

668. In that forest are holly trees

and no other.

669. The Afghans have eaten all

my honey ,

670. Thou art a thief ! Thou hast

no honour.

671. From pulling at a hookah too

much, my head aches.

672. I hojpe my father will arrive

here at sundown.

673. Yesterday I shot with a gun

an ibex which had only one

horn.

674. There are so many hornets in

my house, I can’t enter it.

675. Thy horse is a male.

676. My father’s horse is a female.

677. The Mehtar gave me a horse

and a mare.

678. Why have you given me a bad

horse ?

679. Don’t give me a stumbling

horse.

680. Is a male horse good ? Or a

female ?

681. The female horse is lazy.

682. A male horse is very fast.

683. In every Kafir village there is

a maternity hospital, (^f)

684. Here there is no snow, it is

hot, and good for tents.

_ rv

Id ushp otl na batt ; ots wdwats

n’battam. Wanama.

Tarazchl bo ! tu p’nishr kadr ess :

ptior ats.

Paohanwarl bug dr e p’mish atta.

bistai : yost achd vre waridm .

Askd pashul ta wanzl kdno asth,

ware kdno n’aiesth.

Aoghdnl manohi ema sundi march!

• /v

%ar.

Tu shtar assish ; tu kai jirik n'ess ,

Chillam biluah kshaiesth duga, id

ta shai brgdzott.

Id bapd! ess tott su pinjebd allonn.

Dus tapkd witl mirish jdronn (?) :

e shi wassid.

Id p’amu azhik bamo asht, atto

en n'battam.

Tost ushp ndh ushp ess .

I totto ushp shtarl ushp ess .

Mehr e neo ushp e ishtrl ushp

ptds'm.

Tu id digri ushp kd ptds’m\?

la piltall ushp nfgyats .

Shtarl ushp less ass ndh ushp less

ess ?

Shtarl ushp dangar ess .

Ndh ushp biluah shigil ess,

/V

Sundi kato gram e pshar ezz,

Anl zlm n’ess , tab! ess, jilama

dugd less ass ,

English-Bashgali Sentences.

101

685. My house is very far, but your Id amu biliuk gujr ess , tu amu

house is very near. taward ass.

686. In this village how many Ind bagrom ohoik amu assil ?

houses are there ?

687. My brother’s house is very

dirty.

688. 'How much ghi shall I bring P

689. Why is that man howling ?

690. I am very humble.

691. In my country bulls have no

hump.

692. That hunch-backed man is the

son of a mullah.

693. Thanks to keeping the fast, I

am very hungry , and have

become very thin.

694. The Mehtar has come to hunt

(make sport).

695. The doctor is clever and won’t

hurt you.

696. That woman says “ my hus¬

band is dead.”

697. The Ibex are not here ; they

have gone to the high hills.

698. I have seen no ice anywhere

this year.

699. I have an idea that this year

there will be much heat in

summer.

700. Thou art idle ; this is not time

for sleep.

701. From excessive laziness thou

hast become an idiot.

Id bra amu biluah mul ess.

Chok ano awelom ?

Ikm manchi kai dugd cha witt t

Ots bilugh drushti-wa assum.

Id gul td ashe ku n’aiesht.

Ikm wao mushtar mulld pitr ess.

Pochetr ngutesth dugd , atta bissam :

biluk dadr bissam.

Mehar shurtr kusth duga aiyo.

Tapip biliuk ushukul assid , tu ne

bradzaott.

Askd jugur gijji kuttd (i idst mosh

mriss” kuttd*

Mirishen am n’aiesth ; at do td

gwd.

Ind se shie kor n'waridm *

O woshtettam ind se wazdor biliuk

tap bold.

Tu yusk assish; ind wel pshu wel

n'ess.

Tu biliuk pshuik oss ; aske duga

tu charra bissish.

* The last word of the sentence seems pleonastic : see also sentences Nos. 868,

1055, 1081, 1177, 1422, 1423, 1488, 1522. There are other sentences of similar con¬

struction (e.g„ 819, 930, 1356), in which this last word is not used. This is one of the

many points on which the Kafirs, who were employed to translate, disagreed.

102

English-Bashsali Sentences.

702. If you go, I will go. If you

don't go, I also won’t go.

703. Thou art ill : come with me to

hospital : I’ll give thee

medicine. My brother also

is very ill .

704. Very well; I am coming im¬

mediately.

705. He is a very impudent fellow.

706. In my house my child (only) is

left behind, and no one else.

707. You are a very independent

fellow, I will punish you

(beat).

708. You are a very industrious

fellow.

709. I am an inhabitant of Broz.

710. The Afghans have done much

injury here.

711. I did not kill Mir Khan, I am

innocent (have no crime).

712. A coolie has fallen head down-

' wards and is quite insen¬

sible.

713. Inside my box is a lot of

paper.

714. What do you intend P Shall

we go to-morrow or not ?

715. According to your intention

(as you please).

716. I don’t intend; (my heart is

not).

717. To irrigate my fields I will

make a water channel,

718. I want iron to make an axe.

Tu enji ba o dl elom ; tu n'enji-

ba o di n’elom.

Tu bradso oshi : i mesh omumdi ta

ats : ots azhur prelom. last brd

di biluh bradso ass.

Le ; ots sapp elom.

Ikid manchi bilugh chatta ess.

last p 'amu attd last pitr azs ;

ward n’ai.

Til bilugh to ekitt* ta manji ashi ,

tu loilom.

Tu biliuh kudurn kul manchi

^ assish.

Ots Broz war! assum.

Aoghdni manchi ani bilugh dagar

piling! bars.

Ots MirJchan n’jariss , kd dush

n’wasam.

JE barwai shie yur biti piltiss ;

biluh blra hiss.

Adre ta, ater bilugh pti ai.

Tu kai bidi ess ? dalkid emd ta

n’emd ?

To chitt.*

Id chitt n’ess .

Parest dugd ptul td yd epamd.

r\j

Badri karosth dugd chimr fish

kotam.

* Apparently a Cbitrali idiom (707, 715, 716).

English-Bashgali Sentences.

10S

719. There is not one iransmith in Angar eo di bar! n’aiesht.

Aivun.

1/

j

720. You are a very jabbering man.

721. Jackals make a great noise at

night.

722. There is honey in the jar.

723. My jaw is broken by my fail¬

ing.

724. He is a very jealous (bad

heart) man.

725. It is not good for boys to jest

too much.

726. My brother gives a lot of

jewels to his wife.

727. This year there is no juice in

the apples (not juicy).

728. The junction of the Luttkhu

and Mastuj rivers is a

plain, not a gorge.

729. The wood of the juniper burns

very well.

730. The Mehtar has just come

from Broz.

731. Ho me justice ! I am in¬

nocent.

Tu biluk war! w7alal manclnt assish.

Shial radhar bilugh chd ivitt

Kuni td atur mar chi assd,

Lunisthi mish akilatti petangwd.

Tkid manchl bilugh. digar zira*wa

manchi ess .

Marir mesh bilugh mishishth less

vC ess.

Id bra shtrisse * gar le prett.

0

Ind se parr aruzwai nbistd.

Mastij gol do Lutkui got do e pur

bitta td diwar assy arum gol

n’ess.

Sarez dao angd karbd lessta par-

chitta.

Mehr Broz ta starak aiyo.

Id isop kshi ! o dusk n’wdsum.

732. The Kafir language is very

hard to learn.

733. I am off: on a journey. Keep

this bos for me.

734. Why have you not kept some

bread to-day ?

735. I was very hungry, so I kept

none.

Kato wari biluk rizdrasth assd.

Badur samiritsam. Ina adre id

dugd ute.

Achok bor p starak kyd tia awitara ?

Biliugh attd bissi , giakti n'awitara,

^IshJrBs-e,

wife-of him-to

104

English-BashgalI Sentences.

736. My servant has lost the key of

my box.

737. Why do you hick my horse ?

I will kick you.

738. If you kick me, I will beat

you with a stick.

739. I have an intention to kill

you.

740. You are a very kind-hearted

man.

741. To show kindness to a snake

is not a good policy.

742. The king has taken a bride.

743. In my kitchen, food is being

cooked for all the men.

744. A kite came down and took off

my chickor.

745. A stone hurt my knee, as I was

marching yesterday.

746. Get a knife to cut meat.

747. What art thou knitting ? I

am knitting a choga.

748. My rope has got knotted.

749. What is your name ? What

is your father’s name ? I

do not know ; my father does

not know.

750. I do not know the Chitrall

language.

751. I do not know Umra Khan.

last sfhodr iast adre askue psess.

Tu kai duga id ushpe pa vich ; tu

pa vilom.

/v /v

Tu id pa vichl o tu manoid wilom.

Id chitt bitto tu jar lorn.

Tu bilugh le bidiwa manchz assish.

Bibimst mdsh mishishth lestkudum

* ness.

Mehr shtri awariss.

Id burl kutan amu td sang man -

chldn duga anjz tyor kuttett.

Zhi mare oz idst urr bn.

Dus piliang ta zan pa wott

pujota. (?)

Ano petasthd kato giats.

Tu kai oshich ? Ots shugd oshinam.

Id kanik gittangus.

Td kyd ndm ess ? Tottd kai ndm

ess ? Id shu ness; tottio shu

ness.

O Bilian wan n’zSrlsam.

'V

Ots Umrd Khdn w’ jarlsam.

L

752. Eor men to do labour is good.

753. Get a ladder, I’ll go on to the

roof.

754. My hens have laid four eggs

to-day.

Manchtdn duga kudum kshiless.

Chik giats, pkrum Horn.

f

Id ishtri kakkak starak shtoiba azio

k arista.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

105

755. All the water of the lake is

frozen.

756. My white lamb is lame to-day.

757. My horse is lame ; all our

horses are lame ,

758. A lammergeier came down from

the sky and took off my

cock.

759. Why does not my lamp give a

light P

760. My land is not good for

barley.

761. All the land is useless (not

arable).

762. Is the land around your house

cultivated or waste ?

763. Is your house on the high

lands or low lands (valley)?

764 The Kafir language is very

sweet.

765. This horse is Small : get a large

one ; for my father is a large

man.

766. Last night I went to Broz.

767. Last month I was ill, now I am

well.

768. He made many excuses ; at

last he took his load.

769. Y ou have come late: there is

no load for you.

770. You have come late (inoppor¬

tunely). The Mehtar has

not leisure to hear your

(written) petition.

771. Why are you laughing ? The

Diwanbegi is angry.

Panlle do sundi she tin ass.

Id kashir waki strak gujr kuttdtt.

Id usjip kuttatt ; em a sundi ushp

kuttattett.

Zhi mare badist ta wo dyo kakkok

damiti gwa.

Id tel kaikoti ruch n’buttosal ?

Id bhim fits dugd less n’ess.

Sang bhim n'utkor ess.

Tu p’amu ptior bhim dbad assett

zajir assett ?

To pamu sirtan ta sett shor td

asse ?

Kato wari bilugh aruzwd essa.

Ind ushp parmenstuk ess : al ushp

giats ; idsi tott bilugh al manchi

assd.

Dus rador Bruts gussam.

Po-e mos bradzowd assium, starak

aduge assum.

Ikid manchi bilugh tuti ptd ; pelik

bor ngutd ,

Tu dre aiyosh : tu dugd bor n’aiesht.

Tu malal* boti aiyosh. Mehr tu

pati kor kusth dugd sh.otik n’ess.

Tu kai duga kanich ? Diwanbegi

mashu kolann.

* As in Chitrali.

106

English-Bashgali Sentences.

772. Adjoining my house is a very

pretty lawn and fruit trees.

773. My horse is very lazy ; yours

is fast.

774 The dog is lazy and does not

bark.

775. I shall get off my horse j you

lead it.

776. Lead thou ; I will follow thee.

777. You four men lead ; we four

will follow.

778. Get lead to make bullets.

779. If we kill the enemy’s leader ,

all will flee.

780. The enemy’s leader has fled.

781. I can’t learn the Chitrali

language : it is very difficult.

782. To make (sew) pubboos bring

some ibex leather.

783. Why hast thou gone ? I did

not give thee leave.

784. Come back '• I do not give

thee leave to depart. Break

up this wood: then I will

give thee leave .

785. We shall leave Chitral at day

light to-morrow.

786. At time of starting leave the

yellow dog behind.

787. Summer has gone ; the leaves

of the tree are falling.

788. A horse will go, but it must be

led.

789. The Mehtar has eaten his food ;

this much meat is left.

790. Why is Plr Khan left behind ?

He is not ill.

I pamu ptior biluah shingzra brunz

ass ; kachwach kdno dz asht.

Id ushp n’pa baless ; tu ushp

shatramz ess.

Kruz digar ess • nWattatt.

•'V

0 ushp td wao atsolam ; tu ngateti

giats.

Tu panoi bo ; d tu ptiwar atsolam.

Sha shtowa manchz panoi bor ;

emd shtoiva manohi ptior atsomd.

Purik kusthe dugd tfich giats .

Emd pachanwarz-e jasht jdrlmd

pachanwan manclii mukeld.

Pachanwari jasht mukiss.

Bilian wari pilangon (?) n’battam :

biluk zur assd.

Wet so shewesth dugd mare shin

chiom gats.

Til kd gd-osh ? Id pur n’grussish.

Am ats ! Tu puru n'ngattam. Bar

pete - tu samilam.

B alkie emd ruch biba Shdrdl

sta ema.

Samri bd zir kruz tar a kshi.

IF izdor gwd ; shtomafa por wiazid .

Ushp ailz , wanamdi barebd.

Mehr yash idro ; ajik yash utta

bistai.

Pirkhdn kai dugd wopsin ess ?

Bradzo n’oss.

English-Basijgali Sentences.

107

791. My right leg aches ; my left

leg is all right.

792. To-day I have no leisure ; come

to-morrow.

793. I will lend you one rupee for

two months.

794. I lent you one rupee last year,

you have not given it back.

795. Chanlu killed a large leopard

on the mountain yesterday.

796. Don’t bring so much ghi ; bring

less.

797. A load of my grass has fallen

into the river. Let it alone.

798. A man has brought you a

letter of the Mehtar.

799. What is the use of telling lies ?

800. The Chitralis tell many lies

(are very lying).

801. Sir ! this boy tells many lies.

802. If you tell lies , I will beat you.

803. A woman’s corpse is lying on

the ground ; I i am sure

there is no life in it,

804. My house is dark ; light it.

805. The coolies say “ our loads are

very heavy : lighten them,’’

806. Tell the man to light a fire.

807. I saw the lightning ; I did not

hear the thunder.

808. These two brothers are exactly

alike.

809. My lips are split with the cold.

810. Listen ! I think a thief is

coming.

811. Don’t give my horse much

grain, give him a little.

812. Give me a little food.

last pchutar chon bradzott ; kowar

chon lesst ass.

Starak id worn n’ess ; dalkie ats.

/V aj

Tu e tang du mos ta da kulom.

Po se i e tang da karsish, tu o

n’ptam.

Bus Chain bado shai cil jut jdriss.

Ajik ano n’gyats ; achok giats.

last e bor po-e gwd. Wcho ; piz

bild.

Manchi tu dugd Mehr’st patl

awariss.

Mizhosth kai ot (od ?) ess ?

Bilian bilugh misfial.

Sahib ! Ind marir bilugh mishott.

Tu mishoch silibo wilom.

Jugur mriss aklo bhlmd wdtriss ;

ots ivizhanarn ikid ta shu ness,

la pamu andhar biss ; roch kslii.

Barwai gijjl kund ema bor gawd

asht ; luga kslii,

Manchi walo angd parchiala.

Deshpilsal waridm ; uderl n’sang »

dyd.

Amni du bra e yor asht.

la yusht shille td petangwd 0

Kor kti ! bibdi ksham shtar aiyo„

la ushp pul le n’ete , achok pte (/)

( pre ).

Id achok bre pre.

108

English-Bashgali Sentences.

813. Where dost thou live ?

814. I live in Broz.

815. One coolie has brought a load

of snow.

816. Why have you loaded my

gun ?

817. The locusts have done much

harm to my crops.

818. This mountain is very lofty.

819. The coolies say “We cannot

drag so large a log.”

820. This log is very long : cut it

exactly in two.

821. My loin-cloth is tight ; loosen

it.

822. Look ! when the coolies appear,

tell me.

823. The men of this village are

very poor ; no one has a

looking glass.

824. The government soldiers don’t

wear loose clothes.

825. The Chitralis let their horses

loose in this forest in sum¬

mer.

826. My horse’s girth is loose :

tighten it.

827. I took a herd of goats yester¬

day on the top of the pass.

I have lost them all.

828. The coolie says he fell and his

load is lost.

829. A man is going, a lotah in his

hand having taken.

880. Last night a loud sound came

on my ear. I don’t know

what can have happened.

Tu kdwo gul td buch ?

Ots Brdz nishinissam.

B barwai zima td bor award.

_ ru #

la taplk tu kai soss td attushiss ?

Gushrog’u idst ptul biliuk piss

Jcriss.

lye bado bilugh opigna ess.

Barwai walettett ( gijji kund) “ emd

ajistuk al argru kshon n batta -

mish

Ind argru biluk drigri ass : p’mijhu

petang.

Id shirr wishti ass ; jijil kshi.

Aish kshi ! koi barwai waribd id

walo.

Ind bagrom manchi biluk drushti -

wd manchi asht ; eo di tare

n'aiesht.

Sirkdro spdhi frak zapp n’amjind.

Bilian manchi wizdor amshiest

ushpdn ikid pson nachattett.

Id ushp trang jijil biss : Ikid

wishte.

Bus gash dom bado shai awarissz :

sang keti psia.

Barwai gijji kutt o paltiosam, bor

psia.

B manchi kuniya Vdosh dameti

prett.

Rador kote wari id p'kor gwd.

Kai wari bosel ia shu n’ess.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

109

831. In spring my garden is very

lovely.

832. All the coolies have come : they

have done no loss (harm).

833. I heard the sound of the low¬

ing of the cattle.

834. Chitral new fort is down low ;

the old fort is higher up

stream.

835. I have sown lucerne seeds

here.

836. Your luck is good; mine is

little.

837. That coolie is not weak ; he is a

lunatic.

838. My lungs ache from much

coughing.

Bosut ivokt ta ia daresta shlngira

bd.

Sang barwai aiyd : Zccnbapsa n'kris-

sid.

Od arsett : id sangdyd.

Shdral noi kdlo nlr ess ; sium kalo

chir ess.

Ani mushich bi ashiss .

To bare le assid ; id bare utetti ess .

Sta barwai dare n'ess ; ber ass.

Bilugh kassetum : atSr bradzott.

839. That man talks much non¬

sense; I think he must be

mad.

840. The magpie is not a bad bird ;

he does not eat up our

maize.

841. 1 have given money ; if any

man is dissatisfied, let him

tell me,

842. My horse’s mane ( neck hair )

has got bad ; he has mange

(rubs it).

843. You have no manliness , you

are become idiotic.

844. Much manure is collected

near my house.

845. On that hill are many thieves.

In my village there is not

' one thief.

Sta manchi bilugh beran walett ;

o purjitom chatta asset.

V

Biliankor digar marangats n'ess;

jigor n’yiitt.

1 paiz ptd ; kdchi manchi n’shoti -

nestabd, t wald.

Ushp td maroik (marengi) td dro

(zho) digar bistai ; changrot .

Tu kai less bid! ness, tu chatta

bissish.

Id pamu tore biliuk dsul wasam

risiai.

9

Ikid pashi td shtar le asht , Id

bagrom eo shtar n’ai.

110

English-BashgalI Sentences.

846. Is Bragamatal a full day’s

march to Chitral or nearer ?

It is a two days’ march.

For a man with a load it is

a three days’ march.

847. What mark is that on your

hand ?

848. The Markhor have not come

down this year from the

hill.

849. Many men have come for my

brother’s marriage.

850. My brother married (took a

wife) last year.

851. Look ! Mirak’s horse has got

bogged in a marsh.

852. You are master (great) ! I

am your servant.

853. What is the matter with you P

854. What is your meaning P I

can’t understand your

speech.

855. It is three days since I have

eaten any meat : so I am

hungry.

856. My servant coughs much ;

what medicine is good for

him ?

857. My stomach is swelled from

eating (I have eaten) too

much melon.

858. The ghl is frozen : melt it.

859. My cloth is torn: sew it {mend

it).

860. My gun is broken ; get a car¬

penter to mend it.

861. In Chitral there are many

mendicants.

Bragamatal Shdrdl e gujr pott ess

taward ess ? Du gajr pott ess.

Barwai bor ngdti trai gajr pott

ess.

Tit dush ta kai nizhan ess ?

Starak se sharu hadd std yur n’dyd.

la bra jugur awri iddugd bilugh

manchz wasanristai.

f\j

Id bra pd se jugur awri.

Aisli kshi ! Mirak ushp shur td

wurshid.

/V

Tit al ashi : ots til sh.odr assum.

Tit kai bissish ?

Tu kai manlchi; tu wari n’pur-

josam.

Troi wos ano bittd id n'idr : attd

bd.

Id shodr bilugh kasett ; ikio dugd

kai usha lestabald ?

Karbiza bilugh idra id ktol alia bd.

Ano she tin ess ; ikie tipao.

Id bazisna ushi bistai : ikid shiwe,

(lesta kshi).

last tapak pefangess • ikid less

kusth dugd dao selle giats.

Shdrdl kalandare bilugh asht.

English'Bashgali Sentences.

Ill

862. The merchant is a great thief

and always lies.

S63. Be merciful: if yon are merci¬

less, yon will go to Hell.

864. The Mehtar has sent two

messengers to the Khan of

Dir.

865. At mid-day there is great

heat. Just at mid-niglit

it is cold.

866. I am thirsty, I will drink

milk.

867. Bring the cow to milk her.

I have milked the cow.

868. The babu says “ grind the

barley ” ; but there is no

mill ,

869. The miller says the stone of

his mill is broken.

870. My cultivation is bad : I have

no wheat, only millet.

871. I have heard that in this

valley is a mine of lead stone.

872. There is mnch mist, and one

, can’t see the enemy.

873. I made a mistake ; three men

have come, not fonr.

874. Mix this medicine with water

and drink.

875. I am very poor and have no

money whatever.

876. There are clouds, so the moon

is not well visible,

877. To-morrow evening is new

moon.

878. To-day is half moon.

879. It is two days after full moon.

880. You have eaten mnch; don’t

eat more ; yon will be sick

(vomit).

Sadawai bilugh shtar ess; sang

wor ladel ess.

Odh bo ; tu mash kotish tu do-

zako td elosh.

Mehr Dir Khan du manchi lader

krishtai.

(Irish. bilugh top butt. Rador har¬

bor shilld butt.

Id do pig biss, zu pilom.

Gao giats, dolamao. Gao dule.

Bdbu gijji kutt “ rits pshio ” kutt •

apshian n’ai.

Apshian manchi gijji kutt apshian

war peringess .

last ptul digar ess ; gum ness,

katsa ess.

Id p’kor giod ind b’gul ashtrutt

tuch kon ess.

Bilugh meh biss, pachanwari

warantan n'buttett.

Id larissa ; troi manchi aiyd, shto

manchi n'aosht.

Ind wushe do mish snntro kati pi.

Biliuk kai nowd manchi assum : id

mesh e paiz di n’aiesht.

Ndrussd, mos] lesstaka n'waron

prett.

Dalkie salken war noi mos atseli.

Starak gajar napur ess.

Mos pichis oss biti du oss di biss.

Tu bilugh idr ; wara n’yu ; shtar*

chi.

112

English-Bashgali Sentences.

881. Awake me in tlie morning ;

don’t let me sleep.

882. Mosquitoes bite much ; I can’t

sleep.

883. In tbe summer moths get at

the clothes.

884. It is two months since my

mother died.

885. The road is level now; mount

your horse.

886. The mountain is very high.

887. On the top of the mountain

there is much snow.

888. Mountaineers are good for car¬

rying heavy loads.

889. The road to Urguch is bad ; a

footman will arrive quicker

than a mounted man.

890. In winter the (mouse) mice

go somewhere or another.

They have come now to

light (to the eyes) again.

891. Mirak and BastI are not alike.

Mlrak has moustachios and

Bast! has not.

892. Mlrak has a big mouth ; Bast!

has a small mouth.

893. This place is not good for

pitching a tent, there is

much mud.

894. There is much wood here.

895. A mud stream came last year

and destroyed my crops.

896. In my garden there are many

mulberries.

897. In Drosh there are five hun¬

dred government mules.

898. The mule is better than the

ass for load carrying in the

hilly country.

YazhI wel td id bektsa; pshuikan

n’utan {?).

Ko bjluah yuttett ; pshon n'battam.

Wizdor basnd td wek buttett.

Du mos hiss idst non mrissi .

Pott diwari ess ; ushp p’sir nishe.

Fash! bilugh dl ess.

Ashtre p' sir zim bilugh ess.

Atur manchi dl bor ngusth dugd

less asht .

Arguich putt digri ess ; ushpo sir

manchi td kuro manchi kuiyd

Arguich pral.

Ziwor mussa kor etassal. Starak

p'ochen ettett.

Mirak Basti barbor n’aiesht%

Mirak guchl asht Basti-e guchi

ri* asht.

— /

Mirak ash! dl ess ; \Bastbe ash!

parmenstuk ess.

Anio jag a jilama uchasth dugd

less ne’ss, bilugh shur ess,

Ani da le ai.

Pd se kuri dya iast ptul bra.

Id barista (b'durestdn) kelik le

asht,

Dryus p’mish Sarkdro poch sher

kachor asht •

Atur bor ngusth dugd kur-e ta

kachor lesst buttett.

English-BashgalI Sentences.

113

899. I am sure Samar has murdered

Basti ; Bast! is dead.

900. Dan Malik is a murderer and

his father and grandfather.

They are all bad men.

901. The musicians made a great

noise last night amongst

themselves.

902. The muzzle of my gun is filled

up with mud (in the middle

of opening of gun).

903. In Chitral are many mynalis :

there are none in the high¬

lands.

last bidl assd Bastl-e Samar

jariss ; Basti mrd.

Ban Malik manchi jarl asset, tott's

dl wdo’s dl manchi jarl assd.

Sundl digar manchi asht.

Dus radar durwa amshid p'mish

biluk rdrd kriss.

last tapkid ash! td aturenl shur

hiss.

Shdral satr marangats le asht ;

sretd n'asht.

904. An iron nail has broken my

finger nail.

905. Give the name of each indivi¬

dual coolie.

906. The officer says give me ten

* Kafir names. W ell ! listen !

(Here follow ten names.) (^[)

907. The road is narrow : two laden

mules can’t go abreast (or in

pairs). One must follow

the other (one in front, one

behind).

908. This is a nasty road.

909. The water is nasty : fetch some

good water.

910. This fruit is nasty to taste

(not luscious).

Chimetku nache ta mizhe.

Sang barwai kur kur nom id id

walo.

Sahib gijjl kutt id td dus Kata

manchi nom walo. Le ! kor kte /

Aror, Basti, Clidlu, Dan Alalik ,

Garak, Karuk, Mirak, Moil.

Samar , Widing.

Putt arum ess ; du kachor bor

ngdtl ydmna bltl e nbattett ; e

panishar biba e ptior bibd lessta

bald .

Ind putt digar ess.

Ind it ah * nang ess : leo ugh gats.

Ind kajwaj aruzwai n’asht .

* Chitmli.

114

English-Bashqal! Sentences.

911. Stay near me, for I can’t hear

your words.

912. Take away the water ; I have

no necessity for it.

913. From carrying a load my neck

aches.

914. There is not a needle in onr

village.

91 5. Onr women don’t know what

sort of thing is a needle.

916. My horse neighs mnch : I am

snre he is hungry.

917. Garak is my neighbour and is

a very stingy fellow.

918. Mori has married my

nephew's daughter.

919. You are a bad lot ; I’ll never

forgive you.

920. Is that new snow on the

mountain ?

921. I haven’t seen :I have no news.

922. This month (having) gone,

next mont I will go to

Drosh.

923. This year hg *ing gone, next

year I am going to Pesh-

awur.

924. This road is nice for camels.

925. By night two thieves came to

my house.

926. The noblemen of Chitral are

very good men.

927. You are a noble fellow.

928. The coolies are making a

great noise. The Mehtar

can’t sleep.

929. You are talking much nonsense.

Don’t make a noise.

Tu id ta nishe, til wari id p’kor

n’aiett.

Ao gie ; do ka ud n’ess.

Bor ngusth dugd kumo bradzott.

Ema bagrom e chimchich di

n’aiest.

Ema jugur n’zatett chim.chich kai

lattri ess.

Id ushup biluzh rara kutt : o

purjitam dtta biss.

Oarak ema amu vishi ass : biluah

nashtd ass.

Mon ia nawos jus shtari kriss.

Tu digar manchi assish; tu koi di

kai n'prelom.

Bado shai noi zim assd ?

Id n'waris : id kai shu n’ess.

Ind mos gaiebd sor mosa td Dry us

ettam.

Ind se gaiebd sor se ta Peshar

elom.

Ind putt shture dugd less.

Badhar du shtar i pamu dyd.

Shdral al manchi le manchi ashth.

Tu biliuk al bidio (zira-wa) manchi

assish.

Barwai bilugh zharr kuttett. Mehar

psjiuti n’yett.

Tu charre (chatte) waletish. Tu

zharr n’kshi.

n i ■ • •

I

English-BashgalI Sentences. 115

930. I saw a man yesterday who

has no nose, He says a

bear tore it off.

931. Inside my nostril is a boil.

932. The coolies have not yet come ;

but I have seen they are near.

933. You ask a copper from me?

I have nothing. Why should

I give coppers for nothing ?

934. Now they have come, but one

man is left behind.

935. In my valley are many nullahs.

936. My fingers are all numb with

cold.

937. Ihe numda of my saddle is all

wet with the horse’s sweat.

938. Our friends are numerous , and

the enemy few..

o

939. I take an oath I will kill Dan

Malik.

940. You are a bad lot ; you obey

no one’s word.

941. If you offend (make small of

me) I’ll bring you to grief

(evil).

942. There is no oil for lighting the

lamp.

943. My clothes are become old.

944. Our house has got old (in

ruins).

945. I can’t understand the old

man’s talk ; his teeth have

fallen and he mumbles ; his

old woman also doesn’t speak

clear.

Dus manchi waridm nasnr n’ess.

Manji gijji kutt its nasur

wdkshess.

Nasur td atdr apsiss.

Barwai n’dyd ; i waridm ture asht.

Tu id td paisa aweguchi ? id t

kai n'asht. Tu gijja kdi dug

paiz prelom ?

Starak dyd : e barwai ptior otin

ess.

Id watan td bilugh gul asht.

Shilld angur shangur bistai.

Zin tokum ushp khel td zhild biss.

Bona zotr le asht : pachan war\

achok ai.

la shott * chim (shutt dibi) Ddoi

Malik jdrlaon.

Tu digar manchi assisji ; ho wart

n’aweguch.

Til id parmenstuk kuchl tii digar

kalom.

Ptremsjiuk pashiosth dugd tel n’ess.

Id bazisnd sium bistai.

Bmd’st amu witrliss.

Wao wari tish n’butt ; dut war ou¬

st ai ; wd-wd-wa kutt; wal di lesst

wari na walett.

i 2

* As in Chitrali.

pi? P\?

116

English-Bashgali Sentences.

946. The wood of the olive is very

strong for walking sticks,

and won’t break.

947. On the Chitral road there are

thieves.

948. On my table a knife is left.

949. On my head is a boil.

950. On that hill there is no grass.

951. Have yon done this on “purpose

or forgetfully ?

952. If I climb a hill, my head

aches. Why does your head

ache P You don’t march on

your head ; you march on

your legs.

953. Call up the coolies one by

one.

954. Once I fell into the river, so I

fear it much.

955. I was left behind on the top of

the pass. For three days

I have only eaten wild

onions ; I had no food with

me ; I am hungry.

956. I have brought a donkey load

of onions for the sepoys.

957. I have only one horse.

958. Near my house are holly trees

only, and no other trees.

959. Mirak is a great hunter ; he has

killed a big oorial to-day.

960. My box is not open.

961. Bring an axe to open my box.

962. My opinion is the enemy is

about fleeing.

963. Chanlu seeks an opportunity

to harm my work.

Kao clar manol kusth duga less

ass; n’prdliss.

Ba Bilian puttan shtdr ai.

Kuna ptsir kta ( kato ) wutarst.

P’shai p ’miju apsiss.

Ike pashz ta yus n’ess.

Tu end kudum tinj bztz karsd par-

marshtetz karsd ?

Ots badd eila bimbd shai bradzonn.

Tostd shai kyd bradzon? Tu

shai wre na anjz , tu kur wra

anjz.

Barwai yu kure wald.

E wor poi p’mish lunissam bilugh

widarettum.

Badd sh ai wopsanossum. Troi wos

koponn idr ware kd n'idr ; bre

n’assz; dtta ba.

B bor trashtu spdhz duga awerd.

Id e uslip ass ; v?ara n 'aiesht.

Ind pamu taw are wanzz asht, ware

kdno n’aiesht.

Mirak bilugh shartrz assd ; star ok

gujr dl mirish jdrztz dya.

Id adr guna n’ess.

Id adr guna kusth duga pets giats.

Id babdl ess pachanwarz mikeld.

Chain id kudum nashisth duga

Bash kutt.

En glish-Bashgal! Sentences.

117

964. Be on the watch ; seize the

opportunity of Widing going

ont of his house to kill his

dog.

965. On the opposite bank of the

river two men are march¬

ing even with us.

966. The Kafirs are very poor (of

no account) ; the Chitralls

oppress them much.

967. To kill an oppressor is fair.

968. You are a great man. I will

obey whatever orders you

give me.

969. I gave you an order to bring

five men. The head man

says there are not five men

(available).

970. The golden oriole is a very

pretty bird and sings

"sweetly in spring.

971. This little boy is an orphan :

his father and mother are

both dead.

972. Our cows are all grown thin.

978. My brother killed some man,

so he is an outlaw.

974. Get outside the house ; you are

a fool.

975. I owe Chanlu two rupees.

976. Owls frequent my garden at

night.

977. This is my own horse.

978. Do you own an axe ?

979. The owner of the house has

gone to Peshawur.

ru

Atsh kshi ; Widing pamu begu hd

sos kati krui jar.

JPoi per du mancki emd mesh

tick kati ettett.

Kata kai no-iud asht ; Bilian biluk

utili buttett.

Utill bul manchi jaribd less.

Til dl manchi assish ; tu kai manum-

ba o kulom.

Id td te ponj manchi gaiet hukm

ptdshuss. Jasht ponj manchi

n’dio kutoss.

Komlik pgoluk (P) marangats

biluk shingur ossa; ivosut lesst

watsett.

Ind parmenstuk marir tsarr ess :

ind tott’s di mriss ind non’s dl

mriss.

Ema gdo sang bilugh dadar

bistai.

Id bra manchi jdriti chili biti gus.

Pamu be i ; tu ber assish.

A,

Ots Chdlii-e du tange dam assum.

Eador id Vdaresta baghre le afzid.

Ind ia ushp ess.

Wezo (pots) tu mesh asse ?

Ind amo warl Pcshar gwat

118

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

P

980. My arm pains; and both my

eyes ache.

981. The sepoys are marching in

pairs.

982. The Mehtar has built a new

palace.

983. Your face is pale : I am sure

you are ill.

984. You killed my brother: I

won’t pardon you.

985. Your parents are well bred ;

and why do you take to

thieving ?

986. Make this apple into three

parts.

987. The flesh of the hill partridge

is unpleasant to me ; I

don’t eat it.

988. The Lawari (Raoli) Pass (col)

is very difficult in winter.

989. The Gangalwatt pass is harder

than the Lawari.

990. I shall pass three days at Drosh.

991. At the foot of the Gangalwatt

Pass there are only pasture

lands of the Kafirs ; there

is no hamlet.

992. Across the river is a narrow

path ; it is not fit to take a

horse.

993. It is only a goat path , not a

horse road.

994. You are an impatient fellow :

have patience.

Id doi bradzott ; du achie sots

kuttett.

Spdhi yamna butl end.

Mehar noi nishi amu krishtai.

<v

To miok adra biss : o purzanam

bradso-wd assish.

Til id brd jdriss : 5 n * pmishtelam.

Tu non tott dl manchi asht ; tH

kai duga shtar bissish ?

Ind pdrro tre parti kshi,

Urre ano id dugd digar ess; d

n’aietam.

Pdoli-gor pakhtala ziwor biliuk

digar ess.

Pdoli-gor pakhtale td Gdgri-wott

pakhtala digar ess.

Tre gujr Dryus nishllom.

ry

Gdgri-wott bado pagurd Kato son

ess ; gram n’ess.

Poe par limrai pott ess ; ushp

pilangosth pott n'ess.

Dushdn pott ess} ushp pott ness .

Tu tupetich manchi assish ; dara

kshi.

EnglisH'BashgalI Sentences.

119

995. The Pathans have fixed my

pay at three rupees per

mensem.

996. The peaches of Ranbur are as

big as my hand.

997. All the pears this year are

sour.

998. The Hindustani people are

very dark.

999. In winter the body gets warm

by eating pepper.

1000. You are a perfect man ! You

talk Bashgall very clearly.

1001. Some one is cooking meat ;

I smell its perfume.

1002. There are many clouds ; I

think perhaps it will rain ;

God only knows.

1003. When you have given me

leave ( permission to ), I shall

go to Ranbur.

1004. My horse is all perspiration

from galloping.

1005. You are a pertinacious

fellow.

1006. Are there pheasants in your

forest ?

1007. There are no pheasants \ but

there are lots of monals.

1008. Get a pick to pick out stones.

1009. My coolie has dropped a

♦ blanket : pick it up and

give to him.

1010. Give me a piece of meat.

1011. The Sahib wants (has started ?)

to shoot pigeons.

Aoghdnz id dugd mos td tre tang a

majib prettett.

Konisht aru id dul td brobar dl

asht.

Ind se sundl tong gu bistai.

Hindustan-o manchl biluk zhl asht .

Zawor morch idrabd jitt tapett.

r*

Tu le moch assish ; tu Kato warl

biliuk le wari kucli.

Manchl ano pachitt ; ano td gun

afzid .

Ndru bissd ; shtale agal preld

washitam ; Imrd jdrlann.

Tu id koi puru kolaiba Konisht

elom .

Id ushp bilugh shagl td aslipa

afzid.

Tu biliuk sop sip manchl essish.

Tu pashur td batachol ashtd ?

Batachol n'aiesfht • bdbakar le asht .

Wott ukshosth dugd giaU%

Ids barwai jil wo uktsess : uler

kslil ikie pre.

la achok ano giats.

Sdhib kur jurist hai dugd samrits.

120

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

1012. The (wooden) pillar of my

house is weak : I think it

will fall this year.

1013. I have no pillow , so I can’t

sleep.

1014. Who is that man wearing

a pink shirt P

1015. I don’t smoke a pipe (tobacco).

I take snuff.

1010. Who gave you that pistol ?

1017. My goat fell into this pit

yesterday.

1018. Yon have no pity on the

coolies ; and of course they

dislike you.

1019. This place is unfit for pitching

tents.

1020. Our cattle are all dying of the

plague.

1021. Widing is a plain (straight)

man, and does not lie.

1022. This plain is as broad as the

plain of Mori.

1 023. You have arranged an excellent

plan for crossing the pass,

and I am grateful to you

(shall reward and make

you glad).

1024. Send two men to plaster the

wall.

1025. I want a' metal plate : not a

wooden platter.

1026. The Kafir boys play much

games.

1027. The Chitralis are fond of

playing music (singing).

1028. Your brother is a pleasant *

faced man.

last amu shtuan ranzat : o

wishitam ind se witlili.

Potsantesta n’ess , ots pshuik

n ’ battam.

B manchi shedrukral basna

amjistai ; ikio kai nom essd ?

a

Ots tamkio n’kshdtam : naswur

kunam.

Tkid drun tape tu ko ptd’shi ?

la gas]i dus ind she td luniss.

Tu barwai afsh n’kutish ; tu sktale

amnio td digar assisli.

Ind bhim jilamci uchasth less

ness.

Bmd gdo bogma bradzoi duga

mrittett.

Widing shtal manchi ess. n’ldel

assd.

Ind divara Mori divara prishta

wishtar ess.

Tu bado ptiwar esth duga lesst

kara; preti tu, kuzhdn kalom.

Du manchi ind chd chareafch dugd

same.

last dapil awizhess : pashku awizli

n’ess.

- /y

Kato parmer bilugh mishittett.

Bilian manchi lain kusth dugd

bilugh kuzhdn asth.

Tu bra biliuk shingora assd .

English- B a shgali Sentences.

121

1029. If you please me, I shall give

you a bag of wheat.

*

1030. We will go to-morrow, or next

day, as yon please.

1031. Please decide the day for start¬

ing on the journey.

1032. The harvest is bad ; but grass

is plentiful this year.

1033. The iron of my plough is

broken ! What shall I do ?

1034. The ground is frozen : it is no

good to plough now.

1035. Pluck and bring those yellow

flowers under that willow

tree.

1036. The point of your sword is not

sharp (has not an edge*).

1037. I don’t see the enemy’s horse¬

men ; point out with your

finger and show me where

are they.

1038. Some one gave my dog poison ,

and he died this morning.

1039. Kafirs don’t play polo.

1040. There is not even one polo

ground in the Bamboreth

valley for playing polo.

1041. Pomegranates are good to eat

when you are thirsty.

1042. I think the ducks will light on

the pond.

1043. I want a pony , not a big horse ;

for the road is bad.

1044. We are very poor ; we have no

money.

1045. The poor are much afflicted

by the high class men.

Tu i le zanchiba tu se ta gum

prelom.

D alkie etimish, attrl etimishd, to

chitt.

Tu lattri giats ; tu esth dugd starak

matakshi.

Starak se kati digar ess ; yus ind se

biliuk ess.

. - (V

Id ashu bara td pol petangess ! kai

kalom ?

Phim she tin ess : ashu bara n’ais-

chitt.

Ikid pkush pguro ritlplsh pet! giats.

Tu tarwoch chur psio n'ess.

/V

O pachanivan ushp sir manchi

n warentam ,* kor asht angur ware

waro.

Gizhe manchi-e ia krui wish ptess

starak pidsji mrd.

Kata manchi parchev nmishittett.

Mamret e di brun n'aiesht parchev

mishisthai dugd.

Koi do pig bibd amarts pits (pisth)

lesst butt.

Ots babdl kshdtamjallai nile td attu

preld.

Id dugd yabu giats, dl ushp n' giats ;

pott digar ess.

Pmd bilugh garib manchi assumish ;

paisa n’wdttettamish ,

A! manchi nalus warian bilugh digar

kuttett.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

122

1046. The poplars grow on high¬

lands ; Chitral is low and

they won’t grow there.

1047. The fast (Ramzan) is over ; it

is the feast day : the people

are assembled for shooting

at the popinjay.

1048. I will eat porridge to-morrow

morning ; I have a stomach

ache, and can’t eat meat.

1049. Divide the bag of wheat in

four portions : give one por¬

tion to each coolie.

1050. The head man of this village is

become very portly (large

belly).

1051. The sepoy has forgotten his

pouch in his house.

1052. Pour out the milk from this

ewer into the pot, and fill in

water instead.

1053. I have left the powder for my

gun in my house.

1054. Why can not you go? You are

& powerful man.

1055. The coolies make praise of the

Charwelo saying “he is a

very great hearted man.”

1056. This is the fast month : you

should say your prayers

five times every day.

1057. At the time of going, make

prayers.

1058. Yesterday I said my prayers

five times.

1059. To-day we shall travel much;

we shall not say our

prayers.

Tarak kano sireta buttett ; Shdrdl

shor asset, anl n'butlett.

Pochetr paoshd ; namdj hiss ; amni

manchi assala uchasth duga

wasanristai (assala tapkie wisth

duga wasanristai ).

Dalkid piash okra ashuralom ; ktol

bradzott, ano n’yulom.

Ind gum se td shtowa bifcta&sM; ind

barwai yo chok pre.

Ind bagrom urd bilugh al ktol-wa

assd.

Spdhi pamu dorinot pmishteti dydt

/V <v

Pashku td zuptol td atiosh ; pashku

zu piol do pari kshz.

Tapik dugd pamu dorl pmishteti

dyosam.

Tu kyd ne banji ? tu damtol manchi

ashi.

Barwai Chdrweli-e duga warl kuttett

“ bilugh al bidi-wd manchi ess ”

kuttett.

Ind pochetr ngusth mos assd; eo

gujard poch wor namaj kusth

less.

Iendd {ien td) namaj kshi.

Bus ponj wor namaj krd.

Shtrak bilugh wichazmish; namaj

n’kumma.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

123

1060. Yesterday I became very tired :

I did not say my prayers.

1061. I am a traveller ; neither to

make prayers five times a

day nor to keep a fast is

necessary for travellers.

1062. That precipice (or built up

pari) is dangerous, and you

cannot cross it.

1063. Yesterday I gave you a present

of one rupee : to-day I am

angry with you and won’t

give you anything.

1064. In the present year on account

of a good snowfall there is

much grass.

1065. You have patience ! I am

coming presently ; I forgot

(I have) a little work (to do

first).

1066. Sker Malik has brought some

very pretty clothes from

the merchant (made and

brought).

1067. Previously to starting don’t

drink much water or milk.

1068. You have paid too long a price

for that cloth.

1069. In every Kafir village there is

a chief priest. (^[)

1070. The high priest is a man of

considerable possessions. (^[)

1071. The chanting priest sings very

well. (IT)

1072. The prince's age is twelve

years.

1073. The princess' age is ten years.

Dus biliuk gatrabamish : namaj

n’kara.

Ots wischio assum ; wischio dugd eo

gujard poch wor namaj kusth

dugd pochetr ngusth dugd zarur

n'ess.

Ikld usktiwa bilugh chikur assd ;

tu pe n'balosh.

Dus tu td e tang mihrbani karsish :

starak gujr tu td kapd bissum ,

tu kai na prelom.

Starak se zlm le bd yus le bd.

Tu mdtd kshl ! ots epos dikti atsalom ;

achok kudum p'mishtiss.

Sher Malik soddgard id ste biliuk

shingara basnd kor award.

Koi samarij bd panishr do dl na pi

zu dl na pi.

Tu ikle badisnd dugd bilugh marl

ptd.

Sundl Kato gram e utah ess.

Utah bilugh lattrl-wd ess.

#■

Debilala biliuk le Idlu kul ess .

Mehrkrue dits se biss.

Kunza jus dots se biss.

124

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1074. The prince has killed with his

owrn sword all the prisoners

on the polo ground.

1075. My horse is hungry : produce

corn for him.

1076. Produce the clothes which I

left here yesterday

1077. You promised you would give

me one rupee.

1078. I have no proof that this is my

blanket.

1079. All my general property and

household property was

burned by the enemy.

1080. Thou art too proud (a man who

knows no one) : I think you

will surely come to grief.

1081. My servant reports he has got

all provisions ready for the

journey.

1082. 1 want puhboos for journeying

over the snow : boots are too

unyielding and slip much.

1088. Sir ! Tauchins are better than

puhboos for snow ; but take

care they be soft.

1084. My white, pugrz is become

dirty with the journey.

1085. Go to the munshl '• ask for ten

men to pull this beam.

1086. We don’t eat pumpkins , as it

is not our custom. Our

parents never eat pumpkins.

1087. Sir ! this man came and cut

my pumpkins by night.

Give him severe punishment,

so that he shall never thieve

again.

Mehrkrue sang mane manchl

b'brunz-o paguro amo tarwochz

mesh witz jdristai.

la ushp dttd biss : ikzo dugd po l

paida kshi.

Bus id bazisna anzo pmishtiassz id

b’doi giats.

Tie id td e tang prelom kras’ra.

Ind jil idst asse, war ants asse, tinch

n’ba.

P achanwarze idst sang lattri tursun-

lattri lushtid.

Tic ko kai n’chamol(P) (janrl P)

manchi assish ; o purjztam tic

digar bulosh.

Idst shodr gijjz kutt “ putt duga

sang yash ivottestai” kutt.

Zzm td pihngisth watsa id dugd

giats ; boot dangu buttet silki-

‘ ottett.

Sdhib ! watsa tdr pagur palano

iessb buttett ; aish kshz chil bund.

Idst kafhzr shar pilingastli td mul

biss.

_ ,"\> c\j

Munshl tdr i ; dots mosh ugre

r\J

kshosth dugd well kshz.

Emd alo n'yumish chor ness. Ema

non dl tott dz alo n’yiildi.

Sdhib ! ikzd manjz radur idst dlo

shtaraktz petz briss. Ikzd less

katz wij dz shtar n’kuld.

English-BashgalT Sentences.

125

10S8. Yon are a thief. I will

punish (beat) yon.

1089. That man tells many lies.

Punish him.

1090. Last night a thief came and

took off my 'purse ; if I

catch him, I will take away

his life.

1091. I purposely left a dog out-

side the house, in hopes a

leopard will come, and I can

shoot him with a gnn.

1092. Look ! The enemy has fled.

Get together all the horse¬

men of the village to pursue

him (or, we will pursue

him).

1093. Why are yon pushing me ?

If yon push me, I will do

• for yon.

1094. Put this walking stick in my

honse.

1095. My arm aches. I can’t put on

my clothes. Yon put them

on me.

1096. Puttees are good for riding in.

1097. In my country boys began to

wear pyjamas at ten years

of age.

Tu shtar assish. Tu wilom.

Ikld manchz bilugh mishott. Ikie vl.

Pus radur shtar atti i kaltacha

bra; ashld shtaW wanomalom

shion ( jion ?) nuksalam.

Ots purjiti krul amu beru nachiess ;

shtalejut askie gaiesth duga at -

said , id tapkie witi jarlam.

Osh kshi ! Pachan wari mukid.

Bagrdm sundi ushp-wari man-

chlon wasanro pachan wan tibar

esth duga (tibar ema).

Tu id kai duga oren vich ? Tu id

oren vichiba o tu jarlam.

Ind maroi id pamu nte.

Id doi bradzott. Basna amji n'bat-

tam. Tu amjlo.

Paito ushp sir nishishth dugd lesst

ai.

Ema watan td dots se bista marir

taman amjittett.

Q

1C 9 My horse is caught in a quag¬

mire. Get four men to pull

him out.

1099. Quails are very good to eat;

but we can’t catch them.

1100. There is a quantity of stone

here.

Ia ushp shur tdr woshchiss.

Shtowa mdch ukshosth dugd

gaiets.

Yusth dugd krazrn less ; emu.

dame n’battamish.

Am wott le ai.

126

English-Ba§hgal! Sentences.

1101. Why dost thou make a quarrel

with me ? I don't wish to

quarrel with thee.

1102. Some one has caused these two

brothers to quarrel.

1103. You are a very quarrelsome

man ; I’ll take you before

the Kazi.

1104. I have heard the Queen is very

ill, and possibly will die to¬

day.

1105. Why do you question me P Do

you take me for a robber ?

1106. You go quickly and fetch the

doctor ! I am dying.

1107. Don’t you go too fast; there

is a quicksand in front of

you ; you’ll be caught.

1108. Take care ! Be quiet ! you

talk too much.

1109. I am very poor; I have no

quilt.

1110. You say everything quite true.

1111. I quitted my stick. Let it be !

I don’t need it.

1112. In my quiver is not even one

arrow ; how can I fight ?

1113. Look ! my father plays quoits

very well. (^[)

Tu kai duga ia td utili buch ?

/V

tu td utili n’ butt am.

Kdchl manchl amnl du brdson kelle

karlyd.

Tu biluah rara-wa manchl assish ;

tu kdzl tdr ngdlam.

Ia p'kor gwd kunza bradzo wa assl ;

shtale starak gujr mrll.

Tu id kai kudoch ? Tu purjitisha

d shtar assuma ?

Tu sapsip tapip gyats ! O mretam.

Tu achunam n'ai ; tu panishr kadr

ess ; tu tikhelosh .

Tardohl bo ! chusht osh ! tu biliuk

warl walach.

Ots kai no-wd assum ; spio n'ess,

Tu sang warl puruketi walach.

I a manol nacheti ossum. Pisbil -

lie ! kai ud n'ess.

Id shtur td e dl shur n’ess ; kaikotl

pshiman ?

Aishkshi / Id tott biluah le aluts

kutt.

1114. These two brothers are racing Amnle du bra ushp shigiottett.

their horses.

/V •‘X

1115. The rafters of my house are Id amu -pelingiatipetanless ; o wezh-

weak ; I fear they will fall. anam witlall.

1116. My cloak has become ragged ; Id shugd yatsa biss ; ware sliugci

I have no money to buy ngusth duga id td tang n’aiesht.

another.

I

English-BashgalI Sentences.

127

1117. In these days rain falls, but

not snow.

1118. If it rains to-morrow, I can’t

go to Drosh.

1119. If rain falls, 1 shall not go.

1120. If snow falls, I shall stay here ;

(but although) rain should

fall, I shall march.

1121. There is a big rainbow to-day,

so 1 don’t think it will rain

to-morrow.

1122. My ram has eaten some poison

in the woods and must die.

1123. In the summer time bears are

very rare in my country.

1124. In Badakhshan I rarely saw

any camels.

1125. In winter the rats ( big mouse )

all go away. One doesn’t

know where they can "go.

1126. I have seen with my own eyes

that the enemy is hidden in

that ravine , as an ambuscade.

1127. This chupatti is raw; why

have you not cooked it ?

Cook it immediately.

1128. This meat is underdone (jaw),

but it is not my fault, there

is not fire enough.

1129. The Bashgalis say it is not

good for men to read books.

Priests should read books,

and no one else.

1130. Why are the coolies delaying?

Why are they not ready ?

1131. What is the real reason why

the Charwelo won’t give

coolies ?

Starah agal prett, zim na prett.

Dalhie agal pittaba Dryusd na

balam.

Agal biba n'aim.

Zim pittaba ani otim ; agal bibd

elom. ,

Starah gujr indron chi pt ess ; dal *

hie agal n’allon o purjanam.

r\/

Id mazhurala pson p'mich wish

. ~ cs . , _

lars : o purjonam mrla.

Id gul td tapi wahtd its (jits)

bilugh chak asht.

Badahshan bilugh achok wokta

shtur waridm.

Ziwor al muzza sundi end. Tinch

n'ess hore endabd.

Id yost achen ware osh hrd ihye

par pachanwari bizul attd bistai.

Ind buri zhilli ess ; tu hai dugd

ndai ess ? zapp daio.

Ind ano na karch ess, ia shotih

n’ess, angd n’ess.

Kata manchi gijji hund manchion

dugd parlii osh kusth dugd

( parhi walan) lesst n’buttett.

Mulld parhi walesth duga lesst

buttett, ward lesst n’buttett.

Barwai hai dugd mdtd bistai ( dre

hund) ? Kaihote tyor n’aesht ?

Shtal vari hshi, Ghdrweli hai dugd

barwai na prett ?

128

English- BashgalI Sentences.

1132. Do you really goto Chitral to¬

morrow ?

1133. My crops are destroyed.

There is no-one to reap my

wlieat.

1134. What is tlie reason of your

going to As mar to-morrow ?

1135. All the men of Kamdesh have

turned rebels, and ejected

the priests, and have killed

some.

1136. Have you received your pay P

I have not yet received it,

for I shall receive it after a

month.

1137. Don’t go near that swamp and

those reeds. I think

the enemy may be hidden

among them.

1138. My reins are broken ; get a

needle and fine thread to

sew them.

1139. My relations by marriage and

my blood relatives have all

fled from Asmar for fear of

the priests, and have come

to Bragamatal.

1140. I am solitary and have not

one relation.

1141. The Mahomedan religion is

very hard : (I can’t see)

what is the use of keeping

a fast.

1142. The fire is gone out ; relight

(or rekindle ) it.

1143. I will go a little ahead to look

for the enemy. Remain

thou here until such time

as I come back.

Tu dalkie Shtrdl shtale etishid

{eng a) ?

Id ptul digar bistai. Gum urustb

duga eo di manchl n’aesht.

Tu Parish kai duga dalkie etish

( enjl ) ?

Kamdesh s .-ndl manchi yagi bistai,

sundi mulld tur azhd , ackok

mulld jdristai.

Tu mdjib vraghuttasa ? Starak

na vraghuttus ; e mos ptiwar

vraghalam.

Tu ikl shur naruki drigri yus

taware nai. O purjonam pack-

anwarl ikld p'mish attd bistai.

r\j

Id ushp ashi brads Ipetangess ; chim-

chich lamr pachen gats shusthe

duga.

Kmd psur dar emast sundi tott

bra mulld duga widliertl Parish

'std muktl gwd. Bragamatal os»

thai.

Ots kur assum ; id kdchl zotr

n}aiesj}t.

Muzzulmdn din bilugh zur ass :

pochetr ngustliabd kai faidd

butt ?

Angd yassa ettd ; pashao.

'V

O achok panishr b atom pachanw art

osh kusth duga. Id kul at sir wlk

tu anlo nizhe.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

129

1144. Alas! one of my coolies has

remained behind ; he has

not turned up ; I fear the

enemy will kill him.

1145. Take away the remains of that

meat.

1146. Take this cloth and make me

a pair of pyjamas; then

. bring me the remains of the

cloth.

1147. If it snows in the morning, we

cannot get across the pass :

there is no remedy (no

power; it can’t be helped).

1148. Certainly you gave me the

order yesterday. I have

not remembered. Forgive

me and don’t be angry.

1149. What do you request ? You

requested something yester¬

day and I gave you one

rupee, and now again you

request something ; I won’t

give you anything.

1150. The Charwelo enquires how

many coolies does the officer

require , and for how many

days does he require them P

1151. Chanlu and Mirak resemble

one another.

1152. My dog resembles your dog.

1153. Asmar is a good place : I shall

reside here four years.

1154. The Mehtar does justice, there¬

fore all the subjects respect

him.

1155. They are respectable people in

that village ; and neither

very poor nor very rich.

TJterestd ! last eo barwai ptiwor

utin ess; n’ais; o widernam pa -

chanwarz manchz barwai jdrld.

i

Ikzd ano utta bistai ngdtz gye.

Son gye taman kshz • utta bistai son

giats.

Dalkid yazhz-wel ta zzm afzid bado

shai putre nbamd ; kot n'ess .

— rv

Shtale tu dus huhn ptd m. Ia

babdi w’azzia. Mata kshz : kapd

n’bd.

Tu kai ragach ? Tu dus kai lattrz

raganasuch.* Id tu e tang pta’sh,

starak dz ragacha ? O tu kai

n’prelom,

Charwelz kudat Sahib che manchz

ragat, che ivds dz katz ragat ?

Chain Mirak e purstha ai.

Ia kruz to kruz erang’st asht.

Parish lesst gul assd ; ots shtoiva

se anz nishilom.

Mehar esop kutt , ikid dugb meh-

arst sliodr sundz adap kund.

Ikzd bag ram manchz brobar manchz

asht; bilugh lattrl-wd dz rC asht,

bilugh ka-no-wd n'asht.

* The syllables anas appear to be introduced for euphony.

g

130

English-BashgalI Sentences.

1156. The Cliarbu of that village is

not at all respectful (good

doer) : he should be pun¬

ished.

1157. You are tired. Rest a few

days in my house. What

time you are rested , you

can go.

1158. It is a good plan to rest one

day in every five days.

1159. We shall stay in this village

for the sake of some rest.

1160. In this business what result is

before you ? Even if you

kill the Charwelo you will

never become Charwelo.

1161. After seven days, I shall re¬

turn, and I will at that time

return to you your cloak.

1162. I go towards Asmar and I will

never return. Good-bye

(may you keep well).

1163. The head man has taken all

the revenue of this village,

and says the villagers have

paid none to him. He is a

great liar and rascal.

1164. If you find my cloak which

fell on the road yesterday,

I will give you a reward of

one rupee.

1165. My rezai (of my bed) is very

old.

1166. Whenever it rains, I get rheu¬

matism in my right arm

and left leg.

1167. This year there is much rhu¬

barb on the hills ; it is very

fresh and nice for men and

goats to eat.

Ikid bagram uru manchi dugd lesst

kul n’ass : ikid visth ass.

Tic gatrd bissish. Tic die troi ivos

id pamu wigio. Tic hui wigia

izhibd.

Pdcli wds td e wos ozhamesth less

ass.

f\J t /v

Ozhamesth dugd md bagram mi

nizhema.

Ind kudump'mish tie kai war! ess ?

Shtale tic Chdrweli jdrlosh tu

Chdrweli n'bulosh .

Suit wds ptiwar pilingiti atsalam,

aske wos ta tu st shugd tic ta wa

prelom.

Parish por ennom. Kui di ne at-

salom. So-enji.

I kid bagram uru sundi shorn ngut-

astai , wari kuttett li ikiam bagram

/v

manchi shorn i na prettettP

Biluah mishdl mishott : bilugh

digar manchi ess.

Id shugd dus p1 putt atteliss : tic

aweloshbd e tang gian prelom.

Id spl bilugh sium biss.

Kui agal yur onzibd pacliutr dusht

td kuwar chic td wai prettett .

Ind se bado radsa biluah ess ;

manchien sharon dugd yusthe

/y

duga lesst ass.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

131

1168. In my valley there is a quan¬

tity of wild rhubarb , rok,*

khozla, kalor, and badrai.

m

1169. A stone rolled down the hill,

hit me on the ribs, and

knocked me over.

1170. My rice crop is very good

this year and there has

been a large quantity of

rice produced. There is

more rice than Indian

corn this year.

1171. Thou art a rich man and I am

a man of no account,

1172. You have much riches, cattle,

goats, and coin, but I am a

man of no account.

1173. I don’t know how to ride , as

my house is in the moun¬

tainous countries, and there

are no horses there.

1174. Chanlu is a very good rider ,

but probably can’t climb

hills like me (having done

like me on hill cannot go) .

1175. You lie ! why do you demand

two rupees ? Your right

(due) is only one rupee"

1176. You are a fool. Why don’t

you know your right hand

from your left ?

1177. I went to the merchant to buy

a ring. He says they have

not come from Peshawur.

Emd b'gul biluah sabhu, rok,

khozla, kalor, badrai asht .

T) 7— — — # , ry ^

Jdado ste wott yur aiyo ; %a ta

/v t

pachukru praptd, ots piltzdo.

Ind se shall biluah lesst ess, ma

biluah paidd bold. Ind se jowdr

td ma biluah ess.

Tu lattri-wa manchz assish, ots

kai no-wd assum.

Tu td bilugh lattri asht biluah

gawd ( gao ) asht , biluah dizhe

asht, biluah tang asht; ots kai -

no-wd assum.

'V

O ushp p’sir nizhisth nd jdnretam ;

idst amu atur ess , aki ushp n'ess.

Chain lesst ushp p’sir nishel assd,

shtale i purstha kati pashu td e

na batt.

Tu mishochz ! Tu kai dugd du tang

wagachi ( ragacM ) f Tu td e tang

atsili assd.

Tu charrd assish. Tu pachutr

dush kuwar dush kaikote na jdn-

retish ?

Angushti ngusth dugd saoddgar td

gussam. Saoddgar gijji kunn

“ angushtlen Peshdr ste ridyd ”

kutt. '

* These are all vegetables which grow wild on the mountains and are good for food.

Their botanical names are not known. Badrai, in Chitrali, is rendered by simmon.

k2

132

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1178. The fruit is ripe in Drosh but

in Chitral it is not yet ripe,

because cold winds prevail

there.

1179. The apricots don’t ripen this

year, for there is no sun¬

shine. I fear they never

will ripen,

1180. Rise! why don’t you rise P 1

have awoke you (caused to

rise) three times : the sun

has risen, and is clearly

visible.

1181. Cross the pari (or built up

precipice road) by all means

(there is no fear) ; if you go

close to its edge, there is a

risk of your falling (I fear

you will fall).

1182. The river is very full of water.

1183. In summer there is not a ford

in this river ; owing to snow

melting, the water reaches

up to your chest, and some¬

times up to the neck.

1184. The road is good. There is no

cornice (built up road) be¬

tween Drosh and Gairath.

A donkey can go ; perhaps

a horse can go, but a camel

cannot go.

1185. Roast this bit of ram’s flesh for

my three coolies.

1186. Chanlu has robbed five rupees

from Mirak.

1187. That is not the case. Mirak is

himself a robber, and is too

wideawake to allow Chanlu

to rob even a stone from him.

Dry us kachivach pagistai, Shdral

starak wik ^’pagistai, ikid duga

aki bilugh yuts damn ushtett.

Incc se yur napss, ikie duga sen na

pagann. 0 babdi kshdtam kui di

na pagala.

U slita ! Tu kai duga n’otich ? Troi

wor tu uteash : su pti, lesst

waron ett,

Ushtiwn ta pdr 1, kai widerasth

n'ess ; o wideram tu pachure

elosh tu piltilosh.

Gologh (gol flglij bilugh ess.

Wazdur inn fr’gul ta e dz tur n’ass;

kui zim vilnaba do pa chuk wik

bibn, km Vgarak piu butt.

Putt lesst ass . Dryus ste Gairath

p’mzsh e di ushti n’ai . Kur wel

ass ; shtal& ushp weli, ushtar na

weli.

Inn parmenstuk mazharle ano pacho

idst troi barwai dugd.

Chdiu Mirak ste pdch tang shtar

kristai.

Inn wari tick na bunn. Mirak mi

shtar ass, bilugh kshul manchi

ess, Chain Mirak ] ste e vott di

ng&n’batt .

English-Bashgali Sentences.

133

1188. Yes, yon say what is true.

Mirak is only a thief, but he

is not a fine highway robber

like Bastl !

1189. In the spring that big white

rock will surely roll down

the hill some day, and kill

some-one.

1190. Don’t let my horse roll on the

ground, my saddle will

- break.

1191. The timbers of the roof of my

house are very strong and

will last until five years.

1192. How many rooms are in your

house ?

1193. The root of that tree is as long

as two men.

1194. My rope is broken. What shall

I do P How can I carry

the load without a rope ?

1195. The rose is the prettiest of all

the flowers, and its scent

is very nice.

1196. There are many dog-roses (P)

in our valley, but no other

roses.

1197. Chanlu is a rosy faced man,

but Mirak has a very dark

countenance.

1198. The beams of my roof are all

rotten , and I fear it will fall

some day.

1199. My clothes are very rough ;

your clothes are very soft

(thin).

1200. The road between Drosh and

Br6z is very rough.

Tic shtald walanoh. Mirak shtar

assd, Basil brobar damtol p’putt

lattrl ngala n' ass !

Wosut wokt askd kazhlr dl v5tt

bado pagior kul dl at said, ko

manehidn jdrld.

Id ushp Vbhlm piltisth duga n’ote,

iust zln per eng eld.

la pamu pkrum urgru bilugh lesst

asht , pdch se wik lesst bunna

Tic pamu che amo ai ?

Ikid kdno lu die manchion pashe

drgr butt.

last kanik perongd ; kai kulom ?

Kanik n'ess, kaikote bor ngalam ?

Shu sundl pish td shingierai azz,

ikios’t gun dl lesst butt.

Id Vgul td tari pish bilugh asht,

ward shit n’aiesht.

Ghdlii gum, purstha manchi assd,

Mirak zhl kor manchi assd.

Id pkrum argru pkhul asht, wider -

nam kul wos td vitlell kati (T).

Id bazisna bilugh chil asht; tu

bazisnd bilugh turungo asht.

Dryusste Bruz p* mizhu putt bilugh

digri ess.

134

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1201. The Commissariat ghi boxes

are square ; the kegs of

spirits are all round , so

don’t you make any mistake.

1202. When you. travel to Broz, go

round by our village.

1203. Why is my horse rubbing its

mane ? I think it must have

mange.

1204. I want a rug , and a numnah,

and a carpet, and a goat's

hair rug (Chitrall li pilisk ”).

1205. I shall ruin you, as you have

disobeyed the Mehtar’s

orders.

1206. Here used formerly to be a

village, but now only ruins

are left.

1207. Two men have run away

(fled).

1208. I cannot run ; last year, when

going down hill, I fell and

broke my left leg.

1209. The enemy have all run away,

carrying all their own pro¬

perty and leaving one old

man only.

1210. I will give you one rupee.

1211. I will take eighty Kabuli

rupees or fifty Indian

rupees for this horse.

1212. Rushes are visible there, so 1

suppose there must be also

water near them.

1213. The rust has destroyed my

sword. Rub it with sand.

1214. In the rutting season you can

MU five markhor in a day.

Commissariat ano adar shtowa pti-

wd asht ; tin pd sundi pandur

asht, tu nmeli n'ngd.

Tu hui Bruz gujbd emd pamu pa-

banur giti i.

last ushp kai dugd mar oik dro

changrott ? O purjonam ikio td

arna biss.

Id kalin, spi , zalimcha, zhur p'kdr

ess.

Td Mehar hukm n'ragattd , tu tor

azhelam.

Shangye zamdna td anio gram azzi,

star ok zanzir biss, ward n'aiesth.

Du sai mukia.

Ost achun na banam ; po se bado

pagior yur enazzam piltidm ko-

iv ar po puptd.

Pachan wari sundi mugistai, sundi

yost lattri bfd ; e purdik ptiwar

utiness, ward kd di n' aiesht.

Ots tu td e tan g'prelom.

Ind ushp dugd shtowa vissi zamani

ngdnam du vissi duts angrezi

tang ragalam {ngdnam) .

% # f

Aki noil waron ettd; o purjittam

akio taware do di assd.

Tsamar id tarwach digari kriss.

Tsu ware pilso {mar marl kshi ).

Epor bibd e gujar p'mish pooh

shdru jdr bachd.

English-Bashgali Sentences,

135

1215. To-day is my Sabbath ( i.e ..

day of rest) : I am not

going to work. (^[)

1216. Get me a sack and fill it with.

barley or wheat.

1217. Yon appear very sad to-day;

have yon lost all yonr goats ?

1218. My saddle is very big and

heavy ; get me a smaller

saddle.

1219. Saddle the grey horse. I will

let the black horse rest to¬

day.

1220. The saddle cloth is very old

and not fit for a Charwelo.

1221. The cornice is safe this year.

The Mehtar ordered me to

set it right.

1222. For the sake of my cow bring

a handfnl of barley : bnt if

yon fetch two handfuls it

will be better.

1223. All the salt for onr valley comes

from Peshawnr.

1224. Saltpetre is very prevalent in

this valley.

1225. Get a bit of cloth the same as

this for making a shirt.

1226. There is ranch sand near the

river.

1227. Ever since the water fell, some

logs of wood are stranded

on the sand banks .

1228. There are very few sand flies

this year becanse of the

winds.

s

Starak agar ess: ka kudum na

kalom.

la duga e bnje gats; ka rits kd

gum bnje ta pare kshl.

Starak tu bihigh kapa bissish ; tu

sundi dizha puz bistai ?

la zln bilugh dl dl assd gdnowd dl

assd ; parmenstuk zln giats.

Kazhlrl ushp ta zln ptite. Ots

starak zhl ushp widlam.

Zln p’tsir bazisna sium biss, Char-

well duga less n’ess.

Ind se ushtiica lesst assd. Mehar

hukm ptdsam-ish ikye lesst kshir.

Id gao dnga e gor rits giats : shtale

yamna gor aivarbd lesstabald.

Emd b’gul duga sundi zhnk Peshdr

ste afzid.

(\j

Ind b'gul td kazhisli bilugh asht

rv

Taman kusth duga e achok basnd

ikye basnd pursth gaits .

Pd chiivol td tsn bilugh assd.

Pul ste do chok biss bd, do p'mich

bdiwerr gar utind.

Ind se damn bilugh ushtett , ikiye

dugd kishu (?) bilugh chagA asht ,

136

English- BashgalI Sentences.

1229. Get all the men together

sharp to make a sangar

(breastwork).

1230. Fetch twenty saplings and put

them into my ground.

1231. I have inspected your work

and am satisfied with it.

1232. You are eating a lot. Are you

not satisfied yet ? Why

don’t you rise and wash

your hands ?

1233. Everything has come in, but

they have not brought the

saucepan ; I fear it dropped

on the road.

1234. The carpenter has an axe and

hammer ; but says he never

even saw a saw.

1235. What do you say ? Speak

loud ; speak slowly ; and

each word separately and

clearly, or I can’t under¬

stand you.

1236. The Charwelo says he (the

man) is sick.

1237. The scabbard of my sword fell

yesterday and is lost.

1238. The Commissariat scales are

not understood by us and

we are robbed in conse¬

quence.

1239. There is a scar on his hand

and a scar on his face.

1240. This year mulberries are very

scarce : more scarce than

last year.

1241. In my field erect a scare croio

(a dead man’s figure) at the

sight of which the birds will

flee away.

Bangut tyor kusth duga sundl

manchlo zapp wasanrd.

Vissl kanjik awetl i b'bhiom pte.

Tu kudum osh karsd , biluah kuzhan

assum.

Tu biluah burl ( anjl ) yuchl. Tu

ktol n’karsa ? Tu kai duga,

n’utinshess ? Kai duga, dusk

n’dariss ?

Sundl lattrl osth, chindor

n’awerd; widarnom p’putt to,

atlon gwd .

Ddr-selle td pedrl assd, kushtun dl

asset; gijjl kutt ots kui shiao

n’warins.

Tu kai marechi ? Kdgrd walo ;

chille walo ; yo nirike warl kshl ;

/v

lesst katl ivalo ; ots tu warl

n’ pur jit am.

Ghdrwell bradswaio kutta’s.

last tarwdeh wui dus atlongai;

puz biss.

Emd manchldn Commissariat tar-

ja nizhdn na jdnramlsh , ikid

duga, psotr.

Ikye b’dush pror nizhan assd ;

p'miok dl pror nizhan assd.

Ind se marach bilugfi chogh asht :

po se ste cliogh asht .

la, ptul p’mich manchi bmrisht

nizhan kshl, marangats askio

osh ktl muguld.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

137

1242. The scent of the dog-rose is nicer

than the scent of the flower

of the apple.

1243. The scissors of the tailor are

so blunt they won’t cnt

cloth.

1244. Scorpions go somewhere in

the winter. Would to God

they would not return in

summer !

1245. Send two men to scout , and give

them orders to stay on the

road tilbevening (sun down).

Parr pish gun ta tari pish gun

lesst ass.

Basnd shut trutsan sail duru biss,

basnd na petann.

Ziwdr upoh kor ettabd . Imrd wiz -

dor dl upoh n’awelonn !

Du manchldn namo sbu kudosth

dugd : amki manchldn hukm pre

sai yur wlk p’putt nizheld.

1246. I saw him scowling and I am

sure he is my enemy.

1247. The old woman is screaming

from fear of the thieves.

1248. The seam (?) of my choga

has become undone.

1249. Go and search in the village

for a ladder, and I shall

myself go shortly to search.

1250. This is not the season for

fruit to ripen.

1251. He came secretly by night to

my house and took away

my coat.

1252. I am blind and I saw (see)

nothing last night when

Mirak came.

1253. I have sown the seeds, but not

one has sprouted.

1254. It seems to me they are all

rotten.

1255. Have you seen Kabul? No, I

have not seen it, but my

father saw it.

Id ikle manchl waridm miok

/V #

andhr kunn: o purjanam idst

pachanwarl assd.

Wdl publ kutt ; shtar duga biluah

widarett.

Idst shugd wizhu biss (?).

Tu prets b’ gram p’mich chik osh

kshi (5 she) o dl 5sh kusth dugd

zapp anam.

Ind kajwaj pagasth dugd wokt na

ess.

Ikld manchl rador chilli attl idst

shugd brd.

Ots kar assum ; kul Mirak ossabd

id kd dl n wariam.

O bklm ta bi ajissl, e dl na wd ass.

'V

O purjinam sundl pkhuld bd .

<y

Tu Kabul warian ? I n’warins,

Iasi tdtt warians.

138

Ekglish-Bashgali Sentences.

1256. Go fco the village and seize Ikye bagrom i ; shu ushp vrangati

six horses by force.

1257. He says he sells clothes only

and does not sell cooking

pots.

1258. The Mehtar has sent a man

bearing a letter.

1259. The Mehtar has sent a basket

full of grapes for yon.

1260. When the stone hit my head

I fell senseless.

1261. The sentry of my tent fell

asleep ; and a thief came arid

took my gnn away.

1262. Yon are a useless servant. I

dismiss yon.

1263. My servant is very fat and

lazy.

1264. Sir ! yonr service is an honor¬

able service and I am proud

of it.

1265. Several persons have come for

service.

1266. The sun has not yet set : there

are many clouds.

1267. Get a needle to sew this cloth.

1268. Let us sit in the shade ; it is

very hot.

1269. This is a shady place and

good to rest in.

1270. Shake the tree, and the fruit

• will drop.

1271. The tree shakes with the wind :

I have not shaken it.

1272. The water of the pond is quite

shallow and very muddy.

1273. For shame ! you have no

shame ; I thought to myself

you were a goed man.

giats.

Askd manji gijji kutt d bazisnd

wreck kuttam paisa ragattam

tol na wrech kunam.

Mehr e manchl parhi ngdti namia.

Mehr chaktd dros pare kti tu duga

ptossi.

Kui idst shai td ivott praptawd

/v

ots charra biti piltidm.

f\f /v

Idst jilamd trachi manchl pshutti

gussd ; shtar * ozz ; iast tapik

shtar kati gus.

Tu digar sliodr assish. To tor

azhelom.

Idst sliodr biluah kart ass biluah

dangar ess.

Sahib ! Tost shodari bilugh lesst

ass ; id biluah ud bissam.

Biluah manchl shodari kusth duga

osth.

Su na pugess ; ndru bilugh ess .

Ind basna shusth duga chamchich

gats.

Tsawe id nizhemd ; tail biluah

butt.

Ind kano-wa bhim ess; wigasth

duga lesst ass.

Kano ranzao, kachwach yur elld.

Damn ta kdno ranzann : l kdno na

ranzei.

Ind p’nile do turungo ass ; biluah

mul ess.

Thu hhu ! tu jerik n’ass; ots osjt

karosh tu lesst manchl assish.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

139

1274. Don’t have false shame (about

eating) ; yon are hungry :

eat to your heart’s content.

1275. You are a shameless thief ;

get you gone.

1276. I am dead beat. Shampoo my

back and legs.

1277. Do you know the difference

between the shape of Mirak

and Widing individually P

1278. Give me my share of the flour,

and I am off.

1279. Share this flour between the

four men

1280. My knife is as sharp as my

sword,

1281. That woman screams ; I think

she is hurt.

1282. A sheaf of corn is worth a

seer of milk in our country.

1283. Shear the sheep and take its

wool to Ranbur.

1284. The cattle have gone out of

the shed.

1285. I have six sheep, a ram and

an ewe and a lamb.

1286. Get me a sheet from the

merchant.

1287. A fox came and the shepherd

caught it.

1288. Why don’t the Government

soldiers carry shields.

1289. The tailor made my shirt last

year. It is worn out.

1290. Why are you shivering ? Is it

from cold or from fever ?

1291. My shoes are very thin.

Jerik W zar • tu dttd biss ; less katl

ktol kshi.

Tu jerik na wa, shtar aseish ;

part si.

'V

O wotinam ; idst ptl pchu maro.

Tu Mirak aje Widing wizhirwor

kure kure zdrchd 1

Tu ikld bre baraktl i gats, <J elom.

Ind bre shto manjidn p'mish

barakshi.

Idst kata idst tarwach brobar tsia

assd.

Askd istri publ kutt, o purjonam

ikle zdn biss.

rsj

Umd gul tar e gidr gum e sir zu

er angst ( e brobar ) ess.

Ind muzharala bre; ikle waruk

Konisht wik ngd.

Gdo shall ste bar gostai.

Id shu we asht ; e muzharala as§d ;

e iVez assd; e wdk assd.

Soddgar-o td ste id dugd e pujil

gats.

Wrigl osth ; patsa mochi wrigl

ivan amiss.

Sirkdr-o spdhl kai dugd kira na

ngattett.

Basnet shut po se id digri shu si ;

daliss ( sium biss).

Tu kai dugd ditkichl ? Tu sMlli

bissd, tu ranzol assd ?

C\j

Idst kashk wetza biluah turungo

asht o

140

English Bashgali Sentences,

1292. My horse’s shoes are very

broad.

1293. I don’t know how to shoot .

I have a bow and arrow

but not a gnn.

1294. Get me a handful of wheat

from the shops.

1295. My stick is short.

1296. The coolie is very short in

stature and cannot carry

my load. •

1297. On my shoulder there is a boil.

I can carry nothing.

1298. From carrying the officer’s big

load yesterday my shoulder-

blade aches.

1299. Shout out to Mirak. Say to

him that Basti is shouting

to him.

1300. Show me where does the road

to Mastuj go ?

1301 . I will show you a place where

eleven men are hiding with

their matchlocks. I can’t

go : you go and fetch them

to me. I went ; there is no

body in that place.

1302. Shut the door.

1303. The door of his house is shut,

and I can’t open it.

1304. We have no sichles; how can

we cut the wheat ?

1305. Which side of the river shall

we march to-morrow ? ( i.e„

shall we go that side or

this side of the water ?)

1306. Samar beat me with a stick

yesterday on my side, so

my side aches.

Ots ushpe nal (wetza) bilugh wishtr

v asset.

Ots tapk baruten na zdretam.

last dron je shtor asht ; tapk

n’ass.

Bazar ste e gor gum giats.

last marol parmenstuk ess.

Barwai bilugh parmenstuk ass;

id bor ngd n'batt.

Id patos apsiss. Ots kd dl ngd

n'battam.

Bus sdhib-e dl bor ngutassi ; pati

bradzott.

Mirak cho witi walo. Vrl (wan)

kshl Basil tu ivalonn.

1 waro Mastich-l putt kor-d giess .

I pazhu wralom yanits manchi akl

amshiest tapkien ngdtl nijinistai.

rv

Ots n annum; tu gill i gats,

Ots gam; askd pazhu td kai

naiesht.

Du barm kshl.

Ikie- amu du kach ess, ots ikie

nuksd n’bannam.

Emd ta churl n'aiesht ; gum kaikote

ruimd ?

Emd dalkid emish ; do td per emish

do td Ir emishd ?

Samar dus marol mish idst ani

wind’rn ; ani brazott.

English-BashgalI Sentences.

141

1307. What are yon making sighs

for ? Are yon tired or ill ?

1308. Silence ! don’t speak; only lift

yonr hand np if yon see

the enemy.

1309. Tell the men to be silent and

not to say a word. The

enemy will hear.

1310. The merchants take silk and

silver to Peshawur.

1311. Yon are very silly ; yon

wonld never do for a spy.

1312. Since I entertained you, did

I ever beat yon P Never.

1313. He is not a sincere man : I am

sure he is treacherous

(liar) .

1314 The sinew of my leg is cut

with a knife.

1315. If yon are all tired, call Mirak

to sing ; he is a good singer.

He will cheer us all np.

1316. Last year I did sink in the

snow. To-day I have sunk

in the water.

1317. My sister has fever to-day.

1318. My sister-in-law has eight sons.

1319. Sit on this stone. Don’t

show yonr head to the

enemy.

1320. I am very cold ; get a goat’s

skin for me.

1321. I can go across the water with

an inflated skin , but not

without.

1322. Mirak has stolen my skin-bag

(for carrying flour),

Tu kai dugd shn kshachl ? Tu

gatrd bissishd ; bradzo-wd ashid ?

Chusht azho ! na wan kshl ; tu

kuz pachanwarl warinba dusht u

kshl.

Manjl ta warl kshl chusht azhd

kshir , e dz warl nkshir. Pachan-

warl sangald.

Soddgar arshumje aru Peshdr por

prend.

Tu bilugh bedina-wa assish; tu kuz

shu awen na bachl.

Kni tu l shodr kardsh l kuz tu

vinojd ? kul dl n' vino sdsh.

/V

Ikle manchz-e zara lesst n'ess: o

purjanam mizhol assd.

Id kur nung karo (kata') mish

periss.

Shtale shd gatrd bissar. Mirak td

warl kshl ; lain kulonn; bilugh

lesst lalu kul assd. Ema sundl

kuzhdl kuld.

Pd se zlm ynr gussam. Starak do

td p’mich bissam.

,*v /V

Id sns ta shtarak ranzul biss.

Id wu-o usht pitr asht.

Ind vott p’sir nizhe. Tost shai

pachan warl ta na wdro.

Id bilugh shilld biss; id dugd

wazest chamo giats.

Aotarmir mzsh do td petrn banam;

gid e na banam.

Mirak idst titsa shtar ktl briss.

142 Engltsh-BashgalI Sentences.

1323. A bullet hit the sepoy's skull ;

I expect he will die.

1324. The sky is clear ; I think we

can march in the morning.

1325. The slave has run away from

fear of this cruel master.

1326. I am sure his master will slay

him some day or another.

1327. When I approached the sentry

last night, I saw he was

sleeping.

1328. My leg is asleep , I can't stand

up.

1329. The thief cut oft the sleeves of

my cloak.

1330. The ground is frosty and very

slippery. Take care ! you

will slip.

1331. Is the hill a gentle slope or is

it a difficult slope? And,

when you have crossed,

what is (the slope) on the

far side ?

1332. Go slowly ; I am done ; let us

take breath.

1333. He is a small man ; give him

a small load.

1334. My house is small', yours is

large, his house is the

largest.

1335. In your childhood had you

small-pox ? I think you are

pitted with small-pox in

the face.

1336. I smell a nice smell of roses

and a nasty smell of a dead

dog.

1337. What does your dog smell ?

Pondrik spdlii pazhe preptd; o pur -

zhanam mrld.

Di bilugh shinglross; babdl ess dal -

kii mizh im emd.

Lon! amosb damtol mochis widarthi

^ mugis .

O purjandm kul ikle mochi’s jgrla.

Rador kul pile td tori assium i

waridm pshuissa.

list pu shingur bunn, ots utti na

banam.

Shtar idst shugd dashta preti bra.

Blum shi tin ass, bilugh silkin biss.

1'rdchl bo ! tu silkilosh,

Ik 11 a shtar chakur assa uchangust

assd ? Kul badd shai putarijbd

akl por kast azzd.

Chille i ; ots utmam ; yu prezhama.

Ikid parmenstuk manchl assd ; ikle

parmenstuk bor pre.

I amu prama ess ; tu amu ala ess,

ikl amu sundl amu td bilugh ala

ess.

Tu kul parmenstuk azzl tu purr

bissid ? O purjanam tu purr

mugho ( miok-o ) ashl.

_

Id td tari pish le gun ann ; mristh

krul digar gun dl ann.

Tu krul kd gun kunn ?

English-BashgalI Sentences.

143

1338. The dog-rose smells sweet.

The corpse smells had.

1339. My house is full cf smoke.

1340. Why don’t you smoke

tobacco ?

1341. My pyjama cloth is smooth.

1342. On the march yesterday (at

the time of marching) a

long snake bit my brother

in the leg.

1343. The sepoy snatched the fruit

from my hand and bolted.

1344. My head aches from much

sneezing.

1345. The snow is up to our arm-pits.

How can we cross the pass

to-morrow P

1346. I have been snow-blind in both

my eyes for seven days.

1347. If you see the enemy do so

(like this).

1348. The soldiers are very brave

and shoot 'straight.

1349. So much ( so large) loads we

can’t carry.

1350. His back aches; put a soft

cloth under it.

1351. This cloth is very much soiled ;

take it away.

1352. The old man solicits a rupee.

1353. Some man has come and says

the sahib wants some flour.

1354. Somehow (from wherever you

can fetch), you must get

the horses.

1355. Some one must go ( one is to

go). It is your turn,

moreover, to go.

Tari pish gun ann. Mr i shiest

digar gun ann.

last amu ta dum pare assd.

Tu kai dugd tarnkio ?i’kusoch ?

Id taman basnd chil ess.

Pus piliangsth welt d dl babust al

id brd kur td atamshi.

jV

Spain i b’dusht td kachwach wran-

gltl mukid.

Pilugh kazisth (?) dugd shai brad -

zott.

Zim kachkrul wik assd. Emd

bado kaikote putr bama ?

Sutt wos ( gujr ) bd idst zim dugd

f\j

achie lushtia.

Pachan wari warinhd tu gita kshi.

Spain biluah le damtol manchi asht,

tapkie lesst rind.

Ikia’st dl bor ngd n’bamish.

Ind chil (.?) bradzonn; ani pagv.r

chilla basnd pte.

Ind basnd biluk mul asht ; nuksd.

Askd purdu e tang ragatt.

Ka moch oss gijji kunn sdhib chok

bre ragatt.

Kor ste awenjibd ushp tyor kshi.

E isth azzd : shtaU isth tu wor

assd.

144

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

1356. Sometimes he says Mirak

killed Basti : sometimes he

says Dan Malik killed

Basti.

1357. In my honse there must he a

dark cloak somewhere , I

don’t know where.

1358. My son was wounded and

captured by the enemy,

but escaped by feigning

death.

1359. My son-in-law is ill and will

surely die.

1360. What sorrow afflicts you ?

(why art thou sorrowful ).

1361. I am sorry your son is dead.

1362. The man has brought sour

fruit and sour milk.

1363. Have you sown the flower

(rose) (?) seeds ?

1364. Get a wooden spade and an

iron spade.

1365. The horse has eaten his belly¬

ful of grain ; and two hand¬

fuls of barley are to spare.

1366. Speak ! Why are you silent ?

Are you dumb ?

1367. The enemy carries spears but

no guns.

1368. That man is a species of fox.

1369. Take this money ; spend it as

you like.

1370. I shall spend the night here ;

we will go to-morrow.

1371. The spiders are very plentiful

this summer.

1372. Spinach is good to eat with

meat.

Kachi gijji kunn Mirak Basti

jdriss : kach! gijji kunn Ban

Malik Basti jdriss.

Bma p' amu korar zhi shugd as -

saba tich n’ess.

Bachanwari id putr pror kriss

wanamiss, putr marelgo vishti

mug is s.

list zaman bradsowd assd shtale

tyor mrld.

Tu kai kapa bitish ?

r\j

Tu pitr mriss : ots kapa bissum.

Ind manchi-e chenai kachwach

awariss ; ila awariss.

• •

Tu tan pish bi bhim ta ajissa ?

Beo gats : chimbio di gats.

TJshap ktol karungo pul idr ; du gor

rits utta biss.

Wari kshi ! Tu kai dugd chusht

azhichi ? Tu wari-na-wd ashid ?

Pachanwaridn td isht asht, tapk

n’asht.

Ikid manchi wrigi purst manchi

• assd.

Tang ngdti tost bidi td vrich kshi.

Starak shao ani wisilom ; dalkid

emd.

Ind wazdor sachung biluah bund.

Ano mdsh palak (?) idr aba less

bunn.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

145

1373. To spit before a headman is

very disrespectful.

1374. He is a very spiteful man.

1375. Yon have spoilt our business.

I dismiss you.

1376. Get one small spoon and one

large spoon from the bazar.

1377. How many black spots are on

your white dog’s back P

1378. He is a yellow dog all over,

and not spotted.

1379. In spring this spring has much

good cold water.

1380. Sprinkle water on the fire.

1381. If you sprinkle earth on the

snow, it will melt fast.

1382. The spur of that hill is easy to

climb.

1383. The spy has come, but brings

word that the enemy has

made preparations to march

to-morrow.

1384. Let the shape of the sangar

(wall) be made square, not

round.

1385. The horse ran away from his

stable last night.

1386. The enemy came last night

and burnt my stack of

grass.

1387. How many stages is it from

Dir to Chltral ?

1388. The fruit is stale and dried.

1389. That little boy stole ten stalks

of corn.

1390. The man stammers much.

1391. The Mehtar is coming ; stand

up.

Jast panishr sabjun wisth katrawdr

kudum essd.

Ikld bilugh zian karol manchl essd.

Tu emd kudum digar kariss. Td

o tor azhelom.

Bazdr ste bilankochl gia'tsi dl

kochl dl giats.

To' st kazhlr krul p'ptl td chuk zhl

prots asjit ?

Id krul brobar adr rang azza ;

shtring na ass.

Wasut ind undsao p’mish bilugh le

yuts do azzd.

Ike angd td do azho.

Zlm td p' sir palal (jmri) azhlba

zapp wilinn.

Ikld pazhun esth dugd lesst ass.

Shu awel manchl oz : shu awera

dalkid pachanwarl oshtasth dugd

tyor ass.

_ _ fv

Ini bangut shto ptistuk ksjnr ,

pondr n'kshir.

Dus radur ushp ushp-amu ta ste

puz biss.

Dus radur pachan-warl osth idst

yds gott angd tard.

Dir ste Shdral chi wos pott assd ?

Kajwaj less n’ass, dariss.

Ikid parmenstuk marir duts gum

kor shtar kati brd.

• . ' ■ •

Ikld manchl bilugh supkott.

Mehr ann ■ ushto.

L

146

English-BashgalI Sentences.

1392. There are clouds and the stars

are not visible.

1393. My brother is starved to death.

There is no one to feed him.

1394. What is the state of your

father who is imprisoned

by the Amir P

1395. If you will stay here two nights,

I will make you comfort¬

able.

1396. If you steal my goats, I will

kill you with my gun.

1397. This hill is too steep for coolies

to carry loads.

1398. My father is very stern : his

own sons all fear him.

1399. I got steps made in front of my

door.

1400. Get my walking stick and my

polo stick.

1401. The road is very sticky from

the rain.

1402. My girths have become stiff

with the horse’s sweat.

1403. The hornet did sting my cheek

yesterday.

1404. There is a stink here as of a

dead dog.

1405. Lengthen my stirrup leather :

it is too short.

1406. The women make excellent

stockings in Aiyiin.

1407. He is a thief and has been put

in the stocks by the Mehtar.

1408. The stomach of the boy is

swelled from eating too

much Indian corn.

Naru biluah ess : rashta na waron

end.

last bra atta mrd. Ikle burl

• •

presth dugd kai na asht.

Amir tost tott bdndl kriss ka’st bitl

assd ?

m i a —

Tu anl dii rador bulozhba, ots tu

dugd lesst kasmat kalom.

Tu idst gash shtar kulajba tu

tapkid vitl jarlam.

Ind bado bilugh uchangiest assd,

barwai bor ngdtl bado u n’bann.

Id tott biluah dang manclu ess;

iklost putriness ikle warantl wid-

harand.

last amu b’dit id tord ugram

azhiss.

Idst maroi giats parche dl giats.

Agal osthe dugd pott biluah shur

biss.

JJslip ashp§ dugd girl wishtangess.

Bdmo dus idst naskor td attamshi.

Anl mrist krul digar gun ess.

last ushp td pota td drgr kshl :

parmenstuk ess.

Angr jugilr biluah lesst jarob kund.

Shtar assd. Mehr gara mesh band

krissd.

Ikld marir biluah jawdr iard ;

ikle ktol bilugh dl biss .

English-Bashgali Sentences.

147

1409. Collect stones to build a house.

1410. Don’t go near the falling

stones ( stone shoot).

141 ] . When you go to stool , does any

blood pass P

1412. Stop that man and search him

to see if he is a thief.

1413. I shall stop at your house

thirteen days till the end of

the fast (of Ramzan).

1414. A violent storm came accom¬

panied with hail, and did

much harm.

1415. Mori has become rich and

very stout.

1416. Speak always straight and true,

and don’t lie.

1417. My goats have strayed , and I

don’t know where they may

be.

1418. The water of this stream is

very clear and white.

1419. Get a hundred men to make an

irrigation cut or stream.

1420. A mud stream came and beat

down my crops.

1421. There is much water in the

stream.

1422. Mirak says he will strike BastI

with a stick.

1423. The coolie says I have only

a bit of string , not a thick

rope. How can I take the

loadP

1424. This horse is weak: give me

a strong and large horse.

1425. This horse stumbles much, I

am sure he will fall.

1426. My horse stumbled and fell.

Wott wasanrdo amu kusth dugd .

Tit akid watla wott tdr tord n’ai,

(na i.)

Km tu alkur gujba lui anna ?

Ikid manchi otio ikiest basnd ta

osh kshi shtar assd.

r\, — — —

Ots tost pamu tdr trits wos bulom

km wik pochetr na petlon emm.

Biluah ganowakti damu ushtid ,

azhir dl oz, biliuk nuksdn krd.

Mori bilugh lattri-wd biss al ktol-

wa di biss.

Tu sundi shtal wan kshi , na mizhao.

last gash piz bd, tich n’bunn kdr

asselaba.

Ind b’gul do biluk shtd kazhir

assd.

Poch vissi manchi wasanrdo yti

kusth duga.

Koru ozz idst ptul pagur taristai.

Baglao (b’gul-o) do less.

Mirak gijji kunn “ ots maroi mish

Basti wilom ” kutt.

Harwai gijji kutt “ id td lamr ka-

nik ass, kartd kanik n’aiesht ”

kutt. “ Bor kaikoti ngdlam ? ”

Ind ushp td kot n’aiesht, dangari-

wak assd : karti ali ushp giats.

oj /y

Ind ushp zolazzatt (?), o pur jonanx

piltali.

Ia ushp zolasti piltiss .

L 2

148

English-BashgalI Sentences.

1427. My horse stumbled by knock¬

ing against a stone, and

fell.

1428. This is a very dry year, so the

crops are stunted.

1429. Suddenly the enemy appeared

from the jungle and at¬

tacked us.

1430. We suffer much from the Af¬

ghans, who oppress us.

1431. Sugar is very good to eat

when it is very cold.

1432. The coolie is not tired ; he is

only sulking (making a

fuss).

1433. In summer there is much heat

in this village.

1434. The sun is not visible owing to

many clouds.

1435. This is a sunny village, there*

fore fruit ripens early in

the season.

1436. At sunrise we will cross the

pass to-morrow.

1437. At sunset I think we shall

reach Chitral.

1438. The sunshine is hot : let us sit

in the shade.

1439. Collect a hundred men and sur¬

round Mirak’s village. Take

care you do not let a boy

even escape.

1440. He was surprised and therefore

fell into the enemy’s hands.

1441. I have a suspicion Basti will

kill Mirak to-night.

1442. Mix this medicine with water

and swallow it.

la uslip wott ta pu preti piltiss,

Ind se dumd se bd, ptul dumd

parmenstuk bistai.

Pachan wars shu n’azzl tan da (?)

b'zul ste bar osth emd pazhz ste

windtnish (?).

Aoghdnz manchi emd td biluk zor

karond, emd biluk zur ba.

Kuz shilld bilugh bibd gur iarabd

lesst butt.

Barwai gatrd na biss gidn karta-

wor kunn .

Wazdur ind bagrdm bilugh taps

bunn.

Ndru bilugh assd, su. waron na

ett.

Ind ashperuk gram ass , ikze dug a

kachwach shangze pagann.

Dalkid sii chi presth wokt td bado

putremd.

O purjinam su pinjeba Shdral

promd.

Su taps ess: tsawe td nizhemd.

Poch vissz manchzan mdsh Mirak

gram pabunor azho. Trdcln

bur e parmir di bar na lazar.

Derh bd ; ikze duga pachanwan

b'dush gwd.

O babdi kshatam rotr ( radhar )

Bastz Mirak jdrld.

Ind ddru do mish mazhura kshz pi.

English-Bashgali Sentencis. 149

1443. The horses are stuck in the Ushp p’shur ta yurskd.

swamp.

1444. You have eaten my bread, so Tu iast bum iarissd, dts shott ku-

I swear I won’t do yon any lom tu kd zidn na kulom.

harm.

1445. There is much sweat under last ushp htol pagiur bilugh ashpa

my horse’s belly. hiss.

1446. My horse has sweated much. Ia ushpe bilugh ashpa baranziss.

1447. Get a broom and sweep the Sagon giats, idst jilamd duga

ground for my tent. bhim sagao (ska).

(\j

1448. The tea is very sweet , and the GhaT bilugh machi ass • ikid kach -

fruit is very sweet . (lus- wach bilugh aruzao ess.

clous),

1449. My upper arm had a blow last gotr ta dus pror biss , apsiss.

yesterday and has swelled.

1450. My, horse is more swift than la ushp tu usfhp ta shatarami assd .

yours. s

1451. 1 can’t swim. My brother Ots nosh kun na banam. Ia brd

i\j

swims like a fish in the do matsl purstha nosh kor.

water.

1452. I can’t swim without an Aotrmir mish nosh ko banam gid

inflated skiD. datthnosjid n’ banam.

1453. Get me a switch for making Ushpe madasth duga chui giats.

my horse go.

1454. My sword is very blunt: Id tarwach bilugh duru biss: %kld

sharpen it. tseo hshl.

1455. My sword belt is very tight : last tarwach parosh ta arrin biss :

loosen it quickly. zapp wishtrl kshz.

1456. gher Malik is a fine siuords - Sher Malik bilugh less tarwochi

man ; he can easily kill Mori, wil assd ; Mori gidmi prushkure

and think nothing of it. jarla.

T

1457. My horse has a black tail. last ushp dlimri zhi assd.

1458. Who takes this load? Take Ind borakdchi ngalabasa ? Amni

rsj

these four loads to Drasan. shto bor Drdsan wik ngar.

1459. Who has taken my load ? Id bor ku bra ?

150

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1460. A. man came and has taken my

horse by force.

1461. Don’t take off your clothes ; it

is time to be starting.

1462. Don’t go near that small-pox

man ; yon will take the

disease.

1463. Why do yon talk so lond ?

1464. Mirak is taller than Bast!, and

thy father is taller than my

father.

1465. Where the tamarisk grows

there is snre to be water

near.

1466. If ever yon have fever, it is

good to drink tea.

1467. Get me a man to teach me the

Bashgall dialect.

1468. This cloth tears very easily ;

it is not good.

1469. The boy has torn {tear) my

shirt.

1470. What are the tears in yonr

eyes for ? Has any one hit

yon ?

1471. Tell me, did yon see Mirak

stealing my shirt ?

1472. He is telling a very long story,

bnt I do not believe him ;

may-be he is lying.

1473. Ten tents have come from

Drosh for the sepoys.

1474. Yon have given me one rnpee ;

1 thank yon.

1475. That is a very good man.

1476. Go that way ; don’t come this

way.

1477. I will give thee one rnpee.

1478. Their loads are very heavy.

Manchi-e ozz ia ushp wrangdti bri.

Tu basna na nuksao; piliangsth

wokt hiss.

Ikid manchi-e tuk shild hiss ; tu tord

n’ai; tu td di shila.

Tu kai dugd cho witi walanch ?

Mirak Basti td drgr ess, oje tu tott

la tott ta drgr ess.

Kor hinjn (P) bundaba aki do tyor

tore bunn.

Kui tu td tapi onzibd chai pisth

lesst bunn.

_ 'v /v r\j ^ /v

Kato vari i zarosth dugd e manchi

/v

osh kshi.

Ind bazisnd zapjp drich bunn ; less

n’ess.

Ikid par men marir idst digri drich

kriss.

Tu ache td achn kye atsand ? Ku

ivinozhd ?

Id ta vri kshi, tu waridm (?) iast

digri Mirak brd ?

Ikid manchi biluah drgr wari wa-

lann ; i ikid tich na bunn ; mizh-

ona shtale walann.

Dnts jilama spdhien duga Dryus

ste awend.

±u ia ta e tang ptd.m ; shamash

kulom.

Aska biluah le manchi ass.

Aki a p dr i ; ani por n’ai.

Ots tu td e tang prelom,

Amkian bor bilugh allangd asht.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

151

1479. Do not beat them -with sticks.

1480. Drink your medicine; then

walk about a bit.

1481. Go into my house and get

thence a choga.

1482. I have been : there is not one

there.

1483. These men say they cannot

march.

1484. Get me a thick stick.

1485. That jungle is very thick and

dark.

1486. You are a thief, I shall beat

you. It is not true, I am

not a thief.

1487. If you thieve, I shall cut your

neck.

1488. My thigh bone was broken

last year by falling from a

horse.

1489. My brother is very thin from

fasting.

1490. Mirak’s bull is very thin.

1491. My choga is of very thin tex¬

ture.

1492. Is this horse thin ? or thy

father’s ?

1493. My horse is very small ; thine

is a big horse.

1494. Think (having made intention)

before you speak.

1495. I think Mori will die this night.

1496. I have run fromBroz to Drosh

and am very thirsty.

1497. The Charwelo’s father died

this day.

1498. This year we shall go to

Drasan.

Amno mar oi mesh na wz.

Kul uzha piba ask! wokt ta aclwk

piling id.

last pamu atti i akie ste shugd

gats.

Gussam : aki e dz shugd n'aesht .

Amna manjz gijjz kund 11 emd e na

bamd ” kutt.

Id dugd kartl maroi giats.

Ikid bzul ta bilugh kano asht : ikze

p'mish andhar ess •

Tu shtar assish, tu wilom . Shtali

n'ess, id shtar n'assum.

Tu shtar kulaiba girek petalam.

Po se ushp p’tsir ste ivar ossam : chu

peringd.

Idst bra pochetr ngusth dugd bilugh

dadar biss.

Mirak ashu bilugh dadar ess,

Idst shugd biliuk turungo assd.

Ind ushp dadar assd tochz ushp

dadar assd ?

Id ushp biliuk parmen ass ; tost dl

ushp ess.

Babdi kashlti gijjz ( [varz ) kshz.

0 purjonam Mori starak rador mrld.

'V

Ots Broz ste Dry us wik achunissam ;

bilugh ao pik bd.

Ghdrweli’O tott starak gujr mrd.

§]jtarak se emd Drasan td emd.

English-Bashgali Sentences,

152

1499. This stick is large, that stick

is small.

1500. This village is very large.

1501. A thorn has run into my foot.

1502. Those men are all ill.

1503. Thou art very tired : rest

thou here.

1504. Get some thread to sew mv

clothes.

1505. Take this wheat and thresh it.

1506. The water has come on to

my threshing floor and

spoilt it.

1507. There is a boil on my throat.

1508. Throw me down that stick.

1509. The enemy has cut off the

thumb of Samar’s right

hand.

1510. Did you hear the thunder last

night, and feel the earth¬

quake ?

1511. Tie this rope for me.

1512. Widing has killed a tiger.

1513. Those pyjamas are too tight, I

cannot wear them.

1514. Tighten the girth of my saddle.

1515. On the river bank there are a

hundred timbers.

1516. Spring is a good time to sow

vegetable seeds.

1517. It is a long time since you left

Peshawur.

1518. I have not time to learn Bash-

gall.

1519. How many times have you

been to Kamdesh ?

1520. Mirak is a very timid man ;

• he won’t cross the pass.

1521. There is no tin in our village.

Ina ddo dl ess , Odd ddo parmen ass,

Inam gram bilugh dl ess.

Bubust id kur td atamshiss.

Amki sundi manehl bradso~wd asht.

Tu bilugh gatrd bissish ; tu ani

wigio.

last basnd shusth dugd pachen

giats.

Ind gum ngdtl kramo.

Ao idst kram-gramma td oz askid

nazhd.

Ids garak td apsiss .

Tkid maroi id td we attalao.

Pachan wan Samar pachur dusht

jasht angur periss .

Pus radhar wodaranchut td p’hor

gwd ; indrisht tu shu bd ?

Ind hanik idst dugd giro.

Widing jut jdriss.

Ind taman biliuh arar ass, ots ikl

amjz na banam.

f\j

Idst zln bramishten weshto.

B'gul poch wissl gara asht.

Wosut shiak hi bhim td azhisth

dugd less wokt butt.

Peshdr ste samartl bilugh dre bd.

Kato ivarl zdrasth dugd worn na

ess.

Tit chi wor Kdmbragdm gussish ?

Mirak bilugh widharal manchi ass ;

bado putren ridronn (?).

Emd bgrdm kalla tuch na ess >

)

V ' \ K

English-Bashgal! Sentences. 153

1522. The tinsmith says this tin is

all bad.

1523. I think you are tired. You are

dead beat. Lie down awhile.

1524. I am going to Broz.

1525. Don’t go to Chitral.

1526. Kafirs don’t smoke tobacco.

1527. To-day rain will surely fall.

1528. My toes are all frost-bitten.

1529. Pull the rope all together.

1530. To-morrow we shall go to Gab

rath, and the day after

to Chitral, and the third day

to Shoghot.

1531. The day after to-morrow thou

shalt go to Bragamatal.

1532. Put out your tongue long out

of your mouth that I may

see it.

1533. I think it will snow to-night.

1534. You are too fat; you cannot

run.

1535. I fell going down hill, and

broke my tooth.

1536. The sepoys can’t see the road :

light torches for them.

1537. This boil hurts very much :

don’t touch it.

1538. Did the thief go ioicards

Chitral or towards Ashrett ?

1539. Go thou towards Dir.

1540. I see a tower. Is it Mirak’s

watch tower ?

1541. I see the track of a pony’s feet

on the road.

1542. Send me a cunning man to

track the thief’s footsteps.

Kalla tuch kar gijjl kunn “ ina

tuch sundl na zhi ett (?) ”

^ kutt ,

Ost pur] an am tu gatra bissish. Tu

otinosh. Achok churnbo.

r\J

Ots Bruts ta ennam.

Ba Bilan n’ai.

Kata manchi tamkio n’kshond.

Starak tyor agal ann.

Ids kuir angur sundl zlm ta lush*

tistai.

Sundl manchi e wor kanik kshor.

f\j

Dalkie ema Gairath emd ; attrl

Chandral emd ; achutt Shogor

emd.

Attri tu Bragamatal elosh.

Dits afhl ta drgr ktl bar kshl ots

osh kulom.

Shtarak rador zlm tyor preld.

Tu biliuk kartd ashl ; tu achun

na banch.

Bado yur atsandd ( ta ?) piltidm ;

idst dutt peringess.

Spdhl putt wran na band : amnd

dugd tala pasfhetl gats.

Ina apsisst biliuk bradzott : ikle td

dusht na pekshe.

Shtar Ghandrdl por gwd te Ashrett

por gussd ?

Dir por l.

r\j

Ots kutt osh kulom. Mirak kutt

assd ?

B’putt tar ushp poh osh kulom*

Shtar poh osh kustli dugd ia ta

shatrim manchi namd.

154

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1543. Let us set a trap to catch a

leopard, and do you set a

trap (make a small house ) to

catch a hawk.

1544. Mori is cunning for setting

traps.

1545. My horse is very tired, he can¬

not travel .

1546. When shall you travel from

Drosh ?

1547. I see many travellers coming

from Bragamatal.

1548. On the road there is a quantity

of snow, so a horse cannot

traverse it.

1549. By treachery Chanlu caught

Bast! to kill him.

1550. Are the sepoys taking treasure

or powder P

1551. In my garden there is not even

one fruit tree.

1552. Why is your body trembling ?

Have you fever P Are you

cold?

1553. Mirak has played a trick on

me.

1554. What trouble has overtaken

you?

1555. Take the horses to drink at

the trough or aqueduct.

1556. Get the trunk of a tree and

hollow it out.

1557. I want a trustworthy man

to carry a letter to Dir.

1558. Speak the truth , or I will kill

you if you don’t.

1559. Mirak is a very truthful man :

he is not a liar.

Jut wanomasth dugd posh would ,

mare wanomasth dug a, parmen-

stuk amu kshir.

Mori posh kusth duga shatrim ass.

Id ushp biluah gatrd bd , na pa

bann.

Tu Dry us ste kul samarlosh ?

'V

/v t *

Otsosh kalom biliuk wiscb a manchi

Bragamatal ste atsand.

Pa putt zlm bilngh ess, ushp na bale.

Ghdlu Bastl mizheti wanamiss ikle

jaristh dugd.

Spdhl khazonn nganda ware dore

tuch naandd ?

Id daristd e dl kachwach kano

n’aiesht.

Tu jidd kai duga ranzott (ditki-

ochi) ; ranzul assa ? shilld biss ?

Mirak mizhongai ia ta oss.

Tu kd nalos biss ?

JJshp ngatt pano do pido.

Kdno karu gats ; ikle kandr kshi.

Shtal manchi pkdr assd Dir wlk

parhl ngusth duga.

Shtal wari kshi, shtal warl na

kunjlbd ots jdrlam.

Mirak biliuk shtal wari-wa manchi

assd ‘ mizhdl n’ass.

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1. *. 1 . -_r :./ ~ 4

155

1560. The doctor has come to cut

your tumour.

1561. Your turban is dirty ; wash it

in water.

1562. The turf near my house is all

dried up.

1563. When you reach Chitral, turn

to the right.

1564. If you kill a man, the ruler

will turn you out.

1565. The ruler turned him out, so he

fled to Mastuj.

1566. Send a man to turn our coolies

away towards Bragamatal.

1567. The coolie says it is not his

turn to carry a load.

1568. I turned him out of the house,

but he has come back again.

1569. To eat too much turnip is

bad for you.

1570. Twice I have told you, but you

do not obey me.

1571. The Charwelo commits great

tyranny towards us.

u

1572. Bastl is very ugly.

1573. My paternal uncle killed Basti’s

son with a sword.

1574. I can’t eat underdone meat.

1575. The tower is undermined.

1576. Underneath my bed is a

black choga.

1577. Do you understand what I

say ?

1578. Undo the knot of my rope.

Tahib ozz tost apsiss ste witlostli

dugd.

Tost sharr mul biss ; ihze do misli

ninjo.

last pamu tord ta brunz yus daristai.

Kai Chandral parizhbd fachdtr dus

por i.

Tu manchl jdrabd mehar nuksala.

Mehar aske nukseya, Mastich me

mug is s.

E manchi namo emd barwai Bra¬

gamatal per wetarosth duga.

Barwai gijjl Tcutt “ bor ngusth dugd

iast wor ness.”

lye pamu ste tor kra, dz oz ess.

Bilugh shalum (P) yusth tu duga,

lesst na bunn.

'A/

Ots tu t&r du wor gijjl Tcarosh, tu

warl na sanganch.

Ohdrwell emd ta, bilugh zur

Jcaronn.

Basil bilugh digar kor manchl

assd.

last jash tott Basil putress tarwe -

^ chen vltl jdriss.

Ots zhile ano yu n'banam.

Tkld hutt arkien biss.

last prusht ta pagur zhl shuga

assd.

Tu id van zarlazha ?

last Tcanikl girangusthe nukeaO.

156

English-BashgalI Sentences,

1579. Undoubtedly Mirak killed Basti

with an arrow, for I saw

him with my own eyes.

1580. We are very unfortunate.

1581. That village has been unin¬

habited for sixteen years.

1582. Unless you go, I don’t go.

1583. Unload the barley bags from

the horses.

1584. This is an unlucky month for

contracting any marriage

(make a wife).

1585. Your request is very unreason¬

able (the talk of foolish

men).

1586. Until you return, I won’t

plough the land.

1587. This is a very unusual proceed¬

ing (unworkable).

1588. Are we to go up stream

to-morrow, or down stream P

1589. Upon the top of the mountain

has the snow melted (gone)

yet?

1590. Upper Marol is a fine large

village. The men of Lower

Marol are a poor lot.

1591. You have put my box on the

ground upside down.

1592. Stop your horse to let him

make urine.

Shtale Mirak Basti kon viti jariss ,

id yost ache ware waridm.

Emd biliuk ka no-wa azzamish.

Askd bagrdm shets se ba kachi na

nizhinistai.

Tu na enjl-ha o di na ennam.

Ushp p'pti td rits pashtuk waksho.

lnd mds shtrl kusth dugd dagar ess.

Tu varl bilugh charya manchlan

wari assd.

Tu at sir wlk azhe n'karolam.

Ind kudum bilugh na kusth kudum

assd.

Emd dalkid chir ema, nir emd ?

Bado shai zim starak gussd ?

Chir Marol bilugh dl gram azzd.

/v

Nire Marol manchlan bilugh kd

no-wa asht.

Tu idst adr bhlm td shai yur

tarissd.

Ushp oted ao kusth dugd.

1593. Get some medicine for us. Ema dugd uzha gats.

1594. Use this ointment, and rub A no ngati, ots kaikotl wildmbd

it on, just as I tell you. gidktl tabal Jcshl.

1595. This is a useless act, and no Ind kudum abas azzd , ikld mish kd

good will coine of it. paidd na bunn.

English-Bashgali Sentences,

157

v

1596. Mirak is a very vain fellow.

1597. Try as yon will, it is in

vain.

1598. That valley is very narrow, and

in winter gets no snn.

1599. There is no snow at present

in the {Shishi valley.

1600. Onr fellows showed such

valour ( fought so much)

that the enemy ran away

at once.

1601. This ring is very valuable.

1602. Cease that vaunting ; people get

annoyed by it.

1608. The Bashgalis don’t cultivate

vegetables.

1604. The veins of the horse stand

out owing to his galloping

much.

1605. Why do you not make a

verandah for your house ?

1606. I am very angry with Basti.

1607. Chanlu appears vexed. Why

is he put out ?

1608. You vex me ; that’s why I am

angry with you.

1609. In every village of the Bash-

galls is there a tower

(one apiece).

1610. The enemy cut down all our

vine trees with axes.

1611. The horse is tired, don’t use

violence with him.

1612. A violent wind is blowing to¬

day.

1613. Violet colour is good for

trousers.

Miralc bilugh utill manchi azz.

Ikld kudum chuh dl karbd ka paida*

na ess.

Ikld gol bilugh arin asset, ziwdr su *

na prenn.

Shlshl b’gol star ale zlm na ess.

Emd manchon gittd shuch ford pach »

anwari zapp mukid.

Ind angushtun bilugh marl-wa azzd.

Tu utili-war bes kshl ) manchi kapd

bund.

Kata manchi shak kish na Jcund.

Bilugh achunisthe duga ushp lui-

kon kartl bistai.

Tu yost amu duga pare kye na

leunji ?

'V/ /V

Ots Basil duga bilugh Jcapd bissum.

Ghdlu kapa bist war on enn. Kai

duga Icapd biss ?

Tu ia gatra kunji ; ikle duga kapd

as sum.

/v *

Pare Kato bigram yd narl kutt

ashtd ?

Pachanwarl wanzo mesh emast

drosh grits sundl per id.

Ushp gatrd biss, iklo mesh zur

n'kshl.

Starak bilugh karwa damuushtenn.

Taman duga mulkhen* rang lesst

azz.

* As in Chitrali.

158

English-BashgalI Sentences.

1614. The violets have come out (into

flower) .

1615. Last night I heard Aror’s

voice. I am quite sure it

was not Widing’s voice .

1616. You ate too much: that’s

why you are vomiting.

1617. The vultures are seated on the

dead horse’s carcase.

w

1618. We will cross the river by

wading. We won’t swim.

1619. I made a wager with Mirak

that in one day I would

go from Drosh to the

ghawal pass top.

1620. I won my wager (wager being

made, ate) and Mirak lost

it.

1621. My waist is very small.

1622. My waist band is left behind

in my house.

1623. This cloth is not suited for a

waistcoat.

1624. Wait here until you see with

your own eyes that I am

returning.

1625. I shall walk, not ride to¬

morrow.

1626. The soldier is not walking up

and down.

1627. The wall of my garden fell

down last night.

1628. There are no walnuts on my

large walnut tree this year.

1629. Do you want a horse for to¬

morrow’s march ?

Mulkhen pish u osthai.

Dus rador Aror varl chut ia p'kor

gawd. O lesst purjanam Widing

varl chut n’ozz.

Tu biluah iard : ikle dugd tu baron

azinj.

Parol mrisht ushp pH sir nizin ess.

Ema kuir tur ta golo ta petrema ;

emu dazhnojl nyema .

Ots Mirak mesh datik kustham*

Dry us ste Shdwal bado wlk e

gujar elom.

'V

Ots datik kusth idron Mirak

per id.

.0

last sanawotan biluah lamar assd.

las shurr la pamu nachess.

Ind basnagor kaltacha kusth duga

lesst na ass.

Anlo otl yost achd ware waran wlk

ki Sahib pilingdl ann.

DalkiS ots kuir ware ennam, ushp

psir na ennam.

Spdhl w’palenga.

Dus rador iast nizhdo ta cha

urriss.

last dl iamru kdno ind se iamru

mana na zass. (?)

Tu dalkid p'putt dsth duga ushp

raganja ?

* Apparently the idioms in this and the next sentence are Chitrali.

English-Bashgal! Sentences.

159

1630. In what war did Basti die ?

1631. He was caught a prisoner in

iv ar (enemy caught him).

1632. This is a very warm place.

1633. This fire makes great warmth.

1634. Karnk has a ivart on the

thumb of his right hand.

1635. Last year there was no snow,

so there was no grass,

1636. Wash my clothes for me.

1637. The wasp stung my hand.

1638. Watch oyer (do sentry duty

at) my tent to-night.

1639. How many watchmen shall I

put near your camping

ground to-night ?

1640. Mirak and Chanlu will divide

the watches of the night

between them.

1641. This ivater is not good for

drinking.

1642. Make this water hot for

makiDg tea.

1643. The water of this water-cut is

muddy and not fit to

drink.

1644. Sir ! your servant says “ I have

warmed the water.”

1645. The ivater is very dirty. There

is no fire : how can I warm

any water.

1646. How many water mills are in

your valley ?

1647. Which way has the enemy

fled P This way or that

way ?

1648. Shall we go this way or that

way to-morrow ?

Basti gijj pitshun ta mra ?

Pitshun damid.

Anio bilugh tapi bhim assd.

Ind angd bilugh fcapi Icunn.

Karuk pachutr dusht tdjasht angur

kachai biss.

Pd se zim n’aisi yds di n’aisi.

Ia dugd basnd do ta ninjo.

Ushpik ia dusht at am shish,

Bador ifist jilamd ta pala kro.

Tu jilamd jagd tord starak rador

chi pala krolam ?

Mir ale je Clidld ivor teti pal& kulld.

Ind ao pisth dugd less n'ess.

Chai husth dugd ind ao tipdo.

Ind yu ao zul biss ; pisth less na

ass.

Sdhib ! tost shodr gijji kutt “ id ao

tipess.”

Ao bilugh aldri ess. Angd n’ess :

haikoti ao tipdm.

Tu b’gul chuk apshe asht ?

Pachan wari korar mugistai ? Ani

por mugistai , ahi por mugistai ?

Dalhid ani por ema aki por

emu ?

160

English- BashgalI Sentences.

1649. We are all very poor.

1650. The coolies of this village are

so weak they can’t carry

the loads.

1651. Do the Bashgalls wear red

shirts ?

1652. How many weavers are there

in your valley ?

1653. Weed the grass ont of my

vegetables.

1654. What is that old woman

weeping for ?

1655. The babu is weighing the flour.

I saw him weigh it yester¬

day.

1656. They don’t use stones for

weighing.

1657. There is not one well in my

country.

1658. You have done your work

very well.

1659. Are you all well ?

1660. Yesterday I went to Drosh,

thou wentest to Drushp.

1661. The day before yesterday he

went to Ashreth.

%

1662. The enemy fled to the west.

1663. A very cold wind is blowing

from the direction of the

west (setting sun).

1664. The ground is very wet : the

sepoys can’t encamp there.

1665. What did the spy tell yon ?

1666. What sort of a horse is that P

1667. What for are you angry with

me P

Emit sundl ka no->wd azzamish,

lndm hagrdm barwai biluk dadar

asht, bor ngd riband.

Katd manchi zird digrl amjind ?

Td gol id chuk pach kar asht ?

Shiok p’mij yds biss, nare.

Tkld purdik kai duga zhun duzdi

zhundi ?

Bcibu bre turann : dus dl waridm

turnaji,

Amni tursth dugd wott riutend.

last gul td edl ao-duk nd ai.

Tu yost kudum bilugh lesst kristai.

Shd sundl aduniye azzird ?

Dus ots Dry os gasam, tu Drushp

gosaosh.

Nottre ize Ashrett gns.

Pachanwarl su pu ettann por

mugistai.

Su pu esth por ste bilugh shal

damu ushtinn.

Bhlm bilugh zhil ass : spahi akie

jilamd uten na band.

Shu ngal tu td ka varl karosh ?

Ikla ushp ka’st ushpa azzd ?

Tu kaikote id td kapd bissish ?

Englisii-Basegali Sentences.

161

1668. The grain of the wheat is very

email this year. This year

there is much fruit.

1669. Up till when did you look out

for me yesterday P

1670. When did Widing come yes¬

terday ?

1671. When you see me on the hill

top, then go you to yo

own home.

1672. Whence comest thou P

1673. Where is Mirak P

1674. Whereabouts is your home ?

1675. Which man is talking ?

1676. Which is your stick ?

1677. Which way did Mori travel ?

1678. The Badakhshani whips are

excellent.

1679. A whirlwind threw down my

tent.

1680. Don’t speak so loud. Whisper

to me.

1681. The white cow is lame to-day.

1682. Who says “ Gumara is a

thief ” ?

1683. Whose horse is that?

1684. Why are you frightened ?

1685. Why did your father go to

Kabul ?

1686. Is the road wide or narrow P

1687. He has put on very wide

trousers.

1688. Is that woman a widow P

1689. That is a wild sort of horse

(a thing of the woods).

1690. There are no willows near

Broz,

Incu se ind gum pul parrnenstuk

ass. Starak p’se kachwach bit-

uah ess.

Tit dus kui wik iast dug a, osh

karsam ?

Dus Widing kaste ta oz ?

Kui badd shai ots wcirimbd aki tv,

yost parnu n

Tit kor ste atsanji ?

Mirak kor ass ?

Tit amu kett azzd ?

Kacki manchi wari walann ?

Kett tit maroi assd ?

Mori kurar gus ?

Badakshdn’st ushp-bradzi bilugh

lesst bund.

Yazh duma ozz idst jilamd pitted ,

Al vri na kshi. Id p’kor vri kshi.

Starah kazhirl gao kntann.

Kacki gijji kunn “ Gumara shtar

ass ”?

Tkid kust ushp assd ?

Tit kai duga widharan j ?

Tott kaikote Kabul gosi ?

Putt wislitri assd ar\n assd ?

Askd manchi biluk vishtr tain an

amjiss.

Ikid jugiir pulatan assd ?

Tkid ushp bilugh bzul (p’pshu) lattri

ass.

,-v

Bruts tore e di rarno kano na asht.

M

162

English-Bashgali Sentences.

1691. My wife died yesterday

evening.

1692. Yon are a very wilful fellow.

1693. If yon are willing , I shall

take yon into my service for

a month.

1694. They are making a window for

my honse.

1695. Wine is not good for the

Kafirs : I fear they will get

idiotic.

1696. Get me the feathers of that

bird’s right wing.

1697. The men are winnowing the

rice, as there is a bit of a

breeze.

1698. In winter the water of this

stream is sometimes frozen.

1699. Wipe my gun with a cloth.

1700. If yon had been wise, yon

would not have eaten un¬

ripe grapes yesterday.

1701. What is your wish in this

affair P

1702. With me who will go across

the river ? We will go with

inflated skins.

1703. The soldier cut my leg off

with a sword.

1704. I can’t go without yon, nor

without an inflated skin.

1705. There is no witness that Karak

took the goats.

1706. The wolf took off my goat last

night.

1707. That woman is lame.

1708. The old woman is tired, and

can’t walk on,

Dus rador ia ishtrl mri*

• — *7

Tic bilugh to chitt ta mode ashi.

Tic kshul ashi ots e mos shodr

hulom.

Idst amu dugd dnak-du tyor kund.

Rato manchi duga tin lesst n’ butt:

ots widharnam charrd buttd,

ru __

Ashe marangatse pachutr urr un •

dreparu id dugd gats .

Manchi shall babia azhind, damu

achok ann.

Zawor ind b'gul do hui hui she tinn.

Idst taphie puch mish ska.

Tu kshul bista tic na pagi kach~

ivach dus na yulozish ,

Ind hudum p’mish tic chitt (bid!)

kd’st azz ?

Ia mesh do ta par kett ann ? Rma

f\J

dotrmir mesh emd.

Spdhi idsi kur tarwdz-e m petiss.

£V £V

Tic n ai ots e n’banam, ots dotrmir

mdsh ennam gyan n’ennam,

Kd shosh n’ai Karak sharr {gas]})

barokti.

Dus rador shall oss idst gash brd.

Iki jugur kuttdtt.

Iki pnrdik gatrd hiss; pe botten

na bann.

English* BashgalI Sentences.

183

1709. My daughter is a girl (little

woman ) of ten years.

1710. Bring wood for making a fire.

1711. That wood (orchard, or garden)

is very pretty.

1712. That wood (forest, jungle) is

very thick with trees.

1713. Is our camping ground wooded

(shady) or devoid (of

trees) P

1714. Fetch ivood, let’s make a fire.

See ! two men have just

brought wood.

1715. The wool of the Badakhshani

sheep is very good for

chogas (cloaks).

1716. Wonderful ! how did you

escape? (become alert).

1717. It is ivonderful : so many

earthquakes in one day.

1718. Say one word at a time.

1719. Your work is very hard.

1720. The working men of our house

are all ill.

1721. In the whole world there is

not a thief equal to Mirak.

1722. The worms have eaten the

root of my fruit trees.

1723. The spy says the Mastuj

valley is worthless : nothing

grows there.

1724. How were you wounded , by

a bullet or sword ?

1725. I have brought a cloth to

wrap around your arm.

] 726. The sepoys are wrestling : they

are not fighting.

last ju osht se hist juk asset.

Dao gats anga kusth duga%

Ikld nizha biliuk shingiera asset.

Ikie banne td biluah kdno asht.

Emd jilama uchasth jaga td

kano-wa azzd giydn azzd ?

'V

Anga kor dao giats. Osh kshl / du

sai dao award.

Badakshdn bakhta muzharla waruk

shugd kusth dugd lesst bunn»

Uteresta! Tu kaikoti shudbdsli?

Derbun van ess : e ivos td egiak

indrish ptd.

Eo nargl vari kshl.

Tu kudum bilugh zur essd.

last pamu kudum-kul manohi sundl

bradsowd asht.

In dunya td Mirak purstha shtdr

n’ai .

Gru iast kachwach kdno karru

zanss.

Shu-ngal manchi gijji kutl Mastij

gol digar ess : akz kd paidd na

butt.

Tu kd prer bissish, tarwoch pror

bissizhd, tapkie pondzik pror

bissishd ?

Ots tu dusht p ftsir pugnsth dugd

sharr award.

Spdhi alek alokand ; hold na kund.

>1 3

164

English-BashgalI Sentences.

1727. That old man’s forehead is

very wrinkled.

1728. I fell yesterday, and my wrist

is damaged.

1729. Call a manshi to write a letter

for me, as I can’t write a

letter myself.

1730. This work is wrong.

1731. This is the wrong side of the

cloth ; that is the right side

(or outer side).

Y

1732. The yak carries an enormous

load.

1733. What are you yawning for?

Did you not sleep last

night ?

1734. I shall return after six years.

1735. Fetch me that yellow flower.

1736. Are you well? Yes , I am

well.

1737. Yesterday we went to Utsum

and you went to §hishi.

1738. The day before yesterday they

went to Kiar.

1739. Mirak has not yet come.

1740. I shall make you all contented.

1741. Is your cow young P

1742. My cow is younger than yours.

1743. Your father is a very braye

man.

1744. Your (thy) gun is bad.

A ska pur dike miok bilugh shakskiss.

Dus piltissam, iast dusht sachl

witrpiss.

Munshi walo id duga parht strasth

dug a ; ots yd zare parht stran

na banam.

Ind kudum digar ess.

Ind basnd shu ater asset ; ikld bare

assd.

Zugh gao biluk allangd bor ngann.

Tu kai dugd uzzamanj ? Tu dus

rador n’pshusid ?

Shu se ptibar pilingitl ellom.

Iktd zarin pish id dugd gats.

Tu aduniye ashd ? 0 aduniye assum.

Dus emd Utsani gussamish : shd

Shishl gussdr.

Attri amnd Kiar gye.

Mirak shtarak wik na ozz.

0 sha sundi kuzhal kulom.

Tost gdo lillik assd ?

Id gdo tu gdo ta lillik assd.

Sha’st tott bilugh kshul manchi ess.

Tfi-se tapik digar ess .

( 185 )

APPENDIX I.

- 1 -

The following is a list of some important works which help to

throw light on the languages of Kafiristan. None of these, except

the third, written partly under my supervision, were available for refers

ence in Chitral, where I prepared the sentences, etc., now published,

Abdul HakIm Khan, (Khan Sahib), Native Political Assistant, Chi¬

tral. — Manuscript papers on the Wai-ald dialect , spoken in Waigal, 1900,

kindly lent for inspection by Dr. Grierson.

Of these words, 70 per cent, have a considerable similarity to the cor¬

responding words in my collection, and a large number agree with the

Waiguli of Sir H. Lumsden.

The infinitives end in sta, and the terminations of some tenses and

persons of the verbs, and many numerals, including puch-vishi (5 X 20)

one hundred, agree with the Bashgali of my collection.

Aboulfeda, Ceographie d\—Traduite par M. Reinaud : Paris, 1868. —

Saghanvan se prononce en Persan Djaghanyan. C’est un grand district

ou l’eau et les arbres abondent. Le nom d’origine en est Saghani.

Le Saghanyan est un groupe de localites situees au-dela de l’Oxus.

AzImullah, Naik, 27th Punjab Infantry. — A collection of Bashgali-

Persian sentences in manuscript in the office of the Brigade Major, Chitral,

1897-98. — The grammar and words agree with my collection.

Baber, Memoires de. — Traduites par A. Pavet de Courteille.—he

beuluk de Djagan-serai * est situe toute a l’entree de Kafiristan. (This

was written about 1503 or 1504 A.D.)

Bellew, Dr. H. W. — Ethnology of Afghanistan. Congress of Oriental¬

ists, September, 1891. — A paper of great interest on the Greek influence

on the tribes of Afghanistan, the Hindu Kush, and those about the

Upper Oxus, Badakhshan, etc.

Biddulph, Colonel .—Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh : Calcutta, 1880. — The

Bashgali vocabulary (about 350 words) agrees very fairly with the words

collected by me. His infinitives are not uniform as to termination, but

sometimes end, as in the Cliitrall, in k, and in various other ways. His

1,000 is hazdr.

Bird, J. — See Leech, B.

j . .

* Which the Emperor Babar took from the Kafirs. On that occasion the

Kafirs of Pich came to their assistance.

166

• >

Appendix I.

Burnes, Lieut. -Colonel Sir A.—

w Cabool, a personal narrative, 1842.

w On the Siah-posh * Kafirs. Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal.

1838 .

(5) On the Sidh-pdsh Kafirs. Pro. Bombay Geo. Society, 1838.

He gives a vocabulary of 105 words and 16 numerals, (of wbicli

dial is 80, and hazdr 1,000), and 14 short sentences, (obtained from

a resident of Waigul), all of which is practically included in Sir H.

Lumsden’s Waiguli collection.

There is a good deal of difference between his collection of words

and mine. His grammar, as shown in the sentences, differs from mine.

He says some of the soft labials cannot be pronounced by an Euro¬

pean. He gives 24 Pashai words and 8 Pashai sentences, and remarks

that the Pashai language is spoken in 8 villages and is very similar

to the Kafir. There is not much similarity between these Pashtai words

and the words and sentences of my Bashgali collection.

Campbell, J. — Lost among the Afghans , 1865. — The writer states

he lived some time in Kafiristan, but gives no remarks on the language.

Capus, G. — Vocabulaires de langues pre-pamiriennes . Bulletins de

la Societe d’ anthropologie de Paris, 1889 , p. 203 , etc.— At Chitral a

vocabulary of 139 Siah-posh Kafir words, 30 numerals and 9 short

sentences was prepared. These were evidently obtained from the

language spoken at Loudhe (Luttdeh ?) in the Bashgal valley, and

agree generally with my collection. According to Capus, 1,000 is eio

zarr, ewzarrba.

He gives a second collection of 114 words and 8 short sentences

taken down at Meshed from a slave of Tzoum. Some of these cor¬

respond fairly with my collection: others differ. About half agree with

the Waiguli of Sir H. Lumsden. In this collection dial is 40; sadd,

100 ; hazdr, 1,000 j and gunei, wife.

Capus, G. — Le Kafiristan et les Kafirs Siahpouches, Revue Scienti -

fique, Revue Rose . Vol. 43 of 1889 ( Paris ), pages 1 to 8 ; 237 to 291 ;

Vol . 44, pages 424 to 432. — The Greeks did not penetrate into Kafiristan.

He gives a map of Kafiristan from information by Biddulph and

^Tanner.

He notes the days of the week are Agar, day of rest, and the remainder

# I heard this word more often pronounced posh than pu&£.

Bibliography.

U7

ebi ; dibi ; trebi ; chtvobi ; pouchbi ; chon (1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th ?).

He records a Kafir prayer: li I amatch guich , bilim guicha, haloche

patchemichi ,” (of which there is no translation), and a few religions

terms of priests, deities, etc.

Cyrus conquered a tribe named Octpicha, red, on the borders of

Ghorband and Panjir, This is perhaps the people who made the wine

known as Capichi or Capisa, renowned about 400 B.C.

Capus, G. — Quatrieme Gongres International des Sciences Geo •

graphiques, Paris, 1889. Le Kafiristane et les Kafirs Siahpouches.—

This gives a long account of the country, habits, customs, deities, etc.

Tomaschek’s words are quoted “ c’est une langue pracrite pure, qui s’est

debarrassee des nombreuses inflexions du Sanscrit, et les remplace par

une agglutination d’elements propres. Toutes les langues du Pamir et

de 1 ’Hindu Kouch ont do commun la fat^on de compter par multiples

de vingt, de sort que 70 se dit 3 X 20 + 10, et 400 devient 20 X 20. II faut

y voir l’indice d’une base commune non aryenne.”

Capus, G .—Bulletins de la Societe d’anthropologie de Paris, 1890 .

Vol. 1, p . 250 — 272. — Kafirs Siahpouches. — The article repeats some of

the information given in previous articles above referred to. The

Kafir music noted by him “ est du rhythme trois quatre avec un

mouvement de valse, et differe completement de la melodie sarte en se

rapprochant de la kirghize.” In the discussion following the lecture

it is said u. Si les Kafirs ont reellement une numeration vigesimale,

leur langue serait la seule langue indo-europeenne ayant une numera¬

tion semblable.”

Central Asia, being a review of several boohs ,—*Quatterly Review ,

1S73. — All the scanty vocabularies professing to represent the languages

of the Kafirs, Kohistanis, Pashais and other pre-Afghan tribes of that

mountain country shew a good deal in common with a good deal of diver¬

gence. ***** Hear again the accurate Elphinstone, “ There are

several languages (dialects ?) among the Kafirs, but they have all many

words in common, and all have a near connection with the Shanskrit.

They have all one peculiarity, which is that they count by scores instead

of by hundreds, and that their thousand, ^whichthey call by the Persian

or Pushtu name), consists of 400 or 20 score.” It is suggested that the

Ashpmsof Kafiristan may be theAspasii, and the Ashkins the Assaceni of

Alexander’s historians.

Church Missionary Intelligencer, see Fazl Haqq.

Appendix I.

168

Cunningham, Sir A. — Ladakh, Physical, with notices of surround¬

ing countries , 1854.— Contains tables of comparison of various Alpine

(Himalayan) dialects.

Court, M. A. (Ancien eleve de l’ecole Militaire de Saint Oyr, and

in tbe army of tbe Maharajah of Lahore). — Alexander's exploits on the

Western Banks of the Indus . Translated from the French for Journal

Asiatic Society , Bengal, 1840. — His local information is based on the

reports of men obtained at Peshawur to spy out the country secretly.

He thinks the Mount Mahram, en route from Ashtnagar to Buner,

and 12 koss from Ashtnagar, may be Mount Meros of Arrian, and Nyssa,

the present Achtnaggar, though there are probabilities against it.

It is said one Kirkat, a Kafir, once ruled the country near Dir, from

■which the Kafirs were ejected by Mahomedans.

It was reported to him that “ a city called Massanger, known also by

the name of Maskhine, exists on the Southern Frontier of Kafiristan close

to Baba Kara, 12 koss from Bajaor, and 4 koss from Mount Mahram.

The tribe called Assaceni exists in that country.”

Downes, E. (C.M.S., Peshawur.) — Kafiristan, an account of the coun~

try} Lahore, 1873. — Contains a collection of 170 words prepared from

vocabularies by various persons. The dialect is not stated. The words

differ considerably from my collection.

Downes, E., and Johnson, E. C .— On the Sidh-posh Kafirs, Church

Missionary Intelligencer, Volume X, 1874,— A summary of remarks on

Kafiristan. The above contains hardly any words in any Kafir dialect.

Eliot, Sir H. M. — History of India as told by its own historians ,

1871, Volume III, page 389, “ Malfuzai-i-Timuri.” — Shows the invasion

of the country of the Kators and Siah-poshes from Paryan ; mentions one

village named Shokal and another Jorkal. Their ruler is Adalshu or

Udashu. Their language is distinct from Turki, Persian, Hindi, or Kash¬

miri. On reaching Khawak, Timur repaired an old fort.

Timur* ordered an engraver in stone to cut an inscription somewhere

on those defiles “ to the effect that T had reached this country by

such and such a route in the auspicious month of Ramazan A. H,

800 ” = May 1898.

In Volume II, Appendix, page 407, he thinks the body of troops

known as Kators, organised by the Ghaznivide Sovereigns, the Kators of

Kafiristan, and the Kators of Kumaon may be connected.

# In Colonel Tanner’s lecture on the Chuganis, (E.G.S., London), it is observed

that it is quite impossible to make out the geography of Timur’s route* iu

Kafiristan,

Bibliography

169

He mentions the Yuetchi (Tartar) invasion over the Hindu Kush

into Afghanistan and Peshawur. Chinese writers say that about 160 B.C.

the Yuetchi, (driven out by the Hioung-now), established themselves

in Transoxiana.

Shortly after, the Yuetchi chief, Khieou-tsieou-hy, proclaimed himself

king of all the countries between the Oxus, Hindu Kush and Little

Thibet. Subsequently the Yuetchi Monarch Ki-to-lo descended south

- of the Hindu Kush to invade India about 200 A.D.

Here we seem to have the origin of the name Kator, * * * *

on the very site of the modern Kafiristan or land of the Siah-poshes.

Elphinstone, Hon. M .—Account of the Kingdom of Gaubul and its

dependencies , 1839. Appendix G. — The Caufirs count by scores, not by

hundreds. Their thousand, (which they call by the Persian and Pushtu

name), consists of 400 or 20 score. This derivation of their language seems

fatal to the descent of the Caufirs from the Greeks.*

Fazl Haqq and Norulla. — Afghan Missionaries in Kafiristan. Church

Missionary Intelligencer, December 1878, p. 724; being a reprint of an article

published in 1865.

This gives a sample of a popular Kafir song. A man in the village

of {Bliinu has sold his son to Mahomedans. When the boy has grown up,

he kills 14 Mahomedans, escapes to his home, and the mother in

proud delight sings the following song

Parole bele bato warme lawe

Badal lowe bele amd bato Ion sousawe.

TTra pras sagor aman bato warme lawe

Awdr paras dandaho partus tatakotaive.

Pa sheristan gangare sutd.

“ Well done, my lad! Well hast thou fought !

My old blood was drying up for grief for thee,

When thy father sold my high-spirited boy.

And thou hast killed fourteen men and come home again,

With the bells tinkling on thy feet.”

*

This apparently is the language spoken at Shaiclerlam or gihino Begura,

Nikera, etc. It is not stated what is the dialect. It does not tally with

my collection.

* Mullah Najib made a vocabulary of Kafir words which was said to have

been translated by Irvine. I have failed to trace this. Some writers have asserted

that the Mullah never penetrated beyond the Nimcka country.

170

Appendix I.

Gardner, Alexander, Colonel.— M emoirs of. London, 1898.— States

the Therbah tribe, who live ten days’ march west of Kafiristan, inter¬

marry with the Kafirs Siah-posh. Colonel Gardner, about 1826 A.D.,

visited the Khilti (Kti P) race of Kafirs, (outer range and northern crest

of Hindu Kush), and got as far as the Ghour-i-pir Nimchu. There were

shown to him “ two marble inscriptions with Arabic characters en¬

graved on them, said to have been presented by two kings who reigned

at Delhi, viz., Mahomed Ghori, and §hahbudin Gliori. There was like¬

wise a large slab of green marble, also with an inscription, said to have

been presented by Timur in person, when he attempted to invade Kafiris¬

tan, but got no further than this point. This memorial was erected in

1398.”

# =* * * ^ # %

i

According to the Pir, Scythia was the original cradle of the Kafir

race, and they claim one of the kings of the dynasty of Cyrus as their

founder.

The whole of Badakhshan formerly was held by the Kafirs.

In 1193, when the Mahomedan Government of India was founded,

Kafiristan was broken up, and Badakhshan was the name given to that

part from which the Kafirs were expelled.

Colonel Gardner again visited Kafiristan about 1829 A.D., but, unfor¬

tunately, the copious notes and diary which he made have been lost.

He was informed that, about 1770 A.D., two Europeans (B.C. Mission¬

aries) had resided and died in Kafiristan.

Gheyn, Van den. — Le Yidghah et le Yagnobi. Bruxelles, 1883.-— La

methode de numeration vigesimale n’est pas d’origiue aryenne. Em-

pruntee aux populations autochtones des Khavas (les Haspioi d’Herodote

et les Kasioi de Ptolemee) et encore en usage chez les Khajunas ou

Boorishkis des Cantons de Yassin, Hunza, et Nagir, elle a fait invasion

dans un certain nombre de dialectes eraniens de l’Hindou Kusch.

Goes, Bentode. — Purchas S. ; his Pilgrimes, Part III, 1625. — Although

nothing regarding the language is recorded, it states that Benedictus Goes

1 < equipped with a table of moveable feasts till the year A. D. 1610 left

Lahore in Lent 1603.” When in the neighbourhood of Peshawur he

was informed that “ thirty e days oft' was a Citie named Capherstam

(Kafiristan) into which the Saracens are not permitted entrance, and,

if they enter, -are put to death. But merchants are admitted their Citie,

yet not their Temples, Hee said the inhabitants of that region goe to

Church all of them ie black * * Hereby Goes supposed that

Bibliography.

171

they were Christians,” an idea which Marco Polo also seems to have

entertained.

Grierson, G. A. (Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S.) — Linguistic Survey, Govern¬

ment of India, Calcutta, 1899. The Kafir Languages, outlines of Bashgali,

Kaldsha, and Wasi-Veri or language of Veron, (Advanced proof s.) — The

Siali Push Kafirs, N. and N.W. of Kafiristan, all speak varieties of one

language, of which the Bashgali may be taken as a type.

Some of the Kafir dialects, (those specified by Sir G. Robertson,) show

sporadic instances of agreement with the Iranian languages, but the

general phonetic structure of most of them is Indian. Their grammatical

structure, however, varies from any Indian language. Seven pages are

given to the Bashgali dialect and nine pages to the Wasi-Veri or language

of Veron, (which is now written for the first time,) and ten pages to

words and sentences in five languages including Bashgali and Wasi-Veri.

Grierson, G. A. (PhD., C.I.E., I.C.S.). — Linguistic Survey, Government

of India, 1900. Pashai, Laghmdni or Dehgdni. (Advanced proofs.)— The

Pashai dialect is closely connected with Gewar-bati and Kalasha, and

has interesting points of relationship with Bashgali and Wasi-Veri.

The infinitive of the verb, as in Khowar, ends in k.

The specimen translation of the story of the Prodigal Son seems to

me to have far greater affinity to Khowar than to Bashgali Kafir.

About 23 per cent, of the words are identical with, and 17 per cent,

somewhat similar to, the W aiguli of Lumsden and Burnes, and about 60

per cent, seem quite different.

Griffith, W. — Journal of travel. London, 1847, Vol. I, p. 458. — Con¬

tains a short account of the Kafirs from personal interviews near Katoor, (a

short way N.W. of Chigar-serai), with Kafirs from Arunsha, etc., and gives

a vocabulary of 64 words. The dialect is not stated. The author says, “ the

mixture of Hindustani names is very curious indeed, particularly those

names of things which, from being indigenous, one would suppose would

have indigenous names.” Some of his words are Chitrali, others Persian ;

about one-third of his words agree with mine.

De Guignes. — Histoire Generate des Runs , des Turcs, etc. 1758. —

Tamerlan fit graver sur les marbres l’histoire de son expedition avec

1’epoque de l’Hegire et celle dont se servent ces Barbares.

Holdich, Colonel, T. H., C.B., C.I.E., Royal Engineers. — Geographical

Society Journal , Vol. VII, 1896. u Origin of the Kafirs of the Hindu a ush.”

—Major Deane, C.S.I., has lately discovered some strange inscriptions

172

Appendix I.

on stone slabs in the Indus valley, east of Swat, which have been examined

by a Congress of Orientalists who can only pronounce that they are in an

unknown tongue. Possibly they may be of a vast age, for the opinion

is pronounced that they recall a Greek alphabet of Archaic type, and it is

a possibility that the characters inscribed may prove to be the forgotten

form of the Nyssoean dialect.

In a verse of a Kafir war hymn quoted in the article, (one of a classi¬

cal and Bacchic type), the references show that the Kafirs owned part at

least of Badakhshan, and revered the hill Meros, the mountain of Bacchus

near Nyssa.

Kafiristan has only been partly explored. Who can say what may be

discovered in future explorations ? The Kafirs may perhaps in the

future be proved to be “ the modern representatives of that very

ancient Western race, the Nyssoeans, so ancient that the historians of

Alexander refer to their origin as mythical.”

Hughes, Bev. T. P., and Syed Shah, Munshl. — Account of a visit of

the latter to Kafiristan, Church Missionary Intelligencer , July 1883. — “ To¬

day was' the Kafir Sabbath or Sunday, Aggar. No work is done on this

day by men or women.” The few Kafir words which are given, all

correspond with those in my collection.

Jukes, Worthington, Revd. (late of C.M.S.)—ri manuscript voca»

hulary ( about 30 pages') of Kafir words and sentences , names of men , women ,

villages, rivers , etc., taken a few years ago, from a Kafir who had left his

country, for Laghman, six years \ previously . — This collection agrees very

fairly with mine, though some of the grammatical renderings differ.

In this collection Kafiristan is rendered by Katon gil ( gol , gul ?) “ the

Kator valley ” (P).

Klaproth.—' Tableaux Historiques de V Asia, 1876, p. 132 , ete.—The

language of the Petits Yue-tchi was identical with that of the

Ehiangs or Thibetans. The ancients knew them as the Indo-Scythians*

Their capital was Kian-chy-tching% and their chief abode, south of the

Oxus, known as Koei and Gooi.

Lassen, 0 ,—Indische Alterthumshunde , 1867, — Has very interesting

chapters on the history of the countries near the sources of the

Upper Oxus.

Leech, R., Lieut., R.E. — Journal Asiatic Society , Bengal, August 1838,

and Transactions , Bombay Geographical Society, Vol. J.— This contains a

vocabulary of Pashai words— 168 words, 20 numerals, 9 short sentences—

Bibliography.

173

spoken by the inhabitants of Mandat, Chitela, Parena, Kundi, Seva,

Kulman. About one-sixth agree somewhat with my collection of Bashgali,

and about one-third are common to Urdu or Persian, as, ghoda, ghodi ,

horse, mare ; gal, abuse ; daru, powder; gom , wheat.

The numerals 1 to 20 are in many cases almost identical with

Persian or Urdfl ; and one -eighth of the words agree with Lumsden’s

Waiguli.

•»

Mr. J. Bird observes (Bo. Geo. Soc., Vol. I, p. 403) the Pashai language

is of special interest in connection with the Pasiani, who, with the Asii

and others, overturned the Greek Kingdom of Bactria 125 B.C. He

thinks the languages of Kafiristan, Pashai, Ohitral have a common origin

in a Sanscrit or Persian language, probably the Zend.

Leitner, Dr. G. W .-—Languages and Races of Bardistan, 1877. ■ ~~

Treats of the Kalasha * language, not of the dialects spoken by people

in Kafiristan proper.

Leitner, Dr. G. W. — Lecture on the BashgaUs and their language .

— Journal United Service Institute (Simla), 1880. — This treats of the

Kalasha dialect, i.e ., the language spoken by the Kafirs who reside, not in

the Bashgal valley of Kafiristan, but in Ohitral territory and are subjects

of the ruler of Ohitral. It has a fairly close resemblance to the Ohitral!

dialect or Kho-war, including the infinitive of the verb which, (as in Kho-

war,) ends in h.

Leitner, Dr. G. W. — Bardistan in 1866, 1886, and 1893 . — At p. 33 is

a Bashgali prayer in the Kalasha dialect. It is largely Ohitral! and Urdu.

Dr. Leitner says, (in regard to the word Kator), Baba Ayub, a Khorassani

adventurer, established the Ohitral dynasty and took the name Kator,

whence the dynasty is called Katori. Kator has been said by some to

be Kitolo, the king of the great Yuetchi, about 420 A.D., who conquered

Balkh.

Leitner, Dr. G. W.: — Kafiristan and the Khalifa Question, 1895. —

Considers the Kafirs must be ancient Greeks.

Recently the Afghans have destroyed over 150 temples with innumer¬

able ancestral carvings showing Greek traditions.

Leitner, Dr. G. W. — Journal Society of Arts, 1897. — There is much yet

to learn about Kafiristan. Alexander the Great advancing against Nyssa,

* Sir H. Rawlinson (Journal R. G. S. XLII of 1872) says the Sanscrit Kalika,

“ dark-coloured,” (from which possibly the word Kalasha arises), may be the origin

of the term Siah posh (wearing black) and possibly may be the Calcias of

Goes.

174

Appendix I.

the heart of Greek Kafiristan, discovered its inhabitants to be descend¬

ants of very ancient Greeks. The Kafirs are essentially pagan of the

classical type, and more resemble Europeans than any Asiatic race.

Ludwig, George Von — . — Travels through Upper Asia from Kashgar,

Tasjibalyh, Bolor, BadaPhshan, Vakhan} etc. B.G.8., 1866. — This work

has been described by some noted geographers as untrustworthy.

He gives certain Kafir words, e.g. —

Imra amu,

busibo,

gabsu,

danep,

mar Up an,

yashi ,

omimir.

God’s house, Temple,

bustard,

copper.

goat’s wool cloth,

golden,

jasper,

spring fog.

Imra bolli ! Gish bolli , exclamations.

He mentions a dialect known as Gobi,

He says he saw a stone pillar with an inscription on it in the valley of

Luimka near Mustopan, (village of the Chashur Gobis). It is not stated

what were the characters. Possibly this was not in Kafiristan.

Lumsden, Sir H. B. — Mission to Gandahar, 1860. — -This gives a list of

about 1,500 or 1,600 words and 19 short sentences in the dialects of

Traieguma * and Waigul. A great many differ from the Bashgali of my

collection. The infinitive of the verb in his collection ends generally in

n, but sometimes in m, h , i or h. This termination being rejected, a root is

left which sometimes coincides with the root in my collection, such as that

0f,—“ to catch,” “beat,” “do,” “drink.” He says it is evident many

of his words have Sanskrit roots. The article contains no grammar.

McCrindle, J. W. — Ancient India as described by Ptolemy. Calcutta,

1885. — The Sakai were located east of the Sogdiani, under Mounts Askani-

mia and Komedus, of which the ascent lies in 125°, 43°. Ptolemy describes

them, ( vide Ptolemy’s map No. 7), as nomadic, dwelling in woods and caves.

Their tribes were the Karatai and Komaroi, both along the Jaxartes ; Kome-

daif residing in mountains; the Massagetai J along the range of the

* Traieguma in his map is 16 miles north of Chigar Serai, and Waigul is 16

miles further north.

f Some say the Komedai whose valley was located in 130°, 39° were the ancestors

of the Kafirs. A critic in the Times says the Kafirs may be identical with the Sibae

of Strabo. See the article Sibae in Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography by

W. Smith, D.C.L., LL.D.

J Mceso Gothic Maiza and Yuetchi Gstce.

Bibliography.

175

Askatangas * ; the Graynaio Skythai; Toornai; and Byltai near Mount

Imaios, i.e., Baltistan or Little Thibet. The Sakai therefore appear to have

been the mountaineers of Kafiristan, Badakhshan, Shignan, Roshan, and

Baltistan. Their boundaries were : west, the Sogdiani ; north, Skythia,

along the line parallel to the Jaxartes, so far as the limit of the country

which lies in 130° E. and 49° N. ; east by Skythia along the meridian lines

prolonged from thence and through the adjacent range of mountains called

Askatangas, as far as the station at Mount Imaios, whence traders start

on their journey to Seres, and through Mount Imaios as it ascends to the

north as far as the limit to the country, viz., 143° E., 35° N. ; south by

Imaios itself along the line adjoining the limits that have been stated.

Beyond the valleys at the foot of mountains Askanimia and Kome-

dus and the village which they call Lithinon purgon “stone tower,’’ (lying

in 135°, 43°), lies the very long road by which traders pursue their journey

towards Seres, Serica (?).

McCrindle, J. W. — Invasion of India by Alexander the Great . West -

minster , 1896. — “The districts through which Alexander passed are now

called Kafiristan, Chitral, Swat, etc. “ It is more difficult to trace in this

than in any other of his campaigns the course of his movements, and to

«

identify with certainty the various strongholds which he attacked * * *

A glance at the labyrinth of mountains and valleys which occupy the

whole space in question in the best modern maps will sufficiently show how

utterly bewildering they must have been to the officers of Alexander,

who neither used maps nor a compass, and were incapable of the simplest

geographical observations.” (Page 61.)

McNaIr, W. W. (F.R.G.S.). — Explorations in part of Eastern

*

Afghanistan and Kafiristan, 1883. — This gives a vocabulary of about 108

Kafir words, 28 numerals, and 7 short sentences. The numerals agree with

mine, as do half the words, and most of the grammar of his sentences.

Some of the words tally with those of Sir H. Lumsden and Sir A. Burnes

(Waiguli). Many are different from any Kafir collection which I have

seen, or from Sir A. Burnes* Pashai collection. The monument ordered to

be erected by Timur was reported in 1883 to be in existence between the

forts of Pushian f and Kurban.

Masson, Charles. — Narrative of various journeys in Belochistdn , Af¬

ghanistan, etc., 1842, see also in Bombay Geographical Society's transactions

* The central syllable is the Turkish word Ta ah, mountain.

7 If so, it is close to Khawak and on the fringe of, if inside, Kafiristan.

176

Appendix I.

Vol. F.— It is not until 1399 A.U. that the Siah-posh are recognised by

name. He refers to the “ Kafir epocha ” which Timur discovered (vide

Timur,) and the interest as to whether the Kafirs still preserve it; and

notes the fact that Timur’s Expedition was hardly a conquest, as he had to

beat a hasty retreat. He alludes to Baber’s Expedition to Birain (probably

Veron), and notes that from that time up to Elphinstone’s Account, 1839,

nothing is heard of the Kafirs, except the erroneous accounts, (1603),

by Goes.

Mohun Ball.—* Travels in Punjab , Afghanistan , etc., London, 1846. —

Contains a notice of the Siah-posh Kafirs, but very little as regards

their language.

Moorcrofi (William) and Trepeck (George). — Travels in the

Himalayan Provinces, etc., etc,, Kabul- Kanduz, Bokhara, 1841 , — The

district of Gilgit is inhabited by Dardus, evidently the Daradas of

Sanskrit geography, and Daradoe or Haradroe of Strabo. They are also

no doubt the Kafirs of the Mahomedans, although they have of late been

nominally converted to Islam.

Mullah NajIb. — In (t Kingdom of Cabul ” (Elphinstone) it is stated

Mullah NajIb wrote a vocabulary (translated . by Irvine) of the language

at Kamdesh, I have failed to trace it in London.

Norris, E. — Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1862. — This collection

of about 90 words obtained from a Kafir in Teheran is considerably

different from my vocabulary, but about one half agrees, in a measure, with

the collection of Burnes and Lumsden. In his collection one hundred

is chal, and one thousand, hazdr. His infinitives end in s, as, veeyaus, to

beat.

*

Norulla, see Fazl Haqq.

Pauthier, M. G.— Be Livre de Marco Polo, dictated in 1298. Pub¬

lished, Paris, 1839. — “ II est voirs que dix journees vers midi loings de

Balacian, une province qui s’appelle Bacian, qui out langue par eus et

sont ydolastres et sont brunes genz ; ils scevent moult d’enchantement et

d’art diabolique. Ils sont malicieuse gent et sage de leur coustumes.

Cette province est moult chaude (froide P). Leur viande est char et ris.”

Pauthier, in a foot-note, argues that Bacian must have been Paschiai*

in Kafiristan, with its dialect known as Pachai (Bachai). He refers to

a statement of the Emperor Baber regarding a small river “ flowing from

# Masson thinks this cannot bo tho case.

Bibliography,

177

the west, which traverses Pich,* a country of Kafiristan, When I took

Chigar Serai the Kafirs of Pich came to their aid, men who were great

drinkers of wine ; they fear neither God f nor man, and are heathenish

in their customs.” Pauthier says : “ the Bacian of Marco Polo and Pich

of Baber are probably one and the same,”

Pritchard, J. C Researches into the Physical History of Mankind,

1844 , Volume IV, Chapter XII, Section V. Of the Sidh Posh or Kafirs of

the Hindu Kush , — Their language is nearly allied to the Sanscrit. The

Laghmani or Dehgani language is said to be a Kafir dialect. The Siah-

posh, judging from their language, “ belong to the Indian race, and the

language which has long been a learned and dead language in Hindustan is

still preserved in a peculiar dialect among the mountaineers of the Hindu

Caucasus.

There is strong evidence that the Sanscrit language, or a peculiar

modification of it, was the idiom of the ancestors of the Kafir race.

He gives a vocabulary of 23 words of the Siah-posh, which very much

resemble the Sanscrit. Twenty of the words are the same as those in my

vocabulary of sentences.

This book quotes a communication by Ritter to the Berlin Geographi¬

cal Society, May 1839, “ Einige ethnographische Mittheilungen fiber

die Siah Posh von Alexander Burnes ” printed in the “ Monatsbericht fiber

die Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft ffir Erdkunde.;’

In the latter paper are some remarks by Professor Bopp on specimens

of the Siah Posh language.

De Quatrefages. — Histoire generale de la race humaine, Paris, 1889.

— He classifies the Siah-posh as —

Trunc, blanc ou caucasique. Eamille, Hindoue.

Branche, Aryane. Groupe, Mamogi.

Rameau, Indo-Europeen.

Raverty, Captain H. G. — On the languages of the Siah-posh Kafirs.

— Journal , Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1864, p. 267. — Disagrees with Dr.

* Pich, is believed to be Kama in modern maps.

t Colonel Yule says the Pashais, though now Mahomedans are reckoned among the

aboriginal tribes of the country, which the Afghans are not.

N

178

Appendix I.

Trumpp in various essentials. It is not stated which of the Siah-poah.

dialects he employs. He thinks his collection of about 150 words, and

those of Mr. Norris and Sir A. Burnes, tally, generally speaking.

Raverty’s collection of words and construction of sentences do not agree

very well with mine. He gives a short list of words in the Pashai

dialect, spoken in the country south-west of Kafiristan. Nearly all

these words are contained in Leech’s collection of .1838 : about one-third

are similar to his (Raverty’s) Siah-posh words. About half his Siah-posh

words and about half his Pashai words agree with the Waiguli of

Lumsden. He says the Pashais are the aborigines of the country.

Raverty, Major H. G. — Kafiristan and the Kafir Tribes. Calcutta

Revieiv, July 1896.— Contains an excellent outline of the history of

_ * _ _

Kafiristan, the Hinduan-i-Kator and the Siah-posh tribes. The Kafiris

of Tibbat are also referred to.

Robertson, Sir G. S., K.C.S.I. — Kafiristan and its People. London ,

1895, and The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush. London, 1896. — The con¬

clusion is arrived at that the dominant races of Kafiristan, the Katirs

Kam, and Wai, are descended from the old original population of East

Afghanistan who refused to accept the Mahomedan faith about 950 A.D.

Traditions are recorded that the Presuns are an aboriginal race ; that

the Kam were originally Salarzais or Koresh ; that the Kafirs extended

as far as Swat, and that the Kalash extended to Gilgit. They have no

admixture of Tartar blood.

The following is his list of tribes

Katirs of Bashgal Valley, 12 villages.

Kti or Katwar, 2 do.

1, Katirs \ Kulam, 4 do.

Ramgalis or Gabaraks, on

borders of Afghanistan. 24 do.

2, Madugal, 3 do,

3, Kashtan or Kasjhtor, 1 do.

4, Kam (Bashgal and other valleys), 7 do.

5, Istrafc, 1 do.

\

f

Siah-p6sh.

Bibliography.

179

6. Presun or Viron; a very ancient people, inhabiting V

6 villages, speaking a language different from

the Siah-posh, a language which, according to the

Kam opinion, “no one can ever learn.” They

differ from the Wai or Asjhkun.

) Safed-poah.

7. Wai ; in 10 villages; their language differs from the

Siah-posh or Presun.

8. Ashkun; in 2 villages; their language is some

what like the Wai.

“ That the Kafirs are made up of different races, appears certain :

that they have no admixture of Tartar blood seems obvious ; that they

came from the west, or at least the great majority of them, is their

own fixed idea and is more than probable.”

Describing the women’s head, dress and its appurtenances he says, 1 ‘ I

have seen on the brass thimbles short English expressions such as ‘ Eor

a good girl.’ These were the only printed or written words I ever found

in Kafiristan,”

Robertson, Sir G. S .-—Manuscript vocabulary of words, outlines of

grammar, and sentences , and idioms ; Kafir into English , 1896-7. — This

is the most comprehensive collection which I have seen, and contains

many valuable idioms. I understand that in all essential matters Sir

G. Robertson’s collection agrees with mine.

Sadik Isfahani. — Geographical works of. — No. iL'—Takwim-al-Baldan.

London, 1832. — This, (written about 1635), mentions Katur (or Siah

poshan, the country of persons who wear black clothes), situated on

the confines of Kabul.

Sytjd Shah. MunshI, vide Hughes, Revp.

Tanner, Major. — Kafiristan and the Kafir language. Pro. P.O.S., Vol.

I of 1879, p. 713. — The language of the Chuganis is like that of the

Kafirs.

Mr. W. Jenkins, Assistant to Sir L. Cavagnari in Kabul, was, at the

time of his death, employed in working up the language of Kafiristan.

Tanner, Colonel H. C. — Notes on the Ghuganzs and neighbouring

tribes of Kafiristan. Pro. Royal Geographical Society, 1881, p. 279. — In

the preparatory remarks on the above lecture, Dr. Oust stated that the

purely philological portion of Colonel Tanner’s notes was reserved to be

dealt with by Dr. E, Trumpp (Professor of Munich), and would be pub¬

lished by the Royal Asiatic Society. Colonel Tanner gives a few

iN

180

Appendix I.

sentences “ in the language of the Kafirs as near as I have been able

to pick it up.” These exhibit 25 words, some of which are Urdu, others

Sanskrit. The grammar does not tally with mine. It is not stated

what dialect was employed.

By the kindness of Dr. Oust I have been able to inspect Colonel

Tanner’s collection of manuscript papers on the Dehgano or Darah Nuri

dialect of the Laghman language and on the language of the Sauu Kafirs.

The Darah Nurl collection consists of about fifteen foolscap pages of

words and sentences. Many words are similar to the Persian ; a few only,

including the system of numeration, e.g., 'painjwea (5 x 20), are similar to

those in my Bashgall collection. The grammar differs from mine, the

infinitive ending in k.

The collection of specimens of the language spoken by the Sanu or Warn

tribe of Lai Kafirs, (as taken down from a man of the Chugani tribe),

comprises about 170 words and 70 short sentences, as spoken in “ Sanu-

glam, a town situated at the head of a valley that flows Northward from

the Kund Mountains into Darah Pech. The Sanus are enemies of the

neighbouring tribes of Katawar Kafirs, and do not understand their

language.”

About one-third of the words are very similar to those in my collection.

The terminals of some tenses of the verbs (notably the future) agree with

my examples.

About half of the words, as shown in a comparative table drawn up by

Professor E. Trumpp, who recently saw the collection, agree more or less

with the words in his work referred to on p. 182.

About twenty per cent, of the words are similar to corresponding words

in the Waigull collection of Sir H. Lumsden.

Hardly any of the words correspond with the Wasi-Veri or Veron lan¬

guage as recorded by Dr. Grierson.

Terentief. — Russia and England in Asia. 1875 . Translated by

Daukes , Calcutta , 1876. — He gives a specimen of the Bolor or Kafir

language (see Appendix IV). It does not correspond with my collection.

Terentief says the Siah-posh style themselves Bolors ; he thinks they

are descendants of 20,000 slaves (Sklabinoi) who emigrated in 664 A.D.

to Syria, and that Russia is therefore specially interested in them, an

hypothesis which his translator and other critics consider untenable.

Timur 'Beq.— ^History of, by Oherefeddin Ali ; translated into French

by Mom. Petits do la Croix. — Timur invaded the country of the Ketuers

Bibliography.

181

and Siah-posh in A.D. 1398. The difficulties encountered in getting the

horses over the Kafiristan Hills are well described. Timiir observes : “ The

infidels of this country were as strong as the giants of the people of Aad ;

they go all naked : they have a peculiar language hitherto unknown which

is neither Persian, nor Turkish, nor Indian, and know no other than this :

but for the inhabitants of some neighboaring places, who are found there

by chance, and having acquired their language can act as interpreters,

no one could understand them. Their kings are known as Oda and

Odachouh.” On the Siah-posh men promising to abjure idols and

embrace the Mahomedan religion, Timur gave them clothes and encour¬

aged them with affectionate speeches. But these wretches, whose

hearts were as black as their garments, fell on one of his regiments, which

they almost annihilated. Timur’s army then put to death a large number of

the Kafirs, carrying away women and children. They built towers on the

top of the mountain and end of the bridge, with the heads of the traitors

who had never bowed the head to adore the true God.

Timur ordered to be engraved in marble the history of his action,

month of Ramadan, A.D. 1398, and he added the peculiar “ epocha ” which

this people used.

The pillar so inscribed gave the greater pleasure to Timur, as these

people had never been conquered by any king, not even by Alexander the

Great.

Caouc is mentioned as a town of the Ketuers which Timur rebuilt.

Besides the words above quoted, he gives no specimens of the language

as then spoken.

Tomaschek. — Central* Asiatische Studien ; I, Sogdiana , 1877. II, Die

Pamir-Bialekte, 1880. Published in the Sitzungsberichte, Imperial Aca¬

demy, Vienna. — Has 3 curious ancient maps of the countries which bound

Kafiristan north and east and west. The Kalasha dialect is the bridge

between the cultivated Arnya * and rough west Kafir dialects. It has

many traces, though rough, of the old Yeda dialect. The book has inter¬

esting remarks tracing some of the Kalasha and Bashgall words to their

origin.

Tomaschek.— Art. in Enc. Ersch. and Gruber, 1882 ( quoted by Mons.

G. M. Capus in “ Le Kafiristan et les Kafirs Siah-p ouches.” Ketue Scienti-

fique, 1889). — The Kafir is a Prakrit language; it has a predilection

for nasal vowels, “aspirations et cerebrals,” with one peculiarity, viz, ,

# Arnya, the language spoken in Chitral, Yassin.

182

Appendix I.

the frequent omission of a final r.* The Kafirs count by twenties,

as is the case in all the languages of the Pamirs and Hindu Kush,

Thus they have a common non* Aryan base.

The Kafir language and Chitrali, compared with the Prakrit litera¬

ture of Central India, have conserved some of the most ancient forms of

the Aryan epoch.

Trumpp, Revd. E., D.Phil. — On the language oj the so-called Kafirs

of the Indian Caucasus. Journal Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. XIX,

1862.—- His opportunities for conversing with three Kafirs, (which dialect

is not stated,) “ extended to a few days or rather hours.” The

words collected and the grammar, (notably the pronouns, some numerals,

and the peculiarity of the future tense of the verb,) differ a good deal

from my collection. Burnes, Raverty, and Trumpp are at considerable

variance. About 36 per cent, of Dr. Trumpp’s words agree with the

Waiguli of Lumsden and Burnes.

Dr. Trumpp remarks, “ The Kafir tongue being a pure Prakrit

dialect, separated from its sister dialects since the irruption of Moham¬

medan power, in the tenth century of our era, is of the greatest

importance to Indian philology, as we have a very imperfect knowledge of

the common dialects then in use in India. We may fairly infer that

the dialect of the Kafirs has been preserved to us pure or very little altered

in the course of time, as the Kafirs were quite cut off from all connexion

with the other Indians, and hemmed in on all sides by impassable moun¬

tains, which enabled the fugitive race to defend their independence against

all assaults on the part of the savage Pushto tribes which were settling

down in their ancient seats.”

Dr. Trumpp thinks the words collected by Sir A. Burnes are not Kafir

words but Kohistani. He observes that, whereas in the Prakrit dialects of

India, the adjective agrees with the substantive in gender and case, the

Kafir seems to incline rather to the Iranian than to the Prakrit of India.

He doubts if nouns have any gender-; adjectives are not subject to change

for gender and case.

He remarks on the rarity of aspirates, showing an affinity to Iranian

and Pushto,

He says the instrumental case is used. In the singular it is the same

as the Nominative. In the plural it is formed by adding

* See Grammar, paras. 22, 23.

Bibliography

183

Ujfalvy, Oh. E. vs.—Les Kafirs Siapochs. Bulletins de la Societe

d’ anthropologie de Paris , Ser. III. Vol. VI, 1883, p. 621. — Lea soldats

d’ Alexandre refugies dans les regions inaccessiblea de la vallee du Knner

sont dn domaine de la Fable, comme l’assertion d’un certain savant russd,

M. Terentieff, qni vonlait y voir des procbes parents des aieux des Slaves.

* * # * La verite se degage de toutes ces fictions et

nous voyons que nous avons affaire, dans ces regions, a une espece de

Caucase, ou les peuplades les plus differentes d’origine, de type, et de langue,

se sont refugiees pour se soustraire aux hordes barbares qui ont envalii

successivement la Bactriane et la vallee de Caboul , etc. Pour le moment il y

a quelque chose qui se detache nettement de toutes ces recherches ; l’Hindou

Kouch constitue une ligne de demarcation absolue entre deux groupes

d’Aryens, qui, possedant certains points de contact au point de vue de la

langue, sont separes les uns des autres d’une fayon absolue, par rapport a

leur type physique, Leur patrie primitive n’a done pas ete dans ces regions

et nous avons a chercher maintenant quelles sont les causes de cette

similitude de langage a cote d’une dissemblance physique aussi prononcee.

Ujfalvy, Charles E. de. — Les Aryens au Nor cl et cm Sud de VHindou

Kouch . Paris , 1896. — Contains an interesting account of Kafiristan, etc.

Dardistan in ancient times was part of the kingdom of the Saces, or Grunaioi

of Ptolemy, who adopted the Greek writing. This circumstance explains

admirably the traces of Greco 'Buddhist sculpture and those of Greek

traditions in Baltistan and Kafiristan.

Vigne, G. T. — Personal Narrative of a visit to Ghazni, Kabul and

Afghanistan , 1840. — The Kafir custom of exposing their dead appears to

bespeak fop them a descent from the Guebers of Persia. In the appendix

is a vocabulary of 50 words and 30 numerals, including “one thousand,”

20 x 20. Many of the words agree with my collection.

Wilford, Captain F. — On Mount Caucasus. Asiatic Researches , Vol.

VI, 1801.— The term Caucasus, Coh-cas, applied to the mountains extend¬

ing from India to the Euxine sea. The range was inhabited by Chasas.

The mountains north-east of Cabul are the real Caucasus of Ptolemy.

Cash-gar, or Chitral, (as well as Badakhshan), is in the possession of the

Chinese. Cash-gar is also Cashtwar, Katwar or Cuttore, which, how-

ever, differs from Kitwer or Catowr, which is 15 miles north-west of

Chigerserai.

Wolff, Bevd. J. (D.D., LL.D.). — Narrative of a Mission to BoMdraj

852. _ The language of the Kafir Seeah-posh s eems to be derived from the

Sanskrit. A list of 9 words follows, most of wh ich are in my collection.

184

Appendix^!,

“ Upon the heights of Badakhshan, (the border land between Badakh-

shan and Kafiristan), are four free tribes of Israel, ^those of Naphtali,

Dan, Zebnlon, Asher.”

Wolff, Revd. J. (D.D., LL.D.) — Travels and adventures of, 1861, — •

“The Kafir Seeah-posh call themselves “ Seema.” Wolff cannot help

thinking they are the remnants of the tribes of Israel, for the Jews in

Bokhara, ^##^**** (who assert that

they belong to the ten tribes), say tbat these Kafir Seeah-posh are their

brethren, whose ancestors had entirely forgotten their law and fallen

into idolatry, but into the ancient idolatry of the Philistines.” They

call God “ Imrah,” and worship the figure of a fish called Dagon. They

have in their mountains the ten commandments written in stone, and

their women observed the law of purification.

Wood, John. — Journey to sources of the Oxus , 1872, — He concludes that

the Kafirs are probably of the same race as the Tajiks, the points in which

they differ being the result of physical causes, not of blood.

Yule, Colonel H., C.B. — In preface to “ Journey to source of Oxus ,

(Wood), 1872.” — This gives a description of the expulsion of the Yuetchi

Thibetans, about 16£ B.C.,by the Hiongnu to the Valley of Ili; and, about

1 A.D., one of their princes Kueishwang extends his rule over certain

countries south of the Hindu Kush — (the Indo-Scythic dominion). About

300 or 400 A.D., the Yuetchis or Yethas revive : a great warrior, King

Kitol or Kitaur, conquers five nations north of Peshawur, including Swat,

and probably including Kafiristan.

( 185 )

APPENDIX II.

Translation of 2 Samuel xii, verses 1 to 6, in Persian, Pushto,

Badakhshi. Khowar ( Chitrall ), and Bashyalu

- Persian.

1. Wa Khudavand Nathan rd nazd-i-Ddud firistdd lOa nazd-i^wai

amada aord guft hi dar shahare du mard budand yake daulatmand iva

digare fakir.

2. Wa daulatmand rd gosfand wa gdo bi nihayat bisydr bud.

3. Wa fakir rd juz ek mdda barrae kochak na bud ki an rd kharida wa

parwarish ddda hamrdh wai wa pisardn ash buzurg me shud az khurdk-i

Wai me khword wa az kasa-i-o me noshid ivadar aghosh-ash me khwdbid wa

birde ash misl-i dukhtar bud.

4. Wa musdfire nazd-i dn mard-i daulatmand amad wa aord half

dmad ki az gosfanddn wa geiwdn i khud ba girad td ba jihat-i musdfire

ki nazd-i wai amada bud muhayyd sazad ; wa barra-i dn mard fakir rd

girifta barde dn mard ki nazd-i wai amada bud muhayyd sdkht.

5. Angdh Khashm-i Baud bar dn shakhs afrukht a shuda ba Nathan

guft Khudavand kasam kase ki in kdr rd karda ast mustdjib-i katal ast.

6. Wa chun ki in kdr rd karda ast wa he oh tar ahum na namuda barra

rd chahdr chanddn bded radd kunad.

Pushto.

1. No Khuddwand Ndsdn Dadd tah wdstdwuh , aw ha aha h waraahe

wartah wuh ye wel chi pah yaiva kkhahr kkkh dwa sari wu ; lah daaho

dwdro nah yo daulatmand aw but khwdr wuh.

2. Aw haghah daulatmand behadda dere mege aw ghwd larale *

3. Aw haghah khwar hets shai nah larah magar yaiva waruki errai

chi dah perodile aw sdtale wall ; aw haghah lah dahaiv da dah lah tsdmino

sareh lowe shiwe wah ; da dah lah nawarai ye khurala aw lah kasi ye

tskkhala aw da dah pah gheg kkkh bah tsamldstala aw da lur pa shun ye

wah .

4. No haghah daulatmand save lah yo musafir rdghe ; no haghah lah

khpulo gadiiro aw lah klipulo ghwdo lah dkhistalo nah zra same ukar die

haghah musafir che dah lah rdghale wuh tiydre ukare; nd da haghah

186

Appendix II.

Ichwar sari errai ye uniwulah aw haghah sari lah chi walah rdghale wuh

tiydra ye kralah.

5. No pah haghah sari bdndi da Daud khapagi derah garma shwula aw

Ndsdn tah ye uwi chi Yahwah hai de chi daghah sare chi dd Tear ye hare de

zoi da marg de.

6. Aw da haghah erri di tslor guna tear ugarzawi tsaka chi dah dd

hdr ukar au zra sawe ye u nah kar.

BadakhshI.

The people of Badakhshan are stated to have adopted their present

language during the last few centuries only. Until a few centuries ago

it is said the Kafirs ruled in Badakhshan.

The similarity of the BadakhshI language to Persian will be apparent

from the translation of verse 3 of the preceding, kindly sent by Khan

Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan.

3. Az hamu luchik ghair az yak khurd barra chize na bud hi hamu rd

parwarish harda ba amrahi-e khudish o bacha d i^h halan me shud az

ndne hamu me khurd ba kasa-ish db me khurd ba baghal-e hamu khab me

hard ba hamu dukhtar e khud ludri bud.

Khowau, translated by Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan.

1. JOiudai Nathan o Daud o nasa weshestai hassa hattogho nasa giti

liu prai i shahra ju mosh astani i wdli guwating birai i wdli chan birai.

2. Hassa guwating o keri o chi lyutpongi be-nehdyat bo birani.

3. Hassa chan mosh o i tseg istri werkhu o sar ghair khor kya rakh no

astai hattogho wdah diti gani tan ta ha-le astai hattogho o chi tagho

gizhaican sum hal biti borda oshoi hattogho jibarm-ar jiba oshoi ochi

hattogho ghdn a pia oshoi hattogho bits to poraoshoi oche‘ togho te juro

chaqa saria oshoi.

4. I musdfir hassa guwating o nasa hai ; guwating hattegiru musdfir o

pachin tan kerian ochi lyutpongidn sar kya rakh gani kushiko no

khoshetai; hassa chdn mosho werku o gani hassa musdfir ki giru oshoi

hattogho te prai.

5. Hatte wakht Daud-o gahar hassa mosh-o-te hai, Natlian-o-te reitai ,

Khuddi o got kd ki haia korm kori asur hatte mosho mdriko bash.

6. Hassa mosh ki haia kormo togho hardi no puli ki kori asur hatth

werkhu o sar chor hissa zidd kori haottgho te a chi didr .

Translations op the Story of Nathan and David.

187

BashgalI, translated by Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan.

1. lmra Nathan-e Baud ta naniia : ashe ashet-ta gijl haras

God Nathan David to sent: he him to speech made.

e grom ta du manje azamme, e manji dr a azi, e kanotua

“one city in two men were, one man rich was, one of no account

azi .

was.

u

2. Ashe dra ste turtso share

That rich(one) to flocks(P) goats

3.

Ashe

That

mange

man to

azi,

was,

ashe

him

and

ste

e

one

ashe,

it,

mesh

with

ashe

him

ju

gozhare belyuk azamme.

cows(P) many were.

ishtri wahi azi,

lamb was

preti,

having given,

pitra mesh

children with

pinazi ;

female

mari

money

ashe ste

him of

ste haruda

ashe

him

kdnawdni

of-no*account

ware hd na

other anything not

ingdti dor bisi

having taken nourished (?)

olu bunazi ; ashe ste yuwd td

big grew ; him of food and him of cup did drink

ste pazhl pshunazi ; ashe ste ju bamri azi.

to bosom in did sleep ; him to daughter like was.

4. E vischd ashe drd manje td oze ; ashe drd manje

One traveller that rich man to came ; that rich man

amoste turtso shara dd gozhard da ashe vischd go

own of flocks (?) goats of cows of that traveller for

pretstagd bidile na kra ; ashe ndluzwa manje ste wahi

to give (?) not made ; that poor man from lamb

ingdti amu td oziste manje pta

having taken house to having come man (to) gave.”

5. Ashe tuel ta Daud~e ashe manje patsir wazhe

at David that man upon wrath

“lmra dugo hu ine hudum karessa-bd

“ God for ! he who this work shall have done

That time

Nathan td wilaya

Nathan to said

janastaz*

shall die.

6. Ashe gite kudyum karessaba

He (who) such work can have done

zaress shto pare ashe perlaN

knew four fold to him shall give.”

hr a.

made.

je

and

shizhik

mercy

na

not

jat'isth az (?) to kill is appropriate, see paragraph 40.

'je Kafir dialects .

-

( 188 )

APPENDIX III

Samples of twenty words in every day use in eighteen languages or dialects , including four or five Kafir dialects.

* Prakrit for maternal grandfather, ndnio ; Hind, nand.

( 189 )

APPENDIX IV.

- 4 -

The Lord’s Prayer in the Bolor (Kafir), language ( Terentief ), and

remarks on the Bolor Country .

The following is a translation, as given in “ Russia and England in

Central Asia,” (M.A. Terentief), of the Lord’s Prayer into the “ language

of the Bolors or Siah-posh Kafirs.” If does not agree with the Waiguli

or Bashgali dialect as recorded in any book which I have seen. * There

are no diacritical marks.

Babo vetu osezulvini. Malipaive egobunkvele egamalako. TJbukum-

kani bako mabuphike. Intando yako mayenzibe. Emkhlya beni , nyeugo-

kuba isenziva egulvini. Sipe namglya nye ukutiya kvetu kvemikhla igemu

khla. Usikcolele izono zetu , nyengokuba nati siksolela abo basonaio tina

Unga singekisi ekulingveli zusisindise enkokhlakalveni, ngoknba bubobako

ubukumkhani namandkhla nobungkvalisa , kudekube igunapakade. Amene

Bolor has been called the will o’ the wisp of geography and the symbol

of controversy.

The following is a list, etc., of some of the many works which treat of it

Pauthier. — Le livre de Marco Polo, 1307 A.D. Paris, 1865.'

Shaw, R. B. — A Prince ( Mirza Haidar ; Tarikh-i-Ra shtdi, 1543

A.D.) of Kashgar, on the Geography of Eastern Turkestan. R.G.S.,

Volume XLVI, of 1876. — Bolor is mentioned as co-terminous with the

Yarkand Province of Raskam and Taghdumbash. It included the

present district of Kafiristan. According to Mirza Haidar the country of

Bolor corresponded with Dardistan.

Klaproth. — Magasin Asiatique, 1825. Tome ler. — Bolor is south¬

east of Yarkiang and east of Badakhshan, and Baltistan is south of it.

Vigne, G. E. — Travels in Kashmir, Ladoik, etc., 1842.

Humboldt. — Asie Centrale, Vol. 11, p. 365,—Systeme des Montagues du

Bolor .

* since Che above was written, a copy of toe translation into the so-called Bolor

or Siahposh language has been kindly submitted by Dr. Grierson, C.I E., to Pro¬

fessor E. Kuhn, of Munich, for examination He has pronounced an opinion that"

it seems to be an incorrect copy of the version of the Lord’s Prayer in the language

of the Ama*|)osa Kaffirs of South Africa (see, for instance, Friedrich Muller’s Grun-

driss der Sprachwissenschaft, I Band, I L Abtheilung (Pt. II) pp. 261 269)

According to Muller’s transcription ( the sign) || represents the so-called

elick ” of the South African languages.

190

Appendix IV,

Raverty, Captain H. G. — Notes on Kdfiristdn, Journal Asiatic

Society , Bengal, 1859, and Account of Upper Qashgar, etc., Journal

Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1864.

Cunningham, General Sir A. — Ancient Geography of India, 1871.—

Bolor is little Thibet.

Ludwig, George Von — . — “ The Pamir and sources of Amu Darya,

1861” and “ The Bolors and their Country, 1862,” being articles written

by M. Veniukoff, based on u Travels through Upper Asia from Kashgar,

Tashbalyk, Bolor , Badakhshdn, etc., by George Ludwig Von — published

in Journal of Imperial Geographical Society of St, Peter sburgh and trans¬

lated for Journal B.G.S., London , 1866.

This purports to be an account of a journey made about 1790 A.D.,

through various countries, including Kafiristan.

A map is given which locates the town of Bolor 130 miles north of the

town of Chitral.

Arrowsmith, J. — Map of Central Asia, 1834 ? 1840. — He had permis¬

sion to examine and embody in his map certain information by George

Ludwig Von — , which has since been shown to be misleading. In this map

the town of Bolor is shown about 90 miles north of the town of Chitral, the

Bolor river (rising near it) flowing about 100 miles to the north ; and the

Bolor range on its east, running for about 120 miles north and south.

Rawlinson, Major-General SirH. — The Pamir Begion, Central Asia,

Pro., B.G.S., Volume X, 1866, and Volume XVII, 1873. On Badakhshdn

and \ Wakhdn. — He considers the Memoirs by Veniukoff on the Pamir

Region and Bolor country are not to be trusted for certain reasons.

Rawlinson, Sir H. — Quarterly Review, London , 1866. — Reviews a

variety of writers, including George Ludwig Von — . He considers the

information given regarding Bolor, Vakhan, Badakhshan “ involved in

inextricable confusion,” etc., etc.

Khanikoff, M. de. — Letter to R.G.S., London, in re the above criti¬

cisms, 10th April, 1866. Pro. B.G.S., 1866. — He upholds Veniukoff and

George Ludwig Von — , a map by whom is produced, dated 1806. Lord

Strangford (Pro., R.G.S., 1866, p. 317) thinks Khanikoff’s vindication

untenable.

Veniukoff, Colonel. — Additional remarks, 1867, on the Bolor High¬

lands, translated from publications of Imperial Geographical Society St.

Petersburgh, by T. Michell , Esg., B.G.S., Volume XIII. 1869. — This has

Remarks on the Bolor Country.

191

a map which locates the town of Bolor 200 versts north of the town of

Chitral and 100 versts east-north-east of the town of Badakhshan.

Strangforb Viscount. — Pro., B.G.S., London, Volume XIII of 1868.

— Severely criticises the papers above referred to by Veniukoff.

Yule, Colonel H., C.B. — The Booh of Ser Marco Polo ( translated ),

Londont 1871. — Marco Polo locates the country of Bolor E. N. E. of the

Pamer, peopled by savage idolaters who “ are in truth an evil race ” ; but,

in a map of Marco Polo’s itineraries at page 168 of Volume I, the town of

Bolor is shown at least two degrees North of Kafiristan and two degrees

West of Pamer. Bolor possibly included Balti and the mountains adjoin¬

ing Pamer.

Yule, Colonel H., C.B. — P.G.S., London, 1872 , Volume XLII. —

Reviews various works, devoting 7 pages to the proper locality of Bolor.

Shaw, R. B. (E.R.G.S.) — Central Asia in 1872. Pro., B.G.S., 1872.

— The City of Bolor may now be allowed to “ fade into a mist of

confusion.”

Rawlinson, Sir H. — Monograph on the Oxus. Journal R.G.S.,

Volume XLII, 1872. — Part of this is written to show that there has been

a series of misconceptions regarding the locality of Bolor, a name in use

from 10th to 17th century, but obsolete ever since. It is the pivot for

much spurious geography in Central Asia.

Michell, R. — Russian Expedition to Alai and Pamirs. B.G.S.,

Volume XLVIl, 1877.

Pearse, Major H.— Memoirs of Alexander Gardner, 1898.

Biddulph, Colonel. — Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh : 1880. — Bolor had

its centre in Skardo, which is commonly called Palor, or Balors or Baloruts.

Holdich, Colonel Sir T. (R.E.) — ■ Proceedings Pamir Boundary Com -

mission of 1896, Calcutta, 1897. — The name of the great meridional water¬

shed dividing the Oxus basin from the plains of Kashgar has varied

through different periods of history. Its classical name was Taurus

and its medievaj name Bolor Tagh ; in more recent years the Nezatash

or Pamir or Sindi Range ; and latterly Sarikol. It now forms China’s

west boundary. The Pamirs formed part of the medieval kingdom

of Bolor, which again was part of the Yuchi Empire of Tokharistan.

The limits of Bolor are clearly given in the Tarikh-i-Rashldi by Mirza

Haidar, cousin of the Emperor Babar. The country of Bolor then (1525

A.D.) was bounded east by Kashgar and Yarkand, north by Badakhshan,

west by Kabul, and south by Kashmir. It was inhabited by a class of

192

I

Appendix IV.

idolatrous people whose description agrees with that of the Kafirs of the

present day. It evidently then included Kafiristan.

Alberuni’s India, ( written about A.D, 1000').— Sack au’s Translation.

Vol. I, p. 207.—- Leaving the ravine, by which you enter Kashmir, and

entering the plateau, then you have for a march of two more days on your

left the mountains of Bolor and Shamilan, Turkish tribes who are called

Bhattavaryan. Their king has the title Bhatta Shah. Their towns are

Gilgit, Aswira, and Shiltas, and their language is the Turkish.

Baron Curzonof Kedleston. — The Pamirs and the Source of the Oxus,

1898.— Very many authorities are quoted, and the opinion arrived at that

Bolor included Kafiristan, Upper Chitral, Yasin, Gilgit and Hunza

Nagar.

( 193 )

APPENDIX V.

— 4--

The following prayers, etc., in the Kamik (Kamdesh F) dialect have

been procured by C. Rose, Esq., Superintendent, Postal Service, Chitral

1.

Ae Imra, nirmalla ! tu ta sal dm !

Oh God, creator ! Thee to salam

kars ; mizboh ; le

hast made me ; thou art seated above ; good

Tu

! Thoo.

wargas.

do to me.

jpaidd

created

2. Mekessi karmdeo

Clouds, wife of a prophet,

karmdeo 0 ho ho,

wife of a prophet, oh ho ho !

ne naylish. Mirro

ne $]}CLy lish

wherever you will sit

karmdeo, bMm

wife of a prophet, the earth

( Imro ?) agol ute.

will flourish (be green). Oh God

ram give.

3. Tu sun maleh. Oyo mare ranja.

Of thee of gold (is) crown. Than all greater thou art.

Imro ! sun maleh. Tu sun maleh.

Oh God ! of gold (thy) crown. Of thee of gold (is) crown.

Mirro ( Imro ?) sone tran.

Oh God ! of gold (is) thy throne (?).

4. Prater for oneself —

Imra emo darboh. Imroh kurdn darboh.

Oh God ! to us do good. Oh God ! to our children do good.

Emo ishtri darboh. Emo balogh ara

To our wives do good. To us much wealth

wargas . Emo atra pisao. Ema le

do (give) for us. Of us enemy destroy. To us good

wargas. Emo kati le gas. Emau gd di

do. Of us harvest good bring. Of us herds too

le gas ; dasho di le gas.

good make ; goats also good make

194

Appendix Y.

5, Prayer before setting out to kill a man —

7. Prayer before setting out to kill a man —

8. Prayer after failing to kill a man —

/v S'

Imra ! ots nari manji-zam ( azzam ). Ista kor

Oh God ! I feeble man am. Of me nature (?)

natayan. Imra ! tu aske pisao.

feeble is. Oh God ! thon him kill.

9. Grace after killing a man —

Tu kor on kutt.

Thon blessing (?) madest (i.e., by thy grace we killed him).

10. Hymn of rejoicing to Gish after killing an Enemy —

Sone chen utro pitrash. Gish, ! Tu

Of gold eyed mother (thon) the son. Oh Gish ! Thee

sho wao u§hro alao shai

news again (?) give (we recall) of pnmpkin f the head

pachen mashi lash.

(like) a ball (?) a man thon strikest.

* When delivering a stroke.

t We recall thou usedst to cut off the heads of pumpkins (certain enemies) as

easily as a man strikes a ball.

Story of the Moon.

195

The following is the onJy Kafir story which Mr. Rose was able to

procure : —

Story of the Moon.

One day the sun and moon were bathing in a tank, when a man,

carrying a bedstead, and his dog, passed by, returning from his field.

They asked him which of them, (the sun or moon), was the more

beautiful. He replied that both were equally beautiful ; but again and

again they asked him, and finally he said that the sun was a little

more beautiful than the moon. On hearing this, the moon became angry,

and took the man, with his bedstead and dog, away to the sky, where

they still live in the moon

Government of India Central Printing Office— No. 9 LI. D.— 19-3-1992.— 705, — C. M. Wiater.eto

/

✓

.

THREE EPISODES

FROM

CANDI.”

• 4

tv

4

THREE EPISODES

FROM

THE OLD BENGALI POEM

u

CANDI,

• • '

55

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH

BY

E. B. COWELL, M.A.,

PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND FELLOW OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE

IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

CALCUTTA :

PUBLISHED BY THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

57, PARK STREET,

1902.

HERTFORD

PRINTED BY STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS.

PREFACE.

Mukunda Ram Cakravartt,1 some extracts from whose poems I wish

to introduce to the English reader, lived in Bengal during the latter

half of the sixteenth and the early part of the seventeenth century.

He seems to have passed his life in the districts of Bardwan and

Midnapur, and he commemorates in his works Mansihh, the celebrated

general of the Emperor Akbar, who became governor of the newly

conquered provinces of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1590. But

his poems tell us as little of the wars and conquests which fill the

history of Akbar’ s reign, and which naturally engrossed the thoughts

of the poet’s contemporaries, as Spenser’s “ Faery Queen ” tells us of

the actual events which stirred men’s hearts during the reign of

Queen Elizabeth. Mukunda Ram’s characters, in fact, live in a mytho¬

logical world as far removed from the actual world of human life

as those in Ovid’s “ Metamorphoses ” ; and the Goddess Candl

continually appears upon the scene to help her votaries and confound

their enemies, as if they were living in the earliest mythological

ages. But all this is only the external form of the poem. Under

this fanciful surface we come in contact with a solid reality; for

there we may find a picture of Bengali village life as it actually

existed in the sixteenth century, before any European influences

had begun to affect the national character or widen its intellectual

or moral horizon ; and it is this vivid realism which gives such

a permanent value to the descriptions. Our author is the Crabbe

1 He is often called by the title leabi-lcankan, “ the ornament of poets.”

Y1

Preface.

among Indian poets, and his work thus occupies a place which is

entirely its own.

“ Quidquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,

Gaudia, discursus, nostri est farrago libelli ” ;

and hence the poem forms in itself a storehouse of materials for the

social history of the people as apart from their rulers. Wherever

he may place his scenes — in Qiva’s heaven, or India, or Ceylon —

Mukunda Ram never loses sight of Bengal ; he carries with him every¬

where the village life of his own early days. All family or village

customs are dear to him, and his work is therefore a mine of curious

local and social information ; and his various characters, though

they may appear as only passing interlocutors in the scene, always

have a real life and personality of their own. In fact, Bengal

was to our poet what Scotland was to Sir Walter Scott ; he drew

a direct inspiration from the village life which he so loved to

remember.

I subjoin a translation of the passage at the beginning of the

poem where the poet gives an account of his early career, and how he

was forced to leave the obscurity of his native place and find a new

home and a poet’s fame in the court of a neighbouring zemindar.

u Hear, neighbours, how this song of mine first into conscious utterance

leapt :

Candi* came down in mortal form beside my pillow as I slept.

Good Gopinath, the talukdar, lived honoured in Sellmabad ;

Bor generations seven his race the same estates and home had had.

Daminya village was their home, far from the world a safe retreat,

Until Mansinh came to Bengal, that bee of Yishnu’s lotus-feet.

And in his days Mahmud Sharif over the district stretched his hand ;

A local governor sent by heaven to scourge the vices of the land.

Under his rule the traders groaned, his hand lay heavy everywhere,

Brahmans and Yaishnavas alike stood helpless in their blank despair.

* Candi (pronounced in English Chundi ) is one of the forms of the goddess Uma or

Durga (the wife of Civa), who is especially worshipped in Bengal.

Preface.

Yll

His measures of all fields were false, His acre’s rods were always wrong,

And howsoe’er the poor complained their words were as an idle song.

Waste heaths he reckoned fruitful fields ; he passed across the land like

Death ;

The poor man’s last rag he would seize ; prayers to his ears were idle

breath.

The moneylender s aid was naught ; his loans but added more to pay ;

Two annas short was each rupee, and then the interest day by day.

At last the ryots lost all hope ; their hard-earned borrowings brought no

cheer,

And if they tried to sell their stock, there were no buyers far or near.

Good Gopinath by some ill fate was thrown in prison ; in wild surprise

The ryots crowded round the court, but what availed their tears or cries ?

Stunned with the blow I sold my stock for little more than half its worth,

And after counsel held with friends I left my home and wandered forth.

I and my brother took our way ; ’t was Candi led the helpless pair ;

At Bhetna Rupral gave us alms, and Jadukunda sheltering care.

Adown the Gharal stream we sailed, the Darukegvar next we passed ;

We stayed awhile at Pandurpur, and to Kucatya came at last.

There without oil I took my bath, water my hunger’s only stay ;

Hungry and faint my children wailed, but I was famished e’en as they.

There near a lonely hermitage, hungry and scared, I fell asleep,

When Candi in a vision came and bade me rise and cease to weep.

A leaf she brought and pen and ink, and though I knew no Yedic lore,

She taught me metres and their laws and bade me sing her praises o’er.

The river Qilal then I crossed, to Arara my way I found,

A land with holy Brahmans filled, its lord like Vyas himself renowned,

Bankura-ray his honoured name ; I paid my homage full of fear,

And brought some verses in my hand, to wdiich he lent a favouring ear.

He gave me rice and paid my debts, and made me tutor to his son,

And from that day Prince Raghunath has stored my lessons every one.

Dowered with all virtues from his birth, sages and nobles at his call,

He greets me ‘ guru ’ from his heart and honours me before them all.”

While Babu Gobind Candra Datt resided in Cambridge some

thirty years ago, I first learned from him about this old Bengali

poem, and he kindly undertook to read it with me. We read

Yin

Preface.

together more than half of it while he remained in England ; and

after his return to India I continued my studies alone, and he

allowed himself to be my continual referee in all cases of difficulty.

There were often obscure words and allusions, but he generally

solved them all ; and he sometimes amused me by his interesting

accounts of the consultations which he had held with Calcutta

friends over any passages of special obscurity. These attempts of

mine to put certain episodes of the “ Candl ” into an English dress

had lain for many years forgotten in my desk, until I happened to

read Mr. G. A. Grierson’s warm encomiums on this old Bengali poem

“as coming from the heart and not from the school, and as full

of passages adorned with true poetry and descriptive power.” * This

mention of my old favourite rekindled my slumbering enthusiasm,

and I have tried to make my imperfect translations as worthy as

I could of a place in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

I shall be delighted if some younger scholar is roused to an earnest

study of this fascinating poem.

With regard to the Bengali text, I may add that, although the

“ Candl ” is a favourite poem in Bengal, many passages appear to

be more or less interpolated, and the readings of many lines are

corrupt and obscure. I have generally used the edition printed at

Cuncura in b.s. 1285 (a.d. 1878), but I have often derived help from

comparing it with the text in the common bazar editions printed

at Calcutta in Qaka 1789 (a.d. 1867) and b.s. 1286 (a.d. 1879). In

my translation I have sometimes ventured to shorten the long

descriptions, which are apt to become tedious.

* See his “Note on the Languages of India,” p. 108. There is a good account of

“ Candi ” in R. C. Datt’s “ Literature of Bengal.”

THE OLD BENGALI POEM, CANDI.

i.

The hero of the first part of the poem is Kalaketu. In his former birth

he had been Nilambar, the son of Indra ; but for an offence committed against

the god Qiva in heaven he had been born on earth as a hunter . lie marries

a peasant's daughter, Phullara , and lives with her in a hut in a forest

which appears to be situated somewhere in the kingdom of Kalihga. Here

he supports himself by his bow , and his wife goes to the neighbouring

village and sells the meat which he brings home. They are plunged in the

depths of poverty ; but they are devout worshippers of Candi, who is resolved

to interfere in their behalf. One day the hunter has especially bad luck and

wastes the whole day without capturing any game in the forest , except a solitary

lizard. This spoil, however, little as he thinks it, is to be the beginning of

his good fortune , for Candi has assumed this disguise to befriend him. He

returns home in sad disappointment ; and here we commence our first extract.

Famished the hunter reaches home, but finds, alas ! his wife away,

For she is gone to Golahat to earn a pittance if she may ;

Soon she espies him from afar, and full of hope comes hastening home,

But as she marks his empty hands her face is overcast with gloom.

She smites her forehead with her hands, and hursts in tears for sheer despair :

‘ ‘ Why with my husband still alive must I a widow’s miseries bear ?

Where were the Ghatak’s*' senses gone so evil-starred a match to plan?

My father must have lost his eyes to give me up to such a man !

* The Ghatak is the professional arranger of contracts of marriage.

1

2

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

My wedding gifts foretold my fate — turmeric, saffron, pan, forsooth ;

I should have taken heed betimes, nor sold to poverty my youth.”

With gentle words he comforts her, but still she sobs the same sad tale :

“ There’s not one grain of rice at home, and who will buy our goods when

stale ? ”

u Bimala’s mother was your friend ; think you, will she compassion take ?

Carry some present in your hand, a porcupine * for friendship’s sake ;

Old kindness may be not yet dead ; who knows but she may hear and lend

Some refuse rice to help our need ; go try your fortune with your friend.

Borrow besides a little salt and cook some supper for u.s both,

I ’ll go for you to Golahat and bear your basket nothing loth.

And by the bye, packed in my net, you ’ll find a lizard tied with care ;

Take it and cook it with the rest ; ’t will be a relish to our fare.”

%

She takes her humble present in her hands,

And at her old friend’s door in doubt she stands,

When from within she hears a cheery shout,

“ Come in, I’m glad at last you ’ve found me out ! ”

“ A poor man’s wife no time for calls can spare,

Hunger absorbs my every hour and care.”

Her friend in welcome seats her by her side

And decks her out in finery like a bride,

Anoints her hair, and combs and binds her braid,

And paints with red her forehead, as her maid.

Poor Phullara, trembling, makes her errand known,

And begs some rice — a bushel — as a loan.

“ Oh business for to-morrow,” she replies,

“ Comb out my hair and tell your histories.”

Thus sat the friends, linked closely as of old,

Each heart absorbed in all the other told.

• •••••••

Meanwhile the goddess, left alone thus bound,

Snapped with a shout the noose which tied her round ;

She was no more a lizard pinioned there ;

She stood a maiden now, divinely fair,

* Cf. the lobster brought as a present by the sailors in “David Copperfield.” The

other ed. reads some flower.

The Bengali Poem , Candl.

3

Robed in the costliest garb e’er dreamed by thought,

"Which at her will the heavenly artist * brought ;

Bright with all gems, a queen in all her pride,

She stood that lonely hunter’s hut beside.

• ••••••a

Glad with the stock of borrowed rice she hore,

Poor Phullara reached at length her cottage door ;

When lo ! her left arm throbbed, and throbbed her eye,f

As she heheld a ‘ full moon ’ standing by !

Surprised she greets the lady with a how,

“ What is thy name and whose fair wife art thou ?”

Laughed in her heart the goddess as she stood,

And mocked poor Phullara in her joyous mood :

u Of Brahman caste, Ilavrit J is my home,

But all alone I love abroad to roam ;

Of honoured race my lord, none worthier lives ;

But what a household his with seven co-wives ! §

So, hy your leave — your kindly heart I knew —

I ’ve come to make a few days’ stay with you ! ”

As Phullara heard the words the stranger said,

The very skies seemed tumbling on her head ;

Poison was in her heart, though mild her tone ;

No thirst nor hunger now ; all thoughts of cooking gone !

“ What, such a youthful hride as you in a strange house like mine to stay !

Tell me, fair lady, how you dare unguarded and alone to stray ?

That waist of yours waves- in the wind, poised like a stalk so light and fair ;

No lion’s waist is half so thin, and scarce its burden can it bear.

The bees forsake the jasmine flowers and to thy lips by hundreds fly ;

Thy moon -face wears its gentle smile like summer lightning in the sky.

Those glossy curls, like dark blue hills, wreathed with white jasmine

flowers — I swear

Pate wished to prove her power and fixed the flickering lightning in thy

hair !

* Vifjvakarman.

t These are good omens for a woman,

f The division of the world which includes Mount Meru.

§ This refers to the seven or eight Caktis or personified powers of Civa.

4

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Par brighter than the elephant’s gems gleam with a lightning flash thy teeth,

While red like bimbas * shine thy lips, a nose-ring gem thy nose beneath.

The gauze -like dress that veils thee round and adds a charm to every limb ;

The pearl-like shells upon thy hands, — all makes my mind with wonder dim !

Say, art thou TTrvaqi come down, or IJma dressed in all her sheen,

Indranif or Tilottama,J or say what other heavenly queen?

I cannot fathom in my thought why you have left your husband so ?

Oh I entreat you, tell me true, what spell has brought you down thus low ?

Was it some burst of jealous rage ? But if meanwhile of grief he dies,

Who is to tend his dying hours, as at the ghat he languid lies?

Was it some crabbed mother-in-law or husband’s sister’s scolding tongue ?

I will go with you to your home and try my best to right the wrong.”

“How many questions more?” she said; “here in your house I’m come

to stop ;

Your husband’s griefs have pierced my heart, I ’ll bring him wealth beyond

his hope.

But would you know the ills I bear? My husband has a favourite wife,§

Ganga her name, a crown to him ; but all the house she fills with strife.

All day she storms, and he the while eats poison at his wild carouse ;

What wonder that I banish shame and hurry headlong from the house?

Alas that I was ever born, a helpless woman doomed to be,

Myself despised, my rival loved ! have I not cause for jealousy ?

My cruel father knew full well the hated rival I should find,

And yet he gave his daughter up, no faintest scruple moved his mind.

Rich is my lord, and seven co-wives live with him in what peace they may,

Each hating each, their railing tongues are never silent all the day.

He eats datura ** till his brains are addled, and he wanders on

Drowsily mooning in a dream, but glad to find himself alone.

With ashes is his body spread, with bones benecklaced round his throat ;

Thank heaven, he wears a tiger’s skin which serves alike for shirt and coat.

Snakes form his wreaths, he beats his drum, and laughs all worldly joys to

scorn ;

The god of love ne’er ventures near, he knows him for his foe long-sworn.

* The fruit of Momordica monadelpha.

t Indra’s wife.

X A celebrated Apsaras, or nymph.

§ In this description of her husband there is a series of veiled allusions to Civa as the

religious mendicant of the Tantras.

** The thorn-apple (Datura stramonium) .

The Bengali Poem) Candl.

o

My rivals beat me as they will, he sees and hears, but does not care ;

A house with seven co-wives within, — there ’s fever-poison in its air.

Destiny was my cruel foe, and in a hopeless desperate mood

I recked not of the consequence, but fled alone into the wood.

I met by chance your hero there ; himself he brought me with him here ;

Go ask him, and refuse me not, for I have refuge none elsewhere.”

“Not so, I ’ll teach you what to do, and send you safely to your home.’,

Her inmost thought the goddess knew, and said, “ To stay with you I’ve

come.

Eat to your fill henceforth, for I will all the house expense provide ;

Deceive me as no stranger-born, but as a friend, one close allied.

I ’ll go before your husband’s steps, in all his perils I ’ll be nigh,

In all his conflicts in the woods a certain sign of victory.

List, I will tell you who I am, if further history you want ;

I at Benares live concealed, my husband is a mendicant.

Wealth of a hundred kings is mine, more than would buy the world,” she

saith ;

“ Such wealth I ’ll give you ; in return I only ask for trust and faith.”

Fhullara. “ I ’ll tell you what is best to do ; back to your husband’s house

return ;

This will bring comfort in the end, as you, though now perplexed, will

learn.

If you forsake your husband’s house, how will you show abroad your face ?

A husband is a woman’s lord, her guardian, her one resting-place.

Others are nought compared to him ; he in both worlds can bring her bliss ;

He may chastise her as he will, for a king’s right and duty this.

Have you not heard how Sita once was carried off by Kavan’s guile

And forced to live a prisoner, shut up in Lanka’s far-off isle ;

How Kama slew the ravisher, but only took her back as queen

After th’ ordeal fire had proved how spotless bright her truth had been ?

And even then some base-born carle could still so deeply sting his pride, —

Desperate he drove her forth again a lonely outcast from his side.

What, shall a lady born like you, so noble, so divinely fair,

Be angry like some low-born scold and fling her honour to the air ?

E’en if a low-caste woman stay in a strange house a single night,

The neighbours point at her with scorn, and all her kindred hate her sight.

Go, you have done a thoughtless thing; believe me, to return is best,

And if your hated rival scolds, pay back her jibes with interest.

6

The Bengali Poem 7 Candi.

Why in a passion leave your home ? yon sacrifice your all — for what?

Poisoning yourself for spite to her ; and will the rival care one jot ? ”

The goddess answered : “ I am come, because I cannot bear to see

Your noble husband thus beset with all the ills of poverty.

And list ; I met him in the wood, ’t was he himself who brought me here ;

Ask him yourself ; if he denies, I ’ll go and seek my home elsewhere.

Say what you will, I mean to stay ; my wealth shall all your sorrows cure ;

I am a lady as you say, and I will keep my honour pure.

I thank you for your good advice, but keep it for some future day ;

You may require it all yourself ; fear not that I shall lose my way.”

With sad forebodings, next, th’ unhappy wife

Gives the year’s history of her struggling life :

“ See this poor hut ; a palm-leaf thatch atop ;

One ricinus * post within its only prop ;

How mid such squalor could you bear to stop ?

Baigakh f (1) begins my misery’s calendar:

Dust-storms sweep by, the suns more fiercely glare ;

Put howsoever fierce o’erhead the heat

I with sore feet must go and sell the meat ;

Ladies may sit ’neath shady trees, but there

How should I find, alas ! a customer ?

E’en in the villages they scarce will buy,

‘ Who would eat flesh in Baigakh ? ’ is the cry.

These rags ill shield my poor head from the sun ; —

Baigakh is poison : this for number one.

Jyaistha £ (2) is worse ; for fiercer still its rays ;

And I, however thirsty ’neath their blaze,

Yet dare not set my basket down to drink,

Or kites will empty it before I think ;

Jyaistha ’s a fasting month to me perforce,

Ho month of all the twelve to me is worse.

Next comes Asarh (3), to soak the fields and roads ;

And e’en the rich in their well-stocked abodes

* The Ricinus communis , or castor- oil plant, is in India a tree which is often thirty or

forty feet high.

f Half April and May. I have in this passage chiefly followed the text of the 1867

edition ; the last edition begins the list with Asarh.

f Hah May and June.

The Bengali Poem , Candl .

Feel, as they watch their stored provisions fail,

The ills which all the year the poor assail.

I trudge to sell my goods from door to door,

Thankful for refuse rice, nor hope for more.

The leeches bite me as I wade the plains ;

Would ’t were a serpent’s bite to end my pains !

Down pours the rain in Qravan (4) night and day ;

Bright or dark fortnight, which is which, I pray !

But I must bear my basket, wet or fine ;

Bags soaked, a never-ending shower-bath mine.

And if the rainfall stops a while o’erhead,

Down come the floods to drown us in our bed.

In Bhadrapad (5) yet fiercer rainfloods fall ;

Bivers or streams, one deluge drowns them all.

How can I tell you half our lot of dour ?

Brahma was angry, so he made us poor.

Agwin (6) is Candl’ s month, and everywhere

Bams, buffaloes, and goats are slain to her.

All women put their finest dresses on,

All except me ; poor Phullara alone

Must rack her brains for food, or famished die ;

With all these victims, who my goods will buy ?

Karttik (7) begins the winter ; young and old

Get their warm wraps to shield them from the cold.

Heaven gives good cloth to all save only me ;

But some deer’s skin my winter cloak must be.

I crouch to warm my blood with head on knees,

Or shiver in the sun and slowly freeze.

Kind Marga^Irs (8) of all the months is best :

How I can eat my bellyful and rest ;

Indoors or out, there ’s food enough, no stint —

Only the piercing cold, death’s self is in’t.

I wrap my tatters round me, but they tear,

And, as I clutch them, split and leave me bare.

In Paus (9) the winter ’s at its height ; meanwhile

All men in various ways the cold beguile ;

As oil to rub the limbs, or warm attire,

Strolls in the sun or betel by the fire ;

8 The Bengali Poem , Candi.

All others keep the winter cold at hay,

And only I must bear it as I may.

I buy an old torn mat * with venison ;

Its dust is smothering when I put it on ;

Ah ! surely fate to women is unjust !

I scarce can close my eyes at night for dust !

Then Magh (10) is dreadful with its fogs and mists ;

Let the poor hunter wander where he lists,

He finds no deer to catch, for sale or food ;

Nor find I herbs to gather in the wood.

Oh Magh ’s a piteous month for hunting men ;

No one wants flesh, for all are fasting then.

Phalgun (11) makes most fall ill; but as for me,

How could I tell you half my misery ?

Fierce is the cold ; I pawn in sheer despair,

For refuse rice, my stone and earthenware ;

My plates and dishes I must all resign !

Oh what a miserable lot is mine !

I dig yon hole i’ the ground, and when I sup

Pour the rice gruel in and lap it up !

In Caitra’s (12) month the soft south breezes blow,

In the sweet jasmine flowers the bees hum low ;

And with the spring’s soft influence in their heart

Maidens and youths are lovesick, though apart ;

All joy save me, but I for some old sin

Must think of hunger’s ravening pangs within.”

The stranger heard to th’ end, then said at last :

“ From this day forth these woes of yours are past !

Think of them as a something now no more,

Henceforth you share in all my ample store ! ”

Her face all soiled with grief and jealous fears,

Poor Phullara poured a passionate burst of tears ;

In sudden frenzy from her door she fled,

And in wild haste to Golahat she sped,

And found the hunter, who in strange surprise

Stared at her broken voice and streaming eyes :

* The Jchosald is a coarse mat used by the poor to sleep on, and sometimes also worn for

clothing in cold weather.

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

9

“ You have no sister-in-law, nor rival wife ;

Whom have you quarrelled with in deadly strife ? ”

“ I have no rival wife at home but you ;

Fate has indeed been cruel, you untrue !

Waking or dreaming — heaven my words will prove —

You never found me faulty in my love !

How have you turned your heart to villany ?

Why thus become a Ravan’s self to me ?

Whence this young wife and all her rich array ?

Beware, the ant gets wings, hut falls a prey.*

Kalinga’s cruel tyrant watches near ;

He will soon strip you bare, if once he hear.”

“ Come, wife, and tell the truth, deceive me not,

Or I will beat you soundly on the spot.”

“ Yama he witness : at our door at home

A lady stands now waiting till you come.”

Poor Phullara, when she flew to reach her lord,

Had with her brought her basket and her board :

Homeward now start the two, this guest to find,

But board and basket both are left behind !

She leads the way in eager hurry back,

While Kalu,f pondering, follows in her track.

They reach the hut ; ’t is filled with dazzling light,

As though ten thousand moons illumed the vault of night.

With lowly how of reverence he thus addressed the stranger fair :

“ A poor and lowly hunter I ; tell me, bright lady, who you are ;

And why, yourself of brahman race, or, it may be, of race divine,

You with your peerless beauty come and enter this mean hut of mine.

This house betrays my bloody trade ; a lady, if she steps within

This cemetery strewn with bones, must bathe to cleanse away the sin.

Go home in haste, while yet the sun lingers in yonder western sky ;

Go home, I pray, or slanderous tongues will hunt you with their hue and cry.

Hid you come here, fatigued, to rest ? howe’er it be, I pray you, go ;

Phullara glad will go with you, and I will follow with my bow.

* For this proverb cf. Wilson’s translation of the SanJchyakariJca , p. 113. It also

occurs in Don Quixote, pt. ii, ch. 53.

f This is a frequent abbreviation of Kalaketu.

10

The Bengali Poem, Candi.

Think of poor Slta ; ’gainst her will the cruel fiend his victim bore,

But all th’ ordeals she endured could not her once-lost home restore.

Women’s good name is only kept, like an old dress, with ceaseless care ; *

Thoughtlessly handled or exposed too often, each is apt to tear.”

The goddess heard in silence all he said,

And as in shame before him bent her head ;

Impatient now with folded hands he cries :

“I cannot read your meaning ’neath this guise ;

But be it what it may, I care not, so

You only leave this house of mine and go.

’T is yours to keep your name and honour pure ;

Be true yourself, and they remain secure.

But ’t is not well here in such guise to come ;

And why, when questioned, doggedly thus dumb ?

Some noble’s mansion your own dwelling is ;

What can you want with a mean hut like this ?

The wealth of kings is round your person hung,

And yet you stray alone, so fair and young ;

Have you no fear of robbers as you roam ?

Low I implore you at your feet, go home.”

Still stood she dumb ; enraged, the hunter now

Paused not, but fixed an arrow to his bow ;

Then to his ear the fatal shaft he drew,

Calling the sun to witness ere it flew.

Lo ! the bent bow grows rigid in his hands,

And like a painted archer, there he stands !

His palsied muscles mock the will’s control,

And tears proclaim his baffled rage of soul.

In vain he strives to speak one syllable,

Body and soul are smitten by a spell.

In vain his wife would take the bow away ;

He cannot yield it ; it perforce will stay !

The all-gracious Mother now at last they hear

Speak in her real voice and stop their fear :

* I remember a Calcutta pupil telling me that an old pandit came one day to his

father’s house, and as he was about to take his seat on the ground his old dress gave way,

and he at once quoted this couplet from our poem.

The Bengali Poem) Candi.

11

“ Know I am Candi, your true constant friend,

I come to give you blessings without end.

This ancient forest which now darkens round

Thou shalt cut down, and there a city found.

To each man give a cow and rice and land,

And rule thy people with a father’s hand ;

While every Tuesday shall henceforth be mine,

Eor solemn sacrifice and worship at my shrine.,,

Candi then shows the hunter where a great treasure lies buried in

seven jars, and she helps him to carry them to his cottage. The next

morning he takes a ring from one of the jars and goes off to a money¬

changer to turn it into hard cash to meet his immediate necessities.

But the neighbour owes the hunter an old bill, and gets out of his way,

thinking that he is come to dun him for payment.

Poor Kalu calls, “ Where is my uncle, pray ?

An urgent need has brought me here to-day.”

“ Alas ! ” the wife replied, “ too late you ’ve come,

Early this very morn he left his home.

A sudden business called him, to my sorrow,

But he will pay your little bill to-morrow.

Meanwhile we ’ve need of wood, so bring some more,

And by one payment he ’ll discharge each score.”

“ I ’m very grieved to hear that he ’s away,

My business will admit of no delay ;

I came for ready cash a ring to sell ;

Some other friend will serve my turn as well.”

Smiling, her manners she began to mend,

“A ring? pray wait a minute, my good friend.”

Hearing the sound of gain, by some back gate

Her husband now comes running up elate,

Eager for this new customer with his ring,

And carrying scales and purse for bargaining.

“ 0 nephew, is it you I see at last?

How have the days dealt with you as they passed ?”

“ TJncle, I start betimes with net and bow,

And roam the woods until the sun is low,

12

The Bengali Poem, Candi.

And Phullara plies her trade, her gains are small,

And both come home too tired to make a call.

But I have brought a ring for you to see,

You ’ll help me in a great perplexity.

Deal with me, neighbour, like a generous man,

Weigh it and please allow me all you can.”.

The merchant takes it, and, intent on gain,

Carefully notes the weight to its last grain.

“ No gold or silver is this ring of thine,

Only bell-metal polished till it shine.

Ratis sixteen it weighs — heaven prosper us —

With two rice grains besides as over-plus ;

Now forty cowries are each rati’s rate,

And twenty cowries pay the extra weight.

So that makes eight times eighty plus a score ;

Then there ’s your little bill adds thirty more.

I dare say part in money will suffice,

I ’ll pay the rest in whole or broken rice.”

The hunter thought, ‘ 1 A pretty dream, I wis ;

Are the seven jars at home all false as this?”

Aloud, “ Your offer in your face I fling,

I ’ll go and take the fellow back his ring.”

The merchant said : “ Five cowries more I ’ll pay ;

Come let us deal, I ’m honest as the day;

I and your brother oft have dealt, ’twas he

Who told me what a bargainer you could be.”

“ Come, give me back my ring, and do not frown;

I ’ll show it to some other in the town.”

“ I ’ll add yet fifty more, upon my soul ;

All in good cash, no broken rice nor whole.”

His hands already seemed to grasp the prize,

But Candi laughed with Laksmi in the skies ;

And a clear voice he heard from heaven which told,

“ Think not to cheat the hunter of his gold ;

Give him seven crores in cash, at once paid down.

Candi has given it to him as his own ;

So shall thy wealth be largely multiplied.”

The merchant heard the words, but none beside ;

The Bengali Poem , Candl .

13

He turned to the hunter, “ 1 was but in jest,

Take these seven crores, and may thy wealth be blest.”

He paid him down the coins, all true and good,

And bade him fetch the oxen for the load.

Homeward the hunter hastened with a will,

But the good news flew even faster still ;

Where’er he went he found the farmers there,

And every ox is pressed its load to bear ;

They crowd around the money-changer’s door,

And into ready sacks the gold they pour ;

Then to the hunter’s home they bend their way,

And there he stores his wealth as best he may ;

While everv friend in need receives his fee,

And every heart is glad with sympathy.

I here close the first extract, hut the original goes on to describe at

some length the hunter’s adventures after this accession of good fortune.

He obeys the goddess’ commands and cuts down the forest and founds

the city Gujarat in her honour; colonists flock to inhabit it and secure the

privileges which he offers them. Amongst them comes one Bhah.ru Datt,

and I add a short passage which describes his introduction of himself. It

will show how the poem abounds with picturesque episodes, some of which

a little remind the reader of Dickens’ wealth of minor characters.

Among the foremost Bhanru Datt comes with choice plaintains in his hand,

And in the rear to back him up his brother-in-law close takes his stand ;

With a broad hem sown on his rags, his pen stuck ready in his ear,

Impudently he makes his how, “ Good uncle, hail ! ” as he draws near.

A tattered blanket is his dress ; a quiet smile lights up his face ;

He waves his arms repeatedly, and in loud voice thus pleads his case :

“ Hopes of your favour bring me here, under your rule to find a home ;

Learn that my name is Bhanru Datt — you ’ll know it well in days to come.

The Kayasthas from far and near below my place are forced to fall ;

In family, judgment, moral worth, I am the leader of them all.

Blood of the three best families flows in my veins free from all flaw —

Both of my wives were ladies born, a Mitra is my son-in-law.

14

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

All Kayasthas on either bank of Ganges stream can eat with me ;

I claim them all as kin, and they give us their daughters willingly.

My family’s stock has many shoots — wives, mothers, brothers ! it makes

me pant !

Six sons-in-law with families — seven houses is the least we want.

Please give me oxen and a plough, let basket, pedal, fan be sent ;

My gracious lord will nowhere find a worthier recipient.”

But, like Sancho in his island, the hunter has little knowledge of

the world, and his officials, Bhanru Datt especially, grievously oppress the

people ; at last his feudal lord, the King of Kalinga, invades the province,

and Kalaketu is conquered and thrown into prison. The goddess Candi,

however, appears in a dream to the king, and her votary is restored to his

people ; and at his death he leaves his little kingdom to his son.

The Bengali Poem , Candl.

15

II.

The second part of 11 Candl ” begins, like the first , with the fall from heaven

of the nymph Ratnamdld , who , /or « forgetfulness in her dancing before Siva

and JDurga, is condemned to be born as a mortal on the earth. She is agonized

at the sentence , but Durga promises to protect her , and bids her spread her

guardian's worship wherever she is. The nymph is accordingly born as

Khulland, the daughter of Rambhdvati, who is the wife of Lakshapati, a rich

merchant in Icchdni, in the district of Bardwdn.

For seven months Fambhavati feeds her herself ;

She was overjoyed when she saw her child’s first teeth.

When the year was complete the child runs about from place to place ;

She eagerly puts on various kinds of ornaments.

Two, three, four, five years go by,

She plays in the dust with her girl-friends.

In her fifth- year they pierce her ears,

And every day she puts on beautiful dresses.

Khullana grows from day to day ;

When six years had passed, one could not describe her complexion,

She was beautiful without any ornaments.

One cannot give any simile for her, she is the furthest limit of beauty,

the moon shines in her face.*

As she grows up to girlhood, her parents anxiously look in all directions

for a suitable son-in-law ; but the years pass by and Khullana still remains

unmarried.

In the meantime Dhanapati, a merchant of the neighbouring town of

Ujani, had married Lahana, the daughter of Lakshapati’s eldest brother.

They had no children, but Dhanapati was high in favour with the raja of

the district.

* I follow the text of the 1867 edition.

16

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

The following adventure introduces him to the reader : —

The merchant and some gay young friends forth sally one bright holiday,

Bearing their pigeons in their hands, to wander in the fields and play.

Leaving their palkis they alight and fly their birds in aimless fun,

Their garments and their ornaments slip down unnoticed as they run.

Then “ Let each hold the female bird,” he cries, “ and let the other fly,

And whosesoever bird comes back the first shall win the victory.”

The city lads troop round to see and clap their hands in wild delight ;

Up flies the merchant’s pet white bird, nor lag its fellows in their flight.

Each player holds the female bird in his left hand a prisoner fast,

While the male pigeons soaring up dart to and fro in hurried haste.

None had as yet turned back, when lo ! a falcon hovers in the skies :

At the fell sight the birds disperse, each for dear life in terror flies.

Elies like the rest the merchant’s ‘ white,’ and towards Icchani speeds

its way ;

Through thorns and briars, with upturned face, its master follows as he may.

Holding the female in his left, he calls and calls, but calls in vain ;

Walls, fences, ditches stop him not, he struggles on through grass or cane,

And close behind his brahman friend Janardan toils with might and main.

Just at that moment Khullana was playing, by a strange good hap,

With some girl-playmates out of doors, when drops the pigeon in her lap ;

She covers it beneath her dress, and while the rest in wonderment

Crowd round about her, she runs home to hide the prize good luck has sent.

The merchant follows after her, charging her with the robbery ;

u Why have you stol’n my priceless bird ? were I to lose it I should die.

Come, give it back, for, if I ’m forced the theft in earnest to report,

I am the merchant to the king, and great my influence at the court.

Come, give it back, and end the jest; I see it hid beneath your dress.

You know I must not venture force, ’t would break all rules of politesse.”

Smiling, she whispers to herself, “ My cousin’s husband, who can doubt? ”

And then aloud, “ Your favourite bird you must e’en learn to do without.

It will not be your meal just yet ; thank heaven you ’scape that guilt to-day ;

It grieved my heart to see you run like some low fowler for his prey.

It came a suppliant to my breast — a suppliant is inviolate ;

This is a rule which overrules e’en merchants of the royal gate.

Still, if you ’ll turn a suppliant too, and all these highflown airs forget,

And come with straw between your teeth, I may give back your pigeon yet.”

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

17

The merchant, guessing who the girl must be,

Takes smiling leave ; and, sitting ’neath a tree,

Hears all the neighbouring gossips’ tongues astir,

But scandal’s voice has only praise for her.

Then to his brahman friend he turns for aid,

“ Try your best skill to win me this fair maid.”

Proud of th’ important message which he bore,

Janardan hastens to the father’s door.

There he is welcomed with the honours meet,

A seat is brought, and water for his feet ;

And the pleased father shows his eldest son,

And names his other children one by one.

Still some vexed pride inflames the Brahman’s mind,

Proud of the embassy he kept behind :

“ Is this your welcome for an honoured guest ?

"Where are your robes, pan, sweetmeats, and the rest ?

Am I not come on marriage business bent,

With offer of a noble settlement ?

Your daughter there is twelve years old, I hear ;

And still unmarried — can I trust my ear ?

Happy that father who has safely given

His daughter to a husband when she ’s seven ;

She needs no dower to lure the buyer’s eyes,

Kind speeches are enough with such a prize.

Happy, too, he who weds his child at nine,* 1

He saves the funeral honours for his line, >

And for himself wins happiness divine. )

But you, poor dreamer, blind in heart and brain,

Have let ten years, eleven, pass in vain.

Kay, worse than this, you ’ve let the twelfth year come,

And still she lingers in her father’s home.

A girl of twelve unwed ! — remember hell, —

You as the father are responsible.”

The father answered : “ You speak well ; I will do all a father should.

Look for some fitting son-in-law in Bard wan or its neighbourhood.”

* Girls should he only married in their odd years.

2

18

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Of eligible sons-in-law Janardan then recounts the list.

But none are worthy of the prize ; each is found wanting and dismissed.

“ Of all the merchants of renown on either side of Ganges’ stream,

Like Dhanapati none I find — in wealth, rank, virtue, none like him.

Ujani is his native place, the foremost merchant of the land,

Pious to brahmans and to gods, like Kama liberal of hand ;

Truthful and just in all his ways, of dramas fond and poetry ;

Lives not on earth the son-in-law worthy of Khullana but he.”

The father heard with gladdened heart the praise of such a paragon :

“ Arrange the marriage if you can, forthwith secure him as my son.”

Meanwhile, concealed behind the door, his wife o’erheard the conference ;

Little did she approve the scheme, and vehement was her dissidence.

“ How could you ever give consent or waste your breath with such a man?

I will not sell my child like this — was ever such a monstrous plan ?

What’s all your boasted learning worth? it only makes you more a fool ;

Think of my giving up my child to bear a hated co-wife’s rule !

Lahana’s tempers and her storms — ’t is not your learned books can show ;

What your own brother’s daughter is, who half so well as I can know ?

A foolish thing is this you’ve done ; you’ve heaped disgrace upon your head ;

How will you show your face abroad or bear the taunts which will be said ?

I ’d rather tie her round my neck and plunge with her in Ganges’ wave,

Than give her thus to misery, a hated co-wife’s drudge and slave.

Oh do not listen to the scheme, nor let your judgment be beguiled ;

With such a tigress in the house, what would become of our poor child ?

Khullana ’s like a gentle fawn, and would you for a flattering tongue

Tie such a noose round foot and neck, and do your daughter such a wrong ?

Give her the husband she deserves, so shall our daughter’s heart rejoice,

You shall gain merit by the deed, and men will praise you with one voice.”

u It cannot be, — the astrologers have read the story of her life,

’Tis written in her horoscope that she must be a second wife.”

The mother feels her last appeal is spent,

And gives reluctantly a sad consent.

This hindrance smoothed, the father next in haste

Invites the future bridegroom as his guest.

He spread a bright red blanket for his seat,

Water one brought, another washed his feet.

19

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Rambha in secret scrutinized his face,

And sent to call the matrons of the place.

From street to street the maid the message bore,

And trooping come the gossips to the door ;

Their garments in disorder and their hair

Loose streaming in their hurry to be there ;

This had one bracelet and one anklet on,

That had one eye with powder, one with none ;

One leaves her hungry babe, nor heeds its cries,

One bears her baby with her as she flies.

The invitation comes by name to few,

Rut all the neighbours hear and flock to view,

And each is welcomed with the honours due.

Each sees the bridegroom as he sits in state,

And every one wends homeward, heart and soul elate.

The author next describes the angry grief of Dhanapati’s childless wife

Lahana, when she hears from her neighbours that he is thinking of a second

marriage, and that the new wife is to be her own uncle’s daughter. At

first she upbraids her husband with his inconstancy : —

“ You have forgotten all your vows, but not for fault of mine ; ’t was fate,

"Who made not woman’s youth and life run side by side, of equal date.

When the sun sets, the lotus fades nor stays to see itself undone ;

Rut, when the palm has lost its youth, its withered leaves still linger on.”

' *

She is, however, consoled by the gift of a silk dress and five pans of

gold to be made into a bracelet. The ojjha or astrologer is next sent

for, and he goes with Janardan, the family priest, to the house of the bride’s

father to fix the day for the marriage. The astrologer announces that

the next year, as a ‘ seventh year,’ will be very unlucky, which terrifies

the father, as his daughter will then be twelve years of age. The marriage,

therefore, is hastened in order to fall within the current twelvemonth, and

they finally fix on the 21st of the current month, Phalgun^ (which

corresponds to part of our February and March). The poet now proceeds

to describe the marriage itself, beginning with what takes place in the

bride’s house : —

* The day of the asterism Uttaraphalgunl.

20

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Lucky the hour and lucky is the day,

And all the household wear their best array ;

By Bambha’s care, in garments turmeric-dyed,

The daughter ’s seated by her father’s side.

And now the matron-world come flocking in,

Their shouts of Ulu rise in cheerful din,

"While the invited guests from far and near

Come trooping up to share the festal cheer.

The drum, lute, pipe, gong, cymbals, conch, and hells —

Every known instrument the concert swells;

The deafening sounds the house tumultuous fill,

While dancing girls display their agile skill.

Next, to the Sun the offerings due are given,

To Ganeg, Brahma, and the planets seven,* * * §

And her f who guards the children, power benign,

The churning stick set upright as her sign ;

While chanting priests the Yedic texts repeat,

And the nine offerings place in order meet —

Earth, perfumes, stones, rice, durba grass, and flowers,

Eruits, ghi, and curds — to please the heavenly powers.

Next silver, gold, a mirror for the bride,

And pigments, yellow, red, and black, beside ;

Cowries and shells, whose hues were ne’er surpassed,

And a full dish, with lighted lamps, the last.

In a clear voice the Brahmans chant the Yed,

The while Janardan binds their hands with thread.

Next to the Mothers J offerings are addressed,

To Buci, Gaurl, Padma, and the rest,

And to the Nandlmukhs § are set to fall

The seven due lines of ghi along the wall ;

While Bambha with her pitcher hurries round,

Placing the auspicious water on the ground.

* The grahas are properly nine, as the ascending and descending nodes are included in

the number.

f Sasthi, i.e. Durga, as guarding on the sixth day after birth, when the chief danger

for mother and child is over.

f The sixteen Matris.

§ A particular class of deceased ancestors, in whose honour a special sign is traced with

ghi on the wall.

The Bengali Poem , Candl .

21

We have next a curious chapter describing the charms which the mother

employs in order to secure her daughter’s influence over her husband

after her marriage. She takes the cord from a buffalo’s nose, and a lamp

sacred to Durga, which the servant had previously buried in the ground ;

this will ensure his being as docile as any animal whose nose is pierced.*

The entrails (?) of a snake are next procured from a snake-catcher’s house,

and the gall of a rohit fish caught on a Tuesday. A cow’s skull is brought

from a cotton-field, on which the merchant is to be made to stand for

twice twenty minutes ; he will then be dumb as a cow, however Khullana

may scold him ; and a friend of hers, a brahman woman, brings her some

asses’ milk and curds f in a half-baked dish to complete the charm.

Meanwhile, like Kama’s self impersonate,

In his own house the merchant sits in state ;

Brahmans recite their praise, the wa^A-girls sing,

And with the shouts of friends the buildings ring ;

All that can bring good luck you there might view,

Each good old custom ’s honoured as was due,

Unbounded is the hospitality,

And every Brahman gets an ample fee.

Then at the hour when the sun’s rays decline,

And, raising dust, return the homeward kine,

With jewelled neck and wrists and flower-crowned head,

And all his limbs with saffron overspread,

He mounts the dooley ; loud the dance and song,

And bards sing praises while it moves along ;

The slow procession streams a mile or more,

The city ’s deafened with the wild uproar ;

Loud boom the elephant-drums, as on they go

In battle order as to meet a foe.

Meanwhile, advancing from the other side,

The followers of the brother of the bride

Come in strong force ; the two processions meet,

And loud the crash and jostling in the street.

* Two other ingredients are mentioned about which I am doubtful, pakudi-gachhe

(or, as in the other edition, kdkadi-gdchh) and hdi dmaldti ; they may mean ‘ hemp-stalks ’

(pdkdti) and some preparation of myrobalans.

t The second edition has ‘ snakes’ curds.’

22

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Hard words are bandied first ; then, as they close,

They seize each other’s hair and rain their blows ;

They pelt with clods, and fiercer grows the fight,

But still the bridegroom’s party keep their light.

But Lakshapati, hearing of the fray,

Hastens these angry passions to allay ;

He grasps the bridegroom’s hand with welcome loud,

And bears him home in safety from the crowd.

"With tears of joy he first embraced him there,

Then put the wonted perfumes on his hair,

On the red blanket made him take his seat,

And had the water brought to wash his feet,

And gave him bracelets, sandal, gems, and rings,

To mark the honour which his presence brings.

Next Bambha comes, and her glad welcome pays,

With all the forms enjoined from ancient days;

His feet are washed, the arghya dish brought in,

And curds flung over him good luck to win.

Next with a string she measures, as he stands,

His under-lip and measures both his hands ;

Then with the selfsame string she ties him round

And knits him fast to Khullana, captive-bound ;

Seven times she winds the thread in tangles fast,

And loops the end to Khullana’s skirt at last —

A certain charm, so ancient dames have told,

He will be silent howsoe’er she scold.

Next comes the giving of the bride : the Brahmans on their seats rehearse

In solemn tones before the crowd the Yeda’s consecrated verse ;

The naeh-girls dance and play and sing, no voice in all the throng is mute,

While loudly sound the kettledrum and tambourine and conch and lute.

Then round the bridegroom on a throne they bear her to the canopy;

With smiling looks the happy pair now face to face each other see.

From her own neck she takes the wreath and puts it round him with

her hand,

Loud are the shouts of all the friends, the ulus of the matron band.

The father then takes ku$a grass and Ganges water freshly poured,

And, calling Durga to attest, makes o’er his daughter to her lord;

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

23

And, the new kinsman welcoming, he gives him presents manifold,

Elephants, horses, litters, cars, silver, and costly robes, and gold.

Again the hurst of music sounds, the Brahmans bind and loose them both ;

Then on Arundhati* * * § they gaze, type of unwavering wedded troth;

Their parched-rice offerings next they pay to the star RohinI and Som f ;

Last to the sacred fire they how, the guardian deity of home.

Then they are brought within the house, and there the husband and

the wife

Together eat the sugar-milk, the handsel-meal of married life. J

Ram ’s the first sound that wakes the new-born day ;

The bridegroom rose his daily rites to pay ;

The laughing relatives around him close,

And claim th’ accustomed largess as he goes ;

Then crowned with wreaths they seat the happy pair,

And all the maidens bring their presents there.

Some satins, silks, or sandal’s richest smells,

Some fill the hetel-box with cowrie -shells,

And gems for th’ husband, and — auspicious sight ! —

Rare shells with convolutions to the right !

Loudly the drums and’conchs and tahours bray

To speed the parting bridegroom on his way ;

The mother, as to take his leave he stands,

Puts the ‘ five jewels ’ § gently in his hands.

Prostrate before his fath’r-in-law he hows,

Then mounts the palanquin and leaves the house.

After spending some days at home in making festivities with his

relations and friends, Dhanapati one day went to the Raja’s court to pay

his respects. He finds that the Raja has lately received from a fowler two

* A star in the Great Bear, also the wife of the seven rshis.

f The moon.

f The first, and also the last, meal which the husband and wife eat together.

§ These are the five precious things — gold, silver, pearls, crystal, and copper. See

Kathas. S., ch. 77.

24

The Bengali Poem, Candi.

marvellous birds, a sari* and a parrot, versed in all kinds of knowledge,

and is desirous of procuring a golden cage to hold them. Such a cage

can only he made in Gaur, the old capital of Bengal; and as Dhanapati

arrives, hy his ill fortune, at this juncture, he is peremptorily sent off to

Gaur on this errand. He has to proceed at once, without being allowed

to return to his house ; he can only send a hurried line to Lahana,

entrusting Khullana and the household to her care. He arrives at Gaur,

hut finds continual obstacles and delays while the cage is being constructed,

and he remains there many long months.

At first the two wives, left alone in the house, lived in perfect harmony

together : Lahana acted as the affectionate elder sister ; she cooked her

choicest dainties for Khullana and devoted herself to making her happy.

But this state of things did not last long; the maidservant Hurbala saw with

disgust the unusual concord, and determined in her mind to do her best to

put an end to it. “ "Where the two co-wives are not quarrelling, surely the

maid in that house is crazy ; I will carry tales of one to the other, she will

love me like her own life.” Hurbala soon kindled Lahana’s latent jealousy,

as she warned her of her coming loss of influence when the merchant

came home from his journey: “ he will be the slave of her beauty; you

will be only mistress in the kitchen.”

Lahana, in her despair, bethought her of an old friend of hers,

a brahman woman named Lllavati, who professed to be well versed in

philtres and charms ; and she despatched Hurbala to her with a message

and a rich present of plantains, rice, and cakes, with fifty rupees as

a fee and some bright new cowries and betel-nuts. “Hurbala took two

from these last on her own account, stuffing one into each cheek. The

porters go before and behind, and she in the middle ; slowly, slowly

she marches, swinging her arms and gathering some campak flowers as

she goes.”

She left the writers’ quarter on the left,

And elated she entered the brahmans’ quarter.

She arrived at the house of the brahmam medicine-woman,

She calls loudly at her door for the lady Lila.

* Turdus salica. These two birds are often mated in Hindu legends. For a similar

mating compare the traditional attachment between the couleuvre (adder) and the murene in

Provence, see Mr. J. B. Andrews ( Revue des traditions populaires, tome ix, p. 335, 1894).

Cf. infra , p. 30.

The Bengali Poem ? Candl .

25

She gives her presents and pays her respects,

And Lilavatl with kindly greeting takes her by the hand.

She asks her for the news about her mistress,

“ You have not been here, Duya,* for many a day.”

Durbala told her the whole story,

u She wants some private talk with you.”

When Lilavatl arrived, Lahana poured out her griefs: “No husband

in the house, a co-wife set over her head — trouble heaped upon trouble ! ”

Lilavatl laughed at her disconsolate friend’s sorrow. “ Why are you

so downcast at one co-wife? I have six co-wives at home, and think

nothing of it ! ” She then described how she kept her mother-in-law and

all her rivals quiet by means of her spells, and how her potions had

completely subjugated her husband to her will. A long account follows

of the various spells which she recommended her to use ; but she especially

recommended to her the spells of cheerfulness and gentle words.

“ She who would win her husband’s love must wait on him with smiling look,

Not lose her beauty at the fire, for ever drudging as his cook;

If thoughtless of her husband’s wish, to all his interests blind and cold,

The young wife is a constant care, just like the miser’s hoarded gold ;

Or if her tongue is never still, of what avail will beauty be ?

Yain the silk-cotton’s crimson flowers without the scent that lures the hee.

Brown is the musk, the queen of scents ; ’t is sweetness wins the surest love,

And the black kokil, by its song, enchants all listeners in the grove.

Test for yourself th’ advice I give — be gentle words henceforth your art;

They are the best and surest pit t’ ensnare that deer, your husband’s heart.”

Lahana answered ; “ Gentle words ? good heavens ! I know not what

they mean;

I was a single wife too long, mine the sole rule the house within ;

I cannot meet this altered lot, my heart through fortune’s spite is sore ;

Truly my cocoanut is spoiled, water has soaked it to the core !

No gentle words I needed then ; and, if my husband scolded me,

I beat the board about his head and stormed in louder tones than he.

Talk not to me of gentle words ; tell me some better means, I pray —

Oh what a sudden scurvy trick was this for destiny to play !

See, I am utterly undone, the snake has bit me in the eye ;

Where can I bind the bandage tight to stop the poison’s agony?”

* A colloquial abbreviation of Durbala.

26

The Bengali Poem , Candl.

Lilavati now begins to doubt as to the potency of her spells in such

a desperate case as the present one; and the pair finally resolve to forge

a letter as coming from the absent merchant to his elder wife at home.

In it he is represented as lamenting his long absence and the continual

expense it involves, and he asks her to send him some of Khullana’s gold

ornaments; while Khullana herself is to be set to tend the goats, and to

wear the meanest clothes, and to sleep in the shed where the rice is

shelled, in order to avert the malignant machinations of the demons. By

this device the two conspirators hope that Khullana’ s beauty will be spoiled,

and thus her influence over the merchant brought to an end.

Ten days she kept the letter in its place,

Then went to Khullana with a fond embrace,

"With downcast looks and many a lying tear :

“ 0 sister, can I tell you what I hear?

Hear for yourself this letter full of woe —

How can you hope to ’scape this cruel blow.”

She read the lines, but only smiled — she knew

The letter had a look that was not true.

“ I have no fear, good sister,” answered she ;

“ Who has been writing this to frighten me ?

My husband forms his strokes in different wise —

Who has been tricking us with forgeries ? ”

“ Surely our lord dictated what is writ.

Although another’s hand indited it ;

Think of the many servants he has got,

Ready to do his bidding on the spot.

You must e’en tend the goats as best you may;

His orders, like the king’s, brook no delay.”

“ Crowned as a bride I came, Unthinking, glad ;

How short an hour of wifehood have I had !

What fault of mine deserved such punishment ?

Why such a cruel letter has he sent ?

Go, Lahana, mind your own concerns in peace,

And all these domineering meddlings cease.”

‘ ‘ Little you know, you rakshasi accurst ;

Ill was the hour you showed your face here first ;

27

The Bengali Poem, Candi.

The king the order gave which caused the ill,

That hateful cage which keeps the merchant still ;

’T is this that sends you out the goats to tend ; —

Blame your own fate, not me, and there ’s an end! ”

“ Then if that letter is our lord’s, his own,

Where is the messenger, who brought it, gone ?

Of all the servants whom he took to wait,

Has even one been seen within our gate ? ”

“ To make the cage he has not gold enough ;

Three servants came, impatient to he off ;

They took the gold and vanished in a trice—

You were too busy at your favourite dice.

Two wives like us, left husbandless alone, —

I fear we ’re sure to quarrel while he \s gone.

You married him for his wealth — you know ’tis true, —

Am I to be your slave and wait on you ? ”

“ Childless old woman, if you thus presume,

I ’ll heat you, as your mistress, with my broom.”

I I Durbala, you have heard this forward chit ;

Shall she go on and I submit to it ?

But yesterday she left the nursery,

And now she dares to handy words with me!”

Each shook in wrath her bracelet- jangling arm;

The neighbouring wives come running in alarm.

By sad mischance, poor Khullana’s hand, though weak,

Came in collision with the other’s cheek ;

The touch was slight, hut Lahana’s fury rose,

And, all on fire, she dealt her angry blows ;

Each stormed and cuffed, and pulled the other’s hair,

In vain the neighbours tried to part the pair ;

Helplessly wondering, they watched the fray,

And Lahana’s tongue soon drove them all away.

Each on the other then her anger bent,

Their armlets, anklets clashed, their clothes were rent ;

Like showers of hail their mutual blows fell fast,

But Khullana was overpowered at last.

In vain she called her absent husband’s aid,

Lahana listened to no word she said ;

28

The Bengali Poem , Candl.

She strips her of her bracelets and her rings,

Torn from her head her wreath and pearls she flings,

Her anklets, armlets, zone, away she bears,

And from her waist her silken sari tears.

Poor Khullana stands of all her pride bereft,

Only her iron ring of wifehood left ; *

Thirsty and tired and weeping, there she stands,

A rope tied tightly round her neck and hands.

E’en Durbala feels compassion as she weeps,

And brings some water for her thirsty lips.

Gently she thanks her in a grateful tone,

11 0 Huy a, hut for you, my life had gone.”

i

Low at her feet she falls and weeps : “ Oh help me in my loneliness ;

I come with straw between my teeth, a suppliant in sore distress.

I have no friend nor kindred near ; my husband, he is far away*

And Lahana in the empty house tiger-like rages for her prey.

0 Durbala, I rest on thee, be thou my help for pity’s sake ;

Go tell my mother, as from me — ’twas she who made the sad mistake —

4 Your daughter Khullana is dead — oh what a wondrous gain you got

When to her fate you sold your child ! — abide in joy and sorrow not.’

And tell my father, here alone, through Lahana’ s tortures I expire —

’T was his own hand that ruthlessly threw his poor daughter in the fire.’

Durbala. She punishes the least offence with blows,

For a small fault she’d cut off ears and nose ;

I must not vex her — you must wait, I say,

I ’ll take your message when I find a way.

In the meantime he patient and submit,

And feed the goats, if she insists on it.

I ’ll take your message safely — never fear —

And in a trice your father will be here.”

Next Lahana came, her harsh command to press,

While Duya brushed the mud that stained her dress ;

* This is the iron ring always worn on the left hand of a married woman ; it is

aside in widowhood.

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

29

The staring neighbours gather from the town,

And Lila counts the goats and writes them down.*

Says Lahana : “I will mark them every one,

That any changeling stranger may be known ;

And should one die, if I the body see,

I will say naught, and she from blame be free.”

Poor Khullana, helpless in her bitter woe,

Put on her rags and sadly turned to go ;

Durbala only showed a little care,

And brushed the dust while Lahana bound her hair.

Slowly she goes with leaves her head to shade,

And in her hand a simple switch was laid.

The goats run scampering, heedless where they roam,

And angry farmers storm to see them come.

Her flower-like body in the sun’s fierce heat

Seems withering up, her clothes are steeped in sweat.

A river stops her — urged by greater dread,

She carries every goat across its bed ;

Hext comes a wood in sight, beneath the houghs

The hurrying goats disperse themselves to browse ;

She hears the wolf’s sharp howl, and wild with fear

Runs to and fro to show that she is near ;

The Jcug grass with its needles stabs her foot,

And drops of blood betray her devious route.

Wearied at last, she sits beneath a tree

Watching the goats stray heedless o’er the lea.

At length she stirs herself at evening-fall,

And drives her goats together to their stall,

Then waits for Durbala to bring her fare,

All that the stingy Lahana can spare.

Coarse was the meal — an arum leaf for dish —

Old refuse rice, poor pulse, and common fish ;

Tough egg-plant stalks, of withered gourds a slice,

Put ne’er a pinch of salt to make it nice.

* In the original there here follows a long list of the names of the goats, filling

ten fines — Malati, Bimala, Dhull, etc. It is an interesting illustration of St. John, x, 3,

“ he ealleth his own sheep by name.'1''

30

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

Khullana, weeping, eats as best she may,

Swallows a part and throws the rest away,

While Lahana comes and watches at her side,

And scolds her for her daintiness and pride.

On her straw bed she lies each weary night,

And leads her goats afield each dawning light.

Some rice, half dust, is in a bundle tied,

And thus the day’s provisions are supplied.

Carrying her switch in hand she wanders slow,

And on her head a leaf to cool her brow.

Under pretence of bringing water there

One morning Durbala hurried after her.

“I saw,” she cried, “your parents yesterday,

And told them all, but nothing could they say.

Your mother grieved the doleful story heard,

But good or bad she answered ne’er a word ;

And your old niggard father, I declare,

Sent you some paltry cowries — here they are.”

• • • • • • •

At length the spring came down upon the woods,

And the spring breezes woke the sleeping buds ;

The season sends its summons forth to all,

And every tree hangs blossoms at its call ;

The drunken bees feel waking nature’s power,

And roam in ecstasy from flower to flower,

Just as the village priest, the winter done,

Wanders elsewhere to greet the vernal sun.

Amidst the leaves she hears the cuckoo’s voice,

And the known note makes all her heart rejoice.

“ Oh will my lord come back,” she cries, “ to-day ?

He has been gone a weary time away.”

But while she counts the months, by chance she sees

A parrot and a sari in the trees ;

Loud she upbraids them — they had done the wrong,

Their luckless cage had kept her lord so long.

“ That golden cage, that whim of yours, in truth,

Has made poor Khullana widowed in her youth ;

The Bengali Poem , Candl.

SI

You drove my lord from home, and I forlorn

Was left a cruel co-wife’s drudge and scorn.

She grudges me my food, or clothes to wear,

I wander keeping goats in my despair.

Have you come here to wreak your angry will

Because that cage remains unfinished still ?

Take care, he wise, my patience has a bound,

I may turn fowler, reckless how I wound ;

I may ensnare the parrot in the tree,

And leave the sari widowed just like me.

But if you feel compassion for my pain,

List to my prayer, fly back to Gaur again,

My husband seek, and pour into his ear

The tale of all the miseries which I bear.”

At last the goddess sends a dream to Lahana which alarms her, and

she fetches Khullana back and begins to treat her more kindly; and, by

a similar dream, she reminds the merchant of his forgotten home duties.

He has been wasting time on his own pleasures during his long stay of

more than a year in Eastern Bengal, under the pretext of watching the

construction of the cage. Warned by the dream, he delays no longer,

but returns with the cage, and is welcomed by the Baja with every honour.

Lahana hears the news, and sore dismayed

Turns for some help to her deceitful maid :

u The master has at last come back, I hear ;

Khullana will bewitch his mind, I fear :

Where are the ointments, charms, and philtres stored ?

Help me, I pray, and win me back my lord.”

Durbala brought the box, well pleased to tell

The mystic uses of each drug and spell ;

But while her mistress tries each charm in turn,

She breathless runs poor Khullana s thanks to earn.

u 0 little mother, let me kiss your feet,

Come out and hear the music in the street ;

Your hope ’s fulfilled, my lord ’s come home at last,

And your long night of misery is past.

32

The Bengali Poem , Oandi.

I have no mistress now but only you,

I am all yours — you know my words are true.

I ’ll bear you witness what your griefs have been,

I ’ve vexed my inmost heart for what I ’ve seen.

Show him the rags and switch ; disprove her lies,

And make her presence hateful to his eyes, .

Multiply all her misdeeds as you please ;

Paint heart ne’er brought a rival to one’s knees.”

Poor Khullana smiled to hear such comforting,

And gave the girl in gratitude a ring ;

Then Duya rose and brought the jewel-case,

And straight unlocked its stores before her face,

While she adorned her mistress with the best,

And with art’s utmost skill her person dressed,

Bings, gold, pearls, jewels — what can art do more?

"When lo ! they hear the merchant at the door !

He bids farewell to his attendant train,

And calls for his wife to greet him home again.

Khullana comes at once her lord to meet,

And pours a stream of oil before his feet ;

But she was as a stranger to his eye,

Some nymph, perhaps, come down from Indra’s sky ;

His compliments but pained her as she heard,

And with head bowed she answered ne’er a word.

Covering her face she turned within at last,

But Duya heard behind the door what passed,

And eager to be friends with both she flew

To tell th’ expectant co-wife all she knew.

“ Oh have you heard, my lady, what has come?

My lord, thank heaven ! has safely reached his home,

And who but Khullana, forward minx though prim,

Has rushed to be the first to welcome him !

She with her youth, best clothes, and fineries, —

What an unfair advantage ’t was to seize !

She never asked your leave, but ran to th’ gate,

Eager to be the first at any rate.

Had we but had a wiser lord, alack !

He would have scorned her tricks and thrust her back.”

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

33

Lahana begs Durbala to finish adorning her, and thus arrayed she

hastes to make up for her lost time ; but when she comes before the

merchant, he appals her by asking her who was the beautiful stranger

whom she had already sent before her to give him the first welcome.

Lahana pours out her complaints.

“ When first you went, a long and weary age,

Sent by the king for that unlucky cage,

You left young Khullana in my special care,

No thought and no expense was I to spare.

I did my best — so much I will aver —

But little was the help I got from her.

She never stirred to cook the household fare,

Nor lent a hand to help me with my hair ;

Dress her one thought or cooking something nice,

Or with some idle friends to play at dice.

I used to dress her out ; my gems and rings

She wore as if they were her proper things ;

No moment from her constant claims was free,

Durbala had no time to wait on me ;

On every choicest dish she must be fed,

And at unheard of hours her meals were spread.

She never cares to pay a visit home,

Nor lifts her hand to have her mother come ;

To spend the money is her only thought, —

Fancy the waste and mischief she has wrought ! ”

Her outburst well her lord could understand,

And slipped a golden bracelet in her hand.

The merchant then arranges that Khullana is to prepare a special

feast for himself and his friends, and, in spite of all Lahana’ s machinations,

it all turns out as he wishes.

3

34

The Bengali Poem , Candi .

III.

KHULLANA’S OEDEAL.

The merchant Bhanapati was one day playing backgammon with some

friends, when his family priest entered and reminded him that the first

anniversary of his father's death was near at hand, at which time he would

have to offer the customary ancestral sacrifice called the Qraddh. Bhanapati,

who had been absent on the king's commission in Gaur when his father died ,

determines to perform the rites with every mark of honour ; and he invites

all his kinsmen and the principal members of the merchant caste in all the

neighbouring towns to be present. They come in great numbers and assemble

at his house on the appointed day. Bhanapati performs the Qraddh,* and then

follows the description of the reception of the guests.

The graddh was over and the Brahmans gone,

Loaded with costly presents every one,

"When, full of care, his way the merchant wends

To pay due honours to th’ assembled friends.

How shall he likeliest give the least offence,

To whom presume t’ assign the precedence ?

Cand is the first in character and race, —

Cand is the one who best deserves the place.

’T is Cand to whom he turns the first to greet,

And brings the water first to wash his feet,

Then draws the sandal-mark upon his brows,

And round his neck the flower- wreathed garland throws.

But Qankha Datt in sudden wrath out burst,

“ I in these meetings am by right the first.

Lo ! Dhusha Datt can witness how of late

His father’s qraddh he had to celebrate ;

* The original has a description of the qraddh which I omit. A full account of the

various ceremonies is given in Colebrooke’s Essays, vol. i.

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

35

Full sixteen hundred merchants, one and all

Of stainless credit, gathered in his hall,

Yet I was first of all that company ;

Too much good luck has made you blind, I see.”

Retorts the merchant, “ First, I grant, you were ;

Rut why so ? Cand, I warrant, was not there. ■

His wealth and virtues are alike untold,

Even his outer court * is filled with gold.”

At this Nilambar sneers, “ And think you, then,

That gold can purchase everything for men ?

His six poor childless wives bemoan their fate, —

Can gold light up a house so desolate ? ”

“ I know you well, Nilambar,” Cand replies,

“ Your father too, — there ’s many a rumour flies.

He used to sell myrobalans, fame avers,

With all the city’s scum for purchasers.

His cowrie-bundles, with a miser’s care,

He stowed away here, there, and everywhere ;

He ’d stand for hours, and then, the hustling o’er,

Go home and dine, with ne’er a bath before.”

“ Well,” says Hllambar, “well, and why this din ?

He plied his lawful trade, — was that a sin ?

And then the snack which you his dinner call, —

A sop of bread or plantain, that was all.”

Hllambar’s son-in-law, Ram Ray by name,

How interposes to divert the blame :

“If we ’re to wrangle on a caste affair,

Had we not better turn our thoughts elsewhere ?

When a young wife keeps goats in woods alone,

Is there no loss of caste to anyone ? ”

At this around the room a murmur went,

One whispers and his neighbour nods assent,

And then Ram Ray, to deepen the offence,

Called for the Harivamga’s evidence.

* The mahals are the different compartments into which a Hindu mansion is divided, each

containing its garden with rooms round it on all four sides.

36

The Bengali Poem) Candl.

All sat awaiting what would happen next,

While the old Brahman read the sacred text ;

The unfriendly merchants laughed or jibed aloud,

While Dhanapati sat with head low bowed.

A passage is then read from the Harivamga which illustrates, by the

story of Ugrasena’s queen, how dangerous to female chastity lonely

wanderings in the forest may prove. Earn Kunda then proposes that the

passage from the Ramayana should be read which describes how Rama,

after rescuing his wife Sita from her imprisonment in Lanka, only received

her again after she had proved her purity by entering unharmed a burning

house of lac.

Then Alamkara Datt next wags his tongue :

“ Our host may well suspect there ’s something wrong ;

His wife kept goats and wandered without let, —

Who knows what drunken ruffians she has met ?

So let her pass the ordeal ; till that ’s done,

Who ’ll taste the food she cooks ? Hot I, for one.

Or if the ordeal’s risk unwelcome be,

Then let him pay a lac and so be free.”

Here Lakshapati* threatens : “I shall bring

The whole affair at once before the king.”

Then Qankha Datt : “ Has pride your heart so filled

That you must play the king upon the guild ?

Take care, for Garud’sf son his caste defied,

But the sun scorched his wings and tamed his pride.

If it ’s the king to whom we must resort,

Let us all go in a body to the court ;

But kings know more of criminal penalties,

These caste disputes the caste itself best tries.

Huryodhana, they say, though stout and brave,

Scorned the advice of ten, and found a grave.

* Dhanapati’s father-in-law.

f The king of birds ; his son was Sampati.

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

37

It still holds true ; if ten your conduct blame,

And you stand out, then woe betide your fame ! ”

Meanwhile the host, while loudly thus they brawl,

Steals out dismayed to scold the cause of all.

“What craze possessed you, Lahana, to send your co-wife to the wood

To tend her goats — you ’ll rue the day — left houseless in the solitude ?

You promised me to keep her safe ; basely have you betrayed the trust ;

For your own ends you ’ve ruined her and dragged my honour in the dust.

A king will vex by open force, by slanderous tongues our kith and kin ;

A serpent by its spring and bite — but yours a deadlier wound has been.

I married her to have a son, to build for me a bridge to heaven,

That so the ancestral offerings, when I was gone, might still be given.

For who is like the sonless man — what bitterness is such as his?

In the three worlds he has no hope — life is one string of miseries.

What is my life now worth ? Go bring a knife or poison, let me die ;

We shall be glad then, both of us, but not e’en you so much as I.”

From her he goes to Khullana, and urges her by every plea

To shun th’ ordeal’s unknown risks and calmly face the calumny.

“Leave the ordeal’s test alone ; stay still at home, your proper place.

Were you by some ill chance to fail, how could I look men in the face ?

E’en should there be some fault in you, ’t is not for me to utter blame ;

’T was I who left you thus exposed ; ill I deserve a husband’s name.

You wandered in the wood alone — women are weak by nature all ;

Old stories swarm with precedents how soon they, left uncared for, fall.

Cease then your fear, I ’ll pay the sum, and should some cross-grained

wretch still pout,

I ’ll pay it down a second time — my purse will yet a while hold out.”

“ 0 foolish husband, if you give to-day,

Year after year you ’ll have the same to pay.

Year after year they ’ll wring by force their claim,

And far and wide will blow my tale of shame.

38

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

I must, then, brave th’ ordeal — it must be ;

I will drink poison if you binder me.”

Deep in bis heart be knew her innocent,

And from bis face the cloud of trouble went.

With lightened heart be entered now the ball,

And asked their presence at bis festival,

And “Khullana,” be said, “shall cook for all.”

Most of th’ invited guests seem pleased to come ;

Only Mlambar downward looks in gloom.

“ The tenth — my father’s graddh is on that day ;

How can I then eat flesh with you, I pray ? ”

’T was an old wound that rankled in his breast —

The sore seemed healed, but still the merchant guessed.

“ I ask you not to eat our common fare,

Eat rather what your Brahmans will prepare ;

But when the graddh is over, be my guest —

Your simple presence is my one request.”

“In Gaya’s shrine and Purl’s have I stood —

I must not eat an alien gotra’s food.”

Glancing askant in rage and wounded pride,

In a rough voice the merchant thus replied :

“ Shall one whose ancestors have dealt in salt

Eor fifty generations without halt

Boast of his family, self-deceived and blind ?

He retails salt to every low-caste hind,

And out of every penn’orth sold by weight

Steals a full quarter, — shall this boaster prate ? ”

Out spoke the merchant thus, with anger filled ;

Bam Kunda then, th’ attorney of the guild,

Catching a signal in Yilambar’s eye,

Put forth his hand and deftly made reply :

“ ’T is all a caste affair, — then what’s amiss ?

This one sells salt by caste, and potherbs this.

You married a young girl, too young and- fair;

She, keeping goats, has wandered, — who knows where ?

A fish that ’s lying stranded on the shore,

Or gold or silver on a lonely moor, —

*

The Bengali Poem , Candl .

39

Such is the maid who lone in forests hies ;

Who can refrain from seizing such a prize ?

This is the common judgment of mankind, —

And who shall call that common judgment blind ?

If Khullana be spotless, as you say,

Th’ ordeal let her pass in open day.

Then send the invitations round, and we

Shall all be glad to taste her cookery.”

Poor Dhanapati, thus on all sides pressed,

Accepts the challenge and awaits the test.

In Ganges water bathed and then bedight

With garments as the moon or jasmine white,

Khullana offers at the goddess’ feet

The flowers and lamps and perfumes as is meet.

Then walking round the image lifts her cry,

“ Oh save me in this hour of jeopardy ! ”

Low on the ground she pleads with sobs and tears,

Till moved t’ her deepest heart the goddess hears.

Before her suppliant in the room she stands,

And on the low-bowed head she lays her hands.

She promises her presence and her aid,

And Khullana no longer feels afraid.

Meanwhile the merchant holds a council sage :

A hundred pandits reverend with age,

Arranged in state on seats of honour all,

Discuss th’ ordeal’s ceremonial.

They call on Yama ; then, as in his sight,

A mantra on two peepul-leaves they write ;

Two casual strangers next are led aside,

And on their heads the symbols twain are tied.

Into the lake they dive, — all tongues are still, —

But what strange shouts of joy the city fill?

40

The Bengali Poem , CandL

« <<

purple.’

With her eight nymphs the goddess in her car

Looks down upon the contest from afar.

They rise, but not together now as erst, —

’T is Khullana’ s foe gives in exhausted first.

The leaves reversed, the divers plunge once more,

But Khullana still is conqueror as before.

Says Qankha Datt : “ Th’ ordeal was not fair ;

There was collusion with the men, I swear.

Leave all these tricks, and if you would decide

Her innocence, some other test be tried.”

A deadly serpent next is brought, — its eyes

Are two karanja blossoms in their dyes*;

Wildly it hisses, pent its jar within,

The jar seems bursting with the stifled din.

The merchant drops his ring inside, and loud

Bises a cry of wailing from the crowd.

But Khullana, kneeling, lifts her gaze on high

And calls the Sun to help her purity,

And seven successive times they see her bring

Out of its prison, safe, the golden ring.

There was a silent hush, till from the press

Bam Dari’s harsh voice broke out in bitterness :

“ ’Tis all a trick, — that serpent’s mouth was bound,

Or ’twas a poor dull worm that could not wound.”

A smith set up his furnace on the spot

And heated there an iron bar red-hot ;

Bed like the newly risen sun it shone,

Bear pierced the merchant’s heart as he looked on.

Upon a peepul-leaf the mystic line

He traced and placed within her hand the sign ;

They seize the bar with tongs as fierce it glows,

And bring it reddening like a china rose ;

But Khullana, dauntless, utters her desire :

“ Thou life of all that lives, hear me, 0 fire !

The karafija flowers are pretty large, of a beautiful mixture of blue, white, and

’ — Roxburgh .

The Bengali Poem , Candi .

41

If I have sinned, then scorch me with thy brand ;

If I am pure, rest gently in my hand.”

She stretches forth her hands the bar to clasp,

The burning mass is lowered into her grasp ;

With head bowed low she hears it all alone,

Through the seven rounds she bears it, one by one,

Till on the straw at last the bar she lays,—

Up in a moment flames the straw ablaze.

Still Qankha Datt looks on in discontent,

And thus he gives his bitter envy vent :

“ I’m half afraid to interpose my say,

But false ordeals — what are they but play ?

There was some witchcraft in it — all was plann’d,

Hence was that bar like water in her hand.”

Another test was tried — the Brahmans came

And set on fire some ghl, — up flashed the flame ;

But Khullana, where the flame was fiercest, turned,

Dropped the gold in, then took it out, unburned.

Then Madhab Candra : “ Call you this a test?

It was a false ordeal, like the rest.

Pay the sum down, ordeals all are vain ;

So, your wife cleared, your honour you ’ll regain.” *

Though sore provoked that thus each trial fails,

Once more the merchant yields to try the scales, f

Again does Khullana, fearless, meet the event,

Once more the proof proclaims her innocent.

Then Ghusha Datt comes forth the case to mend :

“ I sympathize with your distress, my friend ;

Your fellow-castemen, right and left, you see,

Still wag their tongues whate’er th’ ordeals be.

* The second edition here adds the account of another ordeal with panai water.

A Bengali friend, whom I consulted on this obscure phrase, writes as follows: “ Pana,

is a plant which overspreads every foul tank ; it is very common in Calcutta, and so is the

word ; panai means ‘ covered with pana.’’ Water so covered is very cold, because it never

feels the sunlight, and any person bathing in a tank covered with pana is liable to have

cutaneous diseases. The word is pronounced and written panai now.” As the passage is

omitted in the first edition, I have ventured to leave it out in my translation.

t See the Institutes of Vishnu, x (Jolly’s transl., Sacred Books of the East , vol. vii) ; the

innocent man weighs lighter at the second trial.

42

The Bengali Poem, Candi.

A lac-house was the test which Sita passed, —

To this one point they all come round at last.

You are my mother’s brother ; this alone

Would prove I have no interest but your own.

Make a lac-house and let her enter in,

This test will purge the faintest breath of sin.”

Then Manik Cand : “I must no more sit mute,

This test alone will settle the dispute.

It was this test proved Sita innocent,

How can we find a better precedent ? ”

At last the merchant yields, with anguish filled, —

But where’s the architect such house to build ?

A solid mass of gold, a gourd (?) in size,

With solemn state is offered as the prize.

On a high pole his banner flouts the sky,

While drums and trumpets bray their hoarse reply.

Town after town — the rumour fills the land,

But all shrink hopeless at the strange demand ;

“ A house of lac, like Ram’s ! ” the whisper ran ;

“ The gods’ ordeals who hut gods can plan ? ”

Meanwhile her secret schemes the goddess laid

And summoned YiQwakarman* to her aid;

Called by a thought he came, behind his back

Stood Hanumat : “ Go, build a house of lac.”

They go — an old man this, and that a boy —

To undertake the perilous employ.

The moon conducts them to the merchant’s room :

“ To build the house of lac you need we ’re come.”

They stretch the measuring line and mark the ground,

And dig a trench seven cubits deep all round.

Of lac the walls are made, of lac the floors,

Of lac the beams, the rafters, and the doors,

* The architect of the gods.

The Bengali Poemy Candi.

43

Of lac the struts and tie-beams every one,

Of lac the roof and all that ’s laid thereon.

The house thus built, away the builders went,

"While all the guild gaze on in wonderment ;

‘‘Her honour ’s stainless,” e’en Kilambar saith,

“Who ’scapes unscathed from such a certain death.”

But Khullana, at the novel risk dismayed,

Turns to her old protectress for new aid.

The goddess hears her prayer of anxious dread,

And gently lays her hand upon her head ;

And tears of joy from Khullana’s eyes o’erflow

As she pours forth the story of her woe.

Awhile the goddess muses ; then her will

Calls Eire himself to avert the threatened ill.

Swift at her bidding mighty Agni came,

Eager to know what service she would claim.

“ The fiery test my votary is to brave ;

Lo, I entrust her in thy hands to save.”

He answered : “ Cool as sandal will I be ;

Thy bidding is my highest dignity.”

Then as a pledge to bid her fears begone,

In Khullana’s hand he lightly placed his own ;

’T was cold, — she shrank not as the fingers kissed,

Hot e’en the lac* was melted on her wrist.

Around her neck the goddess’ wreath she wore ;

And as she stepped within the fatal door

She fired the hall : the flames spread far and wide,

Swelled to the roof and soared aloft outside.

Erom her chaste body, lo ! their tongues retire,

Cold as the sandal is that blasting fire.

* Hindu women often wear rings on their wrists made of shell-lac.

44

The Bengali Poem, Can fit.

High to the sky the dark smoke-pillars rise ;

The gods themselves gaze down with wondering eyes.

Loud as June thunder roars the o’ermast’ring blaze,

E’en the Sun’s horses rear in wild amaze !

The rafters melt, the cross-ties, roof and all ;

Melt the four walls, and in one crash they fall.

A shower of flowers rains downward from above, —

He’er did this aeon such high courage prove !

Poor Slta’s tale is all long-past and old, —

"We have heard it with our ears, but this our eyes behold !

Meanwhile the merchant beats his head and flings himself upon the ground ;

In the mid flames he fain would spring, but that his friends his hands have

bound :

“ Loved of my soul, I see thee not, — and life is worthless, reft of thee ;

Where thou art gone I too will go, — I will be with thee presently.

Ah, faithless husband that I was ! I left thee in the co-wife’s power, —

Hence all those wanderings in the wood, and all the misery of this hour ! ”

The kinsmen weep in sympathy, with hair unbound and looks distraught ;

And even Lahana feels remorse when she sees all her spite has wrought.

The smoke cleared off, the fire burned fierce and bright,

Put oh ! no Xhullana appears in sight !

In agony of heart the merchant turns,

And wildly rushes where it fiercest burns,

When from the very centre of the flame

To his stunned ears a cry of “ Victory ! ” came,

And forth she stepped and stood before the throng,

Chanting aloud to all her ‘ victory ’ song.

From her thick hair the drops of moisture rained;

The shell upon her wrist was still unstained ;

The Bengali Poem , Candi.

45

Still flowed her robe uninj ured to her feet,

Nor had one fibre shrivelled in the heat.

As she stands radiant, her maligners all

Before her feet ashamed and prostrate fall ;

And (Jankha Datt is first to own his sin, —

How blind and obstinate they all have been.

“ Curse us not, sister,” is their common prayer;

“ Forgive the pride that made us what we were.”

Nilambar Das came forward with the rest

And tardily his error thus confessed :

“ Count me your brother, — no ill-will I bear, —

Gladly I ’ll eat your rice if you ’ll prepare.”

Then said Earn Dan, his voice half-choked and low :

“ You are no mortal woman, — now I know ;

Who would believe me if the tale I told ?

Who has e’er heard the like in days of old ? ”

Triumphant thus in all the various tests,

Khullana now prepares to feast her guests.

They fill the court, arranged in order round,

Seated by precedence upon the ground ;

And Khullana herself, all smiling, waits,

And hands the rice to all in golden plates.

First soup of bitter herbs to give a zest,

Then potherbs with a savoury relish dressed ;

Fried fish ; kid curry,* and a thick rich broth ;

And every dish is perfumed. Nothing loth,

The guests applaud the courses as they come,

And fragrant steam mounts up and floats through every room.

The lighter dishes next in due degree, —

Sweetmeats and curds, and rice-made furmity.

* This book is written by a Cakta, i.e. a worshipper of Durga according to Tantric

rites ; and Caktas eat fish and kid’s flesh.

46 The Bengali Poem , Candi,

All wash their mouths, and, ending the repast,

Camphor and hetel-leaf are handed last.*

Each guest receives his present when they part ;

The merchant’s open hand wins every heart.

Then to Durvasas,f patron of the clan,

A horse is given whereon sat never man ;

While Kaugiki J receives her ewer of gold,

And unto Satgan’s guilds their silken bales are told.

* These lines are repeated in the same words in another part of the poem, hut with

a different couplet at the end :

Then pulpy durian -seeds are handed last,

And juicy mangoes finish the repast,

f A celebrated ancient sage.

X A form of the goddess Durga or Candi.

i

V

»

«, \

\ ; • '

.

■

±m8&

■ - ? * i ’ i ■

• - , ‘ . t.

* a ■•

•, r. c ■ • \ : ' • •

' . 0>J. V ' . - .

- • - ' - - , ' . • • ,

' it. • r ; *"■ ? \ i i . f. 5 < . J *. : , •• -

' ^ |,«i • .

: ■ . I : ' M‘i i ■ ■ : \

" • - • ... • ' ■ ■ •.

-V' ■• . % i \ v )Yi • • • : ^ - . • uf-H ti VH

, V 1»,l (.1 fM«l • • •